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CHINESE-JAPANESE LIBRARY 

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HARVARD-YENCHING 
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HARVARD UNIVERSITY 




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JOURNAL 



OF THE 



+no. I- 



yj- 
10 



AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY. 



TENTH VOLUME. 



NEW HAVEN: 
FOR THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY, 

PBIXTOD BY TUTTLB, MOBBBOUBB ABB TlTLOB, PBIBTBBS TO T^l OOLLBGB. 

MDOOOLIZX. 

SOLD BT THE SOCIBTT's AOBNTP: 

NEW YORK: B. WE8TERMANN <fe CO., 888 BROADWAY; 

LONDON: TRUBNER A CO.; LEIPZIG: F. A. BROCKHAU8; 

PARIS : E. LEROUX. 



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G&ode 



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CONTENTS 



or 



TENTH VOLUME. 



Art. L— A Vocabulary or the Ponapb Dialect, Ponape-English and 
English-Ponape ; with a Grammatical Sketch. By Rev. Luthee H. 
Gulick, M.D., lately Missionary of the A.B.C.F.M. in Micronesia, - - 1 

Abt. II —Thirteen Inbditbd Letters from Sir William Jokes to Mr. 
(afterwards Sir) Charles Wilkin& Communicated by Fitzedward 
Hall, D.C.L., 110 

Abt. III.— Brief Grammar and Vocabulary of the Kurdish Language 
op the Hakari District. By the late Rev. Samuel A. Rhea, Mis- 
sionary of the A.B.C.F.M. in Kurdistan, 118 

Ait. IV.— Collation of a Second Manuscript of the Atharva-Veda- 
PbAticAkhya. By William D. Whitney. Professor of Sanskrit in 
Yale College, 156 

Art. V.— On a Karen Inscription-Plate. By Rev. Alonzo Bunker, 
Missionary of the A.B.M.U. in Farther India (with a Plate), - - - 172 

Art. VI. — The Pali Language from a Burmese Point of View. By 
Rev. Francis Mason, D.D., Missionary in Farther India, - - - 177 

Art. VII. — Traces of Glacial Action on the Flank of Mt. Lebanon. 
By Rev. W. M. Thomson, D.D., Missionary of the Presbyterian Board 
in Syria, 185 

Art. VIII. — On the Comparative Antiquity of the Sinaitic and Vatican 
Manuscripts of the Greek Bible. By Ezra Abbot, Professor of 
New Testament Criticism and Interpretation in Harvard University, 189 

Art. IX. — The Cypriote Inscriptions of the Di Cesnola Collection in 
the Metropolitan Museum of Art, in New York City. By Isaac 
H. Hall (with seven plates), 201 



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IV 

Art. X.— Contributions to ths History or Verb-Inflection or San- 
skrit. By John Ayery, Professor of Languages in Iowa College, - 219 

Art. XI. — A Statistical Account of Noun-Inflection or the Veda. 
By Charles R. Lanman, Associate-Professor for Sanskrit in the Johns 
Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.. 325 



APPENDIX: 

American Oriental Society: I 

Proceedings at Boston, May 11 (h, 1871, ------ i I 

Additions to the Library and Cabinet, May, 1867— May, 1871. - xvii 

Proceedings at New Haven, Oct 12ft and 13ft, 1871, .... xxx 

Proceedings at Boston, May 2 2d, 1872, xlv ' 

Proceedings at New Haven, Oct. 9ft and 10ft, 1872, - - - - liv j 

Proceedings at Boston, May 21st, 1873, lxi ' 

Proceedings at New Haven, Oct. 15ft and 16ft, 1873, .... had 

Proceedings at Boston, May 20ft, 1874, lxxiac 

Proceedings at New York, Oct 28ft and 29ft, 1874, .... xcii 

Proceedings at Boston, May 19ft, 1875, cvii 

Proceedings at New Haven, Nov. 4ft and 5ft, 1875. .... cxiv 

Proceedings at Boston, May 17ft, 1876, en 

Proceedings at New Haven, Nov. 1st and 2d, 1876, .... exxxi 

Proceedings at Boston, May 30ft, 1877, exxxiv 

Proceedings at New York, Oct. 24ft and 25ft, 1877, .... ciIt! 

Proceedings at Boston, May 29ft, 1878, clxi 

Additions to the Library and Cabinet, June, 1871— June, 1878, - clxxii 

List of Members, July, 1878, exciv 



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ARTICLE IX. 



THE 

CYPRIOTE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE DI CESNOLA 
COLLECTION 

IN THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART, 

In New York City. 

By ISAAC H. HALL. 



Presented to the Society October 28th, 1874. 



[As read before the Society, this article contained, in addition 
to the matter indicated in the title, a general account of the 
known Cypriote Inscriptions, their discovery and location, with 
a detailed history of the progress made in their decipherment 
It also contained a statement of the principles of the Cypriote 
writing, with the more prominent grammatical and dialectic pecu- 
liarities. But as those matters would greatly swell the bulk of 
this contribution, besides the fact of their not" being entirely new, 
they are omitted here, with a few exceptions, which seem neces- 
sary to be stated. 

Since the reading of the article, also, the excellent work of 
Deecke and Siegismund has appeared, and anticipated me in the 
publication of a few new points. Of these, I need only mention 
that the reason given at the time of reading my article for the 
value of the longer numeral on the Bronze Tablet, was that its 
first character was identical with the syllable pe, and was probably 
an abbreviation for nevre. In one respect I differ : in the Bronze 
Tablet, I prefer the reading Ktjrteres to Kerteres, as there is 
manuscript authority for Kjjtiov. Also e^ti (inscriptions) or ejdfiti 

S Homeric, <fcc.), to rjpii y as a transliteration of the e.mi. of the 
$i-Lingual of De Vogtt&] 

The valuable collection of Cypriote Antiquities discovered 
by Qen. Luigi Palma di Cesnola, on the site of ancient Citium, 
Idalium, Golgos and elsewhere, and now deposited in the Met- 
ropolitan Museum of Art in New York City, contains nearly 
thirty inscriptions in the Cypriote character. The following 
pages and plates contain all the inscriptions now in the mu- 

vol. x. 29 



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202 J. //. Hall 

seum,* together with three others from copies communicated 
by Gen. Di Cesnola, of which the originals have not come to 
this country. Two inscriptions figured by Moriz Schmidt in 
" Die htschrijt von Idalion und das Kyprische Syliabar" viz : 
No. 7, p. 98, and No. 13, p. 100, I have not found in the collec- 
tion. Copies of the inscriptions were taken for the British Mu- 
seum before the collection came to this country, from which an 
incomplete set of photographs were taken and published by 
Mansell in London, in 1872-3 ; but these, to judge from cita- 
tions, cannot be entirely reliable. A catalogue of the collec- 
tion, with some of the inscriptions inaccurately figured, was 
published by the St. Petersburg Academy, in its Memoires of 
1873. This was made by Johannes Doefl, and entitled "Die 
iSammlung Cesnola.' 1 A few more or less perfect copies have 
also been given in the various works of those engaged in deci- 
phering. It is proper here to express my acknowledgments to 
the various officers of the museum for their efficient courtesy ; 
especially to John Taylor Johnston, Esq., the president, for 
permission to examine and study the inscriptions, kindly ex- 
tended to me while he was private owner of the collection, and 
to Mr. Thomas Bland, assistant secretary, and Mr. H. G. Hutch- 
ins, curator, for their continual assistance, and for making the 
objects of study more readily accessible. 

The principal works on the Cypriote writing are the follow- 
ing: (1) Numismatique et Inscriptions Cypriotes, par B. De 
Luynes, Paris, 1872 ; (2) On the Discovery of some Cypriote 
Inscriptions, by R Hamilton Lang, Part I., Vol. I., Transactions 
of Soc. of Bibl. Archaeology : (3) On the Reading of the Cy- 
priote Inscriptions, by George Smith, and a Supplementary 
Article by the same, both published in same volume as the 
paper of Lang ; (4) Cypriote Inscriptions. On the Reading of 
the Bronze Plate oP Dali, by Dr. Samuel Birch, Part II. of last 
mentioned volume ; (5) Versuch znr Entzifferung der Kyprisctien 
Sehrift) von Johannes Brandis, Monatsbericht of the Berlin Royal 
Academy of Sciences, 1873 ; (a posthumous work, edited by 
Ernst Curtius ;) (6) Anzeige {der Brandts' schen Schri/l) by Moriz 
Schmidt, No. 85, Jenaer Litteratur Zeitung, 1874, and Nachtrag 
by same author ; (7) Die Imchrift von Id/dion und das Kyprische 
JSyUabar } by Moriz Schmidt, Jena, 1874; (8) Die wichtigsten 
kyprischen Inschriflen umschrieben und erlautert, by Wilhelm 
Deecke and Justus Siegismund, G. Curtius' Stadien zur griech- 
ischen u. lateinischen Qrammatik, Band VII., 1875. For other 
minor articles published, see the work of Moriz Schmidt, (No. 
7,) above mentioned. Two noted and amusing failures should 

* Since writing the above, I learn that a new collection has arrived in New 
York. The cases are not jet opened, and I have no means of ascertaining the 
number or matter of their new inscriptions. 



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Cypriote Inscriptions of the Di Cesnola Collection. 203 

here be mentioned, to wit : (1) Die Proklamation des Amasis, 
by Prof. E. M. Roth, Heidelberg and Paris, 1855; (2) Die Phoe- 
nizisch-Cyprishe Forschung, by A. Helfferick, Frankfurt A. M., 
1869. 

The language of the inscriptions is Greek, but not easy to read. 
It contains some new words, and has some striking grammatical 
and dialectic peculiarities. In dialect it seems nearest to the 
Doric and Arcadian. Only a brief mention of peculiarities is 
given here, in order to enable the reader to follow intelligibly 
the transliterations. 

The characters are syllabic. There is one character for each 
vowel, a, e, i, o, u, and perhaps an extra one for o, but no dis- 
tinction between long and short The other characters repre- 
sent open syllables, i. e., beginning with a consonant and ending 
with a vowel. The whole theoretic syllabary appears tolerably 
complete, as the number of unknown characters is about enough 
to fill out the number of syllables that may be said to be want- 
ing. 

No distinction is made between smooth, middle and rough 
mutes of the same organ. The same character stands for ra in 
tots, da in J E6a\iov and Sor in 'ASava. The same character 
may stand for xe, xtf, ye, yrj, x s > XV- This fact constitutes the 
greatest difficulty in reading Cypriote. 

There are three digamma syllables, wa, we, wo; but the 
digamma must have been disappearing, as, for instance, the 
genitive of fiatfiAevs is written indifferently fia<ri\eFos and 
fia&iXeooS. I think there is reason also to suspect a further 
use of the digamma syllables than that appearing in words 
known to have been originally digammated, analogous to that 
of the Hebrew waw both silent and sounded ; but am not pre- 
pared to state it fully yet. 

Three syllables begin with i as consonant, like the Semitic 
jod mobile^ German j or English y. These are ia, ie and /«. In 
English we have io, as in union, etc. 

Iota subscript (adscript) is regularly written, but is fre- 
quently omittea where it can be supplied from one of a number 
of words in the same case. 

A consonant appears never to be doubled — as is the case in 
unpointed Hebrew, etc. E. g., a.po.lo.ni. stands for \4no\- 
\covi; though this particular case has a parallel in Greek in 
the inscription on the Delphic brazen-serpent column. 

Double consonants appear to be resolved into their constitu- 
ent syllables; the words being determined by laws presently 
to be shown,, e. g., ki.si. stands for gi. The one exception 
known is the syllable xe, which is expressed by a single char- 
acter. 

The vowels y (and t) and i frequently change places, as 



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204 /. H. Hall, 

sometimes in Greek inscriptions — showing that the Cypriotes 
probably had Iotacists among them. Compare also the contin- 
ual Hebrew and Syriac transliteration of rj by jod, and the use 
of the Greek ancient uncial H as the vowel sign iorjod. 

In certain cases n is systematically omitted. Thus pa. to. 
stands for navroov ? - dvSpanos is written a. to.ro. po.se. The 
preposition ev is written i. 

Final s } and final n when written, are the syllables for se and 
ne respectively ; like Hebrew shewa with final consonant, or 
silent final e in French and English. I suspect it to be the 
universal rule, that where a word ends with a consonant, its 
e-syllable is used. 

Diphthongs are written in full. Thus a.ne.u. stands "for 
arsv. 

There is no sign to mark the breathings. 

Sometimes a division between two words occurs in the midst 
of a character. Thus la . na . ta . na . ne . stands for rav 'ASavav. 

Besides the foregoing, it is requisite to know the rules for 
joining together two consonants in one syllable. The most 
comprehensive rule is that when two compatible consonants 
come together, with the same vowel, they may be joined in one 
syllable. Thus po.to.li.se. stands for 7tto\iS; ko.lo.ki.a.i. 
for roXyia. Yet the facts may be grouped a little more defi- 
nitely in the three rules following, which are substantially those 
given by Deecke and Siegismund. 

1. When a word begins with two consonants, or when a syl- 
lable begins with a mate followed by a liquid, the first conso- 
nant is represented by a character having the same vowel as 
the second. Thus a.ti.ri.a.ta.ne. stands for d(v)dpia(v)rav ; 
se.pe.o.se. for onrjoi. 

2. In other cases in the body of a word, including cases 
where a syllable ends with a consonant, the characters for the 
second consonant is that which has the vowel of the 6rst 
Thus ta. sa. ke., stands for raaye; a. ra.ku.ro., for apyvpco. 
This rule, however, appears to have exceptions, or quasi ex- 
ceptions. 

3. Perhaps also the rule existed that when three consonants 
occur together in a syllable, the character of the first is that 
having the vowel of the preceding syllable, and the second, 
that of the following. Thus te.re.ki.ni.ia., a new word, may 
be read repxynot ,• and yet the reading rpexviia is allowable, 
under the preceding rules. 

It will thus be seen that after the difficulty of making out 

the reading is surmounted — which is considerable, owing to the 

- imperfect state of the ancient objects on which they occur, to 

the similarity of different characters, and to the carelessness or 

ignorance of the scribe or engraver — the real difficulty has only 



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Cypriote Inscriptions of the Di Cesnola Collection. 205 

begun. Every character of an inscription may be known, and 
yet the inscription be unintelligible, even when composed of 
familiar words. A single pair of syllables may sometimes be 
transliterated in nearly thirty different ways; and now and 
then the difficulties increase almost in accordance with the 
arithmetical rules governing combinations. 

For information respecting the grammatical and dialectic 
peculiarities, the reader is referred to the works of Schmidt, 
and of Deecke and Siegismund, above mentioned. 

A discussion of the origin of this style of writing would be 
very tempting, but hardly in place here. Just one point not 
noticed elsewhere may be mentioned : one form of the character 
for digamma-a {wa) appears to be identical with the Lycian w. 



We will now proceed to the inscriptions themselves, taking 
them in the order in which they occur on the accompanying 
plates. They are arranged solely with a view to economy of 
space: not to follow any system. It should be noted here that 
No. 24 on Plate VL, and No. 30 on Plate VIL, are inverted- 
wrong side up. The short time at my disposal, (being soon to 
leave the country,) and the fact that otherwise those inscriptions 
are very faithfully figured, have induced me to leave them as 
they are, without alteration. As no one in the country knows 
from what locality each particular object was procured, I am 
obliged, for the most part, to leave that point in doubt. The 
plates represent the inscriptions of the same size as the originals, 
except where otherwise stated. 

Plate I m No. 1. (No. 247 in the Cesnola collection.V- On a 
soft stone about 9 inches high, and a trifle longer tnan the 
inscription. Above the inscription, on the left, is a sitting 
figure, facing the right ; an object like a pine-cone in its left 
hand ; in the raised right hand a tall stout staff or scepter, 
whose lower end rests on the ground. In front is a block 
(altar?) with sides slightly curved so that the base is a little 
wider than the top. The top is hollowed out a little, and on it 
rests a ball. Behind this block is the thick trunk of a tree, 
whose three (broken) branches overshadow the sitting figure, 
as well as four other figures who approach in procession from 
the right, having each his right fore arm raised from the elbow. 
The sculpture is too much worn to allow further details to be 
given. A deep groove of the carving cuts into some of the 
characters under the block ; and at the right there was doubt- 
less more of the inscription in the upper (if not in the lower) 
line, which is now worn away. One leg of the chair or throne 
of the sitting figure descends into the upper line of the inscrip- 
tion, separating the last two characters from the rest. The 



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206 L H. Hall, 

fainter portion of the inscription was extremely difficult to 
make out. The following is my reading; smooth mutes being 
used in the romanizing, for the sake of uniformity, and the 
numerals denoting the number of the lines : 

(1) to.o.[nat] si.sa.to.ie. \ pa. (or to t) na. * o.ne.te.he. | 
o. na.me.ke.ka.se. \ tot a (2) te.o.if ko.to.a.po.ko.ri.ia.ra. 
| i. te.7ns.no.se. \ i.tu.Jca.i. \ \ |. 

In line (1) where I have put [na ?], it is doubtful whether a 
character ever existed. If one did, na is the present reading, 
but it may have been pa or to. The place marked by a * is 
cut away by a deep channeled gouge, as it were. The character 
put as to? might be nothing more than a perpendicular mark, 
with subsequent scratches, or it may have been originally ta. 
I think, however, that to is correct In line (2) the third charac- 
ter it ; if i is correct, the horizontal mark beneath must be (as 

1 think it is) a scratch ; otherwise the character is not known. 
The horizontal mark appearing beneath the character ia is be- 
yond doubt a mere scratch. The following is all that I feel 
sure of as transliteration : 

(1) to *[*?]* * rods **[**?] Svefyxe ******** 

(2) $€&> ******** z(y) T6JJLEYOZ t(v) TVX<f HL 

That is : u This laid up as a votive offering to the 

god (dess?) at the sacred enclosure in [good] fortune, 

111." The room for conjecture in the other parts is very wide. 
The group after Beep I think is an adjective word or phrase 
agreeing with Sea) — which last word is of common gender in 
Cypriote. It is needless to record other, as yet fruitless con- 
jectures. 

Plate L, No. 2. (No. 536 in collection.) — On a heavy soft 
stone block whose horizontal section is square, its sides taper- 
ing inward from the top down. The stone is 11 inches high 
and 15 inches square at the top. In front where the inscrip- 
tion occurs, and on the two sides, are cut out panels 3£ inches 
wide and 1£ inch deep. Below the panel is cut out another 
like space that extends quite to the bottom of the stone. Be- 
tween the top and the panel is the inscription, on a space about 

2 inches wide. The use of the stone, or whence it came, I do 
not know. Another stone, uninscribed, has similar spaces cut 
in it, in one of which is carved a basin with a little nose or 
spout, for holy-water or the like. The reading is the follow- 
ing : ti.mo . ta . ti.pa .to.\ ti.ma .o.pa.pi.ia.ta. ti. mo .o.i. se. Or, 
in Greek, ripiairaTi 7ca(v)roj(v) ri^aoo TLacpiict ia tijaqooiS. 
" Most honored of all, I honor, O Paphia, the things that thou 
wouldst honor." If this be correct, the dialectic peculiarities 
are remarkable. 

Plate I., No. 3. (No. 539 in the collection.) — A bi-lingual, 
or quasi bi-lingual of two lines in Cypriote, and three' in the 



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Cypriote Inscriptions of the Di Cesnola Collection. 207 

other character, on a very large slab of soft stone, which is 
broken by a crack across the middle, as indicated by a line on 
the plate. The linear scale of the plate is just one half the 
original. Of the Cypriote, line (1) reads fe.re., which may 
answer to the API beginning the second line of the Greek. 
Line (2) is ta.o? The Cypriote portion breaks off with the 
stone. It is of course too fragmentary for further attempt 
The three Greek lines present a strange combination of letters, 
and they are as easily read from the plate as if inserted here in 
type. The fifth character in line (1) is a plain A, the line over 
it being a scratch. The ninth letter appears to be a Cypriote se 
in place of the Greek 2. Lines (2) and (3) I leaveto others 
for the present; with the remark that the first letter in line (2) 
is certainly A on the stone. The stone extends much beyond 
the inscription, to the right. 

Plate L, No. 4. (No. 530 in the collection.) — Another real 
or quasi bi-lingual, on a large slab of soft stone. The Cypriote 
breaks off with the stone ; the other portion does not extend to 
the edge of the stone. The scale of this inscription, like the 
last, is one half the original in lineal dimensions. The Greek, 
I think, reads QEMIAT. as Brandis has it, p. 663, 35 ; and not 
(~)EMIN, as Schmidt thinks possible, Insch. von Idal, p. 85. 
The reading of the Cypriote is as follows: Line (l)ne.a.te. 
ro.ti.o. (2)ti.o. (3) i. pa. se.ti.i.te. (or a?)la. In Greek (1) 
N Bare poo Sigd (2) Siw ? - which I take to be in the genitive, 
and most likely meaning the same as the Arcadian genitive 
9epiav: (1) "of the younger god "— " of Themias," (2) " of the 
God." Line (3) I do not attempt. The horizontal mark in the 
character ro, I tnink nothing more than a scratch ; and therefore 
disagree with Brandis, p. 663, 35, who makes it a separate char- 
acter. The four marks to the right in line (3), that look like 
scratches, are pretty certainly nothing but scratches ; but I 
dared not omit them. 

Plate IL, No. 5. (No. 260 in the collection.) — A fragment 
of soft stone, much defaced, and defective, but quite legible. 
The reading isipo.lo.ni. \ te.o., or \>A\7Co(\)\gdyi Sea; "To 
the god Apollo." 

Plate LL, No. 6. (No. 253 in the collection.) — On the lobe 
of a terra cotta votive ear. The reading is: to.po.to.e.[i?]. 
The last (apparent) character may be only cracks in the clay. 
If the inscription is not a proper name, it is difficult to translit- 
erate it satisfactorily. It may be: too IloBorf. 

Plate IL, No. 7. (No. 237 in the collection.)— On the lobe 
of another, smaller terra cotta ear. The reading is : i.to.ta ,po . 
If this is not a proper name, I cannot satisfactorily transliterate 
it. The most evident transliteration would be: i(y) to(v) 
ra9?o(K)--"To the tomb ;" which seems hardly appropriate. 



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208 I H. Hall, 

Plate IL, No. 8. (No. 321 in the collection.) — On the three 
sides, (a) right, (b) front, (c) left, of a little marble pedestal, 
which is about twice as high as the width of the strip in the 
figure. Whatever may have been on the pedestal, it is broken 
off and out, so as to leave a hollow in the top. The inscription 
is exceedingly obscure. Some of the characters are plain, but 
most are doubtful, though subjected to long and repeated scru- 
tiny with a strong lens. The following is the best reading I 
can give: (a) to. sa.si. (or tif)a.mafaftefta.(b) ka.pa.to.a. 
po.rofse.mafte.ka.net (c) ri. to. te f ie.taf (or tof)pif jx>. 1 1 1 
III I have not confidence enough in the reading to attempt a 
transliteration. The possible reading at the end of (a) and 
beginning of (b) well describes my ideas: dSerac xa\z=:Kas) 
7ra(v)TGo(v) dnopos. It will be observed that the numeral at 
the end is divided into groups of threes, after the style observed 
on the Bronze Tablet The three parts are doubtless one in- 
scription running around the three sides of the stone. 

Plate II. , No. 9. (No. 249 in the collection.") — A very sharp 
and clear inscription on soft stone. Above tue inscription is 
sculptured a sitting figure, to the right, with its upper part 
broken off. To the left is an object said to be common in 
sculptures throughout Syria, like a double cylinder surmounted 
with an ornamental band and spheroido-conical tops. At the 
left of the inscription, below the above-described sculpture, are 
two figures engaged in moving some heavy object. Between 
them a sledge-hammer, or similar tool, rests with its head on 
the ground and handle sticking up. At the right of them is a 
large block. The sculpture appears to represent a stone-cutter's 
yard. The inscription is rather imperfectly figured by Schmidt ; 
and in the last character in the first word, the perpendicular 
mark appears to be nothing more than a break in the stone. 
The reading is: (1) ti.ia.i.te.mi. I to.iM.o. | (2) to.a.po.lo. 
ni. | o.ne.te.ke. \ u.tu.ka. | — (1) diaiSejjii rw Seco (2) ra> 
} Ano{k)'Koovi ov&rfxe (3) v rvxa. — "Diaithemi to the god 
Apollo laid it up as a votive offering. Good luck." 

J?late IL, No. 10. (Not numbered in the collection.) — On 
a soft four-sided stone, base ti in. by 5, 84 inches high, roughly 
shaped and carved. From the base the sides taper upward with 
a curve till they meet a raised, rounded border, above which 
they flare suddenly out to the top. The top is 6 inches square. 
In front, above the inscription, on the left, is a tall standing 
figure with long hair and beard, and long robe, holding a long, 
thick, slightly bent staff or rod. On the right another figure is 
leading a long-tailed ram by the horns. On the side next the 
front to the left is another carving : an adult figure at the top, 
sitting or reclining, holding or dancing on its knees a younger 
figure. Underneath is a nondescript quadruped, or perhaps a 



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Cypriote Inscriptions of the IX Cesnola Collection. 209 

man ; and still underneath a quadruped — either a horned ani- 
mal that has just tossed the former, or an ass with its ears 
thrown back. The inscription I think is retrograde. At all 
events it makes for me no sense in the ordinary direction. 
The reading thus is: to.te.na.i.i.ko.ro.pa.ti.lo. — doSrfvat 
i(v) ja>po? na(v)TiKco: "To be given in the place entirely." 
Yet this leaves much to be desired, both in the transliteration 
and in the rendering. Perhaps the character given as ho is po, 
but I think not 

Plate III., No. 11. (No. 271 in the collection.)— On a soft 
stone 12 inches high by 10 inches wide. This is figured by 
Doell. On the stone is sculptured a larged coiled serpent, 
some of whose scales are still visible. The serpent has a crest 
much like that of a peacock. The inscription is perhaps hope- 
lessly defaced. The letters that are decipherable are generally 
very distinct The best reading I can give is the following: 
(1) ma.ne.mo.o.se.ti.to.te. (2)e.i7 * * * a.se.ti. (3) * * 
* * at * to.i. (4) jp.fi. i. (or at) tet net rot ket te.pa. (5) 
tet (or nit) ****<».** to. 

Plate ILL, No. 12. (No. 263 in the collection ) — A square 
tube, or box without bottom or cover, of a single piece of soft 
stone, 4£ inches high, broken out a little at the top, as shown 
in the plate, though the inscription is intact The inscription 
is on the top or end. The first and last characters are unknown 
to ma Possibly the first is a syllable ending in i. The last 
character on the inscription occurs also on Plate IV., No. 14 ; 
but I see no certain ground for the determination of either. I 
am not satisfied with any conjecture I can make. The reading 
is: * ia.e.Jco.i.a.o.ma.mo.pa.to. * 

Plate IV., No. 13. (No. 242 in the collection.)— This, the 
most important of the Cesnola inscriptions, and ranking next 
to the Bi-linguals and the Bronze Tablet, is on a piece of soft 
stone, a trifle longer than the inscription. Above, near the 
center, is a sitting figure, 6 inches high, on a throne, with scep- 
ter and thunderbolt ; Zeus, to all appearance. Above the back 
of the throne is a broken, winged figure, probably the eagle, 
but somewhat suggestive of a sphinx. To the left, behind the 
throne is a standing figure, 4 inches high; to the right another m 
standing figure, 6 inches high, with indications of another, 
where the stone is worn and broken. The characters are ail 
entirely legible, except two in the second line, which I cannot 
yet make out The plate represents the imperfect place ad- 
mirably. The reading is as follows: (1) ka.i.re.te. \ ka.ra.si. 
ti. | wa.na.xe. \ ha.po.ii . \ we.po.me.ka. \ me.po.te.we.i. 
se.se. | 

(2)te.o.i.se. \ po.ro.* * na.to.i.se. \ e.re.ra.me.na. \pa. 
ta.Ico ra.i. to.se. \ 

vol. x. 30 



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210 /. H. Hall, 

(8)o.wo.ka.re.ti. \ e. pi. si. ta.te.se. \ a.to.ro.po. \ te.o.i. \ 
a.le.tu.ka.ke.re. \ 

(4) te.o.i. | ku.me.re.na.i.pa.ta. j ta.a.to.ro.po.i. \ po.ro. 
po. | o.i. ka.i.re.te. \ 

Brandis, p. 655, 8, and p. 660, 22, gives the false reading ;*>. 
h.po.o. for po.ro. po. I o. (I refer to his Cypriote type — not 
noticing his Roman syllables.) Although even the photographs 
lately published by the Metropolitan Museum look as if the 
reading were fe, there can be no doubt that it is ro. Brandis 
did not notice the division mark, and wrongly attached the o 
following to this group. Brandis also gives the false reading 
ta.a.na.ro.po.i. for ta.a.to.ro.po.i., p. 664, 36. Schmidt re- 
peats this error, p. 89. Schmidt's remark on p. 8, near the 
oottom, is also erroneous. The inscription is clearly not in 
hexameters (though the first part of the first, line appears to be 
an elegiac pentameter), and the inscription ends, as well as be- 
gins, with x at P €T6 > not X ai P € - Also, pp. 89, 40, 51, Schmidt 
gives the false reading e. me. re. na.i.pa. ta. for leu. me. re. na. 
i.pa.ta., of line (4). The second character in the second 
group of line (2) is partially obliterated, but the remnants of a 
red color which formerly ' filled the characters (and perhaps 
covered the surface of the stone), give the outline on the broken 
part, and show the character to have been ro. 

The transliteration and interpretation present several unique 
difficulties, though some parts are clear enough. The follow- 
ing is by no means satisfactory, but I prefer to give the con- 
jectures, as they may help others, even where I may be wrong. 

(1) x at P €T€ > XP ao " ri vavaS, xa nori venop.eya 9 ^tcots 

(2) Seoi? npo * * varoi? rfptfpa^eva 9 na(v)raxoopairo^ 9 

(3) ofo x a P €rt > iniGTarrfS a(v)SpGL>n(*>, Seoi 'A\rf 9 Tvxat, 

&VP, 

(4) Seoi xvpspevai na(v)ra xa a(v)Bpconcp no(p)pco nco 

Cp, Jttl/>£T£. 

According to this transliteration, xP<*0xi = xprjerre, xa nori 
= xas (xai) npos, the latter used adverbially. YBnopeyct 
would be an awkward compound of venco, or venos, with 
peyas ? * rfprfpafieva from apco (dpapio'xGo) ; but the reading 
may be i]p tf pa^ev a ,• navrax&pairos = navxaxcopijros ,- 
Xapexizn x a P lTU y A\r} 7 Tvxcr, K?jp, is as good a conjecture 
as I can make, for d(\)\Tj does not seem to fit ; though I know 
of no other deification of J A\?i — Wandering or Distraction. 
The three are feminine, as required by the participle or adjec- 
tive xvptspsvai (or xvpepvai), which latter appears to me to 
be allied to xvpepvaoo. The apposition Seoi is of common 
gender in Cypriote. The group po.ro.po. I can do no better 
with, though compounds of npos and npo, and ideas of nopos 
and the like, naturally suggest themselves, some of which 



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Cypriote Inscriptions of the Di Cesuola Collection. 211 

would not make a bad sense. I cannot help here adding the 
conjecture that the groups me .po . fe . we. i. se.se. (divided differ- 
ently from the above, as e. g., fx-q no$EveiariS—no= npos> or 
npoy perhaps,) and even e.re.ra.me.na., may yet prove to be 
epithets of Zeus. The obliteration of two letters in the second 
word of line (2) is very unfortunate ; as the sense of the adjec- 
tive in which they occur would most likely throw light on the 
whole meaning. 

The following mixture of conjecture and translation will 
show the drift of the inscription : u Hail ye ! Good Lord, and 
moreover great in utterance ; mayest thou never behold (know) 

(2) to the gods things fitting : O All-container, (3) by 

whose grace, ruler of men, [ye] goddesses, Ale, Tucha, Ker, 
(Wandering, Fortune, Fate,) (4) goddesses controlling all things 
that pertain to man, however afar off (whithersoever onward) to 
him, hail T 

Plate IV., No. 14. (No. 286 in the collection.)— On a piece 
of soft stone nearly square, its side about 13£ inches long; 
with a nearly square hole in the middle, whose sides are 7£ to 
6 inches long. The back or lower part of the stone is sawed 
off. In its present condition the piece looks very much like a 
slab cut for the top of a chimney. The characters are above 
one side of the square hole, their lower ends reaching auite to 
its edga The first character occurs also in Plate III., No. J.2, 
and is to me unknown. The second character I am not sure 
of, as the strokes at the top are in a different direction from 
those of the character read za by Deecke and Siegismund, and 
ga by Schmidt The third is ti. It seems best to leave it till 
further data are obtained. 

Plate IV, No. 15. (No. 279 in the collection.)— On the 
convex surface of a fragment of a very large bowl or laver, of 
hard bluish-gray stone. The third character is the doubtful one 
that replaces the ordinary character for o on the Bronze Tablet; 
the fourth is unknown. The reading is then : sa.mo.o? * te. 
It is only a fragment of a longer inscription. 

Plate IV., No. 16. — Made not from the stone, but from a copy 
communicated by Gen. Di Cesnola last year, with the remark : 
u A stone bas-reiief, representing two women tearing their hair, 
two lions and two Hercules — has the following inscription. ' r 

Within the last few days the stone itself has been received, 
and a more correct copy will be found on Plate VIII., described 
further on. 

Plate IV., No. 7. — From a copy communicated by Gen. Di 
Cesnola, with the remark : u A terracotta lamp : the handle rep- 
resenting Silenus about f of a foot high, of tne earliest period. 
Around the lamp there are engraved these Cypriote letters." 
The reading is plain : pi.lo.ti.mo., or QiAoti/ago; doubtless a 
proper name in the genitive. 



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212 L //. Hall, 

Plate IV., No. 18. (No. 257 in the collection.)— Ou the 
wide of a long round object, with a ram's head carved at the 
end; supposed by some to be a fanciful phallus. But other 
similar objects, not inscribed, occur in the collection, with the 
inner end more complete ; and I think it nothing more than the 
handle of a stone basin or pan, somewhat like a frying pan. 
The object is about ten inches long. The inscription is almost 
worn away, and it seems almost impossible to form a good 
reading. It is hard to tell a scratch from a character. The 
plate represents the inscription as accurately as possible ; but 
the following reading is derived from long study of the stone 
itself: e. * se. * * * to.e. * te. Perhaps the inscription was 
somewhat longer originally. 

Plate IV , No. 19. — This lamp, not numbered in the collec- 
tion, is of yellowish pottery. I have lately discovered five 
others, almost duplicates, which give additional characters, both 
on the top and bottom, and have greatly modified my ideas of 
the reading. I prefer to suspend further remark till I can 
study the others. It is quite doubtful whether the letters are 
Cypriote. 

Plate V., No. 20. (No. 268 in the collection.)— Around the 
spheroido-conical cap of a broken-olf head of a statuette, of soft 
stone. The dotted lines represent the two front folds or seams 
of the cap, where the side-pieces lap over the front-piece. The 
reading is: a.ra.a.na.o. — 'ApaavaGo'; doubtless the genitive 
of a proper name. 

Plate V., No. 21. (No. 262 in the collection.) — An irregular 
broken piece of soft stone, very much worn and defaced. The 
inscription is doubtless a mere fragment of one originally much 
longer, and is defective at each end. Immediately under the 
inscription are the heads of three figures in procession, each 
head about f of an inch high. The stone is about 4J inches 
wide by 7J inches high, and bears every indication of being 
only a small portion of quite a large stone. The reading is 
difficult, but I feel that the following is correct: (1) na.pa. 
sa. re. se.i.Jca.e. (or at) (2) to.i.ta. (or pi t)ra . | po . te. we . o . i . 
Though the plate hardly justifies the reading e for the last char- 
acter in line (1), and is yet as good a copy of the stone as can 
be made, I still always get the impression from the stone itself 
that the true reading is e and not a. In line (2) the character 
to. (or pit) I am in doubt about. The appearance varies with 
the light or shade on the stone. I incline a little to the reading 
to. It is barely possible that the second character in line (2) 
may be e instead of i. I do not attempt a transliteration of the 
fragment. 

Plate V., No. 22. (No. 238 in the collection.)— The lineal 
dimensions are reduced to one-half those of the original. This 



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Cypriote Inscriptions of the Di Cesnola Collection. 213 

is a disk of soft stone, a little thicker in the middle than at the 
rounded edges ; the bottom flat In the middle a broken-off 
place was probably occupied by a boss or knob. As shown in 
the figure, quite a piece of the stone is broken out. The litho- 
grapher has given rather unclue prominence to a straight crack 
in the stone, extending from near the center of the disk in the 
direction of the lower left hand corner of the plate. The read- 
ing is a puzzla Beginning at the break, at the top, on the 
right, it is uncertain whether there are two characters, or only 
one; and, in either case, what can be the reading. The next 
character would be a., the next ia, the next doubtful, the next 
u?c, and the last, which is a simple oblique cross, might be the 
doubtful character for me. I do not think there was any char- 
acter in the place where the piece is broken out. The inscrip- 
tion appears to be Cypriote. 

Plate VI, No. 23. (No. 252 in the collection.)- A frag- 
ment of soft stone, I believe from Golgos. At the right the 
stone is cracked in two ; the piece that is cracked off, not re- 
presented in the plate, has a large head sculptured upon it 
The upper edge is rounded. The reading is as follows: (1) 
o.na.si.o.ro. \ a. - - - (2) o ne.te.ke.to.te.ti. • - - (3) to. a. 

po.lo.ni. - - - That is: (1) 7 Ovaatopoo a (2) oveSrjxe 

rode Si (3) too 'A7Co(\)\covi . The proper name I 

take to be a genitive ; and the next word to have been perhaps 
ava5rjj*a ; so that the translation might be : " Of Onasioros a 
[votive offering which] he laid up to the god - - - Apollo." 

Plate VI., No. 24, not numbered in the collection. This is 
inscribed on soft stone, between the feet of a broken off statuette, 
in beautifully sharp characters. By a mistake of the litho- 
grapher it was put on the stone upside down ; otherwise the 
copy is excellent. The reading is as follows : (1) e. ko.to.se. \ 
ka te.8e.ta.8e. \ to.i. | (2) ti.o.i. \ ta.pi.te.ki.si.o.i. | (3) 
i.tu.ka.i. | a.ka.ta.i. | Or, in Greek: (1) 'Eyaoros xaTacf- 
ra(T€ rep. (2) Slgo Ta7Cidex0i<v. (3) i(v) tvx? dyaS/r. — 
" Egotos set [this] up to the god, the auspicious, in good for- 
tune." In line (2) rdniSax<sicp is f° r *<*> Gitidegup, un- 
doubtedly. As to the strange contraction, the syllable ta 
would only need one slight stroke to have read to ; and that 
may have been intended. However, it is clear that the stroke 
was never made ; and the reading of Plate I, No. 2, makes me 
think that it is correct as it stands — though it may be a mis- 
take of the engraver. The character I have giver) as ka in the 
last word, appears to me to be the same character with that on 
the Bronze Tablet which Schmidt reads ga, and Deecke aud 
Siegismund read za. The former only is suitable here ; and I 
am unwilling to consider it as a variant of the character for ke, 
and read dye$q 7 though that would be very pleasant, if cor- 



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214 1. II. flail, 

rect In Euting's copy of the Bi-Lingual of Dali, {Sechs 
Phoenizische Inschriflen,) the corresponding character in the 
last word of the inscription seems to me to be the same as here 
and on the Bronze Tablet ; and not ke, as figured by Smith, 
(Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. L, Part I.,) and Schmidt, (Insch. 
von Id., p. 96.) At the same time, the character on the Bi- 
Lingual Tablet is by no means as sharp and clear as on this 
stone. It seems as if Schmidt were correct in calling this char- 
acter ga. The strong arguments of Deecke and Siegismund in 
favor of za as the reading of this character, I appreciate ; but 
can hardly see that they apply to this case. 

Plate VI., No. 25. (No. 267 in the collection.)— A little 
terra cotta disk from the temple of Venus at Golgos. Around 
the disk is a groove, like that in the wheel of a pulley. The 
reading is : pa. to. si. o. for the characters: the numeral: [ | | | : 
explains itself. It is doubtless a proper name in the genitive; 
either IIaraaioo y or na(v)raGiGo, or $a{v)Ta<rico> probably. 

Plate VL, No. 26. (No. 241 in the collection.)— A large 
soft stone, which appears to have formerly had two inscrip- 
tions; but at present only the two characters o.pa. can be 
traced ; and those with difficulty. Upon the stone is carved 
in low relief a long procession of people. The idea of the 
sculpture it is hard to trace further. 

Plate VI., No. 27. (No. 258 in the collection.)— On 
soft stone. The beginning of one line of an inscription, which 
must have been at least three or four times as long. The 
stone is a strip broken off the end of a finely sculptured block, 
about four times as high as wide : the width being a trifle more 
than the length of the inscription. A raised, rounded orna- 
mental border extending around the stone, is broken away just 
above the inscription, and probably has carried away with it 
an upper line of the inscription. Just below the inscription is 
a portion of a figure with beard and a common Cypriote cap, 
reclining on a pillowed couch, grasping a second human figure 
by the foot — the only part visible. Below the couch, rather in 
front than beneath it, is a chained dog, and a small human 
figure. The curved outline of the lower edge of the inscrip- 
tion shows how the head of the reclining figure projects into it 
The reading is: a.ti.pa.mo.o.ta.o.pa. -- It is rather too 
fragmentary to transliterate with certainty. 

Plate ^L, No. 28, not numbered in the collection. — A soft 

sculptured stone, with figure of a woman leading a naked boy. 

The woman's head is broken off by the same fracture that mu- 

v tilates the inscription. Of the latter, the fragment of the first 

character is doubtful ; the others read ie.na. 

Plate VIL, No. 29. (No. 240 in the collection.)— On soft 
stona Above is a raised edge partly broken away. At the 



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Cypriote Inscriptions of the Di Oesnola Collection. 215 

right the stone is cut away, so that it seems as if the whole 
stone were the top left nana corner of a panel or window. The 
reading is the following : (1) U> . | U. o . se . to . wo . i. (2)no.a.i. 
sa. (S)e.ti. — and the numeral can hardly be represented in 
type. Schmidt (p. 100,) figures and reads this inscription 
wrongly. The second character in line (2) he figures as i, 
while it is a on the stone ; and he ignores a sculptured mark in 
the first character in same line, which makes the character no, 
instead of ho as he reads it. The natural transliteration would 

be (1) too dios too yoi(2)vgo aicfa, (3) art "Of Zeus of 

the wine a decree in the year/' The numeral I do not feel 
sure of. 

Plate VII. , No. 80. — Not in the collection, but communi- 
cated by Gen. Di Oesnola with the following remark : "Very fine 
alabaster vase with Cypriote letters around the vase above and 
at the base. Hollow inside, without bottom/' The reading is: 
{l)po.pa.ke.i. (2) u.e.te.i.we.ii. Or, no Ba(x)xei veretFSit; 
i. e., " For (or to) Bacchus the soaker." The first word is prob- 
ably for 7cpo y as nos (Bronze Tablet) stands for npos. If so, 
we have it here with the dative, after the Cypriote analogy of 
ano and ig. The word vers iveu (or iWeirfi) appears to be 
formed as a quasi patronymic from veroS; as if Bacchus were 
imagined as a citizen or inhabitant of moisture. Compare vevs, 
the Hesychian form of vrfS j an epithet of Bacchus with same 
root and meainng. 



Within the last few days the boxes containing the newly- 
arrived Cypriote Inscriptions have been opened, and I have 
been permitted to examine them, though the Museum is closed 
for the summer. The new inscriptions are figured on Plate 
VIIL, which has been photo! ithographed from pencil rubbings 
and tracings on the stones. 

Plate VIIL, No. 31. This is the same as that figured on 
Plate IV., No. 16, from Gen. Di Cesnola's copy. The stone is 
a magnificent piece of marble, originally the heavy lintel (pedi- 
ment) of a tomb, and the inscription is a mortuary one. The 
stone was 4 ft. 6 in. in length, but 6 inches are broken off one 
end, carrying away a portion of one of the figures which Gen. 
Di Cesaola calls " Hercules " though I doubt the correctness of 
that designation. The u two women tearing their hair " are 9£ 
inches high, and stand in the middle of the bas-relief. On 
either side of them crouch two lions, their heads towards the 
two women, and consequently towards each other ; each lion 
measuring 15 inches from muzzle to tail. At the extreme ends 



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216 /. //. Halt, 

stand the two "Hercules," or whatever they may be, each 7£ 
inches high, and having a round water-bottle at the belt, and 
they stand lower than the other figures ; their feet being on a 
level with the lower portion of the inscription. The stone is 6 
inches thick. Its lower edge is straight, just above which, on 
a raised entablature border, is cut the inscription. The ends of 
the stone incline a little inward from the perj>endicular, and the 
two sides of the top slope a little upwards, like a low peaked 
roof. The women and the figures at the ends stand as high as 
thev can, under the roof. The stone is 13£ inches high in the 
middle, and about 9 at the ends. The two sides of the raised 
border, on either side of the roof, instead of meeting in a point 
at the top, end in two abrupt upward curves. The inscription 
is all in one line, but had to be divided to get it on the plate. 
It is 3 feet 6 inches long, and the characters, many of them, 
considerably more than an inch high, and all quite legible. At 
the left, they are perfectly fresh and sharp, but grow obscure as 
they approach the right, where the reading becomes difficult 
The division marks between the words are short lines; not dots, 
as is usually the case. The stone is cracked through in two 
places, at one of which places a piece is broken out, carrying 
away two characters. Fortunately one of these characters can 
be supplied with certainty, and the other probably. The read- 
ing of the stone is the following, putting the restored characters 
in brackets : 

e.ko. | e.u.a.ke.re.to. \ ke.re.te.se. \ ka. me. ne.se. ta.sa. I 
a. \tet ka .] si.ke.ne.to.i. \ me.ma.na.me.7io.i. \ e.u.we.re. 
ke.si.a.se. \ta.sa.pa.i. \e.u.po.le. \e .we .re .no . | In Greek, 
'EyGo EvaypetGD KprjrrfSxa MvrjaTa&a d[6e Ka\aiyvtjroi /ue- 
uvapievoi evYepyeaiaS ra% net ev 7tot€ 'Etptjvgo. Or, in Eng- 
lish, "I [son] of Evagretos, (or, perhaps I, Evagreton,) a Cre- 
tan, and she, Mnestasa, relatives, in memory of good deeds, 
those indeed [that were] ever well [done to us] of Evreuus." 
This inscription appears also to be one quoted a few times by 
Schmidt, but from an incorrect copy. 

Plate VIIL, No. 32. — A heavy, rough, soft stone, 15 in. 
square and 8 in. high, with a square place on the top hollowed 
out : evidently a pedestal. The inscription is on one side, but 
much worn and broken. Some of the characters are quite pe- 
culiar in shape, especially one that looks like a sa with a dot 
above the angles and a branch upward to the left, from the top 
of the right branch. My present impression (though necessarily 
hasty) is that it is a variant of the character for ri The charac- 
ter for sa occurs in the second line, without this dot, but with 
the little branch. Taking this view, and also the conjecture 
that the (nearly obliterated) sixth character in line (1) was ro, 
which I think not improbable, the reading is : 



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Cypriote Inscriptions of the Di Cesnola Collection. 2 1 7 

(1 ) a.ri.si.to. (or to ?) ko . ro . ?/e f * pa. (or ?i« ?) to f si. ri. 

(2) u.e.u.ka.sa.me.no.se.pe.ri.pa. 

(3) t.to? (or se? or taf)to.t.pe.re.se.u.ta.i.u.ne.te. 

(4) £e * * | (The circle at the end I take to be a punctua- 
tion mark.) 

I suspect that the two characters at the end were lu.ka., but 
it can be only conjecture, the stone is so broken. I am satis- 
fied that with more time at my disposal I could be much more 
nearly certain about the other defective places ; as several other 
places on the Cesnola stones have presented difficulties appar- 
ently equally great, that yielded to patient study. The Greek 
I make to be the following ; supposing the latter part of line 
(1) to be the name of some deity derived from Osiris : 

(1) Apiarayopcov[IIa(Y)6T\o(npi{2) v £v£ajA£vos nepi na 
(3) idco rep Speeevrq v 'r£$rf(4)x€ [rvx<*?] \ In English: 
"Aristagoron to [Pand ?]osiris having prosperously prated 
concerning his son Phreseutas, well laid [this] tip as a votive 
offering [in (good) fortune.]" If this be correct, it throws some 
light on variations in declension. But the time is too short for 
me to satisfy myself about it. 

Plate VIIL, No. 33. — At the base of a statutte of soft 
dtone, representing a male figure, whose head is broken off: the 
remaiuder 13$ inches high. A character is gone from each 
end; the remnants of that at the beginning look as if it might 
have been e. The reading is [ef]te.o.k.na.i.* . The charac- 
ter for te is roughly made, suggesting the reading pu y and even 
ni. The inscription may have been a proper name. 

Plate VIII., No. 34. —At the base of a statutte of soft stone, 
representing a female, with caped Cypriote cap, and generally 
well clad. A character or two is probably wanting at each 
end of the inscription. The reading is : we. li.pa .re.wa.tof e? 
(or if) 

Plate VIIL, Nos. 35, 36 and 37. — Inscriptions on the bot- 
tom of lamps like that figured on Plate IV., No. 19, except 
that No. 37 is probably a Roman lamp, and has only fanciful 
designs on the top. The figure on No. 36 is a man carrying a 
jar suspended from each end of a shoulder-yoke. Its inscrip- 
tion on the top, as well as those of others referred to in remark 
to PL IV., No. 19, on further examination, have showed noth- 
ing really different from the one there figured. I leave them 
for the present, without additional remark. 



I would add here that the naqx&svwEiSei and J A<ppo6iGiov y 
and their variations, mentioned by Schmidt, pp. 10, 19, 34, 35, 
60, 79, have not been found by me in the collection. Likewise 

vou x. 31 



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218 I. H. Hall — Cypriote Inscriptions. 

the citations on pp. 38, 39, 51, 59, from certain inscriptions fig- 
ured as Cesnola's, I am unable to verify. 

It seems proper also to notice here a false reading of De 
Luynes by Brandis, followed by Schmidt, which might give 
trouble. Brandis, p. 659, 22, and p. 666, 42, reads De Luynes, 
PI. L, 7, as e.u we.le.to.to.se, which is followed by Schmidt, 
p. 63. Also Brandis, p. 666, 42, reads De L, PL I, 5, as e.u. 
we.iat mu ? ro.se. Both these readings are undoubtedly false : 
the true reading in each case being e.v i. we. le.to.no.se. , as a 
careful inspection of all the plates will show : the character for 
no. being a little peculiar in shape. Schmidt appears to follow 
the same error in several other places, but may haye some other 
legend or inscription in view. 



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ARTICLE X. 



CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE HISTORY 



or 



VERB-INFLECTION IN SANSKRIT. 



By JOHN AVERY, 
raoraeox or lavcnjaoss nr iowa ooixboz. 



Presented to the Society November 5th, 1816. 



The design of the following pages is to furnish the data - so 
far as they go — for a construction of the history of the changes 
which the inflection of the verb in Sanskrit has suffered, during 
the course of its development, from the earliest era of which we 
have literary remains, aown to the period when it may be said 
to have crystallized and become fixed for all time. 

While it is true that an examination of the entire body of 
Sanskrit literature would alone be a complete preparation for 
such a history, yet, in default of the execution of this pro- 
digious labor, the critical analysis of a few characteristic texts 
of the ohief periods of the language will present a nearly correct 
view, and afford a very instructive and satisfactory oasis for 
comparison. General impressions of the changes which time 
has produced in the word-forms of a language, derived from a 
cursory perusal of its literature, are apt to be shadowy and 
misleading ; while precise calculations of the frequency of oc- 
currence of the various forms of stems, modes, tenses, personal- 
endings, eta, though having a dry and mathematical look, alone 
make scientific statement possible. 

In pursuance of the plan just now hinted at, I have selected 
one or more texts to represent each of three clearly-marked 
stages of the Sanskrit language : viz. 1. the Vedic, or stage of 
unsettled linguistic usage; 2. the B rah manic, or stage of trans- 
ition ; and 3. the Epic or classical stage, when further change 



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220 «/. Avert/, 

was debarred by inflexible grammatical laws. Each of these 
texts — with one exception, soon to be mentioned — was carefully 
read, and every form of every verb, together with the times of 
occurrence, was noted. These forms were then arranged under 
their proper tenses and modes, according to a plan to be de- 
scribed hereafter. 

To represent the classical period, two familiar texts, the Nala 
and the Bhagavad-Gitd, the former in the edition of Bopp (Ber- 
lin, 1868), and the latter in that of Schlegel and Lassen (Bonn, 
1846), were chosen. 

^ For the. Brfihmanie period I selected Haug s edition of the 
Aitareya Brdhmaria, one of the most interesting and perhaps the 
oldest specimen of this sort of literature extant 

For the Vedic period, obviously the Rig-Veda was the mast 
complete and authoritative representative of the earliest speech 
of the Hindus; but the want of sufficient lexical help for the 
study of this Veda at the time the work was undertaken decided 
me to take in its place the Sama Yeda, in Benfey's edition. 
These four texts were treated as described above, and the results 
were presented at different meetings of the Oriental Society.* 
But the publication, in 1874, of Delbriick's very valuable work. 
Das altindische Verbum, which contains all the forms of the verb 
in the Big-Veda, excepting participles, arranged first by persons 
and again by tense-stems ; also the appearance of Grassmann's 

Worterbiich zum Rig- Veda, of which five out of six parts have 
already been published ;f and the near completion of the Peters- 
burg lexicon (to say nothing of Monier Williams's excellent 
Sanskrit dictionary), have since greatly increased the facilities 
for understanding the most important of the four Vedas. I 
therefore decided to partly change my plan, and, using Del- 
briick's list for the forms and Mailer's index verborum for the 
times of occurrence, to attempt the same work for the Rig- Veda 
which I had already done for the S&man. In my former papers 
I had followed pretty closely the system of classification which 
the Sanskrit grammars have retained in deference to the Hindus, 
but now I decided to recast my whole work on a different plan, 
more useful, as I believed, and more accordant with the teach- 
ings of modem linguistic science. 

While my mode of classification is not precisely the same as 
Delbriick's, I gladly acknowledge my indebtedness to him for 
many fruitful suggestions. It should be understood, then, that 
he and Miiller are responsible for the completeness of the col- 
lection from the Rig- Veda, while I am answerable for the correct 
analysis of the other three texts. It had been my design to 



* See its Proceedings for May. 1872, for May, 1873, and for October, 1873. 
f The sixth part, completing the work, was issued in the autumn of 1875. The 
Petersburg lexicon has also been brought to a close. 



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Verb- Inflection in Sanskrit. 221 

extend the investigation to participles, and I had made a com- 
plete collection of them, noting as well when they entered into 
compounds (excepting with su, dus and prepositions) as when 
they were used predicatively with the copula omitted ; but, as 
Delbriick has been satisfied with citing specimens, I am unable 
to make the comparison complete. 

A word of explanation is required for the B rah manic text 
I had not advanced far in my examination of this before I 
became convinced that an indiscriminate collection of the verb- 
forms found in the Br&hmana would most unfairly represent 
the language of the period when it was composed; for, the 
design of the author being to regulate the performance of the 
ritual, and to explain the meaning and value of its various 
parts, he introduces many verses from the Vedas, and other 
formulas, of unknown origin. The latter abound in archaic 
forms, and had doubtless in part been handed down from a 
remote age, perhaps antedating the hymns themselves. In the 
enumeration, then, of forms, those cited from the Vedas are en- 
closed in parentheses, while those found in formulas of unknown 
origin are placed in brackets; and, further, when statements 
are made in the following pages regarding verb-forms in the 
Brahmana, it should be understood that these two classes of 
forms are excluded, unless special mention is made to the con- 
trary. So heterogeneous is the collection of materials thrown 
together in this text that it is not easy to know precisely where 
to draw the line between the ancient and the modern. Many of 
the legends related may have been long current in the mouths 
of the people, and have been couched in what was then old- 
fashioned phraseology. 

In sketching the history of verb-inflection, as it will be found 
developed in the following pages, it should be noted at the 
outset that the texts are unequal in size, lest we be led to 
erroneous impressions regarding the relative frequency of forms 
from numerical statements. I have collected from the Bic 
18,216 citations of verb-forms; from the BrShmana, 7159; from 
the other two texts together, 2716 ; so that in this respect the 
Veda is about two and a half times larger than the Brahmana, 
and more than six and a half times larger than the other two 
texts combined. Hereafter, for brevity's sake, the texts of the 
three periods will be denoted respectively by A, B, and C. 

The order of our comparison will be the following: I. Roots; 
IL Tense-Stems ; III. Personal endings ; IV. Connecting vowels ; 
V. Modes; VI. Tenses; VII. Derivative conjugations; VIII. 
InBnitive and Gerund. 

I. Roots, The changes which the verb in Sanskrit has suf- 
fered are not confined to variations of form, but go deeper and 
involve the life of roots themselves. Though a full discussion 



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222 J. Avery, 

of this subject does not properly fall within the scope of a 
paper on verb-inflection, one or two facts may be here stated. 
At the end of this article will be found a complete list of the 
verb-roots occurring in the four texts, and following each root 
will be found signs indicating in how many and in which of 
the divisions the root occurs. An examination of this list will 
give the following results : 

Boots found only in A, 316 in A and B, 108 in A and B and 0, 1641. 

B, 21 in A and 0, 55 

C, 57 in B and C, 13 

Thus we observe that, of the whole number of roots, 780, nearly 
one half are found in the Veda alone; that the very consid- 
erable number of 91 roots are unknown to the Veda ; and that, 
the farther we recede from the latter, the fewer are the roots 
common to it and the later literature. 

Of course it is to be understood that these figures represent 
only approximately the true relation between the earlier and 
later language in this respect, for the field of our survey is too 
limited ; but they at least convince us that many verbs current 
in the Vedic period afterwards disappeared, their place being 
supplied by new primary or secondary roots, and that this 
process of loss and replacement became increasingly active as 
the material resources of the people were multiplied, and the 
boundaries of their mental powers enlarged. 

II. Stems. It will now be in place to describe the plan of 
classification which I have adopted. The current arrangement 
of the present-system, or '• special tenses," in ten classes, which 
was derived from the Hindus, and is still retained in the San- 
skrit grammars, is unscientific and misleading. It follows 
neither the order of development nor similarity of formation. 
Why, for example, the " sixth" class should be separated from 
the "first," which it closely resembles, by two so unlike classes 
as the u second" and " third," or why the nasal stems should 
be scattered over the list, it is hard to see. Ingenious as were 
many of the contrivances of the Hindu grammarians, they 
were largely mnemonic, and not based upon a connection of 
facts. We may well wonder at what the Hindus accomplished, 
with their limited survey of languages, and before the dawn of 
modern science ; but surely it is unwise to adhere so closely to 
their usage, and to introduce so much of their peculiar termin- 
ology, as the author of a well-known recent grammar has done, 
especially in the treatment of a language studied chiefly for the 
general purposes of linguistic science. Clearly, the ideal plan 
would be to group the stems according to similarity of forma- 
tion, and then to arrange the groups in the order of their 
development The first part of this plan I have endeavored to 
follow, but the last part not wholly, since the historical order 
in which the stems appeared is not yet fully settled. 



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Verb-Inflection in Sanskrit. 223 

I have divided the stems of the present-system into five 
classes, as follows: 

L Simple Root-Class = second Indian class. 
IL Reduplicating-Class = third Indian class. 

III. Nasal-Classes: 

a. Adds nu y u (no, o) = fifth and eighth Indian classes ; 

b. " nd (nt) = ninth Indian class ; 

c. Inserts n {no) = seventh Indian class. 

IV. A-Classes: 

a. Adds a, and accents the radical vowel, with strengthening 
of the same according to prescribed rules = first Indian class ; 

b. Adds a, and accents the added vowel, without strengthen- 
ing = sixth Indian class ; 

c. Adds ya, and accents the radical vowel, without strength- 
ening = fourth Indian class. 

Y. Anomalous formations, comparatively rare, and not admit- 
ting of classification with the above. 

The few verbs which the grammarians place in a " tenth" 
class will be found among the causatives, with which they 
agree in form and accent, though no longer having a causative 
sense — if, indeed, they ever had it In the same place will 
also be found the rare Vedic stems in dya. 

I have followed Delbriick and Grassmann in admitting a 
pluperfect tense, to include certain preterites seemingly formed 
from the perfect stem ; but exactly how many forms this tense 
can rightly claim it is hard to settle. 

The same remarks which I have made in respect to the pres- 
ent system will apply also to the aorist The scheme which I 
propose is as follows : 

Simple-aorist : 

1. Forms in which the endings are added directly to the root ; 
IL Forms which take a connecting vowel a. 

S-aoriflt: 

L Forms which add 8 to the root ; 

U " " " ish " " 

HI. " " " sish " 

IV. " " " sa " " 

The rules respecting the strengthening of the radical vowel 
need not be stated here. 

To return to the present-system — the identity of form be- 
tween the imperfect of certain verbs of the simple root-class 
and the first form of the simple aorist often makes it difficult to 
decide with which to classify them. There are many roots in 
the Veda which exhibit no forms with primary endings to help 
us to a decision. Such cases Delbriick would assign to the aorist, 



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224 J. Avei% 

and I have followed his example. The same ambiguity may 
arise with class IV.6, and the second form of the simple aorist 

A noteworthy peculiarity of the simple root-class in the 
earlier language is the irregular strengthening of the radical 
vowel. Not only does vrddhi occasionally take the place of 
guna, which is the case also in classical Sanskrit, hut guna is 
many times found in forms from which it is rigorously ex- 
cluded by later usage — the only exception being in the case 
of one or two verbs like gt, which show the diphthong before 
all the endings. Examples are : hetana, aftema, heta, eta, grota. 
sota, etc. The fact that the regular forms ita, qruta, sutct, etc., 
are found side by side with these illustrates the unsettled usage. 
This irregularity is not confined to the present-system, but 
appears in the simple aorist as welL 

In the reduplicating class, the classical law is that a shall 
represent a in the reduplication, though t is sometimes admitted. 
The fact is just the reverse in the Veda. Of the roots having 
short or long a as radical vowel 8 have a in the reduplication, 
while 20 have i. Two roots, rd and vag, furnish examples of 
both forms of reduplication. In this respect the Vedic San- 
skrit stands nearer the Greek than the classical language, and 
seems to illustrate a tendency in the ancient language, which 
was checked in the classical Sanskrit, but became a law of all 
present reduplication in Greek. We notice in this class also 
the same irregular use of guna as in the root-class. Examples 
in A are yuyoUx, jujoshan, yuyodhi, juhotana, and a few others. 
I have noted no instances in B or C. 

In the nasal-class Delbriick has collected a number of stems 
which are usually placed in the a-class. They are inflected in 
all respects like other stems of the latter class, but their form 
leads us to suspect that they originally belonged to one or an- 
other of the subdivisions of the nasal-class. Examples are 
pinv y jinv, vind % gumbh, etc. Our surmise is strengthened, 
when we discover in the Veda stems in the very act of passing 
from the nasal to the a-class. Thus we have rtioti and rnvati, 
inoti and invati, hinoti and hinvatu; prndli and prnati, mindti 
and minatu 

A cursory examination of the present-system of the verb in 
the Veda will show the great license which was allowed for 
forming the present stem in more than one way, and also the 
tendency in verbs of other classes to take the characteristic 
vowel of the a-class. It is the same tendency to follow a pre- 
vailing fashion, which in English has transformed so many 
44 irregular" into " regular" verbs. The roots sthd and pd are 
inflected throughout like verbs of the a-class, though their re- 
duplication is still unmistakable ; std is probably a less distinct 
example of the same sort. 



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Verb- Inflection in Sanskrit. 225 

la the perfect stem we often find a long vowel in the redu- 
plication. In most instances the patfa-text gives the short voweL 
Perhaps some of these cases should be regarded as intensives. 
I have noted only two examples, dddhdra and vdvdna, in B ; 
and none at all in 0. 

The Augment. The following examples of a double augment 
are found in the sanhitd-text of the Veda : dnat, dvar, dvrni, 
dvrnak, dvidhyat, dyunak, dyukta, dgita, drinak, draOc. Of these, 
Delbriick would derive dnat from anag, thus removing the 
irregularity ; also Aufrecht reads agita for dgita. For the re- 
mainder, the jpada-text gives the regular forms, excepting that 
it recognizes both avar and dvar. For dyunak, dvidhyat, and 
dyukta, the regular forms are also found in the sanhitd. 

No examples of double augment are found in B or C. 

In the oldest Sanskrit, as in the oldest Greek, the augment is 
often omitted. The coincidence of such forms with the sub- 
junctive, and the difficulty of deciding to which mode individ- 
ual cases belong, will be alluded to in another place. The 
augment is wanting in forms apparently having a historical 
sense 448 times in A, 13 times in 6, once ouly in C. 

II L Personal Endings. S. 1. The ending d for dni, which I 
find in A only, occurs 13 times. A contracted ending %m is 
found in akramim l, vadhim 2, probably for akramisham and 
vadhisham. B gives us vrfijiyam for vrftjiya, pres. opt mid. 
S. 2. The imperative act presents some irregularities. The 
classical rule requires dhi after consonants, excepting nasals, I, 
and r, and in class IIL6, which substitutes dna; hi after 
vowels (excepting a, and u of class IILa, after a single conso- 
nant), nasals, I, and r ; after a, and u following a single conso- 
nant, the ending is dropped. This rule is not observed in the 
Veda, but the ending dhi is more frequently found, showing 
that it is more primitive than hi. Examples are gadhi with 
gahi, gagddhi, mamandhi, grnudhi with grnuhi and crnu y hinuhi 
with hinu, yodhi, grudhi. etc.; cm shows the three successive 
stages by which the classical form was reached. B present* 
few exceptions. We note edhi, probably on account of the s 
originally in the root, krdhi, gicddhi ; also grnuhi for grnu. Ex- 
ceptions in C are still more rare, though we find cinuhi aud 
c&dhij but the latter is for gdsdhi The ending tdt is found 19 
times, in A only. S. 3. In A the ending e for te is found 150 
times, only twice (duhe) in B, and never in C. The form 
duhre (i. 139. 7) Delbriick regards as 3d sing., but Grassmann 
as 3d pi. The longer ending Uxi for te occurs once in A, and 
twice (in a formula) in B. The suffix s for t occurs in the 
forms ves, rdhyds, gamyds, jeyds, mimiyds, yuyds, vrjyds, apds, 
adadhds, babfo&yds and aprds — all in A. Tdt is also found in A 5 
times as 3d s. Am for tdm imp. mid. is found twice in A ; also 
vol. x. 32 



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226 J, Avery, 

i for to once. D. 3. The longer ending aite for ete in an indica- 
tive sense appears once in A. Other cases are probably pro- 
duced by the union of a mode-vowel with ete. P. 1. Of the 
two endings masi and mas the former is found 117 times in A, 
and 3 times in B, but never in C ; the ending mas appears 21 
times in A, 4 times in B, and is the only ending in C. From 
this statement it appears that the longer ending was far in ad- 
vance in the first period ; that it was overtaken by the shorter 
ending in the second period, and driven entirely off the field in 
the third. In the subj. middle, make takes the place of the 
longer form mahai 15 times in A. P. 2. The longer ending 
thana is found in A 19 times, in B once, and never in C ; tana 
also occurs 125 times in A, once in B, but not at all in C. On 
the other hand, iha is found 121 times in A, and once in B, 
and is the only form in C ; to appears 560 times in A, and 29 
times in B. A also gives one example of dhva for dhvam, and 
two of dhvai for dhve. P. 3. We nere find numerous irregu- 
larities in A. Some verbs otherwise inflected in class II. take 
the longer ending anti or ante, as dadhanii, mimanti, axidngh- 
nanti. This may perhaps be explained as a leaning toward the 
u-class, which we find the rule in tishthauti and pibanti, or as the 
relic of an older stage of the language, when the longer end- 
ings were universal. On the contrary, we have takshati and 
saccati where we should have expected takshanti and saccanti, 
though the latter probably belonged originally to the redupli- 
cating-class. The r-suffixes are peculiar to the oldest forms of 
the verb. They belong to the middle voice, and are found in 
the indicative and optative modes, and in most of the tenses: ran 
is pres. opt 2 times, impf. once, plupf. 5 times, and simple-aor. 
86 times ; rire occurs for ire pf. 9 times ; ran is in plupf. twice 
and simp.-*aor. 14 times, ranta is plupf. once ; rata is opt 3 
times, and rate and re are pres. indie. 2 and 28 times respec- 
tively. These endings are unknown to the later texts. 

IV. Connecting- Vowels, Classic usaee provides for the inser- 
tion of a short, or, less often, a long i between the root and the 
endings beginning with a consonant in certain forms outside of 
the present-system. In the present-system also this connecting 
vowel occurs in a few forms — examples, possibly, of a more 
prevailing use at an earlier period. In C we fiud cocimi i, 
oravimi 8, bravishi l, abravis l, dbravit 59, dsit 6— in all 76 times. 
Of these examples, all but one belong to forms of brQ, and 
as. In B the roots an, Hh, cvas, brti, and as furnish 89 cases, 
of which all but 3 belong to the two last roots. When we 
come to A, we find that a much greater number of roots avail 
themselves of this helping vowel. They are brU, am, an, gvas, 
tu, sedh, cnaih, stan, id, jan, vas, as, cud, dhvan, vam, varsh, 
stambhj ic, and cm; and the whole number of instances is 132. 



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Verb- Inflection in Sanskrit. 227 

Besides, there are the forms invire l, rnvire l, pinvire l, crnvire 7, 
sunvire 8, and hinvire 8, some of wtich may be regarded as 
belonging to the perfect As a rule, only stems of the simple 
root-class take i; out cru belongs to the nasal-class, and several 
others to the a-class in most of their forms. 

V. Modes. The subjunctive proper in Sanskrit is formed in 
two ways; first, the verb-stem in the several classes takes 
short a as a mode-sign and the primary endings : secondly, it 
takes the secondary endings with the same mode-sign. Neither 
of these forms has all the persons complete. In those classes 
which have strong and weak stems, the subjunctive takes the 
stronger form. Beside these two forms of the subjunctive, 
there are certain other forms having the sense but lacking the 
mode-sign of the subjunctive. They might fitly be called 
pseudo-subjunctives. Since they are identical with those pre- 
teritive forms which want the augment, they are classified with 
them by Delbriick. I have, however, classed them as a third 
form oi the subjunctive, and, by an examination of all pas- 
sages in which such forms occur, have endeavored to draw the 
line between these and proper historical forms. But I am not 
confident of complete success ; for though, in a majority of in- 
stances, the sense of a passage is clear, there are many cases 
where a subjunctive or a preteritive form would equally suit 
the connection. 

In A, the subjunctive, in one or all of its forms, is found in 
all the tenses, with their subdivisions, excepting the imperfect 
and pluperfect The times of occurrence in each can be 
readily ascertained by reference to the tables at the end of this 
paper. An examination of these will show that the first form 
is relatively less frequent in the aorist than in the present, and 
that the second form, though more infrequent than the third in 
the present gains upon it slightly in the aorist Taking the 
verb as a whole, the three forms stand nearly in the ratio of 
1:2:3. In other words, in the Rig- Veda the subjunctive with 
mode-sign and primary endings is found half as often as the 
same with historical endings, and a third as often as the third 
form. These figures may be changed somewhat, as scholars 
shall regard doubtful cases as belonging to one or another of 
the divisions; but probably the relation would not be essen- 
tially altered. We may here refer to certain forms — as ksheshi, 
jeshi^joshii etc — which will be found classified with the present 
indicative, and which clearly have a subjunctive sense, but do 
not agree with either of the forms already described. Benfey, 
formerly at least, regarded them as belonging to the aorist sub- 
junctive, and Grassmann seems to share in the same view. 
But this would be to assume subjunctives with primary endings 
and no mode-sign, for which there is scanty warrant in other 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



228 «/. Avery, 

persona Delbriick inclines to look upon them as true indica- 
tives of the root-class, which have acquired a subjunctive or 
imperative sense, by an idiom common in other languages. 

In B, the examples of the subjunctive are very greatly re- 
duced, and are confined to a more limited range of tenses. 
The first form is found only in the present, while the third 
form is more frequent in the aorist, particularly the simple 
aorist. In C. there are but twelve instances of the subjunctive, 
all of which are found in the aorist and present tenses. All of 
the aorist forms belong to the third division of the subjunctive, 
and the remainder are equally divided between the other two 
divisions. If, now, we compare the frequency of this mode in 
A, B, and C, we shall find the ratio to be about 287 : 12 : 1. 
From another point of view, we arrive at a similar result ; in 
A the subjunctive is found in 16 tenses and subdivisions of 
tenses, in B in 10 tenses and forms, in C only in 5 tenses and 
forms. 

The form of the optative mode needs no special remark. In 
A it is found in the present, perfect, and aorist tenses. In B it 
is confined to the present, and a single instance in the aorist. 
The same is true of C. The so-called " precative" mode I have 
classified with the aorist optative, where it properly belongs. 
It is found 22 times in A, never in B, and but once in C. 

The imperative, as we have seen, is deficient in the first per- 
son of each number, and borrows them from the subjunctive. 
This mode is freely used in all periods of the language, but 
with a greater range of tense in the earliest times. In A 
examples are found in the present, the perfect, and the six 
forms of the aorist of the primitive verb, and in each of the 
derivative forms of the verb. In B it is confined to the pres- 
ent tense alone. In C it is found in the present and once in 
the *-future. 

The conditional, which is formed from an augmented s-i uture 
stem, occurs once in A, 3 times in B, and never in C. 

VI. Tenses. The verb in Sanskrit has five tenses : viz. 
present, imperfect, perfect, aorist, and future. We do not here 
count the pluperfect, since it is not universally recognized as 
having a status in the language. These tenses are found at 
every stage of the language, but not in all their formations, 
nor with an equal apparatus of modes. In A, the present, the 
perfect, the simple aorist, forms L (s), II. (tsA), and III. (sish) 
of the s-aorist, and the aorist causative, have the four modes of 
the finite verb. Form IV. (sa) of the s-aorist wants the opta- 
tive, and the future lacks the optative and imperative In B 
the present is the only tense which has all the modes, the other 
tenses being deficient in one or more of them. The perfect has 
only the indicative. With C the case is still worse, for not 



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Verb- Inflection in Sanskrit. 229 

only is the present the only tense provided with a full set of 
modes, while the perfect has the indicative only ; but the aorist 
also is most scantily furnished, having few cases of the sub- 
junctive (form IV.), a single instance of the optative (precative), 
and not one occurrence of the imperative. 

The periphrastic perfect does not make its appearance in A, 
the derivative verbs, even, forming this tense in the ordinary 
way. In B it begins to appear, being found once in the primi- 
tive verb, and twice each, as the only formation, in the causa- 
tive and denominative. In C it is not found in the primitive 
verb, but is the only mode of forming the perfect in tne causa- 
tive and denominative. 

To one who even cursorily examines the following pages, it 
will be evident that the aorist tense has suffered increasing dis- 
use from the Vedic to the classic period. An exact numerical 
statement only serves to confirm the view. The total number 
of occurrences of the aorist of every form in A is 3015, in 
B 146, in C 27, which is nearly a ratio of 111 :5 : 1. Of the 
examples in A, more than half are found in the simple aorist, 
and aoout three fourths of these in the 1st form. Here some 
difference of opinion might arise, from the difficulty of deciding 
whether certain forms belong to the aorist or present-system. 
In B the 5-aorist decidedly predominates; but in C it is re- 
duced again to 4 instances. Connected with this is a difference 
in the range of formations in which an aorist is found. In A, 
outside of the primitive verb, the causative and denominative 
and passive each have an aorist; in B it is confined to the caus- 
ative and passive, while in C it is found in none of the second- 
ary formations. 

The periphrastic future is unknown to A, the forms in td which 
have sometimes been mistaken for it being properly nomina 
agentis. In B a very few examples are found, while in C it is 
more frequent, though still rare as compared with the s-future. 

VII. Secondary Formations. In derived forms of the verb, 
also, the language was more prolific in the earlier stages of its 
growth. The same general classes are indeed found in the 
three periods, but not with the same complement of modes and 
tenses. The form of the causative in A exhibits no striking 
peculiarities. Boots in a usually lengthen this vowel, and 
those in eand u generally suffer strengthening. However, ex- 
ceptions to these rules are not infrequent. The same facts are 
true of B and C. The form in dya is confined to A, and occurs 
53 times. As already remarked, it is classified'with thejcausa- 
tive, on account of similarity of formation, and not of agree- 
ment in sense. Vasdyate I and vrshdyai, with perhaps one or 
two others, are regarded as genuine causatives which nave long 
a on metrical grounds. 



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280 J. Avery, 

The desiderative is formed substantially in the same way in 
each period. A exhibits several forms with the reduplication 
wanting or incomplete. A noteworthy formation is the desid- 
erative from a causative base, which occurs 4 times in B only. 

The intensive in the classical period was formed in two ways. 
The first, and by far the most frequent, method was to redupli- 
cate the root in the usual manner, excepting the strengthening 
of the reduplicated vowel, and to add the syllable ya. The 
middle endings were always used, and such changes of the 
root made as were common in the passive. The second method 
was simply to reduplicate the vowel as before, with the addi- 
tion of tne active endings, and to strengthen the root- vowel as 
in class II. of the primitive verb, which its formation thus re- 
sembled, except in the greater weight of the reduplication. In 
the Vedic period, on the contrary, the second method was the 

Prevailing one, and the first is confined to a few examples. 
>elbriick cites cases where the same intensive form does not 
take ya in the Veda, but assumes it in the Qatapatha-Br&hmai^a* 
Another fact deserving notice is the great freedom in regard to 
the form of the reduplication which prevails in the ancient lan- 
guage, but which becomes circumscribed as we descend to the 
classical period, where it is reduced to a nearly invariable rule. 
Three forms of reduplication prevail in the Veda: 1. the initial 
consonant and vowel are repeated, with strengthening of the 
latter: e. g. doaViauili; 2. The whole root is repeated: e. g. 
namnamUi ; 3. The same reduplication takes place, with the 
insertion of a short or long t between it and the root : e. g. 
vartvarti, bharibhrati. There are numerous examples of each 
of these methods. Sometimes the same verb forms its inten- 
sive in more than one way. In a few verbs with intensive 
sense the reduplication is incomplete: e. g. iradhanta from 
rddh, and irajyasi from raj. The forms irajyasi, irajyati, irajya- 
thas, irajyata, though adding ya, take the active endings, which 
is forbidden by later usage. 

In B we observe that the form without ya and with the first 
of the three sorts of reduplication just described prevails, and 
is found in the middle as well as the active voice. The form 
with ya occurs but once. The word adtdedivata l is a curious 
example of double reduplication. But few examples of the 
intensive are found in B. The classical texts furnish only four 
examples, two in the finite verb, and two in the present parti- 
cipla Of these, one participle has the form iu ya. 

VIIL Infinitive and Gerund, The office of the infinitive as 
a verbal noun is most conspicuous in the oldest text, as is indi- 
cated by its occurrence in each of the oblique cases, with a 
great variety of substantive endings. The regular classical 
ending lum is one of the rarest, being found only 5 times. 



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Verb- Inflection in Sanskrit 231 

According to the list furnished by Delbrtick, the infinitive 
appears in A as an accusative 49 times, with two endings ; as 
a dative 609 times, with twelve endings : as a genitive or*abla~ 
tive 18 times, with two endings ; as a locative 23 times, with 
three endings — in all 699 times, with nineteen endings. In B 
the infinitive is much more infrequent, occurring but 18 times 
as an accusative, always with the ending turn; and 3 times k as a 
dative, with the endings tavai and tave — in all 2L times, with 
three endings. In C it appears 103 times, always with the 
accusative ending turn. The close resemblance of the infinitive 
to a noun sometimes renders it difficult to decide under which 
category to place a given instance. Hence some scholars would 
doubtless add to, and others subtract from the list which I have 
given. 

The gerund is found 147 times in A, and with the endings 
fvd, tvdya, and tvi, when uncom pounded ; and with the endings 
yd or yd and tyd or tyd, when compounded. The last ending is 
a substitute for ya when the root ends in a short vowel. In B 
it is found 321 times, with the endings tvd or ya (lya) In C it 
occurs 493 times, with the same endings. It appears from this 
statement that the gerund was most infrequent in the Vedic 
time, but was increasingly used down to the latest period. 

In the first of the three schemes following a few forms will 
be found without an attendant numeral. These are cases 
which I have not found cited by Mtiller or Grrassmann. 

That a form is given in the list with an accent is meant to 
indicate, not that it always occurs accented, but onty that ac- 
cented examples of it are met with. 



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282 



J, Avery, 



I. THE FORMS OF THE VERB IN THE RIG- VEDA. 



Active. 



PRESENT SYSTEM. 
A. Present Indicative. 



MiddU. 



1. Sing. I. iye 1, tie si, 
t'pe s, uve i, <foA« i, brieve^ 
yw/£ a, ywve i, *wi>e i, Awt;6 
ftT, hnuve i ; II. juhvi 2, 
tishthe i, dadhe s, mime 
a: III. acnuve i, krnve 2, 



vanve i, A*nv6 i- 
grbhne i, vrn6 9- 



1. Sing. I. arf/m i, <fom* 28, em* i», 
kshnaumfi, pdmi i, yd'mi n, vacmi 6, 
vdmi i, hanmi i, harmi i ; II. lyarmi 10, 
jdhdmi * y jig harmi i^juhdmi 7, daddmi 
2, dddhdmi w,jAbdmi i, Wbharmi 4, vi- 
vakmi 6, cicdmi a ; III. rraww i, Armf- 

mt », tanomi i, crndmi ft, hindmi ft 

^rwdmi i, grbhnami *,jdndmi *,jind'- 
mi i, pundmi 2, mindmi 2, stdbhndmi i 

bhinadmi i, yvndjmi ft, runadhmi 

i ; IV. acdmi i, drcdmi 3, avdmi i, &M- 
nd/?u 2, cardmi ft, coddmi a, jdndmi i, 
jaydmi i, dahdmi i,patdmi i, bhajdmi i, 
bhdrdmi 8, ydcdmi i, rapdmi i, rd'jdmi 

i, vdddmi «, vdhdmi 2, cdhsdmi 4, pt%- />fcA3 2, mrj'e 3, vindhe 1 
shdmi 1, cumbhdmi 2, sajdmi 1, sapdmi 

1, svaddmi 1, hardmi 2 tirdmi 1, prc- 

chdmi 10, muficd'mi 8, ryjdmi 1, vindd'- 
mi 8, t>rA<fom 1, siHcdmi 1, *uvdm£ 1, 

srjd'mi 2, sprcdmi 1 ishydmi 1, na- 

hydmi 1, hvdydmie; V. ichd'mi 2, 6rd- 
a ton «. 



tf/e 1, rfme 1, arc6 i, f&iAe 1, 
names, bhdreu, bhikshe*, 
mande 1, y4/« 1, ra6Ae 1, 
va<fe 1, vande 4, varte 1, 

*frft?6 1, Atftte 6 t*A€ 2, 



ptuAe 1, Mtfce 2 »«Aye 1, 

yd'ye 1, wdny« 28, mrshye 
1, hvaye ia. 



2. Sing. I. ate* 1, <fot 268, &A* 28, ca&- 
«A* 2, chantsi 1, ddrshi i^pdrshi ^pd'si 
is, bhd'si 10, yd' sin, veshi 8, p&«t 1, *<£tof 
1, Atfofci 11, (ksheshi 8, j&rAt 7, jl«Af 2, 
ddrshi 9, dhakshi 4, nakshi 1, n&A* to, 
* pdrshi 16, prdsiz, bhakshi 1, ma^' i«, 
m<fct ft, ydkshi 83, ydA** 4, y<fc£ 1, yote* 1, 
rdtei 1, rd«* 10, vdkshi 2e, u&A* ft, prdshi 
1, 8ak8hi 1, ttftot 11, AcwA* 1 — all in im- 
perative sense) ; II. vyarshi (iydrshi in 
Auf.) i,jigdsi 8, jujoshasi 1, tishthasi 7, 
ddddsi 2, dddhdsi 9, plparshi 8, pibasi 2, 
Mbharshi 10, mamatsi 1, vavdkshi 1, 
vivekshi 1, sisakshi 1, sisarshi (imper. 
sense) 1; III. inoshis, krndshi u^jino- 
shi 1, tanoshi 1, vandshi 2, strnfohi 2, 

hindshi s ishndsi i^jundsi i y prndsi 

1, rind' si 1, prnd**' 1 prndkshi 4, £At- 

Ttafri 1, yunakshi 1, um^Mis; IV. ala*e 
1, arshasi ift, arhasi 3, atxm ft, tnvasi a, 
ti/hasi 2, kshayasi », cdrasi 6, jayasi 1, 



2. Sing. I. t'A*A« 2, At- 
«A« 4, cakshe 1, br&she 1, 
vitsez, $'e&he*\ ll.jighnase 
ft, tishthase 4, dhatse 1 ; III. 
apnushe 1, tlrnushe 1, &r- 
nw^A^ 3, cmtcshe 1, dh&nu- 

shi 1 grnishi 2, pr^nJ- 

*A« 1, hrnUhe 2; IV. ohase 
2, garhase 1, gdhase 1, ca&- 
sAa#e 2, cay cute 1, jarase 2, 
to^ase (1 tap) 2, (2 tap) 1, do- 
Ao*i 1, nakshase 1, nayase 
1, pavase 11, pinvase 2, &f'- 
JAaie 4, bhrdjase 1, raan- 
Aa^€ 4, mandase 6, modase 
1, yajase 1, yamase 1, rafc- 
*Aa#€ 1, rdcase ft, r ohase 1, 
vdrdhase 8, vahase 1, ptftH- 
6Aa^« 1, pobha&e 1, 8a case 4, 

8tdvase 3, harshase 1 

rfljdse 2, pr chase 1, mrpdse 



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Verb- Forms in the Rig - Veda. 283 

Present Indicative — continued. 

jinvasi i,jit'rt)asi 1, tarasi i, tti/rvasi 1, i, yuvase », vinddse 2, «7l- 

chlpasi 1, dhanvasi 1, dhdvasi a, ndyasi cd*e 1 -jd'yase a, trd'ya- 

4,pdta$i 1, pinvasi 2, bhdvasi is, &M'- se 3, ddyase 7, pdtyase 2, 
*Ao*t 2, ydjasi 3, rdkshasi 6, rajasi 20, pydyase 1, many axe a, mf- 
rohasi 2, vddam 1, vapasi 1, vdhasi 4, yose 1, mucyase 1 ; V. icha- 
pansasi 1, piksfiasi 1, sapcasi 1, sidasi t wi, yac/utse 2, i'pishe 22, 

ttV<m 1 , tnnpdsi 3, prchasi 1 , mrncui prnv ishe a. 

1, vindaei 2, vr$easi 2, sunvdsi 2 

asyasi 1, ishyasi 2, ucyasi 1, gdyasi 2, 
na$yasi 1, pdpyasi a, pushy asi 9, rdnya- 
si 1, rdyasi 1, rishyasi 2, haryasi 2; V. 
amlshi 1, bravfshi 1 ydchasi 1. 

3. Sing. I. dttt u, dati 12a, &/ ua, 3. Sing. I. d'ate 4, ?'#e 
ksheti-21, takti 1, dd'*i (i Jd) 1, (3 did) 2, 12, <>te 1, £'*Ate 1, cd«Ate 2a, 
ddshti s, dveshti 3, ^d'fa' n, bhdrti 2. 6rrttf6 2, t?o«ife 10, pdate 2, 
bhd'tiz*, ydtiis y rd'shtiz, relhi*, vashti $inkte%,stite*\ II. jighnate 
is, vd'<* 10, tj&t n, hdntiz*', II. iyarftsi, 11, /SAfte a, juhute 1, <wA- 
jdhdti t,jigdti n, jighartiiyjiijoshctfiv, thate », do#e 1, dadate 1, 
juhdti 3, tishthati jo, ddddti 2a, dddati 1, dadhate a, dhatte 1a, pibate 
jdddhdti r^piparti (1 par) i,(2par)Q,pi- 1, utimfti a, rarate 2, papfte 
baiiiylnbhartiiiybibhdreiijmbndtib^yu- 7; IIL apnute s, tirnutei, 
yoti 1, vavarti 1, vivaktit, vi vashti 1, 0/- krnutew, tanute*, tarute 1, 
veaAli 1, pipdti (1 pd) 1, (2 pd) 1, sishakti dhiinute 1, prushnute 2, wa- 

u, sisarti 1 ; III. apnoti9, indti 2, «/to£i 1, mtte*, prnute 1 fffnttb*, 

drnoti s, ruoc*i 1, rdhnoti 1, krndti 38, punite 2, primti 1, riwfte 3, 
cin<fri 2, tandti 1, ddpndti 1, dhdnoti 1, vrnite*, $r<UhnUe\, strnUe 

vanoti 8, vrrwfat 1, grndti 7, sandti a, *</- 1, hrnite 1 ankte 4, m- 

«<fot 10, ft indti 3 apndti 3, krlndti 1, dAe 2 (for inddhe), pr/tkte 

kshindfd 1, 0Tnd'*i7, grbhnd'ti &,jdnd'ti 2, yuriktk 3, vrhkte 1 ; IV. 
3, jind'ti 2, jundti 1, pund'ti 2, prndti ajate 1, ayate 1, yate (or 
3, mind'ti i», rind'ti a, grndti 1, sindti ejate) 2, Zpate 1, I'shate 16, 

1, skabhnd'ti 1, hrundti 1 anakti 3, edhate 9, <$Aate 11, krpate 1, 

Knd#e 2, krnatti 1, trnatti 1, pindshti 2, kramate 1, gdhate 10, t <7#- 
bhandkti 1, bhindtti 1, rindkii 1, runad- hate 1, ghoshate 1, cdyatez, 
dhi 2, vrndkti *; IV. q/olt a, ayati 4, cetate 1, codate 1, jdrate 8, 
dratfi 4, arshati 47, arhati s, dvat* a, jr'mbhate 2, tandate 2, ^"a- 
mtHrfiii, Uhati j, Hhdti 1, ejatiz, oshati te 1, topate a, ddkshate 1, 
3, krandcUi 1, krtlatiQ, kshdyatit, ksha- ddhate 4 (donate j), dhdva- 
raiis, khddati 1, cdrati 34, c&alt 13, .;"</- te 3, ndkshate 1, n<ipa/e a, 
yatf t y jinvati *,jtvati 2, jdrvati j, ,/r«- ndsate*, ndpate 1, pdyate 1, 
ye#» 1, tapati 8, idratf 7, dd'pati 5, dd- pavate w y pbivate 12, /^-d- 
wrfi », dhdmati 2, dhdvati (1 dhdv) 22, ^//</te 2, pldcate 1,* bd'dhate 
(2 c^d^;) 1, ndkshati 4, nayati a, pacati 12, bhdjate 4, bhandate 1, 
1, patati a, pinvati 1, pi'yati 1, bddhati 2, bhayate a, bhdrate is, M£&- 
bhdjati s, bhdnati 1, bhdrati a, bhdroati shale 1, bhdjate 1, bhrdjate 
1, bhdvati 86, bhUshati 11, bhedatl s, 4, bhreshctte 1, mdnhate 7, 
mddati 8, mdrdhuti 1, ydjati a, ydtati 1, mdrate 1, modate 4, ydjate 
ydmati 2, rdkshati 9, rddati 1, rapati 1, a, y at ate a, yamate a, yo/a- 
vol. x. 33 



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234 J. Avery, 

Present Indicative — continued. 

rd'jati 15, rddhati i, r&jati *, rebhati i, te 1, ranhate 1, rakshate a, 
rddhati i, roshati a, rdhati a, vddati 10, rappate a, rdmate a, raw 
vdpati 1, variati i, vardhati i, vasati i, 6ate i, re;«te e, rdcate ao, 
vahati n, vapati i, venati a, pansati i, rohate a, vadate a, vanate 
pd'sati'*, pikshati a, pundhati i, pwm- \b,vdndate*,vapate{lvup) 
bhati i, sarjati i, sdrpatl a, sddhati a, i (2 ?;op} i, vdrate a, «//r- 
si'dati 17, sedhati 4, skandati i, *fo- tote a, vardhate 8, vasate a, 

Mol2 i, sredhatt i, hdrati i iyol* i, vdsate j, vdhatet, vepate a, 

rnvati*, khiddti \ y pinpati i, prchati i, vyathate s, pay ate a, p££- 
prndti a, mishati i, yuvdti i, rujdti i, Mate i, pumbhate*, sacate 
ruvdti i, vinddti 8, rrpcatfi i, vrhati i, is, sahate 8, sddhate 8, *£- 

suvdtl a, grjdti a dsyatl a, why at i 6, cafe i, sevate i, stdrate i, 

gdyatl ^jttryati i, t any at I i, dds-yati a, stdvate 4, smayate i, sy«w- 
diyati i, dhayati^ napyati*, pdpyati 10, , dote a, svddate i, hdrshate 

ptishyati n, ranyatl a, rishyati 4, vdyati 4, hdvate u, hvdrate i 

a, oidhyati a, vyayati i, sldhyati i, £y<zl£ ukshdte i, rtljdte 4, kirate 
i, haryati i, hrshyati i, hvayati i ; V. J, farrfte 7, tundate i, jptrc- 
ichati 6, iichati a, gdchati i6, ydchati 8, p4te i, prcliate a, prncdte i, 

yitchati i 4/ift/ i, pvdsiti i, tavtti i, mt/tfcate a, mrpate i, yw- 

brdvtti a. ?.jate 5, vinddte ia, vindhdte 

a, mpate s, *r/ate a £«A- 

yate 1, rjyate 1, kshiyate 1, 
jd'yate as, ji'yate 4, day ate 
ii, pdcyate 1, pdtyate 15, 
pddyate 4, papyate a, wrm- 
yate e, miyate 1, mr shy ate 
a, rt'yate 6, haryate s ; V. 
gachate 1. 

(Suffix c) I. f*Ae as, c?*e 
1, awA£ 11, ftrww« 1, mcK ao, 
huvi*\ II. dadhe as; III. 
rnve 1, prnve 19, sunve 8, 

At7»t?6 a yr? 1 ^ • vr*I/e 

1 ; IV. JosAe 1, tope 1, maA<? 
1, p<fye 10, *&>e 1, #l<£v6 5. 
(Suffixre) dwAre 1 (3 pL?) . 

1. Du. II. dddvahe 1 ; 
IV. sdcdvahe 1. 

2. Du. L /^(/« 1, krthds 8, pdthds 4, 2. Du. I. d'sdthei, iptithe 

bhdthds 1, ydthds 19, vftA<fo 8, *$A(fo ai, 1, rdhd'the 1, cakshdthe a, 

hathds a ; II. jujodhathas i, tishthathas vasdthe 1 ; II. dadhd'the 1 ; 

e, dhatthds a, ninithds 1, piprthas 1, M- IIL tanvdthe 1 yurijdthe 

bhrth&8*\ IIL Urnuthas 1, krnuthds 3, a; IV. jayethe 1, jarethe 2, 

vanuthds a HnUhas a ; IV. aeathas drnhethe 1, rakshethe 8, t>o- 

1, drcathas 1, ar hatha* a, a vat has 8, in- retfAe 1, vahethe 6, prayethe 

vathas 1, karshathas 1, kshdyathas a, i, sacethe 7—^ — yuvethe 1. 
yamathas 1, yhoshathas 1, cetathas a 



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Verb- Forms in the Rig -Veda. 



286 



Prbssnt ImxcATivv—continued. 

jatuxthas i, jinvathas i,jt'vathas *>jil'r- 
rathas i, dhdmathas i, nakshathas i, 
nay at has a, pdtathas 5, pinvathas 2, 
bhdrathas a, b ha vat has 7, bhtitshathas 
(1 bhdsh) i, (2 JAdaA) a, mddcAhas 2, 
yajathas 1, ydtathas «, rd'jathas 7, ro- 
hathas 1, vanathas a, varathas 1, vaAa- 
*Aa* a, tfkshathas 1, sadathas 1, sd'dha- 

thas a, sidathas 1, svddathas 1 rnvo- 

Mas 2, bhasdthas 1, muficathas a, rr- 

hathas 1, srjathas* dfyathass, ran- 

yathas 1 ; V. gdchathas 17. 

3. Da. I. atta* 1, kshitds 8, jpdla* 1, 
bhiXtas 1, y<fta* 1, txftas 1, **a* ai, sndtas 
1, Aa&fe 4, hnutas 1 ; II. fuhthdtasf pi- 
batas 1, bibhrtds 0, mimitas i, viviktds 
a, vivishtas 1 ; III. apmitas 1, iXrnutds 1, 

krnutas 1, sunutds 1 grnitds i,prnf- 

tas 1 ; IV. invatas a, kshayatas 1, 
ghoshatas 1, cdratas is, dhdvatas 1, 
nakshatas 1, pinvatas 1, bhdvatas 4, 
bhU'shatas a, manthatas 1, mardhatas 
1, rakshatas 1, rd'jatas 1, vasatas a, v«- 

Aaftu 10 siflcatas 1 napyatas 1, 

pdpyatas i, p&shycUas a, vdyatas 1 ; V. 
yiichatas*. 

1. PL (suffix m<m) I. lm(fo* 4, upmdsi 
i« (pmdsi 1), stumdsi a, smdsi ift; II. 
juhUmdsi a, dadmasi 1, dadhmdsi a, 
bibhrmdsi 1, pi&mdsi 1 ; III. grntrndsi 
10, junmidsi 1, minim dsi a ; IV. r/rcd- 
wmw 1, drhdmasi 1, cdrdmasi 7, Jcrwd- 
mo<2 1, jaydmasi 1, tar di nasi 1, ndyd- 
mast 2, bddhdmasi 1, bhardma&i a, ra<7- 
Mmasi 1, methdmasi 1, ydjdmasl 2, 

vdddmasi a tirdmasi 1, mrpdmasi 1, 

ftprpdmasi 1 -pdpydmasi 1, haryd- 

masi 1, hvdydmasi s. 

(Suffix mo«) I. kurmds 1, dvishmds 
a, ydmas 1, */na« a, hanmas 1 ; II. jmAi*- 
//*& i 9 dadhmas 1, vivishmas 2; IIL 

jdnlmas 1 ahjmas 1 ; IV. maddmas 

i, ydjdmas 1 (ydjdmaf), vaddmas 1, 
$ansdmas 1. 



3. Da. I. (frtfli 1, tydfe 1, 
duhdte 1, bruvd'te 1, paydte 
1, siivdte 1 ; II. jihdte a, 
dadhd'te 6 ; III. tofijdfte 1 ; 
IV. carete ^javete 1, tar«te 
1, namete 1, bhayete 1, Mo- 
rete 1, methete 1, yatete 1, 
rc/«te 1, vddete 1, vartete a, 
vardhete 1, vepete 1, vycr- 
lAete 1, «ocefc a, smayete 1, 

havete 1 ^'^ 1 

hvdyete 1 ; (suffix ai'te) At/j- 
t?ai/€ J. 



1. PL I. manmahe 8, 
yujmahe 1, pdsmahe 1, Atf- 
mtfAi a; II. dddmahe a; 

III. krnmahe a wrn?- 

mdAe 64 ; IV. jardmahe a ; 
ndkshdmahe 1, ndvdmahe 
2, ndsdmahe 1, bddhdmahe 
1, bhdjdmahe 1, bhdydma- 
he 1, bhardmahe a, m&nd- 
mahe n (mandmahb i), 
mdnddmahe i, mardmahe 
j, ydjdmahe », ydsdmahe 1, 
rabhdmahe a, vdndmahe 4, 
vdnddmahe 1, stardmahe 1, 
stdvdmahe J, svajdrnahe 1, 

hdvdmahe 107 ywvd- 

maAe 1, ripd'mahe 1, *?c<l- 

w?aA« 1, huvdmahe 2 

hvdydmahe ft. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



286 



•/. Avery, 



Presbnt Indicative — continued. 



2. PL (suffix tha) I. itha 1, krtha i, 
gathd 1, netArf i, pdthd (l />d) 1, (3 pd) 
2, ydthd e, *tfAa so, hatha i ; II. ,/t/;o- 
shatha i, dhatthd 4, piprthd i, bibhr- 
thd a, bubodhatha i ; III. apmtha i, Axn- 

w$A</ a, dhilnuthd s, sunvthd i jdm- 

JAa i ; IV. djatha i, dvatha 7, ejatha i, 
krflatha i, kshdyatha 2, khddatha 1, cc- 
lalAa ijinvatha 8, tdkshatha 2, tU'rvatha 
2, ndyatha^ napatha \,patatha 1, bhdra- 
tha 1, bhdvatha 8, &Atf shatha i, nidda- 
tha 8, moshatha 1, rdkshatha 1, rd'jatha 

2, rejatha 1, vahatha 1, sdrpaiha 1 

muncdtha 1 dsyatha s, pagyatha 2, 

p&shyatha 1, rishyatha 1, Aarya/Aaa; 

V. gdchatha s. 
( buffi x thana) L pdthdna 1, ydthdna 

5, nthdna 10; IV. vddathana 1. 

3. PL I. adanti 6, amdnti 1, vpdnti 
8, kshiydnti a, ghndnti a, dd'nti 1, pdnti 
(1 jpd) j, (8 j»d) 18, bruvdnti 2, bhdnti 1, 
ydnti 99, yd'nti a, rihdnti 14, vanl/ i, 
vydnti 2, Mfcilftso; II. jahati \ y juhvati 

3, tishthanti a, dddati s, dddhati a, </«- 
dhanti i,piprati 4, ptbanti 8, bapsati 2, 
bibhrati 8, mimanti 1 ; III. apnuvanti 
2, rnvdnti 2, krnvdnti 9, tanvdnti 2, 
dabhnuvantl 1, jyrushnuvanti 1, prn- 

vdnti 4; sunvonti a, hinvdnti 81 

kshindrUi 1, grndnti 21, grbhndnti 8, 
jdndnti 3, jinanti 1, jundnti i,pundnti 

6, prndnti 12, prinanti 1, bhrindnti 1, 
mindnti 24, rindnti 1, prinanti 6, «£r- 

ndntfi 2 anjdnti 7, unddnti 8, pm- 

shdnti 1, prflcdnti 8, bhindanti 1, yw;7- 
jVfnft 9, vincanti i, vrnjanti 2; IV. 

ajanti 1, drcanti 14, drshanti 22, drhanti 
1, dvanti 4, karanti 1, krandanti 1, Ar?'- 
Za/ifa' 2, krdganti 1, kshdranti 11, A»Ao- 
aVml* i, gdmanti 1, gHhanti 1, cdranti 
41, jayanti 1, jdranti 1, fmvanti 3, jT- 
vcmlt 2, tdkshati 1, tdpanti % tar ant i 3, 
trdsanti 1, tsdranti 1, dabhanti 1, cftt- 
hanti 2, dr dvanti 2, dhanvanti 1, <//*<i- 
rnanti 8, dhdvanti 2, dhti'rvanti 1, wa&- 
shanti 2, nandanti 1, namanti 2, /wy- 
anfo* 19, napanti (1 ?«/p) 1, (3 nap) 1, »/»• 
c&zuft' i, pdcanti% pdtanti 8, pinvanti *, 



2. PL II. dadhidhvei; 
III. atigdhve 1 ; IV. cayor- 
dhve*, dhavadhve i , bddha- 
dhve 1, bhdradhve 1, wanrf- 
adhve 1, vdhadhve a, pay- 
adhve 1 trd'yadhve 3. 



3. PL I. 4'*afe 89, f rote 
27, 7'Zo/e 85, fpate 3, oAa/e 4, 
grhate 1, cdkshaie 7, aV 
/*# tfe «, nin^ate 4, bruvdte 6, 
WAa# J, vdsate 8, pdsate 2, 
suvate 4 ; II. jighnante 1, 
jihate 6, tishthante 3, aV/- 
a*Aa^€ -2^ptbante 1, mimate*, 
8israte e ; III. agnuvate 1, 
Arwvate 4, tanvate 12, twan- 
vai« 1, vrnvdte 2, vrnvati 

1, sprnvate 1, hinvdte 1 

agnate 1, grbhnate 1, ^Viw- 
tfte 4, pimate 2, badhndte 1, 

rinate 1, vrndte 10 an- 

ja'te 12, atljate 1, indhdte 1*, 
indhate 4, nljate 6, tufljdte 
1, prficdte 1, bhvtljdte 1, 
bhufljate 1, ywljdte 10, ©rtf- 
^Vite 1 ; IV. dyante 1, foA- 
awte 1, edhante i, A^A^- 
dante 1, cetante 1, eyavante 
^j dyante i,jarante (2 jar) 
6, (3 jar) 3, dhavante 1, 
nakshante 6, nam ante 2, 
navatite 7, pdvante is, W- 
dhante 2, bhajante 2, AA(iy- 
a/?^6 6, bhdrante 7, flAr J'- 
^a-nto 8, ydjante 4, y at ante 
6, yd'cante 2, rakshante a, 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb- Forms of the Big- Veda, • 237 

Present Indicative— concluded. 

ply anti a, bhajanti 1, bhananti 1, bhd- rante i, rabhante 1, r«- 

ra«^' 19, bhdvanti u, bhUshanti 4, mo;- mante a, rejante 4, rdeante 

janti i, mddatiti w, mdnthanti a, ma- 19, vadante i, vdrante », 

ranti\,rnardha?iti*, mehanti \, ydjanti vdrtante », vardhante i, 

3, rdkshanti 4, rdnanti a, rddanti i, r<2- vahante a, vyathante i, po- 

Janfa" i, rebhanti i, rdhanti i, vddanti is, ytmte i, pumbhante i, pra- 

vananti i, vdpanti s, vdrdhanti 17, vrfr- y<wte 1, sacante**, sdpante 

shanti 1, vdpanti 2, vdhanti 32, wenanti 1, sdhante s, stdvante a, 

1, pdhsanti 5, pikshanti 2, pdcanti 1, spdrdhante 3, svajante 1, 

pcdtanti 8, sapanti 1, ftdpcati 1, si'danti svadante 1, hdrante 1, Ad- 

1, sedhanti 1, skandanti 1, stobhanti a, ?*a??te 39 ukshdnte 2, 

wdvanti «, svddanti a, svaranti «, Am- tirdnte 7, vipdnte 2 

*antf 1 -ukshdnti 1, rnjdnti 1, rshdnti kshf yante ^jdyante 5, tfrtf- 

1, crtdnti 1, tiranti*, tunjdnti*, duhanti yante 1, may ante 1, /wr$A- 

16, prchdnti 2, mishanti 2, mucdnti 1, yante j, yddhyante a, n- 

muitcanti 1, mrjdnti 2», mrpdnti 1, rw- yante i, hvdyante e. 

./Vfafo" 9, rudanti 1, vindanti 1, vipanti 4, (Suffix rate) I. duhrate*. 

vrpcdnti 1, pumbhdnti 7, sificdnti 2, *w- (Suffix re) I. duhr'e e, 

»tf?tft 1, srjdnti 6, sprpdtiti 2, sphurdnti vidre 1; V. invire 1, rnvire 

1 d'ryanti 2, gdyanti 1, jUryanti 1, \,pinvire 1, prnvireT y sun- 

dasyanti e, dlyanti 2, ndhyanti 1, jp^p- v?Vv s, hinvire s. 

ya/tf* 11, pushy anti 2, rdnyanti 2, rw*A- 

yan*/ 1, vdyanti *, vdyanti 1, prdmyanti 

1, syanti 1, hdryanti 2, hv ay anti 1 ; V. 

ichdnti 5, uchdnti 2, rchdnti 1, gdchanti 

*, ydchanti e. 

B. Pbbsent Subjunctive. 

I. With mode-sign a and primary endings. 

1. Sing. I. 6r4t?^w* 3 ; II. dadhdni 1. Sing. II. papvami i ; 
1; IV. kdrdni 2, gamdni 2, cardni 1, III. Axnauai2, mandvaix, 
ndydni i,pacdni i, bhqjdni 1, rd'jdni 2, simdvai 2; IV. mdnai j, 
vdhdni 1 srjd'ni 1. marai 1, stdvais — prchai 

(Suffix d=dni) L ay <2 1, bravd 1, **rf- 1 yudhyai 1. 

wi 2 ; IIL Arnavd 1, hinavd 1 ; IV. arcd 
1 mrhshd' 1. 

2. Sing. I. <f*<m 4, kdrasi 2, bravasi 2. Sing. I. d*a*6 1, A:^- 
1 ; IL ctketasi 1, pibdsi 1, paprcdsi \ ; IV. r<7*e 2 ; II. dddhase a ; III. 
a/d« 1, jaydsi 2, bhdjdsi a, bhdvdsi 4, krnavase 1, vanavase 1 ; 

ydjdsi ^ vaddsi 2, vahdsi 2 kird'si IV. vardhdse \ yuvdse 

1, rujd'si 1 papydsi 1. 1. 

3. Sing. L <fooli 8, karati 7, <&&?" 6, 3. Sing. I. tfcale a, idhate 
dhdti a, vayati 1, vedati 1, hanati 2 ; II. i,kdrate* 9 vdrjate 1 ; II. ffoA- 
<iketatis y fis/it/idti*, ddddpati*, dldepati thdte a, dddhate a, mimdte 
», pibdti i, piprati 1, biibodhati 1, *w- 1, yuyojate 2, papdmate 1 ; 
shtidatis; IV. <%jdti z 9 jaydti z, ji'vdti III. krndvate*,mandvatei, 

1, £di/?dlt 1, dabhdti 2, dahdti 1, <7Aara- inddhate 2, yundjate 

vdti 1, ndydti 1, pdcdti 2, pdtdti a, joa- 1 ; IV. jardte 1, pavdte i, 

<&&t i, bddhdti 1, bhdjdti 1, bhdrdti 2, b hay die 2, ydjdte », vdhdte 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



288 



J. Avery, 



Present Subjunctive — continued. 

bhdvdtl u, mardtl a, ydjdti 6, vaddti 3, a, prdydte 1, svajdte 1 

pdnsdti 2, «&fcgi; 1, svdddti 1, svardti 1, jushdte 1, ft'rdte 1, mucdte 
-tirdti 1, bhrjjd'ti 1, mucdti 1, mr- 1 manydte 1. 



rfAdtt i 9 mrldti a, vand'ti 1, vidhdti 1, 
suvd'ti 5 rishydti 1 ; V. gdchdti 2. 



(Suffix toe) IV. yajdtaix. 

1. Du. L bravdvahai 1 ; 
IIL krnavdvahai 1, tana- 
vdvahai 1 ; IV. sacdvahai 
1, sahdvahai 1. 

2. Da. L (Uatha8\ y kara4ha8 2,veda- 2. Da. III. apndvaithe 
thas 1 ; IL dketathas 1, tishthdthas 1, 1 ; IV. prnaithe 1. 
dddhatha8 1, ptbdthas ; IV. dvdthas i, 
vaddtha.8 1, smardtha* 1. 

8. Du. I. karatas 2. gamatas t, /kf'- 3. Du. 



to* 1, (pdtdsf) ; II. tishthdtasf pibdtas IV. ydtaite 1 
1 ; IIL afijcUas 1 ; IV. cdrdtas 2, vdhdtas 
2, pdpdtas 1 w*rZdta* 1. 



I. brdvaite 1; 



1. PI. I. rWmaAat 1, 
gdmdmahai 1, brdvdma- 
hai 2; III. krndvdmahai 

1 andpdmahai 1, Mw- 

ndjdmahai 2, runadhdma- 
hai 1 ; IV. ndpdmahai 2, 
ydjdmahai 1, vdndmahai 
1 sincdmahai 1. 

(Suffix, maAe) I. tfd- 
wiaA« 1, kdrdmahe e; II. 
daddmahe 1. 



2. PL I. dsaiha 4, stavatha 1; II. 
pxbdthaf s&shtidatha 1 ; III. sandva- 
tha 1 ; IV. dvdtha 1, jaydtha 1, vrfAiZ- 
tfAa 1 ; V. gachdtha 1. 

II. With mode-sign a and secondary endings. 

1. Sing. 
(sttish-a-i). 
2. Sing. I. <foa* e, kshdyas 2, ghdsas 
2, ddnas 1, parcas 1, jtwfo 1, bravas 5, 
uedas a, prf&a* 2, hdna* 3 ; II. juhuras 
1, tishthds 2, ddd/ias a, ddddpas 1, /w«- 
fmicas 1, vivesha* 1, xhshtida* 1 ; III. 
r/i«?;a* 3, AT/«foa* 7, trpndvas 1, pr/?- 

avew 3 grbhnd's 1, jund's 1 ftA/- 

7irf<fa« 1 ; IV. rfr>(fo 1, ,/dy<fo 1, jCtrvds 
1, takshds? bhdrd* 1, vdrdhd8 1, p£A-- 

$A<& 1 sified'8 1 yHdhyds 1, 

rtshyda 1, hdryds 2 ; V. gachds 1. 



I. stmhe 20 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb-Forms of the Rig - Veda. 239 

Pbssknt Subjunctive — continued. 

3. Sing. L dycU 4, dscU aa, i'rat 1, 
rdhat 7, kshayat 4, ghasat 1, cayotf 1, pdf 
(1 />d) 1, (3 />4) 1, brdvat e, vaftrf s, 
stdvcU »; IL jugurat 1, tUhthdt i, dtf- 
<&2pa* 5, dddhat u, dadhdnai 1, />&<?£ 1, 
babhaxat 1, yuydvat 1, sushUdat 1 ; III. 
apnavat a, krndvat ia, cinavat 1, rfArt- 
navat 1, prushndvat 1, vandvat 10, pr/i- 

'ira* u, swtdvat a rnddhat i, Mm- 

<#<&# 1, yundjat a; IV. arclfc 1, drsMt 1, 
arA<& i 9 tfwft 1, mu^ 1, e;Vfr 1, ghdshdt 
», j/t?<& 1, dd'ptit 4, n'vnddt 1, /><fcdl 1, 
/>«&** a, bhdrdt 1, bhU'shdt 2, yq;Y& 1, 

vdrdhdt* y pdnsdt 1, pUcshdt 1 prchd't 

1, jprruf'* 2, mWdl 1, t?rped'tf 1, sincdt 1, 

*r;Vf/ 1 pdpydt 2, ptishydt a; V. 

/>Ad* a, uchd't a, gdchdt a. 

1. Du. I. hand v a * ; II. pibdva 1 ; 

IIL apnavdva 1, Armaria 1 rmd- 

crfra 1 ; IV. cdrdt?a 1, jdydva 1, «a- 
ndea 1, pmisdva 1. 

1. PL I. aydma a, dsdma 4, &*/ta- 
y<2me* 1, brdvdma 12, stdvdma 9, Arf- 
ndma 1 ; II. jahdma 1, juhavdma 2, 
dadhdma a; IIL apndvdma a, A^nw- 
i<ama 9, minavdma 1, pakndvdma 2, 

sutuivdma a, spry a v dm a 1 -jund'ma 

:, mind' ma 2; IV. drcdrac/ 4, kdrdma 
a, hrdmdma 1, gamdma 2, takshdma 1, ♦ 
bhajdma 1, bhdrdma 1, bhdvdma 1, w«- 
<ft?ma 1, manthdma 1, mardma a, ya- 
jdma a, rddhdma 2, vaddma 1, var- 
dhdma 1, vdpdma 1, preshdma 1, «j- 
(/ama a, hdrdma 1. 

3. PL I. aya?* 4, bra van 1 ; II. <fc/- 3. PL I. hdnanta 1 ; II. 
dAa» 1, yuyavan 1 ; IIL apnavan 1, Arn- juhuranta a ; IIL apwo- 

<it?a/i a, prrwfoan 4 andjan 1, yund- vanta 1, krndvanta 4. 

Jtf/i 2, t?rnq/an 1 ; IV. &rf Z<5n i,gfi6shdn 
*, ctfrdn i,/>a^n 1, vdddn a, vdrdhdn 4, 

t'oAdn 1 prchd'n j, sphurd'n 1 

pdpydn 1 ; V. uchd'n «, gdchdn 2. 

III. Like the Imperfect without an augment. 

1. Sing. I. gamam 1 ; II. tUhtham 1 ; 
IIL kshindm 1 ; IV. cydvam i, taksham 
1, bhojam i 9 ycjam 1. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



240 J. Avery, 

Present Subjunctive — continued. 

2. Sing. ILjujoshasA^dddasA^pipra- 2. Sing. 1L juhHrthds i, 
yas i ; III. rnos n ; IV. dvas i, ash-as i, yuyothds i, rarithdsi; HI. 

gamas 4, £<iro« 6, gHhas a, cwvr* i, tanuthds i hrnithds \\ 

ddhas i, yamas i, xmnas i, vapas i, IV. bddhathds i ;wa«- 

vdrasa, vtiwa« i, «ew«4, $d'sas% pocas i, yathds i. 

sac&w 7 guhas i, mucds i, rw/<fo i, 

wrAa* i, vrpca* i, */cas i, *r;Vf* i 

divyas i ; V. Manas a, sedhis i. 

(Without suffix) I. &ar 8, A<m 3 ; II. 
pap<^« i ; III. pinak 4, bhindt a, wnwA i. 

3. Sing. I. we£ i, *^Mhj II. dketati, 3. Sing. I. vaato i,*«to 
^^ \ y jx%joshati y tisht/utt 6, dadat n, i; II. jihita a, niniJcta i, 
/nftot a; III. #Wtf j- — ^oVi-a 1 * i; IV. yuyota j, pipfta i, ptprfta i|; 

arcat a, A*ira< 33, karshat a, krandat a, III. ruttfti 1 yv n ^ a '» 

ksharat a, gamat as, caratf 4, rata* a, grbhnita 1, vrnita a; IV. 

codati,janatz,jdyat\,j6shat*,tak8/tat ipata is, bharata 1, rocata 

1, tandrat (tandat?) 1, £a/>at j, tamat 1, 3, vdrdhata a, sacata 1, $d'- 

fairaJ 5, ddbhat 3, rfifcol a, dd'pat 13, dhuta 1 -jushata s, f/- 

dd'sat i, dl'yat 1, dehat 1, dohat 1, c?ro- rata 1 -jdyata 1, ma«- 

ua£ a, ndkshat 3, nay at 4, napat 13, y«ta 1. 

pdcat 1, pdtat 1, pinvat i, prdthat 1, 
bddhat 1, bhdrat 12, bhdsat a, minat 8, 
ydmat 7, rdkshatf ranat 1, raa*a£ 1, 
rdipatf a, rddhat 1, reyVrt 1, reshat 1, ro- 
tfAatf 1, vadat a, vrfral 3, vdrtat 1, v^r- 
dAotf 4, tjapatf 1, pa&«£ 4, pardhat 1, pi&- 
sAa£ 1, pndthat 1, pramat 1, pvdyat? 

sadat 4, sdrpat a, sapcat s, svdjat 1 

&rnfc& 1, kshipdt 4, kfyidat 1, jushdt 1, 
mwccfo 1, ri#7fc a, rudhat 1, rwvrf^ a, u*- 
dAa^ 1, tupot a, urAatf 1, sincat 1, sr/«* 6, 

srdhat? sphurat 1, huvat 1 gd'yat% 

pdpyat 1, vidhyat 1 ; V. uchat a, ^A«- 

/iCI^ 1. 

! Suffix «) I. vc« i. 
No suffix) I. &ar e, r/a/* 1, c^c/n 1, 
rdf a, Aa/i 1, Ad'r i ; II. v ivy ok 1 ; III. 
pinak 1, prndk 1, bhindt 6, rinak i. 

1. Du. I. g an v alii 1. 

1. PL I. karma 5, ganma a. 1. PI. III. strnhndhi 1; 

IV. grhdmahi 1. 

3. PI. I. rfaaw 7, kshan 1, gtnan 1 1, % ya/i 3. PI. I. ?Za£a 1, vasata s; 

i,5a^i; l\.jujushan\ y j'&jo8han\,ih8h~ II. jihataf tishthanta a; 

£/wm 1; III. r^vaw 1, krnvanf minvdn III. krnvata z, manvata* 

1, vanvan 1, hinvdn a apnan 1, mt- grbhnata 1, vnwto/ 

/<em 1, rindn 1, pcamnan 1; IV. arcan ywljatai; W.dman- 

3, kdran », gaman 9, car an 1, dabhan 7, ;ai, dyanta 1, caranta 1, 

dhdvan i, ndk&han* 9 ndpan (1 nap) 1, cyavanta\,ja?iantai,nak- 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb- Forms of Uie Rig- Veda. 241 

Pbeseot Subj vmmvB— concluded. 

(2 nap) a, yaman 4, rdnan 8, vaman i, shanta 8, nantanta 8, ntf- 
vardhan i, pd^an i, sddhan i, «ftfa/i 3, yanfa a, navanta 6, na- 
haranf ^dn i, druhanx, dhvasdn panta (1 nap) 2, (3 nap) 8, 

I, vidhdn 1, vindan a pdpyan 1. nasanta 5, pacanta? pin- 

(Suffix ttf) L duhus a, mandtts 2. vanta 1, pravanta 1, M<£- 

janta e, bhananta 1, ftAd- 
ranto 6, bhikshanta 1, yaX*- 
shanta 1, yavanta 1, ro- 
7ucnta 1, ranfcz 9, ramantaf 
r'ejanta 1, vanla 1, vdranta 
(1 var) «, (2 »ar) i, vrfr- 
tantaf var dhanta 1, vrd- 
dhanta 1, pumbhata 2, 
(class I. ?) $6canta 1, *#fc- 
shanta 1 (sakshantef see 
Grass.), sdcanta \% sapan- 
ta 1, sapcata 2, sdhantaf 
sd' dhanta f stdvanta a, 
smayanta 1, hdvanta 2 

ishanta 1, jushdnta 

as, tirdnta 1, nuddnta 1, 
bhurdnta 1, mrshanta 1, 
yuvanta 1, vidhanta 1, *r- 

Janta i ddyanta 1 ; V. 

ichdnta 1, ishananta a. 

C. PBE8BNT Optative. 

1. Sing. L lyd/w 1, rdhydm 1, y<J- 1. Sing. I. S'pfyaa, mur 
ydm 1, vidydm 1, pakydm 1, *yd'm 9; nya i ; IV. mceya a 

II. jag amy dm \,paprcydm t ; III. *a»- huviya 1. 
wydm 1; IV. gameyam 1, piksheyam a 

vyayeyam 1. 

2. Sing. L rdhyds 1, gamyds 1, ayd'a 
i; IL cakriyds (2 &ar) 1, juguryds 1; 
IV. due* 1, bhaves 1, modes 1, wane* 1 
papyesu 

3. Sing. I. ty<ft a, brUydt 1, vidyd't 3. Sing. L <fo#a 1, SZfta 
3, *y<fl'J i&; II. jagamydt 9, jagdydt 1, s, C^a a, uAfta 1, duhUa 1, 
juguryd't 1, fotaryd'* 4, paprcydt 1, fti- bruvtta i, pdytta 1, ttuvttd 
bhtydt 1, bibhrydt 1, mamanydt 1, mi- 1 ; II. dddhita s, dadhitd 

miydt 1 ; III. prniyd't 1 ; IV. rfyetf 1, 1 ; III. Arnvfta a 2*rn- 

carefa, taret\ y pdiet\,sravet* prchet dtd 1; IV. q/Vta 1, foAa- 

1 dasyet 1, risky et a ; V. fc^etf 1. tmto 1, jareta 1, bhiksheta 

(Suffix *) I. rdhyds 1, gamyds «, ,/€yd* a, yajeta 1, vadeta 1, ftoceta 
a; H mimiyds 1, ydyds 1. a, staveta 1 jushka 



-papyeta 1. 



1. D11. L yujydva 1 ; IV. urAeva 1. 
vol. x. 34 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



242 J. Avery, 

Present Optative— conduced. 

2. Du. I. vidydtam i, sydtam a; II. 
jagmydtam 1 ; IV. tiretam i. 

3. Du. I. ytfjyd'tdm i, sydtdm i ; II. 
yuyuyd'tdm i ; IV. grdsetdm i. 

1. PI. I. iydma i, rdhydma 4, Am- 1. PL I. idkimahi 7, 
ydmai,turyd'ma*,vidyd'tfiari,syd'ma rdhlmdhi i, bruvimahi a, 
lao, hanyd'ma i ; II. juhuyd'ma i, £&A- v as una hi i, stuvlrnahi i ; 
thema a, tuturydma i ; III. cinuydma II. dadimahi a, dudhttnahi 
i y vanuyd'ma&,prmiydmai y 8anuyd'ma a; IV. gamemahi a, gdhe- 
e ; IV. krdmema a, gam&ma 8, cayerna raahi i, bhajemahi a, 6Aa- 
ijCarema^jdyemaWyji'vemaijtdrema remahi i, ydtemahi i, ra- 
ia, dd'pema it, bhdverna e, bhU'shema a, bhemahi 4, vanemahi i, 

mddema n, mahema a, yatema i, ra- sdcemahi a mdhemahi 

perna i, vatetna i, vadema as, vanema i jd'yemahi a. 

a, pikshema i, sadema a, sapema a 

ishema i, rujema i, vidhema aa, vipema 

i, huvbmam pdpyema n, pushy ema 

i, r My ema i. ^ 

2. PL I. ayd'ta i ; IV. to'reta i. 
(Suffix far/* a) I. syd'tana i; IV. frVe- 

£a/ia i. 

3. PL I. adyus i, vidyus i, aytfo 9 ; 3. PL (Suffix raw) IL 
II. jagamyus a, dadhanyus i ; IV. £rf- dadlran a. 

r€yw* i, v a hey us i. (Suffix rata) IV. bhare- 

rata i -jusherata a. 

;D. Pbbsent Imperative. 

2. Sing. (Suffix dA?) I. adtfAt a, 2. Sing. I. *r*Ai?a a, 

eo*At is, ArdAS aa, gadhi i, fcfaVa (£o7/u) krshvd*, cakshva a, trdsva 

i, pdrdhi a, 6orfA£ a7, viddhi s, pagdhi 2, dukshva 1, yukshvd 10, 

15, pddhi 1 ; II. cikiddhi 7, daddhi 8, rd'sva ai ; II. jihishva 1, 

dididdhi 2, piprgdhi 1, mamaddhi a, piprdyasva 1, pibasva 1, 

mamandhi 1, mumugdht 6, yuyodhii^ vavrt8vav\ III. tfriiushva 

vividdhi 2, pagddhi a, pepdSAw; III. 1, ArntMAwf 14, tanushvas, 

prnudhi a angdhi 2, vndhi 1, cAm- vanv&hva J, prnw«At>a* 1 

a*AV 1, trndhi 4, bhandhi 1, bhindKi a, vrntshvd a yurik- 

prndhi 1, vrndhi a. sAva 1 ; IV. kalpasva 1, 

(Suffix A/) I. *A£ 62, graA* 88, JaA/ «o, kramawa a, codas a a, 

po'Ai (1 joo*) aa, (2 pa*) 69, &r#Aa 4, 6AtfA£ jdrasva (2 jar) a, (3 Jar) a, 
10, ydA* 129, rdAI 2, t>aAS 3, wA£ 7, #ft«At tapasvat, nakshasva\ y n<Mr 

aa; II. dfeAi 10, dAeAS 6a, piprhi a, jot- ya*va 1, namasva 1, joa- 

/>rlAi a, mimihl 7, rt>£A» 7, pip^A* ia ; III. vcwva iaa, pirvoasva 1, />ra- 

agnuhi a, inuhi 1, drnuhi 4, Ar^wAi aa, thasva 1, bd'dhasvao, bha- 
cinuhi 1, tanuhi a, trpnuhi a, dhdnuhi jasva a, bhdrasva % wan- 

a, dhrshnuhi 1, prnwAI 7, sanuhi 1, e&wva 10, yajasva 16, ya- 
sprnuhi i, hinuhi 3-^ — ^rrmAi a, jdnihi tasva 1, rakshasva 1, ra- 

3, punihi s, mrrwAi 1, pr/i $AS s; V. p«a- bhasva a, ramasva 1, va- 

^A*Ae 3, stanihii. dasva 1, vdndasva a, t?rfr- 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb-Forms oftfte Rig- Veda. 



243 



Present Imperative — continued. 



(Suffix tdt) I. vittd't 1, trifrft 1 ; II. 
dattdt'i, dhdttdt i ; III. krmUdt i, Ain- 

w ^ j punitdt i ; IV. avatdt i, o*Aa- 

*<& i, dahutdt i, bhavatdt i, ydcatdt i, 

rdkshatdt i, vahatdt i vrhatdt 2, «w- 

ti<i£<& i ; V. yachatdt i. 

(Without personal suffix) II. /4Aa 101, 
tishtha 84; IIL mifc i, t2rww i, Aran* a, 
Arww 7, tanw. i, prnw s, $///m i, Amw a 

apdna 2 ; IV. oca -2, a/a 6, <zra* 25, 

<ir*Aa 37, <foa 33, inwa 1, o*Aa 2, &ara 1, 
karsfui 1, kranda 2, krdma 1, kshdra 4, 
gamaf cdra 11, ctfda 2, jtlya 6, fmva 9, 
/foa 1, jtirva 1, jdsha 1, Jrfpa 4, tara 2, 
cfciAa 14, d£'ya 2, drdva 11 
dhama 



dhdva s, 



, dhanva 20, 
naraa 2, //dya 12, 
pata 2, pava 1, pinva 8, protha 1, bddha 
5, M4/a 12, bhdra 120, bhdva 102, bhUsha 
(1 bhdsh) 1, (2 bhtish) 2, marfa 1, manda 
1, myaksha 1, mrada 1, y^/ a ,7 > y^"° *> 
rdksha 21, rdna 4, rdc?a 4, roA« 4, vadta 



io, #ajpa 1, vdrdha 9, vtJAa 



p<in«a «, pdrdha 1, tfksha 26, pumbha 1, 
ptfctf e, #<£</a 4, *4ra 1, «a^pa 1, sd'dha 2, 
*f <£a i6, sidha 8, arava 14, svada 1, svapa 

1, wara 3, Aara 2, hinva 1 Ara'ra 2, 

kshipa 1, crta 1, to'ra 1, £wda 1, trmpd 1, 
prcha », jt?rna 8, prvsha i, mwca 4, 
mufica 2, mrna 5, mrZd 17, mrpa «, ywva 

1, r*&Aa 1, r?g;rf 9, rwva 1, v«pa is, vinda 

2, i>rpc4 8, t?rA4 «, «itfca 6, awaa 9, «r;rf 

2«, aprpa 5, sphura 1 a#ya s, <7<2',ya 7, 

dfhya s, napya 1, papya 7, yudhya a, 
oaya 2, vidhya 9, aya 5, harya 7, hvaya 
1 ; V. £cA4 5, uoAci i«, gacha 6, yacha 21. 

3. Sing. I. aftu 1, tfotfw iee, elu 00, 
gantu 7, pdlu 29, y^w is, vashtu 1, vdtfw 
7, v&w 7, «a#£u 5, hantu z ; II. jahdtu 1, 
figdtu 2, tishthatu 3, ddddtu ie, dddhdtu 
16, dideshtu 1, pipartu 3, pibatu 7, /«a- 
mtfrft/ 12, mbndtu 1, mwnoktuv, yayastu 

1, yuyotu 8, pipdtu 1, w&haktu 6; III. 
apnotu 3, krnotu 11, cinotu 1, minotu 1, 
prjidJw 24, sanotu 1, sunotu 1 grndtu 

2, grhndtu 1, pundtu 1 anaktu 6, 

prndkiu 2, wnaAtfw 4 ; IV. q/atf w 2, ar- 
eata 1, dvatu 16, invatu 4, e/alu 1, &raw- 
aata 1, jay aba 1, jinvatu 4, tapatu 3, 
dhdvatu 4, nayatu 6, bddhutu 1, bhavatu 



tasva 1, vardhasva 10, vrf- 
hasva 2, pocasva 2, pra- 
yasva 2, ^vancasva 2, *tf - 
catfva 6, sahasva 4, sidasva 
1, syandasva 1, svddasva 3, 

hdrshasva a krshasva 

1, gurasva 1, jushdsva 67, 
nwddsva 8, prnasva 2, 
mrshdsva 1, yuvdsva 6, v£ 
pdsva 1, vrshaeva 10, m«- 

w/sua 1, 8rjasva 2 -^d- 

yasva 1, trd'yasva 4, S«- 
yasva 1, drhyasva 1, jt?a</- 
yasva 1, pa^yasva 1, />yd- 
yasva 3, vyayasva 2, syasva 
2; V. icfui&va 1, yachasva? 
fllshva 4, jtfni8hva 1, t?d- 
sishva 2. 



69, vena? 



3. Sing. I. <foto2m 1, 
vastdm 1; II. jihitdm 1, 
dadatdm 1 ; III. krnutd'm 

1, manutdm 1 strnUdm 

1, Arn&dm 1; W.jaratdm 
», pdvatdm 2, pinvatdm 2, 
prathatdm 1, bd'dhatdm 4, 
bhayatdm 1, yajatdm 1, 
rocatdm 1. varuitdm 1, var- 
tatdm 4, vdrdhatdm 4, sac- 

atftfm 1 prnatdm l, v£- 

patdm 1 rdhyatdm 1, 

jdyatdm 3, trd'yatdm 8; 
V. gachatdm s. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



244 J. Avery, 

Present Imperative — continual. 

33, bhUshatu 1, mdndatu 3, yajatu 3, (Suffix dm) duhd'm 3. 
rakshatu 3, rohatu 3, vdrdhatu 3, vo- 
hatu 3, pikshatu i, pocatu i, sadatu i, 
sarpatu i, si'datu 3, sedhatu i, hinvatu i 

trmpatu \ y pinpatu i, mrZafi/ i, «Vl- 

ca$« 3, suvatu 3 asyatu i, napyatu i, 

pushy atu i, stvyatu i, syatuz; V. ichatu 
i, uchatu 3, rchatu 3, gachatu 4, yachatu 
is, flravftw 4. 
(Suffix ftft) V. gaehatdt «. 

2. Du. I. Axtfawi ia, gatam 64, gran- 2. Du. I. irdthdm i ; 
«am u, pdtdm (1 />tf) is, (3 pd) to, ydtdm II. mimdthdm 3, rardthdm 
108, vittam i, vftam s, paktam 4, «*am i, i ; IV. cddethdm i, ^ar*- 
8tutam i, hatdm m ; II. jajastdm 3, /i- fAdwi i, bddhethdm i, ya/e- 
gdUim \,jvjoshatam i, tishthatam i, tft/f- £A4m i, vardhethdm i, t?a- 

Jdm 4, dhattdm so, piprtdm (1 />ar) 3, hethdm. i, smarethdm i 

(2joar) i, pibatam 38, mimttdm 3, ww- ukshethdm i y fushethd?n\i, 
muktam a, mumdcatam i, yuyotam 3, nudkhdm i, prnethdm l, 

yuyutdm s, pipltdm (Ipd) 3, (2 pd) i, vrshethdm s trdyethdm 

sisrtam i ; III. apnutam 3, krnutdm 6, i, manyethdm 3. 

trpnutdm i, prntdam 30, hinotam i 

apnitdm i, jpr/iftdm i, prnttdm l, *tfra$- 

tfdm i yrnta^w a ; IV. ajatam i, 4vo- 

iawi 31, invatam 3, oshatam i, karatam 
lyjdyatafn^jaratam \ y nnvatam^ tak- 
shcUam i, tdpatam i, turvatam i, c%o- 
te i, dhdvatam 3, nayatam i, patatam 
i, pinvatam 9, bddhatam s, bhajatam i, 
bhdratam i, bhdvatam 10, bhUshatam 3, 
ydtatam i, rdkshatam s, vdnatam s, 
vardhatam i, vdhatam 13, venatam i, 
pikshatam 6, sddatam 4, sidatam 4, #£- 

dhatam 8 ukshatam 6, ubjdtam 3, £i- 

ratam 3, trmpatam s, muficdtam 8, 
mrlatam i, vrhatam i, sincatam 3, *£^- 



te 8 asyatam i, vidhyatam 3, *ya- 

tam 3, hdryatam 3 ; V . gd chat am n, ya- 



chatam n. 

3. Dil I. ^dm 3, dugdhdiu i, pdtd'm 8. Du. IV. prayetdm i, 
i, sastd'm i; II. dattdm i, dhattd'm^ sacetdm i — —jushetdm i, 
piprtd'm i, bibhrtd'm i, mimttdm i, pi- trdyetdm i. 
pftdra 3 ; III. ^rrcftaVw i ; IV. dvctidm 3, 
invatdm i, karatdm 3, cetatdm i, a>rf- 
vatdm i, bhavatdm 3, madatdm i, ra&- 
8hatdm 3, vd hatdm 4, sadatdm 8, *f aV 

&2m 3 trmpatdm i vidhyatdm i, 

syatdw i ; V. gachatdm 8, yachatdm i. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb- Forms of tfte Rig -Veda. 



245 



Pbkbnt Imperative — continued. 



2. PI. L aUd 1, ifci ie, &a i, fcarto 9, 
Arte i, gata 19, grtfntVi e (gantd i), /wfta 
(1 />d) s, (3 /x2) 9, 6rfWa i, y^a n, ?;arta 
(rar*) i , pasta 9, sfcrta 3, hatd s ; II. tyar- 
ta i, jigdta 9, juhuta 9, juhdta n, JtM- 
tfata 4, datta 9, ddddta i, dddhdta is, 
didishta s, dhattd n, piprkta i, piprtd 
*,pibata », mumocata i, yuyota 9, p/pf- 
£a 4, sishakta i ; HL tfrnt/fa i, krnutd 9, 
krndta *, trpnuta i, dhdnuta i, prntUd 
4, prnota 1, sunutd s, sundta «, hindta 
io — -^r»fta i, grbhnUa ^jdnita i, />w- 

»<fta \,punitd i y prnUd i undtha i, 

yunakta 9, vrriAto i ; IV. drcata 94, ar- 
*Aa£a i, at>a*a io, gil'hata i, carata i, 
codata *,jdyata ^jinvata 1, takshata 7, 
tapata i, tarata 9, dakshata 3, dr'nhata i, 
dhdvata (1 dAdr) s, (2 rfAtftf) s, ndyata 
«, nindata 1, pacata 9, pinvata 1, Mtf- 
rata n 9 bhdvata 7, bhiishata s, madata 
9, mdnthata i, mriljata 9, ydcata i, r4&- 
*Aata 9, rohata i, vadata s, vanata i, 
vapata i, vardhata i, vahata s, pansata 
s, pumbhata i, sacata i, sadata s, #ar- 
potfa i, sapcata s, til data io, sedhata s, 

tiobhata i, sredhata i ukshata i, 

rHjdta i, khuddta i, £*rata 1, nudata i, 
pinpata i, prchdta 9, prnota 9, muilcata 
4, mrldta io, vrhata 1, pundhata i, */#- 

cata 9, srjdta 4, sprpdta i Uhyata i, 

gdyata », jasyata i, pdpyata o, /?u#A- 

yato i, vayata 1, vidhyata 1, haryata*\ 

V. ichata 9, uchata i, gachata i, ydcha- 

ta u. 

(Suffix tana) L attana i, ttea 4, ^ta- 
na s, kdrtana «, gantana 9, citana i, 

yantana s, ydtdna s, pdstdna i, sotana i, 

Aan&zna 9 ; II. jigdtan a i^jujushtana 3, 
juhotana e, daddtana i, dddhdtana 1, 

didishtana 9, dhattana a, dhetana 3, 

pipariana 9, bibhitana 1, mamdttana 1, 

yuydtana s, vivaktana i ; III. krndtana 

», prnotana 3, sundtana », hinotana ? 

punitdna i,prnftana i, prinltana i 

anaktana i, pinashtana i; IV. 

bhajatana i nahyatana 1 ; V. bravt- 

tana s. 

3. PL L adantu 9, ghnantu l, ctytfn- 3. PL II. tlshthantdm i ; 
*k l, drdntu i, pdntu 4, bnivantu 4, y<m- IV. jayantdm i, namarv- 



2. PL I. ddhvam i, Ci^ 
dhvam i, krdhvam i, frd # - 
dhvam s ; II. tishthadhvam 
x^pibadhvam i, raridhvam 
i, vavrdhvam 1 ; III. Atwm- 
dhvdm 3», tanudhvam 3, *u- 

nudhvam i vr/*ftfltoam 

i in dhvam 1, yurig- 

dhvdm 8; IV. qjadhvam 
i, k&h&madhvam 3, nay a- 
dhvam 3, namadhvam 3, 
pavadhvam i, pinva- 
dhvam i, bddhadhvani i, 
bharadhvam i*, moda- 
dhvam i, yajadhvam », 
rabhadhvam 3, rdma- 
dhvam i, vadadhvam i, 
vartadhvam i, pray a- 
dhvam 3, sahadhvam i, 

svajadhvam 1 jushd- 

dhvam «, tiradhvam i, 
prnddhvam*) mucadhvam 
i, 8iflcddhvam i, «?Vj- 

dhvam i asyadhvam 

i, trd'yadhvam i, <?aya- 
dhvam i, *budhyadhvam 
i, tfvyadhvam i, «ya- 
dhvam j ; V. gachadhvam 
i, yachadhvam i. 

(Suffix dAua) IV. y<i- 
jadhva i. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



246 J. Avery, 

PBismrr Impmuttvi— -concluded. 

tu w, ydntu 1, vyantu 7, santu w ; II. tdm 6, pdvantdtn i, />?»- 
tishthantu *, dadhantu i, pibantu 4 ; ITL vantdm t yajantdm i, ya- 
apnuvantu 2, krnvdntu s, vanvdntu 2, tantdm i, lay ant dm i, wr- 
prnoaittu is, sanvantu i, hinvantu 4 tantdm 2, vardhantdm «, 

-pundntv 8, prnantu i afijantu prdyantdm e, sacantdm e, 

3 ; IV. drcautu 2, drshantu 2, dvantu ao, sddhantdm i, sydndantdm 

Jcsharantu i, gdmantu e, carantu 8, Jo- i jushdntdm 8, ripan- 

yantu ^jivantu *, tahsKantu i, dahantu tdm i trd'yantdm 2, 

i, drdvantu 2, dhanvantu 4, dhdrvantu pydyantdm i. 

i, nayantu 8, pacantu i, patantu i, 6(5- (Suffix atdm) I. tratdnt 

dhantu i, bhdvaittu w, madantu s, s/irfn- s; U.jihatdmi, dadhatdm 

dantu 8, yajantu i, rakshantu i, radan- i ; 111. jdnatdm i indha- 

tu i, rohantu 8, vadantu i, vapantu i, tfdm i. 
vardhantu i, v dhantu 88, vdnchantu i, 
pro&hantu i^sadantu a, sldanta 9 y sedhan- 
tu i, stobhantu i, sravantu i, svadantu i, 

svarantu i ubjantu \,rdantu \ y kr8han- 

tu i, tirantu 8, bhurantu i, muilcdntu 2, 
mrfomtfw 8, vi$antu e, sineantu i, *w- 

vantu i, srjnntu 8 pushy antu i, ?//4tA- 

yantu l, medyantu i; v. uchantu 2, 
rchantu 1, gachantu a, ydchantu e, yw- 
chantu 1. 

(Suffix atfw) II. dadhatu 1. 

E. Imperfect Indicative. 

1. Sing. L dkaram 7, dgamam 4, 1. Sing. L akri^ayuji 
apdm 18, dbravam 4, avedam 1, ahanam 1 ; III. aurm 1 ; IV. atrt/t 
1, d'yam 7, <foam 1, karam a ; IL adaddm 1, dhuve 1. 

1, adadhdm 1, ciketam 1 ; III. aprnavam 

I, Arwavam 1 ajdndm i, dpndm 1 ; 
IV. acaram i, ataksham 8, ataram 1, 
adiyam 1, anamam 1, anayam 1, ajom- 
vam 1, abharam 1, abhavam 1, aM«- 
fo 1, arodham 1, aroham 1, asidam 1, 
d'vam 2, yaniam 1 dprcham 1, rfrw- 

^ara 1 dpapyam 19, avyayam 1. 

2. Sing. I.^»,f/y^i,m(3^)i; 2. Sing. L dkrthds 1, 

II. dtishthas 2, ddadds 1, ddadhds 8, dyukthds 1 ; IL adhatthds 
apibas is, p/p<2i 1; III. dkrnos 18, dtw- \,amimithd&\\ III. adfttf- 
nos 8, dvrnos 6, dprnos 4, dsaghnos 1, 7iwtfA<foi; IV. dpavathd&\, 

dsanos 1, amw 1, a#r«o*9 dkshinds 1, dmandathds 1, drocathds 1 

agrbhnds 1, aprnds 3, dminCts 1, amush- amuficathds 1 <(/<!- 

ndi 1, aramnds 1, arinds a, astabhnds e, yathds^ aharyathds \>jd'- 
ubhnd'8 1, raid* 1, prathnds 1 ; IV. dkran- yatJtds 2. 

efaw 1, aksharas 1, dcaras 1, djanas 1, tf/a- 
ya$ «, dtaras 8, ddahas 4, adhamas 4, rfna- 
ya8*,dpinva8*, dbhajusz, dbharasi^ d- 
bhavas 80, dmadas 2, dyajas 4, dranhas i, 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb-Forms of the Rig - Veda. 247 

Ihprbfect Indicative — continued. 

dradas a, avadas i, dvapas i, avahas 4, 
dpikshas 3, dsadas e, astdas i, asedhas i, 
asravas i, <J;a* 8, <2'/kw i, d't?ew 22, aw&- 

,/a* 3, kdras i, bhdras 3 dkrtas i, dfo"- 

ra* s, anudas i, aprnas i, amuncas s, 
amr/ias i, arujas a, avindas 5, avrhas i, 
dsrjas u, dsphuras i, vindas i, urpca* i, 

«9o* 4 apapya* i, dyudhyas i ; V. 

agachas a, aichas i, auchas a d>& i, 

eodfo 1. 

(Without suffix) I. afoir 4, a^arc 3, 
dghas i, adyaut i, aytfc 9, cfodt i, <£Aan 
is, A^tr 6, Aa;? 4 ; II. ajagan 3, tw;e* 2 ; 
IIL dbhinat a, arinak i, avrnaft 2, w/ia/> 
i,pinak 1, bhindt 1. ^ 

3. Sing. I. dpdtt, dydt 1, astaut 4, 3. Sing. I. akrtae^acash- 
aite; II. acikitat 1, aeiket 1, djahdt 4, £a 3, ataktu 1, dyuhta 10, 
ajigdt 1, dtishthat is, ddaddtz, ddadhdt dstita a, askrta 1, d'yukta 
7, apibat 10, abibhet 1, apipdt 1, dadat 3, 1, atfta 1, gilrta 1, Arta 1, 
p/£a£ 1, wvy^catf 1 ; IIL aArrnotf 19, atfa- ^</Aa 1, mrshtai, sUtai; II. 
no* 3, ddhUnot 1, at?r/io£ 7, asanot 2, at- djihita*, adatta\, adhatta 

not 1, atiraotf 2 agrbhndt 1, apraaY 4, e, dpiprata 1, amimita 10 ; 

aprindt 1, abadhndt 1, dmathndt 1, am- III. akrnuta 1, adhttnuta 1, 

maY 8, amushndt 2, dramndt s, drindt 4, dmanuta 1, Arnica 8 

aprna^ 1, dstabhndt 8, dkrndt 2, auM- awrafta is, aprinita 1 ; IV. 
nlft i,jdndt 1 ; IV. dkrandat 1, ajcrdmat akrnvata 1, atakshata 1, 
3, dksharcU 6, agamat 1, dgHhat 1, aca- apirivata 2, abddhata 2, 
rati^acetati^djanat^djayate, annvat dmanhata 1, dmatd 1, 
a, dtakshat 2, atapat 2, atarat s, adaJiat dmanthata 1, dmandata 2, 
3, addpat 1, ddravat 3, adhamat 4, ana- dranhata 1, arakshata 1, 
wa£ 2, dnayat 7, apacat 1, dpinvat s, drocata^dvartata^avar' 
abhajat 4, abharat 19, dbhanat m, a7>Atf- dhata^ dpapata 1, d'jatai> 
shat 1, dmadat 2, dmandat 2, amanthat dyata 2, auhata i, caksha- 
1, drakshat 1, arapcti 2, aro/wU 2, dvapat ta 2, janata 1, nakshata 2, 
3, dvapat 1, dvasat 1, dvahat 8, dvenat 2, ninsata 1, bddhata 1, rejata 

apayctii) dpocat i y asajat 1, asadat u, 8 ajushata^amuficata 

dsidati, asedhat 1, d'r;a< 9, arca£ 2, d'ua* i, asrjata 1, drnhata 1 

i», axihat 1 dkrandat 2, takshat s y tsdrat 2, djdyata 28, apatyata 3, 
drnhat 1, naJcshat 1, nayat 1, bhdrai 8, amanyata 1, avyata 8, ^72- 

r&AaJ 1, tf^Aa£ 1 dkrntat 2, akhidat yata 1, vyatfa 4. 

1, dgrdhat 1, djushat 1, <f«/ra^ 8, dpih$at 
1, aprna/ 4, amuccU 1, dmuficat *, wwr- 
na< 1, arujat 1, dvidhat 10, dvlndat is, 
dvigat 4, avis hat 1, avrdhat 1, dvrpcat s, 
asincat 1, asuvat 1, d#r;"a£ 20, aspr$at 1, 
asphurat 2, atikshat 1, aubjat 1, trnhdt 1, 
iwaVfe 2, rt{/^ 2, vindat 1, vrpccf^ 4, «7&- 
cai 2, «r;*{& a agdyat 1, adhayat 4, 
dpapyat 11, ayudhyat 1, dvidhyat 4, 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



248 



*/. A very 1 



Impbbfect Indicative — continued. 

any ay at 1, avyat 1, asyat 1, dharyat i, <£- 
hvayat 3, dsyali, pyat (2 pa 1 ) a ; V. rfgra- 

chat*, dy achat 4, aticfiat i adhvanit 

i, dbravit u, avainit i, dvarshU i, dstam- 
bhtt a, d'nft 3, cfffft 46, stdmbhit i. 

(Without suffix) L d/rar 8, eigww n, 
aghas i, adhok i, «t>ar£ 3, «Aan 3«, aAar 
i, d* », A?ar 10, Aan i ; II. ajagan 5, a£e- 
6A«r i, dvivyak a, r /v«* i ; III. aprnak 
i, dbhinat n, ayunaki, dyrnak^ aunat 
i, bhindt 8, rindk l, vrndk 8. 

(Suffix «) I. <//>a* i ; II. adadhds i. 

2. Du. I. dydtam 7, ahatam 8, d'stam 2. Du. IV. dbddhetMm 

i, atom i ; II. adattam «, adhattam u, i anudethdm i, <fotn- 

amumuktam 8, mumnktam a ; III. aAr- dethdm i. 

nutam 4, adhxlnxitam i draw*Antom 

i, arinitam i, atirw^am i atrntam i ; 

IV. qjinvatam 8, dpinvatam o, dpratha- 
tarn 8, abhavatam i, dtnanthatam », 
aradatam i, d$ikshatam 3, dsapcatam i, 
d&idatam i, d'jatam i, d'vatam 33, a/ra- 



tarn l- 



• atiratatn 8, amuficatam «, 



tarn ? 



asincatam 3 ; V. ayacha- 



3. Du. I. &rtaVtt 4 ; IL dvlvtktdm i ; 3. Du. IV. akrpetdm i, 

IV. avardhatdm i, dvatdm i dmun- aprathetdm a, dbhyaaetdm 

catdrn i dpapjatdm i. i, drejetdm 8, aikshetdm i 

dhvayetdm «. 



1. PL L dkarma 8, dganma n, ataksh- 
ma i, dpdma i, dhema 3 ; IV. atakshdr 
ma i dpapydma i ; V. aichdma 3. 

2. PI. I. dkartas, dchdnta i, atashta 
i, atoa; II. djaganta i, dtishthata i, 
ddaddta i, ddadhdta i, ddhatta i ; III. 

a-kfnitta i, a^raota i drinita s 

apin$ata 3 ; IV. dtakshata 8, dnayata i, 
dpinvata i, dbhavata*, dsarpata i, d'va- 

£ rt s aprchatai, dmuncata i, asrjata 

i ; V. dgachata 3 abravita i. 

(Suffix ^ana) I. dydtana a, dsastana 
i, aitana 8; II. djagantana i, djahdta- 
na i, ddattana i ; IIL akrnotana 8; V. 
dbravitana 8. 

3. PL I. akran 18, dkshan 3, a^<m i, 
dgman 34, abruvan 8, any an i, (wan 
(2 as) i, d'yaw sa, a"*<m *i, gman 3; II. 



1. PL L aganmahi i, 
dmanmahi r y ayujmahi i, 
ahUmahi a ; III. avrnfma- 
hi l. 

2. PL I. dcidhvam 4, 
dmugdhvam i, «yt#- 
dhvam e, drddhvam j; 
III. dkrnudhvam i ; IV. 
ajushadhvam i. 



3. PL I. dkrata 17, <^- 
raato 9, acakshata 1, q/aw- 
a^a 1, atatohata 1, apdsata 



. Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb- Forms of the Rig - Veda. 249 

Imperfect Indicative — concluded. 

atishtham, abibhrani; III. dkrnvan \ y dsatai y a%rata^krdrUai^ 
is, avanvan 1, apaknuvan 1, dsanvan 1, Janata a, takshata i, mrfl- 

mvan a, minvan 1 agrbhnan i, a/<0- ^afa a, yajata i, yvjata 1 ; 

nan* y apunaii\ J abadhnan\ y aprathnan II. ajihata i, djuhvata 1, 

i, 4«<rnan 2 dtrndan 1, dbhindan 1, atishthanta 1, adadanta 1, 

avrftjanijdfljan^ IV.dksharani5 y ag1l~ dbibhayanta 1; III. ^Arn- 
Aan 1, ajanan a, dtatohan a, dtaran a, t?ola 10, dtanvata 1, aman- 

atrasan a, dddpan 1, adravan 1, adhra- vata 1, avmvato 1 a^- 

,/a» 1, anakshan 1, dnayan «, andvan 1, rbhnata 4, amiminta 1 

dpinvan 1, dbharan a, dbhavan 4, cf&Atf- anjata 1, ayufljata 1 ; IV. 
Man a, dmadan a, dmandaa 4, aro&- dkhananta 1, ajananta a, 
Man 5, dvadan a, dvardhan 10, avaAan adhavanta 1, dnayanta s, 
a, dpansan 1, dsadan 4, dsredhan 1, <fo- dnavanta 1, apacanta a, 
varan ie, <fyan 2, d'rcan », <f van 4, aij'an aprathanta i, abhajanta a 
1, jinvan 1, tdtohan 7, bkaran 1, Mtf- abhayanta 1, dbharanta 

8han\ y 8adani^#idan\, 8ran\ ajpin- dyajanta 11, aramanta 

pan a, avindan u, avrjan 1, asican 1, drejanta 1, avadanta 
asincan 1, avrjan 1, ukshan 1, atikshan dvartanta 1, dvardhanta a, 

a, rujan 1 ajUryan 1, adhayanf dvradanta 1, asacanta 

dpapyan 4. dsapanta 1, a>aA<znta 

(Suffix 4n) arcan a, vdrdhdn a. ishanta 1, aUhanta 1, ja- 

(Suffix t«) L apu* i, a*u« 1, duhvs nanta a, prathanta 1, wa- 

1, cahshus 1 ; II. qjahus 1, djuhavus a, vanta o, okananta 1, rno- 

adadus 4, adadhus n, amamadus 1, n«wta 1, vapanta 1 

avivyacus \ qjahus a, oaoW 1, vivyacus akrpanta 1, djmhanta ), 

1 ; I V. akramvs a aivishua 1. atiranta a, atvUhanta 1, 

avindanta 1, avipanta a, 
asrjanta*, akuvanta i,foy- 
anta 1, grnanta x^jushanta 

s djdyanta*, dpapyanta 

a, amanyanta 1, dvyata 1, 
ahvayanta 1, jdyanta 1; 
V. dgachanta 1. 

(Suffix ran) L dperan 1. 

PERFECT SYSTEM. 
A. Pbbfbct Indicative. 

1. Sing. <J*a a, cakara 1, ct*£eto a, 1. Singr. ^ 1, ^Ae 1, 
jagama a, jagrdbha *,jih%la 1, tatdpa 1, foAe a, t?A<e i, coAre a, caAro 
dudrdha a, papana 1, babhUva 1, 6a- i 9 jigye 1, tatane 1, tortAi 1, 
bhdya 1, mimaya 1, rarana 1, riribha 1, titvishe 1, oooV ia, mame 1, 
vivepa 1, t>eo*a a, pipraya 1, puprdva a. mdmahe 1, rare 4, pepe 1, 

«apce 1. 

2. Sing, iyetha 1, (iyatha 1,) cafofr- 2. Sing, ilcuh'e (uc) 1, 
thaUjjagdftihaiyjaghdnthai^jabhar- (vac) i, ilpishe 1, Hhiske 
tha 1, jigetha 8, tatdntha 10, daddtha 1, (van) 1, cakrshe 10, ct'cyu- 
dadhtftha a, dddhdrtha a, ninHha a, *A£ 1, jajfiishi a, Jabhrishe 
papdtha 1, paprd'tha a, babhd'tha ai, a, tatnishe a, dadrkshi a, 

vou 3o 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



250 J. Avery, 

Perfect Indicative — continued. 

yayantha 1, yayd'tha 4, vavdntha 2, dadhishe^dhishet^papr- 
vavdrtha 1, vivydktha 1, vittha 4, *a- #Ae 1, rarishe 1, ririkMt 1, 
sdttha 3. vavakshe a, vavrshe 1, 01- 

( With conn, vowel ») d'ritha 1, d't>- ui&£ 3, sasdhishe 1. 
e'lAa 1*, d'sitha 3, uvScitha 1, cakartitha 

1, tatarditha 1, dudohitha 1, babhU'v- 
itha 2, rurdjitha 3, rurodhitha 1, «a- 
vdkshitha 10, viveditha 1, vivepitha 3. 

3. Sing. ana 1, dnahpa a, dndpa 1, 3. Sing. <fn<//6 5, <£;tc/p€ 
d'joa 11, ara 1, cfoa 2, dpa (1 ap) 1, (2 ap) 6, ararce 1, dnrdhe 1, a>e 1, 

3, d'«a (I cm) n, (2 a*)i, 4'Aa 19, *y^ a &^ 3 > ^^ 8 > #£ '» fcA«a, 
d, uva"ca », wwc^'^a a, uvdha 1, uvdca a, tfce 1, tl/>c 1, tfA« s, ca&€ 4, 
cakarta 2, cakd'ra 46, cakrdma 1, ca- cakrade 1, cakrame 11, 
khd'da 1, cacdksha 1, cachanda 1, ccw- caArS 39, cakshade 1, ciA-*7e 
kanda 1, cdskdmbha 1, clkd'ya 9, ciketa 7, cucyuve i y jagm6 i,jajne 
30, (ciketa *,)jagd'ma t^jagd'ra (2 ^ar) \s,jabhre 1, /fyye ^jimU 1, 
6 5 jagrd'ha 1, jaghd'na*B y jaghd'sa 2, jujushe^juhvb*, tatakshe 
jajd'navi^jabhd'ra ift, jahdf 1, jigd'ya 1, tate 1, lalne 1, tatfre a, 
8,juj6shai,juhd'va*,tatdksha^tatar<la fast he 4, titvi&he a, l£*tir£ 

2, tatd'na n, tat d' pa 1, tatdra 1, tatsdra 1, aWe is, dddrpe 20, cfa- 
1, tastdmbhae, tdtdna 1, tltyd'ja 1, tutdva dhanve 4, dadhe 39, dadhre 
1, tutdda 2, daddrpa 9, dadd'bha 1, 2, dadhvase 1, duduh'e 8, 
dadd'ra 1, dadd'pa 9, dadhdrsha a, cW- nanukshe s, nunude 4, 
dhd'ra is, nandpa 2, ndndma s, nind'ya neme 4, paprkshe i, />a/>e 1, 

4, papdda a, paprd' i,pipepa \ y pipesha^ pdprathe is, (paprathe a,) 
pipdy a io, pupdsha *,babhd'ja 2, babhtf,'- paprif paspape 2, pipipe 
va 35, bibhdya a, bibheda 6, mamanda 4, pipishe \,pipiU 1, />«py« 
i, matndrsha 1, mamd'da 4, mamd'ra 1, * y pece 1, babddhet, babhre 
mimdya 6, mimetha 1, mimyaksha a, \,bheje^mame\z,mdmahe 
mumdda 1, yaydma 1, yuyddha 1, yuyd- ft, mdmrjb 4, mimikshe a, 
/>a i, rardksha 2, rar<fl c/a 1, rarddha 1, yuyuje e, yuyuve 3, yc;£ s, 
rireca 1, rwraca 1, rurdja 4, vavaksha s, yeme s, rarappb 2, rdrabhe 
vavanda 2, vctvcJrta 4, vavdrdha 3, 1, ririci 11, rurucez, vavak- 
vavarha 1, vavdca 1, vawdra 1, vavrd'ja she s, vavande 1, vavne s, 
1, i>cfo<fna2, vivd'ya 5, vivedaB, vivtya vavrb «, vduapc 1, vdurwe 
2», mvesha ft, vivydca 3, vecfa 69, piprdya 1, vdvrje 1, vdvrte 7, t?c2yr- 

1, pupoca 4, pwprclflc* 2, sasarja 2, sasd'da dhe aft, wc/e 20, vividk «, 
11, 808d'?ta 6, sasd'ra 2, sastiva s, sdsd'ha vivye a, paprathe 1, pipriye 

2, sishedha 1, sisdya 1, sushd'va 4. 2, pupruve 1, ptfpicud 1, 
(Ending aw) tasthaH 80, dadau 1, aowr/e 4, 6a#ri a, sasvaje 2, 

dadhau 2, papati, 1, paprati a, yayau 3. sdsahe sdsdhe 2, «r«ice 1. 

2. Du. drathus 1, dvdthus\^dsathus 2. Du. dpdthe a, c?a- 

1, iyathus 1, ishdthus 1, Updthus 4, #Ac/- kramdthe 1, cakrd'the 1, 
$Aw* 21, cakrdthus is, cakhyathus 1, cikethe 1, dadd'the 1, c/a- 
jagrbhdthu8 \,jagmathu& c i,jiyyathus 1, dhd'the a, mamnd'the 1, 
jijinvdthus 1, takshathus 1, tasthdthus rardthe 1, riried'the 1, «z- 

2, daddthus 12, dadhathus 1, ninyathus wd'the 1. 
2, papdthus 1, paprathus 1, pipinvdthtis 

1, pipy at hies z,petathus 2, babhUvdthiin 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb- Forms of i)\e Rig - Veda. 251 

Perfect Indicative — continued. 

3, mimikshdthus i , yayathus i , yem dthus 

3, riricdthu8 i, viddthvs i, vividdthus i, 
rivydthus i, seddthus a, akambhdthus i. 

3. Du. dpatus i, dvatus i, dpatus i, 3. Du. d'pdteT,cakrd- 

dsattts i, iydtus 4, ilhdtus i, cakratus i, te 4, dadhd'te a, pasprdh- 

rikyatus x^jagmatus i^jajfidttuf \jaha- dte i, bhejd'te i, mamd'te i, 

fttf i, tatakshdtxis i, tasthdtus 7, dadatus mamnd'te i, yuyudhd'te i, 

i, paprdtus i t petdtus i, babhUvdtus 2, yemd'te i, vdvrdhd'te s, 

mamatus i, mimik&hdhts i, yematus 2, sasvajdte i. 
yamdtus 1, vavaksh&tus 1, vdvrdhatus 
1, sishicaius 1, stsratus 1, seddtus 2. 

1. PL dnapraa i, ca£rm<2 29, j<zgan- 1. PL bubhujmdhe 1, 
//u* 1, jagrbhmd a, yuyujma 1, rarabhr mumucmdhe 1, t>avrmd/i« 
;/*« i 9 vavanmd 1, vidmd as, vivishma f ft, dpadmahe 1, sasrjmdhe 
sushuma 4. 3. 

(With conn, vowel t*) drimd 1, Udmd 
1, tidima 1, tasthimd a, daddpimd 1, 
dadhimd 1, nindima 1, paptima 1, 
yuyopimd 1, yemimd 1, rarimd a, vatwn- 
efrtfia i f sapcima ^sushUdima 1, sedima s. 

2. PL anapa 1, andha 1, dnapd 4, 2. PL dadhidhve a. 
tf*Aa 1, coArd e, doiitf 1 (imper. sense a), 

babhUvd 1, yay4 is, tnc&f *, papdsd 1, 
C€&a 1, *«fc* a. 

3. PL dnaptis ai, 4nrctfa4, <^e, 3. PL dncyrei, cdklpre 
firfo 2, dpttt i, drtfo a, dAifo si, £y*fc 16, a, cikitre a, jagrbhri ft, 
frAw* 1, f&rtfo a, duw* 1, ttoAu* 3, *2M« 1, juhuri a, juhdre a, tatasre 
cakramus a, cakrfa as, cikitus a, cikyfa 4, dddrpre ft, dadhre a, 

4, jagrbhtis 1, jagmfa 1*, (jajanfax,) duduhri 7, nunudre a, 
jajnfa4 y j<zbhru8*i jahus ^ jdgrdhUs 1^ pasprdhre 1, pipipre 1, 
jigyus a, jugupus 1, jvjush'&s A y jajuvus mumucri 1, yuyujre a, ri- 

1, tatak&hto 10, takshus 1, tastabhtis a, ricr^^rurudnrei^vdvakre 
tasthtisM, tdtrshCcs 1, titirus a, tustuvtis 1, vdvapre i, vivijre 1, vivid- 
t,d(uidp&8* 9 dadfa9,d<idhti8 9z,d<ibh'&s re a, vivipre 1, vivipre 1, 
9, duduhus 1, debhus a, nanakshus 1, pdpadre 1. 
ninid&s i, papus 1, paptiis a, paprus a, (With conn, vowel 1) 
pipi<^\,pipyu%\,babhtiv'to* > bibhidu8 arkire 1, f?7re 1, idhir'ei^ 
s, bibhyus 1, mamus 1, mamrus 1, m>6 (erire?) u, f'pirc 8, 
mdmrjus a, n?<2mrf&0 1, mimikshusi, tihire*, cakrire i^jagmire 
mimyfo 1, yamu8 1, yayw* n, yilyudhus a, jqjfliri s, jabhrire a, 
3, yemti* 4, rdradhus 1, riripus 1, rwrt«j- jihilire 1, tatakshire 1, tafn- 
ti* 6, rurvhu* 4, vavakshtis a, vavrjvs 1, t>6 1, tasthire^dadhanvire 
vavrti8\ 9 vdvap689,vdvrtit8*,vdvrdhfa a, dadhire**, dadhrire 1, 
24, vidHsw, vividu8 9 y vivipU8s, (vivepus dhire t,papire 1, bhejirk 1, 
1,) vtvf«AtM 1, pa$&8U8 a, papramus j, mamire a, mimikahire a, 
pdvadfo 1, ptJpwrw 1, pefak 3, sapcw* 1, y^i>£ ft, yemire 1a, rebhiri 
sfisrHs a, sisicus 1, suskupits 1, tecftb 12, 1, lebhire 1, vavakshire 1, 
*epu* 1, skambhus 1. vavandire 1, vavdpire 1, 

mdre 1, sapcire a, «erft>e e f 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



262 ./. Avery, 

Pnrecr Indicative— concluded. 

(Suffix rire) cikitrire a, 

jagrbhriri i f dadrire 1, 

bubhujrirk a, t>fot7ft"ire 1, 
sasrjrire i. 

B. PlBTBOT SUBJUWCTIY*. 

1st form. 

3. Sing, dadhdrshati *, vavdrtati 4, 3. Sing, vdvrdhate 1. 
vdvrdhdti 1. 

2d form. 

2. Sing, tatanas a, paprdthas 1, 
mamddas 3, mdmdhas 1, adsahas 1. 

3. Sing, jaghdnat 1, jabhdrat 9, 
jitfuvat 1, fctfrfna* 1, txishtdvai 1, <fa- 
marshat \ y ' nepat s, paprdthat a, j>a- 
spdrshat 1, mamandat 1, mumwrcti 1, 
mumocat 1, pupravat 1, pilpuvat a, 
sdsdhal s. 

1. PL tofcfndwa 9, p&pdvdma 1. 



3. PI. tatdnan 4, paprdthan 
mamddan 1. 


9, 3. PL tatdnanta 1, 
dadabhanta 1, papra- 
chanta f mdma/ianta 1, 
rurucanta 1, udvapan&i 1, 
vdvrdhdnta 4, vivyac- 
anta 1. 


3d form. 




2. Sing, cakradas*. 


r 


3. Sing, cakradat », dtidhot 

sishet 1 dadharshU 9. 

(Without suffix) sasvdr 1. 


3 > 



0. Pbkviot Optativi. 

1. Sing, dnapydm 1, riricydm 1. 

2. Sing, pupushyda 1, rurucyds 1, 2. Sine, cakshamithd* 
vivipyds 1, pupruyd's 1. 1, vdvrdMthd's 1. 

3. Sing, anqjydt 1, cachadydt 1, 3. Sing, jagrasita 1, 
jakshtyd't 1, jagrbhydt 9, tutiyydt 1, dudhuvita 1, mdmrjtta 1, 

nintydt 9, papiydt 9, babhUyd't 9, pupucfta a. 
riricydt 1, sasrjydt 1, sdsahydt 9. 
(Suffix *) babhUyds 1. 

2. Du. puprHyd'tam 9. 

1. PL pdpuyd'ma 1, Mdsahyd'ma 4. 

3. PL tatanyw 1 , mamrdyus 1 , vawr- 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb-Forms of the Rig - Veda. 253 

D. Perfect Imperative. 

2. Sing, pupugdhi. 2. Sing, dadhishvd 7, 

mdmahasva 2, mimikshvd 
1, vdvrdhasvat, vdvrsha- 
sva 1. 

3. Sing, babhiUu 1. 

2. Du. vaurAtfam 1. 

2. PL rardndtd 1. 2. PI. dadhidhvam 8. 

3. PI. mdmahantdm 19. 

E. Pluperfect Indicative. 

1. Sing. acacaksham\^<xtKstavam\. 1. Sing, dpupravi 1. 

2. Sing, abubhojis 1, dvivepis 1, 
dvivtshU s, aiytt 1. 

3. Sing, acakrat 1, adadhdvat 1, 
dpipret 1, asasvcyat 1, cakradat 1, 

tctstambhat 1, vividcU 1 ajagrabhit 1, 

arirectt », dvdvactt 1, dvdvarU 1. 

2. Du. dpasprdhe- 
thdm 1. 

2. PL ajabhartana 1. 

3. PL amamandus 1, dpipraytis ft, 3. PL dtitvishanta 1, 
apupravus 1. dvdvapanta s, vdvapanta 1. 

(Suffix ran) dcakriran 1, 
cyagrniran 1, avatfftfrara. s. 

(Suffix ram) asasrgram 
2. 

(Suffix rawtfa) at?avr£- 
ra;i£a 1. 

AORIST ST8TEMS. 

A. Simple-Aorlst. 

I. Forms which add the endings directly to the root 

A. Indicative. 

1. Sing, dkhyam^agdm^agrcibh- 1. Sing. q;7mt 1, ai?W 
am 1, adhdm 2 9 apravam 2, d'dam 1, 1, 4Ave 9. 

cfam 1, t>am 1. 

2. Sing, akhyas 1, a^a* «, «a*a> 1, 2. Sing, adhithds s, 
a/H-a* 1, aMt^ », apre* 2, asthds 1, dsthtthds 1. 

Md* a. 

(Without suffix) rfAraVi 1, avar 1, 
a*par 1, ana* 8, avar 2, 5te$ 1. 

3. Sins, akhyat is, rf^a^ 89, ace* 3. Sing, akhyata 2, 
(1 ct) 1, (2 ci) i, aoa& (2 ci) 1, aVfcft 12, ddishta 2, adhitas, aprkta 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



254 



J. A 



very, 



Simple-Aorist Indicative— concluded. 

ddhdt 7, dbhiU a*, dpret i«, aprpt a, ef- i, abhakta a, amatta r 

^Aa< 43, rfAuol 4, ddotf a, &A#J a, <lA<2£ a. ayashta i, drabdha i, arte 

(Suffix *) tf/wvfo io. i, tfvritoa, atrrla i, asakto 

(Without suffix) akran l, dkrdn a, i, asthita 4, dspashta i, 

dkshdr u, achdn a, aton i, otfdn i, ofodr dsrshta i, </pfta i, drta s, 

i, a<2ar i, ddymit 15, adhdk i, t/prtfl i, d'shta i. 

abhdr i, aMil i, dbhrdt a, dray ah i, (Suffix t) aAt>6 i. 

ay<2n 4, apvait 4, cw^ar i, asydn i, <for<2& 

a, f/*v<Jr i, dwdtf 34, dra/A ft, du«r 6, ftAetf a. 

2. Du. dbhUtam i, dhdtam i, aprtr- 
tom i. 

3. Du. 

tfdtft a. 

1. PL dgdma a, dbhtima 7, dhtma 
a, dhvdma i, efdma (addma?) i. 

2. PL rf&Atfto a. 
(Suffix fcma) abhUtana a, dhetana i. 

3. PL akhyan a, dbhUvan la, avran 
i, apriyan i, apvitan i, ahyan a. 

(Suffix i/a) rfjTtt* 8, a<7*/4 i, ddhus , 
dyarnw i, asthus 25, r/A?« 10. 



dnashtdm 1, anitdm 1, aAAtf- 3. Du. adhttdm 1. 



1. PL adhtmahi 1. 



3. PL atnata e, ahrsha- 
a 1, ahvanta s, drata 1, 
d'pata a4. 

(Suffix ran) akrpran 1, 
agrbhran i, ajushran 1, 
adrpran 7, apadran 1, 
abudhran a, dyujran a, 
avasran 1, dvipran 1, a»rf- 
raw 1, dsrgran s, dsthiran 
a, asprdhran a. 

(Suffix ram) ddrpram a, 
dbudhram 1, dsrgram h. 



B. Subjunctive. 
1st form. 

1. Sing. £rd/it* i. 
3. Sing. 8thdti 1. 

2. Du. dar pathos 1, pravathas 1, 



8thd'thas a. 
3. Du. 



prdvatas 1. 



2d form. 



2. Du. 

*A« l. 



dA«*A€ 1, rfAat- 



1. Sing. ^$m 1, sthdm a. 

2. Sing, grd's 10, tarda* 1, a*d's aa, 
rfAd* 44, ^?rd's 1, yodhat 1, pr^wo* 10, 
tfAd'* a. 



1. PL dhd'mahe*. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb-Forms of the Rig - Veda. 255 

Simple- Aorist Subjunctive — concluded. 

3. Sing, gdt it, dd't u, dAd* 21, *ft 
a, sthdt 6. 

1. PI. gdma i, dhdma a. 

3. PI. ddr^an i. 3. PI. budhdnta a, 

mrshanta i. 
3d form. 

1. Sing, khyam i. 1. Sing, nanpi i. 

2. Sing. Myefc 6,je* i, 6Aite i*, yaw« i. 2. Sing, nutthd's i, mr- 
(Without suffix) Aran i, dAa£ i, thds\ y mrnhthds\^rikthds\. 

dhat i, 5A<2& 3, 5Ae£ i, y<& i, war s, t?arX- 
s, *$ar i, *par i. 

3. Sing. &Ayal t, 6Atf'tf 49, pre* i. 3. Sing, arta «, a*Ato 
(Without suffix) dhak s, dAd& i, nak s, tu'Arta i, t>rto i. 

4, fiat i, 5Ad& i, ohdr i, t>dr s, vark i, 
*A*£n i, *fcm i. 

1. PI. chedma i, daghma i, bhUma 1. PL dhlmahi m. 
7, bhema 2, A<$ma 2. 

3. PL khydn 4, bhdvan s, vrrfn 4. 3. PL bhakthata 1. 

(Suffix u*) kramu8 1, ywa 9, dabhUs 2, 
<7u« 4, dAffo 6, «£Ati* 6. 

C. Optative. 

1. Sing, a^yd'm 12, deydm 1, dAe- 1. Sing, atfya*. 
ydm 2, vrjydm 1 bhUydsam 1. 

2. Sing, avyds 1, jfieyds 1, bhtiyd's 
1, mrdhyds 1, sahyds 2 dhdyts 1. 

3. Sing. ayyd* 1, apy<^ 9, daghyds 3. Sing. ar#a 1, vurita 

i, brdydti, bhUyd's b, yamyds *, vrjyds 2 grabhtshta 1, />a<£ 

3 9 pr&yds 1, sahyds 1. frAlrf 5, mvctshta 1. 

1. PL agydlma 20, bhtiyd'ma 4, 1. PL apfmdhi 6, wap- 
sahyd'ma 1, stheydmaz kriydsma 1. imahi a, nasimahi 1, /?rc- 

imahi 1, mudtmahi 1, ya/w- 
imahi 1, sirnahi 1. 

3. PL apyus s, dheyus 1, sahyus 1. 

D. Imperative. 

2. Sing. 6odAi 9, yandhi 9, yddhl 1, 2. Sing. dhishvd s, 
randhi 1, vrdAi 8, prudhi S8, sprdhi a. matsva u, tndsva 2, yd&- 

(Suffix Ai) mdAi a, «dAi 1. shvaz, vdfutva*, sdkshva 1. 

3. Sing. ddlu 1, dAdft/ », bh&'tu 19, 
pro*** 2, *<ft« i. 

2. Du. khyatam a, jitam 2, ddtam 1, 
dhaktam 1, dhdta/n 2, bhUtdm 19, yan- 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



256 «/. Avery, 

Simple- Aorist Imperative — concluded. 

tdm 6, riktdm 1, varktam 3, vartam a, 
volhdm s, prut dm 31, *#<zm 1, sutam 1, 
8thdtam 1, sprtam 1. 

3. Du. t>oZA<f m 1. 

2. PL khydta 1, #(2*/ 4, ctata 3, 
dhd'ta ft, Mttta ia, yrfnto ft, prtrta ft, 
prvfta 4, *<fca a, sthdta s, Aela 1. 

(Suffix tana) gdtana 1, dhdtana 1, 
bhUtana 3. 

3. PL dfcdnJw a. 

II. Forms which take a as a connecting vowel 
A. Indicative. 

1. Sing, aram 1, dvidam*, asanam 
4, dsaram 1, bhuvam ft, vidam 1. 

2. Sing, aruhas 1, dvidas 1, dsaras 
s, tf'jt>a* i, bhuvas 3, v&ftfe s. 

3. Sing, atanat 3, aruhat 16, dvidat 3. Sing. <fra*a 1. 
», dsanat 3, dsarat 9, d/>«£ s, dratf 1, 

bhdvat 4, inV&fr is, *<7?*atf ft, «frat 4. 

1 . PL dviddma. 3, dsandma 3. 

2. PL drata s. 

3. PL druhan 3, dvidan 3, asanan 3. PL aranta s, a*ar- 
1, asaran 3, <$pan 1, dr<m 3, viddn 1. antaf 

8. Subjunctive. 
1st form. 

1. Sing, bhuvdni 1. 

2. Sing, vidd'si 1. 

2. Du. viddthas 1. 

2. PL rishdtha 1, viddtha 1 

rishdthana 3. 

2d. form. 

2. Sing, tucftl'* 3. 

3. Sing, tfidtf't 3. 

1. Du. ruhd'va 1. 

1. PL ardma 3, radhdina 1, rwA- 1. PL pishdmahi 1. 
<3ma n. 

3d form. 

1. Sing, ara/w 1, ddr^am 3, radham 
1, rtiham 1, ruhdm 1, vidam 3, sanam 1. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb- Farms af the Rig -Veda. 257 

Simple- Aorist II. Subjunctive — concluded. ■ 

2. Sing. hradoA 2, bhtivas 24, vidas 
6, pi&has 1. 

3. Sing. tanat\, bhujdt 1, &Ath>a£ 49, 
bhrapat 1, rishat 5, rkhat *, wefrft 91, 
prtivat 1, 8<ighat 1, *<fna£ 1, spdrat 1. 

3. PI. ara^i 2, garan 1, dr$an 2, 3. PI. dranta 1, mY£- 
bhuvan 7, rishan 1, vidan 1. onto 1. 

C. Optative. 
1. Sing, drpeyam 2, aaneyam 1. 
3. Sing. viTfet 1, *a/i€* 1. 

1. PL agema s, pushema 1, bhujema 
5, ruhema 5, ^akema 4, mnbma 7, (ad/i- 
e/?i a 2,) srasema 1. 

D. Imperative. 

2. Sing, sdra i. 

2. Du. aratarn 1, ruhdtam 1, w<£ 
alaro 1. 

3. Du. aratdm 1. 
3. PI. prwtfawtftt 2. 

B. S-Aorist. 

I. Forms which add * to the root. 
A. Indicative. 

1. Sing, ajaisham 1, abhdrsham 1, 1. Sing. adikshi 1, 
dydhsam 2, ay damn 1, avrksham i, arv&shi 1, dbhakshi 2, 
dspdraham 1, ahdrahnm 3. dbhutsi 1, avitsi 2, asdkshi 

1, asrkahi a, astoshi 4, 
mami 1, sdkshi 1. 

3. Sing. q;7ztj 2 (without suffix). 3. Sing. ay arista 6, 

dransta 1, astaahta 1. 

3. Du. a&vdr&htdm 1. 3. Du. antishdtdm 1, 

dyukshdtdfn 2. 

1. PL djaishma 1, abhaishma 1. 1. PL agasmahi 2, 

abhutsmahi 2, dviksh- 
inahi 1. 

2. PL (htodhvam 1. 

3. PL dchdntsus 1, dbhaishus 1, 3. PL ddrkshata a, 

amataus 1, aydsus 2. ddhvJcshata a, ddhtirahata 

(Suffix an) aveshan 2. 1, adhdshata 1, dnHshata 

vol. x. 36 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



258 



J. Aver if, 



S-Aorist I. Indicative — concluded. 



41, aneshata 1, amansata i, 
amatsata a, ayamata 7, 
ayttkshata a, drdsata 1, 
alipsata a, dvikshata s, 
avrtsata 9, asakshaUi 1, 
(isrkshata ai, dstoshata 1. 
ahdsata a, ahilshata 4, 
afueshata 4. 



B. SUBJUNCTIVE. 

1st form. 



1. Sing. Rtoshtlni 1. 

2. Sing, darshast 1. 

3. Sing. neshatii y pf(r8hatii y p(l8ati 
1, mat&ati 1, yoshati a, vakshati 4. 



2. Du. dd'sathas 1, dhdsathas 1, 
pdrshathas a, varshathas 1. 

3. Du. pdsatas 1, yansatas a, yr/&- 
shatas 1, vakshatas 6. 

2. PL dhdsatha 1, neshatha a, /?dr- 
shatha a, mdtsatha 1. 



2d form. 



1. Sing. nansai 1, 
mansai 1. 

2. Sing. drfohase 1, 
prkshase 1, mansase 1. 

3. Sing. ^ Jcransate 1, 
trdsdte a, darshate 1, mari- 
nate a, yan8ate\\,\yak*hak 
1, rdaote *, variaote 1, *4M- 
ate 1, hdsate a. 

2. Dm trdsdthe 1. 



3. PL 



m/Twante 1, ww*- 



1. Sing. oA£#Ai 1 (A/- 
*/*e .?), &raAe 1, Ai»A€ 1. 

(" Double Btems ") arc- 
ane 1, r/i/a*e ft, grnUhe n, 
gdyishe 1, punishe i, yaj- 
a«e 1. 



2. Sing, jeshas 1, vdkshcut 1. 

3. Sing. k8/i€8hat 1, chantsat^jeshat 
1, ddrshat*, ddsat (dd) 1, aVa^atf 1, wayfc- 
sAatf 4, ntehat A^pdkshat ^parshat (\par) 
1, (2 />ar) \%preshat 1, bhakshat*, bhar- 
shot 1, matsat s, yansat n, ydkshat 13, 
y<foa* «, ydshat 6, ra*a* a, v<fri«al a, 00^- 
aAatfe, v&Aa* 1, pwAa/ 1, sakshatt, sdtsat 
1, stoshat 3. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Vrrb- Forms of (Jie Rig - Veda. 

S-A0RI8T I. Subjunctive — concluded. 

1. PI. stoshdmas. 

3. PI. parsham y yah8anA^yoshanf 
rd'&an a, vakshan*, peshan 1, prdshan 1. 



259 



3d form. 
1. Sing, yesham 1, stosham 1. 



1. PL jeshmaz. 

3. PI. dhdsus 1, yamhus 1, Atfou* 1. 



1. Sing. t ^<foi a, yansi 
1, yakshi 4, van**' 1, vr&- 
*A* 1. 

2. Sing. cyosfuhds 1. 
1. PI. hdsmahi 1. 

3. PL dhukshata 1, 
nxtshata 1, mansata f 
matsata 1, rnukshata 1, 
sakshata 1. 



C. Optative. 



1. Sing. dishiya 1, 
bhakshiya s, masiya 1, 
mukshtya 1, rdsfcya a. 

2. Sing, mansishthd'si. 

3. Sing, darshishta 1, 
mansishta 1, mrkshfshta 1. 

2. Du. trd'stthdm 4. 

1. PL bhak&himahi 4, 
manstmdhit, vansfmdhi 1, 
sakshimdhi s. 

3. PL mantfrata 1. 



D. Imperative. 



2. Du. yaushtayn 9. 
2. PL naishta 1. 



3. Sing, rdaatftfm 1. 
2. Du. rdsdthdm 1. 



II. Forms which add isft to the root. 
A. Indicative. 

1. Sins, akdnishami, akdtrisham\, 
akramisharn 1, dpansisham a, a*dw- 

isham a akramim 1 (for akram- 

i[sha]m /), rdvisham 1, vddhim a. 

2. Sing, akramis 1, dvcidhis », 2. Sing. a$ayiskbhds i, 
amrshls 1, dvarhis 1, aukshis 1, kraniis apamishthds 1, d$ram- 
1, vddhis a. Uhthds 1, jdnuhthds 4. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



2«0 



J. Avert/, 



S-A0R18T II. INDICAT1VE- 

3. Sing. dkdrU\,dkramit\% y dgrabhr 
U i, dtdrft a, dmandit i, aydslt a, dyodh- 
it 1, ardvtt a, dvadhlt 6, tfpan*ft i, a«<2t;- 
& a, dsvantt i, <2uft a, jti'rvU i, *dr# i, 
vddhit a. 



3. Du. dmanthishtdm ijdnishtdm i. 

1. PI. agrabhtshma a, atdrima i, 
dtdrishma a. 

3. PI. atakshishns a, dtdrishus i, 
adhanvishus*, anitrtifihva*, dnindishus 
i, apdvishus i, dmandishus «, amad- 
ishus i, artijishus i, ardnishns i, </rtfv- 
itfAttj? a, avddishus i, asdvishtis i, tfV 
i*Au# 9. 



-concluded. 

3. Sing. ttkrapUhtu i, 
qjanishta is, adhdvishtn i, 
anavishta i, aprathishtoK 
avasishia i, dpamishta i, 
dsahishta i, auhishta i, 
krdmishta a, jdnishta 9, 
prdthishta a, mdndishta i, 
yamishta i. 

3. Du. dmandisha- 
tdm i. 



Subjunctive. 
lnt form. 



1. Sing. davishdni 



1. PL ydcishdmahe 
sanishdmahe i. 



2d form. 

2. Sing. avishas i, kd'nis/tas i, ftflr- 
iffAa* i, rakshishas l, vddhlshns i, 
veshishas i, ^amishas i. 

3. Sing, kd'rishat i, jambhishat i, 
jdshishat i, tdrishat a, pd'rishat a, 
bddhwhat i, ?)idrdhishcU a, ydcishat i, 



yodhishat 
sdvishat 6. 



i, rakshishat a, sanishat i, 



3. PL sdnishanta a. 



3d form. 

1. Sing. pdnsisham 6. 

2. Sing, avt* a, *dr& a, &arAfo i, 2. Sing. w 
mdthts i, mardhU a, moshis a, yd'vU 9, £A<2* i. 

yodhts i, randhis a, vddhts e, adyfo a, 
spharis i. 

3. Sing, apft i, ^rtfrft i, cdrft i, 3. Sing, panishta 
tdrlt 7, c&fo# i, flarAft a, mdthit a, wep# pavishta a, bddhUhta i. 
i, 8vdntt i, A»taft a. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb- For ins of tJte Rig- Veda. 

S-Aorist II. Subjunctive — concluded. 
1. PI. pramUhrna 2. 
3. PL jdrtshvs s. 



261 



C. Optative. 



3. Sing, janishishta 2, 
vanishUnta 2. 

1. PL tdrishtmahi 1, 
vandishimdhi 1, #<2A- 
ishimdhi 1. 



D. Imperative. 

2. Sing, aviddhi 7. 

3. Sing, avishtu *. 

2. Du. avishtdm 8, kramishtam i, 
gamhhtam 2, caywhtam 1, td'risfUam 
2, mar dh is h tarn 1, yodhishtam 1, wa- 
dhishtam 1, pnathishtam 1. 

3. Du. avishtdm 3. 

2. PL a&#<7 (for avishtd?) 1, vo- 
dhishUi i, hinsishta 1. 

(Suffix fcma) avishtdna i, rdnishtana 
1, vadhishtana 1, pnathishtana 1. 

III. Forms which add *«A to the root. 
A. Indicative. 

1. Sing, aydsisham 1. 

2. PL aydsishta 1. 

3. PL agdsishus 1, aydslshus 1, 
d'kshishus 1. 

B. Subjunctive. 
2d form. 

3. Sing, gdsishat 1, cdnishthat? 1, 
ydsishat 1. 



C. Optative. 



D. Imperative. 



2. Sing, ydsisishthds 1. 



2. Du. ydsishtdm 4. 
2. PL ydsishta 1. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



262 J. Avert/, 

S- A orist — amUnued. 
IV. Forms which add sa to the root. 

A. Indicative. 

3. Sing, dkrukshat 1, aghukshat i, 
adukshat 1, ddhukshat a, drukzhab i. 

1. PL amrkshdma i. 

3. PL ddhukshan s, dhukshdn 2. 3. PL amrkshanta a. 

B. Subjunctive. 
3d form. 

2. Sing, dukshas 1, mrkshat 1. 

3. Sing, dhuks/cata a. 
3. PL dhukshdnta 1. 

D. Imperative. 

2. Sing, dhukshdsvai. 

2. Du. mrkshatam 2. 

3. Du. yaks/iatdm •. 
2. PL mrkshata 1. 

FUTURE SYSTEM. 

8-Future. 

A. Indicative. 

1. Sing. je8hyd'mi 1, vakshyd'mi 1, 1. Sing, manishye 1. 
stavishyd'mi 1. 

2. Sing, karishydsi 1, sanishyasi 1. 2. Sing, stavishyase 1. 

3. Sing, karishyati 1, bhavishydti 3. Sing, janishyate a. 
j, sanishyati 1. 

1. PL vakshyd'tnas 1. 

2. PL karishydtha 1, bhavishyatha 1. 

B. Subjunctive. 
2d form. 

2. Sing, karishyd's 1. 

E. Conditional. 

3. Sing. abharishycU 1. 

DERIVATIVE VERBS. 

L Causative. 

Present Indicative. 

1. Sing, iraydmi 1, eodaydmi 1, 1. Sing. kdmdye 1, 
chddaydmi ijanaydmi 1, sildaydmi 1. >naye a pamdye 1. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb-Fot ms of the Rig - Veda. 263 

Causative — continued. 

2. Sing, cydvayasi a, marjaya&i 1, 2. Sing, chandayase i, 
yavayasi i, vdsdyasi i. prathayase i, mahayase i, 

mdddyase a, sthdpayase i. 

3. Sing, dmdyati i, ingdyati i, 3. Sing, kdmdyate i, 
tray ail i, cetayuti i, cydvdyati a, cdtayate i, cetayate\,pdy- 

chadayati i* drdvayati i, dhdrdyati i, ay«te i, vartdyatefi 

pdtayati i, marcdyati a, ydtayati i, vasdydtt i, pamdyaie i. 

rejayati i, vartayati i, prdvdyati i 

grbhdyati i, prushdycUi a, mathdydti i, 
mushdyati 4, skabhdydti i. 

2. Du. chadayathas i, dhdrayathas 2. T)u. irayethe i, Jaria- 
i, pdrayathas i, varshayathas i, w<2«- ayethe i, dhdrdyethe i, 
dyathas i napdyathas i. mdddyethe i. 

3. Du. patayatas i. 3. Du. jos/iayete a, 

dhdpdyete a, mddayete i. 

1. PI. (mo») gamaydfnasi i, oaY- 1. PL Iraydmahe i. 
aydtnasi i, cydvaydmasi i, ndpaydmasi 

i, pdraydmasi i, marjaydmasi i, raaA- 
aydmasi i, yopaydmasi i, ranaydmasi 
i, vartaydmasi a, vardhaydmasi a, vdtf- 
aydmasi i, vdmydma&i 4, vedaydmasi 
a, svdpaydmasi a. 

(ma*) cydvaydmas i, vardhdydmas i. 

2. PL tray at/fa i, kopdyatha i, 
cydvdyatha i,jandyatha 2,jivdyatha i, 
pdrdyatha i, medayatha i, vartayatha 
i, varshayatha i. 

3. PL ingayanti i, tnkhdyanti i, 3. PL kdmayante a, 
trdyanti a, karpdyanti i, kalpayanti i, citdyante a, cydvayante i, 
gldpayanti i, citayanti i, cydvayarUi a, joshayante i, turayunte i, 
chadayanti i, jandyanti i, d&shdyanti dhanayante i, dhdpayante 
\,patayanti 8, pandyanti 4, pdraymiti i, dhdrdyantez, pdtdyante 
\,maryaya?iti i, mddayanti \ y ydmayanti \>marjayante \,mdddyante 
i, rdmayanti i, rejdyanti i, reshdyanti 6, ranhayante i, vdrdyante 
i, roh&yanti i, vartdyanti a, war- a, pubhdyante i, prath- 
dhdyanti n, vipdyanti i, vepayanti a, ay ante i, sardyante i, 
standyanti a, sthdpayantii, mdpdyanti sddayante i, sUddyante i, 

i, svaddyanti i, harshdyanti i, /i<fa- prushdydnte i. 

ayanti i. 

Present Subjunctive. 
1st form. 
3. Sing, randhaydni i. 

2. Sing, coddydsi i, mrldydsi a. 2. Sing, kdmdydse i, 

coddydse a, joshdydse a, 
mdddydse a, ydtaydse i. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



264 •/. Awry, 

Causative — continued. 

3. Sing kalpdydti s, pdraydti i, 3. Sing, ankhdydte i, 
mrldydti a, s&daydti a. codaydte i, ehandaydte i, 

dhdraydte i, mdddydte i, 
vartaydte i. 

I. Du. inkhaydvahai 
i, kalpaydvahai t. 

3. Du. kUlaydtas i. 3. Du. mdddyaite i. 

2. PI. chaddydtha i. 2. PL kdmdyddhve i, 

mddayddhve i mdday- 

ddhvai a. 
2d form. 

2. Sing, yodhdyds i. 

3. Sing, coddydt i, pdrdydt i, mare- 
aytftf i, sddaydt i. 

1. Du. irdydva i. 

1. PL fraydma i, dhdraydma i. 

3d form. 

1. Sing, tray am a, manhdyam i, 
mahayam i. 

2. Sing, kopayas i, ghoshdyas i, 2. Sing, dhdrdyathdsh 
coddyas 4, dipayas i, barhdyas a, vdV 

«yo* i, pnathayas i. 

3. Sing, fkshdyat i, irayat i, kshep- 3. Sing, janayata a. 
ay at i, citayat a, cetayat i, codayat a, 

chadayat a, dhdrdyat a, patayat*, pan- 
ay at i, poshayat i, rejayat a, vartayat 

i, pardhdyat i dhvanaytt i 

mathdydt i. 

3. PL arshayan? dhandyan i, 3. PL ishdyanta a, Ir- 
marjayan i, mahayan i, fanayan i, ayanta i, ukshdyanta i, 

vartayan w^svanayan? prushdyan*. jandyanta a, tarpayanta 

\,dasay anta \,dyntay anta 
i, dravayanta i, dhan- 
dyanta i, pandyanta a, 
marjayanta 6, mahayanta 
i , randy anta », pjibhdyan ta 
i, pnathayanta i, prat fl- 
ay anta a, svadayanta i, 
harayanta i, har shay anta 
i prushdyanta i. 

Present Optative. 

2. Sing, dhdrayes i. 

3. Sing, sprhayet i. 

1. PL citdyema a, niarjayema i. 



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Verb-Forms of the Rig - Veda. 265 

C A U8ATIVE — continued. 
Present Imperative. 

2. Sing. ardaya*,arpaya\,ingaya 2. Sing, irayasva a, 
i, inbhayaz, tray a la, kalpaya i, brand- balpayasva a, cdtdyasva 
ay a i, kshaydya i, gamaya i, gdmaya a, janayasva i, prath- 
i, cabshaya a, coddya 19, cydvaya 2, ayasva i, mdddyaxva is, 

jandya 6,jambhdya a, tarpdya 1, topaya ydvayasva 1, randhayasva 
1, dambhaya a, drdvdya 1, dharshayaf 1, vardhayasva 1, sparp- 
dhdpaya 1, dhdrdya 18, ndpaya 1, />«r- ayasva 1, spdpdyasva 1. 
aya / pdydya 4, pdrdya a, bar hay a 4, 
bodhayas, manhaya 1, mardayaf mah- 
aya 4, mrldya u, ydtaya 1, ydmaya 1, 
ydvdya 8, yodhdya 1, ranaya 1, randh- 
ay a 7, ramdya 1, rdmaya 1, rocaya a, 
rohaya 1, vartdya 11, vardhdya is, 
vdtaya 1, vdpaya 1, vdsaya 4, vepaya 
1. vyathaya i, gamaya 7, pocaya 1, 
prdvaya a, pvdsaya 1, sdddya a, sddhaya 
4, sildaya a, standya 1, svadaya 1, «wfy>- 

aya 1, harshaya a grbhdyd is, mush- 

dyd 1, vrshdya 1, prathdya a. 

3. Sing, balpayatu 1, cydvayatu 1. 

2. Du. arpayatam 1, trayatam 1, 2. Du. cetayethdm 1, 
coddyatam 1, janayatam 1, jarnbh- tarpayethdm a, dhdrdye- 
dyatam 1, dhdrayatam *,pdrayatam 1, M<2m 1, mdddyethdm*. 
vartdyatarn 1, vardhdyatam a, varsh- 

ayatam 1, pravayatam 1, sddhdyatam 1. 

3. Dil dhdrayatdm 1. 

2. PI. ildyata 1, coddyata a, ^an- 2. PI. trayadhvam 1, 
ayatfa a, bodhayata 1, bhdjayata 1, rarZ- cetdyadhvam 1, dhdraya- 

dyata 1, vartdyata 1, sdddyata 1 dhvam\ y marjay«dhvam\, 

grbhdydta a, sbabhdyata 1. ntdddyadhvam a, «d</- 

ayadhvam 1. 

3 PL dhdrayantu i, mddayantu 1, 3. PI. mddayantdm a. 
mrlayiintu 4, yavayantu a, randyantu 
1, vartayantu a, vardhayantu 1, pundh- 
ayuntu 1, siidayantu a. 

Imperfect Indicative. 

1. Sing, ajanayam a, abhakshayam 
i,arandhayam 1, aprdvayam 1, alrayam 
1, dhdrayam 5, randhayam a, vaksh- 
ayam 1. 

2. Sing, dbrandayas 1, dcodayas 1, 2. Sing. ajanayathds\. 
djanayas a, atarpayas 1, ddhdrayas 7, 

andpayas 1, aprathayas a, dbodhayas a, 

dyodhayas a, drandhayas a, dramayas 

vol. x. 37 



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208 



J. Avery, 



8. Sing, atrayata i. 



Cacsativb — continued. 

i, drocayas a, ar okay as a, arcayas i, 
ardayas a, dvartayas 4, dvardhayas «, 
avdpayas i, dvdsayas a, avepayas i, 
asddayas? asvdpayas? ardayas i, 
dvayas i, airayas a, coddyas i, jandyas 
i, dambhdyas a, darayas l, dhdrayas a, 
dhvasayas i, randhdyas i, rohayas a, 

vartayas i, pvancdyas i apdyas i, 

a^rathdyas i, axtabhdyas i, mushdyds 
a, stabhdyas i. 

3. Sing, akalpayat i, dkshodayat i, 
acakshayat i, ace fay at a, acodayat i, 
acydvayat i, djanayat e, atarpayat i, 
ddhdrayat 8, adhvanayat i, dnamayat 
i, dpddayat i, apdrayat a, dphdnayat i, 
drandhayat a, arocayat e, drodayat a, 
dvartayat «, dvardhayat a, dvdsayat 
(3 w/*) i, (2 ucw) a, asddayat a, <fo?7tf- 
ayatf i, asvadayat i, dsvdpayat a, tf'm- 
ayotf i, dWdayat i, dvayat i, air ay at 9, 
jandyat 4, dambhdyat i, darayat i, 
dyotayat i, dhdrdyat a, patdyat i, 
prat hay at i, randhayat i, rdmdyat i, 
rocayat a, rohayat i, vdsayat i, $t/e7- 

4ya£ i, miehayat i dskabhdyat i, 

astabhdyat a, prushdyat i, mnshdydt a, 
skabhdyat a, stabhdyat a. 

2. Du. ddhdmyatami,airayatam6. 2. Du. avdrayethdmi, 

abrayethdm a. 

2. PI. asthdpaya- 
dhvam i. 

3. PI. akalpayan a, akrandayan i, 3. PI. djanayanta 6, 
achadayan i, djanayan% ddhdrayan^ ddhdrayanta a, </y*ft- 
dprathayan i, dmehayan i, dra nay an ayauta i, aranhayanta i, 
i, drandhayan i, dvardhayan 7, </wfa- asddayanta a, asdrayanta 
ayan \,janayan i, dhdrayan 8. i, dsddayanta i, asthd]* 

ay ant a a, airaya?Ua i, ;an- 
dyanta u, dhdrdyanta 6, 



naddyanta i, patdyanta i, 
marjayanta i. 



Aorist Indicative. 

1. Sing, actkrsham i, avocam a, 
airani i, cakaram i. 

2. Sing, acikradas i, djijanas a, 
dtishthipas i, ^fo« i, didyutas i, 
nandmas a, sishvapas i. 



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Verb- Forms of t/te Rig -Veda. 



267 



Causative — continued. 

(Without Huffix) ajtgar i, didhar 1, 
siishvap a. 

3. Sing, acikitat i, acikradat n, 
dcukrudhat i, djijanat 8, dtishthipat i, 
ddidyutaJb i, adidharat i, adudrot i, 
adiidushat i, aninapat i, dnHnot i, 
apaptat i, apipatat i, dpupot i, abtibudh- 
at i, driramat a, drtimcat a, avivapat 6, 
avivipat*, avivrtat\ y dvivrdhatb, dvocat 
a, dpipvitat i, asishyadat », dmnmat a, 
a«Vo£ 5, jfjanat 5, tftf^otf a, didhar at i, 
bibhayat i, vavrfotf i, voVaf s, pipndthat 



-acucyavit i. 
(Without suffix) (ijtgar u. 

2. Du. dtatamatam i. 

1. PL atitrshdma i, dvocdma e. 

2. PI. acucyavitana a. 

3. PI. dcikradan i, djtjanan 
apaptan 4, apfparan i, avivatan 
avfvapan i, avivipan i, dvivrdhan 
dvocan 6, dptipubhan i y jijanan s. 

(Suffix w*) dct/cyautt* ». 



2. PL dvivrdhadhvami. 

a, 3. PL ddadrhanta i, 
i, dmimadanta i, dvivap- 
6, awto i, dvivrdhanta i, 

dvocanta i, dsishyadanta 

\,j$jananta i. 



Aorist Subjunctive. 

1st form. 

1. Sing, riradhd i, yocd a. 

3. Sing. dOclpdti i, pisprpati i, 
v(5cal£ 6, vocdti i, sishadhdti i. 

2d form. 

1. PI. cukrudhdma a, rlramdma i, 
vocdma », tishadhdma i. 

3d form. 

1. Sing, cukrudham i, jijanam i, 
didharam i, vocam ia. 

2. Sing, cikitas i, cikradas i, ct'A:- 
shipas i, jihvara* \,jihipa8 i, didipas i, 
didyutas i, di'dfiaras i, ninamas i, 
nfnapas i, paptas \,pisprpas i, piparas 
a, mtmrshas i, riradhas 4, ririshas 7, 
vivijas i, vooow 10, pipnathasA, piprdthas 
4, sishadhas i. 

3. Sing. %rat\^<?ufiyavat\,thhthij)at 
i, didharat i, dudrdvat a, dudushat i, 



Sing, tatdpate i. 
Du. vocdvahai i. 



1 . Sing, voce 8. 

2. Sing. bibhishathds i. 



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268 «/. Avery, 

C a U8ATIVB — concluded. 

ntinot \,pipr<'iy<it*, piparat*, mimayat i, 
yiiyot i, rtradhttt i, rlrishat i, vavartat 
6, vocat », piprathat a, nishvadat i, *u- 
*ro£ i. 

3. PI. paptan a, rframan 4, vocan a. 3. PI. cakrpdnta i, 

cdkramanta *,jtj<tna?ita\, 
vdcanta 4, sishapanta i. 

Aorist Optative. 

1. Sing, vaortyd'm », vocet/am a. 1. Sing. vavrtiya », 

voceya a. 

2. Sing, pupuryds i, ririshes i, 2. Sing. 8dsah/Uhthds\. 
vavrtyds 5, vocfo a. 

3. Sing, navrtydt 4. 3. Sing, vavrttta i 

riris/ushta i, ririshUhta i. 

2. Du. vocetam i. 

1. PI. vavrtydma i, vocema 6, l. PI. cucyavimahi i, 
(vdcema i). vavrtimahi i, vocemahi i. 

3. PI. vavrtyiw 8, voceyus i. 3. PI. cupyavirata i. 

Aoribt Imperative. 

2. Sing, vocatdi i. 

3. Sing, vocatfw i. 

2. Du. jigrtdm a, didhrtam a, 
rtradhatam a, vocatam i. 

2. PI. jigrtd i, paptata i, ririshata 
i, riradhata i, vocata it vavrfcrna i. 

3. PI. pUptirantu i, piprathantu i. 

S-Future Indicative. 

2. Sing. vdsayish- 
ydse a. 

3. Sing, dhdrayishydti i. 

n. Desiderative. 

Present Indicative. 

1. Sing. didhishdmi i. l. Sing, vivdte*. 

2. Sing, inakshasi i, lyakshasi s, 2. Sing, figtshase i. 
jighdnsasi i, diteasi 5, nmtshasi i, 

vivdsasi 5, 8ishdsasi a. 



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Verb- Forms of the Rig - Veda. 269 

Dbsidbrative — continued. 

3. Sing. figMnsati 6, tH'turshati i, 3. Sing, cikt&hate a, 

]>ipdsati i, pipUhati i, ptprUhati i, titikshate i, dhitscUe i, 

mimikshati i, riritohati i, vivdsati la, vwdsate a. 
stshdsati s. 

2. Da. dhitscUhas i, vivdsathas i. 

3. Du. juguk8hata8 i, ytiyiXshatas*, 
v'ivdsata8 i. 

1. PI. eikitsdmas i. 1. PL dulhishdmahe i. 

3. PI. iyakshanti i, didhishantx i, 3. PI. tUikshante i, 
dipsanti t, vivdeanti t. didrks/umte i, didhi- 

shante a. 

Present Subjunctive. 

2d form. 

3. Sing, titrpsdt i, mnitsdt i, 
I'wdsdt a. 

3. PI. lyakshdn i, titrtsdu i, tutxfo- 

3d form. 
3. Sing. SrcafoAatf i, cikitsat i. 

3. PL apsanta i, <#- 
dhishanta i, sl'kshanta i. 

Present Optative. 
1. Sing, dfoseyam i, vivdseyam l. 1. Sing, didhisheya i. 

3. Sing, vivdset a. 

1. PL didhishema i, vivdsema a. 

Present Imperative. 

2. Sing. cikitea a, mimiksha l, 
viwfoa s. 

2. Du. mimik&hatam 4, sishds- 
atom 1. 

3. Du. mimikshatdm a. 

2. PL vivdtata*. 

3. PI. didhisJumtu 1. 

Imperfect Indicative. 

2. Sing. dsishds<X8 1. 

3. Sing. cyighdnsat 1, asishdacU 1. 



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270 «/. Avery, 

Desiderattve— concluded. 

3. PL dyuyutmn i, dsishdsan i, 
bibhitsan 1. 

Perfect Indicative. 
3. PL mimikshus ». 

m. Intensive. 
Present Indicative. 

1. Sing, carkarmi i, cdkapfmi 3, 1. Sing, joguve i, 
jdhavimi n, dardarimi i. di'dhye 3. 

2. Sing. alarshi i, ircyydsi », 2. Sing. ^'yowe 16, 
ddrdarshi i, ddrdharshi i. cosJtkHydse i. 

3. Sing. d&zrfc' i, irqjydti 3, 3. Sing. i'ycrfe a*, 
kdnikranti a, ganiganti i, c^iap^i i, coshkHydte i, tetikte i, 
janghanti i, jarbhttriti i, jdhaviti 6, dedishte i, ndmnaU i, 

tartariti i, dardariti i, dodhaviti i, marmrjydte 3, rerihydte i, 

n(i»*nam^t i, ndnaviti i. pdpatiti i, vevijydte i, veviyute i, 
bobhaviti i, yamyamtti i, rdraptti l, *ar*rte i. 

rdraviti 4, varivarti i, vdrvarti i, (Suffix «) jdngahe i, 

vdvaditi i, trevett 2, soshavtti 1. joguve 1, badbadhe 3, 

bdbadhe 3, yoyuve 1, 

*ar*re 3. 

2. Du. irajyathas 1, tartarithas 1. 2. Du. sarsrdte 1. 

3. Du. jarbhrtds 1, ddvidhvatas 4. 

1. PL nonumas is. 1. PL imahe w. 

3. PL ddvidyutati 1, ndnadati 2, 3. PL t'yante 1, farftfcr- 
bharibhrati 1, vdrvrtatfi 1. yarate 1, dedicate 1, marmrf- 



ydnte ft. 



Present Subjunctive. 
1st form. 

1. Sing, janghdndnii dtdhaydi. 

2. Sing. (Mddyasi 1. 

2d form. 

2. Sing, cdkdnas 1, jcUgulas 4, 
didayas i, didhayas 1, rdrdna* i. 

3. Sing, canishkadat 1, cdrkrshatz, 
cdkdnat s, jdnghanat s, dardirat 1, 
davidyutat 1, diddyat 7, di'dayat s, 
parpharat 1, bdrbrhat 1, mdrmrjat 1, 
rdrdnat 2, sanishvanat 1. 

1. Du. janghandva 2. 



3. Du. tan&uaife 1. 



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Verb- Farms of the Rig - Veda, ill 

Intensive — continued. 

1. PI. carkirdma a, cdkdndma i, 
veviddma i. 

3. PL didhayan 1. 

3d form. 

1. Sing, dedipam i. 

2. Sing. jDijDK j. 

(Without suffix) cdkdn «, dardar 4, 
cfar£ a. 

3. Sing. didet\indvinot*iptpdyatb, 
mdrmrpat 4. 

(Without suffix) kdnishkan i, cdkdn 
3, dardar i, dartf i, ddvidyot a, rdrdn i. 

1. PL dldhima i, marmrjmd i. 

3. PL carkiran i, pipdyan a, $6$uc- 3. PL irajydnta 1, 
an 1. iradhanta 1, cakdnunta 1, 

cdkdnanta a, jdnghananta 
a, jarhrfhanta 1 , no?* wv- 
arcta 1, pipdyanta t, 
marrmrjanta 1, popwcanta 
1 marmrjata 1. 

Present Imperative. 

2. Sing. cdkandhi 1, rdrandhfi 
(randh) 1, (ran) », vdvandhi 1 

jdgrhi «, dardrhi s, dddrhi 1, did? hi ia, 

didihi 17, pipihi a, barbrhi 1 

carkrtdt 1 — —didhaya 1, ptpaya 1. 

3. Sing, dardartu 1, marmartu 1, 
roranto 1. 

2. Du. jdgrtam a, didayatam 1, 
pipyatam 4. 

3. Du. pipyatdm 1. 

2. PL irajyata 1, carikramata 1, 
pipyata \\pfcpayata 1, rdranta 1. 

3. PL cdkantu 1. 3. PL pipydtdm 1. 

Imperfect Indicative. 

1. Sing, acdkapam a. 

2. Sing, ddides s. 

(Without suffix) ajdgar 1, adardar 1. 

3. Sing, ddtdetz, ddtdhet 1, dpipayat 3. Sing, ddedishta a, 
1, apipet 1, dmimet a, dtdhet 1 dnamnata 1. 

djohavit 5, dyoyavit 1, droravU n. 



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272 J, Avery, 

(Without suffix) adardar a, adardhar 
i, aoartvas i, cdkdn i. 

2. Du. adardrtam i. 

3. Du. avdvapttdm i. 

1. PI. apipema i. 

3. PL apipyan i, carkiran a, 3. PI. dptpayanta i, 

pdpatan i djohamm i, adardinu i, pipdyanta *. 

adtdhayus a, anonavus s, ardrantis i, 
didhiyus i. 

Perfect Indicative. 

1. Sing, cdkana ^jdgara i. 

2. Sing, dtdetha a, pipetha i. 

3. Sing, jdgd'ra 7, davidhdva i, 3. Sing, /njpye ». 
d&ddya «, ndndva i, ptpdya 10. 

3. PI. dldiyus i. 

S-Aoribt Subjunctive. 

3. Sing, cdrkrshe * 
(" double stem "). 

IV. Denominative. 

Present Indicative. 

1. Sing, manasye i, 
man tr aye i. 

2. Sing. adhvartydM s, irasydsi i, 2. Sing. tavi*htyd$e i, 
ishanyasi i, ishudhyasi i, dapasydsi i t diiehundyase i, durgrbhi- 
prtanydsi i, bhuranyasi i, mana&ydsi yase i, nrmanasyaie i, 
i, ratharydsi i. makhasydse i, vrshdydse 

«, sukratHyase i. 

3. Sing, aghdydti i, irasydti i, 3. Sing, ajirdyate », 
ishanyati i, whudhyati i, urushydti 4, ishtiyate i, tavishydte s, 
krpanyati i, turanyati i, da$a&yati i, duchundyate i, dhiydyate 
duvasydti 4, prtanydti i, bhishdkti i, ^panasydte^makhasyate 
bhuranyati% mandyati a, ratharyatl i, i, mahtydte e, vacasyate*, 
rishanydti i, vdnanvati s, vanushydti vanushyate i, vdjayate i, 
i, valgtiydti i, vithurydtl i, vrsha.nyati vrshdydte «, pubhdyate i, 
i , pratharyati i , saparyati 7, huvanyati i. $vapasydte f 

2. Du. urwhydthae s, dapasyathas 2. Du. arthayethe i. 
i, duvasydthas », bhishajydthas i, 

bhuranydthas a. 

3. Du. ratharyatas i, saparydtas 5. 



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Verb- Forms of the Rig - Veda. 278 

Denojonati ve— continued. 

1. PL vdjaydmasi a namas- 1. PL vavrdydmahe i. 

yd' ma* i, vdjdydmas i. 

2. PL da^asyatha i. 

3. PL arthayanti i, ishanyanti i, 3. PL indrayante i, 
drjayanti i, kratHydnti a, gdiaydnti i, tdrnshante i, nyHnkh- 
gopdydnti i, duvasydnti i, namasydvti ay ante i, mantrdyante i, 
•i, sttjHtrydnti a, sprhayanti i. mahtydnte i, mrgdyante i, 

vrshdydnte i. 

Present Subjunctive. 
1st form. 

1. Sing, namasyd i. 

2. Sing, vildydsl i. 2. Sing, arthdydse i, 

nildydse i. * 

s. Sing, ankhdydte i. 



3. Dn. varivasyd'tas 



2d form. 



2. Sing, urvshyd's i. 

3. Sing, apasyd't i, urushyd't i, 
duvasyaft i, prtanyd't a, vanushyd't i, 
vareyd't i, vastly dt i, pravaxydt 9, 
saparyd't a. 

3. PL saparyd'n i, saranyd'n i. 

3d form. 

2. Sing, irasyas i, UnayU i, rishan- 
yas s, ruvcmyas i. 

3. Sing, duhiydt s. 3. Sing, pandyata i. 

3. PL turanyan i, duvasyun a, 3. PL rghdydnta i, 
duhiyan i, namasyan i, saparyan i. rtayanta i, krpdnanta i, 

tarushanta i, dhunayanta 
i, bhurdjanta i, rucayanta 
i, vanushanta i, sushvdy- 
anta i. 

Present Optatiye. 

2. Sing, dapasyts i. 

3. Sing, urushyet s, dapasyet i, 
duvasyel i, sprhayet i. 

1. PL ishayema i, tarushema i, 
saparyema i. 

vol. x. 38 



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274 ./. Avery, 

Denominative — concluded. 
Present Imperative. 

2. Sing, ishanya 1, urushyd •, 2. Sing, arthayasva «, 
gdtuyd i, gUrdhaya i, dapasyd e, vildyasva 4. 

duvasya s, namasyd 4, varivatyd a, 
pravasya? saparya i. 

3. Sing, urushyatu i. 

2. Dm uruthydtam », gopdydtam i, 
canasydtam i, dapasydtam a. 

3. Du. untshydtdm s. 

2. PL ishanyata s, uru&hyata », 2. PL tilvildyddhvam i, 
dapasyata i, duvasydta «, Jiamasydta vtrayadhvam a. 

», rishanyata a, saparyata 7. 

3. PL uru8hyantu\ y vart'va*yantuA. 3. PL dhunayantdmx. 

Imperfect Indicative. 

1. Sing, asprhayam 1. 

2. Sing, arandhandyas 1. 

3. Sing, akrpayat 1, aprtanyat 1, 3. Sing, dpriydyata 1. 
urushydt a, damanyat j abhishnak 1. 

2. Du. avirayeth&m 1. 

3. Du. urushydtdm t. 

3. PL anamasyan 1, asaparyan 1, 3. PL ishanayanta 1. 
turanyan 1, vapvshyan 1. 

V. Pauhre. 

Present Indicative. 

1. Sing. Aft/6 1. 

2. Sing, ajydse (aj) 1, (a/lj) 5, idhydse 11, ucyase% niyate*, 
pdyase 1, mrjydse 1, yujydse 1, ricyase 1, rudhyase 1, pasydse 1, 
sicydse 4, stUyase 1, hHydse 6. 

3. Sing, ajyate (aj) s, (a/l/) 10, idhydte », ucydte is, udyate (nd) 
1, (vac?) 1, upydte 1, uhyate 1, rcydte 1, kriyate a, tapyate s, ftfyafe 
1, tujydte 1, dabhyate 1, duhyate 1, drpyate 1, dhamyate 1, dhtyate *, 
dhriyate 1, niydte 11, pacydte 1, p&yate a, prcydte s, badhyate 1, 
mucyate 1, mrjydte 8, yujydte 3, ricyate a, ribhyate 1, vacydte 1, 
vidydte a, vrjydte a, pasydte 10, fitryate 1, prdyate 1, sicydte u, tdydte 
s, srjydte a, hanydte s, hHydte s. 

3. Du. ucyete 1. 

1. PL panyd'mahe 1. 

3. PL rcyante i, kriydnte *,jfLdyante 1, bhriyante 1, yujyante 1, 
vacydnte a, pasydnte 1, hanyante 1, httyantt 1. 



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Verb-Forms of the Rig - Veda. 275 

Passive — concluded. 
Present Subjunctive. 
1st form. 
3. Sing, uhyd'te 1, bhriydte i. 

2. Du. Hhyd'tke i. 

3d form. 

3. Sing, stiyata i. 

Present Imperative. 

2. Sing, vacyasva a. 

3. Sing, prcyatdm i, hiyatdm a. 

2. PI. yujyadhvam i. 

3. PL badhyantdm i, vacyantdm i, t>rpcyan$am i. 

Imperfect Indicative. 
3. Sing, aniyata i, amucycUa i, aricyata a. 
3. PI. acyanta i, apucyanta i, aprcyanta i. 

Aorist Indicative. 

3. Sing. aA?dro # 16, agdmi i, aceto* 9, dchedi i, rfpant 6, djfldyi i, 
ddarpi i6, ddhdyi u, dpdyl 4, dbodhi n, dbhrdji i, amoci% dmyakshi 
i, aydmi io, «*yo/& 3, drddhi a, aroci a, at>dc/ e, a*roVe i, ai?eaY a, 
r/pooi i, dprdyi a, a*ar# ia, d^oVft 5, atfdw & 7, atfoW i, dstdvi ft, ^A<^t?t a, 
c«Ji *)jdni i,jdni i, JoW i, cforpi a, o'ay* (1 c?d) a, (4 <?d) i, dhd'yi i», 
/>d'a*j a, uecft i, sd'oV a. 

Aorist Subjunctive. 
3d form. 

ghoshi i, c€te" e, chedi i, jdrayd'yi (denom.) i, JoW 6, dhd'yi a, 
5AoW i, yo;7 i, reca i, roc* i, vandi i, t>arA£ i, voca i, pa7^»' a, paW a, 
prd'tn i, «ar?i a, «dc?j a, s£<Wu i. 

VX Infinitive and Gerund. 

Infinitive. 

Accusative. (Suffix aw*) idham i, <$Aam i, limro i, ndmam 
i, pfcham a, miyam i, ydmam a, rdbham a, rCuham i, vipam i, 
pubham io, sddam ia, spijam i, vareydm a. — (to) dd'tum^prdsh- 
tum i, bhdrtum i, volhum i. 

Dative. (Suffix «) oV« i, £a%6 a, krdme i, yrdbhe i, cdkshe u, 
tire i, ftl/g i, tvishe i, ddbhe i, dfcpe 4, aVpe a«, dhfshe a, name s, ndpe 
», nUafo i, /itide z,pfce \,pr'che i, Mw/£ n, &Awt>6 i, £Aw£ i, mahei, 
mtye i, m£A£ i, mde i, mushb i, mwAe i, mr'she i, ydkshe i, yt/;£ i, 
yt*dA6 i, rcf&Ai 4, rwoe a, ni/e i, vd'ce i, vr|/e i, vr'te i. w<fA« aa, ufofe 
i, vtafte i, vfeAi i, po*« a, pu6A£ u, *dd!e a, stfofe i, s&ade i, skdbhe a, 
stire s, apr'pe i, #yddi i, svei/e i, Ay£ i Mai a, tfa* i, ma* i, ya* 4, 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



276 J. Avery, 

Infinitive — continued. 

sai i. — (ase) dyase 1, arhdse i, rcdse 1, rfijdse i, kshddase i, cdkshau 
i, cardse %javdse i^jlvdse 39, ta/Vfoi 1, dohdse 4, dhd'yase 11, dhruv- 
dse 1, pushy dse 3, bhdrase 1, bhiydse 1, bhojdse a, rdjdse a, vriljdse 1, 
vrdhdse 1, pobhdse a, priydse a, sdhyase 1, spdrase 1, sptirdhdse 1, 
hdrase 1. — (se)jishe *,prdkshe 1, stushe 4. — (tave) dttave 7, dshtave 
1, etaue », (faf/tra (5 ud) 1, kdrtave a, gdntave 1, gd'tave 1, dhdtave 
(1 c?/*d) 1, dhdtave (3 d%d) *,pdttave i,pd'tave 1a, bhdrtavei, mdn~ 
tave 1, ydntave 1, ydshtave 1, yd'tave i», ydtave 1, vdktave 1, vantave 
i, vdrtave 3, vdstave 1, vdlhave 7, paktave 1, sdrtave », sil'tave 1, 

stftaue 1, stdtave a, hdntave 10 dvitave 1, cdritave 1, srdvitave a, 

hdvttave 1. — (tavai) dnvetava'i 1, etaval 4, <$tayai 1, gdntavai 1, 
gantavai 1, dd'tavai \ y pd'tavai 1, bhartavai 1, 7/iantatfeil 1, md'farai 

1, ydtavai 1, sdrtaoai 4, hdntavai * ydmitavai 1, *r4vftat?ai 1. 

— (taye) ishtdye 5, pitdye 34, vttdye n, sdtdye 12. — (tfyat) ftyai a. 
— (aye) tttjdye 1, drpdye b, rnahdye 1, yudhdye a, sandy e a. — (#**€) 
turvdne a, dhU'rvane 1. — {vane) ddvdne as. — (mane) trd'mane 1, 
dd'mane 1, dhdrmane 1, bhdrmam 1, vidmdne*. — (dhyai) iyddhyai 
i, irddhyai 1, ishdyadhyai 3, ishddhyai 1, irdy adhyai 1, kshdr- 
adhyai j, gdmadhyai 1, carddhyai i,jarddhyai 1, tansayddhyai a, 
tarddhyai 1, duhayadhyui 1, dhiyddhyai 1, ndpayddhyai 1, />i£- 
adhyai s, prnddhyai 1, bhdr adhyai a, rnanday adhyai 1, tnand- 
ddhyai 1, mdday adhyai 4, ydja dhyai ia, rishayd dhyai 1, twW- 
ddhyai 3, vartay adhyai 1, vdhadhyai 1, vaj ay adhyai 1, vdvrdh- 
ddhyai (peril) 4, vrjddhyai 1, $ayddhyai% pucddhyai 1, sacddhyai 
1, sdhadhyai 2, stavddhyai 2, syandayddhyai 1, huvddhyai s. 

Genitive or Ablative. (Suffix a*) tfr'aVw 1, pfchas j, pddas 1, 
prishas 1, pvdsas 1, skddas 1. — (fo$) &o* 2, kdrtos 2, ksheptosi, 
gdntus 2, dd'tos 1, dhdtos 1, y<fte>* 1, pdritos i, hdntos 1. 

Locative. (Suffix 3) #*/u* a, cdkshi 1, orpi 1, aV'pi" a, dua%£ 1 m£ 

i, praddhi 1. — (sani) grnlshdniz, tarishdni a, neshdni 1, parshdni 1, 
bhUshdni 1, pUshdni 1, sakshdni 1, strnfshdni 1. — (fczrt*) dhartdri 4. 

Gerund. 

(Suffix £v#) /ntfuo' 7, bhittvd' 1, bhiltvd' 1, mitvd' 1, yuktvd' s, 
wr^<^' 1, prutvd' 1, hatvd! 3, Atto<2' a. — (tvdya) jagdhvd'ya 1, 
dattvd'ya 1, drshtvd'ya 1, bhaktvd'ya 1, yuktvd 'ya 1, hatvd'ya*, 
hitvd'ya 1. — (ftn) Ar^n' 6, gwtfvZ' a, gildhvt 1, janitvi 1, jmhtv? s, 
jpfttu' 4, ptitvt 1, bhtitvi' 3, vishtvV a, vrtof 1, vrktvi' 1, uraAitu' 1, 

skabhitvi' 1, Aaltu' 4, A/£w' 4. Compounded (yd) r/cyd 1, ^/^py4 

1, tipyd 1, wAyd 1, kr'tya j, krdmya 1, khydya 1, gd'ryd a, gr'bhyd 
3, gr'hyd 1, gr'hya 4, gkdshyd 1, cdkshyd 5, cdkshya 1, cd'yyd a, 
£a/>ya 1, ttl'ryd 1, rt^'yc* a, dVvyd 1, dr'pya 1, pddya 1, prdthyCt 1, 
bhidyd 1, bhU'ya 1, mi'lya 1, mticyd a, mu*hyd a, mr'pyd 1, ytf'ytf s, 
rdbhyd 1, rdbht/a i, 1-hdhyd 1, ur'tya i, wr'tyd 1, vldgyd%sddyd and 
sddya n, sdhya 1, ^d'yci 1. — (^y^) fryo' and fry a 3, gdtyd », dr'tyd 1, 
bhrtyd 1, Atf/yrf 1. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb-Forms of the Aitareya-Brdhmana. 277 



II. THE VERB IN THE AITAREYA-BRAHMANA. 

PRESENT SYSTEM. 

Active. Middle. 

A. Present Indicative. 

1. Sing. L asmi*[<i] 9 emi [4] ; II. 1. Sing. I. huve 2(3); 
tishthdmi M, daddmi 4 [1], dadhdmi IIL t'f«« (1) ; IV. yaje 
[a] ;" IIL fcaromi 1, yunajmi (2) ; IV. [1], raMe 1, Axave 1, ishye 
jaydmi* (1), dhdvdmi 1, bhavdmi [2], (3), padye [4], manye 1, 
rohdmi [a], vaddmi 1, srjdmi (1), «eV7c- A«</ye (^t 1 ]- 

<f//u [A^papydmi [1]; V. ichdmi (1). 

2. Sing. I. a*i e (7) [7], nuAt (4) 2. Sing. IV. jdyase (1). 
(imper.), y<&* (1), Aa^m (1) ; IV. arjasi 

4, vadasi 1, stdasi [3]. 

3. Sing. I. aft* i,a«tti6, etiii?(i)[i] y 3. Sing. L <frte4, £pes, 
foAelt 3 (b), dveshti 1, 9»at/^« 4, jo<f*i s (1), cashte 4, (ft/Ac 2, &rtfte 1, 
Mtfft' 1 («), ydf* (<), vashti (2), pd**/ 2, yw/e (1), pcfote so, pete a, 
8t'nUi s/ha/tti e; II. iyarti (2), jahdti hate 11 [\~\; II. tishthate s, 
l > jiffdti (*)> jighyati [5], jighrati 1, cfafte o, dhatte 7, mimtte 7 ; 
tishthatl so, daddti 2, dadhdti mi, III. apnute 48, tirnvte (1), 
pi parti 1, pibati 2, bibharti s, bibhaiti kuruteu y tanutet^dhunute 
(bibheti/) e».«; IIL rdhnoti s, dpnoti 1, prnwe (1), #u/we (1), 
17, krnoti (1), karotiw, tanoti^ dhinoti strnute 3, krtnite 3, jdnite 
1, radhnoti m [1], vrnoti 3, pr/io£i 3, \,punlte*,indhe \ y yunkte 
sanoti 1, apndti 3, grndti 1, grhndti 11, s, ru/tdhe 10, rrw&te a; IV. 
jdndti 5, jindti 3, prlndti si, pradfo' 1, ai^'atfe '» orhate (1), &a/jp- 
strndti 2, unatti 1, chinatti 1, bhunakti ate u, kdnkshate 1, kram- 
3, yunakti 2, rinakti *, urnaAtfi 1, ate 1, gdhate 1, cay ate s, 
pinashti 1, hinasti 7; IV. ag'atf 1, eyavate w, jayate «, tarate 
arhati 7, ayalz 1, a»tfto" 1, Uhati (1), 2, dikshate s, napate (1), 
dAatf 4, krdmati 1, carati », cardti iso. nayate 1, pinvate (•),/?««- 
is, japati «, jay at i u (1), jinvati 2, ate t< plavate ), bdahate 2, 

jfoatf 3, tapati is [1], tarati 7, dahati 4, bhrahpate 1, yajate is, rw- 

dravati 1, nakshati (1), nandati 1, ate\,labhate\,vandate(\\ 

namati 4, nayati 7, bhajati 3, bharati s, vartate 5, vekshate 3, 

bhavati 2w [2], mrocata' 2, y</;ato' w,yde- vy at hate 2, pikshate 1, 

«f* 2, rakshati 1, rdjati^ rohati i«, uarf- pobhate 1, pray ate 1, skhal- 

ati 2s, varshati 1, vasati 8, vahati 25, «te 1, sy an date 1, harate 1, 

pansati *&s, sajati 10, sarpati \,8kandati hesitate 1, gterate 1, ftWfte 

a, harati 31, dipati 1, prchati i, mrpati 1, nudate 6, wt/cfe (1), mrty- 

1, muneati », vindati 3, vipati n, *g?V/£* ate 7, muncate (1), vindate 

*, sificati 15, sprpati 2, asi/ati 10, ishyati 1, *r;ate e, asyate 3, jdyate 

6, gdyati 1, tdmyati 1, drpyati 1, dhoy- «» (2), dayate 1, dtpyate 1, 

aJi 1, dhydyati 3, napyati 1, naiyati 7, padyate-2% liyatei, vdpyate 

papyatii [3], pushy at i 1 fi], muhyati 1, 3, siiyate 1, hvayate n ; V. 

rishyati 10, lubhyati 1, sivy<tti 1, *iyi// ichute 1. 
4, hrshyati 2, hvayati e ; V. ichati 6, 
ft-Aati 2, gachati so, yachatii, aniti 1. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



278 J. Avery, 

Present Indicative — concluded. 

2. Du. IV. jayethe (i), 
jarethe (i). 

3. Du. I. it as a, /iotas i ; IV. bhar- 8. Du. I. fp<#<?3; IV. 
a^ow i, bhuvatas as, yajatas i, pansatas i. priyete i. 

1. PL I. im<w[i], brumas*, upmost I. PL I. syHma/ie i; 
(j), vidmasi ), 8masi*\ II. dadmas i; II. tishthdmahe i, dew?- 
III. jdnhnas i ; IV. maddmasi (i), dmahe i ; III. kurmahe i, 
pansdmas [s], vrnimahe (e) ; IV. ^ac- 

dmahe io, huvdmahe (i), 
hv ay dmahe (i). 

2. PL I. s*Atf i (i), 8tha(na)? ibs.is. 

3. PL I. ada)iti s, kshiyanti a, 3. PL I. <fcate 8, iyafr 
k8hyanti a, ghnanti i, duhanti i, yanti a, ?/ate i (i), ghnate t [i], 
89(e)[i], *<*;*£* io (a), stuvanti*\ II. ,/mAv- cakshate si, plavate i»7.e, 
(rft5[«], tishthantii, dadati i, dadhati yuvate i, pere(perate) ieo.io, 
t,pibonti a (i), bibhrati (i), bibhyati a; stuvate n; II. tishthante 

III. dpnuvanti i*, rirnuvanti t, rdhnuv- a, tishthate i, dadute «, 
anti\,kurvanths % tanvanth,minvanti\ > dadhate a, bibhyate i; III. 
rddhnuvanti a [i], prnvanti i, sunvanti apnuvate i, tanvate a (i), 
a, stabhnuvanti i, a$nanti i, krinanti i, jdnate i, mathnate i, /wcM- 
jdaanti n, punanti i (»), prficanti i, ate s, bhuftjatez, yunjate*, 
pinshauti i; IV. ajanti s, arjanti a, rundhatez;IV. kar*hante 
arhanti i, avail ti i, krdmanti i, Arop- i, kalpante &, kdiiksh'/nk 
anti i, ksharanti a, khananti i, car- i, kramante i, kshadante 
anti ia, jayantiz, tapanti i, taranti a, a, carante i, cyavante i, 
dravanti a, dharantl a, nandanti (i), plavante i (i), rtiodatite i, 
namanti i, rrindanti a, nay anti i (a), yqjante 4, rabhante n, 
patanti i, pinvantl (n), bhajanti a, labhante 4, vadante 4, var- 
bharanti jo, bhaoattti oi, manthanti 5, a/^e (i), vartante 3, ua/<- 
madanti (i), yajatiti u (i), rohanti i, ante i, sy andante i, nu^ 
vadaiiti i [i], vapanti 7, vasanti s, awte i, mriyajite a, mi/fio 
vahanti ai, venanti i, pansanti is, peof- awte j, vijante i, asyantei, 
anti is), pray anti i, sarpanti e, haranti jdyante is, pa dy ante 14, 
16, rshanti 1, kiranti 1, krntanti 1, />rc- many ante a, hvayante 4; 
anti 1, lumpanti 1, sirlcanti s, gdyanti V. ichante 1, gachante a. 
1, trpyanti a, dyanti 1, papyaidi 1, 

mddyanti a, mnhyanti 2, vayanti 1, 
8rivyanti 1, hvayanti 1 ; V. ichanti 
1 (a), rchanti s, gachanti 8, yachanti 1. 

B. Present Subjunctive. 
1 st form : with mode-sign a and primary endings. 

1. Sing. I. aydni a, fAsd/*i' a, ftray- 1. Sing. III. krinai a, 
rf/u (1) ; III. karavdni a, chinaddni 1 ; vr^ai a ; IV. yff/<it », 

IV. jaydni [a], pansdni 1 ; V. gachdni padyai 1. 
[1], yachdni 1. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb-Forms of the Aitareya- Br&fnnana. 279 

Present Subjunctive — concluded. 

2. Sing. II. tishthdai\\ IV. jaydsi 2. Sing. I. paydsain.*. 
i, bhavdsi (i), yajdsi i. 

3. Sing. I. karati i [i] ; IV. ro*A- 3. Sing. IV. arjdtai 
dti [a], [so.io]; V. gachdtai [ls.iaj. 

1. Du. III. vrndvahai 
a; IV. vahdvahai (i), 
hvaydvahai i. 

1. PI. I. aydmahai i ; 
IL dadhdmahai [i] ; III. 
karavdtnahai a ; IV. Ara^p- 
dmahai i, smcdmahal i, 
hvaydmahai i ; V. ?>A- 
dmahai i. 

2. PI. II. juhavdtha 2 ; III. Arrrcav- 
aJAa [i],jdnd£Aa 1. 

2d form : with mode-sign a and secondary endings. 

1. Sing. stmhe (1) 
(s£w«A-a-£). 

2. Sing. I. Jc8haya& (1); IL £&A- 
?A<k (1). 

3. Sing. I. cwatf 8 [3] ; III. prnavat 
(3); IV. arAd*(i),&rdm<fc[i], Aarifc[i]. 

1. Du. IV. jaydva s, bhavdva 1, 
ponsdva ej.e, 11, 10. 

1. PL I. aydma e, gdma (1) ; II. 
tishthdma 1; IIL dpnavdma a, tow- 
avdma 1, mnavdma 1 (s), jdndma 1, 
mindma 1, prnacdma 1 ; IV. arcdma 
(1), naydma 1, bhardma 1, ruhdma (1), 
rohdma 1, nahydma 1, hvayd?na 1 ; V. 
yachdma a. 

3. PL V. gachdn 1. 

3d form : like the imperfect without an augment. 

2. Sing. II. yuyothds 1. 

3. Sing. L gram; IV. Arara* (0), 3. Sing. I. affAto (i)[s]; 
cfttoal (1), rddhat (1), ravorf [1], roAatf 1, IV. jdyata (1). 
JtVicat (1). 

3. PI. I. arfaft 1 ; IV. arcan (1), 3. PL IV. nakshanta 
^ansan [1], *fcftm 1, spardhan 1. (1). 



C. Present Optative. 

_ hanydm a ; II. 1 

pibeyam 1; HE. rdhnuydm 1; IV. 1; III. vrnjiyam ( vrfljiya) 



1. Sing. I. aydm a, hanydm a ; II. 1. Sing. II. tishtheya 

1 ; m. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



280 «/. Avery, 

Present Optative — concluded. 

jayeyam a, vindeyam i, druhyeyam i, 204. ie; IV. srjeya 1, jay- 

padyeyam 1 ; V. gacheyam 1. eya a. 

2. Sing. I. syd* a; IV. &/<?Aet 1, 2. Sing. III. vrnjtthd* 
druhyes 1. 1 ; IV. kshamethd* (1). 

3. Sing. I. ar/ytftf 1, tyd/ 43, briiydt 8. Sing. I. dstta j, 
16 > t/dyd* l [ 9 ]> vidydt 4, stuydt e, *y<2£ epfta 1, eakshita 1 ; II. 
78, svapydt 1, hanydt a ; II. jahydt 1, tishtheta e, dadhtta 1 ; III. 
juhuydt 8» [1], tishthet «, dadydt ia, apnuvtta 1, kurvita it, 

dadhydt a», /?/£etf 1 ; III. kurydt 4a, tanvfta a, grhnlta 1, rrw- 

rddhnuydt a, pakvuydt a, sunuydt 1, fta 1 ; IV. iksheta a, careta 

apniydt 18, krtntydt 1, grhniydt 7, i,cyaveta\Jayetai y diksfi' 

prtntydt 1, badhniydt 1, chindydt 1, eta *,plaveta 1, bddheta 1, 

pinshydt 1 ; IV. cmetf a, archtt \,japet a, yajeUi a, yateta 1, vadeta 1, 

,/ayetf 1, dhdvet 3, namet 1 , nardet 5, nayil 5, vapeta a, varteta a, t>e&*/*- 

bhavet 1, manthet 1, ycye* 7 [a], y<2ce£ a, eta a, saheta 1, syandeta a, 

roAetf 10, vaefetf 4, vo/>e£ a7, wcwetf 4, panset driyeta 8, mriyeta 4, t>tW- 

75, *a;e$ 1, sarpet 4, sedhet 1, Aare? as, e/o 1, *r/eta 8, jdyeta 1, 

^rwretf a, rundhet a, vindet a, vt'pet*, sincet padyeta ie, many eta 10, 

8, cwy<?£ 11, rfayetf 1, dmhyet 8, druhyet 1, vd^yeta a, hvayeta t y 

dhydyet 4, napyet 8, papyet 8, pdmyet a, hvaytta a ; V. gaeheta 1. 
hvayet 1 ; V. *cAetf 11, gachet 4, yachet 8. 

1. Du. I. sydva «. 

3. Du. I. tydtdm 2, hanydtdm 1 ; 
IV. padyetdm 1. 

]. PL I. sydma 1 (4) ; IV. tarema 1. PI. IV.^dye/waA^i). 

Si), madema (1). mahemd (1), ruhema 
a), vidhema [1], huvema (a). 



2. PI. 


I. ^amtdhvafn 


8 [81.6]. 




3. PI. 


III. mathniran 



3. PI. I. brdyus \,syuss; II. efac?- 

yw* 1, dadhyus 4; III. kuryus 10, *?mw- 1, vrwfran 1, indhlran 1; 

yw* 1, apntyu8 1, grhntyus 1, pins/tyus a ; IV. cy aver an 1, dlktheran 

IV. careyus 8, jayeyus 1, dhdveyus 1, 1, plaveran 8, yajeran 1, 

nayeyu8\, roheytte \,vapeytt8 i,vaseyi(8 labheran a, vaperan 1, 

1, panseyus 3, hareyuse, srjeyusz, ishye- arjeran 11, lupyeran 1, 

yw* a, dushyeyu8 1 ; V. re hey us 1. pdmyeran 1 ; V. icheran 1. 



D. Present Imperative. 

2. Sing. 1. t'Ai 5 (i»), ec?Ai 1 h], 2. Sing. I. cakshva 1, 
ArtfA* a [aJ^'aAi 1, »dA/ a (4) [a], />dAi' (1), brtishva 1, yukshva (1), 
ftrdAi 11, ydA* (6)[sl, v«A£ (a), trtAi [«j, r<fot?a (a) ; II. tishthasva 
$tuhi 6 (1) ; II. tisnthd (s), deAi a [it a, pibasva 1 ; III. Arnw- 
dAeAt a (4), dhattdt (ae.a), jo#a 1 (11), *At>a (1), «rni«Avaa; IV. 
mamaddhi (1), mumugdhi (1), v%$ddhi pavasva 1 (1), yqjasva «, 
a; III. apnuhi (1), tirnuhi (1), ArnwAi vadasva 1, va?wfcwva (1), 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb-Forms of the Aitareya-Brdhmana. 



281 



Present Imperative — concluded. 

(i), hum 4 [a], grnuhi a, apdna (a), vartasva i, prayasva (a), 

grbhnihi 1, runddki [1]; IV. cam sidasva (i), svadasva (1), 

iu (i), tarda i, dahai, drava[\\ dhanva jushasva u), nudasva (ii, 

i), dhdva 4, naya (9), Mara (*), bhava vrshasva (i) y pydya3va (i), 



•)M, bhUsha (1), raJcsha (1), rama 1 [a], hvayasva a. 
caoa 1, vara (1), aaAa a (1), piksha (1), 
*taV* (a), Aora a [a], tuda (1), <wya 1, &A- 
ya i, papya a, vidhya 1, harya (1), 
hvaya 1 ; V. gacha 1 [a], yacha (4). 

3. Sing. I. aWw [1], a**«/ 14 (s) [5], 3. Sing. IV. kalpatdm 
eta 1 (i9)[ij, /><fttt 1 (1), ya^w (»), hantu [1], vartatdm [j], mriya- 
1 ; II. jighyatu [•], pibatu (a), daddtu tdm s, jdyatdm 7, hvaya- 
(1) [a], dadhdtu (1); III. dpnotu 1, $a*m [s]. 
prnotfw (a) ; IV. tnvatfw (1), jinvatu (1), 
nayatu (ij, 



'(?• 

(>)[•] 



bhavatu 1, mandatu (sj, 
vardhatu (1), pansatu 1, 



0), 
IIL 



2. Du. IIL vrndthdm*. 



rohatu 
ndatu (i)[i]. 

2. Du. L gatam (1), pdtam 
ydtam (1) ; II. pibatam (e) 
kurutam 1 ; IV. bhavatam (1), sldatam 
(1) ; V. gachatam 1. 

3. Du. I. t'ftbn (1) ; IV. many a- 
tdm 1 ; V. yachatdm 1. 

2. PI. L tta 1, gantana (2), yd^a 
1, yd/a 1, «ta£a »; II. jigdta 1, efafta s, 

dhatta 1, oVta/lana (iso.ie), dhattdt [so.s], IV. kalpadhvami, dfksha- 

dadhdtana (a), bibhita 1, pt a £fta (1) ; dhvam 1, panadhvam 1, 

III. krnutdt [30.11,14], prnw^a (1), rabhadhvam [*1, rama- 

prnotaua lea.ia, hinota (1), TcrinXta 1, dhvam [i\ y jdyaahvam[i], 

grbhttita 1, strntta 1 ; IV. areata (s), hvayadhvam 2 ; V. «'cXo- 

kalpata [1], khanatdt [so.ia], nayata dhvam 1. 



PL 
II. 



I. studhvain 6 
tishthadhvam 1 : 



[1], bharata a (i)[i], bhavata 4, vardhata 
(1), sidata (1), harata s, khidatdt [so. 10], 
srjatdt [so.8 5 i7,i8], sincata (1), sprpata [ij, 



gdyata (a), chyatdt [so. 10], nahyatana 
0)» pwycOa "[1], uayata (1) ; V. 
gachata 1, yachata 2. 

3. PI. I. adantu [\\ yantu 1, &rwv- 3. PL L iratdm (1) ; 

r««/u (1), «an^^ 1; IV. ayantu (1), IV. jdyantdm a, paa^- 

dahantu [1], rohantu [12], vahantu (s), yantdm 1, hvayantdm [s], 
vipantu (i), sificantu [e], 

E. Present Participle. 

L upantd (1), ghnantas 1, dvishan a (Suffix mdna) II. tishth- 

-anlam 1 -ate 6 -a^w s, bruvan 4 -atfda amdndnii\ IV. qjamdnas 

-ati 1, yau 0, i'yan j. yantam 5 -<x^cw 1 i y ik8hamdnas\Uhamdnds 
vol. x. 39 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



282 J. Avery, 

Present Participle — concluded, 

-antau 3 -antas a (1) -atis i -atdm i (*), kalpamdnds i, kram- 
•atindm i -atishu*, ydn i, po«a6 (s), «an amdnas i, gdhamdnam 1, 
10 (2) [2] -atf a -aJa -antam 13 -atd (1) -aft i earamdnam i -asya 1, 
-antau 5 -antas 1 -alfo * (1) -adbhyas 1, tvaramdnds 4, dlksh- 
stuvatas 1 ; IL tishthan b -ant am 1 -ate 1 amdnas 1 -aaya 1 -«*/iw 1, 
-a^a« a -antas 10 -antis 1, jahat 2, nddhamdnds (1), jtwr- 
juhvatas a -alia 2, dadat 1 -atam 1, amdnas isi (a), 6&7A- 
dadhat s -afaw 3, bibhrat 1, bibhyat 1 amdnas (i)^bhdsnamd nam 
-atam 1 ; III. Arn»a?# (1) -a/? (1) [a], 1 -a* 1, bhrdjamdnds 1, 
kurvan » -a£s, tanvans, a/itinvantas 1, yajamdnas 9 -asya t -€ i, 
*wnfa/c(a) -a£a»s (1) -antas 1, grhnatd 1 yatamdne(i)^rabhamdna» 
-antas 2, bhittdantas 2; IV. ay antam 1, 2 -a* 1, vadamdnayos 1, 
arhati 1, kropatas 2, kshayantd (1), vartamdnas 2, vardh- 
caran a -atast antis \,jayan i^jivatas amdnas (1), pansamdnam 
1, dhamatas 1, dhdvantindm 1, patanti 1, prayamdnas (1), syand- 
1 -a/itamfi], bhavnn 1 -antam 1 -atas*, amdnam 1; lajjamdnti 1, 
yajatus s, rebhantas 2, vadan 2 -antam 1 vijamdnas 1, jdyamdna* 
-antim 1 -a/a* 1 -antas 9, vasan *, pahs- 1 (s) -am 2, tapyamdnm 
antas 2, pocatyas 1, *&7a/* 1, sarpatas 1, 1, dipyamdnds 1 -dbhis 1, 
sravat 1, fuiran s -a//^ 2, brhan 2, pady amdnam (1) -</«ya 
vtpantau [1], *r/Vm [1], sprpan 2, dhayan 4. manyamdnas 1 -a> 3 [1], 
[1], pady at 1, papyan 6, srpyat 1, syatas liyamdnd 2. 
i ; V. whan (1), rchanti 1 -antas 1. (Suffix dna, ma) I. 

dsinas -am 9 -asya 1, 
cakshdnas 1 -am 1, viddna* 
1(1) -avw (1) -a* 1, pdsdmh 
[1] ; II. cikitdna (1), 71A- 
rfnas \,juhvdnas (1), </aaV*- 
dna« 1 ; III. A^wv^wa* (1), 
kurvdnam (1), tanvdndm 
2, vanvdnas (i),grndh<t (»)> 
grhndnas 1, jdndnds 2 (1), 
yunjdnds 1. rundhdnds 1 ; 
IV. paydnas 1, jushdnas 
(1) -6/*a 1. 

F. Imperfect Indicative. 

1. Sing. IV. apapyam 1 (2). 

2. Sing. I. a£ar 1, a/>aVt(i), arew [1]; 2. Sing. III. avrnttfui* 
III. adadhds (2) ; V. at/Afc 1. 1 ; IV. ajdyathds 1. 

3. Sing. I. a&ar 4 (1), a/il 1, apa^ 1, 3. Sing. I. abrvlta 1; 
ahan^aitio; II. ajagan(\), atishthat II. adhatta ; 6, amimtta*; 
4, adaddt 4 (1), adadhdt «, apibat 2 [2], III. akuruta 2, atanvta 1, 
abtbhet 1, amunrt 1; III. akarot s, agrhnftai, avrnita 3; IV. 
awr/iotf 1, apaknot e, dpnot s, drdhnot akramata 1, acyavata 2, 
1, agrbhndt 6, agrhndt 2, ajdndt 1, acydvata 1, ajayata 3, 
abadhndt 1, amnthndt (1), astabhndt (1), ataks/tata (1), amanthata 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb-Forms of the Aitareya-Brdhmana. 283 

Impeepkct Indicative - concluded. 

abhinat i, atrnat i ; IV. akarat 3, 1, ayajata e, aramata i, 
akrandat (i), aksharat 2, acarat i, avadata 2, avartata t 
ujftyat 9, atapat e, adravat 2, adhavat (1), aprayata 1, asraiisata 
5, anad/tt 2. anayat 2, anedat 1, apatat 1, drjata 4, ikshata 2, 
11, abhujat 4, abharat 1, abhavat 49 (1), aikshata 1, anudata 2, 
arohat 2, avadat », avarshat 1, apayat asrjata 13, ajdyata 7, atajo- 
1, a*idat 5, asarpat 8, asravat 1, aharat yata s, adtpyata 1, «pao?- 
14, d/atf 1, dyatf 1, auhat 1, atirat 4, yfltfa 10, arnanyatu 2. 
avindat 2, avipat 6, asiftcat s [1], 
udhayat 2, adhydyat 2, apapyat 10, 
iim&dyat 1, avidhyat 1, aprdiayat 2, 
uhvayat 1, (fcya£ 1 ; V. agachat 14, 
ay achat 9, abravit 70, apvasit 1, <fo& 
16 [10]. 

2. Du. I. aitam (1) ; II. adhattam 
(1) ; IV. dvatam 1, amuficatam (2). 

3. Du. L abrdtdm ft, d*£dm 6, aitdm 3. Du. III. dpnuvdtdm 
3 ; II. ajahitdm 1 ; III. akurutdm \ ; 5, avrndtdm 2 ; IV. akalp- 
IV. ajayatdm e, abhavatdm s, avadat dm etdm 2, ajayetdm 9, avad- 
1, aharatdm 1 ; V. agaehatdm 8. etdm 1, avahetdm 1, 

anudetdrn s, qjdyetdm 1, 
amanyetdm 1, asrjyetdm 1. 

1. PI. I. aganma (2), apdma (1). 1. PI. IV. adiksh- 

dmahi >. 

3. PI. I. akran 1, agman (1), agr/iw- 3. PL I. akrata 2, 

'/« 1, abruvcm *s, astuvan 8, dycm «i, aghnata 15, ahata 2, <ifoafa 

ffaawio(i); II. ajahus », atishthan 7, 6, airata (2) ; II. atishth- 

"bibhayus 10; III. akurvan 10, adhtivan anta 4, adadata 1, adadh- 

\,aminvan\)arddhnuvan\\\\a#unvan ata 3; III. akurvata 9, 

3, (tstabhmivan 2, asprnvan 1, dpnuvan atanvata 10 [1], dpnuvatn 
~^8tabhnuv<mw.*,9,akrina?i2,agrbhna?) 7, agrhnata 2 [1], ajdnata 

4, agrhnan 1, ajdnan s, avrfijan 2 ; IV. 4, arninanta (1), ayunjata 
akrdman 2. akropan 1, acaran 1, ajayan 4, arundhata s ; IV. akalp- 
21, adravan ft, anayan s, apatan 2, anta 1, ajayanta 7, atvar- 
nbhajan 2, abharan 7, abhavau 12, #w£a 3, adikshanta 2, 
ayajan 1, arohan 2, avadan 1, avapan abhajanta 1, abhavanta % 

1, avardhan (1), avasau 2, avahan 1, amodantai,ayajantab(i), 
aprayan 1, asidan 1, asvaran 1, aharan ayatanta 9, dlabhanta ft, 

2, f1;Vm 1, auhan 4, bharan (1), arshan avartanta 7, dcamanta 
1, avindan 5, avipan 3, asrjan 1, 1, aprayanta 9, asacanta 
asincan 6 (1), w£;Vm 190.4, adhydyan 8, (2), aspardlianta 8, aA«r- 
npapyan 10, avayan 1; V. agachan is, antai,drjantaf>,adriyanta 
ayachan 22, aicham. 1, anudanta 11, ajdyanta 

5, adipyanta 1, apadyanta 
4, abudhyanta 2, am an- 
yanta 8, ahvayanta 1 ; V. 
aichanta 1. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



284 J, Ave? % y, 

PERFECT SYSTEM. 
A. Perfect Indicative. 

1. Sing, mroha i, roha [7], veda 1. I. Sing. Uhe 1, da<fe 1. 

2. Sing, dvitha (1), W6#Aa a (1). 

3. Sing. <foa 1a (1), dAa im, iydya ai, 3. Sing, ye 10, co/re 
uvdca 77, uvdpa 1, cak&ra e, rtocdra 6, a (1), ccfisrame a (a), /eyVte 

jagdma*, jagau \, jagrdha \, jaghdna a, ^aArc 1, ^ye 1 ,'i), 
i y jabhdra (a), jahdra 1 [1], juhavdflca- jujushe (a), dadhe (1), 
kdra \)jigdya*,tatdna{\),ta8thau\ (\), nunude 1, paprathe (1), 
ttishtdva «, dadarpa a, dadau a, oW- mumuce a, leMi *, 
dhdra is (1), ntndya a, niniyojaf ibi.ii, vdvrdhe (a). 
papdda 1, papracha i, babandha 1, 
babhUva a, bibhdya a, vdvdna ia, w#fc* 
aia (1), papansa 1, puprdva 1, sasdda 1 (*), 
sasdra 7, 8asdha 1, sisheca a, sushdva 1. 

2. Du. jigyathus (1). 

3. Du. dsatus 1, dhatus 1, ilccUus s, 3. Da. yuytidhdte 1. 
tishatus 1. 

3. PI. dnapus (1), <fou# •, dAw$ 189 3. PI. cakrire 1, ^a^/t- 

(OWi ^y 1 ** S ^^^ ,0 > <5«^*w* 9 j jagmv8 nire a, jajfiire a, tasthire 1, 

4, jaghnus 1, jabhrus 1 (1), ./i^tm* a, dadrire 1, pedire 1, bhejire 

jighyus 1, juhuyus 1, dadvs a, dadrgus 1, menire 1, met hire 1, 

a, dadhus 4, paprcits 1, bctbhtivus 1, t y«tf?Ve 6, ruruvire 1. 
mamru8 1, ywa i*a.a, m'rft/* e (1), vividus 
<x,8edu8 1 (1). 

E. Perfect Participle. 

cakrusTve a, cikitushe (i), jaghnivdn- fjdnas e, jagmdnas (1), 
saw 1, ddpvdmam (1) -ushas (1), pipdnasya (1), t?dt?rdA- 
mtdhvas (1), milhushe 1 [1], vohivdn dnam 1, sasrjdnam 1, 
1, vidvdn 73 (4) [a] -uiA4 1 -u#Ae 1 -w&ho8 a shicdnasya 1. 
-vdn8Ct8 9. 

AORIST SYSTEMS. 

A. Slmple-Aorist. 

I. Forms in which the endings are added directly to the root. 

Indicative. 

2. Sing, a^da 1 (a), odAtfc (1). 2. Sing, asakthds 1. 

3. Sing. a</<& a (e), a<ftft 1, acWtfJ [a], 3. Sing. <z<fr£a 1, asrpta 
abhtit a (a), osiAtftf 1 (a)[a]. [a], cwJrta a. 

3. PI. ow/tt* 1, a<£tt$ a, a8thu8 1. 3. PI. adrpram (40.a). 

Subjunctive. 
2d form. 

2. Sing. £<& 1, **Ad* (1). 

3. Sing. <gr<fc 1 («)[■], efrft [a], rfAtf (f) 
[51.19], />d* 1. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb-Forms of the Aitareya- BrdhmcCna. 

Simple- Aorist Subjunctive — concluded. 
3d form. 
2. Sing, bhds a [19]. 



285 



3. PI. gUS 1 (l), 8thUH 1. 

Optative. 

1. Sing. apydm(i) bhilyiUam[v]. 

2. Sing. bhtiyds (1). 

3. Sing, vidhydt 1. 
1. PI. a^ydvia [1]. 

Imperative. 



2. Sing, drthds 1. 

3. Sing, rftfa a. 

1. PI. dhimahi (a). 



I. PI. aptmahi (1), 
napimahi (1). 



2. Sing, pnidhi (a). 

3. Sing, pflw&f* [i88.a]. 
2. Du. prutam (1). 

IT. Forms which take a as a connecting vowel. 
Indicative. 

1. Sing, agamam 1, adar$am s, 
avidam 1. 

2. Sing. avida8 1. 

3. Sing, aehidat 1, avrdhat (1), 
avrddhat 1, avidat\^ asadat (a), asanat 
[\\ axrpat [a], ahanat 1, dr«J (1). 

Subjunctive. 
3d form. 

1. Sing, bhuvam 1. 

2. Sing, bhuvas [is]. 

3. Sing, grabhat [a], dushat a, 
bhuvat (1). 

3. PL bhuvan (1). 

B. S-Aoriit 
I. Forms which add * to the root. 
Indicative. 
1. Sing, ajftdsarn 1, avdtsam 1. 



1. Sing. arautsii,avit- 
si (1), astrshi 1. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



286 ./. Avery, 

S-Aorist I. Indicative— concluded. 

2. Sing. ajaishis i, adrdk 1, 2. Sing, ajfidsthds i. 
ivdrkshts i, a v Otitis i. 

3. Sing, ajait [i], aydkshtt i, aA<w- 3. Sing. acyoshta i, 
*Aft i. amansta i, aarshta i. 

1. PI. ardtsma [2]. 

3. PI. abhdk&hm i. 3. PI. urdsatu i, «&/;>- 

SUBJUNCTIVE. 

2d form. 

1. Sing. gdyhhe (i) 
(" double stem "). 

3. Sing, parshat a. 

3d form. 

2. Du. 0r£«/j/frArim[i]. 

II. Forms which add wA to the root. 
Indicative. 

1. Sing, akdrishd'rt (a), agrah- 
hham i, apamisham i. 

2. Sing, avadhts 2, avddts i. 

3. Sing, akrantit i (i), agrahit i, 3. Sing. adikshi*/ita 
icdrtt i, tdrt8h(at) [40.15], avddit 2, [2]. 

ivadhit 2, apttnsit 3. 

3. PI. avadhishus 1. 

Subjunctive. 
2d form. 

3. Sing, bhavishdt [18.13], pahsishat 
51.22]. 

3d form. 

1. Sing. pftii8i8ham 1. 

2. Sing, cdrtfi I, tdrts [1], #<7?Vtf (1), 2. Sing, janishthds \(\). 
ht list 8 [1]. 

3. Sing. dikshis/tia 1, 

$(tfl8i8htf( 1. 

2. Dn. /tm*/$///Y/'/w[i]. 

Subjunctive. 

1. PI. vddishma 1, vadlshma 1. 

2. PI. rdvishta [1]. 

3. PI. vadhi8hu8 1. " 3. PI. dsishata 1. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb- Forms of the Aitareya-Brdhmuna. 287 

S-Aoribt — concluded. 
III. Forms which add sish to the root. 
Indicative. 
3. Sing, agdstt i. . 

Subjunctive. 
3d form. 
3. PI. jndslshus a. 

IV. Forms which add sa to the root. 
Indicative. 

2. Sing, adrukshas i. 

3. Sing, ad/rukshat (i). 

Subjunctive. 
3d form. 

1. Sing, mrksham [i]. 

2. Sing. mrkshas [i]. 

3. Sing, yaks hat a, vakshat (»)[»]. 

FUTURE SYSTEMS. 

A. 8-Future. 

Indicative. 

1. Sing, eshydmii, yamishydml i, 1. Sing. kartshye i, 
jeshydmi a, patsydmi 1, bhaoishydmi a, mankshye 1, srakthye 4. 
mokshydmi 1, yokshydmi 1, lapsydmi 

1, pasishydmi 1. 

2. Sing, jinvishyasl », bhaoishyasi 
1, hvayishyasi 1. 

3. Sing, arlshyati \,eshyatiz,yami- 3. Sing, cyos/tyate 1, 
$Aytf££ 1, jeshyati s, ddsyati 1, dhak- junishyate 3. 

shyati \, dhdsyati i 9 patsy at i a, pdsyati 
iibhavishyati*) marishyati 1, vakshyatl 
4, pansishyati [a], hdsyati s, hoshyati 1. 

1. Du. eshydvas i,jeshydvas 3. 



1. PI. eshishydmas a, eshydmas 3, 
karkhydmas 3, carishydmas 1, rtfA- 
Mj&mas [1], vakshydntas 1, sraA- 
shydmas 5, stoshydmas 1, sthdsydmasz. 

2. PI. bhavishyatha 1. 

3. PI. yamishyantl 1, jnasyant't 1, 
ddayanti 1, pdsyanti 1, bhavishyanti a, 
ym&hyanti i, harishyanti 1. 



3. Du. klpsytte 1. 



2. PI. InpHyad/ice 1, 
hanishyadhve 1. 



)igitized by VjOOQ IC 



188 «/. Aiwy, 



S-Futurb — concluded. 

Participle. 

eshyan i -antas i, karishyan a -at a, (Suffix mdna) eshkh- 
Ihdsyantas i, patishyan 1, bhavishyat yamdnasya a, dikshhh- 
i] -afaw i, vatsyan i, oakshyan i, yamdnas a, yaksh(y)- 
ansishyan 1, satsyan 1, sekshyan a, a mdna 8 an. a, yatish- 
\anishyan i -antas a, hoshyan i. yamdnas i, lapsyamdnas 

i, vadtshyamdnas i. 

Conditional. 
1. Sing, akarishyam iw.ia. 
8. Sing, abhavishyat 107.10. 
3. PI. aishyan 107.10. 

B. Periphrastic Future. 
Indicative. 
1. Sing, gantdsmi 1, vaktdsmi 1, 

3. Sing, khydtd [187.15], drashtd 
is?. m], bhavitd 20.5, pwttf [i87.u]. 

1. PL jndtdsmasf 188.10, vaktdsmas? 

16.32,34. 

DERIVATIVE VERBS. 

L Causative. 

Present Indicative. 

1. Sing, bhakshaydmi [a], vardh- 
ydmi [1], vepaydmi [1]. 

3. Sing, ardhayatl 4a, ilayati 1, 3. Sing, kdmayute s, 
•ayati 1, kalpayati an, gamayati 10, kdrayate a. 
hdrayatl 2. ehadayati 1, janayati 8, 
tray at 1 1, tarpayati a, dhdrayati a, 
ddayati a, pydy ayati 1, bhakshayati 
1, bhdvayati a, marcayati 1, ydtayati 
i, ramayati 8, rocayati 1, vdcayati a, 
artayati 7, vdhayati 1, vedayati a, 
umayati 7, yrdv ayati 1, sddwjati 1, 
iy ayati 1, sthdpayati 39, svadayati 1. 

3. Du. gamayatas i. 

1. PL bhakshaydrnasi [1], 8thd/h 
ydmas [1]. 

3. PL ardhayanti 1, kalpayanti a, 3. PL mddayante 1, 
hdrayanti 1, janayanti 1, tarpayanti marjayante 2, vedayantti. 

dtkshnyanti 4, nabhayanti a, /><£*£- 
yaftl/ a, pdvayanti 1, pydy ant i a, 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verh- Forms of the Atiareya lirahmana. 



289 



Ca usati ve — continued. 

bhakshayantiiy ydjayantis, vartayanti 
i, rardhayanti 4, vedayanti*, prath- 
mjanti 1, gamuyanti 1, sthdpayanti 7. 

Present Subjunctive. 

1st form. 

1. Sing, ardhaydnl 10, jiidpaydni 
1, gnmaydnl 1, sthdpaydni 3. 

2d form. 

1. PI. bhdvaydma 1, sthdpaydma 1. 

3d form. 
3. Sing, codayat (*). 

3. PI. dhdrayan (1), ydtayan 1. 



3. PI. janayanta \ (1), 
marjayanta (1). 



Present Optattve. 

3. Sing. adayet* y ardhayet\,kamp- 3. Sing, kalpayeta 1, 
'/*/** 1, kirtayet 5, kramayet 1, gnmayet kdmayeta «4, kdmayita 

1, rydvayet 1, janayet s, bhakshayet 5, 82.13, khydpayeta 1. 
mohayet 1, ydjayet a, ydtayet 2, rohayet 

2, ropayet 174.7, vartayet s, vedayei 2, 
pinsayet 2, pleshayet 1, sddayet 1, 
skaiulayet a, sthdpayet 4, liar ay et s. 

3. Du. dtkshayetdm 1. 

3. PI. kampayeyus 1, vdsayeyvs 1, 
redayeym 1, prdvayeym 1, sddayeyus 
1, sthdpayeyus 2. 



3. PI. khydpayeran 1. 



Present Imperative. 
2. Sing. £raya (1), kalpaya [2], 
gamaya 1 [i],j«My« OH 1 ]* j^paya ■> 
y&jayai, vdsaya 1, pa may a 1, sddaya 1. 

2. PI. yamayatdt [so.a], w/tfw- 2. PI. vdrayadhvdt 
'tyatdt [jo.isJ, ydjayata 1, sthdpayata 1. [30.11]. 

3. PL mddayantdm(\). 

Present Participle. 

kirtayantas 1, dhdrayan 1, /?^f?- dhdrayamdnas 1. 
ffyantas 3, pdrayantas ( 1 ), prat hay an tan 
(i), bhakshayantas 1, ydjayadbhya* 1, 
Vdmayatd 1, stanayan 1 (1), sphdrj- 
ay an 1. 

vol. x. 40 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



1 J. Avery, 

Causative — concluded. 
Imperfect Indicative. 

J. Siug. akdmayat 1, akalpayat i, 3. Sing, akdmayato i. 
May at 1, agamayat i, acydvayat a, 
may at (i), phdnayat (1), abhdvayat 
lydjayat 1, a^ansayat a, ahdpayat i. 

2. Du. airayethfitnii). 
\. Du. adhdrayatdm a. 

J. PI. acydvayan i, adikshayan i, 3. PI. akdmayanta a, 
ibhayan a, apddayan i, apdraynn adhdrayantn a, a/xfrf- 
lydjayan 6, ayopayan a, arocayan i, ayanta i, avddayaida i, 
xrttiyan i, aveduyan a, aprathayan avdrayanta i. 
isddayan i, janayan i, sthdpayan 5. 

Perfect Indicative. 
I. Sing. Hthdpaydiicakdra isa.ie. 
*. PI. sthdpaydilcakrus i88.i9. 

Aorist Indicative. 
.. Sing, avocam i. 

!. Sing, ajtjanas (i), avoca* i. 2. Sing, avocathd* i. 

I. Sing, ttciklpat a, ajtjanat a (i)[i], 
shthipat a, artfrucat (i), auocat e. 



2. Du. apa&prdhethum 



I. Du. actklpatdm e. 

. PI. artricdma [i], avordma i. 

i. PI. ajayrabhaishan\to.\,ay<iyup- 
i, avtvrdhan i, avoctm i, asttsharus i. 

Aorist Subjunctive. 
3d form. 
. Sing, vocam (a). 

!. Sing, didharat [1], riramat (1). 





S-Future Indicative. 


i. Sing. 


janaylshyati 1. 


1. PI. dpayishydmas 1, //#»>- 
shy dm as 1, ydjayifthydmas 1. 




II. Desiderative. 




Present Indicative. 


. Sing. 


ninUhdmi 1. 


. Sing. 


nintshmi 1. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb- Forms of tlie AiUireyn-Br&lnnami. 



291 



Desidkrative— concluded. 

3. Sing, ipsati i, jigamishuti 3, a. Siug. pipdsate i, 
bukhiUhati l. puprushate i. 

3. PI. didhishante i, 
Mbhatsante i. 

Present Optative. 

3. Sing, jlgdnset i, dhitset i, bnbhri- 3. Sing, didikshisheta 
shet i. i. 



Present Participle. 
sishdsatyas i. mimdmamdnd* i. 

Imperfect Indicative. 



3. Sing, tfjtwctf l. 

3. PI. ajighdnson i, epson i. 



:*. PI. (ijijndsanta 8, 
ahtbhatsattta i, arurut- 
Hitnta l. 



Perfect Indicative. 



2. Sing, diddsitha 



Desiderative from Causative base. 

Present Indicative. 
3. PI. bibhdvaytHfutnti na.ii. 

Imperfect Indicative. 
3. PI. kalpayishan 73.4,6,7. 

in. Intensive. 

Present Indicative. 



3. Sing, vevls/ioti 1. 
1. PI. nonumas (s). 
3. PL didyctii *. 

Present Subjunctive. 

2d form. 

3. Sing, jaiighanut (3), dldayat (1). 

3d form. 
3. Sing, marwrpat 1. 



1. Sing, nenije [s], 

2. Sing. £yw?£ 300.17. 

1. PI. tmahe 11 8.34*. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



292 J. Avery, 

Iktrnsi vk — concluded. 
Present Optative. 
3. Sing, jdgrydt i. 

PRESENT Imperative. 
2. Sing, didlhi (l). 

Present Participle. 

jdgratam i, didyat (i), dtdhyatyas i, cekitdmim (i), johuni- 
panipnatam (i), marmrpantas i, ^cft* (i). 
varvrtatis (i), vdvadatas i. 



Imperfect Indicative. 



3. Sing. c^v«4 \,janghanat [ij. 3. Sing, adtdedivatau 

3. PI. ajohavus i, anamtiamvs [\\ 3. PI. mionudyaiUa i. 

Perfect Indicative. 
1. Sing, dldhaya (a). 
3. Sing, diddya 6. 

Perfect Participle. 

didlvdu (i) -dhsam (i), piptvdnsam 
(i), pipushim (i). 

IV. Denominative. 

Present Indicative. 

3. Sing, urushyati i, gopdyati a, 3. Sing, tandrayate i, 
namasyati i, bhishajyatl s, riytitikhctr mantrayate a. 
yatfi 9, valgtZyati (i). 

1. PI. vdjaydtnasi (i). 

3. PL itydnkhayanti i, bhithaj- 
yanti a. 

Present Subjunctive. 
1st form. 

1. Sing, nydnkhaydni a. 

Present Optative. 

3. Sing, gopdyet a, nydnkhayet n, 
bhakshayet a, mokshayet i. 

Present Imperative. 

2. Sing, gopdya [a], mantraya i. 2. Sing, virayasw '• 

3. Sing, gopdyatu [4]. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb-Fo) ms of the A itareya- Brdh maim. 293 

Denominative— concluded. 
3. Du. bhishajyatam i. 

2. PL grbhdyata i, duvasyata (i). 3. PL rnantrayadhvam 

i. 

Present Participle. 
ardtlyatas i, decay antas i (e). 

Imperfect Indicative. 

3. Sing, amantrayata i. 
3. PL amantrayanta*. 

Perfect Indicative. 

3. Sing, mantra ydmdsa a. 

V. Passive. 

Present Indicative. 

2. Sing, idhyase (a). 

3. Sing, dpyate 1, idhyate (a), itcyatt 13, rdhyate 5, kriyate is, 
kriyate 1, kshiyate a, khydyate 1, gamy ate a, giyates, grhyate a, 
chidyate 1, jndyate 3, tdyate 1, duhyate 1, dhiyate ae, dhriyate 1, 
my ate (1), pacyate 1, pHryate a, bhriyate 1, inly ate 1, mucyate 

3, yitjyate a, r icy ate 1, rCipyate 2, labhyate a, v tdyate a, pasyate is, 
$i*hyate 3, sicyate 6, srjyatez, Kiyate 1, hay ate 3. 

3. Du. ucyete 1, kriyete 3, ricyete 1, pasyete 4. 

3. PL dpyante ft, ucyante 3, upyante 2, krlyantt ft, grhyante 

4, d/ilyante 8, niyante 3, mucyante », yujyante 1, rudhyante 2, pe/s- 
yante 33, srjyante 3, sicyante 5, htiyante (hu) 1, hdyante (hdjivd) 1. 

Present Optative. 

3. Sing, krtyeta 1, bhidyeta 1, mrjytta 1, vidyeta a. 

3. Du. srjyeydtdm 1. 

3. PL krtyeran 1, kriyeran 1, dahyeran 3, ci dyer an 1, uliyeran 
1, hiyeran 1. 

Present Imperative. 
3. Sing, dhiyatdm 6. 

Present Participle. 

(Suffix mdna) ajyatndndya 1, uhyamdndya 1 -t' 1 -dbhydm 2, 
kriyamdnam 10 -ew« 1 -4y« 1 -e 1, kriyamdnam a, dlyamdnasya s, 
duhyamdnam 1 -a" 6, dhiyamdnam 1, niyamdnas 1 -am 1 -tfya 1 -€ 3 
•dbhydm 8, -ebhyas 3 -<fow 1, pacyamdnds 1, ptiryamdna- :, Ma/- 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



294 e/. Avert/, 



Passive — concluded. 



yamdnd i, mathyamdnas 1 -dya t -e i, miyamdna* (1), miicyaindwi* 
3 > yujyamdnd i, rudhyamdnas i, pasyamdnam 1 -dm 1 -6 a, prf- 
yamdndya i, sttfyamdrtas i, hHyamdndydm i. 

Imperfect Indicative. 

3. Sing, akhydyata i, adhtyata i, amucyata i, uhiyata j, 
ahUyata a, drdhyata a. 

3. PL adiryanta i, udhriyanta s, opyanta i, asrjymUu a. 

A.0RI8T Indicative. 
3. Sing. acefe (i), q/an/ i*, adhdyi (a), apddi 1, ayo/* (i), aroci 

(l), OftllU' 1, VtfC* [61.8,14,19]. 

Aobist Subjunctive. 
3. Sing. Ja/// ai4.i7,i»,ai,as,34, dhdyl (ao. n). 

Causative Passive. 
Present Participle. 
pddyamdne i, sddyamdndya \ -dsu ), sthdpyamdnas i. 

VL Infinitive. 

Accusative. eft/TM s, kartum 8, jetum i, tatUum i (2), datum 1, 
nayitum 1, moktum 1, yantum 2, yoktum 1, vaktum 1, vaditum 1, 
volhum 1, sattum 1, sadam (24.10). 

Dative, etavdi 2, kartave 1, jivase [1], aVpe (1), pdtave (2), 
volhave (1). 

VTL Preterite Participle.* 

Active. (Suffix tavant) pHtavantas pi. 

Passive. (Suffix fa) a&taa 2 -tern (1) 1 -fcfo (2), e/ste 1, a/rfa# 3 pis 
-£d 2 [1] ps -tow p2 -tdm 2 -tdndm 1 -teshu 1, e7a C2 -£<x#8(i)ps 
-£<///* 1 pi -te 28, Iddhas 2 pi cs -dhasya (1), tshitas a -&2 2 -torn 1 
-£a> (»), ishtam is[»], wA:to ci -£c« 1 pa pea 01 -£a"i -taw 5 p7 -tasyit 
1 -tdydm 3 -te 2, woVta ci -faw pe -tara p» -tfoV/? 2 -tdydm 1, itidni p 
4, tf/Aoa 2, Artfos pi (pi) -£a* pi -tam 7 (a) pio C3 -tfoya 2 ci -£e e 
-^n'(i) -tes/iw 1, krshtas pi -torn a, klptas pi -tarn ca -tewa 1 -te pi 
-ftfoa pi -£d/u" 1, krdnta 6 -ta/ra 1 -6<2m a, krttarn 1 -tfoya 1 -tasya 1 
-te a, krushtas a -form a, khydtam 1, $r«ta ca -Jo* » pi -torn 2 (1) -te s 
-tdydm 1 -tuyor a -£<fo a pi, grfttz* pi -£a> pa, grhttas pa ci, grbhttas 
pi -£«' 1 ci -Jam 1 pi ci -£d* 1 -Jdwi 1 -Jaw (a), c/faw pi, cyuta* 1a 
-£d 16 pi -foY a -tfo* ^jdtas s (5) pi ci -torn 6 (3) -Jdya 4 -tasya 1 -&2s 2 
-tdndm 9 9 jitd pi -tam 1 (1) \)\,ju&htdc\ 9 jilta8 ci -tarn (c8),Jn<ftas 1, 

♦Ac denotes a use of the participle in composition; a^, its use as predicate, 
without copula expressed. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb-Forms of the Aitareya-Brdhmana. 295 



Preterite Participle — concluded. 



tata ci -tas • (i) pa -toa -tarn & (4) pi -tais 5, taptas 1 -tebhyas 4, tUrtas 

1 (1), drptas a, drshtdn 1, drnhitdni (pi), dattam 1, ditarn (1), #7*A- 
tom 1, dikshitas 3 -tasya a -£<fo 1, diishtam a, dugdha ci -dham s [1], 
i/A/tfa ca, dhrtas 1 pa -to* pi -torn pi, nashta ca -to 1, naddhas 
pa, ntto* a, neto* a -to* pi -torn pi, nuttds 4, jt>£to* 1 -tasya [i],pdtas 
a pa, pdrtam [s], prshtas 1, pritas s -tow 4 -^dya 1 -te 1 -tow 1 
-*#* 5, bhaktd 1, bhakshitas 4 -tasya 1, Mf2tom4[i] -tdm \ -tdt 
1, bhrtam 3, matam 1, mattas 1 -torn pa, mitas a pa -torn e p3 -tena 
4 -tasya a -tdbhis s, mittam 1, muktas a -te 1 -tayos 1 -£<2* 1, mugdhas 
1, wrta ci'-to 1, mrshtas 1, yato (ci) -to* a (1) pi toi (1) pi -tfw 
1, yattdn 1, y deltas 1, yuktas a pa -tatamas pi -tow 1 -toy a 1 -te i 
-tayos 1, rabdhas 1 -dAd 1 pi -dham [1] pi -dhdya 1 -dAe 1, 
rdtatamd (1), riktas 1 -torn lp 1 -tayos 1 -torn" 1, rishta ca, ruddhas 

2 -cM<2 1 -rfAd* pi, labdhas 1 -^AtfJ 4, lubdham e p7, vdntam * pi 
-ton 1, vrArto (ci), vrfo* 1 [1] ps Ic* pci] -to pci, vrtfto ci -to* 1 pi 
-frt*v 1, ve7to ci -to pi -tow s, viadhas 1 -dAo* 1, vishtas 1 -tfaya 2 -te 
1, vfta* (1), (pastas 4 (ci) -torn 6 pi -tatamam 1 -te 2 [1] -to* 4, cdttia 
C4 -to* 1 -to* 1 -torn 3, cishtas pi -torn 8 (i)[pi], enddhas 1, ccutas 
(a), crdvtam [1] -to/i* a, -tatarais 4, critam 4 -te 3 pi -tayos 1 -to* 
1 pi -ftfru 1, crutas 1 pi, clishtam a, saktas pi -torn pi, siktas a 
-tarn 8 -&fya 1 -tasya a -ton 5, */to* 1, *rto ci, srshtd e -torn a -te 
1 pa -£a* 1 -tdndm a, *?*to* 1 (1) (pi) -tow* 11 -tasya (j) -tdsas pi 
-tone 1, *t2to* a -to* ca, skabhitd [1 pi], stutas 10 (1) -tow 8 pi -te 1, 
sthita cie -fa* 8 p7 -torn 8 p« -tewa a -tatamayd 1 -tdydm 1 -tasya 
(1) -te 1 -£o* 4 pa -tow 6 -tdndm 8, srastatn 2, Aato C4 -to* 1 -torn 1 
-te 1 -*tf* 7, hitas 10 ps pci -to ci -to?n 1 ps (pa) [ci] -tewtf ci 
-to* 2, Arto* 6 -torn 4 -Jo* a pi -tow a -to/* 1 -to*?/ 2, Awto* a -tow 
s (1) pi [1] -tdydm 1 -£a* 2, Atfto [1] -tow 1 [p2] -to* [ps]. 

Causative, iritayd 1, vdsitam 1. 

Desiderative. jijyushitas ps. 

(Suffix wa) girnam ps, chinnas 1 -no" 1 -w/i* s,jirnam \,pamia& 
1 -wa/H a -nasya \, pittas pi, ptirna (1), bhinndm 1, lindni 1, cdnas 1, 
mnnas 3 -waw 1 -na*w 1, stirnam (1), hinas pi -w7 1. 

VTIL Gerundives. 

(Suffix tavya) acitavyam pa, ishitavyam p2, eshtavyam 1, &ar- 
tavyas 1 pa -yd i -yaw a ps -ye 1 -yew pi -y^* a, caritavyam pa, 
ddtavyd 1, drogdhavyam 1, pattavyam pa, vaditavyam p2, cr///*- 
tav.yas 2 p4 -tavyd p2 -tavyam ps, hotavyatn pio -tavye pa. 

(Suffix ^«a) janitvam 1 (1). 

(Suffix aniya) dhdniyd 1 -nlyds 6 -titydbhis 1. 

(Suffix ya) dpy<2 1 [1], ikshyatamam pi, idydya (1), wcya* pa 
-yaw 1 p» -y(2* pi -ya/i/ ps, krtyam p2, ktrtyam 1, giryam pi, 
guhyam z^jneyam 1, drtyam pi2, dhrshyd 2 [a], dheyam a, peyam 
pi, bandhyas 1, bhavyam\, medhyd 1 -yaV?pi, rndhyas pi, rddyam 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



2»6 */. Avery, 

Gerundives — concluded. 

i, vadhyas i, vedyas pi, vyathyam 6, pa-syas pi -ytf pi -y4«/ 1, 
.•»r/y^ pi, hrtyam ps. 

Causative. (Suffix tavya) kalpayitavyds pa — (ya) ydjyas \n 
-yarn pi. 

Desiderative. (Suffix tavya) llpsitavyam pi. 

DL Gerund. 

(Suffix tvd) dptvd is, tehtvd 10, uktvd 8, tidhvd i, Arr*tf<2 16 [i], 
yatfutf 6, grhftvd i, caritvd a, japitvd a. /ftwtf 8, jtldtvd i, taptvd s, 
dattvd 3, dugdhvd a, drshtvd n, dhUtvd i, patitvds, pftvd i [i], 
bhtitvd 3», ydcitvd i, vittvd a, vrshtvd i, pastvd \*, pnttvd i, «/X*/r'/ 
i, srshtvd s, hatvd 8, A#w2 i, hutvd 5, hrtvd i. 

(Suffix ya) «pya a, aaya *, d/>y« a, itfya i», weya 4, wdya a, w/>y« «, 
ushya i, tMya a, kalpya i, ArJya 8, kramya 7, khddya i, khydya i, 
gatya i, y<2ya a, yfrya i, gUrya a, grhya a, grathya i, crtycr i, chidy*i 
*,jndya 8, tacya i, r/dya 8, e?r*ya i, drpy<* U drutya a, dhdya n [i], 
dhrtya a, wfya i, budhya e, bhajya i, bhUya i, bhrtya 8, mitya i, 
mucya a, mushy a i, mrshya 5, rabhya a, rddhya a, rujya a, rudhya 
i, ruhya 8, rdhya i, rupya i, labhya i, lupya a, valhya a, t'/p*y« a, 
vrtya i, pisfiya 4, sadya (a), *icya 4, ar/yr/ a, stirya i, sthdya 6, /*<*</</ 
a, Arty a 4, hrtya 8. 

Causative. (Suffix tfutf) kalpayitvd a, gamayitvd a, c/iddayitvd 
a, janayitvd i, dikshayitvd i, bhakshayitvd a, gdpayitvd a, pra//- 
ayitvd i. 

(Suffix ya) cdrya i, vedya i, vepya », sthdpya 3, sparpya i. 

Causative from Desiderative base, bhlnhayitvd i. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb-Forms of the Nala and BhagaoadgM. 29? 



III. THE VERB IN THE NALA AND BHAGAVADGITA. 

PRESENT SYSTEM. 

Active. Middle. 

A. Present Indicative. 

1. Sing. I. asmi nis bso, emim ; II. 1. Sing. III. jdne b*, 
dnddmi ltt, dadhdmiBi; III. karomi vrns ni ; IV. £fo*Ae bi, 
x i bi, paknomi bi, apnrfmtBi, grhndmi kdnkshe bi, wa/we ni, 
bi, jdndmi ns bi, pnshndmi bi ; IV. bhdshe ni, labhe b\, varte 
nwdmi ns, tapdmi bi, tardmi ni, joac- ii\,parike$i y sahexs y vinde 
ami bi, bhajdmi bi, bhavdmi B3, waA- ni,padye bi, manye N3 bi. 
dmisi, vrajumi~s\, pocdmi ni, smardmf 

N4, svapdmi ni, kshipdmi bi, vinddmi 
ni bi, vipdmi ni, srjdnu ni bb, napydmi 
bi, papydmi N8 b*, hrshydmi bj; V. 
ichdmi N9 bo, prchdmi ni bi, pocimi ni, 
bravimi N7 bi. 

2. Sing. I. ewt Nai bis, khydsi ni. 2. Sing. IIL^VfoifoAeNi; 
M<2« ni ; II. jahdsi ni, juhoshl bi, IV. katt/iase ni, bhdshase 
tishthasl bi, daddsi bi, bibharahi ni ; N4 bi, vartose ni, pankase 
III. dpnoshi bi, karoshi bi, paknoshi ni, pocase ni, harase ni, 
bi, apndsi bi ; IV. arhasi ni7 bio, budhyase ni, mam/ase 
eshasisi^ tarasi ni, dhdvasi ni, bhqjasi ns bs, pakyase ni. 

ni, vadasi bi, vdnchasi ni, 0?/a*£ ni, 
pansasi ni bi, pocasi ni ; V. ichasi 
xe bs, bravUhi bi. 

3. Sing. L cwfo' ni* Bi7, e£t N2 bo, 3. Sing. I. <fote ns w, 
(Ine8htiB6, bhdti-s*, ydti N4 bio, vcWi /te ni, cashte ni, pete N4 ; 
N3 bii, p#sfo" ni, Aa?<l£ bs ; II. jahdti b*2, II. tisJithate Bi, efatfte bi ; 
tishthati N4 B4, bibharti bi ; III. dpnoti III. apnute bs, kurute 
xi bb, karotiw, paknoti bi, praofa" ni bi, nibs, vrnUe ni, bhunkte 
grhndti Bi,jdndti^-2 bo, badhndtim bs, bs; IV. ingate b-2, tkshate 
hinasti bi; IV. arcati ni, arhati no bi, bs, *Aate bi, kalpate bs, 
kar8hati bi, kdnkshati B4, krdmati bi, grasate ni, cesbtate bi, 
kropati hi, caratim B4, calati w,jivati tvarate ni, namate ni, 
N4 bi, tyajati bi, dahati n*, dhdvati ni, patatex\,bhajatem,yatate 
nmtdati n* bi, patatl ni, braoati ni, bi, rabhate bs, ramate B3, 
bhajati b«, bhramati ni bi, yatati bi, rdjate N2, labhate bo, 
rodati ni, vadati bi, vasati ni, vahati vartates*ii\*,vardhate ni, 
ni, vdfichati ns, pansati ni, pocati vepate ni, vyathate ni, 
xs bs, awfczto' ni, sarpati ni, smarati bi, pobhate ni, sahate ni, 
harati bi, mutlcati bi, vindati ns B4, sevate bs, sransate bi, Aar- 
*rj"' /fi bi , gdyatisi, tushyati bi, napyati ate bi, vindate bi, vipate 
ix y papyati N2 bis, muhyati bs, plshyati bi, trdyate bi, napyate ni, 
hi, hrshyati bs ; V. £cAa£/ N2, rc/tatim, padyate B7, many ate ni bi, 
guchati ns bis, yachati bs. rajyate bi, liyate bs, pad- 
yate ni. 

vol. x. 41 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



298 J. Avery, 

Present Indicative — concluded. 
1. Du. IV. pandvas x\; V. gach- 1. Du. IV. pandvak 

dvas Nl. Nl. 

3. Du. HI. jdnitas m ; IV. bhav- 
atas bi, va8(Ua8 ni. 

1. PI. L vidmas bi, jotio* ni ; IV. 
cardmas ni, papydmas ni ; V. gracA- 
tfraa* ni. 

2. PI. III. jdnitha ni ; IV. arA- 
r/tfAa ni, dhdvatha ni. 

3. PI. I. ydnti ni bu, stuvantl bi ; 3. PI. I. Ifoafe ni bio, 
II. juhvati b«, tishthanti m ; HE. tf/??w- cakshate b* ; III. bhuhjatt 
vanti bi, kurvanti im, paknuvanti ni, bi ; IV. tkshante bi, ihunte 
apnanti bi, grnanti bi, jdnanti bs, bi, bhajante bs, yajantew. 
badhnantiv*,chindantiB\\XV. kdriksh- labhante bs, vartante bii, 
a/itfi ni, caranti N2 bi, cyavanti bi, pocante ni, pubhante ni, 

jvalanti bi, tapanti bi, taranti bi, c/r«w- padyante^ many ante bi, 
awta' ni B9, pacanti bi, patanti ni bs, Kyante bi. 
bhajantl B2, bhavanti ni B6, bhramanti 
ni, yajanti bi, yatanti bi, ramanU bi, 
vadanti bq, vartanti bi, vyathanti hi, 
pocanti bi, sldanti N2, haranti ni bi, 
hasanti ni, limpanti bi, viyanti B9, 
krudhyanti ns, tushyanti bi, dushyanti 
bi, na$yanti bi, papyanti ni im, w?/A- 
yante' bi, mdhyantl ni ; V. ichtmti ns, 
gachanti N4 Be. 

B. Present Subjunctive. 
1st form. 
1. Sing. III. karuv&ni ni. 

1. PI. III. Aarartf- 
mahai ni. 
2d form. 
1. Du. IV". divydva N2. 

C. Present Optative. 

1. Sing. I. vidydm ni bi, «ydm bs, 1. Sing. III. bhunjiya 
hanydm bi ; III. dpnuydm bi, kiirydm ni ; IV. varteya ni. 

ni bi, jdniydm N2 bi, bhurljiydm ni ; 

IV. karteyam ni, tyajeyam ni, bhdsh- 
eyam ni, sprpeyam ni, papyeyam ni ; 

V. gacheyam N2. 

2. Sing. I. brilyds ni. 2. Sing. IV. tyajethds 

ni, bhavethds ni, fo«M- 
yethds ni ; V. ichethds ni, 
prchsthds ni. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb- Forms of tlie Nala and BhaguvadgUd. 299 



PRX8BNT Optative — concluded. 



3. Sing. I. nudydt bi, brdydt ns, 
vidydt bs, sydt nio B7, hanydt xi ; II. 
tishthet ni ; III. dpnuydt bi, kurydt 
X4, bi, prnuydt bi, jdntyat ni, yuiijydt 
bi ; IV. tyajet bs, dharet bi, naped bi, 
bhavet ni* bs, ramet bi, labhet bi, uacfel 
xi, wq;e£ ns, prayet bi, smaret bi, mqjjet 
xi, rye* bi, papyet bi, sidhyet bi, Ar*A- 
y# bi ; V. gachet N4 bi. 

1. PL L sydma bi, hanydma ni ; 
IV. jayema bi, papyema nj. 

3. PL I. vidytis ni, *yw* bi, ha?iyus 
bi ; IV. jayeyus bi, bhaveyus ni, 
sideyus bi. 



3. Sing. I. cfafra bs ; 
III. yutijita bi ; IV. bhdsh- 
eta bi, varteta bi, vrajeta 
bi, panketa ni, prayeta xi, 
vindeta ni, padyeta ni, 
budhyeta ni, many eta bi. 



3. PL IV. nameran bi. 



D. Present Imperative. 



2. Sing. I. iAi ns, khydhi bi, JaAj 
bs, *r<£Ai" xi, &rtfA* N6 bs, ydAi ni, viddhi 
ni bm, p&fAt bi ; II. tishtha ns B5, cfeAt 
xi ; lit &wrw ns m, cinuhi xi, prviw 
X4 Bia, grhdna ns, jdvthi ns bi ; IV. 
carer bs, ^Tya ns, dhdva ni, naya Ni, 
WA<e N4 bi, bhava ns b», ya^a ni, 
mksha ni, vada ns bi, vewa ns, vaAa 
xi, vrq/a ns, j^i/wa xi, «£da bs, xmara 
bi, J/pa ni, ^/vya ni, papya ni bs, 
yitdhya bi ; V. icAa bi, gacha nis bs, 
ywAa ni, pvasihi ni. 

3. Sing. L a«to X4 bs, yt&w xi ; IV. 
jivatu ni, bhavatu ni, sidfUu ni, munc- 

atu x-i ; V. yachatu xi. 

2. PL III. prnuta ni, jdriita ns ; 
IV. dhdvata ni, pansata ni. 



2. Sing. I. cakshva 
xs ; II. dhatsva xi bi ; 
III. knrushva ns bi, yrm- 
*Aya ni, jdnishva ni, 
bhunkshva ni bi ; IV. 
ikshasva ni, nayasva ni, 
bhajasva bi, bharasva ni, 
modasva xi, labhasva bi, 
vadasva xs, vasasva ni, 
padyasva ni, yudhyasva 

BS. 

3. Sing. IV. nayatdm 
xi, patatdm xi, vartatdm 
xs, prdmyatdm xi. 

2. PL III. grnidhvam 
ni ; IV. yatadhvam ni, 
trdyadhvam ni ; V. gacha- 
dhvam ni. 



3. PL I. bruvantu ni, ydntu ns ; 
III. kurvantu ni ; IV. kshamantu ni, 
tyajantu ni, yatantu ni, rakshantu 
ni bi, dipantu X4. 

E. Present Participle. 

I. ghnatas bi, dolshantas bi -#faw bi, (Suffix mdna) IV. a£- 
bruvan ns -antam xi -antyds xi -«ta* amdnas ni -am xs, £&*/*- 
xi, ydntam xs -antas ni, pdsatam ni, amdvdyds ni, ishamdnd 
pvasan ni, «aw bs -a# ns -atf bs -ala# bs ni, eshamdnd ni -am ni, 
-«£/ xi bi -antas bi, svapan bi ; II, krandamdndm xs, yrcw- 



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300 «/. Avert/, 

Present Participle— concluded. 

jighran bi, tishthantatn bi -atdm nc amdnassijCeshtamdnasya 

-atsu ni ; III. kurvantim ni -atas ni -an ni, tvaramdnas ns, dfldr- 

N2 B8, c in o antas ni, prava/i ni -afrw bi amdnds ni, bhajantdndm 

-at os ni, apnatas w, grhnan bi, jdnan ni, bhrdjamdnas ns -am 

bi -atfd bi -antas bs, mushnanti ni, ni, mdrgamdnd ni, yaj- 

yunjan bs -atas bi ; IV. eshati n* -tf^m amdnas s\ y yatamdnasB^ 

ni -antaa n*, kdnkshantos bi, krdrn- lapamdnd ni, variant dnas 

antam bi, caran ns bs -Arts xi -antdm ni bs -e ni -dm bi, vepamdna* 

•atas bi -atdm bi, jtvantim ni, n* bi -d ni -dm ni, #///£- 

jvaladbhis bi, tapantam bi, tyajan bi, amdnd N4, pobhamdnd ni, 

dhdvan N3 -antas ni, nadatas ni, sniayamdnam ni — &/#- 

nandantani ni, nindantas bi, patan ni amdnd ni — ydyamdnd* 

-antim ni -antas ni -ataw ni -a£dm N2, ni, da hy amdnd ni, cfri?y</- 

pavatdm bi, bhajatdm bi, bhdjthantas tndnam ni, papy amdnd 

ni, bhraman ni, yajaiitas bi, yatatd bi xi,priyamdndya bi, mr*/j- 

-t/taw bi -antas B4 -atdm bi, ydcate ni, yamdnds ni. 
rdjadbhis ni, lapan bi -antf n« -antim (Suffix d/wi) L fow- 

N8, vadatdm bi, vaman ni, vasati ni <2mo* ni -tf ni -<fn ni, 

-tffaw ni, vahatas ni, vapatim ni, paydnam nq ; IL cfcfc/A- 

vrajanti ni, pansadbhis ni, poca/i ni ^/mw bi -<fc re ; III. 

-antim ni -antyd ni, stdantam bs, kurvdnas bi, cinvdtnts 

smaran ns B4 -a/itf ni -ant yds ni, ni — bhunjdnant bi ; V. 

smayan n*, syandatdm ni, sraiuit ni, dsinaa b-j. 
haran ni bi -<m£t ni, hasan ns bi — 
kshipantim ni, mishan b*, muncantas 
n-2, rudati N4 -atfm ni -antim ni -ant yds 
n« -antyauxi, likhadbhis ni, vtpantam 
n« -antim ni — dahyantam ni, divyatas 
ni, dhydyatas bi, napyantant bi -ate//, 
b«, papyan ni B4 -a/i£Z ni -aft/* ni bi 
-adbhis bi -atdm ni; V. £c7jcm bi, 
gachan bi -antf ni -antam ni -antim ni 
-antas ni, prchantyd ni. 

F. Impekfect Indicative. 

1. Sing. I. <faara ni ; IV. atyajam 
ni, avasam ni. 

2. Sing. IV. apocas bi ; V. abravtt 

NI. 

3. Sing. I. ay<ft N4 ; II. atishthat 3. Sing. I. d*/« ni ; 
ns, adadhdt ni ; III. akarot ns, avrnot II. atishthata ni ; IV. 
N-i, ajdndt Ni ; IV. akarshat ni, akrop- adhdvata ni, a a an data 
at ns, acarat ni, adapatxi, adravat ns, ns, abhdshata nji bi, 
adhdvat ni, anayat N2, abhavat nio bi, arocata ni, avartata s«, 
arohatyi,avasatm,apupat si,apvasat avardhata ni, aikshata 
ni, asravat ni, <foa£ ni, avipat ns bi, ni, avindatam, apapyata 
asrjat ni, apapyat N8 B2 ; V. ay achat ni, abudhynta Ni, aman- 
n«, abravit nm bs, ay achat ns, &*# ng ya£« ns; V. aprchata >'*, 



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Verb- Forms of Ote Nala and Bhayavadgttd. 301 

Imperfect Indicative —concluded. 

3. Du. IV. avasetdtnni. 

3. PI. I. abruvan ns ; III. akurvan 3. PI. III. akurvata 
ni ; IV. adravan ni, apatan ni, nibi; IV. adravanta ni, 
abhavan ns, avrajan ni, apapyan ni ; abhdshanta ni, dhr&hycm- 
V. agachan Na, aprchan ni. ta ni. 

PERFECT SYSTEM. 

Perfect Indicative. 

1. Siug. vetfa Bl. 

2. Sing. tfWAa bi, vettha ni bs. 

3. Sing. dAa Na bm, dpa Na, iyesha 1 . Sing, t/6 Na, caJcrarne 
Na, uvdca N«7 B4S, nvdsa ni, cakrdma ni, caAre ni, cakshame 
Na, cacdla ni, jagdda ni, jagdma Nia, ni, cacaksfie ni, Jq/;7e 

jagrdha N6, jajvdla ni, jahdra Na, ni, jahrshe ni, tasthe 
juhdva ni, tasthau N3, dadarpa ni«, ns, dadrshe Na, bubudhe 
dadau xe, dadhmau Ba, dadhyau ni, ni, raen€ Na, rnamrde ni, 
didepa ni, papdta Na, papracha N6, mumudeifi, rente xi,lebhe 
bobhttva N7 bi, mamarda ni, yayau ni, vavande ni, vavrdhe 
NT, raraksha ni, rardja ni, raroda ns, ni, sasvaje ni. 
ruroha ni, laldpa Na, vavau ni, wr>cpa 
nb, ve^a N4 B4, papdpa ni, papdsa ni, 
p«prd»a N8, papvdsa ni, sasdda ns, 
siisdra n:, sasarja ni, sitshvdpa ni. 

3. Du. iyattis ni, Ushatus ni, fawtfA- 3. Du. vivipdte ni. 
ato* ni, dadhmatus ni. 

1. PL pupruma bi. 

3. PL l2/iu# ni bs, 4cw* N5, cukrupus 3. PL cakrire ni. 
ni, jagmus nio, jajnus ni, tasthus Na, 
dadm ni, dadrpus N4, dadhus ni, 
dadhmus bi, dudruvus ni, nedus Na, 
papra^hus n impetus N4, yayus Na, tr/<7?« 
Bia, vivipus Na, papansus Na, pupruvus 
N3, sasrpus Nl. 

Perfect Participle. 

iylvdn Npa, vidvdn ni -vdnsas ni. 

AORIST SYSTEMS. 
A. Simple-Aorist. 

I. Forms in which the endings are added directly to the root. 
Indicative. 



3. Sing, cr^ft Na, arfdtf Na, a#M£ N5. 

Subjunctive, 

3d form- 
2. Sing. &Atte bi. 



2 f Sina;. krthds ni. 



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302 «/. Avery, 

Simple- Aovasr— concluded. 

Optative. 

2. PI. brdydsta ni. 

IT. Forms which take a as a connecting vowel. 

• Indicative. 

1. Sing, ago mam ni. 

3. Sing, agamat n«. 
3. PL ugaman ni. 

Subjunctive. 
3d form. 

2. Sing, gamas bi, pucas ni bo. 

B. S-Aorist 

I. Forms which add s to the root. 
Indicative. 

1. Sing, aprausham in. 

Subjunctive. 
3d form. 

2. Sing, bhais ni. 

II. Forms which add uft to the root. 

Subjunctive. 

2. Sing, vyathixhtha* 
bi. 

FUTURE SYSTEMS. 

A. S-Future. 

Indicative. 

1. Sing, eshydmi ni, karishydmi 1. Sing. <2/>aye bi, 
N4, khydsydmi ni, gamishydmi ns, karishye ni bi, dhdsye ni, 
grahUhydmi 's\ i) jnd$ydmi?$\, ddsydmi m o dishy e bi, ?/ akshy e bi, 
Nfi bi, dekshydmi ni, drakshydmi ni, yatishye ni, yokshye n«, 
dhdsydmi Ni, nankshydml N2, praksh- yotsye b«, vakshye bi, 
yd/m ni, bhavishydmi ni, ydsydmi ni, sthdsye ni, fianishyem. 
yoteydmi bi, vakshydmi B7, vateydmi 

N3, vetsydmi ni, vekshydmi ni, prosh- 
ydmi no. 

2. Sing. dpsyasi ni B6, eshyasi 2. Sing, draJc&hy axesi, 
ni bs, karishyasi n* im, khydsyasi ni, patsy ase ni, bhokshyrwe 

jndsyasi bi, tariskyasi Na, drakshyasi bi, tnokshyase B4, yoksh- 

N4 bi, na/ikshya8t bi, bhaviehyasi ns, yase ni, r artsy ase ni, &//>- 

• mokshyasi ni, ydsyasl ni bo, vak&hyasi ay ase ni, pakshycute bi, 

ni, vatsyasi ni, vasishyasi bi, vekshyasi papsyase ni. 

ni, pros/iyasi bi, harishyasixi, hdsyasi 

bi. 



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Verh- Forms of the Nata and Magavadglfd. 303 

S-Futube — concluded. 

3. Sing, dpsyati ni, eshyati ni bi, 3. Sing. eshyate bi, 
karUshyati ni bi, carishyati ni bi, ransyate ni. 
tartshyati bi, dhdsyati bi, nayishyati 
xi, bhavishyati nji bi, mansyati ni, 
rnokshyati ni, ydsyati Na, yokshyati bi, 
vatsyati Na, sthdsyati Na bi, hdsyati ni. 

3. Du. sthdsyatas ni. 

I. PL bhavishydmas ni. 

2 PI. dpsyatha ni. 

3. PI. gamishyattii ni, dekshyanti 3. PI. ddsyante bi, 
bi, dharishyauti ni, bhav Ishyanti bi, marisyaate bi. 
rak&hyanti ni, vadishyanti bi. 

Imperative. 

2. PI. savifihyadhvam 

BI. 

Participle. 
bhavishyatdra bi. yotsyamdndn bi. 

B. Periphrastic Future. 
Indicative. 

1. Sing, kartdmni ni. 

2. Sing, gantdsi ni bi, ji&fc* bi, 
bhavitdsi ni. 

3. Sing. </<zn£d Na, Jg&f ni, <7<ftd ni, 
drashtd ni, nc^ ni, bhavitd N7 Ba. 

DERIVATIVE VERBS. 

L Causative. 

Present Indicative. 

1. Sing, dhdraydmi bi, ndpaydm? 1. Sing, cintaye ni, 
bi, yqjaydmi ni, pvdsaydmi ni. sddaye bi. 

2. Sing, mdnayasi ni, mohayasi 
bi, yojayasi bi, vardhayasi ni, pwfo- 
aycud N3. 

3. Sing, kdpayati bs, dyotayati ni, 3. Sing, dhdrayate B2, 
dhdrayati n i , bhakshayati n i , mohayati bhdsayate Ba, Mddayate n i . 
bi, vartayati bi, $o&hayati bi, sanjayati 

Ba. 

3. PI. kledayanti ni, dhdrayanti 
N8, vyathayanti ni. 



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304 ,/. A 



Very, 



Causative— continued. 
Present Optative. 

2. Sing, vdsayes ni. 

3. Sing, kathayet ni, kdmayet N2, 
cdlayet bi, cintayet bi, janayet bi, 
jo8hayet bi, varayet N4, sddayet bi. 

Present Imperative. 

2. Sing, kathaya bi, khddayu ni, 2. Sing, varayasvaw. 
darpaya N2 b*, dhdraya B2, mocnya 
ni, yojat/a ni, varaya ni, vedaya ns, 
repay a bi, pvdsaya N2, st/idpay a hi. 

2. PI. bhuvayata bi. 2. PI. kathayadhmm 



3. PI. bMmiyantu bi. 



ni, cmtayadhvam ni. 



Present Participle. 

kathayan ni -antim ni -atasBi -antau kathaydnas ni, c/wf- 
ni -antas bi, kampayan ni, kartayantas aydnasya ni. 
bi, kalayatdm bi, kar pay antas bi, 
karshayan ni, cintayan m B2 -arttyds 
ni -antas bi, janayan bi, damayatdm 
bi, dhdrayan B2 -atfZra ni, nddayan 
n i bi , pddayan n i , pdlayan n i , purayan 
ni -antas ni, bodhayantas bi, ft/kfo- 
ayatas bi -antas bi, bhrdmayan bi, 
mohayan ni, vnrtayan ni, pvdsayantt 
ni. 

Imperfect Indicative. 

3. Sing, akathayat ni, acintayat 3. Sing, apvdsayataw. 
ns, atarpayut ni, addrayat ni, adfev- 
aya£ ni, andmayat ni, aptijayat ni, 
arafijayat ni, avdrayat bi, avedayat 
N9, apvdsayat ni, asarjayat ns, cwft£- 
«yr/£ ni, asthdpayat N3. 

3. PI. aptfjayan ni, avedayan ni. 3. PI. apobhayantasi. 

Perfect Indicative. 

3. Sing, arcaydmdsa ni, eshaydmdsa 
ns, kdraydmdsa ni, kathaydmdsa ni, 
kshamaydmdsa N2, ghoshaydwdsa ni, 
chitaydmdsa ns, janaydmdsa ni, tar£- 
aydmdsa N4, toshaydmdsa ni, cfarrp- 
aydmdsa B2, dhdraydmdsa ni, ra%- 
aydmdsa ni, nodaydmdsa ni, ptft- 



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Verb- Forms of ike Nala and Bhayavadgltd. 305 

Causative — concluded. 

aydmdsa ni, pUjaydmdsa ni, yqj- 
aydmdsa ni, vddaydmdsa ni, var- 
aydmdsa N2, vartaydmdsa ni, vep- 
aydmasa ni, pdtaydmdsa ni, poc/A- 
aydmdsa ni, pvdsaydmdsa bi, st/tdp- 
aydmdsa N2. 

3. PI. prdvaydncakrire 

NI. 

S-Future. 
Indicative. 

1. Sing. kathayishydmi ni bi. 1. Sing. varayishye 
nd^ayishydmi ni, bhransayuhydrai ni, N2, pdtayishye ni. 
mocayishydmi bi, varayishydmi ni. 

3. Sing. nd^ayishyati ni, jt>#/- 
ayishyati ni, varayishyati n-2. 

3. PL kathayishyantl bi. 

Periphrastic Future. 
Indicative. 

2. Sing, darpayitdsi ni. 

II. Desiderative. 

Present Indicative. 

2. Sing, dMrshasi ni. 
1. PL jijivishdmas bi. 

Present Imperative. 

2. Sing. titikshasvaBi. 

Present Participle. 

ciMrshanti ni, jigtehatdm bi, ^7- cikirshamdnas'SiyjipldS' 
ghdhsanta8 ni. amdnas ni. 

HL Intensive. 
Present Indicative. 

3. Sing, jdgarti bi. 
3. PL jdgrati bi. 

Present Participle. 
jdgratas bi. dedipyarndndm ni. 

vol. x. • 42 



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306 «/. Avery, 

IV. Denominative. 

Present Indicative. 

1. Sing, mdrgdmi ni. 1. Sing, lakshaye m. 

2. Sing, tapasyasi bi. 2. Sing, mrgayase ni. 

3. Sing. asUyati bi, ghdtayati bi. 

3. PL gopdyantitf^namasyantiBx. 3. PI. arthayante bi. 

Present Optative. 
3. Sing, arthayet ni. 

Present Imperative. 

2. Sing. lakshayasi. 2. Sing, ganayasva N2. 

2. PL mrgayadhvam 

Nl. 

Present Participle. 

arthayantas ni, ganayan ns, cAaZ- mrgaydnena ni. 
ay at dm bi, namasyantas bi, laksh- 
ayanti ni, lokayan bi, sdntvayan N4. 

Perfect Indicative. 

3. Sing, mantraydmdsa ni, sdntv- 
aydmdm N4. 

S-Puture Indicative. 

3. PL kftrtayishyanti ni, wr^- 
ayishyanti ni. 

V. Passive. 

Present Indicative. 

2. Sing, drcyase ns, dhriyase ni. 

3. Sing, dpyate bs, ijyafc na, ucyate ni sot, kriyate bi, 
klipyate ni, gamy ate bi, grhyate bi, jdy ate tma, jiyate n«, jfidyate 
Na, dahyate ni bi, dipyate ni, dry ate bs, d fry ate n«, drpyate n*, 
dhiyate B6, dhriyate ni, badhyate B4, mucyate m, mriyate ni bi, 
yujyate B2, rahhyate bi, rieyate bi, labhyate bi, lipyate B6, #yate 
ni, vidyate n» b», vriyate bi, pishyate B6, pudhyate ni, sajjate bs, 
sHyate bi, hanyate sa, hriyate bi. 

3. PL kriyante ni, jdyante ns, tap y ante ni, drpyante ns, mt/c- 
yemtfe N2, sajjante bi. 

Present Imperative. 

2. Sing, yujyasva nq. 

3. Sing. tUyatdm ni, tyatdm ni, krlyatd?7t Na, dhiyutdm ni. 



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Verb-Farms of the Nala and Bhagavadgitd. 



307 



Passive — concluded. 
Present Participle. 

ucyamdnam bi, krshyamdnas ni, kriyamdndni bi, £Ayd- 
yamdnena xi y grasyamdnd ni -d#i x\,jfldyarndnd ni, tvaryamdnas 
ni, dahyamdnas N4 -d Na -tfra ni -ff«ya Na, dhUyamdnas ni, jptfr- 
yamdnam bi , pidyamdnas Na, prchyamdnd ni, mrdyamdndni ni, 
rakshyamdnd ni, hanyamdne bi. 

Imperfect Indicative. 

3. Sing, ajiyata ni, ajildyata ni, adfryata ni, adhlyata Na, 
ayujyata ni. 

3. PL ahanyanta bi. 

Causative Passive. 
Present Indicative. 

3. Sing, ^kdryate bi, karshyate ni, cdlyate B3, dhdryate B3, 
lakshyate N3. 

3. PL sddyante bi. 

Present Imperative. 
3. Sing, namyatdm ni, vedyatdm ni, vepyatdm ni. 

Present Participle, 
kathyamdne ni, nodyamdnds ni, varnyamdneshu ni. 

VL Infinitive. 

Accusative. (Suffix ft/m) arcitum bi, dptum Na m, dsitttm ni, 
eshtum ni, ikshitum Na, kampitum bi, kartum N8 B6, kroddhum 
N4, kshantum ni, khydtum no, grahHtum ni, calitum ni, chettum 
bi, jfidtum N* B3, tyaktum ni bi, trdtum Na, drashtum n» bs, (/As- 
tern bi, netum N3, bhoktum bi, ydtum n», vaktum ni bi, vartitum 
bi, vastum ni, vaditum ni bi, veshtum ni bi, pankitum ni, papitum 
nj, ^ocitum B4, protum n§, sodhum ni B3, sthdtum bi, smartum ni, 
hantum bs, hartum N4, hdtum ni. 

Causative, ishayitum ni, dhdrayitum ni, dharsfiayitum ns, 
vdrayitum ni, pvd&ayitum ni. 

Denominative, mrgayitum ni. 

VIL Preterite Participle. 

Active. (Suffix fawantf) dptavati ni pa, uktavdn ni Bpa -tavati 
xpi, Artaadn no pa -tavati Npi -tavantas Npi, gatavdn Npa, 
tyaktavdn Npa, drshtavdn Na pa b* -tavati ni -tavantas m,labdhavdn 
Npi, prutavdn bi, «r*Atavdn Npi. — (navawf) <fofriat?atf Ba. 

Passive. (Suffix £a) «A:^a bcs -Jew bi, <7stfa Bca, «ta nci -tfas 

N3 pi C3 B4 pi CI -Jtf N3 C3 -£«#* N8 C3 BI CI -£t2m NC3 -fcna NI CI -0&S 



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308 J. Avery, 

Preterite Participle — continued. 
xi ci B6 4dni B'2 pi -tan xcs m -tain Na, iddhas bi, ishtcis Ba -taNpi 

-taW XI B2 -taw N3 -£tW Bl -Uhl BI -taW Nl, w£ta« Nl7 Bl pi 44 

xe pi Bpi -tarn N* B3 |>6 -ta/// Ni 4asya N3 -te Na -£g1* Na Bpi ei -tdni 
ni bi, wtaw Bpi, tidham bi -dw bi, rddha nci -dham ni, kdntam 

NCI, &fta NC8 BC4 ta* NS CI Ba CI -fct Nl pi -taW N5 p* CI Bi Dl -ftfe 

nci -te Na tfcw ni pi 4dn nci -tam ni, krshta8 ni -tewa Na, krdnta 
nci -tas xa ci bi -td ni pi -te N2, kldfUas ni, klishtam bi, kshatds 
Npi, khydtas N3 -taw Bpi -ta* Npi, #rata ncio bcis -ta* xe pe bi pi ci 

-£d N-2 p4 CI -tam Nft p6 CS B3 C3 -ta/W N3 -teWtf BC1 -te N5 -taw Npi 4ds 

Na p« B4 p; -tdn N2 bci 4dydm ni -tesAw Na, gitam bi, gnptdm xi, 
gddhas ni, yra&tdm ni, ghushtdm ni -ta?i ni, carite ni, co/ita 
bci, citam bi -taw nci, c/ltoA bcj -ta* bci, cyutas Npi, jdto nci 
-ta* bi -ta ni -taw bi 4asya bs -frw Bpi, J/ta nci bc« -ta* N4 ps bi pa, 
jusfUam ni, jiidta nci -Jaw xa -ta ni -taw ns -te xa, tat am bi p4 
-ta* bi ta/i* Bpi, tapta ni -tarn bi pi, tushtas b«, tfrpta bci -?o* bi ci 
-fcw Npi, tyakta xca bc* -ta ns, trnsta xci -ta xa, dagdha bci 
-oJ/*o* ni ci, <&£tf<2 Npi -taw Bpi -£<2/* bi, dashtasya ni, dlgdha xct 
-dhayd xca -dhdu bi, dUhtas xa -ta xa -taw ns Bpi, <%>ta BC3 -ta ni 
-Jaw bs, du&htdsu bi, drdha bci -dham bi, drshta nca cpi bc* -taw 
ni p« cpi Bpi ci -ta xps -taw xpa -tena nci -Jew Npi, drutam X* -te 
ni, dhUta bci, dhrtam xpi, nashta NC4 -ta* Bpa -taw ni pi -te ni bi 
-£d* xpi -tarc bi, ///7c? xpi -taw ni, /?tfta bci, prihtas xpi, jprfta bci 
-ta* N3 -te/i« ni -taw ni -tdft xi,/>tata* xca -ta ni -taw ni 4dbhydm 
ni, baddhas bi -dhdm ni -c7/id* bi, bhaktas N4 c* -ta Npi ci -taw B4 
-taya bi -ta* m ci -tarn Bpi -teshit bi ci, M*ta bci -ta* ns bci 
-ta N4 pi 4dm xi -tarn bi, bhuta bci -ta* nci bci -taw xca bci 
-te*Aw bi, bhrtas ni, bhrashta xc4 -ta* ni ci bi ci -td xpi -taw xi 
-taw nci, bhrdntds ni bci, mattd ni, matas Bpa -id Bpa -taw Bpa 
-te Bpi -ta* Bpi, wrtaw bi 4asya bi, w/ta bci, mukta Nca Bca -ta* 
Na B6 pi -taw ni bci 4asya bi -frfo ni B3, mtidha Nca Bee -dhas bs 
-dhena xa -e?A6t« B6 -6?Ad/i bi, yata ncs bci 4 4tts Na -taw ni bs ci 
4asya bi -^ct« bi pi -tais ni, ydta bci -taj» ni pi -taw xi -te ni -^d* w, 
yukta bc« -^or* ns bu pi ce -taw X4 -taw xci 4ena bi -tony a bi ct 
-te bi -$<is ni BC4 4dn NC2 -ta/« B9 4dndm Ba ci (4ctfama8 bi -wd< 
bi), raArta ni -taw ni ^(?w ns, rc^cw bi ci -taw ni -taa bj, rabdhas 
ni -dham Na -tlAcfo ni, niddhas bi, rddhns bci -dham bi -dhasya bi 
•dhdni bci, labdhas Npi -e£/«# Bpi -dham bi, &/>ta nci, Jwpta bci, 
hibdhas bi, y/&ta bci, vishta nci -ta.s ns pi ca Ba pi ci -^d xi cs -^«w 
ni bi 4dbhya8 xi, vita bci, vfta (vjyd) bci -taaxi -ta xi -tarn xi -Mm 
xci -taw xci, vrtas xi p« bi pi 4d X4 ci bci -taw xi ci bi ps -taw xa 
C4 -te xa 4ds xi Bpi ci 4ais xi, vrtftaxci bci 4(hs xi pa ci bs -taw xa pi 
ci -te xi bi -tarn Ba, vrddhct xci -tfA«* bi -dham Bpi -dhe&s-dhd* bci, 
$akta8 xa bi, ^aptas xi, pishta xci bci -ta xpi -taw xi pi bi -tena xi 
-taycr ni -taa Bpi -taw xci, puddhaB<ft) prabdham xi, prdntas xi -&I 
xa -taw xi 4a$ya Na Ba -te xi -taw xci, grittis bs -taw ni Ba 4ds w» 
-taw ni, prwta xci 4as xa pa 4d xs -taw xpa Bpi 4a»ya bi -ta« Bpi 
-tarn xi pi, 8aJcta xci BC4 -ta« bs 4d xi -taw bi pi 4ds Ba 4dndm Bl, 
*rta« xpa -ta Bpi -^(W Bpi, srshtd ni -taw Bpi, stktds ni, siddhas Bpi 
ca -dhasya nci -dhdndm Ba, suptam xi -taw xi -te xi 4dydm xi, 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb-Forms of Que Nala and Bhcujavadgitd. 309 

Pbetbbitb Participle — concluded. 
staJbdha nci -dhas bi -dhds bi, sthita bcs -to$*N5 pe bio pa ca -£d 

Npi BI p4 -torn N9 B7 p3 -tdm N3 -£d£ B3 -tau BI pi -£<fo N2 pi B3 p4 

-fdn xi B4, sprshtas ni, «m^« nci -tas ni -*d N4 -tfdm nci -tds X3 bi 
-toi* ni, smrtas Bpi -<d bi -tarn bi pa, Aato xca bci -tas ni pi B2 -tarn 
xpi bi -Jos Npi 01 Bpi -tdn spi, Atto bci -tits ns pa Bpi -td nb pi -torn 
n» pi bi -tdm xi -te ni -tds ni b-4 -tfd/i bi -tats ni, hutam Bpa, Arto 
xcio sea -to* bi 4d Npi -torn Npi bi p7 -tdm X4 -te ni, hrshta xcs bci 
-few N* -td Na ci -fena ni -tasya ni -te ni -&& ni, hritd ni. 

(Suffix /to) ishitas Npi -tow. Npi, ikshitas Npi -£& ni, wc&d ni, 
ushitas (vas) ns pi -to Na -tarn ni ci -torn ni, ushitam (ush) bci, 
kdnkshitam Bpi, kupitas ni -to ni, kiijitdm nci, kshudhitas ni 
-torn xa, grhtta nci -toyd bci -torn bi -6e*Au ni, cintitas ni, ceshti- 
tarn Na, jvalitas Npi, trshitas ni, tvaritas ni -to Ni^-to? ni, dayitas 
ni -ton Na, partitas Npi, patitd xi pi -te xi -torn ni, piditas nci 
-to ni ca pci -tow nci -£d* sc\,ptijitas xi j>\,prathitas bi, bhdshitdm 
ni, bhUshitd ni -torn xci, manditdm ni, mathita nci, muditas xi 
-tow ni, rakshitam xi Bca, rahitd Na -tow sea -£d* ni, rudite ni, 
vidita bci -to Npi -torn ni, vyathita bci -torn ni Bpa -£d« ni Bpi, 
vrtditds ni, pankitd ni, sdcitas ni -to Na -torn nci, sevita nci -torn 
xca -te NC5, hrshitas bi. 

(Suffix na) kirnam Nca, gldnasya ni, channels Na -nam xca -nds 
xa, chinna, BC4, dfwia nci -rad Na -warn Na -wdm Na -/id* ni, panna 
xci bci -nd n« -was N& -warn bs -w^m ni -ne ni bci -nds Ba -rcd/i xi, 
jotfrna xcs bci -ndra ni -/?6 ni, bhinnd bi, mdnam bi, y<fr?,a sea, 
ft/jo* bi, vigna nci sea -/id Na, vinna bci, pfmaa ni -ndndm ni, 
sanna Bca -wew« bi, stirndm ni, A£/*gw ni -warn ni Bca -now Na ci 
-TklW ni. 

Causative. (Suffix to) arcitdni ni pi, arjitam ni pi, arditam ni, 
arpita sea, ir&aa xpi -torn xi, kathitam xi -£d$ ni, karpitd nci 
-torn nci, karshitas xci -to ni ci -to//* xci -tow* ni, kshayita bci, 
darpitam Bpi, depitas ni, dharshitds Na, ndditam xa ci, ndpitam bi, 
pdtitds xpi, pydyltd Npi, bhdvitas bci -tos bi ci, mdrjitdm ni, 
mohitas N4 -torn bi -Jam ni -to#Bi pi, yojitas nci bi, rdjitam ni 
-torn ni, vdrtto ni, varjitas Bca -torn xs sa -to* spi, vartitam bi, 
pobhitam N3 -torn ni -£d* ni, prdvitas ni, sdditd ni. 

Desiderative. ipsiUts ns -torn ni. 

Denominative, arthitam Npi, klrtitas bi pa, ganitas Npi -te ni, 
pushpitam ni, lakshitas ni pi -£d Npi -torn Npi, sdntvitas ni. 

Vm. Gerundives. 

(Suffix tavya) dptavyam Npi bi, kartavyam Npi bi -tavydm bi, 
gantavyam Npi Bpi, jtldtavyam bi, ddtavyas ni -ya//* spi, 
prashtavyas Npi, buddhavyam Bpa, bhartavyd Npi, bhavitavyam 
ni, mantavyas bi, mdrgitavyam Bpi, yashtavyain Bpi, yattavyam 
xi, yoktavyam Bpi, yoddhavyam bi, labdhavyds Npi, vaktavyam 
ni, veditavyam bi, pantavyam ni, protavyasya bi, smartavyas 
Npi, hantavyas ni. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



310 J. Avery, 

Gbbundivbs— concluded. 

(Suffix yd) tkshyam bi, idyam bi, kdmydndm bi, kdrya bci -yas 
bi -yam Na pa B4 pa -yd ni pi -ye bi -ydni Npi, kledyas bi, gamy am 
bci, grahyam bi, cintya bci -yew Ba -yr/we bi, jfieyas Npi bi pi -yam 
ni B6 pi -ya?* xi, tidy as ni, tydjyam Bps, dandy as ni, drpyas »i, 
ddhyas bi, cfeyas ni -ya^n ni, depyam bi, piijyas bi, badhyas bi, 
7/?eya nci -yam bi, yamya bci, labhyas bi, vadhya* ni, vdcyam bi, 
vedyas ni Bpi -yam ni bi, pakyd Npi, pocydn bi, poshyas bi, 
hdrye bi. 

Denominative, arthitavyam ni. 

EL Gerund. 

(Suffix tfuo*) ishtvd (ish) bi, ishtvd (yaj) ni, w&tao* nis B6, Arfotf 
n« B9, gatvd Ni3 Ba, grhitvd N3 bo, chittvd ns Ba, Jitoo* N4 Ba, jri/Uvd 
bii, tyaktvd no Bia, drshtvd N45 bii, dattvd Na, dhydtvd niyprshtvd 
ni, buddhvd ni Ba, buddhitvd bi, bhuktvd bi, bhiltvd N4 b», matvd 
Na bo, muktvd bi, ydtvd ni, yvktvd bi, ruditvd ni, ruddhvd^ 
labdhvd ns bi, viditvd Ba, prutfvd nm bs, sr£u<f ni, srshtvd bi, Aatod 
B7, A&vd Bl. 

(Suffix yo) arcya bi, apya ni, asya ni m, ajpya ns bib, &ya 
ns B6, ikshya Nia bs, ushya ns, krtya ns, krshya Na, kramya ns, 
kshdlya Na, kshipya N4, khydya ni, gamy a nii, gatya ni, yfAyo 
Na, carya Na, c#ya N4, chidya ni, jfidya ni bi, tfrya N4, tyajya bi, 
df<iya nio, dipya Na bi, dratya ni, dhdya B6, nadya bi, nandya ni, 
namya ni bs, nZya ni, pttrya bi, prpya ni, bhdshya ni, 
bhUya ni, mrpya ni bi, mucya Na bi, yamya ni b», yujya ni, 
rabhya ni, rudhya ni bi, ruhya Na, lapya Na, labhya Na, lingya 
ni, vadya ni, vrtfya bs, vasya ni, vipya N4 bi, pamya ns, pasya ni, 
pritya ni B6, prntya N4, pvasya Na, *r/ya nm bs, sryya ni, stabhya 
bs, sthdya ni Ba, sprpya ni, stnrtya Na B4, sva)ya ' ns, hatya b\, 
hrtya Na bi, hasya ni, Aoya Na bs. 

Causative. (Suffix tad) arcayitvd Na, cintayitvd ni, tarkayitvd 
ni, darpayitvd ni, piljayitvd ni, mocayitvd ni, yojayitvd ni, 
vdrayitvd ni, pdtayitvd ni, sthdpayitvd bi. 

(Suffix ya) carya ns, cintya ni, ndyya ns, ropy a N4, vddya ni, 
vdrya ni, vepya bi, pvdsya Na, sddya N7 bi, sthdpya ni bi. 

Denominative, ganayitvd ni, mokshayitvd ni, lakshayitvd ni> 
sdntvayitvd ni mantrya Na, lokya ni. 



On the following pages is given a numerical summary of the 
forms reported in the above lists, the numbers in the three 
classes of text being set side by side, for more ready com- 
parison with one another. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb- In flection in Sanskrit. 



311 



3 



! «« « 



IOOV 



5g oo s* ^- 



FN *° <« r-» 



fHOJ 

mSnh 

CO ** 3 CV| ,— i 



• CO n " 



k ^ 00 



i 3£2 



00 i-l 



3 « 



K 



nl 



1 S »o 



»- c 

«*-*- 



< j ©! 



© I 



Pi 



pq I 



2^ 



.?' 






o 



OS *— _*j 

{Q H ~ 



■ 2g3 



»0 ^ t— 



W««S 















tocoA^obo 
: c* a e» 3 <£ oo 



!2£*5-2 



& i 3 

PQ 



S« 



H(ON 



i— i i-i a 



«co<ooo-S^ 



t- M «* F-i <C 



t- "* *« r- « *- .^ -. C 



OS 

"5 



>~fs~ 
is -a 



W r-| ^ ,_ ,*• , "^ _, O 




S 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



312 



J. Avery, 



3 

o 


« 


CO 

OO ^h ,-iOi-< OCO OOO00O "MOO CM 


rnjOO Oi "* O CO OOO USOi-tOO CC O W CO 


. I « COQ0i-l"^iO CO i-H 

<jjcot- cm iocoo oico»o m >o-cs<e ,— ^-t^ c 


| 


© 1 : : : : : : :::::::: • : : : 


3 


CO 


«|:: ~ : :- - : : " ; : : : * :- : 


^i 1 • CM *- CO CO • ** CO • CO iiiO'i iii 
-<|i _ , CM 1 iii i ill 


o* 


o 1 : : : : : : ;;:::::: - : : : 


« 


: : : : : : :::::::: ~ : : : 


IV 




1 o 
*J PQ 

1 < 


: : : : : : : ; : : : : : : ~ \ \ 


, , , 111 CM • 1 1 1 1 1 1 OJ • • CC 
>i 1 iii • iiiii 1— > • 1 


00 1 • 1 1 1 1 1 1 11 1 

(Mi « meo it- cm • • . 1 ^ 1 1 ^ | 1 


-< 


CO 


o 


' • : : : : : : : 1 : : : : ■"* i i : 


_m 


: : : : : : 1 : : : 1 : : : : : : : 


1— fHO 1 iW CM ■ ■ iiiiCO 111 1 

1 r— 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 III 1 


1 ° 


i i : : : : : : : : : : : i : : s : | 


CM 


pp 


: : : : ; : : : : ; : : : : : : : : 


«< 


iCO "CO i CM « 1QO1 i^iid 111 1 


1 ° 




rH 


PQ 


.1 1 III 1 1 I IIIII <* 1 . | 


< 


: : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : i : 




CO 


« 


11 1 i 1 <~ iii 1 1 1 00 1 CO • • >o 
11 1 it 1 1 • 1 1 1 1 CO 1 > — 


« 


I. 1 1 111 iiiii t- 1 

1. c* <* • • — ' ' \ ::::: °* : ^ ^ 


<1 


1 o« ' '- ^« • ' • • • _' ■ 

CM i CM ^ O i ■ T* NHM i« 1 if • ' CO11-H ' 


o» 


o i ; : : ~ \ \ : : : : : : : : 5 : : « 


« 


11 t* iiCO ^Hii ii,-ti> iO • 1 ' 


!'« 


1 . CO _iii.ii , 1 
, ,-, ,-1 ~* CM 1 1 r-i *- CO f ' 1 I I CM • CM »-• • 1 


i-H 


1 : ; -" : : : : : i : : ; : : 5 : : 


mi:: « : :* -::::::: s :^ 




^ 1 « . © -h « . = - * ■ - ; ; ; ; ; « ; : ; 






p 

c 

< 


optative 
imperative 

S- Aorist : 

I. (s) indicative 

subjunc. ■{ 2. 

(3. 

imperative 

II. (ish) indie. 

subjunc. -{ 2. 

(3. 

imperative 

III. (sish) indie. 

subjunc. -J ' 

imperative 

IV. (sa) indie, 
subjunctive 3. 
imperative 

S-Futurb: 

indicative 

subjunctive 2. 
Conditional 

Periph.-Fdt. : 
indicative 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb- Inflection in Sanskrit 



313 



© 


o o o 


1— 1 
1— 1 


f-t 


CM 


© © © © 


© 


CO 

cm 


o © o 


-«* 


© 
© 


CO 


© CO © CO 


- 


© 


^< *- ~ 

CO CO CO 


1— 1 


CO 


© CO 

~* «- r- CO 


CO 



O i ■ M 94 


■ 


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r i i 
■ •I i 


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III 1 
• 1 1 


* • CM 


* ! I 






; 




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c t- • *a so 

» • — CO 




CM 


00 "* CM 






00 


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CO 


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-- ;- 


1 


I ! ; 






1 




III 1 


• i i ?M I 


1 


1 I ! 






1 




■ I 1 1 


C • » CO • 




00 

CM 


: :© 

• i CM 






1 




i CM • • 


! ; : : : 




~~~ 


! !-r— 






(H 






• N . i • • 


CO 




: 






a m i co • • 

N ill 




© 


© • r- • 


- 




CO • I ! 


! III! 




| 








i 


— 


~Vcm i 




-* i i-i . « 




CO 




- ;- 


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; 




— ^ t f— i ■ 




I 




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: 


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| 




III 1 


; Ill ! 




i 






■ 




II! 1 


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"■* 


• •-• t— 






CM 




• O i 




1 I ! 1 1 




• 




-;- 


— i- 


1 


— 


-!--vi- 


7 


I i . i • 




i 




1 

l 




• !lll 




i 






l 






— • CM 1 t- 

__ ~ l ~* i CM 


co 


■ 








; 






» Ir - ,^ 

2 i "* : ~* 


- 


CM 




i— i 




T*» 




CO 1 F^ 1 


V*<0 M- CM — 1 CM © 




© © 


co n» w* 


- 




CM 

CO 


m^ es 


W ! CM 




v . — • oo « 

1 t— ( 1 




i 


i i 
• i i 




•— » 


- 




ill i 


• • i r- • 




r-* 


i i • 






- 




i i I i 


fH 


^^ — • oo © 

»0 rs rH -H w-4 _i CO 
CM 




■<* 


CO © - 






© 




i © i-l 




* i • i i 




i 


1 1 1 


© 




• 




■ ill 


j 


•*3 III! 

' H 1 1 1 | 




i— i 


1 1 1 
1 I 1 


; 




~* 






«-« ^ 1 l<* 




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CM ^ • 


; 




~ 




• CM • • • 


^ cj co 






CM CO 






• 


HNff 1 


> 






YOU X. 



43 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



J. Avert/, 



© *-< *-< © 



i 


^ CO CO HHON \G —i NHflJO CM c 




1 


OO 00 00 O «© -^ CO 00 MH©H O O 


iii f^ i • • ■ i co • 


• • 


N 


, 1 •-< CO CM il,,—. i jo i 


; : 






if ■ • »0 rl -t » ■— ' CO f-l CO CM <© 


to •** 






» 1 : • : 


• Si I I ' I 


\ J 






1 ! ! J 


• i i • i i 

• • • i i 


- 1 ; 






1 




• \a ■ i — • 


<* i 

CM i 






1 : : : 


I ! ! •' ! ! 








• • i ' 


■ ii r i i 










• • ,h ^ e* • • *-« 1 ^h icoi! 






i i i i i 


■ it i i • 
iii i i i 








i 


! I ! 


; ; : ; ; ; 








i i lO 


1 —1 ~l • ?© r-1 


co co 




..• 


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1 1 


— ; 




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• •( i i i 
iii i • i 


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• t-— i © i 


a> 




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iii i i i 


- ■!- -! 


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I 1 IN 


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n 


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iii i cm • — • i i m 




i 


i • I <£» • Oi • i i 




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ii •*< 00 — • <M ^ Oi CM 

• i CO NN '«N CM CO — > CO «D — «© 




! 


> 


i i • till i •-* i 
il i i i i i i • 


r- « i 


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i 


ii . i i ■ i • i i 
ii • i i i ■ i i i 




1 


• I CM • - — *- 

ii CO«00>h iOiO CO — ,-> ,— i SO ~ c* <-4 

ii no 




• 1 : : : : : : : : - : 


; ; 






J 


: : : : : : : ; :« : 


S I 






• i »N H i IN CO IH i 
1 i i—i ii ii 


I" 1 






\ 

\ 
> 

ii 
• 


indicative 
Imperfect 

Intensive. 
Present: 
indicative 

subjunc. < 2. 
/ 3. 


optative 
imperative 
Imperfect 

Perfect : 
indicative 

Benominat. 

Present : 
indicative 

subjunc. < 2. 
(3. 
ontative 


imperative 
Imperfect 

Perfect : 
indicative 


s 
.. ►» 

Li w 
H — 

D S 





Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb- Inflection in Sanskrit 



215 



3 



< 



CM o o o o 



r-« O O O O 



CO OS 00 0» 
C* CO T* *- 



CI I 



00 ~ CO — i 



fSTg* 



~* • to 

tO 00 C© 
00 CO US CO o 



K 

P 
Q 



I ^ 






pa 



CN IQ — 



00 P0 — CO »0 CO 

00 t* <* CO <* ~* 



i ^- i— —• ac cm 



"o IS 



t 



if 



8 . 

• CO 






J! 



& 



II 
II 



HI ft* 



§1 ~ II. 

|.s g 8-Jf §.a 



3 



11 

S-S 



Wh 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



316 



e/1 Avery, 



—I © O O © © 



© © -f d 




61 
a. a 

tflrl 



.« £ "~ s •- «s ^ a 

III f l*Sf 



fc.a 



ggl 1 §•-§! 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb- Inflection in Sunsktit. 



817 



c 


< © © © co © © c 


f* © © © © c 
© »b co © © es 


> e 


o 


> C* © © © T © — 


c 


© 


© CO • — • «o «© 

© © CM — CI NM^OO r-^r-if CT 


eo 


• i i 


• • i 


ii • iii 
• i • • » 






i iii 


i 

<* CO 


- 


• \c 


1 I I _ 








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p-l 






























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csi 


- 


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!_; 







r 








,- 


- 
































1 rH I-* 














- 





















^ 










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- - ; — 


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-; ' 







--' 


- 




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— ; 








:^ : 
























- 


















Oi 


~* 


us 




*"• 






rH t— 


eo 


«C 




- 




« CO CO 




; 


! 








I 












■~ 


1 


; 




\ 


~ 












1 ^ ,-, CM — 




i 


t- 












I 


i CO ■ 

1 1 1 
• 1 1 




-'— 


~" 




- 


— 


- -; 




1 




I GO kO ■ © 




! 


CO 








> 

hi 


Aobist: 
indicative 

subjunc -J o* 


optative 

S-Futube: 
indicative 


*3 2 

06 .. .£ 

Si* 


? 

1 

g 

3 


I 

g 


t 

! 


E 


Intensive. 

Present: 
indicative 

subjunc -J ' 


1 
t 

8 


I 

1 


§ 

si 

u SI 

ft- 


d 

d 

If 

o6« 



VOL. X. 



44 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



818 



•A Avery \ 



* 





I 


- 


^ OMO 


8 


©©*-*- 


o © 




«s rt 






48i 3 

13 
10' 2 
3 ' 4 


191210 

4 

14 
10 5 
7 15 


00 ©* 




© o 

© © 






co 


oi H : : : 
«|: : : n 


© 


1 • 




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00 i r- 

•"co'co 


— 


- 






2 






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gl« 


! ! ! 










- 


•*!_:_. 


, J '- , I 


















! 


; ; ; 




- 








j 


• i i 








<j 


t^ 


I ! *" 








1 


o 


! 


! ! ! 










P 


co 


« 1 : 


i i Ci 


p-i § i 




-- -- 






« 1 : 


; ; ^ 








^ 


|_? U. _ 

N ;a| ! 

N i- 












1 


1 i-H 


— __ 


r-' 


t-| !- 


— 


— 






— - 




$ 


~! « 1 : 












P 

Q 

1— 1 
2 


-hr 












i M i : 












1 °° 


-1 S 


■ i csi 


iq © 




OO CO 




pq | co 


i- 


CO 
CO 




lOkOOO 


r-t IG 










cq 1— 


! CO "* 


00 

*- 












j=Lir_ 

" « 1 : 


(M i 


CO 


i <M > 








' 






; ; ; 










\ CO i 








- 


"« 1': 












; ; 


; 












! J 


~ 
















1 
1* 


^ CO* 

o 

:J-f 
|.a s 

4 


t % 
S.'B 

*~ a 


Fassive. 

Present: 
indicative 


*J CO 

1 


optative 
imperative 
Imperfect 


1* 
11 

00 Hi 


CO 

I 

I 
S 


1 

• §1 

PL 


s| 

It 



ll 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb- In flection in Sanskrit 



819 



GENERAL SUMMARY (op personal forms). 



Present-Sts. 
indicative 
subjunctive 
optative 
imperative 

Imperfect 

total 

Perfbct-Sys. 
indicative 
subjunctive 
optative 
imperative 

Pluperfect 

total 

Simple- Aorist 
indicative 
subjunctive 
optative 
imperative 

total 

S-Aorist 
indicative 
subjunctive 
optative 
imperative 

total 

S-Fcture 
indicative 
subjunctive 
imperative 

Conditional 

total 

Periph.-Fut. 
indicative 

total 



Total 



15,048 5,057 1,507 



Simple Verb. 



I 



6,271 
1,419 
593 
4,772 
1,993 



B C 

2,945 916 

84, 4 

841 124 

181' 246 

1,006' 217 



2406 
76 
40 
41 
44 



899 



355 



2,607 



840 
610 
141 
262 



899' 355 



43 
18 



1,853 



327 

337 

36 

56 



756 



62 



34 
29 



24 



63 13 



89 156 



3 
92 



157 



6 20 



20,281 6,179 2,076 



20 



Grand Totals: A. 22,461; B. 6,736; C. 2,272. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



820 



J. Avery, 









INFINITI 


VE. 

VE. 












GERUND. 




ACCUSATIVE. | 


DAT! 


IJG.-AR 


LOCAT. 






A 


Bio' 




a|b| |a 


|a 




ABC 


Suffix am 


44 


""I - ! 


e 


183 


-- 


as 6 


i 9 


Suffix tod 


20166 


241 


turn 


5 


18 


103i 


tavf 


108 


1 


to* 12 


tari 


4 


tvdya 


8 












tavai 


26 


2 


1 


sani 


11 


tot 


35 












taye 


68 




1 






ya 


71H27 


216 










tyai 


2 












tya 


13 


33 


44 










096 


86 


__ 


! 
























96 


7 




i 
























aye 


17 




I 
























one 


6 




1 
























vane 


28 


__ 


i 
























mane 


7 


._ 


| 
























dhyai 


72 


-- 


I 

















PARTICIPLES and GERUNDIVES (B and C only). 





Act 


1VE. 


Middle 














Passive. 














mdna 


dna 


mdna | ta 


na | 


tavya 


tva 
BjC 

T 


aniya v y> 




B 


C 


B 


C 


BjC 


B 


C 


1 B 


C 


B 


C J 


B 


C 


B 


C B C 


Present 


237 


235 


176 


49 


25 ! 16 


67 


28'i 




1 


Perfect 


90 


5 1 






9 








i 
















1 


Future 


21 


1 


8 


1 






























Preterit 


1» 


30* 














784« 


1208 5 


26* 


74 












i, 


Gerundive 
























1 


52' 


30* 


l 


-- 


8 


__*9" M' 



' Predicatively. * Predicatively, 3. »do. 17. 4 do. 169. 5 do. 224. 
8 do. 15. "do. 47. ,0 do. 14. 



•do. 5. 'da 40. 



VERB-FORMS OF MANU AND QAKUNTALA. 

By way of appendix to the above, the following brief and summary classification 
of the verb-forms found in Manu and in QakuntalA (Bohtlingk's edition) is fur- 
nished by Mr. A. H. Edgren, an instructor in Yale College : 





Simp. V. 


Caus. 


Desid. 


Denom. 




M. 

1263 

1474 

58 

39 

77 

5 


Q. 

532 
25 

227 
12 

11 

5 


M. 

45 
351 

1 
8 

1 

1 


118 
42 


M. 

8 
9 


<?■ 


M. 


<?• 


indicative 

optative 

imperative 


5 
.... 


4 

1 


---- 


Imperfect 






Perfect-System : 
indicative 












AOBI8T-ST8TEM : 

indicative 












opt. (precative) 


11 1 

1 

1 
28 77 












Future-System : 
future 


1 


19 










Conditional 


1 


2 











Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Verb- Inflection in Sanskrit 



321 



These were noted by Mr. Edgren by the way, when he was engaged in looking 
carefully through the texts in illustration of another subject, so that he cannot 
vouch for the accuracy at every point of his collection and enumeration ; but the 
statements are at any rate correct enough to help cast light on the proportion of 
the forms of the verb as they appear in actual use. The preponderance of optative 
forms over all others in Manu will be noticed as a striking peculiarity. Mr. Edgren 
notes further that finite or personal verbs occur nearly three times as often in 
Bohtlingk's translation of the Qakuntala as in the original, notwithstanding the 
literalness of the version. 



List of the Verb-Roots pound in A, B, and C. 



ahc A. 
akshA. 
aghdy A. 
ankhay A. 
ac A. 
aj A, B. 
ajirdy A. 
anj A, B. 
atC. 
at A. 
ad A,B. 
adhvariy A. 
adhvary A. 

an A, B. 
anniy A. 

apagy A. 

am A. 

amitray A. 

ar A, B, C. 

ardtty A, B. 

1 arc A, B. 

3 arc A. 

arch B, C. 

arj A, B, C. 

arthay A, C. 

ard A, C. 

ardh A, B, C. 

1 arsh A. 

2 arsh A, B. 
arh A. B, C. 
av A, B. 

1 ac A, B. 

2 ac A, B, C. 
acvdy A. 

1 as A, B, a 

2 a* A, B. 
as&y C. 

ah A, B, C. 

4pA,B, a 

or A 

as A, B, C. 

I A, B, C. 

i (in, inv) A, B. 

ihg C. 

idh A, B, C. 

indray A. 

irasy A. 

i<B. 



1 wA A, B. 


torp A, C. 


2 isAA. 


1 harsh A, C. 


3 wA A, B, C. 


2 toraA A. 


4 t*AC. 


to/C. 


ishanay A. 


kalp A, B, C. 


ishany A. 


MnM B, C. 


wAay A. 


kdc A, C. 


ishudhy A. 


ktrtay C. 


faMy A. 


top A, C. 


*A. 


kuldyay A. 


ffoA A, B, C. 


fc#C. 


WA. 


fcAJ A, B. 


«ii?A. 


krpany A. 


VA. 


krpay A. 


id A, B, C. 


krakshA. 


tr A, B, C. 


krattly A. 


icA, B. 


krand A, C. 


fefcA. 


Arap A. 


to a 


ftrom A, B, C. 


t*A. 


kri A, B. 


ufeA A. 


krid A. 


tic A, C. 


krudhA, C. 


ud A, B. 


Arttp A, B f C. 


t*# A, B. 


i&im C. 


ubhA. 


klid C. 


urushy A, B. 


Wt<;C. 


uah A, a 


fotod A, B. 


dnay A. 


toton C. 


tirjay A. 


A»A«m A, 0. 


ttrnt* A, B. 


totor A, B. 


liAA,B.C. 


totoJ C. 


2 MA. 


1 kshi A, B. 


r^y A. 


2 feAt A. 


ftoy A. 


3 tofci A, B, C. 


Q A. 


kship A C. 


ecfoA. 


kshud A. 


cM A, C. 


kshudh C. 


kandkay A. 


kshnu A. 


toflfcC. 


khadB. 


kaihC. 


khan A, B. 


ton A, B. 


khdd A. 


torn A, B, C. 


^A. 


kamp B, C. 


Mud A. 


1 iter A, B. C. 


toyd A. B, C. 


2 tor A. 


panay C. 


3 tor A, B. 


0a*e2y A. 


1 kart A, B, C. 


?adC. 


2 tor* A, B. 


?am A, B, C. 



1 gar A, B. 

2 #ar A. 

3 gar A, B, 0. 
^araT* A. 
garh A. 

1 pa* A, B. 

2 yet A, B, C. 
toy A. 

?<ft A. B. 
gup A. 
pttr A, B. 
guhC. 

gopdy A, B, C. 
grabh A, B. 
grah B, C. 
yra* A, C. 
gld A, C. 

ar A, B. 
gjuu A. 
ghdtay C. 
ghush A, C. 
^Ar4 A, B, C. 
cakah A y B, C. 
ca< A. 
cad A. 
canasy A. 
car A. B, 0. 
caraniy A. 
cart A. 
ca/ C. 
c4y A. 

1 ci A, C. 

2 ci A. 

3 ci A, B. 

4 cit A, C. 
tint C. 
CMC A. 
ctrtB. 
cud A. 
ceshtC. 
cyu A, B. C. 

1 chad A, B, C. 

2 chad A. 
chalay C. 
chid A, B. C. 
janh A. 
jan A, B, C. 
;anCy A. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



322 



J. Avery, 



jap B. 
jambh A. 

1 jar A. 

2 jar A. 

3 jar A. 
jas A. 
j[<! A. 
jdray A. 
ji A. B, C. 
jinv A, B. 
jCv A, B, C. 
ju A. 

jt*r A. 
jush A, B. 
jft A, B. 
jurv A. 
jeA A. 
jU A, B, C. 
>m4y A. 
jyd A, B. 
jrambh A. 
/r* A. 
>va/ C. 
tans A. 
to* A. 
taksh K. 
tad A. 
tan A, B, C. 
fond A. 
tandray B. 
top A, B, C. 
tapasy C. 
torn A, B. 
tor A, B, C. 
tarushy A. 
tar* C. 
torrf A. B. 
torp A, B, C. 
tarsh, A, C. 
tor/j A. 
tavishiy A. 
tavishy A. 
<y A, C. 
tilvildy A. 
to A. 
ty' A. 
tod A. 
tor A. 
turany A. 

1 to?' A. 

2 toe A. 
to*fcC. 
t&rv A. 
tyq; A. C. 
tras A, C. 
*rd A. C. 
(var B, 0. 
^vtsn A. 
par A. 
rfa»p A, C. 
daksh A. 



rfagr^ A. 
dantf C. 
dan A. 
rfa&A A. 
dam C. 
damany A. 
rfay A, B. C. 

1 dar A, B, C. 

2 dar B. 
darp A, B. 
darf A, B, C. 
darfc A, C. 
darasy A. 
<ftw A. 

dah A, B, C. 
1 dd A, B, C. 

3 da* A. 
<#<; A. 
<*fo A. 

div A, B, C. 
dfc A, B, C. 
dih A, C. 

1 dt A, C. 

2 rfi A, B. 
ditonB. 
dip A, B, C. 
<to A. 

duchundy A. 
MA. 
drugrbiy A. 
duvasy A. 
dt«n A, B, C. 
rfiiA A, B. 
duhiy A. 
devay A, B. 
dyut A, C. 
drd A. 

rfrw A, B, C. 
druh A, B. 
drU A. 

dvM A. B, C. 
dfam A. 
dhanv A. 
(Mam A, B. 
dfo*r A, B, C. 
dharsh C. 
\ dhd A,B, C. 
2(tt4A,8. 

1 dtoto A, B, C. 

2 dAdv A. 
dhUdhinv) B. 
dhiydy A. 
dnl A, B. 
dhunay A. 



dM A, B, 
d/m*d C. 
dhydC. 
dhraj A. 
dArttv A. 
dhvahs A. 
dhvan A. 



C. 



nafon A, B. 
nod A, C. 
nand A, B, C 
nabh A. B. 
nam A, B, C. 
namasy A, B, C. 
nart A. 
nard B. 

1 rwf A, B, C. 
3 fMI£ A. 

ww A. 
nah A, B. 
nddA A. 
ny A, B. 
ntd A. 
nC A, B, C. 

2 nn A, B. 

3 nu A. 
wad A, B. C. 
nedB. 

nrmanasy A. 
nyuhkhay A, B. 
/>ac A, B, C. 
pan B, C. 

1 pat A, B, C. 
3 pa/ A. 
Ipad A. B, C. 
\pan A. 
panasy A. 

1 1 par A, B, C. 

2 par A, B. 
pare A, B. 
parf C. 
pap A. B. C. 
;lpd A,B. 
,'Spd A, B. 
pint; A, B. 
ipibd A. 

pw/i A. 

\\pik. 

2 pf A, B, C. 
pid A, C. 
pfy A. 
putriy A. 
pusft A, B. C. 
pushpy C. 
pfl A. B, C. 
;P*j C. 
prtandy A. 
prtany A. 
praksh A. 
jwacfc A, B, C. 
pra& A, B. 
pro* A. 
priydy A. 
prt A, B, C. 
pru A. 
tprtrtft A. 
\prush A. 
pto A, B, C. 



iphan A. 
ipnar A. 
bandh A, B, C. 
2 barh A, B. 
MdA A, B. 
budh A, B, C. 
bru A, B, C. 
6Aa*sA A, B, C. 
bhaj A, B. C. 
bha*j A, B, C. 
bhan A. 
6Aand A. 
bhandandy A. 
6/»ar A, B, C. 
bharv A. 
6Aa« A. 
M4 A, B, C. 
IfekfeC. 
bhdsh B, C. 
6/ufc* A. 
bhid A, B. 
bhishajy A, B. 
Ml A. B. 
6AM A. 
bhvj A, B, C. 
bhur A. 
bhuraj A. 
bhurany A. 
Md A', B, C. 

1 &A«*A A. 

2 6M*/i A. 
Mtyas A. 
6/i raj; A. 
bhram C. 
6Arac A. B, C. 
bhraj A, B, C. 
bhri A. 
bhresh A. 
maw A A. 
makhasy A. 
ma; 0. 

majy A, B, C. 
mand C. 
mad A, B, C. 
man A, B, C. 
manasy A. 
mandy A. 
mantray A, B, C. 
rna^n A, B, C. 
mand A. 

1 mar A, B, C. 

2 mar A. 
marg C. 
marc A, B. 
marj A, B, C. 
mard A. 
mard A, C. 
mardh A. 
marc A, B. C. 
marsh A, C. 
maA A. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Vert-Inflection in Sanskrit 



323 



2 md A, B. 


rAA. 


3 md A, C. 


HA. 


mdnavasy A. 


1 rt* A, B. 


wwlry C. 


3ruA. 


1 mi A, B. 


rue A. 


2 mi A, B. 


ruj A. 


mtfcoA A. 


riM* A, C. 


migh A. 


InKftA. 


mito A. 


2 riktt A. B, C 


tnilrf A. 


ruvany A. 


rnish A, C. 


ru*A A. 


miA A. 


ruh A, B, C. 


mi/A. 


rflp B. 


muc A, B, C. 


rg A. 


mud A, B, C. 


lakshay C. 


mter A. 


&W B. 0. 


mittft A, 0. 


top B, C. 


muh B, C. 


toM A, B, C. 


tnr^ay A, C. 


likhC. 


moksh B, C. 


ling 0. 


myaksh A. 


«p A, C. 


mraksk A. 


lih B. 


mrad A. 


K A, B, 0. 


mruc B. 


lup B, C. 


ya> A, B, 0. 


lubh A, B, C. 


yat A, B, C. 


fo&C. 


yam A, B, C. 


vaksh A. 


yas A. 


vac A, C. 


yd A, B. C. 


vacasy A. 


y<fc A, B, 0. 


raiic A. 


ydd*A. 


vat A. 


2 yu A, B, C. 


vad A, B, C. 


3 yu A. 


vctdh A. 


yw; A. B, C. 


vadhary A. 


yudh A. C. 


van A, B. 


yttp A, B. 


vananv A. 


ro»A A. 


vanush A. 


ratefc A. B, C. 


vanushy A. 


ray A, C. 


vand A, B, C. 


raihary A. 


1 vap A. 


rod A 


2 vap A, B. 


radfc A. 


vapuahy A. 


ran(ran) A. 


vow A, B, C. 


randhandy A. 


1 var A, B. 


ra P A. 


2 var A, B, C. 


ropf A. 


varivasy A. 


raAA A, B, 0. 


varey A. 


ram A, B, C. 


2 var; A, B. 


rahC. 


vara C. 


1 rd A, B. 


var* A, B, C. 


3rd A. 


vardh A, C. 


r#A, B, C. 


VOTSh A, B. 


rddfc A, B. 


varfc A. 


n'A. 


valguy A. 


rifcfcA. 


vaway A. 


rfc A, B. 


vac A, B. 


rip A. 


2 va* A. 


ribh A, B. 


3 vas A. 


ricA. 


6 va* A, B, C. 


risk A, B. 


IwwA. 


rufta»yA. 


8 ikuB. 



vaaily A. 
vasnay A. 
vaA A, B, C. 
1 vd A. 
2vdA. 
6 vd A, B, C. 
vdc A. 
vdjay A. 
vdtfcA A, C. 
vdc A, B, C. 
vie A, C. 
vv A,B, C. 
vithury A. 
1 vid A, B, 0. 
3 vid A, B, C. 
vidh A, B. 
v»p A. 
vip A, B, C. 
vish A, B. 
1 v* A, C. 
3 v«A. 
5 vi A. 
vtoy A, B. 
vtiay A. 
vrshany A. 
vrshdy A. 
ven A, B. 
vep C. 
vyaft B, C. 

1 vyd A, C. 

2 vyd A. 
vyac A. 
vya& A, B, 0. 
vyadh A, B. 
way C. 

vrad A. 
way A. 
wacc A. 
wddA A. 
widC. 
v/ajr A. 
vftB. 

cans A, B, C. 
ca* A, B, C. 
fxink C. 
cadA, C. 
«p A, B, 0. 

1 jxntt A. 

2 cam B. 
car A, B, C. 
cardh A. 
ca* A, B. 
led A. 

2 cd A, B. 
cd* A, B, C. 

1 fife* A, B. 

2 cite;* A. 
ciill§ A. 

cw/i A, B, C. 
tf A, B, C. 
Pmc A, B, C. 



pa; A. 
cundh A, C. 
1 puM A. 
3 p«5A A, B, C. 
cubhdy A. 
pttfA A, 0. 
p& A. 
pcand A. 
pca?^i A. 
pcul A. 
pnath A. 
(rath A, B. 
crathary A. 
prawi A, C. 
cravasy A. 
prdB. 
prt A, B, C. 
crish A. 
prtA. 

1 prt* A, B, 0. 

2 prw A. 
prttfA A. 
$ish A, B. 
pvanc A. 
cvas A, B, C. 
cvd A. 

pvi* A. 
*aA»A A. 
sac A, B. 
*a; A, B, C. 
sad A, B, C. 
son A, B. 
«ap A. 
sapary A. 
j?ar A, B, C. 
sarany A. 
*ary A, B, 0. 
sarp A, B, C. 

80CC A. 

«w A. 
sah A, B, C. 
sd A, B. 
stfctfi A. 
sdntvay C. 
« A, B. 
sic A, B, C. 

1 sidh A, B. 

2 stdft A, B, C. 
s!vB. 

su A, B, C. 
sushvay A. 
sukrat&y A. 
*d A, B. 
steC. 
904 A. 
sev A, C. 
skand A, B. 
aJfcadA A. 
*AaiB. 
stan A, B. 
sfaM A, B, 0. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



324 



J. A 



very. 



star A, B. 
stir A. 
stu A, B, C. 
stubh A. 
*<u*A A. 
*<Ad A, B, C. 
and A. 
snih A. 
jjw A, B. 
spardh A, B. 
aparp A, B, C. 
aparh A. 
tpac A. 



*p# A. 


«van A. 


AW A. 


sprhay A. 


svap A, B, C. 


A« A, B, C. 


*p/mr A. 


8vapa8y A. 


huvany A. 


sphurj A, B. 


svar A. 


AaA. 


*mor A, C. 


wid A. 


AeaAA, B. 


*ro» A, C. 


han A, B, C. 


hnu A, B. 


syand A, B, C. 


har A, B, C. 


Art C. 


sras A, B, C. 


Aar*A A, B, C. 


Arfl A. 


ariv B. 


has C. 


IdddC. 


*rtdA A. 


1 hd A, B. 


hvar A. 


*ru A, B, C. 


2 A« A, B, C. 


hvd A, B. 


svaj A, C. 


At A, B. 




svad A, B. 


Atii* A, B, C. 





ERRATA. 
A few errata which have been discovered in the article are here noted. 

The accent has been omitted from moist, p. 232, col. a; bruve, hnuve, hrnUhi 
rakshasc, 232 b; vashti, sind'ti, andkti, 233 a; fikshate, 234b; s&vate, 236 b;' par- 
cas, 238 a; r'dhat, 239 a; haran, 241 a; rdhyd'ma, 242 a; gatam, gantam, 244 a; 
vdrdhethdm, 244 b ; bhur&ntu, dcaram, 246 a ; dmimUhds, 246 b ; dvahas, drujas, 
dgachas, 247 a ; acrintta, vydta, 247 b ; dhuvanta, 249 b ; dAe, 250 b ; dbhutdm, 
254 a; voce, 267 b; didd'ya, ferpanydti, 272 a; vacydmtdm, 275. 

Corrected numbers of occurrences are daddmi \,j6shi n^prndsit^ 232 a; A«t* ;», 
r/J;e t, 232 b; jusheta 4, 241 b; dddhdiana i i, 245 a; pibadhvam a, 245 b; tridmd 
33, 251 a; cucugdhi i, 253 a; apoct *, 275; ydshtave *, vr*A/vf •«, 276; abhdshata 
Nil, 300b; dAoNa, 301 a. 

Other emendations (omitting a few obvious ones) : p. 226, 1. 30, read ram (for 
ran) ; 233 a, 8, suvdsi; 235 b, 25, ydcdmahe (for ydsd . . .) ; 242 b, 16. trd'sva; 245 a, 
13, undtta ; 245 b, last line, insert nabhantdm * <• ; 247 a, 37, d'jat (for d'rjat) ; 254 a, 
end. transfer yodhat i, crdvat io, to 3. Sing.; 260 a, 11-12, amddishus; 272 a, 
2, avarivar ; 279 b, 2, insert tishthdtdi 199.1*; 280 a 5, from below, insert bodhi (1) ; 
280 b, 14-15, dele veksheta ; 284 a, 5 from below, insert avet 1 ; 297 a, 10 from 
below, dele bravati Ni ; next line, insert bhavati bi 7 ; 299 a, 3 from below, insert 
\bruv\-ati N 1 . 

Owing to corrections and changes made in the body of the article while going 
through the press, the numbers given in the preliminary explanations do not 
always agree precisely with those of the summaries, and should be amended to 
accordance with the latter. 



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ARTICLE XI. 
A STATISTICAL ACCOUNT OF 

NOUN-INFLECTION IN THE YEDA. 

By CHARLES R. LANMAN, 

▲BSOCLtTB-PBQFEMOB FOB 8ANBKBIT IN THB JOHNS HOPKINB VNITBB8XTT. BALTIMOBX, MD. 



Presented to the Society October 25th, 1877. 



The treatment of the inflective forms of any Indo-European 
tongue requires a division of the subject into two : the verb, 
and the noun. Each of these, again, is bipartite : the one part 
deals with the formation of word-stems; the other, with the 
suffixes of inflection. 

For the language of the Veda, three of these four chapters 
have been made the object of special systematic investigation : 
the first, or mode and tense-stems, by Delbriick, in his book 
Das AUindische Verbum (Halle, 1874), p.83 ff.; the second, or 
verb-inflection in a narrower sense, by the same scholar, ibidem, 
pp.23-78 ; the third, by Lindner in his AUindische Nominalbildung 
(Jena, 1878); a careful working out of the fourth, or noun- 
inflection in the Veda, has become a desideratum. This I now 
attempt to supply. 

In so doing, certain limitations of the plan of the work and 
of the ground covered by it seemed advisable. I have accord- 
ingly restricted myself to the texts of the Eigveda-sanhita and 
the'Atharvaveda-sanhita: for the former I have aimed to be 
complete and exhaustive ; from the latter I have excerpted, I 
believe, all the noteworthy forms, generally excluding those 
which conform entirely to the norms of the later language, but 
including all belonging to the double sets, like those in -d and 
dni, -dsas and -<fo, etc. The terms " noun " and " verb " cover 
the great bulk of the Vedic vocabulary. Under " noun " I 
have included all that is subject to distinctively nominal inflec- 
tion — that is, substantives, adjectives, and participles, and even 
the nominal forms from pronominal stems. Thus, of the three 
vol. x. 45 



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326 C. R. Lawman^ 

equivalent forms, upare, upards, and upardsas, I have taken 
account of the second and third, but not of the first These 
true pronominal forms, along with a few numerals, make a small 
residue of so varied character that it is best treated by itself. 
The infinitives and absolutives, too, given by Del brack (p. 
221 ff.), I have not repeated, although, on their inflectional side, 
they are nouns. 

With the history and genesis of the forms of declension I 
have concerned myself only where circumstances demanded. 
These matters lie beyond the scope of my work ; but, I may 
add, such collections of facts as the following seem to me to be a 
sine qua non for fruitful speculation upon this subject — if, 
indeed, it ever can be very fruitful. 

An extension of this work over the texts of the Brdhmanas 
and later literature would doubtless be useful. This has been 
done for the verb by Professor Avery in the preceding article; 
but the inflective system of the Veda, when contrasted with 
that of the later language, is comparatively less multiform on 
the field of the noun than on that of the verb : for although, 
upon both, the Veda shows a rank growth of forms which die 
out later, yet the process and result have been different for each. 
Originally there may have been some slight modal or other 
distinction between griiavas, grnu, crnudhi, qrnuhi, and crudhi; 
but the instrumental singular feminine of an t'-stem had 
absolutely no implicit difference of function or meaning, 
whether ending in -itf, -yd, 4, -V, or ind. In the later Sanskrit, 
the conception of modal relations and the ability to utilize the 
ample means of nice expression offered by its system of verb- 
inflection, instead of developing to wonderful perfection (as they 
did with the Greeks), became lost; and with them also a host 
of forms ; until, for example, the style of the Hitopadega hobbles 
along with the aid of bungling absolutives and participles. The 
conception of the case-relations, on the other hand, naturally 
survived, and, for each, at least one form, and generally only 
one, for its expression. The inflective system of the nouns has 
become contracted, rigid, and uniform ; but not, like that of the 
verb, essentially mutilated. 

From considerations of practical importance, the work of 
collection was based upon Grassmann's excellent Index-vocabu- 
lary to the Eig-Veda ; by it alone was almost entire complete- 
ness attainable, and the necessity of separating by exegesis 
multitudes of homonymous forms (for the most part) avoidable. 
That a careful revision of the exegesis of all these ambiguous 
forms, with constant reference to the views of Roth in the St. 
Petersburg Lexicon, would have been a proper preliminary to 
my collection of materials, I cannot deny ; but I hope that the 
progress of Vedic study may be better furthered by my offering 



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. Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 327 

what I have at once, than by waiting to carry out such a plan. 
It is, at any rate, a real step in advance to have all that is 
doubtful and questionable conveniently grouped together. 
This done, the cases of the docket are at least prepared for the 
decision of scholars of riper judgment 

The material from the Atharva-Veda was collected by the 
aid of Professor Whitney's complete manuscript Index to that 
text To him I desire to make acknowledgments for his 
kindness in lending me the volume, and for the advice and 
encouragement he has given me in my work. 

The order in which I have treated the different stems aims 
chiefly at convenience of practical reference, and is in general 
as follows : 

L Stems whose suffixes end in vowels ; 

II. Suffixless stems ; 

IIL Stems whose suffixes end in t, n, and 8. 

I. The a-stems (m. and n.), as most numerous and important, 
come first ; then the d-stems (f .^ ; the z-stems (m., n., and f .) and 
the u-stems (m., n., and f.) follow, along with the few mascu- 
lines and feminines in i and fl, not radical ; next, the ar-stems 
(m., i, and n.), and finally those in o, ai, and au. 

IL Under this head I have arranged the stems of nouns, 
simple and compound, substantive and adjective, whose only 
element, or whose final element, is a root; first come the 
vocalic, and then the consonantal stems, in alphabetical order. 
Some words, however, as agreeing in declension with class IL, 
and therefore better excluded from IIL, are treated here, 
although formed with suffixes (as -aj\ -ij, -it, -ut, -vat). They 
are neither numerous nor important enough to warrant our 
setting up special classes for them. 

III. First come the stems ending in vocalic root + t, belong- 
ing declensionally to II. ; then, the participles : namely, present 
participles in -ant (or -at of reduplicating verbs) and perfect 
participles in -vans; and, as analogous to these, the compara- 
tives in -iyans; and finally, the stems formed by the suffixes 
-vant and mant, -van and -man, -an and -in, -as, -is, and -us. 

Lindner has treated the form and accentuation of noun-stems 
only in relation to their derivation from roots. There are also 
certain changes of stem and of accent which are common to 
whole classes of words, arid are purely declensional : as, the 
shifting of the accent to the ending in the genitive plural of 
oxytone stems in t, «, r, and the distinctions of "strong," 
u middle," and " weak " forms of the same stem. These facts 
will be noticed in their proper places. (For a general discussion 
of the Stammabstvfende Declination, see Brugman, in Curtius ? s 
Studien, ix.Stfl ff., and Kuhn's Zeitschrifi, xxiv.l ff.) Besides 



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828 C. R. Lanman, 

these, there are many and varied minor peculiarities, occurring 
sporadically ; as, the nasalization of a final vowel (e. g.. 
camas&'fi., I.s.m., which thus becomes identical with the samhiia- 
form of an accusative plural masculine before a vowel), or of a 
stem (e. g., yuj-, yufij-), the " strengthening " of a stem (e. g., pad-, 
pd'd), or the contraction of a case-form (e. g., vedh&'m for vedhd- 
sam). The comparison of such of these as are similar will be 
facilitated by an Index. A concluding section will take account 
of words which resist convenient classification : and will give 
comparative statistics concerning the use of double-forms, and 
so much of a general summation of results as may be necessary. 

The full set of declensional forms of many words is a piece of 
patch-work made by putting together fragments of the sets of 
several stems : so for akshtin dkshi, asQi&n dsthi, dadh&n dddhi, 
sakthdn sdkthi; yakdn yakr't, qakdn cdkrt ; ndkta naJctan, cirM 
(firshdn; c&kshas cdkshan (AV. x.2.6). This "change of theme" 
is especially common between the i and t-stems (cf. oshaiUri, 
bhil'mi, rd'tri, and their forms), so that it is often doubtful to 
which of these a form is to be referred. This subject deserves 
a special investigation. (See Asboth, Die Umwandhing der 
Themen im Lateinischev, Gottingen, 1875.) 

I have enumerated in full all the forms that occur, whenever 
it seemed that any valuable practical purpose would be served 
by such an enumeration. Grassmann's and Muller's Indexes 
being in the hands of every student of the Veda, it is believed 
that a detail of case-forms found in the text on every page, and 
counting by scores and hundreds, would be a useless expendi- 
ture of space. 

The names of the cases are abbreviated by their initials in 
capitals (N. A. L D. Ab. G. L. V.) ; designations of number 
(s. d. p.) and of gender (m. f. n.), by their initials in small letters. 
Gr. stands for Grassmann ; his Wbrierbuch zum Rig -Veda is 
designated by Wb., his Uebersetzung, by Ueb. The Lexicon of 
Bohtliugk and Eoth is cited by the initials BR The pada- 
text is denoted by p. 



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N.s.m.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 329 



STEMS IK A. 

The following is a synopsis of the terminations of the 
inflectional forms : 

Singular: N.m., -as, -a'/ A.m., -aw, -dm?, -a?; N.A.n., -am, 
-a'; I.m.n., -ad, -d y end, -ena (-enan, -dn) ; D.m.n., dya (-dyan) ; 
Ab.m.n., -dt, -aat?; G.m.n., -asya (-asyari), asiaf, asyd; L.m.n., 
-e, -a'/ V.m.n., -a (-an), -a". 

Dual : N.A.V.m., -d (-dn), -an, -a/ N.A.n., -e; I.D. Ab.ra.n., 
-dbhydm, -dbhidm; G.L.m.n., -ayos, -os. 

Plural: N.V.m., -dsas, -ds,-aas; A.m., -dn, -dn, -dns; N.A.V.n., 
-d, -dni, -ad f, -a ? ; I.m.n., -ebhis, -ais; D. Ab.m.n., -ebhyas, -ebhias; 
G.m.n., -dndm, -dnaam, -dm; L.m.n., -eshu. 

There are no irregularities of accent 

Nominative Singular Masculine. 

The regular ending of this case is s. It is the most frequent 
form in the RV., and occurs 10,071 times (cf. Benfey, Vedica, p. 
115). The number of stems in connection with which it is found 
is 1845: their frequency forbids their enumeration. The form 
indras, for example, occurs 523 times; 'ekas, 104 ; eshds, 106 ; kds, 
111; devds, 203; mitrds, 132; yds, 1010; ads, 891; sdmos, 220; 
vdrunos is found 94 times ; sutas, 93 ; pundnds, 84 ; vrshabhds, 
80; pdvamdnas, 65 ; bhdgas, 65 ; vipras, 59 ; phtds, 56 ; sU'rias, 
56 ; jdtds, 55 ; mdrtias, 54. 

The only alleged deviation from rule in the form of the N.s.m. 
is Jcrdnd 1 (Scholiasts, after Pan. vii.1.39). It is not hard to believe, 
with Bollensen (Z.D.M.G. xxii.574), that -d may represent -as 
sporadically ; and perhaps the relation of -a(s) to -o is like that of -d 
to -an in the dual. In two instances the supposed krdnds is not 
followed by a sonant, and the exegesis by no means requires a 
nominative. I have therefore referred them to the I.s.m., q.v. 

Even after the elision of the s of the ending, crasis of the 
preceding a with a following vowel sometimes takes place. Cf. 
Kuhn, Beitr&ge, iv.199. Numerous examples of this may be seen 
among those cited Rik Pr. ii.33,34. Thus sdh asi ukthydh, ii.13.2, 
is to be read sd'si vkthiah. So sdh end' dnlkena, ii.9.6, must read 
saind'nike/ia; and sd utd bdndhuh, AV. iLl.3, sdtd bdndhuh. In 
vii.86.4, the crasis (tureydm) is indeed metrically unavoidable, 
but does not necessitate our reading it as a vocative (Gr., Wb.), 
nor yet as a verb (root tar, tur, Gr., Ueb.). In view of the anal- 
ogous cases just cited, I prefer to follow the pada, and read turds 
iydm : * With sins forgiven, humbly I would straightway betake 
myself to thee.' In vi.46.4, we need not resort to an emendation 
(vrshabhd va), nor yet follow the pada, vrshabhd* -iva ; but may 
regard the aamA&oVreading as another instance of crasis after 
elision, vrshabhd iva. The usage of the Atharvan is instructive. 
It is given by Whitney (note to Ath. Pr. ii.56). The contraction 



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830 C. R. Lanman, [a-stems. 

of -as iva to -eva is here the rule (in 46 out of 59 instances). 
Compare also Benfey, Abh. d. k&n. Ges. d. Wis*, zu Gottingen^ xix. 
250 ff. 

The -as of the N.s.m. appears in the samhitd with exceeding 
frequency as -o (see A.Weber, Iteitrdge, iu.385 ff). In this final o 
other case-forms are sometimes concealed. Thus x. 155.2, cattd is to 
be resolved into cattd' u, N.s.f. AV. xvi.4.2, am?' to stands for 
amr'td u. But even a final -am suffers elision and crasis before u y 
and is misunderstood by the pa da (as nominative): thus (as Roth 
suggests) in x. 119.13, grhd ydmi dramhrto dev'ebhyo havyavd'- 
hanah; 'And home (grhdm u) I go, satisfied, and take along for 
the gods something from the sacrifice.' In like manner, after the 
resolution of pdrdho (anarvd'nam, masculine) into pdrdham w, 
i.37.1, the particle u with abhiprd gdyata is by no means inappro- 
priate, for it is often used in a summons of that kind. C£ Kuhn, 
Beitrdge, iv.l 97,208. 

Accusative Singular Masculine. 

The regular ending is -m. Next to the N.s.m. it is the most 
frequent form in the RV., and occurs 6861 times, in connection 
with 1357 stems. For example : imam occurs 130 times; mdratn^ 
335; ^/m, 509; yd?n y 259; yajndm, 183; vd'jam, 123; sdmarn, 
212; adhvardm is found 48 times; dpvam, 48; enam, 68; 
gdrbham, 56 ; tydm and tidm y 46 ; devdm, 65 ; mitrdm, 53 ; 
vrtrdm, 82 ; samudrdm, 52 ; sutdm, 62 ; stt'riam and sU'ryam, 90 ; 
stdmam, 77; hdvam (sometimes neuter), 88. 

In some instances the gender is doubtful : thus dbhogdyam may 
be neuter. Nouns elsewhere neuter are sometimes used as mascu- 
lines, and have been included here: thus drtham (etdm), x.18.4 ; 
51.4,6; cakrdm (dpiim), iv.l. 3; rdtnam (brhdntam), vi.19.10. 
Asmd'kam may be set down as G.p. of the personal pronoun, or as 
A.s.m. of the possessive. Yipvam occurs 139 times; but I have 
not separated the masculines from the neuters, and have enumer- 
ated them among the latter. The total 6861 would require a slight 
correction accordingly. Vd'ram, vi.13.4 (p. vd dram), has been 
counted as one word. 

The only probable irregularity in the ending of the A.s.m. is in 
x.40.8, yuvdm vidhdntam vldhdvdm urushyathah, 'Ye protect 
the widower (root 2 vldh) and the widow ;' but vidh has no active 
forms, and this difficulty led Roth to the conjecture that vldh- 
dvdm stood for vidhdvam with metrical lengthening, and he 
translates the two words by viduum cultorem. Herein he is 
followed by Grassmann, who adds that " the metrical lengthening 
frequently occurs where the written text has «m" ( Wb. 1281; 
but Ueb., ctdtorem etviduam /). In i.bO.Qjdndn is not singular (Roth, 
X.w. G.d. W. Jt>.82) ; bhuranydntam is to be made the direct object 
ofpdpyasi, and not joined to the stock-phrase jdndn dnu. In viii. 
33.8, ddnd' mrgd na vdrandh purutrd cardtham dadhe, 'To the 
feast, as a wild animal, hither and thither he takes his course,' 
ddnd! mrgd is for ddndm mrgd, unless we assume that ddnd (m.) 
is used once as a neuter plural. 



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A.s.m.] Noun-Inflection in t/ie Veda. 331 

Elision and crasis : dcurh nd cakrdrh rdthieva, l like the swift 
wheel of a chariot (rdthiam), as it were (iva) ;' p. rdthyd-iva, 
iv.1.3. Both texts have -am iva in iv.18.5, where the metre 
demands eva. Compare the usage of the Atharvan (Whitney, 
Praticakhya, ii.56) ; -am iva is contracted to -eva 25 times out 
of 40. 

Nominative and Accusative Singular Neuter. 

The regular ending is -m, without distinction of form for the 
two cases. Nominatives and accusatives s.n. (taken together) 
occur 4275 times, in connection with 949 stems. For example : 
antdriksham occurs 45 times ; amr'tam, 31 ; iddm* 165 ; rtdm, 70 ; 
kdm, 48 ; kshatrdm y 31 ; ghrtdm, 47 ; cakrdm, 35 ; citrdm^ 34 ; 
drdvinam, 41 ; ndktam, 32 ; paddm, 46 ; pavUram % 37 ; pratham- 
dm, 38 ; priydm, 44 ; bhadrdm, 39 ; rdtnam y 44 ; vicvam (m. and 
n.), 139; sakhydm and sakhidm, 43; satydm, 40; suvi'riam, 57; 
havydm, 33. 

The gender is not always to be determined: as ajakdvdm, 
odandm, kshirapdkdm, nakhdm, muk&rtdm, rdmdm, Id'yam, 
sometimes 2vdram y vd'ram, ci'pdlam, pd'lam. In v. 8 7. 9, hdvam 
is used as n., although generally m. A few of the occurrences of 
vicvam are m. Ca rdtham, i.70 7; 72.6, has been counted as one 
word. Some of the words included above are accusatives s.n. in 
form and adverbs in function : as kdm (?), nisvardm, pratardm y 
vitardm, pt'bharn, sapitvdm, sdmantam, sardtham. 

In viii.29.8, prd pravdseva vasatah, we have an example of 
crasis after elision of final m (so Roth). The pada reads pravdsd'- 
-iva. So too we may resolve sdmaneva in iv.58.8 (Nir. vii.17) 
and vi75.4 (Nir. ix.40) ; c£ x.168.2: and I would even add 
sdmandvagdtya (-am avar), vi.75.5. Cf. N.A.p.n. and Ath. Pr. 
ii.56. Similarly, x. 103. 11, amid'kam indrah is to be pronounced 
asmd'kendrah. 

Instrumental Singular Masculine and Neuter. 

The general case-ending is -d; but the Ls.m.n. of a- stems ends 
regularly in -ena. If this is historically developed out of -a-in~d^ 
we might expect to find a good many instances in which the final 
is not shortened; and in fact, out of a total of 1071 instrumentals 
s.m. and n., there are 85 in -end. Moreover, the still more organic 
form -a-d or -d ought to have left traces. These, again, number 
114. The stem viria exhibits three forms; arranged in historical 
order, they would stand as follows : *vfna-d (cf. mahitvdd), virid, 
viriend, viriena. 

1. Of the regular ending there are 872 examples; 374 are m. 
(from 150 stems) and 344 are n. (from 157 stems), besides which 
tma occurs 57, and yena 97 times. In two cases the final vowel 
is nasalized in the samhitd at the end of a pdda, before an initial 
vowel in the next: i.33.4, ghaninan kkas, and i.110.5, t'ejanenan 
ekam. Examples are: mdrena, 34; vdjrena, 33; yajfttna, 13; 
sti'riena, 37; ghrtena,%\. 



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882 



C. R. Lanman, - 



[a-stems. 



2. The following is, I believe, a complete enumeration of all the 
forms with long final (86). 

ix.70.2. itbM dyd'vd kd'viend vi fuerathe 

ix.80.1. br'haspdte ravdthend vi didyute 

ix.84.5. viprah kavih kd'viend svarcandh 

x.48.4. purishina/u sd'yakend hiranydyam 



The substantive forms in -end are so few, that m. and n. have 
been given above together. In four instances nd is the eighth 
syllable of a jagati-pdda; in 26, the eighth of a trlshtubh; in 
three, the sixth of an anushtubh. In all cases the pada reads na. 
See Rik Prat, viii.21, and cf! Ath. Prat, iii.16. 

Tend, yend, svend appear invariably in the pada as tena, yena, 
svena. This long final occurs without exception in the second 
place of the verses concerned, of which 13 are anushtubh, Sjagati, 
and 7 trishtubh, and is in every case followed by a single consonant 
and that by a short vowel. Tend is first word of an anushtubh 
pddaGtimes: i.49.2: vii.55.7: viii.20.26; 67,6: ix. 6 1.1 9. A V. iv.5.1; 
yend,7 times: i.50.6: vi.16.48: viii.l2.2a; 17.10; 19.20; 24.25: 
x. 126.2. Yend stands at the beginning of a jagatl-pdda 8 times: 
v.54.15; 87,5 : viii.3.9; 3,i0; 12,1; 12,2c; 12,4: ix.108.4 ; and 
as first word of a trishtubh-pdda 6 times: i.62.2c (=ix.97.39r); 
i.72.8 ; 80.2: ii.17.6: iv.51.4 (18 of the 21 occurrences of yend are 
given by Mtlller, Prat, vii.28). Svend occurs as first word of a 
trishtubh-pdda, vii.21.6. For other occurrences in the Atharvan, 
see Whitney, Praticakhya, iii.16 note, and Benfey, Abh. etc. 
xxi.18,32. 

End, end'. In four instances, where the unaccented Ls. of the 
demonstrative stem a is used as a substantive pronoun, the pada 
reads ena: v. 2. 11, siiarvatir apd end jayema, 'Let us win by it 
(stdmena) the heavenly waters;' x. 108.3, d! ca gdchdn mitrdm 
end dadhdma, i If he come hither, we will make friends with him 
(indrena)? These two cases are precisely analogous to those of 
the nouns above. For ix.96.2 the Prat, viii.19 prescribes the 
lengthening; vidvd'v end sumatfoh ydti dcha, 'By it (by ascending 
the wagon) the wise one gets into favor.' In i. 173.9, the final, as 



i.32.5. 


kdiipcnd vivrknd 


vi32.2. 


siL'rienA kavind'm 


i.33.13. 


vrshabhend puro 'bhet 


vii.18.17. 


petuend jaghdna 


i 116.24. 


dfivend ndva dy&'n 


viii.85.2. 


vithurend cid dstrd 


i.117.21. 


bdkurend dh&mantd 


ix.96.17. 


kd'viend kavih sdn 


U64.30d. 


mdrtiend sdyonih 


x.42.10. 


vrjdnend jayema 


1.164.38ft. 


m&riiend sdyonih 


x.56.3. 


vd'jinend suvent'k 


iii.31.12. 


8kdmbhanend jdnitri 


x.68.8. 


vvravtnd vikr'tya 


iii.32.2. 


md'rutend ganena 


x.88.4. 


d'jiend vrn&nd'h 


iv.18.5. 


virtend nirshtam 


x.111.2. 


tavishbid rdvena 


iv.34.8. 


daiviend savitrd' 


x 139.4. 


tad rtend vi dyan 


iv.39.3. 


vdrunend sajoshdh 


x.180.1. 


ddkshinend vds&ni 
mdrtiend sdyonih 


AV. iii.12.8. amr'tend sdmahdhi 


ix.10.8. 


v.1.5 


kd'viend krnomi 


ix.10.16. 


mdrtiend sdyonih 




RV. vii.55.7, AV. iv.5.1. 


tend sahasyend vaydm 




AV. vii.60.7, aishydmi bhadrend sahd 



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I.s.m.n.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 333 

syllaba anceps, remains short in the samhitd; dsdma ydthd 
sushakhd'ya ena, * In order that we may be good friends with 
him.' 

With the accented form end' the case is different. The pada 
invariably reads end'. 

It occurs as an adverb or crystallized case-form 17 times, with -&' in both texts, 
and that in one instance even where the samhitd requires a short, vi.20.10 (Kuhn, 
Beitr. iii.123). It stands as follows: anusJdubh, i.30.3 and ix.61.11, second place; 
v.73.4, sixth place; trishtubh, x.14.2; i48.3. second place; i. 164. 17, 18,43 : 
ix.97.52: x.82.5 ; 125.8, eighth place; i.164.5: ix.97.53: x.27.21; 31.8, fifth place; 
finally x. 112.6, where the text looks suspicious. 

As an adjective pronoun it occurs 17 times with its substantive in the same 
pada; and four times it is used substantively : vii.T 1. 4c, d' na endf ndasatyopa 
ydtam (sc. rdthena): vi.44.17. endf manddnojahi f&ra p&tr&n (sc. pa' tar ena, v. 16); 
x.l44.5c,d, end' vayo vi tdri d'yur jtvase, end' jdgdra bandhutd (sc. sdmena). Of 
these 21 occurrences, (a) 12 are such as show the syllable, nd' in the second place 
of the verse: jagati x. 144.5c ; trishtubh iii.34.4 : vL4.417: x.14.4; 85.27; and with 
crasis i. 105.19 andii.9.6; anushtubh ii.6 2: v. 19.3; 53.12: vii.16.1 : x.l44.5d. (b) 
A long is perhaps favored in the fourth place of a jagati, trishtubh, and anushtubh 
respectively iv.36.7 : vii.71.4, and viiL5.39. (c) The remaining six occurrences are 
in the fifth place: of a jagati ii.34.14 and viii.21.6 before ndmasd; of a 
trishtubh i.171.1 and vii.93.7, before ndmasd ; viii. 85. 8, before tiavishd; x.23.7, 
before sakhid'. 

Aside then from the word end', where analogy led the pada-kdra 
to treat the pronoun in the same way as the crystallized adverb, 
the samhitd shows no forms in -end which cannot be explained on 
the ground of metrical lengthening ; while, on the other hand, 
they may just as well be regarded as relics of the original form of 
the instrumental, whose preservation was favored by their place 
in the verse. 

It is only because there is an d priori probability that the long 
d is organic, that these forms can be taken in evidence at all, as 
explaining the genesis of the ordinary -ena (see Bopp, Vgl. Gr. z 
i.326 9 § 158; and Schleicher, Cornp.* p.561, § 258). Regarded as 
relics, the uniformity of their preservation in the cadence of the 
verse is remarkable. I have searched diligently every passage 
containing an Ls.ni. or n. of an a-stem (1071 in number), and 
have found only one genuine instance where the final is not long 
if required by the cadence. A short is extremely rare, where a 
long is merely favored by the verse: as ix.109.14, yena vicvdni, 
hetter yend: pankti. bo viii.41.10, skambhend. The solitary 
instance referred to is ii.11.19, vicvd spr'dha d'riena ddsitin; 
I read vipvd [it] spr'dha d'riena ddsytin (?) as L 179.3 : v. 5 5. 6. 

If this requirement is satisfied by a double consonant forming 
position, the long final does not appear in the written text. These 
would seem to be crucial test-cases for this question; for an 
original long ought at least to hold its own in the eighth place of a 
trishtubh. Thus we have iii.31.12, vishkabhndnta skdmbhanend 
jdnitri; but x. 11 1.5, cdskdmbha cit kdmbhanena skdbhiydn. So 
i. 163.3, dsi tritd guhiena vratena; vii.63.4, nUndmjdndh sU'riena, 
prdsiXtdh. Again viii.3.9, yend ydtibhyo bhr'gave dhdne hite, but 
yena prdskanvam d'vitha. In viii.55.9, kdd ti, nu asya d'hrtam 
vol. x. 46 



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884 C. R. Lanman, [a-stems. 

indrasya asti patinsiam: keno nu kam prdmatena nd pupruvt 
janushah pdri vrtrahd' — the -a of prdmatena may perhaps be 
regarded as a syllaba anceps (cf. Prat, viii.29). In ii.6.2, ayd' te 
ague vidhema H'rjo napdd dpvamishte: end' siXktbia sujdta — the 
trochaic movement would require sUktindf but the true metrical 
character of the verse may have been lost sight of. In x. 148.2, 
pronounce ddasir vipah sdriena sahydh. 

As uniformly and invariably as a long vowel appears when 
required in the cadence, just so arbitrary does it seem to be at the 
beginning of the pdda. I can discover no principle determining 
the quantity of the final of yena or tena in the second place, In 
general yena and tena are of course much more frequent than 
yend and tend. The third syllable is generally short also when 
yina is used ; so that that seems to make no difference. And 
either form, -na or -nd, seems to occur without distinction as 
regards place in the stanza, at the head oipdda a, 6, c, or d\ 

Schleicher's I.s.m. with inserted y has no existence. His only 
example is svdpnayd; but this is a stereotyped adverbial case, of 
feminine form. See ^-sterns, I.s.f. 

3. The existence of instrumental forms like yajfld' (= yqjnena) 
is unquestionable. I have noted 114 instances. Some will find 
more, and others less, according to their exegesis of certain 
passages. 

The Ls. in -d is found with m. stems as follows (37 cases): 
i.168.1, yaj fid' -yajfid, 'with every sacrifice;' and vL48.1, parallel 
with gird'-gird. Krdnd' (cf. a-stems, N.s.m.), 'with longing, 
eagerly:' i.58.3; 139.1 :" v.7.8; 10.2: ix.86.19 (SV. i.5 59 , prdnd')\ 
102.1 (SV. i.570, prdnd') : x.61.1. In all seven places the pada 
has krdnd'. See B.R. v.1339. Tud\ Ls. of the stem tud (in 
compounds only): tud'-tita, ' holpen by thee ;' ii. 11.16, tud'-Htd td 
indra vd'jam agman, 'by thee, O Indra, holpen, came to riches;' 
so vi. 16.27 ; tvdti, ' enjoying furtherance (Utt) by thee (tud')f thrice 
with crasis; tud'datta, ii.33.2, tud'dattebht rudra pdmtamebhih 
patdih himd apiya bheshqjebhih, ' with balms most wholesome 
given by thee, O Rudra, may I attain unto a hundred winters:' 
so viii.81.18; tvd'ddta, 'given by thee,' i.10.7 : Hi. 40.6 : v.7.10; 
39.1; tvd'hata, ' slain by thee,' vii.32.7 ; tvd'ishita, 'impelled 
by thee,' viii.66.10, with crasis. 

In i.36.16, ghaneva vUhvag vi jahi drdvnas, Gr. proposes 
ghanena; but Agni does not slay ' with a cliib.' The ghand is 
Indra's weapon (i.33.4). I therefore prefer not to change the 
text, but to follow the pada, ghand' iva y 'As with a mace (as 
though thou didst use a mace), all apart, smite the evil-doers.' In 
i.63.5, ghaneva vajrin chnathihi amitrdn, p. ghand'iva, the 
collocation of words is such that the sense is nearly equivalent to 
tvdm vdjrena pnathihi, so that iva is by no means superfluous; 
' as with a mace, do thou with the thunderbolt destroy the foes.' 
And in fact Say. says : vajrivann indra ghaneva ghanena 
kathinena parvateneva vqjrena pnathihi. In ix.97.16, the exceed- 
ingly figurative language ghaniva vtshvag duritd'ni vighndn, p. 



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Ls.m.n.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 335 

ghand'-iva, addressed to Soma, makes the iva all the more 
necessary; 'as with a club, all asunder, the dangers driving away 
(flow thou).' Say. takes it as instrumental. Finally in i.8.3, 
where Grassmann ( Ueb. ii.504), reading ghandm, gets the same 
sense as Say. {pa&rupraharandya atyantam drdham), I consider a 
change again unnecessary (Gr., Wb. 421, ghand's), and interpret 
the ghana here as I. denoting accompaniment ; ' O Indra, through 
thy favor may we receive (have to usej thy thunderbolt along with 
thy mace (and so) conquer in the fight our foes.' Ddnd\ ' with a 
gift,' v.52.14 (Say. havirddnena), 15; 87.2. viii.20.14; it may 
also be referred to the stem ddmdn (see man-stems, Ls.m.) ; for 
ddnd\ viii.33.8, see a-s terns, A.s.m. In x.25.4, krdtum nan soma 
jivdse dhdrdya camasd'n iva, the pada has camasd'n-iva, misled, 
as it would seem, by the correct avatd'n~iva of pdda 
b. The tertium comparationis is indeed doubtful, but camasd'n 
is probably a nasalized I.s.m. ' Our spirit, O Soma, keep 
thou alive, as by the beaker (thine is kept),' with a slight 
play on krdtum. Grassmann ( Wb.) has assumed for the Vedic 
language a stem ghrnd' upon the basis of four passages: 
iv.43.6, ghrnd! vdyo arushd'sah pd/ri gman; v. 73. 5, pdri vdm 
arushd' vdyo ghrnd' varanta dtdpah; i.52.6, pdrim ghrnd' carcUi y 
titvishe pdvah. In the first two he takes ghrnd' as A.p.f., contrary 
to the pada, and, as it seems to me, to the sense ; in the third, as 
N.s.f. It will be observed that in each case the verb 
is accompanied by pdri and is naturally construed with an 
instrumental. This is surely less forced in the fourth passage, 
1141.4,. d'd id ydvishtho abhavad ghrnd' pticih, than a N.s.f. in 
apposition to ydvishtho. If they are all instrumental, it is 
unnecessary to set up a feminine stem, and these four along with 
ix. 107.20 can be referred to the stem ghrnd (as is done by B.R.). 
Cf. M-stems, I.s.m. and suhdvdn TS. iii.3.il 6 . 

The neuters of this form are more frequent (77). In viii.25.18, 
the third pdda, ubhe d' paprau rddast mahitvd', cannot be 
catalectic, as the metrical structure of the other stanzas shows. 
The requirements of the metre are satisfied with the least violence 
to the text, if we pronounce mahitvdd (as also perhaps x.96.11). 
And this exemplifies the organic form which all the instrumental 
cases under this head presuppose, and from which they, with the 
following, arise by contraction of -o>d to -d. iv.33.10, ye (rbhdvas) 
hdrt medhdyd ukthd 1 mddania indrdya cahrdh suyujd yi dpvd, 
I translate, * Ye who so wisely, in his word rejoicing, for Indra 
made the pair of bays, the docile;' ukthd' mddantas means 'glad 
of the promise' made them — 4 of the word ' fetched them by Agni 
from the gods (i. 161.2), namely promotion to divine honors. The 
L is the regular construction with mad in this sense. Medhdyd 
is used and xoivov; they made it skillfully ; but they were also 
shrewd fellows to take up with the proposition (i. 16 1.2); for, as 
the context shows, they were glad to do even more than was asked 
of them : Say., ukthaih stutibhir madanto harshayantah. Kavitvd' 
x.124.7; kavitvand' viii.40.3 ; taranitvd' il 10.6 ; mahitvd' i. 5 2.13 ; 



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336 C. R. Ijaninan 1 fa-stems. 

67.9; 68.2; 91.2; 109.6; 164.25: ii.15.6: iii.1.4; 54.15: iv.16.5; 
42.3: v.2.9; 58.2: vi.29.5 ; 67.3, 10; 68.4: vii.13.2; 20.4; 23.3; 
58.1; 61.4; 97.8; 100.3: x.54.1 ; 55.5 (devdsya papya kd'viam 
mahitvd'dyd' [p. mahitvd' adyd] : Roth, mahitvdm adyd, with 
elision and crasis ; but this is suspicious at the end of&pdda, and I 
take it as an I. of accompaniment : * Behold [herein] the god's 
wisdom coupled with might: to-day etc.'); 56.7; 75.7; 88.9; 
89.1 ; 96.11 ; 121.3, 4. In all these 33 cases (except i.67.9), it is at 
the end of a trishtubh-pdda y which the resolution of the final 
contract-vowel would convert into a jagatt Mahitvand' L85.7: 
iv.53.5 : v.81.3 : viii.24.13, all at the end of *jagati~pdda; i.86.9: 
vi.16.20: viii.57.2: ix. 100. 9, at the end of an anvshtubhrpd<la ; 
rdthid (cakrena), 'with wagon-wheel,' i.53.9; viAd i.80.15; 
vrshatvd' L54.2; vrshatvand' viii.15.2; sakhid' x.23.7a/ md'kir 
na end' sakhid' vi yaushus tdva ca indra vimaddsya cdrsheh^ 
'May no one cut us off from that friendship, made (of old) 
between thee, O Indra, and thy singer, Vimada.' ii.32.2, md' no 
vi yauh sakhid' viddhi tdsya nah, 'Cut us not off from thy 
friendship ; be mindful of it, we pray.' B.R. interpret sakhid' as 
Ls.n., because tdsya is singular ; so also Say., Hdsya ' tat sakhitvam 
.... ' viddhV jdnihi. But this is not conclusive; the tdsya may 
refer to the whole request md' .... sakhid'. viii.75.1, md' no vi 
yaushtam sakhid'. iv. 16.20, brdhma akarma .... nti,' cid ydthd 
nah sakhid' viydshat, ' So we have made supplication, to the end 
that he may not cut us off now from his friendship.' In x.10.1, 6 
cit sdkhdyam sakhid' vavrtydm, sakhid' is to be taken as Ls.n. ; 
sakhyd'ni does not occur in the AV., nor sakhyd' as plural. It is 
superfluous ' to turn a friend to friendship ;' and ' guilty friendship' 
(Gr.) is rather more than the word means. Better ' I would fain 
bring him hither by my overtures of love,' or adverbially, 
' vertravlich? The Sfima variant, i.340, d' tvd sdkhdyah sakhid' 
vavrtyuh, admits either construction, iv.34.1, ratnadheyd (imam 
yajndm ratnadheydpa ydta) is not A.p.n. in apposition to 
yajfidm, but rather an I.s.n. ; because it refers not to what 
mortals give the gods, but to what the gods give to mortals (cf. 
vii.53.3), and corresponds in usage to ratna-dhd' (i.1.1, and always, 
of the gods) and rdtnam dhd (iv.15.3 : L47.1, and often) : 'Unto 
this sacrifice come ye with bestowal of blessing.' v. 35.5, sarva- 
rathd' ni ydhi, ' Drive over the foe with all thy host of chariots.' 
x. 160. 1, sarvarathd' vi hdri ihd muiica, 'With all thy chariots, 
here thy bays unharness.' x. 141.4, indravdyH' br'haspdtirh 
suhdvehd havdmahe; mhdvd^ ' with goodly invocation ;' so A. 
Weber. The interposition of br'haspdtim makes it less natural to 
call it A.d.m. In AV. iii.20.6 (where ed. has misprint, susdvd for 
suhdvd), the interpretation as dual is favored by the parallelism. 
And although suhdvd hH> is an established idiom, it is better to 
take it as dual in RV. vii.44.2; 82.4 ; 93.1. 

From the Atharvan I have the following forms : mahitvd' iv.2.2 
(Rik x.121.3), 5 (Rik 4), 4: v.11.3: vii.79.1 ; 80.1: viii.3.24 (Rik 
v.2.9) ; 9.2 : ix.10.3 (Rik i. 164.25), 9 (Rik x.55.5) : xii.3.5 : xiv.2.32: 



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I.s.m.n.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 337 

xix.49.1 ; in all 13 cases at the end of the pdda. tfuhdvd vii.47.1, 
kuhti'rh devi'm .... mhdvd johavtmi; and xi.1.26, r'shin .... 
mhdvd johavimi; here a dual is impossible. In vii.48. 1, rdkd'm 
ahdrh suhdvd mshtuti' huve, the I. is natural, as parallel to 
sushtutf. But Rik ii.32.4 has the variant suhdvdm, and TS. 
iii.3.11 5 , suhdvdn (cf. camasd'n above). 

There remain finally certain adverbs, which are crystallized case- 
forms: cf. Ktlhner, Griech. Gram. 2 i.728: na, etc. Thus and' 
iv.30.;* : viii.2 1.13 ; 47.6 : x.94.3, 4 : Latin furnishes the Ace. of the 
same stem, enim. Sdnd iii.54.9: v. 75.2: Abl. with adv. accent, 
sand't i.55.2, etc. Of this the stem is used as a real adj. ii.29.3, etc. 
£7cc# i.24.10; 28.7; 33.7; 116.22; 123.2: ii.2.10; 30.5; 40.4:ix.61.10: 
x.106.5; 107.2; 183.2: — that is, 12 times; also AV. xiii.2.36. 
It may be regarded as I.s.n. from a stem uccd, on account of 
uccats, v.32.6. So nicd' ii.13.12; 14.4: iv.4.4 ; 38.5: vi.8.5: 
x.34.9; 152.4, on account of nicd't i.116.22, and nfcais AV. ii.3.3: 
iii.19.3 : ix.2.1, 15: v.11.6. It is however more probable that 
nicd' and need' are instrumental of niac and 'ddac; but, since to 
the apprehension of the speaker the stems were vocalic, uccd and 
nicd, they became the points of departure for the new formations 
uccais, ntcd't, and nicaU. The same method of explanation would 
require for paped' (ii.27.11, and 7 times) a stem pas-dftc or pas-dc, 
from which Ls.n. *pa8-ded, paced'. By the side of this, as if it 
were from a stem paced, arose the form paccd't (iL41.11, and 16 
times). 

Dativb Singular Masculine and Neuter. 

The D.s. of the a-stems ends in -dya. There is nothing in the 
Veda, to ray knowledge, that casts any light on the genesis of this 
difficult form. It occurs 1502 times; 1107 forms are masculine 
(from 310 stems), and 395 are neuter (from 144 stems). In the 
samhitd two of these forms are nasalized: tadvacd'yan eshd, 
ii.14.2, and savd'yan evd', i.113.1. Cf. Rik Prat, xiv.20. 

Among the forms most frequently occurring are the following : 
indrdya, 188; devd'ya, 26; mdddya, 76; mdrtidya, 25; mitrd'ya, 
23 ? ydjamdndya, 20 ; vdrundya, 23 ; sfX'rydya, 11; — tdnaydya, 
18; tokd'ya, 21 ; sakhyd'ya and sakhid'ya, 29; suvitd'ya, 34. 

Ablative Singular Masculine and Neuter. 

The Ab.s. of the a-stems ends in -dt. There are 389 such 
forms; 183 are m. (from 116 stems) 'and 206 are n. (from 98 
stems). The latter include some adverbs. In only 389 instances, 
therefore, is the Ab.s. of substantives distinguished formally from 
the G.8. (for didydt or vidydt, see v-stems, Ab.s.f.). According 
to theory, the organic form is -a~at (e. g., deva-at). Justi (Hand- 
buck, p. 359, §13) gives 14 such Zend forms (as da&vdatca) ; but 
Geldner (Metrik des jilngeren Avesta, § 30) says that the Ab. 
ending -dt counts regularly for one syllable. For the Veda the 
existence of forms in -aat is extremely doubtful (cf. Kuhn, 
BeiPr&ge, iv.181) : they have been proposed for i.30.21 : viii.5.31 : 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



338 C. R. Lanman, [a-stems. 

x. 2 2. 6 , pardkdat; x. 1 5 8. 1 , antdrikshaat; v iiL 1 1 . 7, sadhdsthaat :— 
but in every case the pdda is one of seven syllables with 
catalectic close, and it is far from certain that the fuller cadence 
is necessary. The like is true of carttrdt, viii.48.5. 

Examples of ablatives in -tit are: indrdt, 8; updsthdt y 9; 
samudrdt, 15 ; — antdrikshdt, 12 ; dUrd't, 19; papcd't (adv.), 26. 

Genitive Singular Masculine and Neuter. 

The G.s. of a-stems ends in -asya. There are 3340 such forms; 
1890 are m. (from 503 stems), and 695 are n. (from 175 stems). 
Moreover asya occurs 402 times ; tdsya, 83 ; ydsya, 203 ; and 
vipvasya, 67. In x.60.2, bhajerathasya has been counted as two 
words (rdthasya). In one instance the final vowel is nasalized at 
the end oi&pdda: viii.89.5, rtdsyan ikam, cf. Prat, ii.31. 

Vocalization of the y of the ending is a thing of at best 
doubtful existence. In x.23.6, vidmd' hi asya bhdjanam indsya, 
and Val. 11.4, saptd svdsdrah sddana rtdsya, a catalectic 
jagati-pdda with the penultimate long by position, is certainly 
better than the cadence with resolution, indsia, rtdsia. In 
i.61.13, turdsia kdrmdni ndvya ukthaih (so Gr.), the metre 
is quite out of order; if we read turdsya .... ndvlya (cf. 
i. 105.15), the caesura is wrong. In x. 1 14. 10#(Gr. wrongly rdthasia), 
the sixth syllable is svncopated. The vocalization is possible in the 
case of asia and asia: vA5.Q,yddasia urviyd! dirghaydthe; x.61. 
24c, saranitir asia sUnur dpvo; x. 142.5, prdti asia prenayo dadrgre 
(better, perhaps, asya prdyinayo) ; in i. 23.24, if an extra syllable is 
needed at all, it should be devaas, not asia (see a-stems, V.p.m.); 
i. 13 1.6, d' me asia vedhdso ndviyaso; and ix.98.8, asia vo hi 
dvasd. The final a suffers protraction (purely metrical, Benfey, 
SV. lx.) as follows: i. 162. 19, ikas tvdshtur dpvasid vigastd 1 (c£ 
VS. xxv.42; TS. iv.6.9 3 :— TPr. iil8, ' p. 91); vii.79.4, yd'm 
tvd jajntir vrshabhdsyd rdvena; AV. i.12.2, yd dgrabhtt pdrva 
asyd grdbhitd; see Ath. Pr. iii.16. 

Examples of this case are: asyd, 119; indrasya, 123; devdsya, 
60 ; yajfidsya, 55 ; sutdsya, 53 ; sU'riasya and sti'ryasya, 93 ; 
sdmasya, 88 ; — amr'tasya, 35 ; asyd, 55 ; rtdsya, 1 87 ; bh&vanasya, 
39. 

Locative Singular Masculine and Neuter. 

The case-suffix is -t, as with consonant stems. This, united 
with the thematic a, forms -e. There are 2491 such locatives in 
-e; 1235 are m. (from 373 stems), and 1256 are n. (from 309 stems). 
In some instances, where the ending appears in the samhitd 
(Prat. iL 10) as -a, before vowels, the padakdra mistakes them for 
nominatives, and writes them with visarga : thus in iv.17.14, d' 
krshnd irh juhurdnd jigharti tvacd budhn'e rdjaso asyd ydnau, p. 
krshndh; we must interpret, '(Misleading) craftily he darts it 
{cakrdrh sti'ryasya) to the black abyss of night, to the depth 
of this sky,' i. e., to the place where the sun remains from its 
setting until its rising. The reading krshne tvacds budhni is 



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L.s.m.n*] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 339 

confirmed by the following gloss, dsiknidm ydjamdno nd hdtd 
(Say., ptirvarcd saha drshtdfitcUvena sambadhyate). In vii.76.3, 
jdrd ivdcdranty toho, p. jdrdh-iva dcdrantt, we read jdri-iva: 
' Ushas, as if hastening to her iover.' In Ll 12.17, agnir nd'didec 
citd iddhd djmann a, p. citdh y we interpret, ' Was glorious, as 
the fire kindled on the altar {cite iddho), upon its path.' In 
v.52.10, d'pathayo .... yajftdm vishtdrd ohate (3 pi.), the pada- 
text reads vishtdrdh; I understand it thus : Let their customs 
carry them where they may, yet when I sacrifice 'they wait' 
quietly * on the straw (vishtdrH) ' for it. Finally, it seems 
necessary to read ibhe suvratb, ix.57.3 (where the text has ibho 
rd'jeva suvratdh) ; 'As a king amid his trusty following.' 

Examples of this case are: adhvare, 68; abhike^ 22 ; iiidre, 33 ; 
upd&the, 49 ; grh'e, 23 ; jdne, 26 ; ddme, 40 ; mdde y 48 ; yajfie y 28 ; 
vute % 53; — dgre, 43; antdrikshe, 23; durone, 31; pad'e, 33; 
mddhye, 29 ; viddthe, 49 ; sddane, 35. 

Vocative Singula* Masculine and Neuteb. 

This case is like the stem in form. The accent, if there be any, 
is always on the first syllable. The vocatives s.m. number 2498 
(from 259 stems). 

There is hardly a single indubitable example of a vocative s. 
neuter in the Kig-Veda. In 144.5, stavishyd'mi tud'm ahdm 
vipvasydmrta bhqjana^ 'Immortal delight of every one,' there 
may be two, amrta and bhqjana; but it is possible to take bhojana 
as V.s.m. of an active verbal adjective (see Gr., Ueb.) ; or (as B.R. 
suggest, v.388) we may write amrtabhojana, and take it as V.s.m. 
of the stem amrtabhdjana (see Lindner, AUindische NominalbU- 
dxtng, p. 42). In v.46.2ft, pdrdhah prd yanta mXi'rutotd vishno, 
the sense seems to require us to take md'ruta as vocative with 
cdrdhah. For the accent, cf. x.86.136. The AV. has several voca- 
tives s.n. They are antariksha vl 1 30.4 ; traikakuda and dbodnmna 
xix.44.6; talpa xii.2.49; and visha iv. 6. 3, where the MSS. have 
vlshah. 

In vii.25.4, the samhitd shows a nasalized vowel before 6ka»: 
vicveddhdni tavishiva ugran. Cf. Prat, xiv.20. So in viii.15.3, 
11, purushtutan eko. 

Protraction occurs in some instances: i.61.16, evd' te hdriyojand 
tuvrkti; viiL4.1, simd purd' nr'shtito asi d'nave (cf. Prat, vh.17); 
viii.45.22, abhi tvd vrshabhd sute, and 38, evd're vrshabhd Bute. 
The pada-text has hdriyojana, sima, and vrshabha. B.R. take 
simd as adv., ' allenthalben.' The stem is simd, and for adverbial 
retraction of the accent I can give no example. The pada-texts 
of RV. and SV. (i.279, ii.581), and the accent make against the 
view of B.R. Grassmann, in his note to i.6.3— pepo maryd 
apepdse, p. marydh — takes maryd as V.s.m. The sense requires 
it, and the above examples seem to justify it. Kuhn (Pdli-gram. 
P. 1l) refers to this lengthening. I think it is purely metrical. 
If the requirements of metre are satisfied by a double consonant, 
the -a remains short: thus, mahina prdyishthdh vi.26.8ft/ so 
vii24.l5. 



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340 C. R. Lanman, [a-s terns. 

In the phrase vd'yav mdra$ca, i.2.5, 6, mdras is taken by 
Grassmann as a V. ; similarly i.18.5; 135.4: ih.25.4 : iv.47.2, 3*: 
vi.69.8: vii.97.10; 104.25: ix.95.5; the peculiarity is, however, 
doubtless a syntactical rather than a formal one, and the case a 
nominative. 

The stem indra is one of the few, complete sets of whose forms occur in the a. 
It occurs as follows : N. 523; A. 335 ; 1.34; D. 188; Ab. 8 ; G. 123; L. 33; 
V. 1007 ; N.A.V.d. 11 ; in all, 2262 times. 

Examples of vocatives are: amrta, 12; ugra, 23; deva y 132; 
puruhtita, 49 ; pavamdna, 63 ; yavishtha, 29 ; mitra, 35 ; varuna, 
45 ; vrshabha, 27 ; pdra, 94 ; soma and soma, 240. 

Nominative Accusative and Vocative Dual Masculine. 

The Vedic ending of the N.A.V.d.m. of a-stems is d. In the 
Rik the ending au is exceptional (and by no means organic ; ct 
Benfey, Gram. p. 303). The comparative statistics wilt be given 
elsewhere. As regards the circumstances of occurrence of these 
endings a few interesting observations may be made. 

A. d occurs in the Rik 1129 times. It is the ending used 

1. at the end of a pdda; 

2. before consonants; 

3. before an initial vowel with which it is fused ; 

4. It is never used before vowels with hiatus. 

B. au occurs 171 times. It is the ending used chiefly before 
vowels, where it forms a separate syllable <2u, without hiatus. 

The determinant of the form is therefore to a certain extent the 
metre. The regular form is d, and it is used before consonants, 
and before an initial vowel where the words could not be pressed 
into the metrically limited verse save by its fusion witn that 
vowel ; otherwise, hiatus not being tolerated (exceptions below), 
dv was used before such an initial. These differences are 
illustrated by i. 184.1, td' vdm adyd td'v apardm huvema, and 
i.14.3, mitrd gnim ptishdnam bhdgam; so too most strikingly by 
i.93, passim: e. g. dgnishomdv imdm, but dgnishomd yd. 

Of the 1129 d-forms: 

1. 230 are at the end of a pdda : 62 at the end of pdda b, and 45 
at the end of d or of the verse ; 81 at the end of a, and 42 at the 
end of c. In 26 of the 81 cases, pdda b begins with a vowel, and 
then the two are always written as fused in the sarhhitd; but 
(unlike the epic cloka) they never coalesce in reality: thus, i.28.2 
a, b. vii.66.17 a, b. So in 8 of the 42 cases, as i. 11 6. 10 c, d, dasrd 
d't: sarhhitd-text, dasrd' d; 118.3 c,d: vi.62.2c, d: See Bohtlingk, 
Chrestomathie 2 , p. 342. There are only two instances, on the 
other hand, of au in the pause b, d: ii.30.6 #, codau, and v.47.3 d, 
dntau. 

2. 799 stand before consonants (in the interior of a pdda). 137 
are before v, and 141 before other labials ; 126 before sibilants, and 
395 before other consonants: i. e., 278 labials against 521 conso- 
nants of the other classes. The frequency of v is significant as 



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N.A.V.d.m.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 341 

regards the development of au from d. Cf. td' vdm and td'v 
apardm; and see below. 

The ending au occurs in the Rik exceptionally before consonants 48 times : 
i.179.6: ii.27.15; 40.1, 2 quater : iii.33.13; 53.17: iv.41.2: v.34.8 bis; 36.6; 
40.7 ; 66.1 ; 68.4: vi.69.5; 60.14; 74.4 bis: vii.50.2; 84.2: viii.33.19 bis; 35.4, 5, 6: 
ix.112.4: x.l4.10fer, 11 bis, 12 bis; 27.20 bis; 85.11, 18,42; 113.7; 117.9 bis; 
136.5; 137.2 bis; 178.2 bis. That is, in only 27 different hymns; before labials 
17 times, sibilants 15; 5 times at the end of pdda a, vi.74.4: x.14.12; 27.20; 
85.11, 18, and once at the end of c, ix.112.4. An examination of these passages 
yields striking results, as proving how the criteria of dry grammatical investigation 
confirm the results of criticism based on other methods. The dual-form in au 
is found either in the last verse of a hymn (i. 17 9. 6: iii.33.13: v.36.6: vi.74.4 
bis: viii.33.19 bis: ix.112.4: x. 1 17.9 bis), or the last but one (v.34.8 bis; 68.4: 
vi.60.14: x. 178.2 bis), or some verse near the last, which has been patched on 
(x. 27.20) or interpolated (vi.59.5) by later hands; or the whole character of the 
hymn betrays its later origin (as vii. 50 : x.85; 117; 136; 137; 178). And it is 
something more than a mere coincidence that J 5 of all the instances of -au before 
a consonant, about one-third, occur in verses found in Grassmann's Anhang: 
Ueberseteung spdier angefugter Verse und Lieder. 

3. 93 coalesce with a following vowel (in the interior of a pdda) : 
53 to e, as v. 7 6. 2 b, apvindpcwtutehd; viii.34.9^ and often with 
iva; 24 to d, as i.161.7 td'krnotana; 182.4 d: v.46.3 a; and 16 to 
o, namely i.34.9; 36.17; iie.10; 117.1; 183.5: ii.39.8: iv.14.1; 
21.9, b/wtdrd' te hdstd atikrtotd pdnt ; 44.4: vL48.4 : vii.63.5 ; 
64.2; 71.4: Val. 9.4 : x.87.3'; 125.1. ' 

4. The exceptions to A. 4 are as follows : 

a. The cases in which d is followed by u- or u- in the interior of a pdda form 
a class by themselves. In the 16 passages just cited, the concurrent vowels are 
run into one syllable. The Atharvan and later sandhi would write -dv u-: thus 
AV. iv.32.7, ubhafv updhfu', so x.4.8, td'v ubhd'v arasd'; xi.2.14, samviddnd'v ubhd'v 
ngrau; TA. iii.12.5, kd'v &ru'; but once, xx.136.?, mushktf upd'vadhU, like the 
Rik. If the metre requires them to be kept apart as two syllables, the Rik- 
samhitd writes them with hiatus, and the padapdtha reads always -au u~. (Auf- 
recht*, podia-extracts to x.83.7, a mere omission ?) The cases number 15 and are : 
i.2.9 = SV. ii.199, tuvijdtd' urukshdyd; 13.8, sujihvd' upa; 36.6, dvd' updsthd; 
iv.41.10, cakrdnd' iUibhis; v.65.3, pdfrvd upa; viii.22.13, td' u; 14, td'ushasi; 
40.3, td' u; 76.4, vdvrdhdnd' upa; 90.2, varshishtTiakshatrd urucdkshasd; x.83.7 
(=AV. iv.32.7, ubhd'v), ubhd' updnfu ; 90.11, kdf tirtif; 93.6, mitrdfvdrund 
urushyatdm ; 106.1, ubhd' u; and once in vii.70.4, devd dshadhtshu, p. devau. 
(x.90.11 = AV. xix.6.5, kim art'; VS. xxxi.10, kim <LrV; TA. iii.12.5, kd'v fob'.) 
This fact is significant, when taken in connection with what was said above about 
the labials. At the end of the pdda, the two vowels are fused to o in the 
samhitd, but are of course always to be read with hiatus: i.22.2, yd' surdthd 
rathftamobhd' devd' divispr'cd, read -d u-; i.93.6: v. 64.4: viii.9.9; 61.17: 
x.106.4. 

,1. Of the 1 1 29 forms there remain seven. Six. seem to precede a vowel with 
hiatus. As in the case of the Rik ow-forms before consonants, the exceptions 
here only confirm the rule, v.41.3, d' vdm ydisfuhd apvind huvddhyai; the hymn 
is not homogeneous, and abounds in false readings, x. 132.2, sushumnd' ishitatvdtd 
yajdmasi; the metre is in the utmost confusion, alike in no two consecutive verses, 
and the sense is obscure, v. 65. 6 (last verse), yuvdm mit{a)remdm jdnam, perhaps, 
as in v.40.7, tudm mitard. vii. 7 0.1, d' vi^vavdrdfvind gatat'n nah; perhaps it once 
began ehd vxq- or d' vifvavdrdv afvind gatam nah. In x.22.5, perhaps we have to 
read a' agd rjrd* (a)tmdnd vdhadhyai ; atmdnd is the link between dtmdnd and 
tmdnd (accent!); but the metre is really hopeless. In vi.63.1, hda tyd f valgb' 
ywrvhtoa! adyd, the hiatus is not the only trouble ; we need a short, puruhutd (see 
below). 

vol. x. 47 



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842 C. R. Lanman, [a-stems. 

y. In vi.67.1, finally, dud' j&ndft daamd bdhubhih svaih, the hiatus is prevented by 
nasalization (but p. j&ndn). So too i.35.6, updsthdfi \ kkd. 

*5. Some apparent cases of hiatus our canon teaches us to avoid, as follows : 
pronounce, i.36.17, agnih prd tivan mitrdtd medhydtUhim ; ii.10.2, utd arushu'ha 
cakre vibhrtrak (not utd'rushd' dha); vii.50.1, d' mdam mitrdvarunehd rakshatam 
(not -nd ihd); vii.67.5, prdacim u devdcvind dhiyam me. 

B. 1. In the Rik -au occurs 171 times. In the older portions 
thereof, it is used only before vowels, and is written -dv. This is 
the case in 121 instances, 70 per cent, of the whole number. Its 
occurrence before a consonant may even warrant a suspicion of 
the lateness of the verse concerned (the 48 cases are above, A. 2). 

2. Of the 388 cases in which -au occurs in the Atharvan, in only 
102 does -au stand before a vowel (as -dv) ; ie., about 26 per 
cent., against 70 in the Rik. 

3. The Atharvan has -au as varia lectio in some passages where 
the Rik has -d: iv.32.7, ubhati = x.83.7, -d'; vii.58.1, dhrtavrcOau 
= vL68.10, -d; viii.3.3, ddnshtrau = x.87.3, -&; in xviii.3.12, 
mitrd'vdrund, the Ath. pada has -nau. 

There are 47 forms in -d in passages peculiar to the Atharvan 
(not found in the Rik). They are distributed as follows: at the 
end of a pdda, 7 ; before consonants, 33 (of which 7 before v) ; 
coalescing, xiv.2.64, to e; iii.4.4 and x.4.16, to o; making hiatus, 
vi.3.3: xix.13.1: xx.129.15, 16. 

The N. A. V.d.m. appears with shortened final as follows : 

1. Cases where the pada reads -d; the samhitd has -a : 

a. For the sake of the metre, in the seventh place of ajagati: i.151.4, prd sd' 
tohitbr asura yd' mdhi priyd' ; of a trishtubh : vi.68.5, indrd yd vdm varuna da' rati 
tman ; vii.61.1, itd vdm cdkshur varuna suprdttkam ; in the fifth place of a gdyatri: 
i.16.6, mitrdvaruna d&ldbham (p. -nd); 17.3, indrdvaruna rdyd d f (p. -nd); 17.7, 
indrdvaruna vdm ahdm (p. -nd); 17.8, indrdvaruna nil' nu vdm (p. -nd); 17.9, 
indrdvaruna yd'rh huve (p. -nd) ; v.67. 1, bd{ itthd' deva nishkrtdm (p. devd) ; /?. at the 
end of a gdyatrt-pdda (metre indifferent), i.15.6, yuvdm ddksharh dhrtavrata (p. 
•vratd); v. 64. 6. yuvdm no yeshu varuna (p. varuna); y. against the metre v. 66. 6, 
miira vaydm ca surdyah (p. mitrd); vii.60.12, iydrii deva purdhitir yuvdbhydm 
(p. devd) ; 85.4, yd dditya pdvaad vdm ndmosvdn (p. ddityd) ; viii.9.6, ydd vd deva 
bhiafoajydihah (p. devd). These are all given in the Pr&t. iv.39,40. 

2. Cases where both texts read, a: v. 74.4, pa-hra paurd'ya 
fmvathah (p. paura)\ vi.63.10, bharddvdjdya vtra nti' gire dot 

(p. viraj; ashtd, x.27.15, seems to be a shortened dual-form (cf. 
i.85.8, ashtaH), like the later dud, ambd, dvo. Compare also 
indr&vdyd i.2.4, and mitrdrdjdnd v. 62.3. 

3. A merely graphic peculiarity is the short final a at the end 
of an odd pdda, where the next begins with r-: ii.3.7, vidushtara \ 
rju<, p. vidtih-tard; vi.68.2, tuviptiwima \ rtena, p. -md; viii.66.11, 
susamskrta \ rdtfp6 y p. td; x.66.13, purdhita \ rtdsya, p. -ta\ 

4. The metre demands a short in vi.63.1, k&a tyd' valgd' 
puruhdtd' adyd : see above ; and vi.67.8, tdd vdm mahitvdm 
ghrta-anndv astu. Cf. Kuhn, Beitrdge, iiL 120-1 21. 

i. 11 2. 18, yd'bhir an giro mdnasd nlranydthah. For angiro as 
a genuine dual-form there is no support. See Gr., Wb. 14, 
and Kuhn, Beitr. iii.121. Because the Prat, allows -o for -au in 
the Loc, we rnajf not put -o for the proper dual-ending -d. We 



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N.A.V.d.m.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 343 

might explain it as an instance of crasis, for angird w, 'And with 
what helps, ye two Angiras ;' but there is no support for giving 
the Acvins that name. See therefore as-stems, A.p.m. 

It must be rememberechthat the above statistics refer to forms 
from a-stems only. The forms from non-a-stems will be found to 
yield substantially corresponding results. The complete enumera- 
tion of the Rig- Veda forms in au follows : 

Nominatives: dnsau, aghniaii, ajdrau, dnlau, fodhau, -itau 2, imau 3. 
indrdv&runau, udwnbalau, ubhad 4, urfauuati, rjra^ fshvaA, etau 2, fohthau, 
karnau, kafaplakak ktdphau, kahdyau, gavrati 3, caturakshafk 2, codab, jd'yamdnan, 
jatah 3, jdn'iu, jushdnati, jrayasdnau, tad 13, UgmdfyudhaUy ddhsishtau, d&ta&, 
deva& 12, -hitau, n&vyau, pddakau, puriarmanyau, purdhitau, pxckdmdnau, 
prdyishtfiau, bh&'rtpdpiu bhedau, m&hikshatrau, mitrd'vdrunau 4, miihunad, 2, 
modamdnau, yah 8, ydtamdnau, yamait, yuktau, rdksTtamdnau, rdhitau, ratidrau, 
vdrnau, vd'tav^ vdvxdhdnati, faphab, pibdlau, pukraii,, pycnau, pvetab, s&camdnau, 
sajoshaUy samau, samudrau, sdmanai, sdrameyau, sudh&nau, suvt'rau, suftvau, 
sldnau, stutau, sthirab, hahsati, 4, harinak, hdstau 2. 

Vocatives: dgnlparjanyau, dgntshomau 4, indrdvarunau, indrdvarunau 3, 
wdrdsomau, ghrtaannau, dasrau 7, devaiu 9, dhishniau, ndsatyau 4, bhuranau, 
mitrdvarunau 9, rudrau, viprau, pundstrau, aomdrudrau. 

Nominative and Accusative Dual Neutbe. 

This case ends in -e> which appears to be the result of fusion of 
the thematic vowel with the general ending -1 The form occurs 
57 times, in connection with 32 stems. There is no instance of a 
vocative. Ndkta, although neuter, is declined as a masculine, and 
used with a feminine adjective, in the combination ttshd 'sd-ndktd. 
In ii.39.4, yugbva ndbhyeva must be resolved as yug'e va ndbhye 
va, although the pada has in both instances -d-iva. 

Enumeration : acakri, apdrS 2, tW, ubhe 1 5, kr&mane, cahri 3, tf, t&naye 2, tigmt, 
toke 2, dvake, kite, n&ve. padS, pavd&te, pdtalyi priydtame, m&'fifeatve, yt, rgamdne, 
wdhatrt, viddthe, vishurdpe 2, (irshe, cfoJii, fr'nge 5, satydnrtt, admante, 
sdpandnafani, sudine, sumtkc 2, taetabfidrU. 

INSTRUMENTAL, DATIVE, AND ABLATIVE DUAL. 

The ending is -bhydm, before which the thematic a is lengthened. 
There are only 24 of these forms, all told; 19 are m. (from 14 
stemB), and 5 are n. (from 4 stems). The obb'que cases of the dual 
being so rarely used, the consciousness of their several meanings 
was not definite and clear ; at any rate, a certain relation was not 
always expressed by the properly corresponding form. Thus 
td'bhydm, ix.66.2, seems to be an I. with the meaning of a L. A 
like uncertainty existed as regards the form of some of the 
nominatives and accusatives p.n. See manl-stems. 

There is no evidence that these cases were ever formally 
separated. The exegesis groups them as follows : 

Instrumental* masculine : td'bhydm, vi.57.3 : x.137.7 ; ddpa^dJchdbhydm, x.137.7 ; 
mitrd'vdrundbhydm, v.51.9; yukid'bhydm, vi.23.1; gubhrd'bhydm, i.35.3 ; hds- 
MWydm, x.137.7 ; haryatd'bhidm, viii.6.36: — neuter: rksd'mdbhydm, x.85.11; 
U4.6; ubhd'bhydm, ix.67.25, is joined with two nouns, one m. and one n. 

Datives masculine : dbhyd'm, ii.40.2; tveshd'Miydm, VAL 9.6; nd'satydbhydm, 
1.116.1: v.77.4; nicird'bhydm, i.163.1 ; yd'bhydm, viii.38.10; ndasatydbhidm, i.20.3. 

Ablatives masculine: dnsdbhydm, x.163.2; dbhydm, iv.32.22; kdrndbhydm, 



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844 C. R. Lanman, [a-stems. 

x.163.1; td'bhydm, x. 14.11: — neuter: mdtasndbhydm, x.163.3; prdpaddbkidm, 
x.163.4. 

I add a few forms from the Atharvan: m. kdrndbhydm, ix.4.17 ; 8.2 ; ddnshtrd- 
bhydm, z.5.43 ; dakshinasavyd'bhydm, xii.1.28; vrihiyavd'bhydm, z.6.24; sur- 
ydcandramdsdbhydm, vi. 128.3: xi.3.34; n. pdrp>d'bhydm, ii.33.3. 

Genitive and Locattyb Dual. 

The general ending of this case is -os; but between this and 
the thematic vowel of the a-stems there is an inserted y. There 
are 57 of these forms in -ay oh; 27 are G.d.m. (from 12 stems), 
and 27 are L.cLm. (from 15 stems); besides, t&yos, n., occurs 
thrice. 

Here, too, there seems to be some confusion of form aud 
function. Thus dhvasrdyos, ix.58.3, does the duty of an Ab. Cf. 
the preceding section, and i-stems, G.L.d.m. 

Roth explains av6s, vii.67.4, as equal to ayds y 'of these twain;' 
so vi.67.11, and x. 132.6 (avdr vd[m\). 

The Zend usually has the inserted y; as, zaptayd, Y. lvii.31 ; 
pddhaydo, Yt. x.23 ; but not always; a/^frcUirdo, ba&hcUaptirdo, 
Yt. xiii.125. The Veda also shows a few such peculiar forms, in 
which the ending -os is added directly to the stem after this has 
dropped its final a. In i.136.1, 5 : vi.69.8 : vii.103.4, we have enos 
(for enayos) ; x. 105.3, yds (for ydyos) ; so in x.96.10, pasftos (for 
past\ayos\ and ix.102.2, pdshios (for pdshiayos), unless we assume 
a genuine feminine formation for each of these two passages. In 
iii.55.2, purdnidh sddmanoh, we have an anomaly, the reverse of 
that in 1.160 1, sujdnmanf dhishdne. 

Genitives d.m. : ayds, vi.25.6 (pronounce dyos) ; indrdvdrunayos, i. 17.1 ; ipindyos, 
vii.90.5; ubhdyos, i.120.1: vi.25.6; tdyos, i.17.6; 21.1; 22.14; 136.3; 164.20: 
v.86.3; devdyos, vii.61.1; mitrdyos, vi.5l.l; mUrd'vdrunayos, x. 130.6; ydyos, 
iii.60.2: vi.60.4: vii.65.1: viii.10.3, 4; 40.4: x.22.5 ; 66.6 bis: Val. 11.2; 
yamdyos, x.117.9; vdrunayos, vi.51.1; vaikarndyos, vii.18.11. 

Locatives d.m.: diwayos, v.57.6; d^vayos, vi.47.9; ayds (p. wrongly dyos), 
iii.54.2: x.105.4, 9 ; updkdyos, i.81.4; tdyos, x.114.1 ; tuvijdtdyos, vii.66.1 ; naddyos. 
x. 105.4 ; mitrdyos, vii.66.1 ; mushkdyos, x.38.5 ; ydyos, ix.58.4; vdrunayos, vii.66.1 ■ 
vdhishthayos, vi.47.9; vivrntayos, x.105.4; stit&rdyos, vi.29.2 ; hdstayos, i.24.4; 38.1 ; 
56.8; 81.4; 135.9; 162.9; 176.3: vi.31.1; 45.8: ix.18.4; 90.1. 

Genitives d.n. : tdyos, iii.55.11, 16: vii. 104.12. 

From the Atharvan: kdrnayos, vi.141.2: xix.60.1; ddhshtrayos, iv.36.2: 
xvi.7.3, etc. 

NOMINATIVE AND VOCATIVE PLUBAL MASCULINE. 

There are two endings, -dsas and -ds. The forms in -dsas (X. 
936 +V. 101 = 1037, from 403 stems) are about one-half as 
numerous as those in -ds (N. 1954 + V. 226 = 2180, from 808 
stems) in the Rik. The Atharvan has in all only 91 forms in 
-dsas (from 54 stems), against 1545 forms in -ds (from 576 stems). 
Deducting those that occur in Rik-passages, the Atharvan has in 
verses peculiar to itself only 57 forms in -dsas against 1366 in -ds. 
That is, the ratio has changed from 1 : 2 to 1 : 24. The details of 
comparison will be given hereafter. In general, accordingly, the 
ending -dsas is the older, and goes gradually out of use in the Vedic 
period. On the other hand, we may not stretch the interpretation 



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N.V.p.m.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 345 

of these figures. Both forms stand often side by side, as in iv.25.8, 
and I believe that the choice of the poet between the longer and 
the shorter form was often decided simply by the requirements of 
the metre. This is illustrated by the comparison of some similar 
verses : v.59.6, t'e ajyeshthd' dkanishthdsa udbhidah, but v.60.5, 
ajyeshthd so dkanishthdsa ete; so ii.1.16, brhdd t vadema viddthe 
suvi'rdh, but ii.12.15, suvi'rdso viddtham d' vadema; and by the 
Atharvan variants of Rik passages: AV. iv.31.1, hdrshamdnd 
hrshitd'so marutvan, RV. x.84.1, hdrshamdndso dhrshitd t 
marutvah; AV. v.2.4, md' tvd dabhan durevdsah ka$6kdh, RV. 
x.120^1, md' tvd dabhan ydtudhd'nd durevdh; AV. v.3.4, vipve devd' 
abhi rakshantu mend, RV. x. 128.4, vipve devdso ddhi vocatd 
nah; AV. xix. 13.11, asmd'n devdso avatd hdveshu, RV. x. 103. 11, 
asmd'n u devd avatd hdveshu. The difference between RV. iii.29.9, 
yena devd' so dsahanta ddsyHn, and AV. xi.1.2, y'ena devd! dsahanta 
ddsybn, rests perhaps upon a mere haplographia. 

These comparisons suggest a most plausible remedy for some 
defective pddas: I have found no cases of redundant pddas 
needing the substitution of -ds for -dsas. On the other hand, 
pddas deficient by one syllable are not uncommon, and the 
emendation {-dsas for -ds) seems certain in several cases : 
iv.37.4, dyahpiprd[so] vdjinah sunishkd'h; v. 4 1.9, tuj&nastdne 
pdrvatds[a/t] santu; x. 94.11, trdild'[so] dtrdildso ddrayah; also 
AV. xi.1.2 ; RV. vii.35.14d = x.53.56, gojdtd[sa] utdyeyajkiydsah 
(Gr. suggests -tads, but d is frequent in the third place, as 
in i.89.1 o: ii.27.3&: iv.4.12&); x.78.6, pipd'ld[so] nd krlddyah 
sumdtdrah (Gr., -aas). In v.41.4, dfi/h nd jagmur dpvdpvata- 
mds[ah], dpuapvatdmdh is possible. In vii.56.3c, vd'tasvandsas is 
formally justified by iv.6.10, where the stem tuvishvands occurs; 
the pentasyllable metre, however, requires the form from the 
vocalic stem, vd'tasvandsas (cf. x.46.7 a, c). 

On the contrary, in vii.97.6, tdm [u] ^agmd'so antshd'so dpvdh, 
the insertion of u (cf. verse 3) seems to me better than either the 
resolution arushdaso (Kuhn, Beitr. iv.183), or the emendation 
&$vdsah. So in i.163.10 and iii.8.9, prayinieds is better than the 
quite possible hansd'sas. Roth suggests stdmatashtdras for -tdsas, 
x.15.9. 

Grassmann ( Wb.) suggested the resolution of d to aa or ad in 
x.77.2, divas putrd'sa, etd nd yetire; 78.2, suydrmdno nd, sdmd 
rtdrn yate, and 78.3, pltrndam nd, pdnsdh surdtdyah. These 
pddas are peculiar in structure and movement. Their rhythmic 
accent is as follows : ~ - ~ -' ~, ^ -' ~ -' ~ -. In each, the syllable 
ds is the first accented one after the caesura, and requires no 
resolution (Grassmann, Ueb. ii.479). The final pdda of ii.l ; 2; 
11 ; 13 ; 23 ; 27 ; 33 ; 39 ; 40 ; 42 ; 43 : ix.86, brhdd vadema viddthe 
suvfrdh, can be read with catalectic cadence, since it is a stereo- 
typed refrain, and need not be made to correspond with the other 
pddas of its verse by the resolution suvi'raah. 

The resolution aa in devaas, i.23.24: vii.66.2: x.137.5; 159.4 ; 
174.4, and in dd'naas v.27.5, is in each instance at the end of an 



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846 C. R. Lanman, [a-stems. 

octosyllabic pdda, and of doubtful necessity ; but in devaas, i. 105.5, 
it occupies the fifth and sixth places. See p. 838, top. 

In i. 127.7 and vi.67.10, ktstd'sas ought to be read as a dactyl. 
Perhaps it is an erroneous way of writing the original kittd's, 
which was pronounced kistdas. If so, darpatd'sas ix. 101.12 is ao 
analogous instance. 

Examples of tne forms in -dsas are: amrftd&as, 11; ddityd'sas, 
24; jdndsas, 41; devd'sae, 86; yaiiiiydsas, 21; nttd'sos, 29; 
sdmdsas, 41 : — of those in -da : amftds, 22 ; ddityd's, 39 ; jdnds, 
24; devds and devds, 311 ; yajfiiyds, 10; sutd's, 27 ; sdmds, 42. 

Accusative Plural Masculine. • 

This case ends in -dn. The Rik has 908 such forms, from 256 
stems. In the samhitd, however, they appear as ~dn before a 
vowel, except at the end of a pdda (Kit Pr. iv.26). Thus, i.92.7, 
Usho gdagrdn tipa mdsi vd'jdn. I have noted the samhitd-form 
for 200 instances. In 73 it was -dn : before a-, in 42 ; before <f-, 
in x.53.2; before t-, in six (as iii.32.6) ; before £-, in ix.97.56; 
before w-, in eighteen (as iv.22.10); before r-, in v.32.2 and 
vi.15.18; before e-, in i.1.2 and iv.54.5 ; before o-, in iv.4.4. 
It stood at the end of a pdda, in 68 instances unchanged; 
but as -dn in iv.1.17; 19.7: viii64.1 (there are six otber 
exceptions given Rik Pr. iv.26,27) ; it stood before consonants 
unchanged in 47 cases; before p- the sandhi was -/I chr in 
i.35.5; 126.2: ii. 12.10; and -n c- before c- in four cases. 
Only twice did -dnp appear, x.51.8 before ca, and v.31.2 before 
cML See the Pr. iv.32 for the other instances. According to the 
Pr. iv.33, there are only five examples of « inserted between -dn 
and tr. Professor Whitney (note to Ath. Pr. ii.27) regards dn 
before a vowel as, equally with dns, dn$, inr^ Unr y coming from 
the original ending in ns; in all these cases alike, s is treated after 
a nasal vowel as it would be after a pure vowel : e. g. jdnd dnu 
zndjdndn dnu are parallel results, the one from jdnds and the other 
from jdndns. With regard to the inserted £, between -dn and «-, see 
the Ath. Pr. ii. 9. Aufrecht has left them out in the second edition 
(see Preface, p. vi.) ; but they seem to be justified phonetically ; and 
their development is aided by the false analogy of many instances in 
which the "inserted t n is organic: thus, i.80.10, \ndro nlr ahanl 
sdhasd sdhah; x.40.12, d' vdm agant sumatir; x.20.5, minvdnt 
sddmapurd eti; so vii.104.21 d. 

The only instances of resolution of the d of -dn are : pukrdan in 
iv.2.2; devdan in viii.64.2; and in x. 12.2, unless dev6['si~\devd'n 
paribhil'r rtena be better; in x.93.2, finally, the metre is in a 
hopeless state. 

Nominative, Accusative, and Vocative Plural Neuter. 

There are two endings, -d and -dm. The forms in -d number 
1682 (from 394 stems) ; those in -dni 9 1060 (from 280 stems). The 
older form, therefore, which is entirely unknown in the later 
language, here greatly outnumbers the younger. The Atharvan 



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N.A.V.p.n.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 347 

has in* all 302 forms in -d (from 102 stems) against 407 in -dni 
(from 158 stems). Deducting those that occur' in Rik-passages, 
the AV. has in verses peculiar to itself 228 forms in -d against 334 
in -dni. For the Rik the percentages are 62 : 38 ; for the Atharvan 
41 : 59. In the Rik the older form predominates largely ; in the 
Atharvan, the younger has already gained the advantage of its 
rival. Nevertheless, it seems from this, that in the AV. the 
-tf-forms have held their own, as against the -dm-forms, better 
than any other old form, as against its more modern equivalent. 

I have not found a single example of the V.p.n. in the Rik. The 
Atharvan has one, cittdni, iii.2.4 ; but even here the MSS. read 
citt&'ni, according to Professor Whitney's MS. Index. 

The genesis of the younger form calls for a word. On the one 
hand, it is not a double formation (like the oft-quoted prtsHshu), 
made by adding the general ending, *', to the existing form in -d, 
with mediating n; nor is it a good explanation to say that it was 
formed by adding the general ending, t, to the stem, with 
mediating n — which would give only -a-n-i (as, yugdni). We 
have here a plain case of transfer to the an-declension. In this, 
the distinction between " strong " and " weak " stem exists, and 
the N.A.p.n. ends in -dn-i. The coexistence of such forms as 
krtrimd krtrimdni, pU'rvd pti'rvdni, yugd 1 yugd'ni, vdmd' 
vdmd'ni, talpd' talpani (AV. xiii.1.17: xiv.2.41), shows how 
easy was the transition from krtrtma to krtriman, pU'rva to 
pii'rvan, yugd to yugdn, vdmd to vdmdn, talpd to talpdn. This 
theory is strengthened by the abundant converse facts in regard to 
the aw-stems. Moreover the form dhdndm, viii.22.13, proves 
beyond a doubt the transition from the an- to the o-declension, for 
a case other than those in question. 

The older and the younger form stand side by side so often that 
this is almost the rule. Common stock-phrases illustrate it, as 
vicvdni kd'vid. It is worth noticing that generally, if two 
nominatives or accusatives p.n. stand in the same pdda, and the 
one ends in -dni (from a- or aw-stem, without distinction), -mt, 
-tint, or even -drm, -imhi, -finshi, the other ends in -d. From 
very many examples I cite a few : ix.61.30, yd' te bhtmd'ni 
d'yudhd, and vii.67,9, dpvid maghd'ni; so viii.41.5, veda nd'rndni 
gtihid; i.166.10, bhil'rini bhadrd': cf. vii.19.4 b; iii.36.8, sdvand 
purH'ni; viii.67.8, vd&dni sdmgatd; iii.4.4, ilrdhvd' cod'nshi 
prdsthitd rdjdnsi; iii.1.8, rabhasd' vdpdnshi. It is plain that this 
common collocation is favored by the metre. A comparison of 
the similar metrical structure of iii.39.2c/ 55.106: vi. 62.2c, and 
x.56.56, is instructive. 

The difference in the metrical value of the two forms often 
decided the poet's choice. Compare x. 82.36, with d (bhtivandni, 
bkHvand) ; v. 7 9. 7, ye no rd'dhdrm dpvld gavyd' bhdjanta 
sHrdyah^ with vi.44.12, indro rd'dhdnsi dpvidni gdvyd, and 
vhl34.14, d' no gdvydni dpvid; iv.8.3, dd'ti priyd'ni cid vdsu, 
with vii.32.15, yi dddati priyd' vdsu; x.120.7, dta inoshi kdrvard 
punHnij with AV. v.2.6, dta invata kdrvardni bhOtri; x.165.5, 



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348 C. R. Lanman, [a-stems. 

samyopdyanto duritd'ni vlpvd, and AV. vi.28.1, samlobkdyanto 
durita padd'ni. The difference between x.85.18, vipvdny any 6 
bMbvandbhicdshte, and vi$vdny6 bhdvand vicdshte (AV. vii.81.1, 
et alibi), furnishes a most striking example of haplographia. 

In several cases, the change of -d to -dni gives a plausible 
emendation: i.173.4, &2'[nt] karma dshatard\n%\ asmai; v.41.10, 
pocishkepo ni rndti vdnd[ni] ; vi.22.6, dcyutd[ni] cid vtdita 
suojah (these are suggested by Grassmann) ; vii.4.2, sdrh yd 
vdnd[ni] yuvdte pucidan (cadence? see Kuhn, JBeitrdge, iiL476). 
For AV. iv.4.4, see below. For viii.12.28 30, Grassmann proposes 
bhtivund ni yemire (as x.56.5), for bhtivandni yemire. If he is 
right, ix.86.30 needs the same change. 

In the trochaic pdda, viii.2.30 b, the resolution, uJcthdd 
ca tiibhya\i'ri] td'ni, seems to be the best way out of the metrical 
difficulty; if correct, it gives an example of the organic form of 
the case. 

The rule of hiatus does not hold for the final -d; it sometimes 
coalesces with a following vowel : e. g., x.60.5 a; iv.25.6, 
Jcbvalendrah; so in hdvemd', vii.29.3. This is probably the case 
in i.85.9 and viii.85.19, where the text has ndri dpdnsi, and we 
must read with Grassmann ndrid'pdmi, i. e., ndrid dpdnsi (cf 
verse 21). 

In several passages the pada has -d, where the assumption of 
the usage so common in the Atharvan (Pr. ii.56) is,, perhaps, 
preferable: i.57.2, nimneva for nimndm iva; x.40.9, nivaneva for 
nivandm iva: v.60.2, vrateva for vratdm iva ( Ueb. i.577) ; v.73.8, 
ydt sanmdrd ti pdrshathah, for samudrdm dti. AV. iv.4.4 ft, sara 
rshabhd'ndm, p. sd'rd, BK. interpret as sd'ram rshabhd'ndm. If 
sd'rd may be considered a voucher for the use of the word in the 
plural at all, I should prefer to read sd'rdni rshabhd'naam. The 
metre is thus entirely rectified. For yugeva and ndbhyeva, 
ii.39.4, see N.A.d.m. 

The pada sometimes has a visarga, where the exegesis demands 
a plural neuter: thus vi.29.2, ndrids (cf. vii.45.1); i.174.8 and 
v.29.15, ndvyds; v. 61.16, purupcandrd 1 s. Vice versa, the visarga 
is wrongly omitted, before s-, in iii.32.5, apd drnd[s] sisarshi 
(cf. i.l 74.2). 

The final long -d has disappeared in Greek and Latin, leaving 
only scanty traces: II. xiii.22, acpSira aiai; so avxa (avxoa) ; 
certd,falsd, C.I.L. i.1440, 1441 (Btlcheler, Lat Declination, p. 19). 
On the other hand, in the Veda, there is hardly a trace of this 
shortening (save in forms from rm-stems), although, as syllaba 
anceps, it might often be read as short. There is reason, however, 
for assuming this shortening in some cases: vdna, ix.88.2 : 
sHarshdtd vdna Urdhvd' navanta, p. vdne (cf. i.88.3, and 171.3, 
and Grassmann's note); dha, i.92.3: vipved dha ydjamdndya 
sunvate (cf. i.130.2, dhd vipvd) ; possibly vipva[m] in vii.7.2, 
jdmbhebhir vipvam upddhag vdndtii (but see Grassmann's note), 
with -m as in i.60.3, jd'yamdnd (text, -nam as-), which is certainly 
a N.s.f. Cf. patdmtiti, satydmugra, sahdsratnUti; and eJcamanta\ 
Indische Studien, v.437. 



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N.A.V.p.n.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 349 

The difficult verse, ix.10.9, abhi priyd' divas paddm adhvar- 
yubhir guhd hitdm (sc. kaver dpatyam) sit' rah papyati cdkshasd, 
offers perhaps the least uncertain example of this phenomenon. I 
translate : c To its [own places of the sky] home in the sky, the 
Soma, set away [m the vat] by the priests, looks with the eye of 
the sun ;' i. e., with the image of the sun reflected in its surface, it 
seems to look aloft to the regions whence it was brought by the 
falcon (iv.26.6). How priydm could become priyd' (see Grass- 
mann) in our text, I cannot conceive ; but that paddm can here 
stand for padd' is even probable; cf. ix.12.8. Of course, the 
Sama variant smooths everything over and has priydm (ii.477); 
but its reading ought not to have any weight here. 

Gr. says that vdpa is used once as neuter, in ii.24.13 (p. vdcd). 
By BR. it is described, «.v., as standing for vdydn. It is a simple 
case of elision (before r-, for vd$am), and crasis; pronounce 
vdganidm. So Roth would now correct the dictionary. Veshdnd, 
iv.33.2 (Gr., A.p.n.), is probably an I.s.n. 

Some of the most frequent forms are: in -d, imd\ 57; ukthd\ 
25; td\ 71; duritd', 31; bhuvand, 36; yd', 50; vipvd, 249; 
sdvand, 30 ; havyd\ 44 : — in -dm, hrtd'ni, 20 ; td'ni, 34 ; 
bhUvandnij 57 ; yd'ni, 25; vipvdni, 110; vrtrd'ni^ 36; vratd'ni, 
34 ; havyd'ni, 25." 

Instrumental Plural Masculine and Neuter. 

There are two endings, -ebhis and -ais. In the Rik, instru- 
mental in -ebhis are almost as frequent as those in -ais, and in 
certain parts more so (details will be given hereafter). The forms 
in -ebhis number 571 (414 from 146 m. stems, and 129 from 65 n. 
stems, besides 28 occurrences of the pronoun ttbhis) ; the forms in 
-a/*, 666 (457 from 142 m. stems, and 209 from 79 n. stems). The 
Atharvan has in all 53 forms in -ebhis against 263 in -ais; and of 
these, in passages peculiar to itself, it has only 43 against 226. 
The ratio for the Rik is nearly 1:1; for the Atharvan, about 1:5; 
that is, the ending -ebhis is plainly going out of use in the Vedic 
period. The later Sanskrit uses the old ending only in one word, 
the pronoun ebhis; and it has been retained here doubtless because 
the word would otherwise have lost its individuality almost 
entirely. The two forms often stand side by side, as in i.33.2, 
upamebhir arkaVi; A V. vii.98. 1. Once, in place of the Rik-reading 
•ebhis (x.14.5, dngirobhir d' gahi yajfiiyebhih), the Atharvan has 
-ais (xviii. 1.59, dngirobhir yajntyair d' gahihd). The choice was 
often determined by the needs of the metre. Compare ddityebhir 
vdsubhir dngirobhih (vii.44.4), and ddityai rudrair vdsubhih 
sacdbhuvd (viii.35.i); ydtdm dcvebhir apvind (viii.5.7), and 
adUyair ydtam apvind (viii.35.13). 

Bopp (VgL (rr. 3 §219) considers both -ebhis and -ais as two 
independent developments from -dbhis. But besides the two 
forms cited by him, asmd'bhis and yiwhmd'bhis, I know of no other 
to support this view. Neither of the two seems derivable from 
the other. The equality of their numbers, at least does not run 
vol. x. 48 



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350 0. R. Lannian, [a-stems. 

counter to Bopp's view. The resolution of -at* into two syllable* 
would speak for this theory ; but I cannot bring forward a single 
certain example of such resolution. It has been proposed in the 
following passages: at the end of octosyllabic pddas, viii.92.13ft 
and x.24.2 a; but in view of the facts relating to the resolution of 
devds (N.V.p.m.) etc., it may be asked whether even such pddat 
were not sometimes catalectic. In L 129.8 and v.50.2, the metre 
can be helped by better means than the resolutions atrau, 
sacathya'ls (Kuhn, Beitrdge, iv.192): read upa-tihe (tr forms weak 
position) and sacathlais. In the trishtubh line ii.11.2, read dva 
abhinad, not ukthats. In v. 4. 7, the syllable before vkthaU is 
syncopated. In viii.90.10, rdjishthals is not needed, since pddm 
of eleven syllables are sometimes combined with those of eight. 
Cf. also Kuhn, Beitrdge, iv.189. 

Specimen forms are : in -ebhis, ukthebhis, 14 ; ebhis and ebhis, 
20; tebhis, 28; devebhis, 52; yebhis (yais not found in RV.), 2*; 
vd'jebhis, 21; vipvebhis, 29; stdmebhis, 26: — in -m«, arkais, 43 ; 
dpvais, 30 ; ukthats, 35 ; devais, 3 1 ; yajndis, 34 ; stdmais, 25. 

Dative Plural Masculine and Neuter. 

The dative plural ends in -ebhyas (or -ebhias) and this form does 
duty also for the ablative. The datives number t31 ; that is, 79 
masculines in -ebhyas (from 28 stems), and 51 masculines in -ebhia* 
(from 26 stems), and one neuter. 

1. The masculines are as follows: arbhakebhyas, dditebhya*, 
dpinebhyas, ebhyas 8, ebhyds 2, ubhdyebhyas, ekebhyas, etebhyas, 
grhebhyas, jtvebhyas, tebhyas 4, tdvakebhyas, ddpayoktrebhyas, 
dev ebhyas 36, pipuiiel>hy as, putr ebhyas, p&rushebhyas, pil'rvebhyas 
4, mdrtiebhyas, md'nebhyas, yebhya* 3, rdthebhyas, vtprebhyas, 
mpoebhyas, vlapvebhyas, suvidatriyebhyas, steuebhyas, pasprdhdn- 
ebhyas. 

Of the neuters my collections show only one single example 
in the whole Rigveda, and that is bk&vanebhyaA, viii.85.16. 
It might be supposed from the grammars that the forms of the 
paradigms were of about equal use and frequency. But when we 
compare the occurrences of the N.s.m. (10,071) with those of the 
D.p.n. (1), the contrast is striking. See Delbrtlck, Verbum, pp. 14, 
15 ; and Curtius, Verbum, vol. i., preface, p. v., and p. 5. 

2. The ending of the D.p.m.n. is frequently to be pronounced 
as a dissyllable. The instances number 51. 18 are at the end of 
njagati-pdda whose cadence would be catalectic without the 
resolution: ajdrebhias, x.94.7 ; dmav attar ebhias and dptiapastar- 
ebhias, x.76.5 ; ebhias, i. 146.5 : iii.53.16; jdnebhias, i.55.5 ; 58.6; 
tebhias^ iii.2.6; ddpakakshiebhias and ddpayojanebhias, x.94.7; 
pdrvatebhias, iv.54.5 ; pitnkr'ttarebhias, x.76.5 ; mdrtiebhias, 
x.17.2; mdnavebhias, iv.54.1 ; md'nushebhias, iv.54.2 ; yojfdy- 
ebhias, i. 139.7: iv.54.2; sdmarabhastarebhias, x.76.5. Further, in 
pddas of 11 or 12 syllables, -bhias occupies the third and fourth 
places seven times: gdrbhebhias, i. 146.5; devebhias, L139.7: 
iii.34.7 : x.70.2; 110.4, 5; putrebhia*, x.15.7; — the sixth and 



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D.p.m.n.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 351 

seventh in x.32.5, ti'mebhias, and i. 122.8, pajrebhias; — the ninth 
and tenth in v. 11.1, bharatebhias, and iv.4 1. 8. papamdnbbhias. 
At the end of octosyllabic pddas, -bhias occurs 1 1 times : ebhias, 
i. 13 1.5; jdnebhias, x. 156.4; devebhias, x.85.17 ; bddhitibhia*, 
iv.30.4; tndrtiebhias, i.90.3: viii.9.16; yajatebhia8,ii.5.8; yajiuy- 
ebhias, i. 139.7: v.52.5; vid'As/Uareb/iias, viii.41.1 ; somiebhias, 
viii.32.5; — and occupies the fifth and sixth places of such pddas 
in 1 instances : devebhias, i.13.11 ; 142.6; 188.10: v.5.11: ix.3.9; 
28.2; 62.20; 99.7; 103.6; putrebhias, vii.32.26 ; finally, in the 
doipadd virdj, ix.109.21, we read devbbhias tvd. 

Ablative Plural Masculine and Neuter. 

My collections show a total of only 36 ablatives plural 
(masculines 25 and neuters 1 1). In view of this fact, it is easy to 
understand how a relation of so infrequent occurrence should have 
no special form of its own, but depend upon some other case-form 
for its expression, as here upon the dative. 

1 . The masculines in -ebhyas are : ugrebhyas, ix.66. 1 7 ; grhebhyas, 
i.120.8; devebhyas, i.74.9': iii.9.5: vi.44.7 : viii.90.16 : x.97.1 ; 
pdrvatebhyas, x.68.3 ; makhebhyas, vi.66.9; cU'rebhyas, ix.66. 17. 
(10). The neuters are: dntr'ebhyas, x,. 168.3; padebhyas, viii.2.39 ; 
vdnebhyas, ii.l.l; vipvebhyas, ii.23.17; harniiebhyas, vii.76.2. 

2. Vocalization of the written y takes place in 21 instances, as 
follows : at the end of octosyllabic pddas, in dsurebhias, viii.86. 1 ; 
ebhias, vi.46.9; jdnebhias, i.7.10; pdrvatebhias, i.191.9 : viii.34.13 
(all m.) ; and in the following neuters : (dveshobhyo) *nydkrtebhiah y 
viii.68.3 ft, which we must read with elision and vocalization ; 
duritebhias, viii.44.30; nakhebhias, x. 163.5; pd'rthivebhias, 
x. 1 58.1 ; — -bhias occupies the fifth and sixth places of octosyllabic 
pddas in dntebhias, i.49.3 : viii.77.5 ; jivebhias, viii.8.23 ; devebhias, 
ix.42.2 ; 65.2, 3; viprebhias, x. 1 35.4 (all masculine); — and in one 
neuter, mrdhrebhias, viii.44.3. At the end of a jagati-pdda stand 
the masculines ebhias, x.64.2, and pdrvatebhias, viL 104.4 ; in 
bhuvanebhias (n.), ii.23.17, ia fills the ninth and tenth places: — 
Vyenebhiaa (m.), finally, is in the middle of a trishtubh-pdda, 
iv.26.4. 

Genitive Plural Masculine and Neuter. 

This case ends in -dndm. The oxytone stems in d never shift 
the accent to the endings as do those in % t£, r' (except in the 
numerals). The series of development, so far as illustrated by 
actual Vedic forms, would be as follows: a. devd'm (for devddm), 
b. devdndm, c. devd'ndm, d. devd'naam. 

a. The forms like devd'm, as the organic ones, are d priori 
probable, and are supported by the aualogy of the Zend. So 
actdm^ Vd. vi.29; xv.3, with ahmarstandm ; geredham Vd. 
iii.10, 22 ; ctaordm Vd. viii.12, etc. See Justi, Handbuch, § 528.4. 
Geldner (Metrik des jilngeren Avesta, § 70) reads — as I think, 
rightly — daivdm, Yc. x.6. But I can discover no such form in the 
Gathas. Were it not for this probability, however, these forms, 
of which the comparative philologists make so much, would not 
seem very well vouched by the Veda. They are given under 3. 



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352 C. It Isdnman, (a-stems. 

b. Forms in -andm with short penultima are written nowhere. 
A careful search of all the -<f?>/7m-forms, with scansion of the pddas 
in which they occur, revealed only five instances in which there 
was even metrical evidence of a short thematic -a: i.44.2 
(= viii. 11.2), dgne rathir adhvard'ndm; i.l 88.11 , purogd' agn'w 
devd'ndm; x. 1 36.6, apmrd&dm gandharvd'ndm; x. 1 74.5, ydthdhdm 
eshdm bhiitd'ndm. viii. 70. 7 6 is trochaic. A short is merely 
favored in the seventh place of i.l 24.11#: vii.5.1c: x.2.6a, and 
elsewhere. These five instances do not weigh much, and evidently 
belong to later parts of the Rigveda. But this short a is well 
authenticated in Zend, as Yt. x.65, yd aredrandm aredrd (Skt. yd 
radhrd'tidm radhrdh) ; so takhmanam, vydkhnanam, ibid. ; 
Yt. v.21, appanam arshnam (Skt. dpvdndm vr'shndm), etc. 

c. The G.p. in -dndm occurs 370 times. The masculines number 
333 (from 59 stems) ; the neuters, 37 (from 17 stems). That the 
long d before n is a lengthening, the forms in 4ndm, -llndm, -rndm 
seem to indicate. It is explained by Joh. Schmidt ( Vbcalismus, 
i.39) as due to the following nasal. Osthoff (JFbrschungen, ill 7, 
and in Paul and Braune's Beitrdge, iii.3 and 39) explains the n as 
due to a transfer from the a- to the an- declension. 

d. Kuhn (Beitrdge, iv.180) notices the resolution of the d of the 
G.p., as in devtilnaam. This seems to me to be a purely metrical 
phenomenon, and to shed no light on the genesis of the form. 
Bezzenberger takes an entirely different view of it (in his 
Beitrdge, 1877, ii. 130 ff.)^ Forms of this kind occur 157 times. 
Of these 144 are m. (from 49 stems); and 13 are n. (from 7 stems). 
They are distributed as follows : mandala i. has 32 ; iii., 3 ; iv., 8 ; 
v., 15; vi., 9; vii., 5; viii., 59; ix.j 9; x., 14; VaL, 3. The 
resolutions at the end of vi.48.12 c: vii.32.11 c: viii.19.33 c; 23.2b; 
90.6 c: x.23.1ft; 103.4 d, are such as convert the cadence from 
trishtiibh to jagati. A very large majority of the resolutions (106, 
or two thirds) are at the end of an octosyllabic pdda (and 40 of 
the 106 are in the eighth mandala). This fact suggests again the 
question whether such pddas may not often be regarded as 
catalectic. There are examples enough of the resolution within 
the pdda, however, to put the validity of this metrical process 
beyond question. 

1. Examples of this case are : adhvard'ndm, 1 ; ddUyd'ndm, 1 1 ; 
jdndndm, 34; devd'ndm, 148; yajrtiy dndm, 12: — dhdndndm, 13. 

2. The cases which suffer resolution are : 

Masculines: adhvard'naam i. 1.8; 44.9; 45.4: iii.10.4: iv.7.3 : viii. 8.18. amr'td- 
naam x.33.8 ; 74.3. ard'naam viii.20.14. d^vdnaam v.18.5: vi.63.10. dpvidnaam 
viii.25.23. asutdnaam viii.53.3. dditid'naam viii.18.2. -ukshUdnaam v 56.5. 
uWkhxiUumtdnaaTn i.28.1, 2, 3, 4. ushtrdnaam viii. 5.37. kaldfdnaam iv.32.19. 
kr'tvidnaam viii.25.23. gardabhd'naam VAL 8.3. jdndnaani with V., vL 45.9. janfi- 
nartrra i.25.14; 75.3,4; 81.9; 191.4: iv.9.5 : v.16.2 ; 66.4: vii.16.2, 7; 56.24; 
74.6: viii.1.4; 5.13; 15.10; 19.33; 24.4; 45.28; 53.3; 92.6: ix.62.4; 64.27; 
112.1: VAL 6.7. turd'naam vi.48.12. devd'naam i.43.5 ; 50.5; 133.7; 187.6: vL15. 
13: viii.31.15; 39.6; 58.3; 64.8; 83.8: x.93.3. ndvdnaam viii.5.37. nem&mam 
vi.16.18. pa rvaMnaam i.39 .3; 187.7: v.84.1: viii.18.16; 31.10. pdshidnaam iv.48.5. 
priyd r naamviii.92A0. blmrdnaam viii.40.3. ma4dnaamv\\\.82.3l: ix. 104.5. mddd- 
naam iv. 31.2 : viii.81.6: ix.23.7. martdnaami.63.5: iv.2.18: viii.39.6. mdrUdnaam 



I 



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G.p.m.n.] Xoun- Inflection in the Veda. 353 

i.26.9: v.9.6; 74.7: viii.67.6 : 90.6: x.33.8. mahd'naam i.187.6: viii.52.l ; 81.3 ; 
83.8: ix.1.4. md'nu* hdnaam i. 84.2 ; 127.8; 128.7: iv.8.8; 9.5 : v.7.3 : viii.23.25 ; 
41.1 : ix.6l.ll. yajM'naam vi 16.1 : x.26.5. yd'dudnaam viii.6.46. rdthdnaam 
i.48.3 : v.52.9 ; 53.10; 66.3; 74.8; 86.4: vii 32.11 : viii.23.2 ; 57.4; 83.1; 92.10: 
x.26.5; 78.4; 103.4. rdsdnaam i.187.5. rudriydnaam viii.20.3. vatsd'naam 
vi.24.4. vd'jdnaam viii.24.18; 81.3 : ix.31.2 : x.26.7, 9. vdjdnnam i.29.2 : vi. 45.10 : 
viii.3l.30. viprdnaam x.26.4. vivratdnaam x.23.1. vr'kdnaam vii i. 5 6. 14. vrtra- 
kdthdnaam iii.16.1. vrshabhd'naam VA1. 5.1. fdhsidnaam i.17.5. fakund'naam 
ix.112.2. faphd'naam v. 6.7. " (H'rdnaam vi68.2. atUd'naam viii.32.19; 34.5; 
53.3. Mmdnaam i. 134.6: viii.82.33. aomid'naam viii.17.14. avddhainavdnaam 
viiL32.20. havdnaam viii.26.16. hvdri&'naam v.9.4: — neuters, aghd'naam viii. 
47.2. dhdnaam viii. 2 2. 13. dxydnaam viii. 19.37. bhuvandnaam viii.4 1.5. rddhd- 
naam L30.5: iii.51.10. v^'rtdrwam i.5.2 ; 24.3: viii.60.11, 13: x.9.5 ; 24.3. 
mjdtidnaam viii.72.7. 

3. The instances of a G.p. in -dm are not all entirely beyond 
question. They are as follows: ytithtdm in Val. 8.4, yHthidm 
dcvdndm, ' of horses belonging to the herd :' here there is no 
doubt about the form ; but the hymn in which it occurs is very 
poor stuff Cardthdm in L70.3, gdrbhap ca sthdtd'm gdrbhap 
cardthdm, ' and child of the things that move not (wood, flint) — 
child of them that move (clouds, lightning) :' Say. caranavatdm 
jangamdndm garbhah. Hlnsdndm in x. 142.1, dre hlnsdndm dpa 
didytcm d' krdhi; BR. take it as G.p.m. of hlnsa, but I can find 
no occurrence of this word elsewhere in the Veda. Grassmann 
( Wb. 1665) makes it a participle (cf. v.64.3, dhihsdnasya, and for 
the accent, viii.43.10, ninsdnam), 'das verwundende Geschoss;' 
but as didyb is not feminine, it is quite as easy to consider 
hlnsdndm as standing for hinsdndndm : ' Of those that would 
harm us, turn far away the dart.' Here the metre supports the 
shorter form ; but a real instance of haplographia is girvdhas, 
vi.24.6, if Gr. reads aright, with SV. i.68, girvavd'has. So too, 
perhaps the easiest way to dispose of the inferior reading of SV. 
UH0, tirdhpurd' cid arnavd'mjagamyd'h (RV. x.10.1, arnavdm), 
is to make it a G.p.m. : ' E'en if o'er many a billowy sea thou 
fleddest.' In x.46.5, ndyanto gdrbham vand'm dhlyam dhuh, 
'Solemnly they led the offspring of the sticks of attrition,' vand'm 
may stand for vand'ndm (accented as in iii.9.2). The stem van is 
supported only by vdnsu, found twice, with irregular accent. 
SV . 174 has a wretched variant, vand'. I regard pdsd'm as G.p.m. 
of pdsd, 'ruler,' in ii. 23.12, pdsd'm ugrd manyamdnah, 'deeming 
himself the mighty one [of the] among the rulers.' See BR. 
vill68, and Gr.,Ueb. i.570. 

In the six cases above, the text has a final in; in the following 
six it has n or n, for which we must read m or m. In vi.47.16, 
coshkHydte vlpa Indro manushy<T?i, ' The tribes of men Indra takes 
to his protection,' I consider manushyfin (read -d*m) as equivalent 
to mamishyd s ndm. The only alternative, to regard it as in 
explanatory apposition to vlpas, is a bad one. In iv.2.3, antdr 
iyase arushd' yvjdnd yushmd'np ca devd'n vlpa d! ca indrtdn, we 
must read mdrtdm, and interpret it as G.p.m. : ' Thou goest as a 
messenger — .... to you the gods, and hitner to the dwellings of 
(us) mortals.' Say ana felt the difficulty, and says shashthyarthe 



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354 (?. R Lanman % [a-stems. 

dvitiyd. In iv.2. 1 1 , c'Utim dcittim cinavad vi vidvd'n mdridn % 

4 The wisdom and folly of mortals let the wise oue distinguish,' 
read mdrtdm as before. TS. v.5.4* is without variant. In i.71.3 
and vLll.3 we have devd'tl jdnma (p. devd'n); and in x.64.14, 
devd'ii jdnmand (p. devd'n). Here we must read in the Samhita 
devd'th, and in the Pada devd'm, and interpret, with Grassmann, 
as G.p. The metre requires a change from devd'ndm to devd'th 
in vi.51.2. Finally, Bollensen's simple transposition oi dev6 and 
devd'ndm sets the metre right in i.68.2. 

Locative Plural Masculine and Neuter. 

This case ends in -eshu, and its final vowel is regularly ud com- 
bined. Of such forms there are 548 masculines (from 123 stems), 
and 249 neuters (from 92 stems), or 797 in all. In some cases the 
gender is doubtful, as vd'reshu. In ail these 797 instances, the final 
-m, as shown by actual scansion, 1. is never changed to ~v before s 
dissimilar vowel (one exception); and 2. it never coalesces with a 
following similar vowel. (Cf. Benfey, Gram, p. 51, §86, end.) 
When standing, as often (so adhvareshu, mdrtieshu), at the end 
of &pdda y it is written -v if the next begins with a vowel. Here, 
as is well known, it is always pronounced with hiatus (so i.27.5 : 
vi.49.2; 64.4: viii.86.19: x.30.8; 95.16; 112.4: i.154.2: iii.23.1 ; 
34.3: viii.9.10; 16.5: x.103.11 ; before w-, vi.4.2). Aside from 
these, there are 179 cases (m. 125; n. 54) where -u is followed by 
a vowel in the same pdda, and it is invariably to be read with 
hiatus: thus, before m-, i.134.5: iii.57.5: iv.18.4; before the 
postposition d\ 44 times, as ix.8.6 ; before o-, i.59.3 ; 91.4 ; 108. 11; 
before <?-, i.64.4 ; 166.10: ix.102.3: x.28.2; before r-, iii.10.2 : 
v.44.5: vi.59.4: x.21.7; before ?-, iv.7.1 : v.14.2; 22.1: viii.11.1 ; 
49.3: x.21.6; before *-, 16 times, ii.ll.3£, 17: iv.32.11: v.28.4 : 
viii.81.26; 88.2: x.63.9: ii.ll.3a: iii.41.4: iv.21.4; 22.5; 30.16: 
\L46.1: vii.99.6: ix.97.56 : x.42.4; before d-, 24 times, as v. 25.4^/ 
and before a-, (51+24 =)75 times. In i.l62.16c?, I propose the 
reading abh-i for iX ; in i.51.5^, we must of course pronounce 
prdrjipvdnam. The solitary exception to the rule of hiatus is 
x. 12 1.8, yd deve&hv ddhi devd eka d'stt This hymn is confessedly 
a late one, and the sandhi an additional proof of its lateness. It 
is quite possible to read vi. 26. 2c metrically as it stands: tvd'm 
vrtreshv indra sdtpatim tdrutram; but our canon shows that we 
must pronounce (tud'm) vrtre&hu, and the word indra mast 
accordingly be thrown out as a gloss. Herein I find that 
Grassmann agrees with me. 

The Veda, then, does not support the view that -sva was the 
original ending of the locative. Its combination with the post- 
position d\ which, if any thing, ought to serve as the point of 
departure for this theory, is found only 44 times in 797, and never 
as svd. Cf. Bopp, Vgl Gr? § 279 note. 

Examples of the forms are : masculines, adhvarishu^ 27 ; deve- 
*Aw, 99; mdrtieshu, 25 ; ya/fi&Au, 35 ; vd'jeshu, 41 ; *?rf£*Au, 16: — 
neuters, uktheshu, 10; bhuvaneshu 9 12; vdneshu, 20; viddtheshu^ 
33; sdvaneshu, 14. 



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N.s.f ] Noun-Infiection in the Veda. 355 



STEMS IN A. 

The following is a synopsis of the terminations of the 
inflectional forms: 

Singular: N., -d, -oaf, -a? ; A., -dm, -aam, -d y ; I.,-d,-ayd; 
D., -dyai, -ai; Ab., -dyds, -dydsf; G., -dyds, -dyda? y -dyaif; L., 
-Ciydm; V., -e. 

Dual: N.A.V., -e (iti); LD.Ab., -dbhydm; G.L., -ayos. 

Plural: N.V., -dsas, -ds, -d?; A., -(25, -aas^dsas?; 1.,-dbhis; 
D.Ab., -dbhyas, -dbhias; G., -dndrn, -dnaam, -dm?; L., -<fow. 

There are no truly declensional peculiarities of accent 

Nominative Singular Feminine. 

The case-form is regularly like the stem, and occurs 1053 times 
(from 424 stems). Examples are: idd, 17; eshd', 27; citrd',9; 
jdyd\ 17 ; ddkshind, 21 ; yd\ 74 ; ydshd, 24 ; 8d\ 80 ; subhdgd, 13 ; 
sdnr'cd, 10. 

Bopp {VgL Gr.* §137) and Schleicher (Comp.* §246) assume 
for all these stems a N. -en ding s, which has become lost. This 
view is controverted by Max Mtlller, Chips, iv. p. 46 ; and 
Aufrecht finally (Rigveda* preface, p. v, note) calls it a " dream 
of the comparative philologists." The Veda does not support it. 
The 8 of gnd' 8, iv.9.4, proves nothing. Whether it be ivomjan or 
jnd, it was originally dissyllabic, but is treated as a root-word. 
So 8trtf has come to be treated declension ally as a root- word, 
preserving a trace of its true character {sUtrf) only in the N.s., 
where the * is lacking. 

The final d often stands before an initial vowel in the text. Its 
treatment by the samhitdrpdtha is varied. In about 30 instances 
it stands at the end of pdda a or c, and is always written with 
sandhi; but it is of course always to be pronounced with hiatus : 
as, asati ca yd' na urvdrd : d'd . . . , viii.80.6. The fusion results 
oftenest in d, as i.l 14.9c; 123.11a: ii.27.7a: iii.39.la/ 58.1a; 
sometimes in e, as i.32.9a: iii.39.lc/ or o, as iii.58.lc: v.80.2c (cf. 
3a), 5a: vi.61.13c/ 64.2c, 5a: vii.95.4a: viii.20.4a. The result is 
d at the end of a pentasyllable pdda, i. 66.7a and iv. 10.5a. Fusion 
resulting in ai or au is not found (Rik Pr. ii.31). Accordingly we 
have, i.123.10, pd'paddndn : ishi. In v.30.14, we have yd'n : rnam- 
caye, because the individuality of the word (if written yd) would 
be obscured. Of the 74 occurrences oi yd' as N.s.f., only two are 
before vowels: this is the only one to which Rik Pr. ii.31 (end) 
applies; the other is vi.64.5. A merely graphic peculiarity is 
the short a in priyd:r'- y i.151.4, and rjuhdsta : r-, v.41.15. The 
pada of course has d. 

In 160 instances the final d stands before a vowel in the interior 
of a pdda. It is always written with fusion, but the scansion 
shows that the real treatment is determined by the metre. Thus, 
i.95.1, anyd'nyd vatedm Upa dhdpayete; but L62.8, vdpurbhir d' 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



356 C. R. Lanman, [<$-stems. 

carato any d' -any d; cf. iv.52.2, dpveva citrdl drushi. In the great 
majority of these instances (137), the concurrent vowels are to be 
read as they are written : thus, vi.59.6, pU'rvd'gdt; iii.39.2, seydm; 
vii.3.9, pilteva, and so with iva 59 times out of 61 (exceptions are 
v.45.2 and viii.90.13) ; iY.2.\0,prited hdt(a)rd ; i.56.4, tvd'vrtlhotdyt 
(so esh6 i.46.1, and sd L 191.11: x.11.3; 23.4; 63.16) ; " x. 62. 11, 
ydtarndnaitu. 

The final d of the dual, it will be remembered (p. 340), always 
coalesces with a following vowel. Here, however, the metre 
shows hiatus in 23 instances, as vi.64.5, *d' d' vaha yd' ukshdbhir 
dvdtd: ti-. The list is: i.48.7c (12 syll.) ; 62.80*; 77.1a, lb; 104. 
5a: iv.52.2a: v.45.2, sthU'nd iva; 53.9a; 61.5a; vi.25.1, 
madhyamd' ind(a)ra; 64.5a, bis; 66.3a': vii.34.1, prd pukrd' eht 
(ateharapankti) : viii.89.llo/ 90.13,c/frd' iva: ix.86.446.* x.61.18c; 
93.13ft; 95.16a; 121. 2c; 145.3a; also i.62.8e, where a syllable is 
syncopated between aktd' and ushd'h. In i. 120. la the metre is 
hopeless. 

besides the above, there are a number of cases given by the Rik 
Pr. ii.29, in which hiatus occurs, not only in the spoken, but also 
in the written text. It is hard to see why the diaskeuasts and 
Qaunaka have taken account of these and not of the others. Those 
that concern us are: Uhd\ viii.5.29 ; rnanUhd' (as N.s.), i.101.7 : 
v.11.5: vii.70.7: vii.34.1 b (at the end of an ahsharapanhti). At 
the end of common pddas the fusion is written, even with mantshd', 
iii.33.5c: vi.67.2a. 

This comparatively frequent toleration of hiatus suggests to me a remedy for 
several lame verses: i.173.8, vipvd ie dnu j6ehid \a\bhdd yaiih (cf. iv.43.4a, where 
I read \a\bhOd) ; vii.58.6, prd sd' [d]vdci sushtutir maghondm (cf. vii.10.1). On the 
other hand, since fusion is common, sawiA&J-manuscripts would show no difference 
between mrdmd vidad gd'h and -md avid-, v.45.8; cf. vi.61.10, st&mid bhtif; 12. 
hdvidbhfd; v.44.8c and x.99.6d. And so 1 think that such combinations may 
have been a point of departure for the loss of the augment. See Delbruck, 
Verbum, p. 80 ; and Curtiua, Verbum, i.132, and especially 133. 

In jd'yamdnam (asmdt suktrtih), i.60.3, there seems to be a clear 
case of' a N.s.f. with shortened final and paragogic m before a 
vowel (cf. a-stems, p. 349, top). For maht\ v.41.15: x.77.4, 
Gr. (Kuhn's Zeitschrift, xvi.170) reads the more organic form 
mahid. I believe he is right, and would add vi.66.3, vide hi 
mdtd' mahd (sc. gdrbhasya) mated sd'. The metre seems to 
require resolution (?) in vii.75.4, yujdndd, and x.162.1, 2, dmivaa. 

The pada reads d in several cases wrongly : for asurid, vii.96.l, 
and gatatamd\ vii.19.5, see A.s.1 ; for kantnakfoa, iv.32.23, see 
N.d.f. ; for ydshd, ix.96.24, see N.p.f. ; for sumedhd' (Gr.), iii.57.5, 
see aa-stems, N.s.f. 

In xA9A,priyd' may be A.p.n. ; and in i. 122.1, ishxtdhid', Ls.f. 
For krdnd\ i.139.1 and v.7.8, see p. 334. 

Accusative Singular Feminine. 

This case terminates in -am, and occurs 522 times (from 226 
stems). Examples are : dmivdm, 9 ; manishd'm y 21 ; jdyd'm, 11 ; 
ydshdm, 7; ydshandm, 6 ; td'm, 29; imd'm, 52. 



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A.b.1] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 367 

Resolution seems unavoidable in three trishtubh-pddaB : vii.93.3, 
kdfshthaam, and i 173.2, mcmdam (aa occupies the sixth and 
seventh places in both) ; and 1165.15, vayd'am (end) ; but see as- 
stems, A.s.m.. Gr. proposes 'ekatim y vih.61.7a, and mahiydmd- 
naarn, iv.30.96, thus making them full anushtubh-pddas. They 
may be catalectic. In x.50.5, Gr. reads maMdm (cf. N.s.f.) for 
mahPtn. I prefer dvamdtrdm : text, <5m-. In ix.12.7, he follows 
the S&man (ii.552), and reads sabardughdm for-oA. Bollensen 
(Orient und Occ, ii.460) supposes a copyist's error in vii.96.1, the 
loss of anu&vdra before a nasal, and amends, with good reason, 
thus: <Mur%d\m\ nadl'naam. For eumedhd'm, viii.5.6, ushd'm 
and us/id's, see a*-stems, A.s. and p.f. The A.s.f. of stems in id 
often coincides with the L a.f. of those in i. Thus pdrvid'm may 
be referred to pHrvid or to jmrd; satyd'm, to satyd or sdt. The^ 
accent would distinguish pamid'm (stem pamid'; but cf. pdmids 
iii.33.13) from pdmidm (stem pdmi). Since stems in ia form their 
feminines in id or $, it is well to keep this double possibility in 
view (c£ d'ria, daivia, wand). 

A striking example of elision and crasis is nivepane patatamd'- 
viveehih, vii.19.5, for -md'm av- (p. -md'). Cf. Sayana: gatatamtm 
puram vydpnoh. 

Instrumental Singula* Feminine. 

This case is formed in two ways : either the general ending -d 
is affixed directly to the stem, and the concurrent vowels 
contracted (as jihvd'-d, jihvd') ; or, a y is interposed, and the 
thematic vowel shortened (^sjihvdyd). 

The older form occurs 300 times in the RV. (from 95 stems) ; the 
younger, in ~ayd, 3 56 times (from 113 stems). The older form appears 
only sporadically or in stereotyped words in the later language. 

It happens comparatively seldom that the stem displays ooth 
endings (e. g.^gavyd', dhdrd, manUh&) ; the reverse was true of 
•dsas and ~ds. The older formation prevails especially with stems 
(generally abstracts) in td (20 out of 95), and in id or yd (44 out 
of 95). With the latter, the younger formation would sound 
badly: thus, hiranyaydyd (not found); cf. hiranyayd\ vii.66.8. 
Here, as elsewhere, the choice between the longer and the shorter 
form was often decided by the exigencies of the metre, or by 
euphony, or both; cf. ix.98.3, dhd'rd yd drdhvd adhvar^ with 
101.2, yd dhd'rayd pdvakdyd; and i.91.1a, with 94.1ft. The 
longer form fits often in the anushtubh or jagati cadence ; the 
shorter in the trishfubh. In viii.6.33, the measure requires, 
perhaps, utd brahmanydyd vaydm: text, brahmanyd'. We find 
the final d coalescing with an initial, e. g., in ix. 97.46a, and 
making hiatus in i.53.86. 

There are no purely declensional irregularities of accent. In 
the case of ayd' (from a), it is something peculiar to that pronoun, 
and not adverbial (see below, and cf. Myd, as pronoun 1 1 times, as 
adv. 3; tdyd 9 10; ydyd, 23; svdyd, 3). In aryayd\ v. 75. 7, BR. 
i.447, see an error for aryd[s] d' 7 stem ari. 
vol. x. 49 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



358 C. R. La?iman } [<£-stems. 

The adverbial character of adatrayd' (from adatrd), v.49.3, 
explains the displacement of the accent ; so naktayd', iv.11.1, and 
8vapnayd\ AV. v. 7. 8; and perhaps rtayd\ RV. ii. 11.12; c£ 
sarvahrdd'. The adverbial shifting of accent is natural in the 
homophonous instrumentals, since it differentiates them from the 
nominatives of the same form ; thus ubhayd' (sternubhdya), madhyd 
(mddhya), samand' (sdmana): for dakshind' (ddkshiria), cf. 
i.100.9, dakshine, oxytone, and see Indische Stndim, iv.ldO. 

I cannot account for the accent of pavayd' in ix.97.63, uta na 
end* pavayd' pavasva, and therefore I read pavd'yd', i. e., pavd' 
ay 6! (cf. 52, ayd 1 pavd' pavaavaind' vdsHni). 

For ddkshinayd rdthena^ 1123.5, see G.s.£ 

1. The homophonous instrumentals are as follows: (agriyd' iv.34.3?) abdayd'. 
abrahmdtd, arhand 3, avi'r atd\ apvayd' 2, trasyd\ ishitatvdtd. ishudhid'f, irmd' 5, 
upamd' 2, ubhaytf, urushyd', updnd 6, rjdyd\ ftayd', etd' (x.95.2 ; Roth would like 
to take it as A.p.n., adverbially, 'here ;' I think it is used with slightly contemp- 
tuous tone ; so Say., scholion to (Jat. Br. xi.5.1', etd etayd Ivadiyayd arthapQnyayd 
vdcd), aidhd', kavydtd. gavydf viii.46.10: ix.64.4 (vii.18.7?), guhd 53, [ghrnd', see 
p. 335) jar and 2, jigishd' 2, jihvd' 3, tanyatd' 3, tdtyd', Hrafcdtd 2, Ugishthd, tyd', 
tvdyd' 3, tudyd' 8, dahsdnd 7, dakshind 1 2, dapasyd', dinatd, duvoyd', devoid 1.22.5; 
65.3; 100.15: vi.4.7. devayajyd' 2, doshd' 13, dvitd' (? Roth, ' so fort, fortan, ron 
nun an 1 ) 29, dhdnyd and dhishdnd, v.41.8, dhd'rd, dhishd' (see Gr.) 2. pavd', 
pdkid 3, purushdtd 3, purushatvdtd 2, bandhutd\ barhdnd 13, brahmanyd' (see 
above), bhanddnd 2, mahhdnd 11, madhyd' 4, manand', l.mand', 2.mand / , manUhd' 
13 (in iii.57.1, Aufrecht* has -d'm; Muller, -d'; the scholiast seems to have read 
-d'm), mamdtd, mr'shd, mehdnd 4, yavid' 2, rathayd', (vakshdnd, v.52.15, Say.. 
vahanena nimitiena ; better N. ?) vacasyd' 3, vapushyd', varasyd', varivasyd'* 
vasutd, vas&yd' 2, vipanyd', viprd (matt' viii.25.24), virayd' 2, veddtd, vtdid\ 
vedhasyd', (dsd (Say., stutyd, v.41.18), fraddhdmanasyd' f pravasyd'1, scmdtd 2, 
samand' 13, savyd', sasvdrtd, sukrtyd' 2, sukratxiyd' sukshetriyd', sug&t*y&', 
sujdtdtd, sumnayd', supravasyd', susaniid, svadhd' (see below) 2, suapasyd\ himid', 
Mr any ay d\ To these we may add namasyd', ii.33.8 (so A. Weber); dhend, 
x.104.10; pvetof', x.75.6. 

The Atharvan has some of these instrumentals in Rik-passages : 
three in iv.33.2 ; one in xviiLl.52, and one in xix.12.1; and some 
in passages peculiar to itself : the stereotyped g4ihd y 1 3 times (and 
twice in Rik-passages) ; dakshind', ix.7.20 and xii.2.34 (hut 
ddkshind in the Rik-passages, xviii 1.42 and xix.13.9!); devdtd, 
iv.1.5 ; doshd', vi.1.1 and xvi.7.9 ; sumnayd\ vii55.1; and 
vittakdmyd' (not a Rik-word), xii.3.52. So kimkdmyd\ £at. Br. 
i.2.5" and yatkdmyd\ iii.ft.3*. 

2. Examples of the common form are: jihvdyd, 24 ; dhd'rayd, 53 ; mdydyd\ 20; 
samdydy 9; hrdayydyd, x. 15 1.4. 

There are several forms bearing more or less resemblance to an I.s.1 of the 
pronoun d: dyd, x. 116.9, p. ayds, is N.p. of stem dya, 'wanderers;' possibly dyd 
(so Aufrecht* and Codex Chambers 60), vi.66.4a, p. dyd, is from the same stem, 
lor ayds — 'as long as the ones now wanderers quit not their birth-place;' in 
vi.66.5a, text ayd's, the cadence requires dyd's, i. e., asyd's (Gr.), Ab.&f. of a; 
ayd' occurs as substantive pronoun in ii.6.2 (sc. samidhd), as adjective pronoun 
with substantive expressed, 18 times (6 with dhiyd'), and as adverb iii.12.2: 
vi.17.15: ix.53.2; 106.14, and, I must add, i.87.46 (cf. Prat ii.29: Muller, 
Translation, p. 148). For anayd, ix.65.12, 27, Gr. reads ayd'.; but anSna, i.93.10: 
iii.17.2 : vhi.44.2, warrants us in holding fast to the text 

Dative Singular Feminine. 

This case terminates in -dyai. It occurs only 20 times (from 15 
stems). The full list is: agdtdyai^ avi'ratdyai, ghdshdyai, 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



D.&f.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 359 

card'yai (Delbruck, in Kuhn's Zeitschrift, xviii.85), jard'yai, 
tvdyatdyai, duchtindyaiy pHtdkratdyai, mand'yai, ii.33.5 (in 
iv.33.2, Roth takes it as G.s.f., q. v.), vippdldyai i.116.15 only, 
pivd'yai, pvetand'yai, sUnr'tdyai 2, silrid'yai 3, sudtyai 2. For 
prajd'yai see below. 

In L54.il, we have suapatyai (stem suapatyd'; scholion to 
T. Br. ii.6.9 l , pobhandpatyatvdya), and in i 113.6, mahiyai (stem 
mahiyd'; see BR. vii 1 789). They are not for suapatyd' yai and 
mahiyd'yai; bat rather relics of the simpler formation, the general 
ending (here e) being added directly to the stem, as with the 
instrumental, p. 357, and the infinitives khyai, dai, mai, yai, sai 
(Delbrttck, Verbum, p. 221). 

In viL 1.19a, we read md' no dyne avUrate pdrd ddh; perhaps 
this form was preferred to md'vtratdyai no ague pdrd ddh, which 
would be metrically correct, because in the latter the sandhi 
would obscure the a- privative of avtratdyai. In in. 16.5, md* no 
ague dmataye : md'vi ratdyai riradhah, this obscurity is remedied 
by the parallel dmataye preceding it. The genuine Vedic hymns 
are as averse to ambiguity as some writers of the later literature 
are fond of it. We have here a simple transition to the consonant 
declension; cf. devdtdtaye and devdtdt-e, sarvdtdtaye and Zend 
haurvatdt-em. 

In i.118.8, prdti jdnghdm vippdldyd adhattam, p. -ds> 'Ye put 
on again Vi9pala's leg (that was cut off),' sense and form (Prat. 
ii.9) admit of a dative ; * Ye put on a (new iron) leg for V.,' as in 
116.15. 

Ablative Singular Feminine. 

The ablative and genitive s.f. are coincident in form, and 
terminate in -dyds. The separation here is based on the exegesis. 
The clause, x.87.16, yd aghnyd'yd bhdrati kshirdm agne, is a good 
example for showing how indistinct the logical border-line 
between these two cases is. The ablatives are as follows (8) : 
kand'yds, jihvd'yds, ddkshindyds, durivdyds, durhdndyds, 
daimdyds, niddyds, sud'yds; and in AV. iv.40.2, ddkshindyds; 
5, dhruvd'yds; 6, vyadhvd'yds; 7, tirdhvd'yds. In ayd f s, RV. 
vi. 66.5a, Gr. sees an Ab. See p. 358, and cf. ddkshindyd[s\ G.s.f. 

Genitive Singular Feminine. 

The genitives number 54 (from 27 stems) and are as follows : 
dghnidyds 3, aghnyd'yds, iddyds 5, ukhd'yds, usrtydyds 5, H'rmid- 
yds 2, kand'yds 3, kd'shthdyds, jihvdfyds 2, ddkshindyds 4, 
darpatd'yds, dil'rvdyds, dhishdndyds 2, dht'shamdndyds, pajrdyds 
(with voc), pdritakmidyds, mdkhindyds, rasd'yds 2, vayd'yds, 
vippdldyds (i.118.8), pacvattamd'yds, plphdyds, pucd'yds, sabardu- 
ghdyds 2, sehdnd'yds, stirdyds, sdrid'yds and sHryd'yds 8. 

In i. 123.5, jdyema tdrh ddkshinayd (p. -d) rdthena, one is 
tempted read ddkshindyds in view of la, and to interpret, with 
Gr., as Gen., the d being due to the metre; but cf. x.26.6a 
and 107.1* BR. take mand'yai (s.v.) as G. in iv.33.2, 



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860 C. R. Lanman, [<£-stems. 

dhfrdsah pushtim avahan mand'yai. I find no form in the Veda 
to support it, although the case is so extremely common in the 
Brahmanas : Say., tnandyd rtena; Gr. ' zum Lohne.' Cf., on the 
other hand, vippdldydfa) as D.s.f. before a-. 

Locative Singular JFkmininb. 

This case terminates in -dydm. It occurs 80 times (from 18 
stems). Scherer, Ges. d. Deutschen Spr. 283, and Bollensen, Z. D. 
M.G. xxii.618, speak of locative forms in ~d from <2-stems. I do 
not think that any such can be proved. Some of the supposed 
ones are instrumentals/Kuhn, Zeits. xviii.365, and note to 367). 
Benfey (SV. ii.830 ; Ueb. p. 278) sees a L in rasd' dadhUa 
vrshaoham, RV. viii.61.13 ; but dadhita is 3 s. opt., and rasdt its 
subject : Gr., 6 let the flood receive the steer.' 

The forms follow : dpayd'ydm radical ?, dmd'ydm, uttdnd'ydm 
2 and 1164. 14, ustiydydm 3, -gatdydm 2, grivd'ydm, jUrnd'y&m, 
ndvdydm^pdritakmidydmb and with djd' m., i.116.15, bhadraydm 
2, yamtindydm, varatrd'ydm, pinpdpdydm, tfrindydm, stirdydm, 
susMmdydm, svd'ydm 2, hariyHpi'ydydm. 

Vocative Singular Fbmbun*, 

The V.s.f. ends in -e. It occurs 95 times (from 51 stems). If e 
represents an <J, the change is purely phonetic. The Rik shows 
no trace of a form in d. The "still weaker form in d n (Kuhn, 
Zeits. xviii.369 and Schleicher, Cornp.* p. 574, § 263) is supported 
by amba only, ii.41.16 and x.86.1 bis; and it is doubtful whether 
in the Veda amba means * mother 9 at all. In x.97.2 it is surely a 
particle. Like akka and aHa y given in the scholion to Pan. 
vii.3.107, amba is probably a natural cry fitted into a grammatical 
category; so BR. By the side of this form, as if it were from a 
real stem ambd, arose the word ambe, VS. xxiii.18 — scholion: 
patnyah paraspararh vadanti l he ambe? 

The forms follow: aghnie y apue, amartie, aiubitame, apve, 
apvasHnrte 10, dijikiye, ide, ugraputre, uttare, tUtdnapartu, 
uruvraje, Urmie 2, rshve, kadhapriye^ kdne, garige, ghore^ citre, 
citrdmaghe, jdye, devajUte, devitame, dhishane, nadttame, pathie, 
pastie, putrakdme, purupriye, prthujdghane, prthusfituke, 
brahmasarhpite, marudvrdhe, yamune, rdke, vikate, vipvavdre 3, 
paravye, pitike, pubhre 3, saddnue, sarame 4, site, sujdte 13, 
suputre, subhage 12, suldbhike, susnushe, sUnrte 4, sUrie and s&rye, 
hlddike (Gr., Ueb.; in Wb. as L.). 

Nominative, Accusative, and Vocative Dual Feminine. 

These cases are coincident in form, and end in -€. They occur, 
taken together, 321 times (from 136 stems). The termination is 
of obscure origin. It is pragrhya (Prat. L28), and the pada 
distinguishes these dual forms from the vocatives singular by an 
Hi. Cf. ubhk (iti) ydt te mahind' pubhre dndhasi, vh.96.2, with 
pubhre (iti), iii.33.2 ; i.30.21c with iii.33.1&; and x. 14.1 bd (yaroe, 
L.B.HL) with 13.2a. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



N.A.V.d.l] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 861 

In ii.3.6, ushd'sdndktd vayteva (p. -driva) ranvitb, and iv.32.23, 
kaninakeva (p. -d'~iva) vidradhb, the feminine adjectives require 
us to read vay%e va and -ke va. So we may read, with Bollensen, 
ii.39.6, nd'se va (p. -d-iva), in view of these two instances, although 
nd'sd might be taken as N.d.f. from stem nds, " strong " nd's. 

In i.29.3, 808td'm dbudhyamdne, Gr. reads -mdnai. This is 
hardly to be allowed. The pdda is catalectic (see p. 338, top). 

Examples are: ubhe, 66; devdputre, 7; yami; virdpe 9 7; tfpre, 
5 ; sumeke, 8. 

Instrumental, Dative, and Ablative Dual Feminine. 

In x. 105.5, piprdbhydm seems to be an instrumental. Nd'sih- 
dbhydm, x.163.1, is an Ab. In x.88.15, td'bhydm is I. with 
distinct locative meaning. Cf. p. 343. 

Genitive and Locative Dual Feminine. 

The genitives are: ayds i.185.1 ; ydyos ii.32.1 and Hi. 54. 2; 
yamdyos x.8.4. For janghdyos, AV. xix.60.2, see below. 

The locatives are: ayds (sdcdydh, p. dydh) iii.54.2; uttdndyos 
i. 164.33 ; ydyos iii.44.3. For svadhdyos, ix.86.10, see below. 

Nominative and Vocative Plural Feminine. 

The N.p.f. has two forms. The almost universal termination, 
-<£«, occurs 586 times (from 262 stems), thus coinciding with that 
of the A.p.f. ; and, in general, these two cases are not formally 
separated in the Yeda. But the ending -dsas is also found as 
N.p.f. some twenty times, more or less. 

The comparative grammars make much of the feminine forms 
in -dsas, and set up entirely different organic forms for the N.p.f., 
e. g., *dpod'8a*i and A.p.f., e. g., *d$vd-ms. But the evidence 
upon which this assumption is based, so far as it comes from the 
Veda, is slight. I would quite as lief consider the feminine forms 
in -dsas an irregular extension of the use of the masculine form to 
a field where it did not belong. Some of the verses in which 
these forms occur seem to be of late date, although this can hardly 
be affirmed of them in general; such are iv.58.7, 8 : vi.63.9: 
x.95.9: and perhaps v.46. 7 : viii.44.25; 82.23. 

The evidence of the kindred tongues, on the other hand, seems, 
as far as I can judge, to speak for the originality of -dsas in the 
feminine. I can find no N.p.f. in -donhd in the A vesta; but see 
below, A.p.f., p. 363, and Bopp, Vgl. Gr. 9 i.460, §229. The 
Prakrit N.p.f. ending in -do represents, I believe, an original -dsas, 
although, to be sure, it is seen also in the A.p.f! (JPrdkrtOrprakdpa, 
v.19, 20); thus, pamaddo, £!ak. 4 > stands for pramaddso. The 
Pali Njp.f., kafiridyo, stands probably for kafifido, with euphonic 
y (see Kuhn, Pdli-Gr. p. 64), and this for kanydso. The materials 
for verifying these statements, however, are not at my command. 

1. Examples of the common form are: imd's, 32; etd's, 7; td's, 
47; dhd'rds, 16; bhadr&'s, 19; manlshd's, 10; yd's, 71 ; vayd's^ 
8. Besides the 586 forms mentioned above, vipvds, N. and A. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



862 C. R. Lanman, [^-stem& 

together, occurs 104 times. Vayd's, x.92.3, has been counted 
under vayd', i twig.' 

Among the 586 forms there may be some vocatives. I have 
noted only two separately, vipvaminvds and suhavds. 

The pada has -ds in vi.29.2, where we must read ndrid: see 
p. 348. 

In vii.61.5, on the other hand, we have to read dmdrd(8) t*ipvd(s) 9 
p. -d. Say. seems to have had MSS. that read imd' (imdni). 

Elision and crasis is seen in iz.96.24. 61 te rUcah pdvamdnasya 
soma ydsheva yanti sudtighdh sudhdrd A, i. e., ydshds-iva, p. -d-iva. 

The resolutions, usrdas viii.64.3, br'haspdtipras&taas x.97.15, 19, 
samviddndas 14, ptinyagandhaas vii.55.8, are all at the end of 
catalectic pddas of seven syllables, and unnecessary. See p. 338 t 
top. In x.26.1, pronounce spdrhdl idnti niyitiah, not spdrhdas 
(Gr.). For vayd as, vii.40.5, see the end of this page. 

2. The following is an enumeration of the N.p.£ forms in -dsas, 
including at the end some doubtful ones. To show that the native 
authorities recognized them as feminines, I have added a few 
excerpts from the scholia. 

A'tandrdsas, durmitrd'sas, pd'rthivdsas, pdvakd'sas, bhejdnd'sas, vanvdnd'sas, 
vof&'sas 'cows,' vdprd'sas, viddnd'sas, vrdhd'sas, cdghand'sas, smdyamdndsas, 
dfushdnd'sas, pasprdhdnd'sas, havamdndsas, &cvdsast % jdnydsas t; AY. sammUdsas, 
amr'tdsas, vacd'sos, mdrtdsast. # 

i.95.2 (T Br. ii.8.1*\ dtandrdso yuvat&yas. vii.28.4, durmitrd'so hi hsMdyak 
pavante, ' denn die bosen Leute mussen bussen,' Both. v. 46. 7, yd'h pd'rthivdsas 
. . . id' no devih pinna yachata; S&y., prihivtsambandkinyak. i. 142.6, pdvakd'so 
dvd'ro devt'h; Say., fodhayitryah. x. 153.1, thkh&yantfr indram updsate bhqdn- 
d'sak, sc. indramdiarah, Anukramanf. The SV., i.l?5, has vanvdnd'sak. 
vi.63.9, fdndo \a\ddd dhiraninah smdddisfittn, d&fa vapd'so abhishd'ca rshvd'n, * (J. 
gave horses with golden trappings and well-trained: ten cows (mares?) follow the 
mighty (steeds). 1 So Roth ; but S&y., * vagd'so ' 'nugundn ' abhisM'cah » fotrtodm 
abhibhdmtkdn ! viii.44.25, giro vdprd'sa irate; S&y., vdfanapUdh. i. 169.2, 
dyvjran . . vt^vdkrshlir viddnd'so nishshidhah. viii.82.23, hdtrd asrkshata indram 
vrdhd'sah; SV. i.151, vrdhdntah. iv.58.7 (VS. rvii.95), ftyhand'sah patayanU 
ghrtdsya dhd'rdh ; S&y., dpugantryah. iv.58.8, yoshdh smdyamdndsah : SchoL to 
VS. xvii.96, WiaddhasarUyah. iv.24.4, kshitdyo . '. dpusMnd'sah. vii.18.3, 

imd' u tvd pasprdhdnd'so dtra mandrd' giro devaydn&r upa sthiik, ' And unto 
thee pressed onward then our emulous, gladsome, godly songs. 1 v.32.11, tarn 
mejagrbhra dpdso doshd' v&stor hdvamdndsa indram, ' On him my hopes laid hold, 
which unto Indra morn and eve do cry.' 

The following two are possibly masculine : x.95.9, apvdso nd krtddyah: Roth, 
JSrl zum Nirukta, p. 154, note, ( wie lustige Stuten. 1 ix.49.2, gd'vo j&nydsah ; so 
SV. u.786. 

The Atharvan has several : two in xii.3.27, uteva prabhvfr utd sdmmitdsa uta 
pukrd'h tficayac cdmftdsah, sc. dfpah; and one in i v. 24.4, ydsya vapd'sa rshabhd'sa 
uteh&nah, 'to whom belong cows, steers, and oxen,' as in Rik vi. 16.47. In 
xviii.3.23, martdsac cid urMvaffr akrpran, unless we read martydsap cia\ the 
preference is doubtless to oe given to the Rik reading, m&rtdndih dd, iv.2.18, 
since mdrta is never an adjective. Pd'rthivdsas, vii.49.1, TBr. iii.5.12 1 , is merely 
quoted from the Rik, v.46.7. 

In the Rik, x.91.14, avasrshtd! sas agrees with nouns m. and f. 
In vii.40.5, vayd'h has to count as an amphibrach, vayd'sas; but 
Gr., Ueb. 9 proposes vaydma. C£ a*-stems, As.m. 



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A.p.t] N<mn-Inflectian in the Veda. 863 

Accusative Plural Feminine. 

This case ends in -ds. It occurs 393 times (from 163 stems). 
Vi^vds, moreover, N. and A. together, occurs 104 times. Vdmd- 
jdtds, z. 140.3 (Gr., N.p.m.), is included here; see t-stems, A.p.f. 

1. Examples are: dmtvds, 7; imd's, 25; fisrd's, 12; usrtyds, 
10 ; ends, never nominative, 9; if an accented accusative-form is 
required, etd's is used, 5; td's, 17; dhd'rds, 11; pr'tands, 13; 
mdyd's, 22 ; yd's, 15 ; sUnr'tds, 6. 

The |?arfa has -<2 in a number of instances where the reading -ds 
is more or less certain : drndys) sisarshi, iii.32.5 (see p. 348) ; 
dhd'rd(8) ?, ix.7.2 : pathid(s), vii.79.1 ; pdrvi'r mantshd'(s), i.70.1 ; 
vipvdh should be added to the />ado-excerpts for x. 153.5c, 
Aufrecht, Kigveda*. For pratishthd' (s) hr'did(s), x.73.6, see 
stems in d radical, I.s.f. For pdsd'(s), vii.48.3, see stems in s 
radical, Ls.1 For ushd's, see ttt-stems, A.p.f. For grid's and 
maryd'dds, see stems in d radical, below. 

As regards resolution — it is not necessary to read mantshdas, 
x.26.1a, nor usrdds, viii.46.26a, since both pddas may be catalectic. 
On the other hand, three seem hardly avoidable: kdas, vii.80.9#y 
kd'shthaas, i.63.5 ; mUrdds, iv.26.7. 

2. If -d&as is to be allowed at all as ending of the A.p.£, it is 
merely as a solecism. In x.30.14, n% barhishi dhattana somidso, 
apd'm ndptrd samviddnd'sa endh, * Set upon the barhis, ye soma- 
offerers, the (waters) in concord with Apam Napat,' we cannot 
make endh subject of a separate clause, since etd's is the N.p.f. to 
which ends serves as A.p.f., as in x.19.2, 3; nor can we, taking 
samviddnd'so as N.p.m., make endh the object of ni dhattana, 
since it is improbable that an unaccented word would stand alone 
and separated from its verb by a long parenthesis. It only 
remains to take samviddnd'sas as A.p.f. with endh, sc. apds, and 
this is favored by verse 13, samviddnd' d'pah. (So S&y. takes 
vapd'sas, vi.63.9, as accusative.) But this hymn is so good that I 
am half tempted to get rid of this unconscionable solecism by 
reading etd's for ends, or else samviddnd' apamds, i. e., -nd's apds 
ends. 

If, however, we let it pass, it is paralleled by AV. xiii.2.33, 
where the sun is spoken of as * furnishing ready paths ' by its 
light — aramgamd'sah pravdto rdrdnah. Here there seems to be 
no question about form or sense. 

Ghendo hufedhfis huraodhdonhd dye* $2, Vispered ii.7, 1 trans- 
late thus: ' gndh supitfh surddhdsa dydce,' and take huraodh- 
donhd as A.p.f from the stem huraodha, rather than set up 
another stem for this one form, as does Justi. 

Bopp's two accusatives p.m. in -donhd, Vd. xviii.65, rest upon 
misinterpretation; they are N.p.m.; so mashydonhd, Yy. xxx.ll, 
is V.p.m. See Vgl. Gr. % § 229. 

Instrumental Plural Feminine. 

The general ending -bhis is affixed directly to the stem : as, 
(Xbkis. The form occurs 295 times (from 89 stems). Examples 



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864 C. R. Lanman, [tf-stems. 

are : iddbhis, 6 ; cUrd'bhts, 8 ; td'bhis, 50 ; damdndbhis, 5 ; dhd'- 
rdbhiSy 7 ; mdyd'bhis, 13 ; yd'bhis, 50; vipvdbhis, 23 ; vedidbhis, 
5 ; pivd'bhis, 5 ; 8dnr f tdbhi8 y 5 ; hdtrdbhis, 7. 

In iii.62. 1 7, drd' ghishthdbhis is used adverbially ; c£ apart' bhy as. 
Monosyllabic stems suffer no change of accent : thus, td'bkis, 
yd'bhis, svd'bhis; but from d we have dbhis (4), dbhis (10), 
<S'6Aw (3). 

Dative and Ablative Plural Feminine. 

The general ending, -bhyas, is affixed directly to the stem : as, 
td'bhyas. It sometimes counts as two syllables. The two cases 
are of course coincident in form, but I have grouped tbem here 
according to the exegesis. 

Datives : aghnid'bhyas, v. 8 8. 8 ; dbhyds, ii.32.2 ; usriydbhyas, 
vi.17.6; td'bhyas, x.169.2; yd'bhyas, vii.47.4; vrtd'bhyas, 
x.30.7: — dbhias, vi.30.3; dxichdndbhias, ii.32.2. 

Abl ativ es : dbhyas, x . 1 7. 1 ; ushnthdbhyas, ki'kasdbhyas, and 
grfvd'bhyas, x.163.2 ; td'bhyas, x.19.8; sdrvdbhyas, ii.41.12:— 
ddhardbhias and iUtardbhias, x. 145.3; d'pdbhias, ii.41.12; 
giiddbhias, x.163.3; dansdndbhias, iii.3.11 ; dhishdndbhias,ivM.$: 
ix.59.2; yd'bhias, vi.47.3 ; vakshdndbhias, i 134.4 bis; viiil.17; 
pydvidbhias, vi.15.17. 

GSNTTIVE PLURAL FEMININE. 

This case is not distinguished in form from the masculine. It 
occurs 39 times (from 22 stems). The metre requires a short 
thematic a in one instance, i.3.11, sUnrtdndm (cf. p. 352). The 
G.p. of kanid, *kantdndm, always appears in a contracted form, 
kanfndm (five times). 

1. Enumeration: dkshardndm, dghnidndm, anivegand'ndm, Abhaydndm, dpna- 
vrty'dndm, urv&rdndm, usrd'ndm, usriydndm 7, kd'shthdndm, jikmd'ndm 2, itivy- 
d'ndm, dttghdndm, dcvasend'ndm, dkisMndntim, n&vdndm, ndvidndm 2, pastidndm 
3, mcmUhd'ndm, rd'midndm 2, sdmdndm, n&nt'tdndm (see above) 6, stiydndm 2. 

2. Gr. proposes resolution in eight instances: in viii.59.12, 
dhdnd'naam, at the beginning of zpdda; in viii.59. 1, pr'tandnaam, 
thus converting the cadence from tri&htubh to jagati: — in the 
other six it is of questionable necessity, at the end of pddas of 
seven or eight syllables: dghnidnaam, viii.58.2 ; dntamdnaasn, 
i.4.3; tddnaam, ix.108.13; pastidnaam, ix.65.23; vedid'naam, 
x.22.14; sUnrtdnaam, viii.32.15. 

3. There is no certain case of the simple ending -dm, without ». 
We find ndirikam, Yt. xxiii.l, and gadhwam, Vd. xv.16, 17. If 
Gr. (Ueb., note to ix.12.7) is right in following the Sama variant, 
dhend'm dntar sabardtighdm, ii.552, then the two words must be 
taken as accusative, and not, with Benfey, Glossar, s.v. dntair^ as 
genitive. 

Locative Plural Feminine. 

The general ending -su is affixed directly to the stem : thus, 
td'su. Forms of this kind occur 182 times (from 61 stems). 
The final u is never combined with a following initial vowel. It 



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Ii.p.£] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 365 

occurs at the end of a pdda before a vowel in iii.30.14; 55.9: 
vi.65.1 : x.27.16. It occurs in the interior of a pdda: before a-, 
14 times, as ii.40.2; before d-, iv.2.12 ; *-, i.127.6 bis: x.147.2; £-, 
iv.51.7 ; w-, x.50.3, he apsti svd'm urvdrdm patinsie; it-, vii.49.45/ 
r-, i.166.4; before the word d\ i. 2 5. 10; 141.5: vi.48.6 : viii.39.7 : 
x.49.10. In all these 31 instances the ending is written as if 
combined, but is to be pronounced with hiatus. The result of this 
examination corresponds entirely with that above, p. 354. 

Enumeration : aghd'su, anyd'su, amr'tdm, dvardsu, dmd'su 6, d'wrlandsu, id dsu 
2, dsu 1 6, dsu 9, upardsu 2, urvardsu 5, usriydsu 2, h'rmi&m, kd'su 4, katamd'su, 
kanidsu 3, kd'shtdsu 2, krshnd'su 3, jagmdnd'su, citt&garbhdsu, citrd'su, jdtd'su, 
Ui'su 2, tugridsu, duridsu 4, dhishnidmi, dhruvd'su 2, n&vdsu, paihidsu, p&dydsu, 
pastidsu 3, pd'Hcajanydsu, purupefdsu, pA'rvdsu 2. pr'tandsu 35, pradJianidsu, 
priyiVsu 2, madi&su, meulhyamd'su, manushid&u, mdrtidttu, mahind&u, yd'su 12, 
yajhiydsu 3, -yatdsu, yoshandsu, rd'midsu, ropand'kdsu, vakshdndsu 6, vipvdsu 16, 
irrdhasdnd'su, vrddhd'sUj Qayd'su, pushkdsu, pydvd'su, prutd'su, sdnaydsu, saptdpivdsu, 
sird'su, stAvrj&ndsu, svd'su, sud'su, hdvidsu. * 



STEMS IN / AND I 

The Vedic noun-inftections differ more from those of the later 
language, and are historically more clearly separated from them, 
upon the field of the * and C-declensions than any where else. The 
stems ending in i and % exhibit also in the Veda itself a greater 
variety of declensional forms than any others, although the u and 
^/-declensions have had a closely parallel development. The 
reason of this variety is to be sought in the physiological 
character of the stem-final ; this lies on the border-land between 
vowels and consonants, and is the one or the other according to 
circumstances. (See Professor Whitney's lucid exposition of this 
subject in the Journal of the Am. Or. Soc. viii.36 1,362.) Thus 
the instrumental ending -d can be affixed directly to a thematic i 
with hiatus, giving the termination -id; or this i may take on a 
consonantal character, so as to result in -yd; a very common 
phonetic change reduces either of these groups to 4; and this may 
even be shortened to -i; or, finally, a n may be "inserted" 
between stem and ending, so as to produce a fifth form -ind. In 
no case, however, except -* of the dual, does thematic i (t) coalesce 
with an initial vowel of the ending (as would a thematic a) ; but it 
sometimes absorbs it. About one half of the case-affixes begin 
with vowels; and in these cases, according to the rules of Sanskrit 
writing, the preceding thematic i becomes y; but the evidence of 
the metre shows that in the Vedic language this mutation was by 
no means accomplished. The simplest and most organic form of 
the I.s.f., for instance, would seem d priori to be -i-d, and this it is 
also in fact. As in the later language -yd is the exclusive form, 
so in the Veda -id predominates. The same is true, for the most 
part, of the other case forms with vocalic endings. But we see a 
historical movement in progress in the Vedic texts ; and the forms 
in which the thematic vowel has become y belong in general to 
vol. x. 50 



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366 C. R. Lanman, {% and 

later hymns. Thus, in the G.L.d.m. of S-stems we have 30 forms 
in 4os and none in -yos, and in the I.s.f. we have 37 forms in -i\i 
to 1 3 in -yd/ but in the secondary forms of the D.s.f. we have 3 
in -iai to 6 in -yai. 

A careful study of the mass of forms seems to point to three 
sets or series of endings : 



Series A. 


Series B. 




Series G. 


t s 


id 


i 




i' 8 


i m 


id am 


t am 


tm 


t' am 


i d' 


id d' 


C d' 




r d 


e e 


id S 


i ai 




r e 


e 8 


id as 


I d's 




V as 


e i 


id d'm 


i d'm 






e 


id 


i 




i 


i i 


id i 


i i 


i 


V d 


i bhydm 


id bhydm 


i bhydm 




V bhydm 


i 6s 


id 6s0 


i 6s 




r os 


e as 


id as 


i as 


is 


f as 


i ns 


id as 


i as 


is 


tr as 


i bhis 


id bhis 


i bhis 




V bhis 


i bhyos 


id bhyos 


i bhyos 




C bhyos 


in d'm 


idn d'm 


in d'm 




i'n dm 


i shu 


id 8U 


i shu 




V shu 



It will be seen that series A and C differ most from each other. 
Series A is a true vowel-declension ; series C, rather a consonant- 
declension. This is as it should be. A is used with stems ending 
in a short vowel, which is more readily susceptible to guna than 
a long one ; C is used invariably with stems ending in long f, and 
that i is always accented and never gunated. For the very 
reason that it is accented, the individuality of the vowel is more 
perfectly preserved. It never passes into y in the Rigveda, while 
the thematic i of series A very often does so. Series C never 
shifts the accent to the ending, while A does this regularly, if the 
stem is oxytone (exceptions will be noted). 

Series B, genetically considered, lies between A and C. Com- 
parative grammar teaches that the % of feminines with which B is 
chiefly used was developed out of a fuller derivative ending id. 
Cf. $ard, pdrya, pdryd, pd'ri; *dd~taryd, ddtrl, *doT€pya, 
doreipa; avit(a)rf'; and see Schleicher, Comp.* p. 382 §217, p. 
390 §218, etc. Even with the feminine d-stems we saw some 
relics of simpler modes of declension : as, in the instrumental (pp. 
357, 358) ; in suapatyai, mahtyai (359) ; but here the whole series 
may be developed phonetically from the combination of id with 
the endings of C, except N. A.d. Before -d, -e, -as, and -dm of 
the singular, the thematic d united with the vowel of the ending; 
elsewhere with the preceding i to t. In the A.s., N. and A.d. 
and p., the resultants suffered further contraction : 4am became 
4m; 4i, 4; and 4as, -is. The resulting series of terminations was 
established as follows : 4, 4m, 4d, 4ai, 4ds, 4dm; 4, 4bhydm, 4os; 
4s, 4s, 4hhis, 4bhyas, 4ndm, 4shu; and of these terminations, the 
case-suffixes were apparently — , m, d, ai, -ds, dm; — , bhydm y os; 
s, s, bhis, bhyas, ndm, su. 



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A-stems.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 367 

It is evident that in the case of oxytones the Lb., G.L.d., and 
G.p. of series B and C would be coincident, were it not for the 
fact that B shifts the accent regularly to the ending, while C 
never does so. 

A mutual relation exists between the place of the accent in the 
weak cases singular of oxytone Osteins and the strengthening of 
the stem, either by vowel-change or by " addition " of a nasal. 
It is quite analogous to a like one in verb-inflection. Thus, in the 
I.s., if the stem remains weak, the accent is shifted to the ending: 
as, pavy-d' (cf. i-mds) ; so indrdgnids; but if the i is gunated, it 
retains the accent: as, agndy-e (cf. ^mi); in like manner, Unni-d', 
iirmin-d; ari-ds, agnb-s. 

Series A was applied to the stems in short t, including many 
masculines and feminines. and very few neuters (only 322 n. forms 
occur). It was applied originally to these stems without distinc- 
tion of gender — except, of course, that the neuters had in the N. 
and A. no ending in the singular, 4 in the dual, and -i in the plural 
At any rate, the distinctions of the grammarians have no existence 
in the Rigveda. (Cf. Bohtlingk, Die Declination im Sanskrit, 
Mimoires de VAcademie Imperiale des Sciences de St.-Peters- 
bourg, vi me Serie, T. vii. p. 164.) • Here belong further a few 
stems which appear to end in a root ; they are the compounds of 
-dhi (BR. iii.959) and others: as, d'dhi, sddhi, pradhi; pratishthi; 
yay\ from yd; tuvigri. Lindner, p. 36, supposes that the root 
has dropped its final and taken the suffix i; but has not the final 
& been weakened to i ? Declensionally, they are treated entirely 
as stems ending in snffixal i (cf. the accent, nidhtnd'm) and are 
placed here accordingly. 

Series B was applied to a large class of stems, almost all 
feminine, ending originally in id and contracted to t. These 
stems form feminines to words requiring inflection in more than 
one gender, and correspond for the most part to masculines of the 
following groups : many words in a (e. g., devi) ; adjectives in 
u (dnvi, dpipvt, vdsvf, and urvt\ trshvi, pHrut\ prthvi, prabhvt', 
bahvf, yahvt' ?, raghvi\ vibhvf, sddhvi\ and svddvtf) ; participles 
in ant (mddanti), -dnt (adatf), or -at (pipratt) ; and -vans 
(jagm&shi) ; comparatives in 4yans (ndmyast) ; words in -tar 
(dvit[a]rt') y in -vant (dmauati) and -mant (dhenwndti), -van 
(rtd'vari), -an (compounds of H'dh[a]n, p£r«A[d]?i), and -in 
iarkini) ; many compounds of ac (arvd'ci) ; some of han 
(dpatighnt), dr$ (sudr'pt), and pdd (apddi). Some of these 
have double feminines (apdd; pdpd' and pdpf; etc.). Besides 
the above, there are about 120 Rik- words belonging to this 
declension, which are of very heterogeneous character, as 
regards their formation. They are the stems in I given by 
Grassmann, columns 1722 and 1723, excepting those that I give 
below as belonging to C. To these must be added finally seven 
Btems, designations of males, but declined like the feminines of 
series B : Tira$ci', Ndmi, Pr'thi, Md'tali, and Sdbkari (all proper 
names); rd'shfrf, 'ruler,' and sir?, 4 weaver.' 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



G. R, Lawman, [i and 

Feminines formed with change of accent are declined according 
to C, if the resulting stem is oxytone. I therefore suspect that 
the accent of a&iknid', x.75.5 (elsewhere dsikni, dsita), is erroneous. 
It may be that the peculiar accent here differentiates the word as 
a proper name, for it denotes a river of the Paiijab (cf. Cdyamdmh 
vi.27.8; Ctira> viii.21.18; Didyitt, AV. ii.2.4, an Apsaras; *o 
hastini 4 having a hand ;' but hastin? ' female elephant/ AV. 
vi.70.2) : even then we ought to write asiknid; so for sddharauyd' 
(sd'dharana), i.l 67.4, read -y<f . £7acva#', viii.49.17, and gonvKi, 
twice, are also incorrect. 

Barytone feminines, on the other hand, corresponding to 
oxytone masculines, are declined according to B; they are: 
driisht, d'yast, gd'ndharvf, tdvishi^ pdrushnf, pdlikni, mdhUhi % 
vdrdtri, pamgdyi, pyd'vt, pyent; and rdhirii, hdrini ? 

Oxy tones of series A and B will be enumerated in full, in 
cases where the accent is thrown forward to the ending. 

Series C belongs to a comparatively small number of words : 
(1) properly to stems whose final element is a root ending in f 
(grdmanf, m., f.) and (2) to monosyllabic substantives (£) and 
their adjective compounds (m„ f.) in ?. In like manner are 
declined (3) about fifty oxytone feminine Rik-words in ?', of which 
all but half a dozen are substantives. Of these (a) 22 correspond 
to barytones (mostly masculines in a), or are derived from them 
with shift of accent, and • all but five designate female animate 
beings: atharvi' (dtharvan) 'priestess;' ardyt' (drdya) 'demon;' 
ashtakarn? (ashtakarnal) 'cow with an 8 on her ear/ en? (eta) 
' doe ;' kalydn? (kalyd'na) ' fair woman / kilds? (kild'sa) ' spotted 
deer/ naptf (ndptar) 'daughter/ purush? (jyuru&ha) 'woman;' 
mandUki I (mandti'ka) * female frog/ maytiri' (mayti'ra) ' pea-hen ;' 
ydtudhdn? (ydiudhd'na) ' sorceress / rath? (from rdtha) ' female 
charioteer/ laldm? (laid' ma) 'speckled mare/ vipvarup? 
(vipvdrdpa) ' brindled cow / vrk? (vr'ka) ' she-wolf/ sumangalt 
(mmangdla) ' lucky woman / d-durmafigali ' not unlucky / [add 
from TS. : pabal? (pabdla) 'die Wunderkuh/ mahish? (Kik 
mdhuhi, mahishd) ' buffalo cow /] further, apart 1 (dpara), pi., 
' future days / tapan? (tdpana) ' heat / $akat? (pdkata) ' cart ;' 
saktht' (sdkthi) ' thigh / srn? (sr'rri) ' sickle.' (b) Twelve others 
denote female animate beings, but do not correspond to barytone 
masculines : amb? ' mother / arum' ' Dawn / krshn? ' Night ;' 
gandharv? 'female Gandharva/ gaur? ' cow of the Bos Gaums;' 
dUt? ' messenger / nishtigr? ' Indra's mother / prapharvi 
' voluptuous girl / mesh? ' ewe / yam? ' Yami ;' sinh? ' lioness ;' 
star? ' farrow cow.' (c) Nineteen others, finally, show no shift of 
accent, nor do they designate animate beings : athar? ' flame ;' 
on? ' breast / kshon? ' flood / khdr? ' measure / cakri' ' wheel ;' 
deh? 'dam/ nad? 'stream/ mahi-iiadt 'great-stream/ nddt 
' pipe / ndnd? 'joy / lakshm? ' mark / vaksh? ' flame / Yibdli\ 
a river; vep? 'needle/ sasarpar? 'trumpet;' s&rmV 'pipe;' 
rdrm? ' flame / sphig?, ' hip / yay?, ' quick/ is perhaps a root- 
word. Suhdsta might make its feminine suhast? ; but since 



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s 
/-stems.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 869 

stthastias, ix.46.4, is m., it is better to read suhastids with BR. It 
is a rule for the Rik that oxytone feminines from barytone 
masculines do not throw the accent forward to the case-ending ; 
and so, in view of sHrmid, I think it is wrong to set up a stem 
siirml'. From AV. ii.8.3, paldlid' (pdldla), tilapiftjid' (tilapiflja), 
however, it would appear that the Hik-rule does not hold for the 
Atharvan (so viliptid'8, xii.4.44; hastinid's, vi.70.2; hiranyakepiai, 
v.7.9) ; and that Professor Whitney's suspicion, Ath. Pr. iii.61, 
kalydnyal (vi. 107.3), is well grounded. 

From the Atharvan 1 add a few words not found in the Rik, 
which belong to C. To 3a belong: kadi' (kti'ta?) 'fetter;' 
tandrt' (tdndra) 'weariness;' tikshnaprngi' (tikshrvdpHiga) 
* sharp-horned ;' pippaW (pippala) ' berry ;' sahasraparni' 
(sahasraparna\ a plant; hastini', vi.70.2, 'female elephant' 
(htts&ni, ix.3.17, 'having a hand'), cf. p. 368; hiranyakepi (hir-) 
4 gold-haired.' To Sb belong apvatart' ' she-mule ;' kumdrt' 
4 maid ;' viastakepi' and vikept' ' shaggy hag ;' vUiptf ? ' cow ;' 
vilidhi' 'female monster;' vrkshasarpf 'tree-serpent.' To 3c 
belong perhaps karkari' ' lute,' and jdtrt' ? ' genitrix.' 

Several words in ia have f. stems in 2, whose declensional forms 
belong to C : dpia, dpi; samudriya, sarnudri' (otherwise Gr.) ; 
svaria^ svari'. 

About a dozen masculines also belong here : aht\ of the same 
meaning as the barytone dhi; dpathi'; nadi' ' caller;' dakshit; 
prdvfj dushprdvi\ suprdvi ; yayi' ? ; rath$\ drathi; start 9 
8(thdsrastari; hiranyavdpt. 

The final radical i is sometimes " split " into iy before the 
vocalic endings of C. This occurs regularly (1) in monosyllabic 
feminine substantives always ; (2) in their adjective compounds 
and (3) those in which the last member is a verbal root, provided 
the I is preceded by a double consonant ; and (4) even after a 
single consonant, if the stem-final is unaccented: thus, (1) priyam, 
dhiye, but ddhie; dhiyd'm, but dhind'm, prind'm; (2) suprtyam, 
but suddhiam; (3) brahmapriyam, but gdthdniam; (4) itthd'- 
dfriye, dirghd'dhiyas, nd'nddhiyas, vd'tapramiyas. Several stems 
other than those included above show the inserted ?/ : yayiyas, 
samudriyas, and striyas; cf. cakriyau of the Kathaka. This 
seems to me to be a purely graphic peculiarity. As is well 
known, it has had a noteworthy extension in the TS. See A. 
Weber, Ind. Stud, xiii.104. 

These three series were presumably once quite distinct — and 
they are so for the most part in the Rigveda; but even here we 
see the process of confusion begun. Now it is plain that either a 
long or a short thematic vowel when standing in the verse before 
another vowel, the initial of the ending, would generally have the 
effect of a short : as, Htid\ devid'; and furthermore, that when it 
did really become entirely consonantized, the distinction of 
quantity (as, for instance, between the thematic vowels of matyd' 
and rnahyd') would become lost altogether. The line of separation 
between A and B once becoming thus indistinct, the way was 



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370 0. R. Lanman, \j and 

open for the transition of the e-stems to the f-declension. Inasmuch 
as the words belonging to series B are almost exclusively 
feminine, this transition was confined for the most part to the 
femi nines in i. Moreover the entire coincidence of certain forms 
of A and B in the Rik would increase this confusion. Thus the 
N. A. and G.L.d. are alike for A and B ; such also is the case with 
the A.p.f. ; and since in B the N.p. is like A.p., the analogy was 
extended to A, and we have a dozen or more nominatives p.f 
from fc-stems in -ts. So, too, the G.p.f, is alike in each. The later 
language has differentiated some of these cases, or rather utilized 
certain differences by extending them to fields where they did not 
originally belong, and says devyati (like C) for devt\ and devyds 
for devt's, N. — forms utterly unknown to the Rik. 

On the other hand, there are a few transitions from the C to the 
^declension. Thus from ndr is formed the m. and n. adjective 
ndria; but the feminine is from a stem nd'rid, nd'ri. The Rik, 
however, shows forms from a stem nd'rl which cannot be justified 
by the rules of word-formation : they are plain cases of transition 
from B to A. 

This process of transition had already begun in the older Vedie 
time. It would be an interesting and useful task to trace its 
development through the Vedic period. Such a study ought to 
be an eminently historical one, and would, I believe, if carried 
into detail, furnish some valuable clues for the criticism of Vedic 
texts. An example will illustrate this roughly. The Ab.s.f. of 
S-stems ends properly in ~es y as ddites. Of these forms there are 
20 in the RV. (from 11 stems); while only three fc-s terns have 
usurped the endings of series B, namely ?id'bhyds, x.90.14, and 
hetyd's, 87.19 — both hymns of very late date — and bhti'mids, i.80.4. 
In the AV., on the other hand, there are five ablatives s.£ in -es 
(from 5 stems ; but I may have overlooked some) ; while those in -ids 
or -yds number 21 (from 12 stems). That is to say, the process of 
transition of the fc-stems from their own to the ^declension is 
much farther advanced in the Atharvan than in the Rik. So, on 
the other hand, the transition from B to A had not begun with 
rd'tri in the Rik ; but the AV. shows a number of A-forms (from 
rd'trl). In the Rik, nadV belongs entirely to C (save one dual 
form, nadi', in a certainly late hymn) ; in this category therefore I 
have had to place it — and that in the face of the grammarians, who 
have used it as a paradigm for B, to which in the later language it 
belongs. In like manner dilti belongs in the Veda to C, but later 
to B (see BR. s.v.). 

In the case of devdhitti, the transitions in the Rik are confined 
to vocalic cases ; in the Purana we have devahfltim. To follow 
these changes in the post- Vedic writings would lead too far. And 
because in the Vedic period itself everything is so in flux, I have 
thought it best to confine myself to the Rik, in order to get clean 
results. But for convenience of reference I have added some 
material from other texts. Ben fey, Yedica, p. 112 et alibi^ has 
considered, to be sure en passant, the subject of these transitions. 



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i-stema] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 371 

His general induction is that the direction of the movement in 
Skt. is from the % to the I declension, and opposite to that in the 
Prakrit, where the 2-stems are getting the upper hand. (Cf. Kuhn, 
Pdli-Gr. pp. 79, 81.) For the later Sanhitas and the Brahmanas 
his statement may be right ; but in the Kik the transitions from 
the I to the f declension entirely outweigh the others in importance. 
In the following lists I have intended to give with completeness 
for the Rik every stem which has forms other than those belong- 
ing properly to its own declension. 

L Transitions from A. 
A to B. Twenty-seven I'-stems have forms belonging to the 
?-decleusion. Only four, however, have i-forms in non-vocalic 
eases : akshi, -i'bhydm (dkshi n. !) ; jdni, N.s. 4; bhti'mi (has 15 
B-forms), N.s. 4; svahdkrti, 4shu. The rest are: dnumati; 
drdtiy 19; avdni; djd'ni; Uti; turt; devdhUti; ndkti; nd'bhi; 
nirrti 9 3 ; nishkrti; p&rarhdhi, 3 ; pushti; pr'pni, 4 ; bhuji; 
bhrfi, 2; yuvatt, 2 (see p. 372); vigvdkrshti; pr&ti, 2; [pre/w, see 
N.p.f.] sdmgati; sdyoni; hett. The transition-forms number 69 ; 
that is, the phenomenon is confined to exceedingly narrow limits 
in the Rik, considering that it is a rule of the later language that 
every feminine in i may take the longer B-forms " optionally " in 
the singular. On account of this rule, we need not give from other 
texts instances of transition for non-vocalic cases. 

For consonantal cases, comment and note to TPr. ih.7 give the following from 
the TS., where, however, the pada has X (cf . Vedica, p. 113): from d'hult, -ibhis, 
ii.6.9 4 ; similarly vyd'hrttohis, i.6.10*: v.5.5 8 ; svd'hdkrttbhyaa, vi.3.9 5 ; hrdduni- 
bhyas, vii.4.13: VS. xxii.26 ; tfcibhis* iv.2.5 4 - 5 , p. tfci-bhis; if the Rik Pr. made 
a similar statement, we might take all the Rik-forms of this word from a stem 
p&c\\ ctitbhydm, v.1.5 1 ; yrfafbhydm and prshthi'bhyas, vii.3. 16 ,_ *; prshthi'bhis, 
AV. xii.1.34, and so also the pada-MS. 

A to C. The instances are few. We have the stem ambi, but 
also from ambi\ ambiam; so yayi, but yayiam, 4yas; sakthi 
(n. !), bat sakthti (f.), -id; sr'ni (I. sr'nid), but also from srn%\ -id, 
-ta&. Karkari of the Rik appears as karkari' in the AV. The 
entirely exceptional art shows the N.s. art's VS. vi.36 ; so BR. 
£at. fir. 8dm ari'r viddm .... 8dm prajd' jdnatdm. See 
Z.D.M. G. xxii.576. 

In iv.48.2a, it is unnecessary to pronounce niryuvdnd dfastias (text -tis); it is a 
pdda of seven syllables; so is viii.39.2d, vipvd ary6 drdtts; so, too, in both cases 
where Gr. proposes pHurarhdhiam^ i. 134.3d and x.64.1a, the pddas are catalectic, 
and we need not change the text (-dhim). 

II. Transitions from B. 
B to A. About six stems show secondary forms from stems in 
i They are : Sdbhari m., -e 3, 4m, -ay as, 4ndm?; Pr'thl m., 4m; 
ardni f., -ibhis 2 ; aranydni', -is 3, Am; nd'ri, -ibhyas 2, -ishu; 
dshadhl, -e 2, 4s y 4m 2, -ayas 3. 

It is hard to say in which category fchadht properly belongs. In verses 
peculiar to the AV. it has the following forms: (A) -c, 42 ; -is, 4; -im; -ayas, 23 
and vi.96.1 (a false variant of Rik x.97.18; we must restore the shorter 



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872 C. R. Lanman, [t and 

grammatical form -to, as the metre shows) ; (B) -fm, 2 ; -id ; -to, N.V. 13 ; -£*, A. 
24; 4bkis, 6; -tbhyas, 4; -indm, 23 and vi.15.1, variant of Rik x.97.23; -fefet. "t. 

The same is true of yuvatV. The root yu, yuvdti, would form its participle 
yuv&nt, feminine yuvatV. Prom this stem one half of the Rik-forms may be 
regarded as coming : to wit, yuvatyd's, -yd'm, •!', -yos, -t's A.p. ; but the word 
has lost its participial character so entirely that I have referred it to A. 

The Atharvan has 50 forms from the stem r&'tri (like the Rik); further (A> 
rd'tris, xiiL4.30; rd'trim^ 16 times, as i.16.1 ; rd'traye, viii.2.20. The AV. has *> 
forms from stem arundhalV ; but amndhate, xix.38.1, which Benfey takes as a 
transition-vocative s.f. (A), may stand for ~ta (3 pi.). 

The TS. (Weber, Ind. Stud, xiii.105) has: p&tnayas, 5 times, as v.2.11 *, q v. : 
v&r&trayas, iv.1.6 4 : v.1.7*; -Mm, iv.2.10 3 ; garbhinayas, ii.1.2 6 ; rcvataytu. 
v.2. 1 1 ' ; c&kvaraycB, v.4 . 1 2 *. 

The S&man, i.323, has the variant sni'hitim for snehitis, Rik viii.85.13 ; cf. stem 
snt'hiH, i.74.2. Benfey, quoting Siegfried Goldschmidt, adds from the Naigeya- 
QakhA, vii.2.1, rMnlshu (probably a false variant of Rik viii.82.13, -isku) ami 
parushnUhu. 

B to C. The only undoubted case of transition from B to C is 
seen in the stem stri' (*8titarid') ; it forms striyam, 3 ; -iyas N. ; 
-iyas Ace, 2; -tbhis. If we knew that the masculine verbal 
t adjective from sparp (sprpdti) were accented prpdna (?), we 
should refer prpanf to C ; as it is, I have referred it to B on 
account of the N.s.f. -£', and regarded -ias (G.s.f.) as a transition- 
form (C). The other transition-forms are prpanias N., yahvuis 
Ace, suparnias N., -ias Ace. But it is possible that these may 
be relics of the un contracted B-forms (p. 366), although in the Rik- 
sanhita these are contracted with almost entire uniformity. I may 
accordingly have erred in assigning Jchdri', vahshi\ and several 
others to C simply on the evidence of a form that may be merely 
an uncontracted A.s., N. or A.p. It is quite unnecessary to 
pronounce dpipvias in i.120.8. The pdda is catalectic. 

III. Transitions from C. 

C to A. 1. Root-words: dhrayas, ix.54.1 (cf. Qat. Br. xi.3.3\ 
dhris, N.s.m.) ; ganaprtbhis, V.60.8&, is certainly a purely metrical 
shortening, and so probably is rtanibhyas, ii.27.12. Benfey, 
Vedica, p. 107 ff., gives send-n'ibhyas, VS. xvi.26, and pva-nibhyas, 
27 ; and veshapris, TS. iii.5.2 6 (see BR.). 

2. The other cases are only sporadic. The accent of onto* 
refers oni' to C; but in 161.14 we have onlm (A), where, 
however, the -tin is syUaba anceps. The stem artnii shows a 
form arundyas in the Pururavas hymn. [Although with some 
hesitation, I have referred arum 1 to C on account of the forms 
arunl's N.s., 2 ; -ww, text -i's, G.s. ; -ias Kp. ; -i'ndm, not -tndfm; 
-t'stiu, indifferent. But we have A. p. -i's (B) twice.] Unless now 
we assume that kshont', like arum' [and possibly pakvari (B), 
which has -ayas (A) as N.p.f., and -is (C) as N.s.f.], has forms 
that belong in all three categories, I would arrange the article 
kshont' (cf. Gr., Wb. 371) as follows: 

C-forms: N.s.f. ksfionVs. viii.3.10; so 13.17, viprd indram kshoni'r avardhayan 
vayd' iva, 'The priests made Indra grow mighty, as the flood (N.s.f.) the twigs,' 
(A.p.f.) — L e. as the stream makes the twigs grow ; L57.4, kshonfr wa prati no 
harya tdd vdeah, ' Do thou, as doth a flood, (take in) accept our song; 7 L54.1, as 



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v-stems.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 373 

collective and subject of sdm drata; i. 173.1, sajoshasa tndram mdde \n& ?] 
Jcskoni'h, * (In order to get thee into the battle to help us. — thee) Indra, — we are 
united [as] is the crowd (collective) at a feast;' and, finally, as N.s.f., fcshoni'[s~\ 
sarate, 1. 180.5 (cf. «dmt[>] nam, x. 120.2); kshont'bhydm ; -Tikis, 2. 

A-forms: kshonf, dual, viii.7.22; 88.6: Val. 4.10 (the C-form 
would be -n'td); kshondi/as, in x.22.9, a verse which is a late 
interpolation in the midst of an old and beautiful hymn. From 
the A V., moreover, we have naptU, Rik napti's. 

C to B. 1. Instead of bhiye yre have bhiyd 1 *-, p. bhiyai y 
viii.64.13. The Rik shows only this one instance of a transition 
which later is so very common with these monosyllabic feminines. 
In i.151.5, takvavt's (Gr., N.p.m.) may be a transition-form (cf. 
sirfs) 9 or a N.s.m. as in x.91.2. 

2. The rest are rather doubtful In i.112.19 and iv.2.16, 
aruni's is Ajp.f. In ii.23.14, tapanf, Ls.f , also shows a contraction 
peculiar to B. The L.s. of dtiti' ought to be dtitidm. In vi.58.3, 
we have dUtid'm (B). Delbrtlek, Uhrestomathie, p. 79, proposes 
the stem dtitid f = dtftia, taking it as accusative. The B-form, 
nad?, dual, occurs in a late hymn, i. 135.9. The un-Vedic form 
nadyb (we need not, with Gr., pronounce 4's) is entirely in 
keeping with Che contents of the very late addition, vii.50.4. 

. In ix.9.4, pronounce nadio 'jinvad adrdhak, and not, with Gr., -f# ay. Gaurt', 
ix.12.3, if it were a dual (Gr., Wb.) y would belong here as a B-form; but it is a 
locative; see Ueb. ii.510. In iii.30.11, rathi's is better taken as N.s.m. with 
xndras (Gr., Wb., A.p.f.) ; in viiL84.1, also, it is just as well to make it a N.s.m. 

IV. Transitions to the N-Declbnsion. 

It seems certain that the forms which here come in question are 
made after the analogy of the m-stems. Thus we could not know, 
without other evidence, whether to divide arcbn-d or arcv-nd, 
Urmin-d or Urmirnd {iirmid), ktrin-d or Mri-nd, khddin-d or 
khddi-nd, pvaninram or ^vani-nam, surabhtn-d or surabhi-nd 
(c£ atrm-d, dtri~nd y atithin-d, dtithi-nd). But why is the principle 
of analogy so utterly inert in the G.p. ? Here the t'-stems lengthen 
the vowel invariably ; the fc'/i-stems, never (kdrin-dm y mdyin-dm). 
Cf. Kuhn, rdli-Gram. p. 80. 

These transitions, if such they should be called, are confined to 
series A, except in the G.p., where the " transition " is universal in 
A, B. and C. In only one single instance, v.44.13, do we have 
dhiyd'm (dhind'm occurs seven times); but v.44.1-13 is an 
unintelligible mess of stuff of the latest date. It is not denied 
that dhiyd'm is the more organic form (Schleicher, Cornp.* p. 545 
§ 253) ; but for the assertion that the forms with n are an "indische 
neubildung," the forms nard'm (16; with «, 26), svdsrdm (once; 
svdtrndm, 3), gdvdm (55 ; gdndm, 20), and jdguvdm are hardly 
sufficient proof That the n is lacking here is surely due to the 
half-consonantal character of the stem-final. 

The n is also seen in series A in the I.s.m. (51 forms, 25 stems), 
and f. (! 2 forms, 2 stems), and in the d.n. (hdrint) and p. (-wit, 14 
forms, 4 stems) ; but for all these cases there are examples of the 
more organic form without «. 

vol. x. 51 



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874 C. R. Lanman, [i and 

The later language excludes this n from the f., confines it to the 
instrumental in the m.s., anil prescribes it for the neuter through- 
out the oblique cases of the s., as also for the vocalic cases of the 
d. and p. The state of things in the Rik is as contrary to this as 
it can be. This is especially clear in the ?*-stems, where examples 
are more numerous. As stated above, the declension of m., i\, and 
n. singular of series A was doubtless once the same, the 
differences being of secondary origin. 

Besides the cases just mentioned, transitions to the w-declension 
are only sporadic or doubtful. Here belong perhaps tirnunam, 
kirine ?, khddinam, -mas ?, [dbhirnnam] and ^oanmam. 

The following Synopses exhibit the terminations of the 
inflectional forms of the several series : 
Sebibs A. Masculine. 

Singular : N., -t», -f , -es; A., 4m, -€; I., -id, -yd, 4?, -ind; D., -ye, 
-aye; Ab., -es; G., -ias, -yas, -es, c'y L., [-ayi, -ay ?] -d, -au; V., -e. 

Dual : N.A.V., 4 (iti) ; I.D.Ab., -ibhydm; G.L., -ios. 

Plural : N. V., -ayas (-y~as) ; A., -in, -inr (-y-as, ayas) ; L, 
-ibhis; D.Ab., -ibhyas; G., -indm, -inaam; -ishu. 

Feminine. 

Singular : N., -is, -i>; A., -im; I., -id, -yd, 4 i 4, -hid; D., -aye, 
4, 4; Ab.G., -es; L., [-ayi, -dy?] -d, -au, 4; V., -e. 

Dual: N.A.V., 4; I.D.Ab., ibhydm; G.L., -ios, -yos. 

Plural: N.V., -ayas; A., -Is (-ayas); L, -ibhis, 4; D.Ab., 
-ibhyas; G., -indm, -inaam; L., -ishu. 

Neuteb. 
Singular: N.A., 4; I.,-*?; D., -aye; G.,-es; L., -d. 
Dual : N.A., 4, -int. 
Plural : N. A., 4, 4, -ini; L., -ishu. 

Series B. Masculine. 
Singular : N., 4; A., im; I., -id; G., 4ds, -yds. 
Plural: N., 4s. 

Feminine. 

Singular: N., 4; A., -tm, (4am); I., -id, -yd, 4, 4; D.,-iai, 
-yai; Ab.G., -ids, -yds; L„ 4dm, -ydm, 4; V., 4. 

Dual : N. A.V., 4 (iti) ; I.D.Ab., -ibhydm; G.L., -ios, -yos. 

Plural: N.V., -is, 4as; A., 4s; I., -ibhis; D.Ab., -ibhyas; G., 
-indm, -inaam; L., -ishu. 

Series C. Mabculinr. 
Singular: N.,4s,-f; A., 4am; I., -id; D., -ie; G., -ios; V.,4. 
Dual: N.A.V., -id; G., -ios. 
Plural: N.A., -ios; I., -ibhis; G., 4ndm, -inaam. 

• Feminine. 

Singular : N., -is; A., -tan?/ I., -id; D., -te; G., -ios; V., 4. 
Dual: N.A.V., id; I., -ibhydm; G.L., -ios. 
Plural: N.A., -ios; I., -ibhis; D., -ibhyas; G., -indm; L., -frAw. 



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2-stema] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 375 

The following peculiarities are seen in the accent of the 
forms from oxytone stems. It is shifted to the ending, in series 
A, in the I.s., sometimes in the G.s,, in the G.L.O., and as a rule 
in the G.p. ; in series B, in the same cases, and also in the D., 
Ab.G., and L.s. In C, on the contrary, the accent never leaves 
the thematic vowel, although it appears in the written text as 
kshaipra svarita (Prat, iii.10). Sporadic exceptions will be 
noticed as they come up. 

Several words have such peculiar irregularities that it has seemed best to treat 
of them at the end of this section. They are ari } j&ni, pdti, sdkhi, and some of 
their compounds. 

Nominative Singular Masculine. 

A. The ending 8 is added directly to the stem: as, dm*. 
This form occurs 1353 times (from 247 stems). Besides these, 
pat is occurs 72 times; am, 10; ndkis, 50, and md'kis, 13 ; the last 
two are indeclinables. Some may be f. : krtis, mushtis^ samtams. 
Frequently occurring forms are : agnis, 389 ; dtithis, 20 ; dhis, 18 ; 
fshis, 32; hams, 90; dadis, 15; br'haspdtis, 52 ; brdhmanaspdtis, 
23; rayfo, 26 ; vdhnis, 28 ; viearshanis, 19; pticis, 38 ; sdtpatis, 
15; stlris, 19; hdris, 58. 

Transitions from C: veshapris, TS. iii.5.2 * : iv.4.1 8 : v.3.6 * ; 
but £at. Br. viii.5.3 8 (sic), veshaprts; jitatandris, MBh. ; nistan- 
dris, K. Cf. p. 372. 

Besides the regular form vis (6), the stem vi has a form with guna, ves, i. 17 3.1 : 
iii.54.6: vi.3.5: ix.72 5: z.33.2. As parallel to this, in Yacna li.12, Roth takes 
khshnaoe of the Copenhagen Codex 4, as N.s.m. of khshnu, with guna and case- 
ending: ndit id tm khshnaos, ' Therefore (is no favorer) favors not . . . f To this I 
would add yaos, N.s.m. of stem yu, ' an ally,' from root yu, l unite. 1 Yagna xlvi.18, 
ye maibyd yaos, ahmdi (i. e. yo mahyam *yos, asmai), ' Whoso is an ally to me, 
him etc.' Whoever loves anomalies may translate bodhi dpeh y x.83.6, thus: 'Be 
a friend/ 

B. See p. 367. Enumeration: ndmt; pr'tht; md'tall; rd'shtri; 
sdbhari, 1 and AV. xviii.3.15. Perhaps we ought to put pvagtini\ 
AV. i v. 16.5, here; BR. put it under stem -in. 

C. 1. Root-words, ^numeration : (darts, £Jat. Br. xi.3.3 *) 
itthd'-ddhis; kshatraprt's; grdmant's, 2 ; ghrtapft's, 2 ; takvavi's, 
x.91.2; darpatapri's; dtirdyddhis; devam's, 2; devdvt's, 6; 
patsiUah-pt's; padavt's, 6 ; parnavt's; pranerit's; madhyamapt's; 
manyumts, 2 ; mdryaprts; yajnani's; vapant's; vipvdtodhts; vfs; 
sendni's, 4 ; sionapt's, 2 ; suddht's, 5 ; (from AV.) prdhrVs and 
sadyahkrt's, xi.7.10; padant's, xi.2.13. Forty-five Rik-forms 
(from 22 stems). 

2. Enumeration: prdvt's; suprdvi's, 4; rathi's, 13, and iii.30.11 
and viii.84.1 (see p. 373) ; drathts; start's; sahdsrastarts; 
hiranyavdpts. 

Transition from A: art's, VS. vi.36. See p. 371. 

Elision and crasis is actually written in v. 7. 8, prd svddhittva 
rVyate, p. -tihriva, fem. fRik Pr. iv.13); it is probable in x.51.6, 
rathi'vd dhvdnam dnu d vartvvh, p. ratht'-iva, better ratht'r-iva; it 



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376 C. R. Ijanman, \i and t-stems. 

is certain in x.84.2 agnf'va y text agn\r-iva; so in the Atharvan, 7 
times out of 10 (Prat, ii.56). In v.83.3, on the other hand, where 
the text has rathi'va and the padakdra takes it from rathin^ 
we must read without elision and crasis rathi'r iva kdpayd'pvdrt 
abhikshipdn, else the caesura is faulty. 

Nominative Singular Feminine. 

A. The form is like the m. It occurs 470 times (from l.'U> 
stems). Examples are: dditis, 78; nd'bhis, 19; prdmatis, 11; 
bhU'mis^ 12; matis, 18; yuvatfa, 18; rayfo, i.66.1 : x.19.3 ; rdfis, 
22 ; mimatU, 22 ; jdnis, AV. xx.48.2. 

Transitions from B : aranydnis, 3 ; dshadhis. 

Transition from C: naptis, AV. ix.1.3, 10. I know not how to 
explain turyd'ma yds ta ddipdm drdtis, vi4.5, except as a fault 
of the tradition, for drdtis. 

B. There is no case-ending. The case-form occurs 731 times 
(from 294 stems). Examples are: yati, 14; ghrtd'ci, 9; jdnitri, 
10; dev( y 48; prthivi\ 57 ; brhati , 10; maghdni,9; mahi\S5; 
uchdnti, 16; sdrasvati, 43; str?, v.61.6: viiL33.19: x.86.6. 

Transitions from A: jdni, iv.52.1 ; bhti'mi, ix.61.10; bhti'mt/ d' 
dade, p. bhiX'mih; but cf. Prat iv.13 and Orient und Occ. ii460. 

Transitions from C. I regard kshonf as standing for kshonis 
before *-, i. 180.5 (see p. 373 top). I am inclined to think that the 
distinction between B and C is already much effaced in the 
Atharvan, in words whose final is not a root ; accordingly we 
have ddurmafigali, sumangalt ; nadf, i.8.l: ix.7.14: xii.2.27 ; 
vilipti\ xiL4.46, 47. 

Twice Gr. restores ma/iid, the uncontracted form of maht {cL p. 
356). In i. 16 7.4, he reads nd rodast\m] dpa nudanta ghordh ?. 

C. 1. Root-words: abhiprHs, 3 ; aht8> 10; bhi's^ 2; vratatti's; 
pri's; AV. prakrt's, iv.7.6; Vop. Hi. 80, avis. 

2. Stems in T, not radical (p. 368). We have here 56 forms in 
-Vs (from 31 stems) ; and of these 33 occur in the Rik (from 19 
stems). The examples seem accordingly to he numerous enough to 
establish the rule (p. 368 top) that the declension depends on the 
accent. Schleicher, Comp.* p. 510 §246, argues from these forms 
the existence of an ending s in the N.s.f. of d-stems ; but is it not 
the distinguishing characteristic of most of these ^-sterns that 
their final * is not derived from id ? In those whose final certainly 
comes from id (sinhid"), I should rather consider the 8 as due to 
false analogy (from root-words) than as organic. See p. 355. 

Enumeration : d-durmangalVs (pdtnt\ x.85.43 (AV. xiv.2.40, 
4i 9 see below); aruni's, i v. 1.16; 14.3; kalydm's [jdyd'), iii. 
53.6; krshru's, vii.71.1 ; kshoni's (see p. 372-3), i.54.1; 57.4; 
173.7: viii.3.10; 13.17: ksho ni [*]*-, i. 180.5, cf. sinhi' rilpdm, p. 
-t'h r&-, TS. vi.2.7 l ; gfrndharvi% x.11.2 ; gauri's, i. 164.41 ; diktts, 
x.108.2,3,4: TS. ii.5.11*; naptVs, ix.69.3 ; nddi% x.135.7 ; yam*\ 
x.10.9 (AV. xviii.1.10); rathi's, v.61.17: x.102.2; lakshmfs, 
x.71.2; AV. vii.115.2: xi.7.17: xii.5.6 ; laldmi's, L100.16; vrki's, 
i.117.18; 183.4; pakatts {iva saayati), x. 146.3, * squeaks like a 



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N.s.p.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 377 

cart' (Gr., Wb., A.p.f.); sasarpart's, iii.53. 15,16; sumangcUi's, 
i.113.12: x.85.33; [AV., 4i', iii.10.2: xiv.1.60; 2.25,26 ; but not 
u der Regel geniass " ( Vedica, p. 1 1 6), since the change of accent 
requires inflection according to C. These " regularities " of the 
later Vedic texts are rather an effacement of distinctions which 
prevail in the Rik almost without exception. In the Rik-passage, 
xiv.2.28, accordingly, we have -It's.] starts, i.122.2: vii.101.3: 
x.31.10 : VS. iii.34 : *TS.i.5.6 * : Kath. viil ;— from the Atharvan : 
jdtrVs, xx.48.2 (MSS. ; ed. jdnisj; tandri's, viii.8.9 : xi.8.19; 
[MBh., atandrts, gatatandris, jitatandris; R., vyapanitatandrt;] 
ydtudhdnl's, i.28.4; — from the TS. (given by A. Weber, Ind. 
Stud, xiii.101) : mahishi's !, i.2.12 * (mdhishi, Rik, from mahishd) ; 
vicvarHpfs, i.5.6 a ,8 * ; pabalt's, iv.3.11 * ; sinhi's, i.2. 1 2 a . 

Transitions from A: drdtis, see p. 376; in dnu cyeni sacate 
variant V aha, i. 140. ft, p. -nth, we have a purely metrical lengthen- 
ing ; Prat. iv.13 : 'A black path follows along after him.' Vedica, 
p. 116. Gr. as A.p.f. 

Transitions from B : cdkvaris, TS. iii.4.4 ', looks to me 
suspicious (or may it not be N.p.f. ?) ; still more so is sahd devi'r 
arundhati, AV. vi.59.2. 

Elision and crasis: see p. 375. 

NOMINATIVE AND ACCUSATIVE SINGULAR NeUTBR. 

A. The neuter has no case-ending. Kim^ which is gradually 
supplanting the more antique kdd even in the Veda, is perhaps 
a phonetic variation of *kd-m. It occurs 49 times ; and as adv., 
31 ; cf. ndkim and md'kim. The case-form occurs 256 times in 
the Rik (from 37 stems) ; all but 87 of these belong to bhil'ri, 
mdhi, and svastL The list is : dkshi; dkshiti, 3 ; agavydti; 
djdmi, 3 ; afiji, 5 ; aprati, 2 ; abhibhtiti, 3 ; abhimdti; dsdmi, 9 ; 
UdsUti, 3; ghdshi; codaydnmcUi; jd'grvi; jdmt, 4; tardni: 
tuvishvdni; trind'bhi; dharnasi; nidhruvi; pdpuri; parogavyhti, 
as adv. ; bhurvdni; bhti'ri, 47 ; mdhi, 84; vii.30.1 (Gr., mah-e) ; 
iv.56.5 and x.93.1 (Gr., mdhi, V.d.f.); vicvdcarshani; vr'shni, 3; 
cdmtdti; cdrni, viii.45.27, BR.; otherwise Gr. ; cuci, 11 ; sdkthi, 
2 ; sdnemi, 2, and as adv., 6 ; [sdsni : sdm, x.120.2 ( AV. v. 2. 2) ; 
Gr. reads sdsnis : sdm; cf. kshonU s-, p. 373] sdnasi, 2; surabhi; 
sthU'ri; \svdni, vi.46.14, BR. and Gr., Ueo., take as a verb;] 
suabhishU; suasti, 33, and svasti, 2 ; hd'rdi, 9. From the 
Atharvan : dkshi, 3 ; dsthi, 8; ekanemi, 2 ; dddhi; pr'cni, i.11.4; 
bhil'ri, 4 and v.2.3 (Rik, vicve) ; mdhi, 6 ; vddhri, iii.9.2 ; surabhi; 
sdkthi, xx. 136.5 (MSS. saktum). 

C. The only place in the whole Rik, to my knowledge, where a 
X.A.8.U. of a stem in i radical is needed is Val. 2.10, ydthd 
gdcarye dsishdso adrivo : mdyi gotrdm haricriyam (sc. sishdsa) : 
'As thou wast ready to give to G., so (give) to me a fair tawny 
herd.' That is, of the form prescribed by the grammarians (as 
jalapb), there is not a single example. We should expect haricri; 
but rather than use so unfamiliar a form, the poet puts a masculine 
adjective with the neuter gotrdm. Cf. p. 343 and V.s.m. 



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378 C. R. Lanman, [t and /-stems. 

Accusative Singular Masculine. 

A. The ending -ra is added directly to the stem. The form 
occurs 1208 times (from 205 stems). Besides these, arim occurs 
twice; pitt'un, 49 times. Examples are : agnim, 269 ; atithim^ 25; 
ddrim, 30; dhim y 40 ; Urmim, 23; kavlm^ 28 ; puramdhim, 6 and 
L 134.3 : x.64.7 ; br'kaspdtim, 25 ; yay'tm, 2 ; ydnim, 61 ; rety'im, 
180; hdrim, 24. 

Transitions from B : pr'thim; sdbharim. 

Transition from C : on*/w, or f. 

Transition to n-declension: khddtnatn?, vil6.40; d' ydrh hart* 
nd Jehdctinam pipum jdtdm nd bibhrati, ' whom they carry as a 
ring on the hand, as a new-born child ' (on the arm) ; so BR. 
Here I would put ilrmtrnam (Urminatn : Urnntn :: ilrniind : iXrmid')^ 
ix.98.6, and p&lapdni-nam, MBh. ; but not abhimdt'm-am, i.85.3, 
as does Benfey, Vedica, p. 124; for the accent would be wrong, 
and Lindner, p. 124, gives six similar formations. See stems in »/<. 

B. Here belongs ndmim, vi.20.6. 

C 1. Root-words, (a) gdthdnmni, viii.81.2 ; durddhtam; 
devdviam, 3; pratJviam,3; yajnaniam; mddhiam. (b) Cf. p. 369. 
abhipAyam; brahmaprlyam, 2; ghrtapriyam, AV. xh.1.20; 
-prlyam at the end of compounds: adhvara-,2\ Jcshatra-; ghrta-; 
jana-; yajna-; su- y 2; hari-, viii.15.4. 

2. Stems in *, not radical : rathiam, 8 ; suprdviam. 

Transitions from A: yayiam, ii.37.5 ; it is needless to read, as 
Gr. proposes twice, p&ramdh iam, text-im. See p. 371. 

Transition to n-declension. Benfey, Vedica^ p. 122, sees an 
instance of this in pvanirnam, VS. xxx.7 ; this he refers to pva-n? ; 
BR., to pvanin; Mahidhara: puno netdram. Cf. Kubn, Pdli- 
Gram. p. 81. 

Elision and crasis : AV. agni'va, text agnim-iva, viii.2.4 (so 3 
times out of 5, Priit. ii.56). 

Accusative Singular Feminine. 

A. The form is like that of the masculine. It occurs 607 times 
(from 156 stems). Examples are: dditim, 32; ptiramdhim^ 5; 
bhU'mim^ 19; matim^ 22; raytm, iv.34.2: v.33.6: vi.8.5: x.167.1; 
rdtim, 20 ; vrsht'im, 26 ; sumatim, 41 ; sushtul'tm, 35 ; s&mrtitn, 
or m. 

Transitions from B: aranydn'tm; on'tm, or m. ; dshadhitn; 
sm'hitim, SV. i.323. 

B. The form occurs 303 times (from 116 stems). Examples 
are: vrvi'm, 9; tdvishim, 13; devi'm, 18; pipytohtin, 9; prthivi'm^ 
62; in i.67.5 : vii.99.3, pronounce prthvi'm; mahi'm, 35; for -?£//*, 
x.50.5, see p. 357. In ii. 1 1.8, is an example of the uncontracted 
form: d&repdre vd'niam vardhdycmta, text 4m. 

Transition from C: nadim only, from AV. iv.37.3. 

C. 1. Root-words. (a) devdv'tam (tvdcam), ix.74.5. (b) 
abhipriyam, 2; dhiyam, 45; dluyamdhiyam, 2; bh'tyanx; 
priyam, 14. 

Transition from B: striyam, 3; so AV. viii.6.9, 16,25. 



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A.s.t] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 379 

2. We have here 18 Rik-forms (from 16 stems). Enumera- 
tion: atharvlam; ardytam; gauriam, 2; nad'iam; napt'iam; 
ndndiam; prapharv'iam; yanuam; vibdl'iam; vipvardp'tam; 
vrk'tam; sihh'iam; sHrmiam; stariam, 2; sphigiam; svar'iam, 
x. 177.3 (cf. accent of svari'ndm). Even in the Atharvan the 
thematic final is rarely, if ever, consonantized : thus, kumdriam, 
xiv.1.63; kdd'iam, v.19.12; lakshm'iam, i.18.1 ; laldm'tam, i.18.1, 
4; viliptiam, xii.4.41 ; vilidh'tam, i.18.4; so napttam, i.28.4 ; 
prapharvt am, iii. 17. 3: v.22.7. 

Transition from A : amb'iam. 

The only place in the whole Rik— except vii.50.4 (p. 373) — where the final V of 
a word belonging to series G is consonantized is vii.68.8rf, starydm. We cannot 
read stariaih cic chaktyd$vind f&cibhih ; see p. 380. The preceding seven stanzas 
are each of three verses, and the metre shows plainly that the fourth verse here is 
a later addition ; while in verse 9, d is the usual refrain. Gr. ( Ueb.) brackets 
them both. 

Instrumental Singular Masculine. 

A. The general ending is added directly to the stem: 1. 
ilrmid' (accent), i. 184.2; pdtid, x.85.22 ; sdkhid, vi.56.2 : viii.48.10: 
x.6.2 ; 71.10. 

2. pavyd\ i.88.2: v.52.9: vi.8.5; rayyd', x.19.7; pdtyd, 
x.85.24,27,36; sdkhyd, i.53.7 : vi.21.7 : viii.43.14: x.50.2. So in 
theAV.: pdtyd, ii.36.1,4: vi.22.3 : x.1.3 : xi.1.14: xiv.l. 40,52; 
2.32; rayyd', iii. 14.1: vi.78.2. 

3. The termination -id is often contracted to 4 in the feminine. 
The only example of this in the masculine is ghr'ni, ii.33.6, 
ghr'riiva chdyd'm arapd' apiya, p. -ni-iva, c As by the heat 
unharmed, to shelter bring me ;' but it may be Ab. with elision 
and crasis (cf. vi. 16.38). Otherwise Weber, Ind. /Stud, xiii.58. 

Transition to the w-declension. This occurs in 51 forms (from 
25 stems) : agnind, 7 ; ddrind, 2 ; asind; dhind, 6 ; Urmmd, 7 ; 
kavtndy 2 ; kdp'ind, 2 ; kikidivmd; jamddagnind, 4 ; devdfpind; 
dhdsind; panind, 2 ; pdtind, iv.57.1 ; pdprind; br 'haspdtind, 2 ; 
manlnd; yay'ind; rayind; rapmind; vddhrind; vavrind; 
vr'shandbhind; vrshn'ina; piicind, ii.5.4 ; 35.8 (or n.) ; sdsnind. 
AY. has -pdtind, xvi.6.6 bis. 

B. Here belongs only ndmid, i.53.7. 

C. 1. Root-words: (a) dtidhid,ix.53.3 ; (b) vdmanena kavipriyd, 
Vamana, Introduction. 2. rathid, iii.36.6: vii.95. 1. 

Instrumental Singular Feminine. 
A. i. Here belong 37 forms (from 19 stems): (a) with shift of 
accent, i. e. oxytone stems : Htid\ 4, and viii.18.7, coalescing with 
d' ; paid '; vrshtid', 2 ; sukirtid 1 ; sumcUid ; sushtutid' [and from 
the AV., piisJtiid', xix.3 1.2,9,1 3; in x.6.27, ktrtid is a palpable 
error for -tid'; cf. C] : — (b) barytone stems : dvartid; d'bhUtid; 
jdlpid; tvtshid; dhrd'jid; pd'rshnid ra. ? ; pura?hdhid, 9 ; bhU'mid, 
i.161.14; rdnhid, 5 ; rdjid; vi'cid; sr'nid; hdrshid, 2 [and 
from the AV., abhipastid, xii.5.58; urdtid, iii.31.1 ; tr'ptid, 
ix.5.9; tvtshid, x.6.27 ; dhrd'jid, iii. 1.5 ; 2.3; pd'rshnid, vi.42.3 : 
viii.6.17; bkC'tid, x.6.24 ; subhutid, iii. 14.1 ; rucid, xrii.2.30]. 



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880 C. R. Lanman, [i and J-atems. 

2. Here belong 13 forms (from 11 stems) : (a) oxytones: 
apityd' ; matyd' ; mithatyd'; vasatyd'; sumatyd\ 3 ; 8ushtutyd\ 
making hiatus with d': — (b) apdnyd; d'Mtyd; Uhtyd; devdhti- 
tyd; prdmatyd. AV. xii.3.33, svddhityd. 

In the Rik the forms in -id are to those in -yd about as 3 : 1 ; in 
the Atharvan (according to my notes; I fear they are not' com- 
plete), about as 1 : 5 ; that is, the relations are most strikingly 
reversed. The Atharva variant, dcittyd cbd, vL51.3, compared 
with dcitti ydd of the Rik, vii. 89.5, betrays its later character as 
well by the case-form as by the word ckd. 

3. The termination -id is contracted to 4. Forms of this kind, 
where both texts have -2, occur in the Rik 105 times (from 35 
stems), and are therefore more than twice as frequent as those in 
4d and -yd put together (50). They stand frequently at the end 
of a pdda (cf. Hti\ matt'). They were recognized by the native 
authorities: Schol. to Pan. vii.1.39, sushtutf, sicshtutyd iti loke. 

(a) The pada has always 4. In i.20.4c; 164.86: iv.4.14fl: 
viii.23.14a/ 76.6a* ; ix.9.2c: Val. 3.3c end, the 4 stands before a- 
or d-, is written \fi and is to be pronounced with hiatus; in 
vii.68.8o*, accordingly, we must also pronounce pake? ap- (see p. 
379). Only twice is the hiatus written, in vi.5.7 (end of pdda !), 
and x.64.1. It is written as coalescing with a following i- or *-, 
and is so to be pronounced in iL5.6o*y 13.2a ; x.20.66 (trochaic) ; 
but with hiatus in vii.28.3o. Enumeration : dcitti, 2 ; dprabhUti; 
avyathi'; d'hutl; dttf, 26 and x.64.1; rjuntti'; ctUi; jUshti; 
dt'dhiti; dwhtidi' ; dushtuti; dhiti\ i. 164.8 : v. 25. 3 with mmatid'; 
ntpiti; pdrivishti; purdjitf; prdniti, 4 and iii.51.7 (L. ?) ; prdbhutt; 
prdyatt; prdyuti; mat?, 15; variant; vishtt'; viti' 3, and ix.61.1 
(ayd r viti 1 ): vi. 16.46; vrshti\ 2 ; paktt ';' pdJcti; prusfvtf r , 13; 
sadhri', ii.13.2, I take as I.s.f. of a stem sadhri; or from sddhri 
(Lindner, p. 102) with adverbial shift of accent ; ' with an aim, 9 L e. 
intently ; sdhtlti, 2 ; sudUf; suniti, 2 ; 8umati\ 2 ; 8umttii 
8u$htuti\ 5; hdstacyutl In the AV. we have dhittf, vii.1.1 ; and 
several forms in Rik-passagee, vii. 48.1 : ix.9.8: xviii.1.23. In Rik 
vi. 16.46, we may, with Gr., restore the longer grammatical form 
vttid\ text viti ; but the caesura is better if we read vitt . . 
mdrtio (text -to). 

(b) The pada has 4: i. 182.5, supaptani'. Pr&t. vii. 1 5. 

(c) The samhitd has 4 before r-, and the pada reads -ih: 
vi.18.10, . . . . indra hetV: rdksho ni dhakshi, Gr., Ueb. i.578, 
'Bum up (destroy) the evil one with thy bolt;' BR. suggest 
indrahetth; i. 180.4, tdd vdm . . pdpva-ishti : rdthyeva calcrd' 
prdti yanti mddhvah, ' Therefore (because ye blest Atri, according 
to his wish, eshk) to you, with desire for line, (swift) as chariot- 
wheels, our oblations go ' (and ye ought to do the same by us). 
Contrariwise, vi.13.1, prumti' r-, p. 4\ Gr. reads -ih (Ueb.)— 
wrongly, I think. 

4. The final 4 becomes 4. Cf. uta tt dfrindni dfriti (Copen- 
hagen 10 -tf), c uta tvdm dprindni *dpriti (dpribhis)? V d. xxii.5 ; so 
dy2c2 yesti, Ye. ii.l. This happens in all but three instances at 



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Ls.t] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 881 

the end of the pdda. It occurs 25 tiroes : viz., (a) at the end of 
pdda h or of the verse: ishdni; prdyukti, 2; vdshatkrti; sadhdstuti; 
sunrkt't, 4; supastl; suash, 4; /utv'tshkrti : — (b) at the end of a 
pdda before vowels : upapruti,2; upd'bhrti; suvrktl: tw-, i.61.4^, 
16c*/ supasti: upa, vi.67.3; here Gr., Ueb. i.524, would place rfti, 
ii.39.5, text ritir a- : — (c) in the interior of a pdda: trivishtt 
(eti), iv.6.4; (adh-) 15.2; nitikti (y<$), vl4.5; here I would place 
dsmrti, ' (with, u e.) out of forge t ml ness,' AV. vii. 106.1. Gr. puts 
here abhishti (pdasi), ii.20.2, p. abhishti-pd' asi jdndn. Weber 
sees here crasis after elision (as in i v. 46.1c), -pd'h. See Ind. Stud. 
xiii.58,104, and Whitney to TPr. x.13. 

Transitions to the w-declension : dhdsind, vi.67.6; nd'bhind, 
vi.39.4. In AV. vi.141.2, svddhitind is m., although svddhityd 
occurs xii.3.38. 

B. 1. Here belong 49 forms (from 27 stems), (a) Oxytones: 
asiknid' (? p. 368) ; devid\ 5 ; purdnid' ; samdnid\ 5 ; sticid': — 
(b) dnvid, 3 ; dpvdvatid; kundrnd'cid; ghrtd'cid; citdntid; 
citdyantid; trndnid; devd'cid; ddvidyutatid; ndvyasid; pdtnid, 
2; rShinid; vdsvid; vipvd'cid; vipvid, adv. ; pdcid, 11 ; pdmid, 
2; parmaydntid; pimid: satrd'cid; stdbhantid; hdrinid. Add 
from AV. : apvdbhidhd'nid y iv.36.10: v.14.6 ; dsiknid, v.13.8; 
vd'sid, x.6.8 ; sautrdmanid' 9 iii.3.2. 

2. There are 22 forms (from 12 stems). (a) Oxytones: 
prthivyd\ 8 ; mahyd'; sddhdranyd' (? p. 368) : — (b) dpvdvatyd; 
(jdtiun&lyd; tmdnyd; ndvyasyd; mddhumatyd; vd'javatyd; 
pdcyd, iv.35.5 ter (once with hiatus and once with fusion before a-) ; 
tsdmamUyd; hiranydyd (for hiranydyy~d), viii.1.32 ; 67.2. From 
AV. : annddyd\ xv. 14.4,5; dawyd, viii.1.3; vipvdbheshajid, 
vi. 136.3; sdrasvatyd, 2. TS. and VS. have urvyd'; but Kik, 
urviyd', 23. See BR 

3.* (?dmt, i.110.4: iv.22.8: ix.74.7: and probably x. 92. 12, text 
paminahmhi; 8tipdmi y vii.16.2 : x.28.12. 

4. (a) At the end of a pdda : pdmi, ii.31.6 : viii.45.27: x.40.1; 
sttpdmi, v. 87.90/ Gr. would convert the cadence from trishtubh to 
jagati by restoring the longer grammatical form supdmid. (c) In 
the interior of a pdda: pami r'-, i.b7.5; pami d-, iii.55.3. Here 
We may put urvl- of the compound urv't-Htih, vi.24.2. We have 
supdmi, VS. i.15 : TS. i.1.5': TBr. iii.6.6 4 . 

C. 1. Root-words: (a) ddhid\ AV. vi.132.l-ft, accent! (b) 
dhiyd\ 75; priyd' y 15; bhiyd\ 14; avadyabhiyd', x.107.3, 
' through fear of blame :' it is accented as though the first member 
of the tatpuru&ha were an independent word. The hymn is very 
late. 

2. (a) mandHkid; vepid; stirmid y vii.1.3 ; sphig'td. Srmd y 
x. 106.6, is dual.' (b) cakriyd, ii.34.14 (cf. N.A.d.f., C). For the 
accent of tilapinjid' and paldlid', AV. ii.8.3, and of 8ahasraparnid\ 
vil39.1, see p. 369. In x.6.27, MSS. and ed. have ktrtid, which 
must be an error for ktrtld'. 

Tapani', ii.23.14, if it stands for tapan'td, belongs here; other- 
wise, under B. 

vol. x. 52 



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382 CI /?. iMmnan, [i and f-stems. 

Instrumental Sinoulab Neuter. 

A. B. C. There is no certain example. In ii.35.8, puchtd may 
be masculine ; for in iv.2.16, puei is rather adverb (Gr. % Ueh.) than 
substantive. In v.42.18, Gr. takes suprdmtt as adj. with arn&i; 
BR., as fern, substantive. 

Dative Singular Masculine. 

A. 1. The direct combination of simple stem and ending is seen 
only in pdtye (8) and sdkhye (10). In no case does the metre 
show -ie. 

2. The usual form is made by gunating the stem-final and adding 
the general ending -e: thus, agne-e, agndye. This form occur* 
148 times (from 44 stems). In kshetrasya pdtaye, AV. ii.8.5, and 
bhiltdsya pdtaye, iii.l 0.9,10, the second word is declined as if it 
were part of a compound. This it is virtually; cf. bh&tapdti*, 
ii.14.4. In brhddrdye, Rik i.57.1, we have, I think, a clear case of 
metrical shortening of the penultimate of SLJogattydda. It standi 
for brhddrdye. It is precisely so with rdhddrdya*, viii.46.23 ; the 
d is penultimate of a gdyatri-pdda. In each case we should set 
up the stem -rai, not -ri or -rt. 

Datives s.m. in -aye are found from the following stems: agni, 48 ; atri, 12 : orfft: 
arati; art; dfvamishti ; dhi, 3; dpi, 3; r 'shi, 3; kavi, 8 ; kiri, 2; htkshi: 
krandadishti ; gdvisfUi,^; ghr'shvi, 6; c&kri; j&gmi,2; jdsuri, 2 ; jVfmf; fi;i; 
tuvigri; turvt'ti,3; t$L'rvi ; dabhi'ti,5; ddfoni; dudhi; pr&bhuti; br'ha^iti . 
bhandddxshti ; bhu'rni, 2; ydti; rdhni; tftci; sani, 12: saptdvadkri, 2; sd'ruthi. 
2; 8ukhddi; sudtti; sumdjjdni; sushvi,*; *dri,2; sy&'marapni ; hari; havyadoti 

C. 1. Root-words: (a) jihmap'te; durddfiu; diid/ue: — (A) 
itthd'dhiye, 2 ; yajnapriye; and VS. xxii.30, ganapriye. Cf. X-iy«- 
in kiyedhd's with md'-ki-m. 

2. Here belong rath'te, viii.44.27, and suprdiue, x. 125.2. In the 
Atharvan variant of the latter verse, we read *t/jt>rd«/d, iv.30.6 ! 
See note to Ath. Prat, iv.ll. 

Dative Singular Feminine. 

A. 1. In no instance is the ending combined with the simple 
stem. 

2. The usual form is like the m. It occurs 507 times (from 5o 
stems). The average number of occurrences of each stem is here 
very unusually large. It is used with especial frequency as an 
infinitive : thus, ishtdye, pUdye. 

Enumeration. Datives s.f. in -ay«are found from the Btems: djiti; dditi; &1iti. 
5; abhimdti; abhifasti, 3; abhishti, 16; dmati, 2; ari&htdtdti, 4, ahati; dbhoyi: 
ishi; ishti, 20; utu 88; gdvishti: g&rti; grbhUatdti; tuji; durbhrti; devdtdti. 10; 
devdvtti, 22; dliiti ; nrti; nr'piti; pakti; ptti, 67; puramdhi; p&rvdcittu $: 
p&rvapUiy 4 ; prattti; prdtdrti; prd fasti, 9 ; bhakti: bharahtiLti, 2 ; maghuVt. «J: 
mitradhiti; medhdsdti, 5; r<Wt; vdsutti, 2; vdsymshti. 4; vd'jasdti, 34; rtti.31: 
frushti; sdrvatdti, 4; «dJi, 34; n'ftfa; stikshiti; sumali, 2; somapiti, 49; Jtwwfi. 
45; svasti; havydddti, 6. 

3. Several stems appear to have a dative in -/. It is of unclear 
origin. They are: <fotW£, vi.29.6 ; tftf', i. 100. 1-15 ; 178.1 : iv.23.2; 
25 2; 34.9: vL24.9 ; 29.6: vii.25.1 ; 59.9 (AV. vii.77.1), 10; 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



D.s.f.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 383 

viii.21.7; 57.4; 86.7; 88.7: ix.97.38 : x.15.4 (AV. xviii.1.51); 
35.13; 104.4; viti\ ix.91.2 ; 97.49; vrshti\ v.53.5, may be Ls.f. 
(p. 380) ; and so prdniti, vii.28.3 (Orient und Occ. ii.466). 

4. In v. 5 1.1 2, we have suastdye thrice and sua&t'i, evidently in 
the same construction, once ; the same is true in verse 13. In 
viiL31.ll, suast't occurs within pdda b before «-, and in c we have 
suastdye. In v.42.15 it occurs at the end of c before ti-, and at 
the end of din Ll74.9 = vi.20.12 : iv.11.6: v.4.11. 

B. The general ending -e was added to the stem : thus, deviate, 
denial, devyai. To the apprehension of the speaker eventually, 
the parts were doubtless devy-a't. There are 21 forms (from 13 
stems): 1. vippdtniai: — 2. (a) devyai; prthivya't y 6; brhat- 
j/ai; mahyai, 4 ; sintvdlya'i; (b) dviatyai; iyatyai; jti'ryantyai; 

Jf/d'yasyai; dhemimdtyai; papumdtyai; vd'javatyai. From the 
AV. I have noted 21 forms (from 14 stems), not counting two in 
vii.46.2. Under 1. fall hiranyakepiai, v. 7.9, and striya'i, v.30.3 ; 

parjdnyapatniai, xiLl.42, and sahdpatniai, xiv.1.58; the rest, 
under 2. In vi.I07.3, kalydnyal is doubtless an error; read -yal 
(p. 369). 

Transitions from A: 1. devdhdtiai. viii.39.4; prktiai, ii.2.7 : 
x. 11 1.3: — 2. in the tenth mandala, pu&htyai, 105.5; turyai, 

pnshtya'i, and bhujyai, 106.4; n'trrtyai, 164.1; bhrtyai, 29 A. 
From the Atharvan I have noted at least 13 transition-forms in 
-t/ai (from 11 stems). In vi.41.1&, the metre requires us to restore 
the secondary and shorter grammatical form, d' kilty ai (utd 
cUtaye) ; text d'kHtaye. 

Transition from C: bhiya't, viii.64.13. 

C. 1. Root-words: (a) ddhie, x.95.13:— (b) dhiy'e, 6; priyb, 34. 
2. Here belong ndndie (with mude), i. 145.4; tneshie (with 

meshd'ya), i.43.6; vrkie, i.116.16 ; 117.17 : vL51.6. 

Dative Singular Neuter. 

A. B.C. The only example known to me is pticai/e (padd'ya) y 
vii.41.6 (AV. hi. 16.6). 

Ablative Singular Masculine. 

A. 1. Of a form in i-as there is no example. 

2. Of the usual form there are 14 occurrences (from 8 stems): 
ddres y 2; dhes; udadhes; gives, 5; ghr'nes, vi. 16.38 (cf. p. 379) ; 
ydnes, 2 ; patdmHtes; sdmrtes. From the AV. : tirapeirdjes, 
vii.56.1 ; parnadhes, iv.6.5 ; pltipes, ii.33.4. For girdyas (Ab. ?), 
*ee N. p. m. There are no examples for B and C. 

Ablative Singular Feminine. 

A. 1. At the end of the cataleetic pddas Ll28.7/and g, of 11 
and 7 syllables respectively, Gr. proposes to read dhUrt'uis; but 
the metre is good as it stands (dhurtes). 

2. Here belong 20 forms (from 11 stems). They are: ddites; 
dpites; <rbh<pastes, 8; abh'ibrutcs; dmates; drdtes; dhdses; 
dhtirtes, 2 ; pdrishHtes; vasates, 2 ; srutes. From A V. abhipastes, 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



384 C. R. Lanman, \i and t-stems. 

vii.53.1; d'hutes, iii.22.4; nrtis ?, vi.18.3; bhd'mes, xiii4.35; 
vasates y vi.83.1. 

B. 1. Here belong prthivid's, ix.8.8 ; 31.2; 57.4, and jl'vantids, 
v.78.9. In every instance the word occupies places 3-6 in a pddu 
of 8, and is followed by ddhi. 

2. Prthivyd'Sy 18; mahyd's; urodpyds; pdtantyds. The AV. 
has prthivyd'Sy 19; brhatyd's, viii.9.4 ; avadydvatyds^ vii. 103.1. 

Transitions from A: bhil'mids, i.80.4; hetyd's, x. 8 7.1 9; nd'bhyds, 
90.14. 

From the Atharvan we have: hetid's, iv.10.6; dbhMds, vii. 100.1 ; drdtids, x.3.7: 
xiii.4.41; d^astids, xii.2.12; d'hutids, xii.1.13; nd'bhids. ii.33.4: ix.8.12; MG'tnak 
ii.30.1 : — krshyd's, ii.4.6; cfcvatefyd'*, viii.1.12 ; ctrshaktyd's, i.12.3; fcAfi'royd*, 
iv.19.6: x.1.13: xii.3.26: xix.16.2 ; 28.4; rd'tryds, xiii.4.30. In vi. 1 2 1.4, we 
have elision and craais : ydnyeva prdcyuto gdrbhah, text, -yd iva. 

C. There is no example of an Ab.s. 

Ablative Singular Neuter. 
A. B.C. For the neuter there is no example. 

Genitive Singular Masculine. 

A. 1. Here belongs ari-ds, in vii.8.1 ; but not necessarily in 
iv.48.1# and vi.14.35; furthermore, aryds^ ii.23.15 and 34 times 
(in x.27.8 bis, it is N.p.f.); dvyas, 17 times and ix.108.5. The 
resolution 8ddhrias y at the end of v.44.105, makes the pdda one of 
12 (text, -e«, 11) syllables. 

2. The form in -es occurs 162 times (from 42 stems). 
Enumeration: agnis, 55; dirts, 4; ddites, vii.82.10; ddres, 10; dsushves; ahes, 
3; #&, 2; dpts, 3; ishudhes; Urmes; r'shes, 2; halts; kavts, 4; kirts, i.31.13: 
ii.12.6: x.41.2 ; girts, i.56.3 ; gaurivttes ; gkx'shves, 3; jivres; dadr^dmpam; 
dabhftes ; dudhes ; dr'tes ; dhdses, 4 ; ndmuces, 4 ; pants, 8 ; pates, ix.35.6 ; 
platts; br'hasp&Uis, 6; brahmanaspdtes, 2; bhk'res, 4; mitrdtithes ; medhidtithes : 
yayd'Us ; vavris, 2 ; vdhncs ; v&, 14 ; vrshd'kdpes, 2 ; *ipfef >' *tf 'vor«Mi» ; s&shves ; 
s&res, 5 ; hdres. 

B. Here belong Tirapcid's, Pr'thyds, and Sdbharyd*. 

C. 1. Root-words: (a) gdthdntaSy i.190.1; dildh\as % 2\ manyu- 
m'tas; mdh'tas : — (b) ganapriyas. 

2. Here belong ahlaSy x. 144.4, and suprdv'ias. 

Transition from B : The stem of ahighnyds (drvatas), AV. x.4.7, 
must be ahighnf (properly a feminine formation like dpatighni) ; 
but I know of no better place than this in which to put it The 
accent is peculiar to the Atharvan (p. 369 top). 

As mentioned on p. 382, the d of rdhddriiyas. viii.46.$3, is purely metrical. 
Otherwise wo must assume that the fuller ending -as has been added to the 
gunated form, -re, of stem -ri (BR.). If any similar instances — other than 
citrdtayas, x. 140.3 (A.p.f., Roth), vdyas, i. 104.1 (A. p.m.), and p&cayas, AV. v. 1.3 
(A.p.f.) — can be found, they are merely sporadic. See stems in -at, G.s.m. 

Genitive Singulab Feminine. 
A. 2. Of the usual form there are 44 occurrences (from 11 
stems). Enumeration : ddites, 23 ; abht pastes; dmates^ 2 ; ishtes; 
krshtes; deodvites; nirrtes, 6 ; pushtes, iv.41.10 : v.41.20 (m. ?); 
pr'pies, 4; vrshtes, ix.41.3; 74.3; vratdtes. I have noted 16 
forms (from 8 stems) in verses peculiar to the AV. 



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G.&i] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 385 

B. Of the 99 Rik-forms (from 19 stems) only 15 end in -ids; the 
rest, 84, in -yds. Enumeration: 1. yatid's; urvid's; devid's; 
prthivid'Sy 7; ydtid's; stri-y-d's; — upindrdnids; rd'trids; 
sH'shyantids: — 2. prthivyd's, 68; mahatyd's; vadhrimatyd'Sy 
5 ; — anpumdtyds, 2 ; Hrjayantyds; tdvishyds; dd'?iumatyds; 
mdnspdcanyds; rd'tryds; vivdsvatyds; pdmyds; $6pucatyds. 

From the Atharvan I have noted: punyd'c ca caturakskid's, iv.20.1 - devidfs, 
xiv.1.63: pipdcid's, i.16.3; prtkivid's, vi.86.1,2: xviii.2.20; vepantid's, i.3.T ; 
rcrtharvid's, x.4.5; stri-y-d's, v.lT.8: xii.2.39; hastinid's, vi.70.2; — dmucyds, 
xvi.6.10; grMpatnids, iii.24.6; p&tnids, ix.3.5: — and, besides, 64 forms (some Ab.) 
in -yds (from 1 8 stems). 

Transitions from A : 1. drdtids, ix.79.3 bis; bhti'mids, p. -a", 
x.75.3, with elision and erasis, bhU'miopdri : — 2. yuvatyd's; 
dnumatyds; nirrtyds, x. 165.1, a late hymn — 'The Death-dove;' 
pfpnydSy 4; bhll'myds, 8. Total 17. From the AV. my notes 
show 53 forms (from 16 stems) : as, jdmid's, ii.7.2 ; cf. xvi.5.3-5 ; 
8.3—5. Some of the forms are ablatives: as, krshyas, x.5.34. 

Transitions from C: the Rik shows none; but the AV. has 
viliptid's, xii.4.44. 

C. 1. The only example is dhiyds (7 times). 

2. Here belong: atharias, iv.6.8; nadias, 2; nishtigrtas; 
prpan'tasy i.7l. 5; meshias 9 2; srnias, x. 101.3 ; dpias (masc. stem, 
dpia), vi.67.9. In i. 121.3, ndkshad dhdvam aruni'h pdrvidrh rd't, 
we seem to have a contracted form, arunl's, for -las. 

Genitive Singular Neuter. 
A. The only example is bh&'res (16 times). 
C. There is one example: (vdyasas) suddhia%, viii.48.1. 

Thk Locative Singular. 
The principal terminations of the L.s.m.f.n. of series A are -d 
and -au: -d occurs 126 times ; -aw, 272. 
I. The ending -d is used : 

1. before consonants (109 times) ; 

2. before an initial vowel with which it is fused (3 times). 

3. It is never used before vowels (except w-, &-) with hiatus. 
IL The ending -au is used : 

1. before vowels without hiatus, in the form ~dv (50 times) ; 

2. at the end of a pdda (150 times). 

The existence of these forms in -d has often been noticed ; but 
it is rather surprising to find that they are almost half as frequent 
as those in <iu. The first general distinction in their use is like 
that in the dual (p. 340), and is illustrated by ix.62.15, vir ydnd 
vasatd'v iva. 

I. Of the 126 forms in d: 

1. 109 stand before consonants, in the interior of a pdda. 18 
stand before t>-, and 30 before other labials ; 12 before y-, and 49 
before other consonants. 

2. 3 coalesce with a following vowel, in the interior of a pdda ; 
vhL80.1, sdmam dpi srutd'vidat; vi.12.26/ x.lOl.llJ. 

3. In 9 cases the samhitd^ following doubtless the oral tradition, 



Digitized by GbOgle 



C. R. lAinman, [i and /-stems. 

has -d w- (Hr). The padakdra treats these as he does apparently 
similar cases (Prat, ii.9), and writes -an u- (tf-). The reference 
are: L27.U&; M.lld; V24.1ab; iv.tf.W>; 39.3A; v.1.66.* vi.26.W; 
x.41.1<Z, a 117.3*1 

4. We find -d five times exceptionally at the end of a pdda, but — be it observed- 
only in the case of two words, devdtdid (vi.4.1a, before y-: vii.2.5/*) and sarr<it'it*i 
(i.94.156; iii.54.196; coalescing graphically with J'-, v. 69.3c). JJevdtdt-d, as io^tr., 
makes perfectly good sense in the first two passages ; in the last three, a dative is 
so appropriate, that Gr. has already on this account suggested the readme 
sarvaUU-e, Wb. 1490. In i.65.4c, yond (g-) is, to be sure, at the end of a, pdda; but 
it is aksharapahkti : so kukshd' (n-\ Lx. 109. 186. 

II. Of the 272 forms in -an: 

1. 50 appear as -dv (35 in the interior of a pdda, and 15 at 
the end of a or c). An a- follows in 30 instances; an /-, 
i.104.7; 176.5: vi.27.1,2; 47.20: vii.18.3; 48.2; an *w«, in ii.16.1: 
viii.92.3 : ix.62.15 : x.64.6; 97.6 ; an £-, in vi.15.2 ; an r-, in iii.55.3 ; 
62.18: vii.38.2: ix.13.9; 39.6: VaL 4.2 ; an e-, in ii.28.7. 

2. 156 are at the end of a pdda (mostly pddas b and d; or a 
and c before consonants). If we add the 15 at the end of a or c 
before vowels, we have a total of 1 71 at the end of a pdda. E. g., 
see iv.16.9 ; the occurrences of djau, 14 out of 18 ; gdbhastau, 6; 
abhishtau, 10; gdvishtau, 6 out of 7; vd'jasdtau, 12 out of 16, 
vtus/UaUy 12 out of 16 ; pil'rasdtau, 7 ; sdtati, 12 out of 17. 

3. There remain 66 cases in which -au is used before a consonant in the 
interior of a pdda (before v- } 6 times; other labials, 14; y-, 7 ; other consonants 
39). This happens oftenest with certain frequent words: pr&sitau, 4; yonau, 10: 
sumatab, 12. It is safe to say in general that many of these occurrences belong 
to younger parts of the Rik-text: thus, 21 (nearly one-third) are in the tenth 
mandala. The passages are as follows : i.3 1.15c; 48. 6d; 70.4a (Aufrecht calls it 
4i Piunder," in the German sense) : 98.1a; 144.26,7d; 162.96 (the horse-sacrifice; 
late — see Gr., Ueb. ii.452): ii. 13,96 (unclear and mystical); 30.5c: iiL 1.76.21c; 
59.3d,5d; iv.16.10r; 25.1d; v.30.13d (12-15 are a later addition); 32.7c; 34.6a; 
42.16d; 43.15d (these two are refrains); 87.6c (evayd'marut hymn): vil.lOrf; 
16.41c; 24.9d; 26.16; 40.3a; 46.8a; 47.13a (the contents of these two and their 
place in the mandala betoken later date) ; 64. 5 d; 73.26: vii. 1.20c (19-20 area 
separate fragment); 20.8c; 36.8d; 41.4d; 46.46; 60.116; 60.3a; 104.13d (these 
two are real Atharvan hymns): viii.3.2a; 48.12d; 52.126 (later addition) ; YA1. 3.1. 
nt'pdtithau: ix.72.76; 84.1d; 97.19d: x.8.3d; 10.76; 14.6c; 25.9d; 29.26; 34.14W 
(gambler's song, end): 38.1a; 44.9d (a late verse, according to its contents and 
bad grammar); 46.66; 6411a; 85.24c (Suryti's wedding) ; 88.7c; 101.36: 102.1c 
(does not belong to the hymn); 131.7a (late); 160.4c,5c; 123.6d; 165.46; 
178. 2d, bis; the contents of the last three hymns (Gandharva, Death-dove, 
TArkshya) show that they are late. 

The termination -au of the L.s. of S-stems has been ncrux to the 
comparative grammarians. They say that it is a simple transition 
to the w-decleusion — a formation after the aualogy of the w-stems; 
but since the locatives s. of l-stems are eight times as frequent as 
those from ?*-stems, this theory will hardly pass muster. A 
complete examination of the forms of the L. in the Rik is so 
suggestive that I cannot forbear saying something about the 
historical relations of the different forms to each other, and the 
genesis of the same. But since this lies beyond the scope of this 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



L.s.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 887 

article, I would expressly disclaim any tone of categorical assertion 
in the matter. 

The L.3. of the word sd'nu Btands in the text in five different forms. The stem 
is -strengthened " by n and the ending is added : as, sd'nu-n-i, i. 155.1 ; or, it is 
strengthened by vowel-increment and the ending is added : as, vdrshishthe ddhi 
sd'nav-i, ix.31.5 (17 forms from 8 stems support this); [or, from this form the 
ending is simply dropped before a vowel, to avoid a cacophonous combination (cf. 
p. 357 and Prat, ii.35 ) : as, vr'shd pavitre ddhi 8d'nav-y avydye, text ed'no, ix.86.3 ;] 
or. the ending is dropped and the preceding diphthong receives in compensation a 
second increment (cf. Kuhn, in his Zeiisch. xviii.361) : as, sd'ndv ddhi, x. 123. 2,3 ; 
with this, finally, th*» usual form is identical : as, ddhi sd'nau ni jighnate, i 80.6. 
For the dropping of the ending there are abundant analogies. There are 133 
L.s.n. forms in -man, to 67 in -man-i. Of. eamu-i, cam A'; fo/iu-t, tend'. 

The facts from the Veda seem to point to a closer parallelism of development 
between the i- and the u-stems in regard to the forms of the L.s. than has yet been 
claimed for them. The analogy of the u-stems, as well as of the dative-locative in 
Latin (ore*, from *avay-i, avey-i) and Greek (ir6?*t, from no?ey~t) % makes it probable 
that the original form of the L. of t-stems was made in the same way, with guna 
and ending: thus, agndyi. With the dropping of the ending took place 
compensatory lengthening: as, agnd'y. Here the lines of development diverge 
slightly. In sd'nav-i the palatal vowel of the case-ending, i is clearly distinguished 
from the preceding labial v. In agndy-i, on the other hand, case-ending and 
thematic final are homogeneous, and (as the word becomes to the apprehension of 
the speaker agm'i-yi) both are' lost together, so that we have agruV. 

Now as touching the relation of agnd' to agnak — there are three possibilities. 
Each may be a development independent of the other ; this in view of the facts 
few will wish to maintain. Secondly, agnd' may come from agnau ; so Benfey, 
Gram. p. 41 end, and Kuhn in Zeitsch. xviii.3GG. Thirdly, agnau may come from 
o'jiuV. When we consider the -au of the dual and perfect (devati, jxiprau), which, 
beyond all peradventure, is a mere phonetic outcome of -a, it is hard to assume 
here a phonetic change exactly the reverse, without reason. But not only the 
analogy of the dual and perfect aided in this change ; the frequently following 
labial initials would impart their own coloring to the preceding -d (cf. Rik vi.46.1, 
sdUi' rd'jasya, with the SV. and VS. variants, sdtau v-, p. 388); and the analogy 
of the locatives of u-stems (though rare in the Rik — about 50), when standing 
beside those from t-stems, as in i. 162.9, svdrau svddhitau, would help to fix the 
form in -au. Although the results were the same, the processes were quite 
different. I would therefore set up the series thus : 

agndy-i sd'nav-i 

agnd'{y) sd'ndv 

agnau sd'nau 

Our last form and last but one (agnau and agnd') are abundantly exemplified. 
Perhaps there is some evidence of forms like agnd'y and agndyi. Why may we 
not recognize an instance of elision and crasis in yoneva, for yondy iva, x. 101. 11, 
as well as in agneva for agner iva, AV. vi.20.1o? Again, at the end of i.l04.7d, 
m&' no dkrte puruhdta yondv \ indra . . , it is far from unlikely that the oral 
tradition was yomvy indra or ydnd indra. The sandhi is merely graphic here, as 
it is invariably at the end of a pdda. The diaskeuasts almost always wrote the 
sandhi just where it ought not to be (end of a and c) — with perverse uniformity. 
Cf. vi.27.lo6.2a6. It is likely enough that the syncopated pdda, vi.44.9d, once 
sounded thus : dhdnasya sdtd'y © asmd'fi avid d hi. Before the pause, the y-sound 
was lost, as regularly in the later language in hiatus (Benfey, Gram. p. 53, Bern. 
1). Now it is confessedly a piece of arbitrariness on the part of the padakdra to 
write -au in the dual before u- (p. 341) ; for the oral tradition unquestionably had -d. 
Was it not equally arbitrary on the part of the diaskeuasts that they filled out 
the hiatus with a v (yondv, sdtd'v) rather than ay? And so, one may ask, is it 
due to anything more than the following of mechanical rules (such as are properly 
applied in yd urdfv antdriksha d', v.52.7) that drmau has been put in the pada- 
text of i.27.6, rather that xirmai ? for it may once have been spoken sindhor urrnd'y 
updkdy &'. Cf. Delbruck, Verbum § 204. These are mere suggestions. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



888 0. R. Lawman* [i and t-stems. 

Forms like agndyi seem less doubtful. Gr. proposed ekeing out dja& to a 
dactyl (fy'&vi, in x.75.96 and i. 112. 10. In x.75.9, ft may be catalectic — and a, c and 
d, full jagatts ; so in X.63.14& (vd'jasdtayil). In i.l 12.10, a dactyl is certainly 
needed ; but I would read it thus : eah&sramidha djdyi djinvatam. In like manner, 
x.46.6, pdrivUo ydnayi sidad antah, text -at*. In vi.33.-k-, syncopation is not in 
place (as it is in vi.26.la, owing to the pause in the sense). I am therefore 
inclined to pronounce &uarskdtayi ydd dhtaydmasi tvd (text -td). In x. 150.4, we 
have agnim maho dhdnasdUiv dfunh huve \ mrdtkdrh dhdntudtaye. In every other 
verse of the hymn, pdda d repeats part of c (as so often happens in pdda c of 
atycuhti, i.l 34, etc.). We should, then, expect a locative in d; and besides.it 
would be unnatural to find the same relation ('to favor,' ' to the getting of good') 
differently expressed — now by the ace, and now by the dat — in two consecutive 
words. Does not -taye stand in place of an original dhdnasdtayi ? Cf . viii.3.S<z 
and 14. 9c. 

Locative Singular Masculine. 

A. 1. Here belong possibly djdyi, i.l 12. 10; ydnayi, x.46.6. 
See above. 

2. There are 40 m. forms (from 7 stems) : agnd', 11 ; djd\ 6; 
Hrmd',5; kukshd', 2 ; ghr'nd^ vi.3.7; ydnd, 13, and ix.86.6 (Saraan 
variant, ni.237, -an), and once in AV. (a Rik-passage), ix.10.10; 
surabhd', v.1.6. Cf. gara, Yc. x.4, ' gira'Cb? 

3. There are 101 forms in -au (from 27 stems): agnail, 20; 
ddrau, 3; arataH; aratnaii; djati, 18; diiati; drtnati, 3; 
gdbhastau, 6 ; gira-d; gdpatau; jirau, or f. ; trkshaii; dhvasdnau; 
ndmucau; ni'pdtithau; panait; prtstUaH; medhidtithau; yajfta- 
patau; ydnau, 29 ; rdthavttau; vdnaspdtau, 2 ; palmalau; 
sdrdtau; sd'rhvaranau; syd'marapman; svddhitau. From the 
Atharvan I have 42 forms (from 18 stems). In v. 3 1.5, we see the 
later style of sandhi, ptirodgnd'v utd, for which the Rik would 
have -na utd. In iii.18.3, the uneompounded pdtau is merely a 
false variant of the Rik jane, x. 145.4. 

B. C. There are no examples. 

Locative Singular Feminine. 

A. 1. Here belong possibly siiarshdtayi, vi.33.4, and dhdna- 
sdtayi, x. 150.4. See above. 

2. There are 85 f. forms in -d (from 22 stems) : avdnd; djit, 
L116.15; tiditd, 10; kshetrasdtd; gdshdtd,2; tokdsdtd, vi.18.6; 
devdtdtd, 10; dyumndsdtd; nd'bhd, 20; nr'shdtd; nemddhitd,*; 
pitd'; prdbhrtd; medhdsdtd, 3 ; yd'mahiltd, x. 11 7.3 ; viushtd, 
x.4 1.1; pd'rasdtd, 5; sdmrtd, 2; sarvdtdtd, 6; sdld', 5 and 
vi.46.1 (SV. i.234 and VS. xxvii.37, -aw); srtUd' ; sHarshdtd, 6. 
AY. has nd'bhd, vii.62.l ; and the Saman variant of Rik viii.18.7 
has pdmtdtd, i.l 02. In Yc. xxxi.18, we find dusitd, 'dtishtau.' 

3. There are 171 forms in -au (from 49 stems) : dcha-uktau, 2 ; 
djushtau; ddhitau; abhtshtau, 10 ; arkdsdtau, 3 ; drnasdtau, 3; 
d'gatau; ixhtati, 6 ; tipastutau; upetau; urukshiiati,; etau; 
eshtau; gdvishtati,7; tokd*d4au,x.25.9; durmatati,2; devdvttau, 
6 ; devdhtitau, 2 ; dyumndhiUau, 2 ; dhdnasdtau; ndvishtau; 
nd'bhau, 2 ; nrtati; nr'pttau; pdrishtau; pdretau; p%ta<t, % 2 ; 
pushtati, 2; pHrvdhiitau, 5; prdnitau, 3; prdbhdtau; prdbhr- 
tau, 2; prdsitav, 4; bhdrahiUau; medhdsdtau, 3; rdtau, 5; 



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Ijl8.£] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 389 

vasatau, 2; vd'jasdtau, 16; viushtau, 16; phptau; pd'ru&dtau, 
7 ; prushtaii; sdmdrshtau, 3 ; sdmitau; sdmrtau, or m., 3 ; adtau, 
17 ; sumataUj 14; supishtav; sumtau. My notes show 19 true 
AV. forms (from 7 stems). For tiditd of the Rik, vii.41.4, the 
AV. (but not the VS., xxxiv.37) has the later form iiditau, iii.16.4. 
4. I am not sure but that the following are transition-forms 
from A to B, especially as vedl becomes vedl in the post-Vedic 
literature. In tnis case they should be added on p. 371. They 
are: v&di, vi.1.10; v'edy asyd'm, p. vedi iti, ii.3.4 ; cf. Prat, i.28: 
ii.35. In iii.51.7, prdniti might be a locative. 

B. 1. Here belong 13 forms (from 7 stems): (a) devid'm; 
prthivid'm, 5 [and from the AV., nardcid'm, v. 3 1.4; striyd'm, 
vi.11.2; 70.1-3J: — (b) dsiknidm, 2 (and AV. xii.2.20) ; jahnd'- 
vidm; pdrushnidm; uchdntidm, 2 ; $dcidm [and varand'vatidm, 
AV. iv.7.1]. 

2. Here belong 34 forms (from 9 stems) : (a) aranydnyd'm; 
dshtryd'm; catvdrinpyd'm; prthivyd'm y 26 [AV., dsandyd'm, 
xiv.2.65 ; gdyatryd'm, xiii.3.20 ; jyaishthaghnyd'm, vLll0.2 ; 
devyd'm, vi. 136.1 ; prthivyd'm, 40] : — (b) drshddvatydm; 
yavyd'vatydm; rd'trydm; va&d'vydm (stem -vi; cf. jahnd'vi-m) ; 
sarasvatydm [and from AV., 14 forms, from 5 stems]. 

Transitions from A : 1. p&ramdhidm; bh&'midm, 2 [and from 
the AV.tprshtid'm, vi.102.2; bhti'tidm, xii.1.63; 4.44,46; bhd'mi- 
dm 9 15 times: as, ii.9.4; ydnidm, v.25.8; vedidm, xii.3.23] : — 
2. bhrtyd'm; yuvatyd'm; sdrhgatydm [and from the AV., 
d'ktitydm, cittydm, and devdhHtydm, each 17 times, v. 24. 1-1 7; dv- 
ydm y 3; bhil'mydm, 4; v'edy dm, xi.1.24: xix.33.3 ; sdmitydm, 2]. 

Transitions from C: d&tid'm, see p. 373; priyd'm, AV. xii.1.63. 

3. The ending is dropped : gaurl\ ix.12.3 ; sarasi', vii. 103.2. See 
Prat i.28 : sdptamikau ca ptirvau (i. e. ikdrokdrau, pragrhyau). 
Cf. vedi y prdniti, A 4. The commentator to Ath. Prat, i.74, q.v., 
cites ds/itrf, vi.27.3 (Rik x.165.3, dshtryd'm)-, vrvV, xviii.1.32; 
maht, xviii.1.39 (a queer variant of Rik x.31.9). To these the 
editor adds dbhihniti, vi.3.3. 

C. There is no example. 

Locative Singular Neutbr. 

A The only example is apratd', viii.32.16. The AV. has sap- 
tdrapmau, ix.5.15; Brh. ar. up. iv.2.3, akshini. 
B. C. There is no example. 

Vocative Singular Masculine. 

A. The stem-final always shows an increment. Schleicher's 
Vedic vocatives without increment are transition-forms to B. 
Thus, the voc. darvi is from stem darvt, Rik ddrvl. The form 
occurs 1105 times (from 72 stems). Examples are: ague, 524; 
dgne, 275; sum, 799; dghrne, 13; kav>e, 26; pate, 35; with 
brhas-, 32; brahmanas-, 17; vanas-, 14; sat-, 13; vicarshane, 
11; sakhe, 11. In ix.80.1, we have br'haspdte. With mahe- 
maie cf. mahe-nadi. 

VOL X. 53 



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390 C. li. Lanman, [i and *-stems. 

Transition from B: sobhare, 3. 

Transition from the w- declension is seen in the vocative s. of 
the compounds of poets : pdvakapoce s 2 ; bhadrapoce, 4 ; pikra- 
poce; cf. saJiasracak&ho, w-stems, V.s.m. This is doubtless done 
by the poet in order to avoid an unfamiliar, or otherwise never 
occurring form. Cf. p. 377 end. The prescribed form is sujyoiis, 

B. There is no example. 

C. In i.141.8, we have dakshi^ p. dhakshi (Prat, iv.41). Other- 
wise BR. 

Vocative Singular Feminine. 

A. Here belong 27 forms (from 11 stems). They are: adiU % 
15 ; anumate; asunite, 2 ; i&hte, 2 ; ttpamdte; rjtte; bhilme; mate; 
yuvate ; satyatdte ; sua figure. The AV. has darve, iii.10.7 
(cf. x.4.13) ; VS., darvi. 

Transition from B: oshadhe, 2. 

B. There are 117 forms (from 38 stems). They are: aranydni; 
aruxhi; arjuni, 2 ; apvdjani; apvdvati; indrdni; uriici; rtdvari; 
gomati; devi, 23; navyasi; ndri; parushni, 2; prthivi^ 11: see 
V.d.f. ; pravatvati; bhdrati; maghoni, 9 ; tnahi, 6 ; mahini; 
mdnvxhi; rdtri; revati,2\ vananvati; vdjhii, 2; vdjinivati, 8; 
vicdrini; vibhdvari, 8; vrshdkapdyi; pitikdvati; putudri; 
p-drapatni; sarasvati, 16 ; sahasvati; 8inivdli y 2 ; sUnari; svnr- 
tdvati; siinrtdvari; hid 'dikdvati. 

C. 1. No example. 2. ardyi; maheruidi; yami. AV. vii. 115.1, 
lak&hmi. 

Vocative Singular Neuter. 

A. B. C. There is no example. 

Nominative, Accusative, and Vocative Dual Masculine. 

A. The analysis of these forms is doubtful. Schleicher sets A 
and -H = -yd and -vd; but there are no traces of this origin. For 
lack of something better I have put 4 = -t-«, p. 366. Friedrich 
Mtlller, Sitzungsberichte d. kate. Ak. d. Wiss. (Vienna, 1860) 
xxxv.55, compares the duals devd, kavi, bhd?iU with the singulars 
devd, kavX, bhd?tH, and recognizes therein a reduplication of the 
end of the word, symbolical of its dual meaning. The same 
explanation applies unfortunately to the plurals neuter bhuvand, 
pud and trt, and />wr#, as compared with the singulars in -d, 4, -tf. 

There are 340 forms (from 72 stems). Disregarding accent, 
examples are: indrdgni, 78; patt, 33 ; pubhaspati, 21 ; hari, 78. 
For pdpva-ishtt, see p. 380. 

The final is short in sakshdni, x.32.l (cf. viii.22.15). So we 
have asurd, etc., pivhrd, vird, p. 342; and jigatnu-\ vii. 65.1; and 
others below, p. 391, B, and 392 top. 

B. The formation of the stem of rnddhvt — it occurs 7 times, as 
epithet of the Ae/vins — is uncertain; but md 'dhvtbhydm, VS. 
vii. 11, leads us to class it with Ndmt y rd'shtri, etc. (p. 367 end), 
as a B-form. 

C. 1. Root-words: manantd; sadhanid. 2. rathid, 3; rath'td^S* 



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N.A.V.d.f.] Noun Inflection in the Veda. 391 

NoxnfA-nvB, Accusative, and Vocative Dual Feminine. 

A. The form occurs 23 times (from 15 stems). They are : 
it'i»dti; iiti' ; r'jtti; jdna\2\ ddrvi; dyd'vdbh&'mi, 2; voc, 3 ; 
dhdraydtkavi; p&ramdhi; bhuji'/ yuvati\ 3; vdmdhiti, 2; $&ei; 
sdyoni; sttprdtdrti; sruti'. 

B. Series B and C are here distinctly separated from each other 
in the Rik. The Sanskrit form -yati, or even its Vedic equivalent, 
-*<f or -Stf, is utterly unknown to the Rik (p. 370). It is really no 
B-form, but a transition to C, which at last became universal, and 
whose beginnings we see in the Atharvan (cf. C 2). 

There are 368 forms (from 76 stems). Examples are (vocatives 
included): urui\ 20; devt\ 13; dyd'udprthivi', 65; voc, 15; 
prthivi', 20; prthvi', 5; brhatt\ 10; mahi' y 27; yahvtf, 6 and 
x.93.1 ; rddasty 87 ; samtcl\ 11. In i. 1 62.21, hdri te yunjd pr' shati 
abhdtdm, we cannot interpret pr 1 shati — with Gr., Ueb. — as ' the 
two spotted gazelles ' of the Maruts, for their team consists of 
many. We must assume non-agreement in form between hdri 
(masc. — vr'shand, iii.35.5 etc.) and pr 1 shati (fern.), and take them 
together: 'The two spotted bays (of Indra) are become thy 
companions.' But pr'shat-t may be N.d.n. See stems in ant, and 
cf. sujdnman-i dhish&ne, i. 160.1. The form aksht\ furthermore, 
occurs six times. It is perhaps best referred to B on account of 
akshi'bhydm (x. 163.1), akshids (AV. vi.127.3), and -yds (24.2). 
Line 13, p. 371, should be corrected accordingly. 

Transitions from C : kshoni\ viii.7.22 ; 88.6 : VaL 4.10 ; nadi\ 
i 135.9 ; for gaun\ cf. p. 373*, 389. 

The final appears to oe metrically shortened in the seventh place 
of ii.31.5c (stushe ydd vdm prthivl), and of xvLbiAd. In x.93.1, 
rndhl dydvdprthivi, and in iv.56.5, prd vdm mdhl dydvi abhl, 
perhaps the double consonant made a written 4 needless. In view 
of the numerous analogies (p. 390, A), it is better to take them 
as real duals in -I, rather than to assume a false reading (p. 377) 
or the like. 

C. 1. Root-words: abhipriyd, 2; ghrta$r'iyd; AV. viii.2.14, 
abhipriyau. 

2. Here belong : nad'td; napt'id; yamid, 2 ; sakthid, 2 ; 8rnid y 
x.106.6; from cakri\ cakriyd y i. 185.1 : ii.34.9: v.30.8: x.89.4 (the 
Saman variant, cakrtyau y i.339, shows that this is dual and not I.s. ; 
cf. Wb. 429, 1761). The Kathaka has cakrlyau, xxix.7 ; the AV., 
sakthtau, vi.9.1 ; and nddyau, vi. 138.4. 

Transitions from B. These are the rule in Sanskrit. The Rik 
has not a single instance of it. The Atharvan has the following : 
dndiau, vi. 138.2 ; phdlgunyau y xix.7.3 ; and, finally, ak&hyail, 
i.27.1: iv.3.3: v.23.3; 29.4: vi.9.1^, lc(ed. -atil): vii.36.1: xix.50.1. 
The AV. has no example of Ad. 

Nominative and Accusative Dual Neuter. 

A. 1. (a) Here belongs $uei (cakre), x.85.12; possibly, p&ci y 
iv.56.5 ; and from the AV., tigmdhett (pr'?ige), viii.3.25. (b) In 



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392 C. R. Lanman, [i and t-stems, 

KV. ix. 97.54, mdhi (vddhatre) appears with shortened final ; and 
so, perhaps, in iv.56.5. 

2. BR. and Gr. put hdrini (pr'nge), ix.70.7, under hdrita. I 
would rather refer it to hdri. The AV. has dkshinl, x.9.14 and 
xi.3.2. 

Instrumental, Dative, and Ablative Dual Masculine. 

A. Instrumental : indrdgiubhydm, x.128.9 ; hdribhydm, 22 
times, and iv. 15. 7, and AV. ii.5.1 ; ddmpatibhydm, AV '. xii.3.27. 
Datives: indrdgn'tbhydm, 4, and v. 86. 6a, evd indrdagtubhydm ; 
hdribhydm^ 2. Ablatives: kukshibhydm^ AV. ii.33.4, &ndp<in'<b 
hydm, verse 6. In no case is -bhidm needed. 

Instrumental, Dative, and Ablative Dual Feminine. 

A. Instrumental : vartan'tbhydm. Ablatives : pd'rshnibhydtn 
and prdnibhydm, x. 163.4 ; prdnibhydm, AV. ix.8.21. 

B. Rddakbhydm, D.d.f., i. 136.6; aJcshtbhydm, Ab.d.f., x. 163.1; 
I.d.f., AV. xi.3.34 bis. 

C. In ii.16.3, kshom'bhydm is I.d.f. 

Instrumental, Dative, and Ablative Dual Neuter. 
A.B.C. In AV. x.10.21, sdkthibhydm is I.d.n. 

Genitive and Locative Dual Masculine. 

A. Genitives : indrdgnids, 2 ; hdrio8 y 2. Locatives : kiikshios, 
2; gdbhasti<>8, or f., 21 ; hdrios, 2. In ix.58.3, purushdtUios does 
the duty of an ablative ; cf. p. 344. 

C. In x.88.17, yajilanios is genitive. 

Genitive and Locative Dual Feminine. 

A. Genitive: yuvatyds, 2. Locatives: jdmids, v. 19.4; gari- 
ni68 y AV. i.3.6 : v.25. 10-13 ; pd'rshnios, vi.24.2. 

B. Genitives: 1. akshids, AV. v.4.10 (MSS. and ed., akshdt); 
parinr'tya7itio8, AV. x.7.43 ; rddastos, RV., 13 times ; and in the 
sense of an ablative (p. 344), vi.24.3 ; from nini — m. nitiid, 
oxytone — we have ninios, x.5.1 (cf. p. 369): or, it may stand for 
ninidyos, like pastlos y etc., p. 344 : — 2. divasprthivyds, 4 ; 
rddasyos, 2. Locatives: 1. ardnios, iii. 29.2 ; pdtantio8 y x.24.5; 
rddasios, 3; akshids, AV. vi. 127.3: — 2. 8atntcyds y x.24.5; 
ardnyos, viLl.l ; drjunyos, x.85.13 ; akshyds, AV. vi.24.2. 

C. Genitives: onios, ix.65.11 (cf. Ath. Pr. iii.61) ; cakrios, 2. 
Locatives: onios, ix. 16.1 ; 101.14; naptios. 

Genitive and Locative Dual Neuter. 

A.B.C. There is no example. 

Nominative and Vocative Plural Masculine. 

A. The exceptional ary-ds (16) is the sole example of its kind. 
The stem-final is regularly gunated and the ending added. This 
form occurs 523 times (from 109 stems). Examples are : agndyas, 



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N. V.p.rn.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 393 

27; ddrayas, 26; arcdyas, 14; iXrmdyas, 15; fshayas, 26; 
kavdyas, 45; pdtayas, 16; racmdyas, 16; vdhnayas, 15 ; vdyas, 
38; ptoayas, 18; s&rdyas, 36; hdrayas y 31. In vi.66.1 1, girdyas 
is possibly an Ab.s.m. ; cf. p. 383, 384 end. Gr. proposes giribhyas. 

Transition from B : Sdbharayas. 

Transition from C : dhrayas (p. 372). 

Transition to the n-declension (?). In ii.34.2#, * rings' {Jchddirnras 
=khdddyas) would be more appropriate than 'wearing rings' 
(khdd'tn-as) ; bat this equation is hardly to be allowed. 

B. Sole example : siri's. 

Transition from C: takvavi's, i. 15 1.5 (p. 373). 

C. 1. Root-words : (a) durddh'tas, 2 ; dddhias; devdvias, 2 ; 
padavlas; sadhanias; sudhias, 4 ; suddhias, 15 ; grdmamas, AV. 
iii. 5. 7. (b) agnicriyas; adhvaracriyas, 3 ; abhipriyas; for 
dtrghd 'dhiyas and nd'nddhiyas, cf. p. 369 ; pariprtyas; supriyas, 

2 ; kadhapriyas, 2 ; ganacriyas, i.64.9. 

2. Here belong : ahias; dpathi'a* (cf. d'pathayas) ; rathias, 3 ; 
rathtas, 13 ; for suhastias, ix.46.4, see pp. 368-9. 

Nominative and Vocative Plural Feminine. 

A. We have aryds, f., i.71.3; 122.14: x.2l.8bis; and of the 
usual form, 290 occurrences (from 66 stems). Examples are : 
drdtayasy 18 ; ittdyas, 42 ;. hrshtdyas, 17 ; kshitdyas, 13 ; jdnayas, 
12 ; dhitdyas, 21 ; matdyas, 20; rdtdyas, 18 ; vrshtdyas, 12. 

Transitions from B : dshadhayas, 3 ; see others on p. 372. 
Transitions from C : ambdyas; arundyas, x.95.6 ; kshondyas. 

B. 1. The uncontracted form is perhaps seen in vd'nias, Val. 
11.3d, text, 4s; but the verse may consist of 12, 11, 12, i2. 

2. The regular form of the later language (devyds) is almost 
entirely unknown in the Rik. Instead of that, we have devt's. 
Forms of this kind occur 423 times (from 166 stems). Examples 
are: d'rls (vicas), 1.77.3; 96.3 (Gr., A.p.f.) : cf. d'rids; rtd'varts, 

3 ; dshadhis, 27 ; devaydntis, 6 ; devt's, 43 ; pdtnis, 11 ; p&rvtfs, 
36; bhdti's, 8; mahi's, 11; yahvi's, 7; vdsvis, 6; vd'nts, 12; 
sincatfs and sincdntts; for dpicvis, i. 120.8, see p. 372 med. 

Transitions from A: avdnis; Qjd'nis; Utis; ndhtts; nirrtis; 
nishkrtis ; p&ramdhts, L 123.6 : v.41.6 ; bhti'mis, 2; vicvd- 
krsfUis; for crenis, v.59.7, Gr. proposed ^rdyinis — better crenayas; 
sdyonts; from the Atharvan : angiitis, x.2.1; rshtl's, i v. 3 7. 8,9; 
dhamdms, vii.35.2 ; nd'bhis, xix.53.2 ; pd'rshnts, viii.6.15 ; prshtl's, 
x.9.20: xi.8.14; bhil'mis (read -mayasf), xi.7.14. See p. 370 top. 

Transitions from C. There appear to be none in the Rik : for 
rathi's, viii.84.1, see p. 373 med.; for kshoni's, i.54.1, see p. 372 
end. In the Atharvan we have nadt's (but also nadias), iii.24.3, 
and laJcshml's (but also -mias), vii. 115.4. 

C. 1. Root-words: (a) ddhias, i. 105.7; 105.8=x.33.3; pranias; 
from AV., viddhias, vii.114.2 ; in the Rik it would be written 
viddhiyas(p. 369): — (b) abhicrtyas, 3 ; dh'tyas, 19; vd'tapramiyas 
(p. 369); priyas, 6; dpriyas, AV. xi.7.19. 



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394 C. R. /Amman, [i and f -stems. 

2. Here belong: (a) amnios, i. 1 40.13; enias, 2; kalydmas; 
gaurtas ; nad'ias, 15 ; maydrlas; rathias, vii.21.3 ; vakshvit; 
starias; from the AV., ardyiaSy i.28.4 : ii.14.3; tikshmiprng'tm, 
viii.7.9; nadtas y vi.24.3 : xix.1.1 ; n&d'ias, x.7.15; maydr'ias, vii. 
56.7; ydtudhdnia&y L28 .4 : ii.14.3: xix.47.7; lakshmiaSy vii. 115.3; 
vikeptaSj L28.4: xi.2.11; 9.14; viastakepiaSy viii.1.19; sahasra- 
parnias, viii.7.13 : — (b) samudriyaSy Rik x.65.13. 

3. The stem-final is consonantized in the Rik only in starydm, 
vii.68.8^, and nadydy vii.50.4. See p. 379 top, and p. 373 me*l 
The Atharvan has: apvataryds y viii.8.22 ; nadydSy iii.13.1: xl 
6.10: xiv.2.7; naptyds y vii.82.6 ; nddyds, x.7.16 ; pippaly&s, 
vi. 109.2; vrkshasarpydSy ix.2.22. 

Transitions from A: yayiyas, x.78.7; piibhriyaSy AV. xx.48.2; 
karkaryds (ed. -yds), iv.37.4. 

Transition from B. This has become universal in the later 
language. There is only one certain instance of it in the Rik 
(strty-aSy vii.55.8). Even in the Atharvan we see only the begin- 
nings of the movement, and the N.p.£ of series B ends almost 
alwavs in -Is; thus, devf's occurs 19 times as N., and 5 times as A. 
We have as N.p.f. urvias, xi.7.18, and elsewhere urvt's (9 times). 
The longer form is preferred on account of the metre ; and perhaps 
this gave the first impulse to the movement. Here belong : (from 
RV.) prpamaSy x.61.8, and suparnias, 88.19: — (from AV.) striyas, 
iv.5.2: vLl38.5; urvias, xL7.18; rudatydSy 9.14. Cf. p. 372. 

Nominative Aim Accusative Plural Neuter. 

A. There is no example of a vocative. The N. and A. have a 
series of forms entirely parallel with those of the stems in a, in «, 
and in man. 

1. Here belong : kriidhmi (mdndnst), vii.56.8 ; p&ci (havyd'), 
56.12; and the numeral tri'y 21 times. In vi. 44. 14 and vii.23.3, 
(vrtrd'ni) aprati'y the pada has -i. 

2. Both texts have -l: (vrtrd'ni) apratty i.53.6: ix.23.7; asthtlri 
(gd'rhapatydni)y vi.15.19; jdmi (brdhmdni), vii. 72.3; (d'yudhdtri) 
x.8.7 ; bhd'ri (dnndy tdnaydniy nd'ma, etc.), 15 times, ami 
x. 120.5,6 ; pdrni (pdrvid'ni, BR.), iii.55.3 ; surabht (mukhd), 
iv.39.6 ; and from the AV., apratiy vii.50.l5wy 93.1; 110.1; 
bhxl'riy v.2.6 (Rik, v. 1.); 11.7: vi.1.3; mdhi (vdrcdnsi), iv.22.3. 

3. The Rik has: aprati'niy 5; bhd'riniy 5 times, and L 165.7c 
(bhU'ri in a) ; pucini; surabht '/ii, (havyd\ -yd'ni), 2. The AV. 
has: dkshlniy iv.5.5 (Rik, akshd'ni)\ dsthiniy ix.5.23 : xi.8.12: 
xii.5.70. In Rik i. 149.4, the metre demands the longer gram- 
matical form, tri'ni — text, tri'. 

B.C. There is no example. Paradigm : jalapi'ni. 

Accusative Plubal Masculine. 

A. We find ary-ds 7 times (in 602.7, it is N.am.). The usual 
pada-f orm -in occurs 84 times (from 31 stems). It appears in the 
samhitd as -tap in i.173.8, and as -mr, 41 times. That is, in one- 



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A. p.m.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 395 

half of all the instances, we have the direct representative of the 
organic form -ins (p. 346). 1. The form -inr appears only in the 
interior of a pdda. It occurs (a) before a vowel : viz., before a-, 
26 times: as, ix,107.19<2; before iva, in i.52.5; 141.11: iii.45.3 : 
iv .30.15: viii.35.21 ; before t-, i.109.3 : iii.38.1; before w-, viii. 
26.10: x.69.12; before o-, v. 41.8 ; 42.16; furthermore, (b) before 
y-, iv.35.7; before v-, i.127.7 and vi.39.2 ; before /*-, i.184.2. For 
the last four cases the Prat., iv.29, makes special provision. 2. In 
28 of the other 42 cases, the form appears as -hi at the end of a 
pdda: as, giri'n \ tfcZ, x. 138.2 ; and in the interior of a pdda y as 
-£/#, 10 times — before p- (5 times), £-, £-, «-, y-, tv; as -in or -tni 
before «-, i 144.3: iii.4.1 : vii.57.7; and once as -in before j-, 
vii.3.8. 

Accusatives p.m. are found from the stems: agni; ajdmi, 2; afSfi; dtithi; 
ddabdhadhUi; apidki; asushvi, 2; <%'%; dpi; ishudhi; xtdadhi; urmx; r'shi; kavi, 
2 ; giri, 4 ; jdmi ; nidhi, 3 ; pani, 9 ; paridhi, 4 ; pradhi ; rapmi, 6 ; vddhri ; 
vdriaspdti, 11; vijdmi; vidti* 2; sdkhi, 5; sdtpati; saptarshi; s&ri, 14; sti, 2; 
smdddishti. 

In vimticyd vtiyo avasd'ya dpvdn, i. 104.1, the stem vi is irregu- 
larly gunated before the ending is added. See p. 384, and girdyas, 
p. 383. 

C. 1. (a) durddhias; dildh'tas, 6; sadhanias. (b) supriyas, 
viii.8.17. 2. ahtas; dushprdvias; rathtas y 2. As a transition- 
form — from A — cf. avdniyas, AV. Paric., quoted by BR. 

Accusative Plural Feminine. 

A. We find ary-ds 4 times. The usual form in -** occurs 122 
times (from 42 stems). In i.140.9, I take variant r as N.s.f. — p. 
377. For drdtis, N.s.f., vi.4.5, see p. 376. For supposed forms in 
-ias — text -is — see p. 371 adfln. 

The stems are: dndnubhdti; abhbndti, 5; abhipasti; abhi'ti; drdti, 16; av&ni, 
6; avyathi; dputL 5; ishti; %U%\ 3; ruTai; krshti, 16; krshn&yoni; tehiti, 8; 
(jaryuti; carshani, 7; j&ni, 3; tvishi; ditrmati, 2 ; pakti, 3; pankti ; pwramdhi, 7 ; 
pu*hti; prtouti, 2; prshti; liMtmi, 3; mati 4; mdrici ; yuvatx; vdhkri; variant, 
iv.19.2 ; vasati; pakti, 2; sdmiti; sdyoni; sdtx; suhshili, 3; sumaii, 2; sushtuti^ 
2; stuti; srakti; hetL 

The A. p.m., vdyas % would seem to support ciir6tayas y x. 140.3, 
as A.p.f To this we may add p&cayas (dnu svd'h), AV. v. 1.3. 
C£ p. 384. 

B. The form coincides with that of the nom., and with that of 
the ace. of A. It occurs 310 times (from 106 stems). Examples 
are : ddevts, 10 ; dshadhts, 24 ; dd'st8 y 9 ; pdi?its, 7 ; pHrvVs^ 40 ; 
pr'shatiSy 7; brhatts, 12; maht's, 18. In viii.50.16, d is cata- 
lectic; we need not assume the uncontracted form ddevias — text,-?*. 

Transitions from C : arunf's, i. 1 1 2. 1 9 : i v. 2. 1 6 ; ydtudhdn ts y A V. 
iv.18.7c (the metre would allow the reading -ias). For nad'io, 
ix.9.4 — Gr., nadts — see p. 373. I take kshom's, i.57.4, as N.s.f. ; so 
also cakatts^ x.146.3; and as N.s.m., rathts % iii.30.11. 

0. 1. (a) ddhias, AV. vi.131.1. (b) dh'iyas, RV. 46 (and AV. ix. 
2.25); cr'tyas, 12; bhiyas, AV. iv.31.7 (Rik bhiyam).. 



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896 0. R. Lanman, [t and Osteins. 

2. (a) ashtakarnias; kildsias; khdrias; dehias, 2 ; nadias, 9 ; 
naptias; meshias; yam'tas; ydtudhdnias, 2 ; starias. From the 
A V., ardy'im, iv.17.5; 18.7,8; nadias, vll2.3: vii.38.5; naptias, 
ii.14.1; ydtudhdnias, L28.2 : iv.9.9 ; 20.6: jrix.36.2 ; 39.1,5,8; 
sambddhaiandrias, x.2.9. (b) samtidAyas, RV. i.25.7 ; 55.2. 

Transitions from B : yahvias and suparnias (but see p. 372) ; 
stiriry-as. 

INSTRUMENTAL PLURAL MASCULINE. 

A. The ending is added directly to the stem : as, agni-bhis. The 
form occurs 258 times (from 40 stems). 

The stems are: agni, 10; dj&mi; afy'i, 10: ddri, 43; arct, 2 ; aw, 4: avyathi; 
dghdti, or f.; upabdi, 2 ; flrmt, 5; rtddhiii; r'*W, 10; Aavi, 7 ; jttmf, 3: rfro«i^xi«i; 
nidhi; pani; pa£hi 1 2$; pavi, 2; J>«nt; prdshti; bh&'ri, 3; rayi; ra^jroi 36; 
vdnaspdU; vdhni, 5; w, 9; vidupavi, 2; vfrfupdm; ptict, 2; tdfcfct, 16 ; wipth ; 
*4ptf; s&'dhadishti ; sudUi, 5; sfirt, 14; svdyukti; svSddnji; hart, 23; Atronya- 

C. Here belong only three words : mddhi'bhis, 2 ; ganapi'bhis 
(p. 372); and hiranyavdptbhis. 

Instrumental Plural Feminine. 

A. The form is like that of the m. : HB,jdni-bhis. It occurs 365 
times (from 48 stems). 

The stems are : dciUi; acha-ukti, 3 ; abhishti, 7; arishtatdti; avyathi; apani; 
asdmi; ishti, 2; drt, 100: r'jft*; rafat, 6; fa*A/t; ?4rti; ct/tf, 5; cittt; /Ait, 
5; /dmt, 4; dtfdhiH; devavtti; devdhiUi, 4; dyumndhCUi; dhUi, 27; n<i»MX-t4A*rt; 
p&ribh&ti; prdniti; prdcasti, 8; wiatf, 37; ytwatf, 2; ratf, 3; wiO'twdtf ; vishti: 
vrsMi, 4 ; pdAtf, 2 ; (utdbhuji ; c&mtdti ; fasti ; ereni ; sdhiUi, 2 ; sunUi, 2 ; sumatu 
6; ntvr^i 18; sttfasti, 6; sushtxUi, 2; svdyukti; svdvrkti; suasti, 7, and in the 
refrain of the Vasishtha-hjmns, 75 times; sudpi; havydddti, 4. 

Transition from B : ardnibhis, 2. 

In nine instances, the word Mi' is shown not only by the sense, 
but also by the forms of the adjectives in concord with it, to be 
Lp.f. : as, tvd'bhir Hti\ ii.20.2; and in iv.29.1, it is parallel with 
vd'jebhis. 

B. The form is distinguished from that of A only by the stem- 
final: as, dnvt-bhis. It occurs 113 times (from 32 stems). 

The stems are: dnvi; drushi; drvati; apmanm&yi; ashtd'padt; dtmanM; 
d'yasty 2; dshadhi, 6; jdratt; javini; tavishi, 13; dvayf; dhautari; ndvyasi,l; 
pdtni ; p&rvt', 4 ; pr' shaft, 5 ; pravdtvati ; brhatt' ; bhd'ratt ; mahtf, 4 ; yahvV ; 
rd'trt; vamrt' ; vdr&trt; vdsvi; vd'nl; vd'fi, 3; c&ct, 36; palint, 4; (dmi, 8; 
sahasrtnt, 4. 

C. 1. dhibhis, 37 (and AV. v.20.8); pribhls. 2. kalydnt'bhis; 
Jcshoni'bhiSy 2 ; nadi'bhis; napti'bhU. 

Transition from B. The word strf-bhls I would put here rather 
than directly under B, on account of the accent. Herein it fol- 
lows the general rule for monosyllables of series C. 

Instrumental Plural Neuter. 
A.B.C. There is no example. 



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D.Ab.p.m.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 397 

Dative and Ablative Plural Masculine. 

The general ending, -bhyas, is affixed directly to the stem : as, 
vi-bhyas. The two cases are coincident in form, but are grouped 
here according to the exegesis.' 

A. Datives. There are 44 forms (from 9 stems). The stems 
are: r'sAt, x.14.15; rsh'tbhyas, Val. 11.6 (the accent is perhaps a 
mere blunder of the tradition) ; ddpdvani; pdti, 3 ; yati; vi; 
c\i-ci; sdkki, 21, and in. 3 1.1 5 ; sani, 4 ; sdri, 9. 

Ablatives. There are 17 forms (from 12 stems). The stems are: 
agni; dtri; Jcavdrt; gir%, 3 (Gr. proposes giribhyas, vi.66.11 ; see 
N.p.m.); pant; pavi ; pldpi ; vdnavpdti ; vi; sdkhi,4; sant; 
sthivi. 

C. The only example in the Rik is the dative, rta-rii'-bhyas, 
ii.27.1 2, with shortened f . Cf. sendn'ibhyas and pvanibhyas, p. 372. 

Dative and Ablative Plubal Feminine. 

A. Datives : kshitibhyas; carshanibhyas, 6. 
Transition from B : nd'Abhyas, viii.46.8 ; -bhias, i.43.6. 
Ablatives : anhatibhyas; kthit'ibhyas, 2 ; carshanibhyas; jdni- 

bhyas, x.1 83.3 ; angulibhyas and dhamdnibhya8 y AV. ii.33.6. 

B. Datives : (a) tdvishtbhyas ; from A v., gandharvdpattri- 
bhyas, iL2.5 ; papvati'bhyas (sic), v.8.8 : vi. 75.2,3 : — (b) at the end 
of catalectic pddas (Gr., -bhias) : dshadhtbhya*, ix.11.3 ; vrshan- 
ydntibhya8 y 19.5; gnoshtnibhyas, AV. xi.2.31a/ kep'tntbhyas, b. 

Ablatives : (a) dshadhtbhyas, vii.50.3 : — (b) SshadhibhyaSy 
ii. 1.1 ; brhati'bhyas, viii.3.19; add padvdtlbhyas, vi.59.6. 

C. Dative: apart' bhy as, i.32.13. 

Dative and Ablative Plural Neuter. 

A.B.C. The Rik has no example. In AV. ii.33.6, BR. suggest 
asthtibhyas for asthibhyas (dsthi), Abl. 

Genitive Plubal Masculine. 

The oxytone stems of series A and B accent the case-ending in 
the m. and f. (and n.) of the genitive plural. This seems anoma- 
lous, since it happens although the stem and ending are separated 
by the consonant n. Cf. ilrmi-d\ tfrmi^n-d (p. 367). 

A. L Oxy tones. There are 80 forms (from 11 stems). 1. 
kavmd'm, 12 ; girind'm, 3 ; carshanindhn, vi.22.1 ; panind'm, 3 ; 
pathind'm, v. 1.11 ; mathind'm?, Val. 5.8; raytndm, 31 times, 
and in vil.8; sanind'm. Besides these the AV. has: kavind'm, 
vi.47.3: vii.22.1: xiv.1.53; girlnd'rn, x.4.14; devajdmfnd'm, \\. 
46.2 : xvi.5.6 ; 8.6 ; pathmd'm^ ix.5.19 ; mantnd'm, xix.31.11 ; 
raymd'm, , iii.10.5: vi.62.2 : vii.40.2 ; 79.4; 80.3 (cf. Rik) ; 109.6: 
x.9.27: xi.1.34: xvi.3.1 ; 4.1; vapind'm, MSS. xix.24.6. Compare 
the numerals, trind'm, tisrnd'm, catitrnd'm, saptdnd'm, navdnd'ni, 
dapdnd'm, taptattnd' m, and navatind } m. 

2. The word stands at the end of a catalectic pdda of 7 syllables, 
where Gr. reads -aam: kavTnd'm, ix.67.13 ; giriud'm, 2 ; carsham- 
nd'rn, 8, and see feminines; nidhind'm; patund'm,3; raymd'm,7. 
vol. x. 54 



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898 0. R. Lanman, \i and i-stems. 

3. Resolution seems necessary in agntndam, x.78.3 ; kavmdam, 
ix.64.10; rayindam, vi.45. 19; vindam, i.25.7. 

II. Barytones. There are 48 forms (from IV stems). 1. dtrindm, 
2; dvindm ; dhindm, 2; r'shindm, 10 times, and i.84.2; gan- 
dhd'rindm; puclndm; sdkhlndm; havirmdthlndm. 

2. The word stands at the end of a catalectic pdda of seven 
syllables, where Gr. reads -aam: dvindm, 2; r'shindm, v.66.5 ; 
tuvishvdntndm (prd adhvarb is a refrain-like pdda) ; dhunindm, 
2 ; mahishvdiitiidm ; vdnaspdtindm ; vimahtndm; vidtindm; 
p&cindm ; sdkhindm, i.30.11: iv.31.3: vii.32.25 ; hdrindm^ iv. 
48.5; and viii.24.17; 33.12; 46.1. In viii.24.23, cardritndm is at 
the end of a catalectic jagatt (i. e. trishtubh) pdda. 

3. Resolution seems necessary in r'shtnaam, v.65.6 : x.22.1 ; 
mtimnaam, viii.17.14 ; sdkhbiaam, v.64.5 ; hdrtnaam, v.33.2: 
viii.24.14; 25.23: x.23.1 ; and ix. 105.5. 

B. In viii.20.8,'we may pronounce sdbharinaara^ or -dm. 

C. Here belong aht'ndm, x. 139.6 ; rathVndm (Gr., -aam) % Ll 1. 1 : 
viii.45.7; nadi'naam, v.74.2. The accent of atasi'ndm, viii.3.13, 
would seem to refer it to a C-stem, atasi'f. 

Genitive Plural Feminike. 

A. I. Oxytones. There are 91 forms {from 13 stems). 1. 
krshtind'm, 9 times, and vii.26.5 ; kshittndm, 8 ; carsharund'vt^ 
12 (m. in 463, 1); jdmind'm; ditrmattnd'm, i.l29.8#, Mb; dhau- 
ttnam; matt7id'm y 14 times, and iii.49.3; rayhid'm, i.68.7 (usually 
m.) ; sumattnd'm. I add from AV., grshtind'm, ii. 13.3 : xix.24.5; 
carshanind' m, xiii.1.38: matind'm, xiii.1.33; 3.19: xviii.3.63. 

2. The word stands at the end of a catalectic pdda of 7 sylla- 
bles, where Gr. reads -aam: Jcavhid'm, x.22.10; kshithid'm, 5; 
carshanind'm 7 14, and see masculines: in x. 126.6, dti dvtshah is a 
refrain; durmatind'm, i. 129. 8c, lie: viii.46.19; matind'm^i; *w- 
hshitind'm; sumattnd'm, 3 ; smhtutind'm, 2. 

3. Resolution seems necessary in krshtlndam, vi. 45.16 : (not 
in 542,5:) viii.57.7 ; pxishtindam, x.26.7 ; matlndam, x.26.4 (ami 
not in 283, 3). 

II. Barytones. There arc 7 forms (from 5 stems). 1. jdnmdm. 
3 ; mdrtchidm. 2. At the end of a catalectic pdda of seven sylla- 
bles, where Gr. reads aam : upastutindm; nirrtindm; p&ehuhn. 

B. It seems to be the rule for the Rik that even the oxy- 
tone stems ending in long i shift the accent to the case-suffix in 
the G.p. 

I. Oxytones. There are 11 forms (from 6 stems). 1. yatind'm, 
Ll 1 3.8 bis; 124.2; bahvmd'm, i.95.4 : vi.75.5 ; bfiaiijatind'm, 
x. 103.8 ; bhdttnd'm, i.113.15 : iv.13.1 ; bhutijatind'm, x.89.17; 
mahind'm, viii. 19.31 (SV. ii.l 173, maht'ndm — but not "ric/Uiger" 
as Gr. says). We need not refer strotd'm, AV. vii.13.1 : viii.6.13, 
to C, as a transition-form, since its accent is regular for B. 

Exceptions. There is no genuine exception for whicli the Rik does not show a 
counter-example with accented case-ending. (1 .) In iii.l .12, mahi'ndm occurs with 
unconformable accent; the first part of the hymn, 1-14. is of mystical character. 



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G.p.f.] " Noun- Inflection in Hie Veda. 399 

The AY. has ndrdfans?ndm, xv.6.4, and rdthajiteyVndm, vi. 130.1. (2.) The word 
stands at the end of a catalectic pdda, where Gr. reads -aam. Yatt'ndm occurs 
in i. 158.6; but verse 6, the last, belongs to the preceding five neither in sense nor 
metre. Gr. thinks it may owe its origin to a gloss. Mahi'ndm occurs in x. 134.1 
— a hymn whose style marks it as late— and in ix.102.1. Pdda b of i.36.1 reads 
virtl'm derayati'ndm. I suspect that this is a mere metrical substitute for deva- 
ydnHndm. The law with regard to the place of the accent, p. 367 top, holds good 
in the formation of feminine participles, so that the stem must be either devayatV 
or devayantt. It should, like all other feminine participles of denominatives, be 
the latter (devaydntindm : cf. i.77.3); but since the metre requires a short syllable 
in the fifth place, the n is dropped and the accent shifted accordingly. For 
kani'ndmy see p. 364. (3.) Resolution seems necessary in mahi'naam, v.45.3. 

II. Barytones. There are 62 forms (from 28 stems). 1. dtish- 
thantindm; drushtndm; iyHshtndm y 3 ; dshadhindm, 6 ; gdmat- 
indm ; jdyantindm ; trtarushtndm ; daiv?ndm y 2 ; ?idvya8i?idm 
(mar&tdm!); padvdtindm; md'nu8hindm y 6 ; revdti?idm; vattin- 
huhn; pdctndm; cdpvat$ndm y 7 ; sr'tvartndm. 

2. The word stands at the end of a catalectic pdda of 7 sylla- 
bles, where Gr. reads -aam: apmanmdyindm; 6datindm y viii.58.2; 
d'rndvatindm; dshadhitidm^ 8 ; ndvyasindm (m.) ; pr'shatindm, 
2 ; md'nieshitidm, 2 ; ydtumdtindm y 2 ; y6yuvatindm y viii.58.2 ; 
rdpushindm; vihtit 'matin dm; vavarj'dshindm; cdcindm y 3; cdpvat- 
indm y 3 : and viii.17.14, at end of trishtubk; ciprtrtindm ; sani- 
shyd?itindm. 

3. Resolution seems necessary in cyd'vinaam, viii.46.22. 

C. I. Root-words: (b) dhiyd'm, v.44.13: — (c) dhind'm, 7; 
grind' m; hiranyavi'ndm y y'm.bA.10. 2. (c) arum'fidm; nadi'ndm, 
14: -dm, Gr. -aam, 5; purushi'ndm, Gr. -aam; svari'ndm y x.68.7, 
see p. 369. Krimi'ridm — AV. v. 23. 13, sdrveshdth ca krimindm, 
sdrvdsdm ca krimi'ndm — should be added on p. 369. 

Genitive Plural Neuter. 
A. B.C. There is no example. 

Locative Plural Masculine. 

A. There are 37 forms (from 16 stems). These are: dkavi; 
vgn'i, 3 ; anjl y 2 ; dsamdti; dji y 8 ; dpi; r'shi; hhdd't; gir\; nidhi; 
patht; pavt; yoni y 5; rapm't ; cubhrt; stiri, 8. Example: 
ngn'tshu. For B and C there is no example. 

Locative Plural Feminine. 

A. There are 60 forms (from 21 stems — all but 3 in -ti) : as, Ht\- 
shu. The stems are : abhimdti; ishti; ut't; rshti; krshti y 6 ; kshiti y 
3; gdvishti y 6; d'ivishti y 11 ; devdhUti; pdrishti; pushti; prdniti y 
2; prdtHrti ; prdyukti; yd'mahtiti, 2; rdtt y 3; viitshti, 13 times, 
and i.171.5 ; sdti; further, avyathi; jdrni; pubhr't, v. 34. 8. 

Transition from B: nd'rishu y x.86.11a. The \ is metrically 
favored as penultimate in a pdda of 8 syllables. 

B. There are 64 forms (from 30 stems) : as, yati'shu. The stems 
are: dpnasvati; dmdnusht; d'runi; yatV ; 6shadhi y 19, and x.1.2; 
garbhmi; gdmat i; citrint; jdgati, 2 ; tdruni; tdvishi y 2 ; ndvyasi; 



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400 C. R. Jjanman, * [wand 

nd'hushi, 3; pdrushni; ptirvi' ; pr'shcUi; prajd'vati; 7nd'muhi,%\ 
mrkshini; y<thvi\ 2 ; rdhini, 2 ; vd'ni; vd'pt; vrjafit'; pdkoari, 
2; pripvatt: -tt\ p. 368; s'tshdsanti; snthitl; hdrini; jdhati 

Transition from A : svd'hdkrthhu, i. 188.11 (t metrical ?). 

C. 1. dhlshu^i. 2. apart 'aAu, 3; arunV&hu; nadi'shu y 9. 

Transition from B : strishti, AV. vi.11.1 : vii.90.3 : xii.1.25. 

Locative Plural Nkuter. 
A. B.C. The only example is bhtt'rishu (d'gah&u), viii.45.34. 

Declension op art', jdm, pati, sakhi, etc. 

The stem art is declined thus : N.B., arts, 10 ; in i.4.6, Bollensen suggests ar?s 
=ary-ds (tripos); A., arim, 2; an/dm, viii.33.14 (G.p. -yd'ml); D., ardye; G., 
arias, 3 ; aryd*, 3ft — p. 384; N.p.m., aryds, 16; A., 7 ; N.p.f., 2, and x.27.8 6w; 
A., 4. All the forms (except the N, A., and D s.) are irregular, especially in the 
accent, and coincide with the N. or A.s.m. of the stem aryd. See Wb. 115. 

The stem jdni, f., has the following forms : N.s., jdni (transition to B) ; G., 
jdnyus; N.p., janayas, 12; A., jdnts, 2, and viii.17.7 : -ibhis, 5; -ibhyas, x. 183.3; 
-indm, 3. 

PdH is declined regularly in the sense of 'lord,' and in composition; when 
unoom pounded and meaning ' husband,' it has the forms pdtye, 8 ; pdtyus; patyau, 
2 (cf. p. 388). The regular forms are : pate, 35 ; pdtis, 72 ; -twi, 49 ; pdtid; -yd, 2; 
(for patind, pdtaye, pates, cf . p. 382 ;) patt, 33 ; -aya>, 16 ; -ibhyas } 3. 

From the stem sdkhdy come the forms: sdkhd, 76 ; -dyam, 27 ; -dyd % 6; ~*tyau; 
-dyas, 65. The others come from sdkhi: sakhe, 11; sdkhia\ 5; -yd, 3; -ye, 10; 
-yt«, Ab.; -yus, 7; -ttu, 2; -In, 5; -ibhis, 15; -ibhyas, D., 22; -ftAyoj, 4; «wm, 
4; -imam, v. 64.5. 

In like manner are declined most of the compounds of sdkhC The following 
are found in the N.s.m. : asmdt- ; indra- ; kdnva- ; gd-shakhd ; nrvdt- ; mat- ; 
marut- % 4 (and as fern., vii.96.2: x.86.9); sushakhd', 2. Besides these, are found: 
gdsakfidyam ; svshakhd'yas, 2. Four compounds show transition to the o-declen- 
sion: drdvaydt-sakha-m, x. 39.10c; ydvayat-sakJi&s, x.26.6d; pataydt (sc. -sakham) 
mandaydtsakJia-m, i.4.7c. For the omission, cf. the German Ein- und Ausgang. 
I suspect the metro has something to do with these transitions; and perhaps the 
tradition once had prdyavdtsakhas at the end of viii.46.12a, where our text has 
-khd. 

The peculiar form in -yus is common to jdni, pdti, and sdkhi. Bopp, YgL Gr* 
§198, considers pdty-au and sdkhy-au as organic forms. I should regard them 
rather as due to false analogy, -au being apprehended as a case-ending. 

In the AY., x.8.39, we have the N.s.m., ekapatni-s. This form, like hiranyavdfte, 
RV. vii.97.7, belongs to a category that I have not distinctly set up, namely, the 
masculine compounds of feminine stems in t. 



STEMS IN U AND 6. 

The declensional system of the u and ^-sterns is closely analo- 
gous to that of the stems in i and t (p. 365). There is, however, 
one important difference. The forms of the i and /-stems show 
that there were three distinct methods of declension, by means 
of three series of endings, A, B, and C. The forms of the 
stems in u and H show that in the Vedic period their declensional 
resources were confined entirely to the series A and C. The 
few sporadic instances of B-forms from w-stems only confirm this 
statement. The forms which are even preferred by the later 



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fi-stems.] Noun- Inflection in Oie Veda. 401 

grammar — as, dhenvai, dhenod's, dhenn&'m — are in reality transi- 
tions to the ^-declension, and do not belong to the w-deelension at 
alL As stated at the end of p. 366, the apparent case-suffixes of 
the 2-stems were -d, -ai, -ds, -dm, etc. ; and after this analogy the 
forms dhenvai, etc., were made. The originality of such a form 
as hdnv-ds (Schleicher, Conip.* p. 538 §252) must be denied. 
The two series, mutatis mutandis, are as follows : 

Series A. Series C. 



V s 




o as 


a' 8 






Of as 


um 




6 ns 


Of am 






Of as 


u&' 




u bhis 


Of d 






Of bhis 


o e 




u bhyas 


Of e 






Of bhyas 


8 




dn d'm 


&' as 






Ofn dm 


o i 




u shu 


Ofi 






Of shu 


o 


u u 




u 


Of 


d 






u bhyd 


m 




(f 


bhyd 


m 




U 08 






of 


OS 





Series A was applied to the stems in short u, including many 
masculines, but few neuters, aud very few ferainines. It was 
applied without distinction of gender, save that the neuters of 
course had in the N. and A., no ending in the s., 4 in the d., and -* 
in the p. The later grammar has rules confining the " inserted /i" 
to the neuter in certain cases; but in the Veda we have neuters 
without n (as, vfdtiu, mddhau) and masculines with n (as, 
cd'ninas). Here belong, moreover, a number of stems in #, the 
character of whose final is not always entirely clear, but which are 
treated declensionally as if the u were suffixal. 

In some, etymological evidence shows that the u is not radical. Such are : 
abhi-jnu, mitd-jhu, dru, sti-dru, p&tu-dru, snu } ghrtii-mu (cf. jd'nu, dti'ru, sd'nu) ; 
khara~jru (root 2jar) ; d-gru (gir) ; puru-ksM, kshu (ghas); d-psu (bhiis); -psu 
(bhds), with aruryi-, ahruta-, rta-, prushitd-, vigvd-, vicva'-, vr'sha- ; sishnu (san) ; 
piprn (par). Gu f in the compounds of -gu with d-, puslUi-, pr'pni-, bhOfri-, sapta-, 
and in su-gu, is a peculiar modification of go, ' cow.' We might see its parallel in 
rdhad-ri, p. 384, if the metre did not make the assumption of a stem -ri doubtful. 
In other cases, the final d (or a + nasal) of a root is dropped and replaced by the 
suffix u: thus, yu (genitive, yds), sva-yk, pubham-yu (cf. rub?iam-yd'); anushthu, 
su-shihu {sthd; but cf. sthb-rd, sthdv-vra); ddhri-gu, vanar-gu, cdci-gu {gam); d-kliu 
(khan, khd-td). 

Some words whose final element is a root ending in a short vowel are declined 
entirely as if the u were a suffix. Such are : dyit, ddyu, dbhidyu, ddfadyu; didyu; 
aprdyu (yu, yuyoti) ; dsmrta-dhru (cf. varuna-dhru-t) ; prthu-shtu (siu, * conglobari) ; 
wshtu (6tauti). In mitd-dru, the root is used substantively as part of a bahuvrVii; 
and so possibly in sa-dru, AY. xv.7.1. In hari-dru, Rik x.94.12, the accent is 
probably wrong ; read haridravas. 

The compounds of bhd ought to be declined according to G ; but even in the 
Veda there are many forms from stems in short u. In the enumerations, I have 
entered them as transition-forms (0 to A) ; but perhaps the general statement, p. 
403, would have sufficed. 

Series C was applied to oxytone stems in long ??', and their 
sometimes barytone compounds. Here belong 

1. Stems whose final element is a root: as, nabho-ju\ vtra-su'; 
monosyllabic substantives and their adjective compounds: as,^', 



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402 C. R. Lanman, [u and 

sd', m. ; dd\ bhU', bhrd\ srd\ f. ; svblvd', m.f. Two words whose 
final element is a root ending (according to the dictionaries) in fi 
are declined as if the final were il. For such forms we ought 
probably to set up stems in long d as follows : raghu-dru! 
\drdndnd, iv.4. 1 ) ; ghrtn-snti,' (of. ghrtasnd\ prd-snautu, nans), 
find: mil::dd:dd. Sec Gr. 623, and cf. gd and jdgd. To 
these we may perhaps add mitrarkrd' ; cf. krtfrrd. The snu of 
vrdhasnti is a suffix — Lindner, p. 112. 

2. A few oxytone f. substantives (a) corresponding to barytone 
masculines: agrd' (dgru), 'maid;' kadrd! (kadru), ' soma- vessel ;' 
guggulti' {gtiggnlu), an Apsaras ; jatU' (jdtu, n.), 'bat;' dhanil' 
(dhdnu), 'sand-bank;' prddkti' (pr'ddku), 'serpent;' pvapru' 
(pvdpura), ' mother-in-law ;' likewise the adjective madha' (mddhu), 
' sweet.' (b) To several others there is no corresponding in. : 
kuhd', ' new-moon ;' camil', ' bowl ;' juhti', ' tongue ;' juhd', ' sacri- 
ficial ladle;' ta//tf', 'body;' prajand'; vadhd\ 'bride;' vipu' ?, 
' nest' 

3. The feminine of a large number of stems of very varied 
character (p. 367) is formed by long t, and the largest part of the 
stems in % are feminines of this description. Long U is not used 
in forming the feminine, except that of tfc-steins. And of these, 
many remain unchanged in the f. (cf subdhds, m., viii.17.8; £, 
ii.32.7), while others take long t The stem tanu forms its f. in 
all three ways : tanH\ tanti,^ and tanvt. (Cf. the double feminines 
prabhti! , prabhm' ; madhil ', mddhvi; vibhti', vibhvt; bibhatsti, 
-$iV.) For the Veda, it Beems necessary to set up the following 
feminine stems in it' (from the Rik and Atharvan), corresponding 
to oxytone masculines in &' : ahhoyd 1 ; asitajnti! ; tanH\ adj. ; 
durhandyd* ; pataydlti! ; pdrayishnd! ; prpandytf,'; maudrayH' ; 
mahiyft' / mumukshii'; sandy d! ; sddayitnd' (of these them, does 
not actually occur in the Rik) ; aghdyd'; apasyti'; abhidipsu- '; 
avasyil'; dyti! ; udanyd' ; caranyd! ; carishnd' ; jlghatsU 1 ; didht- 
shd' ; duvasyd' ; dravitnd' ; panasyil' ; prtandyd! ; babhru'; 
bibhatsd 1 ; makhasyd! ; vacasytt' ; vipanyti,' ; pnnd/iyti'; sudru- ' ; 
further, nabhand! ; nrtd* ; GuiigiU ; Saranyu; Kama-dyd*. The 
last five are substantives. The *d of kama-dyd' is rather char- 
acteristic of the f. than radical ; but a m. kama-dyd does not 
occur. In like manner mitra~krd r might be taken as £ of mitra-krii. 
The AV. has kid'mbti, corresponding to kiyd'mbti, n., of the Rik. 

Finally, several masculiues (other than those included under 
1.) belong to C: prdpd' ; makshd' ; krkaddpd'; dtaptatand; 
sdrvatand. 

The final thematic D, is sometimes " split" into uv before the 
vocalic endings of C. This occurs regularly (l) in monosyllabic 
substantives always : as, jtivas, bhuva; (2) in compounds whose 
last member is a verbal root : as, nabhojdvax, inayo-bhdvas; (3) in 
feminine adjectives in u' preceded by y, to avoid the combination 
yv ; as, apasyuvas; and so with agrdJ, kadrd', bibhatsd'. The 
forms of compounds of verbal roots in t are written with iy only 
when a double consonant precedes (brahma-prtyam, gdthd-nium, 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



?l-stems.] Noun* Inflection in the Veda. 403 

p. 369). This restriction does not hold for the stems in radical &'. 
The Rik has uv very often after a single consonant : as, vasti- 
juvam. This happens in the great majority of instances at the 
end of a pdda, and possibly the syllable uv was written in order 
to fill out the metre for the eye. Of course, vibkvdm has just as 
many syllables as dbhuvam. The stems whose forms are written 
as we should expect — with u rather than uv — are in fact the 
exceptions, and are: ghrtapH\ vishnd-pu" ; vi-bhH\ su-bhii 1 ; 
surd-$ti! ; d-stiy nava-8ti\ pra-sfi\ vipvasu'. The T8. appears to 
have no fixed rule with regard to the use of uv. Of. tanuvam, 
i.5.5 4 ; indravdyuvds, iii.l.6 a ; bdhuvds. i.7.13 9 ; ilruvds, v.5.9 a ; 
suvar, always; but svasti. See Ind. Stitd. xiii.105,106. 

In the Rik, the distinctions between the u and ^-declensions 
(A and C) are for the most part strictly maintained, except in the 
compounds of bhU. The transitions to B are merely sporadic. 

. I. Transitions prom A. 

A to B. The Rik has only three forms that fall under this 
category: 'tshvai, vi.75.15; ishvds, x.18.14; suod'stvds, viii.19.37. 
All these are plainly verses of late date. The AV. has urvdrud's. 

A to C. In viii.46.6, we have (indram) dbkiruam. In x.28.8, 
perhaps sudr&am is to be taken as f. Although a root- word, 
dprdyu is properly declined according to A (p. 401) ; but in i.89.1, 
we have dprdyuvas. The masculines madhydyuvas, mitrdyuva*, 
cramaytivas (N.p.), and madhHyuvd (V.d.) are hardly to be 
accounted for, except as transition-forms. We need not try to 
explain the grammatical monstrosity papvd' (N.d.m., accent !), 
x. 106.3. The character of the hymn is such that none of its 
anomalies can surprise us. The TS. has hdnHbhydm. 

n. Transitions from C. 

C to A. This is the most important category, even in the 
Veda. It becomes still more so in the later language, where 
stems ending originally in long H are replaced by others in short 
n. Cf. BR., s.v. praohu-. In the Rik, about ten stems ending 
originally in ti, show secondary forms (about 35) from stems in 
u. In ix.86.1, we have dhi-jdvas (dhi-jd r ). Gr. derives sabar-dhu-m 
(dhenum), x.61.17, from dhU ; cf. dhti-noti and dhii-noti. The 
compounds of bhU pass into the ^-declension with especial fre- 
quency. Thus we have: dprabhu, -us; dbh& (from d-bhil' .?), 
-um 2; purubhti, ~ti, V.d.m. ; prabhti (AV. xiii.4.47, prabhtV-s), 
-us 4, -#m, -6s; rnayobhti, -us 4, und, -u (N.p.n.), -tt'n; vibhu, -its 
8, -urn, -dvas (for Vibhubhis, see N.p.m.) ; pambhu, -tis 2, -i\ 
(V.d.m.), -H' (A.d.m.). Perhaps the short 0, of (vikshu) dyil'shu, 
i.58.3, is due to the metre, since it is the penultimate of a jar/atf- 
pdda. For bibhatsu's (mdtd') y see p. 402 med. 

The Atharvan has: abhibhu'm, x.6.29; purubM\ iv.25.1, where there is good 
reason for restoring the true C-form, -bhuvd (see N.d.m.); sujiu'nd, xii.2.11 (cf. 
pavitrena su-ptf-d, from 8u-p&', VS.i.3) ; for dushtano, see V.s.m. The VS. has 
from udbku'. (firman) udbhau, xv.l. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



404 C. R. Lanman, [u and 

C to B. The only instances in the Rik are pvaprud'm y x. 85.46 
(a late verse), sud'm (? see L.s.f.), and dramtnu-d! (dhiyd'). The 
last I regard as a transition-form on account of its accent : the 
C-form would be -n<i-d. On the other hand, it is better to refer 
mehatnu-d' to a stem -nH! (not -nit'). TanH' as a dual (x. 183.2) 
would be unparalleled ; see L.s.f. 

The Atharvan shows a good beginning in this direction, and contains the fol- 
lowing B-form8: kuhd'm^ tan&'m, vadh&'m; vadhvai, cvacrvai; pu7iarbhur.it; 
prddkud's, svaprud's; tanudml; *igruvai and rujjvdm. The VS. has ars&'m. for 
asu'-am. 

III. Transitions to the N-Declension. 

In explaining the case-forms with internal n from /-stems (p. 
873) it was natural to point to the analogy of the frequent in- 
stems ; but since there is no class of stems ending in ww, grave 
exception may be taken against the term " n-declension." I have 
used it, however, for the sake of convenience and brevity. 

As with the i and ^-sterns, this " transition" is universal in the 
G.p. of A and C, the only exception being jdguvdm. The n is 
also seen in series A in the Ls.m. (108 forms, 31 stems), in the 
G.s.m. (cd'runas and drunas), in the Ls.n. (39 forms, 15 stems), 
D. (mddhune), Ab. (mddhunas, sd'nunas), G. (27 forms, 4 stems), 
L. (d'yuni, sd'nuni), and in the N.A.p. (127 forms, 14 stems). 

Here Benfey puts abhiru-nam, despite the accent ( Vedica, p. 
123— but see" 131), VS. vi.17 (= AV. vii.89.3, abhi'runam). In 
ix.65.30, d! rayim d f sucetnnam (vrnimahe), one must see a stem 
8ueeti'ma = mcetand, or change the reading to sucetund (adv.), 
or take the form as A.s.m. of sucetu. 

The following synopses exhibit the terminations of the 
inflectional forms : 

Series A. Masculine. 

Singular : N., -us, -?*'; A., -um ; L, -ud, -vd, -und; D., -ue, -re, 
-ave; Ab., -vas, -os; G.,-uasf,-vas,-u?ict8,-os,-av-asf; L., -av-i, 
-au, -df; V., -o. 

Dual: N.A.V., -il (iti), -iX; I.D.Ab., -ubhydm; G.L., -uos. 

Plural : N.V., -avas, -uas, -vas, -dvasf; A., -tin, -tmp, -unr, 
-vets; I., -ubhis; D.Ab., -ubhyas ; G., -ilndm, -ilnaam ; L., -ushu. 

Feminine. 

Singular: N., -us; A.,-wm; L, -ud, {-u-jy-ti! , adv.,) -vd; D.,-ave; 
Ab.G., -os; L., -au; V., -o. 

Dual: N.A.V., -/* (Hi); L., -uos. 

Plural: N.V., -avas, -vas; A., -Us, -vas; I., -ubhis; Ab., -ubhyas; 
G., -ilndm, -ilnaam; L., -ushu. 

Neuter. 

Singular: N.A., -u, -rt; I., -vd, -ilf, -und; D., -ve, -une,-ave; 
Ab.G., -uas, -vas, -una*, -os; L., -un-i, -av-i, -o, -au; V., -?/. 
Dual: N.A., -vi (iti). 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



^-sterns.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 405 

Plural: N. A., -42, -d, -tin*/ I., -ubhis; G., -dndm, -ilnaam; L., 

Series 0. Masculine. 

Singular: N., -its; A., -nam; I., -wd/ D., -ue; G., -wo*. 
Dual: N.A.V., -ad. 

Plural : N. V., -uas; A., -uas y -lis; L, -ilbhis; G., -wdra, -findnt; 
L., -dshu. 

Femininb. 

Singular: N., -#*; A., -uam 9 -vam?; L, -w^, -ri£y D., -w«y 
Ab.G., -wow/ L., -wi, -w£, -# (*7t) ; V., -t/. 

Dual: N.A., -ud; G.L., -wos, -vo8?. 

Plural: N., -wo«, -ifo, -&a«y A., -?/a«, -wow, -tf*?/ I., -ilbhis; D., 
-ftbhyas; G., -tfwdm, -Unaam; L., -fishu. 

Neutbb. 

Singular: N.A., -w/ I., -w<l 

Oxytone stems, when not strengthened by vowel-change or 
nasal, shift the accent to the ending in series A, in the Ls., in 
the Ab.G.s., in the G.L.d., and always in the G.p. In C, on 
the contrary, the accent never leaves the thematic vowel, 
except in monosyllabic stems. Sporadic exceptions will be 
noticed as they come up. 

Several A -stems have forms analogous to those of ctri ; i. e., the vocalic endings 
are affixed directly to the " unstrengthened" stem: as, papv-ds (=pacfi'n). These 
stems are: pap&; pitu; kr'tu; krdtu. patdJcratu; madhu; vasu; Vibhu' ; cipu; 
mhasrabdhu. 

By way of illustrating the wealth of declensional resources in the Veda, a few 
equivalent forms may be cited: hratud, -vd, -und; hrdlve, -ave; Jcrdtvas, -os ; 
m'runas, ctfros; dr&nas, dros; drvhydvi, druhyaUt; pacvd', papund (accent, p. 367 
top); parvus, pap&'n ; ffyve, &ave; favas,faos; tan&am, tan&'m; vadhuam, vadh- 
u'm ; camui, cam&t, cam&' ; urk, urO.' ; purk, purtiJ ; mddhuas, -vas, -unas, -os ; 
>dsvas, -unas, -os : sd'nunas, -os; sd'navi, sd'no, sd'nuni, sd'nau; abhibMvam, 
-bha'm; mayobh&'s, -bhii's; -bhuvd, -bhu'na; -bhuvas, -bhu'n; vibhtiwm, -bhfom ; 
vibhuas, vibhavas ; vibh&as, vibhvi's ; pambhU's, cwribhu's ; etc., etc. 

Nominative Singular Masculine. 

A. The ending s is affixed directly to the stem. The form 
occurs 886 times (from 250 stems). Examples are: anpfo, 13; 
arniayu8, 16; indus, 64; rbhii* 9 21; ketus, 23; krdtus, 14; cd'rus, 
16; devayitSy 15; mdnu8 y 15; vdsus, 25; vdyus, 20; vipvd'yu8 9 
18; v'tshnus, 34; 8indhus 9 17; suhrdtu8 9 32; silnus, 18; so ddhri- 
f/w*, 3; khardjrtw; puruk#hv8, 5; mitddrus, 2; yi(8 9 viii.18.13 — 
BR., dvayfo; svayus, 2. In viii.66.7, tshus is m. 

Transitions from C : dprabhus ; prabhu8, 4 ; mayobhvs, 4 ; 
»ibhu8 y 8 ; panibhiU, 2. 

In vii. 86.3, prche tdd eno varuna didr'/cshrt'po, p. -shu \ upo 9 we 

have elision and crasis. Say., ehdndasah sulopah : dras/ifum 

ichann aham ; hut since desiderative adjectives are oxytone 

(Lindner, p. 62), perhaps didr'kahn is an adverb with recessive 

vol. x. 55 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



406 C. R. Lanman, [u and 6-stems. 

accent. So in ix.96.15, urv Iva gdttih suydmo nd vddhd: Say., 
8updrh suing iti 8or Ink. Gr., urur va. 

In vii.60.3, visarga seems wrongly added before * in dhd'mdni 
mitrdvarund yuvdkuh \ sdm. BR. suggest yuvd'ku, a6 p.n. with 
dhd'mdni. Cf. sdsni \ sdm, p. 377 ad tin. 

C. 1. Here belong 24 forms (from 9 stems): -bhrt f n with abht\ 
6 ; pari-, 9 ; puro- ; mayo, 3 ; sacd- ; svayam- ; ekadyii's (root 
Xdiv, dyri-td) ; sil's, i. 146.5 ; vipvdpambhris; and from the Athar- 
van, udapii's, madhupxYs, vdtapu's, xviii.3.37; prabhi\'s, xiii.4.47; 
vibhil's, vii.21.1: xiii.4.47: xv.15.6; pambhii's, xix.46.6 ; subfai'*, 
xiii.4.52. 

2. Prdpil's, i.40.1 (BR.,/>rtfptt*) ; dtaptatanils; sdrvatamls.AY. 
v.6.11-14: xi.3.32-49 £w: £at. Br. iv.6.1 1 : xi.l.8 e . 

Nominative Singular Feminine. 

A. There are 73 forms (from 31 stems). 

Enumeration: arundjmia, 2 : ahamyds; dbharadvasus ; ishus,2; krumus ; gAlut, 
2; caranyiis; cd'rus, 2: jdsus; jlvd'tus, 2; tridhd'tus; \dd'nus; 2dd'nus; dhim'- 
vastus ; dlienus, 22 ; parous ; bibhatsus, see p. 402 med. ; bhujyus ; rajjiu ; rkoit- 
papus; vastlyus, 3 ; vastus; fdrus^; pravasyi'ts; saptadhdtus; sardyus. 2 ; sindhu*. 
11; subdlius; sumadahpus; suprotus; sudbhipus. 

In i. 186.4 and vii.2.6, visarga seems wrongly written; forw- 
dugheva dhenvh, Gr. proposes -e va dhenil'. 

C. Here belong: 1. bhtl's, 2; punarbkft's; mayobhrt's; sfi's, 
132.9; yaniasiVs ; rahasiVs; vtrasrt's; sushrt's; from the AV., 
abhibhil's, ii.27.1 ; prabM's, ix.4.2 ; pambhil's, xiv.2.26 ; prwri's, 
iii.23.4. 

2. Tanil's, 8 (AV., 7 : as, ii.13.4) ; vadhil's, 4 (AV., 5: as, 
i.14.2); pvapnVs ; from the AV., kukri's, vii.47.2 ; gugguh'*'*, 
iv.37.3 ; juhil's, xviii.4.5 ; dhamUs, i.17.4; prddkrt's, v.i8.3,l5; 
madhii's, vii.56.2 ; from the VS.,jatus, xxiv.25,36. 

3. Gut'tgrt's ; nrtxVs; pundhyil's; saranyiVs; from the AV., 
kid'mbUs, xviii.3.6 (cf. Rik x.16.13) ; asita-jfiii' s, xii.1.21 ; pata- 
y 'din' 8, vii.115.2. 

Nominative and Accusative Singular Neuter, 

A. 1. The form has no case-ending. It occurs 413 times (from 
68 stems). Examples are : urn, 51 : and iv.43.5, as adv. ; cd'rtt, 
27 ; tridkd'tu, 13 ; pdpu, iii.53.23 ; VS. xxiii.30; purt't, 13; prthu, 
15; mddhu, 76; vdsu, 77; sd'nu, 18; further, abhijiiu, 5; kshu ; 
vipvdpsti; sushthu; dprdyu. 

For didr'kshu, vii. 86.3, and urv, ix.96.15, see m. In iii.49.2, 
the metre requires d'yu, text d'yus. In AV. viii.2.28, the sense 
requires pdrayishnii — text -fis (-??' r-); in iii.19.1, jishnu — MSS. 
-us; in xx.135.12, ' bahu— MSS., -fth; and in xix.30.1, jard'mrtyu 
— MSS. and ed. -uh c-. 

2. The final -u suffers metrical protraction in several words: 
urrt', vi.47.14 ; punY, 12 times, given by Gr. : as, x.94.5 ; m'tthti, 2. 
The pada has in every instance -ft. Cf. Prat, vii.31 : vii. 9,1 9: ix.3. 



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N.A.s.n.] Noun- Inflection in die Veda. 407 

C. Since the forms for A and C are coincident, it is sometimes 
doubtful whether a word is to be referred to a stem in -tf, or to a 
transition-stem in -ik. Here may be put : Cibhu; prabhd^ 2, see 
Bit. ; mayobhu, 4 ; vibhfi, 4 ; pambht't, 2 (the foregoing have other 
ft-forms) ; subhu (dnnam), ii.35.7; from the AV., (pdrma) udbhu, 
ix.2.16; vibhuiprabhu, xx. 135.9; fambhiij x.1.9 ; and also raghu- 
dru (cakrdm), Rik x.61.16, since the only other forms of this word 
require a stem -dril' (p. 402 top). 

Accusative Singular Masculine. 

A. The form terminates in -urn and occurs 736 times (from 179 
stems). Examples are : anpfim, 17 ; <2ptfm, 20 ; indum, 27; urum, 
18; kethm, 34; krdtum, 55; Igdtum, 33 ; cd'rum, 14 ; tdntum, 
15 ; ddsyum, 15 ; papum, 15 ; bhdnfim, 15 ; bhujytim, 15 ; man- 
ytrm, 18; vdyum, 18; p<fcrw7>i, 15; pipw/t, 26; sindhum, 22; 
srira'tm, 17 ; further, ddyum; ddhri-gum y 4 ; abhidyum; d-khum; 
ddpadyum, 2 ; didyum^ 6 ; piprum, 7 ; purukshum, 7 ; pr'piigum; 
pnishitdpsum; vipvdpmm; saptdgum. 

Transitions from C : dbhnm, 2 ; prabkdm; vibhum; abhibhum, 
AV. x.6.29. 

C. Here belong : 1. (a) mbhuam, 4 ; vishnd-puam, 3 ; mbhuam. 
(b) dbhuvam, 2 ; kapojiivam ; manojuvam, 2 ; mayobhuvarn, 5 ; 
vaaujuvam; vipvdpambhuvam; pambhtivatn, 2 ; sacdbhuvam, 2 ; 
sudbhuvam, 2 (these nine words are in every case at the end of 
a prfcfa of 8 or of 12 syllables, except manojUvam, x.81.7) ; abhi- 
bhuvam, AV. ix.5.36; pambhuvam, x.6. 15,17. 

2. Krkaddpuam may be taken as m. with sdrvam, i.29.7. 

Transitions from A : dbhfruam, viii.46.6 ; and perhaps mdruam, 
x.28.8 (or f.). 

Transition to the w-declension : sucetunam (?). See p. 408 med. 

Accusative Singular Feminine. 

A. The form occurs 50 times (from 15 stems). 

Enumeration : adhenum ; arundpsum ; ishwn, 2 ; krumum ; cd'rwn, 2 ; jasum ; 
jujatnwn; jirdddnwn; jivd'tum,3; dhdnum; dhenum, 27 ; bhvjyum; vastly^m ; 
jwruw, 3 ; aindhuni, 4. 

Transition from C : sabar-dhti-m, x.6 1.1 7 ; cf. p. 403 ad fin. 

C. Here belong : 1. (a) a-suam, 2 ; sakrt-stiarn ; for su-dm, 
v.58.7, see L.s.f. ; from the AV., asHam, vii.35.3 ; vipvcur&am, 
xii.1.17. (b) vipvajtivam; sacdbhuvam; from Qat. Br., bhrdv am , 
iii.2.1 M . 

2. Prddk&am, AV. x.4.17 (MSS. and ed. -vdml) ; RV.,juhtiam, 
2; taniiam, 45; vadhuam; in true Atharvan verses, tanuam, 16 
times; tanvdm, xix.37.2. 

3. \a) Carishnuam (piiram), viii. 1.28 ; sudruam, vii. 32.20 (SV. 
i.238, -f/ram) : possibly, x.28.8; jighatsuam, AV. ii. 14. 1. (£) 
avasy&vam ; durhandydvain ; makhasy'&vam ; vacasyuvam ; 
pundhyuvam, 2 ; kamadyuvam. (c) tanvdm /, as an adjective, 
viii.65.12c. 



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408 C. R. Lanman, [u and £-stem& 

In only about four passage of the Rik does long thematic tt become v. They 
are: x.51.26, \c: ix. 96.21c; i. 162.205. The fourth passage is a late one. Il 
ix 96.21c, possibly the shorter grammatical form has been ousted by the lonper: 
read hrt'daft camiurr d' vi^a pundnd (text eamvor . . p&yamdna)1. Perhaf*. 
too, we ought to accept Grassmann's suggestion and read indrdya tanuam marne, 
viii.65.12, text indrdtpdri. Cf. p. 379 top. 

Transitions to B. The case-ending of devi'-m was apparently »( 
(p. 366 end). After this analogy were formed : kuhd m, AV. viL 
47.1; vadhti'm, ix.3.24 : x.1.1 ; tan&'m, xviii.l. 13,14 (the Rik, 
x.10.12, has the older form, tanuam) ; a&d'm, VS. xxx.14. The 
Rik has no such forms in -(I'm, 

Instrumental Singular Masculine. 

A. The general ending is added directly to the stem : 1. 
krdtud, iv.28.3 : vii.21.6. 

2. The stem-final becomes v: in the oxy tones parapvd', i.130.4, 
and jxxpvd', twice ; in krdtvd, 57 ; and in plpvd. 

Transition to the ^declension. This occurs in 108 forms (from 
31 stems): as, krdtund. 

The stems are : ahgu; aktu, 2; andgu; abandhu; indu; writ; rju; rik, 8; btti. 
9; kr&tu, 12; cetu; jishnu; tridM'tu; dru, 6; dh&maketu; dhrshnu ; patft, ; bltdnk 
24 ; m&nu ; manyh, 4 ; ripti, ; vagnu, 2 ; vahctiu ; vdyu, 7 ; vibhindu ; vishnu^ 4 : 
vr'shapsu; s&dhu, 2; suceA, 7; stanayitnb ; mu, or n., 4. 

Since snU and drh are apparently monosyllables, we might 
expect the accentuation snund\ snubhts, s?ius/iu, dmnd' (cf. dhi- 
nd'm)\ but in reality these words are accented as if from the 
dissyllabic stems sd'nu, dd'ru, of which they are the shorteued 
forms. Compare tmdn~d (p. 341 end), tmdtie, tmdni (for dtmdnd, 
or dt- y etc.); yd'ne, yti'nas (for ytivane, -as) ; pun-as (for pudn-as); 
sU'r-as (for siiar-as) ; but stri-bhis. 

If sucetunam d\ ix.65.30, stands for sucetund d' (the m being 
introduced to avoid hiatus, Gr. 1531), the case is parallel to that 
in vii.7.2 (p. 348 end). But cf. p. 404 med. 

Transition from C: mayobhund, Hi. 16.6. 

C. Here belong : vibhud; manqjuvd; sendjuvd; sudbhtivd. 

Instrumental Singular Feminine. 

A. Here belong: 1. mehatnud' (stem -wa\ on account of accent); 
ddhenud; pdrud, 5 ; susdrtud; hdnud; Uhud, AV. v.5.4 ; hdnud, 
vi.56.3. 2. panvd' (stem -?iiZ,') ; cikitvd', A V. vii.52.2 ; tnddhvd, 
RV., 2 ; ishvd, AV. x.1.27. 

Transition to B : (from C) dravitnud\ viii.81.15 (stem -ntl\ 
x.49.9). See p. 404 top. 

Six oxytone stems in it have instrumental in -u~y-d\ with 
adverbial displacement of accent : anushthuyd' ; amityd\ 1 ; 
dpuyd'i 2 "> dhrshnuyd' y 15; raghuyd' ; sddhuyd\ 6; similarly 
mithuyd' from miihu. Cf. p. 358 top. 

C. Here belong : 1. bhuvd\ 2 ; punarbhtivd, AV. ix.5.28. 2. 
ljuhud, 6 ; 2juhud, 4 ; tanud, adj. ; tam'td, subst., 27 ; vadhud; 
in true Atharvan verses, tanud, 4; tanvS, 5; rdjjud (iii.11.8). 
3. duvasytivd. 



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I.Sbf.] Noun- Inflection in ike Veda. 409 

In x.24.1, sdmam piba catnd' sutdm, camti' may be I.s., tor-U'd: 
4 Drink with the cup the soma pressed' (cf. tapani\ p. 381 end) ; 
or L.s. : * Drink the pressed soma in the cup.' 

Instrumental Singula* Neuter. 

A. Here belongs: 2. mddhvd, 17; AV. v.27.2,3: vi.12.3. 

Possibly the crystallized case-form jdt&'- (with -bharman, 
-shthira) is an instrumental, for jdtud, like mat%\ p. 380; but jd'tH 
may be an adv. accusative. Suhdntft (2) might mean ' with easy 
blow ;' but see A.d.m. and A.p.n. 

Transition to the w-declension. This occurs with 39 forms (from 
15 stems): as, urnnd. The stems are: uru; krdhu; ghrtdsnu; 
jard'yu; titaU; trihti; tridhd'tu; dd'nu; dhrahnfi, 3 ; purtirii; 
[yrthii; mddhu, 16 ; vdsu, 7 ; sd'nu, 2 ; svddu. 

Transition from C : supund, AV. xii.2.11. 

C. Here belong : mayobhuvd; (pavttrend) mpti!d y VS. i.3. 

Dative Singular Masculine. 

A. Here belongs : I. sahdsra-bdhu-e, viii.45.26. 2. krdtve, 
11 ; pdpve (n. ?), 3 ; pipve; krdtve, AV. vi.19.2 : xviii.2.23. 

3. The stem-final is usually gunated and -e added : thus, dyd-e^ 
dydve. This form occurs 231 times (from 66 stems). In i.61.1, 
the metre seems to demand ddhrigdve, text -dve. 

The stems are : ahgb ; aketu ; aktu ; ddhrigu ; abhidyu ; avasyu\ 2 ; avishyb ; 
dyu,\0; dfd; xndu, 4; iyakshu; udcmyu; rj(i,2] r'shibandhu; kakdrdu; kavainh; 
kdru, 6; krtnu; ketit>,2; krdtu; kshiprd-ishu ; grhti; ceru; jantu; jtrdddnu; tdku; 
tr'tsu; dcuryUy9; dushtaritu; dhrshnu\3; paruisyu; parimanyti; patf*; pdyu; 
piyatnu; pQru\ 5; pedu, 6; prdyajyu; babhru, 2; bahu; bh4n&, 2; bhirti; bhr'gu, 
2; manaiyb; mam*, 36; manyk, 12 ; mddayitnu ; rarfyu, 6; ydjyu,5; yddu; 
ripWfl] vacasyu\ 3; vdsu, 3; vdyu, 23; vishnu, 13; v%du, 2; veta*&; fdtru; 
(dtiitanu, 3 ; fayu\ 7 ; pipit, 2 ; sudd'nu, 6 ; subdndhu ; silnu, 1 ; svdbhdnu, 2 ; 
hatnu. 

C. Here belong: vibhue; vishndpue; Bvbhhe; and, abhibhuve; 
vip)dbhuve; sacdbhuve. 

Dative Singular Feminine. 

A Here belong : jtvd'tave, 7 ; dhendve; pdrave, 5. 

C. Here belongs tanfie, RV., 18 ; AV., 6 ; -y£, AV., 7. 

Transitions to B. The Rik has only Uhvai (from A), vi.75.15. 
The Atharvan has 5 cases, all from C : vadhuai, xiv.2.9 ; pvapmal, 
26; vadhvaty 73. In agruvai, vi.60.1,3, the il is "split" after gr 
(but not in pvapruai after pr), and so the accent is not shifted to 
the ending. Cf. pimar-bhuvda, G.s.f. 

Dative Singular Neuter. 

A. Here belong : pd^ve ?, 3 ; urdve; vipvd'yave. 
Transitions to the ra-declension : mddhune ; katfpune, AV. 
vi.138.5. 
C. For the remaining cases of the n. there are no examples. 



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410 C. R. /Amman, [u and u-stems. 

Ablative Singular Masculine. 

A. 1. Here belongs only pitvfo, vi.20.4. 

2. The usual form in -o* occurs 33 times (from 22 stems). It is 
a question whether cdkshoh (sri'ryo ajdyata), x.90.13, is not a 
mere ungrammatical (or contracted ?) form like vidydt. The sens* 
of AV.ii.35.4 suggests the reading cdkshos, text cdkshus. See 
V.s.m., and stems in t radical, Ab.s.f. 

The stems are: ahhu, 7; adhvaryu; rt&; krcd'nu, ix.77.2 ; kshipanu; gdntu; 
cdksu t ; tanayitnti ; tanyatu ; devayu ; dyu, 2 ; niniisu ; pfaru ; manyu, 2 : mrtyu : 
ririkshu; vanitrhthu; vdyu, 2; vishnu, 3; cdtru^atru; nndhu; snu. 

C. There is no example. 

Ablative Singular Feminine. 

A. Here belong only : dhdnos, 3 ; vdstos, 3. 
C. Here belong: 1. bhuvds ; cwdsitas, AV. x.10.23. 2. 
kadr&vas; tanihts, 3 : AV., 2. 

Transition to B : (from A) ishvds, x. 18.14 : AV. v.14.12. 

Ablative Singular Neuter. 

A. 2. Mddhvas occurs twice as Ab. 3. The usual form 

occurs 1 times : ur6%, 4 ; sd'nos; 8vdd6s, 2. 

Transitions to the n-declension : mddhunas; sd'nutias. 

Genitive Singular Masculine. 

A. Here belong : 1. perhaps dhrshnvrds, x.22.3 ; ripu-ds, iv.3.13; 
plpru-as (piparos?), vi.20.7 ; and vUhnu-as^ viii.31.10. In all 
these instances the text has -os. 2. papvds, 11 (and AV. 

vii.14.3) ; pitvds, 8 ; krdtvas, 2 ; mddhvas, 12 ; vdsvas, 5 ; p*ptm 

3. The usual form in -08 occurs 199 times (from 71 stems). For 
dt/6s, iii.54.2 (m.f.), and x.105.4,9 (m.), see p. 344, 361. For 
pikshdh, iii.19.3, BR. read pik&ho. 

The stems are: ahcu, 8; aktii, 11, and see f. ; aghdyu, 6; ddevayu; adhvaryu ; 
andcu; dnrju; dyajyu; dyu, 22; dcu ; indu, 2; uru; rtdyu, 2; kdru y 7; krcd'nu, 
i. 155.2; krdtu; cd'ru, 2; jantu. 4; jishnii, 4; tanyatu; tdpu; trasddasyu; dakshu; 
ddsyu, 8 ; didhishu ; devdbandhu; dyu, 4; dru (dros and drunas); dhakshu; 
dhrshnu ; dhenu, 2 ; ninitsu, 2 ; patdru ; paracu ; pdyu ; ptpru, 3 ; jAyu, 2 ; 
purukshu, 4; prabhu'vasu ; prdyajyu ; prayiyu; bahu; mddhu ; mandyu, 2; 
mdnu, 8 ; manyu, 3 ; mdhccatu ; mrtyu, 2 ; ydjyu ; yu, 2 ; yuvdku ; ripu ; vadh- 
uyu ; vayiyu; vdsu; vdyu, 10; vi^vd'yu;' vishnu, 14; vidu ; camyu; fdtru,b; 
payw, i. 119.6; tfcu; sdhyu; sddhu, 2; sindhu, 13; subdndhu; sushtu; sfau,2: 
suarbhdnu, 2 ; Jietu. 

Transition from C : prabhds, ix.86.5. 

Transitions to the w-declension : cd'runas (mddasya), viii.5.14; 
drfinas, or n., L 161.1. 

In x.46.7, (agndyo) vanarshddo vdydvo nd sdmdh, Gr. ( Wb.) sees an old genitive 
of Vdyu, assuming that the form in -av-as existed along with -o-s and -u-as. This 
is unlikely. When we have the stronger stem, we have as a rule the weaker 
ending, and vice versa ; but cf. girdyas, Ab., p. 383, and rdhddrayas, p. 384 end. 
His conjecture srsfitd'h, 'hastening as the winds,' Ueb. ii.516, does not satisfy. 
BR., ' inviting ; 7 see N.p.m. 

C. Here belong: pambhtivas (rdsasya?), i.105.3 ; saedbk&vas. 



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G.s.f.] Noun- Inflection in the Yeda. 411 

Genitive Singular Feminine. 

A. Here belong: aktds, v. 30. 13 ; dhends, 3 ; vdstos, 19 ; vdstos- 
vasto8, 2 ; nar&yos; 8tndho8 y 2. 

C. Here belong : 1. bhuvds; bhuvas-pate, AV. x.5.45fo*. 2. 
agruva8, 2 ; tanuas, 14 ; vadhiias, 3; AV., tanfias, 10 ; -vds, 4 ; 
vadhtias, 2. 3. pundhydva8. 

Transitions to B: (from A) mvd'stods; urvdrud'8 (BR, -tf'), 
AV. \*Ll4.2 : — (from C) punarbhtiv-ds, AV. i.27.2 (for accent, cf. 
agrHv-ai); prddkud'8, x.4.5; pvapriid's, xiv.1.44. 

Genitive Singular Neutbr. 

A. Here belong : 1. mddhuas, 2. 2. mddhvas, 65 (and AV. 
vii.3.1) ; vdsvas, 38. 

3. The forms without n (36, from 8 stems) are more numerous 
than those with n (27, from 4 stems). They are: urds ; kshds ; 
c<Vro8, 2 ; mddhos, 13 ; vdsos, 8 ; vd'xtos, 7 ; 8ddh6»; svddds, 3 ; 
from the AV., gtiggidos (xix.38.1) ; tnddhos, 6; v«808, 3; vdsor- 

V(l808i 2 ; Vd'8t08. 

Transitions to the n-declension : cd'runm, 4 ; dd'nunas, 3 ; 
mddhunas, 9; vdsunas, 11. 

Locative Singular Masculine. 

For the genetic relations of the several forms, see p. 387. 

A. I. The stem-final is gunated and the ending is added. There 
are 8 such forms (from 7 stems) : dnavi, viii,10.5 ; trasddasyavi, 
Val. i.10; ddsyavi, viii.6.14; druhydvi, viii.10.5 ; pdviravi, Val. 
3.9; vUhnavi, viii.3.8 ; 12.16; trdndvi, viii.57.15. 

2. The ending is dropped and the preceding diphthong receives 
a second increment. There are 30 such forms (from 19 stems) : 
akta'd; dyati,2; uraii, 5; krdtau; earaA; druhyaH; pdr^ati; 
pnpa&; pfahtigau ; pHtdkratau; pfXrwd; mdnau, 2; mana&yS; 
mitddrau; yddau, 3 ; prbshtigau; sindhau, 2 ; 8etati / svdrau. 

The form with n is hardly authenticated in the m. In AV. 
xx. 133.3, rdjjuni seems a probable reading, MSS. rajani. 

If there is any certain instance of a L. in -d, it must be regarded 
as due to false analogy. Gr., UeK ii.512, sees such a form in 
ix.97.37, rtd! (for rtad) mattnd'm, 'at the time of prayer.' In 
AV. xx. 13 1.1 2, the MSS. have vanUhthd', ed. -ait. 

C. There is no example. 

Locative Singular Feminine. 

A. The Rik has only s'mdhau, viii.20.25 ; the AV., edrau, 
v.25.1 ; *ti!taU) i.11.1. 

C. 1. The VS. has bhruvi, xix.91. 2. Of the organic form 
there are 4 examples : camui; tawtii, 3 ; and with metrical length- 
ening, 3 : ta?iui y p. 4, ii.16.2 : x.65.7 ; 66.9. The metre makes 
against the lengthening in iv.6.6, taniii (Prat, viii.7), p. 4. Cf. 
stems in r (ar), L.s. 



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412 C. R. Lanman, [u and w-stenis. 

The ending is sometimes dropped (or absorbed by the thematic 
vowel?). As a L., camU' occurs 6 times; but in x.24.1, it may 
be instr. In x. 183.2, svd'ydm tanti' r'tvie (L.s.n.) nd'dhamdndm, 
tanu" is L.s. : 'praying (for a son) in thy body at the time of the 
rM.' The -d of the L. is pragrhya, Prat. i.28. Cf. p. 389, Bd. .Sec 
note to Ath. Prat, i.74: tanH' ?, iv.25.5; mdyti\ xviii.4.4. 

Transitions to B. The Kik has only pvaprud'm. The AV. has 
rdfivdm, vi.121.2. We ought probably to read tanvd'm : in 
i.18.3, ed. -va"m ; in xix.61.1, tantt'8 tanvd'm me bhaved ant<il>, 
MSS. -vd\ ed. -v(tm; and in 37.2, text -vdm; and, possibly, tanud'm 
in 55.3, text -vdm. C£ note to Ath. Prat, iii.60. Similarly Roth 
has proposed for Rik v.58.7, sud'm^ text rndrn. 

Locative Singular Neuter. 

A. 1. Here belongs sd'nav-L It occurs 9 times. 

1. (a) Furthermore, the combination sd'no dvye occurs 7 times, 
and sd'no avydye once. In the last instance tho -o occupies the 
ninth place of a jagait; in the other 7, the ninth of a trishtubh. 
The pada has -au in all 8 instances, and the Prat., ii.35, implies 
that the natural samhitdriorm would be -dv. The metre show? 
this view to be wrong, since the -o has the value of a short syllable 
(dv). I think that the 4 or -y of the ending has been simply 
dropped before a vowel, in order to avoid a cacophony (e. g., 
sd'ndv-y avydye) ; and that this has happened without the usual 
compensatory lengthening, in order to give the requisite cadence 

2. Here belong 28 forms (from 8 stems) : arajjau ; urati, ; 
ghrshau; prtha'h; mddhau, 4 ; vdsau, 3 ; vtdaH, 2 ; sd'nau y 10 : 
AV. xi.5.12; mddhau, AV. ix.l. 16,17. 

Transition from C : (pdrman) udbhau, VS. xv. 1 . 

Transitions to the w-declension : d'yuni, 3 ; sd'nuni, i. 155.1 
(Gr., -iXni)\ dd'runi, AV. vi.121.2. Jacobi, Ind. Stud, xiv.144, 
cites amuni=zamushmin; cf. vipve=vipva8min, iv.16.19, and Gr. 
1299. 

Bollensen, Orient und Oce. ii.481, proposes for vii.39.3 itrd'n- 
tdrikshe, i. e. urd r aih-, text uraii. C£ masc. 

Vocative Singular Masculine. 

A. The stem-final is gunated : thus, adhvaryo. 'The form 
occurs 508 times (from 58 stems). Examples are : indo, 144 ; 
dhrshno, 19; vaso, 62; vdyo, 43; vishno, 17; patakrato, 47; 
sukrato, 22 ; silno, 36 ; further, adhrigo, 3 ; sishno. Bli. read 
piksho, iii.19.3 ; see G.s.m. 

In AV. iv.7.3, dushtano is possibly a transition-form (for 
dushtanti), since the Vedic stem is properly dushtanti. 

The form sahasracaksho (V.s.m.f., for shu*), AV. iv.20.5: 
xix.35.3, may be regarded as analogous to bhadra-poce, etc., p. 390 
top. We might assume a shorter stem in -u equivalent to that 
in -its; but it is hardly necessary or warrantable here. 

C. There is no example. 



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V.s.f.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 413 

Vocative Singular Feminine. 

A. Here belong: adrisdno; durhano ; prthushto ; sindho, 3; 
subdho ; svabhdno. For sahsracaksho (oshadhe), AV. iv.20.5, 
see m. 

C. Here belong: jiihu^ AV. xviii.4.6 ; vadhu, xiv.1.58; 2.7; 
bdbhru, vi.139.3. 

Vocative Singular Neuter. 

A. The Atharvan has guggidu y xix.38.2. 

NOMINATIVE, AOOUSATIVB, AND VOCATIVE DUAL MASCULINE. 

A. The genesis of the form is uncertain (p. 390). It ends in -il: 
as, adhvarytf'. It occurs 1 96 times (from 69 stems). Examples are : 
indr&vdyti'\ 22; indrdvishnil, 13; bdhil', 20; vdfinlvasil^ 21; 
vr'shanvasH, 18 ; further, dsmrta-dhril ; rta-pstf, ; ghrtd-mti 
(sdnu), 2 ; vanar-gd'; vrdhamti'. 

Transitions from C : puru-bhti! ; pambhii' ; pambhti,; paribhiV, 
AV. iv.25.1. In this passage, the restoration of the older and 
longer grammatical form (the true C-form) is strongly favored 
by the metre : thus, yav vtcvasya paribhxivd babhiivdthah. 

The form appears in both texts with shortened final : jigatnft' 
(mitrd'vdrund), vii.65.1 ; suhdntiX (cfimiirim dhunirh ca) 9 19.4. 
Of. p. 390 ad fin., 391, B. 

C. Here belong : manqjuvd; mayobhiivd, 7 ; pambh&vd, 2, and 
vi.60.14; sacdbh?ivd, 6. Almost all are at the end of a pdda. 
Here I would put ghrta-8ntivd y iii.6.6. See p. 402 top. 

Transitions trom A: madhrtyuvd, 2 ; papvd , x. 106.3 (p. 403 med.). 

NOMINATIVE, ACCUSATIVE, AND VOCATIVE DUAL FEMININE. 

A Here belong: jigatnif; dhentf, 4, and see p. 406 ; sdbandhil, 
2 ; samdndbandhil ; hdnil, 4. 

C. Here belong : 1. sntvd; apfjfivd; punarbhuvd; pambhvvd; 
saedbhtivd; vipvdpambhuvd, i.160.4 : vi.70.6 : i. 1 60.1 (-uvd r-, a 
graphic peculiarity; cf. p. 342 and Prat, ii.ll): — bhruvau, £at. 
Br. xiv.9.4*. 2. earned; tanlid, 6. Form as well as sense 
forbid our taking tanti' (ftvie) as dual, x. 183.2. See L.s.£ 

Nominative and Accusative Dual Neuter. 

A. The Rik has only wrvl\ 3. As these cases are " weak" in 
the neuter, the accent of an oxytone stem (uru) is shifted to the 
vocalic ending (urv4\ not tirv-t) ; cf. papv-ds, pitv-ds, etc. The 
VS. ha&jd'nu-n4, xx.8. 

Instrumental, Dative, and Ablative Dual Masculine. 

A. Instrumental: andmayitnubhydm^ nrbdhubhydm ; bdhft- 
bhydm, 6. Dative : bdhtibhydm. Ablatives : iirdbhydm ; bdhti- 
bhydm. 

Instrumental, Dative, and Ablative Dual Feminine. 

A. C. The Rik has no example. VS. xxv.l, bhrti-bhyd'm. 
Transition from A to C : hdndbhydm, p. #, TS. vii.3.16 1 . 
vol. x. 56 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



414 C. R. Lanman, [u and fi-stems. 

Instrumental, Dative, and Ablative Dual Neuter. 

A. C. The Rik has no example. The AV. has jd'nubhydm, 
ix.8.21: x.2.3. 

Genitive and Locative Dual Masculine. 

A. Genitives: ilruds; bdhtids, v.16.2. Locatives: bdhuSs, 21 
times; tfrwfe, AV. xix.60.2; bdhvds, vii.56.6 : xix.60.1 (ed. -vtef). 

Genitive and Locative Dual Feminine. 
A. Locatives: hcinuos, i.52.6 : AV. x.2.8; -vos, x.2.7. 
C. Locatives: 1. bhruvds, iv.38.7 : £at. Kr - xii.9.1*. 2. 
camtios, 13 times, and ix.69.6 ; 108.10; camvds, ix.96.21 (but see 
p. 408 top). 

Genitive and Locative Dual Neuter. 
A. C. The Rik has no example. AV. x.2.2,^W-w-otf. 

Nominative and Vocative Plural Masculine. 

A. 1. Here belongs only mddhu-as, ix.89.3. 2. As a dis- 

syllable, niddhv-as occurs thrice. I would add Vibhv-as — taking 
it as vocative of the stem Vtbhtf — , at the beginning of iv.34.9r/ 
(Gr., N.p. of stem v'ibhit) and vii.48.ltf, and Yibhv-dS, iv.36.3. 
Cf. VibhU'-bhiSy vii.48.2. The stem VibhU' is perhaps differen- 
tiated as a proper name from vibkti! ; cf. p. 368 top. 

3. The stem-final is gunated : as, aktdv-as. The form occurs 737 
times (from 161 stems). Examples are (N. and V.) : adhnarydvas, 
27; dydvas, 27; dpdvas, 30; indavas, 67; rbhdvas, 57; kdrdvas, 
18 ; vdsavcw, 46 ; sindhavas, 34 ; mdd'navas, 42 ; further, d-psavas, 
and compounds of 2-psu, -dyu; dgravas ; mitdjiiavas, 2; mitd- 
dravctS) 2; harirdravas (p. 401). Here belong probably : vdydvas 
(sdrnds), x.46.7 (cf. p. 410 end); and vdydva ind~, p. -ve, vii.92.4. 
See BR., 3vdyfi. 

Transitions from C : dhi-jdvas; vibhdvas. 

In i.64.3 and viii.22.11, we have from the stem ddhri-gu (-</«= 
gam), ddhri-gdvm. The d is perhaps due to the false analogy of 
gd'vas, c cows.' Cf. D.s.m., p. 409. 

C. Here belong : vibhuas; 8ubhuas y 8 ; surdpiias; and, d-diwas; 
dbhuvas, i.64.6: ix.65.27; u-htivas ; favos^ 2; nabhcjtivas; pari- 
bhO/oas; manojtivas, 3 ; mayobhuvas, 6 ; ragku-drtivas, 3 (see p. 
402); vayojiivas; pambhtivas; sadyojiivas; sudbhi'ivas, 4 ; mayo- 
bkkvaS) AV. vii.60.2 ; subhtivas, iv.8.7. 

Transitions from A : dprdyuvas; madhydyuvas; mitrdyuva*: 
pramaytivas. 

Nominative and Vocative Plural Feminine. 

A. 2. Here belong: mddhv-as, Val. 2.4 ; patakratv-as. 3. Here 
belong 89 forms (from 15 stems). They are: ancrprdvas ; abhl- 
ravas; arendvas; ishavas, 3 ; tridhA'tavaa ; dhendvas, 49 ; p<ir$- 
avo8) 2; vasHydvas, 3 ; pdravas ; sanishydvas, 2; sdmanyavas; 
sindhavas, 21*; suketdvas; svdsetavas; hdnavas. 



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N.V.p.f.] Noun- Inflection in itie Veda. 415 

C. Here belong : 1. ghrta-pCtras; navastias, iv.34.5 ; prasfuas^ 3 ; 
ribhuas; subhuas: — dhvas ; dhijuvas / punarbhuvas / bhuvas / 
tnai/obht'ivas^ 3 ; mitra-krtivas (p. 402, 1.3.). 2. (a) jatvas, 

AV. ix.2.22 ; prddkuas, AV. i.27.1 ; agruvas, RV., 6 ; (b) camuas; 
ljuhii08,4; 2jnhuas ; tam\as, 2, and x. 108.6 ; tanvds, x.51.4 (p. 
408 top) ; tanuas, AV., 4, and xiii.3.10 (-<f *, Ath. Prat, iii.65, note, 
end). 3. didhishaas / pdrayishnims; mumukskdas; stidayit- 
tin as; prajanuas^ AV. ix.4.6 : — anhoyuvas; apasytivas, 4 times, 
and ix.2.7 ; avasyuvas / dyuvas / udanyuvas / panasydvas / 
prtandytivas; j>r candy uv as; blbhatsiivas; makhasytivas; man- 
draytivas; mahiyuvas, 2; sandyuvas ; caranytivas (giras) y AV. 
xx.48.1. 

In iv.41.8, yuvayti's is certainly to be taken with dhiyo, N., and 
must therefore stand for -yd' -as — an instance of vowel-absorption 
common with the Osteins (p. 366). Cf. A. p.m., jit's. In x.70.6, 
we have rathaydr (dvd'ras) ; and in vii.2.5, rathaydr (dtiras). Gr. 
reads in both places -yti's (-yd' as) ; but BR., vi.257, consider it a 
syntactical peculiarity. 

NOMIKATTVB AND ACCUSATIVE PLUBAL NEUTER. 

A. 1. The sarhhitd has -ti; the pada, -&. Here belong 28 forms 
(from 4 stems): urti'; purd ',24: as, ii\.51.&,'purd r vdstini prthivf 
bibharti; vdsd, 2 ; vidti' (ntd, Prftt. ii.37), i.39.2. 

2. Both texts have -ft. Here belong 48 forms (from 12 stems) : 
writ, 2; rjfi, iv.1.17 : vii.60.2 ; cd'ru (dnnd), i.61.7 ; fridhd'tu ; 
purity 11 times (at end of pdda), and vi.44.14; bahti; mddhu^ 2, 
and iv.43.5; vdsu, 19 times (12 at end of pdda); vtdu, 3; sd'nit, 
vi.61.2; viii.85.2 (trih saptd); svdd'tu; suhdntu, vii.30.2 (but see 
I. s.n.). In vii.60.3, (dhd mdni) yuvd'Jcuh «-, the visarga seems out 
of place. See p. 406 top. I believe the AV. has only one such 
form, jownfc', xix.49.4. 

Transition from C : {bheshajd') mayobhti, ii.33.136 end. 

Transitions to the w-declension. Here belong 127 forms (from 
14 stems): cd'rtini; trid/id'ttini,2; dd'nUni; dardni; devayti'ni; 
purti'ni, 39; prthtf'ni, 2; bahti'ni ; mddhtini, 9; yuvayti'ni; 
vdsilni, 66 ; vd'sttini; cmdcrtini; sd'ntini; from the A V., anti'ni, 
xi.7.10; ald'btini, xx.134.1 ; dcrdni, v.19.13. 

Accusative Plural Masculine. 

A. 1. Here belong: pacv-ds, 4; kr'tv-as, 2 (BR, s.v.). 

2. The usual pada-i brm in -tin occurs 189 times (from 43 stems). 
(a) If it is followed by a vowel in the interior of a pdda, the sam- 
hitd shows the phonetic representative, -ilnr, of the original case- 
form -tins. See p. 346, 394, and Prat, iv.29. This occurs before a- 
31 times : as, rtunr dnu, i.49.3 (but kdril'n \ dhnd, iv.16.3) ; before 
dr, viii.57.16 ; before iva, vi.46.14 ; 57.6 : x.68.2 ; before i-, i.45.1 : 
ix.97.17; before w-, v. 3 1.1 3; 42.15: x.83.6; before r-, x. 2.1 ; before 
o-, vii.5.6 ; before e- (at the end of the pdda, Prat, iv.30), vi. 18.3a/ 
and even before y- (both cases are covered by the Prat., iv.29), 
i.63.4: v.42.15. Total, 46. (b) It occurs in the interior of a 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



416 C. R. fximnan, [u and Osteins. 

pdda: in 36 instances, before consonants, unchanged; further- 
more, once as -tf/ic, before ca, in i. 100.1 8 ; as -dfl y before ca, i.72.6 ; 
as -Hfl, before,;-, v.14.4; as -lift (ch-), before p-, L100.18: VaL 7.3. 
(c) It occurs at the end of a pdda: as -tW, before <?-, L174.6; as 
-tf/1, before j- y vi.44.17 : x. 180.1 ; and unchanged in the remaining 
1 00 instances. For the Atharvan usage and statistics, see note to 
Prat, ii.29. 

The stems are : a&ftt, 9 ; akratu; dddfu; ddevayu, 2 ; abht'pu; ayqjyv, 2 ; df*< 
3; dsdnnishu; indu; ftd, 8; rbhu; kdru, 2; krdtu; tdntu; ddsyu, 27 ; eid'nu; 
diu, 25; durhfndyu; nabtianti; para^u; pagk, 5; prtandyti, 3; prtanyt, 4; pro- 
yojyu; bdndfiu; babhrk; bdh{t } 2; mitreru; ydjyu; yuvanyu; vugnu; van*: 
vard'ku; vasu, 3; vdyti; veqtu; vetasu; tfUru, 43; gimyu; sikdhu, 23; svdd'nu; 
sCenu; suabhipiL 

Transition from C: muyobhti'n, i.84.16=AV. xviill.6. 

C. Here belong : dndbhuvas; mayobhuvas. 

In ii.14.3, indram sdmair drnuta jd'r nd vdstraih, we have 
probably an A. p.m., for ju-as. C£ yuvayiL's, p. 415, and see BR. 
iii.128. 

Accusative Plural Feminine. 

A. 1. Here belongs: mddhv-as, i.181.6: iii.31.16. 

2. Here belong: t&ktis; ghrtdrmds, ii.27.1, c£ C; dhe?iti r s y 4; 
vdreniakratds y in a khila to x.9 ; is/ids, AV. xi.6.9. 

In x.35.2, (mdtfn) sindhiln, we have a masculine form with the 
signification of a feminine. In x. 11 1.9, etd's, £, refers to sindhun 
jagra&dnd'n. 

C. Here belong: 1. prasuas, 3; vibhiias ; dbhuvas ; dhvvas ; 
ghrta-muvas, i. 16.2 ; duvas, 2 (see also dtivas, Gr. 617) ; bhuvm; 
mayobhuvas; sandjuvas. 2. tanuas, 19 times, and v. 15.3 (S&y., 
svd8 lands); nabha?iHas; vadhuas; (from the AV., tam'(a$,i\ 
-vds, 1; badhuaz, viii.6.14;) agrdvas. 3. abhidipsuas; dravit- 
ivdas; vipanyuvas; pu?idhydvas. 

It seems necessary to pronounce tanvds as a dissyllable in 
i.162.20 and x.51.2 ; see p. 408. Weber, Ind. Stud, xiii.58, con- 
jectures with some doubt vi$vd (as A.p.f. of a stem vipti\ 'nest') 
for vipvOj ii.38.8. Although I do not know of any other occur- 
rence of such a stem, it seems to me a perfectly warrantable 
formation from the root vip. 

For rathayd's (ddras\ vii.2.5, text -us, see p. 415. 

Instrumental Plural Masculine. 

A. The ending is added directly to the stem: as, anptirbhi*. 
The form occurs 210 times (from 50 stems). Moreover, Vibhti'-bhi* 
occurs vii.48.2. It might be regarded as a transition-form; but 
see p. 414 med. The long & (Prat, vii.2) of jnakshU'-bhis, p. ft, viil 
26.6, is due to the metre. BR. take the word as an adv. instr. 
Say. says : pighragamanair apvaih. For the accent of mu-bhk, 
cf. 8\d'\nu-bhi8, vii.88.3, and see p. 408 med. The AV. has vanar- 
gubhis, iv.36.7. 

The stems are: anfa 3; Mh, 17; adkvaryu, 8; apasyu; dprdyu; dbhidyu,3: 
dbhi'pu; arajju; arenu; avcsyu; dyu,*: drujatnd; <2p6,12; indu, 11 ; un»/fW^ T 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Lp.m.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 417 

3; rtu> 15; rbhu, 6; kratu, 11; gdtb; jantu, 2; jigyu; tdntu; tdru; tr'tm; tvdyu; 
dyu^ 19; devayit; namasyh; pdyu, 12; prushitapsu, 2; bahu, 4; bhdnu, 7; bktru; 
bkr'gu ; maksh&yu ; manyu ; miUfyfiu, 2 ; vacasyu, ; vasu, 24 ; vdyu, 4 ; vipan'ya, 
2 ; sanishya ; saranyu, 2 ; scfcM, 2 ; sindhu, 5 ; sudd'nu ; suydntu ; sdnu ; mu, 5. 

C. Here belongs dbhd'bhis, 2. For makshU'bhis^ see above. 
Instrumental Plural Feminine. 

A. Here belong : 'ekadhenubhis; tridhd'tubhis; dhewibhis, 5. 
C. Here belong: svorpti'-bhis / ljuhil'bhis ; 2juhtl , bhis, 2; tan- 
tVbhis, 9 ; AV., 4. 

Instrumental Plural Neuter. 

A. Here belong : arenHbhis, vi.62.6 ; bahubhis ; vdsubhis, 3 ; 
sumdntubhis (stotrais, Say.), i.129.7 ; jard'yubhis y AV. i.27.1 ; 
bahubhis , vii.26.8. 

Dative Plural Masculine. 

A. Here belong 18 forms (from 11 stems) : apatriibhyas; rbhti- 
bhyas; gu/igubhyas; tr'tsubhyas, 2 ; dd$dbht$ubhyas; ddsyvbhyas, 
iv.38.1 ; paptibhyas; pilrubhyas, 2 ; bahubhyas, 3 ; vdsubhyas, 2 ; 
s'mdhubhyas, 3 ; from the AV., papubhyas, 2 ; bahtibhyas, 2. 

Dative Plural Feminine. 

A. The Rik has no example. The AV. has ishubhyas, iii.27.1-6 ; 
dhenubhyas, vi59.1. 

C. Here belongs tanti'bhyas, x.158.4 (Gr., -bhias) ; AV., i.13.2 ; 
26.4. 

Dative Plural Neuter, 

A.C. There is no example. 

Ablative Plural Masculine. 

A. Here belong: aktubhyas; jatrtibhyas, viii.1.12 (see Gr. 548); 
ddsyubhyas, x.48.2 ; bahiibhyas ; bhr'gubhyas ; from the AV., 
jighatsubhyas, viii.2.20 ; ddsyubhyas, ii. 14.5 ; bhr'gubhyas f^xix.. 
39.5 ; mrtyubhyas, xiii.4.46 ; sdbandhubhyas, viii.2.26. 

Ablative Plural Feminine. 
A Here belong : dhdnxibhyas; smdhubhyas, 3. 

Ablative Plural Neuter. 
A.C. There is no example. 

Genitive Plural Masculine. 

A. So far as I know, the Veda shows no certain exception to 
the rule that oxytone stems belonging to A shift the accent to the 
ending in the G.p. : thus, babhrilnd'm, m. On the other hand, 
the thematic final of words belonging to C retains the accent : 
thus, babhrd'ndm, f. The accent of the i and £-stems is quite 
analogous. From the A-stem kav'i, m., we have kavind'm; but 
from the C-stem krimt\ f. (m., hrvni)^ we have krimi'ndm, AV. 
v.23.13. See pp. 397-9. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



418 C. R. Lanman. [u and il-stems. 

Oxytones. The Rik has 24 forms (from 12 stems). 1. rtthtd'm; 
rbhdnd'm, 2 ; rshihid'tn ; cardnd'm ; devaydnd'rn ; pit find' m; 
prdfrtnd'm ; babhriind'm ; bahdnd'm, 3 ; ydttind'm. The AY. 
has: rtdnd'm, xv.6.6 : xvi.8.17; rbhtind'm, ix.1.13; carihid'rn, 
xviii.4.53 ; devaydnd'm, viii.9.13 ; paprtnd'm, 24 times: as, ii.28.3; 
ydtdnd'm, v.29.8,9. The VS. has stdydnd'm, xvi.21. For aghd- 
yd'ndm, AV. i.20.2, a possible exception to the rule, see G.p.f., (\ 

2. The following words occur at the end of a catalectic pdda of 
7 syllables, where Gr. reads -dam: rbhdnd'm ; rshihid'm, 3; 
pitihid'm ; purdnd'm, i.5.2 ; 36.1 :. v.74.7 : vi.45.29 ; ripHrutm; 
further, rshihid'm, at the end of the trishtubh-pdda, i. 127. 10/. 
3. In no case is resolution certainly necessary. 

Barytones. There are 23 forms (from 11 stems). 1. abhikra- 
tdndm; abht'ptindm; ahydrshilndm; tr'tsdndm, 2 ; bhr'gdndm; 
mdntindm; vds(indm,5; $dtr&ndm,2; 8indhiindm,6; svdrHndm. 
The AV. has: ddsytindm, iii.10.12: viii.8.5,7: x.6.20; piydrttudm, 
xi.2.21 ; vdstindm, ix.1.4; pdtrdndm, iii. 19.2 : v.20.4 : vi.65.2 ; 
sdbandhtindm, xv.8.3. 

2. At the end of a pdda of 7 syllables occurs krdttindm, Gr., 
-aam. 3. Resolution seems necessary in sindhdnaam, ix.15.5. 

C. Here belong: ydtujil'ndm, iv.4.5 : x. 116.5 ; jdguvdm. 

Genitive Plural Feminine. 

A. Oxytones. 1. The Rik has no example. The AV. has 
dhentind'm, iv.27.3. 2. No example. 3. Resolution is neces- 
sary in dhentindam, RV., 3. 

Barytones. 1. Here belongs s'indhtindm, 5. 3. Resolution 
is necessary in sindhUnaam, i.46.8.9. 

C. Here belong : 1. ptirvasfi! ndm. 2. tanti'ndm, 12 ; tanu'- 
ndm (Gr., -aam), v.67.5 : vi.48.2 ; vadhU'ndm (Gr., -aam), viil 
19.36 ; tanti'naam, ii.23.8. 3. babhrd'ndm, x.97.1 ; bibhat- 

sil'ndm, x. 124.9. If we judge aghdyd'ndm, AV. i.20.2, by its 
accent, it is a feminine from the stem aghdyti! (m., aghdyH'), and 
mav mean malicious beings of that sex. If it be taken as a mas- 
culine (for aghdytind'm), it is an exception, and the only one, to 
the rule in regard to the shift of accent. 

Genitive Plural Neuter, 

A. Oxytone. For purtind'm, i.5.2, see masc. 

Barytones. 1. Here belong : mddhtindm, 6 ; yd'pdndm; vdrti- 
ndm, 25, and AV. iv.26.1,2 : vii.79.3. 2. At the end of a cata- 
lectic pdda of 7 syllables, where Gr. reads -aam, stand : mddhn- 
ndm; vdsdndm, i.127. 7 : viii.31.14: ix.58.2 : VaL 3.5 ; and at the 
end of a pdda of 1 1 syllables (where Gr. reads -aam, 12), vdsdndm, 
vii.16.2 ; 32.5. 3. Resolution is necessary in vdsdnaam, i.7.9; 
128.5: ix.108.13: x.50.7; 74.1. 

Locative Plural Masculine. 

A. Here belong 17 forms (from 10 stems) : ahtushu ; dnmhu; 
dpfishu; druhydshu; pdrushu, 2 ; bdhushu, 3 ; yddushu; vifvd- 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



L.p.m.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. * 419 

bhdnushu, 2 ; pdtrushu ; smdhushu, 4. The AV. has : papt'tshu, 
6 ; vtbandhushu; the VS., snfishu, xvii.14. 
C. Here belong : dbhU'shu; purvbhti'shv. 

Looativb Plural Feminine. 

A. Here belong: v&stushu; smdhushu, viii.24.27. 

Transition from C : (viksMi) dyitfshu, i.58.3. We should expect 
dyiVshu; cf. dyuvas, ii.5.5. The it, is perhaps metrically shortened, 
as eleventh syllable in a pdda of 12. 

C. Here belong : 1. prasd'shu, twice. 2. camft'shu, 13 ; 

tanti'&hu, 20, and AV. xix.20.3. 3. babhrd'shu. 

Locative Plural Nkuter, 

A. Here belong : urft&hu ; pmdprwhu ; sd'nushu, 2, and A V. 
x.4.14; vd'&tushu, xii.5.49. 



STEMS IN R OR AR. 

In the words of which this section treats, the distinctions 
between "strong" and "weak" stems come for the first time 
prominently and unequivocally into notice. The stem ddtd'r, 
'giver,' makes its A.s., ddtd'r-am, from a fuller ("strong") stem, 
ddtd'r; but its L.s., ddt&'r-i y is formed by adding the ending -i to 
the simple (" weak") stem, ddtd'r. The cases which exhibit this 
fuller form of the stem are called, in general, " strong," and are, 
for the masculine and feminine, the N. and A.s., the N.A.V.d., 
and the N. V.p. ; the others are called " weak." This strengthen- 
ing of the stem does not extend to all w.ords included here, and 
they may therefore be divided into two classes (A and B), accord- 
ing as they have dr or d/r in the strong cases : thus, md'tar, 
1 measurer' (A.s., md'tdram), may be called an A-stem ; and mdtdr, 
1 mother' (A.s*, rndt&'ram), a B-stem. 

A. This category embraces 150 or more stems, formed by the 
derivative suffix tar, which are used as nomina agentis, or as 
participles. In general, the former are oxytone, and the latter 
accent the radical syllable. Lindner, p. 72, is of the opinion that 
the difference was originally a purely formal one, and that this 
formal distinction was afterwards extended and utilized as the 
expression of a functional difference. Here also we may put the 
stem star or tdr, ' a star,' although it is properly a radical. It 
occurs in the N., td'ras, and I., str'bhis. 

B. This class is a small, but important one. It includes a 
number of words of relationship — substantives and their adjective 
compounds. The masculine stems are : the compounds of -mdtar, 
1 mother,' with ddri-, ihiha^ g6-, pr'pni-, saptd-, sind/w-; trimdtdr, 
dvimdtdr, mmmdtdr, sumdtdr ; jd'mdtar, mjdmdtar ; deodr ; 
(ndptar, ' descendant,' supplies its strong cases from a different 
stem, ndpdt; but cf. naptdrem, Yacna lxxi.23 ;) pitdr, ddkshapitar, 
mdtdrdrpitdr ; bhrdtdr [saptdsvasar]. The feminine stems are: 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



420 C. R. Lanman, [Stems in 

duhitdr ; ndndndar ; abhrdtdr; mdtdr, wptdmdtar, sammdt<ir, 
sindhumdtar [svdsar, saptdsvasar]. For ndr, see N.p.m. 

C. There are only seven stems included in this section which 
are not formed by the derivative suffix tar. They are : ttshdr; 
devdr; ndndndar; ndr, tfiarnar; svdsar, saptdsvasar. Of these, 
ushdr, ndr, stiarnar, and svdsar have peculiar declensional forms : 
usr~ds (G., A.), -d'm (L.) ; ndr-e, -as (G.s.), nar-d'm ; s&arnar-* ; 
svdsr-dm (G.p.). 

Among the weak cases, moreover, there are certain changes of stem which 
require a descriptive notice. The stems treated in this section — like those in i 
and (, and u and 4— have a final that lies on the border-land between vowel and 
consonant. If we consider them chiefly in the light of the related languages, we 
must entitle the section "stems in tar and ar;" but this declension exhibits 
peculiarities so specifically Indian, that I have followed the usual method, and 
given it a place with the declension of stems whose suffixes end in vowels (p. 3271 

From a comparative point of view, we say that the stem of ddtdr-i is ddiar, and 
that in ddtr'-bhis we have a peculiar weakening thereof; but if we compare 

agntbhydm -ibkis -ibhyas -ishu, 

with ddtr'bhydm -tr'bhis -tr'bhyaa -tr'shu, 

and dgne agnSs *agndy-i agndy-e 

sd'no sd'no* sd'nav-i sd'nav-e, 

with dd'tar *ddtdr* ddtdr-i *ddtdr-e, 

we see that, as far as the Sanskrit is concerned, agni and sd'nu stand on the same 
phonetic level — not with ddtdr, but with ddtr / ; and that, taking ddtr' as stem, we 
have in ddtdr-i a peculiar strengthening (guna) thereof. Likewise the lengthen- 
ings in the A. and G.p. are quite analogous (agni'n, -ind'm — ddtr'n, ~trm'm\ 
Further, the analogy of &rmi~d' and -agni-ds would lead us to assume, for the 
'period of separate Indian development, the forms ddtr-d' and ddtr-os (not ddlar-d, 
ddt&r-os). In the Rik, the G. and L.d. forms are trisyllabic in every instance but 
one, and may be pronounced pi-tr-ds (Gr., pitarfc), eta 

In Sanskrit it is tho rule that the & of thematic t&r falls out in the D.s. (e. g. r 
ddtre, for ddtdrt), and remains in the L.s. In the Rik, the metre does not give 
evidence of a single form like ddtdre; but in x. 86.46, the text has ndndndori 
where the metre demands -dri (AY., -dus\ and, on the other hand, usri, v. 53. 14, 
where the metre demands ushari. 

In the weak cases, accordingly, the stem appears in four forms : Jr, tf, (or, and 
[{(#)r, i. e.] tr. The fourth form, ddt{<X')re, becomes by syncopation ddtri, and the 
resultant is thus similar to that of the first form ddtrd' (from ddtr-df). 

There are a few instances in which the distinctions between A 
and B are ignored ; but they are too few to be classed as transi- 
tion-forms. The most important irregularities are those of the 
stem svdsar, ' sister,' and its compounds. Although a word of 
relationship, it has no B-forms whatever, but makes svdsdram, 
svdsdrd, svdsdras. Some recognize in the peculiar declension of svd- 
sar traces of its original character as nomm agent is (*sva*ilrtar). 

The instances in which A-stems have B-forms are only sporadic. 
We have in a pdda of 7 syllables, manotd'rd rayind'm, viii.8.l2# 
=i.46.26. In iv.35.5, $dcyd hdrl dhdnutdrdv atashta, it is likely 
that the d is due to the metre. The word vasudhd r tdras 9 AV. v.27.6, 
is discussed in the note to the Ath. Pr. iv.45. Some authorities 
regarded it as a plural. This interpretation, which is favored by 
the sense, is not so very objectionable on account of the accent ; 
for we may take the word as a compound of the participle dhd'tar. 
This occurs in Rik viii.7.35 ; and the compound sdrhdhdtar, viii.1.12, 



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r or ar.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 42 1 

implies the barytone dhd'tar. Otherwise, it must pass for a 
N.8.m. of the comparative of vasu-dhd'. 

Except in the G.p., no forms of this declension show a n be- 
tween stem and ending. For str-n-as, see N.p. 

The following synopses exhibit the terminations of the in- 
flectional forms : 

Nbutbb. 

Singular: N.A., -tar?, -tr?, -tur 7 -tart; G., -tur; L., -tart. 
Plural: G., -trdm?. 

Masoulinb and Fkmininb. 

Singular: N., -d, -dn, -dr?; A., -dram, -dram; L, -rd ; D., -re 
(-are) ; Ab., -ur; G., -wr (-ras, -aras) ; L., -art, -art (-W, -rdm) ; V., 
-ar. 

Dual : N.A.V., -drd y -tird, -drau, -drau; D., -rbhydm; G.L., -ros, 
-r-os. 

Plural : N.V., -dras, -tiros; A.m., -ft%, -rnp, -fnr, -?nh (-aras?); 
A.£, -rs (-ras); I, -rbhis ; D.Ab., -rbhyas; G., -fridm, -fnaam, 
-rndm, -rnaam (-ardm, -araam, -rdm), -fn ?; L., -rshu. 

The forms in parentheses pertain only to the stems ushdr, ndr, 
suarnar, and svdsar. 

The following peculiarities are seen in the accent of the forms 
of oxytone stems. It is shifted to the ending in the Ls. and 
G.L.d. (pilrd', mdtrds — for pitr-d\ md(r-6s — p. 420), and in the 
G.p. (pitfiid'm). It is also shifted to the ending when the final 
syllable of the stem lQses its character as a distinct syllable by 
syncopation ; as, ddtre, usri (for ushdr-iy Compare the accent 
of the stems in i and u, pp. 375 and 405. 

Contrary to the general rule that monosyllabic stems shift the accent to the 
ending in the oblique cases (e. g M bh%', bhtf\ we have : ndr-e, -as, -i ; nf-bhis, 
-bhyas, -shu (but nar-d'm)] str'bhis; and in like manner, gav-d, -e, -i, -dm; go-bkis, 
-bhyas, shu. The stem nau follows the rule (ndv-ds, -i ; nau-bhis). 

This declension pertains almost exclusively to masculines and 
feminines ; and this is to be expected, since the words in tar are 
the names or epithets of persons or personified objects (Lindner, 
p. 72). The explicit paradigms of the grammarians (cf. bahusva- 
srni) have little or no application to the Veda. Least of all 
should elaborate arguments be based upon facts with regard to 
the forms of the neuter. 

NEUTER STEMS IN TAR. 

The Rigveda, however, appears to have a few forms (perhaps 
17, at most), from neuter stems in tar. Since they are so few and 
sporadic, it seems advisable to give them all together here. The 
stems are: dhartdr, ' prop, support ;' dhmdtdr, ' smeltery, smithy;' 
sthdtdr, the opposite oijagat; and vidhartdr, used as an infinitive, 
'to hold (out),' 'to mete out.' 

vol. x. 57 



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422 C. R. Ixiiiman, [Stems in r. 

Nominative and Accusative Singular Neuter. 

Iu the first place we should notice the fact alluded to on p. 343 
(cf. p. 377 end, 412 end, and 390, and Gr., Wb. 1603), that in cases of 
extremely infrequent occurrence there appears to be a correspond- 
ing uncertainty as regards the form. It would seem that linguistic 
usage was to that extent still unsettled and indeterminate. For 
the N.A.s., the Veda shows at least two, and perhaps four attempts 
to make case-forms. 

1. The termination that we should expect d priori is -fdr. The nearest 
approach to this is in vi.49.6, sdtyc^rutah kavnyo ydsya gtrbhir jagata (p. -t?ii 
sthdtar jdgad &' krnudhram, * At whose call ye, truth-hearing wise ones, ([are] 
coming, i. e.) come, (to him) grant ye that which remaineth steadfast and that 
which moveth,' i. e., make him master of all things. The word sthdtar. however, 
has no accent. Gr. reads -wr, and BR. pronounce the passage corrupt. 

2. The form of the paradigms ends in -tr' ; as, kartr'. BR. suggest the 
reading sthdtx' for the passage pac&'ft ca sihdtf'ii cardtham capdhi, i.72.6, and a 5 
I think, with good reason ; since all masculine forms (except this) come from the 
barytone stem sthd'tar. Cf. Miiiler's note to Rik Pr. iv.32. 

3. As a phonetic representative of sthdtar or sthdtr\ we have 
sthdtur, p. -uh, in the phrase sthdtup cardtham, a loosely formulized 
expression for 'all beings.' It occurs as N. in i.58.5, sthdt/ic 
cardtham bhayate patatrinah, where construction and meaning 
are clear. In i.68.1, it is A.s. In i.70.7, vdrdhdn yam ptirvfh 
kshapd virdpd sthdtu$ ca rdtham, the plural vdrdhdn may be 
construed ad sensum with the subject sthdtu$ cardtham (cfl sdm 
drata, p. 373 top): 'Whom through many nights and morninsr* 
(kshapd virtipds, as A.p.f.) all beings worship.' BR. refer the 
word sthdtur of these three passages to a stem sthdtur, n. 

4. As for the form -tdri, it certainly stands in the text, and in 
such syntactical relations as do not well admit of a locative, but 
render its interpretation as nominative or accusative pretty certain. 
To this may be added the probability that it is a phonetic repre- 
sentative of the organic form in -tar or -tr. According to the 
Praticakhyas, namely, the vowel r has a r in it, and the r is in the 
middle. Thus the Kik Pr. says : repho 'sty rkdre . . . madhye 
sah, xiii.14. Weber interprets the corresponding rule of the Yaj. 
Pr., iv.145, so that r=i^a-\-br-\-{a, and he compares the r with 
the Zend ere. The sound that precedes the r, as well as that 
which follows it, is probably the obscure (samvrta) a, the neutral 
vowel of the English words org&n (#), biU (#). See the notes to 
Ath. Pr. i. 36,3 7. Now I think that the diaskeuasts have taken 
account of this dissyllabic pronunciation of r in four instances (all 
at the end of a pdda), and have written it art. 

In the first, sd rnacid rnayd! brdhmanas pdtir druhd hantd' 
mahd rtdsya dhartdri, ii.-J3.l7, the construction demands a 
nominative in apposition with hantd' — 'the support of mighty 
truth' (or * right'). In ix.86.42, an accusative is certain syntac- 
tically, whatever the exegetical difficulties may be ; Gr. translates 
antdr tyate \ ndrd ca cdnsam daiviam ca dhartdri thus : ' Goeth 
between (both, the praise of men and the support of the gods, 



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Neuters.] Noun- Inflection in tfie Veda. 423 

i. e.) earth and heaven.' In ix.47.4, svaydm kav'tr vidhartdri 
tuprdya rtttnatn ichati, the sense demands an infinitive, and that 
rather in an accusative than a locative relation. I translate : 
* The Wise One himself desires to mete out treasures to the singer.' 
Likewise in viii.59.2, vidhartdri hdstdya vdjrah prdti dhdyi 
darpatuh: 'The wondrous thunderbolt was put in (Iudra's) hand, 
to wield it.' 

Dative Singular Neuter. 

No example. In 1164 15, sthdtre, which Say. takes as dative of 
sthdtdr, is L.s.n. of sthdtrd. 

Genitive Singular Neuter. 

The only example is the word sthdtur, which occurs i. 159.3 : 
ii.31.5 : i\\53.6 : vi.50.7 : x.63.8 : and vii.60.2 (v'tpvatya sthdttir 
jdgaUtp ca gopd'h). 

Locative Singular Neuter. 

The only example is found in v.9.5, with lengthened final as 
antepenultimate of a pdda of 8 syllables, piptte dhmdtdri yathd, 
p. -rl. 

Genitive Plural Neuter. 

In i.70.3, the text has gdrbhap ca sthdtd'm gdrbhap cardthdm. 
BR. suggest sthdtrd' m. Sthdtrd' m is to sthdtrnd'm as svdsrdm 
is to svdsrndm. See p. 430, G.p.f. Gr. refers the form to the stem 
sthd'nt, present participle of sthd; cf. pd'nt-am, bhdt-f. 

THE MASCULINES AND FEMININES. 

The neuters being thus enumerated, we may proceed to the 
masculines and feminines ; and since these are declined precisely 
alike, except in the A. p., they may be treated together. 

Nominative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

The form ends in -d. It occurs 973 times. Of these occur- 
rences, 870 are masculines (from 140 stems), and 103 are feminines 
(from 6 stems). 

Examples of the masculines are : avitd\ 38 ; janitd', 26 ; jaritd', 
17; trdtd', 13; tvdshtd, 45; ddtd', 13; dhartd', 13; netd', 13; 
sdnitd, 22; savitd', 107; stotd \ 12; hdtd, 158; further, pitd\ 85; 
bhrd'td, 10 ; trimdtd' ; dvimdtd\ 4 ; mptdsvasd ; hatdbhrdtd, 
hatdmdtd, hatdsvasd, AV. ii.32.4. 

The feminines are : abhrdtd' ; duhitd\ 29 ; ?ndtd\ 63 ; saptd- 
svasd; sindhumdtd; aodsd, 8. 

The analogy of the related languages indicates that this final -d stands for -dr. 
This in turn must have been developed out of an original form -ar-s (cf. dtar-s, 
Yacna, lxii.7 t etc.). The steps of this development are traced by Ourtius, Studien, 
ii. 169. 

Grassmann, in the preface to his Wb., p. vii., observes that crasis, as shown by the 
metre, always takes place between final -a or -d and an initial r-, when concurrent 
in the interior of a pdda, except as stated below, and that it results in ar : thus. 
xhdraacmam piba rtund, i.15.1; ydc cid dhi vdm pura r'shayo, viii.8.6, p. purd' 
(Prat, ii- 11). Crasis does not take place, i.e., hiatus ensues, (1) when the con- 



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424 0. R. Lanman, [Stems in r. 

current vowels are separated by the caesura: as in iv.23.7c; (2) when the r- is 
followed by a double consonant : as in iii.41.2a ; and (3) when -a or -d stands (or 
-as, ~ds, -«, -a», -<Jn, or -dV: thus, indro brahmd' indra x'shik, viii.16.7: kdnrd 
rtasya dhd'rayd, viii.6.8. Accordingly, when the metre shows hiatus between -a 
{=-o8) or -d (=-o«) and r-, we may assume that at the time when the hymns were 
reduced to written form, the endings -as and -da had not yet lost their final i In 
like manner, hiatus between -d (aa ending of N.s. of -tar) and r- would indicate 
that the historical predecessor of -a\ namely, -dr. had not entirely gone out of use, 
or had at least left its graphical reflex in the text. 

To put this matter to a thorough test, I examined every one of these 973 forms 
as it stands in the samhitd, and obtained the results here given. In the interior 
of a pdda, if the final -d of the N.s.m. and f. is followed by a vowel, the two are 
almost invariably combined. Thus -d unites with d- : as in x.4.6c ; with e- to ot. 
in ix.73.3 ; with a-, very often ; with i- (especially the i of iva) to e ; and with «- 
to o: thus, janitd'gn&r janitd' sOfriaeya janitSndrasya janitotd vishnok, ix.96.5. The 
form appears before a vowel with hiatus in only 16 instances: i. 60.46; 61.46; 
18^. 6a: iii.54.126: (in iv.6.2c, read bhaanuml) v.46.4d (tvdshtd utd): vi.23.4a; 
24.5a"; 25.76: vii.40.3d: viii.19.26*: x.6.16; 49.106: 60.7a {dydrn mdtd',ayfon 
pitd'); 61.9c; 99.3a; 132.6a. 

The form in -d was followed by r- in only five passages. These, 
along with a sixth one from the Atharvan, follow : 

ii.28.4a. prd stm ddityS asrjad vidhartd'fi (r-), p. -td' 

v.45.6. dpa yd' mdtd'fi rmtd vrajdm g6k, p. mdtdf 

i.127.10. fflrnir h6t& rsh&iidam, p. h6td 

iv.33.5. tvdshid rbhavas idtpanayad vaco »aA, p. -td 

v.46.1. vidvd'n pathdh ptvra-etd' rj& neshaii, p. -id' 

vi. 133.4. 8va8& x'shindm bk&takr'idm babk&'va, p. svdsd. 

The metre shows that in the first three verses the concurrent 
vowels are to be pronounced with hiatus (-d r-) ; and that in the 
last three they are to be fused to ar and pronounced as one sylla- 
ble. According to the Kik Pr., iLll, -d becomes -<J before r-; and 
the metre — as well as the actual prescriptions of the TPr. (x.8) 
and Ath. Pr. (iii.46) — requires also the conversion of the r- to r-. 
That this shortening does not take place in ii.28.4 and v.46.6 is 
plain evidence that the diaskeuasts took due account of the 
metrical value of the -td r- as two syllables ; and their way of 
writing them is expressly mentioned by the Prat., ii.3 1 . why 
have not the diaskeuasts, and after them Qaunaka, treated the 
third passage, which is precisely parallel, in the same way, and 
written hdtdn rsh&nd'm t Kuhn, Jieitr&ge, iv.212,213, q. v., is of 
the opinion that these hymns of Paruchepa, especially i.127 and 
129, are comparatively recent productions and belong to a later 
redaction. This singular discrepancy (hdtd r-) is, as I think, satis- 
factorily accounted for by this assumption, and is also a beautiful 
confirmation of Professor Kuhn's criticism. 

Paruchepa is indeed mentioned by Qaunaka, ii 32, in connection with words 
occurring in i.129 and 133. 

The second and third passages are the ones cited by Gr. : in 
them he would restore the old forms mdtd'r and hdtdr; and if we 
allow these, we may add vidhartd'r. Cf. Delbruck, Verbtim, p. 50, 
and Leskien, Die Declination im Slaviach-litauischen und Ger- 
manwchen, p. 24. 



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N.s*m.£] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 425 

As for the last three passages, on the other hand, it seems not 
unlikely that in the time of the oral tradition combinations like 
ddgdkasi (for *ddgdhdr dsi, v. 9. 4) and tvdshtarbhavas (for *tvdsh- 
tdr rbhavas) stood quite on a level with svadhitiva (for svddhitir 
iva, p. 375 end) in respect to elision and crasis, and with avitd' 
rdthdndm (for -t&'r r-) in respect to elision. 

Id ix.97.38, we have sd pundnd upa au're nd dhd'tdbTii aprd rddasi vi sh& dvah, 
p. dhd'td d' ubhe. The combination is interesting as showing how entirely pre- 
posterous and artificial is the sandhi between two pddas. The d / belongs of 
course to pdda 6, and we must pronounce obhe aprd, etc. The graphical combina-' 
tion of dhd'td with obhe would give dhd'taubhe; but instead of this, we have dhd'td 
first combined with d' and afterwards with ubhe. Compare, however, Prat, ii.31, 
r. 61, clxvi. 

Accusative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculine. A. The form ends in -tdram : as, ydtd'ram. It 
occurs 168 times (from 41 stems). 

Enumeration : adhivaktd'i 
td'ram; ishkartd'ram, 2; 




B. Here belong 5V forms (from 7 stems) : ddrimdtaram; jd'md- 
taram; devdram; ndram y 16 ; pitdram, 33 ; bhrd'taram, 4 ; sin- 
dhumdtaram. 

Feminine. A. Sole example : svdsdrarn, 5 ; AV. i.28.4 : iii.30.3. 

B. Here belong 31 forms (from 3 steins): duhitdram, 3; md- 
tdram, 27; saptdmdtaram. 

Instrumental Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculine. Here belong : dstrd ; d/ultrd' ; ndptrd, 2 ; pitrd', 
2; savitrd', 2; from the AV., dstrd, xi.2.7 ; tvdshtrd, xii.3.33; 
bhrd'trd, v.22.12. 

Feminiue. Here belong : duhitrd' ; from the AV., mdtrd', iii. 
30.2; svdsrd, v.22.12. N 

Dative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculine. Here belong 52 forms (from 7 6tems) : jaritri, 23 ; 
ddtre; ndptre, 3 ; pitre, 9; savitre, 2 ; stotre, 13 ( Wb. } col. 1 774) ; 
hotre; from the AV., autre, vi.93.2 ; kartre, x. 1.30; kroshtre, xi. 
2.2; jaritre, xviiLl.40; ddtre, ix.3.12 ; 4.1: x. 9.1 3-24 ; 10.27; 
dhdtre and vidhdtre, iii.10.10 ; pitre, i.31.4 : v. 11.1 : vii.14.3 ; 
rakshitre, xii.3.55-60. 

Feminine. Here belong: duhitre ; mdtr'e ; svdsre ; from the 
AV., duhitr'e, vi.137.1 ; mdtre, i.31.4. 

C-stems. Here belong : ndre, 5 ; suarnare. In iii. 18.1, pitdreva, 
p. pitdrd-iva, Bollensen sees a dative, and divides thus : pi tare va. 
There is nothing improbable in the form as dative ; but the sense 
favors decidedly the view of the padakdra. 



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426 ft R. Lanman, [Steins in r. 

Ablative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculine. Here belong: dntur; dhdtfir,Z\ pitfir,o\ b/tratur; 
vydmdtur ; srtvitfir, 3; hdtur, 2; from the AV., tvdshtur and 
dhdtfir s xi. 8.9 ; pitfir, iii.25.5 : vi.116.3; bhrd'tur, vi. 116.3*. 

Feminine. Here belong : duhitfir; mdtur, 6 ; svdsur, 3 ; from 
the AV. y *i<ft''/r } iii.25.5 : vi.116.2,3: viii.9.5. 

Genitive Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculine. Here belong 129 forms (from 24 stems) : abhi- 
kshatt'&r; avitfir; dstur, 3; janitfir, 3; jtiritur, 19; trdtur, 2 ; 
tvd&htur, 8 ; ddtfir; ndptvr, 2 ; nidhdtfir; net fir; nfohtur; pitfir^ 
36 ; bhrd'tur, 3 ; mandhdtfir; vandltur; vdvd'ttir, 2 ; vddhnr; 
^amit'fir; sanitur; savitfir, 29 ; sottir; stotfir, 4 ; hdtur, 6 ; from 
the AV., utthdtfir, ix.4.14; cefttfr, vi.73.1 ; dhdtfir, ii.36.2; trdtur, 
etc. 

Feminine. Here belong : duhittir, 1 ; m<ftf/r, 22 ; svdsur, 2 ; 
from AV., ndndndur, xiv. 1.44 ; mdtfir, 6 times ; svdsur, xviii.1.14. 

C-stems. The full ending -a,* with the correspondingly weak 
theme is seen only in usr~ds (for ushr'-cw, stem ushdr), iii.58.4 : 
vi.12.4; but the monosyllabic theme ndr makes ?idr-as, i. 12 1.2 : 
v.9.7 : vii.31.2. 

I am unable to find any support for such a form as pitr-ds, cited by Benfey, 
Gram. p. 300, note 8. It is hard to say whether the form is to be set up as end- 
ing in -ur or -us. Schleicher, Comp. 4 p. 538, §252, traces the genesis of the form 
thus : *pitar-&8, (*?)pitrd8, *pitr's 1 pitus. The analogy of ve-s as compared with 
avy-as, and of madho-8 as compared with mddhu-as, however, favors our starting 
with *pitdr-8 (or pitr'-as ; but not with pitdr-as) ; cf. nar-s, Yc. iii. 17. The series 
*pitar-s, *pitar-r, *pUr'-r, pitur seems to me perfectly licit and simple ; but to 
some, in view of the analogy of the Pali usabha, vusa {z=rshabha. vrsAo-— Kuhn, 
Pdli-Or. p. 14), the following may appear more probable: */nfcir-s, ^pitr'-s, pitus. 

The Vedic v-dr-as — we should expect nur, for *ridr-s — is perhaps to be put on 
a level with girdy-as, p. 383, as having the fuller ending along with the stronger 
form of the stem. See p. 420 med. 

Locative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculine. 1. Here belong: netdri; pitdrl; sotdri,2; vaktdri, 
AV. ii. 1.4. For ndri, i.85.9 : viii.85.19, see p. 348 med. 

2. The samhitd has -*, and the pada reads -J. The protraction 
is in every instance metrical. Here belong; kartdri, i. 139.7 (/ is 
tenth syllable in a pdda of 12); vaktdri, x.61.12 (eighth of 11); 
dhmdtdri (n., see p. 423). 

In v.41.10 and vi.12.4, etdri nd ftehaih, p. etar\ the i is eighth in a pdda of 11. 
Gr. takes etdri as fem. of etdr (' wie die Wallerin mit Liedern') ; cf. avitdri, vii.96.2, 
text -trV. The padakdra's interpretation as L. rests, perhaps, on the analogy of 
the cases just given. I find no mention of them in the Prat., although they are 
co/cred by the general prescriptions of viii.21,22. 

Feminine. Here belong: duhitdri, i.71.5 (*, being followed by 
a double consouant, is not lengthened, although the eighth in a 
pdda of 11 syllables) ; cf. p. 333 ; mdtdri, twice, and AV. xi.7.6. 

C-stems. In x. 85.46, ndndndari samrd'jni bhava, we must pro- 
nounce ndndndri. The Atharvan gets over the difficulty by 
reading ndndnduh. 



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L.s.m.f.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 427 

Con trari wise, in v.53.14, vrshtvV pdm y&r d'pa usn bhe&hajdm, 
we must restore the syncopated vowel and read ushdri. 

In x.6.5, usrd'm seems to be an isolated ease of transition to the 
/-declension (series B, p. 366 end). Pronounce ushar-d'm. 

Vocative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

The form is identical with the simple stem. There are 110 m. 
forms (from 26 stems), and 20 f. forms (from 3 stems). 

Masculine. Here belong: avaspartar; avitar; janitar; jaritar, 
1 1 ; jd?ndtar ; trdtar, 3 ; tvashtar, 4 ; dartar y doshdvastar, 3 ; 
dhartar; dhdtar, 2 ; netar, 2 ; neshtar; pranetar, 5 ; prayantar; 
yujnahotar; vidhartar; vidhdtar; sanitar; savitar, 23 ; susanitat, 
2 ; sotar; st/idtar, 5 ; hotar y 27 ; further, pitar, 4 ; bhrdtar, 6 ; 
from AV., vipastar, ix.5.4. 

Feminine. Here belong: duhitar, 17 ; mdtar, 2; from AV., 
duhitar, xix.47.5 ; mdtar, 48.2 ; xii.1.63. 

C-stem. In i.49.4, ushar (Prat, iv.13) is V.s. of ushdr. 

Nom., Ace, and Voc. Dual Masculine and Feminine. 

The ending -d is used 176 times; the ending -aw, only 10 times. 
The circumstances of occurrence coincide entirely with those given 
on p. 340, q. v. 

I. The ending -d is used : 

1. at the end of &pdda (51 times); 

2. before consonants (112 times) ; 

3. before an initial vowel with which it is fused (11 times). 

4. It is never used before vowels with hiatus. 
II. The ending -cm is used : 

1 . before vowels without hiatus, in the form ~dv (8 times). 

I. 1. In vii.94.3 : viii.8.17 : x.40.4, the following pdda begins with t- ; and in 
vi.60.9: viii.26.11: x. 143.6, with u-. The concurrent vowels are written as 
fused ; but are of course to be pronounced with hiatus. 

3. The final -d coalesces with a- in i. 110.8 : x.39.3 ; with d-, in v.73.7 ; with 
iva, in iii.18.1 ; 58.2: iv.41.7 : ix.18.5: x.59.1; 106.2,4; with i-, i.117.18. ' 

4. In i. 161.10 and x.65.10, the samhitd has -a u- in the interior of a pdda, and 
the pada has -au u-. Cf. p. 341, 4a, and Rik Pr. ii.9, and Ath. Pr. iii.40. 

II. 1. There are only two instances of -au before a consonant: viz., at the end 
of iii. 55. lie (before m-). and of x.l4.11a (before o). iii.55 is one of the later, 
mystical hymns ; and verse 11 of x.14 contains notions about the hounds of Yama 
which are entirely different from those of verse 10, and probably later. The 
enumerations follow : 

I. Masculine. A. Here belong 31 forms (from 15 stems). They 
are: avitd'rd, 2; asndtd'rd ; ushtd'rd ; gdntdrd, 4; coditd'rd ; 
janitd'rd; dhartd'rd, 3 ; nwetdrd; pretd'rd; yantd'rd; -yantd'rd; 
rakshitd'rd; pamitd'rd ; 8thdtd'rd,,2 ; hdtdrd, 10; from AV. 
dhartdrd y vii.73.4. "' 

B. C. Here belong 109 forms (from 9 stems). They are : mdtdrd- 
pitdrd; ihehamdtard ; ddkshapitard ; pitdrd, 23 ; bhrd'tard ; 
shtdhumdtard ; {ubhd! !) mdtdrd, i. 140.3; nard, 69; ndrd, 9^; 
finally, manot&'rd, 2 : see p. 420 sub fin. 

Feminine. A. Here belongs svdsdrd^ 3. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



428 G R. Lan?nan, [Stems in r. 

B. Here belong 33 forms (from 3 stems). They are duhitmft, 
2 ; mdtdrd, 30; mmmdtdrd; from AV., mdtdrd, v. 1.4. 

II. Masculine. A. Here belong: ddtd'rau; rakshitd'rau. The 
AV. has: anushthdtd'rau, xv.4.1-6; kskattd'rau, iii.24.7; gojh 
td'rau, v.30.10: xv.4.1-6. 

B. C. Here belong : pitdrau, 3 ; narau, 2 ; dhdnutdrau: seep. 
420. The AV. has^ pitdrau, vil20.3: xiv.2.37 ; sammcUdrau, 
xiii.2.13. 

Feminine. A. Here belongs svdsdrau, iil55.11 : AV. v.2.9. 

B. Here belong: mdtdrau; from AV., duhitdrau, vii.12.1. 

Inst., Dat., and Abl. Dual Masculine and Feminine. 
The only example is pitr'bhydm, thrice, as dative. 

Genitive and Locative Dual Masculine and Feminine. 

The form occurs 25 times (from 3 stems). It is always written 
-tros (sros) ; but the metre shows that the word is to be pro- 
nounced as a trisyllable (pi-tr-ds, etc.) in every instance (except 
vii.3.9c), and so also in the single form from the AV. See p. 420 
nied. 

Genitives: pitrds, 14; mdtrds, iii.2.2 ; pitrds, AV. xx.34.16. 

Locatives : pitrds, 6 ; nidtrds, 3 ; svdaros.- 

Nominative and Vocative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculine. A. Here belong 69 forms (from 40 stems). 

Enumeration: agnihotdras ; abhikshattd'ras ; ahhisvartd'ras ; dsldras; xtpaksht- 
td'rcut; gantdras ; cetd'ras (ptcp.); cetd'ras ; ;artto'ra.«, 10; joshtd'ras; td'ra*; 
trdtd'ras, 2; diitd'ras ; dhartd'ras, 2; dhd'tdras ; nicetti'ras, 2; ninditd'ras; 
n&draa; nel&'ras, 2; nrpdta'ra* ; panitd'ras, 2; pavitd'ras ; projndtd'ras ; prant- 
t&'ras; prdvitd'ras ; preUVras; yantd'ras; rdkshitd'ras ; van td'ras, 2; vidhdUi'ras; 
viyotd'ras ; famitd'ras; frdtdras ; sanibi'ras ; sotd'ras.A; stotd'ras,! ; sthd td'ras; 
svdritdras ; hetdras ; hotdras, 6. 

In i. 62.3 : ii.19.1 : v. 33.5, the first a of ndi'as appears to have 
the value of a long syllable, as penultimate of a trishtubh-pdda : 
thus, yid'ras. 

B. C. Here belong 223 forms (from 9 stems). They are: gSmd- 
taras; ddkshapitaras ; ndras, 156; pitdras, 48; pr' pnimdtara*, 
10 ; bhrd'taras, 4 ; sfindhurndtaras ; sumdtdras; »uarnaras. The 
AV. has : devdras, xiv. 1.39 ; vasudhd'tdra*, v.27.6 (see p. 420 end.) 

Feminine. A. Here belongs 8vdsdras y 21. 

B. Here belong : abhrdtdras; duhitdras, 3 ; mdtdras, 23 ; from 
AV., abhrd'taras, i.17.1 ; duhitaras, ii.14.2 ; mdtdrds, vi.9.3 : xix. 
40.3 ; sammdtdras, viii.7.27. 

If the form str-n-as — cited as N.p. from Jyotisham, pp. 4, 52— is 
authentic, it must be regarded as a form of transition to the 
w-declension ; cf. khdd<-?ia8, p. 393. 

Accusative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculine. The usual pada-form -rn occurs 65 times (from 12 
stems). 1. In the interior of a pdda, it appears in the samhitd : 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



A.p.m.1] Noun-Injketion in ike Veda. 429 

(a) as -fnp before ey-, x.50.4 (Pr&t. iv.32) ; as -ffir before a-, y.54.15 
(Pr. iv.30) ; as -f«A before />-, i.121.1 : viii.73.3 (Pr. iv.S4) ; (b) as 
^,16 times before consonants: e.g., x.64.8; 154.4; as -fn, before 
a-, 142.5: iil5.5; 84.14: v.50.3 ; before i-, vii.55.3j before r-, 
vi.39.5 ; (c) as -frt, before J- , vii.8.8 ; and before c-, 1.72.6 (Pr&t. 
iv.32; but see p. 422, 2). 2. At the end of a pdda it appears as 
•fn in 36 instances: e. g., v.33.t, and as -frt before j- in v.15.2. 

The forms are : dstfn; asndtfn; jaritfn % 2 ; trdtfn; ddksha- 
pitfn; ddtf'n; nfn^ 42ipUfny 7 ; pravodhfn; ttotfn, 8 ; sthd- 
tfn; Mt*n,3. The AV. has: kartf'n, x.1.14,17; Qoptfn, xix. 
27.4; pdtfn (a-), iii.12.8; mtf'n, 13 "times; pitf'nr (u-), xviii.2.4, 
23 ; 4.40 ; pr'pnimdtfns (£■), iv.27.2. 

In the A.p. the stem would have its weak form : as, pitf; this, with the usual 
ca s e en ding of vocalic stems, -w, and the lengthening, gives pitfna. Of this 
organic form, the Prit, iy.30,32,34, gives four examples from the Rik, and two 
others taken from Praiahaa (nfilh patibhyak and nftlh pranetram). The treatment 
of the form before Towels ought d priori to be the' same as that of the forms in 
-dn, -in, -fln (p. 346, 395, 415) ; but in fact it is quite arbitrary, as may be seen 
above. See also note to Ath. Pr. ii.29. 

Schleicher thought that the original form consisted of a consonantal stem with 
corresponding ending : as, pitar-at; but this seems to me unlikely for the period 
of separate Indian development The metre, however, suggests the reading n&r-as 
in viL28.3, text nf% and x.50.4, text nffip. In x.35.105, Gr. reads frfowaa, text 
hMfn; but the verse may consist of 12,11,12,12. 

Feminine. Here belong: mdtfs^ 4 ; svdsfs, 2. In x.35.2, mdtfn 
is declined as a masculine! Cfc i.140.3. We see the ending 
which belongs to consonantal stems in only one word, utrds, 
occurring thrice. 

Ihbthuicbhtal Plural MASouLm ahd Fncnrm. 

For the remaining cases, the ending is added to the weaker 
form of the stem. 

Masculine. Here belong 112 forms (from 14 stems). They are : 
istrbhis; kartr'bhis, 3 ; dAdtr'bhis* 3 ; ndptrbhis; parifbhis, 2 ; 
piifbhtSy 9; saptdmdtrbhis ; setrbhis ; 8<tfr'bhis 9 7; s6trbhis ; 
hetfbhis, 2; Mtrbhis, 2; further, nr'bhis, 71; str'bhis, 8." The 
AV. has : nr*bhi8> 2 ; pitr'bhiSj 5 ; bhrd'trbhis, vi.4.1. 

Feminine. Here belong : mdtr'bhis, 6 ; svdsrbhvt, 2. 

Dativb Plural HASOumm ahd Fumora. 

Masculine. Here belong 70 forms (from 4 stems). They are : 
jaritr J bhyas y 11; nfbhyaSy 18; pitr'bhya8 y 9; ttotr'ohyas, 80. In 
i.110.6 and x.148.4, Or. reads nr^bhias; but this is not certainly 
necessary. The AY. has : pitr'bhya*, 17 ; rak*h%tr f bhyas y iii.27.1-6. 

Feminine. Here belongs mdtr'bhyas, L95.7. 

Ablauts Plural MASOULnra and Fmnxira. 

Masculine. Here belong: nfbhycu, L173.6: vii.20.5; pitr'bhyas, 
twice. 
Feminine. Here belongs mdtfbhyas, x.1.2. 
vol. x. 58 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



480 (X R Lanman, [Stems in 

Gbnitiye Plubal Masoulhib and Fmmnira. 

Oxytone stems in r\ like those in i and u (p. 397, 417), shift 
the accent to the ending in the 6. p. In accordance with the 
analogy of the i and w-stems also, the r should always be length- 
ened. It is always written as long in the Rik, except in the case 
of nfnd'm. 

Masculine, L The thematic f is long. 1. Here belong: dhdtfi- 
nd'm; ptifnd'm, 6 ; Btotfndlm, 3 ; hdtrndm (the only barytone), 
llie AV. has: ddtfnd'm (MSS., ddirend'm ; ed., d&Lrdnd'm), 
v.24.3; pitfnd'm, 11 times: as, ii.12.4; so TBr. il6.16 t . 

2. Gr. reads -aam where the text has -dm at the end of a pdda 
of 7 syllables: jaritrnd'm, 130.15: iv.31.3 : vii66.3 ; pitfnd'm, 
vi.46.12. 

3. Resolution is necessary in 5 instances: pitfndam, viii.41.2 : 
x.57.3; stotfndam, v.64.4: vL45.29; Mtfnaam, viii. 9 1.10. 

I. a. Benfey, Vedica, p. 1-38, has shown clearly that in the 
Veda r designates not only the short, but also the long voweL In 
iii.62.8: iv.25.4: v.30.12 : vii.1.11; 19.10; 62.4: x.29.2 ; 99.9; 
111.1, nrnd'm stands at the end of a trishtubh-pdda, and the 
syllable nr as penultimate has of course the value of a long 
(nfnd'm). In i.48.4: iii.16.4: v.18.5: vii.32.11: viii.55.5, nrnd'm 
Stands at the end of a pdda of 7 syllables (Gr., reading -aam, 
makes 8), and must be pronounced nfnd'm; so also at the end of 
x.93.12ft (11 syllables-— Gr., -aam, 12).' 

IX The thematic r is short. 1. Here belongs nrnd'm, i.43.7 : 
ii.1.1: iii.51.4: yi.65.5: vii.83.1 

8. Resolution is necessary (nrndam) in i.77.4 : vi.33.3 : viii. 40.2 : 
X 29 1 * 93 4 * 148 4. 

The'AV. has nrnd'm, ii.9.2 : xix.47.7. The TS. has: udgdtr- 
nd'm, iii.2.9* ; dhdtrnd'm, iv.7.14* (Rik x.128.7, -f-) ; netrnd'm, 
1.8.6 1 ; pitrnd'm, i.3.6 1 ; 8.5* (Rik x.57.3 : VS. iii.58, -r-) : iii.3.5 1 
(so Bh&g. P. iv.15.8) ; bhrd'trndm, ii.6.6 9 ; so strndm, Jyotisham, 
p. 89. See Weber, Ind. Stud, xiii.101. 

G. The only stem which is treated as consonantal in the G.p.nx 
is ndr. This makes nar-d'm, 6 ; nar-dam, 10. 

Ludwig, Der Infinitiv im Veda, p. 6, takes nf'n as a genitive in i.121.1: v.7.10: 
L181.8: iii.14.4: iv.2.15: v.33.1 : vi.2.11; 3.6: x.29.4: i.146.4. In the first two 
passages, the text is corrupt ; in the last, Or. also takes it as genitive (see Deb. 
ii.508), and Both thinks this interpretation possible. If genitive, it stands for 
nf'm (?); of. yiUhidm, eta, p. 353. 

Feminine. Here belongs svdsfndm, i.l 24.9: iiil.3,11. 

C. The only stem, not monosyllabic, to which the ending is 
added directly, is svdsar — svdsr-dm, i.65.7. I consider this a 
wrong formation, to which, perhaps, Paraoara was forced by the 
exigencies of his favorite metre. Schleicher would regard it as a 
relic of the older mode of formation. C£ usrd'm, L.s.f., and see 
p. 423, G.p.n. 

Locative Plubal Masouunb and Frmtninb. 

Masculine. Here belong : devr'shu; nr'shu, 2 ; Mtrshu. The 
AY. has pitr'shu 13 times: as, i. 14. 1,8. 

Feminine. Here belongs mdtir'shu, 4. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



aw.] N<mn-Inflectian in tke Veda. 431 



STEMS IN AI, 0, AU. 

Under this head belong only five simple stems and their com- 
pounds: rai 9 rdhddrai, orhddrai ; g6, dgo, pr'pnjgo 9 rtipadgo; 
ayS, prthivtfdyd, pradyS, vrshtidyo; nati; gfati. They are used 
only in the masculine and feminine, and between these two gen- 
ders there are no declensional differences. Although the thematic 
vowels are not suffixal, I have nevertheless followed the tradi- 
tional order, and treated these stems after those in r. 

I. The stems rat (m.f.) and rayi (ul£) supplement each other 
as follows : 

N. rayis, 28 rtfyas, 20 

A. rayim, 180 rdyds, 22 

L rdyd', 39 raytbhu, i.64.20 

D. rdyS, 62 

Ab. rdyds, 3 

G. rdyds, 103 rayind'm, 41. 

The stem rat/% intrudes twice on the domain of rai in the I.B., 
forming rayya y x.19.7, and rayind, x.122.3. 

The stem rai intrudes twice on the domain of rayi, forming 
r&'m as A.s. at x. 11 1.7, and— perhaps for the sake of the metre — 
rdyd'm as G.p. at ix.108.13 (Gr. unnecessarily, -ddm). 

In i. 129.9 ,10, rdyd' seems to be trisyllabic (rdid? or rayindf). 
In 168.10 : iv.41.10 : vi.19.5, the G.s. appears with irregular 
accent, rd'yas. So in vi47.9: viL34.22 ; x.140.4: V&L 4.10, the 
A.p. appears with irregular accent, unless indeed we assume that 
in the matter of accent the A.p. is treated as a strong case (c£ 
vr'faiSy bhld-as y etc.). 

In the Atharvan, rdyd' occurs at xiv.2.36 ; rdyi y xviii.2.37 ; 
rdyds (sing.), 22 times. 

The Kik has three forms which seem to be compounds of rai : 
brh&dr&ye, rdhddrayas, and patd-rd. The first two are referred 
by BR. to stems in -W, -rk This is possible (see p. 884, G.s.m.) ; 
but it seems to me more likely that the forms stand for -rdye, 
*rdyas, the d being due to the metre. See p. 382, D.s.m. The 
word patdrd, x. 106.5, we may regard as coming from the more 
original form of the stem (-rd) ; or, possibly, as standing for 
patard'f. 

The noon-stem would seem to have been once identical in form with the verbal 
root rd ; and we have the forms rd-m, rdrbhydm, rd-bhis. The y is perhaps of 
phonetic character (as in devd-y-os). The grammarians abstract the stem rd'y or 
rai from the form rd'-y-as, by dividing it as rd'y-as. 

EL The stem g6 is thus declined : gatis, 22 ; A., gd'vam, text 
gd'trij 6: gd'm, 34; gdvd; gdve, 13; Ab., gds; G., g&vas, text 
g6s y 3 : gds, 34 ; gdvi, 7 ; gd'vd, 2 : gd'vau, 4 ; gd'vas, 97 : gdvas, 
3; A., gdvasf, text gd's, i.61.10: gd's, 100 times, and 458,6; 
gdbhis, 76 ; D., gdbhyas, 2 ; G., gdvd/n, 55 : gdndm, 15 : gdndm 
(at end of pdda of 7 syllables — Gr., -aam), 5 ; gdshu, 43. 

The dissyllabic character of gd'm (z=.gd'vam) is clear in v.52.16, 
where gd'm is metrically parallel to pr'gnim: gd'm vdcanta sUrd- 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



482 C. JR. Lanman, [Stems in 

yah | pr'pnim vocanta mdtdram. So viii.4.21. BR cite gdoai 
(d!) as A. p., from TBr., etc. Gdndm is never used except 
at the end of a pdda. See P&il vii.1.57 ; gdndm — cited by Boht- 
lingk, ad loc, as an exception — is at the end of an aJcsharapatikti, 
L69.3& Gdndm is regularly used in the interior of a pdda (52 
times : in v.30.4, pronounce ibru&m — not gdvadm). It is used 
twice at the end of pdda* with an even number of syllables: 
x.166.1 (8 syll): ix.81.1 (12 syll.). For iv.l.l9c (10 sylL), 6r. 
suggests gdndm; but the metre is still short (read $6ci 4'dho [tf] 
atrnan na gdndm ?). 

In the AV., the metre gives no evidence of the forms gtfvam 
(A.s.), gdvas (G.s.), gdvas (A.p.) ; gdvd, gdve> and gd'vd are not 
found ; the other forms are like those in the Rik. Gdndm occurs 
xx.127.3 (end of pdda); gdvdm y 11 times (interior of pdda). 

The Rik has the compounds: d-gos, G.s.m. (may come from 
dhgv, p. 401); pfpnigdvas (c£ ddhrigdvas, p. 414), N.p.m.; 
rticadgavi, L.s.f. 

in. The stems div (m.), diti or dyti (m.), and did or dyd (m.1) 
supplement each other as follows : 

A. did, dyd. B. div. 0. dit, dy{L 



N. 


diaix, 26 


dyafo, 46 




A. 


did'm, 12 


dyd'm, 67 




I. 






Mvd', 9 


D. 






c*H*15 


Ab. 






dwds, 60 + 


O. 






divtis, 180 + 


L. 






dwi, US 


V. 


diau*,Z 


<*yofa,4 




N.A.V. 




dyd'vd, 26 




N.V. 




dyd'vaa, 22 




A. 






dyfl'n.24; dWn 


L 






dyibhie, 19. 



A. The form dyd'm is read by Gr. as did'm in 12 passages; 
but this is justified only in 8 or 9. We must read il27.2c? as a 
oatalectic pdda (pdrijmdnam iva dyd'm) so as to keep the a of 
iva Ions by position. The requirements of the metre are better 
satisfied by tipa dyd'vam skambhdthu skdmbhanena, vL72.2<j, 
than by tipd did'm: so in L67.5c (tastdmbha dyd'vam), and per- 
haps in iill.l5<£ The form dyd'm is related to the form dyd'vam 
thus rendered probable, as gd'm to gd'vam, and perhaps as rd'm 
to rdlyam. 

The vocative dyads occurs at viii.89.12 : x.59. 8,9,10— of course, 
as a monosyllable. In vi.51.5 — the only passage in the Rik where 
it occurs as a dissyllable — the diaskeuasts have taken due notice 
of the metrical value of the word, and accented it, in accordance 
with the general rule, on the first syllable, diaus; this, of course, 
appears in the written text as dyatis, with jdtya svarita. In 
A V. vi.4.3, also, we have dfraush pUar ydvdya duchtind yd' (ed. 
wrongly, dyateh). Compare the voo. jytfke (i. e. jidke, from 
jydkfl), Av. i.2.2, and vyd x yhra (i e. vidghra, from vydgkrd), 
iv.3.3. The MSS. have the impossible reading vydghra, and the 
edition wrongly vyd'ghra. These have been pointed out by 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



at, 0, at*.] Noun-Inflection in ike Veda. 488 

Whitney. The circumflex is in each case perfectly itgalar. 
Quite anomalous is the dual dydv-t y iv.66.5, formed with the 
ending of a neuter. 

The stem dy6 intrudes on the domain of dfo twice. The Ab.s. 
dyaus, dependent on abhi'ke, i.71.8=TS. 13.14'= VS. xxxiii.ll, 
is quite isolated. Mahidhara, prathamd shashthyarthe, divah 
samtpe 'ntqrikshe. The L.8. dydvi occurs only 12 times in the 
Bik, against 118 occurrences of divi, and only once in the AY., 
where divi is frequent Dydvi-dyavi occurs twice in the Rik, 
Both dyatis and dydvi are improper formations, 

B. In mandates i.-vii, divds occurs as Ab. 50 times and as G. 
180 times; in mandalas viii.-x., Ab. and G. together, 167 times; 
besides, divas occurs with a voo. 21 times, and divo napdtd twice. 
In the G.d. of dyd'vdprthivi', the first element appears as a singu- 
lar, divdsprthivyds, 4. 

The stem div intrudes on the domain of dy6 in the A.a», dlvam. 
This occurs 21 times (against 79 occurrences of the written 
dyd'm). In a decided majority of these 21 passages may be seen 
other marks betraying a later origin, and 1 regard dwam as an 
improper formation. It is the regular form in the later grammar. 
As a N\p., divas (for dyd'vas), ix.108.11, is hardly admissible. 
Gr. takes it as N.p. in his Wb. ; but as G.s. (accent I) in his Ueb. 

The stem div intrudes on the domain of dyti in the Ap., divas, 
ii.3.2 : iv.53.5. In iv.3.8 and v.47.1, it is doubtful whether divds 
(accent !) is an A, p. The only form of div that is certainly plural 
(divas at ii.3.2 ana iv.53.5) is feminine. 

C. The stem dyti intrudes on the domain of div and makes 
dy6s, occurring as Ab.s. twice, and as G.s. 4 times. The form, 
however, may come from dyd as well as from dyb, just as dgos 
from dgo or dgu\ 

In versed peculiar to the Atharvan are found the forms divd! 
and dive ; the forms dyaiis, dyd'm (e. g. i.2.4), diyam, divds, 
divds, and divi occur frequently ; dydvi occurs in xii.2.18 and in 
two Rik passages; dyH'n and ayubnis, only in Rik verses (xviiL 
1.24 and vi.31.3); divas, as N.p.f., xi.7.14 and xiii.3.21 ; divas, as 
Ap.f., iv.20.2 ; 34.4 : xix.27.3 ; 32.4 (MSS. div6). 

The following compounds occur: prthivfdyd'vd; pradyaHs, 
AV. xviii.2.48 ; in the Rik, pradivd; pradivas, Ab., 21 ; pradivi, 
8 ; vrshtidydvd, -dvas; sud^ivas, N.p. ; dhardivi, once, and AY. 
v.21.6. 'We find dyOlvdr in the Rik with -kshd'md (8), -pfthivf 
(79), and -bhU'mt (5). 

Transitions to the o-declension. Here belong the forms divd-m 
(15), dive-dive (46), and tridivi, made after the analogy of the 
weak cases div-ds, etc. The AY. has tridivdm, svdivd-, divi-dive 
(n.135.10). 

Adverbially recessive accent is seen in div-d, which occurs 25 
times in the KV. and 13 times in the AY. 

IY. The stem naU, t, is thus declined: nods; nd'vam, 17; 
ndvtf, 13; G., ndvds; ndvi, 2; N.p., nd'vas, 4; naubhis, 2. 
The AY. has the forms : nails, 4 ; nd'vam, 6 ; N.p., nd'vas, v.4.5. 



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434 C. R Lanman, [Bad. d and 

Transition to the ^-declension. From ndv-d' as a stem comes 
the Ls. ndvdyd, 197. 8, sd nah s'vndhv* iva ndvdyd. So T.ar. 
vi.11.2. Observe the accent. 

V. The stem gla<i has the following Vedic forms : glaus, AV. 
vL83.3 ; N.p., gld'vas, Ait: Br. i.25 ; glaubhU, VS. xxv.8. 



SUFFTXLBSS STEMS. 

The following section treats of suffixless stems — those whose 
only element, or whose final element, is a root First come 
the vocalic, and then the consonantal stems, in alphabetical 
order. It will be seen, however, that the root-words ending 
in other vowels than a or d have been already discussed along 
with the stems whose suffixes end in the corresponding vowek 
This course has been pursued, in order that similar forms 
might be brought together (as, ahias and gdthdnias, p. 384), 
which would otherwise have been widely separated. We 
shall treat of the stems in d and a radical also together, case by 
case. This course has here the same practical advantage as in 
the treatment of the stems in % and % u and 4L 



STEMS IN RADICAL A AND X 

If we study the mass of forms, we shall see that there are two 
series of declensional endings. The first — which, for convenience, 
we shall call series A — is that which the grammars assign to the 
stems in radical long 4, and of which -pd 1 may serve as a para- 
digm : 

Series A. : m. and i 



-pd'8 


-pa& 


-pd'** 


•pd'm* 




"P&'8 


-pd'* 


•pd'bhydm* 


•pd^bhig* 


•pi 




-pd'bhyas* 


•pd'* 


-p6s 


•pd'm 


-pi 




?d'8U* 


-pd* 




-pd».* 



Series B : m., f., and n. 

The other forms coincide entirely with those of the stems end- 
ing in suffixal d or d — ga-td-8, ga-td\ (ja-td-m^ etc. The declen- 
sional series of these stems we shall designate as series B ra., B f., 
and B n. 

The Indian grammarians, as is well known, do not admit the 
existence of roots in short d. To this view they were perhaps led 
by the facts that the great majority of the verbal forms actually 
have long d y and that short d at the end of compound nouns often 
supplants a long d of the Veda. In fact, from the Vedic texts 
themselves, it appears that the forms like go-p&'m are, in general, 
younger than those like go^>d'm. 



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o-stems.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 485 

The great bulk of all the forms from 4-stems are either nominatives or accusa- 
tives. Of the other cases the examples are few, or even only sporadic. In the 
N.s.m., the Rik-forms with long d are more than ten times as numerous as the 
Rik-forms with short a, and five times as numerous as the Atharvan forms with 
long d: on the other hand, the Atharvan stems with short & are almost as 
numerous as the Atharvan stems with long d, and considerably more numerous 
than the Rik-stems with short d. Moreover, the Atharvan has no masculine 
forms from stems in long d in the oblique cases. It would seem, too, that the 
verses in which the forms with short & occur, belong, in general, to the younger 
parts of the Rigveda. • 

The later aamhitds, as compared with the earlier, show a decided tendency to 
give up the old A -forms and use the new B-forms. Thus in place of the Rik 
itilma-dhd's (x.82.3), the Atharvan variant has ndma-dhd's (ii.1.3). In the Rik, 
we find prathamorjd's and canhani-prd's (N.s.m.), and aoma-pds (Y.s.m.) ; in the 
Atharvan, praOiama-j&'s and carahcapi-pr&'s (N.s.m.), and soma-pd (cf. Manu 
xi.149). In the Rik, we have carma-mnd'8 (N.p.m.— can also be referred to B); 
in the VS., carmarmntfm : in the Rik, rcUhdhd's vrshdbh&s; in the VS., gcvrbha- 
dhd'm. 

Moreover, if we look at the later literature, we see that stems in radical d 
generally take the place of those in radical d. In the Veda we have the mascu- 
line stem suprajd'; but in Sanskrit, supraji. In contrast with the Vedic mascu- 
line A-stems sdma-gd', agra-jd', alhjd', giri-jd', rtarjfidf^ vdso-dd^ papvpdf, aniaru 
ksharprd', pathtskthd', we find in the later language the B-forms : sdma-garya, 
Ait. Br. ii.22 ; agraj&m, R. ; ab-jeshu, Manu ; giri-jdya, Ait. Br. vii.l end; dhorma- 
/?J4m, Manu; vdao-dus (see Manu i 7.229-232 for 16 compounds of -d&); pafu- 
pdndm, Brhat Samhita, xvi.14; antariksha-prd (V.s.m.), T.&r. iv.7.5 ; pathi-8hthds 
and -shthdndm, MBh. Everywhere, the B-stems gain the upper hand. Similarly 
stems in u supplant those in 6> p. 403, II. Compare Delbruck, Verbwn, p. 87. 

By the aid of the lists of A and B-stems and of the enumerations of A and 
B-forms in the following pages, a more detailed comparison of the relative age of 
the A and B-forms might be made. 

On the other hand, we cannot doubt the existence of roots in 
short <t The facts of the related languages speak in favor of this 
view, and so do d priori considerations. Schleicher has asserted 
the originality of roots in short & (Beitrdge y il 92-99) ; and Del- 
bruck has given a most interesting discussion of the subject in 
his Verbum, pp. 87, 88, and 94, which see. Compare also 
Kuhn, JBeitrdge, iv.202. 

Gr. puts stems like ddnu-dd' ("ddnud-&") in the same category with v6d-a, cdcLa, 
Wb. 1698. I am uncertain whether this fact is to be interpreted as a tacit denial 
of Delbruck's view or not 

Now since the stems in radical short d are declined in all 
respects like stems in suffixal short A, there arises a difficult ques- 
tion : Are we to assume that stems ending in radical short d were 
originally declined like those ending in suffixal short <*, or not ? 
Is such a form as go-p&'m to be regarded as a direct relic which 
the Vedic language has inherited from the time of Indo-European 
unity, or are this and similar B-forms to be regarded as instances 
of a wide-spread transition from the declension of the stems in 
radical long d to that of stems in suffixal short d — that is, as tran- 
sitions from A to B ? 

In regard to some verbal forms with short d (dkhydt, dhvdt), 
Delbruck (p. 89) takes the view that they are direct relics of the 
pre-Vedic time (" dass die Kurze uralt Hberliefert sei"). 



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486 C. R. Lanmar^ [Bad. & and 

In regard to the numerous forms of nominal compounds with 
short & (go-p&'m, etc.), the fact that they are, in general, demon- 
strably younger than those of stems in radical long d seems to me 
to point to a different theory. The existeuoe of roots in short d 
is to be asserted for the primitive Indo-European language ; but 
the existence of roots in snort d is not to be admitted — except, 
perhaps, to a very small extent — for the oldest period of the Vedic 
language. 

When I say that roots "existed" at such a period in such a form, I mean, of 
course, simply that they were used for, or entered into verb and noun-formations 
at that time Ln the one form or the other — for example, as -pd or as -pd. 

At the beginning of the time of separate Indian development, 
such roots were already for the most part out of use. Upon 
specifically Indian ground, however, the roots which in the oldest 
Vedic period ended in long d were gradually replaced by roots 
in short d. That is, I consider the Vedic root-forms with short d 
not as direct relics coming down from the time of Indo-European 
unity, but rather as new formations specifically Indian, wnich 
indeed coincide with the proethnic forms, but are not historically 
identical with them. They may therefore be properly designated 
as forms of transition from A to B, dating from the period of 
separate Indian development. 

The entire identity of form in certain cases of both series did 
muoh to increase the confusion of the two series (compare p. 370 
top), and thus to give eventually the upper hand to one or the 
otner mode of declension, A or B, — here, naturally, to B, since 
its forms are vastly more frequent than those of A. This process 
of transition was the more easy, since it is in some of the most 
frequently occurring cases — the N.p.m., As.f., N.p.f. — that the 
forms of A and B are coincident. 

For the oldest Yedic period I would therefore assume that mod of the radical 
stems were A-stems like soma-pd'. Doubtless all the declensional forms of each 
radical stems belonged to series A. The N.p.m. was aomapd's; and the N.s.m., 
without difference, aomapd'a. In the great majority of instances, however, a 
N.p.m. In -de (devdfa) corresponds to a N.s.m. in -da (deva'a) ; and after this 
analogy, the N. singular m. of the infrequent radical stems was also formed with 
short vowel {somapd's), to correspond to the N. plural m. {aomapd'a), and the forms 
of the two cases, N.p.m. and N.s.m., before alike, were thus differentiated. To 
the apprehension of the language-users, the stem became aomapd', and upon this 
a system of B-forms was developed accordingly. 

So in the feminine, the A.s. vrad-dhd'm answers properly to a N.s. prad-dh&'a 
(a form of which the written text shows traces at vii.32.14 — see below, N.sX); 
out since the vast majority of accusatives in -dm (ctird'm) answer to nominatives 
in -4 (cUrd'\ the N.s. prad-dhd' was formed after this analogy. In like manner 
we have the A.s.l «w?4'm, and correspondingly the N.s.f. dSrirjd'a; but also the 
N.s.1 aana-jd'. So in the plural we have the NX vQja-dd's; but, after the analogy 
of series B, the A.f. afva-dd'*— not -dd'a. 

To assume the existence of roots in short d simply on the basis of these com- 
pound noun-forms, when they can just as well be explained as instances of purely 
declensional transition to the d-declension, would be a petiHo principii. We must 
therefore seek for evidence of the existence of roots in & for the Vedic period on 
the field of the verbal flexion and elsewhere. 



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o-stema] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 487 

The forms gatd, hath&a, etc. were supposed to give evidence of root-forms g& 
and hit; but Delbruok (p. 93) has deprived this evidence of its force by explaining 
the forms as a purely phonetic outgrowth of *gan-ta\ *han-thds, etc. (See also 
Brugman, ELuhn's Zeitsch. xxiv.257.) In like manner, forms like dh&yati and 
d&yate have been used to support the roots dh& y 'suck,' and d&, ' mete out' Even 
here, Delbruck (p. 165) comes to a different conclusion respecting the first, but 
admits the root d&. Similarly the d of the reduplicating presents, pib&si, tishth&ri, 
etc., which Fick adduces as evidence of the original short fl, is shown by Del- 
bruck (p. 105) to be due to analogy (tuddmi: tuddei : : pibdmi : pibtisi). Again, 
although p&'tia unquestionably implies a root pa, yet it is an entirely pre-Vedic 
formation and proves nothing for the Vedic period. 

After leaving out all the indecisive forms, there will probably remain some 
which forbid the complete exclusion of roots in & from the field of truly Yedic 
formations. Thus in viii.81.la, we have pdaniam d f vo dndhasas: why should 
we regard the aa as a mere phonetic resolution of & t is not the word perhaps to 
be divided pd-ant-am t 

It will require a careful, critical, and detailed investigation to determine how 
many of the forms apparently involving a root in & really imply a root in &. As 
a result of this determination we might be able to separate the roots for which we 
may assume a short & in the Yedic period (as d&, pti) from tho.se for which we may 
not (as jd\ and to call the compound noun-forms from the latter (as, a-j&'s), 
" transition B-forms," and those from the former (as, madhu-p&'s), »■ radical 
B-forms." This separation, however, is not a part of my task, and I have there- 
fore spoken of all the B-forms indiscriminately as coming from stems in " radical 
short 0," and have enumerated them together in each case under " B." 

Series A is applied to masculines and feminines without distinc- 
tion, and in two or three sporadic instances to neuters. The 
grammars, however, state that the neuters of stems in radical d 
go according to series B n., and this is almost invariably the fact. 

The Masculzns Stems. 

In the masculine, the forms of A and B are distinguishable for 
every case except the N.V.p., and the N.A.V. and LD.Ab. d. In 
these cases the forms might be referred either to A-stems or to 
B-stems: thus ratnthdhd's (N.p.) may be assigned to the A-stem 
ratnadhd\ or to the B-stem ratnadhd! (iv.34.8). Such doubtful 
forms I have referred to A-stems, unless the other unambiguous 
forms were referable only to B. Compare the articles pravdtejd, 
madhudhd, raghujd, rayidd, vayodhd\ vdyiigopa, svajd, in Grass- 
mann's Wb. Gr. says that stems in d may form the Lp.m. in 
-dbhU or -at*. I think he is wrong ; see Lp.m. 

The general enumeration follows, and includes also the stems 
of many of the ambiguous feminine forms which may be referred 
to either A or B. Stems in brackets are from the Atharvan. 

A. Stems of the A-forms. 

I. (a) The stem is identical with the root: gd' (gd, 'sing*); 3d 1 ; trd'; cW; 
[dhT;] sffid'. 

(c) The stem is a compound of a radical substantive : parama-jyd'. 

II. (a) The stem is identical with a prepositional compound of the verbal root : 
adhi-p&'; parae-pd'; ni-ehthd'; pari-ahthd'. 

(c) The stem is a compound of a feminine substantive under II. (a) : aprajd'; 
bahvprajd'; suprajd'; karmanishthd'; pwrunishthd' (also -d 7 ) ; [dndvayd], 

IIL (a) The stem is a compound of a verbal root with a noun or adverb. The 
noun is most often a substantive in an accusative or locative relation (go-pd\ 
abjd% ap9ujdf) ; but it may be an adjective or adverb in some other adverbial 
relation (navajd', m+hd*). 

VOL. x. 59 



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488 0. R Lanman, [Bad & and 

(b) The stem is a compound of a word under lU. (a) need substantively (dm- 
gopd). 

The ensuing list embraces the compounds falling under HI. (a) and (ft) ; in it, 
an affixed B signifies that the stem occurs also with d, and the hyphen is used to 
avoid repetition of the verba]. We have the following compounds : — with the 
verbal 

-*rd'(Awr, 'do'): d-hrd— Or., d-hrd. 

-krd': dadhi- ; rvdhi-. 

-JtoAd'(cf. B): rMtt-f- 

-*ftd' (cf. B): Mm-; cf. khd\ n. 

-?d' (?d, 'go' — cf. B): adhva-, B?; afkt-; tamo*; tavd-; pvro-; somas*; 
avasti-; ogre* (Ac*. Qr., see A.s.m.), B. 

Vw<*(cf. B): Aa-pvdf. 

-?d' (?4, 'sing* — cf. B): idma-, B. 

•jd' (cf. B): ap-a-; adr*-; qpra-; aft-; udanya-, B?; rto-; rfe-; ptri-; ^-; 
tapo-t, B; dm-; dtw-; deva-; dt*- f B; nabho-; nava-; purd-; p&rva-,B; pna% 
ama-,B; prar<««-, BT; bhareeha-; manushya-; raghu-, B?; vane-; «wa-, B; 
sano-; saha-; $aho-; wa-, B?; svayam-; [agni-; abhra- ; oahadhi-; khala-; 
nakshatra-; vara*; vdta-; fakadhdma-; hiranya-]. 

•jM,': ria-\ pada-. 

-frYT*: an-agnUrd ; jwrt*-frvJ ; cf. p. 441 top. 

•ddf (dd\ 'give' — cf. B): dn^^vadd; dndtfrdd; abhikaha-; afva-; dtma- ; qjo-; 
go- ; jam- ; dravino-, B : dhana- ; bala- ; bhfari- ; rabho- ; rayi-, B ? ; van*- ; 
vasira-; vdja-; vdso-; sahasra-; saho-; sva&ti-; havir-; hiranya-; [fata-;] from 
VS., prdna-, B; apdna- ; vydna-; vareo-; varivo-. 

-dhd / (d^id, * put'— cf. B) : kiye- ; jam- ; dhdma- ; dhiyarh- ; ndma~, B ; madhh t; 
rat/no-, B ; reto- ; vayo- ; varivo- ; vipo- ; sarva- ; [adoma-, B ? ; yakahmo- ; varco~]. 

-dhd f (dfcd, 'suck'): .payo-. 

-p<? (pd, * oversee '—cf. B): abhipuU-; fto-; fob-; ^o-, B; (dgopd, dhigopd, 
bdragopd, dcv&gopd, vdytgopd, somagopd, sugopd';) chardish-; jagat-; tank; 
wUhikta-; papa-; vraia-; fevadhi-; sti-; [nidhi-; sva-\ 

-pd' {pd, "drink'— ctB): a^re-; afljas-; fte-; (a»rfopd;) rdd- ; kildla-; tapvah-; 
payas-; ptirva-; madhu- (cf. madhupd'iama), B; fu&rap&a-; puci-; prto-, B; 
rate- ; soma-, B ; fcari- ; havish-. 

-prd'(cL B): antariksha-, B; kakshia- ; krshti-; kratu- ; carshani-, B; jarany; 
raVia-; rodasi-. 

•mid??: carmaruind', B. 

-yd': r?a- ; eva- ; jma- ; fura- ; deva- ; pui^am- ; [andva-\ 

-rdf: pata-rd't (text paWrd). 

•sd / (8an t 'win'— cf.B): op-; a^ta-; urvard-; kshetrd-; dhana-, B; prtya-P, B; 
vd>'a- ; ^ato- ; sadd- ; sdhaara- ; «rw-*W; yo-, B ; »r- ; itc^u-, B ; su- ; tuar-. 

->s1M'(c&.'B): rocana-; to*-;] adhvar&^hihdf; giri-; gharmye-; nare-; pafhe-; 
parvaie-; pfihivi-; barton.; mankam-; rathe-, B; vaksfuup-; vandarw-; van- 
dhwe-; Jiari-; harmye-; [ange-; paihi-; bhuvam-; madhyame-; rayi-; savya-]. 

-md*: ghfta-. 

B. Stems of the B-foraw. Compare the neuter stems, p. 441. We 
have the following compounds : — with the verbal (or substantive) 

-*ri*'; dywluh*'. 

4th*': su-khA'. 

-gd' (gd, ' go') : ogre- ; adhva- 1 ; paiarh- ; aarh- ; (ratha-9athgd ;) «*-; suar- ; 
[asva-; dcurh-; rju-; dur- ; vala-; pUirh-]. 

-gvd': oHihi-; tia-t ; ddpi-, nava- (aooent!); pwro-gavd\ 

-g&': {gd, ' sing 1 ) : sdma-gd, AV. 

•grd' (gar, * swallow') : tuvi-grd\ 

•jd' : a- ; udanya- f ; eka- ; tapo- ; p&rva- ; pravdte- 1 ; raghu- 1 ; sdkam- ; 
\jardyu-; tand-; tapo-; dvi-; tti-; prathama-; samudra-; starnba-; wo-]. For 
adhri-ja, see Gr. 

-til; d'-t*t. 

-da' {dd, 'give'): andnu-; ddnu-; dravijo-; rayi-?; [ddyd-; prdna-]. 

-d&'(dd\ •bind'): xgya-. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



o-stems.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 489 

-dhSf: retina- ; [adoma- 1 ; ndma-;] garbha- y TS. 

~p&' (pd, 'oversee'): go-; mithS-avadyapa. 

1>&'(pd, 'drink'): madhu-; prto-; [soma-]. 

•pr*': [dkOti- ; kdma- ; carsharU- ; pfthwU ;] antarihsha-, T.Ar. 

-mid'? : carma-mnd', V& xxz.15. 

•+&': dhana- ; priya-; papi-8h&; gosh&'-tama. 

-sthH': apnah-; sarh- ; go-shthA; tri- ; rathe-. 

-h&' (han, ' slay') : ardti-, pafc-tf-, and sahasra-, in the A V. 01 neuters, p. 441 top. 

According to the grammars, adjective compounds of feminine 
substantives in d form the masculine stems in d: thus, an-avasd' 
(-ds yd' mas), from dvasd; a-praddhd' fafnpani'n) ; puru-nishthd' 
(-ds kavis, v.1.6); cf. dshthd. In the Veda, however, this rule is 
by no means general : thus, we have the nominatives s.m. bahu* 
prajd's, su-prajd's, puru-nisftihd's (viii.2.9) ; and the A.s.m. karma- 
nishth&'m. This wavering between A and B corresponds to that 
of the feminines between the A and the B-forms. In both m. and 
£ the B-forms prevail in the later language (labdha-nidr&s, 
Kath&s. iv.9). 

Thb Fbmininx Stems. 

In the feminine, the forms of A and B are not distinguished 
from each other in the A. and Ls., in the I.D. Ab.d., and in the 
N.,I., D.Ab., L., and V.p. — that is, in some of the cases of most 
frequent occurrence (they are marked with an asterisk in the table 
on p. 434). The N.s. and A. p. are distinguishable ; and in the 
N.s. we have mostly A-forms (with -«), and in the A.p., exclusively 
B-forms (with -ds — not -ds). In point of fact, therefore, there are 
no feminine forms belonging distinctively to A, except in the N.s. 
In this case, the A-forms are about equal to the B-forms in the 
Rik, but the B-forms belong to late hymns ; in the Atharvan, the 
B-forms decidedly outnumber the A-forms in the N.s., as well 
as throughout the rest of the declension* 

The declension of masculine radical Osteins like ddnu-dti! is the 
same as that of B m. (ga-td') ; but since the feminine of such a 
stem would be ddnudd\ it is plain that this may be declined 
according either to A, or to Bf. And so we have the same 
wavering as in the masculine : thus, gopd's (N.s.m.) is to gopd's 
(N.s.m.) as devdgopds (N.s.f.) is to devdgopd (N.aX). It seems 
that the radical (A-) declension went out of use for feminines at 
an early period. 

Theoretically, all the compounds enumerated under division III 
of the masculines ought to be declined in the same manner in the 
feminine. According to the grammars, the N.d.f. should be like 
the N.d.m. (purdjd') ; but in reality we have here B-forms (rdfl-pi, 
ptirva-je). In discussing the masculines, we found it probable that 
most of the forms like gopd's were to be regarded as instances of 
transition toBm. Here, also, it seems easier to assume a general 
and wide-spread system of transitions to B £ Otherwise, we must 
assume that every fern, stem (e. g. devdgopd-; rdtipd'-; pHrvajd'-) 
to which we refer the B-forms (e. g. devdgopd, N.af. ; rddpi, 
pHrvcye, N.A.d.1) is feminine to a masculine stem with short & 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



440 0. R. Lanman, [Bad. & and 

(e. g. devdgopd-y rdfipd', pdrvajd') ; this is possible (compare the 
articles sanajd, jd'; dnagnitrd; devdgopa, -pd; ndvagva; tahd- 
gopa; sugd; svdgopd; svajd; svdsaslhd) ; but does not seem 
generally warrantable. The masculine stems are themselves tran- 
sition-stems, and the feminine forms can just as well be considered 
as direct forms of transition from A to B. 

A. The A-forms. Using the same categories as above, the only 
feminine forms belonging distinctively and unequivocally to A 
are as follows : 

I kshd's, grid's, and vrd's (N.s.1) ; tehS t (D.s.1 ) ; gm&'s and jm&'s (Ab.G.afA 
HE. ftopd's; ftejd's; godhd's; goshd's; dwijd% divojd's; vanqd's ; potato's: 
sahasrasd's; aamemogd's; [kuiapd's, gopd'e; vayodhd's; vasudd's], — all N. ai. 

B. Stems of the B-forms and of some of the forms that may be 
referred either to A-stems or to B-stems. 

I. (a) Jfeato'; tehmd'; khd'; gnd'; jd'; jyd', l bowstring;' rd'; vrdT; dkyd'. 

(b) The stem shows a reduplicated form of the root : gdhgd ; j&nghd. 

IL (a) Almost all the stems of this category are substantives and none shows i 
form belonging distinctively to A. Gr. derives prajd% s. v., from jan with prd by 
the " formative suffix 4." It is declined indeed as if the d were suffixal ; but this 
mode of declension may be secondary, and I assume an original root-stem in -jd. 
He says, Wb. 675, " In ni-dhd', go-dhd', frad-dhd', ava-dhd', the suffix d has been 
added, as the declension shows." But we shall see that with some of these words 
there are even yet traces of the A -declension. Enumeration: abhikhyd'; [apagd*, 
dwgd';] prqjdf, [upajd' y paryd']; [prtyfld' ;] d'-td (t tan — accent!); mdrd' ; 
apadhdr, durdhd', nidhd\ praddhdK ava-dhd'— root dhd, 'put 1 — , [godhd*, Undhd', 
purodhd']; pratidhd', wadhd'—ior *8Vrdhd\ dhd\ 'suck;' prapd' ; dbhibhd\ 
Hbhdt, vibhd', sabhd'; pratimd', pramd'; dpayd'; [vpavd', provd?;] dvasd; ac* 
sthd', parishthd', pratishthd', vishthd'; prahd'. Several are used as adjectives: 
amuhthdf, nishthd', parishthd'. 

(e) Compound : dsamjfid, AV. 

The Neuteb Stous. 

Aside from a few sporadic words (p. 445), the stems of the 
neuter forms always end in short d ana the forms coincide with 
those of series B n. 9 page 434. 

Declensionally, then, they might have been treated with the 
neuter d-stems (pp. 331-354) ; and a few have been there included: 
thus, antdriksham has been counted on p. 831; and similarly 
trishadhasthd-s, N.s.m., on p. 329 ; and trishadhdathd, N.s.1, on 
p. 355. 

This inconsistency is the less reprehensible inasmuch as the final 
root-element of a compound often loses its distinct character as a 
root : thus, in prshthd' we have as final element the root sthd or 
sthd; but in the compounds vitdprshthds, -prshthd, ghrtdprshtham 
(bar his), the final syllable can hardly have been felt as a radical 
Quite analogously the recessive accent of the English compound 
fore-hsad (pronounced fd'r-&d) has, to the apprehension of the 
vulgar, entirely obscured the fact that the word has anything to 
do with head. In some words, as updstha, the character of the 
final element is uncertain. 

A complete list of the neuter stems whose final element is a simple radical 
belongs rather to the chapter on the formation of stems (p. 325 — see Lindner, pi 
26). These remarks apply also to the radical masculines in d and their feminines 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



o-stems.] Noun-Injlection in the Veda. 441 

in & (of. articles sanqjd', w-dtasihd'), so far as they have the forms of series B m., 
or of B 1 Thus vdyugopds has been counted among the 1 954 forms mentioned on 
p. 344 end ; although it ought not to be separated from popup d's, etc , N.p.m. I 
do not think that many words properly to be classed here have been left out 

The enumeration follows : 

Dyu-kshd (antdri-kaha) ; tuvi-kshd; khd; dttr-gd, au-gd ; \o8tM~jd, tanH-jd, pro- 
thama-jd ;] ftd-jya ; dnau-tra (cf. tanu-tra, and see Garbe, Kuhn's ZeiUch. xxiii. 
476,480); [adoma-dd ;] arann-da (dd, 'bind'); [drdf, utkvra-drL krshna-drd ;] 
sva-dhd (anuehvadhdm) ; [vdtdgopa, pards-pa (VS. xxxviii.19) ;] madhu-pd; kdma- 
prd; su*md; pr-shthd, bhaya-etha, mahd'-vaitostha, sadkd-stha ; kara/fta-hd, 
vrtra-hd, Batrd-hL 

Stems whose formation is exceptional or doubtful. A few 
such remain. We have from the adverb tdthd the stem drtathd — 
N.s.nx, dtathds^ i.82.1. The Veda has the forms: d'tds, N.p. ; 
d'tdsu; and d'tais. Gr. refers them all to a m. stem d'td. Against 
the view of Gr. speaks the fact that all nouns substantive like 
prajd' are feminine. His dictum that series A admits both end- 
ings, -dbhis and -aw, is supported only by dhanasais. Perhaps, 
then, we ought, with BR., to refer d'tais to d'td, m., and the other 
forms to d'td, £ The f. stem maryd'dd is unclear. 

It does not help us in the least to refer the N.s.m. updnd, with 
Gr., to a stem updnd y since a form without s is no more admissible 
here than in the N.s.m. of the stems in -as y which see. 

The strong forms of the word for * path' are as follows : 

in RY., pdnthds, 11 in AY., pdnthds, 3 pdnthd, 1 

pdnthdm, 31 pdnthdm, 19 pdnthdnam, 1 

pdnthds, 6 pdnthdnas, 7. 

The N.S.UL dtHrthapanthds occurs twice, and purupdnthds 
(N.s.m.), once. In like manner we have mdnthdm, never mdnthr 
di\am. Once, in a hymn of by no means antique stamp, i. 100.3, 
we have the form pdrdhdsas. The Zend forms correspond in the 
main to those of the Rik : 



\*pa4Udo\ poMd, 1 

pafttam \ ,. paiUdnem, 

pattern ) patltdnd, 2. 



In i.127.6 g and h: v. 10.1 and viii.57.13, Kuhn and Or. propose to read pan- 
thaam, and in viii.31.13, pdrUhads. In each case, the word is at the end of a 
catalectic pdda of 7 syllables and the resolution is unnecessary. If, however, any 
one insists upon having 8 syllables, he must read, e. g., wrum rdthdya pdnth&nam 
(pdnth&nas\ and in no case pdnthdnam (pdnthdnas). See Kuhn, Beitrage, iv.203. 

In like manner the two resolutions in the A vesta (Qeldner, Metrtic, p. 17) are 
unnecessary, since they are at the end of catalectic pddas of 7 syllables (Yt 
viii.7: x.86,). 

The Rik, then, does not have a single form that gives direct evidence of a stem 
p&nthan. Not until we get to the Atharvan do we see any forms involving this 
Btera unquestionably : N.p., pdnthdnas, to the exclusion of pdnthds ; A.s., pdn- 
tkdnam, once, against pdnihdm, 19 times ; and N.8., p&nthd, iv.2.3 (where pada 
reads pdnthd\ against pdnthds, thrice. Similarly in the A vesta, pafitdnem occurs 
only once, and that in the V d. ; pafUdnd, twice ; and pafUd (i. a pafUd, from a stem 
pafUan ; stem pafttd would form pafttdo), Yd. xvi.2. The evidence, both from the 
Veda and the A vesta, pronounces the forms from the stem pdnthan the younger. 

Brugman, however, explains pdnthdm as arising by contraction from panthan-u 
(Studien, ix.307). From pdnthdm, the language-users got by "false abstraction" 



jbyVaC 



442 C. E. Lawman, [Bad d and 

the stem p&nthd-, and so the N.s, pfirUhd* was formed, and the N.p., pfathds, L e. 
*pdnthd-as. The only analogies for such contractions with n-etems are mdtUkdm 
and the somewhat doubtful mahd'm (*mahan-u). If this is the correct explana- 
tion, it would seem as if the stem pdnthan ought to have left some direct traces in 
the Rik. The a of pafUam does not necessarily imply a form jxmUqa-m (we 
Schleicher, Gomp. 4 §27.7). If the N.s.m. p&nthds is an Aasociations-hildung bawd 
entirely on the A.s.m., we must suppose that no nominative could have been 
formed until after the form of the accusative was settled. 

On the other hand, if we assume out and out a stem pdnih-d {m6n&-<fy v* 
cannot regard the A as a derivative suffix, for that is unparalleled. 

Possibly the peculiar treatment of the two stems pdnthan and 
mdnthan is to be referred to the analogy of the root-words ending 
in -an below, which exhibit parallel forms in -& I have therefore 
put the strong declensional forms of these stems in this chapter, 
assuming transition-stems pdnthd, mdnthd, and making pdnthd 
related to pdnthan as -jd' to Jan. Somewhat similar transitions 
are seen in an-asthd'-s (cf. an-asthdn — N.s.m., -d') and an-akshtfsas 
(cf. akshdn) ; see an-stems, N.A.s.n. 

Without interpreting the facts, I would observe that four 
verbals correspond to roots with nasals : -khd\ khan; -gd\ gam; 
jd\jan; +d' y Ban. See Delbrttck, pp. 92, 93. The relation is 
perhaps similar in -gvd and gvam, d'-td and ton, and the words 
for ' earth,' kshd' and kshdm. Ci further, gmd\ gdm; jmd\jdm; 
kshmd\ kshdm; dhmd, dham; mnd Uu-mnd'), man; vrd \vrd% 
var; krd (d-krd), kar; gra (tuvirgra), gar; trd, tar; and see 
Curtius's Studten y y.l91. 

Several roots appear even in a triple form. We have : go+han-a* 
(napdt), go-shd'-m (sdmam), go-sh&'-tamds; rbhu-kshdn-am y rbhu~ 
kshd's, dyu-kshd'-s (cf. kshdrtrd, kshi) ; ton (tdnd gird'), #4&, 
d'-td. To these we may add the root han. In the Veda occurs 
vrtra-hdn-am; the Zend vtorUhra-jdo, Yaona lvii.14 etc., corre- 
sponding to Skt. *vrtra^hd r -s y supports the second form hd; while 
the Atharvan words $atru-hi£-s y ardti-hd'm y etc., supply the third. 
(The form -ha is again brought back to the consonant declension 
by an added t in samhdt.) The Zend -jdo may, however, repre- 
sent *-jans (= -hdns, -hd) ; of zdo y *zams — G.s., z(e)m-o — , and 
zydo, *zyam~8. Important, finally, from an exegetical point of 
view is Grassmann's suggestion, tleb. i.576 : he assumes a stem 
dd'=zddm, and of this he takes de (v.41.1) as L.s.n., which see. 

The following synopses exhibit the terminations of the 
inflectional forms : 

Sbbies A. Mabctjlinb. 

Singular: K, -ds y -aas; A., -dm, -aam; D., -e; G., -as; V., -ds. 
Dual : N. A.V., -d y -au. 

Plural: N.V., -ds, -aas y -dsast ; A., -dsf, -dsff; L, -dbhis, 
-aisff; Ab., -dbhyas; L., -dsu. 

Feminine. 

Singular : N., -ds, -tf; A., -dm, -d\- I., -d; D., -e f; Ab. f -as; 
G., -a*. 

Plural: N.V., -ds; L,-dbhis; T>., -dbhyas; L., -dsu. 



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a-stems.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 448 

Nbutbr. 
Singular: N.A., -ds; D., -e 9 -at (in£). 

The terminations of series B ra. and n., and of series B f., 
coincide — so far as they occur at all — with those given on page 
829 and on page 855 respectively. 

Dissyllabic forms of monosyllabic stems do not shift the 
accent to the ending. Only a few occur: kshd'-su; jd'-su; 
gnd'-bhts, gnd'-su? ; jydyd, jyd'yds; dhydyd; kshmayd' (I an 
isolated exception). Compare p. 421. 

NouHATrrz Swgulae Masoulini. 

A. The ending «* is added to the stem: as, adrijd'-s. The 
form occurs in the Rik 273 times (from 102 stems) ; and in the 
Atharvan, 55 times (from 26 stems). In this and the following 
lists, Atharvan forms found only in verses quoted from the Ril 
have not been included. Enumeration : 

I. gdfs, 'ginger, 1 x.l27.8(?cf. AY. xii.1.39); jd% ix.M.l (at. jd'8-pAtU, vii.38.6); 
d&': VL16.26; sthd% x.35.9; dhd% T8. a6.4«;— parama-jyd's, viii.79.1. 

IL adhirpd's, 2(AV., 8); paras-pd's, S ; ni-shth&'s;— baka-prajd's; suyrajd's; 

— puru-nishthd's; — dtirt-bhds (7 see rad. 0-stems, N.s.m.); — dn-dvayds, AY. 
▼ii.903. 

HI. (arrangemeDt by roots) dadki-hrd% 4 ; — fbhthfesM's, 14 ; — bisa- 
hhd's ; — and-gd's ; puro-, 3 ; 9amana- ; — sdma-gd'a ; — odri-jd's (see 
hr.40.5); opsth; db- ; rta-, 2; rfo-, 2; go-; divi-; devo-; dvi-; ndbho-; purd-; 
pdrvo-; prothoma-, 4; manuahya-; vane-; $ana-; aano-; aaJia- (x. 84.6) ; saho-, 
2; — Tta-jfid's* 3; — dtma-dd'a; ojo-; go-, 4; dravino-, 9; dhana-, 3; bala-, 
2; bhUri- (iv.32. 19,21); aahasra-; aaho-, 3; sttasti-, 3; hiranya-; — Hye-dhd'8, 
2; dhdma-; dhtyam-,2; ndma-: retina-, 8; refo-, 3; vayo- } \2\ aarva-; — abhi- 
fattirpd's, 2; rto-, 2; go-, 33; b~gopds ; dtod-gopda; a&ma-gopda, 2; tugopd'9, 2; 
fcm6-p<?*, 5; papu-, 4; vraia-, 5; fevadki-; ati- ; — rtu-pd's, 3; dn-rtupda ; 
pfarva-pd% 2; «ufo-, 5; soma-, 5; hari- ; — antarikaha-prd'9, 2; hratu-, 2; 
carshani-, 7 ; rodaai- ; — rna-yd's, 5 ; eva- ; twra- ; devo-, 4 ; — ap-sd's, 3 ; 
ofttt-, 2; dhana-; vdja-, 2; goto-, 3; aahaara-, 6; go-ehd'a, 2; nr- ; «*-; suar-, 
6;— rocanasthd's ; adhvare-ahthd'a ; giri- } 2, and ix. 18.1; mahhane-; rathe-, 2; 
vandane- ; vandhure- ; hart-, 5. 

Gr. proposes: gtri-ahthdae, ix.62.4 ; 98.9; 0fcrto*n4<M, ▼iii.46.28 ; dravtno-d&M, 
viil6.ll : viii.39.6. These resolutions are all at the end of pddas of 7 syllables 
and needless ; read -<&. 

We hare from the Atharvan 46 forms (from 24 stems): abhra-jd's, i.12.3; 
deva-, x.6.31 ; nafoAafro-, vi. 110.3 ; prathama-, iy.35.1 : vi,122,l : xii.1.61 ; vdta~, 
L12.3; hiranya-, iv. 10.1,4; — dravino-dd'9, xix.3.2: xx.2 4; dhana-, iii.16.1; 
havir-, t.1.7;— rcfo-dki'*, v.25.1 ; vayo-, ▼.11.11 : Yii.41.2: ix.4.22: xii.3.14: 
xiiL2.33: xviii.4.38: xix.46.6; t?ara>-, ii. 1 1.4;— abhifoatupd'a, iil3.3: iv.39.9: 
▼.18.6: ▼iii.7.14: xix.24.5,6; ^o-, 4 times: as, iii.8.4; tond-, vi.53.2; nuttt-, 
xiL3.34,41,42 ; ava-t, iii.3.1 ;— jomo-pd'ft, ▼iii.6.22 ;— dhanasd's, xix.31.8 ; 

— rta-aihd%iv.lA; ahge-ahthd'a, vi.14.1 ; bhuvane-, ii. 1.4: iv.1.2 ; madhyam*-, 
ii.6.4 : iii.8.2 ; «»vya-, viii.8.23. The VS., xviilS, has prdna-dd's, apdna-, vydna-, 
varco-, varivo-. For others, see iii.16. 

Resolution is necessary in RV. x.64.10, rbhu-kshdas; so AV. 
xix.55.3,4, vasu-ddas; likewise in RY. iv.6.3c, 4c, navarjdas and 
pagu-pdas (Gr., -d! as). 

In no wise is a N.m. form in -d admissible. In ii.20.2, the 
metre shows that we must pronounce abhishtipd'ari jdndn. If 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



444 C. R. Lanman, [Bad. A aod 

j 
we take abhishtipd' as a compound, we shall have to regard the ■ 
saThhitd-reskding as an instance of elision and crasis. Perhaps it 
is better to read abhishti pdasi, i thou protectest with thy favor.' ' l 
See p. 381 top, and Gr.', s.v. In v.87.1-9, evayd'marut, "Gr. sug- 
gests that evayd* may be a N.s.m. ; but here we must enter a non 
liquet For dtathds and pdnthds, see p. 441. 

B. The Rik has 24 forms (from 14 stems) ; the Atharvan, 29+ 
forms (from 24 stems). Enumeration : 

Dyu-k8hds,±\ — 8Vrkhd8; — agre-gds; patam-; *t/-, 4; — d&$a- 
gvasf; ndva-, 2; purogavds; — <*jd%\ 2; adhri-; — andnu-dd* y 
3 ; ddntt*; — apnansthds; purunishth&'s. Here belongs, prob- 
ably, />api/-*A<fo, v.41.1 ; see G.s.m. 

From the Atharvan, dpum-gds, vi.14.3 ; rju- 9 i.12.1; patam-, 
vi8 1.8: xiii.2.31 ; 3.1 ; ptYufe-, xi.5.12; vala-gds, xii.5.39 (? Ind. 
Stud, iv.804) ; — eka-jds, x.8.5 bis; jairdyu-, i.12.1 ; m-, iii.5.2; 
prathama-, iv.4.5 ; samndra-, i v. 10.4 ; stamba-, viii.6.5 ; — ddyd- 
ddSj v.18.6,14 ; jprdna-, iv.35.5 ; — drds, vrds> nyds, f xi. 7.3,4 ;— 
ndmordh&'s, ii. 1.3 (Rik x.82.3 has ndma-dhd's) ;— dkdti-prds, 
iii.29.2; kdma-, xi.7.8 ; carshani-, iv.24.3 ; prthivfr, xiii.2.44;— 
go^hthds 9 iii.14.6, etc. ; — patru-hds y i.29.5 : vi.98.3 ; sahasra-, 
viil8.17. 

NOMINATIVE SlNGULAB FllCINnfE. 

A. The form is like that of the masculine. It occurs in the Rik 
18 times (from 13 stems) ; and in the Atharvan, 5 times (from 4 
stems). Enumeration : 

I. kshd's, 5 ; vrd's, i. 124.8 (Roth and S&y. as pL) ; gnd's (see p. 
855). Cf. bhd's, BR. v.234. 

III. rta-pd's; rtejd's; god/id's, x.28.11 ; g<hsh4 , 8 J x.95.S; divijd's; 
divojd's; vanejd's; pata-ad's, x.95.3 ; 178.8; samana-gd's; saha* 
rorsd's^ x.178.3. 

From the Atharvan, hukhpd's, i.14.3 ; go-pd's, xiil.57; vayo- 
dhd'Sy ix.1.8 : xviii.4.50 ; vasu-dd's y xii.1.44. 

(a) Although no other forms than the above show a -8 in the 
pada-pdtha, we do yet find the following words standing before 
a vowel with hiatus in the written text, and are warranted in 
assuming that these words originally formed their nominative 
with -8. They are: jyd\ vi.75.3 ; ni-drd\ viii.48.14; pra-pd\ 
x.4.1 ; $radrdhd\ vii.32.14 ; 8x>a~dhd\ x.129.5. To these add 
prati-md'y vi-md\ un-md'y TS. i v. 4. II'; and see TPr. x. 18, and Ind. 
Stud, xiii.104, note 2. 

It was doubtless the case-ending ■* that kept these words from combining with 
a following vowel ; but since the transition of the radical feminines to the B- 
declension became general at an early period, the full form was felt to be, e. g., 
pra-pa' rather than pra-pd's, and was so entered in the pada-text In order to 
establish the apparently anomalous relation of the two pdthas in regard to these 
words, it became necessary for the Prat, to mention them expressly (ii.29). If 
we compare the two pdthas in regard to these nominatives, we find that the Pr&t 
is complete and exhaustive. 

If, however, we compare the written samhiid with the oral tradition or 
metrically spoken text, we find that the former is not consistent with itself. It 
has svadhd'sid at i. 165.6, and svadhd'mitd at v. 34.1, where we must pronounce 
svadhd' dsid and svadhdf dmitd (cf. x.l29.5d). In like manner we saw at p. 356 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



a-stems.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 445 

that the metre requires hiatus between the -d of the N.s.1 and a following vowel 
in 28 instances ; but that the diaskeuasts and after them Qaunaka have taken 
cognizance of this fact only in the case of Uhd' and manishd' (five instances). 

Since the Prat, cannot be convicted of incompleteness in enumerating anomalies 
Ukeprapdf, and since it does not mention godhd'. x.28.11 (Muller's editions 1 and 
2), tSbhyo godhd' ay Mam karshad Hat, we must conclude with Aufrecht {Rigveda*, 
preface, p. v) that the true jNufo-reading is godhd' h. This is the A-form, and in 
the preceding verse we find with glaring inconsistency the B-form godhd'; this 
also occurs at viii.58.9 and AY. iv.3.6 (nimrtik te godhd' bhavatu, p. godhd', 
without avagraha and without viaarga— cf. Ind. Stud, iv.305-6). 

B. The form is without -*, like the N. of stems in suffixal -d 
It occurs 16 times (from 14 stems). 

Enumeration: abhirbhd* ; kubhdt; godhd\ viii58.9 : x.28.10 ; 
devdgopd y vii.35.13 (Muller, -pdh ; why is this form any less 
grammatical than the N.s.m. suprcyd's?) : x.63.16 ; diu-kshd'; 
pra-jd' ; pratimd! ; prcwnd 1 r ; madhu-dhd' ; maryd'dd t; sanajd' ; 
svdgopd; sva-dhd\ ix.l 13.10; sva-dhd\ i.176.2. 

We have from the Atharvan 27 forms (from 9 stems) : dpa-gd 
(BR. apagd'), i.34.5 : ii.30.1 : vi.8.1-3 ; dwr-gd\ xii.4.23 ; jd', 
v.11.10 bis; upajd\ xi.1.19; dsamjnd, xii.5.34 ; godhd\ , iv.3.6 ; 
prad-dhd'y 13 times: as, v. 7.5 ; devdgopd, vii.20.5 : xix.11.3; 
pra-pd\ iii.30.6 ; from TS., md\ iv.8.7 l . 

NOMINATIVE AND ACCUSATIVE SINGULAR NSUTEH. 

According to the grammars, stems in radical long d shorten 
that vowel in the neuter : thus, pankha-dhmd'-m. 

A. About eight forms occur with long d y which are used as 
neuters, and end in -«. Since a true neuter form with masculine 
case-ending is quite unexampled, we are perhaps forced to the 
conclusion that masculine forms have here been used in default of 
any others save those with short d. See p. 377 end. They are : 
pata-sd's (vdccu), viL8.6 ; mprayd's (barhis — cf. vi.63.3, suprdya- 
ndtamam), vii. 39.2 ; sthd's, ii.27.4 : x.88.4 : (jdgac ca) i.80.14; 
indrajd'h soma-jd' dtharvandm asi vydghrajdmbhanam, AV. 
iv.3.7; p-eshthchsthd's, Tandya Br. vii.8.2 (BR.). 

Delbrfick, Verbum, p. 228, mentions pr&tidhdm (sic) as an infinitive in -am from 
vocalic root. If he means pratidhd'm, AV. viii.8.20: xi.10.16, would it not be 
better to take it aa ace of a nomen cwtumis. on account of the form ? 

B. See page 440, and compare p. 407 top. Here belong 78 or 
more forms (from 9 or more stems) : khdm y 2 ; tuvi-kshdm: dur- 
gdm; dyu-kshdm, 4 ; (prshthdm, 10;) vrtra-hdm (pdvas), vi.48.21 
bis; satrd-hdm (patinsiam), v. 85. 4 ; sadhdstham, ? 14 times; 
stirgdm y 14 ; sw-mndm, 39. 

From the Atharvan : adoma-d&m, vi.63.1 ; krshnardrdm^ ix.7.4 ; 
prathama-jdm (6jas) y i.35.2 (and VS. xxxiv.51) ; vd'tagopam, 
ii.12.1 ; 8u-gdm y xiv.2.6. 

AOCUSATTVTB SINGULAR MaSOULIHB. 

A. Here belong 115 forms (from 59 stems). The AV. shows 9 
forms (from 7 stems). Enumeration : 
vol. x. 60 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



446 C. B. Lanman, [Had. <2, o-stems. 

I. jd'm, ix.89.2; fr-<fm, 2 times; rifcd'ro. 

II. ntihthd'm; karma-nishtM'm, x.80.1 ; pari^hthd'm. 

HE. dadhi-brd'm, 8 ; rurfft*- ; — tamo-^4'm ; fovd- ; suasti-, 2 ; — sdma- 
gd'm; — agrajd'm; nabho-\ purd- y 2; pr<Uhama- t 2; bhareshu* ; — dn-arva- 
ddm ; dn-dtfr-ddm ; a-bhiksha-dd'm ; jam- ; dravino-, 7 ; dhana-, 2 ; rabho- ; 
vasu-; saho-, 4; — vceyo-dhd'm, 8; varivo-; vipo-; — dbhiQaati-pd'm ; yo-,11; 
niahikio- ; wato~, 2; — ofy'os-pd'm; grta-; soma-, 3; — <mtariksha-prd'm; 
carshamir ; ratha- ; rodasi- ; — ap-8d'm } 2 ; wrvard-, 2 ; dhana-, 2 ; sadd- ; 
aahasra-, 6; gosh&'m; suar-, 4; — rocana-sthd'm ; gin-8hthdfm, 4; nare-; 
jxrite- ; pa/rvaU- ; barhisJdJid'm ; raihe-shthdfm, 3 ; Aart-. 

The form in -d'm stands at the end of a catalectic pdda, which Gr. — by the 
unnecessary resolution, -dam — makes acatalectic. At the end of pddas of 7 
syllables, we have : hakshia^prd'm, yiii.3.22 ; tcmtirpd'm, viii.60.13 ; path**hthd'm, 
y.50.3 ; raiha-prd'm, viii.63.10 ; rathcshtM'm, viii.33.14 :— at the end of a pdda 
of 11 : giri-daKd'm, ix.85.10. 

We have from the A thai-van: prathatmajd'm, iil.4; — havir-dd'm, vii.78.2;— 
ratna-dhdfm, vii.14.1 ;— g<y-pd'm } ziii.2.2 : ix.10.11 (Rik i.164.31); — aparvtfmt, 
xix.60.4;—- pcdhi-shthd'm, xiv.2.6; rayi+hihd'm, vii.39.1; 40.2; from lev. Qr. 
v.5, agre-gdm (Rik only agre-gds). 

Resolution is necessary in kshetrdrsdam, iv.38.1 ; and in abjd'am, 
vii.S4.16a (aksharapankti). 

For pdnthdm, mdnthdm, see p. 441 ; for mahd'm, see stems in 
an. 

B. The Rik has 26 forms (from 10 stems) ; the Atharvan, 8 forms 
(from 5 stems). Enumeration : atithi-gvdm, 6 ; andnu-ddm; 
ekajdm; go-pdm; trishthdm; ddpa-gvam; dyu-ksh&m, 5 ; patam- 
gdm, 2 ; madhu-pdm; su-khdm, 7 ; from the Atharvan : su-gdm, 
iii.3.5 : xiv.1.58 ; 2.8 ; dr8va-gam y xii.5.45 ; eka-jdm y vL99.1 ; vala- 
gdm 9 v.81A: x.1.18; ardti-hdm, xix.35.2 ; so garbha-dhd'm, VS. 
xxiii.19 : TS. vii.4.19 1 ; camnarmn&'m, VS. xxx.15. 

Accusative Singular Feminine. 

The forms of series A and B are here coincident. The Rik has 
81 forms (from 27 stems). Enumeration : 

I. ksham, 18; khd'm, 2; gnd'm ; jd'm, x.3.2; Jyd'm; rd'm 
(? p. 431) ; vrd'm, i. 121.2 ;— jdnghdm, 2 ; 

lL dvasdm; pra-jd'm y 22; prcUi-ehfhd'm, 2; pra-hd'm; sa- 
bhd'm, 2 ; — surprqjd'm; 

I1L antarikeha-prd'm; a^vasd'm; uru-sh&'m; rtajMtm; dttr- 
dhd'm; dhanarsd'm; vdjasd'm; prad-dhd'm, 6 ; svajd'm; Uva- 
dhd'm, 11 ; 2svardhd'm^ 3 ; suar^ihd'm; — d-gopdm. 

We have from the Atharvan 12 forms (from 8 stems) : kshd'm, 
v.i.5 ; tiro-dhd'm, viii.l0.28flis/ prati-dham (see p. 445), viii.8.20: 
xi.10.16; yak&hmo-dhd'm^ ix.8.9 ; prad-dhd'm, x.2.19; 614: xix. 
64.1 ; upa-vd'm, prarvd'm, xii.1.51 ; prarhd'm, iv.38.3. Cf. bh&'m, 
gat. Br. ix.4.1 9 . 

The word kshd'm occurs furthermore in Rik i.67.5 ; 174.7 : 
vi.6.4 : x.31.9, and has the value of two syllables. Gr. proposes 
kshd'mram; see stems in radical m, A.s.f. 

Elision and crasis. In viii.32.6, drd*d tipa svadhd' gaM y Roth 
makes *vad/id'=8vadhd'm d'; Gr. sees an l.s.£ 



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Ls.hl] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 447 

InBTBUMBHTAL SINGULAR MaSOULDU. 

A. There is no example. 

B. Only example : rathe-shthena/nAI.S. 

Instrumental Singular FKxnnm. 

A. Here belong 10 forms (from 7 stems). They might also be 
referred to B as homophonous instrumental (p. 358). 

They are: apa-dhd, ill2.8 (where the Abl. apa-dhds, written 
apadhd before valdsya, is needed— Gr.) ; abhi-khyd', thrice ; 
asthd', as adv., x.48.10; jmd'; prati-dhd\ viii.66.4 ; wa-dhd', 
vi.2.8: viii.32.6 (see A.s.f.); prati*hthd\ x.73.6. The VS. has 
dptr-dd' at viii.5 ; and the TS., at iii.2.8% the form d&r-ddyd'. 
Unless we assume a stem -ddyd' (?), and take this as a homo- 
phonous Is., both the quantity of the penultimate d and the 
accent are anomalous. See BR., s.v. 

In sdkdm pratishthd' hi? did jaghantha, x.73.6, I take pra- as 
instr. of accompaniment : ' Along with that on which she rested 
(sc. dnasd ushasas), thou smotest her in the heart 9 (hrdl d\ BR.). 

The adv. suffix -dhd is taken by BR. as an instrumental. 

B. Here belong 52 forms (from*9 stems) : Jctibhaydf; ni-dh&yd, 
2 ; kshmayd* (accent !), 5 ; Jydyd; dhydyd; prarjdyd, 11 ; $radr 
dhdydj 4 ; sva-dhdyd, 26 ; svchdhdyd. 

Instrumental Singular Neuter. 

A. There is no example. 

B. Here belong : ftd-jyena; kdma-pr&na; su-mnena; from 
AY., kdm<*jMr&na, x.9.4; su-gena, xiv.2.11 (Rik x.85.32, sugebhis). 

Dative Singular Masculine. 

A Here belong 9 forms (from 7 stems) : kildla-pe, x.91.14 ; di, 
v.41.1 (but see L.s.m.) ; dhiyam-dh'e,, viilS.l ; papushb, 1127.10 ; 
fwd-pb y x.100.2 ; gubham^y^ iv.3.6 ; havir-de, L153.3 : iv.3.7 : 
vil68.6. For updne y see stems in an, D.s.m. 

The infinitive prad-dhe, i.102.2, is to be regarded as dative in 
form as well as in meaning. Since the meaning of ix.70.4ft admits 
of a dative, it is better to regard pra-m& as a dative also in form. 
BR. take it as a locative form, and this is certainly possible ; for 
if we explain prati-mcA as arising from the regular phonetic com- 
bination of prati-md and the case-ending «, we may also explain 
pra-mk as arising from jtwo-md+i. 

The infinitives prakhyai, vikhyai y parddai, pratimai, prayai 
(2), dyai, avayai, upayai, avasa% (Delbrtick, Verbum, p. 221), to 
which must be added vayodhat, x.55.1 ; 67.11, cannot be regarded 
otherwise than as datives, although we should expect prakhyb, 
etc. The case-ending e is added to the full root-stem : and if we 
take frame as a loc, and pratidhd'm as an infinitive, these two 
words, along with suapatyai and mahiyai (p. 359 top), are the 
only formations which are in this respect analogous to them. 

6. Here belong : atithi-gvd'ya y 4 ; dyu-kshaya; patam-gd'ya; 
rathe*hthd'ya; tvajd'ya (fromwq;?), AV. vi.56.2. 



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448 G. R Lanman, [Had. d, d-stems. 



Dative Singular Femibtnb. 



A. For kshi y iv.3.6, Bollensen reads ukshni. 

B. Here belongs pra-jd'yai, 9. 

Datiye Singular Neuter. 

A. No example. For the infinitives, see D.s.masc. 

B. Here belong: surmnd'ya, 10; pards-pdya, VS. xxxviii.19. 

Ablative Singular Masculine. 
A. No example. B. Here belongs rpya-dd% x.39.8. 

Ablative Singular Feminine. 

A. Here belong: gmds, x.22.6 ; jmds, i.157.1 : viiil.18. So 
6r., s.v. gmd'; he calls the stem gdm an " unberechtigte Fiction." 
To be consistent, he ought to refer Icshmds, i. 100. 15, to kshmd\ 
not kshdm. Gr. reads apadhds, ii.12.3 ; see I.s.£ 

B. No example. 

Ablative Singular Neuter. 

A. For this and the remaining cases of the neater there is no 
example. 

B. Here belong : dur-gd't, 6 ; sadhd^thdt, 4. With equal 
reason belongs here antdriJc&hdt; but it has been included above, 
p. 337. For the resolved forms in -aat, see p. 338 top. 

Genitive Singular Masouijnb. 

A. Here belongs certainly krshti-prds (dadhikrd'vnas), iv.88.9. 
Gr., Wb., takes pa^u-shds^ v.41.1, as G.s.m. ; but in the Ueb., as 
N.s.m. Some recognize in jd'spati, i.185.8, a genitive jd's (from 

J*)- 

B. Here belong: a-jdsya y 2; atithi-gvdsya, 8; svajdsya?, AV. 

x. 4.10,15 ; sdmargdsya, Ait. Br. ii.22. 

GENinvB SnrauLAB Feminine. 

A. Here belong : gmds, 4 ; jmds, 4. The supposed genitive 
g(a)nd's of gnd's-pdtis^ ii.38.10, has the same anomaly as jd's, 
above. 

B. Here belong : jyd'yds, 2 ; prajd'yds, 3. 

Genitive Singula* Neuter. 

A. No example. B. Here belong : twnndsya, 3 ; asthi-jAsya 
(kild'sasya), tamX-jdsya^ AV. 123.4. 

Locative Singular Masouijnb. 
A. There is no example. 



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L.s.hl] N<mn-Inflecticn in the Veda. 449 

B. Here belong 12 forms (from 7 stems) : ddpa~gve; ndva-gve; 
rathasamge (already counted, p. 338) ; samsthe, 5 ; sam-ye, 2 ; 
su-khi; suar-gL The patronymic dtithigvi (2) should have been 
counted, p. 338 ; but it was omitted. 

If we refer tq&ndm to a stem updnd, we shall at least have to assume another 
stem, ufdn&j for the locative in i.51.11, utfvne kdvyt. This is a poor make-shift 
See oa-stems, L.s.m. 

Locative Singular Feminine. 

A. There is no example. 

B. Here belong: dpa-yd'ydm; puro-dhd'ydm, AV. v. 24. 1-17. 

Locative Singular Neuter. 

A. No example. B. Here belong 40 forms (from 7 stems) : 
karaftjarhb; khe^ 2 ; dur-gi y 5 ; bhayd-sthe; sadhdsthe, 23 ; %u- 
mne y 7 ; mahd'-vailasthe (wrongly counted, p. 338). 

In the ill-preserved hymn v.41, verse 1, we read, k6 n& vdm mitrdvarwndv 
rtdydn I <Uv6 vd mahdk, pd'rthwasya vd, dS I ftfoya vd sddari. Gr., Deb. 1.5*16, 
takes dS as L.s.n. of da=d&m, l room, region.' * Who now, M. and V., is 
devoted to yon either in the room of the mighty heaven, or of the earth, or in the 
place of the sacrifice ?' Of. p. 442. 

Vocative Singular Masculine. 

A. Here belong 21 forms (from 6 stems) : rtttpd*; bhti'rirdds 
(iv.32.20); pukrapiUarpds; puci-pds, 2; mta-pds; soma-pds, 15; 
rtarpde, TS. iii.2.8 1 . 

For vayo-dhas, dravino-das, see oft-stems, V.s.m. 

B. Here belong: ekaja; dyu-ksha y 2 ; from the AV.,^am^a, 
vi.50.2 : xiii.2.80; somorpa, i.8.3 : ii.12.3 ; from the T.&r., antarir 
ksha-pra, iv.7.5. 

Vocative Singular Feminine. 

A. There is no example. 

B. Here belong : gatige; prad-dTie, 2 ; tir<Hlhe, AV. viii.10.28. 

Vocative Singular Neuter. 
A. B. There is no example. 

Nominative, Accusative, and Vocative Dual Masculine. 

The ending -d occurs 27 times ; the ending -aw, only 7 times. 
Since both of these endings occur also with the most of the con- 
sonant stems, it will be best to give the circumstances of occur- 
rence together at the end of this article. 

L A. Here belong 27 forms (from 19 stems) : go-pd> 4 ; 
gharmiershthd! ; ehardishrpd' : jagat-pd'; tanH-pdf; tajnith-pd' ; 
dravino-dd' (utd, p. -ati utd), v.43.9 ; para*pd\ 2 ; purd-jd'; 
puruJrd, viii.8.22; vdja-dd; patdrrdf; puci-pd; su-gopd'; soma- 
pd\ 2 ; sti-pd'; further, at end of catalectic pddas of 7 syllables, 
where Gr. reads -ad, katohiaprd', i.10.8 ; g<hpd\ viii.25.1 ; tanti- 
pd! 9 vii.66.3 ; from AV., g<hpd\ v.9.8. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



450 G. R. Lanmcm, [Bad. a\ o-stems. 

B. Gr. refers vdanya-jd' to a B-stem Wtf') ; so Hargvd (2). 
Of the first stem no other form occurs, and of the second, none 
that cannot be referred to a stem eta-gvd. I have therefore 
counted all three forms with the A-forms. 

II. A. Here belong 7 forms (from 6 stems) : go-pan; gopati; 
snta-pau; from AV., adoma-dhau, viii.2.18. 

B. Gr. refers the following forms to B-stems ; but they may all 
be referred with equal right to A-stems, and I have counted them 
with the A-forms. They are : d-krau (stem d-krd; cf. p. 442) ; 
adhvargati; madhu-pau; rayi-dati. 

Nominative, Accusative, and Vocative Dual Feminine. 

A. There is no example. 

B. Here belong : rdtt-pk; pdrvajb; su-dsasthi. 

Nominative, Accusative, and Vocative Dual Neuter. 
A. No example. B. Sole example: sadhdsthe, x.17.6. 

Inst., Dat., and Abl. Dual Masc., Fem., and Neuter. 

A. B. The Rik has no example. The TS. has several instru- 
mentals at iii.2.10 1 : vdk-pd'bnydm, kratur, cakshushr, protrar 
pd'bhydm. 

Genitive and Locative Dual Masc, Fem., and Neuter. 

A. The Rik has no example. 

B. Locatives f. : wa-dhdyos, RV. ; janghdyos^ AV. xix.60.2. 

Nominative and Vocative Plural Masculine. 

A. The ending -a* is added to the stem : as, go-pd'-as, gopd't. 
The form occurs in the Rik 84 times (from 50 stems) ; and in the 
Atharvan, 12 times (from 10 stems). Enumeration : 

I. (r'shayo) gd's, 'singing,' AV. xii.1.39; — parama-jyd's, Rik 
viii.1.30. 

IX d'-tds, iii.43.6 (see p. 441) ; drprajds; su-prajd's. 

I1X rbhu-kskds, 2 ; — eia-gvds (Gr., faa-gvd) ; — devajd's; 
purdr s 4 ; prathama-, 2 ; sva-; — rtarjfld's y 4 ; rta-jflds, 2 ; pada- 
jfld'Sy 3 ; — apva-dd's, 2 ; go-; dravino-; dhana-; vastra-; vdso-; 
hiranya-; — jani-dhd's; dhiyam-, 8 ; payo-; ratna-; reto-^ 2 ; 
vayo-; — kulorpd's; go-pd's, 9 ; devd-gopds, 3 ; su-gopd's y 2 ; 
twvQrpd'%; papu-; vratar; — agre-pd's; anjas-; pay as-; soma-; 
havishr; — carma-mnd's; — jma-yd's; — dhana-sd's % 2; 
sadd-, 2 ; sahasra-; — prthivirshthd's; — rathe-; harmie-;— 
ghrtasnd's. To these add : pravdiejd's, raghtirjd's, vdyti-gopd* y 
— forms which Gr. refers to B-stems. 

Gr. proposes: indrorgopaas, devd-gopaas, viii.46.32 ; go-pda*, 
viii.31.13 ; su-gopdas, v.88.5c and d. These resolutions are all at 
the end of catalectic pddas of 1 syllables and needless ; read -ds: 
so in x.65.14fl, rta-jfid's (11 syllables — Gr., -acw, 12). 



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N.V.p.m.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 461 

From the Atharvan : agni-jd's, apsu- y oehadhi-, x.4.23 ; khcUa-, 
viii.6.15; prathamch, x.7.14; c<xJcadhiXmar y viii.6.15 ; — vara- 
dd'Sy xix.71.1 ; — go-pd'e, vii.81.6 : x.8.9 ; tantl-, vi.41.3 ; — 
soma-pd'8, v.25.9 ; sdma-pds, xviii.3.64. 

Resolution is necessary in RV. x.23.6, go-p&as. 

B. Here belong : ddpa-gvds ; ndva-gvds, 7 ; patarhrgd'*, 2 ; 
su-gd's ; and from the AV., ndva-gvds, xviii.3.20 ; tanrt-jd's, 
vi.41.3 ; tapo-jd's, vL61.1 ; vafa-gd'e?, xix.9.9. 

There are four forms in -dsas. I am uncertain whether A-stems 
may form their plural thus ; whether, for instance, priya-sd'sas 
may be referred to a 6tem -sd'. The forms are : ddpa-gvdsas; 
dyu-kshd'sas; ndva-gvdsas; priya-sd'sas. 

NOMINATTVB AND VOCATIVE PLURAL FEMININE. 

The forms of series A and B are here coincident. The Rik has 
28 forms (from 18 stems). 

Enumeration: grid's, 6 ; vrd'8, 4 ; d-gopds; avasthd's; dhi- 
gopds; giri-jd's; jaranirtyrd's; dev d-gopds; deva-yd's: ndva-gvds; 
pra-jd's, 3 ; prathama-jds; praryd's; vakshane-ehthds; vdjardd's; 
su-gopd'e; somci-pd's; svayarhyd's. 

From the Atharvan : manitshya-jd's, xi.4.16 ; rtajfid's, iv.2.6 ; 
padarjfid $ 8 } vii.75.2 ; cuehma-dd' 8, xix.40.2. 

In four instances gnd'e is dissyllabic; if gan-d's is the correct 
resolution (c£ Zend ghendo\ the d may be regarded as suffixal 
(c£ p. 355). 

NoMnfAHVB and Accusative Plural Neuter. 

A. I have no evidence that the following forms are to be 
referred to A-stems. 

B. 1. Here belong 15 forms (from 5 stems) : dnsa-trd (wrongly 
included on p. 346) ; dur-gd\Z; sadhdsthd, 3 ; 8u-gd\ 5 ; sumna, 
4 ; from AV., su-gd', vii.97.4 ; prathama-jd' r-, p. -jd', viii.9.16,21. 

2. Here belong 16 forms (from 6 stems) : ararin-ddni; khd'ni, 
4 ; dvr-gd'ni, 5 ; sadhd-ethdni, 2 ; su-gd'ni, 2 ; eu-mnd'fii, 2 ; from 
AV., dur-gd'ni y vii.63.1 : ix.5.9 : xix.50.2. 

Accusative Plural Masculine. 

A. There is no certain example. Paradigm : pankha-dhmd's. 

1. Ludwig takes pacvrshd'e with vd'jdn, * viehgewinnende 
krafte,' v.41.1 ; it is rather a N.s.m. of series B, p. 444. Among 
the forms there given as nominatives, there may be some accusa- 
tives p.m. in -#'*. 

2. There is no certain example of an A.p.m. of series A ending 
in -d'8. Possiblv there is one in x.79.7, van&jd's (dpvdn) ; see 
BR. vii.1800. Otherwise, we must take it as N.s.m. — sc. agnU. 
Gr. takes eva-yd's (mardtas) as A. p.m., v.41.16 ; but it is to be 
pronounced as 4 syllables — eva-yd'as or -yd'vncu (cf. iL34.11). In 
1.143.8, - ;<I / * is A.pX in form, but of common gender in meaning. 

3. Gr. refers tapojd'% (dpi, p. -jd'n)> x.154.5, and y^tarpan 
(ar> p. -pd'n), x.27.6, to stems -jd 1 and -pd'. This is scarcely 
admissible ; we must assume transition-stems -jd! and -pit. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



462 C. M. Lanman, [Rad. d, o-stems. 

B. Here belong: go-p&'n (vi.51.3); patam-gd'n; su-gtfn, 3; 
tapojd'n and prta-pd'n (above); and from the AV., dur-gd'n, 
xiii.2.5 ; tapo-jd'n, xviii.2.15, 18 (= Rik x. 154.5) ; soma-pd'n, 
ii.35.3 ; from the TS., pHrvajd'n^ saha-jd'n, iii.5.3. 

Accusative Plural Feminine. 

A. There is no example. 

B. Here belong 27 forms (from 15 stems) : kshd's, 2 ; gn&'t, 2; 
jd's, 3; dnragnitrds; anu-shthd's; apva-dd'8 ; devayds; pari- 
shthd's (x.97. 10); prajd's,1; marud'dd*?; vi-shthd's; sahd-aopds; 
*u-gd'8; \sv<*-dhd\ 3; 28vardhd r s; from the AV., parijd Y 8, xix. 
56.6 ; manu8hya-fd'8, xii.4.43. The SV., i.323, reads rd*8 y a bad 
variant of Rik viii.85.13. 

For pr€tii~8hthd'[s\ (Gr.), see Ls.f. ; for gnd*8 as dissyllable, 
v.43.13, cf. N.p.£ ; for Jc8hd , s as dissyllable, iv.28.5, see stems in 
m, A.p.f. The resolution at the end of x.97. 10a, parishth&as, is 
needless. 

INSTRUMENTAL PLURAL MASCULINE. 

A. Here belong : agrepd'bhis and rturpd'bhis (or f.), iv.34.7 ; 
gopd'bhi8. 

Gr. — Wb. 175, s.v. d'td — assumes the ending -a%8 for series A. 
This view I cannot accept. The only forms which occur to sup- 
port it are d'tais, ix.5.5 : VS. xxix.5, and dhana-eais, x.67.7. 
These I refer to the stems d'-td and dhanasd'. The form vayo- 
dha'w, x.55.1 ; 67.11, rests on a mistake ; the text has vayo-dhai 

B. 1. Here belong : tuvi-grebhis; mithdsavadya-pebhis; ratna- 
dh'ebhis, 2 ; &u-gebhis y 3; sdma-gebhis, AV. ii.12.4. 

2. Here belong : ddpchgvais, 2 ; ndva-gvais y 2 (and AV. xiv. 
1.56) ; patam-gau; su-khaU; d'-tais and dhanarsais (above). 

INSTRUMENTAL PLURAL FEMININE. 

A. B. The forms are coincident. The Rik has 29 forms (from 
6 stems) : ratnardhd'bhis ; gnd'bhis, 5 ; prajd'bhis, 6 ; prod- 
dhd'bhis; lavordhd'bhia, 15 ; 28VOrdhd'bhU. 

Instrumental Plural Neuter, 

A. No example. B. 1. Here belong: ma dhu-pibhis (134.10: 
iv.45.3) ; su-gtbhis, 5 ; m-mn'ebhi*, 4. 
2. Here belongs su-mnaU, 7. 

Dative Plural Masculine. 
A. No example. B. Sole example : pHrvarjSbhyas (Gr., -bhias). 

Dative Plural Feminine. 

A. B. Sole example : prajd'bhyas, 3 ; prajd'bhycut (Gr. -bhias), 
at end of iv.53.4o. 

Datiyb Plural Neuter. 

A. B. There is no example. Cf. pp. 350, 397, 417. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Ab.p.m.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 458 

Ablative Plural Masculine. 
A. Sole example : bhtirirdd'bhyas. B. No example. 

Ablative Plural Feminine. 
A. B. There is no example. 

Ablative Plubal Neuter. 
A. B. There is no example. 

Genitive Plural Masculine. 

A No example. B. Here belong : sdkam-jd'ndm; dm-jd'ndm, 
AV. xix.71.1. 

Genitive Plural Feminine. 

A. No example. B. Here belong : virbhd'ndm; prarjfld'ndm, 
AV. xiii.2.2. 

Genitive Plural Neuter. 

A. B. There is no example. 

Locative Plural Masculine. 

A Here belongs d'-tdsu (or f.), 2. 

B. Here belong : dravino-dfohu; su-kheshu. 

Locative Plural Feminine. 
A B. Here belong: kshd'eu, 2; gnd'eu; jd'su; pra-jd'eu, 2; 
sa-bhd'su. 

Locative Plural Neuter. 

A. No example. B. Here belong: dur-g&shu; eadhd-etheehu; 
eurgtihu; stHnn&shu, 3. 



8TBM8 IN RADICAL /, i, U, U, B. 

It is doubtful whether there are any stems ending in a really 
radical 5 or u; cf. pradhi, p. 367, and abhidyu } p. 401. Most 
roots ending in these vowels, as well as those which, according 
to the Hindu authorities, end in r, take an added t when used 
as the final member of a noun-stem : thus, agva-ji-t, soma-sut, 
loka-hr'-L The stems of this sort are given by Gr., Wb. 1727-8. 
I have treated them under the head u stems in £" 01 also p. 
419 (si&r, t&r). 

The stems in radical long i, as deva-vi', pada-ni\ manyu-mt', 
are treated with the other 2-stems (see pp. 368, 869, 375-400), 
and the forms are enumerated in each case under " C." In like 
manner, the forms of the stems in radical long 6, as uda-ptif, 
nabho-jti,', tfira-sflf, surd-$ti,', are given under " 0, Zf pages 405-419. 
vol. x. 61 



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454 ' C. R. Lanman, [Radical 

The following sections treat of suffixless or radical stems 
ending in consonants. The arrangement is based on the alpha- 
betical order of the final consonanta 



STEMS IN RADICAL GEL 

There is, to my knowledge, only one stem in gh in the Veda : 
sardgh, f., * bee.' This occurs in the N.p., sardgho madhu-kr'tak, 
£!at. Br. iii.4.8 u . From sardgh are formed : N.8., sardt y TS. 
v.3.12 a : gat. Br. xiii.3.1 4 ; D.p., sardd-hhias, RV. i.l 12.21." The 
d (t) is here the regular representative of Indo-European gh*\ 
compare Hubschmann, in Kuhn's Zeitsch. xxiii.386. It is theo 
unnecessary to set up a stem sardt or sardh; and the stem sardgh 
is supported by iydm . . sardghd . . . sdraghdm mddhu, TBr. 
iii.10.10 1 . See A. Weber, Ind. Stud, xiii.110. 



STEMS IN RADICAL AC OR A'Sta 

The root ac appears in a number of compounds which show 
such peculiarities of declension that it is necessary to treat of 
them by themselves. After them will be treated all other radical 
stems in c. 

The stems exhibit the distinction of strong and weak forms, and 
the strong forms are characterized by nasalization : thus, prd'c 
(prdrac) makes prd'ncas in the N.p.m., but prd'cas in the A.pm. 

These stems are declined only in the masculine and neuter. 
The feminine is formed by adding % to the weak stem of the mas- 
culine, and is declined according to series B, p. 366. 

The following lists include, I believe, all the Vedic stems whose 
final member is the root ac. First is given the element with 
which ac is compounded ; then, the stem of the masculine and 
neuter forms ; and last, the stem of the feminine forms. A stem 
is enclosed in parentheses if it has no forms occurring in the Rik 
or Atharvan. 

1. Most often the element with which ac is compounded ends 
in a or & The two vowels are then fused. 

Enumeration: dpa, apdc, dpdci; &va, dvdc, dvdci; pard, p&rdc, pdrdd; prd, 
prd'c, prd'ci; su and pra, swprd'c, (suprdd, VS. iv.19); arv&, arvd'c, arvd'ci; 
ghrtd, ghrtd'c&; devd, devd'ct; aematrd', awnatord'c; satrd', satr&'c^ satrd'd; 
ddhcvra (accent), adhard'c, (adhard'd) ; so vipva (accent), vifvd'ct From nara, 
instead of nard'd, we have with irregular accent nardctf, as shown by AV. v. 31.4, 
nardcid'm, ' a certain plant.' If nard'ct also occurred, we might see in nordetf 
differentiation by means of accent, as on p. 368 top. The stem viskvd'c, of the 
isolated G.s.m. vishvd'cas. Gr. refers to viskva=vishu ; cf. viahvchdri-ik. For 
vishuy&k, vflhak, and «♦*&, see A.s.n. 

If the root ac is preceded by an element ending (2) in *, or (3) 
in w, this i or u either remains intact or is changed to y or « in 
the strong cases in the samhitd, while in the weak cases it unites 
with the a of ac to i 7 or to H respectively. 



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ac-stems.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 465 

2. Enumeration: (a) prdM, prati-dc, prattd' (cf. stiprattci, VS. iv.19); dddhi, 
dadhi>&c; Uri, Hri-dc (the weakest cases are supplied bv a different compound, 
•tfnk-oc, tirdpc); pvU-i, gvity-dc, pvitlcV ; sdmi-i, wuny-dc. samtcf; (b) tid-i, (the 
strong cases are formed regularly from hdac,) fattct; m, nfaic, ni'rf; devadri, 
devadri-ac, devadrfd; sadhri, 8adhH-ac, sadkri'd; kadri, kadri'ct; cf. asmadriroc, 
madri-ac, vuhvadri-ac ; and tvadri-ac, Tnadriadri-ae, yuvadri-ae (see A.s.n.) ; 
akudhri-ac ; nini-ac (see A.s.n.). 

3. Enumeration: (a) dnu, anu-dc, anted' ; rjti, rju-dc; $6, su-dc; (b) vishu, 
viakthac, visktict The two feminines pwrOJd? and urtW are formed as if from 
puru-dc and vmirdc Such m. stems do not occur. The place of the latter is 
filled by a compound of the root vyac, uru-vydc, whose feminine, if formed after 
analogy of samy-dc sarnie?, would be uru-vid'; and of this, as BR. suggest, ur&ct' 
may be a shortened form. But since uru-vydc has a regular feminine (see rad. 
osteins, D.s.f.), it is perhaps better to refer wdcV to uru-dc. 

4. Sometimes ac is compounded with elements ending in a 
consonant. These are : cv'tt, sdm, ud y tirds, pcut y r'dh?, pr'thf. 

In the first two instances, an % is inserted between the parts of the compound, 
and this % (y\ or its resultant with a, goes through the whole declension : thus, 
pvity-dflcas, pvitice, cviiid'; samy-dficam^ samtcV. The stem tid-ac is the only one 
whose strong forms show aflc preceded by a consonant {&d-afcam). Even this 
stem forms its weakest cases as though the strong were from (tdy-aftc, and makes 
udicaB. Traces of the older formation remain in uccdf, an I.s.n. with adverbial 
accent for ud~{a)od; cf. pafcd', for pfa-(a)c-& (p. 337 above). In like manner 
tira^cd' stands, with adverbial accent, for tira8-{a)c-d ; so tirafci for Hrdcd. The 
feminine stem is Hrdfd ; but the nomen proprium, TiraccV, is differentiated by its 
accent (p. 368 top). Gr. places here, finally, fdh-ah and pfth-dk. 

In the Rik, if the stem is accented on the root syllable, the 
accent remains there in the strong cases {prd 'Ocam, pratydficam) ; 
and also in the weak {prd'ci y arvd'cd, satrd'cd), except when the 
vowel of ac unites with a preceding i or u to % or H. This 
happens with the oxytone stems of 2(a) and 3(a), and the ending is 
then accented (prattcds; prattci\ N.A.d.n. — weak; dadMce y -ds; 
cvitfce; anilcds). 

In nicd 1 and prdcd' we have only apparent exceptions ; they 
stand for ni'cd and prd'cd with adverbial shift of accent. 

If the weak case-forms of the masculine are oxytone, the 
feminine stem is also oxytone, and this in turn throws the accent 
forward to the case-ending as stated on p. 375 top : thus, anilcds 
(A.p.m.), anHcV ; prattcds (Ab.s.m), praticf ; so samtcyds, 
nardcyd'm. 

These rules do not hold for the later texts. Thus the Atharvan has cdtr&n \ jahi 
pra&'co anu'cah, iii.1.4, against the Rik-reading jahi prattcd an&cdh, iii.30.6. See 
also A.p.m. In like manner we have samVcas , . pap&'n, TS. v.2.9 4 ; cf. dadht'cd 
and BR. iii.506. 

In the feminine we have: anu'c% AY. x.10.10 ; sami'd, TS. iv.1.3'; samfcyd, 
TBr. U.8«; praWd, AV. often; pratVc&m, AV. xii.1.34: TBr. i.4.4*; pratTds, 
TS. v.2.10*. Like the Atharvan, the TBr.. in quoting from the Rik, modernizes 
the accent: thus TBr. ii.8.7 5 writes pra&'d for pratld' of its original, Rik i.95.5. 

The VS., TS., and TBr., however, in quoting from RV. i.96.5 and iii.29.13, do 
not alter the accent of aomief , -d'h. 

The verse RV. x. 18.14 is shown to be a later addition (1) by its contents, (2) 
by its metre, and (3) by the form of transition from A to B (exceedingly rare with 
u-gtems— see pp. 401 top, 403 med.), ishv-ds. This evidence is beautifully con- 
finned by so minute a detail as the accent of pratfdm. The examples show that 
thia is a modern form ; a genuine Rik -verse would have prattd'm. 



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466 C. R. Lanman, [Bad. ac-stema. 

Nounr atiyb SnrcniLAB Maboumbs. 

The case-ending/* does not appear after the double consonant 
of the strong stem -aftc(-a), -ank{+). Progressive assimilation 
reduces the form -atik to -atin; this is preserved in the text 
before a vowel, if the thematic a is not long (as is the case with 
the stems of class 1, p. 454). 

1. The following non-assimilated form appears: pratydnk, before 
%6mo y TS. i.8.21 ; before sddo, vi.8.1 6 ; Wore madah6 y vii4.2\ 
See Whitney's note to TPr. v.32. 

2. The samhitd has the following assimilated forms : dadhidnn, 
before a-, RV. ix.108.4; before f-, vi.16.14; niann y before u-, 
iv.18.5: x.27.13; 142.5; pratidnn, before a-, i.144.7: x.79.6; 
before u-, i.50.5(; V.2S.1. For other examples, see Ath. Pr. iii.27 
and TPr. ix.18. C£ also yMn for ytink, stem y1!y; kidr'nn and 
wdr'nfi (rad. p-stems, N.s.m.). 

8. Including the words just given nnder 2, the pada has 47 
forms in -n (from 8 stems) : dpdn; arvd'n, 23 ; dadhidri, 3 ; -y&n, 
2 ; nian y 8 ; pratydn, 12 ; prd'A; vishvaA; suprd'n. From Ath- 
arvan verses, I have noted 80 forms (from 10 stems) : adhartin, 
v.22.2 : xii.2.1 : arvd'A, 12 times, as iii.2.8 ; tidan, v. 4.8 : ix.7.21; 
Hrydd, thrice, as x.2.28 ; itydn, v.22.2 ; gdrdn, thrice, as vi.29.3; 
pratydn y 9 times; prd'n, 5 times, as iii.4.1 ; vishva?i y xi.8.83; 
sadhrydn, vi.89.2. 

NOMDCATIVB A1TD AOOUBATIVB SINGULAR NSUTER. 

The N.A.8.U., as a "middle case" (mittlerer casus), is not nasal- 
ized, nor does it show the fusion of ia to i. All the forms here 
given are used as adverbs, unless the contrary is stated. Here 
belong 159 Rik-forms (from 22 stems) : 

1. (a) dpdk, 5 ; drvdk, as adj., i.9.5: vii.27.3 : x.29.8 ; as adv., 
89 times, and viii.50.1 ; prd'k, 6 ; from the AY., adhard'k, 
xx.128.2; 184.1-6; dpdk 9 xx.128.4; 134.1-6; arvd'k, 7 times, 
as iv.25.6 ; pdrdk, x.1.16 \prd'k, 7 times, as xx.128.1. 

(b) The vowel of the nnal syllable -dk is shortened to -&k: 
vishun&'k; vr'thdk, 2 ; *ninidk (ninia-ak — but see rad. /stems, 
introductory paragraph). 

2. (a) pratydk; samydk, 5 ; ntak y l; sadhriak, as adj., 1108.3: 
iii.31.6 ; as adv., 6 times; asmadriak, 8 (N.p.m. -<Marlcas)\ 
madriak, 2 (A.s.m. -driaflcam) ; vishvadriak, as adj., vii25.1 ; 
akudhrtok; from the AV., tirydk, x.2.24; pratydk, 16 times; 
$amydk, xviii.4.11. For samydt y see rad. ./-stems, L.p.f. 

(ft) The final syllable Aak is shortened to AJc : tvadrik, as adj., 
x.43.2 ; as adv., v.3.12 (in both instances the metre allows the 
pronunciation tvadriak) ; madrik, 3 times (madriak actually 
occurs) ; madriadrik; yuvadrik: ninik, for *ninidk y — see 1(6). 
An analogous shortening is pernaps seen in jidk (16 times), for 
dit-ak. 

3. vUhvak, as adj., vil 34.13 : x.36.9; as adv., 12 times; AY., 
thrice. 



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N.A,s.n.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 457 

4. tf*x*, 4 (and AV., 1) ; r'dhak, 13 ; rdhdk, once ; pr'thak, 13 ; 
praprthdk, AV., thrice, as xi.1.27. Ct, however, Ind. Stud. 
iv.412,248. 

In vii.25.1, md' te mdno vishvadriag vi cdrtt, vish- may be taken 
as adj. with mdno, or as adv. with vi cdrtt. The example shows 
clearly how the two constructions blend logically. 

Accusative Singulab Masculine. 

Here belong 33 forms (from 9 stems); arvd' fleam, 11 ; Hbdafir 
cam; niaricam; pratidncam, 5 ; pratydficam, 2 ; prd'ficam, 7 ; 
madriaficarn; vUhuaftcam; samyaficam; sudficam, 3 ; and from 
the Atharvan, adhard 'fleam, 32 times, as v.22.3 ; anvdfieam, 
vt 134.3; dpdficam, iii. 3.7 ; arvd'flcam y \.Z.l\ : xi.3.32-49; pdrdfir 
cam, 21 times, as vi65.1 ; pratydflcam, 23 times, as vii.40.2 ; 
vishvaflcam, ii.33.7; samydftcam, xiiL3.20; from TS., tirydflcam, 
iL5.ll 4 . 

For uru-vydficam, see rad. c-stems, As.m. 

INSTRUMENTAL SINGULAR MASCULINE AND NEUTER. 

Masculine : arvd'cd (rdthena), vii.78.1. 

Neuters: devadri f cdtmdnasd),ldS.e; 163.12; satrd 'cd {mdnasd), 
thrice. The weakest tonus of prd'c should be paroxytone ; as, 
prd'ed. 

If, with BR and Gr., we take prded' aa adjective with mdnaad in iii.31.6, 
prded'hinvan mdnasd sapid vieprdh, the false accent adda one more item to the 
long indictment against the hymn (Ueb. i.528). It is perhaps better to take it as 
an adverb (with adverbial accent) with ahinvan. 

Five forms, which as adjectives would be paroxytone, occur as 
adverbs with the accent shifted to the ultima : tira$cdt, 3 times ; 
nicd\ 1 (and AV. iv.3.6); uced\ 12; paped', 8; prded', ii.26.4 : 
vii.83.1. We may presuppose an adv. *pardcd', differentiated by 
the accent from the adj. I.s.n. pdrded. 

To the apprehension of the speakers, the stems of these adverbial instrumentals 
were tirafca, ntcd, ucca\ pafca\ prded, parted. These served as the bases of new 
formations: ttraped-td, 2; nted't, only once; ntcais, not until Atharvan; uccais, 
only once ; paccd't, 17 ; prdcaia, only once ; pardcais, 10. Of. p. 337. 

These are undoubtedly late formations. The use of the plural instrumental as 
adverb belongs to the later period of the Vedic language, and none of the plural 
instrumentals thus used has the older ending -ebhis. The adv. f&naia, so frequent 
in Sanskrit, occurs only once in the RV., viii.80.3 (with (anakais). 

Dative Singulab Masculine and Neuter. 

Masculines : dadhici, 2 ; pvitteb. For accent, see p. 455. 
Neuter : no example. 

Ablative Singulab Masculine abb Nbutbb. 

Masculine: pratieds, i. 173.5. 

Neuter: prd'eas, ii.15.3, 'von vorne.' In Ueb. i.570, for exe- 
getical reasons, Or. takes it as A.p.m, This view is favored also 
by the accent, which we should expect to see shifted to the 
ultima, if the word were an adverb. 



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468 , C. 22. Lanman, [Bad. ac-stems. 

Ginitivb( SiveuLAB Masculine and Nbxjteb. 

Masculines : dadhicds, 2 ; vishvd'cas. 
Neater : no example. 

Looatiyx SnreuLAB Masculine and Nbutxb. 

Masculine : prd'ci (adhvare), viii.13.30. 
Neuter : no example. 

As adverb, with adverbial accent, occurs tirapci, £at. Br. 
ii.3.2 11 ; e£ tirapci-rdji, BR. 

Vocative Singular Masculine and Neuter. 
There is no example. 

Nom., Aoc M and Voo. Dual Masouunb and Neuter. 

Masculines : arvd'flcd, 5 ; sadhriaflcd; samydrlcd, 2 ; from the 
AV., dpdficau, vii.70.4 ; arvd'ftcau, v. 26. 12 ; vUhvdncau y xx. 
136.2 ; samydflcau, v. 1.5. 

Neuter : praticti (dhd'mani), ix.66.2. Observe the accent. 

Inst., Dat., and Abl. Dual Masculine and Neuter. 
There is no example. 

Genitive and Locative Dual Masculine and Neuter. 
Masculine: vlshilcoa^ L., vii.18.6. Neuter: no example. 

Nominative and Vocative Plural Masouunb. 

Here belong 22 forms (from 13 stems) : (a) rjudflcas ; praty- 
dficas; potty ancas, 2; samydflcas; mdflcas, 3; and from the 
AV., tirydncaSy xv.8.6 ; prcUydficas, xi.7.1 3 ; samyd fleas y iii.30.3,6 ; 
further (ft), from the K.V., arvd'tlcas, 3 ; asmatrd'ficas; asmadri- 
aficas; udaricas; pdrdiicas; prd'tlca*, 4 ; vishuancas; sadhr'tan- 
ca&, 2 ; and from the AV., adhard'neas, iii.6.7 : ix.2.12 ; dpdficas, 
v.3.2 ; pdrdficas, iv.40.1-8 : xi.0.22 ; prd'iicas, thrice, as xi.6.18; 
vishvaticas, i.19.2 : xix.38.2. There is no instance of a vocative. 

In vii.48.1, &' vo arvd'eah krdtavo nd ydtd'm \ vibhvo rdiham ndriam vorioyaafc, 
SAy. takes arvd'ecu as equivalent to arvd'fcas. This is possible ; but, rather than 
admit so harsh a grammatical anomaly, I would even change the text out and 
out to cvrvd'ficas, especially since the hymn bears traces of corruption (read 
v4jd8[o] — p. 346) and late origin. ' Hither may the hither-turned powers as it 
were of you as ye journey, ye Vibhii', roll tine mighty wagon.' We may con- 
sider hratom nd as a " suggested comparison," the tertium comparaiionis (dpfa) 
not being expressed ; see G-r., Wb., s.v. nd 11.2). In v.33.8d, krdtubhis can 
hardly refer to anything else than * steeds. 1 

Transition to the t-declension. A very interesting case of a new 
formation based on false analogy is seen in the late hymn x.46, 
verse 7, pviticdyas (sdmds). The proper nominatives plural are : 
m., pvitydflcas ; f., pvitfws. From the feminine stem ct?#fc* r , 
however, is inferred a masculine stem pvittcV y and from this the 
N.p. is formed, gvittcdyas. Cf. pp. 337, 371-2. 



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N.A.p.n.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 469 

Nominative Ain> Accusative Plural Neuter. 

There is no example in the Rik. We find : pratyarici lomdni, 
^at. Br. x.2.1*; samyaflci bhiltdni, xiv.8.14'; pratyafld dtrgkd- 
ranydni, Ait. Br. iii.44. 

Accusative Plubal Masouune. 

Here belong 22 forms (from 11 stems) : (a) anUcds; prattcd*, 
2 ; from the AV., anti'cas and pratfcas, iii.1.4 (Rik- iii.30.6 t -cds); 
pratfcas, v.8.7 : vi32.3 ; vii.108.2 ; from the TS., sami'cas, v.2.9*; 
further (6), from the RV., adhard'cas, 2 ; dpdcas; arvd'cas, 3 (for 
vii.48.1, see N.p.m.) ; dvdcas ; lidtcas, x. 131.1 ; pdrdooB y 5; 
prices, 2 ; vis/ideas, 3 ; satrd'cas; from the AV., nf'ccu, xi.1.6 ; 
pdrdcas, ii.25.5 ; vwhUccu, iii.1.5 ; 2.3 : TS. v.2.9 4 . 

For the accent, see p. 455. Only once does the AV. have pret- 
tied* (viii.3.6), and that in a quotation from Rik x.87.4. 

Inbt., Dai., Abl., Gen., and Loo. Plural. 

Of the remaining cases of the plnral m. and n. there is no 
example in the RVT 

The forms are enumerated in full in all the sections on 
radical or suffixless stems. The entire omission of a case 
signifies that no example of that case occurs. Thus no men- 
tion is made of the oblique dual cases of stems in radical dh } 
because no examples of such stems in such cases are found. 

Accent Monosyllabic stems accent the ending in the weak 
cases. The A.p.m.l is treated in respect to accent as a strong 
case (e, g. ruc-as) ; but numerous exceptions occur, where the 
Ap.m.£ is oxytone (e. g. vdc-ds). These will be grouped 
together at the end of the article. 

STEMS IN RADICAL C. 

The forms are alike for the masculine and feminine. All mono- 
syllabic stems used as substantives are feminine ; but tvac-l occurs 
twice as m., and arc-d' once as an adjective in the Lfl.m. The 
only neuter form is dpr'k, an As.n. used adverbially. 

These stems show the distinction of strong and weak forms to a 
limited extent : 1. by nasalization (only in the stem uru-vydc) ; 2. 
by lengthening an interior radical vowel. This occurs in the 
compounds of -v&'c with droghar, ranya-, satya-; and of s&'c with 
apatya-, abhi- y drona-, dhdma-, nr-, yajfha- (in d-yajfla-8ac) y rayir % 
rdti- (and in sniddrirdti-shae), harir. 

Nominative Singula* Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines : vpapr'k; yctfdsruJc, 2 ; hiranyatvak; from AV., 
sd'ryatvak, ii.2.2 ; anrtarvd'k y iv.16.7. See also V.s.m. 

Feminines : tvdk; vd'k, 9 ; #Hik, 2 ; from AV., r'&, xi.7.5 : xiv. 
2.71 ; nimrtik, iv.3.6 ; vd'k, 14 times, as ii.12.8 ; p£&, xii.5.34 (and 
VS. xxxviii.18) ; sr&k, ix.6.17 ; from TS., anhomuk> ii.4.2 1 . 



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460 C. B. Lanman, [Bad. c-stems. 

Accusative Singular Masculine, Feminine, and Neutbb. 

Masculine. Here belong 24 forms (from 17 stems). Enumera- 
tion : (a — with strengthened stem) uru-vydflc-am; — satya-vtfcam, 
2 ; apatya-sd'cam, 3 ; abhirshd'cam ; drona-sd'cam ; dkama- 
sd' cam; rdtirshd'cam; (b) anhomticam; ddWoghavdcam, 2 (and 
AV. vi.1.2) ; Myavdcam; tanHrticam; dhdnarcam; purorticam; 
madhttpffcam; mrdhrdvdcam, 2 ; surticam, 8 (and AV. iv.1.2); 
mvd'cam. 

Feminines (91 forms, from 7 stems) : dsicam, 2 ; fcam; tvdoam, 
12; vd'cam,ll; vd'cam-vdcam; vimucam; steam; sU'riatvacam; 
from AV., r'cam, vii.54.1,2; pticam, iv.38.4 ; srticam, xi.1.24; 
tvdeam, 9 times ; vd'eam, 27. 

Neuter : dpr'k, as adverb, x.89.14 — see above. 

INSTRUMENTAL 8INGULAB MASCULINE AMD FEMININE. 

Masculines : arcd' (mdsd') ; uru-vydod; sU'riatvacd, 2. 

Feminines (44 forms, from 9 stems) : red', 12 ; tvacd'; mrod; 
rued', 6 ; ruca-rtscd; vded", 12 ; pucd'-^ucd; *icd'; swrucd; anted!, 
6 ; from AV., red', 2 ; tvacd', 3 ; vded' , 21 ; pucd!, 2 ; srucd', 2. 

Dative BnreuLAB Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines: tidyatasruce; yatdsruct: viyva^tdce. 

Feminines : tuce, 3 ; ruck: toad, A V . xi.2.5 ; rci, VS. xhl39 ; 
uru-vydoe (sdrasvatyai), Av. vi.41.2. In view of the last form, 
it is better to refer urdci', the supplementary feminine stem of 
ururvydc, to uru-dc — see p. 455. 

Ablative Singular Feminine. 

Here belong : tvacd* ; nimr&ca*, 2 ; from AV., tvacd*, v.14.3 : 
vi21.1 : xii.3.53 ; srueds, xii.4.34. 

Genitive Singula* Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines : pururticas; *uruca*. 

Feminines: reds: tvacd* ; vded*, 21; vdcas (pate); vimucas 
(napdt), 2 ; from AV., red*, ix.10.19 ; vded*, 10 times, as Ll.l ; 
vdcas (pate), 4 times. 

Locative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculine: tvacif, ix.69.3 (dvye) ; 101.16 (gdvye). 
Feminines : dtuci; udtfci, 2 ; tvacl, 7 ; nimr&ci, 2 ; vdd, 8 ; 
vivdei, 4 ; sruci; from AV., udr'ci, vi.48.1-3 ; tvacl, 123.4. 

Vocative Bdxgulab Masculine. 

Here belongs : dkrttaruk, x.84.4. 

Nom., Ago., and Voc. Dual Masculine and Feminine. 

I. Masculines : tandr&cd; yatd*rucd, 2 ; suvd'ed. 
Feminines : (a— with strengthened stem) satya-vd'ed (-»£'<>), 
x.12.1 and AV. v. 1.9 ; (b) ghrtapr'cd, RV., once ; tanilrucd, once, 
H Feminines : vd'eau; sicau, 2. 



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N.V.p.m.f.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 461 

NOMINATIVE AND VOCATIVE PLURAL MASCULINE AND FEMININE. 

Masculine. Here belong 41 forms (from 18 stems). Enumera- 
tion : (a — with strengthened stem) abhishd'cas, 8 ; a-ycyfiasdcae; 
drogha-vd'ccu; nrshdcas, voc. ; nrshd'cas, 2 ; ranya-vd'cas; rayi- 
shd'cas; rdti-shd'cas, 8; satya-vd'cas ; smddrdttehdcas j hari- 
ahd'ccu; from AV^abhirshd'cas, xvin. 4.44; rdti -shd'cas, xviii.3.20 ; 
(b) dudhrd-vdcas; yatdsrucas, 8 ; vamriica*; vwdcas y 2 ; intrficas, 
3 ; suvd'ccu, 3 ; shktdvdcas; stfriatvacas, voc. ; from AV., mrucas, 
xviii.8.22 ;.8uvd'ca8, ii.5.2 ; 8am8icas y xi.8.13. 

Feminines (21 forms, from 8 stems) : dpr'ccbs; r'cas, 5 ; divo- 
ricctzs; pT'cas; bhadravdcas, voc. ; ri'tcas, 2 ; vd'cas, 6 ; sr&cas^ 4 ; 
from A V., ifca» (N. and A.), 14; vimficas, vi.112.3 ; nimr&cas, 
xiiL3.21 ; vd'co8 y twice; sicca, xiv.2.51 ; sriicas, v. 27.5 : xix.42.2 
(text srucdsl). 

Aoousativb Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines : (infects; ari'tcas; mrdhrdvdcas, 3 ; vddhrivdeas; 
vivdcas, 2. 

Feminines : mrdhrdvdea*; r&cas, 2 ; vd'cas, 4 ; sur&cas; *r&c- 
as; from AV., durvd'cas, iv.17.5 ; pt'tcas, vii.100.1 ; slcas, xi.9.18; 
10.20; suruccu, iv.1.1. 

Irregular accent. In i. 11 3. 17, vdcds (tid iyarti vdhnih) must be 
an ace. (c£ ii.42.1) ; so srueds, AV. xviii.4.2. 

Instrumental Plural Feminine. 
Here belongs {yMtt, ii.35.12 : AV. x.1.12 : xii.1.38; 4.49. 

Ablatiye Plural Femindtb. 
Here belongs rgbhyds, AV. x.5.30 : xiii.4.38. 

Genitive Plural Feminine. 

Here belong : rcd'm, x.71.11 ; from AV, rcd'm y x.8.10 : xv.6.3 ; 
tvacd'm, xii.3.51 ; madhuprfedm (sc. apd'm)> Hi. 13.5. 

STEMS IN RADICAL GH. 

Here belongs bandhurpfch-d, N.d.m., iii54.16. The forms 
vipr'cham, samp/cham, sampfche, and prcM occur as infinitives. 

STEMS IN RADICAL J. 

Several stems are treated here whose final j is not radical, but 
belongs to the derivative suffix aj or ij (p. 327). They are : 
trshnqf (from tr*shnd) y dhrehdj^ sandL wpf;, vanij y bhury. Of less 
clear formation are the stems bhishaj and dsty (from asar-tj f — cf. 
Cretic eirp, * blood'). The adverb ninth (which BR. refer directlv 
to stem ninvj) is best explained as standing for ninidh % ninidk 
(p. 456). The ok may be referred to root ac or to the suffix 
qj (ninid+aj; cf. trehn&'j). 

vol. x. 62 



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462 C. R. Lanman, [Bad /-stems. 

The stem dtrj is supplemented by asdn thus : fork, dsrk y asnd\ 
asnds, asnds. 

The forms are alike for the m. and f. Most monosyllabic stems 
used as substantives are f. ; but 4/> V&'j?, y*& and rdj are m., and 
bhrd'j occurs as a m. adj. Neuter forms are found from the stems 
d*rL pvdtrabhd'jy suytij, evard'j, and svd'vrj. 

The distinction of strong and weak cases. 

1. Nasalization. This is seen only in two words, yufijam{yujmn 
occurs 15 times) and yftfljd (ydjd occurs once) ; but the VS. has 
also ytinfi, N.s.m. 

2. Of the lengthening of an interior radical d there is no certain 
example. 

The compounds of -rd'j appear with long d in the weak oases (vtirtffc •amrd'je) 
as well as in the strong. In like manner we have bkrdjd' as LsX Here, there- 
fore, we must consider the long vowel as inherent in the root or stem. (Different 
is the root in giri-bkr&'j.) 

The same is true of -bhd'j. The Rik has the forms : pitobhd'jas; p&rva-Hid'jam, 
•bhdfjas; pratiiamabhd'jam; gobhd'jaa; vdmabhd'jas; ratnabJid'jas, G.s.L ; fvdtra- 
bhd'jd, I.s.n. All these, save the last two, occur in strong cases, and no form has d. 

Or. sets up the first three stems with short & ; but if the long d were not 
inherent in the stem (cf. the later forms cited by BR. v. 240), we should hare to 
assume strong forms (ratnabM'jas, cvdtorabh&'jd) in weak cases (G.s.f . and I.s.n.) ! 
Cf. dmpd'de, rad. d-stems, D.s.n. 

The verbal -y&'j, on the other hand, appears generally with A (diviyaja*, miiya- 
ydjvm, suy&jam, pfkshdpraycyas — all strong forms). For ydt as a voc, see v\a.m. 
For ava-yd's, eee N.s.m. 

I am inclined to think that a comprehensive examination of the 
exceptions to the law respecting the reconversion of palatals to 
gutturals before the suffix a [Lindner, p. 13, 3,] would show that 
in many cases the words with c or j belong to later texts (rued, 
VS. ; rta'd, MBh.) and are by origin new forms of transition rather 
than old and normal formations (cf. -r&c y r6ka). 

Thus we have in viii.45.13, indra dfdhdf cid dngdm; and so in UL45.2, vrtrar 
Jehdd6 valarhny&h purd'ih darm6 apd'm cy'&h .... indro dfdhd' cid drvjdk. 
Despite the accent, I can not but think that these o-fonns, drtyd-m etc, are 
transition-forms made after analogy of radical stems in ; (capkd-rfy'-am, rig-as, 
rctfha-yfy-am), and in part under the influence of the metre and the similar verse- 
ending. 

A real stem a-yuja is ill-authenticated in Vedic texts. In P&r. 
Grhy. i.17.3, Codex Wilson 451 reads ayugmdksharam; and in 
A9V. Grhy. iv.2.2 ; 5.3, the edition reads a-yuj-o (N.p.). In i.15.7, 
however, we find — just where we should expect it — a form of 
transition to the a-declension, ayujdni (ndm4ni), used to avoid 
the unfamiliar a-yuiij-i. Accordingly in RV. viii.51.2, ayujS 
(dsamo nr'bhih) may be due to a merely formal parallelism ; cf. 
p. 468. The metre would be good with aytig utd'samo nr'bhih, 
or the like. 

The late forms bhrdjds and bhrdjd'ya have bhrdj-d\ perhaps, 
for their point of departure. 

Transition to the t-declension. The form tujdye (accent — cl 
toy-4, iv.1.3 : v.41.9), v.46.7, is a transition-dative to titf, equivalent 
to tuft in meaning. There is no oxytone stem tujL 



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N.a.m.£] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 468 

Nominative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

The final radical j appears as k or as t in general according as it 
represents an original g l or g*. See Ascoli, Corel di glottologia, 
i. 106,1 17; and UUbsohmann, in Kahn's Zeitsch. xxiii.3S4-90. 
C£ stems in rad. A, N.s.m.f. 

L Masculines : abhuk; upik, 4 ; rtaytik; rtv4k; ghrtdnirnik, 
3; candrdnirnik ; pardfor'k y 2; bhishdk, 3; vanik ; eamvtfk ; 
saytik; from AV., ardharbhd'k, vi86.3 ; bhishdk^ V.29.1 : x.4.15 ; 
patd-bhishak, xix.7.5 ; htranyasrak, x.6.4. See also V.s.m.f. 

Feminines : nirnik, 2 ; hiranyanirnik, 2. 

(a) Here also belongs the form ytikn (cm), VS. x.25 ; it stands 
for yank. Cf. p. 456 and V&j. Pr. iv.104. 

II. Masculines : ekard't; bnrd't; rd't, 2 ; vanerd't; vibhrd't, 2 ; 
virdff, 2 ; vipvabhrd't; samrdft, 12 ; evard't, 5 ; from AV., ekard't, 
Hi 4.1 ; vird't, or £, 20 times, as be. 10. 24; samrd't, thrice. Cf. 
y<fc, V.s.m. 

Feminines : rd't, v. 46.8 ; vird't, twice. 

IIL The form avayd's occurs "in i. 173. 12 as f. (p. ava-yd'h) ; so 
AV. ii.35.1 (p. avaryd'f) ; further, d'vayds, m., i.162.5 (p. d'- 
vaydhf). Cf. Ind. Stud. xiii.96. These forms are referred by 
BR. and Gr. to stems avayd'j and d'vaydj. It is doubtful 
whether the long vowel is inherent in the stem. The forms of the 
grammarians, avaydjam etc., do not occur ; and the d of the nom. 
may be explained as a vicarious lengthening. The genetic series 
would be : ava-yag*-s, -yai-8, -yaps, -yd' 8. See Johannes Schmidt, 
Verwantschaft8verhdltni8se } p. 11 ; and S. Goldschmidt, Z.D.M. &. 
xxvii.709. Cf. pveta-vd's, from -flag-*, -vagh 9 -*. Sadhormd 1 * and 
puro-dd's are not entirely parallel. 

Transition to a-declension : bhrdjdre, x. 170.3 ; see also p. 462. 

Nominative and Accusative Singular Neuter. 

Here belong: dsrk, i. 164.4 : AV. iv.12.4,5 : Ait. Br. ii.9 ; svd'vrk 
(amr'tam), RV. x.12.3; suyuk y as adv., iii.58.2 ; and perhaps 
ninik (see pp. 461, 456). For dsrt, see p. 466 top. 

Accusative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines (61 forms, from 22 stems) : (a) y&fljam; (b) upijam, 
3; rtvyam, 11; jyeshfhard'jam, 2; trshndjam; pardvr'jam, 2; 
pdrvabhd'jam, 2 ; prtand'jam; prathamabhd'jam; prdtary&jam; 
ydjam, 15 ; yuvdyujam; rathaytijam, 2 ; vird'jam; paphdrtiiam; 
satyaydyam, 2; samrd'jam, 4; eayiijam; eutydjam; suydjam; 
suyujam; svard'jam, 5 ; soaorjam; from AV., 4fam, xix.50.5 ; 
tribhtijam, viii.9.2 ; vird'jam, or f, 6 times, as viii.9.7,9; vartijam, 
iii.15.1 ; euerdjam, xx.128.15. 

Feminines (61 forms, from 10 stems) ; upaspyam; ti'rjam y 36 ; 
ttyam; nirnyam, 13 ; parivfjam; bhOjam, 3 ; manoyujam, 2 ; 
vird'jam; sahdercmirnijam ; srdjam, 2 ; from AV., bhvjam ; 
svardfjam; ti'rjam, 27; srdjam, 2. 



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464 (?. R. Lanman, [RaA y-stems. 

INSTRUMENTAL SINGULAR MASCULINE, FEMININE, AND NEUTER. 

Masculines: manoytijd; yujd\ 30 times, and 139.4: viii.85.15; 
vaeoytijd; sah&sranirnijd, 2 ; suytijd, 3 ; from AV., bhuhtyd, 
ii.9.5; yifjd\ iv.23.5 : v.21.11 : xiii.1.3 ; saytijd, v.14.7 : vii.108.2. 

Feminines: Hrjd\ 6; tujd', 4; nirnijd; bhrdjd! ; from AV., 
manoyujd, v. 7.5 ; 10.8 ; vird'jd, xv.14.5. 

Neuter : $vdtra-bhd')-d (vayasd), viii.4.9. 

Dativb Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines : trshndje, 2 ; rakshoydje ; van'ye ; mmrd'jt, 2 ; 
svard'je, 3; from AV., mrtd-bhr&j-e, iv.4.1 ; yw/6, vi.54.1,2; virtfje, 
samrd'je, and svard'je, xvii.22,23. Transition-form : bhrtftfya, 
VS. viii.40. 

Feminines : f2W6, 2 ; tufa 2 ; nirnfye, 4 ; MwjJ, 5 ; from AV., 
ftp'6, vi.33.1; tfrfo twice. Transition-form: tujdye,\A6.1 (p. 462). 

Ablative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 
Masculines : yujds; vird'jas. Feminine : nirnijas. 

Genitive Singular Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter. 

Masculines : utfijas; samrd'jas; svard'jas, 2. 

Feminines: Hrjds, 11 ; itojas, with voc., 10; prayujas; yujds; 
ratnarbhtilj-as (p. 462) ; from AV., drjds, 4 ; vird'jas, 6 ; bhraj-as } 
vii.90.2. 

Neuter: svard'jas {gotirdsya), x. 120.8. 

Locative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 
Masculine: dgvanirnijL Feminine: sarhsr'ji. 

Vocative Singular Masculine. 

Here belong: ghr'tanimik ; samrdt, 3; perhaps dkrUaruk, 
AV. iv.31.4 (cf. RV. x.84.4,' c-stem). 

BR., vi.8, take ydt, x.61.21, as a verb ; so Say., aydt \ yaja. Roth proposed 
to take it as a vocative, * offerer. 1 Since the j of yaj represents original f, the 
normal nom. s. would be yd't ; and corresponding to this, according to the gram- 
marians, the voc s. would be ydt (of. prdt). 

Nom., Acc, and Voc. Dual Masculine and Feminine. 

L Masculines (44 forms, from 13 stems) : (a) yufijd; (b) rtvyd, 
2 ; tantttydjd; purubhujd, 10 ; ptishkarasrajd; prdtary&jd; brali- 
mctytijd, 3 ; bhishdjd, 5 ; yujd; vacoyujd, 4 ; samrd'jd, 10 ; sayujd; 
sdkamytijd; mytijd, 3 ; from AV, ptishkarasrajd ; bhishdjd; 
saytijdy 2 ; manoyiijd, vi.65.1. 

Feminine : sandjd, i.62.7. 

IX Masculines : apnard'jau; bhishqjau; samrd'jau; from AV., 
sayfyau, vii.53.2 ; euytijau, vLl40.3 ; awdvifjau, ix.4.12. 

Feminine : apvayujau, AV. xix.7.5. 



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D.d.m.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 485 

Datiye Dual Masculine. 
Here belongs bhishdgbhydm, AV. x.6.12. 

Genitive amd Locative Dual Masculine and Feminine. 

Gen. masc. : samrd'jo*. Gen. fern.: bhurtyos, iv.2.14: viii. 
4.16 : AV. xx. 127.4. Loc. fern. : bhwjjoe, ix.26.4 ; 71.5. 

Nominative and Vocative Plubal Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines (63 forms, from 28 stems) : dtrshnajas; dsvapnajas, 
2; uptjae, 14; rtvijas,*; krtddhvcyas; giribhrdjas; ahrtdnirnijax; 
tttntZtydjae; trihndjas; diviydja*; duryujas; dhrshdjas; nihirjas; 
pttubhd'jas, 2 ; piirvabhd'jas; prtand'jasy brahmayi'ijas, 2 ; bhi- 
s/idjas, 2 ; manoytijas, 4 ; mitraytijas; yujas, 2 ; rathayfijas, 2 ; 
uftrshdnirnijas, 2; vdmabhd'jas, 2; samrdAaa ; samrd'jas, 8; 
suyujas, 4*; svaytijas; ward'jcu, 3 ; from AV., svard'jas; ytijas, 
2 ; bhtshdjas, 3 ; rtvyas, 7 ; rtvyas, vL2.1 ; dytijas and pray&jas, 
xi.8.25 ; vi^vasr'jaSj xi.7.4 ; hdritasrcyas, x.8.31. 

Feminines : abhiytijas ; ufijas ; ti'rja* ; gobhd'jas ; tujas ; 
nirnyas; prkshdprayajas ; prayfyae, 3 ; bhujas ; standbhujaa; 
m&yujaa; from AV., Hrja8 y xii.1.12. 

Nominative and Accusative Plubal Neuter. 

No example. Paradigm : apva-yiinji. In place of this, a form 
of transition is used : e. g., ayvydni (p. 462). 

Accusative Plubal Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines : ddhinirnijas; apoay&jas; 'wpfyas, 2 ; catttryuias; 
vijas, 2 ; ^aphdn'tjas (and AV. viii.3.21) ; saytijas; myiijas, 3 (and 
AV., 6). 

Feminines : abhiytijas, 5 ; tujas; praytijas; bhfyae^ 2 ; srdjas 
(and AV. xx. 127.3). 

Instrumental Plural Masculine. 

Here belong : arunayngbhis ; upigbhis, 2 ; rtaytigbhis, 3 ; 
zuyugbhis; svayiigbhis, 2 (and AV. ii.5.4). In AV. vii.4.1rf, read 
niyudbhis (BR.). 

Dative and Ablative Plubal Masculine. 

Dative : u&gbhias. Ablative : bhishdgbhias, AV. xix.2.3 ; 
56.2 ?. 

Genitive Plubal Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines : upgdm, 3 ; rtv'ijdm; bhishdjdm (and AV. vi.24.2). 
Feminines : drjd'm, 2 ; riirmcydm; bJwjd'm. In 5 instances 
Gr. resolves : tirjadm, -ddm. 



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466 G JR. LanTfoan, [tladical 

Locattvb Plural Fbminine. 

Here belong : srakshti; pray&kshu, AV. v.27.5,6. For prayak- 
shu the TS. fjv.1.8 1 ) and VS. (xxvii.14) read praydtsu! C£ <Urd 
(d-), p. dtrt, TS. vii.4.9; samydt te (for samydk), i.2.7 1 ; and the 
etymology: yrftf ddhriyata tdd ghrtdm dbhavat, ii.3.10 1 , 
cited by Weber, Ind. Stud. xiii. 106,107. 

STEMS IN RADICAL T AND />. 

No stem ends in t. For raghdt-as, AV. viii.7.24, BR. suggest 
raghdvas (i. e., py^nd'a). 

Two stems end in rf, *'(£ and 'vd (=z't&h). The former occurs only 
in the I.s.f., idd\ viii.39.1. The latter occurs as follows: idd\ s"; 
M&fo, as G.s.j 10. In vii.47.1, Gr. takes idds as A.p. ; but the 
accent would then be exceptional. I join it as G.s. with Urmim. 
See «A-stems. 

STEMS IN RADICAL T 

A very considerable number of stems are treated here whose 
final t is not radical, but belongs to one of the derivative suffixes 
tV, ut, vat, tdt, at (p. 327). They are : tadit, divti, yoshit, rohU, 
sarit y hard; marHU; arvdvdt, dvdt, udvdt, nivdt, pardvdt, pravdt, 
samvdt; upardtdt> devdtdt, vrkdtdt, satydtdt, sarvdtdt; veh-dt, 
va/t-dt, *rav-dt, 9a$c-dt. Isolated stand ndpdt> tdnundpdt, and 
prdnapdt. 

It will be observed that some stems admit of a double analysis: 
either as radical stems from roots ending in t; or as stems formed 
by root + consonant t. We may divide : miUa-Jer'4, or -kr't (hart, 
'cut') ; vr't, or vr'-t (BR.) ; uhurfcr'-t (Mahtdh. to VS. xvi.46, iaAtfw 
vdndn kxtrvanti te ishufartah), or -kr't (Gr.). In div-it Gr. sees 
the suffix it; BR., the root i + t. Cf. didytit and didyii; dyvt 
and dyti. 

Three stems of exceptional formation are supplemented by 
others : ndpdt, by ndptar; ydkrt, by yahdn; pdkrt, by pakdn. 

The forms are alike for the m. and f. There are but four mono- 
syllabic stems, dyut, nrt y pr't, vr't — all fern. Six neuter stems 
are found : akshipdt and dnapdvrt; $dkrt and ydkrt; samydt (in 
Ls.) ; and trivr't, in the sense of 'amulet.' For pnfr, see rad. 
ftA-stems. 

No stems exhibit the distinction of strong and weak cases ; but 
the accusatives pi. vr'tas and nr'tas are accented regularly as 
strong cases. 

The stems in tdt perhaps owe their origin to forms of transition 
on the part of the tdti-atema to the consonant or ^declension. For 
these transitions the L.s. might serve as a point of departure, the 
forms devdtdtd, satydtdtd, sarvdtdtd being easily referable to 
Osteins (as adverbial instrumental), or to i-stems (as locatives) : so 
in x. 11 1.4 — see I.s.f. A like transition is seen in the td-stem 
avi'ratd, which makes a D.s. from a $-stem avfrat-e; see p. 359 
med. 



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/•stems.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 467 

From jape, * stick, stop, cease,' — i. e. «o-*(a)e, a reduplicated form of 8ac? — are 
derived two peculiar formations. We have: 1. the substantive sa^c-dt (like 
vah-&t\ 1, 4 a stopping, 1 and concrete, ' a hinderer ;' and 2. the participle adfc-at 
(ii.16.4, vfshabhd'ya tdfeate). 1. From the noun 8ap>&t we have the bahuvrihi 
adj. cb-sapcdt, with regular accent (cf. Garbe, in Kuho's Zeitseh. xxiii.512). This 
appears in the masc. form: asapc&td, N.d., vii.67.9; and in the fern, forms: 
asapcAtam, As., ii32.3; -hid, I.s., x.69.8; -dtd, N.d., i.160.2; -dtas } N.p., 10 
times. 2. From the participle a&fc-oU we have the negative compound d-eafcat, 
with regular accent (cf. Garbe, La, p. 494). This appears in the masculine 
dsofcatam, i. 11 2.9 (formed without nasal like participles of reduplicating class, 
dadat etc.); and in the fern, forms: dsafcanti, N.s., iii.67.6: viii.31.4; feaccantt, 
vi.70.2 (formed with nasal, the character of seqc as reduplicated root being 
obscured by the syncopation of ft). 

Nominative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines : andvr't; cikit, 4 ; tadit; tdn&ndpdt, 2 ; ndpdt, 14 
prdnapdt; manapcit; vipaccU y 2\ vishtivr't ; suvr't y 3; from 
the Atharvan, ekavr*t y xiii.4.12 ; dbandhuhrt (iv.19.1) and millakr't 
t'iv.28.6), from kart, 'cut;' vipa$c'U y 4 times; napdt, 5; tdntl- 
ndpdt. For sHyavasd't, RV. x. 106. 10, the padakdra writes 
8tfyavasa*dtf 

Feminines : didyut, 8 ; pardvdt; pravat, 2 ; rolut; vidytti, 8 ; 
from A V., apac'tt y vi.83.3 ; vehdt, iii.23.1 ; vidyht y 6 times. 

Nominative and Accusative Singular Neuter. 

Here belong: trivr't (dnnam) ; pdkrt ; akshipdt (2) and dn- 
apdvrt (2), as adverbs ; from AV., ekavr't, viii.9.25,26 ; trivr't, 
v.28.4,6,11 ; ydkrt. ix.7.11 : x.9.16 ; pdkrt,' xiiA.9. 

Accusative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines (51 forms, from 10 stems) : acitam; ghrta-cw'itam, 
2"; tdnHndpdtam; trivr'tam, 4 ; ndpdtam, 20 ; madhu-ccutam, 
10 ; vipapcttam, 6 ; vishUvftam; suvr'tam, 5 ; kuracc'ttam; from 
AV., ducc'itam, 2 ; vipapcttam, 3 ; ndpdtam; trivr'tam, 3 ; ekavr't- 
aw, xiii.4.15. 

Feminines: arvdvdtam ; asapedtam (ii.82.3) ; dvr'tam, 2; 
ghrta-pctitam, 3 ; dyiitam; pardvdtam, 3 • pravdtam; yoshitam; 
vicr'tam; vidyutam, 2 ; vipapc'Uam; vr tam y 2 ; samydtam, 5 ; 
tamer'tam; from AV., vipaccitam, 2 ; vidy<dam y 8 ; pardvdtam y 

2 ; pravdtam; yoshitam; roMtam y iv.4.7 ; dvr'tam y x.6.S1bis; 
*amvr'tam y viii.6.4 ; vehdtam, xii.4.37,38 ; 8amvdtam y vi.29.3 ; 
105.2* 

Instrumental Singular Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter 

Masculines : trivr'td, 4 ; div'Ud; svvr'td, 6. 

Feminines (36 forms, from 15 stems) : asapcdtd (x.69.8); dcttd; 
udvdtd; ghrta-pctitd; trivr'td; devdtdtd, 3 ; dyutd' y 2 ; nivdtd; 
praedtd; pravdtd, 12 ; vidyi'itd, 5 ; vrtd\ 2 ; eatydtdtd; Barvdtdtd, 

3 ; haritd; from AV., vidy&td, 4 ; nivdtd y v.3.2. 

The forms from Idt-stems may also be taken as locatives s. of 
tdt i-stems ; see p. 466. See also p. 386 top, and Wb. 1490. 



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488 C. R. Lanman, [Bad. (-stems. 

Neuters: sarhydtd, i.151.8: vLl6.21 ; trivr'td, AV. v.28.2,8: 
xix.27.3 and 9 (m. ?). 

Dative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines : aate; vipapcite, 2 ; sudyiite. 
Feminines: devdtdte,Z\ vidybte, AV, L13.1 : xi.4.2. Here Gr., 
after Bollensen, puts ishu-kr't-e va, p. -driva, i.184.3 ; see N.d.m. 
Transition from the ^-declension : avtratre (pp. 466. 359). 

Ablative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculine: vidyiitas (haskdrd't), i.23.12. 

Feminines: arvdvdtas, 4; udvdta*, 8; didyCUas; nivdtas, 2; 
pardvdtas, 35 ; pravdtas, 3 ; samvdtas; from A V., vidyiitas, 2 ; 
pardvdta8 y 3; pravdtas, iv.25.6. In RV. x. 142.4, udvdUis and 
nivdtas may be accusatives pi. 

The TS., i.8.14 1 , has didy&n md pdhi (p. didyot); the VS. t xx.2, vidyti pdhi 
(Mahidh., vidyutah mdm pdhi). Weber would explain didydt as standing for 
didySe (stem didyu), with irregular phonetic transition of * to t; see Kuhn's 
Beitrage, Hi. 388-9. He would accordingly read didydt in the VS. ; see Ind. Stud. 
xiii.101, note. Both, on the other hand, explains vidydt as an ungrammatical 
formation from the stem vidyJU, and as due to the parallelism of the formula, 
mfiySh pdhi vidydi pdhi (BR. vi.1066). That Buch outward parallelism in the 
sound of a formula could call forth such irregular formations is clear from AY. 
xvi.4.6, uahdto doshdsof ca. The stem doshd' passes into the (u-declension simply 
on account of the juxtaposition of ushds ; see os-stemB, G.s.d. A similar ungram- 
matical form is probably cdkslios, stem eakshus (p. 410 top). We need not assume 
a stem cdkahu; see p., 412 end. Of. pathe-s?Uhd' (for pathi-), an imgrammatical 
imitation of raXhe-shthdf. 

Genitive Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines : trivx'tas; vipapdtas, 2 ; sacitas; sudyi'itas, 2. 
Feminines: pravdtas, 2; vidytitae ; pravdtas, AV. xii.1.2; 
pravatas, with voc., thrice. 

Locative Singular Feminine and Neuter, 
Feminines : arvdvdti y 7 ; upardtdti, 2 ; devdtdii, 2 ; pardvdti, 
17; vrkdUUi. 
Neuter : trivrti, AV. v.28.3. 

Vocative Singular Masculine. 

Here belong : tanHnapdt y 5 ; napdt, 1 7 ; perhaps marttt in 
evayd'marut, v.87.1-9. 

Nom., Aoo., and Voc. Dual Masculine and Feminine. 

I. Masculines: asapcdtd, vii.67.9; napdtd, 3 times; ttdpdtd, 
4; vipapcitd, v.63.7 (and AV. vi.97.2) ; ishtt-kr'td, i.184.3 (? see 
D.s.f.). 

Feminines: asapcdtd, i. 160.2 ; dvr'td; madh&pc&td; hartid. 

II. Feminines: vr'tau, 2; mciftau, AV. ii.8.1 : iii.7.4: vi.121.3. 

Genitive and Locative Dual Feminine. 
Genitive: harito8. Locative: vicr'to*, AV. vLll0.2. 



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N.V.p.m.f.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 469 

NOMINATIVE AMD VOCATIVE PLURAL MASCULINE AMD FEMININE. 

Masculines: dvr'tas; rshtividyutas; ghrtorpcutas, 3; ndpdtas, 
3 ; vidyutas; vipapeitas, 9 ;" samydtas, 2 ; sHriapvitas; svdvidyut- 
as; haritas; hrddunivr'tas; from AV., dupdtas, v.31.5; ekavftas, 
xiii. 4.13,21 ; vipapeitas. In the Rik, marutas occurs 133 times as 
N. or A., most often as N. As vocatives occur in the Rik: 
indrdmarutas; rshtividyutas; napdtas,b\ marutas,\76\ vidyutas. 

Feminines : asapcdtas, 10 ; udvdtas; ghrta-pcutas, 3 ; taditas; 
pravdtas; madhu-pc&tas; vahdtas; vidyutas, 10 ; samydtas, 3 ; 
saritas; sravdtas, 5 ; harUas, 12 ; from AV., apadtas, vu.16.2bis; 
dpacitas, vi.83.1 ; dvdtas, 3 times ; vidyutas, 4 ; pardvdtas; 
yoshUas, 3 ; dvr'tas, 2 ; updviftas; haritas, 1 ; saritas, xii.2.41. 

Accusative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines : a/Atas, 3 ; adyutas; ghrta-pcutas; marutas, see 
N. ; vipapdtas; hurapcitas. 

Feminines : udvdtas, 2 ; dakshindvr'tas; didyutas, 2 ; nivdtas, 
2 ; pardvdtas, 6 ; pravdtas, 1 ; madhu-pcutas; rohitas, 8 ; vidyutas; 
vrftas, 3; samvatas, 2; samvdtas, 2; sarttas; sapcdtas (142.7 : 
iii.9.4: vii.97.4X.; sravdtas, 2; harUas, 11; from AV., nivdtas; 
pardvdtas, 6 ; pravdtas, 5 ; yoshitas, 2 ; trivr'tas; samvr'tas, 6 ; 
purUvftas and vishUvr^tas, x.2.11 ; nftas, x.2.17. 

Instrumental Plural Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter, 

Masculine : mar&dbhis, 35 (and AV., 7). Feminine : pravdd- 
bhis. Neuter: trivr'dbhis (gender?), AV. xix.27.3,9&&. 

Dative and Ablattvb Plural Masculine. 

Dative : marudbhyas, 3 ; -bhias, 10. Ablative : marudbhias, 
i.85.8. Gr. proposes the resolution -bhias in 11 instances; in only 
one (x.77.7) is it necessary — the others being at the end of cata- 
lectic pddas. In v.54.9, read prayddbhyas — root i. 

Genitive Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines : vipapdtdm; marutdm, 2 ; mardtdm, 30 (and AV., 
6) ; marutadm, 7 (resolution necessary in all instances but i.3S.10 
and viii.83.1). 

Feminines : pravdtdm, 2 ; from AV., apacitdm, vi.25.1-8 : 
vii.74.1 ; vidyutdm, xix.44.5 ; sravdtdm, vi.86.2. 

Locative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculine : marutsu, 8. 

Feminines : udvdtsu; nivdtsu; pravdtsu; prtsti,, 31. 

Doable ending. Little importance ought to be attached to the 
oft-mentioned curiosity prt~su-shtt. The fact that it occurs in 
hymn i.129 (verse 4) detracts considerably from its value. 

vol. x. 63 



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470 G. R. Lanman, [Radical 

STEMS IN RADICAL TK 

There are five stems in th : pdth and supdth, m. ; abhipndth, 
s,dj. m. ; kdprth; prdth, n. The final of the last stem re uncertain. 
BK. set up prat or prdd; Gr. connects prdth with the verbal root 
prath. BR. and Gr. regard kdprth as masculine ; but it seems 
necessary (with A. Ludwig) to consider it as neuter on account of 
the A.B. kdprt, x. 101. 12. In this verse, the stem shows also a 
form of transition to the o-declension, with shift of accent, 
kaprthd-m. The stem pdth supplements pdnthd (p. 441) and 
pathi. Gr. explains the d of pdth-ds at the beginning of iL2.4<J 
as a metrical lengthening ; this is hard to believe for the first 
syllable of the pdda. The A.p. of pdth is accented irregularly as 
a weak case, path-ds. The forms follow. 

Singular: N., kdprt, x.86.16,17; A., kdprt, x.101.12; prdt, 8 
times ; L,pathd', 28 (and AV., 6) ; pathd'fl a-, i. 129.9 (c£ p. 335); 
supdthd, 3 times ; D., path'e, VS. xviii.54 ; Ab., pathds, 5 times 
(and AV., 2) ; abhipndthas (vdjrdt), x.138.5 ; G., pathds, 4 times 
(and AV. v.30.7) ; pathos (pate); pdthds, ii.2.4 ; L., pathi, 8 
times (and AV. xiv.1.68). 

Plural : A., pathds, 28 (and AV, 5) ; pathd'm, 3 (and AV, 2); 
pathddm, vii.73.3. 

• STEMS IN RADICAL D. 

Here belong about a hundred stems, from the roots ad, kshad, 
chad, chid, trd, nid, nud, pad, bhid, mad, mud, rod, Ivid, 2vid, 
sad, sud, shd, syad. The most frequent are those with -vld and 
-sdd. I have not distinguished lvid from 2vid in the enumera- 
tions. In dyur-ddd-am, AV. vi.52.3, we have a new formation in 
which the reduplicated root dad (from dd) is treated as a primitive 
verbal. 

The stems in which the d is suffixal are comparatively few, and 
are: drshdd, dhrshdd, bhasdd, subhasdd, vandd, pardd. For 
kdkdd, k&kud, see p. 471. 

The forms are alike for m., f., and n., except of course in the 
N.An. There are 5 monosyllabic fern, stems: Hid, hid, WW, 
miid, vid; one masc, pdd; and one neut, hr'd. The other 
neuters ire compounds of pdd, and several with chid, vid, and 
syad. Htfrd also appears in composition with dus and su. The 
compounds of pdd generally form the fern, stem with £ 

The distinction of strong and weak cases is seen only in pdd 
and its compounds. The a is lengthened in the strong cases. 
There is, however, a curious wavering between the strong and 
weak stem in the N. A.s.n. ; as, dvipat or dvip&'t. Once in the 
N.p.m. we have dvipd'das, AV. In the D.s. dvipd f de, the d is 
metrical (cf. abhimdtishd'has, 191.18, and satrdsd'he) ; but not in 
-pdtsu. Of sadhamd'd and somamd'd only strong forms are 
found ; but the d is hardly inherent in the stem. 

Irregularly accented are : sddrd, Ls. ; pad-ds and nid-ds, Ap. 

Irregular phonetic treatment of the final stem consonant appears 
only in padohis; see Lp.m. 



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rf-8tema] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 471 

Transitions to the vowel-declension. Several stems exhibit 
most interesting forms of transition. Pdd is the Vedic stem for 
'foot.' Undoubtedly its strong A.s. pd'd-am was the point of 
departure for the transition to the a-declension. As if the A.s. 
were pd'darm, the N.s. pd'das was formed, and the N.p. pd'dds. 
These are the only transition-forms which the Rik shows, and — 
what is more important — they occur in the latest parts of the 
whole samhitd. 

Pdldas occurs in the Purusha-hymn (x.90.3,4) — confessedly one 
of the very latest interpolations in the Rigreda ; it is not N.p. of 
pdd, but a transition N.s., and signifies ' one quarter 9 (a late and 
derived meaning of the word — S&y., caturtho 9 npah, le$ah\ thus 
answering to tripd'd, 'three quarters. 9 Pd'dds, tf.p., occurs in 
iv.58.3, and means the ' feet 9 of a melting-pot. Hymn 58 is the 
last of the book in our text, and certainly did not belong to the 
original collection. Pd'dds y N.p., occurs also in verse 9 of the 
mystical hymn to the Sun-horse, i.163. In the well-known modern 
medley, i.164, verse 12, occurs pdflcarpddam, A.s.m. ; this might 
be referred to -pad; but cf. yadd . . . catushpddam (nom. s. n.) 
paflcapddam . . bhavati, Adbh. Br. xii. Finally nipddd r s 9 
N.jp.nL, occurs v.83.7. 

The stem nid shows a solitary form of transition to the 
d-declension in vi.12.6, sd tvdrh no fpdhi] aravan niddydh (BR), 
or sd tvdrh no arvan [vi mueo] niadydh (Gr.). If nid-d\ the Ls. 
of nid, were the point of departure, the accent ought to be 
nidd'yds; c£ ndv-a and ndvdyd, p. 434. 

From eadha-md'd-am, felt as sadha-md da-m, may be derived 
the forms aadha-md'de, -md'de&hu. 

The stem hr'd is supplemented by hr*daya. Instead of hr'd 

(N.A.S.), we find hr'dayam; instead of hr'ndi, hr'dayd. The 
orms hrfdaydt, -e> -dm, and -eshu occur almost exclusively in late 
passages. 

Transition from the vowel-declension. The stem kdkuda does 
not occur until the AV. and later texts — Ab., hdhuddt^ AV. 
x 10.19 ; and unless we assume two independent formations in the 
case of kaku(b)hd and kakdJbh, I am strongly tempted to believe, 
in view of the accent, that the oxytone vowel-stem is the older, 
and that here the transition has been in the opposite direction, 
i. e. from the d-stem to the consonant-stem. The majority of 
forms in the older texts can be referred to vowel-stems. 

The d of kdkdd and Jc&ktid is of problematic nature. Is it radical or sufflxal ? 
and if not suffixa), does it represent a radical bh t 

Pick, indeed, separates kak-itd from ha-kbbh, and refers the former to root leak — 
the latter to kubh ( Vgl. Wb* i.36 and 51). It is, however, by no means certain 
that kaHd and kakibh are not identical. Weber thinks that the dental of hakbd 
is possibly a phonetic alteration of the labiaL For this and other instances of 
equally anomalous changes, with suggestions respecting their significance, see 
hd. &«<2. xiii.108-110. 

We have the following forms with the dental : N.s., kdkut, vi.41.2 ; k&kut, viii. 
44.16: AV., 4 times: TS. i.5.5 1 : vii.2.6*-* q.v.: VS. iii.12; kdk&dam, viii.58.12; 
kdkbdas, Ab., i.8.7 ; Mkudi, AV. iii.4.2 : vii.76.3 ; pti-kakudas, TS. v.6.17 1 . It is 
not entirely clear whether these forms justify our setting up a stem kak&d. One 
does not set up dental stems for fort and pray&tm^ p. 466. 



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472 C. R. Lanman, [Rad. d-stems. 

Nominative Singula* Masculine and Feminine. 
Masculine. There are 07 forms (from 51 stems). 

(a) The stem- vowel is lengthened. Forms : apd't, 2 ; Skapdt, 7 ; c&tushpdt, 2 ; 
trip&'t (x.90.4); dvipd't; vifvdtaspdt; aahdsrapdt; sadhamd't; from AY., ptft, 
xiz.6.2; apd't; cdtushpdt twioe; tfrfptt, ziii.2.276w; 3.25 (accent ! cf. RY.); 
pUypdTt, iii29.l,2,6; sdrvapdt, x.10.27 ; iahdarapdi, vii.41.2. 

(6) The stem-vowel is unchanged. Forms (arranged by roots): karambka-6t; 
kravya-, 2 ; vipva-; havya-; — prathama-ch&l; — vkha-ckxt (see N.p.n.) ; — adri-bkti; 
ltd-; gotra-; pfo-, 5; — dkshetravit, 2; apva-vti, 2; fcrato-, 4; kshetra-; gdhh, 6; 
po-, 3; dravino-; nabko-; rayi~, 2; tua>-; vayund-; varivo-, 6; wwu-,6; vipa-, 
7 ; pruta- ; mar-, 5 ; hiranya- ; — admasdt, 2 ; antaHkaha- ; vpasfha- ; rta- ; 
turanya-; durona-; duvanya-; prdgharma- ; vara-; vioma-; maam-\ eamA-ikat; 
dru-; nr-; vedi-; mci-; — from A V., gdtu-vU, ndtiia-, pap*-, prajd-, vfra-. xi.1.15; 
purdna-; vam-; aarva-; war-; — trikdkiU, iv.9.8 ; udbhO, v.20.11; «*-M'f<, iLT.5. 

Transition to a-declension : pd'da-s, p. 471. 
Feminine. There are 10 forms (from stems). 

Forms: (a) apd't, 2; (6) kdkut; dhrah&t; bhasdt; fardt; sarhvU; aamaat; 
rtyavasd't; from AV., JkaJWU, vi.86.3 : ix.4.8; 7.5: x.9.19; draha\ ii.31.1 ; 6*a*U 
3 times ; parttt, 3 ; nutatt, xvi.4.2 ; nwAA, xx.132.6,7 (ed. van*-). 

Quite isolated stands the form sadha-md's, N.s.m., vii.18.7 ; cf. 
p. 463. The regular form sadhfrmd'd, p. -mat, occurs iv.21.1. 

NOMIN ATITI AND ACCUSATIVE SlNGULAB NSUTEB. 

(a) We have the compounds of -pad with lengthened vowel : 
dvipd't and cdtushpdt (the forms with d occur together, and those 
with d together also), iv.51.5 : x.27.10; tripd't % x.90.3 ; fromAV., 
dvipd't and cdtushpdt, vi 107.1-4 : viii.8.14 : xix.31.4 ; 34.1; 
tripd% ix.10.19. 

(b) On the other hand we have : dvipd't and cdtushpdt, i.49.3 ; 
94.5; 124.1: x.97.20; raghurshydt (dntkam), iv.5.9; prakala-vit 
(? as adv.), vii.18.15. 

AOOUSATIVB SlNGULAB MASCULINE AND FEMININE. 

Masculine. There are 58 forms (from 30 stems). 

(a) Forms: apd'dam, 2; tripd'dam; pd'dam; aah&arapddam ; aadha-md'dam ; 
from AV., pd'dam, 3 ; pitipd'dam, iii.29.3,5. 

(b) Forms (arranged by roots): kravya-ddam, 2; vipoa-; — ud-bhidam; gotra-, 
2; pfar-,2; — ahar-vidam; kratu- ; kshetra-; adtu- ; go-, 3; varivo-; turn-, 6: 
vifva-, 3; sad-; auar-, 12; hotrd-;— garta-aidam; vanar-; nMm-,2; apt*- 
aft&Jcwn; dru-; dhur-, 3; barhi- ; — raghu-shy&dam, 3; Aatrana-«y<kfam ; from 
A V., gdtu-vidam; go-; mar-; trikaHdam, v.23.9; durhd'rdam, viiL3.26. 

Transition to a-declension : pdfleapdda-m, p. 471. 
Feminine. There are 15 forms (from 14 steins). 

Forms: upasddam; kdkudam; drahddam; nidarh-nidam ; n*vidam,2; pari- 
padam; pitfsfiddam; barhish&dam; vacovidam; vipvavidam ; far&dam; sam- 
vidam; aamaddam; aamddam; from AV., dyw-ddd-am, vL52.3; bhaa&dam; 
govidam ; samvidam; pariahddam ; samddam. 

Instrumental Singular Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter 

Masculines: dpadushpadd; kshetravidd; cdtushpadd; dvipddd; 
padd f 9 12 ; varivovidd; suarv'idd; from AV., padd', 3 ; susMdd, 



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I.s.nLf.n.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 478 

iii.14.1 : ii.36.4 (read -dm?). Here BR. (vii.603) put sdd-4'ivA.I. 
The accent is irregular. 

Feminines : udd\ 2 ; upavidd: drshddd (and AV., 2) ; nividd, 
2 ; ni&h&dd, 2 ; pravldd; mudd; vidd'; samsddd; suarvidd. 

Neuters : hrdd\ 21 (and AV., 3) ; dushpddd ; dvipddd and 
cdtushpadd, AV. xix.16.2. 

Adverbial shift of accent is seen in sarvahrdd', for -hr'dd, 
x, 160.3. See p. 858 top. 

Dative Singular Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter. 

Masculines: apdde; kuhacidvide; Jcravyd'de: cdtushpade; 
vedishdde; sadandsdde} suarvide; from AV., tadvtde; sarvavide; 
warvide. 

Feminines: nidi, 8 ; mude y 2 ; pitrshdde; parade, AV. viii.2.22. 

Neuters: hrdi, 14; dvipdde, 11; cdtushpade, 11 ; from AV., 
hrdky 3 ; cdtushpade, vi.59.1. 

In cdtushpdde ndridya dvipd'de, i. 12 1.3c?, the d of the penulti- 
mate is purely metrical ; see A.s.n. (a). 

Ablative 8djgular Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter, 

Masculines : dvipddas; pad&s, AV. ix.5.3. 
Feminines : uttdndpadas, 2 ; kdkHdas; nidds, 1 1 ; sarhvidas, 
AV. iii.5.5. For mddyds, see p. 471. 

Neuters : hrdds, 6 ; from AV., hrdds, 3 ; shdtpadas, xiii.2.27. 

Genitive Singular Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter. 

Masculines : nrshddas; yavd'das; suarvidas; from AV., eka- 
padas; suarvidas, 5 ; raghushyddas; durhd'rdas, 6. 

Feminine : sarnsddas, AV. viLl2.3 ; pramudas, RV. x.10.12, is 
A.p.f. 

Neuters: dvipddas and cdtushpadas, 2 (and AV. iv.28.1,6) ; 
hrdds, vii.101.5 : viiLl8.19 (Gr.— text htdds) ; hrdds, AV., 9. 

Locative Singular Masculine, Feminine, and Neuteb. 

Masculines : padi, 2 ; suarvidi, x.88.1 : AV. xvii.13. 

Feminines: nishddi, 2; parddi ; samsddi, 2; kakudi, AV. 
iii.4.2: vii.76.3. 

Neuter: hrdi, 13 ; AV., 12. In vi.53.6, hrdi may be an A.s.n. 
of stem hrdi (see BR.) ; and perhaps we have the same stem in 
x.91.13 and ii.23.16. 

Vocative Singular Masculine. 
Here belong: vipvavit, ix.64.7 ; sdrvavit, AV. vi.107.4. 

Nom., Aoc, and Voo. Dual Masculine and Feminine. 

L Masculines: (a) pd'dd, 6; (b) aharvidd, 2; kavichddd; 
kratotvidd; vasuvidd; vipvavidd; suarvidd. 



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474 C. R. Lanman, [Bad d-stema. 

In AY. xviii.2.12, we have pathi-shdd-t, an ungrammatical 
imitation of pathi-rdksht, RV. x.14.11. 

Feminines: udbhidd; barhishddd; raps&ddf. 

IX Masculines : (a) pd'dau ; from A V., pd'dau, 5 ; pddau, 
L27.4 ; (b) dtmas&dau, v.9.8. Feminine : prdntasddau, A V. vii.95.2. 

Instrumental and Ablative Dual Masculine. 

Instr. : padbhyd'm, AV. v.30.13 : xiLl.28. AbL : padbhyjfm, 
RV., 2. 

Genitive and Locative Dual Masculine and Feminine. 

*en. masc. : padds, AV. xii.4.5. Loc. masc. : padds, RV. 
3. fern. : prdpados, AV. vi.24.2. In AV. L18.2, padds, as well 
hdstayos, does duty for an AbL See pp. 844 med., 392 med. 

Nominative and Vocative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculine. There are 64 forms (from 33 stems). 

i) Forms: apd'das ; cdtushpddas ; dvipd'das; pitip&'das; sadhanuFdas, 8; 
amd'das; from AY., dvipd'das, xii.l.5l; catuahpddo dvipa'do y&nti ydfnum, 
6 (a metrical?). 

>) Forms (arranged by roots): toja-adas ; pikrusha-ddas ; madhu- ; yavan-, 
soma- ; havir- ; — tfdas ; pra- ; — dcva-nidas ; — ud-btUdas, 4 ; — ahar-vidtu ; 
d- ; vaco-y 2 ; varivo-, 2 ; vasu- ; mar-. 7 ; hofrd- ; — adma-sadas ; purak-, 2 ; 
no-, 2 ; svddusarh- ; camC-shddas^ 5 ; dhtir- ; barhi; 2 ; vanar-, 2 ; barhi- 
fas ; — raghushy&das, 4 ; vanddas (suffix ad) ; from AV., abhtmodamAdas, 2 ; 
Uuammudas, vii.60.4; as voc., xiii.13; — anna-vidas; gdtvh (voc) ; ni-; nt-; 
hma-j 12 ; yajw- ; vipva- ; suar-, 2 ; — afUariksha-aada*, 2 ; t*po-, 2 ; (ftp*-, 2 ; 
fcd-, 3;~ ragku-shy&daa;— suhd'rdas, iii.28.5 : vi.120.3. 

[Yansition to a-declension. For pd'da-s &nd pd'dds, see p. 471. 
Feminine. There are 14 forms (from 10 stems). 

'orms: dmd'das; nidas; nishpddas; pramudas; m&das; vifvaswoidas; faradas, 
sarhsddas ; mihutd'das ; suarvidas ; from AV., pramtidas, 2 ; upas&daB, 2 ; 
aHkfcw, 2 ; dwrkd'rdas, xiv.2.29. 

Nominative and Accusative Plural Neuter. 

[loth suggested as a Vedic canon that compound stems in 
lical d or root -\- t make no plural in -ndi or -nti, but keep the 
m of the singular. Thus ukha-chU might be taken with parva, 
. pdrvdni, in iv.19.9; so Say. Compare dirgha-prCU (vrafcf), 
l.25.17 ; d dhar (divid'ni), i.64.6. The parallelism of ii.15.7c, 
^ever, favors our taking it as N.s.m. (cf. viii.68.2c). 'The 
•oken) decrepit one walked ; his members united together. 1 
3 BR. vii.1714. The form hf'ndi is avoided by the use of 
dayd, -dni. 

Accusative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

M asculines : kravyd'das, 2 ; tudn'tdas; devanidas, 2 ; parUhdd- 
; pastiasddas ; bdhukshddas; from AV., cdtushpadas and 
ipadas, 4 ; apsushddas, 2 ; sattrasddas; durhd'rdas, 17 (xix.28 
d 29) ; suhd'rdas, xix.32.6 ; padds, iv.15.14 : ix.4.14 : and RV. 
46.2 (never pddas). 



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A.p.m.l] N<mn-Inflection in the Veda. 475 

Feminities: bhidas ; nividas, 8; pramudas (x.10.12); vasu- 
vidas; vinudas; parddas y 19; samddas; sasyddas; havyas&'das, 
2 ; nidds, 4 (never ntdas) ; from AY., parddas, 20. 

Instrumental Plubal Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter. 

Masculines : gharmasddbhis, 2 ; patdpadbhis; padbh'ts, ' feet,' 
AV. iii.7.2: iv.11.10; 14.9: xix.6.2. / 

By no phonetic process»can padrbhU become pad-bh'is; but this 
is the regular resultant of papbhu (c£ vidrbhi8 y spdt> vipdt). 
From pdp> i glance' ( pdp : spd? : : tdr : stdr), we have padbhis, 
iv.2.12, dr'pydn padbhih papyer ddbhutdn: 'With thy glances 
beholdest thou the visible and the invisible.' 

Iniv.2.14; 38.3: v.64.7: x.79.2 ; 99.12: VS. xxiii 13, however, 
we have padbhxs evidently meaning 'feet.' The AY. has the 
regular forms with d; cf. also padbhy&'m. Perhaps those with 
d are false forms due to false analogy or to confusion with padbhis, 
'glances;' but c£ pddgrbhi, x.49.5, and pddbipa, i.162.14,16: 
x.97.16. 

Feminine : parddbhis, 2. Neuter : hrdbhU, 2 ; and AV. ix.1.1. 

Dative Plural Masculine. 

Here belong : prthivi-shddbhyas, AV. xviiL4.78 ; divir, 80 ; 
antariksTiOrsddbhyas, 79. 

Genitive Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines : admasdddm; dvipdddm; from AY, cdtushpaddm 
and dvipdddm, 4; pvdpaddm, viii.5.11 : xix.39.4 ; sushdddm, 
iii.22.6 ; suhd'rddm, iii.28.6. 

Feminines : paripdddm; samdddm; from AV., pardddm, xviiL 
4.70 (MSS. -dam) ; prdntasdddm, i.32.2. 

Locative Plural Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter. 

Masculine: patsti, v.54.11 : AV. vi.92.1 ; -pdb*u!^ Ait.Br. vi.2. 
Feminines : samdtsu, 32 times ; pardteu, AV. xii.8.34,41 : xviii. 
2.38-45. Neuter: hrteti, 9 times, and AV. viii.8.2 : xii.2.33. 

STEMS IN RADICAL DR. 

Here belong about fifty stems, from the roots idh, kshudh, nadh, 
bddh y budh, yudh y lrudh y 2rudh, vidh (i e. vyadh), sddh, sidh, 
sridh, ardh, mardh, vardh, spardh. The last four appear of 
course with the r-vowel. The verbal •vr'dh is the most common 
of all 

There are no stems in which final dh is not radical. Gr. derives 
purtidh from $ardh y with svarabhakti. The stem iehidh seems to 
be shortened from nish-shidh: cf. (n) ishkrti. Agnl'dh is plainly 
shortened from agnfdh. The word prkshtidhcu is unclear. 
Budh suffers transfer of aspiration in ushar-bhtit. 

The forms are alike for m. and f. There are 7 monosyllabic 
fem. stems: kshtidh, nddh 9 mr'dh, yiidh, vfdh, spr'dh, sridh. 



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476 C. R. Lanman, [Rad. dA-stems. 

Masc. are vr'dham and vfdhd'm (adj.), and bd'dhas (subst). 

Neater forms (4 only) are found in the Lb. and G.s. 

No stem shows the distinction of strong and weak forma 
Transition to the i-declension. The in£ yudhdye (accent— c£ 

yudh-i) is a transition-dative to yiidh, entirely equivalent to 

yudhre in meaning, but not in metrical value. There is no stem 

yudhi. 

T w ^««io*.w •** An * A ;| are: sridhds, A.p., once (but sridhas, 15); 
'dho8 y see G.s.m. 

B SINGULAR MASCULINE AND FEMININE. 

2 ; andrtit; ushar-bhtit, 2 ; yaviyHU; pvd-rfo, 
i.56 : xxiv.83. Here BR. place samti-samU, 
lit see I.s.f. 
\; 8<zmit, 8 ; from AV., samit, 3 times, as 

; vfrtit, 8 times, as ii.8.2-4. 

: Sinoulab Masculine and Feminine. 

m, 2; anna-vr'dham; dhufa; gird-; tugrid-^ 
parvcUd-; madhu-; vayo-; sadyo-; saAo-, 
lham; asridham; usharbudham, 3 ; goshu- 
tarn, 3 ; from AV., yajiiaw? dkam, iv.23.3 
26 ; hrdaydvidham, viii.6.18. 
am; usharbtidham ; kshudham^ 3; nuh- 
vtr&dham; samidham, 6; aridham; from 
k&hudham, 2 ; yudham, 2 ; vtrudham, 2 ; 



NOULAB MASCULINE, FEMININE, AND NEUTER. 

4, ii.23.9. 

i', 19 and L174.4; vrdhd' : samidhd, 23; 

A V., 8amidhd y 5 ; kstiudhd, iv.7.3; yudhtf, 

hd, xiv.2.31,75 (BR. as N.s.t of stem-tfAa); 

, -#[*], as N.p.m. of stem -dha). 

iit sumdnd bodhi asme^ pucd'-pucd sumatfah 

\ the first word as N.s.m. So Say., atyar- 

m. The parallelism of pucd'-pucd suggest* 

>eing an Ls.f. without ending. Cf. vi.48.1a£, 

hi; yavtytidhd; sdkamvr'dhd. 

Singular Masculine AND FEMININE. 

bfidhe; rtdvr'dhe; purunishsTitdhe : mahi- 
rsonified— « Bonus Eventus'?), AV. ni.10.10. 
udhdye (inf., 7) ; see above. In i61.13c, we 
id this longer grammatical form in place of 

\i; vrdhi, 34 ; samidhe; yudhe, AV. iv.24.7. 



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Ab.al] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 477 

Ablative Singular Feminine. 
Here belong : kshudhds; yudhds; sridhds. 

Genitive Singular Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter. 

Masculines: goshuyudha*; vi-*nrdh-dsf,x.l52.2: AV.viii.5.4,22. 

Anomalous accent. BR. see a G.s. in x. 152.26, vrtrahd' 
vimrdhd vapt. The only parallels that I can now adduce are 
parihvrtd', viii.47.6, and dahid', AV. vi.132. For avadyabhiyd ', 
see p. 381 end; the accent of sarvahrdd 1 , p. 473, is adverbial. 
S&y. takes vimrdhd as N.s.m. — samgrdmakdrt — and the vowel- 
stem occurs TS. ii.4.2 1 , iydm vimrdhd' (tanu's). But is it not 
possible that the original form of the verse was veretrahd' mrdhd 
vapf, and that the vi was slipped in from the other verses (vi 
mr'dhojahi, 3a, 4a) ? The forms of the other texts would then 
rest upon this error in the Rik. See Aufrecht, Migveda*, preface, 
p. xliiandBR. vi.1143. 

Feminine: kshudhds. Neuter: hrdaydvidhas. 

Locative Singular Feminine. 
Here belong : prabudhi; mrdhi; yudhi, 4 ; sprdhi. 

Nom., Aoc., and Voo. Dual Masculine and Feminine. 

L Masculines : asridhd, 2 ; rtdvrdhd, 7 ; rtdvr'dhd, 4 ; namo- 
vr'dhd; puroytidhd. 
Feminines : rdH-vr'dhd; ghrtd-; payo-; vayo-; sdkam-. 
II. Masculine: rtdvr'dhmi, i.23.5 ; as voc., i.2.8 : AV. iv.29.1. 
Feminine : saniidhau, AY. xi.5.9. 

Nominative and Vocative Plubal Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines: rtdrvrdhas; rtdrvr 1 dhas, 12; tugrid-j payo-; par- 
vatdr; vayo-; suae-; su-, 2 ; — asridhas, 4 ; whourMahas, 2 ; goshu- 
yudhas ; jflu-b&dhas ; prayudhas ; vrshdytidhas; purudhas ; 
somaparibd'dhas. 

Feminines: amitrdyudhas ; asridhas ; ishidhas ; rtdvr'dhas 
(dvd'ras), 2 ; nishshidhas, 3 ; paribd'dhas, 2 ; parispr'dhas ; 
mr'dhas; virudhas; virudhas, 4; purudhas, 2; samidhas, 2; 
spr'dhas, 2; from AV., kshudhas, xi.8.21 ; vir&dhas, 10 times; 
samidhas (N. and A.), 7. 

Accusative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines : rtd-vr'dhas, 4 (and AV., 2) ; tamo-; rayi-;— 
usharbtidhas, 5 ; pur&dhas, 2 ; bd'dhas, vLll.l, 

Feminines : mr'dhas, 25 ; yudfcxs, 2 ; virudhas, 3 ; purudhas, 
5 ; samidhas, 3 ; sam-r'dhas; savfdhas; spr'dhas, 21 ; sridhas, 
15; sridhds (! ix.71.8) ; paribd'dhas (text pdri bd'dhas), viii. 
45.40: ix.105.6; from A V., yudhas, x. 10.24; sridhas (MSS. and 
ed. sr'dhas), ii.6.5 ; mr'dhas, 6 times ; virudhas, 7. 

vol. x. 64 



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478 C. R. Lanman, [Radical 

Instrumental Plural Feminine. 
Here belong: samidbhis, 3; vir&dbhis, AV. v.28.5 : viii.7.15. 
Dative and Ablative Plural Feminine. 

Dative : nddbhyas, at end of catalectic pdda x.60.6a — Gr., 
Mia*. BR. refer this to ndh (cf. akshdndhas, A.p.f.) ; Weber, 
Ind. Stud, xiii.109, to nap. Ablative: vfrfidbhycu, AV. 

ux.35.4. 

Genitive Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines : rtdvr'dhdm; prabudhdm; vrdhd'm. 

Feminines : ninhshidhdrn ; vir&dhdm, 2 ; *prdhd'm y 2 ; from 
W., yudhdm (pate), vii.81.8 ; virtdhdm, 13 times; vtrudhdm, 
v.19.8. 

Locative Plural Feminine. 

Here belong : yutsa, 6 ; virutsu. 

STEMS IN RADICAL N. 

Under this category fall : go-shdh, tuvishvdn, 8vdn y tdn* chin, 
dn, vdn, and 35 compounds of -hdn. The last are the only ones 
>f importance. Almost all the forms are masculine. The stem 
dn (tdndy tand' tdne) is feminine. There is but one neuter form, 
lasyu-ghn-d' (mdnasd). The compounds of -gh(a)n form the fern. 
>y adding i; thus, -ghnt. The fern, vtrahani (gadd) occurs MBh. 
x.3238. BR. refer this to vtrahdn, s.v. ; but in vol. vii. col. 1513, 
perhaps better, to virahana. 

The distinction of strong and weak cases appears only in the 
ompounds of han, and is here effected negatively by dropping 
he d in the weakest cases ; thus, pdd : pdd : : (g)hdn : ghn. The 
yncopated vowel is never to be restored for the sake of the 
aetre, as is the case, e. g., with somapd'v(a)ne. 

The strong form seems to be used for the weak in Manu xLlOl, 
travd*d dvijo 'ranye cared brahmahano vratam / so in 128. 
Is the anomaly due to the metre? -ghno occurs viiL89.). So 
aksho-hdn-o, valaga-hdn-o, A. p., p. 481. 

In general, as we saw above, p. 442, the stems from roots end- 
dg in n go over to the vowel-declensions in d and d; thus from 
zw, prathamajd's and -jd's. Most of the forms of son and -tan 
>elong to the vowel-declension (p. 438, 442). One might expect, 
priori, forms like ~jd\ jdnam y -jdn-d (-jfld'), -jfli, etc. ; but there 
j no evidence for such forms save in the stems mentioned at the 
eginning of the section. 

The Zend vhrUhrajdo seems to be the reflex of a Sanskrit 
vrtra-hd's; but no such form occurs, nor do the three instances 
f metrical hiatus warrant our inferring it (see N.s.m.). 

Transition to the o-declension. The N.A.8. neuter of stems in 
\dn would properly be -hd'. This form seems to have been 
voided and its place supplied by a form of transition to the 
-declension. In the Rik we have : vrtrahdm (pdva*) ; *atrdhdm 



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n-stems.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 479 

(paunsiam) ; and the L.S., karafljahe {vrtra-hdtye). In the AV. 
these transition-forms extend even to the masculine and we have : 
ardtihdm (paripd'nam — or n.), xix.35.2 ; patru-hd-s, L20.5 : vi. 
98.3 ; sahasra-hd-s, viii.8.17. Further, we find the stems pdni-gha 
and tdda-gha, P&n. iii.2.55. 

The" stem -ghna is, as I think, not an independent formation 

Sgh(a)n-a], but rather a transition-stem starting from the weak 
orms of -Aan, which are sometimes ambiguous. Thus S&y. sees 
in Ait. Br. viii.23, gangdydm vrtraghne 'badhndt pafica paficd- 
patarh haydn, the Loc.s. of 'Vrtraghna, a district on the Ganges ;' 
but it is doubtless the D.s.m. of vrtrahan (BR.). In the Rik we 
have: dpdrushaghnas indras, i. 133.6; dhighne, vi.18.14; dpva- 
ghndsya, x.61.21 ; go- and pdrusha-ghndm, i.l 14.10; parnaya- 
ghne, x.48.8 ; sughnd'ya, viii50.ll ; haetaghnds, vi.75.14. Each 
form occurs only once. Cf. pdnigfmdm, VS. xxx.20. 

The -ghna-foTmB, in general, belong to a younger linguistic stratum. Thus we 
have raksho-h&n in the sarhhitd ; but rafohoghnaif ca diktaih, Kauc. 126. Indra 
and Qiva are called respectively valavftrahan and bhaganebrahan in the old Vana- 
parvan of the MBh. ; but vctfavrtraghna and bhaganetraghna in the Anucdscma- 
parvan. The -ghna-forms are common in post-Vedic texts (so artha., pact*-, 
bhrikna-, yaco-, visha-, in Manu), although, of course, the -ton-forms do not die 
out Both stems stand side by side in Manu viii.89 ; cf. viii.317 with iv.208. 

Transitions also from the strong forms of ~han are seeu in the 
later texts. Thus, analogous to the A.s.m. vrtra-hdn-am are 
formed : the neuters ripurhana-m (cakram) and paratejo-hana-m 
(tejas) ; and the masc. stem mahdndga-hana (epithet of Qiva) ; 
see BR. viil513. 

The root may therefore appear in six forms at the end of a 
compound : namely, as ghan, han; gha, ha; ghna, and hana; 
thus, (with gh preserved after j) abhog-ghan, patru-han, pdni~gha y 
catru-ha, pdni-ghna y ripu-hana. 

It is not unlikely that the otherwise unauthenticated stem tanas 
is due to a merely formal parallelism in v. 70.4c, md' peshasd md' 
tdnasd. Cf. ushdso doshdsap ca and a#-stems, G.s.n. The metre 
would be good with md! tdnd mdtd p&shasd. 

The accent of the oblique cases of monosyllabic stems is regular 
in only two instances : tand\ x.03.12 ; vand'm, x.46.5 (see p. 353). 
Elsewhere we have: tdnd, 10; tdne 9 7; rdne, rdnsu; vdnsu; 
svdnif. Since tdnd is often used as an adverb, we may say that 
its accent has suffered an adverbial shift — here recessive ; cf. divd y 
adv. from the Lb. div~d'. 

Nominative Singular Masculine. 

Here belong 105 forms (from 23 stems) : d-vlrahd; -hd\ with 
aghacan&Or, 3 ; adrshta-, 2 ; abhi?ndti-; amitra-, 4 ; amiva-, 3 ; 
arupa-; apaeti-, 5 ; asura-; ahU; krshti-; go-; dasyu- y 5 ; nr~; 
puro-; muehti' y 3 ; rakeho-, 8 ; vasar-; vrtrar, 55 ; paryar, 2 ; 
satrd-; aapatna-, 3 ; eapta-; from AV., anrndma-; prpni-; mano-; 
mushfi-; ydfatr; rakeho-, 4 ; vrtra-, 9 ; sapatna-, 21 ; dvtrahd, 2. 
See also TS. i.3.2. Scansion of the pddas in which these forms 



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C. R. Lanman, [Rad. n-stems. 

shows that -hd stands before a vowel with metrical hiatus 
in i. 186.6 : ii.20.7 : x.74.6. 
r ghrdns, AV. vii.18.2, see rad. j-stenis, N.s.m. 

Nominative ahd Accusative Singular Neuter. 

) example. Paradigm : vrtra-hd'. In place of this a form of 
ition to the o-declension is used (p. 478) : satrd-hdm, v.35.4; 
-hdm, vi.48.21tos. 

Accusative Singular Masculine. 

re belong : dprahanam; abhimdti-hdnam; ahi- y 2 ; tamo-; 
ir; raksho-, 3 ; vrfra~, 7 ; satrd-; from AV., raksho; mono-; 
nar y ix.2.1. 

INSTRUMENTAL SINGULA E MASCULINE, FEMININE, AMD NEUTER. 

isculine: vrtraghnd\ i. 175.5: AV. iii.6.2. Neuter: (Uayn- 

minine: tand\ x.93.12; tdnd, 19 tiroes. 

i is used as an adverb with recessive accent (p. 479) 10 times. With the 
iccent it is used: as adj., i.38.13 : ii.2.1 ; as subst., vi.49.13: vii.104.10,11 
i : i.39.4. In i.26.6 : ix.1.6, 1 would take t&nd and f&fvatd both as adverbs 
tely. As a substantive tdnd is fern. ; but if we join gdgvaid (for -tydt) with 
anomaly has parallels: i. 122. lid, pr&putaye mahintf r&thav&te (the metre 
the grammatically more correct -vatyai); ii. 16.26, brhaU devdtdtaye; so 



Dative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

isculines : asuraghne ; ahighne ; nxghni ; vrtraghnt, 3 ; 
\aghne, TS. iii.2.4 1 -*; bhrHnaghni, TBr. iii.9.i5'; further, 
RV. ix.66.13. 
minine : tdne (accent !), 7. 

Genitive Singular Masculine. 

ire belong: asuraghnds; vrtraghnd*, 2, and AV. iv.24.1 : 
1 ; further, go-shanas, RV. iv.32.22. 

Locative Singular Neuter. 

Here belong : tuvi+hvani^ 2 ; svdni, ix.66.9 (BR as verb) ; 
naghni, AV. vi.112.3 ; 113.2. 
The ending is dropped in : rdn; dd?i, 5. 

Vocative Singular Masculine. 
ire belong : amitrahan y 3 ; ahihan; vrtrahan, 32, and A V., 5. 

Nominative, Accusative, and Vocative Dual Masculine. 

Here belong : tamohdnd; rakshohdnd; vrtrcrftdnd, 2 (and 
2) ; vrtrahand y 4. 



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N.V.pum.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 481 

Nominative and Yooatxyi Plubal Masculine. 

Here belong : tuvishvanas; abhogghdnas; punarhdnae; patiru- 
hdnas; matsyahdnas y Qat.Br. xiii.4.3"; yajnahdnas, TS. nib A. 

Ace, Inst., Gbn., and Loo. Plubal Masculine. 

Accusative : sdtaghnds, AV. iii.15.5 ; raksho-hdn-o vaXagar 
hdn-o vaishnavd'n (! p. 478), TS. 13.2 quinquies. Instrumental : 
vrtrahdbhis, RV. vL60.3. Genitive: vand'm (dhiyarh dhus, 

aksharapatikti ; Gr., vanddm) y neut. ?, x.46.5/. Locatives : 
rdnsu; vdnsu, 2 ; cf. ddnsu. 

STEMS IN RADICAL P. 

Here belong the stems : (masc.) agnitdp y abhildpaldp, asutr'p, 
ketasdp, parirdp, paputr'p, pras&p, ritiap; (fern.) dp, dtdp, krp, 
kshdp, kship y patinp, r%p, r&p, vishtdp; rtasap and vip (m.f.). 

The forms are alike for m. and £ There are no neuters. 

The distinction of strong and weak forms is seen in the stems : 
dp, ritiap; rtasdp, ketasdp. 

The weak form is used for the strong in apds (N.p.f.) ; but the 
texts show no small confusion in the forms of this word. 

The strong form is used for the weak in d'pas (A.p.f.) ; the d of 
parird'pas is metrical (see A.p.m.). 

Irregular accent. The character of hymn x.61 is a sufficient 
comment on the accent of vipas, verse 3, if it is G.s.m. Gr. takes 
kshdpas as G.s.f. twice ; but see G.s.f. The frequent A.p.f of dp 
is almost always accented as a weak case, apds, perhaps for the 
sake of differentiation from dpas, i wort' In like manner we have 
kshapds thrice, and vipds once (see A.p.f.). Twice, in the AV., 
even the N.p. is oxytone, apds I 

Transitions to the o-declension. The jp-stems do not show a 
single N.s. in the RV., nor a N.A. p.n. In the only places where 
these are necessary we find forms of transition : namely, ydtra 
bradhndsya vishtdpa-m (N.s.n.), ix.113.10 ; and imd'ni tri'ni 
vishtdpd (A.p.n.), viii.80.5. These are the only two forms in the 
RV. requiring the assumption of a vowel-stem visJudpa, and they 
are plainly used to avoid the unfamiliar vishtdp (N.s.n.) and 
vishtdmpi, which general analogies would require. 

Almost all the "later Vedic texts cited by BR. under vishtdpa 
contain the very form of the Rik-phrase bradhndsya vishfdpam; 
but £at. Br. xii.3.1' has bradhnasya dste vishtape (L.8.). 

For the transition-forms kshapd'bhis and Jcs/updbhis, see I.p.f. 

In the jagatUpdda i.55.1c, perhaps dtapds is a transition-form, the extended 
stem being used rather than the N.s.m. dtap, to fill out the otherwise short metre : 
so in iv.5.146, pratVbyena kfdhund atrpd'sah. 

Nominative Singular Neuter. 

No example. Paradigm : sv-ap. In place of this a form of tran- 
sition to the a-declension is used : vishtdpa-m, by origin plainly 
the A.s.f. vishtdp-am used as a neuter nominative. See above. 



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C. R. Lanman, [Bad. p-stemsi 

Accusative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

sculine : papu-tr'pam. Feminine : vishtdpam, viii.32.3 : 
5 ; 41.6 : and viii.58.7 (Gr., as o-form) : AV. xi.1.7 ; 3.50. 

Instrumental Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

sculine: vipd\ Feminines: kshapdt '; vipd',4; krp&',%\ 
RV. viii4.3. 

Ablative Singular Feminine. 
re belong : dtdpas, 2 ; vishtdpas; apds, x.95.10. 

Genitive Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

sculine: vipast, x.61.3. Feminines: apds, 5; kshapd*, 
pds, 2; rtipds, 3. If kshdpas, i.44.8 : ii.2.2, be G.s., 4 by 
,' we may consider the accent as adverbially recessive ; but 
L.8, it is better taken as A.p.f., * through the nights :' and in 
as object of d' bhdsi. 

Locative Singular Feminine. 
i only example is vishtdpi — RV., 5 times and AV., 4 times. 

Nominative Dual Masculine. 

re belong: ritidpd; asutrfpd u-, p. -au u-, x. 14.12. The 
xviii.2.13, has the more modern form and consequent sandhi, 
pdv u-. Cf. p. 341,4.a. 

Nominative and Vocative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

sculines : (a) rta-sd'pas, 6 ; keta-sd'pas; rtti-dpas, voc. ; (b) 

dpas; asutrpas; pras&pas; vipas, 2 ; abhildporldpas, AV. 

5. 

ninines: (a) (Spas, 135; dpas, 17; rtasd'pas; from AV., 

, 94 ; d'pas, voc., 1 ; dpas, 21 ; (b) patiripas; ripas, 2 ; vipas; 

18, 13. 

L70.7, 1 regard kshapds as A.p.f. ; see p. 422 med. The N.p. 
is oxytone and weak, dpds /, in two Atharvan passages : 
(ed. dpds), and vi.23.3. 

Nominative and Accusative Plural Neuter. 

example. Paradigm: sv-dmpi or sv-dmpi. In place of 
tempi, a transition-form is used : vishtdpd; see p. 481. 

Accusative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

sculines : asutr'pas; parird'pas, p. -rd'pah, ii.23.3,14. The 
letrically justified in verse 14, but not in verse 3. See Prat. 

ninines. I. The accent is that* of a strong case (regular): 
hzs, 6 times, and probably in i.44.8 and ii.2.2 (see G.af.); 
twice ; vtpas, thrice. 



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A.p.m,f.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 483 

The strong form 6! pas is used for the weak : in books i. and x. 
of the RV. (1.23.23 ; 63.8; 190.7: x.4.5 ; 9.0; 121.8); intheAV., 
16 times, as i.25.1 : xiv.1.39; in the Ait. Br., vial? (dtapavarshyd 
dpo 'bkydniya). 

II. The accent is that of a weak case (irregular) : apds y 152 
times (and AV., 26) ; vipds (also vipas), viii.52.7 ; kshapds, 
iv.16.10 : viii.26.3 : and i.70.7 (p. 422 med.). 

Instrumental Plural Feminine. 

The forms falling under this category are particularly instructive 
as showing the working of linguistic tendencies, which, although 
unconscious, are none the less real. 

There is occasion in the Vedic texts for using the I.p. 6f the stems dp, samsr'p, 
ksh&p, and Jcship. The organic forms would be abbhxs, samsr'bbhis, fohabbhis, and 
kshitohis. 

I doubt whether the combination bbh, although given by Benfey (Oram. p. 23, 
L 2 — I have not access to Bdhtiingk's Bemerkungen), ever really occurs in Sanskrit 
Abbhra rests on a false etymology of abkrd ; cf . dbhri, abbhri. The group does 
not occur once in the AY.; see Whitney's additional note 3 to Ath.Pr. p. 588 
(256). If it occurs at all, it is, at any rate, of the extremest rarity. 

This unfamiliar combination, accordingly, is avoided outright by the Vedic 
language, and that in two ways : either (I.) by phonetic dissimilation of the two 
labials ; or (EL.) by using a form of transition to the 4-declension. 

L Here belong: adbhis, 15 (and AV., 5); sam&r'dbhis, TBr. 
i.8. I 1 (tdt saThsr'abhir dnu edm asarpat \ tdt saihsr'pdm saiwrp- 
tvdm); cf. nddbhyas (Weber, stem ndp) ; kak&d, p. 471 end. 

Disregarding the Hindu systems of duplication in consonant groups, we see 
that the labial of the stem dp would become lost or obscured when pronounced 
with the labial of the ending (abbhis, abhis). The individuality of the word would 
thereby suffer greatly. To me it seems certain that the unconscious recognition 
of this fact motivated the phonetic differentiation of bbh to dbh. A similar motive 
has caused the retention in Sanskrit of the old Vedic ending in the I.p. of the 
pronoun 4 ebhis ; if modernized to afo, it would scarcely be felt as an independent 
word. See p. 349 ad fin. ; and Weber, Ind. Stud, xiii.109. 

II. Forms of transition to the ^-declension — kshapd'bhU, kship- 
dbhis — are found in the only passages where a consonantal ("mid- 
dle") case of the stems kshap and kshlp is required. 

These are: iv.53.7c, sd noh kahapd'bhir dhabhip ca jinvatu; and ix.97.67c, 
hirwdnti dWrd dafdbhih ksMpdbhih. These forms were undoubtedly made for the 
occasion. It is no explanation of them to set up the stems tehapd' and kshfpd. 

The point of departure for the transition-form kshap&'bhis was probably some 
oxytone weak ease of tehdp : as, kshap-d'; and hence the accent (cf . ndv-d', Lb., 
with ndvdyd; vrt-4', I.S., with vrtdyd ; ish-i, L.8., with ishdye). From kship, the 
paroxytone N.p. Jcshipas was the commonest form, and this may account for the 
accent hshipdbhis. Cf. iddbhis, aVstems. 

Ablative Plural Fbxininb. 

Here belong: adbhyds, 5 ; adbhids, ii. 1.1 : vi.62.6 : x.30.4; 
63.2 ; adbhyds, Gr. -bhids, i.34.6 and 112.5 (at end of pdda of 11 
or 12 syllables), i.80.2 (at end of pdda of 7 or 8). The AY. has 
the form adbhyds 5 times. 



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484 C. R. Lanman, [Rad. M-atems. 

Genitive Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculine : vipd'm y 3. 

Feminines: kshapd'm; t?ip<2'm, ix.09.1 ; «arn«r'^4m,TBr. i.8.1': 

d'm y RV., 85 times (and AV., 48) ; dpdm (napdt), RV., 2 (and 

7. vi.3.1,3) ; further, apd'm has the value of a spondee 8 times 

'. Kuhn, Beitrdge, iii.476). 

Sr. reads apddm y with resolution, in 16 passages; but in 

^6.1,2, we have, perhaps, aksharapankti. For 493.14, see Ueb. 

BO. Bollensen, Z.D.M.G. xxh.586, reads apd'dm, i.67.10. 

dally, the cadence requires dpddvn or dpd'm at the end of 

3.4a and viii.25.14a (7 or 8 syllables), and at the end of 

108.10c (11 or 12 syllables). 

Locative Plural Feminine. 

Here belongs apsti — RV., 81 times, and AV., 43 times. BR, 
92, take apasu, viii.4.14, for apsti, with inserted a, as in dp-a- 
rt, AV. xviii.4.24. Cf. sairunrp-a-ishti. See, however, aj-stems, 

).m.n. 

STEMS IN RADICAL BH. 

Here belong the stems: (m2L8C.) jiva-gr'bh, 8ute-, st/Hma-; rathe- 
bh; ghamiasttibh, chandahr, vrshtx-; mshttibh; trikakubh ; 
m.)kakfibh; kshtibh; gr'bh; ddbhf; nabh; pubh; anushtuhh, 
•; rta-stubh; stubh and parishttibh (m.f.). 
rhe forms are alike for m. and t There are no neuters, 
rhe distinction of strong and weak forms appears in ndbh. 1 
i no reason why nd'bhas (N.p) and nd'bhas (A.p.) should not 
bh be referred to ndbh. Perhaps kak&bh is a transition-stem 
m kakubhd; see p. 471. 

Nominativb Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines : trikahtip; sttip. Feminines : trishtup, 2 ; from 
7., kakfip, xiii. 1.15 ; onushtup and trishtup, viii.9.20: xix.21.1. 

Accusative Singulab Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines: rathepubham y i.37.1 (see p. 330 ad init.) : v.56.9; 

egr'bham. 

Feminines : kaktibham; gr'bham; pMham, 6 (and AV. xiv. 

2) ; rtasttibham; anu-shtubhant; tri-, 2 ; the last two, AV. 

i.9.14". 

Instrumental Singular Masculine and Feminine, 

Masculines : m&htubhd, 2 ; stitbhd'. Feminines : anushtubhd: 
\ubhd'; grbhd'; gubhd\ 2, and AV. xiii. 1.21. 

Dattve Singula* Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines : gharmastHbhe; syHmagr'bhe. Feminine : pubhe 
\ in£), 17 ; AV. vii.106.1. 



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Ab.am.t] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 486 

Ablatiyb SnrauLAR MASOUuro ahd Fnmmn. 

Masculine : jivagr'bhas. Feminine : trishttibhas, AY. xx. 
2.1-4. 

Gmhititb SnrauuLB Masoulb™ ajto Fumnm. 

Masculine : sushtubhas. Feminine : pubhdspdtf, 5 (and AY. 
vi.3.3) ; gubhas pott, 16 (and AV. vi.69.2 : ix.1.19). Were it not 
for the accent, we might take ddbhas as G.s.f. in v. 19. 4, ddabdhah 
pdpvato ddbhah : ' undeceived by the deceit of every one, 9 
' deceived by no man's deceit. 9 

NoMDTAnvs Plubal Masouldu ahd Fncnran. 

Masculines: chandahrettibhas, vrsha-; paru&htfibhas, eu~. 
Feminines : (a) nd'bhas; (b) ptibhas, 2 ; sttibhas, 8. 

Accusative ahd Gsnitivb Plubal Fncnmrm. 

Accusatives: kaMbhas, 4; nd'bhas; sttibhaa; trirsht&bhas, 
pari-. Genitive: kaktibhdm. 

8TBMS IN RADICAL M. 

Here belong the stems : pdm 9 n. ; him, m. ; ddm, n. ; sam^ndm, 
£ ; kshdm (gam andjdm), f. 

The first is indeclinable ; it occurs 84 times as N. or A.s. 

The stem him is posited for the sake of the Ls. himd\ x.37.10; 
68.10 (cf. zim-d> G.s., Vend, \l22bis) ; but this form can just as well 
be referred to the stem himd and might be added on p. 334.3. 

From ddm we have the form damd'm (Gr. -ddm)> x.46.7 : YS. 
xxxiii.1 (Mahidh., grhdndm). With this compare ddmpati, pdtir 
ddn, ddnsuf y rad. osteins, L.s. and p. For a% v.41.1, a possible 
form of transition to the o-declension (Ls.n. — as though the A.8. 
were dd-m), see p. 449. 

From sam-ndm we have the N.p. samndmas, AY. iv. 39. 1,3,5,7. 

The stem kshd'm has d in the strong cases. The forms are : 
k$hamd' 9 Ls., 5 (and AY. vi57.3) ; kshmds, Ab.s. ; kshdm-i 
(accent !), L.&, 9 ; kshd'md, dual ; dyd'vdrkshd'md, 7 (and as voc. 
once) ; kshd'mas, N.p. Gr. proposes kshd'marn, text kshd'm, 
As., L67.5; 174.7: vi.6.4 : x.31.9 ; ksh&'mas, text kshd's, A.p., 
iv.28.5 ; but see a**tems, A.s., A.p. 

Gr. refers gmds and jmds, Ab.s., to gmd' and jmd'; so kshmds 
might be referred to kshmd' (p. 448). 

STEMS IN RADICAL A 

Here belong the stems: (masc.) gir, ttir, m&r, vdrf; gdv-dpir, 
trir y dddhi-, dur-, ydv-, sdm-; muhurgir; ajur, rta-, dhiyd-, sand-; 
ap44r, djir, rajas-, ratha-, radhrar, vrira-, vipva-, supra-; sahdsra- 
dvdr; dur-dh6r y su-; dm&r; apasphur; ni-shf&r; (fern.) g'vr, dvd'r, 
dMur, pur, pstir; dpir; amtftir, nyfo; nipur, pardp&r; abhipra- 

vou x. 65 



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488 G R. Lanman, [Radical 

m€tr; upasftr, vishfir, samstlr; dnapcuphur; abhisvdr; (neuter) 
t>dV, stiar; prtsuttir y vipvaMr, rdsdpir; mithastur and samffir (m. 
andf.). 

The ar of &har, H'dkar, and vddhar appears to be snffixaL For 
vandh&r and yanttir, see below. 

Only in vd'r, dvd'r, abhi*vdr y and ttiar is the radical r preceded 
by any other vowel than i or u. The use of roots in ar as stems 
seems to be avoided in several ways : the root appears with r+t 
(-flf'*, -bhft) ; or else with suffixai a (vdra, bhdra, cdrcara) ; or a 
thematic % is added and the root-vowel often dropped (c&kri, 
jdghri, pdpri, pdpuri, bdbhri, sdsri) ; or, again, the stem goes into 
the a-declension by dropping the r (pra-hvds from hvar; ct upa- 
hvar-d). Bat if the radical vowel takes some other coloring, the 
r remains as stem-final (c£ rathamrtard and rathchtUr). 

The stem dhar is supplemented by dhan, and this again by 
forms of transition to the a-declension. The Rtein iidhar is like- 
wise supplemented by il'dhan, and some forms again must be 
referred to H'dhas. 

The forms are alike for all genders, except N.A. d. and p. n. 

The distinction of strong and weak forms is seen in the stem 
dvdr — strong dvd'r, weak d&r. 

The weak form duras, N.p.t, is used in place of the strong 
dvd'ras, i 188.5 ; and the strong form dvd'ras, A.p.f., is used in 
place of the weak dtiras, i.130.3. 

Transitions to the a-declension. Starting from the strong cases 
dvd'r-am etc., come the forms dvd'ra-m dvd'rena (QslU St. iv. 
& ?*"")» dual dvd're, dvd'rdni. See also N.A.s.n. The transition- 
forms pd'dars etc. begin to appear in the sathhitd; but those oi 
dvd'ra- occur first in texts of the Brahmana sort. Starting from 
the weak cases dtir-cut etc., come the forms patd-durasya, x.99.3; 
-tshu, i.51.8. In the later language the stem dvdr a replaces the 
Vedic dvd'r; and in like manner pura, the Vedic pftr. The mas- 
culine stem pd'd- remains masculine (pd'dar) ; but the feminine* 
dvd'r- and piir- produce neuters (dvdrarm, pura-m). Sti-dhurat 
(N.s.m.) is a transition-form corresponding to su-dhtir-am; so 
apratidhura-s, 5 at * Br. xiii.4.2 1 "*. Here belongs, perhaps, dn-apa- 
sphurdm, A.s.f., vL48.11. As is known, vd'r in the later language 
goes over to the t-declension, v&'ri. 

On the other hand, vandhfir-cu (N.p.m.) and bdndhur-4 (Ls.) 
are probably forms of transition to the consonant-declension, the 
vowel-stem being here the older; cl kaktibh, p. 471. 

There is no real justification for a stem yanlfo. It is supported only by 
yantQram, occurring twice. The origin of the form is as curious as certain. In 
iii.27.llo, agnirh yanturam aptfiram, we have, I think, a brilliant example of the 
working of the tendency to formal parallelism, yan-td'r*am (nomen agentis of 
yam) being thus blindly accommodated to ap4&r-am (in which tor = tar ia a 
radical). In viii.l9.2o, agnkn idishva yant&'ram^ the cadence has asserted its 
right to a short in the penultimate at the expense of the proper form (yantfr*m) m 

Irregular accent : durds, A.p.£, ii.2.7. For the accent of*4'r-d y 
$4'r-a* y and *4r4 9 see G.t.n. 



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r-atems.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 487 

The vowel preceding r is lengthened when r is or was followed 
by a consonant : thns, gt'r (for g/%r*\ gtrbhU. 

NOMINATITB SlHGULAB MASCULINE AND, FHMDONB. 

Masculines: gfr, x. 99.11 ; muhurgt'r; 'd&rdfitr; rc&aa-M'r, 2; 
ra&ha-, vipvfr, sitpra-tU'r. Here Gr. puts vd'r (i.132.3) and vdar 
(x.93.3). The passages are corrupt. 

Transition-forms. For 8U'dhtir&8> iii.38.1, see p. 486. For 
prchkva* (ttihthari), Ait.Br. iii.9, see p. 486. 

Feminines: amdjitir; gfr, 19; dhH'r f 8; pH'r, 5; from AV., 
dvd'r, ix.8.22; ptl'r, x.2.31 ; drfr, ii.29.3 : TS. iii.2.8 1 . 

Nominativb abd Aoousativb Singula* Nbutbb. 

Here belong: dhar, 6 and L71.2 ; dhar-ahar, 6 times ; til dhar, 
26 (for L64.5, see A.p.n. ; and for x.61.9, L.s.n.) ; vddhar, 11 ; vd'r y 
vdar, 11 (and AV. hi. 13.3: iv.7.1 : x. 4.3,4: xx.135.12); stiar, 90. 
In the AV., stiar has no other declensional forms. Cf. Rik Pr. 
i.31,32 : iv.13 ; and Weber, Beitr&ge, iii.385. 

Transition to the {^declension. The language avoids the use of 
a r-stem at the end of a compound in the N.A.s. neuter. Thus 
we have in AY. x.8.43, punddrtJcarh ndva-dvdra-m, not ndvadvdr; 
and in QaX. Br. iii.3.3 1 *, sdrdgircHn (etad). 

Accusativb Singular Masculinb and Fbjoninb. 

Masculines : tHram, v. 82.1 ; ap-ttiram, 5 times ; djir; rajas-, 3 ; 
ratha-; vrtra-, 4 ; — ajtiram; apasphuram; rtqfaram; gdvdpir- 
am, 4 ; ydvdgiram, 2 ; satidsra-dvdram; sudh&rarn. BR. take 
tHram, iv.38.7, as an absolutive of tur, used adverbially. For 
yantivram, 2, see p. 486. 

Feminines: dpiram, 13; upastiram ; giram, 1 -, dh&ram, 5; 
ptiram, 1 1 ; samgvram; from AV., dvd'ram (d), xiv.1.68 ; dMuram, 
v. 17.18 ; pHram, 26 times. 

Instbumbntal Singular Maaoulinb, Frmininb, and Nbutbb. 

Masculine : bdndhvr-d (see p. 486), AV. iii.9.4. 

Feminines: abhipramtird ; abhisvdrd, 2; dp'ird ; gird!, 67; 
gird'-gird; dhurd'; purd'. 

Neuter : vipva&Ard. In vi.49.3, str'bhir any 61 pipipi sU'ro 
anyd', p. sil'rah, the demands of the parallelism and sense are 
well met by Grassmann's emendation, s&'r-d, I.s.n. ; but in the 
ninth place we need a short d. Possibly this was the very reason 
why the padakdra wrote sil'rah. Cf. Beitfrdge, iv.204. 

Dattvb Singula* Masculine, Feminine, and Nbutbb. 

Masculines : girb; nishttire. Feminine : upasAre, 3. 
Neuter: sHr-e, iv.3.8 (for accent, see G.s.n.). For siX're, viii. 
61.17, see G.a.n. 



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188 G B. Lanman, [Bad. r-etems. 

Ablative Singular Feminine and Neuter. 

Feminines: dhurds, x. 102. 10; niJUras. 

Neuter. Gr., Uieb., takes H'dhar, L04.5, as Ab.s. See A.p.n. 

Qbnitivb SnreuRAR Masculine, FnmriKi, and Nmm. 

Masculines : gdvdpiras: ydvdpiras: radhrat&ras. Feminine : 
vradrCuras. Neuters: rasdpiras: sur-a$,\1. For sd'r-ah, vi.49.3, 
ee ts n. In viii.61.17, <tditd sura d'dade, p. sd're, the padakdra 
s doubtless at fault ; read sU'rah. 

In 166.10 ; 69.10, *6ar appears as an aptote in a genitive relation. 

Since the stem of stilr-as is really a dissyllable (stiar), the par- 
ixytone accent is perfectly regular ; but once we have s&r-i, as if 
rom a monosyllabic stem. See p. 408 med. 

Locative Singular Feminine and Neuter. 

Feminines: purl, 2; dhuri, 18, and AV. v. 17. 15. 

Neuters. Suar is used as a L.8. in i.52.9 ; 70.8 : v.44.2 : x.20.2 ; 
11.14. In x.61.9, H'dhar is perhaps a L.8., 'nubile' If we regard 
he first part of dhar-divi as representing a case, it might be 
tailed a L.s. 

NOMINATIVE AND ACCUSATIVE DUAL MASCULINE AVD FEMININE. 

I. Masculines : vrtrat&rd; sanajtird; sudh&rd, 3. Feminines : 
Ivd'rd, 7 ; mithast&rd. 

II. Feminines : dvd'rau, 2 ; dhurau, 2. 

Nominative and Vocative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines : apturas, 4 ; dmuras, 2 ; gdvdpiras, 8 ; giras; giro*, 
\ tridpiras; dddhidpiras, 7 ; durdhuras; dhiydjuras; nishturas; 
n6ras; vandhHras; bandh&ras, AV. iii.9.3. 

Feminines: dvdras, 3; dvd'ras, 5 (and AV. v.27.7) ; dnapa- 
phuras; amdjuras; puras, 2 ; mithasturas; giras, 64 (and AV., 
) ; giras, AV. i.15.2. In i. 188.5, we have the weak form dtiras; 
ee p. 486. 

Nominative and Accusative Plural Neuter. 

In i.64.5, duhdnti il'dhar divid'ni dhit'tayah, H'dhar appears to 
>e an A.p.n. See p. 474, and c£ Ab.s.n. (r-stems). 

Accusative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines: dm&ras, 2; gdvdpiras; glras, 2; mtihasttiras: 
'dvdpiras; sarhglras; sudhtiras. 

Feminines : giro*, 80 ; duras, 24 ; dhuras, 2 ; puras, 44 ; 
ssuras; vishtiras, 2 ; samsdras; from AV., giras, 2 ; pHtras, 8 ; 
iptiras, pardpHras, xviii.2.28. 

The strong form dvd'ras is used as an A. p., i.130.3. 

Irregular accent is seen in durds, ii.2.7. In L41.3, purds is an 
dverb; in vii.21.4, Aufrecht reads ptiras; cf. BR., s.v. vi han. 

In x.99.11, Roth proposes sut\£\vd ydd yajatd dtddyad gfh, 
,nd takes gi'h as A.p.£ : * Als der sehr starke (su-tdvds) Gott die 
joblieder vernahm.' 



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Lp.rn.li).] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 489 

Inbtrujcrhtal Plural Masoulinb, Frmuui, akd Nrutrr. 

Masculine: rathartd'rbhU. Feminines: IpHrbhU; 2pdrbhis y 
5 ; girbhU, 85 (and AV., 4). Neuter : dhobhis, 2. 

Datiyr Plural Nrutrr. 
Here belongs vdrbhyds, VS. xxii.25. 

Gwrnyi Plural Masculine akd FummfR. 

Masculine : edmdpirdm. Feminines : gird'm, 2 ; pur dm; 
pitrd'm, 7 ; girddm, vi.24.1 ; purddm, viii.17.14 ; purddm, x.46.5 
(or -dfm, akaharapafikti). 

Looatiyr Plural Masouldir, Pbmihirr, ajtd Nrutrr. 

Masculine: tdrshti. Feminines: gtrehti ; dhUrehti, 11; 

pdreha. Neuter : prtsutU'rshu. 

STEMS IN RADICAL V. 

The stem dlv supplements dirt and did. The forms are : div-d\ 
-e, -de, 4; dhardivt; pradiv-d, -ae, -i; eudivae: see p. 482. 

From the stem dfv, f., * play,' we have atvi and dtvi. The 
stem dytii! furnishes supplementary forms : dytivam, AV. viL50.9 ; 
dyuvi (=c^ve), viLl09.5. Cf. EkadyH's and Kamadytivam (pp. 
406-7). 

STEMS IN RADICAL {7. 

Here belong the stems: (masc.) t-dr'fr etd- y tdr, ydr, kl- y ahar-, 
dflre-j ydkeha-, suar-, «a~, su-; etieadrp; tveehd-eamdrp, bhfmd-, 
h'iranyar; xueamdr'p; upari-eprfp, divi- y ni- y mandini-, ratha^ 
hrdC; vipvapip; eup'ip; upapr'p; dUrdddip; dnarvip; prdtiprdp; 
dUdd'p; purodd'p; fp; spdp; viehpdp; (fern.) dip; dd'p; dr*p; 
ndp; pdp; prdfp: vipdp; vip; vrtp; ddip; pradip; pukraplp; 
upadr'p; eamdrp; eudr ptkaeamdrp ; dnapaeprp; (m. and £.) 
mithildrp; pipdngar and ranvd-eamdrp ; upa~ and rtarepr'p; 
(neuters) mandndp; diviepr'p; eddanaipfp; dUredr'p; etddr'p; 
eueamdfp. 

The forms are alike for all genders, except in the N.A. d. and 
p. n., of which there is no example. 

The distinction of strong and weak cases is seen only in the 
nasalized forms of the N.s.m., q.v. I can cite no occurrence of 
forms like purodobhydrn from a weak stem purodde. 

Transition to* the a-declension. The declension of puro-dd'p is 
commonly supplemented by transition-forms in the later texts. 
The only Rik-iorms, puro-dd'e and puro-dd'pam, belong to the 
p-stem. But later we have: puro-adpare. Ait. Br. ii.9; -ddpena, 
VS. xix.85; -ddpdn, $at.Br. iv.2.5"; -dd' pchvated, AV. xii.4.36. 
The Atharvan forms -dd'pau, ix.6.12 : x.9.25, may be referred to 
either stem. 

As forms of transition are probably to be regarded : idrpam 
{yad) y Manu i.45 ; tddrpam (enae) yddrpam, v.34; etddrpdni, etc. 



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490 C. R Lanman, [RaA 9-stems. 

The references given by BR for idrpa, etddrpa, tddrpa, yddrpa, 
sadrpa, are chiefly post-Vedic ; those for tdr'p etc., chiefly Vedic. 
Both vowel and consonant-stems occur side by side : thus, yd- 
drpdya .... fcMrrf,Cat.B^.i.3.5 I, ; y&drpdt . . . tddrnii, vii.4.1 1 . 
Some forms are referable to either stem : thus, sadr'pau. 

Transition to the t-declension. The inf. drpdye (accent— c£ 
drpi) is a transition-dative to dr'py equivalent to drpi in meaning, 
but not in metrical value. There is no real stem drpi. 

There is no irregularity of aceent. The L.s.f. prd'pi is paroxy- 
tone because equal to pra+dpi. 

The forms show inconsistency in the treatment of final p (=**) 
similar to that seen in the verb (e. g. prdnak, abhi not) : thus, spdt, 
dSk; vidbhyds 9 vikshti. 

NomyATOT Singular Masculine and Fnamm. 

L Masculine. 1. From the nasalized form of the root drp 
come: (a) sadr'Ak *-, TS. ii.2.8 6 ; (ft) ktdr'nti i-, RV. 1. 108.3; 
sadrnA <£,L94.7: viiLll.8; 43.21; (c) tdr'H, anyddr^n^ sadr'n, 
prdtisadrn, VS. xvii.81 (cl TS. iv.6.5 1 ). See pp. 456 and 463, and 
Ind. Stud, iv.305 note. 

2. The form commonly ends in A. Here belong: ttpap^h; 
etddr'k(x.21.24); tddfk; divispr'k; nispr'k; yddr'lc: ranvasamr 
drk; suardr'k; h'yranya&ariidrk; hrdispr'k; idr% Av. iv.27.6. 

Feminines : upadrk, 2 ; ndk ; ranvdsamdfk ; samdr'k y 4 ; 
Mudfpikcuamdrk; from AV., dlfc, iii.27.1-6 ; dnapaaprk, xiiLl.27. 

it Masculines : vishpdt; tpdf, 3. 

Feminines : vipdt; vif, 3. 

IIL The form pur odd' 8 occurs twice. Cf. p. 463. 

Nominative and Aoousatiyb Singular Nbutbb, 

Here belong: mand-ndJcf: etddr'k; susarhdr'k; sadr'k, TBr. 
i.2.6\ In RV. v.44.6, yddr'k and tddfk may be neuters (adv.). 

Aoousatiyb Singular Masculine and Fmrnim. 

Masculines : uparispr'pam; divir, 7 ; hrdu; — tveshdscahdrp- 
am; pipdngo; ranvd-; — susamdf f pam > 3* ; — dUre-dfpam; «*-, 
2 ; suar-, 4 ; — dUrd-ddipam; purodd'pam, 19 ; epdpam. 

Feminines : ddipam, 2 ; rtaepr'pam; dipam; pradipam, 2, and 
i.95.3: iv.29.3 (text prd dipam) ; vipdpam; vipam: viparrwipam, 
4 ; pukrapipam; mnidifpam, 2 ; from AY., pradipam; pipd&ga- 
saihdrpam; dipam, 19 ; prd'pam, 7 times, as ii.27.1. 

INSTRUMENTAL SINGULAR UaSOULINB, FBMININR, AND NBUTBB. 

Masculines : vipvatApd; 8u$arhdr'pd; tpd', VS. xLl. Femin- 
ines : dipd' 9 2 ; pipa ; pradipd, 4 ; vipd', 7 ; ddpd\ L127.7. This 
last BR. take as homophonous Lam. of ddpdl ; but see Beitr&ge, 
.463. Neuters: divispr'pd; ddredfpd. 



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D.am.1] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 491 

Datiyb Swgulab Masoulinb and Fnmmm. 

Masculines : dnarvipe; idr'pe, 4 ; dwisprfpe; dUredr'pe; from 
AV., idr'pe, 8 ; dadd'pe, LlS.l. 

Feminines : vipi, 8 ; vipe-vipe, 5 ; from AV., sarhdr'pe; dipt, 6 ; 
vipi. 

Transition-form : drpdye (inf., 8) is dat. to stem dfp; see p. 490. 

Ablauts Sin sulab Mabouldts and FBMnmfB. 

Masculine: mmrdifpas. Feminines: vipds, 2; samdr'pas; 
from AV., sarhdr'pas, 2 ; dipds, 55 ; dip6-dipa8, 5. 

Gbnuxyb Singular Masoulinb, Fbmininb, and Nbutbr. 

Masculines: divispr'pas; eudr'pae, 2; suardr'pas, 2; hiranya- 
samdrpae; hrdispr'pas; from AV., prdtiprdpae, ii.27.1-6; t*po- 
epr'pas, xx. 1 'J 7.2. 

Feminines : wp&> 4 ; vipds-vipas, 2 ; vipae (pale) ; <ftc<f*, AV. 
vi.98.3: xv.5.1-6Wa. Neuter: sddanaspr' pas. 

Looatiyb SnreuLAR ICasoulinb and Fbmininb. 

Masculine: divispr'pi. Feminines: dr&; pradxpi, 2 ; vipdpi; 
vipi y 3 ; sarhdr'piy 5 ; from AV., jprd'pi (ed. jrwdp*), ii.27.7 ; <#pi, 
25 times ; prcidipi, 4 ; tripi, 2 ; eamdr'pi. 

Vooativb SnreuLAB Masoulinb. 
Here belongs tveshasamdrk. 

Nom., Ago., and Voo. Dual Masculine and Fbjoninb. 

I. Masculines: rtasprpd; divisprpd; divispr f pd y 2; mithildr'pd; 
sitardr'pd. Feminine: mithildr'pd. 
IL Feminine : vipau, ix.70.4. 

Nominative Plural Masoulinb and Fbmininb. 

Masculines : rta-spr'paa, 2 ; divi~; mandinu; ratha-; hrdi-; — 
dUre-dfpas, 2 ; yakshar; eu-; susaikr, 2 ; mar-, 3 ; — tveshdsam- 
drpa*, 2 ; vipvaplpas; suplpas; eusadrpas; 8pdpa8 9 7 (and AV. 
iv.16.4) ; uparispr'pas, Av. v.3.10. 

Feminines: dcRpas; upaspr'pas ; dipae, 3; pradipa*, 8; vipae, 
35; sarhdrfpaa ; from AV., dipos, 15; prodipoe, 28; vipas (N. 
and A), 18. 

NOmNAHYB AND ACCUSATIVE PLURAL NSUTBB. 

No examples. Paradigm : grhavinpi. Instead of this a tran- 
sition-form is used : etddrpdni [duhkhdni), MBh. iii.579. 

Accusative Plubal Masculine and Fbmininb. 

Masculines: ahardrfpae; bhtmdsa?hdrpas; spdpae, 3; suar- 
dr'pas ; hiranyasamdrpas. Feminines : ddtpas; dtpas, 7 ; pra- 
<Kpcu y 3; vipas, 32; vripas: samdr'pas, 2; from AV., dipcls y 18; 
pradipas, 13; vipas (N. ana A.), 18. 



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492 C R Lawman, [Badical 

IVBTRUIOMTAL PLUBAL JUSCULm AND F MUJUME . 

Masculine: sitsarhdr'gbhti. Feminines: vidbhis; padbhU, 
4 with glances/ iv.2.12 (see page 475). 

ABLATIVB, GSHITCV*, AND LOCATOT PLURAL ftQUHDnL 

Ablatives: from AY., vidbhyds, iii.3.3; digbhyds, iv.40.8: 
x.5.28: xiii.4.34. Genitives: ddipdm; dipdm (pate) ; triptfm, 
39; vipddm, viL9.2 : x.46.6?; from AV., dipd'm, 5 times; 
vipd'm y 1 ; vipdm, iii.20.2. Locatives : vikshti, 48 ; from AV., 
dikskh, 9; vitehii, ii.2.1 : iz.5.19. 



STEMS IN RADICAL S# AND S. 

The character of the final sibilant of tbe radical stems in $h 
and « is in most cases essentially the same. It has therefore 
seemed advisable not to separate them, Usually the difference 
is merely one of phonetic surroundings. All the stems ending in 
* preceded by a or d are put down as s-stems (category B) ; but 
those in which any other vowel or k precedes are entered with 
the sA-stems (category A). 

The derivatives of pd*. with weakened vowel i (dpi*, sud$b } 
pro*, vi~> samrpw) y and Mrs, and dprdyu$ are put down as «-stems 
by BR. and Gr. 

A. The «A-stems are : (maso.) md'sh and mdksh (or £) ; dksh, 
in anrdkih; aram-Uhf, gavUh, papuUh; brhad-uksh, sdkamtiksh; 
vdtartvish; anrU*-dvfoh y asacar, f*At-, edhamdna-, jara-, brahmar, 
dvidvUh: vipv&pfoh, vipvd-; ghrtorprush^ pari- : yqfna-miuh; 
prfigorvrsh ; (fern.) i*A, i2*A, tvish, doUh, pr^ksh^ rUh; nemann-uh, 
9am-; sdkam-tiksh ; vy-fah; samcdksh; patidviah; dnddhrsh, 
mdhr'sh; supifkth ; abhrorprtoh, ghrtar, vi-; nimish, dnimiih; 
camrUh ; prdvr'sh; abhi-prish, doshani-, hrdaya-. 

B. The s-stems are: (masc.) hrtsu-da; an-d's, su-d's; jM's; 
su-dd's ; anU'rdhva-bhd*, dtiri-bhds, au-bhd's ; md's, sU'rydfntfs ; 
vds ; a-pds, uktha-pds (root pans) ; stisafhpds, su-dffo (root pd$) ; 
dprdyus ; (fern.) d-jfid8 y kdd's, nds; -pds, abhu, ava-, nihr, pard- 
(root pa™) \ 9&% d-fa pror^ «*-, sam- (root pds) ; vi-srds, *m-, 
svayarhr ; upds (unclear). Add candrdmds, m. 

The neuters are few: prfoh, ghrta-pr\Uh, dadhr'shf ; and tfa, 
bhd'8, dds y yds, pamy6$. 

The sibilant is sometimes a mere root-determinative : oompare uk-sh with sp-fd, 
#-«, aug-mentum; pfk-sh withjjf'c; prush withpru; prdytu andpra+yw. 

BR., 8.v. cUfavant, hesitate to set up a noun d&'s, and do not venture to assume 
that * is a formative element. In the case of bhd's and bhd'avant, it is true, we 
may identify the s with that of the secondary root bhda ; and so with bhts: but 
how shall we dispose of jfld's, d's (for an-* according to Fick, VgL Wb* L268), 
and au-d&'a t Mas, from ma\ is still more peculiar and is perhaps the relic of 
some old participial formation (mddbhis). Whatever be the character of the fine! 
s in these words, there is no question that this is the best place to enumerate 



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sh, j-stems.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 498 

us and 

pans, ptimdns ; n&'s, nas ; uktha-p&'s (cf. o-p4'*), -pd's. The 
pada has in all cases uktha~$4'a-. The d may indeed be metrical 
in x.107.6 : ii.39.1 : iv.2.16 (penultimate of a trtihtubh), and 
viLl9.9 (in the eighth place) ; but the metre actually makes 
against the d in x.82.7 (seventh place). The long vowel is 
inherent in d'«, jftd'«, md% cn/d's, etc. ; and so in Jed's, ttisampds, 
and mH'sh (but cf. ycyna-mti's/i-cMy N.p.m.). 

Examples of consonantal cases are very rare in the sanhitas. 
We have andk, dadhr'k, edhamdnadv'U, vipr&t, viprudbhis y punsu y 
and a few nominatives s. in -8 ; and from later texts, mprudbhyas, 
prdvrty dor4>hydm, dor-bhis, doh-&hu y mds-sii. 

Supplementary themes. In mddrbhU, -bhyds y we have a supple- 
mentary stem mdnt; but cf Schleicher, Comp* p. 665, §260. 
Some think the two stems md's (md'ns n cf ptrfv — stem ntfvs) 
and md(n)t phonetically reducible to the same original, like the 
forms of toe suffix vdns, va(n)t; but see Zeitsch, xxiv.70. 

The stem d6s is supplemented by doshdn as follows : sing., d6s 
(RV. v.61.5); doshnd (R&ja-tar. iv.481) ;' doshnds ($at. Br. iii. 
8.3"); doshani- (AV. vi.9.2); dual, dosht (Eauo. 45) or doshdnt 
(AV. ix.7.7:' Ait. Br. iL6) ; dorbhydm (MBh. i.153); plural, 
dorbhis (MMav. 77) ; dohshu (Bh&g. P. i.15.16). 
The defective stem iah (id) is supplemented by idd (ird). 
idd, 17 ishr<u, 9 

ish-am, 76 id&n, 9 bth-as, 63 

ishrd', 23 uf-d', 3 iiayd, 6 iddbhis, 6 

iah-i, 15 

ish-6s } 11 id-fa, 11 iddydi , 5 ijA-d'm, 8 fcfctafm, 1 

tie Wd*t*,2. 

The stem foA is never used for a consonantal case. The occur- 
rence of sh at the end of a form or before * or bh is avoided by 
using the d-stem ; thus, ide (voc), idd, iddsu, iddbhis. I hardly 
venture to call these transition-forms; although the fact that 
the great majority of the forms of ish (147) accent the theme 
would account for the accent of the stem idd (cf. p. 488). The 
relation between kshapds kshapd'bhis, kshipas k&Mpdbhis, and 
ishas iddbhis is one of close analogy. Perhaps the forms iddm, 
'tdaydyiddyds, and iddndm are improper extensions of the d-stem 
to cases where it does not rightfully belong. 

Transitions to the o-declension. These occur from the stems 
rod's, dpds, nds, kd's, nimish, ish 9 and d's. 

The language-users formed by false analogy a N.s.m. pd'da-s to 
correspond to pd'd-am. In like manner they made for md's-am, as 
though it were md'sa-m, a N.s. md'sas, x. 85.5c? (S&ry&'s wedding 
—see N.s.m.) ; so also a N.p.m. md'sds, iii.32.9cJ and vi.24.7oft 
(the passages look like modern reminiscences of old songs — of 
Aufrecht, Riavedcf, preface, p. xii) : vi.38.4: vii.61.4: x.89.13; 
and also tndsdn in two very late passages — iii. 3 1.9 (an unclear 
and tumid hymn) and v.78.9 (verses 7-9 are a late fragment as 
the contents and the use of sarvdtah show). 

vol. x. 66 



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494 G R. Lanman, [Had sh, s-stems. 

The stem dpds, f., ' hope,' makes in the later language a com- 
plete transition to the d-declension. In the Rik, all the forms 
come from dpds. In the Atharvan we have dpd'm, vLll9.3: 
xix.4.2 (and bo Ait. Br. iii.46). This is by origin perhaps a con- 
tract accusative for dpd(s)am ; it is, at any rate, the starting- 
point of the transition. As though the ace. were <fprf'-»«, a 
N.s.f. dpd' is formed (£at. Br. ii.1.3*), and so all the later forn* 
from an d-stem. C£ cw-stems, A.s. 

From nds the sanhitas have nas-d\ -J, -ds ; and to this same 
stem I refer rtd's-d, RV. ii.39.6, as a regular strong form (set 
p. 301 ; Bollensen, Orient und Occ. ii.474, reads n&se). I rec- 
ognize nd'se of the AV., v. 23.3, as the first transition-form, an 
A.d.f. of stem nd'sd. Just such a strong form as nd's-d mediate? 
the transition from stem nd's to stem nasd. 

From stem fed' 8, f., we have kd's-am, kds-d\ -ds. A transition- 
vocative kdse (stem kd'sd) is seen AV. vi.105.1,2,3. 

As a transition-stem, from nimuh, we must assume nimUha 
(distinguished from the organic formation nimeshd by its accent 
and lack of guna). This nimUha we have, with regular 
bahuvrihi accent, in a-nimishd-* (x. 103.1), -dm (L24.6), -ena 
(x.103.2), -d's, (ii.27.9). Cf. Garbe, Kuhn*s Zeitsch., xxiiL492. 
In d-nimish-am and -d we have regular #A-forms. 

From ish-ds comes ishd-m (21) ; from da~d\ *dsdyd y adv. d*ay6 

( 2 )- 
Transition to the {-declension. The form ishdye (accent — cf 

i$h~%) is a transition-dative to Uh. See BR L826-7, and d Del- 

bruok, Verbum, § 207. On the other hand, the stem tvi&hi is 

probably an organic formation independent of toUh. 

The stems mdnsd and md'ns, n., are supplementary; but io 
this case the vowel-stem is probably the older (cf. vandhurd, 
vandhtir, p. 486) ; otherwise, its oxytone accent is problematic. 

Irregular accent. The following accusatives p. are oxytone: 
(mascj jfidsds, punsds, mdsdt; (fern.) ishds, ushas^ dvishd*. The 
A.s.f. kd8'4m rests on an error of the MSS. Gr. is wrong in 
taking md'ta* as G.s.; it is a N.s. transition-form, md'sa*. 
Adverbial displacement is seen in d- and uporvyushdm and 
dprdvrshdm. 

The diaskeuasts take account of the metrical value of y as a 
syllable in the accent of the vocatives dyatis, jySJce y etc. (see 
p. 432) ; and so also in vytish-iy pronounced viiisA-i. If the stem 
were a true monosyllable, it should be written vytish-i. C£ prtfpi 
(zszpra+dp-i). In pre»hrd\ on the other hand, the dissyllabic char- 
acter of the stem \pra-\-Uh-d) is disregarded ; and so, naturally 
enough, in bhaas-d'. 

Nominative Singula* Masouijot and FramrafB. 

A. Masculines : edhamdna-dvit (indras) ; an-dk (stem anrdksh). 
Cf dadhrk (stem dadhrsfyzsidhrahtas, BR. v. 1485. 

Feminines: vipr&t, AV. xx.134.4; prdvrt, Kath&s. ii.56. The 
form \dd serves as itf.s. to Uh. 



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N.s.m.t] Noun- Inflection in ike Veda. 496 

8. Masculines: sudd's; dtir'e-bhds, i.65.10. Gr. refers this to a 
stem dUre-bhds. Of course, it cannot be a compound of a verbal 
~bhd y because it is barytone ; but if taken as bahuvrthi compound 
of a substantive bhd y the accent would be correct, and dUre-bhds 
a correct N.s.m. of dUr&ihd. See BR v.234. Here Gr. puts 
ayd'[s\ i.87.4*, ayd' ipdndh, p. ayd' ; see p. 858 end. JPtimdn 1 , 
for ptimdns, occurs with elided * (cf. p. 346 med.), before iti y v.61.8; 
before a-, x.130.2; before a-, iv.3.10; pumdnp ca, AV. x.4.8; 
pumdn, RV. x.130.2 and vi.75.14 ; piimdn, AV., 6 times before 
vowels (as, i.8.1 : iii.23.3) and 5 times before consonants. The 
nom. (sa drksho) mds is found ; see Weber, Naxatra ii.281. 
For ghrdns (BR. stem ghrdns), see an stems, N.s.m. 

Feminines: djfids, x.39.6; dtf'e, x. 128.3: AV. ii. 29.3. 

Transitions to the o-deciension. Masc. : md'sas, x.85.5<7, 'Of 
years the month is the constituent part ;' animishds. Fern. : 
dpd'. See p. 494. 

Nominative and Accusative Singular Neutbr. 

Here belong: bhd's, 6 (and AV. vii.14.2); bhdcts or bhdds y 2; 
dds; yds, 20; pawyrf*, i.34.6; md's, 'flesh,' iv.33.4: v.29.8 ; 
dadhfk, as adv., 3 (see BR. v. 1485). 

Accusative Sinoulab Masculine and Feminine. 

A. Masculines : ghrtaprusham, 2 ; jaradvUham ; brahma- 
dvisham; vipvdpfaham. Feminines: dnimisham > 2; isham^ld; 
dvfoham; jyfksham; from AV., isham, 9 ; doshani- and hrdaya- 
prisham, vi.9.2. 

Adverbial shift of accent is seen in : dvyushdm, AV. iv.5.7 ; 
dprdvrshdm y Q&t. Br. v.5.2* ; upavyu8hdm y TBr. i.1.9*; 5.2\ 

B. Masculines : pt'tmdnsam, 3 (and AV., 8) ; ayd'sam, 2 ; vlctha- 
pd'sam (p. d); md'sam; sudd'sam, 7; subhd'sam; sudpisham; 
sud'sam. 

Feminines: d&sham, 2; pratfsham, 2 (and AV. xiiL4.27) ; 
fofWn, AV. v.22.11 (MSS. and ed. kdsdm). 
Transition-forms : animishdm; dpd'm; see p. 494. 

Instrumental Sinoulab Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter. 

A. Masculine: vipvdpiUhd. Feminines: drnimishd, 2; ishd' 9 
23; tvUhd\ 2; from AV., ishd\ 4; prdvr'ehd, xix.6.11. Neu- 
ters: ghrtaprfohd; presh-d', ix.97.1 (should bepreshd; see p. 494). 

Transition-form : a-nimishena; see page 494. 

B. Masculine: mdsd\ 2. Feminines: abhipdsd; dpdsd, 4; 
dpjshd; nihpdsd; pds-d', x.20.2 : vii.48.3; from AV., avapdsd, 
nihpdsd, pardpdsd, vi.45.2 ; dpdsd, vii.57.1 ; dpishd, xiv.2.9 ; 
praplshd, Y1.1S3A : xiv.1.53; ?iasd\ ii.27.2 : v.14.1; kdsd\ v.22.10. 
Grassmann's article pdsd\ f., Wb. 1393, may be struck out : 
p&d'm, ii.23.12, may be taken as G.p.m. of pdsd (see p. 368) ; and 
pdflf', vii.48.3 (Gr. cd*f [«]— see p. 363), is an Ls.f., as in x.20.2. 

Neuters : did' , 22 ; bhdsd\ 6 ; bhaa*d\ 3. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



J 
496 C. It Lanman, [Bad. sh, *-stem& 

Dative Singula* Masculine and Feminine. 

A. Masculines : rshidvtshe; brahmadvishe, 5; gavishe; papi- 
Uhe; sdkam-ukthe; dvidvishe, AV. i.34.5. Here belongs perhaps 
aramAshe, RV. viii.46.17, text dram ishe. 

Feminines: tvishe; prtohi, 2; rishe, 2; ishe, 15 (and AV. ■ 
viL78.1). 
Transition to the t-declension : ishdye, vi.52.15. 

B. Masculines: sudd'se, 16; dprdyushe, L 127.5; punsi, AV. 
v.80.8. 

Ablative Singular Masculine, Feminine, and Nbuteb. 

A. Feminines: abhiprUhas; tvishds, 2; dvishds, 3; nim'uho*; 
rishdi, 12; ishds, ix.79.1. 

B. Masculine: punsds, v.61.6 : AV. iii.6.1: xii.3.1. 
Feminine: kdsas, AV. i.12.8. Neuter: <2*<fe. 

Genitive Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

A. Masculine: prAgavrshas (napdt). Feminines: abhra- 
prtUhas; ishds, 10; ishas (pate); ushds, i.69.1,9: viLlO.l (and 
AV. xvi.6.66**); ushds-ushas ; dvishds, 3 times; prksh&s, 4; 
nimithcu, ii.28.6. 

B. Masculines : apdsas; sudd'sas, 5 ; sud'sas; punsds, 2 (and 
AV. vi.70.1-3). The accent forbids our taking md'tas as 6.8.; 
see p. 403, and N.s.m. 

I/00ATIVE 8INGULAB MASCULINE AND FEMININE. 

A. Feminines : nimishi, 2 ; viiUhi, 5 ; prdvfshi, 2 (and AV. 
xii.1.46). 

B. Masculines : mdstrmdsi; mdsi, 2 ; from A V., mds'i, 7 ; puns'i, 
vill.2. Feminines: up<fot, 2 ; from AV., dptshi, v.24.1-17; 
prafiahi, v. 12. 11 ; na&, VS. xix. 90: xxi.40. 

Vocative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

B. Masculine: pumas. Feminine: kdse, transition-form 

(p. 494) ; similarly, ide (p. 493). 

NOMINATITB AND ACCUSATIVE DUAL MA8CULINE AND FEMININE. 

B. Masculines : ukthapd'sd (p. d) ; trd'rydmd'sdy 5 (can also be 
referred to stem -md'sa). Feminine : nd's-d, ii.39.6 (p. 494). 
Transition-form : nd'se, AV. v.23.3 ; see p. 494. 

Genitive and Locative Dual Feminine. 
B. Genitive: nasds. Locative: nasds, AV. xix. 6 0.1 : TS. v.5.9\ 

Nominative and Vooattve Plubal Masculine and Feminine. 

A. Masculines : maca-dvishas; anrta-dv'tshas, brahma-; ghrtu- 
prushas, 2; pari-; gavishas, 2; brhadtikshas ; mdtohas, 2; 
md'shaa, 2 ; vd'tatvithas; ycyncHn&'sha*, TS. nlBAquater. 



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N. V.p.m.f.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 497 

Feminines: ishas, 9; ghrtapr&shae ; tvishcu; neniann-fohas; 
patidvU/ias; pr'kshas, 7 ; sanmhas; sdkam&kshas; supr'kshas; 
from A V., dnddhrshas, vi.21.8 ; nimUhas, iv.16.5 ; vytehas, 
xiii.3.21. 

B. Masculines : aydsas; ayd'sae, 8 ; uJcthapd' sas, p. d (see p. 
493), 3 ; 8iisampdsa8 y AV. xviii.3.16. 

Transition-forms : md'sds; animishd's; see p. 493-4. 

Feminines : dpdsaa, 5 ; praffohas; dpishas, 3 (aud AV., 4) ; 
from AV., pra-pUhas, i>*-, «aw-, xi.8.27 ; vi-srdsas, xix.34.3 ; su- 
vii.76.lW5/ svayarn-, 2. 

Accusative Plural Masoulinb and Feminine. 

A. Masculine : brahmadvishas, 6. Feminines : Ishas, 63 ; 
ramriehas; pr'tehas, 9 ; dvishas, 39 (and AV. ii.6.5) ; vipnUhas, 
AV. ix.5.19. " 

Irregularly accented : isM*, 7 ; us/ids, 2 ; dvishds, 4. 

B. Masculines: and' bob; dnHrdhvabhdsas; ayd'eae; apd&as; 
hrtsud&as. Feminines : dpdsas; dpishas, 2 (and AV., 2) ; 
prapis/ias. 

Irregularly accented: jfidsde; mdsds, 5 (and AV. viii9.l7) ; 
punsds, 3. 

Transition-form : md'tdn, 2 ; see p. 493. 

Instrumental Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

A. Feminine: viprMbhis, VS. xxv.9. The form iddbhis (6), 
serves as an I.p. to %sh: see pp. 493 and 483. 

B. Masculine: mddbhis. 

Dative and Ablative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

A. Feminine: viprUdbhuas (abl.), Cat. Br. ix.1.1". 

B. Masculine: mddbhy&s (dat.), AV. iii.10.10; (abl.) xix.27.2. 

Genitive Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

A. Feminines : iehdm s 2 ; iehddm, 6 (resolution unnecessary in 
viii.46.2*) ; dviehd'm; vipruehdm, $at. Br. iv.2.5 1 . 

B. Masculines: ay d f 8dm, 2; vasd'm (or f.) ; mdsd'm, x. 138.6 
(and AV. i.35.4) ; punsd'm, AV. iv.4.4 : vii.13.1 : xx.l 29.14 ?. 

Locative Plural Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter. 

Here belong: puntu, AV. xii.1.25; rade-su, Paficav. Br. iv.4.1 ; 
mdsu (! sic — cf. o*-stems, L.p.), TS. vii5.2\ The neuter dohshu 
occurs Bhag. P. i.15.16. The form tddsn serves as a L.p, to Uh; 
see p. 493. 

STBMS IN RADICAL H. 

Here belong : the compounds of -drtih y -vdh, and -edh; the mas- 
culines, *rfA, go- and prati-dtih, and puruspr'h; the feminines; 
(inht, g6h y dr&h, ndht, wSA, n&h; ruh, drrttti, updr y pardr^ pra-; 
sam-dih; ghrta- and sabar-duh; akehd- and updndh x parindh; 
manomuh; gartdtrbh; dnapcuprh, puruepr'h; vier&h; uehnih. 



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498 0. R Lanman, [Radical 

Compounds oi -druh : a-, aksknayd-, anabki-, (mtaka-, abhi-, asma-, pur*-, ptsto-. 

Compounds of -v6h: anad-, indra-, girva-, dakshind-, prshti-, madhyama-,vcyru: 
vira-, saha~, mshttt- } svasti-, havir-, havya-, hotra-. 

Compounds of -sdh: carsJwmt-, dyumnd-, dhanvd-, pra-, prd- % ycgfid-, ralhd-, 
vibhvd-, vtfvd-j satrd-, sadd-. Compounds of -sh&h, p. -sdh ; abhimdti-, abht-, rfc. 
f*At-, jand-, turd-, nih-, til-, nr-, purd-, prtand-, prdpk-, bhitri-, rayi-, vane-, irtfo-, 
vifvd-, vrthd-, (xUrfr-, aabrd-. 

Neuter forms occur from the stems purwpr'h and mdh. For 
stem dadfhf, see BR. iii.505 : v. 1485. 

For sardh, see ^A-stems, p. 454 ; for ndh^ o%-stems, p. 478, and 
p. 483 ; for dnh, see Ab.s.f. The derivation of updahak (stem 
upd-dahf) is uncertain. 

The peculiar compound of anas and -vdh makes its strong forms 
from the stem anadvd'h; the weak, from anaduh; the middle, 
from anadtit; but see N.s.m. 

The distinction of strong and weak forms is seen further as 
follows: in the compounds of -vdh, strong -vd'h (pada always 
-tfd'A); and in the compounds of -sdh, strong -sd'h (pada always 
-9&'h). This lengthening occurs in the N. and A.s.m. and N.p.m. ; 
and, besides, in the following forms: indravd'hd, anadvahau, 
indravd'haUy dakshindvd't (N.s.£), and havyavd'ham (A.s.f.). 

One cannot help asking whether we have in -sd'h a metrical or a declensional 
lengthening. The long d seems sometimes to be due to the metre (e. g. in ii.4.9 : 
vi.7.3 ; 69.4, where d is penultimate of a pdda of 11 syllables), and its suppression 
in strong cases is certainly brought about by the demands of the cadence ; but >i 
also occurs when not favored by the metre (e. g. i. 7 9.8b), or even when forbidden 
by it (e. g. viii.81.7a/). Indeed, there seems to be a good deal of arbitrariness 
about the entire matter (cf. v. 10.7c with vi.44.4c); but we must, on the whole, 
call it a declensional phenomenon. Compare Rik Pr. ix. 15,26. 

The lengthening of the a of sah is suppressed 18 times in strong 
cases. We can hardly call these " weak forms in place of strong," 
because the shortening may be referred to the metre in even- 
instance. The d occurs: as penultimate of an anwhtubh-pddu 
(i.8.1: v.28.2; 35.1: vi.14.4 : vii.94.7 : viii.1.2 ; 26.20; 57.1; 
77.1 ; 87.10: ix.98.1) ; as penultimate of a jagati-pdda (1119.10: 
vi.46.6: viii.19.35 ; 21.10); as fifth of an anushtubh (i.l29.4c: 
v.10.7) ; as ninth of a jagali (L129.4&). In all but the last three 
pddas the short is absolutely required by the cadence. 

On the other hand, the long d appears in weak cases twice : 
viz., in i.91.186, where the demands of the penultimate excuse tbe 
long d (so vd'h-e y vii. 24.5a) ; and in ii.21.2rf, where there is no 
justification whatever for it. Cf. dvipd'de, p. 470. 

Transitions to the a-declension. I am inclined to regard mahd-s, 
-dsya, -6, -d'ni, -d\ and -d'ndm as forms of transition from the weak 
cases of mdh. They belong exclusively to the Veda, and arc 
used, especially ma/id-8 and mahd'ni, to supplement the defective 
mdh. From the weak stem anadrfih comes the transition form 
dhenv-anaduhayoS) Katy. Qr. vii.2.23. 

Transition to the /-declension. The solitary inf. mahdye, x.65.3, 
is a transition-dative to mdh, equivalent to mah-k (as in viii.56.8). 
For accent, cf. mah-i. 



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A -stems.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 499 

Irregularly accented are mahds, N.p.m. ; druhds and mah&s, 
Ajp.m. For g<chd y see I.s.f. ; and for dnh-as, aa-stems, Ab.s.n. 
Jfah-f, du.n., is regularly accented, as a weak case. 

Transfer of aspiration occurs in a-dhr&k, akshnayd-, antaka-, 
abhi-, asma-; go-duHk, prati- y sabar-; u$d-dhak(?). These, with 
uahar-bh&t (p. 475), are all the instances of the kind in the declen- 
sional forms of the Rik. Somewhat akin to this is the nati of the 
s of -sdh even after an d when the aspiration disappears at the 
end of the word. Thus we have satrd-shd't and vipvdrshd't; but 
satrd-sd' ham, -sd'he, and vipva^sd'ham. Irregular is prtand- 
shd'ham, vi.72.6. 

Nominative Singula* Masculine and Feminine. 

L Masculines : -shd't, with abht-; rshir; jand-; turd-, 4 ; nish-, 
2 ; purd-; prtand-, 5 ; prdpu-; bhuri-; rayi-, 2 ; vane-; vbrd-; 
vrtM-; satrd-; from A v., abht-, 2 ; turd-; nt- and patrOr, v.20.11 ; 
vipvd-, xii.1.54 : xiiLl.28 ; vrthd-'f, xx.128.13. Here belong 
further : shd't, RV. i.63.3 ; madhyama-vd't; havir-vd't; havya- 
vd't, 9 times; tvrya-vd't, TS. iv.8.3*; turya-vd't and ditya-vd't, 
iv.3.5 1 ; 7.10 1 . Cf. rad. jf-stems, N.s. 

Feminines : d<ikshind-vd't; for sardt, see p. 454. 

Pashthorvd't occurs TS." iv.8.3*, 5 1 ; 7.10 1 . In explanation of 
the dental t, Weber (Ind. Stud, xiii.107) suggests that the second 
part of the word was confounded with the suffix -vant. 

To precisely the same confusion he refers the N.s.m. anad-vd'n, 
AV. lv.ll.lquater, 2,4,10: v.17.18: viii5.11 : ix.1.22: xi.4.13 ; 
5.18: xii.3.49: xix.39.4 : TS. iv.3.5 1 ; -vd'n? ca, VS. xviii.27. 
Bohtlingk, however, suggests with much plausibility, the analogy 
of the per£ part, in -vdns, whose stems also have a triple form ; 
see Die Declination im Sanskrit, § 70. 

IL Masculines: -dhrtik, with a-, 3 ; akshnayd-; antaka-; abht-; 
asma-, 3; upd-dhakf, 3; go-dhuk ; pirati-dkuk, AV. ix.4.4. 

Feminines: gartdrruk; sabar-dhuk; ushnik, AV. xix.21.1. 

Transition to o-declension. Mahd-8 (18) supplies a N.s.m. for 
mdh. 

Nominative and Accusative Singulab Neuter. 

Here belongs puruspr'k. For dadhr'k, see «A-stems, A.s.n. 

Aoousative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

L Masculines : -shdlham, with abhimdti-, 2 ; rtf-y nt-; prtand-; 
-sd'hatn, with pro-; yajfid-; vipvdr, 3 ; satrd-, 4 ; -vd'ham, with 
vira-; suasti-; havya-, 20 (and AV., 3) ; hotra-; anadr, x.59.10 
and AV. ix.5.29 i xii.2.48. Feminine : havya-vd'ham, x.8.6. 

The lengthening is suppressed : rti-shd'ham, 3 (of. rtUhd'ham) ; 
prtand-, 2 ; carshant-sd'ham, 5 ; prd-, 2 ; vibhvd-, 2 ; sadd-. Cf. 
carshanS-sdhd, -sdhas, rathdsd'hd, and p. 498. 

II. Masculines : adrliham, 2 ; puruspr'ham, 14.* 

Feminines : guham; druham; parindham; miham, 6. 



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500 C. R. Lanman, [Rad. A-stems. 

INSTRUMENTAL SINGULAR MASCULINE, FEMININE, AMD NEUTER 

Masculines : dhanvdsdhd; pwruspr'hd; vi&hudrithd. 

Feminines : druhd\ 2 ; prdsdhd, 2 ; mahd\ 2 (cf. mahyd') ; vi- 
sruhd; guh~d\ 167.6. Gtihd, occurring 53 times, may De an 
adverb with recessive accent, from guh-§, like divd from dithd'; 
or a homophonous I.s.f. (see p. 358). Neuter : mahd', 4. 

Dative Singula* Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter. 

Masculines: adruhe; abhidrtihe; carshantsdhe; druhe (orf.); 
mate, 42 (and AV. ii.5.4 : v.11.1); satrdsdfhe!, p. d, ii. 2 1.2 (see 
p. 498). 

Feminines : goduhe; rnahe, viii.26.2 ; 46.25 : ix.44.1. 

Neuter: mahe y SS; AV.x.6.8: xix.24.2,3 ; RV. vii.30.1<f, text 
mdhi. For vd'he, see Delbrtick, Verbum, p. 222. 

Transition-form : mahdye (inf.), x.65.3. 

Ablative Singular Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter. 

Masculines : rttshdhas ; druhds y 3 ; mahds, 5. Femiuine : 
druhds, 5, and AV. vii.103.1. For dnhr<u y vi.3.1, see aa-gtems, 
Ab.s.n. Neuter: mahds, 11, and AV. vii.26.8. 

Genitive Singular Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter. 

Masculines : adr&has; druhds, 3 ; prtandshdhas; mahds, 61 ; 
abhimdtishd'has /, p. <*, i.91.18 (see p. 498) ; from AV., anadtihas, 
iv.ll. 8,9,11; maha&i iv.1.6: x.7.2. 

The transition-form mahdsya occurs i.150.1, q.v. 

Feminines: prdsdhas; mihds, 2 ; druh&s, 8 (and AV., 11). 

Neuters : puraspr'has; mahds, 39 ; mahas (with voc), vii.64.2. 

Locative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculine: anadHhi, AV. i v. 11.7. Feminines: updndhi, 

xx. 133.4 ; partndhi, xix.48.1. The transition-form mahk occurs 
as m., ix.66.13 ; and as n., 5 times and in ix. 110.2. 

Vocative Singular Masculine and Feminine, 

Masculines: havyavdt; from AV., prtandshdt, v. 14.8; godhuh, 
vii.73.6 (ed. nom.). Feminine : ddhruk. 

Nom., Aoc., and Voc. Dual Masculine and Feminine. 

I. Masculines: indrctrvd'hd (d), 2; carshanU&hd ! ; rathd- 
sd'hd I j adrtihd, 2 ; dnabhidruhd; puruspr'hd. ' 

Feminines : adruJtd; adrdhd^ 2. 

IX Masculines: indravd'hauj anadvd'hau, x.86.10* AV. iii. 
11.5 : vii.53.5. 

Nominative and Accusative Dual Neuter. 
Here belongs mah4\ i 121.1 1 : ix.68.3. 



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N.V.p.m.t] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 601 

NOKDTATIYB AND VOCATIVE PLX7SAL MaBODUNB AED FEEMnHE. 

L Masculines : abhimdtishd 'has, 3 ; patrdshd'hasj -vd'has, with 
indra-; vctfra-s virch; sahar; sushfhur; havya-; anad-, Av. xix. 
50.2; pfshfir, xviii.4.10. Gr. reads girva-vd' has, vi. 24.6 (see p. 
353 med.). 

IL Masculines : carshanisdhas; adtuhas, 3 ; purusprhas; puru- 
spfhas, 2 ; god&has; drdhas; adr&has, 9, and AV. vi.7.1. 

Irregularly accented is mahds, iii.7.6 : x.61.27 ; 77.8. 

Feminines: adrfihas, 2; ghrtaddhas; purudr&has; purusprhas, 
3; mihas, 2; rbhas; visruhas; from AV., manomfihas, ii.2.5; 
rtihas, d-r&has, prar, xiiLl.0. 

NOMIE ATIVB AITD ACCUSATIVE PLURAL NBUTBR. 

There are no forms like -dunhi, -vdnhi. Their place is supplied 
by transition-forms. Thus instead of manhi, we have mahd'ni 
(11), mahdl. 

Accusative Plubal If asouluts and Feminine. 

Masculines: adrhhas; puruspr'has; anaduhas, AV. iv.11.3. 

Irregular accent is seen in druhds (vii. 104.7) and mahds (20 
times). Perhaps mahds is so accented to differentiate it from 
mdhasy 'might' C£ apds ('aquas') and dpas ('opus'). 

Feminines: akshdndhas ; adr&has; updrtihas; drfihas, 6; 
tnihas; samdihas; from AV.,drtihas, xix. 15.2; r&has,x\iL 1.4,8,26; 
3.26; praruhas, xiii.1.8; nihas, ii.6.5 and VS. xxvii.6. 

Dative Plubal Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculine : anadtidbhyas, AV. vi.59.1. Feminine : for 

sarddbhias, see p. 454 ; for nadbhids, pp. 478 and 483. 

Genitive and Locative Plubal Masculine. 

Genitive: mahd'm, iv.5.9 : ix.109.7. Roth suggests that 
mahdl m in ii.24.11 may be G.p. of a noun mdh (root manh), 
'gift. 9 'Und der du dich fr5hlich an den Gaben kraftig gest&rket 
hast.' So iv.23.1. In X.46.5&, the resolution mahddm is needless. 
In vi.66.3, Gr. reads mahddm, text maM. The transition-form 
mahdfnaam occurs five times. 

Locative: anadtitsu. 



STEMS WHOSE SUFFIXES END IN T, K t A.ND & 

According to the plan proposed on p. 327, we now come to 
the stems formed by derivative suffixes ending in *, n, and s. 

STEMS IN VOCALIC BOOT +T. 

The stems ending in the quasi-suffix t are declined just like 
those in radical f. It may fairly be questioned whether the 
added t ought not rather to be called a root-determinative. 

vol. x. 67 



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502 G R. Lanman, [Stems in 

This t is added to the roots kr (properly kar, etc), kshi, gu, «, 
yyu, ji 9 dhr y dhru, dhvr, pi, pru, bhr, mi, yw, rt, vr, pr*, pru, «*, 
*r, *£u, «pr, «rw, Aw, Ar, An/, Avr/ that is, to roots in I, ft, and r 
[ar), so that almost all compounds of roots in these short vowels are 
thus thrown into the consonant declension (pp. 453, 367, 401). 
[t is properly added only to roots in these vowels ; but we have 
the tertiary formation (adhva-gd\ ~gd!) adhva-gd'-t, and similarly 
iyu-gdt, navargdt, and (sarh-hdn, -Art') samh&'t. Of. Benfey, 
warn. p. 131, 1. 26. Neuters are very rare (stems upa&ktut, tanu- 
kr't, dUrghaprut, dyugdt, navag&t, vi^vaJU). 

For the accent of parihvrta, see Ls.f. ; for hrut-ds, A«p.m. 

I do Dot think that there are any instances of transition to the (^-declension on 
he part of the stems here treated. Their last element is almost invariably an 
ictive verbal, and if they went into the a-declension, they would coincide in form 
pith passive participles and their compounds, but would conflict with them in 
oeaning. 

Nominative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Here belong 79 masc. forms (from 50 stems) ; and 4 fern, forms 
(from 8 stems). 

Masculines : -left, with anukdma-; abhishti-, 3 ; aji-; tfdna-, 6 ; rshi-. 2 ; khaya-, 
8; jyotish-; tanti-; pathi-, 4; punt-; bhadra-; uloka-, 2 ; vayas-, 2 ; varwas-: 
rijeiha-; *u-, 2 ; ateya-; sumo-; — -jit, with ap*v-, 3 ; ah-; agva-; go-, 2 ; dhama-; 
•anya-; raiha-; vicva-, 2 ; sarhsrshta-; satrd-, 2 ; samarya-; sahasra-, 2 ; suar-, 2 ; 
wranya--, — acyutacyut; dJcshit; rnacit; {tacit, 3; kilbishaspr't ; carskanSdhr'L. 
I; dtrghacrut; dhanaspr't; parihrfa; bhdrabhr't; madaeyid; madhsuh&L 3; 
/akshabhft; vajrabhr't, 2; vdjaxft-, aoma&ut; svasr't; havanacHU ; from AV., 
iddrasxt (i.20.1), etc. 

Feminines: upamit, 2; {tacit (iv.16.10); pracastikft 

NOMINATIVE AND AdOUSATTVE SINGULAR NEUTER. 

Here belong: vi^vajit; cftrghaprat (pdrma), vii. 16.8 ; navagdt, 
rS. iv.8.11 1 : AV. iiil0.4; — and, used as adverbs, vpastitfU; 
iyugdt; tabr't, 7 ; dtrghaprut, vii.61.2 (so BR. ; see A.p.n.). 

Accusative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Here belong 46 masc. forms (from 25 stems) ; and 5 fern, forms 
[from 5 stems). 

Masculines: adhikshitam; arnovr'tam; ukthdbhf'tam ; udapritfam, 2; r+acyut- 
im; carshanidJiftam, 2; Hvrasiitam; t^shucyiUam; dirgfiacrutam ; dushkr'tam; 
iveshoyiUam ; dhanaspftam, 8 ; nadivx'tam^ 2 ; parisrutam; prdtarjUam ; mada- 
yutam, 8 ; mUMkr'tam ; cravqjitam ; aamjitam ; saiyadhvr'tam ; sdmabhr'tam ; 
wkr'tam, 3 ; suarjUam ; Tiavanacrfaam, 2 ; havishkr'tam^ 2. 

Feminines : aramkr'tam ; upaprittam ; devacr&tam ; niyfaam ; parisrutam. 

Instrumental Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Masculines : carshemtdhr'td; brahmaJcr'td, 2 ; sornasutd 
Feminine : niytUd, 2. The accent of parihvrt-d\ viii.47.6, is 
luite anomalous; cf. vimrdhd, p. 477. It may be L.s. of pari- 
\vr-tfi : i For in the very act of deceiving you, a man loses the 
blessing ye already have given.' Stems of this form regularly 
tccent the preposition (pdrihvrti) ; but cf. d-sakti and dsuti. 



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voc. root+L] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 503 

Dativb Sdtoulab Masoulinb. 

Here belong: -kr 'te, with aram-, 2 ; dush-> 2 ; dharma-; brahma-; 
9u-j 13 ; — -fite y with ab-; apvo-/ urvard-; go-; dhana-; nr-; 
vipva-; satrd-; auar-; — girikshUe; parvatacyute. 

Ablativb Sinoulah Masoulinb and Fbmininb. 

Masculines : brahmakr'tas; sarvahtitas, 2. Feminine : abhi- 
hriitaSy 2. 

Gbhttiye Sinoulab Masoulinb and Fbmininb. 

Masculines : carshantdtir'tas, 2 ; samfitas; sukr'tas, 3 ; havish- 
kr'tas, 2. Feminines : ishastutas; devastates; parisrtitas, AV. 
iii.12.7. 

Looatite Singular Masoulinb. 

Here belong : madacyUti ; go, vasu- y sathdhandjtii (AV. 
xiii.1.37). 

Vocative Sinoulab Masoulins and Fbmininb. 

Masculines: acyutacyut; vrukrt; rtacit; khay alert; purukrt, 
5; ranakrt; vandanaprut; sahasrajit, 4. Feminines: from 

AV., upabhrt, xviii.4.6 ; rd'shfrabhrt, vi.118.2. 

Nom., Aoo., and Voo. Dual Masoulinb and Fbmininb. 

I. Masculines : gojitd; divikshUd; parikshitd, 2 ; madacytitd, 
3 ; as voc, 2 ; myrtitd; havanaprtitd; as voc, 3 ; pdthikrtd, AV. 
xviii.2.53. For ishukr'td, see pp. 466, 468. 

II. Masculines: ddushkrtau; krshnaprutau; sakshitau; from 
AV., sarkr'tau, xLl.10 ; 4U-, xiL3.44; bhadrar and 8u-pHUau y 
xvi.2.4. 

Feminine: ugrctfitau, AV. vi.118.1. 

GBNrnvB Dual Fbmininb. 
Here belong : sukr'tos; parikshitos. 

NOMnfATIVB AND VOGAHVB PLURAL MASOULUfB AND FBMDmfB. 

Here belong 49 masc forms (from 32 stems) ; and 24 fern, forms 
(from 7 stems). 

Masculines : -fer'feu, with aram-, 2 ; ipdna-; dudhra-; duth-; dhdnid-; brahma-, 
3 ; yajncwuh-; vayas-, 2 ; «*-, 8 ; havish-; — -cyfoas, with dkanuar; dhruva-; 
parvata-; mada-, 2; — -hshUaSy with apsu-; upa-; so-; — udaprtttas, 3 ; 
krchrefriUu ; grdmajticu ; carshantdhxtas ; dv&hoytou ; nigttos ; pitubhr'toa ; 
manodkr'tas ; satyapntfas, 2 ; satrdjitas ; aufHUaa ; sorrumUcu ; svosfios ; havano- 
?riUas, 2 ; as voc., 1 ; hrutcu ; from AV., adhva-g&t-as, xiiil. 36,43 ; divifrUaa (xi. 
7.23-27), etc. For devastfoas, see G.s.f. 

Feminines: udapr&taa; niy&tas, 14; parisr&tcu ; pitubhftoa; mitaa; muHtioa, 
2; stutos, 4. 

NOMINATrVB AND ACCUSATIVE PLUBAL NbUTBB. 

See page 474. Here we may pnt dirgha^tdt, viii.25.17 (vratd*) ; 
vii.61.2 (mdnmdni). 



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504 C. R. Lanman, [Participles 

Aoousativb Plubal Uabcuusm amd FEicnraB. 

Masculines: apitas; gcfttas; jyotishkr'tas ; duahk^Uu, 3; 
nigutas : madacyutOB ; sukr'tas, 3; hr&tas ; with irregular 
accent, hrutd*, AV. vi.51.1. 

Feminines: Upastutas; dirghapr&tas; niytita8,9; ftatfftr'tas, 2; 
ritas; varunadhrCUa$; visfta$; samhdtas (c£ p. 602) ; saaHkku. 

IVSTBUMBNTAL Plubal Uabcuusm akd Fnmran. 

Masculine : somaritdbhis, 2. 

Feminines : antariksfiaprudbhti; niytidbhis, 10. 

Dativb and Ablatiyi Plubal Masoulikb and Nbdtbb. 

Datives masc.: pathikr'dbhya* (Or. -bhias); bandhu-kshidbhya*. 
Ablative neut. : tantikf? dbnyas. 

Gbhittvb and Looatiyb Plubal Masouunb and Fnmram. 

Genitives masc.: mantrakr'tdm ; suhr^tdm^ 2; from AV., 
ishubhr'tdm, iv.28.2 ; agnihotrah&tdm, iii.28.6. 

Genitives fern. : abhihrtitdm; niytitdm; from AV., rathcyitdm, 
vi.130.1 j upar y pari, prati-mitdm, ix.3.1. 

Locatives: m., sukrtsu; f., paripriteu, Q&L Br. ix.1.1*. 

PARTICIPIAL STEMS IN NT AKD T. 

A. The suffix ant or nt forms participles of the present, future, 
desiderative, causative, and denominative. The nasal appears 
only in the strong cases. In the weak it is regularly dropped, 
and if the last syllable of the stem had the accent, this is shifted 
to the case-ending. The category under which these participles 
fall I call for convenience " A." Many forms which, if simple, 
would be oxytone become barytone when compounded with a-, 
an-. Sfhd, although a reduplicating root, has gone over to the 
o-conjugation, and we have the stem tishthant, with nasal. 

B. There is, however, a very considerable number of participial 
stems, which do not show the nasal even in the strong casea 
These are the participles from reduplicated verb-stems, excluding 
the desideratives. They are regularly accented on the syllable 
of reduplication ; e. g. mb-mi-at, bd-ps-at. Accordingly, they can 
not shin; the accent to the ending in the weak cases. These I 
regard as making up category " B. 

Besides these there are a few stems embraced in this section 
which are not properly participles. Brhdnt, rhdrU, pr'thant, 
r&ganty and jdgat have exchanged their participial function for 
one almost purely adjectival or substantival ; but they retain the 
participial inflection. Mahdnt (su-mahant) has lost its participial 
meaning, and deviates markedly from the declension of participles 
in the strong cases, where it shows a long vowel. For ddnt and 
its compounds, see below. The four stems iyant and kiyant, 
t'vant and ki'vant, although in no wise participles, are yet de- 
clined like them, and so are treated here. 



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in ntj *.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 606 

There are several participles which I have included in category 
B, because they appear in the strong cases without a nasal. They 
are : dd'^atas, N.p.m., 2; pd'sat, N.s.m., 4; -o$d, N.d.m., 2; -afcw, 
G.8.HL ; vdghdt, N.s.m. ; -ite, 3 ; -dtas, G.s.m., 5 ; -dtas, N.p.m., 5 ; 
-atas, V.p.m. ; -ddbhis, 4 ; -dtdm, 3. Here also is to be placed 
dd'scU: it occurs only in G.s.m., dd'satas; but the N.p.m. ought 
to be dd'satas. Finally, the aorist participle of dak, dhdkshat, 
omits the nasal: dhdkshat, N.g.m., 3; -atas, G.s.m.; and similarly 
ubhayd'-dat, N.s. ; -data*, N.p. 

Vdghdt is doubly peculiar : the nasal is lacking in the strong 
cases; and the accent, although resting upon the final syllable of 
the stem, is not shifted to the ending in the weak cases. Grass- 
mann regards ddp y dds, and $ds as reduplicated forms of d&p 
(vii.3.7, d&'pema), dds, and pd* (cuns) % and interprets the absence 
of the nasal in the strong cases as evidence in support of his view. 
Possibly vdgh of vdgh-dt is to be referred in like manner to 
vd(g)h; but see Roth in Kuhn's Zeitsch. xix.220. 

On the other hand, one unquestionably reduplicated form, 
vavrdhdntaSy admits the nasal contrary to rule. Even this is per- 
haps due to the metre and the formal parallelism of the verse 
(iv.2.17, q. v.). There are two other forms, cdhr&n and edkdn, 
in regard to which there is much uncertainty. 

The N.8.m. ca-kr-&n (x.95. 12, 13— referred by BR. v. 1253, to cahr&nt) is in both 
verses followed by w-, and, if we allow a mistake on the part of the padakdra, 
may stand for oahrdt The ozytone accent is still anomalous : might not cabrdt 
(d for accent rdr&n, i.122.12) be a conditional subjunctive, 'if he remember 1 ? 

In x.29.1 occurs cdJcdn. Delbruck, Verbwn § 226, takes it as N.sjn. of the 
participle of fam, and regards its » as radical. In this case it is a shortened form 
for cdkanat, and is comparable only with k&nilcrat (for k&nihradat, from hrand) ; 
but the accent is wrong. Gr. takes it as N.s.m. of the participle of kd, with 
stfmas, in which case both accent and nasal are anomalous. Both anomalies are 
avoided by taking it with Both as 2 or 3 p. sing. aor. of Jean : ' Wie (der) welcher 
in der Kufe (iflt), so ist er niedergesetzt;' L e. So wie der Soma, so ist der Lobge- 
sang hier aufgetragen; 'er moge Oefallen erregen' (cdkdn). See BrU. num 
Nindda, p. 94. The passage seems to have been a crux since the time of QAkalya. 

These participial stems are declined only in the masculine and 
neuter, both genders being alike, save, of course, the N. A.n. The 
feminines are formed by adding i to the weak stem; see p. 367. 
In category A, the masculines are very numerous, the neuters 
very few ; in B, the masculines are considerable, the neuters only 
about half a dozen. 

The etymology of ddnt, ' tooth, 9 is uncertain (from ad, da= 
day, da&p?). It seems to have been declined originally as a 
participle. Like participles and unlike nouns, it shifts the accent 
to the ending in the A.p. datrds; but it is unlike participles and 
like nouns, in shifting the accent to the ending in dadbnie, dad- 
bhyds. CI a.ddtre, like nouns. The forms are given under the 
different cases ; ddn (r.115.2), ddnt-am (iv.6.8), etc. 

In the later texts this stem shows forms of transition to the 
o-declension ; for this the A.s. ddnt-am serves as point of depart- 
ure. The Rik has only one transition-form, ddnta-e (vi.75.11 — a 
late hymn). The AV. has : ddntds, ddntais. 



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506 C. R Lanman, [Ptcp. in nt, t 

Besides vdohdt, there are only two instances — quite sporadic— 
in which an oxytone stem does not shift the accent to the ending; 
they are acoddte (in the miserable hymn v.44), and rathirdydtdm, 
ix.93.4. For trav-dt-a* and sapc-dt-as, see pp. 466, 467 ; does not 
vdgh-dt-as perhaps belong in the same category with them ? 

Nominative Singular Masculine. 

A. Here belong 753 forms (from 228 stems). Examples are: 
drcan, 19; sdn, 38: ydn, 32; ichdn, 15; krnvdn, 24; jandyan, 
27; jdndn, 24; si dan, 17; pdpyati, 19; ghndn y 17. Further- 
more occur: mahd'n, 77 ; si-mahdn; a-ddn; ddn y x. 11 5.2 ; pafci- 
dan, AV. xiv.2.68 ; hiranyadan, Ait. Br. iii.6 ; from RV. again, 
p&cidan, v. 7. 7: vii.4.2 ; prenidan, x. 20. 3. 

When the form in -an occurs before o or /- in the Rik, the usual method of 
sandhi is -off c- (e. g. iii.54.2 : vii.87.1), -aft >- (e. g. i.173.11 : x.45.6). In regard 
to the " inserted t " before 9- (e. g. minv&nt sddma purd eti, x.20.5), see Rik Pr. 
iv.6 ; Aufrecht, Rigveda*, preface, p. vi ; and Whitney, to Ath. Pr. ii.9. Tnrtannefl 
of the collision of -an with initial t are comparatively rare : the method of sandhi 
in the Rik is -an I (e. g. i.ll 7.22 : ii.3.2) ; in the Atharvan, there are six instances 
of -ana t> (vii.13.1 ; 18.2: xiii.1.32,39 : xvii.10: xviii.2.20) to three of -a* t- 
(xiii.2.33: xiv.1.5: xix.28.4); in the TS., there are but two cases of -ana t-(rr. 
7.13 5 : v.4.12 1 ); the sandhi is generally -an *-. See Whitney, note to Ath. Pr. 
ii.26: and note to TPr. vi.14. If the 8 is here the historical relic of the case- 
ending, we ought to find it oftenest in the Rik ; but the Rik has but one example 
of it, dvddaha tvdm (Prat, iv.33), and that in the last verse of the second book, a 
very late passage. Is it not rather (unlike the s of td'ha) the product of phonetic 
dissimilation {-ant t- to -ans *-) ? so Bohtlingk, Die Decimation, § 22, Anm. 2, and 
note 38, q.v. For the forms in -ann, cf . Curtius, Studies ii. 1 65. 

In 46 instances mahd'n appears as makd'ti,: 31 times before a- (e. g. viii. 90. 11,12: 
so atonahdn\ vii.8.2); 6 before ir (e. g. i.8.5); 6 before «- (e. g. iii.36.5); in iii.59.5 
and iv.8.2 before d-; in iii.53.9 before r-. We find mahd'nc before c- in iii.55.9: 
vi.38.3: viii.33.8: x.4.2 (Pr&t iv.32). The resolution mahdan is inadmissible: 
in vi.25.ld, vii.52.3c, and x.46.1a, the sixth syllable is syncopated. 

Transition-form : ddnta-8 y as N.s. to ddnt, vi75.11. 

In vii.4.2 and x.20.8, the metre is out of order. It is rectified, 
if we substitute the longer transition-form in -dantas for the 
equivalent shorter grammatical form in -dan; thus, sdm y6 vdnd 
yuvdte p&cidantah (but cf. p. 348 top) ; and ydm [id] dsd' krpd- 
ntdam j bhdsd'ketum vardhdyanti \ bhrd'jate [sd] p&nidantah 
(trochaic — cf. Ueb. ii.514). 

Quite irregular are : ubhayd'-dat, TS. ih2.Q*bie; -dam, AV. 
v.19.2. Benfey takes mahd'm as N.s.m. in ii.24.11 : iv.28.1 : ix. 
109.7 ; see Oditinger Nachrichten, 1878, p. 190. 

B. Here belong 178 forms (from 48 stems). 

Enumeration: dbibhyal; cdrkrahat, 2; cd'kacat, 9; kdrikrat, 2 (cf. dedrikrat, 
AY.xi.5.6); kdnikradat, 32 ; cikyat; ctkitat; tdvUvat; d&rdrat; ddda^b; fflifat; 
dfdiat,Q\ dfdiat; ddvidyutat, 3 ; dddhat, 18; d6dhuvai,3; ddvidhvai, 2; nd'nadr 
at, 4 ; ndnnamat ; pdniphdnat ; bd-ps-at {bhas), 3 ; bibhyat, 2 ; jdrbhurat, 2 ; 
bfbhrat, 17; bMribhrat; memiat; mdrmfjat; mdrmfcat, 2; r&'rajat; rerihat,*; 
rdruvai, 11; rdruvat, 2; vd'vadat; vevidat, 2; vtviahat, 4; vdrivrjat, 2; pocucai, 
10; cdnifcadat; shhidhat; sdniehyadai; jdhghanai, 2; ghdnighnat; jdhai ; jitoat, 
2; from AY., jd'grat (vi.115.2: xvi.7.10), etc.: from the Rik, further, kdnikrai, 
ix.63.20; dhdkshat, vL3.4; d&kshan nd\ p. dhakshat no, 1 130.8; ddkshat, p. dhr, 
ii.4.7 ; vdghdt, ix.103.5 ; cd'sat, 4 times. 



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N.&m.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda, 507 

Gr. considers kdnikrat as a shortened form of the usual kdnir 
kradat; ef. kdnikranrt% 3 p. sing. 

Here belong, according to Gr., cdkdn and cakrdn, which, 
although reduplicated, yet have the nasal See p. 505. 

NOMNATIVB AND ACCUSATIVE SlNGULAB NEUTER. 

A. Here belong 272 forms (from 31 stems). 

Enumeration: andt; viandt; dminat; dvianat ; .adt, 30: foot,!; d'wU, p. *'-, 
2; ydi, 2; iehndt; Vshat (x.89. 14) ; got, 5; Mo*f; kiddy by at; cdrat,3; ciidyat; 
trpat, 5; dhfshdt, 10; pdtot; patdyat; bfh&t, 148; mafofo, 26; mindt; raghuydt; 
r&faL 14; vdrdhat; fanscti; tfkshat; pvdyat; s&kshat; sunvdt; from AY., bhav- 
ishydt (6 times, as r.7.9), etc. ; from the Rik, further, tya*; Vvat, 2 ; fctyo*, 2. 
For dyuqdt, see p. 602. 

. As adverbs, with adverbial shift of accent, occur : dravdt (drdv- 
ant) j 5 ; drahydt (! dfhyant), once. 

B. Here belong: ddvidyutat, x.43.4 ; pepipat, x. 127.7; jdgcrt, 
16 times; ydyuvat, AV. xix.47.2. 

ACCUSATIVB SdTGULAB MASCULINE. 

A. Here belong 315 forms (from 121 stems). Examples are: 
sdntam, 28 ; ydntam, 1 1 ; cdrantam, 24 ; brhdntam y 35 ; updntam, 
8. Furthermore occur : mahd'ntam, 8 ; ddnt-am (Gr. ddntarm), 
iv.6.8 ; hvranyadant-am, v.2.8. For mahd'm, see arc-stems, A. a.m. 

B. Here belong: d-sapcatam (i.112.9 — seep. 467); gdnigmatam; 
dddatam; dt'diatam; nd'nadatam; pdnipnatam, 4 ; btbhratam, 
5 ; from AV., kdrikratam, x.4.13 ; bibhratam, xiv.2.30: xix.32.9 ; 
rdruvatam, xi. 10.26. 

Instrumental Singulab Masculine and Neuter. 

A Masculine. Oxytones : satd'; jdnatd'; tujatd', 2 ; brhatd', 
11; bhindatd'; mahatd\ 5; vanushyatd'; datd\ x.115.2: AV. 
vi.56.8. Barytones : dghnatd; dvatd; dsunvatd, 3 ; cdratd; 
ptishyatd; r&$atd, 2 ; from AV., pydvddatd (vii.65.3), etc. 

Neuter. Oxytones : gavyatd', 3 ; tudyatd! ; dhrshatd', as adv., 
18 (and perhaps V&l. 4.3) ; brhatd\ 7 ; mahatd', 3 ; upatd', 2 ; 
fucatd'; pravasyatd', 2 ; eamaryatd' ; mmndyatdl. Barytones : 
ddrpyatd; d'satd^ p. &'-; dsredhatd; dhedatd, 3 ; rupatd. 

B. Masculines: dddatd; pdpucatd. Neuter: jdgatd,\. 164. 25: 
AV. iii.12.7. 

Dative Singular Masculine and Neuter. 

A. Masculine. There are 187 oxytone forms (from 38 stems), 
and 30 barytone forms (from 26 stems). 

Oxytones: amuyaU; avishyatS; apvdyaU; saU, 5; yatt, 9; iehayatS; ishudh- 
yatS; ishtyati; vj&yatt, 3; rtdyati, 5; f&otf; krnvati, 2; gavyati; grnatt, 29; 
jwali; jdnaU; tudyatS; devayaU, 5; dvishati, 2; dhiydyaU; dhUnvati; prnatf, 
3; jnrchati; bfTiati, 16; brahmanyati; mahayati; mahati, 4; mdnavasyati; 
yafa&yatt: vanvatt: upUS, 6 ; vidhati, 15 ; gravaayatt, 3 ; crnvatt, 3 ; sakhiyati, 
3; rtncati; mwvati, 33; stuvaU, 21. 



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608 0. R ianman, [Ptcp. in nt, L 

Barytones: dgknats; acoddte (sic, 7.44.2); dminaie: areata 3; arkate; tydak- 
ate; carate; estate; iarate; tr' shy ate, 2; ddpate; pacata; pipUkato; pi t k yt e ; 
yQat6i yhihyaU; rd'jote; rfshati, 2; vddak, 2; pdjuafc, 3; tfirdhaie, 4; «<aM- 
sate; karyate, 4; and, Cvafe; HyaU; addtc, L189.5. 

The utterly incorrect and impossible accent acoddte is particu- 
larly appropriate for hymn v. 44 ; d-codate would be correct. If 
we grant a stem acoddnt, the D.s. would be -ol£, never -<foe. 

Neuter. Oxy tones: brhati; mahate y 10; pucate; sandyate. 
Barytone: fvate. 

B. Masculines : ftyoshate; dddhate; bibhrate; educate; ghdni* 
ghnate; juhvate; vdghdte (accent! see p. 506), 8. Neuter: 
jdgate, AV. i.31.4. 

Ablative Singulab Masculine abd Nbutbb. 

A. Masculines: krnvcUds; prnatds; brhatd$> 13 ; vanushyaUk, 
4 ; and, dbhufljatas; dvadatas; rfshatas, 8 ; jighdhsatas. Neu- 
ters : drAottfa, 3 ; mahatds; and, dscUas; kfvatas. 

B. Masculine: kdnikradatas (vdjrdt)^ ii.11.9. 

Gbnitovb Singular Masoulibb abd Nbutbb. 

A. Masculine. There are 127 oxytone forms (from 33 stems), 
and 63 barytone forms (from 34 stems). 

Oxytonea: ardttyatfa; satds, 10; yatds; undat&s ; rghdyatfo, 3; ftdyatfaZ] 
hr^vat&B, 2; karishyat&s, 3; Jakiyat&s ; grnat&8,5\ ty'at&s: tor aids; turcupyatfo; 
todyaide; dwhandyatfo; dvishatds, 2; dhrshatfo, 2; pfnatis; pUOyatds; brhatfo, 
26; brahmanyatd*, 2; mahatd*, 11; mishatda; minatds; rudhatfo; vapughyat&t; 
upatda; vidhatds, 9; pucatds; *aparyatda; awivot&s, 21: atuoatds, 9; fttivatii. 

Barytones: dgfmatos; fyQryatae, 2; dbhufijataa; areata*, 2; 4*w*twta*, 3; 
faofoAata* ; edrataa; cMatae; jfoatcu, 2 ; jdyatas, 2 ; jVvatcu, 2 ; jijydaatou; tVrv- 
atom; tf'ahyatas; diddaatas; dr&vatcu, 2; dhdmatas; dhrdjataa, 2; ptyaUu; 
bh&'shatas, 2; y&dhyoios, 4; rSbhoios, 2; rirtfoAaJa*; rbfcUas; v&yatas; v6rdh- 
atas; venaUu; f&rdhatas, 3; tfcatas; sVdatas; sishdaatat; jighdnmias,*; hdnh* 
atcu; an&VvakUj 3. 

In ii.27.8, ddabdhdso dipsanto, Roth conjectures cftpsato: 'Un- 
deceived of him that would fain deceive. 9 

Neuters : f>r4na&fc, 2 ; *atcfo, 4 ; krpayatds; brhatds, 5 ; mahat- 
ds; mishatds; ydtds; and, d'satae, p. £'-, - ; errata*, 2 ; bhdvatas; 



r&patas; venatas; stshdsatas. 
B. Masculines: jig 



figatas; tdritrcUas; dhdkshcUcu; dddatas, 2; 
dd'satas; dddhctias, 4; dddluxtas ; bdpwUcu, 2; txfyA&o*, 5; 
vivishatae; pd'scrtas; jdnghnatas. 

Neuters : vd'vadatas; jdgata*, 29 ; dvdrvrtatas, AY. v. 1.8. 

Locative Singular Masoulinb asd Nbutbb. 

A. Masculines: yati, 10; mahati; sunvctii; and, irdyati; from 
AV., ubhayd'dati, v.31.3. Neuters : mahal'i, 2 ; and, <f*ati. 
At the beginning of LllS.lOa and ii.80.ldf, we have with metrical 
lengthening, Kydti <*', p. UAi; see Rik Pr. ix.29. 

neuter: jdgati, i.164.23. 



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V.s.m.] Noun-Inflection in the Vedcu 509 

Vocative Singular Masculine. 

A. Grassmann takes patdvan, vi.47.9, as a compound of dvant; 
but see stems in vant, V.s.m. The word bhos is explained as a 
contracted form of bhavas. If this be vocative of ohav-ant 9 we 
must regard it as formed after the analogy of the stems in vant, 
as though the stem were bhcwant. See stems in vant y V.s.m. 

Nominative, Accusative, and Vocative Dual Masculine. 

A. There are 79 <$-forms (from 52 stems), and 18 ou-forms (from 
11 stems). 

I. The d-forms: afn&ntd; sdntd, 4; ydttid, 4: gm&rtid, 2 (and see below); gem* 
y&rtid; dofasydntd, 3; dty&ntd; duhdntd; pundntd; pfiicdntd; bfJidntd, 4; likuj- 
antd; mishdntd; mindntd; irajydntd; vanv&ntd; ttfantd, 2; vcunaydntd; vdjay- 
antd; vidntd; vrdhdntd; prnv&ntd: saparydntd; swnnay&ntd; — dmardhantd 
dyatantd; drhantd; ishdyantd; kshdyantd; cdrantd, 2; cod&yantd, 2; jandyantd 
jdranid; drdvantd; dhdmantd; pdrdyantd, 2; pfoantd; mddantd\ 4; rddantd 
vdjdyantd; vddantd; vdpantd; vdhantd, 6; vSnantd; addantd; sdpantd; sahantd 
stfdhantd; hdyantd;— pd'ntd; yd'nid.; mahd'ntd, 3; brhantd, voa 

II. The au-forms: apndntau; sdntau, 2; y&ntau: ieh&yatUau; Jerfdantau, 2, 
kshdyantau; Urdntau; ydjantau; rd'jantau; vrdhantou; and mahd'ntau. The 
A V. has mddantau, iviii. 1.54c, a alight modernization of BY. X.14.7& 

In i. 122. 11, gmdntdy the pada has gmdntd; d Pr&t. viii.15. 
The pada sometimes has a dual in -d against •& of the samhitd 
342) ; but not vice versa. The sense requires a plural ; see 
,p.m, and Benfey, Abh. xix.260. 

B. Here belong: L tdrtiratd; bdpeatd; bibhratd, 3; pd'satd; 
anupd'satd; — II. dddhatau; Mbhratau, 2. 

Nominative and Accusative Dual Neuter. 

A. Here belong : ya&\ 2 ; brhatt'; and perhaps pr'shalt, 
i.162.21 — see p. 391. 

Dative and Genitive Dual Masoulinb. 

A* Datives: mahddbhydm; mrdayddbhydm, i 136.1 bis (Or. 
-bhidm). Genitive: jdratos. Samyatds (accent), AV. xvi.8.22, 
is G.d.n. 

B. Genitive: pipratoe. 

Nominative and Vocative Plural Masoulinb. 

A. There are 428 forms (from 166 stems). Examples are: 
$dnias, 9; ydntas, 16; krdntas; tcrnvdntas, 8; grn&ntas, 21; 
devaydntas, 26; bhiddntae ; bhinddntas, 2; mddantas y 10; 
vdjaydntas, 13 ; ghndntas, 9 ; upantae, voa, x.30.2. Not 
included above are : satdmahdntas; mahd'ntae, 2 ; mahdntas^ 
voa, 2. 

Gr. proposes gmdnto, text gmdntd, i.122.11 ; see N.d.m. For 
dipsantas, see G.s.m. 

We find ubhayd'd&tae, x.90.10; and ubhayatod&tas, Manu i.43. 
In each case, the absence of the nasal may be due to the metre, 
since the syllable dt is penultimate in an anushtubh-pdda. The 
vol. x. 68 



t 



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510 C. R. Lanman, [Ptcp. in nL t 

AV. has the transition-form ddntds, iv.3.6 : v. 18.8, etc. ; similarly 
the £at. Br., -dantda (instead of -datts), i.6.3". 
B. Here belong 53 forms (from 20 stems). 

Enumeration: kdrikratas; jd'gratas; jagataa, voc. ; titrates; dddotos, 9; d^fa- 
tas, 2; dddkattu; dddhatas, 6; dfdhiatcu; d&vidhvaUu, 3; ndnuvatas; pipratai, 
2 ; bdpsatas, 2 ; Mbhraias, 12 ; mdrmrjatas; vdghdtas, 6 ; vdghatas, voc. ; ptfjwco- 
few; jwrata*; jQivatas; jdhuvatas. 

For the irregular nasal ofvavrdhdntas, iv.2.17 (= AV. xviii.3.22, 
t>dt>-), see p. 505. 

NOMINATIVE AND ACCUSATIVE PLURAL NEUTER. 

A. We have the forms mahd'nti, p. mahd'nti, 3 times, and 
AV. ix.5.1: x.4.23; lydnti, p. tydnti, RV. vi.23.4 (Prat ix.30) ; 
irMWi, AV. viiL9.3. 

The only real participle in the N.A.p.n. is sd'nti y ii.28.1 : 
viii.8.28. The pacta reads s&'nti; Prat, ix.25. 

In i.l40.13cd, gdvyarh ydvyarh y&nto dtorghd' dhd[nt] | toham vdram artmio tar- 
artfa, Both takes dhdni and artmio as coordinate subjects of varanta. ' Mdgen die 
lange rich dahinziehenden Tage und die Morgenr6then una Vieh, Kora, and 
Lebensfrische schenken.' We might (1) read y&'nti; or (2) we might consider 
the masculine ydntaa as the general gender before two different ones following 
(n. and f.) ; or (3), in view of the extreme unfamiliarity of the neuter form, we 
may make the maao. do duty outright for the neuter, as in the case of Aartjprtyom, 
p. 377. 

Accusative Plubal Masculine. 

A. There are 65 oxytone forms (from 24 stems), and 24 bary- 
tone forms (from 15 stems). 

Oxytones : 'saids, 3 ; yatds, 4 ; rghdyatds, 2 ; grnaids, 7 ; tarushyatds ; tadyatis, 
2; prnatds; prtanyatds, 9; brTutide, 3; bhandandyatda ; mandyaids ; mahaida,^] 
rudaias; vanushyatds,^; ufatds, 11: vdjayatds; vidhatds; pravasyaids; prnvatds, 
2; frudhtyatajf ; sakMyatds; 0<uato«, 2 ; stuvatds; datds, vii.55.2: AV. v.29.4: 
vi.56.3. 

Barytones: (Sprnofcw, 2; dprayuchaias ; drcatas; ksMyatas; dhd'vatas; dhrfy- 
aku; pdtatas, 2 ; rd'yaias; riahatas; r&rukshataa (ruh); vddatas; vrd'dhatat, 5; 
C&rdhatas, 4; sisrpsatcu; i'vcUas; cydvddatas, AY. xi.9.17. 

B. Here belong : jdkshatas (ghas) ; dd'satas ; pd'pvasatas; 
from A V., jd' grata*, vii. 108.2 ; dddhatas, xill.58 : and so iii.6.2 ; 
pdpucatas, viii.3.13. For sapcdtas, see pp. 469, 467. 

INSTRUMENTAL PLUBAL MASCULINE AED NEUTER. 

A. The oxytone stems (except ddnt) do not shift the accent to 
the ending. There are 33 masculine forms (from 21 stems), and 
7 neater forms (from 5 stems). 

Masculines: dnimishadbhis ; dprayuchadbhis; dsredhadbhis ; didyadbhis; tufa- 
yadbMs; devayddbhis, 2; dhd'vadbhi* ; patdyadbhie ; brMdbhis, 3; mahddbkis, 
5: rSbhadbhis; ritfadbhis,3; vddadbhis ; upddbhia; vdjayddbhis ; vrdjadbhis, 2 ; 
pocadbhis; pucddbhis; pucdyadbhia, 2; pubhdyadbhia ; dadbhia, 2. 

Neuters: brhddbhia; mahddbhia, 2; ripadbhia; pucdyadbhia, 2; atandyadbhU. 

Transition to the a-declension : ddntais, AV. xi.3.37. The 
£at. Br. has dadbhis by the side of ddntds, iii.5.4". 



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Lp.m.n.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 611 

B. Here belong: nd'nadadbhis, 2; pdpruthadbhis; vd'vadhd- 
bhis; vdghddbhis, 4 ; pd' pvasadbhis. 

Dative and Ablatitb Plubal Masculine. 

A. Datives: k&htidkyadbhycu ; tudyddbhyas ; brhddbhyas; 
mahddbhyas; vddadbkyas; upddbhya*; vdhadbhyas; pdpyad- 
bhyas: prayddbhyas (Gr. -bhias), v.54.9 ; grnddbhyas (Gr. 
-bhias); sunvddbhias, i. 132.4 ; dadbhyds, AV. xi.2.6. 

Ablative : pardyddbhyas, x.34.6. 

Gxnitivs Plubal Masoulinb and Neuteb. 

A. Masculine. There are 50 oxytone forms (from 22 stems), 
and 10 barytone forms (from 7 stems). Here Gr. puts sthdtd'm, 
i.70.3 ; but see p. 423 med. 

Orytonee: adhvariyatd'm, 3; scti&'m, 3; yatd'm; rj&yatd'm; gxnatd'm, 3; 
juratd'm; devaycUd'm, 4; dviahat&'m; brhetid'm; mahatd'm, 5; y&t&'m, 13; 
vanushyatd'm ; upatd'm; paJbHLyaWm^ 3; pravaeyatd'm ; prnvatd'm; sakhtycUdfm; 
sasai&'m; trunwztd'm; stuvctid'm; ghnatdfm; vdjayatd'm (Gr. -aam) } vi.45.29; 
satddm, vi.67.1. The AV. has datd'm, v.23.3. 

Barytones: dstmvaidm; cdraidm; j&yatdm^^; nx'tyatfan; p&tatdm; vivdsatdm; 
fdrdhaidm. 

Neuter: rathirdydtdm (accent! !), ix.98.4 ; see p. 506. 

B. Masculines: jdgatdm, 2; vdghdtdm, 3; bibhyatdm, AV. 
viii.8.20. 

Locative Plubal Masoulinb and Nbutbb. 

A. Masculines: grndtsu, 2; devaydtsu; patdyatm; mahdtsu, 2. 
Neuter: JH'ryatsu. 

PARTICIPLES IN VAJtS. 

For Brugman's view touching the original form of the vans 
and yan*-stems, see Zeitsch. xxiv.54. 

About 75 stems, simple and compound, end in vans. They 
have a three-fold form. In the strong cases the stem ends in 
vdns; in the weak, in u*h; and in the middle, in vad (only three 
such forms in the Rik). They are declined only in the masculine 
and neuter; the feminine is formed by adding i to the weak 
stem (p. 367). The accent is always on the final syllable of the 
stem, save in negative compounds. 

Even in the Veda there are several instances in which the weak 
form of the stem seems to be used in strong cases : cahr&sham, 
emushdm, proshusham, dbibhyushas (see A. a.m. and N.p.m.). It 
is possible to consider these as simple forms of transition to the 
a-declension (cakrteha-m, etc.). Indeed, we have one plain case 
of such transition in 9 at - Br. xiv.1.2 11 : td'm emtisha (Hi) iti 
vardhd ujjaghdna. Cf. Devamidhusha and Mxdhusha. 

In the Epos, similar anomalies are by no means rare. We 
have: divydstrorvidushau, N.d., MBh. iv.1847; vidushas, N.p., 
iii.15850 ; vedavidushas, Brhat Samhita, xvi.24. For other cita- 
tions, see BR. vi.1068; and c£ Kern, Translation of Brh. S., p. 100. 



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612 0. R Lanman, [Ptcp. in vans. 

NOMINATIVB SINGULAR MASOULINB. 

The N.s.m. in -vdn occurs 240 times (from 44 stems). It appears 
in the samhitd as -vdnp once (iii.44.2, vidvd'np c-, Pr&t. iv.32) ; d, 
moreover, dcikitvdnp c-, AV. ix.9.7, with dcikitvdfi c-, RV. i.164.6, 
and see Whitney to Ath. Pr. ii.27 end. It appears as -vdn, the 
regular elided form of -vdns (see p. 346), before a vowel, but only 
in the interior of &pdda (Pr&t. iv.26). 

The form -vM occurs 70 times : before a-, 42 times, as v.2.8 ; before d-, in 
L94.6: ii.6.8: iii.14.2: iv.8.4; 19.10; before *-, i.37. 8 ; 174.6: v.29.3,14; 30.11; 
32.2: ix.105.6: x.112.6; 160.2; before t, i.145.1 ; before *-, i.52.8; 190.7: iil 
29.16; 35.4: x.11.5; before r-i L146.5: iii.31.1 ; 50.3: viii.81.9: x.2.1 ; 28.5; 
138.3 ; before «-, ix.96.2. 

Furthermore, -vdfl occurs before y- (iL4.6: ix.107.1), and v- (i. 132.3). The 
Prat enumerates all the cases at iv.28. The VS. reads -vd y- (Pr&t iii.135) ! In 
ii.12.4, jtgvd'fi (*=nasalized I) occurs before J- ; PrAt. iv.4. 

At the end of a pdda we have -vdn before a vowel (23 times) : so before a-, 
e. g. vii.7.5 ; before d- } e. g. i.169.3 ; before »-, e. g. z.8.8 ; before «-, e. g. iv.7.8; 
before r-, x. 148.3. In three exceptional cases we have -vdft, even at the end of • 
pdda : in i.59.6e and iii.32.6a (see Prat, iv.26), and in i.69.1a (akaharapankU). 

Enumeration : dcikUvdn ; dprothivdn ; drarivdn ; dvidvdn, 3 ; cakrv&'n, 2 ; 
jagcvnvd'n, 6 ; cikitvd'n, 32 ; jigtvd'n, 2 ; jtyurvd'n, 3 ; jujushvd'n, 2 ; jfyuvd'n; 
jafiUvd'n; tatanvd'n, 2; dadaqvd'n; dadasvd'n; dadvd'n; ddfvd'n, 6; dfcftwfn; 
dadrpvd'n; dadhanvd'n, 3; dadhxshvd\ 3 ; papivd'n, 8; pvpushvd'n; paprivtfn, 
2; btiMod'n; bdbh&vd'n, Z \ midhvd'n,b] Tnamrvd'n; yayivd'n; rarivd'n ; rurvk- 
vd'n ; vavanud'n ; vivikvd'n ; vividvd'n, 2 ; vidvd'n, 98 ; vividhvd'n ; cupukvd'*, 3 ; 
fupruvd'n; sasavd'n, 6; sdsahvd'n, 2; sdhvd'n, 9; tasthivd'n; jaghanvdfti, 17. 
Here Gr. puts pvdsivdn^-BR. stem fv&kvant. 

Nominative and Accusative Singular Nbutbr. 

Here belong tatanvdt (vi.21.3) and samvavrtvdt (v.31.3) — both 
accusative. 

Aoousativb Singular Masoulinb. 

Here belong 66 forms (from 27 stems). 

Enumeration: tyivd'nsam, 2; cakfvd'nsam ; jdgrvd'nsam ; eakhvdfnsam; cikitr 
vd'nscm; jty'uvd'nsam; ddfvd^hsam, 9; dtdivd'nsam, 11; dfovidvdnsam ; papti- 
vd'naam ; papivd'nsam, 3 ; plpivd'nsam, 2 ; paprivd'nsam ; mamrvd'tisam ; 
ririhvd'nsam ; wdvd'nsam; vavrivd'nsam, 5 ; vdvrdhvd'nsam, 2 ; ^puvdfnsam; 
sasavd'nsam ; sdsahvd'nsam, 2 ; sushuvd'nsam ; advidvdnsam ; sasfvd'nsom ; 
tastabhvd'ntwn ; tarikivd'naam, 7 ; sudtupvd'nsam. 

There are several remarkable instances in which the weak form 
seems to be used for the strong. They are: cakrusham (for 
cakrvd'nsam — S&y., krtavantam), x.137.1 (=AV. iv.13.1) ; vard- 
hdm emicshdm (for emivd'nsam), viii.66.10 ; pitdram proshusham 
(for proshivd'naam}, Qat.Br. xii.5.2*. The accent of emusM is 
perhaps due to a misconception of the form (BR.). 

Instrumental Singular Masoulinb and Nbutbr. 

Masculines: dbibhyushd (i.6.7); cikitushd; vidushd,8. Neu- 
ters: dbxbhyushd; bibhyushd. 

Dative Singular Masoulinb. 

Here belong: drarushe; HeCtshe % 2\ cahrtishe; jagmfahe; cikit- 
fake, 6 ; jigyr&she, 2 ; daddtfiuhe, 4 ; ddpushe, 111 ; bibhyushe; 
mfdhushe, 11 ; vidfahe, 5 ; sedushe. 



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Ab.G.s.m.n.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 518 

Ablative and Genitive Singular Masculine and Nbuteh. 

Ablatives : (masc.) drarushas; jujurtishas, 2 ; (neat.) tasthushas 
(1.6.1?). 

Genitives: (masc. — 63 forms, from 19 stems) dddpushas, 2 
drarushas y 6; tyushas; jagmushas ; cikittUhas; jigyibshas, 4 
fdnushas; tatar&shas; dadushas, 2 ; ddptishas, 21 ; didiytishas; 
papHshas: bibhytish&s; rntdhtishas, 9 ; vividtishas; sedushas, 2 
six&huvushas; tasthfahas, 6 ; jaghnushas; mamrtishas, AV. vi 
18.2 ; (neat.) vavavrushas. 

Delbruck, Verbum, p. 235, says that dadhanvdtas, vi.48.18, may 
be G.s.m. of dardfyan-vdns, for da-dhanv-v.sh-as; c£ p. 516. 

VOCATIVE SINGULAR MASCULINE. 

Here belong: cikitvas^ 11 ; titirvas; didivas, 6; mtdhvcts, 10. 
The AV., at vii.97.1 (=RV. iii.29.16), has cikitvan, a moderniza- 
tion of the Rik-form cikitvas; cf. van^stems, V.s.Yn. 

NOMINATIVE AND AOOUSATIVB DUAL MASCULINE. 

I. The <l- forms: okivd'nsd; jaganvd'nsd; jdgrvd'nsd; <Mdi- 
vd'nsd; papivd'nsd; vavanvd'nsd: vidvd'nsd, 3; p&puvd'nsd; 
pupruvd'nsd; tasthivd'nsd, 2. II. There is but one aw-form, 
vidvd'nsau. 

Nominative Plural Masculine. 

Here belong 43 forms (from 22 stems). 

Enumeration: dvidvdnms; cakrvd'nsa8 } 2; jaganvd'nsas ; jdgrvd'nsas, 3; cikit- 
vd'nsas ; jigtvd'ntas, 4; titvrv&'iisas ; dadrvd'nsas ; ddfvd'nsas, 2; paptivd'nsas ; 
mtdhvd'nsas; ririkvd'nsas, 2; vidvd'nsas, 3; cucukv&'nsas ; p&pwd'ntas; sasa- 
vd'nsaSyb; sdsahvd'nsas ; sdhvd'nsaa; sasrvd'nsas, 2; tusTUuvd'nsas, 3; iasihi- 
vd'hsas, 5 ; sushupvd'nsas. For Wiaktivd'nsas, AV. vi.79.3 (cf. vii.97.3), see BR. 
v.168. 

Weak form for strong. In i.11.5 (=SV. ii.601), dbibhyusha* 
can hardly be construed otherwise than as N.p.m. (for dbibhivdn- 
8as) with devd's. Mtlller, Translation, p. 3, takes pdri tasthfahas, 
i.6.1, as equivalent to paritasthivd'nsas ; cf. Mahidhara to VS. 
xxiii5 : tasthushah vibhakter vyatyayah tasthivdnsah karmdrtham 
sthitd rtvijah; but the antithesis seems to be between pdri car 
and athd. See A.p.m. Under this category Boilensen, Z.D.M. G. 
xxii.604, puts cikittishas (i.73.1) and dadushas (i.54.8 — Say., 
havirdattavantas .... yad vd . . .). Both forms are genitives 
s.m. 

Nominative and Accusative Plubal Nbutbb. 

There seems to be no example of a form in -vdnsi. 

Accusative Plubal Masculine. 

Here belong : jagmushas; cikittishas, 2 ; jigyushas, 2 ; d&p- 
fishos; mtdhushasy 3 ; vidushas; sedushas; tasthushas, v.53.2 : 
ix.19.6 : and i.6.1 (A. p.m. rather than Ab.s.n., on account of 
pdri). 



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514 0. R. Lanman, [ya/w-stems. 

INSTRUMENTAL AND GENITIVE PLURAL MASCULINE. 

Instrumental : jdgrvddbhis, 3. 

Genitives : dddpushdm; jigyfahdm; dadtishdm; mfdhtishdm; 
vidHshdm; pupruvfohdm, yat. Br. ii.2.2*. 



OOMPAEATITBS IN YA&S. 

These stems have the form -ydris in the strong cases, and -y<u 
in the weak. No middle form occurs. They are declined only in 
the masculine and neuter ; the feminine is formed by adding f to 
the weak stem (p. 367). We find tdmyans and tdvyans, ndvtyans 
and ndvyans, paniyans and pdnyans, sdhiyans and sdhyans, side 
by side. 

Benfey, Gram. p. 810, note 5, mentions kaniyas-am as a strong 
case-form from a weak stem (for kaniydns-am). It occurs thrice 
in the MBh. Like it is kaniyasau. BR. refer both forms to an 
o-stem (kaniyasa-m). Both are at all events by origin transition- 
forms. Compare the stems preydnsa, preyasa y and compounds. 

Nominative Singula* Masculine. 

The N.s.m. in -dn occurs 56 times (from 20 stems). It appears 
in the samhitd as ~dnp once (x.90.3, jyd'ydnp ta) ; cf. the sandhi 
of the AV. at xiii.4.46,47. For the rest, it is treated just as the 
N.s.nx of -vans, and appears as -tin before vowels in the interior 
of zpdda four times (before a-, iv.30.1: vii.98.1; before i-, v.41.12: 
viii.1.6) ; but as -dn before vowels at the end of zpdda nine times 
(e. g., before r-, ill 0.7 : vi.12.5). 

Enumeration: dtavydn, 2 ; 6jiydn, 2 ; k&ntydn; j&vtydn, 5 ; jyd'ydn, 1 ; tfrtydn; 
t&vtydn, 3; tdvydnjB; dh&viydn; naviydn, 3; rndnhtydn; y&jtydn, 15; ySdhiydn; 
vdniydn, 2 ; v&rtydn ; v&sydn, 2 ; vkdiydn \ priydn, 2 ; a&hfydn, 2 ; ah&bhtydn. 

Nominative and Accusative Singular Neuter. 

Here belong 82 forms (from 16 stems) : r'jiyas; Sjiyas; kdniyas, 
2; jyd'yas, 2; tdvtyas; ddviyas; drd'ghiyas, 5; ndviyas^ 12 ; 
ndvyas, 7 ; nbdiyas, 3 ; preyas; bh&'yas, 7 ; bhil'yas-bhilyas; 
vdrtyas, 14 ; vdrshtyas; vdsyas, 20 ; svd'diyas, 3. 

In i. 105.15c?, the metre calls for the longer grammatical form 
ndviyas instead of the shorter equivalent ndvyas; similarly, in 
vi.30.la, for bhdviyas (not bh-d'tas — cf. i.83.1), instead of bhuyas. 
For ndv[f]ya8 in i.61.13&, see p. 338 med. 

Accusative Singular Masculine. 

Here belong: jyd'ydnsam; tdvydnsam; drd'ghtydnsam; n4v- 
ydnsam; pdnydmam ; pdpiydnsam ; preydnsam; from AV., 
vdrshtydnsarn, ix.6.19 : xv.11.5 ; sdhiydnsam, xviLl-5. For 
kaniyas-am^ see above. 



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Ls.m.n.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 515 

Instrumental Singula* Masculine and Neuter 

Masculines : jdviyasd, 2; ndvyasd, vi.6.1 ; bhd'yasd. 

Neuters: titty cud; tvdkshtyasd; ndvfyasd, 3; ndvyasd, 4; 
pdnyasd, 2 ; bhdvtyasd; bhti'yasd (iv.24.9Jw) ; vdsyasd; vdsyasdr 
vasyasd; sdhiyasd, 2. 

Dative Singular Masculine and Neuter. 

Masculines : tdvyase; ndvtyase; pdniyase; pdnyase: sdnyase; 
sdhtyase (read sdhyase, i. 71.4c) ; sdhyase; bdltyase, AV. iii.29.3. 
Neuters : ndvtyase; ndvyase, 10 ; sdnyase, 2. 

Ablative and Genitive Singular Masoulinb and Nbuter. 

Ablatives : . (masc.) tdvfyasas; rdbhyasas; sdhiyasas, 2 ; sdh- 
yasas, 2 ; (neut.) bhti'yasas. 

Genitives : (masc.) kdniyasas y 2 ; jyd f yasas; tdvyasas; ndvfr 
yasas; ndvyasas; bhU'yasas; (neut.) ndvyasas, 2. 

Locative and Vocative Singular Masculine. ' 
Locative : sdhfyasi, 2. Vocatives : djiyas; jyd'yas. 



Nominative Plural Masculine. 

?re belong : pj 
bM\ 



Here belong: pr'eydn&as; from AV., ti'kshniydnsas, i\iA9Abis; 
hti'ydnsas, vri.60.7. 

Nominative and Accusative Plural Neuter 
Here belongs ndvydnsi, nom., i.38.3a (catalectio ?). 

Accusativb Plural Masculine. 

Here belong: kdnlyasas; nedtyasas, 2; bhH'yasas y ^\ vdsyasas y 
14; vdhtyasas; vdrshiyasas, AV. vil36.2. 

Genitive Plural Masculine. 

Instead of the masc. ndvyasdm, we find the fem. form ndvyas- 
indm (marittdm) at the end of v.53.10fl (7 syll., catalectic — Gr. 
-aam) y and of v.58.1fl (11 syll.). The metre is chargeable with 
the irregularity. 

STEMS IN VANT AND MANT. 

The stems formed by the suffixes vant and mant are declined 
entirely alike, and it has therefore seemed best not to treat them 
in separate sections. The forms from stems in vant are given 
case r>y case under category A ; and those from stems in mant y 
under category B. 

These stems are declined only in the masculine and neuter. 
The feminine is formed by adding % to the weak stem (p. 867). 
The stem in vant, mant seems, however, to be used sometimes as 
a feminine ; thus, according to Gr., we have : pdpvatdtdnd, i.26.6 : 
ix.1.6 (I have taken the two words adverbially — see p. 480); 



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516 C. R. Lanman, [yant, mant-stems. 

havishmatd devdtdtd> Ll28.2c; rdthavate prdpastoye, i. 122.11c? 
(the metre demands -vatyai). It may be questioned whether these 
are syntactical or formal peculiarities ; or due to a simple disre- 
gard of grammatical gender (cf. brhate, ix.15.2; 96.4: AY. 
xiv.2.72; ndmabibhratf dtithis, xv.13.6). 

These stems show the distinction of strong and weak in the 
retention of the nasal in the strong cases and its rejection in the 
weak. Several instances of the confusion of this distinction are 
probable. 

Weak form for strong. The most probable instance seems to 
me to be tohumdti ytithd' (for h&humdnti^ A.p.n.), iv.2.18. Not 
improbable is x.59.1, sthd'tdreva krdtumaid rdthasya {for krdtu- 
mantd, N.d.m.) : * Discerning are the two guides as it were of 
the wagon;' figuratively for the eyes of the body. Gr. makes 
indrdvato a N.p. in iv.27.4, rjipyd tm bidrdvato nd bhujyfan | 
$yen6 jabhdra; see Ueb. i.134. 

Strong for weak. There is no certain instance. The possible 
or supposed ones— : prdyasvantas, havUhmanto8 y vadhti 'manias^ 
dyumantd* — are discussed below; see Ap.m. Kuhn, Beitr&ge, 
ih.475, proposes vd'java[?i]tas in vl 5 0.1 la, taking it, I suppose, 
as G.s.m. This form is certainly demanded by the cadence, and 
perhaps it once stood in the text as N.p.m. with t& 9 being dis- 
placed by the formal parallelism of the genitives. Rather than 
rdthava[n]te> Ll22.ll, read -vatyai. 

Unlike participles, these stems do not shift the accent to the 
ending when oxy tone ; e. g. nrvdtd, revdtas — cf. jdnate, tujatds. 

Transition to the a-declension. I have met with no instance of 
this from vant or manl-stems; but c£ the P&H, himavanto va 
pabbato (parvato), Dhammapada 304, and Kuhn, Pdli-gram. p. 76. 

Transitions (?) from the an-declension. The stem maghdvan has 
several supplementary middle forms from maghdvant in the Rik: 
maghdvdn, once; -vadbhtSy once; -vadbhya*> 19; -vatsu, 8. So 
sahd'van makes sahd'vdn, 2. 

Similarly the stem yfivan has the supplementary form yHvat 
(A.s.n., i.111.1: x.39.8), both times in places where the regular 
form yiivd would be excluded by the metre: e. g. tdkshafi 
pitfbhydm rbhdvo yuvad vdyah. Cf. an-stems, N.A.s.n. So in 
Sutmrn&dhy&ya, vii.4 (Ind. Stud, xiv.6), occurs yuvdtas, A.p.m. 

The I.s. m. varimdtd, i.108.2, is rightly referred by BR., vii. 
1800, to varimdn. The Sanskrit form varimnd' would not fill 
out the verse. Cf. da-dhan-vdt-as, p. 513. 

Some of these supplementary forms are probably forms of tran- 
sition to the vantf-declension. For some, the N.s.m. may have 
served as the point of departure. Cf. maghdvd with maghdvdn 
r-y wdvdn y- (1.36.10) and dadhanvd'n y- (ix.107.1) with -vd y- of 
the VS. (xxxiv.26 : xix.2) — Pr. iii.135. See also Zeitsch, xxiv.53. 

Conversely, the stem drvant has two forms from drvan: drvd> 
21 : drvdnam. 



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N.s.m.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 617 

NOMDTATTVB SlNOULAB MaSOTJUNB. 

A. The N.8.m. in -vdn occurs 102 times (from 89 stems). 

B. The N.s.m. in -mdn occurs 100 times (from 29 stems). 
These forms are treated in the samhitd quite like those from 

stems in -vdm; see p. 512. 

The form -vdi/l occurs in the interior of *pdda 50 times : before a-, 22 times, as 
▼.28.4 (and at the end of i/70.5a, aksharapankti) ; before t-, 7 times, as iv.4.1 ; 
before o-, 11 times, as riAlA ; before r-, i.189.6: ii.25.3: iv.16.1; 26.1: x.64.16; 
before d-, i.84.9 : viii.86.4 ; before e-, iv.2.5 : z.3.7 ; before o-, i.173.6. At the 
end of a pdda we have -vdn before vowels, 8 times, as iii.39.4: vi.37.l ; and 
exceptionally in the interior of a pdda (Pr&t. iv.3l) at i.23.23: iv.16.9: z.9.9; 
90.3. The sandhi is -vd4i before c-, >-, p- (ch-) ; e. g. vii.20.1 : ix.90.3 : L96.1 : and 
•vdn before U; as i.30.14. 

In like manner, -mdfl occurs in the interior of a pdda 47 times : before a-, 22 
times, as iv.2.5 ; 41.1 ; before *-, 12 times, as ix.2.9 ; before «-, 4 times, as 
vii.71.4; before r-, vi.18.2 : ix.96.13 ; 97.48; 110.11: x.89.5 ; before dr, i.12.9: 
ix.44.4 : x.98.3 ; before <l-, ix.68.8. At the end of a pdda, we have -mdn before 
vowels in iL12.12 : vii.85.4 : x.8.2. We find -mM before c-, i.55.1. 

The fact that drvdn stands in the sarhhUd as drvM (i. 163. 13, before a-; 
ix.97.25, before *-) does not seem to me to justify the assumption that arvd is the 
nominative to arvant (Mailer, Translation, p. 56). The sandhi is perfectly regular. 
We have, to be sure, the supplementary nom. arvd ; so maghdvdn and maghavd ; 
sahd'vdn and sahd'vd. % 

A. The forms are: atohanvd'n; agnivd'n; dngirasvdn, 2; dnnavdn; dpavfra- 
vdn ; dmavdn, 4 ; drvdn, 2 ; dtffrvdn ; iddvdn ; ishdvdn ; fghdvdn, 2 ; etdfvdn ; 
katehi'vdn, 4 ; fohapd'vdn, 2 ; ksh&pdvdn, 3 ; ghfntvdn ; jdnivdn ; tdpasvdn ; 
tarshidfvdn; tdvasvdn; t&vishtvdn; td^vdn; tuvtrdvdn, 2; tvd'vdn, 9; dahsdnd- 
vdn, 2 ; ddJcshindvdn, 2 ; ddtehindvdn, 2 ; ddtravdn ; dd'navdn ; dd'svdn, 3 ; dur- 
hdndvdn, 2; devdvdn; devdfvdn ; dyumndvdn ; ndmasvdn, 6; niyiUvdn, 12; 
nVlavdn ; pdyaavdn, 2 ; pavUravdn ; pdviravdn ; pastidvdn ; pfoarhdhivdn ; 
pfohanvd'n ; praj<Pvdn, 4 ; prdyasvdn, 6 ; pravatodn ; prahtfvdn ; bh&gavdn, 2 ; 
maghivdn; matavdn; rnatsardvdn; mdnasvdn; mariitvdn, 12 ; mdhasvdn; mdyd'- 
vdn; md'JUndvdn, 2; mehdndvdn; ydfasvdn; ydtumd'vdn; rdbhasvdn; rdsavdn; 
reod'n, 10: v&'javdn; vdjintvdn, 3; vivakvd'n; vivdsvdn; vr'shanvdn, 3 ; vr'sh- 
nidvdn; f&ctvdn, 2: parddvdn; fdfvdn; fipravdn; fiprintvdn; fimtvdn, 5; sdkhi- 
vdn ; aabhd'vdn ; s&rasvdn ; s&hasvdn, 3 ; sdhdfvdn, 2 ; sdhdvdn, 2 ; autd'vdn, 2 ; 
iOtortd'vdn ; stavd'n, 3 ; avadhd'vdn, 9 ; svddhttivdn ; stiarvdn, 3 ; h&rwdn, 4 ; 
hitd'vdn; hemid'vdn. 

B. The forms are: abdimdfn; dvimdn; apdnimdn; UTwmdn; udanimd'n; 
rbhwndfn, 2 ; kak&dmdn, 2 ; krdtumdn, 4 ; garfamdn, 2 ; gdmdn, 3 ; t&vishmdn, 
12; tvdsktrmdn; toUhton&n; dyumd'n, 11; dhrdjlmdn, 2; nadanumd'n; parafu- 
mdfn; papumdfn; pitumd'n, 4; barhishmdn; mddhumdn, 20; vdsumdn; virbk- 
mdn; vrshtimd'n, 2; fdrwndn; poctohmdn; sushwndfn; havishmdn, 19 ; MrCmdn. 

It seems necessary to read 1110.9^ with elision and orasis: 
rbhumindra citrdm d' darehi rd'dhah, text -md'n indra. 

The resolution hatfishmaan, i. 12 7. 10c?, is inadmissible; the 
pdda is catalectic (Y sylL). 

If we refer tuvtrdvdn, with BR, to tuvtrdvant, for tuvUrava- 
vant, the shortened form would be paralleled by kdnikrat etc. 
(p. 505) ; but see a#-stems, N.s.m. 

NOXUfATIVB AND AOOUBATTVE SlNGULAB NETJTBB. 

There are 204 forms in -vat (from 51 stems), and 81 forms in 
-mat (from 21 stems). 

. vol. x. 69 



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518 C. R. Lanman, [vant, mani-stema 

A. The forme are: apdthihavat; dmavat, 6; arrival, 2; apvavat, 2; opedfat 
14: dtmanvdt; dvr'tvat; irdvat, 2; r'ghdvai; etd'vat, 5; luhatiavat; gopd'wi; 
grAbhanavat ; ghrtdvat, 9; candrdvat; td'vat, 4; tokdvat; tvdfvat; daJahinmi: 
dyumndvat, 2; dkdnd'vat; dhvasmanvdt; ndmaavat; ni'lavat; nrvdt, 12; padvdL 
2; pdyasvat, 2; pastidvat; pfshadvat; prcyd'vcti, 10; barhdndvcU ; yd'vall \ 
yuvat, 2 (p. 516); rafAavat 3; rdsavat; rev&t, 23; vay&uuul; vayimdvat; vd'j* 
vat, 4; iripf'toaf ; tt'vawai; vishdvat; virdvat. 18 j fxU&vat. 4; fapfcfart; 2: 
pdpveU. 22; fdfvat-fofvai ; sah&aravat, 3 : aiAawaf; Jifuwai; aiarvat, 6; Ainaaya- 
vat, li. 

B. The forms are : abhisktimdi ; rbhumdt ; ketumdt ; krdtumat ; lakwmdi ; 
gdmat, 23; jydtiehmat; tvishimat; dasmdt; dd'nwnat; dyvmndt, 16; nttffcun&, 
paptwna*, 2 ; j»tama/ ; pushtimdt, 2 ; fnddhumat, 18 ; manyumdt ; ydmmat, 3 ; 
rayim<i*; rtbumat, 2; awutimaU 2. 

BR. take gnd'vas as N.s.n. with sajdtiam, ii. 1.5, for gnrfvat; 
Weber would read gndvas^ as voc. 

Accusative Singular Masculine. 

There are 86 forms in -vantam (from 43 stems), and 93 in 
-mantam (from 19 stems). 

A. The forms are : apidhd'navantam ; aptipdvantam, 2 ; rfrvontom, 7 ; afra- 
i/crotom, 4 ; asthanvdntam ; dtmanvdntam ; indrasvantam ; Ofrjasvantam ; tfrnd- 
vantam ; ctd'vantam ; Snasvantam ; djasvantam ; dmanvantam ; omidfvamtam ; 
kakskfvantam, 4 ; ghrtdvantam, 8 ; dd'svantam ; devdvantam, 2 ; dhdrufvantam, 

2 ; dht'vantam ; nrvdntam ; padvdntam ; pdrasvantam ; prajd' 'vantam, 3 ; Ma'«- 
vantam ; mar&tvantam, 1 ; mahishvantam ; rdtnavantam ; revaniam, 2 ; raptf- 
vantam, 2 ; vayd'vantam ; vd'javantam, 2 ; vd'ravantam ; vivanantam ; vird- 
vantam, 1 ; vr'ahanvantam ; patdvantam, 2 ; fdpvantam, 2 ; aacand'tvaUam ; 
sdrasvantam, 2 ; hdrivantam, 2 ; hastavcmtam ; hiranyavantam. 

B. The forms are: rbhurndntam; kdnvamantam; hetumdniam; hshumantam, 
5; gdmantam, 23 ; jydtishmantam, 2; tdvishtmantam ; dyumdniam, 16; ituftt- 
m&ntam ; pitumdntam ; bdndhumantam ; bhdnumdntam ; mddhwnaniam, 25 : 
vdsumantam, 7 ; vd'pCmantom ; vrshtimdniam ; prushtim&ntam, 2 ; fat&fanonAim, 
2; hdtrmantam. 

Instrumental Singular Masculine and Neuteb. 

A. There are 25 masculines (from 14 stems), and 10 neuters 
(from 8 stems). 

B. There are 14 masculines (from 9 stems), and 5 neuters (from 

3 stems). 

A. Masculines: drvatd, 10; dpvdvatd; udanvdtd; f'kvatd; kakshfvatd; niyut- 
vatd,2; nrvdtd; mar&toatd, 2 ; y&pasvatd; revdtd; vtpvddevidvatd ; vish&edtd; 
Cubhrd'vatd; sdhasvaid. 

Neuters: etd'vatd; candrdvatd; prcy'd'vatd, 2; barhdndvaid; vivdsvatd; sfrtfid'- 
void ; hdritvatd ; fdfvatd, 2. 

B. Masculines : gdmaid ; jyStishmatd ; divitmatd ; dyumatd ; -bhfaJUimdtd ; 
varimdtd (see p. 516); vdatmuUd, 4; virtiJcmatd, 2; havishmatd, 2. 

Neuters : divitmatd ; virdkmatd ; havishmatd, 3. 

In i.26.6 and ix.1.6, 1 take pdpvatd as neuter, adverbially — not 
with tdndj which as a noun would be fem. In i. 12 8. 2c, however, 
havUhmatd seems to go with the fem. devdtdtd; see p. 516 top. 

Dative Singular Masculine and Neuteb. 

A. There are 51 masculines (from 21 stems), and 4 neuters 
(from 3 stems). 



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D.s.m.n.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda, 519 

B. There are 13 masculines (from 1 stems), and no neuters. 

A. Masculines: drvate, 10; dpvdvate; kaksMvate, 3; ddk- 
shindvate; ddkshindvate; datvdte; dd'svate, 2 ; niyutvate (i. 135.1); 
ptehanvdte, 2 ; marutvate y 8 ; md'vate, 6 ; yuvd f vate; rathavate; 
vivdsvate, 2; vtvasvate; pddvate; pdpvate, 3; sdhasvate, 3; 
s&nrtd'vate; sHarvate; hdrivate. 

Neuters : padvdte, 2 ; revdte; pdpvate. 

B. Masculines : gdmate ; cdkshushmate ; tvishimate ; divit- 
rnate; dyumdte; barhwhmate, 3 ; havish?aate y 5. 

In i. 122.11c?, both grammar and metre favor the reading 
rdthavatyai; and this I would suggest in place of rdthavate 
( prdpastaye). In vi.17.14, Gr. reads dyumdte i-, p. -tah %-. 

Ablative Singular Masculine. 

A. Here belong : tud'vatas (viii.45.35) ; vivdsvatas; vr'shnid- 
vatas. 

Genitive Singular Masculine and Neuter. 

A. There are 88 masculines (from 30 stems), and 6 neuters 
(from 4 stems). 

B. There are 24 masculines (from 4 stems), and one neuter. 

A. Masculines: drvaias, 9: apvdvatas, 2; kakaktfvaku; jd'vatas ; tvd'vatas, 8; 
dacOuawdUu ; ddfsvatas ; devdvatas, 2 ; dWvatas ; dhVwtas-dhivatas ; niy&faatas ; 
nrvdtas, 2 ; prcyd'vatas, 4 ; marittvaias^ 2 ; md'vatas, 3 ; mehdndvatas ; yafasvaUu, 
2 : revdtas, 7 ; vdyasvatas, 2 ; vd'javatas ; vivasvatas, 19 ; vivasvatas, 2 ; vtrdvatas ; 
Qcicivatas ; pdpvaku, 3; sdrasvatas ; sahasvatas, 2; sutd'vatas, 4; stirdvatas; 
svadhd'vatas ; h^sht vatas. 

Neuters : etd'vaku, 3 ; y&'vatos ; vish&vdias ; gd^vatas. 

B. Masculines: kdwmatas, 2; gdmatas, 19; dyumdtas; havishmatas, 2. Neu- 
ter: gdmatas. 

For dadhanvdtas y cf. p. 518. 

Locative Singular Masculine and Neuter, 

A. There are 18 masculines (from 9 stems): drvati y 2; ddk- 
shindvati; nrvdti; pastidvati; ydpasvati; vdnanvati, 2; vivds- 
vati, 3 ; vivasvati; paryand'vati, 6. 

Neuters: dpvdvati; p&mivati; siiarvati. 

B. There is but one example, g6mat% masa, 8. 

Vocative Singular Masculine. 

L In the Rik, the vocative of stems in -vant and -mant ends in 
-vas and -mas — and not, as in Sanskrit; in -van and -man. The 
like ending in -as is seen elsewhere only in the vocatives cikitvas, 
titirvas, didivas, mtdhvas (p. 513), ojtyas, jydyas (p. 515), rtdvas, 
evaydvas, prdtaritvas> mdtaripvas, khidvas, and pumas. 

A. Here belong 107 forms (from 14 stems): rshtvas; gndvas; 
tavishivas, 2 ; niyutvas,2; marutvas,3; rayivas,3; vajrivas, 15; 
viravas; pakttvas; pactvas, 13; sarasvas; sahasvas, 7; svadhdvas, 
19; harivas, 38. Here Gr. puts vibhdvas, L58.9; it ought to be 
referred to vibhd'van. For gad' vas, ii.1.5, see A.s.n. In x.74.5, 
BR read p<jc? vas for pddvas. 



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\ C. R. Lanman, [vant, man* stems. 

a the following repetitions of Rik-passages, we find the form 
i: VS. xxvi.21 (RV. i.15.3): vil35 (iii.51.7): xviii.74 (vi.5.7). 
b interesting to see how the S&maveda, at L 851, in its rendering 
RV. vi.44.1, avoids the antique and no longer understood form 
) rayivo — namely, by the Dad variant, {yd) rayirh vo. In 
mine Atharvan verses, there is not a single vocative in -va$ or 
is: svadhdvas occurs in a Rik-passage (xviii.l.26=RV. x.11.8): 
1 for bhagavas, xix.34.8 (??), the ed. reads samdbhavas. The 
n bhagavas occurs VS. xvi.52-3: TS. iv.1.10*: Ait. Br. iii.20: 
I: vhL24; bhagos, <>t.Br. xiv.5.4*: 7.3\ C£ bhos 9 p. 509; 
i aghos (aghavas). 

6. Here belong 8 forms (from 6 stems) : tuvishmas; cfyumas; 
numas; pucishma*; havUhmas; mantumas, L42.5 : vi.56.4: 
34.6=SV. ii.441. 

L A. The modern form in -van occurs also sporadically in the 
: as follows: arvan, i. 163. 1,3,4,8, 11 (a well-known late hymn): 
2.6; pavasdvan, i.62.11; patdvan, vi.47.9. Since tbe pada 
is path-van (cf. Prat, ix.10), it is better to take this word from 
%-vant, and not, with Gr., from pata-\-avant. 
Excepting x.11.8 (above), the only Rik-verses containing ft 
ative in -vas which are repeated in the Atharvan are RV. v.42.4 
1 x.84.1; and in both, the later text modernizes the form to 
n (c£ p. 513), and reads harivan (AV. vii.97.2) and marvtvan 

7. iv.31.1). Besides these the AV. has: vdjinivan, iv.88.6,7; 
hnydvan, v.25.8; avadhdvan, v.l 1.4,5,11. 

I. There is no example of a voc. in -man. 

NOMINATIVE, ACCUSATIVE, AND VOCATIVE DUAL MASCULINE. 

. A. Here belong 20 forms (from 18 stems): dngirasvantd: 

isvantd; drvantd, 2; tndravantd; kdpdvarUd; kipavantd; 

irmavantd; ndmasvantd; niyHtvantd; pavitravantd; mariit- 

\td; mitrd'-vdrunavantd; vd'iavantd; vishnuvantd; vydeat 

tid, 2; pdpvantd; pd'tavantdr; sdptivantd. ' 

\. Here belong: arcimdntd; rbhumdntd; krdtumantd; va- 

I'rnantd. 

L A. Here belong: ashthtvdntau; rdmanvaniau; and from 

., ashthtvdntau, 5 ; yd'vantau, xiLS.l ; sdtiasvantau, xix.32.5; 

ihdvantaitj voc, v. 9. 8. 

Teak form for strong: krdtumatd, x.59.1 ; see p. 516. 

Ablative and Genitive Dual Masculine. 

i. Ablative : ashthtvddbhydm. Genitives : vdjinivatos ; 

fvatos; 8drasvativato8. 

Nominative and Vocative Plural Masculine. 

l. There are 91 forms (from 46 stems). 
I. There are 53 forms (from 17 stems). 

The forms are: aksJianvdnUu ; dnasvanku; dmavanias, 3; drvanta*, 11; 
mrUas; (fyt'rvantas; iddvantas ; indravantas, 1 ; tfrjasvantou ; Snasvamku; 
it'vantat; kdrnavanlas; ghftdvanta*, 2; caeWlavantas ; <fc£JWW$4wjnto#, 2 ; 



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N.V.jxm.] Noun- Inflection vn (he Veda. 521 

dd'numwnku, 2; dr&vina$vanta$ ; dhtfvamku; n&masvanUu; niybtoantas; n^vdn- 
tas ; patnfoantas, 3 ; padudntas ; pavitravantaa, 2 ; pd'jawantae ; pushtd'vantas ; 
ptehanv&ntas ; prqjd'rcmtas, 2; pr&yasvantas, 10; pravdtvantaa ; bhdgavcmku, 3; 
mar&tvantaa; yctf&dvanku; vacand'vantas; varmanvanias; viravanta*; vrct'vanias ; 
CaJctivafUas ; pfyvantas, 4 ; pimivantas ; sdptivantas ; mUd'vanUu^ 1 ; wadhdvantas, 
voc. ; suarvantaa; Mmdvantas; hfshivantas. 

B. The forms are : aftjimdntas ; ishumanias ; fthtimdnku, 3 ; kshumdntas, 2 ; 
jyotishmantas, 2 ; tvishtmantas ; dyumdntcu^; rnddhximantas, 12 ; mtdhfohmantaa ; 
ydvamanUu; rayimantas; vadh&'mantaa (L 126.3); vd'fimantas, 2; mumantas ; 
sflauim&ntaa; hamhum&nttu ; havishmantas, 18. 

Weak form for strong : indrdvatas, iv.27.4 ; see p. 516. 

NOMINATIVE AND ACCUSATIVE PLUBAL NeUTEB. 

The paradigms end in -v&nti, -mdnti. We find ghrtdvdnti, 
ix.96.13c/ papumd'nti, dl.l.d; 92.6a. In every case, the d is 
eighth in a pdda of eleven syllables, and the pada reads -dnti 
(Fratw ix.27,30). The SV. variants (L532,526) of the first two 
passages also read -dtUi. Cf. p. 510. 

Weak form for strong: kshumdti (yHthd'), iv.2.18; see p. 516. 
The AV. reads d* ydtheva ksMm dti (!) papvt akhyat, xviii.3.23. 

Accusative Plubal Masculine. 

A. There are 54 forms (from 28 stems). 

B. There are 16 forms (from 8 stems). 

A. The forms are : drraias, 13 ; indrdvataa (i.lOi.l) ; r tviy&vaku ; hreand'- 
vatas; j&nivatas; tapasvatas, 2 ; tfehyd'vataa ; tvd / vataa 1 2; nrvafew f 2; p&tntvaku, 
2 ; pasiidvaiaa, 2 ; poshid'vatas ; prajd'vatas, 2 ; bhangurd'vafas, 3 ; yfyasvaku ; 
ydtumd'wtas ; rdbha&iatas; rayivdias; revdtae; v&nanvaku ; vrd'vatas, 2; far- 
yand'vatas ; fa^vaUu^ 6 ; fimtvaku ; sutd'vcrtas ; sfoirte'vatas ; htra^yavatas ; 
hhhasvatas. 

B. The forms are: gdmaias, 8; jydtishmatas ; pr&shtimaku ; mddhumatou ; 
radh&'matas (vi.27.8: viil.57.17); rtr6*77iafew ; afoiwn&tcu; suastimatas. For 
dywndta i-, p. -taA, read -te, vi.17.14. 

Strong form for weak. Possibly prdyasvanto (nd satrd'ca d' 
gataY x.77.4e7, is an A.p. : ' Come hither to (us), who are united, 
(and) who have, as it were, your favorite morsels ready for you.' 
Still less probable is it that havUhmanto in verse 1 is an A.p. 
Has not an effort at formal parallelism (cf. lb, 3c, 4c?, 5b) dis- 
turbed the text in 4<f, and displaced an original prdyasvatof 
At vi.27.8, Muller's first and second editions and Aufrecht's first 
have indeed vadhtl'mantas; but Aufrecht's second reads vadko!- 
matas, and so BR. The Atharvan, at xviii.l.57c, reads dyumd'n 
dyumantd (I so MSS. and ed.) d' vaha — a curious imitation of 
verse 56c and RV. x.16.12. The impossible accent seems to be a 
blind imitation of upatds; we must read dyumdntas or dyumdtas. 

Instrumental Plubal Masculine and Nbuteb. 

A. Masculines: drvadbhis, 10; ddkshindvadbhis; pdtntvadbhis; 
maghdvadbhis; rdbhasvadbhis; revddbhis; vd'javadbhis; pdp 
v'adbhis; pimivadbhu; mtdsomavadbhis. Neuter: ghftdvad- 
bhis, 2. 



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522 C. R. Lanman, [Stems in 

B. Masculines: rshtimddbhis ; krtdumddbhis ; gdmadbhit; 
barhishmadbhis ; bhdnumddbhis ; vidytinmadbhis ; haviahmad- 
bhis. Neater: mddhumadbhis. 

Dative Plubal Masculine and Neuter. 

A. Masculines: maghdvadbhyas, 19; from AV., bhdgavad- 
bhyas, v.31.11; mil'javadbhyas, v.22. 14; sdmavadbhyas, xviiL 4. 73. 

B. Masculines: ydtumddbhyas (Gr., -flAiaa), vii. 104.20,25; from 
A V., mdtrmddbhyas, xii. 1.60. Neuter: vibhumddbhyas. 

Genitive Plubal Masculine. 

A. Here belong: drvatdm, 4; ddkshindvatdm ; bhangurd- 
vatdrn; ydtumd'vatdm, 2 ; pdpvcrtdm, 4 ; pimtvatdm; sutd'vatdm; 
from A v., datvdtdm, iv.3.4 ; himdvatdm, vi.95.3. 

B. The Rik has no example. The AV. has gdmatdm, iv.36.6. 

Locative Plural Masculine. 

A. Here belong: dmavatsu; drvatsu; ywhmd'vatsu; magha- 
vatsu, 7, and x.93.14 (Gr., maghdshu). 

B. Here belongs dyumdteu. 

STEMS IN VAN, MAN, AN 

The stems formed by the suffixes van, man, and an are declined 
alike, and it has therefore seemed best to treat them in a single 
section. The maw-stems, however, show peculiarities not shared 
at all, or only to a slight extent, by those in van and an : viz., 
the ecthlipsis of m in the Ls., the dropping of the ending in the 
L.B., and the long -d of the samhitd in the N.A.p.n. 

These stems are declined for the most part only in the masculine 
and feminine. For the few feminine forms from n-stems and for 
the regular ways of forming the feminine, see below. The 
masculine and neuter forms from stems in van are given case by 
case under category A ; those from stems in man, under category 
B ; and those from stems in an, under category C. 

The A-stems. The stems in van are chiefly verbal adjectives 
and the forms are almost exclusively masculine. Only about a 
dozen stems show neuter forms: two adjectives, patvan and 
vivdsvan; and the substantives tugvan, 1 and 2 dhdnvan, pdrvan, 
arparndn, snd'van, turvdn, ddvdn, an-arvdn, and somapdrvan. 

The B-stems. The stems in man may be pretty equally divided 
between masculines and neuters. The latter are verbal abstracts; 
the former, nomina agentis and compounds of the neuters. 

The C-stems. The stems in an are masculines and neuters. 
They are not numerous. 

The formation of several stems is not wholly clear: e. g., 
rjtpvan (A ?) ; ptrshdn (C), whose sh is perhaps a part of the 
suffix. Since the v of yuvan (A) is of merely phonetic origin 
(yu-v-an) the stem ought to be put under C. Under C belongs 
pu-dn; so virbhv-dn, pdrijm~an. 



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van, man, an.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 528 

Supplementary themes. The forms of the n-stems are supple- 
mented oftener than any others by forms from auxiliary themes. 
This fact is remarkably illustrated in the N.A.s.n. of Osteins. 
CI Pftn. vil.63. The aw-stems are generally oxytone ; the others, 
barytone. 

One stem appears in quadruple form : dsia, dsdn, d's, and dsd' 
(a transition-stem, seen in the adverbially accented dsayd'). Two 
stems appear in triple form: dhan, dhas, dhar; il'dhan, li'dhas, 
il'dhar. With dsia, dsdn, d's, cf. yiUhd, ydshdn, yiX's (TS. 
vi.3.11 1 ' 4 ); udakd,uddn,tid; ucdn, up (Orient und Occ. ii.242) ; 
doahdn, dds. Analogous, moreover, are the groups: okshdn, 
dkshi; asthdn, dsthi; dadhdn, dddhi; sakthdn, adktni; and like- 
wise cakdn y cdkrt; yakdn, ydkrt; asdu and dsrt (cf. p. 463, and 
TS. vii.4.9 1 ; the irregular t may be due to the false analogy of 
$dhrt and ydkrt). Further, we may add : dr~van, -vcuit; r'k-van, 
-vant; maghd-van, -want; sahd'-van, -vant; dadhi-krd'-van, -krd 1 . 
The feminine ydshan is supplemented by ydshand and ydshd. 

The stems in van, man, and an distinguish the weak cases from 
the strong by lengthening the a of the suffix in the strong. 

Weak form for strong. Several stems, however, are constant 
exceptions to this rule and always keep the short vowel in the 
strong cases. They are : aryamd'n, piUhd'n, indrdptishd' n, somd- 
pteh&'n, rbhukshd'n, and the fem. ydshdn. Moreover, a few other 
stems show now the short vowel and now the long. 

A. The N.d.m. yH r nd y ix.68.5, points to an exceptional weak 
form yuvdn-d, rather than to ytivdnd. Similar is the N.p.m. 
maghdnaa, vi.44.12, which stands for maghdvdn-as. In x.92.14, 
Roth takes anarvd'n-am as A.s.1 with dditim. The d may be 
justified on metrical grounds, as penultimate of Skjagatt In AV. 
xix.35.5, we have ye kr'tvdno devdkrtds; but krtndvo has been 
suggested. 

B. The stem tmd'n makes tmd'n-am, -d y -<?, tmd'ni and tmd'n 
(but c£ tmd'nam and dtmd'nam) ; so jemdnd. 

C. The stems ukshdn and vr'shan waver between d and d. See 
A.8., N.d M and N.p.m. From the stem tdkshdn I can cite no 
strong form with d. 

Besides the strong forms with d in the written text, the metre 
points to forms with d where the text has d. This fact was 
touched upon by Kuhn, Beitrdge, iii.121. I have looked through 
all the 642 passages in which the forms of the A.s.m., N.A.V.d. 
m., N.p.m., and N.A.p.n. occur with written d in the penult, and 
found some 19 pddas whose cadence demands a short d. These 
are given under the proper cases : e. g. purutmd'nam, text d, 
viil2.385. 

Strong for weak. There is no certain instance. Possibly 
jarimd'nas stands for jarimnds; see Ab.s.m. Cf. mahdtmdnas, 
A.p.m. ; and whd'sas, o*-stems, A.p.l 

These stems show another important peculiarity, namely, the 
syncopation of thematic d in the following vocalic weak cases : 
the L, D., and Ab.G.s., G.L.d., A.p.m. and G.p. In the L.s. and 



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524 C. R Lanman, [Stems in 

in the N.A.d.n. this syncopation is optional in Sanskrit, and never 
occurs (with one exception — see L.8.) in the Rik, so that we may 
leave these cases out of view. 

In Sanskrit, the d of the suffix dn is syncopated in the above- 
named cases. This rule holds good also for the Rik. There are 
but two exceptions in the written text (ukshdnas and vr'shanas) y 
and several disclosed by the metre (see below). The v (d) of 
vi-bhv-dn is, indeed, radical rather than suffixal ; nevertheless, the 
word is treated as a van-stem so far as syncopation is concerned ; 
similarly pdri-j(a)m-an, etc. The combinations of consonants 
resulting from syncopation of C-forms are : kn, jfl, dn, dhn, vn, 
pn, *hn, sn, hn, kthn, sthn, rdhn, kshn, rshn,jgil. 

In Sanskrit, the d of the suffixes vdn and mdn, when these are 
preceded by a vowel, is syncopated. This rule holds good neither 
for the written text of the Rik, nor for the text as the metre 
shows it to have been pronounced. The diaskeuasts have some- 
times written the word without syncopation, as it was also 
spoken, e. g. mahimdnas, x.54.3 ; they have sometimes written it 
with syncopation, conformably to the later orthography, but not 
to the spoken text, e. g. sdmah kald$e pcttdydmnd patka, ix.86.16J 
(for which the AV., xviii.4.60, has the orthography conformable 
to the spoken text, patdydmand) ; or they have written it with 
syncopation, conformably also to the spoken text. There are, 
then, three cases : 

Case I. The text has van, man, an, and the metre confirms it. 

Case II. The text has vn, mn, n, and the metre requires or 
admits the restoration of the syncopated vowel — v(a)n, m(a)n, (a)n. 

Case III. The text has vn, mn, n, and the metre confirms it 

The fourth possible case, — that the text should have more than 
enough syllables, L e. van, man, an, and the metre require vn, mn, 
n, — does not occur. 

There are, in the Rik, 65 A-forms (excluding maghSnas, -as, 
-dm), 69 B-forms, and 238 C-forms in which the thematic d would 
be syncopated according to the rules of the later language. The 
sum is 362. 

Case L In 48 instances the d appears in the written text 
These are: (A) ddvdne, 28; — (B) omdnd; pravddydmand ; 
bhUmdnd; bhd'mand; syti'mand; hemdnd; trdmane; dtitmant; 
bhU'manas; mahimdnas, 2 ; dd'manas; bhU'manas, 3 ; ytfmanas; 
viomanas; — (C) ukshdnas; vr'shanas (RV. iv.2.2 and AV. xi. 
2.22) ; updne ?. 

Case IL In (362 — 48=) 314 instances, the a is syncopated in 
the written text. In 46 of these 314 instances, Gr. proposes to 
restore the syncopated a. 

II. a. In only 12 instances is this restoration imperative. These 
are: (A) rtd'v(a)ne, viii.92.8 ; (B) patdydm(a)nd, ix.86.16; nd'm- 
(a)nd, x.77.8 ; aryam{d\ne, text -mn£, iv.3.5 ; dhd , m(a)ne, v.48.1 ; 
ad'm(a)nas, vii.86.5 ; dhd f m(a)nas, vii.58.1 ; sd'm(a)nas, ii.23.16 ; 
sd , m(a)nassdm(a)nas, ii.23.17; (C) mah(d)nd, text mahnd', iv. 
2.1 : x.6.7 ; vr f sh(a)nas, viii.7.88. 



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van, man, anJ] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 525 

II. b. The remaining 34 of the 46 restorations proposed by Gr. 
are at the end of catalectic pddas of 7 or of 11 syllables, which 
are thus converted into acatalectic pd das of 8 or of 12. Like the 
resolutions of -dm etc. in similar situations, they are not impera- 
tively necessary ; but they are admissible. Thus in vii.31.lc, the 
text has sdkhdyah somapd'vne; a and b are pddas of 8 syllables, 
and all. three may be made uniform by reading sdkhdyah soma- 
pd f v(a)ne. CL Kuhn, Beitrdge, iv.195. There are 27 restorar 
tions at the end of pddas of 7 syllables : (A) drdv(a)ne, vii. 
31.5; vfshapraydv(a)ne, viii.20.9; somapd r v(a)ne y vii.3 1.1 ; 32.8; 
drdv(a)nas, i.36.15 ; somapd r v(a)nas, vhi.67.7 ; drdv(a)nas, A.p., 
ix.13.9; 61.25; 63.5; rdrdv(a)ndm, viii.39.2 ; vtfadd f v(a)ndm, 
i.17.4 ; sahasradd'v(a)ndfn, i.17.5 ; somapd , v(a)ndm, L30.ll ; (B) 
dhd'm(a)nd,ix.S9.1: x.166.4; sd'm(a)nd, viii.84.7; usrdydm(a)ne, 
iv.32.24a/ dnusra-, 24b; sd f m(a)ne, viii.4.17; 6.47; sushd'm(a)ne, 
viii.23.28; 24.28; 26.2; dhd'm(a)ne, viii. 52.11 ; 81.25: ix.24.5 ; 
(C) rd'jWnH, text rd'jfid, x.97.22;— further, from the AV., 
dhd'm{a)nd, x.6.7-14 ; sthirddhdm(a)nas, x.4.11 ; nd'm(a)nt 9 
N.d.n., iv.9.10. 

II. c. There are 7 restorations at the end of pddas of 11 sylla- 
bles: (A) svadhd'v(a)ne, viL46.1 ; drdv(a)nas, viii.49.10; drd- 
v(a)nas, A.p., i.36.16 ; evayd'v(a)nas, ii.34.il; (B) suhdvltund- 
m(a)ne, ix.85.6fl (cf. a) ; dhd'm(a)ne, x.76.8 ; dhd'm(a)nas, L87.6. 

Case III. In 268 instances the d is syncopated. The forms 
are : (A) grd'vnd, 2 ; -a*, 2 ; -dm, 2 ; dadhikrd'vnas, 6 ; prdtar- 
yd'vnas; bhilridd'vnas ; yuktdgrdvnas ; sutapd'vne: -as; su- 
dd'vne; svadhd'vne; — (B) aryamne, 2 ; -ds, 6 ; jarimne; nd'mnd; 
dhindmndm ; mdhimnd', 3 ; -&; -as, 2 ; Mmnas-lomnas; — (O) 
akshnds; dpnd, 3 ; -as; dhnd, 3 ; -e, 3 ; -as, 17 ; -dm, 28 ; dsnd' ; 
-h; -ds, 3 ; indrdpdshnds; ukshnds, 3 ; udnd', 5 ; -ds, 6 ; ti'dhnas; 
janard'jjlas; dadhtid', 3 ; -ds ; pUshnd'; -e, 4 ; -ds, 6 ; prati- 
di'vne; mahnd', 32 ; mtirdhnds, 2 ; yaknds; yamdrdjfias; yHshr 
nds; rd'jfle, 3 ; -as, 9 ; vr'shnd, 2 ; -e, 34 ; -as, 43 ; -dm, 2 ; 
pirshnd', 3 ; -6; -ds, 3. 

In 60 instances out of 362, the d is written, or required by the 
metre. If we consider only the A and the B-forms (124), we find 
that in nearly half of them (54 — from I. and II. a), the d is written 
or required, and that in the rest (70) it is syncopated. That is, 
in tabular form : 





I. 


II. a 


11. b 


n. c 


m. 


Sua 


A 


28 


1 


13 


4 


19 


65 


B 


17 


8 


13 


3 


18 


59 


C 


3 


3 


1 




231 


238 



48 12 27 7 268 362 

Transition to the a-declension. This is common in P&li; cf 
Kuhn, PdH-Gr. pp. 73-5. Thus from the form addhdn-am (adh- 
vdn-am) comes the stem addhdna — I.s. addhdnena, Dhammapada, 
page 263. 

vol, x. 70 



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526 C. R. Lanman, [Stems in 

A. In L37.1, we read pdrdho (neat.) md'rutam anarvd' nam: 
we may regard the last word as a form of transition to the 
^declension {anarvd! na-m, A.s.n. ) ; but another explanation has 
been offered on p. 330 top. Cf. also Mailer, Translation, p. 56. 

If Roth is right in taking cmarv&'Q-am, x.92.14, with dditim ('the inviolable 
Aditi' — see p. 523), we may regard this form as the point of departure for the 
nominative onantf'na-*, v.61.11 : viii31.12. Here, however, Anan*ana~e seems 
to be personified as a deity, * The Inviolable,* so that the mythology as well as 
the transition-form would indicate that these two passages belong to the upper 
strata of the Yedic deposits. The stem satvana occurs but twice (-dm, x. 11 5.4: 
•afo, v.37.4), and as entirely equivalent to the common satvan ; its accent, how- 
ever, makes its relation to edtvan doubtful. If these are not regarded as 
transition-forms, we must assume the stems anarvdn-a^ satvan-d, as secondary 
derivatives from van-stems ; but these are very rare (nivand, vagvana, furvkmna). 

In ii.40.6. and vii.40.4, occurs (dditir) anarvd'; this may be 
regarded, without undue violence to Veaic grammar, as a femi- 
nine nom. sing, to the stem anarvdn; and if so, it may be the 
point of departure for the neuter form anarvdrm (L 164.2, cakrdm; 
185.3, ddtram), anarvd' being felt as N.s.f. to a stem anarvd' y and 
a N.A.8.D. being formed after the analogies of the o-declension. 
BR. and Gr., however, refer these forms directly to a stem anarvd. 

Six or more stems in van have subsidiary a-forms. Thus 
beside r'kvan, fbhvan, tdkvan, tfJcvan, vdkvan, vibhd'van, we 
find: rkvd* (x.36.6), r'bhvarm (vi49.9: x.120.6), takvds (viiL 
58.13), pikvd-8 (AV. x.6.3), vdkvds (N.p.f., RV. x. 148.5; A.p.£, 
iv.19.7), vibhd'va-m (i.148.1). The a-forms are infrequent. Their 
relation to the van-stems is somewhat problematic, and perhaps 
they are, after all, independent formations. Nevertheless, the 
relation of the nominatives r'bhvd and vibhd'vd to the accusatives 
r'bhvam and vibhd'vam is strikingly like that of the Pdli nomin- 
atives yuvd and muddhd to the accusatives yuvatn and muddham 
(Dhammapada, verse 72). 

B. There exist beside the man-stems a number of equivalent 
ma-stems, which are of sporadic occurrence or of later date. 
Compare darmdn with darmdrS (iii.45.2); dhdrman (RV.) with 
dhdrma (not till after RV.); fynan with ema-e (VS. xviii.15); 
hdman with hdmdya (VS. viiL58) ; djman with djma; vipvdkar- 
man-d etc. with vipvdkarmena (only RV. x. 166.4) and Vtssa- 
kammena (Dhammapada, p. il7 end); vrsha-karman with vird- 
karma-m; priydrdMman (AV. xvii.10) with priyd-dhdmdya. 
The stem yd' man is Vedic only ; yd'ma, Vedic and post-Vedic 

C. Transition to the o-declension is most frequent with the an- 
stems, particularly in the N.A.s.n. (q.v.), where a-forms are exclu- 
sively used. In the masc, corresponding to the A.s. plteh&n-am, we 
find the transition-nominative sing. pwhdnors (x.93.4), and the G.a. 
pHehandsya (with possibly false accent in the unclear hymn x.5, 
verse 5). For the incorrect a-ptrshdnds, N.p.m., Ehila to x.103, 
the AV. has -nds, vi.67.2. In other instances, the N.A.p.n. may 
serve as the point of departure ; see p. 347. Thus pirshdn makes 
its N.A.p.n. ptrshd'ni or ptrshd' ; and correspondingly, its L.s. 
tfrsMni (RV.) or ptrshi (AV. vii.66.6: xiv.1.55); its dual (due) 



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van, man, an.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 527 

pirshe (RV.), and its N.A.s. tftrshdrtn (cf. stsam). Just so dhan 
makes dhdni and dhd; and correspondingly, dhn-dm and dhdndm 
(viii.22.13). Similarly yHshdn makes yUshd'ni (TBr. Oomm. 
11.668 — BR. stem yHsha) ; but in the I.s. we find yHshnd' (VS. 
xxv.9) and yHshena (TS. v. 7.20). Starting from the weak forms 
dpn-as y ahn-ds 9 -£, etc, come the transition-stems dpna y ahnd 
(accent), and the forms pHrvdhn^ L.s., x.34.11 ; dpnats, viii.2.2. 
Just as the Skt. dharma usurps the place of the Vedic dhdrman, 
so vrsha (cf. vusa) supplants vr'shan. 

With especial frequency do o-stems take the place of an-stems at 
the end of compounds: thus, akshdn, -akshd; ukshdn, mahokshd-m 
(£at.Br. iii.4.r); vr'shan, -vxshd-s (AV. v.16). Compare, further, 
an-asthdn with an-asthd-s (RV. viii.1.34) and drv-asthd't (9at.Br. 
viiL7.2 n ); brhdcMcshd (N.s.m., RV.) with brhdd-ukshdya (VS. 
viii8); rdljan with adhirdjd-m (x.128.9); saptdbhis with tri- 
saptais; etc. 

Transitions from the o-declension. See nikdmabhis, I. p.m., and 
above p. 347. 

Accent. In the weak cases of oxytone stems, if the d! is synco- 
pated, the accent is thrown forward upon the case-ending. A. 
Nearly all the van-stems are barytone, and no instance of an 
accented case-ending occurs. B. Of the man-stems, the neuters 
are barytone; but the masculine verbal abstracts and nomina 
agentis are oxytone, and accented case-endings are not infre- 
quent: e. g. mahimn-d'y aryamn-i, klomn-ds. C. Of the an- 
stems, some 15, masculine and neuter, are oxytone, and accented 
case-endings often occur: e. g. majj}fi-d\ piXshn-'e, mtirdhn-ds, 
indrdpiXshnrds, uhshn-ds (A.p.m.); udn-d\ dsn-i, yakn-ds, etc. 

Since y&n-e, yd'n-as, pun-as stand for yuvan-e, -as, pudn-as, 
their accent is perfectly regular ; so tmdn-d, for ti&mdn-d (p. 341 
end). Compare p. 408 med. 

THE FEMININE FORMS. 

A. The forms that serve as feminines to the stems in van are 
regularly made from other stems in varl 

The RV. has 26 such stems: abhibhtfvart ; ftd'vart; eoayd'vari; talpcvi'vcvrt ; 
nishshidhvart ; pi'vart; p&rvcy'd'vari ; pras&'vari; bdhutCfvari ; bhtiridd'vari ; 
mdtaribhvaH ; y&jvart ; v&kvanri ; vibM'vari ; fdkvari ; c&rvari ; cnuJatrari ; 
cvdayd'vari ; sarh^vari; eajitvari; sayd'vart; aumndvdrt; gCmridvart (also 
-vati); ar'tvart; svadhd'vatri. Further occur: agr&tvari, A V. xii. 1.67 ; abhikr't- 
vart, ii.8.2; abht'toart, TS. iv.1.10 9 ; t*ttdnaci'vwri> AV. iii.21.10 ; kf'tvart, iv.l&l ; 
mdtaricvari, v.2.9 (cf. RV.) ; vahyacfvart, iv.6.3 ; vimfgvari, xii.l. 29,35,37. For 
prefrari and Ooddvari, see BR. Of. Bollensen, Z.D.M.O. xxii.604. I know of no 
Vedic stem in vani. Exceptional is atharvi' (dtharvan). 

Only a few sporadic feminine forms are made from stems in 
van, and these I regard as irregular extensions of the van-stems 
beyond their proper field (p. 615-6), due perhaps to the false 
analogy of the man-stems. These forms are : sayugvd {gdyaPrt'), 
x. 13 0.4; anarvd' (f dditis), iL40.6 : vii.40.4; anarv&'nram (f ddi- 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



528 G. R. Lanman, [van, man, an-stems. 

tim), x.92.14; 8a(rh)sthd f vdnd (rddarf), viii37.4; indhanvabhU 
(dhentibhis), ii.34.5; 8ahasradd'v(a)ndm (sumattnd'm), or m., 
111.5. 

B. So far as the evidence goes, it seems to show, on the other 
hand, that stems in man originally served for all three genders. 
Forms like mtdrmdnam (nd'vam), therefore, I regard as regular. 
The stems in man seldom offer occasion for the formation of fem- 
inines, save at the end of compounds. 

There is not a single certain example in the Rik of a feminine formed by adding 
! to the stem in man; but the AY. has several: durnd'mni, iv.17.5: xix.36.6; 
pdflcandmnty viiL9.15: mahd\ xi.7.6; vipvd-, vii.75,2; 8dkasra- y viii.7.8. 6r. 
refers tm&nid to tmani, fern, of tmdn; ct BR. Doubtful is duradmanV (cl 
Adman), VS. ii20. The entirely exceptional fern, to br&kman, namely brdhmi, is 
found only in a play upon words with yahv? (BR.), ix.33.5. 

The feminine forms from man-stems are: sdlakshmd, x.10.2; 
12.6; dyut&dydmdnam (ushdsam), v.80.1; sutdrmdnam (nd'vam), 
viii.42.3 ; eutrd'mdnam (prthivt'm), supdrmdnam (dditim), x.63.10 

S=AV. vii.6.3); drishtabharman (adite), viii.18.4; prthuydman 
duhitar), vi.64.4; aujdnmant (dhishdne), with neuter ending!— 
cf. p. 433 top, L 160.1; pucijanmanas (ushdsas), vi39.3; vd'ja- 
bharmabhis (dtibhis), viiL 19.30; sukdrmabhis (Say. angxdibhii), 
ix.70.4 ; pukrdsadmandm (ushdsdm), vi.47.6 ; from AV., *u- 
8hti!md y vii.46.2 (Gr. and BR., stem -ma). 

C. The word ydshanas, 'women,' occurs 8 times; aside from 
this there are 6 feminine forms from an-stems. These are : vr'*h4, 
(Jcdpd) viii.33.11: (vd'k) x. 115.8; vr'shdnam (tvdcam), L 129.3; 
vr'shand (dyd'vdprthivf),x.6Q.Gi pdrijmdnas (vidyiita8) 9 v.10.5; 
rappddUdhabhis (dhenubhis), ii.34.5. 

The an-stems appear at the end of feminine compounds with the suffix C as 
follows: in the Rik, dchidra-Mhni ; samrd'jfli; sfrmardjM; hat&vfthxt; rfrv 
tfrdint; saptdtfrshni ; in the AV., tkamibrdJvni, viii.9.15; sindhurdjiil, vi.24.3. 

THE MASCULINES AND NEUTER& 

The feminines being thus enumerated, we may proceed to the 
masculine and neuter forms. 

Nominative Sdtgulab Masculine. 

A. There are 308 forms in -vd (from IS stems). B. There 
are 207 forms in -md (from 49 stems). C. There are 376 forms 
in -d (from 18 stems). Sum, 891. 

According to Curtius, Studten, ii.163, dpnd and pUd' presuppose the forms 
dpmdn and pit&'r. Continuing, then, the search begun on p. 424 top, I examined 
every one of these 891 forms as it stands in the samhitd and obtained the results 
here given. Collision of final -d with a vowel occurs 99 times in the interior of 
a pdda, and about 25 times at the end of a pdda (e. g. iii.1.23 : iii.5.9 : vi.22.7 : 
vil2.4). 

In the interior of &pdda, the vowels are written as coalescing in 74 instances, 
and the metre also shows that they must be combined. Thus -d unites with a- 
28 times: as in i.32.3; with *- (especially the i of iva) to e 42 times: as in ii.26.1 ; 
with ii- to o in i.1618 : iii.27.14 : v.46.5 ; with c- to ai in x.61.26. 



s 



N.s.m.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 529 

The vowels are written as coalescing, where the metre demands hiatus, in 18 
instances: L69.9&; 87.4c; 91.56; 17 4. la; 178.2a; ii.20.3a?: iy.40.2d; 57.76; 
v.31.12e; 44.3d: vi.20.3& : vii.40.4ft; 93.7a*; vili.16.7a; ix.86.45a; 88.3d: 
X.6.2&; 117.7c. 

In only four passages have the diaskenasts taken due account 
of the metrical value of -d a- as two syllables and written them 
with hiatus: namely, in the combination ptlshd r a-, v.51.11: 
vi50.5: x.26.1,9, covered by the Prat., ii28. There are only 
three instances in which r- follows. They are 

iv.33.3. U vd'jo vtbhvdft fbhtir bidravantah, p. -vd 
iv.36.6. y&m vd'jo vxbhvdfi fbMvo ydm d'vishuh, p. -vd 
vii.48.3. tndro vfbhodfL fbhutehd' vd'jo arydh y p. vd. 

The precept of Qaunaka (ii.31) excepts vibhvd from the influence 
of ii.ll, whereby we should have vibhvd r-. According to the 
metrical canon (p. 423-4 J, the combination -d r- results regularly 
in ar 9 except . ..." (3) when . . . -d stands for . . -ds 9 -e, -a», 
-4n, or -dr." Since the metre here demands hiatus or at least 
forbids the fusion vibhvarbhtir etc., Grassmann {Wb. y p. vii) 
would " restore the original form vibhvdn" To these may 
perhaps be added r'bhvdn, vi.34.2, text r'bhvdn at the end of 
a pdaa (before ekah) ; see Prat, ii.31, r. 61, clxvi 

A. The forms are: agrayd'vd; diharvd, 5; admaa&dvd; ddhvd, 8; cmarvd', 
7; abhifastipdfvd, 2 ; abhisatvd; dbhwrdhayajvd ; amativd' ; ardttvd',4; drdvd, 
5; drv&y 20 times, and vii.58.4; dpup&tvd; ugrddhanvd; r'kvd, 2; fghdvd; 
rjifvd, 2; fnayd'vd; rndvd' ; r&f'wi,31i f'bhvd,'!; kfshndadhvd, 2; krafaprdfvd; 
kshiprddhanvd ; grd'vd\ 16; t&kvd ; dadhihrd'vd^ 3; devayd'vd ; drushddvd; 
nrshddvd; patharvd; pdtod: pwrvkftvd; pforvagdtvd ; pHurvayd'vd ; prarikvd; 
prdtaritvd ; bddhasftvd ; bh&ridd'vd ; maghdvd, 68 ; m&dvd ; mrafahakr'tvd ; 
ydjvd, 3; yd'vd; yuktdgrdvd, 2; yitdhvd, 3; y&vd, 30; raghupatvd; r&rdvd; 
vakvd, 2; vaauddfvd; vdjadd'vd; vijd'vd: viblid'vd^ 19; vibhf'tvd; vx'shaparvd ; 

• tvbharhyd'vd ; fubhvd; cyen&patod; prutar[a]vd t; fnuhtivdf ; satfndsatvd; satyd- 
madvd; sdtod, 10 times, and v.33.5; samadvd, 2 ; sahd'vd, 4; rittod; sudh&nvd; 
sr'tod; eomapd'vd; wmasfavd; st&bhvd; htivdt. 

B. The forms are: akarmd' ; abrahmd, 2; aryamd% 77 ; dpmd, 4; curemd' ; 
<ttmd', 15; dpihemd, 4; iataiyawkJ; usraydmd; kftdbrahmd, 3; jarimA' y 6; 
jdtOfbhairmd ; trpdiaprabharmd ; darmd' ; ddmd' ; durnd'md, 2; durmdnmd; 
dyutddydmd; dvjijanma\3; dhevrmd' ; dhvasmd' ; pd'hasfhdmd\ 2; prthtipragdmd ; 
brahmd', 24; bhitjmd' ; bhii'rijanmd ; mahvmd', 16; yojflawianmd ; raghuyd'md; 
mdmd', 2 ; varimd'; vigvbkannd, 3 ; vr'shaprdbharmd ; fatd'tmd, 2 ; saty&dharmd, 
3; «afyamantfia\ 2; «ap£dfidm4; sahdaraydmd; sddMikarmd; aukdrmd; svj&nimd, 
3 ; ntfrd'md, 4 ; sudydtmd ; subr&hmd ; *umantona > m<2 ; suminrad ; suv&hmd ; 
awhthdfmd; svddukaJiddmd. 

0. Theform8are: onosthd' ; dyahtfirahd; aftrshdf ; vkshd', 9; iakahd: ttipwr- 
mfordha\ 2; triMhd' ; dvibdrhajrrid ; pdrijmd, 13; jpfbAd*', 56; brhddukshd; 
mdtaripva\ 19 ; milrdM', 8 ; rttyVf, 99 ; vft)Avd, 10 ; vr^foJ, 150 : fvd', 2 ; aahdara- 
firshd; from AV., fikiji;^, iv. 12.3,4; from VS-^M^', xix.86. 

Besides the regular nominatives t£rtx2, maghdvd, and sahd'vd, 
there are subsidiary forms in -vdn/ see p. 516. In some cases 
drdvd is only a metrically suitable way of writing drvd (cf. Adn- 
pna$dru, x.96.8, with pmdpru) ; so in vii.68.7 ; and perhaps in 
x.40.7, yuvdr drdvd, text yuvd rdrdvd. In ix.21.5, c is catalectic 
(not drddvd). In viii.63.4, read $rutrdr\a\vd f In AV. iv.35.5, 



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530 C. R. Lanman, [van, man, an-stems. 

the reading prdnadd'vdn seems to require a correction to -rtf. 
For bMtfmd, RV. i.65.5, BR propose bhujmdt. For krdnd', see 
pp. 334, 329. 

The word ghrdns occurs AV. vii.18.2, nd ghrdns tatdpa. BR. 
set up a stem ghrdns. Whitney, second marginal note to AtL 
Pr. ii.26, regards the s as inserted. Is not the stem formed with 
suffix an (ghdr-an, ghr-dri) ? Its monosyllabism after syncopation 
might then account for the anomalous case-form. 

Transitions to the a-declension. For anarvdna-s, pd&hdna-s, 
etc., see p. 526. 

Nominative and Accusative Singular Neuter. 

The pada-iorm of the case always ends in -<!/ but the final is 
sometimes lengthened in the samhitd, chiefly for the sake of the 
metre. See Whitney's note to Ath. Pr. iii.16. I shall give under 
L the forms having -d in both texts ; and under II., such as are 
lengthened in the samhitd. 

I. A. Here belong : dhdnva; dhdnva, 6 ; vivdsva; from AV., 
pdrva, i.12.2 ; snd'va, xi.8.11,12. 

B. There are 420 forms (from 35 stems). 

The forms are : djma, 4 ; ddma ; tma, 3 ; k&rma, 5 ; kd'rshma ; kshddma, 2 
c&rma, 6 ; jdnima, 4 ; jdnma, 9 ; t6kma ; dd'ma, 2 ; dhdrma, 3 ; dhd'ma, 31 
nd'ma, 78; pdtma; brdhma, 78; br&hma-brahma ; ftM'mo, 17; mdnma, 33, 
m&rmoi 3 ; yd' ma, 2 ; vdrma, 11 ; vdsma ; vepna, 2 ; vioma, 2 ; fdkma; farma, 
84: sddma, 14; ad' ma, 10; sd'ma, 3; sthd'ma; sy&'ma; svd'dma, 2 ; hdmtL For 
bhtymA, see N.s.m. ; for vfahand'ma^ see below. 

C. My collections yield the interesting negative result that not 
a single neuter stem made by the derivative suffix an forms a 

N.A.s. 

If we derive kshd'man from teham (kshd'm~an), we shall have to admit one 
exception, for fahd'ma occurs five times; but it may come from ksM=ksM 
(fahd'-man), and at any rate'the word was felt as a mow-stem — not ae an an-stem. 

It is no mere accident that these forms do not occur, since the occasion for 
them is not infrequent It may be that a form like tf/r*W was to the apprehen- 
sion of the language-users too much like a naked stem and waa accordingly 
avoided. But whether we can motivate this avoidance or not, there is no 
question about the fact that they were avoided. The forms from stems in man, 
on the other hand, are frequent and familiar. 

The N. A.s.n. in -a* fronfVm-stems 'is avoidedjby recourse to 
other stems. The stems dhan and H'dhan have as a N.A&n. 
dhar and d'dharj akshdn, asthdn, dadhdn, and sakthdn have 
dkshi, dsthi (AV. iv.l0.7),*AWA^(TS/:iL5.3 4 ), and sdkthi (TS. 
v.3.12*) ; dsdn, uddn> $r%hdn y and yHshdn have dsia-m, udakd-m, 
f&ras (and ftrshd-7n y AV. iv.34.1), and ydsha-s (Schol. to VS. 
xxv. 9) ; yakdn, pakdn, and asdn have ydhrt (AV. x.9.16), pd&rt, 
and dsrt (TS. vii.4.9 1 ). The last form (for dsrk) has been regarded 
as a purely phonetic anomaly (p. 466) ; but see p. 523. Instead 
of ytivd from ytiv-an we find yiUvat as if from yti~vant; see p. 516. 
Furthermore, the form vr'shd as a neuter adjective is avoided in 
several ways : either by putting the masculine form with a neuter 



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N.A.an/J Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 531 

noun (vr'ehd vdnam, ix.64.2-ct gotrdm haripriyam, p. 377) ; or 
by using the derivative vr'ehniam (with pdvas, viiL3.8 : ix.64.2 : 
VaL 3.10) ; or by using the otherwise unheard-of vr'shni (paroxy- 
tone — with pdvas, v.35.4 : viii.3.10; with paunsiam y viii.7.23). 
For vr'shand'ma (ix. 97.54 — corrupt), Gr. suggests vr'shano nd; 
see Ueb. 

These surrogate-forms are to be regarded, for the most part, as 
supplementary rather than transitional. But see p. 526. 

it The samhitd has -d; pada, -&. Here belong : (A) dhdnud; 
(B) kdrmd; jdnimd; bhti'md, 3 ; viomd; svd'dmd; dhd'md, 
AV. vi.31.3 ; (C ?) kshd'md, 3, and AV. xviilS.21 (RV. iv.2.16). 

This protraction occurs in the second place of a trishtubh-pdda in iv.2.16: 
x.45.4; of an anushtubh-pdda, x.176.1 ; of an ateharapahkti, L 69.3d; in the 
eighth place of a trightubh-pdda, i.62.8: x.129.1 ; of a jagati-pdda, ii.24.14: 
x. 142.2 ; and as penultimate of a trishtubh-pdda, vi.12.5. In all these oases it is 
metrical. It occurs also in the fifth place of a trisMubh-pdda, i.61.14 (Prat. 
viii.8) ; and at the end of a triahtubh-pdda, i.173.6 (viii.30). The AV., at vi.31.3, 
has -(S in the fourth place, while the RV. (x.189.3) has -d. 

Transitions to the a-declension. For anarvd'na-m (?), anar- 
vd*n y pirshd-m, etc., see above and p. 526. 

Accusative Sutgulab Masculikb. 

L The A.s.m. generally has the penult long. A. There are 
68 forms in -vdnam (from 23 stemsjt B. There are 85 forms in 
-mdnam (from 32 stems). C. There are 51 forms in -dnam 
(from 12 stems). Sum, 204. 

A. The forms are : ddhvdnam, 3 ; ancurvd'narr^ *l ; dycyvdnam ; drvdnam ; 
rfifvdnam ; rndvd'nam ; rtd'vdnam,, 5 ; grd'vdnam, 2 ; dadhikrd'vdnam ; dhitd'- 
vdnam, 2 : pif vdnam ; pttntnietehidhvdnam ; puroyd'vdnam % 3 ; prdtaryd'vdnain, 
3; magh&vdnam, 11 ; mtuhtvd'nam ; yfadnam, 16; cruihtivd'nam,2] sajUvdnam; 
satodnam, 2 ; sayd'vdnam ; sak&'vdncm ; sfhvdnam. 

B. The forms are : dfntdnam, 8 ; aaremd'nam ; dtm&'nam, 4 ; qjmd'ncum ; 
omd'nam, 4 ; jarimd'nam ; tuvibrahmdnam ; darmd'nam, 2 ; ddmd'nam, 3 ; dur- 
mdnmdnam; dyutddydmdnam ; dvy&nmdnam ; dharmd'nam, 2 ; pd'kasthdmdnam ; 
purutmdfnam ; brahmd'nam, 5 ; bh&md'nam ; mahimd'nam, 27 ; varimd'nam, 2 ; 
varskmd'nam, 3 ; vi$vdkarmdnam ; visarmd'nam ; tctid'tmdncun ; saty&dhar- 
mdnam ; sadmd'nam, 2 ; aahdsdmanam ; sudydfondnam ; avbrahmdnam ; sufdr- 
mdnam] somdfnam; svddmd'nam; harimd'nam, 3 ; from AV., pvr{mdmdnam 1 
vL99.1 ; stdmd'nam, v.13.6. 

G. The forms are : xtkshd'nam ; trim&rdkd'nam ; triftr8hd'nam y 2 ; pdrtjmanam, 
4; prikugmd'nam ; majjd'nam; mdtaricvdnam, 2 ; mtirdhd'nam, 10; rd'jdnam, 
22 ; vr'aMnam, 2 ; $vd'nam, 3 ; saptdftrsMnam, 2 ; from AV., plfhd'nam, iii.25.3 ; 
pdnihdnam't xiil.47, see p. 441. 

The scansion of the passages in which these 204 forms occur 
shows that the metre demands or favors a short d as penultimate 
in the cadence of ten octosyllabic pddas: in ii.6.56 and viii.81.8a 
(anarvd'nam ?) ; Hi. 2 7. 2c and 40.3a (dhitd' vdnam ?) ; viiL54.4a 
(mahimd'nam ?) ; i.50.12a (harimd'nam?); viii.61.10ft (pdrij- 
m&nam?); ix.114.2c (rd'j&nam?); and possibly in viii.2.38^ 
(purutondfnam?) and 46.3a (mahimd'nam?). In no other cases 
does the metre give evidence of a short vowel. 



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532 C. R. Lanman, [van, man, an-stems. 

L a. From the stems that waver between d and d in the strong 
cases occur: ukshd'nam y i. 164.43 ; vr'shdnam, ix.34.3 : x.89.9: 
VS. xx.40 (in all these passages, the d being in the second or 
fourth place may be ascribed to the metre) ; ukshd'nam, VS. 
xxviii.32 : Ait. fer. L15 ; vr'shdnam, Qat.Br. i.2.5 1 *; tond'nam, 
Acv. 9r. vi.9; tdkshdnam (of. Schol. to P&n. vi.4.9), Kath. xillO, 
in Ind. Stud. iiL 464. 

II. The text has d in the penult. There are 98 forms (from 6 
stems). In no case does the metre require d; but it favors d in 
the second place of the verse in vi.55.4a; L16.16; ii.16.5ti; iiL 
27.15a; vih.15.4ft; ix.63.21a; 106.16. 

The forms are : aryam&'nam, 15, and AV. xiv.1.17 ; pllsh&'nam, 
21, and AV. xi.6.3 : xviii.2.53 ; rbhukshd' nam y 4; further (cf. 
I. a), vr'shdnam, 63 ; uksh&'nam, 4, and AV. iiL 1 1.8 ; tmd'nam. 
In Dhammapada, 355<£, we have d as penultimate, hanti anfie va 
attdnam (dtmd'nam). For pdnth&nam (? \.121.Qgk ; v.10.1 : 
viii.57.13), see p. 441. For anarvd'nam, see p. 531 end, and p. 
527 end. C£ vrtrahd'nam. 

The form mahd'm is explained by Brugman, as standing for 
mahdn-u ; see Studien, ix.308. 

Transition to the o-declension. For adhi-rd'jcMn etc., see p. 527. 

Instrumental Singular Masculine and Neuter (see pp. 524-6). 

A. Masculines : dtharvand; abhiydgvand; rfipvand y 3 ; cikU- 
vdnd; patdparvand, 4 ; — (IIL) grd'vnd, 2. 

Neuters : dhdnvand y 3 ; dhdnvand; pdrvand^parvand; — (III) 
md'vnd, AV. vii.50.9. 

B. Masculines: demand, 2; tmdnd, 61; bhdsmand y 2; mcy- 
mdnd y 22 ; varshmdnd; vipvdkarmand: — (L) omdnd; pravdd- 
ydmand; bhUmdnd; — (II. a) patdydm(a)nd; the AV, xviii.4.60, 
and the SV., i.557 : ii.502, actually have pcUdydmand; — (III.) 
mahimnd'tS; from AV., aryamnd', iL36.2 : xiv.1.34 ; pdmnd\ 
v.22.12; varimnd\ iv.6.2 : 'ix.2.20 ; mahimnd', iv.35.3 : vL7l.3 : 
xi.1.19: xiii.1.8*: iv.30.8 (=RV. x.125.8, muhind'). 

Once varimdn makes varimdtd; see p. 516. 

Neuters : kdrmand, 8 ; jdnmand, 5 ; dhdrmand y 15 ; pdtmand; 
br&hmand, 3 1 ; mdnmand, 8 ; vdrmand; vidmdnd, 4 ; vidhar- 
mand ; pdkmand, 3; pdrmand y 5; pd'kmand; svfyanmand ; 
hdnmand y 5 ; — (I.) bhtiJmarid; $yH r mand; hemdnd; — (IL a) 
nd'm(a)nd ; (II. b) dhd'm(a)nd y 2 ; 8d'm(a)nd ; from AV., 
dhd'm(a)nd, x.5. i 7-14 ;— (IIL) nd'mnd; from AV., d&'mnd, vi. 
103.2,3; dhd'mnd, v.27.8; I6mnd y iv.12.5; sd'mnd, thrice. 

C. Masculines: mdtaripvand, ix.67.31 ; AV. v.10.8; vibhvdnd 
(-dnas, Ab., needed), RV. x.76.5 ;— (II. b) rd'j{a)nd;—(Oi.) d?n&, 
3; pfahnd'; vr'shnd, 2; majjfid\ AV. iv.12.3,4; pHhnd\ VS. 
xxv.8; tdkshnd, K&ty. £r. vi.1.5; — finally, p&?id, for pudnd, AV. 
vii.5.5. 

Neuters: (II. a) mah(d)nd y 2; — (ITL) dhnd, 2; dhnd-ahnd; 
dmdl ; udnd! y 5 ; dadhnd', 3 ; mahnd' y 32 ; ptrshnd', 3 ; from VS., 
paknd' y xxxvii.9; sakthnd' y xxiii.29. 



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L&zn.n.] Noun-Infiection in the Veda. 638 

Shortened forms of the instrumental singular. These occur 
only with stems in mdn. After syncopation of the vowel d, (1) 
the m is dropped ; (2) but sometimes the n is dropped. 

1. The m is dropped. The complete history of the form is illus- 
trated by the stem ohUmdn; this makes : bhti-mdn-d, RV. i. 11 0.2 ; 
bhU^nn-d! , 9at.Br. ii.8.4 9 ; bhti-n-d', RV. In most cases the ecthlip- 
sis of m may be ascribed to the metre: thus in iii.59.7a (abhi yd 
mahind' divam) : viii.12.23 ; 67.3; 81.23: x.119.8, the dropping 
of m gives the needed diiambic cadence; similarly iii.30.18c, etc. 
See Benfey, Abh. d. kon. Ges. d. Wiss. zu GOttingen, xix.233 ff. 

The forms are : mahind' (cf. mahimnd', thrice), 35 times, and 
Hi. 7. 10: viii.59.6 (=SV. ii.213); 81.23; cf. VS. xxvii.26=TS. 
iv.1.8*: VS. xvii.l8=TS. iv.6.2^: VS. vii.19: TS. iv.3.13 B : SV. 
ii. 101 1,1 123;— bhdnd', x.149.3 ; 82.4=TS. iv.6.2 a =VS. xviL28 
(Mahldh., bhUmnd) ;—pralhind\ i.8.6=SV. i.166; VAL 8.1;— 
prend' (c£ premnd, MBh.), x.71.1 : TS. v.5.2 l ; varind', TS. i.6.3 1 
(cf VS. iii.5): iv.l.3 1 (=VS. xi.29). It is interesting to observe 
that the VS. in the last two passages has the more grammatical 
varimnd'. In like manner the Atharvan (at iv.30.8) corrects the 
antiquated mahind' of the Rik (x.125.8) into mahimnd', to the 
detriment of the metre. Benfey would restore mahind', AV. 
iv.30.8 and RV. i.59.7. Perhaps mahnd! (84) is a shortened form 
for mahind'. Here belongs, according to Gr., ddrn-d' for dd- 
mn-d\ v.52.14,15; 87.2; viii.20.14 (but see p. 335 ad ink.) : 
viii.33.8 (see p. 330 end). Cf. G.p.m. (mahfndm). 

2. The n is dropped. I have but two examples : drdgh-m-d' 
for drdgh-mdn-d, x.70.4 (Say., drdghimnd); rapm-d\ for rap- 
mdn-dy vi67.1 (S&y., rapmind). 

Transition-forms. For yti&h'ena, etc., see p. 527. 

Dative Singular Masctjlimb and Nbutbb (see pp. 624-6). 

A Masculines : ddhvane ; dpapcdddaghvane ; rfipvane, 2 ; 
kr'tvane, 2 ; jdsvane; drtihvane, 2 ; prshfhaydjvane; mddvane; 
ydjvane: prutdrvane; sdtvane, 2; mkr'ivane; sthirddhanvane; 
— (II. a) rtd'v(a)ne; (IX b) drdv(a)ne; vr r 8hapraydv(a)ne; soma- 
pd'v(a)ne f 2 ; (it c) svadhd'v (a)ne;— (HI.) sutapd'vne; mdd'vne; 
svadhd'vne; — finally, yti'ne. 6. 

Neuters : turvdne, 5 ; — (I.) ddvdne, 28. 

B. Masculines : tmdne, 6 ; brahmdne, 2 ; bhiX'rikarmane; from 
AV., takmdne, 7 ; pdpmdne; — (II. a) aryam(d)ne; (II. b) usrdyd- 
m(a)ne; dnusra-; sdm(a)ne, 2; 8U8hd'm(a)ne,S; (II. c) suhdvt- 
tundm{a)ne; — (III.) aryamne, 2 ; jarimne; mahimni. 

Neuters : kdrmane; jdnmane, 7 ; dhdrmane, 3 ; brdhmane, 9 ; 
bhdrmane; vidmdne, 2 ; vidharmane; pdrmane; — (L) trd'mane: 
dd'mane;—(U. a) dhd'm(a)ne; (II. b) dhd'm(a)ne> 3; (EL" c) 
dhd'm(a)ne. 

C. Masculines: pdHjmane; vibhvdne; mdtaripvane, 3; — (I.) 
up-dn-e 9 vi.20.11, according to Benfey, Orient und Occ. iL242; — 

vol. x. 71 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



534 G R. Lanman, [van, man, an-stems. 

(III.) pUshnh, 4 ; pratidi'vne; rd'jile, 3 ; vr'shne, 34 ; — finally, 
pune, A V. i.' 11.4: vi.37.3 : xi.2.2. In RV. iv.3.6,Bollensen reads 
ukshne, text kshb. 

Neuters : dhd'rv-ane; — (III.) dhne, 3 ; dsni; pirshne-pirshne. 

Transition-forms. For brhddukshdya, etc., see p. 527. 

Ablative Sdtgulab Masculine and Nkuteb (see pp. 524-5). 

A. Masculines : pdkasfitvanas; — (II. c) drdv{a)nas. 
Neuters : pdrvanas; dhdnvanas, A V., 4 times. 

B. Masculines : dpmanas, 4 ; dtmdnas, 2 ; satyddharmanas, 
AV. L10.3 ; — (III.) from AV., klomnds, ii33.3 : ix.8.12 ; jarimnas, 
xviii.3.62 ; varimnds, xii.5.72. 

Neuters : cdrmanas, 4; jdnmanas; dhdrmanas, 3; mdntnanas; 
vdsmanas; sddmanas; — (I.) bhU'manas; — (tl. a) dd'm(a)na*; 
— (III.) Idmnas-lomtias; from AV., dd! mnas-ddmnas, vii.83.2. 

C. Masculines : Benfey regards vibhvdnd c-, X.70.&, ** an Ab. 
(-d=-aA) : see G&tt. Abb xix.261 ; — (IH) mUrdhnds; vr'shnas; 
pllhnds, AV. ii.83.3. 

Neuters: (III.) akshnds; dhnas; dsnds, 3; udnds; yaknds; 
pfrshnds, 2 ; vr'shnas H'dhnas, iv.22.6. 

In x.27.21, it is hard to make jarimd'nas the subject of taranM. Roth suggests 
that this may be a metrical way of writing jarimnds ; cf . drdvd (=Arvd) ; harir 
fmafdru (= -cmapru) ; sthd'tdrd (I.s.m. ? x.59.1). ' There, beyond (the sun), is 
another path ; over it (t&d), with steady tread, away from old age, men pass;' 
i. e., there they lay aside decay and infirmity. The construction is hardly Vedic; 
but cf. the Sanskrit vayarh ttrnd mahdbhaydt, Hariv. 4066. See also p. 523. 

Supplementary forms : dsidt, ds-ds; udakd't; etc. 

GBNtnviB Singula* Masouunb amd Neuteb (see pp. 624-6). 

A. Masculines : dtharvanas, 2 ; ddhvanas, 6 ; dyajvanas; 
dstrtayajvanas ; durgfbhipvanas; ydjvanas, 3 ; viadhvanas; 
maghdnas, 8; in v.27.1, Delbrttck reads -dm; — (I.) magMnas, 
pronounce maghdrvan-as, v. 16.3 : ix.32.1 ; for vi.44.12, see N.p.m. ; 
— (IL b) drdv(a)nas; somapd f v(a)nas; — (III.) dadhikrd'vnas,&; 
bhUridd'vnas; yuktdgrdvnas ; sutapd'vnas, viii.2.7, trocL ;— 
yU'nas, 2. 

Neuter: dhdnvanas, 

B. Masculines: amdrmanas, 3; brahmdnas; vipatmanas; 
vipramanmanas; pticijanmanas; supdrmanas; — (I.) mahimdrm, 
2 ; — (II. b) from AV., sthirddhdm(a)nas, x.4.11; — (III.) aryamnds, 
6 ; mahimnds, 2 ; jarimnds, AV. vii.53 6. 

Neuters: kdrmanas, 2; jdnmanas, 3; dhdrmanas; brahmanas, 
with voc, 18; brdhmanas, 4; with -pdti, 32;' mdnmanas, 2; 
vdrmanas; — (I.) dd'manas; bhti'manas,%\ yd'manas; viomancu; 
— (IL a) dhd'm(a)nas; 8d'm(a)nas; sd'm(a)nas-sdm(a)nas; (lie) 
dAtfm(a)na«/— (IIL) sd'mnas, AV. xi.7.5. 

C. Masculines: pdrijmanas; — (L) vr'shano nd, ix.97.54, text 
vr'shand'ma — see Ueb. iL518; from AV., vr'shano*, xi.2.22;— 
(III.) dpnas; uksknds; pdshnds, 6; yilshnds, or "n. ; rd'jfias, 8; 
vr'shnas, 37 ; tdkshnas, 9at.Br. iii.6.4* ; — finally, punas, 2. 



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G.s.m.n.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 585 

Neuters : (III.) dhnas, 16 ; udnds, 5 ; dadhnds; vr*shnas y 2 ; 
$irshnds; from AV., asnds, v.19.3; asthnds, iv.12.1; paknds, 
xii.4.4. 

Transition-form: pHshandsyaf y see p. 526. 

Locative Sinchtlab Masculine and Neuter. 

In the Rik there is but a single instance of syncopation of the 
short thematic a in the L.s. : this is indrdgni pataddvni, v.27.6a/ 
and even here we may restore the a, ppta-dd'-v(a)n-i; so in AV. 
i v. 7.5c, tishthd vrkshfrva sthd'm(a)ni. 

From the Atharvan, I have noted a few instances : vijd'mni, 
viL76.2; l6mni-lomni y ii.33.7; sthd'mni, vi.77.1 : vii.96.1; dhni, 
vi. 110.3: xix.56.2. 

All the locatives singular from the Rik may be put under two 
categories: (1) those with the case-ending i; (2) those which 
have dropped the case-ending. The former number 127 (from 48 
stems) ; the latter, 203 (from 45 stems) : that is, the forms without 
the ending are to those with the ending* in the ratio of 8 : 5. 

This dropping of the ending is peculiarly Vedic. For a similar 
thing in the G&th&s, see Yac. xxxi.13, cashmkhg, 'in (thine) eye.' 
I examined the passages in which the above 330 forms occur, and 
found that the choice between the two forms was often decided 
simply by the metre (cf. pp. 340,345,347). Thus in i. 143.2 and 
vi.8.2, pddas b, e y and d are each of 12 syllables, and accordingly 
we have in a, sd jd'yamdnah parami viomani; but in vii.5.7, 
since b y c, and d are each of li syllables, we have in a the shorter 
form, sd jd'yamdnah parami vioman. Compare also ii. 28.3a 
with i.4.6c. A comparison of RV. x.87.17 with AV. viii.3.17 is 
instructive. The Rik has tdm pratydflcam ardshd vidhya m&r- 
man; this the Atharvan converts into an acatalectic pdda by 
putting mdrmani in place of the antiquated mdrman. 

At the end of a pdda, the ant-form is used if the number of 
syllables in the other pddas is even ; and the an-form, if it is odd. 
In the latter case, the ending can always be restored without 
detriment to the cadence, the only difference being that the verse 
thus becomes acatalectic instead of catalectic. The form in -ani 
is never found with the postposition d'; but the form in ~ann y p. 
-an, occurs with it 17 times. See Kuhn's remarks upon the forms 
in -a»n, Beitr&ge, iii.125. 

Of the 127 forms in -one, the great majority, 92, stand at the 
end of pddas of 12 or 8 syllables, and the other 35 in the interior 
of the pdda. Of these 02, I found 46 in jagratf-stanzas; one 
(1164.366), in a stanza of 11,12,12,12; and the rest in stanzas 
consisting of octosyllabic, or of dodecasyllabic pddas, or of both, — 
variously combined (e. g. i.130.3; cf. the occurrences of pdrmani). 

Of the 203 forms in -a», nearly one-third, 62, stand at the end 
of a pdda of 11 syllables, and two (viii2.8: x.105.9) at the end 
of a pdda of 7. In 60 instances of the 62, the other pddas of 
the re are also trishtubh. 



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586 C. R. Lawman, [van, man, cm-stems. 

In L 164.41a" (12,12,12,11), w« might restore the longer gram- 
matical form vioman{%), and bo perhaps in i. 164.39a (11,11,12,12). 
In like manner, x. 105. 9b admits the longer form, yajfl&sya dkdrthu 
sddman(i); and in viii,2.8, Gr. would read samdne ddhi MoV 
man(i). Unless we regard x.6.1a as a syncopated verse, we may 
read : ay dm sd ydsya pdrman(i) dvobhis. 

1. The locatives in ~ani (127, from 48 stems). 

A. Masculines: dtharvani ; ddhvani, 2; cf^ont; ftd'vani ; prvtdrvtm; 
tukr'tvani. 

Neuters: thgvani; pdrvanuparvani. 

fi. Masculines: apmani, 3; dtmani; tmdni, 2; brahmdni; iusM'mani; from 
AV., mahmani, x.2.6. 

Neuters: karmani-karmani ; janmani; dd'mani; dtrgh&pratadmani, 2; dhari- 
mani, 2; dh&rmani, 4; dM'mani; pdrtmani; prabharmani, 2; prdydmani; 
brdhmani; m&nmatni ; mdrmani; y&'mam, 12; yd'mani-ydmam ; vdkmani; 
vidharmani, 8 ; vfomani, 8; p&rmani, 11 ; edrimani ; sdHmani 7 &; tuMmam; 
stdrimani; hdvimani, 3; hSrnani; hdmani; from AV., ajmani, xi.10.22; ear- 
rooni, vipnani, eta 

G. Masculines : mdtaripvani ; mtirdJubni, 6 ; rdQani, 4. 

Neuters: dhani, 4; dsani, 1; ud&rti, 2; 4'dhani, 9; Jkifat'nuqp; r^'dsi; 
pCr*toim, 2. 

2. The locatives in -an (208, from 45 stems). 

A. Masculine: ddhvan, 6. Neuters: anarvdn; aparvdn; dhdnvan 1 2; dhdn- 
van, 5; from AY., dh&nvan, v.13.1 ; parvan, xii.3.31. 

B. Masculines: dfman; tman, 5; dfowifi, AY. ix.6.21 : xii.3.54: xr.1.2: TS. 
T.1.9«: QatBr. i.8.1«: ii.5.3 4 : iii.1.3"; 4«: iv.6.4»: v.2.1«; demon, TS. iv.6.1». 

Neuters : djman, 5 ; dydman, 2 ; ftarmon, 3 ; kdWman-katman, 2 ; kdfrsknm, 
2 ; cdrmon ; jdniman, 4 ; jdnman, 3 ; jdnman-janman, 2 ; rfdrtwion ; cftdrmas, 5 ; 
dAd'mati, 4 ; pdtman, 6 ; brdhman, 2 ; bhd'rman (see above) ; t7uinman, 2 ; mdr- 
man, 2; yd'man, 32; vdriman, 5; t'drfman; vdrsAman, 5; vijdfman; vidharma*, 
3* vioman, 12; carman, 17 : pastnan; sdkman: jrfdman, 4; 8d'man,Z\ svdfdmm; 
h&vtmati, 2; from AV., fcarman, xii.3.47; foirtnan-feirTnan, and yd'fnan-ytfmai, 
iv.23.3; dhd'man, iv.25.7: xx.49.3; vdrshman, iii.4. 2 : v.2.7?: tWion, 23 times; 
from TS., ^mon, <5dman, ftfafoman, iv.3.1 1 ; brdhman, kdrman, 3*; y<fmafi, 6.1 1 ; cL 
V8. xiii.63 : xvii.1,6. 

0. Masculines: jmdn, 2; pdryman, 6; mdrdfafoi, 6; mdtarifvan, AY. xi.5.13; 
i«kiti,TS. iv.6.1*: vii.4.15 ! . 

Neuters: dhan, 15; 4*4n, 8; uddn; 4'dhan, 6; kshd'man; tfrsHdn, 2; dwn, 
AY. xviii.3.11: xix.60.1 : TS. v.5.9*- 8 ; kshd'man, TS. iv.6.1*; yisMn, vi.3.11 1 ; 
oAon, Ait. Br. iv.l; ote/wn, Brh.sx.up. ii.3.5: iv.2.2. In composition we find: 
d«iftn-t«Att ; nemann-ish; cf. also jj&ir cftfo, and rad. r-stems, L.s.n., p. 488. 

Transition-forms. For ptrsh&, pilrvdhne, etc., see pp. 526-7. 

Vocative Singular Masculine. 

There is no neater. For vidharman (v.17.2 — Gr. neat.), ct 
the masc. nom. vidharmd, AV. zvi.3.2. 

The Vedic voc. of the vant and mant-stems ends regularly in 
-as; that of the van, man, and arc-stems, regularly in -an (c£ p. 
519). Otherwise Benfey, Gram. p. 312, 1. 7. Nevertheless, five 
stems in van (all having feminines in -vart — p. 527) make voca- 
tives in ~vas: rtdvas,4\ evaydoas y 2; prdtaritvas; mdtaripwis; 
vibhdvas (Gr., stem in vant) ; we may add khidvas, vi.22.4 (BR, 
stem khidvan). 

A. There are 169 forms (from 12 stems) : apvaddvan; maghr 
avan, 145; yuvan; vasuddvan ; satyasatvan; satrdddvan; 



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V.&m.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 537 

sahtudvan, 13 ; sictapdvan; somapdvan; svaddvan; svadhdvan, 
2; svaydvan; from AV., atharvan, v.11.2; vipvaddvan, iv. 32. 6. 

B. There are 24 forms (from 11 stems): aryaman, 11 ; purund- 
man; puruhanman; brahman; vidharman; vipvakarman, 2; 
vipvasdman; vrshakarman, 2 ; $atyakarman; mddman, 2 ; *t>a- 
dharman; from AV., tfraidman, vi 74.3 ; 8ahasradhdman,iv.\8A; 
pdpman, vi.26.1,2; 113.2; tuydman, xvL7.7 ; takman, 11 times 
(i.25 : v.22) ; apman, TS. iv.6.1 1 . 

C. There are 105 forms (from 4 stems) : partfman; ptishan, 32; 
rdjan, 46 ; vrshan, 26 ; from AV., tirujman, vi.4.3 ; prthvjman^ 
v.1.5. 

NOXBTATIVE, ACCUSATIVE, AND VOCATIVE DUAL MASCULINE. 

I. There are 121 forms in -d. 

1. The penult is long. A. There are 32 forms in -vdnd (from 
1 1 stems). B. There are 4 forms in -mdnd (from 4 stems). 
C. There are 19 forms in -find (from 4 stems). 

A. The forms are (including vocatives): agrddvdnd; adruh- 
vdnd; rCd'vdnd, 7 ; grd'vdnd; prdtaryd'vdnd, 2 ; maghdv&nd, 5 ; 
yuvdttd, 10; yU'nd (see below); rathayd'vdnd; pubhraydvdnd; 
prushtivd , ?id; saftivdnd. 

B. The forms are: brahmd'nd; satyadharmdnd; sdndmdnd; 
supdrmdnd. 

C. The forms are : pdrijmdnd; mitrdrdjdnd (v.62.3) ; rd'jdnd, 
16; pvd'nd. 

The scansion of the passages in which these 121 forms occur 
shows that the metre demands or favors a short d as penultimate 
in the cadence of three octosyllabic pddas: v. 70. 2a: viii.26.19c/ 
38.2a. 

2. The penult is short. There are 66 forms (from 6 stems). 
The metre favors d in the second place of L 10.3ft: ii. 16.6c, 6b: 
x.66.60. 

The forms are : aryamd'nd; jimdnd; tndrdpilshd'nd (and AV. 
vi.3.1) ; ptishd'nd; vrsh&nd, 60 ; somdpilthdnd, 2; vr'shdnd, AV. 
vii.73.1,2; 110.2. 

IL There are 22 forms in -au. 

1. The penult is long. Forms: (A) rtd'vdnau, 2; from AV., 
grd'vdnau, xi.1.9,10; (C) rd'jdnau, RV.,4; pud'nau, 2 (and AV. 
viii.1.9) ; vfshdnau, AV. xix.13.1. The AV., at xviii.1.54, 
modernizes rd'jdnd of the Rik (x.14.7) to rd'jdnau. 

2. The penult is short. Forms: (C) vrsh&nau, 13; somd- 
pfoh&nau. 

Weak form for strong. For y&'nd (rzytfoawd), see p. 528. 

Nominative and Accusative Dual Neuter (see pp. 524-5). 

There is no case of syncopation in the Rik; cf. p. 524 top. 
B. The forms are: cdrmani; jdnmani, 2; sddmani;— (I.) 
dhd'mant;—(TI. b) from AV.,'/i4'm(a)/tf, iv.9.10. 



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588 C. R. Lanman, [van, man, an-stems. 

C. The forms are: (I.) dhant, 7; from AV., dhant, xiii.2.3; 
cdkshant, x.2.6; dothdni, ix.7.7 : x.9.19. 
Transition-form : p£r«A6, see p. 627. 

Instrumental and Dative Dual Kasoulins. 

Instrumentals : vrshabhydm, 2 ; grd'vabhydm, AV. vi.188.2. 
Dative: somdp'fohdbhydm. 

Gbn. and Loo. Dual Masculine and Nbuteb (see pp. 524-6). 

Genitives masc. : (I.) pdrijmanos; — (11LJ indrdpHshnds. Gr. 
proposes (EL b) maghd'V(a)nrOs i at the ena of V.86.3&/ but the 
catalectic cadence of the text, magMnos, is better. Genitives 
neut. : sddmanos; — (HL) dhnos, AV. xvi8.22. 

Locative masc. : dpmanos. 

NOMINATIVB AND VOOATIVB PLUBAL MaSOUUNB. 

I. The penult is long. A. There are 77 forms in -vdnat 
(from 22 stems). B. There are 34 forms in -mdnas (from 20 
stems). C. There are 18 forms in -dnas (from 4 stems). 

A. The forms are: dkshnayd'vdnas ; dtharvdnas, 2 ; anarvd'ya& 1 2; dycyvdms, 
2; upahdsvdnas ; fkvdnas, 2; ftd'vdnas, 10; grd'vdnas, 19; drdkvdnae; mkr'U 
vdnas; parisfiddvdnas ; pr&slhdvdnas ; prdtaryd'vdipas ; maghdvdnas] 14; yitd- 
nas, 11; raghup&tvdnas ; vdntvdnas; $ubhamy d' vdnas ; pro* httvd'nas, 2 ; satodnas; 
sudhdnvdnas ; sv^Okvdnas. 

B. The forms are: addwurwo*, 2; adhvasmd'nas ; dbrahmdnas ; arapnd'wu ; 
Shabrahmdnas ; cfctmd'raa* ; (frtydnmdna* ; d%orm<i'«KW ; dhvasmd'nas ; brah- 
md'nas f 9; bhrd'jajjanmdnas ; fna&wnd'no*, 5 ; fwyyanmdnas; satyadharmdnas ; 
svkdrmdnaa ; stydnimdnas ; suf&rmdnas, 2; sth&'rapn&naa ; svddm&'nas. For 
jarimd'nas, z.27.21, see p. 534. 

G. The forms are: tirdhv&grdvdnas ; Ugmamtordhdms ; m&rdhd'nas, 2; rd'jdnai, 
14; from AV., pdnihdnas (p. 441) ; evd'nas, iv.36.6 : xi.2.11 ; 10.23. 

The scansion of the passages in which the above 129 forms 
occur shows that the metre favors short d in the cadence of 
vUe.lltf (and viii.20.1a ?). Cf. Kuhn, Beitrdge, iii.121. 

I. a. From the stems that show both & and d in the strong 
cases occur: utohdnas, K&ty. £r. xxiii.4.7,8,11 ; vfshdnas, QsL 
Br. xiiL3.3 T ; taJcshdnas, SchoL to VS. xvi.27. 

H. The penult is short. There are 64 forms (from 4 stems). 
The metre favors d in the second place of iii.27.156; viii.33.11a; 
X.66.6&. 

The forms are: aryamd'nas; uksh&'nas, 12; rbhukshdnas, 12; 
vfshdnas, 39 ; xdcshd nas, AV. iv.24.4. Forpdnthdnas, see p. 441. 

Weak form for strong. For kftvano ( AV. xix.35.5) and magh- 
dnas (RV. vi.44.12), see p. 523. 

NOMINATIVE AND AOOUSATIVB PLUBAL NBUTBB. 

The vowel-stems have -d, -dni; -$, 4ni; -d 9 -tini; see pp. 347, 
894, 416. The forms in 4 and -# would appear to be simply 
shortened from 4 and -H; but in fact, for the great majority of 
the latter forms, the pada has 4 or -ft. Both texts agree in having 
long 4 only in the words krtidhmi, ptid, and tri r ; in no case do 



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N.A.p.n.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 539 

both texts have long -H. The pada and Pr&t regard the long 4 
and -0 of the samhitd as a lengthening of 4 and -#. Perhaps, 
however, it is better to set aside their authority, in view of the 
analogy of the forms in -d from a- stems (whose long -d is sorely 
organic), and to consider the i and informs as original, and the 
i and tf-forms as secondary. * 

For the consonant stems, we should at first thought set up the 
inverted series -dni, -d; and regard -d as a shortened form of -d 
(cf. Benfey, Oram. p. 306, 1. 21). But in fact, the intermediate 
long ~d is here equally uncertain. The only words that have -d 
in both texts are akd and ftrshd', and for both of these the transi- 
tion-stems in -d are established (dhdndm, $irshd~m) ! Of the 27 
forms that have -d in the samhitd (p. -6), 18 might be explained 
metrically ; but the other can not : the Pr&t., however, accounts 
for the other 9 as lengthenings of a short -&. But here, as before, 
the samhitd-forms are perhaps, after all, the original ones, relics 
of the organic form in long -a; and the forms in -d, the secondary 
ones. It is hard to see why they should all be short in the pada- 
text, and the question is at least an open one. 





A 


B 





Sum 


L The regular form is -dni: 


9 


139 


18 


166 


n. Both texts have •& : 


6 


57 




63 


m. The pada has •& ; samhitd, -d : 




27 




27 



I. The scansion of the passages in which the 166 forms occur 
shows that the metre demands a short in the penultimate of 4 
octosyllabic pddas : V.5.10&: vii.55.6c: viii.87.8fl (trochaic?): 
x.97.2a (dhdTmdni). Cf. Euhn, BeUrOge, iii.121. 

A. The forms are: dhdnvdni y 3; dhdnvdni, 4; pdrvdni, 2; 
from AV., dhdnvdni, vii.41.1 ; pdrvdni, i.11.1 : xi.8.12 : xii'.5.7l : 
snd'vdni, xii.5.69. 

B. The forms are : kdrmdni, 8 ; cdrmdni; jdnimdni, 9 ; jdn- 
mdnij 3 ; dhdrrndni, 8 ; dhd'mdni, 25 ; nd'mdni, 14 ; br&hmdni, 
53 ; mdnmdnij 5 ; mdrmdni; rdmdni, 3 ; vdrtmdni; pdrmdni; 
sddmdni, 3 ; sd'mdni, 4 ; from AV., dd'mdni, Idmdni, vdrmdni, 
etc. 

C. The forms are : akshd'ni; dhdni, 14 ; #trshd'ni y 2 ; sakth- 
d'ni; from AV., dhdni, vii.69.1 ; 82.4,5 : xix.7.1 ; pirshd'ni, 11.1 : 
x.4.19. In RV. i. 140. 13c, the metre demands the longer gram- 
matical form dhdni y text dhd. 

II. Both texts have -& In i. 1 73.3a, we have sddnid (certainly 
plural), with short final d as eighth syllable in a pdda of 11, 
where it ought surely to be long. 

A. The forms are : dhdnva; dhdnua; pdrva, 4. 

B. The forms are : kdrma, 5 ; jdnima, 2 ; jdnma, 3 ; dhdrma; 
dhdma, 1 ; nd'ma, 13 ; brdhma, 8 ; bhti'ma, 3 ; mdnma, 3 ; rdma 
(or ring/) ; pdrma, 1 ; sddtna, 4. 

ELL The samhitd has ~d; the pada, -d Here belong 27 forms, 
from man-stems only. 

B. The forms are : jdnimd, 9 : dhdrmd, 2 ; nd'md; brdhmd, 
6 ; bhU'md, 6 and in vi.62.8 (? Wb. 1765) ; rdmd; sddmd. 



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540 G. R. Lanmarty [van, man, em-stems. 

In 8 instances (j&nimdL, 6 ; dh&rmd; nd'md), the -d is eighth syllable in a jtitfs 
of 11 or 12 (PrAt. viii.21): in 10 instances (brdhmd, 6 ; bh&'md, 3; r6md%1h* 
second in 6, 8, or 1] (Pr&t. vii.25: viii.14): in these, the -d might be metrical 
On the other hand, in 6 instances (dh&rmd ; bh&'md, 4 ; sddmd), the -d \b at the 
end of *pdda (Prat, yiii.30: vii.14); and in 3 instances (jdnimd y 3), the seventh 
in 11 (Pr&t viii.5). Here the -d is not simply metrical. 

The AV. has: j&nimd, p. -a, ii.28.2: iv.1.3: v.11.5; nd'md, p. -a, ?.1.3; 
vdrimd, p.?, iv.25.2. In vi.31.3: ix.9.3: arix.58.4 (=BV. x.189.3 : i.164.3: 
x. 101.8), the AY. has dhd'md, nd'md, varmd, where the RV. has -d. 

IV. Both texts have -d. The Rik has bat two such forms: 
tfirah&'y 4 ; dhd, 21. Both may be referred to vowel stems. .The 
A V. has : pdrvd, p. ?, xii.5.42 ; dhd, v.1.1 : xx.135.7. 

Accusative Plural Masculine (see pp. 524-6). 

A. The forms are: ddhvanas, 11; dyqjvanas, 2; from AV., 
dr&kvanas (iv.29.1), etc.;— (L) maghdnoB, RV., 10;— (IL ft) 
drdv(a)na*, 3; (II. c) drdv(a)na8; evayd , v{a)nas; — (HI.) grd!* 
nos, 2; prdtaryd'vnas; evayd'vnasf % text -yd'*, p. 451 end;— 
yiZ'nas, 2. For yuvdtas, see p. 516. 

B. The forms are : dpmanas; brahmdnas; takmdnas, AV. 
v.30.16 ; — (IIL) from AV., durnd'mnas, xvi.6.7 : xix.36.4,5. 

C. The forms are : mdtaripvanas, AV. xix.27.4 ; — (I.) uk$h> 
dnas, RV. x.86.13 : so even in Bhag. P. x.83.13, BR. ; vr'shanas; 
— (IL a) vr'sh(a)na9, viii7.33 ; — (IIL) ukshnds, 2 : so K&tyl $r. 
xriii. 4.9,10 ; Jandrdjflas ; mdrdhnds ; yamdrdjflas ; rd'jflas; 
vr'shnat, 2 ; from AV., mqpflda, ii.12.7 : ix.6.23 ; 8.18 ;— finally 
ptfnai, RV., 2, and AV. iv.5.2. 

Strong form for weak. Benfey, Gram. p. 311, note 3, cites 
mahdtmdnas as an Epic A.p.m. 

Instrumental Plural Masculine and Neuter. 

A. Masculines (48 forms, from 15 stems) : ddhvabhis, 2 ; 
dprayutvabhis ; r'kvabhis, 15 ; evayd'vabhis ; grd'vabhis, 4 ; 
prdtaryd'vabhis, 2 ; ytyvabhis, 2 ; yuvabhis; rdnvabhis; ffiboa- 
bhis, 2; sfyvabhis, 11; sanUvabhis; sayd'vabhis, 3; suprayd'- 
vabhis; svayugvabhis. 

Neuters : pdtvabhis; pdrvabhis; vivdsvabhis; somapdrvabhu. 

B. Masculines : dkhidraydmabhis ; adhvasmdbhis, 3 ; dprna- 
bhis; dpmahanmabhis ; dguhimabhis ; dmabhis ; brahmdbhu; 
mayd'raromabhis; vtdupdtmabhis; sukdrrnabhis y 2 ; sumdnma- 
bhUy 2 ; supdrmabhis. 

Neuters (67 forms, from 17 stems) : djmabhis; emabhis; kdr- 
mabhUy 2 ; trd'mabhis; dhdrmabhu, 7 ; dhd'mabhis, 13 ; nd'ma- 

pdkmabhis; 




C. Masculines: ukshdbhis, 4 ; rd'jabhUjS; vr'shabhis, 11. 

There is no stem rw-£dm-an. To me it admits of no doubt that 
the form nikdmabhis at the end of x. 92. 9 rf is used (instead of the 
proper ni&<2ma&) simply on account of a formal and metrical 



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Lp.ni.Ti.] Noun-Inflection in ike Veda. 541 

parallelism with evayd'vabhis at the end of c. Cf. rdnvabhis, at 
end of v.44.10c, and article ranvd. 

Neuters : akshdbhis, 8 ; asthdbhis ; dhabhis, ; dsdbhis, 6 ; 
tcddbhis, 5 ; d'dhabhis, 3 ; mahdbhis; vr'shabhis; pdkabhis, TS. 
v.7.23 1 . 

Similarly, naktdbhis is used instead of ndktam at the end of 
vii.104.18c to eke out the pdda to 12 syllables, and so make it 
metrically parallel with a, b, and d. 

Transition-form. For d^nais^ see p. 527. 

Dative Plural Masculine and Neuter. 

A. Masculines : gr&'vabhyas; yuvabhyas; dtharvabhyas, Gr., 
-bhias y vi.47.24. 

B. Masculine: brahmdbhycbs, 3. Neuter: dhd'mabhya*, 2. 

C. Masculines : rd'jabhyas, 4 ; pvdbhyas, AV. xi.2.30 ; tdksha- 
bhyas, VS. xvl27. Neuter: dhabhyas. 

Ablative Plural Masculine and Neuter. 

A. Neuter: md'vabhycut, AV. ii.33.6. 

B. Neuter: Idmabhyas. 

C. Masculine: majj'dbhyas, AV. ii.33.6. Neuter: dhabhya* y 

Genitive Plural Masculine and Neuter (see pp. 524-5). 

A. Masculines : anarvdndm, 2 ; dyajvandm; sdtvandm, 2 ; — 
(I.) maghdndm, 4 ; maghdndm, Gr. -aam, 12 times at the end of 
catalectic pddas of 7 syllables, and in vii.32.7 {pdda of 11); 
maghdnaam, with resolution, vi.68.2 : viii.1.16 ; 2.34 ? ; 19.34 ; — 
(II. b) rdrdv(a)ndm ; vdjadd'v{a)ndm ; 8omapd'v(a)ndm ; for 
8aha#radd'v(a)ndm, see p. 528 top ; — (III.) grd'vndm, 2. 

Neuter: dhdnvandm, AV. xi.9.1. 

B. Masculines: brahmdndm;— (III.) durnd'mndm, AV. ii.25.2. 
Neuters: dJidrmandm, 2 ; brdhmandm, 2 {mdnmandm;— (III.) 

dhindmndm; from AV., sd'mndm, xv.6.3. 

C. Masculines: (III.) \vr , 8hndm } viil 72.1: viii.46.29 (Gr. -adm); 
from AV., rd'jfidm, thrice; — p&ndm, AV. iii.9.4. 

Neuter: dhndm, 28 times. 

It has been suggested that mahVndm, x.134.1, might be G.p.m. of mahiman, 
the m being dropped as in the instrumental. If that were so, we should have 
maKlnd'm (with I, and oxytone). But cf. pp. 398-9. 

Transition-form. For dhdndm, see p. 527. 

Locative Plural Masculine asd Neuter. 

A. Masculines: ddhvam; kr'tvasu; ydjvasu, 2. Gr. reads 
maghd8hu y x.93.14, text maghdvatsu. 

Neuters : dhdnvasu, 7 ; dhdnvasu; pdrvasu. 

B. Masculine: dpmam, AV. iii.21.1 : xii.1.19. 

Neuters : kdrmasu, 2 ; jdnmasu; dhd'mam, 3 : vdrmasu: $dd- 
moww, 2. 

tol. x. 72 



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C. R. Lanman, [tn-stems 

Masculines: rd'jasu ; from AV., majjdm, i.11.4; yama- 
rw, xviii.2.25. 
enters : dhasu; ptrshdsu, 2. 

STEMS IN IN. 

ie stems in in are regularly oxytone. They neither syncopate 
thematic vowel, nor lengthen it in the G.p., nor throw the 
nt forward to the ending. Their declensional forms present 
>st no irregularities whatever. Anomalously accented are 
8drin and pd'kin (i.51.8 — a mere mistake for p<2£f ?). The 
pounds with negative a- are barytone; and so kdrildatin, 
d'vatHrin y and indramedin. 

?sides the stems formed bv the suffix tn, are here included 
ral in vin (cf. mdydvm with mdyin) and one in min (rgrmn\ 
iese stems are declined only in the masculine and neuter. The 
is formed with %: as, arJdn4, p. 367. 

-ansitions to the a-declension. The A.s.ra. parame-shthin-am 
ie point of departure for the N.s.n. param&shthincH* 
ead of -shthi). The form is especially interesting, because, as 
erfectlv evident, it owes its origin solely to the metre (so 
I : idam ydt parameshthmam \ mdno vd brdhma&ampitam, 
xix.9.4. Corresponding to vanin-am, as if it were vamna-m, 
rmed (instead of vanin-as) the false plural van'tndni, also doe 
ie metre : x.66.96, dlpa dshadhtr van'tndni yajfayd. In viil 
I would venture to suggest the reading pdkinas, as transi- 
nom.s.m. to pdk&n-am. The text has pdkinds (gate, as in 
.22) ; but c£ for the accent am-ind. Possibly mahina (indra, 
.8) and mahinasya (indrasya, vi.33.5 ; 68.8) are transition- 
s; cf. mahin~e (indrdya, vii. 31.11). 

ansition to the e-declension. Perhaps the an. X. mandi-tn 
\) is an A.8. falsely formed after the analogy of the Is. 
din-d, as if it were mandirtid (cf. p. 373). BK. explain it 
rwise ; see A.s.m. 

i the other hand, nuyayirnam may belong in the same cate- 
with ilrmi-nam, khdd'trtiam, p. 378. 

THE NEUTER FORM& 

ie neuter forms are veryrare. They are : dndmi, 2 ; ubhayd- 
; patatri, 4; from AY., pakatyeshi, L25.2 ; tsdri, x.1.19; 
-d, RV. v.4.10; 40.8; sugandhin-d, viii.19.24 (but cf p. 
; jyrahosh'tnas, G.s.n., viii.81.4; parameshthmam and van- 
i 9 above. 

THE MASCULINE FORMS. 
Nominative Singular Masculine. 

»re belong 213 forms (from 55 stems). In vii.60.10, Gr. takes 
X as N.s.m. with sdmrtis; but since this is fern., it is better 
ike tveshf as N.s.f. from tveshia (cf. p. 360 med.). BR read 
yd? eshdm fa misprint — see vii.1751). In x.51.6, rathfva 
ably stands lor ratht'r-iva; see p. 375 end. 



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N.B.m.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 543 

Enumeration: ddvaydvt; dyudfwi; irt; JcdrHdaH; fd'kif; s&rt;— ankt' 
dbhydvartt; arthf ; aptf, 4; adardv? ; udrf, 2; rgmV ; rjipt' ; rjUhi', 10 
leopard?; hdmV ; kevalddV ; heft, 4; kdrt' ; dyumnf, 10; mshshapV ; pakM' 
paripanth? ; prsJitidmay? ; prapath? ; prabhangt' ; pravepan? ; bdhufardhi' 
brahmacdrf; bhadravddf, 2; manfshV, 5; mand?, 6; mardyf ; maMhasW 
mdy?, 3; medV ; rathf, 3; rarnbhV ; rukmf ; vajrV, 21; vartnf, 2; vatf', 9 
t?d/P, 70; virapfV, 3; potawf ; ftfrwC, 4; pushm^, 10; ptoAC; pvofl&ni', 6 
sahasrf, 2 ; addf ; som?, 2 ; gvabdtf ; hast?. 

ACCUSATIVE SINGULAR MASCULINE. 

There are 192 forms (from 58 stems). For Urmt-nam (ix.98.6), 
and khddi-nam (vi.16.40), see i-stems, p. 378. The latter word 
yields a tolerable sense even if referred to an tn-stem (khddin~am) ; 
but in that case, I would suggest the reading hdstena for hdste 
nd : ' whom they carry (with) on the hand as a new-born child, 
decked with spangles. Like Urmi-nam is perhaps ni-yayi-nam y 
x.60.2 ; c£ yaxfornd. Kuhn, Beitr&ge, iii.467, has observed that 
the cadence of i.85.3c requires a long ultima in abhimdtfwrdm, 
text -dm; cf. vidhdvdm, p. 330. 

8R. regard mandim (i.9.2) as an inaccurate rendering of the 
pronunciation of mandmam (in-), after elision and crasis; but it 
may be a transition-form (p. 542). The an. A. rjUhdm (i.32.6) 
may be explained without setting up a separate stem rjtshd ; 
namely, it may have been used instead of rfishinam, in order to 
satisfy better the metrical parallelism of the different pddas and 
the formal parallelism of pdda b (c£ viii.65.5). 

Enumeration : advaydvinam, 2 ; dvdjinam ; — at/nycm, 1 1 ; abhimdtinam , 
arkmam; avakrakshiaam ; apvtoam, 12; dddrinam; isliminam; uktha^ahsinam ; 
uJdhinam, 2 ; udrinam, 5 ; ubtoydvinam ; rjishinam, 4 ; kapar dbnam, 2 ; karasm- 
Ihknam^ 2 ; keUmaliHTiaan ; kdminam ; kdrinam, 2 ; kuldyinam ; kCtcidarthinam ; 
catbiam ; tarasvinam ; dyumnmam ; dhaninam, 2 ; nanuuvvnam ; niyayinam ; 
pakshmam ; paripanthinam ; putrinam ; pttrishmam, 2 ; manishinam, 2 ; manth- 
wam; mandinam, 3; manyuahdvinam ; mdydvinam; mdyinam, 10; rakshas- 
vmam; rtUhviam; vajrinam, 6; van&nam, 2; vanfaam; vaydkinam; varc&nam ; 
vajinam, 49 ; virap&wm, 2 ; pakujvinani, 4 ; fotinam, 6 ; fdkbnam, 2 ; pushmi- 
nom, 3; prnginam; sahasraposhtnam ; sahanrtnan^ 27. 

INSTRUMENTAL SINGULAR MASCULINE. 

Here belong : mahd'vatdrind; — arc&nd; apvind; kimidind, 2 ; 
ma?idi/id, 2; rakshawind ; vakhind; vdjind, 3. For ktrmd, 
i.100.9, Gr. proposes -ne. 

Dative Singular Masculine. 

Here belong : abhydvart'me; amitrlne; kapardine, 2 ; kdrine; 
Jcimtdiiie ; prasakshine ; bhdmine ; mantshtne ; mandine, 2 ; 
mahine; rakskasvine, 2; rathine; vcyrine, 12; virapf&ne; pdJAne, 
2 ; pprine, 2 ; pushmine, 2. * 

Ablative and Genitive Singular Masculine. 

Ablatives: abhiprabhanghias; pcUatrinas, 2; sominas (x.57.1). 

Genitives (71 forms, from 27 stems) : ddvaydvinas; — arth-mas, 

2 ; rjUhmas; dvaydvinas; dhaninas; namasvinas, 2 ; parn'inas; 



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44 C. R. Lanman, [tn-stems. 

ragardhinaa; bhUriposhinas; mandinas; mdylnas, 7 ; ratmna*; 
xsinas, 3 ; retinas; vajrinas, 3 ; vaninas; vanmas, 2 ; varcvia*, 
; vdjinas, 17; virappinas, 2; mduharslnnas ; vrandiiuu ; 
afmas ; pushminas, 6 ; prtiginas; 8ahasr%\ias y 2 ; jomvia*. 7. 

Locative Singular Masculine. 

Here belong: mdy'mi; vdjhii; somhii; from AV., dvip'xhi, 
astini, vi.38.2; paranieshthlni, x.3.24; brahmacdrini, xl5.22. 

Vocative Singular Masculine. 

Here belong 76 forms (from 1 5 stems) : dndbhayin; amaJrin; 
bhaydvin; rjtpin; rjt&hin, 9; tuvikiirmin; prapathin; yakshin; 
ojrin, 41 ; vdjin, 5 ; virappin, 2 ; pavasin; piprin, 6 ; pushmin, 
; sahasin. 

Nominative, Accusative, and Vocative Dual Masculine. 

I. There are 369 <2-forms (from 15 stems) : according to Midler's 
ndex, apvind, 68; apvind, 246; -^, p. -aw, 4; dpvind, 27;— 
umdrind; kepind, 7 ; pajrahoshind; parnind; putrtnd; purv 
kind; prasakshbid; manth'ind; mdydvmd; mdyind; vajrmd; 
dfmd, 4; vdjind; vighanind; pushmind. The AV. has: apv'md, 
4; apvind, 17; dpvind y 4. 

II. There are 32 aw-forms : apvuiau, 1 1 ; apvinau, 17 ; dpvitiau, 
; vdjlnaUy 2. 

In the very late verse x.184.2, the Rik reads, g&rbliam te a^iinau devd'v d' dkat- 
im ptehkarasrajd ; and the incorrect AV. variant (v.25.3), . . a^inobhd' dkattdm 
. The Rik-verse, if conformed to the canons of the old parts of the Riksanhfta, 
ould read : a^cind devd' dhattum, p. devd' &' ; or apvind vbhd', p. -nau ubhd' a'. 
he Atharvan requires emendation. We may read : . acvindv ubhd'v d* ; or, -*» 
svd'v d\ 

Inst., Dat., Gen., and Loc. Dual Masculine. 

Instmmentals : apvibhydm, i. 44.2,14; 182.6: v.51.8; indra- 
ledibhydm, AV. xi.9.4. Dative: apv\bhydm,i. 164.27 : v.73.10. 
Genitive: apvinos, 17. Locative: apvlnos, i.120.10. 

Nominative and Vocative Plural Masculine. 

Here belong 153 forms (from 64 stems). Some may be singular. 

Enumeration : ahkutfnas ; atrinas, 2 ; arkinas. 2 ; arcinas, 2 ; arthmas, 3 ; 
hminas, 3 ; ukthuias, 6 ; upamantrinas ; rgminas ; rjishinaSj 2 ; kapardvuu ; 
ibandhinas ; Mminas, 2 ; Jcd/rinas, 2 ; kirinas ; kr<;anmas ; kefinas, 2 ; khddkuts ; 
ithinas ; g&yatrinas ; gharminas ; tarasvinas, or G. ; dapigvinas ; drapsinas ; 
vaydvinas, 2 ; dhhminas; dhrshadrinas ; namasvinas, 5; niiodinas ; nirdmmas; 
xshahginas^ 2 ; patehinas, 2 ; patatrinas, 2 ; paripanthinas ; parmnas, 2 ; prffino*, 
; purishinas; prakridinas ; prasaksttinas ; baiirias ; inanishintu, 16; voc., 5; 
\andinas, 5 ; mahlnas; mdydvinas ; mdyinas, 4; medinas; rctfhiruu; vaninas, 2; 
mlnas, 4; varminas ; vdjinaa, 16; voc., 2 ; viraptfnas, 2; voc, 1 ; virokinas, 2; 
Ishdninas ; vratacdrinas ; ratagvinas ; patinas, 3 ; fdkinaa ; puhrninas ; sahas- 
mas, 4 ; sominas, 5, see Ab. ; voc, 1 ; svdninas ; hastinas, 3 ; htranincu. 



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A. p.m.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 545 

Accusative Plural Masculine. 
Here belong 44 forms (from 23 stems). 

Enumeration : ctfrinas, 3 ; artfinas ; arthinas ; aminos ; ttkthapahstnas ; 
kdmiruu ; kdrinas: grathinas ; dyumninas ; pakshinas ; bhdminas ; mandinas ; 
mdijiruu, 3j mitrtnas, 2; rakshasoinas, 3; ratkinas, 3; vaninas; vanitiat, 7; 
vdjinaSi 5 ; vrandinas ; sakaarinas, 3 ; somiruu ; hir aminos. 

INSTRUMENTAL PLUBAL MASCULINE. 

Here belong : apvibhis; rgmibhis; keptibhis, 2 ; nishangibhis; 
patatribhis, 3 ; manfohibhis, 1 ; mandibhis; rukmibhis; vdjibhis, 
4 ; pushmibhis; hastibhis. 

Dative Plural Masculine. 
Sole example : pikhibhyas, AV. xix.22.15 (? MSS. pishir). 

Genitive Plural Masculine. 

Here belong : kdri'ndm; mdyl'ndm, 3 ; vdjindm; prngindm; 
stukdvindm; vapindm, AV. xv.11.9. Cf. p. 373, IV. 

Locative Plural Masculine. 
Here belong: Jchddishu; dvarishu; hastishu, AV. xii.1.25. 

STEMS IN AS. 

The words whose stems end in as are primarily and principally 
neuter nouns, accented on the radical syllable : as, mdn-as. 

They often occur, however, at the end of compound adjectives, 
and are then inflected in all three genders: thus, N.s., sumdnds y 
m. ; 8u-md?ids, f. ; su-mdnds, n. There are also a few oxytone 
masculines in as : as, rdkshds. 

Of a few stems, the formation is not clear : upds (? p. 406) ; 
ripd'das. For khid-vas, see p. 536. The stem rbhvan is sup- 
plemented by r'bhvas and rbhva; and p'ikvas, by pikvan and 
pikvd — see p. 526. Gr. sets up a stem tish^zushds; but see Ab.s. 
Cf., however, d's, iid, up, yH's (p. 523), and dksh (? see G. dual). 

For the accent of bhish-d', see l.s.m. 

Stems in as distinguish strong and weak cases only in the 
N.Ap. neuter, where the thematic a is lengthened and nasalized. 

Benfey (Gram. p. 316, xvii.) admits the existence of strength- 
ened forms in the masculine and feminine. The contract forms, 
however, can be accounted for without the assumption of a long 
vowel (-dm—'&sam, not -dsam)\ and as for the other apparent 
instances of strengthening, they are all more or less doubtful. 

The least doubtful case is that of the an. A. topd'sd {rathayd!- 
vd?id), viii.38.2, p. topd'sd. This is the only instance in which 
both texts have d. Brugman, Zeitsch. xxiv.24, has suggested 
topd 1 sdrathayd'vdnd. 

The most numerous are the much-discussed forms of ushds. 
The strong forms with short d number IS : A.s. (ushd'sam), 33 ; 



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546 C. R. Lanman, [as-stems. 

da., 4 ; N.V.p., 41. Over against these are to be set 28 strong 
forms with long d in the samhitd, and in the samhitd only : Aa 
(ushd'sam), 11; du., 3; N.V.p., 14. It is most important to 
observe that in not a single instance does the padapdtha have 6; 
and further that the d is imperatively demanded by the metre in 
20 instances, and decidedly favored by it in all the rest. 

In 18 instances the d is penultimate of a pdda of 11 syllables: i.32.4; 123.12; 
124.9,13: u.28.9: iii.31.4: iv.3.11 ; 5.13; 12.2: v.1.1: vi.30.5 ; 65.4; 712: 
vii 41.7 ; 42.5 ; 72.4 ; 76.4 ; 88.4. The d occurs as eighth syllable, in a pdda of 
11, at vii.99.4; of 12, at x.35.2. The d occurs as second syllable in a pdda of 
8, at i.188.6: iv.30.9 : viii.27.26. It occurs as fourth syllable, in a pdda of 8. a 
v.5.6; of 11, at viii.85.1 : x.88.18; of 12, at i.92.2 ; 134.4a. The compouDd 
ushd'sd-naktd occurs ten times, always at the beginning of a pdda of 1 1 or 12, so 
that the d is in the second place. Ndktoshd'sd (5 times) also occurs only at the 
beginning of a pdda of 8 or 1 1 ; so that we find d in the third place, despite the 
metre. 

Brugman, I.e. 21, actually divides the masculines and feminines into two 
classes, of which one distinguished the strong cases from the weak, and the other 
did not His first category contains only one stem, ushds (p. 28). But the 
evidence of the Vedic forms upon which his argument is based seems to me too 
equivocal to have much weight. It is far from certain that the whole phenomenon 
is not a purely metrical one; cf. vii.41.6a with 7a: 78.46 with 76. 4a*.- i.l23.11rf 
with 12d. I examined the 78 passages in which the strong cases with & occur 
and found not one where the metre demanded d, and only three where it even 
favored d: viz., iii.55.1a, a late hymn, & second in pdda of 11 ; vii.75.36, & fourth 
in 11; x.127.36, & second in 8. 

The long d of a-yd's is inherent in the stem ; cf. also ayd'sya, dydsd. Nd'$-& 
is a strong form of nds ; but this is a radical stem (p. 493). 

It is by no means certain that the an. X. in i. 168.9c, ie sapsard'so y janayaata 
abhvam, is to be referred to an tw-stem ; but if so, the metre is almost enough 
to justify the long d. BR. and Gr. refer it to sapsara-. 

For vd'tasvantis-as, vii. 5 6. 3c, we ought to read vd'Uisvandsas (p. 345) since an 
aksharapahkti demands a long in the fourth place. But this form we refer of 
course to the o-stem (cf. vd'tasvana-m, viii.91.5). 

We also find one weak case with d : viz., in X.39.1&, doshd'm 
ushd'so hdvio hamshmatdy p. ushd'sah Gr., Wb. 1757, takes it 
as G.s. ; it may be A. p. As for ushdts-dm (cited by Benfey, SV. 
Gl. 32,150, and Gram. p. 316), it is indeed favored by the metre, 
RV. viii.43.5c, iishd'sdm iva ketdvah, but the text has &'. 

The Zend has apparently strengthened forms. The A.s. u&hd- 
onhem occurs 5 times. In Vend. xiii.l, all the MSS. have vi$pen\ 
(! masc.) paiti ushdonhem, so that one is tempted to ask whether 
the word has not here gone over to the o-declension — ushdsa+n; 
see below, III. The N.p.m. ha-zaoshdorih-6^ i. e. sa-j6shds~as, 
occurs Yac. li.20. But we also find a weak case with strength- 
ening, viz., the A. p. masc. (yazamaide* vairiscd) awezh-ddndonh~6, 
i. e. *ab-ddnd8-as, Yac. xlii.2. It is certainly no easier to take 
vairts as fern., and make -ddndonhd an A.p.f. of -ddna (cf. p. 363 
end). 

THE RELATION OF EQUIVALENT STEMS IN AS AND A (J). 

In looking through the Vedic vocabulary, one cannot fail to 
notice a large number of stems in as y by the side of which are 
found stems almost or entirely like them, barring the final & 



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Transitions.] Noun-Inflection in tJie Veda, 547 

Some of these pairs consist of words of like meaning, but of 
independent origin or formation ; as, mr'gaya and mrgayds (see 
Gr.). Others are similar in formation, bat the meanings are 
different ; as, chdnda and chdndas. There are yet other couples 
of true synonyms, of which both are very common (cf. drdvina 
with drdvinas) or equally rare (cf. durdsha with durdsnas; Ivdra, 
c circuit, Umkreis,' with vdras, evpos) : and of such it is hard to 
say that the one is less original or normal than the other. 

After leaving all these out of view, there still remain many 
stems in as identical in meaning with stems in a (cf. Benfey, 
Gram. p. 316, note 4). 

If we examine the usage of the language respecting these 
doublets, we find that in many instances the one stem is decidedly 
regular and common, and the other only of sporadic occurrence 
or often even a a7taS Xeyopierov, L e. comparatively irregular. 
In such cases, the right to set up two independent stems, one in 
as and one in a, may fairly be questioned. Upon this subject 
Professor Benfey, Abh. xvii.22, remarks : " These are irregularities 
which are not to be disposed of by inventing a new stem for 
every irregular form. On the contrary, we must endeavor to 
discern how the original declension of certain themes was so 
transformed by heteroklisis and metaplasm, that not only single 
cases assumed two or more forms, but also their whole declen- 
sional system became doubled and manifold." 

In the following pages, therefore, I have attempted to discover 
the relations between the a and the cu-stems, in cases where the 
one seemed primitive and normal, and the other secondary or 
derivative, and to trace the processes by which the latter came 
into use beside the former. I find that where any significant 
relation exists it is generally one of transition ; L e., the secondary 
form is based upon the primary, and is made in accordance with 
the ordinary norms and analogies of the language, but these are 
false. 

Thus the N.s. of the very old word for c moon, month' is md r s; 
the A.s., md's-am; Ls., mds-d'; etc. This remained in vogue as 
a name for * month ;' but went out of use at an early date as a 
name for ' moon.' In the latter signification it was replaced by a 
comparatively modern word, candrd-mds (d). The recession of 



the accent helped on the oblivion of its etymology ; and at last it 
was no longer felt as a compound of rnd's. Its N.s. was regular 
— candrdmds. Its A.s. should be candrdmdsam. But in the 
vast majority of instances, the As. which corresponds to a N.s. 
in -ds ends in -ds-am. Here, then, in accordance with the false 
analogies of the language, an A.s. candrdmds-am was formed to 
correspond to the common N.s. candrdmds, as if this were from 
a stem candrdmds. The other cases were made in like manner, 
and so the whole declension was transformed. Cf. below, IV. 1. 
The N.s. is the point of contact of the two declensional series. 

It is not unworthy of notice that these processes of change 
were often occasioned or aided by the exigency of the metre, or 



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548 0. R. Lanman, [<u-stem& 

of the formal parallelism of the verse, or by some other circum- 
stance. Of these circumstances I now give a few typical exam- 
ples, and shall notice others here and there in the progress of the 
discussion. 

It is fair to assume that the Vedic poet would not depart from the ordinary 
usages of the language without some reason. And if, upon examination, we find 
these grounds such as give us a less exalted opinion of the general character of 
much of the Vedic poetry, we ought not on that account to doubt their validity. 

The choice between two equivalent case-ending 8 is often determined by the 
metre ; cf. p. 535 med. After what Aufrecht has said (Bigveda 9 . preface, pp. 
xii-xxxvii), it is clear that even the words of stock-phrases were altered on the 
same account. A comparison of ii.34.6 with x.42.7 illustrates this. In the 
former, pddas a, 6, and c are of 12 syllables each: in the latter, of 11 : and the 
fourth pddas read accordingly 

kdrid dhiyarii jaritre vd'japeeasamj and 
krdhi' dliiyam jaritri vd'jaratndm. 

Since words of different metrical value, but of equivalent meaning, could be 
gained by using an os-stem instead of an a-stem, a word whose theme is almost 
invariably vocalic (e. g. pdsha) is sometimes used as if it were consonantal, and 
vice versa. Thus it admits of no doubt to my mind that the form {raytit) 
viw&'ywposhas-am was UBed in i. 79.96 and vi.59.9d rather than -posha-m, for no 
deeper reason than to eke out the pdda to 8 syllables. Since the raison tT&re of 
these isolated forms is so clear, we are not justified in setting up a stem -poshas, 
except for lexical convenience. 

The stock-pddas ix.68.10c and x.45.12o read: advesht dyd'vdprthiv? hxvema; 
and a, 6, and d are each of 11 syllables. Had they been of 12, c would almost 
infallibly have read huv&na dyd'vdprthivtf adveshdsd. 

Forms from a stem dftgira were never current and in vogue. And yet we find 
the isolated L.s. dngire at i v. 5 1.4. I believe it is simply due to the formal 
parallelism of the verse : yend ndvagve dngire ddgagve saptd'sie, etc. 

In ii.10.3, bhkvad agnih purupepdsu g&rbhah, the form purupefassu would have 
satisfied the metre {ss would make the eighth syllable long by position— see 
L.p.n.), but would have been of ambiguous gender (m.f.n.). I believe the <2-fbrm 
pwrupe\dsu is used in order to distinguish the word as a feminine (sc. wkMr'sft*- 
SAy., oshadM8hu). 

For the more systematic treatment of the subject in hand,! 
shall dispose it under five or six several heads. 



I. Transitions from the declension in as to that in d (fern.), 
and a (masc.), by contract forms. 

II. Other transitions from the oi-declension yielding forms 
from shorter vocalic themes. 

III. Transitions from the a#-declension resulting in forms from 
longer vocalic themes. 

B. 

IV. Transitions of radical stems to the a*-declension. 

V. Transitions of suffixal o-stems to the o^-declension. 

VI. Miscellaneous cases. 

The following table shows some of the principal points of con- 
tact of the two declensional systems. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Transitions.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 549 



The 
stem 

I. &c&s 
ndvedas 

II. tedaa 
11 r. -tejas 


makes 
its 

A.8.1 

N.p.m. 
N.s.n. 

A.8.TD. 


dc&'m. 
navedds. 
Mdas. 
-tejas-am. 


This last form 
is regarded as 
A.8.1 &$&'-m 
N.p.m. ndvedds 
N.B.m. likdar* 
A.8.n. -tq'aaa-m 


of a 
stem 

w. 

ndveda. 

htda. 

-tefaaa. 


IV. -dhd' 

V. ?tpa 


N.8.IB. 

N.s.m. 


-dhd'-B. 
tfpa-a. 


N.s.m. 
N.8.n. 


-dhd's 

tfp08 


•dk&'a. 
tfpoa. 


I. Transitions from the <4S-Deolension 


Contract 


FORMS. 


The subject of contract forms is so inseparably connected with 
that of transition to the vowel declension that both must be dis- 



cussed together. 

The existence of contract forms from as-stems is mentioned by 
Benfey, Oram. p. 316, 1. 14. Gr., Ueb. ii.518, remarks that they 
are indeed infrequent, but not unheard-of. Benfey derives the 
contract forms in -dm and -ds from strengthened forms in -foam 
and -dsas. This seems unnecessary. Forms in -d(s)am 9 -d(s)a8 
would yield the same result. Su^mdnds-am becomes su-mdndm; 
and 8ii-mdnd8-as y su-mdnds. Just so in Greek €v-ptevi<r-a(pi) 
becomes ev-psvri ; and ev-nevia-es, Bv-fABveH. 

The masc. stem vedhds is well authenticated ; cf. vedhds-am, 
v.43.12; vedhd's (s&fnds)^ ix. 101.15. But in ix.102.4, we have 
vedhd'm (jajiidnd'm, sc. sdmam), and in ix.26.3, vedhd'm (td'm). 
There can be no reasonable doubt that this is a true contract 
form. The assumption of a masc. stem in d is out of the question. 

These contract forms are not unknown to the A vesta. So on 
p. 330, 1. 8, ed. Westergaard, we find ushdm priram. In Yaona 
lxii.5, occurs frazaiithn hvdpam^ equivalent to prajd'm sv-dpdm 9 
i. e. su-dpasam; the nom. is hvdpdo, i. e. su-dpds. In Yc. li.18, 
qarendo is probably an ablative singular of the stem qarenanh, 
for qarenan/id, like the Vedic G.s. nrmdnds for nrmdixas-as. Cf. 
also Justi, JIandbuchy § 406. Mazddo as N.s. (cf. medhd's) is 
dissyllabic; but as G.s. (cf. medhda-aa), trisyllabic. The A.s. 
mazdam still retains traces of its trisyllabic origin (cf. medhds- 
am) in the Gath&s, e. g. in the octosyllabic pdda,Yg. xxviii.4.2a, 
tnazdamcd ahurem; but not in the Yashts, e. g. yd mazdam tard 
manyUZ, x.139. See Mayr, Sitzungsberichte d. kais. Ak. (Vienna, 
1871) lxviii.774, and Geldner, Metrik, p. 17. 

It is plain, however, that as far as the form of itself is con- 
cerned, an A.s.£ in -dm may be derived directly from a stem in 
tf, and a N.p.m. or f. in -ds from a stem in d or d. Nearly every 
supposed contract form may thus be disposed of, if we are willing 
to assume expressly for that form a stem in d or d. 

The stem ndvedas is well authenticated. In i. 165. 13 tf, eshd'm 
bhiUa ndvedd ma rtdfndm (cf. x. 3 1.3c?, ndvedaso amr'tdndm 
abhHma 9 and iv.23.4c), ndvedds is N.p.m., and can not be derived 
from ndveda*, except as a contract form. Gr. accordingly sets up 
bstemndveda for this one single form; but BR — as I think, 
rightly — ref er it to ndvedas. 

vol. x. 73 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



550 C. R. Lanman, [as-stems. 

It becomes necessary, then, to examine the usage of the Vedic 
language in order to determine whether we are justified in setting 
up subsidiary stems in A and d, or not. If not, the forms may 
fairly be called contract forms. If the assumption of stems in a 
and d is warrantable, the forms in -ds and -dm may be considered 
as regular derivatives from them. But in some instances, it is 
impossible to decide with certainty. 

I shall now discuss the stems which certainly or probably show 
contract forms, and with them the forms of transition. I shall 
first take up dpd's and jards as typical, and then the rest in 
alphabetical order. 

1. The stem of the Vedic word for 'hope' is dpds, f., from the 
root pas (pans, pds-mari\ with d'. From it are found in the Rik 
the forms : dpdsd, 4 ; -asas, N.p., 5 ; -dsas, A.p., I. There is not 
a trace of the stem dpd'. In the classical language, on the other 
hand, there is not a trace of the Vedic stem dpds; all forms come 
from dpd'. The two stems are undeniably of identical origin ; 
but drpd' can not be derived directly or phonetically from the 
root pas by any method known to me. How then are the two 
stems dpds and dpd' to be connected ? unquestionably by the 
form dpd'm. This occurs: AV. vi.119.8: xix.4.2 : Ait. Br. iu\46: 
vii.26,80: ^atBr. iii.3.1": vi.7.4 T : xi.l.6 M : xii.4.3*; it maybe 
considered in older passages as a contract form for dpdsam. 
Corresponding to this A.s. dpd'm, as if the stem were dpd 1 - (so 
£!at.Br. xiv.9.4 n ), was formed the transition-nom. s. dpd\ ii.1.3 4 , 
4 9 ; 3.1"": xi.7.1 1 : xiv.4.1 M ; 5.4 1 ; 7.3\ In like manner are 
made the forms of the later declensional system : e. jr. dpayd, 
Ram. ii.65.35 ; dpe, voc., Bhartr. iii.6 ; dpds, N.p., 9at.Br. j.2.1"; 
dpdbhyas, ib. This stem belongs on p. 494, q.v. ; but is given 
here for completeness. 

2. Somewhat similar is the history of jards, m. In the Rik we 
find : jards-am, 2 ; -dsd; -dsas, Ab., 2 ; and the contract aocus. 8. 
jard'm, i.140.8: v. 41.17; not a single form necessarily implying 
a vowel-stem. In like manner the AV. has; jards-am, 1.30.3: 
ii.13.1; -dsd, iii.31.1 : viii.2.8 ; -dse, i.30.2 : vi.5.2 ; -dsas, v.30.17: 
vi.122.1,4; -dsi, ii. 10.5 : xii.3.6 ; and the Cat.Br., -dsd, xiii.8.3'- 4 ; 
-dsas, x.4.3 1 . The ace. jard'm occurs AV. viiL2.11: xix.24.5: 
TS. iv.3.11' : £>at.Br. xiv.6.4 1 . Corresponding to jard'm, as if the 
stem were jard!, is formed the transition-nom. jard', AV. xi.8.19: 
xviii.4.50: VS. xviilS : ^at.Br. v.4.1 1 ; the Ls. jardyd, ^atBr. 
xii.4.1 1 : xiv.7.1 41 ; the D.s.jard'yai, AV. iii.ll. 7 : $at.Br. xi.8.3*. 

3. The stem dngiras is of frequent occurrence. In i.88.4, d'd 
dngirdh prathamam dadhire vdyah, the N.p.m. dngirds is best 
explained as a contract form. Gr. sets up a stem dngira; but 
the only other Vedic form that occurs to support it is found at 
iv.fH.4, where dngire is used instead of dngirasi to preserve the 
formal parallelism (p. 548). I therefore prefer to call dngire a 
transition-form, and not to assume that a stem dngira ever had 
any real existence. For angiro, see A.p.m. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Transitions. L] Noun- Inflection in the Veda.- 551 

4. Equally doubtful is the stem dn-dga; dn-dgas is Vedic and 
post-Vedic. BR take dndgds as A.p.m, in vii.60(576).l (so Gr. 
in Ueb.) and 66(582).4 (sc. nah), i. e. as a contract form for 
dndgaxas. If this be admitted, why not also dndgds (as N.p.m. 
in vii87.7 ; 07.2: x.36.12), and dndgdm (gd'm, viii.00.15) ? 
There then remains but one form, dndgdn (iii.54.19: iv.12.4: 
x. 12.8) to be explained by false analogy. In x.35.3 (where b, e, 
and d are of 12 syllables), a reads, dyd'vd no adyd* prthivi' 
dttdgasas; but in 12.8 ( where a, b, and d are of 11), c reads, 
mitrd nodtra dditir andgdn; so iv.12.4c. Cf. iii.54.19£ with 
i. 123.3d. 

5. If the text had anehd'[s] in x.61.12, we might take it as 
N.p.m. for anehdsas with kdrdvas; but see N.s.m. 

6. Stem apsards. The stem psdras is supported by 5 occur- 
rences in the Rik, and by the compounds aevd-psaras (3), su- 
psdrastama, and mddhu-psaras ; the stem psara, if at all (p. 
546), only by sapsard'sas, i.168.9, of uncertain meaning. From 
a-p&ards occur in the Rik : -d's, N.s. ; -dsas, N.p. ; -dsas, A.p., 2 ; 
-dsdm; and in the AV., -dsau, vLll8.1,3; -dsas, iv.37.12: vi. 
111.4: vii.109.8: viiL5.13: ix.7.10: xii.l. 23,50: xiv.2.9,84; -asas, 
iv.37.3,4; -dsas, iv.37.2 : xi.9.15 : xiv.2.35 ; -dsdm, vi 130.1 ; cf. 
gandharvdpsardsas, viii.l0.27&&: x.9.9: xi.7.27; 9.16: xix.54.4; 
-dsas, viii.8.15; 10.27: xi.6.4 ; 9.24; -dsdm, xix.36.6. The A.s. 
apsard'm (AV. iv.38.1&w, 2bis, 4) I regard as a contract form, 
and as the point of departure for the transition-forms apsard'- 
bhyas, ii.2.5 : vii.109.2 ; -rd'su, ii.2.3 ; -rdndm, Ram. i. 45.84 {-rasas 
in preceding verse) ; cf. apsardpates, AV. iv.37.7. 

7. The A.s.m. updndm, x.40.7 : AV. iv.29.6, is perhaps best 
explained as standing for u$dnas-am; c£ u^anas-e kdvydya, 
Kauc,. 139, and BR. s.v. To assume contraction in the L.s. 
(updne, i.51.11, for updnas-i) seems too venturesome. For updnd, 
see N.s.m. 

8. Forms from the stem ushds occur in the Rik by hundreds ; 
but not a single one necessitating a stem ushd'. The A.p. ttshd's 
(ix.41.5) and the A.s. ushd'm (i. 18 1.9: x.68.9) are contract forms; 
likewise ushd'm-ushdm, AV. xii.2.45. Upon such as these are 
based the transition-forms ushi (du., VS. xxi. 17,35: xxviii.6), 
ushd'bhydm (xxi.50 : TBr. ii.6.14 a ), and navoshayd ($ak. 175= 
202 Pischel). 

9. Possibly tavd is a contract form for tavds-d (cf. no. 12) ; it 
occurs iv.18.10, tavd-gd'-m vrshabhdm. 

10. Stem ndvedas: see p. 549. For i.79.1, see N.p.f. 

11. In x.92.14, Roth takes nrmdnds as a contract G.s.m. with 
aktds. i We praise the inviolable Aditi with all her queans and 
the youthful lord of the kindly Night.' Gr., Ueb. ii.518, reads 
nrmdndm, A.s.m. 

12. BR. refer puruddnsd, du., vii.73.1, to puruddnsas (q. v. ; 
cf. ddnsas, su-). Whether it is an admissible contraction for 
puruddnsasd is not perfectly certain (cf, tavd, no. 9) ; but if we 
allow it, then puruddnsam, hi. 1.23, is a transition-form. 



Digitized by VJOOQ IC 



552 0. R. Lanman, [os-stems. 

13. If mah&8 be considered as an established adjective stem (so 
with drnas y i.3.12, etc.), then the vexed mahd'm may be explained 
as contracted from mahds-am; but c£ p. 532. 

14. The forms given by Gr. s.v. medhd' seem to indicate that 
this was originally a vocalic stem. The compounds, however, 
point to a different conclusion. In x.65.10 (where pddas a,fl, 
and d urejagatt), c reads br'haspdtim vrtrakhdddm sumedhdsam; 
on the contrary, in 47.6 (where b, c, and d are trislitubh), a reads 
prd saptdgum rtddhttim sumedhd'm | br'haspdtim matir dchd 
jigdti; and so x.l25.5tf=AV. iv.30.3^, tdm brahmd'nam turn 
r'shirh tdm sumedhd'm. This is certainly a contract form, and 
interesting as called forth by the metre. In vii.91.3a, sumedhd'n 
is perhaps A. p.m. 

The stem sumedhda is well accredited. Besides its occurrences as given by Gr., 
we find: -&% N.s., AV. v.11.11: vii.60.1: ix.1.6: VS. iii41 ; ^V.i, <£tBr. 
xiv.9.1'; -asd, La., Kathas. 27.149 and 103.144; -dsas, N.p., AY. vii.61.1.2. Bil, 
v.900, cite the compounds a-medkas, alpa- (-medhaa-dm, Bhag. 7.23), dur- (-mtdhti, 
18.35), puru-, manda-, (dele so-,) satya-, hart-. Durmedha occurs as well aa d%r- 
medhas, but the latter is considered by the grammarians to be the only comes 
form; cf. Pan. v.4.122. Purwn4dh&-a occurs RV\ iz.97.52; but SV., i.541: 
ii.454, has -da. Sum&dho-a occurs at z. 132.7, but, as BR. admit, only in a play 
of words with Nr-m6dhas; so Nr-mtdha-m, 80.3. Gr. takes mitd-medha from 
rnSdhH. 

In view of these forms, it is fair to regard medhd' m as a con- 
tract form for medhds-am. It occurs in RV. 8 times, in AV. at 
x.2.17, and in SV. LlOl fRV. vedhd'm). Medhd' 8, N.p., may 
also be a contract form. The remaining three, -d\ -dyd (3), anii 
-d'bhis y may then be explained as forms of transition. CI Benley, 
SV. OL s.v. medhds. 

15. In VS. viii.10, we need uot, with Benfey, consider reto-dhd'm 
as a contract form for -dhdsam. See IV. 3. 

> 16. Stem vayds, ' strength-giving.' I do not think Grassmann's 
article Ivayd' ought to stand. Both BR. and A. Ludwig take 
vayd's in x.92(918).3 as 'Aestc;' for vayd's, vii.40{556).5, Gr. 
reads in Ueb. i.583, vaydma; there remains only vay<2 m, L165.15; 
166.15; 167.11; 168.10= VS. xxxiv.48. Mahldhara makes it 
stand for vaydsdm. BR. refer it to a stem vayd', * St&rkung,'= 
vdyas (accent !). 

I would assume an oxytone adjective stem vayds. As dpas, 
i work,' is to apds, * working, busy,' so is vdyas, l strength,' t° 
vayds, ' strengthening, strength-giving ;' cf. Lindner, p. 50. We 
may then take vayd'm as a contract A. a.m. adj. with ishd-m (for 
vayds-am), and read : 

Md' ydsishta tanfo; vayd'm [id] 

vidyd'mesham, vrjdnarh jtrdddnum. 
4 Hither come ye with refreshment for our bodies ; right strength- 
giving refreshment may we receive, (and) well-watered meads.' 
For irf, cf. i. 132.5c?, end. 

17. Stem vedhds; see p. 549. 

18. The stem sajdshas is amply supported ; cf. also vijoshas-am. 
I doubt whether the assumption of a stem sqjdsha is justifiable. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Transitions. L] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 553 

In iii.4(238).8 and vii.34(550).23, the text has (not -d, but) -<!k, 
N.s.f. of stem -as. The N.p.m. in -ds (19) may be regarded as a 
contract form ; so -ds in AV. iii.22.1 (or N.s.f.) ; and djoshds 
(g'ira&, N.p.f.), RV. i.9.4. There then remains only the form 
sajdshnu (iii.62.2), which may be explained as a transition-form 
based on the N.p. sajdshds. In VS. xii.74, the text has sajd- 
shasau (cf. BR.) ; but in TS. v.6.4 1 , the transition-form sajdshan. 
As for sajdshds, with agvind in i. 11 8. 11, and rddast in iv.56.4, the 
difficulty is not lessened by referring it to sajdsha. 

19. For su-medhds, see no. 14. 

20. A certain instance of a contract N.p.£ is seen in iii.33.12, 
sxtrd'dhds (nadias) 9 for surd'dhas-as; cf. BR. 

Ben fey, Abh. xvii.22, would allow contract forms in the classical 
language. He cites: atfa/acdm, A.s. fern., for ati-yaca%-am, 
Nala viii.4; gushka-srotdm (nadtm), for -asam, xvi.14. As tran- 
sition-forms might then be regarded: kdrta-yaca-m, Arsb. Br. 
i. 36,265,545 ; prati-srota-m, Bhag. P. x.78.18; cf. sahasra-srota-, 
ib. v.20.26. 

n. Further Transitions from the A S-Declension. 

Besides the regular cw-forms, there occur a number of shorter 
equivalent a-forms, but without any contract forms to mediate 
between them. Some of them look like forms of transition whose 
point of departure was the N.s. 

1. The ambiguity of the N.s. is illustrated by rdkas, vi.66.6. 
It is impossible to tell whether it is N.s.n. of a stem rdkas, or 
N.s.m. of a stem rdha. 

2. Hidas is generally neuter. In vi.62.8, it is marked as neuter 
by ydd; and so in A V . xix.3.4 by the construction (A.s.n.) ; but 
in VS. xiii.45, it can be regarded as N.s.n., or as N.s.m. (heda-s). 
In RV. i.94.12, on the other hand, it is marked as masculine by 
ddbhutas. This is the point of contact for the two declensions. 
Based upon such a form as masc. hkda-s we find : hbdorm, AV. 
xii.4.20,21 ; hide, L.s., RV. vii.62.4. 

3. An excellent illustration of the coincidence of certain forms 
of the as and o-declensions is seen in the stems pdrdhas and 
cdrdha. Gr. assigns 33 Rik-forms to the stem pdrdhas, and 26 
to cdrdha; but it is impossible to decide in some cases. Thus 
Mttller, Translation p. 57, takes pdrdhas as N.s. neuter in ii. 1.5, 
tudth nard'm cdrdho asi purdvdsuh; but Gr., as N.s. masculine. 
The same uncertainty exists in iii32(266).4. So in v.33.5, ndroh 
cdrdho jajfldnd'h, BR. take cdrdho as N.s.m. ; but Gr., as N.s.n. 
So in v.54.6, dbhrdji cdrdho , maruto, ydd arnasdm \ mdshatha : 
Gr. refers cdrdho to cdrdhas in Wb. ; but in Ueb. he makes 
arnasdm object of mdshatha, so that cdrdho can be referred to 
cdrdha. Cf. also i.37.1 with v. 56. 9. These collocations seem to 
me to account for the series of a-forms, cdrdhartn^ cdrdhena y -dya, 
•asya, ~dn. See also Muller, Translation pp. 56-8. Cf. below, 
no. 8. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



654 C. R Lanman y [<u-stems. 

4. The isolated a-form tivena (i 128.6) may be based upon the 
common nom. dvas y since this might sometimes be felt as a masc 
(dva-s, v.70.1). Cf. nir-avdsya, l122.11. 

5. In the Rik we find the neater stem krdndas. In the AV., 
the N.s. krdndas may be taken as a masc. in zL2.22 {krdnda-i). 
Based thereupon is the D.s. krdnddya y xi.2.3. So p&ci-kranda-m, 
RV. viL97.6. In AV. xi.4.2, the metre favors the restoration of 
the old ew-f orm : ndmas te prdna krdndds-e, text krdnddya. 

6. Forms from the stem saprdthas are common. Now in TBr. 
i.1.10*"*, we find a series of 5 formulae : dtharvapitum me gopdya; 
ndrya prqjd'm m. g.; pdneya papd'n m. g.: sdpratha sabhd'm m, 
g.; dhe budhniya mdntram me gopdya. One needs no argument 
to be convinced that the sporadic a-form is due simply to formal 
parallelism (cf. BR.) ; and I may here add that the instructively 
mutilated form dtharva is due solely to the same cause. The VS., 
iii.37, has dtharya ; for this, the Brah. stupidly intends to sub- 
stitute the more intelligible dtharvan, whose correct vocative 
could only be dtharvan. 

7. Forms of the stems pepas and su-pepas are common. Pica* 
is N.s.n, of picas in iv.36.7 (preshtham), and A.s.n. in L6.3 (ct 
a~pepd*e) ; but in vil84.ll and 42.1, it may be N.s.masc. (p&pa-t). 
In Ait. Br. iiLlO, we find : pepas (A.s.n., 3) and pepasd; but also 
pepde once as N.p.m. For pururpepd*u y see p. 548. Cf, also 
padcd yd (N.s.m.) and ptehr-padpe-m (nmdnerin, N.s.n.), and Justi, 
Handbuchy. 1816. 

8. The influence of the requirements of the cadence and of 
formal parallelism is plain in the use of pdrdhd- and vdrpd-, 
rather than pdrdho- and vdrpo-, in iii.34.3 : 

indro vrtram avrnoe chdrdhanUih 
prd mdyindm amindd varpanUih. 

9. The singular form card'yai is called out by the requirements 
of the cadence. Cf. 

v.47.4, dfya gdrbham cardse dhdpayante, 
i.92.9, vicvam jtvdrh cardse bodhdyantt, and 
vii.7 7. 1 , vicvam jivdm prasuvdtUt card'yai. 
The short d of prds- excludes it from the eighth place and makes 
the order cardse prdsuvdnti metrically impossible. 

10. Compare tdrae-e, iii.18.3, with tdrdya, ii.13.12. 

11. The neuter dveshas is very common; for a-dveshd, see p. 
548. 12. Besides forms from jrdyas and prthurjrdyas, we find 
once prthu-jrdya-m rdtham y iv.44.1. 13. So besides Skas, ntr 
okas, edm-okaSy we find dur-6ka-m, vii.4.3. 14. With drddhcu-i, 
TS. iii.2.2*, cf. vi-dradhe, du. f., RV. iv.32.23. 15. With 4'rm- 
mradas-am y VS. ii.2, cf. tirna-mrada~m y Kauc. 137. 16. With 
dvibdrhaSy cf. dvibdrha-jman. 

The locatives pi. in -asu for -as-su are perhaps made after the 
analogy of the an-stems. 

m. Further Transitions from the 4&-Deolension. 

The transition-stem (in asa) is longer than the original stem (in 
as)* The transition in P&li results sometimes in a shorter, but 



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Transitions. III.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 555 

sometimes also in a longer form ; thus from mahd-{-ana$ we have 
mahdnorm and mahdnasa-m. The same is true in Sanskrit. 

1. In Katy. Qr. xiv.2.31, we find mahdnasdndm . . . mahd- 
nasa-s mahdrathah. 2. Corresponding to the N.p. tigmd- 

tejas-as (AV. xix.9.10), occurs the A.s. neuter tigma-tejasa-m 
(astram dtishtham, Arj. vii.20). 3. A like transition-form is 
s-u-varcasa-m (patam sutdndm) ; see BR. 4. Upon the adverbial 
compound d-jaras-dm, with adv. accent, rests the form djarasd'ya 
(Rv. x.85.43, accent). 5. BR., iv.921end, cite prd-cetasdndm 
as occurring in the Brahma P. for prd-cetas-dm; but LA. (Bonn, 
1865, p. 58, 1. 8) reads prdcetasdndm. The accent of arnasd> 
avasdy and partnasd seems to mark them as secondary derivatives 
of drnas, dvas, and pdrinas. 

In Yasht x.143, we find the normal form (vdshem, masc.) ctehr- 
2>a2panh-em, L e. stf-pecusam. This comes to be used as a 
neuter also ; and we have, e. g., vanhanem ctehr-paicanhe-m, 
i. e. vdsanam str'-pe casa-m y xiiL3 ; and likewise aiwydonhanem 
(i. e. avyangam) ctehr-pa$panhe-m, Yac. ix.26. For vicpem paiti 
ushdonhe-m (?), masc. !, see p. 546. 

. rv. Transitions of Radical Stems to the 4&Dbolension. 

The N.s.m. in ~ds has been the point of departure for the tran- 
sition of radical stems to the cw-declension. See p. 549. Here 
belong : 

a. the stem candrd-mds (no. 1) ; 

b. compounds of the verbals -dhd' and -dd' (2-6) ; 

c. compounds of radical substantives (7-11). 

1. For good practical reasons, the dictionaries set up a stem 
candrdmds. The true stem is candrd-mds. Of this only the 
N.s. is regular — candrdmds (RV., 6 times, and AV., 19). The 
other cases ought also to have the long d throughout, candrdr 
mdsi 9 etc., just as well as sU'rydmd'sd. In fact we find : candrd- 
mds-am, Qa%.Bt. vi.7.4 T ; -m&sd, AV. xiii.4.28 ; -masas, RV. 
i.84.15; -mdsi, AV. x.3.18: xi.5.13; candramds, AV. vii.81.2 ; 
candrd-mdsd, RV. x.64.3 ; s-drydcandramd' sd y i.102.2; -ai/, v. 
51.15: x.190.3. Seep. 547. 

2. It seems to be adverse to all Vedic analogies to assume a 
stem like vayo-dhd's; but Benfey assumes such, and even refers 
vayodhd'm to a stem vayodhd's (for vayo-dhd's-arn, SV. &l. — cf. 
Gram. p. 316, 1. 16). There are nigh 200 stems like vayo-dhd'; 
see p. 438. Of this, the Ks.m. is vayo-dhd'-s (cf. p. 443). To 
this now as a point of departure I refer the following forms of 
transition : vayo-dhd'sam (mdram), VS. xxviii.24 ; -dhdsd, I.s., 
VS. xv.7; -dhase (indrdya), Vaitana Sutra xxx.25: Katy. £r. 
xix.5.22 ; ~dhdsas y N.p.m., AV. viii.1.19 ; -dhas (soma), RV. 
ix.81.3. Vdyodhds can not be a direct voc. of -dhd' (cf. BR.), for 
this would be vayodhds (p. 449). 

3. I think no Vedic form necessitates the assumption of a stem 
reto-dh&'s. The Rik has 5 forms from reto-dhd 1 . So in TBr. ii.7.4 1 , 



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556 C. R. Lanman, [as-stems. 

we have retodhd-8 somas and retodhd* eshd. The only form that 
seems to require an cw-stem is reto-dhd' s-as y G.s.m., VS. viii.10; 
but this is best ascribed to false analogy. 

4. The A.s.f varco-dhd'-rn occurs VS. iv.ll ; the N.Swin. varco- 
dhd'-s, AV. ii.11.4. The D.s.m, varco-dhd's-e, AV. iii.21.5, is a 
transition-form. 

6. Forms from puro-dhds occur : -dhasdm, Bhag. x.24 ; -dhasa\ 
£lak. 71.18 (B5htl.); but they are only post-Vedic. 

6. The Rik has 30 forms from dravino-dd'. The N.sim. is 
-dd'-s, and corresponding to this, as if the stem were -ddls, are 
made the transition-forms -dase (devdya), Schol. to Katy. 9 r - 
ix.13.19 ; -dds, V.s., RV., 6. For "drdvinodasds" see Ab.s.m. 

7-9. It must be admitted, I think, that the masculine compound 
of a fem. substantive in d may make its N.s. in -ds (see p. 439 ad 
init.) ; otherwise, we should have to assume a stem puru^nishthd's 
for the N.s.m. -nishthd's. On p. 439 I referred the forms bahu- 
prajd'-s and suprajd'-s (N.s.m.) to stems in d. BR. refer them to 
-prajd's; cf. also Pan. v.4.1 22,123. I would further refer to d-stems 
the following forms, which the reader is requested to add on pages 
439, 443, 444: N.s.m., dprajds (apaptis), Q*t.Br. i.6.1 ,T ; suprajd's, 
AV. iv.11.3: VS. iii.37: vii.18; divdkshds, RV. iii.30.21 ; N.sX, 
suprajd's, AV. xiv.2.22,23,74. 

As forms of transition I regard: (7) dprajasam, A.8., AV. 
viL35.3: xii.5.45 ; aprajasi, L.s.£, YajfiL ii.144; (8) ida-prajasas, 
A.p.f., TS. i.5.6 1 ; (9) suprajdsam, A.s.f., AV. xiv.1.49; (teas, 
N.p.m., AV. iii.10.5 : xviii.4.63: TS. Ll.10 1 : iii.2.4 5 . 

For stem dushprajas I find no example ; stem dushprajd occurs 
Bhag. P. x.49.4. The compound suprajdstvd does not prove the 
existence of a true stem suprajd's any more than suprajdstvd 
proves a stem suprajd's. Cf. also aprajdstd and aprajasyd with 
aprajdstvd and andgdstvd. 

10. The forms cited by BR. and Gr. in the article divd-kshas I 
treat otherwise. On account of the accent, I set up a bahuvrihi 
stem divd-kshd, * having a dwelling (kshd') in heaven ;' cf. divi- 
yoni. Of this, divdrkshdrS, iii.30.21, is the N.s.m. (cf . pp. 439, 443) ; 
and the N.p. divd-kshasas (m., x.65.7 ; f.,iii.7.2) may oe regarded 
as due to false analogy. 

11. The A.s.f. kshd'm (p. 446), in i.67.5 ; 174.7: vL6.4: x.31.9, 
and the A.p.f. kshd's (p. 452), in iv.28.5, have the value of two 
syllables. Gr. reads kshd'mam y kshdmas. Perhaps the true 
resolution is kshds-am and kshds-as (transition-forms based on the 
N.s.f. kshd'-s), for which the diaskeuasts have written the contract 
forms kshd'm and kshd's, coinciding with the regular forms of 
kshd'. 

V. Transitions of 4-Stems to the J.S-Declension. 

Under section II. we saw neuters like h&das passing into the 
o-declension (hida-m). We have now to discuss the opposite 
movement and to group together a number of well authenticated 
a-stems, by the side of which occur infrequently or sporadically 
as-forms. 



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Transitions. V.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 557 

1. Thus besides pepa (RV. — see BR), the AV. has also ptpas. 
Perhaps the N.s.m. pkpa-8 was regarded as a neuter form, and the 
A.b. made accordingly. The Rik, for example, reads y day dm 
updntah prahdrdma pepam, x.85.3ld; while tne AV. has prahdr 
rema pepas, xiv.2.88c?. 

In some of the following cases, however, I am not sure that the 
relation is strictly one of transition ; and perhaps the metre has 
had more to do with calling forth the secondary forms here than 
elsewhere. 

2. Forms from vepd are common. The only support for vepds 
is in AV. v.23.12, hatd'so aeya vep&'s-as | hatd'sah pdrivep&8-a8 9 
where vepd'sas would not fit the cadence. 

3. Instead of the regular -poshchm, we have -poshae-am^ for no 
other reason than to fill out the verse ; see page 548. 

4. A like instance is sva&t'i adyd ushaso doshdsap ca y AV. 
xvi.4.6 ; c£ p. 468. 

5. The stem ddkeha is abundantly authenticated ; so samdnd- 
dak&ha and ptitd-dakeha. On the other hand, ddkehas-e occurs 
thrice ; ptttd-dakshas-d and -cw, 7 times ; and ddkshas-as at viii 
13.1, for which the SV., at i.381 and ii.96, has ddkshasya. 

6. Forms from bhdra are common ; but twice we find stem 
sd-bharas, and once vipvd-bharas-am. 

7. For svand and compounds, see BR. Twice we find tuvir 
shvands, and once vd'ta-svanas (? see p. 546). 

8. So besides the stem svard and its compounds (see BR.), we 
find gharmdsvaras-asy A.p.f., iv.55.6. 

9. The stem pdka and its compounds (see Gr.) are well authen- 
ticated ; but once we have sahdsra-pokds, N.s.m. 

10. For pkva and its compounds, see Gr. RV. x. 85.246 reads 
yena tvd'badhndt savitd 1 supkcdfo; but the Atharvan variant 
(xiv.l 19,58), . . . supivdh; so ii.2.2. 

11. The form dhruvde-e in vii.70.1, d' ydt seddthur dhruvdse nd 
ydnim, is best explained as a simple transition-form from dhruvd 
(cf. BR. iii.1002, 1004), preferred to dhruvd'ya on account of the 
metre, and also because a form in -dse is common for datives with 
infinitival function. Cf. Hariv. 8959, tarn giripreshtharh eve 
sthdne nivepaydmdea dhruvdya. 

12. With devd vrdhd'ya htlmahe, viii. 72.6, cf. (stotfndam ca 
spdrdhd8e, v.64.4tf, and) sdkhinaam ca vrdhdse, v.64.5c£ 

13. With ddha (common as post-Vedic), cf. the an. A. ddhas-d 
in the same signification, x.11.1. 

14-16. With rdva, vrshdrravd, cf. tuvPrdvas, purtfrrdvas. With 
topd y cf. topds (? p. 545). With sahd, cf. sdhas, as adj., BR. 
vii.866 end. 

VI. Miscellaneous Oases of Transition. 

1. In L 141.8*?, pil'rasyeva tveshdthdd tshdte vdyah, the ninth 
place requires a short syllable and so ishante is excluded- The 
lack of concord between the singular verb and its plural subject 
vdycu, * fowls' (from vi), was the less noticeable inasmuch as 

vol. x. 74 



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558 C. R. Lanman, , [as- 

vdyas itself was felt as a collective noun, ' fowl, GefittgeL' In 
this case vdyas would easily come to be regarded as a singular 
form (N.S.D.) of a new transition-stem vdyas. So in i 104.1, vdyas 
may be taken as A.p.m. (p. 395 med.), or as collective A.b.il, 'the 
flying team 9 of Indra. Such passages seem to explain the origin 
of the stem vdyas; but it is not absolutely necessary to posit this 
stem, except for texts later than the Rik. 

2. If, in Y.SlAb (tftihvdno ghrtdpfshthah sudficdh), we had 
sudflcdrh, this might easily be referred as transition-form to 
sudflo-am (cLgnim, vi.15.10), L e. su-dfleartn. As the text stands, 
perhaps we have a an. A. of independent formation ; but cf. the 
variants mpevdh and supfo&h, above, V.10. 

3. Besides the usual stem rddasi, we find rddas once, ix.22.5o, 
et'e prshthd'nl rdddfhos (w - w -) ; it is used simply and solely 
because rddasyos would not fit the cadence. With good reason 
Gr. reads rddasos (for syos) in the cadence of i.l61.3a and 168.1a 

4. So instead oi the usual sdrasa 9 we find stem sdras once, 
MBh. xiiL786, krkaldsakdsdrdsdm, — used probably for the sake 
of the cadence. Otherwise, it may be taken as a shortened 
G.p.m. of sdrasa, for sdrasdndm (see p. 353). 

5. The relation of akshi-6* to aksh-os is like that of rdda&ot to 
rddas-os; but in AV. v. 4. 10, where akshrds occurs, the metre 
demands aksh1r6a — see p. 392. 

Compare md'ns and vandhtir, p. 404. It is hard to see what 
relation, if any, exists between sarast' and sdras. 

Nouinahvb Singular Masoulins akd Feminikb. 

L Here belong 341 masculines (from 110 stems), and 86 femin- 
ines (from 24 stems). 

Masculines: ahgirds, 5; acetd's; ddribarhds; ddvayds; dndpd* (437, 2; 60S 
7); an&dhd's; dninavarcds : cmmd'e, 3; dpracetds, 3; dbhibh&ijjds, 5; camta*- 
jds; arapd'8, 3; dvaydtdhedds ; dsamdticjds ; dhand's; urucdkahds, 2 ; uruvyacfo, 
3 ; r'shvmands ; rshvafy'ds ; kdHidMyds, 4 ; Hiavedds ; khd'dae-arnds ; gdbhkh- 
vepde; g&rtdmanda; g&rtdpravds ; gdnioghds; ghrtdprayds; jdidvedds\ 23; t&dapdt, 
2; tadokda; iddojds; tardddveahds ; trivayds; dabhrdcetds, 2; ddmfads, 18; 
dasmdvarcda, 3; dfrgh&kmde, 2; d&rgh&'psds; durdshds; devdpsarda; devofravds; 
n&vedds (319, 4; 366, 3); nfcdkeMs, 18; npn&nds, 4; nodhd's, 3; niokds: pdw- 
kdvarcda; pxtiwyr&y&a ; prthupd'jds, 3 ; prdcetds, 10; prdvayds; bdhuoj&s; irhao 
chravda ; bodhinmcmds ; bh&'ricjds; mddhuvocds, 2; mdnojavds, 6; mitr&mahds; 
yapt's, 2; rakshd's ; raghup&tmajanhds ; ricd'dds y 2; vdsufravda; vd'taroMs, 
2 ; vteetds, 7; vttmanda, 2 ; vicvdrcatefids, 2 ; -dhdyds, 2; -bfwjds; -mand8\ -veda* 
9; vifvafyds; vihdyds, 7; vidudv&hds; vidMiardst; vfddhd-mahds, 2 ; -vayfo; 
-frauds; vedhd's, 14; cvkrdvarcds; craddhdfmands ; sdcands; saceids; soj&hds, 
26; saiy&rddhds, 5; taprdthds, 4; sdmokds, 2; sahdsra-cakshds ; -cetds; -pdtitto; 
-retdSj 3 ; -^okde; saMsrdpsds; sud&hsds, 3 ; sumands, 25 ; sumedhd's, 11 ; surf- 
dhrfs,4; swtknds; surHds ; suvdrcds, 3; suvd'sds; sUbnavdhds; apdrh&rddhd* ; 
sudficda; sudpds, 8; sv&bMttiqjds ; sv&yagds, 3; stourcakshd*; s&arcands; sttojds, 1 

Feminines: ddvayde; apscvrd's; arcpd's, 3; dhandfe; uruvydcds; vshd% 50; 
i^r^amradds; nic&'vayds; nrmdnds, 2; prdcetds; madhuvacds; ydvaydddveshds; 
vihdyds; vfshamwnds ; cuhrdvdade; sacetds; 8aj6ahd$, 4 (i.e. 490, 7; 395, 8; 
238, 8; 550, 23); soprdthds ; edbfiarda; sud&nsds; suptrds^ 2; 8umdnd8 t 2; 
auvd'sds, 6; swnedhd's, iii.57.5 (withjftrif, ' voice, ' BR.), 



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N.s.m.f.] Noun- Inflection in ike Veda. 669 

Thrice Gr. proposes to resolve -da into two syllables. In no 
case is it necessary. Prdcetda (Gr. -oas) is at the end of a cata- 
lectic pdda of 7 syllables in vi.14.2a, and of 11 in vii. 16.5c. In 
iv. 21.6c, read d' dvrdshdh paastidsya Mtd. 

Candrd-mda (RV., 5 ; *AV., 19) belongs properly on p. 495 ; see 
p. 547; divd-kshds and suprajd's (m., AV. iv.11.3), on p. 448; 
suprajd's (£, xiv.2.22,23,74), on p. 444. For H'rnamradds, gtirtd- 
vacds, dvtbdrhdSy and vfrdpepds, see N.A.s.n. For dndgds (576, 
1 and 582, 4) see p. 551. In L79.1, ndvedds is N.p.t For 
prdcetds, vi.5.5, see V.s.m. 

Transition-forms (see pp. 550-557) : L dpd'; jard'; updndf; 
medhd'; V. sdbhards; sahdsrapokds; mpevds. 

II. The instances in which the s of the N.s. is lost are doubtful. 
See Pan. vii.1.94. The least doubtful is Updnd (RV., 8; TS. 
ii.5.8*) ; but is not this a transition-form, after tne analogy of 
femimnes (cf. Ndmi, IVthf, etc., p. 375 med.), based on the con- 
tract ace. updndm (for -asam) ? Of like sort, possibly, is (kdrdvo) 
anehd', x.61.12. Of purudanpd I find no occurrence. The form 
r'bhvd need not be referred to the same stem with r'bhvas-am. 
For ayd\ i.87.4, see p. 358 end. 

IIL Several peculiar forms claim our attention. The samhitd 
has: tuvirdvdn &-, x.64.4 ; -dfi r-, 16; — svdtavdn f-, iv.20.6 ; 
svdtavdnh p- (Prat, iv.34), iv.2.6 ; svdtavdHip ca, VS. xvii.85 ; — 
svdvdn, before a-, vi.47.12: x.131.6 (AV. vii.91.1) ; t-, vi.47.13 : 
x. 131.7 (AV. vii.92.1) ; r-, iii.54.12 : vi.68.5 ; 6-, x.92.9 ; y- (Prat 
iv.28), -i.118.1; 35.10. The VS. variant (xxxiv.26) of the last 
passage has svdvd ydtu (Pr. iii.135). Similarly Roth would read 
*Mj[4jt?4 ydd, x.99.11 ; see p. 488 end. 

The treatment of the forms in sandhi is precisely like that of 
the forms on pages 512, 514, and 517. The pada has in every 
instance tuvVravdn, svdrtavdn, svd-vdn. 

The stem of the second word is svd-tav-as, as is abundantly 
shown by the other forms ; that of the third, sH-av-as, as shown 
by the metre and the other forms. BR. refer the first to tuvt- 
rdvant (see p. 517) ; but I think Aufrecht is right in setting up 
the stem tuvirdvas, like purd-rdvas 9 brhddrava*, Z. D. M. O. 
xxv.233. 

Aufrecht, ib. xiii.501, considered all themes in as as ultimately 
derived from themes in ant, and explained these nominatives as 
relics of the more ancient themes in ant. (For svdtavadbhyas, 
etc., see Lp.) I think that they are formed after the analogy of 
the stems in vans (yas) and vant, the radical v of the stems 
su-dv-as etc. being felt as part of the derivative ending (svd-vas). 

The same misconception has worked elsewhere. As a result of 
the misdivision of bhdv-ant into bhd-vant is perhaps to be ex- 
plained the voc. bha-vas (p. 509). In like manner I account for 
the peculiar fem. to mdtari-bhv-an, viz., mdtari-bhrvarf, N.p. -is, 
x.120.9 ; Say., mdtari bhavantyah. Cf. mdtafi-p-varis (root ptf), 
AV. xx.107.12; and mdtari-p-vas f, voc. Upon a confusion of 
the final element of anad-vdh with that of the vant-stems rest the 



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560 G. R. Lanman, [os-stemsi 

peculiar forms cited on p. 499 (anad-vdfnp etc.). Ct yiivat and 
kshd'm-an, p. 530. The explanations of Weber (Beitrdge iiL388) 
and Brugman (Zeitsch. xxiv.71) are essentially like the above. 

NOMINATIVE AMD ACCUSATIVE SlNGULAB NEUTER. 

I. Here belong 1409 forms (from 101 stems). 

Enumeration : dnhas, 33 ; dfyas, 2 ; adveshds y 4 ; &na&, 8 ; anefata, 5 ; dndhas, 
3; dndhas, 19; dpas, 16; apds; dpruu,4; dps<u % 3; dmbhas; dyas,4; arakah&s; 
arapds, 2; drnas, 15; dvas, 73; d'gas, 17; d'pas, 2; faro*) 2; d'dha8 y 4; 6mu, 
19; 6kas, 16;' #<w, 53; tohddas, 10; alna« t 12; chdndas, 3; jdhhas; jwxu; 
jrdycu, 8 ; tddapas ; tdpas, 4 ; tdmas, 43 ; fczrew, 4 ; tf#a», 2 ; tydja*, 3 ; ddnsas, 
4; ^ro», 13; dr<£mk»; drift*!*, 25; ndbfias, 11; ndmas, 41; pdkshas; p&yas, 
52; pd'jcu, 11; pd'thas. 14; pf'i'a*. 5; purubhdjas ; pSpu, 6; prdihas; prapas, 
21; psaras, 3; bhdrgas, 3; bhd'sas, 2: mdncu, 76; mdyas, 19; mahds, 14; 
fm£to», 8; mfdhcu, 2; medas; y&fas, 24; rdkahcu, 20; f*4a*t 38; r^cw, 12; 
r&bhat; rd'dhas, 61 ; r&ww, 10; r^ta*, 21 ; r^pa*; rddhas, 2; wifotoM, 4; mk», 
47 ; twiya*, 2 ; tviyo*, 70 ; tdyotf-rayas, 2 ; vartva*, 26 ; t?4rai#, 6 ; 1*2*7x2*, 7 ; 
^ku, 8 ; vd'tow, 3 ; vaftu, 14 ; vepew ; vydcas, 3 ; w<fyas ; pdrdJias, 28 ; prfraj, 
34: ptraff, 25; fishas, 6; frdvas, 87; aajdshtu ; adieu, 13; ft&Zaff'tada*, 2; sa- 
prdthas, 17; tfaM'dfaw, 14; #4ra*,4; *<4Aa*,48; sttrStas; ardtas; tvdtawu; hdras; 
hdiraa ; Mdos, 6 ; Avdra*, 2. 

Transition-forms (see pp. 554-558) : II. durdkam; IIL tigmar 
tefasam; suvarcasam; V. pepas, A.s. ; VL vdyas. 

II. In 20 or more instances, the form in & is used rather 
anomalously as a neuter. Gr. admits only one such, devdvyac&s, 
iii.4.4. Here Benfey (Abh. xix.260 ; c£ 255 £C) considers that 
the original form was the regular one in ~ds ; that the final 
visarga disappeared tracelessly; that d was then lengthened 
metrically in the samhitd; and that to the misapprehension of 
the forms in -d on the part of the padakdra are due the pada- 
readings in ~dh. But this explanation does not fit the other 
cases well. 

Here belong : devdvyaeds (barhis, cf. i.142.5), til 4.4; dvibdrhds, 
(vdyas) i.71.6 ; (pdrma) i.114.10 ; (sd'ma) iv.5.3 ; (vdcas) vii8.6 ; 
as adv. (see BR. v.28), v.80.4 : vi.19.1 : vii.24.2 : x.116.4; vfrd- 
pepds (drdvinam), iv.11.3 : x.80.4 ; gUrtdvacds (brdhma), x.61.1 ; 
viduhards (J tdpas), x. 109.1 ; H'rnamradds (barh'is), v.5.4 : bo 
VS. xxi.83,57: TBr. ii.6.11%14* ; vipvdvyatds (cdrma), AV. ix. 
7.15. In AV. i.26.3, the MSS. have pdrma saprdthdh; ed., -<*£. 
Compare also: AV. xviii2.19, ydehdsmai pdrma saprdthdh ; 
T.ar. x.1.10, ydchd nah pdrma saprdthdh; and UV. i.22.15, -&h; 
and finally, pdrma saprdthdh, VS. xviii.54 : TS. iv.7.13\ The 
neuters fiatasd's 9 svprayd's, sthd's, indra-, soma-jd's, and presh~ 
thasthd's, p. 445, should be considered in connection with the 
above forms. 

Accusative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

Here belong 217 masculines (from 97 stems) and 58 feminines 
(from 22 stems). 

Masculines: acefcbam, 2 ; dnashtavedasam ; dndgasam; dmtgdyasam; aneh&aam, 
8; apdsam; dpratidhfshtacavaaam ; dbhibhOMdjaaam ; ardmanasctm; arddhdsam, 
2; artpdsatm; arcand'nasam ; dhandsam; updkacakshasam ; imt-cotohaem*, 2; 



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A.s.m.£] Noun-Inflectipn in the Veda. 661 

-jrdyasam^2\ -vyaca$am 1 2; kahetraad'dhaaam ; gdthdfravaaam ; gdyatrdvepaaam ; 
ffirvanasam, 4 ; girvdhaaam, 2 ; gfot&pravasarn ; gdvarnaaam ; gddhdyaaam ; 
ciJciivinmanasam ; citrdmdhaacm ; cUrdrddhaaam ; jardaam, 2 ; jdtdvsdasam, 24 ; 
tavasam, 13 ; tuvird'dhasam; tuvishvandsam ; iuvidjasam; tyajdaam; ddmfauiaam, 
5; ddnd-okaawn; dyukahdvacaaam; dvib&rhoaam, 3 ; dvipavaaam; dhrshM&ojaaam ; 
naridpaaam ; nrcdksJiasam, 4 ; .panktlrddhasam ; pdrinasam ; purt^pe^asam ; 
-bhdj'asam, 2: -vdrpasam; -vepaaam; prdcetasam, 8; prdtvakahaaam ; brdhma- 
vdhasam; bhiydaam, 3; bhti'ri-cakahasam ; -dMyasam; yajfta-vanasam ; -vdh- 
asain ; ycqasam, 15; rakshdsam; ricd'dasam, 3; vd'jagravaaa/m, ; vicetasam, 2; 
v^oihasam; vidveahaaam; vigvd-dhdyasam, 4; -bharaaam; -vedasam, 6; -vyac- 
aeam ; vipjd'yu-poahaaam, 2; -vepasam; vihdyaaam; viHrddhasam; vedhdaam; 
sacetaaam; 8aj6ahasam; aatyd-girvdhctaam ; -favcuam; addmamakhaaam ; aamu- 
drd-vdsasam, 2 ; -vyacaaam ; sahdsra-caksliaaam, 2 ; -bharnasam, 2 ; -varcasam, 
2 ; aucttasam, 2 ; sudahsa&am, 2 ; avpfyaaam, 1 ; suprayasam, 3 ; eubhdjasam ; 
aumedhdaam ; surd'dhasam, 4 ; swttasam ; «*prdt*a*(M», 3 ; Sfprdbhqjaaam ; 
sv<iyacasam y 3 ; «iavaMwn, 3 ; Aarwfo4ya«Mn ; taftrafyaaim. 

Feminines: dndgasam; anehdaam; orakahdsam, 2 ; arepdaam.2; dpvapepaaam; 
udojasam; urwydcasam; cikitvinmanaaam ; dhvardaam; pwubhojaaam ; ydvayad- 
dveahaaam; vd'japefaaam ; vifvaddhaaam ; vifvd-dhdyaacvm, 2; -pepaaam; -bhoj- 
aaam; fotdrcaaam; ghripecaaam; sahdarobhwrncisam, 2; *tdyaf<waw* ; hdrivar- 
pasam ; w A<bam, 33 ; u*A<J'*aro, p. uah&'sam (page 646), 11. 

Adverbial shift of accent is seen in djarasdm, 9at.Br. i.6.3 41 : 
cf. Ait. Br. L28. See p. 495. 

Contract-forms: vedhd'm, ix.26.8 ; 102.4; updndm, x.40.7 : 
AV. iv.29.6; mahd'mf, 23 times; sumedh&'m, x.47.6 ; 125.5; 
vayd'm, L165.15; 166.15; 167.11; 168.10: VS. xxxiv.48; dpd'm, 
AV. vi.119.3 ; jard'm, i.140.8 : v.41.17 ; dndgdm, viii.90.15 ; 
apsard'm, AV. iv.38.1&i*, 2ftw, 4 ; ushd'm, i.181.9: x.68.9: AV. 
xii.2.45; medhd'm, 8 times, and AV. x.2.17. For vayd'h, vii. 
40.5, see p. 552, no. 16. 

Transition-forms (see pp. 551-557) : I. puruddnsam; II. h'edam; 
pdrdham; phcikrandam ; prlhujrdyam / IV. candrdmdsam ; 
vayodhdsam; dprajasam; suprajdeam; kshdsamf; V. vipvd'yu- 
poshasam; vipvdbharasam; tuvishvandsam. 

INSTRUMENTAL SlNOTJLAB MASCULINE, FkMININI, AND NbUTBB. 

L There are 86 masculines (from 15 stems) ; 30 feminines (from 
3 stems) ; and 704 neuters (from 66 stems). 

Masculines: anehdad; orakahdad; gdportnoad; jardad; tdrtishoad; tavdad; 
pdrtnoad) 6; prihupd'josd, 2; bhiydad, 11; mdnojavosd; yafdsd ; vipvdpefaad; 
sdhdsd, 2 ; avpepaad; aucrdfJoad. 

Feminines : arepdad, 2 : ushdsd, 27 ; ycy'dad. 

Neuters: dfy'asd, 4; dnasd, 3; dndhaad, 13; dpoad, 2; apdad; orakahdad; 
drnaad, 2; dvasd, 62; Snasd; djaad, 104 (but cf. G.s.n.); Shasd; kahddaad, 3; 
gdvarnoad; cdkshosd, 16; ctiasd, 6; j&va&d, 5; javdad; idnoad (p. 479); tdpasd, 
10; fttauud, 13; tdrasd; ttjaad, 3; tydjosd, 4; tvakahaad, 3; tveahdad; ddnsasd, 
2 ; dShaad ; dhdfyoad ; dhrdjoad ; ndbhosd, 2 ; fkifw<wd, 84 ; pdyoad, 32 ; pd'jasd, 
5 ; pfvaad ; prdyaad, 5 ; bdhivojoad ; bhrd'jaad ; mdnoad 1 115 ; mdhosd, 3 ; 
m&lasd; yo^dJad^Z\ rdkahoad; rfyoad, 4; r&poad, 4; rdfdhaad, 16; r&cnoad; 
ritaad, 3; vdcoad, 10; rtbuud; vdyo«J, 6; v^rco^i, 6; vdrposd, 4; vd'aoad, 2; 
vdTuud, 2 ; i^dcuti ; t^pcwd, 2 ; f4vtw4, 80 ; fiakaad, 2 ; prdvoad, 9 ; adhoad, 29 ; 
auddnaoad; awrtioad; ardtoad; hdroad, 6; Aawfat, 2; Mahoad. 

The masc. bhiyds-d is contracted to bhi'shrd; and this appears 
with adverbial shift of accent in i.l33.6M* (-d'fl a-) : vii.21.3 : 
viii86.14. Cf. p. 494. 



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662 C. B. Lanman, [as-stems. 

Contract form : tavd in tavd-gd'm?; see p. 661. 

Transition-forms (see p. 660-557) : I. jardyd ; navoshayd ; 
medhdyd; IX dvena; pdrdhena; IV. candrdmdsd; vayodhdtd; 
purodhasd; V. -dakshasd; ddhasd. 

IL In some 1 8 instances, a form identical with the stem appears 
with the value of an instrumental. They may be taken outright 
as case-forms without ending (cf. pp. 476, 480, 535), or as text- 
corruptions arising from misconception of the irregular forms (cf 
Bollensen, Orient und Occ. ii.481-2). The first six are pretty 
certain (cf. BR.) : vdcas, with divUmatd, i.26.2 ; with ndvyasd, 
ii.31.5 : vi48.11 : viii.39.2 (cf. vi.62.5) : vdca8 7 parallel with 
mdnmabhi8, viii.63.1 ; yqjfiavacds, parallel with odanena, AY. 
xi.3.19; pdvas, parallel with krdtvd, RV. i.81.4. Lud wig trans- 
lates pdvas, x.23.5, by 'durch krafttat.' 

The rest are more or less doubtful : i.93.2, yd adyd vdm iddm 
vdcah mpary&ti, ' whoso to-day honors you here (iddm) with a 
song;' i.32.8, mdno rdhdnd dti yanti d'pah^ with a will* 
i e.) 'lustily rising, the waters overwhelm him;' x.109.1?, 
tdpa ugrdy Say., tapasd tdpanenogra vdgtlrno 'gnih; i.92.5, 
8vdrum nd p&po viddtheshu anjdn^ ' adorning the svdru as it were 
with beauty at the feasts.' 

Bollensen, I.e. p. 484, would explain mahd\8) or mahd for mahd', I e. mahdsd 
ini.22.11 (parmand): i.121.11 (vdjrena): ii.34.12 (jySiiskd): vii.25.1 (tot). In 
viii3.6, fdva t- might be taken similarly; so Ludwig, Ueb. ii.175, *mit kraft;' but 
see G.8.n. In 1.76.6, on account of divitmatd (m. or a.), Both suggests that vded' 
(fern. 1) may be a corruption for vaco(=v&ca8&)\ but cf. pp. 515-6. 

Dative Singula* Masculine, Feminine, and Neuteb. 

There are 74 masculines (from 88 stems) ; 4 feminines (from 4 
stems) ; and 225 neuters (from 27 stems). 

Masculines : abhishtipavase ; ukthdvdhase ; uruvydcase ; ftdpefase ; gdyatra- 
vepcue ; girvanase, 2 ; girvdhast, 2 ; ghordcakshase ; jdtdvedase, 7 ; tadapase ; 
tddokase; tavdse, 11 j dtrghd-yapue ; -pravase ; dtwdse; dyumndcravase ; n?cdk- 
shast, 2; niokase; ptthlnaae; pwtiravase; pf thu-jr&yase ; -pd'jase; pracctase, 4; 
prdiavase; brdhma-vdhcue, 3; mrktd-; yajftd-, 2; yapfoe; rakskdse; vtfvdcak- 
shase; vihdyase; vedhdse, 11; pUeotue; satydrddhase ; sahase; aahdsraoakshate ; 
svdtavcm, 2 ; wdyapaae. 

Feminines : ushdse ; durvd'sase ; parj&nyaretase ; vrdhdse. 

Neuters: apdse; appose; arose, 108; djasc, 5; cdfahase, 2; javdse; tdptue; 
idmase; tdrase; ddkshase, 3; dhd'yase, 15; dhruvdse; n&mase; pd'jase, 2; 
prdycute, 2 ; psdrase, 2 ; mdnase, 4 ; rdkshase, 3 ; rd'dhaae, 26 ; r&ase ; vdcaae, 3 ; 
varcaee, 2; pdmue, 14; prdvase, 17; sdhase, 7; svayapase; harase. 

Transition-forms (see pp. 550-567) : I. jard'yai; II. pdrdhdya; 
krdnddya; tdrdya; card'yai; III. djarasd'ya; IV. vayodhdse; 
varcodhdse; dravinoddse; V. ddkahase; dhruvdse; vrdhdse. 

Ablative Singular Masculine, Feminine, and Neuteb. 

I. There are 13 masculines (from 6 stems) ; 5 feminines (from 
one stem) ; and 107 neuters (from 24 stems). 



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Ab.s.m.f.n.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 668 

Masculines : arddhdsas ; jardsas, 2 ; tav&sas, 3 ; pdrtnasas, 2 ; rdksh&sas, 4 ; 
s&hasas. Feminine : ttshdsas, 5. 

Neuters : dnhaaas, 44 ; dnasas ; dndhasas, 4 ; dpasas ; arnasas ; tnasas, 7 ; 
dkasas; $a«a*, 3; kshddasas; jrdyasas ; tdpasas, 3; tdmasas, 10; drdvinasas ; 
pdyasas ; pd'jasas ; prdtihasas ; bhdnsasas ; m&nasas, 9 ; rdjasas ; rd'dhasas, 2 ; 
vteasas; sddasas, 9 ; sdrasas ; s&hasas, 2. In vii.56.19, s&hasas is N.p.m. 

Grassmann's ablative dr&vinodas-ds (accent impossible), ii.37.4, 
is based on a misprint ; read drdvinodasd-s, N.s.m. 

II. In vi.3.1, diva pd 'si tydjasd mdrtam dnhah, if we take dnhas 
from dnh, the accent is anomalous. I think it is an Ab. of dnhas 
without case-ending, for dnhasas; cf. BR vii.1685. A similar 
haplographia is seen in irddhiai y i. 134.2, for irddhadhiai. Since 
the accent of ush-ds as an accusative p.f. (iii.6.7 : viii.41.3) is at 
best a rare anomaly, I would strike out the stem iish and regard 
ushds as an Ap.£ without ending, and put ushds (i.69.1,9: vil 
10.1 : x.8.4) in the same category, as a G.s.f. without ending. In 
like manner is perhaps to be explained the form sddas-pdti, 1.21.5 ; 
cf. sddasas pdtim, i.18.6. 

Genitive Sihouli-R Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter. 

L There are 58 masculines ffrom 30 stems) ; 45 feminines (from 
one stem) ; and 304 neuters (from 35 stems). 

Masculines : dhgirasas ; dndgasas ; apdsas, 2 ; dpdkacaksJiasas ; dpnasas ; 
abhivayasas ; arakshdsas ; upam&pravaaaa ; krshndjanhasas ; jdt&vedasas, 6 ; 
favosa*, 6 ; ddndapnasas ; dtrghdfravasas ; dvibdrhasas, 2 ; nrcdkshasas, 5 ; p&ri- 
dveshasas; pdrinasas, 2; purubhqjasas ; prthuprdvasas, 2; prdcetasas ; pr&mah- 
asas; bhd'tvakshasas ; rakshdsas, 6; vicetasas; vidmand'pasas ; vifvdmanasas ; 
vrTeadvarasas (or A. p.) ; vedh&eas, 7 ; sabd'dhasas; sv&yapasas. 

Feminines: usTidsas, 44; ushd'sas, z.39.1 (see p. 546). 

Neuters: dnhasas; dnasas ; dndhasas, 56; apasas ; ayasas, 2; drnasas, 4; 
dvasaSfB; dkasas, 2 \ djasas,3; gdvarnasas ; tdmasas, 10; ty&jasas,2; d&kshasas; 
drdvinasas, 3; nabhasas; ndmasas, 3; pdyasas, 2; prdyasas; mdnasas, 12; 
manasas; midasas, 3; rdjasas, 41; r dpasas, 2; rd'dhasas, 19; rd'dhasas-rddh- 
a8as; rHasas, 4; vdcasas, 10; vdpsaaas ; vdyasas ; vdrpasas, 4; vd'sasas; 
cdvasas, 19; favasas, 16; prdvasas, 4; sddasas; sar apasas; sdhasas, 13; sahasas, 
47 ; harasas. 

In i.102.6 we read pratimd'nam djasd'thd, p. ~asd dtha, and 
Benfey, Abh, xix.258, sees an instance of elision and crasis for 
djasas, as in verse 8. In i.62.9, stinur dddhdra pdvasd suddnsdh, 
p. -d, he sees loss of visarga and a metrical lengthening in the 
eighth place; Say., pavasah . . putrah. So in i.27.2, sdnuh 
pdvasd; Say., balasya putrah. 

Contract form : nrmdnds, x.92.14. 

Transition-forms (see pp. 553-557) : II. pdrd7uzsya; niravdsya; 
IV. candrdmdsas; retodhdsas; V. ddkshasas; doshdsas. 

II. In viii.3.6, indro mahnd 1 rddasi paprathac chdva S-, pdvas 
may pass for a G.s.n. without ending ; * Indra hath stretched out 
the heaven and the earth by the greatness of his might.' Say., 
^avasak . . . mahattvena. For sddaspdtt, see Ab.s.n. Cf, the 
instrumentals, vdcas, etc. 



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564 C. R. Lanman, [as-stems. 

Locative Singular Masculine, Feminine, and Neutbb, 

There are 8 masculines (from 6 stems) ; 5 feminines (from one 
stem) ; and 45 neuters (from 18 stems). 

Masculines: fjtinaai; gdvarnasi; jdt&vedaai; ddmtinan; pfthufrdvasi ; saiyd- 
pravasi, 3. 

Feminine : uahdsi, 6. 

Neuters: dhhoai; dfywsi, 2; apdai, 2; dvasi, 2; d'gaai; dkaai, 2; krandati; 
cdkshasi; tdmaai, 11; ndmari; p&yasi; mdnaai; rfyasi, 6; r&'dhasi; r&ut,2; 
pr&vari; sddaai, 8; sdrasi. 

Contract form : updne W, L51.ll. 

Transition-forms (see pp. 550-566) : L dngire; II. hide; IV. 
candrdmdsi; aprajasi. 

Vocative Singular Masculine, Feminine, and Nkutejl 

There are 183 masculines (from 27 stems) ; 61 feminines (from 
2 stems) ; and 2 neuters (from 2 stems). 

Masculines: angiraa, 17; ukthavdhas ; vpamofravaa ; kdrudhdyaa; girvamas. 
35; gvrvdhas, 4; jdtavedaa, 66; devapravas; dhfshanmanas, 2; nfcakshas, 2; 
nrmanas, 4; nodhaa; purfiravas, 5; pracetas, 5; brahnuwdhas, 3 ; mtiramahas, 
13; vdjapramahoB ; vi^va-cakshas ; -dhdyas ; -manas ; vfahamanaa, 2; eofta*, 
7 ; $cUyarddha8y 2 ; «t«iravtikis, 2 ; aumahas, 3 ; *i>atat/<w ; suqjas. For pirrrffcu, 
vi.24.6, Gr. reads girvavd'haa ; see p. 353 med. 

Feminines : dhanaa, 2 ; cutoff, 69 ; tigmcUqas, AY. vi.63.2. 

Neuters: dravinas (ague), iii.7.10 ; c&rdhas (m&'ruta), v.46.2— cl p. 339. 

Transition-forms {see pp. 550-556) : L tfpe/ IL sdpratha; IV. 
candramds; vayodhfc; dravinodtis, 6. 

The TS. at i5.ll 1 reads praceto rd'jan : the original passage in 
the Rik, i.24.14, reads pracetd rd'jan, p. prarcetah (Prat, iv.13). 
In view of this irregular sandhi, we may take prdcetd as voc. in 
vi5.5, sd mdrtieshu amrta prdcetd rdyd\ although the pada has 
prd-cetdh. The accent may he due to a misconception of the 
form. Cf. Benfey, Abh. xix.260. 

Nov., Aoo. t and Voc. Dual Masculine and Feminine. 

L There are 114 masculines in -d (from 54 stems) ; and 2V fem- 
inines in -& (from 11 stems). The vocatives are included with 
the nominatives. 

Masculines: apdsd; arepdad; dpuhiahaad; tyacakahaad; ukOiavdhasd ; wucdk- 
ahaad; kfshtioja&d; garribhiracetasd ; gdparinasd; jdtdvedaad (vii.2.7) ; tddokasd; 
tavdad; navedaad; nfcdkahaad; nrvd'hasd, 2; ptvruddnsaad, 4; purubhojasd; 
ptttddakshasd, 4; pylhvpdkahaad ; prdcetaad, 6; prdmdhasd 1 2; bodhinmanasd ; 
maiavacaad; mcmqjavasd; yajfiavdhasd, 2; yapdsd, 3; riyi'dasd, 4; vataapracet- 
aad; vicetaad, 2; vipakshosd; vipravdhaad; vigvd-bhojaad ; -vedasd, 4; vedhaad; 
vienaad ; {r&TUhavarcaad ; aaj6ahaad, 27 ; admanasd, 6 ; samdndvarcasd ; samok- 
asd, 5; sdvayasd, 2; advedaad; sindhuvdhasd ; auddnaaad; supraydsd; sttrddhaad; 
avr&aad; suvdfaud; sudvasd; hitdprayasd ; hiranyapefaad, 2; further, ca&drd- 
maad ; atirydcandramdad ; tof&'ad (see p. 545). 

Feminines: anehdad; tvruvydaud; bh&'ri-retosd, 3 (and AV. viii.9.12); -varpasd; 
vifvdpefasd; adcetaad; admonoad; auddnaaad, 2; avtpfyaad, 5; uahdsd,!; whdfad, 
p. «', 2 ; ndktoahd'ad, p. *', 5 ; see page 546. 



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NJLV.d.m.i] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 565 

The late verse, RV. x.14.11, has very properly the modern form 
nrcdkehaeau at the end of b. For this, the Atharvan, perhaps 
with affected archaism, reads nrcdkshasd, xviii.2.12. 

EL There are 7 forms in -au : (masc.) arepdeau: nrcdkshasau; 
vipvdpardhascni; and, eHrydcandramdeau, 2 ; — (fern.) yapdsau; 
ushd'8au y p. <K', see p. 546. 

The Atharvan, at xiv.2.16, modernizes vtenasd of the Rik (iii. 
33.13) to vienasau. 

Contract form : puruddn&df, vii.73.1. 

Transition-forms: L saj6shau ; uehi ; IL adveshe; vidradhe; 
IV. candrdmdsd; edrydcandram&'sd; -oh. 

NOKIHATIVB A5D AOOUSATIYS DUAL NBtJTn. 

Here belong: dndhasi; hr&ndasi, 3 ; jdnaet; nd'dhaef; pd'jarf; 
rdjast, 9; vdcast; from AV., ndbhasf, v.18.6 ; 20.7: xi.5.8,11 : 
xii.3.5,6 : xvii.16 ; pdkshaet, viii8.22 ; from TS., drddhatf, iii.2.2*. 

IHBTRTTXXNTAIi AND GlNITIYB DUAL FmiXm 

Transition-form: L uehd'bhydm, p. 551. 
Transition-forms : VI. rddae-os; akshrds f; p. 658. 

Nouhatitj axb Yooatiyi Plubal Masculot ahd Fmcnrara. 

There are 287 masculines (from 92 stems) ; and 94 feminines 
(from 17 stems). Vocatives are counted with nominatives. 

Masculines: dgirattkasas ; dAgirataa, 19; ocetdsos; ocoddsoa; ddbhutafaaBas ; 
anavabhrdrddhcuas, 4 ; dndgaaas, 7 ; anehdgaa, 3 ; ap&sas, 6 ; arepdsaa, 7 ; dvicct- 
asas ; afbhamu ; Afvarddhaaas, 2 ; dsdmi^avasas ; dhandsas ; ukth&vdhaaaa ; 
faJojasas; ksheiraad'dhasaa ; gambhtrdvepasa* ; ghfshvirddfuuaa ; glwrdvarpasas, 
2; cUrdrddhatas ; tddotouas ; tavdsas, 2; tuvishvandsas ; ddmdnasas ; duvdsas ; 
dvibfarha&a* ; dhfshntiqjasas ; ndvedcuas, 2; nfcdJcshasas, 6; ptUddaksJiasaa, 2; 
prthupd'jasas ; prdeetasas, 14 ; pratyiUivarpcuae ; prdiavaaas ; prdtvakshaecu, 2 ; 
prdfravaaaa ; bdhtojosas, 2 ; bhaidndsas ; (bhti'rivarpascu, better A.p.t) ; mddhu- 
pearcuaa ; mrgaydtiu ; yafiavdhasas ; yacdsae, 5 ; yutddveahasaa ; rakshdaos ; rip 
d'dasas, 14 ; rvkmdvakshatcu, 6 ; vdrunaceahasas : vd'ta-rahhasas, 2 ; -tvanasas ; 
vicetasas, 4 ; vidmand'paaas ; vidytinmahascu ; tnpravacaeaa ; vimahasas ; vigvd- 
dhdyamu; -moJioaos; -vedosos, 17; viahpardJiosoa ; vihdyoeae; Vfddh&caMuas, 2; 
vedh&Baty 18; ftieoaaas, 3; prishthavcvrcaaas ; sdcetasas, 4; sajfohasas, 28; ttatya* 
$yiiu«m, 2; sabharasas: sdmanascu, 8; sdmokasai; sdvayasas ; sahdchandasas ; 
sahdarapOJasoB, 2 ; sucakahaaaa ; lucftascu ; suddnsasas, 2 ; svpivdsas ; supSpuaa, 
2; suprdceteuaa ; sumdnasas, 5; aumdhasas ; tumedhasaa, 4; surd'dhastu, 2; 
stfracakshascts, 4; stdmavdhcuas, 3; svdtavasas, 6; sudpaaas, 6; suapnasat; 
svdyaftuaBj 3 ; eudvasas, 2 ; hUdprayaaas, 4. For aapeard'sae, see p. 546. 

Femininea: agnibhrdjaaaa ; anehdsas } IS: apdsas,*; apeardsaa; tfshucydvasos; 
dhdnwurnasas ; nrpipuaa ; prdcetcuaa ; pr&svddasas ; madhuwrnasas ; yacdaas, 2 ; 
viceiataa ; mipSfasaa, 2 ; ati'dadohasas ; sudpascu ; svdyofaaaa ; vsh&eas, 41 ; 
vsJtifsas, p. &', 15 ? see p. 546. 

In i.79.1, I would read g{tcxbhrdjds\a\ ushdso ndvedds (cf. p. 
345 med.), and take all three words as N.p./^m. (c£ p. 362). 
c Bright gleaming are the dawns, his companions.' 

Contract forms: (masc.) ndvedds, 1165.13; dngirds, i.83.4; 
dndgds, viL87.7 ; 97.2: x.36.12; aneMsf y x.61.12; scydshds, 19 
times; (fem.) medhd's, V&l. 4.9; djo&hds, i.9.4 ; surd'dhds, iiL 
33.12 ; ndvedds, i79.1. 

VOL. x. 75 



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566 C. R. Lanman, [as-stems. 

Transition-forms (see p. 550-557) : I. dpd's; IL pepds; IV. 
vayodhdsas; suprajdsas; divdkshasas; V. vepdsas; pdrivepasas; 
sabharasas; tuvishvandsas; vd'tasvanasas. 

Nominative and Accusative Plural Neuter. 

Here belong 284 forms (from 49 stems). 

Enumeration : dnhdnsi, 2 ; dnkdhsi ; dndhdnsi, 6 ; dpdnsi, 13 ; drndAsi. 9 ; 
dvdnrijA; d'g&hsi; 6ndruri,2; 6kdnsi,2; djdnsi; kdrdnsi; chanddhsi, 4; javdnsi; 
jrdydnsi,*; tdmdhsi, 25; tvdkskdhsi; d&mdnsi^ 3; duvdnsi, 2; dveshdnsi, 15; 
pdydhsi, 6 ; p&'jdhsi, 2 ; pfydnsi ; pfdydhsi, 14 ; bhd'sdnsi ; mdndnsi, 6 ; 
mahdii&i, 3 ; rahshdhsi, 20 , rdjdhsi, 39 ; rdpdnsi, 4 ; rd'dhdnsi, 12 ; retdnsi, 2 ; 
r6dhdhsi,2; rdhdnsi; vdkahdhsi; vacdrisi, 12; vdydnsi, 4 ; vdrdii^5; rdn><!n»; 
v&rpdhsi, 3; vd'sdhsi; t&rdhdhsi, 3; pavdnai, 1; prdvdnsi, 18; «&24*st. 3; 
sdrdhsi, 6; s&hdhsi, 4; skdndhdhai; hiddnsi; hvdrdnsi, 4; from AY., rafoAdiut, 
vocative, xi.10.1. 

AocusATivB Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

I. There are 51 masculines (from 21 stems) ; and 41 feminines 
(from 16 stems). 

Masculines: dngirasas; dndgasas. 5: aneh/isas ; dpracetasas, 2; ard<2A4*a*, 3; 
wruc&kshasas ; tuvird'dhasas, 2; dhvarasas; piUddakshasas ; prdcetasas, 2; fcf/tdc- 
chravasas; yajiidvanasas ; yafdsas; rakshdsas, 20; ripd'dasas; vimahasas; ri- 
shpardhasas, 2; (vr'fawtoaraMW, G-.sm. ;) vedhdsas ; svpfyasas; surd'dhasas, 2: 
sti&pnasas. 

Feminines : ajavdsas ; anapndsas ; aneh/isas ; apdsas ; apsardsas, 2 ; aridh&y- 
asas ; gharmdsvarasas ; tddapasas 1 *Khj\&\ bh&'rivarpasas* yafdsas; vd'ja-drarin- 
asas; -vravasas; vipvdrdohasas ; -dhdyasas; supfyasas ; ushdsas, 25; for tufefoas, 
x.39.1, see p. 546. 

Contract forms: (masc.) dndgdu, vii.60.1 ; 66.4; sumedhd'sf, 
vii.91.3 ; (fern.) ushd's, ix.41.5. 

Transition-forms (see pp. 551-557) : I. dndgdn; IX pdrdhdn; 
IV. idaprqjasas; kshdsasf: V. gharmdsvarasas. 

II. In iii.6.7: viii.41.3, I take u#A<fo as A.p.f. without ending 
(p. 563). Perhaps also the best solution of the vexed passage, 
i. 11 2. 18, aAgiro m-, p. angirah y is to read dngiras, taking this as 
an A.p.m. without ending, for dngirasas. The strange form was 
probably mistaken by the copyist for a voc, and so left un- 
accented. See p. 342-3. 

Instrumental Plural Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter. 

Masculines : aanitdpobhis; dfigirobhis, 10 ; svdyapobhis. 

Feminine : svdyapobhis (Htf). 

Neuters (127, from 22 stems) : drnobhis; dvobhis, 17 ; ojobhis; 
tdpobhis ; tdmobhis ; tdrobhis, 2 ; ddnsobhis, 2 ; dveshobhis ; 
dhd'yobhis; ndbhobhis; ndmobhis, 45 ; pdyobhis, 5 ; prdyobhis, 
2 ; mdhobhis, 13 ; r djobhis, 3 ; rd'dhobhis; vdcobhis, 13 ; vdyo- 
bhis; vdrobhis; pdvobhis, 2 ; prdvobhis, 6 ; sdhobhis, 7. 

Transition-form : medhd'bhis, p. 552. 

Forms after the analogy of the dental stems. Here belongs 
ushddrbhiS) i.6.3. For convenience of reference, the other similar 
forms are collected here: svdtavad-bhyas y VS. xxiv.16: K&ty. 



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I.p.m.£n.] Noun- Inflection in the Ve$a. 567 

Qr. v.1.16 : Kath. xxxvi.l (regular, svdtavobhyas, £!at.Br. ii.5.1 14 ) ; 
mdd-bhis, -bhyds (p. 497) ; ad-bhis, -bhyds (p. 483) ; at-sti /, cited 
by Prof. Ludwig, Bigveda, iii p. ? . Cf. Pan. vii.4.48 ; Weber, 
Heitr&ge, iii.387 ; Brugman, Zeitsch. xxiv.70. 

DATTVB AND ABLATIVE PLUBAL MASCULINE AND NEUTER. 

Datives masc. : dfigirobhyas, 4 ; -bhyas, Gr. -bhias, i.189.7 : 
viii.52.3 : ix.62.9. 

Datives neut. : rdkshobhyas; vdyobhyas, AV. vi.10.2. 

Ablative neuter : dvishobhyas. 

Transition-forms : I. dpdbhyas; apsar&'bhyas; pp. 550, 551. 

Genitive Plural Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter. 

Masculines : dngirasdm, 8 ^ ddbhutainasdm ; apdsdm, 3 ; d- 
stheyaadm ; tavdsdm; dasmdvarcasdm ; mahd'manasdm ; yap- 
dsdm y 2 ; vedhdsdm; sldmavdhasdm. 

Feminines : apdsdm, 3 ; apsardsdm; ndkshatrapavtzsdm; ush- 
dsdm> 22 ; for ushd'sdm, see p. 546. 

Neuters: chdndasdm ; rddhasdm ; v&dasdm ; tdrasdm, AV. 
x.10.24. 

Contract form : vayd'm .*, see p. 552. 

Transition-forms (see pp. 551-558) : I. apsardndm; ILL mahd- 
nasdndm; pracetasdndm; IV. purodhasdm; VI. sdrasdm. 

Locative Plural Masculine and Neuter, 

L Neuters: d'dhassu, x.49.10 ; rdjassu, vii.34.16: viii.66.5 : 
x.43.8; vdkshassu, i.64.4 ; 166.10: v.54.11 : vii.56.18; prdvassu, 
iii.37.7 ; sddassu, vii.85.3 ; from AV., vdyahsu, iii. 2 1.2. See 
Whitney to Ath. Pr. ii.40. The Rik-forms are all written with 
-hsu in Mailer's first and second editions and in Aufrecht's first ; 
and with -ssu in Aufrecht's second; cf. p. 573 end. The ss makes 
the syllable long by position ; as in viL85.3a. 

Transition-forms : I. apsard'm, p. 551 ; IX puruptydsu, p. 554. 

IL In AV. vi.35.2, agnir (na d'gamad) uhth'eshu tinhorn, 
Agni's presence is invoked not only at their * festal songs,' but 
also ' in adversity.* At any rate, I can make nothing of anha-su 
but a L.p. of dnhas- (cf. Ath. Pr. iv.32). If this is admissible, 
we may also take apd-su y viii.4.14, for apds-su, 'bei den emsigen.' 
Say., asmacttyeshu karmasu . . . sahdro lupyate. Bradhndm 
refers to the soma ; and if we took apd-su for ap-sti (o£ p. 484), 
the result would be an uninvitingly thin drink for Indra. Cf. 
md*6 for mdssti, p. 497. See p. 554, IL end. 

The same peculiarity is seen in several Zend forms : usha-hva y 
Vend, xxi.3; areza-hva, ibidem, bis; ?iazanr6-tema-hva-ca 9 Yt. 
xv.53; dza-hu,Y&q. x.17; aza-hti,, Yt xxiv.51. The last two 
forms agree remarkably with dnha-su, above. Examples of the 
regular form are : temd-hoa, Yt. xxii.83 ; uzird-hva, Vend, xxi.8. 



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568 0. R. Lanman, [is and westerns. 

STEMS IN IS AND US. 

The stems in is and us show almost no feminine forms. The 
stems in is include about twelve neuters (10 oxy tones) ; the mas- 
culines, excepting d'mis, are exclusively compounds of these 
neuters. The forms are enumerated under category A. 

The stems in us include neuters and masculine compounds 
thereof; and also a number of primary masculines: as, tidkus. 
The forms are enumerated under category B. 

Stems in is and us distinguish strong and weak cases only in 
the N.A.p.n., where the thematic i or u is lengthened and nasal- 
ized, precisely as with the aj-stems. 

The relations of stems in is and us to equivalent vocalic themes 
demand a treatment, which, as far as it goes, iB parallel with that 
of the preceding chapter (p. 548). I shall therefore discuss : 

L Transitions of the stems in is and us to the declensions in i 
and u (cf. II. p. 553). 

II. Transitions to the o-declension (c£ HI. p. 554). 

III. Transitions of stems in i and u to the ^-declension (c£ V. 
p. 556). 

L Transitions to thb Declensions in I and U, 

Just as a neuter like hidas (p. 553) passes into the o-declension 
(h&da-m), so here a neuter like arcis passes into the i-declenaion 
(arcdyas). 

A. 1. The stem pods and its compounds occur frequently ; see 
BR. The form pods is sometimes marked as a neuter by an 
adjective, if nom. (e. g. viil23.4) ; and by the construction, if ace. 
In vii.3.5^, however, didd'ya poeir d'hutasya vr'shnah, it may 
easily be felt as a N.s.masc. ; so also in vi.64.26 and viL 16.3a; 
in x.16.46, tdm te poc\rs tapatu, tdm te arck-h; and in AV. i.25.2. 

As transition-forms may be regarded : (yd's te) pocdyas, AV. 
xviii.2.9 ; pdvaka-poce, 2 ; bhadra-poce, 4 ; puhra-poce; see p. 
390 top. In vi.64.2ft, tit te poeir bhdndvo dyd'm apaptan, Gr. 
proposed the transition-form poces ( Ueb. i.581) ; but this is un- 
necessary. Translate : * Up sped thy light — thy beams unto 
heaven/ 

2. In x.l6(842).4 : AV. i.25.2 : xii.1.51, arcis may be N.s. 
neuter of arcis, or N.s.m. of arci (arcirs). Such a form is the 
point of departure for the two transition-forms : arcdyas, RV., 
14; arcl-bhis, vi.48.7: v. 79.8. In the latter passage it is called 
out by the formal parallelism of the verse: sdkdrh sU'ryasya 
rapmtbhih \ pukraih pdcadbhir arcVbhVu In ii.3.2, suarcts (ndrd- 
pdnsas) may just as well be referred to suarcts as to suarcl (BR, 
Gr.). 

3. The stem krav4s is a correct formation ; with it cf. d-kravi- 
hasta, v.62.6. 

4. With jydtis c£ jyoti, Kern, Translation of Brh. S., p. 135, 
note 2. 



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Transitions. L] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 569 

B. 6. The stem cdkshus is well authenticated; bat its nom. 
cdkshus might be felt as a N.s.masc., cdkshus, in z.8.5 and 16.3. 
Such ambiguities account for the transition-forms : cdkshos (see 
p. 410 top^ and sahasra-calcsho (p. 412 end). 

6. In lite manner the stem idpus is amply supported. The 
ambiguous N.s. tdpus, vii 104.2, is referred by Gr. to stem tdpus; 
but by BR. to tdpu. So tdpus (agnU) y it 4.6, may just as well be 
referred to tdpus, although both lexica agree in assigning it to 
tdpu. There remains only one form, tdpos, ix.83.2, to oe ascribed 
to false analogy. 

7. The form dhdnus, ' a bow, 9 is generally neuter — stem dhdnus. 
In the late hymn vi.75, verse 2, it may be masc (dhdnus) ; while 
in Hit. ProcBm. 22, dhanus nirgunas, it must be masc., Le. a 
form of transition to the u-declension. 

8. The Rik has 17 forms from vanus, and but two from vanu: 
viz., -6m and -d'n. The latter are probably transition-forms ; but 
a nom. vanus does not occur. 

9. At iii.699, BR. refer the an. \. duhpd'sus, N.8.UL, z.33.1, to 
duly$d!su; but at vii. 170, correctly, to duh-cd'sus. C£ Gr. 

io. The N.s.m. vidus, i.71.10 : vill8.2, is referred to vidus. It 
might be referred to vidu; c£ rip^u, vidhrHL 

11. Probably tdru has nothing to do with tdrus. The an. A. 
tdrubhis in the late and corrupt hymn v.44, verse 5, seems to me 
to be a vague reminiscence of tdroohis, ii.39.3, q.v. 

12. The stems dyu, * active, lively,' and d'yus, 'life,' are of 
course independent formations. The latter is of frequent occur- 
rence in the Rik (92 forms), and is supported by the compound 
stems kshitd'yus, eitrd'yus, dSrghd'yus, pdrvdyus t, patd'yus (all 
posited by Gr.), sarvd'yus, gatdyus, and, as I think, by vipvd'yus. 

I do not believe that there was another stem d'yu, ' life,' of 
independent formation. BR. refer d'yus, i.66.1, to d'yus; Gr., to 
d'yu. In x.17.4, also, Grassmann's d'yus can just as well be taken 
as a neuter. The Rik has but one form not referable to d'yus, 
viz., d'yuni (3) ; and I therefore regard this as a transition-form, 
and d'yu as a secondary stem. 

But in support of d'yu, * life,' BR. (i.678) quote the compounds 
adabdhdyu, kshitd'yu, dUrghd'yu, vipvd'yu, vrddhd'yu, and sarv- 
d'yu. Even these, I suspect, fail to establish a stem d'yu. 

a. The a*. A. kshitd'yus, N.s.m. } is referred by Gr., and even by BR. s.v., to an 
ns-stem. 

b. The N.sjn. aa/rvdfyw, VS. mviii.20: gat.Br. xiv.3.1 18 : Ait Br. ii.t, is 
referred by BR. to "sarvdyu or -tu;" better, I think, to -ttf. 

c DtrgM'yush-am occurs iv. 16.10; in verse 9, dtrghA'yus is a N.s.m. of 
ambiguous stem; so in x.85.39 and YS. xhMOOa; and in Y& xii.lOOc, N.s.f. 
Such forms pave the way to the true transition-vocative, dtrghdyo, viii.59.7. 

d. Entirely similar is the Y.s.m. (dgne) adabdhdyo, YS. ii.20. 

e. In i. 10.12, vrddhd'yu-m is merely a air. X. 

f. The N.s. vicvd'yus occurs in the Rik 18 times, and in YS. xxxviii.20 parallel 
with aarvd'yus. Since the support for a real stem d'yu is so weak, I am tempted 
to refer this N.s. to stem vifvd'yvs, and to regard -t* (5), -wn (3), -ape, and -os as 
forms of transition. 



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570 C. R Lanman, [is and its-stems. 

In L31.54, Skdyur dgre vtya dvivdsasi (BR. -#), the air. X. Qcdyur may be taken 
as voc. or as nom. of Skdyus (&a + d'yus), l having unique vigor, 1 i. e. 'of incom- 
parable might.' BR. (i. 108*7, q.v.) refer it to Skdyu, i. e. Ska + dyu. In no case is 
it to be taken, with Gr., as a compound of d'yu. 

II. Transitions to the ^-Declension. 

The transition results in forms from a longer vocalic theme ; 
cf. pp. 554-5. 

B. 1. The stem ndhus is a primary formation. From some of 
its ambiguous forms has arisen by way of transition the secondary 
stem ndhusha. Thus in x.99.7c, sd nrtamo ndhusho J smdt sujdtah, 
ndr may be G.s.m. of the collective ndhus : ' He, the manliest of 
the neighborhood,' i. e. 'of our allies; 9 or N.s.m,, ndhushars: 
'He, the manliest ally.' The same ambiguity prevails in i.122.10 
(Gr., A.p.m. ; Ludwig, N.s.m,). Corresponding to ndhusha* is 
made the G.s. ndhushasya, L 3 1.11 : v. 12.6 ; and the L.s. ndhushe, 
viii.46.27. The stem ndhusha survives the Vedic period. 

2. The stem mdnusha never had any real existence. In i.26.4, 
mdnush-as is N.p.m. ; but it may easily be felt as a N.s.m., 
mdnusha-s. Mdnushas in x.11.5 is taken as G.s.m. by Ludwig 
and Gr. Ueb. ; and as N\s.m. by BR. and Gr. Wo. In x. 
49(875).7, it is by no means an o-form. In the Rik there are but 
two real transition-fonns : mdnushdya, i. 117.21 : x.65.4 ; -asya, 
131.11 (cf. ndhushasya). 

3. The an. X. vdpushdya {pzvdpush-e), iii.2.15, is perhaps a false 
form called forth by the metre. 

m. Transitions to tpe S-Deolenbion. 

A. 1. BR. derive the an. A. surabhish-tama y i. 186.7, from 
"surabhis, nom. of surabhi." Cf. indras-vantam, iv.37.5. 

2. The compounds with tuvi- are numerous. With tuvis- we 
find only tuvish-mant (13) and tuvishrtama (3). One occurrence 
of the latter, curiously enough, is in the verse next before surar 
bhish-tama. The AV. pada reads tuvi-tama, Pr&t iii.96. Since 
the suffix is is regularly accompanied by guna (cf. krav-is, hav-is, 
roc-is, vart*is)y I am the more inclined here to regard tuv-i (c£ 
yu'-yuv-i) as the original formation. Otherwise, we should expect 
two-is. 

B. 3. Since a suffix su is at best very doubtful, I regard 
dhdhshu as an adj. from a desiderative without reduplication, 
dhdksh-u, for di-dhaksh-u, like tr'ts-u for ti-trts-&. This occurs 
in x.115.4, dhdkshos; and in ii.4.4, dhdkshos — sanhita ddkshos 
(Pnit. iv.41). And since a suffix sus, or us added to a desidera- 
tive stem (cdkshusz=icarkas-us) y is unheard-of, I would consider 
the form dhaksMsh-as, i.141.7, sanhita da- (Pr. iv.41), as due to 
false analogy. 

4. Perhaps the stems mdnu and mdnus are independent forma- 
tions ; cf. mdnavd and md'nusha, manuvdt and manushvdt. It 
is to be noted, however, that while mdnu has a tolerably complete 
inflection (-ws, 15 ; -wm, 3; -und; -ave, 86; -os> 8; -au y -at£, 5; -avas, 
4; -undm; sum, 73), only 3 forms of mdnus are used (-tisM, 



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Transitions. III.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 571 

2 ; -nthe, 8 ; -ushas y 47) ; and that while mdnu remains in use in 
the later language, mdnus becomes obsolete. Perhaps, then, the 
Vedic forms of mdnus are due to false analogy, mdnu-8 being felt 
as N.s.m. of a stem mdnus. Cf. also vipvd-manushrdm. 
5. With dprdyu (root yw), cf. dprdyush-e, an. A., i.127.5. 

THE FEMININE FORMS. 

A. Sole example : svd-pocis (rodast), N.s., vi.66.6. 

B. Here belong : N.s., dghoracakshus (dpatighnf), x. 85.44 ; 
cdkshus (devl') y i.92.9 ; citrddyus (kanid), vi.49.7 ; hradkcaJcshus 
($r&nis), x.95.6 ; A.d., tdpushd (cakriyd), ii34.9 — see p. 391, 
C.2 ; A.p., gdvapushas, x.68.9. 

THE MASCULINES .AND NEUTERS. 

NOMINATIVE SINGULAR MASCULINE. 

A. Here belong: dhavis; krshndvyathis; citrd-pocis; durdka-: 
pukrdr; stlrndbarhis; svdrocis; suarcis (p. 568) ; from AV. 9 jtva- 
bar his, xi.7.7. 

B. Here belong : kshitd'yus; cdkshus (x.8.5) ; dirghd'yus, 2 ; 
duhpd'sus ; vdpus, 2 ; vidua ?, 2 ; vipvdtapcakshus; from A V., 
kshitd'yus, iii.11.2; sahdsrdyus, xvii.27; ddabdhacakshus, xiii. 
2.44 ; vtparus, vii.56.4 ; sdrvaparus, xi3.32-49ftw. 

Transition-forms (see pp. 568-571): L pods; ar<£*; cdkshus; 
tdpu-s ; dhdnu-s ; vidu-s f ; dirghd'yu* f ; IX ndhushars f ; 
mdnushorsf: III. mdnus?. 

If, with BR. and Gr., we refer the form janH's, vii.58.2, to 
jamis, then the long ft is entirely anomalous. Does it not belong 
in the same category as prajanH\ dhanH' (p. 402, 2) ? if so, we 
should add it on p. 406, N.s.f., C.2 , jan&'-s. 

Nominative and Accusative Singular Neuter. 

A. Here belong 320 forms (from 10 stems) : ards, 6 ; chadis; 
chardis, I9;h/6tis y 96; barhis, 86; vartis, 25; vydthis y b\ pocfo, 15; 
sarpis; havis, 65 ; havis-havis; from AV., kravis (viii.6.2tt) ; etc. 

B. Here belong 143 forms (from 8 stems) : d'yus, 76 ; cdkshus, 33 ; 
tdpus, 2 ; dhdnus, 6 ; pdrus ; pdrus-parus, 2 ; ydjus, 5 ; vdpus, 13 ; 
pd'sus, 5 ; from AV., drus (v.5.4) ; indradhanfa (xv.1.6) ; etc. 

Transition-forms (p. 569) : I. vipvd'yut. In i.89.9 and iii.49.2, 
Gr. would read d'yu, text d'yur (cf. p. 406); but see Muller, 
Translation, p. cxxxiii. 

Accusative Singular Masculine. 

A Here belong : -pocisham, with dgrbhtta-, 2 ; anrd-; drdhvd-; 
citrd-y 2 ; dtrghayu-; pdvakd-, 6 ; p£r<£-, 2 ; pukra- 9 2 ; preshtha-; 
— citirdrbarhisham, 2 ; vrktd- ; subarhisham ; from AV., ddk- 
shin&jyotisham, ix.5.22, 24-26, 28, 31-36 ; Kiranya-, x.9.6. 

B. Here belong : janHsham, 3 ; dtrghd'yusham ; pHrvdr 
yushamf; patd'yusham. 

Transition-forms (p. 569): L vantim; vrddhd'yum, vipvd'yum?. 



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572 C. R Lawman, [is and tw^stems. 

Instrumental Singular Masculine AMD Neuter, 

A. Neuters (141, from 7 stems) : arcfohd, 14 ; kravishd; jySt- 
ishd, 34 ; rocfohd; po&shd, 34 ; sarpUhd; hav'ishd, 56. 

B. Masculines: tdpushd; ndhushd; vanushd. 

Neuters: d'yushd, 4; cdkshushd, 2; janushd, 20; tdpushd; 
pdrushd; ydjushd; patd'yushd, 2. 

Transition-form (p. 571) : lit mdnush-df, 2. 

Dative Singular Masculine and Neuter. 

A. Masculines: tigmd-pocishe ; pdvakd-; pukrd-, 3; vrktd- 
barhishe, 3 ; stfrnd*; rd&dhavishe; suhdvishe. 

Neuters: poc'ishe; havishe; jydtishe, AV. vi.61.1. 

B. Masculines: cdkshushe-cakshushe; vanushe. 

Neuters : cdkshushe, 2 ; jcwfahe ; vdpushe, 8 ; from AV., 
tdpushe, i.13.3 ; d'yushe, 20 times, as i.35.1. 

Transition-forms (see pp. 569-571J : L vipvd'yave?; II. tndnu- 
shdya; vdpushdya; 1TL mdnush-er, 8; dprdyushe. 

Ablative Singular Masculine and Neuter. 

A. Neuters: barhishas; havishas; jydtishas, AV. iv.1.5; 10.1. 

B. Masculines : ndhushas, 2 ; vdpushas. 
Neuters : janushas, 4 ; vdpushas. 

Transition-forms (see pp. 569-571): I. c&kshosf; I1X tndnush-a*?. 

Genitive Singular Masculine and Neuter. 

A. Masculines : pdvakdrQOci&has; vrddhdr; vdsurocishas; vrk- 
tdbarhishaSj 5. 

Neuters: kravishas, 2; chardishas; jydtishas, 4; barhishat, 
6 ; poc&shas; pocishas pate; sarpishas, 2 ; havishas, 1 1. 

B. Masculines : cdkshushas; ndhushas, 2 ; vanushas, 3. 
Neuters: d'yushas; cdkshushas; tdpushas; tdrushas, 2; pdr- 

ushas; vdpushas. 

Transition-forms (see pp. 668-571): L pocist; tdpos; tripvtf- 
yosf; IX ndhushasya; mdnushasya; IIX dfiakshush-as; mdnush- 
as?, 37. 

Genitive without ending (? c£ pp. 662-3) : d'yur nd prdnS, 
166. 1. 

Locative Singular Masculine and Neuter. 

A. Masculine : d'mishi, 2. Neuters : arcishi; jydtishi; tri- 
barhishi; barhishi, 44 ; havlshi, 3. 

B. Neuters : d'yushi, 2 ; tdrushi; pdnishi; vdpushi. 
Transition-forms (see pp. 569-670) : I. d'yuni y 8 ; it ndhushe. 

Vocative Singular Masculine and Neuter. 



A. Neuter : (deva) barhis, ii.3.4 : x.70.4. 

B. Masculine : ekdyus t, i.31.5 ; see p. 570 top. 
Transition-forms (see pp. 568-569): I. pdvakapoce, 2; bhadra- 

poce, 4 ; pukrapoce; sahasracaksho, AV. iv.20.5 : xix.35:3 ; dtr- 



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V.s.m.n.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 573 

ghdyoj RV. viii.59.7; adabdhdyo, VS. ii.20. These vocatives are 
especially interesting and instructive as illustrating the manner 
of avoiding unfamiliar forms; c£ pages 390 top and 412 end. 
One need only study the dictionary articles pdvakdpocis etc., in 
order to be convinced that they are true transition-forms. 

NOMINATIVE AND ACCUSATIVE DUAL MASCULINE AND NEUTER. 

B. Masculine : jayiishd, 3. Here also belongs cdkshushd, ii. 
39.5ft; 'Ye (who are) discerning as two eyes, come hither.' I 
take akshi' as fern., p. 391 med. 

Neuters : jantoht; cdkshushi, AV. ix.5.21. 

Nominative and Vocative Plubal Masculine. 

A. Here belong: dgrbhfta-pocishas ; ajird-; vrktd-barhishas, 
14; vrkta^ 3; su~; sddma-; sujydtishas; sujyotUhas (x.89.15) ; 
svdrocisha.8. 

B. Here belong : ndhwhas; vanuahas, 6 ; vdpushas. 
Transition-forms (see pp. 568-571) : I. pocdyas; arcdyas; I1X 

mdnush-as f, 5 ; manush-as. 

Nominative and Accusative Plubal Neuter. 

A. Here belong: ardi'nshi; jydtinshi, 8; $ocinaM, 2; hav- 
I'nshi, 15; of. AV. xi.5.18 : x.7.40: v.27.1 : iv.26.4. 

B. Here belong : d'ytlnshi, 9 ; cdkshtlnshi; jantt'nshiy 3 ; tdp- 
Unshi, 2 ; vdptinshi, 8 ; from AV., ydj&nshi (e. g. v. 2 6.1) ; pdr- 
Unshi (e. g. ix.6.1 : VS. xviii.3) ; etc. 

Accusative Plural Masculine. 

A. Here belongs sujydtishas. 

B. Here belong : ndhushas, 3 ; vanfahas. 
Transition-forms: I. vanH'n^ p. 569; mdnush-as ? y 2, p. 571. 

Instrumental Plural Neuter. 

A. Sole example: hav'irbhis, 12, and AV. xviii.3.63 ; 4.54. 

B. Here belong: vdpurbhis; dhdnurbhis, AV. v. 18. 8. 
Transition-form : I. arcirbhis, p. 568. 

Genitive Plural Masculine and Neuter. 

A. Neuters : jyStuhdm, 2 ; havishdm, AV. vi.15.3. 

B. Masculines : vanHshdm, 5. Neuters : jantishdm, 2 ; vdp~ 
ushdm, 2 ; from AV., cdkshushdm, v.24.9 ; ydjushdm, xv.6.3. 

Transition-form: vipvdrmanush-dm ?, p. 571. 

Locative Plural Neuter. 

A. Sole example : havUhsku, ix.7.2 ; so Mailer's first and 
second editions and Aufrecht's second. Aufrecht's first edition 
writes hao'thshu. Cf. p. 567. 

vol. x. 76 



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574 C. R Lanman, [Add. note 1. 



ADDITIONAL NOTES. 



1 • Dual Forms in -& and -au from Stems not ending in a. 

§1. The N.A.V.d.m. of a-stems ends generally in -d (1129 forma, 
from 358 stems); sometimes in -au (171 forms, from 87 stems). 
The first two sums require several corrections. T ne 15 forms in 
-<3, p. -au (p. 341), should be added, of which 7 are from uncounted 
stems ; and purdhitd r-, p. -d (p. 342 end), should be added, since 
the other cases like it are included. The correct sums are then : 
1145 forms, from 366 stems. 

§2. The circumstances of occurrence are given above, pages 
340-342, which see; cf. also p. 427. 

§3. Either of these two endings may also appear in the N. A.Y.d. 
masc. and fern, of all non-a stems, excepting those in short I and ti 
of series A (pp. 366, 401), and those in long % of series B. There 
occur in the Rik 1246 dual forms in -d (from 354 non-a-stems) ; 
and 122 in -au (from 58 non-a- stems). 

On page 390 are given from stems in f, m., 13 forms in -4 and in -au; p. 391, 
<, 1, 14 and 0; p. 400, sdkhdy, 6 and 1 ; p. 413, u\ m., 21 and 0; 1, 15 and 0; p. 
427, f, 176 and 10 ; pp. 431-3, g6, dy6 % vrshtidyo, 30 and 4; p. 449, rad. a, 4 27 
and 7 ; p. 458, oc, 8 and ; p. 460, c, 7 and 3 ; p. 461, cfc, 1 and ; p. 464, >, 45 
and 3; p. 468, t, 14 and 2 ; p. 473-4, d, 16 and 1 ; p. 477, dh, 20 and 2; p. 480, 
n, 8 and 0; p. 482, p, 2 and 0; p. 485, m, 9 and 0; p. 488, r, 13 and 4; p. 491, 
p, 7 and 1 ; p. 496, *, 7 and 0; p. 500, K 11 and 2; p. 603, voc. root + 4 14 and 3; 
p. 509, nt, t, 86 and 16; p. 513, vans, 13 and I ; p. 620, vant, mant, 25 and 2; p. 
528, 1 1, sasthd'vdnd ; p. 537, van, man, an, 121 and 22; p. 544, m, 369 and 32; 
p. 564-5, as, 141 and 7 ; p. 571. 1. 11, tdpushd; p. 573, us, 4 and 0. The sums are 
1245 forms in -d and 123 in -au. Bat sakshuau, i. 140.3, ought to be counted as 
an d-form, p. 503. In i.120.3, vidvd'nsd, occurring twice, was counted but once; 
while cakriyd, x.89.4, was counted already under the a-stems. The correct sums, 
then, are 1246 and 122. 

§4. The circumstances of occurrence coincide entirely with 
those of the duals from a-stems. C£ also the locatives of t-stems, 
p. 385. 

A. The ending -d is used 

1. at the end of a pdda (433 times) ; 

2. before consonants (670 times) ; 

3. before an initial vowel with which it is fused (99 times). 

4. It is never used before non-w-vowels with hiatus. 

B. The ending -aw is used before vowels without hiatus in the 
form -dv (90 times). 

A. 1. Of the 433 forms, 130 are at the end of pdda b and 85 at 
the end of d or of the verse; 148 are at the end of a and 70 at 
the end of e, 

a. When an d-form at the end of a or e is followed by a-, *-, or a- at the begin- 
ning of b or d, the concurrent vowels are regularly written as coalescing io the 
samhitd; but are of course invariably to be pronounced with hiatus. For 



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Add. note 1.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 575 

example, in v. 13.1: vi.62.1 : vii.73.1, the following pdda begins with a-; in 
i.117.21; 159.1: v. 68.4, with t-; in 146.15; 111.21: ii.31.5: iii.35.3: vii.42.5; 
99.6, with «-. 

/?. A merely graphic peculiarity is the short -# at the end of an odd pdda where 
the next begins with r-. See Rik Pr. ii.ll: Ath. Pr. iii.46. This is not a real 
shortening ; cf. Benfey, Oram. p. 294, note 6. The instances are : vi$v&cambhuv& 
r- T p. -d, L160.1 ; rtdvr'dhd, v. 65. 2 ; prdceiasd, z.36.2 ; for others, see p. 342 ad fin., 
p. 355 ad fin. 

y. Irregular is the sandhi of acvind, viii.9.9c, with eva\ 9d: aprinevd; see PrAt 
ii.38. 

<5. In L140.3a&, we have kxshnaprktau vevijt asya sakskitd ubhdf tarete abhi 
mdidrd cipwn, p. -an u-. Since two pddas never coalesce metrically, we might 
suppose, if this were an old hymn, that the oral tradition had sokshtid ubhd'. 
This would be written regularly sokshitobhd', p. -d «-. This instance is entirely 
unparalleled in the Rigveda, and is interesting for the criticism of i.140. 

e. There are but six instances in the Rik in which a dual -dv ends an odd pdda 
and the next begins with a voweL They are: 123. 5, rtdvr'dhdv r-; v.34.8, 
-fardhasdv a-; 15.3, bibhratdv a-; x. 132.1, acvindv a-; from a-stems, x.184.2, 
devd'v <f; L2.8, -varundv r-. The first and last, if conformed to the canons of 
the old parts of the Rik, would read -ft r- ; the rest -4-. Gf. p. 544. These facts 
are of importance for the history of the text Hymn x. 132 is unclear and metri- 
cally corrupt In i.2.8, the unaccented ftdvfdhau is a text-error. 

2. In 670 instances -d stands before consonants in the interior 
of a pdda. The exceptional instances of -au before a consonant 
are given under B.2. 

3. In 99 instances -d coalesces with a following vowel in the 
interior of a pdda. In 51 instances the result is d: as, cdk&hushd\ 
ii.39.5 ; in 38, it is e: as, acvineddm, v.76.4; in 10, it is o: namely, 
i.116.3,19: iv.2.4: v.76.2: vii.44.1: viii.5.2; 22.12: x.125.1; 128.7; 
131.5. 

4. Limitations to rule A. 4. 

a. The cases in which -4 is followed by «- or 4- in the interior of a pdda form 
a class by themselves. In the 10 passages just cited, the concurrent vowels are 
run into one syllable, as the metre demands. If the metre requires them to be 
kept apart as two syllables, then the Kiksanhita writes them with hiatus (-d «-), 
and the pada reads always -at* «-. See Rik Pr. ii.9. The cases number 40 and 
are: L108.3; 116.5; lfililO; 180.1; 182.7: iii.4.6: v.43.9; 63.3: vii.60.9; 72.4; 
73.2 : viii.36.13a,14a; 35.1-21: x.14.12; 65.10; 66.76; 90.11: viii.9.UW», 
ydtdrh chardishpd' utd nah paraspdf bh(Udm jagatpd' utd nas tandpd'. For sakshitd, 
see l.d. The omission of acvinau in the pada-extncts to vii.72.4 and 73.2 of 
Aufrecht* is due to a mere inadvertence. 

(3. Of the 1246 d-forms there remain four. These occur before a vowel with 
hiatus, but in such parts of the text as to confirm our rule rather than break it 
down. The first is vidnid pd'ntd aw$6 huvddhyat, sanhita pd'ntau$-, p. -d au-, 
i.122.4. This hymn is referred by KuhD, Beitrage^ iv.212, to a later redaction. 
The second is in the late and wretched bombast, x.61., verse 4, div6 ndpdtd acvind 
huve vdm. The third is in 1.22.6, ddha gmdntd ttfdnd prchute vdm. The hymn 
(noticed before at p. 341 end) has an antique look, but abounds in metrical corrup- 
tions: cf. the false accent vtdid'ndm, for vtd-, 14. In vii.69.3, if we read 9ua?vd 
yardsd &' ydlam arvd'g y the hiatus is forbidden by our canon, and the caesura is 
intolerable. A good solution is : eudfvd [no] yacdsd' ydiam arvd'g. 

The hiatus is only apparent in viii.18.16c; the pdda is a syncopated jagatt: 
thus, dyd'vdkshdmdri © asmdd rdpae krtam, — ' — ' - © - -' ~ -' ~ — . 

B. The ending -au is found 122 times. It occurs as -dv in the 
interior of a pdda 86 times, L e. 70 per cent of the whole number; 
cfc p. 342. This is its normal use. 



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576 C. R. Lanman, [Add. note 1. 

1. Four times it occurs at the end of an odd pdda as -do before 
a vowel; see A. I.e. 

Four times it occurs as -au at the end of an even pdda or of 
the verse: x.14.116 (late) : 1.120.2c (corrupt) : ix.70.4.o\- x.65.5<£ 
These are exceptions to A.l. 

2. The ending -au occurs 23 times in the interior of pdda before 
a consonant, and 5 times at the end of an odd pdda before a 
consonant. 

If any one will take the trouble to examine these passages, he will find in most 
of them other signs showing that they belong to decidedly late parts of the Rik- 
tezt: thus, 13 (about one-half) are in the tenth mandala; 10 (more than one-third i 
are found in Grassmann's Anhang ; and 15 (the first 12 and the last 3 as arranged 
below) coincide with those discussed on p. 341 top, which see. 

The passages are as follows: iii.33.13c (verse 13 is a patched-on fragment); 
53.17a (versos 8-24 are a separate late fragment as shown by contents): v.36.6a: 
vi.60.l4c (13-15 are isolated fragments of different metre from the rest): vii.50.26 
(of real Atharvan character) : ix.l 1 2.4c (a late obscene addition) : x.14.1 la (hounds 
of Yaraa — see p. 427); 27.20a (does not belong to the hymn proper); 85.116, \U. 
42c (Sury&'s wedding); 117.9a* (backsheesh song); " L95.7&; 140.3a (later 
redaction?): ii.43.lc (late, as shown by sarv&tas, p&nya, etc.): iii.54.16c; v.37.56; 
vii.70.4c; 93.2c; x.lOl.lOo*, 11a; 184.2c (a real Atharvan hymn— d p. 544); 
1 90.3a (a late cosmogonical hymn): — at the end of an odd pdda, iii.55. lie 
(dark and mystical): x. 7 5. 4c (to the Rivera; Ganges mentioned) ; ii.40.lc: 

x.l4.10a, 11a (late). 

C. Duals from a-stems are sometimes found with short -d in 
both texts or in the sanhita only ; see p. 342. This never happens 
with non-a-stems. For prdcetas-d etc., see A.1./7. For gmantd, 
p. -fcl, see p. 609. 

§5. The Atharvan has in passages peculiar to itself 

A. 55 forms in -d from non-a-stems. The stereotyped acvind 
counts for 35 of these forms. The AV. has -d in two Rik-verses, 
where the Rik has -au: v.25.3, acvind (see p. 544); xviii.2.12, 
nrcdkshasd (see p. 565). 

B. 105 forms in -aw from non-a-stems. The AV. modernizes -d 
of the Rik to -au in the following Rik-verses : xviii. 1.54, mddantau 
rd'jdnau (pp. 509, 537): xiv.2.16, vienasau (p. 565). For asutr'pd v 
w-, see p. 482. 

2, The relative Frequency of ancient and modem equivalent 
grammatical Forms as a Criterion of the Age of different 

Vedic Texts. 

§1. We have here to deal only with the four most important of 
the many pairs of grammatically equivalent terminations. In 
each pair, the archaic ending is put first; the modern ending, 
second. They are : 

I. -d and -av; see N.A/V.d.m.f., pp. 340, 574. 
II. -dsas and -ds; see N.V.p.m., p. 344. 

III. -d and -dni; see N.A.V.p.n., p. 346. 

IV. -ebhis and -ais; see I.p.m.n., p. 349. 

Only the first pair is used with non-a-stems. The feminine 
forms in -dsas, p. 362, the 27 forms in -d and those in -dni from 
stems in an, p. 539, are very properly left out of account ; so too 



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Add. note 2.] Noun- Inflection in the Veda. 577 

a few forms belonging to each of the four pairs, and enumerated 
pp. 449-52, radical d and d-stems. 

The archaic Vedic endings -d, -d*o$, -<2, and -ebhis become 
entirely obsolete in classical Sanskrit. We may therefore expect 
d priori that those parts of the Veda itself which are character- 
ized by the greatest frequency of these endings belong to the 
oldest periods of Vedic poetry ; and that those in which they are 
least frequent approach the later Sanskrit most nearly in time. 

In order to see whether this theory is borne out by facts, let 
us apply our criterion in comparing 

the Riksanhita with the Atharvasanhita — §2 ; and 
different parts of the Riksanhita — §§4-7. 

§2. The Atharvasanhita, as is perfectly well known, is of much 
later date than the bulk of the Kiksanhita. This is proved by 
the internal evidence of its contents, and by many other criteria 
of recognized authority in literary history. 

The truth of this fact is confirmed in the most unequivocal and 
striking way by comparative statistics. The differences between 
the two sanhitas are large and are all in the same direction. 

The following table shows, first, the actual number of occur- 
rences of each ending in the Rik, and then in the Atharvan. 
Next it gives the ratio of the number of occurrences of each 
archaic form to that of its modern equivalent for the Rik, and 
then for the Atharvan. Finally, it compares the ratio of each 
pair in the Rik with the ratio of the same pair in the Atharvan. 



RV. 
AV. 


2391 
102 


-at* 
293 
4*74 


-dS08 

1037 
67 


-ds 

2180 

1366 


-d 

1682 

228 


-dni 
1060 
334 


-ebhis 

671 

43 


-ait 

666 
226 


RV. 
AV. 


816 : 
22 : 


: 100 
: 100 


48 : 
4 : 


: 100 
: 100 


160 : 
68 : 


: 100 
; 100 


86 ; 
19 : 


: 100 
: 100 



37 : 1 12 : 1 2* : 1 4* : 1 

For example, the Rik has 2801 duals in -d against 293 in -aw, 
while the Atharvan has but 102 in -d against 474 in -au; or, the 
RV. has 816 archaic forms to 100 modern forms, while the AV. 
has but 22 archaic forms to 100 modern. That is, the <2-forms 
when compared with the au-forms are 87 times more frequent in 
the old text than in the young. In other words, the archaic 
forms are rapidly going out of use in the later Vedic period. 
The evidence of the other pairs all points in the same direction. 
While the RV. has 48 forms in -dsas to 100 in -a*, the AV. has 
but 4 ; or, the old form is 1 2 times more frequent in the old text. 
In like manner, the old form of the instr. is 4£ times more frequent 
in the old text than in the young; and that of the pi. n., 2£ times. 
C£ also pp. 342-9. 

§3. The period of the composition of the hymns belonging to 
the original Rik collection was a long one: this is a fact well 
established by internal evidence, e. g., by the change in the 
relative positions of Varuna and Indra. Moreover, it is no longer 
disputed that there was also a wide interval of time between the 



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578 C. R. Lanman, [Add. notel 

poets of the Veda and the diaskeuasts. Bat there are hymns (as, 
iii.29: v.87: vi46; 47: vil33) which were added even after the 
close of the original collection, and the date of some of which is 
subsequent to that of the diaskeuasts. 

If, now, the difference in time between the Rik and the Athar- 
van is so plainly shown by comparative statistics, why may not 
the different parts of the Rik be chronologically arranged, or at 
least separated, by the same method ? 

The answer to this question depends upon the way in which 
the Rik text is divided into " different parts." a. The most 
natural division is that into mandalas ; see §§4-6. b. The one 
most fruitful in striking results would be the division into groups 
whose temporal relations are well known by other criteria — con- 
tents, vocabulary, etc. ; see §7. 

§4. Comparison of the different mandalas. For the purpose of 
this comparison, I have made tables, the most significant of which 
follow. 

The different mandalas are of very unequal extent The evenly-printed pad* 
text of Muller's second edition fills about 842$ pages. Line 1 of Table a gives 
the number of pages actually covered by each book in Muller's text; and line 3, 
the number of pages which each book would occupy, if the whole were evenly 
printed or written on 1000 pages. Line 4 gives the rounded percentage of text 
for each book. 

Table a. 



39 


51 


48* 


60 


62* 


73* 


110 


76 


153 


169 


842* 


ii. 


iii 


iv. 


v. 


vL 


vil 


viii. 


ix. 


X. 


i. 


Sum 


46 


60 


58 


71 


74 


87 


131 


90 


182 


201 


1000 


.05 


.06 


.06 


.ot 


.07 


.09 


.13 


.09 


.18 


.20 


1.00 



From this it appears that the family books ii.-viiL are arranged according to size 
in ascending series. The books ix., x., and i. form again another ascending series: 
but if book i. were divided into its 14 family collections, these would all come 
before book ii 

Table 1 gives the actual number of occurrences of each old 
form and of each new form in each mandala of the Rigveda. 
Thus in the first mandala, the ending -dsas 'occurs 187 times; and 
the ending -ds, 412 times. The forms of the V&lakhilya are 
counted with those of book viii A form or two may have been 
counted twice (so jqjildnd's, x.14.2, under jan and jM) y and some 
duplicates in the same verse (not given by Gr.) omitted. 

Table 2 gives the percentage of the old form of each pair as 
compared with the sum of the old and new of that pair in each 
mandala. By implication, it gives the percentage of each new 
form also. Thus in book ii. there is occasion for using the dual 
in -d or -au in (92+21=) 113 instances. In 81* per cent of the 
whole number (113: 92=1.00: .81), •& is used; and in the rest, 
(100—81*=) 18* per cent, -au is used. In this way the absolute 
size of any mandala may be disregarded. The last column give* 
the percentage for all ten mandalas. Thus 2391+293=2684 ; and 
2684: 2391=1.00 :.89\ 

Table 3 gives the mandalas arranged according to the relative 
frequency of each of the four archaic ending*, or (what is the 
same thing) according to the relative infrequency of each of the 



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Add. note 2.] Noun-Inflection in the Veda. 



679 



four modern endings. It is based on the percentages of Table 2. 
Thus book viil has the maximum percentage, 41, of the archaic 
-dsas; and, of course, the minimum, (100—41=) 59, of the modern 
-ds. The last column shows the difference between the maximum 
and the minimum for each set. This difference is largest for the 
fourth set ; but there the aggregates of Table 1 are small. 

Tablk 4 gives the most numerous mid important agreements 
between the four series of Table 3. Wherever the sequences of 
any two series are contradictory, the spaces for the books con- 
cerned are left blank. What results, now, may be deduced from 
these arrangements ? 

Table l. 



-at* 


it 
92 
21 


lit. 

110 
10 


iv. 

122 

7 


v. 

214 

40 


vi. 

196 

20 


vii. 

246 

25 


viii. 

449 

32 


ix. 

35 

3 


X. 

315 
62 


i. 

612 

73 


Sum 

2391 

293 


-dsas 
-ds 


47 
95 


66 
143 


61 
134 


83 
170 


70 
143 


113 
219 


142 
204 


103 
198 


165 
462 


187 
412 


1037 
2180 


-dn& 


105 
56 


101 
71 


118 
63 


104 
49 


150 
96 


145 

99 


207 
115 


166 
112 


272 
176 


314 
213 


1682 
1060 


-ebhis 


25 
32 


52 
53 


25 
47 


31 

48 


61 
69 


63 
63 


76 
69 


33 
23 


92 
121 


123 
141 


671 
666 












Table 2. 












-dsas 
-cbhis 


ii 
.81* 
.33 1 
.65« 
.43* 


iii 
.91' 
.31* 
.68' 
.49" 


iv. 
.94* 
.31* 
.65" 
.34' 


v. 

.84* 
.32* 
.68° 
.39* 


vi. 
.90' 
.32* 
.61* 
.46* 


vii. 
.90* 
.34° 
.69* 
.45' 


viii. 
.93 s 
.41° 
.64* 
.52* 


ix. 

.92 1 

.34* 

.69' 

.5