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STANFORD  UNIVEKSITY  LIBRARIES 


PORTR.MT  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN. 


***^^   '  I  >cjua  Miiivviiig  on  a  large  folio  sheet  from  which 

•  ion  has  been  made  is  almost  certainly  tlie  work  of 
John  Woolman's  friend  and  contemporary,  Robert  Smith  III,  of 
P'  -'-•  ^  ^     ^'ew  Jersey,  son  of  Daniel  (d,  1781),  and  grandson 
of  the  well  known  Judge  Robert  Smith  of  the  Court 
of  Osmmon  Pleas,  Burlington  County  (1769  &c).     Robert  Smith 
111  married  Mary,  daughter  of  Job  Bacon,  of  Bacon's  Neck,  N:  J. 
He  had  a  njit^iral  gift  for  seizing  a  likeness  and  has  left  a  large 
conertion  of  striking  sketches.    The  technique  is  identical  with  this 
L^ketch,  which,  however,  is  more  ambitious,  and  the  erratic  back- 
P^otind  Is  omitted.    Tl>e  medal  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Anti- 
Stavcry  Association,  founded  in  1787  by  Thomas  Clarkson,  whidi 
appears  in  tlie  rtriginal,  goes  to  prove  this  a  memory  sketch,  as  are 
nttfiy  of  Robert  Smith's  portraits,  and  also  furnishes  corrnbora- 
livc  evidence  of  its  genuineness. 

TV.      -t  --inl  was  in  1  n  of  the  late  Governor  Samuel  W. 

wWi':^  •  r-nt  TS  on  the  reverse,  and  whose 

accurate  lorn  at   fault.     Tt  was  sold  with  the 

cr      "   "       t   Ills  iiiirHiv  111   1908  and  carae  later  into  the  hands  of 
ll.  /It  owner.  George  Vaux,   Jr..  of   Bryn   .Mawr,   Pa.,  to 

whom  arc  due  the  editor's  thanks  for  the  privilege  of  reproduction. 


RANCOCAS  EDITION 
THE 

JOURNAL  AND  ESSAYS 

OF 

JOHN    WOOLMAN 


EDITED   FROM  THE  ORIGINAL  MANUSCRIPTS 

WITH  A 

BIOGRAPHICAL  INTRODUCTION 

FT 

AMELIA  MOTT  GUMMERE 


"That  best  part  of  a  good  man's  life, 
His  little,  nameless  unremembered  acts 
Of  kindness  and  of  love.** 

—WORDSWORTH. 


j^fm  Ifocit 

THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

1922 

AU  right*  restrved 


wtcanm  m  trx  xnmm  srAm  or  aiidzca 


b3y473 


^ 


CopYMOBT,  igaa. 
By  THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 

Set  up  and  printed.     Published  November,  xoja. 


of 

J.  J.  Little  ft  Ives  Companjr 
New  York.  U.  ^  A. 


PREFACE 

Nearly  a  decade  has  passed  since  the  preparation  of  this  edition 
of  John  Woolman's  Journal  was  undertaken  at  the  request  of  the 
Friends*  Historical  Societ>'  of  Philadelphia.  In  that  interval  has 
come  and  gone  the  Great  War,  whose  shadow  has  fallen  so  deeply 
upon  our  modern  civilization.  To  the  philosopher  of  the  future, 
who  will  command  a  truer  perspective  than  is  possible  for  us  today, 
mu'^t  be  left  the  final  verdict  of  its  effect  upon  a  great  portion  of 
the  human  race. 

In  view,  however,  of  the  stupendous  changes  w^hich  have  been 
wrought  in  national  and  political  relations,  and  of  the  fact  that 
never  before  were  social  upheavals  of  such  magnitude  or  impor- 
tance, it  is  appropriate  that  a  wider  hearing  be  given  to  one  whose 
(piiet  voice  has  still  a  message  for  this  weary  world,  and  whose 
meditations  have  survived  in  a  form,  quaint  indeed,  but  singularly 
penetrating  in  their  sympathetic  counsel  and  wisdom.    John  Wool- 
man  had  two  great  aims  in  his  rather  brief  life: — the  abolition  of 
slavery,  and  the  readjustment  of  human  relations  for  the  relief 
of  the  laboring  classes.    The  first  was  accomplished  at  tlie  cost  of 
a  dnl  war.  and  the  life  of  the  Great  Emancipator.    Over  the  sec- 
ond, which  is  yet  unattained,  the  world  nevertheless  may  discern 
:t  g-leams  of  light;  but  we  desperately  need  today  the  sound 
ing  of  John  Woolman.    He  called  his  little  book  a  Journal, 
although  in  it  will  be  found  comparatively  few  autobiographical 
details.     Such  it  is,  however,  in  the  sense  of  being  the  history  of 
the  Progress  of  a  Soul  through  what  was  to  him  indeed  a  Vale  of 
Xiracs.    Tobn  Woolman  believed  it  possible  "to  provide  all  men 
with  an  environment  which  will  l)est  develop  their  physical,  mental 
and  spiritual  powers."    This  definition  of  social  reconstruction  is 
thai  of  a  modem  English  student  and  leader  in  social  reform, 
B.  Scebohm  Rowntree,  but  it  was  anticipated  more  than  a  century 
and  a  half  ago  by  John  Woolman. 

The  circumstances  of  the  early  publication  of  Woolman's  Jour- 
nal are  related  in  the  pages  that  follow.     It  is  less  a  matter  of 


VI  PREFACE 

regret  that  the  present  edition  has  been  unavoidably  delayed,  sini 
some  of  the  most  important  facts  connected  with  John  Woolman'i 
life  have  but  very  recently  come  to  light.  The  reader  should  he  re- 
minded that  the  change  of  date  from  old  to  new  style  occurred  in 
the  year  1752,  In  certain  cases  it  has  been  impossible  to  know. 
definitely  whether  the  record  quoted  has  been  adjusted  or  not. 
In  every  such  case  the  original  is  given  as  it  stands ;  in  other 
cases,  the  change  is  noted.  The  bibliography  is  based  upon  the 
very  full  one  published  in  the  "Century"  Edition  of  Headley 
Bros.,  London,  1900,  and  is  used  with  i>ermission. 

It  remains  to  acknowledge  with  gratitude  the  assistance  ren- 
dered the  present  editor  by  many  kind  friends  who  cannot  all  be 
named,  but  to  most  of  whose  services  reference  will  be  found  in 
the  notes.  Death  has  claimed  those  to  whom  the  editor's  debt  is 
greatest.  President  Isaac  Sharpless,  of  Haver  ford  College,  read 
the  earliest  chapters,  and  urged  their  publication.  Professor  AlJen 
C.  Thomas  critically  examined  and  endorsed  the  entire  manu- 
script during  the  summer  preceding  his  death.  To  the  late  Dr. 
John  W.  Jordan,  and  to  Miss  Wylie  of  the  Historical  Society  of 
Pennsylvania  in  Philadelphia,  and  to  Dr.  J.  Russell  Hayes,  Libra- 
rian at  Swarthmore  College,  are  due  thanks  for  their  aid  with  the 
original  Woolman  manuscripts  in  their  respective  collections. 
Many  members  of  the  collateral  branches  of  the  Woolman  family 
have  cordially  loaned  their  papers  and  documents  for  examination 
or  reproduction.  Gilbert  Cope,  the  genealogist,  has  furnished  the 
facts  regarding  die  father  of  Sarah  EUis»  wife  of  the  Journalist, 
and  both  William  A.  Slaughter  and  the  late  Charles  H.  Engle  of 
Mount  Holly,  gave  valuable  aid  in  regard  to  the  local  associations 
of  John  Woolman  in  his  home  town. 

In   England  the  editor  is  under  deep  obligations  to   Norm 
Penney,  F.R.H.S.,  at  Devonshire  House,  London,  where  the  v 
collections  of  Quaker  historical   material   liave  been  laid   undi 
contribution  for  this  volume  by  him  and  his  able  assistant,  M.  Eth( 
Cravvshaw,    He  has  also  liad  seiirches  made  in  the  records  of  tho; 
meetings  in  the  counties  which  were  visited  by  Woolman.     T: 
late  William  C.  Braithwaite  and  Dr.  R.  Hingston  Fox  furnish( 
valuable  information,  and  to  no  one  more  tlian  to  the  late  Malcol 
Spence,   of   Almery   Garth,    York,   is   the   editor's   indebtedness 
greater.    His  interest  in  the  work  led  him  to  much  care  in  photo- 


PREFACE  vu 

graphing  in  detail  the  valuable  manuscripts  still  in  possession  of 
the  family  in  the  house  where  John  Woolman  died,  and  his  own 
death  occurred  very  soon  after  he  had  sent  over  all  the  material 
which  had  any  relation  to  the  Quaker  philanthropist. 

The  inspirer  and  adviser  of  this  edition,  who  did  not  live  to  see 
the  work  finished,  but  the  memory  of  whose  helpful  aid  has  made 
the  completion  of  the  task  possible,  was  Francis  B.  Gummere.  His 
grateful  wife  would  here  record  her  debt  to  his  unfailing  bright 
encouragement  and  wise  counsel.  Without  the  aid  and  coopera- 
tion of  these  and  many  others,  the  editor's  labors  would  have  been 
far  less  complete.  The  personal  life  of  John  Woolman  is  here 
presented  in  more  detail  than  has  before  been  possible.  It  is 
hoped  that  his  spiritual  message  will  not  lose  thereby. 

Amelia  Mott  Gummere. 
Haverford,  Pa. 
June,  1922. 


INTRODUCTION 

I  There  are  few  men  so  eminent  as  John  Woolman  in  social  or 
bdigious  literature,  of  whose  personal  life  and  surroundings  so 
[Tery  little  is  known.  The  extraordinary  modesty  of  character 
which  so  distinguished  him  in  his  pergonal  relations  with  his  fcl- 
lowmen,  has  kept  from  the  world  f  ofoiw  hundred  and  fifty  years 
those  more  intimate  facts  of  which  present  day  biography  is  often 
too  full.  In  reading  Woolman  one  must  always  carefully  dis- 
tinguish between  the  humility  of  character  which  was  his  in  a 
marked  degree,  and  that  "holy  boldness"  which  made  him  fearless 
in  the  prosecution  of  those  delicate  and  difficult  tasks  to  which 
his  apprehended  duty  called  him. 

John  Woolman's  autobiography,  heretofore  our  only  source  of 
information,  contains  but  a  thread  of  personal  history,  usually 
introduced  because'^t '  is  necessary  to  explain  the  circumstances 
jbT  the  spiritual  "exercise"  which  he  wishes  to  record.  Even  this 
appears  solely  for  the  purpose  of  enforcing  a  moral  lesson.  The 
Journal,  for  its  very  restraint,  its  simplicity  of  style,  and  its  clarity 
of  vision  and  statement,  has  grown  into  a  classic,  occupying  a 
place  unique  in  literature,  and  of  far  more  influence  than  was 
dreamed  possible  by  its  modest  author.  Such  writers  as  Henry 
Crabbe  Robinson,  Charles  Lamb  and  George  Macaulay  Trevelyan, 
to  name  but  three  representative  men,  have  borne  testimony  to 
its  spiritual  and  literary  qualities.  Joseph  Sturge,  the  reformer  and 
philanthropist,  wrote  of  it:  "In  the  picturesque  simplicity  of  its 
st)le,  refined  literary  taste  has  found  an  inimitable  charm ;  but  the 
spiritually  minded  reader  will  discover  beauties  of  a  far  higher 
order."  *  The  Journal  was  at  one  time  in  use  as  a  text  book  at 
Princeton  University,  for  the  purity  of  its  English,'  and  in  1920 
the  State  of  Pennsylvania  required  it  of  its  candidates  in  the 
public  school  examinations. 

*  '^ittt  to  tLe  United  States."     1841.    p.  9- 

*Chmrltm  B.  Todd.     "Hiatory  of  the  Burr  Familjr.'*    jd  edit     p.  449. 


I 


X  INTRODUCTION 

The  Journalist  was  in  the  habit  of  noting  down  his  experiena 
on  his  tours  about  the  country,  and  he  says,  "After  readii 
over  the  notes  I  made  as  I  travelled,  I  find  my  mind  engaged  I 
preserve  them."  Having  once  made  this  determination,  he  syi 
tematically  carried  it  out.  The  "Memorials"  of  his  intimal 
friend,  Rebecca  Jones  of  Philadelphia,  were  published  thirty  yeai 
after  her  death,  and  in  violation  of  her  written  request  that  the 
be  not  made  public.  She  committed  them  to  writing  under 
sense  of  duty,  like  John  Woolman,  and  it  was  the  opinion  of  th 
eminent  men  consulted  that  "it  was  not  within  her  province  I 
withhold  from  posterity  the  lustre  of  her  example."  John  Woo 
NjLman  made  no  such  restriction,  ^ware  how  much  the  record  d 
'  his  own  experience  might  benefit  his  successors,  he  committe 
to  paper  all  he  thought  of  value  as  the  days  went  by.  He  bega 
the  practice  at  the  age  of  thirty-five  and  kept  it  up  until  h 
death  at  the  age  of  fifty-two. 

Examination  of  the  sources  now  available  for  a  fuller  bioj 
raphy,  brings  out  a  personality  which  has  nothing  to  lose  and  mud 
to  gain  over  the  traditional  figure  of  John  Woolman.  Recordl 
legal  and  denominational,  have  been  searched,  often  with  in 
portant  results,  and  many  hitherto  unknown  letters  and  documenl 
have  been  found  in  public  libraries  and  in  private  hands.  In  fac 
so  much  of  new  interest  has  developed,  that  a  biographical  sketc 
of  the  man  is  now  no  more  than  due  to  those  who  know  Johi 
Wooltnan  only  through  his  Journal — the  most  impersonal  autc 
biography  ever  written. 

The  only  valid  reason  which  could  be  offered  for  a  new  editio 
of  the  Journal  of  John  Woolman  would  be  the  discovery  of  net 
material.  There  are  half  a  hundred  editions  of  the  Journal  propei 
and  a  multitude  of  publications  in  which  his  Essays  and  appre 
ciations  of  him  appear.  This  valid  reason,  however,  may  now  b 
safely  advanced,  for  descendants  of  the  Journalist  have  recent! 
made  accessible  by  presenting  to  learned  institutions  which  afl 
glad  to  guard  them,  the  manuscripts — there  are  three — of  th 
Journal,  and  of  most  of  his  Essays,  as  well  as  letters,  marriag 
certificates  of  the  family  and  other  documents. 

The  large,  leather-bound  folio,  which  once  had  clasps,  writtei 
in  the  excellent  clerkly  hand  of  the  author,  and  from  which  Cnik 
shank  printed  the  first  edition  in  1774,  came  into  possession  ol 


INTRODUCTION 


jHistorical  Sodety  of  Pennsylvania  in  191 2  as  the  gpft  of 
lucl  Comfort,  a  descendant  in  the  sixth  generation  from  John 
plman.  It  measures  eight  inches  in  width  by  twelve  and  a 
\  in  height.  Inscribed  upon  the  outside  of  the  front  of  its 
pr  are  the  names  of  three  of  John  Woolman's  grandsons: — 
tmuel  and  Stephen  and  John  Comfort's  Book."  Upon  the  back 
^eat-grandson,  Samuel  Comfort,  has  written  his  name.  This 
I  the  descendant  who  aided  John  Comly  in  preparing  the  edition 
{1837,  and  who  replied  to  the  Philadelphia  Friend  who  was  the 
lihim  through  whom  an  Enghsh  would-be  t>urcliaser  in  1S45 
fcred  a  small  sum  for  the  folio: — "Could  it  be  justly  supposed 
k  those  through  whose  veins  his  blood  flows,  would,  for  sordid 
|d,   sell   to  a  stranger  those  pages  over  which  the  hand  has 

rrd  and  penned  the  sentiments  and  feelings  as  they  flowed  fresh 
warm  from  the  heart  of  their  honored  Father  in  the  Tnith? 
lay  adopt  this  Scripture :  'The  Lord  forbid  it  me,  that  I  should 
c  the  Inheritance  of  my  Father  unto  thee.'  "  Accompanying 
I  folio  are  the  Larger  and  Smaller  Account  Books,  the  marriage 
tificate  of  John  and  Sarah  Woolman,  that  of  their  daughter 
iry  and  John  Comfort,  and  of  several  of  his  ancestors  and 
fccr  relatives,  besides  valuable  letters,  papers  and  other  docu- 
nts.  These  have  by  gift  now  become  the  property  of  the 
lUnical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  in  Philadelphia. 

Swarlhmore  College,  Pennsylvania,  are  the  two  earlier 
Tipts  of  the  same  Journal.  The  first  of  these  is  a  rough 
aft  of  forty-seven  quarto  pages,  begun  when  the  Journalist  was 
ity-ftve  years  of  age,  and  bearing  interesting  internal  evidence  of 
I  sponlaneily  and  youth.  There  is  great  freedom  from  the 
t  phraseology  which  sometimes  renders  the  hterature  of  Quaker- 
D  difhcnlt  of  comprehension  to  the  ordinary  reader.  Its  account 
ds  with  the  year  1747.  The  second,  like  the  first,  is  unbound, 
h  its  pages  stitched  together,  and  containing  all  the  material 
^^Brst.  It  continues  the  narrative  to  the  year  1770.  Worn 
^^bmetimes  blurred,  the  good  ink  and  clear  handwriting  have 
both  cases  preserved  for  us  these  precious  documents.  Accom- 
nying  these  also  are  letters,  and  the  manuscripts  of  several  of 
t  Essays.  Most  valuable  of  all,  from  the  antiquarian  point  of 
m,  »  the  short  Journal  of  the  Sea  Voyage  and  of  the  four 
Whs  travel  in  England.     This  is  stitched  together  in  a  duo- 


xu 


INTRODUCTION 


dedmo  page,  and  is  still  covered  with  the  original  blue 
which  protected  it  in  its  owner's  pocket.     These  papers  were 
deposited  on  loan  at  Swarthmore  College  by  a  descendant  in 
same  generation  as  Samuel  Comfort,  Elizabeth  Lawrence  Dudli 
in  1913. 

It  is  clear  that  the  two  Swarthmore  copies  were  used  by  Wi 
man  in  preparing  the  folio  for  the  printer.  His  Larger  Accoii 
Book  (Page  27)  contains  a  charge  for  this  book.  This  copy 
made  in  the  years  1769-1 771,  and  was  finished  before  he  Ic 
home  for  England.  It  was  one  of  the  important  details  of  I 
preparation  for  departure,  whose  completion  was  necessary  for  il 
peace  of  mind.  Corrections  and  changes  were  made  as  he  copii 
most  of  the  alterations  bearing  evidence  of  the  writer's  mc 
mature  thought.  In  the  present  edition  these  changes  are  not^ 
When  John  Woolman  was  about  to  leave  home  in  1772,  he  cat 
fully  tied  up  this  folio,  together  with  other  important  priva 
papers,  and  left  them  in  the  hands  of  his  intimate  friend,  Jo 
Pemberton,  who  was  at  that  time  Clerk  of  the  Meeting  for  Su^ 
ings,  as  the  large  Committee  acting  in  the  intervals  of  Philadelpll 
Yearly  Meeting,  was  then  called.  They  were  not  to  be  openc 
except  in  case  of  his  failure  to  return.  He  also  prepared 
left  for  immediate  publication  !ns  well-known  "Epistle," 
Friends  "4  mo.  1772." 

The  Journal  of  the  Sea  Voyage  was  made  from  day  to  da 
and  in  the  five  weeks  during  which  it  lasted,  John  Woolman  i 
serted  the  reflections  which  life  at  sea  suggested  to  him.  Fi 
days  after  landing,  at  the  close  of  London  Yearly  Meeting,  tl 
manuscript  was  given  to  his  friend,  Sophia  Hume,  for  whom 
had  in   1748  performed  a  similar  service,  to  revise  and  correi 

da  mo 

at  her  discretion.  The  cover  bears  the  endorsement  "13:  6:  177 
I  commit  these  notes  to  the  care  and  keeping  of  Sophia  Him 
and  if  she  hath  a  mind  to  revise  them,  and  place  them  in  betl 
order,  I  am  free  to  it,  but  I  desire  she  may  not  shew  them 
any  one,  but  with  a  very  weighty  consideration.  John  Woolmai 
There  is  no  evidence  of  any  alterations  made  by  Sophia  Hui 
with  whom  he  doubtless  left  the  little  nwnuscript  on  his  depaita 
from  London* 


INTRODUCTION 


Xlll 


Tbc  leaves  on  which  is  written  the  diary  of  the  long  walk 
he  North  are  stitched  in  later,  possibly  having  been  added 
his  death,  the  manuscript  of  the  voyage,  and  of  the  English 
mey  thus  forming  one  little  paper-covered  pamphlet.  On  the 
sk  pages  of  the  English  Journey,  William  Tuke""  wrote  down 
tn  day  to  day  the  memoranda  of  John  Woolman's  illness  and 
th-  This  manuscript  was  brought  by  Samuel  Emlen,^  [then 
wm  as  "Junior,"]  to  whose  care  William  Tuke  consigned  it, 
Dfig  with  Woolman's  clothing  and  other  small  possessions), 
York  to  John  Woolman's  wife,  who  handed  them  to  the 
tfing  for  Sufferings  at  Philadelphia.  That  meeting  appointed 
XJiranittce  to  edit  and  prepare  the  Journal  and  Essays  for  pub- 
ktion.  The  minutes  are  in  the  handwriting  of  the  Clerk,  John 
Bibcrton,  the  lifelong  friend  of  Woolman.  They  give  us  in  de- 
ihe  story  of  the  first  edition, 

"At  a  Monthly  Meeting  for  Sufferings  held  in  Philadelphia, 
\  15th  of  4  mo.th,  1773. 

Our  beloved  Friend  John  Woolman  having  before  his  leaving 
Scaled  up  a  Journal  of  his  life  to  near  that  time,  together  with 
other  manuscripts,  &  directed  them  to  John  Pemberton  ■  in 
ler  that  they  should  be  Coniunicated  (sic)  to  this  meetiner.  if  it 
Dold  please  the  Lord  to  remove  him  from  the  Stage  of  this 
before  his  return,  being  now  presented  to  this  meeting,  John 
jtt,*  John  Reynell,*  James  Pemberton,*  Anthony  Benezet,*  & 
Jones  '  are  appointed  to  inspect  them  &  Comunicate  (sic) 
BT  Sentiments  thereon  to  a  future  Meeting;"  (p.  379).  i8th  day 
8mo.  1773;  Israel  Pemberton,*  Samuel  Emlen,'  Junior,  &  John 
Bnberlon  ■  were  added  to  the  Committee  in  charge  of  the  Journal. 
then,  were  the  Friends  who  became  the  official  editors. 
»cy  were  men  whose  prominence  in  the  councils  and  affairs  of 
Colony  will  at  once  be  evident  to  any  one  familiar  with  the 
itor)*  of  Peimsylvania.* 

had  already  entered  upon  their  task  when  the  official 

ement  of  the  deaths  of  John  Woolman  and  his  cousin 

Hunt,*  was  received  from  London.     The  meeting  re- 

22nd.   4mo.   1773.  .  .  .  We  had  before  the  arrival   of 

Epistle   received   the   Sorowful   account  of   two  of  these 

lif  ibc«cb«»  of  tliese  men  will  be  found  in  tJbe  BiognpliJcal  Noteik 


xiv  INTRODUCTION 

worthy  Friends  being  removed  to  receive  the  Reward  of  thi 
faithful!  Labours,  which  ver>'  Sensibly  affect  us,  &  our  loss  is 
Greater,  as  several  other  valuable  Friends  were  near  the  same 
taken  from  us,  &  by  their  patient  Continuance  in  Weldoing  wi 
nearly  united  to  the  faithful."  (p.  383). 

Several  months  were  spent  in  sorting  and  arranging  the 
ous  papers  and  manuscripts,  and  in  the  autumn  work  was  ac 
begun  on  the  Journal  proper.  The  Meeting  for  Sufferings,  ui 
date,  **2i  day  of  lomo.  1773,"  lias  a  minute; — "It's  now  agi 
that  the  Committee,  with  such  other  friends  of  this  Meeting  as 
well  attend,  do  meet  at  the  6th.  hour  in  the  Evening  of  next  4ti 
day  in  order  to  proceed  to  the  Inspection  &  Consideration  of  th 
Journal  left  by  our  Friend  John  Woolman,  &  so  to  adjourn  frol 
time  to  time  until  they  have  gone  thro'  it."  (p.  396.)  Next  mont 
they  record  that  the  Committee  and  ''divers  Fricndsr"  are  regu 
larly  meeting  together  once  a  week  for  the  purpose  of  heari^ 
the  Journal  and  to  revise  it.  Finally,  "21  of  imo.  1774.  .  . 
The  Journal  left  by  our  Dear  Friend  John  Woolman  having  bee 
read  through  by  the  Committee  &  nearly  ready  for  the  Press,  an 
a  Specimen  of  the  Type  &  Paper  on  which  it  is  proposed  to  h 
printed  being  produced,  the  letter  appearing  clear  &  large,  it's  tho' 
may  be  agreeable,  &  that  the  Printer  may  be  Encouraged  to  Prit 
1200  Copies.  Some  further  Consideration  respecting  the  Journi 
is  referred  to  the  next  Meeting.*'  (p.  401), 

The  last  entries  have  to  do  with  the  subscriptions,  Broadsidt 
were  printed  and  distributed  by  Joseph  Crukshank.  "21  of  4m< 
1774,"  they  record: — "The  Friends  who  have  had  the  Care  of  r< 
vising  the  Journal  left  by  Our  Friend  John  Woolman  are  desire 
to  get  printed  notices  spread  to  Several  Quarterly  &  Month 
Meetings  to  Acquaint  them  that  t!ie  work  is  in  the  press  &  t 
encourage  Friends  to  Subscribe  for  them."  (p.  413)-  "igofsm 
1774.  Notices  having  been  printed  respecting  the  Journal  of  01 
Friend  John  Woolman,  part  of  ihem  are  distributed,  &  its  expectfl 
Joseph  Cruckshank  (sic)  will  Exercise  care  to  Spread  thei 
further."    (p.  414). 

One  of  the  Publication  Committee  returned  the  Manuscri 
to  Woolman's  family,  accompaiiic^l  by  the  first  London  edition  > 
"Remarks  on  Sundry  Subjects,"  under  which  title  are  publish^ 
the  Essays  written  in  England  (1773).    His  letter  follows : 


i 


INTRODUCTION 


xr 


Seventh  Day;  4  O'Clock  P.M. 
IT  Friend, 

I  herewith  send  John  Woolman's  Journal,  &  that  part  of  his 
'ofks  pubhshed  in  England.  Thy  Aunt  show'd  us  a  written 
stimony  sent  from  England,  which  I  now  applied  to  her  for,  but 

tells  my  wife  that  thou  hast  a  copy  of  it.    I  know  of  nothing 

I  can  furnish,  which  would  help  y®  designed  testimony.    Oh ! 

:  I  may  have  reason  to  believe  that  my  name  is  written  in  the 
kanest  page  (if  there  is  any  difference)  of  the  Book  of  Life, 

1  care  nothing  about  Testimonies. 

Anthony  Benezet"  • 

To  Samuel  AUinson,  Burlington.^ 

The  school  house  in  which  the  Friends  met  "every  4th  day 
ning  at  6  of  the  clock"  throughout  the  winter  of  1773-4,  stood 
I  the  site  of  the  present  Forrest  Building,  No.  119  South  Fourth 
Philadelphia.    These  were  the  Friends  who  performed  the 
It  service  of  giving  to  the  world  the  first  edition  of  John 
loolnian's    Journal.      The    printing    was    excellently    done    by 
I  Cnikshank,  himself  a  Quaker,  official  printer  for  the  Yearly 
ng.     His  shop  was  in  Market  Street,  at  the  sign  of  the 
^in-Hand,"  and  he  was  one  of  the  best  printers  at  that  period 
ica.'     The  book  appeared  in  the  spring  of  1774  with  the 
"The  Works  of  John  VVooIman." 
This  Committee  performed  its  task  at  a  period  when  the  biog- 
y,  whether  Quaker  or  not,  might  be  regarded  as  complete,  if 
Lneorded  the  spiritual  life  of  the  individual,  and  omitted  many, 
most,  of  the  facts  of  daily  life.     History  had  not  then 
a  science,  and  the  historical  sense  was  untrained.     The 
nth  centur)'  editor  considered  himself  justified  in  omitting 
rising  at  his  pleasure,  the  statements  of  his  author,  as  may 
instanced   in  the  well   known   Life  of   Washington,  by 

■pen  in    poascMion   of   Caroline   Allinsoa,   Yardville,   N,   J. 
r  AlttflMM    Il73«-I79i.l      Prominent    Quaker    lawyer,    appointed    by    N.    J.    Lrsis- 
*77S»    tt>  prepare   well-known    folio.    Laws   of  N*w  Jtrsty,    printed    bj    lasLte 
[S.  J,   Archives  i»l  Scr.  xxv.  p»6-J 
.'Wi  fri€n4«  wrote  of  liim.  tliat  "fair  in   his  dealings,  punciual  with   his  payment, 
■  in  liiJ  manner*,  be  was  greatly  esteemed  liy  his  fellow  citizens."     [Thrtma*. 
■  wf  Prtntinfr  in   America."   Vol.   I.,   p.   iCaJ      Crukshank   occupied  the   third 
eai    *.f    (^rtnilntonc    AlUy,    on    ibt-    site    now    (igj/l    niinihend    1^7.      He    h.id 
I  Ibere  in    1770  from  an  earlier  location  in  Third  St     ["Market  Street,  FhiW 
'  V>.  JJ.  br  JoA  JackKin.J 


XYl 


INTRODUCTION 


Weems,  or  IVashington's  Letters,  edited  by  Jared  Sparks.  Ti 
changes  made  in  the  first  edition  of  Woolman  are  chiefly  omij 
sions.  The  dreams  are  all  wanting,  as  well  as  the  only  it 
stance  in  which  Woolman  went  to  law.  Part  of  the  paragraph  o 
inoculation  is  left  out,  as  well  as  several  mathematical  calculation 
and  diagrams.  The  reader  will  be  able  to  compare  other  change 
in  the  present  edition.  At  the  close  of  the  volume,  the  letter  c 
William  Tuke  was  inserted  as  a  portion  of  the  text,  and  not  i 
its  original  form.    All  later  editions  have  followed  this  preceden 

Many  editions  at  once  followed  the  first,  both  in  Great  Britai 
and  America  (see  Bibliography).  None  of  these,  however,  appea 
to  have  been  collated  with  the  original  manuscript,  carefuH 
guarded  in  the  hands  of  descendants  and  easily  accessible,  unt 
1837,  when  Samuel  Comfort,  its  owner,  a  great-grandson  of  Joh 
Woolman,  assisted  John  Comly,*  minister  and  school  teacher  an 
author  of  several  text  books,  in  publishing  a  new  and  revise 
edition  of  the  Journal.  This  edition  leaves  the  impression  upo 
the  reader  that  it  was  printed  for  theological  reasons.  It  appeare 
in  the  stress  of  denominational  controversy,  and  its  joint  editor! 
like  the  first  committee,  still  regarded  themselves  at  liberty  t 
alter  and  ^'correct"  their  author.  The  copy  of  Johnson's  editio 
of  1800  which  they  used,  is  still  tied  up  with  the  manuscript.  It  i 
interlined  with  notes,  and  on  its  fly-leaf  appears  a  calculation  fl 
to  the  frequency  and  significance  of  the  name  of  Christ  in  tb 
Holy  Scriptures.  In  many  instances  "God"  has  been  substitute 
for  "Christ"  in  the  text.  Occasionally  another  Scriptural  text  hs 
been  substituted  for  that  quoted  by  the  author.  The  editing  wa 
nevertheless  done  with  more  accuracy  and  literary  taste  than  tha 
of  any  other  edition,  and  many  omissions  of  the  first  were  inserted 
In  this  a  valuable  service  was  rendered  to  literature* 

The  English  edition  of  1840,  printed  by  Thomas  Hurst  al 
Warrington,  was  the  next  to  appear,  and  the  changes  in  thw 
of  Comly  (1837,)  led  to  its  preface  on  the  orthodoxy  of  Johll 
Woolman,  which  collation  with  the  original  manuscript  wouM 
have   rendered  unnecessary.     James   Cropper,   the  editor,"   din 

*John  Comly  of  Byberry,  Pa.,  miatster  and  ■cboolouBter.  Born  iimo,  19  tjfi 
Died  Brno.  17  1850.  An  able  and  wdlknown  Friend,  Comly  bought  Woolmlij 
Journal  in   1793,  with  his  first  savings,  when  he  waa  19. 

•James  Cropper    (1773-1S40)  of  Liverpool-Philanlhropist;   interested  in   (he 
tion  of  Slavery.     Founder  of  Penketb  School, 


INTRODUCTION 


xvu 


before  tlie  book  was  finished,  and  a  Committee  of  Friends  carried 
the  work  to  its  completion.  The  preface  is  an  answer  to  the 
criticism  of  those  who  contended  that  the  Journal  itself  had  so 
^much  to  say  of  duty,  and  so  little  of  doctrine.  The  obvious  reply 
■11  the  Quaker  precisians  of  the  early  Victorian  period  is  that 
Woolman's  appeal  is  to  the  fumrt  even  more  than  to  the  head.  The 
text  in  this  case  has  suffered  more  than  in  any  other,  the  editors 
having  attempted  to  "improve"  Woolman's  simple  English.  They 
thus  conclude  their  preface: — 'Tn  preparing  this  valuable  work 
for  a  more  extensive  circulation,  it  has  been  found  necessary 
to  correct  many  grammatical  inaccuracies,  and  occasionally  to  omit 
redundant  words,  and  repetitions  of  the  same  sentiments ;  also  to 
transpose  sentences,  in  which  the  author's  meaning  was  obscured 
by  the  want  of  a  more  simple  and  perspicuous  arrangement." 
^K  For  some  years  before  1871  the  poet  Whittier  had  been  con- 
Vbnplating  the  publication  of  a  new  edition.  He  was  familiar  with 
fte  home  of  Woolman,  had  conversed  with  those  whose  parents 
had  known  him  well,  and  in  abolition  days  had  been  chiefly  anxious 
lo  bring  out  in  a  fuller  introduction,  the  anti-slavery  phase  of 
Woolman*s  work.  His  Philadelphia  friend,  Charles  Yarnall,* 
learning  of  his  thought,  wrote  to  him  urging  him  to  the  under- 
taking, and  he  replied  under  date,  from  Amesbury,  Massachusetts, 
"Eighth  Month  17th.  1869.  The  pressure  of  many  cares  and 
duties,  illness,  and  I  may  also  confess,  a  deep  sense  of  my  own 
defidencies  as  contrasted,  not  alone  with  the  perfect  purity  of  the 
Great  Exemplar,  but  with  such  a  devout  follower  of  Him  as 
John  Woolman,  have  deterred  me  from  the  task  to  which  thy 
letter  invites.  Yet  it  is  often  on  my  mind,  and  if  my  life  is  spared 
awhile  longer.  I  may  do  something  of  the  kind.  I  have  now  before 
roe  an  unpublished  work  upon  John  Woolman  by  Dora  Greenwell 
of  England,  author  of  The  Patience  of  Hope'  which  I  may  yet 
find  a  publisher  for.*  "    Whittier's  edition  appeared  in  187 1. 

Since  that  year,  most  editions  have  been  based  upon  that  of 
Whittier.  notably  the  "Century"  ( 1900)  edition  of  Headley  Broth- 
en,  London,  and  "Everyman's  Library."     The  latter  omits  the 


•Born  1801.  Dfrd  1877.  A  protninent  Philadelpbia  Friend,  much  intcretted  fa 
Owker  education. 

•  Original  from  collection  of  the  late  Prof.  Allrn  C.  Tbomag.  of  Harerford  College. 
H.     Dora  Grccnwell'a  "Patience  of  Hope"  6rst   appeared  in   Edmburgh,    lAdo. 


xviii  INTRODUCTION 

entire  tenth  chapter.  In  Whittier's,  which  has  become  the  standard 
edition,  is  always  accessible  his  own  brief  history  of  the  anti- 
slavery  movement,  and  the  message  of  love,  human  and  divine, 
which  John  Woolman  brings,  is  equally  obtainable  in  all  the  man]^ 
editions  in  which  his  remarkable  Journal  has  appeared.  For  this 
reason,  and  because  so  little  has  been  known  of  the  personal 
life  of  Woolman,  it  has  been  deemed  best  to  discard  Whittier's 
introduction  and  substitute  a  sketch  giving  the  new  facts  of  Wool- 
man's  life,  as  they  have  recently  come  to  light.  It  is  necessary 
to  keep  in  mind  the  fact  also,  that  many  of  the  small  meetings 
which  are  named  by  Woolman  in  his  travels,  no  longer  exist. 

Throughout  this  volume,  the  folio  MS.  used  by  Crukshank  in 
the  first  edition,  upon  which  the  text  is  based,  is  termed  MS.A. 
The  first  small  quarto,  ending  1747,  is  MS.B.  and  the  similai 
quarto  ending  1770,  is  MS.C.  Footnotes  give  the  variations  when 
not  in  the  text,  and  the  biographical  notes  in  the  Appendix  aid  us 
to  identify  Woolman's  friends.  Brackets  indicate  variations  in  the 
texts.  There  is  so  much  interest  in  his  family,  that  it  is  hoped  the 
wills  and  deeds  included,  will  also  be  welcomed. 

Those  who  fear  to  see  their  favorite  author  appear  in  a  strange 
form,  and  dread  the  touch  upon  the  page  of  a  profane  hand,  may 
be  reminded  that  in  these  modern  days,  no  higher  tribute  of  praise 
or  of  affection  can  be  shown  than  to  give  to  his  readers  the  exact 
reproduction  of  the  text  of  his  message.  Slavery  has  mercifuU) 
become  a  dead  issue ;  but  there  are  today  before  a  distracted  world, 
questions  of  life  and  death  that  bring  into  prominence  the  aspects 
of  Woolman's  work  having  to  do  with  social  problems,  which  are 
not  less  timely  now  than  when  his  Essays  were  written.  The  firsi 
editorial  Committee  wa^  engaged  at  its  task  during  the  ver) 
strenuous  days  immediately  preceding  the  American  Revolution 
and  the  Minutes  bear  abundant  evidence  of  the  appropriateness  ol 
the  publication  of  John  Woolman's  Journal.  It  is  a  curious  fad 
that  this  last  edition,  with  its  peaceful  message,  should  have  beer 
prepared  whilst  the  greatest  world-war  was  raging. 


CONTENTS 

CHirani  Txam 

I.    The  Immigrant  Ancestor.     1678 i 

II.    Youth  and  Education.    17J0 11 

III.     1749.    Marriage  and  Settlement 35 

^IV.    1760.    Newport   and  the   Slave   Question.     Corre- 
spondence     . 58 

V.     1763.    The  Indian  Journey 76 

VI.    1766.    John  Woolman  as  Schoolmaster      ....      96 

VII.    1772.    The  Voyage,  English  Journey,  and  Death  125 

THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 
I.    1720  to  1743 151-162 

n.  1743  to  1748 163-172 

III.  1749  to  1756 173-186 

'  IV.  1757 187-203 

V.    1757  to  1758 204-217 

VL    1758  to  1759 218-230 

VIL    1760 231-242 

VIII.    1761       243-265 

IX.    1763-1769    266-279 

X.    1770-1772 280-288 

^  XL    1772 289-303 

xii.   1772 304-315 

XIII.    1772 316-333 

xix 


XX  CONTENTS 

THE  ESSAYS  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN  . 334 

Some  Considerations  on  the  Keeping  of  Negroes — 

Part  I 334-347 

Some  Considerations  on  the  Keeping  of  Negroes — 

Part  II 348-381 

Considerations  on  Pure  Wisdom  and  Human  Policy  ; 
on  Labour;  on  Schools;  and  on  the  Right  Use  of 

the  Lord's  Outward  Gifts 382-396 

Serious  Considerations  on  Trade 397-402 

^     A  Plea  for  the  Poor 402-437 

Considerations  on  the  True  Harmony  of  Mankind  438-472 

An  Epistle 473-487 

Last  Essays 488-510 

Appendix 511-609 

Bibliography 610-630 

Index 633-643 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


Jotn  Woolman :  Portrait  sketch  by  Robert  Smith     . 
From  Collection  of  th*  late  S.  W.  Pennypacker. 
N«w  im  Potteuion  of  Gtorge  Vvum,  It,,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa, 


Frontispiece 

TACIMO   PACK 
.       .       .         12 


42 


the  Rancocas,  from  Site  of  John  Woolman's  Birthplace 

Photograph  by  Charles  R.  Pancoast. 

"The  Mount,"  Mt.  Holly.  N,  J 13 

Photograph  by  Charle*  R.  Pancoast, 

Marriage  Certificate  (portion),  Samuel  Woolman  and  Elizabeth  Burr      20 

In  Possession  of  Rachel  H.  Hitliard,  Rancocas,  N.  J. 

Account  as  Tailor's  Apprentice,   1743 21 

From  "Smaller  Account  Book." 

Marriage  Certificate,  John  Comfort  and  Mary  Woolman,  1771 

/•  Petttssian  of  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania, 
I.  "Cripps'  Oak" ;  Old  Boundary  Line.  Garden  St.,  Mt.  Holly, 
X.  John  Woolman's  Shop,  now  47  Mill  St^  Mt  Holly,  N,  J. 
David  Zcisberger  Preaching  to  the  Indians  at  Wyalusing,  1763    .     .      86 

Dramina  ««•  Possession  of  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 
John  Woolman's  Notes  at  Indian  Interview,  1761 87 

From  Pemberton  Collection,  Historicai  Society  of  Pennsylvania.. 

$pcci£cations  for  Mary  Woolman  Comfort's  House,  1771     .     .     .     .     106 
"Larger  Account  Book,"  Historicai  Society  of  Pcnnsylt-anio. 

John  Woolman's  School  Primer 107 

Courtesy   of  Friends'   Library,  Devonshire  House,  London. 

John  Woolman's  Letter  to  Elizabeth  Smith,  1772 122 

/■  Possession  of  the  Editor. 

I.  Final  Memorandum,  from  "Larger  Account  Book,"  1772 

i  "Pennsylvania  Journal"  Notice  of   Ship   "Mary  and  Elizabeth" 
1772 
Historical  Society  of  Pennryh^ania. 

.'Mracry  Garth,  York,   England 138 

Photograph  by  Malcolm  Spence. 

Window  of  Room  where  Jolin  Woolman  Died,  1772 139 

Phatograph  by  Malcolm  Spfnce. 

\  First  Page  of  MS.C.  (earliest)  Journal 150 

I         Origincl  al  Swarthmore  CoUcit,  Pa. 

SPagc  of  MS. A.  folio,  Journal 151 
iiiorie^l  Society  of  Pennsylvania, 
. : 


123 


i.  267 


xxii  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

VACIKO  PAGB 

Residence  of  John  Woolroan,  Mt  Holly,  N.  J 172 

Prom  Mtpia  droning.  Historical  Society  of  PenHsylvania. 

Marriage  Certificate,  John  Woolman  and  Sarah  Ellis,  1749    .     .     .     173 
Hittorical  Society  of  Pontuyivania, 

1.  John  WoolmaD*s  Chair,  Owned  by  a  Descendant,  £.  Cecilia  *) 

Newbold,  Bordentown,  N.  J. 

2.  "Thcee  Tuns"   Tavern,   1761.     N«w   tke  Mill  St.  HoteL  Mt   |    ^^ 

HoUy.  N.  J.  J 

1.  Nantucket,  site  of  "Big  Shop,"  where  John  Woolman  Preached 

2.  Thomas  Middletoa's  Snokc-ltoiise,  Crosswicks,  N.  J. 

Photographs  by  the  Editor. 

$.  Meoiotandura  for  Nursery  Planting,  176S 

From  "Larger  Account  Book,"  Historical  Society  of  Pemuykvnig. 

1.  Cover  of  Jmwnal  ot  the  Voyageli 

2.  Last  page,  Journal  of  the  Voyage  r 288 

At  Swarthmore  College,  Pa.  J 

1.  First  Page,  Journal  of  the  Voyage  ] 

2.  The  Landing  in  Londoa 

At  Swarthmore  College,  Pa. 

Title  and  first  page,  John  Woolman's  first  Essay,  i754    ••,•••    334 

From  Collection  of  the  late  Chafes  Roberts,  Pkihdelphia, 

TiUepage,  "Considerations"  fit,  Part  11,  1762 335 

Copy  in  Haverford  Cottege  Library,.  Pennsyk/mtia, 

John  Woolman's  Grave,  York,  England 5i» 

Seal,  British  anH  Foreign  Anti-Slavery  Society,  London     .     .     .     .     510 
Where  the  Journal  was  first  Edited,  1773 511 

1.  Sophia  Hume     1  o.      ,        i-  j       •  /•  1 

[-Sketches    from    contemporary    drawuig    of  I 

2.  John  TownsendJ     Gracechurch  Meeting,  Londoa  [         ^^ 

In  Possession  of  A.  C.  amd  S.  H.  Letehwofth.  } 

1.  Uriah  Woolman.     Silhouette  presented  by  Gertrude  Deacon  to  ] 

the  John  Woolman  Assodatioa  I    ..^ 

2.  John  Comfort    Silhouette  found  in  attic  of  Woolmaa  Memorial  j 

William  Tuke.    Portrait  in  Friend's  Institute,  London 564 

By  Permission. 

Esther  Tuke.     Silhouette  in  Friends'  Institute,  London     ....    565 

By  Permission. 

The  John  Woolman  Memorial,  Mt.  Holly,  N.  J 598 

Drawing  by  H.  Toerring. 

Fireplace  in  the  John  Woolman  Memorial 599 

Photograph  by  Watson  W.  Dewees. 


) 


THE  JOURNAL  OF 

JOHN  WOOLMAN 

1922 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 
BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH 

CHAPTER  I 

THE  IMMIGRANT  ANCESTOR 
1678 

John  Woolman  came  of  good  old  English  stock.  The  family 
name  is  found  in  Gloucestershire,  and  also  in  Middlesex  (Lon- 
don), where  a  Sarah  Woolman  of  Limehouse  held  title  to  the  lot 
on  Fourth  Street,  in  Philadelphia,  which  was  part  of  a  property 
now  owned  (1922)  by  the  William  Forrest  Estate,  The  original 
patent  *  is  dated  i"  of  5mo,  (July)  1685  and  the  deed  of  sale, 
through  her  nephew  and  attorney,  William  Carter,  is  drawn  6mo. 
7,  1687.  She  did  not  come  out  to  America,  and  at  present  there 
i&  no  clue  to  her  identity,  beyond  the  description  of  her  as 
'*widow/'    Limehouse  Parish  Records  do  not  begin  until  1730. 

The  Quaker  records  of  Painswick,  Gloucestershire,  twice  con- 
tain upon  their  marriage  certificates  the  signature  of  a  John 
Woolman,  as  witness.  The  first  occurs  at  the  marriage  of  Henry 
Harber  and  Martha  Humphries,  4  mo.  10,  1658;  the  second,  at 
that  of  Richard  Merrill  and  Hannah  Mason,  2  mo.  23,  1676. 
Parish  Church  records  of  the  same  time  and  place  disclose  no 
such  name.  The  second  signature  may  have  been  that  of  the 
Journalist's  grandfather,  but  he  would  have  been  only  three  years 
of  age  at  the  time  of  the  first  of  these  marriages.  Their  identity 
has  not  yet  been  established,  but  the  signer  or  signers  were  in  all 
probability  members  of  the  same  family.  No  Woolman  is  named 
by  Besse  in  his  "Sufferings  of  the  Quakers."  A  number  of  Pains- 
kk  Friends  settled  in  Burlington  Countj'  near  together,  in  the 
ip  which  accompanied  the  first  John  Woolman.  One  of  these 
was  Waiter  Humphries,  whose  power  of  attorney  was  given  his 

^RoU*  Office.  PhiUdclphU,  6cno,    CAugust)   7U1.   1687.     B(M)k  E.     Vol.   V.  |i>.  574. 


2  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

son-in-law,  Enoch  Core,  August  15,  1684,  to  act  as  his  agent 
New  Jersey.^     They  had  all  been  neighbors  in  the  old  home  in 
England,  and  John  Woolman  I  inventories  Walter  Humphries' 
estate,  October  17,  1698.* 

In  the  year  1678  this  John  Woolman,  I  (1655-1718),  grand- 
father of  the  Journalist,  arrived  at  Burlington,  West  Jersey,  from 
England,  and  is  one  of  the  settlers  named  as  heads  of  families  by 
the  historian,  Samuel  Smith.^  He  was  then  23.  With  him,  or 
very  soon  after  him,  came  his  aged  father  W^illiara  Woolman, 
(d.  1692)  of  Gloucestershire.  The  son  was  a  West  Jersey  Pro- 
prietor, having  bought  of  Thomas  Hooton  in  1677,  a  thirty- 
second  share  of  a  proprietary  right  in  that  colony.*  In  the  next 
twenty  years  he  acquired  at  various  times  several  large  tracts  of 
land  externling  north  from  Rancocas  Creek.  In  1687  two  hundred 
acres  were  taken  up  by  John  Woolman,  and  the  ancient  deed  for 
this  land,  carefully  preserved  and  bearing  the  signature  of  Gov- 
ernor Samuel  Jenings,  is  cherished  by  the  family  of  his  descen- 
dant, the  late  Granville  Woolman  Leeds,  of  Rancocas.  who  owned 
one  hundred  acres  of  the  original  tract.* 

John  Woolman  was  a  signer,  i2mo,  7,  1 680-1,  of  the  Address 
sent  by  the  Friends  of  Burlington  to  those  in  London.  The  rec- 
ords of  the  Monthly  Meeting  of  the  same  place  state,  "71110.  i, 
1684.  John  W^oolman  &  Eliz.  Bourton  P'posed  their  Intentions 
of  Marriage,  it  being  y'  first  time."  On  the  sixth  of  the  next 
month,  *'J'^0'  Woolman  &  Eliz.  Bourton  P'posed  their  Intentions 
y*  second  time,  &  y*  meeting  left  y™  to  their  Liberty  to  Consummate 
it  as  they  saw  meet  in  y*  Fear  of  y*  Lord."     They  were  married 

1  New  Jersey  Archive*,   lat  Scf.  Vol.  XXI,  p.  329-     Al«o  Do.  Vol.  XXIII,  109. 

•  N.  J.  Archivei.     ist  Ser.     Vol.  XXIII.  p.  248. 

•  Samuel    Smith.     "HiKory    of    the    Colany    of    Nova    Cataarea,    or    New    Jefsey.**j 
Burlington,    1765,    p.    109. 

•  Revel'*  Book  of  Surveys  in  Office  of  Sec.  of  State,  N.  J.     Liber  B,  Part  I,  p.  |,J 
"April  5-*.   i677.     ThoiTiM  Hooton  to  John  Woolman,   for  i/.ia  of  a  share  of  We 
Jertey." 

■  For  the  text  of  deed  see  Appendix.  The  State  Archives  {Vol.  XXI)  thus 
Mine  of  the  purchases  made: — Return  of  Survey  for  John  Woolman.  .smo.  1685, 
"4  Acres  of  Marrish  (raarah)  opposite  to  Enoch  Core's  house,  on  South  side 
Northampion  Road."  Revel.  Lib.  B.  Part  II,  78.  July  as,  1692,  Isaac  Marr 
of  Burlington,  yeoman,  lo  John  Woolman  of  Northnnipton,  Weaver,  for  fifty  ac 
"pan  of  land  bought  of  Thos.  Budd,  Jan.  ti,  18O1."  Ibid.  Lib.  B.  II,  p.  530. 
November  i,  1698.  Wm.  Bortim,  yeoman,  to  John  Woolman,  weaver,  both  of  Bur* 
lington  Co.,  for  one  hundred  and  ten  acres  on  Rancocas  Creek,  adjoining,  on  noribi 
Daniel  Wills;  south,  John  Petty.  Buuglit  by  Julin  Borion,  fatlier  of  ihr  grantor,  of 
Daniel  Wills,  March  37.  1O80."     Ibid.     Liber  B.  II,  p.  655. 


THE  IMMIGRANT  ANCESTOR  ^ 

ID  the  sixteenth.  Elizabeth  Borton  was  the  daughter  of  John  and 
W  Borton,  who  in  1679  had  come  from  Aynhoe,  in  North« 
unptooshire,  with  a  certificate  of  unity  addressed  to  Burlington, 
[rom  the  Meeting  at  Burton.^  John  Borton  was  also  a  West 
fccsey  Proprietor,  and  is  named  by  Samuel  Smith  as  a  Constable 
for  the  "London  Tenth"  of  the  settlers  on  the  Delaware.*  Wool- 
nan  was  a  witness  to  the  will  of  his  father-in-law,  John  Borton 
of  Hillsdown,  on  the  south  side  of  the  Northampton  River.  "The 
deceased  owned  a  part  of  Burlington  Island  and  a  thirty-second 
part  of  West  Jersey,  and  asked  to  be  buried  in  the  Friends* 
Buiying  Place  in  Burlington."  The  will  is  dated  July  28, 
1687.' 

John  and  Elizabeth  Woolman  settled  in  Northampton  town- 
ship, on  land  which  ran  down  to  the  Rancocas,  where  a  fertile 
plantation  was  soon  under  cultivation.  "The  Constablery,"  from 
the  Minute  Book  of  the  Supreme  Court,  begun  in  1681  at  Burling- 
ton, traces  the  original  township  boundaries  for  Northampton  in 
1688.  "The  Constablery  of  Northampton:  from  Daniel  Wills' 
plantation  on  Northampton  river  to  y»  towne  bounds,  including 
Daniel  Wills'  plantation  and  George  Elkinton's  plantation."  The 
site  of  the  house  was  chosen  with  excellent  judgment.  On  the 
north  bank  of  the  stream,  it  commanded  a  charming  sweep  of 
water  and  had  the  benefit  of  the  southern  sun  and  western  breeze. 
The  mere  fact  that  the  house  was  built  of  brick  and  not  of  timber, 
places  the  emigrant  ancestor  among  the  well-to-do.  The  numerous 
ancient  houses  of  brick  in  Burlington  County  prove  the  excellence 
of  the  early  product.  Before  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
Doctor  Coxe's  potteries  in  Burlington  turned  out  a  superior  china, 
and  the  clays  of  the  neighborhood  made  the  importation  of  brick 
from  England  unnecessary.  The  old  house  saw  two  generations 
bom  there,  including  the  first  John's  famous  grandson  and  name- 
sake. In  1806  it  was  taken  down,  and  the  bricks  were  used  in 
the  construction  of  a  larger  house  several  hundred  feet  higher 
up  the  bank,  now  occupied  by  the  family  of  a  late  descendant  in 
the  seventh  generation.*  The  farm  is  given  over  to  fruit-raising, 
ind  the  exact  location  of  the  early  house  is  in  a  great  field  of 

>W.  F.  Cregar.     "Ancestry  of  Wm.  S.  Haines." 
*SaiaaeI  Smith.     "History  of  New  Jersey."     p.  152. 
•New  Jersey  Archives.     XXIII.     p.  47. 
*  Granville  Woolman   Leeds. 


CHAP, 


strawberries.  An  occasional  brick  is  still  ploughed  up  on  tbd 
spot  where  it  once  stood. 

The  first  Friends'   Meeting  at  Rancocas  was  held,  as   thd 

minutes  state,  at  the  house  of  Thomas  Harding,  3  months,  2,  1 681.*; 
After  this,  for  several  years  a  settled  meeting  was  held  at  Joha' 
Woolman's,  whose  house  became  a  sort  of  headquarters  of 
Quakerism  for  Northampton,  sharing  with  Thomas  Olive's* 
house  the  meetings  for  the  neighborhood,  John  Woolman  itt 
1684  subscribed  eight  shillings  toward  building  the  meeting  house 
in  Burlington.  The  records  of  Burhngton,  under  date  9mo.  7, 
1687  read,  "The  Weekly  Meeting  being  on  y*  Fourth  Day  that 
use  to  be  kept  at  Tho.  Olive  &  Jno.  Woolmans  is  Now  Ordered' 
to  be  kept  at  Daniel  Wills  house  Weekly."  A  meeting  house  was 
completed  soon  after.  In  the  early  period  of  the  settlement,  the 
Rancocas  is  frequently  called  "Nortliampton  River,"  and  the| 
minute  of  Burlington  Monthly  Meeting  fur  "y"*  i^^  of  y'-  12th  Mo*^ 
1707,"  indicates  the  increase  in  number  of  Friends'  families  locat- 
ing on  that  stream:  "Several  Friends  Living  within  y'  Fork  oft 
Nortliampton  river  &  thereabouts,  made  request  to  this  Meet^ 
ing  for  an  established  Meeting  for  y®  accommodation  of  those 
Friends,  which  was  left  to  y''  consideration  of  y*  next  Meet-< 
ing." 

John  Woolman  had  a  little  tiff  with  his  neighbor,  Joshua' 
Humphries,  "broadweaver, "  son  of  Walter,  for  failing  to  keep 
up  his  fences,  so  that  in  1701  the  latter  "complains  on  John  Wool- 
man  because  of  damage  by  Cretuers  on  his  Corn."  Six  months 
of  arbitration  was  followed  by  peaceful  settlement,  when  the  two, 
recently  at  odds,  went  amicably  together  as  representatives  to  the 
same  Quarterly  meeting."  When  Joshua  Humphries  died  in  1721J 
he  left  a  legacy  for  repairs  to  the  meeting  house  at  Northamp-^ 
ton.*     Woolman  was  one  of  many  signers  to  a  "publick  instru- 

I 

»  Tbc  Will  of  Tboma*  Harding,  proved  Dec.  6,  1708,  of  Wellingboro,  BurlingtoCi 
Co.,  Wert  Jersey,  names  his  "home  farm  on  Northampton  River"  and  leavea  a  Tegac/ 
to  John  Wills  "for  fencing  the  bur>'ing  ground  in  Northampton  Township."  Th.« 
inventory  ia  made  by  John  Woolman  &  Joshua  Humphries,  Oct.  6,  1708,  amounting 
la  personal  property  to    £62.  6s.  io}^d.     New  Jersey  Archives,  XXIII.  p.  aio. 

*  Thomas  Olive  located  six  hundred  and  ihirtyaix  acres  and  built  the  first  gri^ 
mill  in  the  province.  He  came  from  Buckinghamshire,  England,  and  was  a  neighbor 
and  intimate  friend  of  Samuel  Jeniugs,  was  a  Justice  of  the  Peace,  and  served  «J| 
Deputy  Governor  of  W.  Jersey.     He  died  1694.  i 

•Minutes.    Burl.    M.    M.    for    amo.   6,    1702,    &c. 

*  New   Jersey   Archives,      ist   Ser.,  Vol.    XXIII. 


t,.... 

f  I  ^7^3»  "brake  open  the  prison  dores  in  Burlington^  and  set  the 
prisoners  at  large."     His  name  also  appears  on  the  Petition  to 
Lord   Cornbury,  dated    Nov.    14,    1706,   against   the   Governor's 
ibition  for  granting  warrants  for  land/ 

On  March  30th,  1692.  had  died  WiOiam  Woolnnan,  father  of 
John,  an  elderly  man  at  the  time  of  his  arrival  in  the  Jerseys. 
In  1688  John  had  given  his  father  one  hundred  and  fifty  acres 
of  land  in  Northampton  Township,  apparently  in  settlement  of  an 
arbitration  between  them.  A  survey  made  March  2,  1681,  for 
Walter  Humphries,  for  two  hundred  acres  on  "Rankokus,  alias 
Northampton  River,"  is  described  as  adjoining  lands  of  William 
Woolnum  and  Bernard  Devonish.-  During  the  last  four  years  of 
his  life  the  father  had  lived  at  the  house  of  George  Elkinton,  and 
35  partial  acknowledgment  for  the  kindness  shown  him  by  his 
host  and  his  wife,  William  Woo  Imam  gave  to  them  seventy-five 
i  acres,— one-half  of  the  land  received  from  his  son.  We  are  left 
■Hp  surmise  why  the  old  man's  last  days  were  not  spent  in  his  son's 
P  Hre.  Fifty  years  later,  on  7mo.  17th.  1742,  John  Wills,  son  of 
^  Daniel  Wills,  whose  farm  Joined  that  of  John  Woolman,  made  a 
very  interesting  affidavit  to  the  effect  that  William  Woolman*s 
son  John  liad  never  claimed  the  land  thus  presented  to  the  old 
man's  caretakers ;  the  action  was  probably  taken  to  clear  a 
title." 

A  census  of  Northampton  Township  in  1709  gives  us  a  very 
interesting  record  of  the  ages  of  the  members  of  John  Woolman's 
family.  His  eldest  daughter,  Elizabeth,  is  not  named;  she  had 
BSuried  Nathaniel  Payne  in  1703,  at  the  early  age  of  eighteen; 

John  Woolman   aged  54 

Elizabeth,  his  wife **     44 

Samuel 
Mary    . . 
Ann   . .. 
Hamiah 
Hester 
Isaac  Sattcrthwaite,  17,  is  the  apprentice  who  lived  with  them, 

I  •Kew  Jenry  Archives.     Vol.    IIT,   p,    165- 
[•K.  J.  Arcbivt*.  XXI.  349. 

'S*e   Appendix.      John   Woolin.Tn   to  his   fathrr.    Wm.   Woolman,    i^mo.    (Feb.)    13, 
rtBL    Wm.   Woolman   lo  Geo.   Elkinton,    iatao.    (Feb.)    ii,    169J. 


THE  IMMIGRANT  ANCESTOR 


* 

ii 


6  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

The  population  of  the  township  at  this  time  is  recorded  as 
total  of  two  hundred  and  thirty-one. 

For  thirty-four  years  John  Woolman  and  his  wife  lived  happil| 
together  on  the  banks  of  the  l^eautiful  Rancocas.  In  April,  171! 
he  died  at  the  age  of  sixty-three,  leaving  in  his  will  *  all  his  reaj 
and  personal  estate  for  the  use  of  his  wife,  his  son  Samue!  and  hii 
five  daughters.  Samuel,  the  only  son.  was  made  executor.  Ail 
inventory  of  the  estate,  filed  3mo.  (May)  13.  1718,  shows  £44d 
19,  2,  including  £212,  8.  2  in  bonds,  bills  and  debts — an  amptl 
competency,  in  addition  to  the  real  estate,  in  those  pioneer  daysj 
Elizabeth  Woolman  died  almost  immediately  after  her  husbandj 
aged  fifty-five.^     Her  will  was  approved  May  30,  1718. 

Of  the  five  daughters.  Elizal>eth,'^  ^  the  eldest,  was  marrie 
three  times.  Her  first  husband  was  Nathaniel  Payne  of  Mansfield 
N.  J.,  to  whom  she  was  married  5mo. (July)  1st,  1703.  His  will 
was  proved  May  26,  1707.*  She  then  married  "7th  of  y"  4r 
(June)"  1708,  Robert  Hunt,  who  died  in  17 16.  In  17 18,  the  y 
of  her  parents'  deaths,  she  married  John  Harvey.  Her  deatli 
occurred  after  his,  in  1756.  Her  sister,  Ann  Woolman,^**  married 
9mo.  (Nov-)i7i2,  John  Buflfin.  Ann's  marriage  is  not  in  the  mart 
riage  Records  of  her  meeting,  but  may  be  found  in  the  minutesj 
Those  of  Ann's  sisters  are  regularly  recorded.  Mary,^"  the  third 
daughter,  married  2mo.  (April)  4th.  1720,  William  Hunt  of 
Bucks  County,  Pennsylvania.  j 

A  removal  certificate  is  on  record  for  the  two  younger  sisterJ 
Hannah  and  Hester,  dated  Burlington,  5mo.  (July)  7,  1 729,  ana 
directed  to  Philadelphia.  Hannah  had  been  Treasurer  of  thtj 
Women's  Meeting,  Mt.  Holly.  There  is  in  the  list  of  marriages  id 
the  First  Presbyterian  Church  of  Piuladelphia,  by  the  Governor'^ 
License,  that  of  Hannah  Woolman  to  Joseph  Burgoin  (BurJ 
goyne),  dated  2mo.  (April)  10,  1735.  Family  notes  also  ini 
flicate  that  this  is  the  correct  name  of  the  husband  of  Hannal| 
Woolman,  but  the  editor  has  not  undertaken  to  trace  her  furthel 
history.  Letters  are  advertised  for  "John  Burgoine*'  in 
Philadelphia  Postoffice  in  1762." 


*  See  Appendix:  also  N.  J.  Archives,  XXIII,  p.  534. 

"  See  Appendix.     One  wonders  if  »ma!l-pox,  the  frequent  »co«rgre.   attacked 
•See  also  N.  J.  Arrihives,  XXXIII,  p.  351,  Orig.  Lib.  I. 

*  Sec  also   Trenton    Records,   p.    180. 

*  See  "Pennsylvasia  Gatette"  for  July  8,  176J. 


THE  IMMIGRANT  ANCESTOR 


Hester  (or  Esther)  youngest  of  the  family;  born  in  1707, 
removed  with  her  sister  Hannah  to  Philadelphia  in  1729,  and  soon 
after  married  John  Allen,  of  West  Nottingham,  Peonsylvania ;  the 
editor  has  not  yet  found  the  meeting  record.  Her  husband's  will 
made  her  his  executor  with  his  son  John,  who,  however,  died  a 
year  after  his  father.  The  elder  John's  will  was  probated  Octo- 
ber 2,  1758;  the  son's  October  26,  1759:  the  latter  leaves  £10 
to  his  m«3ther.  Esther  Allen,  and  a  legacy  to  his  sister  Patience. 
ives  also  £5  "to  Cousin  John  Woolman"  and  the  same  sum 
Woolman's  mother,  his  aunt  Elizabeth  Woolman.*  Hes- 
ter Woolman's  descendants  are  still  living  in  Pennsylvania. 

Jo<veph  Devonish,  son  of  Bernard,  a  neighbor  of  Samuel  Wool- 
left  in  his  will  dated  i2mo.  (Febntary)  22,  1747,  "to  the 
two  daughters  of  my  friend,  Samuel  Woolman,  namely  Hannah 
and  Esther,  to  each  of  them  the  sum  of  ten  pounds."  Both 
Samuel  and  John  Woolman  witnessed  this  will,  wWch  was  prob- 
ably drawn  up  by  the  latter,  and  which  was  proved  March  ist. 
1748.  when  John  Woolman  and  John  Stokes  made  the  inventory.' 
Samuel  Woolman  '*  (i 690-1 750),  only  son  of  John  and  Eliza- 
beth ^Borlon)  Woolman.  born  3mo.  (May)  14,  1690,  succeeded 
hi.i  father  on  the  plantation  along  the  Rancocas.  and  was  remark- 
able for  his  intelligence  and  perseverance.  He  added  to  the 
original  acreage  and  acquired  parcels  of  land  elsewhere.  His  mar- 
riage to  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Henry  and  Elizabeth  (Hudson) 
Butt,  took  place  8  mo.  (Oct.)  21st.  1714.* 
^  Samuel  Woolman  was  a  man  of  affairs,  and  that  he  took  up  his 
■Mtties  as  a  citizen  is  shown  in  the  rej)ort  of  an  election  in  Burling- 
Ifpfta  County  for  members  of  the  Assembly,  held  3mo.  (May)  14, 
'^  *759-  Woolman  was  one  of  the  four  candidates,  the  others  being 
Mahk>n  Stacy,  William  Cook,  and  Joshua  Wright.  Stacy  and 
Coolc  were  elected.  Of  particular  interest  to  us  is  the  fact  that 
Sonuel  Woolman's  son  John,  the  Journalist,  served  as  one  of  the 


k 


9 


b 
« 


'Okmcr  Coantjr  Wills,  Penna.  For  the  will  of  Joha  Allen  of  West  Nottinghcuj, 
•»  Book  D,  p.  i»s.  For  the  ion,  John  Jr.,  Book  D,  p.  174.  John  Jr.  lived  at  East 
Hvftorough,  Pa.  Patience  Allen  married,  1771.  James,  son  of  Thomas  and  Isabel 
G>«tkrop,  who«e  family  in  England  John  Woolman  visited  in  177a.  (See  Appendix.) 
(Bi«(.  Note  84.) 

•Kew  Jersey  Archives     Series  I.  Vol.  XXX.  p.   14a. 

'RciOfds,  Burr,  M.  M.  A  "Testimony  to  the  Memory  of  Elix*beth  Burr"  was 
•wdrf  by  Mount  Holly  M.  M.  8mo.  5th.  1778.  Henry  Burr  wu  in  the  Jerseyi 
ii  ttlx.  «nd  bought  latid  of  Robt.  Dimsdale.  1688. 


8 


THE  JOtTRNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


J 


clerks  oi  the  election,  being  then  a  youth  of  nineteen.^     Samu- 
Woolman  witnesses  various  wills  recorded  in  New  Jersey,  as  welt 
as  tnakes  inventories. 

Samuel  and  Elizabeth  Woolman  brought  up  a  large  family  of 
thirteen  children,  seven  sons  and  six  daughters,  of  whom  John, 
the  Journalist,  was  fourth  child  and  eldest  son.*  It  was  their 
custom  on  the  first  day  of  the  week  to  gather  their  children  about 
them  for  Scripture  reading  and  verse  memorizing.  An  educatiori 
quite  in  advance  of  others  in  their  neighborhood  was  bestowed 
upon  them,  and  the  sons,  besides  successfully  conducting  com- 
fortable and  profitable  farms,  were  surveyors,  conveyancers,  and 
merchants,  who  shared  in  the  business  aflfairs  of  the  community* 
They  were  known  as  men  of  upright  character,  concise  of  speech, 
and  grave  of  demeanor, — a  trait  not  entirely  lost  in  some  of  th«! 
family  today, 

Samuel  Woolman  died  in  the  autumn  of  1750  at  the  age  ol 
sixty.     His  will  '^  was  proved  December  17,   1750.     It  was  Avit-1 
nessed  by  John,  "nth  of  6mo.  (Aug.)   1750."    The  will  *  of  hiS 
wife  Elizabeth,  dated  "11   of  2mo.   (Feb.),   1772"  was  proved! 
October  21,  1773,     She  outlived  several  of  her  children,  includ-; 
ing  her  famous  son  John.     All  of  the  children  of  Samuel  and 
Elizabeth  married,  with  the  exception  of  Elizabeth  and  Rachel. 
Elizabeth**  is  the  only  one  of  his  brothers  and  sisters  to  whom 
John  refers  by  name  in  his  Journal.    He  appears  to  have  looked* 
up  to  her  as  eldest  of  the  family,  and  the  two  were  undoubtedly 
much  in   sympathy  in  spiritual   things.     They   were  but   five 
years  apart  in  age,  although  two  sisters.  Sarah  and  Patience,  came 
l)etween  tfiein.     In  an  unpublished  portion  of  the  Journal  °  Jofm 
relates  an  anecdote  of  Elizabeth.     Checked  by  their  parents  in 
paying  a  visit  at  a  distance  to  a  certain  young  friend,  of  whose 
desirability  as  companion  there  was  some  doubt,  Elizabeth  with 
her  two  sisters  returned  home.     "Elizabeth,"  writes  her  brother, 
"expressed  her  satisfaction  at  being  put  by,  adding  this  RhymCi 

Such  as  thy  companions  be, 
So  will  people  think  of  thee." 

»  "Toll  Book"  of  John  J.  Thompson. 

•Sec   Appendix,    Biog.    Note,    ti. 

'  See  Appendix,  for  text. 

*  See  Appendix,  for  text. 

■M.S.    C.  at   Swarthmore   College.    FcnnsjlTUlIa. 


I 

I  I  THE  IMMIGRANT  ANCESTOR  9 

^H     Perhaps  with  the  idea  of  relieving  her  parents  in  the  care  of 

yTso  large  a  family,  Elizabeth  at  an  early  age  took  up  tailoring  as  a 

,    source  of  independence,  and  removed  in  1740  to  Haddonfield,  New 

J    Jersey,  where  for  the  rest  of  her  life  she  made  her  permanent 

'    home.     She  had  a  small  inheritance,  and  succeeded  in  her  trade, 

I    so  that  at  the  time  of  her  death  of  smallpox  in  1746,  at  the  early 

^1    age  of  thirty-one,  she  left  sufficient  property  to  remember  in  her 

will  *  each  member  of  her  family.     Her  "Great  Bible"  is  given 

10  her  father ;  to  her  mother  she  leaves  her  "great  looking  glass/' 

imd  to  her  brother  John,  twelve  pounds  *'  Proclamation  Money,"  * 

and  her  gold  buttotis,  a  gift  which,  in  the  light  of  after  years, 

seems  curiously  incongruous  [    John  was  her  executor  and  settled 

her  affairs  jointly  with  their  brother  Asher. 

When  the  mission  of  John  Woolman  took  him  away  from  the 

family  circle,  his  next  brother  Asher  (1722-1796)  undertook  the 

duties  usually  falling  to  an  eldest  son.^    Their  mother  evidently 

depended  upon  him  as  much  as  upon  John,  as  she  advanced  in 

years.    Her  home,  in  accordance  with  the  will  of  Samuel  Wool- 

nian,  continued  to  be  in  the  old  house,  which  was  left  to  Asher, 

with  the  use  for  her  of  "two  brick  rooms  down  stairs  and  the 

L_least  brick  room  above  stairs,  and  half  the  cellar  and  half  the 

chen,  during  her  widowhood."     She  also  had  half  of  every- 

Aing  else,  including  the  barn,  in  which  to  house  "the  sorrel  mare 

called  'Bonny'  and  her  colt,"  which  her  thoughtful  husband  left  her 

10  ride  to  meeting. 

All  the  brothers  appear  to  have  settled  in  New  Jersey,  and 
most  of  them  remained  in  Burlington  County.  Uriah  Woolman  ^" 
(1728*1804)   was  for  a  time  resident  in  Philadelphia,  but  the 


'  Appradix.  for  text  of  will.  She  left  personal  estate  to  the  value  of  £273,  11, 
it.  Dixabeth  (Iladdon)  Estaugb  was  a  wittiCM.  Elizabeth  Woolman's  certificate  of 
raaoTal,   Mt.   Holly   to  Haddonfield,   is  dated   "4   of  6mo.    (Aug.),    1740." 

•"Proclamation  Money."  The  Proclamation  of  the  Bixth  year  of  Queen  Ann,  1704, 
had  fixed  the  Taiae  of  coin  in  the  Colonies.     An  Order  in  Cotincil,  May  19,  1720,  for- 

t  tmj  Cffiiaaiona  by  the  Colonic*  without  Royal  aisenL  (H.  Pyilipa,  Jr.,  "Anterican 
Currency."  P-  >o4)  I"  >74».  JE133  Jeraey  money  equalled  £88  sterling. 
nVar  Notes."  redeemable  five  years  from  date,  were  issued  between  1740  and  1758 
lid  faiard  exchange  in  West  Jersey.  The  several  colonies  pa»ed  laws  with  tbe 
iMonlM  of  making  the  paper  money  issued  equal  to  the  barter  currency  of  tbe 
Cokny.  vhicb  was  below  sterling.  This  paper  was  called  "Proclamation  Money." 
<C  J.  Bullock,  "Monetary  History  of  the  United  States,"  p.   131.) 

'la  1764  Asher  Woolman  is  one  of  six  persona  ofTering  £10  reward  for  a  German 
C^iMopher  Boualer,  "who  absconded  from  Burlington  County  with  his  wife  and  fire 
ilBiim  is  •  wacgon  and  two  horses  not  bia  own."    Pcnma.  Gazette  for  Oct.  as,  1764. 


lo  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN   chap,  i 

house  in  which  he  lived  and  which  was  sold  by  his  executor  in 
1809,  known  as  "Breezy  Ridge,"  stood  until  1918  on  a  fine  loca- 
tion a  short  distance  from  the  present  railroad  station  of  Haine^- 
port,  a  mile  below  Mount  Holly.  It  was  at  that  date  destroyed  l)y 
fire.  Uriah  Woolman  married  in  1769  his  cousin,  Susanna  Burr, 
daughter  of  the  Surveyor  General  of  the  Province,  John  Burr.* 
Uriah  was  the  only  brother  of  John  Woolman  who  died  leaving  no 
descendants. 

*  See  Appendix,  Biog.  Note,  13. 


CHAPTER  II 


YOUTH  AND  EDUCATION 


1720 


The  Rancocas  is  a  picturesque  stream  which  rises  in  the 
eastern  part  of  Burlington  County  in  New  Jersey  and,  after 
a  course  of  twenty  devious  miles,  empties  into  the  Delaware 
River,  sixteen  miles  above  Philadelphia.  It  is  navigable  for  ten 
miles,  as  far  as  Hainesport,  and  for  canoes  and  light  skiffs,  much 
farther.  The  \illage  of  Rancocas  is  on  the  stream  of  the  same 
name,  six  miles  from  its  junction  with  the  Delaware. 

At  the  date  of  John  Woolman's  birth,  October  19,  1720,  the 
little  community  of  Ancocas  (which  later  added  an  R  for 
euphony),  was  largely  made  up  of  families  living  wide  apart  in 
Northampton  township,  a  portion  of  Burlington  County  settled 
almost  entirely  by  English  Quakers,  many  of  them  from  London, 
Yorkshire,  and  Gloucestershire,  In  marked  contrast  to  East  Jer- 
sey, where  Dutch  and  Scotch  inheritances  were  prominent  in  the 
social  life  and  character  of  the  people,  West  Jersey  was  essen- 
tially English  in  its  manner  and  habit  of  thought.*  Customs 
brought  over  from  Yorkshire  especially,  prevailed  in  the  neigh- 
borhood for  generations,  and,  until  recently,  the  farmer  sold  his 
«ggs  by  the  score,  as  is  still  done  on  the  Yorkshire  moors,  rather 
than  by  the  dozen.  Farmers'  leases  today  in  central  and  southern 
I*^cw  Jersey,  date  from  March  twenty-fifth,  "I^dy  Day,"  rather 
than  from  May  first,  as  is  the  custom  elsewhere.     An  admixture 

'Thjt  |hi«  distinction  haj  been  little  understood  is  evident  in  the  recent  apprecia- 
*H>  1>T  W.  TeiRnmouth  Shore,  in  hia  "Tt>hn  Woolman:    His  Life  and   Out  Times," 
I  kM  toltowed    a   German**  book  descrihin(f  life   on    a    farm    amonfr  people    of   that 
dily    in    Ea»l    Jersey,    which    was   as    distirtct    from    the    English    customs    which 
inherited  as  though   iht   houndary  line   had  been    a  wall  between   the   two 
I  of  the  Provioce.     The  editor  has  elsewhere  drawn  attention  to  Lbis  distinction. 
in  ibe  American  Colonies" — Part  II.  "Quakers  io  New  Jcrsej."] 

IX 


4 


12 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


of  French  Huguenot  refugees  was  combined  with  this  basic  ele- 
ment in  West  Jersey  social  life,  and  many  of  these  exiled  Prot- 
estants became  identified  with  the  Quakers.  Their  names  are 
still  borne  by  Quaker  families  which  have  long  been  prominent 
in  the  various  meetings.  The  Gauntt  brothers,  to  instance  but  one 
case,  who  married  two  of  John  Woolman's  sisters,  were  of  FretidL 
Huguenot  descent.  ^M 

At  this  period  the  primeval  forest  was  not  yet  cleared  from 
many  of  the  plantations  in  the  Jerseys.  Ancocas,  then  not  even 
a  village,  was  connected  by  five  miles  of  rough  road  with  Bridge- 
town, which  later  became  Mount  Holly,  and  was  its  nearest  set- 
tlement. "The  Mount,"  from  which  the  town  was  named,  is  one 
of  a  series  of  low  sandstone  hills  extending  across  the  Province, 
These  hills  were  used  by  the  Government  for  semophore  com- 
munication by  means  of  signals  and  colored  lights.  A  Return  of 
Survey  from  the  original  owner,  John  Cripps,  (d.  1734),  in 
1681,  for  three  hundred  acres  of  land,  mentions  the  line  south ' 
of  Rancocas  River  as  running  "through  a  Swamp,  wherein  grows 
Store  of  Hoily,  and  within  said  Tract  is  a  Mountain  ( !),  to 
which  the  Prospect  East,  South,  West,  and  North  Send  a  beauti- 
ful Aspect,  named  by  the  owner  thereof.  Mount  Holly."  ^ 

The  Quakers  of  Northampton  Township  were  all  members  of 
the  Monthly  Meeting  of  Burlington,  which  was  already  a  large 
and  prosperous  town  on  the  Delaware,  seven  miles  to  the  west' 
The  prime  care  of  the  planters  liad  been  to  provide  the  neces- 
saries of  life,  and  agriculture  and  the  mechanic  arts  claimed  first 
attention.  But  although  plantation  life  with  primitive  appliances 
was  laborious,  simplicity  and  neighborly  kindness  were  conspic- 
uous in  an  eminent  degree,  and  early  hardships  were  even  then 
giving  way  to  what  were  regarded  by  some  as  dangerous  luxuries.  ,^ 
The  Jounialist's  family  were  prominent  among  the  plainer  set- 
tlers. 

John  Woolman  was  exceptionally  intelligent,  and  was  taught 
to  read,  he  says,  "as  early  as  he  was  capable  of  it."  This  is  an 
equal  testimony  to  the  intelligence  of  his  parents.  The  little 
school  which  he  attended  was  under  the  care  of  the  Friends,  about 
a  half  mile  west  of  the  village.    There  is  record  of  its  building  in 

«N.  J.  ArchiTca.  Vol.  XXI.    irt  Ser.  p.  349. 

*Tb«  MoatUy  Kectiag  of  Mount  Holly  wu  Mt  off  from  Barlia«toa  in  tffS> 


n 


YOUTH  AND  EDUCATION 


13 


1681,  while  the  meeting  was  held  at  Thomas  Harding's,  the  owner 
of  the  plantation.  The  property  later  came  into  the  hands  of  the 
Stokes  family  and  has  since  been  known  as  Stokingham.  An 
Indian  village  on  an  elevated  site  was  also  within  the  limits  of 
Thomas  Harding's  plantation,  with  a  never- failing  spring  of 
water  hard  by.  The  Indians  shared  this  spring  with  the  Friends, 
and  under  the  great  swamp-magnolia  trees  which  filled  the  air 
with  fragrance,  the  latter  built  their  school  house,  twenty  feet 
square,  and  within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  spring.  It  is  not 
many  years  since  some  of  the  trees  were  still  standing,  and  Indian 
arrow  heads  are  yet  found  upon  the  site.  The  old  graveyard  is 
near  by.*  The  present  meeting  house  in  the  village  of  Rancocas 
dates  only  from  1772,  the  year  oi  Juhn  Woolnian's  death.  There 
were  in  Woolman*s  time  about  forty  iiieeting  houses  in  the  entire 
province  of  New  Jersey. 

The  young  Woolman  must  have  been  a  sensitive  and  sympa- 
thetic child,  possessed  of  that  priceless  gift,  a  vivid  imagination. 
We  can  see  the  little  boy  of  seven,  stepping  aside  from  the  high- 
road on  his  way  to  school,  to  sit  down  and  meditate  upon  the 
^[lories  of  the  Holy  City,  the  magnificent  description  of  which 
hi  the  Book  of  Revelations  had  fired  his  childish  thought.  The 
Journal's  opening  paragraphs  show  this  temperament  very  clearly, 
and  the  way  in  which  the  daily  walk  to  school  marks  for  him  in 
after  years,  the  struggles  of  his  early  awakened  conscience.  The 
incident  of  the  robin's  nest  is  dear  to  all  VVnohnan  lovers.*  The 
dream  which  he  had  when  but  eight  years  old  must  have  very 
dteply  impressed  him,  since  he  wrote  it  down  at  the  age  of  thirty- 
six,  and  three  times  afterwards  copied  it  out  at  length  for  the 
printer.  It  has,  however,  been  omitted  in  every  previous  edition. 
There  is  no  moral  in  it,  hardly  even  an  end,  for  it  terminates  most 

'  C)ttrlC0  Stokes:  "Hittory  of  Rancocas  Friends*  School.*' 

'A  story  liild  of  Abraham  Lincoln  makes  n  remarkable  parallel  1o  this  familiar  and 
"ft-^wMd  ftACcdote  of  Woolman.  When  tJncoln  was  a  lawyer  in  Springfield,  flL,  he 
*u  me  4ar  iroing  with  a  party  of  lawyers  to  attend  court  in  another  town.  They 
">i*.  two  br  two.  on  hors^baik  through  a  country  lane.  Lincoln  was  in  the  rear. 
^  thrj  paaacU  thruugh  a  thicket  of  wild  ptum  and  crnhnpple  tree.H,  his  friends  misiird 
LiscoJn.  "Wl)«re  it  he?"  they  saked.  Juat  then  Lincoln's  companion  came  ridins  up. 
"Ok,"  rr|ilicd  he,  "when  I  caw  him  last  he  had  caught  two  young  birds  which  the 
«1«4  bad  blown  out  of  ihcir  nest,  and  he  was  hunting  the  nest  to  put  them  hack." 
Aftrr  a  little  while  Lincoln  caught  up  with  his  friends,  and  when  they  rallied  him 
•ke«t  his  tmdcT  faeart.  he  said:  "I  could  not  have  slept  if  I  bad  not  restored  those 
Itde  turds  to  thtlr  mother." 


14  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap.1 

abruptly ;  yet  there  it  stands — little  John  Woolman's  Dreatn  of 
the  Sun-lVortn. 

This  quality  of  imagination  was  no  passing  tiling.    At  twenty- 
one,  left  to  sleep  in  the  lonely  cliamber  where  a  Scotch  redemp- 
tioner.   a   newly   bought   servant   of   his    master,   had   died    thc| 
night  before  in  delirium,  he  speaks  pathetically  of  his  own  timidity  ; 
and  dread  of  the  place  in  the  hours  of  the  night.     But  a  strong  ' 
will  overcame  his  horror.     Is  it  not  to  the  vivid  imagination  of  | 
John  Woolman,  by  which  he  was  able  to  visualize  in  such  an  amaz- 
ing degree  the  siluatiun  of   his   fellow  beings,  that  we  owe  his 
peculiar  power  to  enter  sympathetically  into  the  needs  of  all  man-  | 
kind  ?    He  spent  his  life  in  what  was  perhaps  the  most  conserva- 
tive community  in  the  whole  of  Quakerism,  where  even  the  word 
"imagination"  would  be  a  shock  to  his  neighbors ;  and  yet  it  is 
that  very  quality  of  mind  that  may  well  differentiate  him  from  I 
almost  every  other  Quaker  journalist  of  his  century. 

Of  Woolman's  education  we  have  only  the  glimpse  of   his  | 
attendance  at  the  village  school ;  the  school  house  under  Friends' 
care,  sheltered  the  children  of  the  best  families  in  the  little  com- 
munity ;  more  than  this  we  do  not  know.    Woolman  says  of  him-  I 
self,  "Having  had  schooling  pretty  well  for  a  planter,  I  used  to  ' 
improve  myself  in  winter  evenings,  and  other  leisure  times."    His 
father  had  a  good  library;  the  inventory  made  at  .Samuel  Wool- 
man's  death  shows  that  it  included  works  on  divinity,  navigation 
and  law.     There  is  abundant  evidence  of  the  son's  wide  reading, 
and  of  his  acquaintance  with  books  which  may  have  had  influence 
upon  that  style  which  is  the  chami  of  his  writing.    The  literature 
of  Europe  was  beginning  to  be  more  accessible  at  this  period,  and 
the  young  Woolman  grew  up  at  a  time  of  great  progress  and  ad- 
vancement ill  the  new  colony. 

The  home  circle  of  the  family  was  limited,  but  at  Burlington, 
where  he  constantly  visited,  and  where  was  a  group  of  excep- 
tionally well  educated  and  intelligent  PViends,  he  had  the  foreign 
publications  at  his  service.  There  is  abundant  evidence  that  he 
made  the  best  use  of  his  opportunities.  He  was  very  intimate 
in  the  family  uf  the  liistorian,  Samuel  Smith,*^  and  of  his  dis- 
tinguished brother,  John,^*  son-in-law  of  James  Logan,  (1674- 
1751)  and  a  founder  of  the  Pennsylvania  Hospital.  Their  friend 
also,  Jonathan  Belcher,   (1682-1757)   Governor  of  New  Jerse/i 


n  YOUTH  AND  EDUCATION  15 

had  removed  to  Burlington,  and  his  house  and  library  were  at 
Woolman's  disposal.  Through  the  efforts  of  these  cultivated 
men  the  Burlington  Library  received  its  charter  in  1757  from 
King  George  II.  The  Library  at  "Bridgetown"  was  also  char- 
tered eight  years  after,  in  1765.  John  Woolman's  relatives  and 
friends  were  represented  among  the  original  subscribers,  but  his 
own  name  does  not  appear  on  either  library  list.  At  the  date  of 
that  in  his  home  town,  his  scruples  as  to  the  literature  introduced 
would  have  prevented  his  subscribing. 

But  he  at  no  time  confined  his  reading  exclusively  to  Quaker 
literature.  He  quotes  Cave's  "Primitive  Christianity,"  Fox's 
"Acts  and  Monuments,"  Thomas  a  Kempis,  and  the  French 
qnietistic  writers  in  the  English  translations.  Especially  did  he 
stndy  those  books  of  travel  written  by  the  Jesuit  Fathers  who  ex- 
plored India  and  Africa,  and  they  and  the  agents  of  the  East 
India  Company  are  frequently  quoted. 

There  are  many  strong  suggestions  of  Fenelon  about  the 
essays,  and  one  has  but  to  read  the  two  together  to  be  convinced 
that  the  peculiar  literary  style  of  Woolman  was  gained  by  no 
acddent.  Not  that  he  in  any  way  imitated  the  French  writer,  but 
he  was  so  saturated  with  the  atmosphere  and  thought  of  the 
famous  Abbe,  whose  works  at  this  period  were  upon  the  tables 
of  all  the  best  educated  Quakers,  that  the  style  is  reflected  in  his 
essays,  even  to  the  choice  of  title.  Compare,  for  instance,  Fene- 
lon's  "Dissertation  on  Pure  Love,"  with  Woolman's  "Essay  on 
Pure  Wisdom."  It  is  chiefly  in  the  Essays  that  one  finds  re- 
flected the  French  influence.  The  identical  volume  of  Thomas 
Bromley's  "Way  to  the  Sabbath  of  Rest,"  which  was  in  the  library 
of  Elizabeth  Smith,'"  the  sister  of  Samuel  and  John,  still  exists, 
and  was  one  of  the  much  admired  works  then  perused  by  them  all. 
The  first  portions  of  the  Abbe  Raynal's  "Philosophical  and 
Political  History  of  the  Europeans  in  the  East  and  West  Indies" 
appeared  in  1755.  Doubtless  his  friend,  Anthony  Benezet,*  saw 
to  it  that  Woolman  had  the  translation.  Benezet  was  a  life  long 
correspondent  of  the  famous  Abbe.  The  advance  chapters  of 
this  book  received  great  attention,  as  had  the  same  author's  "Lit- 
erary Anecdotes"  two  years  before.  Justamond's  translation  did 
not  appear  until  1776.  It  is  interesting  to  find  today  in  the 
Ridgway  Branch  of  the  Philadelphia  Library,  some  of  the  Yiotks 


i6  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

imported  by  John  Smith  and  left  by  him  with  his  own  books  to 
the  library  which  James  Logan  founded.  These  are  in  all  prob- 
ability the  identical  volumes  used  by  John  Woolman.  Smollett's 
"Voyages"  and  liis  History  appeared  in  1757,  and  were  also 
closely  studied,  and  Smollett  himself  was  a  correspondent  of 
the  brothers  Smith.  Woolman  was  a  hard  reader  all  his  life,  and 
when  one  reflects  upon  the  intimate  friends  who  loved  and  ad- 
mired him,  among  whom  were  the  distinguished  brothers  Pem- 
berton,",*,^  and  the  Frenchman,  Anthony  Renezet.*  only  second 
to  Woolman  in  the  importance  of  his  anti-slavery  work,  one 
becomes  somewhat  impatient  at  encountering  in  every  writer  on 
Woolman,  the  persistent  tradition  of  his  illiteracy,  linked  usually 
witli  poverty.  That  he  was  neither  unlearned  nor  poor,  there  is 
af>undant  evidence.  Both  impressions  have  doubtless  come  from 
tlie  utter  simplicity  of  the  man's  life  and  thought.  He  speaks  of 
bis  family  as  "we  who  are  of  a  middle  station  between  poverty  and 
riches."  * 

We  now  know  that  John  Woolman  was  an  accomplished  school 
teacher  and  taught  many  years,  publishing  a  "Primer"  which 
went  through  at  least  three  editions.  He  mastered  surveying  and 
read  enough  law  to  obtain  the  legal  knowledge  necessary  to  draw 
wills,  for  which  his  services  were  in  constant  demand ;  to  exe- 
cute deeds  and  do  conveyancing.  Six  estates  for  which  he  served 
as  executor  are  named,  with  the  accounting,  in  his  manuscript 
account  book,  and  old  deeds  in  private  hands,  and  in  the  Record 
Office  in  his  native  county,  together  with  marriage  certificates 
and  surveyors'  plans,  all  in  his  clear  handwriting,  are  frequently 
turning  up  in  unexpected  ways.  Passages  in  his  writings  indi- 
cate a  legal  turn  of  mind.  In  the  chapter,  for  instance,  "On  Lov- 
ing Our  Neighbors  as  Ourselves,'*  is  the  following  syllogism: 

"In  great  measure  there  is  a  great  trust. 
A  great  trust  requireth  a  great  care; 
But  the  laborious  mind  wants  rest." 

Again,  in  his  last  mystical  epistle  to  his  countrymen,  before  saiJ-J 
ing  for  London  in  the  spring  of  1772,  he  says: 

^^Mty  "On  Loving  Our  Neighbori  u  Ourulvc^" 


YOUTH  AND  EDUCATION 


17 


"The  Churcli  is  called  the  body  of  Christ : 
Christ  is  called  the  Head  of  the  Church; 
The  Church  is  called  the  Pillar  and  Ground  of  the  Truth." 

Even  surgery  was  not  unfamiliar,  for  evidently  Woolman  fre- 
quently bled  people,  and  his  judgment  was  of  value  to  both  the 
body  and  mind  of  his  neighbor.  Surely  this  is  no  illiterate  labor- 
ing man  who  produces  a  wonderful  book,  but  one  possessed  of  as 
I  much  self-taught  wisdom  as  many  another  famous  man,  not  to 
t  mention  his  neighbor,  Benjamin  Franklin.  (1706-1790). 
i  Anyone  familiar  with  life  in  the  Jerseys  at  this  period  will 
remark  the  total  absence  in  the  Journal  of  any  reference  to  the 
great  philosopher.  Franklin  was  the  publisher  of  Wootman's 
second  essay  on  "Consideratimts,"  &c.  as  to  the  Negro,  (1762), 
and  the  two  men  must  often  have  met.  Moreover,  Franklin  Park, 
f  on  the  outskirts  of  Rancocas,  the  residence  of  Franklin's  son, 
William,  (1729-1813)  better  known  later  as  the  Tory  Governor, 
i  was  frequently  the  retreat  of  his  father.  On  the  streams  and 
I  swam|js  nearby  he  pursued  his  investigations  into  phosphoric 
phenomena,  and  all  sorts  of  agricultural  experiments  were  made 
on  the  farm,  wliich  comprised  some  two  hundred  acres.  The  large 
p  mansion  was  burned  about  1843  ^""^  ^be  j^rk  was  later  divided 
|/  into  several  small  farms.  The  deep  ditch  or  moat  surrounding 
It  the  deer  park  may  still  be  faintly  traced  to-day ;  twenty-five  years 
m/gp  it  was  clearly  marked. 

^K-  John  Woolman  must  have  been  aware  of  the  work  of  these 
agricultural  pioneers,  and  of  the  Agricultural  Society  to  which  also 
bckjQged  some  of  his  wealthy  Quaker  neighbors.  But  one  can 
imagine  no  sympathy  between  the  practical  scientist  and  the 
Quaker  idealist.  Their  views  of  life,  present  and  future,  were 
tcxj  radically  different  to  permit  of  any  common  standing  ground, 
and  Woolman  would  naturally  shrink  from  the  brilliant  social  cir- 
dc  in  which  tlie  Franklins,  father  and  son,  moved  together,  until 
tbctr  diflFering  poHtical  opinions  separated  them  at  the  time  of 
tl.r  American  Revolution. 

The  pleasures  of  youth,  as  Woolman  describes  them,  were 
temptations  which  he  does  not  give  us  in  any  detail,  but  he  leaves 
a  picture  in  our  minds  of  a  sensitive  spirit,  whose  disrespectful 
repJy  10  his  mother  was  never  repeated  after  his  father's  gentle 


i8  THK  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

and  wise  reproof,  and  who  was  preserved  "from  profanity  and 
scandalous  conduct."  He  loved  vanities  and  mirthful  company 
in  a  normal  and  natural  way,  but  through  all  he  "retained  a  love 
and  esteem  for  pious  people"  and  frequently  read  religicnis 
authors.  At  sixteen  he  was  very  ill,  and  made  thoughtful  by  the 
circumstance,  on  his  recover>'  he  writes,  *'I  was  early  convinced 
in  my  mind  that  true  religion  consisted  of  an  inward  life  ...  I 
found  00  narrowness  respecting  sects  and  opinions,  but  believed' 
that  sincere,  upright-hearted  people  in  every  society,  who  truly 
love  God,  were  accepted  of  him."  In  this  spirit  of  wide  sympathy, 
so  utterly  foreign  to  the  average  young  man,  was  lived  out  the 
whole  of  Woolman's  life. 

Until  the  age  of  twenty,  our  Journalist,  as  he  says,  *' wrought 
on  his  father's  plantation."  A  paragraph  omitted  in  earlier  edi- 
tions of  the  Journal  tells  us  that  he  was  desired  by  a  shop-keeper 
and  baker  to  tend  shop  and  keep  books.  For  this  he  asked  and 
obtained  his  father's  consent,  adding,  "I  had  for  a  considerable 
t'me  found  my  Mind  less  given  to  Husbandry  than  heretofore, 
having  often  in  mind  some  other  way  of  living."  In  the  year 
1740  he  was  settled  in  his  master's  shop  at  Mount  Holly,  six 
miles  from  his  master's  house,  and  seven  from  his  own. 

With  his  entrance  at  twenty-one  into  what  he  doubtless  re- 
garded as  a  career,  in  a  little  village  containing  all  that  he  knew 
of  the  great  worlds  excepting  the  occasional  glimpses  which  he 
had  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  eighteen  miles  distant,  we  have 
the  beginning  of  a  life  that  was  henceforth  dedicated  to  his  Mas- 
ter's ser\'ice.  He  was  quite  alone  after  the  day's  work  was  done 
and  his  employer  had  gone  home.  He  pursued  his  reading,  im- 
proved himself  in  his  education,  and  had  time  for  pious  medita- 
tion. It  was  so  small  an  incident  as  the  agreement  to  drink  a 
health  at  an  ale  house  that  brought  on  the  crisis  in  George  Fox'i 
life,  and  sent  him  forth  to  struggle  with  his  soul  in  the  Vild 
ness.  Pox  was  then  nineteen.  A  similarly  important  crisis  ii 
John  Woolman's  life,  and  at  nearly  the  same  age,  was  broughl 
about  by  being  unexpectedly  called  upon  to  write  a  bill  of  salCj 
for  his  employer's  negro  woman.  The  agitation  into  which  tl 
incident  threw  him  marks  the  moment  when  he  became  dedicat 
to  the  life-long  effort  to  free  the  slave — a  result  which  he  did 
not  himself  live  to  sec.     The  Quakers  held  much  property  in' 


YOUTH  AND  EDUCATION 


19 


brnian  flesh  throughout  the  colonies,  and  at  Perth  Atnboy  stood 
&e  slave  market  where  scenes  occurred  that  must  have  rent  John 
Woolman's  heart. 

He  became  much  more  serious  and  in  this  year,  1 740-1,  he 
records  his  first  appearance  in  the  ministry.  But  fearing  tliat  he 
bad  too  much  enlarged  upon  his  message,  he  sat  in  abasement 
pf  spirit  for  six  weeks  before  he  again  broke  the  silence  of  his 
Btde  meeting.  The  house  in  which  he  first  uttered  his  message 
no  longer  stands.  Where  can  be  found  in  few  words,  so  vivid  a 
description  of  the  living  spirit  which  moved  him  and  his  prede- 
cessors in  the  Faith,  as  in  these  words  of  the  Quaker  youth?  "All 
Ihe  faithful  are  not  called  to  the  i>ublic  ministry;  but  whoever 
are,  are  called  to  minister  of  that  which  they  have  tasted  and 
bandied,  spiritually.  The  outward  modes  of  worship  are  various ; 
but  wherever  any  are  true  Ministers  of  Jesus  Christ,  it  is  from 
the  operation  of  his  spirit  in  their  hearts,  first  purifying  them,  and 
Ihus  giving  them  a  just  sense  of  the  condition  of  others.  This 
Injth  was  early  fixed  in  my  mind,  and  I  was  taught  to  watch  the 
|>urc  opening.'* 

From  the  very  beginning  of  his  preaching  Woolman  appears 
to  have  been  able  to  put  aside  the  narrowness  of  thought  and 
leaching  by  which  he  was  surrounde<I,  and  to  have  grasped  a 
•aisc  of  the  unity  of  mankind.  The  keynote  of  his  message,  at 
pt  verj'  start,  no  less  than  at  the  moment  when,  wearied  out,  he 
kid  down  his  life  in  a  distant  land,  was  always  and  ever.  Love: 
Love  to  God  and  love  to  man.  This  single  note  runs  through  tlie 
file  and  writings  of  John  Woolman,  as  has  been  said,  like  a  silver 
SiFcad  that  is  always  conspicuously  bright  and  glowing,  however 
lark  the  web  in  which  it  is  woven  by  circumstance. 

His  meeting  recognized  the  power  of  the  young  preacher, 
or  tlie  Quarterly  Meeting  of  Ministers  and  Elders  at  Burling- 
»ti,  under  date  "27th.  day  of  6mo.  1743"  recorded  on  their 
^nutes :  "The  Monthly  Meeting  of  Burlington  liave  recom- 
Jed  our  friends,  Peter  Andrews,*^  John  Woolman,  and 
!)siah  W'hite,"  who  liave  sometimes  appeared  in  a  way  of  pub- 
testimony,  as  Friends  whom  they  have  unity  with,  ta  be 
Dembers  of  this  meeting."  Woolman.  much  the  youngest,  was 
ttit  twenty-three. 

Almost  immediately  after  this  formal  recognition  the  young 


-  ::  =aibcdr.  i 

"'■■'•;'  .':.--.         ■■  •:-*  r'A  preadieri 
/■•  ■  .'  •■'■,■  '/'•.''/■  /.:.    •■  •:  Treaiurer  of  Ae 

:  -  "ar.rlent  Con 
;■"  ■•  ■••'■:  •  ■>:"  ■/  .-.  »' '  :•..'■  '-f  t!.'  ^  ..;.-:  ■  •-,  the  statesm 
|,i-.i»..i,' ..I  j.'',|,;'  ;.r'  '  r.»  M'-.  liirij.'-l:  t-,.,'/-:  l^ut  an  ooc 
l.ri'i    j,.»i,   "//id."  ;i .   l.«    '.:iy,,   "luM' li  f  are  that  I  might 

•  .1.1/    /'Itii     (ruili    »i|.'ri<'l       My    iriiii^l    was    often    tende 

I  I I'I'f.MM  |ii«i(ii-ilil'  \r..t,u'..    W'"  were  (<nt  alxmt  two  ¥ 

I  Itt..    -I.  Ml  ilii    .mm »•!    i'/,]^  ;iik1  was  Woolman's  fin 

v  li"rii  li'iiin  'III  '.III  li  :iii  rii;ui«l.     Abraham  Harrington 

III  I  niiiliiii  nil  II  M  ii|',i«in'i  vi'.il  in  i/.S^. 

I  hi  ImiimmiI  lit  Hir.  |iriin«l  iclls  its  own  story  of  the 
hit  III  W'iitihiiiiii.  ivitli  Minirwliiit  niim*  detail  than  at  other 
NN .  liiHi  ihiii  III  ihr  iiilhuK  nil'  of  his  master's  business  in 
ih.iiHh.iiiK,  "  Wiinhiiiiii  luy.iut  to  look  ahoiit  for  more  pen 

•  iii|iliiMiii  III.  r-.|ii-i  uillv  iiN  lhotiv:hts  of  the  possibih'ty  of 
Him  I,  iiiiiiiMMf:  ,no>e  in  ills  luiml.  There  is  no  certa 
(.•  \Uv  Miinr  ol  Jhi-.  MMshT.  lujt  lie  apparently  carried  on  : 
I'tiiit  tl  ^u•.u^«^^  'A\\\\  {IN  was  loi  a  ivniury  or  more  to  be 
Ml  i«Mtiih\  dfitiul*.  thiou^houl  the  volonies.  supplying  the 
Mu;  pojMil.uion  \\\\\\  e\i*i\  poNNiMo  tuvd.  not  tuniished  b; 
i»\\u  www*  Mo  »uavlo  up  \iUx*  v'l.^ih^v^c  the  cloth  woven 
»M»id  liSMOx  and  io\  il'.is  pw.vx'^c  omplo\t\l  a  nun  \vr 
N-msxl  »a»lx'\uvi;  \\  ulx  h^^  xV.;:.u:ov.s:v  :V.orouj;hne5S  \V. 
«\u\it«Ms\v  »^.o,  i!','x  \wu\\  '.v.*  •  v'-.  '"I  \\::V.  a  l:v:::^.  zjt.z 
W  \y'\\^\  Xsvtw  \V«l»u'  A'N-  \.-    •  '.'v  '.v.i.'.i'  yr.^'.'^r.y.     T: 


r¥ii  ^  '^  ^  ^  ^  ^  s  '^isi 


«s.^^ 


■A>; 


ij- 

-:^ 


^  ^, 


.  ,*  s  ^  ^  g  g  ^  .^  I  ^  g 


\ 


N 


t 


YOUTH  AND  EDUCATION 


21 


Woolman  became  an  apprentice,  serving  for  three  years, 
DUt  severing  his  connection  with  the  shop,  or  his  bookkeeping. 
'or  this  period  of  his  life  we  may  turn  to  his  own  Smaller 
lUnt  Book,  in  which  also  he  later  entered  his  accounts  for 
eral  estates  for  which  he  became  executor.  The  little 
ok,  six  by  eight  inches  in  size,  begins  with  his  Appren- 
account.  The  brief  tailoring  charges  contain  so  many 
bng  names,  and  bring  before  us  so  vividly  the  appearance  of 
Srthy  people — nearly  all  Quakers  whose  clothing  was  made 
le  young  tailor — that  some  of  the  items  are  here  reproduced. 
Kth  Haddon  in  1702  became  the  Elizabeth  Estaugh-" 
c  name  is  first  on  the  list.  She  was  the  founder  of  Haddon- 
and  probably  aided  John's  sister,  Elizabeth,  who  was  her 

Bk  friend,  when  she  set  up  as  a  tailoress  near  by.     Her 
ppears  as  a  witness  on  Elizabeth  Woolman,  Jr's  "  will.    It 
^seen  that  John  Woolman  notes  in  the  margin  of  his  account, 
,  of  each  six  months  of  his  service. 

£     s.     d. 
To  work  Done  for  Eliz.  Estaugh 
2  Days  i  cash 00    03    09 

To  makeing  a  Stomacher  for  Eliz. 

Matlack 00    02    06 

To   makeing  Calami nk  gown    for 

Achsah  Matlack   00    03    06 

To   Makeing   a   Short   Ctoak   for 

May   Mickle    00    02    00 

To  makeing  a  pair  of  Coat  Stays 

for  Debe  Burough 00    02    00 

To  makeing   a   Gown   for  Judith 

Hampton 00     03     00 

To   makeing    a    Pair    of    Leather 

Britches  for  Titiis..... 00    02    00 

To  makeing  a  bonit  Civer  for  Eliz. 

Lord  —  cash    00    01     00 

To    makeing    a    Jackit    for   John 

Crage   00    02    00 

To  makeing  a  Long  Cloak  &  head 

for  Martha  Matlack 00    07    00 

To   makeing  a  Double  gown   for 

Mary  Caighn  —  cash  .........  00    03    00 


22  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

£  s.  d. 
To  makeing  a   Short  Qoak   for 

Sarah  Elton  oo    02    00 

To  makeing  a  poplin  gown   for 

Sarah  Elton  00    03    06 

To   makeing   a   short   gown    for 

Martha  Matlack  00    01    06 

To  work  done  for  Eliz  Estaugh 

3  days  cash 00    05    00 

To  work  done  for  Timothy  Mat- 
lack  I  da 00    01    06 

To  makeing  a  pair  of  Stays  for 
Hannah  Woolman   00    18    00 

To  makeing  a  flaning  wais  coat 
for  Martha  Matlack 00    01    00 

1  mo.  y*  13,  1744  To  makeing  a  Calleco  gown  for 

Judith  Hampton  00    03    00 

To  makeing  a  brown  fustin  Cap 

for  David  Elwel! 00    01    00 

To   makeing   a   Child's   coat    for 

David  Elwell  00    05    00 

To  makeing  a  Pair  of  bodies  & 

Stomacher  for  M.  Rosendhale..  00  14  00 
To  makeing  a  Pair  of  Trousers 

for  Reuben  Haines 00    01    00 

To  cutting  out  two  Tunicks  for 

William  Griscom   00    00    08 

To  makeing  oznabriggs  Jackit  2 

Pair  britches  —  Timothy 00    10    00 

2  mo.  17,  end  To  Jackit  Britches  for  Timo.  Mat- 

of  I"*  >4  year                    lack    00  04  00 

To  work  done  for  Isaac  Andrews  00  03  00 
To  work  done  for  Robert  Elton, 

4  days  —  cash    00  06  00 

To  work  done  for  Samuel  Wool- 
man  5  days 00  08  00 

To  days  work  for  Eliz.  Estaugh, 
Cash  00    02    00 

To  work  done  for  Isaac  Andrews 

4   days 00    09 

To  work  done  for  Isaac  Smith  i 
da  I  00    02    I 


YOUTH  AND  EDUCATION  23 

£.     s.     d 
To  makeing  a  short  Clock  for  Ann 

Elton  Jut » .  00    01     00 

To  work  done  for  EHz  Estaugh  2 

days    00    01     00 

To  makeing  a  short  gown  for  Eliz. 

Estaugh   00    01     00 

To    makeing    a    Great    Coat    for 

Thos.  Robson 00    07    06 

To  makeing  a  gown  for  Timothy's 

Betty 00    oj    00 

To  plating  a  Pair  of  Bridle  Reins 

for  John  Collins 00    08    00 

To  makeing  a  home   spun  gown 

for  Martha  M 00    02    06 

year  To  Quilting  a  Petecoat  for  Eliz. 

Estaugh    00    08    00 

To  Plating  a  Pair  of  Bridie  Reins 

John  Shivers   .00    01     00 

Quilting    a    Petecoat    for    Mary 

Caighain   00    08    00 

To  work  done  for  Samuel  Wool- 
man    00    04    00 

To    makeing    a    Little    bonit    for 

Amey  Gill  00    00     10 

To  makeing  a   Pair  of  Trousers 

for  John  Craig  00     16    00 

"Which    makes   this   year   ye   2d 
year  too  amount  to 20    09    09 

To  makeing  leather  Britches  for 

Joseph 00    02    06 

To   makeing   a   babbit   for   Eliza. 

Kaighn 00    02    00 

To  makeing  a  Planing  Jacktt  for 

Josh.  Kaighan 00    02    00 

To  work  done  for  William  Gris- 

com  —  I  day  00    01     00 

To  makeing  a  Pair  of  Stays  for 

Achsah  Siddons .00    03    00 

To    Plating    a    Pair    of     Bridle 

Reigns  for  Sarah  Lord 00    01     00 


24  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

£     s.     d. 
2  mo.  9       To  makeing  i  Tunuck  for  Seth 

Matlack  oo    02    00 

To  makeing  a  Pair  of  Trousers 

2  mo.  16     I  mo.  28*^       for  Cupid  —  Cash 00    01    00 

End  of        4  mo.  30^    To    makeing    a    Pair    of    Brown 

1746  Hollon  britches  for  Jno 02    00 

S"*  j^  yr.  To    makeing    one    coat     for    J. 

5  mo.  14  Kaighn's  servant 00    04    00 

1746                               The  last  charge  is 
6  mo.  2°*                        "To  work  done  for  Thomas  Red- 
man   I  da."  00    01    00 

Could  anything  bring  more  vividly  before  us  the  homely  pleas- 
ant details  of  the  lives  of  these  country  folk?  Everything  is 
furnished  at  the  tailorshop,  for  both  men  and  women.  Leather 
"britches"  and  "jackits"  share  with  women's  "petecotes"  and 
stays,  and  out  of  the  long  and  narrow  strips  of  leather  trimmed 
from  the  edges  of  the  skins  are  braided  the  bridle-reins  for 
"Bonny,"  the  mare  on  which  John  Woolman's  mother,  Eliza- 
beth Woolman,  rode  over  to  Monthly  Meeting,  as  well  as  those 
for  the  men.  John  Collins's  reins  must  have  been  long  ones  for 
driving,  or,  if  for  the  saddle,  very  elaborate,  for  they  cost  eight 
shillings.  The  usual  price  was  one  shilling.  "Cupid,"  a  negro, 
"J.  Kaighan's  servant,"  and  "Titus"  are  all  furnished  with  cloth- 
ing by  this  democratic  tailor,  as  well  as  their  masters  and  mis- 
tresses. And  what  was  Amey  Gill's  "Little  bonit"  like,  we  won- 
der? 

This  small  account  book  has  been  made  by  Woolman  himsd! 
from  larger  sheets,  cut  down  and  stitched  together,  and  bears  on 
the  outside  in  the  owner's  hand,  the  following  inscription: 

"John  Woolman's  Book 

Of  Executorship 

To  the  Last  Wills  of 
"  Elizabeth  Woolman,  Dec'd 

Samuel  Haines,  Dec'd 
"Samuel  Woolman,  Dec'd 
■Thomas  Shinn,  Dec'd 


..^ 


02 

OI     I 


EDUCATIOfT 


Negro  Maria,  Dec'd 
"Peter  Fearon,  Deed." 

It  is  evident  that  the  careful  Woolman,  having  but  a  few  pages 
occupied  by  his  apprenticeship  accounts,  lias  reversed  tlie  little 
book,  and  beginning  at  the  opposite  end,  lias  used  it  later  for  his", 
accounts  as  executor.  The  apprentice's  account  is  the  earliest 
holograph  manuscript  of  Woolmao  that  we  have.  The  first  page, 
reversed,  reads,  "John  Woolman's  Book  of  Executorship  As 
Joyntly  Concern 'd  with  his   brother  Asher  in  the  last   Will 

da.  mo. 

Ehzabeth  Woolman,  Jun'.    Dec'd  y*  17:  i :  1746-7,"    Over  page, 
"Accompt   of    What    1    have   Rec'd   of   y*' 

day    mo. 
Woohnan  17:  i:  1746-7 


Estate   of    Elizabeth 


Cash  And  Goods  as  pr.  Inventory 283 : 

Rec'd  Joyntly  p.  me  &  Asher 


s 

18: 


d 

11: 


Dr.  Craig  is  paid  £3:  7:  o,  and  "Negro  Maria,"  who  evident 

s.  d. 
xmrsed  her,  18  y.  Woolman  charges  himself  for  "Clerkship  at 
Ye  Appraisement,  6  sh."  "To  John  Gill  for  Diging  Grave  5 
shillings."  "To  my  Time  and  Expense  at  proving  Will  &c,,  4:  6." 
Elizabeth  Woolman  left  legacies  to  "Father  and  Mother  and 
Hannah  and  Esther"  and  Rachel;  to  her  brother  Abner  and  to 
her  sisters.  Patience  Moore  and  Sarah  Elton.  Samuel  and  Han- 
nah Gauntt  are  named,  and  Hannah  is  paid  £1 :  10  for  a  Walnut 
(able,  "which  Patience  had  as  a  part  of  her  legacy."  John  Wool- 
man  himself  has  a  legacy  of  twelve  pounds,  and  "A  pair  of  Gold 
Buttons,  part  of  my  Legacy,"  Page  2  is  inscribed,  "Affairs  re- 
lating to  the  Estate  of  Elizabeth  Woolman  Junr.  are  all  Setled, 

da  mo. 
and  discharges  taken  from  all  the  Legatees.     26:  3:  1749." 

The  family  scribe  was  called  upon,  October  29,  1742,  to  write 
the  will  of  his  grandfather,  Henry  Burr,  and  he  is  himself  one 
01  the  witnesses/  The  will  was  probated  in  1743  and  the  negro 
woman,  Mary,  (Maria)  is  given  a  large  allowance  of  goods  by 


4 


*  Snr  Jersey  ArchiTO,  Ser.  I,  XXX,  p.  77.     Samuel  Woolman  and  Caleb  H»inct, 
CaecntofA 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

her  generous  master.  Henry  Burr  was  a  large  landowner  in 
Burlington  County.  His  son  Joseph  (who  in  1726  married  Jane 
Abbott,  a  sister  of  Sarah  [Elh'sj  Woolman's  mother)  was  the 
owner  of  Dinah,  whose  marriage  to  William  Bocii  in  1763  is 
elsewhere  described.  There  is  abundant  evidence  in  all 
branches  of  Jolin  Woohntan's  family  of  their  care  for  the  negro 
race. 

About  the  time  that  his  apprenticeship  ended,  John  Woolman 
set  out  on  his  first  independent  preaching  tour,  with  Isaac  An- 
drews '^  of  Haddonfield  as  his  companion.  Starting  in  3  mo. 
(May)  1746,  they  passed  through  Chester  and  Lancaster  Coun- 
ties in  Pentisylvania,  and  made  their  way  into  the  sparsely  set- 
tled portions  of  Virginia,  reaching  afterward  the  neighborhood 
of  the  wealthy  planters.  Knowing  the  mode  of  life  among  the 
rich  southern  gentlemen  of  the  Colonial  period,  we  do  not  wonder 
that  John  Woolman  records  bis  "exercise"  among  the  older  set- 
tlements as  far  more  painful  to  him  than  among  the  poorer 
"hack  inhabitants."  Things  that  in  his  simplicity  he  liad  never 
even  dreamed  of  were  revealed  to  him  among  tlie  fox-hunting, 
hard-drinking  gentry — church-going  or  otherwise — whose  slaves 
labored  that  they  might  dwelt  in  luxury.  He  was  "uneasy"  at 
being  entertained  by  those  who  lived  on  the  profits  of  slave- labor, 
and  spoke  to  that  effect  to  his  hosts.  Prophetically,  he  wrote  of 
the  slave-trade,  *'I  saw  in  the  Southern  provinces  so  many  vices 
and  corruptions,  increased  by  this  trade  and  this  mode  of  life, 
that  it  appeared  to  me  as  a  dark  gloominess  hanging  over  the 
land;  and  though  now  many  willingly  run  into  it,  yet  in  future 
tlie  consequences  will  be  grievous  to  posterity.  I  express  it  as  it 
hath  appeared  to  me,  not  once  or  twice  but  as  a  matter  fixed  in  my 
mind." 

They  were  gone  six  weeks.  Woolman  was  twenty-six  when 
this  memorable  visit  to  the  south  was  made,  and  upon  his  retiirn 
he  wrote  the  essay,  "Some  Considerations  upon  the  Keeping  of 
Negroes."  This  was  only  read  to  his  family,  and  for  eight 
years  it  remained  unpublished.  The  Virginia  experience  evi- 
dently brought  home  to  him  in  its  true  bearings,  and  with  real 
conviction,  the  greater  evils  of  slavery,  and  revived  the  abhor- 
rence of  the  institution  which  he  had  felt  when  called  upon  to 
write  the  bill  of  sale  for  the  negro  woman.    He  had  protested  at 


YOUTH  AND  EDUCATION  27 

it  time,  and  from  now  on  he  was  dedicated  to  the  cause  of 
abolition.      A   momentary   backward   glance   at   what   had    been 
ier  attempted  will  not  here  be  amiss. 

Slavery,  for  commercial  reasons,  was  disappearing  from  Great 

Britain  in  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  but  it  flourished 

greatly   in  other  parts  of    England's  dominions,  and   under  the 

protection  of  the  British  flag.    England  had  been  a  slave-owning 

power  since  Sir  John  Hawkins  had  interested  Queen  Elizabeth  in 

the  great  profits  of  the  trade;  many  followed  her  example,  and 

j  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  gave  a  fresh  impulse.    The  Quakers  from 

[the   beginning   had    been    ioijjlicated    as    owners,    and   by   many. 

^■khaps  most  of  them,  the  institution  had  not  been  regarded  in 

Ms  true  b'ght.    The  ancient  Hebrew  slave  did  not  serve  in  heredi- 

:  tary  bondage,  but  went  free  every  fifty  years,  being  treated  in 

the  interval  much  like  his  master's  sons  and  daughters.    A  Roman 

.  slave  who  showed  unusual  talent  was  well  educated  and  gen- 

^^ally  set  free,  and  some  of  the  most  illustrious  poets,  statesmen 

^■i  warriors  of  Rome  were  freedmen. 

^^  The  African,  on  the  contrary,  was  doomed  to  perpetual  bond- 
I  age.  The  negro  in  America  was  the  product  of  foreign  impor- 
tation, combined  with  a  most  vicious  system  of  domestic  breeding, 
and  was  totally  deprived  by  law  in  many  portions  of  the  colonies, 
of  any  literary,  moral,  or  religious  instruction.  Soon  after  the 
setdement  of  Pennsylvania,  slavery  was  introduced  into  the  West 
Imlies,  and  the  Quakers  were  the  more  ready  to  condone  it  under 
the  conditions  of  a  scarcity  of  labor  in  the  new  province.  The 
Indian  was  too  wild  to  settle  down  to  domestic  service,  as  was  at 
first  fondly  hoped,  and  the  black,  more  tractable  and  adaptable 
physically,  was  substituted. 

The  protests  of  "our  dear  friend  and  Governor,  William 
Penn,"  against  the  institution,  caused  Philadelphia  Monthly 
Meeting  in  1700  to  appoint  a  special  meeting  to  be  held  at  in- 
tervals for  the  negro  slaves.  Penn  urged  "that  Friends  be  very 
careful  in  discharging  a  good  conscience  towards  them  in  all 
tespects,  but  more  especially  for  the  good  of  their  souls."  Two 
bills  were  introduced  by  him  in  the  Assembly :  one,  **for  regulat- 
*"?  "fgrnes  in  their  morals  and  marriages";  the  otlier,  "for  regu- 
lating negroes  in  their  trials  and  punishment."  The  former  was 
defeated.    A  later  bill,  "To  prevent  the  Importation  of  Negroes 


28 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


and  Indians  into  the  Province,'*  was  passed  by  the  Legislature, 
hut  immediately  repealed  in  England  by  an  Order  in  Council. 
Until  the  year  1770  almost  every  effort  to  ameliorate  by  law  the 
condition  of  the  negroes  was  frustrated  in  Parhament.  The 
Quakers  were  not  often  importers,  but  in  many  instances  they 
were  slave-owners  on  a  large  scale,  although  by  the  period  at 
which  Woolman  wrote  his  tract,  the  practice  was  decreasing  among 
them.  Puritan  Massachusetts  had  early  raised  her  voice  against 
the  iniquity,*  but  most  of  the  other  Colonies  saw  too  much  profit 
in  the  trade  to  abolish  it  by  any  legal  measure. 

Like  voices  crying  in  the  wilderness,  single  protests  at  long 
intervals  liad  been  raised  in  the  .'Xmerican  colonies.  The  appeal 
of  the  Germantown  Friends  to  Philadelphia  Yearly  Meeting  in 
1688,  the  first  corporate  effort  of  Quakerism  in  this  direction,  is 
well  known.  George  Keith  followed  in  1693,  with  his  "Exhorta- 
tion and  Caution  to  Friends  concerning  Buying  and  Keeping 
of  Negroes,  &c."  In  17 12  Nantucket  meeting  made  a  minute  that 
"it  is  not  agreeable  to  Truth  for  Friends  to  purchase  slaves  and 
keep  them  term  of  life/'  Five  years  later  New  England  Friends 
recommended  "tliat  Merchants  do  write  their  Correspondents 
in  y"  Islands  and  elsewhere,  to  discourage  their  sending  any 
more  (negroes),  in  order  to  be  sold  by  any  friends  here."*  Phil- 
adelphia Friends  thought  differently,  for  at  the  same  time,  in 
1717,  one  of  their  meetings  ^  made  a  record  condemning  "the 
paper  by  John  Farmar  directed  to  tliis  Meeting  against  Slave- 
holding,  the  Casting  of  Lotts,  ficc.'*  He  was  dealt  with  *'for  dis- 
orderly practices  in  sending  and  Publishing  papers  tending  to 
Division." 


«  In  1645  MassachuMtts  probtbited  buying  or  nellinR  slavea  except  when  prisoners 
of  war,  or  when  sentenced  by  a  Court.  Even  here  the  "Law  of  Moses"  was  enjoined 
In  171a  •  hcBvy  duty  was  imposed.  In  studying  the  attitude  of  the  Qtukers  toward 
the  slave  question,  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  there  was  a  time  when  the  Quakers 
themaelvea  had  been  slaves  on  the  coast  of  Africa.  In  common  with  all  prisoner.'i 
taken  in  the  scventccnlh  century  by  the  Algerinc  pirates,  certain  Quakers  were  for 
years  held  in  slavery  in  the  Barbary  States.  In  1679  the  London  Meeting  took  action 
for  relief.  (Sam'l  Tuke,  1848.  "Account  of  the  Slavery  of  Friends  in  the  Barbary 
Sutes.   towards   the    Close  of   the    17th   Century.") 

»MS,  Records  of  N.  E,  V.  M.  4010.  14.  1717.  Vol.  I,  pp.  g;,  98,  188.  This  action 
was  referred  to  in  1744,  wlien  New  England,  at  the  instance  of  Philadelphia,  aAti 
all  the  subordinate  meetings  to  discourage  "buying  slaves,  even   when  imported." 

•Quarterly  Meeting  of  Phila,  for  jmo,  li.  1717.  The  original  paper,  signed  by 
Sam'l  Preston,  Clerk,  is  in  the  Monthly  Meeting  papers  of  Burlington,  N.  J.,  at 
Frieoda'   Library,   Phila. 


YOUTH  AND  EDUCATIC 

William  Burling's  "Address  to  the  Elders  of  the  Church" 
came  out  in  17 19,  and  was  probably  in  response  to  the  agitation 
caused  by  the  unwise  methods  used  in  a  good  cause  by  John 
Farmar  and  William  Sotheby.  In  1729  Ralph  Sandi ford's  *' Mys- 
tery of  Iniquity,  in  a  Brief  Examination  of  the  Practice  of  the 
Times,"  preceded  "The  Testimony  against  the  Anti-Christian 
Practice  of  Making  Slaves  of  Men,"  published  by  Elihu  Coleman 
in  Nantucket  in  1733.*  Benjamio  Lay's  "Treatise  on  Slave-Keep- 
ing" appeared  in  1737,  containing  also  a  republication  of  part  of 
Burling's  tract.  A  very  great  influence  was  exerted  by  George 
Whilcfield  in  1739,  who  addressed  a  letter  from  Georgia  to  "the 
inhabitants  of  Maryland,  Virginia,  and  South  Carolina"  on  the 
cruelties  practiced  by  many  slave-owners.* 

In  the  colony  of  Virginia  it  was  long  against  the  law  to  manu- 
mit a  slave.  Friends  found  it  difficult  to  free  them,  and  vainly 
endeavored  to  get  the  law  repealed.  Far  from  the  supply  of 
slaves  being  exhausted  or  limited  in  South  Carolina,  when  that 
colony  in  1756,  proposed  to  curtail  the  number  imported,  the 
British  government  forced  her  to  remit  the  duty  on  imported 
negroes,  "lest  the  legitimate  business  of  English  merchants  and 
shippers  be  interfered  with !"  ' 

The  importance  of  the  Essay  which  had  been  written  by  John 
Woolman  upon  this  vital  subject  was  duly  appreciated  by  his 
lather.  When  Samuel  Woolman  "  lay  upon  his  death-bed,  in  the 
fummer  of  1750,  he  urged  his  son  to  submit  the  manuscript  to  the 
publication  committee  of  the  Friends  that  it  might  be  printed. 
His  advice  was  eventually  taken,  but  four  more  years  elapsed  be- 
fore the  essay  appeared  in  1754.  In  that  year  also  the  Yearly 
Meeting  of  Pliiladelphia,  held  at  Burlington,  published  "An 
pi$lle  of  Caution  and  Advice  concerning  the  Buying  and  Keep- 
ing of  Slaves.*'     A  rare  copy  of  this  little  knowir'epistle  still 

'CoSemui**   original    manuscript   is  now   in   posscrssiun   of  the   Nantucket    Ui&t.   St>c. 
b  la  imUd  "29th  of  ye  11  mo.   17^9-30."     The  first  printed  copy  heart  the  above  date 

■Gtvcn  calire  in  Clarkaott'a  **ni»tory  of  the  Abolition  of  the  Slave  Trade,"  Vol.  I 
V^  Mf.  Dr.  Birkbe«k  Hill  draws  attention  to  Dr.  Johnson's  hatred  of  alavety,  and  ^ 
■yt  "Whilat  the  Quakers  were  almost  the  pioneers  in  the  anti-slavery  cause,  he  lifted 
IV  Ui  void  ■gainst  it.  So  early  as  1740,  when  Washington  was  but  a  child  of  eight, 
W  M  maiataJned  "the  natural  ritchl  of  the  negro  to  liberty  and  independence." 
(BanKfl's  joltMon.   II.  478.)     Works  of   Dr.   Johnson,    Ed.   by   Birkheck   Hill.     VI. 

*Un,  Sc  Jnlien  Barenel;   "Charleston:  the  PUc«  and  the  People,"  p.    145. 


4 


30  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

exists.^  The  autlior  is  either  John  Woolman,  or  Anthony  Ben- 
ezet*  It  is  quoted  entire  in  Clarkson's  "History  of  the  Abolition 
of  the  Slave  Trade." - 

In  these  days,  when,  happily,  slavery  is  a  dead  issue,  it  is  hard 
to  appreciate  the  grave  importance  which  attached  to  the  appear- 
ance of  VVoolman's  pamphlet.  People  of  any  standing  who  did 
not  own  slaves  were  an  exception,  and  at  the  largest  import  mar- 
kets, as  Philadelphia,  New  York  and  Newport,  Quakers  were 
prominent  merchants.  New  Jersey  was  a  large  slave-holding 
colony  in  Woolman's  day,  and  the  slave-market  was  standing  in 
Perth  Amboy  half  a  century  after  his  death.  At  Kaiglin's  Point, 
or  Cooper's  Ferry,  where  is  now  Camden,  New  Jersey,  sales  were 
regularly  advertised  in  the  newspapers.  Thus,  for  instance,  tlie 
*'Pennsylvania  Journal"  for  May  27,  1762,  is  typical  of  the 
entire  period:  "Just  imported  from  the  River  Gambia  in  the 
Schooner  Sally,  Bernard  Badger,  Master,  and  to  be  sold  at  the 
Upper  Ferry  (called  BenjamitT  Cooper's  Ferry),  opposite  to 
this  City,  a  parcel  of  likely  Men  and  Women  Slaves,  with  some 
Boys  and  Girls  of  different  Ages.  Attendance  will  be  given 
from  the  hours  of  nine  to  twelve  o'clock  in  the  Morning,  and 
from  three  to  six  in  the  Afternoon,  by  W.  Coxe,  S.  Oldman,  & 
Company.  N.B.  It  is  generally  allowed  that  the  Gambia  Slaves 
are  much  more  robust  atid  tractable  than  any  other  slaves  from 
the  Coast  of  Guinea,  and  more  Capable  of  under^joing  the  Sever- 
ity of  the  Winter  Seasons  in  the  North- American  Colonies,  wliich 
occasions  their  being  Vastly  more  esteemed  and  coveted  in  this 
Province  and  those  to  the  Northward,  than  any  other  Slaves 
whatsoever."  *'A  parcel  of  Choice,  likely  Young  Slaves"  was 
sold  off  at  the  same  place  three  months  later. 

Anthony  Benezet  *  wrote,  in  1762,^  "Those  Negroes  that  were 
brought  last  year  up  the  River  and  sold  on  the  Jersey  Shore 
opposite  this  City  (Philadelphia)  were  probahly  of  the  Fully 
(Fuli)  Nation,  as  the  vessel  came  from  the  River  Senegal," 


?re 
)re  I 

"yj 


*  In    the  Alhcnxum    Library,    Nantuc-ket,    Mass. 

*  Vol.  I,  p.  113.  The  New  Jersey  AsMinbly  in  1769  enacted  a  law  imposing  a  duty 
of    £is  on  every   imported   slave    in   the   Province,      (.Allinson's  Law*,   p.    ^isJ 

*  A.  Benexet.  "Short  Account  of  th.it  Part  nf  Africa  Inhabited  by  the  Ntgrocs." 
p.  75  note.  Ed.  176a.  A  conservative  estimate  places  the  number  of  slaves  brought 
from  Africa  between  1676  and  1776  at  three  million,  and  a  quarter  of  a  miltion  more 
died  on  the  way  acro.<ia  the  Atlantic.  <J.  P.  Wickershaiu,  "Education  in  Pennsylvania," 
p.  a48.) 


n 


YOUTH  AND  EDUCATION 


31 


At  this  very  time,  however,  even  George  Whitefield  dared 
not  maintain  that  in  the  South  slavery  was  not  a  necessity.  For 
the  youthful  Quaker,  therefore,  boldly  to  attempt  to  persuade  the 
prominent  legislators  and  merchants  of  his  day  that  slavery  was 
not  only  wrong  in  principle,  but  was  an  economic  mistake  as 
well,  demanded  great  courage.  Yet  when  Woolman  made  his 
6rst  southern  tour  in  1746,  the  injustice  and  cruelty  inflicted  on 
tfie  negroes  were,  as  a  rule,  less  thati  in  later  years,  when  the 
planters  of  the  South  perceived  the  growth  of  the  Abolition  senti- 
ment. A  patriarchal  system  of  protection  was  the  rule  on  many 
plantations,  although  combined  with  negligent  methods  and  much 
economic  waste.  An  important  fact  in  this  connection  has  been 
pointed  out  by  an  eminent  writer  ^  in  a  recent  %folunie  contain- 
ing a  fine  appreciation  of  Woolman.  The  Anti-slavery  movement 
was  begun  and  fairly  under  way  before  the  great  industrial  revolu- 
tion was  fully  developed.  Had  modem  inventions  and  slave. 
trusts  been  combined  in  one  great  system  of  industry  and  manu- 
facture, what  iK>wer  could  ever  have  reformed  the  evil?     What 

Id  have  happened  to  the  world  had  Woolman  withheld  his 
voice,  and  choked  the  utterance  of  his  first  feelings  of  repulsion  at 
finding  his  fellowmen  in  bondage? 

Between  the  writing  and  the  publication  of  this*essay,  Wool- 
man  made  five  tours  through  the  region  about  New  York  and 
Long  Island,  and  to  New  England  as  far  as  Nantucket,  with  the 
pica  for  the  negro  as  his  chief  message.  Moreover,  the  year  in 
which  he  wrote  his  essay,  1746,  saw  the  importation  of  slaves  into 
New  York  reach  its  climax,  with  a  total  of  eight  thousand  nine 
hundred  and  forty-one  snuls.-  Woohnan  was  now  in  the  prime  of 
early  manhood  and  devoting  himself  to  the  work  to  which  he  felt 
called.  In  this  inten'al  also  came  his  settlement  in  business,  and 
his  marriage, 

Iq  preparation  for  this  Woolman  in  1747  made  two  pure  liases 
i  property.  On  April  4th,  he  bought  of  John  Ogborn  a  brick 
lioose  and  lot  of  land  on  Mill  street.  Mount  Holly.  This  house 
is  still  standing,  numbered  47.    Its  appearance  was  greatly  altered 

'Gtorge  Marauiay  Trevclyan.     "Clio,  and  Other  Essays":  on   "John   Wr>«)lmaii." 
•lo  contrast,    a»  tl)f*   was   written,  a    Pan-.\frican    ConRrrss    was   caTlcfl    to    meet    in 
Firla  "vtth  the  declared  purpose  of  securing  the  protection  of  the  natives  of  Africa 
M'  the   people   of   African   descent   in    other   countries,"    including   Central   America, 
Libefii^  and  Abyasinia.  with  the  representation  of  a  negro  populatioa  of  tS7,ooo»ooo. 


32  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

and  modernized  by  its  purchaser  of  1795,  Samuel  Lewis,  the 
architect,  who  was  h'ving  in  it  when  he  built  the  Court  House.  The 
dormer  windows  which  he  added  closely  resemble  those  of  the 
Georgian  period  which  adorn  that  handsome  building,  and  the 
doorway  has  been  remodeled.  Traces  of  the  earlier  simplicity, 
however,  are  visible  at  the  back  of  the  house,  and  in  the  windows 
not  on  the  street,  and  the  old  walls  bear  witness  to  their  sub- 
stantial character.  Stucco  over  the  exterior  and  over  the  extended 
base  beneath  the  front  windows,  has  taken  away  the  last  touch  of 
antiquity  which  the  building  still  reveals  only  to  the  careful  scru- 
tiny of  the  antiquarian. 

It  has  long  been  the  desire  of  historians,  local  and  other,  to 
discover  John  Woolman's  sfwp,  but  only  now  has  the  search  been 
successful.  In  the  recent  settlement  of  an  estate  the  deeds  for 
this  property  have  come  to  light,  and  references  in  the  Larger 
Account  Book  go  to  confirm  these.  The  circumstances  point  to 
John  Ogborn  as  possibly  John  Woolman's  "employer,"  but  he 
never  names  him,  and  there  is,  as  yet,  no  positive  proof.  Behind 
this  house  stood  the  "Little  Meeting  House"  to  which  access  was 
had  from  Mill  street  through  "Meeting  House  Alley,'*  which  is 
described  in  the  original  deed  as  on  John  Woolman's  line.  The 
meeting  hou^e  is  referred  to  in  several  old  deeds  owned  by  Bur- 
lington Monthly  Meeting,  hut  for  years  its  exact  site  has  been 
forgotten.  The  building  was  used  as  a  school  house,  and  there 
is  little  doubt  that  this  was  also  the  scene  of  John  Woolman's 
labors  as  teacher. 

This  location  was  at  the  time  in  the  centre  of  trade  in  the 
little  town,  nearly  opposite  the  mills  of  Josiah  White,*'  the  enter- 
prising Quaker  merchant  who  came  from  Salem  in  1730,  and  as 
preacher  and  manufacturer,  gave  a  double  impetus,  commercially 
and  morally,  to  the  town.  The  shop  also  adjoined  the  Three  Tuns 
tavern,  owned  and  kept  by  Daniel  Jones,^  the  brother  of  Wool- 
man's  friend,  Rebecca  Jones,  of  Philadelphia.  Daniel  Jones  was 
not  a  Quaker.  The  inevitable  result  of  prompt  and  honest  deal- 
ing followed,  and  Woolman's  trade  so  prospered  that  he  feared 
he  might  eventually  grow  rich  1  He  therefore  began  to  reduce  the 
volume  of  his  business,  disliking  to  feel  himself  involved  in  too 

'Daniel  Junes  (1730-         ).     Uc   remained  an  Episcopalian,   sod  WU  a  warden  of 
St.  Apdrcw'f  Chwrch,  Mt.  Holljr. 


YOUTH  AND  EDUCATION 


33 


touch  "cumber."  May  i6th,  1753,  he  sold  the  Mill  street  property 
!o  his  mother,  Elizabeth  Woolman,  and  it  is  not  at  all  unlikely 
that  for  a  few  years  before  her  death,  in  177^,  she  and  her  un- 
married daughter,  Rachel,  may  have  lived  in  the  Mill  street  house 
together,  as  her  son  Asher  had  a  large  and  growing  family. 

John  Woolman  wrote  his  mother*s  will  "the  nth  of  2mo.  in 
the  year  1772/*  not  long  before  he  left  for  England,  when  she 
vs-as  too  feeble  to  do  more  than  make  her  trembling  mark.  In 
her  will  she  leaves  her  "brick  house  in  Mount  Holly  with  the 
framed  shop,  and  all  the  lot  to  them  belonging,"  to  her  daughter 
Rachel,  who  held  the  property  for  twenty-three  years  and  sold  it 
March  226.  1795,  three  years  before  her  death,  to  Samuel  Lewis. 
The  "framed  shop"  at  the  side  adjoining  the  house  was  bought 
by  Jostah  White  ^*  and  moved  off  the  premises,  Rachel  Wool- 
man  let  out  the  house,  or  a  part  of  it,  to  tenants,  and  the  Penn- 
sylvania Gazette  for  September  25th,  1776,  contains  the  follow- 
ing advertisement: 

"Mount  Holly,  September  23,  1776. 
John  Shields 
has  opened  a  new  store  at  the  Upper  end  of  Mount  Holly  (in  the 
house  where  the  late  Mr.  John  Woolman  lived)  where  he  proposes 
to  keep  a  neat  Assortment  of  Dry  and  Wet  Goods,  suitable  to  that 
Part  of  the  Country,  whose  Custom  he  hopes  to  obtain  by  the 
Moderation  of  his  Prices." 

John  Shields  does  not  appear  to  have  owned  the  property  in 
Ijh^  town  for  his  shop,  and  while  the  family  name  is  known,  his 
PPd  identity  is  not  established. 

The  second  purchase  of  property  made  by  John  Woolman  was 
on  May  20th,  1747,  when  he  bought  of  Peter  Andrews,'^  his 
neighbor  and  intimate  friend,  eleven  acres  of  land  which  had 
originally  formed  part  of  the  great  tract  which  John  Haddon  of 
London  had  taken  up  as  a  Proprietary  of  West  Jersey,  and  which 
iras  inherited  by  his  daughter,  Elizabeth  Haddon,'*'  afterwards 
Estaugh,  the  founder  of  Haddonheld.  She  had  sold  to  Peter 
Andrews  "  this  small  portion  only  the  year  before.  The  purchase 
was  twenty-live  pounds,  "proclamation  money."  ^ 

There  are  not  many  young  men  of  twenty-seven  in  John  Wool- 

*  Tkc  orifinAl  deed  is  in   possenion  of  the  Editor. 


34  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN  chap,  i 

man's  position  in  life  who  are  possessed  of  sufficient  means  t( 
acquire  two  such  pieces  of  property,  even  with  the  prices  of  thi 
colonial  period.  This  circumstance  is  in  itself  enough  to  refuti 
the  charges  of  extreme  poverty  which  have  been  made.  To  thii 
farm,  which  was  increased  to  nearly  two  hundred  acres  by  th( 
time  it  was  sold  in  1791  by  John  and  Mary  Comfort,  John  Wool 
man  appears  to  have  retired  at  some  period  between  1753  anc 
1760,  and  he  continued  at  his  home  to  manage  the  farm  anc 
orchard,  at  the  same  time  that  he  pursued  his  tailoring,  for  the 
Account  Book  shows  that  he  was  making  leather  breeches  foi 
his  customers  within  a  few  weeks  of  his  departure  for  England 


CHAPTER  III 


1749 


MARRIAGE   AND   SETTLEMENT 


Early  marriages  were  universal  in  this  period  of  colonial  life, 
since  a  farming  community  can  easily  support  itself  upon  pro- 
ductive land  like  that  in  West  Jersey.    But  Woolman's  tastes  were 
inclined  toward  a  less  laborious  means  of  living,  as  he  tells  us 
himself,  and  he  was  besides  of  a  slight  and  rather  frail  build. 
Hence  he  was  twenty-nine  years  old  before  he  married,  and  had 
for  six  years  been  a  recognized  preacher.     Settling  down  to  his 
home  life,  with  his  tailoring  and  conveyancing,  his  legal  duties  as 
occasion  called  him  to  draw  the  will  of  a  dying  neighbor,  or  to 
lay  out  the  property  of  an  heir  or  new-comer,  John  Woolman 
began  what  was  a  happy  married  life,  interrupted  only  by  the 
absences  which  took  him  long  distances  from  home,  in  pursuance 
of  his  duties,  and  at  his  Master's  calL 

Of  the  wife  of  John  Woolman  singularly  little  is  known.  The 
family  memoranda  of  her  son-in-law,  John  Comfort,**  give  us 
the  dates  of  her  birth  and  death.  She  is  sometimes  named  on 
her  meeting's  committees,  and  she  served  as  the  first  Treasurer 
of  tlie  Woman's  Meeting,  when  the  Monthly  Meeting  of  Mount 
^'-"v  was  separated  from  that  of  Burlington  in  1775,  after  her 
i.nd's  death,  A  few  letters  remain  to  or  about  her,  but  none 
01  her  own  to  her  husband.  A  word  or  two  stating  the  bare  fact 
IS  all  that  his  Journal  tells  us  of  his  marriage.  "The  Lord,"  says 
Woolman,  "gave  me  a  well  inclined  damsel  named  Sarah 
Ellis,"  '*  and  this  is  all  that  he  records.  They  were  married  at 
Chesterfield.  New  Jersey,  8mo.  (October)  18,  1749,  when  he 
was  twenty-nine  and  she  a  year  younger.  Their  marriage  cer- 
tificate is  well  written  on  parchment,  but  the  name  is  very  curi- 
ously spelled  throughout,  ''Wolhnan."  ^ 

>  See  Appendix.  oriKinaJ  in  Woolman  Papers,  Hictorictil  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

35 


rthto 


36  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


Sarah  Ellis  was  the  daughter  of  Benjamin  Ellis  and  Mary 
Abbott,  who  were  married  at  Chesterfield,  N.  J.,  9010.  (Novem- 
ber) 22,  1720.  Her  father  was  the  son  of  Josiah  Ellis,  of  Wood- 
enbury,  Chester,  England.  Josiali  Ellis  married  for  his  third  wife, 
7 mo.  (September)  16,  1697,  Mary,  the  daughter  of  WiUiam 
Adams,  of  Monmouth,  and  widow  of  Thomas  Wilcox,  gold- 
smith, of  the  Savoy,  whom  she  had  married  at  Westminster  meet- 
ing, gmo.  (November)  22,  1680.  Josiah  EHis  had  many  children 
and  grandchildren,  all  of  his  wives  having  left  descendants.  Ben- 
jamin and  his  twin  sister  Mary,  eldest  children  by  the  third  wife, 
were  born  8mo.  (October)   16,  1698,  in  the  Savoy. 

Upon  attaining  his  majority  Benjamin  Ellis  came  to  America. 
The  first  record  of  him  is  liis  certificate  to  Great  Britain  from 
Chesterfield,  N.  J,,  dated  6mo.  (August)  6,  1719.  He  brings 
one  from  Hammersmith,  Middlesex,  London,  to  Pliiladelphia, 
dated  "29  of  2mo.  (April)  1720."  and  the  latter  monthly  meet- 
ing, 7mo.  30  (September)  appoints  Anthony  Morris  and 
Thomas  Griffith  to  prepare  another  directed  to  Chesterfield.  N.  J.. 
"touching  his  clearness  in  relation  to  marriage."  At  that  meet- 
ing, gmo.  (November)  24,  1720,  he  married  Mary,  daughter  of 
John  and  Ann  (Mauleverer)  Abbott.'  They  went  lo  Phila- 
delphia to  live,  and  Mary  Ellis's  certificate  of  removal  to  that  place 
is  dated  on  the  records,  '*y*  2nd.  of  y*  12th  mo.  (February') 
1720,"  There  had  been  Ellises  in  Burlington  County  from  the 
time  of  William  Penn,  but  they  do  not  appear  to  be  of  this  family. 
A  George  Ellis  of  Htgham,  in  Derbyshire,  sold  some  land  in 
West  Jersey  in  1682.' 

The  day  before  the  birth  of  their  only  child,  Sarah,  Benjamin 
Ellis  requested  another  certificate  to  London,  *'he  intending  there 
on  business."  The  minute  is  dated,  "6rao.  (August)  25,  1721." 
The  death  of  Josiah  Ellis  does  not  appear  on  the  London  records, 
but  this  may  have  been  the  cause  of  his  son*s  departure  so  soon 
after  his  arrival  and  marriage.  This  is  the  last  evidence  of  any 
kind  that  has  been  found  respecting  Benjamin  Ellis,  and  the 
presumption  is  that  he  died,  or  was  lost  at  sea.  There  is  no  clue 
to  the  circumstances  which  had  brought  together  this  pair;  there 

'  Andrew   Bradford   is  a   witness   from   Philadelphia. 
■  N.  J.  Archives,   XXI,  429,     For  facU  of  Benjvmici   Ellia'  ancestry,   ihe   Editor  \{ 
indebted  to  Gilbert  Cope. 


m 


MARRIAGE  AND  SETTLEMENT 


37 


hy  have  been  family  connections  or  acquaintance  in  the  earlier 
generation  in  England.  In  a  new  country  courtships  were  brief, 
and  bet\**een  the  summer  of  1720  and  the  autumn  of  1721  Benja- 
min Ellis  had  arrived  in  West  Jersey,  married,  had  a  child,  and 
departed,  with  only  the  record  of  dates  to  imply  any  tragedy  com- 
pressed into  so  brief  a  period. 

Sarah,  only  child  of  Benjamin  and  Mary  Ellis,  was  born 
6010.  (August)  26,  1721,  in  Philadelphia.  She  was  but  two 
years  old  when  her  mother  returned  to  Chesterfield  to  live  with, 
or  near,  her  parents;  the  certificate  of  removal  is  dated  iimo. 
t  January)  17,  1723-4.  When  Sarah  was  nine  years  old  her  mother 
married  again,  at  Chesterfield,  George  Williams,  Senior  (1685- 
1744),  a  well-known  and  highly  esteemed  resident  of  Shrewsbury, 
East  Jersey,  gmo  (November)  12,  1730,  as  his  second  wife.'  His 
first  wife  had  been  Joanna  Wills  (1688-1728)  whom  he  had  mar- 
ried 1 1  mo.  (January)  1708-9.  She  died  "circumspect  in  be- 
havior*' and  a  minister,  2mo.  (April)  ist,  1728,^  leaving  him  with 
children.  Mary  Ellis  Williams  "desesed  her  life"  at  Shrews- 
*'y"  6  of  2mo,  (April)  1739."  George  Williams  also 
**dC8esed  his  life  y*  15  of  inio.  (March)  i744.**  ^  The  Friends 
said  of  Mary  that  "she  was  well -beloved  by  her  husband's  chil- 
dren, and  upon  her  death  left  a  sweet  savour  behind  her."  *  Her 
nstitution  was  frail ;  she  was  a  minister  for  some  years.  Two 
of  her  step-sons  married  two  of  her  younger  sisters. 

There  are  evidences  that  if  Sarah  Ellis  was  not  broitght  up 
by  her  grandparents,  John  and  Ann  Abbott,  she  at  least  spent 
much  of  her  time  with  them.  Chesterfield  records  give  the  birth 
^tc  of  her  grandmother  as  2mo.  (April)  28,  1678.  Ann  Abbott 
the  daughter  of  Edmund  and  Ann  Mauleverer,  of  West 
Aytoun  Manor,  an  ancient  family  of  Yurkshirc,  tracing  iheir 
dtsciml  <lirectiy  back  to  the  Sureties  of  the  Magna  Charta.'  It 
b  interesting  to  discover  that  Robert  and  Alice   (Markeiifield) 


•  S'.  J.  Archive*.  XXX,  3IJ.     G.  W.  is  described  as  "a  lover  of  God  and  man.      He 
kiyV  opcti  bouse  and  entertained  his  friends  with  cheerfulness" — an  elder   many   years. 

•-n>e    Friend"    (Philadelphia).    Vol.    XXIX.    p,    153. 

f-wf>hury    M.    M.    Recordf.      Book    II.      Marriages,    Births,    and    Deaths,      Geo. 

i  was  tlhc  third  child  of  the   four  sons  and  five  daughters  of  John   and   Marf 

miBaoMk     John  died  in   1719.     His  inventory  shows  him  to  have   had  a  comfortable 
mimllm.     If   names  the  family  Bible.     N.   J.   Archives,    ist   Ser.,   XXIII,   p.   sio< 

•-Tbe    Priend"   (Philadelphia),   Vol,   XXIX,   p.   35^. 

*  Chmtira  R.  Browning.     "Suretiei  of  the  Macna  Charta." 


'«j 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chapJ 

Mauleverer,  of  Wothersome,  Yorkshire,  were  ancestors  of  bothj 
Ann  Mauleverer  Abbott  and  of  Richard  Sahonstall,  (i6io-| 
1694),  later  of  Ipswich,  Massachusetts,  Deputy  and  Assistant,! 
whose  wife  was  Muriel  Gurdon,  and  whose  fame  has  come  down' 
to  us  in  the  Puritan  Records.  Ann  Mauleverer  was  born  in  1678^1 
at  Scarborough,  Yorkshire,  where  her  father  died,  and  her  mothefj 
married  again,  Tino.  (September)  i(jSi,  Matthew  W^atson, 
chemist,  of  the  same  place.  The  following  year,  1682,  the  family] 
joined  the  great  migration  under  William  Penn  to  West  Jersey, 
where  Matthew  Watson  became  a  prominent  figure.  His  step-, 
daughter,  Ann  Mauleverer,  (1678-1754)  was  married  at  hid 
house  at  Chesterfield,  3010.  (May)  26,  i6()6,^  to  John  Abbotr 
(1660-1739),  who  had  removed  from  Farnfield,  Nottinghamshire, 
in  1684.  He  died  8mo.  (October)  16,  1739,  leaving  her  with  ten 
children.    Her  death  occurred  2mo.  (April)  10,  1754. 

Much   of    the  nineteen   years   between   her   mother's   second! 
marriage  and  removal  to  Shrewsbur>',  and  her  own  marriage,  wasl 
spent  by  Sarah  Fllis  with  her  grandparents  at  Chesterfield,  wherej 
she  could  not  have  failed  to  meet  John  Woolman,    His  choice  is 
evidence  of  the  purity  of  her  character,  but  we  know  nothing  0 
her  at  this  time  of  her  life.    They  were  married  in  Chesterfield, 
8mo.    (October)    18.    1749;  their  certificate  is  yet  in  beautiful 
preservation.     On  the  same  day  that  John  and  Sarah  Woolman 
had  gone  over  to  nurlingtoii  Monthly  Meeting  to  "pass,"  as  the 
declaration   of   their   intentions   before  the   meetir^   was   called, 
for  the  second  time,  i.e.,  7mo.   (September)  4th.^     John's  sisteri 
Hannah  Woolman   and   Samuel    Gauntt   also   went   through  th 
same  ceremony  in  the  same  meeting. 

Letters  to  his  wife  show  Woolman's  soficitude  for  her  com- 
fort, and  we  gather  that  Sarah  Woolman  was  never  in  very 
robust  health.  She  led  a  quiet  life,  and  her  husband  lived  up  td 
his  advice  on  the  question  of  labor,  by  seeing  to  it  that  she  ha< 
a  competent  person  to  assist  her  in  the  household  tasks.  Aftet 
the  death  of  her  husband  she  was  for  a  time  prostrated,  but  whet 
the  separate  Monthly  Meeting  at  Mount  Holly  was  established  sh< 

'  N.  J.  Archives.  XXII,  p.  650. 

*  Burlington  M.  M.  Records.  Vul,  II,  f.  iRa.  Same  Vol..  p.  185,  umlcr  date  ** 
day  of  0  mo.  1749" — "The  Friends  appoinled  to  allind  the  marriages  of  S«miM 
Gauntt  and  Hannah  Woolman  and  of  John  Woolman  and  Sarah  Ellis  report  tbel 
orderly  performed." 


tn  MARRIAGE  AND  SETTLEMENT  39 

jecame,  as  has  been  noted,  the  first  Treasurer  of  the  Women's 
Kfeeting,  in  1776.  Her  name  occurs  on  committees  and  she  ^>- 
xars  to  have  taken  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  Society.  She  sur- 
rived  her  husband  for  fifteen  years  and  died  at  Mount  Holly, 
$mo.  18,  1787.^  She  is  buried  beside  two  of  her  grandchildren  in 
he  Friends*  graveyard  at  the  "new"  meeting  house  (built  1775) 
in  lot  number  twelve,  not  far  from  the  iron  railing  on  Garden 
Street;  the  Friends'  Historical  Society  of  Philadelphia  has  re- 
cently erected  a  granite  marker. 

The   following  letter  has  come  to  light  among  the  corre- 
spondence of  the  Morris  and  Smith  families.'     It  is  the  only 
letter  in  Sarah  Woolman's  handwriting  yet  found,  and  all  the 
persons  named  by  her  were  members  of  her  own  Monthly  Meet- 
ing, and  her  intimate  friends.     She  had  known  "Johny,"  as  his 
family  called  him,  since  his  birth,  and  took  alarm  when  she  found 
the  boy  was  to  be  placed  where  he  might  feel  "worldly  ambitions." 
He  was  the  son  of  John  Smith,**  her  husband's  friend,  and  Han- 
nah Logan.    John  Smith,  2nd,  was  bom  in  1761  and  was  there- 
fore fifteen  years  old  when  this  letter  was  written.    His  father 
had  died  in  1771  at  the  early  age  of  48,  and  his  mother  at  his 
birth.    The  care  of  their  four  orphan  children  devolved  upon  the 
uncles,  and  it  is  to  Samuel  Smith,**  the  historian  of  New  Jersey, 
and  William  Logan,^  son  of  James,  that  Sarah  Woolman  refers 
in  the  letter,  which  is  unfortunately  without  superscription.   John 
Smith  II,  married,  1784,  Gulielma  Maria  (1766-1826),  daughter 
of  William  and  Margaret   (Hill)    Morris  of   Burlington,  New 
Jersey,    and    his   death,    of    pulmonary    disease,    took    place    in 
1803,  at  the  age  of  forty-two.     He  was  never  robust,  and  his 
life  was  chiefly  spent  upon  his  farm  at  "Green  Hill,"  three  miles 
from  Burlington,  where  Samuel  Jenings  had  once  lived.     John 
Morris,  the  brother  of  his  wife,  had  been  a  promising  young 
physician,  who  was  one  of  the  many  yellow  fever  victims  of  the 
awful  summer  of  1793  in  Philadelphia.    Sarah  Woolman's  fears 
that  his  prominent  social  connections,  or  his  ambitions,  if  educated 
to  the  medical  profession,  might  lead  the  youthful  John  astray, 

'  Iniide  front  cover  of  Larger  Account  Book  John  Comfort  has  written,  "Mother 
Woolman  departed  this  life,  i8  day  3  mo.  1787-" 

*Tbe   Gulielma  M.  Rowland  Collection.      In  Library  of  Haverford  College. 
*See   Biog.   Note   59. 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

were  groundless.  He  chose  to  devote  his  time  to  the  cultiva- 
tion of  a  highly  productive  farm,  thos  following  the  calling 
that  John  Woolman  had  declared  led  to  the  best  contentment  in 
Hfe. 


c  in  I 

'1 


[Endorsement]     [Mount  Holly  in  i**  mo:  1776.] 
Dear  friend 

a  Concern  hath  rested  on  my  mind  in  behalf  of  John  Smith  Re- 
membring  what  Inocence  his  Dear  Creator  Bestowed  upon  him  and 
what  a  Lamentable  Case  it  should  be  lost  or  mar'*  for  want  timely 
Care  or  Chusing  a  trade  may  be  most  for  his  Spiritual  advantage 
rather  than  worldly  profit  may  his  friends  and  near  Relations  dwell 
Deep  in  their  mind  before  him  whose  dwelling  is  on  high  may  you 
seek  to  be  directed  by  best  wisdom  in  so  waty  a  matter  and  have  a 
watchfull  Care  over  this  Beloved  youth  for  his  fncouragement  in 
ye  Blessed  way  now  hath  my  mind  been  united  In  near  Love  & 
Sirapathy  in  Behalf  of  this  Dear  Child  and  his  well  fare  this  Inocence 
may  not  be  Lost  [for]  want  of  Scilfull  management  I  Remember 
Several  years  past  a  friend  Said  in  my  hearing  if  he  lived  to  be  old 
anuf  was  Intended  to  bee  a  doctor  or  a  lawyer  it  Gave  me  a  whome 
Stroke  and  Sorrow  fileth  my  mind  lest  it  may  not  prove  for  his  Ever- 
lasting advantage  aspiring  after  greatness  for  alass  what  is  this 
world  and  ye  pleasures  here  below  when  Compared  with  Eternity 
Choosing  that  which  may  keep  his  mind  most  free  from  Entangle- 
ments of  any  kind  and  this  youth  be  Instructed  in  the  paths  of  virty 
and  have  time  to  read  Good  Books  and  Seek  after  Humility  of  hart 
and  find  acquaintance  &  acceptance  with  his  Creator  the  Humble  he 
will  teach  of  his  ways  and  the  Meek  guide  in  Judgment  which  is 
more  to  be  valued  than  all  ye  pleasures  this  world  Can  afford  which 
is  very  aluring  to  youth  I  would  Just  Exp  res  those  hints  that  I  may 
be  Clear  for  you  know  I  am  a  poor  Cretor  and  have  had  a  humbling 
Season  and  believe  these  remarks  Simple  but  looking  toward  the 
winding  up  of  time  hear  below  and  that  I  may  not  feel  anguish  of 
mind  if  things  Should  not  Succeed  well  hereafter  and  I  Could  not 
well  be  Silent  Except  I  rite  Something  [of]  this  kind  now  if  he 
Should  Chuse  to  be  a  farmer  and  you  Could  find  a  Honnest  man 
would  it  not  be  best  and  his  mind  more  at  Liberty  and  Serean  in 
meditation  on  divinity  &  ye  Divine  being  and  may  he  rule  whose  rite 
it  is  and  worthy  to  have  room  in  our  harts  I  was  Informed  by  a 
young  man  Going  to  raw  way  John  Smith' [s]  2  unkcis  Samuel  Sfmith] 
&  William  Login  Intended  he  Should  be  a  doctor  and  the  youth  rather 
chose  be  a  farmer  young  man  said  was  Sorrj'  he  Should  be  a  doctot 
&  pityed  hira  to  this  purpose  it  caused  a  fresh  Concern  in  my  mii 


m  MARRIAGE  AND  SETTLEMENT  41 

and  now  dear  friend  if  thou  Enquire  and  if  there  be  not  a  Cause 
then  rather  this  was  Conceled  I  hope  thou  may  alow  for  weakness 
and  a  Stammering  [tongue]. 

farewell  S[arah]  W[oolman] 
rather  this  had  a  bee  comprised  in  few  words 

The  only  child  of  John  and  Sarah  Woolman  who  survived 
to  maturity  was  Mary,"*  bom,  according  to  her  father's  memo- 
randum, "loth  mo.  1750."  The  record  of  the  meeting  reads, 
"10  mo.  (December)  i8th."  The  birth  of  a  son,  William,  is  re- 
corded in  the  meeting  minutes  and  in  a  collateral  family  genealogy, 
on  7  mo.  21,  1754.  This  child  died  9  mo.  30,  1754,  at  the  age  of 
two  months.*  There  is  always  a  message  for  Mary  in  the  father's 
letters  when  he  was  away  on  his  long  tours  about  the  country, 
but  we  have  no  other  reference  to  her  childhood,  or  to  the  tender 
care  certainly  bestowed  upon  her  by  such  parents.  She  was  mar- 
ried at  the  age  of  twenty-one,  3rd  of  4th  mo.  1 771,  to  John  Com- 
fort" (1754-1803),  of  Fallsington,  Pa.,  son  of  Stephen  Com- 
fort"* of  the  same  place.  Their  marriage  certificate  is  beau- 
tifully written  in  the  clear,  legal  hand  of  her  father.* 

John  Woolman  built  for  his  daughter  the  brick  house  now 
known  as  the  "Woolman  Memorial,"  at  99  Branch  Street,  Mount 
Holly,  for  which  the  bills  and  specifications  are  fully  given  in 
his  Larger  Account  Book.*  It  was  but  just  completed  when  he 
sailed  for  England,  and  Mary's  first  child  John  was  born  about 
six  weeks  after,  so  that  John  Woolman  never  saw  a  grandchild 
of  his  own.  Of  these,  however,  he  had  ten,  all  of  them  children 
of  John  and  Mary  Comfort.  Two  of  these  who  died  in  infancy 
are  buried  as  we  have  seen,  in  the  Friends'  graveyard  in  Mount 
Holly  beside  their  grandmother.*  After  her  death,  John  Com- 
fort (whose  father,  Stephen  Comfort,  died  but  two  months  af- 
ter John  Woolman)  removed,  probably  for  business  reasons,  to 
his  former  home  at  Fallsington,  where  the  second  daughter  was 
born,  and  died  in  a  few  weeks.  Mary  was  the  only  other  daugh- 
ter.   The  six  sons  who  grew  up  all  married  and  left  families, 

*  Bnrial  Records.     (Mount  Holly)  Burlington  M.  M. 
■  The  parents'   names  are   not  given,   as  was  usual. 

»  See   Appendix. 

*  These  children  were:     i.  Jeremiah,  d.   1778,  aged  8  mos.     2.  William,  d.    1786, 
aced  6  yn. 


42  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

so  that  John  Woolman  has  today  many  direct  descendants,  but 
none  of  the  name  of  Woohnan.* 

Mary  Woolman  Comfort  died  of  the  scourge  of  smallpox, 
which  carried  away  so  many  of  her  relatives,  leaving  her  large 
family  with  the  only  daughter  but  seven  years  old  and  the  young-  j 
est  hoy  aged  three.    Her  husband  enters  on  the  index  leaf  of  tlie 
Larger  Account  Book,   "My   Beloved   Wife   Departed   this   life 

da  mo 
Vk^ith  the  Small  pox  ye  6:  4:  1797,  about  12  o'clock  at 
Night,  Aged  46  and  a  half  lacking  12  days/'  He  married  a 
second  time,  at  the  "Falls"  Meeting  House,  11  mo.  4,  1798, 
Ann,  daughter  of  Isaac  and  Rebecca  English  of  Middletown.' 
There  is  a  memorandum  in  the  Larger  Account  Book,  by  John 

da  mo. 
Comfort, — "8  6  1794 — ^Ann  English  came  here."  Her  account 
is  balanced  and  settled  on  the  28th  of  lomo.  1796. 
She  had  evidently  been  assisting  in  the  care  of  the  large  family  in 
some  domestic  capacity,  and  was  probably  the  natural  person 
to  resimie  the  charge  of  his  motherless  children.  One  of  these 
has  entered  in  this  same  book,  50  full  of  the  vital  interests  of 
this  family,  "Our  endeared  Father,  John  Comfort,^*  departed  this; 
Life  I  day  of  7mo.  1803,  about  4  o'clock  in  the  Morning."  He 
was  born  8mo.  (October)  5,  1745,  and  was  therefore  fifty-eight 
years  old.  He  left  no  will;  letters  of  administration  were  granted 
by  Wilham  Hart  to  his  sons,  John  and  Samuel,  dated  "26  July, 
1803/'  at  "The  Falls." 

The  house  in  which  John  Woolman  spent  most  of  his  mar- 
ried life  stood  upon  the  Old  Springfield  Road,  now  Branch  Street, 
originally  **The  King*s  Highway,"  on   which  the  eady  settlers 
journeyed  from  New  York  to  Philadelphia,  and  to  Gloucester, 
This  is  confinned  by  mention  in  old  deeds  of  the  great  oak  tree, 
on  the  "York  Road.'*     This  ancient  tree,  now  standing  at  the 
corner  of  Garden  and  Branch  Streets,  is  the  oldest  corner  named! 
in  the  local  deeds  of  Mount  Holly.     It  was  known  as  "Cripp*a! 
Oak"  '  and  Indian  treaties  doubtless  took  place  under  its  ample 
shade.     It  is   carefully  guarded  by  the  town.     When  Garden 

*  See  BloR.   Note.   24.   for  the  family  of  John  and    Mary   Comfort, 
■Fallaington  Marriage  Record.     Book  B,    138.     There  are  25  wJtne«Be«. 

*  John    Cripiw    was   the    original    owner    of    the    land   on    which    now    stands    Mo 
Holly. 


in 


MARRIAGE  AND  SETTLEMENT 


43 


( 


^ 


•:  r 


street  was  laid  out  in  1775,  with  John  Woolman  s  brother  Jonah 
as  a  Coniniissioner,  its  description  was  given  in  one  of  tlie  old 
"Road  Books"  now  in  the  Court  House,  It  was  opened  from 
"the  Burlington  Road"  to  the  "bars  of  John  Comfort's  apple 
orchard."  The  "Burlington  Road"  has  now  become  Main,  or 
High,  street,  and  the  old  tree  must  have  stood  in  Woolman's  time 
at  his  orchard  bars. 

The  house  is  probably  represented  with  reasonable  accuracy 
in  the  photograph  here  given  of  a  sepia  drawing  in  the  Historical 
Society  of    Pennsylvania.*      It   stuod   not   far   from   the   present 
\V«x)lman   Memorial,  and   was   built   of   wood,   remaining   until 
1858  in  its  original  location,  when  Leander  J.   Budd,  its  then 
owner,  removed  it  to  form  the  front  of  a  stable,  after  building 
the  house  near  by,  now  owned  and  occupied   (1922)   by  Herbert 
L.  Crii>pcn.     The  portion  which   formed  the  dwelling  is  still 
distinguishable  from  the  rest  by  the  comice  which  runs  about 
the  eaves,  and  the  filled-up  blanks  in  the  openings  for  the  up- 
|)er  windows.     Within  can  be  traced  the  marks  of  the  staircase, 
and  the  bricks  still  surround  the  ancient  fire-place,  vi^hose  early 
workmanship    was    known    as    "hrick-panc."      The    house    was 
lx)ught  in  1851  by  Leander  J.  Budd,  of  Reuben  Forker  who  had 
previously  owned  and  occupie<:l  it.     Reuben  Forker  was  a  son  of 
the  Adam  Forker  who  did  the  glazing  in  the  brick  house  ad- 
joining, now  the  "Memorial,"  *  and  who  was  the  first  tavern  keeper 
in  Mount  Holly.    The  Forkers  were  a  Huguenot  family  whose 
several  brothers  fled  from  France  to  Ireland  after  the  Revocation 
of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  and  soon  removed  to  America.    The  name 
was  originally  Farquhar,  or  Fauquier."  and  ihe  Virginia  branch 
Had  the  gocnl  taste  not  to  alter  tiie  sfielling  of  the  name.     Descen- 
dants of  the  Forkers  arc  still  living.* 

'folle<tian  of  SamMcl  Parris)!,  Scrap  Bmvk,  entitled  "Quakers  atnl  Indians." 
lit  ckme  rie«r  U  crudely  illustrated  in  James  Bowdrti'g  "History  of  Friends  in 
Amrrica."     Vol.   II,  p.  39J. 

'S<»   Api>endut,   "Cost   of   htijlding  a    Brick    House." 

*Tbc  Minutes  of  Phila.   "Mtg,   for  Sufferings"   in    1760  tncnlion   WilUani    Farquliar. 

•The  •Mlbority  for  the  Editor's  statements  as  to  the  rcmnval  of  this  house  rnmes 
tfim  Mm  M«ry  W.  Budd.  daughter  of  Leander  J.  Budd.  who  lived  in  it  while  her 
fcfkr  arBa  h,i<l.ling  the  new  houM!.  She  perfectly  recalls  seeing  it  inovtd  and  altered 
iftir  n    1858.     There  is  at  present  no  proof  that  the  hrick  house  occupying 

•  »1  n   on  the  old  Springfield   Road,  nearer   the  stream    {lately   occupieti   by 

C  W    Moorcj  was  John  Woolman's  residence,  although  it  stood  on  his  farm  and  was 
iBld  by  jotm  Comfort  to   Samuel    Stodcton   in    1791.     If   the   frame   house    was  oiice 


44  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

The  line  of  the  pubh'c  road  which  passed  Woolman's  house 
was  altered  between  the  date  of  his  purchase  in  1747  and 
the  year  1760,  when  he  sold  the  original  eleven  acres  of  land  from 
the  rest  of  his  farm  to  Benajah,  son  of  Peter  Andrews/'  who 
liad  died  in  1756.  This  gives  a  slightly  different  angle  to 
the  road,  in  the  illustration  of  the  house,  as  shown.  He  evidently 
had  a  "noon  mark"  upon  his  floor,  and  an  undated  memorandum 
shows  his  calculations  for  drawing  "hour  lines,"  which  we  may 
be  sure  he  placed  for  his  neighbors  as  welL 

Lat,    4( 

UK 

"11   and   1 9"    4( 

10  and  2 20"    2( 

9     &     3 32"    4< 

8     &     4 48"       ] 

7     &     S 67"    2( 

6    90" 

"A  Course  directed  to  the  Sun  at  Noon  would  be  I  believe  about 
S.  4.  W." ' 

Woolman's  orchard  was  his  great  delight  and  recreation,  and 
his  book  shows  sales  and  purchases  of  apple  trees,  and  the  care 
with  which  he  grafted  and  trimmed  his  stock, 

John  Candler,  an  English  Eriend  who  traveled  through  the 
United  States  in  1841,  visited  what  was  supposed  to  be  the  house 
of  John  Woolman,  on  May  31st  of  that  year,  while  he  was  the 
guest  of  John  Cox  at  Oxniead,  near  Burlington.  He  thus  de- 
scribes the  hciuse  at  that  time:  "The  habitation  of  John  Wool- 
man  was  a  small  farm  house  with  two  low  rooms  on  the  ground 
floor,  standing  in  the  midst  of  a  green  paddock  or  pastnrc.  close 
by  the  roadside,  about  a  mile  from  Mount  Holly. °  At  the  time 
of  our  visit  it  was  undergoing  repair,  and  from  the  alterations 
and  additions  about  to  be  made  to  it,  was  likely  to  lose  much  of 
its  primitive  character.  We  could  not  survey  the  spot  without 
some  emotion.     Here  lived  one  who,   with  affections   strongly 

Attached  to  its  ancient  kitcti''n,  the  front  and  rear  prirtto««s  were  of  different  niat«riaTs. 
as  was  often  the  case,  and  they  were  separated  when  the  brick  hous«  was  enlarged 
and  improved.     This  i«  (wssible. 

*  Larger  Acconnt  Boole,  p.  i. 

•  The  house  wtts  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  from  the  whipping  post  and  stocks, 
which  stood  on  the  square  in  the  center  of  the  town,  lately  occupied  br  a  fountain. 


m 


MARRIAGE  AND  SETTLEMENT 


45 


linked  to  his  species,  for  duty's  sake  forsook  the  busy  scenes  of 
life,  shunning  all  its  encumbering  cares,  in  order  that  by  so  do- 
ing, he  might  the  more  effectually  promote  the  welfare  of  society 
at  large  and  serve  God  in  his  generation.  Contented  with  lit- 
tJe.  he  lived  a  life  of  moderate  toil  and  profitable  meditation.'*  ^ 

John  Candler  was  traveling  companion  to  the  distinguished 
EngUsh  Quaker  preacher  and  famous  abolitionist,  Joseph  Sturge, 
who  was  also  present  on  this  occasion,  and  both  they  and  their 
host  were  under  the  impression  that  this  was  the  house  of  John 
Woolman  himself.  Later,  however,  John  Cox  wrote  Joseph 
Sturge  that  having  learned  that  the  house  which  they  visited  was 
■  •built,  but  not  dwelt  in,  by  Woolman,  he  had  gone  to  see  the  only 
Birring  man,  then  eighty  years  of  age,  who  was  Woolman's  con- 
temporary in  Mount  Holly,  and  who  had  known  him  well.  "He 
informed  me,"  writes  John  Cox,  "that  John  Woohnan's  daugh- 
ter and  her  husband  resided  in  the  house  when  her  father  em- 
barked for  London,  which  was  in  the  year  1772,  as  recorded  in 
his  Journal."  *  This  was  therefore  the  present  Woolman  Me- 
morial. It  stood  not  far  from  her  father's  house,  on  the  adjoin- 
ing property.  The  alterations  to  which  the  English  visitor  re- 
ferred were  doubtless  the  addition  of  a  frame  back  building  with 
the  closing  up  of  the  great  open  fireplace  and  plastering  of  the 
'Ceilings,  which  were  again  done  away  with  when  the  Memorial 
was  restored  in  191 5  to  its  original  condition  by  the  Association 
which  is  now  the  owner. 

The  year  after  he  purchased  his  little  farm,  John  Woolman 
drew  up  the  Trust  Deed  for  the  lot  on  which  was  built  the  old 
meeting  house  on  Wood  Lane  in  Moimt  Holly.  This  was  given  to 
the  Friends  "in  consideration  of  £5.,  Proclamation  Money,"  by 
Samuel  Cripps  in  1748.  Woolman  was  a  Trustee,  and  his  Deed 
and  the  Declaration  of  Trust  are  elaborate  documents,  entirely 
in  his  own  handwriting. 

In  1752  (5mo.  23)  John  Woolman  was  made  Clerk  of  Bur- 
lington Quarterly  Meeting  of  Ministers  and  Elders,  succeeding 
Richard  Smith  Jr.,  who  died  in  that  year.  The  hooks  of  that 
meeting  are  kept  in  his  clear  and  scholarly  hand  for  the  next 
seventeen  years,  ending  "5th  of  6mo.  1769."  when  failing  health 

<  Lr«Cer   of  John   Candler.   The   Brilbh    Fn>nd.      Vol.   1.    No.    XIT.     GbBgovv.    t» 
•  Joseph  Sturge,    "A  Vuit  to  the  Vaiitd  State*  in  1841,"  p.  63. 


46  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


and  his  prospect  of  travel  to  the  West  Indies  united  to  cause 
his  resignation.  His  reflections  added  to  the  page  for  2mo.  22, 
1767,  have  been  quoted  elsewhere,  and  are  extremely  interesting. 
It  is  related  that  Woolman  was  present  as  Clerk  when  a  discus- 
sion began  for  which  he  could  not  conscientiously  make  a  min- 
ute. He  therefore  rose  to  leave  the  room,  wlien  a  Friend  re- 
marked, 'The  Clerk  need  not  fly  from  the  table.**  John  Wool- 
man  turned  and  quietly  replied,  **The  Clerk  hath  no  wings !" 

About  this  time  Wuolman  was  called  upon  to  serve  as  executor 
for  the  estate  of  Thomas  Shinn,^''  who,  in  making  his  will  in 
175 1,  named  him  in  that  office  with  Henry  Paxson.^^  Thomas 
Shinn  was  a  Justice,  and  Assistant  Judge  of  the  Burlington  Court 
of  Common  Pleas,  and  lived  in  "Bridgetown"  for  jears,  so  that 
his  choice  of  John  Woolman  for  this  responsible  task  was  in  it- 
self evidence  of  the  latter's  skill  and  ability.  Thomas  Shinn's 
house  was  for  many  years  a  headquarters  of  Quakerism,  Thomas 
Chalkley,  writing  in  his  Journal  in  9  mo.  1737,  says,  "From  Bur- 
lington I  went  to  Mount  Holly,  Had  a  large  Meeting  at  the 
Meeting  House  and  another  in  the  evening  at  Mount  Holly  Tcnim, 
at  the  house  of  Thomas  Shinn."  '  His  will  was  proved  March 
loth,  1753.2 

Another  transaction  at  this  time  of  Woolman's  life  lias  to 
do  with  a  negro.  On  the  back  of  an  index  leaf  of  the  Larger 
Account  Book  stands  the  following  memorandum : 

da.  mo. 

"Negro  James,  bound  2     i     1754,  to  Serve  21 
years,  that  is  till  2d,  imo.  1775," 

James  is  the  negro  lad  to  whom  John  Woolman  referred,  when, 
in  1769.  he  felt  reproached  for  the  long  term  of  service  then  im- 
posed.^ He  states  that  sume  persons  who  cuuld  not  conscien- 
tiously keep  a  negro  as  a  slave  for  his  entire  term  of  life,  com- 
promised by  retaining  their  young  negroes  in  service   without 

'Thomas   Chalkley.      Jotirn.il.   p.    300. 

•  OfHcc  of  Clerk  of  Burlington  Couniy.  N,  J.  Book  A.  a.  Deeds,  p.  151.  RecorJeJ 
IS  JuIYi  1754-  Naines  HcDry  Paxson  and  John  Woolman  as  Executors  for  Thomas 
Shinn.  (See  also  Archives  of  N.  }.}  A  colkction  of  the  BurlinRton  Co.  Coramon 
Pleas  Court  Papers  [Histor.  Soc.  of  Pcnna.]  has  A  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  for  George 
Marple,  for  £5.  la.  9,  owing  the  Estate  of  T.  Shinn,  signed  by  Paxson  and  Woolman 
as  executors.     Aug.  16,  1753. 

»  See    Journal. 


ni 


MARRIAGE  AND  SETTLEMENT 


47 


wages  until  they  attained  the  age  of  thirty  years.  If  this 
nine  year  old  boy  liad  been  so  bound,  Woohnan  felt  that  the 
term  of  service  exceeded  by  nioe  years  the  period  usual  for  white 
boys  to  serve  their  apprenticeship,  which  ended  at  twenty-one. 
As  one  of  the  two  executors  engaged  in  the  transaction,  John 
Woolman,  therefore,  freed  negro  James  of  half  of  the  nine  years 
overtime,  by  executing  a  bond  to  pay  James*  employer  a  proper 
sum  for  the  last  four  and  a  half  years  of  his  service,  provided 
this  could  be  satisfactorily  arranged  either  by  Woolman  or  his 
cxec\itors.     The  employer's  name  does  not  appear. 

*In  the  management  of  my  outward  affairs,  I  may  say  with 
thankfulness,  I  found  Truth  to  be  my  support."  With  such 
brief  words  as  to  his  domestic  life,  would  Woolman  fain  dismiss 
the  subject.  He  had  recently  given  up  his  "merchandizing,"  as  he 
calls  it.  having  set  up  a  little  shop  of  his  own  to  sell  buttons  and 
trimmings  in  connection  with  his  tailoring.  It  promised  to  be  so 
profitable,  that  the  "cumber"  involved  by  proper  attention  to 
trade  tended  to  distract  his  contemplative  mind.  He  therefore 
told  all  his  customers  of  his  intention  to  discard  this  branch  of 
his  business,  that  they  might  go  elsewhere,  and,  as  we  have  seen, 
sold  the  Mill  street  property  to  his  mother  and  retired  to  his 
farm  on  the  old  Springfield  road,  having  settled  down  to  his 
farming  and  tailoring.  He  was  a  reader  of  Gilbert  Latey  and 
followed  the  example  of  that  early  Quaker  tailor,  of  the  days 
of  Charles  II,  in  thus  declining  a  too  profitable  trade.  In  1805 
Thomas  Shillitoe,  another  Quaker  tailor,  gave  up  business  alto- 
erther.  inspired  in  part  by  the  examples  of  Latey  and  Woolman. 
L  This  humble  calling  brought  Woolman  contentment.  He 
I  was  "weaned,"  he  says,  "from  the  desire  for  outward  greatness, 
^^nd  learned  to  be  content  with  real  conveniences  that  were  not 
■costly,  so  that  a  way  of  life  free  from  much  entanglement  ap- 
peared best  for  me.  though  the  income  might  be  small.  I  had 
several  offers  of  business  that  appeared  profitable,  but  I  did 
not  see  my  way  clear  to  accept  of  them,  as  believing  they  would 
he  attended  with  more  outward  care  and  cumber  than  was  re- 
quired of  me  to  engage  in;  I  saw  that  an  humble  man,  with  the 
blessing  of  the  Lord,  might  live  on  a  little,  and  that  where  the 
heart  was  set  on  greatness,  success  in  business  did  not  satisfy 
the  craving :  but  that  commonly  with  no  increase  of  wealth,  the 


48 


4 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


[" 


desire  of  wealth  increased,"  What  would  he  have  thought  of 
modern  business  Life?  He  lived  on  in  the  outskirts  of  the  lit- 
tle town,  his  soul  "so  environed  with  Heavenly  Light  and 
Consolation"  that  hard  things  were  made  easy  to  liim,  and  con- 
tentment was  his  portion, 

John  Cox  Jr,  is  authority  for  the  statement  that  on  his  1 
tie  farm,  John  Woolman  at  harvest  time  watched  with  tender 
care  over  the  condition  of  his  livestock,  so  that  when  the  young 
lamb  or  calf  was  ready  to  kill  for  the  feeding  of  the  harvest  hands, 
he  discarded  the  usual  method  of  severing  the  jugular  vein  and 
allowing  the  creature  to  bleed  to  death.  He  kept  instead,  a  great 
wooden  block,  upon  which,  with  legs  tied,  the  animal  was  laid 
and  its  head  severed  from  the  body  with  one  stroke.* 

The  meagre  statements  of  the  Journahst,  however,  are  sup- 
plemented  for  us  in  his  Larger  Account  Book,  where  we  way 
well  be  surprised  at  the  busy  activities  of  this  man  of  modera- 
tion. The  accounts  run  on  steadily  until  1764,  and  after  that,  with 
intervals,  until  he  sailed  for  England  in  1772.  The  entries  arc 
in  part  reproduced  here  because  they  furnish,  as  nothing  else 
can,  a  vivid  impression  of  John  Woolman's  daily  life: 


174M 
da  mo 
6:    11: 


1753 

da   mo 

19:    5: 


Samuel  Haines's  coffin  costs 1 

and  digging  the  grave . , o 

"Rec'd  one  moidore"  2 


s, 

12 

6 

6 


I 


o 

o 
6 


At  Attendance  and  Clerkship  at  the  Apprais  Mt.  050 

To  Transcribing  a  large  Inventory o    2    0 

To  Going  to  Burlington  to  Carry  in  ye  Inventory  046 
To    Writing    Advertisements    for    Vendue    and 

Clerkship  and  Attendance  at  Vendue o    4    0 


To  Writing   Indentures   binding   Gamaliel    and 

Aquilla  to  Trades o    2    6 

To  Tracing  the  lines  of  the  large  lot  back  of  the 
town,  allso  the  lot  Budd  Bought,  &  Bargain- 
ing        o    3    6 

*  Letter  of  John  Cox,  Jr.,  to  Jowph  St  urge:    "A  Vuit  to  tlie  United  Statci,"  1841, 


p.  6<. 


m 


MARRIAGE  AND  SETTLEMENT 


40 


£     s.     d. 
To  Going  to  Burling",  by  Appointment  to  meet 
Robt.   Smith,  Joseph   Scattergood  &  Thomas 
Earle  on  an  Affair  betwixt  Sd.  Earle  &  T.  S. 
Dec'd  o    3    6 

To  a  Second  meetii^  on  sd.  Affair o    $    o 

To  Assisting  in  Traceing  the  Lines  &  fixing 
Corners  to  the  two  parallels  land  sold  Jos. 
Burr,  &  going  to  S.  Cripses  Concerning  quit 
claim — o    6    o 

To  one  day  attending  the  Audit  of  Cort  on  the 

Affair  of  Thomas  Earle o    4    6 


2:  2:  To  Employing  my  Brother  to  go  to  Borden 
Town  to  Speak  with  Jno.  Sykes,  Exn  of 
Matthew  Charapin,  Concerning  Wm.   Earle's 

Estate .... 

27:    3mo.    1757  Woolman  makes  the  following  note — 

"To  Assisting  at  ye  Signing  John  Justice's 
Deed.  As  it  is  a  Custom  in  Signing  deeds  to 
Sign  a  Separate  receipt  at  ye  bottom  of  the 
Consideration  Money,  So  I  have  done  in  this 
Estate  of  T,  Shinn.  Sometimes  Signed  Such 
receipts,  but  never  rec'd  any  money:  this  is 


Truth, 


John  Woolman." 


040 


9    o 


The  Estate  of  Negro  Maria  is  charged  "For 
Cash  paid  Zach.  Rossel  for  the  two  Children's 

passage  up  in  ye  Mountliolly  Stage.". o    4 

Digging  ye  Grave o    5 

To  self  and  horse  two  days  in  ye  above  Affair. .     o  10 
To  my  time  one  day  going  to  Mother's  when 

Henry  Burr  took  Isabella o    4 


To  Going  to  Burlington  to  Speak  with  Samuel 
Smith  Concerning  the  title  of  the  Land  he 
proposed  to  buy. 


so 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


12.    3     1762,     (The  Legatees  sign  discharges,  and  Estate  is 

closed.) 
da   mo 
27:  12:  1762 

Accompt  of  my  proceeding  as  Exr.  to  the  last  will  of  my 
Beloved  Friend  Peter  Fearon  dec'd,  as  Joyot  Exr.  with 
Thomas  Wetherill. 
1763 
da  mo 

i:  91  Attending  at  Thos.  Wetherill's,  Conferring  about 
Taking  the  Opinion  of  a  lawyer,  and  prepar- 
ing a  Stale  of  the  Case  in  Writing,  for  Benj. 
Chew,  whom  ye  Legatees  Chuse  to  apply  to 

1764 
da   mo 

4:        Affairs  relating  to  the  Estate  of  Peter  Fearon 
I  believe  are  all  Settled.    John  Woolman." 
The   following  paragraph   closes   this   Book: 

"Memorandum  for  myself.  As  the  credits  upon  Book  apprais'd  at 
9:  19:  and  I  suppose  ac'ct  of  the  Debtors  will  be  produced,  Against 
part,  and  some  prove  Insolvent,  its  therefore  Necessary*  to  takcj 
Notice  how  much  I  receive  on  acct.  particulars." 


tiULC  I 


It  is  evident  that  the  period  of  Woolman's  life  between  his  ; 
marriag^e  (1749I  and  1760  was  one  of  great  activity.  He  de- 
clined his  "merchandizing,"  but  bis  books  show  that  his  busi- 
ness as  a  surveyor  and  conveyancer  was  increasing — an  em- 
ployment very  nnicb  more  in  accord  with  his  tastes.  Deeds  ex- 
ist ill  which  he  bought  and  sold  lands  within  fort)--cight  hours, 
evidently  to  settle  estates.  Two  of  these,  dated  imo.  29  and 
jTst.  1757,  arc  for  ihc  estate  of  his  friend,  Peter  Andrews," 
who  died  abroad.  The  widow  and  son,  Esther  "  and  Benajah 
Andrews,"  as  Executors,  sell  to  John  Woolman,  w^ho  at  once 
makes  a  second  deed  of  sale  to  Benajah  Andrews,  who  thus  ob- 
tains the  homestead  ajid  clears  the  title.^  While  Woolman  kept 
closely  in  touch  with  the  affairs  of  the  Quakers,  who  as  a  body 
were  now  passing  through  the  greatest  crisis  of  their  Colonial 

'  The    original    deeds,    in    Jnhn    Wor>lman*s    tiandwrittne.    arc    in    possession    of    the  I 
F.ditor.     A  mmilar  tninfuictinn   occurred    in    1 763   (or  Thomas  Rejmolds,   to   settle   tbe 
e«t8lc    of    his    father,    Patrick    Reynolds.      (Deed    In    posse»ioo    of    Henry    C.    Shinn  j 
of  Mt.  Holly.) 


T" 


in 


MARRIAGE  AND  SETTLEMENT 


SX 


history,  he  also  watched  the  larger  course  of  political  events,  and 
their  effect  not  only  upun  his  own  religious  society,  but  also  upon 
the  Indians,  for  whom  his  sympathies  had  long  been  aroused. 
His  opportunities  for  informing  himself  were  unusually  great. 

The  year  1754  opened  with  the  failure  of  Washington's  diplo- 
matic mission  to  the  lodiao  frontier,  and  the  news  was  printed 
in  Benjamin  Franklin's  "Pennsylvania  Gazette"  for  February 
5th,  in  a  letter  from  Virginia.  Warlike  threats  frum  the  French 
accompanied  the  news  of  the  young  ambassador's  return.  This 
copy  of  the  "Gazette"  would  reach  Mount  Holly  the  day  after 
publication,  and  the  despatch  from  Europe  containing  the  threat 
of  revolution  in  the  GalHcan  church  by  reason  of  the  tyranny  of 
the  ministers  and  clergy,  taken  together  with  the  nimors  of  war, 
might  well  cause  the  dream  which  Woolnian  records  as  occur- 
ring to  him  the  following  night.  This  dream  was  omitted  by 
the  first  editorial  committee,  and  their  example  lias  been  followed 
by  the  few  who  have  since  collated  the  manuscript  with  the 
original. 

It  will  be  evident  to  the  careful  reader  of  Woohnan  that  he 
lays  great  importance  on  the  dreams  which  came  to  him  through- 
out his  Hfe.  They  are  dwelt  upon  with  so  much  significance, 
that  every  previously  omitted  reference  to  these  "visions  of  the 
night,"  as  he  calls  them,  has  been  carefully  preserved  in  this 
edition.  Alive  to  all  the  burdens  of  the  human  race,  he  dwelt 
upon  their  sorrows,  and  in  imagination,  anticipated  the  conse- 
quences; in  the  silent  hours  of  the  night  he  saw  indefinite  warn- 
ings and  heard  mysterious  voices,  which  at  once  became  to  him 
messages  of  grave  import.  The  Quaker  belief  in  special  spiritual 
communications,  sometimes,  as  with  George  Fox,  accompanied  by 
the  gift  of  healing,  has  led  several  writers  on  Woolman  into  the 
declaration  that  among  Woolman's  sect  a  belief  in  witchcraft' 
was  universal.  The  contrary  is  tnie.  At  a  period  when  intelh- 
gcnt  people  were  still  superstitious  and  observant  of  omens,  etc.. 
the  Quakers  were  distinguished  for  their  sanity  and  common 
sente.  This  dream  of  Woolman  has  been  called  a  physical,  "dis- 
tinct pre-vision  of  the  seven  years  war,"  but  that  is  claiming  too 
much.'  The  dream  of  February  6th  was  followed  by  the  news 
of  the  departure  of  Washington  for  Western  Pennsylvania  in 

*See    the    Editor's    "Witchcraft    and    Quakerian.** 


52  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

the  early  spring,  and  in  midsummer,  by  bis  surrender  at  Fort 
Necessity.     The  next  summer   Woolman   saw   in   Philadelphia 

tiie  exiled  Acadians  whose  sorrows  are  sung  in  "ii-vangelMic,'" 
and  to  whom  his  French  friend,  Anthony  Benezet,*  at  once  de- 
voted himself.  Soon  after  came  the  defeat  of  Braddock.  How- 
ever Woolman  might  desire  to  live  retired  from  ail  the  turmoil 
of  the  war  then  going  on,  he  was  too  closely  in  touch  wilii  the 
powerful  Friends  who  were  laboring  to  relieve  the  situation,  to 
escape  tlie  elYects  of  the  prevailing  excitement,  and  news  of  tlie 
Lisbon  earthquake  only  added  to  the  general  apprehension.  Soon 
the  problem  came  close  home, 

^^  ^755  ^^eneral  Braddock  was  sent  to  the  Colonies  as  Com- 
mander-in-Chief, with  two  regiments  of  British  troops,  for  whom 
Parliament  made  provision.  Two  other  regiments  were  to  be 
raised  by  the  Governors,  and  for  payment  of  these  troops  the 
Colonies  were  heavily  taxed.  This  tax,  paid  by  many  Friends 
with  the  general  tax,  John  Woolman  and  certain  of  the  more 
scrupulous  Friends  found  themselves  unable  to  pay,  and  an 
Epistle  of  "Tender  Love  and  Caution,"  chiefly  written  by  Wool- 
man,  was  sent  out  by  them  in  the  summer  of  1755.  After  tlie 
death  of  Braddock,  the  Karl  of  Loudoun  arrived  (1757)  as 
General  of  the  forces;  the  burden  became  heavier,  and  in  the 
autumn  of  that  year  the  local  militia  was  drafted.  A  large  num- 
ber of  patriotic  young  Quakers  joined  tlie  troops.  A  second  call 
brought  out  still  more,  and  when  the  militia  of  Northampton 
township  began  drilling  in  Mount  Holly  on  the  public  square, 
John  Woolman's  mind  was  much  affected.  Only  partial  relief 
came  to  him  when  the  destruction  of  Fort  William  Henry  released 
the  second  draft  to  return  home. 

At  this  time  our  philanthropist  was  not  confining  his  atten- 
tion to  aflfairs  at  home,  but  was  sharing  in  the  communications 
with  the  Friends  in  England.  A  "Meeting  for  Sufferings"  was 
established  by  the  Friends  of  Philadelphia  in  1756,  having  for  its 
object,  like  that  of  London,  on  which  it  was  modeled,  the  care 
of  the  Society  in  an  official  capacity  during  the  intervals  of  the 
Yearly  Meeting.  Its  work  was  to  protect  the  interests  of  the 
Quakers  with  the  government  at  home  and  abroad.  John  Wool- 
man  was  among  the  first  appointed,  and  imder  date  9  mo,  18  to 
24,   1756,  signs  a  minute  stating  their  reasons   for  raising  the 


nx 


MARRIAGE  AND  SETTLEMENT 


S3 


Yearly  Meeting  stock  in  order  to  aid  Friends  "in  their  dis- 
tressed state  on  the  frontier  settlements/*  &c.*  A  petition  to  the 
Proprietaries,  Thomas  and  Richard  Penn  (5mo.  1765)  against 
the  Assembly's  militia  tax,  was  the  first  business  transacted  by 
the  newly  created  body. 

The  minute  for  i2mo.  17,  1756  contains  the  Committee's 
epistle  to  the  corresponding  body  in  London.  A  paragraph 
reads: 

**One  occasion  of  raising  Money  hath  occurred  among  us,  which 
we  think  proper  to  make  some  Mention  of,  which  is,  that  soon  after 
the  defeat  of  the  Army  sent  last  year  to  Virginia  (cf,  Braddock) 
Some  of  the  Indians  in  the  Interest  of  the  French  having  committed 
Hostilities  on  the  Frontiers  of  that  Province,  the  Consideration  of 
the  Circumstances  of  those  Indians  who  had  been  our  old  Friends 
and  Neighbours,  led  some  of  us  to  think  whether  we,  as  a  Society 
in  Particular,  &  this  Government  in  General,  had  fully  discharged 
our  Duty  towards  them?  A  little  Reflection  was  Sufficient  to  con- 
tince  us  there  had  been  a  Deficiency,  &  incited  to  a  Concern  to  give 
ir0iem  some  fresh  Testimony  of  our  regard,  which  some  of  us  in  our 
private  Stations  were  willing  to  Manifest,  &  Others  by  their  En- 
deavours to  engage  the  Government  to  do  it  in  Such  Manner  as 
would  be  more  immediately  Effectual." 

There  was  some  delay,  and  the  second  Treaty  of  the  Governor 
and  the  Delaware  Indians  is  referred  to  as  having  been  made; 
•the  aflFair  was  finally  left  in  the  hands  of  a  Committee.'-'  Wool- 
was  on  the  Committee  in  1758,  which  advised  against  Mili- 
tary Service,  "particularly  from  voluntarily  assisting  with  ships, 
NN'aggons,  or  other  Carriages  for  transporting  Implements  of 
Warr  or  Military  Stores."  " 

Meantime,  with  activities  progressing  under  Loudoun,  each 
[ony  "was  to  raise,  pay  and  clothe  its  quota  of  men,  while  arms, 
tres  of  war,  and  provisions  were  to  be  furnished  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  Crown."  *  The  requisition  called  for  five  thousand 
troops  to  defend  the  southern  colonies, — twelve  hundred  English 
and  thirty-six  hundred  provincials.  New  Jersey  was  included 
with    New   York  and   New   England   in   the   northern   military 

*  Minutes,  Pbila.  Meeting  for  Suffering,  Vol.  I,  p.  37. 
•IMd..  I.    pp.   40-Sl. 
•IW<J,   for   6  tno.    i,    1758. 

*  W.  RooL     *'Jitd»tioo«  of  Fennsjrlvania  sad  Great  Britain,    1690-1765,"  p.   ajj. 


54 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


division,  while  Pennsylvania,  with  the  southern  colonies,  formed 
the  southern  division.  New  Jersey,  as  well  as  the  south,  showed 
no  energy  in  raising  men  or  money.  In  fact,  the  failure  to 
produce  even  half  her  quota,  was  due  to  the  presence  of  the 
yuakers,  according  to  the  greatly  angered  Lord  Loudoun/  whose 
requisition  system  meeting  with  complete  failure,  William  Pitt  in 
1758  recalled  him  to  England, 

The  "Epistle"  for  1759  from  Philadelphia  to  its  subordinate 
meetings  "along  this  Continent"  was  the  work  of  John  Wool- 
man,  and  deals  rather  with  the  "empires  and  kingdoms  of  the 
earth"  and  the  political  situation,  than  with  the  negroes.  The 
visit  of  the  "Friend  who  was  a  Justice  of  the  Peace,"  hereto- 
fore unpubhshed,  shows  perfectly  Woolman's  position  in  re- 
gard to  paying  a  war-tax.  Clear  and  direct,  with  any  shadow  of 
compromise  impossible  to  his  almost  pellucid  soul,  he  never  hesi- 
tates. The  Epistle  would  appear  to  have  been  written  indepen- 
dently and  submitted  to  the  use  of  the  meeting  later.  He  had 
visited  the  country  meetings  of  Chester  and  Delaware  counties, 
and  had  been  wearied  by  their  eight-hour-long  sittings,  where 
the  war  situation  was  endlessly  discussed,  and  the  Friends  were 
not  in  agreement.  In  Philadelptiia,  where  the  coolness  of  cerirjin 
of  his  close  friends  with  large  business  interests  and  political  en- 
tanglements, somewhat  distressed  him,  he  was  yet  apparently 
able  to  see  that  some  one  must  labor  in  that  part  of  the  held  fnr 
the  relief  of  the  entire  body;  and  it  was  toward  these  as  well 
as  those  who  still  clung  to  their  slaves,  that  he  felt  "a  sympatfiy 
and  tenderness."  Who  was  the  "Friend  of  considerable  note" 
that  was  "cool"  toward  him,  there  is  no  clue.  The  visit  to  him,  • 
when  "things  relating  to  that  shyness  were  searched  to  the  bot- 
tom.'* is  entirely  characteristic  of  John  Woolman. 

While  he  was  at  London  Grove,  Pennsylvania,  Quarterly 
Meeting,  held  ri  mo.  18,  1758,  the  incident  at  Thomas  Wood- 
ward's [1722-1785]  house  occurred.  There  was  a  large  attend- 
ance, due  probably  to  the  fact  that  this  was  the  first  time  the 
Quarterly  *  meeting  had  been  held  in  that  place.  John  Wonhnati 
Had  delivered  a  powerful  sermon  against  slavery,  after  which 
5  and  other  Friends  went  to  Thomas  Wood  ward  *s  for  dinner. 

•  C.    Kimball.      "Correspondence   of   William    Pitt."    Vol.    1,    pp.    41.   43.    fij. 

*  London  Grove  was  «t  off  from   Goshen   when    I  he  latter   prew  larpe,  and   FricinU 
settled  ftt  the  former  place  In  great  nnmberi.    This  ftory  cornea  from  Gilbert  Cop*. 


Ul 


MARRIAGE  AND  SETTLEMENT 


55 


ll 


Upon  entering  tlie  house  he  observed  some  colored  servants,  and 
learning  tliat  they  were  slaves,  he  quietly  turned  and  left  the 
room  and  the  house.  Tliomas  and  his  friends  supposed  that  he 
would  shortly  return,  but  they  were  disappointed.  Thomas  Wood- 
ward was  a  man  of  some  standing  in  the  community  as  farmer, 
surveyor  and  conveyancer.  He  also  bound  books.  Moreover,  his 
position  in  the  Meeting  was  one  of  importance,  and  the  incident 
had  a  great  effect  upon  his  mind.  On  waking  next  morning  he  told 
his  wife  that  he  must  liberate  his  slaves.  She  asked  if  all  must 
be  set  free,  adding  *VMust  Bet  go  too?"  even  bursting  into  tears 
at  the  thought  of  losing  her  faithful  servant.  But  the  decree 
was  made  and  carried  out,  for  Tliomas  was  not  willing  to  keep 
a  house  at  which  his  friends  could  not  be  eotcrtainetl.  He  was 
afterwards  appointed  on  a  conmiittee  to  visit  such  as  held  slaves, 
and  endeavored  to  convince  them  of  the  evil. 

The  cause  of  the  Negro  was  meantime  gaining  in  strength, 
and  Pliiladelphia  Friends  in  1760  could  say,  "The  growing  con- 
cern, which  hath  appeared  amongst  us  for  some  years  past,  to 

courage  the  Practice  of  making  Slaves  of  our  Fellow  Crea- 
tures, hath  been  visihly  blessed  with  Success."  ^ 

The  Monthly  Meeting  to  which  John  Woolman  belonged,  in 
response  to  the  question  of  the  Yearly  Meeting  of  1755,  gave  in 
1757  a  favorable  report  upon  the  whole,  as  to  the  condition  of 
slaves  in  Burlington  County  at  that  time.  The  Friends  said, 
"all  are  clear  of  importing  negroes  or  purchasing  thcni  for  term 
of  life;  several  have  been  purchased  for  a  term  of  years.  They 
are  generally  well  fed  and  clothed.  Some  are  taught  to  read 
and  taken  to  meetings,  but  others  are  taken  little  care  of  in  these 
respects."  The  freeing  of  a  pair  of  slaves,  David  and  Dinah,  by 
Caleb  Haines,  by  verbal  process,  would  coincide  with  this  date. 
A  Court  opinion  later  u[*lieltl  its  legality.*  The  Yearly  Meeting 
referred  to  had  made  the  purchase  of  slaves  a  disownable  of- 
fence. John  Woolman  himself  tells  us  what  was  tlone  in  1758. 
Of  this  period  and  of  the  action  taken  at  Philadelphia  by  the 
Friends  on  what  proved  to  be  a  really  momentous  occasion, 
▼  moch  has  been  written.    The  Journal  itself  is  explicit.    The  essays 


*  Ifpjatle    ^Bfoadfide)    from    Yearly    Meeting    held    at    BurHnifton,    9mo<    27, 
bBaverforil  College  Ubnir.     John  Smith,  Clerk. 
*S«eHAll*t  CitMftte,  tmo.  17.  1776- 


1760. 


S6  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


on  the  slave  trade,  and  bis  personai  labors,  liad  given  the  impetus 
to  a  movement  which  made  the  meeting  of  1758  a  notable  gather- 
ing in  the  results  of  its  action  on  slavery,  when  the  humble-minded 
preacher  moved  the  large  assembly  to  its  depths  by  his  appeal. 
The  Committee  upon  which  fur  several  years  he  successfully 
labored,  continued  its  work  until  1761,  and  in  1776  all  Friends 
in  Philadelphia  Yearly  Meeting  were  disowned  who  refused  to 
manumit  their  slaves.  The  system  was  abolished  by  law  in  Penn- 
sylvania in  1780  and  in  1803  by  New  Jersey.^ 

Thus  far  the  anti-slavery  cause,  Woolman's  attitude  to- 
wards another  great  reform,  physical  rather  than  moral,  was 
conservative.  His  visit  to  Bucks  county  in  the  autumn  of  1759 
was  made  entirely  with  tlie  slavery  protest  in  mind;  he  returned 
to  hnd  his  town  in  the  throes  of  a  visitation  of  small-pox,  the 
dreaded  scourge  of  the  eighteenth  century.  At  this  time,  how- 
ever, inoculation  was  rapidly  advancing  in  favor  with  the  emi- 
nent physicians  of  the  day,  and  the  Philadelphia  practitioners 
were  using  it  with  marked  success.  The  young  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son had  recently  made  his  first  visit  to  Philadelphia  to  undergo 
inoculation  on  the  banks  of  the  Schuylkill.  A  profound  impres- 
sion had  been  caused  in  November,  1757,  by  the  deaths  of  Jona- 
than Edwards  at  Princeton,  and  that  of  his  daughter,  the  wife 
of  President  Aaron  Burr,  both  the  victims  of  small-pox.  John 
Woolman  had  evidently  a  great  dread  of  the  loathsome  disease; 
and  little  wonder,  for  a  sensitive  and  delicate  temperament  like 
his  must  have  felt  great  repulsion  towards  it,  in  the  days  before 
any  sort  of  suitable  antiseptic  treatment  was  known.  The  patient 
was  usually  visited  by  all  his  relatives  and  friends,  no  matter 
how  great  his  suffering  or  how  high  his  fever,  and  at  his  fu- 
neral— for  he  usually  died- — crowds  attended  at  the  infected  house 
and  grave. 

John  Woolman's  sister  had  died  of  small-pox,  and  he  himself, 
his  cousin  William  Hunt,  and  his  own  daughter  were  to  die  of  it. 
He  mentions  it  in  more  than  one  of  his  letters,  and  was  in  the 
habit  of  avoiding  those  houses  where  the  disease  was  known  to 

'The  slaves  of  Gloucester  County.  N.  J,,  were  freed  with  rauch  formality.  Tb« 
owner  wfts  obliged  to  hring  his  slave  hefore  two  overseers  of  (he  township  and  tw* 
Tu!itlcca  of  the  Tcice.  who  examined  the  negro  to  determine  his  soundness  of  bodf. 
mind  and  .ige,  with  a  view  to  his  ability  fnr  self-support.  The  first  record  in  the  Bool^ 
of  Manumissions  ts  for  John  Gill,  Sr.,  who  freed  a  slave.  Nov.  »3,  1787.  ("Notes  OO 
Old  Gloucester,"  p.  65.) 


lU 


MARRIAGE  AND  SETTLEMENT 


57 


be  present.  It  was  in  his  mind  upon  going  to  England,  as  indeed 
it  was  with  all  persons  not  immune.  When  Edward  Bass,  hrst 
Bishop  of  Massachusetts,  went  to  Loudon  for  ordination  by 
Bishop  Sherlock  in  1767,  his  letter  to  tlie  officers  of  the  church 
shows  the  haunting  fear  of  small-pox  which  was  felt  by  most 
American  visitors.  His  sponsor  says,  "There  is  one  thing  in  par- 
ticular in  which  he  desires  your  assistance,  viz.  that  you  will  do 
vs'hat  you  can  to  dismiss  his  business  speedily,  because  he  has 
never  had  the  small-pox,  which  he  is  fearful  of,  having  proved 
fatal  to  many  New  England  men  in  London,"  ^ 

With  all  this  dread  John  Woolman  nevertheless  shared  the 
feelings  of  tliose  ministers  of  the  period  who  preached  from  their 
pulpits  against  inoculation  as  an  interference  with  the  designs 
uf  the  Most  High,  He  regarded  small-pox  as  "a  Messenger  of 
the  Almighty,  to  be  an  Assistant  in  the  cause  of  virtue."  But  he 
is  too  good  a  doctor  and  health-commissioner,  and  too  intelligent 
a  citizen,  not  to  see  the  necessity  for  isolation.  Moreover,  he 
writes,  "Had  God  endowed  men  with  understanding  to  prevent 
this  disease,  by  means  which  have  never  proved  hurtful  or  mortal, 
such  a  discovery  might  be  considered  as  the  period  of  chastise- 
ment by  this  distemper,  where  that  knowledge  extended,"  A 
suppressed  paragraph  shows  Woolman's  sanctified  common 
<ense.  "Was  no  business  done,  no  visits  made,  nor  any  assem- 
bling of  people  together,  but  such  as  were  consistent  with  pure 
Wisdom,  nor  no  Inoculation,  there  would  be  a  great  Alteration 
in  the  Operation  of  this  disorder  amongst  Men."  There  can 
hardly  be  any  doubt,  as  J.  G.  Whittier  suggests,  that  vaccina- 
tion would  have  been  welcomed  by  him :  "he  almost  seems  to  have 
■>aled  some  such  preventative."  Here,  indeed,  is  the  phy- 
-v.^.i.  prescribing  isolation  an<l  quarantine.  Thoughts  like  these 
invariably  arose  when  Woolman  contemplated  a  tour  such  as  he 
I  now  felt  called  upon  to  make  in  the  interest  of  the  negro. 


'W    Updike:     "History  of  the   Episcopal  Church  in  Narragansctt,"  Vol.  II,  p.  46. 


CHAFFER  rv 

I7T30 

\:-.>*rtj*ir  v>L>  "Mt.  >;..ui;  ^ut^riuN.    corkespondenxe 

...Ml   \\  ouiiiiau    lad  iciig   irtit  thut  he  most  again  visit  th( 

v.^v.x     »v'  'MK    'x-^v^aiu.'  J.IU1  express  to  diem  his  deep  sym 

!.     VI  :tiv>v;  -^ih.'    vie  :iic  junieii  of  protest  against  the  siav( 

.  vxis     i   \c*v    •a^ianci.     tie  had  been  in  Newport  and  Nan- 

.»^v^    .1    / 1/  .u  '.IK  J4;e  oi  :v*eiic> -seven,  and  had  then  travelec 

.     ..i^\     •.    \v^^    \oik  dnvi  :hruugh  the  "Oblong*  country  be- 

. >v..    i»v      iiK.st.ii   l\!\er  duvi  :he  Connecticut  boundary.     This 

V     ..    »»v   s'''"K.  >*''    ^'■v».>.  \*stii  >amuel  Eastbum/*  who  had 

,v...,\     .svx-iitt>aiiic\i     uin   :u    LJucks  County,   Pennsylvania,   he 

. ...    iix'.v   .iUv\*i>  L«.»wuiu  NcH*porJ.  all  the  way  under  the  bur- 

. ..    •;    ;u  dv>ii  '.lUi  'k  :cit  he  must  niake  to  arouse  emancipa- 

..   .s.u.iuviii    11  -iK-  ^civ  strun^tK^Id  of  slavery,  of  which  New- 

.    sk.v  .».»v    v'l    ■Iw    aixest  centres.     He  was  to  visit  "those 

•.  .V    ...i.iK'u   u  lannhcs  or  m  ciic  society  was  such  that  their  ex- 

..,A     Msl  .1    vrtviiul  tciidencv   to  oj-^n  the  way  for  others  to 

,..,;v     iv»ai         .  :he   rruth."'     Here  dwelt  the  Wantons,  the 

>s.v.vx'siN.   .lavi    Siv'phcu    Vlopkins,    while    Samuel    Rodman  of 

.x..^>.v»   iiM    IhvHiws  Hazard  of   Peacedale,  with  other  influ- 

..V    ••'.Mixis.  \*cic  ail  .iitenders  of  Newport  Yearly  Meeting.* 

■I    •;viM:.a«oi»  toi  ihis  visit  it  is  evident  that  his  friend,  John 

;  >   'Mvl  liiNva  hail  Nvuae  helpful  advice  as  to  his  conduct  amon^ 

v.x./i  '^    *'>icav!s  ho  was  ;ilx>ut  to  visit  and  who  were  knowa 

.  .,  ;■       \';«a  \\  .\'Iuia»  ticser  left  borne  without  having  made 

v.M'  I'.v';'   M)   vMNO  he  should  not  return,  and  the  letter 

,    svtvKC   'v'l*:«  Savth '*  on  the  eve  of  his  departure  not 

\    .s'vvx  '.■"'».    -""i   '*'*^''*  ^'^^*  intimacy  which  existed  between 

I        s  \  ■'   »>»   NiiMuel    Mlinson  of  Burlington.  New  Jersey, 

aKo»  vN»»»\c>.iavVi  .»nd  uttv^rney  of  note,  and  a  man  of  influ- 

...1.1,  .i.»-    t"*'><»   >^'   ^^»*!"    «•**   J'j'i"    \Voolman*s   message    in    Rhode 
*    ^   \w^s««  »«•  *•»*    \i»»»««v*n  Colonies."  p.   171  ff.  by  R.  M.  Jonei. 

58 


IV 


NEWPORT  AND  THE  SLAVE  QUESTION  59 


ence  in  the  meeting.  **Mary's"  identity  is  established  as  the  grand- 
daughter of  Ebenezer  Large,  whose  estate  John  Woolnian  aided 
in  settling.  The  letter  to  John  Pemberton '  was  written  on  the 
same  day. 

Bdov'd  Friend 

I  rec'd  that  letter  from  LP.  at  a  time  when  my  mind  was  so 
Employ'd  about  endeavouring  to  put  my  family  and  affairs  in  a  con- 
dition to  leave  them  with  satisfaction;  And  that,  with  the  Shortness 
ot  the  Time  before  me,  Seem'd  to  make  it  very  difficult  to  me  to  do 
anything  in  it.  And  meeting  with  J.  Noble,  I  saw  no  better  way  than 
to  send  thee  the  letter. 

I  understood  the  hund"^  pound  to  Mary  was  to  be  paid  in  3  years 
after  her  Father's  decease,  which  is  not  yet  Expir'd.  I  propos'd  to 
Mary  some  weeks  ago  to  take  a  bond  of  S.A.  for  that  Sum  that 
might  be  due.  She  seem'd  Easie  to  have  it  in  Samuel's  hands  till 
time  of  payment  as  Believing  it  safer,  and  I  was  Cautious,  as  the 
Money  was  not  due,  of  moveing  anything  which  might  beget  uneasi- 
ness in  the  family;  but  if  any  one  who  are  more  fully  acquainted 
with  his  Circumstance,  think  the  Case  requires  it,  I  Expect  lie  would 
let  her  have  £100  in  Elt.  hands  at  the  request  of  f'rds.  So  no  more 
at  present  as  to  that. 

Last  night  in  my  Sleep  I  thought  I  was  in  a  Room  with  thee,  and 
Lbou  drawing  thy  chair  nigh  mine,  did.  in  a  friendly  way,  tell  me  of 
Sundry  particular  failings  thou  had  observed  in  me,  and  Express'* 
Some  desire  that  I  might  do  better,  I  felt  inwardly  thank  full  for 
thy  care  over  me,  and  made  little  other  reply  than  to  tell  thee  that 
I  took  it  ver>'  kind. 

Allmost  as  Soon  as  I  woke  I  remembered  it,  and  though  I  could 
see  some  things  in  which  1  had  not  done  so  well  as  I  might,  yet  the 
--^'rulars  thou  pointed  out  were  gone  from  me,  nor  can  I  yet 
ilier  them. 

I  am  about  to  leave  home  under  much  thought f til nt-ss,  &  at  times 
it  Seems  to  border  upon  distress  of  Mind.  But  (I)  retain  a  desire 
to  jmt  my  whole  trust  in  Him  who  is  able  to  help  throug  (sic)  all 
troubles. 

With  kind  Love  to  thee  and  thy  Wife,  I  remain  your  f'rd 

Idi.  xno 
t6    4     1760  John  Woolman. 

.        I  hope  my  Dear  Wife  will  be  Noticed  by  her  friends,     j    ^ 

Endorsed:  "For  John  Smith,  at  Burlington."* 

»Bl4cw»y   Branch.   Phila.   Libriry,  Pbil».     Smith   MSS..   Vol.   V.    i75^i76a-     For 
!>  AlKftMn,  ■««  note.  p.  8. 


6o 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


1760.^ 


da.  Mo, 
Mount  Holly  —  16:    4: 
Dear  Friend 

The  Matter  thou  mentioned  in  thy  Letter  a  few  days  past  I  had 
thought  a  good  deal  of  and  talked  with  Mary  about  it,  but  had  not 
seen  a  clear  way  to  do  anything  in  it. 

I  rec'd  thine  on  Second  day  last,  and  expect  to  leave  home  this 
day;  that  as  Mary  is  not  here  now,  there  was  no  Opertunity  for  me 
to  do  anything.  Especially  as  I  was  thoughtful  to  put  my  family  in 
a  Condition  to  leave.  As  thou  mentioned  J.  Smith  as  one  who  might 
be  a  Friend  to  Mary,  I  knew  not  how  to  do  better  than  to  Acquaint 
him  with  the  Care  thou  had  on  her  Account,  which  I  have  done,  and 
so  with  Kind  kind  (sic)  love  to  thee  &  thy  Mother  and  Enquiring 
f'rds,  I  remain 

thy  f'rd, 

John  Woolman. 
John  Woolman  to  John  Pembertou.*  * 


I 


The  travelers  reached  Newport  after  visiting  Long  Island. 
The  letter  to  his  wife,  quoted  in  the  Journal,  was  probably  sent 
from  the  house  of  Richard  Ilallett,^''  a  hospitable  Friend  of  Jer- 
icho. The  three  unpublished  letters  following  largely  explain 
themselves.  H  further  evidence  of  his  financial  standing  were 
needed,  the  charge  to  his  wife  to  "spare  no  cost"  to  make  her  life 
comfortable  should  remove  the  last  doubt.  Their  neighbor,  Han- 
nah Foster,"  was  in  a  position  to  know  all  about  the  "young 
woman." 

da  mo 

11:  5;  &  1  of  week.  1760. 
bear  Friend 

My  Companion  and  I  are  now  at  Newport,  and  midling 
Was  yesterday  at  the  burial  of  Abrani  Redwood's  Wife,*  and  E.xpect 
if  favour'd  with  health  &  way  opens  to  be  at  Boston  the  latter  End 
of  the  week  and  to  return  from  the  Eastward  to  Newport  Yearly 
Meeting. 

1  shall  lake  it  kind  if  thou'U  please  to  take  care  of  the  Enclos'd, 
&  should  be  glad  to  hear  how  my  dear  Wife  and  Child  are,  and  f'rds 
about  home,  not  forgetting  the  Small  pox  was  brief.(?) 

Our  Visits  in  general  have  hitherto  been  in  weakness,  and  to  rac 

•  Pcrobcrtoii  Papers,   Vol.   XIV.   p.    26.     Hist.   Soc.  of   Pcnna.,    PhiUi. 
» Abraham  Redwood,  founder  of  the  RedwcKid  Lihrarjr  in  Newport,  married  MrtliJb  , 
daughter  of  Abraham  CoggeshalL 


IV 


NEWPORT  AND  THE  SLAVE  QUESTION         61 


t 


it  hath  been  a  time  of  Abasement.  I  hope,  notwithstanding,  our  ap- 
pointing meetings  have  not  been  to  the  dishonour  of  Truth.  My 
Exercises  have,  I  think,  been  at  least  useful!  to  me,  &  I  am  thankfull 
to  the  Almighty  in  that  I  have  seen  and  felt  that  He  knows  best 
what  is  for  our  good,  and  the  good  of  f'rds  where  we  come. 

In  some  humbling  Seasons.  I  have  thought  of  my  dear  f'rds  about 
home,  and  amongst  others,  thou  and  thy  wife  have  been  frequent  in 
roy  remembrance. 

John  Woolraan 
frds  here  are  generally  well. 
For  John  Smith  at  Burlington,' 

da.  mo. 

18:  5:  &  first  of  week,  1760. 
Dearly  beloved  Wife 

My  Companion  and  I  are  now  at  Lynn  in  health  about  fifteen 
miles  Eastward  from  Boston. 

I  have  wrote  Several  letters  to  thee.  Expecting  thou  will  be  glad 
lo  hear  that  I  am  well,  and  I  write  the  oftener,  for  that  I  suppose 
they  may  not  all  come  directly  to  thy  hands. 

It  would  be  Agreeable  to  me  to  hear  from  you,  not  haveing  had 
any  Intelligence  Concerning  you  Since  I  saw  you,  nor  do  I  expect 
any  soon  as  I  am  continually  going  from  home.  But  should  way  open 
for  our  Journey  I  hope  to  he  at  the  further  end  of  it  in  less  than 
two  weeks,  and  then  return  toward  Newport  Yearly  Meeting. 

I  remember  thee  and  my  child  often  with  much  nearness  of  Affec- 
tion, believing  thou  art  Sotiiewhat  lonesome  in  my  Absence,  and  the 
most  comfortable  thoughts  1  have  on  the  Subjects  are  That  a  Good 
and  Gracious  GOD  Governs  the  Universe,  who  makes  ali  things  work 
!or  good  to  them  that  love  him,  of  which  number  I  trust  thou  art  one. 
My  love  is  to  my  dear  Fr'ds.  about  home. 

John  Woolman.' 

da.  mo. 
Newport     14    6     1760 
Dear  wife 

I  heard  not  from  home  after  I  left  you  till  two  days  ago  I  rec'd 
thy  two  letters  one  Sent  by  B.A.(?)  &  other  by  II.F."  which  were 
tnily  Acceptable  to  me. 

I  hear  by  Wm,  Lightfoot"  thou  hast  been  poorly  but  at  the  time  of 
Ills  passing  by  was  better.     Thy  not  mentioning  it  in  thy  letters,  I 

'Smrtli  MSS..  Vol.   V.   1756-1761.     Rldgway   Branch,  Phila,  Lib.,  I'hila. 
'Onginal   in    Wootman   MSS.,    Historical    Society   of    Pennsylvania. 
*Uaonab    Fouer    (a;), 


62  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN      chap. 

consider  as  intended  kindness  to  me  by  forbearing  to  contribute  to 
the  Increase  of  my  Exercise.  I  feel  a  most  tender  Concern  for  thee, 
as  knowing  thy  Condition  to  be  Attended  with  dificulty,  and  find  at 
times  a  disposition  to  hasten  for  thy  Sake.  But  Such  is  the  weight 
of  the  work  I  am  engaged  in,  and  Such  the  baptisms  with  which  I 
have  been  baptized;  that  I  see  A  Necessity  for  all  nature  to  Stand 
Silent  I  know  not  that  I  ever  have  had  a  Sharper  Conflict  in  Spirit, 
or  better  understood  what  it  was  to  take  up  the  Cross,  than  of  late. 
The  depth  of  which  Exercise  is  know  (sic)  only  to  the  Almighty,  and 
yet  my  beloved  Companion  Saml.*  hath  been  a  true  and  faithful 
Sympathizer  with  me.  I  am  humbly  ThankfuU  to  My  Gracious 
Father,  who  has  brought  my  mind  in  a  good  degree  to  be  resigned 
to  him. 

From  Him  my  being  is  derived.  My  life  from  one  minute  to 
another  is  Sustained  by  him,  All  I  have  are  his  gifts,  and  I  am 
endeavouring  (though  in  weakness)  to  Surrender  all  to  him.  My 
Care  about  thee  and  my  Child  is  much  greater  than  any  other  Care 
(as  to  the  Things  of  this  life)  but  my  comfort  hath  all  along  been 
that  a  Greater  than  I  is  careful  for  you,  to  whose  Gracious  protection 
I  reconiend  you. 

The  frds.  from  our  parts  are  all  here  &  appear  to  be  well.  We 
have  been  generally  pretty  well,  have  got  forward  on  our  Journey. 
There  remains  about  14  meetings  besides  Nantucket  which  we  have 
not  been  at.  Should  we  be  favoured  to  get  through  them  we  Expect 
to  go  for  Oblong  in  York  Governm*. 

Spare  no  cost  to  make  thy  life  Comfortable  as  may  be.  I  say  so 
because  I  heard  by  H.F.  thou  wast  disappointed  about  a  young 
woman. 

My  love  is  to  all  my  dear  frds. 

John  Woolman." 

In  the  colonial  period,  a  young  woman  who  was  a  Friend 
was  often  to  be  found  aiding  in  the  domestic  life  of  the  Quakers 
of  standing.  The  "young  woman"  to  whom  our  Journalist  refers 
was  probably  the  daughter  of  some  Friend  in  the  neighborhood, 
or  in  Philadelphia.  Mary  Woolman  would  be  ten  years  old  at 
this  date,  and  in  the  absence  of  the  father,  her  mother,  who  was 
not  robust,  much  needed  help  in  the  affairs  of  the  household. 
There  were  besides,  the  business  affairs,  and  the  oversight  of  the 

*  Samuel   Eastburn   (a6). 

*ThiB  letter,  written  on  both  sides  of  the  paper,  measures  6^  X  8  inches.     Original 
in  possession  of  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania;   IVoolman  Papers. 


IV 


NEWPORT  AND  THE  SLAVE  QUESTION         63 


garden  and  orchard.  A  negro  man  was  usually  employed  by  John 
Woolman,  and  one  of  them  is  named  in  his  Larger  Account  Book 
as  "Primas." 

Another  letter  to  John  Smith  a  few  days  later  is  in  response 
to  his  evident  request  that  Woolman  collect  information  and  stir 
up  Friends  to  make  suitable  memorial  records  of  their  deceased 
ministers  and  elders.  Three  great  folio  volumes,  in  the  large  clear 
handwriting  of  John  Smith,''' '  testify  to  the  painstaking  care 
with  which  he  was  pursuing  this  task,  not  quite  completed  at  the 
time  of  his  death.  John  Woolman  was  the  means  of  having  the 
subject  taken  up  by  New  England  Friends. 

Dear  f'rd 

After  I  left  home  I  heard  not  from  my  family  till  I  came  to 
Newport  Yearly  Meeting  at  which  I  rec'd  two  letters  from  thee, 
dated  18:  &  25:  smo.,  and  how  acceptable  they  were  is  Iiard  to 
Express. 

Some  pt.  of  thy  first  and  longest  letter  has  had  a  particular  and 
frequent  place  in  my  Consideration,  and  I  think  has  done  me  a 
little  good.     I  was  helped  with  a  little  help. 

The  Yearly  Meeting  is  now  linish'd.  E.S.'  &  H.F.*  are  going  to 
Boston  and  Eastward.  J.  Storer  **  expects  to  visit  some  Mo.  meetings 
roimd  about  N.Y.  M.R.,*  S.E.'  and  I  Expect  to  go  to  Nantucket 
Yearly  Meeting,  if  way  open. 

I  find  no  Memorial  in  any  records  in  this  Y.  Meeting,  but  now  at 
this  Seting  friends  have  made  a  Minute  in  the  Y.M.  Book,  a  Copy 
to  be  sent  to  the  Quart"  &c..  to  do  that  work. 

Thy  kindness  in  sending  my  letters  is  gratefully  own'd.  Truth 
is  the  same  in  all  places;  it  is  felt  and  own'd  by  Multitudes  of  people 
who  yet  are  distinguished  by  Some  Circumstances  (Some  inded  do  not 
Jive  up  to  what  they  see  to  be  right),  and  the  clearer  the  discovery, 
fht  Stronger  the  Obligation  to  labour  in  that  Spirit  which  Suffers 
btig  and  is  kind,  thereby  if  haply  to  point  out  the  more  perfect  way. 

I  have  had  to  Admire  that  Wisdom  who  appoints  to  his  Servants 
their  several  and  respective  Employments:  and  to  Adore  that  power 

■  Now  in  posst»ion  of  Haver  ford  OVUcge  Library,  A  "Mami»cript  List  of  Friends 
in  Great  BriUin,  of  whom  no  Account  exists,"  dated  "Dublin,  22,  12  mo.  1763,"  was 
■at  bf  Dr.  John  Rutty  to  John  Smith,  to  be  included  in  this  collection  of  Mcmorialt. 
The  oHcina),  in  Dr.  Rutty's  handwriting,  may  be  ■een  at  the  Ridgway  Branch  of  tbe 
PhiUacJphiA    Library.      {Smith   MSS.,    Vol,    VI.    I70»-I76s.j 

*  Elizabeth   Shipley   (29). 

*llsBnh  Forter  (27). 

•Mary  Ridirway   (30). 

'SMDud    East  bum    (36). 


64 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chaf. 


which  hath  Supported  my  Soul  and  kept  me  in  a  resignation  through 
some  uncommon  Exercises.  I  remember  you  often  with  much  near- 
ness, and  allsoe  my  dear  f'rds  about  home. 

John  Woolraan 
da.  mo. 
Newport,     ly    6     1760 
For  John  Smith  at  Burlington."  * 

John  Woolman  wrote  also  to  his  brother  Abner,  for  whom 
he  evidently  had  a  deep  affection.^  The  date  is  the  same  as  the 
foregoing : 


4 


"Dear  Brother 

I  have  remembered  (since  I  left  home)  thee  and  thy  family  very 
often  with  much  warmness  of  love. 

Wc  are  at  Newport  and  expect  to  go  for  Nantucket  soon,  if  way 
open.  We  have  been  fellow  feelers  with  the  afflicted,  nor  is  any 
affliction  too  great  to  endure  for  the  Truth.  This  I  own,  and  am 
labouring  daily  to  be  found  in  that  resignation. 

I  am  pinched  for  time,  but  wanted  to  let  thee  know  I  often  thought 
of  you. 

John  Woolman. 
da.  mo. 
17    6    1760 

For  Abner  Woolman." 

John  Woolman  does  not  name  t!ie  New  England  Friends 
were  engaged  in  aiding  him  to  hold  his  anti-slavery  meeting  in 
the  meeting-house  chamber  at  Newport,  but  a  memorandum  by 
Isaac  P.  Hazard,  of  Rhode  Island  mentions  the  intimacy  exist- 
ing between  Thomas  Hazard  [1720- 1798]'  of  Peacedale,"  and 
John  Woolman.  The  two  were  exactly  the  same  age,  both  having 
been  born  in  1720,  and  when  Woolman  was  in  the  Narragansett 
country  on  his  first  visit  in  1747,  he  liad  met  and  visited  this 
young  pioneer  in  the  movement  in  New  England.  The  meeting 
records  contain  00  mention  of  his  visits.  Hazard  and  Woolman 
had  been  awakened  to  the  evils  of  slavery  at  almost  the  same 

'  Smith    MSS..    Vol.    V.    1 756-1 76a,      Ridgway    Branch    Phila.    Library.    Pbilk. 

» From  a  copy   in   the   Library   of   Devonshire   House.   London.      Ptinttd   in   the  ap* 
pcndix  to  the  "Ccnttiry"  Edition  of  Johjt  Woolman'^  Journal,     Hcadley  Bros,.  London. 

•  W.  Updike,  "History  of  the  Episcopal  Ctiurch  in  Marragansctl.  R.  L"     and  ~ "" 
Vol.  n.  p.  68. 


IV 


NEWPORT  AND  THE  SLAVE  QUESTION         65 


i 


moment  in  their  lives  at  the  age  of  twenty-three.'  When  they 
met,  five  years  after,  each  had  been  consistently  laboring  in  church 
and  dvic  aflfairs,  to  abolish  the  trade.  The  Friends  of  New  Eng- 
land were  as  far  advanced  on  the  subject  as  those  of  Penn- 
sylvania, so  far  as  their  meeting  records  went.  Nantucket  has 
bc€n  cited:  Sandwich  Friends  in  171 1,  disowned  a  woman  who 
permitted  her  slave  to  be  beaten  with  a  severity  that  caused  his 
death,'  and  the  Rhode  Island  Assembly  of  1729  allowed  and 
encouraged  manumission,  provided  the  sum  of  one  hundred 
potmds  was  also  paid  to  the  town,  as  an  indemnity  against  any 
charge  upon  it.  Needless  to  say,  few  slaves,  with  such  a  prac- 
tical penalty,  were  freed ! '  The  efforts  were  chiefly  directed 
against  cruelty.  The  Yearly  Meeting  of  Newport  in  1727  cen- 
sured the  importation  of  slaves,  and  in  1743,  the  year  in  which 
Thomas  Hazard  freed  his  negroes,  the  same  meeting  **agreed" 
.  .  .  that  they  ask  "of  Friends  in  Pennsylvania  an  account 
of  what  they  have  done  in  the  matter,"  knowing  the  growth 
of  antislavery  sentiment  in  the  Colony  of  William 
Pcnn. 

The  subject,  however,  was  almost  at  a  standstill,  when  John 
Woolman  and  the  Friends  accompanying  him  arrived  at  New- 
port in  1760.  They  had  five  meetings  en  route  in  the  Nar- 
ragansett  country,  (Greenwich  Monthly  Meeting),  where,  in  ad- 
dition to  Thomas  Hazard,  whose  father  was  the  largest  slave 
owner  in  the  Province,  they  must  have  been  warmly  welcomed  by 
Richard  Smith,  living  over  the  border  in  Groton,  Connecticut, 
who  had  not  long  before,  freed  his  "negro  garl,  Jane,"  as  "free 
as  if  Shee  had  been  free  bom.*'  The  other  ministers  who  were 
Woolman's  fellow  guests  at  the  country  Friends'  houses,  did  not 
feel  the  same  burden,  and  he  alone  generally  had  a  private  con- 
ference with  his  host  on  this  vital  subject.  He  did  not,  how- 
ever, "think  hardly"  of  the  other  Friends,  nor  did  he  repine  at 
his   own    '"unpleasant   task"   assigned    him   by   his   Master,   but 

'  Young  Hiiard  visited  his  father's  friend  to  buy  cattle  for  hi*  new  farm,  and  the 
«I4  Baptist  deacon  hdd  many  long  theological  discusaions  with  the  young  Quaker. 
Fiattlly  the  dc«on  said,  "Quikersl  They  are  not  Christian  people."  answermg  the  «ur- 
ffbed  inquiry  of  Hazard  by  adding,  "They  hold  their  fellow-men  in  ■laveryl"  From 
Alt  moment  the  abolition  of  slaves  became  hia  chief  object  in  life.  The  story  ia  well 
Uld  in  Caroline  Hazard's  "College  Tom."  p.  42,  q.  v.  for  Thos.   Hazard. 

'Ereords,   Sandwich  Monthly    Meeting,   3   mo.    (May)    30,    1711. 

*Carotiiie  Haard.     "College  Tom."  p.  45. 


66  THK  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chak 


all 


"looked  with  aw  fulness  to  Him  who  appoints  his  servants  thei 
respective  employments." 

The  little  party  reached  Newport  in  time  to  attend  the  burial 
of  Martha  Redwood  on  the  loth  of  May,  and  visited  Boston  and 
"eighty  miles  beyond."  with  Dover,  New  Hampshire,  as  theii 
uhimate  goal,'  returning  to  Newport  in  time  for  the  Yearly 
Meeting,  where  John  Woolman's  certificate  was  presented.  The 
opening  Minute  reads,  "Att  our  Yearly  Meeting  of  Friends  hehl 
on  Rhode  Island  for  New  England,  Begun  at  Portsmouth,  ye 
12  day  of  ye  6  mo.  ij6o,'ior  Worship,  and  on  ye  13  in  ye  After- 
noon our  Meeting  for  Church  Discipline  began  at  Newport."  * 
John  Woolman  approached  this  meeting,  he  tells  us,  in  great 
"bowedness  of  spirit,"  and  as  lie  foresaw,  here,  as  in  Philadel- 
phia two  years  before,  were  accomplished  his  greatest  public  la- 
bors a^inst  the  traffic  in  human  souls.  His  own  account  is 
vivid,  and  discloses  the  simple  hearted  devotion  in  which  he 
met  the  wealthy  slave  dealers  of  the  most  cosmopolitan  cit)-  in 
America.  The  legislature  was  sitting  at  the  time,  and  it  is  to  be 
regretted  that  he  has  not  preserved  the  text  of  the  petition  which 
he  had  prepared  to  lay  before  that  body.  He  succeeded  in  having 
it  read  to  a  number  of  select  Friends,  but  no  official  account  was 
placed  upon  the  minutes.  He  had  anticipated  this  result,  and 
felt  relieved  that  it  was  listened  to  even  by  the  few.  who  were 
permitted  to  sign  it  out  of  meeting.  Unable  to  take  the  positive 
action  of  Philadelphia  in  1758.  two  years  earlier,  the  Newport 
Friends  yet  had  made  some  advance  when  they  recorded :  "We 
fer\'ently  warn  all  in  profession  with  us  that  they  be  careful  to 
avoid  being  in  any  way  concerned  in  reaping  the  unrighteous 
profits  of  that  iniquitous  practice  in  dealing  in  negroes.  We  can 
do  no  less  than,  with  the  greatest  earnestness,  impress  it  upon 
Friends  everywhere  that  they  endeavor  to  keep  their  hands  clear 
of  this  unrighteous  gain  of  oppression."  The  records  also  ad- 
vise that  some  relijs^ious  and  secular  education  be  given  the 
neg^roes.  \\Tiile  the  action  taken  does  not  appear  very  great,  yet 
the  stimulus  of  Woolman's  visit  was  felt  by  the  whole  body  of 
Friends,  until  in  1744,  Thomas  Hazard  was  one  of  the  Yearly 
Meeting's  committee  to  petition  the  Legislature  of  Rhode  Tsla 

'  Dover  Record*  contain  no  mention  of  ihia  vlait. 
•Minutes  of  New  England  Y.  M.,  Vol.  I,  p.  247. 


IV  NEWPORT  AND  THE  SLAVE  QUESTION         67 

to  pass  a  law  abolishing  the  trade  altogether.  He  lived  to  see 
this  done  and  the  existence  of  slavery  as  an  institution  terminated 
in  Rhode  Island.  He  was  powerfully  aided  by  Moses  Brown  * 
[1738-1836]  who,  upon  coming  into  the  Society  from  the  Baptists 
among  whom  he  was  born,  took  the  preliminary  step  in  1773 
of  freeing  all  his  own  slaves. 

During  this  same  Yearly  Meeting  Woolman's  protest  against 
lotteries  resulted  in  a  "weighty  Concern"  that  Friends  "Dicist'* 
from  that  practice  for  the  future.  Lotteries  at  this  time  were 
cver^'wliere  used  by  the  Government  and  by  Churches  for  raising 
funds,  and  the  strength  of  the  minute  on  this  occasion  would  ap- 
jpcar  to  have  been  seized  as  a  way  of  escape  from  the  greater 
"Question  of  slavery.-  Still  another  activity  of  this  meeting  in 
which  Woolman  took  part,  but  not  noted  by  him,  was  his  ap- 
pointment to  aid  in  the  revision  of  the  Discipline.  The  Commit- 
tee was  to  "peruse  the  English  Book  of  Discipline  and  also  that 
of  Pennsylvania  Book  of  Discipline,  to  extract  such  parts  thereof 
in  order  to  Joyn  with  ours  as  they  sliall  Juclge  Necessary  and  lay 
the  whole  before  this  meeting  for  Approbation  .  .  .  together 
with  the  Strangers  hereunto  Entered,  John  Woolman,  Samuel 
Eastbom,  &  John  Storer,  and  any  Other  Friends  that  may  find  a 
Concern  to  Joyn  them."'  .  .  .  **A  perigraft  (paragraph)  in  tlie 
Yearly  Meeting  Epistle  from  London  Concerning  Negroes  to  be 
added,"  The  Committee  reported  later  to  the  same  meet- 
ing, "the  Rules  of  our  friends  in  Olde  England  are  sutable 
for  us,  .  .  .  with  changes  Applicable  to  local  condi- 
tions." • 

The  strain  under  whicli  John  Woolman  had  been  laboring  and 
the  effect  on  his  frail  physique  are  evident  in  his  letter  from  Dart- 
mouth to  Sarali  Woolman.  written  after  the  Yearly  Meeting  was 
over.  He  was  on  his  way  to  Nantucket,  which  is  at  present  about 
four  hours  sail  from  New  Bedford.  It  took  the  little  party 
two  days  to  reach  their  destination,  spending  the  night  at  Tar- 
paulin Cove  on  Nanshon  I.slan<l,  nuw  well  knijwn  to  yachts- 
men. 

*W.  Updike.     "Hift.  of  the  Episcopal  Charoh  in  NarraganMU."     2nd  Ed..  Vol.  11, 
%  At.    Mote*  Brown  (ounded  Brown  tJnivcrsity.  Providence,  R.  I. 
*Kccords  N.  E.  Y.  M.     Vol.  I.  p.  351. 
•X.  E,   y.   U.   Records.     MS..   Vol.   1,  p.   248. 
*Ibi4.,  p.  sso. 


68 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


da    mo 
Dartmouth    23    6     1760 
Dear  wife  da  da 

I  rec'd  thy  two  letters  at  Newport  dated  the  19:  and  20:  of  the 
mo. 

5  and  how  acceptable  they  were  to  me  is  not  Easie  to  Express. 
I  wrote  from  Newport  about  a  week  past  and  Expecting  tomorrow 
if  the  wind  be  fair  and  way  open  to  Sail  for  Nantucket,  was  desirous 
to  leave  a  few  lines  to  be  forwarded  by  any  Opertunity.  We  have 
been  at  five  meetings  Since  ihe  Yearly  Meeting;  and  I  may  say  by 
Experience  the  Lord  is  good  he  is  a  Strong  hold  in  the  day  of  trouble, 
and  helpeth  those  who  humbly  trust  in  him.  E.  Shipley*  and  H, 
Foster"  are  gone  for  Boston  and  Eastward.  A.  Gaunt"  and  M.R.' 
Expect  to  Sail  for  Nantucket,  J.  Storer"  is  in  these  parts  &  all 
midling  well.  People  in  these  parts  are  generally  favoured  with 
health.  I  have  heard  very  little  of  the  Small  pox  Since  I  came  of 
(sic)   Long  Island. 

I  am  not  so  hearty  and  healthy  as  I  have  been  Sometimes,  and 
yet  through  the  Mercy  of  the  Almiglity  I  am  enabled  to  persue  oj 
Journey  without  much  difficulty  on  that  Account. 

Every  Year  brings  Additional  Experience  and  I  think  I   ne 
more  clearly  Saw  the  reasonableness  and  fitness  of  Casting  all  my 
cares  on  God  than  I  have  Since  I  left  thee, 

I  remember  thee  and  my  Child  with  Endeared  love  and  tenderni 
knowing  how  much  you  miss  me. 

I  remember  also  that  God  is  wise,  he  knows  "what  is  for  the  be; 
He  is  good  and  willing  to  make  us  as  happy,  as  we  are  capable  of 
being. 

He  is  strong  and  nothing  is  hard  for  him;  that  to  Love  him  and 
Serve  him  in  Sincerity  is  the  best  way  for  us  in  this  world.  He  is 
high  and  Inhabits  Eternity,  and  dwells  allso  with  them  that  are 
poor  &  of  a  Contrite  Spirit  Trust  him,  my  dear,  and  I  fear  not 
thou'l  do  well. 

John  Woolman. 

I  name  none  of  my  dear  Fr'ds.  but  my  love  is  to  them  all." ' 


►elCT 


Woolman  was  greatly  pleased  with  the  simplicity  of  life  which 
he  found  on  Nantucket,  and  he  contrasts  it  with  the  wealth  and 
luxury  of  Philadelphia  Friends.    The  large  meetings  which  he  ad- 

*  Mary  Ridgway." 

■  This  letter,  written  on  both  sides  of  the  paper,  measures  6  X  6%  inches. 
in  IVoolfhan  Papers,  in  possession  of  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 


lY 


NEWPORT  AND  THE  SLAVE  QUESTION         69 


I 


dressed  were  probably  held  in  the  **Big  Shop/'  where  the  crowds 
attending  the  eighteenth  century  meetings  often  assembled.  This 
was  a  great  sail-loft,  which  stood  nntil  recently  as  two  houses, 
divided  after  the  cessation  of  the  whaling  industry.  The  site 
was  at  the  western  end  of  the  town,  on  Saratoga  street,  not  far 
from  the  old  Friends'  Meeting  house  and  graveyard.  The  meet- 
ing house  would  not  always  hold  the  great  congregations. 

The  anti-slavery  sentiment  had  always  had  its  upholders  on 
the  independent  little  island.  Tlie  Registry  of  Deeds  at  Nan- 
tucket contains  some  interesting  manumissions  of  slaves.  In  1750 
Thomas  Brock  freed  his  slave  Robin  by  Will.  Deeds  of  Manu- 
mission are  recorded  by  Ebenezer  Gardiner,  1741,  for  slave  Pom- 
pcy;  by  WiUiam  Swain,  1751,  for  Boston,  and  in  1760,  the  date  of 
John  Woolman's  second  visit,  for  another  Boston,  Maria,  and  their 
children-  In  1771  he  frees  Essex;  and  Edward  Carey,  in  1774, 
frees  Cato, 

The  New  England  journey  was  completed  8mo.  19th,  1760. 
It  is  probable  that  the  following  winter  was  chiefly  occupied  in 
writing  the  second  part  of  his  "Considerations  on  the  Keeping  of 
Negroes,"  which,  for  reasons  which  he  makes  clear,  was  pub- 
lished at  his  own  expense.  Woolman  had  hardly  returned  from 
nearby  visits  to  Haddonfield  and  neighboring  meetings  when  he 
fell  ill.  This  illness  brought  to  a  crisis  his  feelings  as  to  a  scruple 
on  the  subject  of  dress. 

The  impression  prevails  with  most  writers  that  John  Wool- 
man  wore  undyed  clothing  all  his  life:  it  is  true  of  only  the  last 
ten  years.     This  was  a  period  of  deep  trial  of  soul,  and  his  ill- 
ness was  to  him  a  time  of  crisis  and  struggle.    He  had  increas- 
ingly felt  that  the  life  of  the  influential  Quakers  of  his  acquain- 
tance was  too  luxurious,  and  that  to  his  testimony  against  "cus- 
toms distinguishable  from  pure  wisdom^"  must  be  added  a  visible 
and  outward  sign  of  protest.    Reflecting  on  this  during  the  watches 
of  the  night,  while  he  lay. on  his  bed  of  pain,  he  "felt  the  neces- 
sity of  further  purifying,"  and  there  was  no  desire  in  him  for 
recovery,  "until  the  design  of  (his)  correction  was  answered." 
Resignation  came  to  him  and  he  felt  "in  an  instant,  an  inward 
healing"  and  at  once  recovered.    As  a  result  he  gradually  dropped 
one  indulgence. — we  should  call  it  a  necessity — after  another.    As 
his  clothing  wore  out,  each  garment  was  replaced  with  one  that  was 


70 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


undyed,  and  after  going  to  the  "Spring  Meeting"  in  Philadelphia 
in  1762,  he  accomplished  the  change  by  getting  a  beaver  hat  of  the 
natural  color  of  the  fur.  White  hats  were  the  fashion,  and  so  com- 
pletely were  his  motives  misunderstood  by  some  Friends,  that  for  a 
time  he  could  no  longer  preach.  Nor  was  he  at  liberty  to  explain 
himself,  feeling  that  this  was  a  test  of  friendship.  From  now  on, 
little  by  h'ttle,  his  scruples  against  many  ordinary  customs  in- 
creased. He  declined  the  use  of  sugar  because  it  was  the  product 
of  West  Indian  slave  labor.  His  letters  were  often  written  on  the 
smallest  possible  scrap  of  paper  that  would  accomplish  his  pur- 
pose, but  he  did  not  abandon  the  use  of  his  horse  for  riding  until 
1766,  and  then  only  when  he  traveled  out  of  the  province. 

To  this  period — 1760 —  belong  two  letters  which  follow.  The 
I-'nglish  Friend  to  whom  the  first  was  written,  had  recently  ar- 
rived in  Philadelphia,  where  Woolman  had  met  her;  the  Itinerary 
of  Jane  Crosfield  ^  shows  that  on  the  day  that  this  letter  was 
written  she  "had  a  meeting  at  Ancocas,  and  rode  from  thence 
to  Mount  Holly  and  lodg'd  at  Josiah  White's."  **  John  Woolman 
tells  us  himself  (Journal)  that  he  was  at  Buckingham  on  the 
date  of  the  letter,  which  was  therefore  not  written  from  his  own 
home.  "On  the  nth  of  12th.  month.  I  went  over  the  river,  and 
on  the  next  day  was  at  Buckingham  meeting."  John  Church- 
man ••  was  holding  a  meeting  in  the  "school  house  near  Samuel 
Eastburn's"  "  the  night  before,  and  it  is  likely  that  John  Wool- 
man  and  he  were  the  guests  of  Samuel  Easthurn.  when  he  wrote 
the  letter  to  Jane  Crosfield.  Afterwards,  "we  visited  Joseph 
White's  *•  family,  he  being  in  England,"  adds  Wonlman.  John 
Churchman  mentions  this  visit  also."  and  that  Joseph  White  him- 
self was  in  Europe  on  a  religious  tour,  but  his  wife,  wnth  whom 
they  made  their  home,  **appeared  to  be  resigned  in  the  absence 
of  her  husband,  her  spirit  being  sweetened  with  the  truth  in  in- 
nocent quietude."     The  "H.  White"  referred  to  was  doubtless 

»  For  J.  C,  ace  Biog.,  Note  34.  The  kltcr  i*  a  copy  nf  the  original  ami  witJi 
other  copic*  of  contemporary  correspondence  is  in,  the  MS.  collection  of  J.  D.  Crosfield. 
of  Liverpool,  as  is  the  Itinerary.  [Journal.  Friends'  Hist.  Soc,  London,  Vol.  Ill, 
p.  31.  iOofi-1  It  also  appears  in  less  perfect  forwi^  with  incorrect  date,  in  "Friendf* 
Family  Library,"  "I.etters  on  Religions  Subjects."  &c..  Vol.  fT.  p,  56.  Ed. 
Thos.  Kite.  Phili..  18.11.  Both  copies  have  hecn  altered.  There  docs  not  appear  to 
have  been  any  relationship  between  Josiah  White  of  Mt.  Holly  mnd  Joseph  White 
of  Bucks  County.  Penna. 

•  "Account  of  the  Gospel  I-abotjra  and  Christian  Experiences  ...  of  John  Church- 
umn.**    London,  Edit.  1781,  p.  276. 


IT         NEWPORT  AND  THE  SLAVE  QUESTION         71 

Hannah,  daughter  of  Josiah  White,  of  Mount  Holly  who  joined 
Jane  Crosfield  as  companion — she  was  then  but  twenty-one.* 
There  is  a  pleasant  human  note  about  this  letter^  before  Woolman 
became  so  burdened  with  the  many  scruples  which  taxed  his 
powers  later:    • 

"Since  I  understand  thy  draft  toward  New  England  at  this  season 
of  the  year,  I  have  felt  a  near  sympathy  in  my  mind  toward  thee, 
and  also  thy  new  companion,  H.  White. 

Looking  seriously  over  the  stages  and  wide  waters  and  thinking 
on  the  hard  frosts  and  high  winds  usual  in  the  winter,  the  journey 
has  appeared  difficult;  but  my  mind  was  turned  to  him,  who  made 
and  commands  the  winds  and  the  waters,  and  whose  providence  is 
over  the  ravens  and  the  sparrows. 

I  believed  thou  understood  his  language,  and  I  trust  thy  ear  will 
be  attentive  to  him,  and  in  that  there  is  safety  in  the  greatest  diffi- 
culties. "He  that  believeth  maketh  not  haste,"  and  there  seemed  a 
hint  in. my  mind  to  give  thee,  that  thou  take  a  sufficient  portion  of 
that  doctrine  along  with  thee  this  journey.  Should  frozen  rivers  or 
high  winds  or  storms  sometimes  prevent  thy  going  forward  so  fast 
as  thou  could  desire,  it  may  be  thou  may  find  a  service  in  tarrying 
even  amongst  a  people  whose  company  may  not  be  every  way  agree- 
able. I  remembered  that  the  manner  in  which  Paul  made  a  visit  to 
the  island  of  Melita  was  contrary  to  his  own  mind  as  a  man ;  we  find, 
however,  that  by  means  thereof,  the  father  of  Publius  was  healed 
of  his  fever,  and  many  cured  of  their  infirmities. 
Farewell,  my  dear  Friend. 

John  Woolman. 
I2th.  day,  12th.  mo.,  at  night,  1760. 

The  want  of  a  suitable  opportunity  this  evening  occasioned  me  to 
take  this  way." 

This  letter  has  been  much  edited. 

The  second  letter  is  to  Woolman's  intimate  friend,  Samuel 
Smith,"  of  Burlington,  then  Treasurer  of  the  Province  of  New 
Jersey.  The  duties  of  that  office  and  his  frequent  absences  from 
home  as  a  member  of  the  Assembly,  often  combined  with  the  se- 
vere attacks  of  gout  to  which  he  was  subject,  to  keep  him  from 
meetings.  In  this  case,  he  and  John  Woolman  were  on  a  Com- 
niittee  together.*    Woolman  writes, 

'    'Hannah  Wliite  married,  ist,  Thomas  Pryor;  2nd,  Daniel  Drinker. 

*  Original  in  possession  of  Mrs.  James  S.  Merritt,  of  Abington,  Penna.,  a  descendant 
ia  tke  sixth  generation  from  Samuel  Smith. 


72 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


;ed  tff 


"Beloved  Friend 

As  the  appointm*  at  our  last  meeting  was  Submitted  to,  if 
prepare  no  Essay,  it  will  require  some  Apology,  and  tliou,  I  expect, 
art  likely  to  be  Absent    As  Sending  a  Short  Epistle  will,  I  hope, 
have  no  ill  tendency,  I,  on  thinking  further  on  it,  Seem'd  inclii 
to  make  an  Essay  which  I  send  herewith. 

If  thou  art  Easie  that  one  Should  go,  and  would  be  pleased  ' 
look  over  and  Alter  this  as  it  appears  best  to  thee  and  Send  it  back, 
I  would  Endeavour  to  Copy  as  many  as  there  are  M®  Meetings. 

I  remain  thy  loving  fr* 
da    mo  John  Woolman. 

22:     1 1 :     1761 
For 
Samuel  Smith,  Esq. 
at  Burlington." 

This  is  the  only  letter  that  lias  thus  far  appeared  addres; 
to  the  Treasurer  of  the  Province.  The  Hsquire,  which  is  the 
remarkable  feature  about  it,  was  probably  used  by  John  WooUnan 
entirely  in  a  technical  sense,  precisely  as  he  would  have  put  J.P., 
indicating  a  Justice  of  the  Peace.  The  letter  also  bears  a  seal; 
— a  deer  or  gazelle,  surrounded  by  a  wreath  or  line  on  the  edge 
of  the  oval. 

John  Woolman  appears  to  have  been  at  home  most  of  the 
following  winter,  and  a  delightful  little  anecdote  is  related  of 
him.^  A  great  fall  of  snow  occurred  on  the  night  following  the 
meeting  of  ministers  and  elders  preliminary  to  the  General  Quar- 
terly Meeting  of  the  Friends  in  Philadelphia,  in  February,  1762. 
The  drifts  lay  piled  high  against  the  door  of  his  friend,  Rebecca 
Jones,**'  living  in  Drinkers'  Alley,*  who,  fearing  that  it  would  be 
impossible  for  her  to  leave  her  house,  was  no  less  surprised  than 
delighted,  on  opening  her  door  to  sweep  away  the  snow  from  her 
doorstep,  to  find  her  pavement  already  cleared  and  a  path  lead- 
ing down  to  the  next  street.  A  few  minutes  later,  John  Wool- 
man  entered,  remarking  quietly  that  he  thought  he  had  earned 

'  "Memorials  of  Rebecca  Jones,"  p.  afi.     Ed.  W.  J.  Allinson. 

*  Drinker's  Alley,  on  a  part  of  and  adjoining  the  property  of  Henry  DrinVcr,  on 
Second  Street,  containrd  several  comfortable  but  very  small  houses.  At  number  I 
lived  Rebecca  Jones,  where  abe  continued  the  school  for  little  children  started  by  her 
mother  when  the  latter  became  a  widow.  Rebecca  Jones  was  as.<>isted  in  teaching  by 
Hannah  Cathrall,  until  they  closed  the  school  in  1784.  An  interesting  anecdote  of  ' 
Thomas  Harrison  who,  with  his  wife,  were  intimate  friends  of  Rebecca  Jones,  and  the 
slave  girl  Maria,  is  given  in  "Memorials  of  R.   J.,"  p.  343. 


NEWPORT  AND  THE  SLAVE  QUESTION         73 

his  breakfast.  He  had  spent  the  night  with  his  cousins,  Reuben 
and  Margaret  Haines,  on  High  Street,  and  rising  early,  had  taken 
with  him  a  shovel  and  had  made  a  good  footway  for  the  ladies 
all  the  way  to  the  Bank  Meeting  House.  After  breakfast  he 
made  anotJier  path  for  the  entrance  of  Rebecca  Jones'  pupils 
to  her  school.  The  editor  of  the  Memorials  of  R.  Jones  mentions 
a  letter  from  John  Woolman,  dated  4  mo.  20,  1772,  which  has 
reference  to  this  visit,  but  much  search  has  failed  to  reveal  it. 

To  one  of  his  most  faithful  friends,  who  was  in  the  heat  of 
the  political  struggle  in  Pennsylvania,  Woolman  wrote : — 


da     mo. 
Beloved  Friend:  Mount  Holly;    20:    6:     1762. 

As  true  Love  moves  on  our  Minds  we  find  them  turned  at  times 
toward  certain  places  &  particular  persons,  and  yet  unable  to  give 
uiy  reason  why  they  are  turned  that  way  any  more  than  another  — 
and  Such  is  my  case  at  present. 

My  Mind  of  late  hath  been  with  thee  more  than  usual,  &  I  seem 
at  liberty  to  open  to  thee  the  mailer  in  which  I  have  looked  toward 
thee: 

In  those  small  affairs  of  life  which  have  fallen  to  my  tot  to  be 
concerned  in,  I  have  at  times  found  that  which  has  appeared  difficult 
to  Manage  as  a  Christian,  and  Looking  at  thy  Scituation  Amidst 
many  Affairs,  &  at  the  family  thou  hast  the  care  of,  I  have  felt,  as  I 
believe,  some  degree  of  thy  burthen. 

I  have  had  in  view  the  purity  of  the  Heavenly  Family,  The  most 
Gracious  and  most  tender  Visitations  of  Christ  to  our  Souls  drawing 
ihcm  from  the  mixture  and  entanglements,  that  they  may  Attain  true 
Liberty,  and  have  seem'd  in  company  with  thee,  looking  for  and 
dcjiring  a  more  perfect  Deliverance, 

In  the  Strength  of  all  Temptation  and  in  dificulties  which  Appear 
nty  great,  there  hath  seem'd  before  me  a  prospect,  a  POWER,  able 
U)d  ready  to  subdue  all  things  to  Himself. 

In  a  fresh  sence  of  pure  Love  I  remain  thy  fr^ 

John  Woolman. 
I  send  these  by  Wm.  Calvert "  with  request 

to  deliver  them  into  thy  hand. 

Eodorscd  "For  Israel  Pemberton* 

in  PhiladV 

*Tldi  I*  written  on  tbe  single  aide  of  a  UrffC  dottbtt  folia  shtet — very  uniin»l  for 
h^  Woolman.     OriginAl   in   Historical   Society  of   PeitasylTaniii.     Samuft  Parriih's 
I  ^(^  B*tk:  "Quakcrm." 


74 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


chaI^ 


Woolman  is  ever  busy  with  meeting  affairs.  Ebenezer  Large, 
who  was  a  prominent  minister,  had  married  into  John  Smith's 
family  and  had  left,  in  his  recently  proved  will,  a  bequest  tu 
Burlington  Monthly  Meeting,  to  which  he  here  refers:  ^h 

''Beloved  Friend  ^^ 

The  Corps  of  an  honest  Friend  being  to  be  buried  at  our  Meeting 
House  todajj,  an  inclination  to  attend  the  Burial  occasions  my  Ab- 
sence from  Meeting. 

I  find  nothing  to  hinder  a  Certificate  from  being  prepared  for  our 
Friend,  John  Sleeper." 

I  remain  thy  loving  friend, 

John  Woolman. 
da    mo 

4:     4-     1763  _ 

Friends  concern'd  in  the  Affair  of  E,  Large's  Estate  need  be  under  no 
difficulty  in  regard  to  appointing  a  time  on  my  account.  1  am  at 
present  under  no  particular  appointment  on  any  business  that  I 
remember.    J.  W. 


M 


For  John  Smith  at  Burlington."  * 

This  would  seem  to  liave  been  a  time  of  leisure  for  Woulman, 
when  he  devoted  liimself  to  family  visits  about  his  own  neigh-  i 
borhood,  and  to  his  school  and  orchard,  and  when  the  town  inter- 
ests nearly  affected  him. 

At  this  period  of  Alount  Holly's  history  it  had  only  three  ' 
shops,  but  five  or  six  taverns.  At  one  or  two  of  these,  all  the  ' 
respectable  travelers  passing  through  to  Shrewsbury  or  New  ■ 
York,  usually  stopped.  Daniel  Jones,  who  kept  the  "Three  I 
Tuns,"  still  standing  on  Mill  Street  in  Mount  Holiy,  was  tlie  j 
elder  brother  of  Woolman's  friend,  Rebecca  Jones.  The  old ' 
tavern  yards  were  busy  places  when  the  stage  came  in,  and  ther^, 
is  a  delightful  bit  of  local  color  in  the  visit  of  the  Juggler  to  th^ 
tavern.  [He  had  been  well  advertised  and  was  so  successful  tliatj 
his  show  was  to  be  repeated  the  next  night.  One  sees  Johx^j 
Woolman  sitting  at  the  entrance,  and  when  the  people  had  gatH-: 
ered,  can  almost  hear  his  clear  and  quiet  remonstrance,  and  hi^ 
sweet  invitation  to  think  on  higher  things. 

George  Windsor,  Innholder,  died  in  1758,  and  Daniel  Jones 


tv  NEWPORT  AND  THE  SLAVE  QUESTION         75 

Jr.  advertises  as  administrator  in  the  "Pennsylvania  Gazette" 
for  May  18,  1758.  The  same  paper  for  September  17,  1761, 
advertises  a  "vendue"  to  be  held  at  the  house  of  Daniel  Jones, 
Innkeeper,  at  "Bridgetown,"  October  10,  1761,  and  many  such 
were  held  there  for  some  years. 

A  glimpse  of  the  route  of  travel  and  the  accommodations  for 
travelers  may  make  their  life  more  vivid  for  us  if  we  read  the 
following  advertisement  of  the  stage  set  up  not  long  before: 
"Notice  is  hereby  given  to  the  Publick,  that  we,  the  subscribers 
have  erected  a  stage  Waggon  to  transport  Passengers,  etc.,  from 
Mr,  Daniel  Couper's  Ferry  opposite  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  to 
Mount  Holly,  from  thence  throupjh  the  cnunty  of  Monmouth  to 
Middletown,  and  from  thence  to  the  Bay  near  Sandy-Hook,  where 
a  Boat  is  to  attend  to  convey  Passengers  etc.  to  the  city  of  New 
York :  the  said  stage  waggon  will  attend  at  said  Couper's  Ferry 
on  the  second  Tuesday  in  October  next,  at  Seven  o'clock  in  the 
morning:  and  the  said  Boat  will  attend  at  the  city  of  New  York 
on  the  second  Monday  in  said  month.  Any  person  inclining  to 
travel  in  said  Stage,  may  apply  to  Mr.  Martin  Ashburn,  at  the 
Ferry  House  in  Phila.  and  Mr.  George  Cooke,  near  the  Exchange 
in  New  York:  the  said  stage  will  cnntinue  to  go  once  a  week  at 
present,  on  said  days.  Any  person  inclining  to  travel  to  Shrews- 
\mry  may  depend  on  being  accommodated  with  a  Waggon  erected 
at  Middletown  for  that  purpose,  by  certain  humble  servants  Ed. 
Taylor  and  Wm.  Taylor  at  Middletown;  Zachariah  Rossell  and 
Daniel  Jones,  Mt.  Holly,  and  John  Cox,  at  Moorestown."  * 

'From    "Pennsylvania    Gazette"    No.    1603,    Sept    13,    1759.     N.   J.    Arcbivei,    XX, 


CHAPTER  V 
1763 

THE  INDIAN  JOURNEY 

For  some  time  John  Woolman  had  been  following  the  course  of 
Indian  affairs  both  in  his  immediate  neighborhood  and  in  the 
councils  of  his  Yearly  Meeting,  where  he  was  increasingly  promi- 
nent. Injustice  to  the  red  man  touched  him  deeply,  and  equally 
with  the  cruelties  inflicted  upon  his  black  brother,  called  at  his 
hands  for  redress.  Upon  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  the  Ncwj 
Jersey  Indians  were  found  to  be  more  peaceable  than  those  far-| 
ther  west,  being  in  part  a  subject  race.  They  were  represented 
in  1721  ^  as  few  and  quiet: — "There  are  but  few  Indians  in  this 
Government,  &  they,  very  innocent  and  Friendly  to  the  In- 
habitants, beinjj  under  Command  of  the  Fi%T  Nations  of  Iroquois, 
and  this  Plantation  not  lying  exiiosetl,  as  some  other  British  Co^ 
nies,  &c.,  they  have  hitherto  built  no  Forts."  PJ 

There  were  several  Indian  villages  within  a  short  ride  of 
Woolman's  home,  and  the  semi-civilized  inhabitants  came  into 
the  nearby  towns  to  trade.  All  the  Delaware  Valley  savages  be- 
longed to  the  Lenni-Lenape  tribes  whose  totems  were  the  wolf 
or  turtle,  and  whose  conversion  to  Christianity  had  been  attempted 
by  the  Swedish  Lutheran  pastor,  Campanius.  as  early  as  1642. 
Campanius  made  a  resolute  eflFort  to  acquire  their  language. 
and  to  preach  to  them  in  their  native  tongue,  translating  the 
catechism  for  them  into  Lenape.  in  traders*  dialect.  Tn  view  of 
the  far  more  successful  attempt  of  the  Moravians,  just  a  hun- 
dred years  later,  one  is  led  to  marvel  that  no  Quaker  is  on  rec- 
ord who  ever  mastered  the  Indian  language.  The  Quaker  meet- 
ing took  no  steps  toward  securing  the  official  Indian  interpreters 
whom  Governor  William  Penn  tn  jfic)q  offered  to  provide.    Both 

'  Report  o{  the  Lords'  Commissioners  of  Trade  &  Plantations,  Sept,  S, 
ArcluTe^.  jaU,  p.  ao. 


17*1.    ^X 


THE  INDIAN  JOURNEY 


77 


William  Penn  and  John  Richardson  (1667-1753)  were  moved 
with  missionary  zeal  toward  the  native  tribes,  but  the  results  of 
their  efforts  in  converting  them  were  more  or  less  ephemeral.* 
When  the  Presbyterian  pastor,  David  Brainerd/*  John  Wool- 
man's  neighbor,  began  his  mission  in  1742,  to  the  Indians  of 
New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania,  he  says  that  there  was  not  an- 
other missionary  in  either  province.^  After  his  early  death  a  year 
or  two  later  he  was  succeeded  by  his  brother  John  Brainerd/" 
who  for  years  devoted  his  life  to  the  welfare  of  the  Indian,  and 
was  long  the  missionar>'  at  Indian  Mills,  near  Mount  Holly. 

Doctrinal  controversies  appear  to  have  interfered  with  coop- 
eration in  the  beginnings  of  missionary  work  in  Burlington 
County.  The  Friends  regarded  the  Indian  converts  to  Presby- 
terianism  as  rude  and  dangerous  rioters."  When  Brainerd  en- 
joyed Quaker  hospitality  he  endeavored  to  convince  his  hosts 
of  the  need  of  belief  in  the  outward  bapjtism  which  they  rejected ; 
both  parties,  however,  had  the  good  of  the  Indian  at  heart.  But 
it  was  the  Moravian  who  most  overcame  his  own  personal  preju- 
dice in  the  effort  to  bring  the  simple  fcivage  to  the  Truth.  In 
the  twenty  years  between  1741  and  1761,  when  the  great  Mora- 
vian missionary,  David  Zeisberger,***  was  most  actively  engaged, 
five  hundred  Indians  were  converted,  of  whom  two  hundred  and 
6fty-one  were  Lenapes.* 

For  over  seventy  years  friendly  relations  had  existed  between 
the  early  English  settlers  in  the  middle  colonies  and  the  Indians. 
Fair  trade  and  justice  in  treaty-making  liad  been  observed  with 
marked  success.  But  in  1754  the  trouble  brewing  in  the  French 
*nd  Indian  War  at  last  broke  out.  Frontier  struggles,  followed  by 
Braddock's  defeat  along  the  Allegheny  in  the  summer  of  1755  led 
the  Governor  and  Council  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  next  year  to 
declare  war,  not  only  against  the  French,  but  also  the  Delaware 
and  Shawnee  Indians,  offering  a  reward  of  money  for  Indian 
scalps,  "produced  as  evidence  of  their  being  killed."    The  decla- 

'  8r«  "Account  of  the  Action  of  ihe  Society  of  Friends  toward  the  Indian  Tribes." 
Umdan.   1844,    p.    55.   scq.     Journal,   John    Richardsun,    1757. 

•••Llf«  of  David  Brainerd,"  by  Jonathan  Edwards,  p.  409. 

•N.  J.  Archive*.  Vol.  VI,  406.  "Stale  of  Facts  about  the  Riots."  The  writer  ia 
WUktoua  that  the  Indlani  "gather  to  be  taught  by  one  Mr,  Bninerd."  It  was  evi- 
^•■lly  a  new  occurrence,  as  is  pointed  out  I 

*S«ckeweIder  MSS.  Library  of  the  AmericMi  Philosophical  Society,  Phila.  See 
Btchtvalder,  "Indian  Nations." 


4 


78  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

ration  of  war  and  the  scalp-bounty,  reversed  the  entire  Indian 
policy  of  Pennsylvania.  The  Quakers  in  the  Assembly  of  the 
Province,  already  engaged  in  a  struggle  to  preserve  unstained 
their  testimony  against  taking  the  oath,  were  now  presented  with 
an  even  more  difficult  situation,  since  any  compromise  of  their 
testimony  against  war  and  fighting  was  not  to  be  thought  of. 
Friends  threw  themselves  heartily  into  an  effort  toward  rocon- 
dlialion.  thereby  further  antagoitizing  the  Govefnor  and  his 
Council,  and  the  acts  of  the  Indians  at  the  Indian  Treaties,  which 
they  usually  attended,  were  quite  often  misrepresented,  even 
their  own  Meeting  in  London.^ 

Deeply  sympathizing  with  their  American  brethren,  the  Eng- 
lish Friends  sent  two  uf  their  number,  Christopher  Wilson 
[1704-1761],  and  John  Hunt  ^  I17J2-1778]  as  a  delegation  from 
the  London  Meeting,  if  possible  to  dissuade  all  Friends  from 
holding  office  in  the  colonies.^  Their  counsels  prevailed,  and  the 
year  1756  saw  the  withdrawal  of  the  Quakers  from  all  further 
activities  in  the  Assembly.  Quebec  was  taken  by  Wolfe  in  1759 
and  the  French  Empire  in  America  came  to  an  end,  although  ti 
treaty  of  peace  was  not  signed  until  1755. 

In  the  meantime  Pennsylvania  T^riends  had  formed  the 
"Friendly  Association  for  Regaining  and  Preserving  Peace  with 
the  Indians  by  Pacific  Measures."  Its  purpose  was  to  restore 
good  feeling  with  the  neighboring  tribes.  Through  their  efforts 
the  great  Indian  conference  was  held  at  Easton  in  1756,  at  which 
Teedyuscung,  the  famous  Delaware  chief,  stamping  his  foot  on 
the  ground,  declared,  "The  very  soil  on  which  we  stand  was  un- 
justly taken  from  us."  Yet,  through  the  labors  of  the  Friends 
he  became  a  Christian  and  used  all  his  efforts  to  secure  peace." 

The  following  year,  in  the  neighboring  colony,  was  founded 
another  Quaker  organization — "The  New  Jersey  Association  i 
Helping  the  Indians."     Its  Constitution  was  drawn  up  by  S; 


en 


3^J 


M 


>  Minutes.   Meeting   for   Sufferings.    Phila.     8mo.    lo.    1757- 

»  A  report  wfts  sent  to  London  by  the  Phila.  Meeting  for  Sufferings  on  their  return 
home  in   1757.     See  hiinutes  for  "5th  day  of   ta  mo.    1757." 

*  A.  C.  Thomas.  "History  of  Pennsylvania,"  p.  105.  In  1759  Charli**  Thomson, 
later  Secretary  of  the  First  Continental  Congress,  published  in  London  "An  Enquiry 
into  the  Causes  of  the  Alienation  of  the  Delaware  and  Shawnee  Indians  from  ibe 
British  Interests."  &c.  These,  besides  trade  abuse,  he  ttKjk  to  be  deprivation  of  land*. 
Tbe  book  embodied  his  notes,  taken  when  serving  as  private  secretary  to  Teedyuscung 
At  the  Treat/. 


THE  INDIAN  JOURNEY 


79 


uel  Smith,  the  historian,  and  all  of  its  members  were  Friends. 
John  Woolman's  name  appears  as  a  founder,  with  a  subscrip- 
uon  of  six  pounds.  A  conference  with  the  Indians  was  held  at 
Burlington,  August  7th  and  8th,  1758,  when  arrangements  were 
made  for  the  purchase  of  a  tract  of  land  at  Edge  Pillock  (now 
Brotlierton)  in  Burlington  County,  three  miles  from  the  iron 
works  at  Atsion,  where  many  Indians  found  employment.  The 
deed  was  completed  before  the  end  of  the  month.  A  more  gen- 
eral conference  was  also  arranged  for  "at  the  Forks  of  Delaware, 
the  next  full  moon  after  this."  Governor  Barnard  therefore 
called  another  Treat)^  at  Easton  from  the  8th  to  the  28th  of  Oc- 
tober 1758.  The  Indians  of  the  Reservation  at  Edge  Pillock 
lived  there  in  diminishing  numbers,  always  under  the  care  of  the 
Friends,  until  1801,  when,  at  the  invitation  of  a  kindred  tribe,  the 
Mohicans,  they  removed  to  New  York  near  Oneida  Lake.  Thence 
they  migrated  to  Michigan  and  finally  became  merged  in  other 
tribes  in  the  West. 

The  period  of  eleven  years  from  1753  to  1764,  wliich  marked 
the  duration  of  this  Indian  war  in  Pennsylvania,  saw  many 
companies  of  savages  arriving  in  Philadelphia  both  for  trade  and 
for  conference  with  the  Governor.  John  Woolman  often  met 
the  Indians  here  and  at  the  Treaties,  and  followed  with  great 
solicitude  the  efforts  of  Conrad  Weiser.  Indian  Commissioner, 
and  the  influential  Quakers,  notably  his  friends,  the  brothers 
Pemberton."  * '  and  Anthony  Benezet,*  in  favor  of  peace.  In  the 
spring  of  1756.  while  some  friendly  Indians  were  in  Philadelphia, 
Israel  Pemberton"  had  waited  upon  the  Governor  and  asked  per- 
mission to  invite  the  Indians  then  in  town  to  dine  with  a  commit- 
tee of  Friends  in  order  that  the  Indian  grievances  might  be 
learned  and  an  effort  made  to  bring  about  peace.*  The  Governor 
acceded  the  more  willingly  in  view  of  the  low  state  of  the  Pro- 
vincial exchequer,  but  stipulated  that  nothing  should  be  done  with- 
out his  approval.  The  only  other  condition  was  that  Conrad 
Weiser  should  be  present. 

Israel  Pemberton'  made  a  long  speech  at  the  dinner,  which 
greatly  pleased  the  Indians,  Scaroyady,  an  Indian  chief,  reply- 
ing cordially.    A  conference  between  the  Chief  and  the  Quaker, 


*Joarpb  S.   Wallon,   "Conrad  Wei*er  and   the   Indian   Policy   of  Colonial  Peonsyl- 
*aaia,"  p.  3^7-8.     Thi«  book  contains  an  iateresting  sketch  of  Conrad  Weifcr's  life. 


8o  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

in  which  the  Commissioner  joined,  proved,  however,  so  con- 
chisively  the  s>'mpathy  of  the  latter  with  the  warlike  and  suc- 
cessful Iroquois,  that  little  came  of  the  Quaker  attempts  to  ob- 
tain justice  for  the  defrauded  Delawares  who  had  lost  nearly 
all  their  lands.  The  continuance  of  the  enmity  between  the  two 
trilKfs.  and  its  encouragement  by  the  Royal  authorities,  who 
failoil  to  understand  the  Delawares  so  well  as  did  the  Quakers, 
caused  much  bloodshed  in  the  decade  that  followed. 

C'ine  result,  howe^-er.  of  the  Quaker  peace  efforts  at  the  time 
was  the  despatch  of  the  Chiefs  Newcastle,  Jonathan,  and  An- 
il row  Montour  to  Wj-oming,  with  a  message  of  peace  from  their 
New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  brothers.  Teed)ruscung,  Chief 
of  the  United  tribes  of  the  Delawares,  had  been  persuaded  to 
bury  the  hatchet.*  and  the  peace  that  was  patched  up  was  the 
\-a\iHe  for  the  redemption  of  the  prisoners  held  by  certain  In- 
aiaiw  at  Wyoming. 

We  still  have  the  record  of  "An  occasional  conversation  with 
M*\vMi(l  Itulians  after  dinner  at  Israel  Pemberton's  on  the  19th, 
»  uuv  175^-**  The  only  reason  that  we  can  surmise  for  John 
\\\K»ln»n**  ahseiKe  is  that  he  studiously  avoided  anything  that 
uuKht  senw  tv>  sawr  of  a  festi>-it>',  and  we  find  him  joining  the 
vxM\l\MYnce!i  at  |Mpople*s  houses,  but  avoiding  the  dinners,  as  in  this 
m^trtiuY.    It  is  ^-orth  while  to  name  the  persons  present* 

Indians. 

vv  .u>»N  M^    ==  Chief 

K  »»i»u^>xM,shUnlytM»de    =  "The  Old  Belt" 

K  i\>  uM«»» «K^**    ~  "Jonathan" 

V  ,u.»sMx4ix»    ""*  Cayugan 

Friends. 

V.i»S»»M  I  .»nnv<C«^^<>.  JxwJuu  nixon.  Israel  Pemberton,  Mary  Pem- 
lsM>'M    vSwu  Kmwx.  Authonv  Bcnezet,  James  Pemberton. 

Interpreters. 

,    \  \\,»w»      Vmhvw    Momour.  Oanicl  Qaus. 

.      , '<   n    »♦»»..♦      x.^MAa  W>n*r  *«»!  »h«  Indian  Policy  of  Colonial  Pennsyl- 
*     -.     *»«  *  \xxN'*»"»  »»l  \  \»»^«v«v«*.^«  *ns\  Tr»atic«  between  Sir  William  Johnaoa  and 


THE  INDIAN  JOURNEY 


8i 


i 
k 


r 


Ei: 


A  visit  to  Philadelphia  by  these  Indians  in  1760  is  on  rec- 
ord, and  in  the  autumn  of  176 1  the  famous  Monsey  chief,* 
Papunahung  *'  with  many  of  his  people,  attended  the  Indian 
Treaty  at  Easton,  at  the  urgent  request  of  the  Mingoes.  Many 
Quakers  were  present  throughout  the  proceedings,  and  the  women 
also  were  not  absent.  Susanna  Hatton  *-  and  her  companion,  travel- 
ing on  a  preaching  tour,  joined  the  Philadelphia  Quakers  at  Eas- 
ton and  arranged  a  meeting  with  Papunahung's  wife  and  eight 
other  squaws.  A  scattering  of  braves  escorted  the  squaws  to  the 
lodgings  of  the  Friends.  There  was  at  the  meeting  ''such  a  re- 
markable display  of  the  tendering  power  of  Divine  Grace  over 
the  Indians  that  several  Friends  present  declared  that  they  never 
saw  the  like  before."  * 

Upon  the  conclusion  of  the  Treaty,  Papunahung  despatched 
most  of  his  followers  back  to  their  home  at  Wyalusing  with 
the  other  Indians,  and  proceeded  to  Philadelphia  accompanied  by 
his  immediate  family  and  friends.  In  the  party,  or  close  on  its 
heeb.  came  also  a  few  other  converted  Indians,  led  by  Samuel 
Curtis,  a  Nanticoke  chief  from  a  spot  about  fifty  miles  above 
Wyalusing.  Curtis  was  a  convert  of  Papunahung  and  both  had 
h«n  sad  drunkards  in  their  youth.  A  year  before  tlits,  Timo- 
thy Horsfield,  a  Moravian  Justice  of  the  Peace  in  Northampton 
County,  Pa.,  had  written  Secretary  Peters  from  Bethlehem  of 
the  contemplated  \nsit:  "I  .  .  .  infonn  you  of  this  Trouble- 
jorac  visit  of  y*  Indian  man  Papoonham  and  Companions,  25  in 
number;  they  have  three  white  children  captives,  and  some  Horses 
stolen  from  the  Frontiers,  which  ihey  are  desirous  to  deliver  to 
his  Honour"  (The  Governor).'' 

The  Indians  visited  the  meeting  of  the  Friends,  one  of  their 
objects  in  coming  to  town.  During  their  entire  visit  they  behaved 
with  great  decorum.  Mary,  wife  of  Joseph  Richardson  [1711-1784], 
the  Quaker  silversmith,  wrote  her  sister  Hannah  Allen,  19th.  of  prao. 
1761.  "We  have  had  a  visit  from  ye  Friendly  Indians:  one  of  them 
Jpolcc  twice  in  our  meeting.  He  behaved  in  a  manner  becoming  a 
public  speaker,  and  seemed  full  of  love.     I  am  informed  his  subject 

'Tbe  nuat  of  thii  Indian  Chief  has  many  variations. 

*MS.  Account  in  Boston  Public  Library  [MS.  room.  Special  Libr.  G,  41,  17.] 
^  (<Mlur(«]ue  oamcft  of  the  Indians  in  Papunahung't  part/  at  the  Lancaster  Treaty 
"<  ij6j  may  be  found  in  Pa.  Archives,  IV,  p.  90.  Nanticokt  signifies  "Tide-Water." 
Tkty  cane  originally  from  the  eastern   shore  of  Maryland. 

'Pcoiuylvania  Aichivei.     Vol.    Ill,   p.   74 >• 


82  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

was  the  universal  love  of  God,  in  that  he  was  no  respecter  of  per 
sons,  but  had  given  of  His  good  Spirit  to  Red  as  well  as  White,  to 
instruct  them.  I  was  led  to  query,  will  not  this  heathen  judge 
that  call  themselves  Christians?"* 

An  important  conference  was  held  at  the  house  of  Anth< 
Bcnezet,*  who  lived  on  Chestnut  street  near  Fourth.  Benezet  was 
one  of  those  remarkable  Frenchmen,  descendants  of  the  Huguenots, 
whose  influence  upon  ttie  Quakers  has  been  greater  than  is  yet  un- 
derstood. John  Woolman  was  present,  and  the  notes  which  he  took 
at  the  time  still  exist  They  furnish  the  material  used  by  Robert 
Proud.**  who  quotes  Woolman  verbatim.*  Proud  was  also  present 
The  memorandum  written  by  Sarah  Woolman  upon  these  notes,  indi- 
cates that  they  had  been  placed  at  *  the  service  of  some  one,  doubt- 
less the  historian  Proud,  for  publication.  The  visitors  remained  in 
Philadelphia  about  a  fortnight,  and  were  accompanied  on  their  return 
by  several  Friends  who  traveled  part  of  the  way  with  them.  John 
Woolman  may  well  have  been  one  of  these.  Manuscript  accounts  of 
the  entire  visit  and  of  the  ride  back  to  Bethlehem,  embodying  also 
a  portion  of  Woolman's  notes,  are  preserved :  one  is  in  the 
Boston  Public  Library,  while  another  copy  is  in  the  archives  of  West- 
town  School,  Penna.  The  latter  is  probably  by  Anthony  Bcncztt.* 
while  the  former  resembles  the  hand  of  John  Pemberton;*  both  were 
probably  companions  of  the  ride. 

The  picturesque  details  of  this  interview  might  well  offer 
material  to  the  painter.  In  the  neutral  setting  of  Anthony  Bene- 
zet's  Quaker  home,  with  the  dignified  and  kindly  Friends  ready 
to  aid  and  encourage  them,  stood  or  squatted  the  group  of  gaudily 
dressed  and  painted  savages,  gay  in  color  and  solemn  of  de- 
meanor, after  the  conclusion  of  each  section  of  their  address, 
placing  with  much  ceremony  in  the  hands  of  Benezet  or  Pember- 
ton. belts  of  the  wampum  with  which  their  treaties  were  always 
sealed.  John  Woolman's  notes  on  this  occasion  furnish  the  ma- 
terial for  the  accounts  writen  out  in  extenso  later,  and  copied. 
The  interpreter  is  not  indicated.  He  may  have  been  Job  Chil- 
away,**  Papimahung's  companion  on  most  of  these  excursions, 
or  the  Indian  Commissioner,  Conrad  Weiser,  usually  employed 
by  the  Friends. 

The  Indians  did  not  long  remain  undisturbed  at  their  Susque- 

•Juliana  R.  Wood.     "Family  SketcheB,"  p.  23. 

»  Robert  Proud.     "History  of  Pennsylvania."  II,  p.  ja4* 

»  OriginaU  in  Pemberton   Papers.  Historical  Soc.  of  Pa.,  Vol.  XIII,  p.   aj. 


THE  INDIAN  JOURNEY 


83 


haima  home,  for  two  years  later  (December  1763)  P.ipunaliung 
and  twenty-one  of  his  people  came  to  Bethlehem  to  share  the 
protection  given  the  loyal  Indians  upon  the  outbreak  of  Ponliac's 
conspiracy  at  the  frontier.  It  was,  however,  in  this  interval,  and 
not  six  months  before  the  massacres,  that  John  Woolman  made 
his  memorable  visit  to  the  Susquehanna  country. 

Before  setting  out  upon  this  Indian  journey,  however,  there 
was  one  more  duty  to  be  performed  at  home,  and  the  marriage 
certificate  of  William  and  Dido  Boen  (Bowen)  remains  as  fur- 
ilier  evidence  of  his  Ijrotherl)'  care  over  the  other  dependent 
race. 

Moses  Haines  of  Springfield,  N.  J.,  had  in  his  possession  a 
negro  slave  named  William  Boen, — a  man  of  excellent  character, 
a  faithful  attender  of  meetings,  and  a  convert  of  John  Woolman. 
By  intelligence  and  industry  he  had  learned  to  read  and  write. 
His  master  had  signed  an  agreement  by  which  at  the  end  of  two 
years — April  1,  1765 — he  was  to  receive  his  freedom.  At  this 
ritne  he  was  twenty-eight  years  of  age.  William's  fiancee  was  a 
/fee  negress  in  tlie  employ  of  Joseph  Burr,  a  cousin  of  John 
Woolman,  who  was  a  prominent  Friend  and  minister  of  Chester- 
field, The  two  were  very  desirous  to  be  married  by  Friends'' 
ceremony.  The  meeting  accepted  no  negro  members,  and  Wil- 
liam therefore  laid  his  case  before  the  negro's  friend,  sure  of  a 
sj-mpathetic  hearing.  Woolman  at  once  undertook  preparations  to 
carry  out  the  wish  of  the  couple  to  be  respectably  married,  and 
wrote  out  the  marriage  certificate,  with  phraseology  suitably 
adapted  to  tJie  peculiar  circumstances,  which  sliould  make  them 
legally  man  and  wife,  after  the  manner  of  the  Quakers  who  had 
been  their  real  friends.  The  "little  meeting  at  a  dwelling  house," 
was  undoubtedly  held  at  Joseph  Burr's,  whose  name  heads  the 
list  of  white  signers  to  this  unique  document.  His  house  was 
Dido's  home.  The  certificate,  entirely  in  Woolman's  hand,  is 
now  the  property  of  Mount  Holly  Monthly  Meeting.  Tt  is  dated 
"third  day  of  the  fifth  month,"  1763.  Both  the  parties  can  write 
their  names,  but  John  Woolman  signs  for  London  and  Catharine. 
farents  of  the  Kthiopian  liridc.  Below  follow  the  names  of  those 
other  negroes  present,  who  had  enough  education  to  write  their 
own  picturesque  names — Caesar  and  Primas,  Daphne  and  Hagar. 
Opposite  are  the  names  of  the   I'Viends  who  attended  to  help 


84  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chaj. 

legalize  by  thdr  witness,  the  little  ceremony.     Both  John  and  j 
Sarah  Woolman  are  among  them.^ 

This  valuable  and  interesting  document  is  altogether  unique. 
Seldom  was  any  ceremony  of  marriage  gone  through  with  among 
the  negro  race,  and  William  and  Dido  wished  to  be  married  re- 
.s[)ectably.  William's  later  history  quite  justified  Woolman*s 
care.  He  made  an  application  to  be  received  as  a  member  of  the 
Friends'  meeting  at  this  time,  and  was  refused,  entirely  on  the 
ground  of  color.  He  bore  no  malice,  however,  and  remained  a 
faithful  attender,  and  preached  for  many  years,  chiefly  to  those 
of  his  own  race.  When  a  Friend  asked  if  he  was  trying  to  follow 
in  the  footsteps  of  John  Woolman,  he  quietly  said,  "I  am  endeav> 
oriiig  to  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  Jesus  Christ."  At  the  age  of 
seventy-nine,  in  1814,  his  patience  was  rewarded  with  member- 
ship, and  he  died,  much  respected,  6  mo.  12,  1824,  at  the  great 
age  of  ninety.  The  Friends  of  Mount  Holly  issued  a  "Testi- 
mony" as  to  William's  exemplary  life. 

No  efforts  of  Woolman  were  availing  during  his  life  time 
to  have  suitable  Qiristian  negroes  admitted  as  members  of 
i'Viends'  Meetings.  In  1828  Thomas  Shillitoe  visited  Mount 
Holly  and  relates  in  his  Journal*  that  he  was  there  told  of  a 
minute  made  in  1763,  objecting  solely  on  the  ground  of  color, 
to  the  admission  of  Roen  to  membership.  John  Woolman  was 
present,  and  rising  said  that  it  was  his  duty  to  declare  that  be- 
cause of  this  partiality,  now  manifested  by  the  Friends  of  his 
own  meeting,  "a  sense  was  given  him  that  the  meeting  would 
dwindle  and  be  much  reduced." 

In  I7<K>  Philadelphia  Yearly  Meeting  considered  the  ques- 
tion, never  before  formally  recognized,  of  the  admission  of  the 
"l)i;irks"  to  regular  meml)ership.  They  were  allowed  to  join 
"l>ro\  i(l(Ml  their  conduct  was  consistent."  Martha  Routh,  an  Eng- 
lish I'licnd  present  at  the  time,  says  that  the  large  Committee 
appointed  icported  favorably  ami  there  was  no  dissenting  voice.* 
This  (lilii^ht fully  jiicturesciue  marriage  took  place  in  the  midst 
of    Woolmairs  preparations    ft>r  dcjxirture:  within  twenty-four 

<  Si-c  .\|<|>rttilix,  William  li.i«  ntMcii  lu-low  the  births  of  his  two  children.  Mar/ 
mi.l  \\  illi;iin  u«|>niiv»ly,  in  ir«4  ami  i:<o  An  aivount  of  this  negro  may  be  fcianA 
in    ri'inlv't   "KiirniN'    Miscellany,"   \i»l     I,    p.    tSo.    tT. 

•  rhom.»«    Shillitor,      Journal.       Vvl.     II.    j.     .•.>«.i     [U^n.lon.    cd.     1839I. 

•K.litvv.*    loncK.      MrwoiiaU.    |».    -•.<.'.      M.iitlw    Ronth.      Journal,   p.    458. 


THE  INDIAN  JOURNEY 


8S 


Kmrs  a.fter  the  raarriage  of  William  and  Dido  lie  left  for  his 
memorable   Indian  journey. 

Wyalusing,  a  corruption  of  the  Indian  M'hwikilusing,  or  Ma- 
ackloosing,  "The  Place  of  the  Hoary  P'ctcran"  ^  occupies  the 
lite  and  retains  the  name  of  one  of  the  oldest  Indian  settlements 
in  America.  In  the  time  of  Woolman,  it  was  reached  by  the 
Wyalusing  Trail,  a  great  Indian  highway  or  path,  not  more 
than  two  feet  wide,  cut  to  the  depth  of  some  eighteen  inches 
through  the  fragrant  soil  of  the  primeval  forest  by  the  soft 
moccasined  tread  of  generations  of  red  men.  In  single  file,  many 
a  war  party  had  swiftly  and  silently  sped  along  its  windings, 
while  in  times  of  peace,  lingering  hunters  and  braves,  peeling  off 
the  bark  from  the  great  hemlocks  and  birches,  had  pictured 
Upon  the  smooth  skin  of  the  exposed  surface  below,  histories  of 
Indian  prowess  in  war  and  the  chase,  and  boasted  of  their  deeds 
in  ideographic  history. 

The  route  by  which  this  highway  crossed  the  eastern  por- 
tion of  the  state  of  Pennsylvania  was.  roughly  speaking,  almost* 
the  bed  of  the  present  Lehigh  Valley  Railroad,  running  east  of 
the  river  in  the  South  and  west  of  it  on  the  North,  and  enter- 
ing Bradford  County  several  miles  west  of  the  southeast  comer 
of  the  boundary,  passing  Wyalusing  in  a  northeast  and  south- 
westerly direction.  The  Towanda.  the  Mrnisink  and  the  She- 
shequin  trails  were  others  in  the  same  part  of  the  state,  but  none 
were  so  deeply  worn  by  travel,  or  so  well  known,  as  the  Wyalu- 
sing Path.  The  Germans  whom  Conrad  Weiser,  on  a  Commis- 
sion from  Philadelphia  to  the  Onondaga  settlement  of  the  Iro- 
quois, in  1737,  found  trying  to  buy  lands,  were  probably  the  first 
while  men  who  had  followed  it.*  Tn  1743  Jo!m  Bartrani.  the 
Quaker  botanist,  with  Conrad  Weiser  and  Indians  as  guides,  ac- 
companied the  explorer,  Lewis  Evans,  over  tliis  same  trail,  and  so 
far  as  is  known  were  the  first  to  travel  on  horscba<k  through 
the  "terrible  Lycoming  wilderness."'' 

In  1745  the  Iroquois,  or  Six  Nations  occupying  the  Gene- 
see  country   beyond,   had   been   visited   by   two   Moravian   mis- 

,  -*  H«:kcw«!(t«r.      "IVIawarc   Names  of   Rivers  and   Localities  in   Pcnna."     "Stiwiue.- 
■"  means  "Winding  River." 
•  B     C.    Hradaby:      "Hirtory  of   Bradford   County.    Pa.."    p.    54- 
■  l\nd~,  r    -M-     See  tiao  L.  H.  Evertt  and  Co.  "Bradford  Co.,"   14   ff-  and  Journol 
t  of  J.   Bmrtrmm. 


86 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


sionaries  from  Bethlehem,  itself  only  three  years  old. 
were  the  Brethren  August  Gottheb,  afterward  Bishop,  Spangj 
berg,  and  David  Zeisberger/*^  led  by  the  Indian  Commission 
Conrad  Weiser,  with  the  Cayuga  Chief  ShikcUamy,'  his  son,  9 
Andrew  Montour  *  as  guides.  They  went  on  a  peaceful  missil 
with  the  further  object  of  obtaining  pemiissioo  for  their  o; 
Indian  converts  to  settle  in  the  Wyoming  country.  They 
rially  Christianized  the  Indians  at  the  Munsey  village  of  Sh< 
quin,  a  day's  journey  beyond  Wyalusing.  Soon  after,  howe 
the  weaker  tribes  were  exterminated  by  the  powerful  Iroqu< 
and  for  some  years  Wyalusing  lay  in  ruins. 

In  1752  the  Munsey  Chief  Papunahung,  who  was  a  Morav 
convert  and  had  spent  some  time  at  Nain,  the  Indian  village  t 
miles  from  Bethlehem  set  apart  for  these  converts  by  the  Mo 
vians,  brought  his  own  and  a  few  other  families  and  reb( 
Wyalusing.  The  rich  corn  and  grass  lands  lying  near  the  nioi 
of  the  Wyalusing  Creek  were  cultivated  by  the  squaws,  and 
1760  there  were  over  forty  huts  in  better  condition  than  s 
usual  with  the  Indians.  John  Woolman  well  describes  th< 
Job  Chilaway,**  a  native  West  jersey  Indian  from  Little  E 
Hari)or,  was  the  sacliem's  right  hand  man.  Job's  fluent  Engt 
kept  him  much  in  demand  as  interpreter.  His  wife  Elizabc 
was  sister  to  Anthony  and  Nathaniel.*^  two  native  Moravian  c^ 
verts  living  near  Tunkliamiock.  In  the  spring  of  this  year — ij 
— the  seltlcment  was  visited  by  Christian  Frederic  Post,  the  { 
voted  Moravian  missionary-.  He  had  substantially  aided 
Quakers  through  their  Peace  Associations,  in  keeping  the 
dians  friendly  with  the  English.  The  text  for  the  sermon  wh 
he  preached  to  Papimaliung  and  his  people  that  May  day 
long  ago  is  said  to  have  been  S.  Luke  II,  8-1 1.  The  fact  4 
Post  calls  this  settlement  one  of  religious  or  "Quaker"  Indians| 
evidence  of  the  intercourse  which  the  Friends  had  kept  up  w 
them  and  the  influence  which  they  had  exerted.  A  letter  whi 
Post  appears  to  have  sent  the  Governor  at  the  hands  of  Pa] 

1  For  over  twenty  years  the  great    Indian   Shikcllamy  ruled  the  Iroquois, 
with    Conrad    Wei*cr    he    practically    saved    the    colony    from    annihilation, 
boulder   has   recently   been    erected   over    his   grave   at    Sunbury,    suitably    in* 
hi>  memory. 

'  Another  Captain  Monlomr  was  a  son  of  "Madame  Montour,"  the  remark 
French  woman  who  settled  among  the  Indian*  of  the  Susquehanna,  one  of  whom 
ourried;    be  was  a  son  of  lodiAn  Dtbprtik, 


c 
o 


3 


1    I 


0, 


w  o 

o 

u 


to 


a. 


s? 

I/I 
N 

Q 


/ftmit.   UM'trJAl 


y*.f- '-.'♦« '-'••• 


,/l  i-Fh  '  /'/'  "Z^'  *" 


if  rtot    f  M^'^cJ^'*(.'  C<>nUftf 


Notes  by  John  Woolman  at  Interview  with  Papunahung.    Last  Page, 
with  Addition  by  His  Wife,  1761; 

In  PotsfssioH  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennjylvania. 


THE  INDIAN  JOURNEY 


8/ 


IpWhen  the  first  visit  was  planning,  says,  "I  do  not  send 
e  people  down;  they  have  long  had  a  desire  themselves  to 
town  to  see  their  brothers,  the  English,  so  1  have  thought  it 
icr  to  send  them  along."  His  companion,  John  Hays,  writes 
lis  Journal  under  May  19,  1760,  "Arrived  at  a  town  called 
talosing  (Wyalusing)  ;  the  Governor's  name,  IVampoonham; 
Xy  religious,  civilized  man  in  his  own  way."  * 
Lwake  to  the  spiritual  needs  of  their  converts,  the  Moravians  at 
Mother  Mission  of  Bethlehem  soon  after  the  departure  of  Brother 
:,  appointed  David  Zeisberger*"  in  special  charge  of  the  Indians 
iTyalusing.  and  he  spent  much  of  the  next  two  years  in  residence 
Bg  them,  and  in  making  periodical  visits  and  reports  to  his 
jfiors.*  The  Indians^  nevertheless,  were  for  long  periods  left 
bctnsclves,  yet  Papunahung  appears  to  have  been  faithful  to  his 
(  as  "guide,  philosopher  and  friend." 

Trade  was  constant  and  lively  with  Philadelphia,  and  it  was  in 
spring  of  1763  that  John  Woolman  met  one  of  the  trading  parties, 
►  were  in  town  at  the  time  of  the  Friends'  annual  "Spring  Meet- 
**  Another  source  of  information  would  also  be  the  arrival  of 
occasional  post  from  Bethlehem,  whose  official  headquarters  was 
he  house  of  John  Stephen  Benezet,  (father  of  Anthony  Benezet, 
Quaker,)  whose  daughter  was  the  wife  of  the  Moravian  merchant, 
jmas  Bartow."  The  religious  awakening  at  Wyalusing  among 
red  savages,  for  whose  welfare  John  Woolman  had  long  been 
citous,  and  who  were  now  his  personal  friends,  aroused  a  lively 
ire  in  his  heart  to  visit  them  in  their  home,  and  he  obtained  the 
ual  approval  of  his  meeting. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  that  it  was  the  brother*  Pembcrton'** 

k  solicitous  care  sent  the  messengers  to  Mount  Holly  the  night 
his  departure,  with  the  warning  that  the  Susquehanna  Indians 
re  again  on  the  warpath.  He  set  out,  however,  fearlessly,  after 
king  his  usual  careful  preparations,  on  the  sixth  of  June,  accora- 
lied  by  Israel*  and  John*  Pcmberton  and  William  Lightfoot,**  who 
not  intend  to  make  the  entire  journey,  and  Benjamin  Parvin,"* 
inseparable  companion,  who  shared  all  the  danger  and  eased  the 
y.    There    were    besides,   several    Indian   guides.     They   went   in 


■Pcnnx.  Archives,  Vol.  III.  p.  743;    Vol.   X,  p.   736. 

'D«trid  Zcicbcrgcr  was  perhaps  tlie  most  riMiuiikablc  of  the  many  devoted  Moravian 
■mmari^  in  the  colonics.  Bishop  dc  Schweinitz,  in  bis  "Life  and  Times  of  David 
tlfcerger"  (p.  if'?,  ffj.  gives  a  graphic  and  interesting  account  of  Pastor  Zeisberger's 
•  Titiu  to  Wyalusing  at  this  lime,  the  most  dangerous  period  of  its  history.  See 
»G,  H,  Loskiel,  "History  of  the  Mission  of  the  United  Brethren  Among  the  Indiana 
'  Ihrth  America."     Vol.  II.  Ch.  xv. 


88  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


ii 


company  to  Bethlehem,  the  beginning  of  the  trail,  and  before  enter- 
ing the  dense  wilderness,  John  Woolman  sent  back  by  John.Pember- 
ton/  the  following  letter  to  his  wife:' 

da   rao 

8:    6:     1763  about  Sunset 

I  am  now  at  Bethlehem,, a  Moravian  Town,  and  midling  well,  in 
company  with  John  Pemberton,*  Wm.  Lightf oot "  &  Benjamin  Par- 
vin.**  John  Expects  to  go  toward  home  in  the  morning  (it  being 
now  near  night).  William  and  Benjamin  Elxpect  to  go  forward  to 
fort  Allen  on  the  Frontier.  Then  WilUam  Expects  to  turn  home. 
And  as  to  Benjamin— His  mind  at  present  seems  so  Engaged  that 
he  Shews  no  Inclination  to  leave  me:  I  have  had  Some  weighty 
Conversation  with  Him  and  let  him  know  that  I  am  quite  free  to  go 
alone  if  his  way  does  not  appear  clear  to  Him.  My  Indian  Com- 
panions appear  friendly  &  shew  I  think  quite  as  much  regard  for  rae 
as  they  did  at  our  first  meeting  at  Philada.  There  is  nothing  to  me 
appears  aniways  discouraging  more  than  what  Thou  knew  of  when  I 
was  with  thee.  I  am  humbly  Thank  full  to  the  Lord  that  my  mind 
is  so  supported  in  a  Trust  in  Him  that  I  go  cheerfully  on  my  Journey 
and  at  present  Apprehend  that  I  have  nothing  in  any  way  to  fear 
hut  a  Spirit  of  Disobedience,  which  1  Trust  through  Divine  Help 
I  may  be  delivered  from. 

That  Pure  Light  which  Enlightens  every  man  coming  into  the 
World  to  me  appears  as  Lovely  as  Ever,  To  the  guidance  of  which 
I  hope  thou  and  I  may  Attend  while  we  live  in  this  world,  and  then 
all  will  be  well. 

With  Endeared  love  to  thee  and  my  Daughter  &  my  Dear  fri 
and  Neighbours  I  conclude  thy  most  Affectionate 

Husband  John  Woolman. 


1 


(Note  in  margin)  My  Companions  Express  a  Sympathizing  Love  to 

thee. 
Endorsed,  * 

"For  Sarah  Woolman." 


When  William  Light  foot  -*  had  reached  home  he  wrote  tl 
Sarah  Woolman: 

Esteemed  Friend, 

Sarah  Woolman 

I  may  hereby   Inform  thee  that   I   met   thy   Husband  at  Sar 
Foulk's*"   last  3d  day    Evening,   and    in   Discourse   Concerning   the 

'  Qnginul,   with   lliat    from  Wm.    Lightfoiit,  in    Weolman   Papers,   Historical   Society 
of  PeiantylTania. 


4 

tnus  to 


THE  INDIAN  JOURNEY 


89 


^oimiey,  he  cxprest  a  Close  Exercise  which  the  News  of  the  Troubles 
lo  the  Westward  had  brought  upon  him.  Signifying  that  in  Case 
the  Journey  should  be  attended  with  Danger  from  an  Enemy,  he 
thought  he  could  be  much  easier  to  go  alone  than  to  be  Instrumental 
in  bring^iog  any  into  danger,  who  had  no  weightier  motive  to  under- 
take It  tJian  to  Accompany  him,  and  as  I  never  had  resolved  on  going, 
It  secm'd  most  easy  for  me  to  Decline  it.  Tho'  not  much  on  the 
account  of  Danger,  having  heard  these  reports  some  Time  before 
without  any  great  apprehensions  of  that,  and  am  in  Hopes  that  thy 
Husband  &  Benj.  Parvin  (who  is  gone  with  tiini),  may  Return  safe 
again.  I  went  with  them  about  20  Miles  beyond  Bethlehem  and  when 
I  parted  with  them,  (which  was  last  6t1i.  day  Morning)  they  seemed 


welJ  and  Cheerful. 

And  tho'  the  journey  may  (illegible)  .  .  .  Occurrence,  which  per- 
haps may  be  a  Close  Exercise  to  thee  on  thy  Husband's  account,  yet 
I  hope  thou  may  be  Enabled  to  bear  with  Patience  and  Resignation 
the  Dispensations  that  Providence  may  Permit  thee  to  pass  through. 
I  conclude  tliy  Sympathizing  Friend, 

William  Light  foot,  Jur, 

P.S.     B.  Parvin  not  having  time  to  write  thee,  desired  me  to  Remem- 
ber his  love  to  Thee. 

Pikeland    6th.  moth.  13,  1763. 

This  letter  is  endorsed  by  John  Woolman:  "Letters  Relating  to 
the  Journey  amongst  the  Indians," 

Pastor  Zeisberger,*"  with  Anthony  "  as  guide,  had  reached 
Wyalusing  May  23rd.  He  found  that  the  Indians  had  been  in 
council  for  six  days  ^  and  had  determined  to  embrace  the  tenets 
'of  the  first  Christian  missionarj'  who  came  to  them.  He  re- 
mained at  this  mission  but  four  days  and  returned  at  the  end 
of  that  time  to  Bethlehem,  with  advices.  The  Moravians  may 
have  learned  of  the  Quaker's  intention  to  visit  the  Indians,  for 
with  their  customary  energy  and  astuteness,  they  despatched  Pas- 
tor Zeisberger,  with  Anthony's  brother,  Nathaniel,*"  to  conduct 
him  back  to  Wyalusing,  with  authority  to  receive  into  the  church 
all  of  those  Indian  converts  who  were  really  sincere.  He  set  out 
June  lotli  and  reached  his  destination  on  the  17th,  having  over- 
Itaken  and  passed  John  Woolman  and   Benjamin  Parvin  ""      ' 


who 


t  X.  B.  Everts  k  Co.,  Publishers.     "History  of  Bradford  County,"  p.  19. 


90 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


had  a  longer  journey  to  travel  and  who  reached  Wyalusing  the 
next  day  after  Zeisberger.  There  is  one  letter  existing,  writtefi 
in  the  wilderness: 

16;    6,    1763 
Dear  Fr'd 

We  are  now  well  near  Wahalowsing  in  Company  with  Job  Chila^ 
way  &  Several  Indians  from  Wahalowsing  and  Some  from  Else 
where  who  appear  Civil  &  kind. 

John  Woolman.^ 
the  Company  of  B.  Parvin  is  Comfortable  to  me. 

My  dear  and  Tender  Wife 

A  Sence  of  Alsufticiency  of  God  in  Supporting  those  who  trust 
in  Him  in  all  the  Dispensations  of  His  Providence  wherein  they  may 
be  tryed  feels  Comfortable  to  me  in  niy  Journey. 

My   Daily   Labour  is  to   find   a   full   Rcsignedness  to   Him   and 

m(a)y  say  with  thankfullness  he  Remains  to  be  my  Gracious  Father. 

To  Him  I  recoiiiend  thee,  my  Dear  Companion,  greatly  Desiring 

thy  mind  may  be  Resigned  to  Him  for  I  Veryly  believe  if  we  keep 

in  this  Frame  all  will  End  well. 

I  write  in  Haste  but  Remember  my  Dear  Daughter  &  fr'd 

John  Woolraan. ; 
(In  margin:  "Please  send  this  to  Wife.") 
For 
Israel  Pemberton 
in  philada. 
to  the  Care  of  the 
Storekeeper  at 
Shamokin. 
pr.  Job  Chilaway.* 

The  Quakers  had  set  out  on  the  6th  and  had  spent  twelve 
days  on  the  way.  One  is  better  able  to  follow  the  hard  travel 
of  the  Httle  party  since  John  Woolnian  is  more  explicit  about 
this  journey  than  any  of  the  others  made  in  America.  He  recog- 
nizes in  his  own  account  of  the  settlement  at  Wyalusing,  the 
precedence  of  the  Moravians,  and  does  not  act,  except  after  con- 
sultation with  Pastor  Zeisberger.  For  three  days  the  Mora- 
vian and  the  Quaker  labored  together,  and  Woolman,  who  held 
seven  meetings,  says,  "Although  Papunahung  had  before  agreed 

'  Pcmbtrton  Papers.    Vol.  XVI,  p.  98.     176^-3.     Hist  Soc.  Fenna. 


THE  INDIAN  JOURNEY 


91 


to  receive  the  Moravian  and  to  join  with  them,  he  still  appeared 
kind  and  loving  to  us,"  On  the  21st  the  Indians  made  their  de- 
cision in  favor  of  the  Moravian  faith,  after  the  humble -hear  ted 
Quaker  had  departed,  praying  for  the  success  of  Pastor  Zeis- 
bcrger.  Five  days  later  the  baptism  of  converts  took  place,  and 
Papunahung  received  the  Christian  name  of  John,  being  there- 
after known  as  John  Papunahung,*^  or  "A4ufisey  John''  He  was 
made  a  missionary-assistant,  and  labored  faithfully  until  his 
death  at  Schonbninnen,  May  15,  1775,  at  the  age  of  seventy,* 

The  return  journey  was  rather  more  quickly  made,  and  Wool- 
man  halted  for  his  noonday  meal,  within  seven  miles  of  home, 
at  his  friend,  John  Smith's"  in  Burlington,  on  the  27th,  long 
enough  to  seize  the  opportunity  to  send  a  letter  to  Israel  Pember- 
ton,*  with  the  message  that  he  saw  no  sign  among  the  "soberer 
sort"  of  Indians  of  disaffection  toward  the  English.  But  Pember- 
ton's  anxiety  for  John  Woolman  was  amply  justified  in  the 
massacres  that  were  so  soon  to  follow. 

Dear  Friend,  Burlington,  27-*  &-^  1763  i  o'clock. 

Through  the  Mercies  of  the  Lord  my  Belov"  Companion  and 
helpmate  B:  Parvin  and  I  were  helped  to  perform  our  Journey  to 
Wahalousing  and  came  back  to  Bethlehem  on  Seventh  day  night  was 
yesterday  at  the  Swamp  Meeting  and  I  lodged  last  night  at  John 
Cadwaieders  *"  and  am  now  hasting  home  —  Our  Journey  though 
attended  with  much  deep  Exercise  hath  been  greatly  to  our  Satis- 
faction. We  were  at  seven  Religious  meetings  %vith  the  Indians 
many  of  which  people  I  believe  were  in  these  troublous  times  greatly 
Comforted  in  our  visit  and  they  all  appeared  kind  &  Loving  to  us  — 
I  saw  nothing  amongst  an}'  of  them  in  that  place  which  to  me  appear*^ 
like  disaffection  to  the  English  —  but  our  Conversation  was  mostly 
with  the  soberer  sort.  The  Moravian  Preacher  who  was  there 
when  I  went  and  contin*  there  while  I  stay"  appear*  kind  and  cour- 
teous from  6rst  to  last  and  I  believe  his  intentions  are  honest. 

In  a  humbling  sense  of  His  goodness  in  whom  my  poor  Soul  has 
trusted,  I   remain  with  kind  Love  to  thee  and  family  and  all  my 

^^^  ^^  John  Woolman 

For 

Israel  Pemberton 

in  Philad*.' 

•  L.  If.  Everts  &  Co.,  Publisher*,  "History  of  Bradford  County,"  p,  19,  The  Diary 
of  the  Moravians  who  took  charge  of  this  Klisaion  is  still  preserved  at  Bethlehem,  Pa. 

*  Original  in  Dcronaiure  House,  London,    Porliol.  2^,  p.  95. 


'I 


92  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

A  copy  of  this  letter,  in  possession  of  Dr,  John  Woohnan 
Churchman,  of  Yale  University,  adds  a  postscript,  "I  have  the 
hone  with  me  in  pretty  good  order,  &  I  expect  to  keep  hira  well  a 
while  &  send  him." 

John  Woolman  reached  home  the  same  afternoon,  greeted 
joyfully  by  his  friends  *'all  along"  the  road  from  Burlington, 
but  he  was  careful  lest  he  be  "glad  overmuch,"  and  sought  to 
remain  in  an  humble  frame  of  mind,  thankful  for  his  escape 
from  great  danger.  Six  weeks  later  Papunahung*^  was  fleeing 
with  his  companions  to  Bethlehem  for  protection,  and  the  f riendl 
Conestogas  were  murdered  at  Lancaster  by  the  Whites, 

A  few  days  after  his  return,  John  Pemberton  sought 
obtain  news  of  the  Indian  situation  from  John  Woolman,  and  his 
letter  to  his  brother  Israel  shows,  as  nothing  else  does.  Woofman's 
complete  detachment. 

Burlington,  7mo.  2.  1763 
Dear  Brother  — 

Yesterday,  Mother  &  myself  Spent  with  our  Friend  John  Wc 
man  at  his  house:  he  looks  better  for  his  Journey,  &  is  well  satis- 
fied that  he  went.  I  asked  him  Several  Questions  respecting  the 
Indians,  &c.  &  he  gaye  me  what  accounts  he  could,  but  he  found  in 
the  Journey  his  Mind  closely  engaged  to  attend  to  the  Concern  he 
was  engaged  in,  &  cautious  of  Questioning  the  Indians,  for  Pruden- 
tial Reasons  lie  Apprehended  it  might  beget  some  Jealousies  in  the 
Minds  of  some  &  so  Close  up  his  way,  or  some  reasons  might  be 
altedged  which  he  was  not  Qualified  to  answer  to,  or  that  he  could 
not  Say  anything  to,  without  casting  some  blame  on  the  English.  His 
companion,  B,  Parvin,  used  more  freedom,  &  can  give  better  infor- 
mation. He  allowed  nie  the  Liberty  to  preserve  his  Remarks  on  his 
Journey  &  to  inclose  them  for  thy  Perusal  r  with  this  Request — 
that  thou  shew  them  to  no  other  person,  as  he  intends  to  Survey 
them  again,  &c,  &  please  to  return  them  Speedily:  if  thou  forwards 
them  here,  directed  to  either  him  or  me,  they  may  get  to  his  hands. 

Thou  wilt  perceive  that  Alarms  had  been  sent  among  the  Indians : 
they  were  preparing  to  leave  Wyoming  when  he  got  there.  Capt. 
Bull  (or  Jacob),  he  understood,  intended  up  the  Western  branch  of 
Sassquehanagh  (Susquehanna)  &  the  others  proposed  to  Scatter 
themselves,  some  in  One  part  &  some  in  Another.  He  could  not 
understand  of  what  Nation,  or  who  those  Runners  were  that  adver- 
tized the  Indians  near  Wyalotisin,  but  to  Testify  that  what  they  said 


THE  INDIAN  JOURNEY 


93 


True,  they  shew  some  Scalps  they  had.  Job  Chillaway  ex- 
pressed much  sorrow  that  he  was  obliged  to  be  Absent,  having  to 
get  Intelligence  to  the  Inhabitants  to  the  Westward  of  those  War- 
riors. The  Indians  seemed  as  much  Concerned  as  any  of  us  would 
be  (as  Jno:  thought)  iSt  he  tho't  would  join  any  Endeavour  that  could 
be  tho't  on  to  prevent  the  Spreading  this  Calamity:  he  did  not  appre- 
hend those  who  generally  met  Religiously  together,  would  move  from 
their  habitations. 

On  his  Return  to  Wyoming,  All  the  Indians  Except  an  Old  Man 
were  gone.  He  was  very  Friendly,  &  asked  after  thee  —  but  Jno. 
did  not  enquire  his  name.  There  were  about  20  Men  &  Boys  from 
Connecticut  He  did  not  understand  what  they  proposed  in  General 
—  One  Man  Expressed  his  Intentions  of  returning  &  tho't  to  Set 
homewards  the  next  Day :  he  did  not  Observe  nor  learn  that  they 
had  any  Satisfaction,  but  seemed  Disappointed  that  many  they  had 
expected  to  Settle  there  with  them  had  not  come.  He  did  hear  (but 
knows  not  that  it  is  more  than  Conjecture),  that  some  Indians  had 
a  design  to  come  in  their  Canows  to  take  them  by  Surprize. 

John  told  me,  if  thou  desired  it,  he  would  come  to  Town,  but  as 
he  was  particularly  Cautious  of  entering  into  Enquiries,  &  heard 
little,  he  apprehended  his  Intelligence  would  be  of  little  Service,  & 
would  rather  avoid  it.  Thou  may  perceive  from  the  Inclosed  that 
he  was  fr'dly  rec'd.  In  every  place  where  they  understood  his 
Errand,  were  rejoyced  &  very  kind,  &.  he  did  not  Perceive  in  any 
ao  Evil  disposition  towards  the  English.     He  desired  his  love  to  thee. 


I  am  thy  affectionate  Bro. 

John  Pemberton. 
Papuna :  Jno :  Curtis  &c. 
Desired  Love  to  the  Friends  in 
Philadelphia.* 

It  is  interesting  to  discover  evidence  of  the  peaceful  charac> 
ter  of  the  New  Jersey  Indians  in  a  communication  to  the  Petin- 
^yiinnia  Journal  of  September  15th  of  that  year,  (1763) :  "Where- 
as a  report  has  been  spread  that  the  Christian  Indians  in 
New  Jersey  under  my  care  were  many  of  them  gone  back  to 
join  the  murdering  Indians  on  the  frontiers;  this  is  to  inform 
and  assure  the  public  that  such  report  is  wholly  without  founda- 
tion ;  that  these  Indians  evidently  discover  a  great  abhorrence 
of  the  perfidious  and  inhuman  proceedings  of  their  remote  Sav- 

*  Pembertoo  Paper*,  VoL  XVI.  p.   109.     176J-J.     Hiitor.  Soc.  Pcoat. 


1 


94  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

age  brethren,  and  that  there  is  not  one  of  them  missing,  or  that 
discovers  a  contrary  temper.  Jolin  Brainerd." 

The  later  history  of  the  Wyalusing  Indians  is  picturesque 
and  brief.  Two  or  three  months  only  after  John  Woolnian's 
visit,  came  the  massacre  at  Wyoming  and  the  Lancaster  riot. 
The  friendly  Indians  at  Wyalusing  were  removed  to  Bethlehem, 
and  some  of  them  accompanied  Papunahuog "  to  Philadelphia 
where  they  were  sheltered  and  fed  in  the  military  barracks.*  The 
Indians  seldom  failed,  ypon  these  expeditions,  to  visit  Stenton, 
where  for  years  they  had  been  sure  of  a  warm  welcome  from 
its  venerable  owner,  James  Logan.  He  had  died  in  1751,  and  his 
son  and  successor,  William  Logan,  [i  718- 1776]  a  member  of  the 
Governor's  Council,  saw  and  entertained  this  party,  for  a  letter 
from  him  to  his  brother-in-law,  John  Smith,**  dated  "gbr.  29, 
1763"  says,  "Papoonahal  and  part  of  his  party  came  to  town  last 
night ;  they  have  not  as  yet  been  heard  by  the  Governor.  Expect 
when  they  are,  We  may  hear  something  Informing  of  Conse- 
quence. .  .  20  Indians  in  all.  Men,  Women  &  children.  One  of  y* 
Young  Children  born  on  >'•  Road  in  y*  Snow,  yet  y*  Motlier 
traveled  on  &  is  Hearty  1"  * 

When  peace  came  after  a  year  and  a  half,  and  the  Gov^em- 
nicnt  enforced  the  removal  of  all  Indians  "beyond  the  limits  of 
lands  held  by  the  white  man  by  right  of  purchase,"  Papunahung 
succeeded  in  obtaining  permission  to  return  to  their  old  home  at 
Wyalusing.  On  April  3,  1765,  eighty  adults  and  ninety  children 
set  out  from  Bethlehem  under  the  care  of  John  Jacob  Smick  and 
David  Zcisberger  as  pastors,  and  slowly  made  the  journey  in 
five  weeks  travel,  losing  by  death  on  the  w^ay  a  woman  and  child. 
The  Government  gave  the  Indians  aid  until  the  com  harvest, 
and  the  Society  of  Friends  also  contributed  generously. 

Upon  this  second  Moravian  town  the  Brethren  in  Synod  had 
bestowed  the  name  "Friedenshiitten,"  or  "Huts  of  Peace."  Here 
they  lived  up  to  their  peaceful  claim  until  political  complications 
and  the  rumblings  of  the  coming  American  RevoUition  caused 
the  settlement's  abandonment  in  1772.     On  June   nth  of  that 

•The  Bittiib  barracks,  erected  io-oti  after  Braddock't  defeat,  extended  from  Tun- 
many  Court  to  Green,  and  from  Second  to  Third  streets  in  a  hollow  square.  At  Ikis 
time  they  were  occupied  by  several  companie*  of  Higblaoders.  [Tammany  Court  ran 
from  No.  41A  Buttonwood  Street,  south.} 

•Ridgway   Library.   Phila.     Smith   MSS.,  Vol.   VI,    i76*-l76s. 


f  THE  INDIAN  JOURNEY  95 

year  the  chapel,  according  to  Moravian  custom,  was  dismantled 
to  prevent  its  desecration.  The  bell  was  taken  down  and  hmig 
in  the  bow  of  Timothy's  canoe,  at  the  head  of  the  little  water  pro- 
cession, and  was  tolled  by  him  "until  the  voyagers  into  the  new 
Alleghany  country  to  which  they  were  removing,  rounded  a  point 
of  land,  hiding  forever  from  view  the  little  village  with  its  fifty- 
two  "Huts  of  Peace/'* 

When  General  Sullivan's  expedition  encamped  at  Wyalusing 
in  1779  no  vestige  remained  of  the  old  Indian  village.  The  site, 
however,  has  in  recent  years  been  marked  by  a  suitable  stone  in 
the  meadow  of  Judge  Sal  ford's  farm. 

*  A    fnller   account  of  the   Moravian    Mission   at  Wyalusing   is  given   bj   W.   C 
Reicbcl  in  "Transactions  of  the  Moravian  Historical  Society,"  Vol.  I. 


CHAPTER  VI 


1766 


JOHN    WOOLMAN  AS  SCHOOLMASTER- 


In  the  next  few  years  there  were  journeys  south  and  among 
the  Friends  of  the  counties  in  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  con- 
tiguous to  Philadelpliia.  John  Woolmaii  and  John  Sleeper,  "  a 
minister  and  neighbur,  both  felt  that  when  they  went  to  the  East- 
ern Shore  of  Maryland  in  the  summer  of  1766,  they  must  travel 
on  foot.  Woolman  wished  to  be  brought  into  closer  sympathy 
with  the  slave  in  his  life  of  labor,  forgetting  the  negro's  more 
adaptable  nature  and  the  tropical  ch'mate  of  his  native  land.  The 
intense  southern  heat  wore  him  out  and  he  suffered  greatly. 
But  he  was  "content."  This  visit  had  very  definite  results  among 
the  followers  of  Joseph  Nichols,  **  who  believed  in  the  immanence 
of  the  Holy  Spirit  and  in  testifying  against  all  war.  They  de- 
clined to  take  an  oath,  and  solemnized  their  marriages  much  as 
did  the  Quakers.  Wilham  Dawson  and  James  Harris,  two  of  their 
neighbors,  were  the  first  to  emancipate  their  slaves,  and  it  is 
chiefly  as  active  anti-slavery  workers  that  they  merit  consideration 
in  connection  with  John  Woolman.  Dawson  and  Harris  were 
assured  by  the  public  authorities  of  Marjdand  that  there  was  no 
provision  in  the  laws  of  that  province  or  of  Delaware,  for  such 
emancipation,  but  it  was  nevertheless  accomplished. 

The  examples  of  Dawson  and  Harris  made  such  an  impression 
upon  their  fellow-members,  that  tlie  testimony  against  slavery 
was  incorporated  in  their  Rules  of  Discipline  and  it  became  a 
disownable  oflFence  even  to  employ  a  slave.  Joseph  Nichols  *•  was 
the  first  man  in  his  neighborhood  to  preach  against  slave-holding ; 
yet,  although  the  Quakers  were  otherwise  in  full  sympathy  with 
him  and  frequently  invited  him  to  attend  their  meetings,  they 
refused  to  accept  his  teaching  on  this  vital  subject.  The  matter 
had  reached  a  critical  point  at  the  moment  when  John  Woolmaa 

96 


VI  JOHN  WOOLMAN  AS  SCHOOLMASTER  97 

and  John  Sleeper,"  in  1766,  made  their  visit  to  Maryland,  going 
on  foot  through  the  Eastern  Shore  region.  The  Quakers  who 
had  before  refused  to  listen  to  Nichols,  received  the  testimony  of 
the  two  Quakers  from  New  Jersey,  and  the  public  records  of 
that  period  in  Maryland  and  its  borders  show  a  large  number 
of  resulting  emancipations. 

A  striking  testimony  of  the  "Nicholites"  was  in  regard  to 
plainness,  since  they  refused  to  employ  any  dyes  in  their  clothing, 
and  would  not  mix  either  colors  or  materials.  The  women  wore 
capes,  the  men  hats,  of  undyed  or  natural,  white  wool.  It  would 
be  interesting  to  inquire  just  how  much  this  particular  "Testi- 
mony" was  in  the  thought  of  John  Woolman  when  in  1762  he  had 
adopted  the  white  fur  hat  and  undyed  clothing.* 

The  following  summer  he  took  the  Western  Shore  in  the 
same  manner  on  foot,  but  without  a  companion,  and  the  "lonesome 
walk"  tried  his  frail  body  but  satisfied  his  spirit.  Of  this  tour, 
Benjamin  Ferris'"  of  Wilmington,  Delaware,  writes  in  his 
Journal : —    . 

"5  mo.  9th  1768  Our  friend  John  Woolman  attended  our  Quarterly 
Meeting;  his  testimony  there,  as  well  as  at  our  Monthly  Meeting  in 
Wilmington,  though  very  close,  was  edifying  and  much  to  my  satis- 
faction. I  went  to  pilot  him  on  his  way  to  Maryland  as  far  as  the 
Head  of  Sassafras.  His  company  and  conversation  were  very  in- 
structive, particularly  an  account  of  his  exercises  and  singular  trials, 
which  he  had  a  freedom  to  impart  to  me.  In  the  6th  mo.  he  returned 
from  Maryland  and  I  was  with  him  at  Kennett  Center  and  Chichester 
Meetings,  in  each  of  which  his  labour  was  very  close  and  plain,  yet 
to  me  it  was  edifying." " 

He  seemed  to  be  gradually  clearing  away  the  duties  at  hand,  and 
the  incident  of  the  execution  of  the  bond  for  the  negro  lad  took 
place  near  this  time,  1769.  His  efforts  and  the  anti-slavery  senti- 
ment of  the  Quakers  were  important  factors  in  the  attempt  of  the 
New  Jersey  Assembly  to  provide  by  law  for  a  duty  on  imported 
slaves.  In  1769  such  a  law  became  active,  placing  a  duty  of  Fif- 
teen pounds  on  every  imported  slave  sold  in  the  Province.'  Two 
letters,  which  he  copies  at  length  in  his  Journal,  one  without  date 
and  the  other  on  the  9th  of  7mo.  of  this  year,  appear  to  have 

*  Friend's  Miicellany.    IV,  pp.  341-267. 

•Friend's  MisceUany.    XII.  p.  273. 

■Allinson's  Laws,  p.  ;}is.     N.  J.  Archives,  IX,  346. 


V 


98  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

been  written  with  the  weight,  always  growing  on  him,  of  the  lack 
of  true  simplicity  in  ordinary  life: 

"Beloved  friend:*  Since  our  last  Conversation  I  have  felt  an  in- 
crease of  brotherly  lovCj  and  therein  a  libertj'  to  hint  further  to  thee 
how  at  different  times  for  years  past,  things  have  wrought  on  my 
mind  respecting  high  living. 

In  some  affecting  seasons  abroad,  as  I  have  sat  in  meetings  with 
desires  to  attend  singly  on  the  pure  gift,  I  have  felt  that  amongst 
my  brethren,  grievously  entangled  in  expensive  customs,  the  Lord 
hath  a  work  for  some  to  do  in  exampling  others  in  the  Simplicity  as 
it  is  in  Christ.  II.  Corinth.  XI.  3.  As  I  have  seen  that  a  view 
to  live  high  hath  been  a  stumbling  block,  and  that  what  some  ap- 
peared to  aim  at  was  no  higher,  than  many  of  the  foremost  rank  in 
our  Society  lived,  there  hath  been  a  labour  upon  me,  that  in  this 
respect,  the  way  may  be  cast  up,  and  the  stumbling  block  taken  out 
of  the  way  of  the  people.  Isaa.  57.  14.  And  here  the  inexpressible 
love  of  Christ  in  denying  himself  &  enduring  grief  for  our  Sakes 
is  often  before  me,  as  an  example  for  us  to  follow,  in  denying  our- 
selves, of  things  pleasant  to  our  natural  inclinations,  that  we  may 
example  others,  in  the  pure  Christian  life  in  our  age. 

2.  In  regard  to  thieves,   I  have  bad  many  Serious  thoughts,  and 
often  been  jealous  over  myself,  lest  by  withholding  from  a  poor  man    , 
what  our  Heavenly  Father  may  intend  for  him  through  me,  I  should  I 
lay  a  temptation  in  his  way  to  steal,  and  have  often  felt  a  care  that 
no  desire  for  riches,  or  outward  greatness,  may  prompt  me  to  get   , 
that  in  our  house  which  may  create  envy,  and  increase  this  difficulty.  I 

3.  I  have  sometime??  wrote  wills  for  people  when  sick  and  expected  ' 
soon  to  leave  their  families,  who  had  but  little  to  divide  amongst 
their  children,  and  I  have  so  far  felt  a  brotherly  Sympathy,  that  their 
cases  have  become  mine,  in  regard  to  a  comfortable  living  for  them, 
and  here  expensive  customs  have  often  made  the  prospect  less  clear. 
Expensive  customs  on  such  occasions  have  often  Affected  me  wij 
sadness.  _ 

4.  The  manner  of  taking  possession  of  the  Silver  mines  Southwest- 
ward,  the  conduct  of  the  conquerors  toward  the  natives,  &  the  miser- 
able toyl  of  many  of  our  fellow  creatures  in  those  mines,  have  often 
been  the  subject  of  my  thoughts;  and  though  I  sometimes  handle 
silver  and  gold  as  a  currency,  my  so  doing  is  at  times  attended  with 
pensiveness,  and  a  care  that  my  ears  may  not  be  stopped  against 
further  instruction;  I  often  think  of  the  frultfulness  of  tlie  Soyl 
where  we  live,  the  care  that  hath  been  taken  to  agree  with  the  former 

*  From  Woolman'a  copy.  MS.  A,  p.  J79  ff. 


;ar. 


VI  JOHN  WOOLMAN  AS  SCHOOLMASTER  99 

owners,  the  natives,  and  the  conveniences  this  land  affords  for  our 
use :  and  on  the  numerous  oppressions  there  are  in  many  places,  and 
feci  care  that  ray  cravings  may  be  rightly  boundedi  and  that  no  wan- 
dering desires  may  lead  me  to  so  Strengthen  the  hands  of  the  wicked 
as  to  partake  of  their  Sins.     L  Timo.  5c.  22v. 

5.  In  conversing  at  times  with  some  well-disposed  friends  who  have 
been  long  pressed  with  poverty,  I  have  thought  that  some  outward 
help,  more  than  I  believed  myself  a  Steward  to  communicate,  might 
be  a  blessing  to  them;  and  at  such  times  the  expenses,  that  might  be 
saved  amongst  some  of  my  brethren,  without  any  real  inconvenience 
to  them,  hath  often  been  brought  to  my  mind;  nor  have  I  believed 
myself  clear  with  out  speaking  at  times  publickly  concerning  it. 

6.  My  mind  is  often  on  the  immutability  of  the  Divine  being,  &  the 
purity  of  his  judgments,  and  a  prospect  of  outward  distress  in  this 
part  of  the  world  hath  been  open  before  me,  and  I  have  had  to 
behold  the  blessedness  of  a  state  in  which  the  mind  is  fully  subjected 
to  the  divine  Teacher,  and  the  confusion  and  perplexity  of  such  who 
profess  the  Truth,  and  are  not  faithful  to  the  leadings  of  it:  nor  have 
I  ever  felt  pitty  move  more  evidently  on  my  mind,  than  I  have  felt 
it  toward  children,  who,  by  their  education,  are  lead  on  in  unneces- 
sary expenses,  and  exampled  in  seeking  gain  in  the  wisdom  of  this 
world  to  support  themselves  therein," 

da   mo 

9:    7:    1769. 

My  dear  friend  —  In  our  meeting  of  Ministers  and  Elders,  I  have 
several  times  felt  the  movings  of  divine  love  amongst  us,  and  to  me 
there  appeared  a  preparation  for  profitable  labours  in  the  meeting: 
but  the  time  appointed  for  publick  meetings  drawing  near,  a  strictness 
for  time  hath  been  felt  And  in  yearly  Meeting,  for  the  preservation 
of  good  order  in  the  Society,  when  much  business  hath  lain  before 
us,  and  weighty  matters  relating  to  the  Testimony  of  Truth  hath 
been  under  consideration,  I  have  sometimes  felt  that  a  care  in  some 
to  get  forward  soon  hath  prevented  so  weighty  and  deliberate  a  pro- 
ceeding as  by  Some  hath  been  desired. 

Sincere  hearted  friends  who  are  concerned  to  wait  for  the  Counsel 
of  Truth,  arc  often  made  helps  to  each  other,  and  when  such  from 
distant  parts  of  our  extensive  Yearly  meeting,  have  set  their  houses 
ia  order  and  thus  gathered  in  one  place,  I  believe  it  is  the  will  of 
our  Heavenly  Father,  that  we  with  a  single  eye  to  the  leadings  of 
■'  ''oly  Spirit,  Should  quietly  wait  on  him  without  hurrying  in  the 
^     css  before  us. 

As  my  tnind  hath  been  on  these  things  some  difficulties  have  arisen 


loo  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

in  my  way;  first  there  are  through  prevailing  custom,  many  e3q>ences 
attending  our  entertainment  in  town,  which,  if  the  leadings  of  Truth 
were  faithfully  followed,  might  be  lessened. 

Many  under  an  outward  shew  of  a  delicate  life,  are  entangled  in 
the  worldly  Spirit,  labouring  to  support  those  expensive  customs 
which  they  at  times  feel  to  be  a  burden. 

These  expences  arising  from  a  conformity  to  the  spirit  of  this 
world,  have  often  lain  as  a  heavy  burden  on  my  mind,  and  Especially 
at  the  time  of  our  Solemn  meetings;  and  a  life  truly  conformable  to 
the  Simplicity  that  is  in  Oirist,  where  we  may  faithfully  serve  out 
God  without  distraction,  and  have  no  interruption  from  that  which 
in  against  the  Truth,  to  me  hath  been  very  desirable;  and  my  deai 
friend,  as  the  Lord  in  Infinite  mercies  hath  called  thee  and  I  (Sic) 
to  latKHir  at  times  in  his  vineyard,  and  hath,  I  believe,  sometimes 
appointed  to  us  different  offices  in  his  work,  our  opening  our  experi- 
ence one  to  another  in  the  pure  feeling  of  Charity  may  be  profitable. 

The  great  Shepherd  of  the  Sheep  I  believe  is  preparing  some  to 
rxatnple  the  people  in  a  plain  Simple  way  of  living,  and  I  feel  a 
t ruder  care  that  thee  and  I  may  abide  in  that,  where  our  light  may 
hliiiie  clear,  and  nothing  pertaining  to  us  have  any  tendency  to 
Strengthen  those  customs  which  are  distinguishable  from  the  Truth 
it N  it  is  in  Jesus." 

The  friendships  of  our  Journalist  were  warm  and  permanent. 
Among  these,  in  Rebecca  Jones,'*  John  Woolman  found  a  most 
♦  onjfenial  companion,  upon  whose  strength  of  character  and 
fi.inctified  common  sense  he  had  learned  to  depend.  They  were 
lioili  tcncliers,  and  her  school  for  girls  at  8  Drinker's  Alley,  in 
riiiliidelphia  was  in  great  repute.  Her  brother,  Daniel  Jones, 
1 1.1(1  remuined  in  the  Church  of  England  in  which  faith  both  of 
I  linn  were  lx)rn,  and  was  the  leading  Inn-keeper  at  Mount  Holly. 
'.Iir  wa«  In  the  habit  of  spending  a  portion  of  her  brief  summer 
/.Kiiiioii  with  him,  .ind  with  John  and  Sarah  Woolman,  for  the 
l.(  III  III  oi  the  country  air.  John  Woolman  was  a  frequent  visitor 
ii.  I'rIiiMia  Jones's  school,  and  often  wrote  the  copies  for  her  in 
l,i.;  Iiiii  t  lear  hand.  "None  but  a  philanthropist  is  fitted  for  the 
.,11,. «  lit  irailicr,"  i.s  the  comment  of  the  editor  of  her  interesting 
/I/-  mniuih  •  Many  a  modern  school  might  profit  by  her  "Rules 
uf  I  i.mhut",  of  which  one  was,  "Make  all  your  speeches  to  your 
„,;..iM.)/»  with  tUw  respect,  observing  cheerfully  to  perform  her 

i4t'.x«uU  ut  Ht\>tcc»  Jonei,"  by  Wm.  J.  Allinton,  ed. 


JOHN  WOOLMAN  AS  SCHOOLMASTER         loi 


directions  with  despatch,  according  to  yoar -Jilnlity.  If  a  stranger 
should  speak  to  you,  give  a  modest  and  ready  •  arv3>yer,  standing 
up  and  turning  your  face  towards  them  respectiully;'take  your 
scats  again  and  silently  apply  to  your  business."  ."  •  /. 

These  two  Quaker  philanthropists,  together  with  'another 
teacher,  Anthony  Benezet,*  were  at  this  time  deeply  interested 
in  the  proper  education  of  youth.  The  children  of  Quakers,  espe- 
cially in  the  country  neighborhoods,  were  lamentably  deficient  in 
their  instruction.  Many  grew  up  ignorant  of  reading  or  writing, 
and  documents  of  the  middle  and  last  quarter  of  the  eight- 
eenth century  are  often  signed  by  a  mark.  In  1746  a  recom- 
mendation was  made  for  the  better  instruction  of  Friends'  chil- 
dren, but  little  came  of  it  at  the  time.  In  1750  the  same  thing 
happened,  but  a  few  Friends  were  laboring  steadily  for  improved 
conditions.  Among  these  was  John  Woolman.  It  is  hardly 
likely  that  Woolman  did  not  know  Christopher  Dock,  the  famous 
"Schoolmaster  of  the  Skippack."  There  was  frequent  inter- 
course between  the  German  Baptists  on  the  outskirts  of  Phila- 
delphia and  the  Quakers.  Dock  came  to  America  in  1714  and 
became  a  well  known  teacher.  Christopher  Sauer,  the  German 
publisher,  in  Germaiitown,  of  many  Friends'  books,  persuaded 
hun  to  write  his  "Schulordnung"  in  1750,  but  for  nineteen  years 

lay  neglected.  In  1769  Salter's  son  urged  him  to  publish  it. 
and  the  little  book  appeared  from  the  Sauer  press  in  1770.  It 
has  been  called  the  earliest  book  in  Pennsylvania  on  the  subject 
of   school   teaching-*     Anthony   Benezet  *  opened   his   school   in 

'55,  and  his  "Primer"  is  later,  undated.  But  it  is  more  than 
ly  that  Woolman's  antedated  both.  Indeed  Benezet's  is 
modeled  somewliat  upon  that  of  Woolman.  A  Quaker  broadside 
is-">«ed  about  this  time,  or  possibly  in  1759,  on  the  whole  sub- 
jject  of  education,  is  interesting  in  this  connection.* 
'  How  many  people  think  of  Woolman  as  schoolmaster?  Yet 
for  many  years,  in  the  intervals  of  his  travels  and  while  carrying 
on  his  business  as  a  tailor,  John  Woolman  was  teaching.  The 
"Testimony"  of  his  Monthly  Meeting  says  that  Woolman  "sev- 
eral times"  oj)ened  a  school  "for  Friends*  children  and  others,"  for 
nothing  exclusive  ever  found  place  in  his  spirit,  and  these  are  the 

»Tbe  original  is  in  the  Historical  Soc.  of  Penna.     Catsel  Collection. 
'Origtail  in  Collection  of  Quaker  Broadsides,  Haverford  College  Library. 


iria  THE  JOURI^At.  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

*•  *•* 
yttttn  when  his  i^ix^r'  Account  Book  tells  us  dearly  how  he 
WM  engaged* *;.It^)li 'the  life  of  a  busy  man.  There  are  accounts 
ior  teaqbiQg\the  children  of  Aaron  Barton,  and  of  his  brothers, 
A«»h4W'«,itoH  *Abner  Woolman;  Thomas  Bispham,  James  Dobtmis, 
)l/lin**S>leci>er,"  John  Atkinson  and  many  others.*  The  rate  he 
.••.\  rjtfirgcd  for  his  pupils  may  be  gathered  from  a  memorandum  for 
/';/$,.'•  *a  »mall  rekitive.  The  bill  sent  her  father,  Asher  Woolman  reads 
V'/''*'      thus: 


L'  ' 


da      mo 
'To  schooling  thy  daughter  2  of  i,  1769  till      £    s    d 
da  of  mo 

ye    29       5    1769 :  some  diet  2    9    o 

da  mo  da  mo 

29    5    1769  to  II    9    1769 1.2.6 

da  mo 
Sarah's  diet  to  be  reckoned  from  11    9    1769." 

At  the  head  of  this  book  stand  what  at  first  may  seem  like 
some  of  his  own  pious  reflections,  but  they  are  of  uniform  length. 
Cannot  some  of  us  recall  days  long  ago  when  we  toiled  laboriously 
over  our  copy-book,  vainly  endeavoring  to  get  the  proper  slopes 
and  flourishes  on  the  "T's"  and  the  "G*s,"  for  instance,  in  some 
such  sententious  phrase  as  "To  be  good  is  to  be  happy";  "The 
child  is  father  to  the  man?"  These  lines  in  Woolman's  book,  in 
clear  and  bolder  handwriting,  are  nothing  more  or  less  than  his 
writing-book  heading^,  from  which  he  set  copies  for  his  small 
pupils.    They  are  all  original,  and  these  are  a  few  of  them: 

"If  anger  burns,  stand  still. 
Meekness  is  a  pleasant  garden. 
Kindness  in  the  heart  feels  pleasant. 
The  wounds  of  a  friend  need  no  plaister. 
A  lamb  took  by  fraud  is  an  ill  sacrifice 
Religion  without  righteousness  profits  not. 
A  rose  in  the  Spring  smells  sweet. 
Let  the  dainty  man  trj'  abstinence. 
An  Easie  Life,  a  delicious  Cook,  and  the  Doctor." 

Interspersed  among  the  school  accounts  we  find  not  only 
cliargcs  for  spelling  books,  writing  materials,  ink  powder  and  the 

'  Thc*c   were  all  well-kno«-n   citisou  of  Northampton  tomaMf* 


n  JOHN  WOOLMAN  AS  SCHOOLMASTER         103 

fike,  but  the  same  page  will  contain  the  cost  of  grafted  trees, 
hadsory  wood  for  the  meeting  house,  and  jackets  and  trousers. 
For  in  spite  of  his  remarks  in  the  Journal  about  his  dislike  of  a 
planter's  life  on  a  large  scale,  Woolman  was  an  expert  nursery- 
man as  well  as  tailor.  There  are  charges  to  his  brother  Abraham 
Woolman  for  grafted  trees ;  to  Robert  Field  for  ninety-two  apple 
trees  at  six  shillings  each,  and  for  eighteen  grafts  at  one  shilling 
each.  We  find  him  making  leather  and  "ticken"  breeches  for 
his  pupils  and  their  fathers,  and  jackets  of  cloth  for  the  mothers ; 
while  it  is  evidently  Httle  Sallie,  boarding  at  his  house,  for  whom 
he  makes  a  "thin  coat"  for  four  shilling^,  a  pair  of  shoes  for 
six,  which  may  have  been  furnished  by  the  itinerant  cobbler  who 
in  those  days  made  his  regular  rounds,  and  mittens  for  three  and 
six.  "The  ticken  breeches  with  buttons"  for  Aaron  Barton's  boy 
cost  three  shillings;  leather  breeches  for  his  brother  Abner  were 
five  shillings,  and  a  small  pair  (probably  mended)  for  little 
Samuel  are  one  shilling.  He  charges  Abner  four  and  six  for 
an  under-jacket,  and  Abner's  son  John,  "for  a  jacket  and  some 
trims,"  three  and  six.  His  swanskin  ones,  doubtless  his  best,  are 
charged  at  ten  and  six.  Buckskin  breeches  cost  sixteen  shillings. 
Asher's  white  shirt  is  seven  shillings,  and  Moses*  leather  breeches, 
one  pound  eight.  The  proportionate  cost  of  materials  may  be 
judged  from  one  charge — "to  some  Hay,  to  pay  in  Buttons," 
seventeen  shillings.  The  average  cost  of  a  pair  of  leather  breeches 
is  one  pound  six.  Note  too,  that  John  Woolman  is  buying  and 
using  buttons,  when  some  extremists  of  his  day  are  "testifying" 
against  them,  albeit  the  testimony  was  chiefly  against  their  use 
for  ornament,  not  service.  Some  of  the  entries  as  they  stand  are 
as  follows: 

Whl  Cox,  at  Ferry  £    s  d 

9mo.  1761     By  Ferrying  at  twice o    2  4 

1 761  Henry  Burr,  Son  of  Joseph 

5rao.              To  writing  2  Small  deeds 10  6 

John  Wright,  Son  of  Ezekiel 

6mo.  1766    Pair  leather  breeches  i  10 

Contra 
8mo.  1767    ,By  Ann  Morris  passage  to  and   from  Phila. 

worthe  I  suppose 4 


I04  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

Samuel  Budd  £    s    d 

3mo.  28  1767    To  Surveying  &  Sundry  writings o  la    3 

(Bro.  John  Budd  to  pay  part) 

Thomas  Bispham 
3mo.  1768    To  Schooling  thy  children o  10    8 

Wm.  Jones 

6  8    1768    To  Surveying  &  Writing  a  Deed 10 

Joseph  Lippincott 

1  4    1768    Apple  Trees  for  thy  son  Abraham 

Richard  Perry 
Made  Shoes  for  Mary  &  Souled  a  pair  for  Wife  8010.  1768 

1769  Abraham  Woolman 

I  doz.  Coat  Buttons i 

6  prinmiers  o     I    3 

&  Trees 
14  10  '70    By  Cedar  Logs  at  the  Swamp  as  many  as  made 

1534  feet  board  measure a  la    6 

Aaron  Smith 
1768    To  some  Twist 

2  1769    Contra.    By  Work  at  Mary's  hat 026 

Earl  Shinn 

25    4     1769    To  schooling  thy  Child 7    6 

s    d 
To  Measuring  2  lots  of  rie  at  i     6  per  lott. .     

3  4mo.    Contra  do.    By  horse  to  Burlington i    9 

"       "      "  Mansfield    i    9 

7  8mo  "       "      "   Burlington    i    6 

25  I2m0  "  a  fat  goose 210 

1770  Do. 

21     I    By  making  a  Thing  to  stop  Chimney 9 

"   a  day's  work  of  Primus  (negro) 

Natt  Julius 
16    7     1769    pd.  per  wife  before  ye  weding o  5  Ij5 


1 


n  JOHN  WOOLMAN  AS  SCHOOLMASTER         105 

Benjamin  Ferris  Jr.  £    s    d 

(No  date)     To  Cash  toward  John  Griffith's  Book i    7    6 

U  tt  f  U  U  «  T       T4 

.........  1       14 

"  4  doz  "Considerations  on  Keeping  Negroes" 
delv'd  to  thee 

3100  1769    James  Dobbins 

To  schooling  thy  son 8    2 

'4    7     ^77^    To  a  pair  of  leather  breeches 160 

3  S  1768  By  a  piece  of  Offel  (offal?)  old  Iron  to  put 
in  the  oven's  mouth,  weighed  lib.  got.  I 
think  worth 3 

John  [H]atkinson 

3  1769  Writting  a  Deed 6 

4  To  Schooling  tliy  children i    4    8 

*3    4     ^770    To  50  priramers o    8    4 

(There  is  a  memorandum  of  J.  Atkinson  as  Guardian  for  the  children 

of  Thos.  Budd,  Instate  of  J.  Atkinson,  dec'd,  1770.) 

Josiah  White 

5  1769      For  schooling  Mary 5    3 

II     1770    To  Boards  bad  by  thy  Tenant  (Sofoot) 0    6    8 

"  more   ( foot) 11 

"  A  small  house  taken  from  Mother's  Lot 5  10    o 

By  Calamus  water  &  metheglin i    4 

21     3     1771     By  cash  toward  House I   10 

30    5       '•         "   agcn,  7/6.  Cash  £1 1    7    6 

Samuel  Gaunt 
1769 
18    8    To  I  Brass  Kettle  for  which  it  was  agreed  to  pay 

forty  pounds  of  cheese paid  for. 

1769    James  Southwick 

Summer  Rent  of  meadow,  hay,  &c i     o    6 

1770 

(6    7        To  making  2pr.  linen  breeches 040 

Had  corn  for  it 

Francis  Dawson 

1769  To  a  pair  of  leather  Breeches  for  David  Jess,  for 
8mo  which  thou  agreed  to  pay  in  grain i  10    o 

1770  Same 
9    10    By  1850  bricks  hailed  from  Rodgerses il 


i 


io6  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


CHAP.  1 


From  these  homely  but  most  interesting  entries  one  gains, 
as  would  otherwise  be  impossible,  a  lively  impression  of  the  daily 
life  of  John  Woolman.  The  last  item  probably  relates  to  tlie 
building  of  Mar)''s  new  house,  for  which  preparations  were  mak- 
ing. The  bill  for  this  house  is  in  Woolman's  hand,  and  it  is  in- 
teresting to  find  from  it,  and  from  these  charges,  the  names  of 
most  of  the  jjeople  employed  in  its  construction.  For  instance, 
Thomas  Co  narrow  was  the  mason.    Thus  we  find — 


1771 

3  12    I  paid  the  bal.  due  to  T.  C.  to  Jonah  Woolman  on  a  discompt. 

Cr  by   17  Waggon  load  of  Stone  computed  to  be    £    s    d 

20  perch  at  6  per  perch 6    o 


4 


Adam  Forker  was  another  workman.  He  made  the  hour- 
glass, and  evidently  did  the  glazing  in  the  new  house.  Wil- 
liam Calvert "'  was  a  tenant  for  some  years  of  Fliaabeth  Woolman 
in  her  Mill  Street  house,  and  John  Woolman  keeps  the  account 
as  he  receives  the  rent  for  his  mother.  Some  of  the  entries  under 
William  Calvert's  name  run  thus : 

"William  Calvert 

da   mo  £  s.   d. 

8    3     1769    By  6  yards  Camblet o  12    0 

12  4       "         "    I  Ivory  Comb 016 

"  75  Sheets  primmer o  3  9 

22    4                 "    I  Looking-glass  o  5  0 

49                 "    I  Copper  Kettle  2  16  0 

21     I  1770.    To  I  Quarter's  rent 015  0 

13  4  1770  To  100  Primers  from  B.  Ferris  (forward)  J| 

21    4  1770    To  I  Quarter's  Rent o  15  ^P 

21     7  1770    To   I   Quarter's  Rent o  15 


I 


From  2 1  St.  7010.  1770  Wm.  Calvert,  by  agreement, 
to  pay  I2s.  p.  Quarter  for  the  Shop 

£  8. 

4  10    To  2j^  Bush,  winter  Apples;  had  worked  for  y"». ..     o  o    0 

To  ye  Bricks  in  ye  old  Chimney o  10    0 

21  10    To  I  Quarter's  Rent. 12 


M 


'  /V  //t 


( 


Specifications  by  John  Woolman  for  Brick  House  for  his  Daughter,  1771. 
Now  the  Woolman  Memorial,  Mount  Holly,  N.  J. 


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in 


VI           JOHN  WOOLMAN  AS  SCHOOLMASTER  107 

£    s    d 

31     X     1771    To  I  Quarter's  Rent 12 

18    4               To  writing  small  deed 4 

219                 "3  Quarter's  Rent 116    o 

"    About  nineteen  day's  rent 2    o 

"   An  order  on  Danl  Offley  accepted 14    9 

John  Woolman's  brother  Abner  died.     He  notes — 

i    s    d 

'To  Abncr's  Estate  due  to  Bal 2  12  10 

Paid  Earl  Shinn  for  a  Cofin  to  bury  the  Corps  of  Abner « . .  i 

There  is  now  due  to  Abner's  Estate, i  12  lo 

28    2     1772    I  gave  Credit  on  Abner's  bond i     2    o 

Mary,  Abner's  Widow 

6    I     1772    To  Jacket  for  Asher o     i     6 

"   Sheepskin  breeches  for  do o    5    6 

Cr.  Mary,  by  some  old  leather 070 


000 


These  accounts  show  the  schoolmaster  writing  deeds,  advertise- 
ments for  sales,  or  "vendues/'  as  the  country  lolk  called  them, 
and  measuring  grain  for  the  farmers,  as  well  as  surveying  their 
lands.  He  sells  stone  from  his  quarry,  and  in  return  is  carried 
over  William  Cox's  ferr>',  Aaron  Barton,  the  weaver,  does 
weaving  in  return  for  his  child's  schooling,  and  James  Dobbins 
makes  the  exchange  of  the  piece  of  "off el"  iron  for  teaching  his 
son.  Twenty-eight  pounds  of  flax  are  delivered  to  Bathsheba 
Bartoti,  Aaron's  wife,  for  weaving. 

Is  it  possible  to  imagine  John  Woolman  in  his  school  ?  I^t  us 
place  ourselves  for  the  moment  in  Mount  Holly  in  the  year  1765. 
These  are  stirring  times  in  the  political  and  social  world.  The 
Stamp  Act  has  stirred  the  Colonies;  Franklin  is  abroad,  striving 
for  reUef.  Dr.  Fothergill,  in  London,  is  corresponding  vigor- 
ously with  Woolman's  close  friends,  the  Pembertons,  on  behalf 
of  peace,  and  incidentally  is  a  founder  of  the  great  Pennsylvania 
Hospital.  The  religious  world  has  been  stirred  by  the  simulta- 
neous visits  of  George  Wliitefield  in  Presbyterianism  and  Samud 


io8  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

Fothergill  ^  in  Quakerism,  and  the  air  is  full  of  new  ideas,  of 

revolution,  of  progress.  Not  a  breath  do  we  get  of  all  this  in 
Woolman  s  remarkable  Journal.  Like  the  classic  that  it  is,  written 
for  any  time  or  for  all  time,  it  notes  none  of  these  things,  and  we 
may  see  the  gentle,  frail  teacher  in  his  undyed  garments,  patiently 
guiding  the  childish  hand  of  his  litlle  pupils,  wliile,  unnoted  by 
each,  Revolution  is  gathering  in  the  air. 

There  were  many  country  Friends  settled  about  the  village  on 
their  "plantations/*  as  they  preferably  called  their  farms,  and 
great  distances  were  trudged  by  the  small  pupils  on  the  hot  sum- 
mer days,  for  long  vacations  were  not  in  the  minds  of  the  good 
Friends.  We  do  not  know  whether  the  lessons  were  recited  at 
Woolmaii's  own  house,  at  the  meeting  house,  or  at  the  near-by 
school.  Occasionally  perhaps  at  all  three.  The  charge  for 
Sally's  "diet"  indicates  that  she  lived  for  a  little  time  with  her 
uncle.  H  so,  a  privileged  little  girl  was  she.  The  gentle  school- 
master is  tender  and  sympathetic,  for  what  he  thought  of  educa- 
tion he  wrote  down  in  1758.-  The  late  William  Nelson,  of  the 
New  Jersey  Historical  Society,  considered  Thomas  PoweH's  school 
in  Burlington,  1767,  to  have  been  the  earliest  co-educational  in- 
stitution in  America.  It  is  certain  that  in  New  Jersey,  at  le; 
John  Woolman  preceded  him. 

Diligent  search  has  been  made  for  the  "Primer"  of  John 
Woolman.  Thus  far  the  only  copy  found  is  in  the  Friends' 
Library  at  Devonshire  House,  London.  This  is  the  t^iird  edition, 
undated.  The  average  reader  does  not  associate  such  a  book, 
with  Woolman,  who  makes  no  reference  to  it  in  his  Journal.  It 
is  entitled: 


m- 


4 


"A/  First  Book  for  Children/ 
Much   useful    reading   being   sullied   and   torn/   by   children,    in 
Schools  before  they  can   read,/  this   Book  is  intended  to  save  un- 
necessary ex/pence.     By  John  Woolman." 

This  third  edition,  enlarged,  was  published  in   Philadelphia  b^^ 
Joseph  Crukshank,  Third  St.,  and  sold  also  by  Benjamin  Ferris 
in  Wilmington.     It  is  a  tiny  48  mo.    These  are  the  "Primmers" 
noted  in  the  Accounts.    The  date  given  by  Joseph  Smith  (Cata- 

*  Whitefield's  and  Fothcrgill's  Biographies  throw  [igbt  on  this  period. 

•  "Coniidermtions  on  Pure  Wisdom/'  4c. 


VI 


JOHN  WOOLMAN  AS  SCHOOLMASTER        109 


logue  of  Friends'  Books)  is  1774.  This  is  much  too  Ute.  Wool- 
man's  primers  were  selling  in  1769,  as  his  Account  Book  shows, 
and  were  undoubtedly  written  some  years  before.  John  Comly 
I'773*i^5oJ  •*'^ys  of  1780  in  his  Journal  [Chapman: Phil'.  18S3, 
p.  8.]  "I  believe  the  first  book  put  into  my  hands  was  Wool- 
man's  or  Benezet's  Primer."  It  is  curious  that  no  copy  of  the 
first  edition  has  survived-^ 

This  period — the  late  sixties — finds  our  Journalist  more  un- 
interruptedly engaged  in  teacliing  than  at  any  other  time,  and 
we  are  led  to.  suppose  tliat  frail  health  was  the  cause.  In  J 770, 
he  was  suffering  from  what  he  describes  as  a  "lump  on  his  nose" 
for  which  he  had  been  "dieting"  himself  for  several  years.  We 
are  left  to  surmise  its  nature,  yet,  if  it  so  depleted  his  system  in 
the  evident  weakness  of  the  two  remaining  years,  as  seems  to  be 
the  reading  between  the  lines,  we  cannot  help  fearing  what  might 
have  been  the  result  of  a  modern  diagnosis.  This  may  have  been 
one  of  the  causes  for  that  peculiarity  of  appearance  which  all 
his  friends  without  exception,  ascribe  to  him.  Yet  such  a  trying 
"thorn  in  the  flesh"  he  accepted  as  a  "fatherly  chastisement" 
from  his  Master.  In  any  case,  the  long  journeys  afoot  had 
sorely  taxed  his  strength. 

While  in  this  depressed  physical  state,  the  thought  of  another 
call  from  home  roused  his  fear  lest  the  "disagreeableness  of  the 
prospect"  might  be  likely  to  deter  him.  The  sale  of  the  negro 
lad  still  weighed  on  him,  and  the  retail  trade  in  West  India  prod- 
uce in  which  he  had  once  been  engaged,  preyed  on  his  mind.  He 
finally  resolved  to  use  the  "outward  substance"  he  had  thus  gained, 
in  paying  his  passage  to  the  West  Indies  on  a  religious  visit,  and 
yet, — could  he  find  himself  free  to  engage  passage  on  one  of  the 
great  traders?  The  profit  all  came  from  the  product  of  slave 
labor.  Hamilton  of  Pennsylvania  wrote  tliat  at  this  period  he 
found  "a  very  great  part  of  the  principal  merchants  of  the  City 
(Philadelphia)  engaged  in  a  trade  with  the  French  Islands  in 
the  West  Indies."*  The  wealthy  tjnakers  of  Philadelphia  were 
many  of  them  in  this  trade  in  sugar,  mm  and  molasses.'    Promi- 


L 


'  Bcnj.    Frrris  died   in    1771.     The  date   i»  therefore   prior  to  that. 

•  W.    T.    Root.      "Relations    between    I'eiina,   &    Great    Britain,    1^.96-1765,"   p.    82. 

'News  of  the  pa««agc  of  the  Sugar  Act  of  1764  had  come  to  the  Colonies  simul- 
txMouslj  with  that  of  the  Stamp  Act.  Opposition  was  great,  particularly  in  the 
wnhcni  colonies  depending  on  a  floun'KhinK  foreign  trade.  The  Sugar  Act  was  a 
ttec  of  clan  legialation  in  favor  of  the  Britissh  Sugar  IsLinds. 


110  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

nent  among  these  was  James  Pemberton,"  and  knowing  that  his 
brother  John  was  seeking  hght  on  the  matter,  Uriah  Woolman  ** 
wrote  him  that  one  of  the  Pemberton  traders  was  in  port.  In 
the  family  papers  '  the  following  interesting  letter  has  come  to 
light :-~ 


da     mo 

II     II     1769 

Belov'd  Frd. 

I  rec'd  last  Evening  a  letter  from  my  brother  Uriah  wrote  at  the 
request  of  James  Pemberton  informing  me  that  James  hath  a  Vessel 
in  port  which  he  expects  may  Sail  for  Barbadoes  the  latter  End  of 
this  month  or  beginning  of  next. 

I  know  not  but  that  I  may  look  toward  this  Vessel  for  a  passage, 
but  am  desirous  to  inform  thee  of  this  my  information,  as  thou 
Exprest  a  brotherly  care  for  me  respecting  a  passage. 

I  remain  thy 
Loving  frd,    John  Woolman. 
For 
John  Pemberton 
in  PhiJad*. 

The  solicitude  of  the  brothers  Pemberton  is  evident  with  all  three, 
for  a  few  days  later  John  Woolman  is  writing  Israel  Pemberton, 
under  date,  "da   mo 

"17  II  '69  I  yesterday  saw  a  Mattress,  and  have 
this  Morning  agreed  for  some  coarse  wool,  and  expect  to  make  one 
at  home.  1  feel  gratefulness  toward  thee  for  thy  kind  offer,  but 
believe  to  make  one  may  be  best  for  me. 

thy  loving  frd, 

John  Woolman."' 


but    I 


Reuben  Haines,"  his  cousin,  living  on  High  (now  Market) 
Street,  near  Fourth,  in  Philadelphia,  was  his  financial  adviser, 
and  at  his  house  John  Woolman  usually  made  his  home  when  in 
the  city.  His  private  accounts  show  tliat  a  year  before  this,  he 
had  placed  in  the  hands  of  this  faithful  friend  and  relative,  a  sum 
of  money,  increased  six  months  later,  to  be  used  for  this  journey. 
Following  is  the  record: 


VI  JOHN  WOOLMAN  AS  SCHOOLMASTER         iii 

1769  Reuben  Haines^  Dr. 

da   mo  £    s    d 

a8    3    To  cash  left  in  thy  Hands  to  be  ready  for  me  when 

I  want  it 6    -    - 

da   mo 

29    3    To  Cash  left  in  thy  Hands  to  be  ready  for  me  when 

I  want  it  4    -    ~ 

da   mo 
I  II    To  more  Cash  sent  by  Wm.  Calvert 10    -    - 


20    -    - 


da  mo 

25    3    '70 


Cr.  Cash  £2.    Note  for  f  18. 


Thus  completely  ready  was  the  faithful  Woolman  when  he 
visited  James  Pemberton '  and  handed  him  his  Testimony  as  to 
the  evils  of  the  West  India  trade.  His  own  account  is  quite  de- 
tailed here.  The  submission,  he  felt,  was  accepted  of  his  Master. 
He  returned  home,  after  waiting  across  the  river  until  the  ship  liad 
sailed,  and  even  then,  became  as  a  "sojourner,"  he  says,  in  his 
own  family.* 

As  the  year  closed,  overtaxed  and  worn  out,  he  fell  ill  of 
pleurisy,  and  his  life  was  despaired  of.  He  was  highly  delirious, 
and  in  moments  of  consciousness  told  those  about  him  that  he  was 
quite  resigned  to  die.  He  was  carefully  attended,  and  his  friends 
look  turns  in  sitting  up  through  the  night  with  him.  The  fourth 
morning  of  the  New  Year  (1770),  as  the  dawn  broke,  his  friend 
Caleb  Carr  ^'  was  sitting  beside  him.  The  ill  man  desired  to 
dictate,  and  bringing  the  Larger  Account  Book,  his  friend  took 
down  the  much  quoted  passage  which  John  G.  Whittier  regarded 
as  prophetic  of  the  late  Civil  War.  It  may  rather  be  considered 
as  a  mystical  expression  of  the  foolishness  of  the  human  mind  in 
supporting  injustice.  A  week  after  he  again  dictated,  and  gave 
us  his  classic  aphorism  on  Prayer  as  a  precious  habitation,  etc. 

The  old  Account  Book  contains  many  a  memorandum,  but 
there  is  nothing  in  it  more  interesting  than  the  following,  on  a 
blank  leaf,  in  the  hand  of  John  Wootman's  daughter,  Mary.  The 
occasion  was  probably  a  little  meeting  held  in  the  ill  man's  bed- 
chamber: 

>  Compu'e  the  almost   parallel  experience  of  John  Cfaurthmaiu   in    1761,  in  rcftrd 
10  tke  Barttadot.    Sec  Jonmoi  of  J.  C,  pp.  aoj^. 


112  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


CHAP.    I 


"I  feel  a  pure  and  Holy  Spirit  in  a  weak  &  broken  Constitution: 
this  Spirit  within  me  hath  suffered  deeply  and  T  have  born  my  part 
in  the  Suffering,  that  there  may  come  forth  a  Church  pure  &  Clean 
like  the  New  Jerusalem,  as  a  Bride  Adorned  for  her  husband.  I 
believe  my  Sufferings  in  this  broken  Nature  are  now  nearly  Accom-  ' 
pHshed,  &  my  Father  hath  Sfiewed  me  that  the  holy  Spirit  that  now 
works  within  me,  may  work  in  young  lively  Constitutions  &  may 
strengthen  them  to  travel  up  &  down  the  world  in  the  feeling  of  pure 
Wisdom,  that  many  may  believe  them  &  the  purity  of  their  Lives  & 
learn  Instruction" — 

"Taken  from  the  Mouth  of  my  Father  as  he  uttered  it  in  my 
hearing  on  a  first  day  meeting  while  (illegible)  .  .  .  ing." 


John  Woolman  himself,  probably  after  recovery,  has  add 
da  mo 
to  this  the  date— "7:  i:  1770,"  and  the  comment,  "I  believe  it 
will  be  felt  by  feeling  living  Members,  that  that  which  hath  been 
uttered  by  my  lips  has  proceeded  from  the  Spirit  of  Truth,  Operat- 
ing on  Mine  Understanding,  &  I  meddle  not  with  the  Fever." 
The  Journal ist,  even  in  his  delirium,  uttered  what,  with  his  re- 
covered balance,  he  could  freely  endorse.  But  the  disease  pr< 
gressed,  and  another  watcher  writes : 


ro^ 


"On  7tb.  day  Morning  about  ye  3d  hour,  ye  13th  of  ye  1st  Mo. 
1770,  John  Woolman  having  for  Some  time  lain  like  a  man  a  Dj'ing, 
did  then  call  for  Water  lo  Wet  his  tongue  for  it  was  Dry,  and  he 
wanted  to  Use  it,  and  then  told  us  then  present,  that  the  forepart 
of  the  Same  night  he  had  very  Great  horrours  on  his  mind  for 
Departing  from  the  purity  of  his  Testimony,  in  relation  to  the  West 
India  trafick. 

"Under  this  Anguish  of  Soul,  Evident  to  all  about  him,  he  Stood 
up  on  his  feet,  tho'  week,  and  with  a  Lamentable  Voice  Cryed 
mightily  to  God  that  he  would  have  Mercy  upon  him,  a  Miserable 
Siner  for  that  he  had  Lately,  under  Extream  weakness,  given  up  the 
purity  of  his  Testimony  against  the  West  India  trade,  In  partaking 
freely  of  rum  and  Molasses;  After  long  Conflict  with  these  Horrors, 
he  appeared  more  Easy,  as  believing  God  would  be  gracious  to  him. 
He  now  informed  us  he  had  found  the  mercys  of  God  to  be  toward 
him,  and  that  he  had  an  Evidence  of  Inward  Peace,  and  that  God 
had  Excepted  of  his  great  conflict  with  the  power  of  darkness  the 
fore  part  of  this  Night» 


VI  JOHN  WOOLMAN  AS  SCHOOLMASTER         113 

Uttered  by  John  Woolraan's  lips  and  wrote  by  Aaron  Smith." 

This  is  fastened  into  the  English  Journal  on  one  of  the  in- 
serted leaves,  and  preceded  by  another  page  also  in  the  hand- 
writing of  Aaron  Smith,  which  is  quite  different  from  any  other 
in  the  book.  Below  is  probably  a  memorandum  of  the  Friends 
present  at  one  of  the  little  meetings  held  in  John  Woolman's  bed- 
room during  his  severe  illness.    It  runs — 

"the  following  Friends  are 
Desired  to  meet  at  the  house 
Of  John  Woolman  at   10:  o'clock 

Thos.  Hatkinson  (   ) 
and  wife,  if  well  enough 

Henry  Paxson**  and  wife 

John  Bispliam"  and  wife 

WilHam  Calvert  and  wife" 

Josiah"  and  John  White" 

John  Sleeper"  and  wife 

Aaron  Smith  was  son  of  Francis  and  Rachel  Smith,  of  Mt, 
Holly,  and  on  iimo.  (January)  22  1753  married  Mary,  daughter 
of  Silas  and  Mary  Crispin  of  Burlington,  at  the  latter  place.  (Bur. 
Rec's.,  B'k  A.  203.)  An  interesting  story  is  told  of  the  Revolu- 
tionary soldiers  from  whom  Henry  Paxson  rescued  the  family 
Bible  of  Aaron  Smith  as  they  were  kicking  it  down  the  street. 
He  was  a  member  of  Mount  Holly  meeting.  The  little  group  that 
met  for  worship  with  John  Woolman  in  his  bedchamber  were  all 
near  neighbors  and  intimate  friends.  Thomas  Atkinson  was  Wil- 
liam Calvert's  father-in-law. 

During  his  convalescence  Woolman  wrote  the  following: 

da  mo 

20:  1 :     1770    The  Customary  use  of 
Silver  Vessels  about  houses  hath  deeply 
aiFccted  my  mind  of  late  years  and  under  a 
living  Concern  I  have  frequently  laboured  in 
Families  and  Sometimes  more  publicly,  to 
disswade  from  the  use  of  those  things,  in  wliicli 
there  is  a  Manifest  Conformity  to  Outward  shew 
and  greatness.     And  this  Morning  my  Understand- 


Lm 


"4 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap, 


ing  being  opened  in  pure  Wisdom,  I  felt  a  Necessity 
to  write  that  which  is  the  Council  of  the  Lord  to  this 
Generation  respecting  these  things. 

He  that  can  receive  it,  let  hira  receive  it    There 
is  Idolatry  committed  in  the  Use  of  these  things,  and 
where  this  is  the  Case,  H  they  are  sold,  they  may 
be  Idols  to  others.    The  example  of  Jacob 
is  to  be  followed  by  such  who  would  come 
forth  in  pure  Council. 

His  household  had  Idols  amongst  them.    The 
Lord  caSl'd  hira  to  a  pure  Worship  at  Bethel. 
He  prevailed  on  his  household  to  put  away  their 
Idols,  and  he  hid  them  under  an  Oak.    Gen.  XXXV.  I. 

John  Woolman.'" 


Silver  service  had  become  a  trial  to  John  Woolman,  but  the 
plate  still  in  use  in  the  families  of  descendants  of  his  intimate 
friends  shows  how  frequently  he  must  have  encountered  it.  John 
Smith's  ^'  own  autograph  "Account  of  my  wrought  silver  plate," 
which  included  the  Logan  tea  service,  is  dated  i  mo.  1764.  and  is  a 
long  and  imposing  list."  It  was  probably  at  his  house  that  Wool- 
man  wept  when  a  silver  goblet  was  handed  him.  Dinner  was 
served  in  those  days,  in  the  plainer  homes ^  in  one  course  on  loaded 
tables. 

The  interval  between  this  illness  of  1770  and  Woolman's 
departure  for  England  would  be  a  blank  but  for  the  details  of 
the  Larger  Account  Book.  This  is  inscribed  "John  Woolman's 
Book,  1769."  Within  is  the  memorandum  of  the  purchases  of 
"two  leather  books,"  and  there  is  every  reason  to  suppose  that 
they  are  this  quarto,  and  the  large  folio  into  which  he  copied  the 
Journal,  and  which  has  here  been  uniformly  referred  to  as  "Man- 
uscript A."  The  few  dates  which  precede  this  appear  to  be  under 
the  names  of  people  with  whom  Woolman  then  had  a  running 
account,  and  were  repeated  from  a  previous  copy.*  During  the 
winter  of  i'/6()-*'jo  and  the  following  year  at  intervals,  Woolman 
was  occupied  with  the  task  of  copying  his  Journal  in  fair  hand 
for  the  printer.  How  well  he  accomplished  it  not  only  the  world 
knows,  but  those  whose  pleasant  task  it  has  since  been  to  examine_ 

*  From  the  original,   in  the  Library  of  Swarthmore  Colkge,  P*. 
•Smith  MSS.     Vol.  VI.     i76»-i76s.     Ridgway  Branch,  Phtladelphii  Library. 

*  This  copy  has  just  been   found.     See  Appendix,   note. 


VI 


JOHN  WOOLMAN  AS  SCHOOLMASTER         115 


the  manuscript  and  observe  his  neatness  and  care.  The  Account 
Book  gains  an  added  interest  from  the  fact  that  it  is  made  en- 
tirely from  the  stamped  paper  of  the  Revolution.  There  was 
originally  a  stamp  on  every  fourth  leaf — forty  five  in  all.  Few 
of  these  have  been  left,  and  of  them,  none  are  perfect,  due  to 
the  close  trimming  for  binding,  which  is  stiJl  very  good.  The 
missing  stamps  have  sometimes  been  sold.  A  memorandum  in 
another  collection  tells  us,  curiously  enough,  on  the  authority  of 
the  "Springfield  Republican"  for  February  24,  1888,  that  a  single 
stamp  from  this  collection  fetched  twenty  dollars  in  a  New  York 
auction  I 

After  his  illness,  Woolman  wisely  returned  to  his  garden  and 
orchard.     He  writes  of  his  nursery, 

four  days   after   he   had   called    for   his   money    left    with    Reuben 

"da  mo 
Haines,*    29    3     1770"    "Grafted  near  the  Southwest  corner  of  my 
Nursery,  about  4  joynts  of   fence   North  of  the  corner,  about  30 
Molasses  Sweetings." 
da   mo 

**12  4,  grafted  2  short  rows  of  Newark  sweeting  (a  winter  apple) 
the  north  row  the  longest.  Stands  about  15  foot  from  the  west  side 
of  the  Nursery  (and  Extends  Eastward)  near  the  Middle  of  the 
Board  fence  on  the  ditch  bank."  "4mo.  Grafted  Sundry  short  rows 
in  divers  parts  of  my  Nursery  with  a  good  Winter  Sweeting."  It 
may  have  been  at  this  period  that  a  friend,  walking  through  his 
orchard  with  him,  exclaimed,  "That  tree  is  full  of  caterpillars." 
John  Woolman  turned,  carefully  examined  the  treCj  and  said,  "No, 
not  quite  full  1" 

In  the  spring,  while  visiting  at  Crosswicks,  soon  after  his 
recovery,  Woolman  had  a  dream  which  he  relates  at  the  conclusion 
of  his  Journal.  The  old  smoke-house  still  stands  in  excellent  con- 
dition. The  friend,  a  direct  descendant  of  Thomas  Middleton,** 
who  recently  visited  it  with  the  editor,  wondered  whether  the  two 
ministers  had  not  partaken  of  the  bacon  at  supper,  the  night 
before  ? 


l. 


"The  Fox  and  the  Cat:  A  Dream. 

On  the  night  between  the  28th.  and  29th.  smo.  1770,  I  dreamed 
a  man  had  been  hunting,  and  brought  a  living  Creature  to  Mount- 


ii6  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


holly,  of  a  mixt  breed,  part  Fox  and  part  Cat;  it  appeared  active  in 
various  Motions,  especially  with  its  Claws  and  Teeth.  I  beheld,  and 
lo  I  Many  people  gathering  in  the  house  where  it  was,  talked  one  to 
another,  and  after  some  time  I  perceived  by  their  talk  that  an  old 
Negro  Man  was  just  now  dead,  &  that  his  Death  was  on  this  Wise. 
They  wanted  flesh  to  feed  this  Creature,  &  they  wanted  to  be  quit 
of  the  Expence  of  keeping  a  man  who,  through  great  Age,  was  unable 
to  Labour ;  so,  raising  a  long  Ladder  against  their  house,  they  hanged 
the  old  Man. 

One  woman  spake  lightly  of  it,  and  signified  she  was  seting  at 
the  Tea  Table  when  they  hanged  him  up,  and  though  neither  she  nor 
any  present  said  anything  against  their  proceedings,  yet  she  said  at 
the  Sight  of  the  Old  Man  a  dying,  she  could  not  go  on  with  Tea 
Drinking. 

I  stood  silent  all  this  time,  &  was  filled  with  Extreme  Sorrow 
at  so  horrible  an  Action,  and  now  began  to  Lament  bitterly,  like  as 
some  Lament  at  the  Decease  of  a  friend,  at  which  Lamentation, 
some  smiled,  but  none  mourned  with  me. 

One  man  spake  in  justification  of  what  was  done,  and  said  that 
the  flesh  of  the  Old  Negro  was  wanted,  not  only  that  this  Creature 
might  have  plainly  (sic),  but  some  other  Creatures  also  wanted  his 
flesh,  which  I  apprehended  from  what  he  said  were  some  Hounds 
kept  for  hunting;  I  felt  Matter  on  my  Mind,  and  would  have  spoke 
to  the  Man,  but  Utterance  was  taken  from  me  and  1  could  not  speak 
to  him.  Being  in  great  distress,  I  continued  waiting  till  I  began  to 
wake,  and  opening  my  Eyes,  I  perceived  it  was  Morning, 

And  when  I  got  up,  I  told  this  Dream  to  my  Beloved  Friend, 
Thomas  Middleton,"  at  whose  house  I  lodged;  who  tlien  told  me  that 
this  same  Night  he  dreamed  that  being  with  his  Wife  on  the  further 
side  of  a  Run  of  Water  which  is  on  his  Plantation,  they  were  coming 
toward  the  house  and  the  Run  had  overflowed  its  Banks,  but  they 
came  over  on  a  Log,  and  then  he  saw  a  Ruinous  old  House,  which 
he  had  not  seen  before.  He  observ'd  some  Iron  Hinges  on  the 
Door,  which,  as  it  stood  on  his  Land,  he  thought  of  geting;  but  on 
an  Examination,  found  they  would  not  answer  his  purpose,  and  left 
them.  And  looking  into  the  House,  he  saw  a  great  quantity  of  Bacon 
&  understood  this  House  was  a  Smoak-house,  built  by  a  Merchant, 
since  dead,  and  that  the  Bacon  belonged  to  some  Persons  now  living; 
He  observed  one  whole  Creature  with  its  hair  all  taken  of  (sic)  and 
thought  it  had  some  resemblance  of  Bacon,  yet  it  appear'd  to  stand 
upon  its  feet,  and  there  wa<i  in  it  some  resemblance  of  a  livii 
^.Creature. 

He  said  he  examined  the  Bacon  and  found  it  was  tainted. 


VI  JOHN  WOOLMAN  AS  SCHOOLMASTER         117 

(Note  on  the  margin)  :  "A  Fox  is  Cuning;  A  Cat  is  often  Idle; 
Hunting  represents  Vain  Delights;  Tea  Drinking,  with  which  there 
is  Sugar,  points  out  the  Slavery  of  the  Negroes,  with  which  Many 
are  oppressed  to  the  Shortening  of  their  Days."  * 

An  examination  of  the  charges  for  building  the  brick  house 
for  his  daughter  Mary,  in  1771  shows  a  negro  called  "Primas"  in 
Woolman's  service.  It  is  a  coincidence  in  names  to  find,  early 
in  the  Account  Book  of  Thomas  Hazard  of  Narragansett,  R.  I., 
the  entry: 

'Triamus,  a  Negro  Boy,  Came  to  live  with  me  at  my  House  the 
week  after  ye  General  Election  Held  at  Newport  for  General  officers 
of  the  Colony  of  Rhode  Island  in  the  year  one  Thousand  Seven 
Hundred  and  fifty  seven  being  six  years  old  the  October  following 
the  s*  Election  which  was  held  in  the  May  before." 

This  boy  lived  in  Narragansett  until  he  came  of  age,  when 
his  life  of  adventure  took  him  to  sea,  and  he  was  in  Philadelphia 
at  the  time  of  the  British  occupation.  This  Primas  was  befriended 
by  John  Pemberton,  whose  letter  to  his  former  master,  Thomas 
Hazard,  still  exists.'  John  Woolman's  **Primas"  had  a  happier 
fate  than  his  New  England  namesake.  On  the  records  of  St. 
Michael's  and  Zion  Lutheran  Church,  Philadelphia,  for  February 
'5»  ^77^'  stands  the  marriage  by  Heinrich  Muhlenberg,  of 
"Primus,*'  and  "Polly"  Head,  negro  servants.'*  As  it  was  the 
custom  for  the  slave  to  take  the  family  name  of  the  master, 
Polly  probably  belonged  to  John  Head,  the  shipmaster  and  mer- 

rihant 
Quietly,  however,  all  this  time,  in  John  Woolman's  mind  was 
taking  shape  the  plan  for  his  departure  from  home  on  the  journey 
from  which  there  was  to  be  no  return,  although  as  yet,  he  only 
felt  that  it  must  be  done  when  the  right  time  came.  Meanwhile 
he  is  arranging  his  affairs,  is  building  Mary's  house  and  collecting 
nwncy  due  him.  He  made  an  arrangement  with  his  brother  Asher 
for  a  nursery  of  trees.  The  land  was  laid  out  and  the  survey  is 
described.    Asher  is  "to  have  the  ground  the  trees  grow  on  for 

•MS.    A.,  pp.  "i.  "4. 

•Tli«  oriifin«I  letter  is  tn  {vofKSMon  of  ejc- President  Caroline  Rtuanl,  of  Rbode 
tlind,  wbo  quote*  it  in  her  "Tbomafl  Hazard,  son  of  Robert,"  called  "College  Totn," 
^  tx.  The  mexnorandum  by  John  Comfort  in  the  Larger  Account  Book  abowi  a 
Prm«i  WUliamt  cmpiojred  hj  him  in  June,  tjff. 


ii8 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


4  years  from  the  25  of  4mo.  1771,  to  pay  me  for  them  sit 
Pounds  ten  shillings  in  two  years  from  the  above  date.  The  trees 
to  stand  at  owner *s  risque.'*  A  note  on  the  margin  reads :  "Ashei 
agreed  to  buy  trees  out  of  my  nursery,  and  give  up  this  distant 
bargain."  Was  it  prophetic,  this  cancelling  of  the  "distant  bar- 
gain"? 

During  this  summer  came  a  visitor  from  England  whose 
presence  was  likely  to  confirm  any  feeling  that  led  John  Woolman 
toward  Great  Britain  at  this  time  of  profound  social  unrest. 
Samuel  Neale"  (1729- 1792)  of  Dublin,  a  well-known  minister, 
was  in  the  neighborhood  and  his  Journal,  under  date  "7mo. 
1771,"  contains  the  following: 

"I  was  at  Rancocas  meeting,  .  .  .  Here  I  saw  John  Woolman 
the  first  time.  I  take  him  to  be  a  sweet,  clean-sprrited  Friend;  his 
unity  with  the  true  Seed  may  be  felt  by  his  savoury  conversation  and 
pious,  self-denying  life. 

24th.  Went  to  Mount  Holly  meeting,  where  very  many  Friends 
assembled  from  different  meetings.  .  »  .  I  was  much  afraid  of  this 
meeting,  as  they  have  had  great  privileges  by  favoured  instruments: 
here  lived  Abram  Farrington,"  and  to  this  meeting  belongs  that 
worthy,  exemplary  Friend.  John  Woolman,  whose  life  and  conversa- 
tion shines  in  Giristian  piety.  His  concern  is  to  lead  a  life  of  self- 
denial:  pomp  and  splendor  he  avoids;  docs  not  choose  to  use  silver  or 
useless  vessels  that  savour  of  the  pomp  of  this  world.  His  house  is 
very  plain,  his  living  also;  and  yet  he  enjoys  plenty  of  the  good  things' 
that  are  necessary  for  Christian  accommodation;  we  dined  with  him, 
and  were  kindly  entertained."* 

Finally,  in  the  late  winter  of  1771-2  John  Woolman  first  pub- 
licly announced  his  intention  of  visiting  England  by  requesting  a 
certificate  from  his  Monthly  Meeting  at  Burlington.  This  was 
granted  and  after  the  Quarterly  and  Yearly  Meetings  had  taken 
similar  action,  he  set  about  his  final  preparations.  On  lomo.  19, 
1771  he  closes  his  account  with  his  apprentice,  William  Lee,  who  1 
is  released.    The  last  memoranda  in  the  Account  Book  are: 


da  mo 

14    4     1772 

14 


4 


To  cash  left  in  my  hands  when  I  paid  poor  tax    3  lo 
To  4  Apple  trees  by  Timothy 3    51 


VI  JOHN  WOOLMAN  AS  SCHOOLMASTER         119 

Many  of  the  accounts  are  closed  and  marked  "settled."  On  the 
first  page,  in  a  blank  space,  is  this  last  and  toucliing    entry: 

"All  due  to  me  from  people  on  Acconipt  I  commit  to  the  Care  of 
John  Comfort  to  him  to  collect  the  same  in  a  neighborly  way  and 
apply  it  to  the  use  of  ray  Wife  and  his  Wife  and  the  rest  of  our 
Family,  as  he  may  find  Occasion.  John  Wool  man." 

r*  Now  was  written  his  farewell  "Epistle**  to  Friends  in  his 
native  land.  He  evidently  submitted  it,  as  had  been  the  case 
before  with  his  writings,  to  his  friend  Israel  Peniberton,"  for  the 
following  letter  in  acknowledgment  of  one  from  him>  probably 
refers  to  Israel  Pemberton's  information  that  a  vessel  is  in  port. 
He  writes: 

"Beloved  Friend 

Thine  by  J.  Comfort  came  to  hand.  It  would  be  agreeable  to 
my  mind  that  the  piece  be  handed  to  James,  &  if  no  objection  arise, 
to  its  being  after  opened  to  the  Meeting  for  Sufferings  that  it  be  also 
opened  there. 

As  my  mind  hath  been  more  particularly  drawn  toward  the 
Northern  parts  of  England,  I  do  not  yet  feel  Setled  to  sail  for  Lon- 
don; but  know  not  what  may  be  as  to  that. 

thy  loving  frd. 

John  Wooiman."  * 
da  mo 
15:    4     ^77'i 

There  is  no  day  of  the  month  noted  on  the  letter,  also  to 
Israel  Pemberton,  which  follows,  but  there  must  have  been  a  very 
L  short  interval  between  them.  Joseph  White**  lived  in  Bucks 
County,  across  the  river,  and  the  message  may  well  have  been 
|i  lugent,  for  time  grew  short.  Yet  the  visit  was  made.  The  elder 
L'  man  had  himself  returned  but  recently  from  England  and  prob- 
■Kibly  had  advice  to  give.  John  Wooiman  was  at  Reuben  Haines, °^ 
|KlD  Philadelphia,  when  he  wrote : 

I       "Bdovcd  friend 

I  believe  I  may  endeavour  to  see  Joseph  White  soon,  H  thou 
»nd  Such  in  this  City  who  are  careful  to  look  over  writings  propos* 

'  Tb«  original  i«  in  ihe  Fcmbcrtoii  Papers,  Vol.  XXIII,  114.  Historical  Society  of 
f<tttajlv«iua. 


I20  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN      chap. 


to  l>e  printed,  and  to  amend  what  may  be  imperfect,  would  employ  a 
little  time  in  correcting  that  piece,  and  afterwards  let  me  see  the 
prepar*  alterations,  it  would  be  acceptable  to  me  to  look  over  them. 

Though  I  know  not  how  it  may  be  as  to  the  sailing  in  this  Vessel, 
I  am  in  care  to  Endeavour  to  be  in  readiness  soon. 
Seventh  day  morning.  John  Woolman."  ^ 


I 


Soon  after  this,  and  while  he  was  still  in  Philadelphia,  Wool- 
man  learned  of  the  intention  of  Samuel  Emlen/  Jr.,  to  sail  for 
London  on  the  "Mary  and  Elizabeth."  The  Journal  tells  us 
explicitly  of  his  scruples  about  the  cabin,  and  why  he  felt  obliged, 
despite  his  friends'  remonstrances,  to  travel  in  the  steerage."  The 
inter\'iew  with  John  Head  °*  took  place  at  the  tatter's  house  on 
Second  Street,  nearly  opposite  Christ  Church. 

Having  made  all  his  simple  arrangements,  taken  passage  in 
the  steerage,  and  put  aboard  the  mattress  which  had  remained  at 
Reuben  Haines',  and  which  he  had  made  with  his  own  hands  for 
the  West  India  voyage,  he  spent  two  days  at  home,  taking  leave 
of  his  family.  In  this  interval  he  drew  a  Trust  Deed,  leaving 
his  property  in  the  hands  of  his  son-in-law's  father,  Stephen  Cora- 
fort,  of  Fallsington.**  The  existence  of  this  document  in  the 
Record  office  at  Trenton,  New  Jersey,  explains  perfectly  why  John 
Woolman's  mUl  has  never  been  fortlicoming,  and  also  why  there  is 
no  deed  for  the  properties  on  which  he,  and  also  his  daughter  and 
her  husband,  lived.  No  such  instrument  was  required  until  the  sale 
of  the  house  and  land  by  John  and  Mary  Comfort,  in  1791-  The 
absence  of  such  records  was  said  to  have  been  the  reason  that  the 
state  of  New  Jersey  gave  up  its  proposed  intention  to  buy  and 
preserve  the  present  Memorial,  several  years  ago.  The  wisdom 
shown  in  this  quiet  and  simple  method  of  disposing  of  his  prop- 
erty is  entirely  characteristic,  and  beyond  all  praise.  The 
strument  is  dated  27,  4mo,  1772.' 

One  or  two  letters  remained  on  his  mind,  for  there  was  to 
be  left  no  anxiety  or  thought  of  things  worldly,  or  that  bore  with 
the  least  weight  on  his  conscience.     He  remembered  that  his 


■ 


«^ 


'  Pemberton    Papers.    Vol.   xxiii.   p.    it?.      Historical   Socieiy    of   Prnnsylvania. 

*  The  first  two  paragraphs  are  not  it\  WiKtlman's  manuscript.  They  are  hardlif 
likely  to  have  been  lost,  and  appear  rather  to  have  been  inserted  by  the  first  editori«l 
committee. 

•  See  Appendix. 


VI 


JOHN  WOOLMAN  AS  SCHOOLMASTER         121 


» 


intimate  friend  Elizabeth  Smith/'  the  maiden  sister  of  Samuel  ** 
and  John,"  had  intended  to  travel  abroad  with  him  and  her  com- 
panion. Her  certificate  had  been  signed  in  the  meeting  by  him 
and  many  Friends,  and  she  was  then  laid  upon  a  bed  of  sick- 
ness which  proved  to  be  her  deathbed.  Yet  there  was  a  hesitation 
lest  he  had  not  been  "clear"  when  he  put  his  name  to  the  paper. 
The  Smiths  were  people  of  wealth  and  standing.  Elizabeth  had 
family  furniture  and  silver;  were  these  consistent?  So  he  wrote, 
calling  her  his  "beloved  sister/'  and  told  her  gently  of  his  "tender 
feeling"  with  her  in  her  outward  afflictions,  and  some  measure  of 
the  same  in  her  "inward  exercises."  He  continues — "In  the 
pure  and  undefiled  way,  that  which  is  not  of  the  Father  Ibut  of 
the  world  is  purged  out.  Christ  of  old  time  taught  the  people 
as  they  were  able  to  bear  it,  and  1  believe,  my  dear  friend,  there  are 
lessons  for  thee  and  I  (sic)  yet  to  learn.  Friends  from  the 
Country  and  in  the  Citty  are  often  at  thy  house,  and  when  they 
behold  amongst  thy  furniture  some  things  wliich  are  not  agreeable 
to  the  purity  of  Truth,  the  minds  of  some,  I  believe,  at  times  are 
in  danger  of  being  diverted  from  so  close  an  attention  to  the  Light 
of  Life  as  is  necessary  for  us. 

I  believe,  my  dear  friend,  the  Lord  hath  weaned  thy  mind 
in  a  gfreat  Measure  from  all  these  things,  and  when  I  Signed  thy 
Certificate,  Expressing  thee  to  be  exemplary,  I  had  regard  to  the 
State  of  thy  mind  as  it  appeared  to  me;  but  many  times  since  I 
Signed  it,  I  felt  a  desire  to  open  to  thee  a  reserve  which  I  then, 
and  Since  often  felt  as  to  the  Exemplariness  of  those  things 
amongst  thy  furniture  which  are  against  the  purity  of  our  prin- 
ciples. I  Trust  the  Great  Friend  and  Keeper  is  near  thee,  in 
Whose  Love  I  am  thy  friend. 

John  Woolman. 
da    mo 
^:  4:  1772 

I  desired  my  Wife  to  keep  this  letter  for  thee  when  she 
niight  see  tliee." 

Such  was  the  gentle  reproof  of  a  sincere  friend !  The  certifi- 
cate, the  letter  and  the  furniture  are  now  cherished  together.* 

*They  arc  all  in  poMcuion  of  the  editor,  to  whom  tbey  bare  come  hj  inberitaace. 
1W  cbaira  have  only  a  ibell  on  the  back  and  kncea,  and,  except  for  their  graceful 
Ai^t.  ttn  abaoloteljT  without  other  ornament. 


V         THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap.  " 

Another  letter  written  on  the  same  day  gives  a  parting  bless- 
ing to  John  and  Mary  Comfort.**  Their  first  child  was  born 
(ix  weeks  later. 


Ocar  Children: 

I  feel  a  tender  care  for  you  at  this  time  of  parting  from  you, 
»ndcr  this  care,  my  mind  is  turned  toward  the  pure  Light  of  Truth, 
|0  which  if  you  take  diligent  heed  I  trust  you  will  find  inward  Sup- 
port under  all  your  trials. 

My  leaving  you  under  the  trying  Circumstances  now  attending 
fou,  is  not  without  close  exercise  and  I  feel  a  living  concern,  that 
mdcr  these  cares  of  business,  and  under  bodily  affliction,  your  tninds 
[nny  be  brought  to  a  humble  waiting  on  Him  who  is  the  great 
icrvcr  of  his  people.     Your  loving  parent 

mo.  John  Woolman. 

[4-     i77^" 


la.  mc 

I' 


minds 
Pre^ 

J 


Two  more  days  in  Philadelphia,  after  parting  from  his  family 
the  early  dawn,  were  occupied  with  linal  prei>aratif»ns,  ani 
)nc  may  fancy  liow  his  friends  were  troubled  at  his  quiet  per 
Mstence  in  selecting  quarters  which  proved  to  be  far  more  uii- 
tomfortable  than  he  had  known.  Doubtless,  as  he  carried  with 
dim,  at  his  own  charges,  all  the  food  and  furnishings  necessary 
[or  the  voyage,  the  Friends  placed  for  his  comfort  some  of  the 
;)rovisions  and  remedies  with  which  they  desired  to  allay  the  dis- 
comforts and  inconveniences  before  him.  There  are  on  record 
many  long  lists  of  the  provisions  taken  abroad  in  the  vessels  of 
that  day  by  traveling  Friends.  They  are  curious  and  interesting, 
but  space  will  not  permit  an  example  here ;  there  is  no  list  of  Joha 
^Voolman's. 

Vessels  in  those  days  sailing  from  Philadelphia  usually  dropped 
iown  to  Chester  to  take  aboard  their  final  cargo  and  passengers, 
lifter  attending  Darby  Monthly  Meeting,  his  last  in  America, 
ivhere,  as  often,  his  tender  heart  yearned  over  the  young  people, 
fohn  Woolman  spent  the  night  with  his  friend  William  Home/' 
%t   Darby "   and   he  and    Sanuui    Enilen "   juined   the   ship    next 

'  Endoraed    "For    John    Comfort."     Size    s)^  X7    inches,     (Original    in    U'oolman 
^afifrt.    Historical    Societ)'   of   Pennsylvania.) 

*  Even  during  this  brief  stay,  John  Wnolnian  found  time  to  wtitc  a  letter  to  Isr«e) 

nbertoa.  wbkh  lie  left  with  William  Home  to  deliver  with  hit  own  hand*.     After 

uitlcM  attempt  to  do  so,  when  John  Pemberton  was  not  al  home,  W.  Home  finally 


n 


^  em 


t' 


John  Woolman  to  Elizabeth  Smith  of  Burlington,  N.  J.     1772. 

Oripinal  in   Poisession  of  the  Editor. 


J 


JOHN  WOOLMAN  AS  SCHOOLMASTER         123 


morning.  The  "Mary  and  Elizabeth"  *  was  a  fine  vessel  of  one 
hundred  and  eighty  tons,  built  in  Philadelphia,  and  owned  by 
Daniel  Mildred  ^'^  and  John  Roberts  *"  both  of  London,  and  John 
Head,'^*  the  prominent  shipping  merchant,  of  Philadelphia.  Her 
Captain,  James  Sparks,^  had  taken  over  many  traveling  preachers 
among  the  Quakers,  in  both  directions,  in  the  fifteen  or  twenty 
years  in  which  he  had  sailed  to  London. 

James  Pemberton,  writing  soon  after  to  his  business  corre- 
spondent, David  Barclay  [1728-1809],"  in  London  (smo.  i6j 
says— 

.  .  .  "Our  friend  Jno,  Woolman  embarked  with  Capt  Sparks  on 
a  religious  visit  to  some  parts  of  your  Island.  He  is  a  Friend  in  good 
Esteem  among  us,  of  blameless  Life,  a  good  understanding,  and  deep 
in  Spiritual  Experience,  tho'  Singular  in  his  Dress  &  deportment. 
Is  not  a  Censorious  Mind,  &  I  believe  apprehends  it  his  real  Duty  to 
appear  as  he  does. 

Samy  Enilen  also  Embarkt  in  the  same  Vessel  on  the  hke  busi- 
ness; he  is  known  well  among  you."* 

Thus  departed  from  his  native  shores,  one  whose  meek  spirit 
wa.s  greatly  burdened  with  the  weight  of  the  whole  social  structure. 
One  wonders  how  much  longer  he  could  have  kept  up  his  increas- 
ingly strict  manner  of  life.  He  finally  trod  among  his  fellows  a 
solitary  path,  abstaining  from  dyed  garments  because  of  the  in- 
creased labor  in  their  manufacture,  and  a  mistaken  idea  as  to 
cleanliness;    from   the   use   of    sugar   and  all   other    foods   that 


•  rwte  on  tb«  i6lh  of  stno.  ihat  he  was  enclosing  the  lellcr.  William  Home's  is  among 
the  Pcmberton  Papers  Vol.  XXIII.  p.  138,  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society.  John 
Woolman'a  ha«  disappeared. 

'  "Ship  Register*  of  tlie  Port  of  I'hilada."  Pcnna.  Magazine  of  History  and 
Bioftraphy.     Vol.  XXVII,  p.  495- 

Oeorge  Vaux,  a  dcscentlant  of  John  Head,  made  the  suggestion  that  the  ship  was 
doubtlris  named  for  the  first  and  second  wives  of  the  American  owner,  who  bitilt  her! 

*  Captain  Sparks  was  well  known  in  Philadelphia.  His  name  occurs  as  a  WanU-n 
ol  ChrMl  Church  in  that  city. 

*  David  Barclay  was  grandson  of  the  famous  apologist,  and  had  joined  Dr.  Franklin 
ind  Dr.  Foihergill  in  an  effort  (1765)  to  avert  tbc  American  Revolution. 

» Prmbertoo  Papers.  Vol.  23,  p.  164.  Historical  Society  Pennsylvania. 
A  letter  pre«erved  in  the  Devonshire  Ho»isc  Library.  London,  from  Thos.  Carleton, 
of  Kenoett,  Pa.,  to  his  cousin,  Klizabeth  Shacklcton,  of  Ballctorc,  Ire..  &mo.  19,  177a, 
«y»— ".  .  .  Robert  Willis  and  William  Hunt  have  been  on  a  visit  to  your  Nation,  and 
thrac  other  Friends  left  us  lately  on  the  same  account,  viz.:  Sarah  Morris,  John 
Woolnwn  and  Samuel  Lmlin.  .  .  .  Tbo'  there  may  appear  something  of  tingularity  in 
wme  of  then,  yet  Wisdom  is  justified  of  her  children." 


L 


124  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN  chap,  vi 

were  then  the  products  of  slave  labor;  from  riding  or  driving 
horses,  in  an  endeavor  to  sympathize  with  the  poor  and  persecuted 
wayfarers,  and  writing  little  when  abroad,  and  then  only  on  scraps 
of  paper,  that  the  post-boy's  labor  might  be  light.  Singular  and 
abstemious,  allowing  himself  but  little  comfort,  there  is  no  doubt 
that  when  he  sailed,  extreme  anaemia  was  wearing  his  life  away. 


CHAPTER  VII 


1772 


THE   VOYAGE,    ENGLISH    JOURNEY,    AND   DEATH 

This  edition  reproduces  the  Journal  of  the  voyage  to  England 
in  its  original  form,  and  as  thus  given,  it  largely  explains  itself. 
The  Uttle  blue,  paper-covered  book,  worn  by  being  carried  in  the 
pocket,  evidently  made  by  liimself  and  stitched  together  for  con- 
venient size,  presents  a  vivid  picture  of  John  Wunlman's  experi- 
ence at  sea.  The  ship's  company  numbered  about  thirty.  None  of 
the  fellow  passengers  whom  he  names  were  strangers  to  him. 
Sarah  Logan,'^'*  whose  maid  accompanied  her,  was  the  young 
vidow  of  William  Logan,  Junior  (1747-1772),  returning  to  her 
home  in  England  and  leaving  a  young  child  behind  her  to  be 
brought  up  under  the  care  of  the  grandparents,  William  and  Han- 
nah (Emlen)  Logan,  Young  Doctor  Adams  *"^  was  returning  to 
his  home  in  Bristol,  where  he  was  doubtless  intimate  with  the 
Logans  there,  and  he  and  Samuel  Emlen, ^  who  was  a  relative. 
served  as  her  escort.  No  other  woman  is  named,  and  we  hear 
no  more  of  the  young  widow  of  only  three  months.  James 
Re>nolds  '^  may  liave  belonged  to  the  Bristol  (England)  family  of 
Reynolds,  but  is  more  likely  to  have  come  from  Mount  Holly, 
where  John  Wool  man  had  been  conveyancer  for  several  of  the 
family  of  that  name.  If  so,  he  was  a  brother-in-law  of  John 
Bispham,*'  who  was  Woo!mao's  intimate  friend  and  neighbor. 
John  Bispham  is  not  named  in  the  English  Journal  as  his  ac- 
credited companion — indeed  it  does  not  appear  that  Woolman  had 
any — but  he  was  in  London  with  him,  and  was  sent  for  when 
Woolman  lay  dying  at  York,  and  remained  with  him  to  the  end- 

Al though  it  is  probable  that  the  sailors  on  this  ship  under 
Captjain  .Sparks  were  superior  to  the  average  seamen  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  as  they  are  described  by  Defoe  and  Smollett, 
nevertheless  their  surroundings  were  unspeakably  bad,  and  their 

"5 


ibeW 


126  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


habits  were  coarse  and  brutal  beyond  belief.  Woolman  deeply 
sympathized  with  the  sailors  in  their  discomforts,  holding  meetings 
with  them  and  gaining  their  confidence  in  private  conversations. 
He  labored  to  teach  the  men  a  due  regard  for  their  fellow  crea- 
tures, and  yearned  over  the  five  lads — three  of  them  educated  as 
Friends — who  were  learning  the  trade,  as  though  they  were  his 
own  children.  "How  lamentable,"  he  wrote  at  sea,  "is  tb^ 
corruption  of  the  world." 

Always  observant  of  natural  phenomena,  Woolman  descri 
the  nightly  phosphorescence  on  the  waves,  and  writes  of  the 
corposant  at  the  mast  head.  He  studies  the  direction  of  the; 
winds,  and  notes  the  changes  of  the  vessel's  course.  But  his 
chief  concern  is  with  his  fellowman,  and  Ills  heart  yearns  over 
the  tribulations  of  the  sailors.  The  little  Essay  "On  a  Sailor's 
Life"  was  written  at  sea. 

They  sighted  land  on  the  second  of  June  and  took  their  pilot 
on  the  fourth.  Unwilling  to  post  with  Samuel  Emien  ^  from 
Dover  up  to  London,  John  Woolman  remained  with  the  ship 
until  she  reached  her  dock,  and  then  hastened  to  the  Yearly 
Meeting  not  long  after  it  had  gathered.  Head  winds  had  delayed 
them  up  the  Thames,  and  it  was  "Fifth  day,  the  eighth  of  the 
sixth  month,"  after  a  fair  voyage  of  five  weeks,  that  he  landed.  It 
is  remarkable  that  he  left  on  shipboard  the  mattress  which  he 
had  made,  and  some  other  articles,  to  he  taken  l>ack  on  the  return 
voyage  to  lais  cousin  Reuben  Haines  '^  in  Philadelphia,  as  thoi 
he  knew  that  they  would  not  again  be  required. 

The  Yearly  Meeting  was  sitting  at  Devonshire  House, 
knowing  that  he  would  be  late,  he  hurried  to  reach  the  first  sessio^^ 
His   unannounced   entrance   and   his   pecuhar   appearance   we^| 
doubtless   starth'ng   to   the   cultivated   and   conventional    London    ' 
Friends.     Their  alarm  may  be  better  understood  when  we  recall 
how  often  in  the  past  they  had  been  obliged  to  deal  with  itinerant 
entliusiasts.     A  hasty  toilet  in  the  crowded  steerage,  with  little 
manifestation  of  his  customary  scrupulous  cleanliness,  had  em- 
phasized the  peculiarit>^  of  his  undyed  clothings  made  by  his  own 
hand;  and  one  needs  no  effort  of  the  imagination  to  understand 
why  this  curious-looking  late  comer  should  have  met  with  a  cool 
reception.      The   presentation   of    his    certificate    from    liis   own 
Meeting  and  the  Friends  in  America  did  not  remove  their  doubts, 


an^^ 


VII     VOYAGE,  ENGLISH  JOURNEY,  AND  DEATH    127 

and  some  one  rernarked  that  "perhaps  the  stranger  Friend  might 
feel  that  his  dedication  of  himself  to  this  apprehended  service 
was  accepted,  without  further  labour,  and  that  he  might  now  feel 
tree  to  return  to  his  home." 

John  Woolman  was  profoundly  moved,  even  to  tears,  at  this 
cold  reception,  for  which,  after  much  sacrifice  and  long  travel  in 
the  love  of  the  Gospel,  his  sensitive  and  innocent  mind  was  quite 
unprepared.  After  sitting  long  in  silence  he  rose  and  stated 
tliat  he  could  not  feel  himself  released  from  his  prospect  of  labour 
in  England.  Yet  he  could  not  travel  in  the  ministry  without 
the  consent  of  Friends,  nor  would  he  be  at  any  cost  to  them  under 
those  circumstances.  He  could  not  return  home;  but  he  was 
acquainted  with  a  mechanical  trade,  and  while  the  impediment  con- 
tinued, he  desired  that  he  might  be  given  employment,  that  he 
might  not  he  chargeable  to  any.  During  the  deep  silence  which 
followed  the  gentle  stranger's  touching  words,  he  again  rose,  and 
the  powerful  sermon  which  he  preached  removed  the  last  linger- 
ing doubt  as  to  the  authority  for  his  message.  The  Friend  who 
had  advised  him  to  return,  rose,  confessed  himself  in  error,  and 
expressed  his  full  approval  of  the  stranger.  There  was  a  general 
agreement  and  sympathy  with  him  and  at  once  "welcomed  and 
owned  by  his  brethren,  John  Woolman  passed  on  to  his  work."  ^ 

The  Meeting  endorsed  him  before  its  close  as  follows : 

"Minute  of  Yearly  Meeting  of  Ministers  and  Elders,  London 
Second  Day  Morning  the  8lh  of  6t;h  mo.  1772. 
A  Certificate  from  the  Monthly  Meeting  of  Burlington  for  New 
Jersey  in  America  dated  the  6th  ist  Mo.  last  on  behalf  of  our  Friend 
John  Woolman  backed  at  the  Quarterly  Meeting  held  at  the  same 
place  the  24th  2nd  Mo.  last  also  a  Certificate  from  the  Spring  Meeting 
of  Ministers  and  Elders  held  at  Philadelphia  for  Pennsylvania  & 
New  Jersey  in  the  3rd  Mo  last  on  behalf  of  our  said  Friend  addressed 
to  Friends  in  Yorkshire  or  elsewhere  in  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  or 
Holland,  were  read,  importing  said  Meetings  unity  with  our  said 
Friend  as  a  Minister  &  under  his  present  concern," 

This  Yearly  Meeting,  in  Wnolman's  presence,  passed  a 
minute  against  holding  negroes  in  bondage. 

'  The  poet  WbiUicr.  from  whose  account  the  above  anecdote  is  taken,  vouches  for 
ria  accuracy.  Hia  authority,  William  J.  Allmson,  as  editor  o(  the  "Memorials"  of 
Rebecca  Jones,  bad  many  opportunities  for  obtaining  the  facts.  In  an  interview  later, 
Woolman  is  said   to  have  remarked,   "he  had  better  go  u  be   was." 


4 


128  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

Letters  from  several  Friends  who  were  present  and  witnessed 
John  Woolnian's  reception  in  London,  have  come  to  light  and  are 
of  much  interest.  John  Kendall  wrote  John  Pemberton  after- 
wards, "15  of  7mo.  1772.  It  will  be  pleasing  to  thee  to  hear  that 
our  Yearly  Meeting  was  held  to  good  satisfaction.  .  .  .  Many 
valuable  Friends  were  present  from  most  parts  of  the  nation,  and 
no  less  than  seven  from  America,  whose  company  was  truly  ac^ 
ceptable."  ^  While  the  sessions  were  going  on,  Dr.  John  Fother- 
gill  wrote  his  brother  Samuel,  on  the  ninth.  "John  Woitlman  is 
solid  and  weighty  in  his  remarks.  I  wish  he  could  be  cured  of 
some  singularitys.  But  his  real  worth  outweighs  the  trash." ' 
Daniel  Mildred,'*  an  owner  of  the  *'Mary  and  Elizabeth,**  wrote 
J.  Pemberton  on  the  first  of  July,  enclosing  a  copy  of  the  Yearly 
Meeting's  "Epistle"  to  Friends,  and  said:  "We  were  favoured 
with  the  company  of  several  valuable  Friends  from  your  parts, — 
William  Hunt,"*  Sarah  ®'  and  Deborah  Morris,  Samuel  Hnilen/  and 
John  Woolman.  The  last  two  just  reached  it  in  time.  .  .  . 
John  Woolman  is  gone  northward.  His  peculiar  Habit  may  render 
him  disagreeable  to  some  few,  but  there  is  that,  I  think,  which 
attends  his  Words,  both  in  Testimony  and  Private  Converse,  which 
will  make  its  Way  wherever  he  goes."  "  The  same  liand  writes 
for  the  firm,  adding  to  business  correspondence,  in  the  more 
leisurely  fashion  of  the  earlier  day,  a  line  or  two  of  news: 
"London,  16  of  7  mo.  1772.  Our  worthy  Friends,  John  Wool- 
man  and  Samuel  Emlen  ^  arrived  safe  &  have  been  very  acceptable 
here  and  since  our  Yearly  Meeting.  John  Woolman  went  for  the 
north,  and  William  Hunt'  and  companion*'  (Th.  Thornborough ) 
intend  for  Holland,  where  our  worthy  Friend  Sam^  Emlen  in^ 
tends  to  accompany  them. 

(Signed)     Mildred  and  Roberts.*'* 


I 


The  Diary  of   Elihu   Robinson^   for   1772  gives  an  account 
of  the  Yearly  Meeting  of  that  date,  and  some  idea  of  the  sub- 


»  MS.  Letter  of  Jolin  Kendall.  Friends'  Library,  Phila.  George  Vaux  Letter- 
Book. 

■  MS.   Letter,   Friends'    Library,   Devonshire   House,    London.      For   Pother^ll, 
Life,  by   Dr.   R.   H.   Fox. 

•Pemberton  Letters.     Vol.   XXII[.  p.   i6j.     Historical  Society  of  Penn^ylvani 

*  Ibid.,    p.    174. 

•  Elihu  Robinjioo  (1734-1800),  A  Friend  of  Easlesfield,  Cvmil»crl»nd. 
Meteorologist.  Married,  t^i^^.  Ruth  Mark.  MS.  Diary  in  Devonshire  Hous*' 
Library,   London. 


>  aw     I 


\ 


T 


VII     VOYAGE.  ENGLISH  JOURNEY.  AND  DEATH    129 

stance  of  Woolman's  sermons.  "Our  F'^  John  Woolman  from 
Jersey  made  some  pertinent  remarks  in  this  Meet"  as  in  many 
otJiers,  and  tho  y^  singularity  of  his  appearance  might  in  some 
Meet*"  Draw  y"  Attention  of  y'  Youth  and  even  cause  a  Change 
of  Countenance  in  some,  Yet  y*  simplicity,  solidity  and  Clearness 
of  many  of  his  Remarks  made  all  these  Vanish  as  Mists  at  y"  Sun's 
Rising.  He  made  sev^  beautiful  rem'"  in  this  Meet*  with  resp*  to 
y'  benefit  of  true  Silence,  and  how  Incense  ascended  on  y° 
Oppening  (sic)  of  y*  7th  Seal,  and  there  was  Silence  in  heaven 
for  y*  space  of  half  an  hour,  &c.  .  .  .  ist.  Day  Week.  At  10  At 
y  M.  for  W(omen)  at  Devon*  appeared  J.  Woolman,  from 
America,  in  a  lively  Testimony,  observ*  Divine  Love  was  yet 
able  to  cleanse  from  all  Fillhiness  of  Flesh  and  Spirit,  which  must 
in  Degree  be  witnessed  before  we  could  Experience  an  Union 
with  y*  Divine  Nature,  for  God  did  not  Unite  with  any  (thing) 
Contrary  to  his  Nature, — Christ  with  Belial,  Nor  y**  Temple 
of  God  with  Idols,  desiring  all  might  endeavour  after 
that  purity  (of)  Heart  so  necess'^  connected  with  our  Happi- 
ness/' 

One  feels  grateful  to  those  "sincere-hearted  Friends"  in  whose 
company  Woolman  writes  his  wife  that  he  had  been  "comforted." 
In  the  four  months  of  service  before  him  he  was  to  win  over  the 
great  majority  of  those  who  most  strongly  objected  to  his  remark- 
able singularity  of  appearance  and  behaviour,  which  in  another 
would  have  interfered  with  the  reception  of  his  message.  The 
authority  for  that  message  could  have  had  no  higher  testimony. 
There  was  quite  a  group  of  English  Friends  in  London  at  this  time 
who  had  met  Woolman  at  home,  and  had  visited  him.  None  knew 
better  than  these  his  sincerity  and  influence,  and  they  extended 
to  him  invitations  to  visit  them  on  the  northern  journey  upon 
which  he  was  setting  out.  Many  of  these  were  accepted,  as  the 
itinerary  will  show. 

Some  years  after  his  death  a  Minister  of  Devonshire  House 
Meeting,  London,  John  Horn  [1738- 1805]  wrote  a  friend  who 
made  a  rationalistic  intcrprtiali<ni  of  the  New  Testament,  "Thou 
mentioned  John  Woolman.  I  think,  if  I  understood  thee  right, 
thou  thought  Fr'ds  should  look  favorably  toward  thee  in  dissenting 
in  belief  from  them,  as  John  Woolman  had  some  singularities.    I 


kMi 


4 


I30  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

acknowledge  he  had  some,  yet  I  believe  he  had  been  building 

on  a  sure  foundation."  * 

During  his  brief  stay  in  London,  John  Woolman's  home  was 
with  John  Townsend,**  a  hospitable  Friend,  as  humble-minded 
as  his  guest,  who  followed  the  trade  of  pewterer,  and  lived  in 
Prescot  Street,  Goodman's  Fields.  While  here  Woolman  wrote 
several  letters  home  to  America.  The  first  of  these  was  to  his 
wife:* 


111 

>te    j 
tiis  J 


"Dear  Wife 

Through  the  mercies  of  the  Lord  I  arived  safe  in  London  on 
the  8  da.  6mo.  I  was  mercifully  helped  to  bear  the  difficulties  of  the 
Sea,  and  went  strait  from  the  water  Side  into  the  yearly  meeting  of 
ministers  and  elders  after  it  was  Setlcd  in  the  morning :  And  the 
meeting  of  business  was  first  opened  the  same  day  in  the  Afternoon. 
My  heart  hath  been  often  melted  into  contrition  since  I  left  thee, 
under  a  Sence  of  divine  goodness  being  extended  for  my  help  and 
preparing  in  me  a  Subjection  to  his  will.  I  have  been  comforted  in 
the  company  of  some  Sincere  hearted  Friends.  The  yearly  meeting  of 
business  ended  about  three  hours  ago,  and  I  have  thoughts  of  going 
in  a  few  days  out  of  this  Citty  towards  Yorkshire:  taking  some 
meetings  in  my  way,  if  Strengthened  thereto. 

The  tender  concern  which  I  have  many  times  felt  for  thee,  and 
for  Mary  and  for  John,  and  even  for  Betsy,  I  may  not  easily  express. 
I  have  often  remembered  you  with  tears;  and  my  desires  have  been 
that  the  Lord,  who  hath  been  my  helper  through  many  Adversities, 
may  be  a  Father  to  you,  and  that  in  his  love,  you  may  be  guidod 
Safely  along. 

Roh*.  Willis,"  Sarah  Morris**  and  Companion,  W.  Hunt*  &  Com- 
panion, and  S.  Emlen,^  all  here  and  midling  well.  Robert,  going,  I 
expect,  for  Ireland,  and  W.  Hunt  &  compan",  I  expect,  for  Holland. 
Several  friends  rcracmb''  kind  love  to  thee.  My  kind  love  is  lo  n^ 
dear  friends. 

da    mo  John  Woolman." 

13:    6: 


Next  day  he  wrote  to  his  cousins,   Reuben  and   Margaret 
Haines,'*^  of  Philadelphia:*'' 


*  Contributed   bf   Dr.   R.   Hingston    Fox,    of    London. 
•Original  copy    in    MS.   A.,   p.   a88. 

•  Sre     Biog.,     Note     51.       Tlie     original     leltcr     lias     not     appcarc<1.       This 
ia  taken    from   Friend*'    Miscellany,    Vol.    I.   p.    9.    where   John    Comly's   note   t»j*   It 
was    written    on    one-eighth    of    a    sheet    of    foolscap    writing    paper.      It    is    said 
John    Woolman   that   onc<^    being  apjKtintcd  by  3urIkigton   monthly   meeting   to 


r 


VOYAGE.  ENGLISH  JOURNEY,  AND  DEATH    131 


^  "da  mo 

Cousins  Reuben  and  Margaret,  14   6    1772 

I  am  middling  well,  in  London,  and  believe  I  may  go  northward 

in  a  few  days.    Your  care  for  me  toward  parting  hath  felt  inwardly 

leathering  toward  the  true  union  in  which  I  hope  we  may  at  last 

Dnite. 

My  heart  hath  been  often  contrite  since  I  saw  you;  and  I  now 

remember  you  with  tears. 

John  Woolman. 

My  friend  Suse,  and  my  little  cousins,  I  remember  you  all." 

P^Dhn  Woolnian,  Junior,  to  vvln>ni  the  third  letter  ^  was  ad- 
dressed, was  the  son  of  his  brother  Abner  Woolman,  who  had 
died  a  year  before,  leaving  a  wife  and  several  young  children. 
Abner  was  a  sweet-spirited  young  man  to  whom  John  Woolman 
was  tenderly  attached.  He  had  given  especial  care  to  the  widow, 
and  to  her  children,  whom  he  had  taugtit  in  his  school.  The  terms 
pfu^U'  and  cousin  at  this  time  were  interchangeable,- 


da  mo 

"London  14:  6:  1772 


"I  have  often  felt  tender  desires  that  my  cousin,  John  Woolman, 
Inay  be  preserved  in  a  watchful  frame  of  mind,  and  know  that  which 
•upports  innocent  young  people  against  the  Snares  of  the  Wicked. 

The  deep  Tryals  of  thy  Father  and  his  inward  care  for  you  are 
Dftcn  in  my  rememhrance,  with  some  Concern  that  you,  bis  children, 
Inay  be  acquainted  with  that  inward  life  to  which  his  mind,  whilst 
Imofig  us,  was  often  gathered. 

'  John  Woolman. 

for  John  Woolman,  Junr." 

^^ut  Woolman's  call  was  to  the  North,  and  he  did  not  linger 
in  London  after  the  close  of  the  Yearly  Meeting.  On  the  fifteenth 
began  his  long  walk  into  Yorkshire;  his  itinerary  is  not  fully  out- 
pare  a  c«rti£cale  of  removal,  be  used  a  pkce  of  paper  of  smaller  size  than  usual. 
fkken  to  task  for  hia  paraiinony  therein,  he  modestJy  answered,  "]  never  found  any 
^rtler  rule  than  eHongh." 

'  The   oncinal   of    this   Idler    is    in    the    Library    of    Haverford    College,    Haverford, 


b 


*Jotin  Gardiner,  of  Burlington,   N.   J.,  in   his  will,  Nov.  9,   1694,  divides  hia  real 
persooat   property   between   "my  young  coujins,  the  cbildreo   of  my   brothers  4 
N.  J.  Archives,  XXll.  p.  178. 


132  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

lined  in  the  Journal.  Writing  John's  brother,  Uriah  Woohnan," 
on  the  2 1  St,  William  Hunt,'  then  at  Colchester,  said  of  him,  "We 
parted  from  dear  cousin  John  Woolman  two  days  since.  He  was 
then  as  well  as  usual.  He  has  great  and  acceptable  service  here. 
The  singularity  of  his  appearance  is  not  only  strange,  but  very 
exercising  to  many  valuable  Friends,  who  have  had  several  oppor- 
tunities of  conference  with  him.  Some  are  still  dissatisfied; 
others  are  willing  to  leave  it.  The  purity  of  his  ministry  gains 
universal  approbation.  I  hope  he  stands  on  that  Foundation 
which  will  bear  him  through  it  all.  He  is  now  gone  towanf 
Yorkshire."  ^ 

Not  all  of  the  Friends,  however,  whom  Woolman  visited  could 
cast  off  the  feeling  of  doubt  induced  by  his  peculiarities  of  dress 
and  manner,  and  his  visits  have  been  recorded  in  singularly  few 
of  the  meetings  which  he  attended.  The  Quarterly  Meeting  at 
Banbury  was  an  exception : 

"Oxfordshire  Quarterly  Meeting  held  at  Banbury,  according  to 
appointment,  this  30th.  day  of  y*  6th  month,  1772  ....  We  were 
favoured  with  the  Company  of  our  Friend,  John  Woolman  from 
America  who  produced  a  certificate  from  the  Monthly  Meet*  of  Bur- 
lington in  New  Jersey  endorsed  by  the  quarterly  Meet*  of  y'  same 
province  &  likewise  another  from  y'  General  Spring  Meet*  of  Min- 
isters and  Elders  held  at  Philadelphia  dated  the  21st  of  the  3rd  Month 
1772,  which  Certificates  as  well  as  his  Visit  to  us  were  very  accept- 
able." He  went  into  the  women's  meeting  and  preached  them  a  mov- 
ing sermon,  which  they  thus  record — 

"39th.  6mo.  1772.  We  have  had  a  very  comfortable  visit  from 
our  Friend  John  Woolman  from  America,  whose  tender  advice  and 
exhortation  to  Friends  in  General  and  the  Youth  in  particular  will, 
we  earnestly  hope,  remain  sealed  upon  the  minds  of  all  present"* 

It  took  Woolman  about  six  weeks  to  reach  the  borders  of 
Yorkshire,  and  he  appears  to  have  rested  for  a  time  at  John 
Haslam's,*'  at  Handsworth  Woodhouse.  From  this  refuge  are 
dated  three  morfr  of  Woolman's  brief  notes  to  his  friends.  He 
writes  his  former  host  in  London,  under  date :  * 

»"Friendi'   Miscellany,"  Vol.   I,   p.   190. 

■Oxfordihire  Quarterly  Meeting  Book,  at  Reading.  Private  letter,  Idndneis  of 
Wm.  C  Braithwaite. 

'The   original  is   in    Friends'    Library,    Devonshire    House,    London. 


IP     VOYAGE,  ENGLISH  JOURNEY,  AND  DEATH    133 

"da  mo 

i  31    7    1772 

Idoved  Friend: 

I  am  now  at  John  Haslam's  on  the  edge  of  Yorkshire,  midling 
in  health.    Sarah  Morris  and  her  companion  were  midling  well 
yesterday.    If  thou  will  keep  the  within  letter  until  thou  hast 
lient  opportunity  to  send  it,  it  will  be  acceptable  to  me.    I  feel 
as  to  hearing  from  the  family  I  left  in  America. 
With  true  love  to  thee  and  thy  wife  and  children 
I  remain  thy  f  rd. 

John  Woolmaa. 
For  John  Townsend  ** 
Pfewterer,  in  Prescot  street,  Goodman's  Fields,  London." 


The  letter  which  was  enclosed  was  undoubtedly  the  following 

to  his  wife,  since  it  bears  the  same  date :  ^ 

"My  dear  wife. 

Though  I  feel  in  a  good  degree  resigned  in  being  absent  from 
70a,  my  heart  is  often  tenderly  Affected  toward  you,  and  even  to 
weeping  this  morning,  while  I  am  about  to  write. 

The  numerous  difficulties  attending  us  in  this  life  are  often  before 
me,  and  I  often  remember  thee  with  tender  desires  that  the  holy 
Spirit  may  be  thy  leader,  and  my  leader  through  life,  and  that  at  last 
we  may  enter  into  rest. 

My  journey  hath  been  through  inward  watchfulness,  I  see  but  a 
little  way  at  a  time,  but  the  Lord  hath  been  gracious  to  me,  and  way 
opens  for  my  Visit  in  these  parts. 

Thy  loving  Husband 

John  Woolman. 
about  160  miles  northward  from  London 
da     mo 
31:    7:     1772 

For  Sarah  Woolman." 


The  third  letter  was  to  his  cousins  Haines"  in  Philadelphia, 
Under  the  same  date :  ^ 

'Origiiul  in  IVootman  Papers,  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania.  It  is  written 
00  a  verjr  small  sheet,  measuring  only  four  by  six  inches. 

■The  original  is  probably  lost.  Text  is  from  Comly's  "Friends'  Miscellany/' 
Vol  I,  p.  9. 


134  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       cm 

"da    mo 
Beloved  Cousins,  ^^''    7-     ^77^ 

I  am  now  at  our  ancient  friend,  John  Haslam's,  whose  memory 
is  much  impaired  by  the  palsy;  but  he  appears  to  be  in  a  meek, 
quiet  state;  about  one  hundred  and  sixty  miles  northward  of  London. 
My  journeying  hath  been  through  much  inward  watchfulness.  I 
cannot  see  far  before  me;  but  the  Lord,  in  tender  mercy,  hath  been 
gracious  to  me,  and  way  opens  for  my  visit  among  Friends. 

Friends  from  America,  on  visits  here,  were  all  midling  well  lately. 

I  send  no  letters  by  post  here,  nor  do  I  want  any  sent  to  me  by 
post 

I  feel  a  care  that  we  humbly  follow  the  pure  leadings  of  Ti 
and  then,  I  trust,  all  will  work  for  good. 

Your  loving  cousin, 

John  Woolman." 

From  John  Haslam's"  Woolman  pursued  liis  way  through 
the  West  Riding  of  Yorkshire,  makitig  a  detour  into  Westmore- 
land with  the  evident  desire  to  examine  for  himself  conditions 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  great  manufacturing  centres.  The 
enclosure  of  the  English  commons  was  producing  the  disastrous 
results  which  are  familiar  today  to  students  of  the  history  of 
economics;  while  the  introduction  of  machinery  into  the  great 
mills  of  England  was  to  result  in  the  riots  among  the  laboring 
classes,  some  intimations  of  which  must  have  been  familiar  to 
Woolman,  even  before  he  left  home.  His  "concern"  had  been  al- 
together toward  the  northern  counties,  and  especially  Yorkshire. 
That  he  was  familiar  with  the  liistory  of  the  labour  disturbances 
is  certain.  Many  members  of  his  home  meeting  and  of  others 
among  his  neighbors  had  come  from  that  county,  and  had  kept  in 
close  touch  with  relatives  at  home.  The  Stacys,  Prouds,  Smiths 
— to  name  but  a  few  at  random — were  fully  informed  of  the 
situation,  and  Woolman  was  too  deeply  filled  with  sympathy  for 
the  village  laborer,  that  obscure  individual,  on  the  subject  of 
whose  wrongs  history  is  so  strangely  silent,  not  to  feel  drawn 
toward  the  scene  of  his  trials. 

Reference  to  his  Essays,  and  to  the  observations  he  makes  in 
his  Journal  upon  the  cost  of  living  among  these  people,  show  that 
he  was  continually  studying  the  conditions  under  which  the  poor 
were  struggling.     One  feels  sure  that  he  had  read  the  writings 


vu     VOYAGE,  ENGLISH  JOURNEY,  AND  DEATH    135 

of  the  Quaker  economist,  John  Bellers,*  whose  pamphlets  were 
in  the  libraries  of  which  we  know  tliat  he  made  such  good  use. 
Bellers  wrote,  "The  poor  are  like  rough  diamonds;  their  worth 
is  unknown.  .    .   .  Regularly  labouring  people  are  the  Kingdom's 
greatest  treasure  and  strength.     Without  labourers  there  can  be 
no  Lords,  .    .   -  Land  without  people  is  of  no  worth.    And  this 
Treasure  are  the  Poor;  but  the  polishing  of  these  rough  diamonds, 
that  their  Lustre  may  appear,  is  a  subject  highly  worth  the  Con- 
sideration &  endeavour  of  our  greatest  Statesmen  and  Senators." 
John  Woolman  had  always  advocated  an  agricultural  life  for 
most  men,  although  he  acknowledged  the  necessity  for  the  learned 
callings,  and  those  interests  which  placed  the  manufacturers  in 
groups  and  the  statesmen  in  centralized  municipalities.    He  could 
not  learn  of   tlie  dispossession  of   the  ancient,  self -maintaining 
families  of  respectability,  living  for  centuries  in  tlie  English  dales 
or  on  their  small  homesteads  where  the  interest  of  the  little  com- 
munity in  the  soil  had  become  vital,  without  a  pang  of  grief  at 
their  helpless  condition  when  turned  loose  upon  the  cold  world  of 
trade.    The  Enclosure  Act  took  over  a  large  part  of  the  common 
lands.*    The  isolation  of  the  poor  was  to  become  more  and  more 
pronounced,  and  the  English  peasant,  a  part  of  the  soil  and  back- 
bone of  England,  with  his  communal  interests,  and  ancient  inde- 
pcndert  rights,  was  to  deteriorate  into  the  English  laborer  in  the 
factories,  owning  not  a  foot  of  soil  out  of  which  early  owner- 
ship,  integrity  and  independence  seemed  to  grow,  and  roaming 
about  from  one  crowded  town  to  another,  seeking  work  wherever 
were  paid  the  highest  wages,  and  quite  irresponsible  in  his  personal 
conduct,  which  was  of  the  worst. 

Nothing  could  have  more  strongly  appealed  to  the  Quaker 
philanthropist  than  these  conditions.  In  the  West  Riding  of 
Yorkshire,  toward  the  end  of  tlie  eighteenth  century,  there  were 
five  hundred  broadcloth  and  blanket  factories,  and  "over  thirty 
thousand  families  whose  livelihood  depended  upon  the  trade  in 
wool."  '    For  generations  Woolnian's  own  family  had  been  weavers 

*  John  Bellers,  Quaker  economist,  wrote  bis  "Propoaals  for  Raising  a  Collcae 
of  Indufttrr"  in  1696.  He  gave  Thotnaa  Budd,  gin  1685,  a  Power  o<  Attorney  to 
lake  ap  s.600  acres  in  Burlington  County,  and  town  lota  for  10  familiei. 

■  Johnson,  "Disappearance  of  the  Small  Landowner,"  says  that  nearly  twenty 
per  rent  of  the  toul  acreage  of  England  bad  been  eocloied  by  the  end  of  the   i8lh 

itUTf. 

•G,   O.  Trctrclyan,  "George   III  and  Charles  Janes  Fox,"   Vul.  II,  p.   14. 


1 

i 


1 


136  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

and  he  knew,  as  none  of  his  wealthier  companions  in  the  min- 
istry, then  in  England  with  him,  could  know,  what  were  the 
privileges  of  the  independent  weaver  at  his  own  loom,  witli  the 
ownership  of  a  few  acres  of  soil  to  support  a  family.  His 
"Conversation  between  a  Rich  Man  and  a  Laboring  Man"  was 
his  most  recent  production,  and  his  sound  mind  was  engaged  upon 
a  problem  which  was  fundamental.  Never  willing  to  take  at 
second  hand  what  could  be  come  at  by  his  own  personal  eflfort,  one 
can  readily  understand  John  Woolman's  desire  to  go  to  York- 
shire and  learn  for  himself  the  true  facts  in  the  case. 

No  one  who  has  enjoyed  the  keen  pleasure  of  journeys  afoot  ifl 
foreign  lands,  before  the  horrors  of  the  Great  War  ruined  the 
face  of  many  a  peaceful  landscape,  can  fail  to  comprehend  the 
rare  opportunities  which  must  have  offered  themselves  to  Wool- 
man  as  he  followed  this  ideal  method  of  first-hand  study.  Chats, 
at  the  well-curb  and  in  the  byre  and  about  the  hearth  at  nightfall^ 
gave  him  opportunity  to  gain  the  facts  he  sought,  and  to  drop  a 
word  of  Gospel  cheer  and  comfort  or  warning,  in  his  own  inimi- 
table, gentle  way.  He  loved  the  "clean  country"  as  he  called  it, 
and  suffered  correspondingly  when,  in  the  densely  built  and 
filtliy  alleys  of  the  doth  factories  of  the  towns,  and  near  the  fields 
where  the  dyes  had  drained  away,  he  was  obliged  to  step  care- 
fully when  "travelling  in  dirtiness,"  assailed  by  smells  and  sights 
and  sounds  offensive  to  every  one  of  his  senses.  He  knew  what 
the  cottagers  ate  and  wore,  and  the  cost  of  Uving  to  the  poor, 
and  at  the  end  of  the  six  wedcs  which  he  thus  spent,  had  his 
statistics  ready.  One  cannot  doubt  that  a  very  important  object  of 
his  journey  to  England  was  what  now  would  be  called  a  study  of 
its  economic  conditions.  Had  he  h\'ed,  he  certainly  would  have 
written  of  his  impressions  more  fully  than  in  the  few  paragraphs 
which  are  preserved  in  his  Journal. 

He  reached  the  hospitable  home  of  the  Crosfields,"  where  his 
hostess  was  no  stranger,  on  the  twent>*-third  of  August,  and 
remained  in  and  about  Kendal  for  a  week.  His  letter  to  Rachel 
Wilson,**  another  well-known  Friend  whom  he  had  met  at  home  in 
Amerioi,  was  written  from  here,  *\v>th.  of  the  8nK>."  *  From 
Kendal  he  returned  to  Yorkshire.     Through  Grcyrigg,  and  the 

■TkM  ktscr  ■  #««■  ta  tbc  test  af  tkc  Jonnol.   vkerc  it  was  cs9ic4  by  Woal- 


m    VOYAGE,  ENGLISH  JOURNEY.  AND  DEATH    137 

mtiful  Wensleydale,  home  of  the  Fothergills,  calling  at  the 
little  towns  and  villages  with  a  message  of  cheer  for  the  small 
meetings,  Woolman  came  to  Richmond,  where  a  shock  awaited 
him  in  the  news  of  the  death  from  smallpox  of  his  cousin, 
filliam  Hunt.'  Again  came  the  feeling  of  dread  at  the  fell 
(fisease,  which  was  always  lurking  near  and  so  often  breaking  out 
when  given  any  opportunity. 

The  middle  of  September  found  his  thoughts  turning  home- 
ward, and  he  wrote  to  the  family  of  his  son-in-law,  who  had 
several  brothers  and  sisters.  He  dates  his  communication  from 
the  old  home  of  his  Philadelphia  friend,  Robert  Proud,"  the 
historian,*  who  was  at  the  time  teaching  the  Friends*  school,  now 
the  William  Penn  Charter  School,  in  that  city.  Doubtless  he 
carried  messages  to  the  family.  We  have  seen  that  Stephen  Com- 
fort of  Fallsington,  Pennsylvania,  was  the  father  of  John  Com- 
fort,'* who  had  married  Woolman's  daughter  Mary.     He  writes: 

"To  the  Children  of  Stephen  Comfort  **  of  Bucks  County. 

da:  mo: 
I  am  now,  this  16th  9th,  1772,  at  Robert  Proud 's  in  Yorkshire,  so 
well  as  to  continue  travelling,  though  but  slowly. 

Yesterday,  as  I  was  walking  over  a  plain  on  my  way  to  this  place, 
I  felt  a  degree  of  Divine  love  attend  my  mind,  and  therein  an  open- 
ness toward  the  children  of  Stephen  Comfort,  of  which  I  believed  I 
should  endeavour  to  inform  them.  My  mind  was  opened  to  behold 
the  happiness,  the  safety  and  beauty  of  a  life  devoted  to  follow  the 
heavenly  Shepherd;  and  a  care  that  the  enticements  of  vain  young 
people  may  not  ensnare  any  of  you. 

I  cannot  form  a  concern,  but  when  a  concern  cometh,  I  endeavour 
to  be  obedient. 

John  Woolman."' 

The  Prouds  lived  at  Thirsk,  and  during  the  following  week  he 
resumed  his  walk,  now  more  slowly,  toward  the  goal  which  had 
ever  been  before  his  mind,  when  he  declared  his  "draught"  to 
be  entirely  toward  the  north  of  England.  He  approached  the  old 
dty  of  York  wearily,  but  with  satisfaction.     He  had  been  asked 

*Tbe  Robert  Proud  at  who«e  house  he  ttajred  bad  been  in  America,  176  i-j. 
Be  '■att  •  rclatirc  of  the  hUtorian  of  thr  same  name,  whose  sister  had  mirrjed 
Mitkari   Brown,   a   Yorkshire   man. 

■Firoa  John  Comly't  text.  "Friends'  Miscellany,"  Vol.  I.  p.  11.  The  original 
ia  ttot   foftbeomlng. 


4 


138  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

whither  he  was  bound  from  thence»  but  answered,  "York  looks 
h'ke  home  to  me." 

There  were  soHcitous  Friends  in  York  who  had  been  ^- 
prised  of  his  coming,  and  as  he  approached  the  town  he  was  met 
on  the  road  by  a  youth  of  eighteen,  Henry ,*^  son  of  William 
Tuke,**  who  had  been  sent  by  his  father  to  meet  and  guide  him 
to  his  own  home.  This  hospitable  host  entertained  nearly  all  the 
traveling  Friends  who  visited  York.  One  can  never  know  how 
much  the  younger  philanthropist's  Hfe  was  influenced  by  the 
gentle  spirit  of  the  frail  guest,  who  was  to  grow  so  near  to  them, 
and  who  was  so  kindly  and  characteristically  welcomed.  Henry 
Tuke  afterward  spoke  many  times  of  this  walk  with  John  Wool- 
man,  "of  the  indescribable  sweetness  of  his  company,  and  the 
pleasure  with  which  he  remembered  it."  ^ 

William "'  and  Esther  Tuke,"*  "the  princess,"  whose  home 
was  so  cordially  offered  to  the  stranger,  lived  at  Castlegate.  He 
was  a  prominent  tea  merchant  and  his  home  was  in  the  midst 
of  the  life  and  stir  of  a  large  city.  The  bustle  and  movement 
which  here  surrounded  John  Woolman,  fatigued  with  long  travel 
and  already  ill  with  a  fatal  disease,  added  to  his  weariness,  and 
he  found  it  hard  to  endure.  He  therefore  modestly  made  his  situa- 
tion known  and  requested  a  m^re  quiet  and  retired  hume  whilst  in 
York,  The  circumstances  of  his  choice  would  appear  almost 
prophetic.  It  could  not  have  been  more  wisely  selected  if  the 
events  of  the  next  fortnight  and  the  need  for  isolation  had  been 
clearly  before  him. 

A  little  way  out  of  the  city,  in  wliat  Woolman  called  "the  clean 
country,"  still  stands  in  Marygate,  a  most  attractive  old  house, 
known  as  Almery  Garth ;  the  city  has  since  encroached  upon  its 
quiet.  Here  lived  in  1772  Thomas  Priestman,**  a  Friend  with 
whom  the  Tuke  family  were  intimate,  and  who  was  well-known 
for  his  hospitality.  It  is  due  to  the  courtesy  of  his  great-great- 
grandson,  Malcolm  Spence,  late  owner,  and  to  his  sister,  Ellen 
Spence.  the  present  occupant,  that  we  can  verify  much  as  to 
John  Woolman's  last  days.  Drake,  in  his  "History  of  York"  in 
1736,  has  the  following:  "North  of  Marygate  is  a  spacious  piece  of 
rich  ground,  yet  called  Almery  Garth,  which  name  it  takes  from 

•  Clurlc*  Tyler,  "Life  of  Samuel  Tuke."     S.  T.  was  a  ton  ol  Henry  Tuke. 


Window    of    room,    Almcry    Garth,    in    which    John    Woolman    died, 

lo  mo.  7,  1772. 

Photograph  by  Malcolm  Spenc*. 
Courted  of  "tVeileyan  Methodist  Mtffuine."  London. 


m    VOYAGE,  ENGLISH  JOURNEY,  AND  DEATH    139 

the  French  Aunwnier;  [Latin,  Eleetnosynarius]  ;  and  was  for- 
nierly  the  place  where  tlie  Convent  kept  Iheir  cattle  which  were 
ready  for  kilh'ng,  and  also  put  in  what  was  charitably  bestowed 
upon  ihem.  The  ground  has  been  all  walled  in,  except  011  the  side 
next  the  river:  in  it  were  the  Abbot  of  St.  Mary's  fish-ponds,  the 
traces  of  which  appear  at  this  day/* 

Thomas    Priestman's   daughter    Rachel*"    [1765-18481]    who 

married  in  1790,  William  Tuke,  Jr.,  son  of  William  Tuke,  was  a 

child  of  seven  when  John  Woolman  died.    She  was  in  the  habit  of 

relating  to  her  grand  children  the  tales  of  early  association  with 

Almery  Garth.     One  of   these  grandchildren,   Mrs.  Alfred  H. 

Spence,  wrote  for  her  own  descendants  a  history  of  the  ancient 

house  and  of  its  inhabitants.    From  this  the  editor  is  permitted  to 

quote  her  charming  description  of  the  place*  "The  situation  was  a 

Very  pleasant  one.  Thomas  Priestman's  house  was  outside  the  city 

Walls,  close  to  the  principal  gateway  of  the  mined  Benedictine 

Abbey  of  St.  Mary's,  hence  the  name  of  Mar>'gate.    It  stood  in  a 

svunny   garden,  surrounded  by   walls  on   which   rijjened  peaches, 

nectarines,  and  apricots;  in  the  middle  was  the  flower  garden 

where  roses  and  lavender  blossomed  in  profusion.     There  was 

tiotliing  between  this  garden  and   the  river  except  a  low  lying 

meadow,  called   the  lugs,  which  had  anciently   formed  part  of 

tlie  Almery  Garth,  the  pasture  land  of  St.  Mary's  Abbey;  across 

it  flowed  a  narrow  stream,  bordered  by  pollard  willow  trees,  and 

near  the  adjoining  tanyard  with  its  dull  red  coloring,  stood  a  row 

of  tall  picturesque  poplars.     This  field  in  spring  was  a  brilliant 

yellow,  when  its  marsh  marigolds  and  buttercups  were  in  flower. 

On  another  side  lay  the  orchards,  in  which,  surrounded  by  green 

banks  and  overhung  by  old  apple  trees,  was  the  only  remaining 

pond  of  the  many,  where  the  monks  in  the  olden  time  had  kept 

their  fish.     From  the  window  of   the  house,  nothing  could  be 

seen  on  both  banks  of  the  river  as  far  as  eye  could  reach,  but  an 

expanse  of  pleasant  meadow  land.     In  the  far  distance  in  front, 

might  be  seen  among  trees,  the  roofs  of  the  villages  of  Acomb  and 

Holgate,  with  the  twirling  sails  of  their  adjoining  windmills.   On 

the  left  the  houses  of  York  were  hid  from  view  by  the  White  City  ^ 

*The  stone  of  which    York    {ortification*   u   built   is   famed    for   its   pure  wliit^ 
no^     It  is  Hmestooe  from  Tadcuter. 


I40  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


walls  on  their  high  greensward  embankments,*  The  prospect  on 
every  side  was  quiet,  peaceful  and  happy."  It  was  a  spot  after 
John  Woolman's  own  heart. 

Received  by  his  new  friend,  Woolman  asked  the  privilege  of 
choosing  his  room.  A  visitor  of  1842  '■'  describes  tlie  one  he 
selected.  At  that  time  David  Priestman,  son  of  Thomas,  was 
the  owner,  and  had  blocked  up  the  exit  which  led  from  his  own 
residence,  next  door,  into  the  historic  room  of  the  adjoining  house, 
and  retained  an  entrance  by  means  of  a  back  staircase.  When  he 
took  his  visitor  into  the  room,  the  latter  thus  described  it :  "D.P. 
enquired  if  I  should  like  to  see  the  room.  I  caught  at  it,  and 
we  went  with  a  lantern.  The  entrance  is  from  the  lane  by  the  door 
marked  in  the  accompanying  sketch.  ,  .  .  Woolman  asked  if  he 
might  choose  a  room,  and  fixed  on  this  as  being  very  quiet  and 
retired,  there  being  no  thoroughfare  at  the  hack  of  the  house 
except  a  footpath.  It  is  just  such  a  room  as  one  might  expect 
him  to  have  chosen — whitewashed  and  without  cornice  or  or^H 
ment  of  any  kind^the  chimney  piece  of  oak  plainly  moulded — 
and  the  firegrate  of  the  very  simplest  construction,  being  merely 
the  front  bar  and  bottom  let  into  brick  work«  At  the  time  of  his 
death  there  were  two  beds  in  the  room,  one,  if  not  both,  with 
undyed  hangings." 

The  illustrations  here  given  were  made  in  1870  when  the  apart- 
ment had  been  restored  as  a  bedroom ;  it  was  a  lumber  room  in 
1842,  although  the  furniture,  antique  and  interesting,  has  no  con- 
nection with  Woolman/^  The  little  chamber  measured  twelve  by 
seventeen  feet  and  its  ceiling  is  nine  feet  high.  The  door  has  been 
restored  near  its  old  position. 

In  this  'Vophet's  chamber'*  our  Journalist  rested,  weary  in 
body  and  mind.  From  here  two  letters  were  written,  the  first  to 
John  Wilson,"*  son  of  his  friend  Rachel  Wilson,"  of  Kendal,  to 
whom  he  had  become  much  attached  when  she  was  in  PhiladelpI] 


in  1769.     It  is  dated: 


ph^ 


the 


*The    embuikisent*    are    the    old    eartliwork    entrenchment*    constructed    hj 
ancient  Britons:   the  stone  work  on  the  top  dates  only   from  the   14th  century. 

» Sylvanui  Thompson,  10  his  father.  Letter  dated  York.  2mo.  25,  1843.  Friends' 
Lihrary,  Devonsliire  House,  London.      (Gibson   MSS.    Vol.   II,   p.   171.) 

•  These  pictures,  by  ihe  laic  owner,  arc  given  by  pertnission,  and  wi'tb  the  con- 
sent also  of  the  Wesleyan  Mftkodist  Magazine,  where  they  first  appeared  in  — 
article  by  A.  Dickinson,  entitled  "A  Visit  to  John  Woolman'a  Grave,"  Ja 


J 


vn    VOYAGE,  ENGLISH  JOURNEY.  AND  DEATH    141 

''York    22:  9:     1772.  da  mo 

Beloved  Friend 

When  I  followed  the  Trade  of  a  Tailor,  I  had  a  feeling  of  that 
which  pleased  the  proud  mind  in  people;  &  growing  uneasie,  was 
strengthened  to  leave  oiff  that  which  was  superfluous  in  my  Trade. 

When  I  was  at  your  house,  I  believe  I  had  a  sense  of  the  pride 
of  people  being  gratified  in  some  of  the  business  thou  followest,  and 
I  feel  a  concern  in  pure  love  to  endeavour  to  inform  thee  of  it. 

Christ  our  leader  is  worthy  of  being  followed  in  his  leadings  at 
all  times.    The  Enemy  gets  many  on  his  side. 

0  t  that  we  may  not  be  divided  between  the  two,  but  may  be 
wholly  on  the  side  of  Christ 

In  true  love  to  you  all  I  remain  thy  friend 

John  Woolman."  * 

The  last  from  his  pen  was  to  his  cousins  Reuben  and  Mar- 
garet Haines,^*  a  tiny  epistle  measuntig  five  and  three  quarters 
by  three  and  one  half  inches,  and  referring  to  his  remarkable 
disposal  of  liis  bed  and  belongings  when  he  arrived  in  London : 

da 

"Beloved  Cousins: — I  am  now  at  york  at  a  quarterly  meeting  23: 
mo 

9:  72  So  well  in  health  as  to  continue  travelling  I  appoint  a  few 
meetings,  but  not  so  fast  as  I  did  some  time  ago.  I  fee!  quiet  in  my 
mind,  believing  it  is  the  Lord's  will  that  I  should  for  a  time  be  in  this 
part  of  the  world.  I  often  remember  you,  and  friends  in  your  parts, 
as  I  pass  along  in  this  journey,  and  the  Truth  as  it  ts  Separate  from 
all  mixture.  The  Truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus  was  never  more  precious  to 
mc  than  I  feel  it  in  this  my  Sojourning;  in  which  my  mind  is  often 
deeply  affected  with  that  which  is  not  of  the  Father  but  of  the  world. 
I  hear  that  dear  W.  Hunt  departed  this  life  with  the  Small  pox  9: 
9:  jz  and  that  some  of  his  last  words  were  The  Truth  Is  Over  All. 
The  rest  of  the  America  friends  on  the  visit  were  lately  living,  and 
mostly  midling  well  so  far  as  I  hear. 

1  left  my  bed  and  Some  things  on  board  the  Ship  I  came  in, 
directing  the  people  to  convey  them  to  you  if  they  arive  safe  at 

bilad*. 

John  Woolman."  * 

'This   letter    i»   found   in    the    back   of    (he   Journal  of   tht    Voyage   to  England,   in 
lofai   Woolman'i  h»nd,   and   it  the   copy   made   by   bimaelf. 
'Ongiiul   in   potftCMion   of  the    Editor 


142  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

He  was  "quiet  in  his  mind"  and  attending  the  Quarterly 
meeting,  at  which  he  was  present  until  the  last  sitting.  His  text 
has  been  preserved  in  the  memorandum  of  Thomas  Priestman; 
"Every  plant  that  is  not  of  my  Father's  planting  shall  be  plucked 
up  by  the  roots."  But  he  was  not  well,  and  thought  the  fever 
and  ague  to  which  so  many  in  his  own  neighborhood  were  then 
subject,  was  coming  upon  him.  Two  days,  however,  after  his 
little  letter  to  Margaret  Haines  was  written,  he  was  taken  seriously 
ill  and  within  twenty-four  hours  the  smallpox,  his  most  dreaded 
enemy,  appeared.  He  had  probably  been  exposed  to  it  somewhere 
in  the  manufacturing  centres  which  he  had  recently  visited,  and 
thus  became  truly  a  sacrifice  to  the  life-long  desire  of  his  soul 
to  ameliorate  the  sufferings  of  the  laboring  classes. 

During  the  next  few  days  were  enacted  the  closing  scenes 
of  this  saintly  life.  Woolman  had  met  Esther  Tuke"  while  in 
London  and  must  have  received  kind  attentions,  as  their  guest  in 
York,  from  herself  and  her  husband.  The  depth  of  the  impression 
made  on  the  delicate  mind  of  the  invalid  by  one  who  has  been 
called  a  "princess  in  Israel"  from  the  grace  and  dignity  of  her 
Christian  demeanor,  is  sufficiently  witnessed  by  the  fact  that  when 
he  discovered  the  seriousness  of  his  illness,  he  asked  that  she  come 
to  him  and  remain  "until  there  was  a  change."  Esther  Tuke," 
therefore,  took  up  her  temporary  abode  at  Thomas  Priestman's  •• 
at  Almery  Garth,  and  to  the  end  bestowed  upon  the  ill  man  the 
accomplished  skill  in  nursing  which  she  possessed.  William 
Tuke  •"  was  present  during  much  of  the  time,  and  he  and  Thomas 
Priestman  •**  made  careful  record, — "minuted  down,"  as  they  put 
it, — all  that  the  dying  man  said.  Although  the  disease  was  so 
virulent  and  contagious,  the  young  daughter  of  the  Tukes,  Sarah,^* 
afterward  well-known  as  a  minister,  and  as  the  wife  of  Robert 
Grubb,  was  frequently  present  to  wait  upon  the  patient,  whose 
sweet  spirit  made  a  deep  impression  upon  her  young  mind.  It 
was  to  her  that  Woolman  said,  "My  child,  thou  seems  very  kind  to 
me,  a  poor  creature.  The  Lord  will  reward  thee  for  it."  She  was 
about  eighteen  at  the  time.  ^ 

As  the  disease  progressed  John  Bispham,""  who  must  have 
been  somewhere  in  the  neighborhood,  was  sent  for  and  remained 

>  See  "Account  of  the  Life  and  Religious  Labors  of  Sarah  Grubb,**  p.  3*  Tfcn* 
«.   I79S. 


vn     VOYAGE,  ENGLISH  JOURNEY,  AND  DEATH    143 

with  his  old  friend  to  the  end.  Sometimes  Woolman  desired 
pen  and  paper,  and  feebly  and  patiently  wrote  a  few  lines  himself, 
with  dictation  of  brief  portions  to  insert  in  the  Journal.*  With  his 
usual  care  he  gave  directions  as  to  his  burial,  observing  the 
law  as  to  the  use  of  wool  in  wrapping  the  corpse,^  according  to  the 
statute  enacted  in  1678  and  still  in  force  in  1772,  in  order  to 
encourage  the  jvoolen  industry.  His  mind  appears  to  have  been 
dear  until  the  very  end.  Only  four  hours  before  he  died  he 
painfully  wrote,  with  blinded  eyes,  "I  believe  my  being  here  is 
in  the  wisdom  of  Christ ;  I  know  not  as  to  life  or  death."  Unable 
to  lie  in  bed,  he  was  helped  to  a  chair,  and  even  crossed  the  room 
assisted  on  each  side.  But  finally,  exhausted,  he  lay  down  again, 
and  shortly  the  weary  body  was  at  rest.  The  chair  in  which  he 
sat  is  reverently  preserved.' 

No  time  was  lost  in  writing  to  London.  A  letter  *  from 
William  Tuke"  to  John  Elliot,^*  announcing  the  death  of  John 
Woolman,  was  sent  the  same  day : 

"York,  the  7"  of  the  10**  Month,  1772. 

Our  Friend  Thos.  Thornburgh  informing  Thee  from  hence  that  our 
dearly  beloved  Friend  John  Woolman  had  taken  the  smallpox,  it  is 
with  sorrow  on  account  of  the  Churches  loss  of  so  great  a  preacher 
of  Righteousness  both  in  Life  &  Doctrine  I  now  inform  Thee,  that 
after  many  conflicts  of  Body  in  which  He  was  supported  with  the 
greatest  patience.  Resignation  &  Fortitude  I  ever  beheld,  He  quietly 
finished  his  Course  this  morning  a  little  after  the  sixth  hour,  without 
sigh,  groan,  or  struggle.  Many  sweet  comfortable  &  instructive  ex- 
pressions were  uttered  by  him  during  his  illness,  which  I  hope  will 
not  fall  to  the  Ground." 

John  Woolman  died  a  few  minutes  after  six  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  the  seventh  of  October.  Two  days  after,  on  the 
ninth,  a  large  meeting  was  held  in  the  meeting  house,  at  which 
were  present  several  of  John  Woolman's  American  friends,  among 
them  John  Pemberton,'  John  Bispham,^*  and  Thomas  Ross.''* 
He  was  buried  in  the  Bishophill  graveyard  at  York.    At  the  grave 

*  These  are  noted  in  the   text  as  they   occur. 

*  Original  in  possession  of  Joseph  B.  Braithwaite  of  London. 

■  In  possession  of  the  Society  of  Friends,  Devonshire  House,  London. 

*  DeTonsbire  House  Library,  London.     See  Reynolds  MSB.  p.   190. 


144  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

the  Methodist  minister,  who  was  probably  John  Nelson,  then  in 
charge  of  that  congregation,  preached  a  most  acceptable  sermon. 
The  Quaker  conventions  were  at  that  time  so  rigid  that  they  did 
not  permit  themselves  to  tell  the  minister  how  grateful  were  his 
words.  Woolman's  grave  may  be  identified  in  the  illustration. 
No  stone  was  placed  upon  it  for  some  years,  and  when  it  was 
marked,  fear  lest  a  few  feet  variance  from  the  e.\act  spot  might 
liave  occurred,  led  to  tlie  inscription. 

Near  this  Stone 

Rest  the  Remains  of 

John  Woolman, 

of  Mount  Holly 

New  Jersey,  North  America, 

Who  died  at  York 

7th  of  loth  Month  1772 

aged  51  years. 

Within  the  church  wall  of  St.  Marys,  close  by,  is  the  tomb 
wife's  ancestor,  James  Mauleverer,  who  died  in  1664. 

The  Leeds  ''Mercury'*  for  Oct.  13,  1772,  had  the  following: — 

"DIED,  on  Wednesday  last,  at  York,  of  the  smallpox,  JOHN 
WOOLMAN,  of  New  Jersey,  in  North  America,  an  eminent  preacher 
amongst  the  people  called  Quakers.  His  life  exhibited  a  verj'  singu- 
lar, and  striking  example  of  self -denial;  adorned  with  an  amiabie 
sweetness  of  disposition,  and  affectionate  good  will  to  mankind  uni^^ 
versally.  ^H 

His  feelings  for  the  bondage  and  oppression  of  the  poor  enslave^^ 
negroes,    were    so   exquisite    that   he    conscientiously    refused    every 
accommodation,   both   in  diet  and  apparel,   which   was  produced   by 
their  labour.     He  was  upon  a  religious  visit  to  his   friends  in 
nation,  and  has  left  a  wife  and  family  in  America." 


1 


The  few  effects  which  Woolman  left  were  disposed  of 
Wilh'am  Tuke  in  accordance  with  his  expressed  wishes.  The 
clothing  was  too  peculiar  to  be  acceptable  even  to  the  grave- 
digger,  who,  however,  took  the  shoes.  After  copies  had  been 
taken  of  the  Essays,  and  selections  from  the  Journal,  the  originals 
were  sent  to  London  to  Samuel  Emlen  ^  who  brought  them,  to- 
gether with  the  Journal  of  the  Sea  Voyage  and  a  few  posses- 
sions which  had  been  left  at  John  Townsend's,  back  to  America 


K-a       VOYAGE,  ENGLISH  JOURNEY.  AND  DEATH    145 

'With  him  when  he  returned  that  aritumn,  placing  tliem  in  the  hands 
of  Sarah  Woolman.  Samuel  Emlen  was  accompanied  on  the 
return  voyage  by  Thomas  Thomburgh,*"  who  had  also  in  his 
charge  the  effects  of  Wilham  Hunt"  At  a  Meeting  for  Sufferings 
held  in  London,  20th  11  mo.,  1772,  "A  Bill  was  brought  in  for 
the  Passage  and  Accommodation  of  Our  Friends,  Samuel  Emlen 
&  Thos.  Thornburgh  to  New  York,  amounting  to  £63."  ^ 

In  sending  these  articles  to  Samuel  Emlen  in  London,  Esther 
Tuke  accompanied  them  with  the  following  letter,  which  gives  an 
admirable  impression  of  the  way  in  which  John  Woolman  had 
won  his  entrance  into  all  hearts. 


"York,   14th  of   loth.  mo.   1772. 
Dear  Friend: 

Under  the  humbling  dispensation  we  have  lately  passed  through, 
roy  mind  hath  many  times  been  drawn  near  to  thee;  and  after 
the  departure  of  our  dear  friend,  John  Woolman,  there  seemed  a 
strong  inclination  to  salute  thee  with  a  few  lines  to  let  thee  know 
a  little  how  he  was  in  the  course  of  his  painful  affliction;  and  though 
it  may  seem  rather  a  repetition,  as  several  accounts  have  been  sent 
to  London,  yet,  as  no  one  was  more  with  him,  nor  had  greater  oppor- 
tunity to  observe  the  state  of  his  mind,  a  few  hints  concerning  him, 
with  a  copy  of  some  expressions  dropped  at  sundry  times,*  I  believe 
will  not  be  unacceptable. 

He  was  exceedingly  afraid  from  the  first  of  giving  needless 
trouble  to  any;  but  his  disorder  increasing  so  much  that  constant 
attendance  was  necessary,  he  desired  I  would  not  sleep  out  of  the 
house  until  I  saw  an  alteration,  which  I  very  willingly  complied  with ; 
aod  though  it  was  exceedingly  trying  to  see  him  labour  under 
unspeakable  affliction,  and  could  render  so  little  relief,  yet  I  have 
many  times  been  thankful  in  being  favoured  to  attend  him;  for  as  I 
never  saw  one  bear  so  much  before,  so  I  never  beheld  the  like  forti- 
tude, patience  and  resignation — his  hope  and  confidence  were  so  strong 
and  firmly  fixed,  that  the  greatest  storms  of  affliction  were  not  able 
to  move  him,  or  even  cause  him  to  utter  an  impatient  word,  indicat- 
ing that  he  thought  an>^hing  too  hard;  and  though  he  was  not  free 
to  take  much  medicines,  yet  he  attended  so  much  to  the  progress  of 
the  disorder,  and  his  own  feelings  as  to  what  was  suited  for  healing 
or  cooling  nourishment,  &c.  that  our  apothecary  (a  man  we  think  of 

• /MiriM/  Fricnda'  Historic*!  Society  (London).  Vol.   III.  p.   i8. 
*  Some    of    thrsc    wrrc    separately    printed    in    London    in    1773,    as    "Remarlu    on 
Svndrj   Subject*  of   Importance." 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

singular  judgment  in  that  complaiot,  not  a  Friend)  said  he  did  not 
know  he  could  be  better  ordered  than  he  ordered  himself;  except 
towards  the  last,  he  seemed  to  fee!  the  need  of  something  more  cor- 
dial, which  he  was  not  unwilling  to  take;  but  his  throat  was  then  so 
closed  that  he  could  not  swallow,  but  with  the  greatest  difficulty,  and 
often  strove,  when  it  was  distressing  to  see  him,  under  his  great 
weakness,  and  the  pain  it  occasioned;  and  at  times  he  quietly  said. 
"I  believe  I  must  in  a  little  time  give  it  over  and  try  no  more,"  and 
it  seemed  twice  wholly  closed  up. 

But  as  a  further  detail  of  these  painful  circumstances  cannot  be 
of  use,  and  exceedingly  painful  to  mc  to  relate,  I  shall  leave  them 
and  say,  though  he  appeared  to  us  in  some  things  singular,  and  the 
path  he  trod  straiter  than  the  liberty  some  of  us  have  thought  the 
truth  gives,  yet  I  say  to  thee,  that  I  cannot  help  thinking  it  was  the 
way  truth  led  him,  Though  it  is  not  for  us  to  endeavour  to  step  in 
the  same  strait  way,  except  from  the  like  call,  yet  we  may  be  thank- 
ful we  are  allowed  more  liberty,  and  can  in  a  more  comfortable 
manner  enjoy  the  temporal  blessings  aflforded  us;  and,  looking  at 
this,  and  at  the  little  comfort  he  had,  it  was  cause  of  humbling  to  my 
mind  and  brought  an  enquiry,  what  returns  I  had  made,  and  whether 
I  had  walked  answerable  to  what  I  enjoyed  beyond  merit;  and  I 
sometimes  thought  his  singular  and  abstemious  way,  so  striking  and 
conspicuous,  may  be  a  means  to  draw  divers  others  to  the  like  exami- 
nation; and  I  know  nothing  in  this  luxurious  and  licentious  age  more 
likely  to  begin  a  reformation  than  a  solid  consideration  of  this  sort; 
for  do  we  not  see  how  pride,  superfluities  in  meats,  drinks,  and 
apparel,  abound  amongst  us,  and  like  a  torrent,  seem  to  carry  al! 
before  them,  and  I  think,  cry  aloud  for  a  stop.  For  my  part,  the 
prospect  is  often  so  distressing,  on  account  of  training  up  our  own 
children,  and  the  like  difficulties  other  religious  parents  labour  under, 
that  my  life  is  frequently  a  life  of  mourning  and  lamentation,  for  it 
seems  scarce  possible  to  bring  them  up  in  the  way  we  would  have 
them  walk ;  and  if  we  could,  there  seems  little  probability,  without 
something  extraordinary,  that  they  would  be  kept  in  it,  such  is  the 
example— such  the  giving  way  in  general,  and  with  sorrow  it  may  be 
said  so,  of  many  that  should  be  leaders. 

And  if  this  good  man's  example  in  life  and  in  death,  should  hai 
a  tendency,  (as  I  hope  it  may)  to  draw  some  to  consider  and  inspect 
a  little  closer  than  they  have  hitherto  done,  we  should  be  careful  how 
we  take  off  the  weight  by  blaming  a  singularity,  which,  if  compared 
with  our  holy  pattern,  we  shall  find,  I  think,  not  far  out  of  the  way. 

And  now  I  hope,  though  we  are  pretty  much  strangers  to  each 
other  as  to  the  outward,  thou  wilt  be  sensible  that  my  thus  commu- 


M 


M 


vii      VOYAGE,  ENGLISH  JOURNEY,  AND  DEATH    147 

nicattng  my  private  thoughts  is  in  tliat  love  in  which  there  is  free- 
dom, and  with  a  hope  thou  wilt  treat  me  in  like  manner,  and  am  far 
from  supposing  thou  hast  judged  hardly  of  John  Woolman;  but  I 
believe  some  hereaway  will,  and  would  be  glad,  perhaps,  to  find  flaws 
in  his  singularity,  to  cover  themselves,  and  stave  off  a  narrower 
scrutiny  and  retrospection  into  their  own  conduct  and  example.  I 
am  far  from  mourning  that  he  is  gone,  believing  his  day's  work  is 
finished,  and  his  measure  of  suflfering  filled  up.  And  I  scarce  ever 
expected  his  recovery  during  his  sickness,  though  there  were  many 
favourable  symptoms;  for  looking  at  the  path,  the  unspeakable  diffi- 
culties that  would  have  attended  his  travclUng,  &c.,  it  seemed  often 
dear  to  me  that  he  would  either  be  delivered  from  it  by  death,  or 
have  some  more  liberty  in  his  mind  respecting  the  use  of  some  things. 
I  have  sometimes  thought  there  might  be  a  providential  hand  in  his 
taJcing  and  dying  of  the  smali-pox;  for  if  he  had  gone  off  in  almost 
any  other  disorder,  we  might  have  feared  his  manner  of  living  and 
the  hardships  he  was  exposed  to  had  caused  it;  but  in  this  disorder, 
his  manner  of  living  might  be  a  fit  preparative;  and  the  apothecar>' 
(so  skilful  in  it)  said,  before  he  saw  him,  that  no  person  living  as 
he  understood  he  had,  could  be  much  afflicted  by  having  a  great  load 
of  small  pox;  but  he  found  his  mistake,  and  diligently  attended  him, 
expressing  an  anxious  solicitude  for  his  recovery;  and  divers  times, 
with  tears  in  his  eyes,  expressed  his  astonishment  to  see,  as  he  said, 
such  a  perfect  and  upright  man  upon  the  earth. 

John  Woolman  frequently  conversed  with  hira,  with  great  open- 
ness,  and  when  he  differed  in  his  judgment  from  the  doctor,  he  gave 
him  such  reasons  as  were  to  him  satisfactory,  lie  attended  his 
funeral,  and  said  afterwards,  he  could  scarce  forbear  giving  testi- 
mony concerning  him  to  the  audience,  but  forbore,  knowing  it  would 
be  an  intrusion  upon  us.  Indeed,  a  Methodist  preacher  did,  in  a  few 
words  at  the  graveside,  with  which  divers  of  us  were  well  satisfie'l, 
the'  not  prudent  to  tell  iiiiu  so.  I  think  now  to  conclude,  being  afraid 
of  being  tedious,  after  saying  we  were  truly  sorry  to  be  disappointed 
of  seeing  thee  here,  But  as  thou  intended  it,  I  hope  we  may  yet  see 
ihee  before  thy  return,  which  would  be  a  little  reviving  in  these 
drooping  days  to  thy  sincere  friend  and  poor  little  fellow-traveller, 
in  the  hope  and  fellowship  of  the  Gospel. 

Esther  Tuke.' 
(Postscript) 

My  husband's  dear  love  to  thee,  and  our  dear  love  to  John  Eliot " 

and   his  wife,  and  please  to   lend  the  enclosed   paper   to  Thomas 

•  A  long  extract  from  this  Icttir  is  given  by  John  Woolman'a  couBJn,  Jolm  Hunt," 
is  •  Utter  to  ■  friend  on  the  subject  of  Joshua  Evans'  beard,  "Friendo*  Miicellanx,'* 
Vol.   I,  pp.  »47.  *5I' 


148  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


Corbyn'*  to  take  a  copy.  We  thought  one  would  do  for  both.  If 
thou  have  leisure  and  freedom,  a  few  lines  will  be  very  acceptable, 
and  to  mention  whether  our  beloved  friend  Robert  Willis"  be  re- 
turned from  Ireland. 

John  Woolman  desired  my  husband  in  case  of  his  decease,  to 
write  to  Reuben  Haines,*"  which  he  intends  to  do,  and  Send  him  a 
Copy  of  his  Expressions  by  John  Bispham,'*  if  he  Returns  this  fall; 
but  if  he  should  not,  Would  be  obliged  to  thee  to  let  him  know  what 
way  else  thou  thinks  he  may  best  send. 

(Endorsed,  "A  Coppey  of  a  Letter  from  Esther  Tuke  to  Samuel 
Emlen,  Concerning  the  death  of  John  Woolman." 'j 

Esther  Tuke  wrote  another   Friend   whose  name  does   not 

appear: 

*The  state  of  his  mind  throughout  the  whole  of  his  unspeakable 
affliction  was  one  continued  calm;  a  firm  trust  in  the  Lord,  with 
perfect  resignation  to  his  disposal,  appeared  tliroughout  the  whole; 
patient  beyond  description;  his  hope  and  confidence  so  tirraly  fixed, 
that  no  outward  distress  seemed  to  be  able  to  discompose  or  ruffle 
him, 

I  think  it  a  favour  we  had  the  privilege  of  attending  him.  He 
could  bear  but  a  low  voice,  nor  seldom  more  than  one  or  two  in  the 
room  at  a  time,  and  mostly  without  shoes;  his  head  at  times  being 
violently  bad,  he  said  the  lifting  up  of  a  door  latch,  or  stepping  hard 
on  the  floor,  was  as  if  we  had  beat  him  with  hammers;  and  yet 
throughout,  his  underslanding  was  perfect;  could  bear  to  speak  but 
little,  but  when  he  did,  about  his  nursing  or  anything  needful,  it  was 
so  expressive,  that  every  word  seemed  a  sentence,  and  carried  1 
quently  deep  instruction  with  it. 

The  day  before  he  died,  his  throat  was  closed  up,  that  he  couT 
scarce  speak  intelligibly,  which  distressed  me  much,  but  he  in  great 
measure  removed  this  difficulty  by  asking  for  pen  and  ink,  which  we 
got  and  held  the  paper,  and  he  wrote  the  words  very  legibly,  though 
he  was  quite  blind,  and  had  been  so  for  some  days;  twice  his  tliroat 
was  quite  closed,  that  he  could  not  swallow  one  drop  of  anything,  and 
we  had  the  most  distressing  prospect  that  he  might  continue  soi 
days  in  that  situation.     The  Doctor  syring'd  his  throat,  but  at 


DUt 

vas  I 

i 


"M 


*  From  an  original  copy  in  the  Scrapbouk  of  Saumtl  Parrish,  cntitlcti  "Otiakcr*. 
Indians  and  Slavery."  p.  393,  Hist.  Soc.  of  Penna.,  Philadelphia.  The  letter, 
without  the  postscript,  is  given  in  the  Century  Edition,  Hcadlcy  Bros,  of  London, 
from  another  copy  in  Friends'  Meeting  House,  Brighton,  England.  It  was  cu»- 
toroary  to  circulate  manuscript  copies  of  such  letters  00  meeting  or  social 
f   general   interest,   and   it   is   possible   that    other    copies   still   exist. 


vn     VOYAGE.  ENGLISH  JOURNEY,  AND  DEATH    149 

gave  it  up  the  night  before  he  died,  and  said  nothing  could  be  done ; 
but  my  husband,  who  will  never  give  up  using  means  as  long  as  there 
is  the  least  relief,  set  on  to  foment,  with  his  consent;  and  continued 
it  for  two  hours.  He  had  the  great  satisfaction  to  find  it  open  again, 
and  he  swallowed  better  than  he  had  done  for  some  days  before,  and 
we  were  ready  to  fiattcr  ourselves  with  hope;  but  it  was  of  short 
duration.  For  though  he  got  a  little  ease  in  that  respect,  yet  he  was 
for  several  hours  exceeding  bad,  and  could  not  lie  in  bed.  Was  got 
tip  in  a  chair,  and  towards  morning  had  on  some  of  his  cloaths,  and 
u-iih  leaning  on  two,  walked  over  the  room;  but  wearied  out,  was 
laid  down  again  upon  the  bed,  and  after  some  time,  feel  asleep;  waked 
about  the  sixth  hour,  and  breathed  a  few  times,  and  departed  without 
struggle,  sigh,  or  groan."* 

With  the  small  package  sent  home  to  America  went  the  fol- 
lowing letter  from  John  Townsend  ^*  of  London,  to  Sarah  Wool- 
man  in  Mount  Holly : 

(No  date) 
Dear  Friend 

Woolman 

Feeling  my  mind  drawn  towards  thee  in  near  love  and  tender 
sympathy  for  thy  great  loss  of  so  near  a  bosom  friend  thy  dear  hus- 
band. The  church's  loss  is  great  for  which  the  hearts  of  many  are 
deeply  affected  and  mourn.  But  thine  and  children's  loss  is  much 
greater  I  trust  and  believe  that  gracious  hand  which  called  him 
forth  into  the  harvest  field  will  sanctify  and  sweeten  this  bitter  cup 
of  which  thou  hast  to  drink  even  to  the  fulfilling  of  that  gracious 
promise  that  all  shall  work  together  for  good  to  those  who  love  and 
fear  God. 

He  lodged  at  my  house  when  in  London.  His  company  and  self- 
denying  example  were  truly  profitable  to  me  and  family.  I  doubt 
not  but  he  has  gone  to  reap  the  reward  of  the  faithful  labourer  who 
1  loved  not  the  world  but  was  made  truly  willing  to  lay  down  his  life 
fal  his  heavenly  master's  cause,  in  that  he  might  be  made  helpful  to 
fiqr  poor  soul  or  souls.  He  divers  times  told  me  that  he  had  not  had 
the  small  pox,  and  desired  I  would  tell  Friends  that  was  the  reason 
why  he  did  not  go  to  their  houses,  but  if  he  was  spared  to  return 
again  to  this  City,  he  believed  he  should  have  liberty  to  visit  them. 
He  frequently  said  he  was  resigned  to  the  will  of  Providence.  He 
m5  not  afraid  of  the  disorder,  and  if  he  catch'd  it  in  going  to  meet- 

*  From  the  copy  in  Briglitoa.   England,   Meeting  House,  given  in  Century  Edition. 
Bcadley  Broi.  London,  p.  397. 


ISO        THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN  chap,  vn 

ings  and  in  the  way  of  his  duty  he  should  have  no  cause  to  reflect 
upon  himself.  He  left  a  few  things  at  my  house  which  we  have  now 
forwarded  by  our  dear  friends  Samuel  Emiin  and  Thomas  Thorn- 
borough  who  are  able  to  give  thee  further  information  of  the  last 
days  of  thy  dearly  beloved  Husband,  to  whom  I  refer  thee,  hoping 
that  Divine  providence  will  be  with  thee  and  thine  and  help  you  with 
that  helping  which  maketh  truly  rich,  and  adds  no  sorrow  with  it. 
So  wishetli  and  so  prayeth  thy  sincere  Friend, 

John  Townsend.       j 

P.S.     I  shall  be  truly  glad  to  hear  from  thee.     Please  direct  for  me, 
pewterer,  in  London."  '^ 


™ 


This  sketch  of  one  of  the  most  remarkable  men  of  the  eight- 
eenth century  cannot  be  more  fittingly  closed  than  in  the  words  of 
John  G.  Whittier,  which  occur  in  a  now  little  read  volume  of 
the  last  century,  to  which  he  wrote  the  introduction :  ■ 

"Woolman's  sainth'ness  was  wholly  unconscious.  He  seems 
never  to  have  thought  himself  any  nearer  to  the  tender  heart  of 
God  than  the  most  miserable  sinner  to  whom  his  compassion  ex- 
tended. As  he  did  not  live,  so  neither  did  he  die  to  himself.  His 
prayer  upon  his  deathbed  %vas  for  others  rather  than  for  himself ; 
its  beautiful  humility  and  simple  trust  were  marred  by  no  sensual 
imagery  of  crowns  and  liarps  and  golden  streets  and  personal 
exaltations;  but  tender  and  touching  concern  for  suflFcring  hu- 
manity, relieved  only  by  the  thought  of  the  paternity  of  God 
and  cif  his  love  and  omnipotence,  alone  found  utterance  in  ever 
memorable  words :  "O  Lord  my  God  I  the  amazing  horrors  of 
darkness  were  gathered  about  me,  and  covered  me  all  over,  and 
/  saw  no  way  to  go  forth ;  I  felt  the  depth  atid  extent  of  the  misery 
of  my  fcUozv  creatures,  separated  from  the  Dhnne  harmony,  and 
it  zvas  greater  tlian  I  could  bear,  and  I  was  crushed  down  undtl 
it;  I  lifted  up  my  hand,  I  stretched  out  my  arm,  but  there 
none  to  help  me.  .  -  .In  the  depth  of  misery,  O  Lord,  I  re^ 
membered  that  Thou  art  omnipotent ;  that  I  had  called  thee  Fath 
and  I  felt  that  I  loved  thee." 


i<kr 


*  Original    in    Devonshire    House    Librnry,    London. 

■This  patsaRc  is  found  in  the  introduction  to  "Ttie  Patience  of  Hope"  by  Dorm 
Greenwell.  published  anonymously  by  Ttcknor  &  Ficlda  in  1863,  ftiid  introdtieed  to 
its  Americaa  publidiera  throttgb  the  efforts  of  tLe  Quaker  poet. 


'/ 


.A 


->i 


f  y-.m»4ifn^y    -rJ    /'nun/ /'^^•y'*  J>^fc/'&nt>i/fl*^^^ 


A»/f'4    fn      ■*^.    i**      //''•/;--♦' 7/."  -      ^'    , 


First  Page  of  Earliest  Manuscript  C  of   Journal.     At  Swarthmore 

College,  Pa. 

Photograph  by  Professor  G.  A.  Hoadley. 


^ 


i 


?<u 


^V  ,'f'**'  f'tJt  ///*  fi/'d :     'tf'y/Z/  ,^ft'^*f/A<**fi  .f/,y»/'  an*^ 
^^Ric/r«^  V*/if(rfi^if'f  >*V/^i?/  <  Ar^/  nt^^tt  u*f-.  /jf*^  ^/nCf/  AAw^  *^ 


)  hMU^ 


First  Page  of  Journal,  MS.  A.,  Folio. 

/«  Potttjsion  of  Ike  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania, 


> 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

FROM  THE  ORIGINAL  MANUSCRIPTS 

CHAPTER  I 

1720 

I  have  often  felt  a  motion  of  Love  ^  to  leave  some  hints  of  my 
experience  of  the  Goodness  of  God :  and  pursuant  thereto,  in  the 
36  year  of  my  age,  I  begin  this  work. 

I  was  Bom  in  Northampton,  in  Burlington  county,  in  West 
Jersey,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1720  *  &  before  I  was  seven  years 
old,  I  began  to  be  acquainted  with  the  operations  of  Divine  Love. 
Through  the  care  of  my  Parents,  I  was  taught  to  Read  near  as 
soon  as  I  was  capable  of  it,*  and  as  I  went  from  School  one 
seventh-day,  I  remember,  while  my  companions  went  to  play  by 
the  way,  I  went  forward  out  of  sight,  and  seting  down,  I  read  the 
twenty  second  chapter  of  the  Revelations :  "He  showed  me  a  pure 
River  of  Water  of  Life,  clear  as  Crystal,  proceeding  out  of  the 
Throne  of  God  and  of  the  Lamb,"  &c.  and  in  the  reading  of  it, 
my  mind  was  drawn  to  seek  after  that  Pure  Habitation,  which 
I  then  believed  God  had  prepared  for  his  servants.  The  place 
where  I  sat,  and  the  sweetness  that  attended  my  mind,  remain 
fresh  in  my  memory.* 

This  and  the  like  Gracious  Visitations,  had  that  effect  upon 
me,  that  when  boys  used  ill  language,  it  troubled  me,  &  through 
the  continued  Mercies  of  God,  I  was  preserved  from  it.  The 
pious  instructions  of  my  Parents  were  often  fresh  in  my  mind  ^ 
when  I  happened  to  be  among  wicked  children,  and  were  of  use 
tome. 

My  Parents  haveing  a  large  family  of  children,  used  fre- 
quently on  first-days  after  meeting,  to  put  us  to  read  in  the  Holy 

»MS.  C  "a  desire." 
»  MS.  B  "A.  D." 

*  MS.  C  "and  it  was  even  then  of  use  to  me." 

*  MS   C   (erased)    "as  tho'   the   time   since   was   much   shorter." 

*  MS.  C  "The  Pious  Instructions  of  Parents  I  esteem  a  Great  Blessing — their 
care  over  me  was  often  fresh  in  my  Mind  when  I  came  Amongst  wicked  Children, 
And  was  of  use  to  me." 

151 


152  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

Scriptures,  or  some  religious  books,  one  after  another,  the  rest 
sitting  by  without  much  conversation,  which  I  have  since  often 
thought  was  a  good  practice.'  1^'roni  what  1  had  read,  1  beheved 
there  had  been  in  past  ages,  people  who  Walked  in  Uprightness 
before  God  in  a  degree  exceeding  any  that  I  knew,  or  heard  of, 
now  living:  &  the  Apprehension  of  their  being  less  Steadiness  and 
firmness  amongst  people  in  this  age  than  in  past  ages,  often 
Troubled  me  while  I  was  still  young. 

I  had  a  Dream  about  the  ninth  year  of  my  age  as  follows :  I 
saw  the  Moon  rise  near  tiie  West,  &  run  a  regular  course  East- 
ward, so  swift  that  in  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  she  reached  our 
Meridian,  when  there  descended  from  her  a  small  Cloud  on  a 
Direct  line  to  the  Earth,  wliicli  lighted  on  a  pleasant  Green  about 
twenty  yards  from  the  Door  of  my  Fathers  House  (in  which  I 
thought  I  stood)  and  was  immediately  turned  into  a  Beautiful  I 
green  Tree.  The  Moon  appeared  to  rim  on  with  Equal  swift- 
ness, and  soon  set  in  the  East,  at  which  time  the  Sun  arose  at  the 
place  where  it  coinonly  doth  in  the  Sumer,  and  Shineing  with 
full  Radiance  in  a  Serene  air,  it  appeared  as  pleasant  a  morning  as 
ever  I  saw.  | 

All  this  time  I  stood  still  in  the  door,  in  an  Awfull  frame  of 
mind,  and  I  observed  that  as  heat  increased  by  the  Riseing  Sun,  it 
wrought  so  powerfully  on  the  little  green  Tree,  that  the  leaves 
gradually  withered,  and  before  Noon  it  appear'd  dry  &  dead. 
There  then  appeared  a  Being,  Small  of  Size,  moving  Swift  froi^ 
the  North  Southward,  called  a  "Sun  Wonn'*  ^| 

[Tho'  I  was  A  Child,  tliis  dream  was  instructive  to  me.  J  ^    ^\ 

Another  thing  remarkable  ^  in  my  childhood  was,  that  once 
as  I  went  to  a  neighbour's  house,  I  saw,  on  the  way,  a  Robbin 
sitting  on  her  nest,  and  as  I  came  near  she  went  off,  but  having 
young  ones,  flew  about,  and  witii  many  cries  expressed  her  Con- 
cern for  them.  I  stood  and  threw  stones  at  her,  till  one  striking 
her,  she  fell  down  dead.  At  first  I  was  pleas'd  with  the  Exploit, 
but  after  a  few  minutes  was  seized  with  Horror,  as  haveing  iiy 

'■MS.    C  The  rest   of   the   paragraph   appears  in   MSS.    A  &   B;    not    in   C.  ^^B 

» MS.  C  Thia  dream  of  his  dijldbood,  the  first  of  many  referred  to  or 
deactibed  by  John  Woolman,  must  have  made  a  strong  impression,  since  it  is 
given  in  full  in  nit  three  of  the  manutcripts,  with  no  change  except  the  omiMion 
ai  the  lut  line  in  A  and  B. 

*  MS.  C  "While  I  was  a  litUe  boy." 


1732 


153 


a  sportive  way  kild  an  Innocent  Creature  while  she  was  carefull 
for  her  young.  I  beheld  her  lying  dead,  &  thought  those  young 
ones  for  which  she  was  so  carefull  most  now  perish  for  want 
of  their  dam  tu  nourish  them;  and  alter  some  painfull  ctmsidera- 
tions  on  the  subject,  I  climbed  up  the  Tree,  took  all  the  young 
birds,  and  killed  them  supposing  that  better  than  to  leave  them  to 
pine  away  and  die  miserably :  and  believ'd  in  this  case,  that 
scripture  proverb  was  fulfilJed,  "The  tender  mercies  of  the  wicked 
are  Cruel."  I  then  went  on  my  errand,  but,  for  some  hours, 
could  think  of  httle  else  but '  [the  Cruelties  1  had  committed,  and 
was  much  troubled.] 

Thus  He  whose  tender  Mercies  are  over  all  his  works,  hath 
placed  that  in  the  Human  mind  which  incites  to  exercise  good- 
ness towards  every  liveing  creature  and  This  being  singly  attended 
to,  people  become  tender-liearted  and  sympathizing;  but  being 
frequently  &  totally  rejected,  the  mind  shuts  itself  up  in  a  Con- 
trary disposition. 

About  the  twelfth  year  of  my  age.  my  Father  being  abroad, 
my  Mother  reproved  me  for  some  misconduct,  to  which  1  made 
an  Undutifull  reply  &  the  next  first-day,  as  I  was  with  my 
Father  returning  from  Meeting,  He  told  me  he  understood  I  had 
l)eliaved  amis  to  my  Mother,  and  Advised  me  to  be  more  carefull 
in  future.  I  knew  myself  blameable,  and  in  shame  and  confusion 
remained  silent  Being  thus  awakened  to  a  sense  of  my  Wicked- 
ness, I  felt  remorse  in  my  mind,  and  geting  home,  I  retired  and 
prayed  to  the  Lord  to  forgive  me;  and  I  do  not  remember  that 
1  ever  after  that,  spoke  unhandsomely  to  either  of  my  Parents, 
however  foolish  in  some  other  things. 

Having  attained  the  age  of  Sixteen,  I  began  to  love  virantoo 
company:  and  though  I  was  preserved  from  profane  language 
or  Scandalous  conduct,  Stilt  I  perceived  a  plant  in  me  which 
produced  much  wild  grapes.  Yet  my  Merciful  Father  forsook  me 
not  utterly,  but  at  times  through  his  grace  I  was  brought  seriously 
to  consider  my  ways,  and  the  sight  of  my  backsliding  affected  me 
with  sorrow:  but  for  want  of  rightly  attending  to  the  reproofs  of 
Instruction,  Vanity  was  added  to  Vanity,  and  Repentance.    Upon 

*  MS.  C  "My  conduct  toward  the  poor  old  bird,  which  thoughts  were  very 
lActLng— I  mention  this  to  Shew  how  God,  the  parent  of  all  creatures,  bath  placed 
(tot  [MS.  B  "a  principle")  in  the  liuman  tnind  which  doth  instruct  and  iticitc 
to  Exercise  Goodness  toward   All    bis   creatures." 


3 


154  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


the  whole  my  mind  was  more  and  more  Alienated  from  the  Truth, 
and  I  hastened  towards  Destruction.     While  I  meditate  on  the 
Gulf  towards  which  I  traveled,  and  reflect  on  my  youthful 
obedience,  my  heart  is  affected  with  Sorrow.* 

Advancing  in  age,  the  number  of  my  Acquaintance  increased, 
and  thereby  my  way  grew  more  difficult.  Though  I  had  hereto- 
fore found  comfort  in  reading  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  thinking 
on  heavenly  things,  I  was  now  Estranged  therefrom.  I  knew  I 
was  going  from  the  flock  of  Christ,  and  had  no  resolution  to 
return,  hence  serious  reflections  were  uneasie  to  me,  and  Youthful! 
Vanities  and  Diversions  my  greatest  pleasure.  Runing  in  this 
Road  I  found  many  like  myself,  and  we  associated  *  in  that  which 
is  reverse  to  true  Friendship:  but  in  this  swift  race  it  pleased 
God  to  Visit  me  with  Sickness,  so  that  I  doubted  of  recovering: 
and  then  did  Darkness,  Horror  and  Amazement,  with  full  force 
seize  me,  even  when  my  pain  and  distress  of  body  was  verry  great: 
I  thought  it  would  have  been  better  for  me  never  to  have  had  a 
being,  than  to  see  the  day  which  I  now  saw.'  I  was  filled  with 
Confusion,  &  in  great  aflliction  both  of  mind  &  body,  I  lay 
bewailed  nuysetf.-'  [I  had  not  confidence  to  lift  up  my  cries 
God,  whom  I  had  thus  offended ;  but  in  a  deep  sense  of  my  great 
folly  I  was  humbled  before  Him,]  &  at  length  that  Word  which 
is  as  a  Fire  and  a  Hamer,  broke  and  dissolved  my  rebellious 
heart,  and  then  my  Cries  were  put  up  in  contrition,  and  in  the 
multitude  of  His  mercies  I  found  inward  relief,  and  felt  a  close 
Engagement,  that  if  he  was  pleased  to  Restore  my  health,  I  might 
walk  Humbly  before  Him.* 

After  my  Recovery,  this  Exercise  remained  with  me  a  consid- 
erable time/  but,  by  degrees,  giving  way  to  youthfuU  vanities, 
they  gained  strength,  and  geting  with  wanton  young  people  I  ' 
lost  ground.     The   Lord  had  been  verry  Gracious,  and  Spoke 


"  MSS.    B   &  C   "for   thcM   things   I    weep;    mine    Eye   rimetb   down  with    WateiJi 

•  MSS.  B  &  C  "were  united," 
•MS.  C  "my  misery:'*  the  rest  of  »entoncc,  to  "«t  length,"  u  wanting. 

♦  MS.  C  "1  might  jerve  him    faithfully." 

*  MS.   C  "And   I   had   hopes  of   Standing." 

•  MS.  C  "let  go  my  hold  of  Godi  covcn.inJ.  He  had  Spoken  peace  to.  me  Tn 
a  time  of  Bitterness.  Yet  I  now  Most  Ungratefully  turned  again  to  folley.  I 
fell  sharp  and  Cuting  Reproofs  at  times.  But  did  not  gel  low  Enough  to  Cry 
for  help,  for  I  loved  l-'olly  to  that  Dinree  that  I  had  no  resolution  to  leave  it. 
I  was  not  ftu  hardy  as  to  Comit  things  Scandalous,  but  to  Exceed  in  the  Art 
footish  Jesting.  Ac" 


it«y^ 


1736 


155 


peace  to  me  in  ihe  time  of  my  distress,  and  1  now  most  ungrate- 
fully turned  again  to  folly,  on  which  account,  at  times,  I  felt  sharp 
reproof,  but  did  not  get  low  enough  to  Cry  for  help.  I  was  not 
sn  hardy  as  to  commit  things  scandalous,  but  to  Exceed  in  Vanity, 
and  promote  myrth,  was  my  chief  study.  Still  I  retained  a  love 
and  esteem  for  pious  people,  and  their  company  brought  an  Awe 
upon  me.  My  Dear  Parents  several  times  Admonished  nie  in 
the  fear  of  the  Lord,  and  their  admonition  entered  into  my  heart, 
&  had  a  good  effect  for  a  season,  but  not  geting  deep  enough  to 
jiray  rightly,  the  tempter  /hen  he  came  found  entrance.'  I 
remember  once  having  spent  a  part  of  a  day  in  wantonness,  as  I 
went  to  bed  at  night,  there  lay  in  a  window  near  my  bed  a  Bible, 
which  I  opened,  and  first  cast  my  eye  on  the  Text,  **we  lie  down 
in  our  shame,  and  our  confusion  covers  us.'*  This  I  knew  to  be 
my  case,  and  meeting  with  so  unexpected  a  reproof,  I  was  some- 
what Affected  with  it,  and  went  to  bed  under  remorse  of  con- 
sdence,  which  I  soon  cast  oflf  again. 

Thus  time  passed  on,  my  heart  was  replenished  with  myrth 
and  wantonness,  while  pleasing  scenes  of  Vanity  were  presented 
to  my  imagination,*  till  I  attain'd  the  age  of  Eighteen  years,  near 
which  time  I  felt  the  Judgments  of  God  in  my  soul  like  a  con- 
suming fire,  and  looking  over  my  past  life,  the  prospect  was  move- 
ing.  I  was  often  sad,  and  longed  to  be  delivcr'd  from  those  vani- 
ties; then  again  my  heart  was  Strongly  Inclined  to  them,  and 
there  was  in  me  a  sore  conflict.  At  times  I  turned  to  folly,  and 
then  again  sorrow  and  confusion  took  hold  of  me.  In  a  while 
I  resolved  totally  to  leave  off  some  of  my  vanities,  but  there 
was  a  secret  reserve  in  my  heart,  of  the  more  refined  part  of  them, 
and  I  was  not  low  enough  to  find  true  peace.  Thus  for  some 
months,  I  had  great  troubles  and  disquiet,  there  remaining  in  me 

'  MS.  C  "when  be  came,  conquered  mr." 

•  MS.  C  "I  most  grievously  Ahitscd  ibe  Mercies  of  God,  Forsaking  him  who 
Im<1  belt>ed  me  in  ray  Distress:  with  Abasement  of  mind  I  mention  it.  Still  he 
C*jit  roe  not  of  utterly.  Being  turned  of  Eighteen  yean  I  fell  a  fresh  Viaitation: 
And  his  Judgments  in  my  Soul  were  like  consuming  fire.  And  looldng  over  my 
paat  life,  the  Prospect  was  moving.  I  was  often  Sad  and  longed  to  be  delivered 
from  those  Vanities.  Again  at  times  my  heart  was  so  strongly  Inclined  toward 
ibem  that  the  conflict  was  Sharp.  Sometimes  T  turned  to  my  follies,  &  iho  the 
Lord  was  near  me  as  A  most  Righteous  Judge,  yet  I  rebelled  against  him;  then 
I  found  Sorow  and  confusion  take  hard  on  me;  In  a  while  I  resolved  to  leave 
ct  aome  of  my  follies;  yet  as  to  the  more  refined  part  of  them.  I  said  in  my  heart, 
ia  Iki*  thing  the  Lord  pardon  me;   which  resolve  Spoiled  All  my   Religion" — 


u 


156  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

an  unsubjected  will,  which  rendered  my  labours  fruitless,  till 
length,  through  the  Mercifull  continuance  of  Heavenly  Visitations, 
I  was  made  to  bow  down  in  Spirit  before  the  Most  High.     I 
remember  *  one  evening  I  had  spent  some  time  in  reading  a  pious 
author,  and  walking  out  a  lone,  I  humbly  prayed  to  the  Lord  for 
his  help,  that  I  might  be  delivered  from  those  vanities  which  so 
ensnared  me.  .  .  .^     Thus  being  brought  low  he  helped  n)e.  and 
as  I  learned  to  bear  the  Cross,  I  felt  refresliment  to  come  from 
his  Presence :  but  not  keeping  in  that  Strength  which  gave  victory    [ 
I  lost  ground  again.  The  sense  of  wl  ich  greatly  afflicted  me  aQ^J 
I  sought  Desarts  and  lonely  places,  and  there  with  tears  did  coli^| 
fess  my  Sins  to  God,  and  humbly  craved  help  of  HIM,  and  I 
may  say  with  Reverence  he  was  near  to  me  in  my  troubles,  aa^_ 
in  those  times  of  Humiliation  opened  my  ear  to  Discipline.  ^| 

I  was  now  led  to  look  seriously  at  the  means  by  which  I 
was  drawn  from  the  pure  Truth,  and  I  learned  this.  That  if  I 
would  live  in  the  life  which  the  Faithful  servants  of  God  livetl 
m,  T  must  not  go  into  company  as  heretofore  in  my  own  will, 
hut  all  the  cravings  of  Sense  must  be  governed  by  a  Divine 
principle.  In  times  of  sorrow  and  abasement  these  Instructions 
were  sealed  upon  me,  and  I  felt  the  power  of  Christ  prevail  over 
all  selfish  desires,  so  that  I  was  preserved  in  a  good  degree  of 
steadiness,  and  being  young  and  believing  at  that  time  that  a 
single  life  was  best  for  me,  I  was  strengthened  to  keep  from  such 
company  as  had  often  been  a  snare  to  me, 

I  kept  steady  to  meetings,  spent  first-days  in  the  afternoon 
chiefly  in  reading  the  scriptures  and  other  good  Books,  and  was 
early  convinced  in  my  mind  that  true  Religion  consisted  in  an 
inward  life,  wherein  the  Heart  doth  Love  and  Reverence  God  the 
Creator,  and  learn  to  Exercise  true  Justice  and  Goodness,  not 
only  toward  all  men,  but  allso  toward  the  Brute  Creatures.  That 
as  the  mind  was  moved  by  an  inward  Principle  to  Love  God  as 
an  invisible,  Incomprehensible  Being,  by  the  same  principle  it 
was  moved  to  love  him  in  all  his  manifestations  in  the  Visible 
world.  That  as  by  his  breath  the  flame  of  life  was  kindled  in 
all  Animal  and  Sensible  creatures,  to  say  we  Love  God  as  unseen, 


»MS.   C  "And  now   I  com*  to  a  Winter  Evening  which  to   me  ia   Memoriable.' 
■  MS.   C   "I    found   help   in    my   distress,   and   through    faith,    Mountains   were   n 


moved,' 


J 


I740 


157 


and  at  the  same  time  Exercise  cruelty  toward  the  least  creature 
moving  by  his  life,  or  by  life  derived  from  Him,  was  a  Contra- 
diction in  itself. 

I  found  no  narrowness  respecting  Sects  and  Opinions,  but 
believe  that  sincere  upright-hearted  people,  in  Every  society  who 
truly  love  God  were  accepted  of  HIM. 

As  I  hved  under  the  Cross,  and  simply  followed  the  openings 
of  Truth,  my  mind  from  day  to  day  was  more  Enlightened,  my 
former  acquaintance  were  left  to  judge  of  me  as  they  would,  for 
I  found  it  safest  for  me  to  live  in  private  and  keep  these  things 
scaled  up  in  my  own  breast.  While  I  silently  ponder  on  that 
change  which  was  wrought  in  me,  I  find  no  language  equal  to  it, 
nor  any  means  to  convey  to  another  a  clear  idea  of  it.  I  looked 
upon  the  works  of  God  in  this  Visible  Creation,  and  an  awfull- 
ness  covered  me:  my  heart  was  tender  and  often  contrite,  and  a 
universal  Love  to  my  fellow  Creatures  increased  in  me.  This  will 
be  understood  by  such  who  have  troden  in  the  same  path. 

Some  glances  of  Real  beauty  is  percieveble  in  their  faces,  who 
dwell  in  true  meekness.  Some  tincture  of  true  Harmony  in  the 
sound  of  that  voice  to  which  Divine  Love  gives  utterance,  & 
Some  appearance  of  right  order  in  their  temper  and  Conduct, 
whose  passions  are  fully  regulated,  yet  all  these  do  not  fully 
show  forth  that  inward  life  to  such  who  have  not  felt  it;  but 
this  white  stone  and  new  name  is  known  rightly  to  such  only 
who  have  it. 

Now  tho'  I  had  been  thus  Strengthened  to  bear  the  Cross,  I 
still  found  myself  in  great  danger,  having  many  weaknesses 
Attending  me,  and  strong  Temptations  to  wrestle  with,  in  the 
feeling  whereof  I  frequently  withdrew  into  private  places,  and 
often  with  tears  besought  the  Lord  to  help  me,  whose  gracious 
ear  was  open  to  my  cry. 

All  this  time  I  lived  with  my  Parents,  and  wrought  on  the 
plantation,  and  having  had  schooling  pretty  well  for  a  planter,  1 
used  to  improve  winter  evenings,  and  other  leisure  limes,  and 
bdng  now  in  the  Twenty  first  year  of  my  age,  a  man  in  much 
business  at  Shopkeeping  and  Baking,  asked  me  if  I  would  hire 
with  him  to  tend  Shop  and  keep  books.  I  *  acquainted  my  Father 
with  the  proposal,  and,  after  some  deliberation  it  was  agreed  for 

*  MS.  C  "told  my  Father  of  the  oiTer." 


i 


158  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

me  to  go.  [I  had  for  a  considerable  time  found  my  mind  less  , 
given  to  Husbandry  than  heretofore,  having  often  in  view  soi^| 
other  way  of  living.'] 

At  home  I  had  lived  retired,  and  now  having  a  prospect  of 
being  much  in  the  way  of  company,  I  felt  frequent  and  fervent 
Cries  in  my  heart  to  God  the  Father  of  Mercies,  that  he  would 
preserve  me  from  all  Taint  &  Corruption.  That  in  this  more 
public  Employ,  I  might  serve  Him  my  Gracious  Redeemer,  in 
that  Humility  and  self  Denial  with  which  I  had  been  in  a  smalJ 
degree  exercised  in  a  verry  private  life. 

The  man  who  employed  me  furnished  a  Shop  in  MounthoUy, 
about  five  miles  from  my  Father's  house  &  Six  from  his  own 
and  there  I  lived  alone,  &  tended  his  Shop.  Shortly  after  my 
settlement  here,  1  was  visited  by  several  young  people,  my  former 
acquaintances,  who  knew  not  but  vanities  would  be  as  agreeable 
to  me  now  as  ever,^  [and  at  these  times  I  cryed  unto  the  Lord 
in  Secret  for  wisdom  and  Strength,]  for  I  felt  myself  Encom- 
passed with  dif^culties,  and  had  fresh  Ocasion  to  bewail  the 
follies  of  time  past,  in  contracting  a  familiarity  with  a  Libertine 
people.  And  as  I  had  now  left  my  Fathers  house  outwardly,  I 
found  my  lieavenly  Father  to  be  mercifull  to  me  beyond  what 
I  can  express.  ^^ 

By  day  I  was  much  among  people,  and  had  many  tryals  ^H 
go  through,  but  in  evenings  I  was  mostly  alone,  and  may  witti 
thankfulness  acknowledge,  that  in  those  times  the  Spirit  of  Sup- 
plication was  often  poured   upon  me,*  .  .  .  under  which  I   was 
frequently  exercised,  and  felt  my  Strength  renewed. 

[In  a  few  months  after  I  came  here,  my  Master  bought 
several  Scotch  men-servants,  from  on  board  a  Vessel,  and  brought 
them  to  MounthoUy  to  sell  &  having  sold  several  the  rest  were 
left  with  ine,]  *  one  of  which  was  Uikt-n  sick,  &  died.  The  latter 
part  of  his  sickness,  he,  being  delirious,  used  to  curse  and  Swear 
most  sorrowfully,  and  after  he  was  buried,  I  was  left  to  sleep 
alone  the  next  night  in  the  same  chamber  where  he  died.  I 
perceived  in  me  a  Timorousness :   I  knew  however  I  had  not 

'  MS.  C  This  sentence  occurs  in  MSS.  A  and  C.  but  is  wanting  in   B. 
»  MS.    C    "At    th«e    times    1    looked    to    the    Lord    for    help,    for    I    felt    ray 
very    weak." 

*  MS.  C  "And  I  called  upon  the  name  of  the  Lord,  tlic  Everlasting  God.** 


1 741 


159 


injured  the  man,  but  had  assisted  in  taking  care  of  him  according 
to  my  capacity,  and  I  was  not  free  to  ask  any  one,  on  that  | occa- 
sion,] '  to  sleep  with  me:  nature  was  fehle,  hut  every  tryal  was  a 
fresh  incitement  to  give  myself  up  wholly  to  the  service  of  God, 
for  I  found  no  helper  like  Him  in  times  of  Trouble. 

After  a  while  my  former  Acquaintance  gave  over  Expecting 
me  as  one  of  their  company,  and  I  began  to  be  known  to  some 
whose  conversation  was  helpful  to  me.  And  now,  as  I  had 
Experienced  the  Love  of  God,  through  Jesus  Christ,  to  Redeem 
me  from  many  polutions,  and  to  be  a  constant  succour  to  me 
through  a  Sea  of  conflicts,  with  which  no  person  was  fully 
acquainted,  and  as  my  heart  was  often  enlarged  in  this  Heavenly 
Principle,  so  I  felt  a  tender  compassion  for  the  youth  ^  who 
remain'd  entangled  in  the  same  snares  which  had  entangled  me. 
From  one  month  to  another,  this  Love  &  tenderness  increased," 
fand  my  mind  was  more  strongly  engaged  for  the  good  of  my 
fellow-creatures.]  I  went  to  meetings  in  an  awful!  frame  of 
mind,  and  endeavoured  to  be  inwardly  acquainted  with  the  lan- 
guage of  the  True  Shephered.and  one  day  -  .  .^  being  under  a 
Strong  Exercise  of  Spirit,  I  stood  up,  and  said  some  words  in  a 
meeting,  but  not  keeping  close  to  the  [Divine  opening,]  ^  I  said 
more  than  was  required  of  me  &  being  soon  sencible  of  my  error, 
I  was  afflicted  in  mind  some  weeks,  without  any  light  or  comfort, 
even  to  that  degree  that  I  could  take  satisfaction  in  nothing.  I 
remembered  God.  and  was  troubled  and  in  the  depth  of  my  dis- 
tress he  had  pitty  upon  me,  and  sent  the  Comforter.  I  then  felt 
forgiveness  for  my  offence,  and  my  mind  became  calm  and  quiet, 
being  truly  thank  full  to  my  Gracious  Redeemer  for  his  mercies. 
And  after  this,  feeling  the  spring  of  Divine  Love  opened,  and  a 
Concern  to  Speak,  I  said  a  few  words  in  meeting  in  which  I  found 
peace ;  this  I  believe  was  about  six  weeks  from  the  first  time,  and 
as  I  was  thus  hiimbled  and  disciplined  under  the  Cross,  my  under- 
standing became  more  strengthened  to  distinguish  the  language  of 
the  pure  Spirit  which  inwardly  moves  upon  the    [heart,]  "  and 

•  MS.    C   "Account." 
■MS.  C  "young  ptoplc." 

•  MS.   C    "and    I    found    it    too   Btronji    and    forcible    to   be    much    longer    Confined 
t*  mj  own  bruM." 

•  MS.   C  "till    one   day,    feeling   the   Word   of   the    Lord    in    my   heart." 

•  MS.   C   "True   Opener." 
•MS.   C  "inteUectuai  deep." 


1 


i6o  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

taught  me  to  wait  in  Silence  sometimes  many  weeks  together, 
until  I  felt  that  rise  which  prepares  the  creature  to  Stand  like  a 
Trumpet,  through  which  the  Lord  Speaks  to  his  [flock.]  *         ^^ 
From  an  inward  purifying,  and  stedfast  abideing  under  |^| 
springs  a  lively  operative  desire  for  the  good  of  others.    All  faith- 
ful people  are  not  called  to  the  puWick  ministry  but  whoever  are 
called  to  it,  are  called  to  minister  of  that  which  they  have  taistei^i 
and  handled  spiritually.     The  outward   modes  of  worship  ^^U 
various,    but  wheresoever    [men]    are  true  Ministers  of   Jesu^H 
Christ,  it  is  from  the  operation  of  his  Spirit  upon  their  hearts, 
first  purifying  them,  and  thus  giving  them  a  [feeling]  sense  of  the 
conditions  of  others.     This  truth  was  early  fixed  in  my  mind, 
and  I  was  taught  to  watch  the  pure  opening,  and  to  take  heed 
least  while  I  was  standing  to  speak,   my  own  will  should  get 
upermost,  and  cause  me  to  utter  words  from  worldly  wisdom,  a 
depart  from  the  Chanel  of  the  true  Gospel  Ministry. 

In  the  management  of  my  outward  affairs  I  may  say  wifl 
thankfulness  I  found  Truth  to  be  my  Support,  and  I  was  respect 
in  my  Masters  Family  who  came  to  hve  in  MounthoUy  withi: 
two  years  after  my  Vgoing  there  [1742.]  .  .  . 

About  the  twenty  third  year  of  my  age  I  had  many  fresh  au' 
heavenly  openings,  in  respect  to  the  care  and  providence  of  the 
Ahiiighty  over  his  creatures  in  general,  and  over  man  as  the  most 
nobl6  amongst  those  which  are  visible,  and  Being  clearly  convinced 
in  my  Judgmt  that  to  place  my  whole  trust  in  God  was  best  for 
me.  I  felt  renewed  engagements  that  in  all  things  I  might  act  on 
an  inward  principle  of  Virtue,  and  pursue  worldly  business  no 
further  than  as  Truth  open'd  my  way  therein. 

About  the  time  called  Christmas  I  observed  many  pA)ple  from 
the  Country,  and  dwellers  in  Town,  who  resorting  to  publick 
houses,  spent  their  time  in  drinking  and  vain  sports,  tending 
to  corrupt  one  another,  on  which  account  I  was  much  troubled. 
At  one  house  in  particular  there  was  [much  disorder,]  *  and  I 
believed  it  was  a  duty  laid  on  me  to  go  and  speak  to  the  master 

•  MS.  C  ••people." 

•  MS.  C  "As  my  mind  was  often  inward,  Meditatetng  on  God's  Providence. 
Manifested  in  the  VJsiMe  world,  I  was  more  and  more  Confimed  in  my  Jtidgnent 
that  to  place  my  whole  trust  in  hini  was  best  for  me,  and  laboured  from  on* 
month  to  Anoiher  to  come  into  that  condition  of  Trusting  in  Cod  with  aJl  mj 
heart,    and    not    to    lean    to    my    own    understanding." 

•  MS.    C  "uncoroon    Reveling." 


get       , 

I 

ted^ 
id 


1743 


i6i 


of  that  house.  I  considered  I  was  young,  and  that  several  Elderly 
friends  in  Town  had  opportunity  to  See  these  things,  and  though 
I  would  [gladly]  *  Iiave  been  excused,  yet  1  could  not  feel  my 
mind  clear.  The  Exercise  was  heavy,  and  as  I  was  Reading 
what  the  Almighty  Said  to  Ezekiel,  resipecting  his  duty  as  a 
watchman,  the  matter  was  set  home  more  clearly,  and  then 
with  prayer  and  tears,  I  besought  the  Lord  for  his  Assistance, 
who  in  loving  kindness  gave  me  a  Resigned  heart.  Then  at  a 
sutable  Oix>rtunity,  I  went  to  the  publick  house,  and  Seeing  the 
man  amongst  a  company,  I  went  to  him  and  told  him  I  wanted 
to  speak  with  him,  so  we  went  aside,  and  there  in  the  Fear  and 
dread  of  the  Almighty  I  Exprest  to  him  what  rested  on  my  mind, 
which  he  took  kindly,  and  afterward  showed  more  regard  to  me 
than  before.  In  a  few  years  after  he  died,  midle-aged,  and  I 
often  thought  that  had  I  neglected  my  duty  in  that  case,  it  would 
have  given  nie  great  trouble  and  1  was  humbly  thank  full  to  my 
Gracious  Father .^^  [who  had  supported  me  therein.] 

My  Employer  having  a  Negro  wotnan  sold  her,  and  directed 
me  to  write  a  bill  of  Sale,  The  man  being  waiting  who  had 
bought  her.  The  thing  was  Sudden,  and  though  the  thoughts  of 
writing  an  Instrument  of  Slavery  for  one  of  my  fellow  creatures 
felt  uneasie,  yet  I  remembered  I  was  hired  by  the  year;  that  it 
was  my  master  who  [directed]  "  me  to  do  it,  and  tliat  it  was  an 
Elderly  man.  a  member  of  our  society  who  bought  her,  so  through 
weakness  I  gave  way,  and  wrote  it,  hut  at  the  Executing  it  I  was 
so  Afflicted  in  my  mind,  that  I  said  before  my  Master  and  the 
friend,  that  I  believed  Slavekeeping  to  be  a  practice  inconsistent 
with  the  Christian  Religion :  this  in  some  degree  abated  my  uneasi- 
ness, yet  as  often  as  I  reflected  seriously  upon  it  I  thought  I 
should  have  been  clearer,  if  I  had  desired  to  be  Excused  from  it, 
as  a  thing  against  my  conscience,  for  such  it  was.  [And]  some 
time  after  this  a  young  man  of  our  Society,  spake  to  me  to  write 
(an  instrument  of  SIavei7],  he  having  lately  taken  a  Negro  into 
his  house.  I  told  him  I  was  not  easie  to  write  it,  for  though 
many  [people]  kept  slaves  in  our  society  as  in  others,  I  still 
believed  the  practice  was  not  right,  and  desired  to  be  excused  from 

•MS.    C   "feijin," 

■  MS.    C    "that    by   hi«  aid    I    had    discharged    what    he    lay'd    upon    mc.      Within 

»  jt*r   ifter   my    Coming  to   MountboHy,   my    Master '* 

•  US.  C  "bid." 


i62  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN    chap,  i 

doing  the  writing.  I  spoke  to  him  in  good  will,  and  he  told  me, 
that  keeping  slaves  was  not  altogether  agreable  to  his  mind,  but 
that  the  slave  being  a  gift  made  to  his  wife,  he  had  accepted  of 
her.  .  .  .* 

*  MS.    C   "from   some   of   her    friends,   and    lo   we   parted." 


CHAPTER  II 


My  Esteemed  Friend  Abraham  Farrington,**  being  about"  to 
make  a  Visit  to  Friends  *  on  the  Eastern  side  of  this  Province, 
and  having  no  companion  he  proposed  to  me  to  go  with  him,  and 
after  a  conference  with  some  FJderly  friends,  .  .  .■  I  agreed  to 

da  mo 
go  so  we  set  off  on  the  25.  9.  1743 ;  had  an  Evening  Meeting  at  a 
Tavern  in  Brunswick,  a  Town  in  which  none  of  our  society  dwelt 
The  room  was  full,  &  the  people  quiet.  Thence  to  Amboy,  and 
had  an  Evening  meeting  in  the  Court-house,  to  which  came  many 
people,  amongst  whom  were  several  Members  of  Assembly,  they 
[being]'  in  that  town  on  the  pubhck  affairs  of  the  Province.  In 
both  these  meetings  my  Antient  Companion  was  Enlarged  in  the 
Love  of  the  Gospel,  Thence  we*  were  at  Woodbridge,  Rahway, 
Plainfield  and  had  six  or  seven*  other  meetings  in  places  where 
Friends  meetings  are  not  Usually  held,  being  made  up  chiefly  of 
Presbyterians  &  niy  beluved  cotnpanioii  was  frequently  Strength- 
ened to  hold  forth  the  word  of  life  amongst  them.  As  for  me  I 
was  frequently  Silent  through  the  meetings,  and  when  I  spake, 
it  was  with  much  care,  that  I  might  speak  only  what  Truth 
opened;  my  mind  was  often  tender,  and  I  learned  some  profitable 
lessons ;  we  were  out  about  two  weeks. 

( Near "  this  time  being  on  some  outward  business  in  which 
several  families  were  concerned,  and  which  was  attended  with 
difficulties,  some  things  relating  thereto  not  being  clearly  stated, 
nor  rightly  understood  by  all,  there  arose  some  heat  in  the  minds 
of  the  parties,  and  one  valuable  friend  got  off  his  watch.     I  had 

*i.c.    to    preach.      [Ed.] 

•MS.    C    bu    an    eraiurt.    probably    of    the    names. 

•MS.   C  "then   Siting  there." 

•MS.    C   "to   Woodbridge   and    thereaway." 

•MS.  C  "tweWe." 

•MS.  C  This  entire  paragraph  ia  wanting. 

163 


i64  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       ci 

a  great  regard  for  him,  &  felt  a  Strong  inclination  after  w^ 
were  settled  to  speak  to  him  concerning  his  conduct  in  that  c 
but  I  being  a  youth,  and  he  far  advanced  in  age  and  Experie 
my  way  appeared  verry  difficult,  but  after  some  days  deiib 
tion,  and  inward  seeking  to  the  Lord  for  assistance,  I  was  n 
subject,  so  that  I  Expressed  what  lay  upon  me  in  a  way  w 
became  my  youth  and  his  years :  and  though  it  was  a  hard 
to  me,  it  was  well  taken,  and  I  believe  was  usefull  to  us  be 
%Having  now  been  several  years  with  my  Employer,  anc 
doing  less  at  Merchandize  than  heretofore,  [I  was  thuughtful 
some  other  way  of  business,]^  perceiving  Merchandize  tc 
attended  with  much  cumber,  in  the  way  of  trading  in  these  pj 

My  mind  through  the  power  of  Truth  was  in  a  good  de, 
weaned  from  the  desire  of  outward  greatness,  and  I  was  lear 
to  be  content  with  real  conveniencies  tliat  were  not  costly 
that  a  way  of  life  free  from  much  Entanglements,  appeared 
for  me,  tho*  the  income  was  small,  I  had  several  offers  of  I 
ness  that  appeared  profitable,  but  saw  not  my  way  cleai 
accept  of  them,  as  believing  the  business  proposed  woulc 
attended  with  more  outward  care  &  cumber  than  was  reqtj 
of  me  to  engage  in.  I  saw  that  a  humble  man,  with  the  Bles 
of  the  Lord,  might  hve  on  a  little,  and  tliat  where  the  hearL 
set  on  greatness,  success  in  business  did  not  satisfie  the  era 
but  that  coinonly  with  an  increase  of  wealth,  the  desire  for  w« 
increased.  There  was  a  care  on  my  mind  so  to  pass  my  tii 
to  things  outward,  that  nothing  might  hinder  me  from  the] 
steady  attention  to  the  voice  of  the  True  Shepherd. 

[My  Employer  though  now  a  Retailer  of  goods, 
trade  a  Taylor,  and  kept  a  servant  man  at  that  business,  ai 
began  to  think  about  learning  the  trade,]  •  i^xpecting  that 
should  settle  I  might  by  this  trade  and  a  little  retailing  of  g( 
get  a  liveing  in  a  plain  way  without  the  load  of  great  busii 
1  mentioned  it  to  my  Employer  and  we  soon  agreed  on  te 
and  then  when  I  had  leisure  from  the  affairs  of  merchandi 
worked  with  his  man.  I  believed  the  hand  of  Providence  poi 
out  this  business  for  me,  and  was  taught  to  be  content  wit! 

what    way    I    should    take    for   a    living    In    Ca&e    I    should 


'MS,    C 

(i.e.   roarnr). 

*MS.    C    "My    buancM 
learn  the  Taylor'a  trade,** 


in    the    Shop   growing    Slack,    it   came    to    my 


1  1746  i65 

(hough  *  [I  felt  at  times  a  disposition  that  would  have  sought  for 

something  greater.]    But  through  the  revelation  of  Jesus  Christ,    . 

I  had  seen  the  happiness  of  Humility,  and  there  was  an  earnest 
desire  in  me  to  enter  deep  into  it,  and  at  times  this  desire  arose 
to  a  degree  of  fervent  Supplication,  wherein  my  Soul  was  so 

^  environed  with  Heavenly  Light  and  Consolation,  that  things  were 

i  made  easie  to  me  which  had  been  otherwise. 

In  the  year   [     ]  ^  my  Employer's  wife  died.     She  was  a 

I  virtuous  Woman,  and  Generally  beloved  of  her  neighbours,  and 
soon  after  this  he  left  off  shop-keeping  and  we  parted.  I  then 
wrought  at  my  trade  as  a  Taylor,  carefully  attended  meetings  for 
worship  and  discipline,  and  found  an  Enlargement  of  Gospel  Love 
in  my  mind,  and  therein  a  concern  to  visit  friends  in  some  of  the 
back  settlements  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  &  being  thought- 
full  about  a  Companion  I  exprest  it  to  my  beloved  Friend  Isaac 
Andrews,**  who  then  told  me  that  he  had  drawings  there,  and 
also  to  go  through  Maryland,  Virginia,  and  Carolina.  After 
considerable  time  pass't,  and  Several  conferences  with  him,  I  felt 
easie  to  accompany  him  throughout  if  way  opened  for  it.  I 
opened  the  case  in  our  Monthly  Meeting,  .  .  .'  and  Friends 
Expressing  there  unity  therewith,  we  obtained  Certificates  to 
travel  as  Companions,  his  from  Haddonfield,  and  mine  from 
Burlington. 

da  mo 
We  left  our  own  province  on  the  12.  3.  1746,  had  several 
meetings  in  the  uper  part  of  Chester  County,  and  near  Lancaster, 
in  some  of  which  the  Love  of  Christ  prevailed,  uniting  us  together 
in  his  service.  Thence  we  crossed  the  River  Susquehannah,  and 
had  several  meetings  in  a  new  settlement,  called  Red  Lands,  the 
oldest  of  which  did  not  exceed  ten  years.  It  is  the  poorer  sort  of 
people  that  comonly  begin  to  improve  remote  Deserts:  with  a 
small  stock  they  have  houses  to  build,  Lands  to  clear  and  fence, 
Com  to  raise,  Qothes  to  provide,  and  Children  to  Educate.  That 
Friends  who  visit  such  may  well  sympathize  with  them  in  their 
hardships  in  the  wilderness.     [And  though  *  the  best  entertain- 

'  MS.  C  "it  was  reverse  to  the  creaturely  will." 

•A   blank   is  left  in   MS.    for   date.     There  is   no  clue   as   to  the   master's  name. 
■  MS.    C   "exactly   as   it   was." 

*  MS.    C    "But   to    Express   uneasiness   at   Coarse   Entertainment,   when   in    Good 
viU  thc7  fire  tts  their  Best,  does  not  become  the  Disciplee  of  Chritt'' 


i66 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       cha 


nient  such  can  give,  may  Seem  coarse  to  some  who  are  Used 
Cities  or  old  Settled  places,  it  becomes  the  Disciples  of  Christ 
be  content  with  it.]   Our  hearts  were  sometimes  enlarged  in  tl 
love  of   our   Heavenly   Father   amongst   these   people,   and   tl 
sweet  Influence  of  his  Spirit  supported  us  through  some  dif 
culties.     To  Him  he  the  praise.  ^ 

We  passed  on  to  Manoquacy,  Fairfax,  Hopewell,  and  Shei 
ando,'  and  had  meetings,  some  of  which  were  comfortable  ai 
Edefying.  From  Shanando  we  set  of  in  the  afternoon  for  tl 
old  Settlements  of  Friends  in  Virginia,  and  the  first  night  we  wil 
our  pilot  lodged  in  the  woods,  our  horses  feeding  near  us,  bi 
he  being  poorly  provided  with  a  horse,  and  %ve  young  and  havir 
good  horses,  were  free  the  next  day  to  part  with  him  and  did  s 
.  .  .*  in  two  days  [besides  the  first  afternoon]  we  reached  to  oi 
friend  John  Cheadles,^"  in  Virginia. 

We  took  the  meetings  in  our  way  thro'  \'irgiiiia ;  were, 
some  degree,  baptized  into  a  feeling  sense  of  the  conditions  of  tl 
people,'  [&  our  Exercise  in  general  was  more  j^»ainfull]  in  the.* 
old  Settlements,  than  it  had  been  amongst  the  back  inhabitant 
But  through  the  Goodness  of  our  Heavenly  Father,  the  well  c 
Living  Waters  was  at  times  opened  to  Our  Encouragement,  an 
the  refreshment  of  the  sincere  hearted.  We  went  on  to  Perqu 
mans  River  in  North  Carolina,  had  several  meetings  which  wei 
large,  and  found  some  openness  in  those  parts,  and  a  hopefu 
appearance  amongst  the  young  people.  So  we  turned  again  t 
Virginia,  and  attended  most  of  the  meetings  which  we  had  nc 
been  at  before,  Labouring  amongst  Friends  in  the  I^ve  of  Jesu 
Christ,  as  ability  was  given :  and  thence  wtnt  to  the  Mountain: 
up  James  River  to  a  new  settlement,  and  had  several  Meeting 
amongst  the  people,*  fsome  of  whom  had  lately  joined  in  meni 
bership  to  our  society.] 

In  our  Journeying  to  and  fro,  we  found  some  honest-heartd 
friends,  who  appeared  to  be  concerned  for  the  Cause  of  Tnit' 
among  a  backsliding  people.     We  crossed  from  Virginia,  ove 


<  Shenandoah. 

'MS.    C    "Once    in    a   while,   wc    met   wttb   &   house   and    £ni]uircd,    And    for    ou 
Money    took    such    rpfreshtnent    as    the    people    had." 

•  MS.    C    "The    pure    Lamblike    Nature   of    Je»us   Christ    beinK    loo    niuth    departr 
from  bj  many  of  them;  «nd  our  Exercise  in   genral]    waa  Somewhat  paiafull." 

*  MS.  C  "aome  of  whom  had  profcnMd  our  way  btit  A  short  time." 


J 


i 


k 


n  1746  167 

the  river  Patowmac,^  at  Hoe's  ferry,  and  made  a  general  Visit 
to  the  meetings  of  Friends  on  tlie  Western  Shore  of  Maryland 
and  were  at  their  Quarterly  meeting.  .  .  .*  We  had  some  hard 
Labour  amongst  them,  Endeavouring  to  discharge  our  duty 
honestly  as  way  opened  in  the  Love  of  Truth,  and  thence  taking 
sundry  meetings  in  our  way,  we  passed  homeward,  where,  through 

da  mo 
llie  Favour  of  Divine  Providence  we  reached  y*  16.  6.  1746. 
And  I  may  say  that  through  the  assistance  of  the  Holy  Spirit 
which  mortifies  selfish  desires,  my  Companion  and  I  traveled  in 
harmony  and  parted  in  the  nearness  of  True  Brotherly  Love. — 
[We  Travelled,  by  estimation,  fifteen  hundred  miles  and  were 
out  three  months  and  four  days.]" 

Two  things  were  remarkable  to  me  in  this  journey.  First,  in 
regard  to  my  Entertainment.  When  I  eat  drank  and  lodged  free- 
cost  with  people  who  lived  in  Ease  on  the  hard  toy  I  of  their  slaves 
I  felt  uneasie,  and  as  my  mind  was  inward  to  the  Lord,  I  found, 
from  place  to  place,  this  uneasiness  return  upon  me  at  times 
through  the  whole  visit.  Where  the  masters  bore  a  good  share  of 
the  burthen,  and  hved  frugally,  so  that  their  Servants  were  well 
pro\'ided  for,  and  their  labour  moderate,  I  felt  more  easie;  but 
where  they  lived  in  a  costly  way,  and  laid  heavy  burthens  on  tlieir 
Slaves,  my  exercise  was  often  great,  and  I  frequently  had  conver- 
sation with  them  in  private  concerning  it.  Secondly,  This  trade 
of  imix)rting  [thenij  *  from  [their  native  country]  ^  being  much 
Ejicouraged  amongst  them,  and  the  white  people  and  their  chil- 
dren so  generally  liveing  without  much  labour  was  frequently  the 
subject  of  my  serious  thought,  and  1  Saw  in  these  Southern  Prov- 
inces, so  many  Vices  and  Corruptions  increased  by  this  trade  and 
this  way  of  life,  that  it  appeared  to  me  as  a  dark  gloominess  hang- 
rag  over  the  Land,  and  though  now  many  willingly  run  into  it, 
yet  in  future  the  Consequence  will  be  grievous  to  posterity.  I 
apress  it  as  it  hath  appeared  to  me,  not  at  once,  nor  twice,  but  as 
a  matter  fixed  on  my  mind. 

Soon  after  my  return  home  I  felt  an  increasing  concern  for 

'  Potomac 

'MS.  C  "At   Hcrrm(g)    Creek." 

'  MS.    B   Thtfl   sentence    omitted. 

*Slavck. 

•  US,  C  Guinea. 


i68  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

da  mo 

Friends  on  our  Sea  coast,  and  on  the  8.  8,  1746,  with  tlie  Unity 
of  Friends,  and  in  Company  with  my  beloved  Friend  and  Neigh- 
bour Peter  Andrews,"  Brother  to  my  before  mentioned  com- 
panion, we  set  forward  and  Visited  the  meetings  generally  about 
Salem,  Cape  May,  Great  and  Little  Egg  Harbor,  and  had  meet- 
ings at  Barneget.  Manahockin,  and  Squan,^  and  so  to  the  Yearly 
Meeting  at  Shrewsberry.  Through  the  goodness  of  the  Lord  way 
was  opened,  .  .  .^  and  the  Strength  of  Divine  Love  was  some- 
times felt  in  our  assembhes,  to  the  Comfort  and  help  of  those 
who  were  rightly  concerned  before  Him,  We  were  out  twenty- 
tM'O  days,  and  rode  by  Computation  340  mile.  [At  Shrewsberry' 
Yearly  Meeting,  we  met  witli  our  Dear  Friends  Michael  Light- 
foot  "  and  Abraham  Farrington,*"  who  had  good  service  in  that 
great  Assembly.] 

The  winter  following  died  my  Eldest  Sister,  EHzabeth  Wool- 
man,**  Jun''  of  the  small-pox,  aged  31  years.  She  was  from  her 
youth  of  a  thoughtful  disposition  and  very  compassionate  to  her 
acquaintances  in  their  Sickness  or  distress,  being  ready  to  help 
as  far  as  she  could.  She  was  dutifull  to  her  parents,  one  instance 
whereof  follows.  It  happened  that  she  and  two  of  her  Sisters, 
being  then  near  the  Estate  of  young  women,  had  an  inclination  one 
first-day  after  meeting  to  go  on  a  visit  to  some  other  young 
women  at  some  distance  off,  whose  company  I  believe  would  have 
done  them  no  good.  They  expresst  their  desire  to  our  Parents, 
who  were  dissatisfied  with  the  proposal,  and  stoped  them.  The 
same  day  as  my  Sisters  and  I  were  together,  &  they  talking  about 
tlieir  disappointment,  Elizabeth  expressed  her  Contentment  um 
it,  as  believing  it  was  for  their  good.  .  .  .* 

A  few  years  after  she  attained  to  mature  age,  through  tlie 
Gracious  Visitations  of  God,  she  was  Strengthened  to  hve  a  self- 
denying,  exemplary  life,  giving  herself  much  to  reading  and 
meditation.  ^H 

*  Muusquan.  ' 
'MS.  C  "in  the   Meetings,   to   the  comfort  of  ihcm   who   fear  And  Serve  God," 
•MS.   B   Not  in  C. 

*  MS.    C     "Elizabetb    expressed    her     Satisfaction     In     being    put    by,    as    believ- 
ing  it  to  be  best  for  tbem,  Adding  this  Rynie — 


ld£^ 


u 


1747 


169 


The  following  letter  may  ^  [show  in  some  degree]  her  disposi- 
tion, 

da    mo 

"Haddonfield,  i.     11.     1743. 
Beloved  brollier  John  Woolraan 

In  that  Love  which  desires  the  welfare  of  all  men  I  write  unto 
da  mo 
thee  I  rec'd  thine,  dated  2.  10,  last  with  which  I  was  comforted.  My 
spirit  is  bowed  with  thankfullness  that  I  sliould  be  remembered,  who 
am  unworthy,  but  the  Lord  is  full  of  Mercy^  and  his  goodness  is 
Extended  to  the  meanest  of  his  creation,  therefore,  in  his  Infinite 
Love,  he  hath  pitied  and  Spared,  and  Shewed  Mercy,  that  I  have  not 
been  cut  of  nor  quite  lost;  but  at  times  I  am  refreshed  &  comforted 
as  it  were  with  the  glimpse  of  his  presence,  which  is  more  to  the 
Immortal  part  than  all  which  this  world  can  afford.  So  with  desires 
for  thy  preservation  with  my  own  I  remain  thy  affectionate  sister 

ELIZ,  WOOLMAN,  Junn" 


The  fore  part  of  her  illness  she  was  in  great  Sadness  and 

dejection  of  mind,  of  which  she  told  one  of  her  Intimate  friends, 

&  said.  When  I  was  a  young  girl  I  was  wanton  &  airy,  but  I 

thought  I  had  thoroughly  repented  for  it;  and  added,  I  have  of 

late  had  great  satisfaction  in  meetings.     Though  she  was  thus 

disconsolate,  still  she  retained  a  hope,  which  was  as  an  anchor 

to  her,  and  some  time  after  the  same  friend  came  again  to  see 

her,  to  whom  she  mentioned  her  former  Expressions,  &  said  It 

IS  otherwise  now,  for  the  Lord  hath  rewarded  me  seven  fold, 

and  I  am  unable  to  express  the  Greatness  of  his  love  manifested 

.to  me.    Her  disorder  api>earing  dangerous,  and  our  mother  being 

lorrowfull  she  took  notice  of  it,  &  said.  Dear  mother,  weep  not 

for  mee ;  I  go  to  my  God,  and  many  times  with  an  audible  voice 

uttered  praise  to  her  Redeemer. 

A  Friend  comeing  some  miles  to  see  her  the  morning  before 
ihe  died,  asked  lier  how  she  did ;  she  answered,  I  have  had  a  hard 
night  but  shall  not  have  another  such,  for  I  shall  die,  &  it  will 
be  well  with  my  soul  &  accordingly  died  the  Next  Evening. 

The  following  Ejaculations  were  found  amongst  her  write- 
ings;  wrote  I  believe  at  four  times: 

'  MS.  €  "ghre  the  Reader  wme  Idea  of." 


I70  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


1.  Oh  that  my  head  were  as  waters  &  mine  eyes  as  a  fountain  of 
Tears,  that  I  might  weep  day  &  night  untill  acquainted  with  my  God. 

2.  O  Lord  that  I  may  enjoy  thy  presence,  or  else  my  time  is  Lost, 
&  my  Hfe  a  Snare  to  my  Sou!. 

3.  O  Lord  that  I  may  receive  bread  from  thy  Table,  and  that 
thy  Grace  may  abound  in  me. 

4.  O  Lord  that  I  may  be  acquainted  with  thy  presence,  that  I 
may  be  Seasoned  with  thy  Salt,  that  thy  grace  may  abound  in  me. 


Of  late  I  found  drawings  in  my  mind  to  Visit  Friends  in 
New  England  and  thereaway;  and  having  an  Oportunity  of 
joynitig  in  company  with  my  Beloved  Friend  Peter  Andrews,*' 
we  having  obtained  certificates  from  our  Monthly  Meeting  set 

da  mo 
forward  on  y**  16.  3.  1747  and  reached  the  Yearly  Meeting  at 
Long  Island  at  which  were  our  Friends,  Samuel  Nottingham  *• 
from  England,  John  Griffith,'"  Jane  Hoskins.**^  and  Elizabeth 
Hudson  *^  from  Pennsylvania,  and  Jacob  Andrews  ^''^  from  Ches- 
terfield, several  of  whom  w^ere  favoured  in  their  public  exercise, 
&  through  the  goodness  of  the  Lord  we  had  some  Edefying  meet- 
ings. After  this  Samuel,  John  and  Jacob  went  toward  Rhode 
Island,  and  my  companion  and  I  visited  [the  Meetings  of]  Friends 
on  Long  Island,  and  thrfiugh  the  mercies  of  God  we  were  helped 
in  the  work.  Besides  going  to  the  setled  meetings  of  Friends,  we 
were  at  a  General  Meeting  at  Setocket,'  chiefly  made  up  of  other 
Societies,  and  had  a  meeting  at  Oyster  Bay,  in  a  Dwelling  house 
at  which  were  many  people :  At  the  first  of  which  there  was  not 
much  said  by  way  of  Testimony,  but  it  was  I  believe  a  good 
meeting  at  the  latter  through  the  springing  up  of  Living  waters 
it  was  a  day  tu  be  liiiankfully  remembred.  Having  visited  the 
Island  we  went  over  to  the  main,  taking  meetings  in  our  way  to 
Oblong,  Nine  Partners,  and  New  Mill  ford. 

In  these  back  settlements  we  met  with  several  people,  whoj 
through  the  iniediate  workings  of  the  spirit  of  Christ  in  their 
minds,  were  drawn  from  the  vanities  of  the  world,  to  an  inward 
acquaintance  with  Him.  They  were  Educated  in  tlie  way  o 
the  presbeterians,* 


n 


k 


*■  SeUuket,  L.   I. 

*  MS.    C    ends    at    this    point.      It    contains     forty-eigbt    quitrlo    pa|ea,     mad    fai 
■trie   ha*  the   freshness  and   vivacity    of   the   younger   man.  ~ 


M 


II 


1747 


I7X 


A  considerable  number  of  y*  youth,  members  of  that  society, 
were  used  often  to  spend  their  time  together  in  merriment,  and 
some  of  the  principal  young  men  of  that  company  being  Visited 
by  the  powerful  workings  of  the  Spirit  of  Christy  and  tliereby  led 
humbly  to  take  up  His  cross,  could  no  longer  Joyn  in  those  vani- 
ties: and  as  these  stood  steadfast  to  that  inward  convincement, 
they  were  made  a  blessing  to  some  of  their  former  companions, 
so  that  through  the  power  of  Truth  several  were  brought  into  a 
close  Exercise  concerning  the  Eternal  well  being  of  their  Souls: 
these  young  people  continued  for  a  time  to  frequent  tlieir  public 
worship,  and  besides  that  had  meetings  of  their  own,  which  meet- 
ings were  a  while  allowed  by  their  preacher,  who  sometimes  met 
with  tlieni,  but  in  time  their  judgment  in  matters  of  religion  dis- 
agreeing with  some  of  the  Articles  of  the  presbeterians,  their 
meetings  were  disapproved  by  that  society ;  and  such  of  them  who 
stood  firm  to  their  doty  as  it  was  inwardly  manifested,  had  many 
difficulties  to  go  through.  Their  meetings  were  in  a  while 
dropped,  some  of  them  returning  to  the  presbeterians,  and  others 
of  them  after  a  time  joyned  to  our  Religious  Society.  I  had 
conversation  with  some  of  the  latter,  to  my  help  and  Kdefication, 
and  believe  several  of  them  are  acquainted  with  the  nature  of 
that  worship  which  is  performed  in  Spirit  and  in  Truth. 

From  hence  accompanied  by  Amos  Powel,**  a  Friend  from 
Long  Island,  we  rode  through  the  Colony  of  Connecticut,  chiefly 
inJiabited  by  Presbeterians.  who  were  generally  civil  to  us,  so  far 
as  I  saw :  and  after  three  days  rideing,  we  came  amongst  friends 
in  the  Colony  of  Rhode  Island.  We  visited  Friends  in  and  about 
Newport  and  Dartmouth,  and  the  meetings  generaly  in  those 
parts,  and  then  to  Boston  and  proceeded  Eastward  as  far  as 
Dover,  and  then  returned  to  Newport,  and  not  far  from  thence, 
met  our  Friend  Thomas  Gawthrop**  from  England,  who  was  on 
a  visit  to  these  parts.  From  Newport  we  Sailed  to  Nantucket; 
was  there  near  a  week,  and  from  thence  came  over  to  Dartmoth, 
and  having  finished  our  Visit  in  these  parts,  we  crossed  the  Sound 
from  New  London  to  the  East  end  of  Long  Island,  and  taking 
lomc  meetings  on  the  Island,  proceeded  homeward ;  where  we 

da   mo 
reached  the  13.  7.  1747  having  rode  about  1500  and  sailed  150. 
In  this  journey  I  may  say  in  general  we  were  sometimes  in  much 


1 


172  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN  chap,  ii 

weakness,  and  laboured  under  discouragement,  &  at  other  times 
through  the  renewed  niaoi f estations  of  Divine  Love  we  had 
seasons  of  Refreshment  wherein  the  power  of  Truth  prevail 

We  were  taught  by  renewed  experience  to  labour  for  an  inw 
stilhiess;  at  no  time  to  seek  for  words,  but  to  Hve  in  the  Spii 
of  Truth,  and  utter  that  to  the  people  which  Truth  oi)ened  in 
My  beloved  Companion  and  I  belonged  both  to  one  Meeting, 
forth  in  the  ministry  near  the  same  time,*  and  were  inwa 
united  in  the  work.     He  was  about  thirteen  years  older  than 
bore  the  heaviest  burthen,  and  appear'd  to  be  an  instnmient 
the  greatest  use. 

Finding  some  concern  to  visit  Friends  in  the  lower  Counties 
Delaware,  and  on  the  Eastern  Shore  of  Maryland,  and  havi 
an  oportuiiity  to  joyn  with  my  Anlient  Well  beloved  friend  Jolui 

da  mo 
Sykes.*"'^  we  obtained  certificates  and  set  of  the  7.  8.  1748;  w< 
at  the  meetings  of  Friends  in  the  lower  Counties,-  attended  the 
Yearly  Meeting  at  Little  Creek,  and  made  a  visit  to  chief  of  the 
meetings  on  the  Eastern  Shore,  and  so  home  by  the  way  of  N 
tingham,  we  were  abroad  about  six  weeks  and  rode  by  compui 
tion  about  550  miles. 

Our  exercise  at  times  was  heavy  but  through  the  goodness 
the  Lord  we  were  often  refreshed,  and  I  may  say  by  experien^ 
"He  is  a  Strong  Hold  in  the  day  of  trouble.'*  Though  our 
Society  in  these  |>arts  appeared  to  me  to  be  in  a  decliiieing  condi- 
tion, yet  I  believe  the  Lord  hath  a  people  amongst  them,  wlio 
labour  to  serve  him  in  uprightness  but  have  many  defeculties 
encounter. 

'  Burlinplon     M.     M.    of    Ministers    and    Elders    has    a    minute    Hated    "a^lh 
of    6mo.     [Au^stl     1743."    recogtiizing^    them    both    in    the    ministry.      There    is 
record    at    Dover    of    this   visit,    nor    of    the    later    one    in    1760, 

•  Of  Pcnncylvania — i.e.,  Newcastle.   Kent  and   Sussex,  now   liic   stale   of   D«la« 


3lui      I 


Marriage  Certificate  of  John  Woolman  and  Sarah  Ellis 

8  mo.   (October)   18,  1749. 

In  Potsestion  of  tk*  Historieat  Society  of  Pmiuy/twiia.  ] 


CHAPTER   III 


1749 


I 

ii 


[About  this  time  believing  it  gocKl  for  me  to  settle*  and 
thinking  seriously  about  a  Companion,  nny  heart  was  turned  to 
the  Lord  witli  desires  that  He  would  give  me  Wisdom  to  proceed 
therein  agreeable  to  his  Will,  and  he  was  pleased  to  give  me  a 
well  enclined  Damsel,  Sarah  Ellis, ^'  to  whom  I  \vas  married 
da  mo 

r  18: 8: 1749] 

In  the  fall  of  the  year  T750  died  my  father  Samuel  Woolman^* 
with  a  fever  aged  about  Sixty  years. 

In  his  life  time  he  manifested  much  care  for  us  his  children, 
that  in  our  youth  wc  might  learn  to  fear  the  Lord,  often 
endeavouring  to  imprint  in  our  minds  the  true  principles  of 
virtue,  &  was  particularly  concerned  to  cherish  in  us  a  spirit  of 

rcy  and  tenderness,  not  only  towards  poor  people,  but  allso 
wards  all  creatures  of  which  we  had  the  command. 

After  my  return  from  Carolina  in  1746,  I  made  some  observa- 
tions on  keeping  Slaves,  which  I  had  some  time  before  shewed 
him,  and  he  perused  the  manuscript,  proposed  a  few  alterations, 
and  appeared  well  satisfied  that  I  found  a  concern  on  that  account, 
and  in  his  last  sickness,  as  I  was  watching  witli  him  one  night, 
he  being  so  far  spent  that  there  was  no  expectation  of  his  Recov- 
ery, but  had  the  perfect  use  of  his  understanding,  he  asked  me 
concerning  the  manuscript,  whether  I  expected  soon  to  ofifer  it 
to  the  Overseers  of  the  press:  and  after  some  conversation  there- 
upon he  said,  "I  have  all  along  been  deeply  Affected  with  the 
Opression  of  the  poor  Negroes;  and  now  at  last  my  concern  for 
them  is  as  great  as  ever." 

By  his  direction  1  had  wrote  his  will  in  a  time  of  health.  &  he 

^  MS.  B  This  paragraph  on  his  marria;;*:  oiilv  appcan  in  tbe  final  futio.  MS.  A. 
*nd  ia  wKnting  altogether  in  B.  where  it  has  been  supplied  on  a  blanit  leaf  in 
»  later  h«nd,  probably   that  of   Samuel   Cuinfurt. 


174  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

that  night  desired  me  to  read  it  to  him,  which  I  did ;  and  he  said 
it  was  agreable  to  his  mind,  he  then  made  mention  of  his  end, 
which  he  believed  was  now  near;  and  signified,  that  tho'  he  was 
sensible  of  many  imperfections  in  the  course  of  his  life,  yet  his 
Experience  of  the  power  of  Truth,  and  the  Love  &  Goodness  of 
God  from  Time  to  Time  even  till  now  was  such,  that  he  had  no 
doubt  but  that  in  leaving  this  life,  he  should  enter  into  a  life 
more  happy. 

The  next  day  his  Sister  Elizabeth  *•  came  to  see  him  &  told 
liini  of  the  decease  of  his  sister  Anne  *®*  who  died  a  few  days 
before,  he  then  said,  I  reckon  sister  Anne  was  free  to  leave  this 
world.  Elizabeth  said  she  was.  He  then  said,  I  also  am  free  to 
leave  it;  and  being  then  in  great  weakness  of  body  he  said  in  a 
Solemn  maner,  I  shall  shortly  go  to  rest  He  continued  in  a 
wfijjlity  frame  of  mind,  and  was  sensible  till  near  the  last, 
(la  mo 

2.  ().  1751  feeling  an  Openness  in  my  mind  to  Visit  Friends 
at  tl«e  great  Meadows,  in  the  uper  part  of  this  Province,  with  the 
unity  of  our  monthly  meeting,  I  went  there,  and  had  some  search- 
'\\\\f  liiborious  Exercise  amongst  the  inhabitants  of  that  place,  but 
found  inward  j^eace  therein;*  [was  out  nine  days,  &  rode  about 
170  miles.) 

mo 

In  the  <>,  1753,  in  company  with  my  well  Esteemed  Friend 
John  Sykes,*'  and  with  the  unity  of  Friends,  we  traveled  about 
(v\M)  wcrks  visiting  the  meetings  of  Friends  in  Bucks  county.  We 
liil»ouiT(l  in  the  Love  of  the  Gospel,  according  to  the  measure 
M'M'ivfil,  and  through  the  mercies  of  Him  who  is  strength  to  the 

I I   that  trust  in  liim,  we  found  satisfaction  in  our  visit:  and 

ill  I  lie  nwuing  winter  way  opening  to  visit  Friends*  families  within 
llic  ('onumsM  of  our  monthly  meeting,  partly  by  the  labours  of 
two  hu-iiils  from  Pennsylvania,  I  joyned  some  in  it,  having  had  a 
tliM.iir  Noinr  \«*ars  to  sec  it  go  forward. 

AIhiiiI  lliis  lime  a  jK^rson  at  some  distance  lying  sick,  his 
jtioilin  tame  to  me  to  write  his  will.  I  knew  he  had  Slaves;  and 
Mttliliif:  hi?»  Mrothcr,  was  told  he  intended  to  leave  them  slaves  to 
)iU  » liildnu.  As  writing  is  a  profitable  employ ;  as  offending  sober 
linoiilr  la  II  <Ii»agreeable  task  to  me,  I  was  straitened  in  my  mind; 

<  MM    U   Nuiit  Mtitenoe  omitted. 


1754 


175 


but  as  I  looked  to  the  Lx>rd,  he  Knclitied  my  heart  to  his  Testi- 
mony, and  I  told  the  man,  that  I  believed  the  practice  of  continu- 
ing slaverj*  to  these  people  was  not  Right;  and  had  a  scruple  in 
my  mind  against  doing  writings  of  that  kind :  That  though  many 
of  our  society  kept  them  slaves,  still  I  was  not  easie  to  be  con- 
cerned with  it,  and  desired  to  be  excused  from  going  to  write 
the  Will.  I  spake  to  him  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord,  and  he  made 
no  reply  to  what  I  said,  but  went  away :  he  himself  had  some 
concerns  in  the  practice,  and  I  thought  he  was  displeased  with 
me.  In  this  case  I  had  a  fresh  confirmation,  that  acting  contrary 
to  present  outward  interestj  from  a  "  [motive  of  Divine  love,  and 
in]  regard  to  Truth  and  Righteousness,  and  thereby  incuring  the 
resentments  of  people,  opens  the  way  to  a  treasure  which  is 
better  than  silver,  and  to  a  friendship  Exceeding  the  friendship 
of  men. 

da  mo 
[On  y*  7  2  1754  at  Night  T  dreamed  that  T  was  walking  in 
an  Orchard,  it  appear 'd  to  be  about  the  middle  of  the  afternoon ; 
when    on  a  Sudden  I  saw  two  lights  in  the  East,  resembling  two 

^Suns,  but  of  a  dull  &  gloomy  Aspect:  the  one  appeared  about 
the  highth  of  the  Sun  at  three  hours  high,  and  the  other  more 
porthward,  and  one  third  lower.  In  a  few  Minutes  the  air  in  the 
feast  appeared  to  be  mingled  with  Fire,  &  like  a  Terrible  Storm 
comeing  Westward,  the  Streams  of  Fire  reached  the  Orchard 
where  I  stood,  but  I  felt  no  harm,  I  then  found  one  of  my 
Acquaintance  Standing  near  me,  who  was  greatly  distressed  in 
mind  at  this  unusual  appearance.  My  mind  felt  calm,  and  I 
said  to  my  Friend,  u^e  tmust  ali  once  die,  atid  if  it  please  the  Lord 
thai  our  Death  be  in  this  Way,  ifs  good  for  us  to  be  resigned. 
Then  I  walked  to  a  House  hard  by  [at  a  small  distance]  and 
going  upstairs  saw  People  with  sad  and  troubled  Aspects,  amongst 
whom  I  passed  into  another  Room,  where  the  floor  was  only  some 
loose  Boards,  there  I  sat  down  alone  by  a  Window,  and  looking 
out,  I  saw  in  the  South  three  great  Red  Streams,  standing  at 
Equal  distance  from  each  other,  the  Bottom  of  which  appeared 

'  Ensure  in   MS.  A.     A  memorandum  on  back  of  index  leaf  of  Jolin  Woolman'a 

da  mo 
Wft  Account   Book   reads,   "Negro  James  b«und   j    1    1754  to   Serve   21   years,   that   is 
Aa    BIO 


i;6  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

to  stand  on  the  Earth  and  the  top  to  reach  above  the  region 
the  Goods:  Across  Those  Three  Streams  went  less  ones, 
from  each  end  of  such  small  Stream,  others  pointing  *  in 
hnes  to  the  Earth,  all  red — and  appear'd  to  extend  throi^ 
whole  Southern  Firmament,  like  the  Figure' 

There  then  appear'd  on  a  Green  plain  a  great  Multitude 
Men  in  a  Military  posture,  some  of  whom  I  knew:  they  came 
near  the  House  and  passing  on  Westward,  Some  of  them  looking" 
up  at  me,  Exprest  themselves  in  a  Scofifing,  Taunting  way.  to 
which  I  made  no  reply.  Soon  after,  an  old  Captain  of  Militia 
came  to  me,  and  I  was  told  that  these  Men  were  assembled  to 
Improve  in  the  Discipline  of  War.] 

The  manuscript  before  mentioned  having  lain  by  me  several 
years,  The  publication  of  it  rested  weightily  upon  me,  and  this 
year  I  offered  it  to  the  Overseers  of  the  press,  who  having 
examined  and  made  some  small  alterations  in  it,  ordered  a  number 
of  Copies  thereof  to  be  published  by  the  Yearly  Meeting  stock, 
and  dispersed  amongst  friends. 

In  the  year  1754,  I  found  my  mind  drawn  to  joyn  in  a  Visit 
to  Friends'  families  belonging  to  Chesterfield  monthly  meeting, 
and  having  the  approbation  of  our  own,  I  went  to  their  monthly 
meeting*  |in  order  to  confer  with  Friends,  and  see  if  way  oj>ened 
for  it.]  I  had  conference  with  some  of  their  members  the  pro- 
posal having  been  opened  before  in  their  meeting,  and  one  friend 
agreed  to  join  as  a  companion  for  a  beginning:  but  when  meeting 
was  ended.  I  felt  great  distress  of  mind,  and  doubted  what  to 
take,  or  whether  to  go  home  and  wait  for  greater  clearness.  I 
kept  my  distress  secret ;  and,  going  with  a  friend  to  his  house,  my 
desires  were  to  the  great  Shepherd  for  his  Heavenly  Instruction, 
and  in  the  morning  I  felt  easie  to  proceed  on  the  visit,  being  very  - 


'  MS.  B  "Exieodcd." 

»  MS.  A  Figure  drawn.  In  mATg,m  of  Folio  A.  p.  39,  where  diagram  i*  given, 
•re  the  word*,  "I  do  not  want  this  figure  printed.  John  Woolman."  There  i» 
no  question  that  in  t!ii»  case,  a*  in  that  of  his  other  dreams,  he  fully  intended 
the  text  to  be  printed,  the  omission  of  the  figure  accompanying  the  present  dream 
being  evidently  because  of  its  rough  drawing,  or  possibly  because  he  might  very 
cbaracteriBtically  think  it  occupied  too  much  space.  The  erasure  of  the  text  of  tliis 
dream  is  in  ink  of  other  and  later  manufacture,  and  is  undoubtedly  tbe  work  of  the 
'  Committee  of  Editorship,  in  1774.  MS.  B,  where  the  text  is  also  entire,  contains 
•orandum  in  hanJuriting  of  Samuel  Comfort,  (top  of  page  67)  "LtaVf  this  Dream 
Printing." 
lerted   over   an  erasure  in  MS.   A. 


in  1755  ^77 

low  in  my  mind :  and  as  my  eye  was  turned  to  the  Lord,  waiting 
in  families  in  deep  reverence  before  him,  He  was  pleased  Gra- 
ciously to  aflford  help,  so  that  he  had  many  comfortable  Oper- 
tunities,  and  it  appeared  as  a  fresh  visitation  to  some  young 
people.  I  spent  Several  weeks  this  winter  in  the  Service  part 
of  which  time  was  employed  near  home.  And  again  in  the  follow- 
ing winter  I  was  Several  weeks  in  the  same  service,  part  of  which 
time  I  spent  at  Shrewsbury,  in  Company  with  my  Friend  John 
Sykes,**  and  have  cause  humbly  to  acknowledge,  that  through  the 
goodness  of  the  Lord  our  hearts  were  at  times,  Enlarged  in  his 
Love,  and  strength  was  given  to  go  through  the  trials  which  in 
the  course  of  our  visit  attended  us. 

From  a  disagreement  between  the  powers  of  England  and 
France  it  was  now  a  time  of  Trouble  on  this  Continent ;  and  an 
Epistle  went  forth  as  follows,  which  I  thought  good  to  give  a 
place  in  this  journal. 

An  EPISTLE  *  from  our  general  spring  meeting,  &c.,  1755. 

To  Friends  on  the  continent  of  America. 
Dear  Friends 

In  an  humble  sense  of  Divine  Goodness,  &  the  gracious  continua- 
tion of  God's  love  to  his  people,  we  tenderly  Salute  you,  and  are  at 
this  time  therein  Engaged  in  mind,  that  all  of  us  who  profess  the 
Truth  as  held  for  &  published  by  our  worthy  predecessors  in  this 
•atter  age  of  the  world,  may  keep  near  to  that  Life  which  is  the  Light 
of  men,  &  be  strengthened  to  hold  fast  the  profession  of  our  Faith 
without  wavering.  That  our  trust  may  not  be  in  man,  but  in  the 
Lord  alone,  Who  Ruleth  in  the  Army  of  Heaven,  and  in  the  King- 
dom of  men,  before  whom  the  Earth  is  as  the  dust  of  the  balance, 
and  her  Inhabitants  as  grasshoppers.     Isa.  xl.  22. 

We  (being  convinced  that  the  gracious  design  of  the  Almighty 
■in  sending  his  Son  into  the  world,  was  to  repair  the  breach  made  by 
Disobedience,  to  finish  sin  &  transgression,  that  his  Kingdom  might 

'Erased,  in  MS.  A,  p.  7^2,  (the  only  one  which  gives  the  text  of  this  Epistle), 
'»  the  following: — "It  came  upon  me  to  write  an  Epistle  to  Friends;  which  I 
took  to  our  General  Spring  Meeting  and  passed  to  some  Elderly  Friends  to  have 
■t  inspected    &    sfgned    by    a    number    of    the    Brethren,    on    behalf    of    the    meeting, 

which,    with   some   amendments,    was   agreed   to    &    is  as   follows" .      The    author- 

»hip  is  thus  established.  John  Woolman  wrote  other  oflScial  publications.  This 
*as  the  Meeting  for  Ministers  and  Elders  of  Philadelphia  Yearly  Meeting,  held 
*t  that  place.  20th  of  .1  mo.  to  ist  of  4  mo.  inclusive.  irS)?.  The  original  MS, 
&  signatures  of  these  fourteen  Friends  is  in  the  Ridgway  Branch  of  the  Phila- 
delphia  Library,  J.  Smith's  MSS.,  Vol.  VIII — The  printer's  memorandum  is  on 
Wk,  "50  lines  to  page."  This  was  the  first  Yearly  Meeting  after  the  defeat 
of  Gea.  Braddock,  July  9.  i7S4- 


178 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chat 


come,  and  his  will  be  done  on  Earth  as  it  is  in  Heaven)  have  foai)« 
it  to  be  our  duly  to  cease  from  those  National  Contests  productive  0 
Misery  &  bloodshed,  and  submit  our  cause  to  Him  the  Most  H\g\ 
whose  tender  Love  to  his  Children  exceeds  the  most  warm  Affection 
of  Natural  Parents,  and  who  hath  promised  to  his  Seed  throughou 
the  Earth,  as  to  one  individual,  "I  will  never  leave  thee,  nor  forsak 
thee."  Heb.  xiii.  5.  And  as  we,  through  the  Gracious  dealings  0 
the  Lord  our  God,  have  had  Experience  of  that  work  which  is  carrier 
on,  "not  by  Earthly  might,  nor  by  power,  but  by  my  spirit,  saith  th 
Lord  of  Hosts,"  Zcch.  iv.  6;  By  which  operation  that  Spiritual  King 
dom  is  set  up  which  is  to  subdue  and  break  in  pieces  all  Kingdom 
that  oppose  it,  and  shall  stand  for  ever.  In  a  deep  sense  thereof 
and  of  the  safety,  Stability  and  peace  there  is  in  it,  we  are  desirou 
that  all  who  profess  the  Truth  may  be  inwardly  acquainted  with  i 
and  thereby  be  qualified  to  conduct  in  all  parts  of  our  life  as  become; 
our  peaceable  profession.  And  we  trust,  as  there  is  a  faithfull  con 
tinuance  to  depend  wholly  upon  the  Almighty  Arm  from  one  genera 
tion  to  another  the  peaceable  kingdom  will  gradually  be  extendet 
from  Sea  to  Sea,  and  from  the  river  to  the  ends  of  the  earth,"  Zcch 
ix.  10;  to  the  completion  of  those  profestes  already  begun,  that  Natior 
shall  not  lift  up  Sword  against  nation  nor  team  war  any  more.  Isa 
ii.  4.  Micah.  iv.  3. 

And,  dearly  beloved  Friends,  seeing  we  have  these  promises,  anr 
believe  that  God  is  beginning  to  fulfil  them,  let  us  constantly  en 
deavour  to  have  our  minds  sufficiently  disentangled  from  the  surfeit- 
ing cares  of  this  life  and  redeemed  from  the  Love  of  the  world  thai 
no  earthly  possessions  nor  Enjoyments  may  byas  our  judgments  01 
turn  us  from  that  resignation,  and  entire  trust  in  God,  to  which  hi) 
blessing  is  most  surely  annexed:  then  may  we  say,  Our  Redeemei 
is  Mighty,  he  will  plead  our  cause  for  us.  Jer.  i.  34.  And  if  foi 
the  further  promoting  his  most  gracious  purposes  in  the  Earth  h< 
should  give  us  to  tatste  of  that  bitter  cup  which  his  faithfull  one: 
have  often  partook  of,  O  that  we  may  be  rightly  prepared  to  receive  it 

And  now,  dear  Friends,  with  respect  to  the  Commotions  an< 
Stirrings  of  the  powers  of  the  earth  at  this  time  near  us,  we  an 
desirous  that  none  of  us  may  be  moved  thereat;  "but  repose  ourselvc! 
in  the  munition  of  that  rock  that  all  these  shakings  shall  not  move 
even  in  the  knowledge  and  feeling  of  the  Eternal  power  of  God 
keeping  us  Subjcctly  given  up  to  his  Heavenly  Will  and  feel  it  dailj 
to  mortify  that  which  remains  in  any  of  us  which  is  of  this  world  foi 
the  worldly  part  in  any  is  the  changeable  part,  and  that  is  up  am 
down,  full  and  empty,  joyfull  and  sorrowful!,  as  things  go  well  01 
ill  in  this  world.    For  as  the  Truth  is  but  one  and  many  are  raad< 


r 


til 


1755 


179 


partakers  of  its  spirit,  so  the  world  is  but  one  and  many  are  made 
partakers  of  the  Spirit  of  it:  &  so  many  as  do  partake  of  it^  so  many 
will  be  straitened  and  perplexed  with  it.  But  they  who  are  "sing!e 
to  the  Truth,  waiting  daily  to  feel  the  life  and  Virtue  of  it  in  their 
hearts,  these  shall  rejoice  in  the  midst  of  Adversity,"  *  and  have  to 
experience  with  the  profet,  that  though  the  fig-tree  shall  not  blossom 
neither  shall  fruit  be  in  the  vines,  The  labour  of  the  Olive  shall  fail, 
&  the  fields  shall  yield  no  meat ;  The  fiock  shall  be  cut  off  from  the 
fold  and  there  shall  be  no  herd  in  the  stall  yet  will  they  rejoyce  in 
the  Lord  and  Joy  in  the  God  of  their  Salvation."     Hab.  iii,  17,  18. 

If  contrary  to  this  we  profess  the  Truth  &  not  living  under  the 
power  and  influence  of  it,  are  producing  fruits  disagreeable  to  the 
purit>'  tliereof,  and  trust  to  the  strength  of  man  to  Suport  ourselves 
therein,  our  confidence  will  be  vain,  for  He,  who  removed  the  Hedge 
from  his  vinyard,  and  gave  it  to  be  trodden  under  foot  by  reason  of 
the  wild  grapes  it  produced  remains  unchangihle :  and  if,  for  the 
chastisement  of  wickedness  and  the  further  promoting  his  own  Glory 
He  doth  arise  even  to  shake  terribly  the  earth,  who  then  may  oppose 
him,  &  prosper  1 

Wc  remain  in  the  Love  of  the  gospe!  your  friends  and  brethren. 

Signed  in  and  on  behalf  of  our  said  meeting,  by 


JACOB  HOWELL,* 
JAMES    BARTRAM, 
JOSEPH    WHITE. 
JOHN   SCARBOROUGH, 
JOHN    WOOLMAK, 
JOSIAH    POSTER, 
JOSEPH    TOMLINSON, 


JOHN    EVANS, 
MORDECAI    YARNALL, 
DANIEL  STANTON, 
JOHN   CHURCHMAN, 
WILLIAM    MORRIS, 
ISAAC    ANDREWS, 
SAMUEL    ABBOTT.' 


Scrupeling  to  do  writings  relative  to  keeping  slaves,  having 
been  a  means  of  sundry  small  tryals  to  me,  in  which  1  have  so 
evidently  felt  my  own  will  set  aside  that  I  think  it  good  to 
mention  a  few  of  them. 

Tradesmen  and  retailers  of  goods  who  depend  on  their  bnsi- 
ness  for  a  livelihood,  are  naturally  inclined  to  keep  the  good  will 
of  their  custoraers;  nor  is  it  a  pleasant  thing  for  young  men  to 
be  under  any  necessity  to  question  the  Judgment  or  honesty  of 
ddcrly  men,  and  such  more  especially  who  have  a  good  character, 
Deep  rooted  customs  though  wrong  are  not  easily  altered,  but  it 


'Supheu  Criip't  Epistle. 
•Sec   Biog.   Note,    tiJ. 


tNote  by  John  W©olro«o.l 


i8o  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


1 


is  the  duty  of  every  man  to  be  firm  in  that  which  he  certa^t 
knows  is  right  for  him.  ^M 

^-'  A  Charitable,  benevolent  man.  well  acquainted  with  a  negro 
may,  I  believe,  under  some  circumstances,  keep  him  in  his  family 
as  a  servant,  on  no  other  motive  than  the  Negros  good :  but  man, 
as  man,  knows  not  what  shall  be  after  him,  nor  halh  he  any 
assurance  that  his  children  will  attain  lo  that  perfection  in  wisdom 
and  goodness  necessary  to  every  Absolute  governor.  Hence  it  is 
clear  to  me  that  I  ought  not  to  be  the  scribe  where  wills  are 
uiawn  in  which  some  children  are  made  absolute  masters  o^^ 
others  during  life.  ^M 

About  this  time  an  Antient  man  of  guod  esteem  in  the  neigh^ 
Ixiurhood,  came  to  my  house  to  get  his  will  wrote;  he  had  young 
negroes,  and  I  asking  him  privately  how  he  purposed  to  dispose  of 
them,  he  told  me.  I  then  said,  I  cannot  write  thy  will  without 
breaking  my  own  peace,  and  respectfully  gave  him  my  reasons  for 
it  He  signified  that  he  had  a  choice  that  I  should  have  wrote 
it,  but  as  I  could  not  consistent  with  my  conscience  he  did  not 
desire  it  and  so  he  got  it  wrote  by  some  other  person,  and  a 
few  years  after,  [passing  over  time  to  finish  the  relation,]  there  be- 
ing great  alterations  in  his  family,  he  came  again  to  get  me  to  write 
his  will  His  negroes  were  yet  young,  and  his  son  to  whom  he  in- 
tended to  give  them,  was  since  he  first  spoke  to  me,  from  a  Liber- 
tine become  a  sober  young  man,  and  he  supposed  that  I  would  have 
been  free  on  that  account  to  write  it.  We  had  much  friendly  talk 
on  the  subject,  and  then  defer 'd  it,  and  a  few  days  after  he  came 
again  and  directed  their  freedom  and  so  I  wrote  his  Will.  ^M 
S^Near  the  time  the  last  mentioned  friend  first  spoke  to  m^fl 
neighbour  received  a  bad  bruise  in  his  body,  and  sent  for  me  to 
bleed  him,  which  being  done  he  desired  me  to  write  his  will.  I 
took  notes  and  amongst  other  things  he  told  me  to  which  of  his 
children  he  gave  his  young  Negro  woman.  I  cons^idered  the  pain 
and  distress  he  was  in,  and  knew  not  how  it  would  end,  so  I  wrote 
his  Will  save  only  that  part  concerning  his  Slave,  and.  carrying  it 
to  his  bed-side  read  it  to  him,  and  then  told  him  in  a  friendly  way, 
that  I  could  not  write  any  Instruments  by  which  my  fellow  crea-' 
tures  were  made  slaves  without  bringing  trouble  on  my  own  mind. 
I  let  him  know  that  I  charged  nothing  fur  what  I  had  done,  and 
desired  to  be  Excused  from  doing  the  other  part  in  the  way  he 


m 


1756 


181 


p 

I 
I 

I 


propos'd.    Then  we  had  a  serious  conference  on  the  Subject,  and 
at  length  he  agreeing  to  set  her  free  I  finished  his  will. 

Having  ^  found  drawings  in  my  mind  to  visit  friends  on  Long 
Island,  after  having  obtained   a   certificate   from   our   Monthly 

da  mo 
Meeting  I  set  of  y*  12.  5,  1756.  When  I  reached  the  island,  I 
lodged  the  first  night  at  the  house  of  my  Dear  Friend  Richard 
Hallet :  *"  the  next  day  being  the  first  of  the  week  I  was  at  their 
meeting  at  Newtown  in  which  though  small,  we  had  experience 
of  the  renewed  manifestation  of  the  love  of  Jesus  Christ  to  the 
criinfort  of  the  honest  hearted.  I  went  that  night  to  flushing,  &  the 
next  day  in  company  with  my  Beloved  Friend  Matthew  Frank- 
lin" we  crossed  the  ferr>-  at  White  Stone,  were  at  three  meetings 
on  that  side  the  water,  &  then  came  on  to  the  island,*  where  I  spent 
the  Remainder  of  the  week  in  Visiting  meetings.  The  Lord  I  be- 
lieve hath  a  people  in  tliose  parts  who  are  honestly  concerned  to 
•Serve  him,  But  many  I  fear  are  too  much  cloged  with  the  things 
of  this  life,  and  do  not  come  forward  bearing  the  cross  in  such 
faithfullness  as  the  AImight>'  calls  for. 

My  mind  was  deeply  Engaged  in  this  visit,  both  in  public  and 
private ;  and  at  several  places  where  I  was,  on  observing  that  they 
liad  Slaves,  I  found  myself  under  a  necessity  in  a  friendly  way  to 
labour  with  them  on  that  Subject,  Expressing  as  way  opened,  the 
inconsistency  of  that  practice  with  the  purity  of  the  Christian  Re- 
ligion, and  the  ill  Effects  of  it  manifested  amongst  us. 

The  latter  end  of  the  week  their  Yearly  Meeting  began  at 
which  were  our  friends  John  Scarborrow,** '  Jane  Hoskins,*" 
and  Susannah  Brown,*"  from  Pennsylvania,  the  public  meetings 
v^Tcre  large.*  [and  measurably  favoured  with  Divine  gondness.] 

The  exercise  of  my  mind  at  this  meeting  was  chiefly  on  ac- 
count of  those  who  were  considered  as  the  foremost  rank  in  the 
^'•ciety.  and  in  a  meeting  of  Ministers  and  Elders  way  opened  that 
1  cxprcst  in  some  measure  what  lay  upon  me.  And  at  a  time  when 
friends  were  met  for  transacting  the  publick  business,  We  seting 

'A  note  bv  Woolmm  at  this  point  in  MS.  A,  fool  of  page  .16,  reads.  "N.  B. 
Vkil  m  Long  Island  comes  in  here  before  mention  is  made  of  leaving  Merchandiac." 
TW  i»  doac 

*Le.   returned    lo    Lonj;   Island.      [Ed.1 

'  Jnha    Scarborough. 

•US,  B  oaly. 


i82  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

a  while  silent,  I  felt  a  weight  on  my  mind  and  stood  up;  and 
through  the  Gracious  condescension  of  our  Heavenly  Father. 
Strength  was  given  fully  to  clear  my  mind  of  a  burthen  which  for 
some  days  had  been  increasing  upon  me. 

Through  the  humbling  dispensations  of  Divine  Providence  men 
are  sometimes  fitted  for  His  service.  The  messages  of  the 
Prophet  Jeremiah  were  so  disagreable  to  the  people,  and  so  re- 
verse to  the  Spirit  they  lived  in,  that  he  became  the  Object  of 
their  reproach,  and  in  the  weakness  of  nature  thought  to  desist 
from  his  prophetick  office;  but,  saith  he,  His  word  zcas  in  my 
heaft  as  a  burning  fire  shut  up  in  my  hones,  and  I  7vas  weary 
with  forbearing,  and  could  not  stay.  I  saw  at  this  time,  that  if 
I  was  honest  to  declare  that  which  Truth  opened  in  me  I  could  not 
please  all  men,  and  laboured  to  be  content  in  the  way  of  my  dut)\ 
however  disagreeable  to  my  own  inclinations. 

After  this  I  went  homeward  taking  Woodbridge  and  Plainfield 
in  my  way ;  in  both  which  Meetings,  the  pure  Influence  of  Divine 
Love  was  manifested,  in  humbh'ng  sense  whereof  I  went  home; 
having  been  out  24  days,  and  rode  about  316  miles. 

While  I  was  out  on  tbis  Journey  my  heart  was  deeply  aflFected 
with  a  Sense  of  the  State  of  the  Chorches  in  our  Southern  Prov- 
inces, and  believing  the  LORD  ^  was  calling  me  tn  some  further 
Lalmiir  atiKmgst  tht-m,  1  was  bowed  in  Reverence  before  HIM, 
witti  fervent  desires  that  I  miglit  find  Strength  to  resign  myself  up 
to  HIS  HEAVENLY  Will. 

Until  the  year  1756.  I  continued  to  retail  goods,*  besides  fol- 
lowing my  trade  as  a  Taylor;  about  which  time  I  grew  uneasy  on 
account  of  my  business  growing  too  cumbersome.  I  began  with 
selling  trimings  for  garments,  and  from  thence  proceeded  to  Sell 
cloaths  and  linens,  and  at  length  having  got  a  considerable  shop 
of  goods,  my  trade  increased  every  year,  and  the  road  to  large 
business  appeared  open :  but  I  felt  a  Stop  in  my  mind. 

Through  the  Mercies  of  the  Almighty  I  had  in  a  good  degree 
learned  to  be  content  with  a  plain  way  of  living.  I  had  but  a 
small  family   [my  outward  Affairs  had  been  prosperous]  "  and, 

»MS.  B.  la  this  earlier  MS.  the  words  God,  Almighty.  Lord,  or  pronouni  r«- 
ferring   to   him.   are    frequently   capitalized    throughout. 

'  This    is    the    point,    indicated    by    J,    W.,    in    MS.    A.    in    which    he    ihwned    Ibe , 
visit   to   Long  laland. 


ux 


1756 


183 


on  serious  reflection  I  believed  Truth  did  not  require  me  to  en- 
gage in  much  cumbering  affairs.  It  had  generally  been  my  prac- 
tice to  buy  and  sell  things  realy  iisefull.  Things  that  served 
chiefly  to  please  the  vain  mind  in  people,  1  was  not  easie  to  trade 
in;  seldom  did  it,  and  whenever  1  did,  I  found  it  weaken  me  as 
a  Christian. 

The  increase  of  business  became  my  burthen,  for  though  my 
natural  inclination  was  towards  merchandize,  yet  I  believed  Truth 
required  me  to  live  more  free  from  outward  cumbers.  There 
was  now  a  strife  in  my  mind  betwixt  the  two,  and  in  this  exer- 
cise my  prayers  were  put  up  to  the  Lord,  who  Graciously  heard 
me.  and  gave  me  a  heart  resigned  to  his  Holy  will ;  I  then  les- 
sened my  outward  business;  and  as  I  had  opportunity  told  my 
customers  of  my  intention  that  they  might  consider  what  shop 
to  turn  to:  and  so  in  a  while,  wholly  laid  down  merchandize, 
following  my  trade  as  a  Taylor,  myself  only,  having  no  prentice. 
I  also  had  a  nursery  of  Apple  trees,  in  which  I  spent  a  good 
deal  of  time,  hawing,  grafting,  triming  &  Inoculating. 

In  merchandize  it  is  ihe  custom,  where  I  lived,  to  sell  chiefly 
on  credit:  and  poor  people  often  get  in  debt,  &  when  payment  is 
expected  haveing  not  wherewith  tu  pay,  &  so  their  creditors  often 
sue  for  it  at  Law :  having  often  observed  occurrences  of  this 
kind*  1  found  it  good  for  me  to  advise  poor  people  to  take  such 
as  were  most  useful  &  not  costly. 

In  the  time  of  trading  I  had  an  oportunity  of  seeing 
that  a  too  Uberal  use  of  Spirituous  liquors,  and  the  Custom 
of  wearing  too  costly  apparrel,  led  some  people  into  great  in- 
conveniences:  and  these  two  things  appear  to  be  often  connected 
one  with  the  other;  for  by  not  attending  to  that  use  of  things 
which  is  consistent  with  Universal  Righteousness,  there  is  a 
[necessary]  increase  of  Labour  which  extends  beyond  what  our 
Heavenly  Father  intends  for  us:  and  by  great  labour,  and  often 
by  much  sweting  in  the  heat  there  is,  even  among  such  who  are 
not  drunkards,  a  craving  of  some  liquor  to  revive  the  spirits: 
That  partly  by  the  wanton,  Luxurious  drinking  of  some,  and 
partly  by  the  drinking  of  others.  led  to  it  througli  immoderate 
labour,  verry  great  quantities  of  Rum  are  annually  expended  in 
our  Colom"es,  of  which  we  should  have  no  need,  did  we  steadily 
Attend  to  pure  Wisdom. 


i84  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN      chap. 

Where  men  take  pleasure  in  feeling  their  minds  elevated  with 

strong  drink,  and  so  indulge  this  apfjetite  as  to  disorder  their  un- 
derstanding, neglect  their  duty  as  members  in  a  family  or  civil 
society,  and  cast  off  all  pretence  to  Religion,  their  case  is  much 
to  be  pittied ;  And  where  such  whose  hves  are  for  the  most  part 
regular,  and  whose  I'l^xamples  have  a  strong  influence  on  the 
minds  of  others,  Adhere  to  some  customs  which  powerfully  draw 
toward  the  use  of  More  strong  liquor  than  pure  wisdom  [dtrecteth 
the  Use  of,]  this  allso,  as  it  hinders  the  spreading  of  the  Spirit  of 
meekness,  and  Strengthens  the  hands  of  the  more  Excessive 
drinkers,  is  a  case  to  be  lamented.  ^H 

As  [the  least]  degree  of  luxury  hath  some  connection  W^n 
evil,  for  those  wlio  profess  lo  be  disciples  of  Christ,  and  are 
looked  upon  as  leaders  of  the  people,  to  have  that  mind  in  them 
which  was  also  in  Him,  &  so  stand  separate  from  every  wrong 
way,  is  a  means  of  help  to  the  weaker.  As  1  liave  sometimes  been 
much  spent  in  the  heat,  and  taken  spirits  to  revive  me,  I  have 
found  by  Experience  that  the  mind  is  not  so  calm  in  such  cir- 
cumstances, nor  so  fitly  disposed  for  Divine  meditation,  as  when 
all  such  extreams  are  avoided ;  and  I  have  felt  an  increasing  Care 
to  attend  to  that  Holy  Spirit  which  sets  right  bounds  to  our  de- 
sires, and  leads  those  who  faithfully  follow  it  to  apply  all  the 
gifts  of  Divine  Providence  to  the  purposes  for  which  they  were 
intended.  Did  such  who  have  the  care  of  great  Estates,  attend 
with  singleness  of  heart  to  this  Heavenly  Instructor,  which  so 
opens  and  enlarges  the  mind  that  Men  love  their  neighbours  as 
themselves,  They  would  have  wisdom  given  them  to  manage,  with- 
out ever  finding  occasion  to  employ  some  people  in  the  Luxuries  of 
Ufe,  or  to  make  it  necessary  for  others  to  labour  too  hard:  But 
for  want  of  regarding  steadily  this  Principle  of  Divine  love,  a 
selfish  Spirit  takes  place  in  the  minds  of  people,  which  is  a^ 
tended  with  darkness  &  manifold  confusions  in  the  world.         ^M 

[In  the  Course  of  my  Tradetn^^  being  somewhat  affected  '  at 
the  Various  Law  Suits  about  collecting  Money  which  I  saw  going 
forward;  On  aplying  to  a  Constable,  he  gave  me  a  List  of  his 
proceedings  for  one  year  as  follows :  to  wit.  ^M 

Served  267  Warrants,   103  Summonses,  and   17  ExecutionlP 
As  to  Writs  Served  by  the  Sheriff,  I  got  no  account  of  them. 

«  MS.    B    Troubled. 


m 


j 


1756 


185 


I  once  had  a  Warrant  for  an  Idle  Man,  who  I  believed  was 
about  to  run  away,  which  was  the  only  time  I  applied  to  the  Law 
to  recover  Money.  J  ' 

Through  trading  in  things  UsefuU  is  an  honest  employ,  yet 
through  the  great  number  of  Superfluities  which  are  commonly 
Iwught  and  sold,  and  through  the  corruptions  of  the  times,  they 
who  apply  to  merchandize  for  a  living,  have  great  need  to  be 
**dl  experienced  in  that  precept  which  the  prophet  Jeremiah  laid 
down  for  Baruc,  his  scribe:  "Seekest  thou  great  things  for  thy- 
self ?  seek  them  not." 

The  winter  1756  I  was  [several  times  out]  with  Friends  in 
visiting  families:  and  through  the  goodness  of  the  Lord,  we  had 
oftentimes  Experience  of  his  heartendering  presence  among  us. 

A  Copy  of  a  letter  wrote  to  a  friend.* 

In  this  thy  late  affliction  I've  found  a  deep  fellow-feeling  with 
thee,  and  had  a  secret  hope  throughout  that  it  might  please  the  Father 
of  Mercies  to  raise  thee  up  &  Sanctifie  thy  troubles  to  thee,  that 
thou  being  more  fully  acquainted  with  that  way  which  the  world 
esteems  foolish  may  feel  the  Cloathing  of  Divine  Fortitude,  and  be 
strengthened  to  Resist  that  spirit  which  leads  from  the  Simplicity' 
of  the  Everlasting  Truth. 

We  may  see  ourselves  cripled  and  halting,  &  from  a  strong  bias  to 
things  pleasant  and  easie,  find  an  Impossibility  to  advance  forward: 
but  things  Impossible  with  men  are  possible  with  God;  and  our  wills 
being  made  Subject  to  his,  all  temptations  are  Surmountable. 

This  work  of  Subjecting  the  will,  is  compared  to  the  mineral  in 
the  furnace,  which  through   fervent  heat   is  reduced   from  its   first 
principle.     "lie  refines  them  as  silver  is  refined;  He  shall  sit  as  a 
rc&ner  and  purifier  of  silver."    By  these  Comparisons  we  are  in- 
structed in  the  necessity  of  the  melting  Operation  of  the  hand  of 
'jod  upon  us,  to  prepare  our  hearts  truly  to  adore  Him,  and  manifest 
that  adoration  by  inwardly  turning  away  from  that  Spirit  in  all  its 
Workings  which  is  not  uf  llim.     To  forward  this  work,  the  allwise 
God  is  sometimes  pleased,  through  outward  distress,  to  bring  us  near 
the  gates  of  Death;  That  life   being  painful   81  afflicting,  and  the 
prospect  of  Eternity  open  before  us,  all  earthly  bonds  may  be  loos- 
ens. A.  p.  39-     Also  given   in   B,  p,  91.     Thts  incident   has  always  been  omitted, 
foOowinK    tbt    Committee    of    1774.    in    First    Edition.      It    gains    interest    by    being 
tte  only    occasion   on    which    we    have   any    account    of   John    Woolman   going    to   law. 
»  MS.  A.     There  is  no  clue  to  the   identity   of  this   Friend.      In  all   probability  it 
v«i  ooe  ot  ibc  brothers  Pemberton,*,  *,  *  or  possibly,  John  Sinith.>* 


i86      THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN     chap.  m. 

ened,  and  the  mind  prepared  for  that  deep  and  Sacred  Instruction) 
which  otherwise  would  not  be  received. 

If  kind  parents  love  their  children  and  delight  in  their  happiness, 
then  He  who  is  perfect  goodness  in  sending  abroad  mortal  G)nta- 
gions,  doth  Assuredly  direct  their  use.  Are  the  righteous  removed 
by  it?  their  change  is  hapy:  Are  the  wicked  taken  away  in  their 
wickedness?  the  Almighty  is  clear.  Do  we  pass  through  it  with 
anguish  and  great  bitterness,  &  yet  recover?  he  intends  that  we 
should  be  purged  from  dross,  and  our  ear  opened  to  discipline. 

And  now  on  thy  part,  after  thy  Sore  Affliction  and  doubts  of 
recovery,  thou  art  again  restored,  forget  not  Him  who  hath  helped 
thee,  but  in  humble  gratitude  hold  fast  his  instructions,  thereby  to 
shun  those  by  paths  which  leads  from  the  firm  foundation.  I  am 
Sensible  of  that  variety  of  Company,  to  which  one  in  thy  business 
must  be  Exposed.  I  have  painfully  felt  the  force  of  Conversation 
proceeding  from  men  deeply  rooted  in  an  Earthly  mind,  and  can 
sympathize  with  others  in  Such  Conflicts,  in  that  much  weakness 
still  attends  me.  I  find  that  to  be  a  fool  as  to  worldly  wisdom,  & 
commit  my  cause  to  God  not  fearing  to  offend  men  who  take  offence 
at  the  Simplicity  of  Truth,  is  the  only  way  to  remain  unmoved  at 
the  Sentiments  of  others. 

The  fear  of  man  brings  a  snare :  by  halting  in  our  duty,  &  gpiveing 
back  in  the  time  of  tryal,  our  hands  grow  weaker,  our  Spirits  get 
mingled  with  the  people,  our  ears  grow  dull  as  to  hearing  the  lan- 
guage of  the  True  Shepherd;  that  when  we  look  at  the  way  of  the 
Righteous,  it  seems  as  though  it  was  not  for  us  to  follow  them. 

There  is  a  love  Cloaths  my  mind  while  I  write,  which  is  superior 
to  all  Expressions,  &  I  find  my  heart  open  to  encourage  to  a  holy 
Emulation  to  advance  forward  in  Christian  firmness.  Deep  Humility 
is  a  Strong  Bulwark ;  &  as  we  enter  into  it.  we  find  safety  and  true 
Exaltation :  The  foolishness  of  God  is  wiser  than  man,  and  the  weak- 
ness of  God  is  Stronger  than  man.  Being  uncloathed  of  our  own 
wisdom,  and  knowing  the  Abasement  of  the  creature,  therein  we  find 
that  power  to  arise,  which  gives  health  and  Vigor  to  us. 

JOHN  WOOLMAN. 


CHAPTER  IV 

1757 

/  da  mo 

I  The  13  2,  1757  being  then  in  good  health  and  abroad  with 
Friends  visiting  families,  I  lodged  at  a  Friends  house  in  Burling- 
ton, &  going  to  bed  about  the  time  usual  with  me,  I  awoke  in  the 
night  and  my  meditations  as  I  lay  were  on  the  goodness  &  Mercy 
of  the  Lord,  in  a-sense  whereof  my  heart  was  contrite;  after  this 
I  went  to  sleep  again,  &  sleeping  a  short  time,  I  awoke.  It  was 
yet  dark  and  no  appearance  of  day  nor  moonshine,  and  as  I  opened 
my  eyes  I  saw  a  light  in  the  chamber  at  the  apparent  distance  of 
[about]  five  feet,  about  nine  inches  diameter,  of  a  clear  easie 
brightness,  and  near  the  center  the  most  radient.  As  I  lay  still 
without  any  surprise  looking  upon  it,  words  were  spoken  to  my 
inward  ear  which  filled  my  whole  inward  man:  They  were  not 
the  eflfect  of  thought,  nor  any  conclusion  in  relation  to  the  appear- 
ance. But  as  the  language  of  the  Holy  One  Spoken  in  my  mind : 
the  words  were  Certain  Evidettce  of  Divine  Truth,  and  were 
again  repeated  exactly  in  the  same  maner,  whereupon  the  light 
disappeared. 

Feeling  an  exercise  in  relation  to  a  visit  to  the  Southern  parts 
to  increase  upon  me,  I  acquainted  our  monthly  meeting  therewith, 
md  Obtained  their  Certificate.  Expecting  to  go  alone  one  of  my 
brothers,^  who  lived  in  Philadelphia,  having  some  business  in 
North  Carolina,  propos'd  going  with  me  part  of  the  way.  But  as 
he  had  a  view  of  some  outward  affairs,  to  Accept  of  him  as  a 
companion  seemed  some  difficulty  with  me;  whereupon  I  had 
conversation  with  him  at  sundry  times,  and  at  length,  feeling  easie 
in  my  mind  I  had  conversation  with  several  Elderly  Friends  of 
Philadelphia  on  the  Subject,  and  he  obtaining  a  Certificate  Sut- 

mo. 
able  to  the  ocasion,  we  set  of  5.  1757;  and  fell  in  at  Nottingham 

*  Uriah  Woolnian.>* 

187 


i88 


J 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


week-day  meeting  and  lodged  at  John  Churchmans  '* :  here  1  met 
with  our  Friend  Benjamin  Bufiington,***  from  New  England,  who 
was  returning  from  a  Visit  to  the  Southern  provinces.  Thence 
we  crossed  the  river  Susquehannah,  and  lodged  at  William  Coxs  •* 
in  Maryland,  and  soon  after  I  entered  this  province,  a  deep  and 
painfull  Exercise  came  upon  me,  which  1  had  often  had  some  feel- 
ing of  since  my  mintl  was  drawn  toward  these  parts,  and  with  which 
I  Actjuainted  my  Brother  lie  fore  we  agreed  to  joyn  as  companions. 

As  the  people  in  this  and  the  southern  provinces,  Hve  much 
on  the  labour  of  Slaves,  many  of  whom  are  used  hardly,  my  con- 
cern was,  that  I  might  attend  with  singleness  of  heart  to  the  Voice 
of  the  True  Shepherd,  and  l>e  so  supported  as  to  remain  unmoved 
at  the  faces  of  men. 

As  it  is  common  for  Friends  on  a  visit  to  have  Entertairunent 
free  cost,  a  difficidty  arose  in  my  mind  with  respect  to  saveing  my 
own  money  by  kindness  received,  which  to  me  appeared  to  be 
the  gain  of  Opression,  ^M 

Receiving  a  gift,  considered  as  a  gift,  brings  the  receiver  under 
Obligations  to  the  Benefactor,  and  has  a  natural  tendency  to  draw 
the  Obliged  into  a  party  with  the  giver.  To  prevent  difficulties 
of  this  kind,  and  to  preserve  the  minds  of  Judges  from  any  byas, 
was  that  Divine  Prohibition  "Thou  shalt  not  receive  any  gift, 
(ur  a  gift  blindeth  the  wise,  and  pen^erteth  the  words  of 
the  Righteous."  Exod.  xxiii.  8.  As  the  Disciples  were  sent  forth 
without  any  Provision  for  their  Journey,  and  our  Lord  said, 
the  workman  is  worthy  of  his  meat,  Their  labour  in  the  Gospel 
was  considered  as  a  reward  for  their  Entertainment,  and  there- 
fore not  received  as  a  gift:  yet  in  regard  to  my  present  Joumey 
1  could  not  see  my  way  clear  in  that  respect — the  odds  appeared 
thus:  The  entertainment  the  disciples  met  with,  was  from  such 
whose  hearts  God  liad  opened  to  receive  them,  from  a  Love  to 
them,  and  the  Truth  which  they  published:  But  we,  considered 
as  members  of  the  same  society,  look  upon  it  as  a  piece  of  Civility 
to  receive  each  other  in  such  visits,  and  Sdch  reception,  at  times, 
is  partly  in  regard  to  reputation,  and  not  from  an  inward  Unity 
of  heart  and  Spirit. 

Conduct  is  more  convincing  than  language;  and  where  people 
by  their  actions  manifest  that  the  Slave  trade  is  not  so  disa^e^ 


A 


IV 


1757 


i89 


able  to  their  principles  but  that  it  may  be  encouraged,  there  is  not 
a  Sound  uniting  with  some  Friends  who  Visit  them. 

The  prospect  of  so  weighty  a  work  &  being  so  distinguished 
from  many  whom  I  Esteemed  before  myself,  brought  me  verry 
bw,  &  Such  were  the  conflicts  of  my  Soul,  that  I  liad  a  near 
S)'mpathy  with  the  profet  in  the  time  of  his  weakness,  when 
he  said  "If  thou  deal  thus  with  me.  kill  me,  I  pray  thee  out  of 
hand  if  I  have  found  favour  in  thy  Sight,"  but  I  soon  saw  that 
this  procee(!ed  from  the  want  of  a  full  resignation  to  Him,  Many 
were  the  afflictions  which  attended  me  and  in  great  Abasement, 
with  many  tears,  my  Cries  were  to  the  Almighty  for  his  Gracious 
and  Fatherly  assistance,  and  then,  after  a  Time  of  Deep  Tryals 
I  was  favoured  to  understand  the  state  mentioned  by  the  psalmist 
Tm)re  clearly  than  ever  1  lu<l  before,  to  wit :  "My  Soid  is  even  as  a 
weaned  child." 

Being  thus  helped  to  sink  down  into  Resignation  I  felt  a 
<)eliverance  from  that  Tempest  in  which  I  liad  been  sorely 
Exercised,  and  in  Calmness  of  mind  went  forward  Trusting 
that  the  Ixird  Jesus  Christ,  as  I  faithfully  attended  to  Him,  would 
k  a  Cuuncellor  to  me  in  all  DiFficuUies,  and  that  by  liis  Strength 
I  should  be  enabled  even  tu  leave  money  with  the  members  of 
Society  where  1  had  Entertainment,  when  I  found  that  omitiiig 
of  it  would  Obstruct  that  wurk  to  which  I  believed  he  had  called 
me.  And  as  I  copy  this  after  my  return  (from  that  Journey]  I 
may  here  add,  that  oftentimes  1  did  so,  Under  a  sense  of  duty. 
The  Manner  in  which  I  did  it  was  thus :  when  I  expected  soon  to 
leave  a  Friend's  house  where  I  had  Entertainment,  if  I  Mieved 
that  I  should  not  keep  clear  from  the  gain  of  Oppression  without 
^\4ng  some  money,  I  spoke  to  C>ne  of  the  heads  of  the  Family 
privately,  and  desired  them  to  accept  of  them  pieces  of  Silver, 
and  give  them  to  such  of  their  Negroes  as  they  bcliev'd  would 
rrtake  the  best  use  of  them ;  And  at  other  times,  I  gave  them  to  the 
Negroes  myself,  [according]  as  the  way  looked  clearest  to  me.  As 
I  expected  this  before  T  came  out,  I  had  provided  a  large  number 
of  small  pieces  [of  silver]  and  thus  ofTcriHg  them  to  Some  who  ap- 
peared to  be  wealthy  people  was  a  tryal  both  to  me  and  them :  But 
the  [Exercise  of  my  mind  was  Such  and  the]  fear  of  the  Lord  so 
covered  me  at  times,  that  way  was  made  easier  tlian  I  expected. 


and  few,  if  any,  manifested  any  resentment  at  the  offer,  and  most 
of  them,  after  some  [httlej  talk,  accepted  of  them, 
da  mo 

The  7.  5.  1757.  lodged  at  a  Friend's  house:  and  the  ne>ct 
day,  being  first  day  of  the  week  was  at  Patapscoe  meeting  [after 
which  we]  crossed  Patuxent  River,  and  lodged  at  a  public  house 
[at  the  head  of  Severn].  9th.  Breakfasted  at  a  Friend's  house, 
who  afterward,  puting  us  a  little  on  our  way,  I  had  conversation 
with  him.  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord,  conceming  his  Slaves,  in  which 
my  heart  was  tender,  and  I  used  much  plainness  of_Sx;eech  with  J 
Him,  which  he  appeared  to  take  kindly.  We  pursued  our  Journey  ' 
without  appointing  meetings,  being  pressed  in  my  mind  to  be  at 
the  Yearly  Meeting  in  Virginia,  and  in  ray  Traveling  on  the 
Road,  I  often  felt  language  rise  from  the  Centre  of  my  mind,  thus. 
O  Lord !  I  am  a  Stranger  in  the  Earth,  hide  not  thy  face  from  me. 

da  mo 

ii,  5.,  we  Crossed  the  Rivers  I*att>wnit>ck  '  and  Rayjahann 
and  lodged  at  Port  Royal,  and  on  the  way,  we  happening  in  Com- 
pany with  a  Colonel  of  the  Militia,  who  appeared  to  be  a  thought- 
full  man,  I  took  ocasion  to  remark  on  the  odds  in  general  betwixt  a 
people  used  to  labour  moderately  for  their  living,  training  up 
their  Children  in  frugality  and  business,  And  those  who  live 
on  the  labour  of  Slaves,  The  former  in  my  view  being  the  most 
happy  life:  with  whicli  he  concurr'd.  and  mentioned  the  trouble 
arising  from  the  untoward  Slothful  disposition  of  the  Negroes, 
adding,  that  one  of  our  labourers  would  do  as  much  in  a  day  as  two 
of  their  slaves.  I  replyed  that  free  men  whose  minds  were  prop- 
erly on  their  business  found  a  Satisfaction  in  Improving,  Cultivat- 
ing, and  providing  for  their  families.  But  Negroes,  labouring  to 
support  others,  who  claim  them  as  their  property  and  Expect^ 
ing  nothing  but  Slavery  during  life,  had  not  the  like  inducem* 
to  be  industrious.  After  some  further  conversation,  I  said  t' 
men  having  power  too  often  misapplied  it.  That  though  we  made 
Slaves  of  the  Negroes,  and  the  Turks  made  Slaves  of  the  Chris- 
tians, I  however  believed  that  Liberty  was  the  Natural  right  of 
all  men  ecfually  which  he  did  not  deny;  but  said  the  lives  of  the 
negroes  were  so  wretched  in  iheir  own  Country,  that  many 
them  lived  better  here  than  there.     I  only  said  there's  great  od^ 

*  Polomac. 


•ect^ 

t^H 

adc    I 
ris- 
of 
tt^ 


^  1757  .    191 

in  regard  to  us,  on  what  principle  we  act  and  so  the  conversation 
jBL&t  head  ^ndcd.  And  I  may  here  add,  that  another  person, 
some  time  afterward  mentioned  the  wretchedness  of  the  Negroes 
occasioned  by  their  intestine  wars,  as  an  argument  in  favour  of  our 
fetching  them  away  for  Slaves :  to  which  I  then  replied.  If  com- 
passion to  the  Africans,  in  regard  to  their  domestick  troubles,  were 
the  real  motives  of  our  purchasing  them,  That  spirit  of  Sympathy 
being  Attended  to,  would  Incite  us  to  use  them  kindly,  that  as 
Strangers  brought  out  of  Affliction,  their  lives  might  be  happy 
amongst  us.  And  as  they  are  Human  creatures,  whose  Souls  are 
as  precious  as  ours,  and  who  may  receive  the  same  help  &  Comfort 
from  the  Holy  Scriptures  as  we  do,  we  could  not  omit  sutable 
Endeavours  to  instruct  them  therein. 

But  while  we  manifest  by  our  conduct,  that  our  views  in  pur- 
chasing them  are  to  advance  ourselves,  and  while  our  buying 
Captives  taken  in  war,  animates  those  parties  to  push  on  that  war, 
and  increce  Desolations  amongst  them.  To  say  they  live  unhappy 
in  Africa  is  far  from  being  an  argument  in  our  favour  and  1 
further  said,  the  present  circumstances  of  these  provinces  to  me 
appear  difficult.  That  the  slaves  look  like  a  burthensome  Stone  to 
such  who  burthen  themselves  with  them,  and  that  if  the  white 
people  retain  a  resolution  to  prefer  their  outward  prospects  of 
gain  to  all  other  Considerations,  and  do  not  act  Conscientiously 
toward  them  as  fellow  Creatures,  I  believe  that  burthen  will  grow 
heavier  and  heavier,  till  times  change  in  a  way  disagreeable  to  us. 
At  which  the  person  appeared  verry  serious  and  acknowledged  that 
in  considering  their  condition,  and  the  maner  of  their  treatment 
in  these  provinces,  he  had  Sometimes  thought  it  might  be  just 
in  the  Almighty  so  to  order  it. 

Having  thus  traveled  through  Maryland,*  we  came  among 

da  mo 
Friends  at  Ceadar  Creek  in  Virginia  on  the  12.  5.  and  the  next 
day  rode  in  Company  with  Several  Friends  a  days  Journey  to 
Camp  Creek  and  as  I  was  riding  along  in  the  morning,  my  mind 
*as  deeply  aflFected  in  a  Sense  I  had  of  the  want  of  Divine  Aid 
to  Support  me  in  the  various  difficulties  which  attended  me,  and  in 
an  uncommon  distress  of  Spirit,  I  cried  in  Secret  to  the  Most 
High,  O  Lord !  be  mercifull  I  beseech  thee,  to  thy  poor  Afflicted 

'  MS.  B  "On  a  direct  line." 


192  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chai 

creature.  After  some  time  I  felt  inward  relief,  and  soon  after  ; 
Friend  in  company  began  to  talk  in  Suport  of  the  Slave  Trade,  an< 
said  the  Negroes  were  understood  to  be  the  offspring  of  Cain,  thei 
blackness  being  the  mark  God  set  upon  him  after  he  murthere 
Abel  his  brother  That  it  was  the  design  of  Providence  they  shoul 
be  slaves,  as  a  condition  proper  to  the  race  of  so  wicked  a  man  a 
Cain  was:  then  anotiicr  spake  in  support  of  what  had  been  saic 
To  all  which^  I  replied  That  Noah  and  his  Family  were  all  wb 
survived  the  Flood,  according  to  scripture,  and  as  Noah  was  o 
Seths  Race,  the  Family  of  Cain  was  wholly  destroyed-  One  o 
them  said  that  after  the  Flood  Ham  went  to  the  Land  of  No<i 
and  took  a  wife  that  Nod  was  a  land  far  distant,  loliabited  b; 
Cains  race,  and  that  the  flood  did  not  reach  it,  and  as  Ham  wa 
Sentenced  to  be  a  Servant  of  Servants  to  his  Brethren,  these  tw 
families  being  thus  joined,  were  undoubtedly  fit  only  for  Slaves 
I  replyed,  the  Flood  was  a  Judgment  upon  the  World  for  thei 
abominations;  and  it  was  granted  that  Cains  stock  was  the  mos 
wicked,  and  therefore  unreasonable  to  suppose  they  were  Sparec^ 
As  to  Hams  going  to  the  land  of  Nod  for  a  wife,  no  time  beinj 
fixed,  Nod  might  be  Inhabited  by  some  of  Noahs  family,  be  for 
Ham  married  a  Second  time.  Moreover  the  Text  saith  [Ex 
presslyl  that  all  flesh  died  that  moved  upon  the  earth.  [Gensis  vi: 
21.]  I  further  reminded  them,  how  the  prophets  repeatedly  de 
clared  "that  the  son  shall  not  suffer  for  the  iniquity  of  the  fathei 
hut  ever}'  one  be  answerable  for  his  own  sins."  I  was  troublei 
to  perceive  the  darkness  of  their  Imaginations,  and  in  some  pres 
sure  of  spirit  said,  Tlie  love  of  ease  and  gain  are  the  motives  i 
general  of  keeping  Slaves,  and  men  are  wont  to  take  hold  of  weal 
arguments  to  Support  a  cause  which  is  unreasonable,  and  addec 
I've  no  interest  on  cither  side,  Save  only  the  Interest  which 
desire  to  have  in  the  Truth,  and  as  I  believe  Liberty  is  their  righl 
and  see  they  are  not  only  deprived  of  it,  but  treated  in  other  re 
spects  with  inhumanity  in  many  places,  'I  believe  He  who  is" 
Refuge  for  y*  Opres'd,  will  in  his  own  time  plead  their  cause,  am 
happy  will  it  be  for  Such  who  walk  in  uprightness  before  him,  I 
Thus  our  conversation  ended. 

da  mo 

14.  5.  was  at  Camp  Creek  monthly  meeting  and  then  rode  t 
"he  mountains  up  James  river,  and  had  a  meeting  at  a  Friend 


IV 


^757 


193 


House,  in  both  which  I  felt  sorrow  of  heart,  and  my  tears  were 
pcured  out  before  the  Lord,  who  was  pleased  to  afford  a  degree 
of  Strength  by  which  way  opened  to  clear  my  mtnd  amongst 
I^riends  in  those  places.  From  thence  I  went  to  fork  Creek,  and  so 
to  Ceadar  Creek  again  at  which  place  I  Irnd  a  meeting,  here  I 
found  a  tender  seed,  and  as  I  was  preserved  in  the  ministry  to  keep 
low  with  the  Truth,  the  Same  Truth  in  their  hearts  answered  it, 
"that  it  was  a  time  of  Mutual  refreshment  from  the  presence  of 
trhe  Lord.  I  lodged  at  James  Standleys,®^  father  of  William 
Standley,®^  one  of  the  young  men  who  suffered  imprisonment  at 
AVindiester  last  Sufher  on  account  of  their  Testimony  against 
X^ighting,  and  I  had  some  satisfactory  conversation  with  him 
croncerning  it.  Hence  1  went  to  the  Swamp  meeting,  and  to 
AVajTieoak  meeting  and  thai  crossed  James  river,  and  lodged 
near  Durleigh. 

From  the  time  of  my  Entering  Maryland  I  have  been  much 
■under  sorrow,  w^hich  of  late  so  increased  upon  me,  that  my  mind 
'was  almost  overwhelmed,  and  I  may  say  with  the  psalmist,  "In 
Tny  distress  I  called  upon  the  Lord,  and  Cryed  to  my  God ;"  who, 
in  Infinite  GtKwlness  looked  upon  my  afthctioii  and  in  my  private 
retirement  sent  the  Comforter  for  my  relief,  for  which  I  humbly 
bless  his  Holy  name. 

The  sense  I  had  of  the  stale  of  the  churches,  brought  a 
weight  of  distress  upon  me,  The  gold  to  me  appear'd  dim,  and 
the  fine  gold  changed,  and  tho'  this  is  the  case  toe  generaly,  yet 
the  sense  of  it  in  these  parts  hath,  in  a  particular  maner,  born 
heavy  upon  me.  JU  appeared  to  me,  that  through  the  prevailing 
of  the  spirit  of  this  world,  the  minds  of  many  were  brought  into 
an  inward  desolation,  and  instead  of  the  Spirit  of  Meekness, 
Gentleness,  and  Heavenly  Wisdom,  which  are  the  necessary  Com- 
panions of  the  true  Sheep  of  C  hrist,  a  Spirit  of  fierceness,  and 
the  love  of  dominion  loo  generally  prevailed. 

From  small  beginnings  in  error  great  buildings  by  degrees 
are  raised,  and  from  one  age  to  another,  are  more  and  more 
Strengthened  by  the  general  Concurrence  of  the  people:  and  as 
men  of  Reputation  depart  from  the  Truth,  their  [virtues]  are 
mentioned  as  arguments  in  favour  of  general  error;  and  those  of 
less  note  to  justifie  themselves  say,  such  and  such  good  men  did 
the  like.     By  what  other  steps  could  the  people  of  Judah  arise 


194  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


to  that  higth  in  Wickedness,  as  to  g^ive  just  ground  for  the  prophet 
Isaiah  to  declare  in  the  name  of  the  I>ord,  that  none  called  for 
justice,  nor  pleaded  for  truth  Or  for  the  Almighty  to  call  upon 
the  Great  Citt>'  Jerusalem,  just  before  the  Babilonish  Captivity. 
[to]  find  a  man  who  Executed  Judgment,  that  Sought  the  Truth. 
and  he  would  pardon  it.  The  prospect  of  a  Road  lying  open  to 
the  same  degeneracy,  in  some  parts  of  this  Newly  Settled  Land 
of  America,  in  respect  to  our  Conduct  toward  the  Negroes,  hath 
deeply  bowed  my  mind  in  this  journey,  and  though  to  briefly  re- 
late how  these  people  are  treated  is  no  agreeable  work,  after 
often  readitig  over  the  notes  I  made  as  I  traveled,  I  find  my  mind 
Engaged  to  preserve  them. 

Many  of  the  white  people  in  those  provinces  take  little  or 
no  care  of  Negro  marriages,  and  when  Negroes  marry  after 
their  own  way.  Some  make  so  little  account  of  those  marriages 
that  with  views  of  outward  interest,  they  often  part  men  from 
their  wives  by  selling  them  far  asunder;  which  is  Comoii  when 
estates  are  sold  by  Exc."  at  Vendue.  [Many  whose  labour  is 
heavy  being  follow'd  by  a  man  with  a  whip,  hired  for  that  purpose, 
have  in  cofiion  little  else  allowed  but  Indian  corn  and  salt,  with  a 
few  potatoes ;  the  potatoes  they  commonly  raise  by  their  labour 
on  the  first  day  of  the  week.]'  The  correction  ensuing  on  their 
disobedience  to  overseers,  or  Sloathfulness  in  business,  is  often 
verry  severe,  and  sometimes  desperate. 

Men  and  women  have  many  times  scarce  cloathes  enough  to 
hide  their  nakedness,  and  boys  and  girls,  ten  and  twelve  yei 
old,  are  often  stark  naked  amongst  their  master's  children.  Somi 
of  our  Society,  and  some  of  the  Society  called  New  Lights,  use 
some  endeavours  to  instruct  those  they  have  in  reading;  but  in 
comon  this  is  not  only  neglected,  but  disapproved.  These  are  a 
people  by  whose  labour  the  other  inhabitants  are  in  a  great  measure 
Supported  and  many  of  them  in  the  Luxuries  of  Life.  These  are 
a  people  who  have  made  no  agreement  to  serve  us,  and  have 
forfeited  their  Liberty  that  we  know  of.  These  are  souls 
whom  Christ  died  and  for  our  conduct  toward  them,  we  m 
answer  before  that  Almighty  Being  who  is  no  respecter 
persons. 

'  MS.     B      is     followed     in     this     Bentcncc.       A     read* — "Many     whose     lalwur     i% 
••vy.    b«ing    followed    by    a    man    with    a    Wliip,    hired    for    that    purpoK,     hav 
eotnmoa  little  clae  to  eat  but  Indian  corn  &  salt  with  Mme  few  potatoea. 


»m^^ 


IV 


i755^ 


i9S 


They  who  know  the  only  true  God,  and  Jesus  Christ  whom  he 
hath  sent  and  are  thus  Acquainted  with  the  Merciful,  Benevolent, 
Gospel  Spirit,  will  therein  perceive  that  y"  Indignation  of  God  is 
Kindled  against  Oppression  &  Cruelty ,  and  in  beholding  the  great 
distress  of  so  numerous  a  people,  will  find  cause  for  mourning. 

From  my  lodgings,  I  went  to  Burleigh  meeting,  where  I  felt 
my  mind  drawn  into  a  quiet  resigned  state,  and  after  long  Silence, 
I  felt  an  Engagement  to  stand  up,  and  through  the  powerful  opera- 
tion of  Divine  Love,  we  were  favoured  with  an  Edifying  Meet- 
ing. Next  we  had  meeting  at  Black  Water  and  so  to  the  Yearly 
Meeting  at  the  Western  Branch.  When  business  began  some 
queries  were  produced  by  some  of  their  members  to  be  now  con- 
sidered and  if  approvetl  to  be  answered  hereafter  by  their  re- 
spective monthly  meetings.  They  were  the  Pennsylvania  queries 
which  had  been  Examined  by  a  Committee  of  Virginia  Yearly 
Meeting  appointed  the  last  year,  who  made  some  alterations  in 
them,  one  of  which  alterations  was  made  in  favour  of  a  custom 
which  troubled  me.  The  query  was,  "Are  there  any  concerned  in 
the  importation  of  negroes,  or  buying  them  after  imported?"  which 
they  altered  thus:  "Are  there  any  concerned  in  the  importation 
of  negroes,  or  buying  them  to  trade  in  ?"  As  one  query  admitted 
with  unanimity  was,  '*Are  you  concerned  in  buying  or  vending 
goods  unlawfully  Imported,  or  prize  goods?"  I  found  my  mind 
engaged  to  say,  that  as  we  professed  die  Truth,  and  were  there 
assembled  to  support  the  testimony  of  it,  it  was  necessary  for  us 
to  dwell  deep  and  act  in  that  wisdom  which  is  pure,  or  otherwise 
we  could  not  prosper.  1  then  mentioned. their  alteration,  &  refer- 
ring fthem]  to  the  last  mentioned  query,  added,  as  purchasing  any 
merchandize  taken  by  the  sword,  was  always  allowed  to  be  incon- 
sistent with  our  Principles,  Negroes  being  Captives  of  war,  or 
taken  by  stealth,  those  circumstances  make  it  inconsistent  with  our 
Testimony  to  buy  them;  and  their  being  our  fellow  creatures,  who 
are  sold  as  slaves,  adds  greatly  to  the  [dificulty].  Friends 
appear'd  attentive  to  what  was  said.  Some  expresst  a  care  and 
Concern  about  their  Negmes  none  made  any  objection,  by  way  of 
[answer]  to  what  1  said,  but  the  query  was  admitted  as  they  had 
altered  it. 

As  some  of  their  members  have  heretofore  [been  concerned  in 
trading]  in  Negroes  as  in  other  merchandize,  This  query  being 


roes^ 

J 


admitted  will  be  one  step  further  than  they  have  heretofore  gor>.«. 
and  I  did  not  see  it  my  duty  to  press  for  an  alteration,  but  fe^^ 
easie  to  leave  it  all  to  Him,  who  alone  is  able  to  turn  the  hearts  c::^^ 
the  Mighty,  and  make  way   for  the  Spreading  of  Truth  in  tln<? 
Earth,  by  means  agreeable  to  his  Infinite  Wisdom.   JiuLinj"egair<J  , 
to  those  they  already  had,  I  felt  my  mind  engaged  to  Labour  witA  | 
them,  and  said.  That  as  we  believe  the  scriptures  were  given  forth 
by  Holy  men  as  they  were  moved  by  the  Holy  Ghost,  ancTmany 
of  us  know  by  Experience  that  tliey  are  often  helpful  &  Comfort-     | 
able,  and  believe  ourselves  bound  in  duty  to  teach  our  Children  to 
read  them,  I  believe  tliat  if  we  were  divested  of  all  selfish  views,  the     I 
same  good  Spirit  that  gave  them  forth,  would  engage  us  to  [learn     I 
them]  to  read,  that  they  might  have  the  benefit  of  them.    Some  [I 
perceived]  amongst  them  who,  at  that  time,  manifested  a  concern 
in  regard  to  taking  more  care  of  the  Education  of  their  Negroes. 

da  mo         st 

29.  5.,  and  I  of  the  week,  in  tlie  house  where  I  lodged 

th 
a  meeting  of  Ministers  and  Elders,  at  the  9  hour  in  the  morning: 
at  which  meeting  I  found  an  Engagement  to  Speak  freely  and 
plainly  to  them  concerning  their  [Negroes];  mentioning  [As  it 
opened  on  my  mind]  how  they  as  the  first  rank  in  the  Society, 
whose  Conduct  in  that  case  was  much  noticed  by  others,  were 
under  the  Stronger  Obligations  to  luok  carefully  to  thenisclyes^ 
expressing  how  needful  it  was  for  them  io'tliat  situation  to  be 
thoroughly  divested  of  selfish  views.  That  living  in  the  pure 
Truth,  and  acting  conscientiously  toward  those  people,  in  their 
education  and  otherwise,  they  might  be  instrumental  in  helping 
forward  a  work  so  Exceeding  necessary,  and  so  much  neglected 

th 
amongst  them.     At  the  12  hour  the  meeting  of  worship  began 
which  was  a  Solid  meeting.  ^H 

da  th  ^^ 

The  30,  about  the  10  hour,  Friends  met  to  finish  their  business, 
and  then  the  meeting  for  worship  Ensued,  which  to  me  was  a 
Laborious  time.  But  through  the  Goodness  of  the  Lord  Truth  I 
beheve  gained  some  ground,  and  it  was  a  Strengthening  oppoi 
tunity  to  the  honest-hearted. 


fV 


IV 


1757 


197 


to 

1; 


About  this  time  I  wrote  an  epistle  to  Friends  in  the  Back 

Settlements  of  North  Carolina,  as  follows: 

To  Friefuis  at  their  monthly  meeting  at  New  Garden 
and  \^Kain'\  *  Creek,  in  North  Carolina. 


Dear  Friends 

It  having  pleased  the  Lord  to  draw  me  forth  on  a  visit  to  some 
pails  of  Virginia  and  Carolina,  you  have  often  been  in  my  mind; 

ynd  though  my  way  is  not  clear  to  come  in  person  to  Visit  you,  yet 
feel  it  in  my  heart  to  communicate  a  few  things,  as  they  Arise  in 
le  Love  of  truth. 
_  FifsTlfiy^TTcar  Friends,  dwell  in  Humihty,  and  take  heed  that  no 

views  of  outward  gain  get  too  deep  hold  of  you,  that  so  your  eyes 
being  Single  to  the  Lord,  you  may  be  preserved  in  the  way  of  safety. 
V\*here  people  let  loose  their  minds  after  the  Love  of  outward  things, 
and  are  more  Engaged  in  pursuing  the  profits,  and  seeking  the  friend- 
ships of  this  world,  than  to  be  inwardly  acquainted  with  the  way  of 
true  peace,  Such  walk  in  a  vain  shadow,  while  the  True  Comfort 
of  life  is  wanting.  Their  examples  are  [many  times]  hurtfull  to 
others,  and  their  treasures,  thus  collected,  do  often  prove  dangerous 
Snares  to  tlieir  children.  But  where  people  are  Sincerely  devoted 
to  follow  Christ,  and  dwdlf  under  the  influence  of  his  Holy  Spirit, 
their  Stability  and  Firmness,  through  a  Divine  Blessing,  is  at  times 
like  dew  on  the  tender  plants  round  about  them,  and  the  Weiglhtiness 
of  their  Spirits  secretly  works  on  the  minds  of  Others,  And  in  this 
condition  through  the  spreading  influence  of  Divine  Love,  they  feel 
a  care  over  the  flock,  and  way  is  open  for  maintaining  good  order 
in  the  Society ._^  And  though  we  meet  with  Oposition  from  another 
Spirit,  yet  as  there  is  a  dwelling  in  meekness,  feeling  our  own  Spirits 
Subject,  and  moving  only  in  the  gentle  peaceable  Wisdom,  the  inward 
reward  of  Quietness  will  be  greater  than  all  our  difficulties.  Where 
the  pure  Life  is  kept  to  &  meetings  of  Discipline  are  held  in  the 
Authority  of  it,  we  find  by  Experience  that  they  arc  Comfortable, 
and  tend  to  the  Health  of  tlie  Body- 
While  I  write,  the  youth  comes  fresh  in  my  way.  Dear  young 
people.  Choose  God  for  your  portion,  Love  this  Truth,  and  be  not 
ashamed  of  it.  Choose  for  your  Company  Such  who  Serve  him  in 
uprightness,  and  Shun  as  most  dangerous  the  Conversation  of  those 
whose  lives  arc  of  an  ill  Savour  for  by  frequenting  such  Company, 
some  hopcfull  young  people  have  come  to  great  loss,  and  been  drawn 
from  less  evils  to  greater,  to  their  utter  Ruin.     In  the  bloom  of  youth 

■Csne  Creek. 


198 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


no  ornament  is  so  lovely  as  that  of  Virtue,  nor  any  Enjoyments  equal 
to  those  which  we  partake  of  in  iuWy  resigning-  ourselves  to  the 
Divine  Will.  These  Enjoyments  add  Sweetness  to  all  other  com- 
forts, and  give  true  Satisfaction  in  Company  and  Conversation  where 
people  are  mutually  acquainted  with  it.  And  as  your  minds  are  thus 
Seasoned  with  the  Truth,  you  will  find  strength  to  abide  Steadfast 
to  the  Testimony  of  it,  and  be  prepared  for  Services  in  the  Church. 

And  now  Dear  Friends  and  Brethren,  as  you  are  improving  a 
wilderness,  and  may  be  numbered  amongst  the  first  planters  in  one 
part  of  a  Province,  I  beseech  you  in  the  Love  of  Jesus  Christ,  to 
wisely  consider  the  force  of  your  Examples,  and  think  how  much 
your  Successors  may  be  thereby  affected.  It  is  a  help  in  a  Country, 
yea  a  great  favour  and  a  Blessing,  when  Customs  first  setled  are 
agreeable  to  sound  wisdom,  so,  when  they  arc  otherwise,  the  Effect 
of  them  is  grievous,  and  Children  feci  themselves  encompassed  wil 
difficulties  prepared  for  them  by  their  predecessors. 

As  moderate  care  and  Exercise,  under  the  direction  of  Pure  Wi 
dom,  is  useful  both  to  mind  and  body,  so  by  this  means  in  generate 
the   real    wants  in  life   are  easily  Attained.     Our   Gracious   Father 
having  so  proportioned  one  to  the  other,  that  keeping  in  the  true 
medium  we  may  pass  on  quietly.     Where  slaves  are  purchased  to 
our  Labour,  numerous  difficulties  attend  it.     To  Rational  Crcatu 
Bondage   is  uneasie,  and   frequently  Occasions   Sowrcness  and   dis" 
content  in  them;  which  affects  the  family,  and  .such  who  claim  the 
Mastery  over  them.     And  thus  people  and  their  children  arc  many 
times  Encompassed  with  vexations,  which  arise  from  their  applyi 
to  wrong  methods  to  get  a  liveing. 

I  have  been  informed  that  there  are  a  large  number  of  Frien 
in  your  parts,  who  have  no  Slaves,  and  in  Tender  and  most  -A.ffec^ 
tionate  Love,  I  now  beseech  you  not  to  purchase  any.     Look,  ray  D 
Friends,  to  Divine  Providence,  and  follow  in  simplicity  that  Excrcii 
of  Body,  that  plainness  and  frugality,  which  True  wisdom  leads 
So  may  you  be  preserved   from  those   Dangers  which   attend  such 
who  are  aiming  at  outward  Ease  and  greatness. 

Treasures  though  small  attained  on  a  true  principle  of  Virtue,  arc 
Sweet  in  the  possession,  and  while  we  walk  in  the  Light  of  the  Lord, 
there  is  true  Comfort  and  Satisfaction.  Here  neither  the  murmurs 
of  an  oppressed  people,  nor  throbing  uneasy  Conscience,  nor  Anxious 
thoughts  about  the  events  of  things,  hinder  the  enjoyment  of  it. 

When  we  look  toward  the  end  of  life,  and  think  on  the  Division 
of  our  Substance  amongst  our  Successors.  H  we  know  that  it  was 
collected  in  the  Fear  of  the  Lord,  in  Honesty,  in  Equity,  and  in 
Uprightness  of  Heart  before  him,  we  may  consider  it  as  His  gift  to 


ect     , 

I 

ai^ 
ler 

.ue 

Jis^ 
the 
any 
ii^^ 

n<^ 

rfec^ 

i 


IV 


1757 


199 


us,  and  with  a  single  eye  to  His  Blessing,  bestow  it  on  those  we 
leave  behind  us.  Such  is  the  happiness  in  the  plain  ways  of  true 
Virtue.  The  works  of  Righteousness  are  peace,  and  the  Effects  of 
Righteousness  are  quietness  and  assurance  for  ever. 

Dwell  here,  my  Dear  Friends;  and  then  in  Remote  and  Solitary 
Desarts,  you  may  find  true  peace  and  satisfaction.  If  tlie  Lord  be 
our  God  in  Truth  and  Reality,  there  is  Safety  for  us,  for  he  is  a 
Strong  Hold  in  the  day  of  Trouble,  and  knoweth  them  that  trust 
in  him. 

I  am  in  true  love  your  friend 

J.  W. 
Isle  of  Wight  county,  in  Virginia, 
da   mo 
29.  5-  1757. 

From  the  Yearly  Meeting  in  Virginea,  I  went  to  Carolina ;  and 
da  mo 
on  the   I.  6.  was  at  Wells  Creek  monthly  meeting,   where  the 
Spring  of  the  Gospel  Ministry  was  opened,  and  the  Love  of  Jesus 
Christ  experienced  amongst  us,  to  his  name  be  the  praise. 

[As  the  Neglected  Condition  of  the  poor  Slaves  often  AflFects 
my  mind,  Meetings  for  Discipline  hath  seem'd  to  me  Suitable 
places  to  Express  wliat  the  Holy  Spirit  may  open  on  that  Subject, 
and  though  in  this  meeting  they  were  much  in  my  mind,  I  found 
no  Engagement  to  Speak  concerning  them,  &  therefore  kept  Si- 
lence, finding  by  Experience  that  to  keep  pace  with  the  gentle 
Motions  of  Truth,  and  never  move  but  as  That  Opens  the  way,  is 
necessary  for  the  true  Servant  of  Christ.]* 

Here  my '  Brother  '-''  joyned  with  some  Friends  from  New  Gar- 
den who  were  going  homeward  and  I  went  next  to  Simons  Creek 
monthly  meeting,  where  I  was  Silent  during  the  meeting  for  wor- 
ship :  and  when  Business  came  on  my  mind  was  deeply  Exercised 
concerning  the  poor  Slaves,  but  did  not  feel  my  way  clear  to 
Speak,  in  this  condition  I  was  bowed  in  spirit  before  the  Lord; 
and  w^th  tears  and  inward  Supplication  besought  him,  to  so  open 
my  understanding,  that  I  might  know  his  will  concerning  me,  and 
at  length,  my  mind  was  Settled  in  Silence,  and  near  the  end  of 
thdr  business,  a  member  of  their  meeting  Expresst  a  concern  that 


>  Let    this    be    left 
eraaed  in  MS.  B. 
•Uriah   Woolman, 


uut."       Marginal    nute.     MS.    A.,     by    editors^       It     has    been 


i 


I 


200  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

had  some  time  lain  upon  him,  [with  respect  to]  Friends  so  much 
neglecting  their  duty  in  the  Education  of  ttieir  Negroes,  and 
proposed  having  meetings  sometimes  appointed  for  them  on  a 
week-day,  to  be  only  attended  by  Some  Friends  to  be  named  by 
their  Monthly  Meetings.  Many  present  appeared  to  unite  with 
the  proposal.  One  said  "he  had  often  wondered  at  it,  that  they, 
being  our  Fellow  Creatures  &  capable  of  Religious  understanding, 
had  been  so  Exceedingly  neglected."  Another  Expresst  the  like 
concern,  and  appeared  Zealous  that  Friends  in  future  might  more 
closely  consider  the  matter.  At  length  a  minute  was  made,  & 
the  further  consideration  of  it  referred  to  their  next  monthly 
meeting. 

The  Friend  who  made  this  proposal  hath  Negroes:  he  told 
me  that  he  was  at  New  Garden  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles 
of,  and  came  home  alone,  and  that  in  this  solilary  Journey,  this 
exercise  in  regard  to  the  Education  of  their  Negroes,  was  from 
time  to  time  renewed  in  his  mind,  A  Friend  of  some  note  in 
Virginia,  who  had  Slaves,  told  me  that  he  being  far  from  home 
on  a  lonesome  Journey,  had  many  Serious  thoughts  about  them, 
and  then  believed  that  he  saw  a  time  coming  when  Divine  Provi- 
dence would  alter  the  circumstance  of  these  people,  respect 
their  Condition  as  Slaves. 

From  hence  I  went  to  New-begun  Creek,  and  Sat  a  consider- 
able time  in  much  weakness,  till  at  length  I  felt  Truth  open  the 
way  to  Speak  a  little  in  much  plainness  and  Simplicity,  [till  at 
length]  through  the  increase  of  Divine  love  amongst  us,  we  had  a 
Seasoning  opportijoity.  From  thence  to  the  head  of  Little  River 
on  a  First-day,  where  was  a  crowded  meeting,  and  T  believe  it  was 
through  Divine  goodness  made  profitable  to  some.  Thence  to 
the  Old  Neck,  where  I  was  led  into  a  careful  searching  out  the 
secret  workings  of  the  Mystery  of  Iniquity,  which  under  a  cover 
of  Religion,  exalts  itself  against  that  pure  Spirit  which  leads  in 
the  way  of  meekness  &  self  Denial.  From  thence  to  Piney  Woods : 
This  was  the  last  meeting  in  Carolina,  and  was  large,  and  m^i 
heart  being  deeply  engaged,  I  was  drawn  forth  into  a  Ferve^H 
Labour  amongst  them. 

When  I  was  at  New-begun  Creek,  a  Friend  was  there  who 
laboured  for  his  living,  having  no  Negroes,  and  had  been  a  min- 
ister many  years:  he  came  to  me  the  next  day,  and  as  we  rode 


ctia|^ 


IV 


1757 


20I 


together,  he  signified  that  he  wanted  to  talk  witli  me  coocerning 
a  difficulty  he  had  been  under,  and  related  it  nearly  as  follows, 
to  wit,  That  as  moneys  had  of  late  years  been  raised  by  a  Tax 
to  Carry  on  the  wars,  he  had  a  Scruple  in  his  mind  in  regard  to 
paying  it,  and  Chose  rather  to  suffer  distraint  of  goods  than  pay 
to  it.  And  as  he  was  the  only  person  who  refused  it  in  those 
parts,  and  knew  not  that  any  one  Else  was  in  the  like  Circum- 
stance, he  signified  that  it  had  been  a  heavy  tryal  upon  him,  and 
the  more  so,  for  that  some  of  hts  brethren  had  been  uneasie  with 
his  conduct  in  that  case.  And  added  that  from  a  Sympathy  he  felt 
with  me  yesterday  in  meeting,  he  found  a  freedom  thus  to  open 
the  matter,  in  the  way  of  querying  concerning  Friends  in  our 
parts.  Whereupon  I  told  him  the  state  of  Friends  amongst  us,  as 
well  as  I  was  able ;  and  also,  that  I  had  for  some  time  been  under 
the  like  Scruple.  I  believed  him  to  be  one  who  was  concerned 
to  talk  uprightly  before  the  Lord,  and  Esteemed  it  my  duty  to 
preserve  this  [Memorandum]  Concerning  him,  Samuel  Newby."* 

From  hence  I  went  back  into  Virginia,  and  had  a  meeting  near 
James  Co wp land's."**  It  was  a  time  of  inward  suflfering,  but 
through  the  goodness  of  the  Lord  I  was  made  content.  Thence 
to  another  meeting  [On  a  first  day  of  the  week,]  where  through 
the  rene wings  of  pure  love,  we  had  a  ver>'  Comfortable  meeting. 

Travehng  up  and  down  of  late,  I  have  had  renewed  evidences 
that  to  be  faitliful  to  the  Lord  and  Content  with  his  will  cortcern- 
ing  me  is  a  most  necessary  and  useful  Lesson  to  me  to  be  learn- 
ing. Looking  less  at  the  Effects  of  my  labour,  than  at  the  pure 
motion  and  reality  of  the  Concern  as  it  arises  from  Heavenly  Love, 
In  the  Lord  Jehovah  is  everlasting  Strength,  and  as  the  mind  by 
a  humble  resignation  is  united  to  Him,  and  we  utter  words  from 
an  inward  Knowledge  tliat  they  arise  from  the  Heavenly  Spring, 
Though  our  way  may  be  difficult,  and  require  Close  Attention  to 
keep  in  it,  And  though  the  manner  in  which  we  are  led  may  tend 
to  our  own  abasement,  yet  if  we  continue  in  patience  &  meekness, 
Heavenly  Peace  is  the  reward  of  our  Labours. 

From  tlience  I  went  to  Curies  meeting,  which,  though  small, 
was  reviving  to  the  honest  hearted.  Thence  to  Black  Creek  and 
Caroline  meetings.  Thence  accompanied  by  William  Standley," 
we  rode  to  Goose  Creek,  being  much  through  the  woods,  and 
about  one  hundred  miles.    We  lodged  the  first  night  at  a  publick 


202  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

House.  The  second  in  the  woods,  &  the  next  day  we  reached  a 
friends  house  at  Goose  Creek.  In  the  woods  we  lay  under  some 
disadvantage,  having  no  fireworks,  nor  bells  for  our  Horses,  but 
we  stoped  a  little  before  night  and  we  let  them  feed  on  the  wild 
grass  which  was  plenty,  the  mean  time  cutting  with  our  knives  a 
store  against  night,  and  then  tied  them,  &  gathering  some  bushes 
under  an  oak,  we  lay  down;  but  the  mosquetoes  being  pleanty  & 
the  ground  damp,  I  slept  but  little. 

Thus  lying  in  the  wilderness  and  looking  up  at  the  Stars,  I  was 
led  to  contemplate  the  Condition  of  our  First  Parents,  when  they 
were  sent  forth  from  the  Garden.  [And  considered  that  they  had 
no  house,  nor  tools  for  business,  No  Garments  but  what  their 
Creator  gave  them,  no  Vessels  for  use,  nor  any  fire  to  cook  roots 
or  herbs.]  ^  But  the  Almighty  Being,  though  they  had  been  dis- 
obedient, was  a  Father  to  them,*  [and  way  opened  in  process  of 
time  for  all  the  Conveniences  of  Life.  And  he  who  by  the  Gracious 
Influence  of  his  Spirit,  Illuminated  their  understanding,  and 
Shewed  them  what  was  Acceptable  to  Him,  and  tended  to  their 
true  Felicity  as  Intelligent  Creatures,  did  also  provide  means  for 
their  happy  living  in  this  world,  as  they  attended  to  the  manifesta- 
tions of  his  Wisdom.] 

To  provide  things  relative  to  our  outward  living  in  the  Way  of 
true  Wisdom,  is  good,  and  the  gift  of  Improving  in  things  useful, 
is  a  good  Gift,  and  comes  from  the  Father  of  Lights.  Many  have 
had  this  gift,  &  from  age  to  age,  there  have  been  Improvements 
of  this  kind  made  in  the  World.  But  some  not  keeping  to  the 
pure  gift,  have  in  the  Creaturely  Cunning  &  self -exaltation,  sought 
out  many  Inventions,  which  Inventions  of  men,  as  distinct  from 
that  uprightness  in  which  man  was  created,  as  in  the  first  motion  it 
was  evil,  so  the  effects  of  it  have  been,  and  are  evil.  "That,  at  this 
day  it  is  as  necessary  for  us  constantly  to  Attend  on  the  heavenly 
gift,  to  be  qualified  to  use  rightly  the  good  things  in  this  life 
amidst  great  Improvements,  as  it  was  for  our  First  Parents,  when 
they  were  without  any  Improvements,  without  any  Friend  or  any 
Father  but  God  only. 

I  was  at  meeting  at  Goose  Creek,  and  [then]  at  a  monthly 
meeting  at  Fairfax,  where  through  the  Gracious  Dealings  of  the 

'MSS.  A  and  B. 

*MSS.  A  and  B.  This  passage  was  altered  greatly  in  the  first  Edition  by 
be  Committee  of  1774  [page  77]  and  was  partly  restored  by  J,  Comly  [ed.  of  1837], 
r  giren  here  from  the  original  MS. 


ft 


1757 


203 


Almighty  with  us,  his  power  prevailed  over  many  hearts.  Thence 
to  Manoquacy  &  Pipe  Creek  in  Mar>iand,  at  both  which  places 
I  had  cause  humljly  to  adore  Him  who  Supported  me  through 
Sundry  Exercises,  and  by  whose  help  I  was  enabled  to  reach  the 
true  witness  in  the  hearts  of  Others:  There  were  some  hopeful 
young  people  in  those  parts.  Thence  I  had  meetings  at  John 
Event's,'**  at  Monalen,*  and  at  Huntington,  and  was  made  humbly. 
thankful  to  the  Lord,  who  opened  my  heart  amongst  the  people  in 
tHese  new  Settlements,  so  that  it  was  a  time  of  Encouragement 
to  the  hohest~minded 

At  Monalen.  a  Friend  [where  I  lodged]  gave  me  some  account 
of  a  Religious  Society  among  the  Dutch,  called  Menonists.  and 
amongst  other  things  related  a  passage  in  Substance  as  follows. 
One  of  the  Mennonists  having  Acquaintance  with  a  man  of  another 
Sodety  at  a  considerable  distance,  and  being  with  his  Wagon  on 
business  near  the  house  of  his  said  acquaintance,  &  night  coming 
on  he  had  thoughts  of  puting  up  with  him  but  passing  by  his 
Fields,  &  observing  the  distressed  ajipearance  of  his  Slaves,  he 
kindled  a  fire  in  the  woods  hard  by,  and  lay  there  that  night.  His 
said  acquaintance  heard  where  he  lodged,  and  afterward  meeting 
the  Menonist.  told  him  of  it,  adding  he  should  have  been  heartily 
welcome  at  his  house;  and  from  their  acquaintance  before  time, 
wondered  at  his  conduct  in  tliat  case.  The  Mennonist  replyed, 
"Ever  since  T  lodged  by  thy  field,  I've  wanted  an  opportunity  to 
speak  with  thee.  The  matter  was,  I  intended  to  have  come  to 
thy  house  for  Entertainment,  but  seeing  thy  Slaves  at  their  work, 
and  obserNnng  the  manner  of  their  dress,  I  had  no  liking  to  come 
10  partake  witli  thee."  Then  admonished  him  to  use  them  with 
more  Humanity,  and  added,  "As  I  lay  by  the  fire  that  Night,  I 
thought  that  fas]  I  was  a  man  of  fsome]  substance,  thou  would 
liave  received  me  freely,  but  if  1  had  been  as  poor  as  one  of  thy 
Slaves,  &  had  no  power  to  help  myself,  I  should  have  received 
from  thy  hand  no  kinder  Usage  than  they  have." 

Thence  I  was  at  three  meetings  on  my  way,  and  so  went 
home  under  a  Humbling  sense  of  the  Gracious  Dealings  of  the 
Lord  with  me.  in  preserving  me  thro'  many  tryals  and  afflictions  in 
my  Journey.-  I  was  out  about  two  months,  &  [rwie]  about 
eleven  hundred  and  fifty  miles. 


•  Menallen. 
•MS.  A, 


CHAPTER  V 


-^m 


"A  few  years  past,  money  being  made  current  in  our  province 
for  carrying  on  wars,  and  to  be  sunk  by  Taxes  laid  on  the  In- 
habitants, my  mind  was  often  affected  with  the  thoughts  of  paying 
such  Taxes,  and  I  believe  it  right  for  me  to  preserve  a  memoran- 
dum concerning  it. 

I  was  told  that  Friends  in  England  frequently  paid  Taxes 
when  the  money  was  applied  to  such  purposes.  I  had  [confer- 
ence! with  several  Noted  Friends  on  the  subject,  who  all  favoured 
the  payment  of  such  taxes,  Some  of  whom  I  preferred  before 
myself,  and  this  ma<le  me  easier  for  a  time:  yet  there  was  in  the 
deeps  of  my  mind,  a  scruple  whicli  I  never  could  get  over;  an^^ 
at  certain  times,  I  was  greatly  distressed  on  that  account.  ^| 

I  all  along  believed  that  there  were  some  upright-hearted  men 
who  paid  such  taxes,  but  t:ould  not  see  tliat  their  Example  was 
a  Sufficient  Reason  for  me  to  do  so,  while  I  believed  that  the 
Spirit  of  Truth  required  of  me  as  an  individual  to  suffer  patiently 
the  distress  of  goods,  rather  than  pay  actively. 

I  have  been  informed  that  Thomas  a  Kempis  lived  &  died  in 
the  profession  of  the  Roman  Catholick  Religion,  and  in  reading  his 
writings,  I  have  believed  bim  to  be  a  man  of  a  true  Christian 
spirit,  as  fully  so  as  many  who  died  Martyrs  because  they  could 
not  join  with  some  superstitions  in  that  Church,  ^H 

All  true  Christians  are  of  [one  and]  the  same  spirit,  but  th^fl 
gifts  are  diverse ;    [Jesus]    Christ  appointing  to  each  one  their 
peculiar  Office,  agreeable  to  his  Infinite  Wisdom. 

John  Huss  Contended  against  the  Errors  crept  into  the  Churcl 
in  oposition   to  the  Council   of   Constance,   which  the  historian 
reports  to  have  consisted  of  many  thousand  persons.    He  modestly 
vindicated  the  cause  which  he  believed  was  right,  and  though  bis 

2<H 


eir   I 


1757 


20S 


^jaaiguagc  and  Conduct  toward  his  Judges  appear  to  have  been 
^pespectfull,  yet  he  never  could  be  moved  from  the  principles  set- 
tled in  his  mind.  To  use  his  own  words :  "This  I  most  humbly 
require  and  desire  of  you  all.  even  for  His  sake  who  is  the  God 
of  us  all,  that  I  be  not  compelled  to  the  thing  which  my  Con- 
science doth  repugn  or  strive  against/'  And  again  in  his  answer 
to  the  emperor  "I  refuse  nothing;,  most  noble  Emperor  whatsoever 
the  council  shall  decree  or  determine  upon  me.  this  only  one  thing 
I  except,  that  I  do  not  offend  God  and  my  Conscience."  *  At  length 
rather  than  act  contrary  to  tliat  which  he  believed  the  Lord  re- 
quired of  Him.  he  chose  to  Suffer  death  by  fire,  Thomas  a 
Kempis,  without  disputing  against  the  Articles  then  generally 
agreed  to,  appears  to  have  laboured,  by  a  Pious  Example  as  well- 
as  by  Preaching  &  writing  to  promote  Virtue  and  the  Inward 
Spiritual  Religion,  and  I  believe  they  were  both  sincere-hearted 
followers  of  Clirist.  [To  me  it  looks  likely  that  they  were  both  in 
their  proper  places.]^ 

True  Charity  is  an  excellent  Virtue,  and  to  sincerely  Labour 
for  their  good,  whose  belief  in  all  points*  doth  not  agree  with  ours, 
is  a  happy  case.  To  refuse  the  active  payment  of  a  Tax  which 
our  Society  generally  paid,  was  exceeding  disagreeable;  but  to  do 
a^  thing  contrary  to  my  Conscience  appeared  yet  more  dread  full. 
When  this  exercise  came  upon  me  I  knew  of  none  under  the  like 
difficulty,  and  in  my  distress  I  besought  the  Lord  to  enable  me  to 
^ve  up  all,  that  so  I  might  fc»llo\v  him  wherestjtever  he  was  pleased 
lead  me,  and  under  tliis  Exercise  I  went  to  our  Yearly  Meeting 
at  Philad*,  in  1755,  at  which  a  Committee  was  ajjpointed.  some 
from  each  Quarter  to  Correspond  with  the  meeting  for  Sufferings 
in  London,  and  another  to  Visit  our  Monthly  and  Quarterly  meet- 
ings, and  after  their  appointment  before  the  last  Adjournment  of 
the  meeting,  it  was  agreed  on  in  the  meeting  that  these  two  Com- 
mittees should  meet  ttigcthcr  in  Friends  School  House  ^  in  the 
Citty,  at  a  time  [when  the  Meeting  stood  adjourned]  to  con- 
sider some  [cases]  in  which  the  cause  of  Truth  was  concerned: 
and  these  Committees  meeting  together  had  a  weighty  conferrence 

» Note  by    Wrtolraan.     Fhk's   "Acta  anti   Motjumeiila,"   p.   333. 

*USS.  A  and  B.  Both  include  the  last  tentence  of  this  paragrapb,  omitted 
by  Cominittee    of    1774    in    6rst    edition,    p.   8j. 

••'Friend*'  School  House";  No,  119  Souih  4th  St.,  Philadelphia,  on  the  site  of  iJie 
Keaeot  Porrot  Building. 


2o6  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chaf. 

in  the  fear  of  the  Lord,  at  which  time  I  perceived  there  were  many 
Friends  under  a  Scruple  like  that  before  mentioned.*  - 

As  Scrupling  to  pay  a  tax  on  account  of  the  application  ^iiath 
seldom  been  heard  of  heretofore,  even  amongst  men  of  Integrity, 
who  have  Steadily  born  their  testimony  against  outward  wars  in 
their  time,  I  may  here  note  some  things  which  have  opened 
on  my  mind,  as  I  have  been  inwardly  Exercised  on  that  ac- 
count. 

From  the  Steady  oposition  which  Faithfull  Friends  in  early 
times  made  to  wrong  things  then  approved  of,  they  were  hated 
and  persecuted  by  men  living  in  the  Spirit  of  this  world,  &  Suf- 
fering with  firmness,  they  were  made  a  Blessing  to  the  Church,  & 
the  work  prospered.  It  equaly  concerns  men  in  every  age  to  take 
heed  to  their  own  Spirit:  &  in  comparing  their  Situation  with 
ours,  it  looks  to  me  there  was  less  danger  of  their  being  infected 
with  the  Spirit  of  this  world  in  paying  their  taxes,  than  there  is 
of  us  now.  They  had  little  or  no  Share  in  Civil  Government, 
neither  Legislative  nor  Executive  &  many  of  them  declared  they 
were  through  the  power  of  God  separated  from  the  Spirit  in  which 
wars  were,  and  being  Afflicted  by  the  Rulers  on  account  of  their 
Testimony,  there  was  less  likelyhood  of  uniting  in  Spirit  with 
them  in  things  inconsistent  with  the  purity  of  Truth.  We,  from 
the  first  settlement  of  this  Land  have  known  little  or  no  troubles 
of  that  sort.  The  profession,  which  for  a  time  was  accounted 
reproach  full,  at  length  the  uprightness  of  our  predecessors  being 
understood  by  the  Rulers,  &  their  Innocent  Sufferings  moving 
them,  our  way  of  Worship  was  tolerated,  and  many  of  our  mem- 
bers in  these  colonies  became  active  in  Civil  Government.    Being 

'  MS.  A,  p.  70.  Here  follow  two  Extracts  from  the  Journal  of  John  Church- 
man—ist  Edit.  1779,  pp.  68  ff.  169  ff.  John  Woolman  writes,  "Since  I  had  finished 
my  Narrative  of  this  Affair,  having  been  favoured  by  my  Beloved  Friend 
John  Churchman  with  the  perusal  of  some  notes  which  he  made  concerning  some 
Exercise  he  went  through  on  Account  of  our  Testimony  against  Wars,  as  they 
contain  some  things  relative  to  Facts,  hereafter  Spoken  of,  I  thought  good 
by  his  permission  to  copy  the  Substance  of  them  in  this  place."  A  note  in 
marRin  directs,  "If  this  Journal  be  printed,  let  all  the  Quotn  from  J.  Churchman's 
Xotts  be  left  out."  J.  Churchman's  Journal  was  printed  in  1779:  he  died  2, 
7  mo.  1775,  and  the  "extracts"  are  there  given  entire.  They  describe  his  visits 
to  the  assembly,  then  sitting  in  the  State  House  [now  Independence  Hall],  Phila. 
in  1748,  and  again  in  i755-  On  the  first  occasion  he  went  alone.  Seven  years 
later,    twenty    Friends    presented    the    address. 

'  Note  by  John  Woolman— "Christians  refused  to  pay  taxes  to  support  Heathen 
Temples.       See    Cave's    Primitive    Christianity,     part    iit    page    337." 


1757 


207 


thus  tryed  with  favour  and  prosperity,  this  world  hath  appeared 
inviteing;  our  minds  have  been  turned  to  the  Improvement  of  our 
Country,  to  Merchandize  and  Sciences,  amongst  which  are  many 
things  useful],  being  followed  in  pure  wisdom,  but  in  our  present 
condition  that  a  Carnal  mind  is  gaining  upon  us  I  believe  will  not 
be  denied. 

Some  of  our  members  who  are  OfBcers  in  Civil  Government 
are  in  one  case  or  other  called  upon  in  their  respective  Stations 
to  Assist  in  things  relative  to  the  wars,  Such  being  in  doubt 
whether  to  act  or  crave  to  be  excused  from  their  Oftice,  Seeing 
their  Brethren  united  in  the  payment  of  a  Tax  to  carry  on  the 
said  wars,  might  think  their  case  [nearly  like  theirs,  &]  so  quench 
the  tender  movings  of  the  Holy  Spirit  in  their  minds,  and  thus 
by  small  degrees  there  might  be  an  approach  toward  that  of  Fight- 
ing, till  we  came  so  near  it,  as  that  the  distinction  would  be  h'ttle 
else  but  the  name  of  a  peaceible  people. 

It  requires  great  self-denial  and  Resignation  of  ourselves  to 
God  to  attain  that  state  wherein  we  can  freely  cease  from  fighting 
when  wrongfully  Invaded,  if  by  our  Fighting  there  were  a  prob- 
ability of  overcoming  the  invaders.  Whoever  rightly  attains  to  it, 
does  in  some  degree  feci  that  Spirit  in  which  our  Redeemer  gave 
his  life  for  us,  and,  through  Divine  goodness  many  of  our  pre- 
decessors, and  many  now  living,  have  learned  this  blessed  lesson, 
but  many  otiiers  having  their  Religion  chiefly  by  Education,  &  not 
being  enough  acquainted  with  that  Cross  which  Crucifies  to  the 
world,  do  manifest  a  Temper  distinguishable  from  that  of  an 
Entire  trust  in  God. 

In  calmly  considering  these  things  it  liath  not  appeared  strange 
to  me,  that  an  exercise  hath  now  fallen  upon  some,  which  as  to 
the  out^va^d  means  of  it  is  different  from  what  was  known  to 
many  of  those  who  went  before  us. 

A  day  being  appointed,  [and  letters  wrote  to  distant  mem- 
bers] ^  the  said  committees  met  and  by  adjournments  continued 
several  days.  The  Calamities  of  war  were  now  increasing.  The 
Frontier  Inhabitants  of  Pensilvania  were  frequently  surprised. 
some  Slain,  and  many  taken  Captive  by  the  Indians,  and  while 
these  Committees  sat.  the  Corpse  of  one  so  Slain  was  brought  in 

'  MS.   B  includci  thi«  wntmce. 


2o8  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       CHi 

a  wagon,  and  taken  through  the  Streets  of  the  Citty,  in  his  Bloody 
garments,  to  Alarm  the  people,  and  rouse  them  up  to  war.' 

Friends  thus  met  were  not  all  of  one  mind  in  relation  to  the 
tax,  which  to  such  who  scrupled  it  made  the  way  more  difficult. 
To  refuse  an  active  payment  at  such  a  time,  might  be  an  act  of 
disloyalty,  and  appeared  likely  to  displease  tlie  Rulers,  not  only 
here  but  in  England ;  still  there  was  a  scruple  so  fastened  upon  the 
minds  of  many  Friends,  that  nothing  moved  it;  It  was  a  Confer- 
ence the  most  weighty  that  ever  I  was  at,  and  the  hearts  of  many 
were  bowed  in  Reverence  before  the  Most  High.  Some  Friends 
of  the  said  Committees  who  appeared  easie  to  pay  the  tax,  after 
several  adjournments,  withdrew,  other  such  continued  till  the  last. 
At  length,  an  Epistle  was  drawn  by  some  Friends  concerned  on 
that  Account,  and  being  read  several  times  and  Corrected,  was  then 
signed  by  such  as  were  free  to  sign  it.* 


'^Dear  &  Well  Beloved  Friends  • 

*'We  Salute  you  in  a  fresh  &  renewed  Sence  of  our  Heavenly 
"Fathers  Love  which  hath  Graciously  overshadowed  us  in  several 
"Weighty  &  Solid  Conferrences  we  have  had  together  with  many 
"other  Friends  upon  the  present  Scituation  of  the  Affairs  of  the 
"Society  in  this  province  and  in  that  Love  we  find  our  Spirits  en- 
gaged to  acquaint  you  that  under  a  Solid  Exercise  of  mind  to  seek 
for  Councill  &  direction  from  the  High  priest  of  our  profession  who 
is  the  prince  of  peace  we  believe  he  hath  renevvedly  favoured  us 
with  Strong  and  lively  Evidences  that  in  his  due  &  appointed  time, 
the  day  which  hath  dawned  in  these  "later  ages  foretold  by  the 
"profets  wherein  Swords  Should  be  beaten  into  plowshares  &  Spears 
"into  pruning-  hooks  Shall  gloriously  rise  higher  &  higher"  &  the 
Spirit  of  the  Gospel  which  teaches  to  love  Enemies  prevail  to  that 
degree  that  the  art  of  war  shall  be  no  more  learned;  And  that  it  is 
his  determination  to  Exact  this  Blessed  day  in  this  our  age,  if 
in  the  depth  of  Humility  we  receive  his  instruction,  &  obey 
voice. 


I 


'  Sec    rnjtc,    i>.    j8.      The    Journal    at    the    opening    of    C1iai>trr    V    recurs    to 
political    situation    of    two    years    earlier,    i.e.     17S5. 

'  MS.  A.  This  "Epistle  nf  Caution"  is  datctl,  "Philadelphia,  i6  da.  la  mo.  1755" 
Moftt.  if  not  all  of  its  authorship  is  Woolman's.  It  occurs  in  th«  MS.  on  page  78, 
entirely  in  Woolman's  hand.  The  Meeting  for  Sufferings.  .■»  mo.  3,  1757.  I>etitioned 
the  Assemhly  against  the  establishment  of  a  militia  in  Penntytv&nia.  James  Pcrabcrton 
was  the  Clerk,  in  whose  hand  the  full  text  may  be  found,  in  Vol.  I,  p.  75,  of  the 
QiinutcB-     John  Woolman  was  a  nieniber. 

•  Folio  A,  pp.  78-8J,  inclusive. 


1757 


209 


And  being  painfully  apprehensive  that  the  larg^e  Sum  granted  by 
the  late  act  of  Assembly  for  the  Kings  use  is  princtpaly  intended  for 
purposes  inconsistant  with  our  peaceble  Testimony,  we  therefore 
think  that  as  we  cannot  be  concerned  in  wars  and  fightings,  so  neither 
ought  we  to  Contribute  thereto  by  paying  the  Tax  directed  by  the 
said  Act,  though  suffering  be  the  Consequence  of  our  refusal;  which 
we  hope  to  be  enabled  to  bear  with  patience. 

And  though  some  part  of  the  money  to  be  raised  by  the  said  act 
is  said  to  be  for  such  Benevolent  purposes  as  Supporting  our  Friend- 
ship with  our  Indian  Neighbours,  &  relieving  the  distresses  of  our 
Fellow  Subjects,  who  have  Suffered  in  the  present  Calamities,  for 
whom  our  hearts  are  deeply  pained,  and  we  Affectionately  &  with 
bowels  of  tenderness  Sympathise  with  them  therein:  &  we  could 
most  Cheerfully  contribute  to  those  purposes  if  they  were  not  so 
mixed  that  we  cannot  in  the  maner  proposed  shew  our  hearty  con- 
currence therewith  without  at  the  same  time  Assenting  to,  or  allow- 
ing our  selves  in  practices  which  we  apprehend  contrary  to  the  Tes- 
timony which  the  Lord  hath  given  us  to  bear  for  his  name  and 
Truths  Sake  —  And  having  the  health  and  prosperity  of  the  Society 
at  heart,  we  earnestly  Exhort  Friends  lo  wait  for  the  appearing  of 
the  true  Light,  and  Stand  in  the  Councell  "of  God,  that  we  may  know 
"Him  to  be  the  Rock  of  our  Salvation  and  place  [of]  our  Refuge  for- 
"cver.  And  beware  of  the  Spirit  of  this  world  that  is  unstable,  & 
"often  draws  into  dark  &  timmerous  reasonings,  lest  the  God  thereof 
"should  be  Suffered  to  blind  the  Eye  of  the  mind,  and  Such  not  know- 
"ing  the  sure  Foundation,  the  Rock  of  ages"  may  partake  of  the 
Terrors  and  fears,  that  are  not  known  to  the  Inhabitants  of  that  place 
where  the  Sheep  and  Lambs  of  Christ  ever  had  a  quiet  Habitation; 
which  a  remnant  have  to  Say  to  the  pmise  of  his  name  they  have 
been  blessed  with  a  measure  of  in  this  day  of  Distress. — 

And  as  our  Fidelity  to  the  present  Government,  &  our  willingly 
paying  all  Taxes  for  purposes  which  do  not  interfere  with  our  Con- 
sciences may  justly  Exempt  us  from  the  Imputation  of  disloyalty.  So 
wc  earnestly  desire  that  all  who  by  a  deep  &  quiet  seeking  for  direc- 
tion from  the  Holy  Spirit,  are  or  Shall  be  convinced  that  he  calls 
us  as  a  people  to  this  Testimony  may  dwell  under  the  guidance  of 
tlie  same  Divine  Spirit  &  manifest  by  the  meekness  &  Humility  of 
their  Conversation  that  they  arc  Realy  under  that  Influence.  &  therein 
may  know  true  Fortitude  &  patience  to  bear  that  &  every  other  Testi- 
mony commited  to  them  Faithfully  &  Uniformly:  &  that  all  Friends 
may  know  their  Spirits  Cloathed  with  true  Charity  the  bond  of 
Christian  fellowship  wherein  we  again  Salute  you  &  remain  your 
friends  &  brethren. 


2IO  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

da  mo 
Philad"  1 6.  12.  1755.  Signed  by  Abraham  Farrington,  John  Evans, 
John  Churchman,  Mordecai  Yarnall,  Sam'  Fothergill,  Samuel 
Eastburn,  William  Brown,  John  Scarborrow,  Thomas  Carlcton,  Joshua 
Ely,  W"  Jackson,  James  Bartram,  Thomas  Brown,  Daniel  Stanton, 
John  Woolman,  Isaac  Zane,  William  Home,  Benjamin  Trotter,  An- 
thony Benezet,  John  Armit,  John  Pemberton.* 

Copies  of  this  Epistle  were  sent  amongst  Friends  in  the  several 
parts  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  and  as  Some  in  the  Society 
who  were  easie  to  pay  the  Tax  Spake  .  .  .  openly  against  it,  and  as 
some  of  those  who  were  concerned  in  the  Conferrence  .  .  .  believed 
themselves  rightly  exercised  in  puting  forward  the  Epistle,  They  in 
the  next  Yearly  meeting  Exprest  a  willingness  to  have  their  conduct 
in  that  case  Enquired  into,  But  friends  in  the  Yearly  Meeting  did 
not  .  .  .  enter  into  the  Consideration  of  it  When  the  Tax  was  gath- 
ered many  paid  it  Actively  and  Others  Scrupled  the  payment,  and  in 
Many  places  [the  Collectors  &  Constables  being  friends]  distress  was 
made  on  their  goods  ...  by  their  fellow  members  This  deficulty  was 
Considerable  and  at  the  Yearly  Meeting  at  Philad'  1757  the  matter 
was  opened  and  a  Committee  of  about  .  .  .  forty  Friends  were  ap- 
pointed Some  from  each  Quarter  to  consider  the  case,  and  report 
their  Judgment  on  this  point  whither  or  no  it  would  be  best  at  this 
time  publickly  to  Consider  it  in  the  Yearly  meeting 

At  this  meeting  were  our  Friends  William  Reckett,""  John  Hunt,' 
and  Christopher  Willson**  from  England,  Benjamin  Ferris'*  from  the 
Province  of  New  York,  and  Thomas  Nicholson  from  North  Carolina, 
who  at  the  request  of  the  Yearly  Meeting  all  sat  with  us, — 

we  met  and  Seting  some  hours  adjourned  untill  the  next  morning: 
It  was  a  time  of  deep  Exercise  to  many  minds,  and  after  some  hours 
spent  at  our  Second  meeting  the  following  report  was  drawn  &  Sign"" 
by  a  fr*"  in  behalf  of  y*  Committee 

"Agreeable  to  the  appointment  of  the  Yearly  meeting  we  have  met 
"&  had  several  weighty  &  deliberate  conferrences  on  the  Subject  com- 
"mited  to  us  and  as  we  find  there  are  diversity  of  Sentiments  we  are 
"for  that  &  Several  other  reasons  Unanimously  of  the  Judgment  that 
"it  is  not  proper  to  enter  into  a  publick  discussion  of  the  matter  & 
"we  are  one  in  Judgment  that  it  is  highly  necessary  for  the  yearly 
"meeting  to  recomend  that  Friends  every  where  endeavour  earnestly 
"to  have  their  minds  covered  with  fervent  Charity  towards  one  an- 
"other  which  report  was  entered  on  the  minutes  &  Copies  sent  in  the 
Extracts  to  the  Quarterly  &  monthly  Meetings. 

»  See  Biog.  Note.  113. 


da  mo 

On  the  9.  8.  1757  at  night  orders  came  to  the  Military  Officers 
in  our  County,'  directing  them  to  draft  the  Militia,  and  prepare  a 
number  of  men  to  go  oflf  as  Souldiers.  to  the  relief  of  the  English, 
at  Fort  William  Henry  in  York'-'  government  [which  was  then 
Besieged  by  a  number  of  French  &  Indians,  and  in]  a  few  days 
there  was  a  general  review  of  the  Militia  at  Mountholly,  and  a 
number  of  men  chosen  and  sent  off  under  some  Officers.  Shortly 
after,  there  came  orders  to  draft  three  times  as  many,  to  hold 
themselvcii  in  readiness  to  march  when  fresh  ortjers  came  for  it. 

da  mo 
On  tiie  17.  8.  there  was  a  meeting  of  the  Military  Officers  at 
Mountholly  who  agreed  on  a  draft  and  orders  were  sent  to  the 
men  so  chosen,  to  meet  their  respective  Captains  at  set  times  and 
places;  those  in  our  Township  to  meet  at  I^lountholly,  amongst 
whom  were  a  considerable  numlier  of  our  Society. 

My  mind  being  affected  herewith,  1  had  fresh  opertunity  to 
see  andj:onsJder  the  afh:aiitag»  of  living  in  the  real  Substance  of 
Religion,  where  practice  doth  harmonize  with  principle.  Amongst 
the  Officers  are  men  of  understanding  who  have  some  regard  to 
-Sincerity  where  they  see  it,  and  in  the  Execution  of  their  Office, 
when  they  have  men  to  deal  with  whom  they  believe  to  be  upright- 
hearted.  To  put  them  to  trouble  on  account  of  Scruples  of  Con- 
sdcnce  is  a  painfull  task,  Sc  likely  to  be  avoided  as  much  as  may 
be  easily.  But  where  men  profess  to  be  so  meek  &  Heavenly 
minded,  and  to  have  their  trust  so  firmly  settled  in  God,  that  they 
cannot  Joyn  in  wars  and  yet  by  their  Spirit  and  conduct  in  comon 
life,  manifest  a  Contrary  disposition.  Their  difficulties  are  great 
at  such  a  time.  Officers  in  great  anxiety  endeavouring  to  get 
troops  to  answer  the  demands  of  their  Superiors,  seeing  men  who 
are  insincere  pretend  scruple  of  Conscience,  in  hopes  of  being 
excused  from  a  dangerous  employment,  they  are  likely  to  be 
roughly  Iiandled.  In  this  time  of  Commotion,  some  of  our  young 
nnrn  left  these  jiarts,  and  tarried  abroad  till  il  was  over.  Snnie  came 
ami  proposed  to  go  as  Souldiers.  Others  appear'd  to  have  a 
real  lender  Scruple  in  their  minds  against  Joining  in  wars,  and 
•tre  much  humbled  under  the  apprehension  of  a  Tryal  so  near.    I 


'  Burtington,   New  Jertey. 
'Nrw   York. 


212  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


ten-  I 
hey  1 

lire 


me 

4 


had  conversation  with  several  of  them  to  my  satisfaction.  At 
set  time  when  the  Captain  came  to  Town  some  of  those  last  men- 
tiojied  went  and  told  him  in  substance  as  follows,  "Tliat  they 
could  not  bear  Arms  for  Conscience  Sake,  nor  could  they  hire 
any  to  go  in  their  places  being  resigned  as  to  the  event  of  it."  At 
length  the  Captain  acf|uainted  them  all,  that  they  might  return 
home  for  the  present,  anil  required  them  to  provide  ^  [themselves 
as  Soldiers,  ]  and  to  be  in  readiness  to  march  when  called  upon. 

This  was  such  a  time  as  1  liad  not  seen  before,  and  yet  I  may 
say  with  thank  fullness  to  the  Lord,  that  I  believe  this  tryal  was 
intended  for  our  good,  and  I  was  favoured  with  Resignation  to 
him.  The  French  Army  taking  the  Fort  they  were  besiegiiig.  de- 
stroyed it  &  went  away.  The  Company  of  men  first  drafted,  after 
some  days  march,  had  orders  to  returti  home,  and  those  oh  the 
second  draft  were  no  more  called  upon  on  that  Occasion, 
da  mo 

The  4.  4.  1758,  orders  came  to  some  Ofiicers  in  Mountholly. 
to  prepare  quarters  a  short  time  for  about  one  hundred  Soldiers, 
and  an  Ofhcer  and  two  other  men  all  inhabitants  of  our  town, 
came  to  my  house  and  the  Officer  told  me  that  he  came  to  speak 
with  me  to  provide  lodging  and  entertainment  for  two  Souldiers, 
there  being  six  shillings  a  week  pr.  man  allowed  as  pay  for  it.  The 
case  being  new  and  unexpected,  I  made  no  answer  suddenly,  but 
sat  a  time  silent,  my  mind  being  inward.  I  was  fully  convinced 
tliat  the  proceedings  in  wars  are  inconsistent  with  the  Purity  of 
the  Christian  Religion  and  to  be  hired  to  entertain  men  who  were 
under  pay  iis  Soldiers  was  a  difficulty  with  me.  I  Expected  they 
had  legal  authority  for  what  they  did  and  after  a  short  time  I 
said  to  the  officer,  **If  the  men  are  sent  here  for  entertainment.  I 
believe  I  shall  not  refuse  to  admit  them  into  my  house,  but  the 
nature  of  the  Case  is  such  that  T  exi>ect  I  cannot  keep  them  on 
hire."  One  of  the  men  intimated  he  thought  I  might  do  it  consist- 
ant  with  my  Religious  principles,  to  which  I  made  no  reply  as 
!>elieving  Silence  at  that  time  best  for  me. 

Though  they  spake  of  two,  there  came  only  one,  who  tarried 
at  my  house  about  two  weeks,  and  behaved  himself  civily ;  and 
when  the  officer  came  to  pay  me  I  tokl  him  I  could  not  take  pay 
for  it,  having  admitted  him  into  my  house  in  a  passive  obedience 


1758 


213 


to  authority.  I  was  on  horseback  when  he  spake  to  me;  and  as 
ie3^roiii  him  he  said  he  was  obhged  to  me,  to  which  I  said 
nothing;  but  thinking  on  the  Expression  I  grew  uneasie  and 
afterwards  being  near  where  he  hved,  I  weiit  [to  his  house]  and 
told  him  on  what  grounds  I  refused  pay  for  keeping  the  Souldier 
I  refused  it.  He  said  he  was  obHeged  to  me,  and  I  was  now 
to  acquaint  him  more  fully  on  what  grounds  I  refused  to 
take  it — the  which  I  did  &  so  we  parted.]  * 

Near  the  begining  of  the  year  1758,  I  went  one  evening  in 
company  with  a  friend  to  visit  a  sick  person  and  before  our  return 
we  were  told  of  a  woman  living  near  who  of  late  had  several 
days  together  been  disconsolate,  ocasioned  by  a  Dream  wherein 
death  and   the  Judgments  of    the   Almighty  after   Death   were 
represented  to  her  mind  in  a  moving  maner:  her  sadness  on  that 
account  [and  her  former  course  of  Life]  being  worn  of,  the  friend 
with  whom  I  was  in  company  went  to  see  her  and  liad  some 
religious  conversation  with  her  and  her  husband  [concerning  their 
Maner  of  life|      With  this  visit  they  were  somewhat   Effected, 
and  the  man  in  particular,  with  many  tears  Expresst  his  Satisfac- 
tion and  in  a  short  time  after  the  poor  man  being  on  the  River  in 
a  storm  of  Wind  he  with  one  more  was  drowned, 
mo 
In  the  8.  1758  having  had  drawings  in  my  mind  to  be  at  the 
Quarterly  meeting  in  Chester  county,  and  at  some  meetings  in 
Philad"  county,  I  went  first  to  said  Quarterly  mL-eting,  which  was 
large;  and  several  matters  of  weight  came  under  consideration  and 
debate,  and  the  Lord  was  pleased  to  Qualify  some  of  his  Servants 
with  Strength  and  firmness  to  bear  the  burthen  of  the  day.  Though 
I  said  but  little  my  mind  was  deeply  Exercised,  and  under  a  sense 
of  Gods  love  in  the  anointing  &  fiting  of  some  young  men  for 
his  work,  I  was  comforted,  and  my  heart  was  tendered  before  him. 
From  hence  I  went  to  the  youths  meeting  at  Darby  where  my 
beloved    friend  and   Brother   Benjamin-   Jones*'"  met  me  by  an 
agreement  made  before  I  left  home,  to  join  in  the  Visit  and  we 
were  at  Radnor,  Merrion,  Richland,  Northwales,  Plimouth,  and 
Abineton  and  had  cause  to  how  in  reverence  before  the  Lord  our 


*  MS>.    B   omit*   thii   Mntrnce. 

*  Bv^ojunin    Jonei     was     fathrr-in-law    of    John     Woolman's    nephew,     Ur,     ion    of 
IZthxHoa  ft  Esther   (Woolman)   Gauntt. 


214  TIIK  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAX      chap. 

( iracioiis  God,  by  whose  help  way  was  opened  for  ns  from  diy 
to  (lay.    I  was  out  about  two  weeks,  and  rode  about  200  miles. 

I  ( )nc  evetiiti^  a   I<>ic*n(l  came  to  our  Lodgings  who  was  1 
Jiistiic  of  llie  IVai-f,  and  in  a  friendly  way  introduced  tfie  Stibject 
of  i<cfusiti}(  to  ])ay  taxes  to  Supi)ort  wars  and  pertrdving  that  I 
was  one  who  Scrupled  the  ]>aynient,  Said  that  he  had  wanted  an  , 
( )portiiiiity  with  sonic  in  tlial  Circumstance,  whereupon  we  had  j 
some  Conversation  in  a  Mrotherly  way  on  Some  texts  of  Scrqititre  j 
relating  thereto,  in  the  Conclusion  of  which  he  said  that  According  j 
to  Our  way  of  prcK'eedinjf  it  would   follow  that  whenever  the 
A«hninistration  of  (tovernnicnt  was  ill,  we  must  Suffer  destraint 
of  jjoods   rather  than  i)ay  actively  toward   Supporting  it.    To 
wliiili  1  replied  Men  put  in  publick  Stations  are  intended  for  good  1 
piirposes,  Some  to  make  jjood  laws,  others  to  take  care  that  those 
laws  are  not  broken.     Now  if  these  men  thus  set  apart  do  not 
answer  the  <lesijjn  of  their  Institution,  our  freely  contributing  to 
Support  them  in  that  Capacity  when  we  certainly  know  that  they 
are  wrongs  is  to  Streni^'then  thcni  in  a  wrong  way  &  tends  to  make 
I  hem  forget  that  it  is  so.  lUit  when  from  a  Clear  understanding  of 
llie  ( ase  we  are  Keally  uncasic  with  the  application  of  money,  and 
ill  ilu'  .Spirit  of  meekness  suffer  distress  to  be  made  on  our  goods 
liilljer  tliaii  pay  actively,  this  joyncd  with  an  upright  Unifonn 
hie  may   tetiil  to  put   men  a  thinking  about  their  own  publick 
(  niulnct. 

\\c  said  he  wvuild  propose  a  Medium.    That  is,  where  men  in 
Aiilhorilv  do  not  act  a^reahle  to  the  mind  of  those  who  G)n- 
stilnled  them  he  tlnuij;ht  the  people  should  Rather  Remonstrate 
than  refuse  a  \'olentary  payment  of  moneys  so  demanded,  and 
a»l«led.  Civil  ( lovernment  is  an  agreement  of  free  men,  by  which 
iliev  ( >Miije  tliemselves  to  Abide  by  Certain  Laws  as  a  Standard, 
ami  to  relnse  to  ('•lu'v  in  that  Case  is  of  the  like  nature  as  to  refuse 
to  do  anv  particular  act  which  we  had  Covenanted  to  do.    I  replied, 
ilia!  in  ni.iUitJi;  Covenants,  it  was  ai;rooable  to  Honesty  and  up- 
ris^htne.ss  to  take  care  that  we  do  not  foreclose  ourselves  from 
;ul!'.cri!\i;  Strictly  to  true  Virtue  in  all  Occurrences  relating  thereto. 
Init  if  1  should  unwarily  promise  to  l^bey  the  orders  of  a  Certain 
man.  or  number  oi  men,  without  any  proviso,  and  he,  p  r  they 
^.'vMna-.ul  me  to  assist  in  doinj;  some  great  Wickedness,  I  ma^y  then 
Sc  my  error  in  making  Such  pn'»niise  and  an  active  ObedienvX  ia 


i 


1758  215 

case  would  be  Ading  one  evil  to  another :  That  though  by 
h  promise  I  should  be  lyable  to  punishment  for  disobedience, 
to  S"ff**r  ratllfj"  _than  Act  to  me  appears  most  Virtuous. 
The  whole  of  our  Conversation  was  in  Calmness  &  good  Will 
1  here  it  may  be  noted  that  in  Pensylvania,  where  there  are 
ly  friends  under  that  Scruple,  a  petition  was  presented  to  the 
embly  by  a  large  number  of  friends,  asking  that  no  Law  might 
)assed  to  Enjoyn  the  payment  of  money  for  such  Uses,  which 
r  as  a  peacable  people  could  not  pay  for  Conscience  Sake.]  ^ 
The  Monthly  Meeting  of  Phiiad".  having  bt-en  under  a  concern 
account  of  Some  Friends  who  this  summer  A.  D.  1758  had 
ght  Negro  Slaves,  the  said  meeting  moved  it  in  their  Quar- 
y  meeting,  to  have  tlie  mi  mite  reconsidered  in  the  Yearly  Meet- 

which  was  made  last  on  that  subject :  And  the  said  Quarterly 
!ting  appointed  a  Committee  to  consider  it  and  report  to  their 
t,  [Ijeing  that  preceding  the  Yearly  Meeting.]  Which  Com- 
tcc  having  met  once  and  adjourned,  and  I  going  to  Philad*. 
neet  a  Committee  of  the  Yearly  Meeting^  was  in  Town  the 
rning  on  which  the  Quarterly  meetings  Committee  met  the 
ond  time;  and  finding  an  incHnatfon  to  sit  with  them  was  with 
le  others  admited,  and  Friaids  had  a  weighty  conference,  on 

subject.  And  soon  after  their  next  Quarterly  meeting,  I 
rd  that  the  case  was  coming  to  our  Yearly  Meeting,  which 
ught  a  weighty  E.xercise  upon  me,  and  under  a  Sense  of  my 
I  infirmities,  and  the  great  danger  I  felt  of  turning  aside  from 
feet  purity,  my  mind  was  often  drawn  to  retire  alone,  and 

up  my  prayers  to  the  Lord,  that  he  would  be  graciously 
ksed  to  so  strengthen  me,  that,  seting  aside  all  views  of  Self 
Kit  and  the  friendship  of  this  world.  I  might  stand  fully 
Ped  to  his  Holy  Will 

In  this  Yearly  Meeting  Several  weighty  matters  were  con- 
:red  and  toward  tbe  last,  tliat  in  relation  to  dealing  with  per- 
5  who  purchase  Slaves.  During  the  Several  Sittings  of  the 
I  meeting,  my  mind  was  frequently  covered  with  inward  prayer, 

I  could  say  with  David  that  tears  were  my  meat  day  and 
hL  The  case  of  Slave  Keeping  lay  heavy  upon  me,  nor  did  I 
I  any  Engagement  to  speak  directly  to  any  other  matter  before 

us.  A,  p.  90.  Thw  incident  i»  not  given  in  B  nor  in  itt  Ed.  1774.  It  occurred 
PUUdeJphim. 


2l6 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap 


the  meeting.  Now  when  this  case  was  opened,  Several  Faithful! 
Friends  spake  weightily  tliereto,  with  which  I  was  Comforted,  anc 
feeling  a  Concern  to  cast  iu  my  mite,  1  said  in  Suhstance,  a: 
follows  I 

**In  the  difficulties  attending  us  in  this  life,  nothing  is  mow 
precious  than  the  mind  of  Truth  inwardly  manifested,  and  it  is 
my  Earnest  Desire  that  in  this  weighty  Matter  we  may  be  sc 
truly  humbled,  as  to  be  favoured  with  a  clear  understanding  of  th« 
mind  of  Truth,  and  follow  it:  this  would  be  of  more  advantage 
to  the  society,  than  any  mediums  [which  are]  not  in  the  Clear- 
ness of  Divine  wisdom.  The  case  is  difficult  to  Some  who  have 
them,  but  if  such  set  aside  all  self-interest,  and  come  to  b< 
weaned  from  the  desire  of  geting  Estates,  or  even  from  holding 
them  together  when  Truth  re<|uires  the  Contrary,  1  believe  wa) 
will  open,  that  they  will  know  how  to  Steer  through  those  difh- 
culties." 

Many  Friends  appeared  to  be  deeply  bowed  under  the  weiglil 
of  the  work;  and  manifested  much  firmness  in  their  Love  to  th< 
Cause  of  Truth  and  universal  RigSiteousness  in  the  Earth.  Anc 
though  none  did  openly  Justifie  the  practice  of  Slave  Keeping  ir 
general,  yet  some  appear'd  concern'd,  lest  the  meeting  Should  g< 
into  Such  measures  as  might  give  uneasiness  to  Many  Brethren 
alledging  that  if  Friends  patiently  (Continued  under  the  exercise 
the  Lord  in  time  to  Come,  might  open  a  way  for  the  Deliverano 
of  these  people,  and  I  finding  an  Engagement  to  speak  said  "Mj 
mind  is  often  led  to  consider  the  purity  of  the  Divine  Being,  an( 
the  Justice  of  his  Judgments  and  herein  my  Soul  is  covere< 
with  aw  fullness.  I  cannot  omit  to  hint  of  some  cases,  where  peopli 
have  not  been  treated  with  the  purity  of  justice,  and  the  even 
hath  been  lamentable.  Many  Slaves  on  this  continent  are  op 
pressed,  and  their  cries  have  reached  the  ears  of  the  Most  High 
Such  are  the  purity  and  certainty  of  his  judgments,  that  he  can 
not  be  partial  f toward  any.]  In  infinite  love  and  goodness  b 
hath  opened  our  understandings  from  time  to  [time  respecting^ 
our  duty  toward  this  people,  and  it  is  not  a  time  for  delay.  Shouk 
we  now  be  sensible  of  wliat  he  requires  of  us,  and  through  j 
respect  to  the  outward  interest  of  some  persons,  or  through  i 
regard  to  some  friendships  which  do  not  stand  on  the  immutable 
foundation,  neglect  to  do  our  duty  in  firmness  &  constancy,  stil 


V  i7S8  217 

waiting  for  some  extraordinary  means  to  bring  about  their  free- 
dom, it  may  be  that  by  Terrible  things  in  Righteousness  God  many 
answer  us  in  this  matter."  * 

Many  faithful  brethren  laboured  with  great  firmness,  and  the 
love  of  Truth  in  a  good  degree,  prevailed.  Several  Friends  who 
had  Negroes,  exprest  their  desire  that  a  rule  might  be  made  to 
deal  with  such  Friends  as  Offenders  who  might  buy  Slaves  in 
future.  To  this  it  was  [replied]  that  the  root  of  this  evil  would 
not  be  removed  from  amongst  us,  till  a  close  enquiry  was  made  in 
[regard  to  the  righteousness  of]  their  motives  [who  detained 
Negroes  in  their  service]  that  impartial  justice  might  be  admin- 
istered throughout.  Several  Friends  exprest  a  desire  that  a  visit 
might  be  made  to  such  Friends  who  kept  Slaves:  and  many 
Friends  said  that  they  believed  liberty  was  the  Negroes  right,  to 
which  at  length  no  opposition  was  made  publickly.  A  minute  was 
[at  length]  made  more  full  on  that  Subject  than  any  heretofore 
and  the  names  of  several  Friends  entered  who  were  free  to  joyn 
in  a  visit  to  such  who  [kept]  Slaves. 

'The  italics  are  John  Woolman's. 


CHAPTER  VI 

1758 

da    mo 

The  ir.  11.  1758,  I  set  out  for  Concord.  That  Quarterly 
meeting,  [which]  heretofore  was  [but  one,  was  now,]  by  reason 
of  a  great  increase  of  Members  divided  into  two  by  agreement  of 
Friends  at  our  last  Yearly  Meeting.  Here  I  met  with  our  be- 
loved friends  Samuel  Spavold  ^'  and  Mary  Kirby  *•  from  Eng- 
land, [now  on  a  Religious  visit]  And  with  Joseph  White'"  from 
Bucks  county,  who  had  taken  leave  of  his  wife  &  family  in  order 
to  go  on  a  religious  visit  to  England  and  through  Divine  good- 
ness, we  were  favoured  with  a  strengthening  oportunity  together. 

After  this  meeting  I  joyned  with  my  friends  Daniel  Stanton  "* 
and  John  Scarborough  **  in  visiting  Friends  who  had  Slaves,  and 
at  night  we  had  a  family  meeting  at  William  Trimbles,*^"  [there 
being  a  good]  many  young  people  and  it  was  a  precious  reviving 
oportunity.  Next  morning  we  had  a  comfortable  siting  with  a 
Sick  neighbour,  and  thence  to  the  Burial  of  a  Friend  at  Uwchland  * 
meeting,  at  which  were  many  people,  and  it  was  a  time  of  Divine 
Favour,  after  which  we  visited  some  who  had  Slaves.  The  next 
day  we  visited  Several  others  who  liad  Slaves,  and  at  night  had  a 
family  siting  at  our  friend  Aaron  Ashbridges,'"^  where  the  Chanel 
of  Gospel  Love  was  opened,  and  my  mind  was  comforted  after  a 
hard  days  Labour.  The  next  day  was  at  Goshen  monthly  meeti: 


da    mo 


n 


and  then,  on  the  18.  11.  1758,  attended  the  Quarterly  meeting  at 
London  Grove, ^  it  being  the  first  held  at  tliat  place.  Here  we  met 
again  with  all  the  before  mentioned  Friends,  and  had  some  Edefy- 
ing  meetings  &  near  the  Conclusion  of  the  meeting  for  business, 
Friends  were  Incited  to  Constancy  in  Supporting  the  Testimo^^ 

*  Uwchlan,   Pennsylvania.  ^^| 

'  London    Grove    was    set    off    from    Goslien    w)»cn    ihc    laH<  r   grew    loo    large,    and 
Friends   selUed    at    the    former    place    in    great    numbers. 

218 


VI 


1758 


219 


of  Truth,  &  reminded  of  the  necessity  which  the  [Disciples] 
of  [Christ]  are  under  to  attend  principally  to  his  business  as  he 
is  pleased  to  open  it  to  us ;  and  to  be  particularly  care  full  to  have 
our  minds  redeemed  from  the  Love  of  Wealth;  to  have  our  out- 
ward Affairs  in  as  little  room  as  may  be^  that  no  temporal  con- 
cerns may  entangle  our  Affections,  or  hinder  us  from  diligently 
following  the  dictates  of  Truth,  in  Labouring  to  promote  the  pure 
Spirit  of  Meekness  and  heavenly  mindedness  amongst  the  Chil- 
dren of  men,  in  these  days  of  Calamity  wherein  God  is  visiting 
our  Land  with  his  just  Judgments.     [After  this  I  rode  home.] 

Each  of  these  Quarterly  meetings  were  large,  and  sat  near 
eight  hours:  here  I  had  occasion  to  consider  that  it  is  a  weighty 
thing  to  speak  much  in  large  meetings  for  Business  | First.]  ex- 
cept our  minds  are  rightly  prepared,  &  we  clearly  understanding 
the  case  we  speak  to,  instead  of  forwarding,  we  hinder  business, 
and  make  Labour  for  those  on  whom  the  burden  of  the  work  is 
laid. 

If  selfish  views  or  party  spirit  have  any  room  in  our  minds 
wc  are  unfit  for  the  Lords  work.  If  we  have  a  clear  prospect 
of  the  business,  and  proper  weight  on  our  minds  to  speak,  it 
behoves  us  to  avoid  Useless  Apologies  and  repetitions.  Where 
people  are  gathered  from  far,  and  Adjourning  a  meeting  of 
business  is  attended  with  great  difficulty,  it  behoves  all  to  be  cau- 
tious how  they  detain  a  meeting,  especially  when  they  have  sat 
Six  or  Seven  hours  and  have  a  good  way  to  ride  home.  [In  300 
minutes  are  5  hours  and  he  that  improperly  detains  three  hundred 
people  one  minute  in  a  Meeting,  besides  other  Evils  that  attend 
it,  does  an  injury  like  that  of  Imprisoning  one  man  5  hours  with- 
out cause.]* 

mo 

In  the  begining  of  the  12.  1758,  I  jo)Tied  in  company  with 
my  friends  John  Sykes*"  and  Daniel  Stanton,*"  in  visiting  51  rli 
who  had  Slaves.  Some  whose  hearts  were  rightly  Exercised 
about  them,'  appear'd  to  be  glad  of  our  visit,  and  in  some  places 
bur  way  was  more  difficult,  and  I  often  saw  the  necessity  of  keep- 
ing down  to  that  Root  from  whence  our  Concern  proceeded,  and 
have  cause,   in   Reverent    Thankfulness,   humbly   to  bow   down 


^  ^fS5.  A  and  B  both  include  this  paragraph.     All  cditon  omit  it. 

*  MS.   B   "and   were   coacerned   to   do    tlie   Uiing   that   wu   right." 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


isiff 


before  the  Lord,  who  was  near  to  me,  and  preserved  my  mind  in 

Calmness  under  Some  Sharp  Conflicts,  and  begat  a  Spirit  of 
Sympathy  and  tenderness  in  nie,  toward  Some  who  were  griev- 
ously Entangled  by  the  Spirit  of  this  world, 
mo 

In  the  I.  1759,  having  found  my  mind  drawn  toward  a  visit 
to  Some  of  the  more  active  members  in  our  Society  at  Philad* 
who  had  Slaves,  I  met  John  Churcliman  '*  there  by  an  agreement 
and  we  Continued  about  a  week  in  the  Citty.  We  visited  some  sick 
people  &  Some  Widows  and  their  Families  and  the  other  pai^ 
of  our  time  was  mostly  Employed  in  Visiting  such  who  had  Slav4^| 
It  was  a  time  of  deep  Exercise,  Looking  often  to  the  Lord  for  his 
Assistance,  who  in  unspeakable  kindness,  favour'd  us  with  the 
influence  of  that  Spirit  which  Crucifies  to  the  world,  and  Enabled 
us  to  go  through  some  heavy  Labours  in  which  we  found  peace. 

da  mo 

24:  3:  1759,  I  was  at  our  General  Spring  meeting  at  Pliilad* 
at  which  was  William  Reckit  ^^^  and  John  Storer  '*  from  England 
and  alter  this  meeting  I  again  joyoed  with  John  Churchman** 
on  a  Visit  to  some  more  who  had  Slaves  in  Philad*;  and,  with 
Thankfulness  to  Our  Heavenly  Father  I  may  say,  that  Divine 
Love  and  a  true  Sympathizing  Tenderness  of  heart  attended  us. 
Having  at  times  perceived  a  Shyness  in  some  Friends  of  Con- 
siderable note  towards  me,  I  found  an  Engagement  in  Gospel 
love  to  pay  a  Visit  to  one  of  them,  and  as  I  kept  under  the 
Exercise!  felt  a  Resignedness  in  my  mind  to  go.  So  I  went  [to 
his  house]  and  told  him  in  private  I  liad  a  desire  to  have  an 
Oportunity  with  him  alone,  to  which  he  readily  agreed.  And  th€^_ 
in  the  Fear  of  the  Lord,  things  relating  to  that  Shyness  we^f 
Searched  to  the  bottom,  and  we  had  a  large  conference  which  ' 
1  believe  was  of  use  to  both  of  us,  and  am  thankful!  that  way  w; 
opened  for  it. 

da  mo 

14.  6.  1759  having  felt  drawings  in  my  mind  to  visit  Frien 
about  Salem,  and  having  the  [agreement]  of  our  Monthly  Meet- 
ing therein,  I  attended  their  Quarterly  meeting,  and  was  out 
Seven  days,  and  was  at  seven  meetings,  in  some  of  which  I  was 
chiefly  Silent,  and  in  others,  through  the  Baptizing  power  of 
Truth,  my  heart  was  Enlarged  in  Heavenly  Love,  and  foimd  a 


I 


\ 


\1 


1759 


221 


near  fellow  feeling  with  the  Brethren  and  Sisters  in  the  mani- 
fold tryals  attending  their  Christian  progress  through  this  world. 
mo 

In  7,  I7S9»  I  found  an  increasing  concern  on  my  mind  to 
visit  some  active  members  in  our  Society  who  had  Slaves,  and 
having  no  Oportunity  of  the  Company  of  Such  who  were  nam'd 
on  the  minutes  of  the  Yearly  Meeting.  I  went  alone  to  their  houses, 
and  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord  acquainted  them  with  the  Exercise 
I  was  under,  and  thus  sometimes  by  a  few  words  I  found  myself 
discharged  from  a  heavy  burthen. 

After  this,  our  frd  John  Churchmai^ '^  coming  ii^to  our 
province  with  a  view  to  be  at  Some  meetings,  and  to  joyn  again 
in  the  Visit  to  those  who  had  Slaves,  I  bore  him  Company  in 
the  said  visit  to  some  active  members  [in  which  I]  found  inward 
satisfaction. 

At  our  Yearly  Meeting  1759  we  had  some  weighty  [meetings] 
where  the  power  of  Truth  was  largely  Extended  to  the  strengthen- 
ing of  the  honest -minded.  As  friends  read  over  the  Epistles  to 
be  sent  to  the  Yearly  Meetings  along  this  Continent,  I  observed 
in  most  of  them,  both  this  year  and  last,  it  was  recommended  to 
Friends  to  labour  against  Buying  and  keeping  Slaves,  and  in  some 
of  them  closely  treated  upon.  As  this  practice  hath  long  been  ii 
heavy  Exercise  to  me,  as  I  have  often  waded  through  mortifying 
Labours  on  that  account,  and  at  times,  in  some  meetings  been  al- 
most alone  therein  ;  now  observing  the  increasing  concern  |in  the] 
Society,  and  Seeing  how  the  Lord  was  Raising  up  and  Qualifying 
Servants  for  his  work,  not  only  in  this  respect,  but  for  promoting 
the  Cause  of  Truth  in  general,  I  was  humbly  bowed  in  thank  full- 
ness before  him.  

This  meeting  continued  near  a  week  and  several  days  the  fore 
part  of  it,  my  mind  was  drawn  into  a  deep  inward  Stillness,  and 
being  at  times,  c'overed  with  the  spirit  of  supplication  my  heart 
)iras_Secretly  poured  out  Ik  t<*rr  ilic  Lord,  and  near  the  end  [1  felt 
an  increasing  Exercise  to  Speak,  and  near  the  Conclusion  of  the 
last  meeting  for  Business,  way  opened,]  that  in  the  pure  flowing 
of  Divine  love  I  exprest  what  lay  upon  me  which  as  it  then  arosj 
in  my  mind  was  first  to  show  how  deep  answers  to  deep  in  the 
hearts  of  sincere  &  upright  men  though  in  their  different  growths 
they  may  not  all  have  attained  to  the  same  clearness  in  some  points 


222  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

relating  to  our  Testimony,  Wherein  I  was  led  to  mention  the 
Integrity  and  Constancy  of  Many  Martyrs  who  gave  their  lives 
for  the  testimony  of  Jesus ;  and  yet  in  some  points  held  doctrines 
distinguishable  from  some  which  we  hold.  How  that  in  all  ages 
where  people  were  Faith  full  to  the  Light  and  understanding  which 
the  Most  High  afforded  them  they  found  acceptance  with  Him, 
and  that  now,  though  there  arc  ditlerent  ways  of  thinking  amongst 
us  in  some  particulars,  yet  if  we  mutually  kept  to  that  Spirit_aiid 
power  which  Crucifies  to  the  world,  which  teaches  us  to  be  con- 
^tent  with  things  realy  needful,  and  to  avoid  all  Superfluities,  giving 
^p  our  hearts  to  fear  and  Serve  the  Lord,  true  Unity  may  Still  be 
preserved  amongst  us.  And  tliat  if  such,  who  at  times  were  under 
sufferings  on  Account  of  some  scruples  of  Conscience,  kept  low  & 
humble,  and  in  their  Conduct  in  life  manifested  a  Spirit  of  true 
Charity  it  would  be  more  likely  to  reach  the  witness  in  others 
and  be  of  more  Service  in  the  Church,  than  if  their  Sufferings 
were  attended  with  a  Contrary  Spirit  and  Conduct.  In  which 
Exercise  I  was  drawn  into  a  Sympathizing  Tenderness  with  the 
Sbeep  of  Christ,  however  distinguished  one  from  another  in  this 
world,  and  the  like  disposition  appear'd  to  spread  over  some 
others  in  the  meeting.  Great  is  the  Goodness  of  y*  Lord  toward 
us.  his  poor  Creatures. 

An  Epistle  went  forth  from  this  Yearly  Meeting,  which  I 
think  good  to  give  a  place  in  this  Journal  [which  is]  as  folio 


1 


From  the  Yearly  Meeting  held  at  Philadelphia,  for  Pennsylvania 
New  Jersey,  from  the  22d  day  of  the  gth  month,  to  the  28//1  of 
same,  inclusive,  1759. 

To  the  Quarterly  and  Monthly  meetings  of  Friends  belonging  to  the 
said  Yearly  Meeting. 

Dearly  beloved  friends  and  brethren, —  ■ 

In  an  awful  sense  of  the  wisdom  and  goodness  of  the  Lord  our 


•  MS.  A»  p.  97.  Thi»  sentence.  "An  Epistle  went  forth,"  has  been  wri 
OTer  an  erasure  that  has  been  deciphered,  as  follows:  "A  short  time  before 
went  to  this  Yearly  Meeting.  I  felt  a  weight  on  my  Mind  in  regard  to  Wrii 
on  Some  Subjects  then  Opened  before  me,  whereupon  I  \»rote  an  Essay  of 
an  Epistle,  which,  being  examined  and  corrected  by  the  Committee  on  the  Epistle, 
was  aigtied  by  a  number  of  Friends  in  behalf  of  the  Meeting,  and  was  as 
follows"  A    note   at    bottom    of    MS.    B.    p.     177.    reads,    "1-7^.      I    am    easier 

that    that    Epistle    be    left    out."      He    omits    it    in    MS.    A.      It    has    been    included 
in    every    printed    edition,     and    is    here     reuined     he<au!w    his    note     f>r>^ves    Wool 
man's    authorship.      The    original    broadside,    printed    by    Benjamin    Franklin,    ia 
(he    Library    of    Haver  ford    College,    Pa. 


i 


1 


VI 


1759 


223 


God,  whose  tender  mercies  have  long  been  continued  to  as  in  this 
land,  we  affectionately  salute  you;  with  sincere  and  fervent  desires, 
that  we  may  reverently  regard  the  dispensations  of  his  providence, 
and  improve  under  them. 

The  empires  and  kingdoms  of  the  earth  are  subject  to  his  Almighty 
power.  He  is  the  god  of  the  spirits  of  all  flesh;  and  deals  with  hi; 
people  agreeable  to  that  wisdom,  the  depth  whereof  is  to  us  un- 
searchable. We,  in  these  provinces,  may  say,  He  hath,  as  a  gracious 
and  tender  parent,  dealt  bountifully  with  us,  even  from  the  days  of 
our  fathers.  It  was  He  who  strengthened  them  to  labour  through 
the  difficulties  attending  the  improvement  of  a  wilderness,  and  made 
way  for  them  in  the  hearts  of  the  natives;  so  that  by  them  they  were 
comforted  in  times  of  want  and  distress;  it  was  by  the  graciou^ 
influences  of  his  holy  spirit,  that  they  were  disposed  to  work  right- 
eousness, and  to  walk  uprightly  one  towards  another,  and  towards 
the  natives;  and  in  life  and  conversation  to  manifest  the  excellency 
of  the  principles  and  doctrines  of  the  christian  religion;  and  thereby 
they  retain  their  esteem  and  friendship.  Whilst  they  were  labouring 
for  the  necessaries  of  life,  many  of  them  were  fervently  engaged 
to  promote  piety  and  virtue  in  the  earth,  and  to  educate  their  children 
in  the  fear  of  the  Lord. 

If  we  carefully  consider  the  peaceable  measures  pursued  in  the 
6rst  settlement  of  the  land,  and  that  freedom  from  the  desolations  of 
wars,  which  for  a  long  time  we  enjoyed,  we  shall  find  ourselves  under 
strong  obligations  to  the  Almighty,  who,  when  the  earth  is  so  gen- 
erally polluted  with  wickedness,  gave  us  a  being  in  a  part  so  signally 
favoured  with  tranquillity  and  plenty;  and  in  which  the  glad  tidings 
of  the  gospel  of  Christ  are  so  freely  published,  that  we  may  justly 
say  with  the  psalmist,  "What  shall  we  render  unto  the  Lord  for  all 
his  benefits !" 

Our  own  real  good,  and  the  good  of  our  posterity,  in  some  measure 
depends  on  the  part  we  act;  and  it  nearly  concerns  us  to  try  our 
foundations  impartially.  Such  are  the  different  rewards  of  the  just 
and  unjust  in  a  future  state,  that  to  attend  diligently  to  the  dictates 
of  the  spirit  of  Christ,  to  devote  ourselves  to  his  service,  and  engage 
fervently  in  his  cause,  during  our  short  stay  in  this  world,  is  a  choice 
well  becoming  a  free  intelligent  creature;  we  shall  thus  clearly  see 
and  consider  that  the  dealings  of  God  with  mankind  in  a  national 
capacity,  as  recorded  in  holy  writ,  do  sufficiently  evidence  the  truth 
of  that  saying,  "It  is  righteousness  which  exalteth  a  nation."  And 
tho'  he  doth  not  at  aU  times  suddenly  execute  his  judgments  on  a 
sinful  people  in  this  h'fe,  yet  we  see  by  many  instances,  that  where 
"men  follow  lying  vanities,  they  forsake  their  own  mercies:"  and  as 


224 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


his    J 


a  proud,  selfish  spirit  prevails  and  spreads  among  a  people,  so  partial 
judgment,  oppression,  discord,  envy  and  confusions  increase,  and 
provinces  and  kingdoms  are  made  to  drink  the  cup  of  adversity  as 
a  reward  of  their  own  doings.  Thus  the  inspired  prophet,  reasoning 
with  the  degenerated  Jews,  saith,  'Thine  own  wickedness  shall  cor- 
rect thee,  and  thy  backslidings  shall  reprove  thee:  know  therefore, 
that  it  is  an  evil  thing  and  bitter,  that  thou  hast  forsaken  the  Lord 
thy  God,  and  that  my  fear  is  not  in  thee,  saith  the  Lord  God  of 
hosts."    Jer.  ii,  19. 

The  God  of  our  fathers,  who  hath  bestowed  on  us  many  benefits, 
furnished  a  table  for  us  in  the  wilderness,  and  made  the  deserts  and 
solitary  places  to  rejoice;  he  doth  now  mercifully  call  upon  us  to 
serve  him  more  faithfully.  We  may  truly  say  with  the  prophet, 
"It  is  his  voice  which  crieth  to  the  city,  and  men  of  wisdom  see  his 
name.    They  regard  the  rod,  and  him  who  hath  appointed  it." 

People  who  look  chiefly  at  things  outward,  too  little  consider 
original  cause  of  the  present  troubles;  but  such  who  fear  the  Lord, 
and  think  often  upon  his  name,  they  see  and  feel  that  a  wrong  spirit 
is  spreading  among  tlvc  inhabitants  of  our  country;  that  the  hearts 
of  many  are  waxed  fat,  and  their  cars  dull  of  hearing;  that  the 
Most  High,  In  his  visitations  to  us,  instead  of  calling,  he  Hfteth  up 
his  voice  and  crieth;  he  crieth  to  our  country,  and  his  voice  waxeth 
louder  and  louder. 

In  former  wars  between  the  English  and  other  nations,  since  the 
settlement  of  our  provinces,  the  calamities  attending  them  have  fallen 
chiefly  on  other  places,  but  now  of  late  they  have  reached  to  our 
borders:  many  of  our  fellow  subjects  have  suffered  on  and  near  our 
frontiers;  some  have  been  slain  in  battle,  some  killed  in  their  houses, 
and  some  in  their  fields,  some  wounded  and  left  in  great  misery,  and 
others  separated  from  their  wives  and  little  children,  who  have  been 
carried  captives  among  the  Indians,  We  have  seen  men  and  women 
who  have  been  witnesses  of  these  scenes  of  sorrow,  and  being  reduced 
to  want,  have  come  to  our  houses  asking  relief.  It  is  not  long  since 
it  was  the  case  of  many  young  men  in  one  of  these  provinces  to  be 
draughted,  in  order  to  be  taken  as  soldiers:  some  were  at  that  time 
in  great  distress,  and  had  occasion  to  consider  that  their  lives  had 
been  too  little  conformable  to  the  purity  and  spirituality  of  that 
religion  which  we  profess,  and  found  themselves  too  little  acquainted 
with  tliat  inward  humility,  in  which  true  fortitude  to  endure  hari 
for  the  Truth's  sake  is  experienced.  Many  parents  were  conce 
for  their  children,  and  in  that  time  of  trial  were  led  to  consiuc^cp 
that  their  care  to  get  outward  treasure  for  them,  had  been  greater 
than  their  care  for  their  settlement  in  that  religion  which  crucifieth 


rdne^^ 
[ren^H 


i 


1759 


225 


to  the  world,  and  enableth  to  bear  a  clear  testimony  to  the  peaceable 
government  of  the  Messiah.  These  troubles  are  removed,  and  for  a 
time  we  are  released  from  them. 

Let  us  not  forget  that  "the  Most  High  hath  his  way  in  the  deep, 
In  clouds  and  in  thick  darkness" — that  it  is  his  voice  which  crieth  to 
the  city  and  to  the  country;  and.  Oh  I  that  these  loud  and  awakening 
cries,  may  have  a  proper  effect  upon  us,  that  heavier  chastisement 
may  not  become  necessary  I  For  though  things,  as  to  the  outward, 
may,  for  a  short  time,  afford  a  pleasing  prospect;  yet  while  a  selfish 
spirit  that  is  not  subject  to  the  cross  of  Christ,  continiieth  to  spread 
and  prevail,  there  can  be  no  long  continuance  in  outward  peace  and 
tranquillity.  If  we  desire  an  inheritance  incorruptible,  and  to  be  at 
rest  in  that  state  of  peace  and  happiness  which  ever  continues: 
if  we  desire  in  this  life  to  dwell  under  the  favour  and  protection  of 
that  Almighty  Being,  whose  habitation  is  in  holiness,  whose  ways 
are  all  equal,  and  whose  anger  is  now  kindled  because  of  our  back- 
slidings;  let  us  then  awfully  regard  these  beginnings  of  his  sore  judg- 
ments, and  with  abasement  and  humiliation  turn  to  Him  whom  we 
have  offended. 

Contending  with  one  equal  in  strength  is  an  uneasy  exercise: 
but  if  the  Lord  is  become  our  enemy,  tf  we  persist  to  contend  with 
Him  who  is  omnipotent,  our  overthrow  will  be  unavoidable. 

Do  we  feel  an  affectionate  regard  to  posterity;  and  are  we  em- 
ployed to  promote  their  happiness?  Do  our  minds,  in  things  out- 
ward, look  beyond  our  own  dissolution;  and  are  we  contriving  for 
the  prosperity  of  our  children  after  us?  Let  us  then,  like  wise 
builders,  lay  the  foundation  deep;  and  by  our  constant  uniform  regaid 
to  an  inward  piety  and  virtue,  let  them  see  that  we  really  value  it. 
Let  as  labour,  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord,  that  their  innocent  inindls, 
while  young  and  tender,  may  be  preserved  from  corruptions;  that 
w  they  advance  in  age,  they  may  rightly  understand  their  true  inter- 
est, may  consider  the  uncertainty  of  temporal  things,  and  above  all, 
have  their  hope  and  confidence  firmly  settled  in  the  blessing  of  that 
Almighty  Being,  who  inhabits  eternity,  and  preserves  and  supports 
the  world. 

In  all  our  cares  about  worldly  treasures,  let  us  steadily  bear  in 
mind,  that  riches  possessed  by  children  who  do  not  truly  serve  God, 
arc  likely  to  prove  snares,  that  may  more  grievously  entangle  theui 
in  that  spirit  of  selfishness  and  exaltation,  which  stands  in  opposition 
to  real  peace  and  happiness;  and  renders  them  enemies  to  the  cross 
of  Christ,  who  submit  to  the  influence  of  it. 

To  keep  a  watchful  eye  towards  real  objects  of  charity,  to  visit 
the  poor  in  their  lonesome  dwelling  places,  to  comfort  them  who, 


226  THE  JOURNAL  OK  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

through  the  dispensations  of  Divine  Providence,  are  in  strait  and 
painfut  circumstances  in  this  life,  and  steadily  to  endeavour  to 
honour  God  with  our  substance,  from  a  real  sense  of  the  love  of 
Christ  influencitig  our  uiinds  thereto,  is  more  likely  to  bring  a  bless- 
ing to  our  children,  and  will  afford  more  satisfaction  to  a  christian 
favoured  with  plenty,  than  an  earnest  desire  to  collect  much  wealth 
to  leave  behind  us;  for  "here  we  have  no  continuing  city:"  may  we 
therefore  diligently  "seek  one  that  is  to  come,  whose  builder  and 
maker  is  God." 

"Finally,  brethren,  whatsoever  things  are  true,  whatsoever  things 
arc  just,  whatsoever  things  are  pure,  whatsoever  things  are  lovely, 
whatsoever  things  are  of  good  report;  if  there  be  any  virtue,  if  there 
be  any  praise,  think  on  these  things  and  do  them,  and  the  God  of 
peace  shall  be  with  you." 

Signed  by  appointment,  and  on  behalf  of  our  said  meeting,  by 


MORDECAI  YaRNALL.'" 

Thomas  Massev. 
John  Churchman, 


John  Scarbrough, 
Petfji  Fearon, 
Thomas  Evans, 
Joseph  Parker. 


da    mo 

*  f28th  nth  1759.  I  was  at  the  Quarterly  meeting  in 
cotinty ;  this  day  being  the  meeting  of  ministers  and  elders,  my 
heart  was  enlarged  in  the  love  of  Jesus  Christ;  and  the  favour 
of  the  Most  High  was  extended  to  us  in  that  and  the  ensuing 
Meeting. 

I  had  conversation,  at  my  lodging,  with  my  beloved  friend 
Samuel  Eastburn ;  -"  who  expressed  a  concern  to  join  in  a  visit 
to  some  Friends  in  that  County,  who  had  N^roes;  and  as  I 
had  felt  a  Draught  in  my  mind  to  that  work  in  the  said  county* 

da  mo 
I  came  home  and  put  things  in  order ;  on  the  1 1 :  1 2 :  I  went  over 
the  River;  and  on  the  next  day  was  at  Buckingham  meeting; 
where,  through  the  descendings  of  Heavenly  dew,  my  mind  was 
comforted  and  drawn  into  a  near  unity  with  the  flock  of  Jes 
Christ. 

Entering  upon  this  visit  appeared  weighty:  and  before  I  leT 

'MS.  A  omiu  the  following  paragTaphs.  MS.  B,  p.  179,  la  the  only  one 
which  includes  this  visit  to  Bucks  Coumy,  Pa.  The  first  edition,  1774.  retains 
it  u  ^ven  in  B.  showing  thai  the  Committee  on  Publication  were  using  all 
of   the    ManuKripts   in    their    Editorial    Work. 


often  sad;  tinder  which  exercise  I  felt,  at 

times,  that  Holy  Spirit  which  helps  our  infirmities;  through  which 
in  private  my  prayers  were  at  times  put  up  to  God  that  he  would 
be  pleased  so  to  purge  me  from  all  Selfishness,  so  that  I  might 
be  strengthened  to  discharge  my  duty  Faithfully  how  hard  soever 
to  the  natural  part.    We  proceeded  on  the  visit  in  a  weighty  frame 
of  Spirit,  and  went  to  the  Houses  of  the  most  active  members 
throughout  the  county  who  had  Negroes,  and  through  the  Good- 
ness of  the  Lord,  my  mind  was  preserved  in  Resignation  in  times 
of  tryal.     And  though  the  work  was  hard  to  nature,  yet  through 
the  strength  of  that  Love  which  is  stronger  that  Death,  tenderness 
of  heart  was  often  felt  amongst  us  in  our  Visits,  and  we  parted 
from  several  families  with  greater  satisfaction  than  we  expected. 
We  visited  Joseph  Whites^*  Family,  he  being  in  England; 
had  also  a  family  sitting  at  the  house  of  an  elder  who  bore  us 
company  and  were  at  Makefield  on  a  first-day.    At  all  which  times 
my  heart  was  truly  ^thankful  to  the  Lord  who  was  graciously 
pleased  to  renew  his  loving  Icindntss  to   us  his  poor  servants, 
uniting  us  togeffief'tirhis  worlc , ] 


^In  the  wlnrer^tl7j9]  the  smallpox  being  in  (and  about] 
town  and  many  being  Inoculated,  of  which  [some]  died,  Some 
things  were  opened  in  my  mind,  which  I  wrote  as  follows 

The  more  fully  our  lives  are  comformable  to  the  will  of  God, 
the  better  it  is  for  us.  I  liave  looked  on  the  Smallpox  as  a 
Messenger  sent  from  the  Almighty,  to  be  an  Assistant  in  the  Cause 
of  Virtue,  and  to  incite  us  to  consider  whether  we  Employ  our 
time  only  in  such  things  as  are  Consistent  with  Perfect  Wisdom 
and  goodness. 

Building  houses  sutable  to  dwell  in,  for  ourselves  and  our 
Creatures,  preparing  Cloathing  sutable  to  the  Climate  &  Season, 
and  food  convenient,  are  all_duties  incumbent  on  us.  And  under 
these  general  heads  are  many  T}ran«^s  ^f  business  in  which  we 
may  venture  health  and  life  as  necessity  may  require.  This 
disease  being  in  a  house  and  my  business  calling  me  to  go  near 
it:  It  incites  me  to  think  whether  this  business  is  a  real  indispens- 
able duty,  whether  it  is  not  in  conformity  to  some  Custom,  which 
would  be  better  laid  aside,  or  whether  it  does  not  proceed  from 
too  Eager  a  pursuit  of  some  outward  treasure.     If  the  business 

*  MS.    A,    p.    98,    here    resumes   the    narrstive. 


1 1 

r 


228 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


before  me  springs  not  from  a  Clear  understanding,  and  a  regard 
to  that  use  of  things  which  [pure]  WISDOM  approves;  to  be 
brought  to  a  sence  of  it  and  Stoped  in  my  pursuit,  is  a  kindness, 
for  when  I  proceed  to  business  without  some  evidence  of  Duty,  I 
have  found  by  experience  that  it  tends  to  weakness. 

H  I  am  so  scituated  that  there  appears  no  probability  of 
missing  the  infection,  it  tends  to  make  me  think  whether  my 
maner  of  h'fe  in  things  outward,  has  nothing  in  it  which  may  unfit 
my  Body  to  receive  this  messenger  in  a  way  the  most  favourable 
to  me.  Do  I  use  Food  and  Drink  in  no  other  Sort,  and  in  no  other 
degree,  than  was  designed  by  Him  who  gave  these  Creatures  for 
our  Sustenance  ?  Do  I  never  abuse  my  Body  by  inordinate  Labour, 
Striving  to  Accomplish  some  end  which  I  have  unwisely  pro- 
posed ?  Do  I  use  action  enough  in  some  Useful  Employ,  or  do  I 
set  too  much  idle,  while  some  persons  who  labour  to  support  me 
have  too  great  a  share  of  [Labour]  H  in  any  of  these  things 
am  deficient,  to  be  incited  to  Consider  it,  is  a  favour  to  me. 

There  is  employ  necessary  in  social  life,  &  this  [Mortal]  i~ 
fection  incites  me  to  think  whether  these  Social  acts  of  mine  are 
real  duties.  If  I  go  on  a  Visit  to  the  widows  and  Fatherless,  do 
I  go  purely  on  a  principle  of  Charity,  free  from  every  selfish 
view.  If  I  go  to  a  Religious  meeting,  it  [should]  put  me  a  thinking 
whether  I  go  in  sincerity  and  in  a  clear  sence  of  duty,  or  whether 
it  is  not  partly  in  conformity  to  Custom,  or  partly  from  a  sensible 
delight  which  my  animal  Spirits  feel  in  the  Company  of  other 
people,  and  whether  to  Support  my  [reputation]'  as  a  Religious 
man,  has  no  share  in  it 

[Am  I  called  upon  to  assist  in]  affairs  relating  to  Civil  society, 
as  I  liazard  my  health  and  life  [in  coming  near  this  infection, 
it  is  fit  for]  me  to  think  Seriously,  whether  love  to  Truth  and 
Righteousness  is  the  motive  of  my  attending;  whether  the  manner 
of  proceeding  is  altogether  Equitable;  or  whether  aught  of  nar- 
rowness, party  interest,  respect  to  outward  dignities,  names,  or 
[Collours  of  J  men,  do  not  stain  the  beauty  of  those  Assemblies, 
and  render  [the  case]  doubtfull  in  point  of  duty,  whether  a 
Disciple  of  Christ  ought  to  attend  as  a  Member  united  to  the 
Body  or  not. 

Whenever  there  are  blemishes  which  for  a  Series  of  time  re- 


»MS.   B   "Chwicter." 


1759 


229 


Dain  Such,  that  which  is  a  means  of  Stiring  us  up  to  look  atten- 
Jvely  on  these  blemishes,  and  to  Labour  according  to  our  Capaci- 
les,  to  have  [true]  health  and  Soundness  restored  in  our  Country, 
vt  may  justly  account  a  kindness  from  our  Gracious  Father,  who 
ippointed  that  mean. 

The  care  of  a  wise  and  good  man  for  his  only  Son,  is  inferior 
o  the  Regard  of  the  great  PARENT  of  the  Universe  for  his 
a-eatures.  |The  Most  High]  hath  the  Comand  of  all  the  powers 
md  operations  in  nature,  and  doth  not  oMict  willingly,  nor  grieve 
he  children  of  men.  [Cliastisement  is  intended  for  Instruction, 
ttid  Instruction  being  received  by  gentle  Chastisement,  greater 
alamities  are  prevented.] 

By  an  Earthquake  hundreds  of  houses  are  sometimes  shaken 
town  in  a  few  minutes,  and  muhitudes  of  people  perish  Sud- 
Icnly  and  many  more  being  crushed  and  bruised  in  the  Ruins  of 
he  buildings,  pine  away  and  die  in  great  Misery. 

By  the  breaking  in  of  Enraged,  merciless  armies,  flourishing 
Tountries  have  been  laid  waste  and  great  numbers  of  p^^ople  per- 
shed  in  a  Short  time  and  many  more  pressed  with  povert>'  and 
frief. 

By  the  Pestilence  people  have  died  so  fast  in  a  City,  that 
ihrough  fear,  grief,  &  Confusion,  Those  in  health  have  found 
|;reat  difficulty  in  burying  the  dead,  even  without  CofTins. 

By  a  famine  great  numbers  of  people  in  some  places  have  been 
[wrought  to  the  Utmost  distress,  and  pined  away  for  want  of  the 
necessaries  of  life.  Thus  where  the  kind  Invitations  and  Gentle 
Chastisements  of  a  Gracious  God  have  not  been  attended  to,  his 
Sore  Judgments  have  at  times  been  poured  out  upon  people. 

W'liile  some  rules  approved  in  Civil  Society,  &  Conformable 
to  human   Policy  so  called  are  distinguishable  from  the  purity 
of  Truth  and  Righteousness,   [it  behoves  us  to  meditate  on  the 
end  to  which  those  ways  are  leading;]     While  many  professing 
the  Truth  are  dedtneing  from  tliat  ardent  Love  and  Heavenly 
mindedness,  which  was  amongst  the  primitive  followers  of  Jesus 
Christ;   [while  I  and  thee  as  Individuals  feel  our-Selves  Short 
of  that   Perfection  in  Virtue,  which  our  Heavenly  Father  hath 
made  possible  for  us.  It  is  a  time  for  Countries,  Societies  and  In- 
dividuals] to  attend  diligently  to  the  intent  of  Every  Chastisement, 
&  Consider  the  most  deep  and  inward  d^ign  of  them. 


230  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN  chap,  vi 

The  Most  High  doth  not  often  speak  with  an  outward  vcMce  to 
our  outward  Ears;  but  if  we  humbly  meditate  on  his  perfections, 
Consider  that  He  is  perfect  Wisdom  &  Goodness,  and  to  AflBict  his 
Creatures  to  no  purpose  would  be  utterly  reverse  to  his  Nature, 
we  Shall  hear  &  understand  his  language,  both  in  his  gentle  and 
more  heavy  Chastisements,  and  take  heed  that  we  do  not,  in  the 
wisdom  of  this  world,  endeavour  to  Escape  his  hand  by  means 
too  powerful!  for  us  [to  apply  to.] 

Had  he  Endowed  men  with  understanding  to  hinder  the  force 
of  this  disease  by  innocent  means,  which  had  never  proved  mortal 
nor  hurtful  to  our  bodies.  Such  discovery  might  be  considered 
as  the  period  of  Chastisement  by  this  distemper,  where  that  knowl- 
edge Extended.  But  as  life  and  health  are  his  gifts,  and  not  to 
be  disposed  of  in  our  own  wills,  To  take  upon  us,  when  in  health 
a  distemper  of  which  some  die,  requires  great  Clearness  of  knowl- 
edge that  it  is  our  duty  to  do  so.  [Was  no  business  done,  no 
visits  made  nor  any  Assembling  of  people  together  but  Such  as 
were  consistent  with  pure  wisdom,  nor  No  Inoculation,  there  would 
be  a  great  alteration  in  the  Operation  of  this  disorder  amongst 
men.] 


CHAPTER  VII 


1760 


ig,  for  some  time  past  felt  a  Sympathy  in  my  mind  with 
^stward  I  opened  my  concern  in  our  monthly  meeting, 

da  mo 

ining  a  Certificate,  set  forward  on  the  17.  4.  1760,  Joyn- 

impany,  by  a  previous  agreement,  with  my  bdoved  Friend 

stbum.**     We  had  meetings  at  Woodbridge,  Raugh- 

Plainfield ;  and  were  at  their  monthly  meeting  of  Min- 

Elders  in  Raughway.     We  laboured  under  some  dis- 

lents,  but  through  the  power  of  Truth,  our  visit  was 

viving  to  the  lowly-minded  with  whom  I  felt  a  near  unity 

it,  being  much  reduced  in  my  own  mind.     We  passed 

sited  chief  of  the  meetings  on  Long  Island.     It  was  my 

k  from  day  to  day  to  say  no  more  nor  less  than  what  the 

J  Truth  opened  in  me,  being  Jealouse  over  myself,  lest  I 

Ppeak  any  thing  to  make  my  testimony  look  agreeable  to 

id  in  people  which  is  not  in  pure  obedience  to  the  Cross  of 


spring  of  the  Ministry  was  often  low,  and  thro*  the  Sub- 
power  of  Truth  we  were  kept  low  with  it,  and  from  place 
^  such  whose  hearts  were  truly  concerned  for  the  cause  of 
appeared  to  be  comforted  in  our  labours.  And  though  it 
general  a  time  of  abasement  of  the  Creature,  yet  through 

fness  who  is  a  helper  of  the  poor,  we  had  some  truly 
Seasons  both  in  meetings  and  in  families  where  we  tar- 
1  Sometimes  found  Strength  to  labour  Earnestly  with  the 
full  Especially  with  those  whose  Station  in  families,  or  in 
iety  was  Such,  that  their  Example  hat!  a  powerfnll  ten- 
I  Open  the  way  for  others  to  go  aside  from  the  purity  and 
of  the  blessed  Truth. 


New  Jertey. 


asi 


232  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

At  Jericho,  on  Long  Island  I  wrote  [a  letter]  home  as  fol- 
lows* 

da    mo 

24.    4,     1760. 

Dearly  Belovd  Wife,— 

We  are  favoured  with  health,  have  been  at  Sundry  meetings  in 
East  Jersey  &  on  this  Island.  My  mind  hath  been  in  an  inward 
watchful!  frame  Since  I  left  ihee,  greatly  desiring  that  our  procced- 

"Thgs  may  be  Singly  in  the  will  of  Our  Heavenly  Father. 

As  the  present  appearance  of  things  is  not  joyous,  I  have  been 
much  shut  up  from  outward  Chearfulness,  remembering  that  promise, 
"Then  shalt  thou  delight  thyself  in  the  Lord."  As  this  from  day 
to  day  has  been  revived  in  my  memory,  1  have  considered  that  his 
Internal  presence  on  our  minds  is  a  delight  of  all  others  the  most 
pure;  and  that  the  honest  hearted  not  only  delight  in  this,  but  in 
the  Effect  of  it  upon  them.     He  regards  the  he'  '  -  '    !'stressed, 

and  reveals  his  Love  to  His  Children  under  .\  delight 

in  beholding  his  Benevolence,  &  feeling  Divine  Charity  moving  upon 
them:  Of  this  I  may  speak  a  little,  for  though  since  I  left  you,  1 
have  often  found  an  Engaging  love  &  Affection  towards  thee  and  n^ 
daughter,  and  Friends  about  home;  that  going  out  at  this  time,  when 
Sickness  is  so  great  amongst  you,  is  a  tryal  upon  roe;  yet  I  often 
remember  there  are  many  Widows  and  Fatherless,  many  who  have 
poor  Tutors,  many  who  have  evil  Examples  before  them,  and  many 
whose  minds  are  in  Captivity,  for  whose  sake  ray  heart  is  at  times 
moved  with  Compassion,  that  I  feel  ray  mind  resigned  to  leave  you 
for  a  Season,  to  exercise  that  Gift  which  the  Lord  hath  bestowed  on 

jmej  which  though  small  compared  with  some,  yet  in  this  I  re  Joyce, 
that  I  feel  love  unfeigned  toward  my  fellow-creatures.  I  recom- 
mend you  to  the  Almighty,  who  I  trust  cares  for  you,  and  under  a 
Sence  of  his  Heavenly  Love,  remain  thy  Loving  Husband,  J.  W. 


4 


We  Crossed  from  the  East  end  of  Long  Island  to  New  Lon- 
don, about  thirty  mile  in  a  large  open  Boat.  While  we  were  out 
the  wind  riseing  high,  the  waves  several  times  beat  over  us,  that  1 
to  me  it  appeared  dangerous*  but  my  mind  was  at  that  time  turned 
to  Him  who  made  and  Governs  the  Deep,  and  my  life  was  re- 
signed to  him:  and  as  he  was  Mercifully  pleased  to  preserve  us^^J 

*  Original    luilocated.  John     Woohnan'a     host    at     Jericbo.     from     wbote     boiuc 

this   letter    waj    written,  was    probably    Richard    WiUctta,    ion    of    Jacob    and    Mary 

(Jadcxon)    WJUctts.      IJ.  Cox,   Jr.J    See    other   letters    to   hi»    wife    on    thij    Jouroer 
in  Ifitroductioii. 


vn 


1760 


333 


had  fresh  occasion  to  consider  every  Day  as  a  Day  lent  to  me,  and 
felt  a  renewed  Engagement  to  Devote^  my  time  and  all  I  had  to 
lUm^^ihO-gaiSLJ^-  We  had  Irve  meetings  in  l^arraganset  and" 
thence  to  Newport.  Our  Gracious  Father  presev'd  us  in  a 
humble  dependence  on  Him  through  deep  exercises  that  were 
mortifying  to  the  creaturely  will 

In  several  families  in  the  Country  where  we  lodged  I  felt  an 
Engagement  on  my  mind  to  have  a  Conferrence  with  them  in  pri- 
vate concerning  their  Slaves,  and  through  Divine  aid  I  was  fa- 
voured to  give  up  thereto.  Though  in  this  [case|  I  appear  sin- 
gular from  many,  whose  service  in  traveling  I  believe  is  greater 
than  mine,  I  do  not  think  hard  of  them  for  omiting  it  I  do  not 
repine  at  having  so  unpleasant  a  task  assigned  me,  But  look  with 
!^w f ulriess~tb~ Him  who  Appoints  to  his  servants  their  respective 
Employments  and  is  good  to^all  who  serve  Him  sincerely. 

We  got  to  Newport  in  the  Evening  &  had  comfortable  setings 
with  them  and  in  the  afternoon  attended  the  Burial  of  a  Friends 
The  next  day  we  were  at  meeting  at  Newport  [the]  forenoon  and 
after,  where  the  Spring  of  the  Ministry  was  opened,  and  Strength 
given^o  _declare^he^ word  of  Life  to  the^£eo2lg. 

The  next  day  we  went  on  our  Joitmey,  but  the  great  number 
of  Slaves  in  these  parts,  and  the  Continiiance  of  a  Trade  from 
there  to  Guinea,  made  deep  impression  on  me,  and  my  Cries  were 
often  put  up  to  my  Father  in  Secret,  that  he  would  enable  me  to 
discharge  my  duty  Faithfully  in  such  way  as  he  might  be  pleased 
to  point  out  to  me. 

We  took  Swanzey,  Free-town,  and  Tanton  *  in  our  way  to 
Boston,  where  also  we  had  a  meeting.  Our  Exercise  w^as  deep,  & 
the  Love  of  Truth  prevailed,  for  which  I  Bless  the  Lord. 

We  went  Eastward  aliout  Eighty  miles  beyond  Boston  "  take- 
ing  meetings  and  were  in  a  good  degree  preserved  in  a  Humble 
dependence  on  that  arm  which  drew  us  out.  And,  though  we  had 
Some  hard  labour  witli  the  disobedient,  laying  things  home  & 
Close  to  such  who  were  stout  against  the  Truth,  yet  through  the 
goodness  of  God  we  had  at  times  to  partake  of  Heavenly  Comfort 
with  them  who  were  meek,  and  Often  were  favoured  to  part  with 


•  Mary,    the    wife    ol    Abram    Redwood. 

*  Tauoton,    Has*. 

»  Probably  to   Dover,  N.   H. 


i 


a 


234  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

friends  in  the  nearness  of  true  gospel  fellowship.  We  returned 
to  Boston  and  had  another  comforlablc  oportunity  with  Friends 
there  and  thence  rode  a  days  Journey  Westward  to  Bohon.  Our 
pilot  being  a  heavy  man,  and  the  weather  hot,  and  my  Companion 
&  I  considering  it,  Expresst  our  freedom  to  go  on  without  liim, 
to  which  he  consented,  &  so  we  Respectfully  took  our  leave  of 
him:  this  we  did  as  believing  the  Journey  would  have  [went] 
hard  with  him  and  his  horse. 

We  visited  the  meetings  in  those  parts  &  were  measurably 
Baptized  into  a  feeling  of  the  State  of  the  Society,  and  in  Bowed- 
ness  of  Spirit  went  to  the  Yearly  Meeting  at  Newport,  where  I 
understood  that  a  large  number  of  Slaves  were  imported  from 
Africa  &  then  on  Sale  by  a  member  of  our  Society.  At  this 
meeting  we  met  with  John  Storer  ^'-  from  England,  Eliz.  Ship- 
ley,-'* Hanah  Foster,'^  Ann  Gauntt,^'  and  Mercy  Redman,'"*  from 
our  parts,  all  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  of  whose  Company  I  was 
glad. 

At  this  time  1  had  a  feehng  of  the  condition  of  Habakkuk,  as 
/^  thus  expresst : '  "When  I  heard,  my  Belly  trembled,  my  lips 
quivered,  [my  appetite  failed  and  I  grew  outwardly  weak,]  and 
I  trembled  in  myself  that  I  might  rest  in  tlie  day  of  trouble."  * 
I  had  many  cogitations,  and  was  sorely  distresst  I  was  desirous 
that  Friends  might  petition  the  Legislators  to  Use  their  En- 
deavours to  discourage  tlie  future  Importation  of  them  For  I 
saw  that  this  trade  was  a  great  Evil,  and  tended  to  multiply  trou- 
bles, and  bring  distresses  on  the  people  in  those  parts,  for  whose 
well  fare  my  heart  was  deeply  Concerned,  but  I  perceived  Several 
difficulties  in  regard  to  petitioning,  and  Such  was  the  Exercise  of 
mind,  that  I  had  thoughts  of  Endeavouring  to  get  an  Oportunity 
to  Speak  a  few  words  in  the  House  of  Assembly,  [they  being 
then]   seting  in  the  Town.    This  Exercise  came  opon  me  in  the 

*  Hab.   iii.    i6.      Incorreclly    quoted,    from    memory. 

•The  Yearly  Meeting  records  for  6  mo.  la,  1760  have  the  following  Minut 
"Thia  Meeting  Being  favoured  with  the  Company  of  the  following  Ministering 
Friends  produced  Cerlificaiea  from  their  Respective  Monthly  Meetings,  vii:  One 
from  Buckingham  in  I'ennsylvania  Dated  y*  7  of  y*  4  mo.  1760  for  Samuel 
Eastburn;  one  for  John  Woolman  from  y»  Monthly  Meeting  held  at  Burlington 
Dated  y*  7  of  y"  4  mo.  1760,"  Other  Certificates  read  were  for  Eliiabeth  Shipley, 
of  Wilmington,  Del.,  dated  14.  3  mo-.  Hannah  Foster,  Haddonfield,  N.  J„  dated 
I  a,  s  mo.,  Ann  Gaunt,  Little  Egg  Harbour,  N.  J.,  dated  10  4  mo.,  Mercy  Redman, 
Haddonfield.    N.    J.,    dated    14,    4    mo.      [Records,    New    England    Yearly    Meeting — 


M 


vn 


1760 


235 


afternoon  on  the  second  day  of  the  Yearly  Meeting,  and  going  to 
bed,  I  got  no  Sleep  til!  my  mind  was  wholly  resigned  therein,  and 
in  the  Morning  I  inquired  of  a  Friend  how  long  the  Assembly 
were  likely  to  Continue  seting,  who  told  me  they  were  Expected 
to  be  prorogued  that  day  or  the  next.  As  1  was  desirous  to  attend 
the  Business  of  the  Meeting,  and  perceived  the  Assembly  was 
likely  to  depart  before  the  Business  was  over,  after  considerable 
Exercise,  seeking  to  the  Lord  for  Instruction  my  mind  Setled  to 
attend  on  the  Business  of  the  Meeting,  on  the  last  day  of  which  I 
had  prepared  a  Short  Essay  of  a  petition  to  be  presented  to  the 
Legislator  if  way  opened  for  it:  and  being  informed  that  there 
were  some  appointed  by  that  Yearly  Meeting  to  Speak  with  [men] 
in  authority,  in  Cases  Relating  to  the  Society,  I  opened  my 
[Feeling]  to  Several  of  them  and  Showed  them  the  Essay  I  had 
made,  and  afterward  opened  the  Case  in  the  Meeting  for  business 
in  Substance  as  follows 

"I  have  been  under  a  Concern  for  some  time,  on  account  of  the 
great  number  of  Slaves  which  are  Imported  into  this  colony.  I  am 
aware  that  it  is  a  tender  point  to  speak  to,  but  apprehend  I  am  not 
clear  in  the  Sight  of  Heaven  without  speaking  to  it.  I  have  pre- 
pared an  Essay  of  a  petition,  [propos'd]  if  way  open,  to  be  presented 
to  the  Legislature,  and  what  I  have  to  propose  to  this  meeting  is, 
that  Some  friends  may  be  named  to  [walk  aside]  and  look  over  it, 
and  report  whether  they  Relieve  it  sntable  to  be  read  in  [this]  meet- 
ing. If  they  think  well  of  reading  it,  It  will  remain  for  the  meeting, 
after  hearing  it,  to  Consider  whither  to  take  any  further  notice  of  it 
as  a  meeting  or  not." 


After  a  short  Conferrence,  some  Friends  went  out,  and  [af- 
ter] looking  over  it  expresst  their  willingness  to  have  it  read, 
which  being  done,  many  Expresst  their  Unity  with  the  proposal, 
and  some  Signified  that  to  have  the  Subject  of  the  petition  En- 
larged upon,  and  to  be  Signed  out  of  meeting  by  such  who  were 
free,  would  be  more  Sutable  than  to  do  it  there.  Though  I  Ex- 
pected at  first  that  if  it  %vas  done,  it  would  be  in  that  way,  yet. 
such  was  the  Exercise  of  my  mind  that  to  move  it  in  the  hearing 
of  Friends  when  Assembled  appeared  to  me  as  a  duty,  for  my 
heart  yearned  toward  the  Inhabitants  of  these  jiarts,  believing  that 
by  this  trade  there  had  been  an  increase  of  Unquietness  amongst 


them,  and  way  made  Easie  for  (he  Spreading  of  a  Spirit  Of 
site  to  that  Meekness  and  Humility,  which  is  a  Sure  Resli 
place  for  the  Soul :  And  that  the  Continuance  of  this  trade  woui</ 
not  only  render  their  heiiling  more  difficult,  but  increase  their 
malady.    Having  thus  far  proceeded,  I  felt  easie  to  leave  the  Essay 
amongst  Friends,  for  them  to  proceed  in  it  as  they  believ'd  best 

And  now  an  Exercise  revived  on  my  mind  in  relation  to  lot- 
teries which  were  common  in  those  parts. 

I  had  once  moved  it  in  a  former  seting  of  this  meeting,  when 
Arguments  were  Used  in  favour  of  Friends  being  held  Excused 
who  were  only  Concerned  in  such  Lotteries  as  were  agreeable  to 
Law,  and  now  on  moving  it  again,  it  was  oposed  as  before,  but 
the  hearts  of  Some  Solid  Friends  appeared  to  be  united  to  dis- 
courage the  practice  amongst  their  Members,  and  the  matter  was 
Zealously  handled  by  Some  on  both  sides.  In  this  debate  it  ap- 
peared very  clear  to  me  tliat  the  Spirit  of  Lotteries  was  a  Spirit 
of  Selfishness  which  tended  to  Confusion  and  darkness  of  under- 
standing, and  that  pleading  for  it  in  our  meetings  set  apart  for 
the  Lords  work,  was  not  right.  And  in  the  heat  of  zeal  I  once 
made  reply  to  what  an  Antient  Friend  ^  said,  which,  when  I  Sat 
down  I  Saw  that  my  words  were  not  Enough  Seasoned  with 
Charity,  and  after  this  I  Spake  no  more  on  the  Subject.  At 
length  a  minute  was  made,  a  copy  of  which  was  agreed  to  be 
sent  to  their  Several  Quarterly  Meetings,  Inciting  Friends  to 
Labour  to  discourage  the  practice  aiiiongst  all  professing  with 
Us.  Some  time  after  this  minute  was  made,  I  remaining  uneasy 
with  the  manner  of  my  Speaking  to  [an]  Antient  Friend,  could 
not  see  my  way  clear  to  Conceal  my  Uneasiness,  but  was  con- 
cern'd  that  I  might  say  nothing  to  weaken  the  Cause  in  which  I 
had  laboured :  And  then  after  some  Repentance  for  that  I  had  not 
attended  closely  to  the  Safe  guide,  1  stood  up  &  reciting  the  pas- 
sage, acquainted  Friends,  that  though  I  dare  not  go  from  wliat 
I  had  said  as  to  the  matter,  yet  I  was  uneasie  with  the  manner 
of  my  Speaking,  as  beli'\  inu^  milder  language  would  have  been 
lietler.  As  this  was  uttered  in  Some  degree  of  Creaturely  abasera', 
it  appeared  to  have  a  good  Savor  amongst  us  after  a  wann  de- 
bate. 

The  Yearly  Meeting  being  now  over,  there  yet  remained  on 

*■  Frotwbly  Jobn  Casey.     Biog.  Not«  105, 


4 


1760 


«3? 


5jy  mind  a  Secret  though  heavy  Exercise,  in  regard  to  Some  lead- 
ing Active  members  about  Newport,  being  in  the  practice  of 
Slave  keeping.  This  I  mentioned  to  two  Antient  Friends  who 
came  out  of  the  country,  and  proposed  to  them  if  way  opened  to 
L.'  have  some  conversation  with  those  Friends,  And  thereupon  one 
y|  of  those  Country  Friends  and  I  consulted  one  of  the  most  noted 
I  Elders  who  had  [them  J ;  and  he  in  a  respect  full  maiier  En- 
^Lcouraged  me  to  proceed  to  clear  mySelf  of  what  lay  upon  me. 
^^Now  I  had  near  the  beginning  of  the  Yearly  Meeting,  a  private 
eonferrence  with  this  said  Elder  and  his  wife,  concerning  theirs; 
so  that  the  way  seemed  clear  to  me  to  advise  with  him  about 
the  [way]  of  proceeding.  I  told  him,  I  was  free  to  have  a  con- 
ferrence  ^vith  them  [all]  together  in  a  private  house,  or,  if  he 
[believed]  they  would  take  it  unkind  to  be  asked  to  come  to- 
gether, and  to  be  spoke  with,  one  in  the  hearing  of  another,  I  was 
free  to  Spend  Some  time  amongst  them,  and  Visit  them  all  in 
their  own  Houses.  He  expresst  his  liking  to  the  first  proposal, 
not  doubting  their  willingness  to  come  together.  And  as  I  pro- 
posed a  Visit  to  only  Ministers,  Elder  &  Overseers,  he  named 
Some  others  whom  he  desired  might  be  present  allso.  and  as  a 
Carefull  Messenger  was  wanted  to  Acquaint  them  in  a  proper 
manner,  he  offered  to  go  to  all  their  houses  to  open  the  matter  to 
them,  and  did  so.  [That]  about  the  Eighth  hour  the  next  morn- 
ing, we  met  in  the  meeting  house  Chamber,  And  the  last-men- 
tioned Country  Friend,  also  my  Companion,^  and  John  Storer** 
with  us  When  after  a  short  time  of  retirement,  I  acquainted  them 
with  the  Steps  I  had  taken  in  procureing  that  meeting,  and 
Opened  the  Concern  I  was  under,  and  so  we  proceeded  to  a  free 
Conferrence  upon  the  subject.  My  Exercise  was  heavy,  and  I 
was  deeply  bowed  in  Spirit  before  the  Lord,  who  was  pleased  to 
favour  with  the  Seasoning  Virtue  of  Truth  which  wrought  a 
tenderness  amongst  us :  and  the  subject  was  nmtually  handled  in 
a  Calm  and  peaceable  Spirit.  And  at  length,  feeling  my  mind 
released  from  that  burthen  which  I  had  been  under,  1  took  my 
leave  of  them,  in  a  good  degree  of  Satisfaction,  and  by  the 
tenderness  they  manifested  in  regard  to  the  practice  and  the 
Concern  several  of  them  Expresst  in  relation  to  disposing  of  their 
negroes  after  their  decease,  I  believed  that  a  good  Exercise  was 

*  Samuel   Eastburn    (36). 


jQg  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

spreading  [in  the  minds  of  Friends]  and  I  am  humbly  Thankful! 
to  GOD  who  supported  my  Soul  and  preserved  me  in  a  good 
degree  of  Resignation  through  these  tryals. 

Thou  who  sometimes  Travek  in  the  work  of  the  ministry, 
and  art  made  very  wellcome  by  thy  friends,  Seest  many  tokens 
of  their  Satisfaction  in  having  thee  for  their  guest.  It  is  good 
for  thee  to  dwell  deep,  that  thou  mayest  feel  and  understand 
the  Spirits  of  people.  If  we  believe  Truth  points  towards  a  Con- 
ference on  Some  Subjects,  in  a  private  way,  it  is  need  full  for  us 
to  take  heed  that  their  kindness,  their  freedom  &  AflFability,  do 
not  hinder  us  from  the  Lord's  work,  I  have  Seen  that  in  the 
midst  of  kindness  and  Smoothe  conduct,  to  speak  close  and  home 
to  them  who  entertain  us.  on  points  that  relate  to  their  outward 
Interest,  is  hard  Labour  and  some  times  when  I  have  felt  Truth 
lead  toward  it,  I  have  found  myself  disqualified  by  a  Superficial 
friendship,  and  as  the  sense  tliereof  hath  abased  me,  and  my 
Cries  have  been  to  the  Lord,  so  I  have  been  hmnbled  and  made 
Content  to  appear  weak,  or  as  a  fool  for  his  Sake,  and  thus  ^_ 
door  hath  opened  to  Enter  upon  it.  ^| 

To  attempt  to  do  the  Lords  work  in  our  own  will,  and  to 
Speak  of  that  which  is  tlie  Burthen  of  the  word,  in  a  way  Easie 
to  the  natural  part,  does  not  reach  the  bottom  of  the  disorder. 
To  see  the  failings  of  our  friends,  and  think  hard  of  them,  without 
opening  that  which  we  ought  to  open,  and  still  carry  a  face  of 
friendship,  this  tends  to  undermine  the  foundation  of  true  Unity. 

The  Office  of  a  Minister  of  Christ  is  weighty,  and  they  who 
now  go  forth  as  watchmen,  have  need  to  be  Steadily  on  their 
guard  against  the  Snares  of  prosperity  and  an  outside  friendship.* 

After  the  Yearly  Meeting  was  over,  we  were  at  meetings  at 
Newtown,  Cushnet,'  Long  Plain.  Rochester  and  Dartmoth,  an^H 
from  thence  we  sailed   for  Nantucket,  in   Company  with   An^H 
Gauntt  **  and  Mercy  Redman, ^"^^  and  Several  other  Friends.     The 
wind  being  Slack,  we  only  Reached  Tarpaulian  Cove'  the  fii 
day,  where  going  on  shore  we  found  house  room  in  a  Publi 
house,  and  Beds  for  a  few  of  us,  the  rest  Sleeping  on  the  floor. 
We  went  on  board  again  about  break  of  day;  and  though  the 

'  Compare   remarks   "Concerning  the    Ministry,"   written   in   England. 
» Acu^inct   near    New    Bedford.    Mass. 

'  Tarpaulin  Cove.  Island  of  Nauahon,  one  of  tiie  Elizabctli  Islands,  in  Vineyanl 
Sottod,    Maiaacbtuettii. 


wind  was  Small,  we  were  favoured  to  come  within  about  four 
miles  of  Nantucket,  and  then  about  ten  of  us  geting  into  our 
Boat,  we  rowed  to  the  harbour  before  Dark:  whereupon  a  large 
Whale-boat  going  of,  brought  in  the  rest  of  the  passengers  about 
midnight.  The  next  day  but  one  was  their  Yearly  Meeting,  which 
held  four  days,  [on]  the  last  of  which,  was  [allso]  their  monthly 
meeting  of  Business.  We  had  a  laborious  time  amongst  them» 
our  minds  were  closely  exercised,  and  I  believe  it  was  a  time 
of  great  Searching  of  heart.  The  longer  I  was  oti  the  Island 
the  more  I  became  sensible  that  there  was  a  considerable  num- 
ber of  Valuable  Friends  there,  though  an  evil  spirit  tending  to 
strife,  had  been  at  work  amongst  them.  T  was  cautious  of  mak- 
ing any  Visits  but  as  my  mind  was  particularly  drawn  to  them, 
&  in  that  way  we  had  Some  setings  in  Friends  Houses,  where 
the  Heavenly  Wing  was  at  times  spread  over  us,  to  our  mutual 
comfort.  My  Beloved  Companion  '  had  verry  Acceptable  Ser- 
vice on  this  Island. 

When  meeting  was  over,  we  all  agreed  to  Sail  the  next  day 
if  the  weather  was  sutable  &  wee  well  and  being  Called  up  the 
latter  part  of  the  night,  w^e  went  on  Board  being  in  all  about  fifty, 
but  the  wind  changing,  the  Seamen  thought  best  to  Stay  in  the 
harbour  till  it  altered  [again ]  so  we  [went]  on  Shore,  and  I 
feeling  clear  as  to  any  further  visits.  Spent  my  time  in  our 
Chamber  chiefly  alone,  and  after  some  hours,  my  heart  being  filled 
with  the  Spirit  of  Supplication,  my  prayers  &  Tears  were  poured 
out  before  my  Heavenly  Father,  for  his  help  and  Instruction  in 
the  manifold  difficulties  which  Attended  me  in  life,  [and]  while 
_J  was  waiting  upon  the  Lord,  there  came  a  Messenger  from  the 
Wolnerr^iiciidb'who  lodged  at  another  House,  desiring  to  con- 
fer with  us  about  appointing  a  Meeting,  which  to  me  appeared 
weighty,  as  we  had  been  at  so  many  before,  but  after  a  short 
Conference,  and  advising  with  some  Elderly  Friends  a  meeting 
was  appointed,  in  which  the  Friend  who  first  moved  it,  and  who 
had  been  much  Shut  up  before,  was  largely  Opened  in  the  Love 
of  the  Gospel.  And  [then,  going  on  board  y*  next  morning 
about  Break  of  Day]  we  reached  Falmouth  on  the  Main  before 
Night;  where  our  horses  being  brought,  we  proceeded  toward 
Sandwich  Quarterly  meeting, 

•  Samuel  Eutburn.** 


240 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


ajcs 

reiP^ 


Being  two  days  going  to  Nantucket,  and  having  been  oncr^ 
before,  I   Observed  many   Shoals  in   their  Bay,   which   makei 
Sailing  more   dangerous,   Especially   in   Stormy   nights;    [I   ob- 
served]   allso  a  great  shoal  which   Encloseth  their  Harbour,  & 
prevents  their  going  in  with  Sloops,  Except  when  the  tide  is  up. 
Waiting  without  this  Shoal  for  the  Rising  of  the  Tide  is  some- 
times hazardous  in  Storms.  And  waiting  within,  they  sometimes 
Miss  a  Fair  wind.     I  took  notice  that  on  that  small  Island  are  a 
great  number  of  Inhabitants,  and  the  Soyl  not  verry  fertile.     The 
Timber    so   gone   that    for    Vessels,    Fences   &   Firewood,    th^r 
depend  Chiefly  on  buying  from  the  Main.    The  cost  whereof,  wi^H 
most  of  their  other  Expenses,  they  depend  principally  upon  the 
whale  fishery  to  Answer.    I  considered  that  if  towns  grew  larger. 
and  Lands  near  navigable  waters  more  cleared,  Timber  and  wood 
would  require  more  labour  to  get  it.    I  understood  that  the  Whales 
being  much  hunted,  and  sometimes  wounded  and  not  Killed,  gre 
more  Shy  and  difficult  to  come  at. 

I  Considered  that  the  Formation  of  the  Earth,  the  Seas,  tl 
Islands,  Bays  and  Rivers,  The  Motions  of  the  Winds  and  Gr 
Waters,  which  Cause  Bars  and  Shoals  in  particu!ar  places,  were 
all  the  Works  of  Him  who  is  Perfect  Wisdom  and  goodness ; 
and  as  people  attend  to  his  Heavenly  Instructions,  and  put  their 
Trust  in  him,  he  provides  for  them  in  all  parts  where  he  gives 
them  a  being.  And  as  in  this  Visit  to  these  people,  I  felt  a 
Strong  desire  for  their  firm  Establishment  on  the  sure  Founda- 
tion ;  besides  what  was  said  more  publicly,  I  was  concerned  to 
Speak  with  the  Women  Friends,  in  their  monthly  meeting  of 
business,  many  being  present ;  and  in  the  fresh  spring  of  pure 
Love,  to  Open  before  them  the  Advantage,  both  inward  and  out- 
ward, of  Attending  Singly  to  the  pure  guidance  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 
and  therein  to  Educate  their  Children  in  true  Humility,  and  the 
disuse  of  all  Superfluities.  Reminding  them  of  the  Difficulties 
their  Husbands  and  Sons  were  frequently  Exposed  to  at  Sea, 
and  that  the  more  plain  and  simple  their  way  of  living  was,  the 
less  need  of  Runing  great  Hazards  to  Support  them  in  it; 
Encouraging  the  young  Women  in  their  neat,  decent  way  of  at- 
tending themselves  on  the  Affairs  of  the  house,  Showing  as  the 
way  opened,  that  where  people  were  truly  Humble,  Used  them- 
selves to  business  &  were  content  with  a  plain  way  of  life,  That 


vu 


1760 


241 


L 


f*^  had  ever  been  attended  with  more  True  peace  and  calmness 
^f  mind,  than  those  have  had,  who.  Aspiring  to  greatness  and 
Outward  Shew,  have  grasped  hard  for  an  Income  to  Support 
themselves  in  it.  And  as  I  observed  they  had  few  or  no  Slaves 
amongst  them.  I  had  to  Encourage  them  to  be  Content  without 
ihtm.  Makeing  mention  of  the  numerous  troubles  &  Vexations, 
which  frequently  attend  the  minds  of  people  who  depend  on 
Slaves  to  do  their  labour. 

We  attended  the  Quarterly  Meeting  at  Sandwich,^  in  Com- 
pany w^ith  Ann  Gauntt  ^'  and  Mercy  Redman,*"*  which  was  pre- 
ceded by  a  monthly  meeting,  and  in  the  whole  held  three  days. 
We  were  Various  Ways  Exercised  amongst  them  in  Gospel  Love, 
According  to  the  Several  Gifts  bestowed  on  us  and  were  at 
times  Overshadowed  with  the  Divine  Virtue  of  Truth,  to  the 
Comfort  of  the  Sincere,  and  Stiring  up  of  the  Negligent.  Here 
we  parted  with  Ann  and  Mercy,  and  went  to  Rhoad  Island  taking 
one  meeting  in  our  way  which  was  a  Satisfactory  time;  and 
reaching  Newport  the  Evening  before  their  Quarterly  Meeting 
we  Attended  it,  and  after  that  had  a  Meeting  with  our  Young 
people,  Separated  from  other  societies.  We  [had]  went  through 
much  Labour  in  this  Town  and  now  in  taking  leave  of  it,  though 
I  felt  close  inward  Exercise  to  the  last,  I  found  inward  peace, 
and  was  in  some  degree  comforted  in  a  Belief  that  a  good  Number 
remain  in  that  place  who  retain  a  Sence  of  Truth.  And  that 
there  are  some  young  people  Attentive  to  the  voice  of  the 
Heavenly  Shepherd.  The  last  meeting  in  which  Friends  from 
the  Several  parts  of  the  Quarter  came  together  was  a  Select  meet- 
ing, and  through  the  renewed  manifestations  of  our  Fathers 
Love  The  Hearts  of  the  sincere  were  united  together. 

That  poverty  of  Spirit  which  [so  much  Attended  me]  the 
fore  part  of  this  journey,  has  of  late  appeared  to  me  as  a  dis- 

» The  men  received  the  following  attention,  in  a  Minute  31  of  j  mo.  1760, 
recorded  at  Sandwich;  "Oiir  beloved  Friends,  Johi^  Wootman  &  Sainuct  Easthurn, 
being  at  this  meeting  on  a  religious  visit,  produced  certificatea.  the  fonner  from 
Barlington,  dated  4  mo.  1760,  and  the  latter  from  Buckingham  in  Pennsylvania, 
4  mo.  1760,  both  of  which  were  read  at  this  Meeting  to  aatisfaction."  [Records, 
Sandwich  Quarterly  Meeting,  Vol.  I,  p.  s6.J  "Our  friends  John  Storer  from 
England.  Samuel  Eastburn  from  Pennsylvania,  Jolan  Woolman  from  the  Jerseya. 
Ann  Gaunt  &  Mercy  Redman  from  West  Jersey,  Being  all  on  a  Religious  Visit 
to  these  parts,  Certificates  being  prepared  for  them.  &  read  in  thit  Meeting,  were 
agreed  to  A  signed.  .  .  .  John  Woolman's  directed  to  Burlington  in  West  Jersey." 
[Records  Newport  Quarterly   Meeting,   11   ol   7  mo.    1760.] 


242      THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN     chap,  vn 

pensation  of  kindness.  /Appointing  meetings  never  felt  more 
weighty  to  me,  and  I  waS-tedSnto  a  deep  search,  whither  in  all 
cases  my  mind  was  resigned  to  the  will  of  God,  often  quearying 
with  myself,  what  should  be  the  cause  of  Such  inward "pOVCfty 
[and  weakness]  greatly  desiring  that  no  secret  reserve  in  my 
heart  might  hinder  my  access  to  the  Divine  fountain.  In  these 
humbling  times  I  was  made  watchful  and  attentive  to  the  deep 
movings  of  the  [Spirit  of  Truth]  on  my  heart  and  here  some 
duties  were  opened  to  me  [which  in  times  of  fulness]  I  believe 
I  should  have  been  in  danger  of  omiting.  / 

[Departing]  from  Newport,  we  [were  at  three  Meetings  on 
our  way  toward  Connecticut  through  which  we  traveled]  *  and 
were  helped  to  labour  amongst  Friends  in  the  love  of  our  gra- 
cious Redeemer:  and  then,  accompanied  by  our  friend  John 
Casey  ^'"  from  Newport,  we  rode  through  Connecticut  [and  to 
Oblong,  and  visiting  the  meetings  of  Friends  there,  proceeded  to 
the  Quarterly  meeting  at  Rie  woods :  *  and  through  the  gracious 
extendings  of  Divine  help,  had  some  seasoning  [times]  in  those 
places.  We  then  visited  Friends  at  York*  and  Flushing,  and 
Raughway*    [and]   here  I    [parted  with]    my  beloved    [friend] 

da  mo 
and  true  yoke  mate  Samuel  Eastburn,"  and  reached  home  lo.  8. 
1760,  where  I  found  my  family  well,  and  for  the  favours  and 
protection  of  the  Lord,  both  inward  &  outward,  in  this  little  Jour- 
ney, my  heart  is  humbled  in  grateful  acknowledgments,  and  feel 
a  renewed  engagement  [that  I  may]  dwell  in  resignedness  to  him. 

*  Greenwich,  Shanticut  and  Warwick. 
■Rye. 

•New  York. 

*  Rahway,  New  Jersey. 


CHAPTER  VIli 


1761 


i 


Having  felt  my  mind  drawn  toward  a  Visit  to  a  few  meet- 
ings in  Pennsylvania,  I  was  very  desirous  to  be  instructed  Rightly 

da  mo 
as  to  the  time  of  seting  of,  and  on  the  10.  5.   1761,  being  the 
first  day  of  the  week  I  went  to  Haddonfield  Meeting.    Concluding 
(in  my  mind|  to  Seek  for  heavenly  instruction,  and  come  home 
or  go  on  as  I  might  then  believe  best  for  me ;  and  there  through 
the  Springing   up  of  pure   love   I    felt  encouragement   and   so 
crossed  the  River.    In  this  visit  I  was  at  two  Quarterly  and  three 
monthly  meetings,  and  in  the  love  of  Truth,  felt  my  way  open 
to  Labour  with  some  noted  Friends  who  kept  Negroes,  and  as 
I  was  favoured  to  keep  the  Root,  and  Endeavoured  to  discharge 
what  I  believed  was  Required  of  me,  I  found  inward  peace  therein 
"from  time  to  time,  and  thankfulness  of  heart  to  the  Lord,  who 
was  graciously  pleased  to  guide  me. 
mo 
In  the  8.   1761,  having  felt  drawings  in  my  mind  to  Visit 
Friends  in  and  about  Shrewsbury  I  went  there  &  was  at  their  first- 
day  meeting  and  their  monthly  meeting  and  had  a  meeting  at 
Squan  *  and  another  at  Squankum,  and  as  way  opened  I  had  Con- 
versation with  some  noted  Friends  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord  con- 
cerning their  slaves,  and  returned  home  in  a  thankful  sense  of 
the  Goodness  of  God, 

From  a  care  I  felt  growing  in  me  some  years,  I  wrote  Con- 
siderations on  keeping  Negroes,  part  second,  which  was  printed 
this  year,  1762.*  When  the  overseers  of  the  press  had  done  with 
it»  they  offered  to  get  a  number  printed  to  be  p*  for  out  of  the 
Yearly  Meeting  stock,  &  to   be  given  away  but   I  being  most 

'  Manuquan. 

» Thi*  second  part  of  J.   Woolman's  pampblet,   "Conuderationi  on  the  Keeping  of 
NcgrocAt"    was   prioted   by    Benjamin    Franklin. 

243 


244  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap.] 


easie  to  publish  them  at  my  own  Expense,  &  offering  my  reasons 
they  appeared  Satisfied. 

This  Stock  is  the  Contribution  of  the  Members  of  our  reHgious 
society  in  general,  amongst  whom  are  many  who  keep  Negroes, 
&.  some  of  them  being  resolved  to  conlinue  them  in  Slavery  arc 
not  likely  to  be  satisfied  with  those  books  being  spread  amongst 
a  people  where  many  of  the  Slaves  are  [learnd]  to  read  &  Espe- 
cially not  at  their  Expense ;  &  Such  often  receiving  them  as  a  gift 
conceal  them.  But  as  they  who  make  a  purchase  buy  that  which 
they  have  a  mind  for,  I  [was  easie]  to  sell  them,  Expecting  by 
that  means  they  would  more  generaly  be  read  with  Attentioa 
Advertisements  being  Signed  by  order  of  the  overseers  of  the 
press,  directed  to  be  read  in  monthly  meetings  of  business  within 
our  Yearly  Meeting,  informing  where  the  Books  were,  &  that  the 
price  was  no  more  than  the  cost  of  printing  and  binding  them. 
Many  were  taken  of  in  our  parts,  some  I  sent  to  York,*  and  to 
Newport,  to  my  acquaintance  there,  &  some  I  kept  by  me  Ex- 
pecting to  give  part  of  them  away  where  there  appeared  a  pros- 
pect of  doing  it  to  advantage. 


^SP 


In  my  youth  I  was  used  to  hard  Labour,  and  though  I 
midling  healthy,  yet  my  Nature  was  not  filed  to  endure  so  mudi 
as  many  others,  that  being  often  weary  [with  it],  I  was  prepared 
to  Sympathize  with  those  whose  circumstance  in  h'fe  as  free 
required  constant  labour  to  answer  the  demands  of  their  credil 
and  with  others  under  Oppression.  In  the  uneasiness  of 
which  I  have  many  times  felt  by  too  much  labour,  not  aa 
but  a  voluntary  opression,  I  have  often  been  Ex< 
the  original  cause  of  that  Opression  which  is 
in  the  world.  And  the  latter  part  of  thc^ 
on  the  plantation,  mj'  heart,  through 
Heavenly  Love  being  often  tendcfj 
spent  in  reading  the  Life  and  d^ 
the  Account  of  the  Sufferings 
first  rise  of  our  Society,  A 
mind,  That  if  such  who  had 
Humility  and  plainness  whi 
much  Easier  Rents  and  Ij 


»  New  York. 


vm 


1761 


245 


ao  led  the  way  to  a  right  Use  of  things,  so  great  a  number  of  peo- 
ple might  be  employed  in  things  Use  full  that  Labour  both  for  men 
and  other  Creatures  would  Need  to  be  no  more  than  an  agree- 
able   Employ.     And   divers  branches   of   business,   which  serve 
chiefly  to  please  the  Natural  Inclinations  of  our  minds,  and  which 
at  present,  seems  necessary  to  circulate  that  wealth  which  some 
gather  might  in  this  way  of  pure  Wisdom  be  discontinued.    And 
as  I  have  thus  Considered  these  things,  a  query  at  times  hath 
arisen,  do  I  in  all  my  proceedings  keep  to  that  Use  of  things  which 
is  agreeable  to  Universal  Righteousness  and  then  there  hath  some 
degree  of  Sadness  at  times  come  over  me.  for  that  I  accustomed 
myself  to  some  things  which  Ocasioned  more  labour  than  I  believe 
Divine  Wisdom  intended  for  us. 

From  my  early  acquaintance  with  Truth  I  have  often  felt  an 
inward  distress  occasioned  by  the  Striving  of  a  Spirit  in  me 
against  the  operation  of  the  Heavenly  principle  and  in  this  cir- 
cumstance have  been  affected  with  a  sense  of  my  own  Wretched- 
ness, and  in  a  mourning  condition  felt  earnest  longing  for  that 
Divine  help  which  brings  the  Soul  into  true  Liberty.  Retireing 
into  private  places,  the  Spirit  of  Supplication  hath  been  given 
le  and  under  a  Heavenly  Covering  have  asked  my  Gracious 
Father  to  give  me  a  heart  in  all  things  resigned  to  the  direction 
of  his  Wisdom,  &  in  Uttering  language  like  this,  the  thoughts  of 
my  wearing  hats  &  garments  died  with  a  die  injurious  to  them, 
has  made  lasting  impressions  on  me. 

*  (In  visiting  people  of  note  in  the  Society  who  had  Slaves,  and 
Labouring  witli  them  in  Brotherly  Love  on  that  account,  I  have 
seen  and  the  sight  has  affected  me  that  a  Conformity  to  some  cus- 
toms distinguishable  from  Pure  Wisdom  has  entangled  many,  and 
the  desire  of  gain  to  support  those  Customs  greatly  Opposed  the 
work  of  Truth.]  And  sometimes  when  the  prospect  of  the  work 
before  me  has  been  Such  that  in  bovvedness  of  Spirit  I  have  been 
drawn  into  retired  places  and  besought  the  Lord  with  tears  that 
he  w^ould  take  me  wholly  under  his  direction  and  show  me  the 
way  in  which  I  ought  to  walk  it  hath  revived  with  strength  of 
conviction  that  if  I  would  be  his  Faithfull  servant^  I  must  in 
all  things  attend  to  his  wisdom,  and  be  teachable,  and  so  cease 

*  TRTS  ptrifraph  i»  added  on  a   loo&c   paper,    MS.  A,   pasted  in   hy  John  Woolman, 
havwK  beca  oaitted  in  copying  from  6. 


246  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

from  all  customs  contrary  thereto,  however  used  amongst 
ligious  people. 

As  He  is  the  perfection  of  Power  of  Wisdom  and  of 
ness  so  I  believe  He  hath  provided  that  so  much  labour  shall  be 
necessary  for  mens  Support  in  this  world  as  would,  l>eing  rightly 
divided,  l>e  a  Sutable  Employment  of  their  tin^e,  and  that  wc 
cannot  go  into  Superfluities,  nor  grasp  after  wealth  in  a  way  con- 
trary to  his  wisdom  without  having  connection  with  some  degree 
of  Oppression,  and  with  that  Spirit  which  leads  to  Self  exalta- 
tion and  strife,  &  which  frequently  brings  Calamities  on  Countries 
by  parties  contending  about  their  claims.  Being  thus  fully  con- 
vinced &  feeling  an  increasing  desire  to  live  in  the  Spirit  of  peace; 
Being  often  Sorrowfully  affected  in  thinking  on  the  unquiet  Spirit 
in  which  wars  are  generally  carried  on  &  with  the  miseries  of 
many  of  my  fellow-creatures  engaged  therein,  Some  suddenly 
destroyed,  Some  wounded  and  after  much  pain  remain  crippled, 
Some  deprived  of  all  their  outward  Substance  &  reduced  to 
want,  &  Some  carried  into  captivity,  thinking  often  on  these 
things  the  use  of  hats  &  garments  died  with  a  die  hurtfull  to 
them,  &  wearing  more  cloaths  in  summer  than  are  use  full  grew 
more  uneasie  to  me,  believing  y™  to  be  customs  which  have  not 
their  foundation  in  pure  Wisdom.  The  apprehension  of  being 
^Singular  from  my  Beloved  Friends  was  a  strait  upon  me,  and  thus 
I  remained  in  the  Use  of  Some  things  contrary  to  my  Judgment. 
da  mo 
And  on  the  31.  5.  1761  I  was  taken  ill  of  a  fever,^  and  after 
having  it  near  a  week,  I  was  in  great  distress  of  Body,  and  one 
day  there  was  a  Cry  raised  in  me  that  I  might  understand  the 
cause  why  I  was  afHicted  and  improve  under  it,  and  my  con- 
formity to  some  customs  which  I  believed  were  not  right  were 
brought  to  my  remembrance,  &  in  the  Continuation  of  the  Exercise 
I  felt  all  the  powers  in  me  yield  themselves  up  into  the  hands  of 
Him  wlio  gave  me  being,  and  was  made  thank  full  that  he  had 
taken  hold  of  me  by  his  Chastisement,  feeling  the  Necessity  ^L 

*  From  reference  to  delicate  health  Ktid  several  fevers  in  autuoin  and  sprinf, 
together  with  William  Tukc's  letter  to  Reuben  flalncs  referring  to  the  "feveii»h 
disorder  he  usually  had  at  that  season  of  (he  year"  ("9  mo."l  one  gets  the  impreMion 
that  the  "fever  and  ague"  of  the  early  settlers  on  the  marshy  lands  in  New  Jersey, 
had  taken  bold  of  the  frail  constitution  of  John  Woolman,  whose  mode  of  life 
diet  were  not  auited  to  comtMt  it. 


F 


I76I 


347 


jther  purifying.  There  was  now  no  desire  in  me  for  Health, 
itill  the  design  of  my  Correction  was  answered,  and  thus  I  lay 
abasement  and  brokenness  of  Spirit.  And  as  I  felt  a  sinking 
Ifwn  into  a  calm  Resignation,  so  I  felt  as  in  an  Instant,  an  in- 
urd  healing  in  my  Nature  and  from  that  time  forward  I  grew 
{tter. 

Though  I  was  thus  Setled  in  my  mind  in  relation  to  hurtfuU 
es,  I  felt  casie  to  wear  my  garments  heretofore  made,  and  so 
^ntinued  about  nine  months.  Then  I  thought  of  geting  a  hat 
le  natural  colour  of  the  fur.  but  the  Apprehension  of  being 
oked  upon  as  one  Affecting  Siny^ularity,  felt  uncasie  to  me,  and 
?re  I  had  occasion  to  consider  that  things  tliough  small  in  them- 
Jves  being  clearly  enjoined  by  Divine  Authority  as  a  duty, 
ecame  great  things  to  us.  and  I  Trusted  that  the  Lord  would 
upport  me  in  the  tryals  that  might  attend  Singularity.  While 
lat  singularity  was  only  for  his  sake,  on  this  account  I  was 
nder  close  exercise  of  mind  in  the  time  of  our  General  Spring 
leeting,  1762,  greatly  desiring  to  be  rightly  directed,  [and  al  a 
me  when  one  of  my  Dear  Brethren  was  concerned  in  Humble 
upplication»  I]  being  then  deeply  bowed  in  Spirit  before  the  Lord, 
as  made  willing  [in  case  I  got  Safe  home,]  to  speak  for  a  Hat 
f  the  natural  colour  of  the  fur,  [and  did  soj. 

In  attending  [publick]  meetings  this  singularity  was  a  tryal 
>on  me,  and  more  Especially  at  this  time,^  as  being  in  use  amongst 
►me  who  were  fond  of  following  the  Changible  modes  of  dress. 
id  as  some  Friends  who  knew  not  on  what  motive  I  wore  it, 
trried  Shy  of  me,  I  felt  my  way  fur  a  time  shut  up  in  the  Minis- 
y,  and  in  this  condition  my  mind  being  turned  toward  my 
heavenly  Father,  with  fervent  cries  that  I  might  be  preserved  to 
alk  before  Him  in  the  meekness  of  wisdom,  my  heart  was  often 
nder  in  meetings,  and  1  felt  an  inward  Consolation  which  to 
e  was  very  precious  under  those  difficulties. 

I  had  several  dyed  garments  fit  for  use,  which  I  believed  it 
«t  to  wear  till  I  had  ocasiun  of  new  ones,  and  some  Friends 
tre  apprehensive  that  my  wearing  such  a  hat  Savored  of  an 
ffected  Singularity.  Such  who  spake  with  me  in  a  Friendly  way 
generally  informed  in  a  few  words,  that  I  believ'd  my  wearing 
was  not  in  my  own  will.     I  had  at  times  been  Sensible  that  a 

B    hits  a   note   in   a   later  hand,   "white    bats."     Tbeu    were    tbeu   the   mode. 


248  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


^ 


superficial  friendship  had  been  dangerous  to  me,  and  many  Friends 
now  being  uneasy  with  me,  [1  found  to  be  a  providential  Kindness, 
and  though]  1  had  an  IncHnation  to  acquaint  some  [valuable 
Friends]  with  the  manner  of  my  being  led  into  these  things,  yet 
upon  a  deeper  thought,  1  was  for  a  time  most  easy  to  omit  it,  be- 
heving  tlie  present  dispensation  was  profitable,  and  Trusting  that 
if  I  kept  my  place  the  Lord  in  his  own  time  would  open  the  hearts 
of  Friends  toward  me.  Since  which  I  have  had  [ocasion]  to  ad- 
mire his  goodness  and  loving  kindness,  in  leading  about  &  in- 
structing and  opening  and  Enlarging  my  heart  in  some  of  our^ 
meetings.^  ^H 

mo  ^^ 

II,  1762  feehng  an  Engagement  of  mind  to  visit  Some  fami- 
lies in  Mansfield  1  joyned  my  Beloved  Friend  Benjamin  Jones" 

mo 
and  we  spent  a  few  days  together  in  that  Service.  And  in  the  2. 
1763,  I  joyned  in  company  with  Elizabeth  Smith  '*  and  Mary 
Noble**'*  [from  Burlington]  on  a  Vistit  to  the  families  of  Friends 
at  Ancocas  in  both  which  visits  Through  the  Baptizing  power  of 
Truth,  and  the  hearts  of  Friends  opened  to  receive  us,  the  sin- 
cere labourers  were  often  comforted,  and  in  the  [fourth]  month 
following  I  [bore]  some  Friends  [company]  on  a  visit  to  the 
families  of  Friends  in  Mountholly  in  which  [Visit]  my  mind  was 
drawn  into  an  inward  awfullness,  wherein  Strong  desires  were 
raised  for  the  Everlasting  wellfare  of  my  fellow-creatures,  and 
through  the  kindness  of  our  Heavenly  Father,  our  hearts  were  St 
times  enlarged,  &  Friends  invited  in  the  flo wings  of  Divine  Love 
to  Attend  to  that  which  would  Settle  them  on  the  Sure  founda- 
tion.' ■ 
Having  many  years  felt  Love  in  my  heart  towards  the  NP 
lives  of  this  Land,  who  dwell  far  back  in  the  Wilderness,  whose 
Ancestors  were  the  owners  and  possessors  of  the  [Country]  where 
we  dwell,  and  who  for  a  very  small  consideration  Assigned  their 

mo 
Inheritance  to  us.  And  being  at  Philadelphia  in  the  8.  1761  on  a 
visit  to  some  Friends  who  had  Slaves,  I   fell  in  company  with 

'This  date — ijSa—maTks  itie  period   when  John   Woolman   adopted  undyed   cloib- 
ing,    which    he    wore    only    during    the    last    ten    years    of    his    life. 
"MS.    B.      Note   in    margin — "y^   part,   containing    ii8   pages." 


\^II 


1763 


249 


Some  of  those  Natives  who  lived  on  the  East  Branch  of 
the  River  Susquehannah  at  an  Indian  Town  called  Wehalosing  ' 
[about  200]  miles  from  Philad,  &  in  Conversation  with  them  by 
an  Interpreter,  as  allso  by  observations  on  their  Countenances  and 
Conduct  I  believed  some  of  them  were  measurably  Acquainted 
with  that  Di\-ine  power  which  Subjects  the  rough  and  froward 
will  of  the  Creature.  And  at  times  I  .felt  inward  drawings  to- 
ward a  Visit  to  that  place  of  which  I  told  none,  (Except  my  Dear 
Wife,)  until  it  came  to  Some  ripeness,  and  then  in  the  winter 
1762,  I  laid  it  before  Friends  at  our  monthly  and  Quarterly  and 
[then]  at  our  General  Spring  meeting.  And  having  the  Unity 
of  Friends  and  being  thoughtfull  about  an  Indian  pilot,  there  came 
a  man  and  3  women  from  a  little  beyond  that  Town  to  Philad 
on  business,  and  I  being  [Acquainted]  thereof  by  letter  met  them 

mo 
in  Town  in  the  5.  1763;  and  after  some  Conversation  finding 
they  were  Sober  people  I,  by  the  Concurrence  of  Friends  in  that 
place  agreed  to  joyn  with  them  as  Companions  on  their  return,  and 

da  mo 
the  7.  6.  following,  [was]  appointed  for  us  to  meet  at  Samuel 
Foulkes,"  at  Richland.^  Now  as  this  Visit  felt  very  weighty,  and 
was  performed  at  a  time  when  Traveling  appeared  perilous,  So 
the  Dispensation  of  Divine  Providence  in  preparing  my  mind  for 
it  have  been  Memorable;  and  I  believe  it  good  for  me  to  give 
some  hints  thereof. 

After  I  had  given  up  to  go  the  thoughts  of  the  Journey  were 
often  attended  with  unusual  Sadness,  in  which  times  my  heart 
was  frequently  turned  to  the  Lord  with  inward  Breathings  for 
His  Heavenly  Support,  that  I  might  not  fail  [of]  following  Him 
wheresoever  He  might  lead  me.  And  being  at  our  Youths  meet- 
ing at  Chesterfield  about  a  week  before  the  time  I  Expected  to 
Set  of,  was  there  led  to  speak  on  that  prayer  of  our  Redeemer  to 
His  Father:  "I  pray  not  that  thou  shouldest  take  them  out  of 
the  world,  but  that  thou  shouldst  keep  them  from  the  evil."  And 
in  attending  to  the  pure  openings  of  Truth,  had  to  mention  what 
he  elsewhere  said  to  His  Father,  'T  know  that  thou  hearcst  me 
at  all   times/'     So  that,   as   some   of   his   followers   kept   their 


'  Wjralasine — 1922. 

*  Buda  County,   Pcnntylvania. 


250  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chaT 


places,  and  as  his  prayer  was  granted,  it  followed  necessarily 
that  they  were  kept  from  evil.  And  as  Some  of  [those]  met  with 
great  hardships  and  Afflictions  in  this  world,  and  at  last  Suffered 
death  by  Cruel  men,  It  appears  that  whatsoever  befalls  men 
while  they  live  in  pure  Obedience  to  God,  as  it  certainly  works 
for  good,  so  it  may  nut  be  cmisidered  an  evil  as  it  relates  to 
them.  As  I  Spake  on  this  Subject  my  heart  was  much  tendered, 
and  great  awfulhiess  came  over  me.  And  then  on  tlie  first  day 
of  the  next  week  being  at  our  own  afternoon  meeting,  and  my 
heart  being  Enlarged  in  Love  I  was  lead  to  Speak  on  the  Care 
&  protection  of  the  Lord  over  his  people,  &  to  make  mention  of 
that  passage  where  a  Hand  of  Assyrians  Endeavouring  to  take 
Captive  the  Prophet,  were  disappointed;  and  how  the  Psalmist 
said  [that]  the  angel  of  the  Lord  Encampeth  round  about  them 
that  fear  him;  And  Thus,  in  True  Love  and  tenderness  I  parted 
from  Friends,  Expecting  the  next  morning  to  proceed  on  my 
Journey,  and  being  weary  [I]  went  early  to  Bed.  [And]  after  1 
had  been  asleep  a  Short  time,  1  was  awaked  by  a  man  calling  at 
[our]  door;  and  arising  was  invited  to  [go  and]  meet  some 
Friends  at  a  publick  house  in  our  Town  who  came  from  Philad* 
so  late  that  Friends  were  generally  gune  to  Bed.  These  Friends 
informed  me  that  an  Express  arrived  the  last  morning  from  [the 
Fort  called]  Pittsburg,  and  brought  news  that  The  Indians  had 
taken  a  Fort  from  the  I*-nglish  westward  and  Slain  and  Scalped 
English  people  in  divers  places,  Some  near  the  said  Pittsburg, 
and  that  some  Elderly  Friends  in  Philad*,  knowing  the  time 
of  my  Expecting  to  set  of,  had  confered  together,  and  thought  good 
to  inform  me  of  these  things  before  I  left  home,  that  I  might 
consider  them,  &  proceed  as  I  believed  best :  So  I  going  again  to  bed 
told  not  my  wife  till  morning.  My  heart  was  turned  to  the  Lord 
for  his  Heavenly  instruction,  and  it  was  a  humbleiog  time  to  me. 
When  I  told  my  Dear  Wife,  she  appeared  to  be  deeply  concerned 
about  it,  but  in  a  few  hours  time  my  mind  liecame  Setled  in  a 
Belief  tliat  it  was  my  duty  to  proceed  on  my  Journey,  and  she  bore 
it  wiih  a  good  degree  of  Resignation.  In  this  conflict  of  Spirit 
there  were  great  Searchings  of  Heart,  and  Strong  cries  to  the 
Lord,  that  no  motion  might  be  in  the  least  degree  attended  to,  but 
that  of  the  pure  Spirit  of  Truth.  The  subjects  before  mentioned, 
on  which  I  had  so  lately  Spoke  in  publick  were  now  very  fr 


I 


■eaj^ 


nu 


1763 


251 


before  me;  and  I  was  brought  inwardly  to  Commit  myself  to 

the  Lord,  to  be  disposed  of  as  he  Saw  good. 

So  I  took  leave  of  my  Family  and  Neighbours  in  much  bow- 
edness  of  Spirit,  and  went  to  our  monthly  meeting  at  Burlington. 
and  after  taking  leave  of  Friends  there,  I  crossed  the  River/  Ac- 
companied by  my  friends  Israel  ^  and  John  Pemberton,"  and  part- 
ing the  next  morning  with  Israel,  John  bore  me  company  to  Sam- 
uel Foulkes,*®  where  I  met  the  before  mentioned  Indians,  and  we 
were  glad  to  see  Each  other.  Here  my  Beloved  Friend  Benja- 
min Parvin  *•  met  me  and  [>roposed  joyning  as  a  Companion,  we 
having  passed  some  letters  before  on  the  Subject.     And  now  on 

'  his  account  I  had  a  Sharp  tryal,  for  as  the  Journey  appeared  peri- 
lous. I  thought  if  he  went  chiefly  to  bear  me  Company,  and  we 
should  be  taken  captive,  my  having  been  the  means  of  drawing 
him  into  these  diflficulties  would  add  to  my  own  Affliction.  So  T 
tohl  him  my  mind  freely,  and  let  him  know  that  I  was  resigned 
to  go  alone,  but  after  all  if  he  realty  believed  it  his  duty  to  go  on, 
I  believed  his  Company  would  be  very  Comfortable  to  me.  It 
was  indeed  a  time  of  deep  Exercise,  and  Benjamin  appeared  to 
be  so  fastened  to  the  Visit,  that  he  could  not  be  easie  to  leave 
me.  So  we  went  on  .Accompanied  by  our  Friends  John  Pember- 
ton  "  and  William  Lightfoitt '**  of  Pikcland.  and  lodged  at  Beth- 
da  mo 
lehem  and  there  parting  with  John,  William  and  we  9.  6.  went 
forward  and  got  lodging  on  the  floor  at  a  house  about  five  mile 
from  Fort  Allen.  Here  wc  parted  with  William,  and  at  this 
place  we  met  with  an  Indian  Trader  lately  come  from  Wioming, 
and  in  conversation  with  him  I  perceived  that  many  white  people 
do  often  sell  rum  to  the  Indians,  which,  I  believe,  is  a  great  evil, 
First  they  being  thereby  deprived  of  the  use  of  their  Reason  and 
their  spirits  violently  Agitated,  quarrels  often  arise  which  ends 
in  mischief,  and  tlie  bitterness  and  resentments  Ocasianed  hereby 
are  frequently  of  long  continuance:  again  their  Skins  and  furs 
gotten  through  much  fatigue  &  hard  travels  in  hunting,  with 
which  they  intended  to  buy  cloathing,  f  these]  when  they  begin  to 
be  Intoxicated  they  often  Sell  at  a  low  rate  for  more  rum,  and 
afterward  when  they  suffer  for  want  of  the  necessaries  of  life. 
are  angry  with  those  who  for  the  Sake  of  gain  took  the  ad- 
>  Z>cl«wve. 


I 


■ 


252  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

vantage  of  their  weakness;  of  this  their  Chiefs  have  often  com- 
plained at  their  Treaties  with  the  English. 

Where  cunning  people  pass  Counterfeits  and  impose  that  on 
others  which  is  only  good  for  nothing,  it  is  considered  as  a 
wickedness,  hut  to  sell  that  to  people  which  we  know  does  them 
harm,  and  which  often  works  their  Ruin,  for  the  sake  of  gain  ^ 
manifests  a  hardened  and  Corrupt  heart;  and  it  is  an  evil  which 
demands  the  care  of  all  True  Lovers  of  Virtue  [in  endeavouring] 
to  Suppress.  And  while  my  mind  this  evening  was  thus  cm- 
ployed,  I  allso  remembered  that  the  people  on  the  frontier  among 
whom  this  evil  is  too  common  are  often  poor  people  who  venture 
to  the  outside  of  a  Colony  that  they  may  live  more  independent  on 
Such  who  are  wealthy,  who  often  set  high  rents  on  their  Land,  be- 
ing then  renewedly  confirmed  in  a  belief,  that  if  all  our  inhabi- 
tants lived  according,  to  pure  wisdom.  Labouring  to  promote  Uni- 
versal Love  and  Righteousness,  and  ceased  from  every  inordi- 
nate desire  after  wealth,  and  from  all  customs  which  are  Tinc- 
tured with  Luxury,  the  way  would  be  Easie  for  our  Inhabi- 
tants, though  much  more  numerous  than  at  present,  to  live  com- 
fortably on  Honest  Employments,  without  having  that  tempta- 
tion they  are  Often  under  of  being  drawn  into  schemes  to  make 
settlements  on  Lands  which  have  not  been  honestly  purchased 
of  the  Indians,  or  of  Applying  to  that  wicked  practice  of  Selling 
rum  to  them. 

da  mo 

lo.  6.  Set  out  early  in  the  morning  and  crossed  the  Western 
Branch  of  Delaware  called  the  Great  Lehie,^  near  fort  Allen,  the 
water  being  high  we  went  over  in  a  Canow.  here  we  met  an 
Indian  and  had  some  friendly  conversation  with  him,  &  gave 
him  some  BisKet,  and  he  having  killed  a  Deer,  gave  the  Indians 
with  us  some  of  it.  Then  after  traveling  some  miles  we  met 
Several  Indian  men  and  women  with  a  Cow  and  Horse  &  some 
household  goods,  who  were  lately  come  from  their  dwelling  at 
Wioming,  and  going  to  Settle  in  another  place.  We  made  them 
some  small  presents,  and  some  of  them  understanding  English,  I 
told  them  my  motive  in  comeing  into  their  Country,  with  which 
they  appeared  Satisfied:  and  one  of  our  guides  talking  a  while 
with  an  Antient   woman  concerning  us,   The  poor  old   woman 

^The    Lehigh    River    flows   into    the    DeUwara   at   Eaiton. 


1763 


253 


ime  to  my  companion  and  me  and  took  her  leave  of  us  with 
1  Appearance  of  Sincere  affection.  So  going  on  we  pitched 
lir  Tent  near  the  banks  of  the  Same  River,  having  laboured 
agd  in  crossing  some  of  those  Mountains  called  the  Blue  Ridge, 
^■by  the  roughness  of  the  Stones,  and  the  cavities  between 
nSn,  and  the  steepness  of  y*  hills,  it  appeared  dangerous :  but 

Sw-ere  preserved  in  Safety  through  the  kindness  of  him  whose 
V&  in  these  Mountainous  Deserts  appeared  awfuU,  toward 
)m  my  heart  was  turned  during  this  days  Travel. 
Near  our  Tent  on  the  sides  of  large  Trees  peeled  for  that  pur- 
|)05C,  were  various  Representations  of  men  going  to,  and  return- 
ing from  the  wars,  and  of  Some  killed  iti  Battle,  this  being  a 
path  heretofore  used  by  warriors.  And  as  1  walked  about 
ricwing  those  Indian  histories,  which  were  painted  mostly  in  red 
)ut  some  with  black,  and  thinkitig  on  the  Innumerable  Afflictions 
[vhich  the  proud,  fierce  Spirit  produceth  in  the  world ;  Thinking 
)o  the  Toyls  and  fatigues  of  warriors,  traveh'ng  over  Mountains 
ind    Deserts.    Thinking    on    iheir   miseries    &    Distresses    when 

E'ed  far  from  home  by  their  Enemies,  and  of  their  bruises 
eat  weariness  in  Chaseing  one  another  over  the  Rocks  and 
lins,  and  of  their  restless,  unquiet  state  of  mind  who  live 
D  this  Spirit,  and  of  the  hatred  which  mutually  grows  up  in 
be  minds  of  the  Children  of  those  Nations  Engaged  in  war 
^ith  each  other:  The  desire  to  cherish  the  Spirit  of  Love  and 
>eace  amongst  these  peuple,  arose  verj'   fresh  in  me. 

This  was  the  first  night  that  we  [were]  in  the  woods,  and 
leing  wet  with  traveling  in  the  rain,  the  ground  &  our  Tent  wet, 
ind  the  bushes  wet  which  we  purposed  to  lay  under,  our  Blan- 
:cts  also,  all  looked  discouraging;  but  I  believed  that  it  was  the 
jord  who  had  thus  far  brought  me  forward,  and  that  he  would 
lispose  of  me  as  He  Saw  good,  and  therein  I  felt  easie.  So  we 
indled  a  fire  with  our  Tent  door  open  to  it,  and  with  Some 
rtishes  next  the  ground,  and  then  Blankets,  we  made  our  Bed, 
jid  lying  down  got  some  sleep,  and  in  the  morning  feeling  a  little 
in  well  I  went  into  the  River  [all  over:]  The  Water  was  cold, 
tut  soon  after  I  felt  fresh  &  well, 

da  mo 

II.  6.  The  bushes  being  wet  we  tarried  in  our  Tent  till 
bout  Eight  o'clock,  then  going  on  crossed  a 'High  Moimtain  Sup- 


254  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN      cha*.| 

posed  to  be  upwards  of  four  miles  [wide,  and]  the  Steepnea 
[on]  the  north  side  exceeded  all  the  others.  We  also  crossed  two 
Swamps  and  it  Raining  near  Night,  we  pitched  our  Tent  and 
lodged.  About  noon,  on  our  way,  we  were  overtaken  by  one  of 
the  Moravian  Brethren  *<*  going  to  Wahalowsing^  and  an  Indian* 
man  with  him  who  could  talk  English,  and  we  being  together 
while  our  horses  eat  grass,  had  some  friendly  conversation  [then] 
they  traveling  faster  than  we  soon  left  us.  This  Moravian 
[Brother]  I  understood,  had  Spent  Some  time  this  spring  at  Wa- 
halowsing,  and  was  by  some  of  [them]  invited  to  come  again, 
da  mo 

12.  6.  of  the  week  being  a  Rainey  day  we  continued  in  our 
Tent  and  here  I  was  led  to  think  on  the  nature  of  the  Exerdsc 
which  hath  attended  me.    Love  was  the  first  motion,  and  then 
a  Concern  arose  to  Spend  Some  time  with  the  Indians,  that  I 
might  feel  and  understand  their  life,  and  the  Spirit  they  live  in, 
If  happily  I  might  receive  some  Instruction  from  them,  or  they 
be  in  any  degree  helped  forward  by  my  following  the  Leadings  of 
Truth  amongst  them,  and  as  it  pleased  the  Lord  to  make  way 
for  my  going  at  a  Time  when  the  Troubles  of  war  were  in- 
creasing, and  when  by  reason  of  much  wet  weather  Traveling 
was  more  difficult  than  usual  at  that  Season,  I  looked  upon  it  as 
a  more  favourable  Oportunity  to  season  my  mind,  and  bring  me 
into  a  nearer  Sympathy  witli  them.     And  as  mine  eye  was  to 
the  great  Father  of   Mercies,  humbly  desiring  to  learn  what 
his  will  was  concerning  me,  I  was  made  quiet  and  content. 

Our  [pilots]  Horse  though  hoppled  went  away  in  the  night. 
and  after  finding  our  own,  &  Searching  some  time  for  him,  his 
footsteps  were  discovered  in  the  path  going  back  again,  where- 
upon my  kind  Companion  went  of  in  the  Rain,  and  after  about 
Seven  hours  returned  with  him,  and  here  we  lodged  again,  ty- 
ing up  our  horses  before  we  went  to  Bed,  &  loosing  them  to  feed 
about  break  of  day. 

da  mo 

13.  6.  the  Sun  appearing  we  set  forward,  and  as  I  rode  over 
the  barren  Hills  my  meditations  were  on  the  Alterations  of  the 
Circumstances  of  the  Natives  of  this  land  since  the  coming  in  of 

■  Wyalusing,    a    village    on    the    Susijuchaiiiia    Kiver.      David    Zeiajberger    was   the 
Moravian  Brother;  the  Indian  was  Nathaniel. 


\1IT 


1763 


255 


the  English.    The  Lands  near  the  Sea  are  Conveniently  scituated 
for    fishing.     The  lands  near  the   Rivers   where  the  tides  ^ow, 
and   some  ahovc.  are  in  many  places  fertile,  and  fiot  mountain- 
ous :  while  the  Rwning  of  the  Tides  makes  passing  up  and  down 
casie  with  any  kind  of  Traffick.     Those  natives  have  in  some 
places   for   [small]    considerations  sold  their   Inheritance  so   fa- 
vourably Scituated  and  in  other  places  heen  driven  hack  by  su- 
perior force.     So  that  in  many  places  as  their  way  of  Clothing 
themselves  is  now  altered  from  what  it  was,  and  they  far  remote 
from  us  have  to  pass  over  Mountains,  Swamps,  and  Barran  des- 
erts, where  Traveling  is  very  troublesome,  in  bringing  their  furs 
&  skins  to  trade  with  us. 

By  the  Extending  of  English  Settlements  and  partly  by  Eng- 
lish Hunters,  those  wild  Beasts  they  chiefly  depend  on  for  a  sub- 
sistence are  not  so  plenty  as  they  were.  And  people  too  often  for 
the  Sake  of  gain  open  a  Door  for  them  to  waste  their  Skins  & 
furs,  in  purchasing  a  Liquor  which  tends  to  the  ruin  of  y*"  & 
their  Families. 

My  own  will  and  desire  being  now  very  much  broken,  and 
my  heart  with  nuich  earnestness  turned  to  the  Lord,  to  whom 
>ne  I  looked  for  help  in  the  dangers  before  me,  I  had  a  pros- 
pect of  the  English  along  the  Coast  for  upwards  of  nine  hun- 
drerl  nn'les  where  I  have  traveled.  And  the  favourable  Scitua- 
tion  of  the  English,  and  the  difficulties  attending  the  natives  [and 
the  Slaves  amongst  us,]  were  open  before  me,  and  a  weighty 
and  Heavenly  care  came  over  my  mind,  and  love  filled  my  heart 
toward  all  mankind,  in  which  I  felt  a  Strong  Engagement  that  we 
might  be  [faithful]  to  the  I^rd  while  His  mercies  [are  yet  ex- 
tended] to  us,  and  so  attend  to  pure  Universal  Righteousness  as 
to  give  no  just  cause  of  offence  to  the  gentiles  who  do  not  pro- 
fess christianit}',  Whither  the  Blacks  from  Africa,  or  the  Native 
Inhabitants  of  this  Continent:  And  here  I  was  led  into  a  close, 
laborious  Enquiry,  whether  I  as  an  individual  kept  clear  from 
all  things  which  tended  to  Stir  up,  or  were  connected  with  wars, 
Either  in  this  Land  or  Africa,  and  my  heart  was  deeply  con- 
cerned that  in  future  I  might  in  all  things  keep  steadily  to  the 
pure  Truth,  &  live  and"  walk  in  the  plainness  and  Simplicity  of  a 
Sincere  follower  of  Christ.  And  in  this  lonely  Journey,  I  did  this 
day  greatly  bewail  the  spreading  of  a  wrong  Spirit,  believing 


m 


^ 


256  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

that  the  prosperous  Conveniant  Scituation  of  the  English,  re- 
quires a  Constant  Attention  to  Di\ine  love  &  wisdom,  to  guide  and 
Support  us  in  a  way  answerable  to  the  will  of  that  Good«  Gra* 
cious,  &  Almighty  Being  who  hath  an  Equal  regard  to  all  nun- 
kind.  And  here  Luxury  and  Covetousncss,  with  the  numerous 
Opressions  and  other  evils  attending  them,  appeared  very  Af* 
flicting  to  me,  and  I  felt  in  that  which  is  Immutable  that  the  Seeds 
of  great  Calamity  and  desolation  are  Sown  &  growing  fast  on 
this  Continent.  Nor  have  I  words  sufficient  to  set  forth  that 
longing  I  then  felt,  that  we  who  are  placed  along  the  Coast,  & 
have  tasted  the  Love  and  Goodness  of  God,  might  arise  in  his 
Strength,  and  like  faithful  Messengers  Labour  to  check  the 
growth  of  those  Seeds  that  they  may  not  ripen  to  the  Ruin  of  ou^ 
posterity.  ^H 

We  reached  the  Indian  Settlement  at  Wioming  *  &  here  «^ 
were  told  that  an  Indian  Runner  had  been  at  tliat  place  a  day  of 
two  before  us  and  brought  news  of  the  Indians  taking  an  Eng- 
lish Fort  WestAvard,  and  destroying  the  people,  and  that  they 
were  endeavouring  to  Take  another.  And  also  that  another  In- 
dian Runer  came  there  about  [midnight,  the  night  next]  before 
we  got  there,  who  came  from  a  Town  about  ten  miles  above  Wa- 
halowsing,  and  brought  news  that  some  Indian  Warriors  from 
distant  parts,  came  to  that  Town  with  two  English  Scalps,  and 
told  the  people  that  it  was  War  with  the  English. 

Our  [pilots]  took  us  to  the  House  of  a  Very  Antient  man, 
and  soon  after  we  had  put  in  our  baggage  there  came  a  man 
from  another  Indian  House  some  distance  off,  and  I  perceiving 
there  was  a  man  near  the  door,  went  out,  and  he  having  a  Toma- 
hock  wraped  under  his  matchcoat  out  of  sight,  as  I  approached 
him  he  took  it  in  his  hand.  I,  however,  went  forward,  and 
Speaking  to  him  in  a  friendly  way,  perceived  he  understood  some 
English,  my  companion  then  coming  out  we  had  some  talk  with 
him  concerning  the  nature  of  our  Visit  in  these  parts,  and  then  he 
going  into  the  House  with  us,  and  talking  with  our  [pilots]  soon 

•  Wyoming — A  »ettlcment  nude  in  the  srcond!  quarter  of  the  18th  century,  by 
Connecticut  emigrant*,  in  the  fertile  valley  of  the  same  name,  on  the  north  hrancb 
of  ibe  Suaquebaooa.  in  Luiemc  county.  Pa.  Contctta  between  the  seltlera 
and  Indiana  were  constant  during  the  Cnlonial  period.  culminatinK  in  the  massacre 
of  July,  1778,  when  two  thirds  of  the  inhabitants  were  killed  by  Bntiah  Iroopt 
and    Indiana.     A   monument   opposite    WiJkeabarrc   comiaemoraua   thia   event. 


appeared  friendly  &  Sat  down  and  smoaked  his  pipe.  Though  his 
taking  [his]  hatchet  in  his  hand  at  the  instant  I  drew  near  him, 
had  a  disagreeable  appearance,  I  believed  he  had  no  other  in- 
tent tlian  to  be  in  readiness  in  case  any  violence  was  offered  to 
'him. 

Hearing  the  news  brought  by  these  Indian  Runers,  and  be- 
ing told  by  the  Indians  where  we  lodged  that  what  Indians  were 
about  Wioming  Expected  in  a  few  days  to  move  to  some  larger 
Towns,  I  thought  that,  to  all  outward  appearance  it  was  danger- 
ous traveling  at  this  time;  and  after  a  hard  days  journey  [was] 
brought  into  a  painfull  Exercise  at  night,  in  which  I  had  to  trace 
back,  and  [feel]  over  the  steps  I  had  taken  from  my  first  move- 
ing  in  the  visit,  and  though  I  had  to  bewail  some  weakness  which 
at  times  had  attended  me,  yet  I  could  not  find  that  I  had  ever 
given  way  to  a  wilful!  disobedience:  and  [then]  as  I  believed  I 
had  under  a  Sence  of  duty  come  thus  far,  I  was  now  earnest  in 
Spirit  beseeching  the  Lord  to  Shew  me  what  I  ought  to  do. 

Tn  this  great  distress  I  grew  jealous  of  my  Self,  lest  the  de- 
sire of  Reputation,  as  a  man  firmly  settled  to  persevere  through 
dangers;  Or  the  fear  of  disgrace  ariseing  on  my  returning  with- 
out performing  the  visit  might  have  some  place  in  me.  Thus 
I  lay  full  of  thoughts,  great  part  of  the  night,  while  my  Beloved 
Companion  lay  &  Slept  by  me;  Till  the  Lord  my  Gracious 
Father,  who  saw  the  conflicts  of  my  Soul,  was  pleased  to  give 
quietness,  and  therein  I  was  rcnewcdly  confirmed  that  it  was  my 
duty  to  go  forward.  Then  was  I  again  Strengthened  to  commit 
my  Life,  and  all  things  relating  thereto,  into  His  Heavenly 
hands,  and  geting  a  little  sleep  toward  day,  when  morning  came 
we  arose  [and  then  on  the] 

da  mo 

14:  6:,  we  sought  out  and  visited  all  the  Indians  hereabouts 
that  we  could  meet  with,  they  being  chiefly  in  one  place  about 
a  mile  from  where  we  lodged  in  all  perhaps  twenty.  Here  I 
Exprest  the  care  I  had  on  my  mind  for  their  good,  and  told  them 
that  true  Love  had  made  me  willing  thus  to  leave  my  home  & 
family  to  come  &  see  the  Indians,  and  Speak  with  them  in  their 
houses.  Some  of  them  understood  I'-nglish  and  appeared  kind  & 
friendly,  So  we  took  our  leave  of  those  Indians,  and  went  up 
the  River  Susquehannah  about  three  miles  to  the  House  of  an 


258  TIIK  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

Indian  called  Jacob  January,"  who  had  killed  his  hog,  and  tiie 
women  were  making  Store  of  Bread,  and  preparing  to  move  up 
the  River.  Here  our  Pilots  left  their  canow  when  they  came 
down  in  the  spring,  which  lying  dry  was  leaky  So  that  we  being 
detained  Some  hours,  had  a  good  deal  of  friendly  conversation 
with  the  family,  and  Eating  Diner  with  them,  we  made  some  small 
presents.  Then  puting  our  Baggage  in  the  Canow,  Some  of  them 
poshed  Slowly  up  the  Stream,  and  the  rest  of  us  rode  our  Horses, 
and  Swiming  them  over  a  Creek  called  Lehawahamunk,*  we 
pitched  our  Tent  a  hitle  above,  there  being  a  Shower  in  the  eve- 
ning: and  in  a  Sence  of  Gods  goodness  in  helping  me  in  my  Dis- 
tress, Sustaining  me  under  Tryals,  and  Enclineing  my  heart  to 
Trust  in  Him,  I  lay  down  in  an  humble  bowed  frame  of  mind 
&  had  a  comfortable  nights  lodging, 
da  mo 

15.  6.  proceeded  forward  till  afternoon,  and  then  a  storm 
appearing  we  met  our  Canoe  at  An  Appointed  place,  and  the 
Rain  continuing  we  Stayed  all  night,  which  was  so  heavy  that 
it  [ran]  through  our  Tent  &  wet  us  and  our  Baggage.  ^^ 

16.  we  found  on  our  way  abundance  of  Trees  blown  dov»^^ 
with  the  Storm  yesterday,  and  had  ocasion  revcrendly  to  consider 
the  kind  dealing  of  the  Lord  who  provided  a  Safe  place  in  the 
valley,  for  us  while  this  Storm  continued.  By  the  falling  of 
Abundance  of  Trees  across  our  path  we  were  nutch  hindered 
and  in  Some  Swamps  our  way  was  so  Sloped  that  we  got  throu — 
with  extrefam]  difllculty.  I  had  this  day  often  to  consider 
my  Self  as  a  Sojourner  in  this  world,  and  a  belief  in  the  Allsuffi- 
ciency  of  God  to  Support  his  people  in  their  pilgrimage  felt  com- 
fortable to  me,  and  I  was  Industerously  Employ'd  to  get  to  a  st 
of  perfect  Resignation. 

We  seldom  saw  our  Canow  but  at  appointed  places  by  reason 
of  the  Path  going  oflF  from  the  River,  and  this  afternoon  Job 
Chilaway  **  an  Indian  from  Wahalowsing  who  talks  good  English, 
&  is  acquainted  with  Several  people  in  &  about  Philadelphia, 
[he  meeting]  our  people  on  the  River,  and  understanding  where 
we  Expected  to  lodge,  pushed  back  about  Six  miles  and  came  to 
us  after  night  and  in  a  while  our  own  Canow  came,  it  being  hard 

'  Lackawaona? 


A 


d 


vin 


1763 


259 


work  pushing  up  Stream.  Job  told  us  that  an  Indian  came  in 
haiste  to  their  Town  yesterday,  and  told  them  that  three  warriors 
coming  from  Some  distance,  lodged  in  a  Town  above  Wahalow- 
sing  a  few  nights  past,  and  that  these  three  men  were  going 
against  the  English  at  Juniatta.  Job  was  going  down  the  River 
to  the  Province  Store  at  Shamokin. 

Though  I  was  so  far  favoured  with  health  as  to  continue 
traveling,  yet  through  the  various  difficulties  in  our  Journey,  and 
the  different  way  of  living  from  what  I  had  been  used  to,  1  grew 
weak,  and  the  news  of  tliese  warriors  being  on  their  march  so 
near  us,  and  not  knowing  whither  we  might  not  fall  in  with  them 
it  was  a  fresh  Tryal  of  my  Faith,  and  though  through  the 
Strength  of  Divine  Love  I  had  Several  times  been  enabled  to  com- 
mit myself  to  the  Divine  Disposal.  I  still  found  the  want  of  my 
Strength  [to  be}  renewed,  that  1  might  persevere  therein,  and 
my  cries  for  help  were  put  up  to  the  Lord  who  in  great  Mercy 
gave  me  a  resigned  heart,  in  which  I  found  quietness. 

da  mo  — — 

17:  6:  parting  [with]  Job  Chillaway  **  we  went  on,  &  reached 
Wahalowsing  about  the  middle  of  the  afternoon:  The  first  In- 
dian tliat  we  Saw  was  a  woman  of  a  modest  countenance,  with  a 
Babe.  She  first  spake  to  oor  [Pilot]  and  then  with  a  harmonious 
voice  expressed  her  gladness  at  seeing  us,  [they]  having  before 
heard  of  our  coming.  Then  by  the  direction  of  our  [pilot |  we 
sat  down  on  a  leg,  and  he  went  to  the  Town  to  tell  the  people 
we  were  corncf  My  companion  &  I  Seting  thus  together  in  a 
deep  inward  stillness  the  poor  woman  came  and  sat  near  us, 
and  great  aw  fulness  coming  over  us,  we  rejoyced  in  a  sence 
of  Gods  Love  manifested  to  our  poor  Souls.  After  a  while, 
we  heard  a  KonksheM  blow  several  times  &  then  came  John 
Curtis  and  another  Indian  man,  who  kindly  invited  us  into  a 
House  near  the  Tuwn,  where  we  found  I  suppose  about  Sixty 
people.  Seting  in  Silence  and  after  [Seting]  a  Short  time  I  stood 
up  and  in  Some  tenderness  of  Spirit  acquainted  them  with  the 
nature  of  my  visit,  and  that  a  concern  for  their  good  had  made 
me  willing  to  come  thus  far  to  see  them :  all  in  a  few  short  Sen- 
tences which  some  of  them  understanding  Interpreted  to  the 
others,  and  there  appeared  gladness  amongst  them.  Then  I 
Shewed  them  my  Certificate,  which  was  Explained  to  them,  and 


i 


26o  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

the  Moravian  who  overtook  us  on  the  way  being  now  here  [bid] 
me  wellcome. 

da  mo 

i8 :  6 :  We  rested  ourselves  this  forenoon,  &  the  Indians  know- 
ing that  the  Moravian^  and  I  were  of  different  Religious  So- 
cieties, and  as  some  of  their  people  had  encouraged  him  to  come 
&  Stay  a  while  with  them  were  I  believe  concerned  that  no  jar- 
ring or  discord  might  be  in  their  meetings,  &  they  I  suppose  having 
conferred  together  acquainted  me  that  the  People  at  my  request 
would  at  any  time  come  together  &  hold  meetings,  &  allso  told 
me  that  they  Expected  the  Moravian  would  speak  in  their  setled 
meetings  which  are  commonly  held  morning  and  near  evening. 
So  I  found  liberty  in  my  heart  to  Speak  to  the  Moravian,  &  told 
him  of  the  care  I  felt  on  my  mind  for  the  good  of  these  people, 
&  that  I  believed  no  ill  Effects  would  follow  it,  if  I  sometimes 
Spake  in  their  meetings  when  love  engaged  me  thereto,  with- 
out calling  them  together  at  times  when  they  did  not  meet  of 
course :  whereupon  he  expresst  his  good-will  toward  my  Speaking 
at  any  time,  all  that  I  found  in  my  heart  to  say.  So  near  evening 
I  was  at  their  meeting  where  the  pure  Gospel  love  was  felt,  to 
the  tendering  Some  of  our  Hearts,  and  the  Interpreters  endeav- 
ouring to  Acquaint  the  people  with  what  I  said  in  Short  Sen- 
tences found  some  difficulty  as  none  of  them  were  quite  per- 
fect in  the  English  and  Delaware  Tongues;  So  they  helped  one 
another,  and  we  Laboured  along,  Divine  Love  attending,  and 
afterwards,  feeling  my  mind  covered  with  the  Spirit  of  Prayer, 
I  told  [those  who]  Interpreted  that  I  found  it  in  my  heart  to 
pray  to  God,  &  believed  if  I  prayed  Aright  he  would  hear  me,  & 
Expresst  my  willingness  for  them  to  Omit  Interpreting.  So  our 
meeting  ended  with  a  degree  of  Divine  Love,  &  before  the  people 
went  out,  I  observed  [Papoonal*^]  the  man  who  had  been  Zeal- 
ous in  Labouring  for  a  Reformation  in  that  Town  being  then 
very  tender  Spoke  to  one  of  the  Interpreters,  and  I  was  after- 
wards told  that  he  said  in  substance  as  follows,  "I  Love  to  Feel 
where  words  come  from." 

da  mo     St 

19.  6.  &  I  of  the  week.  This  morning  in  the  meeting  the 
Indian"  who  came  up  with  the  Moravian  being  allso  a  member 

^  David  Zeisberger  (40). 


vin  1763  261 

of  that  Society  prayed,  and  then  the  Moravian  Spake  a  Short 
time  to  the  people.  And  in  the  afternoon,  they  coming  together, 
and  my  heart  being  filled  with  a  Heavenly  care  for  their  good, 
I  spake  to  them  awhile  by  Interpreters,  but  none  of  them  being 
perfect  in  the  work,  &  I  feeling  the  Current  of  Love  rim  Strong, 
told  the  Interpreters  that  I  believed  Some  of  the  people  would 
understand  me,  &  so  proceeded:  In  which  exercise  I  believe  the 
Holy  [Ghost]  wrought  on  Some  hearts  to  Edification  where  all 
the  words  were  not  understood.  I  looked  upon  it  as  a  time  of 
Divine  Favour,  &  my  Heart  was  tendered  and  truly  thankfuU 
before  the  Lord:  and  after  I  Sat  down  one  of  the  Interpreters 
Seemed  Spirited  up  to  give  the  Indians  the  Substance  of  what  I 
said. 

Before  our  first  meeting  this  morning,  [my  mind]  was  led  to 
meditate  on  the  manifold  difficulties  of  these  Indians,  who  by 
permission  of  the  Six  Nations  dwell  in  these  parts,  and  a  Near 
Sympathy  with  them  was  raised  in  me,  And  my  Heart  being 
enlarged  in  the  Love  of  [Christ]  I  thought  that  the  Affectionate 
care  of  a  good  man  for  his  only  Brother  in  Affliction,  does 
not  exceed  what  I  then  felt  for  that  people. 

I  came  to  this  place  through  much  trouble,  &  though  through 

the  Mercies  of  God,  I  believed  that  if  I  died  in  the  Journey  it 

Would  be  well  with  me,  yet  the  thoughts  of  falling  into  the  hands 

of  [those]  Indian  warriors,  was  in  times  of  weakness  afflicting 

to  me.     And   being  of  a   Tender   Constitution   of   Body  the 

thoughts  of  captivity  amongst  them  was  at  times  grievous,  as 

'Supposing  that  they  being  strong  &  hardy  might  demand  service  of 

nie  beyound  what  I  could  well  bear ;  but  the  Lord  alone  was  my 

helper,  and  I  believed  if  I  went  into  captivity  it  would  be  for 

Some  good  end,  and  thus  from  time  to  time  my  mind  was  centered 

in  Resignation  in  which  I  always  found  quietness.    And  now  this 

day,  though  I  had  the  Same  Dangerous  Wilderness  between  me 

&  home,  was  inwardly  Joy  full  that  the  Lord  had  Strengthened 

me  to  come  on  this  Visit,  and  Manifested  a  Fatherly  care  over 

me  in  my  poor  lowly  condition,  when  in  mine  own  eyes  I  ap- 

pear'd  inferior  to  many  amongst  the  Indians. 

When  the  last  mentioned  meeting  was  ended  it  being  night, 
fPapoonal]"  went  to  Bed,  and  one  of  the  Interpreters  Seting 
by  me,  I  observed  [Papoonal]  Spoke  with  an  harmonious  voice 


262  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

I  suppose  a  nitnote  or  two  and  I  asking  the  Interpreter,  was  told 
that  he  was  Expressing  "his  Thaiikf ullness  to  God  for  the  favours 
he  had  received  that  day,  and  Prayed  that  he  would  continue  to 
favour  him  with  that  same  which  he  had  experienced  in  that 
meeting."  [That  though  Papoooall  had  before  agreed  to  receive 
the  Moravian,  and  to  join  with  them,  he  still  appeared  kind  & 
Loving  to  us. 

da  mo  da 

20:  6:  was  at  two  meetings,  &  Silent  in  [both].  21 :  This  morn- 
ing in  Meeting  my  heart  was  Enlarged  in  pure  love  amongst 
them,  and  in  Short  plain  Sentences  Expresst  several  things  that 
rested  upon  me;  which  one  of  the  Interpreters  gave  the  people 
pretty  readily  after  which  the  meeting  ended  in  Supplication,  and 
I  had  cause  humbly  to  acknowledge  the  Loving  kindness  of  the 
Lord  toward  us ;  And  then  I  believed  that  a  Door  remained  open 
for  the  Faithful!  disciples  of  Jesus  Christ  to  Labour  amongst 
these  people.^ 

I  feeling  my  mind  at  Liberty  to  return,  took  my  leave  of  them 
in  general  at  t!ie  Conclusion  of  what  I  said  in  meeting,  and  so 
we  prepared  to  go  homeward,  but  some  of  their  most  active 
men  told  us,  that  when  we  were  ready  to  move  the  people  would 
choose  to  come  &  shake  hands  with  us ;  which  those  who  usually 
came  to  meeting  [generally]  did,  &  from  a  secret  [draft]  in  my 
mind  I  went  amongst  some  who  did  not  use  to  go  to  meetings  & 
took  my  leave  of  them  allso,  and  the  Moravian  and  his  Indian 
Interpreter  appeared  respectful  to  us  at  parting.  This  Town 
stands  on  the  bank  of  Susquehannah  &  consists  I  believe  of 
about  forty  Houses  mostly  compact  together:  Some  about  thirty 
feet  long,  &  Eighteen  wide,  some  biger,  &  some  less,  mostly  built 
of  Split  plank,  one  end  set  in  the  ground  &  the  other  pined  to  a 
plate,  [and  then]  Rafters,  and  covered  with  Bark.  I  understand 
a  great  Flood  last  winter  overflowed  the  Chief  part  of  the  ground 
where  the  Town  Stands,  and  some  were  now  about  moveing  their 
Houses  to  higher  ground. 

»  MS.  A  has  a  mar^nal  note  br  Wooltnan.  "At  our  Yearly  Meeting  T767, 
Informatioo  waa  given  In  our  Meeting  of  Ministers  and  Elder*  that  Some  Indians 
far  back  bad  sent  a  Message  in  which  they  desired  that  some  of  the  Quaken 
would  come  and  pay  thrm  n  relijfionn  Visit.  .And  in  the  year  1771  n  mcseage 
came  to  the  governor  of  pensylv*  part  to  that  impon."  This  note  was  added 
when  the  final  copy  of  Ihe  Journal  was  made  in    1771,  by  John  Woolman. 


vm  1763  263 

We  Expected  only  two  Indians  to  be  our  Company,  but 
when  we  were  ready  to  go  we  found  many  of  them  were  going 
to  Bethlehem  with  Skins  and  Furs,  who  chose  to  go  in  company 
with  us:  So  they  loaded  two  Canows,  which  they  desired  us  to 
go  in,  telling  us  that  the  Waters  were  so  raised  with  the  Rains 
that  the  Horses  should  be  taken  by  Such  who  were  better 
Acquainted  with  the  fording  places.  So  we  with  several  Indians 
went  in  the  Canows,  and  others  went  on  Horses,  there  being 
Seven  besides  ours,  and  we  met  with  the  Horsemen  once  on  the 
way  by  Appointment,  and  then  near  night,  a  little  below  A  Branch 
called  Tankhannah*  we  lodged  there,  and  some  of  the  young 
men  going  out  a  little  before  dusk  -with  their  Guns  brought  in 
a  Deer. 

da  mo 

22.  6.  Through  diligence  we  reached  Wioming  before  Night, 
and  understood  the  Indians  were  mostly  gone  from  this  place; 
here  we  went  up  a  Small  Creek  into  the  woods  with  our  Canows, 
and  pitching  our  Tent,  carried  out  our  Baggage,  and  before  dark 
our  Horses  came  to  us. 

da  mo 

23:  6:  In  the  morning  their  Horses  were  loaded,  &  we  pre- 
pared our  Baggage  and  so  Set  forward  being  in  all  fourteen,  and 
with  diligent  Traveling  were  favoured  to  get  near  half  way  to 
Fort  Allen.  The  Land  on  this  Road  from  Wioming  to  Our 
Frontier  being  mostly  poor,  &  good  grass  Scarce,  they  chose  a 
piece  of  low  ground  to  lodge  on,  as  the  best  for  graseing;  and  I 
having  Swet  much  in  Traveling,  and  being  weary  Slept  sound. 
I  perceiv'd  in  the  Night  that  I  had  taken  cold ;  of  which  I  was 
favoured  to  get  better  soon. 

da  mo 

24 :  6 :  We  passed  fort  Allen,  &  lodged  near  it  in  the  woods  ; 
having  forded  the  westerly  branch^  of  Delaware  three  times, 
and  thereby  had  a  shorter  way,  &  mist  going  over  the  highest 
part  of  the  Blue  Mountains,  called  the  Second  Ridge.  In  the 
Second  time  fording  where  the  River  cuts  through  the  Mountain, 
the  waters  being  Rapid  and  pretty  deep.  And  my  companion's 
mare  being  a  tall  &  Tractable  Animal,  He  Sundry  times  drove 

'  Tnnkhannock. 
•Th«  Lehigh   River. 


264  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       ci 

her  back  through  the  River,  &  they  loaded  her  with  the  Burthens 
of  some  Small   Horses,   which  ihey   thought  not  Stifficient 
[venture]  through  with  their  Loads. 

The  Troubles  Westward  and  the  difficulty   for  Indians  to 
pass  through  our  Frontier,  I  apprehend  was  one  Reason  why  so 
many   came   as   Expecting   that   our   being   in   Company   w( 
prevent  the  outside  Inhabitants  from  being  Surprised. 

da  mo 

25:  6:  We  reached  Bethlehem  takeing  care  on  the  way 
keep  foremost,  and  to  Acquaint  people  on  &  near  tlie  Road  who 
these  Indians  were.  This  we  foimd  very  need  full  for  the  Fron- 
tier Inhabitants  were  often  alarmed  at  the  Report  of  English 
being  killed  by  Indians  Westward. 

Amongst  our  Company  were  Some  who  I  did  not  remember 
to  have  Seen  at  Meeting,  and  some  of  these  at  first  were  very 
reserved;  But  we  being  several  days  together,  and  behaving 
friendly  toward  them,  &  making  them  sutable  returns  for  the 
Services  they  did  us,  they  became  more  free  and  Sociable. 

da  mo     da 

26.  6.  &  I  of  the  week.     Having  carefully  endeavoured  to 
Settle  all  Affairs  with  the  Indians  relative  to  our  Journey,  wc 
took  leave  of  them  and  I  thought  they  generally  parted  with  us 
Affectionately.    So  we  geting  to  Richland  had  a  very  Comfortable 
Meeting  amongst  our  Friends:  here  I  parted  with  my  kind  [& 
Beloved]  Companion  Benjamin  Parvin,**  and  accompanied  by  my 
Friend  Samuel  Foulke  *'  we  rode  to  John  Cadwaladers,^*^  from 
whence  I  reached  home  the  Next  day,  where  I  found  my  Family 
midling  well,  and  they  &  my  Friends  all  along  appear'd  glad  to   . 
see  me  return  from  a  Journey  which  they  apprehended  Dangerous,   I 
but  my  mind  while  I  was  out,  had  been  Employed  in  Striving  for    ' 
a  perfect  Resignation ;  I  had  often  been  conlirmed  in  a  Belief  that   | 
whatever  the  Lord  might  be  pleased  to  allot  for  me  would  work 
for  good.     [And]   I  was  now  careful!  lest  I  should  admit  any 
degree  of  Selfishness  in  being  glad  overmuch;  And  Laboured  to 
Improve  by  those  Tryals  in  Such  a  maner  as  my  Gracious  Father 
ik  Protector  [may]  intend  for  me.  ^M 

Between  the  English  Inhabitants  and  Wahalowsing.  we  haV 
only  a  narrow  path,  which  in  many  places  is  much  grown  up  with 
Bushes,  and  Interrupted  by  abundance  of  Trees  lying  across  it; 


vm  1761  365 

which  together  with  the  Mountains,  Swamps,  and  rough  Stones, 
it  is  a  difficult  road  to  Travel,  and  the  more  so  for  that  Rattle- 
Snakes  abound  there,  of  which  we  killed  four.  That  people  who 
have  never  been  in  such  places,  have  but  an  Imperfect  Idea  of 
them.  But  I  was  not  only  taught  patience,  but  also  made  thankful 
to  God  who  thus  led  me  about  and  instructed  me,  that  I  might 
have  a  quick  and  lively  feeling  of  the  Afflictions  of  my  fellow- 
Creatures,  whose  Scituation  in  life  is  difficult. 


ous^ 


The  latter  part  of  Sumer  1763  there  came  a  man  to  MounthoUy, 
who  had  before  published  by  a  printed  Advertisement,  that  al 
a  certain  public  House,  he  would  [on  Such  a  Certain  Night,] 
show  many  wonderfull  Operations  which  he  therein  enumerated. 

This  man,  at  the  time  appointed,  did  by  Slight  of  hand, 
sundry  things ;  which,  to  those  gathered,  appeared  Strange.* 

The  next  day  I  hearing  of  it,  and  understanding  that  the 
Shew  was  to  be  continued  the  next  night,  and  the  people  to  meet 
about  sunset,  felt  an  exercise  on  that  account:  So  I  went  to  the 
Public  House  in  the  evening,  and  told  the  man  of  the  House 
that  I  had  an  Inclination  to  Spend  a  part  of  the  evening  th 
with  which  he  Signified  that  he  was  content.  Then  Seting  do 
[on  a  long  Seat]  by  the  Door,  I  spake  to  the  people  as  they 
came  together  concerning  this  Shew,  and  more  coming  and  seting 
down  with  us,  the  Seats  at  the  Door  were  mostly  filled,  and  I 
liad  conversation  with  them  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord,  and  Labour^i 
to  convince  them  that  thus  Assembling  to  see  those  Tricks  ^M 
Slights  of  hand,  &  bestowing  their  money  to  Support  men  who 
in  that  capacity  were  of  no  use  in  the  world,  was  Contrary 
the  Nature  of  Christian  Religion. 

There  was  one  of  the  Company  who  for  a  time  endeavoi 
by  Arguments  to  show  the  reasonableness  of  their  proceedi 
herein :  but  after  Considering  some  texts_of  Scripture,  and  calmly 
debateing  the  matter  he  gave  up  the  point.  So  I  having  spehf, 
I  believe,  about  an  hour  amongst  them,  &  feeling  my  mind  ea 
departed.'' 


wno 
ryto 

dinjH 


I 


*  MS.   A.     This  incident  Is  OTaitted   in   B. 

■  At  this  point  in  the  Journal»  MS.  A  is  inserted  the  E«say,  "A  Pica  for 
Poor,"  published  first  in  1793  with  its  title  altered  by  iu  Editors  to  "A  Wort!  of 
Remembrance  and  Csudon  to  the  Rich."  This  occupies  thirty-two  folio  page*, 
i.e.  pp.  148-180.  Pp.  181-186  contain  the  Essay,  "On  Schools."  and  pp.  186-194 
that  "On  Masters  and  Servants,"  They  arc  numbered  in  fifteen  "chapters,"  and 
appear  intended  for  ttie  Esaay^ 

366 


Saratoga  Street,  Nantucket.     Site  of 
"Big  Shop." 


Crosswicks,   N.   J.   Thomas   Middle- 
ton't   Smoke-house. 


n  ^y/ti  r,„/  ///// /ry       /y  ^  vj 


/' 


John    Woolman's  Memorandum  for   Nursery   Planting. 


IX 


1764 


267 


Notes  at  our  Yearly  Meeting  at  Philada.  in 
the  9  month  1764. 

John  Smith,"''  Chester  county,  aged  upwards  of  80  years,*  a 
Faitliful  Minister,  though  not  Eloquent,  in  our  meeting  of  min- 
isters and  elders  stood  up  on  the  25th,  &  appearing  to  be  under 
a  great  exercise  of  Spirit,  informed  Friends;  That  he  had  been  a 
member  of  the  society  upward  of  Sixty  years,  and  well  remem- 
bered that  in  those  early  times  Friends  were  a  plain  lowly  minded 
people  and  that  there  was  much  tenderness  and  Contrition  in 
their  meetings  &  That  at  the  end  of  twenty  years  from  that  time 
the  society  increasing  in  wealth  and  in  some  degree  conforming 
to  the  fashions  of  the  World,  true  Humility  decreased  and  their 
meetings  in  general  were  not  so  lively  and  Edifying  That  at  the 
end  of  Forty  years  many  of  the  Society  were  grown  rich,  that 
wearing  of  fine  costly  Garments  and  with  fashionahlc  furniture, 
silver  watches  became  customary  with  many  &  with  their  sons  and 
daughters.  And  as  these  things  prevailed  in  the  Society  & 
appeared  in  our  Meetings  of  Ministers  and  Elders;  so  the  power- 
ful overshado wings  of  the  Holy  Spirit  were  less  manifested 
amongst  us  That  there  had  been  an  increase  of  outward  great- 
ness till  now,  and  that  the  weakness  amongst  us  in  not  living  up 
to  our  principles  and  supporting  the  Testimony  of  Truth  in 
Faithfulness  was  matter  of  much  Sorrow. 

He  then  mentioned  the  uncertainty  of  his  Attending  the?e 
meetings  in  future,'  expecting  bis  dissolution  was  near.  And 
as  pious  parents,  finally  departing  from  their  Families,  express 
their  last  &  fervent  desires  for  their  good,  so  did  he  most 
Tenderly  Express  his  Concern  for  us;  And  signified  that  he  had 
seen  in  the  True  Light,  that  the  Lord  would  bring  forth  his 
people  from  that  worldly  spirit  into  which  too  many  had  degen- 
erated And  that  his  faithfull  Servants  must  go  through  great 
and  heavy  Exercises  before  this  work  was  brought  about. 

da.  mo, 

29 :  9 :  1 764.  The  Committee  appointed  by  the  Yearly  Meeting 
some  time  since  to  Visit  the  Quarterly  and  Monthly  Meetings, 

•Of  Marlborough.    P». 

•  A  footnote  of  Woolinan's  in  Ihe  MS.  read*  "It  waB  the  la»t  Yejirly  Meeting 
he  Attended."  These  "Notes"  L»ve  been  writtea  on  a  separate  abcet  and  stitched 
into  MS.  B  from  which  they  were  fairly  copied  into  MS.  A. 


268  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

now  made  report  in  writing  in  which  they  signifyed  that  in  the 
course  of  it  they  had  been  apprehensive  that  Some  Persons  *  .  .  . 


After  this  report  was  read  an  exercise  revived  on  my  mind 
which,  at  times  had  attended  me  several  years  and  inward  Cries 
to  the  Lord  were  raised  in  me,  that  the  fear  of  man  might  not 
hinder  me  from  doing  what  He  required  of  me ;  and  so  standing 
up  in  His  Dread,  I  spake  in  Substance  as  follows — I  have  felt 
a  Tenderness  in  my  mind  toward  persons  in  Two  Circumstances 
mentioned  in  that  report ;  that  is,  toward  such  active  members  who 
keep  Slaves,  and  them  who  are  in  those  offices  in  Government,  & 
have  desired  that  Friends  in  all  their  Conduct  may  be  kindly 
AflFectioned  one  toward  another;  Many  Friends  who  keep  Slaves 
are  under  some  exercise  on  that  account,  and  at  times  think 
about  trying  them  with  Freedom  but  find  many  things  in  their 
way:  and  the  [ manner |  of  Living,  and  annual  Expenses  of  some 
of  them  are  such  that  it  is  Impracticable  for  them  to  set  their 
Slaves  free  without  changing  their  own  way  of  life.  It  has  been 
my  Lot  to  be  often  abroad,  and  I  have  observed  in  some  places  at 
Quarterly  and  Yearly  Meetings,  and  at  some  [stages]  where 
Traveling  Friends  and  their  Horses  are  often  Entertained,  that 
the  yearly  expense  of  Individuals  therein  is  verry  considerable: 
and  Friends  in  some  places  crouding  much  on  persons  in  these 
circumstances  for  Entertainment,  hath  often  rested  as  a  Burden 
on  my  mind  for  some  years  past,  &  I  now  Express  it  in  the  fear 
of  the  Lord,  greatly  desiring  that  Friends  now  present  may  duly 
consider  it  [And  I  may  Here  add  what  then  Occurred  to  me, 
though  I  did  not  mention  it,  to  wit:  In  Fifty  pounds  are  four 
hundred  half  Crowns.  Ha  Slave  be  valued  at  Fifty  Pounds,  and 
I  with  my  Horse  put  his  Owner  to  half  a  Crown  Expence,  and 
I  with  many  others  for  a  Couple  of  Years  repeat  these  Expences 
four  hundred  times,  Without  any  Compensation,  then  on  a  fair 

>  The  blank  occurring  here  in  tfae  original  maDiucript  with  a  note  by  the 
aulbor.  "get  ye  Report,"  has  been  filled  in  by  the  editors  of  the  fir«t  edition  of 
1774.  who  have  evidentir  referred  to  the  committee*!  report.  Their  inaertioii 
hu  been  retained  by  all  aucceasive  editor*.  U  it  as  followi: — "bolditig  officea 
in  Government,  inconsistent  with  our  principles,  and  others  who  kept  slaves,  re- 
maining active  menibera  in  our  meeting!  of  dtadpline,  had  been  one  neftns  of 
weaikneaa  more  aod  more  prevailing   in   the  management   thereof   in   tome   phtcea.'* 


IX  1764  269 

Computation  this  Slave  may  be  Accounted  a  Slave  to  the  Publick, 
under  the  direction  of  the  man  he  calls  Master.]^ 
da  mo 

9.  10.  1764  having  hired  a  man  to  work,  I  perceived  in  con- 
versation that  he  had  been  a  Soldier  in  the  Late  war  on  this 
Continent ;  and  in  the  Evening  giving  a  Narrative  of  his  Captivity 
amongst  the  Indians,  he  informed  me  that  he  saw  two  of  his 
fellow  Captives  Tortured  to  Death,  [One  of  which  being  tied  to  a 
Tree  had  abundance  of  pine  Splinters  run  into  his  Body  and 
then  set  on  fire,  and  that  this  was  Continued  at  times  near  two 
Days  before  he  died.  That  they  opened  the  Belly  of  the  other 
&  fastened  a  part  of  his  Bowels  to  a  Tree,  and  then  Whip'd  the 
poor  Creature  till  by. his  runing  round  the  Tree  his  bowels  were 
drawn  out  of  his  Body.]  *  This  relation  affected  me  with  Sadness, 
under  which  I  went  to  Bed,  and  the  next  morning  soon  after  I 
awoke,  a  fresh  and  living  Sence  of  Divine  Love  was  Spread  over 
my  mind,  in  which  I  had  a  renewed  prospect  of  the  Nature  of 
that  Wisdom  from  above,  which  leads  to  a  right  use  of  all  gifts, 
both  Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and  gives  content  therein.  Under 
a  feeling  thereof,  I  wrote  as  follows : 

Hath  He  who  gave  me  a  Being  attended  with  many  wants 
unknown  to  Brute-Creatures,  given  me  a  Capacity  Superior  to 
theirs,  and  shown  me  that  a  moderate  application  to  business  is 
proper  to  my  present  condition,  and  that  this,  attended  with  His 
Blessing  may  supply  all  outward  wants,  while  they  remain  within 
the  bounds  He  hath  fixed,  and  no  Imaginary  wants  proceeding 
from  an  evil  Spirit,  have  any  place  in  me?  Attend  then  O  my 
soul!  to  this  pure  wisdom,  as  thy  Sure  conductor  through  the 
manifold  Dangers  in  this  world. 

Doth  pride  lead  to  Vanity?  Doth  Vanity  form  Imaginary 
wants?  Do  these  wants  prompt  men  to  Exert  their  power  in 
requiring  that  of  others,  which  themselves  would  rather  be  excused 
from,  were  the  same  required  of  them?  Do  those  proceedings 
beget  hard  thoughts?  Do  hard  thoughts,  when  ripe,  become 
malice?  Does  malice  when  ripe  become  revengeful  and  in  the 
end  Inflict  Terrible  pains  on  their  fellow-creatures,  and  spread 
desolations  in  the  world? 

>In   MS.   B.     In   all   cases,  early   editors  have   omitted  John   Woolman's   mathe- 
matical   proofs    or    calculations. 

*Thia  horrible  narration  occurs  in  MS.   B  as  well. 


270  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

Doth  mankind,  walking  in  uprightness,  delight  in  each  others 
happiness?  And  do  these  creatures,  capable  of  this  Attainment, 
by  giving  way  to  an  evil  Spirit,  Fmploy  their  wit  and  Strength  to 
Afflict  and  destroy  one  another?  Remember  then,  O  ray  soull 
the  Quietude  of  those  in  whom  Christ  Governs,  and  in  all  tiiy 
proceedings  feel  after  it. 

Doth  lie  condescend  to  Bless  thee  with  His  presence  ?  to  move 
and  influence  to  action?  To  dwell  in  thee,  and  walk  with  thee? 
Remember  then  thy  station  as  a  being  Sacred  to  God ;  accept  of 
the  Strength  freely  offered  thee,  and  take  heed  that  no  weakness, 
in  Conforming  to  Expensive,  Unwise,  and  Hard-hearted  customs, 
gendring  to  discord  &  Strife,  be  given  way  to.  [Doth  he  claim 
my  body  as  his  temple,  and  graciously  grant  that  I  may  be  sacred 
to  him?  Oh!  that  I  may  prize  this  favour,  and  that  my  whole 
life  may  be  conformable  to  this  character.]  * 

Remember,  O  my  sool  \  that  the  Prince  of  Peace  is  thy  Lord : 
that  he  communicates  his  pure  wisdom  to  His  family.  That  they, 
living  in  perfect  Simplicity,  may  give  no  just  cause  of  offence  to 
any  Creature,  but  may  walk  as  he  walked. 

Having  felt  an  Openness  in  my  heart  toward  Visiting  F; 
lies  in  our  own  meeting,  &  Especially  in  the  town  of  Mountholly 
the  place  of  ray  abode,  I  mentioned  it  in  our  Monthly  Meeting 
the  fore  part  of  the  winter,  1764,  which  being  agreed  to  and 
Several  Friends  of  our  own  Meeting  being  united  in  the  Exer- 
cise, we  proceeded  therein,  and  through  Divine  Favour  were 
helped  in  the  work,  so  that  it  appeared  to  me  as  a  fresh  reviving 
of  Godly  care  amongst  friends.  And  the  latter  part  of  the  same 
winter  I  joyned  my  Friend  William  Jones,  ^*'*  in  a  Visit  to 
Friends  families  in  Mansfield  in  which  Labour  I  had  cause  to 
Admire  the  Goodness  of  the  Lord  towards  [his  poor  Creatures.] 

Having  felt  my  mind  drawn  toward  a  Visit  to  Friends  along  the 
Sea  Coast  from  Cape  may  to  near  Squan.  and  allso  to  Visit 
some  people  in  those  parts  amongst  whom  there  is  no  Setled 
worship,  I  joyned  with  my  beloved  Friend  Benjamin  Jones  •"  in 

da  mo 
a  visit  there,  having  Friends  unity  therein  and  Seting  of  24:  10: 
1765,  had  a  prosperous  and  verry  Satisfactory  Journey,  feeling^ 

*  MS.  A.  p.    198.      Thii  »entence  ii  Riven   in   the  first  edition,  but  in   many   Utef 
litiona  ii  omitted.     It  is  not  in  US.  A,  but  in  B. 


r 


TX 


1766 


271 


L 


at  times,*  through  the  goodness  of  the  Heavenly  Shepherd,  the 
gospel  to  flow  freely  toward  a  poor  people  Scattered  in  those 
places,  and  soon  after  our  return  I  joyned  my  Friends,  John 
Sleeper"  and  Elizabeth  Smith  ^*  in  visiting  Friends'  families 
at  [the  Citty  of]  Burlington  there  being  at  this  time  about  50 
Families  of  our  Societ}'  in  that  Citty,  and  we  had  cause  Humbly  to 
Adore  our  Heavenly  Father  who  Baptized  us  into  a  feeling  of 
the  [Conditions]  of  the  people  and  Strengthened  us  To  labour 
in  true  Gospel  Love  amongst  them.  And  near  the  same  time  my 
Friend  John  Sleeper'*  and  I  performed  a  visit  to  Friends  Fami- 
lies belonging  to  Ancocas  meeting,  in  which  I  found  true  Sat- 
isfaction. 

An  Exercise  having  at  times  for  several  years  attended  me  in 
regard  to  paying  a  religious  Visit  to  Friends  on  the  Eastern  Shore 
of  Maryland  Such  was  the  nature  of  this  Exercise  that  T  believed 
tlie  Lord  [called]  me  to  Travul  on  foot  ^  amongst  them,  that  by  so 
Traveling  I  might  have  a  more  lively  feeling  of  the  Condition  of 
the  Oppressed  Slaves.  Set  an  example  of  lowliness  before  the 
Eyes  of  their  Masters,  and  be  more  out  of  tlie  way  of  Temptation 
to  unprofitable  familiarities  &  be  less  expence  mongst  them. 

The  time  now  drawing  near  in  which  I  believed  it  my  duty  to 
lay  my  Concern  before  onr  monthly  meeting,  I  perceived  in 
conversation  with  my  Beloved  Friend  John  Sleeper  ■*  that  he 
was  under  a  Concern  to  Travel  the  same  way,  and  allso  to  Travel 
on  foot  in  the  form  of  a  servant  amongst  them,  as  he  Expresst 
it :  This  he  told  me  before  he  knew  Aught  of  my  exercise. 

We  being  thus  drawn  the  same  way.  laid  our  Exercise  and 
the  nature  of  it  before  Friends  and  obtained  Certificates  we  set 

da  mo 
off  the  6:5:  1766,  and  were  at  Meetings  with  Friends  at  Wilming- 
ton, Duck  Creek,  Little  Creek  &  Motherkills,  my  heart  [being] 
sundry  times  tendered  under  the  Divine  Influence  and  Enlarged 
in  Love  toward  the  people  amongst  whom  we  Traveled.  From 
Motherkills  we  crossed  the  Country  about  thirty-five  miles  to 
Friends  at  Tuckahoe  in  Mar>land.  and  had  a  meeting  there,  and 
also  at  Marshey  Creek.     At  these  our  three  last  meetings  were 

*  "We  were  out  about  two  weeks"  hat  been  crocsed  out  by  Jobo  Woolfnan. 
■After    this    date— 1;66— all    of    John    Woolmao**    distant    iravcla    appear    to    have 
been   on   foot.      He  kept  and   used   hortea  for  himaelf  at   home. 


272  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

a  considerable  number  of  people,  followers  of  one  Joscpli 
Nichols,**  a  Preacher,  who  I  understand  is  not  in  outward  Fel- 
lowship with  any  Religious  Society  of  People,  but  professctii 
nearly  the  same  principles  as  our  Society  doth,  and  often  travels 
up  and  down,  appointing  meetings,  to  which  many  people  come. 
I  heard  some  Friends  speaking  of  some  of  their  neighbors  who 
had  been  Irreligious  people  that  were  now  his  followers,  and 
were  become  Sober  well-behaved  men  and  Women. 

Some  irregularities  1  hear  have  been  amongst  the  people  at 
Several  of  his  Meetings,  but  from  the  whole  of  what  I  have 
[heard]  I  believe  the  man  &  some  of  his  followers  arc  honestly 
disposed,  but  [believe]  Skilful  Fathers  arc  wanting  amongst 
them. 

From  hence  we  went  to  Oioptank  and  Third  Haven,  &.  thence 
to  Queen  Anns.  The  weather  having  some  Days  past  been  Hot 
and  dry,  &  we  to  attend  meetings  [according]  to  appointment,  & 
Travelled  pretty  steadily,  and  had  hard  Labour  in  meetings,  I 
grew  weakly,  at  which  I  was  for  a  time  discouraged :  but  looking 
over  our  Journey,  and  thinking  how  the  Lord  had  supported  our 
minds  and  Bodies,  so  that  we  got  forward  much  faster  than 
I  expected  before  we  came  out;  I  now  saw  that  I  had  been  in 
danger  of  too  strongly  desiring  to  get  soon  through  the  journey, 
and  tliat  this  Bodily  weakness  now  attending  mc  was  a  kindness 
from  Above.  And  then  in  Contrition  of  Spirit  I  became  very 
thankful  to  my  Gracious  Father  for  this  manifestation  of  his 
Love,  and  in  humble  Submfssion  to  His  Will  my  Trust  was 
renewed  in  Him, 

In  this  part  of  our  journey,  I  had  many  thoughts  on  the  diflFer- 
cnt  circumstances  of  Friends  who  Inhabit  Pennsylvania  and  Jersey, 
from  those  who  dwell  in  Maryland,  Virginea,  &  Carolina.  Penn- 
sylvania and  New  Jersey  were  setled  by  many  Friends  who  were 
convinced  of  our  Principles  in  England  in  times  of  Suffering, 
and  coming  over  bought  Lands  of  the  Natives,  and  applied  them- 
selves to  husbandry  in  a  peaceable  way,  and  many  of  their  Chil- 
dren were  taught  to  Labour  for  tlieir  living.  Few  Friends  I 
believe  came  from  England  to  settle  in  any  of  these  Southern 
Provinces;  but  by  the  faithful  Labours  of  Traveling  Friends  in 
early  times,  there  was  considerable  convincements  amongst  the 
Inhabitants  of  these  parts.     Here  I  remembered  reading  of  the 


IX 


1766 


273 


warlike  disposition  of  many  of  the  first  setters  in  those  provinces, 
and  of  their  numerous  Engagements  witli  the  Natives,  in  which 
much  Blood  was  Shed,  even  in  the  Infancy  of  those  Colonies. 
These  people  inhabiting  those  places,  being  grounded  in  Customs 
contrary  to  the  pure  Truth;  when  some  of  them  were  Affected 
with  the  powerful  preaching  of  the  word  of  Life,  and  Joyned  in 
fellowship  with  our  Society  they  had  a  great  work  to  go  through. 

It  is  observable  in  the  History  of  the  Reformation  from 
Popery,  that  it  had  a  gradual  progress  from  age  to  age.  The 
uprightness  of  the  first  Reformers  to  the  Light  and  understanding 
given  them,  [tended  to]  open  the  way  for  sincere-hearted  people 
to  proceed  further  afterward,  and  thus  each  one  truly  fearing 
God,  and  Labouring  in  those  works  of  Righteousness  appointed 
for  them  in  their  Day.  find  acceptance  with  him.  f  And|  though 
through  the  darkness  of  the  times,  and  the  Corruption  of  manners 
and  Customs,  some  upright  men  may  have  had  little  more  for 
their  Days  work  than  to  attend  to  the  Rightous  principle  in  their 
[own]  minds,  as  it  related  to  their  own  conduct  in  life,  without 
pointing  out  to  others  the  whole  extent  of  that  which  the  same 
principle  would  lead  succeeding  ages  into.  Thus  for  instance 
amongst  an  Imperious  warlike  people  supported  by  oppressed 
Slaves,  some  of  these  masters  I  suppose  are  awakened  to  feel 
and  see  their  error,  and  through  sincere  repentance  ceace  from 
oppression,  and  become  like  Fathers  to  their  Servants,  Shewing 
by  their  example  a  pattern  of  Humility  in  living,  and  moderation 
in  Governing,  for  the  Instruction  and  Admonition  of  their  oppres- 
sing neighbours.  Those,  without  carrying  the  Reformation 
further.  I  believe  have  found  acceptance  with  the  Lord.  Such 
was  the  beginning,  and  those  who  succeeded  them,  and  have 
faithfully  attended  to  the  Nature  and  Spirit  of  the  Reformation, 
have  seen  the  necessity  of  proceeding  forward,  and  not  only  to 
Instruct  others  by  their  example  in  governing  well,  but  allso 
to  use  means  to  prevent  their  Successors  from  having  so  much 
power  to  oppress  others. 

Here  I  was  renewedly  confirmed  in  my  mind,  that  the  Lord 
whose  tender  mercies  are  over  all  His  works,  and  whose  Ear 
is  open  to  the  Cries  and  Groans  of  the  oppressed  is  Graciously 
moving  on  the  Hearts  of  people  to  draw  them  of  from  the  desire 
of  wealth,  and  bring  them  into  such  a  Humble  lowly  way  of 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

living  that  they  may  see  their  way  dearly  to  repair  to  the  standard 
of  true  Righteousness,  and  not  only  break  the  Yoke  of  Oppres- 
sion, hut  know  him  to  be  their  Strength  and  Support  in  a  time 
of  outward  affiiction. 

We  passing  on  crossed  Chester  river,  &  had  a  meeting  there, 
and  at  Cecil  and  Sassafras,  Through  my  bodily  weakness  joyned 
with  a  heavy  exercise  of  mind  it  was  to  me  a  humbling  dispensa- 
tion, and  I  had  a  very  lively  feeling  of  the  state  of  the  oppressed: 
yet  I  often  thought  that  what  I  suffered  was  little,  compared  with 
the  sufferings  of  the  Blessed  Jesus,  and  many  of  his  Faithful 
followers,  and  may  say  with  thankfulness  I  was  made  content 
[under  them.] 

From   Sassafras  we  went  pretty  directly   home,   where  wc 
found   our  Families   well.     And    for   several   weeks   after 
return  I  had  often  to  look  over  our  Journey  and  though  to 
it  appeared  as  a  Small  service,  and  that  some  Faithful  Messengers 
will  yet  have  more  bitter  cups  to  drink  in  those  Southern  Pr 
inces  for  Christs  sake  than  we  had,  yet  I  found  peace  in  that 
had  been  helped  to  walk  in  Sincerity  according  to  the  undej^j 
standing  and  Strength  given  me.  ^M 

da  mo 

13:11:  1766,  with  the  Unity  of  Friends  of  our  monthly  meet- 
ing, &  in  company  with  my  beloved  Friend  Benjamin  Jones  ••  I 
set  out  on  a  Visit  to  Friends  in  the  Uper  part  of  this  Province,* 
having  had  drawings  of  Love  in  my  heart  that  way  a  considerable 
time.  We  traveled  as  far  as  Hardwick  and  I  had  inward  peace 
in  my  Labours  of  Love  amongst  them. 

Through  the  humbling  Dispensations  of  Divine  Providence, 
my  mind  hath  been  brought  into  a  further  feeling  of  the  Difficul- 
ties of  Friends  and  their  Servants  South  westward  and  being 
often  engaged  in  Spirit  on  their  account,  I  believ*d  it  my  duty 
to  walk  into  some  parts  of  the  Western  Shore  of  Maryland,  on 
a  Religious  Visit  And  having  obtained  a  certificate  from  Friends 
of  our  monthly  meeting.  I  took  leave  of  my  Family  under  il 

da  mo 
heart-tendering  operation  of  Truth,  and  on  the  20:  4:  1767  Roi 
to  the  Ferry  -  Opposite  to   Philad*^  and   from  thence  walked 

*  New   Jersey. 

•Thi«   was   the    ferry    at   Kalgbn's   Point,    now    Camden*    N.   J. 


3de 


r 


IX 


1767 


275 


William  Homes  '^  at  Derby  that  Evening  and  So  pursued  my 
Journey  alone,  and  fell  in  at  Concord  week-day  meeting. 

Discouragements  &  a  weight  of  distress  had,  at  times,  attended 
me  in  this  lonesome  walk ;  through  which  Afllictions,  I  was 
mercifully  preserved :  &  now  Seting  down  with  Friends  my  mind 
was  turned  toward  the  Lord,  to  wait  for  his  Holy  leadings,  who 
in  infinite  Love  was  pleased  to  soften  my  Heart  into  humble  con- 
trition, and  did  renewedty  Strengthen  me  to  go  forward :  that  to 
me  it  was  a  time  of  Heavenly  Refreshment  in  a  Silent  meeting. 

The  next  day  I  [fell  in  at]  New  Garden  Week  day  meeting, 
in  which  I  sat  with  bowedness  of  Spirit,  and  being  Baptized  into 
a  feeling  of  the  State  of  Some  present  the  Lord  gave  us  a  heart- 
tendering  Season,  to  his  name  he  the  praise.  I  passed  on,  and 
was  at  Nottingham  Monthly  Meeting,  and  at  a  meeting  at  Little 
Brittain  on  first  Day,  and  in  the  afternoon  several  Friends  came 
to  the  House  where  I  Lodged  and  we  had  a  little  afternoon  meet- 
ing, and  through  the  humWeing  power  of  Truth,  I  had  to  adinire 
the  Loveing  kindness  of  the  Lord  manifested  to  us. 

da  mo 

26.  4.  1767  I  crossed  Susquehannah,  and  comeing  amongst 
people  who  lived  in  outward  ease  and  greatness  chiefly  on  the 
Labour  of  .  .  .  Slaves  my  Heart  was  much  affected,  and  in 
Awful  reti redness  my  mind  was  gathered  inward  to  the  Lord, 
being  humbly  engaged  that  in  true  Resignation  I  might  receive 
Instruction  from  Him  respecting  my  Duty  amongst  this  people. 

Though  traveling  on  foot  was  wearisome  to  my  Body,  [I 
being  at  best  but  weakly,]  yet  thus  traveling  was  agreeable  to 
the  state  of  my  mind.  I  went  gently  on,  being  .  .  .  weakly  and 
was  covered  with  Sorrow  and  heaviness  on  account  of  tlie 
Spreading  prevailing  Spirit  of  this  world  introduceing  Customs 
grievous  &  oppressive  on  one  HamI,  and  Cherishing  pride  and 
wantonness  on  the  other.  In  this  lonely  walk  and  State  of  Abase- 
ment and  Himiiliatifin.  the  State  of  the  Church  in  these  parts  was 
opened  before  me.  and  I  may  truly  say  with  the  Prophet,  "I  was 
bowed  down  at  t!ie  hearing  of  it;  I  was  dismayed  at  the  Seeing 
of  it." 

Under  this  exercise  I  attended  the  Quarterly  erecting  at  Gun- 
powder,  and  in  Bowedness  of  Spirit  I  had  to  Open  with  much 
plainness  what  I  felt  respecting  Friends  living  in  fullness  on  the 


276  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

Labours  of  the  poor  oppressed  Negroes,  And  that  promise  of 
the  Most  High  was  now  revived  "I  will  gatlier  all  nations  and 
Tongues,  and  they  shall  come  and  see  my  Glory."  Here  the 
Suflferiogs  of  Christ,  and  his  taisting  Death  for  every  man.  And 
the  Travels,  Sufferings  and  Marturdonis  of  the  Apostles  and 
primitive  Christians,  in  Labouring  for  the  Conversion  of  the 
Gentiles,  was  liveingly  revived  in  me:  And  according  to  the 
Measure  of  Strength  afforded  I  laboured  in  some  tenderness  of 
Spirit,  being  deeply  affected  amongst  them.  And  thus  the  present 
treatment  which  these  Gentiles,  the  Negroes,  receive  at  our 
hands  [being  set  side  by  side  with]  the  Labours  of  the  primitive 
Christians  for  the  Conversion  of  the  Gentiles,  [things  were 
pressed]  home,  and  the  power  of  Truth  came  over  us  under  the 
feeling  of  which  my  mind  was  united  to  a  Tender-hearted  people 
in  those  parts,  and  the  Meeting  concluded  in  a  Sence  of  Gods 
goodness  toward  his  Hunibk  dependant  (."hiklren. 

The  next  day  was  a  general  Meeting  for  worship,  much 
crouded  in  which  I  was  deeply  engagecj  in  Inward  Cries  to  the 
Lord  for  help,  that  I  might  stand  wholly  resigned,  &  move  only 
as  he  might  be  pleased  to  lead  me,  and  I  was  mercifully  helped 
to  labour  honestly  &  fervently  amongst  them,  in  wbicli  I  found 
inward  peace,  and  the  Sincere  hearted  were  comforted. 

From  hence  I  turned  toward  Pipe  Creek,  and  passed  on  to 
Red  Lands,  and  had  several  meetings  amongst  Friends  [on  the 
West  side  of  Susquehannah.]  My  Heart  was  often  tenderly 
affected  under  a  sence  of  the  Lords  Goodness  ...  in  Sanctify- 
ing my  Troubles  &  Exercises,  turning  them  to  my  comfort,  and 
I  believe  to  the  benefit  of  many  others,  For  I  may  say  with  thank- 
fulness that  in  this  Visit  it  appeared  like  a  fresh  Tendering  Visita- 
tion in  most  places.  I  past  on  to  the  Western  Quarterly  Meeting 
in  pensylvania.  Dureing  the  several  days  of  this  Meeting,  I  was 
mercifully  preserved  in  an  inward  feeling  after  the  Mind  of 
Truthj  and  my  public  Labours  .  .  .  tended  to  my  [own]  Humilia- 
tion with  which  I  was  content,  and  after  the  Quarterly  meeting 
of  Worship  ended,  I  felt  drawings  to  go  to  the  Women's  meeting 
of  business  which  was  very  full.  And  here  the  Humility  of  Jesus 
Christmas  a  pattern  for  us  to  walk  by,  was  liveingly  opened  before 
me,  and  in  treating  on  it,  my  Heart  was  Enlarged,  and  it  was  a 
Baptizeing  time.     From  thence  1  wont  on,  and  was  at  Meetings 


X  1767  ^77 

It  Concord,  Middletown,  Providence,  &  Haddonfield  and  so  home, 
where  I  found  my  Family  well.    A  Sence  of  the  Lords  Merciful 
preservation  in  this  my  Journey  incite  Reverent  Thankfulness  to 
Him, 
da  mo 

2.  9.  1767  with  the  Unity  of  Friends,  I  set  off  on  a  Visit  to 
Friends  in  the  uper  part  of  Berks  [County]  and  Philadelphia 
County^  was  at '11  Meetings  in  about  two  weeks,  and  have  renewed 
cause  to  bow  in  Reverence  before  the  Lord,  who  by  the  powerful 
Extendings  of  his  humbling  goodness  opened  my  way  amongst 
Friends,  and  made  the  meetings  I  trust  profitable  to  many  of  us. 
The  winter  following  I  joyned  Friends  on  a  visit  to  Friends  Fami- 
lies, in  some  part  of  our  meeting,  in  which  exercise  the  pure 
influence  of  Divine  Love  made  our  visits  [many  times]  reviving, 
da  mo 
On  the  5.  5.  1768  I  left  home  under  the  Humbling  Hand 
of  the  Lord,  having  obtained  a  Certificate,  in  order  to  Visit  some 
Meetings  in  Maryland.    And  to  proceed  without  a  Horse  looked 
clearest  to  me.     I  was  at  Quarterly  meetings  of  Philada.  and 
Concord  and  then  went  on  to  Chester  river,  &  crossing  the  Bay 
with  Friends,  was  at  the  Yearly  Meeting  at  West  River:  thence 
back  to  Chester  river  and  takeing  a  few  meetings  in  my  way  I 

da  mo 
proceeded  home  [which  I  reached  10:  6:  1768.]  It  was  a 
Journey  of  much  inward  waiting,  and  as  my  Eye  was  to  the 
Lord,  way  was  several  times  opened  to  my  humbling  admira- 
tion, when  things  had  appeared  very  difficult.  I  on  my 
return  I  felt  a  relief  of  Mind  very  comfortable  to  me,  having 
through  [the  help  of  my  Heavenly  Father,  been  strengthened  to] 
labour  in  much  plainness  [of  Speech,]  both  with  Friends  Selected, 
and  in  the  more  publick  Meetings;  so  that  I  trust  the  pure  wit- 
ness in  many  Minds  was  reached, 
da  mo 

II :  6:  1769.  Sundry  cases  have  happened  of  late  years,  within 
the  limits  of  our  monthly  meeting  respecting  that  of  exercising 
pure  Righteousness  toward  the  Negroes,  in  which  I  have  lived 
under  a  labour  of  heart  that  Equity  might  be  Steadily  kept  to 
• .  .  :  on  this  account  I  had  had  some  close  exercises  amongst 
friends,  in  which  I  may  thankfully  say  I  find  peace,  and  as  my 


278  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

meditations  have  been  much  on  Universal  love,  ray  own  conduct 
in  time  past  became  of  late  ver>'  grievous  to  me.  ...  As  persons 
seting  Negroes  free  in  our  province,  are  bound  by  Law  to  main- 
tain them  in  case  they  have  need  of  relief,  some  who  scrupled 
keeping  Slaves  term  of  life,  in  the  time  of  my  youth,  were  wont 
to  detain  their  young  Negroes  in  their  Service  till  thirty  years 
of  age,  witfiout  wages  on  that  accoimt,  and  with  this  custom  I  so 
far  agreed,  that  I  [as  companion]  to  another  Friend  in  executing 
the  will  of  a  deceased  Friend,  once  sold  a  negro  lad  till  he  might 
attain  the  age  of  Thirty  years,  and  applied  the  money  to  the 
use  of  the  Estate. 

With  abasement  of  heart  I  may  now  say,  that  sometimes  as 
I  have  sat  in  a  meeting  with  my  heart  exercised  toward  that 
awful  Being  who  respecteth  not  persons  nor  colours,  &  have 
looked  on  this  negro  lad,  I've  felt  that  all  was  not  clear  in  my 
mind  respecting  him:  and  as  I  have  attended  to  this  exercise, 
and  fervently  sought  the  Lord,  it  hath  appeared  to  me  that  I 
should  make  some  restitution,  but  in  what  way  I  saw  not  till 
lately,  when  being  under  some  concern  that  I  might  be  resigned 
to  go  on  a  visit  to  some  part  of  the  West  Indians,  .  .  .  and  was 
under  a  close  engagement  of  spirit,  seeking  to  the  Lord  for 
counsil  that  of  joyning  in  the  sale  aforesaid  came  heavily  upon  me, 
and  my  mind  for  a  time  was  covered  with  darkness  and  Sorrow, 
and  under  this  sore  affliction  my  heart  was  softened  to  receive 
instruction,  and  here  I  first  saw,  that  as  I  had  been  one  of  tlie 
two  Executors  who  had  sold  this  [negro]  for  nine  years  longer 
than  is  common  for  our  own  Children  to  serve,  so  I  should  now 
offer  a  part  of  my  Substance  to  redeem  the  last  half  of  that  nine 
years :  but  as  the  time  was  not  yet  come  I  executed  a  Bond  binding 
me  and  my  executors  to  pay  to  the  man  he  was  sold  to,  what  to 
candid  men  might  appear  equitable,  for  the  last  four  years  and  a 
half  of  his  time,  in  case  the  said  youth  should  be  living,  and  in  a 
condition  likely  to  provide  comfortably  for  himself.' 

da  mo 

[9:  10:  1769.  My  heart  hath  often  been  deeply  affected  under 
a  feeling  I  have  had  that  the  standard  of  Pure  Righteousness  is 
not  lifted  up  lo  the  people  by  us  as  a  Society  in  that  clearness 
which  it  might  have  been,  had  we  been  so  faithful  to  the  teachings 

'  Nothing  appcart  on  the  book*  as  to  tkta  tnuuvctioii. 


IX  1769  279 

of  Christ  as  we  ought  to  have  been,  and  as  my  mind  hath  been 
inward  to  the  Lord,  the  purity  of  Christs  Government  hath  been 
opened  in  my  understanding,  and  under  this  Exercise,  that  of 
Friends  being  active  in  civil  society,  in  putting  Laws  in  force 
which  are  not  agreeable  to  the  purity  of  Righteousness,  hath  for 
several  years  past  been  an  increasing  burden  upon  me,  having 
felt,  in  the  openings  of  Universal  Love,  that  where  a  people, 
convinced  of  the  truth  of  the  inward  tieachings  of  Christ,  are 
active  in  puting  Laws  in  Execution  which  are  not  consistent  with 
pure  wisdom,  it  hath  a  necessary  tendency  to  bring  dimness  over 
their  minds,  and  as  my  heart  hath  been  thus  exercised,  and  a 
tender  sympathy  in  me  toward  my  fellow  members,  I  have,  within 
a  few  months  past,  in  several  meetings  for  discipline,  expressed 
my  concern  on  this  Subject.]  * 

*  This  paragraph  does  not  appear  in  MS.  B. 


CHAPTER  X  ^ 
1770 

da  mo 

12.  3.  1770.  having  for  some  years  past  dieted  myself  on 
account  of  a  lump  gathering  on  my  Nose,  and  under  this  diet 
grew  weak  in  body,  and  not  of  ability  to  travel  by  Land  as  before; 
I  was  at  times  favoured  to  Look  with  awfulness  toward  the 
Lord,  before  whom  are  all  my  ways,  who  alone  hath  the  power  of 
Life  and  Death,  and  to  feel  thankfulness  [incited]  in  me  [toward 
Him]  for  this  his  Fatherly  chastisement,  believing  if  I  was  truly 
humbled  under  it  all  would  work  for  good. 

While  I  was  under  this  bodily  weakness,  my  mind  being  at 
times  exercised  for  the  good  of  my  fellow-creatures  in  the  West 
indies,  I  grew  jealous  over  myself,  lest  the  disagpreeableness  of 
the  prospect  should  hinder  me  from  obediently  attending  thereto; 
for  though  I  knew  not  that  the  Lord  required  me  to  go  there, 
yet  I  believed  that  resignation  was  now  called  for  in  that  respect: 
and  feeling  a  danger  of  not  being  wholly  devoted  to  him,  I  was 
frequently  engaged  to  watch  unto  prayer,  that  I  might  be  pre- 
served ;  and  upwards  of  a  year  having  passed,  I  walked  one  day 
in  a  Solitary  wood,  my  mind  being  covered  with  awfulness ;  cries 
were  raised  in  me  to  my  Merciful  Father,  that  he  would  graciously 
keep  me  in  faithfulness,  and  it  then  settled  on  my  mind  as  a  duty, 
to  open  my  condition  to  Friends  at  our  monthly  meeting;  which 
I  did  soon  after,  as  follows : 

"An  exercise  hath  attended  me  for  some  time  past,  and  of 
late  been  more  weighty  upon  me,  under  which  I  believe  it  is 
required  of  me  to  be  resigned  to  go  on  a  visit  to  some  part  of 
the  West  Indies,"  and  in  the  quarterly  and  general  spring  meet- 
ing, found  no  clearness  to  express  any  thing  further,  than  that  I 
believed  resignation   herein   was  required  of  me;  and   having 

*  From    this    point,    with    a    new    pen,    the    handwriting    improrea.      TImt*   are 
alao   fewer   capitals  employed. 

280 


obtained  Ccrtincates  trom  all  said  Meetings,  I  felt  like  a  sojourner 

at  my  outward  habitation,  kept  free  from  worldly  encumbrance, 
and  was  often  bowed  in  Spirit  before  the  Lord,  with  inward 
breathings  to  him  that  1  might  be  rightly  directed. 

And  I  may  here  note,  that  being,  when  young,  joyned  as 
Executor  with  another  friend  (we  two]  in  executing  the  will  of 
the  deceased  sold  a  Negro  lad  till  he  might  attain  the  age  of 
Thirty  [on  which  account  I  had  now]  great  sorrow  [as  before 
related.]^  And  having  settled  matters  relating  to  this  youth,  i 
[soon  after]  provided  a  sea  store  and  Bed,  and  things  filing  for 
a  voyage;  and  hearing  of  a  vessel  likely  to  sail  from  Philadelphia 
for  Barbadoes,  I  spake  with  one  of  the  owners  *  at  Burlington,  & 
soon  after  went  on  purpose  to  Philadelphia  to  speak  with  him 
again,  at  which  time  he  told  me  there  was  a  Friend  in  town  who 
was  part  owner  of  the  said  vessel,  but  I  felt  no  inchnation  at 
that  time  to  speak  with  him,  but  ret^inicd  home,  and  a  while  after 
I  took  leave  of  my  family,  and  [going]  to  Philadelphia,  had  some 
weighty  conversation  with  the  first  mentioned  owner,  and  shewed 
hira  a  writeing,  as  follows: 

da  mo 

25.  II.  1769.  "As  an  exercise  with  respect  to  a  \nsit  to 
"Barbadoes  hath  been  weighty  on  my  mind,  I  may  express  some 
"of  the  tryals  which  have  attended  me :  under  these  tryals  I  ha\'e 
"at  times  rejoiced,  in  that  1  have  my  own  self  will  subjected. 

"I  once  some  years  ago  retailed  Rum,  Sugar,  and  Molasses, 
"the  fruits  of  the  labour  of  Slaves  but  then  had  not  much  concern 
"about  them,  save  only  that  the  Rum  might  be  used  in  moderation ; 
"nor  was  this  concern  so  weightily  attended  to,  as  I  now  believe 
"it  ought  to  have  been ;  but  of  late  years,  being  further  informed 
"respecting  the  oppressions  too  generally  exercised  in  These 
"Islands,  and  thinking  often  on  the  degrees  that  are  in  connexions 
"of  Interest  and  fellowship  with  the  works  of  darkness,  Ephes. 
"V.  i\t_arid  feeling  an  increasing  concern  to  be  wholly  given  up 
"ta^the  leadings  of  the  holy  Spirit,  it  hath  appeared  that  the  small 
"gain  I  got  by  this  branch  of  Trade  should  be  applied  in  promot- 
**ing  Righteousness  on  the  Earth,  and  near  the  first  motion 
'feward  a  Visit  to  Barbadoes,  I  believed  the  outward  Substance 

*  See  above,  p.    ajS. 

*Jobo    SmitJi,   of   Burlkigton   and   Philadelphia.     See   Appendix,    (is). 


282 


4 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chaf. 


"I  possess  should  be  applied  in  paying  my  passage  if  I  go,  and 
"providing  things  in  a  lowly  way  for  my  subsistence;  but  when 
"the  time  drew  near,  in  which  I  believed  it  required  of  me  to  be 
"in  readiness,  a  difliculty  arose  which  hath  been  a  continued  tryal 
"for  some  months  past,  under  which  I  have  with  abasement  of 
"mind,  from  day  to  day  sought  the  Lord  for  instruction,  and 
"often  had  a  feeling  of  the  condition  of  one  formerly,  who 
"bewailed  himself  for  that  the  Lord  hid  his  face  from  him. 
"During  these  exercises  my  heart  hath  been  often  contrite,  ai^^ 
*'I  have  had  a  tender  feeling  of  the  Temptations  of  my  fella^H 
"creatures,  labouring  under  those  expensive  customs  distinguish^ 
"able  from  the  simplicity  that  tliere  is  in  Christ,  2  Co.  ii.  3,  and 
''sometimes  in  the  rene wings  of  gospel  Love  have  been  helped  to 
"minister  to  others.  ^H 

"That  which  hath  so  closely  engaged  my  mind  in  seeking  t^^ 
"the  Lord  for  instruction  is,  whither,  after  so  full  information  of 
"the  oppression  the  slaves  lie  under,  in  the  West  indies  who  raise 
"the  west  india  produce,  as  I  had  in  reading  a  Caution  &  warning 
"to  Great  Brittain  &  her  Colonies,*  wrote  by  Anthony  Benezet,* 
"it  is  right  for  me  to  take  a  passage  in  a  Vessel  employed  in  the 
"west  india  trade  [or  not?] 

"To  trade  freely  with  oppressors,  and  without  labouring  to 
"dissuade  from  such  unkind  treatment,  seek  for  gain  by  such 
"traffick^I  believe  tends  to  make  them  more  easie  respecting 
"their  conduct  than  they  would  be  if  the  cause  of  Universal  Right- 
"eousness  was  humbly  and  firmly  attended  to,  by  those  in  general 
"with  whom  they  have  commerce,  and  that  complaint  of  the 
"Lord  by  his  prophet,  They  have  strengthened  tlie  han«^ls  of 
"the  wicked,  hath  very  often  revived  in  my  mind.  And  I  may 
"here  add  some  circumstances  preceding  any  prospect  of  a  Visal 
"there. 

"The  case  of  David  hath  often  been  before  me  of  lat*  years. 
"He  longed  for  some  water  in  a  well  beyond  an  army  of  Philis- 

'  Anthony  Benciet.  "A  Caution  and  Warning  to  Great  Britain  and 
Colooiea  in  a  Short  Representation  oi  the  Qilamiloua  State  of  the  Enslaved  Nl) 
in  the  Briuali  Dominion»."  London,  1767.  Thin  mentioiu  ao  "Account  o. 
Eurupean  Settlements  in  America,  printed  in  i7i7,"  and  quotes,  "The  Nc 
in  our  Colonics  Endure  a  Slavery  more  cuniplcte,  and  atteuded  with  far  *0 
circumstances  ihan  what  a)i>  people  in  thi-ir  condition  suflfcr  in  any  other  part  •>( 
world." 


I770 


a83 


"tians  who  were  at  war  with  Israel,  and  some  of  his  men  to 
"please  him.  ventured  their  lives  in  passing  through  this  army, 
"and  brought  that  water.  It  doth  not  appear  that  the  Israehtes 
"were  then  scarce  of  water;  but  rather  that  David  gave  way  to 
"delicacy  of  taste:  but  having  thought  on  the  danger  these  men 
"were  exposed  to,  he  considered  his  water  as  their  Blood,  and 
"his  heart  smote  him  that  he  could  not  drink  it,  but  poured  it  out 
"to  the  Lord,  and  the  oppression  of  the  Slaves  which  I  have! 
"seen  in  several  journeys  Southward  on  this  continent,  and  the 
"report  of  their  Treatment  in  the  west  indies  hath  deeply  affected 
"me,  and  a  care  to  live  in  the  Spirit  of  peace,  and  minister  just 
"cause  of  offence  to  none  of  my  fellow  creatures,  hath  from  time 
"to  time  livingly  revived  on  my  mind,  and  under  this  exercise  I 
"for  some  years  past  declined  to  gratify  my  pallate  with  those 
"Sugars. 

"I  do  not  censure  my  Brethren  in  these  things,  but  believe 
"the  Father  of  Mercies  to  whom  all  mankind  by  Creation  are 
"equally  related,  hath  heard  the  Grones  of  these  oppressed  people, 
"and  is  preparing  some  to  have  a  tender  feeling  of  their  condition, 
"and  the  tradeing  in,  or  frequent  use  of,  any  produce  known  to  be 
"raised  by  the  labours  of  those  who  are  under  such  lamentable 
"oppression,  hath  appeared  to  be  a  subject  which  may  yet  more 
"require  the  Serious  consideration  of  the  humble  followers  of 
"Christ  the  prince  of  peace. 

"After  long  and  mournful  exercise  I  am  now  free  to  mention 
"how  things  have  opened  in  my  mind,  with  desires  that  if  it  may 
"please  the  Lord  to  further  open  his  will  to  any  of  his  Children 
"in  this  matter,  they  may  faithfully  follow  him  in  such  further 
"manifestation. 

"The  number  of  those  who  decline  the  customary  use  of  the 
"West  India  produce  on  account  of  the  hard  usage  of  the  slaves 
"who  raise  it,  appears  small,  even  amongst  people  truly  pious ; 
"and  the  labours  in  Christian  love  on  that  subject  of  those  who 
"do,  have  not  been  very  extensive, 

"Was  the  Trade  from  this  Continent  to  the  West  Indies  to  be 
"quite  stoped  at  once,  I  believe  many  there  would  suffer  for  want 
"of  bread. 

"Did  we  on  this  Continent,  and  the  Inhabitants  of  the  west 
"indies  generally  dwell  in  pure  Righteousness,  I  believe  a  small 


284 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


"trade  between  us  might  be  right,  that  under  these  considerations, 
"when  the  thoughts  of  wholly  declineing  the  use  of  tradeing  vcs- 
"sels,  and  of  trying  to  hire  a  vessel  to  go  under  ballast  have  arose 
"in  my  mind,  I  have  believed  that  the  Labours  in  gospel  love  yet 
"bestowed  in  the  cause  of  Universal  Righteousness  are  not  arrived 
"to  that  hight. 

"H  the  trade  to  the  west  indies  was  no  more  than  was  consist- 
"cnt  with  pure  wisdom,  I  believe  tlie  passage  money  would  for 
"good  reasons  be  higher  than  it  is  now,  and  here  under  deep 
"exercise  of  mind,  I  have  believed  that  I  should  not  take  the 
"advantage  of  this  great  trade  and  small  passage  money,  but  as 
"a  Testimony  in  favour  of  less  tradeing,  should  pay  more  than 
"is  common  for  others  to  pay,  if  I  go  at  this  time." 

The  first  mentioned  owner  having  read  the  paper,  expresst  a 
willingness  to  go  with  me  to  the  other  owner ,^  and  we  going,  the 
said  other  owner  read  over  the  paper,  and  we  had  some  solid 
conversation,  under  which  I  felt  my  soul  bowed  in  Reverence 
before  the  Most  High ;  and  at  length  one  of  them  asked  me  if  I 
would  go  and  see  the  Vessel,  but  I  had  not  clearness  in  my  mind 
to  go,  but  went  to  my  lodgings  &  retired  in  private. 

I  was  now  under  great  exercise  of  mind,  and  my  Tears  were 
poured  out  before  the  Lord,  with  inward  cries,  that  he  would 
graciously  help  me  under  these  tryals.  In  this  case  I  believe  my 
mind  was  resigned,  but  did  not  feel  clearness  to  proceed ;  and  my 
own  weakness,  and  the  Necessity  of  Divine  instruction  were 
impresst  upon  me, 

I  was  for  a  time  as  one  who  knew  not  what  to  do,  and  was 
tossed  as  in  a  Tempest:  under  which  affliction,  the  doctrine  of 
Christ,  take  no  thought  for  the  morrow,  arose  livingly  before  me. 
I  remembered  it  was  some  days  before  they  expected  the  vessel  to 
Sail,  and  was  favoured  to  get  into  a  good  degree  of  stillness,  and 
having  been  near  two  days  in  town,  I  believed  my  Obedience  to 
my  Heavenly  Father  consisted  in  returning  homeward.  I  then 
went  over  amongst  Friends  on  the  Jersey  shore,  and  tarried  till 
the  morning  on  which  they  had  appointed  to  Sail :  and  as  I  lay 
in  Bed  the  latter  part  of  that  night,  my  mind  was  comforted ;  and 
I   felt  what  I   esteemed  a   fresh  confirmation,  that  it  was  the 

'  Th«  e^^n^rs  were  John  Smith  '*  of   Burlington  and  PhUada.,   soa-tn-law  of  Jamea 
Logan,  and  June*  Pembrrton.* 


1770 


28^ 


Lords  will  that  I  should  pass  through  some  further  exercises 
near  home. 

So  I  went  home  and  still  felt  like  a  sojourner  with  my  family : 
and  in  the  fresh  spring  of  pure  Love,  had  some  labours, in  a 
private  way  amongst  Friends,  on  a  Subject  relating  to  Truths 
Testimony :  under  which  I  had  been  exercised  in  heart  for  some 
years.  I  remember  as  I  walked  on  the  Road  under  this  exercise, 
that  passage  in  Ezekiel  came  fresh  before  me;  "whither  soever 
their  faces  were  turned,  thither  they  went :"  and  I  was  graciously 
helped  to  discharge  my  duty  in  the  fear  and  dread  of  the  Almighty. 
And  after  a  few  weeks  it  pleased  the  Lord  to  visit  me  with  .  .  . 
a  pleurisy,^  and  after  I  had  lain  a  few  days  and  felt  the  disorder 
very  grievous,  I  was  thoughtful  how  it  might  end. 

I  had  of  late  through  various  exercises  been  much  weaned 
from  the  pleasant  things  of  this  life,  and  I  now  thought  if  it  was 
the  Lords  will  to  put  an  end  to  my  labours^  and  Graciously  receive 
me  into  the  arms  of  his  Mercy,  death  would  be  acceptable  to  me: 
but  if  it  was  his  will  further  to  refine  me  under  Affliction,  and 
make  me  in  any  degree  useful  in  his  Church,  I  desired  not  to  die. 
I  may  with  thankfulness  say  that  in  this  case  I  felt  Resignedness 
wrought  in  me,  and  had  no  inclination  to  send  for  a  Doctor,  believ- 
ing if  it  was  the  Lords  will,  through  outward  means  to  raise  me 
up,  some  sympathizing  friends  would  be  sent  to  minister  to  me, 
which  were  accordingly.  But  though  I  was  carefully  attended 
yet  the  disorder  was  at  times  so  heavy  that  I  had  no  thoughts  of 
recovery:  One  Night  in  particular  my  bodily  distress  was  great, 
my  feet  grew  cold,  and  cold  increased  up  my  legs  toward  my 
Body,  and  at  that  time  I  had  no  inclination  to  ask  my  Nurse  to 
apply  any  thing  warm  to  my  feet,  expecting  my  end  was  near, 
and  after  I  had  lain  near  ten  hours  in  this  condition  I  closed  my 
eyes  thinking  whither  I  might  not  be  delivered  out  of  the  Body, 
but  in  these  awful  moments  my  mind  was  livingly  opened  to 
behold  the  Church,  and  Strong  Engagements  were  begotten  in 
me  for  the  Everlasting  well  being  of  my  fellow  creatures,  and  1 
felt  in  the  spring  of  pure  Love  that  I  might  remain  some  longer 
in  the  Body,  in  filling  up,  according  to  my  measure  that  which 

'  This  ninru  came  back  to  his  recollection  in  England,  in  177a,  when  be  described 
his  "vition"  and  act  down  bia  objectiDiia  lo  extravagant  living,  of  which  be  wrote 
apon   hi*  recovery. 


286 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


t 


remains  of  the  Afflictions  of  Christ,  and  in  labouring  for  the  good 
of  the  Church:  after  which  I  requested  my  Nurse  to  apply 
warmth  to  my  feet,  and  I  revived,*  and  the  Next  Night,  feeling 
a  weighty  exercise  of  Spirit,  and  having  a  solid  Friend*  seting 
up  with  me  I  requested  him  to  write  what  I  said,  whicli  he  did, 
as  follows 

da  mo 

"4:  l:  1770,  about  five  in  the  morning.  I  have  seen  in 
"Light  of  the  Lord,  that  the  day  is  approaching,  when  the  man' 
"that  Is  the  most  wise  in  human  policies,  shall  be  the  greatest 
"fool;  and  the  Arm  that  is  mighty  to  support  injustice  shall  be 
"broken  to  pieces:  the  Enemies  of  righteousness  shall  make  a 
"terrible  rattle,  and  shall  mightily  torment  one  another;  for  He 
"that  is  omnipotent  is  riseing  op  to  judgment,  and  will  plead 
"the  cause  of  the  Oppressed :  and  he  commanded  me  to  open  the 
"vision." 

Near  a  week  after  this  feeling  my  mind  livingly  opened  I 
sent  for  a  neighbour  who  at  my  request  wrote  as  follows: 

"The  place  of  prayer  is  a  precious  habitation,*  for  I  now  saw  thai 
"the  prayers  of  the  Saints  was  precious  Incense:  and  a  Trumpet 
"was  given  me,  that  I  might  sound  fourth  this  Language;  that  the 
"Children  might  hear  it,  and  be  invited  to  gather  to  this  precious 
"habitation,  where  the  prayers  of  Saints  as  precious  incense  ariscth 
"up  before  the  Throne  of  God  &  the  Lamb  1  saw  this  habitation  to 

■  In  the  Larger  Account  Book,  written  in  t>r  John  Woolman  hiniMlf  upon  lu< 
racovfry,  ii  tbe  following  tneroorandum,  with  a  date  that  placet  the  incident  l^ 
thia  point:  "3  of  the  1  mo.  1770.  In  the  Morning,  I  had  Been  for  Ten  Hottti 
or  more  tltat  I  thought  Death  was  upon  me.  I  Once  Closed  my  Eyes  and  waited 
to  know  if  I  might  now  be  Delivered  out  of  this  Bodev:  But  I  looked  at  tbe 
Church  and  I  waji  moved  for  Her:  and  I  was  held  Fast  and  perceived  that  I 
fni4|ht  Remain  Some  longer  in  the  Bodey,  in  filling  up  that  which  Remains  of 
tbe  Afllictlona  of  Christ,  and  in  Speaking  Some  Worda  to  the  Church."  This  wai 
tb«  firat  draft  of  the  paragraph. 

*Thia  if  alio  first  copied  into  tbe  Larger  Account  Book,  which  baa  served  so 
many  purposes.  It  is  in  the  handwriting  of  the  "solid  Friend,"  and  ends  with 
itM  tignature  of  the  witness; — "Pronounced  hy  John  Woolman  and  written  by 
me.  Caleb  Carr."**  Tbe  passage  has  been  much  edited.  With  this  is  a  word 
Of  two — "In  human  policies  men  are  wise  to  do   Evil  as  txprcst  by  the  propbet." 

•Tbe  text  in  Revelations,  viii,  i,  is  thus  quoted;  "and  the  7th.  Seal  was  opened 
•nd  for  ■  Certain  time  there  was  Silence  in  Heaven.  And  I  mw  an  Angel  with 
•  golden  Censer  &  he  offered  with  it  incense,  with  the  prayers  of  tbe  Saints,  and 
It  roae  up  before  the  Throne."  L.ater,  a  pen  was  drawn  through  the  ijuota- 
lion,  probably  because  of  its  inaccuracy.  A  week  after  this,  was  writtea  tbe 
•eiMirale  memorandum  as  to  the  use  of  silver  v^iiscls.  which  is  given  in  full  in 
the  Introduction. 


X  I770  287 

"be  safe,  to  be  inwardly  quiet,  when  there  was  great  Stirings  and 
"commotions  in  the  world. 

"Prayer  at  this  day  in  pure  resignation  is  a  precious  place.  The 
"trumpet  is  Sounded,  the  Call  goes  forth  to  the  Church,  that  She 
"gather  to  the  place  of  pure  inward  prayer;  and  her  habitation  is 
"safe." 


At  this  point,  on  page  221,  ends  the  folio  manuscript  (A)  of 
the  Journal,  in  John  Woolman's  own  hand.  From  this  paragraph 
this  text  follows  the  original  manuscripts  of  the  Journal  of  the 
Voyage,  and  in  England,  now  at  Swarthmore  College,  Pa.  These 
have  been  copied  into  the  folio,  which  thus  contains  the  complete 
narrative  as  used  for  publication  by  Joseph  Crukshank.  They 
are  in  the  handwriting  of  John  Woolman's  great  grandson,  accord- 
ing to  his  own  memorandum,  which  occurs  here: 

"What  follows  in  this  book  is  copied  from  the  original  Manu- 
scripts in  John  Woolman's  own  handwriting. 

Samuel  Comfort." 

The  space  upon  page  223,  however,  is  taken  up  with  John 
Woolman's  autograph  account  of  a  dream,  which  has  been  given 
at  length  in  the  Introduction,  Here  also  occur  copies  of  the  two 
letters  which  have  been  already  quoted  in  their  chronological  con- 
nection, embodied  heretofore  in  the  Jfiurnal  at  this  p(»int  solely 
because,  for  convenience,  Woolman  used  the  blank  leaves  which 
followed  his  Journal. 

The  Journal  of  the  Voyage  is  a  small  blue  paper  covered 
pamphlet,  originally  of  forty  six  pages,  but  with  insertions,  some 
of  them  left  blank.  It  is  a  handy  pocket  form,  measuring  four 
and  a  half  by  six  and  a  half  inches,  and  has  been  repaired  and 
stitched  together,  although  still  largely  in  its  original  condition. 
Samuel  Comfort's  re-nitmbering  of  pages  may  be  traced  by  the 
use  of  more  modern  ink.  They  correspond  to  the  paging  in 
John  Comly's  edition  of  1837,  i"  which  he  had  Samuel  Comfort's 
assistance.* 

On  the  outside  of  the  book  is  a  note  by  the  editors:  "All  in 
this   book  printed   in   England."     Woolman   himself   notes   "46 

*Sec  latroduction. 


288        THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN     chap,  x 

pages"  and  writes,  '7(>^  Woolman's  Journal  of  his  Voiage  to 
England,  from  i.  5mo.  1772  to  the  7th.  6mo."  The  second  page 
contains  a  row  of  figures  referring  to  the  days  of  the  wedc  and 
the  corresponding  days  of  the  calendar,  beginning  with  "7th.  day 
the  i6th." 

The  first  forty  six  pages  contain  the  Voyage,  ending  with  the 
charge  to  Sophia  Hume.^^°  *  The  next  twenty  two,  with  the 
account  of  the  English  tour,  have  been  added.  Nine  blank  leaves 
follow,  and  the  next  twenty  two  pages  contain  memoranda,  a 
copy  of  letter,  three  and  a  half  pages  of  description,  written 
"At  the  house  of  Thomas  Priestman,  &c.,"  notes  for  the  Essays, 
written  in  England,  and  Aaron  Smith's  memorandum,  &c.  There 
are  108  pages  altogether,  eighteen  of  which  are  blank,  stitched 
into  the  middle  of  the  book.  This  is  the  manuscript  from  which 
the  concluding  pages  of  the  Journal  have  been  taken.  A  copy 
was  made  at  York,  after  Woolman's  death,  and  the  original  was 
then  sent  by  the  hand  of  Samuel  Emlen,  to  his  family  in  America. 
The  copy  is  still  at  Almery  Garth,  York,  the  house  where  Wool- 
man  died.  Through  the  kindness  of  the  owner,  the  late  Malcolm 
Spence,  the  manuscript,  now  in  possession  of  his  sister,  has  been 
photographed  and  placed  at  the  editor's  disposal  for  coUadon. 
The  letter  to  Reuben  Haines  **  embodies  the  text  of  these  maim- 
script  notes,  and  is  a  verbatim  copy,  with  valuable  additions,  Ij 
William  Tuke." 

*  See  p.  303. 


JNO.  WOOLMAN'S  JOURNAL  OF  HIS 
VOIAGE  TO  ENGLAND 

FROM  I— SMo:  1772,  TO  THE  7th  6mo: 

CHAPTER  XI 

1772 

Memorandum  of  my  proceedings  *  to  take  a  passage  for 
England  on  a  religious  visit. 

My  beloved  friend  Sam'  Kmlen ''  jim.  having  taken  a  passage 
for  himself  in  the  Cabbin  of  the  Ship  called  Mary  and  Elisabeth, 
James  Sparks,  Master,  and  John  Head  *•  of  the  Citty  of  philad", 
the  owner,  &  I  feeling  a  draft  in  my  Mind  toward  the  Stearage 
of  the  Same  Ship,  went  first  of  all  and  opened  to  Samuel  the 
feeUng  I  had  concerning  it. 

My  beloved  friend  wept  when  I  Spake  to  him,  and  appeared 
glad  that  I  had  thoughts  of  going  in  tlie  Vessel  with  him,  though 
my  prospect  was  toward  the  Stearage,  &  he  offering  to  go  with 
me,  we  went  on  board,  first  into  the  Cabbin  a  comodious  room, 
and  then  into  the  Stearage  where  we  sat  down  on  a  Chest»  the 
sailors  being  busy  about  us :  then  the  owner  '*  of  the  Ship  [a 
member  of  our  Society,]  came  &  sat  down  with  us. 

Here  my  mind  was  turned  toward  Christ,  the  heavenly  Coun- 
sellor ;  &  I  feeling  at  this  time  my  own  will  Subjected,  my  heart 
was  contrite  before  [him.] 

A  motion  was  made  by  the  owner  to  go  and  Sit  in  the  cabbin 
as  a  place  more  retired;  but  I  felt  easie  to  leave  the  Ship,  and 
made  no  agreement  as  to  a  passage  in  her ;  but  told  the  owner  if  I 
took  a  passage  in  the  ship  I  believed  it  would  be  in  the  Stearage, 
but  did  not  say  much  as  to  my  exercise  in  that  case. 

After  I  went  to  my  lodgings  and  the  case  was  a  little  known 
in  town  a  friend  laid  before  me  the  great  inconveniences  attending 

■The  op«niRff  p*rAgr«ph»  ai  given  in  all  previous  editions  of  the  Jotirnal,  do  not 
«adat  in  John  Woolman's  manuscript.  They  appear  to  have  been  inserted  by  the 
Committee  of  1774  ^ho  prepared  the  first  edition.  If  this  portion  has  been 
loM;  it  WW  «  later  addition,  u  the  little  manuscript  is  complete  as  it  stands. 

289 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


that  Stearage  [with  respect  to  a  passage  in  it,]  which  for  a  time, 
appeared  very  discouraging  to  me. 

I  soon  after  went  to  bed.  and  my  mind  was  under  a  deep  exer- 
cise before  the  Lord,  whose  helping  hand  was  manifested  to  me 
as  I  slept  that  night,  and  his  love  Strengthened  my  heart  and  in 
the  morning  I  went  witli  two  friends  on  board  the  Vessel  again, 
and  after  a  short  time  Spent  therein  I  went  with  Samuel  Emlin* 
to  the  house  of  the  owner,  to  whom  in  tlie  hearing  of  Samuel  only 
I  opened  my  exercise  in  substance  as  follows,  in  relation  to  ^ 
Scruple  I  felt  with  regard  to  a  passage  in  the  Cabhin  H 

I  told  the  owner  that  on  the  outside  of  that  part  of  the  Ship 
where  the  cabbin  was,  I  observed  sundry  sorts  of  Carved  work 
and  Imagery,  and  that  in  the  Cabbin  I  observed  some  superfluity 
of  workmanship  of  several  sorts,  and  tliat  according  to  the  ways 
of  mens  reckoning,  the  Sum  of  money  to  be  paid  for  a  passage 
in  that  Appartment  hath  some  relation  to  the  Kxpence,  in  furnish- 
ing the  room  to  please  the  minds  of  such  who  give  way  to  a 
conformity  to  this  world :  and  that  in  this  case,  as  in  other  case% 
the  moneys  received  from  the  passengers  are  calcitlated  to  answer 
every  expense  relating  to  their  passage,  and  amongst  the  rest  the 
expence  of  these  superfluities.  And  that  in  this  case  I  felt  A 
scruple  with  regard  to  paying  my  money  to  defray  sucli  expences. 

As  my  mind  was  now  opend,  I  told  the  owner  that  I  had  at 
Several  times  in  my  travels,  seen  great  oppressions  on  this  conti- 
nent at  which  my  heart  had  been  much  affected,  and  brought  often 
into  a  feeling  of  the  state  of  the  Sufferers.  And  having  many 
times  been  engaged,  in  the  fear  and  love  of  God,  to  labour  with 
those  under  whom  the  oppressed  have  been  born  down  and 
afflicted.  I  have  often  perceived  that  [it  was  with]  a  view  to  get 
riches,  and  provide  estates  for  Children  to  live  comformable  to 
customs,  which  stand  in  that  Spirit  wherein  men  have  regard  to 
the  honours  of  this  world.  That  in  the  pursuit  of  these  things, 
I  had  seen  many  entangled  in  the  Spirit  of  oppression,  and  the 
exercise  of  my  Soul  had  been  such,  that  I  could  not  find  peace  in 
joining  with  any  thing  which  I  saw  was  against  that  wisdom  which 
is  pure. 

After  this  I  Agreed  for  a  passage  in  the  Stearage,  and  hearing 
in  town  that  Joseph  White**  had  a  mind  to  see  me,  I  felt  the 
reviving  of  a  desire  to  see  him,  and  went  then  to  his  house,  and 
next  day  home,  where  I  tarried  two  Nights,  and  then  early  in  the 


XI 


1772 


291 


morning,  I  parted  with  my  family,  under  a  sense  of  the  humbling 
liand  of  God  upon  me,  and  going  to  Philad*.  had  opportunity  with 
several  of  my  beloved  friends,  who  appeared  to  be  concerned  for 
me,  on  account  of  the  unpleasant  Scituation  of  that  part  of  the 
Vessel  where  I  was  likely  to  lodge. 

In  these  oportunities  my  mind  through  the  Mercies  of  the 
Lord  was  kept  low,  in  an  inward  waiting  for  his  help,  and  friends 
having  expressed  their  desire  that  I  might  have  a  place  more 
convenient  than  the  Stearage  did  not  urge  but  appeared  disposed 
to  leave  me  to  the  Lord. 

Having  stayed  two  nights  in  Philada  I  went  the  next  day  to 
Darby  monthly  meeting,  where  through  the  Strength  of  divine 
Love  my  heart  was  enlarged  toward  the  Youth  then  present, 
under  which  I  was  helped  to  labour  in  some  tenderness  of  Spirit. 

Then  lodging  at  William  Homes  °^  I  with  one  friend  went  to 
Chester  where  meeting  with  Samuel  Emh"n  ^  we  went  on  board 
da  mo 

I  •  S-.  ^yi"^  s"<^  as  I  sat  down  alone  on  a  Seat  on  the  deck  I  felt 
a  Satisfactory  evidence  that  my  proceedings  were  not  in  my  own 
will  but  under  the  power  of  the  Cross  of  Christ, 
da  mo 

7:5:  have  had  rough  weather  mostly  since  I  came  on  board ; 
and  the  passengers,  James  Reynolds,**  John  Till-Adams,**  Sarah 
Logan  ^^  and  her  hired  maid,  and  John  Bispham,''"  all  Sea-sick, 
more  or  less  at  times;  from  which  sickness  through  the  tender 
Mercies  of  my  heavenly  Father  I  have  been  preserved,  My  afflic- 
tions now  being  of  another  kind. 

There  appeared  an  openness  in  the  minds  of  the  Master  of 
the  Ship,  and  in  the  Cabbin  passengers  toward  me:  we  were 
often  together  on  the  deck,  and  Sometimes  in  the  Cabbin. 

My  mind  through  the  merciful  help  of  the  Lord  hath  been 
preserved  in  a  good  degree  watchful  &  inward,  and  I  have  this 
day  great  cause  to  be  thankful,  in  that  I  Remain  to  feel  quietness 
of  mind. 

As  my  lodging  in  the  Stearage,  now  near  a  week,  hath  afforded 
me  sundry  opportunities  of  seeing,  hearing,  and  feeling,  with 
respect  to  the  life  &  Spirit  nf  many  jxjor  Sailors,  an  inward 
exercise  of  Soul  hath  attended  me,  in  regard  to  placing  out  Chil- 
dren and  youth  where  they  may  be  likely  to  be  exampled  and 
instructed  in  the  pure  fear  of  the  Lord ;  and  I  being  much  amongst 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN      chap. 


I 


the  Sea  men,  have  from  a  motion  of  love,  sundry  times  taken 
opportunities  with  one  alone,  and  in  a  free  conversation,  laboured 
to  turn  their  heads  toward  the  fear  of  the  Lord  and  this  day  we 
had  a  meeting  in  the  Cabbin  where  my  heart  was  contrite  under 
a  feeling  of  divine  Love. 

Now  concerning  Lads  being  trained  up  as  Seamen,  I  believe 
a  communication  from  one  part  of  the  world  to  some  other  parta 
of  it,  by  sea,  is  at  times  consistent  with  the  will  of  our  Heavenly 
Father;  and  to  Educate  some  youth  in  the  practice  of  Sailing,  I 
believe  may  be  right ;  but  how  lamentable  is  the  present  corruption 
of  the  world !  How  impure  are  the  Channels  through  which  trade 
hath  a  Conveyance!  How  great  is  that  danger  to  which  poor 
lads  are  now  exposed,  when  placed  on  Shipboard  to  learn  the  Art 
of  sailing! 

Five  lads,  training  up  for  the  Seas,  were  now  on  board  this 
Ship,  two  of  them  brought  up  amongst  our  Society,  one  of  which 
hath  a  right  amongst  friends,  by  name  James  Nailor,  to  whose 
father  James  Nailor"^  mentioned  in  Sewel's  History,  appears 
to  have  been  uncle.  I  often  feel  a  tenderness  of  heart  toward 
these  poor  lads,  and  at  times,  look  at  them  as  though  they  were 
my  Children  according  to  the  flesh. 

O  that  all  may  take  heed  and  beware  of  Covetousness  I  0 
tliat  all  may  learn  of  Christ  who  is  meek  and  low  of  Heart!  Theft 
in  faithfully  following  him,  he  will  teach  us  to  be  content  witk 
food  and  raiment,  without  respect  to  the  customs  of  honours  of 
this  world.  Men  thus  redeemed  will  feel  a  tender  concern  for 
their  fellow  creatures,  and  a  desire  that  those  in  the  lowest 
stations  may  be  assisted  and  encouraged.  And  where  owner^ 
of  Ships  attain  to  the  perfect  Law  of  Liberty,  and  are  doers  ^H 
the  word  these  will  be  blessed  in  their  deeds.  ^^ 

A  Ship  at  Sea  commonly  Sails  all  night,  and  the  Seamen  take    , 
their  watches  four  hours  at  a  time.    Riseing  to  work  in  the  night 
is  not  commonly  pleasant  in  any  case,  but  in  dark  rainey  nights    i 
it  is  very  disagreeable,  even  though  each  man  were  furnished  with    I 
all  conveniences,  but  if  men  must  go  out  at  midnight  to  help    ' 
manage  the  Ship  in  the  rain,  and  having  small  room  to  Sleep  and 
lay  their  garments  in,  are  often  beset  to  furnish  themselves  for    ' 
the  watch ;  their  garments  or  something  relating  to  their  business 
being  wanting,  and  not  easily  found;  when  from  the  urgency 


1772 


293 


ioned  by  high  winds  they  are  hastned  and  called  up  Suddenly, 
is  a  trial  of  patience  on  the  poor  Sailors,  and  the  poor  lads 
jr  companions. 

If  after  they  liave  been  on  deck  several  hours  in  the  Night,  and 

ic  down  into  the  Stearage  Soaking  wet,  and  are  so  close  stowed 

t  proper  convenience  for  change  of  garments  is  not  easiely 

le  at,  but  for  want  of  proper  room  their  wet  garments  thrown 
in  heaps,  and  sometimes  through  much  crowding,  are  troden  under 
foot  in  going  to  their  lodgings  and  gettng  out  of  them,  and  great 
difficulties  at  times  each  one  to  find  his  own,  here  are  trials  on  the 
poor  sailors. 

Now  as  I  have  been  with  them  in  my  lodge,  my  heart  hath 
,o£ten  yerned  for  them,  and  tender  desires  been  raised  in  me  that 

owners  and  Masters  of  Vessels  may  dwell  in  the  Love  of 
fe>d,  and  therein  act  uprightly,  and  by  Seeking  less  for  gain,  and 
looking  carefully  to  their  ways  may  earnestly  labour  to  remove  all 
cause  of  provocation  from  the  poor  Seamen,  either  to  fret  or  use 
excess  of  strong  drink:  for  indeed  the  poor  Creatures  at  times 
in  the  wet  and  cold  seem  to  apply  to  strong  drink  to  supply  the 
mt  of  other  conveniences. 

Great  reformation  in  the  world  is  wanting!  and  the  necessity 
^oi  it,  amongst  those  who  do  business  on  great  waters,  hath  at 
is  time  been  abundantly  opened  before  me. 
da  mo 

8:5:  This  morning  the  Clouds  gathered,  the  wind  blew  Strong 
from  south  eastward,  and  before  noon  increased  to  that  degree 
that  Sailing  appeared  dangerous.  The  Seamen  then  bound  up 
some  of  their  Sails,  took  some  down,  and  the  Storm  increasing, 
they  put  the  dead  lights,  so  called,  into  the  Cabbin  windows,  and 
lighted  a  lamp  as  at  Night. 

The  wind  now  blew  vehemently,  and  the  Sea  wrought  to  that 
degree  that  an  awful  seriousness  prevailed  in  the  Cabbin,  in 
which  I  spent  I  believe  about  seventeen  hours;  for  I  believed 
the  poor  wet  toiling  Seamen  had  need  of  all  the  room  in  the 
Crowded  Stearage,  and  the  Cabbin  passengers  had  given  me 
frequent  invitations. 

They  ceased  now  from  Sailing,  and  put  the  vessel  in  the 
posture  called  lying-too. 

My  mind  in  this  tempest,  through  the  gracious  Assistance  of 


1 


294  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

the  Lord,  was  preserved  in  a  good  degree  of  resignation  and  1 
felt  at  times  a  few  words  in  his  love  to  my  Ship  mates,  in  regard 

to  the  All  stiflficiency  of  him  who  formed  the  great  deep,  and 
whose  care  is  so  extensive  that  a  Sparrow  falls  not  without  his 
notice,  and  thus  in  a  tender  frame  of  mind  spake  to  them  of  the 
necessity  of  our  Yielding  in  true  obedience,  to  the  instructions  ol 
our  heavenly  Father,  who  sometimes  through  adversities  inti 
eth  our  refinement. 

About  eleven  at  Night,  I  went  out  on  the  deck,  when  the 
wrought  exceedingly,  and  the  high  foaming  waves  all  round 
about  had  in  some  sort  the  appearance  of  fire;  but  did  not  givei 
much  if  any  hght.  The  sailor  then  at  the  helm  said  he  lately  sawj 
a  Corposant  ^  at  the  head  of  the  Mast.  I 

About  this  time  I  observed  the  Master  of  the  Ship  ordered 
the  Carpenter  to  keep  on  the  deck ;  and  though  he  said  little  I 
apprehended  his  care  was  that  the  caipenter  with  his  axe  mujfau 
be  in  readiness  in  case  of  any  extremity.  ^M 

Soon  after  this  the  vehemency  of  the  wind  abated,  and  before 
morning  they  again  put  the  Ship  under  Sail.  ^J 

da  mo  ^H 

10:  5:  and  first  of  the  week,  it  being  fine  weather,  we  ha^^ 
meeting  in  the   Cabbin,  at  which  most  of  the  Sea   men   w 
present.    This  meeting  to  me  was  a  Strengthening  time- 
da  mo 

13:  5:  As  I  continue  to  lodge  in  the  Stearage.  I  feel 
npenness  this  morning  to  express  something  further  the  state  of 
my  mind  in  respect  to  poor  lads  bound  apprentice  to  learn  the  art 
of  Sailing.  As  I  believe  sailing  is  of  some  use  in  the  world,  a 
labour  of  Soul  attends  me,  that  the  pure  Counsil  of  Truth  may 
be  humbly  waited  for  in  this  case,  by  all  concerned  in  the  business 
of  the  Seas. 

A  pious  father  whose  mind  is  exercised  for  the  everlasting 
welfare  of  his  Child  may  not  with  a  peaceful  mind,  place  him 
out  to  an  employment  amongst  a  people,  whose  common  course 
of  life  is  manifestly  corrupt  &  profane.  So  great  is  the  present 

'  Corposant,  or  Si,  Elmo's  Fire— a  luminou*.  Same-like  appearance  leen  M 
dark  or  tempcaluou*  nights,  at  the  mast  head  or  rardarm  of  a  ship,  caused  by 
a  difchafge  of  elcclricUy  from  elevated  or  pointed  objects.  Takes  its  name  from 
St.  Elmo,  tlic  patron  Saint  of  Sailors,  who  are  stipcrstitious  as  to  its  appearance. 
Italian,    corpo-santo;   holy  body.     [Webster.] 


iio  a 

1 


[ 


1772 


295 


defect  amongst  Sea  farcing  men  in  regard  to  piety  and  virtue; 
and  through  an  abundant  traffick,  and  many  Ships  of  war,  so 
many  people  are  employed  on  the  Sea  that  this  Subject  of  placing 
lads  to  the  employment  appears  very  weighty. 

Profane  examples  are  very  corrypting,  and  very  forcible.  And 
as  my  mind,  day  after  day,  and  night  after  night,  hath  been 
affected  with  a  Sympathizing  tenderness  toward  poor  Children, 
put  to  the  employment  of  sailors,  I  have  sometimes  had  weighty 
Conversation  with  the  Sailors  in  the  Stearage,  who  were  mostly 
respectful  to  me,  and  more  and  more  so  the  longer  I  was  with 
them.  They  mostly  appeared  to  take  kindly  what  I  said  to  them, 
but  their  minds  have  appeared  to  be  so  deeply  imprest  with  that 
almost  universal  depravity  amongst  Sailors,  that  the  poor  crea- 
tures in  their  answers  to  me  on  this  Subject,  have  revived  in  my 
remembrance  that  of  the  degenerate  Jews,  a  little  before  the  Cap- 
tivity, as  repeated  by  Jermiah  the  prophet.  There  is  no  hope. 

Now  under  this  exercise  a  Sence  of  the  desire  of  outward  gain 
prevailing  amongst  us,  hath  felt  grievous:  and  a  strong  call  to 
the  professed  followers  of  Christ  hath  been  raised  in  me  that 
all  may  take  heed,  lest,  through  loving  this  present  world,  they 
be  found  in  a  continued  neglect  of  duty  with  respect  to  a  faithful 
labour  for  a  reformation. 

Silence  as  to  every  motion  proceeding  from  the  Love  of 
money,  and  an  humble  waiting  upon  God  to  know  his  will  con- 
cerning us,  hath  now  appeared  necessary.  He  alone  is  able  to 
Strengthen  us  to  dig  deep,  to  remove  all  which  lies  between  us 
and  the  Safe  foundation,  and  so  direct  us  in  our  outward  employ- 
ments, that  pure  Universal  Love  may  Shine  forth  in  our  pro- 
ceedings. 

Desires  arising  from  the  Spirit  of  Truth  are  pure  desires ;  and 
when  a  mind  Divinely  opened  toward  a  young  generation,  is 
made  Sensible  of  corrupting  examples,  power fuly  working,  and 
extensively  spreading  amongst  them  how  moving  is  the  prospect 
A  great  trade  to  the  coast  of  Africa  for  slaves,  of  which  I 
now  heard  frequent  conversation  amongst  the  sailors!  A  great 
trade  in  that  which  is  raised  &  prepared  through  grievous  oppres- 
sion ! 

A  great  trade  in  Superfluity  of  workmanship,  formed  to 
please  tlie  pride  and  vanity  of  peoples  minds  1 


1 


I 


296  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap.  > 

Great  and  extensive  is  that  depravity  which  prevails  amongst 
the  poor  sailors  I  When  I  remember  that  Saying  of  the  Most  High 
through  his  prophet,  "This  people  have  1  formed  for  myself; 
they  shall  show  forth  my  praise;"^  And  tiiink  of  placing  chil- 
dren amongst  them,  to  learn  the  practice  of  sailing,  the  consistency 
of  it  with  a  pious  education  seems  to  me  like  that  mentioned  by 
the  prophet,  "There  is  no  answer  from  God." 

In  a  world  of  dangers  and  difficulties,  like  a  thorny  desolate 
wilderness,  how  precious!  how  comfortable!  how  safe!  are  the 
leadings  of  Christ  the  good  shepherd,  who  said,  "I  know  my 
sheep ;  and  am  known  of  mine/*  • 

da  mo 

16:  5:  1772.  Wind  for  several  days  past  often  high  what  the 
sailors  call  Squall ey;  rough  sea  &  frequent  rains.  This  last  night 
a  very  trying  night  to  the  poor  Seamen.  The  water  chief  part 
of  the  night  running  over  the  main  deck,  and  Sometimes  breaking 
waves  came  on  tlie  quarter  deck.  The  latter  part  of  the  night,  as 
I  lay  in  bed,  my  mind  was  humbled  under  the  power  of  divine 
love  and  Resignedness  to  the  great  Creator  of  the  earth  and  the 
seas,  renewedly  wrought  in  me,  whose  fatherly  care  over  his 
Children  felt  precious  to  my  soul,  and  desires  were  now  renewed 
in  me,  to  embrace  every  opportunity  of  being  inwardly  acquainted 
with  the  hardships  and  difficulties  of  my  fellow  creatures,  and  to 
labour  in  his  love  for  the  spreading  of  pure  universal  Righteous- 
ness in  the  Earth.  The  oportunities  being  frequent  of  hearing 
conversation  amongst  the  Sailors,  in  respect  to  the  voiges  to 
Africa,  and  the  manner  of  bringing  the  deeply  oppressed  slaves 
into  our  islands.  The  thoughts  of  their  condition,  frequently 
in  Cliains  and  fetters  on  board  the  Vessels,  with  hearts  loaded 
with  grief,  under  the  apprehensions  of  miserable  Slavery;  my 
mind  was  frequently  opened  to  meditate  on  these  things.  (My 
own  lodging,  now  in  the  Stearage,  with  the  advantage  of  walk- 
ing the  deck  when  I  would,  appear *d  a  comodious  Scituation 
compard  with  theirs.]  ' 

"Note  by  Woolmati— "y»   Chap'.?"  , 

■Note  by  Woolman— "y*  Chap*.?" 
These   references   have   not    been    filled   in. 

*  This  tcntcnce    tuu   been  omitted    by   the    first   editots   ind  consequenUy   by  ihoM 
foUowlnf. 


r 


XX 


1772 


297 


da  mo 

17:5:  and  first  of  tlie  week,  we  had  a  meeting  in  tlie  Cabbin  to 
which  the  Seamen  generally  came.  My  Spirit  was  contrite  before 
the  Lord,  whose  Love  at  this  time  afTected  my  heart. 

This  afternoon  I  felt  a  tender  Sympathy  of  Soul  with  my 
poor  wife  and  family  left  behind,  in  which  state  my  heart  was 
enlarged  in  desires  that  they  may  walk  in  that  humble  Obedience, 
wherein  the  everlasting  Father  may  be  their  guide  and  Support 
through  all  the  difficulties  in  this  world:  and  a  Sence  of  that 
gracious  Assistance,  through  which  my  mind  hath  been  strength- 
ened to  take  up  the  cross  and  leave  them  to  travel  in  the  love  of 
truth,  hath  begotten  tliankfulness  in  my  heart  to  our  [great] 
helper. 

da  mo 

24 :  5 :  and  first  of  the  week,  a  Clear  pleasant  morning,  and  as 
I  sat  on  deck  I  felt  a  reviving  in  my  nature,  which  through  much 
rainey  weather  &  high  winds,  being  shut  up  in  a  close  unhealthy 
air,  was  weakened. 

Several  nights  of  late  I  felt  breathing  difficult,  that  a  little 
after  the  rising  of  the  second  watch  (which  is  about  midnight) 
I  got  up  and  stood,  I  believe,  near  an  hour  with  my  face  near 
the  hatchway,  to  get  the  fresh  air  at  a  small  vacancy  under  the 
hatch  door,  which  is  commonly  shut  down,  partly  to  keep  out 
rain,  and  sometimes  to  keep  the  breaking  waves  from  dashing 
into  the  Stearage. 

I  may  with  thankfulness  to  the  Father  of  mercies  acknowl- 
edge, that  in  my  present  weak  state,  my  mind  hath  been  Sup- 
ported to  bear  the  affliction  with  patience;  and  I  have  looked 
al  tlie  present  dispensation  as  a  kindness  from  the  Great  Father 
of  Mankind  who  in  this  my  floating  pilgrimage,  is  in  some  de- 
gree bringing  me  to  feel  that  which  many  thousands  of  my  fellow 
creatures  often  Suffer  in  a  greater  degree. 

My  Appetite  failing,  the  tryal  hath  been  the  heavier,  and  I 
have  felt  tender  breathings  in  my  soul  after  God  the  fountain  of 
Comfort,  whose  inward  help  liath  supplied,  at  times,  the  want  of 
outward  convenience,  and  strong  desires  have  attended  me  that 
his  family  who  are  acquainted  with  tlie  movings  of  his  holy  Spirit 
may  be  so  redeemed  from  the  love  of  money,  and  from  that  Spirit 
in  which  men  seek  honour  one  of  another,  that  in  all  business  by 


298  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN      cha?. 


Sea  or  land  we  may  constantly  keep  in  view  the  coming  of  his 
kingdom  on  earth,  as  it  is  in  heaven,  and  by  faithfully  following 
this  safe  guide,  ma)'  show  forth  examples,  tending  to  lead  oi 
of  that  under  which  the  Creation  Groans! 

This  day  we  had  a  meeting  in  the  Cabbin  in  which  I  was" 
favoured  in  some  degree  to  experience  the  fulfilling  of  that  say- 
ing of  the  prophet,  "The  Lord  hath  been  a  strength  to  the  poor, 
a  strength  to  the  needy  in  their  distress,"  for  which  my  heart  is 
bowed  in  thankfulness  before  him.* 

da  mo 

28:  5:  Wet  weather  of  late,  with  small  winds  Inclineing  to 
calms.  Our  Seamen  having  cast  a  lead,  I  suppose  about  one 
hundred  fathom,  but  find  no  bottom.  Foggy  weather  this  morn- 
ing. 

Through  the  kindness  of  the  great  Preserver  of  men, 
mind  remains  quiet,  and  a  degree  of  exercise  from  day  to  day 
attends  me  that  the  pure  peaceable  Government  of  Christ  may 
spread  and  prevail  amongst  mankind. 

The  leading  on  of  a  young  generation  in  that  pure  way,  in 
which  the  wisdom  of  this  world  hath  00  place;  where  parents 
and  tutors,  humbly  waiting  for  the  heavenly  Counsellor,  may 
example  them  in  the  Truth,  as  it  is  in  Jesus.  This  for  several 
days  hatli  been  the  Exercise  of  my  mind.  O  how  safe,  how  quiet 
is  that  State  where  the  Soul  stands  in  pure  Obedience  to  the 
Voice  of  Christ  and  a  watchful  care  is  maintained  not  to  follow 
the  voice  of  the  Stranger.  Here  Christ  is  felt  to  be  our  shep- 
herd, and  under  his  leading  people  are  brought  to  a  Stability. 
And  where  he  doth  not  lead  forward,  we  are  bound  in  the  bonds 
of  pure  love  to  Stand  Still  and  wait  upon  [him.] 

In  the  love  of  money,  and  the  wisdom  of  this  world,  business 
is  proposed,  then  the  urgency  of  Affairs  push  forward,  nor  can 
the  mind  in  this  state  discern  the  good  and  perfect  will  of  God 
concerning  us. 

The  love  of  God  is  manifested  in  graciously  calling  us  to 
come  out  of  that  which  Stands  in  Confusion,  but  if  we  [bow 
not  in  the  name  of  Jesus].  If  we  give  not  up  those  prospects  of 
gain  which  in  the  wisdom  of  this  world  are  open  before  us,  but 
say  in  our  hearts  I  must  needs  go  on ;  and  in  going  on  I  hope  to 

Woolman,  "y"  Chap*.  &  Vertc." 


XI 


1772 


299 


keep  as  near  to  the  purity  of  Truth  as  the  business  before  me 
will  admit  of,  here  the  mind  remains  entangled,  and  the  Shine- 
ing  of  the  Light  of  life  into  the  Soul  is  obstructed. 

This  quer>'  opens  in  my  mind  in  the  love  of  [Christ.]  Where 
shall  a  pious  father  place  his  son  apprentice  to  be  instructed  in 
the  practice  of  Crossing  the  Seas,  and  have  faith  to  believe 
that  Christ  our  holy  Shepherd  leads  him  to  place  his  son 
there  ? 

Surely  the  Lord  calls  to  mourning  and  deep  humiliation, 
that  in  his  fear  we  may  be  instructed,  and  lead  safely  on  through 
the  great  difficulties  and  perplexities  in  this  present  age. 

In  an  entire  Subjection  of  our  wills,  the  Lord  graciously 
opens  a  way 'for  his  people,  where  all  their  wants  are  bounded  by 
his  wisdom :  and  here  we  experience  the  Substance  of  what  Moses 
the  Prophet  figured  out  in  the  water  of  Seperation,  as  a  purifi- 
cation from  sin. 

Esau  is  mentioned  as  a  Child  red  all  over,  like  a  hairy  gar- 
ment. In  Esau  is  represented  the  natural  will  of  man.  In  pre- 
paring the  water  of  Seperation,  A  red  heipher  without  blemish, 
on  which  there  had  been  no  yoak  was  to  be  Slain,  and  her  blood 
Sprinkled  by  the  priest  seven  times  toward  the  tabernacle  of  the 
Congregation.  Then  her  skin  her  flesh  and  all  pertaining  to  her 
was  to  be  burnt  without  the  Camp,  and  of  her  ashes  the  water 
was  prepared.  Thus  the  Crucifying  the  old. man,  or  natural 
will,  is  represented,  and  hence  comes  a  Separation  from  that 
Carnal   mind   which  is  death. 

"He  who  toucheth  the  dead  body  of  a  man.  and  purifieth  not 
himself  with  the  water  of  Separation,  he  defileth  the  tabernacle 
of  the  Lord,  he  is  unclean."    Numbers  XIX.  13. 

If  [one]  through  the  love  of  gain,  go  forth  into  business, 
wherein  they  dwell  as  amongst  the  Tombs,  [Isaiah  ch.  v.]  and 
touch  the  bodies  of  those  who  are  dead.  If  tliese  through  the  In- 
finite Love  of  God,  feel  the  power  of  the  Cross  of  Christ  to  Crucify 
them  to  the  world,  and  therein  learn  humbly  to  follow  the  divine 
leader,  here  is  the  judgment  of  this  world  here  the  prince  of  this 
world  is  Cast  out.  The  water  of  separation  is  felt,  and  though 
we  have  Ueen  amongst  the  Slain,  and  through  the  desire  of  gain 
have  touched  the  dead  body  of  a  man,  yet  in  the  purifying  love 
of    [Christ,]    we  are  washed  in  the  water  of  Seperation,  are 


L 


300  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

brought  off  from  that  business,  from  that  gain,  and  from  that 
feOowship,  which  was  not  agreeable  to  His  holy  will.  And  I 
have  felt  a  renewed  confirmation  in  the  time  of  this  voiage,  that 
the  Lord,  in  his  infinite  love,  is  calling  to  his  Visited  Children 
so  to  give  up  all  outward  possessions  and  means  of  geting  treas- 
ures, that  his  holy  Spirit  may  have  free  course  in  their  hearts, 
and  direct  them  in  all  their  proceedings, 

To  feel  the  substance  pointed  at  in  this  figure,  man  must  know 
death,  as  to  his  own  will 

"No  man  can  see  God.  and  live;"  this  was  spoken  by  the 
Almighty  to  Moses  the  prophet;  and  opened  by  our  blessed  Re- 
deemer. 

As  death  comes  on  our  own  wiljs,  and  a  new  life  is  formed 
in  us,  the  heart  is  purified,  and  prepared  to  understand  clearly. 
"Blessed  are  the  pure  in  heart,  for  they  shall  see  God.'*  In 
purity  of  heart  the  mind  is  divinely  opened,  to  behold  the  nature 
of  Universal  Righteousness,  or  the  Righteousness  of  the  king- 
dom of  God.  No  man  hath  seen  the  Father,  save  he  that  is  of  God : 
he  hath  seen  the  Father.* 

The  natural  mind  is  active  about  the  things  of  this  life,  and 
in  this  natural  activity,  business  is  proposed,  and  a  will  in  us  to 
go  forward  in  it.  And  as  long  as  this  natural  will  remains  un- 
subjected,  so  long  there  remains  an  obstruction  against  the  clear- 
ness of  divine  light  operating  in  lis.  but  when  we  love  God  with 
all  our  heart,  and  with  all  our  .Strength,  then,  in  this  love,  we 
love  our  Neighbours  as  our  Selves,  and  a  tenderness  of  heart 
is  felt  toward  all  |>cr>[>lc.  |  for  whom  Christ  died]  "  even  such 
who  as  to  outward  circumstances  may  be  to  us  as  the  Jews  were 
to  the  Samaritans.  Who  is  my  neighbour?  See  this  question 
answered  fby  our  Saviour — Chap,  V.]  * 

In  this  Love  we  can  say  that  Jesus  is  the  Lord ;  and  the  re- 
formation in  our  souls  is  manifested  in  a  full  reformation  of  our 
lives,  wherein  all  things  are  new,  and  all  things  are  of  God. 
(c.  v.)  In  this  the  desire  of  gain  is  subjected,  employment 
is  honestly  followed  in  the  Light  of  Truth,  and  people  become 
diligent  in  business,  fervent  tn  spirit ;  serving  the  Lord :  [chap. 


•Note  by  John  Woolman — "Chapt.  &  Verse?" 
'Omitted    by    John    Comly,    Edit..    1837,    p.    170, 


XI 


1772 


30I 


v.]     Here  the  name  is  opened :  This  is  the  name  by  which  he  shall 
be  called,  THE  LORD  OUR  RIGHTEOUSNESS." 

O  how  precious  is  this  name!  It  is  like  ointment  poured  out. 
The  Chaste  Virgin  is  in  love  with  the  Redeemer,  and  for  the 
promoting  his  peaceable  kingdom  in  the  world,  are  content  to 
endure  hardness  like  good  Soldiers,  and  are  so  separated  in 
Spirit  from  the  desire  of  Riches,  that  in  their  employments,  they 
become  extensively  careful  to  give  none  offence,  neither  to  Jews 
nor  heathens,  nor  the  Church  of  Christ. 

da  mo 

31:5:  and  first  of  the  week,  had  a  meeting  in  the  Cabbin,  with 
nearly  all  the  Ships  Company;  tlie  whole  being  near  thirty.  In 
this  meeting,  the  Lord  in  mercy  favoured  us  with  the  extend- 
ings  of  his  love. 

da  mo 

2:6:  1772  last  evening  the  Seamen  found  bottom  at  about 
70  fathom. 

This  morning  fair  wind  and  pleasant,  and  as  I  sat  on  deck, 
my  heart  was  overcome  with  the  love  of  God,  and  melted  into 
contrition  before  him,  and  in  this  state,  the  prospect  of  that  work 
to  which  I  [have]  felt  my  mind  drawn  when  in  my  Native  land, 
being  in  some  degree  opened  before  me,  I  felt  like  a  little  child, 
and  my  cries  were  put  up  to  my  Heavenly  Father  for  preserva- 
tion, that  in  a  humble  dependence  on  him,  my  SquI  may  be 
Strengthened  in  his  love,  and  kept  inwardly  waiting  for  his 
Counsel. 

This  afternoon  we  saw  that  part  of  England,  called  the  Lizard. 

Some  dunghill  fowls  yet  remained  of  those  the  passengers 
took  for  their  [eiiting]  I  believe  about  14  perished  in  the  Storms 
at  Sea,  by  the  waves  breaking  over  the  quarter-deck ;  and  a  con- 
siderable number  with  sickness,  at  different  times.  I  observed 
the  Cocks  crew  coming  down  Delaware,  &  while  we  were  near 
the  land;  but  afterward  I  think  I  did  not  hear  one  of  them  Crow 
till  we  came  near  the  land  in  England,  when  they  again  crowed. 
a  few  times. 

In  Observing  their  dull  appearance  at  Sea.  and  the  pineing 
sickness  of  some  of  them,  I  once  remembered  the  Fountain  of 
goodness,  who  gave  being  to  all  creatures,  and  whose  love  ex- 
tends to  that  of  careing  for  the  Sparrows,  and  believe  where  the 


i 


jca  THE  JOCRSXL  OF  TOHX  WCM3LMAN      ceir. 

jsT^  'A  Sod  s  Tvrily  perfcftcd,  &  dx  tne  Spiiit  of  fovcnmKBt 
Tp*r-f:r::Z7  arrrri'rd  to  a  rmiVrrc^s  taward  all  creatorcs  made 
zr±.-en  "j:.  rs  viH  be  cxpeneaced  &  a  care  fdt  m  ns  that  we  do 
aic  jcaaen  r"ar  Sveecxsa  cf  Hie  in  me  azumal  Creatioii,  whkb 
±£  zresr  Czzasaz  izzecfis  for  ibcm  nader  oar  government,  [and 
'L<{^e  i.  less  ciacber  carried  ca  tD  ear  at  Sea  may  be  more 
2sr«aiJe  to  the  pare  wisdom.]  ^ 

<fa  XDO 

x:  6:  1772  Wet  weather,  high  viods,  and  so  dark  that  we 
'.'•rill  see  bat  a  littie  war.  I  percesved  oar  seamen  were  ap- 
s^r^^ensr/e  of  ffa^ger  of  mrs^ng  the  Channel,  whkh  I  mider- 
izrx,d  vas  narrow.  In  a  while  it  grew  lighter,  and  they  saw  the 
ai^i.  3Sfi  Icxw  where  we  were  [a:  which  sight  I  discerned  a 
vii£i5e  alteration  in  the  Counterances  of  Several,  who  appeared 
very  thasiftJ.]  *  Thus  die  Father  of  merdes  was  pleased  to 
xry  zs  with  the  Sight  of  dangers,  and  then  graciously,  from  time 
ztj  tixne  deliver  from  them,  thus  Sparing  oar  lives  that  in  hunil- 
fty  azxi  Reverence  we  may  walk  before  him,  and  pat  oar  trust 

About  noon  a  pilot  came  of  from  Dover  where  my  beloved 
frfcnd  Samuel  Emlen^  [&  Sarah]  *••  went  on  Shore,  and  to 
Lcndcn,  about  72  miles  by  land,  but  I  felt  easie  in  staying  in  the 
Ship. 

da  mo      St 

7:  6:  &  I.  of  the  week.  Gear  morning,  lay  at  anchor  for 
the  tide,  and  had  a  parting  meeting  with  the  Ships  Company,  in 
which  my  heart  was  enlarged  in  a  fer\-ent  concern  for  them 
that  they  may  come  to  experience  saKation  through  Christ.  Had 
a  head  wind  up  the  thames,  lay  sometimes  at  Anchor,  saw  many 
ships  passing,  and  some  at  anchor  near,  and  had  large  oppor- 
tunity of  feeling  the  spirit  in  which  the  poor  bewildered  Sailors  too 
generally  live.  That  Lamentable  d^;eneracy,  which  so  much 
prevails  among  the  people  employed  on  the  Seas,  so  affected  my 
heart  that  I  may  not  easily  convey  the  feeling  I  have  had  to 
another. 

The  present  state  of  the  sea- faring  life  in  general,  appears 

t  This  has  been  omitted  by  first  Editors. 

*  Erased   with   the   pen   on   each   line,  by   editors. 

•Sarah  Logaa. 


f 


XI 


1772 


303 


so  opposite  to  that  of  a  pious  education.  So  full  of  Corruption, 
and  extreme  alienation  from  God»  So  full  of  examples,  the  most 
dangerous  to  youftg  people,  that  in  looking  toward  a  young  gen- 
eration I  feel  a  care  for  them,  that  they  may  have  an  education 
diflPerent  from  the  present  Education  of  Lads  at  Sea :  And  that 
all  of  us  who  are  acquainted  with  the  pure  Gdspel  Spirit,  may 
lay  this  case  to  heart,  may  remember  the  lamentahle  Corrup- 
tions which  attend  the  conveyance  of  merchandize  across  the 
Seas;  and  so  abide  in  the  love  of  [Christ]  that,  heing  delivered 
from  the  love  of  money,  from  the  entangling  expenses  of  a  curi- 
ous, delicate,  luxurious  life,  [that]  we  may  learn  Contentment 
with  a  little,  and  promote  the  Sea  fareing  life  no  further  than 
the  Spirit  which  leads  into  all  Truth,  attends  us  in  our  pro- 
ceedings. 


At  this  end  of  the  Journal  of  the  Voyage,  on  the  fifth  day 
after  landing,  is  the  following  note  by  John  Wnohnan ;  the 
endorsement  is  on  the  back  of  the  blue  cover  of  the  outside.  It 
has  been  crossed  off  with  two  strokes  of  the  pen,  by  the  first 
editors.     Sophia  Hume"**  was  then  living  in  London. 

da     mo 

13:    6:     1772. 

"I  commit  these  notes  to  the  care  and  keeping  of  Sophia  Hume, 
and  if  she  hath  a  mind  to  revise  them,  and  place  them  in  better  order, 
I  am  free  to  it;  but  I  desire  she  may  not  shew  them  to  any  one,  but 
with  a  very  weighty  Consideration, 

John  Wool  man," 

The  remaining  portion  of  the  Journal  in  England  has  been 
written  on  similar  paper  and  afterward  stitched  in  with  that  re- 
lating to  the  voyage. 


CHAPTER  XII  * 
1772 

da  mo 

8:6:  1772  Landed  at  London  &  went  Straitway  to  the  yearly 
meeting,  of  Ministers  and  Elders,  which  had  been  gathered  (I 
suppose)   half  an  hour. 

In  this  meeting,  my  mind  was  humbly  contrite.  Afternoon 
meeting  of  business  opened,  which  by  adjournments,  held  near 
a  week.  In  these  meetings,  I  often  felt  a  living  concern  for  the 
Establishment  of  Friends  in  the  pure  life  of  Truth  and  my  heart 
was  Enlarged  in  the  meeting  of  Ministers,  Meeting  of  business, 
and  in  Several  meetings  for  publick  worship,  &  I  felt  my  mind 
united  in  true  love  to  the  faithful  labourers,  now  gathered  [from 
the  several  parts  of]  this  Yearly  Meeting. 

da  mo 

15:  6:  left  London,  and  went  to  a  quarterly  meeting  in 
Hertford. 

da  mo 

1:7:  1772.  have  been  at  quarterly  meetings  at  Sherrington,  at 
Northampton,  at  Banbury  and  at  Shipton,  and  had  sundry  meet- 
ings between.  My  mind  hath  been  bowed  under  a  Sence  of  di- 
vine goodness  manifested  amongst  us;  and  my  heart  hath  often 
been  enlarged  in  true  love,  both  amongst  Ministers  and  Elders, 
and  in  public  meetings.  That  through  the  Lords  goodness  I  be- 
lieve it  hath  been  a  fresh  Visitation  to  many,  in  particular  to 
the  Youth. 

da  mo 

17:  7:  Was  this  day  at  Birmingham  had  been  at  G)ventry,  at 
Warwick,  [and  have  been  at  Meetings  in  Oxfordshire  &]  sundry 
other  places ;  have  felt  the  humbling  hand  of  the  Lord  upon  me, 

>  J.    Woolman    has   made   a   note   at   top   of   page,   "P.    Cbarron,   on   Gold.     Wm. 
Pen's  World.    83  page." 

304 


E* 


in 


1772 


30s 


md  through  his  tender  mercies  find  peace  in  the  labours  I  have 
jone  through, 
da  mo 

26:  7;  1772  have  continued  travelling  northward,  visiting  meet- 
ngs;  was  this  day  at  Nottingham  which  in  the  forenoon  espe- 
cially was  through  divine  Love,  a  heart-tendering  Season:  next 
lay  had  a  Meeting  in  a  friends  house  with  friends  Children  & 
K)me  friends,  this,  through  the  Strengthening  arm  of  the  Lord, 
vas  a  time  to  be  thankfully  remembered. 
da  mo 

2:8:  1st  of  week  was  this  day  at  Sheffield,  a  large  inland  town 
lavc  been  at  Sundry  meetings  last  week  and  feel  inward  thank- 
Fulness  for  that  Divine  support  which  hath  been  graciously  ex- 
:ended  to  me. 
da  mo 

9:8:  ist  of  week  was  at  Rushworth  have  lately  j>asscd  through 
some  painful  labour,  but  have  been  comforted,  under  a  sencc  of 
that  divine  Visitation  which  I  feel  extended  toward  many  young 
people. 

da  mo 

16:  8:  and  first  of  the  week,  was  at  Settle.  It  hath  of  late 
been  a  time  of  inward  poverty,  under  -which  my  mind  hath  been 
preserved  in  a  watchful  tender  state,  feeling  for  the  mind  of  ihe 
loly  leader,  and  find  peace  in  the  labours  I  have  passed  through. 

s. 

On  Enquiry  in  many  places  I  find  the  price  of  Rie  about  5, 

Ls. 
t  about  8,  p.  bushel.  Oatmeal,   12  for  120  pound,  mutton, 
d      d  d      d  d        d 

from  3  to  5  per  pound,  bacon  from  7  to  9.    Cheese  from  4  to  6 
d         d  s  s 

>utter  from  8  to  10  house  rent  for  a  poor  man  from  25  to  40 
>er  year  to  be  paid  weekly,  wood  for  fire  very  scarce  and  dear, 

sd 
real  some  places.  2  6  per  hundred  weight,  but  near  the  pits, 
lot  a  quarter  so  much.     O  may  the  wealthy  consider  the  poor ! 

re   wages   of   labouring   men   in    several    Counties   toward 
d 
^ndon,   10  per  day  in  common  business,  the  Employer  finds 


50S  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


SmftU  beer,  and  the  labourer  finds  his  own  food ;  hut  in  har%-est_ 

s 

1^  hay  time  wa^es  is  alxrut  i  and  the  I-^bourer  hath  all  his  die 
In  some  parts  of  the  North  of  England,  poor  labouring  men  have 
their  food  where  they  work ;  and  appear  in  common  to  do  rather 
better  than  nearer  London.    Industrious  women  who  Spin  in  tiie 

(I  d  d  d  d  d        d 

factories  get  some  4,  some  5,  &  so  on  6.  7.  8.  9  or  10  a  day,  and 
finti  their  own  house  room  &  diet.  Great  numbers  of  poor  people 
Uvr  chiefly  on  bread  and  water  in  the  Southern  parts  of  England, 
and  some  in  the  Northern  parts,  and  there  are  many  poor  Chil- 
dren not  tnujrht  even  to  Read,  May  those  who  have  plenty,  lay 
these  things  to  heart  t 

Stafjc  Coaches  frequently  iet"  upwards  of  a  hundred  miles  in 
114  hours,  and  I  have  heard  friends  say,  in  several  places  that  it 
U  comnnin  for  horses  to  be  killed  with  hard  driving,  and  many 
othert  are  driven  till  they  grow  blind.  [These  Coaches  runing 
cluef  i^art  of  the  Night,  do  often  run  over  &  hurt  people  in  the 
dark.) 

Post  boys  pursue  their  business,  each  one  to  his  Stage,  all 
ni^ht  ihmngh  the  winter.  Some  boys  who  ride  long  Stages  suf- 
fer gfTrttly  in  winter  nighrs  and  at  several  places  I  have  heard  of 
their  heiuK  froze  to  death.  So  great  is  the  hurry  in  the  Spirit  of 
thli  world,  that  in  aiming  to  do  business  quick,  and  to  gain  wealth. 
th«  i'rcation  at  this  day  doth  loudly  groan! 

A*  niy  journey  hath  been  without  a  horse  I  have  had  several 
ofTem  of  being  assisted  on  my  way  in  these  Stage  Coaches  but 
h<ivr  no!  been  in  thciu  nor  have  T  had  freedom  to  send  letters 
hv  \\\rM'  i^istK,  in  the  present  way  of  their  riding,  the  stages  be- 
IniC  w>  f<'<«'d  and  one  borly  dependant  on  another  as  to  time,  that 
thry  otmnnotdv  go  upwanl  of  100  miles  in  24  hours,  and  in  the  cold 
loutf  winter  nights,  the  poor  boys  suffer  much. 

I  heart!  in  America  of  the  way  of  these  posts,  and  cautioned 
(rlruiU  In  the  general  meeting  of  Ministers  and  Elders  at  philada 
and  In  ihe  vrarly  meeting  of  Ministers  and  Elders  at  London, 
Mt»t  to  »entl  letters  to  me  on  any  common  occasion  by  post.  And 
tluMiuh  on  this  account  I  may  be  likely  to  hear  Seldomer  from 
the  (nmilv  I  left  behind,  yet  for  Righteousness  Sake  I  am  through 
*>lvhir  fav(»ur  made  content. 


tnrougti 


1772 


307 


I  have  felt  great  distress  of  mind  since  I  came  on  this  Island 

j  on  account  of  the  members  of  our  Society  being  mixed  with  the 
world  in  various  Sorts  of  business  and  traffick  carried  on  in  im- 
pure Channels.  Great  is  the  trade  to  Africa  for  Slaves  1  and  in 
loading  these  Ships,  abundance  of  people  are  employed  in  the 
factories  amongst  whom  are  many  of  our  society!  Friends  in 
Early  times  refused  on  a  religious  principle  to  make  or  trade  in 
Superfluities,  of  which  we  have  many  large  testimonies  on  record, 
but  for  want  of  faithfulness  some  gave  way;  even  some  whose 
examples  were  of  note  in  Society,  and  from  thence  others  took 
more  liberty.     Members  of  our  society  worked  in  Supei"fluities, 

!  and  bought  and  Sold  them,  and  thus  dimness  of  sight  came  over 
many.  At  length  friends  got  into  the  use  of  Some  Superfluities 
in  dress,  and  in  the  furniture  of  their  houses,  and  this  hath  spread 

,  from  less  to  more,  till  Superfluity  of  some  kinds  is  common 
amongst  us. 

In  this  declining  State  many  look  at  the  examples  one  of  an- 
other, and  too  much  neglect  the  pure  feeling  of  Truth.  Of  late 
years  [this  increasing,]  a  deep  exercise  hath  attended  my  mind, 
that  friends  may  dig  deep,  may  carefully  cast  forth  the  loose 
matter,  and  get  down  to  the  Rock,  the  Sure  foundation,  and 

I  there  hearken  to  that  divine  voice  which  gives  a  Clear  &  certain 

I  Sound,  and  I  have  felt  in  that  which  doth  not  deceive,  that  if 
friends  who  have  known  the  Truth,  keep  in  that  tenderness  of 
heart,  where  all  views  of  outward  gain  are  given  up,  and  their 
trust  is  only  in  the  Lord,  He  will  graciously  lead  some  to  be  pat- 
terns of  deep  Self  denial  in  things  relating  to  trade  and  handi- 

I  craft  labour,  and  that  some  who  have  plenty  of  the  treasures  of 
this  world,  will  example  in  a  plain,  frugal  life,  and  pay  wages  to 

I  such  whom  they  may  hire,  more  liberally  than  is  now  customary 
in  some  places.* 

1  nio 

23:  8:  Was  this  day  at  preston-patrick  [here  I  dream'd  of 
Mother,]  and  had  a  comfortable  meeting.     I  have  several  times 

been  entertained  at  the  houses  of  friends  who  had  sundry  things 


*  la  the  nuu-gin  of  this  page  it  writteti  tbui, 
-Seal    wordi  with    silence    )      Chuse    well    and    bold    f&it     ]  ^^''*"*   niaketh 

flatter    no    man    .     .     .     .     f     uie    time    well      .     .     »     .      r*^'*'=    ''*™   ^,** 

'  '  forgive    injurie*." 

The  tcntencei  cucgett  copy-book  heading*,   which  in  all  probability  Ihey  are. 


3o8  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

about  them  which  had  the  appearance  of  outward  greatness,  and 
as  I  have  kept  mward  way  hath  opened   for  Conversation  in 
private  in  which  divine  Goodness  hath  favoured  us  together  wi|^ 
heart  tendering  times.  ^| 

A  deviation  amongst  us  as  a  Society  from  the  S implicit)-  that 
there  is  in  Christ  becoming  so  general;  and  the  trade  from  this 
Island  to  Africa  for  Slaves,  and  other  trades  carried  on  through 
oppressive  Channels  and  abundance  of  the  Inhabitants  being  em- 
ployed in  factories  to  Support  a  trade  in  which  there  is  un- 
righteousness, and  Some  growing  outwardly  great  by  gain  of  this 
Sort.  The  weight  of  this  degeneracy  hath  lain  so  heavy  upon 
me,  the  depth  of  this  revolt,  been  so  evident,  and  desires  in  ray 
heart  been  so  ardent  for  a  reformation,  that  we  may  come 
to  that  right  use  of  things,  where  liveing  on  a  little  we  may  in- 
habit that  holy  Mountain,  in  which  they  neither  kurt  nor  destroy! 
and  may  not  only  Stand  clear  from  oppressing  our  fellow-crea- 
tures, but  may  be  so  disentangled  from  connexions  in  Interest  | 
with  known  oppressors,  that  in  us  may  be  fulfilled  that  prophecie, 
TJwu  sfialt  be  far  from  oppression. 

Under  the  weight  of  this  exercise  the  sight  of  iimoccnt  birds 
in  the  branches  and  sheep  in  the  pastures,  who  arc  according  to 
the  will  of  their  Creator,  hath  at  times  tended  to  mitigate 
trouble. 

da  mo 

26:  8:  1772  being  now  at  George  Crosfields**  in  W( 
land  [county  in  EngLind.]  I  feel  a  concern  to  commit  to  writing 
that  which  to  me  hath  been  a  Case  uncommon. 

In  a  time  of  Sickness  with  the  plurisie,^  a  little  upward  of 
two  years  and  a  half  ago  I  was  brought  so  Near  the  gates  of 
death,  that  I  forgot  my  name,  being  then  desirous  to  know  who 
I  was,  I  saw  a  mass  of  matter  of  a  dull  gloomy  collour.  between 
the  South  and  the  East,  and  was  informed  that  this  mass  >\'as 
human  beings,  in  as  great  misery  as  they  could  be,  &  live,  and 
that  I  was  mixed  in  with  them,  &  henceforth  I  might  not  con- 
sider myself  as  a  distinct  or  Separate  being.  In  this  state  I  re- 
mained several  hours.  I  then  heard  a  soft  melodious  voice,  more 
pure  and  harmonious  than  any  voice  1  had  heard  with  my  ears 
before,  and  I  believed  it  was  the  voice  of  an  angel  who  spake 

*  See  page  26$,  where  this  illncM  is  more  fully  deacribed,  at  date'  of  occurreooc 


■d 


xn  1772  309 

-to  ^e  other  angels.  The  words  were  John  WooUmn  is  dead. 
I  soon  remembered  that  I  once  was  John  Woolman,  and  being 
assured  that  I  was  alive  in  the  body,  I  greatly  wondered  what  that 
heavenly  voice  could  mean. 

I  believed  beyond  doubting  that  it  was  the  voice  of  an  holy 
Angel,  but  as  yet  it  was  a  mystery  to  me. 

I  was  then  carried  in  Spirit  to  the  mines,  where  poor  Op- 
pressed people  were  digging  rich  treasures  for  those  called  Chris- 
tians, and  heard  them  blaspheme  the  name  of  Christ,  at  which 
I  was  grieved  for  his  Name  to  me  was  precious. 

Then  I  was  informed  that  these  heathen  were  told  that  those 
who  oppressed  them  were  the  followers  of  Christ;  and  they  said 
amongst  themselves,  If  Christ  directed  them  to  use  us  in  this 
Sort  then  Christ  is  a  cruel  tyrant. 

All  this  time  the  Song  of  the  Angel  remained  a  Mystery,  and 
in  the  morning  my  dear  wife  and  some  others  coming  to  my  bed- 
side I  asked  them  if  they  knew  who  I  was,  and  they  telling  me 
I  was  John  Woolman,  thought  I  was  only  light-headed,  for  I 
told  them  not  what  the  Angel  said,  nor  was  I  disposed  to  talk 
much  to  any  one;  but  was  very  desirous  to  get  so  deep  that  I 
might  understand  this  Mystery. 

My  tongue  was  often  so  dry  that  I  could  not  speak  till  I  had 
moved  it  about  and  gathered  some  moisture,  and  as  I  lay  still  for 
a  time,  at  length  I  felt  divine  power  prepare  my  mouth  that  I 
could  speak,  and  then  I  said,  *I  am  crucified  with  Christ,  never- 
theless I  live  yet  not  I,  but  Christ  [that]  liveth  in  me,  and  the 
life  I  now  live  in  the  flesh  is  by  faith  [in]  the  Son  of  God  who 
loved  me  and  gave  himself  for  me." 

Then  the  Mystery  was  opened  and  I  perceived  there  was 
Joy  in  heaven  over  a  Sinner  who  had  repented,  and  that  that 
language,  John  Woolman  is  dead,  meant  no  more  than  the  death 
of  my  own  will. 

Soon  after  this  I  coughed  and  raised  much  bloody  matter, 
which  I  had  not  during  this  Vision,  and  now  my  natural  under- 
standing returned  as  before.  Here  I  saw,  that  people  geting  Sil- 
ver Vessels  to  set  of  their  Tables  at  entertainments  was  often 
stained  with  worldly  Glory,  and  that  in  the  present  state  of 
things,  I  should  take  heed  how  I  fed  myself  from  out  of  Silver 
Vessels. 


3IO  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

Soon  after  my  recovery  I  going  to  our  monthly  *  meeting 
dined  at  a  friends  house  where  drink  was  brought  in  Silver  Ves- 
sels and  not  in  any  other,  and  I  wanting  some  drink  told  him  my 
case  with  weeping,  and  he  ordered  some  drink  for  me  in  another 
Vessel.  ^t 

The  like  I  afterwards  went  through  in  several  friends  hous^M 
in  America,  and  have  also  in  England,  since  I  came  here,  and 
have  cause  with  himible  reverence  to  acknowledge  the  loving 
kindness  of  my  heavenly  Father,  who  hath  preserved  me  in  such 
a  tender  frame  of  mind,  that  none,  I  believe,  have  ever  been  of- 
fended at  what  I  have  said  on  that  Occasion.     [John  Woolman.) 

After  this  sickness  I  spake  not  in  public  meetings  for  wor- 
ship for  near  one  year,  but  my  mind  was  very  often  in  company 
with  the  oppressed  slaves  as  I  sat  in  meetings,  and  [it  was  to  me 
a  time  of]  abundance  of  weeping  [and  tho'  I  think  I  never  felt 
the  spring  of  the  ministry  Opened  in  me  more  powerfully.]  *  It 
being  so  long  since  I  passed  through  this  dispensation  and  the 
matter  remaining  fresh  and  livingly  in  my  mind  I  believe  it  safest 
for  me  to  commit  it  to  writing. 

da  mo 

30:  8:  1772  This  morning  I  wrote  a  letter  in  substance  as 
fnllnws  ^ 

Beloved  friend, 

My  mind  is  often  affected  as  I  pass  along,  under  a  sense  of  the 
state  of  many  poor  people,  who  sit  under  that  sort  of  ministry  which 
requires  much  outward  labour  to  support  it;  And  the  loving  kind- 
ness of  our  heavenly  Father  in  opening  a  pure  gospel  Ministry  in  this 
nation  hath  often  raised  thankfulness  in  my  heart  toward  him.  I 
often  remember  the  Conflicts  of  the  faithful  under  persecution,  and 
now  look  at  the  free  exercise  of  the  pure  gift  uninterrupted  by  out- 
ward laws  as  a  trust  committed  to  us,  which  requires  our  deepest 
gratitude,  and  most  careful  attention.  I  feel  a  tender  concern  that 
the   work  of   reformation  so  prosperously  carried   on   in   this  1 


'  Burlington,  New  Jersey.     Probably  at  John   Smith's.'* 

'  la  a  fine  running  hand,  overleaf,  is  the  following  completion  of  this  paragraph 
"And  though  under  this  dispensation  I  was  shut  up  from  speaking,  yet  the 
Spring  of  the  Gospel  Ministry  was  many  times  livingly  opcn'd  in  me  &  the  divine 
Gift  operated  by  abundance  of  weeping  in  feeling  the  oppression  of  this  People." 
A  note  ia  added  by  William  Tuke:  "By  J.  W.'s  order  in  his  illness,  the  above  to 
stand  instead  of  that  wrote  in  the  margin  on  the  other  side  of  this  page." 

*  This  letter  was  written   to  Rachel    Wilson,   wife   of  Isaac,  of   Kendal,   ih 
on  a  preaching  tour.     (See  Biog.  Note  66.J 


1772 


3" 


Irithm  a  iew  a^es  past  may  go  forward  and  spread  amongst  the 
lations,  and  may  not  go  backward  through  dust  gathering  on  our 
tarments,  who  have  been  called  to  a  work  so  great  and  so  precious. 
[  Last  evening  1  had  a  little  oportunity  at  thy  house,  with  some  of 
iby  family  in  thy  absence,  in  which  I  rejoyced,  and  feeling  a  Sweet- 
less  on  my  mind  toward  thee  1  now  endeavour  to  open  a  little  of 
She  feeling  1  had  there. 

I  I  have  heard  that  you  in  these  parts  have,  at  certain  Seasons 
jpeetings  of  Conierrence,  in  relation  to  friends  living  up  to  our 
Principles  in  which  several  meetings  unite  in  one,  with  which  1  feel 
ftnity:  I  having  in  some  measure  felt  Truth  lead  that  way  amongst 
Iriends  in  America;  and  have  found  my  dear  friend^  that,  in  these 
labours,  all  Superfluities  in  our  own  living  are  against  us.  1  feel 
^at  pure  love  toward  thee  in  which  there  is  freedom. 

1    look  at  that  precious  gift  bestowed  on  thee,   with    Avvfuhiess 
before  Him  who  gave  it  and  feel  a  care  that  we  may  be  so  Sepa- 
^ted  to  the  gospel  of  Christ  that  those  things  which  proceed  from 
ilie  Spirit  of  this  world  may  have  no  place  amongst  us.     thy  fr** 
I  JOHN  WOOLMAN. 


I  rested  a  few  days  m  body  ami  mind  with  our  friend  Jane 
Crosfield,'*  who  was  once  in  America:  was  on  Sixtli  day  of 
ihe  week  at  Kendal  in  Westmoreland  and  at  Greyrig  meeting 

da  mo 
Phc  30:  8:  and  first  of  the  week. 

I  1  have  known  poverty  of  late,  and  been  graciously  Supported 
io  keep  in  the  patience,  and  am  thankful  under  a  sense  of  the  good- 
ness of  the  Lord  toward  those  that  are  of  a  contrite  Spirit 

da  roo 

6:9:  1  of  week.  Was  this  day  at  Counterside,  a  large  meet- 
ing house,  and  very  full,  and  through  the  opening  of  pure  love 
Kt  was  a  Strengthening  time  to  me,  and  I  believe  to  many  more. 
'      da  mo 

13:  9:  Was  this  day  at  Richmond,  a  small  meetings  but  the 
town's  people  coming  in,  the  house  was  crowded.  It  was  a  time 
bf  heavy  labour,  and  I  believe  was  a  profitable  meeting. 

[When  I  was  at  Richmond,  I  Being  now  in  Yorkshire,)  I 
beard  that  my  kinsman  William  Hunt"  from  North  Carolina 
pi-ho  was  on  a  religious  visit  to  Friends  in  England,  departed  this 
life  on  the  yth  day  of  the  9th  month  instant  of  the  small-pox,  at 
(Newcastle.     He  appear'd  in  the  ministry  when  a  youth,  and  his 


312  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

labours  therein  were  of  good  savour.  He  traveird  much  in  that 
work  in  America.  I  once  heard  him  say  in  public  testimony  that  his 
concern  was  in  that  visit  to  be  devoted  to  the  service  of  Christ 
so  fully  that  he  might  not  spend  one  minute  in  pleasing  himself, 
which  words,  joined  with  his  example  was  a  means  of  stirring 
up  the  pure  mind  in  me.^ 

Having  of  late  travelled  often  in  wet  weather,  through  nar- 
row streets  in  towns  &  villages,  where  was  dirtiness  under  foot 
and  the  scent  arising  from  that  Filth  which  more  or  less  infects 
the  air  of  all  thick  settled  towns,  and  1  being  but  weakly,  have 
felt  distress  both  in  body  and  mind  with  that  which  is  impure 
In  these  journeys  I  have  been  where  much  cloath  hath  been 
dyed,  and  sundr>'  times  have  walked  over  ground  where  much  of 
their  die  stuffs  have  drained  away. 

Here  I  have  feU  a  longing  in  my  mind,  that  people  mi] 
come  into  Cleanness  of  spirit,  Cleanness  of  person,   Cleanness 
about  their  houses  and  Garments. 

Some  who  are  great,  carry  delicacy  to  a  great  hight  th 
selves,  and  yet  the  real  cleanliness  is  not  generally  promoted. 
Dies  being  invented  partly  to  please  the  Eye,  and  part  to  hide 
dirt,  I  have  felt  in  tliis  weak  state,  travelling  in  dirtiness  and 
affected  with  unwholesome  Scents,  a  strong  desire  that  the  na- 
ture of  dicing  cloth  to  hide  dirt  may  be  more  fully  considered. 
To  hide  dirt  in  our  garments  appears  opposite  to  the  real 
cleanliness. 

To  wash  garments,  and  keep  them  sweet,  this  appears  cleanly. 
Through  giving  way  to  hiding  dirt  in  our  garments,  a  Spirit 
which  would  cover  that  which  is  disagreeable  is  strengthened. 

Real  cleanness  becometh  a  holy  people,  but  hiding  that  which 
is  not  clean  by  colouring  our  garments  appears  contrary  to  the 
Sweetness  of  Sincerity. 

Through  some  Sorts  of  dies,  Cloath  is  less  useful:  and  if  the 
value  of  die  stuffs,  the  expense  of  dicing,  and  tlie  damage  done  to 
Cloath,  were  all  added  together  and  that  exi:>ense  applied  to  keep 
all  sweet  and  clean,  how  much  more  cleanly  would  people  be! 

[Near  large  towns  there  are  many  beasts  Slain  to  Supply  the 
Market  &  from  their  Blood  &  tilth  ariseth  that  which  mixeth 
in  the  Air:   this  with   the   Cleaning  of  many  Stables  &   other 

'  The    iiik   in    tlus   paragraph   baa    nearly    faded   out. 


XII  1772  313 

Scents  in  the  Air  in  Citties  in  a  Calm,  wetish  time,  is  so  oppo- 
site to  the  clean  pure  Country  air  that  I  think  even  the  Minds 
of  people  are  in  some  degree  hindered  from  the  pure  Operation 
of  the  Holy  Spirit,  where  they  breathe  a  g^eat  deal  in  it 

With  God,  all  things  are  possible,  and  the  Sincere  in  heart 
find  help  under  the  greatest  difficulties,  but  I  believe  if  Truth 
be  singly  adhered  to,  way  may  be  Open'd  for  some  to  live  a 
Country  life,  who  are  now  in  Citties.]  * 

CONCERNING  THE  MINISTRY. 

On  2  this  visit  to  England  I  have  felt  some  instructions  sealed 
on  my  mind,  which  I  am  concerned  to  leave  in  writing,  for  the 
use  of  such  who  are  called  to  the  station  of  a  minister  of  Christ. 

Christ  being  the  Prince  of  Peace,  and  we  being  no  more  than 
ministers,  I  find  it  necessary  for  us,  not  only  to  feel  a  concern  in 
our  first  going  forth,  but  to  experience  the  renewing  thereof  in 
the  appointment  of  meetings. 

^  This  paragraph,  from  one  of  the  last  pages  of  the  English  Journal,  has  been 
omitted  in  all  previous  editions.  The  first  edition  [1774]  bas,  however,  the  catch- 
word  "Near'*  at  bottom  of  page  240,  while  the  paragxi4>h  at  top  of  psge  34 1  opens 
with,  "on  this  visit,"  &c.,  conclusively  proving  that  the  original  Manuscript  was 
in  use.  and  that  the  omission  was  made  after  the  type  xvos  set  up  and  printed. 

Below  is  a  curious  waif,  which  fits  in  here  like  a  mosaic.  Note  on  fly  leaf  of 
Dublin  Edit  (1776)  of  Woolman's  Journal,  owned  by  Mary  Awmack,  &  given 
by  E.  C.  Jellett,  of  Germantown,  to  The  Woolman  Memorial  in  Mount  Holly,  N.  J. 
in    1918. 

"As  I  have  the  following  Memorandum  in  John  Woolman's  own  hand* 
writing,  tho't  it  not  improper  to  insert  it  here,  as  it  is  left  out  in  the  following 
Journal. 

"17''  day  of  p**"  mo.  was  at  Thirsk.  Many  of  the  towns  people  coming  in,  the 
bouse  was  much  crowded  amongst  whom  my  heart  was  enlarged  &  the  gospel  love 
flowed  forth  toward  them. 

"On  the  30*^  come  from  Wm.  Martins  to  Huby  attended  the  meeting  there  went 
to  John  Johnson's  to  diner,  after  which  Came  to  James  Hersey's  at  Towthorp,  near 
York  &  to  York  the  sist:  attended  the  Select  meeting  next  day  the  Quarterly  meeting 
for  Worship  &  discipline.  Except  the  last." 

This  note  appears  valuable,  but  is  so  far  unexplained,  as  to  its  source.  The 
writer  may  have  possessed  a  lost  leaf. 

*  This  brief  little  Essay  forms  the  concluding  section  of  the  English  Journal. 
It  was  probably  written  bv  John  Woolman  in  the  leisure  of  the  few  days  rest 
which  he  took  in  "body  and  mind"  at  the  hospitable  home  of  George  and  Jane  Crosfield. 
It  is  retained  here,  apart  from  the  Essays,  as  a  portion  of  the  Journal  proper, 
because  of  personal  references,  and  the  light  which  it  casts  upon  Woolman's  travels 
and  his  state  of  mind.  A  copy  remains,  with  its  separate  heading,  at  Almery  Garth, 
with  the  other  English  essays,  and  it  has  also  been  printed  as  a  separate  pamphlet, 
of  which  a  copy  is  in  the  library  of  Haverford  College,  Pa.  The  first  edition  is 
followed  in  this  arrangement.  Compare  also,  Woolman's  remarks  on  the  same  subject 
in   1760. 


ith^ 


314  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

I  felt  a  concern  in  America,  to  prepare  for  this  voyage;  and 
being  through  the  mercy  of  Gorl  brought  safe  here,  ray  heart 
was  hke  a  vessel  that  wanted  vent ;  and  for  several  weeks  at 
first,  when  my  mouth  was  opened  in  meetings,  it  often  felt  Hke 
the  raising  of  a  gate  in  a  water  course,  where  a  weight  of  water 
lay  upon  it;  and  in  these  lahours  there  appeared  a  fresh  visita- 
tion of  love  to  many,  esiJ€cial!y  the  youth.  But  some  time  after 
this,  I  felt  empty  and  poor,  and  yet  felt  a  necessity  to  appoint 
meetings. 

In  this  state  I  was  exercised  to  abide  in  the  pure  life  of  Truthj 
and  in  all  my  labours  to  watch  diligently  against  tlie  motions 
self  in  my  own  mind. 

I  have  frequently  felt  a  necessity  to  stand  up,  when  the  spring 
of  the  ministry  was  low,  and  to  speak  from  the  necessit>%  in  that 
which   subjecteth   the   will   of   the  creature ;  and   herein   I   was 
united  with  the  suffering  seed,  and  found  inward  sweetness  it^j 
these  mortifying  labours.  ^H 

As  1  have  been  preserved  in  a  watchful  attention  to  the  Divine 
leader  under  these  dispensations,  enlargement  at  times  hath  fol- 
lowed, and  the  i>ower  of  Truth  hath  rose  higher  in  some  meet- 
ings, than  I  ever  knew  it  before  through  me. 

Thus  I  have  ])eeii  more  and  more  instnicted,  as  to  the  neces- 
sity of  depending,  not  upon  a  concern  which  I  felt  in  America  to 
come  on  a  visit  to  England,  but  upon  the  fresh  instructions 
Christ,  the  prince  of  peace,   from  day  to  day. 

Now  of  late,  I  have  felt  a  stop  in  the  appointment  of  meet- 
ings, not  wholly  but  in  part ;  and  I  do  not  feel  liberty  to  appoint 
them  so  ciuick  one  after  another  as  I  have  heretofore,  [and  1  f 
thankful  that  1  have  not  noise  with  me  in  these  slow  proceedin 

The  work  of  the  ministry  being  a  work  of  Divine  love,  I 
that  the  openings  thereof  are  to  be  waited  for,  in  all  our  appoint^ 
ments. 

Oh!  how  deep  is  Divine  wisdom!  Christ  puts  forth  his  minis" 
tcrs,  and  goeth  before  them  ;  and  Oh !  how  great  is  the  danger  of 
departing  from  the  pure  feeling  of  that  which  leadeth  safely  I 

Christ  knoweth  the  state  of  the  people,  and  in  the  pure  feel- 
ing of  the  gospel  ministry,  their  states  are  opened  to  his  servants. 

Christ  knoweth  when  the  fruit-bearing  branches  themselves 
have  need  of  purging. 


fe^ 
fee" 

n 


A 


A 


XII 


1772 


315 


Oh  I  that  these  lessons  may  be  remembered  by  me !  and  that  all 
who  appoint  meetings,  may  proceed  in  the  pure  feeling  of  duty. 

1  have  sometimes  f  eh  a  necessity  to  stand  up ;  but  that  spirit 
which  is  of  the  world  hath  so  much  prevailed  in  many,  and  the 
pure  life  of  Truth  been  so  pressed  down,  that  I  have  gone  for- 
ward, not  as  one  travelling  in  a  road  cast  up,  and  well  prepared, 
but  as  a  man  walking  through  a  miry  place,  in  which  are  stones 
here  and  there,  safe  to  step  on  ■  but  so  situated  that  one  step  be- 
ing taken,  time  is  necessary  to  see  where  to  step  next. 

Now  I  find  that  in  pure  obedience  the  mind  learns  contentment 
in  appearing  weak  and  foolish  to  that  wisdom  which  is  of  the 
world :  and  in  these  lowly  labours,  they  who  stand  in  a  low 
place,  rightly  exercised  under  the  cross,  will  find  nourishment. 

The  gift  is  pure;  and  while  the  eye  is  single  in  attending 
thereto,  the  understanding  is  preserved  clear;  self  is  kept  out; 
and  we  rejoice  in  filling  up  that  which  remains  of  the  afflictions 
of  Christ  for  his  body's  sake,  which  is  the  church. 

The  natural  man  loveth  eloquence,  and  many  love  to  hear 
eloquent  orations:  and  if  there  is  not  a  careful  attention  to  the 
gift  men  who  have  once  laboured  in  the  pure  gospel  ministry, 
gruwing  weary  of  suffering,  and  ashamed  of  appearing  weak, 
may  kindle  a  fire,  compass  themselves  about  with  sparks,  and 
walk  in  the  light, — not  of  Christ  who  is  under  suffering, — but 
of  that  fire  which  they,  going  from  the  gift,  have  kindled:  And 
that  in  hearers,  which  is  gone  from  the  meek  suffering  state,  into 
the  worldly  wisdom,  may  be  warmed  with  this  fire,  and  si>eak 
highly  of  tliese  lalxmrs.  ("and  thus  the  false  Prophet  in  man 
may  fomi  likenesses  &  his  coming  may  be  with  Signs  and  Won- 
ders and  lying  Miracles;  but  the  Sorcerers,  however  powerful — 
they  remain  without  in  Company  with  the  Idolaters  and  Adul- 
terers/') That  which  is  nf  tiod  gathers  to  God ;  and  that  which  is 
of  the  world  is  owned  by  the  world. 

In  this  journey  a  labour  hath  attended  my  mind,  that  the 
ministers  amongst  us  may  be  preserved  in  the  meek  feeling  life 
of  Truth,  where  we  have  no  desire  but  to  follow  Christ  and  be 
with  him;  that  when  he  is  under  suffering  we  may  suffer  with 
him ;  and  never  desire  to  rise  up  in  dominion,  but  as  he  by  the 
virtue  of  his  own  Spirit  may  raise  us. 


L 


END 


CHAPTER  XIII 
1772 

At  this  point  ends  the  Journal  proper  of  John  Woolman.  The 
following  portion,  usually  given  in  previous  editions  as  the  con- 
cluding pages  of  the  narrative,  describing  his  illness  and  death, 
demands  further  explanation. 

Thomas  Priestman*'  and  his  wife,  in  whose  house  at  York 
John  Woolman  died,  together  with  William  ••  and  Esther  Tuke," 
their  intimate  friends,  were  his  constant  attendants.  As  the  for- 
mer states  in  his  own  Journal,  he  and  William  Tuke  "minuted 
down"  all  of  the  dying  man's  expressions,  and  kept  a  record  of 
every  occurrance  during  the  thirteen  days  of  his  illness.  Thomas 
Priestman's  Journal  and  this  record  are  still  in  existence,  and 
through  the  courtesy  of  Malcolm  Spence,  the  late  owner  of 
Almery  Garth,  the  manuscripts  have  been  placed  at  the  editor's 
service  in  the  form  of  photographic  reproductions.  These  pages 
correspond  exactly  with  the  handwriting,  undoubtedly  that  of 
William  Tuke,  in  the  last  pages  of  Woolman's  own  English 
Journal,  now  at  Swarthmore  College.  In  sending  to  America 
the  news  of  the  illness  and  death  of  John  Woolman,  William 
Tuke  used  this  narrative,  and  embodied  it  almost  verbatim  in  let- 
ter form,  adding  besides  much  of  interesting  detail.  All  previ- 
ous editions  have  this  account  attached  to  the  concluding  pages  of 
the  Journal  in  the  original  form  of  the  memorandum  at  York, 
as  it  was  written  first  by  William  Tuke,  with  various  important 
omissions.  It  is  felt  that  this  letter,  in  its  fuller  form,  will  be 
welcomed  by  Woolman  lovers,  since  only  from  it  we  learn  valu- 
able facts.  The  additions  which  were  made  by  William  Tuke 
in  forwarding  the  letter  with  Woolman's  effects,  to  his  cousin 
Reuben  Haines,"*^  in  Philadelphia,  as  the  dying  man  had  desired, 
are  indicated  by  square  brackets.  The  only  printed  copy  of  the 
letter  which  has  come  under  the  notice  of  the  present  editor,  is 

316 


w 


XIII 


1772 


317 


separately    published    in    John    Comly's    "Friends'    Miscellany," 
Volume  VIII. 

The  "Testimonies"  to  Woolmao  are  taken  from  the  Minute 
Books  of  the  Meetings  at  York,  England,  and  Burlington,  New 
Jersey,  respectively. 

York,  26th,  TOth  mo.  1772. 
[Dear  Friend,  Reuben  Hainks:** 

It  falls  to  my  lot,  in  the  fulfilling  of  the  precious  request  of 
our  beloved  friend,  John  Wof>lman,  hereby  to  inform  thee  that 
he  departed  this  life  at  the  house  of  our  friend  Thomas  Priest- 
man,"'  in  the  suburbs  of  this  city,  the  7th  day  of  the  loth  mo. 
1772,  about  the  sixth  hour  in  the  morning,  and  was  interred  in 
Friends'  burying-ground  here,  the  9th  of  the  same,  after  a  large 
and  solid  meeting  held  on  the  occasion  in  our  great  meeting 
house.] 

He  came  to  this  city  the  21st  day  of  the  ninth  month,  and 
second  day  of  the  week,  and  having  been  poorly  in  health  for 
some  time  before;  apprehended  the  like  feverish  disorder  he 
usually  had  at  this  season  of  the  year  was  coming  upon  him. 

The  Quarterly  meeting  of  Ministers  and  h'lders  was  held  in 
the  Evening  of  3**  day,  and  the  sittings  of  the  Quarterly  meet- 
ing for  Business  &  meetings  for  Worship  on  4"'  &  5^*'  days,  all 
which  he  was  enabled  to  attend,  except  the  parting  meeting  for 
Worship. 

He  appeared  in  the  Ministi7  greatly  to  the  Comfort  &  Satis- 
faction of  Friends ;  the  Spring  of  tlie  Gospel  flowing  through  him 
with  great  purity  &  Sweetness.  ?Iis  last  Testimony  was  in  a 
Meeting  for  Discipline,  on  the  Subject  of  the  Slave  Trade ;  re- 
marking, that  as  Friends  had  been  solicitous  for,  aod  obtain'd 
relief  from  many  of  their  Sufferings,  so  he  recommended  this 
oppressed  part  of  the  Creation  to  their  Notice,  that  they  may,  in 
an  Individual  Cajmcity.  as  way  may  open,  renu^nstrate  their  hard- 
ships &  Sufferings  to  those  in  Authority,  especially  the  Legislative 
Power  in  this  Kingdom.  [I  am  persuaded  that  this  his  last 
public  labour  made  a  deep  impression  on  many  minds,  and  I  wish 
the  great  sufferings  he  hath  passed  through  on  account  of  this 
oppressed  and  injured  people,  may  deeply  affect  the  minds  of  those 
in  America,  among  whom  he  hath  faithfully  and  painfully  la- 
boured, and  of  whom  he  said  he  was  clear.] 


i 


3i8 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 


His  Illness  growing  upon  him,  some  Spotts  appeared  upon  his 
Face  like  the  small  l*ox  on  7^"  day,  &  the  next  day  it  appeared 
beyond  a  doubt  that  this  was  his  disorder.  As  he  had  seldom  eaten 
Flesh  for  some  Time,  and  from  the  Symptoms  at  first,  we  enter- 
tained hopes  he  would  have  the  disorder  favourably ;  but  a  great 
quantity  of  Spotts  began  to  appear  the  3'*  &  4"*  days,  so  that  he 
was  pretty  full,  and  though  not  so  loaded  as  many,  yet  for  the 
most  part  was  greatly  afflicted,  but  bore  it  with  the  utmost  Meek- 
ness, Patience,  Resignation  and  Christian  Fortitude  frequently 
uttering  many  comfortable  &  Instructive  Expressions,  some  of 
which  were  minuted  down  or  remembered.'  (Nothing  was 
wanting  that  could  be  devised  to  make  him  .*asy,  and  to 
have  restored  biiu,  had  it  been  consistent  with  the  Divine 
will.] 

The  Friend^  and  his  wife  at  whose  house  he  was,  as  well 
as  divers  others  of  us,  being  nearly  united  to  him  in  much  ten- 
derness of  Affection  and  near  Sympathy,  and  having  the  Oppor- 
tunity of  attending  him,  thought  it  a  blessing  to  behold  his  ex- 
emplary conduct,  which  apjieared  throughout.  My  Wife"  and  I 
were  much  with  him,  both  of  us  seldom  leaving  him  at  once, 
either  Day  or  Night,  as  it  was  his  Request  about  a  Week  before 
his  Death  that  she  would  not  sleep  out  of  the  House  until  she 
saw  an  Alteration,  which  we  freely  complied  with,  and  neither 
of  us  lodged  at  Home  from  that  time. 

[In  the  beginning  oi  his  Illness  he  expressed  a  desire  to  see 
his  Neighbour  And  shipmate,  John  Bispham,**'  and  an  Opportun- 
ity otfering  of  sending  him  Word,  to  his  and  our  Satisfaction 
he  came,  about  two  days  before  his  Decease,  and  stayed  till  after 
the  Funeral.  ^M 

It  seemed  according  to  natural  probal>i!it>',  that  the  Malignanc^^ 
of  the  Disorder  was  not  so  great  but  he  might  Survive  it ;  how- 
ever, the  Danger  lay  in  his  Constitution  being  so  enfeebled  as 
not  to  be  able  to  struggle  through  the  putrid  state  of  the  latter  part 
of  the  Disea.se:  wiiich  appeared  to  be  the  Case:  for  about  eight 

M 

'  In    the    margin    of    the    York    MS.    is    written,    "He    often    said    it    was    hid    frolVB 
him,    whether    he    should    recover    or    not.    &    lie    was   not    desirous    to   know    it,    but 
from   his  own   feeling  of  the  disorder,   and    his   feeble  constitution,   thought   be   ihoald 
not." 

*  Thomas    Priestman :     see    Biog.    Note    6g. 

'  Esther  Tuke, 


XIII 


1^72 


3T9 


L 


hours  before  his  Departure,  the  Fever  (which  had  not  been  im- 
moderate), left  him,  and  Nature  sunk  under  its  Load. 

In  the  Forepart  of  his  IHntss.  he  gave  Directions  concern- 
ing his  Papers  and  Funeral  with  the  same  I'^ase  and  Composure 
as  if  going  a  journey,  and  during  the  whole  time,  his  Under- 
standing was  wonderfully  preserved  clear  and  sound,  and  his 
Mind  so  Supported  in  Stillness,  patience,  resignation  and  forti- 
tude, as  made  it  very  edifying  and  instructive  to  be  with  him.] 

First  day,  27th.  of  9th.  mo.  Being  asked  to  have  the  advice 
of  a  Doctor,  he  signified  he  had  not  liberty  in  his  Mind  so  to  do, 
standing  wholly  resigned  to  his  Will  who  gave  him  Life,  and 
whose  Power  he  had  witnessed  to  heal  him  in  Sickness  before, 
when  he  seemed  nigh  unto  Deatti ;  and  if  he  was  to  wind  up  now, 
he  was  perfectly  resigned,  liaving  no  Will  either  to  live  or  die, 
and  did  not  choose  any  should  be  sent  for  to  him ;  but  a  Young 
Man  of  our  Sodety,  an  Apothecary,  coming  of  his  own  accord  the 
next  day,  &  desiring  to  do  something  for  him,  he  said  he  found 
freedom  to  confer  with  him  &  the  other  Friends  about  him.  aud 
if  any  thing  should  be  proposed  as  to  Medicine  that  did  not  come 
through  defiled  Channels  or  oppressive  Hands,  he  should  be  will- 
ing to  consider  and  take  it  so  far  as  be  found  freedom. 

The  next  day  he  said  he  felt  the  Disorder  affect  his  Head,  so 
that  he  could  think  little  &  but  as  a  Child,  &  desired,  if  his  LTn- 
derstanding  should  be  more  aflfected,  to  have  nothing  given  him 
that  those  about  him  knew  he  had  a  Testimony  against. 

The  same  day.  He  desired  a  friend  to  write,  and  brake  forth 
as  follows:  "O  Lord  my  God!  the  amassing  Horrors  of  Darkness 
were  gath'd  around  me,  and  Covered  me  all  over,  and  I  saw  no 
way  to  go  forth.  I  felt  the  depth  &  Extent  of  the  Misery  of 
my  fellow  Creatures,  separated  from  the  Divine  Harmony ;  and 
it  was  heavier  than  I  could  bear,  and  T  was  crushed  down  under 
it.  I  lifted  up  my  hand,  and  I  stretched  out  my  Arm,  but  there 
was  none  to  help  me ;  I  looked  round  about,  and  was  amazed  in  the 
depths  of  Misery.  O  Lord  \  I  remembered  that  thou  are  Omni- 
potent; that  I  had  called  thee  Father,  and  I  felt  that  I  loved 
thee;  and  I  was  made  quiet  in  thy  Will,  and  I  waited  for  De- 
liverance from  thee ;  Thou  hadst  pity  upon  me  when  no  Man 
could  help  me;  I  saw  that  Meekness  under  Suffering,  was  showed 
unto  us  in  the  most  affecting  example  of  thy  Son,  and  thou  wa«' 


320  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

teaching  me  to  follow  Him;  and  I  said,  thy  will,  O  Father,  be 
done." 

4**  day  morning,  being  asked  how  he  felt  himself,  he  meekly 
answered,  "I  don't  know  that  I  have  slept  this  Night.  I  feel 
the  Disorder  making  its  progress ;  but  my  Mind  is  mercifully 
preserved  in  stillness  &  Peace."  Some  time  after,  he  said  he  was 
sensible  the  pains  of  Death  must  be  hard  to  bear,  but  if  he  es- 
caped them  now,  lie  must  some  time  pass  through  them,  and  did 
not  know  he  could  be  better  prepared,  but  had  no  Will  in  it  He 
said  he  had  settled  his  outward  affairs  to  his  own  Mind,  had  taken 
leave  of  his  Wife  &  Family  as  never  to  return,  leaving  them  to 
the  Divine  protection ;  adding,  "and  though  I  feel  them  near  to 
me  at  this  Time,  yet  I  freely  give  them  up,  having  a  hope  they 
will  be  provided  for;"  and  a  little  after,  said,  "This  trial  is  made 
easier  than  I  could  have  thought,  by  my  Will  being  wholly  taken  ' 
away;  for  if  I  was  anxious  as  to  the  Event,  it  would  be  harder; 
but  I  am  not,  and  my  mind  enjoys  a  perfect  calm." 

At  another  Time,  he  said  he  was  a  little  uneasy  lest  any 
should  think  he  had  put  himself  into  tlie  hands  of  the  Young 
Man  and  another  Apothecary  who  of  their  own  choice  attended 
him ;  and  desired  Friends  might  be  informed,  &  he  would  inform 
the  young  man,  upon  what  bottom  they  attended  him,  being  of  the 
same  Judgment  his  Friends  in  America  and  some  here  knew  he 
had  been  of ;  but  that  he  found  a  freedom  to  confer  with  them, 
finding  Nature  needed  Support,  during  the  Time  permitted  to 
struggle  with  the  disorder;  that  he  had  no  Objection  to  use  the 
Things  in  the  Creation  for  real  Use,  Si  in  their  proper  places; 
but  anything  that  came  through  defiled  Channels  or  Oppressive 
Hands,  he  could  not  touch  with ;  having  had  a  Testimony  to  bear 
against  those  things,  which  he  hoped  to  bear  to  the  last.  ^— 

He  lay  for  a  considerable  time  in  a  Still,  sweet  frame;  \w^ 
tering  many  broken  expressions,  part  of  which  were  thus;  "My 
Soul  is  poured  out  unto  thee  like  Water,  and  my  Bones  are  out 
of  joint,  I  saw  a  Vision,  in  which  I  beheld  the  great  Confusion 
of  those  that  depart  from  thee.  I  saw  their  Horror  &  great  dis- 
tress. I  was  made  sensible  of  their  Misery,  then  was  I  greatly 
distressed ;  I  looked  unto  thee ;  thou  wast  underneath  &.  supported 
me.  I  likewise  saw  the  great  Calamity  that  is  coming  upon  this 
disobedient  Nation." 


XIII 


1772 


321 


In  the  Night,  a  young  woman*  having  given  him  something 
to  drink,  he  said,  "My  child!  thou  seemest  very  kind  to  rae  a 
poor  Creature,  the  Lord  will  reward  thee  for  it."  A  while  after 
he  cried  out  with  great  earnestness  of  Spirit,  "O  my  Father,  my 
Father!"  and  soon  after  he  said,  "O  my  Father,  my  Father! 
How  comfortable  are  thou  to  my  Soul  in  this  trying  Season!" 

Being  ask'd  if  he  could  take  a  little  Nourishment,  after  some 
pause,  he  replied,  "My  child,  I  cannot  tell  what  to  say  to  it;  I 
seem  nearly  arrived  where  my  Soul  shall  have  rest  from  all  its 
troubles." 

After  giving  in  sometliing  to  be  put  into  his  Journal  he  said, 
*'I  believe  the  Lord  will  now  excttse  me  from  Exercises  of  this 
kind,  and  I  see  now  no  Work  but  one,  which  is  to  be  the  last 
wrought  by  me  in  this  World ;  the  Messenger  will  come  that  will 
release  me  from  all  these  troubles,  but  it  must  be  in  the  Lord's 
Time,  which  I  am  waiting  for.  I  have  laboured  to  do  whatever 
was  required  according  to  the  Ability  received,  in  the  remem- 
brance of  which  I  have  peace ;  and  though  the  disorder  is  strong 
at  Times  and  would  come  over  my  Mind  like  a  Whirlwind,  yet 
it  has  hitherto  been  kept  steady  and  centred  in  Everlasting  Love, 
and  if  that  is  mercifully  continued,  I  ask  nor  desire  more." 

Among  the  insertions  which  John  Woolman  dictated  to  be 
added  to  his  Journal,  was  the  following,  spread  upon  two  and 
a  half  pages  of  the  English  Journal,  in  the  hand  of  Thomas 
Priestman.-    It  is  followed  by  the  letter  to  John  Wilson,  copied  in. 

"28:  9mo: — Being  now  at  the  house  of  my  Fr'd  Thomas  Priest- 
man*  in  the  City  of  York,  so  weak  in  body  that  I  know  not  how  my 
sickness  may  end.  I  am  concern 'd  to  leave  in  writing  a  Case  the 
remembrance  wherof  hath  often  affected  me. 

An  Honest  hearted  Fr'd  in  America  who  departed  this  life  a 
little  less  than  a  year  ago,  some  months  before  his  Departure,  \told 
mc  in  substance  as  follows: 

That  he  saw  in  a  Dream  or  night  Vision  a  great  Pond  of  blood 
from  which  a  fog  rose  up  some  distance  from  him.  He  saw  this 
fog  spread  round  about  and  great  numbers  of  people  walking  hack- 
wards  &  forwards  in  it,  the  garments  of  whom  had  a  tincture  of 
blood  on  'em. 

'  Sarah  Tuke.  afterward*  Gnibb,  daughter  of  William  A  Esther  Tuke.  She  wm 
then    about    t6.      [Note    70.] 

>  The  lignaturc  boa  been  crosaed  off. 


L 


322  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

I  perceived  he  apprehended  that  by  the  pool  of  blood  was  repre- 
setited  the  state  of  those  hard  hearted  men  through  whose  means 
much  blood  is  shed  in  Africa  and  many  lives  destroyed  through  in- 
supportable Stench  and  other  hardships  in  crossing  the  Sea,  and 
thro'  whose  extreme  oppression  Many  Slaves  are  brought  to  an  un- 
timely end,  and  that  the  Fog  in  which  the  people  were  walking  repre- 
sented the  gain  arising  on  Merchandise  or  Traffick  which  many  were 
taking  hold  of  and  at  the  same  time  that  the  gain  was  the  gain  of 
Oppression.  This  Friend  in  his  last  illness  having  several  days  had 
an  inclination  to  see  me  at  length  sent  a  Messenger  and  I  without 
delay  went.  He  ask'd  to  be  with  me  in  private,  which  was  g^ranted; 
he  then  told  ine  some  matters  in  particular  in  regard  to  the  gain  of 
oppression  which  he  felt  not  easie  to  leave  the  world  without  opening 
to  me.  All  this  time  he  appeared  tranquil,  and  the  family  coming  in 
with  his  consent,  death  in  about  one  Hour  appear'd  evidently  upon 
him,  and  I  believe  in  about  five  hours  from  my  going  in  he  quietfy 
breathed  his  last;  and  as  I  believe  he  left  no  memorandum  in  writing 
of  that  Dream  or  Vision  of  the  Night,  at  this  time  I  believe  it  sea^ 
sonable  for  me  to  do  it. 

(Signed)     John  Woolman, 


1 


At  another  Time,  said,  he  had  long  had  a  View  of  visiting  this 
Nation  &  some  time  heftire  he  came,  had  a  Dream  in  which  he 
saw  himself  in  the  Northern  parts  of  ii ;  &  that  the  Spring  of  the 
Gospel  was  opened  in  him,  much  as  in  the  beginning  of  Friends, 
such  as  George  Fox  and  William  Dewsbiiry ;  &  he  saw  the  dif- 
ferent States  of  the  People  as  clear  as  he  have  ever  seen  Flowers 
in  a  Garden :  but  in  his  going  on,  he  was  suddenly  stopt,  though 
he  could  not  see  for  what  End ;  but  looking  towards  home,  ^^ 
thereupon  fell  into  a  flood  of  Tears  which  waked  him.  At  a^| 
other  time  he  said,  "My  Draught  seemed  strongest  to  the  North, 
and  I  mentioned  in  my  own  Monthly  Meeting  that  attending  the 
Quarterly  meeting  at  York,  &  being  there,  looked  like  home 
to  me." 

5*^  day  night.  Having  repeatedly  consented  to  take  a  Mc 
cine  with  a  View  to  settle  his  Stomach,  but  without  Effect ;  the 
friend  then  waiting  on  him  said,  through  Distress.  "What  shall 
I  do  now?"  He  answered  with  great  Composure,  "Rejoice  ever- 
more, and  in  everything  give  thanks":  but  added  a  little  after, 
"This  is  sometimes  hard  to  come  at.*' 

6**"  day  morning,  early.     He  brake   forth  in  supplication ' 


lome. 


XIII 


1772 


323 


this  Wise ;  "O  Lord !  it  was  thy  power  that  enabled  me  to  forsake 
Sin  in  my  Yoiith,  and  I  have  felt  thy  Bruises  since  for  disobedi- 
ence, but  as  I  bo%ved  under  them,  thou  healedst  me;  and  though  I 
have  gone  through  many  Trials  and  sore  Afflictions,  thou  hast  been 
with  me,  continuing  a  Father  and  a  Frieml.  I  feel  thy  Power  now, 
and  beg  that  in  the  approaching  trying  Moments,  thou  wilt  keep 
my  Heart  stedfast  unto  thee." 

Upon  giving  the  same  Friend  Directions  concerning  some 
little  things,  she  said,  I  will  take  care,  but  hope  thou  mayest 
live  to  order  them  thyself;  he  replied,  "My  hope  is  in  Christ; 
and  though  I  may  now  seem  a  little  better,  a  change  in  the  Dis- 
order may  soon  hapijen  and  my  little  Strength  be  dissolved ;  and 
if  it  so  happen,  I  shaH  be  gather'd  to  my  everlasting  Rest."  On 
her  saying  she  did  not  doubt  that,  but  could  not  help  Mourning  to 
see  so  many  faithful  Servants  removed  at  so  low  a  Time,  he  said. 
"All  good  Cometh  from  the  L«:»rd,  whose  P<j\ver  is  the  same  and 
can  work  as  he  sees  best." 

The  same  day,  after  giving  her  directions  about  wrapping  his 
Coq>s.  and  perceiving  her  to  Weep,  he  said,  "I  had  rather  thou 
wouldest  guard  against  Weeping  and  sorrowing  for  me,  my  Sis- 
ter ;  I  sorrow  not,  though  I  have  had  some  painful  Conflicts ; 
but  now  they  seem  over,  and  Matters  all  settled ;  and  I  look 
at  the  Face  of  my  Dear  Redeemer,  for  Sweet  is  his  Voice  and 
his  Countanance  Comely." 

I**  day,  4tb  of  loth  mo.  Being  very  weak,  and  in  general 
difficult  to  be  understood,  he  uttered  a  few  Words  in  commemora- 
tion of  the  Lord's  Goodness  to  him,  and  added ;  "How  tenderly 
have  I  been  waited  on  in  this  Time  of  Affliction,  in  which  I  may 
say  in  Job's  Words,  Tedious  days  and  wearisome  Nights  are  ap- 
pointed to  me ;  and  how  many  are  spentling  their  Time  and  Money 
in  Vanity  &  Superfluities,  while  Thousands  and  Tens  of  Thousands 
want  the  Necessaries  of  Life,  who  might  be  rcheved  by  them,  and 
their  distress  at  such  a  Time  as  this,  in  some  degree  softened  by 
the  administering  of   suitable   things." 

2°*'  day  morning.  The  Apothecary  not  in  profession  with  us 
who  also  appeard  very  anxious  to  assist  him  being  present,  he 
queried  about  the  probability  of  such  a  Load  of  Matter  being 
thrown  oflF  his  weak  Body.  And  the  Apothecary  making  some 
remarks,  implying  he  thought  it  nu'ght,  he  spoke  witli  an  Audible 


324  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

Voice  on  this  wise:  "My  Dependence  is  in  the  Lord  Jesus 
Girist,  who  I  trust  will  forgive  my  Sins,  which  is  all  I  hope  for; 
and  if  it  be  his  Will  to  raise  up  this  Body  again,  I  am  content; 
and  if  to  die,  I  am  resigned;  and  if  thou  canst  not  be  easy  with- 
out trying  to  assist  Nature  in  order  to  lengthen  out  my  Life,  I 
submit." 

After  this,  his  throat  was  so  much  affected  tliat  it  was  very 
difficult  for  him  to  speak  so  as  to  be  understood,  &  he  fre- 
quently wrote,  though  blind,  when  he  wanted  anything. 

About  the  2"''  hour  on  4'^''  day  morning,  he  asked  for  Pen  and 
Ink.  and  at  several  times  with  much  difficulty  wrote  thus:  "I 
believe  my  being  here  is  in  the  Wisdom  of  Christ ;  I  know  not  as 
to  Life  or  Death."  About  a  quarter  before  Six  tlae  same  Morn- 
ing, he  seemed  to  fall  into  an  easy  sleep,  which  continued  about 
half  an  Hour;  when  seeming  to  awake,  he  breatlied  a  few  Times 
with  a  little  more  difficulty,  &  so  expired  without  Sigh,  Groan  or 
Struggle. 

Thus  this  [Patient  &  faithful  Servant  of  tlie  Lord]  finished 
[a  Life  of  deep  exercise  &  many  Sorrows.]  [May  the  considera- 
tion of  his  extraordinary  faithfulness,  and  devotedness  to  do 
whatsoever  he  believed  his  duty,  excite  those  who  survive  him 
to  diligence  in  doing  or  suffering  whatsoever  may  be  required 
of  them;  so  would  the  many  obvious  inconsistencies  amongst 
us  as  a  people  be  removed,  and  the  great  work  of  reformation 
go  forward  and  prosper  in  the  earth.  ^^ 

My  dear  love  to  those  few  in  America  to  whom  I  am  pci^| 
sonally  known,  and  to  all  who  love  the  Truth  unto  whom  this 
may  come. 

With  the  salutation  of  true  brotherly  love  I  conclude,  and  re- 
main thy  sincere  friend, 


William  Tuke. 


I 


{P.S.  Our  friend  J.  Woolman  inquired  what  kind  of  Coffins 
are  mostly  used  by  Friends  here?  how  the  Corps  are  usually 
wrapped,  &c.  and  the  expense?  I  told  him  Friends  would  be 
very  willing  to  bear  those  charges,  in  case  of  his  Decease;  but  he 
was  not  easy  they  should,  and  therefore,  after  some  considera- 
tion, ordered  me  to  write  the  inclosed,  which  he  signed,  and  said 


xin 


1772 


325 


I  might  send  to  thee:  giving  his  Qothes  to  defray  the  Expenses 
of  his  Funeral. 

He  was  not  willing  to  have  the  Coffin  made  of  Oak,  because  it 
is  a  wood  more  useful  than  ash  for  some  other  purposes. 

I  gave  the  Carpenter  some  part  of  his  Qothes,  which  I 
thought  equal  to  the  value  of  the  coffin;  as  also  some  other  part 
to  a  friend  for  flannel;  but  they  seeming  to  prefer  Money,  John 
Bispham*'  gave  them  to  the  value,  and  has  ordered  the  Qothes 
to  be  sent  to  America,  with  the  rest  of  what  belonged  to  hiin. 
His  shoes  were  given  to  the  Grave-digger.]  W.  T, 


"An  ash  coffin  made  plain  without  any  manner  of  superfluttJes, 
the  corpse  to  be  wrapped  in  cheap  flannel,  the  expense  of  which  I 
leave  my  wearing  clothes  to  defray,  as  also  the  digging  of  the  grave; 
and  I  desire  that  W[illiam]  T[uke]  may  take  my  clothes  after  my  de- 
cease,  and  apply  them  accordingly.  '  ^^^^  WOOLMAN." 
York,  29th  of  9th  month,  1772, 


Minute  of 

York  Quarterly  Meeting,  held  at  York, 

30th.  and  31st.  of  1 2th.  mo.,  1772.' 

As  our  esteemed  Friend,  John  Woofman  from 
West  New  Jersey  in  North  America,  who  attended 
our  last  Quarterly  Meeting,  departed  this  Life  at  York, 
it  is  become  the  Concern  of  Ihis  Meeting  to  give  forth 
a  Testimony  on  his  Account,  for  which  purpose 
the  following  Friends  are  apointed  to  prepare  One,  to 
be  laid  before  our  Next,  for  its  approbation. 

Viz:  W"  Tuke.  W"  Chapman,  Rob*.  Proud,  Tho'  Priestman,  and 
Dan'  Snowdon. 

Minute  of 

York  Quarterly  Meeting  held  at  York, 

24th.  &  25th.  of  3d.   Mo.,   1773. 

The  Friends  appointed  last  quarter  produced  a  Testimony  con- 
cerning our  Deceased  P'riciid,  John  Wooiman,  which  being  approved, 
is  signed  on  behalf  of  this  Meeting  by  many  Friends." 

'  Minutes  and  Testimony  arc  from  the  Records  of  York  Quarterly  Meeting. 
Until  a  comparatively  recent  ilatc,  the  local  meeting  at  York  did  not  place  upon 
record  the  preMrncc  of  traveling  ministers,  possibly  because  such  visits  were  so 
numerous.  This  is  the  only  record  of  the  presence  of  Joha  Wootman  at  the 
meeting    held    three   months   before. 


^j6  the  journal  of  JOHN  WOOLMAN      chap. 


THE  TESTIMONY 

of  I'rit'nds  in  Yorkshire,  at  their  Quarterly  Meeting  held  at  York, 
the  Jjth  and  3^th  of  the  srd  tnonth,  1773,  concerning 

JOHN  WOOLMAN, 

( >f  Mount  Molly,  in  the  Province  of  New  Jersey,  in  America,  who 
lU'lKirtcil  this  Life  at  the  House  of  our  friend  Thomas 
I'tii'stnian.  in  the  Suburbs  of  this  City,  the  7th  of  the  lOth 
Munth.  177J.  and  was  interred  in  the  burying  ground  of 
I'Vicnds  the  t)th  of  the  same,  Aged  about  fifty-two  years. 

1  his  i»ur  X'aUiable  Friend  having  been  under  a  Religious  En- 
i;.u:i'nu-nt  fur  some  Time  to  visit  Friends  in  this  Nation,  and 
iiMiu"  i-N|HvialI\  us  in  the  Northern  parts,  undertook  the  same 
III  \\\\\  vonvurriMK-c  and  near  sympathy  with  his  Friends  and 
r.utliun  a(  llonu".  as  apix^ired  by  Certificates  from  the  Monthly 
.111,1  iMi.iitnlv  NUi'tings  to  which  he  Ijelonged.  and  from  the 
^pufik;  Ma-tijii:  of  Ministers  and  Elders,  held  at  Philadelphia 
1..1    l"rmi-.\l\.mia  anil  New  Jersey. 

lit  .oii\r*l  m  the  C*ity  of  l^ndon  at  the  beginning  of  the 
III  \t  iil\  MroHtiii  and  after  attending  that  Meeting,  travelled 
\  .11 1. XX  ml  MMtiuvi  till-  (Juarterly  meetings  of  Hertfordshire, 
I'.ii  i.Hi^'ti  iMiJiiir.  Noitluunptonshire.  Oxfordshire  and  Worccs- 
i.  ,  I,,.,      III. I  .liM-iN  Partiv^'ular  Meetings  in  his  Way. 

M,    x.iu.l  iiianv  Mi'i'tings  on  the  West  side  of  this  County. 
Ill    I  ou.iNliiro  and   Westmoreland,   from   whence  he 
,.iii    1  Mi.niiily   meeting  in  the  last  ninth   Month,  and 
Ii  .Mil  A   Health,  yet  was  enabled  to  attend  all  the 
.1    iSii    Meetiiiii;.   except  the  last. 

...ill  liuii.  NN liieh  proved  the  small-pox,  increased 
,.  Ml  Mini,  .iiul  was  very  afflicting;  under  which  he 
.1  I  III  iiiiuli  meekness,  patience,  and  Christian  Forti- 
.1.  .  .  wlio  ttteiuled  Him  in  his  illness  his  mind  ap- 
!.  .iiiiv.l  lit  ilivine  Love;  under  the  precious  influ- 
..  «ti  l.v  tu  \e  lie  finished  his  Course,  and  is  entered  into 
,.. .    .1  I  \\\  l.i-.iiMj;  Kest. 


1 

•  lilt 

1 1    1 

II. 

1. 

1 

■  If 
1 

1 

1.    • 

tm  1772  327 

In  the  early  part  of  his  ilhiess  he  requested  a  Friend  to  write 
and  broke  forth  thus: 

"O  Lord  my  God  the  amazing  Horrors  of  Darkness  were  gathered 
around  me,  and  covered  me  all  over,  and  I  saw  no  way  to  go  forth; 
I  felt  the  misery  of  my  Fellow  Creatures  separated  from  the  divine 
Harmony,  and  it  was  heavier  than  I  could  bear,  and  I  was  crushed 
down  under  it  I  lifted  up  my  Hand  and  stretched  out  my  Arm  but 
there  was  none  to  help  me.  I  looked  round  about  and  was  amazed 
in  the  Depths  of  Misery.  O  Lord  I  remembered  that  thou  art  Om- 
nipotent, that  I  had  called  Thee  Father,  and  I  felt  that  I  loved  thee, 
and  I  was  made  quiet  in  thy  Will,  and  I  waited  for  Deliverance  f rc^m 
Thee.  Thou  hadst  Pity  upon  me  when  no  man  could  help  me.  I 
saw  that  Meekness  under  Suffering  was  shewed  to  us  in  the  most 
affecting  example  of  thy  Son,  and  thou  wast  teaching  me  to  follow 
Him  and  I  said,  thy  will,  O  Father  be  done !" 

Many  more  of  his  weighty  expressions  might  have  been  in- 
serted here,  but  it  was  deemed  unnecessary  they  being  already 
published  in  print.^ 

He  was  a  man  endued  with  a  large  Natural  Capacity,  and  be- 
ing obedient  to  the  manifestations  of  divine  Grace,  having  in 
patience  and  humility  endured  many  deep  Baptisms,  he  became 
thereby  sanctified  and  fitted  for  the  Lord's  Work,  and  was  truly 
serviceable  in  his  Church,  dwelling  in  awful  fear  and  watchful- 
ness, he  was  careful  in  his  public  appearances  to  feel  the  put- 
ting forth  of  the  divine  Hand  so  that  the  Spring  of  the  Gospel 
Ministry  often  flowed  through  him  with  great  Purity  and  Sweet- 
ness as  a  refreshing  stream  to  the  weary  Travellers  towards  the 
City  of  God.  Skilful  in  dividing  the  Word,  he  was  furnished 
by  Him  in  whom  are  hid  all  the  Treasures  of  Wisdom  and  Knowl- 
edge, to  communicate  freely  to  the  several  States  of  the  People 
where  his  lot  was  cast;  his  Conduct  at  other  times  was  seasoned 
with  the  like  watchful  circumspection,  and  attention  to  the  Guid- 
ance of  Divine  Wisdom;  which  rendered  his  whole  conversation 
uniformly  edifying. 

He  was  fully  persuaded  that  as  the  Life  of  Christ  comes  to 
reign  in  the  Earth  all  abuse  and  unnecessary  oppression,  both  of 
the  human  and  brute  creation,  will  come  to  an  end.  But  under 

*  Mmcj  Hinde,  London,  "Remarks  on  Sundry  Subjects." 


328  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chap. 

the  Sense  of  a  deep  revolt,  and  an  overflowing  stream  of  un- 
righteousness his  Life  has  been  often  a  Hfe  of  mourning. 

He  was  deeply  concerned  on  account  of  that  inhuman  and 
iniquitous  practice  of  making  Slaves  of  the  People  of  .\f  rica,  or 
holding  them  in  that  state,  and  on  that  account  we  understand 
he  hath  not  only  wrote  some  books,  bot  travelled  much  on  the 
Continent  of  America,  in  order  to  make  the  Negro  Masters 
(especially  those  in  profession  with  us)  sensible  of  the  evil  of 
such  a  practice,  and  though  in  this  journey  to  England  he  was 
far  removed  from  the  outward  Sight  of  tlieir  Sufferings,  yet  his 
deep  exercise  of  mind  remained,  as  appears  by  a  short  Treatise 
he  wrote  in  this  journey,^  and  his  frequent  concern  to  open  the 
miserable  State  of  this  deeply  injured  people.  His  Testimony  in 
the  last  meeting  he  attended  was  on  this  Subject;  wherein  he  re- 
marked, that  as  we  as  a  society  when  under  outward  Sufferings, 
had  often  found  it  our  concern  to  lay  them  before  those  in  Au- 
thority, and  thereby,  in  the  Lord's  time,  had  obtained  relief;  so 
he  recommended  this  oppressed  part  of  the  Creation  to  our  no- 
tice, that  we  may,  as  way  may  open,  represent  their  sufferings  in 
an  individual  (if  not  in  a  Society)  capacity  to  those  in  Autliority. 

Deeply  sensible  that  the  desire  to  gratify  people's  inclinations 
in  luxury  and  superfluities,  is  the  principal  ground  of  oppres- 
sion, and  the  occasion  of  many  unnecessary  wants,  he  believed 
it  his  Duty  to  be  a  pattern  of  great  Self  Denial,  witli  respect  to 
the  things  of  this  life  and  earnestly  to  Labour  with  Friends  in 
the  meekness  of  Wisdom,  to  impress  on  their  minds  the  great 
importance  of  our  Testimony  in  these  things;  recommending  to 
the  Guidance  of  the  Blessed  Truth  in  this  and  all  other  con- 
cerns, and  cautioning  such  as  are  experienced  therein  against 
contenting  themselves  with  acting  up  to  the  standard  of  Truth 
manifested  to  them  the  measure  of  their  obedience:  "for,"  said 
he,  "That  Purity  of  Life  which  proceeds  from  faithfulness  in 
following  the  Spirit  of  Truth,  that  State  where  our  minds  are 
devoted  to  serve  God,  and  all  our  wants  are  bounded  by  his 
Wisdom,  this  Habitation  has  often  been  opened  before  me  as  a 
place  of  Retirement  for  the  Children  of  the  Light,  where  they 
may  stand  separated  from  that  which  disordcreth  and  confu 

»"0n  the  Sbre  Tr.de," 


xin 


1 77^ 


329 


the  Affairs  of  society,  and  where  we  may  have  a  Testimony  of 
our  Innocence  in  the  Hearts  of  those  who  behold  us." 

We  conclude  with  fervent  desires  that  we  as  a  people  may 
thus  by  our  example  promote  the  Lord's  Work  in  the  earth,  and 
our  Hearts  being  prepared^  may  unite  in  prayer  lo  the  great  Lord 
of  the  Harvest,  that  as  in  his  infinite  Wisdom  he  hath  greatly 
stripped  the  Church  by  removing  of  late,  divers  faithful  Ministers 
and  Elders,  he  may  be  pleased  to  send  forth  many  more  faith- 
ful Labourers  into  his  Harvest. 

Signed  in  by  Order  and  on  behalf  of  said  Meeting, 


by 

John  Armitage 
Joshua  Marsden 
John  Payne 
Emanuel  El  am 
Tho*  Pennitt 
John  Storr 
Joseph  Wright 
Joseph  Egun 
Tho«  Parkinson 
Samuel  Briscoe 
John  Turner 
Ambrose  Stkknev 
Samuel  Elam 


Benj,  North 
Edw,  Hornor 
W'm  Empson 
Tho»  Hartley 
W**  Faikbank 

ROBT   MiLNEH 

James  Kendal 
Damel  Snowdon 
John  Kilden 
Robert  Proud 
John  Robinson 
Robert  Walker 
John  Hustler 


Morris  Birkbeck 
John  Swaine 

\V«    TUKE 

Benj.  Hird 

Jonathan  Hardcastle 
Ralph  Hart 
W»«  Chapman 
W**  Rowntree 
Joshua  Robinson 
Thos  Priestman 
Jon  NATHAN  Hodgson 
Nathan^-  Bell 
RicHO  Smith,  Senr. 


L 


A  Testimony  of  the  Monthly  Meeting  of  Friends,  held  in 
Burlington,  the  First  Day  of  the  Eighth  Month  in  the  Year  of 
our  Lord  1774.  concerning  our  esteemed  friend,  John  Woolman. 

He  was  bom  in  Northampton,  in  the  County  of  Burlington 
and  province  of  West  New  Jersey,  in  the  eighth  month  1720  of 
religiou.s  parents,  who  instructed  him  very  early  in  the  principles 
of  the  Christian  Religion  as  professed  by  the  people  called  Quak- 
ers, which  he  esteemed  a  blessing  to  him  even  in  his  younger 
years,  tending  to  preserve  him  from  the  infection  of  wicked 
children.  But  through  the  workings  of  the  enemy  and  the  levity 
incident  to  youth,  he  frequently  deviated  from  those  parental 
precepts  by  which  he  laid  a  renewed  foundation  for  repentance 
that  was  finally  succeeded  by  a  "godly  sorrow  not  to  be  repented 
of"  ;  and  so  he  became  acquainted  with  that  sanctifying  power 
which  qualifies  for  true  gospel  ministry,  into  which  he  was  called 
about  the  twenty  second  year  of  his  age,  and  by  a  faithful  use 


330 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN       chaj. 


of  the  talents  committed  to  him,  he  experienced  an  increase^ 
until  he  arrived  at  the  age  of  a  father,  capable  of  dividing  the 
word  aright  to  the  different  states  he  ministered  unto,  dispensing 
milk  to  babes  and  meat  to  those  of  riper  years.  Thus  he  found 
the  efficacy  of  that  power  to  arise,  which,  in  his  own  expres- 
sions»  "prepares  the  creature  to  stand  like  a  trumpet  through 
which  the  Lord  speaks  to  his  people."  lie  was  a  loving  husband, 
a  tender  father,  and  was  very  humane  to  every  part  of  the  cre- 
ation under  his  care. 

His  concern  for  the  poor  and  those  under  affliction  was  evi- 
dent by  his  visits  to  them,  whom  he  frequently  relieved  by  his 
assistance  and  charity.  He  was  for  many  years  deeply  exercised 
on  account  of  the  poor  enslaved  Africans,  whose  cause,  as  he 
mentioned,  lay  almost  continually  upon  him;  and  he  laboured  to 
obtain  liberty  for  those  captives  both  in  public  and  in  private, 
and  was  favoured  to  see  his  endeavours  crowned  with  consid- 
erable success.  He  was  particularly  desirous  that  Friends  should 
not  be  instrumental  to  lay  burdens  on  this  oppressed  people, 
but  should  remember  the  days  of  suffering  from  which  they  had 
been  providentially  delivered,  that,  if  times  of  trouble  should 
return,  no  injustice  done  to  those  in  slavery  might  arise  in  judg- 
ment against  us,  but  being  clear,  we  might  on  such  occasions  ad- 
dress the  Almighty  with  a  degree  of  confidence  for  his  interposi- 
tion and  relief,  being  particularly  careful  as  to  himself  not  to 
countenance  slavery  even  by  the  use  of  those  conveniences  of 
which  were  furnished  by  th^ir  labour. 

He  was  desirous  to  have  his  own  mind  and  the  minds  of 
others  redeemed  from  the  pleasures  and  immoderate  profits  of 
this  world  and  to  fix  them  on  tliose  joys  which  fade  not  away; 
his  principal  care  being  after  a  life  of  purity,  endeavouring  to 
avoid  not  only  the  grosser  pollutions,  but  those  also  which,  ap- 
pearing in  a  more  refined  dress,  are  not  sufficiently  guarded 
against  by  some  weli-disposed  people.  Tn  the  latter  ]>art  of  his 
life  he  was  remarkable  for  the  plainness  and  simplicity  of  his 
dress,  and  as  much  as  possible  avoided  the  use  of  plate,  costly 
furniture  and  feasting,  thereby  endeavouring  to  become  an  ex- 
ample of  temperance  and  self-denial,  which  he  believed  himself 
called  unto;  and  he  was  favoured  wilh  peace  therein,  altho 
it  carried  the  appearance  of  great  austerity  in  the  view  of  si 


k       LV/     I 


i 


1772 


331 


He  was  very  moderate  in  bis  charges  in  the  way  of  business,  and 
in  desires  after  gain;  and  though  a  man  of  industry,  avoided 
and  strove  much  to  lead  others  out  of  extreme  labour  and  anxiety 
^  after  perishable  things,  being  desirous  that  the  strength  of  our 
L  bodies  might  not  be  spent  in  procuring  things  unprofitable,  and 
m  that  we  might  use  moderation  and  kindness  to  the  brute  animals 
I  under  our  care,  to  prize  the  use  of  them  as  a  great  favour^  and 
I  by  no  means  to  abuse  them;  that  the  gifts  of  Providence  should 
I  be  thankfully  received  and  applied  to  the  uses  they  were  designed 
L  for. 

V  He  several  times  opened  a  school  in  Mount  Holly,  for  the 
instruction  of  poor  Friends'  children  and  others,  being  concerned 
for  their  help  and  improvement  therein.  His  love  and  care  for 
the  rising  youth  amongst  us  was  truly  great,  recommending  tn 
parents  and  those  who  have  the  charge  of  them  to  chrxxse  con- 
scientious and  pious  tutors,  saying,  "It  is  a  lovely  sight  to  be- 
hold innocent  children,'*  and  that  "to  labour  for  their  help  against 
that  which  would  mar  the  beauty  of  their  minds,  is  a  debt  we 
owe  them.'* 

His  ministry  was  sound,  very  deep  and  penetrating,  some  times 
pointing  out  the  dangerous  situation  which  indulgence  and  custom 
lead  into,  frequently  exhorting  others,  especially  the  youth,  not 
to  be  discouraged  at  the  difficulties  which  occur,  but  to  press 
after  purity.  He  often  expressed  an  earnest  engagement  that  pure 
wisdom  should  be  attended  to,  which  would  lead  into  lowliness 
of  mind  and  resignation  to  the  Divine  will,  in  which  state  small 
possessions  here  would  be  sufficient. 

In  transacting  the  affairs  of  the  discipline  his  judgment  was 
sound  and  clear,  and  he  was  very  useful  in  treating  those  who 
had  done  amiss;  he  visited  such  in  a  private  way  in  that  plain- 
ness which  truth  dictates,  showing  great  tenderness  and  Chris- 
tian forbearance.  He  was  a  constant  attender  of  our  Yearly 
Meeting,  in  which  he  was  a  good  example  and  particularly  use- 
ful, assisting  in  the  business  thereof  with  great  weight  and  at- 
tention. He  several  times  visited  most  of  the  meetings  of  Friends 
in  this  and  in  the  neighboring  provinces  with  the  concurrence 
of  the  monthly  Meeting  to  which  he  belonged,  and  we  have  rea- 
son to  believe  he  had  gond  service  therein,  generally  or  always 
expressing  at  his  return  how  it  had  fared  with  him,  and  the  evi- 


332  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLICAN      cmA 

dence  of  peace  in  his  mmd  for  thus  performing  Ins  dntf.  Bi 
was  often  concerned  widi  other  Friends  in  die  mgottuA  aenritt 
of  visiting  families,  which  he  was  enabled  to  go  tfannq^  wiA 
satisfaction. 

In  the  minntes  of  the  meeting  for  mhusters  and  elders  for 
this  quarter,  at  the  foot  of  a  list  of  members  of  iStmt  meetiqg; 
made  about  five  years  before  his  deaA,  we  find  in  his  landwrit- 
ing  the  following  observations  and  reflections; 

"As  looking  over  the  minutes  made  by  persons  who  have  pot 
off  this  body  hath  sometimes  revived  in  me  a  thought  how  agei 
pass  away,  so  this  list  may  probably  revive  a  like  tfiougfat  in 
some  when  I  and  tiie  rest  of  the  persons  above  named  are  centred 
in  another  state  of  being.  The  Lord  who  was  die  guide  of  my 
youth  hath  in  tender  mercies  helped  me  hitherto ;  He  hath  heakd 
my  wounds;  He  hath  helped  me  out  of  grievous  entanglements; 
He  remains  to  be  the  strength  of  my  life;  to  whom  I  desire  to 
devote  myself  in  time  and  in  eternity. 

John  Wooucan." 

In  the  Twelfth  month,  1771  he  acquainted  this  meeting  that 
he  found  his  mind  drawn  towards  a  religious  visit  to  Friends 
in  some  parts  of  England,  particularly  Yorkshire.  In  the  first 
month,  1772,  he  obtained  our  certificate,  which  was  approved  and 
indorsed  by  our  Quarterly  Meeting  and  by  the  Half-Year's  Meet- 
ing of  ministers  and  elders  at  Philadelphia.  He  embarked  on  his 
voyage  in  the  fifth  month  and  arrived  in  London  in  the  sixtfi  month 
following,  at  the  time  of  their  Annual  Meeting  in  that  dty. 
During  his  short  visit  to  Friends  in  that  kingdom,  we  are  in- 
formed that  his  services  were  acceptable  and  edifying.  In  his 
?ast  illness  he  uttered  many  lively  and  comfortable  e3cpressions, 
being  "resigned,  having  no  will  either  to  live  or  die"  as  appears 
by  the  testimony  of  Friends  at  York,  in  Great  Britain,  in  the 
suburbs  whereof,  at  the  house  of  our  friend,  Thomas  Priest- 
man,  he  died  of  the  small-pox  on  the  7th  of  the  tenth  mondi,  1772, 
and  was  buried  in  the  Friends'  burial  ground  in  that  dty,  on  the 
9th.  of  the  same,  after  a  solid  meeting  held  on  the  occasion  at 
their  great  meeting  house.  He  was  aged  near  fifty  two,  hav- 
ing been  a  minister  upwards  of  thirty  years,  during  which  time 
he  belonged  to  Mount  Holly  particular  meeting  whidi  he  dili- 


KUX  1772  333 

gently  attended  when  at  home  and  in  health  of  body,  and  his  la- 
bours of  love  and  pious  care  for  the  prosperity  of  Friends  in  the 
blessed  truth  we  hope  may  not  be  forgotten,  but  that  his  good 
works  may  be  remembered  to  edification. 

Signed  in  and  by  order  of  the  said  meeting,  by 

Samuel  Allinson,  clerk. 

Read  and  approved  at  our  Quarterly  Meeting  held  at  Bur- 
lington, the  29th.  of  the  eighth  month,  1774. 
Signed  by  order  of  the  said  meeting, 

Daniel  Smith,  clerk. 


THE  ESSAYS  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

SOME 

CONSIDERATIONS 

ON  THE 

KEEPING  OF  NEGROES. 

Recommended  to  the  Professors  of  Christianity  of  every 
Description. 

1746 

PART  I. 

The  Manuscript  of  this  Essay  was  written  in  1746,  after  John 
Woolman's  return  from  his  first  Southern  journey,  and  was  not 
printed  until  eight  years  after,  in  1754.  It  was  then  examined  by 
the  Publication  Committee  of  the  Meeting  for  Sufferings,  (now 
the  Representative  Meeting)  and  the  Yearly  Meeting  of  Phila- 
delphia ordered  it  printed  in  that  year. 

The  originals  of  this,  and  of  Part  II,  are  from  John  Wool- 
man's  manuscript  in  the  folio,  A.  Historical  Society  of  Penn- 
sylvania. 


INTRODUCTION. 

Customs  generally  approved,  and  Opinions  received  by 
youth  from  their  Superiors,  become  like  the  natural  Produce  of 
a  Soil,  especially  when  they  are  suited  to  favourite  Inclinations: 
But  as  the  Judgments  of  God  are  without  partiality,  by  which 
the  State  of  the  Soul  must  be  tried,  it  would  be  the  highest 
Wisdom  to  forego  Customs  and  popular  Opinions,  and  try  the 
Treasures  of  the  Soul  by  the  infallible  Standard  Truth. 

3S4 


ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROI 


L 


Natural  Affection  needs  a  careful  Examination:  Oper- 
ating upon  us  in  a  soft  Manner,  it  kindles  Desires  of  Love  and 
Tenderness,  and  there  is  Danger  of  taking  it  for  something  higher. 
To  me  it  appears  an  Instinct  like  that  which  inferior  Creatures 
have:  each  of  them,  we  see,  by  the  Ties  of  Nature,  love  Self 
best ;  that  which  is  a  Part  of  Self,  they  love  by  the  same  Tie  or 
Instinct.  In  them,  it  in  some  Measure  does  the  Offices  of  Reason  ; 
by  which,  among  other  Things,  they  watchfully  keep,  and  or- 
derly feed  their  helpless  Offspring.  Thus  Natural  Affection  ap- 
pears to  be  a  Branch  of  Self-love,  good  in  the  Animal  Race,  in 
us  likewise,  with  proper  Limitations;  but  otherwise  is  produc- 
tive of  Evil,  by  exciting  Desires  to  promote  some  by  Means 
prejudicial  to  others. 

Our  Blessed  Lord  seems  to  give  a  Check  to  this  irregular 
Fondness  in  nature,  and,  at  the  same  Time,  a  Precedent  for  us: 
Who  is  my  mother,  and  who  are  my  brethren^  Thereby  inti- 
mating, that  The  earthly  Ties  of  Relationship,  are  comparatively, 
inconsiderable  to  such  who  thro'  a  steady  Course  of  Obedience, 
have  come  to  the  happy  Experience  of  the  Spirit  of  God  bear- 
ing witness  with  their  Spirits  that  they  are  his  Children :  And  he 
stretched  forth  his  hands  towards  his  disciples,  and  said,  Behold 
my  mother,  and  my  brethren!  For  whosoever  shall  do  the  will 
of  my  Father  which  is  in  Heaven,  (arrives  at  the  more  noble  part 
of  true  relationship)  the  same  is  my  Brother,  and  Sister  and 
Mother.    Matt.  xii.  48. 

This  doctrine  agrees  well  with  a  State  truly  compleat.  where 
LOVE  necessarily  operates  according  to  the  agreeableness  of 
Things,  on  principles  unalterable  and  in  themselves  perfect. 

If  endeavouring  lo  have  my  Children  eminent  amongst  Men 
after  my  Death,  be  that  which  no  reasons  grounded  on  these 
Principles  can  be  brought  to  support ;  then,  to  be  temperate  in  my 
Pursuit  after  Gain,  and  to  keep  always  within  the  Bounds  of 
those  Principles,  is  an  indispensable  Duty;  and  lo  depart  from  it, 
a  dark  unfruitful  Toil. 

In  our  present  Condition,  to  Love  our  Children  is  needful; 
but  except  this  Love  proceeds  from  the  true  heavenly  Principle 
which  sees  beyond  earthly  Treasures,  it  will  rather  be  injurious 
than  of  any  real  Advantage  to  them:  Where  the  Fountain  is 
corrupt,  the  Streams  must  necessarily  be  impure. 


336  THK  JOURNAL  O"?  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

That  important  Injunction  of  our  Saviour,  Matt.  vi.  33, 
the  Promise  annexed,  contains  a  short  but  comprehensive  Vi 
of  our  Duty  and  Happiness:  If  then  the  Business  of  Mankind 
in  this  Life,  is,  to  first  seek  another;  if  this  cannot  be  done,  twt 
by  attending  to  the  Means;  if  a  Summary  of  the  Means  is,  [not 
to  do  that  to  another  which,  in  like  Circumstances,  we  tvcnUd  not 
have  done  unto  iw;]  *  then  these  are  Points  of  Moment,  and 
worthy  of  our  most  serious  Consideration. 

[What  I  write  on  this  Subject  is  with  Reluctance,  and]  * 
Hints  given  are  in  as  general  Terras  as  my  Concern  would 
allow:  [I  know  it  is  a  Point  about  which,  in  all  its  Branches. 
Men  that  appear  to  aim  well  are  not  generally  agreed;  and  for 
that  reason,  I  choose  to  avoid  being  very  particular:]  '  If  I 
may  happily  have  let  drop  any  Thing  that  may  excite  such  as 
are  concerned  in  the  Practice  to  a  close  thinking  on  the  Sub- 
ject treated  of,  the  Candid  amongst  them  may  easily  do  the  Sub- 
ject such  further  Justice,  as,  on  an  impartial  Enquiry,  it  may 
appear  to  deserve ;  and  such  an  Enquiry  I  would  earnestly  recom- 
mend. 

SOME  CONSIDERATIONS,  &c. 


noi 

i 


Forasmuch  as  ye  did  it  to  the  least  of  these  my  brethren,  yc  did  it 
unto  me. — Matt,  xxv,  40, 


thcr    I 


As  Many  Times  there  are  different  Motives  to  the  same  Ac- 
tions; and  one  does  that  from  a  generous  Heart,  which  another_ 
does  fnr  selfish  Ends ;  The  like  may  be  said  in  this  Case. 

There   are  various  Circumstances  amongst  them   that  ke 
Negroes,  and   different  Ways  by   which   they   fall   under   their 
Care;  and,  I  doubt  not,  there  are  many  well-disposed  Persons 
amongst  them,  who  desire  rather  to  manage  wisely  and   justi|kJ 
in  this  difficult  Matter,  than  to  make  gain  of  it.  ^^ 

Rut  the  general  Disadvantage  which  these  poor  Africans,  lie 
under  in  an  enlightened  Christian  Countr}',  having  often   filled 

•In  reprintinff  this  Essay,  to  accompany^  Part  II,  In  17(^2,  certain  aherationt 
were  suRgested  by  John  Woolcnao.  For  thc»«  worda  was  stibstituied,  "to  lo*« 
the  I>ort1  our  God  with  all  our  hearts,  and  our  neighbours  as  oursrlvcs:"  the  alietl^ 
tioni,    however,    were    not    printed. 

'  This  line  omitted  by  John   Woolman.  hut   retained  by  Publication  Committc 
*  As  with  (i),  retained  by  the  Committee,  although  omitted  by  the  author. 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES  337 

me  with  real  sadness,  and  been  like  undigested  Matter  on  my 
Mind,  I  now  think  it  my  Duty,  through  Divine  Aid,  to  offer 
some  Thoughts  thereon  to  the  Consideration  of  others. 

When  we  remember  that  all  Nations  are  of  one  Blood,  Gen. 
ill.  20,  that  in  this  World  we  are  but  Sojourners,  that  we  are 
subject  to  the  like  Afflictions  and  Infirmities  of  Body,  the  like 
Disorders  and  Frailties  in  Mind,  the  like  Temptations,  the  same 
Death,  and  the  same  Judgment,  and  that  the  Alwise  Being  is  Judge 
and  Lord  over  us  all,  it  seems  to  raise  an  Idea  of  a  general 
Brotherhood,  and  a  Disposition  easy  to  be  touched  with  a  Feel- 
ing of  each  others  Afflictions :  But  when  we  forget  these  Things, 
and  look  chiefly  at  our  outward  Circttmstances,  in  this  and  some 
Ages  past,  constantly  retaining  in  our  Minds  the  Distinction  be- 
twixt us  and  them,  with  respect  to  our  Kno%vledge  and  Improve- 
ment in  Things  divine,  natural  and  artificial,  our  Breasts  being 
apt  to  be  filled  with  fond  Notions  of  Superiority,  there  is  Danger 
of  erring  in  our  Conduct  toward  them. 

We  allow  them  to  be  of  the  same  Species  with  ourselves,  the 
Odds  is,  we  are  in  a  higher  Station,  and  enjoy  greater  Favours 
than  they:  And  when  it  is  thus,  that  our  heavenly  Father  en- 
doweth  some  of  his  Children  with  distingitished  Gifts,  they  are  in- 
tended for  good  Ends:  but  if  those  thus  gifted  are  thereby  lifted 
up  above  their  Brethren,  not  considering  themselves  as  Debtors 
to  the  Weak,  nor  behaving  themselves  as  faithful  Stewards,  none 
who  judge  impartially  can  suppose  them  free  from  Ingratitude. 

When  a  People  dwell  under  the  liberal  distribution  of  Favours 
from  Heaven,  it  behoves  them  carefully  to  inspect  their  Ways, 
and  consider  the  purposes  for  which  those  Favours  were  be- 
stowed lest,  through  Forgetfylness  of  God,  and  Misusing  his 
Gifts,  they  incur  his  heavy  Displeasure  whose  Judgments  are 
just  and  equal,  who  cxalteth  and  humbleth  to  the  Dust  as  he 
seeth  meet. 

It  appears,  by  Holy  Record,  that  Men  under  high  Favours 
have  been  apt  to  err  in  their  Opinions  concerning  others.  Thus 
Israel,  according  to  the  Description  of  the  Prophet  Isaiah  Ixv.  5. 
when  exceedingly  corrupted  and  degenerated,  yet  remembered 
they  were  the  chosen  People  of  God  ;  and  could  say.  Sfand  by  thy- 
self, come  not  near  me,  for  I  am  holier  than  thou.  That  this  was 
no  chance  Language,  but  their  common  Opinion  of  other  Peo- 


Tl 


pie,  more  fully  appears,  by  considering  the  Circumstances  whii 
attended  wlien  God  was  beginning  to  fulfil  his  precious  Promi 
concerning  the  gathering  of  the  Gentiles. 

The  Most  High,  in  a  Vision,  undeceived  Peter,  first  prepareii 
his  Heart  to  believe;  and,  at  the  House  of  Cornelius,  showed 
him  of  a  certainty,  that  God  was  no  Respecter  of  Persons. 

The  Effusion  of  the  Holy  Ghost  upon  a  People,  with  whom 
they,  the  Jeivish  Christians  would  not  so  much  as  eat,  was 
strange  to  them:  All  they  of  the  Circumcision  were  astonished 
to  see  it :  and  the  Apostles  and  Brethren  of  Judea  contended  with 
Peter  about  it,  till  he^  having  rehearsed  the  whole  Matter,  and 
fully  shown  that  the  Father's  Love  was  unlimited,  they  were 
thereat  struck  with  Admiration,  and  cried  out,  Then  hath  God 
also  to  the  GentUes  granted  repentance  unto  life. 

The  Opinion  of  peculiar  Favours  being  confined  to  them, 
was  deeply  rooted,  or  else  the  above  Instance  had  been  l^^H 
strange  to  them,  for  these  Reasons :  First,  They  were  generall^^ 
acquainted  with  the  Writings  of  the  Prophets,  by  whom  thi> 
Time  was  repeatedly  spoken  of,  and  pointed  at.  Secondly,  Our 
Blessed  T^rd  shortly  before  expressly  said,  /  lun'e  other  sheep, 
not  of  this  fold,  them  also  must  I  hritig,  &c.  Lastly,  His  words 
to  them  after  his  Resurrection,  at  the  very  Time  of  his  Ascensi 
}V  shall  be  witnesses  to  me,  not  only  in  Jerusalem,  Judea,  a 
Samaria,  but  to  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth. 

Those  concurring  Circumstances,  one  would  think,  might  have 
raised  a  strong  Expectation  of  seeing  such  a  Time:  yet,  when  it 
came,  it  proved  Matter  of  Offence  and  Astonishment. 

To  consider  Mankind  otherwise  than  Brethren,  to  think 
Favours  are  peculiar  to  one  Nation,  and  exclude  others,  plainly 
supposes  a  Darkness  in  the  Understanding.  For.  as  God's  Love 
is  universal,  so  where  the  Mind  is  sufficiently  influenced  by  it,  it 
begets  a  Likeness  of  itself,  and  the  Heart  is  enlarged  towards  all 
Men,  Again,  to  conclude  a  People  forward,  perverse,  and  worse 
by  Nature  than  others,  (who  ungratefully  receive  Faxxjurs,  and 
apply  them  to  bad  Ends)  this  will  excite  a  Behaviour  toward 
them,  unbecoming  the  Excellence  of  true  Religion. 

To  prevent  such  Error,  let  us  calmly  consider  their  Circoim- 
stance;  and.  the  better  to  do  it.  make  their  Case  ours.  Suppose 
then,  that  our  Ancestors  and  we  had  been  exnosed  to  const 


Drds 
io^H 


tax^_ 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES   339 

Servitude,  in  the  more  servile  and  inferior  Employments  of  Life ; 
that  we  had  been  destitute  of  the  Help  of  Reading  and  good  Com- 
pany; that  amongst  ourselves  we  had  had  few  wise  and  pious 
Instructors;  that  the  Religious  amongst  our  Superiors  seldom 
took  Notice  of  us;  that  while  others,  in  Ease,  have  plentifully 
heaped  up  the  Fruit  of  our  Labour,  we  had  received  barely 
enough  to  relieve  Nature,  and  being  wholly  at  the  Command  of 
others,  had  generally  been  treated  as  a  contemptible,  ignorant  Part 
of  Mankind:  Should  we,  in  that  Case,  be  less  abject  than  they 
now  are?  Again,  if  Oppression  be  so  hard  to  bear,  that  a  wise 
Man  is  made  mad  by  it,  Eccl.  vii.  7,  then  a  Series  of  those  Things, 
altering  the  Behaviour  and  Manners  of  a  People,  is  what  may 
reasonably  be  expected. 

When  our  Property  is  taken  contrary  to  our  Mind,  by  Means 
appearing  to  us  unjust,  it  is  only  through  Divine  Influence,  and 
the  Enlargement  of  Heart  from  thence  proceeding,  that  we  can 
love  our  reputed  Oppressors:  If  the  Negroes  fall  short  in  this, 
an  uneasy,  if  not  a  disconsolate  Disposition  will  be  awaken'd, 
and  remain  like  Seeds  in  their  Minds,  producing  Sloth  and 
many  other  Habits  appearing  odious  to  us;  with  which,  being 
free  Men,  they  perhaps  had  not  been  chargeable.  These  and 
other  Circumstances,  rightly  considered,  will  lessen  that  too  great 
Disparity  which  some  make  between  us  and  them. 

Integrity  of  Heart  hath  appeared  in  some  of  them :  so  that,  if 
we  continue  in  the  Word  of  Christ  (previous  to  Discipleship, 
John  via.  jj)  and  our  Conduct  toward  them  be  seasoned  with 
his  Love,  we  may  hope  to  see  the  good  Effect  of  it :  The  which, 
in  a  good  Degree,  is  the  Case  with  some  into  whose  Hands  they 
have  fallen:  But  that  too  many  treat  them  othei-wise,  not  seem- 
ing conscious  of  any  Neglect,  is,  alas !  too  evident. 

When  Self-love  presides  in  our  Minds,  our  Opinions  are 
bias'd  in  our  own  Favour.  In  this  Condition,  being  concerned 
with  a  People  so  situated  that  they  have  no  Voice  to  plead  their 
own  Cause,  there's  Danger  of  using  ourselves  to  an  undisturbed 
Partiality,  till,  by  long  Custom,  the  Mind  becomes  reconciled  with 
it,  and  the  Judgment  itself  infected. 

To  humbly  apply  to  God  for  Wisdom,  that  we  may  thereby  be 
enabled  to  see  Things  as  they  are,  and  ought  to  be,  is  very  needful ; 
hereby  the  hidden  Things  of  Darkness  may  be  brought  to  Light, 


and  the  Judgment  made  clear:  We  shall  then  consider  Mankind 
as  Brethren:  though  different  Degrees  and  a  variety  of  QuaUfica- 
tion  and  AbiUties,  ooe  dependant  on  another,  be  admitted,  yet 
high  Tlioughts  will  be  laid  aside,  and  all  men  treated  as  becometh 
the  Sons  of  one  Father,  agreeable  to  the  Doctrine  of  Christ  Jesus. 

"He  hath  laid  down  the  best  Criterion,  by  which  Mankind 
ought  to  judge  of  their  own  Conduct,  and  others  judge  for  them 
of  theirs,  one  towards  another,  viz.  Wfxatsoever  ye  would  that  mn» 
should  do  unto  you,  do  yc  even  so  to  them.  I  take  it,  that  all  Men 
by  Nature  are  equally  entitled  to  the  Equity  of  this  Rule,  and  under 
the  indispensable  Obligations  of  it.  One  Man  ought  not  to  look 
ujMio  another  Man,  or  Society  of  Men,  as  so  far  beneath  him,  but 
that  he  should  put  himself  in  their  place,  in  all  liis  Actions  tou'ards 
them,  and  bring  all  to  this  Test.  viz.  Huw  should  I  approve  of  | 
this  Conduct,  were  I  in  their  Circumstances,  and  they  in  miner' 
A.  Arscot's  Considerations,  p.  III.  fol,  107.' 

Tliis  Doctrine  being  of  a  moral,  unchangeable  Nature,  hath 
been  likewise  inculcated  in  the  former  dispensation ;  //  a  Stranger 
sojourn  with  tfwe  in  your  Land,  ye  sfudl  not  zfex  fmn:  but  the 
stranger  that  dwelleth  with  you,  sJiall  be  as  Ow  barn  amongst 
you,  and  thou  shult  love  him  as  thyself.  Lev.  xix.  33,  34.  Had 
these  People  come  voluntary  and  dwelt  amongst  us,  to  have  called 
them  Strangers  would  be  proper;  and  their  being  brought  by 
Force,  with  Regret,  and  a  languishing  Mind,  may  well  raise  Com- 
passion in  a  heart  rightly  disposed:  but  there  is  Nothing  in  such 
Treatment,  which,  upon  a  wise  and  jucKcious  Consideration,  will 
any  ways  lessen  their  right  of  being  treated  as  Strangers.  If  the 
Treatment  which  many  of  them  meet  with,  be  rightly  examined, 
and  compared  with  these  Precepts,  Thou  shait  not  vex  him  fi^l 
oppress  him;  he  shall  be  as  one  born  amongst  you,  and  thou  ska^^ 
hi'e  him  as  thyself,  Lev.  xix.  33,  Dcul.  xxvii.  ly,  there  will  a|)|)car 
an  important  DitTerence  betwixt  them,  ^H 

'Alexander  Artcott  I1677-1737]:  "Some  Considcrstions  retatin^  to  the  Pre^  I 
ent  State  of  the  ChrsBtiaii  Rclision,  wherein  the  Nature,  End  and  Design  of 
Christianity,  aa  well  aa  the  Principal  Evidence  of  the  Truth  of  it,  are  Explained 
and  Recommended  out  of  the  Holy  Scriptures;  with  a  general  appeal  to  the 
Experience  of  all  Men  for  a  confirmation  thereof."  In  Three  Parts.  Part  I 
appeared  in  1730:  III  in  1734 — [London:  Assigns  of  J.  Sowle].  The  author  wat 
a  schoolma»ter  of  Bristol,  England,  eldest  son  of  a  clergyman  of  South  Moultoa. 
Devonshire.  He  wta  educated  at  Oxford,  and  joined  the  Friends  about  1700, 
according  to  Jos.  Smith.  He  signs  the  Yearly  Meeting  Epistles  from  Loni 
as  Clerk  in   172J,    1725,   tjiS  and  I73&-     He  was  author  of  other  works. 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES   341 

It  may  be  objected  there  is  Cost  of  Purchase,  and  Risque  of 
their  Lives  to  them  who  possess  them,  and  therefore  needful  that 
they  make  the  best  use  of  their  Time;  In  a  Practice  just  and  rea- 
sonable, such  Objections  may  have  Weight;  but  if  the  Work  be 
wrong  from  the  beginning,  there  is  little  or  no  Force  in  them.  If 
I  purchase  a  Man  who  hath  never  forfeited  his  Liberty,  the  natural 
Right  of  Freedom  is  in  him ;  and  shall  I  keep  him  and  his  Posterity 
in  Servitude  and  Ignorance?  Hoto  sftauld  I  apprcrue  of  this  con- 
duct, were  I  in  his  Circumstances,  attd  he  in  mine?  It  may  be 
thought,  that  to  treat  them  as  we  would  willingly  be  treated,  our 
Gain  by  them  would  be  inconsiderable;  And  it  were,  in  divers 
Respects,  better  that  there  were  none  in  our  Country. 

We  may  further  consider  that  they  are  now  amongst  us,  and 
those  of  our  Nation  the  cause  of  their  being  here;  that  whatsoever 
Difficulty  accrues  thereon,  we  are  justly  chargeable  with,  and  to 
bear  all  Inconveniencies  attending  it,  with  a  serious  and  weighty 
Concern  of  Mind  to  do  our  Duty  by  them,  is  the  best  we  can  do. 
To  seek  a  Remedy  by  continuing  the  Oppression,  because  we  have 
Power  to  do  it  and  see  others  do  it,  will,  I  apprehend,  not  be  doing 
as  we  would  be  done  by. 

How  deeply  soever  Men  are  involved  in  the  most  exquisite 
Difficulties,  Sincerity  of  Heart  and  upright  Walking  before  God. 
freely  submitting  to  his  Providence,  is  the  most  sure  Remedy.  He 
only  is  able  to  relieve,  not  only  Persons,  but  Nations  in  their 
greatest  Calamities. 

David,  in  a  great  Strait,  when  the  Sense  of  his  past  Error, 
and  the  full  Expectation  of  an  impending  Calamity  as  the  Reward 
of  it,  were  united  to  the  aggravating  his  Distress,  after  some  de- 
liberation, saith,  Lei  me  fall  ncnv  into  the  Hand  of  tlvc  Lord,  for 
very  great  are  his  Mercies;  but  let  me  not  fall  into  the  Hand  of 
Man.    I  Chron.  xxi.  13. 

To  Act  continually  with  Integrity  of  Heart,  above  all  narrow 
or  selfish  Motives,  is  a  Pure  Token  of  our  being  partakers  of  ihr 
Salvation  which  God  fmth  appointed  for  Walls  and  Buhwrks. 
Isa.  v.  26;  Rom.  xv.  8,  and  is,  beyond  all  Contradiction,  a  more 
happy  Situation  than  can  ever  be  promised  by  the  utmost  Reach 
of  Art  and  Power  uniled,  not  proceeding  from  heavenly  Wisdom 

A  supply  to  Nature's  lawful  Wants,  joined  with  a  peaceful, 
humble  Mind,  is  the  truest  Happiness  in  this  Life;  and  if  here 


342 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


we  arrive  to  this,  and  remain  to  walk  in  the  Path  of  the  Just,  our 
case  will  be  truly  happy :  And  though  herein  we  may  part  with,  or 
nitss  of  some  glaring  Shows  of  Riches,  and  leave  our  Children 
little  else  but  wise  Instructions,  a  good  Example,  and  the  Knowl- 
edge of  some  honest  Employment,  these,  with  the  Blessing  of 
Providence,  are  sufficient  for  their  Happiness,  and  are  more  hTcely 
to  prove  so,  than  laying  up  Treasures  for  them,  which  are  often 
rather  a  Snare,  than  any  real  Benefit;  especially  to  them,  who^ 
instead  of  being  exampied  to  Temperance,  are  in  al!  Things  taught 
to  prefer  the  getting  of  Riches,  and  to  eye  the  temporal  Distinc- 
tions they  give,  as  the  principal  business  of  this  Life.  These 
readily  overlook  the  true  Happiness  of  Man.  as  it  results,  from  the 
enjoyment  of  all  Tilings  in  the  Fear  of  God,  and,  miserably  sub- 
stituting an  inferior  Good,  dangerous  in  the  Acquiring,  and  uncer- 
tain in  the  Fruition,  they  are  subject  to  many  Disappointments; 
and  every  Sweet  carries  its  Sting, 

It  is  the  Conclusion  of  our  blessed  Lord  and  his  Apostles,  as 
appears  by  their  Lives  and  Doctrines,  that  the  highest  Delights  of 
Sense,  or  most  pleasing  Objects  visible,  ought  ever  to  be  accounted 
infinitely  inferior  to  that  real  intellectual  Happiness  suited  to  Man 
in  his  primitive  Innocence,  and  now  to  be  found  in  true  Renovation 
of  Mind;  and  that  the  Comforts  of  our  present  Life,  the  Things 
most  grateful  to  us,  ought  always  to  be  received  with  Temperance, 
and  never  made  the  chief  Objects  of  our  Desire,  Hope,  or  Love: 
But  tliat  our  whole  Heart  and  Affections  be  principally  looking  to 
that  city  zvhich  hath  foundations,  whose  maker  and  builder  is  God. 
Did  we  so  improve  the  Gifts  bestowed  on  us,  that  our  Children 
might  have  an  Education  suited  to  these  Doctrines,  and  our  Exam- 
ple to  confirm  it,  we  might  rejoice  in  Hopes  of  their  being  Heirs 
of  an  Inheritance  incorruptible. 

This  Inheritance,  as  Christians,  we  esteem  the  most  valuable; 
and  how  then  can  we  fail  to  desire  it  for  our  Children?  Oh  that 
we  were  consistent  with  ourselves,  in  pursuing  Means  necessar)' 
to  obtain  it ! 

It  appears,  by  Experience,  that  where  Children  are  educated 
ill  Fulness.  Fase  and  Idleness,  evil  Habits  are  more  prevalent 
than  in  common  amongst  such  who  are  prudently  employed  in  the 
necessary  Affairs  of  Lifef  And  if  Cliildren  are  not  only  educated 
in  the  Way  of  so  great  Temptation,  but  have  also  the  Opportunity 


L 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES    343 

of  lording  it  over  their  Fellow  Creatures,  and  being  Masters  of 
Men  in  their  Childhood,  how  can  we  hope  otherwise  than  that  their 
tender  Minds  will  be  possessed  with  Thoughts  too  liigh  for  them? 
Which,  by  Continuance,  gaining  Strength,  will  prove  like  a  slow 
Current,  gradually  separating  them  from  (or  keeping  from  Ac- 
quaintance with)  that  Humility  and  Meekness  in  which  alone  last- 
ing Happiness  can  be  enjoyed. 

Man  is  born  to  labour,  and  Experience  abundantly  showeth 
that  it  is  for  our  Good:  But  where  the  Powerful  lay  the  Burthen 
on  the  Inferior,  without  affording  a  Christian  Education,  and  suit- 
able Opportunity  of  improving  the  Mind,  and  a  treatment  which 
we,  in  their  Ease,  should  approve,  that  themselves  may  live  at  Ease, 
and  fare  sumptuously,  and  lay  up  Riches  for  their  posterity,  this 
seems  to  contradict  the  Design  of  Providence,  and,  I  doubt,  is 
sometimes  the  Effect  of  a  perverted  Mind:  For  while  the  Life  of 
one  is  made  grievous  by  the  Rigour  of  another,  it  entails  Misery 
on  both. 

Amongst  the  manifold  Works  of  Providence,  displayed  in  the 
different  Ages  of  the  World,  these  which  follow  (with  many 
others)  may  afford  Instruction. 

Abraham  was  called  of  God  to  leave  his  Country  and  Kindred, 
to  sojourn  amongst  Strangers:  Through  Famine  and  danger  of 
Death,  he  was  forced  to  flee  from  one  Kingdom  to  another:  He, 
at  length,  not  only  had  Assurance  of  being  the  Father  of  many 
Nations,  but  liecame  a  mighty  Prince.     Gen.  xxiii.  6. 

Remarkable  were  the  Dealings  of  God  with  Jacob  in  a  low 
Estate,  the  just  Sense  he  retained  of  them  after  his  Advancement, 
appears  by  his  words :  /  am  not  worthy  of  the  least  of  all  thy 
mercies.     Gen.  xxxii.  lo,  xlviii,   15. 

The  numerous  Afflictions  of  Joseph  were  very  singular;  the 
particular  Providence  of  God  therein,  no  less  manifested.  He,  at 
length,  became  Governor  of  Egypt,  and  famous  for  Wisdom  and 
Virtue. 

The  series  of  Troubles  which  David  passed  through,  few 
amongst  us  are  ignorant  of ;  and  yet  he  afterwards  became  as  One 
of  the  great  Men  of  the  Earth. 

Some  Evidences  of  the  Divine  Wisdom  appear  in  these  Things, 
in  that  such  who  are  intended  for  high  Stations,  have  first  been 
very  low  and  dejected,  that  Truth  might  be  sealed  on  their  Plearts; 


344  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

and  tliat  the  Characters  there  imprinted  by  Bitterness  and  Adver- 
sity, might  in  after  Years  remain ;  suggesting  Compassionate  ideas, 
and,  in  their  Prosperity,  quickening  their  Regard  to  those  in  the 
hke  Condition.  Which  yet  further  appears  in  the  Case  of  Israel: 
They  were  well  acquainted  with  grievous  Sufferings,  a  long  and 
rigorous  Servitude,  then  through  many  notable  Events,  were  made 
Chief  amongst  the  Nations :  To  them  we  find  a  Repetition  of  Pre- 
cepts to  the  Purpose  above-said:  Though,  for  Ends  agreeable 
to  infinite  Wisdom  they  were  chose  as  a  peculiar  People  for  a 
Time;  yet  the  Most  High  acquaints  them,  that  his  Love  is  not 
confined,  but  extends  to  the  Stranger;  and,  to  excite  their  Com- 
passion, reminds  them  of  Times  past;  Ye  were  Stratigers  in  thi 
Land  of  Egypt,  Deut.  x.  19.  Again,  Thou  shalt  not  oppress  a 
Stranger,  for  ye  know  the  Heart  of  a  Stranger,  seeing  ye  were 
Stratigers  in  the  Land  of  Egypt.    Exod.  xxiii.  9. 

If  we  call  to  Mind  our  Beginning,  some  of  us  may  find  a  Time, 
wherein  our  Fathers  were  under  Afflictions,  Reproaches,  and 
manifold  Sufferings. 

Respecting  our  Progress  in  this  Land,  the  Time  is  short  si 
our  Beginning  was  small  and  our  Number  few,  compared  with  the 
native  Inliabitants.    He  that  sleeps  not  by  Day  nor  by  Night,  hath 
watched  over  us,  and  kept  us  as  the  Apple  of  his  Eye,     His 
Almighty  Arm  hath  been  round  about  us,  and  saved  us  from. 
Dangers.  ^H 

The  Wilderness  and  solitary  Desarts  in  which  our  Fathe^^ 
passed  the  Days  of  their  Pilgrimage,  are  now  turned  into  pleasant 
Fields;  the  Natives  are  gone  from  before  us,  and  we  established 
peaceably  in  the  Possession  of  the  Land,  enjoying  our  civil  and 
religious  Liberties;  and,  while  many  Parts  of  the  World  have 
groaned  under  the  heavy  Calamities  of  War,  our  Habitation  re- 
mains quiet,  and  our  Land  fruitful. 

When  we  trace  back  the  Steps  we  liave  trodden,  and  see  how 
the  Lord  hath  opened  a  Way  in  the  Wilderness  for  us,  to  the  Wise 
it  will  easily  appear,  that  all  this  was  not  done  to  be  buried  in 
Oblivion;  but  to  prepare  a  People  for  more  fruitful  Returns,  and 
the  Remembrance  thereof  ought  to  humble  us  in  Prosperity,  and 
excite  in  us  a  Christian  Benevolence  towards  our  Inferiors. 

H  we  do  not  consider  these  Things  aright,  but,  through  a 


and    J 


A 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES    345 

stupid  Indolence,  conceive  Views  of  Interest,  separate  from  the 
general  Good  of  the  great  Brotherhood,  and,  in  Pursuance  thereof, 
treat  our  Inferiors  with  Rigour,  to  increase  our  Wealth,  and  gain 
Riches  for  our  Children,  what  then  shall  we  do  when  God  riseth 
up  and  when  he  visileth,  what  shall  we  answer  him?  Did  nat  he 
that  made  us.  make  them?  and  Did  not  oite  fashion  us  in  the 
"wofttb:"    Job  xxxi.  14. 

To  our  great  Master  we  stand  or  fall,  to  judge  or  condemn  us 
as  is  most  suitable  to  his  Wisdom  or  Authority.  My  Inclination  is 
to  persuade,  and  entreat,  and  simply  give  Hints  of  my  Way  of 
Thinking, 

If  the  Christian  Religion  be  considered,  both  respecting  its 
Doctrines,  and  the  happy  Influence  which  it  hath  on  the  Minds 
and  Manners  of  all  real  Christians,  it  looks  reasonable  to  think 
that  the  miraculous  Manifestation  thereof  to  the  World,  is  a  Kind- 
ness beyond  Expression. 

Are  we  the  People  thus  favoured?  Are  we  they  whose  Minds 
are  opened,  influenced,  and  govera'd  by  the  Spirit  of  Christ,  and 
thereby  made  Sons  of  God?  Is  it  not  a  fair  conclusion,  that  we, 
like  our  heavenly  Father,  ought  in  our  Degree  to  be  active  in  the 
same  great  Cause,  of  the  Eternal  Happiness  of  at  least  our  whole 
Families,  and  more,  if  thereto  capacitated. 

If  we,  by  the  Operation  of  the  Spirit  of  Christ,  become  Heirs 
with  him  in  the  Kingdom  of  his  Father,  and  are  redeemed  from 
the  alluring  counterfeit  Joys  of  this  World,  and  the  Joy  of  Christ 
remain  in  us,  to  suppose  that  One  remaining  in  tliis  happy  Con- 
dition, can,  for  the  sake  of  earthly  Riches,  not  only  deprive  his 
Fellow  Creatures  of  the  Sweetness  of  Freedom,  (which,  rightly 
used,  is  one  of  the  greatest  temporal  Blessings,)  but  therewith 
neglect  using  proper  Means  for  their  Acquaintance  with  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  and  the  advantage  of  true  Religion,  seems,  at  least,  a 
Contradiction  to  Reason. 

Whoever  rightly  advocates  the  Cause  of  some,  thereby  pro- 
motes the  Good  of  all.  The  State  of  Mankind  was  harmonious  in  - 
the  Beginning,  and  tho'  sin  hath  introduced  Discord,  yet 
through  the  wonderful  Love  of  God  in  Christ  Jesus  our  Lord,  the 
Way  is  open  for  our  Redemption,  and  Means  are  appoiited  to 
restore  us  to  primitive  Harmony.     That  if  one  suffer  by  (  le  Un- 


346  THK  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

faithfulness  of  another,  the  Mind,  the  most  noble  Part  of  him  that 
occasions  the  Discord,  is  hereby  alienated  from  its  true  and  real 
Happiness. 

Our  Duty  and  Interest  are  inseparably  united;  and  when  we 
neglect  or  misuse  our  Talents,  we  necessarily  depart    from  the 
heavenly  Fellowship,  and  are  in  the  Way  to  the  greatest  of  E^ils. 
Therefore  to  examine  and  prove  ourselves,  to  find  what  Har- 
mony the  Power  presiding  in  us  bears  with  the  Divine  Nature,  is  a 
Duty  not  more  incumbent  and  necessary,  than  it  would  be  beneficial. 
In  Holy  Writ,  the  Divine  Being  saith  of  himself,  /  am  tfw 
Lord,  which  exercise  Loznng  Kindness,  Judgtnent  and  Righteous- 
ness in  tfie  Earth;  for  in  these  tilings  I  delight,  saith  the  Lord. 
Jer.  ix,  24.    Again,  speaking  in  the  Way  of  Man,  to  show  liis  Com- 
passion to  Israel  whose  Wickedness  had  occasioned  a  Calamit)', 
and  then  being  humbled  under  it,  it  is  said,  His  Soul  was  grieved 
far  tfmr  Miseries,    Judges  x.  16.    H  we  consider  the  Life  of  our 
Blessed  Saviour  when  on  Earth,  as  it  is  recorded  by  his  Followers, 
we  shall  find  that  one  uniform  Desire  for  the  eternal  and  tem- 
poral Good  of  Mankind,  discovered  itself  in  all  his  Actions. 

If  we  observe  Men,  both  Apostles  and  others,  in  many  differ- 
ent Ages,  who  have  really  come  to  the  Unity  of  the  Spirit  and  the 
Fellowship  of  the  Saints,  there  still  appears  the  hke  Disposition, 
and  in  them  the  Desire  of  the  real  Happiness  of  Mankind,  has  out- 
balanced the  Desire  of  Ease,  Liberty,  and  many  times  Life  itself, 
If  upon  a  true  Search,  we  find  that  our  Natures  are  so  far 
renewed,  that  to  exercise  Righteousness  and  Loving  Kindness 
(according  to  our  Ability)  towards  all  men,  without  Respect  of 
Persons,  is  easy  to  us,  or  is  our  Delight ;  if  our  Love  be  so  orderly 
and  regular,  that  he  who  doth  the  Will  of  our  Father  who  is  in 
Heaven,  appears  in  our  View  to  be  our  nearest  Relation,  our 
Brother,  and  Sister,  and  Mother ;  if  this  be  our  Case,  there  is  a 
good  Foundation  to  Hope  that  the  Blessing  of  God  will  sweeten  our 
Treasures  during  our  Stay  in  this  Life,  and  our  Memory  be 
savory,  when  we  are  entered  into  Rest. 

To  conclude.  'Tis  a  Truth  most  certain,  that  a  Life  guided 
by  the  Wisdom  from  above,  agreeable  with  Justice,  Equity,  and 
Mercy,  is  throughout  consistent  and  amiable,  and  truly  beneficial 
to  Society;  the  Serenity  and  Calmness  of  Mind  in  it,  affords  an 
unparalleled  Comfort  in  this  Lite,  and  the  End  of  it  is  blessed. 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES    347 

And,  no  less  true,  that  they  who  in  the  Midst  of  high  Favours, 
remain  ungrateful,  and  under  all  the  Advantages  that  a  Christian 
can  desire,  are  selfish,  earthly,  and  sensual,  do  miss  the  true  Foun- 
tain of  Happiness,  and  wander  in  a  Maze  of  dark  Anxiety,  where 
all  their  Treasures  are  insufficient  to  quiet  their  Minds:  Hence, 
from  an  insatiable  Craving,  they  n^lect  doing  Good  with  what 
they  have  acquired,  and  too  often  add  Oppression  to  Vanity,  that 
they  may  compass  more. 

O  that  they  were  Wise,  that  they  understood  this,  that  they 
vould  consider  their  latter  End!    Deut.  xxxii.  29. 


CONSIDERATIONS 

ON  THE 

KEEPING  OF  NEGROES. 

Recommended  to  the  Professors  of  Christianity  of  every 
Denomination. 

1760 

PART  II. 

The  second  part  of  this  Essay,  written  in  the  six  years  between 
1754  and  1760 — ^probably  nearer  the  latter  date, — has  interesting 
light  cast  upon  it  from  several  letters  to  Israel  Pemberton,  who 
was  sponsor  for  a  great  deal  of  John  Woolman's  work: 

Beloved  Friend 

The  piece  J.  Churchman  took  home  he  perus'd,  but  being  taken 
poorly,  made  no  remark  in  writeing  on  it.  My  brother  Asher  being 
at  their  last  Monthly  Meeting,  and  I  writeing  to  J.  C.  about  it,  he 
sent  it,  and  George,  I  expect  by  his  agreement,  sent  a  letter  to  me 
refering  it  to  me  carefully  to  review  and  transcribe  it.  Since  which 
I  have  spent  some  time  therein,  and  am  now  come  to  Town  in  order 
that,  if  way  should  open  for  Friends  to  meet  again  upon  it,  I  may  be 
near  in  Case  they  should  want  to  speak  with  me.  I  am  a  little 
Cautious  of  being  much  at  thy  House,  on  acct.  of  the  Small  pox,  but 
would  gladly  meet  thee  at  Such  house  as  thou  thinks  Sutable,  to  have 
a  little  Conversation  with  thee. 

I  have  not  yet  oflFered  it  to  any  of  the  Committee.  I  lodge  at 
Reuben  Haines',  and  am  mostly  there. 

I  remain  thy  loveing  f'rd 
da    mo  John  Woolman. 

17:  11:  1761* 

Endorsed,  **For  Israel  Pemberton,  when  he  comes  home."     By  I.  P. 
"From  John  Woolman,  about  his  treatise." 

*  Pemberton  Papers.     Vol.  XV,  p.  74 — 1761-2.     Historical  Society  of  Pena^lvanis. 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES   349 

After  the  Publication  Committee  had  handed  it  to  Israel  Pem- 
berton,  the  author  thus  writes,  dating  it,  "Same  Evening,  after 
we  met;" 

"Beloved  Friend:  As  I  expect  to  go  out  of  Town  (if  well)  in  the 
Morning,  and  it's  likely,  may  not  Se  thee,  I  thought  it  best  to  Acquaint 
thee  That  I  remain  Well  satisfied  with  what  thou  propos'd  relating 
to  the  preface,  and  though  I  have  look'd  over  the  piece  with  Some 
care  and  done  according  to  the  best  of  my  Understanding,  I  have  all 
along  been  apprehensive  that  if  it  be  made  publick  There  was  a 
further  labour  for  some  other  person  necessary,  and  if  thou  can  feel 
liberty  from  thy  other  concerns,  and  freedom  to  Spend  some  time 
in  a  deliberate  reviewing  and  correcting  of  it,  and  make  such  altera- 
tions or  additions  as  thou  believes  may  be  usefull,  the  prospect  of  it 
is  agreeable  to  me. 

In  true  brotherly  love  I 
remain  thy  f  r'd 

John  Woolman. 
"The  Committee  gave  it  to  Anthony"  (Benezet)  "with  a  message 
with  it  to  thee.    J.  W." 

This  is  endorsed  by  Israel  Pemberton,  "From  John  Woolman,  a**  his 
Treatise.    1761."* 

A  third  letter  is  written  after  the  acceptance  of  the  Essay,  and 
relates  to  the  printing; — 

da    mo 
9:    2:     1762 
"Beloved  Friend 

Since  I  saw  thee  I  have  been  thoughtful  in  case  some  of  the  first 
part  should  be  printed,  whether  it  would  not  be  best  to  have  them, 
or  a  part  of  them,  stitched  Separate;  As  they  have  been  pleanty  (sic) 
in  and  about  these  parts,  I  expect  some  would  chuse  to  have  one  of 
the  Second  part  who  of  Choise  would  not  take  both  together;  that 
it  hath  been  a  Query  with  me  if  the  First  part  be  printed,  whether 
a  less  Number  would  not  be  sufficient  of  them  than  the  Second.  Hav- 
ing thus  hinted  what  I  had  thought,  I  am  free  to  leave  it  to  friends^ 
either  to  omit  printing  them,  or  to  print  as  many  as  to  you  may 
appear  best. 

With  love  to  thee  and  family  I  remain  thy  loveing  fr'd, 

John  Woolman. 

1  Pemberton  Paper*.     Vol.   XV,  p.    iii.     Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 


350  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

Enclos'd  are  some  Alterations  propos'd  to  be  made  in  preface  to  fint 

part  if  printed.' 
For  Israel  Pemberton, 

in  Phila*'." 
Endorsed,  "9  2mo.  1762.    From  Jno.  Woolman,  a**  his  Treatise.** 

The  Publication  Committee  of  Philadelphia  Yearly  Meeting  in 
1762  offered  to  print  this  Essay  and  pay  for  it  from  the  Meeting's 
stock,  giving  copies  away.  John  Woolman  declined  the  offer,  and 
preferred  to  print  it  at  his  own  expense,  giving  as  his  reason  tiiat 
those  who  kept  negroes  would  conceal  it  from  their  educated 
slaves ;  he  felt  that,  since  "those  who  make  a  purchase  generalfy 
buy  that  which  they  have  a  mind  for,'*  the  sale  of  the  essay  would 
command  closer  attention.  It  was  very  widely  sold  at  the  cost 
price  of  printing  and  binding.     (See  Journal.) 


PART  THE  SECOND. 


Ye  shall  not  respect  Persons  in  Judgment;  but  ye  shall  hear  the 
Small  as  well  as  the  Great;  ye  shall  not  be  afraid  of  the  Face  of 
Man;  for  the  Judgment  is  God's. — Deut.  i.  17. 


THE   PREFACE. 

All  our  Actions  are  of  like  Nature  with  their  Root;  and  the 
Most  High  weigheth  them  more  skilfully  than  Men  can  weigh 
them  one  for  another. 

I  believe  that  one  Supreme  Being  made  and  suppK>rts  the 
World ;  nor  can  I  worship  any  other  Deity  without  being  an  Idol- 
ater, and  guilty  of  Wickedness. 

Many  Nations  have  believed  in,  and  worshipped  a  Plurality 
of  Deities;  but  I  do  not  believe  they  were  therefore  all  wicked. 
Idolatry  indeed  is  Wickedness ;  but  it  is  the  Thing,  not  the  Name, 
which  is  so.  Real  Idolatry  is  to  pay  that  Adoration  to  a  Creature, 
which  is  known  to  be  due  only  to  the  true  God. 

'  The    alterations    will    be    found    in    the    notes    to    the    text.      Pemberton    Papen. 
Vol.    IV,    p.    112.     Historical    Society   of    Pennsylvania. 


L 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES    351 

He  who  professeth  to  believe  one  Almighty  Creator,  and  in  his 
son  Jesus  Qirist.  and  is  yet  more  intent  on  the  Honours.  Profits 
and  Friendships  of  the  World,  than  he  is  in  Singleness  of  Heart 
to  stand  faithful  to  the  Christian  Religion,  is  in  the  Channel  of 
Idolatry:  while  the  Gentile,  who,  under  some  mistaken  Opinions,  is 
notwithstanding  established  in  the  true  Principle  of  Virtue,  and 
humbly  adores  an  Almighty  Power,  may  be  of  that  Number  who 
fear  God  and  work  Righteousness. 

I  believe  the  Bishop  of  Rome  assumes  a  Power  that  does  not 
belong  to  any  Officer  in  the  Church  of  Christ;  and  if  I  should 
knowingly  do  any  Thing  tending  to  strengthen  him  in  that  Capacity, 
it  would  be  great  Iniquity.  There  are  many  Thousands  of  People, 
who  by  their  Profession  acknowledge  him  to  be  the  Representative 
of  Jesus  Christ  on  Earth:  and  to  say  that  none  of  them  are  upright 
in  Heart,  would  be  contrary  to  my  Sentiments. 

Men  who  sincerely  apply  their  Minds  to  true  Virtue,  and  find 
an  inward  Support  from  above,  by  which  all  vicious  Inclinations 
are  made  subject;  (so)  that  they  love  God  sincerely,  and  prefer 
the  real  Good  of  Mankind  universally  to  their  own  private  Interest: 
though  these,  through  the  Strength  of  Education  and  Tradition, 
may  remain  under  some  speculative  and  great  Errors,  it  would  be 
uncharitable  to  say,  that  therefore  God  rejects  them.  He  who 
creates,  supports,  and  gives  Understanding  to  all  Men,  his  Knowl- 
edge and  Goodness  is  superior  to  the  various  Cases  and  Circum- 
stances of  his  Creatures,  which  to  us  appear  the  most  difficult. 

The  Apostles  and  primitive  Christians  did  not  censure  all  the 
Gentiles  as  wicked  Men.  Rom.  ii.  14.  Col.  iii,  11.  But  as  they 
were  favoured  with  a  Gift  to  discern  Things  more  clearly  respect- 
ing the  Worship  of  the  true  God,  they  with  much  Firmness  de- 
clared against  the  worshiping  of  Idols ;  and  with  true  Patience 
endured  many  Sufferings  on  that  Account. 

Great  Numbers  of  faithful  Protestants  have  contended  for  the 
Truth,  in  Opposition  to  Papal  Errors;  and  with  true  Fortitude 
laid  down  their  Lives  in  the  Conflict,  without  saying,  That  no  Man 
was  saved  who  made  Profession  of  that  Religion. 

While  we  have  no  right  to  keep  men  as  Serv^ants  for  Term  of 
Life,  but  that  of  superior  Power;  to  do  this,  with  Design  by  their 
Labour  to  profit  ourselves  and  our  Families,  I  believe  is  wrong: 
but  I  do  not  believe  that  all  who  have  kept  Slaves,  have  therefore 


352  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

been  chargeable  with  Gutlt.  H  their  Motives  thereto  were  free 
from  Selfishness,  and  their  Slaves  content,  they  were  a  Sort  of 
Freemen;  which  I  believe  hath  sometimes  been  the  Case. 

Whatever  a  Man  does  in  the  Spirit  of  Charity,  to  liim  it  is 
Sin:  and  while  he  lives  and  acts  in  this  Spirit,  he  learns  all  thingT 
essential  to  his  Happiness,  as  an  Individual:  And  if  he  doth  not 
see  that  any  Injury  or  Injustice  to  any  other  Person,  is  necessarily 
promoted  by  any  Part  of  his  Form  of  Government,  I  believe  the 
merciful  Judge  will  not  lay  Iniquity  to  his  Charge.  Yet  others, 
who  live  in  the  same  Spirit  of  Charity,  from  a  clear  Convincemcnt, 
may  see  the  Relation  of  one  Thing  to  another,  and  the  necessary 
Tendency  of  each ;  and  hence  it  may  be  absolutely  binding  on  them 
to  desist  from  some  Parts  of  Conduct,  which  some  good  Men 
have  been  in. 

SOME  CONSIDER.\TIONS.  &c. 


As  some  in  most  religious  Societies  amongst  the  English  arc 
concerned  in  importing  or  purchasing  the  Inhabitants  of  Africa  as 
Slaves;  and  as  the  Professors  of  Christianity  of  several  other 
Nations  do  the  like ;  these  Circumstances  tend  to  make  People  less 
apt  to  examine  the  Practice  so  closely  as  they  would,  if  such  a 
Thing  had  not  been,  but  was  now  proposed  to  be  entered  upon.  It 
is,  however  our  Duty,  and  what  concerns  us  individually,  as  Crea- 
tures accountable  to  our  Creator,  to  employ  rightly  the  Under- 
staiiding  which  he  hath  given  us,  in  humbly  endeavouring  to  be 
acquainted  with  hi.s  Will  concerning  us,  and  with  the  Nature  and 
Tendency  of  those  Things  which  we  practise.  For  as  Justice 
remains  to  be  Justice,  so  many  people  of  Reputation  in  the  World, 
joining  with  wrong  Things,  do  not  excuse  others  in  Joining  wnth 
them,  nor  make  the  Consequence  of  their  Proceedings  less  dread- 
ful in  the  final  Issue,  than  it  would  be  otherwise. 

Where  Unrighteousness  is  justified  from  one  Age  to  another,  it 
is  like  dark  Matter  gathering  into  Clouds  over  us.  We  may  know 
that  this  Gloom  will  remain  till  the  Cause  be  removed  by  a 
Reformation,  or  Change  of  Times ;  and  may  feel  a  Desire,  from 
a  Love  of  Equity,  to  speak  on  the  Occasion:  yet  where  Error  is 
so  Strong  that  it  may  not  be  spoken  against  without  some  Prospect 


L 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES  353 

of  Inconvenience  to  the  Speaker,  this  Difficulty  is  likely  to  operate 
on  our  Weakness,  and  quench  the  good  Desires  io  us;  except  we 
dwell  so  steadily  under  the  Weight  of  it,  as  to  be  made  willing 
to  endure  Hardness  on  that  Account. 

Where  Men  exert  their  Talents  against  Vices,  generally  ac- 
counted such,  the  ill  Effects  whereof  are  presently  perceived  in  a 
Government,  all  Men  who  regard  their  own  temporal  Good,  are 
likely  to  approve  the  Work.  But  when  that  which  is  inconsistent 
with  perfect  Equity,  hath  the  I^w,  or  Countenance  of  the  Great, 
in  its  Favour,  though  the  Tendency  thereof  be  quite  contrary  to 
the  true  Happiness  of  Mankind,  in  an  equal,  if  not  greater  Degree, 
than  many  Things  accounted  reproachful  to  Christians;  yet  as 
these  ill  Effects  are  not  generally  perceived,  they  who  labour  to 
dissuade  from  such  Things,  which  People  believe  accord  with 
their  Interest,  have  many  Difficulties  to  eocounter. 

The  repeated  Charges  which  God  gave  to  his  Prophets,  imply 
the  Danger  they  were  in  of  erring  on  this  Hand.  Be  not  afraid 
of  their  Faces;  for  I  am  ztnfh  tftee,  to  delwer  thee,  saith  the  Lord. 
Jer.  i.  8.  Speak  all  the  zvords  tftat  I  comtnafui  thee  to  speak  to 
them,  diminish  not  a  word.  Jer.  xxvi.  2.  And  thou,  son  of  mon, 
be  not  afraid  of  them,  nor  disfnayed  at  tJmr  looks.  Speak  my 
ivords  to  tlicm,  wlwther  ih^y  will  hear  or  forbear.    Ezek.  ii.  6,  7. 

Under  an  Apprehension  of  Duty,  I  offer  some  further  Con- 
siderations on  this  Subject,  having  endeavoured  some  Years  to 
consider  it  candidly.  I  have  observed  People  of  our  own  Colour,u 
whose  Abilities  have  been  inferior  to  the  Affairs  which  relate  to 
their  convenient  Subsistence,  who  have  been  taken  Care  of  by 
others,  and  the  Profit  of  such  Work  as  they  could  do,  applied 
toward  their  Support.  I  believe  there  are  such  amongst  Negroes; 
and  that  some  People  in  whose  Hands  they  are,  keep  them  with 
no  View  of  outward  Profit,  do  not  consider  them  as  black  Men, 
who»  as  such,  ought  to  serve  white  Men;  but  account  them  Per- 
sons who  have  Need  of  Guardians,  and  as  such  take  Care  of  them. 
Yet  where  equal  Care  is  taken  in  ail  Parts  of  Education.  I  do  not 
apprehend  Cases  of  this  Sort  are  likely  to  occur  more  frequently 
amongst  one  Sort  of  People  than  another. 

It  looks  to  me  that  the  Slave  Trade  was  founded,  and  hath 
generally  been  carried  on,  in  a  wrong  Spirit;  that  the  Effects  of- 
it  are  detrimental  to  the  real  Prosperity  of  our  Country;  and  will 


354  THE 

be  more  so,  except  we  cease  from  the  common  Motives  of  keeping 
them,  and   treat  them   in    future  agreeable  to  Truth  and   pu 
Justice. 

Negroes  may  be  imported,  who,  for  their  Cruelty  to  their 
Countrymen,  and  the  evil  Disposition  of  their  Minds,  may  be 
unfit  to  be  at  Liberty;  and  if  we,  as  Lovers  of  Righteousness, 
undertake  the  Management  of  them,  we  should  have  a  full  and 
clear  Knowledge  of  their  Crimes,  and  of  those  Circumstances 
which  might  operate  in  their  Favour;  but  the  Difficult>*  of  obtain- 
ing this  is  so  great,  that  we  have  great  Reason  to  be  cautious 
therein.  But,  should  it  plainly  appear  that  absolute  Subjection  was 
a  Condition  the  most  proper  for  the  Person  who  is  purchased,  yet 
the  innocent  Children  ought  not  to  be  made  Slaves,  because  their 
Parents  sinned. 

We  have  Account  in  Holy  Scripture  of  some  Families  suffer- 
ing, where  mention  is  only  made  of  the  Heads  of  the  Family  com- 
mitting Wickedness :  and  it  is  likely  that  the  degenerate  Jews, 
misunderstanding  some  Occurrences  of  this  Kind,  took  Occasion 
to  charge  God  with  being  unequal ;  so  that  a  Saying  became  com- 
mon; llic  Fathers  hazv  eaten  sour  Grapes,  aiid  the  Children's 
Teeth  are  set  on  Edge.  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel,  two  of  the  inspired 
Prophets  who  lived  near  the  same  Time,  were  concerned  to  correct 
this  Error.  Ezekiel  is  large  on  the  Subject.  First,  he  reproves 
them  for  their  Error.  What  mean  ye,  that  ye  do  so?  chap,  xviii. 
verse  2.  As  I  live,  sat'th  tfie  Lord  God,  ye  shall  not  liave  occasion 
any  more  to  use  this  proz'crb  in  Israel,  The  Words,  any  more, 
have  Reference  to  Time  past ;  intimating,  that  though  they  had 
not  rightly  understood  some  Things  they  load  heard  or  seen,  and 
thence  supposed  the  Proverb  to  be  well  grounded ;  yet  henceforth 
they  might  know  of  a  Certainty,  that  the  Ways  of  God  are  all 
equal ;  that  as  sure  as  the  Most  High  liveth,  so  sure  men  are  only 
answerable  for  their  own  sins.  He  thus  sums  up  the  Matter; 
The  sold  tfiat  sinn^eth-,  it  sfuiil  die.  The  son  shall  tvot  bear  the 
iniquity  of  tfie  father;  neither  shall  tfie  father  bear  tlte  iniquity^ 
of  the  son.  Tfie  nghtemisness  of  the  righteous  shall  be  up^ 
him ;  and  the  7inckedness  of  the  wieked  shall  be  upon  ftim. 

Where  Men  are  wicked,  they  commonly  are  a  Means  of  cor- 
rupting the  succeeding  Age;  and  thereby  hasten  those  outward 
Calamities,  which  fall  on  Nations  when  their  Iniquities  are  fi 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES  355 


Men  may  pursue  Means  which  are  not  agreeable  to  perfect 
Purity,  with  a  View  to  increase  the  Wealth  and  Happiness  of 
their  Offspring;  and  thereby  may  make  the  Way  of  Virtue 
more  difficuU  to  them.  And  though  the  ill  Example  of  a  Parent, 
or  a  Multitude,  does  not  excuse  a  Man  in  doing  Evil,  yet  the  Mind 
being  early  impressed  with  vicious  Notions  and  Practices,  and 
nurtured  up  in  Ways  of  getting  Treasure,  which  are  not  the  Ways 
of  Truth:  this  wrong  Spirit  getting  first  Possession,  and  being 
thus  strengthened,  frorjuently  prevents  due  Attention  to  the  true 
Spirit  of  Wisdom,  so  that  they  exceed  in  Wickedness  those  who 
lived  before  them.  And  in  this  Cliamiel,  though  Parents  labour, 
as  they  think,  to  forward  the  Happiness  of  their  Children,  it 
proves  a  Means  of  forwarding  their  Calamity.  This  being  the 
Case,  in  the  Age  next  before  the  grievous  Calamity  in  the  Siege 
of  Jerusalem,  and  carrying  Judak  captive  to  Babylon,  they  might 
say  with  Propriet>\  This  came  upon  us,  because  our  Fathers  for- 
sook God,  and  because  we  did  worse  than  our  Fathers. 

As  the  Generation  next  before  them  inwardly  turned  away 
from  God,  who  yet  waited  to  be  gracious ;  and  as  they  in  that  Age 
continued  in  those  Things  which  necessarily  separated  from  perfect 
Goodness,  growing  more  stubborn,  till  the  Judgments  of  God  were 
poured  out  upon  them ;  they  might  properly  say.  Our  fathers  have 
sinned,  and  we  liave  borne  their  iniquities.  And  yet,  wicked  as 
their  Fathers  were,  had  they  not  succeeded  them  in  their  Wicked- 
ness, they  had  not  borne  their  Iniquities. 

To  suppose  it  right  that  an  innocent  Man  shall  at  this  Day 
be  excluded  from  the  common  Rules  of  Justice;  be  deprived  of 
that  Liberty  which  is  the  natural  Right  of  human  Creatures ;  and 
1)€  a  Slave  to  others  during  Life,  on  Account  of  a  sin  committed 
by  his  immediate  Parents;  or  a  Sin  committed  by  Ham,  the  Son 
of  Noah,  is  a  Supposition  too  gross  to  be  admitted  into  the  Mind 
of  any  Person,  who  sincerely  desires  to  be  governed  by  solid 
Principles. 

It  is  alledged  in  Favour  of  the  Practice,  that  Joshua  made 
slaves  of  the  Gibeonites. 

What  Men  do  by  the  Command  of  God,  and  what  comes  to 
pass  as  a  Consequence  of  their  Neglect,  are  different ;  such  as  the 
latter  Case  now  mentioned  was.  It  was  the  express  Command  of 
the  Almighty  to  Israel,  concerning  the  Inhabitants  of  the  promised 


356  THK  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

land,  Thou  shait  make  no  covenant  with  tliem,  nor  tuith  their  Gods: 
They  sfuUl  fwt  dzvcU  in  thy  land.  Exod.  xxiii.  52.  Those  Gibeo- 
mtcs  came  craftily,  telling  Joshua  that  they  were  come  from  a  far 
Country ;  that  their  Elders  had  sent  them  to  make  a  League  with 
the  People  of  Israel ;  and  as  an  Evidence  of  their  being  Foreigners, 
showed  their  old  Cloaths.  &c.  Attd  the  men  took  of  their  Victuals, 
and  asked  ftot  Counsel  at  the  Mouth  of  tfie  Lord:  and  Joshm 
made  peace  ivith  them,  and  made  a  League  with  them,  to  let  them 
live;  and  the  Princes  sivare  to  them.     Josh,  ix.  14,  15. 

When  the  Imposition  was  discovered,  the  Congregation  mur* 
mured  against  the  Princes:  But  all  the  Princes  said  to  all  the 
Congregation,  we  fmve  s%oorn  to  thetn  by  the  Lord  God  of  Israel; 
now  tlierefore  we  tnay  not  touch  thetn:  we  tuill  even  let  them  livi, 
lest  Wrath  be  upon  us:  but  let  tJiem  be  Hewers  of  Wood  and 
Drawers  of  Water  unto  the  Congregation. 

Omitting  to  ask  Counsel,  involved  them  in  great  Difficult)'. 
The  Gibeonites  were  of  those  Cities,  of  which  tlie  Lord  had  said. 
Thou  shall  save  alive  nothing  tlmt  breaketh;  and  of  the  Stock  of 
the  Hivites,  concerning  whom  he  commanded  by  Name,  Thou 
shalt  sfnitc  tfiem.  and  utterly  destroy  them:  Thou  shalt  make  ^H 
Covenant  with  thetn,  nor  show  Mercy  unto  them.  Deut.  vii.^^ 
Thus  Joshua  and  the  Princes,  not  knowing  them,  had  made  a 
League  with  them  to  let  them  live ;  and  in  this  Strait  they  resolved 
to  make  them  Servants.  Joshua  and  the  Princes  suspected  them 
to  be  Deceivers :  Peradivnture  yoii  d^tfcll  atnotigst  us;  and  how 
sftall  we  make  a  League  with  you!  Which  Words  show,  tliat 
they  remembered  the  Command  before-mentioned ;  and  yet  did  not 
inquire  at  the  Mouth  of  the  Lord,  as  Moses  directed  Joshua,  when 
he  gave  him  a  Charge  respecting  his  Duty  as  chief  Man  among 
that  People.  Numb,  xxvii,  21.  By  this  Omission,  Things  became 
so  situated,  that  Joshua  and  the  Princes  could  not  execute  the 
Judgments  of  God  on  them,  without  violating  the  Oath  which 
they  had  made, 

Moses  did  amiss  at  the  Waters  of  Meribah:  and  doubtless  he 
soon  repented ;  for  the  Lord  was  with  him.  And  it  is  likely  that 
Joshua  was  deeply  humbled  under  a  sense  of  his  Omission;  for  it 
appears  that  God  continued  him  in  his  Office,  and  spared  the  Lives 
of  those  People,  for  the  Sake  of  the  League  and  Oath  made  in 
his  Name. 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES    357 

The  Wickedness  of  these  People  was  great,  and  they  worthy 
to  die,  or  perfect  Justice  had  not  passed  Sentence  of  Death  upon 
them;  and  as  their  Execution  was  prevented  by  this  League  and 
Oath,  they  appear  content  to  be  Servants :  As  it  seemeth  good  and 
right  unto  thee  to  do  unto  us,  do. 

These  Criminals,  instead  of  Death,  had  the  Sentence  of  Servi- 
tude pronounced  on  them  in  these  Words:  Now  therefore  ye 
are  cursed;  and  there  shall  none  of  you  he  freed  from  being  Bond- 
men, and  Hewers  of  Wood  and  Drawers  of  Water  for  the  House 
of  my  God. 

We  find,  Deut.  xx.  10,  that  there  were  Cities  far  distant  from 
Canaan,  against  which  Israel  went  to  Battle;  unto  whom  they 
were  to  proclaim  Peace,  and  if  the  Inhabitants  made  Answer  of 
Peace  and  opened  their  Gates,  they  were  not  to  destroy  them,  but 
make  them  Tributaries. 

The  Children  of  Israel  were  then  the  Lord's  Host,  and  Exe- 
cutioners of  his  Judgments  on  People  hardened  in  Wickedness. 
They  were  not  to  go  to  Battle,  but  by  his  Appointment  The  Men 
who  were  chief  in  his  Army,  had  their  Instructions  from  the  Al- 
mighty ;  sometimes  immediately,  and  sometimes  by  the  Ministry  of 
Angels.  Of  these,  amongst  others,  were  Moses,  Joshua,  Othniel, 
and  Gideon;  See  Exod.  iii.  2,  and  xviii.  19.  Josh.  v.  13.  These 
People  far  off  from  Canaan,  against  whom  Israel  was  sent  to  Bat- 
tle, were  so  corrupt  that  the  Creator  of  the  Universe  saw  it  good 
to  change  their  Situation :  and  in  case  of  their  opening  their  Gates, 
and  coming  under  Tribute,  this  their  Subjection,  though  prob- 
ably more  mild  than  absolute  Slavery,  was  to  last  little  or  no 
longer  than  while  Israel  remained  in  the  true  Spirit  of  Govern- 
rtient. 

It  was  pronounced  by  Moses  the  Prophet,  as  a  Consequence  of 
their  Wickedness,  The  stranger  thai  is  zvithin  thee  shall  get  above 
thee  very  high;  and  thou  shalt  come  down  very  low:  He  shall  be 
tfw  Head,  and  thou  the  Tail.    Deut.  xxviii.  43,  44. 

This  we  find  in  some  Measure  verified  in  their  being  made 
Tributaries  to  the  Moabites,  Midianites,  Amorites  and  Philistines. 
It  is  alleged  in  Favour  of  the  Practice  of  Slave  keeping,  that 
the  Jews  by  their  Law  made  Slaves  of  the  Heathen.  Levit,  xxv. 
45.  Moreover,  of  the  Children  of  the  Strangers  that  do  sojourn 
amongst  you,  of  them  shall  ye  buy,  and  of  their  Children,  which 


358  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

are  with  you,  which  they  beget  in  your  Land:  and  they  shall  bi 
your  Possession;  and  you  sIujlU  take  them  as  an  Inheritance  for 
your  Ciuldrcn  after  you,  to  inherit  them  as  a  Possession;  they 
shall  be  your  Bondmen  for  ever.  It  is  difficult  for  us  to  have 
any  certain  Knowledge  of  the  Miod  of  Moses,  in  Regard  to  keep- 
ing Slaves,  any  other  Way  than  by  looking  upon  him  as  a  true 
Servant  of  God,  whose  Mind  and  Conduct  were  regulated  by  an 
inward  Principle  of  Justice  and  Equity.  To  admit  a  Suppositioo 
that  he  in  that  Case  was  drawn  from  perfect  Equity  by  the  Alli- 
ance of  outward  Kindred,  would  he  to  disown  his  Authority. 

Abraham  had  Servants  horn  in  his  House,  and  bought  with 
his  Money:  And  the  Almighty  said  of  Ahraluim,  I  know  him, 
tfuit  he  zi'ill  order  his  House  after  him.  Which  imph'es  that  he  was 
as  a  Father,  an  Instructor,  and  a  good  Governor  over  his  People. 
And  Moses,  considered  as  a  Man  of  God.  must  necessarily  have 
liad  a  Prospect  of  some  real  Advantage  in  the  Strangers  and 
Heathens  being  Servants  to  the  Israelites  for  a  Time. 

As  Mankind  had  received  and  established  many  erroneous 
Opinions  and  hurtful  .Customs,  their  living  and  conversing  with 
the  Jews,  while  the  Jews  stood  faithful  to  their  principles,  might 
be  helpful  to  remove  those  Errors,  and  reform  their  Manners. 
But  for  Men,  with  private  Views,  to  assume  an  absolute  Power 
over  the  Persons  and  Properties  of  others ;  and  continue  it  from 
Age  to  Age  in  the  Line  of  natural  Generation,  without  regard  to 
the  Virtues  and  Vices  of  their  Successors,  as  it  is  manifestly  con- 
trary to  true  universal  Love,  and  attended  with  great  Evils,  there 
requires  the  clearest  Evidence  to  beget  a  Belief  in  us,  tliat  Moses 
intended  that  the  Strangers  should,  as  such,  be  Slaves  to  the 
Jezus. 

He  directed  them  to  buy  Strangers  and  Sojourners.  It  appears 
that  there  were  Strangers  in  Israel  who  were  free  Men,  and  con- 
sidering with  what  Tenderness  and  Humanity  the  Jezvs,  by  their 
law,  were  obliged  to  use  their  Servants,  and  what  Care  was  to  be 
taken  to  instruct  them  in  the  true  Religion,  it  is  not  unlikely  that 
some  Strangers  in  Poverty  and  Distress  were  willing  to  enter 
into  Bonds  to  serve  the  Jezvs  as  long  as  they  lived:  and  in  such 
Case  the  Jezvs,  by  their  Laiv,  had  a  Right  to  their  Service  durinj 
Life. 

When  the  Awl  was  bored  through  the  Ear  of  the  Hebn 


t 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES   359 

srvant,  the  Text  saith,  He  shall  serve  for  ever;  yet  we  do  not 
Lppose  that  by  the  Word  jor  ivcr  it  was  intended  that  none  of 
s  Posterity  should  afterwards  be  free;  when  it  is  said  in  regard 
'  the  Strangers  which  they  bought,  tiiey  sliall  be  your  possession, 
may  be  well  understood  to  mean  only  the  Persons  so  purchased : 
1  preceding  relates  to  buying  theitt ;  and  what  follows,  to  the  Con- 
nuance  of  their  Service.  V&u  sfiall  take  them  as  an  hvlwritanee 
'  your  Children  after  you;  they  sfmll  be  your  Bondmen  for  ever. 
:  may  be  well  understood  to  stand  limited  to  those  they  pur- 
lased. 

Moses,  directing  Aaron  and  his  Sons  to  wash  their  Hands  and 
eet,  when  they  went  into  the  Tabernacle  of  the  Congregation, 
nth.  //  shall  be  a  statute  for  ever  to  tliem.  eifen  to  him  and  his 
ecd  throughout  all  geiwrations.  And  to  express  the  Continuance 
I  the  Law,  it  was  his  common  Language,  It  siiall  be  a  statute  for 
jer  throughout  your  generations.  So  that  had  he  intended  the 
osterity  of  the  Strangers  so  purchased  to  continue  in  Slavery 
y  the  Jews,  it  looks  likely  that  he  would  have  used  some  Terms 
early  to  express  it.  The  Jeivs  undoubtedly  had  Slaves,  whom 
ley  kept  as  such  from  one  Age  to  another:  but  that  this  was 
jreeable  to  the  genuine  Design  of  their  inspired  Law-giver,  is 
IT  from  being  a  clear  Case. 

Making  Constructions  of  the  Law  contrary  to  the  true  Mean- 
ig  of  it,  was  common  amongst  that  People.  Satnuel's  Sons  took 
tribes,  and  per\'erted  Judgment.  Isaiah  complained  that  they 
istified  the  Wicked  for  Reward.  Zepfianiah,  Contemporary  with 
eremiah,  on  Account  of  the  Injustice  of  the  civil  Magistrates, 
eclared  tliat  those  Judges  were  Ravening  W^olves ;  and  that  the 
Irifisls  did  Violence  to  the  Law. 

UferemiaJi  acquaints  us,  that  the  Priests  cried  Peace,  Peace, 
rhen  there  was  no  Peace;  by  which  Means  the  People  grew  bold 
1  their  Wickedness;  and  having  committed  Abominations,  were 
ot  ashamed :  but,  through  wrong  Constructions  of  the  Law,  they 
istified  themselves,  and  boasthigly  said,  IVe  are  unse;  and  tfte 
tw  of  tlu:  Lord  is  with  us.  These  Corruptions  continued  till 
he  Days  of  our  Saviour,  who  told  the  Pharisees,  Vou  have  made 
he  Commandment  of  God  of  none  Effect  through  your  Tradi- 
on. 

Thus  it  appears  that  they  corrupted  the  Law  of  Moses;  nor 


36o 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLIVIAN 


is  it  unlikely  that  among  many  others  this  was  one ;  for  oppressing 
the  Strangers  was  a  heavy  Charge  against  the  Jews,  and  very  often 
strongly  represented  by  the  Lord's  faithful  Prophets. 

That  the  Liberty  of  Man  was»  by  the  inspired  Law-givcr, 
esteemed  precious,  appears  in  this ;  that  such  who  unjustly  de- 
prived Men  of  it,  were  to  be  punished  in  like  Manner  as  if  they 
had  murdered  them.  He  that  stealcth  a  Man,  and  selleth  him; 
or  if  iw  be  foufid  in  his  Hand,  sfmll  surely  be  put  to  Death.  This 
part  of  the  Law  was  so  considerable,  that  Paul,  the  learned  Jew, 
giving  a  brief  Account  of  the  Uses  of  the  Law,  adds  tliis,  It  zmu 
made  for  Menr-stealers.     i  Tim.  i.  lo. 

The  great  Men  amongst  that  People  were  exceedingly  oppres- 
sive; and,  it  is  likely,  exerted  their  whole  Strength  and  Influence 
to  have  the  Law  construed  to  suit  their  Turns.  The  honest  Serv- 
ants of  the  Lord  had  heavy  Work  with  them  in  regard  to  their 
Oppression ;  a  few  instances  follow :  Thus  saith  tlie  Lord  af 
Hosts,  tlic  God  of  Israel,  ametid  yotir  Ways,  a)td  your  Doings; 
and  I  will  cause  you  to  dwell  in  this  Place,  If  you  thoroughly 
execute  Judgment  bct^vecn  a  Man  and  Ms  Neighbour;  if  you 
oppress  not  the  Stranger,  the  Fatlu^rlcss  and  the  Widow;  and  shed 
not  innocent  Blood  in  this  Place;  neither  walk  after  other  Gods  to 
your  Hurt,  tfu^n  zvill  I  cause  you  to  dwell  in  tfiis  Place.  Jer.  vii. 
Again,  a  Message  was  sent  not  only  to  the  inferior  Ministers  of 
Justice,  but  also  to  the  chief  Ruler.  This  saith  the  Lord,  go  down 
to  the  House  of  the  King  of  JudaJi,  and  speak  there  this  Word: 
execute  ye  Judgment  arui  Righteousness,  and  deliver  the  Spoiled 
out  of  the  luind  of  the  Oppressor;  and  do  no  Wrotig;  do  no 
Violence  to  the  Stranger,  the  Fatherless  and  tlw  Widow;  neither 
s}ved  innocent  Blood  in  this  Place.  Then  adds.  That  in  so  doing 
they  should  prosper ;  but  if  ye  will  not  Itear  tfiese  Words,  I  swear 
by  myself,  saith  the  Lord,  tliat  this  House  shall  become  a  Desokh 
tion.    Jer.  xxii. 

The  King,  the  Princes  and  Rulers,  were  agreed  in  Oppression 
before  ihe  Babylonish  Captivity:  for,  wliatever  Courts  of  Justice 
were  retained  amongst  them;  or  however  they  decided  matters 
betwixt  Men  of  Estates,  it  is  plain  that  the  Cause  of  the  Poor 
was  not  judged  in  Equity. 

It  appears  that  the  great  Men  amongst  the  Jews  were  fully 
resolved  to  have  Slaves,  even  of  their  own  Brethren.    Jer.  xxxiv. 


CONSIDER.\TIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES  361 

Notwithstanding  the  Promises  and  Threatenings  of  the  Lord,  by 
le  Prophet,  and  their  solemn  Covenant  to  set  them  free,  con- 
rmed  by  tlie  Imprecation  of  passing  between  the  Parts  of  a  Calf 
lit  in  twain;  intimating^  by  tliat  Ceremony,  that  on  Breach  of 
le  Covenant,  it  were  just  for  their  Bodies  to  be  so  cut  in  Pieces; 
-Yet  after  all,  they  held  fast  to  their  old  Custom,  and  called 
lome  the  Servants  whom  they  had  set  free.  And  ye  were  now 
trtied,  afid  Imd  done  right  in  my  sight,  in  proclaiming  Liberty 
very  man  to  his  Neighbour;  and  ye  had  made  a  covenant  before 
te,  in  the  House  which  is  called  by  my  Name,  But  ye  turned,  and 
olluted  my  Name,  and  caused  every  Man  his  Servant,  whom  fie 
]ad  set  at  Liberty  at  their  Pleasure,  to  return,  and  brought  tlicm 
nto  Subjection,  to  be  unto  yon  for  Servants,  attd  for  Handmaids, 
Therefore  thus  saith  the  Lord,  ye  fmve  not  hearkened  unto  me, 
n  proclaiming  Liberty  every  one  to  his  Neigltbour,  and  every  one 
o  his  hrotlwr.  Behold,  I  proclaim  a  Liberty  for  you,  saith  the 
lord,  to  the  Stvord,  to  the  Pestilence,  atui  to  tJie  Famine;  and  I 
tnll  make  yoti  to  be  removed  into  all  tfie  Kingd&ms  of  the  Earth, 
The  Men  who  transgressed  my  Covenant  ivhich  they  made,  and 
passed  between  tite  Parts  of  the  calf,  I  ivill  git'e  into  the  hands 
bf  their  Enemies,  and  llwir  dead  Bodies  slwU  be  for  Meat  unto 
the  Fowls  of  the  Heaven,  and  the  Beasts  of  the  Earth. 

Soon  after  this  their  City  was  taken  and  burnt;  the  King's 
Sons  and  the  Princes  slain ;  and  the  King,  with  the  chief  Men  of 
his  Kingdom,  carried  Captive  to  Babylon,  Ezekiel,  prophesying 
|he  Return  of  that  People  to  their  own  Land,  directs.  Ye  shall 

givide  tlie  latui  by  lot,  for  an  hiJicritaMe  unto  ymi,  and  to  tlie 
trangers  tlujt  sojourn  amongst  you;  in  wliat  Tribe  tfie  Stranger 
4oj(>urns,  there  sluill  ye  give  him  his  Inheritance,  saith  the  Lord 
Cod.  Nor  is  tliis  particular  Direction,  and  the  Authority  with 
which  it  is  enforced,  without  a  tacit  Implication,  that  their  An- 
cestors had  erred  in  their  Conduct  towards  the  Stranger. 

Some  who  keep  Slaves,  have  doubted  as  to  the  Equit>'  of  the 
[Practice ;  but  as  they  knew  Men,  noted  for  their  Piety,  who  were 
Sn  it,  this,  they  say,  has  made  their  Minds  easy. 
j  To  lean  on  the  Example  of  Men  in  doubtful  Cases,  is  difficult : 
For  only  admit,  that  those  Men  were  not  faithful  and  upright 
to  the  highest  Degree,  but  that  in  some  particular  Case  they  erred, 
and  it  may  follow  that  (this  one  Case  was  the  same,  about  which 


362  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOt  N  WOOLM AN 


we  are  in  Doubt;  and  to  quiet  our  Minds  by  their  Example,  may 

be  dangerous  to  ourselves;  and  continuing  in  it,  prove  a  Stum- 
bling-block to  tender-minded  Peai)le  who  succeed  us,  in  like  mai 
as  their  Examples  are  to  us. 

But,  supposing  Charity  was  their  only  Motive,  and  they 
foreseeing  the  Tendency  of  l)aying  Robbers  for  their  Booty,  were 
not  justly  under  the  Imputation  of  being  Partners  with  a  Thief, 
Pruv.  xxix.  24,  but  were  really  innocent  in  what  they  did.  are  we 
assured  tliat  we  keep  them  with  the  same  Views  they  kept  themr 
If  we  keep  them  from  no  other  Motive  than  a  real  Sense  of  Duty, 
and  true  Charity  governs  us  in  al!  our  Proceedings  toward  them, 
we  are  so  far  safe:  But  if  another  Spirit,  which  inclines  our 
Minds  to  the  Ways  of  this  World,  prevail  upon  us,  and  we  arc 
concerned  for  our  own  outward  Gain  more  than  for  their  real 
Happiness,  it  will  avail  us  nothing  that  some  good  Men  have  had 
the  Care  and  Management  of  Negroes. 

Since  Mankind  spread  upoiT  the  earth,  many  have  been  thv 
RevoHitions  attending  the  several  Families,  and  their  Customs  and 
Ways  of  Life  different  from  each  other.  This  diversity  ot 
Manners,  though  some  are  preferable  to  others,  operates  not  in 
Favour  of  any,  so  far  as  to  justify  them  to  do  Violence  to  inno- 
cent Men ;  or  to  bring  them  from  their  own  to  another  Way  of 
Life.  The  Mind,  when  moved  by  a  Principle  of  true  Love,  may 
feel  a  Warmth  of  Gratitude  to  the  universal  Father,  and  a  lively 
Sympathy  with  those  Nations,  where  Divine  Light  has  been  less 
manifest. 

This  Desire  for  their  real  Good  may  beget  a  Willingness  to 
undergo  Hardships  for  their  Sakes,  that  the  true  Knowledge  of 
God  may  be  spread  amongst  them.  But  to  take  them  from  their 
own  Land,  with  Views  of  Profit  to  ourselves,  by  means  inconsist- 
ent with  pure  Justice,  is  foreign  to  that  Principle  which  seeks 
the  Happiness  of  the  whole  Creation.  Forced  Subjection  on  inno- 
cent Persons  of  full  Age,  is  inconsistent  with  right  Reason;  on 
one  Side,  the  human  Mind  is  not  naturally  fortified  with  that  Firm- 
ness in  Wisdom  and  Goodness  necessary  to  an  independent  Ruler; 
on  the  other  Side,  to  be  subject  to  the  uncontrollable  W^ill  of  a 
Man,  liable  to  err,  is  most  painful  and  afflicting  to  a  conscientious 
Creature. 

It  is  our  Happiness  faithfully  to  serve  the  Divine  Being,  who 


CONSIDER.\TIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES  363 


ide  us.     His  Perfection  makes  our  Service  reasonable;  but  so 
g  as  Men  are  biassed  by  narrow  Self -love,  so  long  an  absolute 
'ower  over  other  Men  is  unfit  for  them. 

Men,  taking  on  them  the  Government  of  others,  may  intend  to 
ern  reasonably,  and  to  make  their  Subjects  more  happy  than 
would  be  otherwise;  but,  as  absolute  Command  belongs  only 
im  who  is  perfect,  where  frail  Men,  in  their  own  Wills,  assume 
such  Command,  it  hath  a  direct  Tendency  to  vitiate  their  Minds, 
and  make  them  more  unfit  for  Government. 

Placing  on   Men   the   ignominious   Title,   SLAVE,    dressing 
them  in  uncomely  Garments,  keeping  them  to  servile  Labour,  in 
\ivhich  they  are  often  dirty,  tends  gradually  to  fix  a  Notion  in 
the  Mind,  that  they  are  a  Sort  of  People  below  us  in  Nature,  and 
l^ads  us  to  consider  them  as  such  in  all  our  Conclusions  about 
them.     And,  moreover,  a  Person  which  in  our  Esteem  is  mean 
and  contemptible,  if  their  Language  or  Behaviour  toward  us  is 
unseemly  or  disrespectful,  it  excites  Wrath  more  powerfully  than 
the  like  Conduct  in  one  we  accounted  our  Equal  or  Superior: 
and  where  this  happens  to  be  the  Case,  it  disqualifies  for  candid 
Judgment;  for  it  is  unfit  for  a  Person  to  sit  as  Judge  in  a  Case 
where  his   own   personal   Resentments  are   stirred   up ;  and,   as 
Members    of    Society    in    a    well    framed    Government,    we    are 
mutually  dependent.     Present  Interest  incites  to  Dut>',  and  makes 
each  Man  attentive  to  the  Convenience  of  others :  hut  he  whose 
Will  is  a  Law  to  others,  and  can  enforce  Obedience  by  Punish- 
ment ;  he  whose  Wants  are  supplied  without  feeling  any  Obliga- 
tion to  make  equal  Returns  to  his  Benefactor,  his  irregular  Ap- 
petities  find  an  open  Field  for  Motion,  and  he  is  in  Danger  of 
growing  hard,  and  inattentive  to  their  Convenience  who  labour 
for  his  Support;  and  so  loses  that  Disposition  in  which  alone 
Men  are  fit  to  govern. 

The  English  Government  hath  been  commended  by  candid 
Foreigners  for  the  Disuse  of  Racks  and  Tortures,  so  much  prac- 
tised in  some  States ;  but  this  multiplying  Slaves  now  leads  to  it ; 
for  where  People  exact  hard  Labour  of  others,  witiiout  a  suitable 
Reward,  and  are  resolved  to  continue  in  that  Way,  Severity  to 
such  who  oppose  them  becomes  the  Consequence:  and  several 
Ntgroc  criminals,  among  tlie  English  in  America,  have  been  exe- 
cuted in  a  lingering,  painful  Way,  very  terrifying  to  others.  > 


k. 


f^  THE  TOCRXAL  OF  JOHX  WOOLMAS 


It  5i  a  hapg-j  Case  tsp  k£  doc  ng*z.  zad  yetacice  s  ifae  sve 
'A'arr,  A  "bt;!:^  3«^=r±ag  jcai^  zrns  asTr  DTi'i  nfcrs;  for  «i 
scp^n  oce  ErC  rrr.rrj/rr  rmr'.rv*  a^saasrr:  r«o  ^jcmJaajo  nore: 
irji  trjc  fsrier  Msn  ^.rxjcec:  =i  ±=5  War.  ±e  g^rstati  ttev  Dta- 
^er^  trcfr  I>x£ti  a^af  Fear; :  anrf  :be  aacce  pofrfsL  arad  puyhjuif 
ar*  thcfr  CfrGraKaaces-  S;-  rar  ssxh  wbc  arr  trae  Friends  id 
±^  ztau  asai  ja5r:r;g  I=:er««  o-f  ocr  Ccsrrrj.  aad  caafBcEv  coosider 
the  TeaScacT  of  Tbfsgs.  carract  be:  feci  some  Caaoem  oa  this 
Accruer:?. 

There  is  t!a:  Sz:zitryyzrtj  br.  i!e=  over  the  Bnce  Creamres,  and 
some  of  thctn  are  so  aar-ffcsdj  Qepo5e=!  '?^  Mes  for  a  Lrriog, 
tftat  f'/r  them  to  serre  txs  fn  M<:-3crasoG.  so  far  as  rdaies  to  tbc 
right  Us*  of  Thfr^.  koks  owaccart  tc-  tbe  Design  of  oar  Cre- 
ator. 

Ti-Jtrc  :s  r»othfng  in  thefr  Frame,  nothing  relative  to  the  propa- 
gatfr^^  thdr  Species,  which  argues  tbe  coctrary ;  bat  in  Men  there 
is.  The  Frame  of  Mer's  Bodies,  and  tbe  Disposition  of  their 
Mir/ds,  are  dffterent ;  some^  who  are  toogfa  and  strong,  and  their 
Miiyis  active,  chuse  Ways  of  Life  reqoirir^  modi  Labour  to  siqn 
port  them ;  others  are  soon  weary ;  and  dwagfa  Use  makes  Labour 
nv/re  tolerable,  yet  some  are  less  apt  for  Toil  than  others,  and 
their  Minds  less  sprightly.  These  laner  labouring  for  their  Sub- 
^irter.ce.  commonly  chuse  a  Life  easy  to  support,  beiog  content 
with  a  little.  W'her.  they  are  w€ar>  the>-  may  rest,  take  the  most 
advantagfTju-  F'an  of  the  Day  for  Labour;  and  in  all  cases  propor- 
tion ont  Thing  to  another,  so  that  their  Bodies  be  not  oppressed. 

Now,  while  each  is  at  Libert}-,  the  latter  may  be  as  happy,  and 
live  as  comfortably  as  the  former;  but.  where  Men  of  the  first 
.Sort  having  the  latter  under  absolute  Command,  not  considering 
the  Odds  in  Strength  and  Firmness,  do  sometimes,  in  their  eager 
Puf'uit.  lay  on  Burthens  grievous  to  \>e  borne:  by  Degrees  grow  ' 
rigorous,  and,  aspiring  to  Greatness,  they  increase  Oppression, 
and  the  true  Order  of  kind  Providence  is  subverted. 

There  are  Weaknesses  sometimes  attending  us,  which  make 
little  or  no  Alteration  in  our  Countenances,  nor  much  lessen  our   I 
Appetite  for  Food,  and  yet  so  affect  us,  as  to  make  Labour  very    ' 
uneasy.   In  .such  Case  Masters,  intent  on  putting  forward  Business, 
imd  jealous  of  the  Sincerit>-  of  their  Slaves,  may  disbelieve  what 
hey  say,  and  grievously  afflict  them. 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES   3^5 

Action  is  necessary  for  all  Men,  and  our  exhausting  Frame 
requires  a  support,  which  is  the  Fruit  of  Action.  The  Earth 
jnust  be  laboured  to  keep  us  alive.  Labour  is  a  proper  Part  of  our 
Life;  to  make  one  answer  the  other  in  some  useful  Motion,  looks 
agreeable  to  the  Design  of  our  Creator.  Motion,  rightly  managed, 
tends  to  our  Satisfaction,  Health,  and  Support. 

Those  who  quit  all  useful  Business,  and  live  wholly  on  the 
Labour  of  others,  have  their  Exercise  to  seek.  Some  such  use 
less  than  their  Health  requires;  others  choose  that  which,  by  the 
Circumstances  attending  it,  proves  utterly  reverse  to  true  Happi- 
ness. Thus,  while  some  are  divers  Ways  distressed  for  want  of  an 
open  Channel  of  useful  Action,  those  who  support  them  sigh  and 
are  exhausted  in  a  Stream  too  powerful  for  Nature,  spending 
their  Days  with  too  little  Cessation  from  Labour. 

Seed  sown  with  the  Tears  of  a  confined  oppressed  People, 
Harvests  cut  down  by  an  overborne  discontented  Reaper,  makes 
Bread  less  sweet  to  the  Taste  of  an  honest  Man,  than  that  which 
is  the  Produce  or  just  Reward  of  such  voluntary  action,  which  is 
one  proper  Part  of  the  Business  of  human  Creatures. 

Again,  the  weak  State  of  the  htmian  Species  is  bearing  and 
bringing  forth  their  Young,  and  the  helpless  Condition  of  their 
Young  beyond  that  of  other  Creatures,  clearly  show  that  Perfect 
Goodness  designs  a  tender  Care  and  Regard  should  be  exercised 
toward  them ;  and  that  no  imperfect,  arbitrary  Power  should  pre- 
vent the  cordial  Effects  of  that  Sympathy,  which  is  in  the  Minds 
of  well-met  Pairs  to  each  other,  and  toward  their  Offspring. 

In  our  Species,  t!ie  mutual  Ties  of  Affection  are  more  rational 
and  durable  than  in  others  below  us;  the  Care  and  Labour  of 
raising  our  OflFspring,  much  greater.  The  Satisfaction  arising 
to  us  in  their  innocent  Company,  and  in  their  Advances  from  one 
rational  Improvement  to  another,  is  considerable,  when  two  are 
thus  joined,  and  their  Affections  sincere,  it  however  happens 
among  Slaves,  that  they  are  often  situate  in  different  Places;  and 
their  seeing  each  other  depends  on  the  Will  of  Men,  liable  to 
human  Passions  and  a  bias  in  Judgment;  who,  with  Views  of  Self- 
interest,  may  keep  them  apart  more  than  is  right.  Being  absent 
from  each  other,  and  often  with  other  Company,  there  is  a  Dan- 
ger of  their  Affections  being  alienated.  Jealousies  arising,  the 
Happiness  otherwise  resulting  from  their  Offspring  frustrated. 


366  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


and  the  Comforts  of  Marriage  destroyed.     These  Things 
considered  closely,  as  happening  to  a  near  Friend,  will  appear 
be  hard  and  painful. 

He  who  reverently  observes  that  Goodness  manifested  by  oiB 
Gracious  Creator  toward  the  various  Species  of  Beings  in 
World,  will  see,  that  in  our  Frame  and  Constitution  is  clcai 
shown,  that  innocent  Men,  capable  to  manage  for  themselves,  were 
not  intended  to  be  Slaves. 

A  Person  lately  travelling  amongst  the  Negroes  near  Seneg 
hath  this  Remark ;  "Which  Way  soever  I  turned  my  Eyes  on  this 
pleasant  Spot,  I  beheld  a  perfect  Image  of  pure  Nature ;  an  agr«- 
able  Solitude,  bounded  on  every  Side  by  charming  landskips  the 
rural  Situation  of  Cottages  in  the  Midst  of  Trees.  The  Ease 
and  Indolence  of  the  Negroes,  reclined  under  the  Shade  of  their 
sprcadiot,^  Foliage;  the  Simplicity  of  their  Dress  and  Manners;  the 
Whole  revived  in  my  Mind  the  Idea  of  our  first  Parents,  and  1 
seemed  to  contemplate  the  World  in  its  primitive  State."  ^^ 
Adanson,  page  55.^ 

Some  Negroes  10  these  Parts,  who  have  had  an  agreeable 
Education,  have  manifested  a  Brightness  of  Understanding  equal 
to  many  of  us.  A  Remark  of  this  Kind  we  find  in  Bosman,  page 
328.  "The  Negroes  of  Fida,"  saith  he,  "are  so  accurately  quick  in 
their  Merchandize  Accounts,  that  they  easily  reckon  as  justly 
and  quickly  in  their  Heads  only,  as  we  with  the  Assistance  of  Pen 
and  Ink,  though  the  Sum  amounts  to  several  Thousands." 

Through  the  Force  of  long  Custom,  it  appears  needful  to 
speak  in  Relation  to  Colour.  Suppose  a  white  Child,  born  of  Par- 
ents of  the  meanest  Sort,  who  died  and  left  him  an  Infant,  falls 
into  the  Hands  of  a  Person  who  endeavours  to  keep  him  a  Slave, 
some  Men  would  account  him  an  unjust  Man  in  doing  so,  who 


'  Michd  Adanson  t «7a7->8o6l:  "Voyage  to  Senegal,  Isle  of  Gorcc  and  Rivff 
Gambia.  Translated  from  the  French,  with  notes  by  an  English  Genlletnw 
who  resided  in  that  Country."  London,  lysg.  The  original  copy.  Hill  in  the 
Loganiati  Library,  Philadelphia  [Ridgway  Branch] .  may  easily  have  been  ll« 
identical  copy  read  and  noted  by  John  Woolman.  This  work  first  appeared  in 
Paris,  1757.  as  "Histoirc  Naturclle  du  Senegal,"  Adanson  in  Woolman's  time 
was  the  leading  naturalist  of  France,  having  been  made  a  member  of  the  Freocb 
Academy  at  the  early  age  of  30.  The  Revolution  of  179 J  brought  him  to  poverty, 
and  his  later  |>ension  only  came  in  time  to  prolong  his  oM  age.  When  he  died 
at  70,  his  last  words  were.  "Adieu:  rimmortalite  n'est  pas  de  ce  monae."  He 
was  bom  at  Aix,  Provence.  April  7,  1737.  and  died  in  Paris.  August  3, 
INouvellc  Biographic  GAnerale.J 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES  367 

yet  appear  easy  while  many  Black  People,  of  honest  Lives  and 
food  Abilities,  are  enslaved  in  a  Manner  more  shocking  than  the 
*ase  here  supposed.  This  is  owing  chiefly  to  the  Idea  of  Slavery 
ing  connected  with  the  Black  Colour,  and  Liberty  with  the 
bite:  and  where  false  Ideas  are  twisted  into  our  Minds,  it  is 
ith  difficulty  we  get  fairly  disentangled. 

A  Traveller  in  cloudy  Weather,  misseth  his  Way,  makes  many 
Turns  while  he  is  lost;  still  forms  in  his  Mind  the  Bearing  and 
Situation  of  Places ;  and  though  the  Ideas  are  Wrong,  they  fix 
as  fast  as  if  they  were  right.  Finding  how  Things  are,  we  see 
fOur  Mistake;  yet  the  Force  of  Reason,  with  repeated  Observa- 
tions on  Places  and  Things,  do  not  soon  remove  those  false 
Notions,  so  fastened  upon  us,  but  it  will  seem,  in  the  Imagination 
as  if  the  annual  Course  of  the  Sun  was  altered :  and  though,  by 
Recollection,  we  are  assured  it  is  not,  yet  those  Ideas  do  not  sud- 
denly leave  us. 

Selfishness  being  indulged,  clouds  the  Understanding;  and 
where  selfish  Men,  for  a  long  Time,  proceed  on  their  Way  without 
Opposition,  the  Deceivableness  of  Unrighteousness  gets  so  rooted 
in  their  Intellects,  that  a  candid  Examination  of  Things  relating 
to  Self-interest  is  prevented;  and  in  this  Circumstance,  some 
who  would  not  agree  to  make  a  Slave  of  a  Person  whose  Colour 
is  like  their  own,  appear  easy  in  making  Slaves  of  others  of  a  dif- 
ferent Colour,  though  their  Understandings  and  Morals  are  equal 
to  the  Generality  of  Men  of  their  own  Colour. 

The  Colour  of  a  Man  avails  nothing  in  Matters  of  Right  and 
Equity.  Consider  Colour  in  Relation  to  Treaties;  by  such.  Dis- 
putes betwixt  Nations  are  sometimes  settled.  And  should  the 
Father  of  us  all  so  dispose  Things,  that  Treaties  with  black  Men 
should  sontetimes  be  necessary,  how  then  would  it  appear  amongst 
the  Princes  and  Ambassadors,  to  insist  on  the  Prerogative  of  the 
white  Colour? 

Whence  is  it  that  Men,  who  believe  in  a  righteous  Omnipotent 
Being,  to  whom  all  Nations  stand  equally  related,  and  are  equally 
accountable,  remain  so  easy  in  it ;  but  for  that  the  Ideas  of  Negroes 
and  Slaves  are  so  interwoven  in  the  Mind,  that  they  do  not  discuss 
this  Matter  with  that  Candour  and  Freedom  of  Thought,  which  the 
C-ase  justly  calls  for? 

To  come  at  a  right  Feeling  of  their  Condition,  requires  humble, 


L 


368  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHX  WOOLMAN 

serious  Thinking ;  for,  in  their  present  Situation,  tliey  have  bot 
little  to  engage  our  natural  Affection  in  their  Favour. 

Had  we  a  Son  or  a  Daughter  involved  in  the  same  Case  b 
which  many  of  them  are,  it  would  alarm  us,  and  make  us  fed 
their  Condition  without  seeking  for  it.  The  Adversity  of  an  in- 
timate Friend  will  incite  our  Compassion,  while  others,  equaOy 
good,  in  the  h*ke  Trouble,  will  but  little  affect  us. 

Again,  the  Man  in  worldly  Honour,  whom  we  consider  as  our 
Superior,  treating  us  with  Kindness  and  Generosity,  begets  s 
Return  of  Gratitude  and  Friendship  toward  him.  We  may  receive 
as  great  Benefits  from  Men  a  Degree  lower  than  ourselves,  in  Ae 
common  Way  of  reckoning,  and  feel  ourselves  less  engaged  in 
Favour  of  them.  Such  is  our  Condition  by  Nature;  and  these 
Things  being  narrowly  watched  and  examined,  will  be  found  to 
centre  in  Self-love. 

The  Blacks  seem  far  from  being  our  Kinsfolks;  and  did  we 
find  an  agreeable  Disposition  and  sound  Understanding  in  some 
of  them,  which  appeared  as  a  good  Foundation  for  a  true  Friend- 
ship between  us,  the  Disgrace  arising  from  an  open  Friendship 
with  a  Person  of  so  vile  a  Stock,  in  the  common  Esteem,  would 
naturally  tend  to  hinder  it.  They  have  neither  Honours,  Riches, 
outward  Magnificence  nor  Power;  their  Dress  coarse,  and  often 
ragged;  their  Employ  Drudgery,  and  much  in  the  Dirt:  the}' 
have  little  or  nothing  at  Command ;  but  must  wait  upon  and  work 
for  others  to  obtain  the  Necessaries  of  Life:  so  that,  in  their 
present  Situation,  there  is  not  much  to  engage  the  Friendship,  or 
move  the  Affection  of  selfish  Men.  But  such  who  live  in  the 
Spirit  of  true  Charity,  to  sympathize  with  the  Afflicted  in  the 
lowest  Stations  of  Life,  is  a  Thing  familiar  to  them. 

Such  is  the  Kindness  of  our  Creator,  that  People,  appKnn^ 
their  Minds  to  sound  Wisdom,  may,  in  general,  with  moderate 
Exercise,  live  comfortably,  where  no  misapplied  Power  hinders 
it.  W'c  in  these  Parts  have  Cause  gratefully  to  acknowledge  it. 
Hilt  Men  leaving  the  true  Use  of  Things,  their  Lives  are  less 
calm,  and  have  less  of  real  Happiness  in  them. 

Many  are  desirous  of  purchasing  and  keeping  Slaves,  that 
they  may  live  in  some  Measure  conformable  to  those  Customs 
of  the  Times,  which  have  in  them  a  Tincture  of  Luxury.  For 
when  we,  in  the  least  Degree,  depart  from  that  use  of  the  Crea- 


L 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES  369 

tures,  which  the  Creator  of  all  things  intended  for  them,  there  Lux- 
ury begins. 

And  if  we  consider  this  Way  of  Life  seriously,  we  shall  see 
there  is  nothing  in  it  sufficient  to  induce  a  wise  Man  to  chuse  it, 
before  a  plain,  simple  Way  of  living.  If  we  examine  stately 
Buildings  and  Equipage,  delicious  Food,  superfine  Cloaths,  Silks 
and  Linens;  if  we  consider  the  Splendour  of  choice  Metal  fastened 
upon  Raiment,  and  the  most  showy  Inventions  of  Men,  it  will 
yet  appear  that  the  humble-minded  Man,  who  is  contented  with 
the  true  Use  of  Houses,  Food  and  Garments,  and  cheerfully  exer- 
ciseth  himself  agreeable  to  his  Station  in  Civil  Society,  to  earn 
them,  acts  more  reasonably,  and  discovers  more  Soundness  of 
Understanding  in  hts  Conduct,  than  such  who  lay  heavy  Burdens 
on  others  to  support  themselves  in  a  luxurious  Way  of  living. 

George  Buchanan,  in  his  History  of  Scotland,  page  62,  tells 
of  some  ancient  Inhabitants  of  Britain,  who  were  derived  from  a 
people  that  ''had  a  Way  of  marking  their  Bodies,  as  some  said, 
with  Instruments  of  Iron,  with  Variety  of  Pictures,  and  with  Ani- 
mals of  all  Shapes,  and  wear  no  Garments,  that  they  should  not 
hide  their  Pictures;  and  were  therefore  called  Picts." '^  Did  we 
see  those  People  shrink  with  Pain,  for  a  considerable  Time  to- 
gether, under  the  Point  or  Edge  of  this  Iron  Instrument,  and 
their  Bodies  all  bloody  with  the  Operation ;  did  we  see  them  some- 
times naked,  sulTering  with  Cold,  and  refuse  to  put  on  Garments, 
that  those  imaginar\'  Ensigns  of  Grandeur  might  not  be  concealed, 
it  is  likely  we  should  pity  their  Folly  and  Fondness  for  those 
Things.  But  if  we  candidly  compare  their  Conduct,  in  that  Case, 
wnth  some  Conduct  amongst  ourselves,  will  it  not  appear  that  our 
Folly  is  the  greatest? 

In  true  Gospel  Simplicity,  free  from  all  wrong  Use  of  Things, 
a  Spirit  which  breathes  Peace  and  good  Will  is  cherished :  but 
when  we  aspire  after  Imaginary  Grandeur,  and  apply  to  selfish 
Means  to  attain  our  End,  this  Desire,  in  its  Original,  is  the  same 
with  the  Picts  in  cutting  Figures  on  their  Bodies ;  but  the  evil 
Consequences  attending  our  Proceedings  are  the  greatest. 

A    COVETOUS    Miod,   which    seeks   Opportunity    to   rxalt 

' ''Til*  Hiatorjr  of  Scotland."  by  George  Buclianan,  rmblislKd  originally  in  '-atin, 
w*»  truialated  and  published  in  English  in  two  volumes,  in  London.  Thi  third 
edition,  17 a,  in  Volume   1,  p.   66  contains  tbe  quotation  giveti  above. 


y 


yjo  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

itself,  is  a  great  Enemy  to  true  Harmony  in  a  Country: 
and  Grudgingf  usually  accompany  this  Disposition,  and  it  tends  to" 
stir  up  its  Likeness  in  others.  And  where  this  Disposition  ariseth 
so  liigh  as  to  emholden  us  to  look  upon  honest  industrious  Men 
as  our  own  Property  during  Life,  and  to  keep  them  to  hard 
Labour  to  support  us  in  those  Customs  which  have  not  tlieir 
Foundation  in  right  Reason,  or  to  use  any  Means  of  Oppression, 
a  haughty  Spirit  is  cherished  on  one  Side,  and  ihe  Desire  of  Re- 
venge frequently  on  the  other^  till  the  loliahitants  of  the  Land 
are  ripe  for  great  Commotion  and  Trouble.  And  thus  Luxury  and 
Oppression  have  the  Seeds  of  War  and  Desolation  in  them. 

Some  Account  of  the  Slave  Trade,  taken  from  the  zvritmgs  of 
persons  wfw  hm*c  been  at  the  places  where  they  are  first  pur- 
cJiased. 

Bpsman  on  Guinea,  who  was  a  factor  for  the  Dutch  about  six- 
teen years  in  that  country,  (page  339)  '  thus  remarks:  "But  since 
I  have  so  often  mentioned  that  commerce,  I  shall  describe  how  it 
is  managed  by  our  factors.  The  first  business  of  one  of  our  fac- 
tors, when  he  comes  to  Fida.  is  to  satisfy  the  customs  of  the  king, 
and  the  great  men,  which  amounts  to  about  one  hundred  pounds 
in  Guinea  value,  as  the  goods  must  sell  there.  After  which  wc 
have  free  license  to  trade,  which  is  published  throughout  the  whole 
land  by  the  crier.  And  yet,  before  we  can  deal  with  any  person, 
we  are  obliged  to  buy  the  king's  whole  stock  of  slaves  at  a  set 
price;  which  is  commonly  one  third  or  fourth  higher  than  ordi- 
nary: after  which,  we  have  free  leave  to  deal  with  all  his  subjects, 
of  what  rank  soe\er.  But  if  there  happen  to  he  no  stock  of 
Vves.  the  factor  must  resolve  to  run  the  risk  of  trusting  the 
inhabitants  with  goods  to  the  value  of  one  or  two  hundred  slaves; 
n-hich  commodities  they  send  into  the  inland  countr>'.  in  order  to 
buy  with  them  slaves  at  all  markets,  and  that  sometimes  two 
hundred  miles  deep  in  the  country :  for  you  ought  to  be  informed 
that  markets  of  men  are  here  kept  in  the  same  manner  as  those 
of  beasts  are  with  us. 

'WjUiam  Bosman:  "A  Description  of  the  Coast  of  Guinea,  containing  C«©- 
Smphicsl.  Political  and  Natural  History,"  &c.  The  second  English  Traculstion 
from  the  original  Dutch  was  published  in  London  in  1731,  The  book  waa  laucb 
read.     Wm.  Bosman  was  for  sixteen  ytars  the  Dutch  Factor  at  Delmina. 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES  371 

"Most  of  the  slaves  which  are  offered  to  us,  are  prisoners  of 
war,  which  are  sold  by  the  victors  as  their  booty.  When  these 
slaves  come  to  Fida,  they  are  put  in  prisons  all  together ;  and  when 
we  treat  concerning  them,  they  are  all  brought  out  in  a  large 
plain,  where,  by  our  surgeons,  whose  province  it  is.  they  are  thor- 
oughly examined,  even  to  the  smallest  member,  and  that  naked, 
both  men  and  women,  without  the  least  distinction  or  modesty. 
Those  which  are  approved  as  good,  are  set  on  one  side.  The  in- 
valids and  maimed  being  thrown  out,  the  remainder  are  numbered, 
and  it  is  entered  who  delivered  them.  In  the  meanwhile,  a  Imrn- 
ing  iron,  with  the  arms  or  name  of  the  company,  lies  in  the 
fire,  with  which  ours  are  marked  on  the  breast.  This  is  done,  that 
we  may  distinguish  them  from  the  slaves  of  the  English,  French, 
or  others.  When  we  have  agreed  with  the  owners  of  the  slaves, 
they  are  returned  to  their  prisons,  where,  from  that  time  forward, 
they  are  kept  at  our  charge ;  cost  us  two-pence  a  day  a  slave,  which 
serves  to  subsist  them,  like  our  criminals,  on  bread  and  water:  so 
that,  to  save  charges,  we  send  them  on  board  our  ships  the  first 
opportunity:  liefore  which  their  masters  strip  them  of  all  they  have 
on  their  backs,  so  that  they  come  aboard  stark  naked,  as  well 
women  as  men;  in  which  condition  they  are  obliged  to  continue, 
if  the  master  of  the  ship  is  not  so  charitable  (which  he  com- 
monly is)  as  to  bestow  something  on  them,  to  cover  their  naked- 
ness." 

Same  author,  page  310— "The  inhabitants  of  Popo,  as  well  as 
those  of  Coto,  depend  on  plunder  and  the  slave  trade,  in  both 
which  they  very  much  exceed  the  latter;  for  being  endowed  with 
more  courage,  they  rob  more  successfully,  and  by  that  means 
increase  their  trade.  Notwithstanding  which,  to  freight  a  vessel 
with  slaves,  retjuires  some  months  attendance.  In  the  year  1697, 
in  three  days  time  I  could  get  but  three  slaves ;  but  they  assure<l 
me,  that  if  I  would  have  patience  for  other  three  days  only,  they 
should  be  able  to  dehver  one  or  two  hundred." 

Bosman,  page  440 — "We  cast  anchor  at  cape  Mizurada,  hut 
not  one  negro  coming  on  board,  I  went  on  shore;  and  being  de- 
sirous to  be  informed  why  they  did  not  come  on  board,  was  an- 
swered, That  about  two  months  before,  the  English  had  been 
there  with  two  vessels,  and  had  ravaged  the  country,  destroyed 
all  their  canoes,  plundered  their  houses,  and  carried  ofif  some  of 


their  people  for  slaves ;  upon  which  the  remainder  fled  to  the  inland 
couiitr)'.  They  tell  us  they  live  in  peace  with  all  their  neighbours, 
and  have  no  notion  of  any  other  enemy  than  the  English;  of  which 
nation  they  had  taken  some  then ;  and  publicly  declared,  that  they 
would  endeavour  to  get  as  nnany  of  them  as  the  two  mentioned 
ships  had  carried  oflf  of  their  natives.  These  unhappy  English 
were  in  danger  of  being  sacrificed  to  the  memory  of  their  friends, 
which  some  of  their  nation  carried  off." 

Extracts  from  a  Collection  of  Voyages.^ — Vol.  I, 

The  author,  a  popish  missionary,  speaking  of  his  departing 
from  the  negro  country  to  Brazil,  saith,  "I  remember  the  duke  of 
Bambay  (a  negro  chief)  one  day  sent  me  several  blacks  to  be  my 
slaves;  which  I  would  not  accept  of.  but  sent  them  back  to  him. 
1  afterwards  told  him  I  came  not  into  his  country  to  make  slaves; 
but  rather  to  deliver  those  from  the  slavery  of  the  devil,  whom 
he  kept  in  miserable  thraldom.  The  ship  I  went  aboard  was  loaded 
with  elephants  teeth  and  slaves,  to  the  number  of  six  hundred  and 
eighty  men,  women,  and  children.  It  was  a  pitiful  sight  to  behold 
how  all  these  people  were  stowed.  The  men  were  standing  in  the 
hold,  fastened  one  to  another  with  stakes,  for  fear  they  should 
rise  and  kill  the  whites :  the  women  were  between  the  decks,  and 
those  that  were  with  child  in  the  great  cabin :  the  children  in  the 
steerage,  pressed  together  like  herrings  in  a  barrel;  wliich  caused 
an  intolerable  heat  and  stench."     Page  507.  ^H 

"It  is  now  time,"  saith  the  same  author,  "to  speak  of  a  bruti^^^ 
custom  these  people  liave  amongst  them  in  making  slaves ;  which  I_ 
take  not  to  be  lawful  for  any  person  of  a  good  conscience 
buy.*' 

He  then  describes  how  women  betray  men  into  slavery, 
adds,  "There  are  others  going  up  into  the  inland  country,  and 
through  pretence  of  jurisdiction,  seize  men  upon  any  trifling 
oflFence,  and  sell  them  for  slaves."    Page  537.  ^j 

1  "Lettres  Edifisintca  et  Curieusct,"  &c.,  1743,  appeared  in  an  EnglUb  translation  i^^l 
LiOckman,  as  "Travels  of  the  Jesuits  In  Various  Parts  of  the  World,  Particularly  CbinA 
and  the  East  Indies."  It  became  a  very  popular  work.  The  Second  Edition  was  just 
oat  in  1763.  Andrew  Brue,  a  noted  traveler,  also  published  his  account  with  |he 
King's  sanction,  in  Ashley's  "Collection  of  Voyages"  in  the  year  1745.  With  both  of 
these   works  John   Woolman  had  bccume   familiar,  probably  through  Anthony   Beoezet. 


icn  1 

J 


^ 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES  373 

The  author  of  this  treatise,  conversing  with  a  person  of  good 
credit,  was  informed  by  him,  that  in  his  youth,  wliik  in  England, 
he  was  minded  to  come  to  America,  and  happening  on  a  vessel 
bound  for  Guinea,  and  from  thence  into  America,  he,  with  a  view 
to  see  Africa,  went  on  board  her,  and  continued  with  them  in 
their  voyage,  and  so  came  into  this  country.  Amnnj^  other  cir- 
cumstances, he  related  these:  "They  purchased  on  the  coast  about 
three  hundred  slaves;  some  of  them  he  understood  were  captives 
of  war;  some  stolen  by  other  negroes  privately.  When  they 
had  got  many  slaves  on  board,  but  were  still  on  that  coast,  a 
plot  was  laid  by  an  old  negro,  notwithstanding  the  men  had  irons 
on  their  hands  and  feet,  to  kill  the  English  and  take  the  vessel: 
which  being  discovered,  the  man  was  hanged,  and  many  of  the 
slaves  made  to  shoot  at  him  as  he  hung  up." 

^'Another  slave  was  charged  with  having  a  design  to  kill  the 
English ;  and  the  captain  spoke  to  him  in  relation  to  the  charge 
brought  against  him,  as  he  stood  on  deck;  whereupon  he  imme- 
diately threw  himself  into  the  sea,  and  was  drowned." 

"Several  negroes,  confined  on  board,  were,  he  said,  so  ex-t 
tremely  uneasy  with  their  condition,  that  after  many  endeavours 
used,  they  could  never  make  them  eat  nor  drink  after  they  came  in 
the  vessel ;  but  in  a  desperate  resolution   starved  themselves  to 
death,  behaving  toward  the  last  like  madmen." 

In  Randall's  Geography,  printed  1744,^  we  are  informed,  that 
in  a  time  of  full  peace,  nothing  is  more  common  than  for  the 
negroes  of  one  nation  to  steal  those  of  another,  and  sell  them  to 
the  Europeans.  It  is  thought  that  the  Eiij^dtsh  transmit  annually 
near  fifty  thousand  of  these  unhappy  creatures;  and  the  other 
European  nations  together,  about  two  hundred  thousand  more. 

It  is  through  the  Goodness  of  God  that  the  Reformation  from 
gross  Idolatry  and  Barbarity  hath  been  thus  far  effected;  if  we 
consider  our  Condition  as  Christians,  and  the  Benefits  we  enjoy, 
and  compare  them  with  the  Condition  of  those  People,  and  con- 
sider that  our  Nation  trading  with  them  for  their  Country  Prod- 
uce, have  had  an  Opportunity  of  imparting  useful  Instructions  to 
them,  and  remember  that  but  little  Pains  have  been  taken  therein, 
it  must  look  like  an  Indifference  in  us.  But  when  we  reflect  on  a 
Custom  the  most  shocking  of  any  amongst  them,  and  remember 

*Jo«eph    lUodali.     Tbis  work   appeared   in    1744,   mad  t^eane  ma  authority. 


374 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


that,  with  a  View  to  outward  Gain,  we  have  joined  as  Parties 
in  it ;  that  our  Concurrence  with  them  in  their  barbarous  Pro- 
ceedings, has  tended  to  harden  them  in  Cruelty,  and  been  a  Means 
of  increasing  Calamities  in  their  Country,  we  must  own  tliat 
herein  we  have  acted  contrary  to  those  Worthies  whose  Lives  and 
Substance  were  spent  in  propagating  Tnith  and  Righteousness 
amongst  the  Heathen. 

When  Said,  by  the  Hand  of  Doeg,  slew  Four  Score  Priests 
at  once,  he  had  a  Jealousy  that  one  of  them  at  least  was  con- 
federate with  Daznd,  whom  he  considered  as  his  Enemy.  Herod 
slaying  all  the  Male  Children  in  BctMchcm  of  two  Years  old  and 
under,  was  an  Act  of  uncommon  Cruelty;  but  he  supposed  there 
was  a  Male  Child  there,  within  that  Age,  who  was  likely  to  be 
King  of  the  Jezvs;  and  finding  no  Way  to  destroy  him  but  by 
destroying  them  all,  thought  this  the  most  effectual  Means  to  se- 
cure the  Kingdom  to  his  own  Family. 

When  the  Sentence  against  the  Protestants  of  Marindol,  &c. 
in  France,  was  put  in  Execution,  great  Numbers  of  people  fled  to 
the  Wilderness ;  amongst  whom  were  ancient  Pe<iple,  Women  great 
with  Child,  and  others  with  Babes  in  their  Arms,  who  endured 
Calamities  grievous  to  relate ;  and  in  the  End  some  perished  with 
Hunger,  and  many  were  destroyed  by  Fire  and  Sword :  but  they 
had  this  Objection  against  them.  That  they  obstinately  persisted 
in  Opposition  to  Holy  Mother  Church,  and  being  Heretics,  it  was 
right  to  work  their  Ruin  and  Extirpation,  and  raze  out  their 
Memory  from  among  Men.  Eoxe's  *  Acis  and  Monuments,  page 
646. 

In  Favour  of  those  Cruelties ^  every  one  had  what  they  deemed 
a  Plea.  These  Scenes  of  Blood  and  Cruelty  among  the  barbarous 
Inhabitants  of  Guinry,  are  not  less  terrible  than  those  now  men- 
tioned. They  are  continued  from  one  Age  to  another,  and  we 
make  ourselves  Parties  and  Fellow-helpers  in  them:  nor  do  I 
see  that  we  have  any  Plea  in  our  Favour  more  plausible  than  the 
Plea  of  Said,  of  Herod,  or  the  French,  in  those  Slaughters. 

Many  who  are  Parties  in  this  Trade,  by  keeping  Slaves  with 
Views  of  Self-interest,  were  they  to  go  as  Soldiers  in  one  of  these 
Inlaufl  Expeditions  to  catch  Slaves,  they  must  necessarily  grow 


'John    Foxe,    whose    "Acts    and    Monuments"    [is^>j,    LoiulonJ    is    best    known   at 
the   "Book  of  Martyrs." 


[ 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES  375 


dissatisfied  with  such  Employ,  or  cease  to  profess  their  rehgious 
Principles.  And  though  the  hrst  and  most  striking  Part  of  the 
Scene  is  done  at  a  great  Distance,  and  by  other  Hands,  yet  every 
one  who  is  acquainted  with  the  Circumstances,  and  notwithstand- 
ing joins  in  it  for  the  Sake  of  Gain  only,  must,  in  the  Nature  of 
Things,  be  chargeable  with  the  others. 

Should  we  consider  ourselves  present  as  Spectators,  when 
cruel  Negroes  privately  catch  innncent  Children  who  are  em- 
ployed in  the  Fields ;  and  hear  their  lamentable  Cries,  under  the 
most  terrifying  Apprehensions;  or  should  we  look  upon  it  as 
happening  in  our  own  Families,  having  our  Children  carried  off 
by  Savages,  we  must  needs  own,  that  such  Proceedings  are  contrary 
10  the  Nature  of  Christianity:  Should  we  meditate  on  the  Wam 
which  are  greatly  increased  by  this  Trade,  and  on  that  Altliction 
which  many  Thousands  live  in,  through  Apprehensions  of  being 
taken  or  slain;  on  the  Terror  and  Amazement  that  Villages  are 
in,  when  surrounded  by  these  Troops  of  Enterprisers;  on  the 
great  Pain  and  Misery  of  groaning,  dying  Men,  who  get  wounded 
in  those  Skirmishes;  we  shall  necessarily  see  that  it  is  impossible 
to  be  Parties  in  such  a  Trade,  on  the  Motives  of  Gain,  and  retain 
our  Innocence. 

Should  we  consider  the  Case  of  Multitudes  of  those  Peoj>le, 
who  in  a  fruitful  Soil,  and  hot  Climate,  with  a  little  Labour,  raise 
Grain.  Roots  and  Pulse  to  eat;  spin  and  weave  Cotton,  and  fasten 
together  the  large  Feathers  of  Fowls,  to  cover  their  Nakedness; 
many  of  whom,  in  much  Simplicity,  live  inoffensively  in  their 
Cottages,  and  take  great  Comfort  in  raising  up  Children. 

Should  we  contemplate  on  their  Circumstances,  when  suddenly 
attacked,  and  labour  to  understand  their  inexpressible  Anguish 
of  Soul  who  survive  the  Conflict;  should  we  think  on  inoffensive 
Women,  who  fled  at  the  Alarm,  and  at  their  Rettirn  saw  tliat 
Village  in  which  they  and  their  acquaintance  were  raised  up, 
and  had  pleasantly  spent  their  youthful  Days,  now  lying  in  a 
gloomy  Desolation ;  some  shocked  at  finding  the  mangled  Bodies 
of  their  near  Friends  amongst  the  Slain;  others  bemoaning  the 
Absence  of  a  Brother,  a  Sister,  a  Child,  or  a  whole  Family  of 
Children,  who,  by  cruel  Men,  are  bound  and  carried  to  Market  to 
be  sold,  without  the  least  Hopes  of  seeing  them  again :  Add  to 
this,   the   afflicted   Condition   of   these   poor   Captives,   who  are 


Z-^  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

separated  from  Family  Connexions,  and  all  the  Comforts  arisiif 
from  Friendship  and  Acquaintance;  carried  amongst  a  People  of  a 
strange  Language,  to  be  parted  from  their  Fellow  Captives,  pat 
to  Labour  in  a  Manner  more  servile  and  wearisome  than  what 
they  were  used  to,  with  many  sorrowful  Circumstances  attending 
their  Slavery ;  and  we  must  necessarily  see  that  it  belongs  not  to 
the  Followers  of  Christ  to  be  Parties  in  such  a  Trade,  on  the 
Motives  of  outward  Gain. 

Though  there  were  Wars  and  Desolation  among  the  Negrots, 
before  the  Europeans  began  to  trade  there  for  Slaves;  yet  now 
the  Calamities  are  greatly  increased;  so  many  Thousands  beiqg 
annually  brought  from  thence:  and  we,  by  purchasing  them,  with 
Views  of  Self-interest,  are  become  Parties  with  them,  and  acces- 
sary to  that  Increase. 

In  this  Case,  we  are  not  joining  against  an  Enemy  who  is 
fomenting  Discords  on  our  Continent,  and  using  all  possible 
Means  to  make  Slaves  of  us  and  our  Children;  but  against  a 
People  who  have  not  injured  us. 

If  those  who  were  spoiled  and  wronged,  should  at  length 
make  Slaves  of  their  Oppressors,  and  continue  Slavery  to  their 
Posterity,  it  would  look  rigorous  to  candid  Men.  But  to  act  that 
Part  toward  a  People,  when  neither  they  nor  their  Fathers  have 
injured  us,  hath  something  in  it  extraordinary,  and  requires  our 
serious  Attention. 

Our  Children  breaking  a  Bone;  getting  so  bruised,  that  a 
I  AX  "^  ^"  ^^^  '""St  be  taken  oflF ;  lost  for  a  few  Hours,  so  that 
wr  (lispair  of  their  being  found  again ;  a  Friend  hurt,  so  that  he 
<\\v\\\  in  a  day  or  two;  these  things  move  us  with  Grief.  And 
«li(l  w(r  attend  to  these  Scenes  in  Africa,  in  like  Manner  as  if  they 
wrn-  transacted  in  our  Presence;  and  sympathize  with  the  Negroes, 
in  all  th<-ir  Afllictions  and  Miseries,  as  we  do  with  our  Children 
or  Irirnds;  we  should  be  more  careful  to  do  nothing  in  any 
\Uynr  lirlpin^;  forwani  a  Trade  productive  of  so  many,  and  so 
y\iA\  Calainitits.  (ireat  Distance  makes  nothing  in  our  Favour. 
lo  willin^'.ly  join  with  Unrip^hteousness,  to  the  Injury  of  Men 
wliM  li\r  sc.nif  Tliousand  Miles  otT,  is  the  same  in  Substance, 
.1    loinnij;  with  it  to  the  Injury  of  our  Neighbours. 

Ill  I  III-  I'.vc  of  ])ure  Justice.  Actions  are  regarded  according 
ti,  iIk-  :.|.iiit  and   Disposition  they  arise  from.     Some  Evils  arc 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES  377 

accounted  scandalous;  and  the  Desire  of  Reputation  may  keep 
selfish  Men  from  appearing  openly  in  them :  but  he  who  is  shy  on 
that  Account,  and  yet  by  indirect  Means  promotes  that  Evil  and 
shares  in  the  Profit  of  it,  cannot  be  innocent. 

He  who,  with  a  View  to  Self-interest,  buys  a  Slave,  made  so 
by  Violence,  and  only  on  the  Strength  of  such  Purchase  holds  him 
a  Slave,  thereby  joins  Hands  with  those  who  committed  that 
Violence,  and  in  the  Nature  of  Things  becomes  chargeable  with 
the  Guilt. 

Suppose  a  Man  wants  a  Slave,  and  being  in  Guiney,  goes  and 
hides  by  the  Path  where  Boys  pass  from  one  little  Town  to  an- 
other, and  there  catches  one  the  Day  he  expects  to  Sail;  and 
taking  him  on  board,  brings  him  home,  without  any  aggravating 
Circumstances.  Suppose  another  buys  a  Man,  taken  by  them  who 
live  by  Plunder  and  the  Slave-Trade:  they  often  steal  them 
privately,  and  often  shed  much  Blood  in  getting  them.  He  who 
buys  the  Slave  thus  taken,  pays  those  Men  for  their  Wickedness, 
and  makes  himself  Party  with  them. 

Whatever  Nicety  of  Distinction  there  may  be,  betwixt  going 
in  Person  on  Expeditions  to  catch  Slaves,  and  buying  those^with  a 
View  to  Self-interest,  which  others  have  taken;  it  is  clear  and 
plain  to  an  upright  Mind,  that  such  Distinction  is  in  Words,  not 
in  Substance;  for  the  Parties  are  concerned  in  the  same  Work, 
and  have  a  necessary  Connection  with,  and  Dependence  on, 
each  other.  For,  were  there  none  to  purchase  Slaves,  they  who 
live  by  stealing  and  selling  them,  would  of  Consequence  do  less 
at  it. 

Some  would  buy  a  Negroe  brought  from  Guiney,  with  a  View 
to  Self-interest,  and  keep  him  a  Slave,  who  yet  would  seem  to 
Scruple  to  take  Arms,  and  join  with  men  employed  in  taking 
Slaves. 

Others  have  civil  Negroes,  who  were  bom  in  our  Country, 
capable  and  likely  to  manage  well  for  themselves;  whom  they 
keep  as  Slaves,  without  ever  trying  them  with  Freedom,  and 
take  the  Profit  of  their  Labour  as  a  part  of  their  Estates ;  and  yet 
disapprove  bringing  them  from  their  own  Country. 

If  those  Negroes  had  come  here,  as  Merchants,  with  their 
Ivory  and  Gold  Dust,  in  order  to  trade  with  us,  and  some  Powerful 
Person  had  took  their  Effects  to  himself,  and  then  put  them  to 


/ 


378 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


hard   Labour,   and   ever   after   considered  thein  as   Slaves*  the 
Action  would  be  looked  upon  as  unrighteous. 

Those  Negroe  Merchants  having  Children  after  their  being 
among  us,  whose  Endowments  and  Conduct  were  like  other  Peoples 
in  common,  who  attaining  to  mature  Age,  and  requesting  to  have 
their  Liberty,  they  should  be  told  they  were  bofn  in  Slaver>',  and 
were  lawful  Slaves,  and  therefore  their  Request  denied;  the 
Conduct  of  such  Persons  toward  them,  would  be  looked  upon  as 
unfair  and  oppressive. 

In  the  present  Case,  relating  to  Home-born  Negroes  whose 
Understandings  and  Behaviour  are  as  good  as  common  among 
other  People,  if  we  have  any  Claim  to  them  as  Slaves,  tliat  Claim  is 
grounded  on  their  being  the  Children  or  Offspring  of  Slaves,  who, 
in  general,  were  made  such  through  Means  as  unrighteous,  and 
attended  with  more  terrible  Circumstances  than  the  Case  here 
supposed ;  so  that  when  we  trace  our  Claim  to  the  Bottom,  these 
Home-born  Negroes  having  paid  for  their  Edocatiun.  and  given 
reasonable  Security  to  those  who  owned  them,  in  case  of  their 
becoming  chargeable,  we  have  no  more  equitable  Right  to  their 
Service,  than  we  should  if  they  were  the  Children  of  honest  Mer- 
chants who  came  from  Guiney  in  an  English  Vessel  to  trade 
with  us. 

H  we  claim  any  Right  to  them  as  the  Cliildren  of  Slaves,  wc' 
build  on  the  Foundation  laid  by  them  who  made  Slaves  of  their 
Ancestors ;  so  that  of  Necessity  we  must  either  justify  the  Trader 
f»r  relinquish  our  Right  to  them  as  being  the  Children  of  Slaves. 

Why  should  it  seem  right  to  honest  Men  to  make  Advantage 
by  these  People,  more  than  by  others?  Others  enjoy  Freedom, 
receive  Wages  equal  to  their  Work,  at  or  near  such  Time  as  they 
have  discharged  these  equitable  Obligations  they  are  under  to  those 
who  educated  them.  These  have  made  no  Contract  to  serve :  been 
no  more  expensive  in  raising  up  than  others,  and  many  of  them 
appear  as  likely  to  make  a  right  Use  of  Freedom  as  other  People: 
which  Way  then  can  an  honest  Man  withhold  from  them  that 
Liberty,  which  is  the  free  Gift  of  the  Most  High  to  his  rational 
Creatures  ? 

The  Upright  in  Ileart  cannot  succeed  the  Wicked  in  thoV 
Wickedness;  nor  is  it  consonant  to  the  Life  they  live,  to  hoW 
fast  an  Advantage  unjustly  gained. 


L 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES  379 

The  Negroes  who  Hve  by  Plunder  and  the  Slave-Trade,  steal 
poor  innocent  Children,  invade  their  Neighbours  Territories,  and 
spill  much  Blood  to  get  these  Slaves.  And  can  it  be  possible  for 
an  honest  Man  to  think  that,  with  View  to  Self-interest,  we  may 
continue  Slavery  to  the  Offspring  of  these  unhappy  Sufferers, 
merely  because  they  are  the  Children  of  Slaves,  and  not  have  a 
share  of  this  Guilt? 

It  is  granted  by  Many,  that  the  Means  used  in  getting  them 
are  unrighteous,  and  that  buying  them,  when  brought  here,  is 
wrong;  yet  as  setting  them  free  is  attended  with  some  Difficulty, 
they  do  not  comply  with  it ;  but  seem  to  be  of  the  Opinion,  that 
to  give  them  Food  and  Raiment,  and  keep  them  Servants,  without 
any  other  Wages,  is  the  best  Way  to  manage  them  that  they  know 
of :  And  hoping  that  their  Children  after  them  will  not  be  cruel  to 
the  Negroes,  conclude  to  leave  them  as  Slaves  to  their  Children. 

While  present  outward  Interest  is  the  chief  Object  of  our 
Attention,  we  shall  feel  many  Objections  in  our  Minds  against 
renouncing  our  Claim  to  them,  as  the  Children  of  Slaves:  for, 
being  prepossessed  with  wrong  Opinions,  prevents  our  seeing 
Things  clearly,  which  to  indifferent  Persons,  are  easy  to  be  seen. 

Suppose  a  Person  Seventy  Years  past,  in  low  Circumstances, 
bought  a  Negroc  Man  and  Woman ;  and  that  the  Children  of 
such  Person  are  now  wealthy,  and  have  the  Children  of  Such 
Slaves.  .-Xdmit  that  the  first  Negroe  Man  and  his  Wife  did  as  much 
Business  as  their  Master  and  Mistress,  and  that  the  Children  of 
the  Slaves  have  done  some  more  than  their  young  Masters :  Sup- 
pose, on  the  whole,  that  the  Expence  of  Living  has  been  less  on 
the  Negroes  side,  than  on  the  other,  (all  of  which  are  no  improb- 
able Suppositions),  it  follows  that  in  Equity  these  Negroes  have  a 
Right  to  a  Part  of  this  Increase;  that  should  some  Difficulties 
arise  on  their  being  set  free,  there  is  Reason  for  us  patiently 
to  labour  through  them. 

As  the  Conduct  of  Men  varies,  relating  to  Civil  Society;  so 
different  Treatment  is  justly  due  to  them.  Indiscreet  Men  occa- 
sion Trouble  in  the  World ;  and  it  remains  to  be  the  Care  of  such 
who  seek  the  Good  of  Mankind,  to  admonish  as  they  find  Occasion. 

The  Slothfulness  of  some  of  them,  in  providing  for  themselves 
and  Families,  it  is  likely,  would  require  the  Notice  of  their  Neigh- 
bours; nor  is  it  unlikely  that  some  would,  with  Justice,  be  made 


38o 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


Servants,  and  others  punished  for  their  Crimes.  Pure  Justice 
points  out  to  each  Individual  their  Due,  but  to  deny  a  People 
the  Privilege  of  human  Creatures,  on  a  Supposition  that,  being 
free,  many  of  them  would  be  troublesome  to  us,  is  to  mix  the 
Condition  of  good  and  bad  Men  together,  and  treat  the  whole 
as  the  worst  of  them  deserve. 

If  we  seriously  consider  that  Liberty  is  the  Right  of  innocent 
Men;  tliat  the  Mighty  God  is  a  Refuge  for  the  Oppressed;  that  in 
Reality  we  are  indebted  to  them;  that  they  being  set  free,  are 
still  liable  to  the  Penalties  of  our  Laws,  and  as  likely  to  have 
Punishment  for  their  crimes  as  other  People;  This  may  answer 
all  our  Objections.  And  to  retain  them  in  perpetual  Servitude, 
without  just  Cause  for  it,  will  produce  Effects,  in  the  Event,  more 
grievous  than  setting  them  free  would  do,  when  a  real  Love  to 
truth  and  Equity  was  the  Motive  to  it. 

Our  Authority  over  them  stands  originally  in  a  Purchase  made 
from  those  who,  as  to  the  general,  obtained  theirs  by  Unrighteous- 
ness. Whenever  we  have  Recourse  to  such  Authority,  it  tends 
more  or  less  to  obstruct  the  Channels  through  which  the  perfect 
Plant  in  us  receives  Nourishment, 

There  is  a  Principle  which  is  pure,  placed  in  the  human  Mind, 
which  in  different  Places  and  Ages  hath  had  different  Names: 
it  is,  however,  pure,  and  proceeds  from  God.  It  is  deep,  and  in- 
ward, confined  to  no  Forms  of  Religion,  nor  excluded  from  any, 
where  tlie  Heart  stands  in  perfect  Sincerity.  In  whomsoever  this 
takes  Root  and  grows,  of  what  Nation  soever,  they  become 
Brethren,  in  the  best  Sense  of  the  Expression.  Using  ourseI\-es 
to  take  W^a^s  which  appear  most  easy  to  us,  when  inconsistent 
with  that  Purit}'  which  is  without  Beginning,  we  thereby  set  up  a 
Government  of  our  own,  and  deny  Obedience  to  Him  wliose 
Service  is  true  Liberty- 
He  that  hath  a  Servant,  made  so  wrongfully,  and  knows  it 
to  be  so,  when  he  treats  him  otherwise  than  a  free  Man,  when 
he  reaps  the  Benefit  of  his  Labour,  without  paying  him  such  Wages 
as  are  reasonably  due  to  free  Men  for  the  like  Service,  Qoaths  ex- 
cepted :  these  Things,  tho'  done  in  Calmness,  without  any  Shew  of 
Disorder,  do  yet  deprave  the  Mind  in  like  Manner,  and  with  as 
great  Certainty,  as  prevailing  Cold  congeals  Water.  These  Steps 
taken  by  Masters,  and  their  Conduct  striking  the  Minds  of  their 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  KEEPING  OF  NEGROES    381 

Children,  whilst  young,  leave  less  Room  for  that  which  is  good 
to  work  upon  them.  The  Customs  of  their  Parents,  their  Neigh- 
bours, and  the  People  with  whom  they  converse,  working  upon 
their  Minds ;  and  they,  from  thence,  conceiving  Ideas  of  Things, 
and  Modes  of  Conduct,  the  Entrance  into  their  Hearts  becomes,  in 
a  great  Measure,  shut  up  against  the  gentle  Movings  of  uncreated 
Purity. 

From  one  Age  to  another,  the  Gloom  grows  thicker  and  darker, 
till  Error  gets  established  by  general  Opinion :  so  that  whoever 
attends  to  perfect  Goodness,  and  remains  under  the  melting  Influ- 
ence of  it,  finds  a  Path  unknown  to  many,  and  sees  the  Necessity 
to  lean  upon  the  arm  of  Divine  Strength,  and  dwell  alone,  or 
with  a  few,  in  the  right,  committing  their  Cause  to  Him  who  is  a 
Refuge  for  his  People  in  all  their  Troubles, 

Where,  through  the  Agreement  of  a  Multitude,  some  Channels 
of  Justice  are  stopped,  and  Men  may  support  their  Characters 
as  just  Men,  by  being  just  to  a  Party,  there  is  great  Danger  of 
contracting  an  Alliance  with  that  Spirit  which  stands  in  Opposition 
to  the  God  of  Love,  and  spreads  Discord,  Trouble,  and  Vexation 
among  such  who  give  up  to  the  Influence  of  it. 

Negroes  are  our  Fellow  Creatures,  and  their  present  Condition 
amongst  us  requires  our  serious  Consideration.  We  know  not  the 
Time  when  those  Scales  in  which  Mountains  are  weighed,  may 
turn.  The  Parent  of  Mankind  is  gracious;  His  Care  is  over  his 
smallest  Creatures ;  and  a  Multitude  of  men  Escape  not  his  Notice. 
And  though  many  of  them  are  trodden  down,  and  despised,  yet 
he  remembers  them :  He  secth  their  Aflliction,  and  looketh  upon 
the  spreading,  increasing  Exaltation  of  the  Oppressor.  He  turns 
the  Channels  of  Power,  humbles  the  most  haughty  People,  and 
gives  Deliverance  to  the  Oppressed,  at  such  Periods  as  are  con- 
sistent with  his  infinite  Justice  and  Goodness.  And  wherever 
Gain  is  Preferred  to  Equity,  and  wrong  Things  publicly  encour- 
aged, to  that  Degree  that  Wickedness  takes  Root,  and  spreads  wide 
amongst  the  Inhabitants  of  a  Country,  there  is  real  Cause  for 
Sorrow  to  all  such  whose  Love  to  Mankind  stands  on  a  true  Prin- 
ciple, and  who  wisely  consider  the  End  and  Event  of  Things. 


CONSIDERATIONS 

ON 

PURE  WISDOM  AND  HUMAN  POLICY; 

ON  LABOUR;  ON  SCHOOLS; 

AND  ON  THE  RIGHT  USE  OF 

THE  LORD'S  OUTWARD  GIFTS. 

1758. 

Both  Joseph  Smith  ("Catalogue  of  Friends'  Books")  and  R 
Hildeburn  ("Issues  of  the  Press  in  Pennsylvania")  give  the  date 
of  publication  of  this  Essay,  following  the  statement  of  the  first 
edition  of  the  "Works,"  as  1768.  A  note  by  John  Woolman 
himself,  however,  prefacing  the  Essay,  "Serious  Considerations 
on  Trade"  fixes  the  first  printing  of  this  as  ten  years 
earlier,  i.e.  1758.  This  is  hardly  a  slip  of  the  pen.  The  original 
manuscript  has  apparently  disappeared,  nor  has  been  found  any 
copy  of  the  essay  as  a  separate  pamphlet,  except  in  modern  form. 
The  collation  has  therefore  been  made  with  the  earliest  edition 
available,  that  of  Mary  Hinde,  who  printed  it  in  London  in  1773. 
under  the  title  "Serious  Considerations  on  Various  Subjects  of 
Importance"  including  also  the  brief  essays  written  in  England, 
the  American  "Epistle,"  and  the  earlier  essay,  "On  the  True 
Harmony  of  Mankind." 


The  wisdom  that  is  from  above,  is  first  pure,  then  peaceable, 
gentle,  and  easy  to  be  entreated,  full  of  mercy,  and  good  fruits,  with- 
out partiality,  and  without  hypocrisy. — James  iii.  17. 

382 


384  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


INTRODUCTION 

My  Mind  hath  often  been  affected  with  Sorrow,  on  Account 
of  the  prevailing  of  that  Spirit,  which  leads  from  an  humble 
waiting  on  the  inward  Teaching  of  Christ,  to  pursue  Ways  of 
Living,  attended  with  unnecessary  Labour ;  and  which  draws  forth 
the  Minds  of  many  People  to  seek  after  outward  Power,  and  to 
strive  for  Riches,  which  frequently  introduce  Oppression,  and 
bring  forth  Wars  and  grievous  Calamities. 

It  is  with  Reverence  that  I  acknowledge  the  Mercies  of  our 
Heavenly  Father,  who,  in  Infinite  Love,  did  visit  me  in  my  Youth, 
and  wrought  a  Belief  in  me,  that  through  true  Obedience  a  State 
of  inward  Purity  may  be  known  in  this  Life;  in  which  we  may 
love  Mankind  in  the  same  Love  with  which  our  Redeemer  loveth 
us,  and  therein  learn  Resignation  to  endure  Hardships,  for  the  real 
Good  of  others. 

"While  the  Eye  is  single,  the  whole  Body  is  full  of  Light" 
Mat.  vi.  22.  But  for  want  of  this,  selfish  Desires,  and  an  imaginary 
Superiority,  darken  the  Mind:  hence  Injustice  frequently  pro- 
ceeds; and  where  this  is  the  Case,  to  convince  the  Judgment,  is 
the  most  effectual  Remedy. 

Where  violent  Measures  are  pursued  in  opposing  Injustice,  the 
Passions  and  Resentments  of  the  Injured  frequently  operate  in 
the  Prosecution  of  their  Designs :  and  after  Conflicts  productive  of 
very  great  Calamities,  the  Minds  of  contending  Parties  often  re- 
main as  little  acquainted  with  the  pure  Principle  of  Divine  Love 
as  they  were  before.  But  where  People  walk  in  that  pure  Light 
in  which  all  their  "Works  are  wrought  in  God ;"  and  under  Op- 
pression persevere  in  the  meek  Spirit,  and  abide  firm  in  the  Cause 
of  Truth,  without  actively  complying  with  oppressive  Demands, 
through  those  the  Lord  hath  often  manifested  his  Power,  in 
opening  the  Understandings  of  others,  to  the  promoting  Righteous- 
ness in  the  Earth. 

A  Time,  I  believe,  is  coming,  wherein  this  Divine  Work 
will  so  spread  and  prevail,  that  "Nation  shall  not  lift  up  Sword 
against  Nation,  nor  learn  War  any  more."  Isaiah  ii.  4.  And  as 
we.  through  the  tender  Mercies  of  God,  do  feel  that  this  precious 
Work  is  begun,  I  am  concerned  to  encourage  my  Brethren  and 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  PURE  WISDOM         385 

Sisters  in  a  Holy  Care  and  Diligence,  that  each  of  us  may  so  live, 
under  the  sanctifying  Power  of  Truth,  as  to  be  redeemed  from  all 
unnecessary'  Cares ;  tliat  our  Eye  being  single  to  him,  no  Customs, 
however  prevalent,  which  are  contrary  to  the  Wisdom  from  above, 
may  hinder  us  from  faithfully  following  his  Holy  Leadings,  in 
whatsoever  he  may  graciously  appoint  for  us. 

ON  PURE  WISDOM  AND  HUMAN  POLICY. 

To  have  our  Trust  settled  in  the  Lord,  and  not  to  seek  after, 
nor  desire  outward  Treasures,  any  further  than  his  Holy  Spirit 
leads  us  therein,  is  a  happy  State,  as  saith  the  Prophet,  "Blessed 
is  the  Man  that  trust eth  in  the  Lord,  and  whose  Hope  the  Lord  is." 

Pure  Wisdom  leads  People  into  Lowliness  of  Mind,  in  which 
they  learn  Resignation  to  the  Divine  Will,  and  Contentment  in 
suffering  for  his  Cause,  when  they  cannot  keep  a  clear  Conscience 
without  suflfering. 

In  this  pure  Wisdom  the  Mind  is  attentive  to  the  Root  and 
Original  spring  of  Motions  and  Desires;  and  as  we  know  "the 
Lord  to  be  our  Refuge."  and  find  no  Safety,  but  in  humbly  walk- 
ing before  him,  we  feel  an  Holy  Engagement,  that  every  Desire 
which  leads  therejjoiri  may  be  brought  to  Judgment. 

While  we  proceed  in  this  precious  Way,  and  find  ardent 
Longings  for  a  full  Deliverance  from  every  thing  which  defiles, 
all  Prospects  of  Gain  that  are  not  consistent  with  the  Wisdom 
from  above,  are  considered  as  Snares,  and  an  inward  Concern 
is  felt,  that  we  may  live  under  the  Cross,  and  faithfully  attend  tfi 
that  Holy  Spirit  which  is  sufficient  to  preserve  out  of  them. 

When  I  have  considered  that  Saying  of  Christ,  Mat.  vi.  19, 
"Lay  not  up  for  yourselves  Treasures  upon  Earth,"  his  Omnipo- 
tence hath  often  occurred  to  my  Mind. 

While  we  believe  that  he  is  every  where  present  with  his 
People,  and  that  perfect  Goodness,  Wisdom  and  Power,  are 
united  in  him,  how  comfortable  is  the  Consideration. 

Our  Wants  may  be  great,  but  his  Power  is  greater.  We  may 
be  oppressed  and  despised,  but  he  is  able  to  turn  our  patient  Suf- 
ferings into  Profit  to  ourselves,  and  to  the  Advancement  of  his 
Work  on  Earth.  His  People,  who  feel  the  Power  of  his  Cross, 
to  crucify  all  that  is  selfish  in  them,  who  are  engaged  in  outward 


386  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

Concerns  from  a  Convincemcnt  that  it  is  their  Duty,  and 

themselves  and   their  Treasures  to  him;   these   feel    tha 
dangerous  to  give  way  to  that  in  us  which  craves   Riches  aod 
Greatness  in  this  World. 

As  the  Heart  truly  contrite,  earnestly  desires  "to  know  Christ, 
and  the  Fellowship  of  his  Sufferings,"  Phil.  iii.  lo,  so  far  as  die 
Lord  for  gracious  Ends  may  lead  into  them ;  as  such  feel  that  it 
is  their  Interest  to  put  their  Trust  in  God,  and  to  seek  no  Gain 
but  that  which  he,  by  his  Holy  Spirit,  leads  into;  so,  on  the  con- 
trary, they  who  do  not  reverently  wait  for  this  Divine  Teacher. 
and  are  not  humbly  concerned,  according  to  their  Measure,  "to 
fill  up  that  which  is  behind  of  the  Afflictions  of  Christ,"  Col.  i.  24, 
in  patiently  suffering  for  tlie  Promoting  Righteousness  in  die 
Earth ;  but  have  an  Eye  toward  the  Power  of  Men  and  the  out- 
ward Advantage  of  Wealth;  these  are  often  attentive  to  those 
Employments  which  appear  profitable,  even  though  the  Gains 
arise  from  such  Trade  and  Business  which  proceeds  from  the 
Workings  of  that  Spirit,  which  is  estranged  from  the  self-d 
ing  Life  of  an  humble  contrite  Christian. 

While   I   write   on   this   Subject,    I    feel   my   Mind    tender! 
affected  toward  those  honestly  disposed  People,  who  have  been 
brought  up  in  Employments  attended  with  those  Difficulties. 

To  such  I  may  say,  in  the  feeling  of  our  Heavenly  Father's 
Love,  and  number  myself  with  you,  O!  that  our  Eyes  may  be 
single  to  the  Lord  f  May  we  reverently  wait  on  him  for  Strength 
to  lay  aside  all  unnecessary  Expence  of  every  Kind,  and  learn 
Contentment  in  a  plain  simple  Life. 

May  we,  in  Lowliness,  submit  lo  the  Leadings  of  his  Spirit 
and  enter  upon  any  outward  Employ  which  he  graciously  -points 
out  to  us ;  and  then,  whatever  Difficulties  arise  in  Consequence 
our  Faithfulness,  I  trust  they  will  work  for  our  Good. 

Small  Treasure  to  a  resigned  Mind  is  sufficient.    How  happy 
is  it  to  be  content  with  a  little,  to  live  in  HumiHty,  and  feel 
in  us,  which  breathes  nut  this  Language,  Abba,  Father! 

H  that,  called  the  Wisdom  of  this  World,  had  no  Resemblance 
of  true  Wisdom,  the  Name  of  Wisdom,  I  suppose,  had  not 
given  to  it 

As  wasting  outward  Substance  to  gratify  vain  Desires,  on 
one  hand;  so  Sloth  fulness  and  Neglect,  on  the  other,  do  of 


lei^^ 
lerP 


PPp 

t^y 

lanc^ 

s,   OlP 
do  oftt|U 


i 


CONSIDERATIONS  ON  PURE  WISDOM  3S7 

inrolve  Men  and  their  Families  in  Trouble^  and  reduce  them  to 
Want  and  Distress :  to  shun  both  these  opposite  Vices,  is  good  in 
itself,  and  hatli  a  Resemblance  of  Wisdom.  But  while  People, 
thus  provident,  have  it  principally  in  View  to  get  Riches,  and 
Power,  and  the  Friendship  of  this  World,  and  do  not  humbly 
wait  for  the  Spirit  of  Truth  to  lead  them  in  Purity ;  these,  through 
an  anxious  Care  to  obtain  the  l^nd  desired,  reach  forth  for  Gain 
in  worldly  Wisdom,  and,  in  regard  to  their  inward  State,  fall 
into  divers  Temptations  and  Snares,  And  though  such  may 
think  of  applying  Wealth  to  good  Purposes,  and  to  use  their 
Power  to  prevent  Oppression,  yet  Wealth  and  Power  is  often 
applied  otherwise,  nor  can  we  depart  from  the  Leadings  of  our 
Holy  Shepherd,  without  going  into  Confusion. 

Great  Wealth  is  frequently  attended  with  Power,  which  nothing 
but  Divine  Love  can  qualify  the  Mind  to  use  rightly:  and  as  to 
the  Humility  and  Uprightness  of  our  Children  after  us,  how 
great  is  the  Uncertainty'  If,  in  acquiring  Wealth,  we  take  hold 
on  the  Wisdom  which  is  from  beneath,  and  depart  from  the 
Leadings  of  Truth,  and  Example  our  Chikhen  herein,  we  have 
great  Cause  to  apprehend  that  Wealth  may  be  a  Snare  to  them ; 
and  prove  an  Injury  to  others  over  whom  their  Wealth  may 
give  them  Power. 

To  be  redeemed  from  that  Wisdom  which  is  from  beneath,  and 
walk  in  the  Light  of  the  Lord,  is  a  precious  Situation.  Thus  his 
People  are  brought  to  put  their  Trust  in  him ;  and  in  this  humble 
Confidence  in  his  Wisdom,  Goodness  and  Power,  the  Righteous 
find  a  Refuge  in  Adversities,  superior  to  the  greatest  outward 
Plelps,  and  a  Comfort  more  certain  than  any  worldly  Advantages 
can  aiford. 

ON  LABOUR. 

Having,  from  my  Childhood,  been  used  to  Bodily  Labour  for 
a  Living,  I  may  express  my  Experience  therein. 

Right  Exercise  aflords  an  innocent  Pleasure  in  the  Time  of 
it,  and  prepares  us  to  enjoy  the  Sweetness  of  Rest;  but  from 
the  Extremes  each  Way,  arise  Incoeveniences. 

Moderate  Exercise  opens  the  Pores,  gives  the  Blood  a  lively 
Circulation,  and  the  better  enables  us  to  judge  rightly  respecting 
that  Portion  of  Labour  which  is  the  true  Medium. 


388  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

"The  Fowls  of  the  Air  sow  not,  nor  gather  into  Bams,  yet 
our  Heavenly  Father  feedeth  them."  Mat.  vi,  26.  Nor  do  I 
believe  that  Infinite  Goodness  and  Power  would  have  allotted 
Labour  to  us,  had  he  not  seen  that  Labour  was  proper  for  us  in 
this  Life. 

The  original  Design  and  true  Medium  of  Labour,  is  a  Subject 
that  to  me  appears  worthy  of  our  serious  Consideration. 

Idle  Men  are  often  a  Burden  to  themselves,  neglect  the  Duty 
they  owe  to  their  Families,  and  become  burdensome  to  others  also. 

As  outward  Labour,  directed  by  the  Wisdom  from  above, 
tends  to  our  Health,  and  adds  to  our  Happiness  in  this  Life;  so, 
on  the  contrary,  entering  upon  it  in  a  selfish  Spirit,  and  pursuing 
it  too  long,  or  too  hard,  hath  a  contrary  Effect. 

I  have  observed  that  too  much  Labour  not  only  makes  the 
Understanding  dull,  but  so  intrudes  upon  the  Harmony  of  the 
Body,  that  after  ceasing  from  our  Toil,  we  have  another  to  pass 
through,  before  we  can  be  so  composed  as  to  enjoy  the  Sweetness 
of  Rest. 

From  too  much  Labour  in  the  Heat,  frequently  proceed  immod- 
erate Sweats,  which  do  often,  I  believe,  open  the  Way  for  Dis- 
orders, and  impair  our  Constitutions. 

When  we  go  beyond  the  true  Medium,  and  feel  Weariness 
approaching,  but  think  Business  may  suffer  if  we  cease;  at  such 
a  Time,  spirituous  Liqueurs  are  frequently  taken,  with  a  View  to 
support  Nature  under  these  Fatigues. 

I  have  found  that  too  much  Labour  in  the  Summer  heats  the 
Blood,  that  taking  strong  Drink  to  support  the  Body  under  such 
Labour,  increaseth  that  Heat,  and  though  a  Person  may  be  so  far 
temperate  as  not  to  manifest  the  least  Disorder,  yet  the  Mind,  in 
such  a  Circumstance,  doth  not  retain  that  Calmness  and  Serenity 
which  we  should  endeavour  to  live  in. 

,  Thus  toiling  in  the  Heat,  and  drinking  strong  Liquor,  makes 
Men  more  resolute  and  less  considerate,  and  tends  very  much  to 
disqualify  from  successfully  following  Him  who  is  meek  and  low 
of  Heart. 

As  laying  out  Business  more  tlian  is  consistent  with  pure  Wis- 
dom, is  an  Evil,  so  this  evil  frequently  leads  into  more.  Too 
much  Business  leads  to  Hurry.  In  the  Hurry  and  Toil,  too  much 
strong  Drink  is  often  used,  and  hereby  many  proceed  to  Noise 


il 


ON  LABOUR 


389 


and  Wantonness,  and  some,  though  more  considerate,  do  often 
suffer  Loss  as  to  a  true  Composedness  of  Mind. 

1  feel  sincere  Desires  in  my  Heart,  that  no  Rent  nor  Interest 
might  be  laid  so  high  as  to  be  a  Snare  to  Tenants ;  that  no  Desires 
of  Gain  may  draw  any  too  far  in  Business;  that  no  Cares  to 
support  Customs  which  have  not  their  Foundation  in  pure  Wis- 
dom, may  have  Place  in  our  Minds;  but  that  we  may  build  on  the 
sure  Foundation,  and  feel  our  Holy  Shepherd  to  lead  us,  who 
alone  is  able  to  preserve  us,  and  bring  forth  from  every  Thing 
which  defiles. 

Having  several  Times,  in  my  Travels,  liad  Opportunity  to 
observe  the  labour  and  manner  of  Life  of  great  Numbers  of 
Slaves,  it  appears  to  me  that  the  true  Medium  is  lamentably  neg- 
lected by  many  who  assign  them  their  Portion  of  Labour. 

Without  saying  much  at  this  Time,  concerning  buying  and 
selling  Men  for  Term  of  Life,  who  have  as  just  a  Right  to 
Liberty  as  we  have;  nor  about  the  great  Miseries  and  Effusion 
of  Blood,  consequent  on  promoting  the  Slave  trade;  and  to  speak 
as  favourably  as  may  be,  with  regard  to  continuing  those  in 
Bondage  who  are  amongst  us,  we  cannot  say  there  is  no  Partiality 
in  it.  For,  whatever  Tenderness  may  be  manifested  by  Indi- 
viduals in  their  Lifetime  toward  them,  yet  for  People  to  be 
transmitted  from  a  Man  to  his  Posterity  in  the  helpless  Condition 
of  slaves,  appears  inconsistent  with  the  Nature  of  the  Gospel 
Spirit.  From  such  Proceedings  it  often  follows,  that  Persons 
in  the  Decline  of  Life  are  deprived  of  Monies  equitably  due  to 
them,  and  committed  to  the  Care,  and  subjected  to  the  absolute 
Power  of  young.  unexi>erienced  Men,  who  know  but  httle  about 
the  Weakness  of  old  Age,  nor  understand  the  Language  of  declin- 
ing Life. 

Where  Parents  give  their  Estates  to  their  Children,  and  then 
depend  on  them  for  a  Maintenance,  they  sometimes  meet  with 
great  Inconveniences:  but  if  the  Power  of  Possession,  thus 
obtained,  doth  often  reverse  the  Obligations  of  Gratitude  and  filial 
Duty,  and  makes  manifest  that  Youth  are  often  ignorant  of  the 
I^anguage  of  old  Age,  how  hard  is  the  Case  of  ancient  Negroes, 
who,  deprived  of  the  Wages  equitably  due  to  them,  are  left  to 
young  People  who  have  been  used  to  look  upon  them  as  their 
Inferiors, 


390 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOL\L\N 


For  Men  to  behold  the  Fruits  of  their  Labour  mthheld  from 
them,  and  possessed  by  others,  and  in  old  Age  find  themselves 
destitute  of  those  comfortable  Accommodations,  and  that  tender 
Regard  which  their  Time  of  Life  requires: 

When  they  feel  Pains,  and  Stiffness  in  their  Joints  and  Limbs, 
Weakness  of  Appetite,  and  that  a  little  Labour  is  wearisome,  and 
still  behold  themselves  in  the  neglected,  uncomfortable  Conditiaa 
of  a  Slave,  and  oftentimes  to  a  young  unsympathizing  Man : 

For  Men  to  be  thus  treated  from  one  Generation  to  another. 
who,  besides  their  own  Distresses,  think  on  the  Slavery  entailed 
on  their  Posterity,  and  are  grieved:  What  disagreeable  thoughts 
must  they  have  of  the  professed  Followers  of  Jesus!  and  how 
must  their  Groans  ascend  to  that  Almighty  Being,  who  "will 
a  Refuge  for  the  Oppressed."    Psalm  ix.  9. 

ON  SCHOOLS.* 

♦ 

"Suffer  the  little  children  to  come  unto  me,  and  forbid  them  not, 
for  of  such  is  the  kingdom  of  God."     Mark  x.  14, 

To  encourage  Children  to  do  Things  with  a  View  to  get  Praise 
of  Men,  to  me  appears  an  Obstruction  to  their  being  inwardly 
acquainted  with  the  Spirit  of  Truth.  For  it  is  the  Work  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  to  direct  the  Mind  to  God,  that  in  all  our  Proceedings 
we  may  have  a  single  Eye  to  him  to  give  Alms  in  secret,  to  fast 
in  secret,  and  lal>our  to  keep  clear  of  that  Disposition  reproved 
by  our  Saviour,  "But  all  their  Works  they  do  for  to  be  seen  of 
Men."  Mat.  xxiii.  5. 

That  Divine  Light  which  enlightens  all  Men,  I  believe^ 
does  often  shine  in  the  Minds  of  Children  very  early;  and  to 
himibly  wait  for  Wisdom,  that  our  Conduct  toward  them  may  tend 
to  forward  their  Acquaintance  with  it,  and  strengthen  them  in 
Obedience  thereto,  appears  to  me  to  be  a  Duty  on  all  of  us. 

By  cherishing  the  Spirit  of  Pride  and  the  Love  of  Praise 
them.  I  believe  they  may  sometimes  improve  faster  in  Learning, 
than  otherwise  they  would;  but  to  take  Measures  to   forward 


h 


'  A  similar  brief  essay  On  Schools  is  to  bi?  f.iund  in  "A  Pica  for  the  PoOf" 
(usually  printed  under  the  title.  "A  Word  of  Remembrance  »nd  Caution  to  tkt 
Rich").  ChMpitt  XIV. 


ON  SCHOOLS 


391 


L 


Children  in  Learning,  which  naturally  tend  to  divert  their  Minds 
from  true  Humihty,  appears  to  me  to  savour  of  the  Wisdom  of 
this  World. 

If  Tutors  are  not  acquainted  with  Sanctification  of  Spirit, 
nor  experienced  in  an  humhle  waiting  for  the  Leadings  of  Truth, 
but  follow  the  Maxims  of  the  Wisdom  of  this  World,  such  Chil- 
dren who  are  under  their  Tuition,  appear  to  me  to  be  in  Danger 
of  imbibing  Thoughts  and  Apprehensions,  reverse  to  that  Meek- 
less  and  Lowliness  of  Heart,  which  is  necessary  for  all  the  true 
bllowers  of  Christ. 

Children  at  an  Age  fit  for  Schools,  are  in  a  time  of  Life  which 
requires  the  patient  Attention  of  pious  People,  and  if  we  commit 
thenn  to  the  Tuition  of  such,  whose  Minds  we  believe  are  not 
rightly  prepared  to  "train  them  up  in  the  Nurture  and  Admoni- 
tion of  the  Lord,"  we  are  in  Danger  of  not  acting  the  Part  of 
faithful  Parents  toward  them;  for  our  Heavenly  Father  doth 
not  require  us  to  do  Evil,  that  Good  may  come  of  it.  And  it  is 
needful  that  we  deeply  examine  ourselves,  lest  we  get  entangled 
in  the  Wisdom  of  this  World,  and,  through  wrong  Apprehensions, 
lake  such  Methods  in  Education  as  may  prove  a  great  Injury  to 
tlie  Minds  of  our  Children. 

It  is  a  lovely  Sight  to  behold  innocent  Children  and  when  they 
are  sent  to  such  Schools,  where  their  tender  Minds  are  in  imminent 
Danger  of  being  led  astray  by  Tutors  who  do  not  live  a  self- 
denying  Life,  or  by  the  Conversation  of  such  Children  who  do 
not  live  in  Innocence,  it  is  a  Case  much  to  be  lamented. 

While  a  pious  Tutor  hath  the  Charge  of  no  more  Children 
than  he  can  take  due  Care  of,  and  keeps  his  Authority  in  the 
Truth,  the  good  Spirit  in  which  he  leads  and  governs,  works  on 
the  Minds  of  such  who  are  not  hardened,  and  his  Labours  not 
only  tend  to  bring  them  forward  in  outward  Learning,  but  to 
open  their  Understandings  with  respect  to  the  true  Christian 
Life.  But  where  a  Person  hath  Charge  of  too  many,  and  his 
Thoughts  and  Time  are  so  much  employed  in  the  outward 
Affairs  of  his  School,  that  he  does  not  so  weightily  attend  to  tlie 
Spirit  and  Conduct  of  each  Individual,  as  to  be  enabled  to  admin- 
ister rightly  to  all  in  due  Season ;  through  such  Omission,  he 
not  only  suffers  as  to  the  State  of  his  own  Mind,  but  the 
Minds  of  the  Children  are  in  Danger  of  Suffering  also. 


302  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

To  watch  the  Spirit  of  Children,  to  nurture  them  in  Go^ 
\A)Vi:,  and  labour  to  help  them  against  that  which  would  mar 
the  Heauty  of  their  Minds,  is  a  Debt  we  owe  them:  and  a  faithful 
rcrformance  of  our  Duty,  not  only  tends  to  their  lasting  Benefit 
and  our  own  Peace,  but  also  to  render  their  Gimpany  agreeable 
to  us. 

Instruction,  thus  administered,  reaches  the  pure  Witness  in 
the  Minds  of  such  Children  who  are  not  hardened,  and  begets 
]/>vc  in  them  toward  those  who  thus  lead  them  on.  But  where 
Vk}  great  a  Number  are  committed  to  a  Tutor,  and  he,  tiiroQgfa 
much  Cumber,  omits  a  careful  Attention  to  the  Minds  of  Chil- 
ftrcn,  there  is  Danger  of  Disorders  gradually  increasing  amongst 
them,  till  the  Effects  thereof  appear  in  their  Conduct,  too  strong 
to  Ije  easily  remedied. 

A  Care  hath  lived  on  my  Mind,  that  more  Time  might  be 
employed  by  Parents  at  Home,  and  by  Tutors  at  School,  in 
weightily  attending  to  the  Spirit  and  Inclinations  of  Children, 
and  that  we  may  so  lead,  instruct,  and  govern  them,  in  this  tender 
Part  of  Life,  that  nothing  may  be  omitted  in  our  Power,  to  hdp 
them  on  their  Way  to  become  the  Children  of  our  Father  who  is 
in  Heaven. 

Meditating  on  the  Situation  of  Schools  in  our  Provinces,  my 
Mind  hath,  at  Times,  been  affected  with  Sorrow;  and  under 
these  Exercises  it  hath  appeared  to  me,  that  if  those  who  have 
large  Estates,  were  faithful  Stewards,  and  laid  no  Rent  nor 
Interest,  nor  other  Demand,  higher  than  is  consistent  with  univer- 
sal Love ;  and  those  in  lower  Circumstances  would,  under  a  mod- 
erate Employ,  shun  unnecessary  Expense,  even  to  the  smallest 
Article;  and  all  unite  in  humbly  seeking  to  the  Lord,  he  would 
graciously  instruct  us,  and  strengthen  us,  to  reheve  the  Youth 
from  various  Snares,  in  which  many  of  them  are  entangled. 


ON  THE  RIGHT  USE  OF  THE  LORD'S  OUTWARD 

GIFTS. 

As  our  Understandings  are  opened  by  the  pure  Light,  we 

experience  that  through  an  inward  approaching  to  God,  the  Mind 

i  strengthened  in  Obedience ;  and  that  by  gratifying  those  Desires 


RIGHT  USE  OF  OUTWARD  GIFTS 


393 


irhich  are  not  of  his  begetting,  those  Approaches  to  him  are 
obstructed,  and  the  deceivable  Spirit  gains  Strength. 

These  Truths,  being  as  it  were  engraven  upon  our  Hearts, 
ind  our  everlasting  Interest  in  Christ  evidently  concerned  herein, 
live  become  fervently  engaged,  that  nothing  may  be  nourished  which 
tends  to  feed  Pride  or  Self-love  in  us.  Thus,  in  pure  Obedience, 
|*'e  are  not  only  instructed  in  our  Duty  to  God,  but  also  in  the 
Affairs  which  necessarily  relate  to  this  Life,  and  the  Spirit  of 
Truth  which  guides  into  all  Truth,  leavens  the  Mind  with  a 
pious  Concern,  that  "whatsoever  we  do  in  Word  or  Deed,  may 
!te  done  in  his  name."    Col.  iii.  17. 

Hence,  such  Buildings,  Furniture,  Food  and  Raiment,  as  best 
Uiswer  our  Necessities,  and  are  the  least  likely  to  feed  that  selfish 
>pirit  which  is  our  Enemy,  are  the  most  acceptable  to  us. 

In  this  State  the  Mind  is  tender,  and  inwardly  watchful,  that 
he  Love  of  Gain  draw  us  not  into  any  Business  which  may  weaken 
lur  Love  to  our  Heavenly  Father,  or  bring  unnecessary  Trouble 
D  any  of  his  Creatures. 

Thus  the  Way  gradually  opens  to  cease  from  that  Spirit 
rhich  craves  Riches  and  Things  fetched  far;  which  so  mixeth 
irith  the  Customs  of  this  World,  and  so  intrudes  upon  the  true 
■larmony  of  Life,  that  the  right  Medium  of  Labour  is  very  much 
Icparted  from. 

And  as  the  Minds  of  People  are  settled  in  a  steady  Concern, 
lot  to  hold  nor  possess  any  Thing  but  what  may  be  held  consistent 
rith  the  Wisdom  from  above,  they  consider  what  they  possess 
;s  the  Gift  of  God,  and  are  inwardly  exercised  that  in  all  Parts 
If  their  Conduct  they  may  act  agreeable  to  the  Nature  of  the 
icaccable  Government  of  Christ. 

A  little  supports  such  a  Life;  and  in  a  State  truly  resigned 
D  the  Lord,  the  Eye  is  single  to  see  what  outward  Employ  he 
cads  into  as  a  Means  of  our  Subsistence,  and  a  lively  Care  is 
naintained  to  hold  to  that  without  launching  further. 

There  is  a  Harmony  in  the  several  Parts  of  this  Divine  Work 
n  the  Hearts  of  People;  he  who  leads  them  to  cease  from  those 
ainful  Employments,  carried  on  in  that  Wisdom  which  is  from 
cneath,  delivers  also  from  the  Desire  after  worldly  Greatness,  and 
fcconciles  the  Mind  to  a  Life  so  plain,  ihat  a  little  doth  suffice. 

Here  the  real  Comforts  of  Life  are  not  lessened.    Moderate 


394  J  HE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

Exercise,  in  the  Way  of  true  Wisdom,  is  Pleasant  both  to  Mind 
and  Body.  Food  and  Raiment  sufficient,  though  in  the  grcatcsl 
Simplicity,  are  accepted  with  Content  and  Gratitude. 

The  mutual  Love  subsisting  between  the  faithful  FoUowi 
Christ,  is  more  pure  than  that  Friendship  which  is  not  seasoi 
with  Humility,  how  specious  soever  the  Appearance. 

Where  People  depart  from  pure  Wisdom  in  one  Case,  it  is 
often  an  Introduction  to  depart  from  it  in  many  more :  and  thus 
a  Spirit  which  seeks  for  outward  Greatness,  and  leads  into  world!) 
Wisdom  to  attain  it  and  support  it,  gets  Possession  of  tlie  Mind. 

In  beholding  tlie  customary  Departure  from  the  true  Medium 
of  Labour,  and  that  unnecessary  Toil  which  many  go  through,  in 
supporting  outward  Greatness,  and  procuring  Delicacies: 

In  beholding  how  the  true  Calmness  of  Life  is  changed  into 
Hurry,  and  that  many,  by  eagerly  pursuing  outward  Treasure, 
are  in  great  Danger  of  withering  as  to  the  inward  State  of  the 
Mind:  ^ 

In  meditating  on  tlie  Works  of  this  Spirit,  and  on  the  DesoH^ 
tions  it  makes  amongst  the  Professors  of  Christianity,  I  may 
thankfully  acknowledge  that  I  often  feel  pure  Love  beget  Long- 
ings in  my  Heart  for  the  Exaltation  of  the  peaceable  Kingdom  of 
Christ,  and  an  Engagement  to  Labour  according  to  the  Gift 
bestowed  on  me,  for  the  promoting  an  humble,  plain,  temperate 
Way  of  Living:  a  Life  where  no  unnecessary  Cares  nor  Expences 
may  encumber  our  Minds,  nor  lessen  our  Ability  to  do  good; 
where  no  Desires  after  Inches  or  Greatness  may  lead  into  hard 
Dealing;  where  no  Connections  with  worldly  minded  Men  may 
abate  our  Love  to  God,  nor  weaken  a  true  Zeal  for  Righteousness ; 
A  Life,  wherein  we  may  dihgently  labour  for  Resignedness  to  do 
and  suffer  whatever  our  Heavenly  Father  may  allot  for  us, 
reconciling  the  World  to  himself. 

When  the  Prophet  Isaiah  had  uttered  his  Vision,  and  declared 
that  a  Time  was  coming  wherein  "Swords  should  be  beat  into 
Ploughshares,  and  Spears  into  Pruning  Hooks,  and  that  Nation 
should  not  lift  up  Sword  against  Nation,  nor  learn  War  any 
more;*  he  immediately  directs  the  Minds  of  the  People  to  the 
Divine  Teacher,  in  this  remarkable  Language;  "O  House  of 
Jacob,  come  ye  and  let  us  Walk  in  the  Light  of  the  Lord." 
Isaiah  ii.  5. 


I  do 
red 


2  Lord."    I 


RIGHT  USE  OF  OUTWARD  GIFTS 


395 


L 


To  wait  for  the  Direction  of  this  Light  in  all  temporal  as 
well  as  spiritual  Concerns,  appears  necessary:  for  if  in  any  Case 
we  enter  lightly  into  temporal  Affairs,  withont  feeling  this  Spirit 
of  Troth  to  open  our  Way  therein,  and  through  the  Love  of  this 
World  proceed  on,  and  seek  for  Gain  by  that  Business  or  Traffic, 
which  "is  not  of  the  Father,  but  of  the  World,"  we  fail  in  our 
Testimony  to  the  Purity  and  Peace  of  his  Government;  and  get 
into  that  which  is  for  Chastisement. 

This  Matter  hath  Iain  heavy  on  my  Mind.  It  being  evident, 
that  a  Life  less  humble,  less  simple  and  plain,  than  that  which 
Christ  leads  his  Sheep  into,  does  necessarily  require  a  Support 
which  pure  wisdom  does  not  provide  for.  Hence  there  is  no 
Probability  of  our  being  "a  peculiar  People,  so  zealous  of  good 
Works  as  to  have  no  Fellowship  with  Works  of  Darkness,"  while 
we  have  Wants  to  supply  which  have  their  Fowndation  in  Custom, 
and  do  not  come  within  the  Meaning  of  those  Expressions ;  "your 
Heavenly  Father  knoweth  that  ye  have  need  of  all  these  Things/' 
Mat.  vi.  32. 

These  Things  which  he  beholds  necessary  for  his  People,  he 
fails  not  to  give  them  in  his  own  Way,  and  Time :  but  as  his  Ways 
are  above  our  Ways,  and  his  Thoughts  above  our  Thoughts,  so 
imaginary  Wants  are  different  "from  these  Things  which  he 
knoweth  that  we  have  need  of.'* 

As  my  Meditations  have  been  on  these  Things,  Compassion 
hath  filled  my  Heart  toward  my  Fellow  Creatures,  involved  in 
Customs,  grown  up  in  "the  Wisdom  of  this  World,  which  is  Fool- 
ishness with  God."  And  O  that  the  Youth  may  be  so  thoroughly 
experienced  in  an  himible  Walking  before  the  Lord,  tliat  they  may 
be  his  Children,  and  know  him  to  be  their  Refuge,  their  safe 
unfailing  Refuge,  through  the  various  Dangers  attending  this 
uncertain  State  of  Being, 

H  those  whose  Minds  are  redeemed  from  the  Love  of  Wealth, 
and  who  are  content  with  a  plain,  simple  way  of  Living,  do  yet 
find  that  to  conduct  the  Affairs  of  a  Family,  without  giving 
Countenance  to  unrighteous  Proceedings,  or  having  Fellowship 
with  \\''orks  of  Darkness,  the  most  dih'gent  Care  is  necessary; 

If  Customs,  distinguishable  from  universal  Righteousness,  and 
opposite  to  the  true  Self-denying  Life,  are  now  prevalent,  and 
so  mixed  with  Trade,  and  with  almost  every  Employ,  that  it  is 


396  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLHAN 

only  through  hmnUe  wahmg  on  the  inward  Guidance  of  Truth 
that  we  may  reasonably  hope  to  walk  safely,  and  support  an  mn* 
form  Testimony  to  die  peaceable  Government  of  Christ: 

H  this  be  the  Case,  how  lamentably  do  they  expose  themsdvcs 
to  Temptations,  who  give  way  to  the  Love  of  Riches,  cooform 
to  expensive  Living,  and  reach  forth  for  Gain  to  support  Customs 
which  our  Holy  Shepherd  leads  not  into. 


SERIOUS  CONSIDERATIONS  ON  TRADE. 


1758. 


This  Essay,  hitherto  unpublished,  is  found  at  the  back  of  the 
folio,  MS,  A.  and  occupies  pages  one  to  four,  inclusive.  The 
following  note  of  John  Woolman's  which  prefaces  it,  throws 
light  upon  the  extremes  of  caution  which  prevented  entirely  the 
publication  of  this  Essay,  and  delayed  others  until  after  the 
author's  death.  This  note  also  gives  us  a  new  date  for  the  Essay 
on  "Considerations  on  Pure  Wisdom"  &c.,  as  noted  in  the  intro- 
duction to  that  Essay, 

"When  that  small  piece  entitled  Considerations  on  pure  wisdom  &c 
[printed  1758]  was  laid  before  the  overseers  of  the  press.  The  Sub- 
stance of  the  following  twelve  distinct  paragraphs  were  formed  in 
one  Chapter,  and  propos**  by  me  to  have  been  corrected  and  printed 
as  a  part  of  that  piece,  but  the  said  Overseers,  though  tliey  did  not 
reject  this  Chapter,  yet  exprest  some  desire  that  the  publication  of  it 
might  at  least  be  defered,  with  which  I  felt  easie,  and  therefore  they 
did  not  attempt  to  correct  it."  This  comment  was  written  by  John 
Woolman  in  1769. 

At  the  end  are  notes  "From  a  Surgeon's  Journal,"  and  selec« 
tions  which  are  all  taken  from  Anthony  Benezet's  "Caution  and 
Warning  to  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies,"  &c.  They  are 
therefore  not  included  here. 


L 


As  it  hath  pleased  the  Divine  Being  to  people  the  Earth  by 
Inhabitants  descended  from  one  man ;  And  as  Christ  commanded 
his  disciples  to  preach  the  Gosj>el  to  distant  Countries,  the  neces- 
sity of  sometimes  crossing  the  Seas  is  evident. 

397 


398  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


The  Inhabitants  of  the  Earth  have  often  appeared  to  me  as 
one  great  family  consisting  of  various  parts,  divided  by  great 
waters,  but  united  in  one  common  Interest,  that  is,  in  living  right- 
eously according  to  that  Light  and  understanding,  wherewith 
Christ  doth  enlighten  every  man  that  cometh  into  the  world. 


While  a  Wilderness  is  improving,  by  Inhabitants  come  from 
a  plentiful  thick  setled  Country,  to  Employ  some  of  the  family 
in  crossing  the  waters,  to  supply  the  new  setlers,  with  some  such 
necessaries  as  they  can  well  pay  for,  while  they  clear  Fields  to 
raise  grain,  appears  to  be  consistent  with  the  Interest  of  all — 


When  Lands  are  so  improved  that  with  a  Divine  Blessing  they 
afford  food,  Raiment,  and  all  those  necessaries  which  pertain  to 
the  Life  of  a  humble  follower  of  Christ;  It  behoves  the  Inhabit- 
ants to  take  heed  that  a  Custom  be  not  continued  longer  than 
the  usefulness  of  it,  and  that  the  number  of  that  calling  who  have 
been  helpful  in  importing  Necessaries  be  not  greater  than  is  con- 
sistent with  pure  wisdom. 


Customs  contrary  to  pure  wisdom,  which  tends  to  change 
agreable  employ  into  a  Toyl,  and  to  involve  people  into  many 
difficulties,  it  appears  to  be  the  duty  of  the  Fathers  in  the  family; 
to  wait  for  strength,  to  labour  against  such  customs  being  intro-l 
duced,  or  encouraged  amongst  the  Inhabitants;  and  that  all  true, 
friends  to  the  family  so  shake  their  hands  from  holding  Bribes, 
as  not  to  cherish  any  desire  of  gain,  by  fetching,  or  selling,  those 
things  which  they  believe  tend  to  Alienate  the  minds  of  people 
from  their  truest  Interest. 


^^^^^E 


RIOUS  CONSIDERATIO! 


Where  some  have  got  large  possessions,  and  by  an  increase  of 
Inhabitants  have  power  to  acquire  riches,  if  they  let  them  at  such 
a  rate  that  their  Tennants  are  necessitated  in  procuring  their  rent 
to  labour  harder  or  apply  themselves  to  business  more  closely,  than 
is  consistent  with  pure  wisdom,  whither  these  monies  thus 
obtained,  are  applied  to  promote  a  superfluous  Trade,  or  any  other 
purpose  in  a  self  pleasing  will,  here  the  true  harmony  of  the 
family  appears  to  be  in  danger. 


Where  two  branches  of  the  same  family  are  each  scituate  on 
such  a  Soil,  that  with  moderate  labour,  through  the  Divine 
Blessing,  each  may  be  supplied  by  their  own  produce  with  all  the 
necessaries  of  life,  and  a  large  hazardous  Ocean  between  them; 
for  the  Inhabitants  of  each  place  to  live  on  the  produce  of  their 
own  land,  appears  most  likely  for  them  to  shun  unnecessary 
cares  and  labours. 

8 

For  Brethren  to  Visit  each  other  in  true  Love,  I  believe  makes 
part  of  that  happiness  which  our  heavenly  father  intends  for  us 
in  this  life;  but  where  pure  Wisdom  direct  not  our  Visits,  we 
may  not  suppose  them  truly  profitable ;  And  for  man  to  so  faith- 
fully attend  to  the  pure  lisht,  as  to  be  triiely  acquainted  with  the 
state  of  his  own  mind,  and  feel  that  purifying  power  which  pre- 
pares the  heart  to  have  fellowship  with  Christ,  and  with  those  who 
are  redeemed  from  the  Spirit  of  this  world,  this  knowledge  is  to 
us  of  infinitely  greater  moment  than  the  knowledge  of  Affairs  in 
distant  parts  of  this  great  family. 


By  giving  way  to  a  desire  after  delicacies,  and  things  fetched 
far,  many  men  api>ear  to  be  employ*  unnecessarily;  many  Sliips 


400  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


built  by  much  labour  are  lost ;  many  people  brought  to  an  untimely 
end  ;  much  good  produce  buried  in  the  Seas ;  Many  people  busied 
in  that  which  serves  chiefly  to  please  a  wandering  desire,  who 
might  better  be  employed  in  those  Affairs  which  are  of  real 
service,  and  ease  the  burdens  of  such  poor  honest  people,  who 
to  answer  the  demands  of  others  Are  often  necessitated  to  ex( 
the  bounds  of  healthful  agr cable  exercise. 


10 


Blessed  are  the  peace  makers  for  they  shall  be  callc 
Children  of  GOD. 

Where  one  in  the  family  is  injured,  it  appears  consistent  with 
true  Brotherhood,  that  such  who  know  it,  take  due  care  respecting 
their  own  behavior,  and  conduct,  lest  the  love  of  gain  should 
lead  them  into  any  affairs,  so  connected  with  the  proceedings 
of  him  who  doth  the  injury,  as  to  strengthen  his  hands  therein, 
make  him  more  at  ease  in  a  wrong  way,  or  less  likely  to  Attend  to 
the  Righteous  principle  in  his  own  mind. 


XI 

To  be  well  acquainted  with  the  Affairs  we  are  interested  in, 
with  the  disposition  of  those  with  whom  we  have  connexions, 
to  have  outward  concerns  witliin  proper  bounds,  and  in  all  things 
attend  to  the  wisdom  from  above,  appears  most  agreable  to  that 
pious  disposition  in  which  people  desire  to  shun  doubtful  dispute! 
about  property,  to  have  their  proceedings  so  agreable  to  Right* 
eousness,  that  whatsoever  they  do,  they  may  do  all  to  the  Glory 
of  God,  and  give  none  Offence,  neither  to  the  Jews,  nor  to  the 
Gentiles,  nor  to  the  Church  of  Christ. 


12 


S 


Where  men  give  way  to  a  desire  after  wealth,  and  to  obtain 
their  ends  proceed  in  that  wisdom  which  is  from  beneath,  how 
often  does  discord  arise  between  differrent  branches  of  the  great 
family?  whence  great  numbers  of  men  are  often  scperated  from 
tilling  the  Earth,  and  useful  employ,  to  defend  what  contending 


M 


SERIOUS  CONSIDERATIONS  ON  TRADE        401 


parties  mutually  claim  as  their  interest;  hence  many  are  cut  of  in 
youth  1  and  great  troubles  and  devastations  do  often  attend  these 
contests ;  and  besides  those  Sorrowful  circumstances,  the  food 
these  Armies  eat,  the  Garments  they  wear,  their  Wages,  Vessels 
to  Transp(„^rt  them  from  place  to  place,  and  Support  for  the 
maimed,  tends  to  increase  the  labour  of  such  who  fill  the  Earth. 
and  to  make  some  Employments  necessary  which  without  wars 
would  not;  here  that  healthful  agreable  exercise,  which  I  believe 
our  Gracious  Creator  intended  for  us,  is  often  changed  into 
hurry  and  Toyl. 

O  how  precious  is  the  Spirit  of  peace!  how  desirable  that 
state  in  which  people  feel  their  hearts  humbly  resigned  to  the 
Lord,  and  live  under  a  labour  of  mind  to  do  his  wulJ  on  Earth  as 
it  is  done  in  heaven.  Where  they  feel  content  with  that  true 
simplicity  in  which  no  wandering  desires  leads  on  to  Strife, 
where  no  treasures  possessed  in  a  selfish  Spirit,  tends  to  beget  il! 
will  in  other  selfish  men.  And  where  true  love  so  seasons  their 
proceedings,  that  the  pure  witness  is  reached  in  such  who  are 
well  acquainted  with  them. 


L 


A  PLEA  FOR  THE  POOR 

1763 

This  Essay  is  inserted  by  John  Woolman  between  pages  147 
and  180  in  MS.  A,  folio,  immediately  following  the  incident  with 
the  Juggler  at  the  inn,  in  1763.  From  a  note  in  the  manuscript 
Journal,  A,  (page  191),  which  gives  the  date  upon  which  the 

da  mo 
author  copied  this  Essay  into  the  folio,  i.  e.  "g   10   1769,"  the 
date  of  composition  must  be  put  earlier  than  that  year.     The 
fact  that  it  follows  the  Juggler  incident  of  1763,  and  is  followed 
immediately  by  Woolman's  "Notes  at  our  Yearly   Meeting  in 

mo 
Philida.  in  the  9.  1764"  would  strongly  indicate  that  it  was  written 
in  the  winter  of  1763-4.  This  Essay,  which  is  perhaps  the  best, 
and  has  been  the  most  frequently  published  and  quoted,  was  not 
printed  until  1793, — thirty  years  after  it  was  written,  and  nearly 
twenty  after  its  author's  death.    When  it  did  appear,  its  purpose 


402  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

was  obscured  and  its  simple  directness  lessened  by  the  unfortunate 
change  of  title  which  the  editorial  committee  took  the  h*hem  of 
making,  when  they  called  it  "A  Word  of  Remembrance 
Caution  to  the  Rich." 

Page  191  has  a  loose  leaf  pasted  in,  containing  the  interestiTi* 
note  referred  to:  "The  second  (6)*'  [paragraph]  "was  chiefly 
written  some  months  ago,  and  (6)  the  first"  [paragraph]  "was 

da.  mc 
entered  in  this  Book  like  an  extract  from  it;  but  now,  the  9:  10: 
1769,  seriously  looking  over  it,  I  could  not  be  easie  without 
entering  it  at  large,  nearly  as  I  had  wrote  it  at  first  in  an  unbound 
book."    This  "tinboimd  book"  is  MS.  B.  at  Swarthmore  College. 


t 


A  PLEA  FOR  THE  POOR 
CHAPTER  I 


Wealth  desired  for  its  own  sake  Obstructs  the  increase 
Virtue,  and  large  possessions  in  the  hands  of  selfish  men  have  a 
bad  tendency,  for  by  their  means  too  small  a  number  of  people 
are  employed  in  things  usefull,  and  therefore  some  of  them  are 
necessitated  to  labour  too  hard,  while  others  would  want  business 
to  earn  their  Bread,  were  not  employments  invented,  which  having 
no  real  use,  serve  only  to  please  the  vain  mind. 

Rents  set  on  lands  are  often  so  high,  that  persons  who  have 
but  small  substance  are  straitened  in  hiring  a  plantation  and 
while  Tenants  are  healthy,  and  prosperous  in  business,  they  often 
find  Occasion  to  labour  harder  than  was  intended  by  our  Gracious 
Creator. 

Oxen  &  Horses  are  often  seen  at  work,  when  through  Heat 
&  too  much  labour,  their  eyes,  and  the  emotion  of  their  Bodies 
manifest  that  they  are  oppressed.  Their  loads  in  Wagons  are 
frequently  so  heavy,  that  when  weary  with  halting  it  far,  their 
drivers  find  occasion  in  going  up  Hills,  or  through  mire,  to  raise 
their  spirits  by  whiping  to  get  forward.  Many  poor  people  are 
so  thronged  in  their  business,  that  it  is  difficult  for  them  to  provide 
Shelter  sutable  for  their  animals,  in  great  storms.  These  things 
are  common  when  in  health ;  but  through  Sickness  and  in- 
ability to  labour  through  loss  of  Creatures,  and  miscarriage  in 


M 


isiness,  many  are  straitened ;  &  much  of  their  increase  goes  to 
X^ay  rent  or  Interest,  that  they  have  not  wherewith  to  hire  so  much 
"^Ls  their  case  requires.  Hence  one  poor  woman  in  attending  on 
Vier  Children,  providing  for  her  family,  &  helping  the  sick,  does 
a.s  much  business  as  would  for  the  time  be  Sutable  Employment 
for  two  or  three,  and  honest  persons  are  often  straitened  to  give 
tteir  children  sutable  learning. 

The  mony  which  the  wealthy  receive  from  the  poor,  who  do 
more  than  a  proper  share  of  business  in  raising  it,  is  frequently 
paid  to  other  poor  people  for  doing  business  which  is  foreign  to 
the  true  use  of  things. 

Men  who  have  large  possessions,  &  live  in  the  spirit  of 
Charity,  who  carefully  inspect  the  circumstance  of  those  who 
occupy  their  Estates,  and,  regardless  of  the  Customs  of  the  times, 
regulate  their  demands  agreeably  to  Universal  Love:  these  by 
ibeing  Righteous  on  a  principle,  do  good  to  the  poor  without  placing 
it  as  an  act  of  bounty.  Their  Example  in  avoiding  superfluities 
tends  to  incite  others  to  moderation ;  their  goodness,  in  not  exact- 
ing what  the  Laws  or  Customs  would  support  them  in,  tends  to 
open  the  Channel  to  moderate  Labour  in  useful  Affairs,  and  to 
discourage  those  branches  of  business  vvhicli  have  not  their  foun- 
dation in  true  wisdom. 

To  be  busied  in  that  which  is  but  vanity,  &  serves  only  to  please 
the  unstable  mind,  tends  to  an  alliance  wilh  tliose  who  promote 
that  vanity,  and  is  a  snare  in  which  many  poor  tradesmen  are 
entangled. 

To  be  employed  in  tilings  connected  with  Virtue,  is  most 
agreeable  with  the  Character  and  Inchnation  of  an  honest  man. 
While  industrious  frugal  people  are  borne  down  with  poverty, 
and  opressed  with  too  much  labour  in  useful  things,  the  way  to 
apply  mony,  without  promoting  pride  and  Vanity,  remains  open 
to  such  who  truly  Sympathize  with  them  in  their  various  Diffi- 
culties. 

CHAPTER  H 

The  Creator  of  the  earth  is  the  owner  of  it.  He  gave  us 
being  thereon,  and  our  nature  requires  nourishment,  which  is 
the  produce  of  it.  As  he  is  kind  and  merciful  we,  as  his  crea- 
tures, while  we  live  answerable  to  the  design  of  our  creation,  are 


4n4  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

mt  far  I**ntitled  to  a  convenient  Subsistence,  that  no  man  my 
jiifitly  deprive  us  of  it  I: 

\ly  the  agreements  and  Contracts  of  Our  Fathers  and  predeoe^  4 
nttrn,  and  by  doings  and  proceedings  of  our  own,  some  daimt  rii 
nitu'li  greater  share  of  this  world  than  others:  and  while  tfaoie  Is 
|MiHHC8sions  are  Faithfully  Improved  to  the  good  of  the  whole,  k  i 
<  iiMHists  with  Equity.  But  he  who  with  a  view  to  self-exaltaticM,  h 
niuscth  some  with  their  domestick  Animals  to  labour  immodo-  r 
iildy,  and,  with  the  monys  arising  to  him  therefrom,  emplqjs 
others  in  the  Luxuries  of  Life,  Acts  contrary  to  the  GmdaO, 
flcHigiis  of  Him  who  is  the  true  owner  of  the  Earth,  nor  can  anf 
IMjHScssions,  either  acquired  or  derived  from  Ancestors,  justifj 
Mu*h  conduct.  «■  n 

( ioodness  Remains  to  be  goodness,  and  the  direction  of  pore    i 
wisclom  is  obligatory  on  all  Reasonable  Creatures:  that  Laws 
and  Customs  are  no  further  a  Standard  for  our  proceedings  than 
as  their  Foundation  is  on  Universal  Righteousness. 

Though  the  poor  Occupy  our  Estates  by  a  bargain,  to  whidi 
they  in  their  poor  Circumstance  agreed,  and  we  ask  even  less  I 
than  a  punctual  fulfilling  of  their  agreement;  yet  if  our  views  I 
arc  to  lay  up  riches,  or  to  live  in  conformity  to  customs  whidi 
have  not  their  Foundation  in  the  Truth,  and  our  demands  are 
such  as  requires  greater  Toyl,  or  application  to  business  in  them, 
tlian  is  Consistent  with  pure  Love,  we  invade  their  rights  as 
Inhabitants  of  that  World,  of  which  a  good  and  gracious  God  is 
proprietor,  under  whom  we  are  Tennants. 

Were  all  suiM^rtluities,  and  the  desire  of  outward  greatness 
laiil  aside,  and  the  right  use  of  things  universally  attended  to, 
Such  a  nunil)er  of  people  might  be  employed  in  things  useful!,  as 
that  moderate  labour,  with  the  Blessing  of  Heaven,  would  answer 
all  good  purjvses  relating  to  j^eople  and  their  Animals,  and  a 
SutVicieut  number  have  time  to  attend  to  proper  Affairs  of  Civil 
Society. 

CHAPTER  HL 

While  our  Strength  and  Spirits  are  lively,  we  go  cheerfully 
iluo»iv:h  business.  I'iiher  too  nuich  or  too  little  Action  is  tire- 
mmuo.  but  a  vij;l)i  ivv,  tion  is  hc.ilihfuU  lo  our  bodies,  and  agreeable 
io  an  hvMiest  mind. 


A  PLEA  FOR  THE  POOR 


405 


Where  men  have  great  Estates,  they  stand  in  a  place  of  Trust. 
b  have  it  in  their  power,  without  difficulty,  to  Hve  in  that  fashion 
hich  occasions  much  labour,  and  at  the  same  time  confine  them- 
tlves  to  that  use  of  things  Prescribed  by  our  Redeemer,  and 
bnfirmed  by  his  Example,  and  the  Examples  of  many  who  lived 
I  the  Early  ages  of  the  Christian  Church,  that  they  may  more 
bctensively  relieve  objects  of  Charity; — for  men  possessed  of 
teat  Estates  to  live  thus,  requires  close  attention  to  Divine  love. 
Oi*r  Gracious  Creator  cares  &  provides  for  all  his  Creatures. 
lis  tender  mercies  are  over  all  his  works  &  so  far  as  his  Love 
afluences  Our  minds,  so  far  we  become  interested  in  his  work- 

lanship,  and  feel  a  desire  to  take  hold  of  every  opportunity  to 
sen  the  distresses  of  the  Afflicted,  &  increase  the  Happiness  of 

e  Creation.  Here  we  have  a  prospect  of  one  common  interest 
•rom  which  our  own  is  inseparable,  that  to  turn  all  the  treasures 

tre  possess  in  to  the  Channel  of  Universal  Love,  becomes  the 
usiness  of  our  lives. 

I  Men  of  large  estates,  whose  hearts  are  thus  enlarged,  are  like 
rathers  to  the  poor,  and  in  looking  over  their  Brethren  in  dis- 
tressed circumstances,  and  considering  their  own  more  easie  con- 
oition,  they  find  a  Field  for  humble  meditation,  &  feel  the  strength 
pf  those  obligations  they  are  under  to  be  kind  and  tender-hearted 
pward  them.  Poor  men  eased  of  their  burthens,  and  released  from 
||oo  close  an  application  to  business,  are  at  Liberty  to  hire  others 
jto  their  assistance,  to  provide  well  for  their  Animals,  and  find  time 
Ito  perform  those  duties  amongst  their  Acquaintance,  which  belong 
to  a  well  guided  Social  life. 

When  these  reflect  on  the  oportunity  those  had  to  opress  them, 
&  consider  the  goodness  of  their  conduct,  they  behold  it  Lovely. 
*&  consistent  with  brotherhood.  And  as  the  man  whose  mind  is 
conformed  to  Universal  Love,  hath  his  Trust  Setled  in  God,  and 
finds  a  firm  Foundation  to  Stand  on  in  any  Changes  or  Revolu- 
tions that  happen  amongst  men;  so  allso,  the  goodness  of  his 
^conduct  tends  to  spread  a  kind,  benevolent  disposition  in  the 
.world. 

I  CHAPTER  IV, 

Our  Blessed  Redeemer,  in  directing  us  how  to  conduct  our- 
selves one  towards  another,  appeals  to  our  own  feeling:  Whatso- 


L 


4o6  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOCtt-MAN 

ever  ye  would  that  men  should  do  to  you,  do  je  eveo  so  to 
Now  where  such  live  in  fulness  on  the  labour  of  odwn^ 
have  never  had  experience  of  hard  labour  themselves, 
often  a  danger  of  their  not  having  a  right  feeling  of  the 
condition,  and  therefore  of  being  disqualified  to  judge 
in  their  case,  not  knowing  what  they  themselves  would 
were  they  to  Labour  hard  from  one  year  to  another,  to  RaiM  Ai 
Necessaries  of  Life,  and  to  pay  large  rents  besides.    It  is  food  is 
those  who  live  in  fulness,  to  labour  for  tenderness  of  hesft  Ti 
improve  every  opportunity  of  being  acquainted  witli  the  hsi 
ships  and  fatigues  of  those  who  labour  for  their  living;  and  dsi 
Seriously  with  themselves,  Am  I  influenced  with  true  Qiaritf  ii 
fixing  all  my  demands?    Have  I  no  desire  to  support  inysdf  lit 
Expensive  Customs,  because  my  Acquaintances  live  in  those  tat 
toms  ?   Were  I  to  Labour  as  they  do,  toward  supporting  them  asl 
their  Children  in  a  Station  like  mine,  in  such  Sort  as  tib^  sal 
their  Children  labour  for  us,  could  I  not  on  such  a  Change^  befoR 
I  entered  into  Agreements  of  Rent  or  Interest,  name  some  coi0i\ 
articles  now  used  by  me,  or  in  my  family,  which  have  no  red 
use  in  them,  the  Expense  whereof  might  be  lessened  ?  and  shooU 
I  not,  in  such  case,  Strongly  desire  the  disuse  of  those  needless 
expenses  that,  less  answering  their  way  of  life,  the  terms  migfat 
be  easier  tome? 

If  a  wealthy  man  on  Serious  reflection,  finds  a  witness  in 
his  own  Conscience,  that  there  are  some  Expenses  which  he 
indulgeth  himself  in,  that  are  in  conformity  to  Custom  wfaidi 
might  be  omited,  consistent  with  the  true  design  of  living;  and 
which,  was  he  to  Change  places  with  those  who  Occupy  his 
Estate,  he  would  desire  to  be  discontinued  by  them ;  whoever  are 
thus  awakened  to  their  feeling,  will  necessarily  find  the  injunction 
binding  on  them :  "Do  thou  even  so  to  them." 

Dizme  love  imposeth  no  Rigorous  or  unreasonable  commands; 
but  graciously  points  out  the  spirit  of  Brotherhood  and  way  to 
happiness,  in  attaining  to  which  it  is  necessary  that  we  go  forth 
out  of  all  yt  is  Selfish.  ["Beloved,  now  are  we  the  Sons  of  God, 
and  it  doth  not  yet  appear  what  we  shall  be,  but  we  know  that 
when  he  shall  appear,  we  shall  be  like  Him,  for  we  shall  see  Him 
as  he  is."    He,  Our  Redeemer  is  the  perfection  of  pure  Love,  and 


PLEA 


i^^^r 


HE  POOR 


-"when  by  the  Operation  of  his  Spirit  upon  us,  we  arc  cleansed 
throughout,  and  our  Souls  so  united  to  Him  that  we  love  our 
fellow  creatures  as  He  Loveth  us,  we  there  see  evideody  that  in 
this  inward  conformity  to  Divine  Goodness,  stands  the  true  happi- 
ness of  Intelligent  Creatures.] 


CHAPTER  V. 


To  pass  through  a  Series  of  hardships,  and  to  languish  under 
oppression,  brings  people  to  a  certain  knowledge  of  these  things. 
To  enforce  the  duty  of  tenderness  to  the  poor,  the  Inspired  Law 
Giver  referred  the  Children  of  Israel  to  their  own  past  experi- 
ence; "Ye  know  the  heart  of  a  Stranger,  seeing  ye  were  strangers 
in  the  land  of  Egj'pt."  He  who  hath  been  a  Stranger  amongst 
unkind  peoplcj  or  under  their  government  who  were  hard-hearted, 
knows  how  it  feels:  but  a  person  who  hath  never  felt  the  weight 
of  misapphed  power,  comes  not  to  this  knowledge,  but  by  an  in- 
ward tenderness,  in  which  the  heart  is  prepared  to  Sympathize 
with  others. 

We  may  reflect  on  the  Condition  of  a  poor  Innocent  man  who 
by  his  labour,  contributes  towards  Supporting  one  of  his  own 
species  more  wealthy  than  himself,  on  whom  the  Rich  man,  from  a 
desire  after  wealth  &  Luxuries,  lays  heavy  burthens.  When  this 
Labourer  looks  over  the  means  of  his  heavy  load,  and  considers 
that  this  great  Toyl  and  fatigue  is  laid  on  him  to  support  that 
which  hath  no  foundation  in  pure  wisdom,  we  may  well  Suppose 
that  there  ariseth  an  uneasiness  in  his  mind  toward  those  who 
might  without  any  inconvenience  deal  more  favourably  with  him. 
When  he  considers  that  by  his  Industry  his  fellow  creature  is 
Benefitted,  &  sees  that  this  Man  who  hath  much  Wealth,  is  not 
satisfied  with  being  Supported  in  a  plain  way,  but  to  gratify  a 
wrong  desire,  and  Conform  to  wrong  Customs,  increaseth  to  an 
extream  the  Labours  of  those  who  Occupy  his  Estate;  we  may 
reasonably  judge,  that  he  will  tiiink  himself  unkindly  used.  When 
he  Considers  tliat  the  proceedings  of  the  wealtliy  are  agreeable  to 
the  Customs  of  the  Times,  and  sees  no  means  of  redress  in  this 
world,  how  would  the  Inward  Sighing  of  this  innocent  person 


4o8  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

Ascend  to  the  throne  of  that  Great,  Good  Being,  who  Created  « 
all,  and  hath  a  constant  care  over  his  Creatures. 

By  Candidly  considering  these  things,  we  may  have  some  sense 
of  the  condition  of  Innocent  people  overloaded  by  the  wealtlqr. 
But  he  who  Toyls  one  year  after  another  to  furnish  others  with 
wealth  &  Superfluities ;  who  Labours  and  thinks,  and  thinks  aad 
Labours,  until  by  overmuch  Labour  he  is  wearied  &  Oppressed: 
such  an  one  understands  the  meaning  of  that  language,  "Ye  know 
the  HEART  of  a  strangers,  seeing  ye  were  strangers  in  tbe 
land  of  Egypt." 

As  many  at  this  day  who  know  not  the  heart  of  a  Stranger, 
iii'Iuli^e  themselves  in  ways  of  life  which  occasion  more  Labour  in 
the  World  than  Infinite  (joodness  intends  for  man,  &  yet  are 
(•(unpassionate  toward  such  in  distress  who  come  directly  under 
their  Observation;  were  these  to  Change  circumstances  awhile 
with  some  who  labour  for  them;  were  they  to  pass  regularly 
through  the  means  of  knowing  the  heart  of  a  Stranger,  and  come 
to  a  feeling  knowledge  of  the  streights  and  hardships  which  many 
poor  Innocent  people  pass  through  in  a  hidden  obscure  life;  Were 
these  who  now  fare  Sumptuously  every  day,  to  act  the  other  part 
of  the  Scene,  till  seven  times  had  passed  over  them,  and  return 
ajjain  to  their  former  Estate;  I  believe  many  of  them  would 
embrace  a  way  of  life  less  Expensive,  &  lighten  the  heavy  burthens 
of  Some  who  now  labour  out  of  their  Sight  to  Support  them, 
and  pass  through  Streights  with  which  they  are  but  little  ac- 
({uainted. 

To  see  our  fellow-creatures  under  difficulties,  to  which  we  arc 
in  no  degree  accessory,  tends  to  awaken  tenderness  in  the  minds 
of  all  Reasonable  people,  but  if  we  consider  the  Condition  of  those 
who  are  depressed  in  answering  our  demand,  who  labour  out  of  our 
Si^ht,  and  are  often  toyling  for  us  while  we  pass  our  time  in 
fullness;  If  we  consider  that  much  less  than  we  demand  would 
Supi)ly  us  with  all  things  really  needfull;  what  heart  will  not 
relent,  or  what  reasonable  man  can  refrain  from  mitigating  that 
Krief  which  he  himself  is  the  cause  of,  when  he  may  do  it  without 
inconvenience?  I  shall  conclude  with  the  words  of  Exekiel  the 
\>T<>\hrt.  "Senncth  it  a  small-  -"  fthinj?  unto  you  to  have  eaten 
up  the  good  pasture,  but  ye  must  tread  down  the  residue  of  your 
pastures?] 


A  PLEA  FOR  THE  POOR  409 


CHAPTER  VI. 

People  much  spent  with  labour  often  take  strong  liquor  to 
revive  them.  That  portion  of  the  Necessaries  of  life  answerable 
to  a  Days  Labour  is  such,  that  those  who  support  their  Families 
by  Day  labour,  find  Occasion  to  Labour  hard,  and  many  of  them 
think  strong  Drink  a  necessary  part  of  their  Entertainment. 

Were  there  more  men  usefully  employed,  and  fewer  who  eat  I 
Bread  as  a  reward  for  Doing  that  which  is  not  usefull,  then  food/ 
and  raiment  would,  on  a  reasonable  Estimate,  be  more  in  pro- 
portion to  Labour  than  it  is  at  present.  For  if  four  men  working) 
Eight  Hours  in  a  day,  raise  &  clean  three  hundred  Bushels  of 
Grain,  or  twelve  hundred  pounds  of  flax,  with  Sixty  Days  Labour, 
then  five  men  working  Six  hours  and  twenty  four  Minutes  in  a 
Day  would  at  that  rate  do  the  same  business  in  the  same  time.^ 
[What  labouring  men  buy,  being  dear,  their  wages  are  necessarily 
high,  and  thence  a  large  portion  of  Labour  expected  of  them. 
Were  more  men  Employed  in  preparing  the  real  necessaries  of 
life,  these  necessaries  being  more  plenty,  might  be  sold  cheaper, 
and  labouring  men  having  them  at  a  low  rate  might  ask  less  for 
a  days  Labour  or  a  Certain  piece  of  Work,  &  they  working 
for  low  wages,  their  Employers  might  be  satisfied  with  having  less 
done  in  a  day  or  a  Week.] 

In  proceeding  agreeably  to  Sound  Wisdom,  a  small  portion 
of  daily  labour  might  suffice  to  keep  a  proper  Stream  gently  cir- 

*  Marginal   note   by  J.   W.     "Quest".     If   4   men.   Each   working  8    hours   a   day, 
raise   soo   Bushels  of  Rie  in   60   Days,   how   many   hours  must   s    men   work  to   do 
the  Same  Business  in  the  same  time? 
m.    h.   m. 
4      8      S 
4 


Ans'. 
5)3a(6 

30  h.      xn. 
6:      a4 

a 
60 

iao(a4  • 
10 

ao 


4IO  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

culating  through  all  the  chanels  of  Society;  &  this  portioa  ot 
labour  might  be  so  divided,  and  taken  in  the  most  advantageous 
parts  of  the  day,  that  people  would  not  have  tliat  plea  for  the  ujc 
of  Strong  Uquors,  wliich  they  liave  at  present.  The  quantity  Run 
and  Spirits  imported  and  made  in  these  colonies  is  great ;  nor  an 
so  many  thousand  Hogsheads  of  this  hquor  be  drunk  every  year  ia 
our  Country,  without  having  a  powerful  effect  on  our  manixrs- 
When  people  are  spent  with  action,  and  take  these  liquors,  not 
only  as  a  refreshment  from  past  Labours,  but  to  Support  them 
to  go  on  without  Nature  having  a  Sufficient  time  to  recruit  b) 
resting,  it  gradually  turns  them  from  that  calmness  of  though! 
which  tends  those  who  steadily  apply  their  hearts  to  true  Wisdom. 
The  Spirits  scattered  by  too  much  bodily  motion  in  the  hear,  and 
again  revived  by  Strong  drink,  that  this  makes  a  person  tm£t  for 
serious  thinking  &  Divine  meditation,  I  suppose  will  not  be  d^ 
denyed :  And  as  multitudes  of  people  are  in  this  practice,  who  do 
not  take  so  much  as  to  hinder  them  from  managing  their  outward 
Affairs,  this  custom  requires  serious  thought,  and  is  strongly  Sup- 
ported. But  as  through  Divine  goodness  I  have  found  that  there 
is  a  more  quiet,  Calm,  and  happy  way  intended  for  us  to  walk  in, 
I  am  engaged  to  Express  what  I  feel  in  my  heart  concerning  it. 

As  cherishing  the  spirit  of  Love  and  Meekness  belongs  to 
the  Family  of  Jesus  Christ,  to  avoid  those  things  which  we  know 
work  against  it,  is  an  indispensable  duty.  Every  degree  of  Luxur)*, 
of  what  kind  soever,  and  every  demand  for  money  inconsistent 
with  Divine  order,  hath  some  connexion  with  imnecessary  Labour. 
By  too  much  Labour  the  spirits  are  Exhausted  Sl  people  crave 
help  from  Strong  Drink;  and  tlie  frequent  use  of  Strong  Driak 
works  in  opposition  to  the  Celestial  Influence  on  the  mind. 

This  is  plain,  when  men  take  so  much  as  to  Suspend  t1 
use  of  their  reason:  and  though  there  are  degrees  of  this  opositioo, 
and  a  man  quite  drunk  may  be  furthest  removed  from  that  frame 
of  mind  in  which  God  is  acceptably  ^-orshiped;  yet  a  person 
being  often  near  spent  with  too  much  Action,  and  revived  by 
Spirituous  Liquors  without  being  quite  Drunk,  inures  himself  to 
tliat  which  is  a  less  degree  of  the  same  thing,  and  which  by  con- 
tinuance does  necessarily  hurt  both  mind  and  body.  There  is  in 
the  nature  of  people  some  degree  of  likeness  with  that  food  and 
air  to  which  they  from  their  youth  have  been  accustomed.    This 


ink 

on.   I 
me    1 


A  PLEA  FOR  THE  POOR 


411 


frequently  appears  in  such  who  by  a  Separation  from  their  Native 
air  and  usual  diet,  grow  weak  &  unhealthy  for  want  of  them.  Nor 
is  it  Reasonable  to  Suppose,  that  so  many  thousand  Hogsheads  of 
this  Fiery  Liquor  can  be  drunk  by  us  every  year,  and  the  practice 
continued  from  Age  to  Age,  without  Altering  in  some  degree 
the  natures  of  men,  &  rendering  their  minds  less  apt  to  receive 
the  pure  Truth  in  the  Love  of  it. 

As  many  who  manifest  some  regard  to  Piety,  do  yet  in  some 
degree  conform  to  those  ways  of  living,  &  of  collecting  wealth 
which  increaseth  Labour  beyond  the  Bounds  fixed  by  Divine 
Wisdom;  my  desire  is,  tliat  they  may  so  consider  the  Connexion 
of  things,  as  to  take  heed  lest  by  Exacting  of  poor  men  more 
than  is  consistent  with  Universal  Righteousness,  they  promote  that 
by  their  Conduct,  which  in  words  they  speak  against. 

To  Treasure  up  wealth  for  another  generation,  by  means  of 
the  immoderate  Labour  of  Such  who  in  some  measure  depend 
upon  us,  is  doing  evil  at  present,  without  knowing  but  that  our 
wealth,  thus  gathered,  may  be  applied  to  evil  purposes  when  we 
are  gone.  To  labour  too  hard,  or  cause  others  to  do  so,  that  we 
may  live  conformable  to  Customs  which  Christ,  our  Reedeemer 
Contradicted  by  his  Example  in  the  days  of  his  Flesh,  and  which 
are  contrary  to  Divine  Order,  is  to  manure  a  Soyl  for  propa- 
gating an  evil  seed  in  the  Earth. 

Such  who  enter  deep  into  these  Considerations,  and  live  under 
the  weight  of  them,  will  feel  these  things  so  heavy,  and  their  ill 
EflPects  so  Extensive,  that  the  necessity  of  attending  Singly  to 
Divine  Wisdom  will  be  evident,  thereby  to  be  directed  and  Sup- 
ported in  the  right  use  of  things,  in  Oposition  to  the  Customs  of 
the  times,  and  supported  to  bear  patiently  the  reproaches  attend- 
ing Singularity. 

To  Conform  a  little  to  a  wrong  way.  Strengthens  the  hands 
of  Such  who  carry  wrong  Customs  to  their  utmost  extent ;  and  the 
more  a  person  appears  to  be  virtuous  and  Heavenly  minded, 
the  more  powerfully  does  liis  conformity  operate  in  favour  of  evil 
doers.  Lay  aside  the  profession  of  a  Pious  Life,  and  people  expect 
little  or  no  instruction  from  the  Example;  hut  while  we  profess  in 
all  cases  to  live  in  Constant  Oposition  to  that  which  is  contrary 
to  Universal  Righteousness,  what  Expressions  are  equal  to  the 
Subject  or  what  Language  is  Sufficient  to  set  forth  the  Strength 


m 


of  those  Obligations  we  are  under  to  beware  lest  by  our 
we  lead  others  wrong? 

CHAPTER  VII. 
"This  Kind  goeth  not  out  but  by  Prayer." 

In  our  care  for  our  Children  should  we  give  way  to  partiality 
in  things  relating  to  what  may  be  when  we  are  gone,  yet  after 
Death,  we  cannot  look  on  partiality  with  pleasure. 

I  f  by  our  wealth  we  make  them  great,  without  a  full  persuasion 
tliat  we  could  not  bestow  it  better,  &  thus  give  them  power  to  deal 
hardly  with  others  more  virtuous  than  they;  it  can  after  death, 
give  us  no  more  satisfaction  than  if  by  this  treasure  we  had 
raised  these  others  above  our  own,  and  given  them  power  to 
oppress  ours. 

Did  a  man  possess  as  much  good  land  as  would  well  suffice 
for  twenty  industrious,  frugal  people,  and  Expecting  that  he  was 
lawful  heir  to  it,  intended  to  give  this  great  Estate  to  his  Children, 
hut  found  on  a  search  into  the  Title,  that  one  half  of  this  Estate 
w«Ts  the  undoubted  property  of  a  number  of  poor  orfans,  who 
as  to  virtue  and  understanding,  to  him  appeared  as  hope  full  as  his 
own  children:  This  discovery  would  give  him  an  Oportunity  to 
consider  whether  he  was  attached  to  any  interest,  distinct  from  the 
Interest  of  those  children. 

Some  of  us  have  Estates  Sufficient  for  our  Children,  and  a5 
many  more,  to  live  upon,  did  they  all  employ  their  time  in  useful 
husinrss,  and  live  in  that  plainness  Consistent  with  the  Character 
of  True  disciples  of  Christ:  and  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  our 
Children  after  us  will  apply  them  to  Benevolent  purposes  more 
than  some  poor  Children  whom  we  are  acquainted  with  would,  if 
fhey  had  them;  and  yet  did  we  believe  that  after  our  decease 
these  Estates  would  go  Equally  between  our  Children,  &  an  equal 
number  of  those  poor  Children  it  would  be  likely  to  give  us  un- 
catiness.  This  may  show  to  a  thoughtful  person  that  to  be  re- 
deemed from  all  the  remains  of  Selfishness,  to  have  an  universal 
regard  to  our  fellow  Creatures,  and  Love  them  as  our  Heavenly 
^•ther  loves  them,  we  must  Constantly  attend  to  the  Influence 
his  Spirit. 


d 


f 


A  PLEA  FOR  THE  POOR 


413 


When  our  hearts  are  enlarged  to  Contemplate  the  Nature  of 
this  Divine  Love,  we  behold  it  Harmonious:  but  if  we  attentively 
consider  that  moving  of  Selfishness,  which  would  make  us  uneasy 
at  the  Apprehension  of  that  which  is  in  itself  reasonable,  and  which 
being  separated  from  all  previous  conceptions  &  Expectations  will 
appear  so  we  may  see  an  inconsistency  in  it :  for  the  subject  of  such 
uneasiness  is  in  future,  and  would  not  affect  our  children  till 
we  were  removed  into  that  state  of  Being  where  there  is  no  pos- 
sibility of  our  taking  delight  in  any  thing  contrary  to  the  pure 
Principle  of  Universal  Love. 

As  that  Natural  desire  of  Superiority  in  us  being  given  way 
to  extends  to  such  of  our  favourites  who  we  expect  will  Suc- 
ceed us,  &  as  the  Grasping  after  wealth  and  power  for  them, 
adds  greatly  to  the  burthens  of  the  poor,  and  increaseth  the  evil 
of  covetousness  in  this  age,  I  have  often  desired  in  Secret  that 
in  looking  toward  posterity,  we  may  remember  the  purity  of  that 
rest  which  is  prepared  for  the  Lord's  people,  the  impossibility  of 
our  taking  pleasure  in  any  thing  distinguishable  from  Universal 
Righteousness,  and  how  vain  and  weak  a  thing  it  is  to  give  wealth 
and  power  to  those  who  appear  unlikely  to  apply  it  to  a  general 
good  when  we  are  gone. 

As  Christians  all  we  possess  are  the  gifts  of  God.  Now 
in  distributing  it  to  others  we  act  as  his  Steward,  and  it  be- 
comes our  Station  to  act  agreeable  to  that  Divine  Wisdom  which 
he  Graciously  gives  to  his  Servants. 

If  the  Steward  of  a  great  Family,  from  a  selfish  attachment 
to  particulars,  takes  that  with  which  he  is  entrusted,  and  bestows 
it  lavishly  on  some,  to  the  injury  of  others,  and  to  the  damage  of 
him  who  employs  him,  he  disunites  himself,  and  becomes  un- 
worthy of  that  Office. 

The  true  fehcity  of  man  in  this  life,  &  that  which  is  to  come, 
is  in  being  inwardly  united  to  the  fountain  of  Universal  Love  and 
Bliss.  When  we  provide  for  posterity,  and  make  Settlements 
which  will  not  take  Effect  till  after  we  are  centred  in  another 
state  of  Being,  if  we  therein  Act  contrary  to  Universal  Love  & 
Righteousness.  Such  Conduct  must  arise  from  a  false,  selfish 
pleasure  in  directing  a  thing  to  be  done  wrong  in  which  it  will  be 
Impossible  for  us  to  take  pleasure  at  the  time  when  our  directions 
are  put  in  Execution.    For  if  we  after  such  settlement,  and  when 


414  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  VVOOLMAN 

too  late  for  an  alteration.  Attain  to  that  purified  State  which  our 
Redeemer  prayed  his  Father  that  his  people  might  attain  to,  ol 
being  united  to  the  Father,  and  the  Son;  a  Sincere  repentance  for 
all  things  done  in  a  Will  Separate  from  Universal  Love  must 
precede  this  inward  Sanctification ;  And  though  in  such  depth  of 
Repentance  and  Reconciliation,  all  Sins  are  forgiven,  &  Sorrows 
removed,  that  our  misdeeds  heretofore  done  could  no  longer 
afflict  us,  yet  our  partial  determinations  in  favour  of  those  whom 
we  loved  in  a  selfish  love,  could  not  afford  us  pleasure.  And  if 
after  such  selfish  settlements,  our  wills  continue  to  stand  in 
Oposition  to  the  Fountain  of  Universal  Light  and  Love,  there 
will  be  an  unpassable  Gulf  between  the  Soul  and  True  FeHcity 
nor  can  anything  heretofore  done  in  this  Separate  will  afford  us 
pleasure. 

CHAPTER  VIH. 

To  Labour  for  an  Establishment  in  Divine  Love,  where  the 
mind  is  disentangled  from  the  power  of  Darkness,  is  the  Great 
Business  of  man's  life.  Collecting  of  riches,  covering  the  Body 
with  fine  wrought  costly  apparel,  and  having  magnificent  furniture, 
Operates  against  Universal  Love,  and  tends  to  feed  self;  so  thai 
to  desire  these  things  belongs  not  to  the  Children  of  the  Light 

He  who  sent  Ravens  to  feed  Elijah  in  the  wilderness,  and  in- 
creased the  poor  widow's  small  remains  of  meal  and  Oil,  is  now  as_ 
attentive  to  the  necessities  of  his  people  as  ever. 

When  he  numbers  us  with  his  people  and  saith,  "Ye  are 
sons  and  daughters,"  no  greater  happiness  can  be  desired  by  them 
who  know  how  Gracious  a  Father  he  is. 

The  greater  part  of  the  Necessaries  of  life,  are  so  far  peris 
able,  that  each  Generation  hath  occasion  to  labour  for  them.  And 
when  we  look  toward  a  Succeeding  age,  with  a  mind  influenced 
by  Universal  Love,  we  endeavour  to  exempt  some  from  those  cares 
which  necessarily  relate  to  this  life,  and  give  them  power  to  op- 
press others,  but  desire  that  they  may  all  be  the  Lord's  children, 
and  live  in  that  Humility  and  Order  becoming  His  Family.  Our 
hearts  being  thus  opened  &  enlarged,  we  feci  content  in  a  use 
of  tilings  as  foreign  to  Luxury  and  Grandeur  as  that  which  our 
Redeemer  laid  down  as  a  pattern. 


liej^ 


A 


f 


A  PLEA  FOR  THE  POOR 


41S 


By  desiring  wealth  for  the  power  and  distinction  it  gives,  and 
gathering  it  on  this  motive,  a  person  may  properly  be  called  a 
rich  man,  whose  mind  is  moved  by  a  draught  distinguishable  from 
the  drawings  of  the  Father,  and  cannot  be  united  to  the  Heavenly 
Society  where  God  is  the  strength  of  their  Life,  before  he  is 
delivered  from  this  contrary  drawing, 

"It  is  easier."  saith  our  Saviour,  "for  a  camel  to  go  through  a 
nedle's  eye  than  for  a  rich  man  to  enter  into  the  kingdom  of 
God."  Here  our  Lord  uses  an  instructive  Similitude;  for  as  a 
camel  considered  under  that  character,  cannot  pass  through  a 
nedle's  eye,  so  a  man  who  tnisteth  in  riches,  and  holds  them 
for  the  sake  of  the  power  &  distinction  attending  them,  cannot, 
in  that  spirit,  enter  into  the  Kingdom.  Now  every  part  of  a 
camel  may  be  so  reduced  as  to  pass  through  a  hole  as  small  as  a 
nedle's  Eye;  yet  such  is  the  hulk  of  the  Creature,  and  the 
hardness  of  its  Bones  and  Teeth,  that  it  could  not  be  compleated 
without  much  labour;  so  man  must  cease  from  that  spirit  which 
craves  riches.  &  be  reduced  into  another  disposition,  before  he 
inherits  the  Kingdom,  as  effectually  as  a  Camel  must  cease  from 
the  form  of  a  Camel,  in  passing  through  the  eye  of  a  nedle. 

When  our  Saviour  said  to  the  rich  youth,  "Go  sell  that  thou 
hast,  &  give  to  the  poor;"  though  undoubtedly  it  was  his  duty 
to  do  so,  yet  to  confine  this  of  selling  all  as  a  duty  on  every  true 
Christian,  would  be  to  limit  the  Holy  One. 

Obedient  children  who  are  intrusted  with  much  outward  sub- 
stance, wait  for  wisdom  to  dispose  of  it  agreeably  to  His  Will, 
"in  whom  the  fatherless  find  mercy."  It  may  not  be  the  duty  of 
every  one,  to  commit  at  once  their  substance  to  other  hands ;  but 
rather  from  time  to  time,  to  look  round  amongst  the  numerous 
branches  of  the  great  family,  as  His  Stewards  who  said,  "Leave 
thy  Fatherless  Children  I  will  preserve  them  alive  &  let  thy 
wMdows  trust  in  me."  But  as  Disciples  of  Christ,  however  en- 
trusted with  much  goods,  they  may  not  conform  to  Sumptuous 
or  Luxurious  living.  [For  if  possessing  great  Treasures  had  been 
a  sufficient  reason  to  make  a  fine  Show  in  the  World,  then  Christ 
our  Lord,  who  had  an  unfailing  Store-house,  &  in  a  way  sur- 
passing the  Comon  operations  of  nature,  supplied  thousands  of 
people  with  Food,  would  not  have  lived  in  so  much  plainness. 

What  we  equitably  possess,  is  a  gift  from  God  to  us;  but  by 


4i6  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

the  Son,  all  Things  were  Created;  now  He  who  forms  tiuogs 
out  of  Nothing,  who  Creates,  &  having  Created,  doth  possess, 
is  more  truly  Rich  than  he  who  possesseth  by  recemng  Gfts  - 
from  another. 

If  depth  of  knowledge  and  a  high  Title  had  been  Sufficient 
reasons  to  make  a  splendid  show,  he  would  have  made  it:  He 
told  the  woman  of  Samaria  sundry  things  relative  to  her  past  Life; 
made  mention  of  the  decease  of  Lazarus,  &  answered  the  Scribe 
who  accounted  him  a  Blasphemer  without  information;  &  having 
the  Spirit  without  measure,  knew  what  was  in  man. 

The  Title  of  Lord  He  owned,  nor  was  it  ever  more  justly 
given  to  any,  that  in  Riches  &  Wisdom  &  Greatness,  there  was 
none  on  Earth  equal  to  Him,]  &  as  he  lived  in  perfect  plainness 
&  Simplicity,  the  greatest  in  his  Family  cannot  by  virtue  of  their 
Station,  claim  a  right  to  live  in  worldly  grandeur,  without  con- 
tradicting his  Doctrine  who  said  "It  is  enough  for  the  Disciple 
to  be  as  his  Master." 

CHAPTER  IX. 

When  our  eyes  are  so  single  as  to  discern  the  selfish  spirit 
clearly,  we  behold  it  the  greatest  of  all  Tyrants.  Many  thousand 
Innocent  people  under  some  of  the  Roman  Emperors  being  con- 
firmed in  the  truth  of  Christ's  religion,  from  the  powerful  effects 
of  His  Holy  Spirit  upon  them,  and  Scrupling  to  conform  to 
Heathenish  Rites,  were  therefore,  by  various  kinds  of  Cruel  & 
Ling:ering  Torments  put  to  Death,  as  is  largely  set  forth  by 
Eusebius. 

Now  if  we  single  out  Domitian,  Nero,  or  any  other  of  these 
persecuting^  Emperors,  the  man  though  terrible  in  his  time,  Will 
api^ear  a  Tyrant  of  small  consequence,  compared  with  the  Selfish 
Spirit.  For  though  his  bounds  were  large,  yet  a  great  part  of  the 
world  was  out  of  his  reach.  And  though  he  grievously  afflicted 
the  Bodies  of  those  Innocent  i:)eople,  yet  the  minds  of  many  were 
Divinely  Supjiorted  in  their  greatest  Agonies;  &  being  Faithfull 
unto  Death,  they  were  delivered  from  his  Tyranny.     His  reign, 

ugh  cruel  for  a  time,  was  soon  over  and  he  considered  in  his 

test  pomp,  apjx'ars  to  have  been  a  Slave  to  the  Selfish  Spirit. 

Tyranny  as  applied  to  a  man,  rises  up  and  is  soon  near  an 


f 


A  PLEA  FOR  THE  POOR 


417 


L 


end.  But  if  we  consider  the  numerous  Oppressions  in  many  States, 
&  the  Calamities  occasioned  by  Nation  contending  with  Nation,  in 
various  parts  and  ages  of  the  world,  and  remember  that  Seliish- 
ness  hath  been  the  Original  Cause  of  them  all;  If  we  consider 
that  those  who  are  finally  possessed  with  this  Selfish  Spirit,  not 
only  Afflict  others,  but  are  afflicted  themselves,  and  have  no  real 
quietness  in  this  life,  nor  in  futurity,  but  according  to  the  Saying 
of  Christ,  have  their  portion  in  that  uneasie  condition,  "where  the 
worm  dieth  not,  and  the  fire  is  not  quenched:"  [Under  all  these 
Circumstances,  how  Terrible  does  this  Selfishness  appear?]  If 
we  consider  the  havock  that  is  made  in  this  age,  &  how  numbers 
of  people  are  hurried  on,  Striving  to  Collect  Treasures  to  please 
that  mind  which  wanders  from  perfect  resigoedness,  and  in  that 
wisdom  which  is  foolishness  with  God,  are  perverting  the  true 
use  of  things,  Labouring  as  in  the  Fire,  Contending  with  one  an- 
other, even  unto  Blood,  and  Exerting  their  power  to  support  ways 
of  living,  foreign  to  the  life  of  one  wholly  Crucified  to  the  world : 
If  we  consider  what  great  numbers  of  people  are  Employed  in 
different  Kingdoms  preparing  the  materials  of  war,  and  the 
Labour  &  Toyl  of  armies  set  apart  for  protecting  their  respective 
Territories  from  the  Incursions  of  others,  and  the  Extensive 
miseries  which  attend  their  Engagements:  While  many  of  those 
who  Till  the  land,  and  are  Employed  in  other  useful  things:  in 
Supporting  themselves,  Supporting  those  Employed  in  Military 
AflFairs,  and  some  who  own  the  soil,  have  great  hardships  to  en- 
counter through  too  much  Labour.  While  others  in  several  king- 
doms are  busied  in  fetching  men  to  help  Labour  from  distant 
parts  of  the  World,  to  spend  the  remainder  of  their  lives  in  the 
uncomfortable  Condition  of  Slaves,  and  that  Self  is  at  the  bottom 
of  these  proceedings.  Amidst  all  this  Confusion  and  these  Scenes 
of  Sorrow  and  distress,  can  we  remember  the  Prince  of  Peace, 
Remember  that  we  are  his  Disciples,  &  Remember  that  Example  of 
Humility  and  plainness  which  he  set  for  us,  without  feeling  an 
earnest  desire  to  be  disentangled  from  everything  connected  with 
selfish  customs,  in  Food,  in  Raiment,  in  Houses,  and  all  things 
else?  That  being  of  Christ's  family,  and  walking  as  he  walked,  we 
may  Stand  in  that  uprightness  wherein  man  was  first  made,  and 
have  no  fellowship  with  those  Inventions  which  men  in  their 
fallen  wisdom  have  sought  out. 


4i8 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


In  the  selfish  spirit  standeth  Idolatry.  Did  our  blessed  R^ 
deemer  enable  his  family  to  endure  great  reproaches,  and  suffer 
cruel  torments  even  unto  death  for  their  testimony  against  the 
idolatry  of  those  times,  and  can  we  behold  the  prevalence  oj_ 
Idolatry,  though  under  a  difTerent  appearance  without 
jealous  over  ourselves  lest  we  unwarily  join  in  it? 

Those  faithful  Martyrs  refused  to  cast  incense  into  the  firt 
though  by  doing  it,  they  might  have  escaped  a  cruel  death.  Casting 
sweet-scented  matter  into  the  fire  to  make  a  comfortable  sn 
this  considered  separate  from  all  circumstances,  would  appear! 
be  of  small  consequence:  but  as  they  would  thereby  have  signil 
their  approbation  of  Idolatry,  it  was  necessarily  refused  by 
faithful.  Nor  can  we.  in  any  degree  depart  from  pure  universal 
Righteousness,  and  publicly  continue  in  that  which  is  not  agree- 
able to  the  Truth,  without  strengthening  the  hands  of  the  un- 
righteous, and  doing  that  which  in  the  nature  of  the  tiling  is  like 
oflFering  incense  to  an  Idol. 

Origen,  a  primitive  Christian,  it  is  reported  of  him,  that  ill 
time  of  unwatchfulness,  being  under  great  difficulty,  he  to 
incense  into  his  hand,  and  a  certain  heathen  to  forward  the  work 
took  hold  of  his  hand  and  Cast  the  incense  into  the  fire  on  thi 
Altar,  and  that  through  thus  far  complying,  he  was  released  from 
his  outward  trnuhle,  hut  afterward  greatly  bewailed  his  condi- 
tion as  one  fallen  from  a  gimd  estate  to  that  which  was 
worse. 

Thus  it  appears  that  a  small  degree  of  deliberate  compliance 
with  that  which  is  wrong  is  ver>'  dangerous,  and  the  case  of  Origen 
carries  in  it  an  Admonition  worthy  of  our  Notice. 


CHAPTER  X. 


"Are  not  two  Sparrows  sold  for  a  Farthing,  and  one  of  theitl 
shaM  not  fall  to  tlie  Ground  without  your  Father." 


The  way  of  Carrying  on  Wars,  common  in  the  world,  is  SO 

far   distinguishable    from   the  purity   of   Christ's  Religion,   that 

mny  scruple  to  joyn  in  them.    Those  who  arc  so  redeemed  from 

•,  Love  of  the  World,  as  to  possess  nothing  in  a  Selfish  Spirit, 


*R  THE  POOR 

[leir  "Life  is  hid  with  Christ  in  God,"  and  these  he  preserves  in 
Tesignedness,  even  in  times  of  Commotion. 

As  they  possess  nothing  but  what  pertains  to  His  family, 
anxious  thoughts  about  weahh  or  dominion  hath  h'ttle  or  nothing 
in  them  to  work  upon,  and  they  learn  contentment  in  being 
disposed  of  according  to  His  Will,  who  being  Omnipotent,  and 
always  mindful  of  his  Children,  causeth  all  things  to  work  for 
their  good.  But  where  that  spirit  works  which  loves  Riches; 
works,  &  in  its  working  gathers  wealth,  and  cleaves  to  customs 
which  have  their  Root  in  self  pleasing.  This  Spirit  thus  separat- 
ing from  Universal  Love,  seeks  help  from  that  power  which 
stands  in  the  Separation,  and  whatever  name  it  hath,  it  still 
desireth  to  defend  the  Treasures  thus  gotten.  This  is  like  a 
Chain,  where  the  end  of  one  link  encloses  the  end  of  another. 
The  rising  up  of  a  desire  to  obtain  wealth  is  the  beginning.  This 
desire  being  cherished  moves  to  action,  and  riches  thus  gotten 
pleace  self  and  while  self  hath  a  life  in  them  it  desires  to  have  them 
defended. 

Wealth  is  attended  with  Power,  by  which  Bargains  and  pro- 
ceedings contrary  to  Universal  Righteousness  are  Supported,  and 
here  Oppression,  carried  on  with  worldly  policy  &  order,  cloathes 
itself  with  the  name  of  Justice,  and  becomes  Hke  a  seed  of  Discord 
in  the  soyl :  and  as  this  spirit  which  wanders  from  the  pure  Habi- 
tation prevails,  so  the  seed  of  War  Swells  &  Sprouts  and  grows 
&  becomes  Strong,  till  much  fruit  are  ripened.  Thus  cometh  the 
Harvest  spoken  of  by  the  prophet,  which  "is  a  Heap,  in  the  Day 
of  Grief  &  of  desperate  Sorrow." 

Oh !  that  we  who  declare  against  wars,  and  Acknowledge  our 
trust  to  he  in  God  only,  may  walk  in  the  Light,  and  therein 
examine  our  Foundation  &  motives  in  holding  great  Estates:  May 
we  look  upon  our  Treasures,  and  the  furniture  of  our  Houses, 
and  the  Garments  in  which  we  array  ourselves,  and  try  whether 
the  seeds  of  war  have  any  nourishment  in  these  our  possessions, 
or  not.  Holding  Treasures  in  the  Self  pleasing  Spirit  is  a  Strong 
plant,  the  fruit  whereof  ripens  fast. 

A  day  of  outward  Distress  is  coming,  and  Divine  Love  calls 
to  prepare  for  it.  Hearken  then,  O  ye  Children  who  have  known 
the  Light,  and  come  forth!  Leave  every  thing  which  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  does  not  own.     Think  not  his  pattern  too  plain  or 


420 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


r 

^H  too  coarse  for  you.    Think  not  a  Small  portion  in  this  life  too 

^H  little :  but  let  us  live  in  His  Spirit,  &  walk  as  he  walked,  and  be 

^H  will  preserve  us  in  the  greatest  Troubles. 

^1  hai 

^r  iin 


CHAPTER  XI. 


"The  Heaven,  even  the  Heavens  are  the  Lord's;  but  the  Earth 
hath  he  given  to  the  children  of  men."    Psal.  115:16. 


As  Senants  of  God,  what  Land  or  Estates  we  hold,  we  hold 
under  him  as  his  gifts;  and  in  applying  the  profits,  it  is  our  duty 
to  act  consistently  with  the  Design  of  Our  Benefactor.  Imperfect 
men  may  give  on  motives  of  Misguided  Affection,  but  Perfect 
Wisdom  &  Goodness  gives  agreeable  to  his  own  Nature ;  nor  is 
this  gift  absolute,  but  conditional,  for  us  to  occupy  as  dutiful 
Children,  and  not  otherwise;  for  he  alone  is  the  true  proprietor. 
'The  World,"  saith  He,  "is  mine,  and  the  fulness  thereof." 
Psal.  xxiv.  I. 

The  Inspired  Law  giver  directed  that  such  of  the  Israelites  as 
sold  their  Inheritance,  should  sell  it  for  a  term  only ;  and  that  thvf 
or  their  Children  should  again  enjoy  it  in  the  year  of  Jubilee, 
settled  on  every  Fiftieth  year.  "The  land  shall  not  be  sold  for 
ever ;  for  the  Land  is  mine,  saith  the  Lord,  for  ye  are  Strangers, 
and  Sojourners  with  me."  Levit.  xxv.  2^.  The  design  of  which 
was  to  prevent  the  Rich  from  Oppressing  the  poor,  by  too  much 
engrossing  the  Land.  And  Our  Blessed  Redeemer  said,  "Till 
heaven  and  earth  pass,  one  jot  or  one  Tittle  shall  in  no  wise  pass 
from  the  Law  till  all  be  fumiled." 

Where  Divine  love  takes  place  in  the  Hearts  of  any  people, 
and  they  steadily  act  on  a  principle  of  Universal  Righteousness, 
there  the  true  intent  of  the  Law  is  fulfilled,  though  their  outward 
modes  of  proceeding  may  be  distinguishable  from  one  another: 
But  where  men  are  possessed  by  that  Spirit  hinted  at  by  the 
Prophet,  and  looking  over  their  wealth,  say  in  tlieir  hearts,  "Have 
we  not  taken  to  us  Horns  by  our  own  Strength?"  Here  they 
deviate  from  the  Divine  Law,  and  do  not  account  their  posses- 
sions so  strictly  God's,  nor  the  weak  &  poor  entitled  to  so  much 
of  the  increase  thereof,  but  that  they  may  indulge  their  desires 


f 


A  PLEA  FOR  THE  POOR 


421 


in  conforming  to  worldly  pomp.  And  thus  where  House  is  joined 
to  House,  and  Field  laid  to  Field,  till  there  is  00  place,  and  the 
poor  are  thereby  straitened ;  though  this  be  done  by  Bargain  & 
Purchase,  yet  so  far  as  it  Stands  distinguished  from  Universal 
Love,  so  far  that  WO,  prefixed  by  the  Prophet  will  accompany 
their  proceedings.^ 

As  He  who  first  formed  the  Earth  out  of  nothing  was  then 
the  true  Proprietor  of  it,  so  He  still  remains ;  and  though  he  hath 
given  it  to  the  Children  of  men,  so  that  multitudes  of  people  have 
had  sustenance  from  it,  while  they  continued  here,  yet  he  hath 
never  Aliened  it,  but  his  Right  to  give  is  as  good  as  the  first, 
nor  Can  any  apply  the  increase  of  their  possessions  contrary  to 
LTniversal  Love :  nor  dispose  of  Lands  in  a  way  which  they  know 
tends  to  Exalt  some,  by  Oppressing  others,  without  being  justly 
chargeable  with  Usurpation. 


CHAPTER  Xn. 

If  we  count  back  one  hundred  &  Fifty  years,  and  compare 
the  Inhabitants  of  Great  Britain  with  the  Natives  of  North 
America  on  the  like  Compass  of  ground,  the  Natives  I  suppose, 
would  bear  a  small  proportion  to  the  others.  On  the  discovery 
of  this  fertile  Continent,  many  of  those  thick  setled  Inhabitants 
coming  over,  the  Natives  generally  treated  them  kindly,  at  the 
first  and  as  those  brought  Iron  Tools,  and  a  Variety  of  things  con- 
venient for  man's  Use,  these  gladly  embraced  the  Oportunity  of 
Traflfick,  and  encouraged  those  foreigners  to  settle.  I  speak 
only  of  Improvements  made  peaceably. 

Thus  our  Gracious  Father,  who  at  the  same  time  beholds  the 
scituation  of  all  His  Creatures,  hath  opened  a  way  to  come  from 
a  thick  setled  Land,  and  given  us  some  room  in  this.     Now  if 

» Woolinan  here  has  a  tnargint]  not<— "Let  this  be  left  out,"  referring  to  the 
following  paragraph:  "When  God  promised  the  Land  of  Canaan  to  Abraham.  He  aaid. 
To  thee  will  I  give  it  ft  to  thy  wed  forever."  [Gen.  XIII.  15.I  To  Jacob  He  uid. 
The  Land  which  I  gave  Abraham  and  Isaac,  to  thee  will  I  give  it.  &  to  thy  Seed 
after  thee  will  I  give  the  Land.  JGen.  XXXV,  la.]  The  way  of  Expressing  la  here 
very  initructive.  The  Lord  speaks  of  Givinj:  as  a  thing  doing  &  to  be  done,  ft  not 
as  a  tbing  finiahed.  In  rehearsinR  to  Jacob  the  Gifts  He  made  to  Abraham  and  I»aac, 
He  raentiona  the  same  Land  as  His  own.  and  though  He  promiicth  it  to  Israel,  He 
still  retains  the  property  in  Himself  to  give  to  Others  in  futurity:  "To  thy  teed  after 
tbee   will   I  give  the   Land."     MS.   A.,  p.    17J. 


422  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

we  attentively  consider  the  turning  of  God's  hand,  in  thus  far 
giving  us  room  on  this  Continent,  and  that  the  offspring  of  thost 
antient  possessors  of  the  Country,  {in  whose  eyes  we  appear  as 
new  comers,]  are  yet  owners  and  Inhabiters  of  the  Land  adjoin- 
ing to  us;  And  that  their  way  of  h"fe,  requiring  much  room,  hath 
been  transmitted  to  them  ftom  their  predecessors,  and  probably 
setled  by  the  Customs  of  a  great  many  ages:  under  these  consid- 
erations, we  may  see  the  Necessity  of  Cultivating  the  Lands 
already  Obtained  of  them,  and  Applying  the  increase  consistant 
with  true  wisdom,  so  as  to  accommodate  the  greatest  number  of 
people  it  is  capable  of,  before  we  have  any  Right  to  plead,  as 
members  of  the  one  great  Family,  the  Equity  of  tlieir  Assigning 
to  us  more  of  their  possessions,  and  living  in  a  way  requiring 
less  room. 

Did  we  all  walk  as  became  the  followers  of  our  Blessed 
Saviour,  were  all  the  fruits  of  our  Country  retained  in  it,  which 
are  sent  abroad  in  return  for  such  Strong  drink,  such  costly 
Array,  and  other  Luxuries  which  we  should  then  have  no  use  for; 
and  the  I^ibour  &  Expense  of  Importing  &  Exporting  applied  to 
Husbandry  and  L^seful  Trades,  a  much  greater  number  of  people 
than  now  reside  here,  might  with  the  Divine  Blessing  Uve  0 
fortably  on  the  Lands  already  granted  us  by  those  Antient  po: 
sors  of  the  Country. 

If  we  Faithfully  serve  God  who  has  given  us  some  room  on 
this  Land,  I  believe  He  will  make  some  of  us  useful  amongst  iherr. 
both  in  publishing  the  Doctrines  of  his  Son  our  Saviour,  Jesm 
Christ,  &  in  pointing  out  to  them  the  advantages  of  Replenishing 
the  Earth  &  subduing  it. 

Some  I  expect  will  be  careful  for  such  poor  people  abniad. 
who  earn  their  Bread  in  preparing  &  trading  in  those  things, 
which  we  as  true  Disciples,  living  in  a  ])lainness  like  our  Heavenly 
Pattern,  should  have  no  use  for.  But  laying  aside  all  Superflui- 
ties &  Luxuries,  while  people  are  so  much  thicker  Setled  in  some 
parts  than  in  others,  a  Trade  in  some  Serviceable  Articles  may 
be  to  mutual  advantage,  and  carried  on  with  much  more  regu- 
larity &  satisfaction  to  a  Sincere  Christian  than  the  Trade  now 
generaly  is. 

One  person  in  Society  continuing  to  live  contrary  to  true 
Wisdom,  commonly  draws  others  into  connexion  witli  him,  and 


>eoplc  I 
Com- 1 

3SM|I 


I 


A  PLEA  FOR  THE  POOR 


423 


where  these  embrace  the  way  this  first  hath  Chosen,  their  pro- 
ceedings are  hke  a  wild  Vine,  which  springing  from  a  Single  Seed, 
&  growing  strong  the  branches  extend,  and  their  little  twineing 
holders  twists  round  all  herbs  and  boughs  of  Trees  where  they 
reach,  and  are  so  braced  and  locked  in,  that  without  much  labour 
or  great  Strength  they  are  not  disentangled. 

Thus  these  Customs,  small  in  their  beginning,  as  they  increase 
they  promote  business  &  traffic,  and  many  depend  on  them  for  a 
living.  But  as  it  is  evident  that  all  business  which  hath  not  its 
Foundation  in  true  Wisdom,  is  unbecoming  a  Faithful  follower  of 
Christ,  who  Loves  God,  not  only  with  all  his  Heart,  but  with  all 
his  Strength  &  Ability  to  Labour  and  act  in  the  world.  And 
as  the  Lord  is  able,  &  will  support  those  whose  Hearts  are  perfect 
towards  him,  in  a  way  agreeable  to  his  unering  Wisdom,  it 
becomes  us  to  meditate  on  the  privileges  of  His  Children,  To 
remember  that  where  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  is  there  is  Liberty, 
&  that  in  joining  to  Customs  which  we  know  are  wrong,  there 
is  a  departing  from  the  purity  of  his  Government,  and  a  certain 
degree  of  Alienation  from  Him. 

To  lay  aside  Curious  costly  Attire,  and  use  that  only  which 
is  plain  &  Serviceable;  To  cease  from  all  superfluities,  &  too 
much  strong  drink,  are  agreeable  to  the  Doctrine  of  our  Blessed 
Redeemer,  and  if  in  the  Integrity  of  our  Hearts  we  do  so,  we 
in  some  degree  contribute  towards  lessening  that  business  which 
hath  its  foundation  in  a  wrong  spirit,  and  as  some  well  inclined 
people  are  entangled  in  such  business,  and  at  times  have  a  desire 
of  being  freed  from  it,  our  ceasing  from  these  things  may 
be  made  helpful  to  them:  and  though  for  a  time  tlieir  business 
fail,  yet,  if  they  humbly  ask  wisdom  of  God,  and  are  truly 
resigned  to  him,  he  will  not  fail  them,  nor  forsake  them. 

He  who  Created  the  Earth,  &  hath  provided  Sustenance  for 
Millions  of  people  in  past  ages,  is  now  as  attentive  to  the  necessi- 
ties of  his  Children  as  ever.  To  press  forward  toward  perfection 
is  our  Duty,  &  if  herein  we  lessen  some  business,  by  which  some 
poor  people  earn  their  Bread,  the  Lord  who  calls  to  cease  from 
these  things,  will  take  care  of  those  whose  business  fails  by  it  if 
they  sincerely  seek  to  Him. 

H  the  Connexions  we  have  with  the  Inhabitants  of  these 
provinces,  and  our  Interest  consider 'd  as  distinct  from  others 


h 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

eopt§t  MB  to  promote  plain  living  in  order  to  enrich  our  ows 
Coimtry,  Though  a  plain  life  is  in  itself  best,  yet  by  living  plain 
m  a  selfish  spirit,  we  advance  not  forward  in  true  Religion- 
Divine  Love  which  enlarges  the  Heart  toward  mankind  Uni- 
versally, is  that  alone  which  can  rightly  stop  every  Corrupt 
Stream,  and  open  those  Channels  of  Business  &  Commerce,  where 
nothing  runs  that  is  not  pure,  and  so  establish  our  goings,  that 
when  in  our  Labour  we  Meditate  on  the  Universal  Love  of  God, 
&  the  Harmony  of  Holy  Angels,  This  Serenity  of  our  minds  may 
never  be  Clouded  in  remembering  that  some  part  of  our  Employ- 
ment tends  tn  Support  Customs  which  have  their  foundation  in 
llic  Self  Seeking  Spirit 

CHAPTER  XHI. 

While  our  minds  are  prepossessed  in  favour  of  Customs  dis- 
tinguishable from  perfect  purity,  we  are  in  danger  of  not  attend- 
ing with  singleness  to  that  Light  which  opens  to  our  view  the 
nature  of  Universal  Righteousness. 

In  the  aiTairs  of  a  thick  setled  Country  are  variety  of  Useful 
lunployments,  besides  tilling  the  Earth;  that  for  some  men  to 
have  no  more  Land  than  is  necessary  to  build  on,  and  to  answer 
the  Ocasions  relative  to  the  Family  m^iy  consist  with  Brotherhood: 
&  from  the  various  gifts  which  God  hath  bestowed  on  those 
employ'd  in  Husbandry,  for  some  to  possess,  &  occupy  much 
mure  than  others,  may  likewise.  But  where  any  on  the  StrengA 
of  their  possessions,  demands  such  Rent  or  Interest  as  necessitates 
those  who  hire  of  them,  to  a  closer  Application  to  business  thad 
our  Merciful  Father  designed  for  us,  this  puts  the  wheels  of 
perfect  brotherhood  out  of  order,  and  leads  to  employments,  the 
promoting  of  which  belongs  not  to  the  Family  of  Christ,  Whose 
Example  in  all  part,  being  a  pattern  of  wisdom,  so  the  Plainness 
8l  Simplicity  of  his  outward  appearance,  may  well  make  us 
ashamed  to  Adorn  our  Bodies  in  costly  Array,  or  treasure  up 
Wealth  by  the  least  Opression. 

The  Soy  I  yields  us  Support,  and  is  profitable  for  man;  & 
though  some  possessing  a  larger  share  of  these  profits  than  others, 
may  consist  with  the  Harmony  of  true  Brotherhood,  yet  that  the 
poorest  people  who  are  Honest,  so  long  as  they  remain  Inhabitants 


I 


A  PLEA  FOR  THE  POOR 


425 


of  the  Earth  are  entitled  to  a  certain  portion  of  these  profits,  in 
as  dear  &  absolute  a  sense  as  those  who  Inherit  much,  I  helieve 
will  be  agreed  to  by  those  whose  hearts  are  Enlarged  with  Uni- 
versal Love. 

The  first  people  who  Inhabited  the  Earth,  were  the  first 
who  had  possession  of  the  SoyL  The  Gracious  Creator  &  Owner 
of  it,  gave  the  Fruits  thereof  for  their  Use.  And  as  one  genera- 
tion passed  away,  another  came  &  took  possession,  and  thus 
through  many  Ages,  Innumerable  multitudes  of  people  have  been 
supplied  by  the  Fruits  of  the  Earth.  But  our  Gracious  Creator 
is  as  absolutely  the  owner  of  it  as  he  was  when  he  first  formed  it 
out  of  nothing,  before  man  had  possession  of  it.  And  though  by 
Claims  grounded  on  prior  possession  great  inequality  appears 
amongst  men,  yet  the  instructions  of  the  Great  Proprietor  of  the 
Earth,  are  necessary  to  be  attended  to  in  all  our  proceedings,  as 
possessors  or  Claimers  of  the  profits  of  Soyl.  The  steps  of  a 
good  man  are  ordered  of  the  Lord  and  those  who  are  thus  guided, 
whose  hearts  are  enlarged  in  his  Love,  give  directions  concerning 
their  possessions  agreeably  thereto;  and  that  Claim  which  stands 
on  Universal  Righteousness  is  a  good  Right,  but  the  Continuance 
of  that  Right  depends  on  properly  applying  the  profits  thereof. 

The  word  Right,  is  commonly  used  relative  to  our  possessions. 
We  say,  a  Right  of  propriety  to  such  a  Dividend  of  a  Province; 
or  a  clear  indisputable  Right  to  the  Land  within  such  certain 
Bounds.  Thus  this  word  is  continued  as  a  remembrancer  of  the 
Original  intent  of  Dividing  the  Land  by  Boundaries,  and  implies, 
that  it  was  designed  to  be  Equitably  or  Rightly  divided:  to  be 
divided  according  to  Righteousness.  In  this,  that  is,  in  Equity 
and  Righteousness,  consists  the  Strength  of  our  Qaims.  H  we 
trace  an  Unrighteous  claim,  &  find  gifts  or  Grants  to  be  proved 
by  sufficient  seals  &  Witnesses,  this  gives  not  the  Claimant  a  Right: 
for  that  which  is  Oposite  to  Righteousness  is  wrong,  and  the 
nature  of  it  must  be  changed  before  it  can  be  Right. 

Suppose  twenty  free  men  professed  followers  of  Christ,  dis- 
covered an  Island  unknown  to  all  other  people,  and  that  they 
with  their  Wives,  Independent  of  all  others  took  possession  of  it, 
and  dividing  it  Equitably  made  Improvements,  &  Multiplied.  Sup- 
pose these  first  possessors,  being  generally  Influenced  by  true 
Love,  did  with  paternal  regard  look  over  the  increasing  condition 


426  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


of  the  Inhabitants,  and  near  the  end  of  their  lives,  gave  such  di- 
rections concerning  their  respective  possessions,  as  best  smted 
the  convenience  oi  the  whole,  and  tended  to  preserve  Love  & 
Hannony,  &  that  their  successors  in  the  continued  increase  U 
people,  generally  followed  their  Pious  examples,  and  pursued 
means  the  most  effectual  to  keep  Oppression  out  of  their  Island: 
But  that  one  of  these  hrst  settlers,  from  a  fond  attachment  to  one 
of  his  numerous  Sons,  no  more  deserving  than  the  rest,  gives  tbe 
chief  of  his  Lands  to  him,  and  by  an  Instrument  sufficiently  wit- 
nessed, strongly  expresses  his  mind  and  Will. 

Suppose  this  Son  being  Landlord  to  his  Brethren  &  Nephews, 
demands  such  a  portion  of  the  Fruits  of  the  Earth,  as  may  supply 
him  &  his  Family  and  some  others;  and  that  these  others,  thus 
supplied  out  of  his  Store,  are  Employed  in  adorning  his  Buildings 
with  ciu'ious  Engravings  and  Paintings,  preparing  Carriages  to 
ride  in,  Vessels  for  his  House,  Delicious  Meats,   fine-wrought 
Apparel  &   Furniture,   all   suiting   that  distinction   lately   arisen 
between  him  &  the  other  Inhabitants,  And  that,  having  the  ab- 
solute disposal  of  these  numerous  Improvements,  his  Power  so 
increaseth,  that  in  all  conferences  relative  to  the  publick  Affairs  of 
the  Island,  these  plain,  Honest  men  who  are  Zealous  for  Equitable 
Establishments,   find  great  difficulty  in  proceeding  agreeably  to 
their  Righteous  Inclinations,  while  he  stands  in  Oposition  to  them. 
Suppose  he  from  a  fondness  for  one  of  his  Sons,  joyned  with 
a  desire  to  continue  this  Grandeur  under  his  own  name,  confirms 
chief  of  his  possessions  to  him,  and  thus,  for  many  Ages,  on  near 
a  twentieth  part  of  this  Island,  there  is  one  great  Landlord,  and 
the  rest,  poor  Oppressed  people;  To  some  of  whom,  from  the 
manner  of  their  Education,  joyned  with  a  notion  of  the  greatness 
of  their  predecessors,  Labour  is  disagreeable;  who  therefore,  by 
artful  applications  to  the  weakness,  unguardedness.  and  Corrup- 
tion of  others,  in  striving  to  get  a  Uving  out  of  them,  increase  the 
difficulties  amongst  them;  while  the  Inhabitants  of  other  parts, 
who  guard  against  Oppression,  and  with  one  Consent  train  up 
their  Children  in  plainness,  frugality  and  useful  labour,  live  more 
harmonious. 

If  we  trace  the  cl^m  of  the  ninth  or  tenth  of  these  great  laiid- 

Virds  down  to  the  first  possessor,  &  find  the  Qaim  supported 

roughout  by  Instruments  strongly  drawn  and  witnessed,  after 


4 


A  PLEA  FOR  THE  POOR 


427 


all  we  could  not  admit  a  belief  into  our  Hearts  that  he  had  a 
Right  to  so  great  a  portion  of  Land,  after  such  a  numerous  in- 
crease of  Inhabitants. 

The  first  possessor  of  that  twentieth  part,  held  no  more  we 
suppose  than  an  Equitable  portion ;  but  when  the  Lord,  who  first 
gave  these  twenty  men  possession  of  this  Island,  unknown  to  all 
others,  gave  being  to  numerous  people,  who  Inhabited  this  twen- 
tieth part,  whose  natures  required  the  Fruits  thereof  for  their  sus- 
tenance, this  Great  Claimer  of  the  Soyl  could  not  have  a  Right  to 
the  whole,  to  dispose  of  it  in  gratifying  his  irregular  desires:  but 
they,  as  Creatures  of  the  Most  High  God,  possessor  of  Heaven  & 
Earth,  had  a  Right  to  part  of  what  this  Great  Claimer  held,  though 
they  had  no  Instruments  to  confirm  their  Right, 

Thus  Oppression  in  the  extreme  appears  terrible:  but  oppres- 
sion in  more  refined  appearances,  remains  to  lie  Oppression ;  and 
where  the  smallest  degree  of  it  is  cherished  it  grows  stronger 
and  more  extensive:  that  to  labour  for  a  perfect  redemption 
from  this  spirit  of  Oppression,  is  the  Great  Business  of  the  whole 
family  of  Christ  Jesus  in  this  world. 

CHAPTER    XIV. 

ON    SCHOOLS.^ 


When  we  are  thoroughly  Instructed  in  the  Kingdom  of  God, 
we  are  content  with  that  use  of  things  which  his  Wisdom  points 
out.  both  for  ourselves  and  our  children,  and  are  not  concerned 
to  teach  them  the  art  of  getting  Rich,  but  are  careful  that  the  love 
of  God,  and  a  right  regard  for  all  their  fellow -creatures  may  pos- 
sess their  minds;  and  that  in  all  their  learning,  their  Improve- 
ments may  go  forward  in  pure  Wisdom. 

Christ  our  Shepherd,  being  abundantly  able  and  willing  to 
Instruct  his  Family  in  all  things  proper  for  them  to  know,  It 
remains  to  be  our  Duty  to  wait  patiently  for  His  help  in  teach- 
ing our  Families,  and  not  seek  to  forward  them  in  Learning  by 
the  assistance  of  that  Spirit  From  which  He  gave  his  Life  to 
Redeem  us. 


L 


'  A    sitnilar    brief    Essay    On    Schools    may    he    found    in 
Wwdom    ind    Human    rulicy."    first    printed    in    I7S8> 


"ConBidcrations    on    Pure 


428 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


It  was  His  own  saying  that  the  Children  of  this  world  are  m 
their  Generation  wiser  than  the  Children  of  Light.  And  it  appears 
by  Experience,  that  in  awakening  &  Cherishing  the  Spirit  of  Pride 
and  the  love  of  Praise  in  Children,  they  may  sometimes  be  brougiit 
on  in  Learning,  faster  than  they  would  otherwise;  but  while 
in  learning  any  Art  or  Science,  they  accustom  themselves  to  dis- 
obey the  pure  Spirit,  and  grow  Strong  in  tliat  Wisdom  which  is 
fooh'shness  with  God,  they  must  liave  the  painful  Labour  of  un- 
learning a  part  of  what  they  thus  Learned,  before  they  are 
Adopted  into  the  Divine  Family.  It  is  therefore  good  for  us  in 
Schools  and  in  all  parts  of  Education,  to  attend  diligently  to  the 
Principle  of  Lhuvcrsal  Light;  and  patiently  wait  for  their  im- 
provement in  the  Channel  of  True  Wisdom,  without  endeavouring 
to  get  help  from  that  Spirit  which  seeks  Honour  from  men.  [It 
is  through  a  deviation  from  the  pure  Light,  that  people  desire 
help  from  the  Spirit  of  this  World  in  pushing  forward  their 
Children  in  Learning,  that  they  may  Save  out  of  their  Educa- 
tion to  Support  ways  of  Life  less  plain  and  Simple  than  what  our 
Holy  pattern  has  laid  down  for  us.] 

Children  in  an  age  fit  for  Schools,  are  in  a  time  of  Life  that 
requires  that  careful  &  patient  attendance  of  their  Tutors,  and 
such  a  diligent  observation  of  their  several  tempers  and  disposi- 
tions, as  that  they  may  be  Enabled  rightly  &  seasonably  to  Ad- 
minister to  each  Individual. 

Were  we  thoroughly  weaned  from  the  Love  of  wealth,  and 
fully  brought  out  of  all  Superfluities  in  living;  Employments 
about  vanities  being  finished,  &  labour  wanted  only  for  things 
consistent  with  a  Humble,  self-denying  life,  there  would  on  a 
Reasonable  Estimate  be  so  much  to  spare  on  the  Education  of 
our  Children,  that  a  plain,  Humble  man,  with  a  Family  like  him- 
self, might  be  furnished  with  a  living,  for  teaching  and  overseeing 
so  small  a  number  of  Children  that  he  might  properly  and  sea- 
sonably Administer  to  each  Individual,  and  gently  lead  them  on  as 
the  Gospel  Spirit  opened  the  way,  without  giving  countenance  to 
pride  or  evil  Emulation  amongst  them. 

The  management  of  Children  being  sometimes  committed 
to  men  who  do  not  live  under  the  Seasoning  Virtue  of  Truth,  is 
a  Case  that  requires  our  Serious  Consideration,  for  that  it  is 
our  Indispensable  duty  to  use  our  utmost  endeavours  in  their 


A  PLEA  FOR  THE  POOR 


429 


Education  to  bring  them  into  an  acquaintance  with  the  Inward 
Work  of  Grace.  And  where  a  Tutor  is  not  experienced  in  this 
work,  their  Spirit  and  Conduct,  in  Directing  and  ordering  the 
Children,  does  often  make  Impressions  on  their  tender  inexperi- 
enced minds  to  their  great  disadvantage. 

Again  where  pious  men  enter  into  this  Employ,  they  some- 
times find  it  difhcult  to  Support  their  Families,  without  taking 
charge  of  so  great  a  number  that  they  cannot  so  fully  attend  to  the 
Spirit  and  disposition  of  each  Individual  as  would  be  profitable 
to  the  Children.  A  large  number  of  Children  in  a  School  is  often 
a  hea\'y  weight  on  the  mind  of  an  honest  Tutor,  and  when  his 
thoughts  and  lime  are  so  much  taken  up  in  the  more  outward 
afifairs  of  the  School  that  he  cannot  so  attend  to  the  Spirit  and 
temper  of  each  Individual,  as  to  administer  rightly  and  Season- 
ably»  in  the  line  of  true  Judgment;  there  the  minds  of  Children 
often  Suffer,  and  a  wrong  Spirit  gains  Strength,  which  fre- 
quently increases  Difficulties  in  a  School,  and  like  an  Infection 
spreads  from  one  to  another. 

A  man  influenced  by  the  Spirit  of  Truth,  Employing  his  time 
in  Tutoring  Children,  while  he  hath  only  such  a  number  that  the 
manifestation  of  Divine  Strength  in  him,  is  superior  to  the 
instability  in  them ;  This  good  Spirit  in  which  he  governs,  does 
measurably  work  on  their  minds,  and  tends  to  bring  them  for- 
ward in  tlie  Christian  Life.  But  where  the  straitness  of  a  man's 
Circumstances,  joyned  with  the  small  wages  set  on  teaching 
children  proves  a  Temptation  and  so  enters  into  his  Heart  that  he 
takes  charge  of  too  many  for  the  measure  of  his  Gift;  or  where 
the  desire  for  wealth  so  corrupts  the  heart  of  any,  that  they 
take  charge  of  too  many,  here  the  true  order  of  a  Christian  Edu- 
cation  is  frustrated. 

To  watch  the  spirit  of  Children  in  school,  and  Labour  to  bring 
them  on  as  Lambs  in  tlie  flock  of  Christ,  [I  believe  will  be  granted 
by  all  pious  people]  is  of  greater  moment  than  their  improvement 
in  the  knowledge  of  Letters.  But  where  a  man  hath  charge 
of  a  number  too  great  for  that  degree  of  Strength  with  which  the 
Lord  hath  endowed  him.  he  not  only  suffers  as  to  the  state  of  his 
own  mind,  but  the  Children  suffer  also :  and  Government  not  being 
supported  in  the  t -ue  Christian  Spirit,  the  pure  witness  is  not 
reached  in  the  minds  of  the  Children. 


1  Cii*  :>ir  rec:£rK  c>cr  S<t>:c5  CocsaSenxxso.  for 

OCT  I^iisoessaVOe  <5ntT  to  e»  c^sr  irmfyt 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

To  Educate  Cliildren  in  the  way  of  true  piety  &  Virtue  is  a 
duty  incumbent  on  all  of  us  who  have  them;  and  our  Heavenly 

Father  requires  no  duties  of  us  but  what  he  gives  strength  to  per- 
form, as  we  humbly  seek  to  Him.  That  though  to  the  Eye  of 
Reason  the  difficulties  appear  great,  in  many  places^  which  attend 
Instructing  our  Children  in  useful  Learning,  yet  if  we  obediently 
attend  to  that  wisdom  which  is  from  above,  Our  Gracious  Father 
will  open  a  way  for  us  to  give  them  such  an  Education  as  he 
requires  of  us. 

And  here  I  may  say  that  my  mind  hath  been  sorrowfully 
affected  on  account  of  some^  who  from  a  desire  for  wealth,  a  desire 
to  conform  in  living  to  those  ways  distinguishable  from  the  true 
Christian  Spirit,  exert  themselves  in  things  relating  to  this  life, 
and  do  not  enough  lay  to  heart  the  suffering  condition  of  youth 
in  many  places,  through  want  of  pious  Examples,  and  Tutors 
whose  minds  are  seasoned  with  the  Spirit  of  Truth. 

Are  great  labours  performed  to  gain  wealth  for  posterity? 
Are  many  supported  with  wages  to  furm'sh  us  with  delicacies,  and 
Luxuries  ? 

Are  monies  expended  for  collours  to  please  the  eye,  which 
renders  our  Garments  less  Serviceable? 

Are  Garments  of  a  curious  Texture  purchased  at  a  high  rate, 
for  the  sake  of  their  delicacy  ? 

Are  there  various  branches  of  workmanship  only  ornamental, 
in  the  building  of  our  Houses,  Hanging  by  our  Walls  and  Parti- 
tions, and  to  be  seen  in  our  Furniture  and  Apparel  ? 

And  amidst  alt  these  Expenses,  which  the  pure  Truth  docs  not 
require  of  us,  do  we  send  our  Children  to  men  to  get  Learning, 
who  we  believe  are  not  influenced  by  the  Spirit  of  Truth ;  Rather 
than  humbly  wait  on  the  Lord  for  wisdom  to  direct  us  in  their 
Education  ? 

To  commit  children  to  the  Tuition  of  men  who  we  believe  are 
not  rightly  Qualified  to  lead  them  on  in  the  true  Christian  Life, 
I  believe  no  pious  man  will  say  is  required  o*^  us  as  a  duty. 

To  do  evil  that  good  may  come  of  it,  is  contrary  to  the  doc- 
trine of  Christianity.  That  when  times  are  so  cloudy  that  w« 
cannot  go  forward  in  the  way  of  clearness  and  purity,  it  behoves 
us,  in  the  depth  of  Humility,  to  wait  on  the  Lord  to  know  His 
mind  concerning  us  and  our  Children. 


i 


L 


A  PLEA  FOR  THE  POOR  431 

CHAPTER  XV 

ON   MASTERS  AND  SERVANTS 

Servants,  be  obedient  to  them  that  are  your  masters  according 
to  the  flesh,  with  fear  and  trembling,  in  singleness  of  your  heart, 
as  unto  Christ.    Eph.  vi.  5. 

It  is  observable  in  several  places,  where  the  Apostle  writes 
to  servants,  that  he  labours  to  direct  their  Minds  to  the  true 
Light ;  that  in  labouring  in  the  condition  of  servants  they  might,  as 
the  Apostle  expresseth  it,  do  the  will  of  God  from  the  heart, 
Ephes.  vi.  6;  that  their  labours  might  not  be  like  those  of  men 
pleasers,  but  in  singleness  of  heart  fearing  God,  and  that  whatso- 
ever they  did.  they  might  do  it  Heartily,  as  to  the  Lord,  and  not 
unto  men.    Col.  iii.  23. 

As  the  pure  principle  of  Righteousness  is  the  Foundation 
whereon  the  pure  in  heart  stand,  so  their  proceedings  are  con- 
sistent Therewith,  and  while  they  encourage  to  an  upright  per- 
formance of  every  Reasonable  duty  on  one  Hand  they  guard  on  the 
other,  against  servants  actively  complying  with  unrighteous  com- 
mands, doing  service  as  to  the  Lord  and  not  unto  men.  ver.  7. 
By  which  we  are  instructed  in  the  necessity  of  a  humble  walking 
before  God;  that  by  faithfully  attending  on  the  leadings  of  his 
holy  Spirit,  our  Senses  may  be  exercised  to  discern  both  good  & 
evil.  Heb.  v.  14.  And  that  as  the  righteous  commands  of  Masters 
ought  to  be  obeyed  because  they  were  Righteous,  so  on  the 
contrary.  Such  commands  of  Men  which  cannot  be  performed 
without  disobeying  God,  were  not  sufficient  for  a  Servant  of 
Christ  to  proceed  upon;  but  herein  we  ought  to  Obey  God  rather 
than  Men. 

The  present  concern  of  my  Mind  is,  that  all  who  are  in  the 
station  of  Masters,  may  Seriously  consider  this  Subject,  and  de- 
mand nothing  of  servants,  which  is  unreasonable,  or  that  in  the 
performance  of  which  they  must  necessarily  act  contrary  to  Uni- 
versal Righteousness. 

A  Pious  Father  hath  a  Conscientious  care  for  his  Children, 
that  by  his  labours  they  may  be  rightly  educated,  and  have  some 
things   which   necessarily   relate  to   their  first   Settleing  in  the 


■ 


432  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

World.     But  where  a  man  seeth  his  Righteous  intentions 
verted,  and  his  labours  made  to  serve  puq)Oses  which  are 
equitable,  and  hath  no  hopes  of  a  remedy,  his  case  is  very  grievo 
for  here  however  disposed  to  labour,  he  cannot  Labour  He 
as  to  the  Lord,  and  not  unto  Men, 

To  comply  with  demands  that  are  not  equitable,  is  afflicting  t^ 
a  well  disposed  Mind:  for  a  Man  in  power  to  demand  service  of 
another,  without  proposing  an  Equitable  reward,  appears  to  me  to 
have  the  spirit  of  persecution  in  it. 

Upright  Men  Labouring  in  Temporal  affairs,  have  in  view 
to  do  good  thereby,  they  labour  because  they  are  convinced  it  is 
their  duty.  But  where  labours  not  equitably  due,  are  required 
of  them  to  gratify  the  covetous,  Luxurious,  or  Ambitious  designs 
of  Others,  this  lays  conscientious  Men  under  great  difficulty.  If 
they  comply  not,  they  are  liable  to  punishment;  and  if  they  ^o 
that  which  they  believe  is  not  right  for  them  to  do,  they  wound 
their  own  Souls. 

CHAPTER  XVL 

To  keep  Negroes  as  Servants  till  they  are  Thirty  years  of  age, 
and  hold  the  profits  of  the  last  nine  years  of  their  labour  as  our 
own,  on  a  Suppositioi^  that  they  may  some  time  be  an  expense 
to  our  states,  is  a  way  of  proceeding  which  appears  to  admit  o{ 
improvement. 

Reasons  offered,  ist.  Men  of  mature  age,  who  have  walked 
orderly,  and  made  no  contract  to  serve,  that  they  are  entitled 
to  freedom  I  expect  is  generally  agreed  to;  and  to  make  them 
serve  as  Slaves  Nine  years  longer,  may  be  to  keep  them  slaves 
for  term  of  Life.  They  may  die  before  that  age,  and  be  no  expense 
to  us ;  and  may  leave  Children  to  whom,  with  reason,  they  might 
in  their  last  Sickness,  desire  to  give  the  monies  they  had  earned 
after  they  had  paid  for  their  own  Education. 

2d.  The  Labour  of  a  healthy,  Industrious  Negro  Man  for 
nine  years,  I  suppose  at  a  moderate  computation,  may  not  be  less 
than  Fifty  pounds  proclamation  money  besides  his  Diet  and 
Clothing  Now  if  this  money  be  earned,  either  in  the  service  of 
the  Man  who  Educated  him,  or  laid  by  in  yearly  proportion  under 
the  care  of  the  said  Man,  and  put  out  at  a  moderate  interest  for 


A  PLEA  FOR  THE  POOR 


433 


L 


the  Negroes  Use ;  and  to  be  applied  to  his  future  necessities,  or  to 
such  honest  purposes  as  he  by  his  last  will  might  direct,  this 
would  appear  to  us  a  more  brotherly  way  of  proceeding,  were 
we  in  the  Negroes  Condition. 

3d.  Pure  goodness  tendeth  to  beget  its  own  likeness,  and  where 
men  are  convinced  that  the  conduct  of  those  who  have  power  over 
them  is  Equitable,  it  naturally  Yields  encouragement  for  them  to 
provide  against  old  age.  The  pure  witness  being  reached,  a  care 
is  thereby  incited  that  they  may  not  become  a  burden  on  the 
states  of  those  whom  they  have  found  to  be  honest  Men,  and 
true  Friends  to  them,  but  where  men  have  laboured  without  wages 
nine  years  longer  than  is  common  with  other  Men  amongst  whom 
they  dwell,  and  then  set  free;  and  at  going  off,  are  Assured  that 
those  who  so  detained  them  are  largely  in  their  debt,  but  expect 
not  to  recover  the  debt  except  they  become  needy  when  unable 
to  help  themselves — Such  would  naturally  be  induced  to  think 
this  treatment  unbrotherly;  To  think  of  the  Reasonableness  of 
their  wages  being  some  time  paid;  To  think  that  the  state  in 
which  they  laboured  might  reasonably  assist  them  in  old  age, 
and  thus  be  tempted  to  decline  from  a  wise  application  to  busi- 
ness. 

4th.  If  I  see  a  Man  want  relief,  and  know  he  hath  money  in 

my  Hands  which  must  some  time  be  paid,  with  reasonable  use, 

either  to  him,  or  to  others  by  his  direction,  there  appears  in  this 

case  no  Temptation  to  withhold  it  at  the  time  I  saw  that  he 

wanted  it,  but  if  selfishness  so  far  prevail  in  me,  that  I  looked 

Upon  the  money  which  I  had  in  trust,  with  a  desire  to  keep  it 

from  the  true  owner,  and  through  the  strength  of  desire,  joined 

with  expectation,  at  length  so  far  consider  it  a  part  of  my  estate, 

as  to  apply  it  in  promoting  myself  or  my  Family  in  the  World,  and 

therewith  entered  into  expenses  which  a  humble  follower  of  Christ 

mi^ht  have  shuned:  here,  by  joyning  with  one  temptation  there  is 

great  danger  of  falling  into  more,  and  of  not  attending  to  the 

vk^ants  of  the  Man  who  had  monies  in  my  Hands,  with  that  care 

and  diligence  which  I  might  have  done,  had  the  Tempter  found  no 

entrance  into  my  Mind. 

5th.  H  we  righteously  account  for  the  monies  which  we  have 
in  Security,  with  a  reasonable  use  thereon,  and  frugally  expend 
the  whole  in  relieving  the  Man  who  earned  it;  and  more  being 


434  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


wanted,  the  public  refuseth  to  bear  any  part  of  th 
our  states  have  not  been  benefited  aforetime  by  the  labours  of  td 
Fathers  nor  Ancestors,  this  appears  to  be  a  case  wherein  Hat 
Righteous  suffer  for  the  Testimony  of  a  good  Conscience;  aud 
from  which  if  faithfully  attended  to  they  might  in  time,  I  trust 
hope  for  relief. 

6th.  The  negroes  have  been  a  suffering  people,  and  we  as  i 
civil  society  are  they  by  whom  they  have  suffered.  Now  where 
persons  have  been  injured  as  to  their  outward  substance  and  died 
without  having  recompense,  their  children  appear  to  have  a  right 
to  that  which  was  Equitably  due  to,  and  detained  from  thdr 
Fathers.*  [My  heart  is  Affected  with  Sorrow  while  I  write  on  this 
Subject,  on  account  of  the  great  injuries  committed  against  these 
Gentiles,  and  against  their  children  who  have  been  born  in  that 
Captivity  which  is  an  unrighteous  Captivity,  When  the  Ancestors 
of  these  people  were  imported  from  Africa,  some,  I  believe,  bought 
them  with  intent  to  treat  them  kindly  as  slaves.  They  bought 
them  as  though  those  violent  men  had  a  Right  to  sell  them,  but  1 
believe  without  weightily  considering  the  nature  and  tendency  of 
such  a  bargain,  and  thus  building  on  an  Unrighteous  Foundation, 
a  vail  was  gradually  drawn  over  a  practice  very  grievous,  and 
Afflicting  to  great  numbers  of  the  Gentiles.  A  care  is  now  rerive- 
ing  in  many  Places  that  this  Vail  may  be  yet  further  removed,  and 
that  this  Disorder  may  be  searched  to  the  bottom,  and  my  concern 
is  that  we  may  not  only  bear  in  Mind  that  the  Negroes  have  been 
a  Suffering  people  under  us  as  a  Civil  Society,  but  that  we  may 
in  true  Humiliation,  feel  for  that  pure  Influence  which  alone  is 
able  to  guide  us  in  the  way  where  healing  and  restoration  is 
perienced.]* 

Having  thus  far  spoken  of  the  negroes  as  equally  entitled' 
the  benefit  of  their  Labour  with  us,  I  feel  it  on  my  mind  to  men- 
tion that  debt  which  is  due  to  many  negroes  of  the  present  age. 
Where  men  within  certain  limmits  are  so  formed  into  a  Societ)'  as 
to  become  like  a  large  body  consisting  of  many  members,  here 
whatever  injuries  are  done  to  others  not  of  this  Society,  by  mem- 
bers of  this  Society,  if  the  Society  in  whose  power  it  is.  doth  not 

^  The  handwriting  changes  somewhat  at  this  point,  witfi  the  use  of  a  finer  pta  aad 
fewer  capitals, 

'  The   memorandum   is   pasted    in   at   this  point,   page    191,   MS.   A,  on 
slip  of  paper,  as  noted   in   the  Introduction  to  this  Essay. 


IC    13 

I 

ncn- 1 


^M 


n   a   icptftty 


A  PLEA  FOR  THE  POOR  433 

the  Negroes  Use ;  and  to  be  applied  to  his  future  necessities,  or  to 
luch  honest  purposes  as  he  by  his  last  will  might  direct,  this 
ivould  appear  to  us  a  more  brotherly  way  of  proceeding,  were 
ire  in  the  Negroes  Condition. 

3d.  Pure  goodness  tendeth  to  beget  its  own  likeness,  and  where 
men  are  convinced  that  the  conduct  of  those  who  have  power  over 
them  is  Equitable,  it  naturally  Yields  encouragement  for  them  to 
[)rovide  against  old  age.  The  pure  witness  being  reached,  a  care 
is  thereby  incited  that  they  may  not  become  a  burden  on  the 
states  of  those  whom  they  have  found  to  be  honest  Men,  and 
true  Friends  to  them,  but  where  men  have  laboured  without  wages 
nine  years  longer  than  is  common  with  other  Men  amongst  whom 
they  dwell,  and  then  set  free ;  and  at  going  off,  are  Assured  that 
those  who  so  detained  them  are  largely  in  their  debt,  but  expect 
not  to  recover  the  debt  except  they  become  needy  when  unable 
to  help  themselves — Such  would  naturally  be  induced  to  think 
this  treatment  unbrotherly;  To  think  of  the  Reasonableness  of 
their  wages  being  some  time  paid;  To  think  that  the  state  in 
which  they  laboured  might  reasonably  assist  them  in  old  age, 
and  thus  be  tempted  to  decline  from  a  wise  application  to  busi- 
ness. 

4th.  If  I  see  a  Man  want  relief,  and  know  he  hath  money  in 
my  Hands  which  must  some  time  be  paid,  with  reasonable  use, 
either  to  him,  or  to  others  by  his  direction,  there  appears  in  this 
case  no  Temptation  to  withhold  it  at  the  time  I  saw  that  he 
wanted  it,  but  if  selfishness  so  far  prevail  in  me,  that  I  looked 
upon  the  money  which  I  had  in  trust,  with  a  desire  to  keep  it 
from  the  true  owner,  and  through  the  strength  of  desire,  joined 
with  expectation,  at  length  so  far  consider  it  a  part  of  my  estate, 
as  to  apply  it  in  promoting  myself  or  my  Family  in  the  World,  and 
therewith  entered  into  expenses  which  a  humble  follower  of  Christ 
might  have  shuned:  here,  by  joyning  with  one  temptation  there  is 
great  danger  of  falling  into  more,  and  of  not  attending  to  the 
wants  of  the  Man  who  had  monies  in  my  Hands,  with  that  care 
and  diligence  which  I  might  have  done,  had  the  Tempter  found  no 
entrance  into  my  Mind. 

5th.  If  we  righteously  account  for  the  monies  which  we  have 
in  Security,  with  a  reasonable  use  thereon,  and  frugally  expend 
the  whole  in  relieving  the  Man  who  earned  it;  and  more  being 


.t* 


•Mh'  roVRNAL  OF  JOHX  WOOLXAS 


..^...<^      *!«' i>w«Mjr  freedom 
.,    .iia^    luvcwc  cvoditioii,  how  w  _ 


.   .^..i.-^  '^^^  ^Uhi  mourn  I    Mi 


^^ ,    X  .«•<   **<«"  »*«>•  minds,  yet  the  oKice  <k  itefsai 
..  ^    i^M^^sMm  hath  not  made  CtcEOBin  anm 
'^^  '<^'r  length  of  time  tfavM^xvenligein 
-V  v.N^m'ty  of  those  injure;  Sersycn.   M17' 
^  ^    ..x\i  without  having  tlicr  m.j  "f^  ~ n^  caaa  hm 
..    XV    A^^'ivM•^p  w  Equity,  and  noder  a  d^ne  of  Sf 
^_    .V     V  wanUMincss,  the  Vubit  aaf  ScccrftiitytDi 
,,  ^x.    i>  .IS  1  Civil  Sodety,  eves  wtEb  a  baTrlnl 
^  .  ,    .  ^Nxw't'^  lies  upon  us,  do  I  ncv  =ader  a  fedi^ 
.,  X    •  A  tVrvcnt  concern  f or  t^ie  m!  jaieitstol 
.      ,    .s .  -    «  SvviVty.  as  well  as  the  Izaenst  of  my  f* 
^.  M  .^•.  express  these  thiqgs. 

\   vxo  vouth,  forty  years  agcL  was  vioMy 

,  .    vvv^  Nrnr  as  a  Slave,  and  hbocred  faaid  tl 

.  ■.  en  wlio  are  now  livingr.     Tbcfsgh  no  sa 

,     .      ,      vv^s!  as  an  equal  reward  for  ibc  total  (k- 

.    X , ;  • !  tlu-  sufferings  of  thfs  irai:  be  compatd 

,    s'sjiuli.  I  expect  candid  mea  wfH  supposed 

• ,  > .  : V  s  1.  'hildrcn  have  an  Equhablc  right  to  it 

£ 

Principal  50  « 

Interest  10  year  a:  3  p'  cent  15 


•        ■'      .1    iiii..    p.-i    ii-ni,      Interest  10  yeir ig 

•  •■   ..  ••  ■•    • •  «•■  III!"  I'rin-  

',     •      •■   •    «»i   »•  »•   i«rti.>  ;i|.|H  ;ir^  g| 

>,.   1.1 4..   ...ua  lii  iiiati:  jj|,wHrfJ  Ir.teres  :c  i-^-ir                         25 

109 
:-::-:v-     :  .-ir   3^ 

141 


A  PLEA  FOR  THE  POOR  437 

-  Now  when  our  minds  are  thoroughly  divested  of  all  prejudice 
in  relation  to  the  difference  of  colour,  and  the  Love  of  Christ,  in 
"ivliich  there  is  no  partiality,  prevails  upon  us,  I  believe  it  will 
iil>pear  that  a  heavy  account  lies  against  us  as  a  Civil  Society  for 
oppressions  commited  against  people  who  did  not  injure  us;  and 
that  if  the  particular  case  of  many  individuals  were  fairly  stated, 
'it  would  appear  that  there  was  considerable  due  to  them. 

I  conclude  with  the  words  of  that  Righteous  Judge  in  Israel, 
Behold  here  I  am :  witness  against  me  before  the  Lord,  and  before 
his  anointed;  whose  ox  have  I  taken?  or  whose  ass  have  I  taken? 
or  whom  have  I  defrauded?  whom  have  I  oppressed?  or  of  whose 
hand  have  I  received  any  bribe,  to  blind  mine  eyes  therewith ;  and 
I  will  restore  it  you.    i  Samuel  xii.  3. 


CONSIDERATIONS 

on  the 

TRUE  HARMONY  OF  MANKIND 

And  how  it  is  to  be  maintained. 

1770 

The  original  manuscript  of  this  Essay  is  at  Swarthmore  CA 
lege,  Pennsylvania.  The  introduction  is  missing.  The  foUoww( 
letter,  however,  of  John  Woolman  to  Israel  Pemberton  (no  date)' 
relates  to  this  Essay,  and  the  suggestion  for  the  AdverHsemd 
accompanies  it.    It  was  first  published  in  1770. 

Belov<*  f"*,  on  reading  &  consider'  thy  letter,  it  apears  agreeable  tbt 
the  piece  be  read  in  Meeting  for  Sufferings  first.  I  believe  I  nuj 
be  most  easie,  in  notice  being  sent  to  each  of  our  quarterly  Meetings 
with  a  number  of  short  Advertis*',  equal  to  the  number  of  monthlj 
meetings,  that  one  may  be  sent  to  each  monthly  meeting;  and  I  an 
free  to  sign  such  an  Advertisement,  first  writing  them  myself,  ff 
that  my  name  be  put  to  it,  I  first  seeing  a  copy  if  printed,  when  th 
books  are  printed  and  after  a  proper  time  for  friends  to  have  notio 
and  to  have  oportunities  of  sending  for  the  books,  Then  what  remain 
(I  first  taking  300  sheets)  may  it's  likely  with  less  expense  be  takci 
of  as  thou  propos*. 

With  kind  Love  to  thee  and  thy  wife,  I  remain 

your  f'* 

John  Woolman. 
Second  day  morning 

"essay  of  an  advertis*. 

To  Friends  of  the  Quarterly  &  Monthly  Meetings. 
Belov*  friends — 

As  I  have  under  an  Apprehension  of  duty  wrote  Consideration. 
oil  the  true  harmony  of  Mankind  and  how  it  ts  to  be  maintained 

^  pemberton  Papers.     Vol.   21,  p.  87,   Historical  Society  of  Pa. 


440  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

the  piece  has  been  inspected  by  the  Overseers  of  the  preM  andlif 
them  a^eed  to  be  printed  and  the  books  may  be  had  at  the  bam 

of for per  dozen,  that  being  no  more  than  the 

of  publishing  and  covering  thenL" 

The  Essay  sold  at  two  Shillings  per  dozen :  John  Woohna 
was  at  this  time — 1770— himself  an  "Overseer  of  the  Ftm.' 
[Minutes,  Meeting  for  Sufferings,  p.  324.]  In  I77i»  the  Emj 
was  on  sale  at  the  printing  house  of  Joseph  Crukshank.  [Do.  pi 
340.] 


And  the  remnant  of  Jacob  shall  be  in  the  midst  of  many  people,  a 
a  dew  from  the  Lord,  as  the  showers  upon  the  grass,  that  tarrietfa  ml 
for  man,  nor  waiteth  for  the  sons  of  man. — Micah  ▼.  7. 

INTRODUCTION. 

As  mankind  from  one  parent  are  divided  into  many  families; 
and  as  trading  to  sea  is  greatly  increased  within  a  few  ages  put; 
amidst  this  extended  commerce,  how  necessary  is  it  that  the  pro- 
fessed followers  of  Christ  keep  sacred  his  holy  name,  and  be  em- 
ployed about  trade  and  traffic  no  further  than  justice  and  equity 
evidently  accompanies :  that  we  may  give  no  just  cause  of  offense 
to  any,  however  distant,  or  unable  to  plead  their  own  cause;  and 
may  continually  keep  in  view,  the  spreading  of  the  true  and  saviqg  , 
knowledge  of  God,  and  his  son  Jesus  Christ,  amongst  our  fellow-  : 
creatures;  which  through  his  infinite  love,  some  feel  to  be  more  j 

precious  than  any  other  treasure.  | 

I 

THE  TRUE  HARMONY  OF  MANKIND. 

CHAPTER  I. 

On  serving  the  Lord  in  our  outward  employments. 

Under  the  humbling  dispensations  of  the  Father  of  merdes, 
I  have  felt  an  inward  labour  for  the  good  of  my  fellow-creatures. 
and  a  concern  that  the  holy  Spirit,  which  alone  can  restore  man- 
kind to  a  state  of  true  harmony,  may  with  singleness  of  heart  be 
waited  for  &  followed. 


E  THE  TRUE  HARMONY  OF  MANKIND  441 

9.  I  trust  there  are  many  under  that  Visitation,  which  if  faith- 
fully attended  to,  will  make  them  quick  of  understanding  in  the 

^fcar  of  the  Lord,  and  qualify  with  firmness  to  be  true  patterns  of 
the  Christian  life,  who  in  living  and  walking  may  hold  forth  an 

^invitation  to  others,  to  come  forth  from  the  entanglements  of  the 

^spirit  of  this  world. 

I  And  that  which  I  feel  first  to  express  is,  a  care  for  those  who 
are  in  circumstances,  which  appear  difficult  with  respect  to  sup- 
porting their  families  in  a  way  answerable  to  pure  wisdom,  that 
they  may  not  be  discouraged,  but  remember  that  in  htmibly  obey- 

I  ing  the  leading  of  Christ,  he  owneth  us  as  his  friends.    "Ye  are  my 

a  friends  if  ye  do  whatsoever  I  command  you."  And  to  be  a  friend 
to  Christ,  is  to  be  united  to  him  who  hath  all  power  in  heaven 
and  in  Earth.  And  though  a  woman  may  forget  her  sucking  child, 
yet  will  he  not  forget  his  faithful  ones. 

The  condition  of  many  who  dwell  in  cities,  hath  often  affected 

:  me  with  a  brotherly  sympathy,  attended  with  a  desire  that  resigna- 
tion may  be  laboured  for,  and  where  the  holy  Leader  directeth  to  a 
Country  life,  or  some  change  of  employ,  he  may  be  faithfully  fol- 
lowed ;  for  under  the  refining  hand  of  the  Lord,  I  have  seen  that 
the  inhabitants  of  some  cities  are  greatly  increased  through  some 
branches  of  business  which  his  holy  Spirit  doth  not  lead  into,  and 
that  being  entangled  in  these  things,  tends  to  bring  a  cloud  over 
the  minds  of  people  convinced  of  the  leadings  of  this  holy  Leader, 
and  obstructs  the  coming  of  the  Kingdom  of  Christ  on  earth  as  it 
is  in  heaven. 

Now  if  we  indulge  a  desire  to  imitate  our  neighbours  in  those 
things  which  harmonize  not  with  the  true  christian  walking,  these 
entanglements  may  hold  fast  to  us,  and  some  who  in  an  awaken- 
ing time,  feel  tender  scruples  with  respect  to  their  manner  of  life, 
may  look  on  the  example  of  others  more  noted  in  the  church, 
who  yet  may  not  be  refined  from  every  degree  of  dross;  and 
by  looking  on  these  examples,  and  desiring  to  support  their  families 
in  a  way  pleasant  to  the  natural  mind  there  may  be  danger  of 
the  worldly  wisdom  gaining  strength  in  them,  and  of  their  de- 
parture from  that  pure  feeling  of  Truth,  which  if  faithfully  at- 
tended to,  would  teach  contentment  in  the  Divine  will,  even  in  a 
very  low  estate. 

One  formerly,  speaking  on  the  profitableness  of  true  humility. 


442  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

saith,  "He  that  troubles  not  himself  with  anxious  thoughts  for 
more  than  is  necessary,  lives  little  less  than  the  life  of  angels, 
whilst  by  a  mind  content  with  little,  he  imitates  their  want  oi 
nothing."    Cave's  Primitive  Christianity,  page  31. 

"it  is  not  enough,'*  says  Terlullian,  "that  a  christian  be  chaste 
and  modest,  but  he  must  appear  to  be  so:  a  virtue  of  which  he 
should  have  so  great  a  store,  tliat  it  should  flow  from  his  mind 
upon  his  habit,  and  break  from  the  retirements  of  his  conscienct, 
into  the  superficies  of  his  life."    Same  book,  page  43. 

'*The  garments  we  wear,"  says  Qemens,  "ought  to  be  mean 
and  frugal.  That  is  true  simplicity  of  habit,  which  takes  away 
what  is  vain  and  superfluous;  tliat  the  best  and  most  solid  gar- 
ment, which  is  the  furtht'St  from  curiosity."    Page  49. 

Though  the  change  from  day  to  night,  is  by  a  motion  so 
gradual  as  scarcely  to  be  perceived,  yet  when  night  is  come  we 
behold  it  very  diflFerent  from  the  day,  and  thus  as  people  become 
wise  in  their  own  Eyes,  and  prudent  in  their  own  sight,  customs 
rise  up  from  the  spirit  of  this  world,  and  spread  by  httle  and 
little,  till  a  departure  from  the  Simplicity  that  there  is  in  Christ, 
becomes  as  distinguishable  as  Light  from  darkness  to  such  who 
are  crucified  to  the  world. 

Our  holy  Shepherd  to  encourage  his  flock  in  firmness  and  per- 
severance reminds  them  of  his  love  for  them.  "As  the  Father 
hath  loved  me,  so  have  I  loved  you ;  continue  ye  in  my  love,"  and 
in  another  place  graciously  points  out  the  danger  of  departing 
therefrom  by  going  into  unsavory  employments:  tliis  he  represents 
in  the  similitude  of  offence  from  that  useful  active  member  the 
hand ;  and  to  fix  the  instruction  the  deeper,  and  point  out  employ- 
ments on  which  our  support  as  to  the  outward  appearance  may 
depend,  names  the  right  hand:  "If  thy  right  hand  offend  thee, 
cut  it  off  and  cast  it  from  thee"  If  thou  feelest  offence  in  thy 
employment,  hiimljly  follow  him  who  leads  into  all  truth,  and 
is  a  strong  and  faithful  frieiul  to  tlmse  who  are  resigned  to 
him. 

Again  he  points  out  those  things  which  ap[>earing  pleasant  to 
the  natural  mind,  are  not  best  for  us,  in  the  similitude  of  offence 
from  the  eye:  "If  thy  right  Eye  offend  thee  pluck  it  out,  and 
cast  it  from  thee."  To  pluck  out  the  eye,  or  cut  off  the  hand,  is 
attended  with  shai-p  pain,  and  how  precious  is  the  instruction  which 


r 


THE  TRUE  HARMONY  OF  MANKIND 


443 


i 


our  Redeemer  thus  opens  to  us»  that  we  may  not  faint  under  the 
most  painful  tryals,  but  put  our  trust  in  Him,  even  in  him  who 
sent  an  Angel  to  feed  Elijah  in  the  wilderness;  who  fed  a  multi- 
tude with  a  few  barley  loaves,  and  is  now  as  attentive  to  the  wants 
of  his  people  as  ever. 

The  prophet  Isaiah  represents  the  unrighteous  doings  of  the 
Israeh'tes  toward  the  poor,  as  the  fruits  of  an  Effeminate  life: 
"As  for  my  people,  children  are  their  oppressors,  and  women  rule 
over  them.  What  mean  ye  that  ye  beat  my  people  to  pieces,  and 
g^'nd  the  faces  of  the  poor,  saith  the  Lord  God."  Then  he  men- 
tions the  haughtiness  of  the  daughters  of  Sion,  and  enumerates 
many  tinkling  ornaments,  as  instances  of  their  vanity,  to  uphold 
which  the  poor  were  so  hardly  dealt  with,  that  he  sets  forth  their 
poverty,  their  leanness  and  inability  to  help  themselves,  in  the 
similitude  of  a  man  maimed  by  violence,  or  beaten  to  pieces,  & 
forced  to  endure  the  painful  operation  of  having  his  face  gradually 
worn  away  in  the  manner  of  grinding. 

And  I  may  here  add,  that  at  times  when  I  have  felt  true  Love 
open  my  heart  towards  my  fellow-creatures,  and  been  engaged 
in  weighty  conversation  in  the  cause  of  righteousness,  the  instruc- 
tions I  have  received  under  these  exercises,  in  regard  to  the  true 
use  of  the  outward  gifts  of  God,  have  made  deep  &  lasting  impres- 
sions on  my  mind. 

I  have  here  beheld  how  the  desire  to  provide  wealth  to  uphold 
a  delicate  life,  hath  grievously  entangled  many,  and  been  like  snares 
to  their  ofTspring:  and  though  some  have  at  times  been  aflFected 
with  a  sense  of  their  difficulties,  and  appeared  desirous  at  times 
to  be  helped  out  of  them,  yet  for  want  nf  abiding  under  the  hum- 
bling power  of  Truth,  they  have  continued  in  these  entanglements; 
for  in  remaining  conformable  to  this  world,  and  giving  way  to  a 
delicate  life,  this  expensive  way  of  living  in  parents  and  in  children, 
hath  called  for  a  large  Supply;  and  in  answering  this  call,  the 
faces  of  the  poor  have  been  ground  away,  and  made  thin  through 
hard  dealing. 

There  is  balm,  there  is  a  physician !  and  O !  what  longings  do 
I  feel,  that  we  may  embrace  the  means  appointed  for  our  healing, 
know  that  removed  which  now  ministers  cause  for  the  cries  of 
many  people  to  ascend  to  heaven  against  their  oppressors,  and  see 
true  harmony  restored. 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

"Behold  how  good  and  how  pleasant  it  is,  for  brethren  to  & 
together  in  Unity."     The  nature  of  this  Unity  is   thus 
by  the  apostle;  "H  we  walk  in  the  Light,  as  Christ  is  in 
Light,  we  shall  have  fellowship  one  with  another,  and  the  bli 
of  Christ  will  cleanse  us  from  all  Sin." 

The  Land  may  be  polluted  with  Innocent  Blood,  which 
the  blood  of  Abel  may  cry  to  the  Almighty  but  those  who  "walk  a 
the  Light  as  he  is  in  the  Light,"  they  know  the  Lamb  of  God,  who 
laketh  away  sin. 

Walking  is  a  phrase  frequently  used  in  Scripture  to  represent 
our  journey  through  life,  and  appears  to  comprehend  the  varioui 
affairs  and  transactions  properly  relating  to  our  being  in  this 
world. 

Christ  being  the  Light  dwells  always  in  the  Light,  and  if 
walking  be  thus,  and  in  every  affair  and  concern  we  faithfully 
follow  this  divine  Leader,  he  preserves  from  giving  just  cause 
for  any  to  quarrel  with  us.  And  where  this  foundation  is  laid,  and 
mutually  kept  to  by  families  conversant  with  each  other,  the  way 
is  open  for  those  comforts  in  Society  which  Our  Heavenly  Father 
intends  as  a  part  of  our  hapiness  in  tliis  world,  and  then  we  may 
experience  the  goodness  and  pleasantness  of  dwelling  together  in 
Unity.  But  where  ways  of  living  take  place  which  tend  to  oppres- 
sion, and  in  the  pursuit  of  wealth,  people  do  that  to  others  which 
they  know  would  not  be  acceptable  to  themselves,  either  in  exercis- 
ing an  absolute  power  over  them,  or  otherwise  laying  on  them 
unequitable  burdens  j  here  a  fear  lest  that  measure  should  be 
meted  to  them  which  they  have  measured  to  others,  incites  a  care 
to  support  that  by  craft  and  cunning  devices  which  stands  not  on 
the  firm  foundation  of  Righteousness.  Thus  the  harmony  of 
society  is  broken ;  and  from  hence  commotions  and  wars  do  fre- 
quently arise  in  the  world. 

"Come  out  of  Babylon  my  people,  that  ye  be  not  partakers  of 
her  Sins,  and  that  ye  receive  not  of  her  plagues.'*  Rev.  xviii.  4. 
This  Babel  or  Babylon,  was  built  in  the  spirit  of  self -exaltation. 
"Let  us  build  us  a  Cit}'  and  a  Tower,  whose  top  may  reach  to 
heaven,  and  let  us  make  us  a  name."  Gtn.  xi.  4.  In  departing 
from  an  humble  trust  in  God,  and  following  a  selfish  spirit,  peo- 
ple have  intentions  to  get  the  uper  hand  of  their  fellow-creatures, 
privately  meditate  on  means  to  obtain  their  ends,  and  have  a  lao* 


THE  TRUE  HARMONY  OF  MANKIND 


445 


^e  in  their  hearts  which  is  hard  to  understand.    In  Babel  the 
nguage  is  confounded. 

This  Citty  is  represented  as  a  place  of  business,  those  em- 
oyed  in  it,  as  merchants  of  the  Earth.    "The  merchants  of  the 
are  waxed  rich  through  the  abundance  of  her  delicacies." 
V.  xviii.  3. 

And  it  is  remarkable  in  this  call,  that  the  language  from  the 

ither  of  mercies  is,  my  people;  "come  out  of  babilon,  my  peo- 

;!"     Thus  his  tender  mercies  are  toward  us  in  an  imperfect 

ite,  and  as  we  faithfully  attend  to  the  call,  the  path  of  right- 

jsness  is  more  and  more  opened ;  cravings  which  have  not  their 

foundation  in  pure  wisdom,,  more  and  more  cease;  and  in  an  in- 

w*ard  purity  of  heart,  we  experience  a  restoration  of  that  which 

was  lost  at  Babel,  Represented  by  the  inspired  Prophet  in  the 

-  "returning  of  a  pure  language."    Zeph.  iii.  9. 

t  Haf>py  for  them  who  liunihly  attend  to  the  call,  "Come  out  of 

I    Babylon,  my  people."     For  though  in  going  forth  we  may  meet 

with  tryals  which  for  a  time  may  be  painful ;  yet  as  we  bow  in  true 

I    humility,  and  continue  in  it,  an  evidence  is  felt  that  God  only 

^k  wise,  and  that  in  weaning  us  from  all  that  is  selfish  he  pre- 

^■ares  the  way  to  a  quiet  habitation,  where  all  our  desires  are 

^Biounded  by  his  wisdom.     And  an  exercise  of  Spirit  attends  me, 

tliat  we  who  are  convinced  of  the  pure  leadings  of  Truth,  may  bow 

in  the  deepest  reverence,  and  so  watchfully  regard  this  Leader, 

that  many  who  are  grievously  entangled  in  a  wilderness  of  vain 

customs,  may  look  upon  us,  and  be  instructed.    And  O !  tliat  sue' 

who  have  plenty  of  this  worlds  goods,  may  be  faithful  in  that  with 

which  they  are  entrusted,  and  example  others  in  the  true  Christian 

walking ! 

Our  Blessed  Saviour,  speaking  on  worldly  greatness,  compares 
himself  to  one  waiting  &  attending  on  a  Company  at  dinner: 
''Whether  is  greater,  he  that  sitteth  at  meat  or  he  that  serveth? 
Is  not  he  tliat  sitteth  at  meat?  but  1  am  amongst  you  as  he  that 
serveth."    Luke  xxii.  27. 

Thus  in  a  world  greatly  disordered,  where  men,  aspiring  to 

ytoutward  greatness  were  wont  to  oppress  others  to  support  their 

^^esigns.  He  who  was  of  the  highest  descent,  being  the  Son  of  God, 

and  greater  than  any  amongst  the  greatest  families  of  men,  by  his 

Example  and  doctrines  foreclosed  his  followers  from  claiming  any 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

show  of  outward  greatness,   from  any  supposed   superioritf 
themselves,  or  derived  from  their  Ancestors. 

He  who  was  greater  than  Earthly  princes  was  not  only  meek 
and  low  of  heart,  but  his  outward  appearance  was  plain  and  lowo, 
and  free  from  ever>*  stain  of  the  spirit  of  this  world. 

Such  was  the  Example  of  tlie  blessed  Redeemer,  of  whom 
the  Beloved  disciple  said,  "He  that  saith  he  abideth  in  him  ought 
also  to  walk  even  as  he  walked." 

John  Bradford,  who  suffered  martyrdom  under  Queen  Marv. 
wrote  a  letter  to  his  friends  out  of  prison  a  short  time  before  he 
was  burnt,  in  which  are  these  expressions ;  "Consider  your  dignir. 
as  Children  of  God  &  temples  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  members 
of  Christ;  be  ashamed  therefore  to  think,  speak,  or  do  any  thing 
unseemly  for  God's  children,  and  the  members  of  Christ."  Fox'i 
Acts  and  Monuments,  page  1177. 


CHAPTER     II. 


On  the  Example  of  Christ. 


As  my  mind  hath  been  brought  into  a  brotherly  feeling  with 
the  poor  as  to  the  things  of  this  life,  who  are  under  tryals  in 
regard  to  getting  a  living  in  a  way  answerable  to  the  purity  oi 
Truth  a  labour  of  heart  hath  attended  me,  that  their  way  may  not 
be  made  difficult  through  the  love  of  money  in  those  who  are  tryeiJ 
with  plentiful  Estates,  but  that  they  with  tenderness  of  heart  may 
sympathize  with  them. 

It  was  the  saj^ng  of  our  Blessed  Redeemer,  "Ye  cannot  ser?t 
God  and  mammon."  There  is  a  deep  feeling  of  the  way  of  purity, 
a  way  in  which  the  wisdom  of  the  world  hath  no  part,  but  is 
opened  by  the  Spirit  of  Truth,  and  is  called  "the  way  of  holiness/' 
A  way  in  which  the  traveller  is  employed  in  watching  unto  prayer ; 
and  the  outward  gain  we  get  in  this  journey  is  considered  as  a 
trust  committed  to  us.  by  him  who  formed  and  Supports  the 
world;  and  is  the  rightful  director  of  the  use  and  appUcation 
the  product  of  it 

Now  ejccept  the  mind  he  preserved  Oiaste.  ihere  is  no  safety* 
for  us,  but  in  an  estrangement  from  true  resignation,  the  spirit 


etp 
piritfl^ 


THE  TRUE  HARMONY  OF  MANKIND  447 

r  the  world  casts  up  a  way  in  which  gain  is  many  times  principally 
attended  to,  and  in  which  there  is  a  selfish  application  of  outward 
treasures. 

How  agreeable  to  the  true  harmony  of  Society,  is  that  exhorta- 
tion of  the  Apostle  "Look  not  every  man  on  his  own  things,  but 
every  man  also  on  the  things  of  others.  Let  this  mind  be  in  you 
which  was  also  in  Christ  Jesus." 

A  person  in  outward  prosperity  may  have  the  power  of  obtain- 
ing riches,  but  the  same  mind  being  in  him  which  is  in  Christ 
Jesus,  he  may  feel  a  tenderness  of  heart  towards  those  of  low 
degree,  and  instead  of  setting  himself  above  them,  may  look  upon 
it  as  an  unmerited  favour  that  his  way  through  life  is  more  easy 
than  the  way  of  many  others ;  may  improve  every  opportunity  of 
leading  forth  out  of  those  customs  which  have  entangled  the 
family;  employ  his  time  in  looking  into  the  wants  of  the  poor 
members,  and  hold  forth  such  a  perfect  example  of  humility,  that 
the  pure  witness  may  be  reached  in  many  minds,  and  the  way 
opened  for  a  harmonious  walking  together. 

Jesus  Christ  had  no  reserve  in  promoting  the  happiness  of 
others;  he  was  not  deficient  in  looking  for  the  helpless,  who  lay 
in  obscurity;  nor  saved  any  thing  to  render  himself  honourable 
amongst  men,  which  might  have  been  of  more  use  to  the  weak 
members  in  his  Father's  family :  of  whose  compassion  towards  us 
I  may  now  speak  a  little. 

He  who  was  perfectly  happy  in  himself,  moved  with  infinite 
love,  took  not  upon  him  the  nature  of  angels,  but  our  imperfect 
natures;  and  therein  wrestled  with  the  temptations  which  attend 
us  in  this  life;  and  being  the  Son  of  him  who  is  greater  than 
earthly  princes,  yet  became  a  companion  to  poor,  sincere-hearted 
men.  And  though  he  gave  the  clearest  evidence  that  Divine  power 
attended  him,  yet  the  most  unfavourable  constructions  were 
framed  by  a  self-righteous  people;  those  miracles  represented  as 
the  effect  of  a  diabolical  power,  and  endeavours  used  to  render 
him  hateful,  as  having  his  mission  from  the  prince  of  darkness: 
nor  did  their  envy  cease  till  they  took  him  like  a  criminal  and 
brought  him  to  tryal.  Though  some  may  affect  to  carry  the 
appearance  of  being  unmoved  at  the  apprehension  of  distress, 
our  dear  Redeemer,  who  was  perfectly  Sincere,  having  the  same 
human  nature  which  we  have,  and  feeling  a  little  before  he  was 


\ 


448  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAH 

apprehended  the  weight  of  that  woik  1900  fafan^  for  wlud  kl  ^^ 
came  into  the  world,  was  '^sorrowful  even  mito  death/'  Hett  ^1  ^ 
human  nature  strugled  to  be  excused  from  a  cup  ii>  bitter;  bot^ ^  ^ 
prayers  centred  in  resignation,  "Not  my  win  but  tfaloe  fm 
In  this  conflict  so  great  was  his  agony  that  "sweat  Hke  drops 
blood  fell  from  him  to  the  ground." 

Behold  now  as  foretold  by  the  prophet,  he  is  in  a  judicial 
ner  "numbered  with  the  Transgressors."  Bdiold  him  as  s(m 
poor  man  of  no  reputation,  standing  before  the  Idgh  priest  iM 
Elders,  and  before  Herod  and  Pilate^  where  witnesses  appear 
against  him,  and  he,  mindful  of  the  most  Gfadoos  design  of  bi^ 
coming,  dedineth  to  plead  in  his  own  defence^  but  aa  a  Sheep  tiiai 
is  dumb  before  his  Shearer,  so  under  many  accusations,  revilings, 
and  bu£Fetings,  remained  Silent.  And  though  he  s^fnified  to  Peter 
that  he  had  access  to  power  Sufikient  to  ovetthiow  all  thdir  ool': 
ward  forces;  yet  retaining  a  resignation  to  Suffer  for  the  SiDi 
of  mankind,  he  exerted  not  that  power,  but  permitted  them  to  go 
on  in  their  malicious  designs,  and  pronounce  him  to  be  worthy  d 
death,  even  him  who  was  perfect  in  goodness.  Thus  "m  bis 
humiliation  his  judgment  was  taken  away,"  and  he  like  sonie 
vile  criminal,  "led  as  a  lamb  to  the  Slaughter."  Under  these  he^vj 
trials  (though  poor  unstable  Pilate  was  convinced  of  his  tmio- 
cence,)  yet  the  people  generally  looked  upon  him  as  a  deceiver,  t 
blasphemer,  and  the  approaching  punishment  as  a  Just  judgment 
upon  him.  "They  Esteemed  him  Smitten  of  God  and  afSicted " 
So  great  had  been  the  surprise  of  his  disciples  at  his  being  ^en 
by  armed  men,  that  they  forsook  him  and  fled.  Thus  they  hid  their 
faces  from  him ;  he  was  despised,  and  by  their  conduct  it  appeared 
as  though  they  Esteemed  him  not. 

But  contrary  to  that  opinion  of  his  being  smitten  of  God  ft 
afflicted,  it  was  for  our  sakes  that  "he  was  put  to  grief ;  he  was 
wounded  for  our  transgressions;  he  was  bruided  for  our  iniqui- 
ties" and  under  the  weight  of  them  manifesting  the  deqiest  com- 
passion for  the  instruments  of  his  misery,  laboured  as  their  Advo- 
cate, and  in  the  deeps  of  affliction,  with  an  unconquerable  patience^ 
cried  out,  "Father  forgive  them,  they  know  not  what  they  do." 

Now  this  mind  being  in  us,  which  was  in  Christ  Jesus,  it 
moves  from  our  hearts  the  desire  of  Superiority,  worldly  hoo- 

s  or  greatness.    A  deep  attention  is  felt  to  the  Divine  Coon- 


UE  HARMONY  OF  MANKIND 

Tor.  and  an  ardent  engagement  to  promote,  as  far  as  we  may 
be  enabled,  the  happioess  of  mankind  universally.  This  state, 
where  every  motion  from  a  Selfish  spirit  yieldeth  to  pure  love, 
I  may  with  gratitude  to  the  Father  of  mercies  acknowledge,  is 
often  opened  before  me  as  a  pearl  to  dig  after;  attended  with  a 
living  concern,  that  amongst  the  many  nations  &  families  on 
the  Earth,  those  who  believe  in  the  Messiah,  that  "he  was  mani- 
fested to  destroy  the  works  of  the  devil,"  and  thus  to  "take  away 
the  Sins  of  the  world,*'  that  the  will  of  our  heavenly  Father  may 
"be  done  on  earth  as  it  is  in  heaven."  Strong  are  the  desires  I 
often  feel,  that  this  holy  profession  may  remain  unpolluted  and 
the  believers  in  Christ  may  so  abide  in  the  pure  inward  feeling 
of  his  spirit,  that  the  wisdom  from  above  may  shine  forth  in 
their  living,  as  a  light  by  which  others  may  be  Instnimentally 
helped  on  their  way,  in  the  true  harmonious  walking. 


CHAPTER    in. 

On  Merchandising. 

Where  the  treasures  of  pure  love  are  opened,  and  we  obediently 
follow  Plim  who  is  the  Light  of  life,  the  mind  becomes  chaste; 
and  a  care  is  felt,  that  the  unction  from  the  Holy  One  may  be  our 
leader  in  every  Undertaking. 

In  being  crucified  to  the  world,  broken  off  from  that  friend- 
ship which  is  enmity  with  God,  and  dead  to  the  Customs  and 
fashions  which  have  not  their  foundation  in  the  Truth,  the  way 
is  prepared  to  lowliness  in  outward  living,  and  to  a  disentangle- 
nient  from  those  Snares  which  attend  the  love  of  money  j  and 
where  the  faithful  friends  of  Christ  are  so  situated  that  merchan- 
dize appears  to  be  their  duty,  they  feel  the  Necessity  of  proceeding 
no  further  than  he  owns  their  proceeding;  being  convinced  that 
we  are  not  our  own,  but  are  bought  with  a  price;  [that  none  of  us 
may  live  to  ourselves,  but  to  him  who  died  for  us.  II  Cor,  v.  15]. 
Thus  they  are  taught,  not  only  to  keep  to  a  moderate  advance  and 
uprightness  in  their  dealings;  but  to  consider  the  tendency  of 
their  proceeding;  to  do  nothing  which  they  know  would  operate 
against  the  cause  of  Universal  Righteousness;  and  to  keep  con- 


r 


THH  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

Id  Ticir  the  spreading  of  the  peaceable  kingdom  of  Qa^ 
:WMUidad. 

i  Pnpbet  Isaiah  spake  of  the  gathered  Church  in  the  Simfli- 
1 9i  *  Otty.  where  many  being  employed  were  all  preser\'ed  in 
"Tltey  shall  call  them  the  holy  people,  the  redeemed  oi 
I;  asd  ihoa  shalt  be  called  Sought  out,  a  Citty  not  for- 
L*    faun.  la     And  the  Apostle  after  mentioning  the  Mjv 
«£  Ovist's  SuflFerings.  exhorts,  "Be  ye  holy  in  all  manner 
■BMHtfte.**     I  Pet.  i.  15.     There  is  a  conversation  neces- 
rii  Trtifc:  »od  there  is  a  conversation  so  foreign  from  th< 
i  «r  Cl»i$t*s  kifiKdoin.  that  it  is  represented  in  the  Simili- 
I  pashiog  another  with  a  warlike  weapon :   "Thcrt 
Gke  the  piercings  of  a  sword."     Prov.  xii.  18 
Qoooenks  it  is  necessary  that  the  leading  of  tk 
f  Offist  b<  Inmbly  waited  for  and  faithfully  followed,  as 
B  ol  beini:  presented  Chaste  as  an  holy  people,  who 
^  iyB«»  are  Cireumspect;   Exod   xxiii.   13.,   that   nothing 
i^W  ctfTsr  Ae  i^pcarance  of  approbation  of  the  works  of 
Mllse  the  unrighteous  more  at  ease  in  unrighteousness. 
the  mjttrics  committed  against  the  oppressed  to  be 
over. 

IS  kept  to.  and  Supported  by  the  inhabitants 

•  is  a  certain  reproach  attends  those  individual 

•nifestly  de^^ate  therefrom.    Thus  if  a  per- 

,  4^  1^  it^Mt  k  cfauged  with  stealing  goods  out  of  an  open 

^in^  ^  llhe^v  t«ne.  ft  00  a  pobltc  tryal  found  guilty,  and  the  Law 

^  ^M  <»»  P^  ^  WktVttMKU  he  therein  sustains  a  loss  of  reputa- 

li^H.^  >««  4  W  ht  mtktwl  a  second  and  third  time  of  the  like 

,iJ(|ib2^  W^  IVOd  wmmt  woM  cease  amongst  such  who  knew  these 

^^^^    H  III  ^lt%hfc0Uf»  Rpoted  an  honest  man,  being  charged 

^lli  I^Qi^  fMdb  ol  this  thief,  at  a  time  when  the  purchaser 

^^f^  ^li^  wfte  Sldett:  and  00  a  public  tryal  is  found  guilt}', 

^1^  imihilit  vmM  wect  widi  disestccm :  but  if  he  persisted  in 

kM^M  m>W  C^*^  IJBOWfin^  Ihem  to  be  such«  and  was  pubUdy 

^,,,^^^4^;^  iNtf^i  a  »<«o«d  and  third  time,  he  would  no  longer 

<  a»  hwwwrt  —a  hjr  them  who  knew  these  things; 

A^  %ijTpiu  «  ^^fi>g  •!  fO*^  report  to  be  focmd  in  Ins  company, 

^^■1^1^  «M^  (91  ^i«"»  rridcnt  tokens  of  Sincere  repentana 

^^^^E]||^  ^Mi     BM  «lMfe  Iniqnity  is  committed  openly. 


^4t>WttT« 


THE'  TR:tJ^  HARMONY  Ot  MANKIND  45^^ 

;  authors  of  it  are  not  brought  to  justice,  nor  put  to  shame,  their 
bands  grow  strong.  Thus  the  general  corruption  of  the  Jews 
■hortly  before  their  state  was  broke  up  by  the  Chaldeans,  is 
described  by  their  boldness  in  impiety ;  for  as  their  leaders  were 
Donnected  together  in  wickedness,  they  strengthened  one  anothei/, 
and  grew  confident.  "Were  they  ashamed  when  they  had  com- 
mitted abominations?  nay,  they  were  not  at  all  ashamed,  neither 
could  they  blush.''  Jer.  vi.  15.  On  which  account  the  Lord  thus 
expostulates  with  them;  "What  hath  my  beloved  to  do  in  my 
house,  seeing  she  hath  wrought  lewdness  with  many,  and  the  holy 
flesh  is  passed  from  thee?  When  thou  doest  evil,  then  thou 
rejoicest"    Jer.  xi.  15. 

Now  the  faithful  friends  of  Christ,  who  hunger  and  thirst 
after  righteousness,  and  inwardly  breathe  that  His  kingdom  may 
come  on  earth  as  it  is  in  heaven,  he  teacheth  them  to  be  quick  of 
understanding  in  his  fear,  and  to  be  very  attentive  to  the  means 
be  may  appoint  for  promoting  pure  righteousness  in  the  Earth, 
and  as  shame  is  due  to  those  whose  works  manifestly  operate 
against  the  gracious  design  of  the  sufferings  of  Christ  for  us,  a 
care  lives  on  their  minds  that  no  wrong  customs,  however  sup- 
ported, may  byass  their  judgments,  but  that  they  may  humbly 
abide  under  the  cross,  and  be  preserved  in  a  Conduct  which  may 
not  contribute  to  Strengthen  the  hands  of  the  wicked  in  their 
wickedness,  or  to  remove  shame  from  those  to  whom  it  is  justly 
due. 

The  coming  of  that  day  is  precious  in  which  we  experience 
the  truth  of  this  expression;  "The  Lord  our  righteousness";  and 
feel  him  to  be  "made  unto  us  Wisdom  &  Sanctification." 

The  example  of  a  Righteous  man  is  often  looked  at  with 
attention.  Where  righteous  men  join  in  business,  their  company 
gives  encouragement  to  others.  And  as  one  grain  of  incense 
deliberately  offered  to  the  prince  of  this  world,  renders  an  offering 
to  God  in  that  state  unacceptable ;  and  from  those  esteemed  leaders 
of  the  people  may  be  injurious  to  the  weak ;  it  requires  deep  humil- 
ity of  heart  to  follow  Him  faithfully,  who  alone  gives  sound  wis- 
dom and  the  Spirit  of  true  discerning:  and  O  how  necessary  it  is 
to  consider  the  weight  of  a  holy  profession ! 

The  conduct  of  some  formerly,  gave  occasion  of  complaint 
against  them :  "Thou  hast  defiled  thy  Sanctuaries  by  the  multitude 


XS2  THE  JOCRX.U.  OF  JOHX  WOOLMAX 

of  dmze  rniV^fiiVV* ;  by  dK  Tiifniifrj  o£  tfar  Txaffidc"    Ezck.  zxrm. 
eS.    Aad  31  Several  paaa  it  is  dMi^ged  agnxBt  Israel,  that  A^ 

had  griTnTrrf  rne  holj  name. 

The  ^vcgba.  fgTan  leptrynri  inward  sanctificatioo  in  the 
r^Tremim  a£  aH  Cat  beic^  fciun^cil  from  it  widch  is  fad  for  fire; 
asd  garrmfariy  desor^scs  me  ocxtward  fmxts,  brougiit  f (nth  I7 
-rrr*^  wbc  wVCil  ir  thfs  fnvard  hjlirarw  "Tbey  walk  rigfateooslj, 
azd  sgeLc  oprigbilj.'*  Bj  waLkimg  he  represents  the  joniixy 
iiium^ii  ^fe.  as  a  liglneuus  jaaraey;  and  by  speaking  uprigkdy, 
jeans  37  pcmc  at  that  which  Moses  appears  to  hare  had  in  viev, 
wbd  be  dms  expressed  himself :  **Tboa  sfaalt  not  follow  a  nmlti- 
tace  37  do  c^l  car  speak  in  a  canse  to  dcdine  after  many  to 
n'est  'xndgmenL.**     Hxod.  xatlit.  2. 

He  gc«s  cc  tc  sb.  w  rfieir  drmr.ess  in  Equity ;  representing  thon 
35  persons  Soperrar  to  all  the  arts  of  getting  money,  which  have 
ccc  r^hceciisaess  for  their  foundation :  "They  demise  the  gain  of 
Oippressions.**  And  farther  shows  how  careful  tbgj  are  that  no 
pnx>pect5  of  gain  may  induce  them  to  become  partial  in  jodg- 
uMttC  respecting  an  injury :  "They  shake  their  hands  from  hold- 
u*^  bribes.*' 

A^rain.  where  any  interest  is  so  connected  with  sheding  Blood. 
;hji:  the  Cry  of  Ir^.ocent  Blood  goes  along  with  it,  he  points  out 
:h<rir  care  to  keep  innocent  Blood  from  oying  against  them,  in 
:hc  Similitude  ot  a  man  Stoping  his  ears  to  prevent  a  sound  from 
ttttv'ttng  into  his  head.  "They  stop  their  ears  from  hearing  of 
Mvwl."  And  where  they  know  that  wickedness  is  committed,  he 
jviitt^i  out  their  care,  how  they  do  not  by  an  unguarded  friendship 
with  the  Authors  of  it,  appear  like  unconcerned  lookers  on,  but  as 
jH\»plo  so  deeply  affected  with  Sorrow,  that  they  cannot  endure 
iv»  >tsuul  by  and  behold  it.  This  he  represents  in  the  similitude 
v»l  a  nun  '\<hutt:n.7  k:s  Eyes  from  seeing  evil." 

"Who  amongst  us  shall  dwell  with  the  devouring  fire?  Who 
;uuv>nK5't  "*  *^*^^^  ^""^^  with  everlasting  burnings?  He  that 
>\alkoth  righteously  and  speaketh  uprightly.  He  that  despiseth  the 
\\i\\\\  \A  oppressions,  that  shaketh  his  hands  from  holding  of  bribes, 
ili.a  sti^ppcth  his  ears  from  hearing  of  blood,  and  shutteth  his  eyes 
(toin  seeing  evil."     Isaiah  xxxiii.  14,  15. 

lie  proceeds  in  the  spirit  of  prophecy,  to  show  how  the  faith- 
hil  l»eiiVK  supiH'jrted  under  temptations  would  be  preserved  from 


THE  TRUE  HARMONY  OF  MANKIND 


453 


^  that  defilement  there  is  in  the  love  of  money ;  that  as  they  who  in 
I    a  reverent  waiting  on  God.  feel  their  strength  renewed,  are  said 
Llo  "mount  upward";  so  here  their  preservation  from  the  Snares 
^'  of  unrighteous  gain,  is  represented  in  the  likeness  of  a  man,  borne 
up  above  all  crafty,  artful  means  of  getting  the  advantage  of 
another.    "They  shall  dwell  on  high":  and  he  thus  points  out  the 
Stability  and  firmness  of  their  condition:    "His  place  of  defence 
shall  be  th^  munitions  of  rocks"    And  that,  under  all  the  outward 
appearances  of   loss  in  den3ang  himself   of  gainful  profits   for 
righteousness  sake,  yet  through  the  care  of  him  who  provides  for 
the  sparrows,  he  should  have  a  Supply  answerable  to  infinite  wis- 
dom.   "Bread  shall  be  given  him,  his  waters  shall  be  sure."    And 
as  our  Saviour  mentions  the  sight  of  God  to  be  attainable  by  the 
pure  in  ficart,  so  here  the  prophet  pointed  out  how  in  true  Sancti- 
fication  the  understanding  is  opened  to  behold  the  peaceable,  har- 
monious nature  of  his  kingdom;  "thine  Eyes  shaU  see  the  king 
in  his  beauty,"    And  that  looking  beyond  all  the  afflictions  which 
attend  the  righteous,  to  a  Mbitation  eterticl  in  the  heavens,  they, 
with  an  eye  divinely  open,  '^shail  behold  the  land  that  is  very  far 
off." 

"He  shall  dwell  on  high:  his  place  of  defence  shall  be  the 
munitions  of  rocks:  bread  shall  be  given  him;  his  waters  shall  be 
sure.  Thine  eyes  shall  see  the  king  in  his  beauty:  they  shall 
behold  the  land  that  is  very  far  off."     Isaiah  xxxiii.  i6»  17. 

[There  is  a  tender  Sympathy  in  my  heart  with  Such,  who  by 
their  Education  and  condition  in  Life,  are  under  greater  diffi- 
culties than  some  others,  and  I  feel  pure  love,  in  which  desires 
prevail  for  the  health  and  Soundness  of  the  family.]  ^ 

I  often  remember,  and  to  me  the  subject  is  awful,  that  the 
great  Judge  of  all  the  earth  doeth  that  which  is  right;  and  that  h& 
"before  whom  the  nations  are  as  the  drop  of  a  bucket"  is  "no  re- 
specter of  persons."  Happy  for  them,  who,  like  the  inspired  pro- 
phet, "in  the  way  of  his  judgments  wait  for  him."  Isaiah  xxvi.  8. 
When  we  fee!  him  to  sit  as  a  refiner  with  fire,  and  know  a 
resignedness  wrought  in  us  to  that  which  he  appoints  for  us;  his 
blessing  in  a  very  low  estate,  is  found  to  be  more  precious  than 
much  outward  treasure  in  those  ways  of  life,  where  the  leadings 
of  his  spirit  are  not  followed. 

*  OmJttcd  in  the  fint  and  auccMding  cditioDi> 


454 


TOE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


b 


The  prophet,  in  a  sight  of  Divine  work  amongst  many 
declared  in  the  name  of  the  Lord ;  "I  will  gather  all  nations  and 
tongues,  and  they  shall  come  and  see  my  glory."  Isaiah  IxvL  18. 
And  again,  "From  the  rising  of  the  sun  to  the  going  down  of  the 
same,  my  name  shall  be  great  amongst  the  Gentiles ;  and  in  cverf 
place  incense  shall  be  offered  to  my  name,  and  a  pure  oflFcring* 
Malachi  i.  11. 

Behold  here  how  the  prophets  had  an  inward  sense  of  lie 
spreading  of  the  Kingdom  of  Christ;  and  how  he  was  spoken  of 
as  one  who  should  "take  the  heathen  for  his  inheritance,  and  M/ 
utmost  parts  of  the  earth  for  his  possession/*  Psal.  ii.  8,  That 
*'he  was  given  for  a  Light  to  the  Gentiles ;  &  for  Salzxttion  to  tk 
ends  of  the  earth"    Isaiah  xlix.  6. 

When  we  meditate  on  this  Divine  work,  as  a  work  of  ages;— 
a  work  that  the  prophets  felt  long  before  Jesus  Christ  appear'd 
Visibly  on  earth;  and  remember  the  bitter  agonies  he  endured 
when  he  poured  ottt  his  said  unto  death,  that  the  heathen  nations 
as  well  as  others,  might  come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Truth  and 
be  saved : 

When  we  contemplate  on  tliis  marvellous  work,  as  that  which 
the  angels  desire  to  look  into;  1  Pet.  i.  12,  and  beliold  people 
amongst  whom  this  Light  liath  Eminently  broken  forth,  and  who 
have  received  many  favours  from  the  bountiful  hand  of  ouf 
Heavenly  Father;  not  only  indifferent  with  respect  to  publishing 
the  glad  tidings  amongst  the  Gentiles,  as  yet  sitting  in  darkness 
&  entangled  with  many  superstitions;  but  [who,]  aspiring  after 
wealth  and  worldly  honours,  take  hold  of  means  to  obtain  their 
ends,  tending  to  stir  up  wrath  and  indignation,  and  to  beget  an 
abhorrence  in  them  to  the  name  of  Christianity:  When  these  thii 
are  weightily  attended  to,  how  mournful  is  the  subject? 

It  is  worthy  of  remembrance  that  people  in  different  ag^ 
deeply  baptised  into  the  nature  of  that  work  for  which  Christ 
Suffered,  have  joyfully  offered  up  their  Liberty  and  lives  for  the 
promoting  of  it  in  the  Earth. 

Policarp  who  was  reputed  a  disciple  of  St.  John  havi:^ 
attained  to  a  great  age,  was  at  length  sentenced  to  die  /or  his 
religion,  and  being  brought  to  the  fire,  prayed  nearly  as  follows: 
"Thou  God  and  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesns  Christ,  by  whom  I  have 
received  the  knowledge  of  thee !    O  God  of  the  angels  and  powers. 


THE  TRUE  HARMONY  OF  MANKIND 


455 


nd  of  every  living  creature,  and  of  all  sorts  of  just  men  which 
ive  in  thy  presence,  I  thatik  thee,  that  thou  hast  graciously  vouch- 
afed  this  day  and  this  hour  to  allot  me  a  portion  among  the 
lumber  of  martyrs,  among  the  people  of  Christ,  unto  the  resurrec- 
ion  of  everlasting  life;  among  whom  I  shall  be  received  in  thy 
light,  this  day,  as  a  fruitful  and  acceptable  sacrifice.  Wherefore 
or  all  this,  I  praise  thee,  I  bless  thee,  I  glorify  thee  through  the 
everlasting  High  Priest,  Jesus  Christ,  thy  well  beloved  son ;  to 
vhom,  with  thee  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  be  all  glory,  world  without 
^d.     Amen."  ^ 

The  Antient  Bishop  Latimer,  when  sentence  of  death  by  fire 
BV^as  pronounced  against  him,  on  account  of  his  firmness  in  the 
cause  of  religion,  said,  "I  thank  God  most  heartily!  that  he  hath 
rolonged  my  life  to  this  end,  that  1  may  in  this  case  glorify  him 
r>y  this  kind  of  death."     Fox's  Acts  and  Monuments,  936. 

William  Dewsbery,  who  had  suffered  much  for  his  religion, 

n  his  last  sickness,  encouraging  his  friends  to  faithfulness,  made 

anention,  like  good  old  Jacob,  of  the  loving  kindness  of  God  to 

!liim   in  the  course  of  liis  life,  and  that  through  the  power  of 

Divine  love,  he  for  Christ's  sake  had  joyfully  entered  prisons. 

See  introduction  to  his  works. 

I  mention  these,  as  a  few  examples  out  of  many,  of  the  power- 
ful operation  of  the  Spirit  of  Christ,  where  people  are  fully 
devoted  to  it;  and  of  the  ardent  longings  in  their  minds  for  the 
spreading  of  his  Kingdom  amongst  mankind. 

Now  to  those,  in  the  present  age,  who  truly  know  Christ,  and 
feel  the  nature  of  his  peaceable  government  opened  in  their  under- 
standings, how  loud  is  that  call  wherewith  we  are  called  to  faitli- 
fulness;  that  in  following  this  pure  Light  of  Life,  "we  as  workers 
together  with  him,"  may  labour  in  that  great  work  for  which  he 
was  offered  as  a  Sacrifice  on  the  Cross,  and  that  his  peaceable 
doctrines  may  shine  through  us  in  their  real  harmony,  at  a  time 
when  the  Name  of  Christianity  is  become  hateful  to  many  of  the 
heathen. 

When  Gehazi  had  obtained  treasures  which  the  prophet  under 
Divine  direction  had  refused,  and  was  returned  from  the  business ; 

*  It  ii  intercMing  to  lind  this  prayer  iutcclined  with  corrections;  at  its  end.  Wool- 
man  ha«  written,  "I  want  to  see  [illegible]  History:  thi»  is  vvroic  only  by  memory." 
8c  baa  made  tbe  corrections  later,  or  tbey  have  been  added  by  anotber  hand. 


456  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


the  prophet,  troubled  at  his  ooodoct^  queried  if  it  i 

to  prepare  for  a  Specious  living.    '^  it  a  time  to 

and  garments,  men  Servants  and  maid  servants? 

therefore  of  Naaman  shall  deave  to  thee  and  tfaf 

II  Kings  v.  26.    And  O  that  we  may  lay  to  heart  the  condition 

the  present  time!  and  humbly  folW  His  coonsd,  wbo  alooeii 

able  to  prepare  the  way  for  a  true  harmoniotia  mSldng  wmaa^. 

mankind. 

CBAPmiV. 

On  Dwm§  AdmamUom, 

Such  are  the  perfections  of  our  heavenly  Father,  that  in  all  Iks 
dispensations  of  his  providence,  it  is  our  duty  **m  0umry  Mmv  Is 
ffive  thanks"  Though  from  the  first  settlement  of  tiiia  part  of 
America,  he  hath  not  extended  his  Judgments  fo  the  degree  of 
faming  yet  worms  at  times  have  come  forth  beyond  "'""Kf  ph^ 
and  lay'd  waste  fields  of  grain  and  grass,  where  they  have  sp- 
peared.  Another  kind,  in  great  multitudes,  working  out  of  s^^ 
in  grass  ground,  have  so  eat  the  roots  that  the  surface  beiqg 
loosened  from  the  soil  beneath,  might  be  taken  off  in  great  sheets. 

These  kinds  of  devouring  creatures  appearing  sddonw  and 
coming  in  such  multitudes,  their  generation  appears  di£Eerent  fron 
most  other  reptiles,  and  by  the  Prophet  were  called,  "God's  amgr 
sent  among  the  people."    Joel  2 :  25. 

There  have  been  tempests  of  hail,  which  have  very  nracfa 
destroyed  the  grain  where  they  extended.  Through  long  drought 
in  summer,  grain  in  some  places  hath  been  less  than  half  the  nsosl 
quantity.* 

And  in  the  continuance  thereof,  I  have  behdd  with  attentioo 
from  week  to  week,  how  dryness  from  the  top  of  the  Earth,  hath 
extended  deeper  and  deeper,  while  the  com  and  plants  have 
languished :  and  with  reverence  my  mind  hath  been  turned  toward 
HIM,  who  being  perfect  in  goodness,  in  wisdom  &  power,  doetfa 
all  things  right.  And  after  long  drought,  when  the  Sky  hatii 
grown  dark  with  a  Collection  of  matter,  and  Oouds  like  Lakes 

*■  Note  by  Woolman :    "When  crops  fail,  I  often  feel  a  tender  care  thMt  the  caae  of 
poor  tenants  may  be  mercifully  conaidered." 


THE  TRUE  aARMONY  OF  MANKIND 


-water  hung  over  our  heads,  from  whence  the  thirsty  Land 
Viath  been  soaked;  I  have,  at  times,  with  awfulness,  beheld  the 
'ehement  operation  of  the  Lightning,  made  sometimes  to  accom- 
X^aiiy  these  blessings,  as  a  messenger  from  him  who  Created  all 
things,  to  remind  us  of  our  duty  in  a  right  use  of  those  benefits, 
nd  give  striking  Admonitions,  that  we  do  not  misapply  those 
'iits,  in  which  an  Almighty  power  is  exerted  in  bestowing  them 
^«jpon  us. 

When  I  have  considered  that  many  of  our  fellow-creatures 
suffer  much  in  some  places  for  want  of  the  necessaries  of  life, 
^vrhilst  those  who  rule  over  them  are  too  much  given  to  Luxury, 
^nd  divers  vanities;  and  behold  the  apparent  deviation  from  pure 
"wisdom  amongst  us^  in  the  use  of  the  outward  gifts  of  God ;  those 
mnarks  of  famine  have  appeared  like  humbling  Admonitions  from 
tim,    that   we  might  be  instructed  by  gentle  Chastisements,   & 
might  seriously  consider  our  ways ;  remembering  that  the  outward 
supply  of  life  is  a  gift  from  our  heavenly  Father,  and  that  we 
should  oo  more  venture  to  use,  or  apply  his  gifts,  in  a  way  con- 
trary t    pure  wisdom. 

Sb  uld  we  continue  to  reject  those  merciful  admonitions,  & 
use  hi.  gifts  at  home,  contrary  to  the  gracious  design  of  the 
Giver ;  [or  send  them  abroad  in  a  way  of  Trade,  which  the  spirit 
of  Tr'ith  doth  not  lead  into:]  *  atid  should  He  whose  eyes  are 
upon  itl!  our  ways,  extend  his  Chastisements  so  far  as  to  reduce  us 
to  much,  greater  distress  than  hath  yet  been  felt  by  these  provinces; 
with  >\  :iat  sorrow  of  heart  might  we  meditate  on  that  subject, 
"Hast  thou  rwt  procured  this  unto  thyself,  in  that  thou  hast  for- 
saken the  Lord  thy  God,  when  fie  led  thee  by  the  wayf  Thine  own 
wickedness  sfiall  correct  tliee,  and  thy  backslidings  shall  reprove 
th^e:  know  therefore  and  see,  tfia-t  it  is  an  evil  thing  and  bitter, 
that  thoH  hast  forsaken  tfie  Lord  thy  God,  and  that  my  fear  is  not 
in  thee,  saith  the  Lord  God  of  hosts/'    Jer.  ii.  17,  19. 

My  mind  hath  often  been  affected  with  sorrow,  in  beholding 
a  wrong  application  of  the  gifts  of  our  Heavenly  Father;  and 
those  expressions  concerning  the  defilement  of  the  Earth  have 
been  opened  to  my  understanding.  "The  earth  was  corrupt  before 
God,  and  the  earth  was  filled  with  violence."    Gen.  vi.  11.    Again, 

*  "To  get    in   excbange   those  things  which   are  made   to   serve   the  Loxuriet  «nd 
Vanities  o£  life."     Corrected  to  ftttteat  readiog,  bj  John  WoolmAn. 


458  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

Isaiah  xxiv.  5,  "The  Earth  also  is  defiled  tinder  the  Inhahitarts 
thereof." 

The  Earth  being  the  work  of  a  Divine  power  may  not  as  stxb 
be  accounted  unclean:  but  when  violence  is  committed  thereoo, 
and  the  Channel  of  righteousness  so  obstructed,  that  "in  our  skirts 
is  found  the  blood  of  the  souls  of  poor  innocents;  not  by  a  stent 
search,  but  upoti  all  these/'  ^  Jerem.  ii.  34. 

When  Blood  shed  unrighteously  remains  unatoned  for,  and  tbe 
Inhabitants  are  not  Effectually  purged  from  it;  when  they  do  not 
wash  their  hands  in  Innocency,  as  was  figured  in  the  Law  in  tbe 
case  of  one  being  found  slain,  Deut.  xxi.  6;  but  seek,  for  gain 
arising  from  scenes  of  Violence  and  Oppression,  here  the  land  is 
polluted  with  blood. 

Moreover  when  the  Earth  is  planted  and  tilled,  and  the  fruits 
brought  forth  are  apply'd  to  support  unrighteous  purposes,  here 
the  gracious  design  of  Infinite  goodness  in  these  his  gifts,  being 
perverted,  the  Earth  is  defiled ;  and  the  complaint  formerly  uttefcd 
becomes  applicable :  "Thou  hast  made  me  to  Serve  with  thy  Sins: 
thou  hast  wearied  me  with  thine  Iniquities."    Isa.  xliii :  24, 

'Note  by  Woolman:    See   "A   Caution  and  Warning  to  Great   Britain  and  her 
Colonies,"  page  31.     [Bjr  Anthony  Benezet.] 


CONVERSATIONS 

ON 
THE  TRUE  HARMONY  OF  MANKIND 

AND  HOW  IT  MAY  BE  PROMOTED. 


1772 

The  "Conversations'*  of  John  Woolman  are  to  be  found  on 
page  14.  MS.  A,  folio,  at  the  hack  of  the  Journal.  The  book  has 
been  reversed,  and  reads  forward.  Woolman  heads  the  first 
Conversation,  *'The  Sulistance  of  s(»nie  Conversation  Ijetwecn  a 
labouring  man  and  a  man  rich  in  Money.  Labourer  speaks 
thus ."  The  second  is  entitled,  *The  Substance  of  some  Con- 
versation  betft'cen   a  thrifty  landholder  and   a   labouring  man. 

labouring  man  speaks  as  follows ."     The  first  i>art  uccuj^ies 

pages  15  to  21,  inclusive.  The  second,  pages  21  to  27,  inclusive. 
The  remaining  pages  are  blank. 

These  "Conversations**  of  John  Woolman,  interesting  because 
of  the  form  in  which  they  are  written,  as  well  as  for  their  sub- 
ject, were  apparently  never  printed  until  John  Comly  embodied 
tliem  in  his  edition  of  1837,  where  they  occur  on  page  362.  He 
also  printed  them  separately  in  his  "Friends'  Miscellany,"  Vol. 
I-  P-  337-  The  date  is  not  more  than  two  months  before  Wool- 
man's  departure  for  England,  and  they  are  among  the  latest  of 
his  writings.  He  him.self  must  be  taken  to  represent  the  labour- 
ing man,  and  the  conversations  may  well  have  been  held  with 
members  of  the  Pemberton.  Morris  or  Smith  families,  with  whom 
he  was  on  such  intimate  terms.  Doubdess  he  lost  no  opportunity 
to  inform  himself  on  these  social  problems,  eliciting  facts  from  his 
wealthy  friends,  with  a  tact  and  loving  solicitude  that  never  gave 
oflTence. 

The  dialogue  was  at  this  period  a  popular  style  of  writing, 

459 


46o  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

aod  it  is  a  fairly  safe  rule  to  lay  down,  that  only  those  who  w«t 
the  best  read  among  the  Quakers,  employed  it  in  their  publica- 
tions. 

CONVERSATIONS 

ON 

THE  TRUE  HARMONY  OF  MANKIND 
AND  HOW  IT  MAY  BE  PROMOTED. 

INTRODUCTION. 

I  have  at  sundry  times  felt  my  mind  opened  in  true  brotherly 
love,  to  converse  freely  and  largely  with  some  who  were  entrusted 
with  plentiful  estates,  in  regard  lo  an  application  of  the  profits  of 
them,  consistent  with  pure  wisdom.  And  of  late,  it  hath  often 
revived  on  my  mind,  as  a  duty,  to  write  the  substance  of  what  then 
passed:  and  as  I  have  attended  to  this  concern,  I  have  felt 
mind  opened  to  enlarge  on  some  points  then  spoken  to. 

John  Woolman. 
mo 

3:  1772. 

The  Substance  of  some  conversation  between  a  labouring  man, 
and  a  man  rich  in  money. 

fMhaurer  speaks  thus:  I  observe  thou  livest  easy,  as  to 
labour,  and  perceive  thou  takest  interest  at  seven  per  cent.  I 
Occasion  amongst  its  lal)oiiring  men,  in  supporting  our  families, 
to  work  harder  at  times  than  is  agreable  to  us.  I  am  now  thinking 
of  that  Christian  Exhortation,  Love  as  Brethren !  and  propose  to 
thee  my  Neighbour,  whether  a  way  may  not  be  opened  for  thee 
and  thy  family  to  live  comfortably  on  a  lower  interest,  which, 
if  once  rightly  attained,  would  I  believe  work  in  favour  of  us 
labouring  people. 

Rich.     If   thou  payest  no  interest,   wherein  doth   seven  per 
cent,  affect  thee? 

Labourer.    I  was  at  work  for  a  husbandman  who  had  bought 
a  plantation,  and  paid  interest  for  a  great  part  of  the  purchase 


f 


THE  TRUE  HARMONY  OF  MANKIND  461 


Sioney.  As  this  neighbour  and  1  were  talking  of  the  quantity  of 
strain,  equitable  pay  for  a  days  work,  he  told  me  that  so  much  of 
the  produce  of  liis  ground  went  yearly  to  pay  the  interest  of  the 
Teinaining  purchase  money,  that  he  thought  he  could  not  afford 
so  much  rie  for  a  days  work  now,  as  was  considered  pay  for  a 
days  work  twenty  years  ago. 

Rich.  Twenty  years  ago  interest  was  as  high  as  it  is  now, 
and  grain,  flesh,  butter,  and  cheese  were  then  cheaper. 

Labourer.  Seven  per  cent,  is  higher  than  interest  is  in  Eng- 
land, and  than  it  is  in  most  of  the  neighbouring  provinces.  This 
is  known  to  many  who  pay  interest,  who  look  at  wealthy  Interest 
receivers,  as  men  having  got  an  advantage  of  their  brethren;  and 
as  the  provisions  are  more  &  more  in  demand,  partly  by  an 
Enlargement  of  towns  and  villages,  and  partly  by  a  Sea-trade, 
some  take  hold  of  opportunities  to  raise  the  price  of  grain,  flesh, 
butter,  and  the  like  and  apprehend  that  herein  they  are  only 
labouring  to  bring  the  price  of  their  produce  toward  a  ballance 
with  seven  per  cent. 

On  a  rise  of  grain,  of  flesh,  and  the  like,  I  have  known  trades- 
men meet  and  raise  the  price  of  their  work,  thus  a  poor  labouring 
man  who  works  by  tlie  day  for  the  necessaries  of  life,  must  not 
only  work  more  for  a  bushel  of  grain,  but  also  for  weaving  of 
his  Cloath,  for  making  of  his  Coat,  and  for  the  Shoes  which  he 
wears. 

There  also  ariseth  discouragement  hereby  to  tradesmen,  in 
our  Country  in  general,  for  tradesmen  raising  their  wages  on  a 
rise  of  grain,  the  price  of  cloath,  of  Shoes,  of  hats,  of  Scithes, 
and  the  like  are  all  raised. 

Now  if  Interest  was  lower,  grain  lower,  and  kept  more  plenti- 
ful in  our  Countr)',  wages  of  hired  men  might  with  reason  be 
lower  also.  Hence  encouragement  would  naturally  arise  to  hus- 
bandmen to  raise  more  Sheep  and  flax,  and  prepare  means  to 
employ  many  poor  people  amongst  us. 

Sheep  are  pleasant  company  on  a  plantation,  their  looks  are 
modest,  their  voice  is  soft  and  agreeable;  their  defenceless  state 
exposeth  them  a  prey  to  wild  beasts,  and  they  appear  to  be  in- 
tended by  the  great  Creator  to  live  under  our  protection,  and 
Supply  us  with  matter  for  warm  and  useful  cloathing.  Sheep 
being  rightly  managed  tend  to  enrich  our  land;  but  by  sending 


L 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


abroad  great  quantities  of  grain  and  flower,  the  fatness  of  out 
land  is  diminished, 

I  have  known  landholders  who  paid  Interest  for  large  st 
of  money,  and  being  intent  on  paying  their  debts  by  raising  grain^ 
have  by  too  much  tilling,  so  robbed  the  earth  of  its  natural  fatness, 
that  the  produce  thereof  hath  grown  Ught. 

To  till  poor  land  requires  near  as  much  labour  as  to  till  that 
which  is  rich,  and  as  the  high  interest  of  money  which  lyeth  oo 
many  husbandmen,  is  often  a  means  tor  their  strugling  for  present 
profit,  to  the  impoverishment  of  their  lands,  they  then  on  their 
poor  land  find  greater  difficulty  to  afford  poor  labourers  who 
work  for  them,  equitable  pay  for  tilling  the  ground. 

The  produce  of  the  earth  is  a  gift  from  our  gracious  Creator 
to  the  inhabitants,  and  to  impoverish  the  earth  now  to  Support 
outward  greatness  appears  to  be  an  injury  to  the  succeeding  age. 

EicfL  As  tliere  hath  for  some  years  past  been  a  gradual  rise 
of  our  Country  produce,  and  we  have  not  raised  our  Interest,  if 
there  be  any  complaint  now,  it  seems  as  if  we  are  the  men  to  com- 
plain. 

Labourer.  My  loving  friend  and  neighbour!  People  thou 
knowest  sometimes  disagree  in  attempting  to  settle  accounts  (when 
no  fraud  is  intended  on  either  side,)  but  through  want  of  matters 
being  clearly  and  fairly  stated.  Come  now,  let  us  patiently  hear 
each  other,  and  endeavour  to  love  as  brethren. 

Some  who  pay  rent  for  a  small  house,  and  raise  up  children, 
all  by  days  labour,  are  often  taught  by  very  moving  instructions. 
Some  keep  a  Cow,  and  labour  hard  in  the  Summer  to  provide 
hay  and  grain  for  her  against  winter;  but  in  very  cold  winter^ 
hay  is  sometimes  gone  before  spring,  and  grain  is  so  scarce,  thro' 
much  sending  it  and  flower  abroad,  that  the  grain  intended  for  I 
Cow,  is  found  necessary  to  be  eaten  in  the  family.  I  have  known 
grain  &  hay  so  scarce,  that  I  could  not  any  where  near  get  so 
much  as  my  family  and  creatures  had  need  of ;  being  then  sparing 
in  feeding  our  Cow,  she  hath  grown  poor.  In  her  pineing  condi- 
tion, she  hath  called  aloud,  I  knew  her  voice,  and  the  sound 
thereof  was  the  Cry  of  Plunger.  I  liave  known  Snowy,  Stormy 
weather,  of  long  Continuance.  I  have  seen  poor  creatures  in 
distress,  for  want  of  good  Shelter  and  plentiful  feeding,  when  it 
^id  not  appear  to  be  in  the  power  of  their  owners  to  do  much 


\ 


THE  TRUE  HARMONY  OF  MANKIND 


463 


better  for  them,  being  Straitened  in  answering  the  demafids  of 
the  wealthy.  I  have  seen  small  fires  in  long  cold  Storms,  and 
known  suffering's  for  want  of  firewood.  In  wasting  away  under 
vi^nt,  nature  hath  a  voice  that  is  very  piercing.  To  these  things  I 
have  been  a  witness,  and  had  a  feeling  sence  of  them ;  nor  may  I 
easily  forget  what  I  have  thus  learned. 

Now  my  friend  I  have  beheld  that  fulness  &  delicacy  in  which 
thou  and  thy  family  live.  Those  expensive  articles,  brought  from 
be>'ond  the  Sea,  which  sen-e  chiefly  to  please  the  desire  of  the 
eye,  and  to  gratify  the  palate,  which  I  often  obsen'e  in  thy  family 
as  in  other  rich  families:  these  costly  things  are  often  revived 
in  my  remembrance  when  those  piercing  instructions  arising  from 
hunger  and  want,  have  been  before  me. 

Our  merchants,  in  paying  for  these  delicacies,  send  a  great 
deal  of  floor  and  grain  abroad  out  of  our  Country.  Hence  grain 
is  more  scarce  and  dear,  which  operates  against  poor  labouring 
people. 

I  have  seen,  in  thy  family  that  in  furnishing  the  house,  in  dress- 
ing yourselves,  and  in  preparations  for  the  Table,  you  might  save 
a  good  deal  if  your  minds  were  reconciled  to  that  Simplicity  men- 
tinned  by  the  Apostle,  to  wit,  the  simpHcity  fhat  t  It  err  is  in  Christ; 
and  by  thus  saving  you  might  help  poor  people  in  several  ways. 
You  might  abate  of  your  Interest  money,  and  that  might  operate 
in  favour  of  the  poor.  Your  example  in  a  plain  life  might  en- 
courage other  rich  families  in  this  simple  way  of  living,  who, 
by  abating  their  expenses,  might  the  easier  abate  the  rents  of  their 
lands,  and  their  tetmants.  having  farms  on  easier  terms,  would 
have  less  plea  for  Shortenii;g  the  wages  of  the  poor  by  raising  the 
price  of  grain  than  they  now  have. 

I  have  felt  hardships  amongst  poor  people,  &  had  experience 
of  their  difficulties.  Now  my  friend!  were  unr  Stations  in  the 
world  to  be  changed ;  were  thou  and  thy  Children  to  labour  a  few 
years  with  your  hands,  under  all  the  wants  and  difficulties  of  the 
poor,  toward  supporting  us  and  our  families  in  that  expensive 
way  of  life  in  which  thou  and  thy  family  now  live;  Thou  wouldst 
see  tliat  we  might  have  a  Sufficiency  with  much  less,  and  on  abat- 
ing our  demands,  might  make  thy  labour  and  the  labour  of  thy 
children  much  easier,  and  doubtless  in  my  case,  to  thee  such  abate- 
ment would  be  desirable. 


i 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

I  have  read  of  a  heathen  King  or  Emperor  so  afl 
that  great  Law  of  Equity,  laid  down  by  our  Redeerm 
caused  it  to  be  fixed  up  on  the  wall  of  his  palace:  "Whatsoever 
would  that  other  men  should  do  to  you,  do  ye  even  so  to  \h 
In  that  law,  our  Redeemer  refers  us  to  our  own  feeling";  and 
all  men  by  nature  are  equally  entitled  to  the  Equity  of  this  Law, 
and  under  the  obligations  of  itj  there  appears  on  the  point  of  ten- 
derness to  the  poor  improvement  necessary  for  thee,  my  friend. 

Rich.  I  f  1  were  to  abate  all  those  expenses  thou  hintest  at,  I 
believe  some  poor  people,  as  hard  set  to  live  in  the  world  a* 
those  thou  speakest  of,  would  lose  some  business,  and  be  more 
Straitened  to  live  than  they  are  at  present. 

Labourer.  I  know  of  no  employ  in  life,  more  innocent  in  its 
nature,  more  healthy,  and  more  acceptable  in  common  to  the 
minds  of  honest  men,  than  husbandry,  followed  no  further  thaa 
while  action  is  agreeable  to  the  body  only  as  an  agreeable  empl 
but  husbandry,  by  reason  of  the  smallness  of  the  number  cnT 
ployed  in  it  is  often  made  a  toyl,  and  the  sweetness  thereof  fre- 
quently changed  into  hurry  and  weariness,  in  doing  no  more  than 
tennants  commonly  exI1<^:t  from  a  man.  as  the  labour  of  a  day. 

Rick.  I  have  seen  men  perform  a  full  day's  labour,  even  in 
hot  weather,  and  at  Night  appeared  cheerful,  and  no  signs  of 
weariness  on  them. 

Labourer.  That  may  often  be  seen  in  strong  hearty  men; 
but  sometimes  the  necessities  of  poor  labouring  men  induce  them 
to  labour  when  they  are  weakly ;  and  among  poor  men  as  amongst 
others,  some  are  weak  by  nature,  and  not  of  constitutions  pre- 
pared to  go  through  great  labours,  and  these,  in  doing  what  is 
esteemed  a  days  work  in  the  summer,  are  frequently  very  wearj' 
before  night,  even  when  in  health;  and  when  weakly,  sometimes 
struggle  with  labour  to  a  great  degree  of  oppression. 

Labouring  to  raise  the  necessaries  of  life,  is  in  itself  an  honest 
labour,  and  the  more  men  there  are  employed  in  honest  employ- 
ments, the  better.  Many  of  the  employments  thou  hintest  at  liave 
been  in%'ented  to  gratify  the  wandering  desires  of  those  who. 
through  means  of  riches,  had  power  to  turn  money  into  the  Chan- 
nels of  Vanity,  which  employments  are  often  distressing  to  the 
minds  of  sincere  hearted  people,  who  from  their  childhood  have 
been  brought  up  in  them,  with  intent,  that  thereby  they  might  gel 


M 


I 


THE  TRUE  HARMONY  OF  MANKIND 


46s 


a  living  in  the  world,  with  whom  I  have  a  brotherly  sympathy, 
and  not  only  desire  that  their  faith  fail  not,  but  feel  a  care  that 
Such  who  have  plenty  of  the  things  of  this  life  may  lay  their 
condition  to  heart. 

I  feel  that  it  is  my  duty  to  love  my  heavenly  Father  with  all 
my  Soul  and  with  all  my  Strengtli.  I  feel  that  pride  is  opposite 
to  Divine  love;  and  if  i  put  forth  my  Strength  in  any  employ 
which  I  know  is  to  support  pride,  I  feel  that  it  has  a  tendency 
to  weaken  those  bands  which  through  the  infinite  mercies  of 
God,  I  have  felt  at  times  to  bind  and  unite  my  Soul  in  a  holy 
fellowship  with  the  Father,  and  with  his  Son,  Jesus  Christ.  This 
I  have  learned  through  the  precious  operation  of  Divine  love,  and 
ardently  desire  both  for  myself,  and  for  all  who  have  tasted  of  it, 
that  nothing  may  be  able  to  Separate  us  from  it. 

When  rich  men  who  have  the  power  of  circulating  money 
through  channels  the  most  pleasant  to  them,  do  not  stand  upright 
as  in  the  sight  of  Gkxi,  but  go  forth  in  a  way  contrary  to  pure 
wisdom,  it  tends  to  disorder  the  affairs  of  Society.  And  where 
they  gather  money  through  the  toyl  of  husbandmen,  and  circulate 
it  by  tradeing  in  Superfluities,  and  emplojnng  people  in  vanities, 
the  Similitude  used  by  the  prophet  Ezekiel  appears  applicable.  He 
represents  rich  men  as  Strong  cattle  who  feed  on  the  fat  pasture, 
and  then  wantonly  tread  down  the  remainder;  and  as  drinking 
at  a  pleasant  stream,  and  then  sporting  themselves  in  it  till  their 
feet  have  so  stired  up  the  mud,  that  the  thirsty  weak  cattle  have 
nothing  to  drink  but  dirty  water.  This  parable  of  the  prophet 
appears  to  represent,  not  only  the  bodily  hardships,  in  outward 
poverty  and  want,  of  such  poor  people  who  are  pressed  down  by 
the  power  of  the  wealthy,  but  may  properly  be  applied  to  those 
employments  about  vanities  in  which  many  poor  people  are  en- 
tangled. 

Now  if  rich  men  by  living  in  the  Simplicity  of  the  Truth,  stop 
the  busines  of  some  who  labour  in  gratifying  the  pride  and  vani- 
ties of  peoples  minds,  and  are  drinking  the  dirty  waters;  if  those 
at  the  same  time  abate  their  Interest,  and  the  rent  of  their  lands, 
this  opens  a  way  for  the  Tennant  to  be  more  liberal  with  the  fruits 
of  the  ground,  when  put  in  the  ballance  against  the  work  of  poor 
labouring  men. 

An  honest  Tennant  who  labours  himself  and  knows  what  it 


466  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

is  to  be  weary,  on  agreeing  to  pay  five  men  full  wages  for  doiBg 
that  which  is  now  computed  a  days  work  for  four,  might  a^ 
the  heavy  burdens  of  weakly  labourers,  and  open  the  way  for 
some  now  employed  in  gratifying  the  vanities  of  peoples  mimli 
to  enter  upon  useful  employments. 

Men  who  live  on  a  Supply  from  the  Interest  of  their  rao 
and  do  little  else  but  manage  it,  appear  to  have  but  a  small  share 
of  the  labour  in  carrying  on  the  affairs  of  a  province;  and  where 
a  member  of  Society  doth  but  a  small  sliare  of  the  business 
thereof,  it  appears  most  agreeable  to  Equity  &  true  brotherly 
love,  that  he  should  endeavour  to  live  in  such  sort,  as  may  he 
most  easie  to  them  by  whose  labour  he  is  chiefly  supported. 


The  substance  of  some  Conversation   between  a   thrifty   Ijind- 
holder,  and  a  Labouring  man. 

Labouring  Man.  speaks  as  folIoti*s:  I  observe  of  late  years 
that  when  I  buy  a  bushel  of  grain  for  my  family,  I  must  do  more 
work  to  pay  for  it  than  I  used  to  do  twenty  years  past.  What  is 
the  reason  of  this  change? 

Landholder.  Towns  and  villages  have  a  gradual  increase  in 
these  provinces,  and  the  people  now  employed  in  husbandry  bear. 
I  believe,  a  less  proportion  to  the  whole  inhabitants  than  they  did 
then  ;  this  T  take  to  be  one  reason  of  the  change  ;  but  the  main  cause 
is  that  of  Sending  So  much  grain  &  flower  abroad. 

Labourer.  I  believe  it  is  so ;  but  I  observe  that  where  land  is 
well  cleared,  and  enriched  by  cattle  and  sheep,  a  hundred  bushels 
of  rie  is  raised  with  less  labour  now  than  was  necessary  when 
the  ground  was  to  clear,  and  the  ploughing  interrupted  by  many 
stumps ;  and  as  we  have  great  plenty  of  grain  raised  in  our  coun- 
try, it  seems  uneasie  to  me,  that  I  must  now  do  more  work  for  a 
bushel  of  rie  than  I  did  then. 

Landholder.     The  price  set  on  labour  is  high ;  but  as  we  have 
now  less  labour  in  clearing  land,  than  we  had  then,  and  as  young 
men  who  have  no  land  of  their  own  are  now  more  numerous, 
appears  likely  that  we  may  have  our  labour  done  for  lower  w; 
than  we  had  then.     And  as  our  Country  is  now  more  open,  and 
great  quantities  of  grain  are  now  raised,  we  are  enabled  to  sup- 


Dung 

'4 


M 


F 


THE  TRUE  HARMONY  OF  MANKIND  467 


>ly  some  people  beyond  the  Seas  with  grain  and  flower,  for  which 
n  return  we  get  many  things  convenient  from  abroad.  [And 
this  of  sending  our  Grain  &  flower  beyond  the  seas  I  take  to  be 
another  cause  of  the  price  of  grain  being  higher  than  it  was 
Jiirty  years  ago.] 

Labourer.  Of  things  which  to  me  appear  convenient,  we 
through  Divine  favour  have  plenty  in  our  own  land,  and  in  so 
much  sending  abroad,  and  fetching  from  far,  there  is  great  hazard 
of  men's  lives,  and  the  good  fruits  of  the  earth  brought  forth 
through  much  labour,  are  often  buried  in  the  Sea.  H  our  people 
who  are  beforehand  in  the  world,  would  be  content  with  living 
•more  on  the  produce  of  our  own  land,  and  instead  of  employing 
so  many  men  on  the  Seas,  would  employ  the  greater  part  of  them 
in  husbandry  &  useful  trades,  and  keep  grain  more  plentifully  in 
our  Country,  I  believe  it  would  be  better  for  us  in  general,  and 
we  labouring  people  might  have  grain  in  proportion  to  our  labour 
as  heretofore;  and  in  the  plentiful  produce  of  our  Country,  re- 
joice with  tiie  landholders.  [Amongst  the  members  of  Christ,  if 
one  of  the  members  rejoices,  the  others  rejoice  with  it.]  But 
while  the  landholders  have  great  increase,  and  therewith  gratify 
themselves  and  their  families  with  expensive  delicacies,  and  at  the 
same  time  demand  more  hard  labour  of  us  for  a  bushel  of  grain, 
than  they  did  when  much  less  grain  was  sent  abroad ;  this  falls 
hard  on  our  side,  and  thtjygh  a  poor  labouring  man  may  behold 
the  Country  in  outward  prosperity,  yet  feeling  the  prosperity 
thereof  to  be  of  such  a  nature,  that  in  getting  bread  for  his  family, 
lie  must  do  more  work  for  a  bushel  of  grain  than  was  required  of 
him  in  years  past,  it  doth  not  apjiear  that  he  hath  a  proporti(jnable 
share  in  this  prosperity. 

Landholder.  There  are  many  people  in  distant  parts,  who  de- 
pend on  a  supply  by  our  grain  anr!  flower. 

Labourer.  I  believe  some  trade  abnjad  might  be  of  advantage 
to  us  and  to  some  with  whom  we  trade,  if  that  Spirit  wliich 
le;ids  into  error  had  no  part  in  directing  this  trade. 

A  great  stop  in  trade  may  not  be  expected  vvithout  incon- 
venience to  some:  but  as  the  spirit  of  Truth  prevails  in  our  minds 
ive  are  content  with  that  only  which  is  of  real  use  to  us.  Thus 
the  love  of  riches  is  cast  out  of  our  hearts ;  the  desire  after  costly 
delicacies  is  subjected  in  us,  and  in  true  brotherly  kindness  we 


468 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


are  moved  to  assist  the  weak  members  in  the  family  under  theif 
difficulties. 

Our  flower  is  often  sent  abroad  to  fruitful  places ;  and  W( 
the  inhabitants  of  some  of  those  places  to  apply  tlieniselves  more 
to  that  of  raising  a  living  for  themselves  out  of  their  own  ground, 
and  trade  less  abroad,  I  believe  both  we  and  they,  under  the 
Divine  blessing,  might  have  a  sufficient  Supply:  less  of  the  prth 
duce  of  the  Earth  would  be  sunk  in  the  seas,  less  expense 
carrying  abroad  and  fetching  from  far;  and  labour  would 
niadt?  more  easy  to  the  tillers  of  the  ground,  both  here  and  th' 

Landholder.    We  commonly  raise  more  grain  in  Pennsylv; 
and  New  Jersey,  in  a  Year  than  is  a  supply  for  our  Inhabitai 
and  by  sending  abroad  tliat  of  which  we  have  no  present 
casion,  we  not  only  get  a  supply  of  sundry  branches  of 
cliandize  from  abroad,  but  also  get  gold  ruiiongst  us. 

Laboi4rer.  In  rightly  labouring  for  the  true  prosperity  of 
country,  we  do  nothing  at  which  any  one  of  our  inhabitants  have 
just  cause  to  Complain ;  but  in  putting  forward  trade  beyond  the 
right  bounds,  grain  is  made  scarce  and  dear,  even  in  a  time  of 
plenty  ;  a  poor  labouring  man  must  spend  more  of  his  strength 
to  get  a  bushel  of  rie,  than  was  retjuired  of  him  when  less  v^-as 
sent  abroad.  Thus  husbandry  one  of  the  most  healthful,  hoi 
employments,  so  agreeable  and  inviting  to  us,  is  made  a  toyl, 
becomes  wearisome  by  reason  that  too  few  are  employed  in  it, 
too  much  labour  assigned  as  the  work  of  a  day. 

Many  branches  of  business  are  invented  to  please  the  pride 
and  Vanity  of  such  who  wander  from  pure  wisdom,  which 
I)ranches  of  business  are  often  uneasie  to  sincere  hearted  trades- 
men :  but  husbandr)^  is  an  employment  in  itself  so  necessary,  and 
carried  on  in  the  ojien  air,  tliat  it  appears  consistent  with  pure 
wisdom  to  have  as  many  employed  in  it  as  the  nature  of  the  case 
will  rightly  admit  of.  and  that  those  should  not  be  obliged  to  work 
harder  for  a  coniffjrtable  living  than  may  be  an  agreeable  employ. 

Grain  of  late  years  is  raised,  not  only  in  greater  plenty  than  il 
was  formerly,  but  also  with  less  labour;  and  that  poor  labouring 
men  and  tradesmen  should  l)e  under  the  necessity  to  spend  more 
of  their  strength  for  a  bushel  of  it,  than  was  required  of  them 
in  years  past,  is  a  case  that  to  me  doth  not  appear  harmonious 
«n  Society. 


ana 


THE  TRUE  HARMONY  OF  MANKIND 


469 


If  gold  is  brought  into  our  Country  through  means  which 
renders  the  condition  of  the  poor  more  difficult,  it  appears  evi- 
dent that  of  that  gold  the  country  had  better  be  without. 

I  believe  the  real  use  of  gold  amongst  men,  bears  a  small  pro- 
portion to  the  labour  in  getting  it  out  of  the  earth,  and  carrying 
it  about  from  place  to  place. 

It  doth  not  appear  to  have  much  use  but  that  of  a  currency, 
and  if  trade  extended  no  further  than  was  consistent  with  pure 
wisdom,  I  believe  trade  might  be  carried  on  without  gold. 

To  make  an  axe  or  a  hoe,  iron  and  steel  is  worth  more  to  the 
husbandman  than  gold  of  an  equal  weight. 

If  a  man  with  much  gold  should  travel  into  those  parts  of  the 
world  where  people  are  all  strangers  to  that  high  value  which  is 
placed  on  it,  and  there  endeavour  to  buy  the  conveniences  of  life 
therewith ;  to  propose  in  exchange  so  small  a  piece  of  metal  for  so 
much  of  the  necessaries  of  hfe,  would  doubtless  to  them  be  mat- 
ter of  admiration.^ 

Gold,  where  the  value  fixed  thereon  is  agreed  to,  appears  to 
be  attended  with  a  certain  degree  of  power,  and  where  men  get 
much  of  this  power,  their  hearts  are  many  times  in  danger  of 
being  lifted  up  above  their  brethren,  and  of  being  estranged  from 
that  meekness  and  tender  feeling  of  the  state  of  the  poor,  which 
accompanies  the  faithful  followers  of  Christ. 

Our  blessed  Redeemer  who  is  always  able  to  supply  our 
wants,  even  by  miracles  when  that  is  consistent  with  infinite  wis- 
dom :  he,  our  Gracious  Shephenl  who  well  knows  our  weakness, 
and  the  danger  there  is  of  our  hearts  being  corrupted  by  that 
power  which  attenrls  riches,  commanded  us.  Lay  not  up  for  your- 
selves treasures  here  on  Earth,  and  one  of  his  immediate  follow- 
ers, warning  us  of  the  woful  state  of  such  who  continue  in  the 
breach  of  this  command  said.  They  who  will  be  rich  fall  into  temp- 
tation and  a  snare,  and  into  many  foolish  and  hurtful  lusts, 
which  drown  men  in  destruction  &  perdition. 

Through  the  desire  of  money,  men  are  tempted  at  times  to  deal 
hardly  with  their  poor  Neighbours,  and  in  the  possession  of  riches 
there  is  a  snare. 

Through  this  imaginary  greatness,  the  heart  is  often  ensnared 
with  pride;  and  through  plenty  of  gold,  the  way  is  more  open  to 

*  Old  UM  of  the  word,  meamng  astonishmtnt. 


4;^  THE  JOXntNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOUCAN 

gratify  the  vanity  of  tlie  desire  tn  ddiodes  and  laxmy;  and 
these  gratifications,  tbere  is  often  a  growing  exafaition  of 
an  imaginary  superiority  over  such  wliD  have  a  small 
the  things  of  this  life,  and  thus  many  heeome  caUai^ged 
the  tender  f edings  of  true  brotherly  love  and  Charitj. 

In  a  time  of  plenty,  when  great  quantities  of  grain  and 
are  sent  to  distant  parts,  a  poor  man  who  labours  for  hire 
bread  for  his  family,  must  now  do  more  hboar  for  a  bnabd  af 
than  was  required  for  that  quantity,  thirty  years  past,  wUdh 
cumstance  appears  worthy  the  consideration  of  such  who 
fruitful  plantations,  or  are  otherwise  entrusted  witfa  power, 
may  justly  incite  them  to  beware  lest  tiie  love  of  moaey 
their  hearts,  and  lead  them  on  to  promote  trading  hejoad 
right  bounds. 

They  who  hold  plentiful  estates  have  power  over  tinae 
have  only  their  hands  to  labour,  and  if  they  misapply  this  pom 
the  joynts  and  bands  of  Society  are  disordered.  Poor  laboori^ 
men,  in  raising  up  families  find  occasion  to  labour  too  hard. 
other  poor  men  would  be  idle  for  want  of  employ,  were  not  cfli' 
ployments  provided  which  serve  chiefly  to  grati^  the  pride  wd 
vanity  of  peoples  minds. 

Where  people  love  money,  and  their  hearts  are  ensnared  wiA 
imaf^inary  greatness,  the  disease  frequently  spreads  from  oftett 
another  and  children  indulged  in  those  wants  which  proceed  froa 
tins  spirit,  have  often  wants  of  the  same  kind  in  a  much  hiffX 
deforce  when  they  grow  up  to  be  men  and  women,  and  their  par- 
t'fits  are  often  entangled  in  contriving  means  to  supply  than  witfc 
estates  to  live  answerable  to  those  expensive  customs,  whidi  vey 
early  in  life  have  taken  hold  of  their  minds. 

In  contriving  to  raise  estates  on  these  motives,  how  oftei 
arc  the  minds  of  parents  bewildered,  perplexed,  and  drawn  imo 
ways  &  means  to  get  money,  which  increase  the  difficulties  of  poor 
people  who  maintain  their  families  by  the  labour  of  their  hands? 

A  man  may  intend  to  lay  up  wealth  for  his  children,  but  may 
not  intend  to  oppress ;  yet,  in  this  fixed  intention  to  increase  16 
estate,  the  working  of  his  designs  may  cause  the  bread  of  the 
needy  to  fail,  and  at  the  same  time  their  hardships  may  roBtk 
unnoticed  by  him. 

I'his  the  Inspired  penman  describes  in  the  SimiUtvde  of  I 


I 


THE  TRUE  HARMONY  OF  MANKIND 


471 


mail  falling.  Now  a  man  falling  may  go  headlong  where  he  had 
no  design  to  go.  Having  a  will  to  be  rich,  he  may  fall;  he  may 
fall  into  the  condition  of  Oppressors,  though  he  load  no  design  to 
oppress.  Thus  it  remains  that  the  love  of  money  is  a  root  from 
whence  spring  many  evils;  and  they  who  will  be  rich  fall;  they 
fall  into  temptations  and  a  snare,  and  into  many  foolish  and  hurt- 
ful customs,  which  strongly  operate  against  the  true  harmony 
of  society. 

This  of  making  grain  scarce  in  a  plentiful  country  for  the 
sake  of  getting  a  little  fine  mettal  as  a  Currency  amongst  us, 
which  doth  not  appear  to  be  worth  its  weight  in  Steel  for  instru- 
ments relating  to  the  common  business  of  getting  a  Hving  in 
the  world,  appears  to  me  to  work  against  the  general  convenience 
of  poor  labouring  people,  and  is  often  a  snare  to  others  respecting 
the  inward  state  of  their  minds. 

The  members  in  society  to  me  appear  like  tlie  members  in  a 
mans  body,  which  only  move  regularly  while  the  motion  pro- 
ceeds from  the  head.  In  fits,  people  sometimes  have  convulsive 
motions,  which  though  strong,  are  only  manifestations  of  dis- 
order. 

While  we  love  God  with  atl  our  hearts,  and  love  not  ourselves 
in  a  love  different  from  that  which  we  feel  towards  mankind 
universally,  so  long  the  way  remains  open  for  that  Life  which 
is  the  Light  of  men,  to  operate  in  us,  and  lead  us  forward  in  all 
the  concerns  necessary  for  us.  Here  we  may  rejoice  in  the  testi- 
mony of  our  conscience,  that  in  Simplicity  and  godly  sincerity, 
we  have  had  our  conversation  amongst  men. 

This  is  a  treasure  of  which  through  the  tender  mercies  of 
God,  T  have  in  a  small  degree  had  experience;  and  when  I  think 
on  this  outward  body  being  dissolved,  and  look  toward  ages  who 
may  succeed  us,  this  treasure  of  all  others  feels  the  most  precious, 
and  what  I  ardently  desire  may  be  possessed  by  generations  to 
come. 

If  Gold  comes  not  rightly  into  our  Country,  we  had  better  be 
without  it.  The  love  of  money  is  the  root  of  evil,  and  while  gold 
comes  among  us  as  an  effect  of  the  love  of  money  in  the  hearts  of 
the  inhabitants  of  this  land,  branches  rising  up  from  this  root  like 
the  degenerate  plant  of  a  Strange  Vine,  will  remain  to  trouble  us, 
&  interrupt  the  true  harmony  of  Society. 


472 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


The  Love  of  Christ,  which  preserves  the  faithftd  in  purityi 
heart,  puts  men  into  a  motion  which  works  harmoniously,  ani 
which  their  example  yields  clear  and  safe  instruction:  thus 
Redeemer  said,  Ye  are  the  light  of  the  world. 

This  is  the  standard  which  God  hath  commanded  to  be  Ufted 
to  the  people,  and  the  possibility  uf  this  standard  being  now  lifted 
up  by  us,  standeth  in  that  of  a  lowly  watchful  attention  to  ^ 
leadings  of  Him  who  is  the  light  of  life;  and  if  we  go  from 
standard,  wc  go  into  a  wilderness  of  confusion. 

While  we  keep  to  this  Standard  we  are  content  with  a  Httle; 
but  in  the  luve  of  money  and  outward  greatness  the  wants  of 
one  person  may  rei|uire  as  much  labour  to  supply  them,  as  would 
supply  ten  whose  wants  extend  no  further  than  tliose  things  which 
our  heavenly  Father  knoweth  that  we  have  need  of.  And  where 
people  are  entangled  with  that  Spirit  in  which  men  receive  hon* 
our  one  of  another,  and  seek  not  the  honour  which  cometli  from 
God  only,  in  this  state  ex  pence  ariseth  frequently  on  expcnce, 
and  in  the  increase  of  outward  substance  they  often  find  oc- 
casion for  a  greater  increase.  Thus,  a  man  on  some  new  ac- 
quaintance with  one  whose  living  in  the  world  is  more  specious 
than  his  own,  may  feel  an  inclination  to  rise  up  as  high  as  to  i 
level  with  him,  and  to  attain  this  he  may  frame  new  device>  to 
increase  his  estate,  and  these  devices  may  cause  the  bread  of  the 
needy  to  fail,  though  his  intent  was  only  to  get  riches  to  himself. 

Now  as  men  have  a  will  to  be  rich,  and  in  that  will  follow  on 
in  the  pursuit  of  devices  which  work  against  the  convenient  liv- 
ing of  poor  honest  people,  in  this  course  they  decrease  as  to  that 
of  being  kind  and  tender-hearted,  in  seeking  after  tlie  wants  of 
the  weak  and  helpless:  and  in  that  si>irit  in  which  men  receive 
honour  one  from  another,  their  minds  are  towards  Outward  power 
to  Support  themselves  in  that  wliich  they  possess. 

With  gold  men  often  hire  armies  and  make  great  preparations 
for  war.  Now  in  raising  great  armies  and  Sujjporting  them,  much 
labour  becomes  necessary,  which  otherwise  would  not  be  needful; 
and  in  the  long  continuation  of  these  things,  the  yoke  lies  heavy 
on  many  poor  people. 

The  battles  of  the  warrior  are  not  only  with  confused  noise, 
and  garments  rolled  in  blood,  but  commonly  contrived  in  the 
craft  and  Subtilty  of  mans  wisdom ;  and  if  we  trust  in  man,  make 


[ 


EPISTLE 


473 


flesh  our  arm^  and  are  estranged  from  that  purified  state  in  which 
the  mind  relieth  on  God,  we  are  in  the  way  towards  an  increase 
of  confusion;  and  this  state,  even  among  much  gold  and  great 
riches,  is  less  settled  and  quiet,  than  that  of  a  faithful  follower 
of  the  lowly  Jesus,  who  is  contented  with  those  things  which  our 
heavenly  Father  knoweth  that  we  have  need  of« 

In  this  state  we  are  dead,  and  our  life  is  hid  with  Christ  in 
God.  Dead  to  the  love  of  money.  Dead  to  worldly  honour,  and 
to  that  friendship  which  is  at  enmity  with  Him,  and  thus  He  is 
felt  to  be  our  Rock  and  our  Safe  Habitation. 

In  the  love  of  money  and  outward  greatness,  the  mind  is 
perplexed  with  selfish  devices;  hov;'  to  keep!  how  to  defend  from 
the  crafty  designs  of  the  proud  &  envious!  and  from  the  des- 
perate attempts  of  the  oppressed. 

Now  in  the  bottom  of  these  devices  there  is  unquietness. 
For  where  gold  or  treasures  are  gathered,  and  not  in  that  wisdom 
which  is  pure  and  peaceable,  the  mind  in  this  state  is  left  naked. 
The  robe  of  Gods  righteousness  is  a  Covering,  which  to  them 
who  are  Sanctified  in  Christ  Jesus,  is  an  abundant  recompense 
for  the  loss  of  that  life,  with  all  its  treasures,  which  stood  in 
the  wisdom  of  this  world.  Under  this  robe  we  feel  that  all  things 
work  together  for  our  good ;  that  we  have  no  cause  to  promote,  but 
the  cause  of  pure  Universal  Love;  and  here  all  our  cares  Center  in 
a  humble  trust  in  Him  who  is  Omnipotent. 

An  Epistle 

to  the 

Quarterly  and  Monthly  Meetings  of  Friends. 

1772. 

This  "Epistle"  is  John  Woolman's  farewell  to  liis  friends 
in  America,  just  before  he  sailed  for  England.  The  manuscript 
is  found  at  the  end  of  the  chapter  "On  Serving  the  Lord  in  our 
Outward  Employments,"  which  is  in  quarto  form  at  Swarthmore 
College,  Pennsylvania. 

The  following  extract  is  from  a  letter  written  near  the  time 
of  his  departure;  it  is  one  of  the  last  of  his  farewell  notes 
which  exist.*    **.  .  .  If  thou  and  Such  in  this  Citty,  who  are  care- 

•  Pembcrtori    raptrs,    Vol.    XXIII,   p.    117.     Historical   Society   of   Peima.     See   text 
of   letter,    Ititroductioa. 


A     N 

EPISTLE 

TO      THE 

Quarterly  and  Monthly 
MEETINGS 

O     F 

FRIENDS. 

'    ■■      ■    }  — — — — 

By    JOHN     WOOLMAN. 

LONDON: 
Rc-prlntcd    by  Mary    Hikde. 


EPISTLE 


475 


to  look  over  writings  propos*  to  be  printed  and  to  amend,  what 
r  be  imperfect,  would  employ  a  little  time  in  correcting  that 
e,  and  after  ward  let  me  see  the  proposed  alterations,  it  would 

icceptable  to  me  to  took  over  them. 


John  Wool  man 

(4mo.  1772)" 


enth  Day  morning. 

for 

rael  Pembcrton. 

The  manuscript  of  the  Epistle  was  left  in  the  hands  of  John 
iberton.  Clerk  of  the  Meeting  for  Sufferings,  to  whom  was  also 
:n  the  Journal,  not  for  publication^  unless  in  the  event  of  his 
:h,  when  it  was  to  be  printed  at  once.  The  Epistle  must  have 
sared  almost  at  the  same  time  that  his  death  occurred  at  York. 
Minutes  of  the  meeting  contain  the  following  entry : 
At  a  Monthly  Meeting  for  Sufferings  held  in  Philadelphia,  i8th. 
th  month,  1772. 

\.n  Epistle  wrote  by  Our  Friend  John  Woolraan  directed  to  the 
rterly  and  Monthly  Meetings  of  Friends  having  been  read  (pur- 
it  to  his  desire  just  before  he  embarked  on  a  Religious  Visit  to 
:nds  in  Europe)  at  the  last,  and  again  at  this  Meeting,  &  the 
ect  &  General  terms  thereof  being  approv'd,  Israel  Pemberton, 
cs  Pemberton,  Anth"  Benezet,  William  Brown,  John  Reyncll  & 
liam  Home  are  appointed  to  revise  it  carefully  &  to  treat  with 
'inter  for  Printing  it/' 

The  following  month,  the  same  Meeting,  with  Samuel  Neale,  a 
ing  English  Friend  also  present,  ordered  two  thousand  copies 
ted  for  distribution.  At  the  next  meeting  the  Clerk  was  ordered 
lend  a  share  to  each  of  the  Provinces  where  there  are  meetings 
friends."  Joseph  Crukshank  at  this  time  printed  the  official 
rs  of  the  Friends  at  Philadelphia,  and  this  pamphlet  was  un- 
tedly  included  among  the  items  submitted  by  him  in  the  bill  which 
resented  to  the  meeting,  in  9  mo.  1772. 

inthony  Benezet,  James  Pemberton  and  John  Pemberton  had 
are  of  its  distribution,  and  Samuel  Smith,  Treasurer,  was  directed 
ly  costs  of  printing. 

hey  sold  in  New  York  and  New  England  among  the  Friends,  at 
shillings  per  dozen. 

THE  EPISTLE 

ved  Friends,— 

"eeling  at  this  time  a  renewed  concern  that  the  pure  Prin- 
of  Light  and  Life,  (and  the  righteous  fruits  thereof)  may 


476 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


spread  and  prevail  amongst  mankind,  there  is  an  engageme 
my  heart  to  labour  with  my  brethren  in  religious  profession 
none  of  us  may  be  a  stumbling-block  in  the  way  of  others,  bat 
may  so  walk  that  our  conduct  may  reach  the  pure  witness  in  tht 
hearts  of  such  who  are  not  in  profession  with  us. 

And  dear  Friends,  while  we  publicly  own  that  the  Holj 
Spirit  is  oiir  leader  our  conduct  on  this  principle  being  charge- 
able on  Christ,  the  profession  in  itself  is  weighty ;  and  the  weighti- 
ness  thereof  increaseth  in  proportion  as  we  arc  noted  among  the 
professors  of  the  Truth,  and  active  in  dealing  with  such  who 
walk  disorderly. 

Many  under  our  professions  for  want  of  a  due  attention  &  a 
perfect  resignation  to  this  Divine  Teacher,  have  in  some  things 
manifested  a  deviation  from  the  purity  of  our  religious  prind- 
ples,  and  these  deviations  having  crept  in  amongst  us  by  little  k 
little,  &  increasing  from  less  to  greater,  have  been  so  far  unno- 
ticed that  some  living  in  them,  have  been  active  in  putting  dis- 
cipline in  practice,  with  relation  to  others,  whose  conduct  hath 
appeared  more  dishonourable  in  the  world. 

Now  as  my  mind  has  been  exercised  before  the  Lord,  I  have 
seen  that  the  discipline  of  the  church  of  Christ  standeth  in  that 
which  is  pure.  That  it  is  the  wisdom  from  above  which  give* 
authority  to  discipline,  and  that  the  weightiness  thereof  standeili 
not  in  any  outward  circumstances,  but  in  the  authority  of  Christ 
who  is  the  author  of  it.  And  where  any  walk  after  the  flesh,  and 
live  against  the  purity  of  Truth,  and  at  the  same  time  are  acti: 
in  putting  discipline  in  practice,  a  veil  is  gradually  drawn 
the  purity  of  discipline,  &  over  that  holiness  of  life  which  Chn5t 
leads  those  into  "in  whom  the  love  of  God  is  verily  perfectetl." 
I  John  ii.  5. 

When  we  labour  in  true  love  with  offenders,  &  they  remain 
obstinate,  it  sometimes  is  necessary  to  proceed  as  far  as  our 
blessed  Lord  directed:  "Let  him  be  to  thee  as  an  heathen  man 
or  a  publican."     [Mat.  xviii.  17.] 

Now  when  such  are  disowned  and  they  who  act  therein  M 
Christ  made  unto  them  wisdom,  and  are  preserved  in  the  meek, 
restoring  spirit,  there  is  no  just  cause  of  offence  ministered  to 
them.  But  when  they  who  are  active  in  dealing  with  offender?, 
indulge  in  tliat  which  is  against  the  purity  of  Trutli,  and  yet 


{ 


m 


EPISTLE 


477 


judge  others  whose  conduct  appears  more  dishonourable  than 
theirs,  here  the  pure  authority  of  discipline  ceaseth  as  to  such 
offenders,  and  a  temptation  is  laid  in  their  way  to  wrangle  and 
Contend. 

I  "Judge  not,"  said  our  Blessed  Lord,  "that  ye  be  not  judged." 
Now  this  forbidding  alludes  to  man's  judgment,  and  points  out 
^e  necessity  of  our  humbly  attending  to  that  sanctifying  power, 
bnder  which  the  faithful  experience  the  Lord  to  be  "a  spirit  of 
Judgment  to  them."  Isa,  xxviii.  6.  And  as  we  feel  his  Holy 
Spirit  to  mortify  the  deeds  of  the  body  in  us,  we  can  say,  "it  is 
po  more  I  that  live,  but  Christ  that  liveth  in  me" ;  here  right 
judgment  is  known. 

1  And  while  Divine  love  prevails  in  our  hearts,  &  self  in  us 
is  brought  under  judgment,  a  preparation  is  felt  to  labour  in  a 
light  manner  with  offenders ;  but  if  we  abide  not  in  this  love,  our 
kutward  performance  in  dealing  with  others  &  in  imitation  of 
ivorshipers,  degenerates  into  formality.  For  "this  is  the  love  of 
God,  that  we  keep  his  commandments."    i  John  v.  3, 

How  weighty  are  those  instructions  of  our  Redeemer  con- 
terning  religious  duties,  when  he  points  out  that  those  who  pray, 
should  be  so  obedient  to  the  teachings  of  the  holy  Spirit,  that, 
fivimbly  confiding  in  his  help,  they  may  say,  Thy  name,  O  Father, 
be  hallowed!  "Thy  kingdom  come.  Thy  will  be  done  on  earth 
Is  it  is  in  heaven."  In  this  awful  state  of  mind  people  feel  that 
llvorship  which  stands  in  doing  the  will  of  God  on  earth  as  it  is 
lone  in  heaven,  and  keeping  the  holy  Name  sacred.  To  take  a 
iioly  profession  upon  us  is  awful;  nor  can  we  keep  this  holy 
Kame  sacred,  but  by  humbly  abiding  under  the  power  of  the  cross 
if  Christ.  Against  some  who  prophaned  his  holy  Name  by  their 
iving  the  apostle  made  heavy  complaint.  "Through  you,  the 
lame  of  God  is  blasphemed  amongst  the  Gentiles."  Rom,  ii.  24. 
Some  of  our  ancestors  through  many  tribulations  were  gath- 
kred  into  the  state  of  true  worshippers,  and  had  fellowship  in 
;at  which  is  pure,  and  as  one  was  inwardly  moved  to  kneel 
wn  in  their  assemblies,  and  publicly  call  on  the  name  of  the 
rd.  those  in  the  liarnumy  of  united  exercise  then  presesit. 
ined  in  the  prayer,  I  mention  this  that  we  of  the  present  age, 
^y  look  unto  the  Rock  from  whence  we  were  hewn,  and  re- 
iber  that  to  unite  in  worship  is  a  union  in  prayer,  and  that 


478  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

prayer  acceptable  to  the  Father  is  only  in  a  mind  truly  sanctified 
where  the  sacred  name  taken  on  us  is  kept  holy,  and  the  heart  r^ 
signed  to  do  his  will  on  earth  as  it  is  done  in  heaven,  "If  ye  abide 
in  me,"  saith  Christ,  "&  my  words  abide  in  you,  ye  shall  ask 
what  ye  will  in  my  name,  and  it  shall  be  done  unto  you.*'  Now 
we  know  not  what  to  pray  for  as  we  ought,  but  as  the  holy  Spint 
doth  open  and  direct  our  minds,  and  as  we  faithfully  y*ield  to  it 
our  prayers  unite  with  tlie  will  of  our  heavenly  Father,  who  fails 
not  to  grant  that  which  his  own  spirit  through  his  children  asketh. 
Thus  preservation  from  sin  is  known,  and  the  fruits  of  righteous- 
ness brought  forth  by  such  who  inwardly  unite  in  prayer. 

How  weighty  are  our  solemn  meetings  when  the  name  of 
Christ  taken  upon  us  is  kept  holy!  How  precious  is  that  state 
in  which  the  children  of  the  Lord  are  so  redeemed  from  the 
love  of  this  world,  that  they  are  Accepted  and  Blessed  in  all  that 
they  do.     [R.  Barclay's  Apology,  p.  404.] 

How  necessary  is  it  that  we  who  profess  these  principles,  and 
are  outwardly  active  in  supporting  them,  should  faithfully  abide 
in  Divine  strength,  that  as  He  who  hath  called  us,  is  holy,  so  wc 
also  may  be  holy  in  all  manner  of  conversation,    i  Pet  i.  15. 

If  one  professing  to  be  influenced  by  the  Spirit  of  Christ 
propose  to  unite  in  a  labour  to  promote  righteousness  in  the 
earth,  who  in  time  past  hath  manifestly  deviated  from  equity, 
then  to  act  consistently  his  first  work  is  to  make  restitution  so 
far  as  he  may  be  enabled.  For  if  he  attempts  to  contribute  toward 
a  work  intended  to  promote  righteousness,  while  it  appears  be 
neglecteth,  or  refuseth  to  act  righteously  himself,  his  conduct 
herein  hath  a  tendency  to  entangle  the  minds  of  those  who  arc 
weak  in  the  faith  who  behold  these  things,  and  to  draw  a  veil 
over  the  purity  of  righteousness,  by  carrying  an  appearance  as 
tliough  that  was  righteousness  which  is  not. 

Again  if  I  propose  to  assist  in  supporting  those  principles 
wherein  that  purity  of  life  is  held  forth  in  which  customs  pro- 
ceeding from  the  spirit  of  this  world  have  no  place,  and  at  the 
same  time  strengthen  others  in  those  customs  by  my  example,  then 
the  first  step  in  an  orderly  proceeding  is  to  cease  from  those 
customs  myself,  and  afterwards  to  labour,  as  I  may  be  enabled, 
to  promote  the  like  in  others. 

To  be  convinced  of  the  pure  principle  of  Truth,  and  dib*- 


I 


EPISTLE 


479 


gently  exercised  in  walking  answerable  thereto,  is  necessary  be- 
fore I  can  consistently  recommend  this  principle  to  others^  and 
I  often  feel  a  labour  in  spirit,  that  we  who  are  active  members 
in  Society,  may  experience  in  ourselves  the  truth  of  those  ex- 
pressions of  the  Holy  One,  "I  will  be  sanctified  in  them  that 
come  nigh  me."  Lev.  x.  3.  In  this  case  my  mind  hath  been  often 
exercised  when  alone,  year  after  year,  for  many  years,  and  in 
the  rene wings  of  Divine  Love,  a  tender  care  hath  been  incited  in 
me,  that  we  who  profess  this  inward  Light  to  be  our  teacher,  may 
be  a  family  united  in  that  purity  of  worship,  which  comprehends 
a   holy  life,  &  ministers  instruction  to  others. 

My  mind  is  often  drawn  towards  children  who  have  a  small 
share  of  the  things  of  this  life,  who,  coming  to  have  families, 
may  be  inwardly  exercised  before  the  Lord  to  support  them  in 
a  way  agreeable  to  the  purity  of  Truth,  wherein  they  may  feel  his 
blessing  upon  them  in  their  labours,  and  the  thoughts  of  such 
being  entangled  with  customs  contrary  to  pure  wisdom  conveyed 
to  them  through  our  hands,  doth  often  very  tenderly  &  movingly 
affect  my  heart;  and  while  I  look  towards  my  own  dissolution, 
and  think  on  a  succeeding  generation,  fervent  desires  are  raised 
in  me,  that  we  yielding  to  that  holy  Spirit  which  leads  into  all 
truth,  may  m^t  do  the  work  of  the  Lord  deceitfully,  may  not 
live  against  the  purity  of  our  own  principles  but  as  faithful  la- 
bourers in  our  age,  may  be  instrumental  in  removing  the  stum- 
bling-blocks out  of  tlie  way  of  such  who  may  succeed  us. 

Such  was  the  love  of  Christ  that  he  gave  himself  for  the 
Church,  that  he  might  so  sanctify  and  cleanse  it,  that  it  should  be 
holy  and  without  blemish,  not  having  ^Kit  or  wrinkle  or  any 
such  thing.  Eph.  5.  25.  .And  where  any  take  the  name  of  Christ 
upon  them  and  profess  to  be  led  by  his  holy  Spirit  Sc  yet  mani- 
festly deviate  from  the  purity  of  Truth,  these  acting  herein 
against  the  gracious  design  of  his  giving  himself  for  us,  do  min- 
ister cause  for  the  continuation  of  his  afflictions. 

Christ  suffered  afflictions  in  a  body  of  flesh  received  from 
the  virgin  Mary,  but  the  afflictions  of  Christ  are  yet  unfinished, 
for  they  who  are  baptized  into  Christ  are  baptized  into  his  death, 
and  as  we  humbly  abide  under  the  sanctifying  Power,  and  come 
forth  in  newness  of  life,  we  feel  Christ  to  live  in  us,  and  he  being 
the  same  yesterday  to-day  and  forever;  and  always  at  unity  with 


48o  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

himself,  his  spirit  in  the  hearts  of  his  people  leads  to  an  inward 
exercise  for  the  salvation  of  mankind.  And  when,  under  travd 
of  spirit,  we  behold  a  visited  people  entangled  with  that  whiA 
is  not  of  the  Father  but  of  the  world,  &  therein  fail  of  being  faith- 
ful examples  to  others ;  under  a  sense  of  these  things  sorrow  k 
heaviness  is  often  experienced,  &  thus  in  some  measure  is  filW 
up  that  which  remains  of  the  afflictions  of  Christ. 

Our  blessed  Lord,  speaking  on  gifts  offered  in  Di\4nc  serv- 
ice, said,  If  thou  bring  thy  gift  to  the  altar,  and  there  rcmem- 
berest  that  thy  brother  hath  aught  against  thee,  leave  there  th' 
gift ;  he  saith  not  seek  reconciliation  before  thou  bringest  a  sec- 
ond gift,  but  commands  a  full  stop.  First  go  and  be  reconciled  to 
thy  brother.  Now  there  is  no  tnie  unity,  but  in  that  wherein  the 
Father  and  the  Son  are  united ;  nor  can  there  be  a  perfect  recon- 
ciliation, but  in  ceasing  from  that  which  ministers  cause  for  the 
continuation  of  the  afflictions  of  Christ.  And  if  any  proposi 
to  bring  their  gift  to  the  Altar,  do  remember  the  customary 
traduction  which  some  of  their  fruits  bear  to  a  pure  Spiri 
worship,  here  it  appears  necessary  to  lay  to  heart  this  comma: 
Leave  thy  gift  by  the  altar. 

Christ  graciously  calls  his  people  brethren:  whosoever  sh 
do  the  will  of  God,  the  same  is  my  brother.  [Mark  iii.  35.]  Now 
if  we  walk  contrary  to  the  Trath  as  it  is  in  Jesus  while  we  con- 
tinue to  profess  it,  we  offend  against  Christ,  and  if  under  this 
offence  we  bring  our  gift  to  the  Altar  our  Redeemer  doth  not 
direct  us  to  take  back  our  gift,  he  doth  not  discourage  us  from 
proceeding  in  a  gonrl  work,  but  graciously  points  out  the  neces* 
sary  means  by  which  the  gift  may  be  rendered  acceptable.  Leave, 
saith  he,  thy  gift  by  the  altar,  first  go  and  be  reconciled  to  thy 
brother.  Cease  from  that  which  grieves  the  holy  Spirit,  cease 
from  that  which  is  against  the  Truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus,  and  then 
come  and  offer  thy  gift. 

I  feel  while  T  write  a  tenderness  toward  such,  who  through 
Divine  favour  are  preserved  in  a  lively  feeling  of  the  state  of 
the  churches,  and  who  at  times  may  be  under  discouragements 
with  regard  to  proceeding  in  that  pure  way  which  Christ  by  his 
holy  spirit  leads  into.  The  depth  of  disorder  and  weakness  which 
so  much  prevails,  being  opened,  doubtings  are  apt  to  arise,  as 
to  the  possibility  of  proceeding  as  an  assembly  of  the  Lord's 


EPISTLE 


481 


people  in  the  pure  counsel  of  Truth,  And  here  I  feel  care  to 
express  in  uprightness  that  which  hath  been  opened  in  my  mind 
under  the  power  of  the  cross  of  Christ,  relating  to  a  gathered 
visible  church,  the  members  whereof  are  guided  by  the  holy 
Spirit. 

This  church  is  called  the  body  of  Christ.     Col.  i,  24. 

Christ  is  called  the  head  of  the  church.     Eph.  i.  22. 

The  church  is  called  the  pillar  &  the  ground  of  Truth.  1  Tim. 
iii.   15. 

Thus  the  church  hath  a  name  that  is  sacred  j  and  the  neces- 
sity of  keeping  this  name  holy,  appears  evident,  for  where  a 
number  of  people  unite  in  a  profession  of  being  led  by  the  spirit 
of  Christ,  and  publish  their  principles  to  the  world,  the  acts  and 
proceedings  of  that  people  may  in  some  measure  be  considered 
as  that  which  Christ  is  the  author  of. 

Now  while  we  stand  in  this  station,  if  the  pure  Light  of  life 
is  nof  followed  in  our  proceedings,  we  are  in  the  way  of  pro- 
faning the  holy  name,  and  of  going  backward  towards  that  wild- 
erness of  sufferings  and  persecution  out  of  which  through  the 
tender  mercies  of  God.  a  church  in  this  nation  hath  been  in  a 
great  measure  gathered.  Christ  liveth  in  sanctified  vessels.  GaL 
ii:  20.  and  where  they  behold  this  holy  name  profaned,  and  the 
pure  gospel  light  eclipsed  through  the  unfaithfulness  of  such  who 
by  their  station  appear  to  be  standard-bearers  under  the  prince 
of  peace  these  living  members  in  the  body  of  Christ;  in  behold- 
ing these  things  do  in  some  degree  experience  the  fellowship  of 
his  sufferings:  and  as  the  wisdom  of  this  world  more  and  more 
takes  place  in  conducting  the  affairs  of  this  visible  gathered 
Church,  and  the  pure  leadings  of  the  Holy  Spirit  less  waited  for 
&  followed,  so  the  true  suffering  seed  is  more  &  more  oppressed. 

My  mind  is  often  affected  with  the  condition  of  sincere 
hearted  people  in  some  kingdoms  where  liberty  of  conscience  is 
not  allowed^  many  of  whom  being  burdened  in  their  minds  with 
prevaih'ng  superstition  joined  with  oppressions  are  often  under 
sorrow.  And  where  such  have  attended  to  that  pure  Light  which 
in  some  degree  liath  o|iened  their  understandings,  and  for  their 
faithfulness  to  Christ  have  been  brought  to  examination  and  tryal, 
how  heavy  are  the  persecutions  which  in  divers  parts  of  the  world 
arc  exercised  on  them!    How  mighty  as  to  the  outward  is  that 


482  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


power  by  which  they  are  borne  down  &  oppressed !  How  deeply 
affecting  is  the  condition  of  many  upright-hearted  people  taken 
into  the  papal  inquisition  1  What  lamentable  cruelties  in  deep 
vaults  in  a  private  way  are  exercised  on  many  of  them !  and  how 
lingering  is  that  death  by  a  small  slow  fire,  which  those  have 
frequently  endured,  who  have  been  faithful  to  the  end. 

How  many  tender-spirited  protestants  have  been  sentenced  to 
spend  the  remainder  of  their  lives  in  a  galley  chained  to  an  oar 
under  hard-hearted  masters,  while  their  young  children  were 
placed  out  for  education  amongst  strangers,  and  taught  principles 
so  contrary  to  the  consciences  of  the  parents,  that  in  dissenting 
from  them  they  have  hazarded  their  liberty  and  all  that  was 
dear  to  them  of  the  things  of  this  world ! 

There  have  been  in  times  past  severe  persecutions  under  the 
English  government,  and  many  sincere  hearted  people,  in  dif- 
ferent ages,  suffered  deatli  for  the  testimony  of  a  good  conscieucc, 
whose  faithfulness  in  their  day  hath  ministered  encouragement 
to  others,  and  been  a  blessing  to  many  who  have  succeeded  them. 
Thus  from  age  to  age  the  darkness  being  more  &  more  removed, 
a  channel  at  length,  through  the  tender  mercies  of  God  hath  been 
opened  for  the  exercise  of  the  pure  gift  of  the  gospel  ministry, 
without  interruption  from  outward  power,  A  work,  the  like  of 
which  is  rare,  and  unknown  in  many  parts  of  the  world. 

As  these  things  are  often  fresh  in  my  mind,  and  this  great 
work  of  God  going  on  in  the  world  has  been  open  before  mc, 
that  liberty  of  conscience  with  which  we  are  favoured,  hath 
not  appeared  as  a  light  matter, 

A  trust  is  committed  to  us,  a  great  &  weight}'  trust,  to  which 
our  diligent  attention  is  necessary.  Wherever  the  active  members 
of  this  visible  gathered  church  use  tliemselves  to  tliat  which  is 
against  the  purit>'  of  our  principles,  it  appears  to  be  a  breach  of 
this  trust,  and  one  step  backwards  toward  the  wilderness;  one 
step  towards  undoing  what  God,  in  Infinite  Love,  hath  done 
through  his  faithful  servants,  in  a  work  of  several  ages,  and 
pears  like  laying  the   foundation   for   future  sufferings. 

I  feel  a  living  invitation  in  my  mind  to  such  who  are  active  ST 
our  religious  society,  that  we  may  lay  to  heart  this  matter,  and 
consider  the  station  in  which  we  stand.  We  stand  in  a  place 
of  outward  liberty,  under  the  free  exercise  of  our  consdence 


EPISTLE 


483 


towards  God,  not  obtained  but  through  great  and  manifold  af- 
flictions of  those  who  lived  before  us.  There  is  gratitude  due 
from  us  to  our  heavenly  Father.  There  is  justice  due  to  our 
posterity.  Can  our  hearts  endure,  or  our  hands  be  strong  if  we 
desert  a  cause  so  precious ;  if  we  turn  aside  from  a  work  under 
which  so  many  have  patiently  laboured? 

May  the  deep  sufferings  of  Christ  be  so  dear  to  us,  that  we 
may  never  trample  under  foot  the  Adorable  Son  of  God,  nor 
count  the  blood  of  the  covenant  unholy! 

May  the  faithfulness  of  the  martyrs,  when  the  prospect  of 
death  by  fire  was  before  them,  be  remembered.  And  may  the  pa- 
tient, constant  sufferings  of  upright  hearted  servants  of  God 
in  later  ages,  be  revived  in  our  minds  1  And  may  we  so  follow 
on  to  know  the  Lord,  tliat  neitlier  the  faithful  in  this  age,  nor 
those  in  ages  to  come,  may  ever  be  brought  under  sufferings 
through  our  sliding  back  from  the  work  of  reformation  in  the 
world  I 

While  the  active  members  in  the  visible  gathered  church  stand 
upright,  and  the  affairs  thereof  are  carried  on  under  the  lead- 
ings of  the  Holy  Spirit,  altho'  disorders  may  arise  amongst  us,  and 
cause  many  exercises  to  such  who  feel  the  care  of  the  churches 
upon  them,  yet  while  these  continue  under  the  weight  of  the  work, 
and  labour  in  the  meekness  of  wisdom  for  the  help  of  others,  the 
name  of  Christ  in  the  visible  gathered  church  may  be  kept 
sacred,  but  while  they  who  are  active  in  the  visible  gathered  church, 
remain  &  continue  in  a  manifest  opposition  to  the  purity  of  our 
principles,  this,  as  the  prophet  Isaiah  expresseth  it,  is  like  as  when 
a  standard-bearer  fainteth.  Is.  10.  18.  And  here  the  way  opens 
to  great  and  prevailing  degeneracy,  and  to  sufferings  for  such  who 
through  the  ixjwer  of  Divine  love,  are  separated  to  the  gospel  of 
Christ,  and  cannot  unite  with  tliat  which  stands  in  opposition 
to  the  purity  of  it. 

The  necessity  of  an  inward  stillness,  hath  under  these  exer- 
cises appeared  clear  to  my  mind.  In  true  silence  strength  is  re- 
newed, the  mind  herein  is  weaned  from  all  things,  but  as  they 
may  be  enjoyed  in  the  Divine  Will,  and  a  lowliness  in  outward 
living,  opposite  to  worldly  honour,  becomes  tnUy  acceptable  to 
US-  In  the  desire  of  outward  gain,  the  mind  is  prevented  from 
a  perfect  attention  to  the  voice  of  Christ,  but  in  the  weaning  of 


484  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

the  mind  from  all  things  but  as  they  may  be  enjoyed  in  the 
Divine  will,  the  pure  Light  shines  into  the  soul.  And  where  the 
fruits  of  that  spirit  which  us  of  this  world  are  brought  forth  by 
many  who  profess  to  be  led  by  the  spirit  of  Truth,  &  cloudiness 
is  felt  to  be  gathering  over  the  visible  gathered  church ;  the  sin- 
cere in  heart  who  abide  in  true  stillness,  and  therein  are  exer- 
cised before  the  Lord  for  his  name's  sake,  these  have  a  knowl- 
edge of  Christ  in  the  fellowship  of  his  sufferings,  and  inward 
thankfulness  is  felt  at  times  that  through  Divine  love  our  own 
wisdom  is  cast  out,  and  that  forward  active  part  subjected  in  us, 
which  would  rise  up  and  do  something  in  the  visible  gatlicred 
church  without  the  pure  leadings  of  Christ. 

While  Aught  remains  in  us  different  fi-om  a  perfect  resigna- 
tion of  our  wills,  it  is  like  a  seal  to  a  book  wherein  is  written  that 
good,  and  acceptable,  and  perfect  will  of  God  concerning  us. 
Rom.  12.  2.  But  when  our  minds  entirely  yield  to  Christ,  thai 
silence  is  known,  which  followeth  the  opening  of  the  last  of  the 
seals.  Rev.  viii.  i.  In  this  silence  we  learn  a  patient  abiding 
in  the  Divine  Will,  and  tliere  feel,  that  we  have  no  cause  to 
promote  but  that  only  in  which  the  Light  of  Life  directs  us  in 
our  proceedings,  and  that  the  only  way  to  be  useful  in  the 
church  of  Christ,  is  to  abide  faithfully  under  the  leadings  of  his 
holy  spirit  in  all  cases,  that  therein  being  preserved  in  purity  of 
heart  and  holiness  of  conversation,  a  testimony  to  the  purity  of 
his  government  may  be  held  forth  through  us  to  others. 

As  my  mind  hath  been  thus  exercised,  I  have  seen  that  to 
be  active  and  busy  in  the  visible  gathered  church,  without  the 
leadings  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  is  not  only  unprofitable,  but  tends 
to  increase  dimness ;  and  where  way  is  not  opened  to  proceed  in 
the  light  of  Truth,  a  stop  is  felt  by  those  who  humbly  attend  to 
the  Divine  leader :  A  stop  which  in  relation  to  good  order  in  the 
visible  gathered  church,  is  of  the  greatest  consequence  to  be 
observed.  Thus  Robert  Barclay  in  his  treatise  on  discipline 
holds  forth,  "That  the  judgment  or  conclusion  of  the  church  or 
congregation,  is  no  further  effectual  as  to  the  true  end  and  de- 
sign thereof,  but  as  such  judgment  or  conclusion  proceeds  from 
the  Spirit  of  God  operating  on  their  minds  who  are  sanctified 
in  Christ  Jesus,"  pp.  65,  68,  84.* 

*  See  ".Apology,"  Ac.  Proposition  XI.     "Of  Wonhip." 


EPISTLE 


485 


Now  in  this  stop  I  have  learned  the  necessity  of  waiting  on 
the  Lord  in  humility,  that  the  works  of  all  may  be  brought  to 
the  Light,  and  those  brought  to  judgment  which  are  wrought 
in  the  wisdom  of  this  world ;  and  have  seen  that  in  a  mind  thor- 
oughly subjected  to  the  power  of  the  cross,  there  is  a  savour  of 
Life  which  may  be  felt,  and  which  evidently  tends  to  gather  souls 
to  God;  while  the  greatest  works  in  the  visible  gathered  church, 
brought  forth  in  man's  wisdom,  remain  to  be  unprofitable. 

Where  people  are  divinely  gathered  into  a  holy  fellowship, 
and  faithfully  abide  under  the  influence  of  that  Spirit  which 
leads  into  all  truth,  these  are  they  who  are  the  light  of  the  world. 
Mat,  5.  14.  Now,  holding  this  profession,  to  me  hath  appeared  1 
weighty,  even  weighty  beyond  what  I  can  fully  express,  and  what 
our  blessed  Lord  appears  to  have  had  in  view  when  he  pro- 
posed the  necessity  of  counting  the  cost  before  we  begin  to 
build. 

I  trust  there  are  many  who  at  times,  under  Divine  visitation, 
feel  an  inward  inquiry  after  God.  And  when  such  in  the  sim- 
plicity  of  their  hearts,  mark  the  lives  of  a  people  who  profess  to 
walk  by  the  leadings  of  his  Spirit,  of  what  great  concernment  is 
it  that  our  lights  shine  clear,  it  is  that  nothing  pertaining  to  us 
carry  a  contradiction  to  the  Truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus,  or  be  a  means 
of  profaning  his  holy  Name,  and  a  stumbling  block  in  the  way  of 
those  sincere  inquirers. 

When  such  seekers  who  are  wearied  with  empty  forms,  look 
towards  uniting  with  us  as  a  people,  and  behold  active  members 
amongst  us  in  their  customary  way  of  living,  depart  from  that 
purity  of  life,  which  under  humbling  exercises  hath  been  opened 
before  them  as  the  way  of  the  Lord's  people,  how  mournful  and 
discouraging  is  the  prospect!  and  how  strongly  doth  such  unfaith- 
fulness operate  against  the  spreading  of  the  peaceable,  harmoni- 
ous principle  and  testimony  of  Truth  amongst  mankind? 

In  entering  into  that  life  which  is  hid  with  Christ  in  God,  we 
behold  the  peaceable  government  of  Christ,  where  the  whole  fam- 
I  ily  are  governed  by  the  same  spirit  and  doing  to  others  as  we 
W  would  they  should  do  unto  us  groweth  up  as  good  fruit  from  a 
I  good  tree.  The  peace  the  quietness  and  harmonious  walking  in 
I  this  government,  is  beheld  with  humble  reverence  to  Him  who  is 
I       the  author  of  it,  and  in  partaking  of  the  Spirit  of  Christ,  we  par- 


486  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLl^IAN 

take  of  that  which  labours,  and  suffers  for  the  increase  of  tlii 
peaceable  government  amongst  the  inhabitants  of  the  worid. 
And  I  liave  felt  a  labour  of  long  continuance  that  we  who  profes 
this  peaceable  principle,  may  be  faithful  standard-bearers  under 
the  prince  of  peace,  and  that  nothing  of  a  defiling  nature  tea&ai 
to  discord  and  wars,  may  remain  amongst  us. 

May  each  of  us  query  with  ourselves  have  the  treasures  I 
ix^sscss  been  gathered  in  that  wisdom  which  is  from  above  as  far 
as  hath  appeared  to  me  ?  Have  none  of  my  fellow-creatures  n 
equitable  right  to  any  part  of  that  which  is  called  mine?  Have 
the  gifts  and  possessions  received  by  me  from  others,  been  coo- 
veyed  in  a  way  free  from  all  unrighteousness  so  far  as  I  ha« 
seen? 

The  principle  of  peace,  in  which  our  trust  is  only  on  the 
Lord  and  our  minds  weaned  from  a  dependance  on  the  strength 
of  armies,  to  me  hath  appeared  verj*  precious;  and  I  often  fed 
strong  desires  that  we  who  profess  this  principle  may  so  walk 
as  to  jjive  just  cause  for  none  of  our  fellow-creatures  to  be  of- 
fcnv'.cd  at  us.  and  tV.a:  our  lives  may  evidently  manifest  that  « 
arc  !cdivir.e».l  trv^n^.  that  spirit  in  which  wars  arc.  Onr  blessed 
S.:\ivV.r  ::*.  v.  i:*.:::'.^  o*.:t  :::e  dr-r.cer  cf  so  leaning  on  man  as  to 
!*.oi:lvv:  rl'.e  !...v*.ircs  :"  "'-s  H:'y  Spirit  sTiid.  "Call  no  man  your 
:.\:-i':  v:vv.  :'c  ^.-.r:::.  ::r  :r.e  is  y:".:r  Father  which  is  in  hca\-cn.'' 
>'  .:  _\;  W  i-e  !  i  V  ^  '.  ::.  :r ::r.  -."rcve  is  faithfully  followed, 
..■'.;  v:.v  v  vi^  .1  i  t":7"s:i  :  ^v:;;:  :u:war.:  s-bsiance.  it  is  a 
■  -->■■.    >■ ^  ".  :       •-■'  v.-.-c  :::  :"^^  r-'-ture  of  an  inheritance 

N    '^    ■•*..-:    ■     T    ■    :■:  :-.-.-:  -.:•.    ;.r-.;r.:     :  the  |i:">xl  things  of 

v:  -      .    -  .:  ■    .   -:  ..  ■■  -.::  '  ;;>-:-^  fil:  i::  which  is  real  safety. 

"«    "  -^  .--,  .  '-    ' :.  :.-.v<:.'i-  :     /.-i-.c  bsid  in  \-iew  when 

.    V  \>-,  .    :    :   ■•,■,  ^     :   -  :•..      s".-.i"   iv.heric   the  earth. 

>.     -      ■..  •. .    "  ■  ■•■    >    ■'  :'•.  s-:!-:s.:  sririr.  and  depend- 

^   .  ■  ■      .     .•:     crv  ;\:';.      -.-.h  se-.Te:  ur^easiness  lest 

-.  ".'   :  •-••;    ;-.t-;>.-.v-r  them  or  the  measure 

\  .     ■....•■%•.     .:    .     .•-;"■:.•<■.: r":c  t:  :-chers.    Thus  selfijh 

->.^<   .    .    ;■-:'     :.:::<  :>.«i  -'tf«k  who  inherit  the 

^  ■         •:-•.■:  ■-■'-:  their  heavenly  Father. 

,     .     .  ■  .     -i  ■    ■■    X"  ■■^\res  ?:  ur.r:ghteousness. 

,   .       .v ■,■,■■■     ,;>    ■.■    -    .c-'  ■     ■:•-■:  -.vticcs:  which  is  from 


r 


EPISTLE 


487 


beneath,  and  uneqaitable  gain  been  gathered  hy  a  man,  and  left 
as  a  gift  to  his  children,  who  being  entangled  with  the  worldly 
spirit  have  not  attained  to  that  clearness  in  which  the  channels 
of  righteousness  are  opened,  and  justice  done  to  those  who  re- 
main silent  under  injuries,  here  I  have  seen  under  humbling  ex- 
ercises that  the  sins  of  the  fathers  are  embraced  by  the  children 
and  become  their  sins,  &  thus  in  the  days  of  tribulation,  the  iniqui- 
ties of  the  fathers  are  visited  upon  these  children  who  take  hold 
on  the  unrighteousness  of  their  fathers,  and  hve  in  that  spirit 
in  wliich  those  iniquities  were  commited.  To  which  agreeth  that 
prophisie  of  Moses  concerning  a  rebellious  people,  They  that  are 
left  of  you  shall  pine  away  in  their  iniquities  in  your  enemies 
land,  and  io  tlie  iniquities  of  their  fathers  shall  they  pine  away. 
Levit.  26,  39.  And  our  blessed  Lord  in  beholding  the  hardness 
of  heart  in  that  generation,  and  feeling  in  himself  that  they  lived 
in  the  same  spirit  in  which  the  prophets  had  been  persecuted  unto 
death,  signified  that  the  blood  of  all  the  prophets  shed  from  the 
foundation  of  the  world  should  be  required  of  that  generation. 
From  the  blood  of  Abel,  to  the  blood  of  Zacharias,  who  perished 
between  the  altar  and  the  temple.  Verily  I  say  unto  you,  it 
shall  be  required  of  this  generation.    Luke  11,  51. 

Tender  compassion  fills  my  heart  toward  my  fellow-creatures 
estranged  from  the  harmonious  government  of  the  prince  of  peace, 
and  a  labour  attends  me  that  many  may  be  gathered  to  this  peace- 
able habitation. 

In  being  inwardly  prepared  to  suffer  adversities  for  Christ's 
sake,  and  weaned  from  a  dependence  on  the  arm  of  flesh,  we  feel 
that  there  is  a  rest  for  the  people  of  God,  and  that  this  rest 
Stands  in  a  perfect  resignation  of  ourselves  to  his  Will. 

This  condition  where  all  our  wants  and  desires  are  bounded 
Ly  pure  wisdom,  and  our  minds  wholly  attentive  to  the  inward 
Council  of  Christ,  hath  appeared  to  me  as  a  habitation  of  safety 
for  the  Lord's  people  in  time  of  outward  commotion  &  trouble  and 
desires  from  the  fountain  of  Love,  are  opened  in  me  to  invite 
my  brethren  and  fellow-creatures  to  feel  for  that  which  gathers 
the  mind  into  it.  John  Woolman. 

Xfount  Holly  New  Jersey 
mo 
4.  ^77^' 


LAST  ESSAYS 


Written  at  Sea  and  in  England 

The  five  little  Essays  which  follow  were  originally  published 
immediately  after  John  Woolman's  death,  by  the  Quaker  pub- 
lisher, Mary  Hinde,  in  London,  1773,  grouped  as  ''Remarks  on 
Sundry  Subjects/'  They  were  preceded  in  the  small  duodecimo 
by  the  essay,  "Serious  Considerations  on  Various  Subjects  of 
Importance."  The  American  "Epistle"  was  included,  and  a  re- 
print also  of  the  essay  on  the  "True   Harmony  of   Mankind" 

A  memorandum  on  the  manuscript  at  Swarthraore  College 
states:  "60  pages  of  his  manuscript  written  in  England  or  at 
Sea,"  and  printed  there  as  "'Remarks  on  Sundry  Subjects."  The 
Dublin  Edition  of  the  "J"^^^"^'  and  Works,"  1794,  appears  to  be 
the  only  one  in  which  "On  Trading  in  Superfluities'*  is  given 
under  the  separate  heading.  These  little  Essays  were  of  course 
the  last  from  Woolman's  pen. 

There  exist,  however,  at  Almery  Garth,  York,  in  the  house 
in  which  he  died,  complete  copies  of  these  essays  accompanying 
the  account  of  his  last  illness  and  death.  These  transcriptions 
have  been  carefully  preserved  on  the  spot  since  the  author's 
death,  when  the  originals  were  sent  back  to  America,  to  form 
the  copy  for  the  first  complete  Philadelphia  edition  of  1774. 
Through  the  kindness  of  the  late  owner,  Malcolm  Spence  and 
his  sister,  Ellen  Spence,  photographic  reproductions  and  verbatin 
copies  have  permitted  careful  collation  by  the  present  editor. 

Paragraphs  which  John  Woolman's  notes  in  the  York  MSt 
indicate  that  he  intended  to  place  under  proper  headings,  are 
so  arranged  in  the  present  edition.  The  Essays  gain  greatly  in 
clearness  by  following  their  author's  intention. 

The  close  of  the  Journal  contains  the  little  English  Essay, 
"Concerning  the  Ministry,"  written  at  the  same  period  as  this 
group,  but  fitting  better  in  the  narrative  as  Woolman  himself 
placed  it. 

488 


LAST  ESSAYS 


489 


OUR   NEIGHBOURS  AS   OURSELVES. 


When  we  love  the  Lord  with  all  our  Hearts,  and  his  Crea- 
tures in  his  Love»  we  are  then  preserved  in  Tenderness  both  to- 
•vard  Mankind  and  the  Animal  Creation;  but  if  another  Spirit 
|cts  Room  in  our  Minds,  and  we  follow  it  in  our  Proceedings, 
(fve  are  then  in  the  Way  of  disordering  the  Aflfairs  of  Society,^ 

People  may  have  no  Intention  to  oppress,  yet  by  entering  on 
expensive  Ways  of  Life,  their  Minds  may  be  so  entangled  therein, 
Und  so  engag'd  to  support  expensive  Customs,  as  to  be  estranged 
from  the  pure  sympathizing  Spirit. 

As  I  have  travell'd  in  England,  I  have  had  a  tender  Feeling 
of  the  Condition  of  poor  People,  some  of  whom  though  honest 
tnd  industrious,  have  nothing  to  spare  toward  paying  for  tlie 
Schooling  of  their  Children. 

There  is  a  Proportion  between  Labour  and  the  Necessaries 
of  Life,  and,  in  true  Brotherly  Love,  the  Mind  is  open  to  feel 
after  the  Necessities  of  the  Poor. 

Amongst  the  Poor  there  ar^  some  that  are  weak  through  Age, 
and  others  of  a  weakly  Nature,  who  pass  through  Straits  in  very 

P'vale  life,  without  asking  Relief  from  the  Public. 
'  Such  who  are  strong  and  healthy  may  do  that  Business  which 
to  the  Weakly  may  be  oppressive ;  and  in  perfonning  that  in  a 
Day  which  is  esteem'd  a  Day's  Labour,  by  weakly  Persons  in 
the  Field  and  in  the  Shops,  and  by  weakly  Women  who  spin 
and  knit  in  the  Manufactories,  they  often  pass  through  Weari- 
ness ;  and  many  Sighs  I  believe  are  uttered  in  secret,  unheard  by 
some  who  might  ease  their  Burdens. 

Labour  in  the  right  Medium  is  healthy,  but  in  too  much  of 
\j^ tiiere  is  a  painful  Weariness;  and  the  Hardships  of  the  Poor 
\^M  sometimes  increased  through  Want  of  more  agreeable  Nour- 
rtslimcnt,  more  plentiful  fewel  for  the  Fire,  and  wanner  Cloath- 
U^  in  the  Winter  than  their  Wages  will  answer. 

^HRPtie  next  few  paragraphs  are  u«tial]r  found  as  the  concludmg  portion  of  the 
M&.  "On  a  Sailor's  Life."  By  placing  ihcm  her*,  thai  Essay  is  much  abhreviated. 
■tit  the  subject  gains  in  cUarness,  and  the  arranseineut  ia  in  accord  with  a  memo* 
f^dum  in  the  York  MS.  James  Cropper's  edition  of  1840  ahows  collation  with  tbe 
*«ric  MS.  also  in  this  respect 


k. 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


^ 


r 


When  I  have  beheld  Plenty  in  some  Houses  to  a  Degree  of 
Luxury,  the  Condition  of  poor  Children  brought  up  without 
Learning,  and  the  Condition  of  the  Weakly  and  Aged,  who  strive 
to  live  by  their  Labour,  have  often  revived  in  my  Mind,  as  Cases 
of  wliich  some  who  live  in  Fulness  need  to  be  put  in  Remeoi^ 
brance. 

There  are  few,  if  any,  who  could  behold  their  Fellow  Crea- 
tures lie  long  in  Distress  and  forbear  to  help  them,  when  they  could 
do  it  without  any  Inconvenience;  but  Customs  requiring  much 
Labour  to  support  them,  do  often  lie  heavy  on  the  Poor,  while 
they  who  live  in  these  Customs  are  so  entangled  in  a  Multitude 
of  unnecessary  Concerns,  that  they  think  but  little  of  the  Hard- 
ships which  the  poor  People  go  through. 

If  a  Man  successful  in  Business  expends  Part  of  his  Income 
in  Things  of  no  real  Use,  while  the  Poor  employed  by  him  pass 
through  great  Difficulties  in  getting  the  Necessaries  of  Life, 
requires  his  serious  Attention. 

If  several  principal  Men  in  Business  unite  in  setting  the  Wage? 
of  those  who  work  for  Hire,  and  therein  have  Regard  to  a  Protit 
to  themselves  answerable  to  unnecessary  Expencc  in  their  Fami- 
lies, which  the  Wages  of  the  others  on  a  moderate  Industrj'  will 
not  afford  a  comfortable  Living  for  their  families,  and  a  proper 
Education  for  their  Qiildren,  this  is  like  laying  a  Temptation  in 
the  Way  of  some  to  strive  for  a  Place  higher  than  they  arc  in, 
when  they  have  not  Stock  sufficient  for  it. 

Now  I  feel  a  Concern  in  the  Spring  of  pure  Love,  that  all 
who  have  Plenty  of  outward  Substance,  may  Example  others  in 
the  right  Use  of  Things;  may  carefully  look  into  the  Condition 
of  poor  People,  and  beware  of  exacting  on  them  with  regard  to 
their  Wages. 

While  hired  Labourers,  by  moderate  Industry,  through  the 
Divine  Blessing,  may  live  comfortably,  raise  up  FamiHes,  and  give 
them  suitable  Education,  it  appears  reasonable  for  them  to  be 
content  with  their  Wages. 

If  they  who  have  Plenty,  love  their  Fellow  Creatures  in 
that  Love  which  is  Divine,  and  in  all  their  Proceedings  have 
an  equal  Regard  to  the  Good  of  Mankind  universally,  their 
Place  in  Society  is  a  Place  of  care,  an  Office  requiring  Attention, 
and  the  more  we  possess,  the  greater  is  our  Trust  and  with  an 


I 


J 


LAST  ESSAYS  491 

'  Increase  of  Treasure,  an  Increase  of  Care  becomes  neces- 
sary. 

When  our  Will  is  subject  to  the  Will  of  God,  and  in  relation 
to  the  Things  of  this  World,  we  have  nothing  in  View,  but  a 
comfortable  Living,  equally  with  the  rest  of  our  Fellow  Creatures, 
then  outward  Treasures  are  ho  further  desirable  than  as  we 
feel  a  Gift  in  our  Minds  equal  to  the  Trust,  and  Strength  to  act 
as  dutiful  Children  in  His  Service  who  hath  formed  all  Man- 
kind, and  appointed  a  Subsistence  for  us  in  this  World. 

A  Desire  for  Treasures  on  any  other  Motive,  appears  to  be 
against  that  Command  of  our  blessed  Saviour,  Lay  not  up  for 
yourselves  Treasures  here  on  Earth. 

He  forbids  not  laying  up  in  the  Summer  against  the  Wants 
of  Winter;  nor  doth  he  teach  us  to  be  slothful  in  that  which 
properly  relates  to  our  being  in  this  World :  but  in  this  Prohibi- 
tion he  puts  in  yourselves.  Lay  not  up  for  yourselves  Treasures 
here  on  Earth. 

Now  in  the  pure  Light,  this  Language  is  understood,  for  in 
the  Love  of  Christ  there  is  no  Respect  of  Persons ;  and  while  we 
abide  in  his  Love,  we  live  not  to  ourselves,  but,  to  him  who  died 
for  us.  And  as  we  are  thus  united  in  Spirit  to  Christ,  we  are 
engaged  to  labour  in  promoting  that  Work  in  the  Earth  for 
which  he  suffer*d. 

In  this  State  of  Mind  our  Desires  are,  that  every  honest 
Member  in  Society  may  have  a  Portion  of  Treasure,  and  Share 
of  Trust,  answerable  to  that  Gift  with  which  our  Heavenly 
Father   hath   gifted   us. 

In  great  Treasure,  there  is  a  great  Trust. 
A  great  Trust  requireth  great  Care. 
But  the  laborious  Mind  wants  Rest. 


A  pious  Man  is  content  to  do  a  Share  of  Business  in  Society, 
answerable  to  the  Gifts  with  which  he  is  endowed,  while  the 
Channels  of  Business  are  free  from  Unrighteousness,  but  is  care- 
ful lest  at  any  Time  his  Heart  be  overcharg'd. 

In  the  harmonious  Spirit  of  Society,  Christ  is  all  in  all. 

Here  it  is  that  Old  Things  are  past  away,  all  Things  are  new, 


492 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


L 


all  things  are  of  God;  and  the  Desire  for  outward  Riches  U  at 
at  End, 

They  of  low  Degree  who  have  small  Gifts,  enjoy  their  Help 
who  have  large  Gifts;  those  with  their  small  Gifts,  have  a  small 
degree  of  Care,  while  these  with  their  large  Gifts,  have  a  large 
degree  of  Care:  And  thus  to  abide  in  the  Love  of  Christ,  and 
enjoy  a  Comfortable  Living  in  this  World,  is  all  that  is  aimed  at 
by  those  Members  in  Society,  to  whom  Christ  is  made  Wisdom 
and  Righteousness. 

But  when  the\  who  have  much  Treasure,  are  not  faithful 
Stewards  of  the  Gifts  of  God,  great  Difficulties  attend  it 

Now  this  Matter  hath  deeply  affected  my  Mind.  The  Lord, 
through  merciful  Chastisements,  hath  given  me  a  Feeling  of  that 
Love,  in  which  the  Harmony  of  Society  standeth,  and  a  Sight 
of  the  Growth  of  that  Seed  which  bringeth  forth  Wars  and  || 
great  Calamities  in  the  World,  and  a  labour  attends  me  to 
it  to  others. 

Now  to  act  with  integrity,  according  to  that  Strength  of  W' 
and  Body  with  which  our  Creator  hath  endowed  each  of  us,  ap- 
pears necessary  for  all,  and  he  who  thus  stands  in  the  lowest 
Station  in  society,  appears  to  be  entitled  to  as  comfortable  aiid 
convenient  a  Living,  as  he  whose  Gifts  of  mind  are  Greater, 
whose  Cares  are  more  extensive. 

If  some  endowed  with  strong  Understanding  as  Men,  abifl 
not  in  the  harmoinous  State,  in  which  we  lozfe  our  neighbo 
as  ourselves,  but  walk  in  that  Spirit  in  which  the  Children  of 
this  World  are  wise  in  their  Generation;  these  by  the  Strengili 
of   Contrivance  may  sometimes  gather  great  Treasure  but  the 
Wisdom   of   this   World   is    Foolishness   with   God;   and   if  wc 
gather  Treasures  in  Worldly  Wisdom,  we  lay  up  Treasures  fof 
ourselves:  and  great  Treasures  managed  in  any  other  Spirit  than 
the  Spirit  of  Truth,  disordereth  the  Affairs  of  Society,  for  hereby 
the  good  Gifts  of  God  in  this  outward  Creation,  are  turned  into  the 
Channels  of  Worldly  Honour,  and  frequently  applied  to  sup] 
Luxury,  while  the  Wages  of  poor  Labourers  are  such,  tliat  w 
moderate  Industry  and  Frugality  they  may  not  live  coraforta 
raise  up  Families,  and  give  them  suitable  Education,  but  throi 
the  Streightness  of  their  Condition,  are  often  drawn  on  to 
hour   under  Weariness,  to  toil  through   Hardships   themselvi 


LAST  ESSAYS  493 

Hid  frequently  to  oppress  those  useful  Animals  with  which  we 
are  entrusted. 

From  Age  to  Age,  throughout  all  Ages,  Divine  Love  is  that 
alone  in  which  Dominion  has  heen,  is,  and  will  be  rightly  con- 
ducted. 

In  this  the  Endowments  of  Men  are  so  employ'd,  that  the 
Friend  and  the  Governor  are  united  in  one,  and  oppressive  Cus- 
toms come  to  an  end.  -^ 
Riches  in  the  Hands  of  Individuals  in  Society,  is  attended  [ 
with  some  degree  of  Power;  and  so  far  as  Power  is  put  forth 
separate  from  pure  Love,  so  far  the  Government  of  the  Prince 
of  peace  is  interrupted;  and  as  we  know  not  that  our  Children 
after  us  will  dwell  in  that  State  in  which  Power  is  rightly  ap- 
plied, to  lay  up  Riches  for  them  appears  to  be  against  the  Na- 
ture of  his  Government 

The  Earth,  through  the  Labour  of  Men  under  the  Blessing 
of  Him  who  formed  it,  yieldeth  a  Supply  for  the  Inhabitants 
from  Generation  to  Generation,  and  they  who  walk  in  the  pure 
Light,  their  Minds  are  prepared  to  taste  and  relish  not  only  those 
Blessings  which  are  spiritual,  but  also  feel  a  Sweetness  and  Sat- 
isfaction in  a  right  Use  of  the  good  Gifts  of  God  in  the  visible 
Creation. 

Here  we  see  that  Man's  Happiness  stands  not  in  g^eat  Pos- 
sessions, but  in  a  Heart  devoted  to  follow  Christ,  in  that  Use 
of  Things,  where  Customs  contrary  to  universal  Love  have  no 
Power  over  us.  J 

In  this  State  our  Hearts  are  prepared  to  trust  in  God,  and 
our  Desires  for  our  Children  and  Posterity  are,  that  they,  with 
the  rest  of  Mankind,  in  Ages  to  come,  may  be  of  that  Number 
of  whom  he  hath  said,  /  will  be  a  Father  to  them,  and  they  shall 
be  my  Sons  and  Daughters. 

When  Wages  in  a  fruitful  Land  bear  so  small  a  Proportion 
to  the  Necessaries  of  Life,  that  poor  honest  People  who  have 
Families  cannot  by  a  moderate  Industry  attain  to  a  comfortable 
Living,  and  give  their  Children  sufficient  Learning,  but  must 
either  labour  to  a  degree  of  Oppression,  or  else  omit  that  which 
appears  to  be  a  Duty: 

While  this  is  the  Case  with  the  Poor,  there  is  an  Inclination 
in  the  Minds  of  most  People,  to  prepare  at  least  so  much  Treas- 


494 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


1 


ure  for  their  Children,  that  they  with  Care  and  moderate  Indus- 
try may  live  free  from  these  Hardships  which  the   Poor  pa5s 

through. 

Now  this  Subject  requireth  our  serious  Consideration:  to 
labour  that  our  Cliildren  may  be  put  in  a  Way  to  live  comfon- 
ably,  appears  in  itself  to  be  a  Duty,  so  long  as  these  our  Labours 
are  consistent  with  universal  Righteousness:  but  if  in  striving 
to  shun  Poverty,  we  do  not  walk  in  that  State  where  Christ  is 
our  life,  then  we  wander;  He  that  hath  the  Son,  hath  Life. 
"This  Life  is  the  Light  of  Men."  If  we  walk  not  in  tliis  Light; 
we  walk  in  Darkness,  and  he  that  walketh  in  Darkness,  knowetk 
not  whither  he  goeth. 

To  keep  to  right  Means  in  labouring  to  attain  a  right  End 
is  necessary.  If  in  striving  to  shun  Poverty,  we  strive  only  in 
that  Slate  where  Christ  is  the  Light  of  our  Life,  our  Labours  will 
stand  in  the  true  Harmony  of  Society,  but  if  People  are  confi- 
dent that  the  End  aimed  at  is  good,  and  in  this  Confidence  pur- 
sue it  so  eagerly,  as  not  to  wait  for  the  Spirit  of  Truth  to  lead 
them,  then  they  come  to  Loss,  Christ  is  given  to  be  a  Leadif 
and  Com»uifider  of  the  People.  Again;  the  Lord  stxall 
thee  continually,  Isaiah  Iviii.  12,  Again:  "Lord,  thou  wilt  on 
Peace  for  us,  for  thou  also  hast  wrought  all  our  Works  in  us!' 
Isaiah  xxvi.  12.  In  the  Lord  iiave  we  Righteousness  and  Strength. 
Isaiah  xlv.  24. 

In  this  State  our  Minds  are  preserved  watchful  in  following 
the  Leadings  of  his  Spirit  in  all  our  Proceedings  in  this  World, 
and  a  Care  is  felt  for  a  Reformation  in  general.  Tlvat  our  own 
Posterity,  with  the  rest  of  Mankind  in  succeeding  Ages,  may  not 
be  entangled  by  oppressive  Customs,  transmitted  to  them  thro^ 
our  Hands ;  but  if  people  in  the  Narrowness  of  natural  Love, 
afraid  that  their  Children  will  be  oppressed  by  the  Rich,  and 
through  an  eager  Desire  to  get  Treasures,  depart  from  the  pure 
Leadings  of  Truth  in  one  Case,  though  it  may  seem  to  be  a 
small  Matter,  yet  the  Mind  even  in  that  small  Matter  may  b< 
emboldened  to  continue  in  a  Way  of  Proceeding,  without  wait- 
ing for  the  Divine  Leader. 

Thus  People  may  grow  expert  in  Business,  wise  in  the 
dom  of  this  World,  retain  a  fair  Reputation  amongst  Men,  and 
yet  being  Strangers  to  the  Voice  of  Christ,  the  safe  Leader  of 


[)U|^| 


LAST  ESSAYS 


495 


Flock,  the  Treasures  thus  gotten  may  be  like  Snares  to  the  Feet 
of  their  Posterity, 

Now  to  keep  faithful  to  the  pure  Counsellor,  and  under  try- 
ing Circumstances  suffer  Adversity  for  Righteousness  Sake,  in 
this  there  is  a  Reward. 

If  we,  being  poor,  are  hardly  dealt  with  by  those  who  are 
rich,  and  under  this  Difficulty  are  frugal  and  industrious,  and  in 
true  Humility  open  our  Case  to  them  who  oppress  us,  this  may 
reach  the  pure  Witness  in  their  Minds;  and  though  we  should 
remain  under  Difficulties  as  to  the  outward,  yet  if  we  abide  in 
the  Love  of  Christ,  all  will  work  for  our  Good. 

When  we  feel  what  it  is  to  suffer  in  the  true  suffering  State, 
then  we  experience  the  Truth  of  those  Expressions,  that,  as  the 
Sufferings  of  Chn^st  abound  in  us,  so  our  Consolation  aboundeth 
by  Christ.    II  Cor.  i.  5. 

But  if  poor  People  who  are  hardly  dealt  with,  do  not  attain 
to  the  true  suffering  State,  do  not  labour  in  true  Love  with 
those  who  deal  hardly  with  them,  but  envy  their  outward  Great- 
ness, murmur  in  their  Hearts  because  of  their  own  Poverty,  and 
strive  in  the  Wisdom  of  this  World  to  get  Riches  for  themselves 
and  their  Children;  this  is  like  wandering  in  the  Dark. 

If  we  who  are  of  a  middle  Station  between  Riches  and  Pov- 
erty, are  affected  at  Times  with  the  Oppressions  of  the  Poor,  and 
feel  a  tender  Regard  for  our  Posterity  after  us,  O  how  necessary 
it  is  that  we  wait  for  the  pure  Counsel  of  Truth! 

Many  have  seen  the  Hardships  of  the  Poor,  felt  an  eager  De- 
sire that  their  Children  may  be  put  in  a  Way  to  escape  these 
Hardships;  but  how  few  have  continued  in  that  pure  Love  which 
openeth  our  Understandings  to  proceed  rightly  under  these  Diffi- 
culties ! 

How  few  have  faithfully  followed  that  Holy  Leader,  who 
prepares  his  People  to  labour  for  the  Restoration  of  true  Har- 
mony amongst  our  Fellow-creatures! 

In  the  pure  gospel  spirit  we  walk  by  faith  and  not  by  sight. 

In  the  Obedience  of  Faith  we  die  to  the  Narrowness  of  Self- 
love;  and  our  Life  being  hid  with  Christ  in  God,  our  Hearts  are 
enlarg'd  toward  Mankind  universally,  but  in  departing  from 
the  true  Light  of  Life  many,  in  striving  to  get  Treasures  have 
Stumbled  upon  the  dark  Mountains, 


496 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


Now  that  Purity  of  Life  which  proceeds  from  Faithfulness 
in  following  the  Spirit  of  Truth,  that  State  where  our  Minds 
are  devoted  to  serve  God,  and  all  our  Wants  are  bounded  by  his 
Wisdom,  this  Habitation  has  ofteo  been  open'd  before  me  as  a 
place  of  Retirement  for  the  Children  of  the  Light,  where  we 
may  stand  separated  from  that  which  disordereth  and  con- 
fuseth  the  Affairs  of  Society,  and  where  we  may  have  a  Testi- 
mony of  our  Innocence  in  the  Hearts  of  those  who  behold 


n 


ON  THE  SLAVE  TRADE. 


Through  departing  from  the  Truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus,  thi 
introducing  Ways  of  Life  attended  with  unnecessarj'  Expences, 
many  Wants  have  arisen,  the  Minds  of  People  have  been  em- 
ploy'd  in  studying  to  get  Wealth,  and  in  this  Pursuit,  some  de 
parting  from  Equity,  have  retain'd  a  Profession  of  Religion; 
others  have  look'd  at  their  Example,  and  thereby  been  strength- 
en'd  to  proceed  further  in  tlie  same  Way :  Thus  many  have  en- 
courag'd  the  Trade  of  taking  Men  from  Africa,  and  selling  the^ 
as  Slaves. 

It  hath  been  computed   that  near  One   Hundred   Tliousai 
Negroes  have,   of   late   Years,   been  taken   annually    from  tha^ 
Coast,  by  Ships  employed  in  the  English  trade. 

As  I  have  travell'd  on  religious  Visits  in  some  Parts  of  Amei^ 
ica,  I  have  seen  many  of  these  People  under  the  Command 
Overseers,  in  a  painful  Servitude. 

I  have  beheld  them  as  Gentiles,  under  People  professing  Chr^ 
tiauity,  not  only  kept  ignorant  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  but  urn 
great  Provocations  to  Wrath ;  of  whom  it  may  truly  be  said.  Tl 
that  rule  m'cr  them  make  them  to  howl,  and  the  Holy  Name  W 
abundantly  blasphemed.  Where  Children  are  taught  to  read 
Sacred  Writings,  while  young,  and  exampled  in  Meekness 
Humility,  it  is  often  helpful  to  them ;  nor  is  this  any  more  th^ 
a  Debt  due  from  us  to  a  succeeding  Age. 

But  where  Youth  are  pinched  for  want  of  the  Necessaries 
of   Life,   forced  to  labour  hard   under  the  harsh   Rebukes  of 


1 


LAST  ESSAYS 


497 


rigorous  Overseers,  and  many  Times  endure  unmerciful  Whip- 
»in^:  In  such  an  Education,  how  great  are  the  Disadvantages 
hey  h'e  under!  And  how  forcibly  do  these  Things  work  against 
e   Increase  of  the  Government  of  the  Prince  of  Peace! 

Humphrey   Smith,  in  his  works,  p.    125,*   speaking  of   the 

nder  Feelings  of  the  love  of  God  in  his  Heart  when  he  was  a 

hild,  said,  "By  the  violent  wrathful  Nature  that  ruled  in  others, 

my  Quietness  disturbed,  and  Anger  begotten  in  me  toward 

em,  yet  that  of  God  in  me  was  not  wholly  overcome,  but  his  Love 

as  felt  in  my  Heart,  and  great  was  my  Grief  when  the  Earthly- 

indedness  and  wrathful  Nature  in  others  so  provoked  me,  that 

was  estranged  from  it/' 

''And  this  I  write  as  a  Warning  to  Parents  and  Others,  that 

the  fear  of  the  living  God,  you  may  train  up  the  Youth,  and 

ay  not  be  a  Means  of  bringing  them  into  such  Alienation." 

Many  are   the  Vanities   and  Luxuries  of   the  present  Age, 
nd  in  labouring  to  support  a  Way  of  living  conformable  to  the 
resent  World,  the  Departure  from  that  W^isdom  that  is  pure 
id  peaceable,  hath  been  great. 
Under  the  Sense  of  a  deep  Revolt,  and  an  overflowing  Stream 
kjf   Unrighteousness,  my  Life  has  often  been  a  Life  of  Mourn- 
ing, and  tender  Desires  are  raised  in  me,  that  the  Nature  of  this 
Practice  may  be  laid  to  Heart. 

I  have  read  some  Rooks  wrote  by  People  who  were  person- 
ally acquainted  with  the  Manner  of  getting  Slaves  in  Africa. 

I  have  had  verbal  Relations  of  this  Nature  from  several  Ne- 
•groes  brought  from  Africa,  who  have  learned  to  talk  English. 

I  have  sundry  Times  heard  Englishmen  speak  on  this  Sub- 
ject, who  have  been  in  Africa  on  this  Business,  and  from  all  these 
Accounts,  it  appears  evident  that  great  Violence  is  committed, 
and  much  Blood  shed  in  Africa  in  getting  Slaves. 

When  three  or  four  Hundred  Slaves  are  put  in  the  Hold  of 
a  Vessel  in  a  hot  Climate,  their  breathing  soon  affects  the  Air. 
Were  that  Number  of  free  People  to  go  Passengers,  with  all 
Things  proper  for  their  Voyage,  there  would  Inconvenience  arise 

*  "A /Collection /of  the  Several  Writing!  and/ Faithful  Testimonio/of  that/Suffering 
S«rv*nt  of  God  and  ralient/FoHowcr  of  the  LambyHumphrey  Smith/who  Dyed  a 
Prisoner  for  the  Testimony  of  Jcsus/in  VVincht'ster  Coramoij-Gaol,  ihc  4th  day  of  the 
«   Month,   in  the  Year  1663/" 

Thi*  Quotation  is  from  Andrew   Sowle'a  Edition,   London,    1683.     Quarto. 


498 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


from  the  greatness  of  Number ;  but  Slaves  are  taken  by  Violcnct 
and  frequently  endeavour  to  kill  the  white  People,  that  they  nay 
return  to  their  Native  Land.  Hence  they  are  frequently  kept  tm* 
der  some  Sort  of  Confinement,  by  means  of  wliich  a  Scent  arist^ 
in  the  Hold  of  a  Ship,  and  Distempers  often  break  out  amongst 
them,  of  which  many  die.  Of  this  tainted  Air  in  the  Hold  of 
Ships  freighted  with  Slaves,  T  have  had  several  Accounts,  some 
in  Print,  and  some  verbal,  and  all  agree  that  tlie  Scent  is  gncf- 
Otis.  When  these  People  are  sold  in  America,  and  in  tlie  Islaock 
they  are  commonly  made  to  labour  in  a  Manner  more  servile  and 
constant,  than  that  which  they  were  used  to  at  Home,  That  with 
Grief,  with  different  Diet  from  what  has  been  common  with  them, 
and  with  hard  Labour,  some  Thousands  are  computed  to  die  evi 
Year,  in  what  is  called  the  Seasoning. 

Thus  it  appears  evident,  that  great  Numbers  of  these 
pie  are  brought  every  Year  to  an  untimely  End;  many  of  th^ 
being  such  who  never  injured  us. 

Where  the  Innocent  suffer  under  hard-hearted  Men.  even 
Death,  and  the  Channels  of  Equity  are  so  obstructed,  that  the 
Cause  of  the  Sufferers  is  not  judged  in  Righteousness,  the 
is  polluted  with  Blood.     Numb.  xxxv.  33. 

Where  Blood  hath  been  shed  unrighteously,  and  remains  var 
attoned  for,  the  Cry  thereof  is  very  piercing. 

Under  the  humbling  Dispensations  of  Divine  Providence, 
Cry  hath  deeply  affected  my  Heart,  and  I  feel  a  Concern  to  open, 
as  I  may  be  enabled,  that  which  lieth  heavy  on  my  Mind. 

When  the  Iniquity  of  the  house  of  Israel  and  of  Judah  zvas 
exceeding  great,  ivhcn  the  Land  was  de'filcd  zdth  Blood,  and  t^f 
City  full  of  Perversencss,  Ezek.  ix.  9  sotne  were  found  sighing 
and  crying  for  the  Abominations  of  the  tini-es.  and  such  who  li^t 
under  a  right  Feeling  of  our  Condition  as  a  Nation  these  I 
trust  wilt  be  sensible  that  the  Lord  at  this  Day  doth  call  to 
Mourning,  though  many  are  ignorant  of  it.  So  powerful  are  bad 
Customs  when  they  become  general,  that  People  growing  bold 
thro*  the  Examples  one  of  another,  have  often  been  unmoved  ai 
the  most  serious  Warnings. 

Our  blessed  Saviour  speaking  of  the  People  of  the  old  Wor) 
said,  They  eat,  they  drank,  they  married,  and  were  gizfen  in  Ui 
riage,  until  the  Day  thai  Noah  went  into  the  Ark,  and  the 


I 


LAST  ESSAYS 


499 


jicame  and  destroy  d  them  all.  He  also  spake  concerning  the 
|l( People  of  Sodom,  who  were  represented  by  the  Prophet  as 
^♦'haught)',  luxurious^  and  oppressive :  This  was  the  sin  of  Sodom, 
gPride,  Fulness  of  Bread,  and  Abundance  of  Idleturss  was  found 
Um  her,  and  in  her  Daughters;  neither  did  she  strengtlien  the 
^Hands  of  the  Poor  and  Needy.  Ezck.  xvi,  49. 
g  Now  in  a  Revolt  so  deep  as  this,  when  much  Blood  has  been 
^shed  unrighteously,  in  carrying  on  the  Slave  Trade,  and  in  sup- 
|/porting  the  Practice  of  keeping  Slaves,  which  at  this  Day  is  un- 

attoned  for,  and  crieth  from  the  Earthy  and  from  the  Seas  against 

Ihe  Oppressor, — 

While  this  Practice  is  continued,  and,  under  a  great  Load  of 

Guilt   there   is   more   unrighteousness   committed,   the   State   of 

Things  is  very   moving. 

There  is  a  Love  which  stands  in  Nature;  and  a  Parent  be- 

nolding  his  Child  in  Misery,  hath  a  Feeling  of  the  Affliction,  but 

In   Divine  Love,  the  Heart  is  enlarged  towards  Mankind   uni- 

Eersally,  and  prepared  to  sympathize  with  Strangers,  though  in 
le  lowest  Stations  in  Life.  Of  this  the  Prophet  appears  to  have 
ad  a  Feeling,  when  he  said,  Haz/e  we  not  all  one  Father f  Hath 
wtot  one  God  created  itst  Uliy  then  do  we  deal  treacherously 
lery  Man  with  his  Brother  m  proplmning  the  Covenant  of  our 
J^athersf 

He  who  of  old  heard  the  Groans  of  the  Children  of  Israel 
nder  the  hard  Task-masters  in  Egypt,  I  trust  hath  looked  down 
:frozn  his  Holy  Habitation  on  the  Miseries  of  these  deeply  op- 
g)ress'd  People. 

Many  Lives  have  been  shortened  through  extreme  Oppres- 
ion,  while  they  laboured  to  support  Luxury  and  Worldly  Great- 
3iess;  and  though  many  People  in  outward  Prosperity  may  think 
little  of  those  Things,  yet  the  gracious  Creator  hath  regard  to  the 
Cries  of  the  Innocent,  however  unnoticed  by  Men. 

The  Lord  in  the  Riches  of  his  Goodness,  is  leading  some  unto 
the  Feeling  of  the  Condition  of  this  People,  who  cannot  rest 
without  labouring  as  their  Advocates ;  of  which  in  some  Measure 
I  have  had  Experience:  for,  in  the  Movings  of  his  Lo%'e  in  my 
Heart,  these  poor  Sufferers  have  been  brought  near  me. 

The  unoffending  Aged  and  Infirm  made  to  labour  too  hard, 
kept  on  a  Diet  less  comfortable  than  their  weak  State  required, 


500  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOt-MAN 

and  exposed  to  great  Difficulties  under  hard-hearted  Men,  to 
whose  Sufferings  I  have  often  been  a  Witness,  and  under  the 
Heart-melting  Power  of  Divine  Love,  their  Misery-  hath  fell  to 
me  like  the  Misery  of  my  Parents. 

Innocent  Youth  taken  by  Violence  from  their  Native  Lani 
from  their  Friends  and  Acquaintance;  put  on  board  Ships  wufa 
Hearts  laden  with  Sorrow ;  exposed  to  great  Hardships  at  So; 
placed  under  People,  where  their  Lives  have  been  attended  wiii 
great  Provocation  to  Anger  and  Revenge: 

With  the  Condition  of  these  Youth,  my  Mind  hath  often  b«i 
affected,  as  with  the  Afflictions  of  my  Children,  and  in  a  feeling 
of  the  Misery  of  these  People,  and  of  that  great  Offence  wi 
is  minister'd  to  them,  my  Tears  have  been  often  poured  out 
for  the  Lord. 

That  Holy  Spirit  which  affected  my  Heart  when  I  was  a 
Youth,  I  trust  is  often  felt  by  the  Negroes  in  their  Native  Land, 
inclining  their  Minds  to  that  which  is  righteous,  and  had  the 
fessed  Followers  of  Christ  in  all  their  Conduct  toward  them« 
fested  a  Disposition  answerable  to  the  pure  Principle  in  their 
Hearts,  how  might  the  Holy  Name  have  been  honoured  amongst 
the  Gentiles,  and  how  might  we  have  rejoiced  in  the  fulfilling 
that  Prophecy,  /  the  Lord  loi'e  Judgment,  1  fiate  Robbery 
Burnt-offerings,  and  I  will  direct  their  Work  in  Truth,  and 
an  everlasting  Covenant  with  them.  Their  Seed  shall  be 
among  the  Gentiles,  and  their  Offspring  amongst  the  PeopU:  _ 
that  see  them  shall  ackftowledge  them,  that  they  are  the  Std 
which  the  Lord  }\ath  blessed.     Isaiah  Ixi.  8. 

But  in  the  present  State  of  things,  how  contrary  is  this  Prac- 
tice to  that  meek  Spirit,  in  which  our  Saviour  laid  down  his  Life 
for  us,  that  all  the  Ends  of  the  Earth  might  know  Salvation  in 
his  Name. 

How  are  the  Sufferings  of  our  blessed  Redeemer  set  at 
nought,  and  his  Name  blasphemed  amongst  the  Gentiles,  through 
the  unrighteous  Proceedings  of  his  profess'd  Followers! 

My  Mind  hath  often  been  affected,  even  from  the  Days  of 
my  Youth,  under  a  Sense  of  that  marvellous  Work,  for  whidi 
God,  in  infinite  Goodness,  sent  his  Son  into  the  World. 

The  opening  of  that  Spring  of  Hving  Waters,  which  the  true 
Believers  in  Christ  experience,  by  which  they  are  redeemed  from 


LAST  ESSAYS 


SOI 


P  Pride  and  Covetousness,  and  brought  into  a  State  of  Meekness, 
c  where  their  Hearts  are  enlarged  in  true  Love  toward  their  Fel- 
M  low  Creatures  universally:  this  work  to  me  has  been  precious, 
I ,  and  the  Spreading  of  the  Knowledge  of  the  Truth  among  the 
p  Gentiles,  been  very  desirable.     And  the  professed  Followers  of 

5  Christ  Joining  in  Customs  evidently  unrighteous,  which  mani- 
festly tend  to  stir  up  Wrath,  and  increase  Wars  and  Desolations, 
hath  often  covered  my  Mind  with  Sorrow. 

If  we  bring  this  Matter  home,  and  as  Job  proposed  to  his 
Friends,  Put  our  Soul  in  their  Soul/  stead. 

If  we  consider  ourselves  and  our  Children  as  exposed  to  the 
Hardships  which  these  People  lie  under  in  supporting  an  imagin- 
ary Greatness. 

Did  we  in  such  Case  behold  an  Increase  of  Luxury  and  Su- 
|>erfluity  amongst  our  Oppressors,  and  therewith  fe!t  an  Increase 
of  the  Weight  of  our  Burdens,  and  expected  our  Posterity  to 
groan  under  Oppression  after  us, 

Under  all  this  Misery,  had  we  none  to  plead  our  Cause,  nor 
any  Hope  of  Relief  from  Man,  how  would  our  Cries  ascend 
to  the  God  of  the  Spirits  of  all  Flesh,  who  judgeth  the  World  in 
Righteousness,  and  in  his  own  Time  is  a  Refuge  for  the  Op- 
pressed I 

If  they  who  thus  afflicted  us,  continued  to  lay  Claim  to  Re- 
Hgion.'and  were  assisted  in  their  Business  by  others,  esteemed 
pious  People,  who  through  a  Friendship  with  them  strengthened 
their  Hands  in  Tyranny: 

In  Such  a  State,  when  we  were  Hunger-bitten,  and  could 
not  have  sufficient  Nourishment,  but  saw  them  in  Fulness  pleas- 
ing their  Taste  with  Things  fetched  from  far: 

When  we  were  weaned  with  Labour,  denied  the  Liberty  to 
rest,  and  saw  them  spending  their  Time  at  Ease:  When  Gar- 
ments answerable  to  our  Necessities  were  denied  us,  while  we 
saw  them  cloathed  in  that  which  was  costly  and  delicate: 

Under  such  Affliction,  how  would  these  painful  Feelings  rise 
up  as  Witnesses  against  their  pretended  Devotion!  And  if  the 
Name  of  their  Religion  was  mentioned  in  our  Hearing,  how  would 
it  sound  in  our  Kars  like  a  Word  which  signified  Self-exalta- 
lon.  and  Hardness  of  Heart! 

WTicre  a  Trade  is  carried  on,  productive  of  much  Misery, 


502  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


and  they  who  suffer  by  it  are  some  Thousand  Miles  off,  the 
ger  is  the  greater  of  not  laying  their  Sufferings  to  Heart. 

In  procuring  Slaves  on  the  Coast  of  Africa,  many  Children  art 
stolen  privately ;  Wars  also  are  encouraged  amongst  the  Negroes, 
but  all  is  at  a  great  Distance, 

Many  Groans  arise  from  dying  Men,  which  we  hear  not. 

Many  Cries  are  uttered  by  Widows  and  Fatlacrless  Childi 
which  reach  not  our  Ears. 

Many  Cheeks  are  wet  with  Tears,  and  Faces  sad  with 
terable  Grief,  which  we  see  not. 

Cruel  Tyranny  is  encouraged.     The  Hands  of   Robbers 
strengthened,  and  Thousands  reduced  to  the  most  abject  SlaveryJ 
who  never  injured  us. 

Were  we  for  the  Term  of  one  Year  only,  to  be  an  Eye- 
ness  to  what  passeth  in  getting  these  Slaves: 

Was  the  B!ood  which  is  there  shed  to  be  sprinkled  on 
Garments : 

Were  the  poor  Captives,  bound  with  Thongs,   heav>'  laden 
with  Elephants  Teeth,  to  pass  before  our  Eyes  on  their 
to  the  Sea: 

Were  their  bitter  Lamentations  Day  after  Day  to  ring  in 
Ears,  and  their  moitrnfol  Cries  in  the  Night  to  hinder  us  fi 
Sleeping: 

Were  we  to  hear  the  Sound  of  the  Tumult  at  Sea,  when  the 
Slaves  on  board  the  Sliips  attempt  to  kill  the  English,  and  bc^ 
hold  the  Issue  of  those  bloody  Conflicts: 

What  pious  Man  could  be  a  Witness  to  these  Things,  and  sc« 
a  Trade  carried  on  in  this  Manner,  without  being  deeply  affected 
with  Sorrow?* 

Through  abiding  in  the  Love  of  Christ,  we  feel  a  Tender- 
ness in  our  Hearts  toward  our  Fellow  Creatures  entangled  in  op- 
pressive Customs;  and  a  Concern  so  to  walk  that  our  Condud 
may  not  be  a  Means  of  strength'ning  them  in  Error. 

It  was  the  Command  of  the  Lord  through  Moses.  Thau  si 
not  suffer  Sin  upon  thy  Brother:  thou  shalt  in  any  zrise  reb\ 
thy    Brother,    and    shalt     not    suffer    Sin    upon.    him.      Lev. 
xix  17. 

I  Various  Ediitiotu  omit  the  cooctuding  pariffrapha  below.     The  first  edition  of  1774 
contains  them,  and  agrees  therein  with  a  not«  in  the  York  MS.  which  is  her«  followed 


LAST  ESSAYS 


503 


Again ;  Keep  far  from  a  false  Matter;  and  thf  Innocent  and 
•fkteous  slay  thou  not.    Exod.  xxiii.  7. 

The  Prophet  Isaiah  mentions  Oppression  as  that  which  the 

e  Church  in  Time  of  outward  CJuiet  should  not  only  be  clear 

but  should  be  far  from  it;  Thou  slialt  be  far  from  oppression, 
bah  liv.  14.  Xuw  these  Words,  far  from,  appear  to  Irnvc  an 
tensive  Meaning,  and  to  convey  Instruction  in  regard  to  tliat 

which  Solomon  speaks,  Though  Hand  join  in  Hatui,  yet  the 
icked  shall  not  go  unpunished,  Prov.  xvi.  5. 

It  was  a  Complaint  against  one  of  old,  When  tlwu  sauvst  a 
ief,  thou  consentedst  with  him. 

The  Prophet  Jeremiah  represents  the  Degrees  of  Preparatitjii 
vard  Idolatrous  Sacrifice,  in  the  Similitude  of  a  work  carried 

by  Children,  Men,  and  Women.    The  Children  gather  IVood. 

Fathers  kindle  the  Fire,  and  the  IVomen  knead  the  Dough  to 
ke  Cakes  for  tfie  Queen  of  Heaven,  Jer.  vii.  18. 

It  was  a  Complaint  of  the  Lord  against  Israel,  through  liis 
Dphet  Ezekiel,  that  they  strengthen  d  tlie  Hamls  of  the  IVicked, 

f  made  the  Hearts  of  the  Righteous  sad.     Ezck.  xiii.  12. 

Some  W^orks  of  Iniquity  carried  on  by  the  People  were  rep- 
tented  by  the  Prophet  Hosca,  in  the  Similitude  of  Ploughing, 
iaping,  and  eating  the  Fruit :  You  have  ploughed  Wickedness, 
\ped  Iniquity,  eaten  the  Fruit  of  Lying,  because  thou  didst  trust 

thy  own  Way,  to  the  Multitude  of  thy  mighty  Men,  Hosca 

1^3- 

III 

ON  TRADING  IN  SUPERFUJITIES.* 

I  have  felt  great  Distress  of  Mind  since  I  came  on  this  Island, 
Account  of  the  Members  of  our  Society  being  mixed  with  the 
►rid  in  various  Sorts  of  Business  and  Traffick,  carried  on  in 
wrc  Channels.  Great  is  the  Trade  to  Africa  for  Slaves:  and 
loading  these  Ships  abundance  of  People  are  empicfy'd  in  the 
nufactorics. 

Friends  in  earl}*  time  refused,  on  a  religious  Principle,  to  make 
a^dc  in  Sapcrfiaitie&,  of  which  we  have  many  large  TettiiDOiiies 
Record,  hui  for  want  of  Faithfulness,  some  gave  Way,  even 

WiUi  tlM  Mv  W  iiififfi  tW  earner  cMsjr.  "Seriom  rfiilnnfm  «■  Tntfc* 


i 


1 


504  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


Some  whose  Example  were  of  Note  in  Society,  and  from  thcact 
others  took  more  Liberty :  Members  of  our  Society  worked  a 
Superfluities,  and  bought  and  sold  thera,  and  thus  Dimness  oi 
Sight  came  over  many.  At  length  Friends  got  into  the  Useoi 
some  Superfluities  in  Dress,  and  in  the  Furniture  of  their  House, 
and  this  hath  spread  from  less  to  more,  till  Superfluity  of  some 
Kind  is  common  amongst  us. 

In  this  declining  State  many  look  at  the  Example  one  of  w- 
other,  and  too  much  neglect  the  pure  Feeling  of  Truth.  Oi 
late  Years  a  deep  Exercise  liath  attended  my  Mind,  that  FncKis 
may  dig  deep;  may  carefully  cast  forth  the  loose  Matter,  and 
get  down  to  the  Rock,  the  sure  Foundation,  and  there  hearken  ti) 
that  Divine  Voice  which  gives  a  clear  and  certain  Sound. 

And  I  have  felt,  in  that  which  doth  not  deceive,  that  if  Friendl 
who  have  known  the  Truths  keep  in  that  Tenderness  of  Haft 
where  all  Views  of  outward  Gain  are  given  up,  and  their  Trust  iJ 
only  on  the  Lord,  he  will  graciously  lead  some  to  be  Patterns  of 
deep  Self-denial,  in  Things  relating  to  Trade,  and  handicrais 
Labour :  and  that  some  who  have  Plenty  of  the  Treasures  of  this 
World,  will  example  in  a  plain  frugal  Life,  and  pay  Wages  tj> 
such  whom  they  may  hire,  more  liberally  than  is  now  oistomar)' 
ill  some  Places.^ 

While  Friends  were  kept  truly  humble,  and  walked  accord- 
ing to  the  purity  of  our  Principles,  the  Divine  Witness  in  many 
Hearts  was  reached;  but,  when  a  worldly  Spirit  got  Entrance 
therewith  came  in  Luxuries  and  Superfluities,  and  spread  by  little 
and  little,  even  amongst  the  foremost  Rank  in  Society,  and  from 
thence  others  took  Liberty  in  that  Way  more  abundantly. 

In  the  Continuation  of  these  Things  from  Parents  to  Childrcfl 
there  were  many  wants  to  supply,  even  Wants  unknown  to  Friends, 
while  they  faithfully  followed  Christ.  And,  in  striving  to  su|^ly 
these  Wants,  many  have  exacted  on  tbe  poor,  many  have  entered  on 
Employments,  in  which  they  often  labour  in  upholding  Pride  atwf 
Vanity.  Many  have  looked  on  one  another,  been  strengthen'd  in 
these  things,  one  by  the  Example  of  another,  and  as  to  the  purt 
Divine  Feeling,  dimness  hath  come  over  many,  and  the  Channel* 
of  true  Brotherly  Love  been  obstructed. 

•The  next  two  paragraphs,  in  the  first  edition.   1774.  form  pan  of  tbe  casij  "OH  ' 
Sailor't  Life,"  but  tbe  York  MS.  places  tbem  here. 


LAST  ESSAYS 


505 


IV 


ON    A    SAILORS    LIFE. 


the  Trade  to  Africa  for  Slaves,  and  in  the  Management  of 
»s  going  on  These  voyages,  many  of  our  Lads  and  young 
i  have  a  considerable  Part  of  their  Education, 
Mow  what  pious  Father  beholding  his  Son  placed  in  one  of 
e  Ships,  to  learn  the  Practice  of  a  Mariner,  could  forbear 
rning  over  him? 
kVhere  Youth  are  exampled  in  Means  of  getting  Money,  so 

of  Violence,  and  used  to  exercise  such  Cruelties  on  their 
ow  Creatures,  the  Disadvantage  to  them  in  their  Education  is 
'  great. 

3ut  I  feel  it  in  my  Mind  to  write  concerning  the  Seafaring  Life 
eneral 

[n  the  Trade  carried  on  from  the  West  Indies,  and  from  some 
t  of  the  Continent,  the  Produce  of  the  Labour  of  Slaves  is  a 
iiderable  Part. 

\nd  Sailors  who  are  frequently  at  Ports  where  Slaves  abound, 
converse  often  with  People  who  oppress  without  the  appear- 
:  of  Remorse,  and  often  with  Sailors  employed  in  the  Slave 
ie,  how  powerfully  do  these  Evil  Examples  spread  amongst 
Seafaring  Youth  1 

'  have  had  many  opportunities  to  feel  and  understand  the 
jral  State  of  the  Seafaring  life  amongst  us,  and  my  Mind 
I  often  been  sad  on  Account  of  so  many  Lads  and  young  Men 
g  trained  up  amidst  so  great  Corruption. 
Jnder  the  humbling  Power  of  Christ.  I  have  seen  that  if  the 
lings  of  his  Holy  Spirit  were  faithfully  attended  to  by  his 
essed  Followers  in  general,  the  Heathen  Nations  would  be 
npl'd  in  Righteousness.  A  less  Number  of  People  would  be 
loved  on  the  seas,  The  Channels  of  Trade  would  be  more  free 
n  Defilement.  Fewer  People  would  be  employed  in  Vanities 
Superfluities. 
Fhe  Inhabitants  of  Cities  vvuuld  be  less  in  Number.     Those 

have  much  Lands  would  become  Fathers  to  the  poor. 
Bkifore  People  would  be  employed  in  the  sweet  Employment 


So6  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

of  Husbandry,  and  in  the  Path  of  pure  Wisdom,  Labour  wou 
be  an  agreeable,  healthful  Employment. 

In  the  Opening  of  these  Things  in  my  Mind,  I   feel  a 
Concern  that  we  who  liave  felt  Divine  Love  in  our  Hearts 
faithfully  abide  in  it,  and  like  good  Soldiers  endure  Hardness  f«| 
Christ's  Sake. 

He,  our  blessed  Saviour,  exhorting  his  Followers  to  love  i 
another,  adds.  As  J  have  loved  you.    John  xiii.  34. 

He  loved  Lazarus,  yet  in  his  Sickness  did  not  heal  him, 
left  him  to  endure  the  Pains  of  Death,  tliat  in  restoring  hii 
Life,  the  People  might  be  confirmed  in  the  true  Faith. 

He  loved  his  Disciples,  but  sent  them  forth  on  a  Message^ 
tended    with    great    Difficulty,    amongst    Hard-hearted    Pe 
some  of  whom  would  think  that  in  killing  them  they  did 
Service. 

So  deep  is  Divine  Love,  that  in  stedfastly  abiding  in  it,  wcs 
prepar'd  to  deny  ourselves  of  all  that  Gain  which  is  contrary  I 
pure  Wisdom,  and  to  follow  Christ,  even  under  Contempt, 
through  Sufferings. 

The  Prophet,  speaking  of  the  true  Church,  said,  Thy  Pe 
also  shall  be  all  righteous. 

Of  the  Depth  of  this  Divine  Work  several  have  spoken. 

John  Gratton,  in  his  Journal,  p,  45,  said,  "The  Lord  is 
Portion,  I  shall  not  want.     He  hath  wrought  all  my  Work4| 
me.    1  am  nothing  but  wliat  I  am  in  him." 

Gilbert  Latey,  through  the  powerful  Operations  of  the 
of  Christ  in  his  Soul,  was  brought  to  that  Depth  of  Self -de 
that  he  could  not  join  with  that  proud  Spirit  in  other  Pe 
which  inclined  them  to  want  Vanities  and  Superfluities. 
Friend  was  often  amongst  the  chief   Rulers  of  the  Natio 
Times  of  Persecution;  and  it  appears  by  the  Testimony  of  Frie 
that  his  Dwelling  was  so  evidently  in  the  pure  Life  of  Truth, 
in  his  Visits  to  those  great  Men,  he  found  a  Place  in  their  Mil 
and  that  King  James  the  Second,  in  the  Times  of  his  Troull 
made  particular  Mention  in  a  very  respectful  Manner  of 
Gilbert  once  said  to  him. 

The  said  Gilbert  found  a  Concern  to  write  an  Epistle; 
which  are  these  Expressions:  "Fear  the  Lord,  ye  Men  ofj 
sorts,  Trades,  and  Callings,  and  leave  off  all  the  Evil 


r 


LAST  ESSAYS 


507 


I  them,  for  the  Lord  is  grieved  with  the  Evils  used  in  youi* 
mployments  which  you  are  exercised  in." 

"It  is  even  a  Grief  to  see  how  you  are  Servants  to  Sin,  and 
Istruments  of  Satan/'    See  his  Works,  p.  42,  &c.^ 
I  George  Fox,  in  an  Epistle,  writes  thus:  'Triends,  stand  in 
e  Eternal  Power  of  God,  Witnesses  against  the  Pomps  and 
aoities  of  this  World." 

"Such  Tradesmen  who  stand  as  Witnesses  in  the  Power  of 
t)d,  cannot  fulfill  the  People's  Minds  in  these  Vanities,  and  there- 
ire  they  are  offended  at  them." 

"Let  all  trust  in  the  Lord,  and  wait  patiently  on  him.  For 
hen  Truth  first  broke  forth  in  London,  many  Tradesmen  could 
jt  take  so  much  Money  in  their  Shops  for  some  Time,  as  would 
fy  them  Bread  and  Water,  because  they  withstood  the  World's 
ays,  Fashions,  and  Customs ;  yet  by  their  patient  waiting  on  the 
ftrd  in  their  good  Life  and  Conversation,  they  answer'd  the 
pith  in  People's  Hearts,  and  thus  their  business  increased." 
bok  of  Doctrinals.  p.  824. 

Now  Christ  our  Holy  Leader  graciously  continueth  to  open 
fe  Understandings  of  his  People,  and  as  circumstances  alter  from 
gje  to  Age.  some  who  are  deeply  baptized  into  a  Feeling  of  the 
ate  of  Things,  are  led  by  his  Holy  Spirit  into  Exercises  in  some 
fepect  different  from  those  which  attended  the  Faithful  in  fore- 
ling  Ages,  and  through  the  Constrainings  of  pure  Love,  are  en- 
ged  to  open  the  Feelings  they  have  to  others. 

In  faithfully  following  Christ,  the  Heart  is  weaned  from  the 
^sire  of  Riches,  and  we  are  led  into  a  Life  so  plain  and  simple, 
it  a  little  doth  suffice,  and  thus  the  Way  openeth  to  deny 
rselves,  under  all  the  tempting  Allurements  of  that  Gain,  which 

know  is  the  Gain  of  Unrighteousness. 

The  Apostle,  speaking  on  this  Subject,  asketh  this  Question ; 
feUozvsJiip    hath    Righteousness    with    Unrigktemisncss? 
,  vi.   14.     And  again  saith.  Have  no  PcUowship  zvifh  the 
tful  Works  of  Darkiwss,  hut  rather  reprozv  them.    Ephes. 
II.    Again,  Be  not  Partaker  of  oilier  Men's  sins,  keep  thyself 
I  Tim.  V.  22. 

'•Tie  quotation   is  from  a  rare  Hnl<  tract.  "To  b1)  you/Taytors/tnd/Brokrr»/wbo 
In  Wickrdnew^/and  to  »\\  you/Tradesmen/,  of  what  Trade,  Imployment  or  Office 
!V«r/Tlds  is   to   you   all    from   the    Lord,"   &c./     Anonymously   printed,   by    Gilbert 
Londoo,  1660.     Latey  binuelf  was  a  Tailor  hj  trade. 


Njt.  Lo« 


5o8  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


.1 ,uJ 


Where  People,  through  the  Power  of  Christ,  are 
settled  in  a  right  Use  of  Things,  free  from  all  minecessuy  Ot 
and  Expence,  the  Mind  in  this  true  Resignation  is  at  lixfl 
from  the  Bands  of  a  narrow  Self -Interest,  to  attend  from  Til 
to  Time  on  the  Movings  of  his  Spirit  upon  as,  though  be  bl 
into  that,  thxxjugh  which  our  Faith  is  closely  tried. 

The  Language  of  Christ  is  pure,  and  to  the  Fore  in  Hci 
this  pure  Language  is  intelligible :  but  in  the  Love  of  MooqTi  ^ 
^[ind  being  intent  on  Gain,  is  too  full  of  human  contrivuKcl 
attend  to  it. 

It  appeareth  e>-ident.  that  some  Channels  of  Trade  are  drfl 
with  Unnghteousness.  that  the  Minds  of  many  are  intent  I 
getting  Treasure  to  support  a  Life  in  which  there  are  tf 
unnecessary  Expences. 

And  I  feel  a  living  Concern  attend  my  Mind,  that  under  tbel 
Oirnculties  we  may  humbly  follow  our  Heavenly  Shepherd,  i^ 
graciously  regardeth  his  Flock,  and  is  willing  and  able  to  sopf 
it<  K"»ch  inwardly  and  outwardly  with  dean  Provender,  thit  U 
•H?r.':i  winnowed  with  the  Shovel  and  the  Fan,  where  we  ■! 
o  .-^c'  -'  •  Mirsc-z't's  in  Rigktccusmss,  reap  m  Mercy;  Rosea  x.  ^ 
■  ••  \  not  ■  e  v^enlevi  with  the  Works  of  Iniquity. 

Where  Customs  contrar>-  to  pure  Wisdom  are  trananittt 
:ui--.s:  :'-.;'rv  ;  then  I  :t:en  feel  tender  Compassion  toward  a  tobbI 
^'re: 'jrr.::  ^••.  rtni  Desires  that  their  Difficulties  may  not  be  incrosrf 
:!r;:uh  l'n*":iith:v.!ness  in  us  of  the  Present  Age. 


CN    SILENT   WORSHIP. 


W  -s"-  \-  ■•  >'.:••  :e  hj.ti:  ::ten  been  refreshing  to  my  Mi» 
,r..i  .1  /ar,"  :i::e:'..:5  nre  that  ii  young  <3eneration  may  feel  tl* 
>:.-"-  :i  :hi:i  Worship. 

'-i.it    7v;e'ce   iir'scth   in   Aeiation  to   that  which  is  calW 


' ;  •  .  „.,•.,., 


■<    --"i' ":?   ?ir:     :"  :"r5  Exrenoe  is  applied  toward  c**" 
-j.ivlss.  :i"-.:  n-a-.v  yi;«;r  People  in  raising  of  Tithe,  labi* 
in  i-rpcr'^::^  CustJLni  contrary  to  the  SimpUdty  that  there  8  • 


LAST  ESSAYS  509 

toward   whom   my    Mind   hath    often   been    moved   with 

In  pure  silent  Worship,  we  dwell  under  the  Holy  Anointing, 
d  feel  Christ  to  be  our  Shepherd. 

Here  the  best  of  Teachers  ministers  to  the  several  Conditions 

his  Flock,  and  the  Soul  receives  immediately  from  the  Divine 
tuntain,  that  with  which  it  is  nourished. 

As  I  have  travelled  at  Times  where  those  of  other  Societies 
ve  attended  our  Meetings,  and  have  perceiv'd  how  litde  some 

them  knew  of  the  Nature  of  silent  Worship ;  I  have  felt  tender 
»sires  in  my  Heart  that  we  who  often  sit  silent  in  our  Meetings, 
ly  live  answerable  to  the  Nature  of  an  inward  Fellowship  with 
)d,  that  no  Stumbling-block  through  us.  may  be  laid  in  their 
ay. 

Such  is  tlie  Load  of  unnecessary  Expence  which  is  called 
ivine  Service  in  many  Places,  and  so  much  are  the  Minds  of 
my  People  employed  in  outward  Forms  and  Ceremonies,  that  the 
ening  of  an  inward  silent  W^orship  in  this  Nation  to  me  hath 
pear'd  to  be  a  precious  Opening, 

Within  the  last  four  Hundred  Years,  many  pious  People 
ve  been  deeply  exercised  iti  Soul  on  Account  of  the  Superstition 
lich  prevailed  amongst  the  professed  Followers  of  Christ,  and 
support  of  their  Testimony  against  Oppressive  Idolatry,  some 
several  Ages  have  finished  their  Course  in  the  Flames. 

It  appears  by  the  Historj,'  of  the  Reformation,  that  through  the 
lithfulness  of  the  Martyrs,  the  Understandings  of  many  have 
en  opened,  and  the  Minds  of  People,  from  Age  to  Age,  been 
>re  and  more  prepared  for  a  real  Spiritual  Worship. 

My  Mind  is  often  affected  with  a  Sense  of  the  Condition  of 
Dse  People,  who  in  Different  Ages  have  been  meek  and  patient. 
Ilowing  Christ  through  great  Afflictions:  And  while  I  behold 
:  several  Steps  of  Reformation,  and  that  Clearness,  to  which 
rough  Divine  Goodness,  it  hath  been  brought  by  our  Ancestors; 
fed  tender  Desires  that  we  who  sometimes  meet  in  Silence, 
ly  never  by  our  Conduct  lay  Stumbling-blocks  in  the  way  of 
lers,  and  hinder  the  Progress  of  the  Reformation  in  the  World. 

It  was  a  Complaint  against  some  who  were  called  the  Lord's 
ople,  that  they  brought  polluted  Bread  to  his  Altar,  and  said 
}  Table  of  the  Lord  was  contemptible. 


510         tHE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

In  real  silent  Worship  the  Soul  feeds  on  that  which  is  Dr 
but  we  cannot  partake  of  the  Table  of  the  Lord,  and  tint  1 
which  is  prepared  by  the  Gkxl  of  this  World. 

If  Christ  is  our  Shepherd,  and  feedeth  us,  and  we  svejli 
in  following  him,  our  Lives  will  have  an  invitiiig  Laagf^^ 
the  Table  of  the  Lord  will  not  be  polluted. 


SEAL,    BRITISH    AND   FOREIGN    ANTI-SLAVERY    SOCIETY,    LONDOH 


C  J3   > 

V  ^ 

^  .>  ^ 

^    r>      O 

O    w     . 

C  ^     <y 

034. 

=      C    ^ 

2  S  3 


^     -3 
,«    ra 

^  i 


2    I 


E 

c 
H 


^1 


St 


*-- 1: 


C?  S 


Ci. 


APPENDIX 

BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES,  WILLS,  &C.,  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Hunt,  of  London.  (1712-1778) 
I  Began  his  ministry  when  quite  young,  and  in  1738  visited  America, 
iccompanying  John  Churchman  on  a  preaching  tour.  John  Smith  of 
purlington  described  him  at  this  time  as  "slow  of  speech,  correct, 
^nd  very  devout."  At  this  time  he  met  John  Woolman,  then  eighteen, 
returned  to  his  home  in  London  in  the  spring  of  1740.  accotn- 
nying  the  older  minister,  Michael  Lightfoot,  from  America,  and 
Tried  1740,  "an  agreeable  widow,  with  a  fortune  of  £2000."  (John 
mith.)  John  Hunt's  house  in  London  was  a  home  for  visiting 
riends.  Daniel  Stanton  writes,  in  1749,  "he  would  have  me  to  his 
luse  and  gave  me  a  kind  reception,  where  I  made  my  home  for  the 
St  part  during  the  time  my  lot  was  cast  in  that  great  city." 
Frictuis'  Library,  Vol.  XO,  161.) 

In  1756  John  Hunt  and  Christopher  Wilson  were  sent  from  Lon- 
m  Yearly  Meeting  to  look  into  the  question  of  the  alleged  mis- 
nagement  of  the  Indian  affairs.    Their  mission  bore  fruit  of  grave 
iport  to   Pennsylvania  history,  Quaker  and  other,  in   the  ultimate 
eparture  of  all  the  Quakers  from  the  Assembly  of  that  Province, 
'octor  Fothergill  was  in  constant  touch  with  Hunt  and  Wilson  dur- 
ng  their  sojourn  in  America.     The  Philadelphia  Meeting  for  Suf- 
erings  held  a  special  meeting  before  they  returned  home  in  1757,  to 
resent  an  account  of  the  state  of  affairs  among  them.  (Minutes,  Vol. 
.  p.  141.) 

John  Hunt  was  in  America  at  least  once  more  before  he  finally 
migrated  to  Pennsylvania.  R.  Foster  writes  from  Gravesend  to  John 
^emberton,  imo.  39th.  1769,  that  he  had  seen  off  "Cos.  John  Hunt, 
his  two  daug',  Jos.  Elliott,  &c.,  in  the  ship  "York"  for  New  York." 
CPemberton  Letters,  Vol.  19,  p.  133,  Hist.  Soc.  Penna.)  John 
i4unt  settled  in  Darby.  He  was  one  of  the  twenty  two  Friends  ban- 
shed  to  Winchester,  Va.  for  their  Quaker  neutrality  during  the 
evolution,  and,  with  another,  died  in  exile  there  March  31,  1778. 
t  was  called  by  John  Pemberton,  "a  great,  wise  and  experienced 

511 


512  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

minister  and  elder."  (Bowden,  "Hist.  Friends  in  America,"  U, 
X.    Gilpin;  "Exiles  in  Virginia/'  1848.) 

lA 

Christopher  Wilson  (1704-1761) 

Son  of  John  Wilson,  of  Graysothern,  Comberland,  Eng.  Travc 
In  the  ministry  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  and  was  active  i 
service.  He  left  behind  him  on  his  death  a  manuscript  dated 
30th.  1759,  in  which  he  deplored  the  losses  he  had  suffered  in  tr 
and  advised  his  successors  to  beware  of  similar  temptations.  He  ' 
with  John  Hunt  on  the  mission  to  Philadelphia  in  1756.  (The  Frie 
Phila.  1842,  p.  308.) 


John  Reynell  (1708-1784) 

Born  Bristol,  England,  June,  1708;  son  of  Samuel  and  Sarah' 
Reynell:  educated  at  Exeter.  The  Reynell  family  was  one  of  dis- 
tinction in  England,  and  his  uncle,  Michael  Lee  Dicker,  was  Mayor 
of  Exeter.  It  was  probably  this  uncle  who  established  the  yc 
John  in  business.  He  went  first  to  Barbados,  where  he  engaged  1 
trade,  and  in  1728  removed  to  Philadelphia,  becoming  at  once  an 
exporter  to  Barbados  and  Great  Britain.  Business  letters  still  cj( 
ing  from  his  brother  Samuel  Reynell,  dated  1729  and  1730, 
addressed  to  him  "in  care  of  Edward  Home  and  Samuel  Good,  mer- 
chants," In  December,  1744,  he  was  in  partnership  with  John 
Smith,  of  Burlington  and  Philadelphia,  and  the  Israel  Pcmbcrton*. 
father  and  son,  when  they  loaded  the  brigantinc  "Dolphin"  and 
her  to  Barbados.  A  few  months  later  they  sent  the  ship,  "Bolto 
Captain  Dowers,  to  Dublin  and  Liverpool.  (Diary  of  John  Smit! 
John  Reynell  was  successful  as  a  shipping  and  commission  merchant,^ 
and  no  less  active  in  the  civic  life  of  his  town.  He  was,  moreover, 
a  large  hearted  philanthropist,  and  devout  Christian;  a  leader  in 
many  benevolent  works,  and  a  prominent  Quaker. 

One  of  the  founders  of  the  Pennsylvania  Hospital,  the  first  of 
its  kind  in  America,  Jolin  Reynell  served  as  its  Treasurer,  and  was 
for  long  its  President.  He  continued  to  be  a  Manager  until  1780. 
(Morton.  "The  Penna.  Hospital.")  John  Reynell  was  the  last  Presi- 
dent of  tlie  "Friendly  Association  for  Preserving  Peace  with  the 
Indians,"  for  whose  welfare  he  had  labored  unceasingly.  The  India" 
Treaties  held  by  tlie  Colonial  Governors  were  usually  attended  by 
him,  the  Quakers  in  many  cases  being  movers  in  these  conferences, 
whichj  owing  to  the  political  situation,  rarely  named  them  ofBciaUy. 


\ 


APPENDIX  513 

although    gladly    accepting   their   peaceful    intervention,    which    was 
usually  of  great  service. 

John  Reynell  married,  April  15,  1736,  Mar^',  daughter  of  Thomas 
and  Beulah  Coates,  then  widow  of  Samuel  Nicholas.  (1707-1773) 
None  of  their  five  children  lived  to  maturity.  Mary  Reynell  died 
March  25th.  1773.  Her  husband  survived  her  for  eleven  years,  and 
died  at  his  house  N.W.  corner  Front  and  Walnut  Streets,  September 
3rd.  1784,  at  the  age  of  seventy  six.  His  benefactions  were  many. 
Rebecca  Jones,  in  England  at  the  time  of  his  death,  dreamed  that 
Samuel  Coatcs  handed  her  a  plate  of  soup.  When  he  wrote  her  that 
John  Reynell  had  left  her  fiftj'  pounds,  Esther  Tuke,  with  whom  she 
was  stopping,  remarked,  "Dear  Rebecca,  this  is  thy  plate  of  Soup!" 
For  years  he  had  allotted  one  third  of  his  expenditures  for  the  relief 
of  the  poor,  and  in  his  will  left  a  thousand  pounds  to  he  given  them 
in  sums  of  five  pounds  each.  [Data  from  Joseph  H.  Coates,  of  Ber- 
wyn,  Pa.,  '^Memorials,"  R.  Jones,  pp.  83,  84.] 

3 
James  Pemberton  (1723-1809) 

Son  of  Isaac  and  Rachel  (Read)  Pemberton,  of  Philadelphia.  A 
successful  merchant,  who  was  a  prominent  figure  both  in  public  life, 
and  in  the  affairs  of  the  Quaker  meetings.  A  founder  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania Hospital,  and  a  member  of  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition 
Society,  where  he  succeeded  Franklin  as  President,  1790.  He  was 
sent  as  an  exile  to  Virginia  with  his  brothers,  Israel  and  John  in 
1777.  because  of  the  accu.sation  of  disloyalty.  Washington  and  the 
administration  later  on  endeavored  to  make  amends.  He  was  one  of 
the  powerful  group  of  Quakers  who,  in  1756,  withdrew  from  the 
Pennsylvania  Assembly  because  of  their  conscientious  scruples  against 
war,  in  connection  with  the  militia  appropriations. 

He  had  been  Clerk  of  the  '^Meeting  for  Sufferings,"  and  was 
released  in  1762.  In  1764  his  brother  John  succeeded  Samuel  Emien, 
and  in  this  office  had  the  custody  of  the  papers  which  were  left  in 
the  hands  of  that  body,  when  Jo!in  Woolman  sailed  for  England  in 
1772.     [Minutes:  p.  241.J 

James  Pemberton  married  October  15th  1751,  Hannah,  daughter 
of  Mordecai,  and  Hannah   (Fishbourne)   Lloyd. 

4 
Anthony  Benezet:  (1713-1784). 

Born  at  St.  Quentin,  France,  son  of  a  French  Protestant,  John 
Stephen  Benezet.  His  parents  took  him  to  nolland  when  he  was 
two  years  old,  and  then,  via  Rotterdam,  to  London,  to  escape  pcrsc- 


514  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


cution.  Here,  at  the  age  of  fourteen,  he  became  a  Quaker,  and  the 
family  removed  in  1731  to  Philadelphia,  where  in  1736  he  married 
Joyce  Marriott  In  1739  he  tried  manufacturing  at  Wilmington, 
but  returned  to  his  teaching  shortly,  which  throughout  his  active 
life  was  liis  chosen  profession.  He  taught  the  Friends'  School  in 
Germantown,  and  in  the  Friends'  Public  School  in  Philadelphia, 
finally  establishing  a  very  successful  school  for  girls  in  the  latter 
town.  For  a  time,  in  1766,  possibly  because  of  frail  health,  he  gave 
up  his  school  and  retired  to  his  wife's  former  home  in  Burlinglon. 
N.  J.,  but  within  a  year  or  so,  he  was  back  at  his  teaching,  which 
occupied  him  for  the  rest  of  his  days.  His  great  interest  in  the 
coloured  race  and  his  association  with  John  Woolman  in  his  anti- 
slavery  efforts,  caused  him  to  devote  the  last  two  years  of  his  life 
to  teaching  coloured  children.  He  was  known  and  respected  by  all 
classes  of  his  townspeople,  and  kept  up  a  vast  correspondence  abroad 
with  important  persons  in  England  and  his  native  France.  His  death 
occurred  1784,  at  the  age  of  71.  He  was  followed  to  his  grave  by 
an  enormous  concourse  of  rich  and  poor. 

Anthony  Benezet  wrote  and  circulated  a  large  volume  of  papers, 
tracts,  and  books  upon  philanthropic  subjects,  chiefly,  however,  on 
slavery,  which  he  opposed  io  every  possible  way.  He  distributed 
these  writings  gratis  to  the  rich  and  poor.  He  and  John  Woolman 
were  intimate  and  congenial  friends,  their  philanthropies  directed 
toward  the  same  ends.  In  the  writings  of  each  may  be  seen  the 
influence  of  the  other.  His  small  fortune  was  left  to  the  Friends 
in  charge  of  the  Educational  Funds,  for  the  benefit  of  the  School 
for  Coloured  Children,  founded  in  1770,  in  which  he  had  taught,  and 
which  is  today  engaged  in  that  benevolent  work,  and  known  as  the 
Anthony  Benezet  School.  It  is  now  located,  with  several  other 
charities,  in  Benezet  House,  918  Locust  street  Philadelphia. 

Benezet's  writings  are  worth  the  effort  of  collecting  them  into 
the  edition  which  still  awaits  publication.  He  is  well  deserving  also 
of  an  adequate  biography. 


Owen  Jones  (1711-1793) 

Born  gmo.   (November)    19,   1711.     Son  of  Jonathan  and  Gair 
Jones,  of  Merion  Pa.  and  a  grandson  of  Dr.  Edward  Jones,  lead«f^ 
of  a  group  of  Welsh  Quakers  who  settled  at  Merion  in  1682.    Owe 
Jones  was  a  resident  of  Lower  Merion,  and  later,  of  Philadelphil 
He  served  with  distinction  as  Treasurer  of  the  Province  of  Penns 
hvania.     Owen  Jones  married,  May  30,  1740,  Susanna,  daughter 
iugh  Evans,  by  his  3d  wife,  Lowry  Lloyd,     lie  died  October  9,  1; 


APPENDIX 


S^S 


Israel  Pemberton  (Jr.)   (1715-1779) 
*  Son  of  Israel  Pemberton  Sr.,  (1684-1754)    (son  of  Phineas,)  and 

•  Rachel,  dau.  of  Charles  Read,  of  Burlington,  N.  J.  Their 
three  sons,  Israel  Jr.,  James  and  John  were  all  distinguished  Quakers 
of  Pennsylvania.  Israel  Pemberton  Jr.  was  born  in  1715  in  Philadel- 
phia. His  father's  mansion  "Evergreen",  on  a  tract  of  seventy  six 
acres  near  the  "Lower  Ferry",  at  29th,  and  Fitzwater  Streets,  passed 
on  their  father's  death  to  the  second  son,  James.  Israel  Pemberton, 
Jr.  married,  1747,  Mary,  daughter  of  Nathan  and  Mar)'  Stanbury, 
who  had  been  twice  married  before,  and  was  respectively  the  widow 
of  Richard  Hill  and  Robert  Jordan.  He  had  had  a  good  education, 
was  a  prominent  business  man,  and  during  the  period  preceding  the 
outbreak  of  the  Revolution,  was  a  leader  in  the  meetings  of  the 
Friends,  and  known  in  Philadelphia  as  the  "King  of  the  Quakers". 
He  was  wealthy,  and  a  liberal  patron  of  many  of  the  city's  public 
institutions,  and  of  the  Pennsylvania  Hospital,  of  which  he  was 
one  of  the  founders.  The  dinner  for  the  Indian  Chiefs  held  at  his 
house,  4mo.  (April)  19,  1756,  has  become  a  famous  occasion. 
He  and  his  brothers  were  among  the  Quakers  arrested  and  sent 
to  Virginia  in  1777,  for  their  non-resistant  principles.  (See  Th.  Gil- 
pin: "Exiles  in  Virginia.")  His  wife's  coach  was  seized  by  the  Brit- 
ish during  the  occupation  of  Philadelphia,  as  the  finest  one  in  town, 
and  placed  at  the  disposal  of  General  Howe.  Israel  Pemberton  Jr. 
had  a  very  large  correspondence  in  England  and  the  letters  of  the 
three  brothers  now  in  possession  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Penn- 
sylvania, occupy  over  forty  volumes.  Among  them  is  ample  evidence 
of  his  service  as  business  adviser  and  counsellor  to  John  Woolman, 
whose  correspondence  is  noted  in  the  Introduction. 

Israel  Pemberton  Jr.  died  in  Philadelphia,  4mo.  22nd.  1779,  at 
the  age  of  sixty  four.  Samuel  Emlen  preached  a  remarkable  sermon 
at  his  grave. 


y 


Samuel  Emlen  (1730-1799) 

Born  in  Philadelphia,  3mo,  (May)  15,  1730;  only  child  of  Joshua 
(died  1776)  and  Deborah  (Powel)  Emlen,  Joshua  Emlen's  first 
wife  had  been  Mary  (Holton)  widow  of  Samuel  Hudson.  Slight 
and  delicate  of  frame,  Samuel  Emlen  was  never  very  robust,  but 
was  given  an  excellent  education,  which  developed  his  fine  mind. 
He  spoke  the  modern  languages  fluently,  and  was  an  accomplished 
Greek  and  Latin  scholar,  once  addressing  a  learned  audience  in  the 


Si6  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

L&tin  tongue.  When  the  Frenchman,  Jean  de  Marsillac,  attended 
Philadelphia  Yearly  Meeting  in  1795,  Samuel  Emlen  acted  as  his 
interpreter  when  he  addressed  the  meeting.  As  a  young  man  he 
was  for  a  time  employed  in  the  counting  house  of  James  Pcmbcrton, 
but  his  fraii  health  and  defective  eyesight,  coupled  with  the  fact  that 
he  inherited  an  ample  fortune,  led  him  at  an  early  period  in  his  life 
to  give  up  any  mercantile  pursuit.  His  figure  was  short  and  slight, 
he  always  dressed  in  drab,  and  his  personality  was  rather  remarkable. 

Samuel  Emlen  traveled  in  the  Southern  colonies  with  the  preacher, 
Michael  Light  foot,  and  in  1756  went  with  Abraham  Farrington  to 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  during  which  visit  he  first  spoke  in  the 
ministry.  He  married,  ist.  Elizabeth  Moode,  by  whom  he  had  two 
sons,  William  and  Samuel,  both  born  in  Bristol,  Eng.  He  married, 
2d.    Sarah   Mutt,   and   had  two  daughters,   Elizabeth   and    Deborah. 

Samuel  Emlen  and  his  intimate  friend  Rebecca  Jones,  had  prom- 
ised each  otlier  that  the  survivor  would  attend  the  other's  funeral. 
He  died  December  30th  1799,  and  she  preached  his  funeral  sennoa 
in  the  "Great  Meeting  House"  on  Market  st.  Philadelphia,  on  New 
Year's  Day,  1800.  No  minister  of  his  society  has  been  more  highly 
esteemed,  and  his  name  fias  passed  with  respect  through  several 
generations  in  the  direct  line.  John  Woolman  used  the  "Junior",  to 
distinguish  him  from  his  uncle,  Samuel,  (mar.  Rachel  Hudson)  for 
whom  he  was  named.  His  son  Samuel  used  the  "Jr"  afterward. 
Samuel  Emlen  made  seven  visits  to  Europe. 

[Bowden:  "Hist.  Friends  in  America."  H.  402.  "Tho".  Scatter- 
good  and  his  Times."  "Memoirs  of  Sam'.  Fothergill":  266.  "Me- 
morials of  Rebecca  Jones."    "Frd's  Miscel."  xii.  162  ff.] 

8 

John  Pemberton  (1727-1795) 

Youngest  son  of  Israel  Pemberton  Sr.  and  Rachel  Read.  Boni 
in  Philadelphia  iimo,  (February)  27,  1727,  one  of  the  survivors  of 
ten  children.  He  was  not  very  robust,  and  went  to  England  for  his 
health  in  1751.  He  was  a  companion  of  John  Churchman  on  the 
voyage  and  accompanied  that  preacher  on  some  of  his  travels.  At 
a  meeting  in  Penzance,  Cornwall,  he  first  spoke  as  a  minister,  and 
soon  became  a  very  able  preacher.  He  was  ever  a  tirm  friend  of 
the  Indian,  and  was  present  at  the  great  Treat)'  with  the  Indians 
at  Easton,  Pennsylvania,  in  1757, 

John  Pemberton  married  Hannah,  daughter  of  Isaac  and  Sarah 
Zane  at  the  "Great  Meeting  House"  in  High  street  (now  Market) 
Philadelphia,  "on  5th.  day,  8th.  of  5th.  mo.,  1766".  John  Griftith,"  an 
English  Friend,  preached  the  sermon.    Thomas  Wilkinson,  also  from 


APPENDIX 


517 


England,  wrote  afterward  to  John's  brother  James,  "On  the  day  of 
his  marriage,  when  most  men  are  so  taken  up  with  their  own  happi- 
ness as  to  forget  there  is  misery  elsewhere,  he  ordered  provision  to 
be  sent  to  all  the  prisons  in  Philadelphia."  (Pemberton  Letters,  Hist. 
Soc.  of  Pcnna.)     They  had  no  children. 

In  the  year  1777  he  was  a  prisoner,  together  with  his  two  brothers, 
in  Winchester,  Virginia,  where  John  Hunt  and  Thomas  Gilpin  died. 
(See  T.  Gilpin.  "Exiles  in  Va.")  All  noo-comhalam  Quakers  were 
suspected  of  lack  of  patriotism,  and  the  more  prominent  ones  were 
arrested  by  order  of  General  Washington,  who,  however,  later  made 
amends.  An  interesting  letter  from  Anthony  Benezet  to  the  tliree 
brothers  in  exile  is  given  in  Comly's  "Friends'  Miscellany",  vol.  xii, 
p.  205.     It  is  dated  "imo.  1778". 

John  Pemberton  was  in  England  at  the  tJme  of  John  Woodman's 
death,  and  ministered  to  him  during  his  illness  and  attended  his 
funeral.  He  was  again  in  Europe  on  the  Continent  in  1794,  when 
he  was  taken  ill  and  died  and  was  buried  in  Pyrmont,  Germany,  imo. 
3^  1795*  a^  the  age  of  sixty  eight. 


William  Hunt   (1733-1772) 

Authorities  differ  as  to  the  early  ancestry  of  William  Hunt.  We 
find  a  minister  of  that  name  in  Barbados  on  a  religious  visit,  noted 
in  the  Minutes  of  Philadelphia  Monthly  Meeting  for  6mo.  (August) 
3,  1685.  The  same  source  shows  that  Samuel  Carpenter  was  ap- 
pointed by  the  meeting  8mo.  (October)  5,  1685,  to  write  William 
Peachy  for  copies  of  papers  regarding  William  Hunt,  to  be  sent 
to  William  Frampton.  Both  the  latter  were  Burlington  County 
Friends. 

Burlington  (N.  J.)  Monthly  Meeting  minutes  have  for  4mo. 
(June)  6,  1687,  a  most  unusual  record,  when  they  state  that  William 
Hunt  and  Margaret  Pearson,  "having  no  certificates,  arc  advised  to 
be  married  before  a  magistrate,"  The  actual  marriage  is  not  on  the 
records,  which  would  indicate  that  the  recommendation  was  complied 
with-  All  the  evidence  points  to  their  final  settlement  in  Bucks 
County,  Pennsylvania,  where  a  great  many  Friends  were  moving  at 
this  time.  The  minutes  of  the  Women's  meeting  (now  in  private 
hands)  show  the  removal  of  a  Sarah  Hunt  from  Darby,  Penna.  to 
the  "Falls",  (as  Fallsington  was  generally  known),  her  certificate 
bearing  date,  2d.  of  8mo.  (October)  1717. 

The  marriages  of  Burlington  M.M.  for  2mo.  (April)  14,  1720, 
record  for  2mo.  (April)  14,  1720,  that  of  "William  Hunt  of  Bucks 
County,  Pennsylvania,  and  Mary  Woolman,  daughter  of  John,  late 


5i8  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


•M 


of  Northampton,  deceased",  at-Springfield  Meeting  (Burlington 
(Book  A.  p.  58).     William,  Margaret  and  Sarah  Hunt,  are  among^ 
the  witnesses.     The  Women's  meeting  at  the  "Falls"  has  record  oi 
the  removal   from  Burlington   M.M.    (of  which   Springfield   was  a 
part,)  to  their  meeting  of  Mary  Hunt,  her  certificate  dated,  "i 
6mo."  (August)  1720.    Mary  Hunt  was  John  Woolman's  aunt. 

Soon  after  this,  the  Quaker  stream  of  migration  to  North  Caro- 
lina and  the  South  began  to  gain  volume,  and  from  this  point  the 
records  coincide  with  an  uncertain  family  tradition.  This  states  that 
William  Hunt,  Senior,  died  while  William,  Jr.  was  a  child,  and  the 
family  became  scattered,  William  going  to  live  with  an  aunt,  whose 
name  is  not  given,  in  Virginia,  and  who  brought  him  up  as  a  strict 
Friend. 

William  was  a  very  sober,  religious  child,  and  began  to  preach  at 
the  age  of  fifteen.  Finding  himself  somewhat  vain  of  the  gift,  which 
was  encouraged  by  the  elder  Friends,  he  held  his  peace  for  some 
time,  and  finally  began  all  over  again,  becoming  eventually  one  of 
the  foremost  ministers  of  his  denomination. 

He  married  early,  before  his  majority,  Sarah  Mills,  in  4mo.,  1753. 
Just  before  this,  the  miiuites  of  Cane  Creek,  N.  C.  under  date,  rriuir 
4,  1752,  state  that  William  Hunt  produced  a  certificate  of  removal 
from  the  Monthly  Meeting  of  Hopewell^  Virginia,  dated  6mo.  I^M 
1752.  Unfortunately,  the  Hopewell  mimitcs  have  been  destroyed  b^^ 
fire.  He  eventually  became  a  resident  at  Guilford,  N.  C,  with  which 
most  of  his  later  life  is  associated.  He  had  eight  children,  one  of 
them  his  famous  son  Nathan.  He  traveled  much  in  the  minist 
one  of  his  descendants  writing,  "he  had  at  one  time  preached 
nearly  all  the  Friends'  meeting  houses  in  America." 

His  cousin  John  Hunt  of  Chesterfield  N.  J.  relates  in  his  o 
Journal*  under  date,  4mo.  11,  1771  that  WiUiara  Hunt  attended  meet- 
ing at  Upper  Springfield  at  that  time  and  preached  an   impressive- 
sermon.     He  was  making  a  farewell  visit  to  his  early  home  befof^f 
sailing  for  England.    John  Hunt  says,  "he  told  us  to  note  it  down: 
that  there  was  little  hope  for  this  generation,  but  it  was  his  belief_ 
that  the  next  would  make  better  progress  in  the  Truth."     Exactly 
year  to  the  day  before  his  cousin  John  Woolman  sailed,  Willia^ 
Hunt  embarked  on  the  same  vessel.     John  Hunt  writes,  "My  wif^ 
her   sister,    Elizabeth   Haines,   brother   Robert   and   myself   went 
Philadelphia  to  take  leave  of  Cousin  William,  who  was  about  to  sa 
for  old  England  on  a  religious  visit.     Divers  friends  went  on  boaf'l 
the  vessel  with  him,  and  we  had  a  meeting  in  the  cabin,  in  which 
Cousin  William  preached  and  prayed  in  a  very  affectionate  manner, 


UI 

] 


^  Friead«*  Ifiscelbny,  Vol.  X,  p.  aj. 


f 


APPENDIX 


519 


and  we  took  leave  of  him  in  dear  and  tender  love,  with  strong  desires 
for  each  other's  preservation."  John  asked  William  if  he  were  not 
afraid  to  go  to  sea?  He  replied,  that  it  was  an  "anxious  prospect," 
"but  when  the  mind  has  passed  through  the  necessary  baptism,  there 
is  not  much  for  the  fear  of  death  to  lay  hold  on." 

William  Hunt  was  accompanied  by  his  nephew,  Thomas  Thorn- 
borough,  the  "cousin  Thomma"  of  the  letters.*  They  reached  Lon- 
don after  a  short  voyage.  A  letter  to  Johti  Hunt  and  Peter  and 
Mary  Harvey  brought  the  family  word  of  their  arrival.  "My  right 
dear  and  inwardly  beloved  relations,  not  only  by  consanguinity,  but 
by  the  immortal  seed  and  Heavenly  birth  of  immortal  life.  .  .  .  We 
got  to  London  and  to  our  lodgings  in  twenty  eight  days  after  we 
parted  with  you."  A  tiny  missive  was  sent  '*to  my  dear  little  cousinSj 
John  and  Esther  Hunt."  Four  of  his  letters  to  Uriah  Woolman  have 
been  printed.     (Memorials,  W.  &  N.  Hunt,  p.  82fi".) 

During  the  year  the  two  visited  Yorkshire,  Lancashire  and  Ire- 
land, meeting  John  Woolman  in  London  in  June,  1772.  They  sailed 
thence  to  Holland,  a  letter  which  William  Hunt  wrote  his  wife  from 
Amsterdam,  dated  "8mo.  1772"  reaching  her  after  liis  death,  Km- 
barking  on  the  return  to  England  for  Scarborough,  they  were  forced] 
by  contrary  winds  into  Shields,  where  they  landed  on  the  i6th.  of 
August,  and  went  to  the  house  of  James  King  at  Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne.  They  attended  meeting  there  on  the  2^^,  and  William  Hunt 
preached.  Being  asked  where  he  intended  going  next,  he  replied 
that  he  "saw  no  further  at  present  than  Newcastle."  Next  day  he  was  1 
taken  with  an  illness  which  on  the  fourth  day  proved  to  be  smallpox. 
He  was  devotedly  nursed  by  Elizabeth  Carter,  whose  account  is  given 
in  "Friends  Miscellany",  Vol.  VL  176,  ff.  His  nephew  had  not  had 
the  disease,  and  at  his  desire,  Thomas  Thornborough  removed  to 
the  house  of  Joseph  King  at  Kenton,  William  Hunt  died  September 
9th.  1772,  his  last  words  being  "Truth  reigns  over  all!"  Esther 
Tuke,  whose  good  ollices  were  extended  so  soon  to  John  Wool- 
man  under  similar  circumstances,  wrote  a  sympathetic  letter  to  his 
children,  dated  "York  26th.  lomo.  1772."      ■ 

Thomas  Priestman's  Diary  contains  the  following;  "Dear  William 
Hunt  of  North  Carolina  Died  at  Newcastle  in  the  small  pox,  He 
being  on  a  Religious  Visit  to  this  Nation  had  been  to  Visit  Holland 
and  landed  at  Shields  from  thence,  on  26  of  8mo:  on  27th,  began  to 
be  111  at  Newcastle,  In  a  few  day  the  smallpox  appear'd.  He  was 
a  deeply  exercised  minister;  very  sound  and  living,  tho*  in  many 
places  he  pass'd  unknown,  having  many  silent  meetings  yet  in  some 
places  he  was  wonderfully  favoured  to  preach  the  Gospel,  to  the 
Comfort  of  the  heavy  hearted  and  Travailed  deep  that  Truth  might 


520  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


rise  into  dominion;  his  exercise  on  this  acct  was  Great.  The  Loss 
seems  unspeakable  that  the  Church  has  sustained  by  being  deprived 
of  such  a  Member,  seemingly  one  of  the  Greatest  in  our  Societ)', 
according  to  my  apprehension.  I  never  heard  or  was  acquainted 
with  his  fellow.  His  nephew  Thomas  Thornborough  was  his  com- 
panion, and  is  now  left  like  a  Dove  without  its  mate."  John  Wool- 
man  arrived  soon  after  at  Thomas  Priestman's,  where  he  died  of  the 
same  disease.     Sarah  Mills  Hunt  died  "14  of  7  mo.  1778." 


10 


Elizabeth  (Woolnmn)  Payne,  Hunt,  Harvey,  (1685-1755). 

Daughter  of  John  and  Elizabeth  (Borton)  Woolraan.  Bom  ifl 
Northampton  Township  3mo.  (May)  15,  1685.  She  was  married  ai 
the  age  of  18  to  Nathaniel  Payne  (  -1707)  of  Mansfield,  N.  J^ 
son  of  John  "Paine"  of  Wellingboro',  Burlington  Co.  gmo  (Nov.)  16, 
1703.  He  was  a  man  of  property,  and  probably  some  years  older 
than  Elizabeth  Woohnan.  Thomas  Scattergood,  Jr.  sold  to  Nathaniel 
Payne,  yeoman,  one  hundred  acres  of  land  "on  the  south  side  of 
Rancocas  River",  June  6,  1696.  (Surveyed  for  T,S,  by  Syinon 
Charles,  2mo.  (Feb.)  1691.  N.  J.  Archives,  Vol.  XXI,  pp.  375,  485  1 
The  Wiil  of  N.  Payne  was  proved  May  26,  1707.  His  wife  Elizabelli 
is  made  sole  heiress,  and  he  mentions  but  does  not  name,  "chili 
under  age."  His  plantation  is  at  "Mount  Pleasant"  The  cond< 
nation  paper  of  N.  Payne  for  "paying  to  y*  Military  Act"  was 
in  y*  Mt'g"  4  of  y*  pmo.  (November)  1706."  He  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  a  very  strict  member  of  the  Society  of  Friends.  (Bur 
lington  M.M,  Records.     Minutes,  Vol.  I  p.  263.) 

Upon  the  death  of  her  husband  Elizabeth  Woolman  Payne,  t 
but  twenty  two  years  of  age,  promptly  married  F^obert  Hunt, 
of  Mansfield,  "at  Northampton  Meeting  House"  4mo  (June)  1 
1708.  (Burlington  Records.  Vol.  I,  p.  291,  B"k  A,  p.  11).  Of  the 
family  who  sign  the  certificate,  there  are  present  William,  Sarah, 
and  Margaret  Hunt,  John  and  Elizabeth  Woolman,  Sarah  Hair 
John  and  Ann  Borton.  and  thirty  five  others.  They  had  at  least  i 
children,  j.  Robert  Jr.,  born  1709,  mar.  Abigail  Wood,  and  had  a 
John  ihiPt,  (1740-1824)  who  became  the  well  known  minister, 
kept  an  interesting  Journal,  (Comly's  "Fr'ds  Miscellany,"  Vol. 
which  has  been  quoted.  He  was  an  intimate  younger  cousin 
William  Hunt  and  John  Woolnian.  2.  John,  horn  1711.  died  17- 
J.  Elizabeth,  born  1713,  died  1733.  Mar.  Francis  Ellis  Jr,  2mo,  18. 
1733  &  died  in  same  year,  leaving  a  son.  4  Samuel  Hunt, 
17 1 5.  Robert  Hunt  was  a  very  consistent  member  of  the  Society 
Friends,    and   his   name  is   in   the    list  of   members    of    BurlingK 


I 


APPENDIX 


521 


Monthly  Meeting  who  in  iimo.,  (January)  1704,  claim  exemption 
from  fighting.  (M.M.  Recs.  Vol.  1,  p.  227.)  The  estate  of  Robert 
Hunt,  April  10,  1716,  was  administered  by  his  wife,  and  the  inventory 
oi  personal  property,  by  Wm.  Pancoast  and  Thos.  Potts,  is  placed  at 
£150,  including  seventy  bushels  of  wheat  at  ijo,io.  (N.  J.  Archives, 
iVol.  XXX II,  p.  248.     Deed  Book,  11,  p.  64.) 

Two  years  later,  the  Burlington  Records  show  that  "John  Harvey 
and  Elizabeth  Hunt  declare  their  intentions  of  marriage,  "y*  8th  day 

of  y*  8th  Month,  17 18."     On  the  third  of  the  next  month  '' 

they  were  left  to  their  Liberty  to  Solemnize  their  intended  Marriage 
when  they  shall  sec  Meet  to.  Save  oiiely  that  the  said  Elizabeth  take 
Care  to  Secure  what  belong  to  ye  Children  of  her  former  HusTjaod, 
Viz.  Robert  Hunt,  and  y'  Meeting  app.  Joshua  Fret  well  &.  Thos. 
Scattergood  to  assist  y"  said  Elizabeth  to  accomplish  y'  same 
before    Marriage    with    John    Harvey."     (Burl.    M.M,    Vol.    I.    p. 

375) 

John  and  Elizabeth   Harvey  had   five  children,^ — Mary   b.    1719; 

2,    Peter    [1721-1771];    3.    John    Jr.    1724;    4.    Sarah    ;    5. 

Job     .       Peter     Han'ey     became     a     well     known     minister 

in  his  own  neighborhood,  and  his  cousin  John  Woolman  wrote  the 
"testimony"  on  his  death,  which  has  often  been  published.  John 
Har\'ey,  Sr.  was  an  elder.  His  death  occurred  7nio.  S  1754.  Eliza- 
beth Harvey,  who  had  long  been  an  acceptable  preacher,  died  at 
Mansfield  3mo.  27th,  1755.  Of  her  John  Smith  wrote,  "She  was  wife 
of  John  Harvey  of  Mansfield,  in  the  county  of  Burlington,  New 
Jersey,  and  daughter  of  John  Woolman,  of  said  County.  An  honest, 
circumspect  woman,  and  a  recommended  minister  for  many  years." 
(Manuscript  "Lives  of  Ministers  of  the  Gospel  among  the  People 
called  Quakers",  p.  135.  At  Haverford  College.  '*The  Friend", 
Phila.     Biog.  Notices,  Vol.  XXXI). 

John  Woolman's  "testimony"  to  Peter  Harvey  is  as  follows:  the 
original  may  be  found  on  page  282  of  M.S.  A. 

da    mo 
Peter  Harvey  departed  this  life  ^77^,  he  stood  as  an 

Elder years  and  as  he  increased  in  years  I  believe  his  experi- 
ence of  the  Sanctifying  power  of  Truth  was  enlarged. 

[In  the  time  of  his  health  a  few  months  before  he  departed,  I 
had  some  loving  conversation  with  him  in  regard  to  simdrj'  things 
in  his  possession  relating  to  his  living,  which  appear *d  to  be  con- 
fonnable  to  the  Spirit  of  this  world. 

He  appear'd  to  take  my  visit  verj'  kind,  and  though  he  was  not 
fully  setled  in  his  mind  as  to  what  he  should  do  with  them,  yet  he 
told  me  that  he  was  inwardly  united  to  a  plain  way  of  living,  and 


522  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOUiAN 

to  such  who  in  faith  folncss  valked  dierein]  ^  I  was  twice  widi  koi 
in  his  last  Sickness  and  the  first  of  these  times  he  told  me  that  in  hb 
youthful  years  his  mind  was  much  on  improvement  in  outward  busi- 
ness, and  that  being  Suocessfnl,  many  spc^c  in  praise  of  his  ooododL 
and  in  this  prosperity  he  got  Sundry  sorts  of  Soperfinities  in  wok- 
manship  about  him  and  though  he  had  not  seen  dearly  what  to  di 
with  them;  yet  he  saw  that  at  the  time  of  geting  these  thiz^  he  vca 
on  in  the  dark,  and  they  were  latterly  a  burden  to  his  mind. 

He  appeared  in  a  meek  and  loring  frame  of  spirit,  both  tins 
when  I  saw  him,  and  told  me  the  last  of  these  times  that  he  had  &k 
a  livii^  sence  of  divine  love  on  his  heart  maiqr  times  in  this  Ibi 
Sickness,  and  had  tasted  of  that  joy  which  is  the  ererlasting  portiai 
of  them  who  are  Sanctified,  and  that  the  thoughts  of  death  were  not 
terrible  to  him.  John  Woohnaa 

Peter  Harve>-  was  bom  in  1721,  thus  being  one  year  younger 
than  John  Woolman.     He   died    lomo.   9,   1771,  aged   fifty  year& 

loA 

Ann  Woohnan  (1694-1750) 

Daughter  of  John  and  Elizabeth  (Borton)  Woolman.  Married 
John  Buffin.  having  received  the  consent  of  the  meeting.  9010.  (Xotod- 
ber)  10,  1712.  John  Buffin  was  son  of  Michael  and  Christian  (Chap- 
man) Bufi&n,  of  Mansfield,  N.  J.,  "Yeoman." 

loB 

Mary  Woolman,  (1692-        ) 

Daughter  of  John  and  Elizabeth  (Borton)  Woolman  married  it 
Springfield  Mtg.,  2mo.  (April)  14,  1720,  William  Hunt,  of  Bocks 
County,  Pennsylvania.  Witnesses.  Samuel,  Hannah,  Hester,  and 
Elizabeth  Woolman,  and  John  and  Elizabeth  Harvey.  &c. 

(Burlington  Marriage  Recs.  Book  A,  p.  58.)  Her  remo\-al  cer- 
tificate to  Falisingrton  M.M.  i<  dated  i"  of  6mo.  1720.  [Fallsingto* 
Records.    Women's  Meeting.] 

II 

Samuel  Woolman  i  1690- 1750; 

Born  Northampton  township,  Burlii'.g^on  County,  April  14,  169ft 
Only  son  of  John  and  Elizabeth  ( Borton;  Woolman.     Inherited  a»l 

*  A  note  in  margin  by  Wcoiinan  reads.  "This  raragrat  was  not  in  the  pap^ 
•ent  to  the  monthly  meeting." 


APPENDIX 


523 


L 


lived  and  died  at  the  old  homestead  of  his  father,  on  the  Rancocas 
River.  His  name  appears  very  frequently  on  the  pages  of  the 
Archives  of  New  Jersey  as  a  man  of  affairs,  who  acted  in  the  capacity 
of  executor  for  many  of  his  neighbors,  and  who  bought  and  sold 
land,  settled  claims,  and  often  witnessed  wills  and  made  inventories. 
It  is  from  him  and  under  his  guidance  that  his  son  John  inherited 
tastes  and  evidently  obtained  some  of  his  training  in  the  legal  mat- 
ters that  were  of  the  greatest  importance  in  a  newiy  settled  country. 
The  books  included  in  his  library  at  the  time  of  his  death  indicate 
what  were  his  activities  and  interests,  comprising  divinity,  navigation 
and  law. 

Samuel  Woolman  added  to  the  original  acreage  of  his  father, 
and  there  are  surveys  to  him  of  the  following,  and  probably  others: 
50  acres  on  branch  of  Ancocas  called  "Old  Swamp,"  May  20, 
1738. 

[Office,  Surveyor  Gen.  Liber  M.  270.] 
1054  acres,  on  branch  of  Ancocas,  called  "Old  Swamp,"  May  20,  1738. 

[Do.  Lib.  M.  271.] 
358  acres,  Morris  County,  N.  J.  October  5,  1738. 

[Do.  Lib.  M.  291.] 

50  acres,  branch  of  Ancocas  called  "Old  Swamp/'   Nov.  14,   1739. 

[Do.  Lib.  M.  282.] 

Samuel  Woolman  married  at  Chesterfield,  West  Jersey,  8mo. 
(October)  21,  1714,  Elizabeth  Jr.,  daughter  of  Henry  Burr  and  his 
wife  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Robert  and  Mary  (Thredder)  Hudson. 
The  Burr  Genealogy  has  a  very  interesting  history  of  Henry  Burr 
and  his  family.  Elizabeth  (Burr)  Woolman  was  born  in  1695,  and 
died  October  8,  1773,  She  is  described  as  much  given  to  hos- 
pitality. 

Samuel  and  Elizabeth  Woolman  had  thirteen  children,  seven  sons 
and  six  daughters: — 

L  Elizabeth  Born  gmo.  (November)  6,  1715.    Died  1747, 

Unmarried. 

II.  Sarah     B.  imo.  (March)  24,  1717.     D. 
Married  Robert  Elton,  of  West  Jersey.     License  dated  Apr.  8,  1737. 

III  Patience    B.  lomo.  (December)  27,  1718.    D. 
Married  1738,  Joseph  Moore. 

IV  John  B.  8mo.  (October)  19,  1720.     D.  October  7,  1772. 
ricd  Srno.  (October)  18,  1749,  Sarah  Ellis. 

V.  Asher    B.  6mo.  (August)  27,  1722.    D.  April  15,  1796. 
ried  i2mo.  13th.  1769,  Rachel  Norcross,  (b.  8mo.  15.  1750) 

VL  Abncr  B.  srno.  (July)  20,  1724.  D.  November  4,  1771. 
Married  1752,  Mary  Aaronson 


Mar- 


Mar- 


524  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

VII.  Hannah    B.  4nio.  (June)  9,  1726.    D. 
ricd  Smo.  (October)   1749,  Samuel  Gauntt. 

VIII.  Uriah.  B.  4mo.  (June)  14,  1728.  D.  May  8,  1804.  Mar- 
ried imo.  (March)  2,  1769,  Susanna  Burr.  (b.  8mo.  26,  1736)  License 
dated  'Thiia  Co.  P\  March  2nd.  1769." 

IX.  Esther.  B.  4010.  (June)  20,  1730,  D.  Mar- 
ried 1752  Zebulon  Gauntt,  Jr.  [Acknowledgment,  Burlington,  M.M. 
3mo.  2,  1752  for  **marrying  out."] 

X.  Jonah,  B.  2mo.  (April)  3,  1733,  D.  February  17,  1799.  Mar- 
ried November  23,  1764,  Martha  Mullen,  (h.  Mar.  25,  1745.) 

XI.  Rachel.     B.  9mo.    (November)   26,   1735.     D.   September 
1798.    Unmarried. 

XII.  Abraham.     B.  loino.  (December)  17,  1737.     D.  1784. 
ried  Elizabeth  Newton,  (License  dated  Nov.  21^,  1765.) 

XIII.  Eber.    B.  i2mo.  (February)  28,  1739.    D. 
Married  Rebecca  Stokes. 

Since  all  the  sons  of  Samuel  and  Elizabeth  Woolman  married, 
and  with  one  exception/left  families,  it  will  be  easily  understood  that 
the  name  of  Woolman  is  now  not  uncommon  in  the  Middle  States, 
and  equally  evident  that,  since  John  had  no  son,  no  one  bearing  the 
name  can  be  his  direct  descendant, 

Samuel  Woolman  died  in  the  autumn  of  1750,  aged  sixty  years. 
Ilis  wife  survived  twenty  three  years,  outliving  also  her  son  Joha 

The  will  of  Samuel  Woolman  (See  Appendix)  is  very  interesting. 
The  inventory  made  by  Joseph  Burr  and  John  Deacon  shows  personal 
estate  of  £819,1,4.  (Also,  N.  J.  Archives  xxx.  p.  547.)  The  books 
are  volumes,  as  stated,  on  divinity,  navigation  and  law,  and  are 
valued  at  £19,0,2. 

Mary  Aaronson,  who  married  Abner  Woolman,  was  a  descendant 
of  Derick  Areson,  a  Dutchman  from  Amsterdam,  who  came  to  Long 
Island,  near  Flushing.    He  died  in  1678.     His  will  is  dated  October 
1st  1678.    He  left  seven  children.    Captain  Thomas  Willett  and  KltAS 
Doughty  of  Long  Island,  Executors.     He  was  twice  married;  first, 
to  a  Sarah  Oara   (?)  and  second,  to  Mary  Hedger.     The  .\resoiT5 
(or  Arewson,  as  it  soon  became)    came  to  Mansfield  township,  in 
Burlington  County,  N.  J.,  which  was  the  home  of  the  wife  of  Abner 
Woolman.     Benjamin  Moore,  who  founded  Moorcstown,  N.  J.  was 
the  father  of  Joseph  who  married  Patience  Woolman.     Eber.  son 
of  Abraham  Woolman,  made  a  runaway  match  with  his  first  cousin. 
Rebecca,  daughter  of  Asher  Woolman.     They  rowed  off  down  the 
Rancocas  one  First  day  morning  when  everybody  else  was  at  meet- 
ing, and  were  married  by  a  magistrate ! 

[Areson  information  from  Josephine  E.  Scattergood] 


Appendix 


^25 


12 


Elizabeth  Woolman  "J""ior"  (171 5-1747) 

Eldest  of  the  thirteen  children  of  Samuel  and  Ehzabeth  (Burr) 
yVoolman.  She  was  evidently  much  like  her  brother  John  in  tetn- 
ferament  and  rehgious  feeling,  and  they  were  more  intimate  than  the 
>ther  children.  She  became  a  tailoress,  removed  to  Haddonfield, 
^.  J.,  1740,  and  died  of  the  scourge  of  smallpox,  at  the  early  age  of 
hirty  one. 

A  letter  of  her  cousin  John  Hunt,  written  6rao.  22,  1822,  at  an 
idvanccd  age,  quotes  her  as  once  exclaiming,  "Oh  Lord,  let  me  enjoy 
hy  presence  or  else  my  time  is  lost,  and  my  life  a  snare  to  my  soul." 
(Fr'ds  Miscellany,  III  p.  89.)  Little  more  is  known  of  her  than 
s  here  given,  but  the  impression  remains  of  a  saintly  and  sensitive 
:haracter  and  intelligent  mind. 

13 

Jriah  Woolman  (1728- 1804) 

Eighth  child  and  fourth  son  of  Samuel  and  Elizabeth  (Burr) 
vVoolman.  Born  4mo.  (June)  14,  1728,  At  twenty  seven,  he  obtained 
i  certificate  from  his  Monthly  Meeting  of  Burlington,  to  Philadel- 
>hia,  where  for  some  years  he  was  successfully  engaged  in  business. 
rlis  house  was  on  "the  east  side  of  Front  St."  ("A  Directory  of 
rriends  in  Phila,"  Penna.  Magazine  of  Historj-  &  Biography.  IX. 
129.)  The  certificate  is  dated  8mo.  (August)  4,  1755.  His  brother 
fonah  wrote  him  a  letter  which  warns  Uriah  of  the  temptations  and 
inares  of  a  great  city,  and  gives  him  much  brotherly  advice.  The 
etter  is  yet  in  existence,  in  the  hands  of  a  descendant  of  Jonah 
tV'oolman. 

Uriah  is  the  brother  who  accompanied  John  Woolman  on  his 
louthern  tour  in  the  spring  of  1757,  and  whose  attention  to  "outward 
iflFairs"  in  North  Carolina  gave  John  much  uneasiness,  until  counsel 
fras  taken  of  the  Elders  in  Philadelphia  as  to  Jiis  acceptance  of  such 
,  worldly  companion.  They  reassured  John,  a  certificate  was  ob- 
ained  for  Uriah,  dated  smo.  1757,  and  they  set  off  together,  Uriah 
cturning  home  somewhat  ahead  of  John. 

Uriah  Woolman  married,  imo.  2"^,  1769,  his  cousin,  Susanna  (b. 
1 736)  daughter  of  John  Burr,  and  spent  the  latter  part  of  his  life  in 
lis  old  neighborhood,  having  built  a  house  on  his  New  Jersey  prop- 
-Tty,  known  as  ''Breezy  Ridge",  which  was  finely  located  along  the 
Rancocas  a  short  distance  from  the  present  railroad  station  at  Maincs- 
>ort,  a  mile  from  Mount  Holly  and  destroyed  by  fire  in  1919.  His 
leath  occurred  May  7th,  1804.     Poulson's  "American  Daily  Adver- 


k 


526 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


riser,"  for  May  i/lh.  contains  the  following  notice :— "Died,  at 
residence  in  Northampton  Township,  Burlington  County,  New  Jersey, 
on  the  7th.  instant,  in  the  seventy  sixth  year  of  his  age,  Mr.  Uriah 
Woolman,  a  respectable  member  of  the  Society  of  Friends,  an  cj- 
right  &  benevolent  man,  and  an  useful  citizen."  His  wife  surNivcd 
him.     They  had  no  children.     For  his  Will,  see  Appendix, 

John  Burr,  Susanna's  father,  was  a  man  of  affairs,  and  in  May, 
1728,  was  appointed  Surveyor-General  of  West  Jersey.  [N,  J. 
Archives,  V.  212.]  He  was  son  of  Henry  and  Elizabeth  Burr,  bora 
May  29,  1691,  and  hence  an  uncle  of  John  Woolman  and  Uriah,  to 
that  the  latter  and  Susanna  Burr  were  first  cousins. 


14 
Samuel  Smith.   (1720-1776) 

Born  December  13,  1720.  Eldest  son  of  Hon.  Richard  Smith,  of 
Burlington,  N.  J.  The  family  were  of  a  well  known  stock  of  Brain- 
ham,  Yorkshire.  Richard  Smith  served  for  twenty  years  in  the  West 
Jersey  Assembly,  and  was  a  prosperous  merchant  and  ship  builder- 
Samuel  Smith,  his  son,  was  with  his  father  as  a  West  India  roef- 
chant,  and  for  a  time  lived  in  Philadelphia,  settling  finally  in 
lington,  where  his  town  house  was  on  the  High  street,  and  his 
old  estate  of  "Hickory  Grove"  has  but  recently  passed  out  of  the 
family.  He  married  November  13,  1741,  Jane,  daughter  of  Jc 
Kirkbridc,  of  Bucks  Co.,  Pa.    They  had  four  children. 

Samuel  Smith,  an  intimate  friend  of  John  Woolman,  was  bene 
lent  and  upright,  exact  in  the  discharge  of  his  public  duties,  and 
man  of  excellent  mind  and  education,  and  wide  and  accurate  read- 
ing. His  "History  of  New  Jersey",  printed  in  1765,  remains  to 
the  standard  authority  for  the  earlier  period.  Not  only  a  leader ' 
meeting  affairs,  as  a  sincere  Quaker,  he  filled  some  of  the  most  impor- 
tant public  offices,  in  the  province  of  New  Jersey.  For  many  years 
he  was  a  member  and  Secretary  of  the  King's  Council,  and  Treasurer^ 
of  the  Province,  &c.  His  brother  Richard  was  a  member  of  the  fii( 
Continental  Congress,  and  his  brothtr  John  was  also  in  the  Nl 
Jersey  Assembly.     Samuel  Smith  died  July  13,  1776. 

15 

John  Smith  (1722-1771) 

John  Smith,  son  of  Hon.  Richard  Smith,  of  Burlington,  who 
ried  Aug.  20,  1719,  Abigail,  daughter  of  Thomas  and  Abigail  (Per- 
kins) Raper  of  Sindersby,  Yorkshire,  England.  Richard  Smith  was* 
member  of  the  Assembly  of  New  Jersey  for  nearly  twenty  years, 
and  a  merchant.     John,  his  son,  bom  March  20,  1722,  went  to  sea 


APPENDIX 


527 


E741  as  supercargo  of  one  of  his  father's  vessels.  Upon  his  return 
settled  in  Philadelphia  as  a  merchant,  and  entered  into  partner- 
_)  with  Abel  James.  This  firm  maintained  a  commerce  with  Eng- 
land, Ireland,  Portugal,  Madeira,  the  West  Indies,  &c.  During  his 
residence  in  Phiiadelphia  John  Smith  was  an  active  citizen.  He  was 
one  of  the  founders  of  tlie  Pennsylvania  Hospital,  a  manager  of 
that  institution,  and  its  first  secretary.  He  was  one  of  the  original 
citizens  who  introduced  public  lamps  for  lighting  the  streets,  and  was 
a  founder  of  the  Philadelphia  Contrihutionship  for  Insurance  of 
Houses  from  Loss  by  Fire,  and  the  first  secretary  and  main  executive 
officer  of  that  company.  In  i75i-'52  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
Assembly,  and  in  the  same  year  was  appointed  Justice  of  the  Peace 
and  County  Judge.  He  was  a  prominent  member  of  the  Society  of 
Friends.  William  Reckitt,  an  English  visiting  minister,  calls  him  "a 
substantial  Friend,  and  a  very  serviceable  man  in  the  Society."  He 
wrote  a  reply  to  Gilbert  Tennent's  sermon  on  the  lawfulness  of  war. 
While  residing  in  Philadelphia  he  married  October  7,  1748,  Hannah 
Logan,  the  daughter  of  James  Logan,  the  secretary  and  trusted  friend 
of  William  Pcnn.  He  joined  with  William  and  James  Logan  Jr.  in 
carrying  out  the  intention  of  James  Logan  in  the  establishment  of  the 
Loganian  Library.  The  deeds  for  the  donation  of  the  books  of 
James  Logan  were  prepared  in  his  lifetime,  and  were  left  unsigned 
at  the  time  of  his  death.  His  children  decided  to  carry  out  his  known 
intentions  in  this  respect,  and  to  their  liberality  is  due  the  estabtish- 
ment  of  the  Loganian  Library,  with  the  creation  of  an  endowment  for 
its  support.  After  the  death  of  his  wife,  in  1762,  John  Smith  retired 
to  Burlington,  and  purchased  of  Governor  William  Franklin  an  estate 
for  a  country-seat  on  the  Rancocas.  It  was  called  and  is  still  known 
as  Franklin  Park.  After  his  removal  to  New  Jersey  John  Smith 
was  appointed  by  mandamus  from  the  King  one  of  the  Councilors  of 
New  Jersey,  which  oflfice  he  held  to  the  time  of  his  death,  March 
26,  1771- 

16 

Elizabeth  Smith.  (1724-1772) 

Daughter  of  Hon.  Richard  Smith,  of  Burlington,  N.  J.  and  .\bi- 
g^ail,  dau.  of  Thomas  Raper,  of  Sindersby,  Yorkshire,  England.  Her 
father  was  for  twenty  years  a  member  of  the  West  Jersey  Assembly. 
Her  brothers  were  i.  Hon.  Samuel  Smith,  Historian,  and  Treasurer  of 
,  the  Province  of  New  Jersey ;  2.  Hon.  John  Smith,  who  married 
James  Logan's  daughter  Hannah,  and  who  was  one  of  the  founders 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Hospitah  3.  William  Lovett  Smith,  whose  wife, 
Mary    Doughty,  was  daughter  of  the   granddaughter  of   Governor 


^ 


528  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


Sanmel  Jenings,  and  was  a  prominent  man  in  the  county,  and  4. 
Hon.  Richard  Smith,  member  of  the  Assembly,  and  a  promii 
lawj-er  in  New  Jersey  and  Philadelphia.  At  the  outbreak  of 
Revolution,  he  was  elected  senator  and  delegate  from  New  Jerset. 
He  was  again  returned  to  the  second  Continental  Congress,  and  hts 
signature  as  Secretary  of  that  body  is  attached  to  the  early  issues  oi 
the  Continental  Currency,  His  portrait  is  introduced  in  MoUeson's 
painting,  *The  First  Prayer  in  Congress." 

The  family  were  very  intimate  with  John  Woolraan,  cspcciallj 
Elizabeth  and  John  Smith.  She  began  to  preach  at  the  age  oi 
twentj'  one,  her  brother  John  recording  in  his  diary.  "The  latter 
end  of  the  7th.  and  beginning  of  the  8th.  month,   1745,   my  Sister 

and  Cor.,  both Din. 

Smiths,  came  forth  in  the  Ministry  among  Friends  at  Burltngtoa 
which,  tho'  but  small  at  present,  I  hope  will  prove  a  Blessing  to  tbe 
Church."  Rebecca  Jones,  the  distinguished  preacher,  was  another 
intimate.  Elizabeth  Smith  wrote  the  latter,  4mo.  (April)  23rd.  17591 
letter  which  could  only  have  been  written  to  a  close  friend,  and  is  afl 
example  of  the  reflective  and  moralizing  strain,  characteristic  of  the 
correspondence  of  the  day  ["Memorials  of  R.  Jones."  p.  27]. 
attended  the  General  meeting  at  Shrewsbury  together  in  1762. 

The  family  all  subscribed  to  the  "New  Jersey  Society  for  Help- 
ing the  Indians,"  Elizabeth  giving  fifteen  pounds.  She  made  many 
visits  in  the  middle  provinces,  and  also  went  to  New  England  in  the 
course  of  her  ministry'  until  failing  health  kept  her  at  home. 
was  planning  a  visit  to  England  in  company  v%nth  Sarah  Morris 
had  obtained  a  certificate  from  Burlington  Monthly  Meeting  for 
purpose,  at  the  same  time  with  John  Woolman,  but  was  unable 
leave,  and  died  five  days  before  him^  i.e.  lomo.  2nd.  1772.  aged  forty 
eight  "a  pattern  of  modest  virtue."  (See  Introd.)  The  "Per 
vania  Gazette"  for  October  14,  1772,  has  the  following  obi 
of  her; 

"On  the  3d.  insL  was  interred  at  Burlington,  after  a  solemn 
ing  on  that  occaskm,  Ehzabeth  Smith,  in  whom  were  happily  u: 
many  picas  exccUendes :  by  a  steady  conformity  to  the  Dirine  wj9i^ 
she  became  cminentlj  distinguished;  being  deep  in  council,  sound 
jodsment;  awful  (i.e.  dignified)  her  manners,  refined  her 
OKiits,  and  gracefnl  her  deportment.  She  passed  through  a  1 
share  of  bodily  affliction  with  great  patience  and  stability,  having  a 
foretaste  of  that  joy  which  is  onspeakablc  and  fnR  of  glory. 

"She  was  from  a  diild  of  unosttal  steadiness  and  composure  of 
deportment  and  character,  and  being  early  entntsted  with  the  care  of 
her  widoircd  father  and  his  family,  her  {aithfalness  not  only  won  bis 


A 


APPENDIX 


529 


confidence  and  love,  but  was  also  attended  with  the  divine  blessing. 
She  was  of  sympatlieltc  heart,  much  given  to  works  of  charity.  She 
valued  the  Scriptures,  and  testified  against  the  fashionable  publica- 
tions of  the  times.  She  was  early  called  to  the  ministry^  and  traveled 
somewhat  in  "Truth's  service." 

Her  letter  from  John  Woolman,  1772,  regarding  her  furniture,  is 
quoted  ante,  p.  121. 

17 

Peter  Andrews  (1707-1756) 

Son  of  Edward  and  Sarah  Andrews  of  Egg  Harbor,  N.  J.  Born 
9mo.  (November)  20,  1707.  In  1728,  married  Esther,  daughter  of 
Samuel  and  Silence  Butcher.  In  1742  he  was  recommended  for  the 
ministry  on  the  same  day  with  John  Woolman,  and  was  a  minister 
the  last  fourteen  years  of  his  life.  In  1734  he  removed  to  Northamp- 
ton Township,  Burlington  County,  on  the  verge  of  Mount  Holly,  with 
John  Woolman  for  his  neighbor.  They  became  very  close  friends, 
and  he  was  Woohnan's  companion  on  the  latter's  first  preaching  tour 
to  New  England,  in  1747. 

Like  Woolman  and  Farrington,  Peter  Andrews  died  in  England. 
He  went  thither  in  the  year  1755,  and  was  accompanied  on  his  travels 
by  the  eminent  Quaker  preacher,  Edmund  Peckover.  He  was  taken 
ill  on  his  way  north,  and  reaching  the  house  of  John  Oxiey,  at  Nor- 
wich, died  there  July  13,  1756,  at  the  age  of  forty  nine.  *' After  an 
awful!  meeting  of  worship  (his  corpse  being  attended  by  a  very  large 
number  of  Friends  and  other  sober  people"),  he  was  interred  in  the 
Friends'  burying  ground  at  Norwich.  Edmund  Peckover  said  of  him, 
"he  lived  beloved,  and  died  lamented."  His  daughter  Temperance 
died  while  he  was  In  England.  His  wife  survived  him  but  two  years. 
A  note  exists  to  John  Smith,  of  Burlington,  in  John  Woolman's  hand- 
writing, (Devonshire  House,  London,  Gibson  II,  171),  regarding  her 
burial:  "10  of  gmo.  &  first  of  the  week,  1758. 

Belov'd  Friend 

John  Smith  Our  Friend,  Esther  Andrews  departed  this 

life  about  eight  o'clock  this  morning.  They  propose  to  bury  her 
corps  tomorrow  in  the  afternoon,  to  meet  at  the  house  where  she 
lived  at  2  o'clock.  H  thou  would  please  to  mention  it  in  your  meet- 
ing this  afternoon,  with  a  general  Invitation  to  friends,  it  will  be 
Acceptable  to  those  who  have  the  Care  of  the  burial. 

thy  loving  frd. 

John  Woolman.** 

The  Removal  certificate  for  Peter  and  Esther  Andrews  is  dated 
irao    (March)    11,    1734.     (Burlington    Records,   Certificates,   p.    51. 


530  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

See  'The  Friend/'  Phila.  Vol.  XXXI,  pp.  268,  277,  284.)  John  Sn  _ 
("Lives  of  Ministers  of  the  Gospel  among  the  People  called  Quak- 
ers," in  Library  of  Ilaverford  College)  mentions  a  Journal  kept 
Peter  Andrews.  There  is  at  present  no  clue  to  the  whereabouts  | 
any  American  Journal,  or  whether  it  still  exists.  A  copy  of 
English  Journal  is  in  possession  of  }.  J.  Green,  of  Hastings,  Engia 
See  article  in  Bulletin  of  Friends'  Historical  Society  of  Phil%  for 
May,  1920,  p.  100. 

t8 

Josiah  White  (1705-1780) 

Son  of  Josiah  and  Hannah  (Powell)  White.  Bom  at  Alio 
Creek,  Salem  County,  N.  J.  6mo.  (August)  21,  1705.  Grandson  i 
Christopher  and  Esther  (Biddle)  White,  Christopher  (son  o{ 
Thomais)  was  of  an  old  Cumberland  family,  and  came  in  the  "Kent" 
to  West  Jersey  in  1677. 

A  dispute  in  law  with  neighboring  landowners  of  Salera  County 
in  which  Josiah  White  was  unjustly  treated,  led  him  to  remove  to 
Evesham,  Burlington  County,  and  his  certi6cate  of  removal,  dated 
at  Salem,  to  Burlington  M.M.  4mo.  (June)  30,  1729.  states  that  "ht 
was  bom  and  educated  within  the  compass  of  our  Meeting." 
(Minutes.  Burlington  M.M.  I,  p.  47.)  Josiah  White  bought  land  in 
Mount  HoUy,  where  his  fulling  mill  and  cloth  factory  brought  pros- 
perity to  the  town  and  himself.  He  became  one  of  the  most  usef^ 
citizens  and  a  very  public  spirited  man.  He  was  recorded  as  a 
Quaker  preacher  on  the  same  day  with  John  Woolman  and  Peter 
Andrews,  in  1745,  and  ser>'ed  his  day  and  generation  as  a  minister 
until  his  death. 

Josiah  \Miite  held  the  Hocneric  idea  that  there  are  plants  and 
herbs  suited  to  the  cure  of  trtrj  disease,  and  he  had  quite  a  reputa- 
tion as  an  ""herb  doctor.**  Doubtless  his  dear  head  and  sound  judg- 
ment were  the  chief  factors  in  the  cures  effected.  He  is  said  to  have 
been  on  hrthnite  terms  with  Dr  FrankKo  and  his  son  William,  whose 
fam  adjoined  Moont  Holly.  Hb  tastes  were  scientiBc,  and  there 
nnst  have  been  mnch  in  cwwucw  betweeii  thetn. 

Josiah  Wliite  married  icmdol  (December)  i,  1734,  at  Ereshaio, 
Rebecca,  (1702-1771),  daoKfater  of  Josiah  and  Amy  (Borden)  Fos- 
ter. They  had  six  children,  of  wfaoni  John,  who  died  at  thirty  eight 
in  1765.  learing  a  wife  and  six  childresi,  was  the  Jokm  who  was  asked 
to  aocmpaay  his  father  to  the  little  bedixwm  meeting  during  John 
Woohaaa's  attack  of  pleuri$>-,  in  1770. 

Josiah  White  died  in  1780.  The  record  of  iatements  In  the  Gar- 
den street  Uirial  ground  at  Mt.  Hotly  has  the  following,  'Yirst  Row. 


APPENDIX 


531 


No.  I.  1780-7111.  of  i2mo,  Josiah  Whitc^  20  Feet  from  the  NorthWest 
comer  Post,  being  now  the  First  in  the  First  Row."  Below,  "John 
White,  son  of  Josiah,  23  8mo.  1785,  next  to  his  father." 

19 

Abraham  Farrington  (1691-1758) 

A  native  of  Bucks  County,  Pennsylvania.  He  was  converted  in 
early  life  by  the  preaching  of  Thomas  Wilkinson  and  James  Dickin- 
son and  traveled  nmch  during  a  ministry  of  forty  four  years.  He 
was  a  relative  of  Sanmel  Rnilen.  and  for  a  time  lived  in  Somerset 
County,  New  Jersey.  Abraham  Farrington  married,  8mo.  (October) 
I  St.  1725,  Phoebe,  daughter  of  Samuel  and  Mary  Bunting,  at  Ches- 
terfield, N.  J.  (Chesterfieid  Friends'  Marriage  Records.)  He  be- 
came a  resident  of  Burlington,  N.  J.,  in  1733,  and  the  Friends  of 
Chesterfield  wrote  of  him  and  his  wife,  "we  hope  and  desire  their 
removal  may  be  to  their  advantage,  otherwise  wc  should  not  be 
willing  to  part  with  them,  for  their  service  in  carrying  on  the  affairs 

of  the  church  wc  shall   feel  the  want  of As  to  .Abraham's 

publick  testimony,  we  need  say  little,  you  being  so  well  acquainted 
with  it.  However,  we  have  unity  with  it,  It  being  to  our  Edification." 
(Burlington  Records,    Certificates.) 

From  1 740- 1 750  Abraham  Farrington  appears  in  the  papers  of 
Philadelphia  as  a  man  of  affairs,  offering  property  for  sale,  and 
acting  in  the  capacity  of  executor,  administrator  on  estates,  &c. 
While  traveling  on  a  religious  visit  abroad,  he  was  taken  ill  in  Lon- 
don, and  died  at  the  house  of  Thomas  Jackson,  Devonshire  Square, 
in  that  city,  imo.  26,  1758,  and  was  buried  in  Bunhill  Fields.  A 
letter  from  him  to  John  Churchman,  with  whom  his  daughter  resided. 
is  dated  "London,  28th  of  smo,  1757."  He  had  just  returned  from 
travels  in  the  Northern  counties  of  England,  and  says,  "1  had  a  high, 
humbling  time,  like  the  country.  I  am  now  at  another  eminent  high 
place — what  will  be  found  here  I  know  not  yet."  ("Friends'  Mis- 
cellany," vol.  xii.  p.  1C4.  Testimony  of  Devonshire  M.  M.  Bowden, 
"History  of  Fr'ds  in  America",  II,  388.  "Collection  of  Memorials" 
for  Penna.  and  N.J,,  &c.  p.  179.) 

20 

Elizabeth  (Haddon)  Estaugh  (1682-1762) 

Born  in  London,  1682,  daughter  of  John  and  Elizabeth  Haddon. 
At  the  age  of  twenty,  she  came  out  to  West  Jersey  with  the  aid  and 
consent  of  her  father,  to  take  up  land  which  he  had  purchased  of 
William  Penn,  with  the  intention  of  settling  in  the  new  country  him- 
self.    Circumstances  prevented  his  own  removal.     The  story  of  his 


532  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

daughter  Elizabeth's  arrival  in  his  stead  and  the  circumstaoces 
her  genuine   "concern"  in  the  matter,  are  very   interesting.     Jo 
H addon  was  a  man  of  large  estate,  and  the  young  Elizabeth  arriTtdj 
under  the  chaperonage  of  an   elderly   womart  as  companion,  andl 
number  of  men  and  women  servants.     She  had  great  natural  abilJl 
and  had  been  given  a  liberal  education,  and  successfully  managed  i 
large  plantation.     In  1702  she  married  John  Estaugh  (1676-1742) 
Kelvedon,  Essex,  England,  who  came  to  America  on  a  reltgioas 
in  1700.     He  settled  at  Iladdonfield  on  plantation  of   his  wife 
whom  the  place  had  been  named.     He  was  "well    instructed  a$^ 
scribe"  said  his  neighbors  of  him,  and  his  wife  wrote  after  his  mud) 
lamented  death  in  Tortola  in  1742,  where  he  had  accompanied  John 
Cadwaiader  on  a  religious  visit,  "few  if  any  in  a  married  state 
lived  in  sweeter  harmony  than  we  did."     Elizabeth  Haddon  was  1 
intimate   friend  of  John   Woolnmn's   sister,    Elizabeth    (1716-174 
who  was  a  tailoress  in  Haddonfield. 

Elizabeth  Haddon  was  most  hospitable,  and  Friends  wrote  of 
after   her  death,    'Her  licart  and  house  were  open   to    her   frien 
whom  to  entertain  seemed  one  of  her  greatest  pleasures."     (Tc 
mony  of  Haddonfield  M.M.)     Her  death  occurred  at  her  home,  311 
30,  1762  at  the  age  of  eighty  two. 


21 

Peter  Fearon  (1683-1762) 

This  intimate   friend  of  John  Woolman,  who  spent  most  oT 
life,  when  not  at  sea,  on  his  farm  between  Burlington  and  Mount  |i 
Hotly,  N.  J.,  was  born  in  Great  Broughton,  Cumberland,  England,  the  ]i 
son  of  John  and  Elizabeth  Fearon.     'He  came  amongst   Friends 
a  principle  of  convincement,  during  his  apprenticeship  with  his  un 
Peter  Fearon,  and  appeared  in  a  few  words  in  meetings  before 
was  20  years  of   age."      (Testimony  of    Burlington,   M.M.) 
uncle  Peter  was  of  Seaton,  Cumberland,  educated  in  the  establish 
church,  but  became  convinced  of  Friends'   principles,  and   for  ui 
four  years  was  a  powerful  preacher  and  an  excellent  disciplinari] 
He  died  in  1734  at  the  age  of  eighty  three.    He  was  husband  of  Jad 
Fearon,  who  had  the  remarkable  escape  from  the  bandits  with  Jan 
Dickinson.     [Friends'  "Miscellany"  V.  181.J 

Peter  (Junior)  came  to  Virginia  in  1703,  and  after  three  month 
removed  to  Burlington,  N.  J.  where  he  remained  a  member  the 
of  his  life.     Between  April,   1704  the  date  of  his  arrival,  and  1730 
he  traveled  much  in  the  ministry  and  spent  two  years  in  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland.    After  1730  he  was  for  a  time  reduced  in  finances  and 
made  many  voyages  at  sea  as  a  factor,  chiefly  to  Boston  and  Barba- 


APPENDIX  533 

BOS.  He  succeeded  in  paying  his  debts,  and  saved  a  competency  for 
Id  age  and  assisting  others  more  needy  than  himself.  Early  in  1746 
ie  was  in  Barbados,  and  visited  Tortola,  where  he  was  the  first 
isitor  after  Thomas  Chalkley^  John  Cadwalader  and  John  Estaugh 
lad  all  died  there.  The  Friends  said,  "He  came  in  a  needful  time, 
iS  a  cloud  full  of  rain  upon  a  thirsty  land."  He  made  a  second  visit 
nere  in  1750  with  Thomas  Lancaster,  who  fell  ill  suddenly  and  died 
ind  was  buried  at  sea. 

Peter  Fearon  married  in  1714  (the  second  "passing"  is  on  the 
liinutes  under  date  4mo.  8th:  the  marriage  itself  is  not  recorded), 
>usanna,  widow  of  Isaac  Marriott,  a  very  prominent  citizen  of  West 
ersey,  whose  second  wife  she  had  been.  She  was  daughter  of 
lobcrt  Field  of  Newtown,  Long  Island,  at  whose  house  she  and 
Isaac  Marriott  were  married  in  1699.  She  was  a  helpless  paralytic 
lor  6ve  years  before  her  death,  and  Thomas  Chalkley  relates  in  his 
lournal,  under  date  "smo.  (July)  22d.  1741"^ — after  attending  the 
burial  of  Restore  Lippincott  in  Mount  Holly,  "went  with  a  few 
choice  Friends  to  visit  Susanna  Fearon,  who  had  long  been  ill ;  in 
Which  visit  we  were  favoured  with  the  Divine  Presence  and  good- 
tiess  of  the  Most  High." 

Peter  Fearon  was  a  minister  for  sixty  years,  and  lived  for  some 
rears  after  the  death  of  his  wife.  "He  was  seized  with  a  fit,  by  his 
Hvn  fireside  which  quickly  deprived  him  of  understanding,  and  about 
hrec  days  after  he  breathed  his  last/'  "He  was  interred  (i2mo 
hp  1762,)  in  Friends'  burying  ground  in  Burlington,  after  a  solid 
Seeting  had  on  the  occasion."  (Testimony  of  Burl.  M.M.;  "Collec- 
lon  of  Memorials,"  &c.  p.  216.)  John  Woolman  was  an  executor 
vith  Thomas  Wetherill,  and  they  advertise  the  "plantation"  of  Peter 
to  be  sold  at  Public  Vendue"  in  the  *'Pcnnsylvania  Gazette"  for 
>ecember  30,  1762.  It  contained  "fortj'  four  acres  and  is  remarkably 
fell  watered,  about  thirty  acres  of  which  is  mowing  meadow,  situate 
bout  three  miles  from  Burlington  and  four  from  Mount  Holly,  on 
rhich  is  a  convenient  Dwelling  house,  &  other  buildings,  a  Mitk 
louse,  with  a  spring  therein,  which  hath  not  been  known  to  fail,  and 
I  Good  Orchard  of  grafted  fruit."  Certainly  this  sounds  like  a 
ileasant  home. 

22 

Thomas  Shinn  (1694-1753) 

Born  iimo.  (January)  6,  1694. 

Son  of  Thomas  and  Mary  Shinn,  of  Burlington  County,  N.  J.  He 
^rried  in  1718,  Martha,  daughter  of  William  Earle  of  Springfield, 
(J,  J.    Thomas  Shinn  became  a  prominent  Friend  in  his  county,  and 


534  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

an  elder  in  the  meeting  at  Mount  Holly.  He  was  made  Judge  of  the 
Court  of  Comnxm  Pleas  by  Go>'cn>or  Belcher,  and  his  name  ocean 
in  many  prominent  cases.  He  lived  on  High  Street,  and  died  2m. 
^t  I7S3*  ^  the  age  of  fifty  nine. 

22A 

Henry  Paxson  (        -        ) 

Prominent  in  the  citic  life  of  Mount  Holly.  Was  for  some  tine 
Sherifif,  and  his  docket,  which  is  still  at  the  Court  House^  is  as 
interesting  record  of  the  town. 

*3 

Isaac  Andrews  (        -1775) 

Son  of  Edward  and  Sarah  [Ong]  Andrews,  of  Little  Egg  Har- 
bor, N.  J.  He  i^'as  brother  of  Peter  and  Jacob  Andrews,  q.v,  Isaac 
married,  9mo.  (November)  21,  1738,  at  "Philadelphia  Meeting  House. 
"Ehrabeth,  daughter  of  Jeremiah  Elfreth,  blacksmith/'  and  lived  most 
of  his  life  at  Haddonficld,  N.  J.  (Phila.  Records,  Book  A,  159) 
Isaac  Andrews  was  an  active  member  of  his  meeting,  and  succeeded 
Ebenezcr  Hopkins,  of  Salem,  N.  J.  deceased,  in  the  Meeting  for  Suf- 
ferings, Phila.  6mo-  28,  1757.  (Minutes,  p.  85.)  He  died  12m. 
1775.  An  obituary  notice  by  Samuel  Ffoulke,  of  Richland,  calls  hitn 
one  ''whose  clean  and  exemplary  conduct  through  life  had  been 
agreeable  to  the  sweetness  of  his  ministry." 

The  Andrews  family  was  well  connected  and  had  not  originallr 
been  Quaker.  Edward  the  father  of  Isaac,  bom  1677,  was  a  convert 
of  Thomas  Chalkley,  and  had  been  "mightily  reached"  by  the  latter's 
preaching  at  a  meeting  held  under  the  trees  at  CrosswicJcs,  N.  J- 
The  license  for  the  nuuriage  of  Edward  Andrews  and  Sarah  Ong  is 
dated  February  8th.  1694.  He  removed  from  I^IansEeld  to  Little  E«g 
Harbor  about  1704,  where  he  established  a  meeting,  and  continued 
to  preach  until  his  death  of  smallpox,  loma  (December)  26,  1716. 
at  the  age  of  thirty  nine.  (See  "Short  Account  of  Edward  Andrews", 
Phila.  (8vo.)  1 80 1.  "Some  Account  of  Edward  Andrews'*,  Man- 
chester. (i2mo.)  No  date-  John  Harrison,  printer,  'The  Friend" 
(Phil'.)  xx^-iii.  166.) 

Samuel  Andrews,  (  -»693)  of  "Springhill"  Burlington  Ca, 
N.  J.,  father  of  Edward  Andrews,  was  a  Proprietary  of  West  Jerse}' 
His  wife  Mary  (Wright),  when  very  >'oin^,  accompanied  Maxgarrt 
Brewster  in  1658  to  Boston  to  remonstrate  with  the  authorities 
against  the  treatment  and  persecution  of  the  Quakers.  They  were 
both  whipped  at  the  cart's  tail.  She  had  two  sisters,  Lydia  and 
Hannah,  both  of  them  also  preachers.    Their  home  was  li  Oyfler 


r 


APPENDIX 


535 


Long  Island  Samuel  Andrews,  whom  Mary  Wright  married 
53,  was  a  kinsman  of  the  famous  Governor,  Sir  Edmund  Andres 
Andrews — of  New  York.  The  will  of  Samuel  Andrews'  daugh- 
lary,  dated  1761,  among  other  bequests,  leaves  to  her  nephews, 
ecai,  Peter  and  Isaac,  eleven  hundred  acres  of  land  in  Morris 
ty,  N.  J.,  and  '*to  William  Peters,  the  elder,  and  Mary  his  wife," 
vcT  tankard  marked  "E.  A."  formerly  belonging  to  Edmund 
ews,  (Andros)  "heretofore  Governor  of  New  York."  Jewelry 
t  to  other  relatives  and  friends,  and  to  *'Mrs.  Moore,  of  Moore 

my  parrots  Jacob  and  Africa  T      [The   Friend,  Phil*,  xxxi. 

Imund  Andros,  in  1686,  petitioned  the  Crown  for  permission  to 

he  arms  and  family  crest  of  an  ancestor,  de  Saumarez,  stating 

his  great-grand-father's  father  was  "Jo'^"  Andros,  alias  An- 

an  English  gentleman  of  Northamptonshire".     The   London 

of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts,  John  Collins,  in  1674,  wrote 

rnor   Leverett,   "New   York  being   restored   by  the  peace,   one 

Andrews  is  appointed  Governor,  a  man  I  know  not".     To  this 

le  name  of  Andrews,  not  uncommon  in  New  Jersey,  is  frc- 

pronounced  Andros.      (c.   f.   Bradford's   "History  of  New 

'',    "Notes  and  Queries",  London,  May  21,  1864.) 

^e  Andros,  or  Andrews,  family  were  of  the  Island  of  Guernsey, 

luring  the  early  years  of  the  Civil  War,  when  Sir  George  Car- 

Iwas  Governor  of  Jersey,  we  find  two  letters  from  Sir  Peter 

fne,    father-in-law    of    Sir    William    Temple,    to    his    intimate 

Amias  Andros,  of  Guernsey,  and  his  wife.    They  occur  in 

ently  published  letters  of  his  daughter  Dorothy.     For  nine 

Sir  Peter  Osborne,  a  staunch  Royalist  under  the  Stuarts,  with- 

the  seige  in  the  defence  of  Castle  Cornet,  just  off  St.  Peter's 

Guernsey.     Then  an  ahnost  impregnable  fortress,  it  is  today 

termination  of  a  large  breakwater.    Guernsey  became  Crom- 

but  Sir  Peter  remained  loyal  lo  the  King. 

;ias  Andros  was  then  in  the  service  in  Jersey,  and  Sir  Peter 

in   August,    1644,    addressing    him,    **my    loving    friend,    the 

:ur  of  Saumarez,  at  Jersey."'     Over  a  year  later  he  writes 

wife  of  Amias  Andros,  October,  1645,  addressing  his  letter  to 

orthy  friend,  Mrs,  Elizabeth  Andrews  Samares,  at  Jersey." 

[Is  her,  "good  Mrs.  Samares",  expresses  gratitude  at  news  she 

'ecently  sent  him  of  his  wife,  and  assures  her,  "amongst  your 

ed  in  Jersey,  I  cannot  doubt  you  will  find  assistance  and  cour- 

.  .  Forbear,  I  pray,  to  look  for  an  answer  to  the  latter 


^en  of  Dorotbj  Oabomc  lo  Sir  Witlum  Tctoplc,"  p.  *9a.     [Edited  by  Edward 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

part  of  your  letter,  and  have  the  patience  not  to  expect  your  husbani 
t."' 

This  was  the  family  of  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  famous  in  Colo 
history,  and  tlie  Quakers  of  the  name  of  Andrews  in  New  Jersey  i 
of  the  same  stock.     The  spelling  was  interchangeable  in  the  $eve 
tee  nth  century, 

24 

John  Comfort  (1745-1803) 

Eldest  son  of  the  nine  children  of  Stephen  and  Mercy  Comfort 
of  Middletown,  Bucks  county,  Pa.  Born  8mo.  (October)  5 
The  family  were  members  of  Fallsington  meeting,  and  on  his 
riage  to  Mary,  daughter  of  John  Woolman,  John  Comfort  r^ 
to  Mount  Holly.  He  was  a  farmer,  and  added  to  the  original  acn 
inherited  by  his  wife  from  John  Woolman.  After  the  death  of  Sarah 
Woolman  (1787)  John  and  Mary  Woolman  removed  to  John's  oM 
home  in  what  is  now  Morrisville,  Pa.  to  his  father's  farm.  Maiy 
Woolman  Comfort  had  ten  children,  and  her  husband  records  her 
death  of  smallpox  "6da;  of  4mo,  1797"  aged  forty  seven.  It  is  not 
surprising  that  in  a  little  over  a  year  he  married  his  housekeeper,  Ana 
English,  at  "The  Falls",  as  Fallsington  was  usually  called,  iimo.  14, 
1798.  (Fallington  Marriage  Recs.,  Book  B.  p.  158)  Twenty  fi^** 
witnesses  sign  the  certificate.  The  farm  at  Mount  Holly  was  sold 
and  a  record  in  the  old  account  book,  so  often  referred  to,  in  the 
hand  of  one  of  his  children,  reads,  "Our  endeared  Father  John 
Comfort  departed  this  Life  I  day  of  Tmo.  1803  about  4  o'clock  in  the 
morning."    He  was  fifty  eight. 

Children  of  John  and  Mary  Comfort. 
I  John       Born  6mo.  20  1772. 
n  Stephen     "     i2mo.  24  1773. 
in  Samuel      "    7mo.  7  i'776. 

IV  Jeremiah    "     2mo.  6  1778.  Died  iimo.  i,  1778. 
V  William      "     lomo.  10  1780.  Died  imo.  15,  1786. 
VI  Joseph        "    6mo.  3  1783. 
VII  Ira  "    7mo,  8  1785. 

VIII  Mary  '*    2mo.  15  1790. 

IX  Sarah         "     i2mo.  9  1792.  Died   imo.  29,   1793. 
X  Ellis  "     i2mo.  28  1794. 

This  record  is  from  the  fly  leaf  of  the  Larger  .Account  Book 
Woolman.     It   was   continued   in   use   by  John   Comfort,    who 
under  this  list,  "My  Beloved  Wife  Departed  this  life  with  the 


'  Ibid.,  p.  306. 


APPENDIX  537 

da  mo 
pox  y*  6  4   1797  about   12  o'clock  at  Night  Aged  46  and  a  half 
lacking  12  days."     She  was  born  10  mo.  18,  1750. 

24A 

Stephen  Comfort  (        -1772) 

A  much  respected  and  valued  minister  of  Middletown  Pa,  meet- 
ing, and  of  Fallsington  Monthly  Meeting.  He  married  Mercy,  daugh- 
ter of  Jeremiah  Croasdale,  by  whom  he  had  nine  children,  one  of 
whom  ws^s  John  who  married  Mary  Woolman.  His  death  occurred 
in  December,  1772,  shortly  after  that  of  John  Woolman,  for  whose 
estate  he  was  Trustee.  His  widow,  Mercy  Comfort,  died  at  Middle- 
town,  in  November,  1800. 

25 
Sarah  Ellis  Woolman  (1721-1787) 

Daughter  of  Benjamin  and  Mary  (Abbott)  Ellis.  Born  in  Phila- 
delphia, "6mo.  (August)  26th.  1721".  What  is  known  of  her  has 
been  given  in  the  text.  She  married  John  Woolman  at  Chesterfield 
Meeting,  8mo.  (October)  18,  1749,  and  survived  her  husband  fifteen 
years.  Her  death  occurred  at  Mount  Holly,  3  mo.  (March)  18. 
1787.  Her  grave  has  recently  been  located  from  the  excellent  map, 
still  preserved,  of  the  graveyard  at  what  was  then  the  "new"  meeting 
house,  and  was  "number  twelve  of  the  first  row"  on  Garden  Street. 
A  granite  marker  has  been  placed  upon  the  spot  by  the  Friends'  His- 
torical Society  of  Philadelphia. 

Sarah  Ellis  Woolman's  descent  from  the  Sureties  of  the  Magna 
Charta  is  extremely  interesting,  and  has  been  traced  to  her  grand- 
mother, Ann  (Mauleverer)  Abbott,  by  Charles  R.  Browning,  in  his 
"Sureties  of  the  Magna  Charta."  From  Sir  William  Mauleverer 
(circa,  1418)  and  his  wife  Joan,  is  descended  Sir  William's  great- 
great-grandson,  Robert  Mauleverer,  who  married  October  16.  1524, 
Alice  de  Markenfield.  His  estate  was  Wothersome,  Yorkshire.  Their 
direct  line  is  as  follows: — 

Edmund  Mauleverer,  married  Mary  Danby.  Buried  at  Bardsey, 
April  27,  1 57 1. 

William  Mauleverer,  Married  Eleanor  Aldbrough.  Buried  at 
Amcliflfe,  April  i,  1618. 

James  Mauleverer,  married  Beatrice  Hutton.  Buried  in  St. 
Mary's  Church,  York,  April  25,  1664. 

Edmund  Mauleverer,  of  Kast  Aytoun  Manor,  Yorkshire.  Mar- 
ried Ann  Pearson.     Died,  November  27.  1679. 

Ann  Mauleverer;  born  1678.     Married,  in  Chesterfield  West  Jer- 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  VVOOLMAN 

sey,  1696,  John  Abbott,  of  Fernficld^  Nottinghamshire.  She  died 
1754.  John  and  Ann  (Mauleverer)  Abbott  were  the  grand  parents 
of  Sarah  (Ellis)  Woolman. 

26 

Samuel  Eastburn.  (1702-1785) 

Samuel  Eastburn  was  the  fifth  child  of  Robert  and  Sarah  [Pres- 
ton] Eastburn,  of  Thwait  Keighley;  of  the  Barony  of  Estbum, 
granted  to  Simon  De  Estburn  in  1085  (now  Eastbourne.)  He  was 
born  2mo.  20,  1702,  atid  came  in  1713  to  Philadelphia  with  his  parents, 
who  settled  nearby.  He  married  Elizabeth  Gillingham,  daughter  of 
Mary  Gillingham  of  Oxford,  Pa.  at  the  Meeting  House  at  Oxford, 
under  the  care  of  Abington  Monthly  Meeting,  3mo.  14,  1728,  and 
moved  to  Center  Hill,  in  Solebury  Township,  Bucks  County,  Pcnna., 
on  250  acres  of  land  which  belonged  to  Benjamin  Canby.  They  liad 
six  children;  Benjamin,  Joseph,  Ami  E.,  Mary,  Sarah  and  Robert 
He  moved  his  certificate  from  Abington  to  Buckingham  Meeting  iirao. 
27 1  1729,  and  bought  his  land  in  1734.  He  was  an  active  member 
of  Buckingham  Meeting;  was  overseer  in  1743;  and  clerk  for  sixteen 
years,  from  1742  to  1758.  He  was  long  a  minister  and  traveled  in 
New  Jersey,  New  England,  Maryland  and  Virginia, 

He  resided  in  Solesbury  until  his  death,  which  occurred  in  De- 
cember 1785  at  the  age  of  83  years.  His  will  was  made  1 1  mo.  20, 
1780,  and  probated  i2mo.  %  1785.  [Information  from  Samuel  E. 
Eastburn.] 


J 


27 

Hannah  Foster  (1710-1777). 

Born  at  Evesham,  N.  J.  lOmo.  (December)  17,  1710.  Daughter 
of  Enoch  and  Sarah  [Roberts]  Core.  Her  father  died  when  she  was 
very  young;  and  her  mother  brought  up  her  and  her  three  other 
children  in  the  fear  of  God.  She  married  in  1729  William  Foster, 
and  later  visited  most  of  the  American  meetings  of  Friends,  except 
the  Carolinas-  In  1770  she  accompanied  Rebecca  Jones  to  New  York 
Yearly  meeting,  on  Long  Island.  She  died  at  Evesham,  imo.  14, 
1777  at  the  age  of  sixty  six  having  been  a  minister  for  fort>'  years, 
("Collection  of  Memorials"  &c.  356.  "Testimony"  of 
Evesham  M.M,) 
Hannah  Foster's  husband,  William  Foster,  was  a  prominent  Friend 
in  his  neighborhood,  and  was  one  of  the  Commissioners  appointed 
by  the  Legislature  in  1758  to  purchase  land  for  the  Indian  Reserva- 
tion, and  who  bought  the  tract  in  Burlington  County,  later  called 
"Brotherton."     (N.  J.  Archives,  IX,)     The  "Pennsylvania  Gazette" 


APPENDIX  539 

for  November  2,  1749  has  an  advertisement  for  a  "schoolmaster  or 
mistress  for  Mountholly  in  West  Jersey."  The  applicant  must  be 
recommended  as  of  sober  behavior,  and  spell  well,  and  write  a  good 
common  hand !  The  notice  is  signed  by  William  Foster,  who  was  on 
the  committee  of  the  school  kept  by  Friends  as  a  public  school.  In 
1760,  he  was  a  member  of  the  "Meeting  for  Sufferings,"  in  Philadel- 
phia.   William  and  Hannah  Foster  had  twelve  children. 

28 

William  Lightfoot   (1731-1797)   of  Pikeland.     Known  as  "Junior". 

Son  of  Samuel  and  Mary  (Head)  Lightfoot;  born  imo.  29, 
1 73 1/2.  A  letter  from  his  older  brother  Benjamin,  Surveyor,  of 
Reading,  to  Israel  Pemberton,  dated  "imo.  18,  1765,"  asks  about 
"Billy  going  to  town  to  work."  (Pemberton  Papers,  Vol.  18,  p.  65. 
Hist.  Soc.  Pa.)  William  then  had  prospects  of  marriage,  and  the 
next  year,  he  took  for  wife,  Mary,  (1745-1811)  daughter  of  David 
and  Mary  Ferris,  of  Wilmington,  Del.,  4mo  5,  1766.  He  was  a  use- 
ful member  of  Uwchlan  Monthly  Meeting,  Pa.,  and  for  many  years 
was  under  appointment  to  draw  marriage  certificates  and  record 
births  and  burials.  His  residence  was  in  Pikeland,  Chester  County, 
Pa.  where  he  died,  7mo.  29th.  181 1,  aged  sixty  six. 

When  he  accompanied  John  Woolman  as  far  as  Fort  Allen  on  the 
Indian  journey,  William  Lightfoot  was  not  married,  and  was  thirty 
two  years  of  age.  He  signed  himself  "Junior"  in  order  to  distin- 
guish himself  from  his  cousin  William  Lightfoot  of  Philadelphia, 
son  of  Michael.     [Information  from  Gilbert  CopcJ. 

29 

Elizabeth  Shipley  (1690-1777) 

Born  at  Springfield,  Chester  County,  Pa.  lomo.  (December)  1690. 
Daughter  of  Samuel  Levis.  Began  to  preach  when  she  was  twenty 
four.  She  visited  Barbados  1724-5  with  Jane  Fenn  on  a  religious 
tour,  when  Thomas  Chalkley  addressed  them  a  remarkable  letter  of 
sympathy  and  wise  counsel  as  an  "elder  brother",  upon  their  depar- 
ture from  Philadelphia.    The  letter  is  given  entire  in  his  Journal. 

Upon  her  return  in  1728,  Elizabeth  Levis  married  as  his  second 
wife,  William  Shipley,  continuing  to  live  at  Springfield  until  1736, 
when  they  removed  to  Wilmington,  Delaware.  In  1743,  Elizabeth 
Shipley,  accompanied  by  Esther  White,  went  to  England  by  way  of 
North  Carolina,  and  in  1760,  in  the  seventieth  year  of  her  age,  she 
and  Hannah  Foster  traveled  in  the  ministry  to  New  England,  where 
they  met  John  Woolman.     She  died  at  West  Marlborough,  Pa.,  lomo. 


540  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

10,    1777,  at  the  age  of  eighty  seven,  having  been  a   minister 
sixty  three  years. 

("Collection  of  Memorials"  &c.  p.  371.) 

30 

Mary  Ridgway  (         -17^2) 

Daughter  of  Joseph  Burr  of  Northampton  township,  Burlington 
Co.;  married  at  Mount  Holly,  11  mo.  (January),  20,  1747**8,  Solonxun, 
son  of  Job  Ridgway,  of  Springfield,  N,  J.  (Book  B.  Burl.  Mar. 
Records.)  They  had  several  children  and  she  survived  him.  dying 
imo.  17,  1782.  Mary  Ridgway  was  a  cousin  of  John  Woohnan,  and_ 
a  neighbor  of  Hannah  Foster. 

31 

Ann  Gauntt  (1710-        ) 

A  well  known  minister  of  Little  Egg  Harbour,  New  Jersey, 
lomo.  10  1 710.  Daughter  of  Thomas  [died  1724]  and  Ann 
(Pharo)  Ridgway,  and  granddaughter  of  Richard  Ridgway.  im- 
migrant. A  granddaughter  also  of  James  Pharo,  who  came  from 
England  1678  in  the  "Shield"  to  Burlington,  with  tlie  grand- 
father of  John  Wuolman.  She  began  to  preach  in  her  girlhootl 
and  went  on  religious  tours  before  her  marriage  which  occurred 
7mo,  19,  1730  to  llananiah  Gauntt,  [son  of  Hananiah,  son  of  Peter) 
(born  I  mo.  2,  1707.)  He  was  famous  as  a  local  wil.  and  when 
their  intentions  were  laid  before  the  meeting,  some  surprise  was 
expressed  that  the  staid  minister,  Ann  Ridgway,  should  choose  for  ^ 
husband  so  jovial  a  man  as  Hanaiiiaii  Gauntt.  Nothing  whatever 
could  be  said  against  his  sterling  qualities  however,  and  the  marriage 
was  approved.  He  was  always  greatly  respected  and  beloved  by  the 
Friends  of  his  time.  "Long  after  he  was  laid  beneath  the  green  turf 
in  the  little  graveyard  at  Tuckerton,  New  Jersey,  his  old  jieighbors 
related  and  lauKhctl  at  his  funny  talcs."  He  enjoyed  consideraMe 
wealtli,  and  was  a  man  of  influence  in  the  community.  His  home  was 
the  resort  of  all  the  Friends  on  preaching  tours  in  that  part  of  New 
Jersey.  The  Gauntts  were  one  of  the  many  families  of  Huguenot 
descent  who,  after  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  in  16R5, 
found  their  way  through  Great  Britain  to  America  and  identified 
themselves  with  the  Dissenters  of  the  colonies, 

Ephraim  Tomlinson  {Journal.  Fr'ds'  Miscellany,  II,  176)  dcscrit 
Ann  Gauntt  in   1768  as  "a  powerful  minister",  and  calls   her 
sister".     When  she  was  attending  Westhury  Quarterly  meeting  on" 
Long  Island,   in    1770,   she   visited  a   Friend,    Clements   Willilts,  an 
invalid,  confined  to  her  bed  for  thirty  nine  years,  who  so  enjoyed  the 


APPENDIX 


541 


visit,  that  she  wrote  in  her  diary,  "I  thought  I  should  never  have  so 
much  comfort  in  this  tribulated  tabernacle."  In  1787  she  was  still 
preaching,  and  John  Hunt  in  his  Journal,  ("Friends'  Miscel,"  X.  p. 
246)  says  of  her,  "she  is  far  advanced  in  years,  but  is  Divinely 
favoured,  and  is  large  and  lively  in  the  ministry." 

Aon  Gauntt  was  exceedingly  industrious  and  a  great  knitter. 
She  sometimes  rose  from  her  bed  at  an  early  hour  in  the  morning, 
and  while  the  family  slept,  would  set  up  on  her  needles  and  start  one 
of  the  long  stockings  which  were  worn  by  men  of  the  period,  coming 
over  the  knee  and  secured  under  the  knee-breeches.  Before  midnight 
the  stocking  would  be  completed-    She  died  ajtcr  1787. 

32 

John  Storcr  (1725-179S) 

Son  of  Jonalhan  and  Rebecca  Storer  of  Nottingham,  England. 
Was  "educated  in  the  way  of  the  National  Church",  but  became  a 
Quaker  in  1748.  Four  years  later  he  began  to  preach.  In  1760, 
John  Storer  came  to  America,  where  he  met  and  was  associated  with 
John  Woolman.  The  "Epistle"  from  New  England  Friends  at  New- 
port to  London,  12  of  6mo.  1760,  says,  "This  our  Annual  Meeting, 
which  were  Large,  have  through  the  Great  Goodness  &  Merciful 
Condescention  of  our  God  been  Eminently  favoured  with  his  Blessed 
I  Appearance  both  immediately  and  Instrunientally  by  his  Servants  and 
handmaids  whome  he  hath  Concerned  to  pay  us  a  Religious  Visit. 
Among  whome  is  our  Worthy  Friend,  John  Storer,  whose  testimonies 
Being  Conducted  in  the  power  of  Truth,  was  very  Comfortable  and 
Refreshing  to  the  faithful."' 

A  second  visit  was  made  in  1785,  after  the  death  of  John  Wool- 
man,  when  he  was  one  of  three  Friends  who  came  together,  the  first 
to  cross  the  ocean  after  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolutionary  war,  in 
an  interval  of  ten  years.  The  two  others  were  John  Town.send*'  of 
London  and  Thomas  Colley,  of  Sheffield  {  1742-1812).  John  Hunt  of 
New  Jersey  calls  John  Storcr  "a  great,  lively  and  powerful  minister," 
(The  Journal  of  John  Hunt  in  Friends'  Miscellany.  Vol.  X.) 

John  Storer  married,  1st.  Sarah  Northin,  of  Norwich,  England. 
They  had  a  daughter  Sarah,  the  mother  dying  soon  after.  Sarah. 
Jr.  married  1784,  Thomas  Jowitt.  of  Nottingham  and  Leeds.  John 
Storer  married,  2nd.,  in  1764.  Hannah,  daughter  of  Thomas  and 
Sarah  Sparrow,  of  Maplcstcad,  Essex,  who  survived  as  his  widow 
until  1821.  His  death  occurred  in  1795.  (Bowden,  Hist.  Frds.  in 
America.  11.  ^t^^.  Journal.  Frds'  Hist.  Soc,  London,  Vol.  XI.  No. 
2.  p.  95) 

»  Minutes  of  New  England   Y.   M.,  Vol.   I,   p.   as*. 


542  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


33 

John  Churchman  (1705-1775) 

Bom  at  Nottingham,  Chester  Co.  Pa.  6mo.  (August)  1705,  Died 
at  same  place,  7mo.  24,  1775,  at  the  age  of  seventy.  He  began  to 
preach  at  twenty  five,  and  traveled  much  in  his  own  country,  Europe, 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  and  left  an  interesting  Journal  of  his 
travels  and  experiences.  He  was  chosen  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  m 
1748,  which  was  a  great  trial  to  him,  and  after  much  reflection,  be 
declined  the  honor,  "because  God  called  him  to  avoid  worldly  cum- 
bers." He  and  Israel  Pemberton  about  this  time  waited  upon  the 
Mayor  of  Philadelphia,  probably  Charles  Willing,  and  warned  him 
to  deal  justly.  He  made  also  in  this  year  (1748)  a  visit  to  the  State 
House,  in  Philadelphia,  where  the  Assembly  was  then  sitting,  aitd 
addressed  them  on  the  subject  of  the  war  tax  and  slavery,  John  Kin- 
sey,  a  leading  Quaker  of  Philadelphia,  being  then  speaker  of  the 
House.  The  visit  was  not  made  without  much  tribulation  of  spirit, 
and  some  discouragement  from  the  Speaker,  but  the  Journals  of  tht 
two  men  would  indicate  that  the  Friend  to  whom  John  Churchman 
imparted  his  "concern"  was  John  Woolman,  His  address  made  I 
deep  impression  on  the  statesmen  assembled,  and  Woolman 's  encour- 
agement was  justified. 

John  Churchman  was  in  England  in  1750,  and  visited  Christopher 
Wilson**  at  Graysothen,  near  Broughton,  and  also  Robert  Barclay, 
grandson  of  the  Apologist.  He  returned  from  this  English  visit  in 
the  "Carolina",  Captain  Stephen  Mesnard,  a  popular  Captain  among 
the  Friends,  in  company  with  Samuel  Fothergill,  in  1754. 

In  the  spring  of  1758  John  Churchman  accompanied  John  Wool- 
man  to  a  few  of  the  New  Jersey  meetings,  and  at  Chesterfield  re- 
buked the  'raw  persons",  mentioned  by  both  in  their  Journals,  who 
had  come  to  see  two  or  three  proposals  of  marriage. 

In  1/59  Churchman  says,  "In  this  year  I  was  also  engaged  with 
my  Friend  John  Woolman  in  visiting  some  active  members 
Society  who  kept  slaves,  first  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia  and  ir 
places;  also  in  New  Jersey  where  we  were  enabled  to  go 
some  heavy  labours  and  were  favoured  with  peace."  On  his 
bed  John  Churchman  said  "I  feel  that  which  lies  beyond  death  and 
the  grave,  which  is  now  an  inexpressible  comfort  to  me."  Divine 
refreshment  seeming,  as  some  present  noted,  to  pass  through  him  as 
a  flowing  stream,  "I  may  tell  you  of  it,"  said  he,  "but  you  cannot 
feel  it  as  I  do."  MS,.-^.  of  W'oolnian's  Journal,  contains  a  long 
extract  from  J.  Churchman's  Journal. 

John   Churchman   married   Margaret,   daughter   of    William  and 


ged  with 

of  a^M 
in  olh^H 
throu^H 

is  dcat^^ 


\ 


APPENDIX 


543 


Esther  Brown,  of  Chester  County,  Pa.;  born  imo.  (Marcli)  13,  1707. 
She  died  of  cancer,  after  a  painful  illness,  in  tlie  suninier  of 
1770. 

See  Friends'  Miscel.  V.  8.  (1836)  for  his  Setters  to  John  Casey, 
2mo.  10,  1743,  and  John  Pemberton,  1754. 

34 
Jane  Crosfield  (1712-1784) 

Daughter  of  James  Rowlandson,  of  Frith  Hall,  Lancashire.  The 
ancient  dwelling  is  now  a  ruin.  It  was  situated  on  the  river  Leven, 
not  far  from  Swarthmoor.  She  appeared  in  the  ministry  in  1740, 
and  made  her  first  tour  with  a  certificate  in  1748,  after  which  she 
was  for  twenty  four  years  almost  constantly  engaged  abroad  in 
"Truth's  Service."  She  married,  in  "2mo.  (April)  1746",  George 
Crosfield,  of  "Low  Park,"  Preston  Patrick,  near  Kendal,  Westmore- 
land, who  died  1784.  Her  husband's  sister,  Isabel  Crosfield,  married 
Thomas  Gawthroji,"  q.v. 

In  company  with  George  Mason  and  Susannah  (Hudson)  Hatton," 
(afterwards  Light  foot),  she  came  to  America  on  the  "Philadelphia 
Packet",  Captain  Richard  Budden,  sailing  7mo.  2^  1760,  in  a  fleet  of 
thirty  six  sail  under  convoy,  and  arrived  at  Philadelphia  9mo.  11. 
Si.xtj-  three  pounds  were  paid  by  the  E^ondon  Meeting  for  Sufferings 
for  the  passage  of  the  party.  A  full  account  exists  of  her  American 
visit  not,  unfortiinalety,  in  her  own  hand.  A  very  interesting  list  of 
the  "sea-stores"  which  she  took  on  board  the  "Catherine  and  Mary", 
Captain  Condy.  the  vessel  on  which  she  made  the  return  voyage  home 
from  Philadelphia,  lomo.  22,  1761,  exists,  in  the  handwriting  of 
James  Pemberton.  (Jour.  Frds'  Hist.  Soc.  London,  Vol.  II,  p.  139. 
1905).  One  is  struck  with  the  amazing  amount  of  liquors  of  all 
kinds  which  she  took  on  board,  as  was  customary  in  those  days,  even 
with  the  knowledge  that  much  of  it  was  to  be  shared  with  the  pas- 
sengers and  crew. 

She  must  have  become  quite  well  acquainted  with  John  Woolman 
during  her  visit  in  America;  they  had  many  friends  in  common. 
Her  death  occurred  2mo.  2  1784.  Her  husband  survived  her  but 
four  months,  dying  in  6mo.  ("Friends'  Quarterly  Examiner",  1903, 
p.  244.) 

35 
Joseph  White  (1712-1777), 

Born  at  Fallsington.  Bucks  County,  Penna.  ITmo.  (January)  28, 
1712.  He  began  to  preach  in  the  twentieth  year  of  his  age.  Being 
an  orphan,  he  was  brought  up  by  relatives,  who  so  well  performed 


544  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

their  task  that  Samuel  Foulke  says  of  him,  "though  he  had  only  a 
mechanic  education,  he  was  admirably  raised,  and  endowed  with 
gifts  natural  and  divine."  He  traveled  in  the  ministry  in  his  own 
country,  and  in  1758  went  to  England  on  a  similar  mission,  where  he 
remained  three  years.  During  his  absence,  John  Churchman  visited 
his  wife  after  parting  with  John  Woolman  at  Bordentown,  in  1758^ 
and  writes  in  his  Journal,  (p.  202)  "had  a  comfortable  season  in  the 
family  with  the  children,  she  appearing  to  be  resigned  in  the  absence 
of  her  husband,  her  spirit  being  sweetened  with  the  Truth  in  inno- 
cent quietude." 

Another  Joseph  White,  who  lived  at  Pemberton,  N.  J.  must  not 
be  confounded  with  this  preacher.  [Bowden.  "History  of  Friends 
in  America"  vol.  H.  p.  397.] 

36 

Rebecca  Jones.  (1739-1817) 

Born  in  Philadelphia,  7mo.  8,  1739,  of  pious  parents  of  the  Church 
of  England.  Her  father,  William  Jones,  was  a  seaman,  and  was  lost 
on  a  voyage  when  Rebecca  was  a  young  child.  Mary  the  widow 
opened  a  school  at  No.  8,  Drinker's  Alley,  which  proved  very  suc- 
cessful, and  she  was  able  to  give  her  two  children  a  careful  educa- 
tion. Daniel  was  nine  years  older  than  Rebecca.  She  never 
married. 

Rebecca  Jones  was  convinced  of  Friends'  principles  at  the  age 
of  fifteen,  and  was  led  to  join  the  Society  largely  through  the  influ- 
ence of  Catharine  Peyton,  an  English  Friend  who  visited  Philadel- 
phia on  a  preaching  tour  in  1754.  Upon  her  mother's  death  in  1761, 
Rebecca  succeeded  to  the  school,  and  joined  with  her  Hannah  Cath- 
rall,  who  remained  a  devoted  assistant  until  her  retirement  in  failing 
health.  The  school  was  given  up  when  Rebecca  Jones  went  to  Eng- 
land on  a  preaching  tour  in  1784,  and  she  eked  out  a  modest  income 
upon  her  return  home  by  opening  a  little  shop  or  agency,  which  her 
English  friends  kept  sujjplied  with  lawns  and  cambrics  and  fine  cap 
muslins.     She  was  an  intimate  friend  of  John  Woolman. 

Rebecca  Jones  was  a  victim  of  the  yello^v  fever  of  1793,  but  was 
carefully  nursed  back  to  life  by  the  devoted  Doctor  Edward  Cathrall 
and  her  friends,  one  of  whom  was  Thomas  Scattergood.  There  was 
an  understanding  between  her  and  Samuel  Emlen  that  whichever 
survived,  should  preach  at  the  other's  funeral,  and  Rebecca  preached 
at  the  graveside  of  Samuel  on  the  first  day  of  the  year  1800.  She 
herself  died  4mo.  10th.  181 7. 

[Memorials  of  R.  Jones.     Edited  by  Wm.  J.  Allinson.] 


APPENDIX 


545 


I 


37 

William  Calvert  (         -        ) 

A  prominefit  merchant  of  Mt.  Holly,  who  became  purchaser  of  a 
portion  of  the  estate  of  Stephen  Girard,  when  that  Frenchmao,  who 
was  destined  to  become  one  of  the  merchant  princes  of  the  Colonial 
period,  removed  to  Philadelphia,  and  sold  to  a  merchant  from 
whom  Calvert  bought  later,  having  his  shop  on  Mill  Street,  at  the 
corner  of  what  is  now  Cherry.  He  was  a  tenant  of  the  Woolmans 
for  some  years,  and  supplied  the  hardware  and  many  materials  used 
in  building  the  present  "Memorial"  on  Branch  street. 

William  Calvert  married  in  1764  Martha,  daughter  of  Thomas 
and  Susanna  Atkinson.  She  died  lomo.  9,  1786,  and  was  buried 
beside  her  mother  in  the  Friends'  graveyard,  Mount  Holly. 

38 

John  Sleeper  (1731-        ) 

Born  lomo.  (December)  14  1731.  Son  of  Jonathan  and  Hannah 
Sleeper^  of  Bridgetown  {Mount  Holly)  N.  J.:  carpenter.  Married, 
9mo.  (November)  26,  1754,  Hannah,  daughter  of  Nehcniiah  and  Ann 
Haines,  of  Chesterfield,  Burlington  Co.  N.  J.    They  had  ten  children. 

Jonathan  Sleeper  is  said  to  have  come  with  his  brother  John  from 
New  Hampshire  because  of  the  Quaker  persecutions  in  New  Eng- 
land. John  settled  in  Virginia.  (F.  C.  Mason.  "Borton  and  Mason 
Families."  Rec's.  Burlington  M.M.)  A  record  of  the  Monthly  Meet- 
ing for  8mo.  (August)  11,  1757.  states,  that  John  Sleeper,  "not 
removing  as  he  had  expected  from  Mount  Holly",  returns  his  minute 
to  that  meeting.  He  owned  land  near  that  of  John  Woolman,  and 
they  were  life  long  friends.    He  died  at  Mount  Holly. 


39 

David  Brainerd.   (1718-1747) 

Born  at  Haddam,  Connecticut,  April  20,  171 8.  Was  educated  at 
Yale,  where  he  entered  in  1739  and  was  expelled  in  1742  for  his 
vehemence  and  over  zealous  espousal  of  evangelical  and  revival 
sentiments  and  methods.  In  1743  he  began  bis  mission  to  the  Indians 
at  Stockbridge,  Massachusetts,  and  the  next  year  went  to  the  Dela- 
ware Indians  in  Pennsylvania.  Thence  he  went  to  "Crossweeksung" 
(Crosswicks)  New  Jersey,  where  he  settled,  and  had  signal  success 
in  Christianizing  the  savage  heart.  His  work  among  the  New  Jer- 
sey Indians  should  receive  closer  attention  from  historians  than  it 
has  yet  had^  for  although  cut  off  in  his  early  career,  David  Brainerd's 


546  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

influence  was  far-reaching  in  its  later  development,  and  his  br 
John  and  he  were  remarkable  pioneers  as  missionaries. 

David  Brainerd's  health  failed  him,  and  he  made  severaJ  journeys 
to  New  England  in  search  of  rehef.  He  became  engaged  to  be  mar- 
ried to  a  daughter  of  the  great  leader,  Jonathan  Edwards,  to  wV 
house  he  went  and  died  after  a  brief  illness,  at  Northampton,  Ma 
chusetts,  October  g.  1747,  of  rapid  consumption,  at  the  early  age  of 
twenty  nine.     His  brother  John  continued  his  work. 

His  Metnoir  was  written  and  published  by  Jonathan  Edwards,^ 
Boston,  in  1749,  and  a  new  edition  appeared  by  Sherwood,  N. 
1884. 

40 

David  Zeisberger  (1721-1808) 

Son  of  David  and  Rosina  Zeisberger.  Born  Zauchtenthal^l^ 
ravia,  April  11.  1721.  His  parents  were  among  the  Bohcnuan 
Brethren,  who  escaped  the  persecutions  when  David  had  reached  the 
age  of  five  by  flying  to  Herrnhut,  on  the  estate  of  Count  Zinzcn- 
dorf,  where  their  safety  was  secured  with  the  loss  of  all  their  carth!> 
possessions.  In  1733,  James  Oglethorpe  founded  Georgia,  In  1736 
Bishop  Nitschman  led  the  second  body  of  Moravian  emigrants  to  that 
colony,  and  organized  a  church  under  John  Wesley.  Among  these 
emigrants  were  David  and  Rosina  Zeisberger,  with  all  their  children 
except  the  young  David,  who  as  a  promising  scholar,  was  left  behind 
to  finish  his  education  at  Herrnhut.  He  showed  especial  linguistic 
talent,  and  to  this  is  to  be  ascribed  his  case  in  acquiring  the  Indian 
languages. 

Count  Zinzendorf  took  him  to  Holland,  where  he  became  a  shop- 
boy  near  Utrecht.  He  finally  followed  his  parents  to  Georgia,  and 
in  1740,  after  the  outbreak  of  the  Spanish  war,  escaped  with  his 
parents  to  Philadelphia  from  Savannah  in  George  Whitcfield's  sloop. 
They  settled  at  first  at  the  "Forks  of  Delaware"  where  they  aided 
in  building  "Whitefield's  House",  still  standing  in  Northampton 
County,  Pa,  With  other  Moravians,  Zeisberger  fell  under  the  dis- 
pleasure of  George  Whiteficid  upon  theological  grounds^  and,  under 
the  leadership  of  Bishop  Nitschman,  in  1741,  a  group  of  believers 
settled  at  what  is  now  Bethlehem,  Pennsylvania. — a  name  bestowed 
upon  it  by  Count  Zinzendorf.     Here  the  parents  died  shortly  after. 

From  the  time  of  Count  Zinzendorf's  visit  to  America,  David 
Zeisberger  became  the  greatest  missionary  to  the  Indians  among  the 
Moravians.  Al!  his  early  years  were  spent  in  dangerous  journeys 
preaching  Christianity  to  the  tribes  of  the  wilderness  of  Pennsjrl* 
vania.    The  Indians  of  Wyoming  and  Wyalusing  and  the  valleys  of 


r 


APPENDIX 


547 


the  Lehigh  and  Susquehanna  were  particularly  his  converts.  The 
Delaware  Indians,  Anthony  and  Nathaniel,  as  stated  in  their 
biographical  notes,  were  the  constant  companions  of  Zeisberger.  and 
were  his  assistants,  often  holding  services  themselves.  Both  died 
before  their  Jnstructor.  On  this  particular  visit  of  the  Moravians  to 
Wyal using,  they  had  learned  at  Wyoming,  on  their  way  up  the  Sus- 
quehanna, of  Pontiac's  rebellion,  but  regarding  the  rumors  of  attacks 
on  the  forts  as  exaggerated,  they  had  pushed  on.  After  they  had 
concluded  the  baptism  and  services  which  followed  the  departure  of 
John  Woolman  and  Benjamin  Parvin.  they  remained  some  time  with 
the  new  converts,  and  returning  by  way  of  Tioga,  were  met  at  that 
place  on  June  joth.  with  orders  from  Bishop  Scidel  to  return  at  once 
because  of  danger;  they  reached  Bethlehem  on  July  loth. 

Zeisberger  familiarized  himself  more,  perhaps,  with  the  language 
and  spirit  of  the  American  Indian  than  any  man  of  his  day;  his 
translation  of  Moravian  hymns  into  the  Indian  dialects  has  been 
referred  to.  He  died  November  17.  1808,  at  Goshen,  Penna.  aged 
nearly  88,  after  a  strenuous  missionary  career  of  sixty  two  years. 

[See  "Life  and  Times  of  David  Zeisberger,"  by  Bishop  Edmund 
de  Schweinitz.] 

41 

Papunahung — or  Papoonahal — ( 1705- 1775) 

A  native  Delaware  Indian  Chief  of  the  Minsi  tribe,  born  about 
1705.  Bishop  de  Schweinitz  ("Life  and  Times  of  David  Zeisberger," 
265,  flf.)  places  him  prominently  among  the  savage  preachers,  some- 
what like  their  "medicine  men",  who  attempted  to  counteract  the 
influence  of  the  Moravian  Missionaries.  The  period  of  their  peculiar 
"preacliing"  lasted  some  thirty  years.  Papunahung  was  early  con- 
verted by  the  Moravian  Pastor  Zeisberger,  who  visited  his  village 
of  Wyalusing  on  tiie  Susquehanna  in  1745.  Conrad  Weiser,  Indian 
Commissioner,  was  there  even  earlier,  Papunahung  consistently  pur- 
sued a  Christian  life,  and  unfailingly  led  his  people  in  the  paths  of 
peace  and  righteousness.  Throughout  his  life  he  remained  in  close 
touch  with,  and  under  the  influence  of,  the  mother  church  in  Bethle- 
hem. He  was  baptized  in  176.^  at  Wyalusing,  and  received  the  name 
of  John  Papunahung,  or  "Minsi  John".  With  his  wife  Ann  Joanna, 
and  child,  he  is  named  in  the  list  of  baptized  persons  of  the 
Moravian  Church  at  Bethlehem,  in  1771,  (W.  C.  Reichel,  "Trans- 
actions of  the  Moravian  Historical  Soc."  Church  Diary,  I.  217.) 
John  Hays,  who  accompanied  C!i.  Frederick  Post  on  his  missionary 
tour  to  the  village  of  Wyalusing  in  1760,  in  his  diary,  calls  him 
"Wampoonham:   a   very   Religious,   Civilized   man   in   his  own   way. 


548  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

and   shewed   us    a   great    deal    of    kindness."     (Pa.    Archives, 
736.)     Bishop  de  Schweinitz  says,  "God  ovemilcd  the   man's 
ootirses,  to  the  awakening  of  his  tribe."     Papunahung  died  Hay 
'775.  at  the  age  of  seventy. 

The  land  on  which  he  settled  at  Wyalusing — the  old  Indian 
hackloosing,  "The  Place  of  the  Hoary  Vctcra.n'* — was  granted 
F'apunahung  by  the  Iroquois,  after  the  peace.  In  November,  IJ 
the  Iroquois,  at  the  Treat>'  of  Fort  Stanwix,  sold  this  land  to 
agents  of  the  Penns:  John  Penn,  however,  promised  to  allow 
pnnalmng's  people  to  remain  undisturbed  on  a  nearby  tract.  Koa 
lug  from  bitter  experience  the  dangers  involved  in  too  close  proxir 
to  the  English,  the  Church  at  Bethlehem  determined  to  remove 
to  the  Moravian  settlement  in  Ohio,  which  was  carried  out  in  i; 
Job  Chilaway,**  who  remained  behind,  became  the  practical  own 
the  land. 

There  is  much   reference  to  Teedyuscung  and  Papunahung. 
great  Chiefs  of  the  Delawares,  in  the  Records  of  the  Meeting 
Sufferings,    in    Philadelphia.      Various    accounts    of    him    exist: 
Tract  No.  50  called  *'Johii  Papoonahung,  The  Converted  Indian" 
sued  by  the  Tract  Association  of  Friends,  304  Arch  St.  Phil*,  docs  1 
follow  Anthony   Benezel's  manuscript,  but  is  probably   based  on 


42 

Susanna  (Hudson)  Ilatton,  afterward  Lightfoot.  (1719-1781) 

Born  at  Grange,  County  Antrim,  Ireland,  imo.  (March)  to.  17 
Daughter  of  John  and  Margaret  Hudson,  who  were  in  limited 
cumstances,  and  was  eldest  of  several  children.  Pier  father  died 
when  she  was  13,  and  her  pious  mother  put  her  out  at  service  with 
a  Friend  who  was  a  minister,  Ruth  Courtney.  Her  son's  and  he 
own  accounts  show  her  experience  with  a  most  hard  and  exac 
mistress,  for  whom  she  worked  as  personal  maid;  she  also  was  for 
to  tetid  the  cattle  and  horses.  When  she  accompanied  her  mislr 
on  her  preaching  tours,  and  was  endorsed  by  her  meeting  also  as 
preacher,  she  sat  in  the  kitchen,  and  was  sent  to  rub  down 
riding  horses,  for  which  she  was  not  permitted  to  ask  aid.  She 
but  scvcnteei;  when  she  began  to  preach,  and  came  to  America  wifl 
Ruth  Courtney,  also  with  a  certificate  as  minister.  Upon  her  return, 
she  married  Joseph  Hatton,  to  whom  she  had  been  engaged  for  two 
years,  in  tjmo.  (November)  25.  1742,  and  in  1754  they  removed 
Water  ford.  Her  husband  died  in  1759,  leaving  her  with  sevcli 
children,  tlic  survivors  of  nine,  among  whom  were  four  sets  of  iwinr" 
A  year  after  her  husband's  death.  Susanna  Hatton  paid  her  sec- 
ond visit  to  America,  when  she  remained  over  a  year.    It  was  during 


APPENDIX  549 

.  this  visit  that  she  was  at  the  Indian  conference  at  Easton,  and 
.  preached  with  such  power.  Upon  her  return  to  Ireland,  Thomas 
U^htfoot  made  his  addresses,  and  they  were  married  gmo.  25..  1763, 
and  in  rather  less  than  a  year,  Susanna  and  her  new  husband  re- 
turned to  America  as  their  future  home.  They  settled  at  Uwchlan, 
'.  which  had  long  been  Thomas  Lightfoot's  residence,  and  here  Susanna 
Lightfoot  died  5mo.  8,  1781  at  the  age  of  sixty  one,  having  been  a 
minister  for  forty  four  years.  She  told  her  husband  on  her  deathbed 
to  bury  her  in  some  of  her  meanest  linen,  as  "good  enough  to  go  into 
the  ground"  and  to  use  a  black  oak  coffin,  since  that  was  the  com- 
monest wood  then  in  use.  ["The  Friend"  (Phila.)  Vol.  61,  p.  10, 
Do.  Vol.  74,  pp.  339,  348,  356.  "Friend's  Miscellany",  Vol.  IX, 
p.  69.] 

43 
Robert  Proud  (1728-1813) 

Bom  May  .  10.  1728,  in  a  farm  house  at  Low  Foxton,  near 
Crathome,  a  mile  from  Yarm  on  the  river  Teas,  boundary  between 
Yorkshire  and  Durham.  Son  of  William  and  Ann  (Hedley)  Proud, 
(mar.  1727,)  who  later  settled  at  Wood-End,  a  mile  or  two  from 
Thirsk,  in  Yorkshire.  Robert  Proud  was  educated  by  David  Hall  at 
Skipton,  becoming  a  good  Greek  and  Latin  scholar.  He  went  to  Lon- 
don in  1750,  and  under  the  advice  of  "that  eminent  friend  of  education 
and  the  advancement  of  science"  Doctor  Fothergill,  who  was  his  rela- 
tive, he  says,  "I  applied  myself  to  further  improvement  in  some  parts 
of  learning  and  science."  He  had  great  ability,  and  became  a  tutor 
in  the  Bevan  family. 

In  1758  he  came  to  America,  and  made  his  home  at  first  with 
Mordecai  Yarnall.**  Two  years  later,  he  became  teacher  of  the  "Pub- 
lic Latin  School  of  Friends"  in  Philadelphia,  founded  by  William 
Penn  in  1689.  This  is  now  (1922)  the  William  Penn  Charter  School, 
and  has  had  a  continuous  existence  since  the  days  of  the  founder. 
He  remained  in  that  position  for  nine  years,  resigning  in  1770,  to 
enter  business  with  his  brother  John,  from  England.  While  the 
American  Revolution  was  in  progress  and  business  disturbed,  he  was 
engaged  on  the  task  of  writing  his  "History  of  Pennsylvania",  which 
ever  since  has  been  a  standard  work. 

Robert  Proud's  relatives  in  England  remained  at  Thirsk,  and  the 
family  and  John  Woolman  had  many  friends  in  common.  The  death 
of  R.  Proud  occurred  in  Philadelphia,  1813.  He  left  an  autobiog- 
raphy, which  has  appeared  in  the  "Penna.  Magazine  of  History  and 
Biography,"  Vol.  XHI,  pp.  430-440.  (1889)  [Memoirs  oi  H\%x..  ^tsot. 
Pa.,  Vol.  I,  pt.  n,  pp.  393-5.] 


550  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

His  cousin,  another  Robert  Proud,  became  a  prominent  preacher 
among  the  Quakers  and  visited  America. 


44 

Job  Chilaway  (        -1796) 

A  well  known  and  intelligent  Indian,   frequently   employed^  be* 
cause  of  his  fluent  English,  by  the  Government  in  a  civil  capacity, 
and  also  by  the  commanders  of  trcx3ps  and  the  militia.     He  is  said 
to  have  been  a  native  of   New  Jersey,   from   the   neighborhood  of 
Little  Egg  Harbor,  and  first  appears  as  the   friend  and  companion 
of  Papunahuug  at  Wyalusing.     He  acted  in  the  capacity   of  guid 
and  interpreter  to  Conrad  Weiser,  Indian  Commissioner ;  became  \ 
convert  to  the  Moravian  church  and  was  baptized  in    1770,  serv'ifl 
thereafter  faithfully  for  twenty  years  with  much  ability,  especially! 
negotiations  with  Indian  chiefs,'     In  his  youth,  he  was  an  espedll 
favorite  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  and  one  of  his  interpreters. 

Chilaway  became  the  final  native  owner  of  the  lands  at  Wyald 
ing  and  was  evidently  a  thrifty  business  man.  Papunahung's  village" 
lay  near  by,  upon  which  the  Bethlehem  Sj'nod  had  bestowed  tbe_ 
name  of  F'riedenshiitten  (second  of  the  name)  in  1766.  The  la 
settlement  had  been  made  there  by  Papunahuug  and  his  people,  wH 
the  consent  of  the  Six  Nations.  In  November,  1768,  the  land 
sold  over  their  heads  by  these  tribes,  at  the  Treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix. 
to  the  agents  of  the  Pcnns.  The  Indians  thereupon  petitioned  ihc 
Government  for  a  survey  of  four  hundred  acres,  six  miles  below  the 
present  village.  John  Penn,  Governor,  promised  to  stand  by  the 
that  Friedenshijtten  should  not  be  included  iu  the  survey  of  the  Goii 
ernmcnt.  The  policy  pursued  by  the  Colonial  Ciovernment  urged  th 
"immediate  removal  of  all  Indians  indiscriminately,  beyond  the  limi^ 
of  lands  held  by  the  white  inan  by  right  of  purchase,""  Papunahntj 
was  one  of  three  deputies  who,  in  1769,  petitioned  the  Govcriimc 
for  the  ajjpoinlment  of  trustees  who  could  sell,  or  pay  money  to 
Indians.  He  declared  the  land  on  which  they  lived  to  be  insccur 
held. 

Meantime,  Job  Chilaway  had  appealed  (Nov.  26,  1768)»  for 
survey  of  Wyalusing  Indian  lands  to  himself,  under  the  claim  Ihi 
he  was  defending  the  Indians  rights.  They,  however,  stated  "ihM 
they  had  never  desired  Chilaway  to  take  up  land  for  them"  and  th* 
he  had  no  valid  claim;  his  procedure  was  to  the  prejudice  of  th 
brother.  John  Papunahuug.  who  had  been  settled  at  Wyalusing  tw 

'  Edmund  de  Sctweinitz:    "Life  and  Times  of  David  Zcisberger,"  p.  629. 
*  W.    C.    Rcichcl:     "Hist.    Moravian    Church."    in    "Tranwictions   of   the    Mon'U 
HiMorical  Society";  I,  p.   186. 


APPENDIX  55t 

years  before  Job  Chilaway  came."*  In  view  of  all  these  complica- 
tions,  the  Bethlehem  Synod,  with  an  eye  always  single  to  the  preser- 
Tation  of  its  spiritual  children  in  the  simplicity  of  faith,  determined 
to  remove  them  from  what  they  recognized  were  dangers  to  their 
welfare  in  the  proximity  of  white  settlers,  and  accepted  the  Govem- 
ment  offer  of  a  reservation  in  Ohio,  where,  as  has  been  noted,  they 
removed  in  1772.'  John  Ettwein  (1712-1802)  pastor,  and  leader  of 
one  division  of  the  emigrants,  entrusted  the  fifty  two  deserted  houses 
to  the  care  of  Job  Chilaway  who,  with  his  wife  Elizabeth,  remained 
behind.  September  i6th.  of  the  following  year,  the  Surveyor- 
General,  John  Lukens,  made  the  survey  of  these  lands  to  Chilaway. 
Two  years  later,  May  4th.  1775,  Job  and  his  wife  sold  to  Henry 
Pawling  for  the  sum  of  £784,  "subject,  however,  to  the  payment  of 
certain  debts  due,  and  owing  therefore,  to  John  Pemberton,  Abel 
James,  Henry  Drinker,  Samuel  Pleasants,  and  Reuben  Haines,  all 
of  the  County  of  Philadelphia",  amounting  to  £236,  Pennsylvania 
currency.  When  General  Sullivan's  expedition  encamped  at  Wyalus- 
ing  in  1779,  they  found  no  trace  left  of  the  old  Indian  village. 

Job  Chilaway  died  in  the  winter  of  1796/7.'  Much  was  said  of 
him,  warm  in  praise  after  his  death;  and  the  Brigade  Chaplain  of 
General  Sullivan  says  his  memory  was 

"By  strangers  honour'd  and  by  strangers  mourn'd."* 

44A 

John  Curtis. 

Nothing  has  been  found  by  the  editor  regarding  this  Indian,  who 
was  in  all  probability  a  brother  of  the  chief  Samuel. 

45 
Anthony  (1697- 1773) 

A  Delaware  Indian  from  Tunkhannock,  Pa.  baptized  by  Bishop 
Cammerhoff  in  the  Moravian  Church  at  Bethlehem,  February  8. 
1750.  "He  was  for  many  years  a  faithful  native  assistant,  one  of 
the  most  brilliant  illustrations  of  the  power  of  the  Gospel  among  the 
Indians.  Nature  had  made  him  an  orator,  and  grace  sanctified  his 
eloquence."  His  wife  was  baptized  Joanna.  (Bishop  Edmund  de 
Schweinitz;  "Life  and  Times  of  David  Zeisberger."  p.  267)    Anthony 

•  W.    C.    Reichel:     "Transactions   of   the    Moravian    Hist.    Soc."    I,    p.    204. 
•Ibid.,  p.    186. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  224.  According  to  Bishop  de  Schweinitz  ["Life  and  Times  of  David 
Zeisber]ffer."  p.  629I,  the  death  of  Job  took  place  September  22,  1791.  If,  as  Reichel 
asserts.  Job  had  a  brother  William  or  "Billy,"  the  dates  may  well  be  those  of  the 
deaths  of  the  two  brothers. 

*Amtrican  Universal  Magazine  for  May,   1797. 


552  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


1 


was  employed  by  Zeisberger  as  his  guide  and  companion  on  \ht 
expedition  to  Wyalusing  in  1763.  He  settled  at  Goschgoschunk,  and 
was  a  powerful  preaclier.  His  death  occurred  September  5.  1773, 
at  the  age  of  seventy  six.  "With  lips  eloquent  even  in  death,  he 
exhorted  his  countrymen  to  remain  steadfast  in  the  faith  and  de- 
livered a  last  testimony  as  bright  as  had  been  the  daily  testimony  of 
his  life.  Zeisberger  mourned  for  him  as  for  a  brother."  [Ibid-  p, 
389.  See  also  G.  H,  Loskiel :  "History  of  the  Mission  of  the  United 
Brethren  among  the  Indians  of  North  America"  p.  93,  for  an  elo- 
quent tribute  to  this  Indian  convert.] 

45A 
Nathaniel  {  -1767)  own  brother  to  Anthony,  probably  older. 
who  died  of  small  pox,  was  also  a  Tunkhannock  Delaware,  baptized 
by  the  same  Bishop  Cammerhoff,  shortly  before  Anthony,  i.e.  May 
17.  1749.  He  accompanied  Pastor  Zeisberger  on  his  second  Wji- 
lustng  journey  and  was  present  during  John  Woolman's  visit.  His 
death  occurred  in  J  767.  (E,  de  Schweinitz:  Work  quoted,  p.  27a 
Note.) 

45B 

Jacob  January 

An  Indian  or  half  breed,  who  spoke  good  English,  and  had  traded 
with  the  whites,  acting  on  occasion  as  interpreter.  A  Thomas  JanuaiJ 
was  Provincial  Armourer  in  Philadelphia.  See  letter  to  him  from 
Joseph  Shippen,  June,  1758,  for  arms,  Sec.  (Pa.  Archives,  III,  p. 
410.) 

46 

Benjamin  Parvin  (1727-        ) 

Francis  Parvin  and  Deborah  Pearson  were  married  in  Irelant 
in  i2mo  1723/4,  and  about  1729  came  to  Pennsylvania.  They  brougbt 
with  them  three  young  sons,  Francis,  Thomas  and  Benjamin,  the  last 
born  in  1727.  The  mother  died  soon  after  landing,  and  the  father 
married  again,  at  New  Garden.  3mo.  (May)  2,  1734,  Eleanor  Lij 
foot,  daughter  of  Michael,  and  granddaughter  of  Thomas  Lighif< 
of  both  of  whom  memorials  and  biographical  sketches  have  b^^i 
published.  Francis  and  Eleanor  Parvin  settled  at  Maiden  Crcrk. 
Berks  Co.  Pa.  Francis  Parvin  served  as  Coroner  for  Berks  C<k 
1748,  1761,  1762,  and  was  member  of  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly,! 

1755- 

After  the  death  of  their  mother,  the  three  young  sons  of  Frands 
by  his  first  wife  were  sent  home  to  Ireland  to  be  educated. 


APPENDIX  553 

Sieady  to  return,  their  passage  was  engaged  and  provisions  laid  in, 
jWtien  one  of  them  went  ashore  for  something  forgotten,  and  the 
<lfcssel  sailed  without  him.  The  voyage,  however,  was  long  and  the 
jpfovisions'none  too  much  for  two,  and  the  other  brother  arriving 
jUgr  the  first  vessel  that  offered,  was  not  much  behind  the  first  Ben- 
jamin Parvin  was  a  surveyor  of  lands  under  the  Penns,  and  like  his 
;iather,  served  as  Coroner  for  Berks  Co.  in  1755. 

A  cousin  of  this  Benjamin  Parvin,  also  a  Benjamin,  who  was  a 
pl^randson  of  the  brother  Thomas,  of  Cohansey,  Salem  Co.  N.  J., 
ireaver,  died  in  1744,  and  his  father-in-law  William  Bradford,  and 
John  Woolman  made  the  inventory.  (N.  J.  Archives,  xxx,  p.  57.) 
Both  Benjamins  received  the  name  from  their  grandfather,  the  father 
of  Francis  Parvin,  an  account  of  whose  imprisonment  in  Longford, 
Xrcland  is  given  in  the  Works  of  Benjamin  Holmes,  a  fellow  pris- 
•ODer.  [Jos.  Smith's  Catalogue  of  Frds'  Books.  Information  from 
JG^  Cope.] 

47 
"X'Homas  Bartow  (1737-1793) 

Bom  at  Perth  Amboy,  N.  J.  1737,  and  married  1768,  Sarah, 
«l«.ughter  of  Daniel  Benezet,  a  brother  of  Anthony,  and  son  of  John 
Stephen  Benezet,  the  Huguenot  merchant.  Thomas  Bartow  became 
A*,  ^ell  known  merchant  of  Philadelphia.  Three  of  the  daughters  of 
J^^tilm  Stephen  Benezet  married  Moravian  ministers,  i.e.  Mary,  who 
^^*8  married  to  Rev.  Jacob  Lischy;  Susanna,  to  Rev.  John  C. 
*^rrlaeus,  and  Judith,  first,  to  Rev.  David  Bruce,  and  second,  to  Dr. 
John  F.  Otto. 

This  intimate  connection  of  Anthony  Benezet,  the  Quaker  philan- 
thropist, and  friend  of  John  Woolman,  with  the  Moravians,  is  quite 
"•ufificient  to  explain  the  very  evident  acquaintance  of  Woolman  with 
^e  interests  of  the  Moravian  missionaries,  with  whose  efforts  we 
^Sannot  doubt  he  was  in  true  sympathy. 
^        Thomas  Bartow  died  in  1793  and  his  wife,  Sarah  (Benezet)  Bar- 
**"  "low,  in  1818.    One  of  their  daughters  married  Joseph  Drinker.     (In- 
iormation  from  Dr.  John  W.  Jordan.) 

48 
Sa  nuel  Foulke  (1718-1797) 

Of  Richland,  Bucks  County,  Pa.     Grandson  of  Edward  Foulke, 

of  Merionethshire,  N.  Wales,  who  emigrated  to  America  in   1698^ 

settling  at  Gwynedd,  Montgomery  Co.  Pa.     Edward's  son  Hugh  re- 

-    moved  to  Richland,  (now  Quakertown)  and  had  John  and  Samuel. 

Samuel  Foulke  was  born  i2mo.  4,  1718.    He  sat  in  the  Provincial 

Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  from  1761  to  1768,  and  was  succeeded  by 


-      7  "CHX  V'-TOLMAX 

via     T-u  -.0  :he  ?er...-.i   :f  the  Revo: 

■  :iJVJ.:r.>    .v::h  idtai    zi   indepcndcnc* 

-ir   .  riia   :ani:Iy  aa  t-cr:o.ch;i:cr-ta  c 

.:.a  .  ■:'^rnal  o:  zr.t  .Ksxrzb'.y  exisL 

:  :.^  Mi^oztne  c:  H:5t,   i  3::g.  Vol. 

..-•:::■-■.<   Aa?  c»ii:. !:? -.r-i.    Sirtzje!  f 

i:^..    :c  ::.:-d  in  rr-.er.di    Mijcellany. 
>^  :v::::shei  :n  the  5^~e   serial.  Vc 


:   .jcu:  -:=  miiiie  of  the   :S:h.   century.  * 

:..>t  ::  h:i  fo^o'.vers  rejiiei  :r-  Ma.-} 

.    _   :   :-t   Jarilzna.     They   rec--:ar:y  orgs 

r     .  -:  -iir  D:ver.  De'.aAare.  and  the  "Ea 

»^  '  ;  .-.zai-uarters.     By  the  c.-.i  of  the 

%~  .  :  -'.:  :n:n:anence  of  the  Divine  Spirit. 

::—*"•  i^r   r-.tes  to  be  much   hke    those  o: 

:_.■■    :,"   t~£  !a:ter  50C:etj\  and   were  grad 

"•-.      -irt  !■:  r-ain  that  they  dechned  to 

.    .  :-'.-  ■■•;7i  ci7?  ar.i  the  nten  hats,  o 

:.-.z  -tir'.y  white.     Xiclij^ls  was  the 

■c  ::e  Mary:and  b:rder  to  preach  ag 


rr.j    ar.d  ncphc-.v  and   namesak 

Brrr.  5^:0.   ■  JwW'*   S.  1740.    '. 

"-::\::    u.  17c-   .  :?.r.d  \:\td  in 

...a.«..>  i,,i.      l.-.ere  :s  a  not:£ 

\-hr.   Churchman.    .  Friends'   .M: 


•:*  i.  :"->  and  Martha,  daughter  of  H 
•  ".-  .-7  Martha  Burr  was  the  yoiing:er  > 
,■  -.;  -  ;i  San.ue:  \Voo*nia:i.  Reuben  II J 
.  :  :,:;:•:  nrs:  c:'-.:>:::>.  tlicir  moihcrs  b 
•,-».   .^i  -A-i^'-v.  married  Timothv  Matlack 


APPENDIX  555 

1752)  and  became  the  mother  of  the  famous  "Fighting  Quaker", 
Timothy  Matladc,  II.  of  Revolutionary  fame.  There  was  a  further 
relationship,  for  Josiah  Haines  was  a  grandson  of  the  immigrant 
ancestor,  Richard  Haines,  who,  with  his  wife  Margaret,  came  from 
Aynhoe,  Northamptonshire,  England,  in  1682  and  died  at  sea,  follow- 
ing his  son  John,  who  had  accompanied  John  and  Ann  Borton  from 
the  same  place  to  America  1679  and  who  married  their  daughter, 
Esther,  in  1684.  Esther's  sister  Elizabeth  married  John  Woolman,' 
another  neighbor  in  England,  in  the  same  year  (1684)  and  they  be- 
aune  the  grandparents  of  John  Woolman,  the  preacher.  There  are 
notices  of  John  Haines  (Vol.  29,  268,)  and  of  his  wife,  Esther,  (Vol. 
38,  339)  in  "The  Friend"  Phila.  He  "was  an  appointed  elder  and  a 
zealous  man."  Another  complication  for  the  genealogist  lies  in  the 
fact  of  the  marriage  of  another  sister  of  Elizabeth  and  Martha  Burr, 
to  Caleb  Haines,  brother  to  Josiah  Haines.  Caleb  Haines  and  Sarah 
Burr  were  married  in  9mo.  1719.  In  the  above  brief  family  history 
is  found  an  excellent  example  of  the  marriage  intricacies  of  the  old 
Quaker — and  in  fact  many  other — ^immigrant  settlers  in  the  new 
country  of  America.  Caleb  and  Sarah  Haines  removed  from  Had- 
donfield  to  Burlington  Monthly  meeting  i2mo.  (February)  11,  1744, 
with  two  daughters,  Elizabeth  and  Patience. 

Reuben  Haines  (called  "The  Elder")  born  imo.  (March)  i'*, 
1728,  lived  in  Philadelphia,  where  he  inherited  the  brewhouse  at 
Fourth  and  Market  Streets  from  his  step-father,  Timothy  Matlack. 
He  lived  on  the  north  side  of  High  (as  Market  street  was  then 
called),  just  below  Fourth.  He  married  Margaret,  daughter  of  Caspar 
and  Catharine  (Jansen-Johnson)  Wistar,  4mo.  24.  1760.  Margaret 
Wistar  Haines  inherited  the  beautiful  old  house,  still  the  pride  of  Ger- 
mantown,  known  as  "Wyck,"  which  is  yet  in  possession  of  the  family. 
Reuben  Haines  was  a  good  business  man,  as  well  as  a  pillar  of  the 
church,  although  he  was  not  a  preacher,  but  served  many  years  as  an 
elder.  Their  town  house  was  a  centre  of  Quaker  hospitality,  and 
always  the  home  of  John  Woolman  when  he  was  in  Philadelphia.  He 
appears  to  have  been  Woolman's  financial  adviser.  He  died  in  the 
dreadful  year  of  1793,  (September)  a  victim  to  his  heroic  efforts  to 
relieve  the  yellow  fever  plague.  [Information  from  Reuben  Ilaines, 
and  Caspar  W.  Haines,  of  "Wyck,"  Germantown,  &c.] 

51A 

Margaret  Wistar  Haines  (1729-1793) 

Born,  imo.  (Mar.)  26,  1729.  Daughter  of  Caspar  and  Catherine 
Wistar  of  Germantown.  She  was  an  elder  of  Market  street  meeting. 
Possessed  of  singular  energy  and  efficiency,  able  to  attend  to  many 


556  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

things  at  once,  her  capabilities  seemed  to  be  developed  by  grace, 
discovered  almost  by  intuition  cases  of  suffering  and  need,  and  her 
benevolence  knew  no  distinction  of  class.  She  was  sympathetic 
able  to  provide  for  the  wants  of  her  friends  less  amply  endowed 
material  comforts  than  herself,  and  especially  for  Friends  travclii 
in  the  ministry.  Her  delicacy  of  bestowal  was  as  great  as  her  ability 
to  provide. 

When  the  awful  outbreak  of  yellow  fever  occurred  in  the  autumn 
of  1793,  she  and  her  husband  gave  themselves  unreservedly  to  the 
relief  of  the  suffering,  and  both  fell  victims  of  the  disease.  She 
lomo.  3rd.  and  her  ven,'  intimate  friend,  Rebecca  Jones  wr 
to  her  children  Caspar  and  Catherine  Haines,  on  the  raoming  of  her 
death,  only  three  weeks  after  that  of  their  father: 

"I  hear  that  all  is  well  over  with  your  dear  parent  and  my  troljf 
precious  friend.  My  sympathy  is  renewed  with  you,  who  feel 
my  own  children.  You  will,  I  trust,  be  helped  now,  in  the  nee 
hour,  and  if,  by  my  coming  down,  I  could  render  you  any  mate 
service,  I  would  run  all  risks.  Don't  think  at  all  about  me;  the 
hath  helped  hitherto,  and  I  bless  His  holy  name."  Only  a  few  days 
later,  R.  Jones  herself  was  struggling  for  her  life,  which  was  spare»l 
("Testimonials".  Memoir  of  Thomas  Scattergood,  Fr'ds.  Libr 
VIII,  p.  570 

52 

Caleb  Carr,  (1719-1783) 

Born  11010.   (January)  4  1719/20,  at  Egg  Harbor.  New  Je 
son  of  Job  and  Hannah  Carr,  of  Long  Island.     Job  Carr  was 
grandson  of  Caleb  Carr,  (1624-1695)  famous  Governor  of  the  Cok 
of  Rhode  Island,  who  died  in  office.     The  Governor's  son  San 
removed  to  Long  Island,  where  his  son  Job  was  born,     Caleb 
married  first  Sarah  Kidgway   (died  1762)   at  Mount  Holly,  N.  J^ 
1746.     He  married,  2nd.  Rebecca  Bishop.     He  died  in  Mount  H<3 
gmo.  II,  1783,  and  the  burial   record  of  the  meeting  states  that 
grave  was  made  "on  the  North  side  of  his  daughter,  Rebecca  Winiu 
The  diary  of  Clements  Willetts  claims  him  as  "cousin." 

(Diary  of  Clements  Willetts  of  Islip,  L.  I.  "Frds'  Miscel.  V.  3J 


S3 

John  Bispham  Sr.  (1734-1791) 

Son  of  Benjamin  and  Sarah  [Backhouse]  Bispham,  and  grandson 
of  Joseph  and  Hannah  (Huhbersty)  Bispham,  of  Lancashire,  Eng- 
land.    The  wife  of  Benjamin  Bispham  was  the  daughter  of  Jdin 


APPENDIX 


557 


Backhouse  of  Hildcrstonc,  Lancashire^  and  came  of  a  distinguished 
Quaker  family.  Benjamin  and  Joshua,  sons  of  Joseph  Bispham, 
came  to  America,  the  former  in  the  year  1734,  bringing  with  him  his 
wife  and  two  sons,  Joseph  and  John.  A  third  son,  Thomas,  between 
these  in  age,  was  left  behind  in  England  with  his  grandparents,  be- 
cause of  delicate  health.  He  recovered  and  followed  his  family 
later. 

John  Bispham  was  but  two  months  old  when  brought  to  America, 
having  been  born  at  Bickerstaffe,  March  31,  1734.  I^lis  father  settled 
first  in  Chester,  Pa.,  and  after  one  or  two  other  removes,  finally 
bought  large  tracts  of  land,  and  in  1743  became  a  resident  of  Mount 
Holly,  New  Jersey,  where  he  passed  the  remainder  of  his  life.  His 
death  occurred  in  1763.  His  wife  inherited  considerable  property 
from  her  father,  and  doubtless  aided  in  the  purchases  in  that  prov- 
ince. John  Bispham,  at  the  age  of  twenty  one,  married  (1755)  Mar- 
garet, daughter  of  Patrick  Reynolds,  of  Mount  Holly,  whose  father, 
Sir  Patrick  Reynolds,  a  wealthy  linen  manufacturer  of  Ireland,  had 
been  Lord  Mayor  of  Dublin.  The  son  acquired  a  large  landed  prop- 
erty in  Burlington  County,  New  Jersey.  John  and  Margaret  had  ten 
children.  The  family  possessions  which  he  inherited  were  largely 
increased  by  the  high  state  of  cultivation  in  which  he  kept  his  fanns, 
on  which  much  timber  was  cut,  and  many  hides  were  tanned  every 
year.  He  was  a  consistent  Friend,  and  a  minister  much  respected 
at  home  and  abroad.  During  the  latter  part  of  his  life  he  lived  in 
the  house  originally  occupied  by  his  father-in-law,  Patrick  Reynolds, 
who  had  bought  it  in  1736  from  Thomas  Shinn,  High  Sheriff  of  the 
County  of  Burlington.  The  land  bought  had  formed  part  of  a  lot  of 
180  acres  surveyed  to  Nathaniel  Cripps  about  1730,  and  the  house  is 
supposed  to  have  been  built  about  that  time.  At  Patrick  Reynolds' 
death  the  property  was  sold  by  Thomas  Reynolds,  (his  son)  and  John 
Bispham,  his  Executors,  to  John  Woohnan,  April  23,  1762,  and  by 
John  W'oolman  sold  back  on  the  next  day  to  Thomas  Reynolds,  to 
dear  the  title.  The  house,  after  one  or  two  transfers,  was  finally 
purchased  by  John  Bispham,  April  1st.  1780,  for  £500,  and  still 
remains  in  the  family. 

John  Bispham's  wife  Margaret  Bispham  wrote  "Instructions"  to 
her  daughters  (published  in  1835  in  Comly's  "Miscellany"  Vol.  vii, 
Phila.)     She  died  "20  of  gmo.  1783". 

John  Bispham's  death  occurred  8mo.  4.  1791,  and  his  burial  is 
recorded  in  the  Friends'  ground  on  Garden  St.  Mount  Holly,  "in  the 
Third  Row,  No.  12,  North  side  of  his  Wife." 

A  handsome  silver  can  made  in  1665  and  brought  over  from 
land  by  Benjamin  Bispham  in  1734,  is  still  in  the  family. 


SS8  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

54 
Thomas  Middleton  (1710-1803) 

Son  of  John  Middleton  (born  in  England,  1686:  died  at  Ooor 
wicks,  N.  J.  imo.  (March)  25,  1741)  and  his  wife,  Esther  (daughter 
of  Thomas  and  Esther  Gilberthorpe)  born  i2mo.  (February)  3,  1684: 
died  4mo.  (June)  27,  1759). 

Thomas  Middleton  was  bom  near  Crosswicks,  iimo.  8,  1710,  and 
married  at  Shrewsbury  Meeting,  N.  J.  iimo.  (January)  15,  1735. 
Patience,  daughter  of  Samuel  and  Patience  Tilton.  They  settled  on 
the  farm  of  his  father,  John  Middleton,  and  had  twelve  childrea 
Patience  Middleton,  his  wife,  died  5mo.  18,  177^,  at  the  age  of  six^ 
one.  Two  years  later,  Thomas  Middleton,  who  had  lost  his  eyesight, 
married  for  the  second  time,  i2mo.  1780,  Mercy,  widow  of  Matthew 
Forsythe.  She  led  him  through  the  meeting  at  both  ceremonies,  die 
"passing"  and  the  marriage,  as  was  then  necessary.  Thomas  Middk- 
ton  died  pmo.  21,  1803,  at  the  advanced  age  of  ninety  three  yean, 
having  been  a  preacher  recorded  for  forty  seven  years,  and  traveling 
about  on  his  tours  long  after  he  became  totally  blind. 

The  house  in  which  Thomas  Middleton  lived  is  still  standing,  in 
excellent  repair,  and  owned  by  his  descendants,  near  Crosswidcs. 
One  of  those  has  kindly  furnished  the  following  notes :  "Near  the 
kitohon  dot^r  is  the  old  brick  smoke-house,  where  the  hams  and  bacon 
wore  smoked  and  kept  during  the  summer,  and  used  as  wanted.  John 
W'oolnun  h.ul  proKibly  seen  the  negro  man  getting  some  of  it  down 
from  the  be.ini  for  sr.pper.  In  the  meadow  behind  the  house  is  1 
stro.un  ot  w.itcr  known  .\s  "Doctor's  Creek."  which  is  crossed  by  a 
lv>j:  ill  iioir.j;  :o  .w.vl  fro  :o  ca'.l  on  the  neighbors.  Often  in  time  of 
>;»^v:u  :i  o\er::vn\s  :>  V.iv.ks,  .vr.d  Vecomes  dangerous."  He  adds. 
"■r;,i\:r.j;  e.iicv.  ux^  V.c.ir::'y  o:  the  o".d  bacon  for  supper,  and  partaken 
•.:ce'.y  of  stTo::,;;  :c.».  tV.ere  \v.\s  a::  a::ack  of  indigestion  for  whidi 
Ve'.h.r/s  .;  l-.""o  .»■;": 'e  \\:v.skcy  was  taken  before  retiring,  causing  the 
■::,•••:'.  :o  kci-.^  V/.s>  w'v.'e  :V.e  Kdy  rested.  It  was  well  they  saw  only 
:o\es  .;■...*.  *.-.i:s'  Nv^  x*.>-.:r:  N.^:::  -.verc  tcniperute  Friends,  but  whiskey 
\x.;<  v..  •■.•.»  ■v..iv-i'    .1  \".    V.  c.^v.!":::  u^e  a:  that  time,  and  much  later." 


•.;....    ......    .-^.     >.•,-:;■.: -as  ar.d  Manha  Xeale.    When 

■»■•.».>>  \  ■  -  ■  :  .  J.  »,\  .v.-.  >  fat'-cr  cr-.i^ated  to  America,  leav- 
•.".i:  :■  s  .- •  .i  i- -.  ^s:  •  -,•  -  ••.  :.*  Sc  >?,-.:*:>.:  up  -n  Ireland  by  relatives. 
Ni.v..."  \.;.\.'  j;  ,«  ,  .-  a  : -.■..*:■.•::.:■.  y.*-;^  =i*n,  who  became  a  power- 


APPENDIX  559 

ful  and  well-known  preacher  among  Friends,  and  in  1756  while 
resident  at  Rathangan,  County  Kildare,  he  married  a  very  promi- 
nent woman  Friend  also  a  minister,  Mary  Peisley.  They  were  both 
;  diligent  in  their  calling,  and  visited  most  of  the  churches  in  the 
three  kingdoms  as  well  as  in  America.    Samuel  Neale  died  in  1792. 

56 
John  Head  (1723-1792) 

Born  in  Philadelphia,  lomo.  20  1723.  Son  of  John  and  Rebecca 
(Macy)  Head,  who  came  from  Bury  St.  Edmunds,  Suffolk,  Eng., 
in  1717.  They  landed  in  Philadelphia  and  for  some  time  formed  a 
part  of  the  colony  living  in  the  caves  on  the  banks  of  the  Delaware. 
J<^n  was  one  of  two  children  which  John  and  Rebecca  Head  carried 
ashore  in  a  tub  between  them!  John  Head  became  one  of  the 
largest  merchants  in  the  colonies,  and  sent  his  ships  to  many  foreign 
lands.  He  was  three  times  married.  His  first  wife  was  Mary  Hud- 
son, whom  he  married  2mo.  (April)  15.  1746.  She  died  Tmo.  16, 
1757.  He  married,  secondly,  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Samuel  and 
Susanna  Hastings,  iimo.  20,  1759.  She  died,  2mo.  2  1770.  His  third 
wife  was  Margaret,  widow  of  Isaac  Atwood,  and  daughter  of  Joseph 
and  Elizabeth  White,  of  North  Carolina.  They  were  married  6mo. 
9»  1774-    She  died  lomo.  22,  1783. 

John  Head  survived  all  his  wives,  and  died  at  the  age  of  sixty 
nine,  2mo.  21,  1792,  at  his  residence  on  the  east  side  of  Second  St. 
Philadelphia,  between  Market  and  Mulberry,  (now  Arch)  streets, 
nearly  opposite  Christ  Church. 

[George  Vaux;  Family  Memoranda.] 

57 
William  Home  (1714-1772) 

Son  of  Edward  and  Elizabeth  (Scrase)  Home,  the  latter  a 
minister;  bom  at  Horsham,  Sussex,  England,  1714.  Emigrated  with 
parents  arriving  in  Philadelphia  in  1724.  Removed  to  Darbj,  Pa., 
1736  and  married  soon  after,  Elizabeth  Davis.  In  1746  he  became 
a  preacher,  and  traveled  in  that  service  in  1752  to  New  England. 
In  1763  he  went  to  Great  Britain,  where  he  remained  over  a  year, 
returning  at  the  close  of  1764.  He  visited  most  of  the  meetings  in 
the  middle  colonies,  Maryland  and  Virginia.  His  house  was  a  place 
of  entertainment  for  all  traveling  Friends,  and  a  hospitable  home. 
He  died  iimo.  11,  1772,  at  the  age  of  fifty  nine,  having  been  a  min- 
ister for  twenty  six  years.  The  grandparents  of  Wm.  Home  were 
Thomas  (d.  2mo.  (Apr.).  27,  17 18)  and  Susanna  Home  (d.  i2mo. 
(Feb.)  I.  1733-4)  oi  Sussex.     Edward  was  one  of  ten  children. 


S6o  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

("Collection  of  Memorials."  p.  317.  Testimony  of  Darby,  MJlj 
Gilbert  Cope.) 

58 
Daniel  Mildred  (1731-1783) 

Only   child   of   Thomas   Mildred,   a   wealthy   cutler    of   Loabil 
Daniel  Mildred  was  a  banker  of  White  Hart  Lane,   Gr 
Street,  and  also  a  ship  owner.     An  account  of  him  in  MS.  at  Deip 
shire  House,  London,  says  that  he  "was  charitable  to  the  poor.  1 
ready  contributor  to  benevolent  institutions." 

[Information  from  N.  Penney,  London,] 

58A 
John  Roberts  (1716-1782) 

Called  'The  Fourth".     Son  of  Axtell  Roberts,  d.    1726,  son  oL 
Danic!  Roberts,  d.  1726,  son  of  John  Roberts  "the  second"  d.  16 
who  was  the   famous  John  Roberts,  whose  Diary  is  an   irapor 
glimpse  into  Quaker  history  of  his  period. 

John  Roberts  IV,  removed  from  Cheshara,  Buckinghamshire,  to 
Bristol,  in  1748,  and  to  London  in  1761,  where  he  became  a  succe^ 
fuJ  merchant,  and  was  interested  in  trade  with  America. 

[Information  from  N.  Penney,  London.] 

59 
Sarah  Logan — (        -1797) 

Bom  in  England,  daughter  of  Doctor  Portsmouth-  Made  a  run- 
away match  in  1770  with  young  Doctor  William  Logan,  Jr.  (1747- 
1772)  son  of  William  [1718-1776]  and  Hannah  [1722-1777]  (Era- 
len)  Logan,  (married  1740)  and  grandson  of  Jaraes  L(^an  of 
Stenton.  William  Penn's  Secretary  in  Pennsylvania. 

William  Logan  Jr.  had  been  sent  abroad  to  complete  his  cdua- 
tion  and  to  study  medicine  under  the  celebrated  Doctor  Fothergill. 
He  was  graduated  in  medicine  at  Edinburgh,  and  made  a  hasty 
marriage  without  the  knowledge  of  either  family,  for  which  the 
acknowledgments  of  the  couple  to  Edinburgh  Monthly  Meeting  occur 
on  the  records,  for  4rao.  13,  1770.  Three  years  before,  he  had  been 
shipwrecked  on  the  way  to  London,  and  the  Friends  of  that  meeting 
gave  him  a  certificate  to  Edinburgh  iimo.  3,  1768.  (See  his  letter 
about  the  shipwreck,  Journal  of  Friends*  Hist.  Soc.  London,  Vol.  IX, 
86,  ff.)  Young  Doctor  Logan  returned  to  Philadelphia  with  his 
wife,  to  practice  surgcrj',  and  Dr.  Fothergill  wrote  of  him  to  his 
father,  "that  with  great  sensibilit>*.  he  was  too  prcsuraptious ;  thought 
himself  equal  to  any  difficult>',  and  required  still  to  be  managed  wtA 
great  prudence  and  parental  authority."     He  died,  however,  withifl 


APPENDIX 


S6l 


a  year  after  his  arrival,  January  7.  1772,  at  the  early  age  of  twenty 
five,  leaving  his  widow  with  an  infant  son  named  William  Ports- 
mouth Logan.  The  child  was  left  for  some  time  to  be  brought  up 
by  his  grandparents  Logan,  and  the  mother  returned  in  the  following 
spring  to  her  home  in  England,  in  the  same  vessel  in  which  sailed 
the  group  of  Friends  who  were  intimate  with  William  Logan,  Senior, 
one  of  whom  was  John  Woolman. 

Some  years  later,  William  Portsmouth  Logan  was  sent  over  to 
England.  He  lived  at  Plaistow,  Essex,  and  died,  unmarried,  before 
his  mother,  whose  death  occurred  in  March,  1797.  Elizabeth  Drinker, 
("Journal",  p.  258)  under  date  Februarj'  2.  1795  writes,  "S.  Emlen 
had  a  letter  from  London  giving  an  account  of  the  death  of  Wm. 
Logan,  grandnephew  of  our  James  Logan."  An  obituary  appeared 
in  the  "Penna.  Gazette." 

60 
John  Till  Adams,  M.D.  (        -1786) 

A  talented  young  Quaker  physician  of  Bristol,  England,  whose 
"early  and  much-lamented  death"  was  such  as  to  call  forth  several 
"Elegies"  and  stanzas  by  one  or  two  of  his  intimates.  One  of  these, 
anonymously  published,  w^as  entitled,  "An  Elegy,  sacred  to  the  Mem- 
"ory  of  that  Patron  of  virtue,  the  truly  admired  and  pious  John  Till 
"Adams,  M.D.  of  Bristol,  whose  Heaven-born  soul,  leaving  its  Earthly 
"shrine,  fled  to  its  native  Home  and  was  received  to  Rest  on  Mon- 
"day,  the  20th.  day  of  February,  one  hour  P.  M,  or  Afternoon 
(1786)/' 

(Joseph  Smith;  Catalogue  of  Friends'  Books,  Vol.  L  p.  3.) 

An  elaborate  monument  was  erected  to  his  memory  in  Bristol, 
England. 

(The  Tills  of  Whitgreave,  Staffordshire,  were  a  very  old  family. 
William  Till,  son  of  John,  came  to  Pennsylvania  in  1700,  became 
prominent  in  the  history  of  the  colony  and  was  Mayor  of  Philadel- 
phia in  1742,  He  married  Ann  Weeden  in  1703  j  died  171 1,  John 
Till  was  the  first  of  the  family  to  join  the  Quakers,  and  was  sixth  in 
descent  from  Hugh  Tyll  of  the  parish  of  St.  Mary's,  Staffordshire, 
They  were  known  as  "The  Tills  of  Whitgreave.'"  Hugh  Tyll  died  in 
1552.  William  Till  was  a  warden  of  Christ  Church,  Phil',  in  1739. 
[Howard  Williams  Lloyd.  "Lloyd  MSS."  19.  "Ancestry 
of  Rosalie  Morris  Johnson.'*] 

6[ 
James  Reynolds. 

The  identity  of  this  James  Reynolds  is  not  clearly  established. 
In  all  probability,  he  was  a  brother-in-law  or  possibly  nephew,  of 


S62  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

John  Bispham,  the  lattcr's  wife  havii^  been  Margaret,  daughter  of 
Patrick  Re>iiolds,  and  who  became  a  Friend.  Her  family,  of  course, 
were  members  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  the  records  have  not 
yet  revealed  the  identity  of  this  James. 

One  of  the  wardens  of  Christ  Church  in  Philadelphia,  in  1778 
was  James  Rej-nolds.  A  James  Reynolds  of  Monmouth,  N.  J.,  mar- 
ried June  23,  1729,  Rebecca  Parent,  of  the  same  place.  (N.  J. 
Archives,  ist.  Ser.  XXII,  321.)  A  James  Reynolds  and  Judith 
Rieblcr,  or  Replier,  were  married  February  16,  1762,  at  the  Lutheran 
Church  of  St.  Michael's  and  Zion,  in  Philadelphia. 

62 

Sarah  Morris  (1703-1775) 

Daughter  of  Anthony  and  Elizabeth  Morris,  of  Philadelphia. 
Bom  in  1703.  When  she  i**as  seventeen,  her  father  on  his  deathbed 
said  of  her  that  **she  never  had  disobeyed  him,  and  was  his  Comfort" 
Her  first  religious  tour  was  made  with  Margaret  Ellis  as  companioa 
In  1764  accompanied  by  Jo>xe.  wife  of  Anthony  Benezet,  and  Eliza- 
beth Smith,  the  maiden  sister  of  Samuel  and  John  Smith,  of  Bur- 
lington, N.  J.,  she  went  on  a  religious  visit  to  Xew  Finland.  Her 
nx)ther  received  her  close  attention  to  the  advanced  age  of  ninety 
four  years.  After  her  death,  Sarah  Morris,  accompanied  by  her 
niece,  Deborah  Morris,  sailed  with  a  Minute  from  her  meeting  for 
service  in  England,  setting  out  from  Philadelphia  for  London  in  the 
spring  of  1772.  shonly  before  John  Woolman.  They  attended  the 
same  Yearly  Meeting  of  that  year,  and  Sarah  Morris  and  her  niece 
were  also  at  the  following  one,  after  which  she  returned  home  in 
the  autumn  of  1773.  Several  other  Friends  from  Great  Britaio 
crossed  with  them  on  the  return  voyage.  She  accompanied  Mary 
Leaver  and  Elizabeth  Robinson  in  some  family  visits  in  Philadelphia 
in  the  winter  of  1773-4.  ^^^  ^^as  at  Xew  York  Yearly  meetii^f  in 
the  spring. 

Sarah  Morris  was  stricken  with  dropsy,  and  was  carried  to  her 
last  meeting  in  Ph:!adc!'jhia.  6mo.  4.  1775.  She  died  lomo.  24,  1775, 
asred  seventy  two  years,  having  been  a  recc^nized  minister  for 
thirty  one. 

[Testirr-ony  of   rhi:aJ.c!-!'.ia  Monthly  Meeting.   "Coll.  of  Me- 
iv.oriu'.s. "  V.  ^14.     Friends*  Librarj-.  vi.  478-80.] 

63 

T'homas  Thornboroui;h  ^^         -17^7"^- 

Son  ox  Thomas  Thorr.borough.  of  Xew  Garden,  X.  C.    Accom- 
id  William  Hunt  to  England  in  1771,  and  the  latter  wrote  Thomas 


APPENDIX 


563 


Thornborough,  Senior;  from  York,  under  date,  "6mo.  27,  1771/* 
*'As  to  thy  son,  let  it  suffice  he  is  well  in  the  Seed;  we  travel  in  true 
unity  and  perfect  harmony."  Thomas  Thornborough,  Jr.,  was  Wil- 
liam Hunt's  nephew,  of  whom,  however,  he  sometimes  speaks  in  his 
letters  as  "cousin," 

Thomas  Thornborough,  Jr.,  died  of  smallpox  while  in  Pennsyl- 
vania on  his  return  from  a  second  religious  visit  to  Europe,  before 
reaching  his  own  home,  in  1787. 

[Life,  William  Hunt,  pp.  103,  134.] 

64 

John  Townsend  (1725-1801) 

Of  London,  pewterer.  He  was  a  modest  but  respected  Friend^ 
and  acceptable  preacher,  who  made,  apparently  without  scruple, 
"Guinea  basins"  for  the  African  slave  trade,  and  for  t!ie  army  and 
navy,  reasoning  that  these  people  all  had  to  be  fed.  The  basins 
received  their  name  from  the  Guinea  coast,  whence  came  the  trade 
in  negroes.  One  of  John  Townsend's  Quaker  apprentices  refused  to 
make  these  basins. 

His  hrst  visit  to  America  was  not  undertaken  until  after  the 
death  of  John  Woolman,  when  he  mentions  making  a  visit  to  "the 
widow  Woolman."  He  came  in  company  with  Thomas  CoUey  and 
John  Storer,  the  first  Friends  to  cross  the  ocean  on  religious  visits 
in  an  interval  of  ten  years  after  the  American  Revolution.  He  was 
very  short  of  stature,  and  his  friend,  Thomas  Colley,  was  very  tall. 
They  furnished  together  some  amusement  to  the  sailors  of  their 
vessel  on  that  account.  John  Townsend's  red -spotted  handkerchief, 
worn  about  his  neck,  has  gone  down  on  record  as  a  great  burden  on 
the  minds  of  his  American  Friends.  Jacob  Lindley,  at  Chesterfield 
M.  M.  in  1st  mo.  1785,  preached  in  a  marked  manner  against  the  use 
by  Friends  of  carved  silver  buckles,  and  red-spotted  hatidkerduefs, 
(See  Journal  of  John  Hunt,  Fr'ds'  Miscel.  X.  238.)  When  John 
Townsend  was  in  Philadelphia,  John  Hunt  wrote  him  from  Evesham, 
N.  J.,  3mo.  25,  17S6,  in  a  letter  quoted  by  himself  in  his  diary: 
"There  are  many  well-concerned  Friends  in  our  parts,  and  up  and 
down  on  our  continent,  that  do  think  that  wearing  of  such  a  Red- 
spotted  Handkerchief  will  take  the  edge  off  and  lessen  the  weight  of 
tliy  testimony  &  peculiar  service  respecting  the  libertine  appearance 
of  our  youth."  'T  have  been  very  long  pained  to  see  these  spotted 
handkerchiefs  so  much  tolerated  amongst  ministers  and  elders.  .  .  . 
I  have  observed  that  a  red-spotted  handkerchief  is  one  of  the  first 
things  that  our  children  begin  to  crave  and  tease  their  parents  for," 
and  John  Hunt  adds  that  one  of  his  own  boys  had  wanted  one! 


564  THE  JOURN.\L  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


John  Townsead's  house  was  a  ^ttpptng  phcc  for  wamaf  Fnodi 
in  Londoo.    He  dkd  at  the  age  of  serentj  six  in  1801. 

(See  '^eoc^iectioiis  of   Spitalfidds,**  by  Theodore  ( 
1908;  and  "The  British  Friend,"  for  1874.) 

65 
John  HasUm  (1690-1773) 

of  Handswonh  Woodbouse,  Yorkshire  Bom  1690,  died  177s* 
the  age  of  eighty  three.  A  preacher  for  6ftj  seven  years.  In  ooo- 
pany  with  Edmund  Peckover,  Samuel  Hopwood,  Eleazar  ShddoB 
and  Christopher  Wilson,  he  came  to  America  00  a  reHgioos  risit  jSj 
1742^  and  going  hastily  from  New  York,  where  they  landed 
day  of  the  7th-  month"  (September),  thc>'  succeeded  in  reaching 
lington.  New  Jersey  in  time  for  the  Yearly  Meeting  then  just  bcgta 
Here  no  doubt  be  first  met  John  Woolman,  a  serious  youth  of  tweot) 
two,  not  yet  "recocnmended"  to  the  nunistry,  which  occurred  the  n<g_ 
year.  John  Haslam,  in  poor  healthy  was  unable  to  travel  south 
Edmund  Peckover,  who  went  direct  to  Maty  land;  but  retired  j 
Haddonfield,  where  he  made  his  home  during  the  following  wii 
with  Ellizabeth  Estaugh,  visiting  Friends  in  the  Jerseys  and  Penn- 
sylvania at  the  time  that  John  Estaugh  was  makii^  his  visit  to  T^ 
tola,  from  which  he  never  returned. 

John  Haslam  made  one  preaching  tour  on  the  continent  of  Eur 
and  two  visits  to  Ireland.  See  letter  of  John  Woolman  dated  _ 
the  home  of  John  Haslam,  1772.  (cL  "Piety  Promoted"  pt.  IX. 
Bowden,  Hist.  Fr'ds  in  Amer.  II.  p.  243.  Journal,  Fr'ds  Hist.  Soc 
London,  Vol.  I.) 

Daniel  Stanton  visited  John  Haslam  in  1749,  and  held  a  mcetini 
at  his  house.  "A  dear  Friend,"  he  writes,  "who  had  been  very 
acceptable  in  his  religious  visits  to  Friends  in  America,  and  had 
visited  the  churches,  to  the  great  comfort  of  the  faithful :  his  agree- 
able company  at  his  own  house  received  our  fresh  unit>'  in  pure  and 
lasting  Friendship"  &c.  [Friends*  Library  XII.  p.    159.] 

66 

Rachel  Wilson  (1722-1775) 

Daughter  of  John  and  Deborah  Wilson  of  Kendal;  for  many 
years  a  prominent  minister.  In  1742  she  married  Isaac  Wilson,  and 
later  visited  America,  arriving  in  November,  1768.  "She  was  re- 
markably interesting  and  eloquent,  and  much  admired  by  people  of 
all  classes."  She  attended  Philadelphia  Yearly  Meeting  in  the 
autumn  of  1769,  and  during  a  sermon,  when  about  to  speak  of  her 
own  services,  she  suddenly  changed  and  addressed  herself  directly  W 


APPENDIX 


S6S 


John  Woolman,  who  was  then  under  deep  trial  in  regard  to  his  visit 
to    the    West    Indies.     (See   the   Journal,    Chapter    X).     "She    ad- 
,  dressed  him  with  much  sympathy,  and  ardently  wished  the  good  hand 
i  might  be  with  him,  and  enable  him  to  divide  the  word  aright,  to  the 
j  honour  of  the  great  name,  the  comfort  of  those  among  whom  he  had 
to  labour,  and  his  own  everlasting  peace.    And  for  his  encourage- 
ment, she  testified  that  as  she  had  herself  steadily  eyed  her  Master 
from  day  to  day,  she  had  been  in  no  lack  of  anj-thing,  but  he  had 
been  altogether   sufficient."     (Anecdotes  of   R.  W.   "Frds'   Miscel." 

VOL   220.) 

Sarah  Rhoads  wrote  her  father  Israel  Pemberton,  from  New 
York,  5mo.  31,  1769,  that  "Friend  Wilson"  had  held  a  meeting  at 
Elizabethtown,  N.  J.  where,  the  parson  being  absent,  and  no  one 
having  authority  to  offer  her  the  "Worship  House"  she  held  a  large 
meeting  on  the  inn  porch.  "The  Sun  shone  very  Hott  &  the  People 
Restless,  &  noisy,  till  Rachel  Wilson  desired  ym  to  be  Still  &  Attend 
to  what  shee  Should  say,  which  in  some  measure  Silenced  them.  She 
was  led  to  speak  of  the  Great  Ignorance  &  Superstition  that  pre- 
vailed, reminding  them  of  Saul,  who  was  a  Pcrsicutor,  being  Mett 
with  &  becoming  a  Prophctt  ....  &  concluded  with  Prayer."  (Pem- 
berton  Papers.    Hist.  Soc.  of  Penna.  Vol.  20,  p.  30.) 

On  Rachel  Wilson's  departure  for  England,  John  Drinker  ad- 
dressed to  her  a  curious  poem  of  farewell,  ("Frds'  Miscel."  IV.  239), 
Samuel  Smith,  a  minister  of  Philadelphia,  in  1789  visited  John  Wil- 
son at  Kendal,  son  of  Isaac  and  Rachel.  "Took  tea  at  George  Braith- 
waite's,  whose  wife  is  a  sister  of  John  Wilson  and  much  resembles 
her  mother."  John  Woolman  had  the  highest  regard  for  both  mother 
and  son.  Rachel  Wilson  died  in  London,  in  1775.  (A.  C.  Thomas. 
"Bulletin",  Friends'  Hist.  Soc.  of  Phila.  VIII  p.  32  flf.  "The  Friend". 
Phil'  XX.  p.  108.) 

67 
Henry  Tuke  (1755-1814) 

Son  of  William  and  Elizabeth  (Hoyland)  Tuke  of  York,  England. 
He  was  educated  at  Sowerby,  near  Thirsk,  under  the  private  teach- 
ing of  a  Friend  named  Ellerby,  and  at  an  early  age  took  up  the  study 
of  medicine,  but  at  fifteen  his  father  needed  his  assistance  in  his 
business,  and  he  returned  to  York.  His  taste  for  classical  studies, 
however,  was  always  retained.  He  was  taken  into  partnership  with 
his  father  and  married  1781,  Mary  Maria  Scott,  daughter  of  Faville 
Scott,  of  Norwich, 

Henry  Tuke  was  an  author  of  some  note,  and  wrote  much  on  the 
history  and  doctrines  of  Friends,  his  "Principles  of  Religion"  hav- 
ing gone  into  many  editions  and  languages.     His  Works,  in  four 


L 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

9,  were  edited  with  a  prefatory  note,  by  Lindley  Murray,  ^ 

QtMlUiurian.  in  1815.  He  was  a  youth  of  seventeen  when  his  father 
ItCUt  him  out  to  meet  John  Woohnan  walking  into  York,  and  ^ide 
Him  to  his  hospitable  home.  What  impressions,  one  wonders»  were 
btft  on  the  mind  of  the  boy  ?    That  they  were  lasting,  we  know. 

T!»c  tie  between  Henry  and  his  father  was  particularly  beautil 
and  their  intimacy  lasted  throughout  the  son's  life,  who  was  the  first 
to  die.  He  writes  of  his  father  as  remarkable  for  his  simplicity  and 
Miii^uine  temperament.  The  son  was  a  minister  for  thirty  five  yean, 
of  A  very  liberal  mind,  and  very  fond  of  children.  He  happily 
blned  decision  of  character  with  unselfish  and  unwearied  zeal  for  I 
benefit  of  others,  and  enjoyed  social  intercourse  and  the  refinemcnis 
of  learning.  Henry  Tuke  died  at  York,  August  ilth.  1814,  in 
•ixticth  year  of  his  age. 

68 

William  Tuke  (1732-1822)     Esther  Tukc.  (1727-1794) 

Descendant  of  an  earlier  William  Tuke,  who  took  up  his  ciij 
freedom  in  1629,  and  was  later  imprisoned  in  York  as  a  Quaker. 
His  son  William  H  died  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Anne.  Samuel  Tukt. 
a  son  of  the  second  William,  was  father  of  the  subject  of  this  nolc 
The  Tuke  family  were  lea  merchants  for  several  generations. 

William  Tuke  was  born  March  24.  1732/3,  and  became  a  promi- 
nent Friend  of  York,  well  known  as  the  founder  of  the  •'Retreat" 
in  that  city,  in  1792,  an  institution  which  was  the  cause  of  a  complete 
revolution  in  the  treatment  of  the  insane.  The  Tukes  were  distin- 
guished for  "that  nobility  which  comes  from  natural  endowments, 
combined  with  the  refinements  of  culture  and  religion."  William 
Tuke  was  successful  in  liis  business,  and  lived  and  died  at  his  house 
in  Castlcgatc,  York. 

At  the  time  of  John  Woolman's  death,  the  Tukes  were  contem- 
plating the  establishment  of  a  school  for  girls,  a  work  in  which  the 
Friends  heartily  co-operated.  When  it  was  finally  opened  in  1784, 
Esther  Tuke  undertook  the  oversight  with  great  success.  It  was  dis- 
continued in  1814.  "The  Mount  School,"  established  at  Castlegate  in 
1831,  continues  its  useful  career  today,  under  care  of  the  Friends. 

William  Tuke  married,  first,  Elizabeth  Hoyland  of  Sheffield, 
daughter  of  John  Hoyland,  April  26.  1754.  They  had  five  children. 
She  died  August  30.  1760,  at  the  age  of  thirty  one.  Her  husband 
married  for  his  second  wife,  June  3rd.  1765,  Esther  Maud  daughter 
of  Timothy  Maud,  of  Bingley.  She  had  a  brother  William,  who  died 
in  Rhode  Island,  and  another,  Joseph,  who  was  for  some  lime  in 
Philadelphia,  and  probably  met  John  Woolman  there.     Joseph  had 


APPENDIX 


567 


been  a  suitor  for  the  hand  of  one  of  the  daughters  of  William  Hud- 
son, who  went  to  Pennsylvania  in  1750  from  the  neighborhood  of 
York,  England.  Joseph  died  at  the  Bay  of  Honduras.  William  and 
Esther  Tuke  had  three  children — two  daughters,  and  a  son  who  died 
young.  [See  Journal,  Sam'.  Smith  of  Phil',  "Frds'  Miscel.  ix.  130. J 
Rebecca  Jones  met  Esther  Tuke  in  London,  in  1784  when  a  close 
intimacy  sprang  up  between  them.  The  American  describes  her  as 
a  sort  of  "Princess",  and  she  remains  as  one  of  the  Queens  of 
Quakerism,  Her  memorial  is  the  York  School,  but  her  assiduity  in 
nursing  the  Quaker  saint  who  clung  to  her  nunistrations  in  his  dying 
hour,  has  given  her  a  place  in  Quaker  history  little  dreamed  of  at 
the  time.  She  wrote  various  pamphiels  and  "epistles"  to  her  towns- 
people, and  the  Friends  of  her  meeting.  Her  letters,  with  those  of 
her  husband,  are  the  sources  of  our  information  regarding  the  last 
days  of  John  Woolman.  She  died  at  York,  February  13,  1794, 
aged  sixty  seven  years. 

William  Tuke  survived  both  his  wives,  and  died  at  the  advanced 
age  of  ninety,  December  6,  1822.  His  biography  and  a  memorial 
by  York  Friends  have  been  published,  as  well  as  a  collection  of  his 
writings  on  the  abuses  then  existing  in  the  York  Asylum  for  the 
Insane, 

69 
Thomas  Priestman  (1736-1812) 

Born  1736,  son  of  John  and  Anne  Priestman  of  Thornton-le-Dale, 
near  Pickering,  Yorkshire.  His  father  was  a  tanner,  and  Thomas 
Priestman  came  to  York  in  1762  and  established  himself  in  the  same 
kind  of  business.  He  prospered  well,  and  soon  was  able  lo  purchase 
the  Almery  Garth  property,  which  consisted  of  house,  gardens  and 
an  extensive  tanyard  and  land.  The  purchase  was  made  in  1767, 
just  five  years  before  John  Woolman's  visit.  In  this  interval,  Thomas 
Priestman  married  lomo.  9.  1766,  Sarah  Proctor  of  Pallathrope  Hall, 
near  Tadcaster.  He  was  thirty  five  and  his  wife  younger,  when 
Woolman  came  to  them,  and  it  was  a  severe  trial  and  test  of  their 
patience  when  smallpox  appeared  in  their  household  of  young 
children. 

There  was  great  intimacy  between  tlie  Priestmans  and  the  Tukes. 
This  was  later  increased  by  the  marriage  of  William  Tuke,  Jr.  (1757- 
1835)1  eldest  son  of  William  Tuke,  to  Rachel  (1765-1848)  eldest 
daughter  of  Thomas  Priestman.  The  house  passed  eventually  to 
William  and  Rachel  Tuke.  Of  their  two  daughters,  Esther  and 
Sarah,  the  former  married  Thomas  Smith,  and  having  no  children, 
adopted  their  niece,  Jane  Riccarton.  Sarah  Priestman  married 
George    Riccarton,    whose    daughter    Gulietma    married    Alfred    H. 


568  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

Spcnce.    Jane,  the  unmarried  daughter,  adopted  by  her  aunt  Sn 
inlierited  Almery  Garth,  and  left  it  to  her  nephew,  son  of  her  ui 
Gulielnia  Spence,  the  late  Malcolm  Spence,  through  whose  courtc»7  , 
and  that  of  his  sister.  Miss  Ellen  Spence,  present  owner,  much  oft 
information  has  been  received. 

Thomas  Priestman  was  an  interesting  character,  with  strong 
likes  and  dislikes,  and  marked  prejudices.  He  objected  to  all  new* 
fangled  ways,  like  the  use  of  umbrellas  and  tea,  preferring  that  his 
sons  drink  home-brewed  ale.  He  was  sincere  and  simple,  with  a 
clear  and  strong  understanding,  though  lacking  culture  and  edu 
tion.  But  be  was  of  a  most  benevolent  and  disinterested  mind 
hated  pride,  ostentation  and  idleness.  Yet,  while  for  these  re 
he  allowed  little  visiting,  and  especially  discouraged  the  absence  * 
his  women  folk,  holding  that  wives  should  remain  in  the  home, 
house  and  heart  were  always  open  to  his  friends,  and  the  true 
of  hospitality  reigned.  Samuel  Tuke's  Testitnony  to  Thos,  Priest- 
man,  from  which  the  above  is  taken,  adds  that  before  his  death,  he 
became  remarkably  sweet  and  gentle.  He  was  an  elder  at  York 
meeting,  where  his  wife  was  an  acceptable  minister.  He  died  sud- 
denly of  apoplexy  at  Almery  Garth  in  April,  1812.  His  wife's  de 
had  occurred  sixteen  years  before,  i.e.  gmo.  6,  1796.  Some  of 
correspondence  has  been  preserved  and  is  very  interesting.  The 
Priestman  kept  a  Journal,  the  manuscript  of  which  is  now  in 
session  of  Mrs.  Joshua  Priestman,  of  Kent,  a  descendant.  To 
brother  the  late  Malcolm  Spence,  the  editor  is  indebted  for  a 
plete  set  of  photographs  from  that  portion  of  it  which  describes 
visit  of  John  Woolman.  A  small  facsimile  extract  from  it  has 
appeared  in  the  "Century"  edition  of  Woolman's  Journal.  (Headlcy 
Bros.  London.) 

(Information  in  private  letters  from  the   family.   &c   and  frocn 
Norman  Penney,  Devonshire  House,  London.) 

70 

Sarah  Tuke,  (afterwards  Grubb)    (1756-1790).  

Daughter  of  William  and  Elizabeth  Tuke.  She  is  the  yoSf 
woman  who  cared  for  John  Woolman  and  waited  on  hira  during  his 
last  illness.  She  was  born  in  York,  June  20,  1756.  On  her  mother's 
death  in  1760,  her  father  married  again,  in  1765,  Esther  Maud, 
between  whom  and  herself  there  was  always  great  love  and  under- 
standing. She  was  about  sixteen  when  John  Woolman  came  to  them, 
and  his  patient  saintliness  during  his  illness  did  not  fail  to  make  the 
same  lasting  impression  upon  htr  sensitive  mind  tliat  her  brother 
Henry  experienced  when  he  walked  with  him  along  the  Wenslc)'dale 


i 


APPENDIX 


S69 


road.    It  was  lo  her  that  Woolraan  said^  "My  child,  thou  seeraest  very 
kind  to  me,  a  poor  creature.    The  Lord  will  reward  thee  for  it." 

Sarah  Tuke  became  a  recommended  minister,  and  in  1782  mar- 
ried Robert  Grubb  of  Clonmel,  Ireland,  who  for  sometime  was  en- 
gaged in  business  in  York.  She  traveled  considerably  in  Great 
Britain  and  Europe,  and  died  at  thirty  four,  December  8,  1790,  while 
visiting  at  Cork,  Ireland,  where  she  was  buried. 

71 
John  Eliot  (1734-^813) 

Of  Bartholomew  Close,  London.  Third  in  succession  of  the 
name.  Son  of  John  Eliot  11,  and  Mariabella  [Farmborough]  Brig- 
gins.  The  first  John  had  married  for  his  second  wife,  Theophila 
daughter  of  the  well  known  Quaker  philanthropist  and  philosopher, 
John  Bellers.  The  Eliot  family  was  given  to  hospitality,  and  for 
several  generations  the  home  in  Bartholomew  Close  was  the  resort 
of  all  visiting  ministers  from  America. 

John  Eliot  III  had  not  been  a  plain  Friend.  He  was  living  a 
quiet  but  elegant  life  with  his  sister  Mariabella  in  1757,  when  he 
was  convinced  to  such  an  extent  of  the  doctrines  of  Quakerism  by 
the  preaching  of  William  Joyce,  during  a  visit  from  home,  that  he 
returned  to  discard  his  worldly  hat,  and  replace  it  with  a  Quaker 
broad  brim.  He  had  worn  a  flowing  white  wig,  and  the  buckles  of 
his  father,  and  carried  a  gold-headed  cane.  They  had  handsome 
family  plate  and  old  china,  but  like  most  people  not  of  the  old  aris- 
tocracy, they  dined  off  pewter,  which  of  its  kind,  was  handsome 
enough.  But  be  declined  to  pay  the  church  tithes,  like  most  of  the 
Friends,  and  suffered  in  consequence  from  distraints.  His  uncle 
Philip,  a  very  plain  Friend,  wrote  hira  while  absent  in  Cornwall,  in 
1759;  "All  is  well  at  Barth.  Close,  saving  that  y*  Collectors  of  y* 
Tythes  yesterday  took  all  your  Pewter  Plates  &  dishes  away,  so  that 
you'l  have  to  become  a  Custom'  of  John  Towiiscnd**  for  a  new  Sett." 
This  happened  several  times  after  he  was  married. 

John  Eliot  III  married  1762,  Mary  Weston,  (born  August,  1743) 
daughter  of  the  minister  of  that  name,  and  a  descendant  of  the 
famous  Lord  Weston,  of  the  time  of  Charles  I.  Her  father,  Daniel 
Weston,  was  not  living  at  the  time  of  the  marriage,  which  took  place 
at  her  mother's  house  at  Wandsworth,  Surrey,  August  4,  1762. 
Samuel  Emlen  was  stopping  at  their  house  in  December,  1767.  J. 
Eliot  was  in  Holland  as  a  minister  in  1770,  and  again  in  1788.  In 
the  former  year,  the  Eliots  built  a  new  house  in  Bartholomew  Close, 
and  it  was  here  that  they  entertained  Friends  in  1772.  There  was  an 
outbreak  of  small  pox  in  the  household  about  the  lime  that  John 


570 


fRNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


Woolman  arrived,  and  this  may  have  been  one  of  the  houses  where 
in  consequence,  he  declined  hospitality.  The  patients  recovetH 
and  they  rejoiced  "that  they  had  not  fallen  in  with  the  prevailing 
practice  of  inoculation."  They  gave  up  their  coach  and  horses  just 
before  this.  John  Eliot  III  died  January  lo,  1813,  at  the  age  oi 
seventy  seven,  his  wife  having  died  the  year  before. 
[Eliot  Papers.     By  Eliot  Howard.  2  Vols,   1893.] 

72 

Thomas  Ross  (1709-1786) 

Came  over  as  a  young  man  from  Tyrone,  Ireland  to  Wrights- 
town,  Bucks  Co.  P".  He  never  married.  He  was  a  sweet-spirited 
and  acceptable  minister  among  Friends,  and  traveled  somewhat  in 
religious  service  in  America  before  going  to  England  in  company 
with  Rebecca  Jones  and  her  party  in  1784.  He  remained  there  for 
two  years,  and  never  returned.  A  serious  fall  on  the  voyage,  oco- 
sioned  by  a  sudden  lurch  of  the  vessel,  injured  him  so  that  at  his 
advanced  age — he  was  then  seventy  seven — he  never  fully  recovered- 
He  was  ill  for  some  months  before  his  death,  which  occurred  at  the 
home  of  the  Graninurian,  Lindley  Murray,  "Holdgate,"  near  York, 
2mo.  13,  1786.  He  was  buried  three  days  later,  at  his  own  desire, 
beside  his  friend  and  countrj-man,  John  Woolman.  Rebecca  Jones 
and  George  Dillwyn  preached  at  his  funeral.  John  Pemberton  was 
in  England  at  the  time,  and  spent  some  days  with  him.  He  has  left  a 
memorandum  of  Thomas  Ross's  illness,  as  follows — 
John  Pemberton's  Accouni  of  Thomas  Ross,  of  Bucks  county,  wkn 
on  a  religious  visit  in  Engiattd,  1st  mo,  21st,  1786. 

Dear,  aged  Thomas  Ross  has,  indeed,  been  eminently  owned,  and 
favoured;  but,  for  four  months  past,  he  has  been  very  poorly,  and 
now  lies  at  Lindley  Murray's,  near  York,  afflicted  with  some  inward 
obstruction,  which  occasions  a  great  difficulty,  at  times,  in  his  breath- 
ing. It  rather  increases  upon  him,  and  may  gradually  wear  him 
away;  though,  at  times,  he  is  cheerful,  and  is  in  a  resigned  state  of 
mind.  He  sometimes  has  prospects  of  further  labour,  which  gives 
some  hope  or  expectation,  that  he  may  get  up  again ;  but  it  seems 
very  doubtful.  It  would  have  been  acceptable  to  me,  to  be  con- 
stantly with  him,  but  it  has  been  ordered  otherwise.  He  is  in  a 
sweet  disposition  of  mind.  No  care  is  wanting,  respecting  him;  he 
is  waited  on,  both  day  and  night ;  that  with  respect  to  suitable  accom- 
modation, and  tender  attendance,  he  is  full  as  well  off.  as  though  he 
had  been  at  home.  Many  have  dropped  off,  in  this  land ;  and  he  wai 
desirous  to  get  to  York,  so  that  if  he  was  removed,  his  remains 
e  near  dear  John  Woolman** 


APPENDIX 


571 


A  poem  to  his  memory  by  his  son  is  published  in  Fr'ds.  Mtscel. 
VI.  p.  185.  (Memorials  of  Rebecca  Jones  pp.  58-123.  Memorials  of 
Deceased  Friends,  Philadelphia,  1821.) 


7Z 

John  Hunt  (1740-1824) 

Son  of  Robert  Hunt,  Junior^  (Son  of  Robert  and  Elizabeth 
[Woolman,  Paine]  Hunt)  and  Abigail  Wood.  Born  at  Mansfield, 
New  Jersey.  1740.  His  father  and  John  Woolman  were  first  cousins, 
Elizabeth  Hunt  (afterward  Harvey)  having  been  the  sister  of  John's 
father,  Samuel  Woolman,  and  a  widow  when  she  married  Robert 
Hunt.  Their  grandson  John  became  a  minister,  and  resided  all 
his  life  as  member  of  Chesterfield  Meeting,  N.  J.  He  and  his 
neighbor  Joshua  Evans,  both  under  the  influence  of  John  Woolman, 
were  much  interested  in  the  aid  given  to  the  Indians  of  Edgepeltick 
and  Brotherton,  and  often  visited  the  reservations.  He  married 
Rebecca,  daughter  of  Henry  Warrington, 

John  Hunt  kept  a  very  interesting  diary,  extracts  from  which 
near  the  time  of  the  Revolution  are  published  in  "Friends'  Miscel- 
lany", Vol.  I,  p.  97.  William  Hunt,*  also  his  cousin,  was  an  intimate 
relative,  and  one  is  interested  in  think  of  John  Hunt,  his  father's 
half  brother,  Peter  Harvey,  and  his  cousins  William  Hunt  and  John 
Woolman,  all  being  eminent  ministers  in  their  day  and  generation. 

John  Hunt  died  gmo.  21,  1824  aged  84,  and  was  buried  at  Moorcs- 
town,  N.  J, 

74 

Thomas  Cor  by  n.  (c.  171 1-1791) 

Apprenticed  to  a  ''highly  respectable"  apothecary,  in  London,  and 
succeeded  to  the  business.  He  was  also  a  practical  gardener.  "The 
sternness  of  his  manner  veiled  a  heart  susceptible  to  the  kindest 
feelings.  .  .  .  His  line  appears  to  have  been  assisting  young  men  in 
their   first  efforts  to  establish   themselves  in   business.     He  used  to 

lend  small  sums  to  such His  losses  from  this  practice  were 

considerable."  (Robson  MSS.  in  Devonshire  House  Library.)  He 
was  an  Elder  in  the  meeting  in  London,  and  his  wife  Sarah  Corbyn 
(c  1 719-1790)  was  a  minister.  Their  second  daughter,  Sarah,  mar- 
ried Richard  Phillips,  a  well  known  h'riend.  (See  his  Life."  Jour- 
nal Friends'  Historical  Soc,  London.  Vol.  XV.  No.  i,  p.  14.) 

There  is  a  letter  from  Tho*.  Corbyn  to  Israel  Pemberton,  dated 
London,  4mo.  29.  1768.  in  PcmJierton  Papers,  Vol.  XX  p.  24,  His- 
torical Society  of  Pennsylvania. 


572  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


L  by  I 


7S 

Robert  Willis  (1713-1791) 

Son  of  Samuel  and  Hannah  (Pass)  Willis.  His  father  was  1 
Englishman,  but  his  mother  came  from  New  England  Their 
Robert  was  born  at  Elizabethlown,  East  Jersey,  where  his  parents 
were  attenders,  but  not  members  of  Friends'  meetings.  He  ma 
Jane  Carpenter,  Presbyterian,  but  both  soon  became  Quakers, 
died  in  1759.  Robert  Willis  had  been  brought  up  to  the  trade  of  a 
carpenter,  but  his  health  failing,  he  was  obliged  to  give  it  up,  and 
supported  himself  by  making  nets,  which  he  knitted  and  knotted  as 
he  traveled  about  on  his  preaching  tours.  He  went  to  England  in 
the  summer  of  1771,  and  mentions  lodging  in  York  at  the  home  oi 
William  Tuke,  "where,"  he  says,  "I  met  with  my  dear  countrymen. 
William  Hunt  and  Thomas  Thomburgh,  from  North  Carolina,  who 
landed  in  London  a  few  days  before.  The  sight  of  them  was  a  greal 
comfort  to  me."  **8mo.  8th:  I  met  William  Hunt  and  Thomas  Thorn- 
burgh,  we  having  agreed  at  York  to  travel  through  Scotland 
gether."  Robert  Willis  and  John  Woolman  both  speak  of  meeting 
the  Yearly  Meeting  in  London,  6mo.  1772.  R.  W.  remained  abi 
for  four  years  before  returning  home. 

The  rest  of  his  life  was  spent  in  traveling  about  among  his  friends 
in  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey,  always  engaged  in  making  his  nets 
many  of  which  were  bought  by  the  Quaker  housewives  for  holding 
vegetables  apart  while  boiling  with  the  meats  in  the  great  household 
kettles,  in  use  among  the  plain  folk  of  that  day.  Robert  Willis  has 
an  interesting  entry  under  date,  "6mo.  1783.  Mount  Holly.  H 
I  visited  th^  widow  and  family  of  our  late  worthy  Friend,  J 
Woolman,  and  was  glad  to  find  her  revived  from  a  low  droopl 
state  of  mind,  through  which  she  has  been  wading  for  several  yc: 
(Friends'  Misccl.  IX.  326.)  He  settled  for  a  time  in  1788  at  Ra 
cas,  at  Aaron  Wills',  and  visited  Friends*  families,  accompanied 
Samuel  Woolman  son  of  Abncr  and  Mar}'  Woolman  (nephew 
John),  and  Hannah  Bolton.  He  finally  died  at  Kaighn's  Point,  N( 
Jersey,  4mo.  15,  1791  at  the  age  of  seventy  eight 

(Friends'  Miscel.  Vol.  IX.  289) 

76 

John  Cheagle,  (or  Cheadle). 

A  headquarters  for  traveling  Friends,  near  Caroline,  Black  Crce 
Virginia.    Thomas  Chalkley  visited  there  and  held  a  meeting,  on 

b.  of  5mo.  1738.    His  letter  to  Friends  at  Opeckon,  M.M.,  is  dated 
day,  from  John  Cheagle's. 


APPENDIX 


573 


(See  Jour.  T.  C  2d.  ed.  Lond.  1751,  p.  308.)  Daniel  Stanton 
also  visited  J.  Cheagle,  in  1760.     [Friends'  Library,  .xii.  172.] 

17 

Michael  Lightfoot  (1683-1754) 

Emigrated  from  Ireland  to  New  Garden,  Pennsylvania  in  171 2, 
and  began  to  preach  at  the  age  of  forty  two.  Traveled  much  in  the 
ministry,  in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  and  had  a  reputation  for 
being  remarkably  clear  and  "inteiligible"  in  delivery.  He  traveled  in 
the  South  in  1753.  Married  Mary,  daughter  of  John  Newby,  of 
Dublin.  In  1743  he  came  to  Philadelphia,  making  his  home  with  his 
son  William  "Senior"  in  order  to  fill  the  office  of  Treasurer  of  the 
Province  of  Pennsylvania,  whose  duties,  Proud  says,  ("History  of 
Penna."  II,  332,)  he  "discharged  with  much  honour  and  integrity, 
for  eleven  years,  until  his  death,  at  the  age  of  seventy,  i2mo.  3,  1754." 
(Bowdcn,  "Hist.  Friends  in  America,"  II,  387.  "Collection  of  Me- 
morials",  &c.  p.    160.) 

Thomas  Lightfoot,  (1644-1725)  father  of  Michael,  came  to 
Chester  County,  Penna.  in  1716  at  an  advanced  age,  soon  after  the 
arrival  of  his  son  in  Amt-rica.  He  had  visited  Benjamin  Parvin  and 
Benjamin  Holme  when  they  were  imprisoned  together  for  their 
Quakerism,  at  Longford,  Ireland,  in  1713.  Proud  calls  him  "an  emi- 
nent minister  among  the  Quakers,  and  much  beloved  for  his  piety  and 
virtue."  ("History  of  Penna."  II,  188.)  Thomas  Chalkley  preached 
at  his  funeral  at  Darby  Penna.  "9nio.  1725",  and  writes  in  his  Jour- 
nal," (p.  163)  "The  meeting  was  the  largest  I  have  ever  seen  at  that 
place.  Our  dear  Friend  was  greatly  beloved  for  his  piety  and  virtue, 
his  sweet  disposition  and  lively  ministry.  The  Lord  was  with  him  in 
his  life  and  death,  and  us  at  his  burial/' 

Thomas  Lightfoot  11,  son  of  Michael,  married  Mary,  daughter  of 
Daniel  Smith  II  of  Burlington,  New  Jersey,  and  lived  in  Philadel- 
phia, They  had  no  children.  William  Lightfoot,  "Jr"  of  Pike- 
land,  who  accompanied  John  Wool  man  on  his  Indian  journey  as  far 
as  Betlilehem,  was  a  cousin  of  the  second  Thomas.  William  "senior" 
of  Phila.,  died  1772  at  the  home  of  his  cousin,  Thomas,  son  of  Samuel, 
at  Uwchlan,  Pa.  (A.  C.  Myers,  "Hannah  Logan's  Courtship",  340, 
note.  R.  M.  Smith  "The  Burlington  Smiths,"  pp.  100,  115.)  Sec 
Note  28. 

78 

Samuel  Nottingham  (1716-1787) 

Of     Wellingborough,     Northamptonshire,     England.       Began    to 
preach  at  twenty  three.    Came  to  America  in  1747,;  was  at  Newport 


S74         THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

13  of  41110.  1747,  With  a  Minute  from  his  home  meetiqff,  dated  u  oi 
laroo  1746/  and  at  New  York,  with  John  Woolman  In  1747.  Oi 
completion  of  his  American  visit,  the  Friends  of  Newport,  9*  d 
4mo.  1748k  "on  his  return  from  the  Westward",  gave  him  a  ceitifieile 
of  "acceptable  service."  He  went,  however,  to  Tortola,  where  k 
resided  for  some  years.  Thence  he  removed  to  Long  Island^  nl 
after  many  years  of  absence,  returned  to  Fjigland  in  1779.  He  idt 
visited  extensively  in  Ireland,  and  then  settled  in  the  d^  of  BriML 
The  original  certificate  for  his  removal  is  at  Devonshire  Houses  Los- 
don.  Eventually,  he  removed  to  his  native  town  of  WeUingbofooii^ 
where  he  died  in  1787. 

An  interesting  letter  is  quoted  in  Gumey's  'Winter  In  the  Wert 
Indies",  (Appendix.  A)  from  Samuel  and  Mary  Notdngfaam,  Ittt 
of  Long  Look"  Tortola,  giving  advice  to  their  liberated  slaves  on  tM 
Island. 

(Bowden:  "Hist  Friends  in  America",  II.  p.  344.  Joomll 
Friends'  Historical  Soc.,  London,  Vol.  XI.  June,  1913.) 

79 

John  Griffith  (1713-1776). 

A  native  of  Radnorshire,  South  Wales.  Son  of  John  and  Amj 
Griffith.  Emigrated  to  America  in  1726,  where  he  married  sad 
settled  at  Darby,  Pennsylvania.  Was  a  minister  for  forty  two  yean, 
and  traveled  much  in  that  service.  He  visited  England  and  was  cap- 
tured by  a  privateer  and  carried  into  Spain  and  France.  He  effected 
his  escape  and  returned  to  England  in  1748,  and  thence  home  to 
America  in  1750. 

The  next  year  he  was  again  in  England,  where  he  married  for 
his  second  wife,  Frances  Wyatt,  of  Chelmsford,  Essex,  where  be 
finally  settled.  In  the  autumn  of  1765  he  landed  again  in  Philadel- 
phia, attending  the  "great  meeting"  on  a  "First  day,  when  nearly,  if 
not  quite  fifteen  hundred  Friends"  were  present 

John  Griflith  died  at  Chelmsford,  6mo.  17,  1776,  at  the  age  of 
sixty  three,  leaving  a  very  full  Autobiography,  published  1779, 

(Howdcn,  "Hist.  Fr'ds'  in  America",  II.  291.  Journal,  Frds'  Hist 
Soc.  London,  Vol.  I.  p.  148.) 

80 

Jane  Iloskins  (1693-1770) 

Born  Fcnn.  of  pious  parents  in  London,  imo.  (March)  3,  1693* 
At  the  at^e  of  nineteen  in  1712  she  came  to  Philadelphia  as  an  iodeo- 
tured  servant  to  Robert  Davis,  with  his  wife  and  two  daughters  and 

•  Minute*.  New  EngUnd  VewVj  U««^m*»NA.\,  v-  \«^. 


APPENDIX 


575 


served  them  three  years,  for  her  passage.  She  then  taught  in  Quaker 
families  at  Plymouth,  Penna.  and  among  the  Welsh  Quakers  at 
Haverford,  and  finally  became  housekeeper  in  the  large  establishment 
of  David  and  Grace  Lloyd,  who  set  her  free  when  she  felt  that  she 
must  travel  in  the  ministry.  She  went  with  FJszabeth  Levis  (after- 
wards Shipley)  to  the  Barbados  in  1724.  upon  which  occasion 
Thomas  Chalkley  sent  a  loving  paternal  letter  of  encouragement  and 
advice  to  the  two  young  women,  which  is  given  at  length  in  his  Jour- 
nal.    (1st.  ed.  p.  139.) 

Jane  Fenn  went  to  England  in  the  ship  "Dorothy'\  John  Bedford 
master,  returning  in  1730.  David  Lloyd  died  soon  after  her  return, 
2mo.  (April)  6,  1731.  She  married  a  Friend  named  Hoskins  in  1738, 
but  always  lovingly  attended  Grace  Lloyd,  until  the  latter's  death  in 
1760.  In  1748  Elizabeth  Hudson  accomparicd  her  to  England  and 
John  Smith,  (MS,  Diary)  mentions  spending  the  evening  of  imo. 
(March)  12th.  at  John  Rcynell's  in  Philadelphia,  with  them  before 
they  sailed  on  the  25th.  in  one  of  his  vessels,  the  "Pembroke",  for 
Dubh'n.  Jane  Hoskins  was  with  John  Woolman  in  New  England  in 
1756,  and  died  about  1770.  (Friends'  Library.  I.  460.  Journal  Fr'ds 
Hist.  Soc.  London.  TIL  p.  104.) 

81 

Elizabeth  Hudson  (1721-1783) 
Born   i2mo,   (February)   20,   1721,  daughter  of  William  Hudson  II 
(1696-1762),  and  Jane   (1699- 1759),  who  were  married  8mo.    (Oc- 
tober)  29,  1717.     Elizabeth  lived  in  Philadelphia,  and  married  1752, 
Anthony  Morris,  Jr. 

She  was  a  minister,  and  in  1748  went  to  Dublin  on  a  preaching 
tour  with  Jane  Fenn  Hoskins.  Her  death  occurred,  5mo.  22,  1783, 
at  the  age  of  sixty  two. 

The  grandfather  of  Elizabeth  Hudson,  William  Hudson  I,  was 
born  at  York,  England  4mo.  (June)  3,  1664,  and  died  in  Philadel- 
phia, lomo.  (December)  16,  1742.  He  was  an  Elder  among  the 
Friends,  and  a  member  of  the  Governor's  Council  for  Pennsylvinia, 
1704.  (Proud.  "Hist.  Pa,"  3,  460.)  He  was  also  in  the  first  Council 
of  Philadelphia  under  the  Charter  of  Penn,  for  the  same  year.  (Do. 
I.  452.)  William  Hudson  vi^as  a  signatory  to  the  Quaker's  address 
to  Governor  Keith  in  1725,  asking  that  the  ancient  Quaker  privilege 
of  wearing  the  hat  in  Court  might  be  retained.  The  subject  had 
been  brought  up  by  the  forcible  removal  of  the  hat  from  Judge  Kin- 
scy,  a  Quaker  lawyer  of  great  eminence,  afterward  Chief  Justice. 
The  petiitioners  obtained  their  end.  The  house  of  William  Hudson 
was  at  the   S.E.  corner  of   Third  and  Chestnut  streets.     His  first 


576  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

wtt«.  Mary  Ridordioa  £cd  in  1706  of  her  foarteenth  duM,  at  tiie 
3^  of  thirtv  seTcn.  His  second  wife  was  Hannah  Ogdcn,  tha 
wtdow  of  Robert  Barber,  of  Chester,  Pa.  They  were  married  9 
1700.  ami  she  Inred  anta  S^tember,  16,  1759,  dyin^  at  the  great  age 
of  oineCT  ning. 

His  ion.  William  Hodson  U  was  a  nseful  member  of  society,  and 
a  -jromtiKnc  aaa  in  the  affairs  of  his  neighborhood.  (Pa.  Archives, 
II  Scr.  VoL  DL  r^  730.  738.  Pa.  Magazine  of  History  and  Bioj- 
■TMj'iW.  Voi.  X\~L  ro8-iio.  ''Friends*  Miscellany"  Vol.  IX.  p.  131.) 
■r.iiilwci  Htnfcon  )»-as  familiarly  known  as  "Betty",  and  it  is  possible 
^ttf  s  ±«  "*5<tiT'*  ao  whom  John  Woolman  alludes  in  his  letter  of  6iiia 
:^:.    r^z,  from  London  to  his  wife,  on  his  arrival. 

82 

.■aicoo  Aaiirrws  (        -        ) 

^oa  oc  Edward  and  Sarah  Andrews,  of  Little  Egg  Harbor,  and 
a  >ajcSier  ot  Isaac  and  Peter.  Married,  1735,  Ann  Sykes,  at  Upper 
>Vr*n^tittki  X.  J.  In  1743  he  bought  a  farm  of  one  hundred  and 
r.:xc>  acn»  and  the  mills  at  what  is  now  Cookstown.  These  he 
vcic  IT  ir-*^  w  Isaac  Irins,  Jr.  and  founded  the  village  of  Jacobstowu, 
■tamed  for  hixxL  Henr  he  opened  the  first  "country  store"  for  gen- 
^r*:  Merchandise  in  the  place,  and  built  the  first  blacksmith  and 
^*^cv"nr-g:^t  <hop.     lU  traveled  somewhat  in  the  ministry. 

•    <  cxr-fXM^r  or  rtjmoval  for  himself  and  his  wife  from  Little 

"c-^  ••a-'vr  ^.»  l-?v.r<::v^ton  ts  dated  Tmo.  4,  1758,  and  states  that  "our 

X    c  o    *iv.x»J>    Vtv'vvws  in   his  grift  was  serviceable   and  edifying." 

'  c  ^*.»*  .iri.vr»coi  a  ttK'fuNrr  of  the  Meeting  for  Sufferings  in  Phil'. 

-  '*>;'       *^jr'v.i^tc«  Kcvs.  Certificates,  p.  50.) 

83 

V  .A'.  "'»»v  -vv-  ;  '*v;V 

v'       v.*.       -M-ji    U'ji-vl.    ,<v.ni    of    Thomas    and    Mary    (Willets) 

.   »v       '      'v'-^-'t^v     livnt  onto.  (November)  5,  1700.    Died  unmar- 

..^^     ^- 1  v"*^    ■  *.   I '4^  50.     A  member  of  Westbury  Monthly 

>    V     .-;      V  I  <.     *    '•-r'k.cr  ^,'*Lo^g  Island  Genealogies"),  states  that 

»s    .xvxs..i'»t 'vv   '  y*'><'  ^^  sv.' nun  through  Connecticut. 

,  ^  sv»':*K  '<v^v*vs,  Nv*v«  York.    J.  Cox  Jr.) 

84 

»v. ..   »    vvisvs*.  N  o:\siitre.  England,  1709.     In  early  life  he  was 
»;     i\.    s.,k  X    '«  ^^<   v'--^>      Cottviuced  by  the  preaching  of  Mary 


APPENDIX 


577 


SkiptoiL  Began  to  preacli  while  there  in  1733,  soon  after  removing 
to  Kendal,  imo.  31,  1735  he  married  Isabel,  daughter  of  Simon  Cros- 
field,  of  Lowpark,  near  Kendal,  and  settled  at  Gatebcck,  a  picturesque 
village  near  by.  Of  their  six  children,  two  sons  emigrated  to 
America. 

On  Thomas  Gawthrop's  first  visit,  in  1747  he  met  John  Woolman 
near  Dover,  New  Hampshire.  Returning  to  England,  his  vessel  was 
captured  by  a  French  privateer.  An  account  of  this  adventure  is 
given  in  the  Journal  of  John  GriMth,  who  accompanied  hira.  Ht 
made  four  voyages  altogether,  and  on  the  third  of  these,  in  1766, 
(the  second  had  been  in  1756)  he  was  mainly  engaged  in  efforts  to 
relieve  the  sufferings  of  the  negro  slaves.  John  Hunt"  of  New  Jersey 
mentions  Thomas  Gawthrop's  visit  to  the  meeting  in  MoorestowTi, 
N.  J.,  in  that  year,  when  he  made  prophetical  allusion  to  the  war 
that  then  threatened,  saying  "I  am  not  come  the  third  time  into  this 
wilderness  country  to  sew  pillows  into  the  armholes  of  the  people. 
(Ezekiel.  xiii.  18.)  No,  I  am  not  come  to  cry  peace,  but  a  sword. 
There  is  a  bright,  polished,  glittering  sword  prepared  for  this  na- 
tion." (Fr'ds  Miscellany.  I.  97.)  His  fourth  and  last  visit,  1775,  of 
a  year  or  two,  found  him  in  Philadelphia  at  the  time  of  its  occupa- 
tion by  General  Howe.  "Four  pins,"  he  said,  "sold  for  a  half 
penny,"  and  when  the  Friends  desired  to  buy  two  yards  of  flannel 
to  put  about  him  at  sea,  they  were  unable  to  obtain  it  at  any  price. 

The  Pemberton  Papers,  at  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania, 
contain  some  of  his  correspondence,  as  does  the  Devonshire  House 
collection  in  London.  Among  the  former  is  a  letter  from  Edward 
Stabler  dated  Petersburg,  Virginia,  3mo.  2,  1767,  to  John  Pemberton, 
saying,  "Our  Esteemed  Friend  Thomas  Gawthrop  left  us  about  three 
weeks  ago  in  good  health.  He  hath  been  instrumental  in  giving  such 
a  stroke  to  the  practice  of  slave-keeping  In  this  Province,  as,  I 
believe,  will  not  be  forgot  in  this  age."  From  Gatcbeck,  T.  Gawthrop 
writes  John  Pemberton,  "2  of  4mo.  1768"  signing  himself,  "Thy 
affectionate  brother  worm." 

Thomas  Gawthrop's  wife  died  live  years  before  his  own  death, 
which  occurred  9mo.  28th.  1780. 

85 
John  Sykes,  (1682-1771) 

Emigrated  when  a  boy  from  Hull,  Yorkshire,  with  his  father, 
Samuel  Sykes,  and  his  grandfather,  John  Sykes,  for  whom  he  was 
named,  and  settled  at  what  is  now  Bordentown,  New  Jersey.  John 
Sykes,  senior,  died  soon  after  their  arrival. 

John  Sykes  the  younger,  born  8mo.   (October)  6,  1682),  became 


578  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

a  well  known  and  much  respected  minister.  He  married,  Smo.  (( 
19,  1704,  at  Chesterfield,  New  Jersey,  Johanna,  daughter  of  Robert 
and  Ann  Murfin,  (born  1684,  at  Nottingham)  a  sister  of  Mary  Mur- 
fin,  wife  of  Daniel  Smith  of  Burlington,  N.  J.  Mary  was  found 
drowned  in  1739  near  the  "Long  Bridge"  in  the  Northern  Liberties, 
Philadelphia,  where  she  had  evidently  tried  to  water  her  horse  in  the 
deep  channel  of  the  Delaware.  The  bridge  was  on  the  direct  road 
between  Philadelphia  and  Burh'ngton,  constantly  used  by  New  Jersey 
Friends. 

John  Woolman  notes  in  his  Larger  Account  Book,  several  trips 
on  business,  and  to  take  counsel  with  John  Sykes,  to  whom  he  refers 
as  "my  aged  friend."  His  sister  Elizabeth  married  Isaac  Homor, 
one  of  the  most  important  New  Jersey  Friends  of  hts  day.  Robcn 
and  Ann  Murfin  came  over  from  England  with  the  Sykes  family, 
from  Yorkshire. 

Samuel  Neale,  the  Irish  preacher,  writes  of  a  visit  to  the  home 
of  John  Sykes  just  before  the  latter's  death,  under  date  "15.  Tnw. 
1771,  We  were  at  Bordentown  meeting  and  iodged  with  John  Sykes. 
He  is  in  his  90th  year,  and  his  wife  in  her  87th,  and  they  have  lived 
together  66  years;  they  are  both  public  Friends"  (i.  c.  Ministers), 
"and  seem  to  live  like  innocent  children,  and  have  their  memor>'  and 
faculties  in  such  a  degree  of  strength  and  clearness,  that  I  have  not 
seen  or  read  the  like:  they  seem  full  of  love,  and  are  in  spirituil 
greenness  now  in  old  age."  John  Sykes  died  at  Chesterfield,  N.  J., 
October  26.  1771,  in  his  ninetieth  year. 

[Series,  "Biog.  Narrative,  Epistol.  and  Miscel."  Edit,  by  J.  Bar- 
day,  London.  1845.    Vol.  VIII,  p.  165.] 

86 

Richard  Hallctt  (1691-1769) 

Of  "The  Kilns",  Newtown,  Long  Island.  Tenth  and  yoiinge* 
child  of  William  and  Sarah  (Woolsey)  Hallett.  Born  gmo.  (Novcin- 
ber)  17,  1691.  He  was  for  many  years  an  approved  minister  among 
Friends,  and  his  house  became  a  hospitable  home  for  all  the  traveling 
Quakers  of  the  day.  Thomas  Chalkley  visited  his  house  in  1725,  and 
mentions  in  his  Journal  the  hospitality  of  "The  Kills."  Richard 
Hallett  was  the  only  one  of  his  family  to  become  a  Quaker. 

He  married  twice.  His  first  wife  was  Amy,  born  zmo,  (.\pril) 
I,  1694  daughter  of  John  and  Mary  (Cock)  Bowne,  whom  he  mar- 
ried 9mo.  (Nov.)  14,  1717,  and  who  died  in  1733;  they  had  live 
children. 

His  second  wife,  w^iom  he  married  in  1739  at  Birmingham,  Pctl 
sylvania,  was  Ajine   (Gilpin)    Miller,  widow  of  Joseph  Miller, 


APPENDIX 


579 


t  of  Joseph  and  Hannah  Gilpin,  "Yt  was  of  Pennsylvania." 
lallett  died  9mo.  15,  1759.  Her  husband  survived  her  ten 
Jid  died  at  Newtown,  5mo.  ig,  1769. 

6  Shotwell  Family,  p.  164.  J.  Cox  Jr.,  "The  Cox  Family  in 
k"  Ac) 


ir  Fra 


87 


ir  Franklin,  (1698/9-1780) 
of  Henry  and  Sarah  (Cock)  Franklin  of  New  York.  Born 
February)  19,  1698/9,  at  Flushing  Long  Island.  His  father 
trade  a  bricklayer,  and  held  lands  on  Long  Island ;  hts  first 
id  been  Dorothy,  daughter  of  John  and  Hannah  (Feake) 
who  died  in  1690. 

thew  Franklin,  son  of  the  second  wife,  married,  imo.  (March) 
Deborah,  daughter  of  Richard  and  Hannah  (Thome)  Cor- 
[e  was  prominent  in  the  activities  of  the  Society  of  Friends, 
the  committee  to  purchase  and  distribute  the  Works  of  John 
m.  He  died  9mo.  29  1780,  in  his  eighty  second  year, 
imorial,  MS.;  ''The  Cox  Family  in  America",  J.  Cox,  Jr. 
Itftg.  Recs.) 

88 

:arborough  (1704-1769) 

grandfather  of  the  same  name  was  an  early  settler  in  Bucks 
Pa;  the  grandson  was  a  hfelong  member  of  Buckingham 
f  Mt'g.  He  first  appeared  as  a  preacher  in  1740,  and  is  de- 
as  "excellent,  but  not  learned."  He  died  gmo.  5,  1769,  at  the 
sixty  five, 
jllection  of  Memorials"  &c.  p.  274.     "Testimony"  of  Bucking- 

M.) 

89 

I  (Churchman)  Brown  (i 701-1790), 

phter  of  John  and  Hannah  Cliurchman,  of  East  Nottingham, 

vania.     Sister  to  John  Churchman,   minister  and  journalist. 

no,  (September)   13th.  1701.     Married  2mo.  (April)   11,  1728, 

I  Brown   (d.   1786),  son  of   William  and  Esther  Brown,  of 

ham,  whose  sister  Margaret  was   wife  of  John  Churchman 

th  William  and  Susanna  Brown  were  ministers,  and  he  spent 

an  four  years  in  a  visit  to  Friends  in  the  "European  Islands." 

I  Brown  died  near  Belair,  Maryland,  8mo.  (August)  25,  1790 

fhty  nine. 

prmation  from  Gilbert  Cope.) 


APPENDIX  5g3 

96 

Jones,  (Jr)   (1728-1791) 

Benjamin  and  Sarah  (Atkinson)  Jones.  Bom  Burling- 
.  J.  1728.  Married  1746,  Elizabeth  Carter.  Their  daugh- 
tnarried  Uz  Gauntt,  son  of  Zebulon  Jr.  and  Esther  (Wool- 
Qtt,  the  latter  a  sister  of  John  Woolman.  Elizabeth  Jones 
)6,  (iimo.  26.)  and  was  buried  at  Mount  Holly. 

John  Clement.  "The  Atkinsons  of  New  Jersey."  "The 
lily."    Burial  Recs.  of  Mt.  Holly.) 

97 
avoid  (1708-1795) 

t  Bawtry,  Yorkshire,  Eng.  1708,  and  brought  up  to  the 
carpenter.  Settled  in  London  and  became  a  ship's  car- 
Deptford,  and  later  removed  to  Folkstone,  and  finally  to 
1750).  He  traveled  much  in  the  ministry,  and  had  a 
'  in  1749,  ^"^  ^  "vision"  in  1754.  He  came  to  America 
id  was  present  at  the  Indian  Treaty  at  Easton,  Pennsyl- 
L    He  died  Jan.  9,  1795,  aged  87. 

friend"  Phila.  for  1903,  p.  29.  "Piety  Promoted"  pt  9. 
in  Devonshire  House  London.  "An  Account  of  Minis- 
ids  from  Europe  who  visited  America";  Journal  Friends* 
ondon,  June,  1913.) 

98 
(1709-1779). 

r  of  John  and  Mary  Ransome,  of  Southrepps,  Norfolk, 
'  married  at  twenty  one,  Samuel  Kirby,  who  died  leaving 
everal  children.  Between  the  years  1739  and  1769,  she 
uch  in  the  ministry.  (Notes,  Journal,  Frd's  Histor.  Soc. 
ine,  1913.    MS.  Testimony,  in  Devonshire  House  London.) 

99 

nton  (1708- 1 770) 

)y  Rebecca  Jones,  "that  beloved  Friend  and  Father  in  the 
le  was  born  in  Philadelphia,  son  of  Daniel  and  Abigail 
I  Rhode  Island.  His  father  was  lost  at  sea  before  his 
tiis  mother  died  soon  after.  The  orphan  boy  was  brought 
Dther  of  his  mother,  in  New  Jersey,  who  apprenticed  him 
carpenter  for  a  time.  He  afterward  learned  the  trade 
,  and  succeeded  his  master  on  the  death  of  the  latter.  In 
nt  as  companion  to  Henry  Frankland,  an  English  Ftv«.ttfi, 


58o  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

90 

Benjamin  Buffington  (1701-1760) 

Son  of  Benjamin  and  Hannah  (Buffum)  Buffingfton,  who,  in 
1712,  requested  a  removal  certificate  from  Lynn,  "he  intending  to 
remove  his  family  to  Swansea."  His  oldest  son,  Benjamin,  was  bom 
in  Lynn,  Massachusetts,  2mo.  (April)  9.  170 1.  He  became  a  promi- 
nent minister,  and  visited  Nantucket  "in  the  Public  Ministr>"  in 
1746,  1752,  1759,  with  Paul  Osborn  as  his  companion.  Swansea 
Monthly  Meeting  has  a  record  of  his  return  with  certificates  from  a 
reHpious  visit  to  Pasquotank,  North  Carolina,  Gunpowder.  Maryland, 
and  Long  Island,  daled  tomo.  1757.  This  was  the  tour  upon  which 
he  spent  a  night  with  John  Woolman  at  the  house  of  John  Church- 
man in  Nottingham,  Penna.  He  was  at  Philadelphia  the  foHowtii{ 
spring  {3rao.}  The  minutes  of  New  England  Yearly  Meeting  for 
1756  name  Benjamin  Buffington  as  a  member  of  the  Committee  for 
writing  that  meeting's  Epistles,  and  he  is  again  appointed  in  1758. 
The  following  year,  he  is  three  times  named  in  a  list  of  visiting  min- 
isters through  New  England.  His  death  occurred  at  Swansea,  4nw. 
9.  1760.  A  'Testimony  concerning  Benjamin  Buffington",  from 
Swansea  Monthly  Meeting  may  be  found  in  the  "Meraorial^s  of 
Deceased  Friends  of  New  England  Yearly  Meeting,"  p.  23.  Pub- 
lished, 1 84 1,  by  M'tg  for  Sufferings. 

Isabel,  wife  of  Benjamin  Buffington,  also  traveled  quite  exten- 
sively in  various  parts  of  the  country  "on  Truth's  Account",  between 
the  3'ears  1740  and  1768.  She  was  four  times  at  Sandwich,  and  at 
Saiem  Yearly  Meeting,  and  Long  Plain,  and  also  visited  Long  Island 
The  name  Buffington  is  found  also  in  records  of  Chester  Co.  Pa. 
(J.  Cox.  Jr) 

91 
William  Cox  (         -1782) 

Of  Deer  Creek,  Maryland.  He  came  from  England  "in  his 
younger  days"  is  the  indefinite  account  given  of  him,  accompanied  by 
his  wife  Mary.  His  home  became  one  of  the  headquarters  for 
traveling  Friends  on  their  way  to  and  from  the  Southern  provinces. 
"Friends'  Miscellany"  (Vol.  I.  p.  401)  gives  the  following  extracts 
from  a  brief  notice  of  his  last  illness  and  death,  which  occurred  41110. 
20,  1782. 

*'ln  his  last  sickness,  he  was  concerned  on  account  of  the  taxes 
required  of  hira  for  war  purposes,  which  he  was  not  frc«  to  pay. 
Apprehending  the  collector  had  contrived  some  way  of  obtaining  cer- 
tain demands  of  that  kind,  without  applying  to  him,  he  desired  his 
son  to  take  care  not  to  connive  at  it;  saying,  "I  had  rather  suffer 


APPENDIX  SSl 

affliction  with  the  Lord's  people,  than  to  enjoy  transient  pleasures 
or  profits  for  a  season," 

A  short  time  before  his  death,  he  expressed  himself  nearly  as 
follows:  "All  I  desire  is^  that  at  my  end,  I  may  obtain  an  assurance 
of  peace  forever.  I  now  see  respecting  some  little  things,  that  I 
have  soared  too  much  above  the  pure  Witness,  in  my  own  heart; 
and  this  causes  me  to  mourn." 


Next  day  he  told  a  friend,  that  he  had  sent  for  a  tailor  to  come 
without  delay,  and  take  the  plaited  buttons  from  his  clothes,  and  the 
falling  collar  from  his  great  coat.  And  further  to  manifest  his  con- 
cern, and  bear  his  testimony  for  plainness  and  simplicity,  he  said, 
"These  gold  buttons  must  come  out  of  my  sleeves;  for  if  I  was  to 
live  longer,  I  see  I  ought  to  decline  wearing  them."  He  also  said, 
"I  see  we  ought  to  be  faithful,  even  in  little  things ;  for  Oh !  there 
is  nothing  short  of  coming  up  in  a  faitliful  discharge  of  duty,  accord- 
ing to  the  sight  graciously  afforded,  that  will  yield  peace,  at  such  a 
time  as  this."  Adding,  "If  I  live,  I  must  enforce  these  sentiments; 
and  if  I  die,  I  leave  tliem  as  my  testimony." 

92 

William  Standky  (Stanley)   (1729-1807) 

Three  brothers,  John,  James  and  Thomas  Stanley  came  from 
England  in  the  early  eighteenth  century  and  settled  in  Hanover 
County,  Virginia.  The  family  were  all  staunch  Quakers.  James 
and  Catherine  Stanley's  son  William,  born  in  1729,  married  in  1758, 
Elizabeth  Walters,  of  Loudoun  Co.  Virginia.  Just  before  his  mar- 
riage, he  was  imprisoned  at  Winchester,  Va.  (1756)  for  refusing  to 
bear  arms.  A  letter  from  William  Hunt  to  him,  dated  "4mo.  2d. 
1753"  is  given  in  the  "Memoirs  of  William  Hunt,"  p.  117.  The  Stan- 
leys were  closely  associated  with  the  work  of  the  Hunts,  in  North 
Carol it^a,  and  William  Hunt's  son  Nathan  was  as  remarkable  a  min- 
ister as  his  father.  He  lived  to  a  great  age — ninety  eight— and  died 
in  iSs3.  Nathan's  daughter  Abigail  married  Joshua,  grandson  of 
William  Stanley. 

William  and  Elizabeth  Stanley  removed  from  Virginia,  and  set- 
tled at  Guilford  Court  House,  North  Carolina,  where  William  died, 
iimo.  1807,  and  was  buried  in  the  Friends'  Burial  Ground  at  New 
Garden,  N.  C.  [Bulletin,  Friends'  Historical  Society  of  Philadelfihia, 
Vol.  I,  No.  3,  p.  92.  "Nathan  Hunt  and  His  Times,"  by  Mary 
Mendenhall  Hobbs,  Also  information  from  S.  S.  Carter,  Galena^ 
Kan.] 


582  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


93 
Samuel  Newby 

Little  is  known  of  this  Friend.  It  is  possible  he  may  have  becu 
a  descendant  or  connexion  of  the  Mark  Newby  (or  Newbie)  who, 
with  his  family,  came  to  America  in  Captain  Thomas  Lurting's  ves- 
sel, a  *'pink"  from  Dublin,  sailing  September  19,  1681.  He  settled  al 
Elsinboro,  Salem  County,  New  Jersey,  (Mickle's  "Recollections  of 
Old  Gloucester.")  He  may  also  have  been  a  near  relative  of  the 
Mary  Newby  who  married  Michael  Lightfoot.  Her  father  was 
John  Newby,  of  Dublin,  Ireland.  Joseph  and  Gabriel  Newby  were 
sons  of  Nathan  Newby,  of  Perquimans  County,  N.  C.  Both  died 
about  I734'5,  and  both  were  ministers.  Samuel  is  probably  of  th« 
same  family.  He  was  on  the  first  Yearly  M'tg.  Committee  of  N 
Carolina  to  oversee  the  press. 

It  will  be  recalled  that  John  Audland,  one  of  the  "First  Pub- 
lishers of  Truth"  in  England  under  George  Fox,  married  Ann  New- 
by, of  Kendal.    She  afterward  married  John  Camm. 


94 


ly   ma^^l 


James  Cowpland  (Cope!and.) 

The  families  of  Copeland  and  Newby  are  mentioned  by 
traveling  Friends  at  this  period,  but  not  much  definite  information 
has  so  far  been  gathered.  They  all  entertained  strangers  much,  and 
Daniel  Stanton  mentions  holding  a  meeting  at  John  Copeland's  at 
Rich  Square,  and  lodging  at  Thomas  Copeland's  in  1760.  He  went 
thence  to  Thomas  Newby *s,  and  to  Joseph  Newby's,  at  Piney  Woods. 
A  list  of  Friends  in  North  Carolina  in  1782  names  a  John  Copeland 
in  Hartford  County  al  that  time.  The  name  is  also  found  in  Nor 
ampton  County.     William  Reckilt  was  at  John  Copeland's,  1756. 

95 
John  Everitt  (  ) 

Resided  in  West  Nottingham  Township,  Chester  Co.  Pa,  in  175 
His  son  Isaac  was  born  there  i2mo.    17,  1737,  soon  after  which  the 
family  removed  to  Frederick  County,  Md.  about  twelve  miles  fr 
Pipe  Creek  Meeting,  a  branch  of  Fairfax  M.M.     The  son  mar 
1759,  Martha  Griest,  of  Huntington,  York  Co,  Pa,  and  in  1761 
moved  to  that  place.     He  was  a  minister  and  traveled  considerably 
He  died  8mo.  4,  1801,  and  Menallcn  Meeting  issued  a  memorial  ot 
his  life,  published  by   Baltimore   Y.M.     The    father,   John    Everill, 
removed  from  Maryland  and  settled  at  Menallen,  as  did  some  of 
other  children.    He  is  less  well  known  than  his  son  Isaac. 

(Information  from  G.  Cope.) 


APPENDIX 


583 


96 

Benjamin  Jones,   (Jr)    (1728-1791) 

Son  of  Benjamin  and  Sarah  (Atkinson)  Jones.  Born  Burling- 
ton Co.,  N.  J.  1728.  Married  1746,  Elizabeth  Carter.  Their  daugh- 
ter Sarah  married  Uz  Gauntt,  son  of  Zebulon  Jr.  and  Esther  (Wool- 
man)  Gauntt,  the  latter  a  sister  of  John  Woohnan.  Elizabeth  Jones 
died  in  1806,  (iimo.  26.)  and  was  buried  at  Mount  Holly. 

(Judge  John  Clement.  "The  Atkinsons  of  New  Jersey."  "The 
Shinn  Family."    Burial  Recs.  of  Mt.  Holly.) 

97 
Samuel  Spa  void  (1708- 1795) 

Bora  at  Bawtry,  Yorkshire,  Eng,  1708,  and  brought  up  to  the 
trade  of  a  carpenter.  Settled  in  London  and  became  a  ship's  car- 
penter at  Deplford,  and  later  removed  to  Folkstone,  and  finally  to 
Hitchin  (1750).  He  traveled  much  in  the  ministry,  and  had  a 
"prophecy"  in  1749,  and  a  "vision"  in  1754.  He  came  to  America 
in  1757,  and  was  present  at  the  Indian  Treaty  at  Elaston,  Pennsyl- 
vania, 1759.     He  died  Jan.  9,  1795,  aged  87. 

("The  Friend"  Phila.  for  1903,  p.  29,  "Piety  Promoted"  pt.  9. 
Also,  MSS.  in  Devonshire  House  London.  "An  Account  of  Minis- 
tering Friends  from  Europe  who  visited  America";  Journal  Friends' 
Hist.  Soc.  London,  June,  1913.) 

98 

Mary  Kirby  (1709-1779). 

Daughter  of  John  and  Mary  Ransome,  of  Southrepps,  Norfolk, 
Eng.  She  married  at  twenty  one,  Samuel  Kirby,  who  died  leaving 
her  with  several  children.  Between  the  years  1739  and  1769,  she 
traveled  much  in  the  ministry.  (Notes,  Journal,  Frd's  Histor.  Soc. 
London,  June,  1913.    MS.  Testimony,  in  Devonshire  House  London.) 

99 
Daniel  Stanton  (1708-1770) 

Called  by  Rebecca  Jones,  "that  beloved  Friend  and  Father  in  the 
Truth".  He  was  born  in  Philadelphia,  son  of  Daniel  and  Abigail 
Stanton,  of  Rhode  Island.  His  father  was  lost  at  sea  before  his 
birth,  and  his  mother  died  soon  after.  The  orphan  boy  was  brought 
up  by  a  brother  of  his  mother,  in  New  Jersey,  who  apprenticed  him 
to  a  ship's  carpet)ter  for  a  time.  He  afterward  learned  the  trade 
of  a  joiner,  and  succeeded  his  master  on  the  death  of  the  latter.  In 
pr3l  he  went  as  companion  to  Henry  Frankland,  an  English  Friend, 


^ 


J 


584  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

to  Rhode  Island,  to  visit  his  relatives.    He  was  a  nephew  of  Thomas 
Chalk  ley. 

Daniel  Stanton  married,  2mo.  5,  1733,  Sarah,  daughter  of  John 
and  Sarah  Lloyd,  of  Philadelphia;  she  died  2mo.  i.  1748,  aged  fomr 
years.  He  mentions  having  buried  four  sons  before  her  death,  and 
a  week  after  he  buried  his  youngest  son.  Of  his  two  daughters, 
Abigail  died  5010.  2^,  1757;  slie  was  the  eldest,  and  in  her  twcnt) 
first  year.  There  remained  to  him  but  Sarah  who  was  left  wiili  his 
friends  Israel  Peniberton,  or  Reuben  and  Margaret  Haines,  in  Ger 
mantown,  when  he  was  on  his  preaching  tours.  Sarah  afterward 
married  Benjamin  Dorsey. 

Daniel  Stanton  was  a  minister  for  over  forty  three  years, 
had  traveled  about  for  twenty  of  these  before  accompanying  Samud 
Nottingham,  of  England,  to  Barbados  and  Antigua.  His  wife's 
death  occurred  just  before  he  left,  in  1748.  From  Antigua  they 
visited  Tortola,  and  many  "hazards",  we  are  told,  occasioned  their 
landing  in  Ireland.  Between  1757  and  1760,  he  was  engaged  in 
"visiting  families"  in  Philadelphia.  In  1758  he  attended  several 
Indian  Treaties,  and  was  at  Easton,  with  James  Pemberton  anJ 
Benjamin  Hooton,  and  mentions  meeting  the  famous  Indian,  Tatai 
(or  Moses.)  He  was  on  the  Committee  with  John  Woolman  w! 
London  Grove  meeting  was  set  off  separately.  He  also  served  wil 
John  Woolman  on  the  Yearly  Meeting's  Committee  to  visit  the  slave 
holders  near  Philadelphia.  In  1760  Daniel  Slanton  was  for 
months  in  South  Carolina,  and  in  1768  traveled  about  New  Jers 
New  York  and  Long  Island.  His  chief  efforts  were  directed  in 
home  town  against  "stage  plays,  racing,  drunkenness,  and  other  gn 
enormities  encouraged  and  increasing  in  this  city."  He  visited  t 
sick,  and  his  presence  was  a  real  benediction. 

Daniel  Stanton  died  at  the  house  of  Israel  Pemberton,  in  Gennai 
town,  6rao.  28,  1770,  "universally  beloved,"  aged  61 ;  a  preacher  for 
40  years. 

("Collection  of  Memorials/'  p.  282.     Testimony,  Philada.  M 
Life,  Friends'  Library,  XII,  p.  150  ff.     See  also,  Israel  Pembcrti 
to  his  brother  John,  Pemberton  Papers,  Vol.  XXI.  p,  23,  Histor. 
P\  "Pennsylvania  Gazette"  for  July  5.  1770.] 

100 

William  Trimble  (i 705-1 795.) 

Born  in  County  Antrim,  Ireland,  about  1705  and  came  with  hii 
brothers  to  Pennsylvania  in  1729.  He  was  admitted  to  nicmbershi| 
at  Concord  meeting,  "5  of  6mo.  (August)  1734."  and  married,  on  th^ 
13th.  of  9mo.   (November)  of  tlie  same  year,  at  tliat  meeting,  \t\ 


APPENDIX 


S85 


Palmer,  and  settled  near  Concordville,  Pa.  He  became  an  elder  in 
1746,  and  died  about  1795.  A  genealogy  of  his  descendants  has  been 
published. 

(See  "Memoirs  of  Chester  and  Delaware  Counties,"  p.  250-  In- 
formation from  Gilbert  Cope.) 

lOI 

Aaron  Ashbridge  (1712-1776.) 

Of  Goshen,  Chester  County,  Pennsylvania.  Son  of  George  and 
Mary  (Malin)  Aslibridge.  A  well-to-do  farmer,  taking  an  active 
part  in  public  affairs,  and  serving  as  Justice  of  the  Peace  between 
1749  and  1757.  He  was  a  Colonial  Pacifist,  as  we  learn  from  a 
minute  of  the  Governor's  Council : 

"At  a   Council   held  at   Philadelphia,   Thursday,   Feb.    3d,    1757, 

Present 
The  Honourable  William  Denny,  Esq.  Lieut.  Governor. 
Richard  Peters,  ^  „ 

Thomas  Cadwalader J      ^ 

Complaint   was   made    by    Capt.    Moore    of   the    Royal 

American  Regiment,  that  Justice  Ashbridge  of  Chester  County,  not 
only  refused  to  attest  his  Recruits,  but  discouraged  the  men  that 
were  brought  to  him  for  that  purpose  from  entering  into  the  King's 
Service.  The  Governour  wrote  a  letter  and  acquainted  Mr.  Ash- 
bridge with  his  complaint  and  received  his  answer."  (Colonial  Rec- 
ords. Vol.  VII.  406.)  Aaron  Ashbridge  for  some  years  took  an 
active  part  in  the  Friends'  Meetings.  He  married.  Jsi.  2mo.  (April) 
21,  173^/7,  Sarah,  daughter  of  David  Davies,  a  Welshman,  at  Goshen 
Meeting 

He  married,  ^nd.  Nov.  4,  1746  Elizabeth  (Sampson,  b.  1713) 
Sullivan,  widow.  The  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History  and  Biog- 
araphy.  [Vol.  31.  p.  376),  prints  Aaron  Ashbridge's  invitation  to  a 
iriend  to  his  second  marriage:  -  .  .  .  .  "October  19th.  1746.  My 
«weetheart  as  wcU  as  myself  desire  (if  it  may  suit  thy  convenience 
•md  freedom),  that  thou  wilt  favour  us  with  thy  company  at  our 
carriage,  which  is  intended  to  be  at  Burlington  the  4lh  of  next 
wjonth.    I  am  thy  respectful  friend,  Aaron  Ashbridge." 

Elizabeth  Ashbridge  was  a  preacher  of  some  prominence.  She 
traveled  considerably,  and  in  1753  went  on  a  religious  visit  to  Great 
Britain.  W'hile  in  Ireland  she  was  taken  ill  at  the  house  of  Robert 
Lisky,  Co.  Carlow,  wliere  she  died.  May  16,  1755.  Her  autobiography 
may  be  found  in  "Friends'  Library",  Vol,  IV.  (Edited  by  Wm.  and 
Thos.  Evans,  Phila.) 

Five  years  later  Aaron  Ashbridge  married  a  third  time,  in  the 


586  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


^ 


summer  of  1760,  Mary  Tomlinson,  widow,  who,  in  November  brought 
certificates  for  herself  and  her  daughter,  Mary,  to  Goshen,  from 
Wilmington,  Delaware.  Aaron  Ashbridge  died  in  May,  1776.  His 
will  provided  three  hundred  pounds  to  set  up  a  school  for  Fricn6' 
children,  j^^ 

Wiliiam  Reckitt  (1706-1769) 

Bom  at  Gainsborough,  but  settled  at  Wainfleet,  Lincolnshire, 
England,  where  his  trade  was  that  of  a  weaver.  He  became  a  min- 
ister, and  visited  America  in  1756.  On  the  voyage  he  was  takctj 
prisoner  to  France,  where  he  was  detained  for  six  months,  and  after 
a  short  stay  at  home  again  set  out,  reaching  his  destination  in  the 
end.  He  made  a  second  visit  to  the  American  colonies  in  company 
with  William  Home,  who  was  returning  home  in  1764,  when 
remained  nearly  two  years. 

William  Reckitt  died  at  Wainfleet.  4mo.  6,  1769,  aged  sixtj-  three" 
(Sec  Life^  reprinted  also  in  Friends'  Library,  Vol.  IX,  Phila. 

loj 
Mordecai  Yarnall  {1705-1771.) 

Eminent  minister  of  Willistown,  Chester  Co.,  Pa.,  and  after  17^ 
of  Philadelphia.  Son  of  Francis  and  Hannah  (Baker)  Yarnall. 
Married,  1733,  Catharine  Meredith.  After  her  death  in  1741,  he 
married  for  the  second  time,  Mary  Roberts,  in  1745.  His  deatb_ 
occurred  on  May  5,  1772. 
Thomas  Massey  (        -17S4) 

Son  of  Mordecai  Massey,  of  Marple,  Pa.,  and  Rebecca.  Thomas 
Massey  lived  at  Willistown,  Chester  Co.  He  married  Sarah,  daughter 
of  Isaac  and  Sarah  Taylor,  of  North  Providence,  Pa,  His  will 
proved  Nov,  10,  1784, 

Thomas  Evans  (         -1758) 

He  was  a  minister  of  Philadelphia,  and  spent  a  large  part  of  the 
summer  of  1758  in  the  neighborhood  of  Egg  Harbor,  N.  J.,  in  an  effort 
to  revive  the  meetings  there.  He  died  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
same  year. 

Joseph  Parker  (         -1766) 

A   native  of  Yorkshire,   England.     He  arrived  in  Pennsylvanii 
early  in  the  eighteenth  century,  and  served  for  a  time  as  Secretary  , 
to  David  Lloyd.    He  became  a  man  of  wealth  and  standing  in  Phii 
delphia  and  married  Mary,  daughter  of  John  Ladd,  of  New  Jers 
His  daughter,  Mary  married  Charles  Norris,  of  Philadelphia, 
they  were  parents  of  Deborah  Norris,  who  married  Dr.  George 


APPENDIX 


587 


gan,  of  Stenton,  the  grandson  of  James  Logan.  Her  contributions 
to  history  are  well  known.  Joseph  Parker  died,  1766.  [Penn.  Logan 
Correspondence,  &c.  Vol.  L  xliii.] 

104 
Mercy  Redman  (1721-1778) 

Mercy  Davis  was  a  daughter  of  David  Davis,  of  Pilesgrove, 
Salem  County,  New  Jersey.  Born  i2nio.  (February)  26,  1 721/2. 
She  married,  7mo,  (Sept.)  29,  1747,  as  his  second  wife,  Thomas 
Redman,  [d.  9.  26.  1766]  of  Haddonfield,  N.  J.,  nephew  of  Doctor 
John  Redman,  a  Founder  of  the  College  of  Physicians  of  Phila- 
delphia. Their  only  child  did  not  live.  Mercy  Redman  was  a  min- 
ister, and  traveled  somewhat  in  that  capacity.  She  died  at  Haddon- 
field,  3mo.  15,  1778,  and  was  buried  in  the  Friends'  Burial  Ground 
at  that  place. 

(Records  of  Haddonfield.  M.M.  Family  Bible  of  Florence  Redman 
Engle.) 

John  Casey  (1695-1767) 

A  minister  of  Newport,  R.  I.  for  many  years.  Son  of  Thomas 
and  Rebecca  Casey.  Married,  April  17,  1719,  Elizabeth,  daughter 
of  Thomas  Hicks,  of  Portsmouth,  R.  L;  they  had  two  daughters, 
Mary,  bom  in  February,  1719;  married,  1752,  Joseph  Cozzens,  of 
Newport,  and  Elizabeth,  born  June  3  1722;  married  December  28, 
1749,  Philip,  son  of  Philip  and  Hannah  Wanton,  of  Newport. 

Elizabeth  (Hicks)  Casey  died  March  14  1723  at  the  age  of  thirty 
three  years.  John  Casey  married  a  second  time,  Mary,  daughter  of 
John  and  Elizabeth  Stanton,  February  9,  1726. 

Upon  the  general  revision  of  the  Discipline,  which  took  place  in 
1760  after  the  agitation  on  the  subject  by  Samuel  Fothergill  and 
others,  John  Casey  was  made  a  member  of  the  Committee  to  revise 
the  New  England  Discipline.  The  "strangers"  also  present  at  New- 
port were  invited  to  act  with  thera,  among  whom  were  John  Wool- 
man  and  John  Storer,  "and  any  other  Friends  that  may  find  a  con- 
cern to  join  them.*'  (Minutes  of  New  England  Y.M.)  John  Casey 
served  for  some  years  as  Clerk  for  the  Meeting  for  Ministers  and 
Elders.  He  was  released  in  1761  and  died  at  Newport,  October  11, 
1767  aged  seventy  two  years. 

( Dates  as  given  by  Arnold.  "Vital  Statistics  of  Rhode  Island," 
Vol.  VH.  p.  8,  &c.) 

106 
Mary  Noble  (1722-1779) 

This  is  probably  Mary  Noble  Wethcrill,  of  whom  John  Woolman 
speaks  by  her  maiden  name.     She  was  the  daughter  of  Joseph  Noble, 


588  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

(son  of  Abel  Noble,  the  "contentious  old  "Free  Will  Baptist"  with 
whom  John  Smith  was  given  to  arguing,)  and  Mary,  daughter  of 
Samuel  Smith,  ist,  a  sister  of  Hon.  Richard  Smith  I,  and  there- 
fore aunt  to  the  preacher,  Elizabeth  Smith.  Mary  Noble,  was  born 
3mo.  31,  1722,  and  married  in  Philadelphia,  3mo.  19,  1743,  Samuel 
Wetherill,  of  Burlington.  She  died  in  the  latter  place,  gmo.  9,  1779. 
The  mother,  Mary  Smith  Noble,  died  in  1733,  aged  32, 

107 
John  Cadwalader  (         -         ) 

Son  of  John  Cadwalader,  a  Welshman,  (b.  1676)  who  marrictl 
1st.  Mary,  dau.  Johannes  Casscll,  of  the  Palatinate,  %vho  came 
Pennsylvania  1686.  They  were  married  at  Abington,  Pa.  1701.  Ml 
died  1728,  and  in  1730^  John.  I,  married  a  second  time,  Mary  Pete 
at  Frankford  Meeting.  His  last  residence  was  in  Warminster  Tom 
ship,  Bucks,  Co.  Pa.  He  died  in  the  Island  of  Tortola  while  on  a 
religious  visit.  Qrao.  (November)  26.  1742,  having  long  been  an 
acceptable  minister.    A  brief  Memorial  was  published  1787. 

John  Cadwalader,  Jr.,  was  recommended  as  a  minister  in   172-S, 
and  married  soon  after,  Elizabeth  llingston,  at  Abington,  making  i 
permanent  home  in  Bucks  County.   John  Cadwalader  was  a 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly  in  17323. 

108 
John  Smith,  of  East  Marlborough,  Pa.  (1681-1766) 

Bom  at  Dartmoutli,  Bristol  Co..  Massachusetts,  4mo.  (Jun? 
1681,  of  Presbyterian  parents,  but  the  family  later  became  Quak( 
At  twenty  two  he  "bore  a  testimony  against  war  and  fightings" 
which  he  was  fined  and  imprisoned.  At  the  age  of  twenty  four 
went  to  England,  where  he  was  "pressed"  on  board  a  man-of-\ 
and  imprisoned  for  six  weeks.  He  returned  to  America,  landing  In 
Pennsylvania,  and  married  there,  Dorothy,  daughter  of  Caleb  Puscy, 
an  eminent  Friend,  and  made  his  home  at  Chester.  In  1713  they 
removed  to  East  Marlborough,  Caleb  Puscy  accompanying  them.  Here 
they  lived  for  forty  years.  In  1714  a  meeting  was  settled  at  his  house 
until  the  meeting  house  at  London  Grove  was  built,  and  he  attended 
New  Garden  meeting.  His  death  occurred  at  New  Garden,  k 
24,  1766,  at  the  age  of  eighty  six. 

("Collection   of   memorials.",    p.   253.     Testimony   of    New 
Garden  M  M.  "The  Friend,'*  (Phila)  xxxiii,  p,  332.) 

109 
William  Jones,  (         -1782) 

Of  Mansfield,  Burlington  Co.  N.  J.    Married,  ("proposed  ye  ^ 
time"»)  in  Burlington  M.M,  3rao.  (May)  4,  1747.    On  lomo.  (Dec) 


APPENDIX 


589 


17  1749,  he  obtained  a  certificate  from  Chesterfield  to  Burling:ton, 
and  the  inference  is  that  his  first  wife  had  died,  when  we  find  him 
with  Ehzabetli  Powell  "proposing  2d.  time*'  for  marriage  to  the 
monthly  meeting,  8mo.  (October)  i,  1750.  William  Jones  died  6mo. 
18,  1782. 

110 

Sophia  Hume  (1702-1774) 

A  very  able  and  interesting  woman,  of  wide  influence.  She  was 
great-granddaughter  of  Mary  Fisher,  one  of  the  two  Quakers  first 
to  come  to  Massachusetts  in  1656.  Mary  Fisher's  first  husband  was 
William  Bayley,  whom  she  married  in  i6'>2.  He  was  a  preacher  and 
mariner  of  Poole,  Dorchester,  and  was  lost  at  sea  in  1675.  Her  sec- 
ond husband  was  John  Crosse,  of  London  They  settled  in  Charles- 
ton, South  Carolina,  for  what  reason  is  not  known.  He  died  1687. 
There  were  no  children  by  the  second  marriage.  Of  the  three  by  the 
first  marriage,  William,  Mary  and  Susanna,  the  latter  married,  1st 
Edward  E.  Rawlins;  2nd.  Henry  Wigington.  Deputy  Secretary  of  the 
Province  of  South  Carolina.  She  died  1733.  The  eldest,  and  prob- 
ably the  only,  child  of  the  second  marriage  was  Sophia  Wigington, 
born  1702.  She  married  Robert  Hume,  of  Charleston,  a  prominent 
citizen,  "the  15th.  day  of  (month  illegible)  1721".  (Parish  Church 
of  St.  Phitips,  Register.)  Robert  Hume's  gravestone  in  that  church- 
yard is  dated  "October  ist  1737".  His  will  names  two  children, 
Alexander  and  Susanna. 

The  mother  of  Sophia  Hume,  Susanna  W^igington,  was  a  Friend, 
but  her  father  was  an  Episcopalian,  and  had  much  influence  over  her. 
At  thirty  eight,  as  a  widow,  Sophia  became  very  serious,  and  in  1741 
joined  the  Quakers.  About  this  time  she  removed  to  London  to  live: 
In  1747  she  came  hack  to  America  on  a  religious  visit,  made  under 
difficulties  and  amid  much  reproach,  as  her  children  disapproved  of 
the  step  she  had  taken,  and  her  former  friends  in  the  fashionable 
world  quite  misunderstood  her.  White  in  Charleston,  she  prepared 
an  address  to  them,  published  when  she  reached  Philadelphia  by 
Benjamin  Franklin  with  the  title,  "An  Exhortation  to  the  Inhabitants 
of  South  Carolina,"  &c.  This  remarkable  production,  showing  great 
grasp  and  ability,  went  into  several  editions.  She  was  the  author  of 
other  letters  and  pamphlets,  notably  one  on  "Days  and  Times"  &c, 
and  was  an  able  writer.  The  pamphlet  of  1748  was  submitted  to  a 
Committee  of  Philadelphia  Friends  before  publication;  one  of  these 
Friends  was  John  Woohnan.  They  met  at  the  house  of  John  Smith, 
then  living  in  Philadelphia,  whose  diarj-  notes  their  progress  and 
approval.    She  made  her  home  with  Israel  Pemberton.    The  pamphlet 


590  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

was  published  by  subscription,  and  the  author  sailed  for  home  with 
James  Pemberton  before  it  came  out. 

It  was  to  Sophia  Hume,  then  living  in  London,  that  John  Wool- 
man  gave  the  Journal  of  his  Voyage  to  England.  His  meraorandom 
on  the  cover  is  dated  but  five  days  after  landing.  The  manuscript 
shows  no  alteration  in  another  hand,  and  upon  his  death  it  is  likely 
that  she  sent  it  to  America  by  the  hand  of  Samuel  Emlen,  together 
with  the  other  manuscripts  given  him  in  charge  by  the  York  Friends. 

Sophia  Hume  died  suddenly  of  a  stroke  of  apoplexy  January  26** 
I774»  aged  seventy  two  at  Miller  Christy's,  at  White  Hart  Court, 
Gracechurch  Street,  London  and  was  buried  in  Bunhill  Fields.  Het 
son  Alexander  Hume  was  present  at  her  funeral,  but  her  daughter 
Susanna  and  her  husband  were  in  France. 

[MS.  "Testimony"  of  Grace  Church  Monthly  M'tg,  London,  Coo- 
cerning  Sophia  Hume.  1774^  &c.  Art.  by  George  Vaux,  "The  Friend" 
(Phir.)  Vol.  82.  no  51.  Reference  also  in  Friends'  Quarterly  Ex- 
aminer, Vol.  36.  p.  338.   Bowden.  "Hist,  of  Friends  in  Amer."  L  p.  40,] 


III 

James  Nayler  (c.  1618-1660) 

Born  at  Ardsley,  near  Wakefield,  about  1618.  After  serving  as 
Quartermaster  in  the  army  under  General  Lambert,  Nayler  was  con- 
vinced of  Quaker  doctrines,  and  in  1665  joined  the  Quaker  preachers 
in  London,  where  his  eloquence  drew  large  audiences.  He  finally 
became  so  carried  away  with  his  own  success,  that  he  received  hom- 
age from  a  group  of  infatuated  men  and  women,  in  imitation  of 
Christ  himself.  The  severe  punishments  meted  out  to  him  by  the 
Government,  and  disownment  by  his  own  Society,  brought 
him  to  repentance  at  the  end  of  his  career,  which  was  shortened  by 
the  sufferings  he  was  forced  to  undergo.  He  died  in  an  humble  and 
repentant  frame  of  mind,  at  a  Friends'  house  at  Soam,  near  Kings' 
Ripton,  Huntingdonshire,  England,  and  was  buried  8mo.  2i**,  lt)6o. 
aged  about  42  or  3.    One  of  the  most  notable  of  the  early  Quakers. 

(Bevan.  "Life  of  James  Nayler.") 


112 


4 

id  died  ] 


Jacob  Howell  (        -1768) 

Married   Mary,  daughter  of  Joseph  Cooper.     This  Friend 
3mo.  17,  1768,  "an  ancient  and  industrious  minister  of  the  Gospel." 
("The  Friend."  Phila,  35,  P-  75-) 
James  Bartram  {         ~i77o) 

Of    Chester    County,    Pa.      An    Elder.      ("The    Friend,"    Phili- 


APPENDIX 


S9i 


JosJah  Foster  (1682-1770) 

Born  of  Quaker  parents  in  Rhode  Island.  In  early  fnanhood  re- 
moved to  Evesham,  N.  J.  Married  Ann,  daughter  of  Benjamin 
Borden.  Was  converted  under  the  preaching  of  Thomas  Wilson  of 
England,  and  "served  the  church  and  his  brethren  as  an  Elder." 
He  was  most  benevolent  and  hospitable.  In  his  old  age  he  removed 
to  Mount  Holly,  and  died  of  an  apoplectic  stroke  at  his  son's  house 
in  Evesham,  smo.  9,  1770,  aged  ^7.  ('*The  Friend,"  Phila.  V.  35,  116.) 
Joseph  Tomlinson  (        -1758) 

The  family  were  early  settlers  of  West  Jersey,     Joseph  was  a 
member  of  Haddonfield  meeting,  in  which  he  occupied  the  station  of 
elder,  and  married,  1734,  Lydia  Wade,  of  Salem,  N.  J.     His  death 
occurred  9mo.  3,  1758. 
John  Evans  (1689-1756) 

Born  in  Wales,  son  of  Cadwalader  Evans.  When  young,  he  came 
with  his  family  to  the  "Welsh  Tract"  of  Pennsylvania,  in  1698.  In 
1715  he  married  at  Merion,  Eleanor  (1685-1765)  daughter  of  Row- 
land Ellis.  He  became  a  celebrated  minister  among  Friends,  and 
died  at  Gwynedd,  Pa.,  pmo.  23,  1756.  (•'Merion  in  the  Welsh  Tract," 
T.  A.  Glenn.) 
Wilh'am  Morris  (         -1766) 

Son  of  John  Morris  and  grandson  of  Anthony  Morris,  II.     Mar- 
ried 1758,  Margaret,  daughter  of  Dr.  Richard  Hill  of  Maryland.    He 
died  in  early  manhood,  4mo.  14,  1766. 
Samuel  Abbott   (171 2- 1760) 

Born  at  Salem,  N.  J.  Was  left  fatherless  when  young.  Became  a 
minister  at  twenty-two,  and  traveled  in  the  "neighboring  provinces." 
His,  death,  of  cancer  in  the  face,  occurred  iimo.  25,  1760.  ("The 
Friend,"  Phila.  V.  33,  p.  45.) 


I 


113 

William  Brown  (        -1786) 

Son  of  William  and  Esther  Brown,  of  Nottingham,  Pa.  Married 
1728,  Susanna,*',  dau.  Joliii  Churchman.  Both  William  and  Susanna 
Brown  were  well  known  ministers  for  many  years. 


Thomas  Carleton  (1699-1792) 

A  native  of  Ballyhakcn,  Ireland.  Came  to  America,  171 1,  with 
parents,  and  married  Hannah,  widow  of  Robert  Roberts,  and 
daughter  of  William  and  Mary  Howell  of  Haver  ford,  Pa.  (For  his 
wife,  see  "The  Friend,"  Phila.  32,  p.  388.) 


592  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


Joshua  Ely  (        -        ) 

Son  of  Joshua,  of  Mansfield,  England,  and  Mary  Senior.    Cam 

with  his  parents  to  New  Jersey  in  1685.    Married  Mary  and 

settled  in  Bucks  County,  Pa.,  in  1720,  becoming  a  member  of  Bucking- 
ham meeting  1734,  and  was  an  elder  1754. 
Wilh'am  Jackson  (        -1785) 

Son  of  Isaac   [d.   1751],  of  London  Grove,  Pa.     A  highly  es^ , 
tetmcd  Friend,  who  died  in  1785. 
Thomas  Brown   (1696-1757) 

Son  of  Thomas;  born  at  Barking,  Essex,  England,  9010.  i,  16 
Came  with  parents  to  Pennsylvania  as  a  child,  and  later  lived] 

Plumstcd,  Bucks  Co.    Married ,  1738;  went  to  Abington, 

then  to  Phihidclphia,  where  he  set  up  in  business  as  a  baker.  "His 
gift  in  the  ministry  was  living,  deep  and  very  edifying.  .  .  .  Tho 
a  n\an  of  no  literature,  yet  he  was  often  led  into  sublime  mat 
Gei>rge  Whitcfield  attended  an  evening  meeting  hoping  to  hear  hiiiT 
AilU  expressed  great  admiration  of  his  discourse,  saying  he  "felt 
himseU  a  mere  child  to  him.''  He  "was  careful  not  to  engage  himself 
\n  worldly  concerns  so  as  to  encumber  his  mind."  He  died  of  apo- 
\Afxy  6nio.  31,  1757,  Samuel  Fothergill  notes  his  death  and  speiloj 
(i(  him  with  affection.  ("The  Friend,"  Phila.  32,  p.  301.) 
|tA«c  Zaue  (  -  ) 
HfHiAHiIri  Trotter  (1699-1768) 

A  niiuisler  for  many  years  in  Philadelphia.    His  wife  Mar^ 
^y\[u  (May)  2S,  1750,  and  his  own  death  occurred  3mo  (March)  2J. 
||F<IM  "ttijcd  about  seventy  years."     ("Friends'  Library"  Phila.  XII,  p> 
IIM.     "'Ihc  Friend,"  Phila.  35,  p.  68.) 
JMhti  Armitt  (1702-1762)  _ 

hull  of  Richard  and  Sophia  Armitt.  Born  "8th  of,  10  mo."  (D^ 
pfiluluT)  17(12.  He  lived  for  many  years  on  Front  Street,  Phila.  (Pa. 
(i(iscltf,  for  June  7,  1750).    John  Armitt  died  smo.  21,  1762,  aged  59^ 

^•♦Tlir  l-'riend."  Phila.  30,  p.  84.) 
mmv\  Futhergill  (1715-1772) 
lUivn  at  Carr  End,  Wensleydale,  Yorkshire,  1715.  Son  of  John 
4M<I  Mwrgarct  (Hough)  Fothergill.  The  well  known  Dr.  Jo 
I'ullufKill  of  London  was  his  elder  brother.  He  married,  1738, 
«4»iiii<th  (roudson,  of  Warrington,  where  he  settled  as  a  tea  merchant 
(llul  b(n)il  lii.s  life.  His  successful  efforts  to  revive  the  declining  1 
irifr*hili  and  discipline  in  1755  to  1760,  correspond  nearly  with 
Uhum  uf  tiforKc  Whitefield  both  in  time  and  results.  Samuel  Faihi 
glii  ftfiviil  two  years  in  America,  1754-1756,  and  died  much  bclovedj 


COPY  OF  ORIGINAL  DEED 

for  Land  taken  up  in  West  Jersey  by 
John  Woolman  I,  1687.  In  possession  of  the  descendants,  now  living 
on  part  of  the  land,  the  heirs  of  tlie  late  Granville  Woolman  Leeds, 
of  Rancocas,  New  Jersey, 

THIS  INDENTURE 

made  the  thirtieth  day  of  the  Eleventh 
moneth,  called  January,  in  the  yeare  of  o'  Lord,  according  to  English 
ace'  One  thousand  six  hundred  &  seven,  Between  Samuell  Jenings  of 
Greenhill  in  the  County  of  Burlington  in  the  Province  of  West  Jer- 
sey, Yeoman  of  the  one  p'*,  &  John  Woolman  of  y*  County  &  Prov- 
ince afores*  Yeoman  of  the  other  p**,  WHEREAS  by  Vertue  of 
certaine  Articles  bearing  date  the  fifteenth  day  of  July  anno  1685  & 
made  between  John  Ridges,  Citizen  &  Skinner  of  London  in  the  King- 
dom of  England  of  the  one  pte  And  the  said  Samuell  Jenings  (ptie 
to  these  p'sents)  of  tlie  other  p**  The  said  John  Ridges  hath  for 
diverse  good  Considerations  him  thereunto  moving,  ordayned  &  Ap- 
pointed the  said  Samuell  Jenings  his  lawful  deputy  &  Atto'ney  for 
him  &  in  his  name  and  for  his  use  amongst  other  things  to  sell  & 
dispose  of  one  Moyetie  or  halfe  p"  of  his  the  said  John  Ridges  one 
halfe  of  a  Propriety  by  him  purchased  of  William  Penn,  Gawen 
Lawry  &  Nicholas  Lucas  &  Edward  Billing  by  Indenture  of  Lease  & 
Release  dated  the  second  day  of  March  1676  within  the  Province  of 
West  Jersey  a  fores*  as  by  the  same  Articles  relation  thereunto  being 
had  amongst  other  things  more  fully  may  appeare 

NOW  THESE  PRESENTS  WITNESSE  that  according  to  the 
trust  &  power  aforesaid  to  the  said  Samuell  Jenings  by  the  said  John 
Ridges  by  Vertue  of  the  said  recyted  Articles  given,  Hee,  the  said 
Sajnuell  Jenings  for  &  in  Considera^on  of  the  Sume  of  Twenty  pounds 
of  Currant  Money  within  the  said  Province  to  him  in  hand  paid  by 
the  sd  John  Woolman  at  &  before  the  sealing  &  delivery  hereof  for 
the  use  &  behoofe  of  the  said  John  Ridges  the  receipt  whereof  the 
said  Samuell  Jenings  doth  hereby  acknowledge  &  thereof  &  of  every 
part  &  p'ceJl  thereof,  doth  in  the  name  &  on  the  behalf e  of  the  said 
John  Ridges  acquitt  Exon'ate  Release  &  discharge  the  sd  John  Wool- 
man  his  Hetres  Exe's.  &  Admi'",  every  of  them  forever  by  these 
prsents,  Hath  granted  &  bargained  &  sold  Alyened  enfeoffed  &  con- 
firmed And  by  these  psents  doth  in  the  name  &  on  the  behalf  of  the 

593 


594 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


s'  John  Ridges  grant,  bargain  &  sell  alyen  enfeoffe  &  confirme  unto 
the  sd  John  Woolman  his  hcires  &  assigns  forever  Two  hundred 
acres  of  land  to  be  laid  forth  &  surveyed  to  &  for  the  sd  John  Wool- 
man  and  the  said  Tract  or  Share  of  land  belonging  to  the  said  John 
Ridges  as  aforesaid  in  the  said  Province  of  West  Jersey  Togeathcr 
with  all  &  every  the  Mines  Mineralls  ffishings  Hawkings  huntings  & 
fowlings  &  all  other  Royalties  &  its  Comodities  &  apurtenanccs  to 
the  said  grantee  Two  hundred  Acres  of  land  belonging  or  appcrteyn- 
ing  And  alsoe  all  the  Estate,  Gv  "  tythes,  interest  trust  possession  k 
parly  clayme  &  demand  Whatsoever  of  the  said  Samuell  Jenings  or 
of  the  said  John  Ridges  in  Lawe  and  Equity  &  either  of  thern  of  in  or 
unto  the  sd  granted  p'mises  or  any  pte  or  pcell  thereafter  &  the  Rest 
Residue  &.  Remainder  of  the  Same  &  of  Every  part  thereof  TO 
HAVE  AND  TO  HOLD  the  sd  Two  hundred  Acres  of  Land  4 
granted  &  bargained  p'mises  with  the  Appurtenences,  unto  the  sd 
John  Woolman  his  Heires  Sl  Assigns  forever  to  the  onely  ppcr  use 
&  behoofe  of  him  the  sd  John  Woolman  his  heires  &  Assigns  forever 
more.  And  the  sd  Samuell  Jenings  for  himselfc  his  Heires  &  Exe"** 
&  Admistrs  in  the  name  &  on  the  behalfe  of  the  aforesaid  John 
Ridges,  his  Hcires  Exc",  &  admitr',  doth  Covenant  pmtse  &  grant 
to  &  with  the  said  John  Woolman  his  Heires  &  Assigns  by  these 
p'  sents  that  they,  the  said  Samuell  Jenings  &  the  said  John  Ridges 
or  either  of  them,  have  not  or  hath  not  wittingly  or  willingly  Coinit- 
ted  suffered  or  done  any  Act  matter  or  thing  whatsoever  whereby  or 
by  reason  whereof  the  said  granted  p'mises  or  any  pf  thereof  is  arc 
or  shall  or  may  be  charged  burthened  or  incumbered  in  any  tj-the 
charge  Estate  or  otherwise  howsoever  (other  than  the  Quitt  Rents 
thereout  issuing  unto  o'  Lord  the  King  &  his  heires,  &  the  Arreare? 
thereof,  if  any  bee  paid)  further  that  the  said  Samuel  Jenings  & 
his  heires  &  the  said  John  Ridges  &  his  heires  shall  &  will  at  all 
tymes  hereafter  dureing  the  terrae  &  space  of  Seaven  yeares  next 
ensueing  the  date  hereof  at  the  request  Costs  &  chrages  of  the  sd 
John  Woolman,  his  heires  or  Assignes  make  do  &  execute,  or  cause 
or  p'cure  to  be  made  done  &  executed  such  further  &  other  lawfull 
Act  &  Acts,  thing  &  things,  Conveyance  &  assurance  whatsoever,  as 
by  the  said  John  Woolman  his  heires  or  assigns  shall  be  reasonably 
required,  &  for  the  further  better  more  full  &  p'fect  conveying  4 
confirming  the  said  granted  p'mises  &  every  or  any  p**  thereof  with 
the  appurtenances  unto  him  the  sd  John  Woolman  his  heires  &  as- 
signs forever  according  to  the  Lawes  &  Constitutions  of  the  sd 
Province  of  West  Jersey  &  the  tenour  &  true  meaning  of  the  sd  Act 
as  the  p"'  or  p'*"*  to  whom  such  request  shall  be  made  be  not  com- 
pelled to  goe  from  the  place  of  his  or  their  respective  aboadc  or 


APPENDIX 


595 


habitation  for  the  making  doeing  or  executing  thereof.  And  soe  as 
such  further  Assurances  containe  noe  further  warranty  than  accord- 
ing to  the  tenour  of  these  p"""*  IX  WITNESSE  whereof  the 
said  p"*  first  above  named  in  this  p"*"*  Indenture  hath  sett  his  hand 
&  Seale  the  day  &  Year  first  Above  written. 

1687. 
Sam"  Jenings. 


DEPOSITION  OF  JOHN  WILLS,  jmo,  17th  1742. 
John  Wills  of  Northampton  Township  in  the  County  of  Burling- 
ton, Esq"  of  the  Age  of  Kigbty  three  Years  &.  upwards  doth  declare 
that  he  was  intimalely  acquainted  with  William  Woolnian  late  of  the 
same  Township  Yeoman  deced  ever  since  the  ffirst  arrival  of  the 
said  William  in  America  that  he  was  also  very  well  acquainted  with 
George  Elkinton  late  of  the  same  place  Yeoman  having  come  into 
America  Servant  to  the  said  John  Will's  ffather  for  ffour  Years. 
And  the  said  John  Wills  says  he  is  very  sure  that  the  said  William 
lived  at  the  House  of  the  said  George  Elkinton  in  the  sd  Tovraship 
very  near  if  not  quite  a  whole  Year  next  before  the  Death  of  the 
said  William  &  that  the  said  William  dyed  at  the  House  of  the  sd 
George  the  thirtieth  of  March,  1*^92  or  very  near  that  time  &  that  the 
said  George  maintain'd  him  all  the  Time  he  was  there  &  took  care 
of  him  in  his  Sickness  &  buryed  him,  all  at  the  Expense  of  the  said 
George.  And  the  said  John  Wills  said  that  he  has  often  heard  his 
ffather  Daniel  Wills  say  that  the  said  William  Woolman  had  given 
the  said  George  Etkinton  &  his  Wife  Mary  One  half  of  the  One  hun- 
dred &  ffifty  acres  in  the  said  Township  which  his  Son  John  Wool- 
man  had  conveyed  to  him  &  that  he  had  made  'em  a  Deed  for  it, 
and  the  sd  John  Wills  saith  he  very  well  knows  tlie  sd  William  Wool- 
man  gave  the  sd  George  Etkinton  &  his  wife  the  said  Land  for  the 
great  Services  &  kindness  they  had  done  him  in  so  maintaining  him 
as  aforesaid  &  that  the  said  William  Woolman  had  nothing  else  of 
Value  to  repay  them  with.  And  the  said  John  Wills  saith  that  he 
verily  believes  the  said  land  so  given  by  the  said  William  to  the  said 
George  was  worth  about  Six  or  Seven  pounds  Money  at  Nine  &  two 
pence  ^  ounce  &  that  the  said  land  so  given  to  the  said  George  would 
not  compensate  the  Trouble  &  Care  the  sd  George  &  his  Wife  had 
taken  in  the  Entertainment  and  Burial  of  the  said  William.  And 
the  said  John  Wills  saith  that  he  very  well  knows  that  the  said 
William  Woolman  was  always  a  Man  of  sound  Mind  &  Memory  & 
so  continued  to  the  Day  of  his  Death.  The  said  John  Wills  further 
saith  that  he  has  often  seen  the  Deed  by  which  the  sd  William  con- 
veyed to  the  said  George  the  Seventy  ffive  acres  of  Land  therein 


596 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


mentioned  &  knows  it  to  be  of  his  flfather  Daniel  Wills's  proper  hand 
Writing  &  that  the  said  George  peaceably  &  quietly  enjoyed  the  same 
without  any  manner  of  Interruption  or  claim  set  up  thereto  by  John 
Woolman  after  the  Death  of  his  ffather  William  for  the  space  of 
Twenty  ffive  Years  &  that  the  said  John  Woolman  dyed  in  the  Month 
of  April  1718  &  left  Joseph  Elkinton  Son  of  the  sd  George  in  the 
peaceable  possession  thereof  without  ever  having  claimed  the  same 
or  set  up  any  pretnce  thereto  that  the  said  John  Wills  hath  ever  heani 
of.  And  in  Testimony  of  the  Truth  of  all  the  within  Matters  the 
said  John  Wills  hath  hereto  set  his  Hand  the  Seventeenth  Day  of 
September  in  the  Year  of  our  Lord  One  thousand  Seven  hundre 
fforty  two. 

Signed  in  the  presence  of  John  Wills 

Joseph  Govett  who  saw  &  heard 
John  Wills  read  the  same. 

Jos.  Govett. 

The  said  John  Wills  reflecting  on  the  Date  of  the  Deed  from 
John  Woolman  to  his  ffather  the  before  named  William  Woolmati. 
says  he  very  well  remembers  that  at  that  titnc  tu  wit  al)out  the  year ' 
1688  there  was  an  Arbitration  between  the  said  John  &  William  & 
in  consequence  thereof  the  said  Deed  was  made  to  the  said  William 
Woolman  when  he  was  at  the  House  of  the  before  named  George 
Elkinton  &  that  he  always  lived  there  to  the  time  of  his  Death  & 
that  the  Deed  of  the  Seventy  ffive  Acres  within  mentioned  was  dated 
in  March  1692  made  by  William  Woolman  to  George  Elkinton  so 
that  the  said  John  Wills  is  well  satisfy ed  the  sd  Wm  Woolman  did 
abide  &  continue  al  the  said  George  Elkinton's  House  before  men- 
tioned near  ffour  Years,  &  says  as  before  that  the  Care  &  kindnesses 
he  there  received  &  met  with  was  the  sole  reason  &  Consideration  for 
his  making  the  said  Conveyance  of  the  Said  Seventy  ffive  Acres  to 
the  said  George  Elkinton  &  is  fully  sensible  that  it  was  at  the  making 
thereof  far  from  being  a  full  Satisfaction  for  what  the  said  Williani_ 
had  received  from  tlie  sd  George  Elkinton. 

(Not  signed.) 
(Copied  from  a  paper  in  the  possession  of  Gilbert  Cope.     What; 
supposed  to  be  the  original  paper  is  in  possession  of  H.  E.  Dea 
of  Phila.) 

MARRIAGE  CERTIFICATE  OF 
JOHN  WOOLMAN  I  AND  l-XIZABRTH  BOURTON. 
Whereas,  there  hath  been  an   intention  of   Marriage  duly  pub- 
lished at  two  several  Monthly  Meetings  of  ye  people  called  Quakers 


*  (••i9lh  of  February"  erased.) 


APPENDIX 


597 


in  Burlington  upon  ye  river  Delaware  in  ye  Province  of  West  New 
Jersey  in  America.  Between  John  Woolman  of  Northampton  River, 
Husbandman,  and  Elizabeth  Bourton  near  ye  same  place  also  in  Prov- 
ince aforesaid,  inquiry  being  made  no  obstruction  appearing,  also  ye 
consent  of  Parents  being  had  ye  meeting  gave  their  consent  unto  ye 
same. 

Now  these  may  certifie  ye  truth  unto  all  conserne  yt  on  ye  day 
of  ye  datte  hereoff  in  our  sight  and  hearing  and  in  an  assembly  of 
ye  Lord's  People  ye  said  John  Woolman  did  take  and  declare  ye  said 
Elizabeth  Bourton  to  be  his  Wife,  and  ye  said  Elizabeth  Bourton  did 
take  and  declare  the  said  John  Woolman  to  be  her  husband  according 
to  ye  example  of  ye  Lord's  People  Recorded  in  ye  Scriptures  of  truth 
each  of  them  consenting  or  Promising  to  be  loving,  faithful  and  true 
in  ye  capacity  as  Husband  and  Wife  ye  tenure  of  their  natural!  lives 
together. 

In  Witness  whereoff  ye  Parties  themselves  have  first  of  all  sub- 
scribed their  names  and  wee  also  as  Witnesses  this  eighth  day  of 
ye  eighth  Month  1684. 


John  Bourton. 
Thomas  Bourton 
Tho.  French. 
Tho.  Ohlve. 
Wm.  Evans 
Robt.  Dimsdale. 
Daniel  Wills. 
Wm.  Peechee 
Thos.  Harding 
Freedom  Lippincott. 


Jo.  Hollinshead. 
Jo.  Haines. 
Ann  Bourton. 
Jane  Bourton. 
Kstet  Bourton. 
Jane  Bourton. 
Ann  Jennings. 
Mary  Wills. 
Bridget  Guy. 
Grace  Hollinshcad. 


John  Woolman 
Elizabeth  Woollman 

Mary  Hudson. 
Mary  Cooke. 
Mary  Harding 
Ben,  Moore. 
Henry  Ballinger. 


Hdii 


Book  I  Marriages.  Burlington  M.  Mt'g  Records. 

WILL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN,  L 
"28th.  of  1st  Mo.  called  March,  1711." 
I,  John  Woolman  of  Northampton  in  y*  County  of  Burlington, 
and  Prov.  of  New  Jersey  being  sick  and  weak  of  body  but  of  sound 
and  perfect  mind  and  memory  and  considering  the  uncertainty  of  this 
life  am  willing  to  settle  business  here  and  to  dispose  of  that  outward 
Estate  it  pleased  God  to  intrust  me  withall,  I  therefore  make  this  my 
last  will  and  Testament,  made  and  ordained: 

Imprimis:  I  Comitl  my  Soul  unto  the  hands  of  all  Mighty  God, 
my  Creator,  and  my  body  to  ye  Earth  to  be  decently  buried  at  the 
iscretion  of  my  wife. 


598  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

2dly.  I  give  to  my  well  beloved  Wife,  Elizabeth  Woollman  }i\ 
my  personal  Estate  and  £20  more  to  be  paid  to  her  out  of  my 
sonal  Estate;  also  £6  pr.  year  to  be  paid  to  her  by  my  Son  Samuel 
out  of  ye  plantation  1  now  live  on,  in  lieu  of  her  thirds,  Thercfof 
the  sd  6  pounds  to  be  paid  yearly  to  my  said  Wife  during  her 
life, 

jdly.    I  give  unto  ray  Son  Samuel  Woolman  ye  Plantation  I 
live  on,  paying  as  aforesaid  to  his  Mother  6  pounds  a  year  du 
her  Natural  life,  a!so  all  other  of  ray  lands  within  the  Province  of 
New  Jersey  aforesaid  I  bequeath  unto  my  Son  Samuel  Woolnmn»J 
heirs  and  Assigns  forever,    Also  I  give  unto  said  Son  Samuel 
man  all  my  looms,  and  all  other  of  my  tools  of  all  sorts  belc 
the  Weaver's  trade.  

phly.  All  y*  remaining  part  of  my  Estate  I  give  and  bequettfr 
unto  my  five  daughters,  Elizabeth,  Marj',  Ann,  Hannah  and  Hester. 
I  say  I  give  all  the  remaining  part  of  Estate  to  them  or  to  ye  sar- 
vivors  of  them,  to  be  divided  amongst  them  equally,  and  to 
their  share  as  they  shafl  come  to  y*  age  of  one  and  twenty. 

5//i/y.  and  lastly,  I  make  and  ordain  my  said  Son  Samuel 
man  the  Whole  and  sole  Executor  of  this  my  last  Will  and 
ment,  hereby  ordering  him  to  pay  all  my  just  debts,  and  to 
all  such  debts  as  are  justly  due  me. 

In  witness  whereof  I  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  Seal  ye  day  4 
year  first  above  Written.  I  do  publish  and  declare  this  to  be  my  last 
Will  and  Testament. 

Witnesses:  John  Woolman.  (Seal) 

Joshua  Humphries 
John  Hookes 
Elizabeth  Humphries. 

Will  probated,  30  April,   1718,  before 
Isaac  DeCou,  Surrogate, 

[Office  of  Secretary  of  State,  Trenton.  N. 


WILL  OF  ELIZABETH.  WIDOW  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN  U 
I,  Elizabeth  Woollman  Widdow  and  Relict  of  John  Woolman  lat 
of  Northampton  in  tlie  County  of  Burlington  and  Province  of  New 
Jersey,  deceased.  Whereas  my  said  husband  did  by  his  last  will  and 
Testament  dated  the  26th  day  of  the  first  month  called  March  1711 
did  give  unto  me  one  third  of  his  personal  estate  and  twenty  pounds 
over  and  above  the  said  tliird  as  by  the  said  will  proved  and  in  the 
Office  at  Burlington  may  more  particularly  and  at  large  appear  and 
I  being  sick  and  weak  of  body  at  this  presant  but  of  sound  and  dis- 
poseing  mind  and  memory  do  make  and  ordain  this  my  last  will  and 


<J 


Built  1771  by  John  Woolman  for  His  Daughter,  Mary,  on  Her  Marriage 
to  John  Comfort. 

Now  the  Woolman  Memorial,  Mount  Holty,  N.  J. 
By   H.    Toerring. 


Fireplace,  John  Woolman  Memorial,  Mount   Holly,  N,  J. 
Photograph  by  IV.  W.  Dtwtes. 


L 


APPENDIX 


599 


Testament  and  do  hereby  dispose  of  what  my  husband  has  by  his 

last  will  given  to  me  as  followeth  viz : 

Imp^mis:   I  give  unto  my  son   Samucll   Woollman  a  piece   of  gold 

value   one   pound   nine    shillings   &   three    pence   lawful!    money   of 

America. 

2*ly  I  give  unto  my  daughter  Elizabeth  Hunt  fifteen  shillings  like 
money  aforesaid  to  be  paid  to  her  vi'ithin  one  year  after  my  de- 
cease. 

3'*ly  I  give  unto  my  daughter  Ann  Buflan  the  wife  of  John  Buffin 
sume  of  fifteen  shillings  like  money  aforesaid  to  be  paid  to  her  within 
one  year  after  my  decease — 

4''»ly  I  live  and  bequeath  unto  my  daughter  Mary  Woolman  one  third 
part  of  the  aforementioned  thirds  of  my  husbands  estate  after  the 
legacies  aforesaid  arc  paid  there  out,  to  be  paid  to  my  said  daughter 
Mary  as  soon  as  can  be  after  my  decease. 

5  The  other  two  thirds  of  the  said  third  ray  will  is  that  the  same 
be  equally  divided  between  my  two  youngest  daughters  viz.  Hannah 
and  Hesther  Woolman  and  their  equall  shares  thereof  to  be  paid  to 
them  or  their  Guardians  as  soon  as  can  be  after  my  decease  and 
my  will  is  that  tliere  respective  shares  thereof  be  put  to  Interest  at 
the  proper  Risque  and  for  the  sole  use  of  my  said  daughters. 
Moreover  I  give  to  my  youngest  daughter  Hesther  Woolman  the 
twenty  pounds  above  mentioned  to  be  paid  to  her  or  her  Guardians 
as  aforesaid  and  in  case  that  either  of  my  two  daughters  viz.  Hannah 
or  Hesther  should  die  before  they  arrive  at  the  age  of  twenty  one 
years  or  are  married,  that  then  the  survivor  or  survivors  of  ray  said 
three  daughters  viz.  Mary,  Hannah  and  Hesther  shall  have  the  share 
'  of  eather  of  the  two  so  dying  equally  divided  betwixt  them  and  if 
it  should  so  happen  that  both  of  my  said  daughters  Hannah  and 
Hesther  should  die  before  they  arrive  at  the  age  aforesaid  or  are 
married  that  then  my  will  is  that  my  daughter  Mary  shall  have  the 
whole  thirds  and  twenty  pounds  aforesaid 

Lastly,  I  constitute  appoint  and  ordain  my  son  Samuell  Woollraan 
to  be  the  sole  Executor  of  this  my  last  will  ordering  him  to  pay  all 
my  just  debts  funerall  Charges  and  legecies  aforesaid  In  witness 
whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  seal  this  first  day  of  the 
month  called  May  1718 

Elizab.  Woolman  (Seal) 
In  the  presence  of 
John  haines — affirmed  30  May  1718 
John  Wills        and  Executor  affirmed 
Hope  Wills        same  date. 
[79s  C.]     Inventory  of  estate  of  Elizabeth  Wollman  being  ye  widow 


6oo 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


of  John  Wollman  which  was  given  her  by  her  husband — appraised  : 
of  3mo.  1718,  by  John  haines  &  Joshua  Humphris. 
Office  Secretary  of  State,  N.  J. 
Liber  C  of  Wills,  p.  789. 

WILL  OF  SAMUEL  WOOLMAN 
I^  Samuel  Woolman,  of  Burlington  Co.  N.  J.  yeoman,  being  of 
sound  mind  and  memory,  do  make  this  my  last  will  and  Testament 
First,  I  recommend  my  soul  unto  the  hands  of  God,  and  my  body  to 
be  decently  buried.  And  Touching  my  Worldly  Estate  I  dispose  of 
it  as  follows; — 

imprimis:  I  give  to  my  loving  wife  Elizabeth  Woolman  one  half  of 
tlie  improvements,  half  the  barn,  half  the  orchids,  (sic)  half  the 
marshes  on  both  sides  the  Creek  with  Firewood  and  Fencing  » 
supply  her  said  ha!f  of  said  Improvements  where  I  now  dwell  during 
the  term  of  Four  years  and  three  months  from  the  date  hereof. 
Item:  I  give  to  my  loving  Wife  my  sorrel  Mare  called  Bonny  and 
one  Colt.  I  give  her  the  two  brick  Rooms  below  stairs  and  the  least 
Brick  room  above  stairs  and  half  the  cellar  and  half  the  kitchen 
during  her  Widowhood. 

Item:  I  will  that  my  Son  Asher  Enjoy  the  remaining  half  of  my 
improvements  and  Buildings  where  I  now  dwell  and  also  that  he 
Enjoy  all  the  improvements  on  north  End  of  my  land  until  my  son 
Jonah  arrives  at  full  age. 

Jtctn :  My  land  at  Ei'esiwm  I  will  that  it  be  divided  into  three  equal 
parts  (the  marsh  on  north  end  excluded)  by  lines  near  parallel  with 
west  side  line.  The  Eastern  part  bounded  on  Mason  Creek  I  give  to 
my  son  John  H^'oolman  his  heirs  and  assigns  forever:  The  Western 
part  bounding  on  Freedom  Lippincott  I  give  to  my  son  Jonah  Wool- 
mtm  his  heirs  and  assigns  forever.  The  Middle  part  and  all  the 
marsh  on  the  north  end  and  also  the  meadow  ground  I  give  to  nrf 
son  Asher  Woolman,  his  heirs  and  assigns  forever. 
Item :  I  give  to  my  son  Asher  Woolman  all  the  South  Side  with  build- 
ings &  I  will  that  son  Asher  pay  out  of  the  same  £20  to  my  son  Uriah 
in  1  year  after  I  die. 

And  also  that  he  pay  to  my  son  Abraham  £50  and  to  son  Eber  £30. 
All  north  End  of  lands  and  house  tliereon  to  son  Jonah  He  to  p»y 
son  Abraham  £30  and  £30  to  son  Eber. 

My  lands  in  Morris  County  of  38^  Acres  1  give  to  my  sons  Abrahan 
and  Eber, 

My  Cedar  Swamp  called  Old  Swamp  I  give  to  my  seven  sons.    Land 
I  bought  of  James  Southwick  I  give  to  son  Eber. 
A  Lot  of  Land  in  Bridgetown'  1  give  to  my  loving  Wife  Elizabeth 
•Now  Uount  llolly. 


f 


APPENDIX 


6oi 


Wootman,     After  the  4  yrs.  and  3mos.  Expire,  I  will  that  my  son 
Asher  pay  out  of  the  profits  of  plantation  the  sum  of  £5  to  Wife 
Elizabeth  yearly  and  Every  year  during  her  widowhood,  pasture  for 
horse,  cow,  and  necessary  wood. 
I  ^ve  to  Uriah  £180. 

To  my  daughters  Sarah  Elton,  Patience  Moore  and  Hannah  Gauntt, 
each  5  shillings.  To  my  son  Asher  £15  to  be  held  in  trust  for  my 
daughter  Sarah  Elton,  to  be  used  at  his  discretion  for  her  or  for  her 
children. 

To  ray  daughters  Esther  and  Rachel  Woolman  £50  when  full  age  or 
raarry.  I  will  that  my  sons  Abraham  and  Eber  be  put  at  trade  at 
14  years.  To  my  sons  Uriah  and  Jonah  i  flock,  one  bed  and  bolsters, 
3  blankets,  and  one  Coverlid. 

To  ray  sons  Abraham  and  Eber,  i  chest,  i  Flock  bed  &  like  furni- 
ture, with  the  others. 

All  residue  after  debts  and  funeral  Expenses  are  paid  and  Legacies, 
I  give  to  Wife  for  her  support,  and  to  Enable  her  to  Ekiucate  my 
Children.    I  wish  my  Wife  to  have  care  of  Jonah,  and  to  have  benefit 
of  his  labor  until  he  is  of  age. 
As  Executors,  I  appoint  my  Sons  John  and  Asher. 

II  of  6mo.  1750. 
Samuel  Woolman.  (Seal) 


I 


Witnesses 
Thomas  Green 
Daniel  Wills,  Jr. 
Joseph  Green. 


Probated,  17  December  1750. 
Recorded  in  Office  of  Secretary  of  State, 
Trenton,  N.  J.     Liber  VI,  p.  391. 
1750.  5  day  of  8mo.   (October).     Inventory,  £819.1.4.     Made  by 
Joseph  Burr  and  John  Deacon.     Includes  books  of  divinity,  naviga- 
tion and  law,  £19.0.3. 

WILL  OF  ELIZABETH  WOOLMAN,  SENIOR. 
I,    Elizabeth    Woolman    widow   of    Samuel    Woolman,    late   dec*, 
being  of  sound  mind  and  memory,  dispose  of  the  outword  Substance 
with  which  I  am  entrusted  as  follows: 

My  brick  house  in  Mount  holly,  with  the  framed  shop,  and  all  the 
lot  to  them  belonging,  I  give  to  my  daughter  Rachel  Woolman  to  hold 
to  her,  her  heirs  &  assigns  forever,  on  condition  that  she  pay  ten 
pounds  proclamation  money  to  my  grand  daughter  Elizabeth  Eltoa 
I  give  to  my  grand  daughter  Theodosia  Allen  Ten  pounds  to  be 
paid  in  one  year  next  after  my  decease. 

I  give  to  my  grand  daughter  Elizabeth  Elton  my  bed  in  the  back 
room,  below  stairs  with  the  bedstead,  boulster,  curtains,  one  coverlcd, 
two  sheets  &  two  pillows. 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


I  have  made  an  inventory  signed  it  with  my  hand  and  left  it  with 
my  son  Asher  and  all  the  goods  therein  mentioned,  I  give  to  nay 
grand  daughter  Elizabeth  Elton. 

My  lot  of  land  in  New  street  in  Mount  holly,  I  give  to  my  grandson 
Asher  Woolman  son  of  Abner  Woolman  dec.  to  hold  to  the  said 
Asher  his  heirs  &  assigns  forever. 

1  give  to  my  son  Jonah  my  large  bible  &  I  give  to  ray  son  John 
Thomas  Chalkleys  Journal. 

1  will  that  ray  executor  pay  to  negro  Issabel  Thirty  shillings  and 
Thirty  shillings  to  her  sister  Maria  who  lived  with  me,  all  in  goods 
at  the  appraisment. 

All  the  residue  of  my  estate  whatsoever  I  give  to  my  four  daughters 
namely  Patience  More,  Hannah  Gaunt,  Esther  gaunt  &  Rachel  Wool- 
man  to  be  equally  divided  amongst  them  and  if  either  of  them  dies 
before  this  will  comes  in  force,  1  will  that  the  part  of  such  so  dying 
do  go  equally  amongst  the  children  of  such  deceased. 
I  appoint  my  sons  Asher  &  Jonah  Woolman  Executors  of  this  Of 
last  will,  and  desire  the  part  given  to  Esther  Gaunt  be  paid  her  by 
my  executors  at  my  dwelling  house  to  such  persons  as  she  or  her 
husband  or  her  children  may  appoint  to  receive  it.  Signed  and  sealed 
by  Elizabeth  Woolman  the  1 1  of  2nio.  in  the  year  1772. 

< 
Elizabeth     <    Woohnan  (Seal) 
her  mark 
In  the  presence  of 
Aaron  Wills 
Jacob  Hillier 

Mary  Willets— affirmed,  21  oct  1773. 
Jonah  Woolman  affirmed  as  executor  same  date. 
9597  C.         Inventory  of  estate  of  Elizabeth  Woolman.  (widow) 
23  of  9mo.  1773. 
by  Joseph  Buzby  &  Isaac  Hillier 

Arat  £179— 8— 1>4. 

Office  Sec.  of  State  of  New  Jersey. 
Trenton.  Liber  C.  of  Wills,  p.  9595- 


J 


WILL  OF  ELIZABETH  W^OOLMAN  JUNIOR 
The  ninth  day  of  the  Second  month  Anno  Dom  one  Thou: 
Seven  hundred  and  forty  four  I  Elizabeth  Woolman  Junior  of  the 
County  of  Glocester  in  West  Jersey  in  America  Taylores  being  at 
present  in  good  health  and  perfect  mind  &  memory  Yet  calling  to 
-'lind  ye  uncertainty  of  this  Life  do  make  and  ordain  this  my  last  will 
and  Principally  I  recomcnd  my  Soul  into  the  hands  of  God  and 


APPENDIX 


603 


my  body  to  ye  Earth  to  be  Decently  buried  at  the  Discression  of  my 

Executors  here  after  named  And  as  touching  my  Temporal  Estate  I 

Give  and  Dispose  of  ye  Same  as  follows 

Imprimis :  I  give  to  my  Beloved  Father,  Samuel  Woolman,  my  great 

Bible. 

Item    I  give  to  my  beloved  mother,  Elizabeth  Woolman,  my  great 

Looking  glass. 

Item:  I  give  to  my  Brother  John  Woolman  the  Sum  of  Twelve  pounds 

proclamation  money  and  my  Gold  buttons 

Item:  I  give  to  my  Sister  Sarah  Elton  ye  sum  of  Six  pounds  like 

money  &  one  of  my  best  Gowns. 

Item;  I  give  to  my  Sister  Patience  Moore  ye  sum  of  Six  pounds  Like 

money  and  one  of  my  best  Gowns. 

Item:  I  give  to  my  Brother  Asher  Woolman  ye  Sum  of  Six  pounds. 

Like  money. 

Item:  I  give  to  my  Brothers  Abner,  Uriah,  Jonah,  Abram  and  Eber 

and  to  my  Sisters,  Hannah,  Esther  and  Rachel  Woolman,  to  each 

and  every  of  these  my  said  Brothers  and   Sisters,  ye  Sum  of  Six 

pounds  Like  money,  to  be  put  out  to  Interest  at  their  Proper  Risque 

and  for  their  Sole  use  until  they  shall  Severally  arive  to  ye  age  of 

Twenty  one  years. 

Item:  I  give  to  my  Sister  Hannah  Woolman  ye  following  particu- 
lars, viz.  my  Bed,  Bedstead  and  all  ye  furniture  to  them  belonging 
allso  my  Square  Walnut  Table,  my  nest  of  Drawers,  my  Lesser 
Looking  glass,  my  Tea  Table,  Tea  Kittle  and  Tea  pot,  all  my  China 
Ware  and  Silver  Spoons,  and  allso  my  Cloath  Saddle  and  the  bridle 
thereto  belonging. 

Item:  after  my  Just  Debts  funeral  Charges  and  above  mentioned 
Legacies  are  paid.  Then  all  the  remaining  part  of  my  estate  I  give 
to  my  three  Youngest  sisters  namely  Hannah,  Esther  &  Rachel  Wool- 
man  to  be  Equally  Divided  amongst  them,  share  and  Share  alike. 
Item;  in  case  Either  one  or  more  of  my  brothers  or  sisters  above 
named  Shall  Die  in  their  minority  and  without  issue,  I  will  that  his, 
her,  or  their  Legacies  by  me  given  be  Equally  Divided  amongst  ye 
survivors,  and  Lastly  I  appoint  my  brothers  John  and  Asher  Wool- 
man  to  be  Executors  of  this  Last  Will.  In  witness  where  of  I  have 
hereto  Set  my  Hand  and  Seal  the  Day  and  Year  above  written. 

Elizabeth  Woolman,  Junior.  (Seal) 
Signed  &  seal'd  in  presence  of 
John  Craig. 
Mary  Gill. 
Eliz*  Estaugh- 

Aflirmed  to  by  John  Craig 


6o4  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


13  Apr.  MDCCXLVII. 
Both  Ex"  affirmed  4  May,  MDCCXLVH. 

Inventory  of  Eliz.  Woolman  Jr.  dec.  of  Haddonfield,  Gloucester 
N.  J.,  made  17  of  imo.  (March).  1746/7, 
by  John  Craig  &  Sam',  Mickle,  Jr. 

Amt  £273-11-11 
Office  of  Secretary  of  State,  Trenton,  New  Jersey, 
Liber  H.  of  Wills,  p.  362. 

DEED  OF  TRUST 
John  Woolman  to  Stephen  Comfort 
da  mo 
27  :  4  :  1772 

I  John  Woolman  of  Mountholly  in  Burlington  County,  West 
jersey  having  bought  in  time  past  Some  Lands  And  John  Comfort 
Son  of  Stephen  Comfort  having  married  our  Daughter  Mary  And  I 
the  Said  John  Woolmian  having  it  in  my  heart  to  prepare  for  a  Voigt 
to  Great  Britain  on  a  Religious  Visit  do  not  see  any  way  in  which  1 
may  dispose  of  the  Lands  and  buildings  which  I  possess  more  to  mf 
own  peace  than  to  Commit  them  to  the  said  Stephen  Comfort  In 
Trust  for  my  Use  and  for  the  Use  of  my  beloved  Wife  Sarah  during 
the  time  that  we  and  the  Survivor  of  us  may  live  in  this  world  And 
that  the  Said  Stephen  Comfort  may  convey  or  devise  all  the  Lands 
which  1  now  possess  to  his  Son  John  or  to  our  Daughter  Mary  or  to 
cither  of  them  and  to  their  heirs  and  Assigns  forever  as  he  in  tl^J 
fear  of  the  Lord  may  believe  right.  ^| 

Now  for  the  Uses  aforesaid  I  John  Woolman  do  fully  clearly 
and  heartily  Grant  Convey  and  Confirm  all  the  Lands  buildings  and 
Improvements  which  I  hold  in  fee  simple  To  the  Said  Stephen  Com- 
fort his  heirs  and  Assigns  To  the  only  proper  Use  and  behoof  of  the 
Said  Stephen  Comfort  his  heirs  and  Assigns  forever.  Only  Rcserv* 
ing  to  mee  and  my  beloved  wife  and  to  the  Survivors  of  us  the  whole 
benefit  of  all  the  Said  Lands,  buildings  and  Improvements  During 
the  time  of  our  living  in  this  world.  In  Confirmation  whereof  I 
hereto  Set  my  hand  &  Seal  the  twenty  Seventh  day  of  the  forth 
Month  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  Seven  hundred  4 
.Seventy  two 

Signed  Sealed  and  delivd 
In  the  presence  of  us 
Aaron  Barton 
Hathsheha  Barton  John  Woolman.  (Seal.) 

[  I'rom  autograph  M.S.  copy  by  John  Woolman,  in  possession  of 
i/ijitorica)  Society  oi  Peic\i[v&'j\»;wvv%..    Original  on  file  in  office  Sec 
1  Ufy  of  Sutc»  Trenton,  ^.  V   '^'^'^^  ^-  '^^  ^^^ 


APPENDIX  605 

WILL  OF  STEPHEN  COMFORT 
"I  Stephen  Comfort  of  Middletown  Township  in  Co.  of  Bucks  Being 
Sick  and  weak  in  body  yet  sound  mind  and  Memory,  do  make  and 
Constitute  this  to  be  my  Last  will  and  Testament.  First  my  will  is 
that  my  Funeral  Expenses  and  Just  Debts  be  Paid  by  Executors 
hereafter  named. 

Item:  I  give  and  bequeath  unto  my  Beloved  wife  Marcy  Comfort 
all  my  rail  Estate  During  her  Widow  Hood  and  Likewise  it  is  my 
will  that  my  wife  may  take  as  many  of  my  Household  Goods  as  she 
Shall  Think  Proper  with  her  Choice  of  my  Horses  for  a  riding 
Creature  &  a  milch  cow. 

Item:  I  give  unto  my  son  John  Comfort  the  sum  of  five  Pounds. 
Item:  I  give  unto  my  son  Ezra  Comfort  the  sum  of  Forty  Pounds. 
Item:  I  give  unto  my  sons  Jeremiah  and  Stephen  Comfort  the  sum  of 
One  Hundred  Pounds  Each 

Item  I  give  unto  my  four  children  to  wit  Grace  Comfort,  Marcy 
Comfort,  Moses  Comfort  &  Robert  Comfort  The  sum  of  forty  pounds 
Each,  it  is  my  will  that  if  any  of  my  four  last  named  Children  shoud 
Die  before  they  arive  to  the  age  of  Twenty  one  years  their  share 
or  shares  shall  be  equally  Divided  amongst  the  survivors  of  the 
foure,  it  Likewise  is  my  will  that  all  my  estate  both  Rale  and  per< 
sonal  shall  be  and  Continue  as  it  now  stands  in  the  hands  of  my 
Executors  for  the  space  of  three  years  after  my  Decease  without  the 
Payment  of  any  of  the  above  Legaqres  or  any  Distrebution  made. 
I  give  &  bequeath  unto  my  son  John  Comfort  &  Mary  his  wife  to 
them  their  Heirs  &  assigns  forever  all  that  Estate  of  John  Woolman 
Lying  in  the  Jerseys  or  anywhere  else,  that  I  have  any  Right  to  by 
will  or  otherwise,  it  is  my  mind  that  the  above  Legasys  be  paid  in 
Current  Money  of  Pansylvania  after  the  Three  Years  after  my 
Decease  as  they  shall  arive  to  the  age  of  Twenty  one  years  It  is 
my  will  that  my  Rale  Estate  after  the  Intermarriage  or  Death  of  my 
wife  shall  be  sould,  and  if  so  be  there  should  not  be  sufficient  of  my 
Personal  Estate  to  Pay  the  above  Legacies  it  shall  be  paid  out  of  my 
rale  Estate  when  Sould  and  the  remainder  of  the  money  arising 
from  such  sale  shall  be  equally  Divided  amongst  all  my  Children 
then  living  share  &  share  alike.  And  lastly  I  appoint  my  wife  Mercy 
Comfort  and  Jeremiah  Comfort  to  be  my  Executors  of  this  my  Last 
will  and  Testament,  In  witness  where  of  I  have  here  unto  set  my 
hand  and  Seal  this  Twentieth  Day  of  the  Ninth  Month  in  the  year 
of  our  Lord  one  Thousand  Seven  Hundred  and  Seventy  Two.  1772 

Stephen  Comfort  (Seal) 

Witnesses —  Robert  Croasdale 

Macre  Wiiaou 


6o6  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

Bucks  &  The  9th  Day  of  December  Anno  Domini  1772  appeared 
the  above  named  Robert  Croasdale  &  Macre  Wilson  the  witnesses 
to  the  foregoing  will  who  upon  their  Solem  affirmation  severally  did 
declare  &  affirm  that  they  were  Personally  Present  &  Saw  &  Heard 
the  above  named  Stephen  Comfort  the  Testator  sign  seal  Publish  & 
declare  the  foregoing  Instrument  of  Writing  as  for  his  last  will  4 
Testament  and  that  at  the  Time  of  so  doing  he  was  of  sound  mind 
and  Memory  &  of  a  Disposing  understanding  to  the  best  of  their 
Knowledge  and  Belief,  Letters  Testamentary  Granted  unto  Marcy 
Comfort  &  Jeremiah  Comfort  Executors  9  Dec.  1772 

Doylestown,  Bucks  County,  Pa.,  Court  Hou^ 
Register's  office.     Liber  HI.  p.  299. 


LAST  WILL  AND  TESTAMENT  OF  SARAH  WOOLMAN. 
I  Sarah  Woolman  Widow  and  Relict  of  John  Woolman  (Late  ol 
Northampton  in  the  County  of  Burlington  in  the  Western  Division  of 
New  Jersey  Deceased)    Being   Desirous  of   Setling  ray   Temporal 
Concerns  DO  make  and  Ordain  this  my  Last  Will  and  Testament 
in   Manner   following;  that  is  to  say,   FIRST  I   desire    and  direct 
that  all  my  Just  Debts  and  Funeral  Charges  be  Duly  Paid.    Sec- 
ondly,  I  give   unto  my   Daughter  Mary   Comfort  all   my  Wearing 
Apparel.     Thirdly,   I   give  and   Bequeath   Unto  my   Grandson  John 
Comfort  my  Chest  of  Drawers.     Fourthly,  All  the  Remainder  of  My 
Estate   Wheresoever  to  Be    found,    I  give  and  Bequeath   the  same 
unto   my   Five   grand   Children,   To    Wit,   John    Comfort,   Stephen 
Comfort,  Samuel  Comfort,  William  Comfort,  and  Joseph  Comfort, 
to  be  Equally  Divided  Among  them  my  Said  grand  Children  Share 
and  Share  alike.    AND  it  is  my  Will  that  Each  grandchild's  Share 
as  Near  as  the  Same  Can  be  Ascertained  shall  be  Paid  to  him  as 
Soon  as  he  Attains  to  the  Age  of  Twenty  one  years,  Proper  Allow- 
ances at  the  Discretion  of  ray  Executors  Being  made  for  Doubtful 
debts  if  any  there  should  at  Such  time.    AND  further  it  is  ray  Will 
that  if  Either  of  my  Grand  Children  Should  Depart  this  Life  With- 
out Law  full  Issue  Before  Before  he  Attains  to  the  Age  of  Twenty 
one  years  that  then  and  in  Such  Case  the  Share  of  him  so  deceased 
shall    Be    Equally    Divided    Among  the    Surviving    Legatees.    AND 
so  in  Like  Maimer  if  more  of  them  should  Die  Under  .\ge  Without 
LawfuU  Issue    AND  in  Case  all  the  Five  grand  Children  should  die 
Under    Age    Without    Law  full    Issue    AND    my    Daughter    Mary 
Should  have  an  other  Child  or  Children  by  John  Comfort  then  Liv- 
ing, In  that  Case  I  give  the  Said  Residue  of  my  Estate  to  them  to 
be  Paid  to  them  or  in  Case  of  the  Decease  of  Either  Under  Age  to 
the  Survivor  or  SuyvVvots  'm  Mawcvw  kVwt?a:\4..    K^D  it  is  ray  WUl 


rcy     ! 

i 


APPENDIX 


607 


that  my  Executors  Immediately  after  my  decease  take  into  their 
Possession  All  my  Moneys  Bonds  Bills  Notes  and  Accounts  and  at 
their  Discretion  Call  in  Such  Moneys  of  Mine  as  are  out  on  Bond 
at  Interest  or  Other  Ways  and  From  time  to  time  Place  the  Same 
out  Again  as  they  See  Cause  as  Well  as  Such  Other  Moneys  as  may 
arise  to  my  Estate  on  Such  Security  as  they  shall  Judge  Safe  and 
Best.  LASTLY  I  Constitute  and  Appoint  my  Friends  John  Hoskins 
Daniel  Smith  John  Bisphatn  and  John  Coxe  Junr.  Executors  of 
this  my  Last  Will  and  Testament.  SEALED  with  my  Seal  and 
Signed  with  my  Hand  this  Eighteenth  Day  of  the  Eleventh  Month  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  One  Thousand  Seven  Hundred  and  Eighty 
Five— 1785. 

Sarah  Woolman  (Seal) 

Signed  Sealed  and  Declared 
By  the  Testatrix  as  and  for  her  last 
Will  and  Testament  in  the  presnce  of 
Us  Who  at  her  Request  in  her 
Presence  and  in  the  presence  of  Each 
other  have  Subscribed  our  Names. 

Sarah  Butcher 

Elizabeth  Hatkinson        Lydia  Tillton 


A  True  Coppey. 


From  the  Larger 

Account-Book 

p.  43  Cost  of  John  and  Mary  Woolman  Comfort's  house,  now  the 

Mo      Woolman  Memorial,  99  Branch  Street,  Mount  Holly,  N.  J. 

8     1771.     Expence  of  Building  a  Brick  house. 


Cash  paid  to  Hancock  in  full  for  8800  Bricks. .     08     18 

da     mo 

19    9    '71. 

Cash  paid  to  Zachariah  Rossel  in  full  for  9800  Bricks.     12    05 
mo 
9     '71.     Cash  paid  John  Parrish  in  full  for  12  Hogsheads 

of  lime  09    06 

Paid  Thomas  Conarro  Six  pounds  for  Stone,  to  wit         1 
three  pound  fifteen  and  ten  pence  to  Jonah  Woolman  for  \       6     00 
thee  and  the  rest  in  a  discompt  in  this  Book,  fol.  11         | 
Paid  Matthew  West  his  account  to  makeing  Door  cases) 

winder  cases  and  Sash \     04     02 

Three  pair  of  hooks  and  hinges  of  James  Dobbins  for  y' 

doors 00     15 


608  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

£     t  d 

the  Expence  of  Diging  the  Celler  supposed  to  be 03    10 

the  Expence  of  hawlling  18,600  Bricks  Supposed  to  be. . .  04    10 
Expence  of  boards  &  timber  used  by  Matthew  West 

Suppost  to  be 04    10 

two  pounds  of  Nails  had  of  William  Car  (1)  vert]  lb. 

and  then  to  twenty  five  pound  more ]  in  all  27  19  2 

Cash  paid  William  Calvert  to  buy  more  lime 03 

to  2lb.  of  Nails i   6 

to  cash  paid  to  primas  (Negro) 8  9 

to  cash  paid  to  Larrance  Fetters 2      52 

John  Wright  to  Cash i      S^ 

had  of  William  Calvert  54lb.  of  Nails i     18  3 

da  mo 

2.    3.    Paid  to  Wm  Norton  for  bawling  17  loads  of  Stone  4 

To  1500  Bricks  and  bawling 2      5 

to  350  Bricks 11 

to  cash  paid  to  labourers 11    3 

to  231b.  of  Nails 16   4 

to  2olb.  of  Nails 14   2 

To  Ohinglys  glass  and  other  materials  for  building 12    18   5 

To  Scantlen  laths  and  Boards  from  John  Bispham 8    13    7 

Cash  paid  to  Adam  Porker  for  Glaising  &  painting 2    05    6 

To  600  Bricks  at  3/6  pr.  hundred  from  Philadelphia i      10 

To    Ridgway.  .work 15     16   9 

To  Joseph  Mullen,  .work 15      2 

To  Joseph  Wever 2      4 

MARRIAGE  CERTIFICATE  OF  WILLIAM  BOIN   (BOWEN) 

AND  DIDO. 

Smo.  3d.  1763. 
Whereas,  William  Boin  a  Negro  man  now  Employed  in  the 
Affairs  of  Moses  Haines  of  Springfield  who  by  an  Agreement  with 
the  said  Moses  Haines  Set  forth  in  Wrighting  and  Signed  Expects 
to  Enjoy  the  full  benefit  of  his  Labour  on  the  first  day  of  the  fourth 
month  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
sixty  five  And  Dido  a  negro  Woman  of  late  servant  to  Joseph  Burr 
who  now  enjoys  the  whole  benefit  of  her  labour  Having  for  Some 
time  manifested  an  Enclination  to  joyn  in  Marriage  with  each  other, 
and  On  luiquiry  no  Difficulty-  appearing  in  respects  to  marriage  En- 
gagements with  any  others.  They,  the  said  William  Boin  and  Dido 
on  the  third  day  of  the  fifth  month  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one 
(/lousaiul  seven  hvwdtcd  ^nd  ^v-sx^'  \iv\^^  At  a  little  meeting  held 


APPENDIX  609 

Dwelling-house  on  that  Ocasion  did  publicly  inform  us  the 
esses  to  this  Instrument  that  they  took  each  other  as  Husband 
V^ife  and  mutually  promised  to  use  their  best  Endeavours  through 
le  Assistance  to  be  FaithfuU  and  true  to  Each  Other  untill  Death 
Id  Separate  them.  And  in  Confirmation  thereof  have  hereto 
leir  hands 

;sses  present —  William  Boin 

h  Burr  Dido  Boin 

tice  Haines  (by  her  order)  for  Negro  Catherine,  mother  to  Dido 
1  White  for  Negro  London,  her  Father 

las  Antrim  Hager 

I  Ridgway  Daphne 

Stratton  George  Subeter 

Brooks  Cesar  Morry 

t  Fenimore  Simon  Bustill 

t  Woolman  Elizabeth  Morton 

:1  (Illegible)  Primos 

Antrim  hager  gewant  (Gauntt?) 

Woolman  (illegible) 

Susannah  Fenimore 
Catren  Fenimore 
Jeams  hage 


BIBLIOGRAPHY.* 

The  Works  of  John  Woolman. 

The  Journal  of  John  Woolman. 

Some  Considerations  on  the   Keeping  of  Negroes,  etc     Part 

Considerations  on  the  Keeping  of  Negroes,  etc.     Part  II. 

Considerations  on  Pure  Wisdom,  etc. 

Considerations  on  the  True  Harmony  of  Mankind,  etc 

Remarks  on  Sundry  Subjects. 
,  Serious  Considerations  on  Various  Subjects  of  Importance. 

An  Epistle  to  the  Quarterly  and  Monthly  Meetings  of  Frien 

Some  Expressions  of  John  Woolman  in  his  Last  Illness. 

Account  of  Elizabeth  Woolman. 

A  Plea  for  the  Poor,  or  A  Word  of  Remembrance  and  Caution 
to  the  Rich. 
,  A  First  Book  for  Children,  etc. 
,  Letters  of  John  Woolman. 

A  Small  Paper  on  Prayer. 

Extracts  from  the  Works  of  John  Woolman. 

Testimonies  concerning  John  Woolman. 

Letters  respecting  the  Illness  and  Death  of  John  Woolman. 

Biographical  and  Other  Articles  on  John  Woolman. 

References  to  John  Woolman. 


I.— The  Works  of  John  Woolman,  in  two  parts,  viz.,  Part  I., 
Journal  of  John  Woolman;  and  Part  II.,  Other  Huntings. 

Philadelphia:  Crukshank.    8vo.     1774. 
2.— Do.    *Thc  2nd  edition," 

Philadelphia:  Crukshank.    8vo.     1775. 
3.— Do. 

London:  Letch  worth,*    8vo.     1775. 

»  Thii   bibliograpliy   ha§   httn   based,    by    permission,    upon    that    of    xYtt   '*C« 
Edition,"     igoo,     of    John     Woolinan'i    Journal,     published     in     London    by    H« 
Brolh«rfl.      It    hu    been    brought    to    date    by    the    addition    of    the    more    imporH* 
publi<'>tionB  on   the  subjcict.  but   does  not   include  everything  that   has   been   writteiL 

•  Thomaik   Letchworth   printed    I?    1774I    a   circular    in    small    4to   of    "proposal*  Cor 

Publishinjt  by  Subscription  (with  the  approval  of  the  Meeting  of  Minister*  asd  Eldtn 

ndon)  an  edition  of  The  Works  of  John  Woolman."    A  copy  is  in  the  nunfim 

Society    of   Friends.   London.     An    error    in    the    first    edition,    1774,    pagt  M4t 

ntnxj  fourth  day  of  the  tighth  montb."^    This  abould  b«  third  mooth. 

610 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


i^Do.    "The  2nd  edition." 

H  London:  Phillips.    8vo.    1775. 

^Do,    "The  3rd  edition." 

London :  Phillips.     i2mo.     1775. 
>.— Do.     "The  3rd  edition." 

Philadelphia:  Johnson.     i2nio.     1800. 
7.— Do.    "The  4th  edition." 

»  Philadelphia :  B.  Johnson,  and  David  Allinson,  Burlington, 

N.  J,  1806, 
?.— Do.    "The  sth  edition." 

Phitadefphia:  181 8. 

?. — ^Do.    321  pp.  8vo, 

Philadelphia:   B.  and  T.  Kite.     1818. 


K 


u — ^The  Journal  of  John  Woolman.    In  Ai. 

Philadelphia:  Crukshank.    8vo.     1774. 
h— Do.    In  A2. 

Philadelphia:  Crukshank.    8vo.    1775. 
J. — Do.    In  A3. 

London:  Letchworth.    8vo.     1775. 
^-Do,    In  A4. 

B  London:  Phillips.    8vo.    1775. 

5F-D0.     In  As. 

London;  Phillips.     lamo.     1775. 
1— Do. 

DubHn:  Jackson.    8vo.     1776. 
7.— Do. 

Dublin:  Jackson.    8vo.    1778. 
i— Do. 

Dublin:  Jackson.    8vo.     1794. 
J.— Do.     In  A6. 

Philadelphia:  Johnson,     isroo.     1800. 
X— Do.     "A  new  edition." 

London:  Phillips.    8vo,     1824. 
L— Do.    In  Vol.  I.  of  Friends^  Library,  edited  by  William  Allen. 

Lindfield:  Schools  of  Industry.     i6mo.     1832. 
t. — Do.     "The  2nd  edition." 

Lindfield:  Schools  of  Industry.     i6nio.     1833. 
-Do.     "The  3Td  edition." 

Lindfield:  Schools  of  Industry.     Large  t8nio.     1838. 


eUa  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

14*— I>Q^    Edited  bj  John  Coniljr,  collated  with  original  MSS.  and 
oocTcctedk 

Phtladd^kia:  Otaiwnan.     i2mo.     1837. 
13.— Dql    In  VoL  IV.  of  Tk€  Friend/  Library,  edited  by  William 
aad  TkaiHW  Evw. 

Fb^add^ha:  Sakeatraw.    Imp.  8vo.  1840. 
itiw— Dok    EkSted  in  yait  hf  James  Cropper. 

Warnnfttm:  HnrsL    8vo.    1840/ 
kT-^-Ob.    As  Bi4. 

dScv  Tack:  Coffins.    Sra    1845. 
tT'"'— X««  YofiL    Oaffins  Btol  ft  Ca    New  Bedford :  Wm.  C.  Taber  & 

r,Mifcii:Mnn>L    8va    1847. 
a:  ManiL    umo.    1857. 


1:  Friends'  Association  for  the  Diffusion  of 
KnJuions  and  Uacfnl  Knowledge.     i2mo.     i860. 
^.  ^V    W;jtft  lacraifactiott  by  John  Greenleaf  Whittier.' 
BkHttn:  O«ood.    Svo.    1871. 

Fosstoe:  Osgood.    8va     1872. 
>^,^r^__K,fprtated  1873  and  later. 

O^o^vw:  SmeaL    Sra    1882. 

8^  -™;\\    As  iN-;i. 

v^a^^w:  SmeaL    8va    1883. 

Vtli!a^c<Vhia :  Friends'  Book  Association.     8vo.     1892. 

lothKHi:  Hicks.    8va    1895. 
^^     iV     U  IJUi.    -The  nth.  edition." 

^.^ttOim    tUadley.    8va    1896. 
j^    :,\n      V.»    :*'A^.i»^  </r   tk€  Heart   series.     With    Introduction  by 
Vvv*J*^**   SmcUie,  MA.;  and  Appreciation  by  J.  G.  Whit- 

;^Kiwi;  Metn>«.    Small  8vo.     1898. 

^yucvtt    K<>aghton.  Mifflin  &  Co.    8vo. 

^    j^  ,.*iWAa.    '»'*i*  ^  ^^Msw^"  skould  be  smo  (page  151);  and  "13th  of  6jbo." 
I^'*"*'   ^   *"**'*  /■_  ^  x^  ^>*J^^Jl  xv^  \W  <TroT  "wi  d*l\ti«  in  the  Whittier  edition*:    "Sn- 

lj;:T7^^  "^  ^  "**'''"  ^^  '■'''*'■ 


r 


■Do. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


As  B2i.    "Complete  edition." 

London:  Headley.     8vo.     1899. 
Do.    As  B21. 

London:  Headley.    8vo.     1900. 
'Do.     As  B21.    "The  New  Century  edition." 
Bibliography,  Index,  etc. 

London:  Headley.    8vo. 


1900. 


-Do. 


London:  Essex  House  Press,  Bow.     1901. 

Printed   on   guarantee   of   John   W.   Pease   and   other 
Friends,    with    Frontispiece    by    Reginald    Savage,   and 
under  care  of  C.  R-  Ashbee. 
•Do.     ...  to  which  are  added  his  last  Epistle  and  Other  Writ- 
ings: Pocket  Classics. 

New  York:  Macmillan  Co.       i2nio.     1903. 
-Do.     In  Harvard  Classics.    Ed.  by  Charles  W.  Eliot,  LL.D. 

R.  F.  Collier  and  Son.     1909. 
-Do.      With    Introduction    by    Vida    D,    Scudder.      Everyman's 
Library. 

London:  J.  M.  Dent  &  Co.     1912. 
-Do.      As    B18.      Translated    into    German    as    Tagebuch    des 
Lcbens  .  .  .  Johann  Woolman. 
London:  Marsh.     8vo.     1852. 

Extracts  from  the  Journal  of  John  Woolman. 

-An  Extract  from  John  Woolman 's  Journal  in  Manuscript, 
Concerning  the  Ministry.  ["On  this  visit  .  .  .  may  raise 
US."] 

London.    8vo.     1775. 

Another    Extract.      In    Vol.    L    of    Friends'    Miscellany, 
edited  by  John  and  Isaac  Comly. 

Philadelphia:    Richards.     i2mo.     1831. 
feraoirs  of  John  Woolman.     Tract  No.  15. 

London:  Friends'  Tract  Association.     i2mo.     1815. 
Note.— This  has  been   frequently  reprinted. 
B39.    Translated  into  German. 
London:  Marsh.    i2mo.    1869. 
-Memoir  of  John  Woolman.     Tract  No.  17. 

Dublin:  Friends'  Tract  Association.     i2rao.     1815. 
Note. — "The  3rd.  edition"  was  issued  in   1827. 
femoir  of  John  Woolman.    Tract  No.  i. 

Philadelphia:    Friends'  Tract   Association.     i2roo. 
Note. — "The  2nd  edition"  was  issued  in  1817. 


6i4  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

43. — Memoire  de  Jean  Wool  man. 

a  Londres:  chez  Vogel.     i2mo.     1819. 
Note. — Reprinted  by  Wertheimer  in  1845,  '851. 


C. 


I. — Some  Considerations  on  the  Keeping  of  Negroes  recommended 
to  the  Professors  of  Christianity  of  every  DenominatioiL 
Part  I.  (Whittier's  Introduction,  printed  in  the  various  edi- 
tions, inaccurately  ascribes  a  quotation  beginning  "When 
trade  is  carried  on  productive  of  much  misery,"  to  this  Essay, 
whereas  it  is  taken  from  his  Essay  written  in  Elngland,  "On 
the  slave  Trade.") 

Phila. :  Chattin.  Small  8vo.  1754.  (A  note  to  the  Whit- 
tier  editions  states,  "This  pamphlet  bears  the  imprint  of 
Benjamin  Franklin,  1754,"  but  it  was  printed  by  James 
Chattin,  in  Church  Alley,  Philadelphia.  Franklin  printed 
Part  II.  in  1762. 
2. — Do.    In  Ai. 

Philadelphia.     Crukshank.     8vo.     1775. 
3. — Do.    In  A2. 

Philadelphia.     Crukshank.     8vo.     1775. 
4.— Do,  In  B6. 


S.— Do. 


6,— Do. 


7— Do. 


8.— Do. 


9.— Do. 


10,— Do, 


1 1 ,— Do. 


12,— Do. 


13.— Do. 


Dublin:  Jackson.    8vo.     1776. 
In  B7. 

Dublin:  Jackson.     8vo.     1778. 

In  B8. 

Dublin:  Jackson.     8vo,     1794. 

In  A6. 

Philadelphia;  Johnson.   i2mo.     1800. 

In  P2,  abridged  under  the  title  On  Christian  Moderatit 

London:   Friends'   Tract  Association.     i2mo.      1816., 

In  P3. 

Dublin:   Friends'    Tract   Association.      i2mo.      1817, 

In  Bio. 

London:  Phillips.     8vo.     1824. 

In  B14.     Edited  by  John  Coraly. 

Philadelphia:  Chapman.     i2mo.     1837. 

In  Bis- 

Philadelphia:  Rakestraw.    Imp.  8vo.     1840. 

In  B16. 

Warrington:  Hurst.    8vo.     1840. 


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New  York :  Collins.    8vo.    1845. 
;.— Do.    In  B18. 

London:  Marsh.    Svo.     1847. 
I — Do.    la  B20. 

Philadelphia:  Friends'  Association,  etc.     i2ino.     i860, 
r.— Do.    Tract  No.  85. 

Philadelphia:  Friends'  Tract  Association.     i2mo. 
I. — Do.     In  B36,  as   Einige   Betrachtungen  iiber  das  Halten  von 
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^L  London:  Marsh.    Svo.     185:2. 

I. — Considerations  on  the  Keeping  of  Negroes,  etc.    Part  IL 
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I — Do,    In  Ai. 

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^Do.     In  A2. 

B  Philadelphia:  Crukshank.    Svo.     1775. 

P-Do.     In  B6. 

Dublin:  Jackson.    Svo.     1776. 
j.~Do.    In  B7. 

Dublin;  Jackson.     Svo,     1778. 
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Dublin:  Jackson.    Svo.    1794. 
'.—Do.    In  A6. 

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mended   to  their   sober   ynprejudiccd   attention.      By    John 
kWoolnmn." 
Printed   by   Thomas    Manied.     Baltimore,    Md.     1821. 
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Pt   II.) 
L — Do.    In  Bio. 

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b 


^M        6i6 

THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN      ] 

^^^^    la.— Do. 

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^^^^1 

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In  Bia                                                               ^M 

^H^ 

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^^^^H 

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^P 

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^^^^H              Outward  Gilts.                                                                    J 

^^^H 

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^H           3.— Do. 

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^^H 

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^H          4.^Do. 

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^H 

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^H          s.—Do. 

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^H 

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^H 

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^^M 

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^H 

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^H 

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^H 

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^H 

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^^V 

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^^^^  f.>-Do. 

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IS.— Da    In  P3. 

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17. — Do.    In  Bii,  omitting  (ii). 

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ao. — ^Do.    In  B14. 

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ai.— Do.    In  B15. 

Philadelphia:  Rakestraw.    Imp.  8vo.    184a 
23.— Do.    In  B16. 

Warrington:  Hurst    8vo.    1840. 
as.— Do.    In  B17. 

New  York:  Collins.    8va    1845. 
24.— Do.    In  B18. 

London:  Marsh.    8vo.    1847. 
25.— Da    In  B19. 

London:  Marsh.    lamo.    1857. 
26.— Da    In  B20. 

Philadelphia :  Friends'  Tract  Association,  et&   lamo.   i860. 
27. — Do.    In  B36,  as:  Betrachtungen  uber  acbte  Weisheit  und  men- 
schliche  Klugheit,  uber  Arbeit,  uber  Scfaulen,  und  uber  den 
rechten  Gebrauch  ausserer  Glikksguter. 

London:  Marsh.      8vo.    1852. 


F. 

I. — Considerations  on  the  True  Harmony  of  Mankind,  and  how 

it  is  to  be  maintained.    Chap,  i,  on  Serving  the  Lord  in  our 

Outward  Employments;  chap.  2,  on  the  Example  of  Christ; 

chap.  3,  on  Merchandizing;  chap.  4,  on  Divine  Admonitions. 

Philadelphia::  Crukshank.     i2mo.     1770. 

2.— Do.    In  Hi. 

London:  Hinde.     i2mo.    1773. 
3. — Do.    In  As. 

London:  Hinde.     i2mo.     1773. 
4. — Do.    In  H2. 

Dublin:  Jacksoa    i2mo.     1773. 


^i           6i8 

THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN    ^M 

^^1 

^H 

^^H 

Philadetphia :  Cmkshank.    8vo.     1774.                    ^^H 

^H 

In  A2.                                                                         ^H 

^^H 

Philadelphia:  Crukshank.    8vo.     1775.                    ^^| 

^^H 

In  A3.                                                                         ^M 

^^H 

Loodon:  Letch  worth.    8vo.     1775.                           ^^^| 

^H 

In  A4.                                                                           ^H 

^^H 

London:  Phillips.     8vo.     1775.                                 ^^H 

^^P         9.— Do. 

In                                                                                      ^H 

H 

Dublin:  Jackson.    8vo.    1776.                                    ^^| 

H             10. — Do. 

In                                                                                   ^M 

1 

Dublin :  Jackson.    8vo.    1778.                                   ^^M 

1             1 1. --Do. 

In                                                                                   ^H 

H 

Dublin:  Jackson.    8vo.    1794.                                  ^^| 

1             12.— Do. 

In                                                                                 ^H 

H 

Philadelphia:  Johnson.     i2mo.     1800.                     ^^H 

m        13— Do. 

In                                                                                 ^H 

^^B 

New  York.    Collins.     i2mo.     1805.                        ^^H 

^H        14.— Do. 

In  P2,  chap.  2  only,  slightly  abridged.                   ^^ 

^^P 

London:  Friends'  Tract  Association.     i2mo.     1816,  C 

^^        15.— Do. 

InP3. 

H 

Dublin:  Friends'  Tract  Association.     i2mo.     1817,  c 

■             16.— Do. 

In  Bto. 

H 

London:  Phillips.    8vo.     1824. 

H             17.— Do, 

In  Bii,  chapter  2  only. 

H 

Lindfield:  Schools  of  Industry.     i6mo.     1833. 

1               18.— Do. 

In  B12,  chapters  i  and  2  only. 

■ 

Lindfield:  Schools  of  Industry.     Large  i8mo.     1833. 

B              19.— Do. 

In  B13,  chapters  i  and  2  only. 

H 

Lindfield  Schools  of  Industry.    Large  t8mo.    1838. 

H                30.— Do. 

In  B14, 

H 

Philadelphia:  Chapman.     i2nio.     1837.                  ^H 

1               31. — Do. 

^H 

I 

Philadelphia:  Rakestraw.    Imp.  8mo.     1840.         ^^H 

^^H           23.— Do. 

In                                                                                   ^H 

^^H 

Warrington:   Hurst.     8vo.     1840.                          ^^H 

^^H        33. — Do. 

In                                                                                ^H 

^^M 

New  York:  Collins.     8vo.     1845.                          ^H 

^^H        24. — Do. 

In                                                                                ^H 

^^^k 

London:  Marsh.     8vo.     1847.                              ^^| 

^^^^^J5.— In                                                                                  ^^1 

Hl 

London:  Marsh.    i3mo.    1857.                             ^^H 

F 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


619 


26. — Do.    In  B20. 

Philadelphia:  Friends'  Association,  etc.  i2mo.  i860. 
27. — Do.  In  B36,  as:  Betrachtungen  tiber  die  wahre  Harmonie  des 
Mcnschengeschlechts,  und  wie  sie  unterhalten  werden  kann. 
Cap.  I.  Ueber  die  Art  und  Weise,  wie  wtr  dcm  Hcrrn  bei 
unsem  aussern  Benifsgeschaften  dienen  konnen.  Cap.  II. 
Ueber  das  Beispiel  Christi,  Cap.  III.  Ueber  den  Handel. 
Cap.  IV.  Ueber  gottliche  Zurechtweisungen. 
London:  Marsh.     8vo.     1852. 


a 

I, — Remarks  on  Sundry  Subjects,  (i.)  on  Loving  our  Neighbors 
as  Ourselves,  (ii.)  on  a  Sailor's  Life,  (iii.)  on  Silent  Wor- 
ship, and  in  some  editions  (iv.)  also,  on  Trading  in  Super- 
fluities.   In  Hi. 

London:  Hinde.     i2mo.     1773. 

("On   Loving   Our  Neighbors,"   etc.,   is   said  to  have 
been  printed  at  Darlington,  Eng.,   1775,  also,  but  has 
not  as  yet  come  to  light.) 
2.— Do.    In  As. 

London:  Hinde.     i2mo.    1773. 
3,— Do.    In  H3. 

Dublin :  Jackson.    i2mo.    1773. 
4.— Do.     In  A  I. 

I  Philadelphia:  Crukshank,    8vo.     1774. 

"s.— Do.     In  A2. 

Philadelphia:  Crukshank.     8vo.     1775. 
6.— Do.     In  A3. 

London:  Letchworth.    8vo.    1775. 
7.— Do.    In  A4. 

London:  Phillips.    8vo.     1775. 
In  B6,  including  (iv.). 
Dublin;  Jackson.     8vo.     1776. 
}. — ^Do.     In  By,  including  (iv.). 

Dublin:  Jackson.    8vo.     1778, 
).— Do»     In  B8,  including  (iv.). 

Dublin:  Jackson.    8vo.     1794. 
I.— Do.    In  A6. 

Philadelphia:  Johnson.     i2mo.     1800. 
r.— Do.    In  H4. 

New  York:  Collins.     i2mo,     1805. 


^         ^K 

^m         620 

THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN      ^W 

H            13.— Do. 

(i.)  only,  with  Preface  by  John  Thorp.                   ^^^H 

^B 

Macclesfield:  Wilson.    8vo.    1807.                              ^^^| 

^H            14. — Do. 

In  Bio,  including   (iv.).                                              ^^^H 

^H 

London:  Phillips.    8vo.     1824.                                      ^^^H 

^m          15.— Do. 

In  Bii,  (ii.)  and  (iii.)  only.                                      ^^^H 

^M 

Lind6eld:  Schools  of  Industry.     i6mo.     1832.           ^^^^| 

^M            16.— Do. 

In  B12,  (ii.)  and  (iii.)  only.                                       ^^^H 

^M 

Llndfield:  Schools  of  Industry.    i6mo.     1833.           ^^^^| 

^B             17.— Do. 

In  B13,                                                                                    H 

^m 

Lindfield:  Schools  of  Industry.     Large  iSmo.     1838.      ^M 

H            18.— Do. 

In  B14.                                                                                    ^1 

^1 

Philadelphia:  Chapman.     i2mo.    1837.                              ^H 

^m         19.— Do. 

In  B15,  with  long  note  to   (i.).                                  ^^^^| 

^M 

Philadelphia:  Rakestraw.     Imp.  8vo.     1840.             ^^^| 

^H          ao.— Do. 

In  B16,  (i.)  and  (iii.)  only.                                            ^^^^^ 

^H 

Warrington:  Hurst.    8vo.    1840.                                 ^^^H 

^H           21. — Do. 

In  B17,   (t.)   and   (iii.)   only.                                      ^^^H 

^H 

New  York:  Collins.     8vo.     1845.                             ^^H 

^H           22. — Do. 

In  P4,  (i.)  only,  briefly  extracted.                              ^^^H 

^H 

Manchester:  Harrison.     i6mo.    1844.                         ^^^H 

^H          23.— Do» 

In  B18,  (i)  and  (iii.)  only.                                         ^^^| 

^H 

London:  Marsh.     8vo.     1847.                                    ^^^H 

^H           24.— Do. 

In  B19,  (i.)  and  (iii.)  only.                                       ^^^H 

^B 

London:  Marsh.     l2mo.     1857.                                    ^^^^| 

^m        25.— Do. 

In  B20.                                                                               ^^ 

^H 

Philadelphia:  Friends'  Tract  Association,  etc.    i2mo,    i860. 

^M          26.— Do. 

In    B36    (i.)    and    (iii.)    only,   as:    Betrachtungen  uber 

^^^^^H 

;rschiedene  Gegenstande:    (i.)    Ueber  die  Liebc  z\x  unscrti 

^^^^L^^          Nachsten;   (iii.)   Ucber  stillc  Gottesverehrung.                         J 

^B 

- 

^^^r            I. — ^Serious  Considerations  on  Varioits  Subjects  of  Importance,  con*  1 

^^^^^-                  taining  works  under  letters  E,  F,  G,  I,  J,  and  an  Introductioi^^ 

^^^H 

London:  Hinde.     i2mo.     1773.                                            ^H 

^^^^     2— Do. 

In  As.                                                                                     ■ 

^H 

London:  Hinde.     i2mo.     1773.                                      ^^^H 

H       3— i>o. 

^^H 

^B 

Dublin:  Jackson.     i2mo.     1773.                                   ^^^H 

^^^     4.— Do. 

With  L.                                                                         ^^M 

m 

New  York:  Collins.    i2mo.    1805.                                ^^^M 

BIBLIOGRAPHY  621 


I.— An  Epistle  to  the  Quarterly  and  Monthly  Meetings  of  Friends. 
Dated  Mount  Holly,   New  Jersey,  4th  month,   1772.     8vo. 
1772. 
2.— Do.    In  Hi. 

London:  Hinde.    i2mo.    1773. 
3.— Do.    In  A5. 

London:  Hinde.    i2mo.    1773. 
4.— Do.    In  H3. 

Dublin:  Jackson.     i2mo.     1773. 
5. — Do.    In  Ai. 

Philadelphia:  Crukshank.    8vo.    1774. 
6. — Do.    In  A2. 

Philadelphia:  Crukshank.    8vo.    1775. 
7. — Do.    In  A3. 

London:  Letchworth.    8vo.    1775. 
8.— Do.    In  A4. 

London:  Phillips.    8vo.     1775. 
9.— Do.    In  B6. 

Dublin:  Jackson.    8vo.    1776. 
10. — Do.    In  B7. 

Dublin:  Jackson.    8vo.    1778. 
II.— Do.    In  B8. 

Dublin :  Jackson.    8vo.    1794. 
12. — Do.    In  A6. 

Philadelphia:  Johnson.    i2mo.    1800. 
13. — Do.    In  H4. 

New  York:  Collins.    i2nio.    1805. 
14.— Do.    With  a  Preface  by  J.  B.  (John  Barclay.). 

London :  Harvey  and  Darton.    i2mo.    1820. 
15. — Do.    In  Bio. 

London:  Phillips.     8vo.     1824. 
16. — Do.    As  No.  48  of  Manchester  and  Stockport  Tract  Association. 

i2mo.    1837. 
17.— Do.    In  B14. 

Philadelphia:  Chapman.     i2mo.    1837. 
18.— Do.    In  Vol.  I.  of  The  Irish  Friend,  abridged. 

Belfast:  Macauley.    4ta    1837. 
19. — Do.    In  B15. 

Philadelphia:  Rakestraw.    Imp.  8vo.    1840. 


622  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

20, — Da    In  B16. 

Warrington:  Hurst    8vo.    1840. 
31.— Do.    In  B17. 

New  York:  Collins.   Sva    1845. 
32.— Do.    In  B18. 

London:  Marsh.    8vo.    1847. 
33.— Do.    In  B19. 

London:  Marsh.    8Ya    1857. 
34. — ^Do.    In  B30. 

Philadelphia :  Friends'  Tract  Association,  etc.  i3mo.  i860. 
35. — Do.    In  B36,  as:   Fine   Epistel  an  die   vierteljahrlichen  tud 
monatlichen  Versammlungen  der  Freunde. 

London:  Marsh.    8vo.    1853. 
See  Extracts  in  Ground  of  ChrisHon  Discipline, 

York:  Alexander.     i3nio.     1834. 

J. 

I. — Some  Expressions  of  John  Woolman  in  his  last  Illness.    In  Hi. 
B32,  Q.  R. 

London:  Hinde.    i3nio.    1773. 
3.— Do.    In  A5. 

London:  Hinde.    i2mo.    1773. 
3.— Do.    In  H3. 

Dublin:  Jackson.    i2mo.    1773. 
4.— Do.    In  H4. 

New  York:  Collins.    i2mo.    1805. 
5. — Bound  with  "Visions  in  Verse  for  the  Entertainment  of  Younger 
Minds."    7th.  edit. 

J.  Dodsley,  Pall  Mall,  London. 

K. 

I. — Account  of  Elizabeth  Woolman.    In  B16,  B32,  &c 

Warrington:  Hurst    8vo.    1840. 
2.— Do.    In  B17. 

New  York:  Collins.    8vo.     1845. 
3.— Do.    In  B18. 

London:  Marsh.     8vo.     1847. 
4.— Do.    In  B19. 

London:  Marsh.    i2mo.    1857. 
5. — Do.    In  B36,  as:  Bericht  von  Elizabeth  Woolman. 

London*.  VLatsh.    8vo.    1852. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


623 


i 


1. — A  Word  of  Remembrance  and  Caution  to  the  Rich.     Correct 
title,  as  written  by  John  Wootman,  "A  Plea  for  tht  Poor." 
Dublin:  Jackson.     Small  lamo.     1793, 
2.— Do.    In  B8. 

Dublin:  Jackson.    8vo.     1794. 
3.— Do. 

London:  Darton  and  Harvey.     Small  12010.     1794. 
4. — Do.     In  H4. 

New  York:  Collins.     i2nio.     1805. 
5. — Do.     In  B14,  as:  A  Plea  for  the  Poor,  with  sixteen  sections, 
otherwise  numbered,  and  containing  additional  matter.   Dated 
9th  of  Tenth  Mo.,  1769. 

Philadelphia:  Chapman.     i2mo.    1837. 
6.— Do,     In  B16. 

Warrington:  Hurst.    8vo.     1840. 
7.-'Dov    In  B17. 

New  York:  Collins.     8vo.     1845. 
8. — ^Do.    In  P4,  briefly  extracted. 

Manchester:  Harrison.     i6mo.     1844. 
9. — Do.     In  B21. 

Boston:  Osgood.    8vo.    1871. 
10.— Do.     In  B22. 

Boston,  Osgood.    8vo.     1872. 
II. — Do,     In  B23. 

Glasgow:  Smeal.    8vo.    1882. 
12. — Do.    In  B24. 

Glasgow:  Smeal.     8vo.     1883. 
13.— Do.     In  B26. 

London:  Hicks.     8vo.     1895. 
14.— Do.    In  B27. 

London:  Headley.     8vo.     1896. 
15. — Do.     As  Tract  No.  79,  abridged  to  about  one-half;  with  Intro- 
duction and  Bibliography. 

London:  Fabian  Society.     8vo,     1897.     15pp.* 
16.— Do.    As  Lis.     "Tenth  Thousand.     Reprinted." 

London:  Fabian  Society.    8vo,    1898. 
17. — Do.     In  B29. 

Boston:  Houghton,  Mifflin,    8vo. 

*John  Woolnufi  ft  called  "tbe  John  the  Baptist  of  ibe  Gospel  of  Socialitin.'* 


REMARKS 


O    N 


SUNDRY  SUBJECTS. 


By    JOHN     W  O  O  L  M  A  N. 

LO  N  D  0  N  : 
Printed   by   Mary    Hindi. 


^a\ 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


62s 


18.— Do.    In  B30. 

London:  Headley.    8vo.     1899. 
19. — Do.    In  B31. 

London :  Headley.    8vo.     1900. 
20.— Do.    In  B32. 

London:   Headley,     Svo.     1900. 
21. — ^Do.    As  No.  13  of  Stockport  Tracts,  abridged.     i2mo. 

Note — See  Nos.  5,  14  of  same  series  of  Tracts. 
22.' — Do.     Translated  into  French  by  Jacques  Desmanoirs,  as:  Avis 
RemenioratiiF,  ou,  Un  Mot  de  Caution  adresse  aux  Riches. 
a  Dublin:  chez  Bates.     i6mo.    1800. 
23, — Do.     "Reprint  of  the  Appendix  of  John  Woolman's  Journal", 

Philadelphia:  D.  H.  Wright.     1913. 
24. — Do.    Philadelphia;  Friends'  Book  Store.     1917. 

M. 

I. — A  First  Book  for  Children,  A,  B,  C,  D,  etc.    Much  useful  read- 
ing being  sullied   and  torn  by   Children  in  Schools   before 
^^m  they  can   read,  this   Book   is   intended  to  save   unnecessary 

^P  expense. 

^2.— Do.     "The   2nd   edition." 
L      3. — Do.    *The  3rd  edition,  enlarged." 
I  Philadelphia:  Crukshank.     48rao.^ 

r  N. 

I. — Letters  of  John  Woolman.     In  Vol.  II.  of  Letters  on  Religious 
Subjects.    Numbered  25  and  ^2.    Edited  by  John  Kendall. 

London:  Phillips.    i2mo.     1820. 
2. — Do.    In  Vol.  L  of  Friend/  Miscellany,  edited  by  John  and  Isaac 
Comly. 

Philadelphia:  Richards.    Svo.     1834. 
3. — Do,     In  B14. 

Philadelphia:  Chapman.     i2mo.     1837. 
4. — ^Do-    In  Memorials  of  Rebecca  Jones,  compiled  by  Williara  J, 

Allinson. 

Philadelphia:  Longstreth.    Svo.     [1849.] 
5.— Do.     In  The  Journal.     B32,  pp.  81,  97,  141,  239,  291  ff. 
6.— Do.    In  Friend/  Review,  Vols.  V.,  XXVIII. 

'As  to  date  of  publication,  Joseph  Sinith's  Catalagtir  iiays  "about  1774."  but 
Hild«buni'«  IstHCJi  of  tht  Press  in  Pennsytvania.  Philadelphia,  18&5.  H,  3o6.  Bays, 
"Tfae  year  assigned  by  Jo»epli  Smith  is  undoubtedly  wrong,"  and  gives  1769.  Both 
dates  are  too  late. 


626  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 


O. 

I. — A  small  Paper  on  Prayer.    Headed,  "During  a  season  of  severe 
illness,  John  Woolman  had  the  following  committed  to  writing." 
i2mo. 
2. — Do.    Card.    Printed  by  John  Bellows  of  Gloucester. 


P. 

Extracts  from  the  Works  of  John  Wodman. 
I. — Conversations  on  the  True  Harmony  of  Mankind,  from  MS. 
Journal  dated  Third  Month,  1772.  In  B14,  and  in  Vol.  I  of 
Comly's  Friend^  Miscellany. 
2. — Selections  from  the  Writings  of  John  Woolman.  As  Tract  No. 
21,  containing  portions  of  C  (entitled  On  Christian  Modera- 
tion), E.  F. 

London:  Friends'  Tract  Association.    i2mo.    1816. 
Note. — Reprinted,  1818,  1824,  1841,  etc 
3. — ^Do.    Reprinted  from  P2,  as  Tract  No.  24. 

Dublin:  Friends'  Tract  Association.    i2mo.    1817. 
Note. — Reprinted  1823,  1841,  etc. 
4. — Do.    Containing  portions  of  G.  L.     With  brief  Extracts  from 
William  Penn's  No  Cross,  No  Crown. 
Manchester :  Harrison.    16  mo.    1844. 


Q. 

I. — Testimonies  concerning  John  Woolman  of  Friends  of  York- 
shire Quarterly  Meeting,  England,  in  1773,  and  of  Burling- 
ton Monthly  Meeting,  N.  J.,  in  1774.  In  Al. 
Philadelphia:  Crukshank.  8vo.  1774. 
2.— Do.  In  Collection  of  Memorials  concerning  Friends  in  Penn- 
sylvania, .  .  .  with  Notices  of  Dying  Sayings,  by  Thomas 
Priestman. 

Philadelphia:  Crukshank.    8vo.    1787. 
These   Testimonies   appear  in  nearly  all  of  the  older 
editions  of  Woolman,  and  in  the  edition  in  German  of 
Marsh,  (London)  1852,  B36.    See  also,  Friend/  RtviiW, 
Philadelphia,  Vol.  xiii. 


r 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


R 


627 


LETTERS   RESPECTING   THE   ILLNESS   AND   DEATH   OF 
JOHN  WOOLMAN. 

I. — Esther   Tuke   to  a   Friend    [Samuel    Emlen].     York,    14th   of 

Tenth  Month,  1772.     In  Vol.  V.  of  The  Irish  Friend,  1842. 

B32,  p.  293-296-     [Inaccurate.] 
2.— Esther  Tuke  to  a  Friend,    York.    In  MS.  volume  in  Library  at 

Friends'  Meeting-house,  Brighton.     B32,  p.  297ff. 
3.— William  Tuke  to  Reuben  Haines.    York,  26th  of  Tenth  Month, 

1772.    In  Vol.  VIII.  of  Comly's  Friends'  MisceUany. 


S. 


BIOGRAPHICAL  AND  OTHER  ARTICLES 
JOHN  WOOLMAN 


ON 


Do. 


Reflexions   arising   from  Well-known    Events    (decease   of   Samuel 
Fothergill,  William  Hunt,  and  John  Woolraan).     In  verse. 
Dated  loth  month  29,  1772,    By  Mary  Barnard. 
London:  Darton.    Broadside.     1772. 
Reprinted  in  the  Annual  Monitor  for  181 5;  in  Vol,  I.  of  The 
Irish  Friend  (1837);  at  York,  as  a  Broadside,  in  1815;  and 
elsewhere. 
To  the  Memory  of  John  Woolman.     By  T[homas]  May.    In  verse. 

Broadside.    1772. 
Memoir  of  John  Woolman.    Chiefly  extracted  from  a  Journal  of  his 
Life  and  Travels.     B.  &  T.  Kite. 
Philadelphia:   20  pp.     1825. 
A  Tribute  to  the  Memory  of  John  Woolman.     In  verse.     Poetns, 
By  Bernard  Barton,  also  in  Vol.  III.  of  The  Friend, 
Philadelphia:  Richardson.     410.     1830. 
Do.     In  B16  and  B17;  in  the  Anmtnl  Monitor  for  1825;  and  in  Vol.  I. 

of  The  Irish  Friend.     1837. 
Saint  John  Woolman.    In  The  Eclectic  Review^  of  June,  1861. 
Do.     Reprinted  from  The  Eclectic  Review,  of  June,  1861. 

London:  Jackson,  Walford,  and  Hodder.    8vo.     1864. 
See  also  Friends'  Review,  Vol.  XVII. 
John  Woolman.    By  David  Duncan.    A  Paper  read  at  the  Manchester 
Friends'  Institute. 

London;  Kitto.    8vo.    1871. 


628  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

John  Woolman.    By  Dora  Greenwell.    See  B32,  p.  3, 

London:  Kitto.    Small  8vo.     1871. 
John  Woolman's  Journal.     Art.  by  W.  P.  Garrison.     "The  NatiofJ." 

Vol.   13.  p.  44.    (2  pp.)    1871. 
C.  W.  Moulton.    Art.  on  J.  W,  in  "Library  of  Literary  Criticism." 

Vol.  IIL  p.  596  (3  pp.). 
To with  a  copy  of  Woolman's  Journal-    By  John  G.  Whit- 
tier  .  Among  published  poems. 
Introduction  to  John  Woolman's  Journal,  with  Notes,  by  J.  G. 
tier.     Dated  First  Month  20th.  1871.     See  B21,  ff. 
Sec  also  Friends'  Review,  Vol.  XXIV. 
Early  Life  of  John  Woolman.     As  No.  40  of  Manchester  Distri^ 

Friends'  Tract  Association. 
"John  Woolman."    In  ''The  New  Englander,"    Vol.  V.  p.  219.    ig 

By  E.  O.  Daggett. 
"The  Christianity  of  John  Woolman."     In  "Characteristics"  A.  ?. 
Russell. 

Boston:  Houghton.  MiiHin  &  Co.     1884. 
A  Quaker   Saint:  The   Story   of  John  Woolman.     By  W.  Garrett" 

Border.    In  The  Young  Man  of  December,  1874. 
John  Woolman.    In  Biographical  Catalogue  of  Friends'  Institute. 

London:  Friends'  Institute.     8vo.     1888. 
John  Woolman.    Reprinted  from  The  Young  Man  of  December,  1874 
in  Quaker  IVorthies,  by  W.  Garrett  Border. 
London:  Beadley.    8vo.     1896, 
John  Woolman:   A  Study  for  Young  Men.    By  Thomas  Green,  M.A 

London:  Hodder  and  Stoughton.     Small  8vo.     1885. 
Do.    "The  2nd  Edition.'*     With  Introduction  by  Principal  H.  C 
Moule,    B.D. 
London:   Beadley.     Small   8vo.     1897. 
A  Sketch  of  the  Life  of  John  Woolman.    As  No.  6  of  Booklet  Seridi. 
Illustrated.     "I.M.A." 

London:  Friends'  Tract  Association.    Oblong  8vo. 
John  Woolman.    By  Eliz,  M.  Chandler.    In  Quaker  Poems,    Com- 
piled by  Charles  F.  Jenkins. 

Philadelphia:  Winston  Co.    8vo.     1893. 
John  Woolman.     Irene  M.  Ashby.     Present  Day  Papers,  Vol. 
April,  1900. 

London:  Beadley. 
'ihn  Woolman:   A   Social    Reformer   of   the    18th   Century.     E.  C 
Wilson  in  "Economic  Review."     Vol.  II.  p.  iToflF. 
London:  1901. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


629 


John   Woolman :   His  Life  and  Our  Times.     A   Study  in   Applied 
Christianity.    By  W.  Teignmouth  Shore. 
London:  MacmiJlan  &  Co.    8vo.    1913. 
John  Woolman.    T,  Edmund  Harvey,  M.A.  In  Constructive  Quarterly. 

London.     March,  1 914. 
John  Woolman.    By  G.  M.  Trevelyan.    In  Clio,  A  Muse,  and  Other 
Essays.     Lon  don  :  1 9 1 3 . 
London:  Longnnans. 
Everyday  Friendliness — John  Woolman,     In  Christian  Standards  in 
Life.     Murray  and  Harris.     Student  Association  Press. 
New  York  and  London:    1915. 
John  Woolman.    Craftsman-Prophet    Ernest  E.  Taylor.    In  Friends, 
Ancieni  and  Modern.    No.  20, 

London:  Friends'  Tract  Association.     1920. 
John   Woolman.      A    Pioneer    in   Labor    Reform.     Ann    Sharpless. 

Philadelphia:  Friends'  Book  Committee,     1920. 
Personal  Religion  and  Social  Progress— An  Interpretation  of  John 
Woolman's  Message.    Herbert  G.  Wood,  M.A. 

London:  Reprinted  from  The  Friend.    Oct.,  1920. 
John  Woolman.    In  Vol.  LXH.  of  Dictionary  of  National  Biography, 
John  Woolman,    In  Part  III.  of  Piety  Promoted. 

References  to  John  Woolman  have  appeared  in  many  publications. 

Among  the  most  important  are  the  following- : 
Appleton's  Encyclopaedia  of  American  Literature,     VI.  605. 
Hildeburn's  Issues  of  the  Press  in  Pennsylvania.    1885. 
Allibone's  Dictionary  of  English  Literature.     1891.     III.  2471,  3834, 
Lamb's  Essay  of  Eli  a.     A  Quaker's  Meeting. 
Smith's  Catalogue  of  Friends'  Books  and  Supplement. 
Poem     to     John     Woolman,     signed     "Gertrude."       The     Friend, 

[Phir].    Vol.  V.  p.  292. 
Comly's  Friends'  Miscellany.     I.  142,  337,  399,  404;  IV.  260;  VIII. 

229;  IX.  94. 
Friends'  Quarterly  Examiner,  Seventh  Month,  1888. 
Quakeriana.    L,  157;  II.,  29, 
Brissot's  New  Travels  in  America.     1788. 
Henry  Crabb  Robinson's  Diary,  under  dates  1824  and  1826.     I.,  403, 

406;  IL,  14,  136.     The  Friend,  1870,  p,  65. 
Leeds  Mercury,   13th  October,   1772. 
Ascot  R.  Hope's  Heroes  in  Homespun,  1894. 
Friends'  Review.     Vols.   I.,   IV.,  V.,   VL,  X.,  XHI.,   XV.,   XVII., 

XVHL,  XXIV.,  XXV.,  XXVHL, 
Good  Words,    I,,  528,  715. 


>.  »«3^ 


630  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  WOOLMAN 

The  Friend,  London.     1845,  p.  12;  1865,  p.  178;  1870,  p.  65;  iSgST 

p.  790;  1898,  p.  60;  1900,  p.  113. 
The  British  Friend.     1843.  1852,  1857,  1865,  1866,  1868,  1885,  1889. 
Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  quoted  in  The  British  Friaid, 

1852. 
The  Democrat,  quoted  in  The  British  Friend^  1885* 
John  Barclay's  Select  Anecdotes. 
Bowden's  History  of  Friends  in  America,     H.,  39oflF,  with  wo 

of  J.  W.'s  house  at  Mount  Holly,  and  facsimile  signature. 
Janney's  History  of  Friends.     HI.,  3o6ff. 
Walton's  Incidents  concerning  the  Society  of  Friends,  1897,  PP-  ^^> 

538.  635. 
Cunningham's  The  Quakers,  1897. 
William  Beck's  The  Friends,  1893. 
J.  Storrs  Turner's  The  Friends,  1889. 
Friends'  Intelligencer  and  Journal,  1893,  1897,  1899. 
Bancroft's  History  of  the  United  States. 
Life  of  Elizabeth  Pease  Nichol,  1899,  p.  291. 
Illustrated  Christian  Weekly,  quoted  in  the  Friend/  Review. 

XL.  (1886). 
Philadelphia  American,  quoted  in  the  Friend/  Review^  Vol.  XLIV. 

(1890). 
The  United  Friend     1895. 

Christian  Union,  quoted  in  the  Friend/  Review.    Vol.  XXV. 
Charles  Tylor's  Samuel  Tuke,  1900. 
Hodgson's  Historical  Memorials  of  Friends,  1844. 
Armistead's  Select  Miscellanies.    Vols.  I.,  II.,  IV.,  V„  VI 
N,  P.  Willis:  Pencillings  by  the  Way,  p.  373. 
Reminiscences  of  Levi  Coffin,  1898,  chap,  8. 
Cartland's  Southern  Heroes,  1897,  chap.  5. 
Fortnightly  Review,  January,   1882. 
Great  Souls  at  Prayer,  1899,  p.  245. 
Allinson's  Memoirs  of  Rebecca  Jones,  1849,  chap.  2. 
Frederick  Sessions.  Isaiah,  1900,  p.  17. 
Duyckinck's  Cyclopaedia  of  American  Literature,  L,  146. 
Social  Hours  with  Friends.    New  York,  1867. 
The  Friend,  Philadelphia.    Vol.  LXXIL,  p.  197. 


SUPPLEMENTARY  NOTE 

Since  this  volume  went  to  press,  the  Editor  has  had  the  op|X)r- 
nity  of  examining  another  Account  Book  which  once  belonged 
jto  Jolui  Woolman.     It  was  exposed  as  of  no  value  among  some 
old  books  at  a  recent  public  sale  in  Bucks  County,  Pennsylvania. 
iThe  wise  purchaser  noticed  on  the  old  leather  binding  the  words 
r*John  Woolman's  Ledger,  B,   1753,**  and  secured  it  for  a  trifle. 
It  has  been  compared  with  the  "Larger  Account  Book"  frequently 
j  quoted  here,  and  proves  to  be  an  earlier  book  of  the  same  ac- 
counts.    It  contains  reference  to  volume  "A",  for  wliich  search 
is  being  made,  with,  however,  small  hope  of  its  recovery. 

This  old  book  has  been  used  for  a  newspaper  scrap-book, 
largely  on  anti-slavery  subjects.  The  flour  paste  used  under 
the  clippings  has  permitted  their  very  careful  removal,  revealing 
some  interesting  entries.  Besides  running  accounts  with  his  own 
family,  and  neighbors  and  friends  in  Shrewsbury  and  Philadel- 
phia, there  are  purchases  of  skins  for  leather  breeches,  and  all 
manner  of  country  mercliandise  and  imported  materials,  as  well 
as  groceries  and  rum  and  molasses.  His  spelling  books  are  sold 
at  9d.  for  six,  and  "EngUsh  quills"  are  bought.  One  account 
with  William  Calvert  runs  thus: 

da.   mo.  £      s.      d. 

21     7     1767    To  cash  paid  at  Philadelphia  for  thy 

Books         7     10      o 

da.   mo. 

12    7     1768    By  cuting  A  Doz.  Books    ...010 
To  2  Doz.   Books,  "Considerations" 

&c 060 

20  To  cash  lent  when  I  went  abroad       i      o      o 

•■•^  To  two  pair  wooden  shoes  (no  figure) 

We  find  too  that  in  the  winter  of  1763-4,  John  Woolman  re- 
moved his  family  to  live  for  a  time  with  his  brother  Asher  in  the 

63X 


INDEX 

1 

1  (Areson)  Mar>',  523,  524 

Assembly,   of    Pennsylvania,  27, 

-       ■ 

inn  Mauleverer.  36,  Z7»  38 

78 

■ 

Bne,  26 

Atkinson,  John.   102,   105 

^  36,  37  38 

Htfy    (wife   of   Benjamin 

Atkinson,  Thomas,  113 

^^^^1 

Aynhoe,  3 

^^^^1 

5co.  Williams),  36  37 

Ayioun  Manor,  Yorkshire,  37 

^^^H 

>amuel,   179,  591 

^1 

St.  Mary's,  York,  139 

Ballytore,   Ireland,    12311. 

^1 

52 

Banbury,    132,  304 

^1 

fork,  139 

Baptists,  67,  loi 

^1 

Book,  "Larger,"  21,  33.  42, 

Barbados,    inn. 

^M 

3, 101,  109.  Ill,  114.  IIS.  118 

Barclay,  David,  123 

^M 

)r.  John  Till-,  125,  561 

Barclay,  John,  ii8n. 

^H 

^lary,   36 

Barclay,   Robert,  484 

^^^^B 

Michel,   366 

Barbary  States,  2Sn. 

^^^^^ 

:inent,  48 

Barnard,  Governor,  79 

^^^^1 

0,  31 

Barracks,  PhiJa.,  ^ 

3rt,   Pa.,  88 

Bartram,  James,   179,  210,  S90 

annah,   81 

Bartram,  John,  85 

Flester)    Woolman,  7 

Barton,  Aaron,   102,    103,    107 

hn,  7 

Barton,   Bathsheba,   107 

alienee,   7 

Bartow.    Thomas,    87,    553 

Samuel.  58.  59.  97,  333 

Bass,  Edward,  57 

William  J.,  100,  127a. 

Belcher,  Gov.  Jonathan,  14 

h  95 

Bellers,  John,   135 

aarth,  York,  138^  139,  14^ 

Benezet,  Anthony.  15,  30,  52,  80, 

82. 

« 

191,  X09,  210,  i82n.,  349,  397, 

4S8> 

163 

475.  S^3 

,  Benajah,  44,  50 

Benezet,  John  Stephen,  87 

»  Esther,  50 

Berks  Co.,  Pa,,  277 

i  Isaac,   (Andros),  22,  26, 

Besse,   Joseph,    "Sufferings   of 

the 

#,  53S 

Quakers,"  i 

,  Jacob,  170,  576 

Bethlehem.   Pa.,  81.  86,  87,  88, 

89. 

,  Peter,  19,  zh  50,  168,  170, 

91,  94,  251,  263.  264 
"Big  Shop,"  Nantucket,  69 

,   Samuel.  534 
(Indian),  86,  89,  551 

Birmingham,  Eng.,  304 

Bispham,  John,  213,    125,   142, 

143, 

ery.  31,  64,  69 

.148.  291.  318,  536 

try.  323 

Bispham,  Thomas,  102,  104 

(negro),  48 

Bishophill   Graveyard,   York,   Eng.,                   | 

ohn,  210,  592 

145 

te,  Aaron,  58s 

Black  Creek,  201 

,  Martin,  75 

Blue   Mountains,   372 

"CoMections   of   Voyages/ 

Bond  (for  negro),  97 
"Bonny"  (mare),  24 

f,  of  New  Jersey,  20,  30 

Book  of   Discipline,  67 

ItaticiMed  numeral*  refer 
6 

1 

to  the  btogrsphicaJ  Dotc«. 
33 

< 

634 


INDEX 


Borton   (Bourton),  Elizabeth,  2,  7 
Borton  (John),  3,  7 
Boston,  60,  63,  69,  81,  171 
Bosman,  William,  366,  370 
Bowden,  James,  "Hist.   Friends  in 

Amer."  43 
Bowen   (Boen),  "Dido"   (negress), 

83 
Bowen    (Boen),   William    (negro), 

26,  83,  84 
Braddock,  (jeneral,  52,  ^^ 
Bradford,  Andrew,  36   . 
Bradford  County,  Pa.,  85. 
Bradsby,  H.  C,  85n. 
Brainerd,  David,  yT^  545 
Brainerd,  John,  77,  94. 
Braithwaite,  Joseph  B.,  I43n. 
Braithwaite,  William  C.,  I32n. 
Brazil,  372 
"Breezy  Ridge,"   106 
Bricks,  Use  of,  3 
Bridgetown  (Mt.  Holly),  12,  75 
Brighton     Meeting     House,     £ng., 

I48n.,  149 
Brock,  Thomas,  69 
Bromley,  Thomas,   15 
Brotherton,  N.  J.,  79 
Brown,  Richard,  137 
Brown,  Moses,  67 
Brown,      Susanna      (Churchman), 

181,  579 

Brown,  Thomas,  210,  592 

Brown,    William,   210,   475,  597 

Browning,  Charles  R.,  Z7 

Bruc,  Andrew,  372 

Brunswick,  N.  J.,  163 

Buchanan,  George,  369 

Buckingham,   Pa.,  70 

Bucks  Co.,  56,  58,  174 

Budd,  John   104 

Hudd,  Leander  J.,  43 

Budd,  Mary  W.,  43n. 

Budd,  Samuel,   104 

Hudd,   Thomas,    I35n. 

Bufiin,  Ann  (VVoolman),  6  $22 

Buffin,  John,  6,  522 

BuftiuKton,    Benjamin,    188   580 

Bull,  Capt.  Jacob,  92 

Burgoyne,  Hannah,  5,  6,  7 

Burj^oyne,  Joseph,  6 

Hurling,    William,    29 

HurliuKton,  N.  J.,  2,  3,  4,  7,  ii,  14, 
19.  ^«.  29,  35,  38n.,  39,  44.  45,  48, 
49.  74.  79.  9'.  92,  104,  108,  113, 
J 18,   I30n.,  165,  172,  187,  211,  248, 

251,  J-K) 
Burough,  "Debc,"  21 
linrr,  Aaron,  56 


Burr,  Elizabeth  (Hudson),  wife  of 

Henry,  7 
Burr,  John,   10,  526 
Burr,  Joseph,  26,  49,  83,  525 
Burr,  Henry,  7,  25,  a6,  49.  526 
Burr,  Susanna,  10,  524,  52O 

Cadwalader,  John,  91,  264,  5$} 

Caighn,  Mary,  21,  23 

Calvert,  William,  73,  106,  113,  5^5 

Camden,  N.  J.,  30 

Camp  (jreek,  190 

Campanius,   76 

Candler,  John,  45 

Cape  May,  N.  J.,  168^  270 

Carey,   Edward,  69 

Carleton,  Thomas,  I23n.,  210,  3pi 

Carolina,  165 

Carr,  Caleb,  iii,  556 

Carter,  William,  I 

Casey,  John,  236,  n,  242,  siSj 

Castlegate,  York,  138 

"Caesar"   (slave),  83 

"Cato"   (slave),  69 

Cathrall,  Hannah,  72 

Cecil  Co.,  274 

Cedar  Creek,  Va.,   190 

Chalkley,  Thomas,  46 

Charles  II,  47 

Charleston,  S.  C,  29 

Cheagle,  John,  572 

Chester,  Pa.,  122,  165 

Chester  County,  Pa.,  26,  213 

Chester  River,  274 

Chesterfield,  N.  J.,   35,   36,  37.  ^ 

170,  176 
Chew,    Benjamin,    50 
Chilaway,  Elizabeth,  86 
Chilaway,  Job,  82,  86,  89,  90,  93,  258^ 

259.  550 
Choptank,  272 
Christmas,    160 
Christ  Church,  Phila.,  I23n. 
Churchman,    John,    70,    11  in.,   i88» 

2o6n,  210,  220,  226,  542 
Churchman,  Dr.  John  Woolroan,  9^ 
Clarkson,  Thomas,  "Hist,  of  Slave 

Trade,"  29n. 
"Clio,   and   Other   Essays"   (G.  M. 

Trcvelyan),  3in 
Coggeshall,  Abraham,  60 
Colchester,   132 
Coleman,  Elihu,  29 
"College  Tom"  (Caroline  Hazard), 

65 
Collins,  John,  23 
Comfort,  John,  34,  35,  39n.,  41.  4* 

117,  119,  120,  122,   137,  536 


Comfort,    Mary     (Woolman),    34, 

"David"   (negro),  55                            ^^^^H 

41,  +2.  HI.  5s6 

Dawson,  Francis,    105                           ^^^^H 

Comfort,  Stephen,  41,  120,  137,  287^ 

Dawson,  William.  96                              ^^^^H 

537 

Deacon,  John,  524                                       ^^H 

Comfort,  Samuel,  42 

Deed,     Samuel     Jenings     to     John          ^^M 

Comly,  John,  109,  13011.,  317,  459 

Woolman  I,  593                                        ^^| 

Common   Pleas   Court   Records,  46 

Defoe,   Daniel,  125                                 ^^^^H 

Conarro,  Thomas,   106 

Delaware  Indians,  75,  80                     ^^^^H 

"Concerning  the  Ministry"  (Essay), 

Delaware,   State,   172                             ^^^^H 

313 

Delirium.                                                  ^^^^^| 

Concord,  Pa.,  218,  275.  277 

Delmina,  370                                             ^^^^H 

Conestogas,  92 

Deposition,  of  John  Wills,  593          ^^^^| 

"Considerations         on         Keeping 

Dcvonish,   Bernard,   5                           ^^^^H 

Negroes,"   26,   69,    173,    176,   243 

Devonish,  John,  7                                  ^^^^B 

(Essay)    Part  I,  324,  Pt.   II,  248 

Devonshire  House  Library,  91,  108,          ^^H 

"Considerations        on        Trade" 

^H 

(Essay).  397 

Devonshire     House    Meeting,     126,          -^^M 

"Considerations  on  Pure  Wisdom" 

127,  129.  U'^n.                                     ^^^H 

(Essay),  383 

Dewsbury.   William.  327                      ^^^^H 

Connecticut,  58,    171,  242 

"Dinah"   (negro),  55                              ^^^^^ 

Continental    Congress,   78 

"Divine      Admonitions"      (Essay),          ^^| 

"Conversations,"  between   Laboring 

^_^B 

Man  and  Employer,  459,  466 

Dickinson,  A.,  1400.                                ^^^^H 

Cooper's  Ferry,  30 

Dixon,  Joshua,  80                                 ^^^^H 

Cooper,   Daniel,  75 

Dobbins,  James.   t02,   105,   t07             ^^^^H 

Cope,  Gilbert,  36n.,  55 

Dover.  En^l^nd.  302                              ^^^^H 

Copeland,  James,  .201,  58^ 

Dover,  N.  H.,  60,  171,  233n.                  ^^^^H 

Corbyn,    Thomas,    148,   57/ 

Drake.   "History  of   York,"    138               ^^| 

Core,  Encjch,  2 

Dream  of  Woman,  213,  321                        ^^| 

Cornbury.  Lord,  5 

Dreams  of  John   Woolman,   14,  51,          ^H 

Corposant,  292 

59.    115,    152,    r75.    187                              ^M 

Counterside,   311 

Drinker's   Alley,   Phila.,  72y    icx>                 ^^M 

Coventry,  304 

Dyed    Clothing,  97                                  ^^^^H 

Cox,  John»  45,  48,  75 

^^^^^H 

Cox,  William   (Maryland),  30,  188, 

EarDe.  Thomas.  49                                 ^^^^H 

580 

Earle,   William,  49                                 ^^^^B 

Cox,  William   (N.  J.),  103,   107 

Eastburn,  Samuel,   58,  62,  63,   210,          ^^| 

Coxe,   Dr.  Daniel,  3 

226.  220,  231.  2i7,  -239.  242,  538                ^H 

Cragc  (Craig),  John,  21,  23,  24 

East  Jersey,   11,  y^                                    ^^H 

Crippcn,  11.  L.,  43 

Easton,  Pa..  78,  79,  81                         ^^^H 

Cripps,  John.  12,  42 

Edict  of  Nantes,  43                               ^^^^H 

Cripps,  Samuel,  45,  49 

Edge  Piltock,  79                                     ^^^^| 

Crispin,  Mary,  113 

Education,  99,  lor,  108.     In  Pcnna,          ^^| 

Crispin.   Silas,    113 

(Wicker sham),  30                              ^^^^H 

Cropper,  James,  489 

Edwards.  Jonathan,  56.  77n.               ^^^^| 

Crosheld,  George,  308,  5./J 

Egg    Harbor.   N.  J..    168                      ^^^H 

Crosfield,  Jane.  70,  71,  136,  311,  $43 

Elizabeth,  Queen.  27                              ^^^^H 

Crosswkks,  N.  J.,  115 

Elkinton.   George,   3,    15                       ^^^^H 

Crukshank,  Joseph.  108,  475 

Ellis,  Benjamin,  36,  yj                         ^^^^H 

"Cupid"   (negro),  24 

Ellis,  George,  36                                           ^^| 

Curies.  Cr.,  201 

Ellis.  Mary  (Abbot),  2nd  Williams,           ^H 

Curtis.  John,  93,  §51 

36.  i7                                                         ^H 

Curtis,  Samuel,  81 

Ellis,  Josiah,  36                                              ^^| 

Cushnet  (Acushnet,  Mass.),  238 

Ellis,  Sarah  (Woolman),  i,  26,  36,           ^H 

36,  37,  38.  39.  40.  67,  82.  84,  88,           ^H 

"Daphne"   (negro),  H3 

133,  144.  f49.  i7:S,  523.  537,  606                ^H 

Darby,  Pa.,  122,  213,  275,  291 

Elliot,  John,  M3.  147,  509                      ^^^^H 

Dartmouth,  Mass.,  67,  68,   171,  238 

Elton,   Aoa^  Jr.,  2y                             ^^^^H 

636 


INDEX 


Elton,  Robert,  22,  523 

Elton,  Sarah,  22,  523 

EIwcll,  David,  22 

Ely,  Joshua,  210,   592 

Emlen,  Samuel,  120,  122,  I23n.,  125, 

126,   128,   130,    144,   145,  288,  291, 

302.  515 
Employer     (of    John     Woolman), 

161,  164,  165 
Enclosure  (of  English  lands),  134, 

13S 
"Epistle,"  29,  52,  (To  London)   53; 

54,    176,   208,    222,    (To    Friends, 

1772).  474 
"Essex"  (slave),  69 
Estaugh,  Elizabeth    (Haddon),  9n., 

21,  22,  23,  S3t 
Evans,  John.  179,  210,  jpr 
Evans,  Joshua,  1470. 
Evans,  Lewis,  85 
Evans.  Thomas.  226,  586 
Everit   (Everett),  John,  203,  58^ 
Everts.  L.  H.  &  Co.,  85.  91 
Example  of   Christ,  446 

Fairfax,  166,  203 

Fallsington,  Pa.,  41,  42,  137 

Falmouth,  Mass.,  239 

Farm,  J.   W.'s,  33,  43,  44,  45 

Farmar,  John,   28,   29 

Farnfield   (Eng.),  38 

Farrington,   Abraham,  20,   80,   118, 

163,   168,  210,  331 
Farquhar  (Fauquier),  43 
Fearon,  Peter,  25,  50,  226,  5J2 
Fcnelon,  15 
Ferris,  Benjamin,  97,  105,  108,  109, 

334 
Fever,  246 
Fida.  366 

Field,   Robert,   103 
Flushing,  L.  I.,  181 
Food  prices,  England,  1772;  305 
Fork   Creek,    193 
Forks  of  Delaware,  79 
Forker,   Adam,   43,    106 
Forker,  Reuben,  43 
Forrest  Building,  Phila.,  205 
Forrest  Estate,   i 
Fort  Allen,  251,  263 
Fort   William   Henry.  211 
Foster,   Hannah,  60,  6r,  62,  63,  68, 

234.   53S 
Foster,  Josiah,  179,  591 
Fothergill,  Dr.  John,  107,  I23n,,  128 
Fothergill,    Samuel,    108,    128,    210, 

Foulke,  Samuel,  249,  264,  251,  S53 


Fox,  George,  18,  51,  322,  508 
Fox  and  Cat  (Dream),  115 
Fox.  Dr.  R.  H.,  1280.,  130 
Foxe,     John.     "Acts     and    Moon^ 

ments,"  374,  485 
Franklin,    Benjamin,    17,    51, 

I23n.,  243n, 
Franklin,    Matthew,    i8i,  S79 
Franklin  Park,  17 
Freetown,  Mass.,  233 
French   Empire  in  America,  78 
French  and  Indian  War,  51,  77 
Friedenshiitten,  94 
"Friendly  Association,"  &c,  78 
Friends'    Historical    Soc    Journal, 

London,  145"-.  574,  583 
Friends'  Library.   Phila.,  laSn.,  58* 
Friends*  Miscellany,  970.,  1470.,  130^ 

i3^n.,  I33n.,  317,  459,  371 
Fuli  Nation,  30 


Gamaliel,  48 
Gambia  River,  30 
Gardiner,  Ebenezer,  69 
Gardiner,  John,  131  ^ 

Gauntl,  Ann,  234,  238,  241,  540 
Gauntt,  Esther,  213,  524 
Gauntt,  Hannah,  25,  38,  524 
Gauntt,  Samuel,  25,  38,  105,  524 
Gauntt,  Uz,  2i3n.,  524 
Gauntt,   Zebulon,   2i3n,  524 
Gauntt,  family,  12 
Gawthrop,  Thomas,    171,  576 
Georgia,  29 

Germantown  Frienda,  28 
Gilt,  Amy,  23 
Gill.  John,  25,  56 
Gloucester,  N.  J.,  42;  56 
Gloucestershire,   1,  11 
Goose  Creek,  201,  202 
Greenhili    Farm,  39 
Grecnwell,  Dora,  150 
Greenwich.  R.  L,  58^  65,  242n. 
Grcyrigg,  136,  311 
Griffith,  John,  170,  374 
Griffith,  Thomas.  36 
Griscom,  William,  22,  23 
Guinea,  30,  436 
Gunpowder,  Md.,  275 
Gurdon,  Muriel.  38 

Haddon,  Elizabeth  (later  Eslaugh). 

21.  33,  331 
Haddon.   John.   33 
Haddonfield,  9n.,  26,  69,  165,  243,  SJJ 
"Hagar'*  (slave).  8j 


^^^^^^^^^^^    INDE^^^^^^^^^^^^^^I 

'     Hainrs,  Caleb,  55 

Hudson,  Elizabeth,  170,  575               ^^^^| 

Haines,  Margaret,  73,   141.  555 

Hudson.  Robert.  58                              ^^^^| 

Haines,   Moses,  83 

Hume,  Sophia,  2^,  303,  5^9               ^^^^H 

Haines,    Reuben,    22,    73,    no,    288, 

Humphries,  Joshua,  4                          ^^^^H 

115.   119,    120.   126,    130,   133.   141. 

Humphries,  Martha,  1                         ^^^^H 

148.  3 '6,  354 

Humphries,  Walter,  i,  4                          ^^M 

Haines,  Samttel,  24,  48 

Hunt,  John,  of  N.  J.,  I47n.,  525,  571          ^H 

Hainesport,   it 

Hunt,  John  of  Eng.,  78,  210,  511             ^H 

Hallctt,  Richard,  60,  578 

Hunt.  Mary   (Woolman),  5,  6,  5^2          ^H 

Hamincrsmith,  London,  36 

Hunt,  Robert,  6                                              ^H 

Hampton,  Judith,  21,  22 

Hunt.  William  (of  Bucks  C^^  Pa.),          ^H 

Handsworth,   Woodhouse,  132 

5.  6.  5.V                                                  ^M 

Harber,  Henry,  1 

Hunt,    William    (of    North    Caro-          ^H 

Harding,  Thomas,  4,  11 

lina),  6,  56,  I23n.,  128,   130,   132,          ^H 

Hardwick,  N.  J.,  274 

137,  145.  311. 517                        ^M 

"Harmony   of    Mankind"    (Essay), 

Huntington,  203                                     ^^^^^H 

438 

Huss,  John,   204                                    ^^^^H 

Harris,  James,  96 

^^^^^1 

Hart,  William,  42 

Indenlures,  48                                         ^^^^H 

Harvey.        Elizabeth        (Woolman, 

Indian  Houses,  262                              ^^^^| 

Paine  Hunt),  6,  174,  5^0 

Indian  Mills,  N.  J.,  77                               ^^M 

Harvey,  John,  6 

Indians,    12,    27,    28,    76flf.,    80,    91,    ^^^H 

Harvey,   Peter,  5^/ 

^^H 

Harrison,   Thomas,  72 

^^^^B 

Haslam.  John,  132,  133,  134,  364 

Inoculation,  56,   57,  227,  228             ^^^^M 

Hatton,     Susanna     (Hudson)     2nd 

Inventory,  48                                          ^^^^H 

Lightfoot,  81,  548 

Ipswich.   Mass.,   38                                ^^^^H 

Haver  ford  CoUege,   iot,   131,  222n., 

Iroqtiois,  76,  86                                     ^^^^H 

3i^n. 

"Isabella,"  49                                          ^^^^H 

Hawkins,  Sir  John,  27 

^^^^H 

Hays,  John,  87 

Jackson,  William.  210,  39.?                  ^^^^M 

Hazard,  Caroline,  65n. 

jatnes  (negro),  46                                 ^^^^H 

Hazard,   Isaac  P.,  64 

James   River,   166,   190,    193                ^^^^| 

Hazard.  Thomas,  64,  65,  66 

January,  Jacob.  257,  fis>                       ^^^^H 

Head,  Jolm,   115,   120,  123,  289,  559 

Jefferson.   Thomas,   56                          ^^^^| 

Heckewelder,  77n.,  Ssn. 

Jenings,  Samuel,  2,  39;  Deed  to  J.     ^^^^B 

Hertford,  Eng.,  304 

Woolman  I,  593                                        ^^M 

Higham,  Derbyshire,  36 

Jericho.  L.  I.,  60,  232                           ^^^^H 

Hill,  Dr.  Birkbeck.  290. 

Jess,  David,  T04                                   ^^^^H 

Hinde,  Mary,  488 

Jesuits,                                                      ^^^H 

Historical    Soc.    of    Penna.,    loin.. 

Jonathan   (Indian   Chief),  So              ^^^^H 

lion.,    iign,,    i2on.,    I23n.,    I28n., 

Johnson,  Dr.  Samuel,  29.  I35n.            ^^^^H 

I33n.,    14811.,    333n.,    348n.,    349n., 

Jones,  Benjamin,  213,  24S,  270,  274,          ^^| 

474.  583.  584 

_^| 

Hoe's  Ferry,   167 

Jones,  Daniel,  32,  74,  75.  100               ^^^^1 

Holgate,  York,   139 

Jones,  Owen,  80,  514                            ^^^^| 

Holland,  128 

Jones,  Rebecca,  32,  72,  74,  84flF.,  ioo>    ^^^H 

Hooton,  Thomas,  2 

I27n.,  344                                                  ^H 

Hopewell,  166 

Jones,  Rufus  M.,  $8                             ^^^^H 

Hopkins,  Stephen,  58 

Jones,  V\'i]liam,  104,  388                      ^^^^H 

Horn,  John,    129 

Journal  of  John  Woolman,  151           ^^^^H 

Home,  William,  122,  210,  275,  291, 

Johnson,  Sir  William,  80                     ^^^^| 

475.  559 

Juggler,   The,   266                                  ^^^^H 

Horsfield,  Timothy,  81 

Julius,   "Natt.,"    104                             ^^^H 

Ho  skins,  Jaoe,  170,  181,  574 

Justice.  John,  49                                   ^^^^H 

Hour-lines,  44                                         , 

'  j^^H 

Howell,  Jacob,   179,  5go 

Kaighn,  Elizabeth,  23                         ^^^^1 

Howland  Collection,  390. 

Kaighn,  Joshua,  23,  24                       ^^^^^M 

^ 


INDEX 


Kmh  Crrxk,  X.  C  197 
3tsith.  Oc^rsc,  aB 
3k;»«iau  Eag-,  13^  311 
B^itMaO*   Tolui,  128 
KiHiflg  Slwep.  48 
KimJialL  C  54 
K-jr^y.  Mary.  2i8»  5*j 
Kiriiride.  Joseph,  526 

La^x::r.  244.    Essay  on,  387 

LaS.HU-  Troubles,  134 

Ladawanna  River,  258 

Lu»castcr,  92,  94^   165 

Lancaster  Co.,  Pa.,  26 

Large.  Ebenezer,  59,  74 

Large.  Mary,  59 

Last  Essays  of  J.  W.,  488 

Latev.  Gilbert,  47,  507 

Law  Suits,  184 

Lay.  Benjamin,  29 

Leases,   11 

Lee,   William    (apprentice),   118 

Leeds,  Granville  Woolman,  2 

Leeds  "Mercury,"   144 

Legatees,  50 

Lenni  Lenape  (Tribe),  76 

Letter  (J.  W.),  185 

Lewis,  Samuel,  32,  33 

Library,  Burlington,  15 

Library,  Mount  Holly,   15 

Light  foot,    Michael,    168,   573 

Lightfoot,    William,  61,  87,  88,  89, 

^>5i,  539     ^       , 
Limehouse,   London,   i 
Lippincott,  Abraham,  104 
Lippincott,  Joseph,    104 
Little    Britain,   275 
Little  Creek,   172,  271 
Little    Egg    Harbor,   86 
Little  Meeting  House,  Mt.  Holly,  32 
Little  River,  N.  C,  200 
Logan,  James,   14.  16,  94,  284 
Logan,   Sarah,   125,  291,  303,  560 
Logan,  William,  39,  40,  94,  125 
Logan,  William,  Jr.,   125 
London,    11,  67,   126,    143,   145,  303, 

304 
London  Grove,  Pa.,  54,  2i8n. 
Long  Island,  31,  60,  170,  181 
Long    Plain,    Mass.,    238 
Lord,   Elizabeth,  21 
Lord,  Sarah,  23 
^kiel,  G.  H.,  87n. 
»ries,  67,  236 
■)un,  Earl  of,  52 
Ig     Our     Neighbours,     On" 
»ay),  488 


Lycoming,  85 
Lynn,  Mass.,  61 

Magna  Charta,  37 
Makefield,  227 
Manahaukin,  168 
Mansfield.  N.  J..  6,  104,  248 
Manumissions,  56n. 
"Maria"   (negro),  25,  49 
Marindol,  374 
Mark,  Ruth,  I28n. 
Markeniield,  Robert,  37 
Markenfield  Alice,  37 
Marriage,  John  Woolman,  35 
Marriage,      (Certificate      of      John 

Woolman  I  &  Eliz.  Borton,  596 
Marriage  Certificate,  Wm,  Bcien  & 

"Dido"    (negroes),  608 
Marriage,  negro,  83,  194 
Marshy  Creelc,  271 
"Mary,"  59,  60 
"Mary  and   Elizabeth"    (ship),  123, 

289 
Mary  gate,  York,  138 
Maryland,  29.  96,  97,  165,  167,  170^ 

172,  193,  271 
Mason,  Ann,  i 
Massachusetts,  28n.,  57 
Massey,   Thomas,   226,   586 
Masters  and  Servants,  431 
Matlack.    .^chsah,    2i 
Matlack,  Elizabeth,  21 
Matlack,  Martha,  21,  22,  23 
Matlack,  Seth,  24 
Matlack,  Timothy,   22 
Mattress,    John    Woolman    makes, 

no 
Mauleverer,  Ann,  36.  37 
Mauleverer,  Edmund,  37 
Mauleverer,  James,  144 
Memorandum,   by  John   Woolman, 

Memorials,  by  John  Smith,  63 
Mcnallen,  203 
Menonists,  203 
Merchandise,  164,  i82ff.,  449 
"Merchandising,"  20,  47,  50 
Merion,  Pa.,  213 
Merrill,  Richard,  i 
Michigan,   79 
Mickle,  May,  12 
Middlesex,   London,   2,  36 
Middlcton,  Thomas,   115,  SSS 
Middletown,  N.  J.,  75 
Middletown,  Pa.,  277 
Mildred.  Daniel,  123,  128,  ^ 
Military  Service,  53 
Mill  St.,  Mt.  Holly,  32,  74 


t 


INDEX 


639 


Minute,  York  Meeting,  325 

Mizurada,  Cape,  371 

Mohicans  (Tribe),  79 

^foitlore,  48 

Monmouth,  Eng.,  36 

Moaoquacy,   166 

^Iontou^,  Andrew,  80,  86 

Moore,  Geo.  W.,  43 

Moore,  Joseph.  524 

Moore,  Patience,  24 

Morris    family,   39 

Morris,    Ann,    103 

Morris.  Anthony,  36 

Morris,  Deborah,   128 

Morris,  Gulielma  M.,  39 

Morris.  John,  39 

Morris,  Alargaret,  39 

Morris,   Sarah.   1230.,  28.   130,   133, 

Morris.  William.  39,  179,  59/ 
Moravians.  76,  77,  89,  91,  95 
"Mount.  The."  12 

Mount  Hollv,  12.  31.  33,  35,  38,  ^, 
45.  52,  60.  70,  73.  "3.  "8,  248,  331 
Mothcrktits.  271 
Mullen,  Martha,  5^4 

Nain,_  86 

Nanticoke,  81 

Nantucket,   28.   29,  3on.,  31,  58,  63, 

68,  69.  171.  238,  240 
Narragansctt,   64,   65 
Nathaniel.  86,  89,  254,  552 
Naushon,  67 

Nayler,    James,    292,    590 
Neale.   Samuel,    ir8,  475.  55^ 
Necessity,  Fort,  52 
Nelson,  John,  144 
Nelson.   William,   108 
Negro  marriages,  83,  194 
Negro   woman.   Sale  of,   t6i 
New   Bedford,  Mass.,  238 
Ncwbegun  Creek,  200 
Newby.  Samuel,  55^ 
Newcastle    (Chief),   80 
New  England,  28,  31,  53,  58 
New  Garden,   199,  275 
New  Jersey.  2,  5,  9,  30,  53,  242n. 
"New    Jersey    Assoc,    for    Helping 

Indians,"  78 
New  Jersey   Histor.  See,  108 
New    Ix5ndon,    171,  232 
New   Milford.  Conn.,   170 
Newport.    30,    58fF.,    171,    233,    234, 

241.  244 
Newton.   Elizabeth,   524 
Newtown,  L.  I.,  181 
Newtown,  Mass.,  238 


New   York,  30,  31.  42,  53.  73,  96, 

211,   242n.,  244 
Nichols,  Joseph,  96,  97,  272,  5S4 
Nine   Partners,   170 
Noble,  Joseph,  50 
Noble.   Mary.   248,   387 
Noonmark,  44 
Norcross.  Rachel,  524 
Northampton,  Eng.,  304 
Northamptonshire,  3 
Northampton  Township.  3,  4,  5.  ti, 

12.    $2,    102 

North  Carolina,  166 
North  Wales,  213 
Nottingham,  Eng.,  305 
Nottingham,  Pa.,  7,  ^72,  187,  275 
Nottingham,    Samuel,    170    57J 
Nurser>'  of   Trees.    115 

Oblong,  N.  Y..  58,  62.  170,  242 

Ogborn,  John.  31 

Oldman,  S    &  Co.,  30 

Old    Springfield    Road.    Mt.    Hol!y, 

Olive,  Thomas.  4 

Oneida   Lake,  79 

Onondaga,  85 

Orchard.  John  Woolman's,  44 

Origcn,  418 

Oxfordshire,  Q.  M.,   132 

Ox  mead.  44 

Paiuswick,  Eng.,   i 

Papunahung  (Chief),  Slflf,,  91,  92fF., 

26of..  347 
Pan-African  Congress,  31 
Parents  of  Jrthn  Woolman,  151 
Parker,  Joseph,   226,  $86 
Parrish,  Samuel.  43.  I48n. 
Parvin,    Benjamin,    87ff.,    251,    264, 

Patapsco  River,  190 
"Patience  of   Hope,  The,"   150 
Patuxent   River,   190 
Payne,  Nathaniel,  6 
Paxson,  Henry.  46,   113,  334 
Peacedale,  R.'l.,  58,  64 
Pemberton   Bros..   79,  87.    107 
Pcmberton.  Israel,  73,  79,  80,  9oflF., 

ijo.  118,  251,  348,  438.  475.  515 
Pemberton,  James,  80,  110,  rii,  123, 

2o8n.,  284n.,  313 
Peml>erton,  John,  59,  60,  82.  88,  92, 

93.    HO,    128,    143,  210,   251,  475, 

PcmI>crton,  Mary,  80 
Penn,  Richard,  53 
Pcnn,  Thomas,  53 


INDEX 


Pttin,  William,  27.  ^5.  76 
Pennsylvania,   96,    lot,    174 
"Pennsylvania  Gazette,"  33,  51,  7511 
"Pennsylvania    Tournal,"    30,  93 
Pennsylvania  Magazine,  History  & 

Biog,,  12311. 
Perquimans,   166 
Perry,  Richard,  104 
Perth  Amboy,  19,  20,  30 
Peters.  Richard,  81 
Philadelphia,  6,  30,  36,  42,  52,   70, 

75,  82,  86,  87,  94,  96,  122,  140,  205, 

215,  220,  267,  281,  350 
Philadelphia    Meetings,   27,   28,    84, 

JOO 

Picts.  369 

Pincy  Woods,  200 

Pipe  Creek,  275 

Pitt,  William.  54 

Piltsljurg.  250 

Place  of   Prayer,  The,  286 

Plainficld.  N.  J,,  231 

Plantation   Life,   12,   108 

"Plea   for   the   Poor"    (Essay),  401 

Pleurisy,  285,  308 

FMymouth,  Pa.,  213 

Portsmouth,  R.  I.,  66 

Post.  Charles  Frederic.  86 

Potomac  River,  167.  190 

Poverty,  98 

Powell,  Amos,   171,  376 

Prcshylerians,   171 

Preston.   Patrick,  307 

Priest  man.  David,  140 

Priest  man,   Kachael,   139 

Prtcstman.   Thomas,    138,   142,   288, 

316.  321,  567 
Primer,  John    Woolman's,    16,    108, 

109 
"Primas"   (negro),  83,   117 
"Proclamation   Money,"  9,  33 
Proud.    Rohcrt,  82,   134,   137,  54g 
Providence,   Pcnna.,  277 

Quakers,   78 
Quebec.   78 
Queen  Ann's,  373 

Ridnor,  213 

Rahway,  N.  J.,  231,  243 

Rancocas,  2,  3,  4,  6,  7.  11,  118,  271 

Kancocas  Meeting.  4,  13 

Rappahnniu^ck    River,    190 

Ravcnel,  Mrs.  St.  J.  de,'29 

Ka>'nal.  .\Mh^  dc»  15 

Ueikht.   William.    210,  5J6 

Red   l^inds.  105.  275 

Kcilman,  Thomas,  M 


Redman,  Mercy,  234,  238,  241. 
Redwood   (family),  58 
Redwood,  Abraham,  60,  2330, 
Redwood,  Martha,  66,  2330. 
Reichel,  \V.  C,  950. 
Reynell.  John,  475,  $7^ 
Reynolds,  James.   125,  29X,  56/ 
Reynolds.  Patrick,  50 
Reynolds,  Thomas,   50 
Richland,   Pa.,  213,  249.  264 
Richmond,    Eng.,    137,   311 
Richardson,  John,  77 
Richardson,  Joseph,  81 
Richardson,    Mary,   81  ^^^ 

Ridgway.  Library,  Phila.,  94,  !l4n. 
Ridgway,    Mary,   63,   68v    540 
"Right  Use  of  Gifts,"  39i 
Riots,  4,  77 

Roberts,    John,    123,    ^^ 
Robin    (slave),  69 
Robin's  Nest.  152,  153 
Rhode  Island.  58.  66.  170,  171 
Rhode  Island  Legislature,  66 
Rochester,  Mass.,  238 
Robinson.  Elihu,   128 
Rodman,   Samuel.   58 
Root,  W.  T.,  I09n, 
Robson,  Thomas,   23 
Rosendhale,  M.,  22 
Ross,    Thomas,    143,    sjv 
Rossel.   Zachariah,  49,  75 
Routh,  Martha,  84 
"Rules  of   Conduct,"   100 
Rushworth.  Eng.,  305 
Riittv,  Dr.  John,  63 
Rye,  N.  Y.,  242 

Salem,  N.  J.,  32,   168,  220 

Salford,  Judge,  95 

Saltonstall,  Richard,  38 

Sandwich.  Mass.,  65,  239. 

Sandiford,  Ralph.  29 

Sandy  Hook.  N.  J.,  75 

Saratoga  Street,  Nantucket,  69 

Sassafras,  274 

Saner,  Christopher,  101 

Savoy  (London),  36 

Scalps,  93 

Scarborough,   John,    181,   21a 

5/9 
Scarborough,  Yorksh.,  38 
Scaroyaday   (Chief).  79 
Scattergood,  Joseph,  49 
Sdionbrunnen,  91 
Schweinilz,     Bishop     Edmiuid    dc, 

870. 
School,  John   Woolman's,   12,  1 06 
"Sdiools,  On"  (Essay),  390. , 


» 


T 


INDEX 


641 


"Schulordnung"   (C  Dock),  loi 
Seai,  John  Woolman's,  72 
Senegal,  30,  366 
"Serious        Considerations,"        &c. 

(Essay),  i^l 
Setauket   (Setuckct),  L.  I.,  170 
Settle.  Eng.,  305 
Shackleton,  Elizabeth,  1230. 
Shamokfn,  Pa.,  259 
Shanticut,  242 
Sheffield,   Eng..  30S 
Shenandoah,  166 
Sherlock,  Bishop,  57 
Sherrington,  Eng.,  304 
Sheshequin.   Pa.,  86 
Shields,  John,  i^ 
Shillitoe,  Thomas,  47,  48 
Shikellamy   (Chief),  86 
Shinn,   Earl,  104,   107 
Shinn,  H.  C,  son. 
Shinn,  Thomas,  24,  46,  $^2 
Shipley,   Elizabeth,  63,  67,  234,  5J9 
Shipton,    Eng.,   304 
Ship  Registers,  Phila.,  1230. 
Shivers,  John,  23 
Shop,  John  Woolman's,  18,  32,  33, 

47 
Shrewsbury,  N.  J.,  37,  38,  11,  16S, 

243 

Siddons,  Achsah,  2^ 

Silver  Mines,  98 

Silver  Vessels,  113,  114,  309 

"Silent  Worship"    (Essay),  508 

Simon's  Creek,  N.  C,  199 

Skip  pack,  lOi 

Slave  Market,  19,  30 

Slave  Trade,  26,  65,  233,  370,  496 

Slave:  Sale  of  Woman,  18,  ^i 

Slave   Labor    (earnings,   &c.),    259, 

436 
Slavery,  27fT.,  Abolished,  55,  66;  In 

Phila.  (1758).  215 
Slaves,  30,  54,  173 
Steeper,  John,  74,  96,  97,   102,   113, 

271,  272,  54S 
Smallpox,  56,  57,  60,  68,  227flf. 
Smick,  J.   J.,   94 
Smith,   Aaron,   288 
Smith,  Daniel,  2,11 
Smith.   Elizabeth,   15,  121,  248,  271, 

5>>7  (family),  36 
Smith,  Humphrey,  497 
Smith,  IsaaCt  22 
Smith.  John,  14,  58,  59,  6of.,  61,  63, 

74,  91.  94,  i^,  284,  52^ 
Smith,  John.  II,  39,  40 
Smith,  John,  of  Marlboro',  Pa.,  267, 


Smith,  Richard,  of  New  Jersey,  45 
Smith,   Richard,  of   Rhode   Island, 

6S 
Smith,  Robert,  49 
Smith,  Samuel,  2,  14,  20,  39,  40,  49, 

71,  79.  475,  52(> 
Smollett,  Tobias.  16.  125 
Sotheby,  William,  29 
South  Carolina,  29 
Southwick.  James.   105 
Sowle,  Andrew,  497 
Spavold,   Samuel,  5*j 
Spangenburg,  A.  G.,  86 
Sparks,  Capt.  James.   123,   125,  269 
Spence,  Mrs.  Alfred  H.,  139 
S pence,  Ellen,  138 
Spence,  Malcolm,  138,  288 
"Springfield   Republican,"  115 
"Squaw,"  168,  270 
Stamp  Act,   107;   ^^  paper,   115 
St.    Andrew's    Church,    Mt.    Holly, 

32 
St.  Mary's  Church,  York,  Eng.,  144 
St.  Michael's  Church,  Phila.,  115 
Stacy  family,  T34 
Stage  coaches,  75,  306 
Stanley,  James,   193 
Stanley,  William,  193,  201,  5*/ 
Stanton,  Daniel,  210,  218,  219,  3*j 
State  House,  Phila.,  2o6n. 
Stenton,  Phila.,  94 
Stocks,  45 

Stockton,  Samuel,  43 
Stokes,  John,  7 
Stokes,  Rebecca,  524 
Stokingham,  12 
Storcr,  John,  63,  68,  5.// 
Sturge,  Joseph,  45 
Sugar  Act,  I09n. 
Sufferings,   Meetings   for,  43n.,  52, 

78 
Sullivan,    General,    95 
"Superfluities,  Trading  in"  (Essay), 

S03 
"Suse,"   131 
Susquehanna  River,  83,  92,  165,  188, 

249.  257,  275,  276 
Swamp  Meeting,  91 
Swan,  William,  69 
Swansea,  233 
Sykes,  John,  49,  172,  174,  181,  210, 

577 
Syllogism,  16,  17,  49 

Tadcaster,  139 

Tailoring,  John  Woolman's,  46 
Tammany  Court,  Phila.,  94 
Taunton,  Mass.,  283 


642 


INDEX 


Tarpaulin  Cove,  67,  238 

Taverns,  73 

Taylor,  Edward,  75 

Taylor,  William,  75 

Taxes,  204,  210 

Testimony   of    Burlington,  M.   M., 

330ff. 
Testimony  of  York  Q.  M.,  325^. 
Thames,   126 
Thieves,  On,  98 
Third  Haven.  272 
Thomas,  Allen  C,  78n. 
Thomson.  Charles,  78n. 
Thompson,  Sylvanus,  I40n. 
Thoniborougli,    Thomas,    128,    I43» 

"Three  Tuns"  Tavern,  32 

Ticknor  and  Fields,  ison. 

Till- Adams,  Dr.  John,  291,  561 

Tinitithy,  95 

Titus   (negro),  21 

Tomlinson,  Joseph.   17ft  59^ 

Tt>nufes.  269 

TownwntI,  John,  130,  133,  144.  X49, 

**Trade,    Considerations    on,    &c," 

Trade.  Indian,  87 

Tc<iJy«»cun^.  7^  So 

TnMlv,    iiiihan,   53,  78n.,  81 

Trrnton.  N.  J.,  120 

Trfvclyan.   (ieorge   Macaulay,   3in. 

I  iTvclVan.  Ck\)rKe  Otto,  13511. 
Trinibie.  William.  $84 

rr\»tter.    Hcnjamin,   210,  592 
'('rust    IVcii,   John  Woolman's,  45, 

Txukahoe.  271 

n\mWhamHKk.  Pa.,  86,  262 

Ixike.  Ksther.  1,^8.  142,  i4Sff.  (Let- 

XtT  ofK   148.  316.  566 
r\ik«>.  Urnry.  138.  565 
\\\U\  Siumiel.  I38n. 
't^^kr.  S;»rah.  14J.  .Vim.,  5^ 
l\ike.   William.   138.   142,   I43,   I44. 

J^S8»  ,n^  ,<^o 
INlci.   i^'larles.   ijSn. 

V'«v»>tHl  l.1othin|i.  6.  70.  '247ff. 

\>ttx.  Vnv^rit*.    Jjn..  iJ8n. 

^X4^K^  Jv»utivAl  of.  J87 
»«^  Kv^>h  S..  7^  80 


War,  French  and  Indian,  51,  77 
War  Tax,  54 
Washington,  George,  51 
Warwick,  R.  I.,  242n. 

Warwick,  Etig,,  304 

Watson,   Matthew,  38 

Wayneoak,  193 

Wciser,  Conrad,  79.  80,  82,  85 

Wells  Creek.  N.  C,  199 

Wenslcydale,   137 

West  Indies.  46,  109,  11 1 

West  Jersey,  2,  11,  34 

Westminster  Meeting,  36 

Westmoreland,  308,  311 

West  Riding  Yorkshire,  135 

Westtown,   Pa.,  82 

Wesley  an  Meth.  Magazine,  140 

West   River,  Md.,  277 

WethtTill,  Thomas,  50 

Whipping   Post,   45 

White,  John,  113 

White,   Joseph,    70,    119,   227,  290, 

543 
White,  Josiah,  23,  32,  33,  To,  105, 

"3,  530 
White,  Hannah,  71 
Whitefield,  George,  29,   31,   IQ7 
Whitestone,  181 

Whittier,  John  G.,  57,  iii,  I27n^  150 
Wickersham,  J.  P.,  30 
Wi^ht.  Ule  of,  Co.  Virginia,  199 
Wilkes- Barre,  Pa.,  256 
Will  of  Elizabeth  Woolman,  I.  598 
Will  of  Elizabeth  Woolman,  Senior, 

601 
Will  of  Elizabeth  Woolman,  Junior, 

602 
Will  of  John  Woolman  I,  597 
Will  of  Samuel  Woolman,  600 
Will   of    Sarah    (Ellis)    Woolman. 

606 
Wills,  writing,  98 
Wills,  Daniel,  3,  4,  5 
Wills,  John,   5 

Wills,  John,  Deposition  of,  5,  595 
Wills,  Joanna,  37 
Willett,  Capt.  Thomas,  524 
Willetts,  Richard,  232n. 
Willis,  Robert,  i23n,,    30,  148,  37J 
Wilmington,  Del.,  108,  271 
Williams,  George,  37 
William  Henry.  Fort,  52 
William  Penn  Charter  School,  137 
Wilson,  Christopher.  78,  210,  5U 
Wilson,  John.   140.  321 
Wilson,    Rachel,    ij6,    140,   310,  $64 
Winchester,  Va.,  193 
Windsor,  George,  74 


INDEX 


643 


Wood,  Juliana  R.,  82 
Woodbridge,  N.  J.,  231 
Woodenbury,  Eng.,  36 
Wood  Lane,  45 
Woodward,  Thomas,  54,  55 
Woolman,  Abner,  64,  102,  103,  107, 

Woolman,  Abraham,  103,  104,  524 
Woolman,  Ann  (later,  Buffin),  5,  6, 

174,  52^ 
Woolman,  Asher,  9,  102,  118,  5^3 
Woolman,  Eber,  524,  s^s 
Woolman,  Elizabeth  (wife  of  John 

I).  S,  6 

Woolman,  Elizabeth  (Payne,  Hunt, 
Harvey),  5.  6,  174,  5^ 

Woolman,  Elizabeth  (wife  of  Sam- 
uel), 7,  8,  24,  33,  106,  5^3 

Woolman,  Elizabeth,  Jr.,  8,  9,  24,  25, 
i68ff.,  523,  5^5 

Woolman,  Esther  (Hester)  Allen,  7 

Woolman,  Esther  (Gauntt),  5,  6,  7, 

Woolman,  Hannah   (Burgoyne),  5, 

6.7 
Woolman,  Hannah  (Gauntt),  22,  38, 

Woolman,  John  I,  i,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6: 
Deed  for  land,  593 

Woolman,  John,  7,  8,  10,  11,  12. 
First  preaches,  19.  As  Executor, 
24,  25.  First  preaching  tour,  26. 
Marriage,  3Sff.  Qcrk  of  Q.  M., 
45,  46.  Memorandum  as  Excr., 
50.  Attends  negro  marriage,  83. 
Character  of,  118.  Arrives  in 
London,  126.  Last  sermon,  129. 
Illness  and  death,  I42ff.  Grave- 
stone, 144.  Illness,  154.  Youth, 
i56ff.  Tends  shop,  157.  Preaches, 
159.  Tailor,  164,  182.  Merchant, 
182.  Constable,  184.  Letter  to 
friend,  185.  Dreams,  14,  51,  59, 
115,  152,  175,  187.  Entertainment, 
189.  Adam  and  Eve,  102.  Sol- 
diers quartered  on,  212.  Fever, 
246.     Undyed  garments,  247.    In- 


dian  Journey,   248flf.     Barbados, 

281.     Pleurisy,  285.     Death,  317. 
Woolman,  John,  Jr.,  103,  131 
Woolman,  Jonah,  43,   106,  524 
Woolman,    Mary    (wife    of    Wm. 

Hunt),  5,  6,  522 
Woolman,    Mary    (wife    of    John 

Comfort),  34,  41,  42,   III,  S36 
Woolman,  Mary  (wife  of  Abner), 

107 
Woolman,  Rachel,  8,  24,  33,  $^4 
Woolman,   Patience   (wife   of   Jos. 

Moore),  8,  24,  523 
Woolman,  Samuel,  5,  6,  7,  22,  23, 

24,  29,  I73»  5^^ 
Woolnlan,    Sarah    (wife   of    Robt. 

Elton),  8,  24,  33,  324 
Woolman,   Sarah    (nee  Ellis,   wife 

of  John),  I,  26,  36,  37.  38,  39,  40, 

67,  82,  84,  88,  133,  144,  149,  173 

537.   (will),  606 
Woolman,   "Sally,"    108 
Woolman,   Uriah,   9,    10,   110,    132, 

Woolman,  William,  2,  4,  5 
Woolman,  William  II,  41 
Woolman   Memorial,   The,   41,   43, 

45:  Cost  of  building  (1771).  607 
Women's  Meeting,  Mt.  Holly,  35 
Wothersome,  Yorksh,,  38 
Wright,  John,   103 
Writing  Book  Copies,  102 
Wyalusing,  Pa.,  81,  8sff.,  249,  254, 

258,  259 
Wyoming,  Pa.,  80,  86,  94,  256,  263 

Yarnall,    Mordecai,    179,    210,   226, 

586 
York,    Eng.,     137,    138,    288,    316. 
York    Meeting,    Minute    of,    32Sff. 

(signed  by  29  Friends). 
Yorkshire,  11,  131,  132,  134,  136,  311 

Zane,  Isaac,  210,  260,  59^ 
Zeisberger,  David,  77,  86,  87,  89,  90, 
91,  94,  254,  546 


?0231' 


1 


i 


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