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^^m: ' 


The Journal of the Anthropological 
Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 

Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and 
Ireland, JSTOR (Organization) 


l^arbarli College l.ti)rars 



(Class of 1814) 


** Preference being given to works in the 
Intellectual and Moral Sciences.** 



-ZoiCc^- ''?^o 




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t9e ^nt^tofotoiitat Ins^fufe of &ttaf ^tifain and 3tefanb. 



All Sight* Re*«rv»d. 

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To facilitate reference to the contents of this Journal, and to make it a more 
convenient record of the work of the Institute, the Council has authorised the 
following amendment of its form : — 

Each volume of the Jov/i^nal will henceforth contain the papers presented to 
the Institute between January and December of tlie calendar year; and the 
President's Address, delivered at the Annual Meeting in January, will form the 
introduction to each volume. 

Consequently the latter part of Vol. XXIX (= Vol. II of the new royal 
octavo series) contains only those papers which were presented before the end of 
1899 ; while Vol. XXX (= Vol. Ill of the new series) will contain those which 
are presented between January and December, 1900; and will open with the 
President's Address delivered in January, 1900. 

For convenience of reference, also, greater prominence will be given to the 
number of a volume in continuation of the old series, than to its number in the 
new (royal octavo) series. Thus the current volume is described as Vol. XXIX 
(= New Series, Vol. TI). 

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I. Swatis and Afridis. By Colonel Sir T. H. Holdich, K.C.I.E., C.B. 2 

IT. The Arab Tribes of oar Indian Frontier. By Colonel Sir T. H. 

Holdich, K.C.I.E., C.B 10 

III. The Secret Societies of West Africa. By H. P. Fitzgerald 

Marriott (Abstract) 21 

IV. Mitla : An Archsaological Study of the Ancient Rains and Biemains 

in that Pueblo. By William Corner 29 

V. Ju-Ju Laws and Customs in the Niger Delta. By M. Le Comte C. 

V N. DB Cardi 51 

^ VI. Ethnographical Notes on the Pang. By Albert ]p. Bennett, M.D., 

F.B.S 66 

VII. Beginnings of Currency. By Colonel R. C. Temple, CLE. ... 99 

VIII. Prehistoric Man in the Neighbourhood of the Kent and Surrey 

Border: Neolithic Age. By George Clinch, F.G.S 124 

IX. On the MedifiBval Population of Bristol. By Dr. Bbddob, LL.D., 

F.R.S 142 

X. Note on a Skull from Syria. By W. L. H. Duckworth, M.A., 

Fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge 145 

XI. Some Australian Tree Carvings. By Herbert Perkins 152 

XII. Dialect Changes in the Polynesian Languages. By Rev. Samuel 

Ella 154 

XIII. Notes on the Ethnology of Tribes met with during Progress of the 
Juba Expedition of 1897-99. By Lieut.-Colonel J. R. L.* 

Macdokald, R.E 226 

XrV. Notes on the Masai Section of Lieut.-Colonel Macdonald's Vocabu- 
lary. By Mrs. S. L. HiNDB 248 

XY. Notes on the Swahili Section of Lieut.-Colonel Macdonald's 

Vocabulary. By Miss M. E. Woodward 250 

XVI. The Nature of the Arab Ginn, illustrated by the Present Beliefis of 

the People of Morocco. By Edward Westermarck, Ph.D. ... 252 
XVII. Primitive Rites of Disposal of the Dead, with Special Reference to 

India. By W. Crooke, B.A. 271 

XVin. Sequences in Prehistoric Remains. By Professor W. M. Flinders 

Petrib 295 

XIX. On the Discovery of Neritina FluviaUlts with a Pleistocene Fauna 
and Worked Flints in High Terrace Gravels of the Thames 
Valley. By H. Stopis ^ 302 

a 2 

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Notes on the Langaages of the South Andaman Group of Tribes. By M. V. 


The Dolmens and Burial Mounds in Japan. Bj Wm. Gowland, F.S.A. ... 183 

The Dolmens of Japan and their Builders. Bj Wm. Gowland, F.S.A. ... 183 

Ethnology, in two parts. By A. H. Keane, F.R.G.S 184 

Der Periplns des Hanno. By Dr. Karl Emil Illing 185 

Bird Gods. By Charles de Kay 186 

Authority and ArcheBology, Sacred and Profane. Edited by D. G. Hogarth ... 186 

The Kingdom of the Barotsi, Upper Zambesi. By A. D. Miall 188 

The Races of Europe. By William Z. Ripley, Ph.D ' ... ... J88 

The Cult of Othin. By H. M. Chadwick 189 

The Negritos. By A. B. Meyer, M.D 191 

The Temple of Mut in Asher. By Miss M. Benson and Miss J. Gourlay ... 191 

The Philippine Islands. By John Foreman, F.R.G.S 191 

Among the Wild Ngoni. By Dr. W. A. Elmslie 191 

Vocabulary of the Gualluma tribe. By E. Clement 192 

Centralblatt fur Anthropologic, Ethnologic und Urgeschichte. Edited by Dr. 

E. BuscHAN 196 

Eaglehawk and Crow. By John Mathew 197 

Notes and Queries on Anthropology. Edited by Dr. J. G. Garson and C. H. 

Read 197 

Anthropology at the British Association. Dover Meeting : September 13th to 

20th, 1899. (With Plate XXVIII) 198 

Additions to the Library of the Anthropological Institute since July Ist, 1899 224 
New Zealand Kotahas or Whip Slings, for Throwing Darts. (With Plate 

XXXIV) 304 

Note on a Carved Canoe Head from New Zealand. (With Plato XXXV, 1) ... 305 

Note on a Stone Battle-axe from New Zealand. (With Plate XXXV, 2) ... 305 

Note on the Roman Origin of a Mediaeval Charm 306 

Prehistoric Chronology. By Professor Oscar Montelius 308 

On the Judicial Oaths used on the Gold Coast ... ... ... ... ... 310 

Notes on the Congress of the German and Viennese Anthropological Societies 

held at Lindan from the 4th-7th of September, 1899 314 

The Huxley Memorial Statue in the Natural History Museum 316 

Science et Foi. 1* Anthropologic et la Science Sociale. Par Paul Topinard ... 317 

Mission en Cappadoce 1893^1894. Par Ernest Chantre 320 

Anthropometria. By Rudulpo Livi 324 

Statistical Methods : With Special Reference to Biological Variation. By C. 

B. Davenport, Ph.D 326 

The Oneida Community. By Allan Estlake .. ,.. 327 

Ancient Pagan Tombs and Christian Cemeteries in the Islands of Malta. By 

Dr. A. A. Caruana. The Royal Public Library of Malta. By the same... 329 

The Harmonic Structure of Indian Music. By John Comfort Fillmore ... 330 

Text Book of Pal89ontology. By Karl A. von Zittel 331 

The Cephalic Index. By Dr. Franz Boaz 332 

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A Study of the Normal Tibia. By Ales Hrdlicka 332 

On some Flint Implements, found in the Glacial deposits of Cheshire and North 

Wales. By Joseph LoMAS, F.G.S 333 

Explorations in Patagonia. By Dr. P. P. Moreno 334 

Yinland and its Ruins. By Cornelia Horsfokd 334 

Hawaii Nei. By Mabel C. Craft 335 

A Dictionary of the Pathan Tribes of the North- West Frontier of India ... 335 

On the Orientation of Temples. By P. C. Penrose, M.A , P.R.S 336 

Reproductions of Nahua Manuscripts. By Francisco del Paso y Troncoso ... 337 
Tangweera: Life and Adventures among Gentle Savages. By C. Napier Bell, 

M.Inst.C.E 339 

The Natural History of the Musical Bow. By Henry Balfour, M.A 340 

International Congress of Prehistoric Archaeology and Anthropology ... ... 342 

International Congress on the History of Religion ... ... ... ... 344 


PLATES. to face page 

I to VII. Mitla: Ruins and Remains ... ... ... ... ... 29 

YIII. Objects from the Collection of Sir John Smalman-Smith ... ... 51 

IX. Objects from the Collection of the Comte de Cardi ... ... ... 51 

X. Slave Driver and Slaves, Sherbro ... ... ... ... ... 64 

XL The Bundu Devil Dress 64 

XII. Yenketti Swinging Bridge, Sherbro ... ... ... ... ... 64 

XIII. Native Musicians, Sherbro ... ... ... ... ... ... 64 

XIV. 1 and 2, Ngi masks used in the Fang Secret Society ; 3, 4, Fang 

Idols ; 5, Wooden dogbell ; 6, Ngi collar ; 7, Sacrifice Knife frontispiece 

XV. Fang Men. Pang House 66 

XVL Fang Women. Fang Youths 66 

XVII Fang Dance. Abeng or Palaver House 66 

XVIII to XXI. Illustrations of the Beginning of Currency ... ... ... 118 

XXII and XXIII. Neolithic Implements found in the Neighbourhood of 

the Kent and Surrey Border .. . ... ... ... ... ... 124 

XXIV. A Skull from Syria 145 

XXV and XXVI. Tree Carvings, New South Wales 152 

XXVIL The Grave of a Native of Australia 152 

XXVIIL Sources of the Alphabet 204 

XXIX. 1 

-xr^^ ^Maps illustrating the results of the Juba Expedition ... ... 226 

XXXI. Types of Pottery, illustrating the System of Sequence Dating ... 295 
XXXII. The Genealogies of some forms of Pottery, illustrating the System 

of Sequence Dating 295 

XXXIII. Flint Implements and Copper Tools, illustrating the System of 

Sequence Dating ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 295 

^XXIV. New Zealand Kotahas or Whip- Slings 304 

XXXV / ^' Figure-head of a War Canoe, New Zealand ... ... ... 305 

* 1 2. A Chiefs Implements of War (" Toki "), New Zealand 305 

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Fig. 1. 
Fig. 2. 
Fig. 3. 


Plans, rains, etc. 

to face page 

Gronps Nob. 1 to 7 

(After Dr. Seler) 

Surface shapes of the Raised Stone 
Figs. 4, 6, 6, 7. (After Mr. W. H. Holmes) 

Pig. 8. The Lintel 

Fig. 9. A combination of beams, rods, and light masonry 

Fig. 10. The Fort, etc 

Prehistoric Man in the neighbourhood of the Kent and Surrey border : — 
Fig. 1. Plan and Section of Hut-Circle, Hayes Common, Kent ... 
Fig. 2. Plan and Section of Hut-Circle, Hayes Common, Kent ... 
Fig. B. Conjectural Restoration of Neolithic Hut with External Fire, 

Hayes Common, Kent 
Fig. 4. Section of Pit containing evidences of Fire, West Wickham 
Common, Kent 
The Roman Origin of a Mediflsval Charm 
The Vatican Codex, 3773 (Nahna) ... 






1. The Memorandum of Association 

2. The Abticlbs 

3. The List of Fellows 




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( vu ) 

MtmaxEtxbxtm of |laa0riati0n. 

1. The name of the Association is the " Anthropological Institute of Great 
Britain and Ireland." 

2. The registered office of the Association will be situate in England. 

3. The objects for which the Association is established are : — 

(1) The Promotion of the Study of the Science of Man. 

(2) The doing of all such other lawful things as are incidental or con- 
ducive to the attainment of the above object. 

4. The income and property of the Association, whencesoever derived, shall be 
applied solely towards the promotion of the objects of the Association as set forth 
in this Memorandum of Association; and no portion thereof shall be paid or 
transferred, directly or indirectly, by way of dividend, or bonus, or otherwise 
howsoever, by way of profit, to the Members of the Association. Provided that 
nothing herein shall prevent the payment in good faith of remuneration to any 
officers or servants of the Association, or to any Member of the Association, or 
other person, in return for any services axjtually rendered to the Association. 

5. The fourth paragraph of this Memorandum is a condition on which a 
licence is granted by the Board of Trade to the Association in pursuance of Section 
23 of the Companies' Act, 1867. 

6. If any member of the Association pays or receives any dividend, bonus, or 
other profit, in contravention of the terms of the fourth paragraph of this Memo- 
randum, his liability shall be unlimited. 

7. Every Member of the Association undertakes to contribute to the assets of 
the Association, in the event of the same being wound up during the time that he 
is a member, or within one year afterwards, for the payment of the debts and 
liabilities of the Association contracted before the time at which he ceases to be a 
member^ and of the costs, charges, and expenses of winding up the same, and for 
the adjustment of the rights of the contributories amongst themselves, such amoimt 
as may be required, not exceeding twenty shillings, or, in case of his liability 
becoming unlimited, such other amount as may be required in pursuance of the last 
preceding paragraph of this Memorandum. 


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viii Memorandum of Association, 

8. If upon the winding up or dissolution of the Association there remains, 
after the satisfaction of all its debts and liabilities, any property whatsoever, the 
same shall not be paid to or distributed among the Members of the Association, 
but shall be given or transferred to some other institution or institutions, having 
objects similar to the objects of the Association, to be determined by the Members 
of the Association at or before the time of dissolution, or in default thereof by such 
Judge of the High Court of Justice as may have or acquire jurisdiction in the 

9. True accounts shall be kept of the sums of money received and expended 
by the Association, and the matter in respect of which such receipt and expenditure 
takes place, and of the property, credits, and liabilities of the Association ; and, 
subject to £uiy reasonable restrictions as to the time and manner of inspecting the 
same that may be imposed in accordance with the regulations of the Association 
for the time being, shall be open to the inspection of the Members. Once at least 
in every year the accounts of the Association shall be examined, and the correct- 
ness of the balance sheet ascertained by one or more properly qualified Auditor or 

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( ix ) 

Jlrtirlea d ^aa0aatmn» 

1. For the purpose of registration the number of the Members of the Institute 
is declared not to exceed 600. 

2. These Articles shall be construed with reference to the provisions of the 
Companies' Acts, and terms used in these Articles shall be taken as having the 
same respective meanings as they have when used in those Acts. 

3. The Institute is established for the purposes expressed in the Memorandum 
of Association. 


4. Every person desirous of admission to the Institute as a Member shall be Nommationof 
proposed and recommended agreeably to such Form as the Coimcil may appoint 

from time to time ; which Form must be subscribed by at least two Members, one 
of whom shall certify his personal knowledge of such Candidate. 

5. The Council shall elect by a show of hands, or by ballot, if any Member Election of 
demand it. The voting shall take place, unless the Council shall otherwise direct, 

at the next Council meeting after that on which the Candidate is proposed, and no 
person shall be considered as elected unless he have three-fourths of the votes in 
his favour. 

6. Every person so elected shall sign an undertaking to abide by the Kules of 
the Institute, in such form as the Council may direct. 


7. Any Member may, on payment of all arrears of his Annual Contribution, 5?*^^ ®^ 
withdraw from the Institute by signifying his wish to do so by letter, addressed to 
the Secretary, Such Member shall, however, be liable to the Contribution of the 
year in which he signifies his wish to withdraw ; and shall also continue liable for 
the Annual Contribution until he shall have returned all books, or other property, 
borrowed by him of the Institute ; or shall have made full compensation for the 
same, if lost, or not forthcoming. 

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Articles of Associatiofi of 

Privileges of 

of Members. 

Expulsion of 


Election of 
Members and 
ing Members. 


8. The Members have the right to be present, to state their opinion, and to 
vote at all General Meetings ; to propose Candidates for admission into the 
Institute ; to have transmitted to them the Journal of the Institute ; and, 
under such limitations as the Council may deem expedient, to have personal access 
to the Library and all other public rooms in the occupation of the Institute, 
and to borrow books, maps, plates, drawings, or specimens, belonging to the 

9. Any Member is eligible to be a Member of the Council or Officer of the 

10. Each Member shall pay an Annual Contribution of two guineas, which 
may at any time be compounded for by a payment of £21. 

11. The Annual Contributions shall become due upon election (unless such 
election takes place in the month of November or December) and in advance on 
the first day of January in each year afterwards. 

12. If the annual contribution of a Member be moi*e than one year in arrear, 
the Treasurer shall report such default to the Council, and the Council shall use its 
discretion in erasing the name of the defaulter from the List of Members ; and in 
the discretion of the Council he shall not be allowed to attend the Meetings of tlie 
Institute, or to receive any of its publications, or to enjoy any of its privileges and 
advantages, until his arrears be paid. At the expiration of six months the name of 
the defaulter may be suspended in the Meeting Eoom. 

13. Should there appear cause, in the opinion of the Council, for the expulsion 
from the Institute of any Member, a Special General Meeting shall be called by 
the Council for that purpose, notice of which shall be given to such Member ; and 
if three- fourths of those voting agree, by ballot, that such Member be expelled, 
the President, or other Member in the Chair, shall declare the same accordingly, 
whereupon the name of the person expelled shall be erased from the list of 


14. The Institute shall have a President, Vice-Presidents, a Secretary, and a 

15. Persons eminent in Anthropology, abroad and in the United Kingdom, 
may be associated with the Institute under the titles of " Honorary Members " 
and " Correspondmg Members " ; they shall be elected by the Council, under the 
same conditions as laid down for Members, but shall not be liable to any annual 
or other contribution, and shall not be deemed to be " Members " within the meaning 
of the Memorandum of Association. Honorary Members shall have the same 
rights as Members, with the exception of that of voting at General Meetings. 

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the Anthropological IndUute. xi 

16. The Government of the Institute shall be vested in the President, the Cbvemmont. 
Vice-Presidents, Secretary, and Treasurer, who shall be ex-offido Members of 
Council, and twenty ordinary Members of Council to be elected as hereinafter 
directed. All past Presidents of the Anthropological Institute, and of the pre- 
existing Ethnological and Anthropological Societies, while still Members of the 
Institute, shall be Vice-Presidents ex officio ; and there shall be tliree other elected 

17. The President, three Vice-Presidents, Secretary, Treasurer, and ordinary Election of 
Members of the Council shall be elected by ballot at the Annual General Meetmg ; 

and three at least of the ordinary Councillors and one of the elected Vice- 
Presidents shall retire from ofi&ce annually, and not be eligible for re-election 
for the space of one year ; the retiring Members to be selected by the Council. 

18. If, in the interval between two Annual Meetings, any vacancy in the 
Council occur, the Council may appoint some Member of the Institute to fiU such 



19. The Council shall meet on such days as they appoint, and a book shall Council 
be kept in which the attendance of each Member shall be certified by his own 
signature at the time of his entering the Council-room. The President, or any 
three Members of the Council, may at any time call a special Meeting of the 
Council, to which the whole Council shall be summoned. 

20. In all Meetings of the Council five shall be a quorum ; all questions 
shall be decided by vote, unless a ballot be demanded ; and a decision of the 
majority shall be considered as the decision of the meeting ; the Chairman shall 
have, in case of an equality, the casting vote. 

21. The Council shall be empowered to remit or abate subscriptions in cases 
of Members distinguished for their services to Anthropological Science, but the 
total number of such non-contributing Members shall never exceed ten. 

22. The Council shall present and cause to be read at the Annual General Duties of 
Meeting a Report of the accounts and of the state of the affairs of the Institute 

for the preceding year. The Council shall act for the Institute in any matter 
which is not specified in these articles. The Council shall prepare the House-list 
of retiring Members of Council, and also of Candidates to be recommended at the 
Annual General Meeting to fill up the vacancies. The Council shall have 
authority from time to time to make and alter by-laws for the management of 
the Institute, and the regulation its officers, meetings, and proceedings ; but so that 
no by-law is contrary to any of these articles. 

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Articles of Association of 






Duties of 



23. A General Meeting shall be held annually in January, to receive the 
Eeport of the Council on the state of the Institute, and to deliberate thereon ; and 
to discuss and determine such matters as may be brought forward by the Council 
relative to the affairs of the Institute. Also, to elect the Officers for the ensuing 
year. The Chairman shall cause to be distributed a sufficient number of balloting- 
lists, in such form as the Council may appoint ; and he shall appoint two or more 
Scrutineers, from among the Members present, to superintend the ballot during 
its progress, and to report the result to the Meeting ; the ballot shall close at the 
expiration of one hour. 

24 The Council shall call a Special General Meeting of the Institute 
when it seems to them necessary, or when required by the requisition of any ten 
Members so to do. 

25. Every such requisition, duly signed by ten or more Members, must 
specify, in the form of a resolution, the object intended to be submitted to the 

26. The notice of the Special Meeting, or the requisition and the resolution, 
as the case may be, shall be suspended in the Institute's rooms for two weeks, 
and a copy sent to all Members resident in the United Kingdom, whose addresses 
are known, one week previous to such Meeting ; and at the Meeting the discussion 
shall be confined to the object specified in the resolution, or, in the absence of a 
requisition, then in the notice convening such Meeting. 

27. The Ordinary Meetings of the Institute shall be held on such days as 
the Council shall appoint ; and a printed list of such Meetings shall be sent to 
each Member. 

28. The President, or in his absence one of the Vice-Presidents, and in 
their absence a Member to be chosen by the Meeting, shall take the chair at every 
Meeting of the Institute or of the Council. 

29. Every Paper which may be presented to the Institute shall, in consequence 
of such presentation, be considered as the property of the Institute, unless there 
shall have been any previous engagement with its author to the contrary ; and the 
Council may publish the same in any way and at any time that they may think 
proper. But, should the Council refuse or neglect within one year to publish such 
Paper, the author shall have a right to publish it upon his own responsibility. No 
other person, however, shall publish any Paper belonging to the Institute without 
the previous consent of the Council. 

30. At an Ordinary Meeting no question relating to the Eules or Management 
of the Institute shall be introduced. 

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the ArUhropologiccd TnstUtUe, xiii 

31. The accounts of the Institute shall be annually audited by two Members, 
proposed by the President, and approved by the Ordinary Meeting held next before 
the Annual General Meeting. 


32. In these articles words importing the masculine gender shall include the 
feminine, and words importing the singular number the plural, except where the 
matter or context shall exclude such construction ; and when an office in the 
Institute is held by more than one person either of such persons may do anything 
appertaining to such office. 

33. A notice may be served by the Institute upon any Member either 
personally or by sending it through the post in a prepaid letter addressed to such 
Member at his last known place of abode. 

34. Any notice, if served by post, shall be deemed to have been served at the 
time when the letter containing the same would be delivered in the ordinary 
course of the post ; and in proving such service it shall be sufficient to prove that 
the letter containing the notice was properly addressed and put into the 

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It is particularly requested that Fellows mill give notice to the Secretary of the 
Society y 3, Hanover Square , W,, of any error in their addresses or descriptions, in 
order thai it Tnay he immediately corrected in the hooks. 

The names with * attached to them are those of Fellows who Jiave compounded 
for the Annual Sahscriptions, 

f These Fellows have contribtUed Papers to the Institute, 

§ These Fellows are Members of Council. 


Anucbin, Professor. Imperial Univer- 

sit J, Moscow. 
Bastian, Professor Adolf. Director of 

the Ethnological Museum, Berlin. (If) 
Benedikt, Prof. Universitj, Vienna, 

Bertillon, Mons. Alphonse. Chef da 

Service Anthropom^trique k la Pre- 
fecture de Police, Paris. 
Bonaparte, H. H. Prince Roland. 10 

Ayenne d*Iena, Paris. 
Cartailhac, M. Emile. Toulouse, France. 
Ghantre, M. Ernest. Lyons, France. 
Collignon, Dr. Ben6. 6 Rue de la 

Marine, Cherbourg, Manche, France. 
Dareste, Prof. Camille. 37 Rue de 

Fleurus, Paris. 
Dawson, Geo. Mercer, Esq., C.M.G., 

LL.D., F.R.S. Director of Geological 

Survey, Ottawa, Canada. 
Deniker, Dr. J. 2 Rue de Buffon, 

Dubois, PiK)f. Eugene. 45 Zijlweg, 

Haarlem, Holland. 

Dupont, Dr. E. 31 Rue Yautier, 

Fison, Rev. Lorimer. Essenden, Mel- 
bourne. (T) 

Gerland, Prof. University, Strasburg, 

Giglioli, Professor E. H. Zoological 
Museum, Florence, Italy. 

Hamy, Dr. E. T. Mus6um du Troca- 
dero, Paris. 

Heger, Dr. F. Royal Natural History 
Museum, Vienna. 

Holmes, Prof. W. H. Field Columbian 
Museum, Chicago. 

Jones, Professor T. Rupert, F.R.S. 
17 Parsons Green, Fulbam, S.W. 

Kollmann, Professor J. University, 
Basle, Switzerland. 

Lacassagne, Professor. Lyons, Prance. 

Livi, Cavaliere Dr. Ridolfo. Capitano 
medico Ispettorato militare, Rome 

Lombroso, Prof. University, Turin, linly, 

Manouvrier, Dr. L. L*Ecole d' Anthro- 
pologic, Paris. 


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List of the Fellows 

HONORAHY FELLOWS— co7i«7iwed. 

Mautegazza, Professor Paolo. Florence. 
Marfcin, Prof. Badolf. University of 

Mason, Professor Otis T. Smithsonian 

Institution, Washington, U.S.A. 
Meyer, Dr. A. B. Director of the 

Hoyal Ethnographical Museum, Dres- 

den. (1) 
Montelius, Dr. Oscar. Museum of Anti- 
quaries, Stockholm. (^) 
Moreno, Dr. F. P. Buenos Ayres. 
Miiller, Professor F. Max. Oxford. 
Nadaillac, Marquis de. 18 Rue Dupliot, 

Nicolucci, Prof. Giustiniano. Isola di 

Sora, Italy. 
Powell, The Hon. J. W. Bureau of 

Ethnology, Washington, U.S.A. 
Putnam, Professor F. W. Harvard 

University, Cambridge, Massachn- 
setts, U.S.A. 

Ranke, Professor J. Munich, Bavaria. 

Schmeltz, Dr. J. D. E. 69 Rapenburg, 
Leiden, Netherlands. 

Sergi, Prof. G. Director of Royal Uni- 
versity, Rome. 

Spencer, Professor Baldwin. Uni- 
versity, Melbourne. 

Stirling, Dr. E. C, C.M.G., M.A., 
F.R.C.S. Director of South Aus- 
tralian Museum. 

Stolpe, Dr. K. H. Royal Historical 
Museum, Stockholm. 

Topinard, Dr. Paul. 105 Rue de 
Rennes, Paris. (^) 

Troncoso, Signer F. del Paao y. 61 
Via Rica soli, Florence, Italy. 

Virchow, Professor Rudolph. Berlin. 


Appleyard, Rev. W. The Vicarage, 

Batley CaiT, Dewsbury. 
Bonsdorff, Professor E. J. Kokisgard, 

Salo (Uskela), Finland. 
Carr, Lncien, Esq. Peabody Museum, 

Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A. 
Daa, Professor. Christiania, Nor - 

Duhousset, Colonel Emile. 6 Rue de 

Fiirstemberg, Paris. 
His, Professor W. Leipzig. 
Hoffman, Dr. W. J. Washington, 

D.C., U.S.A. 
Howitt, Alfred W., Esq. Secretary for 

Mines, Department of Mines, Mel- 
bourne, Victoria, Australia. 
Let6urneau, Prof. L'lScole d'Anthro- 

pologie, Paris. 

Oliver, Captain S. P. Moray House, 
Anglesey, Gosport, Hants. {%) 

Ricarde-Seaver, Major F. I. AthensBum 
Club, Pall Mall, S.W. 

Rnge, Dr. Sophus. Circusstrasse, 20 

Saunders, Trelawney W., Esq. 3 Elm- 
field on the Knowles, Newton Abbot, 

Soherzer, Dr. Charles Chevalier de. 10 
Via Roma, Genoa, Italy. 

Steinhauer, Dr. Karl. Director Royal 
Museum, Stockholm. 

Weisbach, Dr. Augustin. Wahringer- 
strasse, 25, Vienna. 

Wilson, T., Esq. Curator of Prehis- 
toric Anthropology, Smithsonian In- 
stitution, Washington. {%) 

N.B. — The name of any Honorary or CoiTesponding Fellow whose address, or 
that of his agent, shall not be known for the space of two years shall be removed from 
the List, but may be restored again by the Council. 

Digitized by 


of the Anthropological Instiivie. xvii 



1883 Abercromby, The Hou. John, 62 Fcdmerston Place, Edinburgh (*) 
1858 Adams, Wm., Esq., F.RC.S., 7 Lovdoun Road, SL John's Wood, If. W. (*) 

1862 Amherst, of Hackney, The Eight Hon. Lord, F.S.A., 8 Grosvenor Square, W. ; 

and IHdlington Hall, Brandon, 
1865 Armstrong, The Right Hon. Lord, D.C.L., LL.D., F.RS., 8 Great George 

Street, S. W. ; and Cragside, Rothlury, Northumberland, (*) 
1874 Atkinson, G. M., Esq., 28 St. Oswald Road, West Brampton, S. W, (f §) 

1894 Atkinson, J. J., Esq., Post Office, Thio, New Caledonia, 

1863 Avebury, The Right Hon. Lord, F.R.S., 2 St Jame£ Square, SW.; High 

Mms, Beekenham, Kent (!§*) 

1895 Backhouse, W. A, Esq., St John's, Wolsingham, Darlington, (*) 

1888 Balfour, Henry, Esq., M.A., Vice-President, Anthropological Department, 

Museum, Oxford; 11 Norham Gardens, Oxford, (ir§) 
1894 Barclay, Edwyn, Esq., Urie Lodge, Ridgway, Wimbledon, 

1865 Barrett, Thomas Squire, Esq., F.Z.S., F.S.S., F.RB.S., F.RHistS., Rose 

Cottage, Millfield Road, Appleton, Widnes. (*) 
1876 Barron, E. J., Esq., F.S.A., 10 Bndsleigh Street, Tavistock Square, W,C. (*) 

1866 Bartrum, J. Stothart, Esq., F.R.C.S., 13 Gay Street, Bath, 
1882 Baye, Baron de, 58 Avenvs de la Grande ArmSe, Paris, (*) 

1884 Beaufort, W. Morris, Esq., F.R.G.S., 18 Piccadilly, W. (*§) 

1854 Beddoe, John, Esq., M.D., F.R.S., FRCP., Foreign Associate of the 
Anthropological Society of Paris; Corresponding Member of the 
Anthropological Society of Berlin ; Hon. Member of the Anthropological 
Societies of Brussels and Washington; Vice-President, The Chantry, 
Bradford'On-Avon, Wilts, (ir§) 

1899 Bennett, Albert L., Esq., M.D., F.E.S., 34 Denison Buildings, Uth Street, 
Denver, Colorado, U,S,A, 

1899 Bennett, Mrs. G. Nevitt, 15 Hanover Terrace, Regent's Park, N,W, 

1899 Berry, R. J. A, Esq., M.D., F.RC.S., F.RS., Edinburgh School of Medicine; 
Royal College, Edinhtrgh ; 4 Howard Place, Edinburgh, 

1896 Blackett, Spencer, Esq., Paternoster House, Charing Cross Road, 
1896 BlundeU, Herbert Weld, Esq., Brooks's Club, S. W, 

1869 Bonwick, James, Esq., F.RG.S., Yarra Yarra, Soxsih Vale, Upper Norwood, 

SE. {%) 
1872 Bowly, Christopher, Esq., Siddington House, Cirencester, 

1864 Brabrook, E. W., Esq., C.B., F.S.A., F.RS.N.A. Copenhagen; Corr. Member 

of the Anthropological Society of Paris ; Barrister-at-Law ; Vice- 
President, 178 Bedford Hill, Balham, S, W. ; 28 Abingdon Street, S, W. 

c 2 • 

Digitized by 


xviii Lid of (he Felhws 

Year of 

1865 Braby, F., Esq., F.G.S., Bushetf Lodge, Tcddiiigion. 
1900 Breton, Miss A. C, cjo Wilts and Dorset Bank, Bath. 
1894 Breyer, Dr. H. G., Professor of Natural History, Oj/mnasium Box, Pretoria, 

South Africa, 
1892 Brice, Arthur Montefiore, Esq., F.R.G.S., Id Hyde Park Mannom, W, (T) 

1894 Brook, R. C, Esq., Wolverhampton House, St. Helens. 
1889 Brown, J. Allen, Esq., F.G.S., 7 Kent Gardens, Eating. (1) 

1864 Bro\vn, James Roberts, Esq., F.R.G.S., F.RS.N.A. Copenhagen, 44 Treguntei' 
Road, SoiUh Kensington, S. W. (*) 

1895 Brown, William, Esq., J.P., President Fowler Phrenological Institute, 

Hazclwood, Wellinglorough, 
1885 Browne, John, Esq., Chertsey House, ParkhUl Rise, Croydon, Surrey. 
1867 Bull, William, Esq., F.L.S., 536 Kincfs Road, Chelsea, S.W. 
1895 Bumard, Robert, Esq., 3 Hillsborough, Mutley, PlymoiUh. 
1894 Bushe, Col. Charles Kendal, F.G.S., 19 Cromwell Road, 8. Ken»iwjton. 
1867 Busteed, W. J., Esq., M.D., Brigade-Surgeon, cjo Messrs. Grindlay 4' Co., 

55 Parliament Street, S. W. (*) 
1891 Bute, The Most Hon. The Marquess of, K.T., Cardiff Castle. 

1893 Caldecott, Percy, Esq., Constitutional Club, Northumberland Avenue, S. W. 

1872 Cammiade, Gilbert Henry, Esq., Madras. (*) 

1892 Campbell, C. W., Esq., H.B.M. Consular Service, Shanghai, China. 

1865 Carey, Major-General W. D., RA., 22 Archers Road, Southampton. (*) 

1865 Cavafy, J., Esq., M.D., 10 Fourth Avenue, Hove, Sussex. (*) 

1899 Christian, F. W., Esq. 

1874 Church,W.Selby, Esq., M.D., President R.C.P., 130 Harley Street, Cavendish 

Square, TV. 
1877 Clapham, Crochley, Esq., M.D., The Grange, Rotherham, Yorks. (*ir) 
1885 Clarke, C. F., Esq., M.R.C.S., 24 Park Road, Plumstead. 

1875 Claudet, Frederic, Esq., F.C.S., 10 Oak Hill, Frognal, Hampstead., N. W. 
1864 Clerk, Major-General H., R.A., F.R.S., Mountfield, 5 Upper Maze Hill, St. 

Leonard's, Sussex. 

1895 Clodd, Edward, Esq., 19 Carleton Road., Tnfncll Park, N. 

1898 Codrington, Rol)ert, Esq., F.RG.S., Cover mnent House, Fort Jameson, 

1884 Coffin, Walter H., Esq., F.L.S., F.C.S., 94 Cornwall Gardens, South Kensington, 
S. W. ; and Villa Passaic, Kew, Surrey. 

1863 CoUingwood, J. Frederick, Esq., F.G.S., Foreign Associate of the Anthropo- 
logical Society of Paris, 5 Irene Road, Parson's Green, S.W. (*f ) 

1888 CoUyer, Henry C, Esq., Breakhurst, Beddington, near Croydon. 

1896 Connolly, R. M., Esq., B.A., LR.C.S. Edin., Taiping, State of Pei^ak. (1) 

Digitized by 


of the Anthropological Institute, xix 

Year of 

1866 Cooper, Frederick, Esq. (*; 

1895 Comer, Frank, Esq., M.RC.S., Manor House, Poplar, E. (f) 

1861 Crawfurd, 0. J., Esq., C.M.G., OpoHo. (♦) 

1900 Crowfoot, J. W., Esq., B.A., Mason University College , Birmingham. 

189:> Crombie, James Edward, Esq., Inverdon, Aberdeen. 

1892 Crooke, William, Esq., Langton House, Charlton Kings, Cheltenham, (ir§) 

1883 Cunningham, Professor D. J., M.D., D.C.L, F.R.S. L. and E., 43 FitzWilliam 
Place, Dublin, (IT) 

1896 Cust, Miss M. E. V., F.RG.S., M.E.A.S., 127 Victoria Street, Westminster, 
1863 Cuthbert, J. E., Rsq., Chapel Street, Liverpool. (*) 

1860 Cutler, G., Esq. (*) 

1875 Czai-nikow, C, Esq., 2^ Mincing Lane, E,G, 

1892 Dallas, James, Esq., F.LS., Cantralecs, Lympstone, Devon. (T) 

1895 Dalton, Ormonde Maddock, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., British Museum, Bloonisbury, 

w.c. (§ir) 

1885 Darwin, W. Erasmus, Esq., F.G.S., Ridgemoiint, Basset, North Stoneham, 

1893 Davies, Eev. T. Witton, B.A. (Lond.), Ph.D. (Leipzig), Baptist College, Bangor, 

North Wales. (*) 

1869 Dawkins, W. Boyd, Esq., M.A., F.RS., F.S.A., F.G.S., Professor of Geology 

and Paleontology in Victoria University, Owens College, Manchester 
Woodhurst, Fallowfield, Maiwhester, (%) 

1899 Duckworth, W. L. H., Esq., M.A., Jesus College, Cambridge, 

1870 Duncan, Dr. David, Director of Public Instruction, Madras. 
1885 Duncombe, Captain the Hon. Cecil, The Grange, Nawton, Yoi^lcs. 

1862 Eastwood, J. W., Esq., M.D., Dinsdale Park, Darlington. 

1893 Ebbels, Arthur, Esq., 6 Lavender Gardens, Clapham Common, S. W. 

1890 Edwjirds, Stanley, Esq., F.Z.S., Kidbrooke Lodge, Blackhcath, S.E. 

1896 Elliott, B., Esq., 161 Camberwell Boad, S.E. 

1888 Ellis, H. Havelock, Esq., Carbis Water, Lelant, Cornwall. 

1891 Evans, Arthur J., Esq., M.A., F.S.A., Vice-Pkesident, Keeper of the 

Ashmolean Museum, Youlbury, Abingdon. (ir§) 

1863 Evans, Sir John, K.C.B., D.C.L., LLD., F.E.S., V.P.S.A., F.LS., F.G.S.; 

President of the Numismatic Society of London; Vice-Pbesident, 
Nash Mills, Hemel Hempstead, Herts. (ir§) 
1887 Evans, Sebastian, Esq., LLD., 15 Waterloo Crescent, Dover. 

1896 Falconer, Thomas Wcntworth, Esq., FoaJiolcs, Christchnrch, Hants. 

1900 Famell, Lewis E., Esq,, M.A., Exeter College, Oxford. 

Digitized by 


XX List of the Fellows 

Tear of 


1880 Felkin, Robert William, Esq., M.D., F.RG.S., 6 Crouch Hall Bead, Croxvch 

End, London, N, (§) 
1897 Ffennell, Miss M. C, 172 The Grove, Hammersmith, W. 
1883 Finzi, John, Esq., 53 Hamilton Terrace, N. W, 
1866 Fischer, Robert, Esq., B.L., Madura, Madras, (*) 

1883 Forbes, H. 0., Esq, LL.D., Dii-ector of Museums, The Museum, William 

Browne Street, Liverpool. (§f ) 
1875 Forlong, Major-General J. G. R., F.R.G.S., F.RS.E., 11 Douglas Crescent, 

1889 Eraser, Professor A., M.B., 18 Northbrook Road, Dublin, 
1885 Frazer, James G., Esq., M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge, (f ) 
1871 Fry, Danby P., Esq., 166 Haverstock HUl, K W. 

1862 Galton, Francis, Esq., M.A., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.G.S., F.R.G.S. ; Vice-President, 

42 Rutland Gate, S. W. {%%) 
1861 Gardner, Professor E. V., Tremont, 59 Floi-cnce Road, New Cross, S.E. 

1881 Garson, John George, Esq., M.D., Foreign Associate Anthropological Society 

of Paris; Corresponding Member Society for Anthropology, Ethnolc^ 
and Primitive Hist, of Berlin ; Corresponding Member of Anthropological 
Society of Moscow; CoiTesponding Member of Anthropological Society 
of Rome ; Adviser and Instructor on the Metric System of Identification, 
Home Office, 122 Harleij Street, W. (^§) 
1880 Gladstone, J. Hall, Esq., Ph.D., F.R.S., F.C.S., 17 Pembridge Square, W. (f ) 

1896 Godden, Miss G. M., Ridgfield, Wimbledon. (^) 

1879 Godman, F. Du Cane, Esq., F.R.S., South Lodge, Horsham. (*) 
1895 Gomme, G. L., Esq., F.S.A., 24 Dorset Square, W. (§1f) 
1885 Gosselin, Hellier R. H., Esq., Bengco Hall, Hertford, 

1887 Gowland, W., Esq., F.S.A., F.C.S., 13 Russell Road, Kensington, W. {%•%) 
1894 Gray, John, Esq., B.Sc, 351 Coldharhour Lane, Brixton, S.W. (f) 

1888 Greatheed, William, Esq., 67 Chancery Lane, W.C. 

1892 Green, Upfield, Esq, F.G.S., Tenier Street, Moorfields, E.C. 

1899 Greg, Thos. Tylston, M.A., F.S.A., 7 Campden Hill Square, Kensington, W. 
1899 Griffith, F. Llewellyn, Rivcrsvale, Ashton-uiider-Lyne. 

1889 Haddon, Alfred Cort, Esq., M.A., D.Sc, F.R.S., M.R.I.A., F.Z.S., Professor of 

Zoology in the Royal College of Science, Dublin, Invifail, Hills Road, 
Cambridge. (ir§*) 

1893 Hale, Charles George, Esq., Ivy Hatch, Sevenoaks. 

1890 Hardy, Norman, Esq., 4 Albert Studios, Albert Bridge Road, S. W. 

1884 Hargreaves, Miss H. M., 69 Alexandra Road, Sou^thport. 

1897 Hartland, E. S., Esq., F.S.A., Highgarth, GlouQester. (*§) .. 

1866 Haserick, F. Augustus, Esq., 35 Johann Georgen AlUe, Dresden, Germany. (*) 

Digitized by 


of the Anthropological Institute, xxi 

Year of 

1893 Haswell, George Handel, Esq., Cornwall Works, Birmingham, 
1889 Haverfield, F., Esq., M.A., Christ Church, Oxford, (*) 

1864 Healey, Edward C, Esq., Wyphurst, Cranleigh, Guildford. 

1885 Heape, C, Esq., Gld)e House, Rochdale, 

1894 Helme, James, Esq., 8 Lower Church Street, Lancaster, 

1886 Hervey, Hon. D. F. A., C.M.G., The Elms, Aldeburgh. 
1863 Hewlett, Alfred, Esq., F.G.S., Ilaseley Manor, Warwick, 

1895 Hickson, Prof. S. J., D.Sc, F.RS., Owens College, Manchester, (*) 
1899 Hobson, Mrs. M. A., 5 Beaumont Crescent, West Kensington, W. 

1899 Holdich, Col. Sir T. Hungerford, RE., K.C.I.E., C.B., 23 Lansdowne Crescent, 

Notting Hill, W, {%%) 

1887 Hollander, Bernard, Esq., M.D., M.RC.S., 61 Chancery Lane, W,C. 
1881 Holmes, T. V., Esq., F.GS., 28 Croom's Hill, Greenwich, S.B, (f §) 

1888 Holt, R B., Esq., 10 Bedford Place, Russell Square, W,C, (f ) 

1876 Horniman, Frederick John, Esq., M.R, F.L.S., F.R.G.S., F.Z.S., F.S.A. Scot, 

20 Hyde Park Terrace, W, (*) 
1894 Horsley, Victor, Esq., F.RS., F.K.C.S., 25 Cavendish Square, W. 
1893 Hose, Charles, Esq., Resident of the Baram, Sarawak. (IT) 
1891 Howarth, 0. H., Esq., 209 Gresham House, Old Broad Street, E,C. (1[) 

1889 Howden, Eobert, Esq., M.A., M.B., F.RS.E., Prof, of Anatomy, Durham 

University, 24 Burdon Terrace, Newcastle-on-Tyn^. 
1887 Howes, G. B., Esq., LL.D., F.RS., F.LS., Royal College of Science, South 
Kensington, S, W, (§) 

1896 Howorth, Sir Henry H., K.C.I.E., M.P., F.RS., F.S.A., 30 Colling/iam Place, 

EarVs Court, (f §) 
1879 Htigel, Baron A. von, 53 Barton Road, Cambridge, (§) 
1885 Hurst, Walter, Esq., The Grarige, Tadcaster, Yorks, 
1898 Hutchinson, Eev. H. Neville, 37 Vincent Square, S. W, 

1898 lies, George, Esq., Park Avenue Hotel, New York, (*) 

1900 Japp, Alex. H., Esq., LL.D., F.RS.E., National Liberal Club, Whitehall Place, 

1863 Jackson, Henry, Esq., Litt.D., M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge, (*) 
1872 Jeaffireson, W. J., Esq., M.A., Savage Club, Adelphi, (*) 
1869 Jeffery, F. J., Esq. (*) 

1898 Jevons, Frank Byron, M.A., LL.D., Principal of Hatfield Hall, Durham. 
1885 Johnston, Sir H. H., K.C.B., H.M. Special Commissioner, Uganda, c/o 

Foreign Office, S.W, {%) 

1879 Keane, A. H., Esq., B.A., Corresponding Member of the. Italian Society of 
Anthropology, 79 Broadhv/rst Gardens, South Uawf stead, N, W. (IT) 

Digitized by 


xxii List of the tellows 

Year of 

1896 Keith, A., Esq., M.D., F.RC.S., 40 Leigh Road, Hiyhhary Park, N. (§f ) 
1891 Kennedy, George A., Esq., 76 Seedley Terrace, Pendleton, Manchester, 

1894 Kennedy, James, Esq., 14 FrognaJ Lane, Finchley Road, N,W. 

1865 Kincaid, Major-General W., Messrs, Alexander Fletclicr ^ Co., St. Helens 

Place, Bishopsgate Street, B.C. 
1891 Kitts, Eustace John, Esq., Goi^akhpur, KW.P. (*) 

1895 Klein, Eev. L. De Beaumont, D.Sc, Montford House, Alexandra Drive, 

1881 Knowles, W. J., Esq., Floxton Place, Ballymena, Co. Antrim. (H) 

1893 Ko, Taw Sein, Esq., 2 Latter Street, Rangoon, Burmah. 

1894 Krauss, J. S., Esq., B.A., Smedlej/s Fstablishment, Matlock. 

1863 La Barte, Eev. W. W., M.A., 9 Crejlcld Road, Colchester. 

1895 Lancaster, G. G., Esq., Marion Hall, Baschurch, Shrewsbury. (*) 
1899 Lang, Andrew, Esq., 1 Marsloes Road, Kensington, IF. 

1888 Law, Walter W., Esq., Scarborough, New York, U.S.A. (*) 

1885 Lawrence, E., Esq., 56 Blenheim Road, Blackhorse Road, WaUhainstov^, 

Essex. (*) 
1899 Lawrence, George Fabeau, Esq., 7 Wed Hill, Wandsworth, S.W. 

1899 Lee, Mrs. Kate, 8 Victoria Road, Kensington, W. 

1895 Leslie, Lt.-Col. F. S., E.E., Commanding Eoyal Engineers, Devon Sub- 
District, Exeter, War Office, S. W. 

1898 Levick, T. H. Carlton, Esq., 148 Palnurston Buildings, Bishopsgate Street 

Within, B.C. 

1866 Lewis, A. L, Esq., F.C.A., Treasurer, 54 Highbury Hill, N. (♦1l§) 

1893 Longman, Charles James, Esq., M.A., 27 Norfolk Square, W. (*) 

1891 Low, Sir Hugh, G.C.M.G., F.L.S., F.G.S., 23 De Vere Gardens, Kcnsi^igton, 

1884 Macalister, Alexander, Escj., M.D., F.E.S., Professor of Anatomy in the 

University of Cambridge, Vice-President, Torrisdale, Cambridge. (1[§) 

1900 McDougall, William, Esq., St. John's College, Cambridge. 

1899 Maclver, David, Esq., M.A., Wolverton House, Clifton, near Bristol, (f ) 
1899 Maclagan, E. C, Esq., M.D., 5 Coates Crescent, Bdiniurgh. 

1885 MacEitchie, David, Esq., F.S.A. Scot., 4 Archibald Place, Edinburgh, (f ) 
1855 Malcolm, W. E., Esq., M.A., Burnfoot, Langholm, Dumfines. (*) 

1881 Man, E. H., Esq., CLE., 2 Palace Road, Kingston-on-Thames, (f ) 

1892 March, H. Colley, Esq., M.D., Portesham, Dorchester, ('f ) 
1896 Marett, E. R, Esq., Exeter College, Oxford. (*) 

1868 Martin, Eichard Biddulph, Esq., M.P., M.A., F.RG.S., 10 HUl Street, W. 

1894 Maudslay, A. P., Esq., F.E.G.S., Vice-President, 32 Montpelier Square, 

Knightsbridge, S. W. (§f ) 

Digitized by 


of (lit ArUhropological Listiiute, xxiii 

Year of 

1881 Meldola, Eaphael, Esq., F.RS., F.RA.S., F.C.S., F.LC, Professor of Chemistiy 

in the Finsbury Technical College, City and Guilds of London Institute, 

6 Brunswick Square, W.C. (*%) 
1877 Messer, A. B., Esq., M.D., Inspector-Geneml of Hospitals and Fleet, Kinglune, 

Carlisle Road, Eastbowme, (*t) 
1885 Mocatta, F. D., Esq., 9 ConnaugU Place, W. (*) 
1883 Moloney, H.E. Sir C. Alfred, KC.M.G., F.RG.S., Governor of the Windward 

Islands, Government House, St, Georges, Grenada, West Indies, 

1870 Morrison, Walter, Esq., M.A., M.P., 77 Cromwell Road, S.W. (*) 
1894 Mortimer, J. R, Esq., Driffield, Yorks, 

1897 MiUlen, Ben H., Esq., M.A. (Dub.), F.RS.A.I., Roxjal Museum, Feel Park, 

1885 Munro, R, Esq., M.A., M.D., F.RS.K, 48 Manor Place, Ediiiburgh ('f ) 

1871 Murray, Adam, Esq., F.G.S. (*) 

1875 Muspratt, Edmund K., Esq., F.C.S., Seaforth Hall, Seaforth, near Liverpool, 

1896 Myere, C. S., Esq., 62 Holland Park, W. (T) 

1893 Myres, J. L., Esq., M.A., F.S.A., F.RG.S., Secretary, Clii^ Church, Oxford, 


1898 Nazar, M. H., Esq., Representative of Indians in South Africa, P,0. Box 182, 

Durban, Natal. 
1898 Newton, Wm.M., Esq., 96 Wood Street, E,C. 
1858 Nicholson, Sir Charles, Bart., D.C.L., LLD., F.RG.S., F.RA.S., The Grange, 

Totteridge, Herts, (f ) 

1869 Oppert, Dr. G., Professor of Sanscrit, Buiowdrasse 55, Berlin, (IT) 

1870 Parker, W. M., Esq. (*) 

1898 Parkin, Wm., Esq., The Mount, Sheffield. 

1897 Parkinson, R, Esq., Ralum, Bismarck Archipelago, 

1891 Partington, J. Edge, Esq., Park Hcdl, Great Bardfield, Essex. {%%) 
1891 Paterson, Professor A, M., Esq., M.D., Anatomy Department, University 
College, Liverpool, 

1899 Paul, John Dennis, Esq., F.G.S., Town End Close, Ratcliffe Road, Knighton, 

1885 Peek, Sir Cuthbert E., Bart., M.A., F.S.A., 22 Belgrave Square, S.W.; and 

Rousdon, Lyme Regis, (f §) 
1891 Peek, The Hon. Lady, 22 Bdgrave Square, S, W, 

1894 Pengelly, Miss Hester, Lavuyrna, Torquay, c/o Rev. Prof. Harley, F.RS., 15 

Westbourne Road, Forest HUl, S.E. 

1900 Petrie, W. M. Flinders, Esq., D.C.L., LL.D., Professor of Egyptology, Uhive^'- 

sity College, Gawer Street, W,C, 

1871 Phen6, J. S., Esq., LL.D., F.S.A., F.G.S., F.RG.S., 5 Carlton Terrace, Oakley 

Street, S.W. 

Digitized by 


xxiv List of the Fellows 


1898 Plowden, Sir H. Meredyth, Leintwardine, Herefordshire. 

1895 Portman, M. V., Esq., cjo King & Co,, 45 Pall Mall (T) 

1896 Praetorius, C. J., Esq., Pomona House, Nexo King*s Road, Fvlham, 

1868 Price, F. G. Hilton, Esq., F.S.A., F.G.S., F.R.G.S., 17 Collingham Gardens, 

1863 Pusey, S. E. B. Bouverie, Esq., F.RG.S.. 18 Bryanston Street, Portman Square; 
and Pusey Hovm, Faringdon, Perks, 

1891 Pye, RandaU H., Esq., 155 Victona Street, S, W. (§) 

1899 Quick, Arthur, Esq., 33 Brixton Hill, S, W. 

1868 Eansom, Edwin, Esq., F.K.G.S., 24 AsKbumham Road, Bedford. (*) 
1866 Bas, The Hon. Eajah Sir Goday Naraen Gajapati, Vizagapataniy India. 
1883 Eavenstein, Ernest G., Esq., F.R.G.S., 2 York Mansion^, Battersea Part, 

1890 Bay, Sidney H., Esq., 84 Gfrange Road, Hford, Essex ; and 81 Tredegar Road, 

North Bow, K (f ) 

1875 Bead, Charles H., Esq., F.S.A., President, Keeper of British and MediaBval 

Antiquities and Ethnography, British Museum, 22 Carlyle Square, Chelsea, 

1886 Eeid, Robert William, Esq., M.D., Professor of Anatomy in the University of 

Aberdeen, 37 Alhyn Place, Aberdeen. 
1863 Renshaw, Charles J., Esq., M.D., AsMon-on-Mersey, Manchester, (*) 
1893 Rigg, Herbert, Esq., 13 Queen*s Gate Place, S. W, ; and Walhurst Manor, 

1850 Ripon, Tlie Most Hon. the Marquis of, K.G., G.C.S.I., CLE., D.C.L, F.RS., 

9 Chelsea Embankment, S, W, ; and Studley Royal, Ripon, 
1889 Risley, H. H., Esq., C.I.E., M.A., Bengal Secretariat, Calcutta, (f) 

1900 Rivers, W. H. R, Esq., M.D., St. John's College, Cambridge. 

1899 Robertson, Sir G. Scott, K.C.S.I., Highfields Park, Withyham, Sussex, 

1892 Robinson, Louis, Esq., M.D., 61 KUlieser Avenue, Streatham Hill, S. W. 
1882 Roth, Henry Ling, Esq., 32 Prescott Street, Halifax, (f ) 

1882 Rothschild, Hon. Nathaniel C, Tring Park, Tring, Hei-ts. (*) 
1899 Rucker, Miss S. C, 4 Vanbrugh Terrace, Blackheath, S,E. 
1871 Rudler, F. W., Esq., F.G.S., Vice-President, Corresponding Member of the 
Anthropological Society of Paris, 25 Momington CrescenJt, N, W. (1§) 

1863 St Clair, Rev. George, F.G.S., 11 Vimrage Drive, Eastbourne. 

1863 Salting, W. S., Esq., F.R.G.S., 40 Berkel&y Square, W, (*) 

1864 Sanders, Alfred, Esq., F.LS., F.Z.S., The Hawthorns, Caterham Valley, Surrey. 

1886 Sarawak, H.H. the Ranee of, 12 Hans Place, S.TT. 

1876 Sayce, Professor A. H. M.A., LL.D., Queen's College, Oxford. (MT ) 

Digitized by 


of the ArUhrapological InstUute. xxv 

Year of 

1899 Scanlan, William R, Esq., 36 Park Village East, Regent's Park, N.W. 

1900 Seligmann, Charles G., Esq., 23 VinceTU Square, S. W. 

1885 Seton-Karr, H. W., Esq., Athertm Cfrange, Wimbledon, (f ) 

1866 Shaw, Lieut-Colonel F. 6., Heathbum Hall, Carrigaline, Co, Cork, (*) 
1898 Shrubsall, Frank Charles, Esq., M.A., 34 Lime Grove, Uxbridge Road. (*f §) 

1866 Skues, F. M., Esq., M.D., Brigade Surgeon-Major, 51 Kingstead Road, Catford, 


1898 Small, James Willoughby, Esq., Principal Victoria College, Jaffna, Ceylon, 
1865 Smith, Worthington G., Esq., F.L.S., 121 High Street, Dunstable, (f ) 
1893 Somerville, Lieutenant Boyle T., Pv.N., HM.S. " THton;' Chatham, (f ) 

1867 Southby, Philip, Esq., F.Z.S., Barrister-at-Law, Bampton, Faringdon. (*) 

1889 Southesk, The Eight Hon. the Earl of, K.T., Kinnaird Castle, Brechin, N.B. 

1886 Stanley, W. F., Esq., F.G.S., Cumberlow, South Nonoood, &JS, (1) 

1873 Stanmore, The Right Hon. Lord, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., D.C.L., Red House, Ascot. 

1880 Stephens, Henry Charles, Jlsq., M.P., F.L.S., F.G.S., F.C.S., Avenue House, 

Church End, Fijichley, N. (*) 
1892 Stephenson, Miss Eose, The Hermitage, Duppas Hill, Croydon, 

1881 Stopes, H., Esq., 11 Queen Victoria Street, E,C (*f ) 

1887 Straker, Joseph, Esq., Dipton House, Riding Mill, Northumberland, 

1883 Streeter, E. W., Esq., F.R.G.S., F.Z.S., 2 Park Crescent, W. (*) 
1871 Sutherland, P. C, Esq., M.D., F.RG.S., Surveyor-General, Natal, (f ) 
1865 Swinburne, Algernon Charles, Esq., The Pines, Putney Hill, S, W. 

1899 Swynnerton, Fred., Esq., Oakwood Place, Simla, India. 

1899 Tabor, Charles James, fVhite House, Knott*s Oreen, Leyton, Essex. 

1892 Taylor, Frederick, Esq., 250 West lUh Street, New York City, U.S,A. (*) 

1879 Temple, Lieut- Colonel E. C, CLE., Chief Commissioner Andaman and 

Nicobar Islands, Government House, Port Blair, Andaman Island; c/o 

H. S. King ^ Co. (f ) 

1881 Thane, George Dancer, Esq., Professor of Anatomy in University CoU^e, 

London, University College, Gower Street, W,C, (*f) 

1884 Thomas, Oldfield, Esq., F.Z.S., 9 St. Petersburg Place, Bayswat&r Hill, W. 

1873 Thompson, J. Barclay, Esq., M.A., Lee's Eeader in Anatomy, 39 St, Margaret's 
Road, Oxford. (*) 

1890 Thomson, Arthur, Esq., M.A., M.B., Professor of Human Anatomy in the 

University of Oxford, The Museicm, Oxford. (ir§) 

1882 Thum, Everard F. im, Esq., 1 East India Avenue, E.C, (f ) 

1896 Tims, H. W. Marett, Esq., M.D., Fairseat Cottage, Warwick Road^ Ealing. 
1899 Tocher, James F., Esq., F.I.C., Chapd Street, Peterhead, N.B. (f ) 
1895 ToUey, Eichard Mentz, Esq., F.H.S., cjo Darlaston Steel and Iron Works, South 

Digitized by 


Txvi List of the Fellows of the Anthroj^ological Liditutc. 

Year of 

1885 Tregear, Edward, Esq., Secretary, Department of Labour, Tiivakon Hood, 

Wellington, New Zealand, (f ) 
1879 Trotter, Coutts, Esq., RG.S., 10 Bandolf Crescent, Edinburgh, 
1891 Tsuboi, S., Esq., Science College, Imperial Institute, Tokyo, Japan, (*) 
1889 Turner, Sir William, M.B., LLD., D.C.L., F.E.S. Lond. and Edin., Professor 

of Anatomy in the University of Edinburgh, 6 Eton Terrace, Edinburgh. 


1867 Tylor, Edward Burnett, Esq., D.C.L., LLD., F.R.S., Professor of Anthropology, 

Keeper of the University Museum, Oxford, Vice-President, The Museum 
House, Oxford, (f §) 

1891 Tylor, Mrs. E. B., The Museum House, Oxford. 

1892 Tylor, Joseph John, Esq., Fir Toll, May field, Sussex. 

1891 Waddell, Lt.-Col. L. A., LLD., 35 Dartmouth Park Eoad, Higligate Road, 

1863 Wake, C. S., Esq., Foreign Member of the Anthropological Institute of New 

York, 411 East AZth Street, Chicago, Illinois, U,S.A, 
1874 Walhouse, M. J., Esq., 28 Hamilton Terrace, St. John's Wood, N.W. (1) 
1866 WaUace, A. R, Esq., D.C.L, F.RS., F.LS., F.RG.S., F.Z.S., Corfe View, 

Parkeston, Dorset, (f ) 
1891 Ward, Herbert, Esq., 53 Chester Square, S. W. (IT) 
1897 Webster, John Aplin, Esq., 3 Hanover Square, W. 

1896 Weld, Miss A. G., Conal More, Norham Gardens, Oxford. 
1895 Wells, Samuel, Esq., F.RG.S., Richmond, Yorks. 

1897 White, Rashleigh Holt, Esq., M.A. Oxon, Warren Wood, Bexley Heath, Kent. 
1900 Wilkin, Anthony, Esq., B.A., King's College, Cambridge; Lower Cousley Wood, 

Wadhurst, Sussex, (IT) 
1869 Winwood, Kev. H. H., M.A, F.G.S., 11 Cavendish CresceiU, Bath, 

1868 Wolber, F. G. C, Esq., Gahoon, West Africa, (*) 

1881 Wolfe, Miss E. S., High Broom, Croidboi-ough, Sussex, (*) 


The Library Committee of the Corporation of the City of London. 

Digitized by 


( xxvii ) 




Ashion-under-Lyne. . . Free Library. 
BerunoA»AtV6...Natarali8t8' Glab Oldeam- 

bas, Cockbnmspath. 
DttMin... Royal Dublin Society. 

— Royal Society of Antiqnaries of Ire- 

Ed%nburgh.,BojBl College of Physicians. 

— Rojal Scottish Geographical Society. 

— Rojal Society of Edinburgh. 

— Society of Antiqnaries of Scotland. 

Glasgow Philosoph ical Soci efcy . 

6N(mce9^er... Cots wold Naturalists' Field 


Leeds Philosophical Society. 

Liverpool ...Philosophical Society. 
Xromlon... British Medical Association. 

— Egypt Exploration Fund. 

— Folklore Society. 

— Geologists' Association. 

— Hellenic Society. 

Lo7t(2on... India Office, Whitehall. 

— Japan Society. 

— Journal of Mental Science. 

— Nature. 

— Palestine Exploration Fund. 

— Quatuor Coronati Lodge, No. 2076. 

— Royal ArchsBological Institute. 

— Royal Asiatic Society. 

— Royal Colonial Institute. 

— Royal Geographical Society. 

— Royal Society. 

— Royal Society of Literature. 

— Royal Statistical Society. 

— Royal United Service Institution. 

— Society of Antiquaries. 

— Society of Biblical Archaeology. 
JlfancAes^er... Public Free Libraiy. 

— The Owens College. 
Southampton, . . Hartley Institution. 
Trnro.,. Royal Institution of Cornwall. 



Agram,,, Eroatische Archaologisebe Ge* 

Budapest,,, Magyar Tndomanyos Aka- 

Cracow.,, Akademija Umiejelnosci. 
Vienna,,. Anthropologische Gesellschaft. 

— K. Akademie der \Yissenschaften. 

Brussels. , . Academie Royale des Sciences, 
etc. de Belgique. 

— Society d'Anthropologie de Bruxelles. 

— Society d*Arch6ologie de Bruxelles. 
Louvain,,, Revue N^o-Scolastique. 

Copenhagen.,, Kongelige Museum for 
Nordiske Oldskrifters. 

— Society des Antiquaires du Nord. 

Dax,.. Societe de Borda. 
Lyons.., Soci^t^ d'Anthropologie de 

Paris. . . L' Anthropologic. 

— ]3cole d'Anthropologie. 

— Revue Scientifique. 

— Revue de THistoire des Religions. 

— Society d'Anthropologie. 
Vannes,,. Society Polymathique da 



Btrltn.,, Berliner Gesellschaft fiir An- 
thropologie. Ethnologic, und Urges- 

Breslau,., Centralblatt 
pologie, etc. 

Briinstnclc.., Globus. 

fiir Anthro* 

Digitized by 



Societies, etc., Exchanging PMieations 

Oiessen,.. Oberliessisclie Oesellschaft fiir 

Natnr- and Heilknnde. 
HaUe-c^d' Sadie . . . Kaiserliche Leopol- 

dina Carolina. Akademie der Dentschen 

Konigsherg.., Koniglicbe Physikaliscb- 

okonomisclie Geseliscbaft. 
Leipzig.., Verein fiir Erdknnde. 
Metz,., Verein fiir Erdkande. 
Munich.., Deutscbe Gesellscbaft fur 

Antbropologie, Etbnologie, nnd 

Stuttgart... Zeitscbrift fur Morpbologie 

nnd Antbropologie. 

Athens.., Arcbaiologikd Hetairia. 
— Britisb Scbool of ArcbsBologj. 

Florence... Society Italiana di Antropo- 
logia, Etnologia, e Psicologia Gom- 
Borne,., BuUettino di Paletnologia 

Rome.., Accademia dei Lincei. 
Turin... Arcbivio di Psicbiatria. 

Amsterdam... Koninklijke Akademie van 

Wetenscbappen . 
The Hague... Internationales Arcbiv fiir 

— Koninklijk Institnnt voor de Taal-, 

Land-, en Volkenkuude van Neder- 

landscb Indie. 

Moscow... Imper. Obebcbestvo Lnbitelei 

lestestvoznania, Antropologii, i Etno- 

St. Petersburg.,, Imper. Akademia Nank. 

Academy of 


National Museum 
— Nordiska Musut. 


Berne... Institut G^g^pbique Inter- 


Cape Town,,. S. African Pbilosopbical Society. 


Bio de Janeiro... Museu Nacional. 

Toronto Canadian Institute. 

United States. 
Cambridge, Mass... Peabody Museum, 

Chicago... American Antiquarian. 
— Field Columbian Museum. 

Philadelphia.,, Academy of Natural 

San Francisco... Geograpbical Society of 

tbe Pacific. 
Washington... American Antbropologist. 

— Bureau of Etbnology. 

— Smitbsonian Institution. 

— United States Geological Survey. 

— United States National Museum. 
Worcester, Mass... American Journal of 



Shanghai.., Royal Asiatic Society 
(Cbina brancb). 

Bombay... Antbropological Society. 
— '■ Indian Antiquary. 
Calcutta... Bengal Asiatic Society. 
Colombo.., Royal Asiatic Society (Cey- 
lon brancb). 


ToJcio... Asiatic Society of Japan. 
— Tokio-Daigaku (Imperial Univer- 


Batavia... Bataviaascbe Genootscbap van 
Kunsten en Wetenscbappen^ 

Digitized by 


vnth the ArUhropological Institute. 



Honolulu.,, Berenice BisHop Masenin. 
Melboume,..'RojeA Society of Victoria, 
Montreal ...Boyal Society of Canada. 
Sydney . . . Ans tralian Maseam . 
— Australasian Association for the Ad- 
Tancement of Science. 

Sydney.,. Geological Sarvey Depart- 

— Boyal Society of New South 

Wellington, N.Z.,, Polynesian Society. 

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Notes and Queries on Anthropology. 



Edited for the British Assotiation for the Advancement of Science, 
by J. G. GARSON, M.D., and CHARLES H. READ, F.S.A. Published 
by the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 3, Hanover 
Square, London, W., price 5s. (to Members of the British Association, 
and Fellows of the Anthropological Institute, on personal application at 
the Institute, 3s. 6d.). 

Digitized by 


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Digitized by 


Journal of the Anthropological Institute (N.S.), Vol. II, Plate XIV. 

I and 2, Ngi masks used in the Fang Secret Society ; 3, 4, Fang idols ; 5, Wooden dogbell ; 

(), Ngi collai' ; 7, Sacrifice knife. 

Digitized by 




OF THE *^-^ ^ ~ > ^ 

•'"'''■ :S (SCO 1 




FEBEUARY 14th, 1899. 
C. H. Read, Esq., F.S.A., President, in the Chair, 
The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and signed. 

The election of four new Fellows was announced, viz.: — Andrew Lang, Esq., 
W. L. H. Duckworth, Esq., T. T. Grkg, Esq., and Dr. A. L, Bennett. 

It was stated that Mr. Edge-Partington had presented the Institute with a 
copy of the Third Series of his work. Ethnographical Album of the Pa^fic Islands, 
and a vote of thanks was carried. 

Attention was called to a large collection of photographs which had heen 
lent for an Evening Meeting by Mr. Guthrie Watson, and letters from that 
gentleman, relating to them, were read by the Secretary. A vote of thanks was 
passed to Mr. Watson for the exhibition. 

The President introduced Colonel Sir T. H. Holdich, K.C.I.E., C.B., who 
proceeded to read his paper on " The Arabs of the Indian Frontier." 

The discussion that followed was carried on by Mr. Crooke, Dr. J. Beddoe 
(who sent in a short paper), Mr. Kennedy, Mr. A. L. Lewis, and othei-s. 

The President pointed out the great importance of such papers, and the 
Meeting closed with a hearty vote of thanks to Sir Thos. Holdich. 

Nxw SxRiBS, Vol. II, Nos. 1 and 2. 

Digitized by 


( 2 ) 

By Colonel Sir T. H. Holdich, K.C.I.E., C.B. 

Our recent campaigns in Northern India have been directed against tribespeople 
who have from time immemorial occupied a mountainous borderland separating 
the highlands of Afghanistan from the plains of the Punjab. Only recently has 
this border strip of territory been formed into an independent province by the 
demarcation of a boundary which, whilst it eflfectually shuts off Afghanistan, does 
not include this strip within British territory. We still leave these people alone, 
free to govern themselves after their own patriarchal system — a system which 
leaves much to be desired as regards our future safeguards against periodic out- 
breaks of fanatical hostility. 

The original Paktun, or Pathdn, inhabitants of these western gates of India are 
recognised in very early history, many of the tribes being mentioned by Herodotus, 
and by the historians of Alexander. In medieval times the rough uncultivated 
wilderness of mountains that they held was called Roh, and its inhabitants 
RohiUas, and there can be little doubt that most of these early Eohilla, or Pathdn, 
tribes were in their places long before the overlying Afghans were thought of. 
All Afghans are now numbered amongst Pathdns, because they all speak the 
Pathdn language, Pushtu, but they acknowledge no direct kinship with the Rohilla, 
declaring themselves to be Ben-i-Israel, the descendants of those tribes who were 
carried captive to Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar. All of them have howevei* 
adopted the Pushtu tongue, and all recognise the same Pathdn code of common 
civil observances called " Paktun-wali," which is, in many of its provisions, 
curiously suggestive both of the old Mosaic dispensation, and of ancient rites and 
observances of the Rajput races. 

Thus the Pathdns with whom we have lately been so largely concerned may 
be divided into two great communities, i.e., those tribes such as Waziris, Afridis, 
Orakzais, etc., who are possibly of Indian origin, and those who are Afghans and 
claim to be Semitic, who represent the dominant race throughout our frontier ; 
and it seems at least to be possible that the Paktun wall, which is an unwritten 
code, acknowledged by them all alike, may be of very mixed origin. We 
may possibly find in it Mosaic ordinances grafted on to Rajput traditions, and 
modified by Moslem custom. The Afghans, who have called themselves 
Duranis, ever since the foundation of the Durani empire about a century and 
a-half ago, say that they trace their descent from the Israelitish tribes through an 
ancestor named Kish, to whom the prophet Mahomet gave the name Pahtan 
(which is Syriac for a rudder) because he was to steer his people into the currents 
of the Moslem pre^d, We h^ve already noted, however, that the Paktun or Pathdn 

Digrtized by 


Colonel Sm T. H. Holdich.— fibn^is aind Afridis. 3 

nationality is very much older than Islam. It is difficult to account for the universal 
prevalence of Israelitish names amongst Afghans without admitting some early 
connection with the Israelitish nation. Still more difficult is it to account for 
certain observances, such for instance as the keeping of the feast of the Passover 
(which if not intelligently observed by the Yusufzai branch of the Afghan race, is 
at least curiously well imitated), or for the persistence with which the best educated 
Afghans maintain this tradition, without admitting some original basis of truth. 
Bellew thinks that this Israelitish connection may be a real one ; but he points out 
that one at least of the three great branches of the Afghan family traditionally 
sprung from Kish, is called by the name Sarabaur, which is but the Pushtu form 
of the ancient appellation of the solar race of Rajputs, colonies of whom are known 
to have emigrated into Afghanistan after their defeat by the Chandrabans — the 
lunar race — in the great contest (or Mahabharat) of early Indian records. So that 
the Afghan may possibly be an Israelite absorbed into ancient Eajput tribes ; and 
this has always appeared to me to be the most probable solution of this ethno- 
logical problem. 

The modem Afghan, at any rate, takes his stand on the grounds of 
tradition to be one of the chosen race, a descendant of Abraham; and he only 
recognises affinity with other Pathdns through the medium of a common language, 
and a conamon code of tribal custom. His principal habitat is on the south-west 
of Afghanistan, bordering Persia and Baluchistan. In the vicinity of Kabul, and 
of the frontier south of the Khaibar, Afghans are much mixed with Ghilzais of 
Turkish origin, and with Parsiwans, or Persian-speaking tribes of many origins, who 
predominate in that part of Afghanistan. North of the Khaibar, however, 
throughout the Mohmand country and the districts of Bajaor, Swat, and Bun^r, 
we find the Afghan again predominating ; again the ruling race. 

Our recent campaigning beyond Malakand and Peshawar took us through 
the heart of this new Afghan province of Eoh, the province that has lately been 
officially disconnected from Afghanistan and removed from Kabul influence by the 
demarcation of a boundary. The Afghan inhabitants of this new independent 
province did not understand the meaning of their severance from the Afghans of 
Afghanistan, and regarded the demarcation of a boundary with much suspicion, 
not feeling assured that the limitation of the Amir's responsibilities did not 
mea^n an increase of our own. In short, they thought that they were to be 
annexed to India, and this idea being sedulously fostered and encouraged by their 
mullahs, the result was a sudden explosion of fanatical hostility as unexpected 
by them as it was by us. 

The nature of the connection existing beCween these different sections of 
Afghans requires a few words of explanation. The head-quarters and original seat 
of the Afghans may for present purposes be taken as Kandahar, where Ahmad Shah, 
the founder of the Durani Empire, was crowned king. From Kandahar the great 
Durani clan spread to the north-east and gave the Barakzai dynasty to Kabul, 
which dynasty still survives. From Kandahar, too, another great clan, the 

B 2 

Digitized by 


4 Colonel Sir T. H. Holdich. — Swatis and Afridis. 

Yusufzai, travelled eastward, and after many wanderings (of which the record is 
historical) they established themselves in lower Swat and Buner, dispossessing a 
tribe called Dilazaks about the middle of the fifteenth century. Who these Dilazaks 
were is not quite certain. Afghans deny that they were Pathdns and call them 
Indians. They may have been Buddhists, although the Buddhist faith, which has left 
so many remarkable evidences of its existence in Swat and the Peshawar valley, had 
declined long before we hear of the Dilazaks. Buddhism flourished from 530 B.c. 
till the days of Skythic occupation of Swat, which succeeded the Bactrian rule in 
the second century A.D. In the fifth century it is described by a Chinese pilgrim 
as still the religion of the country, and it was then that its monasteries and stupas, 
its magnificent buildings, roads, and bridges rendered the fame of the kingdom of 
Udyana great and glorious from farthest east to the borders of Europe. Two 
centuries later there is evidence of its decline; and when Mahmud of Ghazni, 
as the apostle of Islam, burst on Swat in the early years of the eleventh 
century, his ruthless soldiery so devastated and wasted the land that little was left 
for Chenghiz Khan the destroyer, and Tiraur the Tatar, who followed in his 
footsteps several centuries later, to destroy. For 500 or 600 years after 
Mahmud's invasion the whole of Swat and of the Peshawar valley was a howling 
wilderness, the home of the tiger and the rhinoceros which infested the Indus 
swamps. When Babar (the founder of the great Moghul dynasty in India) came 
in 1519, he found the Yusufzai in occupation of lower Swat and Buner, and the 
Dilazaks still a fighting people ; for he had to defeat them before he could occupy 
Bajaor. As we know from other sources that up to the middle of the sixteenth 
century a large part of Swat was still in the hands of Kafirs, or infidels, and as the 
Kafirs of Lower Kafirstan to this day claim to have been driven out of Swat, I 
think it not impossible that we might find remnants of the Dilazaks amongst these 
interesting, but remarkably mixed, people. However, that may be, all that remains 
of the Buddhist element of the population are a few uncultured folk to be found 
here and there (so Major Deane tells me) scattered in groups amongst the wildest 
and most inaccessible of the Swat hills. The Yusufzai Afghan reigns supreme in 
Swat, whilst the Laghmani (an Afghan race of the Laghmdn valley) has spread into 
the Mohmand country and Bajaor. 

The Swati as we know claims to be independent — but his independence 
lacks historical support. At the end of the sixteenth century he was crushed 
and almost annihilated by one Zain Khan, who was sent by the Government of 
Kabul to collect taxes. In 1670, again, he was most severely handled by 
Aurungzebe. In 1738 he gained a temporary success at Ambela against Nadir 
Shah's forces ; but it was very temporary. Nadir Shah appeared in person before 
Buner, and the Yusufzai collapsed, as he collapsed but a short time ago before Sir 
Bindon Blood. The Yusufzais paid up revenue to Timur, son of Ahmad Shah, 
founder of the Durani Empire, after assisting Ahmad himself in the capture of 
Lahore. They even assisted Shah Zaman, son of Timur, and until they were defeated 
by the Sikhs at Naoshera (on the same battlefield on which they themselves had 

Digitized by 


Colonel Sir T. H. HoldiOh. — Swaiis and Afndxs. 5 

attained the mastery of Peshawar), they acknowledged the Afghan supremacy of 
Kabul. When we defeated the Sikhs in our turn, they should have admitted our 
supremacy, but this they never have done, and their national status for the last 
fifty years may be described as an independence, with a strong bias towards Kabul. 
It must not be supposed that the Afghan Yusufzai is the only inhabitant of Swat. 
There is a very large population of the original land-owners mixed with the Afghans, 
but we have not time to deal with these secondary races who now rank as strangers 
in the land that their fathers owned. The rub'ng population is, as I have said, 
Afghan, but sectarian differences have arisen between the Yusufzai and the Afghan 
Mohmands, or Mahmandzai, and they have held more or less aloof from each other 
in consequence. Both tribes, however, look to the Amir of Kabul as their chief 
spiritual head and temporal adviser. 

The Yusufzai are by no means the degenerate race that they have sometimes 
been represented to be. There are many remarkably fine men amongst them, and 
they make excellent soldiers. But he is a home-loving individual. He will 
serve abroad as his forefathers have done, but he ever looks forward to the final 
return to his native village and his share in the family patrimony. Here he hopes 
to spend his declining days, making up by extra devotion and attention to religious 
observances, for the sins and omissions of his youth. This desire to end his days in 
peace, and to rest finally in the village cemetery, is rather surprising, considering 
that the system of land tenure in Swat is of a most complicated description, and 
involves the complete change of ownership after a certain term of years ; that is to 
say, that the whole population of a village walks out, and a new population walks 
in. This system is fatal to land improvement, and does much to impoverish the 
country, and one would have thought that it would have told strongly against that 
love of home which is so marked a feature in the Yusufzai (and indeed in all 
Afghan) character. The Yusufzai are a cheerful race, fond of music and much 
addicted to what we might call amateur theatricals. In these village representations 
it is said that the British local oificial does not always figure to advantage. Each 
Yusufzai clan under its own chief forms an independent commonwealth, and owes 
on allegiance to others ; so that when not bound together by the ties of common 
interest, they are rivals, much as the Scottish clans of 300 years ago were rivals on 
our English border. Eaids and counter raids are the excitements which vary 
the round of religious observances and pilgrimages in times of peace, and these are 
so much a part of Yusufzai national existence that every village owns its warning 
drum, which assembles the men together for village defence the instant that scouts 
bring in warning of attack ; and it is astonishing how soon the whole country- 
side can be called to arms by this means. A curious instance of rapidity or 
action, and of the blind way in which they will follow the leadership of any 
mullah whose lying fanaticism is vigorous enough to rouse them into activity, was 
evidenced by their remarkable proceedings immediately before the late attack 
on Malakand. A week or two, even a day or two, before the attack, active 
hostilities were no more anticipated by the Swatis themselves than by our own 

Digitized by 


6 Colonel Sir T. H. Holdich. — Swatis and A/ridis, 

political officers on the frontier. The mullah, as usual, was the motive power. 
Who instigated the mullah and set him in the field on this crusade we will not 
stop to inquire. But thus it happened that whilst there was distinctly " unrest " 
amongst the Swati tribes-people for some months previous to the attack, there was 
no sign whatever of active aggression until a certain Fakir arose, called the Sartor 
Fakir or " bareheaded " one. He had travelled far, and seen men and cities. He 
had been to Baghdad and to Turkestan, had visited the Amir at Kabul, and thence 
moved on to Buner, where he became custodian of a well-known ziarat or shrine. 
About the middle of July he set himself to work on the credulity of the Swatis, 
but he was generally accounted mad, and his assertions that he could feed thousands 
from a single pot of rice, and turn aside the bullets of the enemy were not generally 
accepted. On the 26th July, he appeared at Thana, which is the Khan Khel, or 
ruling village, of the Swat district in which Malakand and Chakdara are situated. 
Here he had a following of but a few boys. He announced that he was about to 
turn the Feringhi out of Malakand, but finding it still somewhat difficult to obtain 
a following, he is said to have actually made a start on Malakand with his half 
fledged supporters, asserting that if the men of Thana would not help him, the 
intervention of heavenly hosts would complete the defeat of the enemy ; but he 
pointed out that in the distribution of loot that would certainly follow, the Thana 
people must be content to stand aside. This was too much for the cupidity of the 
Swati. About a thousand men joined his standard at once, and the Khan of Thana 
himself taking a comfortable view of the proceedings from a Tonga which was 
driven after the rabble, a sudden rush was made — so sudden and so determined, that 
the political officer (Major Deane) had barely time to issue his warning when the 
tide broke against Malakand. Once the action commenced, tribes-people flocked in 
from every quarter, and the fury of their fighting is attested by every officer who 
witnessed it. General Meiklejohn, who commanded at Malakand, told me that 
when the cavalry was able to act in the open against these half-armed people, he 
saw them turn to meet the charge with sticks and stones. We need not think of 
the Swatis as a degenerate and cowardly race. They fought like the Arab races 
of the Sudan — like Zulus — like Afridis ; and we may be thankful that they were 
not armed like Afridis. 

But we must leave the Swatis and turn to a totally diflFerent people. The 
Afridi is not an Afghan and admits of no connection with the Afghan. He is 
more probably of Indian extraction, and has accepted the faith of Islam ; but he 
is an indifferent Mahomedan, having adopted any sectarian doctrine that suits his 
views. He lives in a country that differs in most important geographical 
features from the land of the Swati. No high road to India runs through his 
domains. His head-quarters at Maidan are a sort of cul de sac, possessing no 
strategic importance whatever; but he believes in his country and he loves it 
as a terrestrial Paradise. Like the Swati he boasts of an unconquered 
independence, and with much more reason ; for his ancestral highlands, dovetailed 
geographically between the Khaibar and the Kuram are so inaccessible, and so 

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Colonel Sir T. H. Holdich. — SmUis and Afridis. 7 

well adapted to defensive tactics, that they have been prudently left alone by 
successive Kabul rulers, who saw nothing to be gained by the troublesome 
conquest of a country which leads nowhere, whilst they were in easy 
possession of all the surrounding districts. The independence of the Afridi has 
been the independence of a bee's nest in the midst of cultivation, and he has been 
so long undisturbed that like the Yusufzai of Buner, he had come to the conclusion 
that a special providence would always intervene to turn aside the invader. He 
has, at any rate, taken his own measures to turn aside the explorer ; for until the 
late campaign in Tirah, no eflforts to bring those interesting highlands within 
the pale of border topographical mapping has ever been successful. 

The Afridi is said to owe his present laxity in religious discipline to an 
Afghan adventurer named Bazid, who, finding his heresies repudiated by the 
Yusufzais in the middle of the sixteenth century, betook himself to Tirah ; and 
there discovered a people whom they exactly suited. It is worth noting that the 
Chamkanni tribe, who live on the western bordera of Tirah, are supposed to be 
degenerate Afghans who have fallen away from the true faith, and are now 
classed, as infidels and heretics by Duranis and Yusufzais alike. Politically the 
Afridi no more interests himself in the Swati than he does in the Laplander or 
Esquimaux, and yet it would be incorrect to say that the Swat rising had no 
disturbing influence in Tirah. Any rising on the border has a disturbing influence 
throughout the adjoining districts ; and Saiad Akbar, the prophetic Mullah of Tirah, 
probably used precisely the same arguments as an incentive to active hostilities 
that the mad fakir in the first instance, and the Hada mullah, in the second, had 
preached on the hills in Swat and Mohmand. Fortunately for us the Afridis were 
comparatively slow in responding. Their government ia perhaps the most 
decentralized government in the world, and its machinery works spasmodically. 
They have neither a well recognised head of the whole tribe, nor a single village 
which could boast of being a capital town either for purposes of trade or govern- 
ment. On the top of an ill-constructed shed in Bigh (which is geographically 
about the centre of the great Maidan plain) their councils are wont to meet, 
and intertribal affairs are discussed with much acrimony, and no little danger 
to the county representatives. A useful assistance to parliamentary argument is 
said sometimes to be found in their weapons, one of which was triumphantly 
pointed out to our officers. It was an antiquated old pistol with a deadly power 
of scattering slugs and other missiles with impartial effect at short distances; 
and it waa said to be a most useful support in jiigah controversy. 

I have said that there is no recognised head of the great Afridi tribe; 
I might almost say there is no recognised head even to the section, or clan, of 
that tribe. Every chief of a family is practically a law unto himself and to his 
family, if he is only strong enough to hold his own. Blood feuds and murderous 
reprisals, carried out in deadly vengeance for a breach of the Afridi code of 
honour (which is real enough, although crude and crooked) may be called common 
domestic incidents, and this leads to a curious absence of that amalgamation for 

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8 CoLONfcL Sitl T. H. UOLDICH.—Swatis and Afridis. 

purposes of self-protection, which is indicated by walled and fortified villages such 
as are common elsewhere on the frontier. Division of authority also leads to 
peculiar difficulties in the matter of our political relations with these people. 
I believe that one single clan (the Zakka Khel) were represented in the final 
jirgah at Peshawar by about seventy chiefs. Although the various clans, 
Malikdin Khel, Kambar Khel, Zakka Khel, etc., will combine against a common 
invader, they live under ordinary circumstances in a state of deadly animosity 
in their own country, and under quite different conditions of social existence. 
For instance, we have so many Malikdin Khel and Kambar Khel in the ranks 
of our native regiments, as to lead to a suspicion that nearly every fighting 
man in those clans must have passed through our ranks. The Zakkas, on the 
other hand, send us but few recruits. They are the great salt traders of the 
community, and the advantage that they possess in holding lands which stretch 
from the centre of Tirah to the plains of Peshawar on the one side, and to the 
passes into Afghanistan on the other, gives them a peculiar advantage in 
commercial pursuits. 

With all his hereditary instinct towards treachery and cruelty, we must admit 
that the Afridi has shown himself to be a right good soldier in the field, and he 
is frequently in liimself a right good fellow in private life. His open-mindedness 
towards his hereditary enemy is as marked as is his occasional vindictiveness 
towards his fellow clansman. Family ties are nothing to him if they clash with 
that code of morality which requires him to be true to his salt. I have heard of 
an Afridi sepoy who, when urged to pick oflf the leader of a band of frontier 
raiders with his rifle, certainly exhibited a good deal of bad marksmanship ; but 
he left it to the end of the fight to explain that the leader whom he was requested 
to shoot (and whom he so often missed) was his own father. But I really do 
not believe that they would all of them be so particular. 

When arrayed against us the Afridi has shown himself to be as brave a 
soldier, as he is a capable marksman. His great natural intelligence has not only 
taught him how to use his rifle, but how. to combine under able leadership. And 
latterly, he has learnt some of the lessons taught by civilized warfare. It was 
only towards the end of the campaign that we found out (too late unfortunately 
to save us from much loss for want of this knowledge) that our wounded would be 
cared for, and our dead respected. This is a gi^eat advance in the ethics of savage 
frontier war ; and goes very far to make up for the difficulty we have experienced 
(and may yet again experience) in meeting weU-trained soldiers in a field entirely 
suited to their tactics, armed with the best of modem weapons. 

And we may note that the Afridi is still well armed in spite of our efforts to 
disarm him. With all the astuteness of the canny Scotch clansmen of three 
centuries ago, he has been able to retain all his best weapons whilst making up 
the tale of arms to be surrendered at the conclusion of the late campaign. An 
old friend of mine who is almost as well acquainted with the highlander of our 
Indian frontier as with his own Scottish tribes-people, recently unearthed at 

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Colonel Sir T. H. Holdich. Swatis and Afridis, 9 

Montrose some quaint records of English frontier lighting of the past; and he 
found that the necessity for delivering up arms formerly led to quite a brisk 
trade between Scotland and the Continent. Cheap weapons were imported in 
large quantities for delivery to the English generals. 

And now, whilst apologising for myself as a most inefficient anthropologist 
(for I have not even a rudimentary acquaintance with that science) I may perhaps 
be permitted to advocate the absolute necessity for a careful study of the people 
with whom we have to deal, of their idiosyncrasies, and especially of their history, 
as an assistance in reaching right conclusions as regards our future relations with 
them. It seems to me that if you study the history of Afghanistan and its most 
unstable government propped up from its earliest infancy by external assistance 
from India ; if you read rightly the story of our own advance from the stage of 
commercial pioneers to that of Empire in India, and note the struggles of the East 
India Company against the greatness thmst upon it of territorial possession 
and political sovereignty, you will require no political prophet to guide your 
conclusions to an issue. Policy is, after all, only a retarding or a progressive 
agency in those great movements which attend the development of nations; 
and it can never lighten the burden of England's responsibility as the greatest 
civilizing agent that the world has ever seen. 

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( 10 ) 

By Colonel Sir Thos. H. Holdich, K.C.I.E., C.B. 

The long extended north-west frontier of India presents so many ethnographical 
problems of the highest interest for scientific study that I need hardly apologise 
for introducing a part of it to your notice this evening — a part which is very little 
known, and has but lately fallen within the pale of geographical survey. It is not 
so very long ago that the passenger by the North-Western Railway from Karachi 
to Multan could look westward and, for a great part of his journey, see absolutely 
to the utmost limit of our frontier mapping. A blank high wall of impassable 
hills marked the line where the plains of Sind came to an end, and beyond 
the face of those hills all was lost in conjecture. It is this borderland of 
Baluchistan, including the maritime province of Makran^ which stretches west- 
ward from India to the Persian Gulf, with which we have to deal at present, and 
which oflfers so many ethnographical problems for solution as to have filled the 
souls of explorers with despair. In the course of surveying the country we have 
learned something of the ethnographic characteristics of the country generally, and 
we have had opportunity for verifying the conclusions expressed by those few 
scientific observers who have paid any attention to this wilderness previously ; but 
surveyors are not anthropologists, and their time for inquiry in this particular 
branch of science is short If therefore I express the views that I have adopted 
from such cursory examination as I have been able to make, you will understand 
that it is quite as much with the object of gaining information, as of giving it, that 
I venture to address you. 

Geographically this is a most important corner of Asia. It lies between 
Persia and India ; the high roads from the west to the promised land of the east 
run through it, either passing up its narrow valleys to Kalat and Quetta, or 
following a more southerly coast route to the Indus delta. Sistan, once "the 
granary of Asia," lies on the north-west of Makrdn ; Persia is to the west, and India 
to the east. On the south is the Arabian Sea, and on the north a desolate expanse 
of sandy desert which fills up the map between Makrin and the great Helmund 
river. Through Makrdn a ceaseless tide of human emigration has set from the 
very earliest periods of which there is traditional record, and it would certainly 
appear that this tide has ever set eastward. We know that Alexander struggled 
through from east to west, but his was a military expedition, not a national 
movement. And there have been certain reflex waves from India which have 
left their flotsam stranded in the Makrdn hills, but whether historically or 
traditionally, all the great tides which have swept through the country, tides from 

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Colonel Sir T. H. Holdich. — The Arab Tribes of our Indian Frontier. 11 

Syria, from Mesopotamia, from Persia, from Arabia, have passed from west to 
east, and, historically, have all been directly connected with the command of the 
eastern seas. 

Small wonder then that we find in Southern Baluchistan a most extraordinary 
conglomeration of mixed Asiatic nationalities. Medes and Persians, ancient 
Chaldeans, Arabs, Turks, Monguls, Skyths, Kajputs and aboriginals ; even Sikhs 
and Ethiopians have left their mark on Makrdn, and the lost threads of many 
an ancient history or national tradition might be picked up here, were scientific 
anthropologists to turn their attention to the country. All this part of Baluchistan 
separating India from the Persian province of Khorasan is a difficult and dangerous 
country to pass through. It is for the most part a wilderness of hills, of jagged, 
barren, dry, and unprofitable hills, but intersected by valleys which here and 
there are not only fertile, but exceedingly beautiful. Taking them as a whole 
these narrow intersecting valleys run east and west, and afford an excellent high- 
way to those who know how to approach them at either end. Alexander did not 
know how to make use of these natural highways of the country, and was soon 
hopelessly entangled in the maze of difficult and rough hill country which 
surrounds them. The Arabs did know how to use them, and for centuries 
maintained a great trade high-road right through Makrdn to India. Not only so, 
they possessed great cities and a cultured and wealthy population of merchants 
in them, who were renowned through the world for their probity and fair dealing. 
And yet it is difficult to conceive that, were it not for the value of the coast and 
its harbours and of the rights and properties of that great trade highway, even those 
wonderful people, the pre-Mahommedan Arabs, would have cared much for the 
occupation of that sun-dried wilderness. It is true that the climate may have 
been difierent in the early centuries of our era to what it is now. Now, but for 
a few months of respite in the winter, the ceaseless blaze of furnace heat is such, 
that in parts of Makran even flies find the burden of life intolerable, and the sim- 
cracked earth refuses the boon of water, except at far distant intervals. The S.W. 
monsoon hardly touches Makrdn, which partakes much more of the climate of 
Eastern Persia than of that of Western India. Yet this is the country which 
so teems with the evidences of occupation by so many successive waves of 
oriental humanity, that I hardly know which section of it is most important or 
most interesting. It may perhaps be best to sketch generally what we actually 
find there, and leave scientific deductions to more advanced students of anthro- 
pological science; for the science of ethnography and of anthropology is yet in 
its infancy in India. With easier means of communication, and the advance of 
direct and intimate relations between England and India which wiU arise therefrom, 
we shall no doubt find European scientists selecting a field for research which is 
left at present to the leisure opportunities of hard-worked Indian officials. 

The very earliest occupants of this geographical link between Persia and India 
of whom we read anywhere, appear to be those hairy, fish-eating savages whom the 
Greeks encountered near Tomeros (which I have identified with the modem Hingol 

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\i Colonel Sir 1l. H. tloLmcii,^^ The Arab THUs of our hidian Proniiert 

river delta) who lived in huts huilt of fish-bones, used their long nails as fish knives, 
and fought with wooden pikes haixiened in the fire. Tliere is nothing apocryphal 
about this description. A people of that sort must have been there in primaeval 
times, and evidences of their existence in the jungles of Western India until 
quite recently are not wanting. They have, however, long since disappeared from 
regions where there were no forests to shelter them, and they gave place in Makrdn 
to a race of builders, erecters of stone dwellings that are found in immense numbers 
clustered on the sides of certain hills, and which have long been a puzzle to local 
investigators. Colonel Mockler, who was for some time politically employed on the 
Makrdn coast, has gone farthest of anyone in unravelling the mystery which 
surrounds them. These buildings are consti-ucted of slabs of limestone which 
abounds in Southern Baluchistan, in the form of small rectangular con- 
stnictions (the slope of a hill sometimes forming one side) with doors facing 
westwards. They are locally known as Damb, and the hills on which they 
cluster are called Damba Koh. No one yet has successfully unravelled the 
riddle of the Damba Koh, although several theories have been advanced. I should 
not be surprised if they are eventually traced to a connection with other buildings, 
intermixed with strange stone circles, which are found along the western highlands 
of India stretching down through north and south Arcot, and which are now 
credited to the Pandomanagai — the race of little people — the pygmies of India, 
communities of whom are still to be found in the south. If so, this is the earliest 
record of that gradual and ceaseless migration southwards which has resulted 
in filling up the ethnographic reservoirs of Southern India with innumerable 
Dravidian tribes. 

But as far as Southern Baluchistan is concerned the pygmies (if ever they 
were there) have long since disappeared. Gone, too, are many of those Dravidian 
peoples who once made Makrdn all their own; including those who followed the 
Mesopotamian custom of burying their dead in pots, as well as some of those 
who opposed Alexander's advance. They may have joined the great army of 
lost tribes, or they may still be represented (as I believe them generally to be) 
amongst the Dravidian people of Central and Southern India ; but their place in 
Makran knows them no more. But if some have disappeared, many have 
remained, and we can to this day identify most of the tribes mentioned by 
Herodotus as occupying the 17th Satrapy of the Persian Empire, or by Arrian as 
joining in the extermination of the Greek army. It is more than probable that 
the great Brahui tribe (the only one that has made solid headway against the 
Arabs) who occupy all Sarawdn and Jalawdn, the east and west highlands of 
Ealat stretching down the frontier southwards from Quetta, is Dravidian, 
mixed no doubt with non-Dravidian elements, amongst which there is an 
affiliated Mongul people who form a very strong and important section of 
this borderland community. It is only quite lately that it has been possible 
to survey the wild wilderness of rugged highland territory that is occupied by 
the Mingal or Mongul clans. It should be noted that the name Brahui (or 

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Colonel Sir T. H. Holdich. — The Arab Tribes ofmr Indian Frontier, 13 

Bar Bohi) carries with it the same signification as Bohilla, or Eohistani, or as the 
Parikanoi of the Greeks, or the Accad of ancient Mesopotamia. It means simply 
" mountaineer." 

Fn>m the neighbourhood of Kalat southwards towards Karachi there is an 
exceedingly rough tract of the Sind border. Here, in the narrow and constricted 
valleys which intersect the rugged and pathless maze of the frontier barrier of 
mountains (a barrier which is nowhere open to practicable routes and which is one 
of the roughest and toughest areas ever brought under survey), we find nothing but 
Brahuis and Mingals. In the extreme south the little triangular province of Las 
Bela is peopled by Eajputs, one of those reflex waves from India of which I have 
spoken. It is a comparatively recent wave. West of the Dravidian area we find 
a colony of pure Persian extraction — the Naoshirwanis. They also are said to 
be comparatively recent arrivals in the land. They are at any rate a finer race of 
Persians than any I have met with in Eastern Persia, and many notable border 
warriors have been numbered amongst the Naoshirwani chiefs of Ehardn. 

Beyond these again, throughout Southern Baluchistan and Makrdn, are tribes 
innumerable, many of which were known in the days of Herodotus, and some of 
which have figured as the niling people of their time — chief amongst the great 
confederation of tribes. Amongst such are the Boledi, spoken of by Ptolemy, who 
are still locally recognised as a survival in the seats of the mighty, though they 
have long been dispossessed of their country by a people of Sikh extraction called 
Gichki. Their ancient royalty is now represented by one old lady whose name is 
Miriam, and who is exceedingly cunning in needlework. Speaking in most general 
terms, it may be said of Southern Baluchistan that lowest in the scale of all these 
tribal communities and subdivisions are those people of ancient Persian stock who 
spread all through Southern Asia in the days when Southern Asia was all Persian. 
These Tajaks are the tillers of the soil, the slaves and husbandmen, hewers of wood 
and drawers of water throughout the land, and may often be recognised by their 
tribal designations, though they usually claim affinity with some tribe higher than 
themselves in the social scale. Overlying and overspreading this once dominant 
Persian brotherhood are those Semitic (Arab) races, who of all the conglomeration 
of this mixed Baluch community are the most interesting and the most worthy of 
careful study. For the story of the Arab occupation, first of Sistan, then of Makran, 
and finally (having command of the sea), of all Western India, cannot fail to be 
interesting to us from many points of view. 

The complete history of that magnificent instrument of civilisation, the 
Arab nation, has yet to be written, but it has always appeared to me that in 
the construction of such outlines of it as we possess, the limits of space which 
are drawn round the story, whether of time or of locality, are far too narrow. 
We are accustomed to think of the Arabs as a great conquering people who 
conmienced their national career by carrying the banners of Islam through the 
world, and stamping their faith on its great civilised communities. But if 
by Arabs, we njean the iuhabitf^nts of Arabia, history and tradition alike fail 

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14 Colonel Sir T. H. Holdich. — The Arab Tribes ofmir Indian Frontier. 

UB in unravelling the first beginnings of their civilising mission in the world. 
History teaches us that they were a great fighting people. Tradition informs 
us that they were a great mercantile people, long before they took to the 

Who were those people who came up from the sea and taught the Turanian 
inhabitants of Mesopotamia to build temples to the planets and to cast aside 
their demonology ? Who were they who carried the first rudiments of the 
science of navigation from the Eastern seas to the Mediterranean; whose ships 
left no known shores unvisited in the gradual development of western commerce ? 
Phoenicians you will say — but who were the Phoenicians? If we are to trust to 
what we are now told about them, they started for the Mediterranean from the 
Bahrein islands (where their tombs now stand) the ancient names of which, we are 
told, are Tyros and Sidodona, and they were a well developed race of builders and 
traders even when they left their original home on the Arabian coast. In 
the eai-ly centuries of our era they were as completely masters of the eastern 
seas as we are now. Wherever they spread in search of trade, through Africa, 
or Western Europe, or Eastern Asia, there they carried the science of building, 
irrigation, and road making with them, and there they established trade centres 
and colonies. 

Our own first beginnings in the science of ocean navigation were borrowed 
from the Arabs. Our first great sailing ships were modelled on the Arab " buggalo w " 
or " dhow." Their science has stood still whilst we have progressed till we have 
arrived at an " Oceanic " and a " Majestic." Our naval terms are Arabic. What 
else is " admiral," or the names of our smaller craft, " barge," " dinghy," and the 
apparently good old English word " jolly-boat " ? The corresponding boat in 
Arabic is " jalaba,"and as the other names are clearly Arabic I do not see why that 
should not be. So that we need not be surprised if there are evidences of Arab 
influences, and probably of Arab occupation, in Africa and India, and on the 
Persian and Maki-dn coasts, long before the days of Islam. It is true that they did 
not actually occupy Sistan and Makrdn till after the downfall of the Persian 
monarchy; but they possessed widespread settlements there long before the 
invasion of India by Mahomed Kassim in 705 a.d. It was their occupation of 
Makrdn, combined with the command of the sea, that so signally assisted the 
progress, not only of that most successful invasion, but of a simultaneous expedition 
for the conquest of China. Sistan, Makrdn, and Southern Baluchistan, as well 
as Sind, are all full of their records in brick and stone. In Sistan there are 
to be found the remains of cities of brick-built houses, and tombs which are 
of the structure of those which now stand in the cities of Southern Arabia, 
In Baluchistan and Makrdn there are thousands of relics of splendidly 
constructed "bunds" or dams to form water reservoirs for irrigation purposes 
where water is scarce. I need not tell you of the remains of the great mediaeval 
cities which formed a line through Makrdn to India almost from end to end ; of 
the groups of decorated tombs sacred to the memory of the Khalmat chiefs ; of 

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Colonel Sir T. H. Holdich. — The Arab Tribes o/ov/r Indian Frontier, 15 

the stone sepulchres of the kings at Tatta, in Sind. All these things are written 
of elsewhere. The point on which I wish to insist is that the Arabs are on the 
frontier still. Ask any Baluchi whom you may meet, and he will almost certainly 
say that he is an Arab of the prophet's own tribe, and that his tribe came from 

It is possible that there are few ptire Arabs in the border country. We 
know that in the time of the great Arab invasion of India through Makrdn the 
Arab troops, who were mostly drawn from Syria, never saw their country again, 
and they brought no women with them. It is probable therefore that there was 
originally much admixture in the ranks of the Baluch tribes of Arab extraction, 
just as there is in the Tajak tribes of quasi Persian extraction, and it is not 
improbable that more of the mixed races have stayed to make this their country 
than of the pure bred Arabs who must have come over in thousands during the 
centuries in which they held the dominant power in the Indus valley. However 
that may be, it is certain that the Arab tongue has disappeared from the Indus 
valley as completely as it has from Makrdn, and that the language of all tribes 
alike is now that archaic form of Persian which we call Baluchi. 

According to Sir H. Elliot (who quotes Ferishta), the Arabs never really 
colonized Sind, and their occupation of the Indus valley terminated with Al Kadir 
in 1031. Yet they occupied Makran, and a great part of the Persian coast, long 
after the last of the KaUfs had been starved in his treasury at Bagdad, for we have 
the evidence of Marco Polo in 1290 that " the most part of the people in Kez 
Macoran are Saracens. They live by merchandise and industry, for they are 
professed traders and carry on much traffic by sea and land." 

The most prominent of the Arab tribes are'now included in the great Confedera- 
tion of Kinds. Hinds are to be found under that designation in two groups, one 
to the north-east of Kalat, which includes the Marris, Bugtis, Bozdars, etc., and one 
in Makran massed about the lower Kej valley near Mand. These latter are usually 
known as the Binds of Mand. But the desert bred Bekis, the Sinjaranis of the 
Helmund, and many other tribes all call themselves Bind, and all subscribe to 
the same old tradition that their progenitors were Khoreish Arabs who were driven 
from Syria by the persecution of the Kaliph Yejid at the end of the seventh 
century. But there have been tribes in Sind in comparatively recent times who 
claim direct connection with Arabia. Such were the Khalmatis who are tradition- 
ally supposed to come from Oman, who took their name from Khalmat on the 
Makran coast, where they settled ere they finally migrated to Sind, and became 
a powerful and dominant people in the lower Indus valley and the plains of Las 

It is long since every vestige of the mediaeval Arab cities of Makr&n and Bdla 
has disappeared, so far as buildings are concerned, but the tombs of the Khalmats 
are still there, grouped in clusters on rising ground, overlooking the rivers and 
plains, wherever a fairer prospect than usual greets the eye, and commends itself 
to a sense of natural beauty. There are many of them within reach of Karachi, 

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16 Colonel Sir T. H. Holdich. — The Arab Tribes of our Indian Frmtier. 

and in simplicity of design and construction, allied to an equally simple grace of 
geometric ornamentation, I know of nothing to equal them elsewhem I believe 
the Khalmatis have disappeared altogether, but of this I am not quite certain. 
The carvings on these tombs are as fresh and clean cut as if they had been 
fashioned yesterday, but in that exceptionally dry climate they may be many 
centuries old all the same. To put it broadly, all the best of the Baluchis are 
Arabs by descent, and the best of the Baluchis are the best of our frontier tribes- 
men. We do not see many of them in our ranks as sepoys. They do not care 
about the discipline of regular service, and our so-called Baluch regiments, like 
some of our so-called Highland regiments, are not distinguished for the number 
of recruits who answer exactly to the regimental designation. But as border 
robbers and raiders, as light horsemen of the heroic type, they have probably been 
unequalled since the days of the Parthians. 

The true Baluch chief is a gentleman by nature and heredity, a gentleman 
such as one may meet in Arabia, self-possessed, courteous, free, yet graceful in his 
bearing, an accomplished horseman, a man of the world, who is not to be discon- 
certed by such trifles as a want of linguistic knowledge or the surroundings 
of civilised existence to which he is unaccustomed. I have seen an Arab chief 
sit down to breakfast in a company of officers on board ship. He " came from 
the country/' and had probably never seen a knife and fork before. Possibly he 
had never sat in a chair. Certainly he did not know a word of English, nor his 
entertainers a word of Arabic, yet he retained not only his dignity but his ease, 
and in half-an-hour he was complete master of the situation. There is much of 
this savoirfaire in the Baluch, who is as distinct from the Pathdn who jostles 
him on the frontier border as a Circassian chief is from a Levantine. 

I have often been asked why it is that our control of the southern boixierland 
is so much more effective than that of the north. It is very much due to our 
strategical position there. We are not merely facing the Baluch independent 
tribes ; we are at 'the back of them, and their country is more easily approached 
from the back. Quetta is not merely a block in the way of an advance into 
India ; it is the metropolis of Baluchistan, occupying a central dominant position 
from the control of which there is no escape. But there is also to be considered 
the diflFerence in the national characteristics of the two races. Both are subject to 
tribal organisation, but the Pathdn is individually more independent, acknowledging 
no authority but the tribal jirgah, and surrendering his freedom of action only at 
the voice of the mullah. The head of every Pathdn household considers himself 
a chief in his own right, as good as any other chief in his clan. The Baluch, on 
the other hand, is loyal and true to the acknowledged head of his tribe, and as 
much of a patriot as any highlander of the Scottish border. This much simplifies 
the political dealings of government with him. His method, too, of meeting an 
enemy in the field is different from that of the Pathan. When a Baluch warrior 
goes into action he goes to stay. He will picket his mare under the nearest tree, 
and rush into the thick of the fray with sword and shield, scorning to take 

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Colonel Sir T. H. Holdich. — 7%c Arab Ti^ibes of our Indian Frontier. 17 

advantage of cover, fighting with the traditional courage of the Arab in the 
open field, whether that field is in the valleys of Baluchistan, or in the Suddn. 
And the result is the same in either case. 

We all know what happened at Omdurman ; but perhaps few followed the course 
of the brilliant little campaign lately conducted by Col. Mayne in the far rougher 
field of Makrdn. The Baluchis thought to overwhelm his little force in the open, 
just as the Khalifa thought to overwhelm Kitchener. And when that notorious 
old freebooter and robber, well named Baluch Khan, found that individual courage 
was of no avail against better discipline and better arms, he put himself at the 
head of a gallant remnant of his force and went straight for the guns. He died 
like an Arab. 

I need not refer to the very diflFerent tactics adopted by the Afridi, who does 
not lack courage either, but much prefers stout cover and a long range rifle 
whether engaged in a national fight or a private vendetta. He will only fight like 
a Sikh or an Arab when he finds there is no other way of fighting. 

The varied characteristics of the two races are well summed up by Oliver in 
his charming book. Across the Border, The Baluch, be says, is "essentially a 
nomad, good-looking, frank, with well cut features, black and well oiled flowing 
hair and beard, attired in a smock frock that is theoretically white, but never is 
washed save on the rare occasions when he goes to a durbar ; and he is a general 
favourite. He is a bit of a buck, and when he finds himself passing into the sere 
and yellow he dyes his hair. It is not uncommon to find an old gentleman with 
eyebrows of deep black, and the tip of his beard gradually shading off through 
purple to red, to roots of pure white. His wife makes quite a toilet, and arranges 
her hair in many effective plaits, but any connection with soap and water would 
be voted by either as a mark of the worst eflfeminacy. He shares with the Pathdn 
many of the virtues and vices peculiar to a wild and semi-civilised people, but in 
many respects he presents the most agreeable contrast Both are given to 
hospitality, both ready to exact .an eye for an eye, a life for a life, but the 
Baluch prefers to kill his enemy from the front and the Pathan from behind." 
To both " Allah is great and Mahomed is his prophet," but the Pathan is often 
a dangerous fanatic whilst the Baluch is perfectly willing to have his prayers said 
for him. As Ibbetson pithily puts it — " he has less of Gk)d in his head and less 
of the devil in his nature." There is a story of a Baluch who, asked why he did 
not keep the feast of the Eamzan, replied that he was excused, as his chief was 
keeping it for him. "What are you doing ?" said another to a pious Mahomedan 
who was saying his prayers in the plains. " Praying in the fear of God," said the 
plainsman. " Come along to my hills," rejoined the Baluch, " where we don't fear 
anybody." Both have but dim perceptions of the difference between meum and 
tmLvi, preferring " the good old rule, the simple plan, that he should take who has 
the power, and he should keep who can." 

The love of a Baluch for his horse has passed into a proverb aU over the world. 
This again is an Arab instinct. If a Baluch cannot own a whole horse he will 
New Sbries, Vol. II, Nos. 1 and 2. C 

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18 Colonel Sib T. H. Holdich. — The Arab Tribes of mr Indian Frmtier, 

become the proprietor of one leg or more, as the case may be, and claims an 
equivalent share in the use of the animal. Baluchis still prefer mares for their 
long rides over rough hills, although the original reason for this choice (the fact 
that mares are less inclined to lift up their voices and scream to their companions 
when it is desirable to preserve strict silence) has passed away with their oppor- 
tunities for raiding; but I understand that this prejudice is fast disappearing. 
An Afghan would consider it beneath his dignity to ride a mare at all. His 
prejudices are in favour of the other sex. 

Taking him for all in all our frontier Arab has much to recommend him. 
I have sat in durbar with Sir Eobert Sandeman and watched with admiration 
the magnificent forms of the Mari and Bugti chiefs clothed in clean white, bearing 
themselves as princes in the land; and the contrast with the gaily clad and 
much bejewelled Brahui royalties of Kalat has been almost too striking. Courage 
and loyalty are what one would naturally expect in such splendid human 
setting — and courage and loyalty is exactly what Sandeman found, and what he, 
of all men, knew best how to appreciate. 


Dr. John Beddoe. — I should like to make a few remarks, from the point of 
view of a physical anthropologist, on the paper of the evening. It is interesting to 
learn that the author can give plentiful historical gi-ounds for the presence of 
Arabs in Baluchistan, and that he finds in the moral character of some at least of 
the Baluchis indications of an Arab leaven. But I should much like to know 
whether he thinks that the physical aspect of these people is at all suggestive of 
Arab or Semitic descent. Their language, we know, is a Persian dialect, i.e., it is 
Aryan, not Semitic. I am not one of those who attach very great importance to 
language as an evidence of blood and descent ; but it does afford some prinid 
facie evidence. Now the Arab settlers in Makran had certain advantages which 
might have availed to enable even a minority to perpetuate their language. They 
were conquerors and rulers ; and their tongue was that of a proselytizing religion. 
With this last advantage, even a subject minority may succeed in imposing its 
language on its rulers; this the Slavs did on the Bulgarians, though, to judge from the 
physical type, the Bulgarian or Ugrian element was the more numerous. But the 
Arabs in Makr&n failed. I suspect, therefore, that there is not much Arab blood 
there. The few photographs I have seen from Baluchistan have not given me the 
impression of belonging to Semites. They were those of soldiers, and the author 
tells us that the Kirds do not often enlist. If he could procure a few photographs 
of Kirds, or pure Baluchis, and of Brahuis, I think they would have considerable 

Mr. J. Kennedy remarked that Sir T. Holdich's knowledge of Makrtln is so 
extensive that any theory he may express with regard to the origin of the Baluchis 
will necessarily carry weight. Moreover, lie is not alone in his belief that the 
Baluchi tribes have a large proportion of Arab blood. That theory appears to be 
mainly based in part upon the traditions of the clans, and in part upon physical 
resemblances. But I am not sure that it is borne out by history ; and before 

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Colonel Sir T. H. Holdich.— TA^ Arab Tribes ofmir Indian Frantic. 19 

attacking an ethnological problem, it is always well to clear the ground if possible 
by a historical review. Now the general outlines of the ancient and mediaeval 
history of Makr9,n are perfectly clear, however obscure the details. There are 
three distinct stages. The earliest stage is one of utter savagery. Nearchus found 
the coast inhabited by the Ichthyophagi, a race of men who lived on fish, built 
their houses of fish-bones, had little corn, few sheep or goats, and scooped shallow 
wells in the shingle for fresh water. The inland tribes knew something of agri- 
culture, but lived chiefly on dates, used poisoned arrows, and fortified their villages. 
Commerce between India and Persia by way of Makran appears to have been 
utterly unknown. Alexander the Great had local guides, and was accompanied by 
a number of the aborigines ; but he completely lost his way, and took 60 days to 
cross the desert — a thing which could not have happened if caravan routes had 
been in existence. Nor does there appear to have been nny commerce down to 
the first century B.C. ; for finds of Grseco-Bactrian coins in Makran are extremely 

The advent of the Indo-Scythians in the first century B.C. marks the next 
stage in the history of the country, and the introduction of a higher civilisation. 
These Indo-Scythians are known as Sakas. They gave their name to Sakastene or 
Sejistan, and occupied the whole of MakrS-u and Sindh, forming a multitude of 
petty clans and kingdoms which were occasionally united under a single over-lord. 
These Sakas are supposed to have been of the same stock as the Parthians. Their 
names, Azes, Vonones, Spalirises, Pacores, etc., are similar to or identical with the 
Parthian ; their head-dress is similar ; their coin-types alike ; and they use Pehlvi 
for their inscriptions. The Arsacid kings cultivated their friendship, and often 
obtained their assistance. The Sakas, on the other hand, must be carefully distin- 
guished from the other great Indo-Scythic horde — the confederacy of the Yue-chi, 
in which the Kushans were supreme. The Kushans expelled the Sakas from 
Afghanistan and the Northern Punjab ; and the ancestral enmity of Afghans and 
Baluchis was anticipated by the feuds of these Indo-Scythians nineteen centuries 

The Sakas were the first to open up regular communications between India 
and Persia by way of Mekran, and more than one Sagsanian monarch, Parvez the 
last among them, invaded India by this route. When the Arabs turned their 
attention to the conquest of India, their armies merely repeated what Persian 
armies had done before ; and they had little difl&culty in overrunning the country. 
But the country was uninviting ; " water was scarce, the fruits were poor, and the 
robbers bold." The Arabs pressed forward to the conquest of Sindh — ^a much 
more difficult and protracted task. Arab chiefs of the purest blood led the invaders, 
and Hajjaj on one occasion despatched 6,000 Syrians from Aleppo. But the great 
mass of the invaders settled in Sindh. Mansura and half a dozen other great 
towns were founded by Arabs, while the bulk of the Syrians settled in Al Mahfuza. 
On the other hand, we do not read of any Arab settlements in Makrdn or its 
neighbourhood, except at Kandahar. The diSerence is strikingly brought out by 
Ibu Haukal, who remarks that Arabic and Sindhian were spoken in Sindh, while 
in Makran they used Persian and Mekranik. It is clear, I think, that while the 
Arab conquest made a profound impression upon Sindh, its eflect on Makr&n was 
comparatively slight. These facts have a considerable bearing on the origin of the 

c 2 

Digitized by 


20 Meeting of March Uth, 1899. 

Baliichis. They are admittedly not aborigines like the Brahuis. The presumption, 
therefore, is that they are connected either with the Sakas or the Arabs. Their 
political constitution and their speech — a form of ancient Persian — connect them 
with the former. Moreover, if we do not regard them as representatives of the 
Sakas, the Sakas must have disappeared. The early Arab writers talk of Turks or 
Turcomans, by whom apparently Sakas are meant ; and some modem travellers 
discover a resemblance between the Turcoman and the Baluchi clansman. The 
Arab settlements in Makrdn were not extensive, nor was the country inviting. 
It is very probable that the Baluchi chiefs have a considerable amount of Arab 
blood in their veins, and they may often bear a striking resemblance to the 
Bedawin, although their traditions point to Syria. But how far can we judge of 
the clan by the chiefs? It seems to me more probable that the rank and file 
have preserved an unmixed strain, and it is among them that we must seek the 
solution of the problem. 

Mr. W. Crooke in the main agreed with the conclusions of Mr. J. Kennedy 
as to the origin of the Biluchis. He remarked that there can be little doubt that 
their name is of Sanskrit origin — a corruption of the term Mlechhha, applied to 
outcasts or offenders against Aryan customs. A small outlying colony of the 
tribe is found in the Muzaffarnagar district of the North-western Provinces, where 
they have an evil reputation as cattle thieves and swindlers. They are a turbulent, 
ill-conditioned class, who give much trouble to our police. 


MARCH 14th, 1899. 

C. H. Read, Esq., F.S.A., President, in the Chair, 

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and signed. 

The election of three Fellows was announced, viz.: — J. D. Paul, Esq., 
F. L. Griffith, Esq., and Mrs. M. A. Hobson. 

The President introduced Mr. FitzGerald Marriott, who proceeded to 
read his paper on " Secret Tribal Societies in West Africa." 

This was replied to by the Count de Cardi, who questioned some of 
Mr. Marriott's views; and a discussion was carried on by Miss Kingsley, Mr. 
T. J. Alldridge, Sir John Smalman Smith, and Mr. J. M. Harris. 

Mr. Marriott briefly replied, and the President congratulated the Meeting 
on having heard such a carefully prepared paper and such an instructive dis- 

A vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Marriott. 

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( 21 ) 


By H. p. Fitzgerald Marriott. 


Most of the so-called secret societies of West Africa are tribal and with them are 
bound up the traditions and customs of the people, so that their total extinction 
would be almost impossible, though modification appears in some cases to be 
desirable. They are in their origin merely developments of the tribe to which they 

Apart from the law-giving and mystically religious societies, there are two 
others which are not exactly tribal — one of which is the temporary or Poro 
association of Sierra Leone. The other comprises the murder or Leopard and 
Alligator Societies — which extend from Sierra Leone to the Niger, and possibly 
farther, and are found in many parts of West Africa. They are much feared and 
detested bj^ respectable natives. The religious Poro Societies of Sierra Leone 
have been discussed in works by C. W. Heckethorn and the Poro and many others 
by Rev. J. A. Abayomi Cole. 

The societies of the Gold Coast are harmless, secret religious fraternities and 
tribal institutions. Katahwiri (for men) in which the ceremony of clothing at a 
certain age plays an important part. It includes circumcision (Jceteofo) and the 
teaching of mystic folklore and dancing. Katahwiriba is a similar society for 
women. Nanam, " our ancestors," is another men's society, more mystic and kept 
more secret than the Katahwiri. 

In. the Niger territory the partly religious societies are known as Egbo or 
Igbp, deriving their title from the country of that name, of which the original 
meaning is " tiger " or " leopard," implying that this part of the country was once 
infested by these animals, or it may refer to a family whose name was derived 
from that animal. The most important Egbo Society is that of Old Kalabar, 
where the native government is founded on it and the king and chiefs are 
members. Its head is the Abaw-Efik, a sort of high priest who receives his 
authority from the Egbo chiefs, and while he retains it no one is safe from his 
power unless he can pay him well. There are eleven grades, the entrance fee of 
which varies from seventy-five iron bars to four hundred brass rods. Miss 
Kingsley in a note informs the writer that " the Abaw-Efik is keeper of the 
'Nd^m Efik (the great (I)d^m of Kalabar) ; but in the execution of his office he is 
subjected to so many restrictions, the violation of which the 'Nd^m Efik punishes 
with death, that his office is not desired and is frequently vacant." 

At Old Kalabar, on " Brass " I^bo day, a yellow flag is raised on the king's 

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22 H. P. Fitzgerald Mauriott.— 5%« Secret Societies of West Africa. 

house, and none but the privileged are allowed to walk abroad. A piece of yellow 
cotton nailed on any one's door implies the protection of " Brass " Egbo. When 
a man meets the 'Nd^m of a higher grade of Egbo than that to which he belongs, 
he limps by humbly as if the sight had deprived him of strength. Every ninth 
day during an Egbo meeting, a man goes about the town disguised as a spirit, 
with leave to flog anyone he meets who is of a lower grade or who does not belong 
to the society. This is the 'Nddm who carries in his left hand a bunch of green 
leaves and in his right a great cow-hide whip. He wears a black vizard and his 
whole body is covered with bamboo matting. He always has a bell fastened to 
his side to announce his arrival. A chief with a similar bell is depicted in one of 
the Benin plaques.^ In New Kalabar the Juju King is held in higher reverence 
than the Civil Chieftain. 

Among the Ibibeo tribe we find various societies. The Uluga, " pig's nose," 
watch farms, act as councillors in palavers, execute people sentenced to death by 
impalement at cross-roads. If a wife runs away from her husband the society will 
restore her, and if she dares to abscond again her parents' house will be sacked or 
destroyed. They kill with a stone anyone caught stealing yams. They sacrifice 
animals over bodies of dead chieftains and bury chief and slaves with him. They 
do not permit girls to wear clothes till they are pregnant and have gone to live 
with their husbands. 

The Ayaka summons the society to meet in the bush, when all who are not 
members have to close their houses and put out their fires. They have a form of 
trial by ordeal. Five women are brought from different villages to a king's house. 
Sasswood and the salamander lizard are beaten up with a little water in a mortar. 
The priest first drinks from the ordeal cup and then passes it to the accused, who 
all drink. They are then shut up, those who are innocent vomit ; the guilty die 
and their bodies are cast into the bush. They protect children of dead witches 
and collect the debts of their parents by intimidating the debtors at night They 
listen to what people are saying and threaten exposure if they do not pay a bribe. 
They drive herds of cattle through the town at night, blowing horns and making 
hideous noises. They are said to have the power of talking to a cocoanut tree, 
when all the fruit falls down, and they eat the contents without injuring the nuts. 
They are able to smell out anyone who watches their proceedings, when they duck 
him in streams and leave him up to his neck in mud. A man who underwent this 
punishment was unable to speak for a fortnight. No woman knows anything of 
these people. No one dares to give information on pain of impalement or 
providing a slave as a substitute. They are supposed to live in the sacred groves, 
where twins are thrown away, and lepers, those dying of small-pox, the deformed, 
and children dying before they cut their teeth are buried. No woman dares to cut 
firewood in the forests they occupy. 

The Onyckolum compel a woman to marry, saying that if she refuses she will 
wed the great snake, Ak4 In the last resort they force the parents to carry her 
> Joum, Anthrop, InsU^ xxvii, Plate XX, Fig. 2. 

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H. P. Fitzgerald Marriott. — 7^e Secret Societies of West Africa, 23 

to another town to find a husband. They act as jesters, and mock at all deformed 
people or ridicule thieves and gluttons in public. They are accompanied in their 
nightly parades by a dog with bells. 

The 'Mbuike come out dressed in grass, led by a man dancing like a bear. 
They carry a bag filled with short hard- wood sticks and stones, with which they 
pelt anyone they meet. 

Each Egbo Society has its own special idols, horned wooden masks, grass, 
bamboo or cocoanut matting, dresses, bells, and other strange objects, among which 
are black wooden rattles, shaped like hour glasses, open at both ends, and 
containing several wooden clappers. Some of the idols, when properly invoked, 
are supposed to be able to answer questions regarding stolen property and 
similar matters. In some the lower jaw is worked by a concealed cord. The lower 
jaws of some of the masks also move. The small brown masks and the coloured 
masks, on the authority of Mr. Eveleigh Smith, are worn during Egbo plays. 
Children can belong- to it and wear masks. Women and outsiders cannot wear 
them. The white masks appear to be worn only by members of the first grade, 
and those black and horned by those fully initiated. Women, on pain of death, 
are not allowed to see the black masks. The meaning of the tattoo marks on the 
masks is not clear. Possibly they may be some tribal sign. According to Mr. 
Eveleigh Smith the Ibibio Egbo Society has only two grades, the lowest, as usual, 
being the initiatory stage. Their dress is a simple garment with sleeves and legs, 
into which the wearer enters through a hole in the chest. Round the ankles is 
a fringe made of fibres of the Raffia paltn knotted together. The higher grade has 
dresses covered with palm-leaf which are very elaborate. 

Higher again than the Egbo is the Idiong or Idion, which none but a member 
of the Egbo can join. According to Mr. Eveleigh Smith this fraternity is open to 
all, either slaves or freemen ; but probably a slave could not attain the higher 
positions. The first stage is merely probationary and the fee is about 800 or 1,000 
Manillas or circlet composed chiefly of iron and worth from Id, to l\d. After 
payment of the fee the candidate goes through a rite, namely, consisting of 
feasting and dancing and is given a ring or circlet of palm fibre which he wears 
on his head until he can afford to pay the fee for initiation into the higher grade. 
On attaining this he wears a larger ring covered with goat-skin. Various points 
projecting from the circlet indicate the rank of the officials of the society. If the 
ring is wantonly destroyed the member loses his rights and has to pay again for 
their restoration. There are society secrets which no member dare to divulge. 
The rules forbid lying, theft, adultery, and are faithfully observed. Women can 
join the order and then are raised to an equality with men ; if they commit adultery 
no one will punish or reproach them. 

All members of the society can travel without danger. It is said they 
have an inner sanctuary into which only the high priest is admitted. They also 
profess to be rain-makers, and offer fowls and goats before idols for this purpose. 
A European if accompanied by a friendly Idion man can travel anywhere in safety. 

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24 H. P. Fitzgerald Markiott. — The Secret Societies of West Africa. 

Human sacrifices are sometimes practised among the Ibibios at the funeral 
rites of their kings, when a new market is opened or the trade of a market needs 
improving. It is also done at the performance of a religious play called Aikon. 
The victim, who is a slave, may be of either sex, but a boy or girl is preferred to 
an adult. The victim is held down while the executioner beheads him with a 
sharp matchet, not with one but with several blows. Each person present is 
supposed to tap the head with a small knife. The skull is finally put in the King's 
Ju-ju house. This play is performed yearly at the yam digging season. The 
people wear red cotton caps which they dip in the blood of the victim. 

At another play a large bamboo table is brought out, over which hangs a long 
cloth reaching the ground. On the table are placed little figures representing men 
and women. These are made to move about and dance like marionettes. The 
operator is a man concealed under the table. Figures are also placed in the 
house erected for the spirits of the dead. These houses are regarded as sacred, 
but they are allowed to decay under the influence of time and weather. 

In a place far up the Kivo-Ibo river, close to Aru, is supposed to be a holy 
woman who knows everything and can utter oracles. Only two persons, generally 
litigants, can visit the place at the same time. The mysterious voice calls to one 
or the other to confess judgment. It has been said that the defeated party is 
supposed to be slain by the spirit ; anyhow he never returns home, for if he did his 
friends would not recognise him and would treat him as an evil spirit. Attached 
to this place is said to be a sort of priesthood, called " Long Ju-ju men." 

At Little Popo in Togoland is a secret society known as Af d, considered to 
be higher than Egbo. They pretend to a knowledge of some sort of occult 

Nearly all these tribal societies oblige their initiates to undergo circumcision. 
This may be one of the reasons why Muhammadans often obtain membership. 
They have perhaps some connexion with the society known in Egypt as Siri, of 
which there are various developments in the Sudan and Senegambia, devoted to 
the study of occult science. 

The writer ends by su^esting that the Colonial Governments might utilise 
some of these societies in the cause of law and order. 


The President, in proposing a vote of thanks to Mr. Marriott for his paper, 
said that he thought the information that had been laid before them was of great 
interest. It had not pretended to be more than, in the main, a compilation, and 
students were grateful to any one who would save their time in this way, by 
gathering into a compact form all the scattered papers in rare or out-of-the-way 
journals. Such work did not in any way interfere with original research, but 
rather helped it. Some of the criticisms they had heard were thus scarcely called 
for by anything that Mr. Marriott had stated. The verdict of the majority of the 
speakers, all of whom had considerable experience of West Africa, was in approval 

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H. P. Fitzgerald Marriott. — The Secret SocUties of West Africa. 25 

of the paper they had listened to, and he himself thought that Mr. Marriott was 
entitled to their thanks for the exhaustive and laborious paper he had prepared. 

Mr. EvELEiGH Smith. — I have lived only six years on the West Coast of 
Africa, but during that period have gone a great deal amongst the natives of the 
Hibio tribe, and have studied carefully their two great secret societies, Egbo and 
Idien. I have very little to add beyond what Mr. Marriott has already stated in 
his paper, save that I can vouch for the accuracy of his remarks concerning those 
two societies. The masks and idols on the platform were carefully collected by the 
late Mr. Van de Poel and myself, and they are genuine ones. With regard to 
the large black masks belonging to the higher grade of Egbo, no woman is allowed 
so much as a glimpse at them, death being the penalty if any woman should look 
at them. There is a great deal to be found out about these societies, and it does 
not follow because a man has lived for many years on the coast that he knows 
everything concerning them, as one may live all his life amongst a savage tribe 
where great secret societies exist, and yet know nothing. It is only by going 
amongst the natives, and gathering details bit by bit, that any really valuable 
information can be obtained. 

Sir John Smalman Smith said that the statements in Mr. Marriott's paper 
were gathered from many and various sources, but none apparently were the result of 
that personal experience and observation which were indispensable if conclusions of 
any value were to be based upon them. It was impossible to deal with such a 
paper in a short speech, but he took exception to the constant use of such words as 
''fetiche " and " Ju-Ju" which were of European origin and did not represent the 
native idea. 

In the Yoruba country the word " Oricha" meaning " an object of religious 
worship, ceremony or usage," was always used by the native, and " Olorum " repre- 
sented the supreme god, the all-powerful the glorious one, the source of life and 
of the souls of men. It is, however, only the inferior gods who concern themselves 
with the affairs of the earth and its inhabitants, and these include a vast number 
both good and evil in their influences. 

The powerful secret societies which existed all over the Yoruba country were 
termed among the Egbos " Ogboni" and amongst the Jebu people " Oshogbo" Their 
chief objects were to conserve the Oricha, but actually they controlled the kings of 
the country, and decided trade disputes and family differences in the manner 
prescribed by native custom. The members used signs and symbols, the meaning 
of which was known only to the initiated. 

These societies were powerful, but their methods were not of a character to 
commend themselves to civilised peoples, nor would it be decent, even if it were 
possible, to utilise them as a means of government. Such an idea could scarcely 
have emanated from any one acquainted with the principles and practices which 
prevailed among them. 

The town of IfS, or lllS If 4^ as it is termed, is the most sacred place in the 
Yoruba country. It is regarded as the cradle of the human race. From here Ifa, 
one of the greatest of the gods, set forth to teach the rest of the world wisdom 
and the knowledge of the future. Many most interesting beliefs were attached to 
Ifa, who was a beneficent Oricha, and was invariably consulted as to the future, both 
in great undertAkings and in the every-day affairs of life. 

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26 H. P. FiTZGEKALD MARRIOTT. — The Secret Societies of West Africa. 

It was much to be regretted that so few ethnologists had devoted any attention 
to this most interesting country. 

Mr. T. J. Alldridge, F.RG.S. — I was not aware that I should be called upon 
to take part in this discussion. I came this evening to listen to what I anticipated 
would be an interesting paper upon a somewhat abstruse subject, and I think we 
shall all agree that the lecturer has presented to us an instructive communication ; 
and although Mr. Marriott has been unable from personal knowledge to give any 
lengthened practical experience upon the secret societies of West Africa, I venture 
to consider that by quoting from some of the best authorities he has done the next 
best thing to furnish us with information. My only reason for rising -upon this 
occasion is that Mr. Marriott has referred to a part of the coast with which I have 
been associated for very many years — the Sherbro, the seat of the once notorious 
Human Leopard Society ; and as possibly there may be some persons here to-night 
who may like to know something of that society's workings, I will briefly state 
some details in connection with it, although happily the remedial measures adopted 
by the Government about four years ago had been the means of practically putting 
a stop to these atrocious barbaric practices, and the recent native rebellion, foUowed 
by the naval and military punitive expeditions in the Imperri country with its 
water-ways, has, I hope and believe, thoroughly eradicated their organization and 
rendered this savagery a thing of the past. The Imperri was the great centre for 
this society. It does not appear that as an institution it was of any great 
age, possibly only some forty years or so, and I remember some twenty years back 
being told that it was then merely a family arrangement, the members working 
only amongst their own relatives, and that at the committee meetings of the 
society a relative of some member was selected and told off to be the next victim, 
and was subsequently waylaid and killed by some person in the guise of a leopard, 
who rushed upon the unfortunate and unsuspecting victim from behind, and 
planting a four-pronged knife of special make in the neck, separated the vertebra, 
causing in most instances instantaneous death. The body was then opened, and some 
of the internal parts were removed for the purpose of obtaining the fat which was 
considered to be necessary to preserve the magical powers of the country medicine, 
known as Borfima, with which members had to be anointed periodically. This 
Borfima was a highly prized fetich, and believed to be a panacea against all evil 
and to produce all good. The society after a time becoming too extensive to 
remain a family concern, it appears to have been changed into a public 
institution, that is, any victim could be taken from the general community, and 
we know, without a doubt, that the lives of many innocent persons were sacrificed 
in this manner. The ttwcLus operandi seemed to be that when a visitor appeared 
at any village, he was invited to partake of food, in which was mixed a small 
quantity of human flesh. The guest all unsuspectingly partook of the repast 
and afterwards was told that human flesh formed one of the component parts 
of the preparation, and that it was then necessary that he should join the 
society, which was invariably done. The initiation fee being the providing of 
a victim, it did not necessarily follow that the newly joined member should himself 
slaughter the victim ; he need only furnish the victim, and there were persons who, 
upon payment, would carry out the murder. But happily, as I have stated, 
the persistent and effective measures adopted by the Government have been so 

Digitized by 


H. P. Fitzgerald Marriott. — The Secret Societies of West Africa. 27 

successful that I quite believe the Human Leopard Society is now simply a matter 
of history. 

The Poro and Bundu and Bundu Devil are organisations of the utmost 
importance, and extend throughout the Mendi country, Sherbro, some 150 miles or 
more inland. They are institutions amongst the male and female communities 
respectively, but at this late hour I do not propose to enter into particulars 
respecting them, but for those interested I would remind them that in my paper 
to the Eoyal Geographical Society, in their Journal for August, 1894, these curious 
ceremonies are described. 

Le ^Q^te de Cardi, — I drew attention to the fact that Mr. Marriott's paper 
was maim^Mwie up of copious extracts from the published accounts of others, and 
pointed out that, though he gave us several names of his authorities, the major 
part of the extracts that he read he most certainly dAd not thumi-mark, thus 
leaving the general public to suppose that they were from his ovm investigation. 
Knowing that Mr. Marriott had only been a few weeks in Western Africa and 
that he had never been in the district of the two secret societies of which he spoke 
the most, I pointed out that any well-wisher of the Anthropological Journal should 
jealously guard against anything being published in the Joum/il of the Anthropo- 
logical Institvie of which a part could be pointed to and denominated the work 
of a plagiarist. The only parts of the paper of Mr. Marriott that I could trace to 
Mr. Marriott's own labours were his deductions as to what use the secret tribal 
societies of West Africa might be to the British Government and his belief of 
what they taught. I said I disagreed with Mr. Marriott when he said " that the 
British Government could make use of these societies to assist in ruling the 
natives," my reason being that before any civilised government such as the 
British Government could make use of these societies they would have to be 
cleansed from their disgusting rites and terrible fetish oaths and practices. Once 
take away from them the fetish oaths and evil ceremonies, then the fear which the 
secret society engenders in the native mind would vanish and with it all respect 
for the laws of the secret society. Further, Mr. Marriott said, " Fetishism must 
not be confused with these societies. Spirit worship perhaps might be associated 
with them ; but a mystic religion and belief in one God, a Creator from whom 
springs all life, and to whom death was but in some sort a return, was, he believed, 
the very inner secret of secrets; more they did nA)t teach" This assertion of 
Mr. Marriott's would lead any ordinary hearer to believe he, Mr. Marriott, knew 
all they did teach, for he says very distinctly, " More they did n^t teach" (This 
and his former deductions were distinctly given out as his own — no authority 
hdng quoted.) This statement of his led me to think the study he had made of his 
subject was very superficial, because the veriest tyro in scientific research would 
have discovered that the teaching pointed to a species of Phallic worship, more 
than anything else. 

Digitized by 


28 Meeting of March 28th, 1899. 


MARCH 28Tn, 1899. 

C. H. Read, Esq., F.S.A, President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and passed. 

The election of Mrs. G. Nevitt Bennett as Fellow of the Institute was 

The President introduced Mr. Wm. Corner, who proceeded to read his paper 
on "Mitla (State of Oaxaca, Mexico): A Study of its Ancient Ruins and 
Remains." This was illustrated by a good collection of lantern slides, maps, 
plans, drawings, and numerous antiquities that he had brought home. 

He also exhibited a number of recent photographs of North American 
Indians, taken by Rineharb, Omaha, Neb., U.S.A 

The discussion that followed was contributed to by the President, Mr. A. P 
Maudslay, Colonel G. E. Church, Mr. Lennard, Mr. A. L. Lewis, and others, and 
a hearty vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Comer for his interesting paper. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Journal of the Anfhropohqtoal Tftniifuie (X.S), Vol. 7/, Plaie I. 

Fig. 11. 

Fig. 12. 

Fig. 13. 

Fig. 14. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Journal of ihe Anthropological Inatitute (N.S.), Vol. If, Plate IT. 

Fio. 15. 

Fio. 17. 

Fig. H 


Fig. 18. 

ruj. 20. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Journal of the Anthropological InstHute {K,S.)^ Vol. IT, Plate III. 

IRooffd or Covered Ways, and 

Modern Work and liepairj. | 

3 Walls. I 

; Hound Work. | 

' I 

J Scale in Feet. | 


Fig. 21. 

stCTioM cf rut Hau of PuiAfii Cf\our N* 2 
MOD^O, SCMlMi Of Cowauti en 

1 7: q^. 

:oo« «,o. - 



Fig. 22. 

X j^ 

Fig. 23. 

Fig. 24. 


|P^ o V ;y I I 

Fig. 25. 


^-^-r'\~^-^.'. ^^j..r:ri.._:.,.s.::r£sriA^3?^c^ 



Fig. 26. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Journal of the Anthropological Institute {N.S.), Vol, II, Plate IV, 

Fig. 27. 

Fio. 28. 

.Fio. 29. 



Fig. 32. 

Fig. 3.3. 

Fig. 35. 

Fig. 34. 

Fig. 3G. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Journal of the Anthropological Institute (A'..^.), Vol. IT, Plate 1'. 

FlO. 37. 

Fio. 38. 
(Di-. Edward Seler.) 

Fig. 3Ii. 




*«-^-- . iC-'^- 


Fig. 40. 

Fig. 41. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Journal of the Anthropological Institute (X.K), Vd. II, Plate VI. 

I • ■ 


# # ^ ##^ 


T T 

Fia. 42. 

Fio. 44. 

0Af4 l/>ICH 

Fig. 43. 

Fig. 45. 

Fig. 46. 

Digitized by 



Digitized by 



I I 


Journal of the Anthropological Institute (N.S,), Vol. 11, Plate VII. 


Fjo. 47. 

Fig. 48. 

Fig. 49. 


Fig. 50. 

Fig. F(g. Yio 

^'^' [52. 53.' 


Fig. 55. Fig. 56. 


Digitized by ' 

( 29 ) 


By William Corner. 

[with plates I TO VII.] 

My communication deals almost exclusively with a description of the Tzapoteco 
remains and ruins at Mitla,^ in the state of Oaxaca, Mexico. Upon the subject of 
the Tzapoteco race, tlie acknowledged builders of ancient Mitla, their origin, 
language, customs or beliefs, I scarcely touch. I attempt to explain neither the 
bearing these remains may have upon the questions of the art and culture of other 
aboriginal peoples of Mexico and Central America nor the general significance and 
relations of ancient Mitla. I feel that that is better left to those who have given 
a larger study to American Archaeology. I am here to oflfer a fragment of 
evidence, derived from my own investigations, in regard to a branch of the art of 
the ancient Tzapoteco people. This must be borne in mind in considering the 
8oope of the communication. 

I exhibit maps, plans, and drawings, to which I ask your attention. An 
examination of them will enable you to understand better my exposition of the 
ruins, and that notation of the different groups and classes of them which I have 
adopted, and to which I shall constantly refer. 

Most of us have a notion, not altogether a correct one, it is to be feared, of 
what is called the " Ancient Civilisation of Mexico or of the Aztecs." A glorified 
idea has been acquired, principally from Prescott's Conquest of Mexico, a work 
which, perhaps, is as much the creation of a mind of poetic and imaginative 

» The name " Mitla " is syncopated from Miguitlan or Mictlan, probably by the Spaniard, 
with that indolent characteristic of his tongue which tends to soften all that seems harsh or to 
savour of trouble in pronunciation. The original ^*g" is an aspirate in Spanish. The word is not, 
of course, Spanish, but is presumably Nahuatl, and its meaning has doubtless something to say 
about the grave or death. By the Tzapoteco inhabitants the pueblo does not seem to be called 
Mitla, but Lyo-baa. " Mictlanteuctli (Lord of the land of the dead), the god of hell, which was 
a place of utter and eternal darkness " {Aiiahuac^ by Dr. Tylor, p. 223). " Teoyaomiqui, god 
(or goddess) of war and death " {Tour in Mexico^ by Mr. A. F. Bandelier). " Mictlan, signifying 
hell in this language " (Motoliula, also see Bandelier). It would be interesting to discover if 
" Mitla " or " Mictlan " is in any degree synonymous with the Tzapoteco Lyo-baa, or if it is a 
rough translation of it. Lyo-baa is variously interpreted, " Entrance to the grave " (Bandelier), 
" Place of woe " (Hnmboldt), " Place of sadness," and ** House of the dead." It requires a 
knowledge of the two idioms, which the writer has not, to say. In accordance with such 
traditions as these names would seem to indicate, an ill-timed season or passing moods have 
caused more than one writer to describe the site of Mitla, in sympathy with its names, in 
gloomy language. The writer visited the paeblo in quite a different frame of mind, and found 
his way fall in not unpleasant places. It is true that the valley or basin of it is hemmed in by 
mountains on almost every hand, but he can bear witness that it is not always the abiding 
place of gloom. 

Digitized by 


30 W. Corker. — Mitla: An ArcJuwlogicaJ Study of the 

temperament as the result of the knowledge, investigations, and researches of the 
trained historian. The romancje of the subject colours this historian's whole theme. 
Since the publication of Dr. E. B. Tylor's admirable work, Anakuac, or Mexico a7id 
the Mexicans Ancient and Modern, in 1861, it has become more and more the 
fashion to regard the cultures of the native races as having important differences in 
degree, but that " the highest grade reached anywhere was a barbarism without 
iron or the alphabet, but in some respects simulating civilisation."^ This attitude 
has so gi'own on later investigators and speculators that perhaps another extreme 
has been reached, and we find that a recent American author, who, being set the 
task of writing a popular account of the Mexican story, enters at the outset a 
gentle protest against this severe tendency in these terms : — ** Empires and 
palaces, luxury and splendour, fill the accounts of the Spaniards, and imagination 
loves to adorn the halls of the Montezumas with the glories of an Oriental tale. 
Later explorers, with the fatal penetration of our time, destroy the splendid vision, 
reducing the emperor to a chieftain, the glittering retinue to a horde of savages, 
the magnificent capital of palaces to a pueblo of adobe. The discouraged 
enthusiast sees his magnificent civilisation, devoted to art, literature, and luxury, 
reduced to a few handfuls of pitiful Indians quarrelling with one another for 
supremacy, and sighs to think his sympathies may have been wasted on the 
suflferings of an Aztec sovereign dethroned by the invading Spaniard. Yet 
perseverance, after brushing away the sparkling cobwebs of exaggerated report, 
finds enough fact left to build up a i^espectable case for the early races of Mexico."' 
What we are asked to accept as the inevitable conclusions of scientific 
research is one matter, and romance is another, and between the method of those who 
would severely discard all imagination in the work of research and reconstructign 
from material evidence, and those who have *•' allowed imagination to usurp the place 
of research and have written in the spirit of the novelist,"^ there is, assuredly, a safe 
middle course. Within this particular circle of knowledge there are abandoned 
inevitable conclusions as well as proscribed romance. American archaeology on 
the whole can hardly be approached without a little of imagination. Without at 
least a rushlight of it, prehistoric times of America are a ground for groping in. 
The difficulties that confront the student can scarcely be overestimated. He is not 
without picture writings, codices and glyphic records, yet he is without deciphered 
manuscript of any sort, unless the identification of a few carved symbols may be 
so classed. Even if he deciphered the most elaborate of the glyphs of which he 
has knowledge, they appear to be of so rudimentary a character as to give little 
hope that their record would cast much historic light on tlie riddles of Central 
America. He has to discount the exaggerated romance of conquerors and early 
pioneers and their points of view to establish. He has to deal with complications 
which contact with various European nations has produced, and persistent and 

1 Mr. John Fiske's introduction to Miss E. D. Proctor's Song of the Ancient People. 

» Mexico^ by Susan Hale. 

» Sir John Lubbock's Prehistoric Times, 5th edition, p. 1. 

Digitized by 


AncterU Ruins arid Remains in that Pueblo. 31 

inappropriate analogies to combat and discard. Monuments have been obliterated, 
remains and ruins have been rifled and despoiled, not only by relic and treasure 
hunters, but by ill equipped explorers. Many of the best primitive specimens and 
relics have been removed from their homes without adequate or authentic 
geographical and historic certificates. There has been extermination of innumer- 
able tribes and removal of others. In the face of these and similar difficulties, an 
enormous amount of the best kind of modern work has recently been done, collec- 
tions made and data and facts assembled, by trained men and expeditions under the 
Governments of the United States and Mexico, under United States Universities 
and Institutions, not to mention valuable European help. In spite of these labours 
American archaeology is, as a science, unformed and unsystematised. 

The interpretation of all that surrounds the ancient civilisations or cultures 
of America is vague and unprecise, of the meaning of its architecture, of the origin 
and development of the religion, ritual, customs, usages, early tradition, and modes 
of life. It is all so shrouded in mystery and the riddles are so fascinating that the 
most critically disposed explorers have been allured to theorise and guess. The 
glamour has far from disappeared, and we return with pleasure to Prescott's 
valuation. Popularly, indeed, all the old civilisations of the native Mexican races 
are generalised " Aztec," and the term " Aztec " is inclusive in the minds of most 
of us. 

But the Aztecs, although holding the most important political position at the 
time of the Spanish Conquest, were not the only race which had reached the 
borders of civilisation. 

The beautiful remains at Mitla,^ in the Tzapoteco territory, are one of the 
notable proofs of the prevalence of an almost level advance amongst the other 
Mexican races. A journey of about 300 miles from the city of Mexico, which, 

» Mr. A. F. Bandelier writes and quotes as follows, in regard to Mitla : " . . . In his 
relation of the flight of Quetzalcohuatl, Sahagun makes the singular remark that, after leaving 
Tecamachalco, Quetzalcohuatl 'made and built some houses underground, which are called 
31 ientlancalco.' It is easy to recognise here a misprint for Mictlaucalco, and the subterranean 
iDuildings agree very well with the architecture of Mitla, or Mictlan." Again, " It is singular 
that, while the Nahuatl language is useless in these places, the local names are all in that idiom. 
This territory was, at one time, invaded by the Mexicans and their confederates, and the latter 
thereafter gave their own appellatives to the places, communicating them to the Spaniards, 
through whom they became permanent." This remark refers more particularly to territory 
farther north than Oaxaca, but would seem to apply with equal force to some parts of the 
valley of Oaxaca. Again, " Mitla is an old pueblo. Fray Martin de Valencia visited it about 
1533. There are notices of it in 1565 and 1574, at the Archivo General. It then had a 
Gobemador of its own, which shows that it was an autonomous community." Again, "The 
earliest mention of Mitla known to me is from the pen of Motolinia, who writes that when 
Tray Martin de Valencia went to Tehuan tepee (about 1533) with some companions, *they 
passed through a pueblo which is called Mictlan, signifying hell in this language, where they 
found some edifices more worth seeing than in any other parts of New Spaiii Among them 
was a temple of the demon, and dwelling of its servants (ministros)^ very slightly, particularly 
one hall, made of something like lattice- work. The fabric was of stone, with many figures and 
shapes ; it had many doorways, each one of three great stones, two at the sides and one at the 
top, all very thick and wide. In these quarters there was another hall containing round pillars, 

Digitized by 



W. Corner.— 3////rt : An Archavlwjival Stu^y nf the 

it will be remembered, is the site of the ancient Aztec capital, in a south-easterly 
direction, brings us to Mitla. The small village, or pueblo, of St. Paul of Mitla is 
situated at a point about 35 or 40 miles south-east of the city of Oaxaca, in the 
state of Oaxaca, just 17° north latitude. The ancient remains known as the ruins 
of Mitla are in the northern precincts of the village. 

QM9V^ Mm^t, 

fytaY^, W./rom. J/:Z Corn.*r of Qr^x^p N» S & iX« 



QMOi/P Nc /f- 

^IfQt/^ /V0.6. 


1 INCH « 200 YARDS. 


Fio. 1. 

Group No. 1. — Palacio type, church or north group of ruins. Group No. 2. — Palacio type 
containing plaza, rooms, hall of pillars, and inclosed square or patio. Group No. 3.— 
Palacio type, containing? plaza, rooms, small cross basement under its north room, with 
what is locally called " pillar of death," and contiguous with the south-west comer of 
Group No. 2. Group No. 4. — Palacio type, irregular group of squares liaving plazas and 
rooms. Group No. 5. — Teocalli type, including large teocalli and smaller truncated 
pyramidal mounda Group No. 6.— Southern teocalli group, similar to Group No. 5. 
Group No. 7. — Fort on a hill a mile west of Group No. 5. 

each one of a sin<^le piece, and so thick that two men could Imrely embrace one of them ; their 
lieiglit might be 5 fathoms. Fniy Martin said that on this coast people would be found 
handsomer and of greater ability than those of New Spain.' This statement has been copied 
since, with slight alterations, by the Franciscans Mendieta and Torquemada. 

" We easily recognise in the above description the cluster B (Group No. 2) at Mitla, with 
the Hall of Cbhimns." See report of ^n Archceological Tour in Mexico^ in 1881, by A. F, 
Bandelier, pp. 263 and 264, 267, 277, 323. 

Digitized by 


Ancient Ruins and Remains in that Pueblo. 33 

Mitla, then, is, in a manner of speaking, a half-way house between Nahuat 
and Maya tenitories. 

A traveller from the north arrives at Mitla by the Tlacolula road, and his 
entrance to the village is made at its south-western end. From the plaza of the 
modem settlement, where some very fine mountain fig trees spread wide branches, 
all the ruins, with the exception of the western fort on the hill, lie in a direction 
north and easterly of north. The site of Mitla is broken and irregidar, and the 
general dip is from north to south. A small rugged watercourse, from east to 
west, divides the settlement, and one of the Teocalli groups, with groups of lesser 
mounds, are on the south side. 

There are two very distinct classes of ruins in the immediate precincts of the 
pueblo of Mitla, the " Palacio," and the " Teocalli " or pyramidal mound of worship. 
There is one other class, a mile from the pueblo, which is merely a wall or fortification 
crowning a prominent and isolated acropolis-like hill just west of the settlement. 
The remains for which Mitla is rightly famous are those called by the natives " Los 
Palacios,"* or the Palaces. The most striking of these are Groups Nos. 2 and 3, 
situated rather centrally a little south of Group No. 1 and the pueblo church of 
St Paul The church* and its attached buildings are built into the gouth portion 
of Group No. 1 (Fig. 13, Plate I). The Padre, whose house is one of the attached 
buildings, was absent when I was in Mitla, and I failed to obtain a thorough 
examination of this group. The best I could do was to survey its outlines and 
those of the church and to climb over barriers and take such measurements as 
were accessible. These remains have been much cut up. The group on the whole 
more closely resembles in plan No. 4 than any other, and seemed to consist of a 
sequence of squares or small patios, probably three, surrounded by rooms of similar 
construction to those in other groups and connected by short passage-ways. The 
northern and eastern walls were in the best preservation, and they possess panels 
of interesting grecques, mostly similar to those in Groups Nos. 2 and 3, yet to be 
described. The construction of walls was also similar, but they were not on 
mounds. The lintel picture paintings, which are fragmentary, T was unable to 
obtain a sight of. 1 obtained, however, a photograph in Oaxaca of some of the 
Mitla paintings. (Tliey occur only in Groups Nos. 1 and 4 ; for those in Group 
No. 4 see Figs. 37 and 38, Plate V.) The restorations (Fig. 2 and Fig. 38, Plate 
V) are by Dr. Edward Seler ; I am indebted to Mr. Maudslay for kindly calling 
my attention to them. It will be noted that these paintings bear a marked 
resemblance to other ancient picture writings and paintings of the races of Mexico 

* This is in a way a misnomer, for they are probably palaces in no sense except that they 
are very handsome structures — that is to say, they are not likely to have been merely 
residences for either a priesthood or for chieftains. 

» In the church tower is hung a fine pure copper bell, dedicated and dated : — 


This inscription is around the rim of the bell. There is an error in the transposition of the 
letters of the word " Ano.** 

New Seuies, Vol. II, Noe. 1 and 9, P 

Digitized by 


M W. Corner. — MUIa : An Archceological Study of the 

— the calendar circle, the grotesque, stunted and marked figures of humans, the 
mysterious signs, symbols, circles, dots, lines, and quarterings, all of which are more 

easily illustrated than described. 

There are two cylindrical 
monolithic pillars supporting the 
Padre's porch, but if they rightly 
l>elong to this group or have been 
removed from Group No. 2 is a 
question. That they are not in 
their original position is certain. 
In other respects than these men- 
tioned it will suffice to describe in 
detail Groups Nos. 2 and 3, which 
are by far the best preserved remains, and the class of structure has its chief 
characteristics in common in all the groups. 

Group No. 2 lies a little to the south of the church group, and No. 3 is contiguous 
with the south-west corner of No. 2. No. 2 is the most famous, the most beautiful, 
and the best preserved of all the Mitla remains, and it will, for that reason, be 
more specifically described, and because it is a type of the others of the class. Its 
outline or shape is as follows :— A very beautiful and elaborately designed square 
building (Fig. 11, Plate I ; Fig. 21, Plate III), 62^ feet square, encloses four rooms 
a passage-way and a small central patio or plaza. The south wall of this square is 
the north wall of an oblong room, which may be appropriately called the " Hall of 
Pillars " (Fig. 12, Plate I, and Figs. 17 and 18, Plate II, and Figs. 21 and 22, Plate 
III), because it possesses, still erect, six huge monolithic pillars. This hall or 
room projects east and west of the south side of the square. The square and hall 
form one compact unit (Fig. 16, Plate II) of Group No. 2, and entrance can be only 
made through the three separate portals or entrances, side by side, centrally 
situated in the south wall of the hall (Fig. 12, Plate I). This south side is con- 
fronted by an open plaza, which is apparently depressed below the level of the hall 
floor some 7 or 8 feet, the actual fact being that the buildings enclosing it are 
erected on mounds or terraces, which will be described. The plaza is 49 or 50 
yards wide east and west, and about 41 yards north and south, the latter measure- 
ment cannot be given exactly, because the opposite (south) room is so entirely in 
ruins that only what seem to be the foundations of the outer or most southerly 
wall of this group can be traced, and to that outer point the measurement is 49 
yards, and of course the unknown width of the south room must be deducted. 
Various opinions are held as to the existence of this south room, but I consider 
the evidence in favour of it. The east, west (and south) sides of the open plaza 
were bomided by solitary rooms resembling in shape and general design the Hall 
of Pillars, but of rather smaller dimensions. The west and south rooms are 
entirely in ruins, only some of the foundations being traceable ; the east room 
bad three central entrances or portals, and while the structure is ruined, there 

Digitized by 


Ancient Rmns and Bemnins in that Puehlo. 85 

are sufficient remains to show that its general design was similar to that of the 
Hall of Pillars, and it had pillars itself, two of them only remaining in place. It 
is not unreasonable to suppose that a certain symmetry in the group was observed, 
that the west and south rooms were of similar design. 

Foundations :— No excavations seem to have l)een made for foundations. Tlie 
ground is rocky, hard and solid, and the design of the architects seems rather to 
have been to raise low mounds of rough stone and adobe for fimndations above 
ground (Fig. 22, Plate III), the floors of the rooms being from 6 to 8 feet 
above the plaza level. That these mounds were faced on the outside by fine 
friction-dressed stone there is no doubt, but the regular manner in which the 
foundations of the north square of this group have been stripped (Fig. 28, 
Plate III) indicates that it must have made a rare quarry for succeeding genera- 
tions. For the filling in these mounds the buildei's used about an equal amount of 
adobe and rough stone. 

Walls :— The filling of the walls was much the same as that of the founda- 
tion mounds. The stones seem rather more r^ular, and courses were perhaps 
better defined (Fig. 22, Plate III). Some explorers recognise the mud of the filling 
as mortar. I should say that it is simply a limey mud of the locality. It is not 
made mortar as we understand it. It is for the most part friable. No mud was 
used between the joints of dressed stones, which indicates that the builders did not 
regard it so much as a cementing power as an interstitial filler. Wherever the 
dressed stone for facing, moulding, or decoration is used, the dressing of stones 
whose surfaces are exposed is so accurate and fine that joints are barely per- 
ceptible. This, indeed, is one of the remarkable features of construction. How- 
ever large or however small the stone, its dressing is done with equal care, 
precision, and nicety, and some of Mitla's stones are very large and heavy, and 
some, as in the grecques, are small. 

Beginning at the north square, which is in a high state of preservation :— 

Its comers (Fig. 11, Plate I, and Fig. 23, Plate III) are protected by three 
massive corner-stones built up of courses of exquisitely jointed and adjusted 
dressed stone. The exterior angles, formed by the walls of the square meeting 
the north wall of the Hall of Pillars, are similarly protected by angle-stones. The 
exterior face of each of the walls of the square has a slight overhang or outward 
batter, which is accentuated by the inward batter of the mound facing (Fig. 23, 
Plate III), and it is divided into nine oblong spaces (Fig. 11, Plate I) or rectangular 
parallelograms (about 2 feet by about 20 feet, upwards). These spaces are 
decorated by very beautiful grecques, framed, so to speak, by the successive 
continuous superincumbent courses of heavy dressed stone, which keep the small 
individual portions of the mosaics or grecques in place. The plain framework 
projects (and recedes) slightly, in coui-ses over the elongated spaces of grecques. 
One course — the one nearest the grecque plate or space — ^passes in a continuous crank- 
like meander, not only alternately over and under tlie greccjue spaces, but is so 
arranged that this meandering course passes underneath the slightly protruding 

I) 2 

Digitized by 



W. CORNIR. — Mitla : An Archeeologieal Study of the 





Q. .£7 

comer and angle blocks, which intensifies the outward batter of the walls at the 

The grecques are only mosaics in the sense that patterns are produced by a 
combination or arrangement of separate pieces of stone. The patterns are not 

produced by tint or colour on a flat surface, 
but by the raising in a relief of 1 or 1 J inch 
of a pattern in pieces of stone above a 
groundwork of depressed similar pieces. 
In Fig. 3 are indicated some of the 
surface shapes of the raised stone. 
Sometimes, but not frequently, the sur- 
face shape is not the same as a section 
of the root of the stone, and very oc- 
casionally an intricate form or a rudi- 
mentary curve is carved in a block and 
so inserted among the mosaic pieces. 
The vastly preponderating portion, how- 
ever, is made up of the comparatively 
small individual stones. Sometimes, 
again, a huge lintel interrupts the course 
of the grecque spaces, and then the lintel 
is carved to imitate the mosaic pattern. 

The patterns (Figs. 27 to 36, Plate 
IV) are always rhythmical, and they are 
designed with artistic skill. In each separate oblong space the same unit pattern 
is repeated to fill it, but seldom exactly the same patterned space is repeated on the 
same wall. The three horizontal courses of mosaic spaces encircle the walls of the 
whole buildings outside, and are only partially interrupted by the central portals, 
which overlook the plaza (Fig. 12, Plate I). The effect is very beautiful and 
very wonderful, and these decorations and the monolithic pillars and lintels are the 
distinctive characteristics of the Mitla remains. Without cement, without a true 
mortar, mostly by fitting and a heavy superincumbent weight, assisted by the 
imbedding of the ends in the filling of mud, these grecques have yet lasted for 
centuries. They are the more astonishing when it is considered with- what crude 
tools the work was performed and apparently without previous models,^ certainly 
without a knowledge of iron or a perception of exact measurements. The 
horizontal length or depth of the mosaic stones from their front surface to their 
imbedded ends varied from 3 or 4 inches to a foot or more. There are few loose 

* There are at PaJenque, Uzmal and elsewhere some moral ornaments resembling in form 
and somewhat in the manner of construction Figs. 34 and 35, Plate lY. These might, perhaps, 
be regarded as rudimentaJ prototypes, but they are nowhere worked out with the predsion and 
elaboration that distinguish the Mitla mosaics. Some of these may be noted in the beautiful 
illustrations of Mr. A. P. Maudslay's ** Arch»ology," in the Biologia CerUrali Americana, Part V, 
Plate III ; Part VI, Plate XV ; Part VII, Plate H, 

Fig. 3. 

Digitized by 


Ancient Ruins and Bemaim in that Pueblo, 


stones to verify variations. Some were evidently pointed as if to facilitate driving 
in adjustment Their material is a finely grained quartz trachyte. A specimen of 
it is on the table. 

As may be seen in Plate IV, their designs or patterns are more easily 
illustrated than described. The Greek key in many variations, the diamond, the 
crank and the steps are largely used. There are few curves, and they are nowhere 
conspicuous. I remember only one rudimentary one in all this building, a solitary 
and simple form of ram's horn ornament in a pattern otherwise made up of 
graduated lengths of horizontal parallelograms of stone, Fig. 27, Plate IV, whose 
measurements are about IJ inches wide by from 4 inches or 5 inches to 2 feet or 
3 feet long. The predominating surface shape is a narrow parallelogram of varying 
lengths, from 1| inches to 2 feet, mostly lengths of from 3 inches to 8 inches. 
There are also notched and stepped parallelograms and triangles, etc. (Fig. 3). 
Mr. Maudslay recently called my attention to three other curves (Fig. 4) 
which are illustrated by Mr. W. H. Holmes in the very careful survey and 
examination of the remains which he made for the Field Columbian Museum, 
Chicago. Figs. 4, 5, 6, 7 are reprints from his drawings illustrating some 
characteristics of the grecque work which he noticed. Figs. 5 and 6 indicate what 
the writer himself noted, that in rare instances certain central curves and angle 
pattern joints are carved instead of being worked out mosaic-fashion. This 
elementaiy carving is also occasionally found in the simpler forms of stones 
(Fig. 7). 

Fio. 5. (After Mr. W. H. Holmes.) 

FiQ. 6. (After Mr. W. H. Hohnes,) 

Fig. 4 
(After Mr. W. H. Holmes.) 

Fig. 7. (After Mr. W. H. Holmes.) 

It is important to note the carving mentioned, in the lintels and in the few 
stones of the mosaic patterns, because it constitutes the only carving now existing 
at Mitla to indicate that the builders had any knowledge of the art. Of other 

Digitized by 


38 W. Corner. — MitUi : An Ardueological SUuly of tite 

ornament than these geometric mosaics there is little, unless the chaste and 
sustained effect of the clean bandlike courses of di-essed stone around the walls 
may be classed as ornament. It is in perfect taste, and is very fine. As to other 
ornament it is within possibility that some parts of the walls, perhaps as a dado in 
some of the rooms, were plastered and coated with a thin shell of hard plaster with 
a smooth, almost polished, surface. A specimen of such plaster, of a dark red 
colour, taken from the covered passage-way leading from the Hall of Pillars to the 
patio, lies on the table. The wall had here been protected from the seasons. It 
is reasonable to conjecture that some of the stripped walls were similarly 
embellished. The Hall of Pillars, for instance — its interior walls could not have 
been in the stripped state they now are (Fig. 18, Plate II). There is not a vestige 
of mosaic work or other ornamentation in it, althougli the other rooms in its 
neighbourhood are rendered very beautiful. 

There is no trace of sculpture of any form of life whatsoever. The builders of 
Mitla could scarcely have been ignorant of this art, for most ancient graves in and 
a]x>ut this valley and tlie valley of Oaxaca, on being opened, reveal carvings (Fig. 46, 
Plate VI) and engravings (Fig. 43,* Plate VI) in jadite and other stone and 
modelled clay efhgies (Figs. 51, 52, 53,* 54, and 55,* photographed from the 
collection of Dr. Sologuren, of Oaxaca, and some of the pieces and fragments, of 
Figs. 48 and 49, from my own collections, see mask fragment of Fig. 48, and central 
stone effigies of Fig. 49, all on Plate VII). 

Howm. — There was no doubt a total of eight rooms, and a covered passage-way 
in Group No. 2 (Fig. 21, Plate III and Fig. 1). 

In regard to size, the Hall of Pillars is the most imposing. It is (central 
measurement) 126^ feet long by 28 feet wide.* It has, running east and west, a 
middle line of six monolithic pillars (Fig. 17, Plate II). The cylindrical pillara 
have neither base, plinth, nor capital. They are of quartz trachyte weighing 

1 This Fig. 43 illustrates, by a drawing from the paper impressed copy of Fig. 42, an ancient 
Tzapoteco, polished, engraved, stone ornament, found in the valley of Oaxaca. The material is 
one of the varieties of hard, light, green stones, or jadites, which are known to the natives under 
the general term '^ chalchihuite " or " chalchihuitl.'' The slab is perforated or drilled at its 
e )ges for use as a neck ornament. . Tlie whole surface of the stone is polished or burnished, and 
the summit of the relief has been rendered flat, apparently by being ground on a very smooth 
flat stone. Size 4 inches by 3 inches and ^ inch thick. It is in the collection of Dr. Sologuren, 
of the city of Oaxaca, Mexico. The green stone faces and deities or cliarms of Fig. 46, the 
writer's collection, are all drilled as for neck wear ; they ai^e here illustrated about one-lialf 
natural size. 

' An article in La Nature^ of the issue of August 19th, 1S99, from the pen of M. le Mis. de 
Nadaillac, pleasantly but rather imaginatively describes some similar figures, some ancient 
earthen piping' and other relics unearthed in Oaxaca mounds by Mr. M. H. Saville, of the 
American Museum of Natural History, New York. 

> Fig. 56 is a pliotograph of a Tehuantepec Tzapoteco girl, and is here placed in juxta- 
position to Fig. 55, as there seems to the writer to be a survival of the ancient type of head- 

^ It must be noted tliat this is the middle measurement. The north side of the hall is 
something longer and the south side shorter, which seems to throw the western end of the 
room out of true. 

Digitized by 


Ancient Ruins and Remains in that Pueblo, 39 

146 lbs. to the cubic foot. Their weight, therefore, is about 4^ tons each, or one- 
third more if that proportion of the pillar is in the ground (Fig. 22, Plate III). As 
exposed they are 10 feet 10 inches high, but are suspected by the natives to have 
3 or 4 feet buried in the floor. Their girth is 9 feet 2 inches, a yard from 
the floor ; they are, very slightly, less at the top. They are all, as far as the eye 
allows, of equal proportions. The floor of this hall is laid down in irregular patches 
of cement (Fig. 18, Plate II), which have the decided appearance of being modern 
work.^ It could not be ascertained, but it 

is highly probable that some government in ;.| /^")-'L / '" <'\ ; ' - - ^, 

the present century ordered the ruins to be -^ -"'^' _ ' ^^- - 

cleared and kept in repair.^ The passage- 
way entrance, which is just opposite the 
portals (Fig. 12, Plate I), is only 5 feet 
7 inches at the lintel (Fig. 8), but in the 
passage-way the height is 18 inches more, 

but at its exit to the patio it is again much 

^ ^ Fig. 8. 


There is nothing particular, besides, to remark in this room except a niche or 
receptacle built midmost in the face of its north wall, westward of the passage- 
way entrance and opposite (about) the central portal. The bottom edge of tliis 
receptacle is 5 feet from the floor, its measurements are 2 feet 1\ inches long, 
19i inches high, and nearly 2 feet deep in the waU; its sides and top and 
lK)ttom are formed of heavy square dressed stones. I am careful to mention this 
niche because there is one exactly similar to it, and in exactly similar position, 
relatively,- in the north side of the north room of Group No. 3 (Fig. 26, Plate III). 
It would seem as though these receptacles served some peculiar and specific 
purpose, but what that purpose was it is impossible to say. In the jambs of the 
triple portals of the Hall of Pillars, on a line about level with the top of the 
portals, are found four shallow receptacles or niches (Fig. 12, Plate I) about the 
size of a man's skull. It is believed that these holes may have received the ends 
of some kind of poles or beams for portal awnings. Similar niches are found in 
similar positions on the jambs of the portals of the north room of Group 3 (Fig. 20, 
Plate II, and Fig. 26, Plate III). 

There are no window's in these structures. Indeed the outer walls were 
pierced by no opening, embrasure, window, or door,* only the triple central 

1 There are traces here and there, in this group, of modem plastering, brickwork, and 
cement patching. There are also in one room to be found, on the tops of the walls, decayed 
traces or remnants of wooden beams, with every indication that they are the remains of a 
comparatively modem roof ; a roof made, perhaps, within the last sixty years. 

* Such an order seems now to be perpetual, for the remains are zealously watched by the 
local government, as well as it is possible to do without having regular watchmen. 

* The window breach in the south face of the Hall of Pillai-s, east end, is modem vandal 
work ; a poor attempt at retaining the sides of the breach has been made ; at some time or 
another some native perhaps constructed a jacal in this corner of the hall. (Fig. 12, Plate I, 
and Fig. 21, Plate III.) 

Digitized by 


40 W. Corner. — Mitla: An Archccological SUtdij of the 

portals towards the plaza. The Hall of Pillars has three such portals in its south 
front, side by side centrally situated (Fig. 12, Plate I). They are rectangular. 
Their position and size well illustrate that iiTegularity of dimension which may 
be noted throughout the structures. The builders seem to have had no method of 
or correct perception of measurement. Even each of the tens of thousands of pieces 
of stone used in the mosaics seem to have been adjusted by trial or rule of thumb. 

To continue with the rooms of this group — the patio or the inclosed square 
(Fig. 15, Plate II, and Fig. 21, Plate III) is 30 feet 4 inches east and west by 
31 feet 9^ inches south and north. The four inner rooms of the square all front 
on the patio with rectangular entrances of sliglitly varying widths, the widest 
being 8 feet 10 inches, the height a little over 5 feet. The west room (Fig. 19, 
Plate II) runs the full length noi-th and south of the west side of the square 
it is long and narrow, 57 feet 6 inches by 7 feet. It is the most strikingly 
beautiful of all the rooms at Mitla. It has three bands of grecques running 
horizontally without break around the room ; the middle band is about 3 feet wide, 
and the upper and lower are somewhat narrower; each pattern is different, and 
they are divided on the walls by narrow courses of dressed stone. The upper 
portion of the walls are therefore covered with harmonious patterns of grecques in 
stone. The lower part of the wall is completely stripped of something, perhaps 
plaster of some kind, or it may be a dado of painted ornamentation. 

And here a very curious and puzzling reflection arises. In this long room 
there is only one entrance, 5 feet high by 8 feet 10 inches wide ; it is low down in 
a patio inclosed by high walls (Figs. 15 and 19, Plate II) ; it could not have 
admitted much light to this chamber — there is nothing very certain known about 
the roof of the room, but it is highly probable that it was completely roofed. To . 
us, therefore, the futility of all this tremendous labour, expended on ornamentation 
that could be barely seen, seems great. We know that these builders did delight 
in ornamenting dark chambers. 

The north and south rooms are much shorter ; the north is curtailed at each 
end by the east and west rooms. The south is curtailed by the passage-way on its 
east end, and by the long west room on its west end. The east room is also 
curtailed by the passage-way (Fig. 8) on its south end. All these rooms and the 
patio sides of the walls were decorated in the same beautiful manner as the long 
west room, but they are not so well preserved (Figs. 15 and 19, Plate II). 

As to the remaining large rooms of Group No. 2, they are in. ruins and have 
no especial interest. The east is the least ruined — ^some of its larger stones are 
strewn around, and it still has two pillars as has been said. 

Of roofs I have little to say, most that can be said must be purely conjectural. 
None of the rooms has a roof remaining* and it is a question, even, if the few beam 

* There are no debris of roofs. The arch is entirely unknown, even the Maya, or false 
arch, was not used. A basement, yet to be described, has a roof of stone beams ; and the 
passage-way of this group has a roof of similar construction. These, however, throw but little 
light on what the construction of the roofs was in the lai'ger rooms. 

Digitized by 


Ancient Ituins and Remains in that PueUo. 41 

sockets found at the top of the wall of the long room of the square are ancient, or if 
they were added at the instance of a protective order of a comparatively recent date. 
These have been recognized by some explorers as original work, and Mr. Holmes 
goes so far as to give a suggestion as to a probable construction of the roofs 
(Fig. 9), a combination of beams, rods, and light masoniy. 

The original heights of the walls may have been from 15 feet to 16 feet, the 
best preserved now stand, about, from 12 feet to 14 feet. For the thickness of the 
walls refer to Figs. 21 and 22, Plate III. 

Other monoliths than those already described, the cylindrical piUars, are the 
huge lintels over the triple entrance portals, and their jambs. These lintels ai-e 
easily seen, because they are of about equal tliickness with the walls, in the stripped 
walls of the interior of the Hall of 
Pillars (Fig. 18, Plate II), and in 
the rooms of other groups (Fig. 20, 
Plate II, and Fig. 26, Plate III). 
Those of Group 3, east room, are 
the largest. One I measured was 
19 feet 6 inches long by 4 feet 
11 inches by 3 feet 9i inches, and 
must weigh about twenty-three 
tons,^ as its material has a specific 
gravity of 2-334 (Fig. 24, Plate III). 
There are others not much smaller. Fio. 9. (After Mr. W. H. Hohnes.) 

Group No. 3. Leaving Group 
No. 2 by the south-west comer of its main plaza Group No. 3 is close at hand, 
within a few yards, and is approached at its north-east comer. The general 
outline much resembles, in form, the outline of Group No. 2, except that it 
lacks an annex such as the north square, and consequently it also lacks an 
outlet similar to the passage-way of the Hall of Pillars of that group. Mounds, 
walls, rooms, and omamentation too have the same constmction. There is 
the same receptacle midmost in the north wall of its north room (Fig. 26, 
Plate III). The same triple rectangular portals (Fig. 20, Plate II, and Fig. 26, 
Plate III). Its east and west rooms were the more important in point of size. 
Its north room, for instance, was only one quarter the area of the Hall of 
Pillars, the north room of Group 2 ; its south room is a counterpart of the north, 
but the east room falls little short of the Hall of Pillars, and is in fair preservation. 
It has no pillars, but it has the largest monoliths in its portals that are found at 
Mitla. It was finely ornamented with panels of mosaics. Its corresponding 
flanking west room is in total ruina 

This Group No. 3 possesses, however, one especial point of interest peculiar to 
itself — the semi-subterranean chamber or basement (Fig. 20, Plate II, and Figs 25 
and 26, Plate III) in the mound foundation, and imdemeath the portals of the 

That is to aay, 363 cubic feet at HoJ lbs. = 23 toiia, 16 cwt. 

Digitized by 


42 W. CoUKER. — Mitla: An Archccological Study of the 

north room of the group. The chamber itself is in good preser>'atioD, but evidence 
as to the original entrance is obscure. Entrance is iww made to it immediately 
underneath the central portal. It is a question if this was the original entrance. 
The present entrance seems to be a continuation on a higher level of a subterranean 
approach from the south, perhaps the centre of the plaza. There is a parallelepiped 
lintel over the present entrance, but there is also one about 2 feet lower in the 
foreground, and over the ruins of the approach. Upon entering, one is confronted 
by a cylindrical pillar 6 feet high, an assistance to the support of part of the roof. 
The chamber is in the fonn of a cross (Fig. 25, Plate III), and this pillar stands at 
the intersection of the galleries or recesses. Passing the pillar, there is a recess 
alx)ut 13| feet, north and east and west there is a similar recess or gallery for 
19 feet each way. These recesses vary in width somewhat, a little over 5 feet is 
the general measurement. Their height is 6 feet. The walls are decorated by 
oblong spaces of grecques of the same general character as those in the rooms 
above-ground, yet there must have always been total darkness in this chamber. 
The roof is formed of massive beams of stone. Among some ruins at the Hacienda 
Zaaxds about 2^ miles south-east from Mitla, a very similar chamber has been 
discovered.^ It also is cruciform, but its panels of grecques are carved and 
coated, and not mosaics as those of Mitla. 

The portals above this chamber entrance are fine specimens of the architecture 

> Tlie Mitla groups are, of course, the most important ancient remains of this part of the 
country or of the 3tate of Oaxaca, but there are other minor groups and individual remains 
scattered in the neighbourhood of Mitla not to speak of the rather extensive groups resembling 
the Mitla remains — Gui-y-baa near the town of Tlacolula where the old trail south branches 
to Mitla. Mitla, it will be remembered, is Lyo-baa. The following are extracts from the lettei^ 
of an American civil engineer, Mr. A. M. Steger, who was aware that the present writer had been 
interested in Mitla. They will help to illustrate the fact that the neighbouring country was 
once the home of a race of some culture, at least, a race far removed from the lower stratum of 

" About two miles and a half south-east of the ruins of Mitla is the Hacienda Zaax^ 
(mentioned as *Saga' by Ober and others). Some twenty years ago there waa discovered 
there a subterranean chamber in the form of a cross." (Probably a semi-subterranean basement 
in a mound as in Group No. 3.) " The house of the Hacienda had been built over the chamber, 
the builders not suspecting the presence of the latter. The walls of this cruciform chamber are 
made of huge stones profusely carved with grecques resembling those at Mitla, but they are not 
composed of small stones as at Mitla. One peculiarity of this carving is that it has on it a thin 
stucco or finish, similar to that we put on our own ceilings and walls. It is white and smooth, 
even burnished and shiny to-day, after hundreds of years of exposure to dampness naturally 
found in such a place. The tomb, for tomb it was, was very narrow, about 3 feet wide. It is 
6 feet high and the arms about 15 to 20 feet each. Thi-ee skeletons, it is said, were found there 
when the room was discovered. It was found by a servant who saw phosphorescent light 
coming up through a crack. 

"At another place in the mountains, about five miles east of Mitla, are found other 
similar subterranean structures and some remains, not extensive, but similar to other Mitla 
remains, all carved as grecques but no mosaics, that is no small stones. 

" On the top of one of the mountauis aie found an unfinished structure and a quarry near 
by having unfinished dressed stones in it, evidently intended for the structure a few feet 
from it." 

Digitized by 


Aficient Buim ami Rcmaim in that Pueblo, 43 

of Mitla. The huge lintels are uncarved and there is reason to believe they were 
decorated with paintings at one time. The jambs are very massive and the whole 
is certainly imposing in appearance. (Fig. 26, Plate III.) 

Group No. 4 About 200 yards to the south-east of No. 3, the last of the 
palacio groups is reached. It is not necessary to enter into a detailed description 
of this group. It is much ruined. It resembles in scheme the church group, 
(No. 1), in that it was built upon the level ground with no mounds, and that it 
consisted of a sequence of squares. The squares in this group, though, did not 
pursue a noith and south line as in Group 1, but the south square was placed to 
the westward of the other two (Fig. 1, Group 4). This group seems to have been 
used systematically as a quarry and only the weight of some of the lintels, in some 
parts, has prevented a further spoliation. 

Group No. 5. Teocalli. (Fig. 1, Group 5.) Passing from Group 4, north about 
125 yards, the south-east corner of the main pyramid, called Calvario, is reached. 
This group is of an entirely different type of erection to those just considered. 
On circling the group, a first casual view shows a large trimcated pyramidal 
mound about 35 feet high and with a rectangular base and smaller rectangular 
summit, whose ends and sides are parallel with the ends and sides of Palacio 
Groups Nos. 2 and 3, which are now 225 yards to our eastward ; that at the 
western side of this pyramid there is a level court, space or plaza bounded on the 
remaining three sides, west, north, and south, by oblong, low, truncated, pyramidal 
mounds. Upon more particular examination, although the lines are disintegrated 
by the weather and age and the slopes overgrown with brush, the observer is 
struck by the fact that no two faces of the pyramid are alike or have the same 
angles of inclination. The western side, which fronts the court, immediately shows 
to be an almost vertical two step descent from the top, the lower step being an 
almost perpendicular 15 feet. 41 feet from the centre of the base of this western 
face (west) out in the space or plaza is a large irregular shaped boulder 4 feet high 
and 6 to 8 feet through, with a fairly flat top ; 135 feet further is the smaller 
mound of the western limit of the court and still further beyond (west of this), 
65 feet, there is found another heavy boulder partly buried in the groimd ; its top 
is, roughly, an inclined plane about 9 feet by 6 J feet. Its weight would be at least 
15 tons. These boulders have every appearance of being placed there to serve 
some use as table, platform, or altai*. The smaller mounds are being fast 
obliterated. They were of adobe. Returning to the main pyramid; the mid 
portion of its eastern slope is occupied (30 feet at the base but lessening as ascent 
is made) by two flights of stairs or stone steps, 37 steps in all, 20 steps reach a 
wide step or platform 9 feet wide, and then 17 steps reach the door of the 
" Calvario " chapel on its summit ; this is all modem. In spite of this rough usage 
and of the disintegration of this Teocalli there are evidences that it Imd a well 
conceived design and that it must have been at one time a really handsomely 
finished structure, doing credit to the other erections and not a mere shapeless 
mound. In the upper part, courses of oblong adobe bricks ai'e seen, otherwise a 

Digitized by 


44 \V. CORNEB. — Mitla : An Archocologicai Study of t)ie 

filling of adobe rubble and stone was used in its construction. How it was faced 
and finished or what occupied its summit is a question. 

Group No. 6 (Fig. 1, Group 6). About 500 yards to the south-east of the 
pyramid group just described is another similar pyramid group. Group No. 6 
resembles Group No. 5, in so far as it has a large main eastern pyramid with three 
smaller truncated pyi-amidal mounds inclosing a space or plaza beyond its western 
face ; it is also similar in its material and manner of construction. Adobe bricks are 
not well defined in courses, and the design or outline seems to have been diflferent 
and more complex. The base of the main pyramid is quadrilateral but not 
rectangular, measuring on its western side, which was, perhaps, its more important 
side, 152 feet, its north side but 92 feet, its east side 111 feet, its south 131 feet. 
Its summit seems to have been of peculiar shape, having small quadrilaterals at its 
own corners ; its own comers being cut ofiF by them. The mean measurements of 
its summit would be about 60 feet by 80 feet. The summit and different levels in 
this pyramid were paved with a very hard and durable cement finished with a 
smooth plaster painted red ; a sample of the plaster is on the table. Only vestiges 
of these cement platforms remain, but large masses of it are lying here and there, 
and some of it in aitu. The form of this pyramid must have been quite complex 
for it is apparent that these platforms were on diflferent levels on each face of the 
pyramid, and each face had a difiTerent angle of ascent. I cannot think it was 
a symmetrical structure. The height of this pyramid is 30 feet, and ascent 
seems to have been made in one, two and three steps on different sides or faces. 
It is now much overgrown with scrub and brush. On its summit there remain 
evidences of some small structure, I believe of some comparatively modem 

Of the three truncated pyramidal mounds the south and west are merely 
irregular heaps of debris or rubble covered with brush and prickly scmb. The 
exact size of the plaza cannot, therefore, be given. East and west it was a little 
over 100 feet. North and south it was perhaps 130 feet. Somewhat north-east of 
the centre of the plaza are square-sided remains of adobe in large slabs. Whether 
this is a modem building of mound remains or a ruined ancient stmcture is 
doubtful. The north mound is in better preservation, and seems to have been much 
the larger of the side mounds ; it Ls 86^ feet east and west, and 42^ feet north and 
south. It has on its summit, which is 39 feet long east and west, and rather 
narrow, some badly ruined remains of oblong adobe rooms which are pjurtitioned 
but seem to have been windowless and doorless. This completes the description of 
Mitla proper. 

Group No. 7 (Fig. lOy There is, however, one other interesting remain that 
must be examined, the rough fortifications crowning the top of the acropolis-like 
hill west of the main Mitla ruins. If we return to the western pyramid Group 

» The outlines aiid coutours of Fig. 10 are not scientifically exact) as the writer lacked 
suitable instruments for this class of survey. They are as nearly accurate as careful drawing 
and many measurements could make them. 

Digitized by 


Ancient Ruins and Remains in that Pueblo, 45 

No. 5, and measure from the north-east comer of the Teocalli, in line with the 
north side of the Teocalli, to a point at the base of the hill just below the north 
extremity of the double walled entrance, the distance is 1,722 yards, 38 yards less 
than a mile. The slope of the hill at this point is about 35^ and up to the wall is 
approximately 330 yards. The cii-cumference of the base of the hill, which is 
ovoid, is about 1\ miles, but this was not measured. The crown of the hill is 
at its north end. On the south side especially and on the south-east side the 
slope is comparatively gradual. On the south side the only obstacles to an easy 
ascent are the very numerous large boulders. Aroimd towards the north it begins 
to be precipitous, and on the north-west and west the hill is a formidable-looking 
fortress ; the perpendicular cliflf which rises out of the plain below is fully 600 
or 700 feet high. 

Around the south and south-east sides only, therefore, did the ancient 
fortifiers deem it pregnable to such a degree as to require a double wall to defend 

the crown. 
Here, too 
the wall is 
built mudi 
The double 
•- *^ ' \ portion is 

.,jm74MJj^J^J corner efClt^;YoS\ f ,, - 

of an L> 

an enclosing angle, and the entrance at 
the outer wall is at a difiTerent point 
to the entrance at the inner wall. The 
height and strength of the wall is made 
proix)rtionate to the danger it was esti- 
mated it might be exposed to. Where 
the hill is precipitous and high the wall 
is low and insignificant, not more than 
5 feet or 6 feet thick. At vulnerable 
points the wall is higher, up to nearly 
20 feet high, and stronger, with massive 
and big stones, and its thickness fully 
10 feet. Tlie course of the wall takes 
advantage of all natural helps towards 
strength, such as gullies, notches in the 
cliflfs, or juttings out of the crown, so 
YiQ, 10. that the wall zigzags and turns with 

many meanderings. 
The enclosure is very rough and uneven, and by reason of its irregularity of 
outline only an approximate idea of the size of the enclosure can be given. It is 

Digitized by 


46 W. CORNEB.— -Vt'^/^ ; An Arnhaological Stvdy of the 

about 12 acres. The double walled L shape enclosure is about 110 yards long and 
about 30 feet wide, varying. This includes both legs of the L 

The adobe structures in this enclosure were probably shelters. The principal 
one is just \vithin and to the north-west of the double w^alled portion. It is on some 
of the liigher ground and can \y% plainly seen from the main Mitla groups. Some 
scraps of old poltery and clay casts are to be found for the seeking. One at least 
of the great boulders within walls has, scooped out on its top, a well formed bowl 
about 2 feet in diameter. Fig. 39, Plate V, is a reproduction of a rough pencil 
sketch of this hill and fort from a point easterly of them. 

It remains but to speak of those relics not already mentioned in my communi- 
cation. Fig. 40, Plate V, is a collection of arrow-heads and coi'es, mostly of 
obsidian, from Mitla and the Valley of Oaxaca. Fig. 41, Plate V, represents stone 
lance-heads in Dr. Sologuren's collection, Oaxaca. The scale shows them to be of 
large size. Fig. 42, Plate VI, besides the paper impressed copy, already described, 
shows the various forms of green and grey stone beads found and obtained at 
Mitla. Fig. J 4, Plate VI, shows one copper chisel, and, besides, drawings of 
flanged copper axe currency of various sizes in Dr. Sologuren's collection. Fig. 45, 
Plate VI, shows two specimens of the same currency that I found and obtained in 
Mitla pueblo. Descriptions of this peculiar kind of currency and of its development 
from an article of i^eal value to a symbol of value may be found in Professor 
William Ridgeway's recent edition of his (h'igin of Metallic Currency. The first 
article on this Fig. 45 is probably a grinder of some kind ; the second a grey clay 
plate typical of the ancient pottery ; the third probably a bark beater ; the last 
a light copper chisel of peculiar, almost modern 'tj'pe, yet of copper. This figure 
is about one-seventh natural size. Fig. 47, Plate VII, are Mitla and Oaxaca Valley 
implements and two small axe-shaped ornaments, all of green stones. The first is 
an axe-head of a type rather foreign, I should say, to this district ; the next a dark 
green stone hammer; the next a dark green stone chisel; the two next well 
formed green stone axes ; the next a light axe and hammer ; the next the broken 
tip of a chisel or axe ; all these are about one-fifth natural size. Fig. 50, Plate 
VII, illustrates a little baked clay bowl. I do not know for what purpose they 
were used. It has been suggested that they were for holding small dabs of paint. 
I found them in the rooms of the niins and around the buildings at Mitla. 
Most of them are rudely ornamented, some with triple points and others with a 
meandering snake. They are illustrated at about one-fourth the natural size. 

My visit to Mitla was in the autumn of 1891. 


After congratulating Mr. Corner on his interesting paper, Mr. Maudslay said 
that the peculiar mosaic ornament of Mitla appeared to be confined to Oaxaca, and 
was not, so far as he knew, ever met with in the northern part of Mexico, nor in 
the buildings in the neighbourhood of the Eio Usumaciuta, Imt it again made its 
appearance in the ruins found in the north of Yucatan. 

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Aneient Ruins and Remains in that Pueblo. 47 

After noticing the comfortable old method of classing everything in Mexico 
not easily intelligible as the work of the Toltecs, Mr. Maudslay compared Dr. 
Brinton's depreciation of that people with Mr. Payne's statement that the Toltecs 
were the originators of Maya culture. Both writers, he suggested, may have 
placed too much reliance on arguments based on language and tradition, and an 
actual examination of the ancient remains must decide the difference between 

Mr. Maudslay then discussed the position of the Mexican and Maya races at 
the time of the Spanish invasion, and taking the Isthmus of Tehuantepec as a 
dividing line, noted the overlapping of the Nalma races on the Pacific side as far 
as Nicaragua, and the existence of a Maya people, the Huastecas of the Rio Panuco, 
on the western side of the line. After referring to the Spanish descriptions of 
Mexican buildings and noting the uncertain origin of such buildings as those at 
Cholula and Teotihuacan, he described some of the ruins found to the east of 
Tehuantepec, contrasting the remains of the Maya-Quich6 towns, such as Utatlan, 
Iximch^, and Chacujal, which were living towns at the time of the Spanish invasion, 
with the great ruins in the valleys of the Usumacinta and Motagua rivers, such 
as Copan, Palenque, and Mench^, which he believed to have been abandoned and 
lost to sight long before the Spaniards arrived on the scene. Turning to the north 
of Yucatan, it was, he said, much more difficult to ascertain which of the great 
groups of ruins had been definitely abandoned before the Spanish invasion, but 
with regard to Chich^n Itza, which was the only ruin in Yucatan which he had 
personally examined with much care, he placed very little reliance in the story 
that the Spaniards had found it a living city, and was driven to the conclusion 
that it had been deserted by its inhabitants some time before their arrival, although 
its ancient shrines were still held in reverence and probably served as places of 

Although in no way competent to speak on the difficult subject of American 
traditions, the frequent assertion of the tendency of migration from north to south 
and the Toltec origin of American culture could not fail to impress him. If there 
were formerly a race of cultured people in Mexico twsociated with the name Toltec 
(= builders), who were driven out of the country by the incursion of Nahuatl 
hordes, he could well believe not only that they very considerably modified the 
rude culture and arts of their conquerors in Mexico, but also that in their new 
homes to the east of Tehuantepec they became the founders of Palenque and 
Copan, but in this case the Toltecs must have been a Maya and not a Nahuatl race, 
and this would bring us into conflict with the early Spanish writers, who assert 
that the Toltecs spoke a Nahuatl languc^e. 

On the other hand, if the Toltec theory were abandoned, and Cholula and 
Teotihuacan were admitted to be the work of Nahuatl tribes, then we seem to be 
driven to credit a spontaneous origin of Maya culture in the land where the 
great Maya remains are now found. For his own part he would gladly welcome 
evidence that the Toltecs and the Mayas were the same people — a peaceful race 
who, after spreading over Mexico, were driven by the invading Nahuatls from that 
coimtry to Central America, where they made still further progress in civilisation, 
marked by the development of the peculiar script with which their monuments 
and the walls of their temples are covered ; that later on they suffered defeat at 

Digitized by 


48 W. Corner. — MUIa : An Archceological Stuffy of the 

tlie hauds of their enemies, and were forced to abandon the great cities on the 
Motagua and Usumacinta, and .seek safety in the north of Yucatan. 

At Copan and Palenque no weapons of war are to be seen depicted on the 
carved stone. At Chich^n Itza every man is drawn as a warrior with atlatl and 
spears in his hands. Defeat and migration not only forced the Mayas to become 
a warlike people, but it had a marked effect on their art. The buildings of Yucatan 
were larger and more pretentious than those to the south, but the delicacy of the 
carving had vanished, and over all is an indefinable Nalma flavour. It is, however, 
in these buildings of Northern Yucatan that the stone mosaic work of which Mr. 
Corner had given such an excellent account was again conspicuous, but it had 
lost the simplicity of form which characterised the designs at Mitla. It seemed 
to him worth consideration whether tlie same cause which had effected the 
abandonment of Palenque and Copan had not acted also at Mitla, and that 
Northern Yucatan had l)ecome the refuge of more than one defeated i-ace. Indeed, 
at Chich^n Itza there were evidences which could not l)e ignored of a third race, 
but one of the Maya stock. 

It is generally admitted that the Huastecas, a people inhabiting the valley of 
the Rio Panuco (a river which flows into the Gulf of Mexico at Tonupico), belong to 
the Maya stock. Dr. Brinton, although he will not admit the word Toltec to be 
a tribal designation, says of the Huastecas that they may be I'egurded as one of the 
tribes left behind in the general migration southwards. The term Toltec, he says, 
was probably applied to the small town of Tula, north of the Valley of Mexico. 
Mr. Maudslay pointed out that this town of Tula was situated on the head waters 
of the Kio Panuco, and that the ruins which had been found there confirmed the 
correctness of the account given by Padre Sahagun of the temple at Tula dedicated 
to Quetzalcoatl, which was supported by columns in the form of rattlesnakes, with 
the head of the snake at the base and the rattle at the summit. Mr. Maudslay 
then showed some photographs of similar columns from buildings at Chich^n Itzli, 
and suggested that the peculiar form of column may have been carried by the 
Huastecas and their neighbours from the mouth of the Rio Panuco across the gulf to 
the north of Yucatan, and that this would account for the form not occurring any- 
where in Mexico to the south of Tula. Such a migration, or some close commercial 
connection between Yucatan and the Rio Panuco, might partly account for the 
Nahuatl flavour of the sculptures in Chich^n Itzd, for the Huastecas who were left 
behind in Mexico for so many years must have been greatly influenced by their 
powerful Nalma neighbours by the time they again came into connection with the 
other branch of their raca It also seems possible that a migration across the gulf 
from the Rio Panuco to Yucatan, carrying with it the art of Tula, may have 
revived and become mixed with the earlier traditions of that great exodus which 
originally carried the building race from their old homes in Mexico to the east of 
the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. 

Colonel George Earl Church. — Unexpectedly called upon, at this late hour 
to conuneut on Mr. Corner's interesting and very instructive paper, I scarcely 
know how to crowd into a few words the numberless thoughts which arise 
regarding the people who left to our wonderment the ruins of Mitla. Un- 
fortunately, the student of tribal and racial development in the New World, 
prior to its discovery, always has to grope in a darkened field for historic fact ; 

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AiicierU Buins and Eeinains in Ihat Pueblo. 49 

and even what little truth he can fish from the turbid wave of Spanish conquest 
and domination is not always satisfactory. That several similar phases of so- 
called indigenous civilisation sprang up in Mexico and Central America long 
prior to the Spanish conquest we have evidences in the numerous groups of vast 
and imposing ruins, the hieroglyphic riddles of which we hope are being solved by 
our friend Mr. Maudslay, whose valuable remarks on the paper we have been 
listening to have preceded mine. One of his observations was, " Tliere is evidence 
that Mexico was always open to invasions from the north." I make no doubt 
that such invasions were numerous and at times irresistible. 

Failing in quest of historic fact or substantial tradition, one is thrown back 
upon the general knowledge which has been garnered from other fields regarding 
the rise of man from the savage to the barbaric status, and then his upward 
struggle to civilisation ; and if to this we add what we have learned of the 
traces which he has left behind him in Mexico and Central America, we may 
form some idea of the habits, customs and government of the people who, 
perhaps for a long period of centuries prior to the Spanish invasion, were evolving 
that growth towards civilisation which their European conquerors so mercilessly 
obliterated. The food supplies indigenous to Mexico, notably maize, caused the 
formation of agricultural communities, the most powerful of which had its 
habitat in Anahuac, and ultimately, by its growth, wealth and power, dominated 
all the outlying, poorer and weaker tribes. The result was the constitution of a 
kind of feudal system which readily lent itself to extension southward, until it 
included a greater part of all the present Central American states and the 
establishment therein of petty princes or of feudal lords, who enslaved all the 
weak tribes and forced them to build the gigantic defensive and religious edifices 
the ruins of which are now so attractive to explorers. A land so filled with 
wealth, comparative comfort and abundant food supplies offered the same induce- 
ments to the hunting hordes of nomad, savage Athapascans and Sioux, who 
occupied the country to the west and north-west of the Mississippi river, as the 
smiling fields of Lombardy presented to the migrating masses of hungry 
barbarians who looked down upon them through the passes of the Alps in the 
early centuries of our era. The result in Mexico was similar ; invasion followed 
invasion, pressed on by still hungrier hordes from the rear, giving the land no 
rest. It is a curious fact that these conditions have ruled even until our day. 
When Cortez invaded Mexico the Ilaxcaltecs made common cause with him 
against their exacting masters the Aztecs, for which service the Spaniards conceded 
to them special fueros or privileges. Towards the end of the sixteenth century, 
a large part of the tribe were entrusted with the defence of the northern frontier 
of Mexico, the main body being stationed near San Luis Potosi with outposts in 
Coabuila, against the ceaseless savage inroads from the north. Their chief told 
me, in 1867, that their fueros had been respected by the Mexican Government 
since the independence of the country from Spain. Throughout the Spanish rule 
the tribes from the north still raided southward, especially the Comanches and 
Apaches, and desolated province after province. In 1866 I was in Mexico, and 
while riding, with two companions and four servants, from Monterey to Chihuahua, 
we happened to strike the line of march of a powerful body of Apache savages 
who were laying waste north-eastern Durango. We had a three-Jays' running 
Nbw SkrieSj Vol. II, Nos. 1 and 2. E 

Digitized by 


50 Meeting of April 25th, 1899. 

fight, during which period of time the Apaches killed 126 peaceable Mexicans 
along our route. 

If, even during the whole period of Spanish rule in Mexico, the country was 
considered a land of promise and plunder for the more northern races, how much 
more so it must have been in Toltec, Maya and Aztec days, and how certainly 
these people in turn, under pressure from the north, must have had their racial 
expansion towards the south, and have overrun, conquered and feudalised the 
weaker, disjointed Central American tribes and forced them into servitude, to 
create wealth and comfort for their barbarous taskmasters and build ttiose edifices, 
examples of which have been shown us this evening, and which are the silent and 
deserted symbols of serfdom. 


APBIL 25th, 1899. 

Wm. Gowland, F.C.S., Esq., in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and passed. 

The Chairman introduced Le Comtb C. db Cardi, who proceeded to read his 
paper on " Ju- Ju Laws and Customs of the Niger Delta." This was illustrated 
by lantern slides and a collection of objects from West Africa. 

Mr. T. J. Alldridge also exhibited a series of lantern slides of views in the 
colony of Sierra Leone and the Protectorate. 

The Chairman invited discussion on the excellent paper of Comte de Cardi 
and the very interesting description of his slides given by Mr. Alldridge. 

Miss KiNGSLEY handed in her notes on some portions of the Count's paper, 
and Mrs. French Sheldon, Mr. R. B. Holt, Colonel R C. Temple, Eev. H. N. 
Hutchinson, Dr. Bennett, and others continued the discussion. 

The Lecturer replied to many of the questions asked, and the Chairman 
closed the proceedings with a vote of thanks to Comte de Cardi and to Mr. 
Alldridge for their valuable contributions to the study of West African life. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Jounml of the Anthropological Institute (N.S.), Vol IT, PUte VIII. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


,Journnl of the Anthropotogical In^tifufc {S.S.)^ Vol. 11^ Plate IX. 

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( 51 ) K 

By Le Comtb C. K db Cardi.^ 

[with plates VIII AND IX.] 

Before I commence my paper I would like to impress upon my audience that I am 
neither an anthropologist nor an ethnologist in the scientific meaning of those 
terms. I am simply a man who has visited Western Africa on many occasions and 
resided there a considerable length of time. During my visits I have collected a 
number of facts about the negro people of Western Africa, and I willingly describe 
them to the best of my ability, so that real anthropologists and ethnologists can 
make use of my notes for the better understanding of the human race in general, 
and the negro race in particular. 

Ju^uism. — I use this term in preference to Fetishism when speaking of the 
religion of the inhabitants of the Niger Delta, because the word Ju-Jn is usually 
made use of by the people of the Delta who are most in touch with Europeans. 

During my many years' residence in Western Africa, principally in the Niger 
Delta, I have had many long and to me very interesting conversations with the 
Ju-Ju priests, many of whom I have found to be most intelligent men, though 
other travellers and writers have generally described these men in a very dififerent 
manner ; in most cases describing them as hideous looking and degraded monsters 
in human form. 

One of the most intelligent Ju-Ju men I ever met with was a very old man 
named Qudkery the Ju-Ju King of New Calabar, who ranked above the King in 
all purely native palavers, religious or civil, his opinion always carrying great 
weight. This man went farther in his explanations of native customs to me than 
any others with whom I came in contact, pointing out to me the great assistance 
Ju-Ju was in ruling the country. " For example," said he, " suppose your house 
was broken into and robbed, and you went to the King of my country and 
complained, he could not find out who had robbed you if the thieves had not been 
seen by some of the townspeople who were willing to give information to him. 
The King would do his best to find them out by sending messengers round to all 
his chiefs that you had been robbed, and that they must see if any of their people 
were the culprits ; but that order would have little effect with the bad characters 
of the town, because it emanated from the King, who is a man like themselves, and 
from whom they would steed if they got the chance. But if I sent round a notice 
that, if the thieves did not immediately bring me the stolen articles my Ju-Ju 

> Some portions of this paper were read before the British Association for the Advance* 
meut of Science at Bristol, September 7-14th, 18^ 

£ 2 

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52 Le Comte C. N. ve Cardi. — Ju-Ju Laws and Ciistoms in the Niger Delia. 

would cause them (the thieves) to swell up and burst, you would see how quickly 
they would come to me and deliver up the stolen goods." 

To further illustrate the good uses of Ju-Ju, my friend QuSkery continued by* 
saying, "During the many years you have been in my country have you ever seen 
a native woman put her foot on board a white man's ship ? " I replied that as a 
matter of fact I never had. He then went on to' tell me that "many, many years ago 
when the white men first came to his country native women had been allowed to go 
on board the white traders' ships, but that this custom had led to many serious 
troubles, and it had been decided by the former kings and chiefs that the Ju-Ju 
should make a solemn law to the effect that in future no native woman should be 
allowed to go on board a white trader's ship," and this law was never broken up to 
my last visit to New Calabar so far as I know, though advanced ideas were 
banning to undermine the power of the Ju-Ju King. The above law concerning 
women I only met with in New Calabeu:. 

Having described some of the uses of ju-juism I will now describe some of 
the abuses. In the hinterland of the Niger Delta is to be found the Ibo or Eboe 
tribe, whose country extends from the Yoruba borderland on the west, to the Ibibio 
country on the east. The Ibo or Eboe people have almost identical forms and 
customs of ju-juism with the coast tribes ; this is not to be wondered at as the 
latter are mostly offshoots from the great Ibo or Eboe family. 

In the Ibo country is found Long Ju-Ju, the abode of the most powerful Ju-Ju 
in this part of the country. In ly96 Major A. C. Leonard of the Niger Coast 
Protectorate Service, succeeded in getting to the town of Bend^, a town supposed 
to be situated within about thirty miles of the Great Fetish or the Long Ju-Ju of 
the coast tribes. I mention this fact as I consider Major Leonard's journey to be 
a great achievement, and that it will eventually lead to immense results 
commercially ; also it will be the means at no distant date of giving to the world 
some very interesting and curious information about the practices of the Ju-Ju 
priests of this mysterious stronghold of native religion. 

This is the great oracle of all the tribes dwelling in the Niger Delta ; to it all 
family disputes are referred, and its decision is recognised as final; it is also 
appealed to, to decide the guilt or innocence in cases where a man of position has 
been accused of murder, witchcraft or poisoning. 

The Long Ju-Ju was appealed to in olden days by tribes dwelling as far away 
as Lagos, and even some distance to the westward of that place ; at the present 
day natives dwelling in the neighbourhood of Lagos still consult this oracle. 

Human sacrifices are not made to this Ju-Ju after the manner of the 
sacrificial rights practised in Ashanti, Dahomey, and Benin. Still a certain 
amount of slaughtering of human beings goes on at the Long Ju-Ju to this 
day, for i^^hen two men go to Long Ju-Ju for the settlement of any dispute 
between them, it is customary for the losing party to be destroyed by its 
power; but in many cases to my certain knowledge the priests have found it 
much more remunerative to sell the losing litigant into slavery, for I have met with 

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Le Comtk C. N. be Cardi. — Ju-Ju Laws and CvMonis in the Niger Delta, 53 

and conversed with men whom I have known to have visited the Long JuJu, and 
who were supposed to have been killed by it. Whenever I have spoken to these 
men they never expressed a desii-e to return to their own countiy, with one 
exception; all the others being satisfied that their own people would never 
acknowledge they were anything else but spirits. The one exception was a man 
that I picked up in Old Calabar, having known him well in his own country before 
he went to Long Ju-Ju. I tried all I could to get his people to receive him back 
amongst them, but when I told them that I had actually got him on board my ship, 
then lying a few miles from their town, the whole populace seemed to rise as one 
man, and I was soon surrounded by a howling mob of infuriated savages, who were 
only appeased by my promising to take the man away from their river the next 
morning. On my return I found that none of the natives would come on board 
my ship, and on inquiry from the head Ju-Ju man of the town, I found that they 
considered the ship defiled by my having had the spirit of a man from Long Ju^Ju on 
board. As this took place long before the advent of the British Protectorate there 
was only one thing to be done, and that was to make a suitable present to the Ju-Ju 
King and get him to come on board my ship and make ju-ju : this he did^ and then 
declared my ship free from all the evil effects of the malignant spirit I had had 
on board. But the King of the country was not going without bis share of the 
plunder, so I had to make him a suitable present also, and invite him to breakfast 
on board, so that by his presence his people might see that all fear of evil 
consequences was at an end, as both the spiritual and temporaj rulers of the 
country had visited my vessel. 

This case of defilement reminds me that amongst these people, 8uid especially 
amongst the Ibos and the Ibibios, anyone touching a corpse is defiled, and must go 
through a purification. The earth from a grave also defiles. 

Many of the funeml customs of the Delta natives are curious and interesting; 
for instance, the wives and female mourners for a person of distinction must sit ou 
the floor of the room where the person died, no seat being allowed them. They are 
not permitted to wash until the allotted time of mourning is over, which in some 
tribes continues for upwards of two weeks, nor are they allowed to change their 
apparel during this time. They nmst also, especially the wives, shave theii' heads. 

Another curious custom observed by many of the Delta tribes is that of 
preparing a monster feast to be eaten after the interment of a chief or man of any 
distinction. To this feast are invited all the principal men of the town, and in the 
case of a coast town any white traders who may be in the country. At these 
feasts all the best crockery and glassware of the defunct is ostentatiously displayed 
and crowded on to the dinner table at the commencement of the repast ; but an 
observant guest would notice that the attendants, once the guests are seated, 
commence as opportunity offers to replace every plate, dish, and glass, by the most 
common article of the same kind they can find in the house. The reason for this 
is that custom decrees that every article used at one of these dinners must be 
broken up and destroyed. 

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54 Lb Comtb C. N. db Cardi. — Ju-Ju Laws and Customs in the Niger Delta, 

The yearly festival of father-making, practised more or less by all the pf^an 
tribes of Western Africa, is very strictly observed by the natives of the Niger 
Delta. It is to this worship of ancestors that the West African mostly owes his 
bad character for human sacrifices, for this custom and the funeral custom of 
despatching a number of dead chiefs wives and slaves with the defunct to wait 
upon him in the next world are the chief occasions when human sacrifices are made. 

The custom of annually sacrificing a number of slaves at a chiefs father- 
making to take messages from the living to the dead would mean in a town of 
5,000 to 6,000 inhabitants a yearly sacrifice of at least sixty souls, but this 
estimate would be largely exceeded in a city like Benin. Incorrigible thieves, 
murderers, and other malefactors were generally reserved for this purpose, but when 
the supply of these ran short, slaves would be purchased for the occasion, or a special 
raid on some neighbouring people would be organised. 

There are certain other sacrifices such as the Bonnymen's sacrifice to the 
protecting spirit of the river, to whom a sacrifice was at one time annually made 
of a very light copper-coloured slave girl. These girls were always procured from 
a tribe of Ibos or Eboes inhabiting a country away in the hinterland of New 
Calabar. Some writers have reported these as Albinos ; this is not the case. This 
custom of propitiating the river deity by the sacrifice of a copper-coloured girl, in 
some rivers an Albino, was common to all the river-side tribes of the Niger 
Delta, and I am afraid is still practised in the British Protectorate. Also from 
what I was able to learn, all of the different river gods in the Delta could only be 
appealed to through the medium of one of these tawny coloured Ibo girls (from 
this one tribe), or as I have before stated in some cases by an Albino girl, but 
these latter were never sacrificed by the Bonnymen to my knowledge. 

I have seen it stated that a slave bought for sacrificial purposes by the 
Bonnymen would not be sacrificed if he or she managed to eat any food, even so 
little as a few grains of corn belonging to the Bonnymen, in the interval between 
purchase and sacrifice. I am afraid this statement is not true, or the inquirer did 
not get a very lucid explanation of the rule which govewis this native custom, or 
it may be right in so far that when the victim is bought the seller is bound to 
supply a week's provisions, for I have known one of these unfortunate girls to be 
kept in a native town a full week before being sacrificed. 

Knowing a little of her language, and assisted by a native boy who spoke 
both her language and English fluently, I interrogated this girl, and found she 
knew perfectly well what was going to be done with her, and she displayed no 
fear of her fate but rather seemed to glory in it A peculiar custom in connection 
with this rite was that this girl was allowed to claim any piece of cloth or any 
ornament she set her eyes upon, and the native to whom it belonged was obliged 
to present it to her. At the time I saw her and conversed with her, she must have 
had at least £200 worth of coral beads hung round her neck, besides which she 
was clothed, or rather, I should say, nearly smothered, in many yards of costly 
silk damask. I cannot say whether all this finery and the coral beads are still on 

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Le Comte C. N. de Cakdi. — Jiu-Ju Laws artd Cvstoms in the Niger Delta. 55 

her when she is plunged into the sea at the mouth of the river, or whether the 
Ju-Ju man has at least the coral beads so arranged around her neck, that at the 
supreme moment he can surreptitiously convey them to some secret wallet 
concealed about his person ; I have a very strong opinion that the Ju-Ju man sees 
that so much good coral is not wasted. I have mentioned my suspicions to some 
of the most intelligent natives who have invariably answered me in the following 
words : " No, no, I beg you don't say that, our Ju-Ju priest no fit to do all same 
you say." 

I did my utmost to save this girl from her cruel fate, but to no avail, though 
I offered to ransom her at five times the price that had been paid for her, the 
Ju-Ju man would not agree to part with her, cynically observing that there was 
not time to get another as the sacrifice must be made at the big water then due, 
id est, the equinoctial (September) tide. 

This complete disregard for death I have frequently noticed in natives who 
knew they were to be sacrificed, in fact, they seemed anxious for the event I 
have closely questioned many of these poor victims to see if there was any 
religious idea in their minds of a future state more happy than their lot on this 
earth, or if they expected some great reward in their future state by the mere 
fact of their being sacrificed to the gods ; but I was never able to get any reply 
to my questions to indicate that their state of indifference was brought about by 
any religious sentiment I therefore put it down to some kind of frenzy that 
takes possession of them, and renders them almost if not quite oblivious to all 
passing events, once they know they are to be sacrificed. 

This state of frenzy and total disregard of life I have noticed to often take 
possession of both male and female natives of Western Africa ; on many occasions 
I have especially noticed it amongst the women. On the deportation of a king or 
a chief by the British or other European government for some offence I have seen 
the wives of the deported man throw themselves into the river and fight like mad 
women with the people who went to their rescue ; I have also seen some of the 
male retainers both free and slaves of a deported king or chief attempt their own 
lives at the moment when the vessel carrying away their chief disappeared from 
their sight. Another instance I remember was during the war between the 
Bonnymen and Opobomen in 1870. A Bonny youth was brought a prisoner to 
Opobo by some of Bling Ja Ja's people. Eecognising the youth as one who had 
been my servant in Bonny, I went to Ja Ja, the then King of Opobo, and asked 
him to give me the boy. Upon my explaining my reasons, he very kindly said 
I could take him and do what I liked with him, sending one of his chiefs with me 
to order his people to give up the prisoner to me. When the boy heard what 
I had done for him, instead of being grateful, he went off into a paroxysm of abuse 
against me, acted like one demented, and finally began to curse King Ja Ja, saying 
all kinds of abusive things about the King's wives, and finishing up by accusing 
himself of being the murderer of one of them after having outraged her. 

This was more than the crowd of Ja Ja's people could stand, and before 

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56 Le Comte C. N. de CaRDI. — Ju-Jn Laws and Customs in the Niger DdCa. 

I knew what was happening this youth was knocked senseless and his head 
severed from his body. 

As a further example • of the callous condition of natives intended for 
sacrificial purposes, I must here cite another case. In all native communities of 
the Niger Delta a man cannot be a full chief and entitled to all the prerogatives 
of chieftainship without having taken off the head of at least one enemy in war, 
or decapitated a prisoner in cold blood. Failing either of these actions, he must 
on the occasion of his being made a chief, purchase a slave for the express purpose, 
and woe betide him if by any chance he should bungle in his task and not take 
the victim's head off in a workmanlike manner; for cases have come to my 
knowledge where the aspirant chief has failed to take the victim's head off at one 
stroke, so that the half decapitated wretch has had strength enough to turn his 
head round and curse his executioner. This unfortunate clumsiness on the part 
of the chief is noted by his fellow-chiefs, his wives, though not present, hear of it, 
and henceforth when his wives or fellow-chiefs desire to annoy him they remind 
him of this episode. Cases have occurred in the Niger Delta of powerful chiefs 
making their young sons perform this horrible head-cutting rite before they were 
in their teens. These children can always be recognised by their being allowed to 
wear a large feather in their hats, this mark of distinction being strictly the sole 
right of a chief. Of course all these horrible practices are now being put down by 
the officials of the Niger Coast Protectorate, and in Nigeria by the Eoyal Niger 
Company's officials, who are constantly engaged in stamping out these inhuman 
practices. In fairness to many chiefs that I have met with in the Niger Delta, I must 
bear witness to their wish not to carry out this disgusting and cruel ceremony ; but 
as these practices have been handed down from time immemorial and carry with 
them certain emoluments for the Ju-Ju priests, as well as the occasion being 
seized upon by the lower orders as an excuse for feasting and dancing at the 
expense of the newly initiated chief, the more enlightened natives have hitherto 
been unable to do much towards the abolition of these horrible ritea 

Circumcision is practised by many of the inhabitants of the Niger Delta, but 
not with any idea of its being a religious ceremony as some travellers in this part 
of Western Africa have reported. Amongst some of the tribes it is the sign of 
freedom, so that a slave who becomes a rich and influential man in a tribe where 
this rite is thus looked upon, must undergo the operation or stand the taunts and 
reproaches hurled at him by the female poition of his establishment on any slight 
provocation. When a freeborn chief of the same tribe wishes to be particularly 
severe on his parvenu fellow-chief, he hurls the word "pell^d'* at him, with a 
strong emphasis on the last syllable, sls being his final swear-word and the 
expression of his utter contempt for him. 

The peculiar fact that the rite means one thing in one tribe and just the 
opposite in another is singularly well demonstrated by the case of the New Calabar 
and Bonnymen, the distance between the chief towns of these two tribes not 
exceeding fifteen miles as the crow flies ; yet in the former not to be circumcised is 

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the sign of slavery, whilst in the latter the opposite rule holds good and the word 
of reproach is pellum. These two words pelUgd (uncircumcised) and pellum 
(circumcised) being the same in both the Bonny and New Calabar dialects are very 
favourite curse-words of all classes and ages of both tribea 

Native Curse- Words and Sticks. 

Whilst speaking of native curse-words, of which the Niger Delta natives 
possess a very large and diabolical assortment, I think it will not be uninteresting 
to give you one more example of native vituperation. This example one might call 
silent abuse, for it is not at all necessary to open your mouth in order to give due 
effect to this most terrible curse to a native woman. You have only to raise your 
right arm, and closing your list allow your index and middle finger to spring up 
and form a V, and the thing is done. I have very often seen two women quarrel- 
ling in a very mild " go as you please " kind of way, but still showing signs of an 
increased pressure of steam accumulating, when suddenly one would put on a very 
disdainful look, and raising her right arm, would make the sign as described. 
Sometimes the other would simply make a motion with her right hand as if 
drawing a circle round her head, and with a snap of her fingers intimate that she 
casts the vile curse back on her opponent ; or, if she was of a very susceptible 
nature, she would run away as fast as her legs would carry her, crying out at the 
top of her voice the curse that had been cast upon her. In some cases I have 
known this curse to have such an effect on a woman that she would lose her reason 
completely for some hours after. This curse of holding up the two fingers as 
described means " May you become the mother of twins," a truly frightful curse 
when one remembers that the almost general rule in the Niger Delta is that the 
mother of twins must be put to death and her children also. I say almost general, 
because in some places the mother is allowed to live; but her life is little better 
than a living death, for she becomes an outcast and must live the remainder of her 
days in the forest. If she by force of hunger ventures near a village or town she 
must do so only at night time, and must be very careful to guard against being seen 
by any other natives, for the Ju-Ju laws lay it down that if such a woman passes 
along any of the paths leading to the town or village, those paths would be defiled 
and unfit for the rest of the inhabitants to use. She must not drink from the same 
spring or water supply of her own people ; she must not touch anything belonging 
to them. The consequence is that the mothers of twins simply die from hunger 
and exposure, or they take their own lives. 

In all towns and villages of the Niger Delta there is always some old hag of a 
slave woman whose prerogative it is to kill the twin children ; in the larger towns 
there are several of these killers of twin children ; immediately on the birth of 
twins one of these old women are sent for and upon her arrival she takes each 
^hild by the feet and the back of the neck and breaks its back across her knees. 
The bodies are then placed in an earthen pot and taken into a dense part of the 

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busH and then left to be devoured by wild animals and insects. In some parts of 
this district the children are not killed but simply thrown into the bush to be 
devoured. In the few cases where missionaries have been successful in getting 
these children delivered up to them, their lives have been saved ; but so far I have 
never known of any of these children so saved being allowed to take his or her 
place amongst the rest of the community. As a matter of fact, up to now I doubt 
whether one of them would be safe if it strayed outside the mission compound, and 
cases have occurred where twin children have been stolen from the missionaries and 
murdered by their relatives. 

Another cruel custom in this part of the world is that of killing the child of a 
woman who dies in giving it birth, and burying it with its mother ; this is not done 
absolutely from any superstition, but simply because the mother being dead there 
is no milk for the child, and these people do not yet know the uses of a feeding 
bottle or condensed milk. A foster mother is almost unknown in the country. 
I say almost unknown because cases have occurred where a foster mother has been 
found; but the child must be an exceptionally strong and healthy one, besides 
which the position or power of the father of the child, or relatives of the mother, 
would have to be such as would enable him or them to compel some woman to 
become the foster mother. 

The cases when this is done are so very rare that I do not remember any 
successful one ; but Miss Kingsley assures me she has known of such, and her 
opportunities of getting correct information on this subject were greater than mine 
There is a ceremony, however, to be performed to insure the dead mother's spirit 
from returning to claim the child, which I think should be recorded. 

A suitable sized piece of plaintain stem (that portion which has the fruit 
clustered round it) is procured and forced into the womb of the dead mother. 
This according to native ideas prevents her spirit coming back to fetch the child, 
and the mother thinks she has the child with her. This account has been confirmed 
by an English lady who was present on two occasions when this ceremony was 
being performed and succeeded in restoring, in one case, the mother to life, as she 
found the mother was not really dead but only in a state of coma from excessive 
loss of blood. 

Another form of dumb cursing is that of which the cursing stick is the example. 
In some parts of the Delta close to Lagos and the Yoruba country the thumb held 
in this particular manner is a curse of awful import to a native. This curse may 
be surreptitiously made use of, by a piisoner on trial, before a British Court of 
Justice ; in this manner (showing how it is done), by hiding it up his sleeve and 
pointing at the witness, who seeing the head of the curse stick in the hand of the 
prisoner, stops as if shot. As a matter of fact this stick was taken in open Court 
from a prisoner by the orders of Sir John Smalman-Smith, late Chief Justice of the 
Colony of Lagos.^ 

^ My authority for the above is Sir John Smahnan-Smith, late Chief Justice of the Colony 
of Lagos. Miss Kingsley is ihoweyer inclined not to agree with him. 

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The custom of excision of the clitoris is very much practised amongst the tribes 
dwelling on the banks of the Cross Eiver and in the Old Calabar district as also in 
many other parts of Western Africa. I have questioned both native men and 
women to try and get the native's reason for this rite, but the almost universal 
answer to my queries was " it is our country fashion," a most exasperating answer, 
but the only one returned to a very large percentage of questions, in all parts of 
Africa. In some few instances I was fortunate enough to get more definite answers 
to my queries. One old man explained to me that the rite was practised amongst 
his people because it was found favourable to continence. Several old women told 
me that in days gone by, long, long ago (these people have no idea of dates) many 
women suffered from a peculiar form of madness, and it was found that this rite 
had the effect of reducing this in a marked degree, so ever since that time it has 
been the custom of their country. 

The mode in which the operation is performed varies in different tribes ; in 
the Old Calabar district it is done in the following manner : that part of the top of 
a cocoanut shell, which has the three eyes in it is carefully cut off and scraped 
quite smooth and thin ; then the eye that lets out the milk is carefully bored and 
the edges scraped quite smooth ; the glans clitoridis is then drawn through this hole 
and cut off with a razor, knife, or in some places by a piece of bottle-glass which 
does duty for a razor or knife. This manner of performing this operation was 
confirmed by Thomas Forshaw, Esq., of Liverpool, whose connection with the West 
Coast of Africa dates from some time in the fifties. 

There seems to be no particular age at which the native law enjoins the 
performance of this rite, though it is generally carried out when the girls are young, 
except in the case of a woman bought or raided from some tribe which does not 
practise clitoridectomy. 

Some of the customs the people of Western Africa have for securing the 
chastity of their young girls are worthy of being mentioned. Previous to 1860 it 
was the custom in Lagos for young girls to wear only a loin cloth of a hand's 
breadth, which they had to take off on meeting a Ju-Ju man to intimate to him 
that they were chaste ; the law being that if the Ju-Ju man caught a young girl 
parading the streets with the outward signs of virginity on her, which she had lost 
the right to wear, she became his property until she was redeemed by her friends 
paying a fine varying in amount according to the status of her family. In the case 
of a free girl the fine would be much greater than for a slave girL This practice 
of exposure was also customary on meeting a white man, as in those days a white 
man was looked upon as Ju-Ju. This custom I saw carried out myself as late as 
1864 in the native parts of the Island of Lagos, though at this time Lagos was 
already a British colony. 

The people dwelling in the immediate hinterland of the EkrUca country have 
also a very curious and somewhat cruel custom for the safeguarding of the chastity 

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of their young girls. The particulars of this custom were given to me by a chief 
of Opobo on the occasion of his having received in payment of a debt a young girl 
belonging to these people. . The custom consists of scraping the labia pudendi 
exterrui until a raw surface is formed ; then the two parts are brought together 
and kept in that position until the labia grow together, thus completely closing up 
the opening into the vagina. When the female thus operated upon draws near 
the age of puberty, she is taken into a part of the forest sacred to the female portion 
of the tribe, and there undergoes a second operation which consists of this false 
hymen being perforated by one of the old women of the tribe by the insertion of 
an ivory probe about the thickness of a lead pencil, this being done to allow of the 
free passage of the menses. This curious custom was brought imder my notice, as 
I have already stated, by a native chief who had received a young female slave in 
payment of a debt. In this case the false hymen had not been punctured previous 
to the girl's leaving her own people ; the consequence was that on her arrival at 
puberty her sufferings were very severe, and her new owner applied to me to get 
an English medical man to see her. Luckily the chief had already related to me 
the curious custom of this girl's tribe so I was able to explain matters to the doctor, 
who successfully operated and informed me afterwards that from the appearance of 
the parts he was inclined to think the chiefs information was quite correct, though 
if it had not been explained to him he most certainly would not have thought the 
growing together of the labia was anything other than an ordinary freak of nature. 

Since writing the above I have learnt that this custom prevails amongst the 
Arabs, and is not unknown to anthropologists. 

With regard to the photographs illustrating this paper, I think it would not be 
out of place to mention a curious fact about the ways of an uneducated native 
when he is shown a photograph or picture of anything for the first time. He 
generally turns it upside down or endways to look at it ; even after having been 
shown a picture several times and having had it explained, a fiiirly intelligent 
native would be almost sure to get hold of it the wrong way up if he wished to 
explain it to his friends afterwards. 

But if he could not find the original picture shown him and attempted to 
describe one that had not been explained to him he would be certain to hold the 
picture any way but the right way. 

Photographs of single figures of people they knew they could generally see 
the likeness and recognise the person ; but not always from the face, oftener than 
not it was some peculiarity of dress, the hat, the man's stick, his bandy legs, or 
some peculiarity in the cut of his clothes, that they recognised. 

Description of Plates VIII and IX. 

Plate VIIL 
No. l.--Viper*8 tooth. Fetish, 
j^ 2.— Native made toilette bottle for holding antimony, used by the native women to darken 

the skin under their eyes. 
„ 3.— Yoniba cursing stick. 

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No. 4. — ^Symbols of Yoruba Secret Society. 
„ 5. — Fetish neck charm. 

" K J Native sjmbols connected with Fetish worship. 

„ 8. — Musical instrument (made from a gourd) used at Fetish ceremonies. 

„ 9. — ^The voice of Oro (a Yoruba god), exactly similar to the Bull Koarer of the Australian 

natives and used in almost identical ceremonies. 
„ 10. — ^A number of brass ankle rings. 
n 11. — ^A curious article worn by the women in the sacred bush after undergoing certain native 

„ 12. — Two native made knives used by the celebrated native conjurer and witch doctor 

Adeoshun in murdering women. This man was executed at Lagos on the 

9th August, 1884. 
), 13. — Native war horn, made from a gourd. 
„ 14 — ^Three glass ankle rings worn by the Niger women. Native made from soda-water. 

„ 16. — Three anklets (wood), ta<& spe^.nmens of native doisonn^ work. 
}, 16. — Two brass anklets. 

All these were borrowed by the Comte C. de Cardi from the collection of Sir John Smalman- 

PlcUe IX. 
No. 1. — The Yoruba goddess *^ Odudua/' the mother of the gods. Fi-om the collection of Sir 

John Smalman-Smith. 
Noft. 2 and 3. — ^Two ivory anklets worn by Niger women. The weight of these two pieces of 
ivory is about five pounds. From the collection of the Comte de Cardi. 
„ 4 aud 6.-- Specimens of ivory carving from the South-west coast of Africa. From the 
collection of the Comte de Cardi. 


Miss KiNGSLBT. — There are only a few things which I should like to say 
regarding Count de Cardi's paper. I need not say they are not criticisms on it, 
for it is not for me to criticise one who has had so unique an opportunity as Count 
de Cardi of knowing the natives of the Niger Delta ; his experience, moreover, was 
not merely a long residence among them, but a long friendship with them in the 
bargain. Without this factor of friendship long residence can count for very little 
in the acquisition of knowledge regarding these crafty and nervous peopla 

The first point I would like to draw your attention to is the mention M. le 
Comte de Caidi makes of the fetish king, the Ju-Ju king, and the civil king 
ruling together in one district. This is a subject on which I have long been 
working, but have not published anything because I know my information, in 
many parts, is incomplete. There are, however, a few points regarding it which I 
think I may speak safely on ; one is that in all undisturbed true Negro cultures 
you will find these two kings, or in some places two aristocracies, one religious, 
and one . civil. When a true negro culture is disturbed you have a tendency to 
consolidate those kings in one man, as in the case of Dahomey and Ashantee, but 
when outside pressure is absent they are separate. The regions where external 
pressure is absent, the most valuable regions for a student, are the Oil river and 
the Kru coast. M. le Comte de Cardi I leave in possession of the Oil rivers, and 
retiring to the Kru coast beg to draw your attention to the very similar form of 
social and religious organisation to be found there. The body politic among the 

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62 Le Comtk C. N. dk Cardi. — Ju-Ju Laws and Customs in the Niger Ddta, 

Kru people and their neighbours the Qua Quas is an elaborately organised 
democracy divided into three classes, or rather into three ages, of free men. The 
most powerful class are the Qne1d)ade, or old men. The senate, the Ondcbade, have 
two presidents, the Bodio and the Worabanh. The Bodio is the thing called the 
fetish king. He has charge of the spiritual politics of the nation. His position 
is one full of honour and inconveniences. Among other inconveniences his house 
is a sanctuary. A sanctuary, as I have frequently stated, is a sort of rookery of bad 
characters. A Kru friend of mine resigned office as Bodio, because of the sort of 
people who quartered themselves on him and the expense of feeding them and the 
rows they had amongst each other. He stood it for three years and did his best* 
and then came a man with homicidal mania, accompanied by epileptic fits, but 
legally innocent, and my friend resigned Bodioship after losing an ear and receiving 
other bodily damage. Moreover, apart from the worry of presiding over a sanctuary, 
the Bodio is held responsible for the crops, for the fishing, for epidemics, such as 
small-pox raiding his people, things that will happen and go wrong, and so in fact 
it is hardly worth having to be a Bodio. There was a fetish king in Calabar up to 
some twenty years ago ; now the office, which was very similar to the Kru Bodio, 
has expired on account of its responsibilities and expenses. The only advantages 
the office of Bodio really offers is a small toll paid to the holder and the light to 
wear an iron ring round your ankle and be feared and reverenced as long as things 
go well with your community in the main ; when they don't you can be deposed ; 
when you are deposed you are looked down on terribly. 

The other president of the Gfnekbade is the Worabanh. He has little 
influence in times of peace, but in times of war he is absolute ruler. I believe 
him to be the forerunner of the civil king. 

Next in grade to the Gnekbade among the Kru comes the military, the Sedibo 
class, the middle-aged men. Seemingly they are the rulers of the Kru people, 
but they are under the power really of the Onekbadey only the Chtekbade are not so 
showy and easilyV)bserved. The Sedibo also have two presidents, the Ibadio and 
the Tibawah. These are equivalent in function to the Bodio and Worabanh ; the 
one sees after the spiritual side of war, the other after military organisation. 

The next in grade to the Sedibo is the Kedibo class, the young men. These 
Kedibo of Kru are the men all Europeans know in their generation as the back- 
bone of white efifort in West Africa, the men who act as seamen, servants, 
labourers, stewards, helpers in all hard work, ways to England in West Africa. 
When they have made enough money, and are old enough, they go back to their 
country and rise to the rank of Sedtho, and if wise enough pass on into the senate, 
the Onekbade ; if particularly eminent they become officers in their grades. This 
Kru system I believe to be the typical West African form of the state. In the 
Oil rivers you have the additional factor imported into it by local conditions of 
domestic slavery, the Krus being a non-slave-holding tribe ; but you will, I think, 
see from M. le Comte de Cardi's published description of the natives of the Niger 
Delta in West African studies, that the Negroes have extended this democratic 
system to their domestic slaves there, so that the lowest slave that paddles an Oil 
canoe may rise to the rank of a king. 

With regard to those places where you have a fetish, a religious and a civil 
aristocracy ruling, you have much the same course of events and development 

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I think we have most information from the Ga r^ion. The neighbouring people, 
the Tshi, have a different form of state organisation — a military dne — ^but among 
the 6a or Accras the history we have shows that the early form of government 
was a fetishocracy, the power being entirely in the hands of the vmtrtsimi, whom 
Eeindorp calls the " foretelling priests or prophets." The headman of these prophets 
was called Liimo, and he was supposed to be a nominee of the national fetish, 
Legbh, but I think we may assume he was elected by the local college of 
cardinals. His oflBce did not go by hereditary succession. The government was 
carried on by officers of the Lumo, called Wulomo — ^fetish priests or servants — and 
the Wulomo had a headman, and that headman was rather like a civil king, but 
too priest-ridden to be satisfactory, being only the officer of the Lumo. Now and 
again it happened that the chief of the Wulomo was identical with the Lumo, both 
offices being held by the same man, as was the case with Osai Eoi, but this proved 
inconvenient, and the law stands now that the acting king can never be a Lumo. 
Even if a prince becomes a Lumo he forfeits all right of succession to the stool or 
throne, for the headmanship of the Wulomo is now hereditary in a certain d^ee ; 
in fact, the Accras have disestablished the Church. 

I should much like to know whether the President has observed anything like 
a similar course of events in Benin, another fetishocracy region, one with which 
he is far better acquainted than I am. 

I do not wish to detain you further than to say I completely endorse what 
M. le Comte de Cardi has said in favour of the operation of Ju-Ju. I believe more 
than he does that it is a power for good. It works evil, but so do some of our own 
Ju-Jus. With regard to the Long Ju-Ju in a pool M. le Comte de Cardi speaks of, 
I beg to say its local name is Abasi Inokun. It was instituted by a goddess who 
lived in that place, and who had some pet fish in a pond. I am not at liberty to 
say more. There are three other Long Ju-Jus in that same Oil river region, one of 
which I visited, but €igain I am not at liberty to say more. I merely wish to ask a 
question in conclusion. What is the connection between Long Ju-Ju places and 
sanctuaries, if there is one, for they are not identical anywhere ? As to what 
sanctuaries are, I have had my answer, I believe a full and complete answer, from 
that great student thinker, Dr. Fraser, of the Golden Bough, in his last paper on 
Totemism, published this month. I beg to say if any one is interested in the Negro 
State-form, he will find what I have said concerning the Kru people supported, 
I do not say entirely, but with many further details than I can give without 
quoting from them, by Leighton Wilson and Labat and Barbot. I picked my 
information up from the many Keddbi Krumen I have met, and the ex-Bodio 
attached to the (Jerman Grovernment at Victoria, Ambas Bay Cameroon. 

Colonel R C. Templb, CLE., remarked that he had been much struck with the 
close similarity between the character of the scenery depicted on the slides exhibited 
by the authors of these papers and that prevailing in the Andaman and Nicobar 
Islands and parts of Burma and the Indian PeninsulsL The Comte de Cardi 
describes the difficulty that the people of Western Africa have in understanding 
the meaning of pictures, a difficulty experienced in those parts of the Indian 
Empire with which he was familiar. His account of the oil-palm is very dosely 
applicable to the cocoanut of the Nicobar Islands and Ceylon. Every part of the 
tree is in daily economic use, and its milk is u^ed as drinking water. The mode of 

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climbing the oil-palm is practically identical with that of climbing the cccoanut in 
many parts of the East. 

He also noticed various analogies of custom — the habit in the Nicobars of 
destroying the property of the deceased, chiefly by placing it on the grave, 
the result of which is to render the accumulation of tribal or family property 
impossible ; the human sacrifice at the death of a chief, which is analogous to the 
Hindu rite of Sati and the Meriah sacrifices of the Eh^dhs ; the head- hunting in 
West Africa, which closely resembles the rule prevailing among the NSga tribes on 
the Assam frontier ; the gesture of the homed hand, which is found in many parts 
of Europe, particularly Southern Italy. In Burma the habit of women stripping 
themselves in the presence of those whom they wish to direly insult is a survival 
of some form of symbolical cursing which exists only in this attenuated form. So 
the difiiculty which more enlightened priests and people find in getting rid of 
old-established customs owing to the vested interests of the priestly class prevails 
in many parts of the world, and particularly in India. 

Count db Cakdi, in reply to the question, " Was there any custom called 
blood brotherhood on the west coast of Africa?" said that there was, but to 
fully describe the custom would take up too much time that evening ; he hoped, 
however, to embody a full description in some future paper. 

Eeplying to the question, "Were the human sacrifices placed under the 
influence of any drug, which would account for their apparent disregard of death ? " 
he Wbnt on to say that, in some cases, he had seen the male victims under the 
influence of strong drink, but in others the victims refused to touch spirits of any 
kind ; in the case of the girl sacrifices, he felt sure they were not 

In reply to Miss Kingsley's question re the existence of sanctuaries in 
connection with the powerful secret societies and Ju-Ju centres, he said he 
had often heard of them, but had never succeeded in getting what he considered 
reliable information, or at any rate such facts about them as would justify him in 
giving them to the Anthropological Institute as being absolutely reliable. He was 
afraid we should have to wait until a real head priest of one of the very secret 
societies could be prevailed upon to enlighten us. Continuing, he would like to say 
that by nature the negro is secretive ; but a Ju-Ju man of the higher grade or a 
secret society man of the upper class or degree is reticence itself on the inner 
secrets of his craft. 

Exhibition of Lantern Slides. 

(plates X TO XIII.) 

Mr. T. J. Alldridge, F.R.G.S., of Sherbro, West Coast of Africa, showed a large 
number of interesting lantern slides depicting different phases of scenery and of 
the natives in the Colony of Sierra Leone and the Hinterland. The value of the 
views was greatly enhanced from the fact of their having all been actually 
photographed by Mr. Alldridge personally and developed in the country, very 
frequently in spite of almost insuperable diflSculties. Many of the pictures 
represented subjects which had never been previously shown in London. The 
native customs of Poro and Bundu and the Bundu Devil, also the Tasso men, wei^ 

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Meeting of May 9th, 1899. 65 

extremely peculiar, the costumes being beyond imagination. A realistic scene of a 
slave dealer conveying his purchases consisting of a man and woman — of no 
relationship — ^tied together by a rope around their necks, the woman carrying a 
suckling infant, was most touching, and presented to the sympathetic audience a 
clear idea of this iniquitous traffic in human beings, which happily by the energetic 
measures of the Government has now become practically obsolete in this part of 
Western Africa. When the capture was effected the wretched people were being 
transported overland to the Susu Country, there to be exchanged for cattle, which 
in their turn would again be bartered for another lot of slaves, and in this manner 
the traffic would be continued had it not been for the timely interposition of the 
Government in safeguarding the interests and security of the interior people. The 
view of the cemetery at Waima in the Konno Country where the collision between 
the French and the British occurred in December, 1893, and which was photographed 
by Mr. Alldridge in April, 1894, brought out melancholy recollections of a r^retful 
episode. The beautiful view of a Yenketti, or hammock suspension bridge, over 
the Sehli River in the Kuranko Country was received with much ^appreciation, as 
were also the exquisite views of tropical foliage, particularly a cluster of bamboos 
of great height, standing out with such distinctness and beauty as to lead one to 
imagine that this typical scene was actually present. A short description was 
given as each view was exhibited on the screen, and the audience had an 
opportunity upon this occasion of hearing the remarks of the Pioneer (Mr. 
Alldridge) in the opening up of the very little known Mendi Country, which were 
not only of much interest but of considerable importance in delineating the 
curious customs of these semi-savage tribes who by the recent rebellion have 
become somewhat notorious. 


MAY 9th, 1899. 

C. H. Read, Esq., F.S.A., President, in the Chair. 

Tlie Minutes of the last Meeting were read and passed. 

The President introduced Dr. A. L. Bennett, who had lately returned from 
the French Congo, and who proceeded to read his paper, " Ethnographical Notes 
on the Fang," which was well illustrated by lantern slides, and a collection of 
masks and other objects, from West Africa, 

Discussion was carried on by Mr. F. G. Makriott, F. C. Shrubsall, G. L. 
GoMMB, Wm. Crooke, and Dr. Garson. 

The President and Dr. Garson expressed their pleasure at the appreciation of 
their book Notes and Queries expressed by Dr. Bennett, and in closing the evening 
with a vote of thanks to Dr. Bennett, the President hoped that he would in 
future favour the Institute with more of such useful papers. 

N*w Series, Vol. II, Noa 1 and 2. F 

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C 66 ) 

By Albert L Bennett, M.D., F.E.S. 



I. Introduction. 

II. Phyaical and Moral Characteristics. 
HE. Clothing, Ornaments, Painting and 

IV. Habitations. 

V. Navigation, Hooks, Nets, Fishing, 
VI. Metallurgy, Fire, Machinery. 
VII. Customs. 
VIII. Invention, Natural Forms, Conserva- 
IX. Ornamentation. 
X. Food, Cooking. 
XI. Anthropophagy. 

XII. Religion, Fetish or Biang (medi> 

XIII. Witchcraft, Cursing Dead Relations. 

XIV. The Ngi (a Fang Secret Society). 
XV. War, Hostages. 

XVI. Hunting Traps. 
XVII. Burials. 
XVIII. Ak6m. 
XIX. Abnormalities (Natural Deformi- 
ties), Albinism, Erythrism, Her- 
maphrodites, Deformations (Arti- 
ficial Deformities), A. Facial ; B. 
XX. Fang Proverbs and Sayings. 

I HAVE the honour to come before you this evening, for the purpose of making 
known to you the result of my observations while dwelling and labouring 
among that great and powerful tribe of the Bantu family, known as Fang. In 
presenting this paper, I do so fully aware of its deficiency ; but the information 
obtained from natives was never accepted nor recorded as authentic, until it had 
been frequently confirmed by others. I also desire to acknowledge my indebted- 
ness to the Council of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 
for sending me a copy of Notes and Queries on Anthropology, a book which ever 
proved an invaluable guide and help to me while living among the Fang, and 
studying their customs. 

I. — Litrodtcction, 

The large tribe of people known as Fang inhabiting a considerable portion of 
the French Congo was first described by Du Chaillu. 

Records show that in 1867 the French naval officer Admiral Fleuriot de 
Langle placed the number of Fang within French territory at nearly sixty 
thousand. Since that time this powerful tribe has rapidly increased in numbers. 
Between the Ogowe River and the Gaboon, the Fang may be counted by thousands, 

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A. L. Bennett. — Ethnographical Notes on the Fang. 67 

and like a resistless army they are steadily approaching the coast, building towns 
and displacing weaker tribes. That fine race of people, the Mpongwes, often 
spoken of as the " aristocratic tribe," and ranking first in the scale of civilisation 
above all other tribes in the French Congo, is rapidly dying out, and they are 
already being supplanted even at Gaboon by the migratory Fang. 

The Bulu people inhabiting a portion of the German sphere of influence in 
West Africa are without doubt very closely related to, if not a direct offshoot from, 
the Fang ; their customs are identical and their language so markedly similar that 
a person who is able to speak Bulu is readily understood by the Fang. The first 
day of my arrival among the Fang, after residing in Bululand, I was able to make 
known the reason for my coming and to ask and answer ordinary questions. 
While visiting on a small island called Nenge-nenge in the Nkomo Eiver, a vety 
old Fang man told me as follows : When a lad his grandfather had told him that, 
a long time ago, many of his tribe "changed their towns." These people first 
travelled far in canoes, and then after journeying for very many days through 
the forest, they " stopped walking and made new towns," and they did not return. 
My informant's father had told him later more about these people ; they had been 
heard from, and their long absence from the original tribe had so changed them 
that " they spoke new words " (a new language). 

Examples could be given almost without limit of the great similarity in the 
language as spoken by the Bulu and Fang. A few will suffice ; and I will select 
from the proverbs of the people which are also identical. Tell a Bulu man to 
hurry with his work, he will often reply, '' Alu da dayi boF nzokV (Will one day 
rot an elephant ?). The Fang speak the same proverb thus : " Alu avoii hoV nzok ? " 
Again, the Bulu use the words Melu myiis (the days that are past), Melu om (the 
days that are to come), Mdu mesese (all the days).- These sayings and numerous 
similar ones are in daily use among the Fang, the words used and the idiom being 
almost identically the same as in Bulu. I have wondered if the account given 
me by the old Fang man at Nenge-nenge about the people who years ago " changed 
their towns," might not be of more than passing interest as touching the genesis 
of the Bulu. 

The Fang people are spread over an immense area of country, and when 
questioned regarding their numbers they usually reply, " There are Fang and Fang ; 
if you walk and sleep in towns and towns for many mooiis (months) you will find 
Fang." In the future it will be found that in the ethnography of equatorial Africa 
the Fang will hold a very important place. As before stated they are unquestion- 
ably closely related to the Bulu, and Compi^gne recognised a marked similarity 
between them and the Osyeba, Monbutta and Nyamnyam people. There are 
several scattered tribes of dwarfs among the Fang. Five of these pigmies live 
within two miles of my station, and they tell me that more of their people will 
soon "move their towns" and come to live on the banks of the Nkomo river. The 
Fang people look on the pigmies as a very clever and superior people, and not 
yrithout good reason. An old headman told me that the mon nqui (dwarfs) first 


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68 A. L. T\KS}^Kn.—Eth7iof/raphicnl Notes on (he Fang. 

discovered bow to work eki (iron) and then taught others. They ai*e ako skilful 
hunters, and frequently succeed in killing game when others fail In trade, it is 
almost impossible to cheat a dwarf, hence the Fang saying, " Mon mei meduk mehe, 
mon nqiii aduk avoHy (You can cheat a Fang twice, a dwarf once.) In this proverb 
the word ''vieV* equals Fang (see photographs and measurements of Fang dwarfs). 
The Fang are cannibals and only fear of the authorities keeps them in check. In 
the autumn of 1898 a man was killed and eaten within ten miles of our mission 
station on tbe Nkomo river. I heard of the affair two days after the man had 
been killed, and taking a boat hurried down to the place accompanied by one of 
the sons of King " Kelun " from Nenge-nenge, as guide. In the palaver house of 
the town was a captive boy in chains. The people of this town would not admit 
having eaten a man, yet did not deny it ; they said that the human bonas in a hole 
behind the palaver house were those of a man who had " died two days before." 
I afterward learnt that the captive boy had been killed and eaten a few days after 
my visit. Several Fang have admitted to me that " some Fang eat man meat," 
and they have been told that it is far more enjoyable to eat than goat My 
informants always added that they would not do such a thing — " only bad Fang 
did so." What I have learned from othei*s and my own observations lead me to 
believe that an immense tract of country in West Africa from a trifle north of 
the equatorial line extending even as far northward as to include a portion of the 
Grerman sphere of influence in the Cameroons, is occupied by numerous anthro- 
pophagous tribes all more or less closely related. 

II. — Physical a)id Moved Characteristics, 

Physically the Fang are a' fine people. They may be classed as of medium 
size. Some of the males are exceptionally large and well built. At Foulabifong, 
the Fang village on the Nkomo river, >vhere I reside, there is a man belonging to 
the Esisis tribe who is the largest and finest specimen of humanity I have ever 
seen in Africa (photo shown on screen). 

The skin colour of the Fang is sooty-black or dark reddish-brown, chocolate : 
(numbers 2 and 3 Topinard's scale) ; coal-black skins (number 1, Topinard's scale), 
are in the minority. The skin is smooth and when well cared for, as it very often 
is, it feels soft and velvety. In the adult the skin is lighter in the axilla ; the 
palm of the hand and sole of foot are permanently yellow. The average Fang eye 
has a dark iris (class 1, Topinard's scale), and the eye-balls are placed with their 
long axes nearly in one horizontal plane. I have occasionally noticed a compression 
of the outer angle of the opening, mostly in females, strongly suggestive of the 
" almond eye." The hair may be classed as black and woolly. It is uniformly 
scattered over the hairy scalp ; the hairs are coarse in texture. The males seem to 
have an aversion to hair on the face and frequently pluck if out ; only a small 
percentage grow beards. 

In adult males hair is often (juite abundant on the chest and forearms. 

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A. L Bennett. — Ethnographical Notes on the Fang. 69 

The face is oval in form.* The average nose is of the negroid type (short, 
broad, nearly straight). Fig. 7, Topinard ; or the Australoid or Papuan (broad, with 
the lower part forming a flattened and depressed hook), Fig. 8, Topinard's scala 
The skull is thick and strong. Very often the brows are depressed deeply, the 
cheek bones are prominent, and at the angle of the inferior maxillary bone there is 
an inclination to bulging outward. The alse nasi are broad and thick, and the 
nasal bridge often much depressed giving the typical, flat, turned up nose of the 
negro. Yet I have observed among the Fang some handsome aquiline noses, and 
quite frequently the Australoid or Papuan type. T have frequently noticed that 
the possessors of the aquiline, or Australoid type of nose, showed a higher degree 
of intelligence and a more genuine desire to learn " the white man's ways." 

The ears are large and well developed, inclined to spread outward and having 
broad thick lobes. The teeth are good and symmetrical ; Fang men and women 
file the upper and lower incisors to a fine point and give as their reason for so 
doing, that it is mhung (beautiful). The head of an average Fang male sits well 
on the shoulders, the neck is strong and muscular, the " Adam's apple " is not 
highly developed. Very little attention is given to the cultivation of hair on the 
upper lip. 

The breasts of Fang women are very pendulous after bearing children ; and 
in some cases the breasts in males are very highly developed (photo on screen). 

The muscles of the arms, back, buttocks and thighs are often splendidly 
developed, far more so than in the Mpflngwe, Mabeya and many other West 
African tribes. The Mpdngwes are rapidly degenerating. In the male Fang the 
gluteal muscles are not highly developed. The gluteal muscles in the female are 
often developed to a very high degree, measuring round from 36^ inches to 39^ 

Fifteen Fang males were measured and averaged as follows : 

Height 5 feet 9 inches. 

Chin to pubes 21\ inches. 

Pubes to inner malleolus 32^ inches. 

Inner malleolus to tip of great toe 8 J inches. 

Shoulder to wrist 24^ inches. 

Wrist to point of index finger 8^ inches. 
In males the thumb is long and broad in the terminal phalanx ; the nails of 
the hand are broad and flat. I have often seen a man use his great toe to pick up 
an object off the ground, and flexing the leg bring the object to his hand. When 
journeying through the bush with a caravan it is very interesting to notice how 
the native uses the great toe to aid him in climbing a steep hill. The sexual 
apparatus is very highly developed, especially in the males. The women are the 

> It has not been possible for me to devote the time needed for a detailed study of Fang 
crania. The few Bala and Fang skalls I have had opportunity for examimng presented very 
little, if any, diflferent characteristics. The skulls I examined were decidedly prognathous, but 
not large. 

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iO A. L Bennett. — JSthnographicat Jtfbtes on the ^ang. 

bread-winners and some are strong and muscular, while many more are weak and 
worn out from ceaseless toil. 

The Fang make good carriers, and will do a splendid day's journey even in the 
wet season with bad forest trails, if not overloaded. A carrier's load should never 
exceed 25 kilogi-ammes ; and 20 would pay better on a long journey. The first 
day out with a caravan the men usually drag along slowly, until their loads settle 
well down in the Jdngi and fit their backs. The kingi is a very ingenious 
contrivance for carrying a load in ; it is usually made from a forest vine with a 
plaited head strap. To hurry carriers the first day is a bad mistake; poorly 
adjusted loads chafe and cause sore backs, and before night the whole caravan is 
tired out and sulky. It is a wise traveller in Africa as elsewhere who knows how 
to save his men. 

A very noticeable fact among the Fang is the scarcity of old men. I 
attribute this largely to the ravages of syphilis ; the same terrible disease 
that has done so much towards the degeneration of numerous coast tribes, 
and which is already playing fearful havoc among the Fang. Indolent, 
untrustworthy and warlike, they are nevertheless a most companionable people. 
The slightest piece of drollery or a joke immediately causes laughter. It has 
been my privilege to visit many foreign lands including Cliina, Japan and 
Korea, yet never in my life have I met such an absolutely good-natured, fun- 
loving people as the Fang. 

The men are not fond of work. They frequently ask me for something to do 
to " earn a cloth." If I tell them to cut fence poles or good clean bark in the 
forest, they decline. A male Fang's idea of work is to sit in the Abeng (=s 
palaver house) and make fish lines by rolling pineapple fibre along the upper 
portion of his thigh, or to manufacture Abi (roof thatch). At these occupations he 
can converse with all comers, hear the news and take his part in talking a palaver. 
They are a revengeful people and will keep up a palaver over a woman for many 
years. If they do not succeed in shooting a man during a palaver they do not 
hesitate to fire at and kill a woman, while captives held as hostages are often 
treated with great cruelty. 

The women regard virtue very lightly. Before marriage a girl can do nearly 
as she pleases. It is absolutely safe to state that it would be almost impossible 
to find a maiden in a Fang village over sixteen years of age. Adultery is common, 
and one of the chief causes of " women palavers." Women rank first in value as 
goods for trade, next in value are goats, then gims and cloth. The greed for goods 
has a strong hold on the people. They learn quickly but have very little originality. 
They have no obscene rites. Their habits are very dirty ; they will wash in a 
small pool of water and, while bathing, fill the gourds or imported jugs with the 
water in which they are washing and use it for domestic purposes. In many other 
ways they are absolutely filthy, and descend to the level of brute creation. They 
are not over-burdened with modesty, both sexes frequently bathe together in a 
perfectly nude condition. A male Fang passes a large percentage of his time in 

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A. L Bennett.— JS^AnograpAico/ Notes on the Fang. 71 

the palaver house, where he loves to sit and gossip around the log fire, or lounge 
on the JEnong (a native bed of poles). 

Dancing is a favourite pastime, especially at the time of new moon, when the 
dance seems to have some religious significance. A Fang dance is a sight worth 
seeing; arrayed in long streaming armlets of dried grass, and large bunches of 
forest beans and moUusca shells tied around the ankles for castanets, they go 
through a series of rapid and graceful movements, some of which are not entirely 
free from obscenity. Flaming torches made of resin wrapped in plantain 
leaves are stuck in the ground and the drums keep up a perfect fusillade; 
the whole making a weird and extremely interesting spectacle. With short 
intervals of rest the dance usually continues throughout the night until daybreak 
(photo of dance shown on screen). 

III. — Clothing, Orna^nentSy Painting and Tattooing. 

Fang men and women usually go about bareheaded ; some obtain imported 
straw and felt hats from the traders and are very proud of them. A red worsted 
night-cap sold at the factories is very popular and much worn. These head 
coverings are chiefly worn for ornament and not to afford protection from the sun 
or weather. Until the opening up of trade among the Fang people their clothing 
amounted to almost nothing. The men wore a waist cloth made of bark from 
certain trees, a strong, tough, fibrous material, and the women wore a girdle 
stripped from the plantain stem, with some leaves from the bush or a piece of the 
plantain leaf tucked through the girdle in front and passed downward, backward 
and upward between the limbs and fastened to the girdle behind. Very often the 
women wore a kind of bustle made of dried grass dyed black, or red. In sitting 
down the women are very careful to first arrange the bustle. The native bark 
cloth, the girdle and bustle, are still worn in the bush towns ; the women of ben 
make the girdle of imported glass beads stnmg on string made from pineapple 
fibre, but people living in towns along the river banks wear imported cloths 
obtained in trade. As a general rule boys and girls run about without clothing 
until five or six years of age. Imported cloth is worn by both sexes and is often 
sewn together very skilfully and decorated with pieces of different colours. There 
are no recognised peculiarities of dress restricted to the subdivision of tribes. The 
cloth is cut out and sewed by each individual owner unless it is a trade cloth 
previously sewn. Cloth is usually hemmed and worn as a simple wrapper around 
the waist, and held in place by rolling in and tucking the upper border on itself. 
The upper portion of the body is not much covered by the cloth although some 
men and women wear it tied high up around the neck. Tliere is no difference 
between the indoor and outdoor clothing. When imported needles and thread can 
be obtained they are used, but I have seen very skilful sewing done with a sharp 
piece of bamboo for a needle and thread made of pineapple fibre. Upon the 
death of parents, clothes descend to the children. In saluting a visitor it is not 
customary to remove a hat or cap, if one is being worn, or any other article of 

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72 A. L Sennett. — Ethnographical Notes on the Pang, 

clothing. The Fang do not use any coverings to protect the feet Bank is not 
distinguished by the dress, very often the brightest and cleanest wrappers are worn 
by the young men while the kuma (headman) is often clothed in a du'ty old rag. 
Very often the kuma wears an imported straw or felt hat obtained in trade, 
and this alone distinguishes him as headman of the town. Next to the 
possession of women and guns, a Fang man's great desire is to own "much 

Personal Omainents, 

Head, — ^The Fang dress their hair in the same manner as the Bulu, and the 
way they build it up on the head over wooden shapes is often very remarkable 
and shows considerable skill. Very often the hair is built up over these shapes 
in ridges, the upper edge of the ridge having white shirt buttons fastened along 
it or brass headed tacks driven in. Wigs are used and very skilfully made. 
Very often the term wig would be a misnomer, for the ingenious contrivance 
made to fit over the bald head is often entirely devoid of hair, being simply a 
close-fitting skull cap knitted with string made from the pmeapple fibre. The 
wigs are usually decorated with shirt buttons or imported glass beads. The hair 
is frequently plaited and twisted into ringlets by both sexes ; dyeing the hair is 
not practised. Beads and white shirt buttons are worn on the hair in. large 
quantities, also large cowrie shells dyed with red wood powder. The beads and 
buttons are often sewed on pieces of goat or deer skin, a separate portion 
decorating each side of the head, connected by a string of beads passing across the 

Moustaches are seldom cultivated, beards when worn are allowed to grow 
naturally; but both are frequently removed by depilation; shaving is not 
practised. Ornaments are frequently worn in the ears, and are usually suspended 
by a small cord passed through a hole in the lobe. Women and young girls when 
returning from work in the forest or gardens frequently cluster grasses, leaves of 
vines and fragrant herbs around their ears ; it is a rather pretty custom. Certain 
fetish charms are worn suspended from the ear ; women frequently use for an ear 
fetish the small quills from a porcupine's tail, and they say it will bring them 
children. Brass and iron ear-rings are also worn. 

Males do not seem to feel inclined to ornament the nose, but many Fang 
women delight to do so. They pierce the triangular cartilage with a long slender 
bamboo pin : the pins sometimes project out three inches on either side of the 
nose. Very often a medium-sized porcupine quill is used as the ornament, in 
place of bamboo ; it certainly looks better. Some women thus decorated look veiy 
repulsive. A female who is credited with considerable power as a medicine 
woman will almost invariably have the nose pierced and decorated. Ornaments 
are not worn on the lips or cheeks. 

Body, — Men, women, and children wear necklaces of glass beads, the hoofs of 
very small antelope, and certain forest beans, are strung and worn around the 
neck. Bristles from the tail of an elephant are used for the same purpose. When 

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A. L Bennett. — Mhnographicat Notes on the Pang, V3 

in mourning, a necklace is made from bleached grass plaited ; it is worn by both 
sexes. A very favourite fetish chaim to suspend from a necklace is a leopard 
tooth. I have frequently seen the two tusks of a wild boar or " Wart hog " worn 
around the neck as an ornament and have succeeded in bringing specimens worn 
mostly by the women. Imported thick brass wire wound around the forearm 
from wrist to elbow is a very favourite armlet ; it is kept highly polished. Brass 
wire is often wound so tightly around the biceps as to seriously interfere with 
circulation. Broad pieces of beaten brass are worn on the arms, and ivory 
bracelets are much valued. Sometimes six or more rings of ivory are cut from a 
tusk, and all worn on one arm. Finger and thumb rings are mostly worn by 
the women ; they are made of brass, copper, or iron, and are usually very thick and 

Eings are no indication of rank or marriage. It is not uncommon to see a 
woman with three heavy brass rings on one thumb, and eight or ten similar rings 
on the fingers. Narrow girdles of leopard, goat or deer skins are worn across the 
chest to support the native fighting knife and bunch of fetish charms. I have 
been visited by a bushman wearing no less than twenty-three charms. 

Legs and fed, — Leglets and anklets of brass are much worn and sought after 

by women. Brass leg rings imported by traders are in great demand. There does 

not appear to be any special time set for commencing to wear anklets ; mere 

infants are frequently decorated with them. Some of the leglets are very heavy, 

and many women wear ten or more on one leg. These rings often fit very tightly 

and impede circulation, or chafe and cause nasty indolent ulcers. The ankles and 

feet often swell and become very painful as a result of insuflBcient blood supply. 

Toe-rings are of iron and brass largely worn, and fit so tightly that the ring 

is often deeply imbedded in the flesh. Usually only one ring is worn on a single 


PaifUing and Tattooing. 

PaiTUing. — ^The method of painting the body by smearing on redwood powder 
mixed with palnuoU, so largely practised by the Bulu, is followed in the same 
manner but to a much less extent by the Fang. Soft portions of the redwood tree 
are pulverised and mixed with oil into a thick paste, and the preparation smeared 
over the entire body. Occasionally a red band is painted across the forehead. 
When in mourning, dust, mud, or white clay is frequently rubbed over the entire 
body. Much more frequent is the practice of painting arrow heads, bands, or dots. 
The pigment used is a dark blue colour, obtained I am told from a tree fungus. 
The Ngi or witch doctor, when at work, in addition to his other paraphernalia 
smears his body with white chalk. Except in the case of the Ngi, the only object 
in decorating the body by painting is to appear rribung (beautiful), and with the 
Bulu when asked the reason for smearing the body with red paint, they usually 
reply it is dbung (handsome). Imported pigments are not used for body 

Tattooing. — The custom of tattooing is much in vogue. I have not been able 

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74 A. L Bennett. — Mhnoffraphicat Notes on the Pang, 

to obtain any accounts touching on its introduction, beyond the fact " we leamt 
it from our fathers." No ceremonies are connected with it. There are no 
professional tattooers, but the natives frequently employ a man known to be 
skilful to ornament them. It is practised by both sexes ; young lads are anxious 
to be tattooed because it makes them feel " real men," but the practice is not 
indispensable as a sign of manhood. The same blue pigment obtained from a tree 
fungus used in painting is mixed with ashes and employed for tattooing. The 
instrument used is a sharp piece of bamboo, a piece of sharp iron or a knife. The 
pi^actice does not appear to be in any way connected with pagan worship. Social 
or family rank does not affect the designs employed. Fang tattooing is not always 
symmetrical, it usually commences with the face, and a favourite design on the 
cheeks somewhat resembles the bowl and stem of a straight pipe. Only one 
colour is employed. Tattoo marks and designs are mostly found on the face, chest, 
shoulders, arms and abdomen. Women frequently have the pipe pattern or a band 
across the cheeks, and occasionally upon the breasts. 

Cicatrization is largely practised. Small incisions are made in the skin with 
a sharp instrument, frequently a steel nail from an imported packing case 
obtained from the ti*ade house, the nail being flattened out into a small knife 
blade ; or a sharp piece of bamboo is used. The juice of a certain herb is rubbed 
into the incised wounds. 

IV. — HaUtcUions, 

The houses are built mostly of bark ; beams and rafters are made from the 
strong branches of forest trees and bamboo ; they are secured by bush rope. The 
entire structure rests on the ground. It is very rare to find a Fang house on 
poles, except the coast. There is no regularity in size of houses, but the form 
and material used is common to all the tribe. The average Fang house or hut is 
a low dark building, 15 feet long by 10 wide, and with walls about 6 feet high ; 
the roof angle increases the height inside. Each family has a house; it is 
used, day and night, by all members of the family. Travellers usually occupy 
the aheng (palaver house), and the headman finds them sleeping quarters at 
night When the owner dies he is usually buried close to the house, and the 
grave levelled off and soon obliterated. The houses comprising a town are built 
together, end to end. Towns consist of two rows of houses, with the main road 
passing between them. The dbeng (palaver house) is built across one end of the 
main road. A large place is often composed of several towns or villages in line, 
the limits of each village being marked by its palaver house, and having its own 
headman. The Fang method of conveying information regarding the size of a 
place is by stating the number of palaver houses it contains. Stockades are 
frequently used at the entrance to a town, especially if the people have a palaver 
(tribal war) with a neighbouring tribe. The palaver houses and dwellings are also 
frequently stockaded. The natives often show considerable foresight and 
shrewdness by making use of the natural advantages of a position in selecting a 

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A. L SenneIt. — Mhnographicat Notes on the Fang, 75 

site for their villages. The houses can be readily taken down and erected 
elsewhere. The e8u:th floor is often beaten very hard, no covering is used. The 
beds are made of bamboo poles resting upon end pieces, supported by four forked 
corner stakes. The bed is raised about one foot from the ground. In most houses 
are four beds, two at each end on opposite sides, having a log fire burning between, 
the smoke escaping through the thatch roof. The furniture is all movable, and 
consists of stools, cassava bowls and boards, drinking gourds, fish nets, water 
gourds, various baskets and hanging bamboo shelves for drying fish and corn over 
the fire. Food, guns and powder horns are hung up on wooden hooks suspended 
by bush rope ; these hooks are made by cutting a suitable branch from a young 
tree, having a strong crutch. No separate portion of the dwelling is set apart for 
sleeping or eating. There are no windows to a Fang house ; at night one or more 
pieces of bark are used for a door. All the domestic arrangements are excessively 
filthy. Eef use from meals is unknown, everything is eaten, including entrails and 
skin of animals and fish. Before occupying a new house the witch doctor (ngangan) 
is usually called to perform the ceremony of propitiating the evil spirits (local 
spirits), and the biang JEkuri (fetish) is hung up and becomes the protecting fetish 
of the household. This fetish is hung up over the doorway outside. The houses 
are built entirely above ground, the roofs are made of split bamboo and covered 
with thatch made from the long tough blade of a swamp reed, or rush. This 
thatch makes a most excellent roof, and when well put on, it is able to with- 
stand three years of the terrible rains which fall during the long wet season, 

V. — Navigation, Hooks, Nets, Fishing, Traps. 

The Fang use bug narrow canoes. A suitable tree having been found is 
felled and trimmed, then hollowed out with the small native wedge. All the boats 
are open and both sides of the canoe alike. The women use the same canoes as 
the men and paddle them very skilfully. War canoes are made large and strong, 
but are otherwise similar in construction to the canoes in daily use. A kind of 
lu^er sail is used and the natives sail a thin canvas very close to the wind. The 
baler used is made of wood ; it much resembles a large flat sugar scoop and is 
common among tribes along the west coast. This baler is used most skilfully and 
with great rapidity by both men and women. In paddling, no fulcrum wJmtever 
is used. The men and women either sit or kneel, grasping the paddle handle in 
its upper and lower thirds they plunge the blade deeply into the water, and force 
the canoe ahead with great rapidity. One man, woman, or a child steers, using an 
ordinary paddle ; the time kept while paddling is excellent, and is usually kept by 
one man chanting a Fang song, not unlike a white sailor's shanty, the paddling 
taking on renewed vigour during the chorus. The sails are usually made now 
of imported trade cloth, but I have seen them made from the native bark 
cloth. Only one sail is used and the canoes are able to beat up well against the 

Digitized by 


76 A. L. Bennett. — Ethnographical Notes on the Fang, 

The mariner's compass is entirely unknown, and when I have shown one, it 
was always spoken of as "the white man's hiang biai" (canoe fetish). The Fan*.' 
shapes his course by his knowledge of the river banks ; he never ventures more 
than three days' journey from his own town, and much dislikes the idea of losing 
sight of land ; therefore he seldom, if ever, attempts it. Certain canoes belong to 
the headman of the village, others to individuals. The canoes do not have houses ; 
charms are frequently tied to the bow, to appease the water spirit, and frequently 
a traveller in a canoe will throw into the river at certain places he passes portions 
of his food to appease the local spirit which he believes dwells there. The place 
where this spirit dwells may be in some large tree or rock on the river bank. At 
night the canoes are hauled up on the river bank and usually left unprotected. 
Large war canoes, if painted, are occasionally covered with a few mats. No special 
portion of a canoe is set apart for a chief, he is usually seated near the bow. 
Watertight compartments for provisions are not provided, food and articles of 
trade being carried in high baskets. Upon arrival of a canoe from a neighbouring 
town, the visitors are frequently welcomed with shouts of joy ; guns are fired and 
a dance given in the evening. I have seen canoes repaired by placing pieces of 
bark over the leaks inside and outside, the bark being secured with small hard 
wood plugs. No arrangement is made to prevent leaking. 

Hooks for fishing are skilfully made of bamboo, the barb is long, very sharp 
and notched on both sides. The hook is secured to the fishing-line with string 
made of pineapple fibre. Foreign-made fish-hooks are now largely used ; these 
are much coveted, and considered a very staple article of trade. 

Casting nets are used weighed with stones, iron, or lead, obtained in trade. 
The meshes are very fine and show much skilful and patient workmanship. A 
Fang will work well at anything which he can do while sitting in the palaver 
house. He can then work, smoke and talk ; any work requiring much bodily 
exertion on his part or elsewhere is relegated to his wives. Fish traps are made 
of split bamboo and much resemble the lobster baskets used by our own fishermen. 
Small streams are often dammed at high water, the dam being made of split 
bamboo, fastened together with bush rope until a very large screen is made, 10 or 
12 feet in height; this screen is staked across the stream at high water, when the 
tide falls the water passes readily through, leaving the fish in the river. The most 
disgusting sight among the Fang, is to see the women and children at low water 
walking in the mud, breast high, feeling for " mud fish." The large casting net is 
called evjot ; a small round net used for dipping in pools and along the river bank 
at low water is called tan. 

VI. — Metallv/rgy, Fire, Machinery, 

Metallurgy among the Fang is limited to the working of iron. The native word 
for iron is Eki. The Fang among whom I lived did not possess the knowledge of 
smelting, but I was told that " other Fang far away in the bush, especially the 
Nqui dwarfs), dug the minkok eki (stones of iron) out of the earth, melted it, and 

Digitized by 


A, L Bennett. — Ethnographical Notes on the Fang. 77 

traded with the eJd (iron)/' Iron is put to various uses. I-ong bladed knives of 
various shapes and patterns are made, also spear heads, armlets, anklets, finger 
and toe rings. Small pieces of iron are used for bullets in flint-lock muskets. One 
of the most important uses of money among the Fang is the making of lehi. 

Beki is made up in bunches ten beki in each bunch ; a bunch of beki is called 
n^et The amount of dowry paid in beki is usually counted in hundreds, Jculiki hi 
kei, ntet awom (bring me one hundred beki). 

A bundle of ten arrow heads is frequently used as an ntet, 

A peculiar shaped adze is made of iron ; it is used for working wood, especially 
hollowing trees intended for canoes. 

Pieces of iron are forged into axe blades {ovon). 

The mfak is a short handled spade made of iron, used for digging in the 

The art of casting seems to be unknown. 

The bellows (nkum) used by Fang smitlis are very ingenious (lipedmen on table). 
The feet are used to steady the bellows, whilst both hands work the goat skin 
covers and force air into the fire. 

A block of iron is used for an anvil. Some of the natives are quite skilful 
at working iron. A Fang living near my residence often begged from me a round 
steel nail from a packing case. In a short time he would return with the nail 
transformed into a thin delicate knife or dagger, only the nailhead remaining 
intact. Very large fighting knife blades are made and beautifully fashioned, and 
ornamented with various punch marks. 

I have never seen any native made wire. Imported brass wire is in great 
demand and mostly used as a continuous armlet. The coil usually reaches from 
wrist to elbow, and is considered extremely mbuiuf (handsome), and kept highly 

Imported brass is obtained in trade and made into armlets, anklets, finger 
and toe rings. It is also used for ornamentation of guns. 

Many of the natives are skilled workers of iron and fully aware of its value. 
I have never seen welding practised, but in working hot iron it is frequently 
plunged into cold water to make it aiert (hard). 

Mre, — In the far interior, fire is produced by friction, the simplest form of a 
drill being used, which is twisted rapidly between the hands. Along the rivers 
matches are obtained from the native traders, who bring up large quantities from 
the coast. The natives are always ready to trade for matches, which are again 
traded to interior tribes. Flints are only used on the hammer of the old flintlock 
musket imported for trade. Fires are almost constantly burning in the palaver 
houses. Two dry logs are kept constantly burning, they are placed end to end, 
when one log is nearly consumed it is replaced by another. 

It is interesting to notice how the natives carry fire about. When on a 
journey in 1897 from Gross Batanga with a caravan to the Bulu country in the 
German sphere of influence, one of the men usually obtained a piece of burning 

Digitized by 


78 A. L. Benneit. — Mhnoffraphioal Notes oil the Fang. 

log from the last town where the caravan rested. This man kept the piece of wood 
burning by gently swinging it backward and forward, while maxching along the 
path with his load. On one occasion I timed a native, and when we reached the 
next stopping place, after a three hours' tramp in the rain, the brand was still 
burning brightly, and it had been frequently passed from one end of the caravan 
to the other so that all who desired could light their pipes from it. 

The Fang use fire in the ceremony of going out of irwuming. I witnessed this 
ceremony once at Foulabifong. The widows of an old headman had put in the 
regular time of mourning and were now to be released. There were seven widows 
in all, three of middle age, and four young girls A small fire of leaves had been 
lighted in the centre of the street, and on each side of the fire stood several young 
men armed with switches. The widows wore a very slender loin cloth. At a 
given signal the widows rushed toward the fire and bounded through it, the 
young men switching them as they passed, but the switches were not used severely. 
Immediately after the switching, eaxjh widow seated herself on the ground holding 
a bunch of burning leaves under her feet, while a young man shaved their heads 
with a sharp trade knife. On inquiry regarding this ceremony, I obtained the 
following information: Passing the fire cleaiis them after mourning (evidently 
considered a means of purification). Switching reminds the widows of their duty 
to the man who inherits them as his wives. Burning has two meanings : firstly, 
the pain caused is endured as a last act of mourning for the departed ; second, it 
signifies that henceforth the widows walk a new path (enter upon a new life). 

Fire has a place in Fang religion or belief. The sun is considered the tcUa 
(father) of all heat, and the original maker of all fire, whether by friction, matches, 
powder, or lightning. When a severe thunderstorm is at its height, the natives 
say of the lightning, " that the sun has hid his face and is shooting fire, because he 
is angry." The native word for sun is/o. Although the palaver house fire is kept 
burning, still, no special effort is made to keep it alight ; should it go out, any 
person present is at liberty to rekindle it from newly produced fire. 

VIL — Customs. 

The Fang have no system of law, no judge or tribunal for punishment of 
crime. Theft, murder, ofiFences against the person are all settled according to 
native custom. 

Example : A Fang of the Esisis clan steals goods or a woman from a Fang of 
the Nge clan. The Nge who has been wronged does not go to the offender for 
settlement, he goes to another near town and shoots the first goat he sees in the 
street, or if very angry, he may shoot a woman. The owner of the goat or woman 
demands of the Nge his reason for doing so. The Nge replies, " An Esisis " (giving 
the man's name) " has wronged me ; I put the palaver (his offence) on you." The 
third party then goe^ to the Esisis and says, " An Nge " (giving the man's name) 
" has shot my goat (or woman) because you have made trouble with him ; he has 
put your palaver (trouble) on me. You must pay me | " The original offender is 

Digitized by 


A. L. Bknnett. — JEthnop'aphical Notes on the Fang. 79 

now responsible and liable to two parties ; if he is reasonable they all meet and talk 
the palaver. If the palaver is serious, each party appoints his niol (ambassador). 
The palaver is usually talked in the main street of the town, before all the 
representatives of the interested clans, and before all strangers in town. The 
Fang are bom orators, and remarkable gestures and orations are made while 
talking the palaver. The speaker usually walks backwards and forwards grasping 
and leaning upon a " palaver stick." He commences with : Mzona (I say thus) ; 
when speaking for another he says Azona (he says thus) ; when speaking for the 
people of his town, Ba zoTia (they say thus). Sometimes the ntdls (ambassadors) sit 
in a canoe in the middle of a river or a stream, and talk the palaver, the injured 
parties being on either side of the stream. The case is talked, the goods demanded 
in payment stated, and an effort made to kik nsang (cut or end the palaver). If 
they succeed, then the palaver is <yiU (ended), and a dance follows; if no 
agreement is come to^ the meeting breaks up and a tribal war exists between these 


There are three salutations common to all. Two friends meet, they each grasp 
the arm of the other, high up on the biceps ; a slight pause is made, then the hand 
is slipped down to clasp the wrist. This is also the customary salutation used by 
the Buhl. 

Two friends meeting salute by embracing. 

A traveller entering the dbeng (palaver house) walks over to the headman and 
sits on his knee a moment, at the same time placing one arm around the headman's 

Hospitality demands that all strangers be served food by the town women to 
strangers in the dbeng. 

Wives are loaned to guests. 

Coarse conversation is indulged in by old and young of both sexes. 

Considerable license prevails among the unmarried; less so among the 

VIII. — Invention, Natural FormSy Conservatism. 

Invention. — The arts in use are common to all the diflferent clans of the great 
Fang tribe. Any new discovery as the working of iron is credited to the dwarfs or 
nqui. The natives are always ready to admit that the nq^ii are very clever ; they 
have a saying " no person knows like a mon nqiii (dwarf) what is inside the forest." 
When obtainable the natives use an imported saw, or file, and admit its superiority 
over their own cmde tools. A Fang may be impressed at the knowledge and power 
of the white man, but is not greatly surprised ; the reason for this is that many 
white men are credited with possessing supernatural powers. 

Some of the clubs, tools and weapons approximate to the natural forms of the 
branches or roots of trees, Axe handles and the handle of a certain kind of adze ha\ e 

Digitized by 


80 A. L. Bknnktt. — Ethnographical Notes on the Fang. 

the natural curve of the branches. Stones are employed for rolling food, especially 
for crushing and rolling the Tigon seed. Shells of large land moUusca are cut in half 
and used for spoons, small gourds being used for the same purpose. Large gourds 
are used for water dippers and bottles. Very many uses are found for the forest 
gourds, not the least ingenious being the use of a hollow stemmed gourd for 
administering a rectal injection. Gourds are used for the sounding boards of the 
musical instrument called mvuk. The people find many uses for bamboo. It is 
used in construction of houses, fish baskets and traps are made from it, fences to 
protect paths during tribal wars are made of sharp pointed bamboo poles ; and 
small sharpened pieces of bamboo with poisoned tips are buried in the forest paths, 
point upward, to wound and poison the naked feet of an unsuspecting enemy. The 
teeth and claws of leopards and bush cats, elephant tail, antelope feet, horns and 
forest beans are used in their natural form as personal ornaments. Leopard teeth 
are always 'considered valuable as hiaTig (fetish) and are much sought after; they 
are frequently imitated in ivory. I have not seen the defences of animals employed 
as artificial defences, except as fetish. Long tough forest thorns are often used as awls 
and needles for piercing and sewing skins. I once saw an ngangan (witch doctor) 
perform a post-mortem examination on a woman. After he had discovered the cause 
of death, which he announced to the expectant crowd as being due to " six witches 
eating her liver," he first pierced the abdominal walls with a long hard thorn, and 
then sewed up the body with a bamboo needle threaded with pineapple fibre. I 
have seen only one cave dwelling ; it was used by an isolated sufferer of the dread 
disease called by the natives mabata (a kind of sloughing phagedina). When 
proper reed material for making thatch is scarce, large forest leaves are used, but 
they make very poor roofs, especially during the tornado season. 

Conservatism. — The Fang are not quick to adopt reforms or to introduce new 
methods ; they are more or less the slaves of custom, and have a superstitious dread 
of departing from ancestral habits. This refers to all the proceedings of life. Fang 
living in towns near Gaboon are almost daily coming in contact with white settlers, 
and to some extent, at least, appear to be changing their mode of living. It never 
appeared to me that a Fang had the same longing to be "just like a white man" 
as possesses the young Mpdngwe and Benga men. 

IX. — Ornamentation, 

The patterns mostly seen in Fang ornamentation consist of bands, incised 
lines, elliptical punch marks, herring bone, lozenge pattern and cross lines. The 
natives do not possess a natural aptitude for drawing, and seldom attempt it. The 
few drawings I have seen on the bark walls of houses, supposed to represent men 
and women, were very crude and exaggerated in proportion. They have no idea 
whatever of perspective. They seem to interpret foreign drawings very readily. 
The Fang show considerable skill in plain wood carving, using an ordinary native 
knife. I have noticed that their carving improves very considerably when an 
imported pocket knife is the instrument employed. 

Digitized by 


A. L Bennett. — Ethnographical Notes on thj Fang. 81 

X. — Food, Cooking. 

Food used by the Fang is precisely similar to that of all other tribes 
inhabiting the great zone of palms and bananas as described by Humboldt. Added 
to these ordinary foods of the Fang is their liking for human flesh, indulged in to 
this day in spite of the law, which is often powerless to reach and punish the 
offenders. Cassava, mb6e, plantains, Wiow, crushed gourd seeds, ngongon, com; 
mekobe, a most nutritive tuber, sweet potatoes, yams, palm oil, bananas, snails and 
various moUusca. Fish is wrapped in plantain leaves and boiled, or set on hot 
ashes and fire piled on top of the bundle of food. All kinds of meat is eaten, from 
deer down to the smallest bush rat ; snakes are considered very good meat. No 
portion is wasted, every morsel of skin and intestines are eaten. Goats and 
chickens are raised for food and trade. Com or other cereals are not used for 
the purpose of making bread. Milk is not used. Preparations of milk such as 
butter and cheese are not made. There is a marked preference for meats. When 
an animal is slaughtered, women bring wooden bowls to collect the blood in. The 
blood is often cooked mixed with palm oil. A Fang will eat almost any kind of 
known food and at any time, providing it is not his Fki or taboo, given him during 
infancy, prohibiting the eating of a certain kind of food, unless partaken of under 
certain conditions. Except for the Fki men, women and children partake of the 
same food. The Fang are improvident. When on long journeys they often chew 
a piece of Kola nut, but more commonly chew pieces of a certain root; it has 
several different names. Palm oil is extensively used in cooking. Salt (nku) is 
much enjoyed and sought after in trade. Sugar is only used in the form of sugar 
cane and eaten uncooked. The chiefs, or rather headmen, have no special form of 
food. Eating earth is not indulged in. So far as I am aware, all fish, flesh and 
fowl is cooked before being eaten. Flesh is often extremely high, at times 
positively bad, before it is eaten, but not one morsel is ever wasted. 

Fish, fowl, bush rats, snakes and all kinds of meats are smoked or sun-dried ; 
food prepared thus is carried on journeys in the bush wrapped in leaves and eaten 
with mboa (cassava) without any further preparation. Permanent ovens for baking 
are not in use. Meat is roasted on small spits over the log fire or wrapped up 
in leaves and hot ashes banked around and on top of it. Native vegetables are 
frequently cooked with meats, plantains are usually boiled separately or roasted 
close to the fire. Most cooking utensils used by the Fang near the coast are iron 
or brass pots, imported by white traders ; but farther inland the native pots are 
much more in vogue. These native pots are made of grey clay and sun-dried ; they 
become harder and stronger by use, and vary in size and capacity from a pint to 
about three gallons. 

Cooking vessels are not kept very clean, being simply rinsed out with a little 
water ; but if the vessel is a brass trade pot or kettle, it is usually taken to the 
river or a near stream, and scoured bright ; but I fear the chief reason for doing 
New Sbrixs, Vol. II, Nos. 1 and 2. O 

Digitized by 


82 A. L Bennett. — Ethnographical Notes on the Fang. 

this is, because, to a Fang eye, polished brass looks mbung (handsome) and is 
attractive for trade. Vessels are usually placed on top of the fire and not 
suspended over it ; vegetables are frequently placed in stew^. No separate dwelling 
house exists for cooking, it is carried on in the dwelling house. The water used to 
wash a dirty pot with is often thrown out on the earth floor of the dwelling, 
children playing in the wet dirt. In all domestic matters the Fang are very filthy. 
I have on more than one occasion when inside a native hut seen children micturate 
and defecate on the earth floor close to where the mother was cooking, the women 
and men present taking very little notice, and only occasionally placing the child 
outside the door. Cooking is exclusively the duty of women, a real man will not 
cook. Food is often highly seasoned with hot native red and green peppers, and 
food thus prepared is much appreciated. The food is usually well cooked through, 
with the exception of plantains which are often only half boiled and served quite 
hard. Large round stones are used for rubbing and reducing to powder gourd 
seeds and various tubers. Smoking and salting are the only methods practised 
for preserving food, and on account of the value of salt and the difficulty of 
transporting it inland, it is seldom thus employed. 

Drinks. — Rum has been carried from the coast by white traders and natives 
far inland and is used whenever obtainable, but the chief drink is cold water. 
Palm wine is made called meyak. Except in places where a trade factory existed 
I have seen very few cases of intoxication among the Fang, but when they can 
obtain rum it seems to completely demorahze them. Tea and coffee are known to 
people living near white settlers. When a party of headmen and others have 
taken a meal at the mission house, tea and coffee were greatly enjoyed and cups 
frequently re-filled. The first meal is usually about eight or nine o'clock ; the 
natives think the white man eats very early ; a mid-day meal is served and the 
evening repast is usually about sunset. 

Food is frequently brought to the men inside the abeyig (palaver house) ; at other 
times an entire family eats together inside the dwelling house. No ceremonies 
whatever precede the commencement of meals. When a son is bom, or on the 
occasion of a wedding, and after some large palaver has been settled, a feast is 
usually given. Invited guests and strangers partake together with the town folk 
of the food prepared ; it is usually served on the earth floor of the palaver house, 
on plantain leaves, and in cooking pots, each person helping himself. The women 
do not eat with the men inside the palaver house. 

Mode of preparing Mhoa, 

Ba du mbda osui, e vdm a ne nddtdl : a haga homa melu iriela, he keli tds : he sdli 
ne nye : he ndu mhuk : he kezi nye mhuk iti he nou ntum : hefla tyak : hdnga vul: he 
kaga mana vul : he kezi nye e mve : vekoha ji : ve tele mvi mhoa : wena mhoa abea. 

Digitized by 


A. L. Bennett. — Ethnographical Notes oil th-e Fang, 83 


They put cassava to soak in the river, in a place where there is (plenty of) 
mud. When it has lain there tliree days, they go and rub off the rind. They bring 
it (to the house). They take a trough, and put the cassava in it. They take the 
mashing stick. They mash the cassava. They wrap it up (in leaves). When they 
have finished that, they put it in the pot. Then they light the fire. They put the 
pot of iguma (on the fire). Then the iguma is hoiled, 

Azo Mfini : (Plantation). 

Betata basa lexia ho dia inifini (our fathers did not make plantain villages), 
n'afan eto bd (because their land was near at hand, i.e., near the regular village). 
Fan Vanyege infini ne bo bidji binne (Fan likes plantain \nLllage to make good food, i.e., 
because thus they get good food). Bikon e djel ine, betok (Plantains in town have 
(one) small). Infini nc djal moe afan bihh (Plantain village is a good town 
(because) land {i.e., good land) near). Nson ane afan betata benga to bibd (Like the 
land where the fathers were near). Bangiye infini, ne dzi bidji binni, Mo'mbok a 
gouevi bstyit : bevok benga s6m (They hke the plantain village (because) there they 
eat good food. One person kills game (meat) others buy). Menda infini me vie bo 
dbd (Houses of plantain villages soon q)oil).* Fan, Badji asas mboa kidiccse (Fan 
they eat a meal of cassava in the morning). 

Eegarding the Fki tabooing certain foods or performance of certain actions a^ 
in vogue among the Fang, I learned from a friend and confrere, Eev, R H. 
Nassau, D.D., M.D., of Gaboon, that the Fki of the Fang is precisely similar to the 
Orunda of the Mpongwe. Dr. Nassau is a veteran missionary of thirty-seven 
years' African experience, and he is always ready to help others who are sufficiently 
interested in the natives to inquire about them. I know of no one on the West 
Coast more willing or eminently able than he for imparting information regarding 
the people among whom he has laboured. 

XI. — Anthropophagy. 

Cannibalism prevails among the Fang beyond question, and only fear of 
the law keeps him somewhat in check. I am able to speak of the Fang as 
anthropophagi ; not alone from information gathered, but from having once had 
the opportunity of visiting a town two days after a victim had been killed and 

This town, named Olunda, is on the right bank of the Nkomo river, about 
60 miles from the seat of government in tlie Congo Fran^ais. Whilst visiting the 
town Nenge-nenge (the island of islands) in the autumn of 1898, a native trader 
named Arkendengi, employed by a British trading house at Gaboon, informed me 

* It is very true that houses having plantains growing near, soon rot ; this is due to the 
dampness caused by loss of sunlight and heat 

G 2 

Digitized by 


84 A. L. Bennett. — Ethnographical Notes on the Fang, 

that a man had been killed and eaten only two days before at the town of Olunda 
two miles below Nenge-nenge. Old king Kelun at Nenge-nenge confirmed the 
report, and in compliance with my request, loaned me an interpreter to accompany 
me to the place. 

The tide being favourable, I decided to start without telling my boat boys the 
reason for my hasty departure. Olunda is quite close to the^river bank, but 
upon our arrival the water had fallen so low that the only way to reach the town 
was by wading knee deep in mud up the bank. The people eyed our boat and 
myself in particular with marked suspicion, and much talking was indulged in 
during our landing. The headman was the most villainous looking specimen of a 
Fang I have ever met ; he was well built and very muscular, but his face was 
extremely ugly and brute-like : he had only one eye, and an evil-looking one it 
was. He wore on his head an old red worsted trade cap, and smoked a dirty 
native clay pipe. 

The object of my visit was well hidden, and we chatted on various matters 
in the palaver house. When I expressed a desire to walk through the town and 
treat any of his sick people, the headman said, " No sick here, people all away, 
let us talk in the aieng " (palaver house). However, without giving him any 
notice I presently left the palaver house and walked out into the main road, and 
the crowd followed. The headman repeatedly assured me that the town was not 
worth seeing; but I strolled leisurely along. Half-way through the town I 
noticed a quantity of intestines strung out to dry on sticks, and to the great 
annoyance of the headman and people, I made an examination of them which 
convinced me that they had been removed quite recently from a human body. 
I was assured that thay were entrails from a deer and were being dried for 
the purpose of covering gourds to hold gunpowder. I then told the people the 
reports I had heard, also that I knew the intestines then drying were human, and 
accused them of cannibalism. They were very indignant, and declared, as all 
Fangs do, that their tribe never eat men. " Oh no, people in the far bush did, 
only bad Fang did so." A few moments later I picked up a human clavicle in 
the palaver house and took it away with me, threatening to report the matter to 
the Government. 

In the palaver house of this same town was a boy of about sixteen years, in 
chains, held as a hostage. I arranged to return in a few days and try to bring 
the lad to our mission station, but upon my return I again stopped at Nengi- 
Nengi, and then heard that the boy had been killed and eaten shortly after my 

I am inclined to believe that the reason for eating human flesh by the Fang 
is the result of a craving for animal food. The victims are generally males 
captured either in war, or members of other tribes waylaid and killed while 
journeying in the bush. 

A Fang man told me that once he ate " some man " because he was persuaded 
to, and that it " passed goat far " (much superior to goat). He added, " I never do 

Digitized by 


A. L. Bennett. — Ethnographical Notes on the Fang, 85 

so now because I known it's wrong." His latter statement I gave very little 
credit to. 

Fang who admitted to me that " bad Fang eat men, but not the people of 
their town or tribe," asserted that all parts of the body are eaten; that the 
victims are not considered as sacrifices to any gods, but that the bones are used 
for hiang (medicine). 

Human flesh does not form part of the regular food of the people, and to a 
certain extent the natives seem ashamed to admit that " other Fang eat men " ; they 
never admitted to me that any of their tribe did so. 

XIL — Beligion, Fetish or Biang (medicine). 

These anthropophagi have some idea of God, a superior being, their Tata 
(father) a bo mam Tnesese (he made all things). Anyarribi is their tata and ranks 
above aU other Fang gods, because a'ru y6p (he is above, lit, lives in heaven). The 
Fang have other or minor gods, the greatest of whom was Sekdme, and many Fang 
say Sekdme and Anyambi are one and the same god ; hence the saying " Sekdme anga 
kdm mam mesese " (Sekome he made (arranged) all things). The following is a list 
of Fang minor gods : 




Sekome (reported as being Anyambi). 


Nzame begat Mabeka. 

Mabeka begat Nkwa. 

Nkwa begat Sekome. 

Sekfime begat Ube. 

The Fang have no religion in the generally accepted meaning of the word, 
for it is mostly made up of an unlimited and disconnected chain of superstitious 

The key-note of the superstitious beliefs of the Fang is that the Present and 
Future is filled with innumerable numbers of spiritual beings. The great spirit 
Tata (father) Anyambi or Sekdme is considered indifferent to the wants and 
suflferings of men, women and children. I do not believe that worship is directed 
in any way whatever to the spirits of Present and Future, the natives seeming 
rather to consider propitiation, exhortation and supplication as the three things 
most essential and necessary. The spirits of Present and Future possess to a large 
degree the better human passions, and also the baser ones. The origin of these 
innumerable spirits of Present and Future is extremely vague : Anyambi or Sekdme 
is credited with having created many ; others are the souls of dead relatives, still 
retaining after death human sensations and desires. The Fang have the same 

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86 A. L. Bennett. — Ethnographical Notes on the Fang, 

idea as the Bulu regarding two great gods. The Zambe of the Bulii is the Anyambi 
or Sekdme of the Fang, the tata or father of all things ; and another god of less 
power than Anyambi or Sekdmt, who lives in the forests and is so tall that he 
gathers fruit from the highest trees. Some of the old men and women profess to 
have seen this god of the forests. 

Fang superstition includes transmigration ; a departed human soul may enter 
any animal dwelling on top of the earth or in it. There are spirits of health and 
disease, also a protecting spirit belonging to a clan or tribe, in whose honour a 
small basket is hung in the palaver house, containing portions of the skull of an 
albino, whenever obtainable, also portions of the skulls of a relative and a 
chimpanzee, human hair, nails and bones. This fetish or hiang is called the 
Biang Akaniayon^, Most Fang have a cabalistic word assigned to them by the 
ngangan (w^itch doctor), and this word is used as a prayer. During the new 
moon, dances are nearly always indulged in, and the songs usually addressed 
to the spirits of Present and Future. Local spirits need constant propitiation ; 
a native passing in his canoe a spot where a local spirit dwells, as a large rock, 
will pay his respects by casting a piece of his food into the river, or when in the 
forest a few stones or a piece of mbda (cassava) is laid at the root of some great 

Wooden idols are not plentiful among the Fang tribes living along the rivers ; 
they are seen more in the palaver houses of the bush towns. 

Charms. — These may be only cabalistic words, and under this head of vocal 
charms must be included the incantations of the ngangan (witch doctor). 

Material charms. — These are by far the most common; the belief in 
material charms, fetish, occupies the most prominent place in Fang religious 

Among the Fang, the English word Fetish, from the Portuguese word Feticio, 
is Biang (medicine). A Fang fetish is any material object which the ngangan 
(doctor) has consecrated and made a fit abiding place for a spirit. What may be 
consecrated ? Anything, absolutely anything ; a shell, rag, stone, twig of a tree, 
horns, nails, etc. The horns of small antelope and large deer are filled with resins, 
nails, human hair, faeces, etc. To bewitch a person it is necessary to give the 
ngangan a piece of the hair, nail, a portion of the food or a drop of blood of the 
person to be bewitched. A Fang is most careful if he cuts himself to see that only 
friends and relations approach him until the bleeding has ceased, and hair 
when cut is usually burnt without delay. As mentioned in the section of this 
paper on food, every child during infancy is subjected to certain rites which 
constitute his or her Eki, prohibiting the child from eating a certain kind of food 
or performing a certain act. Thus far, the superstitious beliefs of the Fang and 
Bulu are precisely similar, and I gathered from Dr. Nassau at Gaboon many 
facts connected with the people among whom he laboured, the Mpongwe, which 
showed that they also held supei*stitious beliefs very nearly, and in some cases 
precisely similar to those of the Bulu and Fang, the only difference being in the 

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A. L. Bennett. — Ethnographical Notes on the Fang. 87 

name, the EH of the Fang being the Orunda of the Mpongwe. One day when ou 
a journey among the people, I asked an old headman to share with me a chicken 
my boy had prepared for supper ; the old man seemed pleased at my invitation, 
but asked the boy if it was a hen or cock fowl. Upon being informed that it was 
a cock, he declined to eat any of it ; that was his EkL As previously stated, I do 
not believe the natives worship the spirits of Present and Future, but to a certain 
degree ancestral worship does exist. A Fang places the skull of his father in a 
curious receptacle of bark, worshipping it, killing fowls and making blood oflFerings 
to it, and in many ways the whole matter somewhat resembles the worshipping 
at graves and before ancestral tablets as practised in China. The natives often 
pray to their father's skull before talking a large war palaver, or the purchase of a 
new woman. As worshipping departed ancestors is the chief duty of a faithful 
Chinaman, so making oflFerings and prayers to the departed father's spirit before 
the skull constitutes the great Fang fetish, or hieti. Wooden idols, hiycmc, of men 
and women are made in a manner which makes the sex extremely apparent ; yet 
whenever I have seen these figures in towns, the people did not seem to regard 
them as obscene, but as truthful representations of the sexes. I feel sure that to 
some extent, at least, phallic worship is practised among the Fang. Spirits are 
everywhere ; in rocks, trees, forests, and streams ; in fact, for the Fang, this life is 
one continual fight against spirits corporal and spiritual. 

A peculiar belief regarding dreams is that when a person sleeps the soul often 
wanders away, and its experiences on these journeys are made known to the sleeper 
by dreams. After death the soul may inhabit any kind of animal. 

Fetish Biang (medicine). — Fetish means anything; leopard teeth, human 
finger nails, hair, wood, iron, herbs. The article used as Hang or fetish, has no 
intrinsic value, it is only valued because of connecting its owner with a spirit 
which can aid him. The leopard tooth fetish is supposed to impart the bravery of 
the leopard to its owner. Fetish is a spirit or combination of spirits manifested 
in material things. 

Dili Mkuk, — To murder a person and save his skull as a fetish, or use the 
skull as medicine to bring women, guns, goats or goods. The people will make 
ofiTerings to the skulls calling them by the names of persons killed. It is said that 
these prayers are always answered as desired. 

Biang e Soli (hiding medicine). — A man goes and takes leaves of trees, and cuts 
them up. He says, " I have cut up leaves of trees " (or high grass, bushes). The 
women shell gourd seeds and mash them. They catch a fowl, kill it, and put it in 
the pot. They also put in the pot the medicine leaves, and the mashed gourd 
kernels. They put the pot on the fire, and boil (its contents). When they have 
boiled it, the medicine is cooked. They take the medicine pot off (the fire). They 
go and put it by the side of (afua) the back of the hieti. The man who has put 
it there says to the bieti, other people want to kill me. He takes away the 
medicine pot. He opens the bieti basket. He takes a small piece of the bono 
(instead of this say to the woman and children he takes the excrement of the 

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88 A. L. Bennett. — Ethnographical Notes on the Fang, 

hieti). He brings it. He eats the fowl. When finished, he takes a bone of 
the fowl and the excrement of the Ueti. He cuts his nails and his hair. He ties 
(all these things) up in a bundle or packs them inside the horn of a small deer 
and keeps it. 

When a man goes on a journey he carries this medicine with him. Another 
person cannot see him as he journeys. 

This is the Bian^ e Soli, 

Bian^-nkama, — ^The people get up and take machetes and cut a clearing. 
When they have finished the clearing is open and bright. If a man has died and 
been long in the grave, they take his bones, and lay them out on the ground. They 
cover them over with earth. They take other bones, and cut them up into small 
pieces. They put (these pieces) in a basket : they put in also red dye, and scrapings 
from the bark of trees. They close up the basket. If they go to war, they carry 
the basket (suspended by a cord from) the shoulder They take the red dye which 
is in the basket and smear the body with it. If an enemy (literally, a person) 
fires a gun (at them), they will not be pierced (by the pieces of iron pot used as 

This is the Biang-nkama, Do not tell it to women or children ; only to 
grown real men — for it is tabooed. 

iVarfo Bukun, — Fang make it thus. If a man makes witch medicine, he kills 
his brother and other people. They say, let us make naaJce bukun. They take a 
corpse, and go with it to the bush. They cut bush. The bush is clear and open. 
They sweep clear the place which they have cut. They lay down the corpse in the 
place which they have swept. They dig plenty of dirt, and make it in the shape 
of an elephant (over the corpse). They make the trunk, the tusks, the eyes, the 
legs, the tail, the ears. They finish and return to the town. They say, we have 
made nzake buJcun (n^zaJce means elephant). They say if a man goes out to kill by 
witchcraft, he will die. If a man wishes to kill another with poison, he will die. 
If a man lies with a woman in the daytime he will die. Let not a woman eat a 
pig. And so they say, they have made this fetish, the nzake-bukun, . When they 
have done so, if a man lies with a woman in the daytime he gets sick. They go 
and scrape trees in the bush ; they bring water from the river, and put the 
scrapings in the water. They catch a fowl outside and put it in the medicine- 
water. They touch the man's body over with the fowl. And so that man, they 
heal him from his fetish-sickness. Then he is well. 

This is NzaJce bvhin, 

Biang-abatioTig. — If a man has married two or three women, and loves one, but 
dislikes the others, the latter feel badly. They make biang abaiiong. When they 
go to pass their faeces, they take a very small piece of their faeces. They rub off 
the grease from their skin, and mix this grease with the small piece of dung. 
They put it (the mixture) on the drying-shelf (over the fire). When it is dry they 
mash it to powder, and put it in the neck of a gourd. They take also a shrub 
called abatofl (known only by women) and put it in a small gourd (not the neck of 

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A, L. Bennett, — Mhiiogmphical Notes on the Fang, 89 

gourd mentioned above). They put oil in it. They keep it hidden. No one else 
is allowed to see it. 

When the woman cooks food for her husband, she takes the medicine, which 
she puts in the neck of the gourd, and puts it in her husband's food, then his heart 
is changed. In the evening the woman smears herself with the abatong, which she 
had put in the small gourd. When she and her husband lie down, if she touches 
her husband, the medicine which she has eaten makes his heart change. Though 
he liked her before, now he loves her on account of the IdaTtg-abationg. 

This is the Biang-abationg, 

Biang-mikal (adultery medicine). — People go and scrape medicine in the bush. 
If they come with the medicine, they put it in the pot. They put water in the pot. 
They go and catch a fowl. They cut the fowl's neck ; they put the blood in the 
medicine with the scrapings from trees. They take medicine that is in the water, 
they pour it on the person's head. They also take a certain medicine called ngwcia 
and rub it on the face of the sick person. They again rub it on his belly. Then 
they have cured the person of the minkaL Tlie fowl used is not to be eaten by the 
sick person, others may do so. Then he is healed. 

This is the same medicine used to detect adultery. If a person commits 
adultery with another man's wife, and then speaks a lie denying the affair, the 
person accused must drink the biang-viikal to show the people he is innocent. If 
he is guilty the medicine makes him sick, and he dies or trouble comes to his 
people. If guilty, medicine is made to call the curse back. 

This is the Biaivg-mikal, 

Biang-ndona (medicine for young men, eloping medicine). — If a person goes on 
a journey and sees a virgin, he courts or loves her. Then the virgin accepts him. 
He and she go and lie down. The young man says, " Let us go in my town." If the 
\drgin does not accept, then the young man tries to persuade her. The virgin says, 
" I go later." The young man says, " If you go later, give me hair for a souvenir." 
Then the virgin scratches over her heart. She takes the hair of her head and the 
blood from the scratch over her heart and gives it to the young man. He goes to 
his town, he says, " I'll first make medicine." He takes the hair and the blood. He 
takes a small piece of witch medicine. He also takes plenty of leaves. He puts the 
small piece of witch medicine with the leaves. The hair and the blood he also puts 
in the leaves. He mixes all in the leaves. He hangs them in the hieti basket. He 
says, " Bieti, I want to marry a woman. Take her for me." This eloping medicine 
hangs one day. In the morning he cuts medicine and puts it on top of a tree. 
He leaves the medicine on top of the tree. He goes again to the young virgin. He 
says, " I have come, I come to take you." The young virgin says, " I will go 
to-morrow." He sleeps. The young man when day breaks says, " Let us go." The 
young virgin says, " I will surely go." Then the young man elopes with the young 
virgin ; he comes with her to his town. Father of the young virgin he comes 
vexed. The young man kills a goat for the father of the young virgin. They finish 
eating the goat. He (the father) sleeps one day. Next morning the young man 

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90 A. L. Bennett. — Ethnographical Notes on the Fang, 

gives him (the father) the beki (dowry). The father of the young virgin takes the 
goods to his town ; the young man remains in possession of the woman. 

They marry with Uang-ndoma, eloping medicine thus. 

This is Biang-ndoma, 

Biang-akong (war medicine). — Told me by Fara-deu, a Fang, Esisis clan, at 
Foulabifong, Nkomo river, April 19tfc, 1898. This biang was illustrated to me ; a 
leopard tooth is the Biang-akong. 

Make a bowl of war medicine, of leaves, roots, and bark. Call all people of 
the town. Drop the leopard tooth into the medicine. If the point of the tooth 
looks toward the people we have a palaver (trouble) with, then we must go and 
fight and we will vNin. If the root of the tooth points toward the people we have 
a palaver with, then we must tahe si (sit down) or our enemies will win if we go to 
fight them. 

This is the Biang-akong. 

Biang-akamayong, — This biayig is the protector of the tribe or nation (aydng, 

Told me by Es8ya-6vum, the headman of Foulabifong on the Nkomo river, 
who sold me the complete set of the Biaiig-akamayoTig belonging to the dead head- 
man *' Commisan." I present this Hang for your inspection this evening. The tin 
canister was obtained from a white man and is used in place of the usual basket 
to carry bones in. It contains portions of the skull of an albino (male), portions 
of the skull of a mon nguri, young chimpanzee, red powder and a variety of native 

This hiang-akamayong is always carried by the headman of a town during war. 

A bell hangs from the bottom of the canister containing the bones ; it rings 
when the headman walks. 

Nko, — The small horn belonging to the biang-akajnayong has ngom (porcupine 
tail) in it, also native medicine. It is used to cure people having witches. A bowl 
of medicine is made. The ngom is dipped in the medicine bowl and the sick person 
sprinkled with the medicine. Then the witch departs. 

At this point the headman Esoya stopped talking. He said, " The children who 
have gathered around your house must go away ; no real man dare talk about the 
biang-akainayong before women and children." I told the children to go and Es8ya 

Tlie whistle. — This is part of the biang-akamayong ; it has been cooked (boiled) 
in the medicine bowl and has great power when used by the headman in calling 
the men together after a fight. 

MouL — This is the large horn with a piece of looking glass on top. This hom 
contains much medicine, and next to the bones is the most important part of the 

The two small antelope horns, and the small bundles of medicine, are biang e 
soli (hiding medicine) ; it makes the person carrying the biang-akaTnayong invisible 
to the enemy. 

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A. L. Bennett. — Ethnographical Notes on the Fang, 91 

The skin of a bush cat is part of the Uang-akamayoTig called " Nsin." 
The Mvang. — A triangular piece of iron filled with medicine, used to keep 
away witches, is also part of the biang-akamaydng. 

Biang-akong or biang-abal (war medicine). — This is also part of the Hang- 
akamayong, and the shots from the guns of an enemy are of no avail. 
One other important fetish hangs with the Mang-akamayong, 
A piece of very hard wood. Only a certain kind of woman is selected to find 
this wood; she is called a special or selected woman on account of certain 
peculiarities connected with her, e.g., she always fails to catch fish, she may try all 
day but will not succeed in catching fish. The husband of such a woman, after 
intercourse with her, fails to catch fish the next day, he also fails to work. This 
is the kind of woman always selected to find this wood ; it is hard wood, she is a 
hard woman, and she is called Emunega ane alert (the woman who is hard). This 
medicine is also called biang-akong, and shot from the guns of an enemy will not 

This is the Biang-akamayong. 

XIIL— Witchcraft. Evus. (Witch.) 

If a person goes out to make witch (witch medicine, or play witch to harm 
others) he dies. The people take him to the backyard. Other people say, " We 
want to take the witch." If the corpse is a female, they open the beUy. If the 
corpse is a male, they open the heart. They see the witch, they take it. If they 
bring the witch, they lay it on the smoke shelf. It dries. When finished diying 
they say, " We will use it as medicine." 

This is Evics (witch). 

Cursing dead Relations. — Written at Foulabifong, Nkomo river, April 13th, 
1898. Told me by 6v6n ; fully confirmed by Ogandaga and Interpreter Koby. 

Ekanesong (to curse dead relations). — This is a Fang custom, A man has a 
palaver with another, or goods stolen. He desires to get even with the thief. He 
calls a friend and curses his friend's dead relations, saying, 

" Go and kill that person for me, or go and make him pay me goods ; if you 
do so, I will then pay you for having cursed your dead relations." It is a serious 
matter to have dead relations cursed, and the friend feels very bad. He must do 
as bid, or he is branded as a coward, and after he has completed his task he then 
makes claim for payment. 

Nge me bd jam dili, nge vie ta miiibin (If I do it, may I see the corpses [of my 
people]). A Fang way of swearing an oath. 

Ami ye mimbim mia, yinga me bat (My friend, by the corpses of your 
relations, kill those people for me). 

Notes on EbSmeda (a curse). 

IloTig z'ayoge (a curse that kills). 

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92 A. L. Bennett. — Ethnographiccd Notes on the Fang. 

Vazege me Hong ovga I6m Trie (Take away the curse you have [sent] put 
upon me). 

Vazege me bibomeda (Take away the curse). 

Vazege me hiyoge (Take away the curse). 

B6t bene mbdmcda cb Anyambe edjam e mam mebe mda (People are cursed of 
God on account of their sins). 

Xl\,—The Ngl {A Fang Secret Society,) 

To members (Bemvon) the following things or bityi are forbidden : — 
Bityi : — 

1. To go and make or play at witch (make evus). 

2. A male fowl is not to be eaten (shared) by two men of different clans. 

3. Fish called ngole must not be partaken of with a woman. 

4. Only the initiated are permitted to eat the fish called ngoTie. 

5. Only the initiated may witness the Ngi dances. A woman who 

attempts to witness an Ngi dance will sicken and die. 

6. Only the initiated must know about the bones used by Ngi. 

7. A member of the Ngi society is not permitted to sleep on his back. 

8. Food refuse must not be destroyed by fire. 

9. To spit in the fire is against the law of Ngi (not permitted). 

10. An uninitiated person will die if embraced by an Ngi. 

11. To kick over rotten wood, logs, or forest stumps, is forbidden. 

12. To cut a stick half through in the bush, and then bring it to town and 

break it, is forbidden. It must be cut through and the two pieces 

13. To kick the feet together after getting in bed, for the purpose of 

removing dust, is forbidden. 

The violation of any of these mentioned bityi will bring misfortime and 
death on the bemvon (member). 

Ngi means gorilla among the Fang ; Nji means gorilla among the Bulu. The 
Bulu have the Nji secret society, which is reported as being precisely similar to 
the Fang Ngi ; it came to the Bulu from the Fang. 

XV,— War. 

During a tribal war all adults act as warriors. There is no regular organisation 
of fighting men. It is a typical guerilla warfare. Parties of young men go forth 
at night to attack towns ; othera watch the forest paths to shoot men passing and 
women going to work in the gardens. The Fang are noted for their love of war ; they 
are the most warlike people in all West Africa. When a tribal war is on, a headman 
frequently goes out with a raiding party to attack the town ; he carries with him 
the biang-akamayong (protecting medicine of the tribe). The usual mode of attack 
is as follows : Having decided to attack a town, the party of men (usually ten or 

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A. I* Bennett. — Ethnographical Notes on the Fang. 93 

fifteen) take their flint-lock muskets, heavily loaded with trade powder and a 
handful of broken iron pot (iron trade pots) or small stones, and creep up close to 
the town after dark. Two men try to enter the town unobserved ; if they succeed, 
then they knock at the door of a hut and say, " We are strangers travelling ; give 
us fire and food." Directly a person inside the house opens the door, both men 
discharge their guns into the house, and immediately run for the bush toward 
their comrades. The whole town is soon in pursuit, and unless careful they run 
into an ambuscade prepared for them. A fight may occur, but more often the 
attackiug party return to their town in triumph, shouting : " We are real men, we 
are real men, we have been to town, we have shot a man (or woman), we are men 
— ^real men." There is gi-eat rejoicing in their town, and a dance follows. If the 
palaver is a serious one, the town is often stockaded with split logs placed vertically 
in the ground ; huts are likewise stockaded. Poisoned bamboo spikes are buried in 
the forest paths to wound the feet of an enemy. The weapons used and relied on 
to-day are flint-lock muskets. Spears are rapidly falling into disuse. The cross- 
bow is only used for shooting birds and small bush cats. It is a mistaken idea that 
the arrows used with the cross-bow are poisoned. Shields are not used. The chief 
causes of war are disputes over women, hence called " women palavers," and these 
feuds may last for years. Prisoners are often permitted to starve to death, and 
are occasionally killed and eaten. Owing to a bitter feud it is often impossible 
for the women to work in the gardens or fish on the river, the consequence being 
a great scarcity of food. In Foulabifong, where I resided, a woman palaver lasted 
over ten months, and the three adjoining towns were in a state of famine. A prisoner 
was nearly starved to death, and I had to repeatedly plead for him. During these 
feuds many women are shot while walking the paths. The Fang think it quite 
correct to shoot a woman ; they say, " It is always safe to shoot a woman because 
she cannot shoot back." Prisoners are frequently exchanged, others are held as 

Ahal (ivar). Tratislation. 

If people are going to war they go in crowds. If they approach near the 
town (of the enemy) they hold a council. An old man (one) he says tims : We 
will go to fire when ? Then the others say, We will go in the night. Then they 
stay (sit) there until night. Darkness comes, and they light a torch. Then two 
or three people go to the town, and the other people remain in the bush. If the 
people who went to the town find people sleeping, then they point their guns inside 
a house and fire. Then people die. Then they go back running to meet the 
other people. Then they all gather in one place and return singing to their own 
town. Then they beat the drum and rejoice. Then the people who remained in 
the town say : Tell us the news as you went. Then they tell the news. Then the 
headman sits down and tells all the people in town that a person must not go 
anywhere alone. Then all the people hear, and all sit down (remain around their 
town to await events). 

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94 A. L. Bennett. — Ethnographical Notes on the Fang. 

Ngang {Doctor). Translation. 

The Ngang (witch doctor) prophesies war. If the war comes and is in the 
bush, then the doctor takes medicine wrapped in bush cat skin called mebup, and 
medicine in horns. He holds the horns in his hands. He counts the horns ; he 
hangs the mebup. He says to the mchup, I say thus : No person must go to the 
forest. If a person goes anywhere the enemy will kill him. If a person says, 
I will not listen to the doctors' talk, I will go and do my work ; then if he goes, 
the enemy kill him. If they kill a person, they take the heart and put it in 
the aiup. They take an old witch and put it in the dbup. Then if the doctor 
prophesies, the witch speaks from inside the medicine. The heart of the peraon, 
it talks. 

XVI. — Hunting Traps, 

The Fang are skilful hunters, but they justly give the credit of the chase to 
the Nqui (dwarfs). I have been told that a dwarf will go hunting in the bush and 
return with meat after a hunting party has returned unsuccessful from the same 
locality ; the dwarfs have great patience. If while hunting in the forest a man 
sees a deer, he shouts for assistance : others come and help hunt. If the deer is 
killed, all claim a share, after one-third has been given to the man who first sighted 
the game. This is the custom when a man walking unarmed in the forest sights 
meat, and calls for aid. Meat killed by a regular hunting party is carried to their 
town and divided. Dogs are used to hunt game, the dogs wear wooden bells around 
the neck, sometimes the bells are made of iron. Flint-lock guns are used when 
hunting. Before a hunting party starts out it is the custom to make hian^ nzali 
(gun medicine), and to place the guns in it ; this makes them shoot straight The 
natives imitate very cleverly the calls of certain animals and birds for the purpose 
of decoy. Occasionally they drive game into an enclosure called olam. Spears 
are seldom used in the chase. The crossbow is used for shooting birds and small 
bush cats. 

Poisoned arrows are not used with the crossbow. Pitfalls for game are dug and 
covered with small branches and leaves ; pigs and small deer frequently fall into them. 
A Fang never attempts to hit a bird on the wing. In firing the flint-locks the gun 
is not carried to the shoulder, but held by the stock in front of the body, the butt 
being on a level with the waist. Game laws are unknown. 

After a successful hunting expedition the whole town indulges in a feast, men, 
women, and children eat until gorged ; after a period of rest dancing commences 
and is kept up throughout the night. 

Olam {Trap). Translation. 

They take smaU trees and bamboo leaves and bush rope, and make a long 
fence. They leave holes for the traps and holes for the pitfalls {i.e.y opposite the 

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A. L. Bennett. — Ethnographical Notes on the Fang. 95 

places where they are going to build these respectively), large bush rat, porcupine, 
squirrels, die in the traps ; deer, gazelle, antelope, large deer and pigs die in the 
pitfalls. The animals which die in the olam are these. This is the olam, 

XYIL— Burials. 

Death is never considered as due to natural causes. Disease followed by death 
is due to evus (witch). It is not considered unlucky to attend a dying person. 
The body is usually left in the house until burial. Embalming is not practised. 
Mourners smear white clay on their bodies and wear necklaces of pineapple fibre 
for one moon (month). A coflBn is not used and the body is buried in the sitting 
posture. After burial the grave is levelled off as is the case almost throughout 
West Africa ; the only difference between the burial of a headman and a common 
man is in the amount of visitors and mourning, and the quarrelling over his goods. 
Wives of a dead headman remain in mourning from one to three moons (months). 
The witch doctor, ngan^an, usually performs a post mortem to find the witch. 
I attended a post mortem on an old woman. The witch doctor ripped open the 
abdomen with an old rusty knife, grasped and cut away the uterus and holding it 
up to the crowd declared " Six witches ! " The crowd passed the word " six witches," 
and spoke the praises of the witch doctor. Eelations usually continue to mourn or 
wail for one moon while inside the house or at work in the gardens. The most 
common wail is 6 nan 6 ! tat 6 ! (Oh mother ! Oh father !). 


This is a dance. It is not hiang (medicine)- nor is it eki. It is, however, 
practised by men only. The women must not see it. The latter stay within doors, 
and only hear the words which the men speak outside. The men speak with artificial 
voices, so that the women cannot recognise who it is that is speaking. {Fam a 
kobo ne kUt zie nkSt.) To make the artificial sounds they use a membrane (ten) 
which encloses the young of the spider (ndenhda). This they spread over a hole 
(about I inch diameter) near the small end of an elephant tusk {rribang nzok) from 
1 to 2^ feet in length, attaching it with beeswax {ahe) or a liquid which is obtained 
from a plantain stalk fresh cut. This juice is called akirL It possesses an 
adhesive property. The man blows on the large end of the ivory. A curious 
sound then issues through the membrane so that the man's voice cannot be 
recognised. This instrument is called mhang akdm. The act of playing on the 
instrument is called e kobe akdm {e kohe, talk). The performer sings songs ; the 
words are distinctly heard. He sings and all others sing responsively (a ye 
bo'besegese Vaka). 

Many songs are used in ak6m. Here are three specimens of them : — 

(1) Benza Vahste kobo ? Beso benga wog mvL Wlio speaks any more ? 

(t.e., Be silent, let no one speak.) Others are listening with pleasure 

(i.e., to the performance). 

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Google — 

96 A. L Bennett. — Ethnographical Notes on the Fang. 

Response by the audience : Nangekobe. This word seems to have 
no meaning but to be simply used as a responsive utterance. 

(2) Ak6m he yeye zazam. Let not the akSm sing my song. This 

supposes that another similar performance {ak6m) is going on in the 
neighbourhood, and the performers in it are urged not to make use 
of the song used by those in the first (akdni), 

liesponse : Ziazw, akdm ,ke yeye zazam. The word ziazia, like 
nangekohe, appears to have no meaning, and to be simply used as a 
responsive utterance. 

(3) Ke hele me nzok zam ne mabata. Do not catch hold of my instrument 

(tusk of elephant) with maiata, i.e., because you have the sickness 
mabata (a kind of sloughing phagedina). 

Eesponse : Ziazia ; ke bele me nzok zam ne mahata, 

XIX. — Abnormalities {Natural Dtformities\ Albinism, Erythi*ism. 

During my residence among the Fang I saw five albinoes (shown on lantern 
slide). The natives say of these albinoes : " They are white, but not real white 
people." They are treated fairly well ; their ever restless eyes cause them much 
ridicule and annoyance. I know of only one being married. They are not long 
lived. After death the skull of an albino is greatly valued for medicine, especially 
for placing with the biang-aJcamayeng (protector of the tribe). 

Erythrism is occasionally met with. A red-haired Fang lived in the town of 
Jam-anen (large affair) ; his skin was chocolate colour, but his eyes had a pale 
pinkish colour. The first sight of a red-headed black man surprised me very 

Hare lip is very rarely seen. 

One case of hermaphrodism came under my notice, a Fang male ; he was looked 
on as an ngangan (witch doctor) of great power, and was much reverenced. 

Deformations {Artificial Deformities), 

A. Facial. — The triangular nasal cartilage is frequently pierced. This 

practice is mostly indulged in by women. Bars of bamboo are 
inserted or porcupine quills. It is considered mbicng (handsome). 

The lips are not pierced or deformed in any way. 

The ears are pierced and ear-rings worn. 

Fetish is also suspended from the ears. 

B. Dental, — Males file the upper and lower incisors to a sharp point. 

The only reason given is, " it is mbung " (handsome). 

XX. — Fang Proverbs and Sayings. 

Ma k&m warn nlem, I think in my heart. 
Me ka, I am gone, said in taking leave. 

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A. L. Bennett. — Ethrwgraphical Notes on the Fang. 97 

A skiihut nlem, he has a foolish heart. 

A nyegl nydle zie, he likes his own body (is conceited). 

Azd dill tyineha mvus, this matter (palaver or quarrel) is pushed back (i.e., is to 
be forgotten). 

Wyen njil, w*yen nde, mdt ekdge yen owaban, you see your grandson and your 
great-grandson, but you cannot see the next generation. 

Kunge esoale we enseki, go ; your father calls you down the street (a hint to leave). 

Asong avoti da hdl ami, one rotten tooth spoils all (a person once caught lying 
cannot be trusted). 

Me si nione kal meyong mese, I am not sister's son to all tribes (i.e., I am not 
everybody's servant). 

Ejd avoge ane ejima, another day is beautiful (like our gaying " Every dog has 
his day"). 

Moil kon a'ycn avoti, mon mdt mnjen m*bei, you can see a ghost once but a 
person twice. 

Mon mie meduk m'bei, mmi n^ui aduk avorti, you can cheat a Fang twice, a 
dwarf once (here the word mie is used for Fang), 

J6 side avotiy there is more than one day (my turn will come). 

M'sidie monge, I am not a child. 


Mr. Crooke, after acknowledging the value of Dr. Bennett's researches among a 
most interesting people, called attention to the attribution of the art of metallurgy 
to the dwarf race, which corresponded with European folk-belief. He dwelt on the 
respect paid to the Palaver House; he gathered that a fire was kept there 
perpetually burning, though the cult of the sacred fire seemed to have been 
forgotten. It would thus correspond to the early Ar}'^an institution of the house 
where the sacred fire was tended, which survived in the Greek Prytaneum. The 
author of the paper seemed to have failed to appreciate the motive of the rites of 
passing widows through fire and flagellating them. Judging from the analogy of 
similar rites in India and elsewhere, the object was to free the woman from the 
ghost of her late husband, which was supposed to cling to and possess her. 

Mr. FitzGbrald Marriott asked whether the witch-doctor who wore the 
white mask was a Ngi, since in certain parts of West Africa the witch-doctor was 
independent of the tribal society, while in others he was a member. He also 
asked whether the dance, in which Dr. Bennett says is played the "Emban- 
kong"(?) musical instrument made from an elephant's tusk, is in reality a species 
of secret society ; for women and children are not allowed to see it, and it takes place 
by torch-light after dark. Thus it might answer to the Zan-gbe-to of the Slave 
Coast, which is a species of police society for seeing that every one is in his house 
after 9 o'clock at night, or like the Ayaka society of a district near the Kwa Ibo 
river, which sees that all the fires are out by a certain time. These societies also 
dance, sing and shout; therefore, as there is usually something beneath West 
African dances, it is probable that tlie players and dancers are a secret society or 
that there is some explanation for the existence of the dance. He also remarked 

New Skribs, Vol. II, Nos. 1 and 2. H 

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98 Meeting of May 30th, 1899. 

that the rules of the Ngi society, which Dr. Bennett had read them, were a great 
step to obtaining the secret ritual of the society. Dr. Bennett had mentioned 
various ibets or taboos peculiar to this society ; Mr. Marriott said that these were 
to be found in most secret societies. For instance, in the Kof6n(g) of the little- 
known Limba tribe of Sierra Leone, one of the taboos was that of sitting on an 
axe, or other sharp instrument ; another prohibition was that of allowing any one to 
hold a glowing firebrand to their face. These actions were tabooed because they 
were included in the ceremony of initiation. He knew other instances, and 
therefore he concluded that the taboos mentioned by Dr. Bennett were probably 
actions that formed part of the ritual of initiation or progression in the secret 


MAY 30th, 1899. 

C. H. Read, Esq., F.S.A., President^ in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and passed. 

List of books lately presented to the Institute was read, and the thanks of the 
Meeting was expressed. Mr. Ling Eoth's Aborigines of Tasmania was mentioned 
more especially. 

Elections of Richard J. A. Berry, Esq., and F. Swynnerton, Esq., as Fellows 
of the Institute, were announced. 

The President then introduced Colonel R. C. Temple, who proceeded to read 
his paper, " On the Beginnings of Currency," which was well illustrated by lantern 
slides. He also exhibited a valuable collection of Agri beads. 

Discussion was carried on by the President, Professor Ridgway, and 
Mr. Gowland, the latter exhibiting a collection of Japanese currency in support of 
Colonel Temple's views. 

After a short reply from Colonel Temple, the evening closed with a vote of 
thanks to the lecturer. 

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( 99 ) 

By Colonel E. C. Temple. 

[with plates XVIII TO XXI.] 

In a lecture lately delivered before the East India Association on the 
"Development of Currency in the Far East,'* I purposely passed over the 
discussion of the commencement of the subject, and considered only, in view of the 
time at my disposal then, that part of which relafes to the development of the 
forms of currency in the Far East, existing at the present day and bearing an 
established relation to coined money or to bullion, in the sense of a metal used for 
money. On this occasion, however, I had purposed to take in hand the part that 
I then omitted, but the vastness of the general subject has again obliged me to 
confine myself within very narrow limits. I can really only now discuss the three 
points of barter, currency and money in their earliest and simplest forms, confining 
my evidence in this discourse chiefly to that from the Far East, and on the screen 
to some leading objects on the subject to be found in the British and Oxford 

The special points I am obliged to leave to some future opportunity are the 
rise of bullion weights out of measures of capacity, the development of exchange 
in its modern commercial sense, the rise of coin out of bullion currency and of 
legal tender out of coin, and the extreme value to mankind of legal tender, to my 
mind one of the finest achievements of human reasoning powers. 

With this much preface, let me commence with what we ought always to 
settle upon, when about to discuss a subject like that now before us, clear 
definitions of the main technicalities we shall have to use. If we are to arrive at 
any definite ideas to-night we must be sure of the meanings of such terms as barter, 
currency and money. Barter is exchange of possessions pure and simple. I 
exchange to-day my grain for your fruit and to-morrow my adze for your knife ; 
that is barter. But when our daily transactions become so far complicated as to 
require some other article in common domestic use to be interposed between the 
grain and the fruit and between the adze and the knife, ix., a medium between the 
articles bartered, we have set up a currency and a medium of exchange. Thus : 
you and I and the rest of our tribe have all got cocoanuts in varying quantities and 
can find a use for them every day. I want fruit and you want grain, but instead of 
exchanging my grain for your fruit I give you six pairs of cocoanuts for the fruit I 
want, and later on you come to me and give me five pairs of cocoanuts for the 
com you want. In the same way I give you my adze for cocoanuts and you give 
me your knife for cocoanuts. Here we are bartering through a medium and 
cocoanuts are our currency. When we become a little more civilised and 
proceed to make purely conventional articles, usable only as a medium of exchange, 

H 2 

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100 Colonel R C. Temple. — Beginnings of CurreTwij, 

we have set up a system of money. For currency consists of articles, real or 
imaginary, used for account, i.e., for measuring the relative values of dififerent articles 
of use. So many cocoanuts make one adze ; so many cocoanuts make one knife. 
Whereas money consists of tokens convertible into property. So many imitation 
iron spear-heads can buy an adze ; so many can buy an axe. Exchange has, it is true, 
come to have in modern civilisation a secondary sense, but this belongs to quite a 
different part of the subject. 

Now, I hope I have made my meaning clear to you. For our present purpose, 
barter is the exchange of one article for another; currency implies exchange 
through a medium; money that the medium is a token. And I wish you to 
observe particularly that neither currency nor money involve necessarily the use of 
metals, much less of gold and silver. In fact gold and silver have come to be used 
for money, and currency has come to l)e expressed in terms of gold and silver 
money, merely because civilised man has long found out that these metals are the 
most convenient materials to be found on the earth as media of exchange, and 
that the most convenient way of measuring relative values is to express them in 
terms of the media of exchange. I emphasise this point, because we shall have to 
deal to-day almost entirely with money and currency that are non-bullion, i.e., not 
of gold and silver. 

Barter, pure and simple, does not require much explanation, and I shall 
confine myself now to one plain illustration thereof from an old book, perhaps 
not very well known, Davies's Translation of Olearius, Voyages and Travels of 
the Ainbassadors to Moscovy, Tartary and Persia about 1635. The writer 
apologises for the digression from which I am about to quote, and well he might, 
for he proceeds to talk about Greenland. However, we may be glad of this, as he 
tells us not only what is quaint, but exactly to the present purpose. He says : — 

"There is no money in the Countrey, being so happy as not to know the 
value of Gold and Silver. Iron and Steel they most esteem, and prefer a Sword or 
a Hatchet before a Golden Cup, a Nail before a Crown piece, and a pair of Cisers, 
or a Knife, before a Jacobus. Their trucking is thus : they put all they have to 
sell together, and having picked out among the Commodities that are brought to 
them, what they like best, they put them also together and suffer those they deal 
with to add or diminish till such time as they are content with the bargain." 

The points for our consideration in the above narration are two. Firstly, the 
writer talks of " the Countrey being so happy as not to know the value of Gold and 
Silver." I cannot deal with this point to-day, but I am in a position to produce 
evidence, which I think would convince you of the fallacy of this popular error. 
Had Ovid been possessed of a deeper insight into the springs of action he would 
have written : — " EflFodiuntur opes irritamenta bonorum," and not have misled for 
ages a world of unthinking followers by some truly unhappy lines. Secondly, you 
will perceive that the trucking was perfectly to the content of each party to the 
bargain, i.e., both to the civilised European and the savage. Each side, mark you, 
viewing the bargain according to his own interest. I want to draw your particular 

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Colonel H. C. Temple. — Beginnings of Onrrency, 101 

attention to this fact ; because so many imperfectly informed travellers, non-trading 
residents, missionaries and others have so very often unjustly vilified European 
traders in their truck with savages. No doubt the civilised trader has come away 
with for him a magnificent bargain, out of which elsewhere — but elsewhere please 
remember it must be — ^he is going to make a fine thing. On the other hand the 
savage, too, has come away more than satisfied, because with what he has got from the 
trader he can procure from among his own tribe something he very much covets, 
which the articles he parted with could not have procured for him. Both sides 
have profited by the bargain from their respective points of view, and the trader 
has not taken an undue advantage of the savage, as he is so often said to do. 

I will explain this by an instance or so. In the Mergui Archipelago off the 
coast of Burma, there lives in a very poor way a group of wild Malay families, 
known as the Selungs, which is systematically exploited in mercantile directions by 
certain Chinamen, whose proceedings have been characterised by one eminent 
writer thus : — 

" These poor creatures p.g., the Selungs] gather ' black coral,' eaglewood and so 
on, which they exchange for a little cloth, paddy, tobacco, and perhaps * the smell 
of opium ' now and then, valued at not a fifth of what they give in exchange." 

By a much earlier observer we are told that " they scarcely know the value 
of money, and are therefore the losers in the bartering trade with the Chinese and 
others who visit them. Perhaps, they think themselves the greater gainers, since 
they give products of no use to them for others of vital importance, and are thereby 
enabled to maintain a wild independence." 

Now, I ask you to contrast these two statements. We are told first that what 
the Selungs give in exchange to the Chinamen is valued at not a fifth of what they get; 
valued, that is, elsewhere in the civilised world. But the savages' point of view is 
correctly put forward in the earlier statement. What they get by barter is of value 
to themselves; what they give is of none. As between civilised man and the 
savage the bargaining is so far fair and reasonable. It becomes unfair, when, as we 
know from other sources, the traders take advantage of this people's delight in 
strong liquors and make them drunk, and then conclude unconscionable bargains, by 
which the savages part with their produce for an insufficient quantity of articles 
of use to them. 

A distinct apprehension of this point seems to me to be essential and to be so 
often wanting that I feel impelled to give another clear instance. My late friend 
and genial brother officer. Gen. Woodthorpe, in his account of the Lushai 
Expedition of 1871-2, wrote thus : — 

" A large number of Lushais had accompanied us as far as Tipai Mukh and 
were busily employed in driving a few last bargains. They brought down large 
quantities of india-rubber, which they eagerly exchanged for salt, equal weights, 
and as the Yalue of the rubber was more than four times that of the salt, any 
individuals who could command a large supply of the latter liad an excellent 
opportunity for a little profitable business." 

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102 Colonel E. C. Temple. — Beginnings of Currency. 

Now, please observe that the profit was not altogether that of the civilised man 
on this occasion, if the matter be looked at from the savages* point of view. For 
Mr. Burland, an experienced civil officer with the Expedition, made in the 
blue-book of the day an observation on this veiy transaction, which has been 
independently confirmed by Mr. Soppitt, another friend now departed. Mr. 
Burland wrote : — 

" In former times these tribes made all the salt they required for their own 
consumption from salt springs, and they say that to make enough salt for the 
requirements of an ordinary family, a man's labour was required for three months. 
A man can now collect sufficient india-rubber in one mouth to exchange with 
Bengalee traders for more than enough salt to last him and his family for a year. 
So that a man who chooses to occupy himself three months in collecting india- 
rubber will, by bartering the same for salt, have a large surplus of that article, with 
which to trade with the southern tribes, who, they say, are willing to give one 
maund of rubl)er for a quarter maund of salt." The point could not be put more 

For evidence in the same direction I must allude to several cases, recorded 
when military and other expeditions along the frontiers of Assam and Burma have 
found that British coins could only be treated as articles of barter. During the 
Lushai Expedition of 1871-2 a rupee having been given for a fowl on one occasion 
the savages would only thereafter exchange fowls for rupees, though the rupees 
could be got back again for the base metal coin of a neighbouring semi-civilised 
State. In 1893 amongst some of the Shan Tribes along the Chinese border rupees 
could not buy a pony, though small silver coins of the same number, and of course 
of much less value to us, could. Amongst other Shans, copper coins alone could 
purchase anything, any kind of silver failing to be attractive, and there being no 
diflference in the value placed upon a rupee and its eighth part 

The reason in each of the above cases is the same and clear. The savages in 
question had a use respectively for the base metal, the small silver and the copper, 
but none for the rupee, which to us was of very greatly the highest value. 
The adherence of the Lushais to a rupee as the exchange equivalent of a fowl was 
due to an accident. Having got into their heads by a chance that to us a rupee 
was the proper exchange for a fowl, they stuck to it from an unreasoning suspicion 
that, unless they did so, we were in some unascertainable way cheating them ; and 
their subsequent exchange of the rupees so acquired for what was to us base metal 
rubbish was from their point of view to their advantage. 

Of course every one knows that trade will accommodate itself to any circum- 
stances and evolve a modus vivendi between any two apparently irreconcilable 
parties. I could give from notes, if I had the time, many quaint and instructive 
instances of the working of barter as a mode of trade between savages and 
civilised man, but I will content myself with one only from my own experience. I 
once had to acquire for Government about 8^ acres of cocoanut- covered land in the 
Island of Car Nicobar in the Bay of Bengal, I first carefully and litei-ally walked 

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Colonel E. C. Temple. — Beginnivigs of Currency, 103 

the boundaries, fixing them approximately with a prismatic compass to the great 
awe of the sellers, and then gave them without hesitation what they considered as 
much as they could dare to ask, namely, 12 suits of black cloth, 1 piece of red 
cloth, 6 bags of rice, 20 packets of China tobacco, 12 bottles of Commissariat rum. 

But a far more instructive instance of evolution is to be observed in our 
dealings with the less civilised peoples inhabiting Burma and neighbourhood. The 
Government has to preserve order by means of fines and some sort of pecuniary 
penalties or enforced compensations, and it has to collect revenue in some shape 
or other, and for these purposes it must have perforce some means of apportioning 
values. But the people only understand barter and the notion of relative values is 
entirely rudimentary. In these circumstances, in Assam, among the Kacharis, the 
British Courts have drawn up for their own use a regular scale of fines and revenue 
in terms of the domesticated animals kept by the people, — e.g,y a man's revenue 
would be assessed, not at Es. 10 but at a big buffalo ; a fine would not be fixed at 
a quarter of a rupee but at a cock and two small hens. So amongst tlie Chins 
in Burma a customary present woidd not be Es. 10 but a full-grown hog, and a 
fine or a compensation for injury would not be Es. 5 but a silk jacket. Even 
the old native government of Burma had to adopt a system akin to this, for at the 
time of the First Burmah War of 1824 it levied fines, as a variant of the very 
ancient Eastern notion of slavery for debt and partly also as a kind of blood-money, 
on the value of the human body, on the following scale in terms of British 
money : — 

A new-born male child 10 

A new-bom female child 

A boy 


A young man 

A young woman 




I ask you to bear this point in mind, as it is actually the very commencement 
of that product of human reason we have been calling " currency " ; the necessities 
of civilised governments obliging them to set up, and educate populations up to, 
the idea of a currency,, where none before existed. For when once the savages we 
have been considering have become accustomed to domestic animals and articles 
being given fixed relative values, a cuiTency in the most elemental form thereof 
has been started. I also ask you to remember this point, because this particular 
development, being natural and necessary, is inevitable and not confined to wild 
peoples, and for this reason I shall have to revert to it again later on. 

It will be fresh in your minds that I have instanced the use of cocoanuts just 
now in generally explaining currency as distinguished from barter and money : 
currency being the use of an article commonly required as the medium for 
exchanging actual property between buyer and seller. I did so because of cir- 

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104 COLONFX R C. Templk — Begimihigs of Cunrnn/, 

cumstances within my own experience. In the Nicobar Islands, wliich ai-e still in 
my oflBcial charge, from all time — ^and we have definite knowledge of the Nicobars 
from the days of I-Tsing in the seventh century to those of Marco Polo in the 
thirteenth, and through all those of the earlier European travellers to the present 
day — cocoanuts have been and still are the currency of the people. They and the 
trees that produce them are the staple products of the country ani the most 
valuable possession of the inhabitants They play a great part in finding them in 
food, drink and materials for housing, clothing, and furniture. They are thus in 
constant and daily use and they are employed for currency, i.e., for measuring the 
values of other articles and as the medium in exchanging them. I will give you a 
strong instance of this from what I have myself seen. 

On the 5th April, 1896, the people of Mfls in Car Nicobar had occasion to 
buy a large racing canoe from the people of Chowra Island, and this is what they 
did. They proceeded to value the canoe at 35,000 cocoanuts, but they are a lazy 
people and had no intention of fetching such a large (|uantity down from the trees 
in their possession. So they paid for the canoe in a great number of articles, each 
valued in cocoanuts, nearly all of which were in their possession as the result of 
trading in cocoanuts with such foreigners as Burmans, Chinese, Malays, and natives 
of India. The list of these articles is interesting and goes to prove my point, but 1 
have no time to read it now. It included domestic animals, utensils and imple- 
ments, cloth, beads, silver articles and even British money. 

This transaction induced me to set the local government agent to try and 
ascertain tlie approximate value in cocoanuts of such trade articles as the 
Nicobarese require for domestic and other uses, and his inquiries produced a long 
list, from needles at 12 coc. a dozen and matches at 24 coc. per dozen boxes to red 
Turkey cloth at 1,600 coc. the piece. Now, in this list a two-anna bit, which is 
the eighth of a rupee, was valued at 16 coc and the rupee itself at 100 ; but you 
will perceive that eight times sixteen is 128. Now, the reason for the discrepancy 
is that the little piece of silver is used for one sort of ornament and the big piece 
for another sort, and their value in cocoanuts to these pe6ple depends on their 
relative value as ornaments, and not on their relative weight combined with 
fineness, or, as we should say, their intrinsic value. I need hardly say that the 
Nicobarese do not recognise coins as a medium of exchange. 

How these primitive tribes manage to count and tally cocoanuts in large 
quantities is an extremely interesting anthropological study, which of course 
I cannot follow up now, but I hope I have succeeded in making plain to you 
the first beginnings of currency and the mental attitude of man in a primitive 
stage of civilisation towards this question. 

There is in existence a mass of evidence from all parts of the world showing 
how savages, semi-savages and some civilised peoples employ natural articles of 
use as currency, though, as already stated, I confine myself now chiefly to the 
far East for the instances I have to adduce. 

Thus, rice has been used up till quite recent times as currency in daily 

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Colonel E. C. Temple. — Beginnings of Cttrrency, 105 

transactions in many outlying places about Burma and the neighbourhood ; and 
in some parts of Chiijia this is the case no doubt still, and it was so in Kashmir in 
the sixteenth century. Cloves were currency in the Moluccas at the same time, 
and fish in some other parts of the Malay Archipelago, at any rate in 1820. Salt 
is another article that has been used, as noticed by even the earliest travellers, 
in China, Burma and the hills all round and in many parts of India. Up to the 
time of the first Burmese War in 1824, at any rate, cotton was the currency 
between Arakan and Burma. Of livestock I need hardly say much, as the use 
of these for measuring values is a very widely spread instance to the point. But 
chickens were currency in the Maldives off the south-west coast of India in the 
fourteenth century, and pigs in Tibet and .oxen in Central Asia in much later days. 
The Lushais of the Assam-Burma borders reckon values in buffaloes, and from the 
Khonds of Eastern India — the people of the Meriah human sacrifices — we have 
a fine bit of evidence in the middle of the present century; for Macpherson, 
a name that will never be forgotten among Anglo-Indians for his efforts in putting 
a stop to the Meriah abominations, tells us in 1845, that "the value of all 
property is estimated by the Maliah Khonds in ' lives,* a measure which requires 
some adjustment eveiy time it is applied ; a buffalo, a bullock, a goat, a pig or 
a fowl, a bag of grain, or a set of brass pots, being each, with anything that may 
be agreed upon, a * life.' A hundred lives on an average may be taken to consist 
of 10 bullocks, 10 bufifaloes, 10 sacks of com, 10 sets of brass pots, 20 sheep, 
10 pigs, and 30 fowls.'' 

But my tit-bit of evidence from the East is from Turkestan in the present 
day, where mulberries are the currency, just as till quite lately bitter almonds 
were currency for small values in many parts of civilised India. I have kept 
it to the last, because the story thereof carries me on to my next point ; and 
you will perceive at the same time the parallel it afibrds to what I have said 
of the Nicobars. Quoting from a recent Eussian Report we are told of Darwaz, 
which is in Bokhara, that " the inhabitants of Darwaz plant mulberry trees, and 
the mulberry is their sole means of subsistence. In summer they eat it raw and 
in the winter in a dried state, in the form of flour, out of which they make a kind 
of flat cake. Their dress they obtain by bartering the mulberry for rough matting 
and sheepskins, and even their taxes are paid with the mulberry. In fact the 
mulberry is the measure tubeteika, the currency of Darwaz, and many Darwazis 
never know the taste of bread all their lives long . . . The grain measure is 
the hatmdn = 45 tubeteikas" 

But observe, when the dried mulberries are made up into tvheteikas or 
measures, the currency begins to cross over the Eubicon, on its way to becoming 
a token and hence money. It is in this act of passing over from currency to money 
that our subject presents its chief difficulty. 

Before parting with the consideration of this particular aspect of the subject, 
I would like to remind you that non-bullion currency has not by any means been 
confined to savage, imcivilised or semi-civilised communities. In the early history 

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106 Colonel E. C. Temple. — Beginnings of Currency. 

of our Colonies we find that the civilised communities set up by the English in 
remote localities often began, and sometimes long continued, their trade dealings 
in a currency of local staple produce, and that too by express law ; just as 
Prof. Eidgeway has explained in his Origin of Currency was the case in Iceland 
about 1420 in the matter of stockfish or dried cod, and as we have already seen 
is also the case with the British Courts established in the wilds of Assam and 
Burma. The great well of evidence on this head is Chalmers' History of Currericy 
in the BHtish Colonies, and it is a flowing one, though I have not time to extract 
more than is just sufficient to illustrate my present contention. 

The non-bullion currency of the early colonists all through the seventeenth 
century covered a great variety of articles : tobacco, com, wampum, sugar, rum, 
cotton- wool, mahogany, molasses, ginger, indigo, skins and so on. In 1643 in 
Massachusetts wampum strings were made a legal tender, and tobacco was rated 
under penalties at 3s. per lb. in Virginia in 1618. So sugar, tobacco and other 
things were made into monetary standards in the West Indies in the seventeenth 
and eighteenth centuries. Dried codfish was a circulating medium in Newfound- 
land till much later. Even as late as 1708, tobacco, to quote an old Report, was 
"the Meat, Drink, Cloathing, and Money" of Marj'land; and of tobacco as a 
currency there is a good story told about Virginia in 1620-21. In that year 
150 "young and uncorrupt girls" were imported as wives for the colonists and 
were rated originally at 100 lbs. of tobacco or £15, but subsequently at the 
increased price of 150 lbs. of tobacco or £22 IQs, And we are told " that it would 
have done a man's heart good to see the gallant young Virginians hastening to 
the waterside when a vessel arrived from London, each carrying a bundle of the 
best tobacco imder his arm, and taking back with him a beautiful and virtuous 
young wife." 

In Barbados the colonists commenced with a currency chiefly in cotton and 
tobacco, but also in indigo and " fustick-wood." About 1640 sugar became the 
currency and was legal tender from 1667 onwards, coined money being established 
in 1715. In the Leeward Islands, books and accounts were kept in terms of sugar, 
and even as late as 1740 it was officially stated that " the value which is put on 
sugar, rum, cotton, and other commodities, the growth of the Leeward Islands, 
is called currency there." The variety of "the other commodities" was con- 
siderable from time to time ; tobacco, cotton-wool, indigo, ginger, molasses, and so 
on ; and their rating was fixed by the government, just as we saw the Indian and 
liurman officials rating livestock and so on for the wild Lushais and Chins. Tliis 
went on more or less till 1784. In British Honduras, one of the most unwieldy 
currencies yet invented, mahogany in the form of logwood, lasted till 1785. In 
the Bermudas, which was the first of the colonies to start a coined currency, 
tobacco was the currency until 1658. 

Now, it is from the collation of such facts as those above given that we 
perceive first, that in similar conditions the mind of civilised and uncivilised 
man works in much the same directions and produces much the same results; 

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Colonel R. C. Temple. — Beginnings of Currency, 107 

and that, though, if I had the time, I have evidence to produce that mankind 
is really much better off with gold and silver coin of the realm as his currency, 
it is not at all necessary in a condition of comparative isolation, such as that of 
savages or a semi-civilised people must always be in practice, for currency to consist 
of metal. 

I now propose to tackle our difficulty — to plunge into the Rubicon and see 
if we cannot find a clear way across. The cause of all our trouble — of the eddies, 
whirlpools, currents and other dangers in our path, is the fact that every section of 
mankind in every place and at every period, being a product of nature, has never 
developed along a single line. He has always been subjected to and afl'ected by 
outside influences. He has picked up a little here, snatched a little there, and 
engrafted what he has caught up on to the tree of his own ideas, with the result 
that its subsequent growth has become complicated or even diverted from its 
original tendency. A strong example of this is the Hindustani language; its 
basis, genius if you like, is Hindi, the superstructure is chiefly Persian and partly 
Arabic, with giafts all over it of scraps of very many other tongues. Our own 
tongue is in much the same case. Anglo-Saxon, a term implying a growth, mark 
you, at base with a ten per cent, infusion of Latin and Greek, another appreciable 
infusion of Norman and modern French, and sprinklings of every other language 
under the sun: It is just the same with currency, in that common wide sense of 
the term which covers both barter and money. 

No semi-civilised group of men has been at any time entirely isolated, and in 
tracing the development of currency anywhere, the influences of contact with the 
outside world are everywhere and always more or less plainly apparent. Barter is the 
natural basis of all dealings between man and man, and the setting up of a common 
useful article as a medium of exchange — of a currency in the restricted feense 
of this discourse — is a natural development. But somehow a community under 
our observation has learnt to count after a fashion. Somebody has taught it how 
to measure, or in some forgotten way it has been led on to a distinct point further 
in upward development and has acquired the art of measuring by weighment. 
Whenever this has happened, and one or more or all of these things have happened 
nearly always to any community we can now study, complications have ensued. 
The result being, of course, that in any given concrete instance of barter, it is not 
by any means to be clearly separated from currency, and vice versd. Some of you 
must have already perceived this in the course of my remarks this evening. It 
must have occurred to you that some of my illustrations of barter are perilously 
near currency, and that the aptness of some of my cases of currency is jeopardised 
by their close approach to barter. Just so. In my view, in illustrating by 
examples a natural development, this is inevitable. It is a phenomenon of nature, 
of which the explanation I offer is that just given. 

However, the passage from barter to currency does not present any great 
difficulties pi-actically, but between currency and money, between the employment 
of a domestically usable article and the employment of a domestically non-usable 

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108 Colonel R. C. Temple. — Beginnings oj Currency, 

token as the medium of exchange, there are many difficult currents, eddies and 
whirlpools, and the proper channel is by no means always clearly to be seen. 
Let me hope that I shall now in your judgment take you over as safely as 1 have in 
my own judgment taken myself. 

Let us commence our passages by following the safe current of roughly 
measured articles in every-day use as the medium of exchange. In the fourteenth 
century Friar Odoric tells us of a rich man's revenue in China being stated in 
sacks, i.f., " heavy ass-loads " of rice, revenues there being, until quite lately, and 
perhaps still, estimated in sacks of rice. In Burma, under the native Government, 
they were always estimated in baskets of rice, just as they were in Kashmir in the 
sixteenth century in the days of Akbar the Great. All this is on the same 
principle as the use of the rolls of tobacco, with which, as you have just heard, 
the young Virginian paid for his bride's passage out from England, though the 
measuring is not, owing to the comparative civilisation of the parties concerned, 
so accurate or regular. I think also that the currency in skins so well known in 
Ancient Russia, North America and China may be safely placed in the category of 
roughly measured currency, though the measurement is eflTected in a manner, and 
is based on principles, difiFering from those on which the measurement of the rice 
and tobacco was effected and based. 

Out of the current of roughly measured currency we may glide almost 
imperceptibly into the equally safe current of carefully measured, and, so far as 
regards measurement, regulated currency. Of this the tobacco rolls of Old 
Virginia are equally as much an example as they are of roughly measured 
currency, giving us an instance of the difficulty in some cases of arriving at a 
distinct attribution to class. The tubeteika is, however, a clear instance; 
45 tubeteikas or mulberry cakes make by local law or custom a batmdn or standard 
measure. And when we come to study our old friend Marco Polo's sayings about 
" Tebet " in the thirteenth century we find the same thing : — " The small change 
again is made in this way. They have salt which they boil and set in a mould, 
flat below and round above, and every piece from the mould weighs about half a 
pound. Now 80 moulds of this salt are worth one saggio (say a sixth of an ounce) of 
fine gold, which is a weight so called." In other words 80 moulds of salt of a definite 
size made a lidng or Chinese tael of the period. The experience of the Dutch in 
the Malay Archipelago in 1596 was much the same in the matter of cakes of sago. 

In 1710 Alex. Hamilton, the traveller, procured evidence to precisely the 
same effect from Borneo, which he thus quaintly states : — " Beeswax is the current 
Cash in that Country. It is melted but not refined, and cast in moulds of an 
oblong Square, the Breadth about Two-thirds of the Length, and the Thickness Half 
the Breadth, and a Ratten Witby to lift them by, cast in the Wax. A Piece weighs 
a quarter of a Pecul which comes to in English Weight, 34 Pound, and a Pecul is 
valued in Payments at 10 Masscies or 40 Shillings Sterling. They have also for 
smaller Payments Pieces of Eight to a Pecul and Sixteenths and for smaller Money 
they have Couries" In the above pregnant passage the term "pecul " is of great 

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Colonel E. C. Temple. — Beginnings oj Currency. 109 

interest in another phase of the development of currency, for it means fundamentally 
a man's load ; the masscie or mace, properly mdsy was a small fixed weight of gold. 
But the point just now is that moulds of beeswax of certain defined sizes equalled 
certain defined weights expressible actually in money. 

Tea, in bricks and cakes, is another similar form of currency in natural 
produce, which has been widely noticed by travellers and others, and has what 
naturalists call a wide distribution, for it is found from Shanland and China to 
Eussia. The use of tea bricks and their apparent close approach to money is well 
put by Baber, the celebrated traveller, writing in 1882 : — " A brick of tea is not 
only worth a rupee, but in a certain sense is a rupee." Some 20 years earlier 
Clement Williams, a name once well known in Burma, wrote : — " The only kinds 
apparently known in the market at Bamo are the flat discs of China tea and the 
balls of Shan tea. The discs weigh 20 tickals each ; seven piled together make a 
packet, which used to sell at IJ to 2 tickals [of silver, say 5 shillings]." This 
is a very neat bit of evidence for our present purpose. 

Passing from natural produce in conventional cakes, bricks, balls, discs and 
what not to articles that are entirely manufactured, there is for the present discus- 
sion a valuable reference to a currency in cloth in a letter from John Jesse, dated 
20th July, 1775, to the East India Directors. This old Oriental worthy writes: — 
" I M'as informed the quantity [of pepper] that year [1774, in Borneo Proper] was 
4,000 peculs, cultivated solely by a colony of Chinese settled here, and sold to the 
junks, at the rate of 17'2 Spanish dollars per pecul, in China cloth called congongs 
which, for want of any other specie, are become the standard for regulating the 
prices of all commercial commodities at this Port." And then he proceeds to 
relate a little hankey-pankey by which the contractor cheated the workmen of 
about half the produce of their labour ; a proceeding I would like to remind you 
that is very much easier with a non-bullion currency or money than with a legal 
standard gold and silver coinage, which is in reality, so far from being a curse, one 
of the greatest blessings man's ingenuity ever brought about for the benefit of his 
kind. But, however that may be, the congong must have been a piece of cloth of 
an average length and size, and therefore it belonged to the category of carefully 
measured articles, domestically usable and employed as a medium of exchange, 
and that is enough for us just now. 

An instance of an odd taste in currency, for which there is much evidence in 
the Far East from Burma, Yunnan, Shanland, Siam, Malay Archipelago and 
Borneo, among other places, is the use for that purpose of glass jars and bottles. 
The Chinese noticed this of the Burmans 1,000 years ago, and in 1870 and 1874, 
during expeditions in Upper Burma, one writer notes that " what money could 
not secure empty pint hock bottles did. For four of these I got eleven eggs and 
a brood of jungle fowl chickens." Another noticed that the Shans placed "an 
inordinate value upon empty bottles." Any kind of liquor bottle was good, soda- 
water bottles were better, red hock bottles best of all. In the very last Consular 
Report from Yunnan, for 1898, we are told that in the hills these " bottles are 

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110 CoLOXEL B. C. Temple. — Beginnings of Cun^ency. 

accepted in preference to silver." The bottles being " good quart bottles of clear 
glass." Here we have, you will perceive, a ready-made careful measurement, 
which the users of the currency are unable to effect for themselves, though they 
are thoroughly alive to the value of the constancy in the size respectively of the 
hock, soda-water and other liquor bottles. 

The pleasant and safe currents of roughly and carefully measured articles 
have carried us pretty far on our way, with just a little roughness over the matter 
of the Virginian tobacco rolls, but our further journey is through rougher waters, 
though I do not think we need apprehend any fear of coming to grief. De Morga, 
the famous and exceedingly intelligent Governor of tlie Philippines early in the 
sixteenth century, after explaining that the usual way of trade was in general 
barter, says : — " Sometimes a price intervened, which was paid in gold, according to 
the agreement made ; also in metal bells brought from China, which they value as 
precious ornaments. They are like large pans and are very sonorous, and they 
strike upon them at their feasts and carry them in the vessels to the wars instead 
of drums or other instruments." We are here still in the region of a currency of 
the same sort precisely as the glass bottles of the Shans, but when we come to 
look into the story of the big drums of the Karens of Burma, of which two fine 
specimens are in the British Museum, the conditions are much less clear. Of 
these Gen. Macmahon, a slovenly and discursive but withal most experienced writer 
on the Karens, has said ; — " Among the most valued possessions of the Hill Karens 
is the kyee-zee, consisting of a copper or spelter cylinder of about a quarter of an 
inch in thickness, averaging about 2 feet in length and of somewhat greater 
diameter at one end, which is closed with the same kind of metal, the smaller end. 
being left open. They are ornamented in a rude style with figures of animals, 
birds and fish, and according to size and volume of sound are valued at from £5 to 
£50. On the outer circle are four frogs. They have distinctive names for ten 
different kinds, which they pretend to distinguish by the sound. In the settlement 
of their quarrels and in the redemption of the captives, the indemnification always 
takes the shape of a kyee-zee or more with perhaps a few buffaloes or pigs as 
make-weights. To such an extent does the passion for the possession of these 
instruments predominate among the more secluded tribes, that it is said instances 
are by no means rare of their having bartered their children and relations for 
them. The possession of kyee-zees is what constitutes a rich Karen. No one is 
considered rich without them, whatever may be his other possessions. Everyone 
who has money endeavours to turn it into kyee-zees, and a village that has many 
of them is the envy of other villages, and is often the cause of wars to obtain 
their possession." These Karen drums, then, are of varying size, are used in making 
large payments, and represent wealth. If they are put to domestic use, as for feasts 
and what not, they must be classed as currency ; if they are to be looked on merely 
as tokens of a certain value, and kept only for making large payments when due or 
only as representatives of wealth, then they are money. They are in fact just on 
the line between currency and money. 

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Colonel R G. Temple. — Beginnings of Currency. Ill 

It is a far cry from the Burmese border to Angola, but I must take you there 
for a parallel, from the remarks of Pyrard de Laval in 1601, who tells us : — 
" As for the small money of Angola, it consists only of little shells, somewhat like 
those of the Maldives [i.e,, cowries] and little jiieces of cloth made of a certain herb. 
These pieces are an ell in length, more or less, according to the price. And when 
they go to market to buy their goods they carry no other money." Now, if these 
ells of cloth were for personal wear, they were thus used for currency ; if they were 
as I understand, never worn, they were made for money. You will perceive what 
a very short distance there can be between currency and money, and how nearly 
these two articles take us through difficulties to the opposite shore. But I can show 
you that it is possible to get nearer still without actually landing thereon. 

Referring to the salt moulds of Marco Polo, Yule, in his invaluable edition, tells 
us that Eamusio has stated that on these moulds " the Prince's mark is printed and no 
one is allowed to make it except the royal officers." Later on I will show you on 
the screen a tea brick from Russia stamped with something like a Government or 
official mark. Currency cannot get nearer to money than this, for if we define a 
coin as a lump of metal money stamped to indicate its exchange value, and coin of 
the realm as such a lump stamped to show that it is a legal medium of exchange, 
we have reached in the salt moulds something very like a coin of the realm in salt. 
But remember that as both the salt mould and the tea brick can be put to an 
ordinary domestic use they are still currency and not money. 

Having brought you I hope in safety so far, I am going to take you a little 
step further in smooth water, so that you may at least touch the opposite shore. 
The clearest instance I have yet come across of the exact point where currency ends 
and money begins — of the very last act in crossing the Rubicon — ^is the use of 
rice in Burma as a medium of exchange, as it has come under my personal 
observation, supported by that of the British Resident at the now defunct Court of 
Ava in 1797. Eice is still used, or was at any rate ten years ago used, in this way 
in Upper Burma in village transactions, but such rice was neither food-rice nor 
seed-rice, but useless broken rice. In other words it is a non-bullion token and so 
money, just as much as the imitation hoes, hatchets, knives and so on of the 
Chinese and other peoples in various parts of the world are tokens of cun^ency and 
so money. 

Another almost universal instance of a non-metallic money proper is the cowry, 
for these sea-shells, where chiefly used in the East, are not of any domestic use 
whatever to the people who pass them from hand to hand, and are expressly 
imported in very large quantities, often from great distances, only for the purpose 
of a medium of exchange. They afford a clear example of an untouched natural 
product being converted into money as distinguished from currency. 

All these things, broken rice, imitation iron instruments and cowries, properly 
fulfil the conditions of material for money. They have to be produced, and though 
fairly common the production is, in the conditions in which the producers live, 
nevertheless limited, and therefore they can have a token value. To take the least 

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112 Colonel K C. Temple. — Beginnings of Cm^rency, 

likely instance. Eice has to be cultivated ; the amount of cultivation depends on 
the capacities and numbers of the cultivators ; of what is thus produced a fixed 
quantity must go for food and another fixed quantity for seed ; only what is spoiled 
in handling and what is over can be used for money. The production of broken 
rice is therefore distinctly limited and at the same time sufficiently abundant. This 
is why to isolated half-civilised villagers living in certain places broken rice is 
money. The reasoning that makes it money for them is precisely that which makes 
gold, silver and copper tokens money for us. 

We are now fairly landed in the region of money, and I would point out that 
what has kept our course straight is holding on to the definition we started with, 
viz., that currency implies that the medium of exchange is a domestically usable 
article, and money that it is a token not domestically usable. It is just this 
definition that is the test by which we can separate metal articles, when used as a 
medium of exchange, into those that are currency and those that are money. When 
the iron-smelting Shans of Zimmfe pay their i-evenue in the elephant chains, 
spear-heads, cooking-pots and other ironware which they make, they are using 
currency ; but when similar Shans along the Mekhong use lozenges of ingot iron 
for making payments, they are using a real money. By the way it may interest 
some here to know that the only proper description of this often mentioned money 
that I know of is to be found in Aymonier*s Voyages dans les Laos. So also the 
usable iron hatchets or handbills of the Nassau Islanders, found in use in 1792, 
were currency, while the thin, i.e., imitation and useless, as I will presently show by 
examples, iron knives of the Kachins and Shans of the Assam-Burma border of 
about the same period were money. Thus, too, the gold and silver boxes, bowls 
and necklaces, and the quainter and prettier gold and silver leaves, flowers and even 
trees of the former Shan, Malay and Burmese tribute formed a sort of currency and 
not of money. 

Such are the arguments by which I would seek to prove my points out of the 
books and my verbal evidence, but before closing my remarks I would note just 
one more point as to which confusion and mistakes may easily arise. In 1241 the 
Emperor Frederick II, son of Barbarossa, and perhaps the grandest historic figure 
of all in the Middle Ages, issued a temporary and honest leather currency. In the 
present century among other places, for local reasons, parchment and paper 
currencies have temporarily been established respectively in the Cocos-Keeling 
Islands and in the Andamans. From the ninth to the fifteenth centuries a most 
remarkable paper currency was very widely established in China. For a long time 
past there has been, and probably there still is, a noticeable currency in porcelain 
gambling tokens in Siam. Now, not one of these has any connection with the 
beginnings of currency, and they arise out of a state of things far beyond the scope 
of our present subject, for their existence is dependent on conditions only possible 
in a high state of civilisation, as they are each and all based upon commercial credit, 
an idea not possible to mankind when placed in the surroundings we have been 
assuming. While on this point, it may be as well to remind some here that the 

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Colonel R. C. Temple. — Be/jinnimjs of Currency, 113 

early Chinese writers on paper currency understood the true commercial nature 
thereof as clearly and distinctly as would the Governors of the Bank of England 
at the present day. 

Having thus talked to you out of my own experience and the books I have 
been studying chiefly about the Far East, I will show you some slides, exhibiting 
however articles and objects from many parts of the world, by way of clinching 
the arguments I have adduced. I am here indebted to the kindness and knowledge 
of four friends, and the resources of two Museums. It is due to Mr. C. H. Read 
and Mr. Edge-Partington of the British Museum and to Professor Tylor and 
Mr. Balfour of the Oxford Museum that I am able thus to try and convince 
you through the eyes as well as through the ears. I am also indebted to 
Mr. Levin for his kindness and courtesy in explaining and lending for to-night 
samples of his unrivalled collection of African trade and other beads. And now 
let me remind you that I have not to-night made any kind of attempt to explain 
either currency, money or exchange as we modem Europeans understand and use 
those terms, for they are very far removed from the beginnings we have been 
talking about. Also in this lecture I make no sort of pretence to exhaust the 
points I have taken up, and I have done no more than give such examples as seem 
to me to properly illustrate them, confining myself to definitions and beginnings 
and taking no count of developments. 

Description of the Plates. 
Plate XVIIl. 

Fig. 1 is the feather money of Santa Cruz, South Pacific. It consists of two bands of vegetable 
fibre covered with parrot feathers. There are two boards which are placed in the 
middle of the bands above and below. The whole sti-ucture is carried in a bag and 
is indivisible- It is real money, t.e., it is used for no other purpose than as a 
medium of exchange. It is, however, only used for expensive purchases, as it is 
difficult and slow of manufacture, and therefore of great intrinsic value in itself. 
This should be bprne in mind, as the Fig. 2 probably records a mistake made on 
" high authority." 

Fig. 2 is a photograph of feather money taken by Bishop Montgomery at Nelua, Santa Cruz 
Islands, in front of the house of a trader, and said to be the price of a girl bought as 
the teacher's wife ; but it is nevertheless much more likely to be the trader's capital, 
as there is very far too much of it to be primd facie the price bf a girl for a bride. 
There is a great number of the feather bands suppoi*ted on the bamboo or cane and 
many more on the heads of the natives standing around ; and it is doubtful if a girl 
would be thought to be worth even so much as one pair of the bands. 

Fig. 3 is a necklace of red feathers used as currency in Santa Maria, Banks Group, South 
Pacific, where shell money is not used. In the Torres Islands, where sheUs for 
money are not found, their beautiful little arrows are used as currency (Codrington, 
MelanenanSy p. 327) Both of these are real currency because they have a domestic 
as well as a pecuniary use. 

Figs. 4 and 6 are strings made from the hair of the ears of the flying fox in short lengths, from 
New Caledonia, and Fig. 6 is a spear thrower, or becket, with flying fox hair wound 
round it in parts, from New Caledonia. Now, whether this flying fox hair is money 
or currency all depends on whether these strings of it are used domestically as 
ornaments or not. Our information is not complete on this point, though we can 
guess that it is money from what we know of the Figs, that immediately follow. 
New Sbries, Vol. II, Nos. 1 and 2. I 

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114 Colonel R C. Templb. — Beginnings of Cuirency, 

Fig. 10 is a feather ornament from the New Hebrides, worn by men after making the proper 
number of feasts and then used as money. This is a fine specimen of the 
borderland between currency and money, and shows how an article which has been 
domestically usable passes into the class of articles domestically non-usable on 
becoming money. Edge-Partington, Ser, II, p. 86. 

Fig. 11 shows flying fox fur in strings from the Loyalty Islands. This was formerly money, as 
being an article not used for any other purpose. 

Fig. 9 shows honey-sucker feathers from Hawaii, stuck in bundles on strips of cocoanut fibre, 
just as they are collected. This is currency because in this state the feathers are 
used as a medium of exchange, but are also used for ornaments, clothing and other 
domestic purposes. They well indicate the origin of the use of natural products 
as money, being plentiful and yet limited in production. The limitation 
was due to the fact that feather hunting was a vocation. The feathers, too, had a 
relative value according to rarity or diflSculty in production. Thus five yellow 
feathers of the "royal bird," which were all that the bird could produce, were 
accounted equal in value to a piece of nankeen, which was sold for one and a-haJf 
dollars ; this would probably represent to the natives at least a pound of our 
money. (Codrington, Windsor Magazine^ May, 1899.) 

Fig. 8 is a purse and string of shells from New Caledonia. The string consists of very fine shell 
discs divided by knots on a fine cord. The purse is trimmed with flying fox fur as 
ornament. The whole is money. 

Fig. 7 shows a string of fine shell beads, fifty-four to the inch, characteristic of the Banks 
Group, South Pacific. It is the highest form of their money, because of the labour 
involved in producing it, and therefore of its intrinsic value. Edge-Partington, 
Ser, I, p. 151. 

Fig. 12 exhibits the tuskshell money of British Columbia. In this case the shell ends have 
been clipped off and the shells, dentalium, have been strung in eight sections divided 
by bars of goat leather. They have a pendant made of mother-o'-pearl, from the 
haliotiSf or Venus's ear. The two specimens in the British Museum are exactly 
alike. Ridgeway, Origin of Currenciff p. 10; Smithsonian Report^ 1887, Part II, 
p. 315ff. 

The authority on this point is Mr. R. E. C. Steam (Ethno-Coneholog^, a Study 
of Primitive Money ^ pp. 296-334, ^./2., 1887), whose remarks on this particular 
money so exactly show how a shell can be used as money, because while abundant 
it is yet limited in production, that I pause to give them here. " The tusk-sheUs 
are collected in the following manner : — An Indian when shell-fishing, arms 
himself with a long spear, the haft of which is of light deal ; to the end is fastened 
a strip of wood, placed transversely, but driven full of teeth made of bone. The 
whole affair resembles a long comb affixed to the end of a stick with the teeth very 
wide apart. A squaw sits in the stem of the canoe and paddles it slowly along, 
whilst the Indian with the spear stands in the bow. He stabs this comb-like affair 
into the sand at the bottom of the water, and after giving two or three prods draws 
it up to look at it If he has been successful perhaps four or five money -shells have 
been impaled on the teeth of the spear. It is a very ingenious mode of procuring 
them, for it would be quite impracticable either to dredge or net them out, and they 
are never, as far as I kuow, found between tide-marks." 

It will then be perceived that these dentalium strings of fixed form and 
number are monev for precisely the same reason as the bags of broken rice in 
Burma. I may add that this article of Mr. Steam's is generally well worth study 
in the present connection. 

Fig. 13 shows a string of purple wampum beads from North America tagged with British green 
silk and a mixed string of purple and white wampum beads. The purple beads are 
double the white beads in relative value as will be explained later on. These are 

P^ mone^ is not by any means unknown in the South Pacific. The brack or 

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Colonel "R. C. Templf. — Beginnings of Currmcy. 115 

harak of the Pelew Islands was made of terracotta in bent prisms, hollow-sided, 
fine-grained, hard and of an almost glassy lastre. It was very valuable. In the 
Pelew Islands they had also hwngan or pangungariy a red stone, perhaps jasper, 
polished like hracky and kalUmibut of agate and sometimes of a hard enamel ; 
both valuable. Common beads of white or green glass were current in four sorts 
among the populace, while tlie Kluk clan used beads of polished enameL Beads of 
pearl and other sea-shells, red and other stones, nutshells, tortoiseshell, cocoanut 
and 80 on are current in various parts of the South Seas. 

Figs. 14, 15, and 16 are shell money from Florida in the Solomon Islands, South Pacific. 
Fig. 14 shows two indivisible fathoms of rough red shell discs in a double row, 
separated by white discs and tagged at the ends with white discs and mother-o'- 
pearl and nut shells, which last two are probably charms. 

Fig. 15 represents six indivisible fathom strings of white shell discs, interspersed at fixed 
intervals with dark ones. The white and dark discs have a relative value com- 
parable with our sUver and gold. In the Pelew seven sorts of currency are said to 
be thus distinguished. 

Fig. 16 represents four indivisible strings of shell discs of various colours in standard fathoms, 
forming the regulai* circulating medium. They are tagged with blue native hair 
clotii and nutshells, perhaps as charms. 

Fig. 17 is a string of shell discs, dark and white alternately, used both for ornament and 
currency in the Gilbert Islands, South Pacific. The string is tagged at one end with 
a fringe of similai* shell discs. Tliis is currency. This Pacific Islands' disc-money 
closely resembled the haioock money of the Califoi*nian Indians, which consisted of 
clam-shell discs strung together and usually rated by the foot or yard. There is a 
specimen in the British Museum. 

Figs. 18 to 21 show shell money in strings of discs from the Solomon Islands and New Britain, 
South Pacific This is made in great lengths and divided up as required. Fig. 18 is 
a string of fine discs of purple shells, t.6., of the higher value from New Britain, in the 
British Museum ; this is shown as coming from Mioko, Duke of York Group. 

Fig. 19 is a string of fine discs of white shells threaded on cane strips. This is money of 
the lower value from New Britain. The standard length of these strings is a fathom. 

Fig. 20. — This is a specimen of the dewarra of New Britain, made of small cowries threaded on 
cane strips in large or small coils. It is the common circulating medium. 

Fig. 21 is a divisible string of small discs of white shells, roughly clipped, from the Solomon 

Plate XIX. 

Fig. 1 is another specimen of the New 6i*itain detcdrra, a string of small cowries strung on leaf 
ribs in large coils and used as money. 

Fig. 4 is a string of shell discs manufactured for money only in Susa village in New Ireland, 
South Pacific. It has a pig's tail at each end and an oyster mother- o'-pearl charm. 

Fig. 5 shows fathoms of shell discs, regularly cut, and coloured at stated intervals, indivisible, 
made for money in the Solomon Islands. 

Fig. 6 shows long strings of irregular shell discs from the New Hebrides, South Pacific, 
interspersed with trade beads : about 2^ fathoms in length and used as money. 

Fig. 2 is a string of cowries, called tidang^ used in Borneo ; but the shells are not found in 
Borneo. This is money. 

Fig. 3 shows specimens of Borneo plaited fibre armlets, called xmua^ worn by the men and worth, 
as money, 3 cents of trade dollar money per bundle of fifteen armlets. 

Fig. 7 shows a piece of cloth from Formosa ornamented with shell discs and used as an 
ornament for clothing, but also as currency, passing for the high local value of about 
five Mexican dollars. 

Fig. 8 is a tridacna shell armlet from Malanta in the Solomon Islands, said to be used as 
currency for purchases of high value, but in reality it is more likely to be an article 
of trade or barter. Oxford Museum ; presented by Edge-Partington. See Guppy, 
Solomon Islands, p. 132. 

I 2 

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116 Colonel E. C. T'R}JiVLK.Seginning8 of Cif/rrenci/. 

Figs. 14, 16 and 16 show cowries of sizes. The point here is that cowries are bought by local 
dealers wholesale by weight in sacks and retailed by tale, so that the smaller the 
cowries which the retail dealer can manage to pass, the greater his profit In 
India the cowries of currency are large, on the West Coast of Africa they are 
medium, in the South Pacific they are very small. 

Figs. 10 and 11 show the silver shell currency of the Shan native States of Burma, and Fig. 9 the 
piece of silver known as Shan-haw, The form of the snail-shell is, I am informed, 
partly artificial, thus : silver refined by the ordinary process in a rough crucible 
will, when very nearly pure, or what the natives call quite pure, effloresce, and if 
the efflorescence is checked by cold water at the right moment it will assume the 
shell form. So silver in that form is loo)ced upon as pure and the silver sheUs pass 
as currency by weight Figs. 10 and 11, the shells : Fig. 9 shows the process of 
manufacture. The specimens are valuable to show the development of thought and 
manufactured form. 

Figs. 12 and 13 are a tamarind seed {majisA) and its silver imitation, lately used in Burma, 
under the same name, as a royal plaything in a popular pitch and toss game, but^ 
because of its constant weight and fineness, also as currency. 

Fig. 17 shows Venetian beads used for trade in West Africa, and supplied for that purpose by 
the firm of M. L. Levin, a family which has been in the trade for over 100 years. 
They are used for money respectively as shown, for purchasing palm oil, ivory, 
slaves and gold. It appears that these particular beads are not interchangeable, tl«., 
beads for gold will not buy slaves and vice versd. Wealth in beads for gold will 
only procure gold and so on. The probable explanation is that with these beads the 
natives can buy from the European stores what they want according to the intrinsic 
European value of the beads, which varies considerably and in some cases is high, 
the intrinsic value representing the cost of production. In the British Museum is 
shown a quantity of the bead money of King Prempeh of Ashanti in necklaces, 
rings and armlets, taken from his hoard at the capture of his capital by Lord Wolseley 
many years ago. These are not shown on the plate, but many of the beads of this 
hoard are identical with those supplied by Mr. Levin's firm, and to be found in the 
present Mr. Levin's collection, which I will explain presently. There are in the 
British and Oxford Museums a good many cards of African trade beads well 
worth study, supplied by the late Mr. Levin. 

Fig. 18 shows wampum beads, hand and machine made. I have already referred to wampum 
beads being money by law in the early American colonies, and shown strings of 
them. There is a quantity of evidence as to this in the paper by Mr. Steam above 
quoted. The beads were of two kinds, white and purple, usually made from 
different parts of the same clam shell (vernts mercenaria) ; and roughly the purple 
were double of the white shells in value. But the most interesting point about 
these beads is tihis, that so long as they were hand-made, t.«., native made, they were 
only used as ornaments and so on, and it was not until they were machine-made by 
Europeans, and so became constant as to size and intrinsic value, that they were 
used as money by the fathom, the fathom being a term of account at four to six 
beads to the penny of value or inch of measurement. The plate is from Prof. Tylor's 
article in vol. xxvi of this Institute's Journal^ p. 248, and shows the difference in 
form and drilling between the hand-made beads which were for domestic use and 
the machine-made beads which were money. 

Fig. 19 is a tea-brick used as currency in Eastern Asia and Tibet The specimen in the Plate is 
from East Bussia, and it will be seen that the brick is made of dust tea moistened 
and pressed into a mould into which a stamp has been screwed. It bears an official 
stamp and so is very near to coin in tea as already explained. 

Fig. 20 is a disc of leaf-tea manufactured in Yunnan and obtained in Eastern Mongolia. This 
can be used in pieces for purchases of a smaller value than the whole disc. This is 
a currency very near to money. 

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Colonel R. C. Temple. — Beginnings of Cum'my^ 117 

Flait XX. 

FigH. 1 and 2 show a war shield from Guadalcanar, South Pacific, and its cover : used chiefly 
for payments of a high value, such as for a wife, and to store as representatives of 
wealth. They are, as currency, parallels to the Karen drums already explained. 
Their value in English money is from £l to 30«. 

The mat money of the New Hebrides and other South Pacific Islands, of which 
I have no plate, affords another almost exact parallel. The mats are made in great 
lengths in folds and their relative value is determined by the number of the folds 
counted in tens and their blackness or age. This form of money is especially 
interesting, because it is lent out at interest, showing that it is not necessary to 
have bullion money, or even easily divisible or separable money, to turn it to 
personal pecuniary advantage. Codrington, Melanesiansj p. 323. 

Tapay the bark-cloth money of Fiji, forms something of a parallel also. Tapa 
in masses represents accumulated capital. Ratzel, Htstofy o/ManJkindy Trans., p. 246. 

Fig. 4 shows a boat-shaped wooden bowl from New Caledonia, interesting chiefly as showing a 
rough receptacle for shell money. Edge-Partington, Ser. Ill, p. 68. 

Fig. 5 is a jadeite adze-blade from Marie Island in the Loyalty Islands, w^hose inhabitants ai^ 
cannibals. It represents the price of a fat man for food. This is currency and not 
money, as it can also be used for the humbler purpose of carpentry. 

Fig. 6 is a Navalae ring made of white quartz. These rings are from the New Hebrides and 
are irregular in size. They are money. 

Fig. 3 is a sperm whale's tooth from Fiji, there called tambua and used as currency. This is 
currency, but tooth money has a considerable range in the South Pacific Islands ; 
porpoiae teeth and dog's teeth being also used. The dog's tooth for money must be 
that immediately behind the canines, and when whole and sound it is valued at 
one, two to five poipoise teeth according to quality, the quality being of course 
equal to the rareness and difl^culty of production. 

Fig. 7 shows the eye-teeth of the elk {icapiti)y which pass for 25 cents of United States money 
amongst the Shoshone and Bannock Indians of Idaho and Montana in the United 
States, but only amongst the Indians themselves and not between the whites and 
the Indians. They are also used for the ornamental trimmings of dresses and for 
horse trappings, and so are currency. 

Fig. 8 is a string of the lower jaws of the flying fox from the Fijis and other Melanesian 
Islands, used as money. 

Fig. 9 is a sperm whale tooth obtained from a whaler in 1822 and used as currency. 

Fig. 10 shows the so-called Caroline Islands millstone money— fS, This is used in the 
Carolines for large payments, but is made in the Pelew Islands. It is not really a 
millstone at all, but a large rough stone disc with a hole in it for carrying. It is 
made only for money and has no other use. That shown is a small specimen, 2^ 
feet diameter. F. W. Christian in Geogr, Journey xiii, 105. 
We now pass on to articles made of metal. Figs. 11 to 19 are of iron. 

Figs. 11 and 12 are hoes from the Dinkas and Shillooks of the White Nile. They have a 
fixed value, but are usable otherwise and so are currency. 

Fig. 13 is a native spade-blade with a cane withy or loop for carrying, used in Central Africa as 

Fig. 17 is an English made spade-blade, imitating the native one. These being usable otherwise 
are currency. In the British Museum are three iron spades from the Dor, Upper 
Nile, identical with these specimens from the Oxford Museum. 

Fig. 15 is a barbed spear-head from Central Africa of fixed value and usable otherwise : 

Fig. 14 is a conventional spear-head from Central Africa used as money. 

Fig. 16 is an iron plaque used as a marriage portion from Niam Niam in Central Africa. A girl 
having two of these allotted to her would have no difiiculty in arranging her 
matrimonial future and would be considered a priceless possession. This is 

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118 Colonel R. C. Temple. — Beginnings of Curreimj, 

Fig. 18 is the well-known conventional Loniami spear-head, 5 feet long, and made to represent 
high values. Fig. 19 is a conventional Lomami spear fi-om the Upper Congo, 5 feet 
long. Both of these are money. 

Plate XXL 

Fig. 1 are imitation iron axes from the Ogowe River in West Africa. Fig. 2 is a bundle of five 

or six of these fi'om the same district 
Figs. 5 and 6 are sets of three iron axe blades, imitation, each on a cane fastening, from West 

Fig. 4 is an imitation iron adze from West Africa vei^ like the ha$hash or imitation axe-head 

money of Kordofan, which runs 40 to the Turkish piastre. Tliere is a specimem in the 

British Museum. Fig. 3 are similar bimdles of imitation spears used by the Nagas 

of Manipur in Assam as money. 
Figs. 7 to 11, money from ancient Cliina, consisting of imitations in iron of well-known objects. 

The imitations have now, among numismatists, conventional names from their 

shapes. Fig. 7 is the so-called knife money. Fig. 8 and 9 is the shirt money. 

Fig. 11 is the razor money. 
Fig. 10 is a modern cash. I have shown this as an example of development. It will be seen from 

the figui-es that the hole in the cash directly owes its existence to the hole in the 

handle of the old conventional money, and that the cash itself is all that remains 

of that old money. It is the convenient tag end that has survived through the 

Figs. 12 and 13 are two imitation iron hoes from the Congo, and are money. 
Figs. 14 and 15 are two copper ingot crosses, both made inlJrua, in Central Africa, by casting in 

a sand mould. They have a special rib on one side, in the centre. In the course of 

the down river trade the specimens shown found their way respectively to Coanza 

on the West Coast and to Tanganyika on the East Coast, where they were procui*ed. 

They are money. 
Fig. 16 is a magnetic iron hoe, called nguni^ from Zambesi District, East Africa. This is 

money, no doubt on account of the peculiar property of the metal of which it is 

Figs. 17 to 19 shows brass and copper plates and bar iron : all specimens of cuiTency. Fig. 17 

is a set of copper plates, apparently from old sheathing, used as a marriage dowry 

and regarded as property. They are tied together in fours and fastened to a stick ; 

from Nimkish, Alert Bay, N.W. America. They afford a clear parallel to the Karen 

di'ums and the Guadalcanar shields. 
Fig. 18 is a hammered bi^ass frying-pan, partially conventionalised, still used both as cuiTency 

and for domestic purposes by the Nagas of the Manipur Hills in Assam. 
Fig. 19 is a l)ar of native-made iron, passing at a fixed value in Central Africa. 
Fig. 20. Four copper bracelets, used as a wedding dowry and considered as property ; eiwjh 

married woman has 100 ; from Nimkish, N.W. America, currency. 
Fig. 21 is the unTis or armlet and anklet of fibre already described, worn by all Dyaks in 

Borneo ; cuiTency, at five to a cent of trade-dollar money. 
Fig. 23. This and those that follow are money. This is a ring of European spelter valued at 

3^. on the Lower Congo. 
Figs. 24 and 25 are old copper and bronze manillas from the Bonny River on the West coast of 

Africa. They are the survivors of the old Roman and European bracelet or armilla 

through the Spaniards. They are now a well-known money in West Africa. 
Fig. 26 are English imitation manillas for the West African trade, but they are not current in 

the Haussa country and thereabouts. 
Fig. 22 ai*e iron English imitation manillas for the Eboe country trade, West Africa. 
Fig. 27 is an old iron manilla from West Africa. 
Fig. 28 is a large stone bead for purchasing slaves in West Africa 

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Journal of the 4 nfhropol osteal Tnfttitufe (N.S.), Vol. IF, Ft ate XIX, 

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Journal of the Anthropological Institute (N,S.), Vol. II, Plate XX. 

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Journal of (he Anthropological InHiUtte {N.S.), Vol. IT^ Plate XXL 

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Colonel fi. C. Temple. — Seginninffs of Cun-ency. 119 

Figs. 29 to 34 are silver money. Figs. 29 and 31 are larins from Persia used all over the West 
Coast of India, the Maldives, etc., for the last four centuries at any rate. They 
consist of sUver wire, bent double and stamped to show fineness. 

Fig. 30 is the silver fish-hook money of Ceylon similarly bent and stamped : probably grew out 
of the larin. 

Figs. 32, 33 and 34 are silver ticaU and their parts from Siam. The tical is a bar of silver, bent 
double by hammering and stamped to show fineness. 

Description of the Exhibits. 

Mr. M. L. Levin's private collection of Aggry and other (cliiefly glass) beads 
was shown, fastened into six frames. The collection consists of specimens of beads 
of various kinds that have passed through the hands of the firm during the 
nineteenth century. 

Besides Aggry beads it contains : — A series of beads meant for ornament and 
not for money for the East Indian trade. Bright shiny beads which are used in 
Africa as presents and not as money, and are known as "dashes"; they can 
however be used in barter and in some districts as currency. Miscellaneous 
beads ; Japanese, French, Chinese, African, Australian (peach stones). 

Among the African beads are some shell discs and cornelian beads used in 
Africa, but not made there, as the Africans cannot bore cornelian: they are 
probably Asiatic procured in trade. One of these is ancient. Similar beads of 
stone are still commonly found at ancient Buddhist sites in Northern India. 
Other ancient African beads were also shown. 

The collection further contains money-beads which are not Aggries, e.g., 
KafiBr money, which consists of small common glass beads in shapes peculiar to 
each district. With reference to the importance of form in money-beads, I may 
say that there were, up to the outbreak of the Transvaal War, still lying useless 
2,000 lbs. weight of beads, at Johannesburg, sent there as Kaffir money ; useless 
because, they were of the wrong sort. Also in the collection are some beads which 
Messrs. Levin attempted to export as general, but not accurate, copies of old Aggry 
beads for use as money ; quite unsuccessfully, however, as no variation in recognised 
form was acceptable to the natives as money. Blue Popo beads used for money and 
exceedingly valuable, being worth more than their weight in gold on the West 
Coast of Africa. The Venetian bead-makers at Murano, as the ultimate successors 
or the Phoenician and Egyptian makers, are unable to imitate these apparently 
simple bits of blue glass so successfully as to induce the natives to accept their 
products as Popo beads. Coral money-beads used on the same West Coast, 
equally valuable when large as the Popo beads, and worth more than their weight 
in gold, i,e,, more than £4 the ounce. 

In this connection there is a very interesting example in Mr. Levin's 
collection of an old red bead found in some quantities on the beach of St Agnes in 
the ScLQy Isles, presumably out of some wreck. These turned out to be trade 
beads intended for the West African trade as money, and were made in Venice. 
{Notes and Queries, 1873, p. 522.) 

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120 Colonel R. C. Temple. — Beginnings of Cu7Tcmy. 

There are in the British Museum and Oxford Museum several cards of 
samples of Messrs. Levin's exportations of modern Venetian beads to Africa, both 
as " dashes " and as money. 

The following passage from Mr. Hore's account of the twelve tribes of 
Tanganyika in Journal Anthropological Institute, xii, 1882, p. 8, is worth recording 
here, both for its mention of the use of glass beads for money, and for its valuable 
reference to the manufacture of salt for currency, as an addition to the notes already 
made on the subject in the body of the lecture. 

" The only export of great extent from Ujiji itself is the famous packages of 
salt, current all over the Lake shores as a medium of barter. This salt is 
manufactured once a year on the banks of the Ruguvu River, east of Ujiji, where 
from 2,000 to 3,000 persons sometimes assemble at the proper season, just before 
the commencement of the rain, forming quite a town for the sole purpose of- 
manufacturing the salt. It is packed up in cylindrical leaf packages weighing 
from 20 to 30 lbs. each, and value at Ujiji at about 2 yards of good calico. The 
market of Ujiji town consists generally of an assemblage of from 200 to 300 small 
booths or stalls, exposing for sale almost everything that the Lake Countries 
produce, as well as meat, vegetables, fruit and grain. Here for the first time we 
find a regular currency or money in use by the natives ; it consists of strings of blue 
and white cylindrical beads, each string containing 20 beads. Bunches of 10 strings 
are cslled fiuulo. From 9 to 11 fund^ are given in exchange for 4 yards of thin 
Manchester calico, and from 12 to 15 fundo for 4 yards of good heavy American 
calico ; the value varying daily according to the quantity of cloth in the market. 
• . . . Coloured cloths witli nails and coils of copper and brass wire, are used 
for more extensive purchases." 

In regard to Aggry beads. The exhibits consisted of samples from Mr. M. L. 
Levin's collection and of modern Venetian Aggries made for the existing trade in 
Africa and belonging to myself. All these modern beads were manufactured for 
Messrs. Levin at diflferent times for the above trade. 

In the Levin collection are many samples of Aggry beads, both of their own 
modern exportation and of genuine ancient make. Of the genuine ancient beads 
there are several white and speckled samples. The true Aggry bead, old or new, 
must be of glass, or of a substance closely resembling glass, of the same quality 
throughout, and in the Levin collection are two samples of Aggries cut by 
suspicious natives to test their quality. In both cases the outer surface was all 
blue, but the inner surface, and of course the ends also, had a wavy white pattern 
running over them. The regular continuance of this pattern throughout the inner 
substance of the beads was what the cutters were looking for. 

The place know as Agra, in trade parlance Aggiy or Aggrey, is, I am told, not 
the modern Accrii. It is rather an old ruined site of a former town not far inland 
from the West Coast of Africa, near Cape Coast Castle. It has given its name to 
the famous Aggry beads probably because it was once an important trading centre. 
The origin of the peculiar forms known as Aggry beads is somewhat thus. The 

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Colonel E. C. Temple. — Beginnings of Cun^ericy, 121 

Portuguese and Spaniards succeeded, as traders on the West Coast, the Arabs who 
worked for Egyptian masters. The Arabs' trade was very ancient and their 
currency the old glass beads. The more modern Arabs first and the Europeans 
afterwards found that their best policy was to continue the recognised form of 
currency by imitating it. The modern Aggry beads are made in Venice. Ancient 
Aggries are very rare. 

There does not appear to be much scientific information on this subject. 
Indeed, I am only aware of the obviously cursory paper on "Aggri beads" by 
Mr. J. E. Price, Journal Anthropological Institute, xii, 1882, p. 64, and the 
avowedly inconclusive notice in Brent's " Glass Beads with a Chevron Pattern," 
ArcJueol-ogia, vol xlv. But what literary evidence I have confirms the above 
statement, and so does an examination I was able to make, owing to the courtesy 
of Mr. A J. Evans, of the splendid collection of beads in the Ashmolean Museum. 
This examination enables me to say with some confidence that in form, substance 
and manufacture all Aggries, ancient and modern, are the direct descendants of 
those ancient Egyptian beads which Mr. Evans tells me belong to the seventeenth 
and nineteenth Dynasties, especially the latter, and are characteristic of the 
Eamesside period. The date of these beads from the ancient Egyptian tombs 
may range therefore from about 1400 to 1100 B.c. As a step, perhaps, in the 
pedigree. Professor Eidgeway informs me that long cylindrical beads of beryl and 
aquamarine are found in prehistoric tombs in Rhodes, which seem to have come 
from mines at Zabara in Egypt. The form and shape, and perhaps substance, of 
these suggest the Popo beads of West Africa, which may almost be taken as a form 
of Aggry beads, and have precisely the same ancient history. 


Professor Eidgeway expressed his warm admiration for the valuable series of 
facts which Colonel Temple had laid before the meeting. Personally he felt 
gratified to find that Colonel Temple had collected so many fresh cases wliich 
supported the views that he (the speaker) had put forward in his Origin of 
Metallic Currency and Weight Stafidards, such, for instance, as the doctrine of 
conventional price, which was admirably illustrated by the case mentioned by 
Colonel Temple, where the price of chickens had got fixed at a rupee, because a 
rupee was rashly given for the first chicken bought from the natives of a certain 
district. He could not agree with the distinction between cuiren/^y and money 
drawn by Colonel Temple, as he considered that it was impossible to draw a hard 
and fast line between them. 

Colonel Temple had spoken of certain objects as having been made solely for 
the purpose of being used as media of exchange, such as the feather money of 
Santa Cruz, and the mill-stone money of the Caroline Islands. This seemed a 
I'etum to the old idea that people had sat down and agreed that such and such an 
object should be their money without any reference to its utility. On this point 
he would break a lance with Colonel Temple, for he thought that we had abundant 
means of arguing from the known to the unknown in questions of primitive currency, 

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122 Colonel R. C. Temple. — Beginnings of Currency. 

and as iu all cases where there wei'e records it was invariably discovei'ed that the 
object used as a medium of exchange had originally been an object employed in 
daily life for some purpose or another, it was reasonable to infer that in cases such 
as the feather money of Santa Cruz these objects had been formerly used as 
ornaments of value, just as the other specimen of feather money shown by Colonel 
Temple on the next slide is still worn as an ornament, and just as the feathers of the 
royal bird of Hawaii were used both as money and ornament. He would call their 
attention to some objects which within a short period had passed out of use in daily 
life, but had remained in use as money. Every one knew that up to a few years ago 
stone axes were used for all purposes of daily life in New Guinea, and were one of 
the chief articles used in purchasing wives, etc. At the present time the iron axes 
brought by traders had made the stone axe obsolete for practical purposes, but they 
still retain their monetary value and continue to be used in the purchase of wives. 
Again, on the north-west coast of North America the most valuable medium of 
exchange was the " coi)per," which was worth 500 skins (beaver). He (the speaker) 
had not been able to give its early history in his Metallic Cnrrencfy, but could only 
quote from the Canadian Government report, which said that it was a conventional 
money unit, but he had ventured to suggest that the " copper " was some kind of 
gong, as the Indians attached great importance to its sound when struck, and 
gongs, such as those shown on the screen, are used as money among some peoples. 
However, his suggestion was wrong, for he now knew that these " coppers," an 
example of which he exhibited, were made out of the native copper in the 
Chilcat country north of Sitka, and were shields. The large ones had the totem in 
the centre. These were of great value to a warrior as defensive armour, and hence 
the large price which tliey fetched all down the coast as far as Queen Charlotte 
Island. With cases like these before them, he thought it was dangerous to say 
that the mill-stones of Caroline Islands had never had any practical use, but had 
been first made for the purpose of serving as money. He desired once more to 
express his heartiest thanks to Colonel Temple, whose kindness he had personally 
experienced in the past, for his most valuable lecture. 

Colonel Temple said that lie found himself practically only called upon to 
reply to the remarks of Professor Kidgeway. He did not think that there was any 
real divergence of opinion between himself and the Professor. He had had that 
evening to confine himself to definitions and beginnings and their illustration, and 
to leave development out of his purview. Hence the peculiar cast he had had to 
give his paper. He agreed that it was very difficult to separate money from 
currency at the points where the two met, and that looked at from the standpoint 
of development, money in a conventional form usually arose out of currency, and 
sometimes the development was vice versd. But what he wished to insist on was 
that in order to adequately treat the question of the origin of money and currency 
it was necessary to clearly define the technical terms to be used, and tliis he had 
endeavoured to do. His illustrations and his method of describing them were 
intended to throw light on his argument by showing what was used as money and 
what as currency without reference to development. 

Colonel Temple said he felt grateful for the attention accorded to his long 
lecture, and for the courtesy with which his propositions had been discussed by 
Professor Ridgeway and the other speakers. 

Digitized by 


Meeting of June ISth, 1899. 123 


JUNE 13th, 1899. 

C. H. Eead, Esq., F.S.A., President, in tJw Chair. 

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and passed. 

List of books presented to the Institute since last Meeting were read, and 
thanks passed to donors. 

The President then introduced Mr. George Clinch, who proceeded to read 
his paper on " Prehistoric Man in the Neighbourhood of the Kent and Surrey 
Border ; Neolithic Age." This was well illustrated by a series of lantern slides 
and numerous specimens of Neolithic Implements, etc. 

Discussion was carried on by Mr. Allen Brown, Mr. A. L. Lewis, Mr. Wm. 
GowLAND, and the President. Mr. Clinch replied to the questions asked, and 
expressed his obligation to Professor Rupert Jones for kindly help in the preparation 
of his paper. 

The President passed a vote of thanks to Mr. Clinch for a very able paper 
that showed both ingenuity and thought. He then asked Professor Eupert Jones 
to make a few remarks about a small collection of prehistoric implements presented 
to the Institute by Mr. Fred Swynnerton of Simla, and Professor Eupert Jones 
stated that he had looked over the collection, all of which had been found at 
Gwalior. It contained specimens of Eoliths, mostly quartzite, and some fairly 
worked implements. The short paper of Mr. Swynnerton was a good account of 

A vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Swynnerton for liis paper, and the 
collection, and also to Professor Eupert Jones for his remarks on them. 

Digitized by 


( 124 ) 


By George Clinch, F.G.S. 

[with plates XXII AND XXIII.] 

During the past twenty years numerous discoveries illustrative of prehistoric 
man have been made in the district roughly indicated by the title of this paper. 
The area to which the paper particularly refers is about four miles in diameter, 
and is pretty evenly divided by the boundary line between Kent and Surrey, the 
central point being the fir-crowned heights of Shirley, near Addington. 

Upon the present occasion it is proposed to deal only with those remains 
which belong to the Neolitliic Age, recent discoveries having made it possible to 
form a pretty complete idea of the occupations and other phases of life in the 
district during that period. 

In the first place, it may be convenient to review, in a brief and general way, 
the more important of the discoveries which have rewarded the researches of 
the writer at various times. Particulars of some of them, in detail, have been 
published already, but it is necessary to bear in mind the drift and tendency of 
previously established facts before we can be in a position to appreciate the 
force and meaning of those which have been brought to light recently. 

In the year 1878, and during three or four years subsequently, I found at 
West Wickham, Kent, a series of groups of flint implements of a character and 
under circumstances which suggested that they marked the sites of Neolithic 
dwellings. The field in which they were first found, called Moll Costen, had only 
for a few years been under cultivation, so, although the hut-floors had been 
disturbed before I had an opportunity of inspecting them, their contents had not 
been widely distributed, and the implements, in many cases, were pretty perfect, 
in strong contrast with the specimens found in the adjoining fields which had long 
been subjected to the operations of husbandry. 

That the place was the site of a Neolithic village, rather than a mere 
manufactory, is clearly indicated by the domestic character of the implements, 
and also by the fact that several examples bear marks of having been worn down 
by use. 

In several of the neighbouring fields in the same parish I was able to identify 
the sites, either separately or in groups, of human dwellings during the Neolithic 
Age. All these sites I hav^ examined carefully and frequently, with the result 
that I have collected from them several hundreds of implements, flakes, chips, 
cores, and weapons. 

Digitized by 


Journal of the Anthropological InJttitute (N.IS.), Vol, 7/. Plate XXII. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Journal of the Anlhropological Institute {N.S.), rot. II, Plate XXllI 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


G. Clinch.— Pr^Ats^orw; Mam in the NeigKbrnirhood of Kent and Surrey. 125 

My aim, however, was to find on some uncultivated site an undisturbed 
hut-floor belonging to this class, and by excavation and examination of its contents 
to determine, as far as might be possible, the method of construction of the 
dwelling and anything that was not already known about its occupants. 
After searching in the woods and other promising places, I found a good specimen 
of a pit-dwelling 6 metres in diameter in Fuller's Wood, situated near Moll 
Costen. This example, however, was so much overgrown by trees that it was 
not possible to excavate it with any prospect of a satisfactory result. 


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Scale of metres. 

On Hayes Common I found a large number of circular depressions which 
appeared to have been once the floors of huts. In the year 1878 I cut a trench 
through one specimen with a view of determining its origin, but beyond the fact 
that the ground had been disturbed to a depth of about 50 cm., my search was 
unsuccessful. Below that the gravel was hard and compact and had evidently 
never been moved. In the following year I opened other pits with equally 
indefinite results, no pottery, implements, or other sign of occupation being found. 
In one small pit, 1'25 m. in diameter, however, there were distinct indications of an 
ancient fire at a depth of 40 cm. from the surface of the ground. These indications 
consisted of roughly cubical fragments of charcoal, powdered charcoal, and a number 
of pebbles thoroughly reddened by severe heat. 

Digitized by 



6. Clinch. — Prehistoric Man in the Neighbovrhood ofths 

During the following seven years further pits were excavated, but still no 
traces of habitation, except occasional marks of fire action, were found. 

In 1886, I opened a pit of entirely different type, consisting of a large 
depression, nearly circular in form and 6 m. in diameter, with a conical mound 
in the centre, and a roughly quadrangular pit attached to it on its eastern side. 
In the centre of the circular pit, immediately below the central mound, I found, at 
a depth of 60 cm., about thirty unusually large pebbles evidently collected 
in this place for some definite purpose, possibly as a hearth for the fire or 
as a foundation to support a central pillar upon which the roof might be carried. 
I formed the opinion then, and I have had no reason to alter it since, that these 

Scale of metres. 

depressions represented the floor, and the enclosing mounds represented the low 
walls or foundations of walls of a dwelling consisting of two apartments. In 
the accompanying diagram (Fig. 1) of this interesting hut-floor the straight 
lines represent depressions below the natural surface of the ground, and the 
dotted spaces indicate embankments above it. 

A difi^am of the ordinary type of hut-circle is shown in Fig. 2, 

Digitized by 


Kent and, Sun'ey Border: Neolithic Age. 127 

During the year 1886, and subsequently, I opened further pits, and after a 
careful examination of every example, about 150 in number, I came to the 
conclusion that they might be divided conveniently and reasonably into three 
types, viz. : — 

1. Lai-ge circular pits from 3 m. to 10 m. in diameter, and from 15 cm. 

to 90 m. deep, surrounded by a well-defined and carefully con- 
structed mound, in which, at one point, there was a flat space, 
probably representing the entrance to the hut. These pits did not 
show evidence of fire. 

2. Large circular pits, similar in every way to those of the first type, but 

with a low conical mound in the centre. (See Fig. 2.) 

3. Small circular pits, very even and uniform in construction, from 1 -25 m. 

to 3 m. in diameter, without marks of entrance, and generally 
without an encircling mound, but always containing at a depth of about 
35 cm., reddened pebbles, charred wood, and other marks of fire. 

Pits of the last type would in most cases be too small for dwellings, and the 
question occurs whether they might not have been the sites of fires for cooking. 
This explanation will be dealt with later on. 

There were several well-defined lines of ditch-and-mound work on Hayes 
Common, which appeared to have some relation to the hut-circles, but none to the 
existing roads across the Common. In fact, the modern roads, in some places, cut 
through the lines of ditches and mounds. 

Extending my researches to other tracts of uncultivated land, I noticed pits 
similar in many respects to these at Shirley Common, and at Ci'oham Hurst, 
both in Surrey. All were associated with chips, flakes, and cores of 
flint, apparently of Neolithic Age, but beyond this there was little positive 
evidence as to the period to which the dwellings, if such they were, might be 

During many years the approximate age of the Hayes Common pit-dwellings 
remained a somewhat doubtful question, for although various circumstances 
pointed to their great antiquity, no sufficient evidence upon the point was 
forthcoming. In the year 1897, however, some building operations at Millfield, 
Keston, adjoining Hayes Common, led to the discovery of a pit which had 
unquestionably been the floor of a Neolithic workshop. Here were discovered 
upwards of nine hundred fragments of flint, including cores, flakes, and wa^te 
chips, and from the internal evidence, which has been set forth in detail in a paper 
communicated to the Society of Antiquaries of London by Mr. Philip Norman, 
F.S.A., the question has been settled once for all. Further particulars of this 
important discovery will be found in a subsequent part of this paper. 

The district under consideration in the present paper does not contain rocks 
which would afford shelters of the kind utilised by prehistoric man in certain 
localities, but the necessity of some shelter during severe weather must have been 
felt by the inhs^bitants of the place during Neolithic tim^ It seemed worth 

Digitized by 


128 G. Clinch. — Prehutoinc Man hi the Neiglibonrhood of the 

while, therefore, to search for traces of ancient dwellings under the shelter of 
such precipitous slopes as were to \ye found with a southern or south-western 
aspect Croham Hurst, a remarkably fine tract of forest land situated about 
one mile south of Croydon, offered precisely those conditions of shelter from the 
cold winds and snow-storms of winter which would have been sought for as 
dwelling-places by Neolithic men and women, and to it accordingly I turned my 

The upper part of the hill consists of a bed of the well-rounded pebbles and 
sand so abundant at Shirley Common, Hayes Common, and many others places. 
It is in fact an outlier of the well known Oldhaven Beds. On the south side the 
slope of the hill averages 30 degrees. It may be explained that this steep slope is 
largely preserved by the vegetation consisting of heath, moss, grass, and a number 
of stunted oak-trees growing in abundance on the top and sides of the hilL 

What happens when this vegetation is destroyed is well shown in some of the 
worn footpaths where the grass has been killed and the pebble beds have 
been disintegrated and worn down by the rain-wash in consequence. 

To some extent the steep angle of the hill may be preserved by masses of 
ferruginous conglomerate, one large mass of which is exposed for a distance of 9 m. 
on the surface of the hill near the point where most of the implements have been 

I mention these points because it is of some importance to understand the 
conditions which may have made it possible for an ancient excavation on the side 
of the hill to have been preserved to our own day. Taking all things into con- 
sideration there does not appear to be any good reason why the excavations I 
am about to describe should not have remained intact from Neolithic times. As 
far as we know the hill has been wooded from a very early period; there is 
practically no rain-wash on certain parts of it ; and there are no disturbing forces 
which might cause a subsidence, or any other considerable alteration of the surface. 
The rolling down of a certain amount of loose matter and the accumulation of peat 
and decayed leaves would in the ordinary course take place, and recent excava- 
tions of the contents of the shallow pits has proved that this has happened. 

The excavated sites at Croham Hurst, which I am inclined to think were 
occupied as dwellings in Neolithic times, are of two kinds, viz., (1) Large, circular or 
nearly circular, depressions in the surface from 8 m. to 17 m. in diameter and from 
60 cm. to 1'6 m. deep. These are situated upon or near the crest of the hill. 
(2) Depressions similar to the above, but shallower and smaller, and often occurring 
in pairs about half-way down the steep slope of the hill. 

Plentifully scattered around these pits are numerous flakes, chips, and cores 
of flint, but the thick covering of dead leaves and other vegetable matter makes it 
extremely difficult to examine the surface of the ground. 

During a number of examinations of the surface I have found upwards of a 
hundred fragments of flint, each of which has been chipped with a definite aim, 
but in nearly every ccuse, they are such as would be struck off the nodules of flint 

Digitized by 


Kent and Sun^ey Border : Neolithic Age. 129 

preparatory to or in the process of making implements and flakes. Few perfectly 
finished flakes have been found by me, but enough to show that well-made 
implements have been manufactured here, and these, it is almost certain, may 
yet be founds if searched for, among the material which has rolled down the steep 
side of the hill. 

In March, 1899, by the kind permission of the Governors of the Whitgift 
Foundation, four of these circular depressions were opened with results which, 
although they must be described as generally neutral, did not in any way militate 
against the theory of their Neolithic age. 

In one large pit situated near the top of the hill and measuring 17*5 m. east 
and west by 15 m. north and souths and 1*6 m. deep, I dug some experimental 
holes from which it appeared that there was a layer of compact peat 30 cm. in 
thickness, under which pebble-beds were disclosed. 

The earth which had been removed from this depression had apparently been 
deposited as an encircling mound around it, but this mound had become much 
flattened by weathering and other cause& The deposit of peat, 30 cm. thick, 
indicates considerable antiquity, as this kind of peat is not formed quickly, and 
the pit was not situated in a specially good position to receive or retain any large 
amount of v^etable matter. 

Excavations in the depressions on the hill-side tended to show that there 
had been a certain amount of material brought down from the hill above by 
various causes. This is not remarkable when the steep southern slope of Groham 
Hurst is remembered. Nevertheless, the digging revealed a deposit of peat, 
20 cm. thick in the bottom of the pits under the material brought down. 

As far as I have been able to investigate the matter at present the chief 
evidence of the Neolithic age of tliese pits is to be found in the flint flakes, chips, 
and cores which are associated with them, and when it is remembered that no 
flints suitable for the purpose of making implements occur naturally on Croham 
Hurst, their occurrence here has greater significance than would otherwise be the 
case. This significance is increased by the fact that nearly every fragment of 
chalk-flint found on Groham Hurst has been worked, and bears an ancient and 
smooth surface. Further we may note that the adjacent ploughed fields (on the 
surface of which flints occur naturally) are thickly strewn with flakes, and other 
evidences of Neolithic work.' 

Thus, although the hut-floors, like those at Hayes Conmion, have retained 
scarcely any other indication of their purpose and great age except their general 
form, their encircling mound, and their thick deposit of peat, the associated flakes 
and chips of flint seem to prove pretty conclusively that Groham Hurst was 
occupied by man duiing Neolithic times, and the form of the depressions affords a 
strong presumption that they were the floors of the huts in which he dwelt. 

> The worked flints here referred to are those found by Mr. Whitaker, F.RS., and myself. 
I am unable to accept as genuine many so-called implements found in these fields by certain 
other observers. 

Nbw Skribs, Vol. II, Nos. 1 and 2. K 

Digitized by 


130 G. Clinch. — Prehistoric Man in the Neighbourhood of tht 

Throughout the district the principal evidence of Neolithic times is to be 
found, as might be expected, in the flint implements, tools, and weapons, rather 
than in those objects composed of more perishable materials which must have 
been largely used by man. Articles made of horn, bone, and other parts of 
animals have, of course, entirely disappeared by the ordinary processes of decay, 
but some of the flint implements which were specially shaped to be fitted into bone 
handles have been discovered. 

Before proceeding to consider the implements in detail it may be remarked 
that generally speaking those found at West Wickham are characterised by very 
skilful workmanship, which shows that the art of flint-chipping and flint-grinding 
had reached a high state of excellence. 

The sharp-edged ground stone axe, which has been described by one eminent 
writer* on the subject as the symbol of Neolithic culture, is represented among the 
West Wickham implements by fragments rather than perfect specimens. My 
collection contains only seven examples of ground implements altogether, and of 
these only three are more or less fragmentary portions of regular celts or axes of 
any importance, the remainder having been reworked or broken to such an 
extent that it is not possible to say what was their original size and shape. 

But I am not inclined to infer from the scarcity of this particular form of 
work that civilisation was at a low ebb, or the art of implement making not 
thoroughly understood by the people of the period and in the neighbourhood to 
which these remarks refer. It should be remembered that the process of grinding 
down a flint to a smooth surface and a sharp edge is at the best and with modem 
appliances a tedious and lengthy operation, even when the general shape has been 
roughed out by chipping. Moreover, flint was abundant and, in the hands of a 
skilfiQ workman, easily and readily shaped by chipping, and it is not reasonable to 
suppose that any people, savage or civilised, would purposely make their imple- 
ments and weapons by a slow and exceedingly laborious process when the means of 
producing them by a simpler, more expeditious, and equally advantageous method, 
were within their reach. 

I am inclined rather to attribute the scarcity of ground implements to the 
abundance of raw material of which chipped implements could be easily manu- 
factured, and also partly, to the absence of a suitable gritty stone in this neigh- 
bourhood upon which ground implements could be rubbed down. 

Celts entirely shaped by skilful chipping are not common. I have found 
three fragments of such weapons, one being the pointed half and remarkable for its 
particularly fine workmanship. (Plate XXIII, L.) 

Closely allied in form with these chipped celts are certain roughly shaped 
implements about 12*5 cm. in length, 4 cm. broad, 3 cm. thick, and weigh- 
ing about '5 kilos. In the boldness of the workmanship we seem to have 
almost a survival of palaeolithic methods, except that the results attained are 

» Professor W. Boyd DawkiDs— iSber/!^ Man in Britain^ 1880 edition, p. 274. 

Digitized by 


Kent and Siiirey Border : Neolithic Age. ISl 

poorer, considered with reference to the efforts expended, than in the older 
implements. (Plate XXIII, P.) 

It seems probable that these implements may have been intended for use as 
hoes, or other analogous agricultural tools, for scarifying or breaking up the 
surface of the ground. In order to test how they would do for such a purpose I 
have mounted one in a rough handle with a result which is not, perhaps, entirely 

The rarity of elaborate and highly finished arrow-heads south of the Eiver 
Thames is well known, and it is not surprising, therefore, that only three 
specimens which entirely answer to this description have been found at West 
Wickham. The scarcity of these objects may be explained perhaps by the theory 
that simpler forms of pointed flint have served as arrow-points. 

Of the three elaborately worked arrow-heads found at West Wickham, there 
is an highly-finished example which may perhaps be compared with the best work 
of Neolithic times. Its form is that known as leaf-shaped, but it is rather thicker 
and rounder than arrow-heads of this class often are. (Plate XXII, F.) 

Its length is 2*4 cm. ; its breadth 1*5 cm. ; and its thickness 1*2 cm. 

Another example, which originally possessed two barbs and a tang, has 
unfortunately lost one of the barbs, but otherwise it is in good condition and its 
point and edges are still quite sharp. Its length is 3*2 cm. ; breadth 2'2 cm. ; 
thickness 5 cm. 

The third example belongs to a class that is rare in England, but more 
common in Ireland. It possesses a concave, tangless base, a rather tapering point, 
and a somewhat one-sided appearance. Its length is 3*5 cm. ; breadth 2*2 cm. ; and 
thickness '5 cm. 

It seems unlikely that these highly-finished arrow-heads, made with so much 
care and skill, were used for ordinary purposes. It is probable that they were 
produced for some special use. Arrows intended for ordinary use may have been 
pointed with the sharp, tapering ends of flakes, the butt ends of which were found 
in such abundance on the hut-floor at Millfield, already mentioned and presently 
to be dealt with in detail. 

Many of those flakes had been broken with an oblique base, so that when the 
point was mounted on the arrow one angle would form a barb. 

The number of pointed weapons which may have served as spear heads is 
rather larger than that of arrow-heads, and generally speaking their workmanship 
must be pronounced decidedly inferior. This may be explained by the fact that 
exactness in reference to poise and true balance was not so necessary in the case of 
a weapon held and directed by the hand as in that of a missile, such as an arrow, 
which was intended to be projected through the air. Accordingly, we find a 
comparatively large number.of trimmed flakes which, although somewhat curved in 
longitudinal section, have probably been used for the purpose of spear-points. 

It has been suggested that some of these implements which I have classed as 
spear-heads may have sei*ved as knives. 

K 2 

Digitized by 


132 G. Clinch. — Prehistoric Man in the NeigKbourhood of the 

The implements known by the general name of scrapers, comprise such a 
large number of forms, sizes, and methods of manufacture, and were undoubtedly 
applied to so many different purposes, that it seems desirable to pay special 
attention to them. We have in them the Neolithic equivalent of the modem pocket- 
knife and the contents of a nineteenth century tool-chest — ^the implements, in 
short, with which all kinds of articles formed of wood, bone, horn, and possibly 
soft stone, were carved and scraped into the desired shapes. It is, therefore, a 
matter of considerable importance to observe the shapes of the cutting edges, the 
character of the marks of wear upon them, and the great variety in their strength, 
and size, and methods of manufacture. In size, the scrapers vary from a diameter 
of slightly more than 1'2 cm. to upwards of 5 cm. Although the shape is usually 
more or less circular, it is sometimes elongated, and sometimes flattened. There 
is usually a tendency more or less pronounced, towards a tang. This is developed 
much more in some cases than in others but it exists in all. (Plate XXII, n.) 

These remarks apply mainly to what may be called the regular forms of 
scrapers. In addition to these there is a large number of less-perfectly shaped 
forms. Upwards of fifty examples of this kind were found at West Wick- 
ham. Generally speaking they may be described as rougher in style, thicker 
in section, and less freed from the rough, original coating of the flint, than the 
more regular scrapers. Yet when they are submitted to careful examination 
it is clear that they have been put to such a multiplicity of uses that they may be 
considered to be among the most interesting of the implements of the Neolithic 
period found in the neighbourhood of the Kent and Surrey border. (Plate XXII, B.) 

In a few instances the amount of wear to which the edges of scrapers have 
been subjected has been so great as to produce a series of facets. The surfaces of 
some of the worn edges seem to have been scratched in such a way as might, 
perhaps, be produced by friction with sand. Other examples of wear show a 
considerable removal of the edge, produced apparently by a series of slight blows. 

The explanation formerly given by some authorities that scrapers were used 
especially if not solely for the dressing of hides is not borne out by the evidence of 
the implements found at West Wickham. This evidence points to a much wider 
range of uses. 

Among the class of implements known as flakes, there are some specimens of 
remarkable excellence of workmanship. In some the flint has been shaped with a 
cleanness and precision which reminds one of the fracture of obsidian rather than of 
flint. (Plate XXII, a.) There is one very fine example, 5 cm. in length and triangular 
in section, the edges of which have been minutely serrated. It was doubtless used 
as a saw for some delicate work The main part of the implements found at West 
Wickham, and indeed throughout the district, consists of flakea Many of these 
have been carefully chipped to a point to be used as drills (Plate XXII, h) : others 
have had semicircular indentations made in them and were probably used for shaving 
and rounding sticks or fragments of bone ; possibly for arrow stems or needles, 
and there ai*e many other forms of wear observable upon them. (Plate XXIII, L.) 

Digitized by 


£!ent and Surrey border : Ifeolithic Age. 133 

Hammer-stones are represented by several large masses of tough grey flint 
varying in weight from '5 to 1*5 kilos. The surfaces of these hammers exhibit 
marks of long continued wear, as the stone is in places worn in facets. (Plate XXIII, o.) 

I have one very interesting implement which appears to have served as a 
grain-crusher. It is a small quartzite boulder, possibly a Sarsen stone, each end of 
which has been considerably flattened by wear. It weighs '8 kilo. One end is 
worn nearly flat apparently from contact with a flat surface, whilst the other end 
exhibits several facets. The diflTerence in the character of the wear on the two 
ends may be explained perhaps by the theory that the flat end was produced by 
pounding such as would be necessary to crush grain, while the faceted wear of the 
other end may have resulted from the irregular rotary motion employed whilst 
using it as a pestle in a mortar. The latter wear seems to have been caused by the 
action of reducing the crushed grain to fine flour. 

The recent discovery of a floor on which the manufacture of a large number 
of flint implements had been carried on at Millfield, Keston, is of great value 
for many reasons, for the light it gives as to the methods adopted by the maker 
of flint implements ; the tools he used in his work ; the material he employed ; 
and the specific purpose of the implements he produced. But perhaps its chief 
importance arises from the fact that it enables us to assign the pit-dwellings on 
Hayes Common to an approximate period. 

It may be explained that the pit at Millfield, although in the parish of 
Keston, is quite near the groups of pit-dwellings on Hayes Common, and 
intimately related to thenL Towards the end of the year 1897, numerous flakes 
and chips of flint were accidentally found by some men engaged in building 
operations. The fact was communicated to me by Mr. G. W. Smith, and further 
search was suggested. The result was that within a circular space 5 m. in 
diameter and from 45 cm. to 70 cm. below the surface, 958 flakes and other 
fragments of flint were found, consisting of : — 

22 cores 
461 flakes 
475 waste chips 

The character of these flints is precisely like that of the specimens which 
have for many years past been found sparsely but pretty evenly distributed over 
the surface of Hayes Common, but the flakes, especially those which were straight 
and well-formed, had in nearly every case been purposely broken, the pointed end 
of an acute triangular form, having in every such case been carried away, and 
although the material removed from the pit was screened and carefully examined, 
not one of these pointed ends was found. It is evident that they must have been 
severed from the flakes to which they belonged and carried away for some specific 
purpose, whether to be used as arrow-heads, or for the teeth of sickles, or for 
what other purpose does not seem clear. 

Digitized by 


134 G. Clinch. — Prehistoric Man in the NeigJAourhood of the 

It has been shown* that the undoubtedly Neolithic pit at Millfield, is in 
every way identical in character with the pit-dwellings on Hayes Common, 
except that it has lost its covering of peat. Viewed in the light of this discovery 
it is a comparatively easy matter to identify several groups of Neolithic dwellings 
on Hayes Common and numerous lines of ditch-and-mound work which may 
represent enclosures for the securing of the cattle belonging to the inhabitants 
of the dwellings. It is not difficult to understand how these dwellings were 
constructed. Probably an excavation from 5 m. to 10 m. in diameter was 
first made, circular in form and about 1 m. in greatest depth. The removed 
earth may then have been carefully arranged as a continuous mound around 
the pit, and in this mound a number of long branches of trees were probably 
planted, the ends of which met over the middle of the hut. A roof consisting 
of a thatch of heath or reeds completed the means of protection from the external 
elements, whilst the encircling mound would help to throw off superfluous rainfall, 
and afford some degree of warmth and shelter. A conjectural restoration of such 
a dwelling is shown in Fig. 3. 

Scale of metres. 



In some of the larger huts there was a raised mound in the centre on the 
sides of which the inhabitants may have reclined when rest was required. Some- 
times, however, the mound seems to have been placed in the hut in orfer to support 
or steady the lower end of the trunk of a tree upon which the rafters of the roof 
rested. Owing to the highly inflammable character of the structure it would not 
have been safe to have a fire within the hut during very dry or windy weather ; 
the cooking fire, therefore, would be made at a short distance from the dwelling. 

The smaller depressions from 1-25 m. to 3 m. in diameter, have already been 
identified as the hearths upon which, or rather perhaps we should say, the holes over 
which fires were kindled for cooking purposes. This theory seems to afford a satis- 
factory explanation of thie depressions, and agrees with their sizes, forms, and contents. 
« Proc ihc AfUiq.y Lond., Second Series, vol xvii, pp. 216-2S1. 

Digitized by 


^etit cmd Surrey Border : NedUhic Age, 


Cooking by means of heated stones and also by heating the ground is by no 
means uncommon. In our own country we have a survival of such a primitive 
mode of cooking. In some parts of England, gypsies and country people still bake 
a hedgehog or other small animal by enveloping it in a covering of clay and then 
placing it in the midst of a fierce wood-fire made on the surface of the ground. 
The embers retain a considerable amount of heat for a long time, and the baking 
can be continued as long as is necessary without fresh fuel. When the operation 
is completed, the flesh of the hedgehog is said to be particularly tender, juicy, and 
well-flavoured. I give this upon hearsay evidence only, as I confess I have no 
actual experience of the matter. 

The rural method of cooking potatoes in an iron pot without water and with 
the aperture of the pot closely stopped by a compact mass of earth, is another 
somewhat similar survival. In this method of cooking, as in that just described. 

Scale of metres, 

no. 4. — SBcnoN of pit containing evidences of firb, west 


A. Peat and vegetable mould. 
K Sand and pebbles. 

C. Bed of charooaL 

D. Undisturbed earth. 

the flavour is said to be remarkably well preserved. In both cases this is 
doubtless due to the fact that the cooking is thorough, and that the enveloping 
clay makes it possible to retain those juices and flavours which would be driven off 
by the modem culinary methods. 

In some of the islands of the North Pacific there is still in use a method 
of cooking whole animals by means of heated depressions in the ground, similar 
in all probability to that once adopted by the Neolithic tribes who resided at 
Hayes Common. It seems probable that this was the method of cooking generally 
employed by our Neolithic ancestors, and as far as we can understand the fire would 
have been made in the following manner. A hole was first dug in the ground from 
1*25 m. to 3 m. across and about 76 cm. deep. Across this a number of dry oak 
branches were laid and fire was applied. Into this fire was placed the animal 
or joint that was required to be cooked, or if water was to be heated or a stew 
prepared, a number of fair-sized pebbles, placed among the burning embers, were 

Digitized by 


136 G. ClilNOH. — Prehistoric Man in the Ifeighhourhood of the 

heated and used as pot-boilers in receptacles made of wood or other perishable 
substances, for it is pretty clear that no pottery was in use. 

A section of one of these fiUed-up pits in which a cooking fire had been made 
was until recently well shown in the side of the gravel-pit at West Wickham 
Oommon. A diagram of this section is shown in Fig. 4. From this it will be 
seen that at the bottom of the pit was a mass of large fragments of wood, above 
which was a bed of sand and pebbles, and over all, a layer of peat and vegetable 
mould about 12*5 cm. thick. 

It may be remarked that the evidence of the Hayes Common and West 
Wickham Common pit-dwellings is in accordance with the observations of Pro- 
fessor Boyd Dawkins,^ who remarks that cooking operations in Neolithic times 
were generally carried on outside the dwelling. 

The rarity of scrapers and crushers among the fiint implements at Hayes 
Common and Croham Hurst is noteworthy. It may be accounted for, perhaps, by 
the fact that large pebbles suitable for use 83 crushers, are abundant at both of 
these places, and may very probably have been used as substitutes ; whilst pebbles 
broken in halves by natural or artificial means, which are also plentiful, would 
make equally useful substitutes for those scrapers which are shaped by chipping. 

Judging from the evidence of the implements, and from the character and 
amoimt of wear to which they have been subjected, it seems probable that the 
race who used them — the men and women living in the neighbourhood of the Kent 
and Surrey border in the Neolithic period — consisted of people of pacific 
occupations, tillers of the soil, and herdsmen. That they were highly accomplished 
in the art of making implements and weapons of flint is pretty clearly shown by 
the examples which have been preserved to the present day. Many of these must 
have been the result of much patient and skilful labour, but a large proportion 
have been sadly mutilated by the hard wear and rough usage of the plough-share, 
the hari-ow, the roll,>nd other implements used by the farmer in tilling his land 
in more recent years. The art of flint tool-making seems to have been carried to a 
high pitch of perfection at West Wickham in Neolithic times, and its pursuit probably 
formed the special, if not the sole, occupation of certain members of the tribe. 
What the implement-maker's materials were, and how he used them, we can judge 
from the contents of the workshop-floor at Millfield, and it is probable that we 
have there all that remains of the workshop from which the Neolithic tribes 
on Hayes Common were supplied with arrow-points, sickle-teeth, etc. 

The Neolithic tribes inhabiting the district to which this paper refers would 
appear to ^ave been, in a limited sense, nomadic in their habits, seldom staying 
long in ofle place but travelling about slowly, accompanied by their herds and their 
flocks. In the winter they would seek the shelter of the Surrey hiUs and in the 
warmer seasons they probably tilled the fertile valleys about West Wickham. ' 

In conclusion, it may be pointed out that the evidences of prehistoric man in 
this country are being rapidly destroyed. In the locality to which this paper 

» Early Man in Britain^ 1880, p. 273. 

Digitized by 


Kent atid Surrey Border: Neolithic Age. 137 

relates the operations of the villa-builder and the pursuit of agricultural industries, 
but especially the former, are disturbing and obliterating these venerable and 
intensely interesting of British antiquities, and it is most desirable that every trace 
of prehistoric times should be carefully noted and recorded before these destructive 
influences shall have swept them entirely away. 


In the following list a few particulars are given respecting the best defined 
and most characteristic types of implements discovered in the district to which 
this paper relates — a district which comprises the following parishes: — West 
Wickham, Hayes, and Keston, in Kent, and Shirley, Croydon, and Sanderstead, in 

In every case, except that of Millfield, which was excavated mainly by Mr. 
G. W. Smith, the following facts and statistics are based upon the discoveries of 
the writer and refer solely to specimens in his private collection. 

Type A. — Simple flakes, usually triangular or quadrangular in section and 
from 2 cm. to 7 cm. in length. 

Type B. — ^Flakes more or less modified or elaborated in form by secondary 

Type C. — Flakes, much worn by use. 

Type D. — ^Flakes converted into a more or less circular outline by means 
of secondary working. These are usually called scrapers, but it is evident 
from their varieties of form and the care with which they have been shaped 
that they were used for many different purposes besides the scraping of skins 
during the process of tanning. They were probably used for cutting and carving 
objects in wood and bone, and also for such work as would now be done by 
means of planes, adzes, etc. In several examples of these so-called scrapers there 
is a very decided tendency towards a tang, and a semi-circular indentation is often 
found on each side at the termination of the cutting edge. 

Type K — Scrapers resembling in many respects those included in type D, but 
more roughly formed and generally much thicker in section. 

Type F. — ^Arrow-heads entirely shaped by minute and delicate working. 
Three entirely distinct forms are figured in the plate. 

Type G. — Spear-heads, or possibly knives, more or less leaf-shaped in form 
and worked much in the same manner as arrow-heads (type F). 

Type H. — Drills, formed by careful secondary working. 

Type I. — Saws, usually of small size with minute indentations to serve as teeth, 
and a pronounced stop shown in two of the samples figured upon the lower left 
hand side. 

Type J. — Straight and wellnshaped flakes from which the pointed end has 
been broken off probably to serve as arrow points or sickle teeth. This type is 
mainly represented in the examples found at Millfield. 

Digitized by 



G. Clinch. — Prehdstoric Man in the Neiffkhaurhood of the 

Type E. — ^Hollow scrapers. The form of these is well shown in the plate. 
The semi-circular indentations have been produced by very careful chipping. They 
have probably been used for the purpose of shaving and shaping the stems of 
arrows and other similar objects. 

Type L— Celts shaped entirely by chipping. The three examples figured are 
fragments, but that in the middle presents features of great merit and a high 
degree of skill. 

Type M. — Celts formed partly by chipping and partly by grinding. The two 
examples figured have probably been intended to be hafted into a bone or wooden 

Type N. — Celts formed by chipping but presenting a surface almost, if not 
entirely, covered by subsequent grinding. Both of the specimens figured are 
imperfect, having been mutilated at each end 

Type 0. — Hanmier stones and grain crushers. The left hand specimen shown 
in the plate has been shaped by long continued wear into a flattened sphere. The 
other example is a quartzite pebble flattened at each end by wear. The material 
employed for these implements is almost always tough grey flint 

Type P. — Boughly shaped celt-like implements, probably hoes or similar 
agricultural implements. The upper end is roughly triangular in section, and was 
apparently intended to be bound into a cleft stick : the lower end meiges into a 
celt-like form. 

Specimens of these various typeB are figured upon the accompanying full-page 
plates (Plates XXII and XXIII). In addition to the sixteen types already described, 
the following may be mentioned in order to include fragments of flint which have 
resulted from the manufacture of implements, etc. 

Type Q. — Chips— fw^ments of flint often retaining portions of the rough 
external coat of the flint nodule which have been struck off merely with the 
intention of reaching suitable material underneath. 

Type R — Cores — ^the blocks of flint from which flakes have been struck. 

The distribution of these various types of implements, etc., among the different 
Neolithic sites identified and described in the paper is shown in the following 
table : — 








A. Flakes 

B. Flakes with secondary work 

C. Flakes, much worn by use 

D. Scrapers (well formed) 

E. Scrapers (roughly shaped) 







Digitized by 


^ent and Surrey Border : Ifeoliihie Age. 









F. Arrow-heads 

G. Spear-heads, or knives 

H. Drills 

L Saws 

J. Flakes from which the pointed 
ends have been broken. 

K. Hollow scrapers 

L. Celts, entirely formed by chipping 

M. Celts, partly formed by chipping 
and partly by grinding. 

N. Celts, covered with a ground sur- 

0. Hammers 

P. Hoes 

Q. Chips 

B. Cores.... 

















1 c 1 1 1 III lllll 



Mr. Lewis wished to congratulate both the author and the Inetitute on the 
paper they had just heard. He had visited the pits on Hayes Common some 
twenty years ago and had not been greatly impressed by them, but he was glad 
Mr. Clinch had been able to find so much valuable material in connection with 
them. So far as he had understood there was no evidence that the fires .of which 
traces were found in the pits might not have been of comparatively recent date. 
He doubted whether the circle of 50 feet diameter had been roofed over, and 
thought it more likely to have been an enclosure for animals. Mr. Lewis 
proceeded to point out the difference between the remains described by Mr. 
Clinch and those of dwellings found at Carnbrae in Cornwall and Grimspound and 
elsewhere on Dartmoor, which latter were furnished with stone seats or bed-places, 
hearths, and holes made in the ground and used apparently for cooking by means 
of heated stones, and in one at least of which holes had been found a large pot. 

Mr. J. Allen Brown said he knew the author many years ago when he 
began his investigations in Kent, and congratulated him on their result in the 
paper he had read, and on his having obtained the interesting collection on the 
table and the valuable information given as to its connection with the hut circles 
on Hayes Common and elsewhere in the neighbourhood. Judging from the forms 
and patina, the specimens appeared to be of late neolithic age, but there was no 
evidence of the fauna with which they were associated. There was, however, one 
specimen which in form and colour was quite unlike the others, and he would 
be glad to know under what condition it had been found, whether in peat or 
gravel. Its brown patina and axe-like form reminded him of the drift, although the 

Digitized by 


140 G. CliKCH. — Prehistoric Man in the Neighbourhood of Kent and Surrey, 

specimen clearly belonged to the division called neolithic. If the axe-head had 
been wider at the blade, thicker and less neatly made, it would then have been 
similar to axe-head specimens found in the river drift; as it is the implement 
appears to be one of those forms, belonging to a series which appears to bridge over 
the later palaeolithic and the later stone age, we call neolithic, as classified in the 
speaker's paper read at the Institute in 1892 on the " Continuity of the Palaeolithic 
and Neolithic Periods." 

Mr. W. GowLAND remarked that the paper was one of great interest, and a 
very important contribution to our knowledge of the habitations of neolithic man 
in this country. Circular dwellings have, as is well known, been found in several 
localities in Britain, notably on Dartmoor and the moorlands of Yorkshire ; in 
these, however, the floors are but little, if at all, below the surface of the surround- 
ing ground. Those which he had examined in both the above-mentioned districts 
originally possessed walls of rough stones, of greater or less height, from which the 
roofs sprang. In their immediate neighbourhood stones suitable for building the 
walls occur in abundance. In the district explored by Mr. Clinch no such 
materials are at hand. The floor was hence, he thought with him, sunk below the 
surface by digging a pit in order that the roof might be of a convenient height. On 
the other hand, it should be remembered that in other regions of the world, as in 
North-Eastern Asia and the northern islands of Japan, pit-dwellings are character- 
istic of a rigorous climate, and form the winter habitations of men who in the 
summer occupy huts on the ground-level. 

Circular pit-dwellings seem to be rare in England, and the author is to be 
congratulated on his discoveiy of them in Surrey and Kent. Remains of these 
dwellings of neolithic times are, however, widely distributed in Northern Europe 
and in Germany, Austria, Hungary and Switzerland, the depth of the floor below 
the surface varying from 1 to 1'5 metre. They are also found in France. 

In the north of Portugal some have been discovered with a block of stone in 
the centre of the floor, upon which rested a wooden post for the support of the 
roof. This tends to confirm the accuracy of Mr. Clinch's explanation of the use of 
the small mound in the same position in the Kent and Surrey examples. 

The discovery of a cooking-place outside the dwellings is of considerable 
importance, as, he believed, no actual remains of an external fire had hitherto been 
found in England. He might mention that separate places for cooking, viz., 
small round houses apart from the dwelling, are to be seen at the present day in 

From his own experience of dwellings not diflFering much in construction from 
those described in the paper, in several of which he had lived from time to time 
when exploring the Shinano-Hida range of mountains in Japan, he would say that 
culinary operations, except on a small scale, could not be conducted inside without 
risk of setting fire to the roof. A fireplace apart from the hut would hence be 
absolutely necessary when a large animal such as a deer or boar had to be cooked 
for the use of the community or several families. 

This outside fireplace, too, doubtless played an important part in the discovery 
of the metals. It was, in fact, the first smelting furnace. The high temperature 
which would be often reached in it, when the fire was urged by a strong wind, 
would be quite sufficient for the reduction of the ores of the common metals to the 

Digitized by 


SpecicU Joint Meeting of June 27th, 1899. 141 

metallic state; so that, whenever any stones containing these ores became 
accidentally imbedded in the fuel, under conditions favourable for reduction, the 
discovery of the metals would certainly result. 

Exhibition op Eude Stone Implements from the State of Gwalior, 
Central India. By Frederick Swynnerton, Esq., Simla. 

This collection included numerous roughly-chipped fragments of jasper, chert, 
lydite, and other siliceous stones. Some of the objects exhibited were collected 
by Mr. Swynnerton from the alluvium of the plain on which the city of Gwalior 
stands. They occur in the gravel of the Sourrka River, and throughout the 
alluvium on the banks to a height of at least 20 feet ; and are also found scattered 
over the surface far from the river. Others were obtained from, or near to, the 
surface of the ground at Eaipur, 12 miles from Gwalior. The collection also 
included some large quartzite implements of palaeolithic type, found on the surface 
at Eaipur by C. Maries, Esq., of Gwalior. 



JUNE 27th, 1899. 

C. H. Kkad, Esq., F.S. A, President, in the Chair. 

The Chaikman explained that this Joint Meeting had been called by the 
desire of the Folklore Society to welcome Professor Frederick Starr of the Uni- 
versity of Chicago, and he would therefore vacate the chair in favour of the 
President of the Folklore Society. 

Mr. K Sidney Habtland, F.S. A, President of the Folklore Society, then took 
the Chair, and expressed the thanks of his Society for the reception the Institute 
had given them and their friend Professor Starr, who had most generously 
presented the Society with the interesting objects they now saw before them, and 
who would favour them with some account of his collection. 

Professor F. Stark, of Chicago, then gave an address explanatory of the large 
collection of objects illustrating the Folklore of Mexico. 

The Chairman wound up the proceedings by describing the kindly reception 
he had received in Chicago from Professor Starr, and proposed a vote of thanks to 
him for his very able addrass, which was supported by Mr. G. L. Gomme and 
Mr. A, L. Lewis, and carried uAanimously. 

Digitized by 


( 142 ) 


By Dr. Beddob, LLD., F.RS. 

It is now a good many years since, to the lasting disfigurement and discredit of 
our ancient city, the church of St Werburgh, with its beautiful tower, was cleared 
away from Corn Street. I was one of the, I believe very few, people who derived 
some advantage from this barbarous proceeding, of which, however, I have the 
satisfaction of remembering that I was one of the active opponents. A largo 
number of skeletons was dug out from below the vaults in the church, and a good 
many from the churchyard adjoining, in which, however, interments had ceased for 
many years. The former series must have dated from before 1761, at which date 
the church was partially rebuilt ; but they were all probably much older, in fact 
pretty certainly mediaeval. The latter were comparatively modem, but not recent. 
Of the former I found 36 measurable, and of the latter 17, numbers sufficient to 
afford a basis of induction. Their measurements were printed m the Bristol and 
QUmcestershire Archceohgical Transactions, and in my Baces of Britain. I am not 
going to inflict them on you now, but will say briefly that the mediaeval skulls 
were somewhat short, broad and, if anytliing, low, flattish, rounded, with rather 
small frontal region, but otherwise well filled. Their average breadth-index was 
exactly 80, i.e., on the confines of mesokephaly and brachykephaly, by Topinard's 
notation. On the other hand, the modem skulls were mostly of quite different 
type ; in fact not one of the 17 distinctly resembled the small round type just 
described, and which prevailed in the mediaeval series. They were mostly rather 
large longish crania, nowise distinguishable from those we see on the shoulders of 
our neighbours in Somerset and Gloucestershire, and their average breadth-index 
was 76*6. 

There are sundry circumstances which may influence the relation that the 
cranial index bears to the kephalic, the dead to the living one, for example the 
degree of dryness, as De Lapouge has shown. But we have most of us got into the 
habit of adding two degrees to the index of the skull, in order to get that of the 
living head. I apprehend that my distinguished friend (M. Topinard) will tell you 
two d^ees are too much. But even if we added nothing, 80 would be a very high 
index for a series of 36 English skulls, while 76*6 would be a low one for the living 
head. The discrepancy needs explanation. 

I have been disposed to attribute it to the presence in the earlier or mediaeval 
series of a larger proportion of French blood. We know that for centuries after 
the Norman Conquest natives of France continued to filter into this country, where 
the use of the French language among the upper classes must have given the 
immigrants certain advantages. Moreover Bristol, perhaps more than most other 
English ports, carried on an active commerce witii the English dominions ia France, 

Digitized by 


Dr. Bbddob. — On the Medusval Popidatwii of Bristol, 143 

To show the intimacy of these relations, I will quote a passage, from Mr. Fuller's 
paper on the Tallage of Edward IT. He says that among the rebellious Bristolians 
in 1316, the Sheriff of Gloucestershire alleged that there were " a great multitude 
of evildoers, as well men of Bayonne as Welshmen, added to them, levied as for 
war against the King." 

Now these men of Bayonne, or rather their posterity at the present day, are 
a moderately brachykephalic folk, with a living index of 83^, according to 
Collignon. In other parts of Gascony the index varies, here higher, there a little 
lower ; but, on the whole, in all the west of France, except around the embouchures 
of the Gironde, the Dordogne and the Charente, and in the valley of the Vienne, 
the headform is so broad that a large importation of the breed into Bristol might 
account for the phenomena. 

Now lately I have gotten some evidence of another kind, which seems to point 
the same way. In Mr. Fuller's paper, just now quoted, are a list of nearly 1,000 
persons liable to tallage under Edward II, and one of upwards of 300 h'able to pay 
subsidy in the first year of Edward III. I have analysed the surnames in these 
lists, and estimated therefrom the strength of the French element in the population. 
My plan is this : I take the certainly French names, such as Maltravers, Gumey, 
the somewhat doubtful ones, such as Tilly, Murrell, the French nicknames, as 
Bellamy, Blundell, Russell, names indicative of a French birthplace, as Pickard, 
Dole, the French trade names, as Taylor, BulUnger, and the French names of ofl&ce 
or condition, as Clerk, Bailey ; and ascertain the proportion which all these bear to 
the whole list of names. In Bristol, in Edward II's time, this proportion was 20 
per cent. Now of course I cannot claim that this was the real proportion of the 
French blood-element in the population ; that may have been much greater or much 
less. But I do think that my plan is a good one for comparing the strength of the 
French element in different parts of England. 

Surnames were not absolutely fixed in Bristol in the early part of the fourteenth 
century, but they were nearly so. In the South Midland district, to judge from 
facts in the Hundred Bolls, they had been nearly so in the latter part of the 
thirteenth century. But in Wales there were no fixed surnames until very long 
afterwards ; which may be one, but only one, of the reasons why so few Welshmen 
can be made out in these tallage lists. 

On applying the test described I find the French element much stronger in 
Bristol lists than in lists from Malmesbury, Minety or Gillingham, of about the 
same or an earlier date ; less too than in Devonshire, though it is my belief that 
the French immigration into that county, chiefly from Bretagne, had been 
considerable. The figures are* : 

Bristol — 1st list, 20 per cent. ; 2nd list, 23-2. Malmesbury Abbey tenants, 

11-3; Minety (Wiltshire), 8-2; Gillingham (Dorset), 11*9; Devonshire, 

17 per cent. Kent, Norfolk, Suffolk, in the Hundred EoUs, vary from 

15*4 to 17'3. But in the South-East Midlands the French settlers seem 

* Bristol leaders of the King's party and of the revolters, 33 per cent. 

Digitized by 


1 44 Dr. Beddoe. — On the Medioeval Population of BrisUl, 

to have been very nunierous, and these are just the districts respecting 
which the Hundred Bolls give us the fullest information. In Bedford- 
shire, for example, the fi*ee tenants give 39 per cent, of names of French 
type, the more numerous villan tenants 17 ; and at the present day the 
ratepayers of two Bedfordshire parishes give me 20 per cent. I suppose 
there was much infiltration of Frenchmen thither from London ; and I 
think the prevailing form of head thereabouts is still roundish, and the 
stature short. 
Other points notable in these Bristol lists are the fewness of patronymics, the 
often French type of those that do occur {e,g,, Everard), the scarcity of Welshmen, 
the great number of people designated from their trades, and the very great number 
bearing local specific names, such as Derby, Warminster, and the like. These 
immigrants would seem to have come in large proportion from other towns, rather 
than from the country surrounding Bristol. 

Let us allow, provisionally, that the roundness of mediaeval Bristolian heads 
may be accounted for by the largeness of the French element. Why then did this 
round type subsequently disappear ? 

The conditions of life in mediaeval cities were extremely unfavourable, and the 
mortality excessive. Mr. Fuller remarks that enormous changes had taken place 
in the constituency during the interval of fourteen years between the compilations 
of his two lists. The second is even more French than the first (23*2 per cent, 
against 20) and considering the active intercourse with Gascony and Guienne during 
the reign of Edward HI, it may very well have been that the French element 
continued to increase for some time. But the subsequent loss of Aquitaine must have 
cut off the supply. I have analysed the list of Bristol testators in the Great 
Orphan Book, which has lately been edited by Mr. Edward Alexander Fry, and I find 
that in the fifteenth and the latter part of the fourteenth century the French 
element, as already defined, has decreased to 18'4 per cent. Welshmen have begun 
to come in and to settle — there are 2 per cent, of positively identifiable Welshmen, 
and 3 per cent, of probable Welshpaen, Thomases and Eichardses and the like. 
Local specific names continue very numerous, but trade names have greatly 
diminished ; possibly they were of tener applied than acknowledged. 

In the sixteenth century the French surnames had declined to 14*2 per cent. ; 
the Welshmen and probable Welshmen, under the Tudors, were streaming in apace, 
and amounted to 6'4 and 8*3 respectively ; and what I call the local general names, 
such as Hall, Green, Townsend, Atwood, names indicative of a rural origin, had 
much increased. Evidently the older population had largely died out or scattered 
itself elsewhere, and its place was being filled up from Wales, Gloucestershire and 
Somerset. The same processes have continued ever since, except that the Welsh 
immigration, contrary perhaps to what might have been expected, has rather 
slackened than otherwise, especially since the development of the Welsh coalfield 
began. In fact there are fewer Welsh surnames now in Bristol than in the 
sixteenth century. Irish immigration has never been considerable. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Jovrnal of the Jnihropolotjical Institute (N.S.), Vol. IT, Plate XXIV, 


Digitized by 


( 145 ) 


By W. L. H. Duckworth, M.A., Fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge. 

[with plats zxiv.] 

The specimen under consideration is the massive skull of an adult male which 
was picked up near Damascus after the massacres of 1860. For the loan of this 
specimen I am indebted to C. W. Cunnington, Esq., and I have made some notes 
descriptive of its more striking features. Mr. Cunnington kindly made some of 
the measurements which are appended. 

The skull is of considerable weight and capacity (the latter being about 1650 
cc). It bears four distinct wounds to which no doubt death was due. At the 
bregma is a large and nearly quadrate hole, from which the missing piece of 
the left parietal bone was no doubt removed by a sword cut, of which unmistakable 
evidence is afforded by the clean-cut character of the posterior margin (45 mm. 
in length). From this side, a crack or fissure traverses the left parietal bone 
obliquely to end eventually in the lambdoid suture. At the external angular 
process of the frontal bone on the left side is a large deficiency due to 
destruction of the superciliary margin and parts adjacent to it, leaving a 
depression of cup-like shape and about 20 mm. in diameter. The third wound is 
a clean cut 36 mm. long just above the right parietal eminence : and a fourth 
wound is seen as a clean-edged incision dividing the root of the left zygomatic 
arch. Part of the lateral margin of the skeleton of the nose is absent from the 
right side, but there is no certain indication that this deficiency is of a traumatic 
nature. However this may be, the condition of the bones of the cranial vault 
affords abundant evidence of violence. 

Most of the teeth have dropped out, but those remaining are of large size and 
good quality. Otherwise the skull is in good preservation and has suffered little 
or nothing by weathering. Having remarked the massive glabellar prominence 
and other muscular ridges and prominences, the asymmetry of the specimen next 
demands attention. The skull is plagiocephalic. There is great parieto- 
occipital flattening, but this is much more marked on the right than on the left 
side, so that there is oomparatively great backward projection on the left side of 
the conjoined parietal bones (the sagittal suture has long been closed by ossifica- 
tion). But it is remarkable that while thus laterally asymmetrical, there is no 
concomitant torsion or even lateral flexion of the basis cranii, and that the 
occipital condyles, though dissimilar in size, are on the same horizontal plane 
(which is a somewhat unusual occurrence in plagiocephalic crania). 

From the indices (see Table) the skull will be seen to be brachyceplialic, 
Nbw SxiOEB, Vol. II, Noa 1 akd 2. ^ 

Digitized by 


146 W. L. H. Duckworth. — Note on a Skull fro^n Syria, 

akrocephalic, orthognathous, microseme, and leptorhiue. The figure representing 
its cubic capacity places it in the megacephalic division (Flower). 

The skull may be compared in the first instance to a specimen in the 
museum at Nicosia, Cyprus (for a sketch of which I am indebted to my 
brother, the Eev. H. T. Forbes Duckworth, M.A.), in which the same features of 
prominent brow ridges with parieto-occipital flattening are seen to be associated 
But the Nicosia skull does not present marked asymmetry. 

Turning to the Syrian skulls in the Anatomical Museum at Cambridge, I will 
only mention here, as a full description of these skulls will shortly be published 
by K M. Corner, M.A., that at least two tjrpes are recognisable, and that of skulk 
presenting parieto-occipital flattening of a degree comparable with that of the 
Damascus specimen, only one was found, whose outline is here figured {cf. No. 
2, Fig, 2). The latter, however, while resembling the Damascus cranium in this 
respect, in all others resembles more closely a skull figured by Topinard and 
described as the artificially deformed cranium of a Maronite {cf. No. 1, Fig. 2). 
According to this author, artificial deformation is habitual among the Maronites. 
This must not be overlooked in basing comparisons on the contours of various 
crania from this region. 

For accounts of other skulls from Syria, we are indebted to Pruner-Bey 
and Dr. Paul Langerhans. In a communication made in 1866 to the Socidt^ 
Anthropologique de Paris,^ Pruner-Bey describes a series of about sixteen 
crania, and it is interesting to note that twelve of these were collected under 
similar circumstances, and at about the same time as our Damascus specimen, so 
that there is reason to suppose that they belonged to individuals whose lives had 
been lost in the masscu^res. Of these twelve, three present features distinctly 
akin to those of Arab crania, while the remaining nine are as a series characterized 
by the great prominence of the glabella, in addition to unusually massive mastoid 
processes and nuchal crests. Now it is noteworthy that Pruner-Bey, while 
mentioning the brachycephalic character as a feature of the group, and speculating 
on the cause of the parieto-occipital flattening, which is also frequently present, 
yet concludes that the crania represent ** le type sdmitique de la branche syrienne," 
while admitting in the next words that *' par leur structure massive, par leur 
volume et par le grossissement des traits de la figure, ils dififdrent sensiblement 
du crftne arabe." 

He subsequently admits the possibility of the skulls having belonged to 
a mixed race, and su^ests that two of them may have been those of individuals 
with Turkish blood in their veins. As a group, however, they could not be 
referred to a Turanian stock. 

Now from this description I think that the Damascus skull would come well 

into line with the nine crania described as a group by Pruner-Bey, and it may 

be repeated that the circumstances under which they were procured were similar. 

[But I do not think that from the published description Pruner-Bey is 

» Bulletins de la SocieU ArUhrapoloffique de Parity 2« S6rie, tome i, p. 663. 

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W. L. H. Duckworth.— iVb<<5 on a Skull from Syria, 147 

justified in the conclusion that the series represents the Syrian branch of the 
Semitic typa] 

Before continuing this discussion, it will be as well to refer to Dr. Paul 
Langerhans' careful paper in the Archiv fur Antkropologiey Band vii, 1873, 
entitled, " Die heutige Einbewohner des Heiligen Landes." The author had at his 
disposal eight skulls from £s Salt, said to be relics of a skirmish between 
Government troops and Beduins. These specimens are not described in 
detail, as thej are not considered of sufficiently authentic origin. Six other 
crania (Amman, Philadelphia) are considered to be of indubitable Beduin 
origin : these are dolicho-cephalic and less capacious than the Damascus 
cranium, and bear no general resemblance at all to that specimen. Dr. Lan- 
gerhans, it should be noted, finds a difference between the true Beduin skulls and 
those of the peasant population of Syria, the latter possessing somewhat larger 
skidls than the former. 

From a perusal of Dr. Langerhans' communication it will be concluded that 
the Damascus cranium is very improbably that of a Beduin, and having excluded 
that contingency as completely as possible, we may turn to the characters of the 
skulls of Turks, remembering that Government (i.e., Turkish) troops were involved 
in the later stages of the " massacres," and that thia consideration must not be 
neglected in forming an opinion of the nature of the Damascus cranium. 

Taking the various descriptions of the Turkish cranium in their historical 
order we may note that Vesalius (quoted by Blumenbach, Hamy et alii), in 
his Corporis humani fabrica (sixteenth century), mentions the occipital flattening 
of the skulls of Turks, and remarks on the part played by the midwives in the 
artificial production of such deformity in infants (it is noteworthy that this 
deformation is mechanically produced in the skulls of new-bom infants wheo 
the presentation, to use the langus^e of the obstetrician, has been of the occipito- 
posterior variety). 

Sandifort (^Tabula craniorum diversarum nationum, eighteenth century) figures 
as his typical Turkish skull, a cranium wi^h immensely prominent glabella 
reminding one of the Damascus and Nicosia specimens: occipital flattening 
is not a feature of the figure given by Sandifort. 

Blumeribach gives a series of descriptive characters of the Turkish skull 
which is almost completely realised by the Damascus specimen (see quotation by 
Davis in Thesaturus Oraniorum, p. 124, viz., " Calvaria fere globosa : occipito scil: 
vix ullo, cum foramen magnum pene ad extremum baseos cranii positum sit, 
Frons latior. Glabella prominens "). 

[Cams figures a Turkish skull, but I have not been able to consult the 

Betzitis {Ethnologische Schrifteriy 1864) figures (Plate III, Fig. 6) the cranium 
of a Turk considered to be of typical form : the parieto-occipital flattening referred 
to by Blumenbach is well seen. Eetzius places the Turks in his division " Brachy- 
cephalse orthognathse." 

L 2 

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148 W. L. H. Duckworth. — Note on a Skull from. SyHa. 

Davis (in the Thesaurus Craniorum), from the consideration of two crania of 
Turks in his possession, comments favourably on the accuracy of Blumenbach's 

Weisbach, in 1873 {Mittheilungm der Anthropologischen GeseUscha/t in Wien, 
p. 220) gave a description of the cranial forms of the Turks, based on the examination 
of about seventy crania from the suburbs of Constantinople. He admits (cf. Hamy 
in Crania Ethnica) that there may be included crania of " Albanesen, Tscherkessen, 
Syrier, Araber," but he excluded all that gave any evidence of negroid aflSnities. 
He figures a skull somewhat resembling the Nicosia specimen. Weisbach 
concludes from his observations that "Der Schadel der Turken ist mithin 
mittelgross, schwer (dick knochig), kurz, hoch, relativ breit, in sagittaler und 
coronaler Richtung sehr stark gewolbt " — all of which features are reproduced in 
the Damascus skull with the exception of the cranial capacity which renders 
necessary the substitution of the term megacephalic for " mittelgross." 

Flower {Catal. Roy. ColL Surg.), however, records the capacities of two crania 
of Turks, and these are respectively as great as and greater than that of the 
Damascus specimen. Capacities of over 1,600 c.c are also quoted by other authors. 

Hamy in V Anthropologies 1895, insists on the " aplatissement pari^to-occipital 
commun k tons les Turcs " and the development in vertical height : and the same 
author in Crania Ethnica (wherein an extensive bibliography will be found), 
gives a remarkable note in describing the southward expansion of the Turks into 
Syria, where they are said to have produced a marked influence as far as "la 
montagne des Ansari6s '* and ** les Y^halines." ** La montagne des Ansari4s " may 
be presumed to be the range of that name to the north of the Lebanon. The note 
just referred to deals with the characters of skulls measured by M. Le6n Cahun, 
who obtained them when on a scientific mission to " la montagne des Ansari&." 
The quotation runs as follows : " Cinq crSjies d'Ansari^s de Kerdaha pr^s Calbi^ 
sur sept recueillis par le voyageur, offrent la deformation parieto-occipitale plus 
accus^e k droite qu'k gauche. lis ont en commun Findice 84*57 diam. a-p. 175 
diam. tr. max. 148.*' And certainly the specimen figured in Crania Ethnica is not 
lacking in other resemblances to the Damascus cranium, in which, as has been 
already indicated, the parieto-occipital flattening is more accentuated on the right 
than on the left side (just as in the Ansaries). The religion which has gained 
their peculiar name for the Ansaries seems to have been practised in Northern 
Syria for the last thousand years (cf. Lyde, The Asian Mystery y p. 67). Lieut. 
Walpole {The Ansayrii, vol. iii, p. 342) indeed suggests that they are referred to 
even by Pliny, and adds a note as to their physical appearance, " They are a fine 
large race with more bone and muscle than is generally found among Orientals : 
browner than the Osmanlee but lighter, fairer than the Arab.*' Walpole moreover 
recognises that their numbers have been recruited from very various ethnical sources. 

Dr. V, Luschan has in the Archiv fiir Anthropologic (Bd. 19, 1891) 
recorded the results of an enquiry into the cranial forms of inhabitants of Lykia, 
and finds that brachycephalic crania are there as frequent as the dolichocephalic 

•Digitized by 


W. L. H. Duckworth. — Note on a Skvllfrom Syria. 149 

varieties ; he further refers certain hypsi-braohycephalic crania to what he calls an 
" armeftiische " or "armenoide" race: as similar skull-forms occurred on two 
occasions in very ancient graves, v. Luschau bases hereon a theory of the existence 
of an aboriginal "Armenian" race in this r^on. The Damascus skull agrees 
with some of these skulls from Lykia in being hypsi-brachycephalic, and with the 
"Armenian'* skull figured in Dr. von Luschan's paper (Fig. 17) in its general 

Professor Sergi in his Urspritng des Mittelldndischen Stammes describes various 
skull-forms occurring on the Mediterranean shores, but the Damascus skull can be 
referred to no form considered by Sergi to be characteristic of the " Mediterranean " 
race : on the other hand its rotundity and elevated character assign to it a place 
among the crania compared by Sergi {Urspmiig des MUtelldndischtn Stamnies — 
Deutsch von Dr. Byhan, p. 134) to Mongolian skuUs. 

Finally, the frequency of occurrence of brachycephalic crania in Asia Minor is 
further insisted on by Elisyeef (who found the average breadth index to be 86, the 
number of observations being 143) and Chantre (breadth index : average of 
120 observations on males, 84-5). The two latter observations are quoted by 
Eipley in his Races of Europe (1899). 

The attempt to sum up the evidence may now be made, and it will, I think, 
lead to the following conclusions : — 

(i.) That the Damascus cranium is very similar in general contour and 
especially in the peculiar character of its asymmetry to certain skulls 
from " la montagne des Ansari^s " (one of which is figured in Crania 
Mhnicay Plate LXXXV, Figs. 3 and 4), immediately to the north of 
the Lebanon range. 
(iL) That the Damascus cranium resembles nine of the skulls obtained in Syria 
under similar circumstances by M. Girard de Rialle, and described by 
Pruner-Bey in the BvMetin de la SocUti Aiiihropologigue de Paris 
(1866, p. 563 et seq,). 
(iii.) That the Damascus cranium resembles skulls described or figured by 
Sandifort, Blumenbach, Davis, Weisbach, Flower, Hamy, et aliis, as 
typical Turkish crania, and also, in certain features, the skull in the 
Museum at Nicosia, 
(iv.) That the description of the Damascus cranium as representing a form 
common among peoples of Turkish origin, is not prejudiced by the fact 
that Pruner-Bey ascribed the nine skulls (referred to in conclusion ii, 
as similar to the Damascus cranium) to the Syrian branch of the 
Semitic type, considering they did not correspond to any Turanian 
type. For as regards the Syrian branch of the Semitic type, 
the features in which the said nine skulls resemble that some- 
what vaguely defined cranial form are not clearly stated by Pruner-Bey, 
whereas the clearly specified features wherein they depart from the 
Arab type of cranium are the very characters which ojie would from 

Digitized by 



W. L H. DUCKWOBTH.— iV^o^« m a Skull from Syria. 

the Btudy of the various works quoted, bring together as typical of 
the skulls of Turks, 
(v.) That if the argument in No. iv. is sound, the Damascus skull and skulls 
like it might warrantably be described as Turanian as this type ib 
understood by some authors (ex, gr. von Holder), but that as descriptive 
of cranial forms, such terms as Turanian and Semitic are better 
avoided until they have been more clearly defined. 
(vL) Lastly, that large heavy-browed massive skulls with occipital flattening 
occur in many localities adjacent to the eastern shores of the 
Mediterranean ; they seem to be associated with the Turkish inhabitants 
of those regions, and when they combine a high altitudinal index with 
distinct brachycephaly, are compared by Sergi to ** Mongolian " crania. 
They thus come into liue with certain crania found in the Crimea by 
Demidoflf (cf. Exploration de la Russie m&idianaie), in Kurdistan (c/ 
Crania Bthnica), and lastly, they have some points of resemblance to 
a skull found in Eastern Turkestan which is mentioned in an elaborate 
memoir by Professor Budolf Hoemle in the Transactions of the Royal 
Asiatic Society. The specimen, which was found in a mound with a 
number of MSS., and is at present deposited in the Cambridge 
collection, is a short broad skull with the same parieto-occipital 
flattening as the Damascus skull, from which, however, it differs in 
being much less massive. It is to be hoped that future research 
will enable the whole of the lacunae between the foregoing examples 
to be filled up, till a completely imperceptible transition from one 
form to another shall be demonstrable. 

Dimensions, etc., of a Syrian Skull. From near Damascus, picked up after 

the massacre of 1860 : 

Maximum length 


Ophryo-iniac length . . . 


Maximum breadth 


Bi-auricular breadth . . . 


Bi-stephanic breadth ... 


Bi-zygomatic breadth . . . 


Measurement from Basion to Glabella 


ff *f it 



tt it >9 

Alveolar point 


t> >t it 



M » »> 



it >» w 



a w >i 



» » tt 



Orbital height 



Digitized by 


W. L. H. Duckworth. — Note on a Skull from Syria. 151 

Orbital breadth 43 

Nasal height 57 

Nasal width 25 

Palato-maxillary length 57 

Palato-maxillary breadth 68 

Jugo-nasal arc 115 

Jugonasal width 101 

Horizontal circumference 526 


Auriculo- Alveolar 106 

-Nasal 101 

-Glabellar 108 

-Bregmatic 139 

-ObeUal 135 

-Lambdoid 112 

-Iniac 81 


Cephalic (or breadth) 82*2 

Altitudinal (or height) 84*4 

Alveolar 981 

Orbital 791 

Nasal 43-8 

Palato-maxillary (Flower) 1193 

Naso-malar 113*8 

Facial (Kollmann) 534 

Stephano-zygomatic ... 83*4 

Other measurements and indices : 

Nasi-al veolar length 77 

Angle of Cloquet 68^ 

Angle of Jacquart ... 74® 

Cubic capacity 1,650 

The illustrations accompanying this note are : — 

Fig. 1. — The Damascus Cranium in Norma Lateralis : left side. 
„ 2. — Outline tracings of four crania all reduced to the same dimensions (t.e., the naso* 
lambdoid line is identical throughout the series). 

No. 1. — Simple deformation in a Maronite skull (from Topinard). 

„ 2. — Specimen 1237 in the Cambridge Anatomical Museum [a skull from 

Bassus Tower, Syria, forming part of the Tyrwhitt Drake 
„ 3. — A skull in the Nicosia Museum, Cyprus. 
„ 4. — The Damascus skull. 

Digitized by 



( 15J ) 

By Herbert Perkins. 


The originals of my photographs are in the Australian Museum, Sydney. They 
form a collection unique of its kind, consisting of twenty-two logs or trunks of 
trees that have been cut down in various localities and presented to the Museum 
at diflTerent times. Through the kind permission extended to me by the trustees 
of the institution and its curator, Robert Etheridge, Esq., Junr., I was enabled to 
have a series of twelve photographs of them taken for the purpose of illustrating 
this article. 

Unfortunately there is very little known of the history of these carvings, or 
of their actual meaning. What they are intended to represent or commemorate is 
very largely a matter of conjecture. 

" In fact," as Mr. Etheridge, to whom I am indebted for my rather meagre 
information, said to me, "we know absolutely nothing reliable about them. 
Where some lingering native tradition has survived it has been embodied in the 
label attached to the exhibit It is, however, known that aU these carvings are of 
an earlier date than the exploration and settlement of the country by Europeans, 
and there is no instance on record of similar work having been done by the 
aborigines since that time." 

It has also been ascertained that the area over which they are distributed is 
very limited. It may be roughly described as a long narrow strip of country 
running north and south, on the western side of and nearly parallel to the main 
range, and wholly situated in the central portion of the Colony of New South 

Outside these limits similar tree carvings have not, I believe, been discovered 
in Australia. 

In the Museum are six photographs showing the trees as they actually 
appeared standing in the bush, and I may mention here that all the carved trees 
found were dead ones. Of these there is no further information obtainable other 
than what the various labels state, which are as follows : — 
" Trees carved by Aborigines near Dubbo, N.S.W." 

"Trunk of tree carved by Aborigines near Dubbo, N.S.W. This carving 

is possibly intended to commemorate some circumstance connected 

with the Boomerang." 

" Trunk of tree carved by Aborigines near Guntewong, N.S.W. Placed to 

mark the grave of a 'Doctor' or 'Medicine Man' at *Derwent 

Digitized by 


Journal of the Anthropological Institute (N.S,), Vol. If, Plate XX F, 


Digitized by 


Digitized by 



'Journal of the Anfhropoloqiral InsiHute (A'.-S.), Vol, II, Plate XXVI. 


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Digitized by 



Journal of fhe Anthropological Iwtlilvte ('.), Vol. IT, Plate XXVII. 

(From Oxley^s Kvpeditions, p. 139.) 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


H. Perkins. — Soinc Australian Tree Carvings, 153 

Park ' near Gimnedah. In the upper half is delineated the ' Cobra * 
or head of the deceased and in the lower bis distinguishing scarifica- 
"This information obtained by Mr. Henry Powell, the local 'Forest 

"Trunk of tree carved by Aborigines at Narramine, N.S.W. Placed lo 
mark the grave of a head-man of the ' Macquarie Tribe/ who was a 
noted 'Boomerang' thrower, and killed in a tribal fight with the 
' Bogan Blacks.' The carvings are possibly intended for Boomerangs 
to commemorate this." 
So much for the description of these remarkable carvings. As to whether 
there may be any further meaning in them beyond that of the somewhat vague 
l^nds and surmises given above is, I think, a matter for Intimate speculation. 
It occurred to me that the carvings might have some connection with the 
" Bora rites." 

What are commonly known as "Bora Grounds," the places where the 
" Bora " rites or rites of initiation of youths into manhood are carried out, were 
invariably ornamented by certain designs, generally traced in deep furrows in the 
ground, and even in some exceptional cases where there was a smooth rock surface 
cut into the rock. These designs are most remarkably similar to some of the 
carvings. I have come across several of these " Bora Grounds " in the course of 
my wanderings in the Australian bush during the last forty-one years, and can 
therefore speak of them from personal experience. 

I would therefore venture the suggestion that some of these carvings may 
have been executed on the trees to mark the sites of certain particular "Bora 
Grounds," or even perhaps in some cases to mark the place of, and to commemorate 
the initiation of, some individual celebrated afterwards among the tribes. 

The fact of not finding any tracings or designs on the ground near the trees 
is easily explained, as if not purposely obliterated, they would quickly become so 
through the action of the weather. 

Note. — Mr. Perkins enclosed with his paper photographs of ail the specimens in the 
Museum, but it was found impossible to reproduce them all, more especially as the greater 
number are published in the Ethnographical Album of the Pacific Islands, 3rd Series. A plate 
from Oxley's Expeditions into the interior of New SovJth Wales, p. 139, is inserted in order to 
show similar carvings on trees standihg near to the grave of a native. — Editor J,A,I. 

Digitized by 


( 154 ) 


By Rkv. Samuel Ella. 

Passing through many channels, and intermingling with other tongues, which 
either already existed among earlier aborigines of the islands, or were introduced 
by subsequent immigrations, the Polynesieui languages or dialects have undergone 
considerable changes. 

In tracing these changes we find that a peculiar phonetic hsiS been ado{>ted, 
perhaps at first by a few only, and not by the entire people, but in course of time 
the peculiarity has become general and national, and thus created a new dialect 
diverse from the original This process is now taking place in Samoa. Most of 
the natives of the eastern island, Tutuila, substituted k for t. Of late years some 
of the young people of Upolu aflFected the same pronunciation, and this pernicious 
fashion is being generally followed. Not only so, but they are changing ff=ng toi 
n; thus, instead of saying tangata they say kanaka, and so forth, bringing the 
Samoan dialect to nearly resemble the Hawaiian. In some instances they also 
reject the Samoan break, or catch, and introduce k in its place. Probably the 
latter was originally the common mode of pronunciation, but was softened by the 

A vocal impediment in an individual may spread to the family, through 
affecting the pronunciation, and being still further simulated by others, in the 
process of time become general. I once met with a Samoan chief in the east of 
Upolu who changed both / and t to k. His parting adieu struck me as .very 
eccentric; instead of the usual " Tofd, otUou/aifeau ! " (Good-bye, missionaries), he 
said, " Koka, oukou kaikeauJ* His utterance sounded very guttural and objection- 
able to Samoan ears, and was not likely to be imitated. 

Another cause of alterations in words of the common colloquial arises from a 
peculiar tabu prevailing in some of the groups, as the Marquesas and Society 
Islands. A high chief would select for his name or that of his son (heir apparent), 
the name of a familiar article, or a quality, or action. In such a case the 
common word is tabued, and must no longer be used in its ordinary sense, and it is 
replaced by another, coined for the occasion. For example, the king of Tahiti 
being much troubled at night by a cough assumed the name of Po-mare (night- 
cough). Immediately jpo (night) was dropped from common use, and rui accepted 
in its place, and unafe was changed to kare, Rui is formed from uri (dark or 
darkness) by a simple transposition of letters. This peculiar custom is called 

Digitized by 


Rev. S. EUik.'^Bialcct Cfiangea in the Polyvman Languages. 155 

" iepi " by the Tahitians. One of the old missionaries mentions upwards of forty 
words so changed in his time. 

All Polynesian dialects have a profusion of obsolete words, more or less 
numerous, which were once in ordinary use in their colloquial, as evidenced by 
words found in their ancient songs and myths. The old orators among the people, 
are proud to employ them in their public councils, but they are never heard on 
other occasions. Some words that have passed out of use in one dialect may 
be found' in the ordinary colloquial of another. 

In reviewing the Eastern Polynesian dialects I shall make a few brief remarks 
on each, and show how far they correspond and in what they differ. The 
illustrations contained in the Comparative Vocabulary (see the Appendix), will 
perhaps help to elucidate what is said on the subject. In this vocabulary I have 
selected a few words of common use. Although a more extended vocabulary 
would be found very serviceable to philolGgists, it did not seem desirable to occupy 
more space in the. present paper, or enlarge on the topics treated in this cursory 
review. A volume might (and may at sometime) be prepared on this subject, and 
prove very acceptable and helpful to many. I take the Samoan as a basis, and as 
the most refined and complete in grammatical construction ; and it will be seen 
that there is a perfection in this dialect, both in its phonesis and structure, not so 
clearly visible in the other Polynesian dialects. It will not be necessary here to 
add the language of courtesy or deference, called "Chiefs' Language,*' always 
employed in speakii^ to, or of, chiefs, which comprises a considerable change in 
many nouns and verbs, and in some instances varies in accordance with the 
status of the chief addressed or referred to.^ 

The Samoan alphabet consists of fourteen letters only, comprising the five 
vowels — a, e, i, o, u, and nine consonants — ■/, g.^ng, I, m, n, p, s, t, v. The vowels 
are pronounced as in French, Italian, etc.; t* as oo in "root." The consonants 
seldom vary from the ordinary English sound, though I occasionally is pronounced 
as a soft r; ^ is a slight nasal as ng in "king," not so strong a nasal as n in 
*' French." In most of the Polynesian dialects it is represented hj ng, /S is mostly 
a soft sibilant. It is absent from the other dialects excepting Kotuman. In some 
islands, containing mixed races of Samoans and Tongans, t is often pronounced as 
ts or tz. In other lands, t is changed to d or k, and s to L 

The vowels are variously accentuated ; they may be short or long, broad and 
open, or acute. As a general rule, special care is used in a distinct enunciation of 
the vowel sounds, for words containing the same letters difier widely in meaning 
according to the accentuation of the vowels ; e.g., marna may mean a ring, or clean, 
or light, or shame, according as it is pronounced. 

ff and k, freely used in other Polynesian dialects, have been elided from the 
Samoan,* and replaced by a break or catch. This is represented in its written 

1 This language of deference exists in Java, and is there called bhoBa-krama. 
« Of late years k has been substituted for t. 

Digitized by 


156 IIev» S. 'EhLk.^^Dialect Changes in the Polyiiman Languages, 

form by an inverted comma (*). In books printed for native use, this sign is 
omitted except in words which might be mistaken from its omission. 

In the many different dialects of Polynesia the vowels are for the most part 
retained throughout, and remain intact in corresponding words of each dialect, but 
it is very different with respect to the consonants, for these have undergone changes 
in the several groups of islands. The Maoris have made the most numerous 
alterations. They also largely interchange vowels in their own vocables ; d readily 
interchanges with ^, and often the sound is so indistinct that it is difficult for an 
unpractised ear to discern which is used. F is omitted and replaced by w, wh, v, 
n, and ^ ; / is represented by r ; and 8 is altered to h and v ; and k is used where 
Samoans employ t, and w for v generally. Maoris in their peculiar phonetic give 
wh for/, generally at the beginning of words, as whare tor f ale, fare, etc.* 

In a few cases in each dialect vowels are interchanged, perhaps as the result 
of careless speaking ; for, as a general rule, Polynesians pay special attention both 
to the placement and exact pronunciation of vowels. Maoris are less strict, ior 
they have a number of words in which the vowels are frequently altered, and 
similar interchange is made also with consonants. These divergencies are 
somewhat disconcerting and perplexing in trying to form a comparative 
vocabulary. Take, for instance, the general word for a fly, lango^ or rango ; Maoris 
call it both rango and ngaro. Now, ngalo in Samoan, etc., means " to forget." 

Many changes of consonants distinguish the several dialects of Eastern 
Polynesia, often marking the difference of tongues. Samoans have softened the 
Polynesian language in every possible way, and have rejected all harsh sounds, 
gutturals, and aspirates. They admit no conjunction of consonants, and reject h, k, 
and r. For h they substitute 8 or/, and t for k Instead of r they use the liquid 
I, and w is wanting, v always supplies its place. 

The Tahitian language in some respects resembles the Samoan in regard to 
softness and easy articulation. In it k is elided, but h is retained, and employed 
where Samoans use /or a, and occasionally in pljwje of m. The nasal g=ng 
is omitted, sometimes n is used instead. The letter r is profusely employed, 
but often softened. In some words in which p is used by Samoans, Tahitians 
substitute n for p, and frequently elide the n and g of Samoa, evidently 
preferring the hiatus caused by two similar vowels coming together through the 
elision of these consonants. T, h, and r, often take the place of I of Samoan ; m is 
omitted in some words, and the vowel only expressed ; and in other words n is 
used instead oi m;via sometimes employed in place of/ 

The literal form of words in Marquesan, Paumotuan, Mangarbvan differs 
very slightly from the Tahitian, though perceptible changes have been made both in 
the orthography and meaning of words. H and k are freely employed, generally 
in place of / and 8 of Samoan. In the two fonner tongues / and h interchange 

> In the eai'ly tranalation of the Scriptures, etc., the ti-anslators contented themselves by 
using w only, omitting the h ; but this evidently was a mistake and often misleading ; the plan, 
therefore, has not been followed by later writers. 

Digitized by 


Eev. S. Ella. — Dialect Changes in the Polynesian Languages. 157 

where / only is used in Samoan. Paumotuan and Mangarevan retain the nasal 
g^^ng^ but in Marquesan k is substituted. Both I andr are omitted in Marquesan, 
often causing an awkward hiatus, like that which frequently occurs in Tahitian. 
A peculiarity in these three tongues is the frequent substitution oi e iov a\ a is 
the most frequently used vowel in the other Polynesian dialects. Some variations 
seem to be of an arbitrary character, not governed by any fixed rule, but what 
Samoans would term a nanu^ an affected pronunciation. As previously stated, 
many words are found in these three groups of a foreign origin. 

Hawaiian orthography corresponds in some degree both with Tahitian and 
Samoan. Agreement with the latter is pretty general, yet with several deviations. 
There is a difference in some of the vowels, and frequent transpositions. As 
regards the consonants, ^=7i^ is omitted and n is used instead ; h and k take the 
plac« of /in Samoan, which is lacking ; k is freely used, mostly as a substitute for 
^, which is also wanting except in introduced words ; I is occasionally employed, 
but more frequently ; r takes its place ; and v is changed to w?, which also in some 
words supplies the place of m} 

The MoRiORis of the Chatham Islands are considered to be a remnant of the 
autocthones not only of those islands, but also of the early inhabitants of New 
Zealand. The language now spoken differs slightly from Mtwri. Many vowels are 
interchanged in several words, and others are ejected, t is often pronounced as tch 
as among some tribes of Tongan admixture. 

Karotongan closely corresponds with Maori. There are occasional interchanges 
of vowels, chiefly with a and e. Barotongans reject the aspirate, but have not 
substituted the sibilant as in Samoan ; / also has been elided, which mutilates words 
of general use in Polynesia, and it is not replaced as in Maori by w and wh\ Ar is 
extensively used, and / is changed to r, which is the case in several Polynesian 
dialects. There are diverse provincialisms in the Rarotongan-speaking tribes, 
chiefly among the natives of the coral islands to the north and west of the Hervey 

Tonga, though a neighbouring group to Samoa, has a phonetic differing 
materially from the Samoan, occasioned by the frequent use of j and A, and the 
substitution of h for j?; in some words by the re-duplication of vowels, and the 
frequent interchange of o and a, H takes the place of a, and/ that of t In some 
tribes t is changed to ta, tz, or tch, 

NiuiAN is an admixture of Samoan and Tongan elements. The same is the 
case with Tokelauan ; in the former the Tongan predominates, but the Samoan in 
the latter. 

Fiji, the geographical position of which is on the dividing line between 
Western and Eastern Polynesia, and between the Melanesian and the Malayo- 
Polynesian regions, has a language composed of mixed tongues of these 
races. There are dialectic differences in the several islands of the group ; but 

> The Hawaiian alphabet is the shortest of Polynesian, having only 13 letters. 

Digitized by 


158 £ev. S. Ella. — Dialect Changes in the Polynesian Languages. 

the vernacular of Mbau, the former seat of royalty, approximates nearest to the 
Samoan, though it is evident that Melanesian peculiarities largely prevail, and 
also that many words have been adopted from Tonga, with which place Fiji has 
ever been in close communication. The Fijian orthography possesses ft, c=soft tt, 
d (often used in place of t), a hard g, q=^ngg, v, w, and y. JP is wanting, and 
substituted hy v; r often supplies the place of Z, and i^ (as in Maori, etc.), that 
ol v; n at times instectd of /. Combined consonants are used, mostly as labials or 
nasal breathings. These sounds are represented by mb, dr, nd, nt, and e for th. 
In modem literature, th is put for the last mentioned, and ]n is omitted from the 
mif of older orthography. 

The BoTUMAN language, like the Fijian, is a compound of several Polynesian 
dialects, with additions from Melanesian tongues, chiefly from the Caroline and 
Gilbert Islands ; and, in accordance with the usage of Melanesians, final vowels 
of Polynesian words are often eliminated, and combined consonants are freely 
employed. The letter h is used in place of / in words derived from Samoa. 
Samoan words are much mutilated in Botuman. The sibilant is retained. 

The Syllables of Polynesian words are very simple and of easy pronunciation, 
being composed of a consonant followed by one or two vowels, or formed by vowels 
only. There are no proper diphthongs, with a few exceptions each vowel is 
distinctly sounded. When two similar vowels come together there is a slight 
break or hiatus between. In some cases, particularly in compounded words» two 
similar vowels falling together are pronounced as a long voweL Every syllable 
ends with a voweL Only in Maori, Fijian, Tongan, and Botuman, consonants are 
conjoined. This construction of syllables is general in all the cognate dialects, 
excepting the tongues of mixed Polynesian and Melanesian origin, where the 
respective dialects intermingle or are modified by one another. 

JRoot words are mostly dissyllabic, often simply monosyllables. Poly- 
nesian, like the German, abounds in compound words, in the construction of 
which the native tongues have remarkable facility. Polysyllabic words are 
generally composed of such compound words — an evidence of the simplicity and 
primitive character of the language. The radicals are mainly nouns or verbs, 
chiefly the latter. In Samoan, a verb may be converted into a noun by annexing 
ga (nga) to it; e^., Tnoe, to sleep; moega, a bed, or sleeping-place. This is the 
case in many of the eastern islands, as New Zealand and Barotonga. In Malayan 
an is affixed in forming verbal nouns. 

As regards pronunciation, as a general rule the accent is on the penultima; 
and, in accordance with this rule, when a word is prolonged by the addition of 
an inflexion, the accent is shifted forward; e.^., ald/a, love; oZo/a^, beloved. 
This does not apply to words ending in a long vowel ; then the accent is on the 
ultima ; also in speaking of a place or thing at a distance (the demonstrative na 
or la is added or understood), as, i f(d6 ; or i TtUuiM, also in mentioning a family 
name or tribe, as Sd Tu'i-A'and, or in describing abundance, as niu, cocoanut, 
e niud, abounding in cocoanuts. 

Diaitized bv 


Eev. S. Ella. — Dialect Changes in the Polynesian Languages: 159 

Polynesian is an agglutinate language; inflections are omitted, and their 
place is supplied by particles prefixed or suffixed. Melanesian and Micronesian 
tongues are to some extent inflexional A language of courtesy or deference, so 
extensively used in Samoa, is employed partially, as an incorporation from Samoa, 
in some of the other islands, as Eotuma, Tonga, etc. 

These Polynesian tongues have a clear, systematic and grammatical form; 
and an ignorant or clumsy speaker would hardly be tolerated A synopsis of the 
grammar will be useful, noticing briefly the several dialectical differences. I have 
studiously examined these divergencies but can add only the most striking without 
trespassing on space. A full treatment of the subject would fill a volume. Taking 
the Samoan as a basis, I shall denote the other dialects by their respective initials, 
viz., S. Samoan, N. for Niu&in, To. Tongan, F. Fijian, H. Hawaiian, M. Marquesan, 
Ta. Tahitian, P. Paumotuan, Man. Mangarevan, R Earotongan, Mao. Maori, Eo. 
Eotuman, Tok. Tokelauan, KG. New Guinea. As the Maori and Earotongan are 
much alike, and as a close affinity exists between Tahitian, Marquesan, Paumotuan, 
and Mangarevan, also in Tongan and Niu6an, and between Samoan and Tokelauan, 
what is said of the one will generally apply to the other correlative. 

The Article. — The Samoan definite article is 'o le, singular ; in the plural U 
is omitted, 'o alone is employed, and the same is used before proper names ; e,g,, *o 
le tagata, the man, 'o tagata, men ; 'o Maiietoa, *o Savai'i} & is an indefinite and 
partitive article (sing.), ni, isi, (pi.) ; si, sina, nisiy etc., are also partitives. The 
plural is mostly denoted by the omission of the article, except in the use of these 
last-mentioned partitives. 

K, he (sing.), e, tau, (pL) ; To., koe, he, ha, a (sing.), a, e, ngoM (pi.), ha 
(indefinite) ; F., na, a; 'EL, lie (sing.), na (pi.), ka, he (indefinite) ; M., Ta., Man., te 
(sing.), e (pL) ; P., ta (sing.), a (pi.) ; R, te (sing.), e, au (pi.) ; Mao., he, te (sing.), 
. ho, ka, nga (pL), e, hina (indefinite) ; Eo., se (sing.), na (affix pi.) ; N.G., wanting. 

Nouns lack proper declensions ; particles mark the number, words for " male " 
or '^ female" the gender, the neuter is not noted, and prepositions denote case. 
Prefixed particles, au, tau, to'a are often used to point out numbers. Many nouns 
are derived from verbs by affixing nga, anga, manga, sanga, or tanga to the verbal 
root, mostly the first-mentioned. Many peculiar forms of verbal nouns might be 
quoted, but they would be of little service as regards comparison of the dialects. 
Similar changes of verbs to nouns belong also to some of the other dialects, as 
Earotongan, Maori, etc. A peculiar method exists in Hawaiian for denoting 
plurality, such aa prefixing the particle Tia to signify a large number, pas and puu 
of objects previously mentioned, and poe in a restrictive sense. In Motuan of 
New Guinea, number is generally absent, sometimes expressed by a change in 
the genitive particle, or by re-duplication to form the plural. 

Case in Samoan is indicated by prepositions prefixed. Nominative by 'o 
broad. In To., N., F., and Mao., ko ; H., M., Ta., 'o (as in Samoan), no ; (pL) F. and R, 

> Also in H., T., M., R, and sometimes in To., Man., Ta., F. and Maa, Be. 

Digitized by 


160 Rev. S. Ella. — Dialed Changes in the Polynesian Languages. 

etc., 6 ; N.G., expressed by being placed first in a sentence before the predicate. 
The Genitive in Samoan has o soft or a, No special rule can be given which 
should be used, though certain nouns take the form of o, others of a ; o is the more 
general, and yet awkward mistakes might be made by using o where a should be 
placed. In the other cognate dialects the genitive form varies : K, a ; To.,K, ae, o ; 
F., na, nei ; H., M., Ta., P., na, no ; R, Mao., na, no, ta, to, a, o ; Ro., on, n^ ; N.G., 
Tia, dia, or ena (his) suffixed. The Samoan Dative is : i, ia, iaie (personal), to ; mo 
and ma, for ; N., To., F., H., R, and Mao., ki, with variations, as To., he, he ; K, 
kia, etc. ; E., i ; Mao., ko ; Ro., ko ; KG., placed at the end of a sentence. The 
Accusative form much resembles the dative, or by omitting the particle. In N.G., 
it follows the nominative but precedes the predicate. The Ablative in Samoan is 
formed by the addition of ai, e, mat, nai (from), i (into), e (by). In other dialects 
a similar form is employed, as N., ki, tahe, mai ; To., a£, e, i, hi, ita ; F., e, vci ; 
H., M., Ta., e, i, ma ; E., e, ki, ma ; Mao., e, % ma, na ; Ro., se, mai ; KG., laia 
(suffix) from ; e, amo, by, etc. The vocative in Samoa takes e as an affix particle. 
In To., H., Mao., and Ro. the particle is prefixed, and in Ta. and P. it is placed 
either as a prefix or suffix ; K is nae (affix), and Ro., ko (prefix), KG., e, o (suffix), 
sometimes as a prefix. 

Adjectives, as a general rule, follow the noun, as le tangata leUi, a good man, 
except in cases where a verbal significance is given to the adjective, as, E lelei le 
tangata, The man is good. Adjectives are either primitive or formed from nouns 
and verbs, as Idei, good ; 'ele'elea, dirty, from 'ele'ele, dirt ; fcCahngo, obedient, from 
fa'alonga, to hear; or by a re-duplication of thenoun, as/a^z^o^wa, stony, horn faiu, 
a stone ; apulupvlu, sticky, from apulu, to stick. Many adjectives are formed 
by prefixing the causative particle fa*a to some nouns, verbs, and other adjectives. 
A list of some adjectives of common use will be found in the Appendix. In 
Motu, KG., nouns, verbs, and adverbs are used as adjectives, and known by 
their position in a sentence. Adjectives are also formed from verbs by suffixing ka. 

Degrees of Comparison are expressed in Samoan by words implying 
contrast, as, E lelei leneiy e leanga Una, this is good, that is bad ; i.e, this is better 
than that ; and e sUi ona lelei, best. The superlative is formed by adding certain 
adverbs or adjectives, as sUi, superior, silisUi ese, supreme ; also a*iaH, mxUtid, nand, 
etc. This form prevails generally throughout the Polynesian dialects. Tongans 
express the superlative by affixing aubito. In Hawaiian comparison is expressed by 
adding another adjective or an adverb, and the superlative is formed by prefixing 
the article ke. In Rotimian pau signifies superlative. In Motu, Kew Guinea, 
comparison is made as in Samoan, the superlative by adding, herea, exceedingly. 
In Samoa the particle e is the usual prefix to adjectives and numerals ; sometimes 
the verbal particles wa, na, sa are used when the adjective takes a verbal form. 
Of the other dialects — K, To., and F., e; H., e, he; Ta., e; R, «; Mao., a; 
Ro., se. 

A list of units of the several dialects is given at the close of the Appendix. 
The greatest similarity in the various dialects will be found in their numerals and 

Digitized by 


Bev. S. Ella. — Dialect Changes in the Polynesian Languages. 161 

pronouns. Certain things have their own peculiar particles and adjuncts, — 
space will not admit of these being specified, — ^persons generally by the prefix to*a 
in Samoan, as tdasefvlu, ten persons ; K, To., M., R, and Mao., toko ; H., koo ; Ta., 
too ; N.G., ra, ta, ha, la. 

Pronouns. — The several dialects have a dual as well as a plural number, and a 
variation to denote the inclusion or exclusion of the persons addressed. The dual is 
formed by the aflSx ua (from Itui, two) ; the plural by the affix tou (from tolu, three). 
The first person dual and plural is denoted by a prefix ta (inclusive) and ma (ex- 
clusive). The second person by the prefix ou, and the third by la. See Appendix. 

Case is denoted by the use of particles, similar to those used in the declension of 
nouns, and they are also marked by an additional particle te used before verbs in 
the future, or with oblique cases of pronouns. It has no other quality than that of 
euphony. The pronoun porperly precedes the verb, though in some instances it 
may follow the predicate, as, Na fai mai o ia, or, Ua faapea mai o ia, He said ; lit. 
Said he. Samoans have a peculiar change in the 1st pers. sing, ta ; dative and 
accus. ita (or nom. when used after the predicate), or as a re-duplicate for emphasis, 
as in the familiar phrase, Tdilo lava ita, As for me, I don't know. The 
Samoan nominative is formed by the prefix 'o ; K, To., F., ko ; H., o, a ; Ta., o ; E., 
ko, a, 0, oki ; Mao., a ; Ro., ka, ko ; N.G., wanting. The Genitive : S., o^ and a ; N., To., 
he, ha ; R, ni ; H., ko, ka ; Ta., na, no, a, o ; E., na, wo, ta, to ; Mao., ta, a, wo ; Eo., 
ne, on. The Dative : S., id, or ia te; K, kia ; To., ke, M, ku. Mate, iate^ ; F., vei ; 
H., no,7ui,i\ Ta., ia. ; R, kia ; Mao., ka ; Ro., se. The Accusative in Samoan is 
generally formed by the particles ia te, or they are omitted ; N., To., kia ; F., ko ; 
H., M, i ; Ta., R, ia ; Mao., ki ; Ro., sa, se. The Ablative : S., e, by ; mo, ma, for ; 
mai, nai, from — which take a second preposition as, mai ia te ia, from him ; N., a, 
e ; To., e, i, kia, moo; F., ko; H., e, me, mai ; T., i, mai ; R, ki, ko, a, i, ei ; Mao., 
ki, no, 0, a ; Eo., e, i. The Samoan Vocative is e affixed ; N., To., nae ; F., i (prefix) ; 
H., e (prefix) ; T, R, Mao., e (prefix or affix) ; Eo., ko (prefix). Motu, New Guinea, 
pronouns have person and number, but no case. 

Possessive Pronxmns in Samoan are distinguished by the adjunct of the Mticle 
le (or I only) in the singular of the 1st person, and changed to lo and la in the 2nd 
and 3rd person. In the plural the article is omitted.* My, mine : S., Wu, la*u ; 
N., hau ; To., haJcu ; F., g^c, qo (affix) ; H., ko'v, ka*u, noiu, no*u ; Ta., tdu ; E., taku, 
toku ; Mao., naku, nakahi, moku, oku ; Eo., oto ; N.G., lauegu. Thy, thine : S., lou, 
lau ; N., hau ; To., to, te, Iw \ F., mu (affix) ; H., ko, kou ; Ta., to ; R, naau, taau, 
ioou ; Mao., tau, tahau, taku, taiv, tohmv, nou ; Ro., o^i, ; N.G., oieniu. His : S., lona, 

^ Tliis is a soft o, and not like the 'o of the nom. which has an aspirate or catch. 

« Tongans often abbreviate the pronoun in the genitive and dative ; as ^ 6 man for he 
mautolu ; hinautolu for Hate lautolv. The abridgments are mau^ nau, ndua. Samoans shorten 
the 2nd pers. pi. nom. to tau for oiUou. 

* Na is sometimes used as a personal pronoun in the nom. of the 3rd pers. sing., as Ua 7ia 
fai mai, he said or says ; but it is the general form of tlie 3rd pers. sing, as an affix to the 
possessive, lona or tana. When a plurality of things is indicated the I (as in the article) is 
elided, as lona /ale, his house ; onafale, his houses ; lana mea, his thing ; ana mea, his things. 

Nsw Series, Vol. II, Nos. 1 and 2. M 

Digitized by 


162 Rkv. S. Ehhk.^Dialect Changes in the Polynesian Lang^toffes. 

lana ; N., hona, hana ; To., h<mo ; F., na (affix) ; H., kana, nana ; Ta., nana, tona, 
tana ; R, tona, n/ma, iana, nana ; M., tana, nana, tana, nana, nahana ; Ro., on ; 
N.G., ie7ia. Our : noted by prefix particles to the personal pronoun ; S., lo, la, as 
la tato2i; N., To., ha, ko ; F., kcimumi (affix); H., ka; Ta., ta; R and Mao., ia, 
to ; Ro., oto ; N.G., ai emai (exclusive), ita tda (inclusive). Your : S., lo, la ; N., 
ha ; To., to, te, ha ; F., natmuiau ; H., ka, ko, na, na ; Ta., R, Mao., ta, ta, a, a ; Ro., 
omus ; N.G., emui, umui. Their : S., la, lo ; N., Aa, Ao ; To., ho ; F., nodra ; H., ia, 
fa) ; Ta., ta, to ; R, na, no,ta,to\ Mao., te, to ; Ro., ou ; KG., idia, edia} 

The Samoan Demonstrative Pronoun is represented by lenei, this ; Zca, Wa, or 
lend, that, sing. ; and plural ia or net, these ; na or /a, those. Sea, sid, and «inet, are 
used in a familiar or diminutive sense. So in K, a enei, this ; a ena, that ; To., ka 
end, lieni, this ; eni, ni, these ; hena teu, that ; F., a qa, this ; na, that ; H., eia, this ; 
la, leila, that ; kena (personal) ; Ta., teie, teicnei, this ; tena, tenana, that ; R, nei, tela, 
teian^i, this ; te7ia, tera, reira, teina, na, tenana, that ; Mao., tenei, nei, this ; tena, 
tera, that ; ena, era, those ; Ro., teisi, sini, this ; teii, those ; ta, that ; N.G., ina, ini, 
this ; ena, that (near) ; una, unu, that (distant). 

In Samoan the Relative Pronouns are often omitted, but understood ; they are, a 
ai, who ; *o le, who or that, sing. ; the plural is expressed by dropping the / ; ai is 
also used as a relative reflective. K, koe ; To., aku, who ; teic, that, ai (reflective) ; 
F., ka, koya ; H., wai ; Ta., vai ; R, ko tei ; kitie; Mao., UKii, nana ; Ro,, ka sei, ta ; 
KG., enai, unai 

Indefinite Pronouns are : S., ni, some, any ; nisi, id, some others ; nai, some 
few ; K, falu ; To., niihi ; F., «o ; H., kekahi ; Ta., /eteAi ; R, /«tet ; Mao., ketahi, 
hinu, tokohinu ; Ro., vil ; KG., haida, tain/i, idia ta. 

Interrogative Pronouns: S., *o ail who 1* Ole a? what ? (sing.) ; the plural drops 
the article le; Se a ? what ? (indef., sing.) ; ni df (plural) ; lefea ? sefea ? which ? 
Who ? : K, ka e,na at To., Z» hai, koai ?n>aa?naJiafF,, a thei, ko ? H., ko wai ? 
Ta., ovai ? kovai ? na vai ? R, koai f Mao., ko wai ? Ro., ka sd? KG., daiia .^ daidia ? 
What ? : K, ke he? pa ke hdn^oa ? (emphatic) ; To., eha ? aha f koeha ? F, thava f 
ne ? H., aha ? heai Ta., aha ? eaha ? n^i ? R, eaa ? Mao., aha, ne ? Ro., ka tes f 
ka tea ? KG., dahaka ? Which ? : K, To., koe . . . fef F,, a thava ? H., hea ? Ta., 
tehea ? R, teea ? Mao., tehea ? Ro., ia m ? ka tei ? KG., edana ? * 

Fb?-&« in Polynesian would be more clearly defined by Oriental conjuga- 
tions than by European. Number is often denoted by a re-duplication of the verb 
or a syllable. The plural form is used with nouns of multitude. Verbs generally 

' The following terminal particles also express the genitive of nouns of relationship ; and 
this accords with similar forms in many Melanesian dialects : — 
Fijian, Ist pers. sing., qu, qo ; 2nd, mu ; 3rd, no. 
New Guinea, „ „ gu ; „ mu ; „ na, 

„ plu., mai(inclu.); „ mui; „ dia, 
da (inclu.). 
* In asking the name of a person 'o ai is used, as ^0 ai loii ingoa f Who is your name I 
The same form is employed in the other cognates. 

' An affix particle ea denotes interrogation generally. 

Digitized by 


Eev. S. Ella. — Dialect Changes in (he Polynesian LaTiguages. 163 

agree with the nominative. If the objective is the main subject of the predicate, 
the verb must agree with it. The usual prefatory particle in Samoan is *ua ; N";, 
Ima ; To., hea^ hto ; F., nm ; H., wa, ua ; E., and Mao., ?ia, kua ; Eo., sa ; N.G., none 
special. Tongans employ very freely the particle hea at the beginning of sentences, 
which is somewhat similar to Samoan ona, and may be rendered by "then." In 
New Zealand and Earotonga Tia is often used to call attention at the cdmmeijce- 
raent of a sentence ; in Samoa it becomes Ka, but not of. frequent use except in 
public speaking. Oiia^ in Samoan, before the predicate, and followed by ai lea 
after the verb, properly expresses consequence or result. Tahitians affix an 
expletive ra to most verbs and nouns. This is followed to a limited extent in 
Eaxotongan and Marquesan. In Hawai'i and the eastern islands of Samoa ra is 
changed to /a. 

Moods and Tenses are formed by the addition of . particles, as prefixes or 
suffixes, which, although they for the most part possess no separate meaning, serve the 
purpose of distinguishing action and time. There are also directive particles which 
follow the verb and denote its application, as mai, towards, and atu, from the 
speaker ; ane, directive along or aside ; a'e, directive upward, and ifo, downward ; 
ese, away from. These directive particles exist in the several dialects, with certain 
modifications; N., To., mai, atu, hake, hifo; H., mat, aku, ae, a*e, iho ; Ta., niai, atu, 
at, ake ; E., mai, atu, an/i, a*e, ake, iho ; Mao., mai, atu, anxi, a!e or alee, iho. In 
Motu, KG., the suffixes are compounded with the verb: rfo^, id, upward; dobi, 
downwards ; oho, away ; ohu, around. 

Verbs are active, passive, or neuter, each expressed by its governing particle, 
Except by occupying considerable space their various forms and deviations cannot 
now be particularly specified. It may be sufficient to give the passive form of 
each dialect. Samoan passive particles or suffixes to the verb are a, na, ina, ia, sia, 
iia, with other changes of the consonant ; N., ai, nia ; To., o (prefix), tia (suffix) ; 
F., tai ; H., ia hia ; Ta., ia, aia, hia, raa ; E., m, hia, tia, anga ; Mao., ia, hia, tia ; 
Eo., aki ; N.G., by fidding the personal particle, as gu, 1st person sing., and so 
forth ; sometimes Ua or tia. 

The Samoan Infinitive takes e before the verb, and this is the rule generally 
throughout Eastern Polynesia, excepting N., and To., ke\ E., o, ke, ite; N.G., ane. 
The Reciprocal (as Hithpael in Hebrew) is formed by fe prefix and cCi, etc., suffix 
to the verb. Diflference of action is represented by slight changes in the suffix, 
and the addition of a consonant to the affix a'l adds emphasis or intensity to the 
predicate. N., To., fe , , , , aki; F., vei; H., (none); Ta., iho] E., uaorai; Mao., 
(none) ; Eo., hoi .... iung, etc. ; N.G., he ... . heheni. The Ca^isative (as Hiphil 
of Hebrew) is expressed by a prefix /a'a to the verb. It is also used with nouns, 
adjectives, and adverbs, giving them a verbal form of causation. Fa^a also changes 
intransitive to transitive verbs, as the prefix her in Malayan. It has also other 
important significations, but is chiefly used to signify causation.^ N., To., faka 

* Vide Pratt's Samoan Grammar and Dictionary, 

M 2 

Digitized by 


164 Rrv. S. EvUL-^Dialect ChaTiges in the Pdynman Languagn. 

faa\ F., mka\ H., Km, hoc; Ta., fna, haa\ R, oka) Mao,, whaka, wha; Ro., aa, 
fa,fak ; N.G.. Jut, ahe. The Subjunctive is denoted by several particles prefixed, as 
ina ia, ina ua, ona ua\ or a, pe, pe afai, a/ai, ane; K, Ictzdce, ane ; To., kabaii ; F,, 
kavaka ; H., me, mehe ; Ta., ahira, ahiri ; R, me, naringa, angairi, i akono, mehe ; 
Mao., me, me he, ki ; Ro., kqm ; N.G., hema, baine. The Potential, expressed by 
prefixes : S., ma, mafai ; 'S., ka] To., faa, kane ; F., ko sa ; H., ka ; Tju, £ m>a; R, 
A^i, «i«, i>enei ; Mao., Aei, r/i^, ahei, penei ; Ro., wio, vahia. The Samoan Imperative 
has certain prefixes and affixes which express also attitude, as ia, ina (pref.) with 
ia (suff.), commanding ; and, forbidding ; seH, entreating ; N., a (affix) ; To., ke, tau ; 
F., me, ia; H., c ; mai and o/«, forbidding ; Ta., a, ia ; Tiuii and ore, forbidding ; R, 
ka, kia ; Mao., kia, hia ; kore, forbidding ; Ro., au, la ; N.G., ha, a. 

Another peculiar form of the verb in Samoa is the Intensive (like Piei in 
Hebrew). It is expressed by a re-duplication of the verb. Continued action is 
denoted by prefixing tau or affixing a'ina to the verb. Other cognate dialects have 
this mood. 

Tenses in Samoan have various modifications. It will not be necessary to 
notice the several special conditions, but simply to give what may be termed 
natural Tenses, or points of time. The Present Tense is expressed by the prefixes 
ua, e, and o loo. This last is mostly used as a participle. N., kua ; To., oku ; F., 
a sa; H,, ua, e, i, ana ; Ta., c ; R, e ; Mao., e (as a prefix or suffix) ; Ro., e, ne ; 
N.G., mu, mua (affix). The Past Tense in Samoan is represented by Tia or sa ; N., 
ne, tuai (emphatic) ; To., na, nae, n^\ Y., ka, sa\ H., a, na, nai, ia ; Ta., ia, i; R, 
hut, ka, n/i, ne, no ; i, ia (suffix) ; Mao., a, ka, na, no ; Ro., na, voihia (pref) with 
^ing (affix) ; KG., va (affix). The Futu,re in Samoan is marked by the prefix e ; N., 
ti, to ] To., he, e ; F., ena, sa ; H., e, ku, ua] Ta., R, Mao., e ; Ro., se ; KG., ba, 
baina, baine, etc., to suit the pronoun. The Perfect Tense prefix is : S., ua, ina ua ; 
K, kua, tiuxi\ To., hio\ a (affix); F, sa, sa qai; H., wa; Ta., tta, e; R, kua; 
Mao., kua ; Ro., ne ; KG., vada (prefix), vaitana (suffix). 

In Samoan, and other cognates to a certain extent, a peculiar particle, te, is 
used for euphony between the pronoun and verb in present and future tenses. 

I must now conclude this paper with comparing a few adverbs, prepositions, 
and conjunctions, viz. : — 

Adverbs. — ^Here : S., unei ; K, i hinei, hand ; To., i heni ; F, kikei ; H., ianei, 
nei; Ta., onei,o i nei; K, teia, tetai, nei, konei\ Mao., konei, nei; Ro., teisi, m^ea; 
KG., iniseni. There : S., i^ita, ina ; K, ki ai ; To., ki ai ; F, ki na ; H., la, laila, 
aianei; Ta., reira, i tera\ R, reira, tena; Mao., rerd, reira; Ro., e tau; KG., 
unuseni. Where : S., *ofea, i fea ; K, ko fe ; To.,fe, koeha ; F, ni ea\ 'R,,te hea; 
Ta., i hea, tdhea; R, teiea; Mao., kohea, kei hea, tea; Ro., sini, e tau; KG., 
edesefiii. When : S., afea (present and future), anafta (past); K, afe\ To., i he, fe, 
bea; F., ia ni; H., a, hea; Ta., i; R, kia; Mao., ahea, ano; Ro., avas; KG., 
edana, negai. Then : S., ona (prefix with ai lea affix) ; K, ati ; To., bea ; F, ni, 
ni n/i, e na; H., laHa; Ta., ati; R, ei reira; Mao., tanei, ati; Ro., kota; KG., 
unai negana. Yes : S., e, ioe; K, e ; To., io ; F., io ; K., oia, ae \ Ta. oia, <u ; R, 

Digitized by 


Rev. S. Ella. — Dialect Clianges in the Polynesian Langtuiges. 165 

a, 0, ae, koia ; Mao., ea, Jcoia, ina, ana^ ; Ro., o ; N.G., io, oibL No : S., hai^ iai ; 
N., nalcai] To., iiat, o?'e; F., senga\ H., o^«; Tjl, ai^a, ore\ R, ^tXm, A:ar<?, Ao;*e; 
Mao., te,y hore, kahore, kao, kanapa, kifiai ; Ro., caki, ingke ; N.G., /a«i. 

Prepositions. — Of : S., o, a ; N., Aa, Ae \ To., a, o, i ; R, io ; H., te, io, iia, 
no, n, ; Ta., ?ia, wo, a, o ; R, twi, ??o, a, o ; Mao., wa, tio, a, o, ii ; Ro., ne, on, 
From : S., mai ; K, TJiai ; To., Toei ; F., ?ywii ; H., mai ; Ta., o, c, m«i ; R, Tiiai, 
viei ; Mao., i, na, no ; Ro., e ; N.G., aim. For : S., mo, ma ; N., ha ; To., ^Moa ; 
F., na ; H., we, na, tw ; Ta., t, Tia ; R, wa, ?io ; Mao., 7na, mo ; R, Tie ; KG., cffu, 
agu, ema, emu. With: S., ma; N., mo\ To., ka, i, mo, tooc; F, vata; H., t, 
T^j ; Ta., ma, mo, na, no ; R, ki, i ; Mao., vie, ki ; Ro., mai ; N.G., trfa. In : S., 
i; K, t ; To., i, ki ; F, e, mai ; H., i ; Ta., i, tei ; R, t, ei ; Mao., i ; Ro., e ; N.G., 
vareai. To : S., i, m ; K, At ; To., ii ; F., ki ; H., i, ki, na ; Ta., i, ia; R, Ai, i, 
io ; Mao., ki, ko ; Ro., ae ; N.G., dekena. Above : S., i lunga ] N., i Itmga ; To., 
olunga; F., maithake; H., Zi/Tia; Ta., ?ua, Tw^a; R, i ranga, nunga\ Mao., ii 
imnga ; Ro., rere ; N.G., atai. Below : S., i lalo ; N., i lalo ; To., ii Zo/o ; F, 
lako ; H., lalo ; F, faio ; Ta., i raro ; R, ki raw ; Mao., ii raiv ; Ro., /opo ; N.G., 
henu. Behind: S., i tiia; N., i t^ia, mole; To., i, mui] F, «i»i; H., t kiia,mtdi; 
Ta., mamui] R, i m«ri; Mao., i <wa, inonira; "Ro., fauw, }^.G., murina. Before: 
S.,i luma\ N., i mua; To., mtta] F., iiZiu; H., mtia; Ta., miMi; R, mwa; Mao., 
1 wwea, keiwha ; Ro., mi«a ; N.G., vairanai. 

Conjunctions. — And: S., mxi] N., w^o; To., met, ma,^ mo, mu; F., kei; H., 
ma, ame\ Ta., o, ma^ ; R, e, ma, mei\ Mao., Ae, me, 7»ia^; Ro., ma\ KG., ??mw', 
JoTio.* But: S., 'a,faitai; K, fat; To., ka, kane\ ¥.,ia; H., a; Ta., fl^rea; R, 
iareia; Mao., he, a, ia,otira] Ro., mane; KG., a. Also: S,,ma,foH; K,/oii; 
To., /o/W ; F, talega ; H., Aoi ; Ta., hoi ; R, oii ; Mao., Aoii ; Ro., tapeima ; KG., 
da'hu. Although : S., e ui ina] N., kaeke, fano ; To., ne ongo, kahou ; F, 
kevaka; Ta., la; R, e iia; Mao., aAoioa; Ro., mane] KG., ewaJe. Because: 
S., at^a ; K, Aa, nukua ; To., ioewAi ; F, ni, ai ; K,, no ka m^ea ; Ta., no te meu ; 
R, no ; Mao., Aeoi, no te mea ; Ro., ne an ; KG., modi he. Therefore : S., 'o le mea 
lea] K, ati, honei] To., ioia; F, o ioya; Ta., ^ie, 7iei; R, teianei] Mao., 7«o 
reira, koia ; Ro., topei ; N.G., inai, badina hinai. If : S., afai, ana (past) ; K, 
iaeie, a?ie ; To., kahou ; F, kevaka ; Ta., e, ia ; R, e ; Mao., me, kapatau, ki te mea ; 
Ro., kepoi ] KG., bema (past), Jai/ie (future). 

It will be seen from the foregoing synopsis of a comparative grammar of the 
Polynesian languages that there is a close affinity and agreement between the 
several dialects of these people, spread over a very extensive portion of the Pacific. 
Diversities appear in many particulars, but no more numerous nor wider than are 
found in the provincialisms of European countries where civilisation and refine- 
ment abound. All point distinctly to a common origin. With the exception 
of Kew Guinea, Fiji, and Rotuma, I have not introduced any of the manifold 

1 Koia and lui in Maori and Barotongan also express appi-oval, as 'o ta, and 'o Ua in 

' Used chiefly in connecting numer&ls, pronouns, and proper names. 

Digitized by 


166 llEV. S. Ella. — Dialect Changes in the Polynesian Lanrfuages. 

tongues of Western Polynesia. These may he superadded at some future time. 
Hence I refer to the languages treated as Polynesian, and not as Indo-nesian. 
Among the Melanesian and Micronesian languages will be found a large percentage 
of Polynesian words, more or less altered to suit the genius of these tongues 
abounding in consonants, double consonants, and gutturals. Like the Polynesian, 
they are aflected by the phonesis and vocables of neighbouring islands. This is 
quite natural, and bears some comparison with the languages of Piedmont and 
the cantons of Switzerland, and other Eui-opean countries. 

In conclusion allow me to add my hope that this slight effort of mine will 
stimulate and help others to publish their knowledge and acquisitions, for the 
purpose of settling some useful comparisons, and to arrive at a more satisfactory 
conclusion. I have cautiously abstained from putting forth any theory founded 
upon mere conjecture, or weak premises, and I earnestly solicit close and searching 
investigation from all available sources ; and that the facts and evidences obtained 
may be placed before competent philologues and ethnologists. 

Digitized by 


Rev. S. Ella. — Dialect Ckaru/es in tJie Polynesian Languages, 167 


CoMPAiiATivE Vocabulary of Polynesian Words. 

Of the Polynesian Dialects here mentioned it should be remembered that a 
large number of natives of other islands, not noticed here, speak the same languages 
as these given under the names of Tabitian, Earotongan and Samoan; for 
instance : — 

Tahitian is spoken by the peoples of the Society, Greorgian, and Austral 
Groups, and also by the natives of the neighbouring isolated islands in the north. 

Earotongan is the language of the people of the Hervey Group, or Cook's 
Islands, also of the widely-scattered atoll islands of Penrhyn, Manahiki, Eaka-anga, 
Pukapuka, etc., with some slight differences. 

Samoa, or Navigator's Islands : the refined language of Samoa is also the 
tongue of the people of the EUice Islands and the Union Group, with some slight 
modifications and variations. 

Malayan is spoken throughout the Malayan Archipelago, with more or less 
purity. I have a list of some 700 Samoan words connected with Malayan roots, 
and bearing evidence that the Eastern Polynesians left the Malayan regions prior 
to the Arabian invasion and introduction of Arabic additions to the Malayan 

Digitized by 


168 Kev. S. Ella. — Dialect C/ianz/es in the Polynesian Laiiguages. 

CoMPAitATivE Vocabulary op 

1. Emglish .... 





2. Malayui .... 

Mata-ari, Lasi .... 

Bulan, Fasina 


, Bintang, Faiui .. 

3. Samoan 





4. Niu^an 

La .^ 




5. Tongan 




1 " 


6. Fijian 




' Lomalangi 


7. Hawaiian .... 


Mahina, Malama •• . 





8. Marquesan ... 

A, Aomati 

! Mahina, Meama .... 


Fetu, Hetu ... \ 

9. Tahitian .... 

Ra, liahana 



Feti'a, Fetu 

10. Faumotu&n ... 





11. MaDgareran 


Maina, Marama .... 



12. BarotoDgan .... 


Marama, Ahoroa ... 


Etu.... i 

13. Maori 

Ra, Komaru 

Mahina, Marama .... 

Bangi, Baki 


14. Rotumau .... 





16. Tokelauan .... 





16. Motu 





17. Malagasy .... 




'* " is pronounced i 



»<*u" in Madagascar, 

1. SnglUh ... 





2. Malayan ... 

Tamaraina, Trang 

Oalap, Klam 



8. Samoan 





4. Niuean 





5. Tongan 



Mafana, Yeyela .... 

Mokojia ...• 

6. Fijian 





7. Hawaiian ... 

Malamalama, Ao .... 

Pouri, Poeleele .... 

Vela, Vera 

Anu, Hau 

8. Marquesan ... 

Maama, Ao 




9. Tahitian 





10. Faumotuan .... 




Biakariri, Anuanu 

11. Mangarevan 





12. Barotongan ... 



Verarera, Pukaka 


18. Maori 

Ao, Marama 



Makariri, Matoke.... 

14. Botuman .... 



Pumahan, Sun ... 


16. Tokelauan .... 





16. Motu 





17. Malagasy ... 





Digitized by 


Rev, S. Ella. — Dialect Changes in the Polynesian Zanffica/fcs, 
Polynesian Words. 


1. Claud 

2. Awan 

3. Ao .... 

4. Aho... 
6. Ao .... 

6. O, Loaloa 

7. Ao .... 

8. Ao .... 

9. AU.... 

10. Paku 

11. Ao .... 


Hujan, Uan 







I Ua 

I Papape 

; Ua 

12. Tumurangi... Ua .... 

13. Kapua^ Au.... 

Ua .... 

14. Aoga ^ 


15. Ao 

ua .... 

16. Ori, Daga- 


17. BahoDa .... 



Lightning ... 






Uwila, Uila 










Helatra ... 

for which it has eridentlj been substituted. 

1. Bag 

2. Art, Aoa aoa 

3. Ao 

4. Aho 

5. Abo Bo .... 

6. Singa .... Bongi 

7. Ao, Laokofl.... Po -.. 


Malam, Bungi 


8. Ao 

Po ... 

9. Ao, Mahana < Bui.... 

10. Aku, AuiDa { Buki 

11. Ao .... 

12. Ao .... 

13. Ao, Ba 

14. Ban 

15. Ao .... 

16. Dina 

17. Andro 






Po .... 

Boi, Hanuaboi 



Thunder .... 
Faititili .... 
Faijijili, Mana 
Kurukuru .... 

Ilatiitii .... 
Patiri, Haruru 




I Wbatitiri, whaitiri 


I Matangi. 

I Matangi. 



.. Too 

..; Faititili .... 

.. Quba rahua 

. I Kotrokorana 

J Matani, Metaki. 


..| Mata'i. 



Matangi, Hau. 




I Birotra. 










... I Ahi 

... I Neki, Eorure 


' Ahi 


Ahi, Eanaku, Ka- 











Aina, Honua 

Fenua, Henua 



Nuku, Enua 


Wlienua ... 












... I Mouna, 

...j Mau'a, 

... I Mahunga. 

Manga, Mou. 


Maunga, Mounga. 





Digitized by 



1. EnglUh 

2. IfalaTmn 

3. Samosn 

4. Niuean 

5. Tongau 

6. Fijian 

7. Hawaiian 

8. Marquesan .. 

9. Tahitian 

10. Faumotuan . 

11. Mangarevan.. 

12. Barotongan.. 
18. Maori 

14. Botuman 
16. Tokelauan .. 

16. Motu 

17. Malagasj .. 

Eev. S. Ella. — IHaleH Chan/^i$ in the Polyncsuin Languages, 

Comparative Vocabularv of 



Ha*a, Fatu 






Ofa'i, Toa .... 

Kooao, Pakakcta .... 

; Poatu 

Xoka, Fatu 

Kamaka, Toka, Pow- 




i Nadi 

' Vato 











One, Oneone 








Tisek, XaUi 
Sami, Moina, Ta*i 


Tahi, Moaoa 
Wa-tui, Tathi .... 


Tai, Moana 

Miti, Xai, Moana .... 

Mo&na r. 


Tai, Moana 
Mofina, Tai 

Tari, Soti 



Banomasina, Biaka 

..J Water 

...I Ajer, Wai 

.... Vai 

... \ Vai 

.... Vai 

... Wai 

... Wai 

.... Vai ; 

... Vai, Pape 

... Komo 

.... Vai 

.... Vai i 

... Wai I 

..... Voi, Tanu, Tonu ... 
....Iv.i .... .... 

... Banu 

.... Bano 









Hawaiian ... 
Marquesun .... 
Faumotuan ... 
Maori < 

Botuman ... 
Tokelauan .... 
Malagasy ... 


Ina, Mentua 

Tina .... -j 

Matua.fifinc j 

Fa'e .... \ 

Tina .... j 

Makua hine \ 


Metua Tahine •^ 

Makua hine \ 

Kui < 

Metua Taine \ 

Matua wahinc, I 
Waea 1 

Oihooi .... \ 


Sinana .... j 

Beny .... \ 


Sudara, Abang (eldest) < 

Uao (brothers) 

Tuangane (sisters) 
Matakainanga (brothers) 
Tungane (sisters) .... 
Tehina (brothers) 
Tuongaane (sisters) 
Tuakane (brothers) 

Ngane (sisters) 

Hoahanau kane (brothers) 
Kunane (sisters) .... 
Tusana (brothers) 

Tuakane (sisters) 

Taeae (brothers) 

Tuaana (sisters) 

Deina (brothers) 

Tungane (sisters) 

Tuakana (brothers) 

Tungane (sisters) 

Teina, Taeake (brothers) 

Tungane (sisters) 

TeLna (brothers) 

Tungane (sisters) 

Sosinga (brothers) 
Sangoeveni (sisters) 


Eakana (elder) 

Tadina (younger) 

Bahalahy (brothers) 
Analahy (sisters) 


Sudara perampuan, Abang 

Uso (sisters) 

Tuahafine (brothers) 
Mahakitanga (brothers) 
Matakainanga (sisters) ... 
Tuofefine (brothers) 

Tehina (sisters) 

Taiina (brothers) 

Tuakana (sisters) 

Kaika-wahine (brothers) 
Hoahanau (sisters) 
Tuehine (brothers) 

Tukana (sisters) 

Tuahine (brothers) 

Tuaana (sisters) 

Tuahine (brothers) 

Deina (sisters) 

Tuhine (brothers) 

Teina (sisters) 

Tuaine (brothers) 
Teina (sisters) 
Tuahine (brothers) 
Teina, Tuakane (sisters) .. 
Sanghoiena (brothers) ... 
Sasinga (sisters) 

Tuafafine (brothers) 

Taihun^ (brothers) 

Tadina (sisters) 

Anabavy (brothers) 
i RahaTavy (sisters) 



Damang, Tuan ... 
Ali'i, Tui 
Iki, Patuiki 

Kiki, Tui 




Ali'i, Fatu 
Ariki, Pupuariki 





Aliki j 

Lohia, Lohiabada 


Mpanjaka, An- \ 
driana (royal) { 

Digitized by 


Rev. S. ElLuV. — Dialect Changes in the Polynes^ian Latufuagcs. 
Polynesian Wokds. 


1. Man 





2. Orang laki- 
• l&ki 

3. Tangata ... 

Perampuau, Bini 

Anak-llikUaki ... 

Anak perampuan.... 

Bapa, Bama. 

, 4. Tangaia ... 





5. Tangata .... 





6. Tarnata ... 


Ngone tangana ... 



7. Kanaka .... 


Kam&, Keika kano 

Kaikama liinc 

Makua kaue. 

8. Enata 


Maliai .... 



9. Ta'ata 


Tama iti, Tamarii .. 

Tam& hine 

Metua tanc. 

10. Tangata .... 

Mahine, Morire .... 

Makaro ' 



11. TangaU .... 

Ahine, Aine 


Tama Line 


12. Tangata ... 


Tam&roa, Tamaiti 

Metua tane. 

18. Tangata ... 


Tama iti 

Hine, Kohine 

Matua, Papa. 

14. Lee 

..Honi, Hen 

Lee lilii, Fameamea 

Lee honi 


15. Tangata ... 





16. Tauna, Ta- 



Kekeni, Haniulata 


17. Lehilahy ... 




Bay, Baba. 

1. BeUy 





2. Prui 


Dada, Susu 



3. Manava 


Fatafata, Susu .... 



4. Manara 



Fatafata, Huhu .... 



5. Nget43 





6. Kete 





7. Kaopu 





8. Opu 





9. Opu... • ... 





10. Kopu 


Kouma, U 



' 11. Kopu 


U , 



12. Kopu 




Bima ' 


13. Kopu, mau- 


14. Efe 



Fatiat, Sus 




15. — 





16. Boka 

17. Kito. 











Digitized by 


172 Rev. S. Ella,— Dialed Changes in the Polynesian Languages. 




Comparative Vocabulary of 

1. En^Usk 

Bone Skim 


2. Malayan .... Kaki ... J 


Tulang Eulit 


8. Samoan ... Vae 


lYi 'F*'u 


4. NiuAm .... Hui 1 


Hui Kill 


6. Tongan .... Vae 

Toto , 

HuL - ....]KiU 


6. Fijian .... Yara 


Sui 'KuU 


7. Hawaiian .... Wawae 


Iwi lU 


8. Marquesan .... 



Iri Iri 


9. Tahitian .... avae 


In jlri.. 


10. Faumotuan ....i Vaeyae 



Keiga ! Kiri 


11. Kangareran Vavae 


Iri .... 



12. Barolongan ....< Vaeyae 





13. Maori .... Wae 





14. Botoman .... 



Sui .... 



16. Tokelauan .... 





16. Motu 



Turia .... ... 



17. Malagasy .... 


Ba .... 


Hoditra .... 


1. EnffU9h ... 



Ton^M% ' Todh 

2. Malayan .... 



Lidah ^Gigi 

... 1 

8. Samoan 



LaukufaiTa (Alelo) Nifo 


4. Niu^n 






5. Tongan 






6. Fijian 





-. ■ 

7. Hawaiian ... 



Alelo Niho 


8. Marquesan ... 






9. Tahitian 




Niho * .... 


10. Faumotuan.... 






11. Mangareyan 


Haha, Aha 

Erero Nibo 

12. Barotongau ... 



Aroro Nio 


13. Maori 


Mangai, Waha ... 




14. Botuman ... 





16. Tokelauan ... 





16. Motu 






17. Malagasy ... 






Digitized bv 


Rbv. S. Ella. — DiaUd Changes in the Polt/nesian Languages. 
Polynesian WoRDSk 


1. S[edd 





2. ESpAla (ha- 


3. Ulu 

Bambut, bulu 








4 Ulu 





6. Ulu « 





6. Ulu 

Drau-ni-ulu, Yulna 




7. Poo 





8. Upoo 

Onoho, huu 




9. Upoo 





10. Maro, Pan- 

ene, Pepenu 

11. Upoko ... 


Huru Uru 

Mata, nohi 




12. Upoko .... 





18. Upoko .... 





14. Filou 

15. — 

16. Qara 









17. Loha 





1. Tree 





2. Ptthn 

Niop, Nup 

Sukun, Kuru 



3. La'au 



Ufl ... 


4. Akau 





6. Akau 





6. Kau 





7. Baau, Laau 


Mei, Uru 



8. Kaau, Akau 





9. Baau 

Haari, Niu 




10. Bakau 





11. Bakau 

Nikau, Niu 




12. Bakau 

Niu, Nu 




13. Bakau 





14. 01 



Uk ..., 


15. Lakau 





16. Au 

Niu, Ngaru 


Uhe, Maho 


17. Kaio 

Yoanio, Nio 



Digitized by 


174 llEV. S. Ella. — I>ialrH Chanffes in (he Polyne^an Lang^iages. 


1. Sngluh 

2. Malaj 
8. Samoan 

4. Nia^n 

5. Tongan 

6. FijUn 

7. Hawaiian 

8. Marquefan 

9. Tahitian 

10. Paumotuan 

11. Mangareran To .... 

12. Karotongan ... ' To .... 

13. Maori ... ! 

14. Rotuman ... I Thou 

15. Tokelauan ... ' 

16. Motu .... Tohu 


17. Malagasy .... Faiy 

TubbQ, Toro 








.... Banana 
... Piaang 
... Fa'i 
... Full 
.... Hopa 
.... Vuni, Vote 
... Maia 
... Meika 
... Mei'a 
.... Meika 
.... Meika 


... Meika 

... ■ Per 


r Dili (plant) 
\ Bigu (fruit) 

... Akondro .... 

.... Pig,... 
.... Babi 
... Pua'a 


....' Buaka 

....'Tuaka .... 

.... Puaa 

.... Puaa 

.... Pua'a 

... Puaa 

.... Puaka .... 

...' Puaka .... 
I Poaka, Puaa 
...I Puaka 
.... Puaka .... 

\ ! Boroma .... 


Ikan, Ika .... 





Pa .... 



Ika, Para .... 






Qarume .... 

... I 

Many Melanesian words for " house " are derived from 

1. SfiglUl ' ... 




2. Malayan 




3. Samoan 



4. Niu&in 




5. Tongan 




6. Fijian 

Dakai, Vueu 

Ngasau .... 


7. Hawaiian .... 


Pua.pana .... 


8. Marqnesan .... 




9. Tahitian 



10. Paumotuan.... 



11. Mangareran 



12. Barotongan .... 



18. Maori 




14. Botuman ... 

Loloki, Fan 



15. Tokelauan ... 



16. Motu 



17. MaUgasy .... 




Balk, Fia 



Lelei, Marie 


Maitai, Pono, Pua 



Maitaki, Tiru 






Tsara, Soa... 


Buruk, Leak 







Ino .... 

Kiro, Manuann 








Digitized by 



EiVk S. Ella. — Dialect Chaifiges in the Polyrusian Lang^iages, 
PoLTOfistAN Words, 


1. Ff>wl 





2. Ayam^Hayan 
8. Moa 

Bumah, Fari^ 

' Fale 


Pjrau, Sampan, 


; Uafcongi 


4. Moa 





6. Moa 





6. Toa, Manu- 



Wau, Nai 


7. Moa, Manu.... 

Hale, Hare 

Wa'a, Vaka 

Neua .... • ... 

Ihe, £ao, Polulu. 

8. Moa, Manu.... 


Vaka, Vaa 



9. Moa 


Vaa, Pahi 


Mahae, Tao, Niu. 

10. Moa, Manu.... 





11. Moa 





12. Moa 




! Korare. 


13. Tttaokao .... 



Patu, Mere, Mere- 

; Tao, Matia. 

U. Moa, Manu- 





15. Moa .... ... 





16. Kokorogu .... 

17. Akoho 



Vanagi (smal)), 

Aai (large) 

Kalera (wood), 

Gahi (stone) 




rumah, Malayan j 

Fari ia a large house 

court, or palace. 

1. Great 





2. Besar 

Kechil, Kiiti.kiiti.... 



Dekat, Ara. 

3. Tele, Nui .. 





4. TaW 




Tata mai. 

6. Lahi 




Ou, Tata. 

6. LoTU 





7. Nui, Loa .... 





8. Nui 




9. Bahi, Nui .... 


Hou, Api 



10. Paueke 

Korereka .... 


Tahifco, Veruveru ... 

Fakaka, Fakuriu. 

11. Tore, Nui .... 




Tutata, TaLa. 

12. Mata 


Ou .... 

Hamiriafcu, Taito .. 


13. Bahi, Nui ... 

Nohinohi, Ifci .... 


Tawhito, Auki ... 

Tata, Tutata. 

14. Te'u, Tefce'u 





16. Tele 




Late mai. 

16. Pata 



Qunana .... .... 


17. Lehibe 

Kely, Madiniki .... 


Antitra, Ela 


Digitized by 


176 Kev. S. '&LhA,—Duilrct Changes in th4* Polynesian Lan0tdg^§t 

ComparAtivb Vocabulary oV 

1. EnglUh ... 


To Live 



2. Malayan ... 



l^tati .. .. 

Nafaa, Befnafas ... 

3* Samoan 



Oti, Mate 

llanaTtt .... 

4. Niu^an 





5. Tongan 





6. Fijian 





7. Hawaiian ... 

Mamaov Loihiaku 

*01a ..- .... 



8. Marqaetan .... 



Mate _ .... 

ManaTa .... 

9. Tahitian 

Te, atea 


Pobe, Mate 

Hufi te aho 

10. Paumotuan... 

11. Mangareyan 

Mamao, Maoro- 







12. Barotongan.... 

Mamao .... 




18. Maori 

Mamao, Tawhiti .... 



Manawa, Wbakaha 

14. Botuman ... 




Huang 1 

15. Tokelanan ... 





16. Motu 





17. Malagasy .... 



Mrty .... >. 


1. SnglUh 

To go 




2. Malayan .... 

Pergi, Pfci 

Datang, mai .... 



8. Samoan 

Alu, (pi.) 

Sau,' O mai (pi.) .... 



4. Niu^an 

Fano, Haele, 

AJu,0(pl.) .... 

Haele mai, mai 




6. Tongan 



6. Fijian 


Lako mai 



7. Hawaiian .... 

Here, Hele aku .... 

Here mai, Hele mai 


Inu, Unu 

8. Marquesan .... 


A mai 

Kai, Kaikai 


9. Tahitian ... 

Haere atu 

Haere nud 



10. Paumotuan.... 

Haere atu 

Haere mai 

Kai, Ngau.... 

Kami, Komo 

11. Mangarevau 


Ere mai, Nau mai 



12. Barotongan... 

Aere atu 

Aere mai, Tae 


Inu, Unu 

13. Maori 

Haere atu 

Haere mai 

Kai, Ngai 

Inu, Unu 

14. Botuman ... 


Leum, Helen 

Ate, Telaa 


15. Tokelauan .... 





16. Motu 





17. Malagasy .... 

Mandekap, Heli- 

Ayy, Avia .... 

Homana, Mihinana 


^ The word to or of chiefs is Tery different, and yaries 

Digitized by 


Rev. S. Ella. — Dialect Changes in the Polynesian Lan^/uages. 
Polynesian Words. 


1. See 





2. Liat, Amata 



Kira, Mengiea .... 


3. Va'ai, Mata- 


4. Eitekite, 


5. M a m a t a, 


6. Baitha 

Fa'alongo, Tian- 




lioa, Fioia 



Manatu, Maua- 







7. Ike 





8. Kite 





9. Ite, Hi'o .... 




Hoa, Hamani» 

10. Hipa 




Hanga, Patu. 

11. Kite, Nana.... 





12. Akalu, Kite 



Ma'ara .-. 

Angaanga. Marmi. 

13. Kite 


Kite, Matau 

Hua, Mahara 

Hanga, waihanga. 

14. Tel, Eae .... 





15. Va'ai 





16. Haia 





17. Mahita 

Mahar^, Mandre .... 




1. Sit 





2. Duduk ... 


Tertawa, Ghilak .... 



8. Nolo 


'Ata, 'Ata'ata .... 

Tangi, Aue 

Fefe, Mata'u. 

4. Nofo 





5. Nofo 


Kata, Katakata .... 



6. Tiko 





7. Noho 

Kau iho 

Aka, Akaaka 

Kani, U, Ue 

Hopo, Mata'u. 

8. Noho 





9. Noho,PaTahi 





10. Noho, Tarau 



Tangi, Tatangi .... 


11. Noho 




Matake, Ete. 

12. No'o 



Tangi, Aue 

Mataku, Hopi. 

13. Noho 




Mataku, Hopi. 

14. Noho-sio, Ho 

Nasua, Popona .... 



Fea, Mamoru. 

16. Nofo 





16. Helai 





17. Mipetraka .... 





according to rank, sucli as <i/io, .ni*M, marin. 
New Sbries, Vol. II, Nos. 1 and 2. 


Digitized by 


178 Rev. S. Ella. — Dialect Cfhanges in tJie Polynesian Langua^ges, 


1. English 

2. Malayan 

3. Samoan 

4. Niu^an 

5. Tongan 

6. Fijian 

7. Hawaiian 

8. Marqueean . 

9. Tahitian . 
10. Faumoiuan . 

Aku, Baku, Eita 

Vu, 'Ita .... 




A'u, Wau 




11. Mangarevan ' A'u 

12. Raro tongan ... | A'u 

13. Maori 

14. Rotuman 

... A'u, Akau... 
.. Sgow 

15. Tokelauan .... 

16. Motu 

17. Malagasy .... 

Aho, Izaho 

. I Thou 

.. JKau, Dika.. 

.... Oe 

...' Koe 





..' Koe 

..! Oe 

.. Koe 
. Koe 
. Koe 
. Ae, Ou ... 

. I Oe 

. Oi 

..; liianao 


Iya» Inya . 




lya, Koia .. 
la .... 





















Kendrau, Eendaru 







Taua « 




.. Itara 

... Taua 

Ita raruoti 

1. English 

They (dual) .... 

Thfif (plural) 





2. Malayan .... 

3. Samoan 


Orang, Kamu 

Talii, Sa, Satu, 




Tiga .... 
Tolu .... 

4. Niu^an 





Tolu .... 


5. Tongan 


Lautolu, Nau 



Tolu ... 


6. Fijian 


Ra, Ratou .... 



Tolu .... 


7. Hawaiian ... 





Kolu .... 


8. Marquesan ... 





Tou, Torn 

9. Tahitian .... 




Rua, Iti 

Torn .... 

10. Paumotuan .. 





Naeti .... 

11. Mangarevan 





Toru .... 


12. Barotongan.... 





Torn .... 

13. Maori 





Toru, Tengi 

14. Botuman ... 


Iris, Oris 

Taa, Esea 


Folu ^ 


15. Tokelauan .... 





Tolu .... 

16. Mofcu 

Idia raruoti ... 




Toi .... 


17. Malagasy .... 


Iry .... ... 

Isa, Iray 

Roa .... 

Telo .... 

Digitized by 


Rev. S. Ella. — Dialect Cftanges in the Folynesian Languages, 
Polynesian Words. 


1. IF0(dualex. 

We (plural inclu- 


We (plural eiclu- 


You (dual) 

You (plural). 

8. Maua 






4. Maua 





6. Maua 

Tau, Tautolu 




6. Kelrau 





Kemudon, Ton. 

7. Maua 






8. Maua 






9. Maua 






10. Make 






11. — 





12. Maua 






13. Maua 





14. Omiara 




Ou, Ousa. 

15. Maua 

... ; Tatou 




16. Airaruoti 

.... Ita .... 




17. - 

I Isikia 




1. Four 



Seven ....i Eight 





2. Ampat ... 




..: Salapan.De- 




3. Fa 

4. Fa 





Iva .... 

Sefulu, Nga- 


5. Fa 








6. Va 





.. 1 Walu 


Tini, Ngavulu. 

7. Ha 




.. Walu 




8. Ha 




Itu, Fitu 

...| Vau 



9. Ha, Maha 




.. 1 Varu 



10. Ope 




Varu, Uava 



11. Ha 





Iva .... 


12. A 



Itu .... 



Iva .... 


13. Wha .... 









14. Hake .... 









15. Fa 









16. Hani .... 






Taurahani .... 




17. Bfatpa .... 

Dimy, Limi 








N 2 

Digitized by 


180 Eev. S. Ella. — Dialect Chayiges in the Polynesian Languages. 

[Since the foregoing paper was sent to the Institute, information has been 
received of the author's death at Sydney, N.S.W. The Rev. Samuel Ella was bom 
in 1823 and was one of the oldest missionaries of the London Missionary Society. 
He was accepted by the Society in 1847 and went out as printer to Samoa. He 
remained there for fourteen years, and was ordained a full missionary in 1860. 
After two years' stay in Sydney on account of ill-health, he went to Uvea, in the 
Loyalty Group, where he established a mission among the Melanesians of the 
island He returned to Sydney in 1875 after eleven years' labour, and died on 
February 12th of this year. He was the translator of the New Testament into the 
Melanesian language of lai, spoken on Uvea Island, and took great interest in all 
that concerned the Polynesian races. He had been President of the Australian 
Association for the Advancement of Science. To his kindness and courtesy the 
present writer owes much information on the languages of Southern Melanesia. — 
S. H. R] 

Digitized by 




Readers of the Journal are invited to communicate any new facts of especial interest 
which come under their notice. Short abstracts of, or extracts from, letters loill he 
published at the discretion of the Editor, Letters should be marked "Miscellanea'* and 
addressed to The Secretary, 3, JSanover Square, W, 

Notes on the Languages op the South Andaman Group of Tribes. By M. V. Port- 
man. Calcutta, 1898. 

Althoagh not a professed philologist, Mr. Portman has made good nse of his 
opportunity as the officer in charge of the Andamanese natives for some years to give 
linguistic students a clear and accurate account of the remarkable form of speech 
current in several closely related varieties amongst these aborigines. 

The present volume supplements and, where necessary, rectifies the extensive 
studies already made by Mr. £. H. Man and Colonel B. C. Temple, some of the results 
of which have appeared in this Journal, How important was the work done by these 
labourers in an obscure and particularly thorny field, appears from the fact that 
Mr. Man was the first to give written form to the Andamanese language, under quite 
exceptional difficulties, due to its astonishingly rich phonetic system, comprising no 
less than twenty-four distinct vowel and seventeen consonantal sounds. Mr. Man has 
also collected copious materials for a grammar and a dictionary of over 6,000 words, 
which he has, jointly with Colonel Temple, arranged for publication. Such of these 
materials as are available for reference have been utilised, together with a great deal 
of fresh data, in the preparation of Mr. Portman's book, which, under the modest title 
of Notes, forms a large octavo volume of nearly 600 pages, but with a peculiar arrange- 
ment and pagination, the convenience of which is not obvious. Thus there are first 
of all eight chapters, which are consecutively paged up to p. 188, and deal somewhat 
thoroughly with the peculiar features of the language, with special reference to the 
views of Mr. Man and Colonel Temple on this subject ; with the tribal divisions and 
sub-divisions of the natives ; with the structure of the sentence illustrated by analytical 
notes and translations from the Gospel of Saint Matthew ; with Andamanese myths, 
legends, songs, and folklore, these subjects being also illustrated with original texts, 
copious explanatory notes, and even variants of the same legend in three or four 
di^erent dialects. 

Then follows another series of eight chapters, which are also consecutively paged 
up to p. 391, but are entirely devoted to an exceedingly valuable analysis of a com- 
parative vocabulary of about 2,300 words in English, and the five chief dialects of the 
South Andamanese group. This vocabulary, however, is separately paged from 1 up 
to 191, thus completing the volume, which with preface makes, as stated, nearly 600 

Digitized by 


182 Anthropological Kevuws mid Miscellanea, 

pages altogether. If, therefore, a double pagination was needed, it shonld obvionslj 
have begnn with Chapter IX, and run on oontinuonslj with the vocabniary, with 
which Chapters IX to XVI are exclnsivelj connected. But the inconvenience is not 
so great as might be sopposed, because English is the first of the six lexical columns, 
and is fortanately arranged without break from A to Z, and not disposed in a number 
of exasperating sections — ^nouns, adjectives, verbs, etc., as is too often the case with 
such collections. I have in mj possession a vocabulary of an eastern language, in 
which the words are ingeniously broken up into sixteen distinct groups, on some 
abstruse psychological principle which I have never yet been able to fathom. 

But where the material brought together is of such excellent quality, a somewhat 
defective arrangement may well be overlooked. How valuable to students of the 
evolution of language are the chapters occupied with the analysis of the vocabulary 
one example will suffice to show. In the vocabulary the English preposition " above " 
is rendered in the chief dialect tang len, which in the analysis (p. 190) is explained to 
mean literally " in the roof," because " the Andamanese puts his property away by 
sticking it in the thatched roof of his hut.*' Thus the concrete expression ^* in the 
roof " has acquired a purely relational force, and from hundreds of such instances we 
see how true it is that all the familiar elements of speech must have originally been 
notional terms. 

But the chief interest of this language, constituting it an order of speech, one 
might say, absolutely sui generis^ lies in its twofold development of prefixed and post- 
fixed particles, thus combining within itself the essential characters of two distinct 
types of agglutination, as represented, for instance, in the Ural-Altaio postfix and the 
Bantu prefix systems. The result is an exuberance of relational elements, which, like 
the tangled vegetation of txopical woodlands, actually interfere with each other's 
grammatical functions. About the nature of the postfixes there is no difficulty, all 
agreeing that they are of the same normal character as those of other postfixing groups, 
and differ from the typical Mongolo-Turki only in the total exclusion of vocalic 
harmony. But so varied and subtle are the uses of the numerous prefixes, that 
opinions well may differ respecting their true character. Mr. Man and Colonel 
Temple appear to regard them all as of one category — pronominal determinatives 
— whereas Mr. Portman plainly shows that their function is twofold, qualitative 
inasmuch as they modify the meaning of the roots and thus classify them, and strictly 
grammatical, either possessive pronouns or indicative of gender. But on this 
point he speaks somewhat doubtfully, remarking that ^' it appears to me that one of 
the functions of the prefixes is to indicate gender, not in the sense of male and female, 
but in the sense of classifying the Andamanese roots into genera or groups." Then he 
adds : " In order to modify its meaning, a root may have two or even three prefixes, 
one of which is probably a gender prefix. The system by which the roots are classified 
into genera is not known, and the opinions of individual Andamanese on the subject 
are only of valae as showing the mode of thought of the people '* (p. 81). 

It is remarkable that, with all this wealth of formative particles, the numerals 
are limited, as in the Australian and many New Guinea languages, to one and ttioo. 
Three really means " one more " ; four " some more," and^re " all " ; and here their 
arithmetic may be said to stop altogether. In some groups, however, six or seven, or 
perhaps even ten^ may be reached by the aid of the nose and fingers. First the nose 
is tapped with the little finger of either liand to score one, then with the next finger 
for two^ and so on up to five, each successive tap being accompanied with the word 
anka, " and this." The process is then continued with the second hand, after which 
both hands are joined together to indicate 5 + 5, the score being clenched with the 

Digitized by 


Anthropological Reviews and Miscellanea. 183 

word ard/uTu^ '* all." Bat few get as far as this, and the process usnallj breaks down 
at six or seven. 

While indispensable to the student of language, Mr. Portmau*s book will also 
be prized by the folk-lorist for the specimens it gives of the Audamanese myths and 
legends. Several variants are given, all at fii*st hand, of the curious fire-legend, in 
which Fulugoy head of the native pantheon, plays a part singularly inconsistent with 
the idea of a Supreme Being current amongst less primitive peoples. 

A. H. Keane. 

The Dolmens and Burial Mounds in Japan. By William (Rowland, Esq., F.S. A., etc., 

ArchcBologia, vol. Iv, pp. 439-524 (1897). 
The Dolmens of Japan and thbie Builders. By W. Gowland, Assoc. B.S.M., 
P.C.S., F.S. A., Trans, and Proc. Japan Society, vol. iv. Part III (1899). 
In these two papers we have a clear and well-illustrated account of the Dolmens 
of Japan by Mr. Gowland, late of the Imperial Japanese Mint. While they have 
much in common, they are by no means identical as regards either the letterpress or 
the illustrations, though alike in general treatment and conclusions. 

The author remarks that he uses the term " dolmen " in its broad or generic 
sense to signify "a stone burial- chamber, generally of rude megalithic structure, 
larger than a cist, and whether covered by a mound or not." They are numerous in 
Japan, where he has "carefully examined 406 and made drawings of or measured 
140." Simple mounds preceded the dolmens. Burial in chambers hewn out of rock 
was also largely practised by the early Japanese. But standing- stones, either single 
as " menhirs " or in *' avenues " or " circles " have not been discovered in Japan. 

The simple burial mounds have been mostly destroyed either " by the hand of 
time or in reclaiming land for agriculture." The remains found in them consist 
generally of stone beads and ornaments with swords and arrowheads of bronze. No 
stone weapons or implements have (in Mr. Gowland's experience) been found in these 
ancient burial mounds, the evidence tending to show that the Japanese had passed 
out of the Stone Ages before they migrated from the mainland, and were, when in 
Japan, in the last stages of their Bronze Age. 

A map in the paper from Archceologia illustrates the distribution of Burial 
Mounds, Dolmens and Bock-Hewn Tombs in Japan. We learn that they occur 
chiefly *^ in the basins of the greater rivers, on the margins of the more important 
plains, and near the coasts of the inland and Japan Seas." From their distribution 
the author thinks that during the dolmen-building period the extreme north-east and 
some of the wilder tracts of the interior were still held by the Ainu aborigines : this 
view being confirmed by the increasing numbers of aboriginal stone weapons found 
as we proceed towards the northern extremity of the island. The situations in which 
dolmens are usually found are '* the lower flanks of a mountain range, and the crests 
and slopes of the lower hills and upland tracts which bound the plains ; sites com- 
manding extensive views being preferred. 

The author divides the Japanese dolmens into "four great typical classes 
according to the general form or plan of their interiors, beginning with the most 
simple and ending with the most highly differentiated structures." He then gives 
accounts, illustrated by plans, sections, etc., of examples of these classes and of the 
weapons, ornaments, etc., discovered in them. No well or even moderately preserved 
skeleton (he says) has yet been found in any dolmen, owing to the damp atmosphere 
and free infiltration of water; and this is true even of those in which there is a 

Digitized by 


184 AiUhropological Reviews and Miscellanea, 

Afl to the period to which they belong, he remarks that "the dolmens are 
certainly all of the Iron Age." No bronze swords have ever been fonnd in them, 
though bronze arrowheads associated with iron swords are said to occnr occasionally. 
And as iron was known in China as early as the year 1000 B.C., and as there was 
commnnicatiou between China and Japan at least as early as the year 265 B.C., Mr. 
Gowland thinks the beginning of the Iron Age in Japan may date from abont the last- 
named year ; and that shortly after dolmens began to be built. And he states that 
the total abolition of burial in dolmens was decreed by the Emperor Mommu (697-707 
A.D.) and cremation introduced about the same time. 

There is no evidence that the dolmen builders had any metallic currency, and no 
indication that they possessed a knowledge of writing. As to their religious belief : — 

" The arms and armour, the ornaments, and the vessels for food and drink, show 
conclusively that there was a belief in a future state of existence for the dead, not 
widely different from that they had left behind, and in which they required all those 
things which they had been accustomed to use in their life on this side of the tomb. 
The sacrifice of retainer and the subsequent substitution for them of terra-cotta 
images also bears out this view." 

T. V. H. 

Ethnologt, in two parts. By A. H. Keane. F.R.G.S., 2nd edition, Cambridge, 1896. 
** Man, Past and Present." By the same author. Cambridge, 1 899. 

In these two volumes, the work of Professor Keane, we have at last a compre- 
hensive treatise on the Science of Man, which may safely be placed in the hands of 
English students of Anthropology. The existing English literature of the subject 
includes pre-Darwinian books, such as those by Dr. Prichard, Messrs. Nott and 
Gliddon, and Dr. Latham. Since then English scholars, such as Professors Huxley, 
Tylor, and Boyd Dawkins, Mr. Darwin, Sir John Evans, Sir John Lubbock, and many 
writers in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute, have made important contri- 
butions to the knowledge and evolution of Early Man. But while continental writers 
have provided many valuable works of a comprehensive character, the English student 
has hitherto possessed no standard treatise of the subject as a whole, except the 
Anthropology of Dr. Tylor and Dr. Brinton's Ba^^es and Peoples^ both admirable works, 
but of a less comprehensive range than Professor Keane's Manuals. 

The new Cambridge Geographical Series thus supplies an obvious want. The 
author is one of the most learned members of the modern English Anthropological 
school. His range of reading in the highways and byways of Ethnological literature 
is immense ; his manuals are brightly written, well arranged and excellently 

The treatise on Ethnology consists of two parts — the firat dealing with those 
fundamental problems which affect the human family as a whole ; the second discuss- 
ing the several main branches of Mankind. In " Man, Past and Present," the range 
is wider and the author discusses in detail the origin and inter-relations of the main 
groups of the Hominidae, and attempts to bridge the gulf between the past and 
present of the Human Race. 

It is, of courae, impossible to review in detail the vast amount of information thus 
brought to bear upon the physical and psychical development of Man. Mr. Keane is 
naturally a follower of the evolutionary school ; he dismisses the theory of a special 
creation and concludes that man has been developed from a Pliocene ancestor. He is 
not " descended " from the gorilla, the chimpanzee, or some other member of the 
SimiiadaB, his nearest congeners; but his ascent is referred to some long extinct 

Digitized by 


Anthropological Reviews and Miscellanea. 185 

generalised form, from whicb the other branches also sprang along independent lines. 
Specially deserving of stndy in the treatise on ethnology are his views on the 
evolution of neolithic megalithic architecture, the relations of race to language, the 
ethnological problems of Australia and Tasmania, the Stone Age and the local 
independent evolution of cultui'e in America. 

In " Man, Past and Present " the reader will specially direct his attention to the 
admirable discussion of the inter-relation of the Caucasic peoples along the shores of 
the Mediterranean, the distribution of the Mongoloid races and the ethnological 
problems of India — the relations of the Aryan and Dravidian culture and the origin of 
the modem Rajpnts and Jats. Some attention is also devoted to the coincidence of 
the folklore and mythology of distant races, in regard to which he strongly advocates 
the view that where actual contact and outward influences are excluded by considera- 
tions of time and space, this identity is a proof of the common psychic nature of Man. 
The question which he raises of the dependence of early taboos on the regulation of 
the food supply deserves more detailed treatment than the author is able to bestow 
upon it. On the great marriage question he discards all theories based upon pro- 
miscuity and so-called " Communal Marriage." Unfortunately, the great work of 
Messrs. Spencer and Qillen on The Native Tribes of Central Australia was published 
after the completion of these books. We may expect to find the important results 
arrived at by these writers in connection with marriage and Totemism utilised in a 
future edition. 

Professor Eeane will add to the obligations of English readers by the publica- 
tion of his Ethnographical Atlas, of which we are glad to welcome the announcement. 
Meanwhile he has completed a work which will be of the greatest talue to students, 
and which should be in the hands of the many explorers in the ranks of the navy, 
army, and civil services engaged in the administration of our Indian and Colonial 

The science of Ethnology abounds in problems which have been the battle-ground 
of various schools. It would be too much to expect that all experts on the multitu- 
dinous questions with which he deals will agree in Professor Keane's conclnsions. 
But the writer of a text-book must have the courage of his own convictions, and if 
such a manual is to be of any real value, it must express definite views, while a 
complete statement of opposing theories is out of the question. At any rate, the 
author has everywhere, by his copious references to the best authorities, made it 
possible for any reader to test the evidence for himself. 

W. Cbooke. 

Dee Periplus des Hanno. Von Dr. Karl Emil lUing. Separately printed from the 
Programm des Wettiner Gymnasiums. Dresden, 1899, No. 666. (Printed by the 
Bammingsche Buckdrackerei.) 8vo. pp. 49. 

This is a learned and compendious discussion of the principal questions raised by 
the Periplus, It includes separate sections on the Date of Hanno, which Dr. lUing 
places (against Meltzer) between 450 B.C. and 287 B.C., but finds no valid evidence by 
which to define more closely ; on the Pillars of Hercules, which (against C. T. 
Fischer) he regards as the well-known geographical promontories, not the votive 
columns at Gades ; on the length of the Day's Journey in the Periplus, which he 
regards with Vivien de St. Martin as very inferior in value to the topographical 
indications ; on the Voyage of Colonisation, in which he sums up the results of modem 
geographical and ethnological research bearing on the places and tribes mentioned as 

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186 ArUhropological Beviews and Miscellanea. 

far as Kerne ^ on the Yoyaf^ of Discovery beyond Kerne, where he takes the O^wv 
oxnf^ for the modem Mongo ma Loha (" Mountain of the Gods"), the highest peak 
of the Cameroons, and the Notov xipav for the neighbourhood of Corisco Bay; and 
finally on the " Gorillas," whom he regards with some probability, not as apes, but as 
members of a hairy pygmy race of men, taking Kptifivo^rai = " good climbers " 
like the pygmies seen by Emin Pasha ; and proposing the very ingenious emendation 
irr€poi9 a/nvvofievoiy ** defending themselves with feathered arrows " (as the pygmies 
actually do), in place of the meaningless fierpioi^ of the MS., or the pointless 
correction iritpot^ which is found in most of the editions of the Fervplus, 

J. L. M. 

Bird Gods. By Charles de Kay. London : Allenson, 1898. 

This is an attempt to prove that much of the mythology of Europe and elsewhere 
is based on the cnlt of birds. The author has collected a considerable amount of 
curious information, but he gives no references to his authorities, and his conclusions 
are not likely to meet acceptance by sober students of mythology. 

W. Crooki. 

Authority and Arch^oloqt, Sacred and Profane. Essays on the Relation of 
Monuments to Biblical and Classical Literature, by S. R. Driver, D.D., 
E. A. Gai-dner, M.A., F. L. L. Griffith, M.A.,F. Haverfield, M.A., A. C. Headlam, 
M.A., D. G. Hogarth, M.A. Edited by D. G. Hogarth. London : Murray, 1899. 
8vo. pp. xvi, 440. 

This useful volume is an attempt to express in a small compass the changes which 
have been necessitated in our view of the historical authority of Hebrew, Greek, and 
Latin literature by the exploration and excavation of Classical and Biblical lands and 
sites. The editor, who is well known as a '^ Wandering Scholar in the Levant," and as 
the Director of the British School of Archsdology in Athens, introduces the question 
by a short discussion of the scope of archsBology, and of the lines along which 
archsdological evidence has proved, and may still be expected to prove, a valuable 
touchstone and corrective of literary tradition. 

The essays which follow are by difEereut hands. Professor Driver treats of 
Hebrew Authority in Part I, dealing first with the subject matter of the Pentateuch, 
and then with the history of the Jewish Elingdom and of the Exile; to this are 
appended a very full collection of parallels to Biblical phrases and customs derived 
from epigraphic and other sources, and a most judicious estimate of the present 
position of Old Testament criticism, with special reference to the so-called ** conflict " 
between the archsBological and linguistic schools, of which so much has been made by 
the opponents of any sort of criticism at all. Professor Driver has little difficulty in 
making his contention clear that the alleged cases of divergence are based on 
misapprehension or misrepresentation of the conclusions either of the archsBologists, or 
of the philologists, or, quite frequently, of both. 

In Part III, Christian Authorityy or the value, as history, of the documents of the 
I^ew Testament, is examined by Rev. A. C. Headlam in the same cautious and 
thorough- going manner. The principal subjects of discussion are, naturally, first the 
results of the recent discoveries of early papyrus documents in Egypt— small enough it 
is true, but most suggestive, and, for the circumstances of the first age of Christianity, 
most instructive ; next, the conclusions which may be drawn from the Christian or 

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Anthropological Reviews and Miscellanea, 187 

qnasi-Christian inscriptions — mostly epitaphs — discovered in certain districts ot 
Phrygiaby Professor W. M. Ramsay and other travellers; and thirdly, the revised 
interpretation which the first really thorough examination of the Catacombs, or the 
first systematic collation of the multitude of inscriptions in them, has permitted, of 
the half legendary history of the beginnings of the Christian Church in Rome. 

Part II, interpolated as it were between the Old and the New Testament, but 
chronologically in its proper position with regard to both of them, sums up the present 
state of " profane " archseology in its bearings upon the literature and history of 
Greece and Rome. This part naturally covers a wider and less homogeneous field, and 
suffers the more, in that the main positions were here for the most part much earlier 
won, 80 that the recent contributions to our knowledge have been much more of the 
nature of detailed corroboration or correction than in regard to the history of the 
Jewish action or of the Christian Church. 

The section entitled " Egypt and Assyria " is little more than a detailed 
criticism of the writings of Herodotus in the light of modern research. Mr. Griffith 
is admirably qualified by his close study of the Egyptian and Assyrian versions of the 
events, personages, and customs which are in question, to produce a thorough and most 
compendious commentary on all the passages where Herodotus is definitely wrong, or 
where his testimony has been called in question. But we think that he has prejudiced 
his own case by insisting too exclusively on this side of the matter, and by following 
too closely the method once popularised by Professor Sayce of assuming Herodotus to 
be wilfully wrong, except when he can be proved to be accidentally right. No one 
now-a-days goes to Herodotus, as many still do go to " Homer " or to " Moses " for 
first hand information about early Egypt or the order of natural phenomena. But 
from the educational point of view, which is now all-important, Herodotus, like some 
other ancient authorities, is in the best sense " written for our learning " ; and it is as 
useless — and as easy — to pour ridicule on the " Father of History " for bad zoology or 
ignoraiice of hieroglyphics, as to attack the ** Father of Science " on the ground of 
alchemy or misrepresentations of Aristotle in the Novum Organum, Students won't 
get any good out of a writer who is always being held up to them as an inaccurate 
igpioramus and plagiarist ; but they will go far out of their way to make the best of 
him if they are left to discover that he was doing his best, and in fact better than the 
best of his age. It is after all to Herodotus himself in the long run that Mr. Griffith 
owes the discovery of the difference between hearsay and eyewitness — between 
Authority, in fact, and ArchsBology. 

Mr. Hogarth's own article on pre-historio Greece gives a fair, though not very full 
account of the extraordinary advances which the last few years have seen in our 
knowledge of that part of the Mediterranean in which Aryan — and through it 
European — civilisation took its iise. But his eclectic attitude is not always quite 
definite or clear — that perhaps is still really out of the question — ^and he has suffered 
somewhat from his attempt to popularise, without the help of illustrations, a rather 
complex group of hypotheses in which almost every step depends upon the comparison 
of artistic styles. Professor Ernest Gardner has had an easy task, in summarising the 
principal excavations of the last twenty years on the greater sites of Greek antiquity, 
and has illustrated, as fully as his limits permit, the enormous change which has come 
over the whole cycle of Greek classical studies as the result of them. 

Finally Mr. Haverfield's sketch of Italian archeBology is slighter and more 
superficial than we should have expected from so learned an authority. True, the 
whole subject is less advanced, and has hitherto proved less fertile in brilliant and 
unexpected discoveries than the exploration of Greece ; while the most valuable results 

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188 Anthropological Reviews and Miscellanea, 

from Roman history have been gained for the most part by a minute classification of 
epigraphic formulae, which does not lend itself to popular treatment ; but we would 
gladly have had more — even if it was only of " private interpretation" — on the eternal 
problem of the validity, actual or symbolic — of the " authority '* preserved to us by 
Livy and Polybius, which deal with the beginnings of the Eternal City, and its 
peculiarly complex civilisation. But this and other omissions elsewhere which were 
perhaps necessary if the book was to be kept within the limits of a single volume, 
might well be amended, if in a second edition, which will doubtless be required before 
long, "Sacred" and "Profane" Authority could be accommodated with separate 
covers — and with a less egregious title. 

J. L. M. 

The Kingdom of the Barotsi, Upper Zambesia. By Alfred Bertrand. Translated 
by A. D. Miall. London : Fisher Unwin, 1899. 

The author gives us in the form of a diary an account of an adventurous 
exploration of a little known region in Africa. The map and illustrations are 
admirable, and the book contains here and there interesting notes on ethnology. 
The first appendix, in particular, which contains a summary of the sociology and 
customs of the Barotsi, deserves attention. 

W. Crooke. 

The Races of Europe. By William Z. Eipley, Ph.D. New York : D. Appleton 
and Co. Accompanied by a Supplementary Bibliography of the Anthropology 
and Ethnology of Europe, published by the Public library of the City of 

This is a magnificent contribution to the ethnology of Europe, and it is no 
exaggeration to say that its efEect upon all sciences dealing with the race problems 
of Europe will be epoch-making. Professor Ripley has with indefatigable labour 
collected all available statistics of the physical characteristics of the races of Europe, 
and few will have an adequate idea of how much accurate work has been done by the 
anthropologists of Europe till they read this volume. But not only has the raw 
material been collected, it has been thoroughly analysed in the light of the latest 
views of anthropology ; and the whole subject has been expounded in a lucid and 
picturesque style which will make it equally delightful reading to the general reader 
and the professional anthropologist. The maps are a special feature of this work. 
The geographical distribution of cephalic indices, pigmentation, stature and other 
ethnical criteria are shown for every country in Europe whenever statistics are 
available, and the relation of these criteria to the physical geography of the country 
is fully developed and expounded in the text. A very large number of typical 
portraits of the various races is also given. 

Professor Ripley adopts the views of the modem school of anthi'opologists, who 
find among the peoples of Europe three principal race types, namely, the tall blond, 
dolichocephalic Teutonic race in the north; the dark, dolichocephalic Iberian or 
Mediterranean race in the south ; and the brown, brachy cephalic Alpine race in 
middle Europe. He also favours the view that the Teutonic type may be a variety 
of the Mediterranean, which has acquired its special characteristics by the long 
continued action of climate and selection. These views at present hold the field 
among European anthropologists, but, as Ripley himself points, there are many 
abnormal racial phenomena in Europe which this theory altogether fails to account 

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Anthropological Reviews and Miscellanea, 189 

for. For example, the tall dark populations of the Balkan States and the tall dark 
people of the western highlands of Scotland represent combinations of physical 
characteristics which agree with neither of the three leading types of the orthodox 
school of anthropologists. That the study of such apparent anomalies will, in the 
near future, probably lead to a modification of the present views, is already indicated 
by the remarkable work of Deniker. 

After dealing with Europe in general, Ripley devotes separate chapters to Franco 
and Belgium, the Basques, the Teutonic race, the Mediterranean race, the Alpine race, 
the British Isles, Russia and the Slavs, the Jews and Semites, Eastern Europe, and 
Western Asia. It is surprising how many cherished beliefs are demolished by a 
perusal of these chapters. For instance, many even who are au fait in the latest 
ethnological literature, will be surprised to learn that the Basques are not a pure 
representative of the Iberian race, but a mixture of a broad and a long headed race ; 
that the true Finns are by race allied to the blond dolichocephalic Teuton and not 
to the dark brachycephalic Lapp ; that the Turk is not Mongolian ; and that no such 
type as the Homo Oaucasicus exists in the region from which Blumenbaeh derived this 
name for the typical European. 

The data collected by Professor Ripley bear every mark of careful ascertainment, 
and I believe that the utmost reliance can be placed on their accuracy. I do not 
share, however, his faith in the cephalic index as a test of race. He himself confesses 
that it fails in the British Isles, where the greatest uniformity prevails as to cephalic 
index, alongside of the greatest diversity of pigmentation. Boas, Macalister and other 
leading anthropologists have recently exprassed disbelief in the cephalic index as the 
characteristic function of head measurements. There can be no doubt that the faith 
in this ratio has often been the cause of the failure to publish the absolute measure- 
ments of the head. Livi's magnificent volume on military anthropometry, for instance, 
does not contain any absolute dimensions of the head — only cephalic indices. If the 
cephalic index should be discredited by future investigation, the value of such work 
as Livi's will be greatly vitiated. 

Ripley concludes his work with chapters on European origins, social problems, 
and acclimatization. The last chapter should bo of great interest to a colonizing 
people like ourselves. The effect of change of environment on different races is fully 
discussed and some remarkable points brought out which have an important beanng 
on the future struggle of races for the possession of the earth. 

The bibliography drawn up by Professor Ripley appears to be most exhaustive, 
and will be invaluable to students of European ethnology. His system of references 
to this, in his greater work by means of dates, is ingenious, and when once understood, 
very useful. J. G. 

The Cult op Othin. An Essay in the Ancient Religion of the North. 
By H. M. Chadwick. London : C. J. Clay and Sons, 1899. 

The controversy aroused by Professor Bugge and other scholars, who think with 
him on the origin of many of the northern myths, shows no sign of abatement. 
Mr. Chadwick's contribution is an attempt to answer three questions : 1. What were 
the characteristics of the cult of Odin in the noi*th P 2. Is it approximately 
identical with that of the ancient (continental) Germans, or has it undergone 
substantial modifications in the north ? 3. When was the cult introduced into the 
north ? 

It will be seen that his main theme is rather the worship than the myths of 

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190 Anthropological Revieios and Miscellanea. 

Odin ; but the interdependence of myth and ritual is now so completely recognised 
thut it is no longer possible to discuss the one apart from the other. 

The book is divided into three chapters, the first of which discusses the cult 
chiefly as revealed in sacrifice. In connection with this, the author examines the 
famous passage in the Hdvavidl upon which Professor Bugge so much relies. This 
was dealt with, but not in a very satisfactory manner, two or three years ago by 
Mr. Eirikr Magnusson in his paper on " Odin's Horse, Yggdrasill," read before the 
Cambridge Philological Society. Mr. Chadwick rightly holds that the strophes 138 
and 139 reflect primarily the sacrificial rite. He challenges, however, the assumption 
by Bugge and Ooither that the sacrifice imputed to Odin was a self-sacrifice. Odin, 
he holds, is both the person saciificed and the person to whom the sacrifice is offered, 
but there is no indication that the sacrifice was a self-sacrifice, and if not, the inference 
of Christian influence is unwarranted. 

The traces of the cult of Odin on the Continent and in Britain are few ; but I 
think Mr. Chadwick is right that (at least on the Continent) both sacrificial and 
funeral rites are to be found which can best be explained by reference to Odin- 
worship. Perhaps this may also apply to certain practices in warfare. Some of the 
references to England, however, seem more doubtful. The entry in the Saxon 
Chronicle, for instance, of the capture of Anderida, which relates that ** all who dwelt 
therein were slaughtered " is a very sandy foundation for an inference that the 
conquered had been devoted by ^lle and Cissa, the conquerors, to Woden. The 
explanation of Coifi's desecration of the heathen temple by casting his spear into it, as 
recorded by Bede, is questionable too. 

The problem of the date of introduction of the cult into Scandinavia is one of 
considerable difficulty. Having regard to the funeral rites ascribed in the Ynglinga 
Saga to Odin, Mr. Chadwick conjectures that cremation was an integral part of the 
cult. Now, cremation, it appears, was introduced into the north shortly before the 
end of the Bronze Age. This is placed by Montelius about B.C. 500. But Odin- 
worship was essentially that of a warlike people. Tacitus's account of the Swedes (if 
they are to be identified, as seems probable, with the Suiones) presents them as an 
essentially peaceful nation. The cult of Odin, therefore, cannot have been known to 
them before about 50 a.d., the approximate date of the historian's information. If, 
then, cremation were an essential part of the Odinic rites, Montelius*s chronology 
must be challenged as placing the end of the Bronze Age too far back. This 
Mr. Chadwick proceeds to do, and comes to the conclusion that the Iron Age proper 
had not begun in Sweden before the third century a.d., and that the cult of Odin can 
hardly have been introduced into Sweden later than the end of the first century. He 
holds that the cult was a foreign one, but whence introduced he does not suggest. 
From the fact that Odin is described as essentially a god of the nobility, it would 
appear that his worship was that of a conquering caste, — Thor being the god (or one of 
the gods) of the people who were subdued. If these conclusions be correct, there is no 
room for the supposition that the principal myths relating to Odin have been 
seriously influenced by Christianity. 

The northern mythology and worship seem to have been an amalgam of many 
creeds. The problems they raise are numerous and important. Mr. Chadwick has in 
this little book only dealt with a few of them ; but, short as his monograph is, it is a 
real contribution to our knowledge of a subject full of interest for scientific enquirers 
into the history of Religion, as well as for those whose special business is with the 
history of the civilization and religion of the north. 

£. Sidney Hartland. 

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Anthropological Reviews and Miscellanea, 191 

The Negritos. By A. B. Meyer, M.D. Dresden : Stengel and Co., 1899. 
This is a translation by Miss C. S. Fox of two chapters from the author's work 
on the Negritos of the Philippine Islands. It is a review of the chief authorities on 
the existence of the Negrito race in the Philippine Islands, Borneo, Java, Sumatra, 
the Andaman s and Nicobar, India and Australia, and New Guinea. The general 
resolt is to show that the existing evidence is incomplete and unsatisfactory, and 
that much farther inquiry is needed before the question of the ethnology of this 
part of the world can be finally settled. 

W. Crooke. 

The Temple op Mut in Asuek. An account of the excavations of the temple and 

of the religious representations and objects found therein as illustrating the 

history of Egypt and the main religious ideas of the Egyptians. By Miss 

Margaret Benson and Miss Janet Gburlay. London: John Murray, 1899. 

This is the result of three years' diggings in the Temple of Mat, near Kamak, 

undertaken by these two enterprising and energetic ladies, who may be said to be 

the first women who have had permission granted them by the Egyptian Government 

to make excavations on any site in Egypt, for which they are deserving of all praise 

as they appear to have condacted it very carefully. 

In the course of the work they discovered some highly interesting statues and 
monuments, many very fragmentary. The most notable are those of Sen-Mut, the 
architect of the Temple of D^r el Bahari, favourite and Chief Steward of the cele- 
brated Qaeen Hatshepsut of the XVIIIth Dynasty; the statue of Mentu-em-hat, 
and the remarkable heads of the woman of the Saitic period and the so-called 

The book is highly interesting and well got up, illustrated with photographs and 
plans. It is decidedly worth reading, although the shortness of the actual description 
of excavations is somewhat disappointing. The work contains several chapters upon 
the religion and history of Egypt during the period the Temple of Mut was flourishing, 
and is supplemented by a chapter by Mr. Percy Newberry, describing and translating 
the inscriptions from the monuments discovered. 

P. G. H. P. 

The Philippine Islands; a political, geographical, ethnographicaEl, social and com- 
mercial history of the Philippine Archipelago and its political dependencies, 
embracing the whole period of Spanish Rule. By John Foreman, F.R.G.S. 
2nd Edition. London : Sampson Low, Marston and Co., 1699. 
This is a most elaborate account of a portion of the world which recent events 
render particularly interesting. It is well illustrated and supplied with an excellent 
map. It will long remain the standard account of the Spanish Dependencies in 
Eastern Asia. Mr. Foreman's account of the native races is disappointing, and in 
particular he has done little to throw light on the Negrito peoples. 

W. Ceookb. 

Among the Wild Ngoni. By Dr. W. A. Elmslie. Edinburgh and London : Oliphant 

Anderson and Ferrier, 1899. 
Thitf book serves a double purpose ; it gives an account of the founding of several 
stations of the Livingstonia Mission in the northern part of British Central Africa, 
and at the same time briefly describes the natives themselves, their customs and 

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192 Anthropological Reviews and Miscellanea, 

beliefs. The book is the more valuable from the length of time the author has 
worked in the distnct. Among the sections of greatest interest to the anthropologist 
is perhaps the history of the Ngoni pieced together from various native narratives. 
The author traces the reflux wave of the Zulu-Xosa group of Abantu from the borders 
of Natal. Driven before the victorious arms of Chaka they retired northward in 
several streams at short intervals of time, and founded warlike communities on the 
Zulu model, such as the Matabele in Mashonaland, the Ngoni to the west, and the 
Magwangwara to the east of Lake Nyasa and the Watuta, who reached as far as the 
Victoria Nyanza. 

A fuller account than had previously been published in popular form is given 
of the native war dances, the ifshantisi or medicine men, and the poison ordeal by 
drinking tnuave. It is to be hoped Dr. Elmslie will at some other time supply a fuller 
record of Ngoni customs, beliefs, and medical practice than was practicable in the 
limits of this book. 

F. C. S. 

Vocabulary of the Gualluma tribe inhabiting the plains between the Yule and 
FoRTEscuE Rivers, Nobth-West Australia. 

The following vocabulary, prepared by Mr. E. Clement, of an Australian tribe 
hardly if at all known from a philological point of view, is interesting. It may be 
hoped that before this language becomes extinct, the rules of inflexions and syntax, 
hardly touched on in the present paper, will be worked out. In the meantime it is to 
be noticed that words related to those of other Australian tribes at vast distances are 
to be found in the present vocabulary, connecting the Gualluma with other members 
of the Australian family of languages. 

E. B. Tylor. 

Numerals : — 

1, OUnjerie (** j " is pronounced as in English "jam "). 

2, OUddrrd (" a " pronounced as in " America '*). 

3, Burgd (" u ** pronounced as in " full '*). 

4, Cudarra-cudarra. 

5, Cudarra-CHdarra'Cunjerie, 

6, Manga (plenty) or Mdrril (plenty). 

^' 1 

8, > Manga or Marru (" u " pronounced as " oo " in " cool "). 

9, etc. J 

On the Upper Sherlock River I frequently heard hurgo-burgo for 6, but not 

Comparison : — 

The comparison is formed by placing mahmay morsy before the adjective as : 
wdhdf good. 
mahma waha^ better. 

cungerd, high (**g" pronounced as in English "gate"). 
Tnahma cungera^ higher. 

There is no superlative. 
Oenders, none. 
Oases, none. 

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Anthropoloffical JSevieias and Miscellanea. 193 

naidyu, I, me, my (" ai " pronounced as " ai " in English " aisle," "yn" pronounced 

as in English " you "). 
naidyu walgai^ I go (present). 
naidyu hdlldlyS toalgaiy I went (perfect). 

I before go. 
(** TB " in hallalye is pronounced as "ju " in the German ^^judus" only shorter.) 
naidyu munti walgai baiaccay I shall go to-morrow (future). 

I sure go to-morrow. 
naidyu munti buccundij I am hungry. 

I true hungry. 
(*' i " in munti and huccundi pronounced as '^ i " in English '* knit.") 
naidyu hallalye huccundi^ I was hungry. 

I before hungry. 
naidyu eohoya wSregd, 

my son or boy ill. 
(" ya " in cohaya is pronounced as the Gorman ^^jer^^^ only shorter.) 
naidyu coboya hallalye werego, 

my boy before ill. 
Baiacca Willinhung walgai iahelgo mMiacca, Willinbung is going to get married, 
fem. name 
to-morrow Willinbung go get man. 

There are no words for greetings. Distances are reckoned by pointing to sun or 

eiimhdiy hot. Tndto, cold. 

mdhma eumhai, summer. mahma moto, winter. 

njinday you. naligoru^ we, all. 

taUi, tongue (the final " i " pronounced as " i " in " knit "). 

muta, nose (" u '' as " u " in *' full "). 

hola, head. murra^ finger. 

haiy arm (" ai " pronounced as " ai '* in " aisle "). 

yendiy forehead. 

era, tooth (" e " pronounced as " e " in " debt "). 

wea/raj leg (" ea " pronounced like " e '* in English " we "). 

mamlyrUj knee (" u " pronounced like " oo '* in soon). 

hulewdke, thigh. koruka, ear. 

tola, eye. iijari, eyelashes. 

parela^ shoulder. nakif neck. 

karaki, collarbone. 

kina, foot (the " i " pronounced like " ee " in " feet "). 

noruka, ankle (** u " pronounced as the " oo " in English " tool •*). 

tarka, fingernail (" ear " pronounced like " ear " in English). 

cadarra, vein. mwrra, blood. 

eohoya, boy. mirga, girl. 

kjandU cough. nimai, Java sparrow. 

hdhd, water. lanama hdba, still or standing water. 

wimhai hdha, running water. manga or marru, plenty. 

cohodja, little. murriandi, quick. 

murrawarra, quick. ngami, slow. 

hahmbd, to sleep. warri, flies. 

New Series, Vol. II, Nos. 1 and 2, 

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194 Anthropological Beviewa and Miscellanea, 

cuming, mosquitoes. potcarry, hill kangaroo. 

tangurray emu. walloo, snake. 

wangalU, lizard. bavangeraf big lisard. 

muncUif stone. yandaga or arang^ sand. 

corada, stick. 

taridiy branch ("i " pronounced like " i " in English " knit "). 
gnaluy stomach (" u " prononnced like "oo" in "too "). 
nielt^ navel. mirrawai^ married woman, wife. 

gnara, husband. njundi, dead. 

palam, long time. 

tauruy fish (" an " pronounced like " on " in " proud "). 
waikiy to swim. 

moloriy to dive (" i " pronounced as " ee *' in " feel **). 
tarko 1 . culcaroy hair. 

parga j wongulla, elbow. 

curroTigy yanda, parverriy sun. willeray moon. 

hinderi^ ^^ tnray wind. 

gnogo J ' yongoy rain. 

naiguaiy to eat. handelgo^ to smell. 

pehnay wood borer. 

puree, sea (" ee " pronounced like " ee " in " feel '*). 
. cundarray hunting spear. 
magundUf fighting spear (" u " pronounced like " oo " in " tool "). 
panigo, to dance. eromagaiy to shout, to call. 

cundigo, tired, stop* njurra^ camp. 

tamarray fire- wood. cabrakiy to bring, fetch. 

rmtrry red. yinda, black. 

ivarruhmay ants. wandt, male organ. 

Tnendi, female organ. 

heviy breast ('' v " pronounced as in Latin ** vita "). 
tiy parents. canerangy sister. 

comhinumarray brother. 
gnairOy to throw (" ai " pronounced as the " ai " in "aisle "). 

^^* IcomeherB. jHin^^arrt, go away. 

euckai J mirga or mandiwangay tall. 

cohodya, little. canderay clouds. 

gutawannay beetle. tameray to roast. 

nauwaiy to see, to look. 

wallivnddiy lightning. (Pronounced very rapidly, a beautiful word, I think.) 

yindarro, thunder. waruga 1 devil, evil spirit. 

pa/tnty to sit. warunga J 

ca/rriy to get up. tanuiy to make fire. 

mejagaiy to drink. curnbaiy hot. 

motOy cold. tcinibaiy to run. 

togaiy to throw. carakaiy to spear downwards. 

' ngari^ to lie down. paniy to lie down. 

cundardy a duck. currunguUuy heart. 

tambiy ribs. morrOy backbone. 

kaun or cahuly skin. wandi or njandoy tail. 

carramarri^ to tight. munday stone, hill. 

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Una, track. 

pideda, ^hite cockatoo. 

wandiali cuel'ai, where do yon come from ? 

mdm^., father. 

jimhuy nest. 

wallaguru, feathers. 

mangallahf bird-claw. 

canaliwallif butterfly. 

mangula^ child. 

hurruru, hair belt. 

ginda, charcoal (" gin " pronounced like " gin " in English) 

djufio, enemy (pronounced like " jnuo "). 

mungurruy kangaroo. 

minnawango, centipede. 
billago, red-breasted cockatoo. 

nanga^ mother. 

kimbuy eggs. 

perigalguy claw of kangaroo. 

mangangarri, to hop. 

candt or horulla, stone knife. 

maia, humpy or bush house. 

Muira, Australia. 
njudigalma, to kill. 
cangarra walgat, to fly. 
literally: top walking. 
ginder, salt. 
eeha, ashes. 
calga, roots. 

gfiarrangnaara, netting needle. 
midOf no. 

dtagalma, to open. 

cadalgu, to spear. 

hijagUf to bite 

dagalgu, to catch. 

werego, sick. 

wanangurra, whirlwind. 

peebun, Sturt's desert pea. 

marben, passport. 

coohuy yes (better spelled perhaps cuhu) 

yo7igurru naidyu, give it to me. 

ngani muna, how far ? 

far now. 
naidyu mida waiya, I am not afraid. 

Male names. 









* I could only ascertain the meanings of these four names : — 

Cunyany one who is asleep. Tollabong, sharp eye. 

Mudgiroy wild dog. Cadji, little spear. 

OinderubangUy has no doubt something to do with salt. 

The children of the tribe become either — 


Burong (" u '* pronounced like the French "u"). 
or Banniker, 

mida bulbiy I don't want it. 
mida waiya, don't be afraid. 
nungo, strong. 

Female names. 


Digitized by 


196 Anthropological Reviews and Miscellanea, 

According to their parents, thos :^ 

BoKtflfy father \ child iB Banniker. 

Ourramurrang mother J 

Curramurrang father 1 ^^j^^ j^ ^ 

BaUiery mother J 

BuTong father 1 ^^.,^ .^ Ourramurrang ' 

Banmker mother J 

Banniker &ther 1 ^^y^ .^ p^„^ 

Burong mother J 

Second generation : — 

^a«t«ry father ) child is Bunmj,. 

Otirramurran^ mother J 
0«rra««rra«j, father 1 ^^jj^ j^ Ba„„»-it«.. 
Balliery mother J 

^«'-'"»^ father 1 ^^j ^ j^ Banmfcer. 

Uttrramurrongr mother J 
Gurramurray father 1 ^^j,^ j^ ^,^„^ 
Burong mother J 

etc., etc. 
I have never been able to find the origin or meaning of these foor names, bat will 
try again on my next journey in that district. 

Centralblatt tub A.NTHROPOLOGIB, Ethnologie und Urgeschichtb. 
Edited by Dr. G. Buschan. 
It is with mach pleasure that we call the attention of onr readers to the above 
excellent joarnal, which has now reached its fourth year of publication under the 
distinguished editorship of Dr. Buschan. It is published in quarterly parts, each oi 
which contains an original article on some subject of general anthropological interest 
of from three to four pages in length. This is followed by a series of abstracts of some 
of the more impoHant anthropological monographs of recent publication in different 
countries, followed by similar abstracts of papers on Ethnology and Primitive 
History. A short section is next devoted to the news of the day in anthropology, and 
finally a list of the various papers published on the subjects embraced in the title of 
the Gentralhlait in the current literature of the year. Such a publication appearing 
every quarter is of great importance to anthropologists and greatly facilitates their 
researches. In the first place it is a useful index of what is being done in various 
parts of the world, while in the second place the short abstracts of more important 
papers indicates their scope; thas enabling an author, when preparing a paper on 
any subject, in a few minutes to find out whether there is anything appearing in the 
scope of his work which it is necessary for him to examine and refer to. When 
work has to be done at high pressure, this is a most valuable saving of time and 
trouble, likewise when the author is removed from easy access to the various libraries 
and scientific periodicals it is a great matter to be able to get such a list of references 
classified to hand. We hope therefore that our Fellows may not be slow to avail 
themselves of so valuable a help, and become subscribers for it, as it deserves every 
unconragement of anthropologists, and is thoroughly international in character. 

J. Q. G, 

Digitized by 


Anthropological Iteviews and Misedlaned. 1S7 

ilAOLEHAWK AMD Cbow. A Stadj of the Australian Aborigines; including an Inquiry 

into tbeir Origin and a Survey of Australian Languages. By John Mathew, 

M.A., B.D. London: David Nufct, 270-271, Strand. Melbourne: Mullen 

and Slade. 1899. 

The Bev. John Mathew, the author of this work, is the writer of the paper on 

Australian Gave Paintings which appears in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute^ 

vol. zxiii (1893). The title Eaglehawk and Crow is explained in some of the earlier 

pages of the book, where the author reviews some myths widely spread among the 

aboriginals in which either the eaglehawk or the crow, or both, figure as names given 

to tribes or divisions of tribes. He inclines to think that '* the eaglehawk and crow 

represent two races of men which once contested for the possession of Australia, the 

taller, more powerful and more fierce ' eaglehawk * race overcoming and in places 

exterminating the weaker, more scantily equipped sable ' crows.' " He believes that 

the aborigines of Australia were Papuan and that they were the ancestors of the now 

extinct Tasmanians. But he also thinks that there is evidence of a Dravidian element 

which accounts for certain resemblances between Dravidian and Australian languages, 

and of a third and later Malay element. To the last-named race he is confident that 

the best Australian cave paintings are due, also the introduction of circumcision in 

the north. 

The physical characters, dwellings, clothing, implements, food, government, laws, 
institutions, customs, ceremonies, art, superstitions and religion of the various tribes 
are discussed. Mr. Mathew thinks that the linguistic evidence points to the conclusion 
that the migration of the aboriginals was " from the north-east, south-eastward on the 
east coast, southward, south-westward and westward elsewhere." Much space is 
devoted to the characteristics of the languages spoken by the aboriginals, both as 
regards their structure and affinities and the local variations in the terms most in 
common use. Indeed, linguistic evidence occupies about half of the whole book, and 
constitutes the leading feature of Mr. Mathew 's latest contribution to our knowledge 
of things Australian. T. Y. H. 

Nbw Edition of "Notes and Qubries on Anthbopology." 

By the time this Journal is in the hands of our readers, the third edition of 
Notes and Queries on Anthropology will have appeared. This work is now so well 
known to anthropologists and has proved itself of so much value to travellers and 
others as a guide to anthropological research that it is almost unnecessary to more 
than mention a few facts regarding it. A new edition has been rendered necessary 
by the second edition having become exhausted in less than half the time required for 
the distribution of the first edition. The third edition, like the previous, has been 
produced under the editorship of Dr. J. G, Garson and Mr. Charles H. Bead, who 
have taken the opportunity of having the various sections thoroughly revised and in 
some instances rewiitten. Although a good deal of new matter has been added, the 
size of the book has not been materially increased, the text of this edition being only 
ten pages more than that of the former edition. Several new illustrations have been 
added to the first part of the work which deals with anthropography or, as it is some- 
times inappropriately termed, the physical characters of man. This part of the work 
also shows most changes in its revision. The instraments for taking measurements 
with have been improved and modified in the directions which experience has shown 
to be desirable. A description has been given of the photographic outfit required for 
taking anthropological portraits, with directions for its use, and added to the general 

Digitized by 


l98 Anthropological Reviews and Miscellanea. 

section on photography, which has been entirely rewritten. Modifications have been 
made in the directions j^iven for recording varioos observations with a view to making 
them more precise and more readily understood. In the instances where advancing 
knowledge has modified or altered the views previously held, or shown that other 
observations are required, the sections so affected have been rearranged to meet the 
equirements of the subjects of which they treat. 

By arrangement with the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 
under whose auspices the work hsji been produced, the Anthropological Institute will 
be responsible for the publication and distribution of the new edition. To the 
Secretary of the Institute, 3, Hanover Squai*e, London, W., should be addressed all 
orders for it, accompanied by a remittance of 5^. per copy, except in the case of 
members of the British Association and of the Anthropological Institute, to whom it 
will be issued on personal application at the above address at the reduced price 
of 3ff. 6(2. J. G. G. 

Anthbopoloot at the British Association. Dover Meeting: September 13th to 

20th, 18^9. 

The Anthropological Section met at Dover, in the Rifle Volunteer Hall, and was 
fairly well attended, considering the small scale of the Dover Meeting. Forty-one 
papers and reports were presented, many of which were of more than average value. 

The result« of the Dover Meeting again indicate the necessity of more careful 
revision of papers presented, with a view to check diffusiveness and illogical argument 
on facts, the accuracy of which it is the duty of the officers of the Section to check. 
In future it will be incumbent on the Secretaries to enforce the rale of the Association, 
which requires that all papers be submitted on or before the first day of August to 
permit of the needful revision. 

Readers of papers may also be reminded that the effect of many comma nications 
is impaired by the inaudible utterance of readers and speakers. The room at Dover 
was exposed to interruption from outside, but it would have been possible to obviate 
this by more attention to distinctness of delivery. 

The President's address will be found printed in full in the Proceedings of the 
British Association (Dover, 1899), and in Nature, October, 1899, No. 1562. In the 
summary of the work of the Section which follows, a full abstract is given of those 
papers and reports only which are not immediately to be published in extenso. In all 
other cases a reference is given to the Journal or periodical in which the full text of 
the paper will be found. The papers are classified below in the order of their subject 

Finger Prints. Henry. 

Mr. E. R. Henry, C.S.T., described his System of classifying Finger Prints as 
evidence in identification. He referred to the importauce of fixing human personality 
so that no efforts made to confuse it subsequently may prove availing. Finger prints, 
error in transcribing or recording, the " Personal Equation " error is reduced to a 
minimum. Taking the impressions of all ten digits occupies only a fraction of the 
time required for measuring, while search is more exhaustive and many times more 
rapid. This new system has been introduced on a most extensive scale throughout 
British India, where the postal, survey, registration, medical, pensions, emigration, 
police, opiam, and other great departments have adopted it, and the Legislature has 
recognised it by passing, with the strong approval of all representative bodies consulted. 

Digitized bv 


Anthropological lieviews and ifisceUafua. l99 

being absolute impressions taken from the body under conditions whicb eliminate 
an Act to amend the Law of Evidence so as to make relevant the testimony of finger 
print experts. 

The main difficulty hitherto experienced had been that of providing an effective 
system of classification. But this difficulty has now been overcome. 

Mr. Henry's paper will be printed in full in this Joivmal. 

A committee of the British Association has been appointed to inquire into this 
method of identification by finger prints : Chairman^ Mr. Francis Chilton ; Secretary ^ 
Mr. O. L. Gomme. It should report to the Bradford Meeting in 1900. 

FiNOBB Pbints. Galton. 

Mr. Francis Galton, F.B.S., read the following paper on the *' Finger Prints of 
Young Children " :— 

At the time when I published my book on Finger PrintSy and subsequent works 
on the same subject, no material existed for determining the age at which the patterns 
of the ridges on the fingers and their numerous details became first established. The 
ridges were known to be traceable in some degree long before birth, but it was not 
known whether they had acquired, even in early childhood, that strange complexity of 
distribution which I showed to be permanent from youth upwards. The wish to 
complete my work by investigating this interesting physiological point was sharpened 

by a request for an opinion on the following case. The police authorities in (I 

will not say what country) received information that a baby, who was heir to a great 
title and estate, might be kidnapped for the sake of extorting ransom. Such cases 
have occurred in history, and it is needless to insist on the miserable doubts and legal 
difficulties that would arise if a stolen infant should be restored after the lapse of some 
time without satisfactory identification. I was asked whether prints of the fingers of 
a baby would serve for ever afterwards to identify him, and to prove that he was not 
a changeling. 

An American lady — Mrs. John Gardiner, of Boulder, Colorado — kindly volunteered 
to collect finger prints of infants for me. The following remarks are confined to those 
of her own child Dorothy, whose fingers she printed every day after that of her birth 
for a short time, then less frequently, and afterwards yearly, the child being now 
4t^ years old. By selecting the best of the numerous specimens of the earlier dates, I 
compiled three sets of all the ten fingers. In the first set the age of the child lay 
between 9 days and a month. In the second, between 1 month and 6 weeks ; in the 
third, between 5 and 7 months. In addition, I have a fourth set taken at 17 months, 
a fifth at 2| years, and a sixth at 4^ years. 

It is easy to those who have learnt the art, and who have the necessary materials, 
to print with sharpness the fingers of children who have attained six years of age or 
upwards; but it is exceedingly difficult to print the fingers of babies. Far more 
delicate printing is needed on account of the low relief of the ridges and the minute- 
ness of the pattern. At the same time, babies are most difficult to deal with, the 
persistent closing of their fists being not the least of the difficulties. The result is 
that many undecipherable blurs are made before one moderate success is attained, and, 
at the best, the print is made by a mere dab of the finger, rolled impressions being 
practically impossible. Consequently the first four sets are all more or less blotted, 
and none show more than a small part of that surfece which it is desirable to 

The fifth and sixth, sets are clear though pale, for it was necessary to spread the ink 
Tery thinly to avoid blots ; otherwise they are perfectly suited for comparison^. The 

Digitized by 


200 Anthropological Iteviews and MisceUanci, 

two sets agree in every detail, and show the same order of complexity that is foand iil 
the ridges of adalt persons ; so, subject to the possibility of some minute after-change, 
I should infer that the print of a child's fingers at the age of 2^ years would serve to 
identify him ever after. It will be interesting after the lapse of some years to ascertain 
whether this is the case with Miss Dorothy Gardiner. 

The first four sets are much more difiicnlt to deal with. I have scrutinised them, 
and compared them several times with the last two sets and with one another, and my 
conclusions are as follows : — 

(1) The type of the pattern is never doubtful to a practised eye. To an unprac- 
tised eye the result of a slight twist of the finger at the moment of printing, which 
gives a specious air of circularity, might convey the false impression of a whorl to 
what was really an arch or a loop. (2) The character of the core is defined within 
narrow limits, bnt not always accurately. Thus, in cue instance, the core of a loop in 
the 2| and 4^ year sets was a clear ** staple." At 17 months the staple was connected 
to the cnrve next above it by a small isthmus ; in babyhood the staple and the ridge 
were joined — whether by a blot or in reality I cannot say. (3) A similar absence of 
distinction between ridges that are afterwards clearly separated is often foand near 
the y point. It is thus impossible to count the number of ridges with accuracy that 
lie between the core and the Y, and the entry has often to take such a form at 9 + F 
the F proving to be any number between one and perhaps eight ridges. It is, however, 
a great point to be assured that the real number is not less than 9. (4) The doubt (as 
I pointed out in my book) which is always attached to the exact way in which a new 
ridge arises is greatly increased in these prints. No weight should be assigned to the 
character of the junction or ending, but only to the fact that somehow a new ridge has 
become interpolated. 

The study of these prints is an excellent discipline in the art of decipherment. I 
have counted sixty-eight details in the prints of these ten fingers that can be identified 
throughout all six sets, unless obliterated in some one of them by a blot. In the 
majority of cases the identity is unquestionable; in the others it maybe trusted within 
narrow limits. I have, therefore, little doubt that the prints of ail ten fingers of a 
baby, if taken as clearly as those I have dealt with, would suffice for after-identification 
by an expert, bnt by an expert only. 

It should be added that I have had as yet no opportunity of taking finger prints 
from infants who are two or even more months younger than babies ordinarily are at 
the time of their births — I mean such as are now successfully reared in warmed glass 
cases. These premature infants are passive, and in that respect easy to deal with, but 
they are tiny creatures who require great tenderness in handling. I think that the 
impressions most likely to succeed would be those that their greasy fingers might 
leave on a highly polished metal plate, to be afterwards photographed under suitable 

Genealogical Statistics. Rivers. 

Under the title " Two New Departures in Anthropological Method," Dr. W. H. 
B. Rivers described his procedure in collecting, social and vital statistics by means 
of genealogies during the Cambridge Expedition to Torres States (vide below). 

In Murray Island and in Mabuiag, genealogies going back for three to five 
generations were compiled, which included nearly all the present inhabitants of those 
islands. In working out the genealogies, the only terms of relationship used were 
father^ mother^ childf husband, and wife ; and care was taken to limit them to their 
English sense. The trustworthiness of the genealogies was guaranteed by the fact 

Digitized by 


Anth/ropdogical Hem&ws and Miscdlanea. 201 

thafc nearly every detail was derived from two or more sonrces. It was foand that 
these genealogies afEord material for the exact stndj of numerous sociological questions. 
Thus the system of kinship can he worked out very thoroughly hy finding the native 
terms which any individual applies to the other members of his family ; so that the 
subject can be investigated entirely by concrete examples, and abstract terms of rela- 
tionship derived from European sources entirely avoided. The genealogies also provide 
a large amount of material for the study of totemism, marriage customs, naming customs* 
etc. By this method also vital statistics can be collected of the past as well as of 
the present. The genealogies collected in Torres Straits supply dates for the study of 
the size of families, the proportion of the sexes, the fertility of mixed marriages, etc. 
The method has the further advantage of bringing out incidentally many facts in the 
recent history of the people, and of giving insight into their views on various subjects. 
It is also eminently adapted to bring one into sympathy and friendly relations with 

A small amount of work on these lines was also done with natives of Tanna and 
Lifn living on Mabuiag : enough was done to show that the method is readily 
applicable to other Melanesian populations, and it is hoped that it may be found to be 
capable of wide application. 

[The other "new departure" described by Dr. Rivers is the method of deter- 
mining skin colour, summarised below under that heading.] 

Personal Equation. Garson. 

Dr. J. G. Garson discussed the limits of Personal Equation which are admissible 
in curieut systems of anthropometric identification. 

Photographs. Brit. Ass. Commitiee. 

A Committee was appointed by the British Association for the Advancement of 
Science in September, 1898, to provide for the '* Collection, Preservation, and 
Systematic Registration of Photographs of Anthropological Interest." 

A similar Committee on Geological Photographs was appointed in 1889, and has 
organised the valuable collection preserved in the Museum of Practical Geology. The 
Royal Geographical Society has gradually collected a large number of geographical 
photographs, many of which are also of anthropological interest. More recently the 
Hellenic Society has announced a large special collection for the use of students of the 
topography, civilisation, and art of Greece; and the Anthropological Institute 
possesses a considerable collection of photographs, which have been lately mounted 
and classified, and has permitted the registration of these in the list of the 
new Anthropological Photographs Committee. 

The considerations which led to the appointment of this Committee are briefly as 
follows : — 

(1) A very large number of anthropological phenomena can only be studied in 
the field, or by means of accurate reproductions ; but the latter are in many cases 
difficult to procure, except where typical examples have been regularly published ; and 
even then it is frequently of advantage to be able to acquire separate copies of single 
plates or illustrations, for purposes of comparison, without breaking up a collection or 
a volume. 

(2) On the other hand, most travellers, collectors and museum officials find it 
necessary to make many photographic negatives in the course of their own work, for 
which they themselves have no further use, but which they would gladly make 
accessible to other students, if any scheme existed by which this could be done 

Digitized by 


202 Anthropological Reviews and Miscellanea, 

ivithont trouble to themBelves. Such xiegatiyes also accumulate, and take up 
valuable space, and are very liable to damage through neglect. 

(3) Further, though many professional photographers in i*emote parts of the 
world have made admirable use of their opportunities of recording native types, 
customs, and har.diwork, there has hitherto existed no single record of v^hat has been 
done in this direction, with the result that valuable collections have remained 
practically inaccessible to those in whose interest they have been made. In the 
case of the Hellenic Society, already cited, the inclusion, in the reference collection, of 
selected prints from the negatives of profeFsioral photographers abroad baa been 
found to be of great advantage to teachers and students, who consult it with the view 
of choosing the best representations to add to their own series. 

What appears therefore to be required is, in the first place, a register of the 
photographic negatives which can be made generally available, illustrated by a 
permanent print from each, preserved at an accessible centre ; together with an 
arrangement by which properly qualified students may bo enabled to have duplicate 
prints made from them for their own use, at a reasonable price. In any such scheme 
it is understood that the copyright, for purposes of publication, remains with the 
owner of the negative, and that all duplicate prints distributed under this arrangement 
are subject to that qualification. 

In establishing such a Register and Collection of Anthropological Photographs, 
the Committee invites the co-operation of all owners of suitable photographic negatives, 
who are requested to submit for registration one unmounted print from each negative 
(which will be mounted by the Committee and preserved either at the office of the 
British ARROciation, or in some central and accessible place), together with a full 
description of the photograph. The latter should state — 

(1) The subject of the photograph, and the place where the original subject is 
(or was) to be found, the date when the photograph was taken, and name of the 

person who took the photograph. 

(2) The name and address of the owner of the negative. 

(3) The whereabouts of the negative itself: i.e., whether it is retained by the 
owner at his own address, or deposited with a professional photographer at an address 
named, or with the Committee. 

(4) The terms on which prints, enlargements, and lantern slides will be supplied 
when ordered through the Committee. 

The Committee has made arrangements for the storage and insurance of any 
negatives which may be deposited on loan ; and for the production of prints and lantern 
slides from them to order ; and a number of negatives have already been so deposited. 

The Secretary of the Committee, Mr. J. L. My res, Christ Church, Oxford, will be 
glad to supply forms for the registration of negatives, and any further information 
which may be required. 

The Committee has been reappointed for the year 1898-9, with a small grant for 
the purpose of mounting the phologiaphs already given or promised ; and it is hoped 
that it may be possible to publish a first list of photographs in the next report. 


Egypt. MacIver. 

Mr. D. Maclver, B.A., gave examples of the ways in which anthropometry may 
aid archfi^ological investigation, and pointed out the unusually favourable conditions 
for such anthropometrical work which exist in Egypt. He gave a summary of the 

Digitized by 


AnthropologiGol Reviews and Afiscellaiiea. 203 

series of Bgyptian measarements at present available, of the difficulties which hav^ 
arisen in their interpretation, and of some new methods of publishing measurements 
specially designed to meet them. Details were given of three important series of 
specimens from Egypt, viz. : 

(1) Prehistoric Series ; from the excavations of 1898-9. 

(2) VI. to XII. Dynasties ; from the excavations of 1898. 

(3) XII. to XVI. or XVII. Dynasties ; from the excavations of 1898-9. 

These series were considered (a) separately, with the object of ascertaining the 
rade type represented in each ; (b) in comparison with one another, to show their 
affinities and difEei'ences. The paper concluded with a note on the light which such 
comparison throws on Egyptian history. 

[To be published in full in this Journal.'] 

Egypt. Macalistbb. 

Professor A. Macalister, M.D., F.R.S., commented on the mcasui^ments of 
1,000 Egyptian Crania. 

MoBiOBi. Maoalistek. 

Professor A. Macalister, M.D.,, exhibited an example of an anomalous 
atlanto-occipital joint in a Moriori skull. 

New Hebrides. Macalister. 

Professor A. Macalister, M.D., F.R.S., exhibited an example of a pre-basioccipital 
bone in a New Hebridean skall. 

ScuooL Children : Abnormal. Brit. Ass. Commiitee. 

The Committee " On the Mental and Physical Deviations from the Normal of 
Children in Public Elementaiy and other Schools " was appointed in 1893, at the 
sugges^^on of the late Sir Douglas Oalton, and has worked in conjunction with the 
Childhood Society. 

The Fifth Report (1897) contained a catalogue of 1,120 exceptional children 
(597 boys ; 523 giils), forming about 1 per cent, of the children in public elementary 
schools. These 1,120 cases were arranged in primary groups showing the class of 
defect indicated : namely, A. Developmental Defect ; B. Abnormal Nerve-signs ; 
C. Low Natrition ; D. Mental Dnlness. 

In the Sixth Report (1898), the correlation of classes of defects in these children 
was shown to be very high. They have a much greater tendency than average 
children to become delicate in an adverse environment, especially the girls« This, as 
might be expected, is most marked in those under seven years of age. 

In this Seventh Report (to be printed in full in the Froaeediiiga for 1899), the 
same children are arranged in a table arranged to show the proportion of primary 
groups, showing only one class of defect, to the compound groups in which the other 
classes of defect are present together with the primaiy symptom. 

The defects shown thus suggest the need of management and care in training 
stage by stage, with the object of improving each phase of mental ability, and 
removing individual disabilities. 

The Committee has been reappointed, with the addition of Dr. W. H. B. Rivers^ 
and with a small grant to carry out farther statistical inquiries. 

Digitized by 


204 Anthrapologicat Reviews and Miscdlanea, 

Skin-Colocr. Rivers. 

Dr. W. H. R. Rivers, described the methods employed daring the Cambridge 
Expedition in Torres Straits, to determine the colour of the skin qnantitativelj. 
Numerous records were taken with Lovibond's Tintometer, and these were fairly 
satisfactory, although the dark skins of the natiyes were found to be difficult objects 
to match exactly. 

More satisfactory matches were made with the colour-top ; bnt the latter method is 
open to the objection that the coloured paper discs used on the top are liable to fade, 
while the glasses used in the Tintometer have the advantage of being constant. 
Records were taken of the colour of various Melanesians and Polynesians, as well as of 
the two races of Torres Straits. The following match of the skin of the Mamus or 
chief of Murray Island is given as an example of the colour-top results. 
Orange ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 15° 

Yellow 6° 

White 7" 

Black 332° 


Alphabet. Flinders Petrie. 

[with plate xxviil] 

Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie presented a resume of recent investigations into 
the sources of the alphabet, as follows : — 

About ten years ago there were first noticed signs upon Egyptian pottery of 
1400 and 2500 B.C., which were closely like those of the Greek alphabet. I ventured 
on a supposition that they were an early stage of the alphabet ; but, rather than 
allow of the existence of an alphabet before 800 B.C., most scholars tried to believe 
that the^e signs were derived from Egyptian hieroglyphics 

The next year this same system of signs was much further disclosed, and I could 
draw up a list of 120 signs, mostly in use as early as 2500 B.C. And here the 
subject rested for some years. 

When about five years ago the prehistoric age of about 5000 B.C. in Egypt began 
to be disclosed, again we found a large number of marks upon the pottery, many of 
them identical with those already known to be some two or three thousand years 
later. As the hieroglyphic system was not yet in the land, this discovery removed 
these signs altogether from the possibility of being degraded hieroglyphics. 

Then a year or two ago Mr. Arthur Evans showed the existence of a system of 
signs in Crete, which are largely like those already found in Egypt. 

The next step is the collation of the longer editions of the Greek alphabet with 
these signs. In the Earian and Celt-iberian alphabets or syllabaries we have no less 
than 43 values in place of the 26 preserved in the Greek alphabet ; and these 
43 values are represented by about 60 different signs. Many of them are therefore of 
the same value, but they probably represent different forms gradually reduced to 
equal values. Hitherto it has probably been thought that these barbarous Greek alpha- 
bets deserve no special attention. But when so far apart as Karian and Spain we find 
close similarity in the forms, and many connections with the Italic as well as Greek 
alphabets, it becomes at least an open question if we are not in presence of an 
earlier and more extensive alphabet or syllabary. To avoid the defining whether 

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mrnal of the Anthropological Insti 

P T 1 A isi 


Toi. //, Plate XXVIII. 


G Y 








1000 BC 

600 BC 

300 BC 







■ • 



4f H 

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Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Anthropological Beniews and Miscellanea. 205 

these signs represent a single letter or a syllable it may be best to speak of them for 
the present as a ngnary, or collection of signs. 

On comparing then this signary with that found in Egypt no less than 44 of 
the 60 signs are known there. If we further extend the Mediterranean signary 
by the signs found in Crete, we find 56 signs in use both iu the Mediterranean and 
in Egypt. 

It is not too much therefore to say that we are in presence of a widely-spread 
and long-lasting system of signs, or signary, common to the Mediterranean from 
Spain to Egypt. 

In what way can we understand this and connect it with what is otherwise 
known of the history of the alphabet P I venture to give an outline of what may be 
tested as a working theory to connect all these facts together. 

As early as 5000 B.C., some trade existed around the Mediterranean, as proved 
by imports into Egypt. At that time the signary was beginning its course, some 
40 signs already having been found of that age ; and these signs are likely therefore 
to have been carried from land to land. The firm position of a similar signary in 
Syria and Arabia points to its being established there before the rise of the powerful 
hieroglyph system of Egypt. That system seems to have been thrust in, and so to 
have divided the Arabian and Mediterranean branches of the signary, which were 
later divided also by Hittite hieroglyphs and Babylonian cuneiform. 

The signary continued to amplify and develope, held together a good deal by 
intercourse, but with much variation in different lands. By 2500 B.C. it contained 
over a hundred signs in its Egyptian form, and over thirty signs are already known 
in the Cretan form. 

The great systematising force which gave it a unity unknown before was the 
application of these signs as numerals by the Phoenicians ; nine were appropriated to 
the units, nine to the tens, and nine to the hundreds. This system was entirely 
Oriental, and even in late times of coinage it was scarcely ever used in Europe. But 
once having been adopted by the leading commercial nation the system ised order 
became enforced on all the Mediterranean. The other signs which did not form part 
of it dropped into the background ; and we only have somo twenty or thirty of them 
surviving in the less civilised regions of ELaria and Spain. This view exactly 
explains the otherwise puzzling phenomena of the early G-reek alphabets. There is 
seen the most rigorous order of letters, and yet in most of the letters great confusion 
as to the forms. The pre-existing signaries in the various lands and tribes did not 
easily fall into line, when the numerical basis of order sprung into use, and it took 
some centuries for them to become unified. How impossible this would be on the old 
view that all Greece took over a compact and complete alphabet ready formed by the 
Phoenicians ! 

We stand therefore now in an entirely new position as to the sources of the 
alphabet, and we see them to be about thrice as old as had been supposed. That the 
signs were used for written communications of spelled-out words in the early stages, 
or as an alphabet, is far from probable. It was a body of signs, with more or less 
generally understood meanings; and the change of attributing a single letter value 
to each, and only using signs for sounds to be built into words, is apparently a 
relatively late outcome of the systematising due to Phoenician commerce. 

This notice is by no means an account of the subject, nor does it profess to give 
the evidence. As yet we need far more material and research before the true meaning 
is seen. But this is only a bulletin to report the accumulation of intractable facts, 
and to show what is the most likely counection between th^m. 

Digitized by 



Anthropological Seviews and Miscellanea. 

Table of Signaries, 
This table iihows five periods of the Egyptian signarj, (1) prehistoric, 
(2) the early dynastic, (3) the Xllth dynasty, (4) the X VIITth dynasty, and (6) Roman 
collected by the writer. The Kretan signary is that collected by Mr. Arthur Evans. 
The Karian is that collected by Professor Snyce. The Spanish is the well known 
Celtiberian alphabet bt inscriptions. Only those Egyptian and Kretan signs are 
shown which seem related to the Karin and Spanish alphabets ; there are about 
twice as many signs found in Egypt, which survive only in Krete, oh seem to have 
been lost altogether in the West. The values given are only those of the Karian and 
Spanish ; no values are known for the Egyptian and Kretan signs independently of 
this comparison. Some of these signs appear also in the Cypriote and Libyan 
alphabets ; but they have much less connection as a whole with the Egyptian, and as 
the values here are different from those in Cyprus and Libya it is safest to rely only 
on the faller signaries of Karia and Spain. 

Copper Celts: Ireland. Copfet. 

Mr. George Coffey presented analyses of Copper Celts, which, though rare 
compared with those of bronze, have been found in considerable numbers in Lreland. 
Thirty specimens are described or mentioned in the Catalogue of the Museum of the 
Boyal Irish Academy, published in 1861. The Academy's Collection (now in the 
National Museum, Dublin) at present numbers eighty -two examples. 

Copper celts are not confined to any particular district : examples are recorded 
from the counties of Donegal, Londonderry, Antrim, Cavan, Majo, Oalway, Louth, 
Tipperary, Waterford, Cork — localities embracing the extreme north and south, and 
east and west of the island. 

One specimen was analysed by J. W, Mallet in 1853 : it gave copper, 98*74 ; tin, 
1-09, Tram, B.LA., vol. xxii. 

During the present year Mr. J. Holmes Pollok, Royal College of Science, Dublin, 
kindly analysed for me eight additional specimens as follows : — 


W. 3 






_ Water- 




W. 17 


W. 10 


Density 8*833 







Copper . 
Arsenic . 

Nickel . 






































The above analyses are fairly in line with analyses of copper celts from other 
parts of Europe, with the exception of W. 10. This celt is one of the best finished 

Digitized by 


Anthropological Revietm arid Miscellanea. 207 

copper celts in the collection ; the metal is, however, very soft and hardly serviceable. 
It is remarkable for the almost total absence of tin (0*05) and the high percentage of 
lead (2*74). There is not evidence to show whether the presence of the lead is 
intentional or accidental. It was fonnd at Tramore, county Waterford, a rich copper 
district. Nomerons lodes of copper and lead are exposed in the cliffs of this locality, 
and extensive remains of ancient workings have been fonnd in a promontory near 

The classification of the copper celts by metal is confirmed by type divisions. 
The copper celts are invariably of the plain flat type, without ornament, and in no 
instance showing even rudimentary stop ridges. Ten specimens closely resemble 
common forms of Irish small stone celts. Some of these might be regarded as 
ingots, but in fonr instances they have been ground to an edge for nse. The examples 
of developed metal form are in general ruder and heavier than bronze celts. In some 
cases the rough snrface marks of casting have not been removed, but in many 
instances these celts show traces of having been rubbed down over the body of the 
celt, after the manner of stone celts. Celts of the developed copper form can be 
classified under two main types. 

1. More or less V-shaped ; flare of cutting edge wide compared with length of 
celt, leading to plain bronze celt of type (Evans, Fig. 28, and Wilde, Fig. 247). 

2. Cutting edge narrow compared with length, and in some instances nearly 
semicircular ; sides more or less parallel, leading to long, slender, plain bronze celt of 
type (Evans, Fig. 33). In several instances types I and 2 cross. In both types the 
butt end, in the majority of examples, is thick and squared off, showing a quadrang- 
ular section. As the types approach those of the bronze celts a thinning off of the 
butt end is noticeable. 

The copper celts appear, therefore, to represent, apart from metal, a transition 
from stone to bronze types, and can be arranged in series showing development of form 
from stone to bronze. 

Fi-om the preceding facts it would appear reasonable to conclude that, prior to a 
knowledge of bronze, copper was known and used for cutting implements in Ireland. 

This statement is supported by a find of three copper celts, a copper tanged knife 
and three copper awls, all found together at Kilbannou, county Galway (Academy 
Collection). One of the celts is included in the eight analysed by Mr. Pollok, 1874 : 
88. All these objects seem to be copper, and agree most closely in the appearance of 
the metal, as if made from the same piece. The awls are of early type, pointed at 
both ends and without shoulders, and the knife also appears to be of an early type. 

In the discussion which followed : — 

Sir John Evans laid stress on the importance of these analyses which bear out 
the evidence of the forms of the implements, though paucity of tin does not in itself 
prove that an implement is of a period intermediate between Stone and Bronze Age. 
Such implements of unalloyed copper (which are peculiarly frequent in Ireland) are 
found to have been cast in open single-valve moulds, and that their cutting has been 
renewed by hammering, with the result that the edge is found expanded laterally, and 
even recurved into volutes. 

PiBUL*^ North Africa. Evans. 

Mr. Arthur J. Evans, M.A., F.S.A., pointed out the importance of the " Occurrence 
of * Celtic ' Types of Fibula of the Hallstatt and La Tdne Periods in Tunisia and 
Eastern Algeria." 

In the course of a recent journey through Tunisia and Eastern Algeria, the 

Digitized by 


208 Anthropological Beviews and Miscellanea. 

author found repeated evidence that a form of '* Late Celtic " fibula, answering to a 
well-known '* Middle La TSne" type of continental archsBologists, was in use among 
the ancient Nnmidians. Three examples of this were described; two from near 
Constantine (the ancient Cirta)^ and one from a dolmen near El- Kef (Sicca Venerea). 
The anthor traced the origin of this type in the lands abont the head of the Adriatic, 
and its subsequent diffusion on European soil. Attention was called to the new 
materials for the chronology of this and other allied forms, supplied by Bianchetti's 
excavations in the Gaulish cemeteries of Ornayasso near the Lago Maggiore, where a 
large series of tombs were approximately dated by the presence of coins. 

The author also described some examples of earlier fibulee found at Cartliage, and 
in a dolmen near Guyotville in Algeria. Two of the forms are parallel to those 
found in the early cemetery of Fusco near Syracuse, and may have been due to the 
same Corinthian influence which during the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries seems 
to have been predominant at Carthage itself. Another Carthaginian fibula is identical 
with a Hallstatt type, and is the prototype of the " crossbow " form so widely 
distributed thi*oughout the north, when it gave birth to a long succession of derivative 
forms reaching down in Gothland and elsewhere to mediaeval times. In the case of 
both the earlier and later African examples there is thus nn indication pointing to the 
ancient course of the amber trade by the Adriatic coast. The appearance of Celtic 
types of fibula among the Numidians finds its complement in the discovery of large 
hoards of Carthaginian and Nuroidian coins on the transit line of t^is commerce 
between the Save and the Adriatic. Attention was further called to the appearance 
of " Late Celtic " forms of Fibula in the Carthaginian Dominion of Western Sicily. 

In the discussion which followed : — 

M. Paul Pallary, of Eckmiihl, Gran, laid stress upon the wide range of influence 
of the Hallstatt civilisation, and also on the historical continuity of Berber civilisation 
down to, and beyond, the Roman conquest of N. Africa. He inquired whether any 
other part of the tomb furniture of the dolmen near El-kef had been preserved. 
Mr. Evans replied that no record remained of anything but the fibula. 

M. Bosteaux-Paris, Mayor of Cemay-les-Reims, commented upon the types of 
fibulaB shown by Mr. Evans, in relation to the types which are characteristic of the 
Haute Mame area. 

M. E. Fourdrignier, of the French Commission of Megalithic Monuments, 
emphasised the distinct character of the type Mamienne, which is difPerent from, and 
prior to, that of the civilisation of La T^ne ; and is marked by the presence of objects 
of coral, by the use of chariots, and by the absence still of coined money. He 
suggested an ultimately Scandinavian origin for the whole group of civilisations 
under discussion. 

Lake Village : Glastonbury. Brit. Ass. Commixtei. 

The portion of the site excavated in 1899 is situated in the centre and on the 
west side of the village, and includes dwelling mounds and the ground round them. 
One of these mounds (P P) contained no less than ten superimposed hearths, together 
with a floor of rushes, some well-preserved hurdle- work, a finely turned wheel -spoke, 
and a whole wheel cut from the solid, and 15 inches in diameter. Another mound 
(E E) contained a human skull, and a number of sling-pellets of baked clay ; and 
another (C C) had peculiar depressions excavated in the floor, and lined with baked 

To the report are appended the analyses, by Dr. J. H. Gladstone, of a number of 
metallic objects, including a bronze unusually rich in tin, and a soeptre-like object of 
pure tin, gilded and furnished with bronze finials. 

Digitized by 


AnthropolofficaJ Beviews and Miscellanea. 209 

Mr. C. W. Andrews adds a note on tlie species of birds identified from bones found 
at Glastonbury. 


The excavations at Silchester in 1898 were begun on May 2 and continued, with 
the usual interval during the harvest, until November 26. 

Operations were confined to an area of about eight acres in the south-west corner 
of the city. 

This area is bounded on the north by insulm XV and XYI ; on the cast by tnsulcs 
XVJI and XVIII, excavated in 1897; and on the other sides by the city wall. It 
contained two insulce (XIX and XX), together with a large triangular area to 
the south, forming apparently part of insula XYIII. See the plan in last year's 

Insula XIX presents the peculiarity of being inclosed by a wall, and contains, 
in addition to three minor buildings, a well-planned house of early date and of the 
largest size, with fine hypocausts. To it is attached the workshop of some industry, 
with a large inclosure dependent on it, containing two settling- tanks, perhaps 
belonging to a tannery. The courtyard of this house is partly underlaid by the 
remains of a much earlier one, of half-timbered construction, containing in one of its 
chambers a mosaic pavement of remarkable design, and perhaps the earliest in date 
yet found in this country. A small house in this insula is somewhat exceptional in 
plan and also, perhaps, of early date. 

Insula XX contains a number of buildings scattered over its area, but none of 
these appears to be of any importance. Two of them are of interest as furnishing 
plans of houses of the smallest class. This insula also contains one of the curious 
detached hypocausts which were noticed in the excavations of 1897. A large inclosure 
with attached chambers, nearer the lesser west gate, may be conjectured to have 
contained stabling for the accommodation of travellers entering the city. 

Several wells were found in both instilce, lined either with the usual wooden 
framing or disused barrels. A pit in insula XX contained a double row of pointed 
wooden stakes driven into the bottom, and may have been for the capture of wild 
animals at some period anterior to the existence of the Roman town, or subsequent to 
its extinction. No architectui*al remains were found, but the rubbish-pits yielded the 
usual crop of earthen vessels. 

The finds in bronze and bone do not call for any special notice, but an enamelled 
brooch of gilt-bronze, with a curious paste intaglio and several settings of rings, may 
be mentioned. 

Among the iron objects are a well-preserved set of hooks, perhaps for hoisting 
barrels, and a curioas pair of handcuffs or fetterlock. 

From a pit in insula XIX was recovered an upper quern stone, still retaining its 
original wooden handle. 

Although a considerable area in the sonthern part produced no pits or traces of 
buildings, the ins^ilce excavated are quite up to the average in point of interest, .and 
their addition to the plan completes a very large section of the city. 

A detailed account of all the discoveries was laid before the Society of Antiquaries 
on May 4, 1899, and will be published by the Society in Archceologia. 

Stonehenge. Eddowes. 

Dr. Alfred Eddowes described some new observations and a suggestion on 
Stonehenge. He believes that the thirty large upright stones, with their intervals, 
New Series, Voi* II, Nos. 1 and % V 

Digitized by 


210 ArUhropohgical Beviews and Miscellanea. 

indicate that the circle was divided into sixty equal parts ; that the Grooved Stone 
was used for supporting a pole ; and that the signs of wear at the mouth of the 
groove, together with the two worn horizontal hollows on the convex back of the 
stone, indicate how this pole was fixed. Such a polo would form the pointer of a sun- 
dial, or by the length of its shadow an indicator of the time of year. 

In discussion, it was pointed out that the sun-dial theory, as commonly stated, 
ignored the necessity of treating Stonehenge, not as an unique monument, but in 
connection with the many smaller circles and other " megalithic " constructions of 
which the original purpose can be more easily ascertained. 

Stone Implements : Pitcairn Island. Browij. 

Mr. J. Allen Brown showed some fine specimens of adzes and long club-like basalt 
chisels ground on both sides, and of larger axe-heads, some rough chipped, others 
ground to a cutting edge and polished. lu the discussion which followed, Dr. Hamy, 
Keeper of the National Museum of Ethnography in Paris, observed that in the 
Polynesian and Melanesian Archipelagoes, each island had its own characteristic 
forms, ascertainable by comparative examination. It was therefore necessary in 
collecting to keep these implements quite separate, so that by comparison the 
developments in their methods of construction could be ascertained, and also their 
paths of migratory progress from one island or group to another. From this stand- 
point the importance of the discoveries had no mathematical relation to the extent of 
territory in which they were found. 

Africa: Uganda. Macdonald. 

Lieutenant-Colonel J. R. L. Macdonald, R.E., presented on account of the tribes 
and languages observed in the course of the Juba Expedition northward from Uganda. 
[It will be published in full in this Joumal."] 

Africa: Benue River. Pope-Hennesst. 

Lieutenant H. Pope-Hennessy contributed notes on the Jukos and other West 
African tribes north of the Benue River. 

[They will be published in fuil in this JoumaL'] 

Africa : Somali, Galla, etc. Koettlitz. 

Dr. R. Koettlitz exhibited a number of weapons and other objects collected by 
him in a recent journey through the Somali, Galla, and Shangalla country. 

[They will be exhibited at the Anthropological Institute during the current 
session, and described in this Journal.'] 

Canada. Brit. Ass. Committee. 

- The Committee of the Ethnographic Survey of Canada reports that during the 
pastyear their work has been extended in important directions. 

A large number of schedules giving detailed directions to observers have been 
distributed ; but it was found necessary to issue supplementary instructions respecting 
facial types and directions for certain measurements. Through the courtesy of 
Professor F. W. Putnam and Dr. F. Boas, it has been possible to make use of the 
excellent series of facial types employed by the Bureau of Ethnology of the World's 
Columbian Exposition at Chicago, 

Digitized by 



Anthropological Beviews and Miscellanea. 211 

Several requests for anthropometric instruments have been received, and several 
observers have ab^eadj forwarded extensive records of measurements. 

The work of the past year is farther represented by two papers appended to the 
Report, namely — 

1. The origin of Early Canadian Settlers, by Mr. B. Suite, Ottawa. 

2. Studies of the Indians of British Columbia, by Mr. C. Hill-Tout, 

Vancouver, B.C. 

Copies of photographs taken by Mr. Hill-Tout and by Dr. G. M. Dawson have 
been deposited with the British Association. 

The work now in progress includes : — 

(1) Customs and Traditions of the Huron Indians of Lorette, P.Q., by Mr. Leon 
Gerin, Ottawa. (2) Anthropometric Studies, by Dr. C. A. Hibbert, Montreal ; Mr. 

A. F. Hunter, Batrie, Ont. ; Dr. P. A. Patrick, Yorkton, N.W.T. ; Dr. F. Tracey, 
Toronto. (3) Photographic Studies of the North- West Coast Indians, by Dr. C. F. 
Newcombe, Victoria, B.C. (4) Studies of the Early Settlers of Canada, by Mr. 

B. Suite, Ottawa ; and (5) Ethnological Studies of the Indians of British Columbia, 
by Mr. C. Hill-Tout. 

The introduction into the North -West of large bodies of Europeans who are to 
become permanently incorporated in the population of the Dominion, has suggested 
the importance of securing, at as early a date as possible, such fact>s relating to their 
general ethnology as may seem to establish a suitable basis for the study of these 
people under the influence of their new environment. Satisfactory arrangements have 
been made with respect to the Doukhobors, and it is probable that similar arrange- 
ments may be completed during the coming year with respect to other large bodies 
of immigrants. 

The exceptional circumstances surrounding the Indians of British Columbia; 
the fact that it is becoming more difficult each year to obtain i^eliable accounts of 
these people ; the rapid disappearance of old customs, dress, and mode of living ; and 
also the present availability of the services of an expert and enthusiastic observer have 
seemed sufficient reasons for devoting to their study a much larger share of the 
resources of the Committee than might otherwise appear justifiable. 

New Guinea and Torres Straits. Cambridge Expedition. 

The principal results of the recent Cambridge Expedition to New Guinea and 
Torres Straits were described by Dr. A. C. Haddon and his colleagues in a series of 
papers which will be published in fall in the Memoirs of the Expedition. A 
summary of the important psychological and linguistic results will be found below 
under their respective headings. 

[0/. the summary account in Nature^ No. 1567.] 

New Guinea. Seligmann. 

Mr. C. G. Seligmann presented notes on the Club Houses and Dubus of British 
New Guinea. One or more houses larger and more highly decorated thltn the rest 
called in the Gulf and Mekeo districts elamo and marea respectively, are to be seen in 
every village of these parts of British New Guinea. No women mav enter these, they 
are the club houses of the men, the home of the unmarried youths, and strangers are 
quartered there. Each family or family gix)up, called itzuhu in the Mekeo district, is 
responsible for the upkeep of one of these. Among the Toaripi much stress is laid on 
the convenience and advantage of an elamo in keeping the young men from the 

P 2 

Digitized by 


212 ArUhropologtcal Beviews and Miscellanea. 

women's quarters, and their legend of the origin of the elamo relates how one of their 
ancestors, called Menliave, was risited by Avara Lam, who rales the north-west 
squalls, who bade him build a house for the unmarried youths into which no woman 
might come. Infringement of these rules is still met by Avara Laru destroying the 
elamo. Wooden effigies of birds and fishes are hung outside elamos, but these are not 
reverenced — the beast they represent is eaten when opportunities offer, and the 
family group is not called by their name. East of Delena elamos or mareas are not 
found, bat their place is taken by the dubv, a platform, often two-storied, with 
elaborately carved corner posts and cross-pieces stretched longitudinally across the 
tops of these, which are hollowed to receive them. One man called Dubu Tau/na^ from 
each principal family of a family group (tduhu)^ looks after and is responsible for the 
duhu. The office is hereditary, not necessarily in the direct line. Women may not 
approach the duhu except on the Hood Peninsula, where once a year the girls who 
have become marriageable assemble on the duhu. The products of the garden and 
chase are sometimes hung on the duhu, which may rarely be painted red and white. 
Semon, Im Atuiralischen Busch, p. 353, notes that he has seen skulls hung on one, but 
does not state where. Before fighting, warriors fully decked and armed resort to the 
duhu and there mutter the names of their ancestors. After killing a man, the 
successful warrior would, on his return to the village, go straight to the duhu, and 
on it eat his first meal. But little could be determined as to the meaning of the 
carving, the origin of the duhus themselves being unknown to the natives. At 
XJnalimarupu there is a carefully excavated hollow in one of the comer posts, said to 
represent a bowl. The pattern, as a rule, is made up of a number of four-sided 
pyramids carved on the wood, and the tops of the comer posts are carved so as to 
resemble jaws, between which the cross-pieces rest.. Perhaps these represent the jaws 
of a crocodile, the pyramids being conventionalized scales. This form of decoration 
is, however, found among inland people whose acquaintance with crocodiles must have 
been but slight. 

New Guinea : Torres Straits. Seliqmann. 

Mr. C. G. Seligmann described the seclusion of girls at Mabuiag, Torres Straits. 

When the signs of puberty appear, a circle of bushes is made in a dark corner 
of the girl's parents' house. The girl, now called Kemgi Gasaman, is fully decked 
with cross shoulder-belts of young cocoanut leaf, with leglets just below the knee, 
with anklets, with petticoat, with chaplet round head, with armlets of cocoanut 
with cut dracenas iu them ; with shell ornaments hung on front and back of chest, 
and with nautilus shell ornaments iu her ears. She squats in the centre of the bushes, 
which are piled so high around her that only her head is visible. This lasts for three 
months, the bushes being changed nightly, at which time the girl is allowed to slip 
out of the hut. She is attended by one or two old women, the girl's maternal aunts, 
who are especially appointed to look after her. These women are called Mowai by the 
girl ; one of them cooks food for the girl at a special fire in the bush. The girl may 
not feed herself or handle her food, it being put into her mouth by her attendant 
women. No man — not even the girl's father — may come into the house ; if he saw his 
daughter during this time he would certainly have bad luck with his fishing, and 
probably smash his canoe the first time he went out. The girl may not eat, in the 
breeding season, turtle or turtle eggs ; no vegetable food is forbidden. The sun may 
not shine on her; " he can't see day time, be stop inside dark," said my informant. At 
the end of three months a girl is carried to the fresh- water creek by her Mowai, she 
hanging on to their shoulders so that Qot even her feet touch the ground, the women of 

Digitized by 


Anthropological Reviews and Miscellanea. 213 

tbe tribe forming a ring round the girl and Mowai, thus escorting her to the creek. 
Her ornaments are removed, and the Mowai with their burden stagger into the creek, 
where the girl is immersed, all the women joining in splashing water over the three. 
On coming out of the water, one of the Mowai makes a heap of grass for her charge 
to squat ou, while the other runs to the reef and catches a small crab. She tears 
off its claws, and with these she runs back to the creek, where a fire has meanwhile 
been made, at which the claws are roasted. The girl is then fed on these by the 
Mowai. She is then freshly decorated, and the whole party marches back to the 
village in one rank, the girl being in the centre, with the Mowai at her side, each of 
them holding one of the girl's wrists. The husbands of the Motvai, called by the girl 
WadtLarHf receive her, and lead her into the house of one of them, where all eat food, 
the girl being now allowed to feed herself in the usual manner. The rest of the 
community have meanwhile prepared and eaten a feast, and a dance is held, in which 
the girl takes a prominent part, her two Waduam dancing, one on each side of her. 
When the dance is finished the Mowai lead the girl into their house and strip her of her 
ornaments. They then lead her back to her parents' house. 

Queensland. Sbligmann. 

Dr. G. G. Seligmann presented notes on the Otati tribe of North Queensland, 
visited in the course of the Cambridge Expedition. 


Dr. A. C. Haddon presented notes on the Yaraikanna tribe, Gape York, North 
Queensland, visited in the course of the Cambridge Expedition. — The Yaraikanna 
are fairly typical Australians in appearance ; six men were measured, average height 
1-626 m. (5 feet 4 inches), cephalic index 74*7 (extremes, 72-4-77'7). A lad is 
initiated by his mawara, apparently the men of the clan into which the boy must 
subsequently marry ; he is anointed with " bush-medicine " in the hollow of the 
thighs, groins, hollow by the clavicles, temples, and back of knees to make him gi*ow 
— the bull-roarer is swung. In the Yampa ceremony the initiates (langa) sit behind 
a screen in front of which is a tall pole, up which a man climbs and catches the food 
thrown to him by the relatives of the langa. Then the bull-roarer is swung and 
shown to the langa ; lastly, a front tooth of the langa is knocked out, with each blow 
the name of a " land " belonging to the boy's mother or of her father is mentioned, 
and the land, the name of which is mentioned when the tooth flies out, is the territory 
of the lad. Water is next given to the boy, who rinses out his mouth and gently 
empties his mouth into a palm-leaf water vessel ; the clot by its resemblance to some 
animal or vegetable form determines the art of the lad. The ari appears to be 
analogous to the manitu or ohhi (or " individual totem " of Wazer) of the North 
American Indians. After the ceremony the boy is acknowledged to be a man. Other 
ari may be given at any time by men who dream of an animal or plant, which is the 
ari of the first person they meet on awakening. The Okara ceremony was alluded to, 
and various customs, among which may be noted, children must take the ** land '' or 
country of their mother, a wife must be taken from another country ; all who belong 
to the same place are brothers and sisters. 

Scotland. Gray. 

Mr. J. Gray, B.Sc, gave an account of recpnt ethnographcial work in Scotland. 
The preliminary observations on the physical characteristics of the people of East 
Aberdeenshire, begun in 1895 by the Buchan Field Club, were summarised in a paper 

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AiUhropoloylml R'oiews and Miscdla)iea. 

in Froc, Brit. Ass. (Ipswich), 1895, p. 831, and published more fally in the TraMdctioM 
of the Buchan Field Club. 

A pigmentation tmvvej of the whole of the school children of East Aberdeenshire 
has since been completed, chiefly through the organising ability of Mr. Tocher, the 
Secretary of the Bnchan Field Club, and the generous and grataitons co-operation of 
the school teachers. Returns were received between October, 1895, and November, 
1897, from over ninety schools, comprising nearly 14,000 children. 

The scheme of colours for hair and eyes was practically the same as that of 
Dr. Beddoe ; but his two darkest classes for hair were amalgamated into one. 
Comparison with Dr. Virchow's survey of German school children would, however, 
have been facilitated if blue eyes had been separated from other light eyes. 

Tke Figmentation oi the school children (with that of adults added for comparison) 
is shown in the following table of average results : — 









' Medium. 


Children, total 








» Boys 








Girls 1 



44-7 1 



1 33-8 


Adults, total 1 



641 ' 



' 48-6 


„ Males 



66-2 ! 



1 50-7 


„ Females 


1 '-^ 

54-8 1 



I 39-0 


A study of this table reveals several noteworthy facts : — 

(1) About 15J per cent, of the fair-haired children become brown-haired adults — 
almost exactly the same percentage that Virchow found to become brunette in 
Germany, and about 15 per cent, light-eyed become medium or dark-eyed. 

(2) Between boys and girls the percentage of dark hair is practically equal, and 
the girls have only 3 per cent, excess of dark eyes ; but adult females have 1 1 per cent, 
more dark hair than adult males, and 16^ per cent, more dark eyes. The darkening 
of the females is therefore post-natal. Ripley points out the same excessive pigmen- 
tation of the females among the Jews, and also in regions like Alsace, where a blonde 
Vfiuce has invaded a brunette country. 

A comparison with the continental districts whence, according to tradition and 
history, we have derived a large element in our population, namely, Schleswig- 
Holstein, LUneburg, and Mecklenburg-Schwerin, the reputed original seats of the 
Angles and Saxons, is shown in the following table : — ^ 



\ Blonde 









1 25-7 


Upper Bavaria 







i 82 














; 77 




East Aberdeenshire ... 








> The Aberdeenshire " blonde-tvpe " (including fail' hair with light grey eyes, as well as 
with blue) is rather larger tliau Virchow's (which includes only the blue eyes), but the " brunette 
types '' are practically the same. 

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Anthropological Reviews and Miscellanea. 215 

The three North German districts are clearly much more blonde than East 
Aberdeenshire. Germany, as Virchow's survey has shown, gets more branette and 
less blonde from north to sonth ; but we must go to its extreme southern frontier — 
i.e., to Upper Bavaria — before we find a district approximating in pigmentation to 
East Aberdeenshii*e. 

It is noteworthy that whereas in Germany (especially in North Germany) there 
is always more blonde hair than blue eyes, in Aberdeenshire the reverse is the case. 
Of this, two explanations are possible : (1) that the immigrants from Germany were 
not pure blondes, but of a mixed variety with brown hair and blue eyes ; or (2) that 
pure blonde immigrants found here a population with brown eyes and hair so black as 
to resist depigmentation longer than the brown eyes. 

The maps of different elements show blonde areas on the accessible parts of the 
coast, and branette areas on the inaccessible parts. 

The Stature of 169 persons measured at Mintlaw in 1895 averaged 6 feet 8^ inches 
(which is about the average for Scotland), with three distinct peaks of maximum 
frequency at 5 feet 7^ inches, 5 feet 9 inches, and 5 feet 11^ inches. Of thirteen 
persons of 5 feet 11^ inches in height, nine were dark, three brown, and one fair- 
haired, the other two heights comprise equal numbers of fair and dark. 

The Head Measurements show cephalic indices lying almost entirely between 74 and 
84, with peaks of maximum frequency at 77 and 79. These indices do not give a 
satisfactory analysis into race groups ; but on plotting the head-measurements on a 
chart, with the length and breadth as co-ordinates, the people are separated into 
three groups, coinciding very closely with Beddoe's average dimensions plotted on the 
same chart; of (1) Italians and Row- grave-men ; (2) Danes; (3) Hanoverians. The 
Danish group is the most numerous, the Italian coming next, and the Hanoverian last. 
Mixed groups also appear on the chart, having the length of one typical group, and 
the breadth of another. 

[To be published in full in the Transactions of the Buchan Field Gluh,'] 

United Kingdom. Brit. Ass. Committee. 

The Seventh (and final) Report of the Committee of the Ethnographical Survey 
of the United Kingdom presents a summary of the method adopted by the Committee, 
and of the results hitherto attained ; not indeed as suggesting that the work of 
organising an Ethnographical Survey of the United Kingdom, which was first 
entrusted to the Committee at the Edinburgh Meeting in 1892, has been completed, 
but because in the opinion of the Committee the preparation for that work has been 
carried as far as the means at their disposal have enabled them to carry it, and 
because they have arrived at the conviction that the work itself may now properly be 
left to be completed by other hands possessing the necessary organisation and more 
adequate means. 

The method adopted by the Committee was : (1) To inquire what places were 
suitable for the survey, as containing a population in which there had been compara- 
tively little admixture of race. (2) To draw up a brief and comprehensive code of 
instructions for observers, with explanatory comments and directions as to the use of 
instruments for measxiring, etc. (3) To enlist the voluntary assistance of local 
societies and local observers in making measurements, collecting items of folk-lore, and 

Under the first head, the Committee collected in their first and second repoi*ts 
Proc. Brit. Ass, (Nottingham), 1893, p. 621 ff ; (Oxford), 1894, p. 419, from the 
information supplied to them by persons of authority resident in the various districts, 

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Anthropological Reviews and Miscellanea. 

a list of between 300 and 400 villages and places which complied with the definition 
laid down by the Committee as containing a nnmber of persons whose ancestors had 
belonged to the locality for as far back as conld be traced. 

Under the second head, the Committee prepared and published, in their second 
and third reports {Proc. Brit, Ass. (Oxford), 1894, pp. 426-9; (Ipswich), 1895, 
p. 509 £Ej, a code of instmctions for obeervers in the several bitinches of the 

The Committee have also published in subsequent reports a paper drawn up by 
Mr. Hartland (Proc. Brit, Ass, (Ipswich), 1895, p. 513 fE), containing many useful 
hints to observers; and a paper by Mr. Gomme (Proc, Brit. Ass. (Liverpool), 1896, 
p. 626 ff), on the scientific method to be pursued in localising folklore observations. 

In other reports, the Committee have published at length specimen collections of 
physical observations and folklore observations, the principal of which collections 
were made by the lamented Dr. Walter Gregor. These are intended to serve as 
models for other observers, as it was not the intention of the Committee to print at 
length in their reports the records of observations contributed to them by the several 
collectors, but only a digest of the results. 

The following list of these special reports published by the Committee will 
facilitate reference : — 

Aberdeen, Banff, and Isle of Lewis . . Proc. Brit. Ass., 1897, p. 506 ff. 
East Anglia (Cambridge Committee) . . ,, „ „ 1897, p. 503 ff. 
Galloway (Rev. Dr. W. Gregor) . . „ „ „ 1896, p. 612 ff. 

., „ 1897, p. 456 ff. 

„ „ 1896, p. 609 ff. 

„ „ 1897, p. 510 ff. 

„ „ 1897, p. 500 ff. 

„ „ 1897, p. 506 ff. 

„ „ 1896, p. 610 ff. 

„ „ 1897, p. 500 ff. 

„ „ 1897, p. 510 ff. 

„ „ 1897, p. 453-4. 

„ „ 1898, p. 713. 

Under the third head, the policy of the Committee has been. (1) To establish 
Sub-committees in various parts, and secure the co-operation of local societies in 
forming such Committees and otherwise. (2.) To obtain the services of volunteer 
individual observers. The Committee feel that their best thanks are due to the 
societies and persons by whom they have been favoured with information ; but they 
are also of opinion that for the future conduct of the survey, it will not be sufl&ciont 
to rely upon such assistance, however generously bestowed. To ensure absolute 
uniformity in the methods of collecting information, upon which the usefulness 
of the information for the purposes of comparison almost entirely depends, it is 
essential that one or more persons should be wholly engaged upon the work. 

There are two methods by which this can be done. (1) The entrusting to the 
Committee of the necessary means. (2) The transfer of the work to another body 
possessing the necessary means. The circumstance that the Ethnographic Bureau, 
has now been established under the auspices of the British Museum, induces the 
Committee to lean rather to the second course ; and the Committee cannot but think 
that the Bureau might well include the British Islands within the scope of its 


,, . « . . . . • . 


Lewis (Isle of). . . 

Pembrokeshire (E. Laws, F.S.A.) 


Yorkshire (Cleokheaton) 

Cf, the lists of unpublished communications 

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Anthropological Bevi&ws and Miscellanea, 217 

Animism. Marbtt. 

Mr, B. B. Marett, M.A., read a paper on '* Pre-auimistic Beligion." The term 
Beligion denotes a state of mind embracing emotional and ideal constitnents, whereoi 
the former constitute the universal and constant, the latter the particular and 
variant element. Self-interpretation in ideal terms on the part of the religious 
emotion of the savage has found most complete and definite expression in Animism, 
the " Belief in Spiritual Beings." Animism, however, as compared with ** Saper- 
nataralism," namely, that state of feeling almost uncoloured by ideas which is the 
primary form taken by man's Awe of the Supernatural (or extraordinary) is but as 
the strongest sapling in a thicket of hetcrogeneoas growths, which, in the struggle for 
existence, has come to overshadow the rest and give a character to the whole. The 
vagueness of primitive ** supernaturalistic " utterance is illustrated by, e,g,, andria' 
mamtra (Malagasy), ngai (Masai), Tnana (Melanesians), wakan (North American 
Indians), kalou (Fijians). A ** pre-animistic " validity as manifestations of religion 
thus attaches to a variety of special observances and cults ; and it may therefore be 
interesting in the case of some of the more important of these to distinguish between 
the original basis of " supernaturalistic *' veneration and the animistic interpretation 
that as the result of successful competition with other modes of explanatory conception 
(notably " Animatism," namely, the attribution of life and will, but not of soul or 
spirit, to material objects and forces) is thereon superimposed in accordance with the 
tendency of the religious consciousness towards doctrinal uniformity. The author 
illustrates his thesis as follows : — 

A. In regard to the Inanimate, — (1) Selected instances show the transition throagh 
" Animatism " and '* auimatistic " mythology to Animism in the interpretation of the 
religious awe felt in relation to extraordinary manifestations on the part of Nature- 
Powers ; (2) the cult of the Bull- roarer displays an almost complete absence of 
animistic conceptions in regard to the veneration of Daramulun^ Mungunngaury 
Tumduny Baianmi (Eumai, Murrings, Kamilaroi, etc.) ; (3) in Stone-worship ; sympa- 
thetic magic in connection with the use of '* guardian stones," etc., generates explana- 
tory conceptions tending towards an animistic form. 

B. In regard to the Suhantmate and Animaie. — (1) Plant and Animal Worships 
show how Totemistic Magic and, apart from Totemism, the desire for magical 
communion with extraordinary animals, invite explanations which need not be 
animistic, though they tend to become so. (2) Among observances connected with 
the phenomena of human life: (a) dream and trance are the special parent-soil of 
Animism ; (6) awe of the Dead Body, as such, is due to the instinct of self-preserva- 
tion, an influence which co-operates with the theory of the self -existent soul to bring 
about the ascription of the ** potency " of human remaias to that of the surviving 
spirit; (c) Diseases taking the form of seizure, and those of a convulsive nature, 
lend themselves almost directly to animistic interpretation ; those ascribable to 
Witchcraft are not necessarily so explained, though the idea of Infection tends 
this way ; the awe of Blood, notably of an issue of blood, is analogous to the awe 
of the Dead Body, and a crucial proof that " snpernaturalistic *' veneration may, in 
regard to certain maladies, assert itself strongly in the absence of animistic colouring. 

[To be published in full in Folklore.'] 

BuBMAH: Nats. Temple. 

Colonel B. C. Temple, C.I.E., described the *' Thirty-seven Nate, or spirits, of the 
Burmese." The belief in the Nats, or supernatural beingo who interfere in the affairs 

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218 Anthropological Reviews and Miscellanea, 

of mankind, is universal among all the native inhabitants of Burma of every race and 
religion. Every writer about the Burmese and their customs mentions the Nats. 
The subject is, however, still but vaguely understood. The Nats are of three 
distinct kinds: (1) the supernatural beings due to the Buddhist cosmogony; (2) 
the supeinatural beings familiar to the creatures, objects, and places with which 
man is concerned due to the prehistoric animistic beliefs of the people ; (3) the 
supernatural beings who are ghosts and spirits of the notorious dead. Of the many 
orders of Nats thus created, that of the Thirty-seven Nats is by far the best known 
among the people. These are the ghosts of the departed royalties of fame, and 
their connections. About them nothing seems to have been previously published 
in England, and this paper is a preliminary attempt at an adequate representation 
of them, and of the history, real or supposed, connected with them during life. 
[To be published in full, and with full illustrations, in this Jowmal.'] 

India : Fcneral Rites. Crooke. 

Mr. W. Crooke described the " Survival of Primitive Funeral Rites in Modem 
India," under the following heads : — 

(a) Customs connected Tvith the preservation of the corpse, such as various forms 
of mummification ; (6) platform burial ; (c) direct exposure of the dead to beasts 
of prey ; (d) general exposure of the dead ; (e) the question of the priority of burial 
to cremation ; (/) transitions from burial to cremation, and vice versa ; {g) disposal 
of those dying in a state of taboo ; {h) shelf or niche burial ; (J) crouched or sitting 
burial ; (j) disinterment of the corpse ; (k) jar or urn burial ; and (Z) dismemberment 
of the corpse. 

[To be published in full in this Journal,'] 

Italy : Gubbio. MagIver. 

Mr. D. Maclver exhibited a model of the "Cero" of St. Ubaldino, which is 
explained as a relic of a pagan Spring Festival observed at Gubbio in Umbria. The 
model is deposited in the Pitt Rivers Museum in Oxford, and will be described fully 
at a future meeting of the Folklore Society. Gf. also H. M. Bower, The Procession and 
Elevation of the Ceri at Ouhhio. Folklore Society's Publications, No. 39. 

New Guinea: Torres Straits. Rat. 

Mr. Sidney H. Ray presented an account of the Linguistic Results of the 
Cambridge Expedition to Torres Straits and New Guinea. 

The geographical position of the Torres Straits Islands renders an accurate 
knowledge of the construction of the languages important, especially for determining 
the relation of the Australian languages to those of New Guinea and the Malay 
Archipelago, and also, perhaps, to languages fiirther west in Southern India and 
the Andaman Islands. Several missionaries have worked among the Eastern and 
Western tribes of the Straits, and the existing gospel translations are reputed to 
have been made by them, but no one has preserved any record of, or can throw 
any light upon the construction of the languages. The translations were analysed 
ill a former work, Proc. Roy. Irish Acad, (3) 1893, ii, p. 4G3 ; iv, 1897, p. 119, by 
Dr. Haddon and myself, but the result was somewhat unsatisfactory. As we had 
dealt exhaustively with the vocabularies, my attention during my stay in the islands 
was mainly concentrsted upon the grammars of the two languages. 

Digitized by 


Anthropological Hevieivs and Miscellanea, 219 

The construction of the Eastern (Mnrrfty and Damley Islands) language was 
found to be very complex, modifications of sense being expressed by an elaborate 
system of prefixes and suffixes. 

The grammar bears no resemblance to the Melanesian, and but little to the 
Australian. The speech used in school and church is a debased form of the 
original ; as my native informant described it, '^ they cut it short." As most of the 
young people know English, it is very probable that the pure language will die out 
with the older folk. 

The language of the Western tribe was studied at the central island of 
Mabuiag, but the closely allied dialects spoken on Warrior Island, Saibai, and 
Prince of Wales Island, were also investigated. The grammar of this language is 
decidedly of Australian type, though there is no marked connection in structure or 
vocabulary with languages of the neighbouring mainland. Of these latter, the dialect 
of the Taraikanna tribe in the neighbDurhood of Cape York was also investigated. 

In New Guinea, at Port Moresby, the Motu language is well known, and I 
used it as the means of obtaining from Koitapu natives some illustrations of their 
strange language. The results show that there are people living in the Motu 
villages, whose languages are totally distinct from that of the Motu both in structure 
and vocabulary. A language (Koiari) similar to the Koitapu was found to 
prevail in the district inland from Port Moresby. 

At Port Moresby I also obtained from some Cloudy Bay natives specimens of 
their language, which like those of Koitapu and Koiari, approaches the Australian 
type, but has nothing in common with the Melanesian. 

At Bulaa (Hula), Hood Peninsula, the structure of the dialects of Bnlaa, 
Keapara (Kerepunu) and Galoma were the subject of conversations with Kima, 
the intelligent chief of Hula. These dialects are related to the Motu, and like 
it, are in grammar and vocabulary very closely akin to the languages of the 
Melanesian Islands. 

At Sagaana in Kiwai Island is the Fly River Delta, I took advantage of a 
fortnight's stay to make a first investigation into Kiwai and Mowata grammar. 
The language is very difficult, with exceedingly complex forms. It shows some 
traces of connection with the speech of the Eastern Islanders of the Torres 


Nbw Guinea: Tokres Straits. Cambridge Expedition. 

The following Contributions to Compai*ative Psychology resulted from the recent 

Cambridge Expedition to New Guinea and Torres Straits. 

I. — Qeneral Account and Observations on Vision^ etc. By W. H. R. Rivers. 

Previous work on the psychology of savage peoples has been limited to deductions 
from their behaviour, customs, and beliefs. The special object of the psychological 
work of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition was to employ exact experimental 
methods in the investigation of the mental character of the natives of Torres Straits 
and New Guinea. By means of these methods it is only possible to investigate 
directly the more elementary mental processes, but in the course of such work one 
meets indirectly with many facts which illustrate the higher and more complex 
developments of mind. 

Observations were made in Murray Island by Messrs. McDougall, Myers, and 

Digitized by 


220 Anthropological Beviews and MisceUanea, 

myself on abont 150 individnals. The Bnbjects investigated included visual acuity, 
sensitiveness to light, colour vision, including colour-blindness, binocular vision 
and visual space perception ; acuity and range of hearing, appreciation of differences 
of tone and rhythm ; tactile acuity and locali9ation, sensibility to pain, estimation of 
weight, smell and taste ; simple reaction times to auditory and visual stimuli, and 
choice reaction times ; estimation of intervals of time ; memory ; strength of grasp 
and accuracy of aim ; reading, writing, and drawing ; the inflncnce of various mental 
states on blood-pressure ; and the iDfluence of fatigue and practice on mental work. 

In Kiwai and Mabniag fewer observations could be made, owing to the fact that 
most of the apparatus had been taken on to Borneo, but observations were made 
by Mr. Selig^ann and myself on more than 100 individuals, many of whom were 
not, however, natives of these islands. The subjects investigated were chiefly visual 
acuity and colour vision ; auditory acuity; smell and touch; writing and drawing. 

It is not possible now to do more than give a rough sketch of our results. Most 
of the methods used had been in some degree modified to meet the unusual conditions, 
while some were new, and the consequence is that, with one or two exceptions, we 
have very few data with which to compare our results. The exact bearing of most 
of our observations will only become apparent when comparative data on European 
and other races have been collected. 

Our observations were in most cases made with very little di£Bculty and, with 
some exceptions, we could feel sure that the natives were doing their best in all we 
asked them to do. This opinion is based not only on observation of their behaviour 
and expression while the tests were being carried oat, but on the consistency of the 
results. The small deviations of individual observations from the average (mean 
variation) showed that the observations were made with due care and attention. 

The introspective side of psychological experimentation was almost completely 
absent. We were unable to supplement the objective measurements and observations 
by an account of what was actually passing in the minds of the natives while 
making these observations. Attempts were made in this direction without much 

One general result was to show very considerable variability. It was obvious 
that in general character and temperament the natives varied greatly from one 
another and very considerable individual differences also came out in our experimental 
observations. How great the variations were as compared with those in a more 
complex community can only be determined afler a large number of comparative data 
have been accumulated. 

Another general result which should be of great interest to anthropologists is that 
the natives did not appear to be especially susceptible to suggestion, but exhibited 
very considerable independence of opinion. Leading questions were found not to be 
so dangerous as was expected. It is hoped that when our results are worked out, it 
will be possible to express in some definite manner the suggestibility of these people as 
compared with Europeans. 

Of the special investigations undertaken by myself, that on visual acuity was 
the subject of a paper in the Physiological Section of the British Association. Of. 
Proc, Brit. Ass. (Dover), 1899. 

The colour vision of the natives was investigated in several ways. A hundred 
and fifty natives of Torres Straits and Kiwai were tested by means of the usual wool 
test for colour-blindness without finding one case. About eighty members of other 
races, including Australians, Polynesians, Melanesians, Tamils, and half-castes were 
also tested without finding one case, except among natives of Lifu. No less than 

Digitized by 


Anthropological Beviews and Miscellanea. 221 

three out of eight natiyes of this island were fonnd to suffer from well marked 
red-green blindness of the ordinary type. Unfortunately the number of Lifu natives 
who could be examined was too small to allow any definite conclusions to be drawn, 
but the possibility is suggested that colour-blindness may be a racial peculiarity, a 
fact, which if established, would be of great ethnological importance. 

The names used for colours by the natives of Marray Island, Mabuiag, and Kiwai 
were very fully investigated, and the derivation of such names in most cases established. 
The colour vocabnlaries of these islands showed the special feature which appears to 
characterise many primitive languages. There were definite names for red, less 
definite for yellow, and still less so for green, while a definite name for blue was either 
absent or borrowed from English. 

The three languages mentioned, and some Australian languages, seemed to show 
different stages in the evolution of a colour vocabulary. Several Australian natives 
(from Seven Rivers and the Fitzroy Biver) appeared to be almost limited to words 
for red, white, and black. In Kiwai there was no word for bine, for which colour the 
same word was used as for black, while the name applied to green appeared to be 
inconstant and indefinite. In Murray Island the native word for blue was the same 
as that used for black, but the English word had been adopted and modified into 
hUhi-hillu, The language of Mabaiag was more advanced ; there was a word for blue 
(malttdgamulnga^ sea-colour), bat it was often also used for green. 

Corresponding to this defect of colour terminology, there appeared to be an actual 
defect of vision for colours of short wave-length. In testing with colonred wools, 
no mistake was ever made with reds, but blues and greens were constantly confused, 
as were blue and violet. The same deficiency in seeing blue seemed also to be shown 
in experiments on the threshold of sensitiveness for red, yellow, and blue, carried out 
with Lovibond's tintometer. Experiments on the distance at which small patches of 
different colours could be recognised also showed great inferiority in seeing blue as 
compared with red, but the few comparative observations so far made, do not enable 
one to say that there is any striking difference between Europeans and Papuans in 
this respect. 

Observations were also made on the colour vision of the peripheral retina, on 
after-images and on colour contrast. 

Observations were made by means of Hening's fall experiment which showed the 
existence of binocular vision in all except one man with an orbital tumour. 

Qoantitative observations were made on some visual illusions. 

Numerous observations were made on writing and drawing, the former chiefly 
in the case of children. The most striking result here was the ease and correctness 
with which mirror writing was performed. In many cases native children, when 
asked to write with the left hand, spontaneously wrote mirror writing, and all were 
able to write in this fashion readily. In some cases children, when asked to write 
with the left hand, wrote upside down. 

Experiments were made on the estimation of time. The method adopted was to 
give signals marking off a given interval ; another signal was then given as the 
commencement of a second interval, which the native had to finish by a similar signal 
when he judged it to be equal to the given interval. This somewhat difficult procedure 
met with unexpected success, and intervals of 10 seconds, 20 seconds, and one minute 
were estimated with fairly consistent results. 

Nearly all the investigations gave some indication of the liability to fatigue and 
the capability for improvement by practice, but these were also the subject of a special 
investigation parried out by modifications of Kraepelin's methods. 

Digitized by 


222 Anthropological Reviews and MisctUaner'. 

II. — Ohservationa on Hearing ^ Smell, Taste, Readiony TimCy etc. By C. S. Myers. 

The conditions for testing acuity of hearing were very nnfayonrable on Murray 
Island, owing to the noise of the sea and the rnstle. of the cocoannt palms. The 
general results of many experiments lead me to conclude that few Murray Islanders 
surpass a hyper-acute European in auditory acuity, while the majority cannot hear 
ss far. For the determination of the upper limit of the perception of tone I used 
Hawksley's improved form of GaJ ton's Whistle. Of the fifty-one Murray Islanders 
who were investigated, all save one readily appreciated the difference between the 
pure high note and the noise of the blast that is inseparable from it. Experiments 
wore also made to determine the minimum perception of tone -differences. Twelve 
Islanders were tested for their sense of rhythm ; this was found to be remarkably 
accurate for 120 beats of the metronome to the minute, and somewhat less so for 
60 beats. Most of the subjects had a tendency to vary in the direction of increasing 
the rate of the taps. 

Olfactometry is very difficult to prosecute for various reasons. Until I have 
made further comparative observations on Europeans, I can draw no certain con- 
clusions as to the relative smell-acuity of the former and the Murray Islanders; 
but so far as my experiments go, they seem to indicate no marked superiority in 
the development of this sense among the Islanders. Doubtless hyper-acuity is more 
common among them, but there seems no reason to believe that they are able to 
perceive such traces of odour as would be imperceptible to the most sensitive European 

Experiments were made to determine the appreciation and recognition of the 
common tastes — sweet, salt, bitter, and acid. Sugar and salt were readily recognised, 
acid was compared to unripe fruit ; the bitter is the most uncertain — evidently there 
is no distinctive name for it in the Murray Island vocabulary. 

Binet's diagram used for testing visual memory was employed on twenty-eight 
people with interesting results. 

Numerous time reaction experiments were made, more on simple auditory 
reaction than on simple visual reactions ; a few visual choice reactions were also 
made. The time of the simple reaction is not sensibly longer, but probably in 
many cases even shorter, than would be that given by a corresponding class of 
Europeans. The experiments clearly showed the great difference of temperament 
among the individuals investigated. There was at one extreme the slow, steady- 
going man who reacted with almost uniform speed on each occasion ; at the other 
extreme was the nervous, high-strung individual who was frequently reacting pre- 
maturely, and whose mean variation in consequence was relatively g^eat. Yet the 
mean variation, save in the choice- times, was extraordinarily low for such unpractised 

III. — Observations on the Sense of Touch and of Pain, on the Estimation of Weight, 
Variations of Bhod-Pressure, etc. By W. McDougall. 

The power of discrimination of two points by the sense of touch was investigated 
in a series of fifty adult males. On half the number of subjects the observations were 
made on the skin of the thumb, of the second toe, and of the nape of the neck, and 
on the skin of forearm on all the subjects. There was a general correspondence of 
delicacy of discrimination in the different parts of the skin tested in any one subject. 
A few of the subjects showed a very much greater delicacy of discrimination than the 
others, while the latter showed a fairly uniform delicacy which is considerably greater 

Digitized by 


Anthropological Revieiva and Miscellanea. 223. 

than that shown by the short series of white men who have been tested by the same 

Observations on the sensitivity to pain produced by simple pressure on the skin 
were made by means of Catteirs algometer. With, this instrument it seems to be 
possible to register accurately the point at which, with increasing pressure, a painful 
element is first perceived. The sensitivity to pain as thus determined seemed to be, 
roughly, inversely proportional to the delicacy of touch discrimination in the series of 
individuals, and in the whole series the sensitivity seemed to be distinctly less than in 
the short series of white men observed. 

Similar series of observations were made on thirty children. It should be under- 
stood that the degree of pain produced was in all cases so slight as not to spoil the 
pleasure and interest of subjects in the proceedings. 

The accuracy of localisation of touch sensations was also measured in a number of 
the same subjects, and temperature spots were mapped out in a few. 

In the same subjects a series of observations on the delicacy of discrimination of 
differences of weight was made, and other series were made with the purpose of 
determining the degree of suggestibility of the people — the effect of size as appreciated 
by sight and grasp on the judgment of weight. It was interesting to find that although 
the abstract idea of weight seemed entirely new to the minds of these people, and no 
term in their language answered to it exactly, yet their power of discrimination of 
difference is at least as good as our own. 

In the same series of people the blood-pressure was observed by means of Hill and 
Barnard's sphygmo-manometer during rest, muscular work, mental work and excite- 
ment, and slightly painful skin-pressure, and marked variations recorded under these 
conditions. No series of observations on white men under similar conditions have yet 
been made for comparison. 

Music: Torres Straits, etc. Myers. 

Mr. C. S. Myers contributed some observations on Savage Music, dwelling on the 
interest of savage music for the anthropologist as contrasted with that of the musician. 
He considered the problem as to how far common fundamental physiological conditions 
lurking beneath the differences of music were covered over by the various psychological 
factors inseparable from distinct civilisations. Sympathy was, he considered, the basis 
of music, including musical and noise sounds, as long as they awakened the required 
feeling of pleasure in the minds of a suitable audience. The characteristic feature of 
Murray Island music was the lack of rhythm in the now obsolete tunes that were 
reproduced in the phonograph. In respect of the complexities of rhythm in other 
races, Mr. Myers said that from his own observations on the Malays of Sarawak, there 
were grounds for suspecting the futility of search after quarter-tone music, owing to 
irregularity of intonation. 

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SINCE JULY 18T, 18d9. 




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Dr. J. D. Schmeltz 

Rev. H. W. Dearden .. 
Colonel R. C. Temple ., 
J. Spurr 

J. S. Newsbury 

T. Kirk 

E. T. Hamy 

M. de Nadaillac 

J. Mathews 

C. S. Rutlidge 

W. T. Brigham 


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The Harmonic Structure of Indian Music. 

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The Distribution of the Negritos. 8vo. 
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Australian Advancement of Science. 

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NOVEMBEE 7th, 1899. 

C. II. Ekad, Esq., F.S.A., President^ in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and signed. 

The election, as Fellows of the Institute, was announced of the following : — 
Mr. 6. F. Lawrence, Miss S. E. Eucker, Mr. A. S. Quick, Dr. J. W. Williams, , 
Mr. J. F. Tocher, Mrs. K. Leb, Mr. F. W. Christian, and Mr. E. C. Maclagan. 

The President regretted that Lieut-Colonel Macdonald was prevented by 
illness from reading his paper. 

Mr. Wm. Crooke then re^d Lieut.-Colonel J. E. L. Macdonald's paper: — 
"Notes on the Ethnology of Tribes met with during progress of the Juba 
Expedition of 1897-99," and Dr. G arson exhibited a series of lantern slides 
illustrating the paper. 

Discussion was carried on by Captain Malcolm, Mr. Crooke, Mr. 6. L. 
GoMME, Mr. Shrubsall, Mr. Bouverie Pusey, Sir Thomas Holdich, and others. 

The President, after pointing out the value of such papers, and the difficulty 
Lieut-Colonel Macdonald must have had in collecting such information, amongst 
the other duties of his position, closed the proceedings with a vote of tlianks to 
Lieut-Colonel Macdonald for his paper, to Mr. Crooke for reading it, and t'j Dr. 
Garson for exhibiting the slides. 

Nbw Series, Vol. II, Nos. 3 and 4. 

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( 226 ) 


By LiEUT.-CoLONEL J. R. L. Macdonald. 

During the travels of the expedition which I had the honour to command, we 
came in contact with between thiity and forty native tribes, and were able to 
collect a series of notes on their languages, customs, and traditions, meagre indeed, 
but still of interest. In some cases the information is new, and in others it tends 
to support the views of previous traveller, or modify their speculations by the 
provision of additional data. The expedition had neither the time nor the scientific 
training necessary for the task of solving the many most interesting problems 
regarding the true classification and grouping of these various tribes in the general 
scheme of the African races, or of tracing the various migrations that must have 
led them to their present geographical distribution. That must be left to experts, 
and the expedition will be content if it has supplied a few additional facts to guide 
the experts to the solution of the problems. 

The regions, in which the labours of the expedition lay, are singularly 
interesting from an ethnological point of view, comprising as they do the meeting- 
place of several great African families, the Bantu, the Negro, the Hamitic and the 
Masai or Nuba-FuUa. In endeavouring to compile a few notes that may be 
interesting, I would purpose to consider the language, customs, etc., of the tribes 
encountered in five groups, without prejudice to their ultimate inclusion in any of 
the great African races. The grouping I propose for the purpose of this paper is 
one that I was led to adopt from the apparent connection of the tribes, and whether 
or not it may be scientifically accurate, it is at all events convenient, as whatevci- 
race the group may be ultimately included in, it will probably carry with it all its 
component members. This grouping is as follows : — 

Nuha-Fulla ? 

Sambur or Kore. 



Lango or Wakedi. 



Wahima ? 


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Journal of (he Anthropological Tnxlitufe {N.S.), Vol. II, Plafu XXIX. 


By J. R. Macdonald, Lt. Col. 

^•^^«^ y^^a^kair^ VICTORIA NYANZA 

Ammbiro ^^ JJft^A^ _ "Idf?^** r/T^^***^ ■'^^^^^ 

Vt^r^ ^ ElafijtuLe 5 /iBiikoba 

&'-W*'»UJJ yiLLKIIBO JBra^^i V .^ . 

o \ ^<^ ^"i. -'^ f? 


TU* £diul>irrgli Gc<K^f<ipiui-«l laaotntn 

Karamojo | ]Suk-Nandi Group 

Lango Tribes EL^^^ Negro 

believed to be allied i 1 

to the Karamojo 1 J Bantu 

Masai and Latuka 

[^ ^JSomali, etc. 

The relative territory of Eloegop, Suk-Nandi, and Karamojo is probably fairly reliable 

The contemporary distribution of the Lango, Bantu, and Negro Tribes as shown 

is however uncertain, and is here to be considered as only a suggestion 

Route of Col. Macdonalds' Expedition shown thus:— Digitized by VJjOOQI^^ 

Jnvrnal of fhe Anlhi-opoloriical Tmlilulf (N.S.), Vol. II, Plate XXS. 


By J. R. Macdonald, Lt. Col. 

Th# Loiulnxr^i Ovo^rBpJu*-4i1 IxLVtitiUA 

E j Karamojo 

jLango Tribes 
believed to be allied 
to the Karamojo 

Masai and Latuka 

Suk-Nandi Group 



Somali, etc. 

The relative territory of Eioegop, Suk-Nandi, and Karamojo is probably fairly reliable 

The contemporary distribution of the Lango, Bantu, and Negro Tribes as shown 

is however uncertain, and is here to be considered as only a suggestion 

I Route of Col. Macdonaldt' Expedition shown thus:— Digitized by VjOO^^^ 

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Lieutenant-Colonel J. K. L. Macdonald. — Notes on the Ethnolof/y of Tribes. 227 

Kamasia and Elgeyo. Wakavirondu. 

Lumbwa and Sotik. Waketosh. 

Lake. Masowa. 

Save, Sore, etc. 
Anderobo. NcfjnK 






Nyifa or South Kavirondo. 




Many of these tribes have been so fnll)'^ dealt with by others that they need 
not be further referred to liere, but the remaining tribes I propose to deal with by 
first (a) Considering the connection in language ; {h) furnisliing some information 
regarding their habits and customs ; and (c) giving a few brief notes on tlieir history 
as it could be obtained from their own traditions or deduced from those of their 

{a.) Comparative Vocabularies. 

The comparison of languages by means of meagre vocabularies is unsatisfactory 
in many respects ; but in the case of an expedition which travels rapidly and cannot 
afford the time for the construction of grammars, the comparison by vocabularj'^ is 
the only one possible. 

It must, however, be remembered that the vocabularies collected by the 
expedition were not taken from slaves at a distance from their own countries, 
but were in almost every case the result of actual travel amongst the tribes 

Comparative vocabularies of twelve languages, in addition to Swahili (the 
general medium of conversation), are attached. Of these twelve, two, the Ogaden 
Somali and Borana Galla, were taken down from Somalis who accompanied the 
expedition for purposes of comparison with the other languages ; as they may be 
of interest I have allowed them to stand in the tables accompanying this paper. 
Each vocabulary given shows about 108 words. Unfortunately Mr. C. Hobley, 
who had collected vocabularies of certain languages, could not furnish me with a 
list of the English words he used, and so only some forty words are common to 
his and my own vocabularies ; still this is better than nothing and renders the two 
sets of vocabularies mutually useful. 

The expedition vocabularies embrace the languages of the following tribes : — 
Usoga, North Kavirondo, Masai, Karamojo, Latuka, Nandi, Anderobo, Save, Suk 
and South Kavirondo. The people of Kamasia and Elgeyo talk the same language 
as the Nandi, and the Turkana and Donyvio have the same language as the 

Mr. C. Hobley gives vocabularies of the following: — North Kavirondo, Muhasa, 
South Kavirondo (Nyifa or Nife), Elgumi, Nandi, and Lake. 

c^ 2 

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228 Lieutenant-Colonel J. K. L. Macdonald. — Notes on the Ethnology of 

As already stated some forty words are common to both sets of vocabularies, 
so we can, to this extent, construct a comparative vocabulary of the languages 
talked by some fifteen of the tribes in the area under discussion. Casati's vocabulary 
of Lur, which is stated by Emin te be closely allied to Shuli, has a good many 
words common to one or other set of vocabularies, and shows that South Kavirondo 
is allied to those languages ; and as the Kwafi and Samburu languages are merely 
dialects of Masai, we may say that we can te some extent extend our comparison 
over nineteen languages. 

With regard to the expedition vocabularies care was taken by questioning 
several men to secure accuracy in obtaining the correct corresponding word. That 
this was invariably successful is hardly probable ; but still it is hoped that the 
results of our efforts towards strict accuracy will be found fairly reliable. 

The vocabularies of Usoga, North Kavirondo, Masai, Karamojo, South 
Kavirondo, and Suk were obtained direct from natives of these tribes; the 
languages of the Nandi and Anderobo were got from a Suk Government interpreter; 
the Save vocabulary was taken down from a Swahili who had been long resident in 
the district and knew the language well ; while the Latuka was from the Latuka 
Soudanese who had been some time in that country and had Latuka wives. 
Kiswahili was the medium of communication in every case except Latuka when 
Arabic was employed. 

The words have been written in English characters as nearly phonetically as 
possible, but in dealing with savage languages and imfamiliar sounds it is ver}' 
difficult to express the exact sound in English characters. The '* 1 " and " r " are 
practically interchangeable in many cases, and the sounds of " p '* and " d " may 
almost imperceptibly slide into " b " and " t," while the hard " g " and " k " are 
frequently nearly alike. Again there are some nasal sounds in Masai, Karamojo 
and allied languages that are difficult to express ; these have been shown by " ng " 
or " n " as most nearly representing them. 

We may now glance at the general results, Masai, Kwafi (or more properly 
Guash Ngishu, for Kwafi is a Swahili term), and Sambur (or Kore) are three 
divisions of the one tribe, the Eloegop, and speak what may be considered one 
language with slight dialectic differences. This was noticed by Farler, as regards 
tlie two first-mentioned, from vocabularies made out by missionaries before 
Masailand was actually visited by Europeans. Extensive vocabularies of Masai 
and Kwafi have been compiled by Krapf and Erhardt, and Oust groups tliis 
language with the Nuba-FuUa. 

We found that the language most nearly allied to that of the Eloegop, though 
widely separated in geographical position, was that of Latuka in the Nile Basin. 
The classification of this language had previously been a matter of dispute. Oust 
in his Modem Lang^iiagcs of Africa places it in the Negro group, but notes that 
Baker in his Nyanza remarked that it was quite distinct from that of the Nile 
tribes he met. Baker was inclined to think that the people of Latuka were 
Gallas, while Emin placed them among the Langos, whom Gust classes in th^ 

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THhes met vjith duH^ig pi'ogress of the Jtiba Expedition of 1897-9. 229 

Haniitic group, and Eavenstein in 1884 from Eniin's vocabulary considered the 
Ljituka were Masai. The Latuka can hardly be called Masai, but the great 
similarity of their languages, extending as it does to some thirty per cent, of the 
words, would appear to show a common origin. 

The Latuka and Eloegop must, however, have been separated for a long 
interval as there are marked differences in the intonation of certain words, the 
Latuka being on the whole the softer language. 

Closely allied to the language of Eloegop and Latuka, but with mther more 
divergence, comes that of the Karamojo Turkana and Donyiro, which has, however, 
sufficient similarity to indicate a common origin. It is noticeable that the syllable 
" ak " which begins so many Karamojo words is not so very different in sound, as 
might be supposed by the spelling, from the " ng " which appears in Masai, the 
" g " of which is very hard and almost " k ". 

I was unable to get a comparative vocabulary of Elgumi, but fortunately 
Mr. 0. Hobley secured one, a'^d this shows that the language of the Elgumi may 
be considered a dialect of Karamojo. I may here mention that Elgumi is a name 
applied by the Masai not only to the tribe west of Mount Elgon but also to the 
Turkana and possibly to the Karamojo. It is not a name recognised by the tribes 
themselves, and would appear to be a nickname applied by the Masai to their 
tribes on account of their well-developed noses. The term Elgumi is thus 
somewhat indiscriminately used by the Masai for the Karamojo tribes, in the same 
way as "Lango" is used by the Nile tribes to the west to designate the same 

We thus find the Masai, Guash Ngishu (or Kwafi), Sambur (or Kore), Latuka, 
Kammojo, Turkana, Donyiro and Elgumi speaking languages which would appear 
to clearly indicate a common origin. 

So far we have been on fairly solid ground, but with regard to the other 
tribes I have provisionally placed in the same group, information at our disposal 
is hearsay. The people of Langu and Eom were visited by the expedition, but 
vocabularies were not collected. We were, however, told by our Karamojo guides 
that these small tribes were allied to themselves and spoke a nearly identical 
language. I am inclined to think the same .thing applies to the Lango or Wakedi, 
the Umiro and Kimama. It is doubtful whether these last names do not refer to 
one and the same tribe. The Karamojo know the powerful tribe dwelling north 
of Lake Salisbury as the Kimama and say their territory extends far to the west. 
They do not know the term Lango or Wakedi and appear to know little of Umiro. 
The territory they ascribe to the Kimama would appear to be so extensive as to 
embrace a considerable portion of the country which is said by the Waganda, 
Wangoro and Shuli to be occupied by the Lango and Umiro. I have already 
pointed out that " Lango " is a far-reaching term as employed by the Nile tribes 
and is used to embrace the Karamojo themselves. Wakedi or Bakedi (the naked 
people) is simply a Luganda and Lungoro nickname applied to the Lango. I am 
accordingly inclined to think that the tribe might be called Umiro and that the 

Digitized by 


2:50 Lieutenant-Colonel J. E. L Macdonald. — Notes on the Ethnology of 

Uniiro are known on the east as Kimama and on the west as Lango. They would, 
however, appear to l>e allied in language to the Karamqjo, but it appears to me 
that they are not a pure bred tribe, but an admixture of Karaniojo and Nilotic and 
perhaps aboriginal blood. It is to be noted that while the Eloegop, Latuka, and 
Karaniojo are largely pastoral and dwellers on the more open plains, the peoples 
of Kom, Langu, Umiro and Lango are for the most part higlilanders, while the 
Kimama are dwellers in swampy country. Still the balance of evidence would 
seem to show that these last mentioned tribes are more or less allied to the 
Karamojo group. 

This latter group would appear even more extensive, as our Swahilis told us 
of another trilje north of Karamojo called Dabosa which speaks the same language 
as Karamojo, and the Dodinga (or Irenga) tribe would also appear allied to this. 
The group of languages we have so far considered are apparently connected to the 
extent of 30 or 40 per cent, of their words, but now we come to another group, the 
Suk-Nandi, which, while possessing a still larger percentf^e of words common 
within the gi*oup, has comparatively a small percentage of words which appear in 
the languages of the Masai group. The percentage is lowest, about 5 per cent, in 
the case of the Latuka, which is geographically most removed, and rises to alx)ut 
11 per cent, in Masai and Karamojo, which are conterminous with the Suk-Nandi 
country. It is interesting to note that the group now dealt with has almost the 
stime percentage of words common to the language of Ogaden Somali, a Hamitic 

It had previously been noted that the Nandi, Lumbeva and Sotik were the 
same, or a clearly allied people, and more recently that of Nandi Kamasia and 
Elgeyo tribes appeared identified. Mr. C. Hobley, to whose study of the languages 
of his district we owe so much, further established a close connection between the 
Nandi, Lako and Save. It was, however, left for the expedition not only to 
confirm Mr. Hobley*s deductions, but also to bring into the same group the 
Suk, and an even more interesting fact, the Anderobo, formerly classed as a Helot 

With the exception of the Anderobo, who are Helots to the Masai and are 
admitted by their masters to have been the original inhabitants of Central 
Masailand, the remaining tribes of this group are mountaineers, who not only 
possess what is almost a common language but who also show a great similarity in 
many of their customs. 

These connections, together with the present geographical distribution of the 
tribes and tlieii* own legends, would show that they form fragments of a large tribe, 
which occupied an extensive tract of Masailand and South Karamojo prior to the 
advent of the Eloegop. This is further confirmed by the inclusion of the Helot 
Anderobo in the Suk-Mandi group of languages. The northern members of the 
group show more connection in loan words with the Karamojo, the southern 
members with the Masai, and this is in harmony with the tribal traditions to the 
effect that they were respectively partially dispossessed by Karamojo and Eloegop. 

Digitized by 


Tribes met vnth duHng progress of the Juha Mt-pedition of 1897-9. 231 

A further interesting fact in this connection is that the Suk headdress favour the 
Karamojo as the Mandi one does the Masai. 

The well-marked Bantu group need not be dwelt on. But it may be 
interesting to note a few points regarding Ketosh and Masawa. I have called the 
Bantu tribe north of the Nzoia Eiver and south of Mount Elgon Ketosh, and 
confined the term Masawa to the region west of Mount Elgon. It must however 
be understood that Masawa is sometimes used in a wider sense to embrace Ketosh, 
and that the inhabitants of both regions would appear to belong to one tribe or to 
be very closely related. Mr. Hobley, who first established that there were Bantu 
speaking people on the west of Mount Elgon, was inclined to show a wedge of 
Elgumi separating what I call Masawa into a northern and a southern portion. 
During our journey to the west of Mount Elgon, however, we found tribes he had 
classed with the Elgumi ; the Ngoko, for instance, were Bantu, and on discussing 
this point with Mr. Hobley on our return he was inclined to agree with us that the 
western slopes of Mount Elgon might all be classed as Bantu. The people of 
Ketosh and Masawa, though they have much in common with the Bantu Kavirondo, 
have certain marked resemblance to the Wasoga, and it is interesting to find that 
the language of Usoga would appear to bear a far closer connection with Masawa 
than with North Kavirondo. 

Of the Negro group of tribes I have little to say. Mr. Hobley had already 
established the fact that the people of South Kavirondo or Nyifa (Nife) belonged 
to this group, a fact borne out by the connection between the Nyifa and Lur 
vocabularies. The Lur and Shuli languages are closely connected, as has been 
pointed out by Emin, who also found they were so closely related to Shilluk, that 
his Shilluk soldiers could easily make themselves intelligible to the Shuli. The 
Bari and Beri are supposed to be connected with the Dinka, and the Madi with 
the Nyambara (Oust) or Makaraka. 

There are evidently fragments of still older tribes scattered about in this great 
area the study of whose languages would be interesting. Thus the Lako, Save and 
Masawa told us of a small scattered tribe, called the Elgonyi, who dwell on the 
upper slopes of Mount Elgon. Similarly the people of Latuka said that amongst 
the lofty mountains south-west of the Latuka valley, therp were a number of small 
tribes with a language differing from that of the Latuka and Nile tribes. 
Donaldson Smith found a small separate community called Dume, north of Lake 
Stephani; and Austin was not able to connect the Marie north-west of Lake 
Eudolf with the surrounding tribes, though they bore some resemblance to the 
Masai or Sambur. 

(6.) NoT»s OF Customs of Various Tribes. 

The Masai group including the whole of the Eloegop, the Latuka, the 
Karamojo, Turkana, Donyiro, and Elgumi are, for the most part, pastoral dwellers 
in open grass plains. Agriculture is, however, practised to some extent more 
especially in Latuka, Karamojo and Elgumi. With the one exception of Latuka, 

Digitized by 


232 Lieutenant-Colonel J. R L Macdonald,— ^Vo/t'^j on the Etluwlogy of 

where there is a recognised king, the remaining members of the group are split 
up amongst a numl)er of petty chiefs, who, however, combine in case of war. 
Internal strife is, for the most part, avoided by strict laws regarding the 
settlement of disputes ; this has, however, become rather lax amongst the Eloegop, 
who have in consequence become much weakened by civil war and are fast losing 
their power. 

The members of this group dwell in considerable villages or groups of 
villages, permanent and large in the case of Latuka, semi-permanent in the 
case of Karamojo and Elgumi, and movable amongst the Eloegop and Turkana. 

It is doubtful what is the religious belief of the Latuka, but the other 
members of the group believe in one Supreme Being and in a future life, though 
there is also a belief in the power of rain and locust doctors. 

There is amongst all much the same general organisation for war, and two 
fighting chiefs are appointed on mobilization. The fighting weapons are spear and 
shield ; bows and arrows are hardly used at all. A few old men amongst the 
Masai possess these weapons, but poison is not employed. The northern members 
of the group, however, use the throwing spear as a missile. All the members of 
the group are brave and courageous and are much feared by their neighboui-s. 
They are, liowever, open and manly, and not given to treachery as a rule. 

The tribes to the west, whom I have already mentioned as being probably of 
mixed origin though allied to the Kai*amojo, are more agricultural and dwell in 
more difficult country. They also apjjear to be more treacherous, but use much 
the same weapons as the Karamojo. 

The knowledge of working iron, dressing hides, and making pottery is 
universal. The males are, for the most part, naked ; the females more or less 
decently dressed. 

In view of the recent medical theory on the connection between mosquitos and 
malarial fever, it is interesting to note that amongst some lyiembers of the group 
it is a well-established article of belief. 

The following more deUiiled account of the customs, etc., of the Masai and 
Karamojo are given : — 


The men are mostly tall, the women of medium height. The hair is woolly. 
Prognathous features are never seen. Their muscles are not, as a rule, well- 
developed, but they are active. 

Mode of Subsistence, — Mainly by pastoral pursuits. Cooking is primitive 
when obliged to eat vegetable food, this is prepared by boiling; but they live, 
when possible, on milk and meat, the latter raw, or nearly so. 

Their huts are little more than dome-shaped shelters, either thatched or 
covered with hides, each with a small door. A collection of huts is enclosed by a 
thorn zareba. If obliged by scarcity of cattle, sheep, or goats to take to agricultm-e, 
they grow millet. 

Helvjion and Customs, — ^A young man is not supposed to marry until he has 

Digitized by 


Tinhcs met vnth during irrogress of the Jvha Eoyedition of 1897-9. 233 

blooded his spear. He sends a jar of honey or small present to the parents of the 
girl he wishes to marry. If they accept this, it is a sign his suit is approved of. 
He then sends four oxen, and three goats, and the bride's mother brings the girl 
to his hut, where the bridegroom has milk in readiness. The bride refuses to 
enter until she is given a goat. There is no ceremony, but the bridegroom wears 
the bride's skin petticoat, sme^^red with fat and red earth for a month after 
marriage. There is no limit to the number of wives. A wife who misconducts 
herself three times may be returned to her parents, who refund the present 
received from her husband. 

Women with child are fed on light diet. After birth both mother and 
child are given the fat of goats, and a mixture of blood and milk. The first 
appearance of milk teeth on the left before the right is considered a bad omen. A 
child is named after two months. On death a chief may be buried ; lesser people 
are carried outside the kraal and left to the hyenas. 

The Masai believe in one Supreme Being, called " Ngai," and in a future 
state. The Supreme Being is always invoked for success on the war-path. 

Before starting on the war-path, the Leibon is consulted, and medicine made. 
The warriors then, for some time previous to the start, retire into the jungle and 
eat flesh, which is supposed to make them fierce. 

Two fighting chiefs are selected, and the war party assembles. An ox is then 
killed, and the Leibon makes a fire ; each warrior lights his fire from the central 
one, and after the ceremony is irrevocably committed to the war-path. 

In dividing spoil, a place is selected some four days' march from home. The 
war party then select nine men as arbitrators, all of whom must be good warriors. 
These arbitrators then call out the warriors one by one, and allot to each his share. 
If any man objects, his objection is considered, and, as an ultimate resort, he fights 
one of the arbitrators, with knobkerries and shields as a rule. If he fails to 
defeat the arbitrator, he gets nothing; if he kills him, he is himseK put to 

If in peace a man kills tmother, all his cattle are given to the victim's father. 
If he wounds another, nothing is done if the wounded man recovers ; but if he is 
permanently disabled, a fine of oxen up to nine is paid. 

In settUng serious disputes by oath, each disputant takes hold of a goat or 
sheep, which is then cut in two. This is done in presence of witnesses, and the 
matter thus settled is not supposed to be reopened. 

A minor oath as to a statement is taken by biting a piece of grass. 

Arts and MamtfcLctures, — Raw hide is made into shields and scabbards, and 
used for clothing. 

Tobacco is smoked in pipes or used as snufif. 

A fermented liquor is made from millet. 

Their ironwork is manufactured for them by their subordinate Wanderobe. 

Personal Ch'navients. — The lobule of the ear is pierced and enormously 
distended ; they wear a cylindrical block of wood in the aperture. 

Digitized by 


2;54 Lieutenant-Colonel J. R. L. Macdonalu. — Notes on the Eihrwlogy of 

The hair of both sexes is plastered with grease and wet clay, and plaited into 
a number of small tails. 

An operation resembling circumcision is practised on the men, and a special 
mutilation on the women. 

The ordinary dress of the men consists of one or two goat-hides ; they have 
no idea of decency ; but the women are well covered with similar hides. 

Both men and women plaster the body with grease, generally mutton fat, and 
red clay. The married women shave their heads ; they also wear a high collar of 
rings of ii'on superimposed one above another; the forearms and the legs, for 
several inches above the ankle, are covered with similar rings. 

When in fighting dress, the men wear an arrangement of feathers in a ring 
surrounding the face, a skin, generally of the Colotos monkey, fastened round the 
neck and hanging down the back, and strips of Colobos hide round the ankles and 
surrounding the leg just below the knee. 

The chief weapons are spears, swords and shields. The spear is a characteristic 
shape, and meant only for use at close quartere ; the blade is of the shape of a 
double-edged, straight sword, and is of great length ; the shaft, of wood, is merely 
long enough to afibrd a grip ; the blade is balanced by a long pointed, cylindrical 
piece of ii'on as a pommel. 

The swords are usually short ; they ai-e of a spatulate shape and double-edged. 
The grip is wound round with a strip of hide. The scabbard is of wood covered 
with hide. 

The shield is large, oval, and convex in front. It is painted in red and white 
clay pigments. The devices used are various. 

Bows and arrows ai'e not unknown, but are not used in action, being mostly 
confined to the old men. 

Bcirter. — Brass and wire, especially iron wire, are in demand. Beads and 
cloth are also taken in exchange for native products. 


The men are almost nearly all well over medium height. Many attain a 
height of 6 feet 2 inches, and several individuals of the height of 6 feet 4 inches 
or 5 inclies were observed. 

The physical development is, as a rule, magnificent. The only peculiarity in 
build is that the clavicle is often short, so that an appearance of narrowness is 
given to the shoulders. 

They are active, and rmi with exceptionally good action. 

The women are of medium height. The prognathous type is very rare ; the 
features are generally well developed. 

The tribe has a great reputation as warriors. 

Mode of Subsistence. — Chiefly by agricultural pursuits, they have also large 
herds of cattle, sheep, goats and donkeys. 

The chief crop cultivated is millet. 

Digitized by 


Ti'ibes met with duHiuj p'Offress of the Juba E^ypedition of 1897-9. 235 

Agricultural implements consist of hoes, either with a long or short shaft. 

The millet is cooked either by parching the grain or by heating a mass of 
millet flour with water. 

The huts are small and roimd, with wattle walls and conical thatched roofs. 
The furniture consists of small wooden stools, also used as pillows at night. 

Eeligioiu — An indefinite belief in a Supreme Being and in the ghosts of 
ancestors appears to constitute their faith. The Supreme Being is known as 
" Akuja," and is invoked to protect the crops and for success in war. 

Dead bodies seem, as a rule, to be merely deposited outside the villages to be 
eaten by hyenas, etc. The bodies of chiefs are, however, buried. 

Marriage is not a matter of barter as amongst most tribes. The girl can veto 
the arrangements, and hence is regularly courted, her parents not interfering in 
any way until her wishes are known. 

If a wife misconducts herself three times she may be returned to her 
father's house, the latter returning to her husband the present originally received. 
There is no limit to the number of wives. 

There are strict mles regarding disputes, which, if serious, are adjudicated on 
l>y a council of chiefs. Homicide is severely repressed. Murder is punished with 
death. Accidental homicide may be pardoned the first time, but a second case is 
punished with death. 

In war two fighting leaders are selected by the council of chiefs, and under 
these leaders are the various communities each under its own local chief as his 
representative. The division of spoil is carefully regulated. 

When a child is born it is given blood as well as milk. If it develops milk 
teeth on the left side before the right, it is a bad omen, and a goat is sacrificed ; 
but the child is not put to death as amongst some other tribes. The child receives 
a name which, in the case of a boy, is altered when he has been on the war-path. 
There is no fixed rule against a young man marrying before he has killed an 
enemy or been on the war-path, but as this is a warlike tribe and the women are 
allowed a voice in matrimonial arrangements, it is more or less a custom that a 
young man must distinguish himself in war before marrying. 

They believe in omens, and before a raiding expedition consult the entrails of 
a goat. 

They also believe in '' medicine " for production of rain and to ward ofi* 
locusts. In the former case a black ox is killed and its blood caught and mixed 
with water in an eai'then pot ; a fire is then lighted and extinguished with the 
blood and water. Eain is supposed to follow if there has been no irregularity in 
the ceremony. 

To ward off locusts a red-headed goat is selected and killed by a blow on the 
head; its stomach is then taken out and cast in the direction from which the 
locusts are coming ; this is supposed to turn them. 

A solemn oath is taken in the following way : A black ox is selected and 
speared, the interested parties then take hold of a leg each, and these are cut 

Digitized by 


236 LiEUTENANT-C'oLONEL J. R. L. Macj^onald.— iV^o/r.s' on the Ethnology of 

from the body : each then partakes of the mari-ow from the leg he has thus 

Arts and Manufactures. — A rude kind of black earthenware pottery is made. 

Tobacco is smoked ; the pipe in common use is fitted with a gourd, which is 
filled with water, through which the smoke is drawn. 

The only intoxicating liquor is a fermented drink made from millet. 

Iron is the only metal worked ; their weapons and implements are well made. 

Personal Adornments, etc, — Marking by raised cicatrices is practically universal. 
Ear ornaments consist of a number of small rings, passed through the free edge 
of the ear. The lower lip is usually pierced, and a small piece of wood, ivory or 
brass wire inserted. 

A characteristic ornament worn by men of importance is a collar formed of 
rings of iron lying one above another, and kept in position by vertical stays of 
the same metal. The arms are generally decorated with lai"ge bracelets of ivoiy. 

The headgear of the men consists of a large mat of hair worn on the back 
of the head, and secured by a string passing round the forehead. This is supposed 
to be made from the hair of the wearer's ancestors. The men go about absolutely 
naked — the women wear small skins. 

Circumcision is not practised. 

The women wear necklaces of imported beads, and also made of small 
circular pieces of ostrich egg-shells, and of the vertebrae of snakes, with the ribs 

Weapons consist of spears and shields. The spears are formed for either 
thrusting or throwing ; the heads are small, and of a bay-leaf shape ; the neck of 
the blade is long and forms a considerable portion of the shaft. The edge of the 
blade is kept very sharp, and is protected by a rim of hide. The shields are very 
small, of an oblong shape, with concave lateral edges. The ivory bracelets worn 
on the foreai-m are very long, and are apparently so made as a means of protection. 
Knobkerries are also used, both for striking and throwing. 

Many warriors also wear a circular iron bracelet, with a sharp cutting edge, 
for fighting at close quarters ; the edge of this is, like the spear-head, protected 
by a leather rim, which can be sprung off at once; to prevent this iron disc 
cutting the wrist, it is set into a leather bracelet, which protects the skin. 

The expedition was a long time in the country of Karamojo, and our relations 
with this people were most friendly throughout. This was much facilitated by 
the fact that they had a tradition that white men would ultimately come to rule 
the countiy. As we were the first white men to enter Karamojo, the natives said 
the tradition had been fulfilled, and that the country was ours. 

The Karamojo were a singularly honest people, the most honest savages I had 
ever met. We bought large quantities of food from them, some 400 sacks of 
grain, the rate of exchange being one goat for a sack of millet. They always 
expected to be paid in advance, and on stating how many sacks they were 
prepared to provide, took away that number of goats and empty bags. In one, 

Digitized by 


THbes met with duriru/ progress of the Jiiba Expedition of 1897-9. 237 

two, or three days according to the distance of their homes from camp, they 
returned with the grain, and in no single case were they dishonest. On another 
occasion we paid a man seven goats to guide us for a month. After three days, 
however, he said he did not know the road we proposed taking and would rescind 
the contract With this intimation he disappeared, and it was not until many a 
month later that we got back to our standing camp at Titi, when I found, somewhat 
to my surprise, I admit, that the absconding guide had returned the seven goats to 
the European in charge of the camp. 

They have a very practical way of encouraging industry in the young. 
A child gets a smaller ration than an adult. But when the child gix)W8 up, 
and complains that the reduced ration is no longer sufficient it is presented 
witli a hoe and told to assist in the common cultivation, if it expects an adult's 

The Suk'Naiuli grmip are mountaineers and dwellers in forest regions. They 
have this in common that they do not live in villages, but in scattered hamlets of 
one or two houses, each with its own small patch of cultivation which produces 
little more than is necessary for the inhabitants. These patches of cultivation 
are, however, often irrigated with some skill. The natives are not, however, 
dependent on agriculture aloue, as they have considerable flocks of goats and 
sheep and some cattle. Fowls are also kept, which is not the case amongst the 
Masai and kindred tribes. Amongst the Suk group of tribes both sexes are 
of medium height and slightly built. They are, however, active. The features 
are generally good, and only amongst the Suk and Anderobo does slight 
prognathism exist. 

The tribal organisation is more poorly developed than amongst the surrounding 
tribes, and the power of combination seems small except perhaps amongst the 
Nandi and Suk. 

The weapons used are bows with poisoned arrows, spears and shields. The 
mem here of this group are treacherous and unreliable with a few exceptions. They 
appear to have a vague belief in a Supreme Being, but very little is known 
of their religion. 

Skins are cured, rude earthenware made, a fermented drink is prepared from 
millet, and iron is worked in the various districts, except Save, where iron 
implements are imported. 

Except among the Suk, no disfigurement except ear-piercmg is practised. 
Ear ornaments, generally of iron or brass, are worn in a perforation of the lobule. 
T!ie males are naked ; the females wear a short petticoat. The form of headdress 
is various. The Suk use the felted liair bag of Karamojo, while the Nandi, 
Luko and Save affect the Masai style. 

A more detailed description of the Suk is given below: — The men are of 
medium height ; the women are short in stature. Slight prognathism is common. 
Aluscular development is fair. 

Mode of Subsisteyice. — Those who dwell in the hills live by agriculture; 

Digitized by 


238 LiEUTENANT-CoLONKL J. E. L Macdo^ald.— Notes on the Ethnology of 

irrigation is employed. Those who live in the plains, in the east of the Suk 
country are pastoral. Game is caught, chiefly by loop snares attached to heavy 
logs. The millet, which is the principal grain cultivated, is made into a coarse 
meal and cooked as a stiff porridge. 

The huts are circular in plan, the walls made of upright poles plastered with 
mud, and the roofs, which are dome-shaped, are thatched. The houses are 
scattered and are not stockaded. 

Iron hoes are used for cultivating. 

Religion and> Ctcstoms, — The Suk believe in a Supreme Being called 
" Akisomlorot," and have some idea of a future state. They pray for success 
in war. They do not appear to believe in rain or locust doctors. 

A young man may marry before he goes on the war-path. He presents the 
parents of the girl he wishes to marry with a sheep. If they accept this, and 
thus signify that they agree, he retiims in two days with a present of cattle and 
takes the girl away. If she objects, he waits and catches her outside the house 
and takes her to his hut. This relic of marriage by capture was also noticeable 
amongst the Save, wheie, however, the bridegroom may be assisted in the pursuit 
of the girl by a party of his friends. 

On reaching the bridegroom's hut, the bride refuses to enter until the child 
of a neighbour is produced. With this in her arms she enters the bridegroom's 
house. There is no further ceremony. 

If, as a wife, she misconducts herself she is sent back to her parents, who 
refund her price in cattle. 

A woman with child is dieted. The child is named by the mother four days 
after birth. If a boy, he retains this name until his return from his firat war- 
path, when his name is changed. If milk teeth first appear on the left side, it is 
a bad omen, and the child is not suckled, but fed on goat's milk. The child is 
weaned after three months. 

.The dead are carried into the bush. Even the body of a chief is left 
unburied, but an ox is slaughtered by the body, and the flesh of the ox may not 
be eaten by any one. 

The Suk, like the Nandi, appear to be capable of acting in bodies in war, and 
select two fighting chiefs. There are no elaborate preparations before starting on 
the war-path, although the warriors are supposed to eat as much meat as possible 
before taking the field. Ostrich feathers in their hair are a sign that they are on 
the war-path. 

Their arrangements for dividing the spoil would also appear primitive. The 
two chiefs take their share and the balance is divided anyhow. In the adjustment 
of the inevitable disputes that arise, the use of spears is not allowed, but sticks 
and knobkerries may be employed. 

If one Suk in peace time kill another, he is fined all his cattle, but is not 
put to death ; if he only maims he has to pay ten cattle. Thieves are punished by 
being beaten with sticks. 

Digitized by 


Tribes inet mth during progress of the Jicba Expedition of 1897-9. 239 

Diaputante generally exchange spears as a sort of oath that they will abide 
by the settlement arrived at. 

Arts mid Manufactures. — Skins are cured, but not made into leather. A rude 
kind of earthenware is made. Millet is grown and the fields are often irrigated 
by small channels. 

Tobacco is grown, and used as snuff. A fermented liquor is made from 
millet, and largely consumed. Iron is worked. 

Personal Ornaments, DisfigurementSy etc. — Some of the men are marked with 
patterns in raised cicatrices on the chest. The two central lower incisors are. 
removed. Ear-rings of wire are worn by tlie men in the lobule, and a few also 
wear a ring in the septum of the nose. The lower lip is always perforated in the 
male sex ; in this perforation is worn a pendant wire ornament from 4 to 6 inches 
in length. The hair of the men is commonly plastered with mud on the top of 
the head, and ornamented with feathers. Men of importance wear the long hair 
bag {shoalip) of the Karamojo. In either case a piece of wire is inserted into the 
hair posteriorly, and curved forward over the top of the head. The women wear 
their hair in the natural state. The men are generally naked except for the skin 
of a goat or monkey depending down the back. The women wear two or three 
goat skins fastened round the waist. Circumcision is not practised. 

Their weapons are spears, shields, bows and arrows. The spears are used 
either for throwing or stabbing. The blades are small, and of a bay leaf shape ; 
the butt end is protected by a small sharpened pommel and the edge of the blade 
is protected, when not in use, by a rim of hide. 

The shields are of wicker-work, and are oblong in shape, averaging about 
3 feet in length, and 9 inches in breadth. The bows are well made, and the arrows 
liave generally detachable thin wooden points which are poisoned and break ofl' 
in the wound. A curved finger knife projecting, like a claw, from the finger ring, 
is also sometimes worn. 

The members of the Bantu and Negro groups have been so fully described by 
othera that it is unnecessaiy to deal with them in detail here, and I will conclude 
this paper with a few notes on the history of the tribes as gathered from their own 
legends and traditions. 

(r.) Notes on the Histoby of Certain Tkibes as Eegards Their Present 
AND Past Geographical Distribution. 

This is a somewhat difficult matter as the data with which we have to work 
are very meagre, and it is not improbable that some of the deductions to which I 
have come may be challenged or modified by others. But in dealing with such 
primitive peoples, it is very dilficult to obtain any traditions as to their origin or 
migration, and I sliall confine myself to the expansion, contraction and movements 
of the tribes concerned within the area considered, and leave the larger question of 
their actual origin to experts. 

Digitized by 


240 LiEiTTENANT-CoLONKL J. R L. Macdonald.— iVo^f^ (m the Ethnology of 

Dealing first with the Eloe^op, we find a tradition that they came from the 
country oast of Lake Kudolf. Extendinj^ sonthwanl thoy conquered the whole of 
the grass lands adjacent to the meridional rift, enslaved the Anderolx) there, 
occupied the plateau of Lykipia and nearly exterminated the "Senguer," who 
dwelt on the Guash Ngishu plateau. 

As " 1 " and " r " are interchangeable " Senguer " of the Julm expedition is 
evidently tlie same word as " Jangwel," a tenn which Mr. C. Ilobley found was 
applied by the Nandi to designate their tribe. Still spreading onward the 
Eloegop occupied the grass lands far to the south, as far as, or even beyond. 
Mount Kilimanjaro. They then divided into three tribes, similar in language and 
customs, but with a certain internal jealousy gradually growing into open war. 
The Sambur retained the country east of Lake Rudolf, the plateau of Lykipia and 
the meridional rift as far south as Baringt. The Guash Ngishu branch occupied 
the equatorial portion of the meridional rift and the grass plateaux on the Guash 
Ngishu and Man ; the Masai extended from Naivasha to Kilimanjaro. Civil 
war broke out between the Masai and Guash Ngishu who were helped by their 
kinsmen of Lykipia. After some initial defeats, the Masai detached the Sambur 
of Lykipia from the hostile alliance and then crushed the Guash Ngishu so utterly 
that the latter could no longer hold their own against the dispossessed Nandi and 
their kindred, and ceased to exist as a tribe. They are now scattered dwellers iu 
Nandi, Kavirondo or Ketosh. 

The Sambur weakened by the civil war were attacked by the Suk who lived 
on the southern portion of the Karamojo plateau, and were being expelled from 
their country by an advancing Karamojo wave. Under the pressure of the 
Karamojo the Suk migrated west and conquered from the enfeebled Sambur that 
portion of the meridional rift north of Lake Baringo, thus practically cutting off 
the Sambur of Njemps from those of Lake Rudolf. The latter had apparently to 
deal with the growing power of the Rendile, who show close affinities in language 
and customs with the Somali, and the isolated Sambur of Njemps were shorn of 
their power under the attacks of two small villages near the south of Lake 
Baringo. The Sambur of Lykipia, weakened by war and isolation and impoverished 
by cattle plague, were in turn subject to attacks by the Rendile, and are now 
almost, if not quite, destroyed. Thus the once great dominion of the Eloegop is 
now represented by the southern branch, the Masai, and these, who suffered very 
much by their civil wars, the cattle plague and from small-pox, are perceptibly 
weakening in power, and signs are not wanting that a further split is in coui-se of 
formation between the northern and southern Masai which will still further 
weaken this once powerful and much dreaded tribe. 

In this sketch of the Eloegop, based on their own traditions, I have not 
referred to Latuka, as I could gather nothing to show any trace of the migration 
which separated these peoples, although their common origin would appear to be 
beyond a doubt. 

But in tracing the migration, soutliwjinl, of the Eloegop, their great dominion 

Digitized by 


Tribes met vrUh during progress of the Juha Expedition of 1897-9. 241 

and their gradual decay, we have incidentally arrived at certain evidence as to the 
relative antiquity within the geographical area considered, of certain other tribes. 
The Anderobo, Nandi and Suk must have been anterior to the advent of the 
Eloegop, while the Karamojo migration southward would appear of more recent 

Passing on to the Suk-Nandi group, we find that they comprise amongst 
their members the Anderobo, and the Nandi (Sanguer or Jangwel) who were 
admittedly prior to the Eloegop, and also find that this group of tribes embraces 
many others who are now for the most part dwellers in the mountainous and forest 
regions in this part of Africa. These tribes, often small and insignificant in 
themselves, would appear to be broken fragments of a powerful and widespreading 
people who occupied an extensive trait prior to the advent of the Eloegop, 
Karamojo and Bantu conquerors. 

It is also interesting to note that this group of tribes shows more connection 
in language with the Ogaden Somalis than do the tribes which now occupy the 
great expanse of intervening country. This is still more remarkable when we 
bear in mind that the northern Somalis rather look down on the Ogadens as 
having been more contaminated by mixture of blood with the aboriginal 

The greater antiquity of the Suk-Nandi group as compared with the Eloegop 
is clear, and the Suk traditions, that they were dispossessed by the advance of the 
Karamojo, subsequent to the migration of the Masai, would appear evidence that 
the Karamojo wave is of still more recent date. There is also confirmation of the 
Suk claim to have formerly occupied the south of the Karamojo plateau, in the fact 
that the inhabitants of the Chemorongi mountains, which run as a wedge into the 
Karamojo and Turkana country, are Suk, and that small completely isolated 
colonies of Suk still dwell on the lofty mountains of Dehasien, Moroto and 
Kamalinga, in South Karamojo. The people of Save, who belong to the Suk-Nandi 
group, also say that they formerly occupied the plains north and east of Elgon until 
dispossessed by the Eloegop and Karamojo. The southward movement of the 
Karamojo would appear to have been at a much later date than that of the Eloegop, 
although the connection of their language and customs point to a common origin. 
The Karamojo themselves appear imknown to the Masai, but their kindred the 
Turkana are called the Elgumi. 

The Karamojo, Turkana and Donyiro are branches of one tribe, of the same 
blood, language and customs, who have gradually moved southward and westward. 
The Elgumi west of Mount Elgon appear to be an offshoot of the Karamojo, and it 
is interesting to find that Mr. Hobley has discovered that only some 50-60 years 
ago these Elgumi threw off a colony which intruded into the Bantu people of 
Kavirondo and formed a settlement at Kikelelwa. This, coupled with the 
southern advance within the same period of the Karamojo on the east of Mount 
Elgon, would appear to show that the vitality of this great and warlike tribe is not 
yet exhausted. The Karamojo would also appear to have reached the Victoria Nile, 

New Seiiie8, Voi., II, Nos. 3 awd 4. R 

Digitized by 


242 LlEUTENANT-CoLONKL J. R. L. MacdonalI). — NoUs on the Ethnology of 

but the so-called Wakedi there are not pure Karamojo. It is more likely that 
while the Karamojo have conquered widely it is only on suitable country like the 
open grass plains that they retain f heir full characteristics, and in an unsuitable 
locality, they deteriorate through admixture with the conquered tribes l)etter 
adapted than themselves to the local climatic conditions. 

So far there has been little difficulty in establishing the opinion that the Suk- 
Nandi were prior to the Eloegop and the latter to the Karamojo, but in ascertaining 
the comparative antiquit)' of the Bantu and Negro tril)es there is much less to go 
on. The Bantu people of North Kavirondo, however, state that they came from 
the south, while the people of Masawa (and Ketosh) are said to have migrated by 
way of Usoga. The fact that the former are mainly growers of grain and potatoes, 
while the Masawa people resemble the Wasoga and Waganda in lai-gely 
cultivating bananas, would appear to support this tradition. The Nyifa or South 
Kavirondo, a tribe allied to the Negro Shuli, have no tradition as to their origin, 
and no knowledge of their cousins in the north. This fact might be taken to 
indicate that their presence in Kavirondo is prior to the Bantu. Tlie Bantu 
Kavirondo have moreover secured the best part of the country, viz., that with two 
rainy seasons, while the Negro Kavirondo are confined to that portion with only 
one rainy season. This would all point to the Bantu Kavirondo being the more 
recent conquerors in the count ly. I am also led to believe that the Negro Nyifa 
in Kavirondo are anterior to the Masawa, and that the Elgumi are of still more 
recent origin. 

The Masawa people have always spoken of the latter as encroachers, if not 
interlopers, and the Kikelelwa incident shows a spreading tribe. 

If the Negro Kavirondo reached their present position from Shuli country 
by the East of the Nile and Victoria, it would appear probable thai they were 
isolated by the intervening country between Mount Elgon and the Nile being 
occupied by the Bantu, who were themselves more recently sub-divided by an 
intrusive wedge of Elgumi, who separated Masawa from Usoga. 

It is interesting to note that the Wasoga, Waganda and Wanyoro know the 
Elgumi and Lango as Bakedi, or the naked people, while the equally naked Shuli 
are called by a distinctive name Bagani, and the Kavirondo are called Bakavirondo. 
Now it is hardly likely that the epithet " naked people " would be applied to a 
neighbouring tribe unless those who applied the term had some clothing 
themselves, and there is reason to believe that the Bantu peoples in the Victoria 
region have gradually developed a taste for clothing and were originally as naked 
as any one else there. The Waganda admit to the Bakedi raiding across the Nile, 
and to many more or less unsuccessful counter raids, but I have never heard them 
claim to have dispossessed the Bakedi of territory. On the other hand the fact 
that the Shuli have a specific name Bagani applied to them, not unlike the Bantu 
word for aliens, would show that the Bantu people knew them as a distinct tribe, 
and would tend to indicate that the Bakedi appeared later in the field. More 
reliable data as to this point should, however, be procured in Uganda, and doubtless 

Digitized by 


Tribes met vnth during progress of the Juba Expedition of 1897-9. 243 

will be forthcoming, if others will, like Mr. C. Hobley, take an interest in such 
investigations. But as matters stand, I would favour the theory that the Negros 
preceded the Bantu, and the Bantu preceded the Elgumi, Lango and Karamojo. 
Thus if we consider the more limited area in which tliere mingle representatives of 
the Negro, Bantu, Suk-Nandi, Masai and Karamojo, I am led to conclude that the 
Karamojo are the Ihost recent arrivals. Before them was a wave of Bantu 
sweeping northwards and of Masai (Eloegop) sweeping southwards dispossessing 
and encroaching on the older inhabitants represented by the Negros and Suk- 
Nandi families. Whether the Bantu or Eloegop were earlier in the field is 
uncertain, but it is noteworthy tliat the Masai were known to the Waganda, who 
had a prophecy, strangely brought to pass by the British occupation of Uganda, 
that their country would be conquered througli Masailand. The relative antiquity 
of the Negro tribes and the Suk-Nandi in their present geographical position is 
uncertain, and there is nothing on which to base an opinion, but on tliis i)oint, 
too, further research may throw some light. 

The whole question is a difficult one, but some of my conclusions appear to rest 
on a fairly solid foundation. In other cases, there may not be sufficient grounds 
to establish my theory, but as 1 have given my reasoning I trust that, even 
sliould the conclusions be afterwards proved inaccurate, in certain details, the 
work of my recent expedition has at all events thrown a little additional light on 
the most interesting problem of the ethnology of these regions. 


Mr. Crooke remarked that for him this paper possessed special interest 
because in it a mass of materials was collected which would be of value in 
considering the Negrito element in the Indian population, which probably reached 
the Peninsula from the opposite Continent of Africa. Some of the customs 
described by Lt.-Col. Macdonald were from this point of view of special interest. 
Thus, the wearing by the bridegroom of his bride's petticoat for some time after 
marriage suggested similar customs of sex disguisement in India, of which various 
explanations might be formulated. The Masai custom of bush burial in the case of 
lower class people might be compared with similar Indian burial rites as described 
in a paper contributed by him to the present number of the Journal. Tlie question 
of female circumcision among the Somalis was discussed by Major J. S. King, in 
Vel. II, Journal Anthropological Society of Bombay, So far it does not appear to 
have been traced in India. The blood covenant oatli of the Karamojos is an 
interesting parallel to similar Arabian rites, as described by Dr. Eobertson Smith. 
The Suks appear to have a well- developed custom of bride capture. The bride 
takes a child in her arms probably as a fertility charm. 

ilr. SiiRUBSALL pointed out the manner in which the lantern slides just 
exhibited illustrated the probable physical as opposed to the linguistic or social 
unity of the negro races of Africa, drawing attention to certain features of 
resemblance between the natives of the country to the north-easL of the great 
lakes, and those depicted on the Benin castings now q,% th^ British Museum, 

U 2 

Digitized by 


244 LiBUTENANT-CoLONEL J. R L Macdonald.— JVo//'^ oti th^ Ethnology of 

Collected by Lieut.-Coloxel J. R. L Macdoxald 




N. Kavirondo, 




Salutation .... 












amaji .... 












Village ... 





tiyangole ... 

lore; nawi 






waltonani ... 













mtoto ..^ 















































Fhintation ... 




elmgunda .... 





ng*ombe ... ' 



f ngeteng 1 
^ ngishu J 


fate \ 
taituk / 



ng*ombe jike.... 

entemugongo .. 




aituk aberu 

15 . 


ng*ombe ndume 

enteenume ... 


olegeteng .... 


aituk mauek 






\ ndare J 











18 ' 












undames ... 

akonikoni .... 



Waterhole .... 













nangololo ... 






















elgujita .... 



25 1 





n^ukok ... 











27 1 








28 ; 







agwara ... 








30 1 







ngijore .. 




turiembwa .... 




32 1 





r nigiringo 1 
\ ngiri J 
















lugunya ... 























mwanawefu .... 

olalashe ... 


lokatokan ... 




mukewange ... 















simba ... 

mpobgoma .... 



achiung .... 

angatum ... 










Iron wire ... 




sengenge ... 




Brass wire .. 








































How many .. 




kajakulo ... 












* Kikuyu word 

Digitized by 


Tribes met vrith during p-ogress of the Juha Kqxdition of 1 897-9. 245 







S. Kavirondo 








moBi .... 

nagaya 1 
kabla. J 

r mot. 

\ manwadba. 






Esni '.".. Z 




























korkoni ... 
















petunok .... 
























aTOB .... 







mosangik .... 

moBong .... 



macbabo .... 






















tela koroko .... 


koT&mta .... 






teta moran ... 








dieU .... 





kicherek .... 












&re .... 













kererkie .... 































BUBuandi .... 







nongum .... 





rde .... 

kaguruiyo .... 




































lueni .., 








nagejira .... 





p&iyek ... 









xnakao .... 





























wurtanyo ... 

keturche .... 






































tobokwe .... 

tobokwe .... 


malo .... 







f Bengenge \ 
\ amulnm J 










— . 




maBtinock .... 







paponyan .... 




























wanBum ... 


Digitized by 


240 Lieutenant-Colonel J. R. L Macimjnald.— JW-e'.< oii the EtJuwhpji/ of 

Central African 










sitere .... 





Yettfrtiay .... 





ngolonole ^.. 


52 . 

Id front 




lugunyia .... 

agowere .... 

kingaren .... 

53 j 










en jo .... 





55 ! 

No ..^ 











vos ..« 


































dia .... 















alagwa ^. 









engai ... 



64 ' 


ya nani 



kenengai ... 

anangai .... 








ununa —. 








onungana .... 










68 1 



Icta ...• 





69 ^ 








70 i 







achamet .... 







ilo .... 


72 . 

Will reach .... 













c'tYlanani .... 









tolomokin .... 


lie is coming 








He is going.... 

anakwenda .... 














78 , 

Do you know 




many ire 


mejakene ... 










Take away ... 














tolomokin .... 





aitangik ... 












To fight .... 

ku pigana 


matarata .... 

toriamu .... 







cnderoni .... 

egani .. 





kikalanguf .... 



om atari 

agu gum 






kelelak .... 


agilejok ... 




rapo a 



kokwak .... 

tomatiim ... 





aketiaketi ... 


aditadit .... 






kesbala .... 

yoghoma ... 


















mwekundu .... 



nanyuki .... 


narengan .... 







olobong .... 

nakwafian .... 




mwidugavu .... 







kama maji ya 



naiyasha .... 













moja .... 



















kunugoe ..... 









nyomou ... 















akankapei .... 







ghaiarak .... 

akankare ... 







kotoguni .... 








kotongon ... 











^ rerb alio. 

Digitized by 


Tribes met nnth during progress of the Jvha JB^jpatition of 1897-9. 247 

Vocabularies — continued. 





8. Kavirondo 

















b6rtiram ? .... 
























bortirom ? .... 



maxninye .... 

matinye .... 












wasuntutu .... 



mulegit .... 


marobon .... 




enduBne .... 


' 59 



ongolen .... 


wanBum .... 
















kulothi .... 







machegiae .... 





16 P 














ongonyete .... 

poDgoki .... 



maruga P 

kaunuti .... 


. 66 



nenyune .... 



k&nkiya .... 


, 07 

nangu . . 





kanketi .... 


' 68 


mananyo .... 



marejalicha .... 






Buturi ... 




70 ' nyona 













, 72 kepecha .... 







73 1 mona 


kaitete .... 





74 kanja 







1 75 

mauune .... 

maun ..%. 




bobifeda .... 


1 76 






aduf I 


1 77 






nidiemi .... 


78 1 kure 



nalalakujo .... 




79 [ angilttm ... 


kakorok ... 



nimbeka .... 


80 akorok .... 






81 ken>a 





fad&du .... 


82 anaim 







83 auchongim.... 







84 aiua 







85 epcsien 

ngebarke .... 

keporien .... 





86 yeiya 







87 1 au 







88 karan 

kolokol .... 

namnyum .... 



wandiko .... 


' 89 mongun .... 



kabehikucbo .... 




1 90 ■ njomot 


nyomutio .... 





91 1 nvatcl 

tokonyalo .... 


tombo kimar .... 




92 1 kariiin 

kararan .... 





93 , eya 







94 1 perir 
' 95 ; el 










1 96 , toi 






j 97 woiwei 







98 I Bul 






3 ! ^^''"^ - 







100 adeng 

101 eomok 













102 naongon .... 







103 ekan 







104 akankapei .... 



niutwakenge ... 




106 isnp 







106 tine 


mutwasomok .. 




107 Bokol 







106 ' n&man 





apaj^ - 




Digitized by 


( 248 ) 



By Mks. S. L. Hinde. 





Mrs. H. 



' Col. M. 



There are various 




forms of saluta- 




tion in Masai. 

Donkey (mascu- 


The salutation 


"soboi" is used 

„ (feminine) 




between men 





when jio< shaking 


hands; the reply 










Ood .... \ 
Rain .... j 


engitoh (form of 


ingai .... 








„ (female) 

ngoirraion (this 


„ (singular).... 


word is never 




used as a form of 

Earth (ground) .... 

ngop .... 



address unless 

Sleep (imperative 













Day .... \ 
Sun .... J 










Meat .... { 




aoth .... 






„ (warrior's 



Game (alive) .... 




war cloth.) 









ndap .... 


ngurruma .... l 

Arm (the whole) 





{emogonda is the V, eJmgunda. 





Kikuyu form). J 




A head of cattle... 





Cattle (plural) .... 




there is 











son ; child 

A goat 



is always 

Goat (he-) 




„ (she-) ... 







A sheep 






N.B. — In the Masai language there are different words for the males and females of domestic 
animals in distinction to those of wild animals, which have only one gender. 

Digitized by 


Mrs. S. L. Hinde. — Notes on the Masai Section ofLt-CoL MacdonalcCs Vocabulary, 249 













He is going 

keUo nenye .... 


Iron ¥rire 



Call (imp. sing.).... 
Do you know .... 






aiulu iye 











Finish (imp. sing.) 





Take away (imp. 

endau or 







In front 

nologonya .... 


Speak (imp. sing.) 



Behind (last) .... 



I>rink( „ „ ) 
Eat ( „ „ ) 

toogo or tooko 










To fight 

naarr or 





Make (imp. sing.) 



















































elai or enai .... 


or ollonyori. 




enaibasha (or 





naioasha as 

Bring (imperatiye 



we call it), 

means "the 

Come (imp. sing.) 

iooo or do 


big water" 

Want (I want) .... 



or "sea." 

Beach (imp. sing.) 


tabeiye (fut. 








Wait ( „ „ } 






Tell ( „ „ J 





Say ( ,. „ ) 




nabishana .... 


He is coming ... 

elofu nenye .... 





Digitized by 


( 250 ) 


By Miss M. R Woodward, 

SwAHiLi and all Bantu languages divide their nouns into a number of classes, 
which are distinguished by their fii-st syllable, and bring their adjectives, pronouns 
and verbs into relation with substantives by the use of corresponding changes in 
their first syllables. 





Miss W. 

Col. M. ' 



Man (person) 



Beach, to .... 



Male, n 



He will reach 



Woman, female, n 



Call, to 

kuita ... 1 
mwite .... J 


„ „ adj. 



CaU him 

}> II (of 



Finish, to 

kui9ha .... 1 
amekwisha J 



He has finished 





Drink, to 



Water hole 

tundu la tnaji .... 


Make (imper.) 










mtoto mume 


Unripe fruit 


maiunda mahiehi 

„ (male child) .... 





How many ? 

-ngapi f 


1, (fine) 



How many people ? • 

vsatu wangapi ? 


A good person 

mtu mwema 





A beautiful person 

mtu mzuri 


AH people 

watu wote 


Bad •.... 




-a nani 1 

ya nani. 

A bad person 

mtu mbaya 


Whose house ? 



Red ... 






A red house 

nyumba nyekundu 


My house 

nyvmba yangu .... 








A white child 

mtoto mweupe .... 


Your trees 









Black people 

watu weuH 


His house 

nyufnba yake .... 



kama maji ya 

kama maji 

Come (imper.) 



bahari (like 

ya bahari. 

Come, to 




Digitized by 


( 251 ) 


NOVEMBEll 21ST, 1899. 
Professor E. B. Tylor, D.C.L, LLD.,, m tlic Gliair. 

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and signed. 

The election of Mr. David MacIver as a Fellow of the Institute was 

The President introduced Dr. E. Westermarck of Finland, who proceeded to 
read his paper : — " On the nature of the Arab Ginn, illustrated by the present 
beliefs of the people of Morocco." 

Discussion was carried on by Mr. William Crooks, Mr. G. L. Gomme, Mr. 
BouvERiE PusEY, and Mr. 0. H. Howarth. After the exliibition of some 
lantern slides of Morocco, Professor Tylor closed the proceedings with a vote of 
thanks to Dr. E. Westermarck for a most useful and interesting paper. 

The Chairman mentioned that the Third Edition of AiUhropolofjical Notes and 
Queries had just been issued. 

Digitized by 



By Edward Westermaeck, Ph.D., Lecturer on Sociology at the University of 

Finland, Helsingfors. 

The Arab (jimi hold a prominent place in the young Science of Religion in 
connection with a theory now much in vogue. They have been represented as 
survivals of ancient Semitic religion, — survivals which indicate that the Semites 
passed through a stage of totemism before they arrived at their conceptions of 
transcendental gods. This hypothesis, which has gained much adherence, seems to 
me to require reconsideration. Before proceeding to discuss the origin of the 
belief in ^iiiUj however, I shall give a detailed account of the belief itself, and this 
account I shall base upon the present superstitions of the people of Morocco 
among whom I have spent nearly a year, and to whom I shall soon return, with 
a view of examining the traces of Pre-Muhammedan belief still existing among 

The belief in ^niln^ forms a very important part of tlie actual creed of the 
Muhammedan population of Morocco, Arab and Berber alike. It pervades all 
classes, and though some of the more enlightened Moors are inclined to represent 
it as a superstition of the ignorant, I doubt whether there is anyone who does not 
practically adhere to it. The common people speak of the ^7iiiln as unreservedly 
as of men and women, and do not hesitate to claim a personal acquaintance with 
them. In consequence, it is comparatively easy to acquire an accurate knowledge 
of their belief. 

The ^niln form a special race of beings, created before Adam. In various 
respects, however, they are like men. They eat and drink, they propagate their 
species, they are subject to death, and some of them, the Muhammedan gfiiln, go to 
heaven after death. They even form sexual connections with men. In the village 
Ebnl Hlu, in the Angera district, 1 was told that a villager once married a §innia, 
or female §inn. She gave birth to two sons, one of whom became a tdleh, or scribe, 
and is still alive. In a village near Tetuan, a similar case occun-ed. A man 
married a gmnia, and lived with her in a mill. "When they were alone she had 
the appearance of a woman, but, as soon as anybody else entered the mill, she 

1 I have obtained valuable assistance from Slierlf *Abd s-Salto 1-Bakali, a resident of 
Tangier, who has accompanied me on all my journeys in Morocco. 

* dnUn (^i^a:>-) is the Moorish plui-al of ginrif or genu {^^*^}' 

Digitized by 


Edward Westermarok. — The Nature of the Arab (iinn, 253 

assumed the shape of a frog. The people knew of her from her doings. One 
morning her husband was found in his bed with his legs tied up. He had 
quarrelled with his wife, and she had taken her revenge in this way, whilst he 
was asleep. As a rule, however, she was kind to him. He had always money, he 
was well dressed, and possessed many guns, — which could only be accounted for 
by his having a §innia for his wife. This was, after all, an unusually happy 
instance, for connections with ^n^An generally result in madness. 

U^n'An may be met with anywhere, but certain places are especially haunted, 
meskunin (^jJ^L^). At Tangier they have their favourite abode on the sea-shore ; 
at Fez m an old fort-; at Marrakesh their sultans assemble in the big well called Uhlr 
I'hculddd, at Tetuan in the spring l-knd l-khir. They inhabit rivers, woods, the sea, 
ruins, houses, and particularly springs, and drains, and caves, and other underground 
places. Their native country is below the surface of the earth. There they have 
villages and towns, and live in tribes or nations, each of which has its sultan. But 
they are not tied down to any particular spot, and sometimes they travel great 
distances. They are constantly coming forth to the upper world, more especially 
when it is dark. Hence, a Moor's fear of the gnAn practically commences with the 
twilight. There are streets in which he will not venture to walk at night, and houses 
which are uninhabited because nobody dares to sleep in them. In Marrakesh I 
heard of a man who moved out from his hoiLse regularly every night. Most Moors 
are afraid of sleeping alone in a room, especially if the door be left open, and to sleep 
in a stairway is regarded as particularly dangerous. It would require still greater 
courage to pay a nocturnal \dsit to a place where cattle are slaughtered, as the 
ynUn have a special predilection for places where there is blood. As soon as it 
gets dark, too, a Moor will carefully abstain from pouring out hot water on the 

The gu'^yii have no fixed forms, but may assume almost any shape they like. 
They appear now as men, and now as goats, cats, dogs, donkeys, tortoises, snakes, 
or other animals, — now as monsters with the body of a man and the legs of a 
donkey, now in other shapes, — sometimes, for instance, with seven heads. A man 
told me that once in his youth he met a little baby which suddenly changed 
into a giant. The monster, which was, of course, a gimiy gave him a blow which 
made him lame for three years. One evening my' servant, l-'Arbi, saw a §inn in 
the offices attached to a mosque. The ^inn was white, had long hair, and was 
scratching its head. L-'Arbi, who was frightened, called the night-watch, and the 
§inn then ran away in the shape of a red dog. L-'Arbi asserted that he was out 
of his mind for a month afterwards, and then a magician cured him by writing 
him a charm. In my house at Marrakesh my sleep was disturbed by the noise of 
a cat. When I told my servants to drive the creature away, they answered me 
that no Moor would ever dare to hit a cat in the dark, since it is very doubtful 
what sort of being it really is. It would be easy to fill a volume with §inn stories 
from Morocco. 

A yinn often indicates its presence by producing something strange or 

Digitized by 


254 Edwakd Westeumarck. — 7%e Nature of the Arab 6inn, 

unexpected. The columns of sand or dust wliich often travel across the plains of 
Morocco are caused by ^wiln. In some places such a miniature cyclone is called 
l-ammaria del-^niln (f^JfLa^\j ^j^^)y "the bridal box of the ijn'AnI* in other 
places, 'aii^d (j. ju:), this being the name of an *dfrit{s), or strong ^inn. Ignis 
fatiius is a fire kindled by gnUn. A falling star is a dart thrown by the angels at 
a §inn who tries to get up to heaven. The big stones in the walls of Mequinez 
were carried there by ^ntin, being too heavy for any man to lift. Dear times are 
caused by many ^ntln being in the town and eating up the food. When a man stumbles 
in the dark, some people say that he trod on a §inn. The most usual way in which 
the gn'An make their presence felt is by causing sudden disturbances of the health, 
such as convulsions, epileptic and paralytic fits, rheumatic and neuralgic pains, fits 
of madness, and certain epidemics which are rare and violent, like the cholera. In 
these cases the gimi works its will by striking its victim, and by entering his 
body, or sometimes, in cases of epidemics, by shooting an arrow at him. When the 
cholera was in Morocco some years ago, the people believed that an army of jrvAn 
had overrun the country. Where the epidemic was very violent, the jnHin were 
supposed to have pitched their tents inside the town wall, whereas the occurrence 
of a few cases only indicated that they were camping outside the town, and now 
and then making a hit with their poisoned arrows. I was told at Tetuan that 
those who died were followed to the grave by an unusually great number of 
people, and that for the following reason : — when a dead man was buried, the 
enemy at once looked out for another victim, and let his arrow fly among the 
crowd at the grave, and, therefore, the bigger the crowd, the less the individual risk. 
Jackson, in his account of the plague which raged in Morocco a century ago, also 
states that those who were attacked by the plague were supposed to have been 
shot by " genii " armed with arrows.* It should, however, be noticed that by no 
means all kinds of illnesses are attributed to the tricks of the gn'An, but only 
sudden and unusual ones. Fever, typhoid, small-pox, etc., are sent by God ; and 
there are many people who assert that all diseases are punisliments inflicted upon 
mankind by God, and that the gnxin^ when attacking men, only do so by His 

A man seized with sudden fear is peculiarly liable to the atta<jks of the 
^Tilin. If he then fall a victim to them he is said to have shd'ta (Tax^). If, for 
instance, anyone falls ill after being frightened by a cat or a dog in a dark place, 
the animal is held to have been a ginn, and the man's illness is explained by 
saying that the giiin entered into him and gave him shd'ta. Again, suppose 
a boy, whilst eating with his father, misbehaves in some way. If, when his father 
punishes him, he begins to weep, the gniln, which are always near people who are 
eating, easily seize him and give him shd'fa. It is bad to awaken a man out of 
sleep too suddenly. He should be aroused slowly, as otherwise he may be 
frightened and get shd'ta. It is also considered bad for a man to look at himself 

Jackson, An Account of (he Eiiipire of Morocco (1814), pp. 176 sq. note. 

Digitized by 


ilhistrated hy the present beliefs of the People of Morocco, 255 

in a looking-glass in the evening, and some people say that, if he does so, a §inn 
goes into his eyes and makes them sore. There is held to be something mysterious 
about the reflected image in the glass. 

There are good ^7iti» and bad ^nti^i, but the latter hold a much more prominent 
place in the popular creed. They are shidtan ( A?lj^) devils, and the worst of them 
is called Iblis, the devil, who is also termed shitan. The plural ibdlis ((jJjoJ.), 
however, is sometimes used for bad ^niin generally. Iblis has seven hairs on his 
chin, and a bad scar over one of his eyes. He it is who incites men to fight. If 
a man is pugnacious, and his friends say, alld JinndH sh-shitan (^UaxiJl Jjtxj ^\), 
i.e., " May God curse the devil," Iblis is frightened away, and tlie man at once 
becomes quiet. Iblis tempts brothers to have illicit intercourse with their sisters. 
When a man is about to give alms to the poor, Iblis restrains him. Iblis finds 
pleasure in seeing men do what is hateful to God. If anybody pollutes a mosque, 
or uses unclean liquid for his ablutions, or treats the Koran disrespectfully, he may 
be sure of gaining Iblis's favour. Iblis rejoices when a man dies unmarried, and 
weeps when a young man takes to himself a wife. He gives people bad dreams, 
and when a man yawns, he dirties his mouth. 

The bad ^wdn being always ready to attack human beings, various means are 
used for keeping them at a distance. The ^n4n are afraid of salt and steel. 
Some Moors put salt in their pillows, or take salt in their hands when they go out 
at night, and if a man be frightened, it is advisable for him to eat salt. There are 
also people who put a knife near their pillow before they go to bed. A boy who 
was left alone in a house was attacked by ^nilji. They shut the door and blew 
out the light, but by rubbing a knife against the wall the boy succeeded in driving 
them out. The best, and, from a religious point of view, the correct preventive 
against the attacks of the ^niln is the recital of passages of the Koran. A man 
who passes haunted places in the dark will feel safer if he repeat the djatu l-kurst. 
When a man pours hot water on the ground, he generally says, bism illdy " In the 
name of God." The same words are uttered before every meal : he who neglects 
to say them will have ^niin as table-companions. During the holy month of 
Eamadan the ^iln are confined in prison until the twenty-seventh night of that 
month. They are especially afraid of everything connected with the religion of 
the Prophet, and, hence, they have a great respect for his descendants, the shurfa. 

When the Moors build a house or dig a well, they always take precautions 
against ^niln. The Angera people put some salt and wheat and an egg in the 
ground, and kill a goat on the threshold of the new house ; otherwise, they say, the 
children of the house would be stillborn or would soon die. In various parts of 
Morocco some animal — a goat, or a sheep, or a cock, sometimes a bullock — is killed 
both when the foundation of a house is laid, and when the house is ready, or nearly 
ready for occupation. In the latter case the sacrifice takes place on the threshold, 
and afterwards the slaughtered animal is eaten by the proprietor, his family, and 
invited guests. When a well is dug, a goat or a sheep is also killed, especially if 

Digitized by 


256 Edward Westermarck —The Nature of the Aral ^Hnn, 

there be no signs of water. In Angera T saw a well of which the lining brickwork 
was broken, and my native friends told me that it had cracked immediately after 
it had been built up, because no animal had been sacrificed to " the owners of the 
place." Every place has its ^ntin, its owners, muslin l-rnkdn (^^C^\ ^•^). When 
travelling, the Moor asks for the protection of the spirits and the saints of the 
place in which he is going to pitch his tent. Every house, too, has its ^inn, good or 
bad. If the ^inn be good, the inhabitants will prosper ; if bad, they will have 
misfortunes or soon die. When a Moor strikes a light in a dark room, he says, 
msa-UJwiir 'alikum jd mwdlin l-mkdn {^JCa^\ ^yo b ^XjJ^ -xiL**.^), " Good 

evening to you, oh ye owners of the place." The spirit of the house is frightened 
by dogs, by photographs, and by whistling. 

When a §inn has got hold of a man, various means are employed for driving 
him out. At Laraiche there is a spring near Sidi Boknadel's hamma (a^^J^, or 
offering-place, into which people possessed with ^niin throw loaves of saltless 
bread. Some tortoises will probably appear and eat the bread, and the man who 
has thrown it in, after sprinkling his body with water from the spring, believes that 
he has got rid of his complaint. Someone who had tried the cure told me that 
he threw into the water two loaves, one cold and the other hot, because, as he said, 
his body was shivering with cold and burning with heat at the same time. I was 
informed at Marrakesh that a similar cure is practised near Glawi, in the Great 
Atlas. The patient throws a saltless loaf into the spring attached to Lalla 
Takerkut's sainthouse. Then he takes a bath in the spring, and the tortoises 
which eat the bread will rid him of the §n'ilin by biting him. Eelated to this 
means of expelling 5'n'iin is the so-called didfa (i—ibupjl), which is subject to many 
variations in detail. The following accoimt shows one of the ways in which it is 
practised. A dish of fish or meat is prepared, without salt. Part of it, together 
with some saltless bread, is eaten by the patient, and another part is put on a plate 
and taken by a black woman to some place haunted by ^n'An, She also takes with 
her, in her basket, a piece of a looking-glass, a miniature flag in seven colours, some 
sort of clumsy doll, and a copper coin, together with some burning charcoal and 
incense. Besides the patient, the other members of his family may also partake 
of the dish, but, if they partake, they ought to salt what they eat. The woman who 
carries the basket must not speak to anybody slie happens to meet, for otherwise 
the jwAn may go into her. GeneraUy some hungry dogs eat the food after the 
black woman has gone away. In Ebnl Hlu, again, the practice is to kill a cock, 
boil it, and to put its boiled flesh into a dish of mksu. The dish, when thus 
filled, is surmounted by the feathers of the dead cock, care being taken that 
none fall ofll After the patient has tasted the dish, an old woman carries the rest 
to some spring wliich is haunted by gwAuy and on the following morning, if the food 
has disappeared, the feathers are brought back to the house, and burnt, and the 
patient inhales the smoke. If, on the other hand, the food is left untouched, there 
is no hope of bis recovery. I have also heard that, in some places, a cock is killed 

Digitized by 


illustrated by the present beliefs of the People of Morocco, 257 

over the sick man's head, without the orthodox ritual of turning it towards the East, 
and without any invocation of God. The cock, which should have the colour of 
the §inn that is troubling the patient, is then carried to a place haunted by gwA/iu 
But this is called Wdr ( jJl), not d-didfa, which always involves the idea of a meal 
with §niXn as guests. Two or three different ideas seem to underlie these 
practices. Not only have we the idea of a sacrifice, but we have, also, the idea of 
enticing the ^inn to leave the body of the patient, and, yet further, the idea of 
transferring the disease into some other body. The killing of the cock is a 
sacrifice, and the di^/Jx-meal has the character of a sacrificial meal. At the same 
time, there seems to be some hope that the ^niJ7i, being very greedy, will not be 
able to resist the temptation of the saltless delicacy. In the haunted place where 
the didfa-looA is deposited, they assume the shapes of the tortoises or dogs, which 
are seen to eat the food brought there in the patient's behalf. The idea of 
transference, again, is indicated by the biting of the patient by the tortoises, by 
the doll which is put in the basket together with the food, by the fact that the 
woman who carries the didfa-iooA must not open her mouth, and by the belief, 
expressly held by some people, that tlie dogs which eat the didfa-iooA are not gn'jOM, 
but real dogs, and that, after eating, they will be possessed by the gniXn that 
troubled the patient. 

The jn'An are divided into tribes, and each tribe has its special day for 
attacking human beings, as, also, its special colour. By ascertaining the day when 
a §inn lias entered a man, the magician can decide the colour of the ginn^ and can 
take his measures accordingly. The so-called Gnawa, who stand in an especially 
intimate relation to the gn'An, and wlio are frequently called on to expel them from 
people who are ill, are said to dress both themselves and the patient in the colour 
of the ginn that is believed to be the cause of the patient's illness, but this I have 
not seen for myself. All the seven colours of the rainbow are used for magical 
purposes when the tribes of all the days of the week are concerned, and, also, when, 
as sometimes happens, the particular tribe immediately concerned cannot be found 
out. But a good magician, I am told, does not make frequent use of the seven 
colours. The colour of an animal which is oflfered to the §n'A,n generally is black. 

The performance by means of which the Gnawa endeavour to expel the jwAn 
is often very complicated, and may last for days. They sing and dance ; walk 
round the patient, and make wry faces close to him ; take him on their necks and 
carry him about, etc., etc. On Saturdays they eat dirt, because Saturday is the 
day of the Jewish jwAn^ which are fond of dirt. I saw some of these practices 
performed in Marrakesh, when one of my servants feigned sickness, and the 
mkaddam, or chief, of the Gnawa, together with an assistant, tried to cure him. 
I also called in a magician from Sfls. He pressed my servant's thumb, pinched 
his ear, and whispered into it passages from the Koran. He assured me thiit it 
was sometimes necessary to continue such whispered recitations for hours before 
the evil spirit would take flight. Passages of the Koran are also written upon a 
piece of paper, — which is often black, or coloured in accordance with the colour of 
New Series, Vol. II, Noa. 3 and 4. S 

Digitized by 


258 Edward Westkrmarck. — The Nature of the Arab dinn, 

the ^inn, and the paper is then hung round the patient's neck or burnt before his 
nose. In the latter case it is the smoke from the burning paper that is supposed 
to expel the ^inn. 

In cases of disease recourse is frequently had to beings who are sometimes 
called sultans, and sometimes saints of the gnda. To this class belong Sidi 
Hammu and his son Sidi Hammftda, Sidi Miiimiin, Lalla Maimiina, Lalla Mtra, 
Lalla Rkeja, Sidi Mftsa, Sidi Busiihba, Shum Hirush and liis son, stUtdn l-khal, Sidi 
Boknddel, etc. All these have their hammat(s), or oflfering places, which are often 
nothing more than big stones near or in the sea. Opinions vary, however, about 
the nature of these beings. Some of them are said by certain people to be 
ordinary human saints, and their master is Mulai 'Abd 1-Kd,der, the sultan of all 
the saints. To the ^inn-sultans offerings are made by patients or their families, 
to enlist their assistance in driving away the molesting ^nn. Very frequently 
cocks are carried to the hammat(s) of these saints, and are either slaughtered there, 
or left there alive. One morning at Tangier, I saw several women walk to a large 
stone in the sea, the hamma of Sidi MClsa. They kissed the stone, placed on it 
some candles and incense, and had a bath on the other side of it. 

A regular ^inn-cult is practised by the Gnawa, of whom we have already 
spoken. They are usually, but not always, blacks from the Sudan, and they form 
a regularly-constituted secret society. They live on more or less amicable terms 
with the §niXn, and, as I have already said, are experts in exorcism. The Gnawa 
celebrate an annual feast at which they make sacrifices to the ^n'An. I was at Tetuan 
this year when the feast took place. The Gnawa went in procession, with noisy 
music, to a spring called 'ain f'§dwar, near the Moorish cemetery outside the town. 
They took with them a black bullock, a black goat, and a black donkey carrying 
several chickens of various colours. When they came near the spring they 
danced, burnt incense, and lighted candles. The bullock was then killed, and the 
man who slaughtered it sucked blood from its throat The other animals shared 
the same fate. Unfortunately I did not arrive at the spot until the proceedings 
were just over, but I am speaking. from credible hearsay. When provisions are 
dear, the Gnawa go to the hamma of some ginn-snlteinj — Sidi Hammu being a 
special favourite, — or to the place where the ^znn-sultans generally reside. 

The Gnawa pretend not only to expel ^niJn, but, also, to attract them at their 
will. By inhaling the smoke of a certain incense and by dancing, they induce 
the gjiiin to enter their bodies, and, when thus possessed, they are able to tell 
future events. I have twice been present at a s^nce in the Moorish fashion. The 
magician, a black man from S&s, wrote some mystic signs on a sheet of paper 
which he fastened to the wall Having thus written a letter to the spirits, he blew 
out the light, and demanded absolute silence. After a few minutes a tremendous 
noise was heard : the ginn came down along the wall, and ran to the magician. 
A dialogue between the ^inn and the magician ensued, after which the ^inn went 
away over the roof. Nothing else could be seen in the dark but the vague 
outline of a moving body. The ^inn once shook hands with me, and the hand 

Digitized by 


ilhcstrated by the present beliefs of the People of Morocco. 259 

was that of a man. The magician had no assistant. He was undoubtedly 
a good ventriloquist, and endowed with exceptional powers of seeing in the dark. 

The gn4n are, generally speaking, lacking in individuality. Their chcurac- 
teristics are those of the species and of the tribe. Each tribe has not only its 
special colour, but also its special religion. There are Muhammedan, Jewish, 
Christian, and pagan gn4n. Moreover, the different tribes attack men under 
different conditions. According to a manuscript which was given to me by a 
magician belonging to the tribe Ebni 'Anis, the Sunday ^mln will attack a man if 
he wash himself whilst perspiring ; the Monday ^nii?i, if he walk on ashes at night ; 
the Tuesday ifniln, if he walk on blood ; the Wednesday ^7iti?i, if he walk in a 
watery place ; the Thursday ^nilny if he tread upon them in the dark ; the Friday 
gniln, if he walk in dirt ; the Saturday gniln, if he go out at night in a state of 
perspiration. At the same time, there are, as we have seen, among the ^nilny saints 
and sultans who, at any rate, possess proper names, and there is one §innia who 
has a very distinct individuality, viz., 'Aisha Kandlsha. She lives in rivers, or 
wells, or in the sea. She appears in various shapes, now as a child, now as a grown- 
up woman, with long hair and a beautiful face, but with the legs of a goat or an 
ass. She knows the name of every man, but when she calls anybody he should 
not answer her, for she is very dangerous. Not only does she kill men, she is, also, 
sometimes said to eat them. She will, however, disappear at once if a knife, or 
even a needle, be shown to her, for, like all gn'An, she is afraid of steel. She seems 
to be known everywhere in Morocco. The people of Tetuan say that she lives in 
the river, outside the town, at a place where there is a ruined bridge. She seizes 
and kills people who bathe there ; and every year three or four men are said to fall 
victims to her in this way. In the summer, when it is very warm, she is some- 
times seen sitting on the shore. At other places, she is said to dwell in the sea. 
A Moorish friend of mine tells me that, in his childhood, his mother used to warn 
him against 'Aisha Kandisha when he was going to bathe. She has a husband 
called Hammu Kaiu, who is not much spoken of. But in the neighbourhood of 
Mequinez a man told me that he had once seen him in a river. 

The 'afdrit, (c-jJx) sing. *dfrit (c:^^ Jlc-Y form a special class of §n^n 
remarkable for great strength and ferocity, and, consequently, much dreaded. The 
Moors also believe in the existence of beings named gudl (J^v^l) sing. g6l (J^\!), 
who have black faces and eyes like flaming fire, and are fond of human flesh. 
There are, however, no gudJ in Morocco. They live only in the Sudan, and in 
Morocco one liears of them chiefly from mothers who want to frighten their 
children. I have heard some people say that the gudi are not gn^n, but form a 
species by themselves, whereas others are of opinion that they belong to the 

These are, so far as I have been able to ascertain, the main features of the 
belief in §inn as it exists among the people of Morocco at the present day. My 

> In the North of Morocco pronounced ^afariU sing. ^dfriU, 

8 2 

Digitized by 


2fiO Edward Westermabck. — The Nature of the Arab 6inn, 

next object will be to show that this behef, in all its essentials, and in a great many 
of its details, is identical with that of the Eastern Arabs, and may be said, in the 
main, to represent part of the old Arab religion, iu spite of the great mixture of 
race which has taken place on African soil. 

It is related in histories that, in ancient times before the creation of man, a 
race of ginn " inhabited the earth and covered it, the land and the sea, and the 
plains and the mountains."* Human or animal characteristics are imiversally 
attributed to them. Of the belief in marriages between men and female §inn, 
there are instances recorded both in Arabic literature,* and in Doughty's 
description of his recent travels in the Arabian desert.* According to a tradition 
from the Prophet, the §inn inhabit the land, the sea, and the air.* They are 
stated to live not only in uninhabited places, such as deserts, marshes, dense forests, 
and inaccessible mountains, but also in the dwellings of men.* In Mecca houses 
haunted by §inn are said to be Toeskun? The modern Egyptians believe that the 
ginn "inhabit rivers, ruined houses, wells, baths, ovens, and even the latrina."' 
But in the East, as well as in Morocco, their chief abode seems to be the 
under- world. In his Travels in Arabia Deserta, Doughty states, "They iuhabit 
seven stages, which (as the seven heavens above) is the building of the under- 
world.*'® They are frequently supposed to be guardians of hidden treasures.*^ In 
Egypt, says Lane, it is a custom, " on pouring water, et<;., on the ground, to exclaim 
or mutter, * Destoor,* — that is, to ask the permission or crave the pardon of any 
ginnee that may chance to be there."*^ The fact that the chief abode of the ginn is 
the under-world is, in fact, a corollary from the belief that they live in the dark 
and disappear at daybreak." Everywhere the ginn are feared chiefly in the dark. 
Thus, in Upper Egypt, according to Klunzinger, nobody ventures to live in a house 
alone, to go out alone late at night, or to remain alone in a room at night. According 
to the same authority it is not considered permissible to sweep out a house at night, 
because some ginn might be struck and injured by the broom, and, for similar 
reasons, people do not care to have anything to do with cats, as these may be ginn 
in disguise.*^ 

In the East, as in Morocco, the shapes which the ^inn assume vary 
indefinitely. They appear to mankind not only in the shapes of serpents, 
scorpions, dogs, cats, wolves, jackals, lions, and other animals, but also as human 

» Lane, Arabian Society in the Middle Ages, pp. 29 sq. 

« von Kremer, Ctdturgeschickte des Orients unter den Chalifen^ vol. ii, p. 259 ; Wellhausen, 
Reste arabiscken Heidentkums (1897), p. 154. 

* Doughty, Travels in Arabia Deseria, vol. ii, pp. 191 sqq, 

* von Kremer, loc. cit,, vol. ii, p. 257. 

* Wellhausen, loc. cit, pp. 149 «^^. ; von Kremer, Stitdien zur vergleichenden Culturgeschickte 
part ii, p. 26. 

" Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, vol. ii, p. 128. 

* Lane, Manners and Customs of the Modem Egyptians (1896), p. 232. 

» Doughty, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 259. » von Kremer, Studien, part ii, pp. 30 sqq. 

'• Lane, Modern Egyptians, p. 232. " The Koran, sur. cxiii, v. 3. 

»« Klunzinger, Upper Egypt, pp. 389 sq. 

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illustrated hy the preaent heliefs oftlie People of Morocco, 261 

beings, in which latter case tliey are sometimes of the stature of men, and 
sometimes of a size enormously gigantic.^ An Arab told Doughty that " for a 
while he could perceive nearly a half part of all who bear the form of mankind to 
be jins."* In the Arabian Nights they are often represented as appearing, first of 
all, in a monstrous undefined shape, like an enormous pillar, and as only gradually 
assuming a human shape and less gigantic size. The extreme changeability of the 
appearance of the gi^m is well illustrated in the twenty-second Night, where we 
read of an 'ifi-it who came out of a water-tank in the semblance of a mouse. It 
grew and grew, until it became, first a coal-black cat, then a dog, then an ass-colt, 
and finally it became a buffalo. 

The Oriental giym indicate their presence in very much the same way as their 
Moorish brethren. Lane says that it is the general belief of the Arabs of Egypt 
that the whirlwind which raises the sand in the form of a pillar is caused by the 
flight of one of these beings.' It seems quite probable that the idea expressed in 
the Koran* that the ginn were created of smokeless fire was derived from the 
strange phenomenon of ignis fatuuSy which the present-day Arabs,* like the Moors, 
believe to be lighted by ginn. The superstition with regard to a falling star 
finds support in some texts of the Koran, according to which the ginn listen 
at the gate of heaven for scraps of the knowledge of futurity, and, when detected 
by the angels, are driven off, and pelted with shooting stars.' Many Arabs ascribe 
the erection of the Pyramids, and all the most stupendous remains of antiquity in 
Egypt, to Gann Ibn-Gann and his servants, the ginn, "conceiving it impossible that 
they could have been raised by human hands."' The Eastern ginn as well as the 
Western ^n^An are also disease-spirits. They cause asphyxia, lumbago, epilepsy, 
epidemics, madness, etc.* "Mankind, after the Arabs' opinion," says Doughty, 
" may be vexed in their bodies and minds by possession of the jan . . . Strange 
maladies and lunatic affections are ascribed to their influence; scorned and 
bewildered persons are said to be 'bejinned,' mejniln, demoniacs."' They also 
think that a man who is fiwleep ought not to be awakened ; but the reason Doughty 
gives for this opinion differs from that assigned by the Moors. The sleeping man, 
he observes, ** is as it were in trance with God."^® 

Iblis is, of course, known to all the Muhammedan peoples. In the Koran his 
name always appears without the article, as a proper name, whereas the Moors, as 

» Lane, Arabian Society^ p. 35 ; von Krenier, Culiurgeschickte, vol. ii, p. 267 ; Wellhausen 
loc, cit,y p. 156. 

» Doughty, loc, cit., vol. ii, pp. 189 sq, 

■ Lane, Modem Egyptians, p. 232 ; cf, WellhauseD, loc, cit., p. 151 ; von Kremer, Studien 
part ii, p. 29, note 3. 

* 7%« Korauj sur. xv, v. 27 ; sur. Iv, v. 14. 

* Burton, in his translation of the Arabian lights, vol. i, p. 398, note 3. 
« The Koran, sur. Ixxii, v, 9 ; of, ibid,, sur. Ixvii, v. 5. 

' Lane, Modem Egyptians, p. 236. 

* Wellhausen, loc, cit,, pp. 155 «^. ; von Kremer, CuUurgetchichte, vol. ii, pp. 257 sqq. 
» Doughty, loc. cit., vol. i, pp. 258 sq. 

»• Ibid., vol. i, pp. 249 sq. ; cf Wellhausen, loc. cit., p. 163. 

Digitized by 


262 Edward Westkrmarck. — The Nature of the Arab dinn, 

already said, also have the plural ihalis, though it is rarely used. Al-Buchalry says 
that yawning comes from Iblis,^ and the Egyptian fellah believes that " there is 
always a devil ready to leap down his throat in case he should happen to gape.*** 

The Eastern ginn are afmid of iron and salt, as also of sacred words.* Baron 
von Kremer suggests that their fear of iron is owing to their fear of a loud 
rattling noise, such as that produced by metal, but this view is hardly correct."* 
Professor Tyler's explanation seems to me much more satisfactory. The ginn^ he 
observes, are essentially creatures belonging to the ancient Stone Age, and the new 
metal is hateful and hurtful to them.* It should be remembered that they are not 
afraid of any metal but iron or steel, and that they have the same dread of salt, 
which produces no noise, but which is also an innovation to the Arabs. There are 
Beduin tribes who, up to the present time, know nothing of salt, and find the use of 
it ridiculous.* It will perhaps be suggested that the §mn fear salt because salt is 
sacred.' But bread is held in equal veneration by all Arabic peoples, and is 
nevertheless much liked by the ginn ; and iron is the very reverse of being sacred. 
In Morocco, at least, it is regarded as sinful to cleave bread with a knife. Again, 
the fear in which the ginn stand of passages of the Koran is easily explicable from 
the fact that Muhammedanism was the successful rival religion, which, though 
recognising the existence of jinny attributed to them a very inferior position in the 
spirit-world. The Arabs of Egypt, according to Lane, believe that, during 
the month of Ramadan, the §inn are confined in prison.* In Morocco, as 
we have already seen, the imprisonment is thought to last only until the 
twenty-seventh night of that month, and the same belief seems to prevail in 

The Beduins of the Arabian Desert sprinkle blood upon newly-broken fallow, 
upon the foundation of a new building, and, also, when they open new wells or 
enlarge old ones.^® In Al-Hegr, says Doughty, husbandmen "use to sprinkle 
new break-land with the blood of a peace-ofifering : the like, when they build, they 
sprinkle upon the stones, lest by any evil accidents the workmen's lives should be 
endangered."*^ It was the opinion of the early Arabs, as it is of the present Moors, 
that particular §inn preside over particular places. It is said in the Koran, " And 
there are persons amongst men who seek for refuge with persons amongst the 

» Wellhausen, loc. cit., p. 163. 

• St. John, Village Life in Egypt^ vol. i, p. 262. 

■ Lane, Modem Egyptians, pp. 232, 235 ; von Kremer, Studien, part ii, pp. 36 sq. ; Doughty 
loc. city vol. ii, pp. 2 sq. 

• von Kremer, Studien, part ii, pp. 36 sq. 

» Tylor, Primitive Culture (1891), vol. i, p. 140. 

• A. von Wrede's Reise in Hadhramauty edited by von Maltzan, p. 94. 

' Cf D'Arvieux, Voyage dans la Palestine (1*71*7), p, 167 ; Burton, Pilgrimage to Al-Ifudinah 
and Meccak (1898), vol. ii, p. 112. 

• Lane, Modem Egyptians, p. 235. 

» Certeux and Camoy, VAlgtie traditionelle, p. 83. The ginn are there said to be confined 
in prison " dans les vingt-sept premiers jours du mois de Ramadan." 

" Doughty, loc. cit, vol. i, p. 452. " Ihid., vol. i, p. 136 

Digitized by 


illvstraied hy the present beliefs of the People of Morocco. 263 

^inn"^ In the commentary of Al-GalS,lan we find the following note upon this 
passage : — " When they halted, on their journey, in a place of fear, each man said, 
* I seek refuge with the Lord of this place, from the mischief of his foolish ones.' " 
llie modern Arabs have the same belief in the local lordship of the ^inn.* The 
Egyptian fellahs hold that " every place, every part of a house, is inhabited by its 
peculiar genius ; "* and in Cairo, according to Lane, each quarter of the city is 
supposed to have its guardian-spirit, which has the form of a serpent.* 

As for the expulsion of ginii, Doughty observes that there are exorcists in 
Arabia who make people believe that, by reading powerful spoils out of the 
Koran, they can terrify and expel the possessing demons.* According to Snouck 
Hurgronje, transference of disease is practised in Mecca. When a child is ill, its 
mother puts seven loaves of bread under its pillow, and then, after the child has 
slept on them for a night, gives them to the dogs to eat.* In the literature on the 
Eastern Arabs I have found no exact counterpart to the Moorish didfa, but a very 
similar custom is reported to exist in Timbuctoo. When a men is sick, we are told, 
some saint is asked what animal must be sacrificed for the recovery of the patient, 
whether a white cock, a red cock, a hen, an ostrich, an antelope, or a goat. " The 
animal is then killed in the presence of the sick, and dressed ; the blood, feathers, 
and bones are preserved in a shell and carried to some remote spot, where they are 
covered and marked as sacrifice. No salt or seasoning is used in the meat, but 
incense is used previous to its preparation. The sick man eats as much as he can 
of the meat, and all present partake ; the meat and what else is dressed with it, 
must be the produce of charitable contributions from others, not of the house or 
family ; and every contributor prays for the patient."' No idea of a transference 
of the disease is involved in this practice. Those parts of the animal which are 
not eaten by the patient and his friends are expressly said to be covered, which is 
certainly not the case in Morocco, where an observant eye can frequently detect 
remains of the didfa-iood on the roadside. Considering the important part the 
Gnawa play as exorcists in Morocco, it seems more than probable that many 
practices connected with the expulsion o'f ^iin have a Sudanese origin. 

The Eastern ^inn display no more individuality than the Moorish ones; 
rather less. The Moorish belief in ^mn-sultans is evidently local. The 
^inn-society is made up after human fashion, and, as the ancient Arabs were 
democrats, there can be no doubt that their ^inn were so too. Even Iblis is of 
foreign extraction.® On the other hand, as Morocco is a monarchy, it is only 
natural that its ifniln also should be monarchists. Exactly the same is the case in 
India. From Jaflfur Shurreefs interesting account of the customs of the 

» The Koran, sur. Ixxii, v. 6. ' Lane, Arabian Society^ pp. 38 sq, 

* St. John, loc, cit.y vol. i, p. 262. * Lane, Modem Egyptians, pp. 235 9q, 

» Doughty, loc cit,, vol. i, p. 259. • Snouck Hurgrooje, loc. dt., vol. ii, p. 121. 

' Jackson, An Account of Timbuctoo and Houaa . . . by el Hage Abd ScUam Shaheeny, 
p. 33. 

* von ELremer, Culturgeschichte^ vol. ii, p. 255 ; Weilbausen, loc cit.^ p. 157. 

Digitized by 


264 Edward WkstebMAKCK. — The l^aturc of the Arab dinn, 

Muhammedans of that country, it appears that their various tribes of ginn have 

each their king.* There is, however, in the East, also, one member of the 

^inn-species which possesses a distinctly marked individuality. Doughty speaks of 

a monstrous creature believed in by some desert Arabs, who call it Sa*lewwah. 

" This salewwa is like a woman, only she has hoof -feet as the ass." A desert man 

told him that " she entices passengers, calling to them over the waste by their 

names, so that they think it is their own mother's or their sister's voice."* Von 

Kremer identifies this being with Gule, a female demon often mentioned in Arabian 

tales. Gule passes a solitary existence in the deserts, and appears to persons 

travelling alone in the night, and, being supposed by them to be hereelf a traveller, 

lures them out of their way. She not only converses with the travellers, but 

sometimes prostitutes herself to them. She resembles both a woman and a brute. 

She has long pendant breasts, and the feet of an ass. Moreover, she is a man-eater.^ 

This description of Sa'lewwah-Gule recalls all the chief characteristics of the 

Moorish 'Aisha Kandisha, except that tlie latter is intimately connected with the 

water, whereas the former is a desert demon. But this distinction is hardly 

important, considering that the Moorish ^niXn generally have their favourite abodes 

in watery places. I believe then that *Aisha Kandisha is Sa*lewwah-Gule, 

somewhat modified ; and just as 'Aisha Kandisha is married to Hammu Kaiu, so 

Gule has a male pendant called Kutrub.'' The Moorish gtuU, on the other hand, 

have retained their Eastern character of residing in the desert, where they keep up 


their traditional reputation for feeding on human flesh.* The 'afdrit{s), too, have 
their home in the East.* 

Having thus analysed the belief in ^inn as it is known from direct observation 
and written records, we shall now turn to the question of its origin. The most 
famous explanation has been attempted by Professor Eobertson Smith. He 
maintains that it requires a very exaggerated scepticism to doubt that the ^inn are, 
mainly, nothing else than more or less modernised representatives of animal kinds, 
or totem animals. " In the old legends," he says, " the individual jinni who may 
hapj)en to appear to a man has no more a distinct personality than a beast. He is 
only one of a group of beings which to man are indistinguishable from one another, 
and which are regarded as making up a nation or clan of superhuman beings, 
inhabiting a particular locality, and imited together by bonds of kinship and by 
the practice of the blood-feud, so that the whole clan acts together in defending its 
haunts from intrusion, or in avenging on men any injury done to one of its 
members. This conception of the communities of the jiim is precisely identical 
with the savage conception of • the animal creation. Each kind of animal is 
regarded as an organised kindred, lield together by the ties of blood and the 

* Jaffur Shurreef, Customs of the Mussulmans of India, p. 217. 
» Doughty, loc, ciLf vol. i, p. 54. 

» von Kremer, Studien, part ii, p. 64 ; Lane, Arabian Society, pp. 42 sq. 

* Lane, Arabian Society, p. 43. 

» Idem, Modem Egyptians, p. 237. 

* Ibid., p. 236 ; Burton, in his translation of the Arabian Nights, vol. i, p. 10, note 2. 

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illustrated hy the present beliefs of the People of Morocco, 265 

practice of blood revenge." The yinn usually appear to men in animal form, 
though they can also take the shape of men. This last feature, however, cannot be 
regarded as constituting a fundamental distinction between them and ordinary 
animals in the mind of the Arabs, who believed that there were whole tribes of 
men who had the power of assuming animal form. The supernatural powers of 
the yinn do not dififer from those which savages, in tlie totem stage, ascribe to wild 
beasts. They appear and disappear mysteriously, and are connected with super- 
natural voices and warnings, with unexplained sickness or death, just as totem 
animals are : they occasionally enter into friendly relations or even into marriages 
with men, but animals do the same in the legends of savages : finally, a madman is 
possessed by the yinn, but there are a hundred examples of the soul of a beast 
being held to pass into a man. Like the wild beasts, the yinn have, for the most 
part, no friendly or stated relations with men, but are outside the pale of man's 
society : they frequent savage and deserted places far from the wonted tread of 
men, their special haunts being just those which wild beasts most frequent. 
Ultimately, however, the only animals directly and constantly identified with the 
§inn are snakes and other noxious creeping things, which continue to haunt and 
molest men's habitations after wild beasts have been driven out in the desert.* 

We shall see whether these statements are correct, and, if so, whether tliey 
have any bearing on totemism. It is true that, among the yinn, the individual has 
no distinct personality, and is only one of a group or a clan. It is also true that 
each kind of animal is often regarded by savages as analogous to a more or less 
organised conmiunity,iu which the individual is lost sight of. But the same holds 
good, to a great extent, for savage men. They form tribes or clans, and the 
members of each group are "united together by bonds of kinship and by the 
practice of the blood feud," whilst the members of the group are hardly taken into 
account at all as individuals. It is from this organization of human society that 
the idea of animal tribes is derived. Man has a tendency to anthropomorphism. 
He models nature after the fashion of his own nature. The Moors believe that all 
animals had a language in Sidna Sulejman's days. They also say that the horse 
prays to God when he stretches out his leg, and that the donkey which falls down 
asks God that the same should happen to its master. Now, as is well known, man 
also attributes human qualities to the supernatural beings in whose existence he 
believes. He does so to gods, and he does so to demons. Why, then, should we 
believe that the similarity between the ^m?i.-clans and the several species of animals 
is due to identity, instead of regarding it as the natural result of an analogous 
derivation from the common root-idea of human society ? How closely the §inn 
imitate men, is shown by the fact that in countries where there are sultans or 
kings, as in Morocco and India, each nation of §inn also has its sultan or king. 

Professor Robertson Smith attaches much importance to the fact that the 
yinn most frequently appear to men in animal form. He does not deny that, 
according to Arab beliefs, they also may appear in the shape of human beings, — 
t Bobertson Smith, The Reliyion of the Seinitet (1894), pp. 120, 126 9qq, 

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266 Edward Westermarck. — The Nature of the Arab Ginn, 

although he underrates the frequency of such cases, — but he thinks that he solves 
the difficulty by a reference to the tales of men who were transfonned into 
animals. Such tales are met with in all Arab countries. The Moors say that the 
monkey was once a man whom God changed into his present shape because he 
performed his ablutions with milk, and that the stork was a kadi, or judge, who 
was made a stork because he passed unjust sentences upon his fellow-creatures. 
But such stories are not to the point. Professor Bobertson Smith gives no 
instance of an animal assuming the shape of a man. Moreover, the §inn are also 
disease spirits. They are believed, both in Morocco and in Arabia, to cause 
disease by actually entering into the man who is taken ill, a belief which manifests 
itself very plainly in the practices of the exorcists, and I see no reason for not 
regarding this belief as equally ancient and genuine as the rest. A totem animal, 
it is true, may also cause disease in a similar way, but, so far as I know, only if it 
is eaten.* Savages know nothing of microbe totems. 

It should be borne in mind that the §inn only incidentally, never 
permanently or necessarily, have the shape of certain animals. One of their 
chief characteristics is their extreme changeability. They make themselves 
visible or invisible just as they like, change rapidly from one form into 
another, and, at their pleasure, take up their abode wherever they please. The 
totem, on the other hand, is a class of material objects, and a totem animal is 
essentially an animal, though assumed to be endowed with some mysterious power. 
Further, the animal totem is an animal species, and every member of it is 
a representative of the totem, whereas the §inn, when appearing in the shape of an 
animal, does so only individually. There is absolutely no connection known 
between certain tribes of §inn and certain species of animals, nor is the whole 
animal species looked upon as gimiy although these at times assume the form of 
individual members of it. Every dog, every cat, every tortoise is not supposed to 
be a spirit in disguise. Professor Robertson Smith maintains, indeed, that some 
animal species, especially the lion, were objects of actual worship among the 
Arabs,* but Baron von Kremer, the learned Arabic scholar, has shown that this 
assertion has no foundation.* The Moors avoid killing certain species. He who 
kills, and especially he who eats, a crow, they say, turns mad. They account it 
a sin to kill a stork, since the stork was once a judge. They maintain that he who 
kills a toad will get fever, or die, and they are afraid of destroying tortoises. They 
do not like to kill white spiders, because a white spider had once woven its web 
across the mouth of the cave where Muhammed was concealing himself from his 
enemies. These, when they came to the cave in their search, and saw the web, 
thought that no one could have recently entered it, and so passed it by without 
examining it, and the Prophet escaped. Many Moors do not eat white chickens, 
because they are the birds of Mulai 'Abd l-K&der, the great saint. Near the 

» Cf, Frazer, Totemimn, pp. 16 sqq. 

« Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia^ pp. 192 sqq, 

* von Kremer, Studien, part ii, pp. 20 sq. 

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illustrated by the present beliefs of the People of Morocco. 267 

village Ebnf l5"iiiras, belonging to the tribe Ebni *Ards, dogs and goats are often 
seen in the neighbourhood of a haunted spring, and he who beats them is said to 
go mad. In the same district, within the precincts of Sidi Heddi's sainthouse, 
there are certain fish which are fed by the clients of the saint, and never eaten, 
being regarded as sacred. There may thus bo various reasons for abstaining from 
killing certain kinds of animals, and one reason is undoubtedly the belief that the 
animal might be a ginny which could avenge the injury inflicted on it ; but this 
does not indicate previous totemism. It is significant, and it seems almost strange, 
that no closer connection exists between the yinn and particular animal species 
than what is actually the case. So far as we know, there is only one kind of 
animal which, according to ancient Arab beliefs, permanently possesses a demoniacal 
nature, viz., the snake. " In every snake," says Wellhausen, " there is a spirit 
embodied, now a malevolent, now a benevolent."* Muhammed, whilst commanding 
his followers to kill the obnoxious snakes, expressly forbid them to hurt those 
innocuous ones which they found in their houses.* In modern Arabia, according to 
Niebuhr, harmless snakes "take their refuge in the walls of houses, and are 
esteemed agreeable guests by the inhabitants."* There are also traces of veneration 
for household snakes in Morocco, where a snake which is seen in a house is 
frequently taken for a good §inn, the guardian-spirit of the house.* The fact that 
the ancient Arabs regarded snakes as ^inriy however, does not involve that the 
snakes were totem animals. Animal worship is not the same as totemism. 
Moreover, according to Noldeke, no trace of actual worship of snakes is to be 
found in ancient Arabia.* 

The statement that the special haunts of ginn are the places most frequented 
by wild beasts, is certainly not in accordance with facts. We have seen that 
men are surrounded by §inn, that the §inn haunt places where no wild beasts ever 
go, even human habitations, that every place has its owners, its ginuy and that 
their principal abode is the under-world. Finally, a totem is not only a class of 
objects which are regarded with superstitious respect, but one to which man 
believes himself to stand in an intimate and friendly relation. The §inn, on the 
contrary, habitually appear as man's enemies. Professor Robertson Smith is 
aware of this difficulty, but tries to reconcile it with his theory. The general 
answer to it, he says, " is that totems, or friendly demoniac beings, rapidly develop 
into gods when men rise above pure savagery. ... It is natural that the 
belief in hostile demons of plant or animal kinds have given way to individual 

* Wellhausen, loc cit,, p. 153. 

» Noldeke, Die Scklange nach arabischem Volksglauhem, in Zeitsckrift fur Volkerpsi^ehologie, 
vol. i (1860), pp. 415 sq. 

» Niebuhr, Travels through Arabia (1792), vol. ii, p. 278. 

* Veneration for household snakes seems to be more prevalent among the Berbers than 
among the North African Arabs ; see Dr. Brown's note in his edition of Leo Africanus, The 
History and Description of Africa (1896), vol. ii, pp. 655-667. 

» Noldeke, loc, cit,^ p. 416. 

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268 Edward Westermarck. — The Nature of the Arab diim, 

gods, whose original totem associatious are in great measure obliterated."* What- 
ever else may be said against this reasoning, it is enough here to point out that 
Professor Tylor has recently argued, wilh his usual force, against premature 
conjectures as to the origin of deities from totem animals, justly protesting against 
" the manner in which totems have been placed almost at the foundation of 

It seems to me, then, that the application of the totem theory to the Arabic 
^i7in involves a radical misunderstanding of their nature. Writers on the history 
of religion often mould the religious phenomena into too naiTow forms, whether 
the form is headed ancestor-worship or totemism. The conception of ginn implies 
a generalization on a much larger scale. The ^inn are beings invented to explain 
what seems to fall outside the ordinary pale of nature, the wonderful and 
unexpected, the superstitious imaginations of men who fear. They dwell under 
the earth, not, I think, because they have been driven there by a new triumphant 
religion, but because men fear most in the dark. They so frequently assume the 
shape of animals, not because there is any intrinsic connection between animals 
and gimiy but because the ginn represent active forces, and, among living things, 
the animals are the most mysterious. Within the region of wonder, they act as 
disease-spirits, as nature-spirits, as guardian-spirits, as animal-spirits, even as 
human spirits. But they do not cover the whole field of the supernatural. 
There are spirits that have risen to a higher level, that have become objects of 
divine worship, gods, and that work miracles either directly or through some medium, 
for instance, a saint. The ancient Arabs, so far as we know them, divided the 
world of the supernatural between gods and ^inn, also, as it seems, giving some 
share of it to the ghosts of dead men. With this restriction the ^tVm are what 
their name indicates. 6inn originally means " the secret," " the hidden,"* in fact, 
the mysterious. 


Mr. Crooke gladly recognised the value of Dr. Westermarck*s contribution to 
the knowledge of a very obscure chapter of demonology. He regarded this 
refutation of Dr. Eobertson Smith's theory of the connection of the Ginn with 
totemism as conclusive. On the other hand, there appears much to be said for 
the theory that the Ginn originally represented the wilder and hence unaccounted 
for forces of Nature — the spirits of the desert and waste places which are naturally 
regarded as the home of mystery. In this view, their identification with animals 
seems to be sufficiently accounted for. They are, in fact, survivals of the early 
indigenous animistic beliefs, which were at a later date absorbed and developed 
under the influence of Islam. 

* Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, pp. 443 sq, 

* Tylor, " Bemarks on TotemiBnii" in Journ. ArUkrop. Inety Aug.-Nov., 1898, p. 144. 

* Noldeke, in Zeittchrift fur Vdlkerpsychologiey vol. i, p. 413, note *** ; Wellhausen, loc, cit. 
p. 152. 

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illustrated by the present beliefs of the People of Morocco, 269 

Professor Tylob, in expressing the sense of the meeting as to Professor 
Westermarck's study of the Giun in Morocco, remarked that the first sentence of 
the paper showed the line along which he had approached the problem. The late 
Professor Eobertson Smith, by his work on the Rdigion of the Semites, vastly 
improved the method and enlarged the horizon, of current theology by the 
introduction of anthropological evidence. But through the influence of his friend 
J. F. McLennan 's Primitive Marriage, he was led to introduce too confidently the 
doctrine of Totemism as a leading factor on the religious side of ancient society, 
and he put forward the idea that the Arab l)eliefs as to the Ginn were evidence of 
an early stage of Totemism among the Semitic race. Tliis view appearing to 
Dr. Westermarck questionable, he collected during his residence and travel in 
North Africa the particulars as to the beliefs as to the Uinn prevailing there, 
which are generalised in his paper read to-night. The result tells strongly 
against the identification of the ginn-belief with the totem-belief. The collection 
of the analogies alleged between the doctrine of ginn-animals with the doctrine of 
totem-animals shows, indeed, resemblances in the ideas of Arabs and other peoples, 
as to the relation of animals to men, but the word totem indicates the importation 
of an extraneous element into the discussion, which would no doubt be better 
conducted under the heading of animal worship. 

Independently of the question of totemism, the mass of beliefs connected 
with the Ginn make us hope that Dr. Westermarck will use his opportunities to 
continue his researches in Morocco, and to follow up a line of research of which 
he as yet only indicates the need ; namely, that of separating the other native 
ideas of Morocco from the imported Moslem beliefs which extend from the Straits 
of Malacca to the Straits of Gibraltar. When he points out that the 6inn are 
afraid of salt as well as of iron, this is apparently to carry Arab tradition back to 
a saltless as well as an ironless antiquity. How they have retained old prejudices 
while attaching new meanings to them, seems to come into view, when it is noticed 
that they object to waking a sleeper, but not for the usual reason, and that they object 
to looking at themselves in a mirror, but seemingly have forgotten the ancient 
reason they doubtless had. When Dr. Westermarck resumes his inquiries in 
North Africa, he may be able more or less to clear up the intei-esting question 
which he has doubtless had often before him, how to distinguish and delimit the 
two ways in which men or demons can appear and behave as beasts. Is 
transformation of Ginn into cats or tortoises or snakes something related to 
transmigration of souls, or is it considered to take place by quite a different 
process ? 

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( 270 ) 


DECEMBER 12th, 1899. 

C. H. Bead, Esq., F.S.A., President, in the Chair, 

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and signed. 

The President introduced Mr. W. L H. Duckworth, who exhibited some new 
foims of Anthropometrical instruments manufactured abroad. 

Dr. Garson doubted if they were better or cheaper than some which he had 
lately had made in England, which are described in the new edition of Notes and 

The President thanked Mr. Duckworth, and complimented him on the 
neatness and usefulness of the instruments. 

He then introduced Mr. Wm. Crooke, who proceeded to read his paper : — 
" Survivals in primitive rites of the disposal of the dead, with special reference 
to India." 

Discussion was carried on by Mr. Wm. Gowland, Dr. Garson, Mr. A. L. Lewis, 
and Mr. W. L. H. Duckworth. 

Mr. Crooke replied to questions, and the President closed the proceedings 
with a vote of thanks to Mr. Crooke for a very valuable paper. 

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( 271 ) 



By W. Crooke, B.A. 

[Read at the Meeting, December 12th, 1899.] 

Last year in a paper read before this Institute I discussed certain questions 
connected with the Hill Tribes of Centred India. I now propose to consider 
with somewhat greater detail the methods of disposal of the dead as practised 
in India. 

Three important groups of custom centre round the three events of birth, 
marriage and death. The observances characteristic of these depend upon certain 
well-defined principles of savage philosophy, among which that of Taboo is 
prominent By this is meant the conception of certain things as dangerous to 
handle or to have to do with. And this Taboo, like an infectious disease, is 
transmittable. Thus, the enceinte woman, the new-bom child, the youth and 
maiden at puberty and marriage, and the corpse, are all more or less taboo. And 
the leading intention of the rites performed in connection with these events is to 
protect the tabooed individual as well as those brought in contact with him from 
the contagion which emanates from him. 

Of these three great groups of custom that connected with death is the most 
complex and the most interesting. Taboo nowhere exhibits its potency more 
clearly than in connection with the dead. It influences raxies who believe that 
the gliost is friendly, as well as those who dread its malignity. For our present 
purpose this group of customs has this additional interest that we can support our 
interpretation of usages now current among savage or semi-savage peoples, by a 
great body of archseological evidence, which in the case of the rites of birth and 
marriage is necessarily non-existent. 

In India, it is true, prehistoric archeology is still in its infancy. But enough 
has already been discovered to aid largely in the exploration of the usages of the 
existing races, and to prove that we have here a comparatively virgin field, which 
is likely to yield an abundant harvest whenever its investigation comes to be 
seriously undertaken. 

All I propose to attempt at present is to consider the various modes of 
disposal of the dead. 

These may be roughly divided into two classes — those in which the object is 
to preserve the body, or certain relics of it ; and, secondly, those in which the 
ruling intention is to put the dead out of sight 

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272 W. C^OOKK,— Primitive Bites of Disposal of the Dead, 

Of the first class we have a familiar example in the Egyptian custom of 
mummification, where the intention was to provide a refuge for the Ka or 
separable soul.* In the second division comes the habit of burial, wliich suggested 
the belief in an underground world of the dead. Cremation, on the other hand, 
was intended to etherealise the ghost and to permit it to reach its abode in heaven. 
But everywliere, as we shall see, we find these conceptions overlapping each other, 
or one gradually taking the place of the other. 

To begin, then, with mummification. We find it in its fullest development 
in Egypt and in parts of the American Continent. But in Egypt it was not a 
primitive practice. It was unknown to the Pharaohs of the First and Second 
Dynasties, and the custom may have been due to the accidental fact that at 
El-Kab, opposite the early capital of Upper Egypt, the ground is impregnated with 
natron, which would have preserved the bodies buried in it from decay.* 
Elsewhere, as in the case of the royal graves at Mycenae, it bears the appearance 
of a foreign custom, introduced only tentatively or in some special cases.'* The 
references in the Homeric poems to the miraculous preservation from decay of the 
bodies of Hector and Patroclus, and the use of fat, oil and honey to preserve the 
corpse, suggest that the practice of embalmment may have been adopted to some 

The evidence from India points in much the same direction. We find the 
same folk-belief in the possibility of securing the body from decay in the Deccan 
tales of Chandan Edja and Sodewa Bai.* There is, again, the early legend of Nimi, 
told in the Vishnu Purana, whose corpse was preserved in oil ; in the E^melyana 
King Dasaratha is embalmed in oil ; in the Mahabharata the corpse of Pandu is 
smeared with sandal paste.* 

In modern India the evidence is equally fragmentary. Thus, in Kanaka, in 
Orissa, the corpse of the local chief is preserved in oil, and not cremated until his 
successor is installed ; the throne, they say, must never remain empty.' In other 
cases, the practice seems to be based merely on convenience, as when the Khasiyas 
of the Himalaya preserve in honey those who die in the rainy season till the 
weather clears sufficiently to admit of cremation being performed.® But the 
practice assumes a clearer ritual significance among the Maghs of Bengal, whose 
custom it is to dry and embalm the bodies of their priests and persons of high 

* The connection of the practice of mummification with the theory of the Ka is disputed 
by Professor F. Petrie, whose view is opposed by Professor Sayce, Folk-lore y ix, 339. The common 
view is held by Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt^ Wil, 

* Sayce, loc. cit. 

* Schuchhardt, Schliemann*s Excavatimis, 158 ; Frazer, Fatisanias, iii, 107, 155. 

* Iliad, vii, 86 ; xvi, 465, 674 ; xix, 38 ; xxiii, 168, 187, 244. 
» Miss Frere, Old Deccan Days, 227, 242. 

* Wilson Hall, Vishnu Purdna, iii, 328 ; Rdmdyana, Book ii, 68 ; MahdbMrata, Adi Parva, 
sec. 66 ; Joum. Anthrop. Soc,y Bombay, i, 39 seq. 

' JoufTi, Anthrop, Soc, Bombay, iv, 311. 

* Hooker, Himalayan Journal (Minerva Library), 486 seq. ; Risley, Tribes and Castes ol 
Bengal, ii, 34. 

Digitized by 


with special reference to India. 273 

social position, and keep them for a year, when the funeral rites are done, or 
among the KAkis of Assam, who smoke dry the bodies of chiefs and 
headmen, keeping them for two months, after which they inter them with great 

"We may, perhaps, suspect that the same idea imderlies the practices of some 
of the modern ascetic bodies. Thus, by the M&nbhav, religious beggars in 
Bombay, the grave is filled up with salt and earth ; the lingayats of Pflna place 
round the corpse as much salt as they can afford, and then fill in the grave ; the 
GS-vlis, a class of shepherds in Sholapur, fill in the grave with earth up to the 
level of the neck of the corpse ; the head being sacred, it is covered with salt and 
then earth is piled over it : in Upper India the Gusain mendicant is buried in salt.* 

The Persians employed wax and the Assyrians honey in preserving the 
corpse, and it is possible that the practice may have reached India by this route. 
The Eajputs, among whom in particular the usage prevailed, are the result of a 
Yu-echi invasion from Central Asia. By the adoption of polyandry they are 
linked with the Himalayan races among whom it is still an institution. Among 
the Assam tribes usages of the same kind are suggestive of Mongoloid influence. 
At the same time, it is not impossible that the custom may have been 
independently evolved. 

Next comes the custom of platform burial, which was possibly based on 
various converging lines of thought. Fii^t, came the desire to protect the corpse 
from profanation, and with this was possibly combined the idea of preventing 
the corpse, which is taboo, from touching the ground, and thus affecting the 
productive powers of the soil. Thirdly, there is the intention of preserving the 
bones as relics or charms. Many primitive races object to break the bones of 
animals, which they have eaten or sacrificed, from a belief in the resurrectibn of 
beasts, from a fear of intimidating other creatures of the same kind, or offending 
the ghosts of those which are slain.* The opinion, in short, underlying the 
various customs of preservation of remains was, to use Dr. Brinton's words, 
" that a part of the soul, or one of the souls, dwelt in the bones : that these were 
the seeds, which planted in the earth, or preserved unbroken in safe places, 
would in time put on once again a garb of flesh and germinate into living human 

The habit of platform burial is widespread. We find it, for instance, in Fiji, 
where the body is placed on a platform, round which a child is passed to baffle 
the ghost, and the corpse is eventually buried : in Timor Laut those who die in 

> Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal, ii, 34 ; Journ. Anthrop. Inst., xzvi, 195 ; Hunter, 
Statistical Account of Assam, ii, 187 ; Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, 47, 56. Compare 
similar rites in the case of African chiefs, Featherman, Nigritians, 110, 156, 427, 441. 

* Bombay Oasetteer, xvii, 183 ; xviii (1), 272 ; xvii, 214 ; xx, 151 ; Crooke, Tribes and Castes 
of the North- Western Provmces, ii, 469 ; Logan, Malabar, i, 130. 

' Frazer, O olden Bough, ii, 124 seqq, 

< Myths of the New World, 257. On bones kept as a palladium, see Frazer, Pavsanias, 
iv, 95. 

Nbw Series, Vol. II, Noe. 3 and 4. T 

Digitized by 


274 W. Ckooke. — Primitive Bites of Disposal of the Dead, 

war or by violence, or in other words, the tabooed dead, are buried, while those 
who die a natural death are placed on rocks or platforms.^ Among the Damaras 
it is combined with house burial. The chief sometimes requests that instead of 
being buried, his corpse may be placed in a squatting position on a platform 
erected in his hut, which is surrounded by a hedge or palisade." 

We have, perhaps, a variant of the same practice in the custom of burial on 
high places, as among the Tipperahs of Bengal, who place the ashes with the arms 
of the dead man on a hill, or the Khyens and KirSntis of Assam, who bury their 
dead on a sacred mountain, with the implied confidence that they are thus nearer 
their deified ancestors, who have gone to heaven.* 

One explanation of the practice, to which reference has already been made, 
comes out in the case of the Aleuts, who, after clothing and masking the corpse, 
place it in a cleft of the rocks, or swing it in a boat cradle from a pole in the 
open air ; for, they say, the corpse must not touch the ground, obviously because 
it is taboo and may injure the growth of the crops.* It is possibly for the same 
reason that the Burmese swing the coffin backwards and forwards before lowering 
it into the grave ; they do this, they say, as a salute to the spirits of the dead who 
may Jiere represent the chthonic powers which control vegetation.* So the Todas 
lift up the corpse and swing it three times from side to side before laying it on 
the pyre face downwards, in which the idea of baffling the ghost is possibly the 
predominant motive.* 

Platform burial in India seems to be confined to the N&gas of Assam, who 
continue this among other archaic practices in connexion with death.^ They 
wrap the corpse in mats and dispose it on a platform raised and fenced in, while 
those who die by violent deaths, and are thus specially taboo, are tied up to trees 
on the spot where they fell without covering or ornament.'^ Special taboo is thus 
marked by the corpse being left nude, as among the Dravidians of Madras, the 
MhS,rs, a menial tribe in Western India and the Gonds of the Centml Hill 
Tract : it shows itself in a modified form even among the Chitpavan Br&hmans of 
Pftna, who at the time of cremation remove and throw aside the head-shroud and 
the cloth covering the feet of the corpse.* 

In the custom common among the Northern Mongolians, the Parthians, the 
Hyrkanians, the ancient Persians, and the modern Pftrsis, who are, or were, in 
the habit of deliberately exposing the corpse to be devoured by birds of prey, we 
reach a practice the origin of which is directly associated with Central Asia.* 

» Jaum, Anthrop. Inst, O.S., x, 146 ; xiii, 13, 298 ; xxiv, 309 ; xxvii, 431. 
« Feathennan, NigriHans, 670. 

* lUsley, loc, cit., ii, 325 ; and compare Dalton, loc, city 104 seq, ; Yarrow, Report of Ameriecm 
Bureau of Ethnology, 1879-80, p. 125 ; Bancroft, Native Races, i, 132 ; iii, 148 

* Bancroft, loc, cit, i, 93. » Bwrmah Gazetteer, i, 386. 

* Grigg, Nilagiris, 198. » Joum, Anthrop, Inst,, O.S., xi, 203 ; xxii, 247 
» Folk-lore, v, 25 ; Bombay Gazetteer, xxii, 114 ; Hislop, Papers relating to the Aboriginal 

Tribes of the Central Provinces, 19, App. vi. 
» RajendralAla Mitra, Indo-Aryans, ii, 160. 

Digitized by 


with special reference to India. 275 

The dog was regarded as the sacred animal of the tribe — the totera, a member of 
the clan itself, as Dr. Jevons^ chooses to call him, and the future happiness of the 
soul was regarded as conditional on absorption by, or communion with, the sacred 
beast. If this be so, the practice would be a survival of the earlier custom, when 
the deceased was eaten by the kin. But the practice seems to have been always 
repellent to the Hindu mind, and in the Mahabh^rata the horror felt at the dead 
being devoured by animals and fowls of the air is as well marked as in the 
Homeric poems.* It is within the Buddhist area that the custom shows itself 
most clearly.. In Siam, for instance, if a person have ordered that his corpse 
shall be delivei^ed to vultures and crows, a functionary cuts it up and distributes 
it to birds of prey.* In other places the custom is intended to honour the more 
distinguished dead. The minstrels of the Woloffs, for instance, are placed in a 
hollow tree as a prey to hyaenas or vultures.^ Elsewhere, again, the opposite 
feeling prevails, as when the Wagunda bury chiefs and expose slaves to wild 
beasts, and the habit of leaving warriors slain in battle to be devoured is common 
to the Latukas of East Africa, and the Pericuis of Mexico, who suppose that 
a future life was accorded only to those dying by a natural death.* 

I venture to suggest that we may find a survival of rites of this class in the 
modem Hindu custom of feeding crows on the Pindas, or sacred balls, at the 
grave or place of cremation. The balls are laid out, and the mourners cannot 
leave the spot till the crows deign to eat them. It seems clear that the ball is 
supposed to be a part of the dead man, or to represent his flesh, because some 
castes, like the ParSjiya Br9.hmans, and OswSl M&rwaldis of Western India, tie 
one of these balls on the chest of the dead man as he is being removed for 
cremation, and this ball is given to the crows.* 

The sacrificial motive of the offering is also marked by the fact that, if the 
balls are not consumed, the ghost is supposed to become angry and uneasy. The 
Sundxs of Ahmadnagar in this case suppose that the ghost will haunt the living ; 
the Berads, jungle folk in Bijapur, think that the ghost is uneasy about the 
future of its family, and the chief mourner has to promise to provide for them.^ 
If the crows refuse to touch the balls, other precautions are adopted. Thus, 
among the menial tribes, the D&vris prepare an earthen crow and make it touch 
the offerings with its beak ; the Bhois touch the ball with a crow made of the 
sacred Kusa grass, and the Ghisftdis give the ball to a cow ; while among people 
of a higher grade, the Shenvi Br^mans of Eanara touch the ball with a blade of 
sacred grass.® 

The order in which the balls are eaten is also a matter of importance. The 

» Introduction to the History ofBdigion, 203 9eq, ; Hartland, Legend of Perseus, ii, 305. 

« MahdbhdratOy trans. Ray, v, 271, 468 ; vi, 34. 

' Bowring, Siam, i, 122 seq, * Featherman, Nigritians, 368. 

• Featherman, loc, eit,, 103, 81 ; Bancroft, loc. cit,, iii, 642. 

• Bombay Ocuetteer, xvi, 70 ; xviii (IX 424. * Th^'^., v 46 ; xvii, 81. 

• Ibid., xvii, 136, 207 ; xxiii, 96, 

T 2 

Digitized by 


276 W. CiiooKK— Primitive Bites of Disposal of the Dead, 

right ball should be eaten first, and it is in this connection important that the 
Parais, when they expose a corpse in their Towers of Silence, rejoice if a bird pecks 
out the right eye first, and mourn if the left be selected.^ The rite is still further 
degraded in the case of the K&mis of Bengal, who after laying out the food for 
the dead man, watch anxiously till a fly or other insect lights upon it." Here, 
however, the dominant idea probably is that the fly represents the soul of the 
dead man. 

At any rate, we find this custom of feeding the crows at death among the most 
degraded tribes, like the Kftthkaris, Berads, Bhils, and Kftmis, and it seems 
possible that it may have arisen among them quite independently of foreign 

• In some cases the corpse is exposed not with the direct intention that it may 
be devoured by beasts and birds. Mountain burial prevails largely along the 
Himalaya. The Kiv^ntis bury their dead on a hill-top in a loosely constructed 
stone tomb ; in Spiti the dead are exposed on hills or sometimes cut up and 
exposed to beasts and birds.* Many authorities record similar customs among 
the Mongols and Tibetans, while the Kafirs of the Hindu Kush expose their dead 
in coffins on mountains, and this up to quite recent times was the habit of the 
Bushkariks of the same region.* Here they follow a custom known to prevail 
among the dwarf race of the Paggi Islands, the Nias and Dayaks of Borneo.* On 
the whole, it seems doubtful whether such customs are racial ; they seem, in many 
cases, to depend merely on caste or social changes. 

The river-drift hunters and other early tribes do not seem to have disposed 
,of their dead by interment,' and this is characteristic of some of the ruder tribes 
in India to this day. Thus, the Berads of Pftna bury their dead only in the very 
rudest way, or, as they say, " leave them in the bush to become spirits."® Some- 
times, again, we find simple bush burial, as among the Anus of Burmah and the 
Khotils of Khandesh, who bury their dead in the jungle without form or ceremony, 
merely piling a few stones to mark the grave, while the Chalikata Mishmis of 
-Assam bury the dead man with his arms and clothes in the forest.' The custom 
is slightly advanced among the jungle folk of Mirzapur, like the Ghasiyas and 
Agariyas, who perform the farce of cremation, often merely singeing the face and 
feet of the corpse and exposing it in the forest.'** We have, I conjecture, a survival 
of this exposure of the corpse in the bush in the habit common in India of laying 

1 Bombay Gazetteer, xxi, 181 ; xvii, 157 ; xxiii, 192 ; xv (1), 167. « Risley, loc, cit,^ i, 395. 
« Bombay Gazetteer, xiii (1), 164 ; vi, 32. * Settlem/mt Report, 204. 

• Yule, Marco Polo, i, 188 ; Joum, Anthrop. Inst, iii, 356 ; Biddulph, Tribes of the Hindu 
Kush, 71. 

• Yule, loc. cit., u, 241 ; Both, Natives of Sarauoah, i, 139, 291. 
' Keaiie, Ethnology, 143. 

• Bombay Gazetteer, xviii (1) 406 ; compare the Zulu custom, Featherman, Nigritians, 600. 

» Burmuh Gazetteer, i, 186 ; Bombay Gazetteer, xii, 95 ; Dalton, loc. cit,, 21 ; compare the 
custom of the R&jis, North Indian Notes and Queries, iii, 117. 
«» Crooke, loc, cit., i, 7 ; ii, 417. 

Digitized by 


with special reference to India, . 277 

the corpse on the ground as the funeral leaves the town or village; but here 
the rite often merges into a device for baffling the ghost. 

In such matters conservatism is an active force, and we may suspect that the 
custom of corpse exposure prevailed more widely in former times when we find it 
to the present day applied to persons dying in a special state of taboo. Thus, the 
Savaras of Ganjam and the M&les of Bengal deal in this way with persons dying 
from small-pox or snake-bite.^ If one of the Madras KSxiirs dies in the forest, in 
other words, as they think, if he has fallen a victim to the angry jungle spirits, his 
corpse is placed in a crevice of the rocks and covered with stones.^ Little 
children, again, ^re universally regarded as taboo because they have not undergone 
initiation, and hence all through Upper India their bodies are flung into water 
or exposed to animals. The same rule in some cases applies to priests who are 
under a permanent taboo. On the Northern frontier the corpses of such holy 
persons are cut in pieces and dispersed on the summits of mountains as . food for 
birds, and the Pahariyas of Bengal simply leave the body of one of their Demanos 
or sorcerers under a tree.* 

It seems to be generally admitted that in Europe inhumation preceded 
cremation and the latter seems to have arisen contemporaneously with the 
development of the potter's art In India the course of development of custom 
appears to have been similar. The earlier Troglodytes buiied their dead in the 
caves which formed their dwellings. Later on, the underground hut suggested cist 
and dolmen interment. The change in practice marks a new conception of the 
state of the dead, who no longer live in a gloomy underground world, but join 
their dead kinsfolk in the sky. The leading impulse may have been suggested by; 
the greater mobility of some of the prehistoric races. As they abandoned their 
original settlements there may have arisen a natural desire to convey to a distant 
home the relics of the nobler dead; or, again, it may have been considered 
dangerous to leave such relics in a foreign land, because some evil-minded witch 
might work black magic by means of them. In fact, there is some evidence that 
these modes of disposal of the dead were racial peculiarities, inhumation being 
habitual to men of the long-headed type, while to the short-heads belongs the 
practice of incineration, following on that of contracted buriaL* 

In Europe inhumation seems to have lasted through the first two-thirds of 
the Neolithic Age, and in England and France various forms of interment seem to 
have co-existed with cremation, as was the case in the Homeric Age, when 
cremation, complete or partial, seems to have gone on side by side with inhuma- 
tion.' " All the stages of such a transition can be seen in the Hallstatt burials at 
the dawn of the Iron Age in Central Europe : the Dipylon cemetery of the ninth 

* LemaD, Oanjanty 88 ; Bisley, lac. cit., ii, 59. 

» Thurston, Btdletins Madras Oovemment Miueum, ii, 141. 

* OaDningham, Ladakh and Kwiawur, 188 ; Dalton, loc cii., 274. 

* Borlase, Dolmens of Ireland^ ii, 575. 

* Borlase, loc cit,^ ii, 673 ; iii, 741 seq. ; Joum, Antkrop, Inst., O.8., v, 130, 132 ; iv, 128, 
265 ; zzii, 7 ; zxvi, 255 ; Du Chaillu, Vihing Age, i, 84 seq. ; Nadaillac, Prehistoric Peoples, 

Digitized by 


278 W. Crookr — Primitive Rites of Disposal of the Dead, 

century, or thereabouts, at Athens, shows inhumation in its older graves, incinera- 
tion in its later. There are many instances of a corpse being inhumed, but its 
furniture and food supply burnt, and of the two practices long co-existing, though 
not being interchangeable in one community. The discrepancy, therefore, between 
the Epics and the remains of the great Mycenaean period in this respect also need 
be due to nothing more than a slight difference in their respective periods."^ 

The same modification of custom appears in Japan as well as in China. Here 
in the time of Marco Polo cremation was general, whereas it now survives only in 
the case of Buddhist priests.' 

As for India — in the Vedas earth burial and cremation with subsequent burial 
of the bones and ashes are found to exist together, and in the period represented 
by the great Epics, the Mahabharata and Kamayana, among the higher classes, at 
least, ci-emation with burial of the ashes or consignment of them to some sacred 
river seems to have entirely replaced inhumation.* 

The same modification of custom has persisted up to our own times. Thus, 
among the tribes of the Hindu Kush cremation used to be the common form, the 
ashes being collected in rude wooden boxes or in earthen jars and buried.* Now 
Muhammadanism has taught them to bury the corpse, and this change of practice 
is, of course, common to all converts from Hinduism, one tribe in Northern India, 
the Garas having, it is said, gained their name from their adoption of this novel 
custom.* Another line of similar influence is that of the Lingayat worship in 
Southern India, which was the result of a reversion in the direction of phallic 
beliefs in opposition to official Brfthmanism. Thus the Ilgeru, a jungle tribe, 
tappers of the toddy-palm, in Dharwar, used to cremate their dead, but quite 
recently under Lingayat influence have reverted to cremation : the Khatik butchers 
when they become Lingayats, bury, when Marhatas following Hindu rules they bum 
their dead.*^ On the other hand, it is one of the first indications of a jungle tribe 
being adopted into the Hindu fold that they replace burial by cremation. The 
KomsLrpS-iks, palm-tappers of Kanara, up to sixty or seventy years ago used to 
bury ; now they cremate adults and bury children ; and the Dhimals, a menial 
race in Bengal, are rapidly replacing burial by cremation.^ 

Two lines of evidence tend to corroborate the conclusion that in India earth 
burial preceded cremation. One is, that now-a-days it is only the most backward 
of the jungle tribes, like the Irulas and Koravas of North Arcot,® who habitually 
resort to inhumation. It may also be assumed that the same rule prevailed in 

372 ; Lubbock, Prehistoric Times,^ 49 seq. ; Folk-lore^ iii, 246 ; vi, 15 ; Ealston, Songs of the 
Russian People, 324 seq, , 

» Hogarth, Authority and ArchoBohgyj Sacred and Profane, 248 ; Frazer, Pansanias^ v, 663. 

« Yule, Marco Polo, i, 187 ; ii, 96 ; Rein, Japanf 433. 

' Rig Veda, x, 15, 14 ; 18, 11 ; i, 174, 7 ; x, 16, 1 ; 15, 14 ; Dutt^ AnderU India, i, 279 

* Biddulph, loc, cil,, 113. * Crooke, loc, eit, ii, 391. 
« Bombay Oazetteer, xxii, 109 ; xxiii, 172. 

' Ibid., XV (1), 292 ; Rialey, loc. cit,, i, 228. 

• Cox-Stuart, North Arcot, i, 247, 249. 

Digitized by 


with special reference to India. 279 

early times among tribes in the lower stage of culture in Northern India, because 
there is a consistent folk . tradition dating from very ancient times that the dead 
were not cremated in the great kingdom of Magadha, the modern Bihftr.^ 

Another line of evidence pointing in the same direction is the general habit 
which now prevails of burying, not cremating, people under taboo — young children, 
puerpercR, priests and holy men of various kinda As to children, the general rule 
seems to be that if a child die within the first twelve days after birth, or before 
the naming rite, which is a form of tribal initiation, it is always buried : if it die 
between the twelfth day and the third year, or between the naming rite and the 
hair cutting, which is also a form of initiation, it is buried, or if cremation be 
resorted to, there is no regular funeral ceremony or the recitation of sacred verses. 
The question of age also regulates the period during which the relations are impure 
or under taboo. Thus, if a boy die before the naming rite and the completion of 
teething, the parents are impure for only three days, and other members of the 
family for one day. If the body be buried, the parents are taboo for three days, 
while the other members of the family can purify themselves by bathing. These 
are the rules in Western India,* and with slight modifications generally prevail. 

Again, following the same rule of taboo, those tribes which habitually 
cremate the adult dead bury those who perish by violent or unexpected deaths, 
by small-pox, cholera, or leprosy, and women dying in childbirth. Thus, in 
Coimbatore, persons dying of epidemic disease are invariably buried, not burnt, 
and if possible by the edge of water. Music is essential to an ordinary cremation, 
but it is not allowed in the case of those dying in an epidemic, " because the 
Amman (divine mother) would be offended."^ The Kaikaris, a forest tribe in 
Th9,na, bury anyone who dies of cholera, by drowning, or suddenly without any 
apparent cause, while those perishing from protracted disease are cremated.* The 
Varlis, another tribe of the same class, bury all corpses that have sores on them, 
and cremate the others.* The popular explanation of the habit of burying those 
who die from epidemic disease is that the illness is the result of a special 
visitation of the disease godling, and that the spirit of the deceased accordingly 
does not require the purifying influence of fire to enable it to join its sainted 
ancestress. But this covers only a portion of the cases in which we find a 
reversion to the primitive habit of inhumation, and it is perhaps preferable to 
regard these as cases in which conservatism in ritual appears specially in connec- 
tion with taboo. The Gadariyas, shepherds in Upper India, are so particular 
in enforcing the rule, that if those dying in a state of taboo be cremated, 
they suppose that such a noisome steam rises from the pyre as to blind the 

And so with the aged and respected dead. The Gonds are supposed to 
cremate all old men : in practice, to avoid mistakes, they burn all who die above 

> North Indian Notes and Queries^ v, 186. * Bombay Gazetteer^ xviii (1), 662. 

« Nicholson, Coimbatore^ 50. * Bomhaa/ Gazetteer, xiii (1), 176. 

» Ibid.<i xiii (1), 182. • Crooke, loc. cit, iii, 364. 

Digitized by 


280 W. Crookb. — Primitive Rites of Disposal of the Dead, 

the age of fifty.^ The Billuvas, toddy-drawers of Kanara, usually bury the dead, 
but cremate their Gurikars or headmen.* The ThsLrus. of the Lower Hhnalaya 
bury theii* leading men in the house, and the E&dus, jungle folk in Mysore, 
cremate adults and bury children.' The same rule applies to most classes of Hindu 
religious mendicants, who are buried either in salt or in a crouching position. 
But, as will have been seen, there is no permanence of custom : sometimes burial, 
sometimes cremation is regarded as honorific, the more unusual method being 
adopted in the case of the tabooed or respected dead. Thus, the Mahftdeo Eolis of 
ThSua cremate people who die suddenly or after a lingering illness and bury the 

We have seen that unmarried persons are taboo, and usually buried, not 
cremated. Marriage is regarded as a form of initiation : hence unmarried 
people are taboo and their ghosts are considered to be specially malignant.' The 
Brahmanical explanation of this, adopted by the Banj&ras of Northern India, is 
that married people by walking round the sacred fire at their wedding are thus 
dedicated to Agni, the god of fire ; and should remain his at death.* The explana- 
tion is as valueless as such explanations usually ara 

One method of removing the taboo in the case of the unmarried dead deserves 
notice. In Malabar an unmarried woman cannot be cremated until the T&li, or 
marriage string, is tied round the neck of the corpse while it lies on the funeral 
pyre by some relation. Later competent authorities are inclined to doubt that the 
disgusting rites on this occasion, described by Abb4 Dubois, really prevail' The 
natives of South Malabar certainly marry all dead girls to a young Br&hman or to 
a cocoa palm, and this custom oipost mortem marriage is recorded in the Russian 
province of PodoUa as well as in China.® 

One of the leading motives which regulate death rites is the desire to 
propitiate the ghost, which becomes offended at any ill-treatment of the corpse. 
Sit tibi terra levis is a common form of early monumental inscription, and the 
head is often specially protected from the pressure of the earth because it is the 
seat of life.® Hence probably arises the practice of what may be called shelf or 
niche burial. Thus, the Jogers, a tribe of vagrants in Bijapur, bury their dead in 
a shelf hollowed out on one side of the grave.'** In the burial of a Jangama 
Lingayat priest at Sholapur, after the grave is dug, a second hole is excavated in 
the bottom and facing it, either East or North, a niche is dug with an arched top. 
The whole is covered with cow-dung or whitewash, and the dust of the holy man's 

» Central PvoviTices Gcuetteery 278. * Sturrock, 8. Kanara^ i, 173. 

» Kisley, loc, cit., ii, 318 ; Rice, Mysore^ i, 213. * Bombay Oazetteer, xiii (1), 172. 

• Frazer, FausaniaSf v, 389 ; Crooke, Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern Indiay 
i, 261. 

• North Indian Notes and Queries, v, 143. 

' Dubois. Hindu Manners (edited by Beaucbamp), p. 17 seq. ; Logan, Malabar, i, 128. 
« Bombay Gazetteer, xv (1), 196 ; Ralston, loc, cit., 310 seq. ; Folk-lore, ii, 247 ; Yule, Marco 
Polo, i, 234 ; Gray, China, \, 2lQseq. 

• Frazer, Golden Bough, i, 187 seqq, ^« Bombay Gazetteer, xxiii, 196. 

Digitized by 


vnth special reference to India. 281 

feet thrown into it. The corpse is seated in the niche dressed only in a loin-cloth, 
and in the hands of the dead man is placed the Lingam amulet which he wore in 
life. The grave is filled up to the level of the face of the corpse, and a piece of 
gold is laid on the mouth. Finally, the main grave is filled up with earth and 
stones, and a mound is raised over it.^ 

Here we have a very primitive form of burial, because we find it among the 
degraded Yeravas of Coorg, who bury their women in a sitting posture in a hole 
scooped out sideways from what should have 'been an ordinary grave, so that the 
earth overhead does not touch her body.* The custom among the Jugis of Bengal, 
who, like all the ascetic classes, retain many primitive practices, is similar.' The 
custom extends far beyond India. Thus, some of the Australian tribes bury their 
dead standing, and an empty space is left above the head so that nothing may 
touch it ; others make a side chamber at the bottom of the pit into which the 
tightly corded corpse is thrust.* "We have numerous instances of the same practice 
among the Indian tribes of North America, and Miss Kingsley and other travellers 
describe somewhat similar customs in Africa.' 

In fact, the custom is a link between the ordiuary grave interment, where the 
earth is piled immediately over the corpse, and the dome or vault burial adopted 
by more cultured races. Thus, in Africa, one of the centres of shelf or niche inter- 
ment, the King of the Fiot is jjlaced in a vault with goods and images representing 
the fetish gods and ofiBcers of the deceased monarch.' It also reminds us of some 
of the ancient forms of Dolmen or Kistvaen burial, as in what are known as 
Camere tombs in Italy/ Many of the Irish megalithic monuments have an outer 
and an inner chamber, on the analogy of the Antae and Cella of classic shrines 
the outer room being probably devoted to some form of culture of the dead, and 
we find the same form in the beehive tombs of Mycence, where the inner chamber 
was probably the original tomb, and the outer room a chanicl house for the bones 
of less honoured members of the royal family.' 

Another interesting point in connection with this form of interment is that it 
has been adopted as the normal rule among Muhammadaus. Thus, in India, in 
what is known as the " simple " (sddi) grave, there is a Lahd or niche made in the 
base of the grave, arched over so that the dead man may be able to sit up when 
visited and examined by the death angels, Munkar and Naktr. In what is known 
as the haghli grave {haghl = the side or armpit) the niche is made in the side of 
the grave facing the Qiblah or holy city of Mecca. So in Turkest&n the grave 

* Bombay Oazetteer, xx, 84 ; xxiii, 237. 

» Oppert, Original InAabitanti of Bharatavarsa, 207 ; quoting Bichter, Ethnographical 
Compendium of the Castes and Tribes of the Province of Coorg ^ 9 ««j. 
' Rialey, loc. cit., i, 359. 

* Joum. Anthrop, Inst.^ O.S., ii, 271 ; xiii, 170 

* Yarrow, loe, cit,, 97, 98, 102 ; Miss Kingsley, West African Studies, 484 seq. ; Feathernian, 
Nigritians, 233, 345, 549. 

* Featherman, loc, cit.y 444. ' Jottrn, Anthrop. Tnsty xxvi, 2.')9. 

* Borlase, loc, cit.^ i, 135, 147 ; ii, 432 ; Fi-aaser, Pausanias, iii, 126, 141. 

Digitized by 


282 W. Crooks— Primitive Rites of Disposal of the Dead, 

consists of a deep ditch in one end of which an underground chamber has been 
hollowed out into which the corpse is shoved and the grave filled.^ It is difficult 
to conjecture whence the early Mussulmslns derived the practice ; they probably 
merely perpetrated a general custom of the pre-Islamitic paganism. 

It will have been noticed that in this shelf burial the corpse is usually 
interred in a crouched or sitting position. This, too, is a very primitive mode of 
interment, of which India supplies many instances. We find it among the Irulas, 
a very degraded jungle tribe of the Nilagiris ; the Dev&nga, weavers of North 
Arcot: the Lepchas of Assum: the scavenger tribes of the North- Western 
Provinces and Bombay : the Hatkars of Berftr : the Madigs, vagrants of Bijapur : 
the Mh3,rs, a race of degraded outcasts in Western India : the Gidbudki, beggars 
of Kanara : the Dhor, menials in Bombay, and many other depressed and vagrant 
tribes, among whom it is the normal form of interment.' Besides actual crouched 
burial there are many cases in which the body is carried to the grave in a sitting 
posture. Thus, the Bh&radis, dancers of Ahmadnagar, carry the corpse to the 
burial ground rolled up in a bag : the Bilejddars, weavers of Dharw&r, remove the 
married dead in a seated posture in a cart:* many of the Banya and other 
mercantile castes of Northern India convey the corpse to the cremation ground in 
a sort of cage in which it is bunched up like a balL 

This custom of crouched burial is widespread. It is characteristic of the 
interments in the Neolithic Age, and is common in the burrows of Great Britain 
and other parts of Europe.^ Evidence of it has been traced in the royal burials 
at MycensB,'^ as weU as in ancient ChalddBa.' In some of the early Irish entomb- 
ments the corpse was seated in the grave on a chair, and the dead were buried 
in a crouched posture both in ancient Spain and in Scandinavia.' The custom 
seems to have been general in ancient times in North America, and prevails 
among the ruder races of that continent to the present time.* We find it in 
Botuma and New Georgia, in the Gilbert Islands, among the Botocudos of Brazil, 
the Peruvians, Andamanese, and Nicobarese, the Australians, Fijians, and the 
people of New Britain, and Sarawak.' At Accra, the corpse of the dead man is 

» Schuyler, Turhistan^ i, 161. 

* Grigg, Nilagiris^ 217 ; Cox-Stuart, North Arcot, i, 227 ; Risley, loc cU., ii, 10 ; North 
Indian Notes and Queries, i, 118 ; Bombay Gazetteer, xviii (1), 439 ; xxii, 216 \ xii, 62 ; xviii (IX 
435 ; xxiii, 167 ; xii, 173 ; xviii (1), 478 ; xxiii, 137, 201. 

» Bombay Gazetteer, xvii, 170 ; xxii, 164. 

« Borlase, loc. cit., i, 112 ; Nadaillac, loc, cit., 361 ; Joum. AtUkrop, Inst., O.S., xxii, 6 ; 
viii, 378 ; vi, 282 ; xii, 194 ; iv, 378 ; xx, 12 ; v, 146 ; Folk-lore, iii, 244. 

» Frazer, Pausamas, iii, 106, 126. 

' MajBpero, Datcn of Civilization, 686. 

' Borlase, loc, dt, iii, 800 ; Joum, Anthrop. Inst,, O.S., xvii, 128 ; Du Chaillu, Viking Age, 
i, 70, 73, 326. 

• Bancroft, Native Races, i, 206, 248, 289, 357, 396, 420 ; ii, 612, 800 ; Yarrow, loc. ciU, 75, 
99, 111. 

> J(mm. Anthrop. Inst., O.S., xxvii, 464 ; xxvi, 403 ; xiii, 208 ; vii, 499 ; ii, 281 ; xiii, 153, 
2S)8 ; X, 145 ; xii, 141 ; x, 365 ; xv, 450 ; xxi, 353 ; Both, Uk. cit., i, 143 seq, ; Featherman, 
Nigritians, 128, 242, 713. 

Digitized by 


vnth special reference to India. 283 

seated, his name is called, he is invited to eat and drink, and implored not to 
forsake his friends.^ In East Africa to this day children are cremated in a sitting 
position.* There are even instances in comparatively recent times of a similar 
custom in England, and to this day the Patriarch of the Coptic Church is burned 

Passing on to India — it is interesting to find that this custom is again closely 
associated with taboo, and is specially prominent in the case of ascetics and holy 
men. In the monasteries of Spiti in the Lower Himalaya, the traveller is shown 
masonry pillars which contain the bodies of abbots entombed in a sitting position 
dressed in their full canonicals.* When a Guru, or religious teacher, of the Shenvi 
Brahmans of Kanara dies, his corpse is seated in a chair and worshipped, and in 
his chair he is seated in the grave; while in Northern India ceremonies of a 
similar kind are practised in the case of holy men of the Dadupanthi and 
SannySsi orders and many other classes of ascetics.* 

The usual explanation of this custom of sitting or crouched burial is that it 
symbolises the prenatal posture in the womb. This, in some cases, perhaps 
explains the practice. In others it seems to be purely honorific — the chief is 
interred in the dignified position he adopted in life, the teacher in the attitude 
in which he addresses his pupils. Thus, among the Niam Niam and Wahuma 
of Western Africa, chiefs and men of rank are interred in a sitting position.^ But 
in most cases it may merely be meant to suggest the posture in which the savage 
snatches uneasy sleep round the camp fire, or in his narrow cave or hut. He 
lives, in fact, in the grave as he lived on earth. And so in the passage graves 
of Scandinavia, the dead sit along the walls, young and old, men and women, the 
chin resting on both hands, and the knees drawn up, their favourite posture in 

With this mode of burial in some cases is connected the habit of binding up 
the corpse before interment. In Fiji this tying of the corpse is distinctly attributed 
to a desire to prevent the ghost from walking.^ This feeling also accounts for the 
very common habit of mutilating dead enemies, and for the custom of burying 
the tabooed dead face downwards. The corpse is, thus, often bound up either 
with the intention of barring the return of the ghost, or to prevent it from being 
occupied by some evil spirit of the vampire type while on its way to the grave. 
In Turkestd.n, for instance, the corpse is tied round and round with a long bandage, 
and that of a Kimbondo chief is wrapped up in a hide.^ We find the same custom 

* Featherman, loc. cit.y 157, 713. * Joum, Anthrop. Inat.y O.S., xxi, 368. 

* 2nd Series, Notes and Queriea, ix, 513 ; 3rd Series, i, 38 ; iii, 264 ; 7Ui Series, viii, 158. 
« Settlement Report^ 204. 

* Bombay Gazetteer , xv (1), 149 «ej. ; xx, 184 ; xii, 62 ; xxiii, 237 ; Funjdb Notes and Queries^ 
ii, 20; iv, 51 ; Bisley, loc, cU,^ ii, 342. 

* Featherman, loc. cit.j 24, 116. 

' Du Chaillu, loc. cit., i, 73 ; compare Bancroft, he. cit.^ i, 205 ; Yarrow, loc. dt., 146. 

* Joum. Anthrop. Inst., O.S., x, 145. 

* Schuyler, loc. dt., i, 150 ; Featherman oc. cU., 470. 

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284 W. Crookb.— Pn'iwt^tre Bites of Disposal of the Dead, 

among many tribes of American Indians, among Australians, and in Hispaniola, 
while in Mashonaland the limbs of the male dead are tied up, toes and fingers 
each in a separate piece of cloth before burial, while a woman is bound up in a 
hide.^ In other cases we find an advance of custom, as among the Aleuts and 
Peruvians, in Australia and ancient Egypt, where the corpse or mummy is 
enveloped in ornamental netting.* 

In India similar customs are common. Thus, the Havig Brahmans of 
Xanara tie the corpse tightly to the bier with a coir rope : the Deshasth Brdhmans 
of Bijapur, obviously in a spirit of religious conservatism, which shows the 
antiquity of the practice, require that this rope should be cut with a stone, the 
apparent intention being to give the ghost release when the funeral reaches the 
place of cremation : the degraded Mhftrs of Kh&ndesh tie the arms over the breast 
with a silver wire : the Burmese tie the great toes of the corpse, apparently to 
prevent the ghost from walking, and swathe the body in an ample shroud : the 
Mangars, a menial tribe in Bengal, tie it with three pieces of rope to a pole and 
thus convey it to the grave : some of the tribes in Burmah combine this custom 
with the common rite of hair sacrifice at death, and use the hair of the dead man's 
son or daughter to tie his corpse : if this hair be not forthcoming, strips of cotton 
cloth are used.* 

Another remarkable custom is that of disinterring the dead after decom- 
position has wholly or partly ceased, cleaning his bones and either wearing them 
as relics or consigning them to an ossuary. This practice is common in India in 
the case of persons dying in a state of taboo, in other words from epidemic disease. 
The corpses of such people are constantly disinterred and rebumed when the 
plague is over. Thus, the K&thkaris, a jungle tribe in Kanara, buiy those dying 
of cholera, exhume them when the epidemic has ceased, and burn the bones.* A 
more remarkable development of the same custom is found among the Eastern 
KuUens of Madras, who, sometimes after a corpse has been buried, bring a bier to 
the grave. The brother of the widow of the deceased digs up the body, removes 
the skull, which he washes and smears with sandalwood powder and spices. This 
man, whose relation to the deceased is an indication of the matriardiate, is seated 
on the bier, and holding the skull in his hands is carried to a shed erected in front 
of the dead man's house. The skull is set down and all the relations mourn over 
it till the next day at noon. The following twenty-four hours are given over to 
drunken revelry. Then the brother-in-law is again seated on the bier, skull in 
hand, and is carried back to the grave. The son or heir of the deceased then 

» Featherman, loc. cit, 21 ; Joum. Antkrop, Inst, 0,8., xiii, 190 ; xiv, 363 ; xxiv, 170 ; xvi, 
277 ; xiii, 418 ; xix, 402 ; Bent, Ruined Cities, 264 ; Bancroft, loc. cit., i, 245 ; Shea-Troy er, 
Dahistan, i, 141. For rites originating from burial in hides, see Lef6bvre, Proc Society of 
Biblical Arckcedlogy, xv, 433 seqq. 

« Jowm, Anthrop. Inst, O.S., x, 366. 

« Bombay Oazetteer, xv (1), 127 ; xxiii, 88 ; xii, 118 ; Burmah Gazetteer, i, 386,386 ; Risley, 
loc. cit., ii, 76. 

* Bombay Oazetteer, xiii (1), 163 ; xiv, 264. 

Digitized by 


vrilh special reference to India. 285 

burns the skull and breaks au earthen pot, apparently with the object of releasing 
the ghost. This custom prevails also among the Pullers, one of the most 
primitive races in that part of the country.^ 

Among other tribes v^hich practise inhumation similar customs are found. 
The Agariya of Central India, a race of iron-smelters in the jungle, dig up their 
dead when the bones are dry and send the skull and chief parts to the Ganges." 
The Bhotiyas who die except in the month of KSxtik, or December, are disinterred 
in the following KS,rtik and burnt, as in Russia the bodies of unknown or uncared 
for dead are buried hastily in winter, disinterred in the spring and reburied." Similar 
practices are recorded among the Tlinkeets of Western America, and the Latukas 
of East Africa.* 

It is needless to say that the custom of disinterring the corpse and cleaning 
the bones is common to many savage races. The practice prevails in Motu, in 
Goazacoalco, in Melanesia, Sarawak, the Loochoo Islands, Torres Straits, Ashanti, 
and many other places.* The custom of maintaining tribal ossuaries is equally 
common.* The Todas have what are called " the green " and " the diy " funeral, 
the foimer carried out immediately after death, the latter, which is now fixed at 
about a twelvemonth after death, when the obsequial rites of all who have died in 
the interval are performed.'^ It may be suspected that the Todas, who now cremate, 
once buried their dead, and that " the dry " funeral marked the time for the removal 
of the bones to the tribal ossuary. The same custom also possibly accounts for 
" the small " and " great " festival of the dead among the Azteks.® 

In fact, the custom may have suggested the special death rites, which, as 
among the Hindus, are performed on the anniversary of the death. They have 
invented the fiction that during this period the ghost wanders, and will continue 
to wander unless by the pious care of his relations he is provided with a new and 
spiritual body. The period of a year probably marks the period at which it was 
supposed that decomposition was complete. The Indians of North America, for 
instance, make gifts at the grave so long as it is supposed that there is any part of 
the perishable matter remaining, and the Dakotas inter the bones in about a year 
after they have been placed on the platform.* The soul, it was believed, could not 
rest in peace so long as it was surrounded by the products of corruption. As the 

> Folk-lorCy V, 36. For other cases in which the skull i*epresent8 the deceased, see Hartland, 
Legend of Perseus^ ii, 307 »eq, 

« Dalton, loc cU., 323 ; Rialey, foe ci^., i, 4. 

• Traill, Statistical Report on the Bhoftiya MahdUy 85 seq. ; Ealston, Songs of the Russian 

• Bancroft, loe. city i, 113 ; Featherman, NigrUianSy 81. 

» J&wm. Anthrop. Inst., O.S., vii, 485 ; x, 300 ; xxiv, 58 ; xii, 416, 421, 427, 436 ; xiv, 231 ; 
XXV, 357 ; xv, 397 ; xiii, 13. Gray, Chinas ii, 304 ; and see Hartland, Legend of Persms, ii, 327. 

• Bancroft, loc. cU., iv, 776 ; Burckhardt, iS^WO) 564 ; Featherman, NigriHanSj 153 ; and see 
Hartland, loc cit., ii, 332. 

» Marshall, A Phrenologist among the Todas, 170 seq. ; Grigg, Nilagiris, 197. 

• Bancroft, loc. cit.,u^ 61& 

• Schoolcraft in Drake, Indian Tribes of the United States, i, 216, 234. 

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286 W. Crooke. — Primitive Rites of Disposal of the Dead, 

Dayaks of Borneo say, " All unknown and unexpiated sin is wiped away by the 
burning of the bones, and then the spirit is as clean as though washed in gold."^ 
The annual death rite of the Hindus may then be a survival of practices antecedent 
to the adoption of cremation. 

But we may go even further and conjecture that this habit of disinterring the 
bones is a survival of a more primitive and more disgusting rite. In its crudest 
form we find it among the tribes of the Amazon, who, according to Dr. Wallace, 
about a month after the fimeral, "disinter the corpse, which is then much 
decomposed, and put it in a great pan or oven over the fire till all the volatile 
parts are driven off with a most horrible odour, leaving only a black carbonaceous 
mass, which is pounded into a fine powder, and mixed in several laige couchh (vats 
made of hollowed trees) of a fermented drink ccudri: this is drunk by the 
assembled company till all is finished: they believe that the virtues of the 
deceased will be transmitted to the drinkers."^ The practice then in its crudest 
form carries us back to the rite of sacramental cannibalism. 

"We meet many traces of this practice of disinterring the bones in early 
European interments. In some of the English long barrows the bones appear to 
have been flung in pell-mell. The space is often too small to hold a complete 
corpse, so that before inhumation the flesh must have been separated from the 
bones, or the bodies were disinterred and reburied when decomposition had ceased. 
Instances of this are found in connection with mswiy of the megalithic monu- 

In modem Hinduism of the higher type the rite survives in the Asthi- 
Sancaya, or " bone collecting ceremony," when a day or two after cremation the 
bones and ashes are swept up and buried there and then, or reserved for consign- 
ment to some holy river. 

Lastly, in dealing with these survivals of early burial rites in India we come 
to the custom of jar and urn burial. I quote in the appendix to this paper 
a valuable note on the subject, hitherto, I believe, unpublished, by the late 
eminent antiquary, Bishop CaldwelL 

Practically the only instances of this form of interment come from Southern 
India. In Salem, "the large urns invariably contain human bones and small 
vessels, and very often some urn implements and ornaments. I do not think that 
any of them are large enough to contain the body of a full-grown man, though 
placed in a sitting posture, with the legs and thighs drawn up, as is sometimes 
found in the tumuli of Europe : " in fact the position of the bones in layers seems 
to indicate that the body must have been either cut up or partially burnt before 
interment.* In Tinnevelly the ancient race used to bury their dead in earthen 

> Koth, loc. cit^ i, 163. 

« Wallace, Narrative of Travels on the Amazon, 346 : with other references in Hartland, loc 
/!iV., ii, 286 seq. 

* Nadaillac, loc. cit.y 214, 346 ; Borlase, loc. cit,, i, 188 ; ii, 463,456, 

* Le Fanu, Salem, ii, 284 ; Nicholson, Coimhatore, 86, 

Digitized by 


ivith special reference to India. 287 

urns, varying in size from a foot to six feet in height. In them skulls and bones 
are often found in a complete state of preservation, the body being placed in the 
urn in a sitting posture, or, when the urns are small, still more forcibly fitted to 
its size.^ In Malabar, again, we find curious burial caves, probably of the same 
age as the megalithic monuments: some are of a later type, containing large 
sepulchral urns.* In Nellore, in the laterite deposit, were found several coflins, 
apparently made of burnt clay, embedded in quartz. Some contained more than 
one body, spear-heads, and other implements.* Some of the urns in Malabar have 
a hole in the bottom, which, it has been supposed, may be connected with the cult 
of the earth goddess and the return of the person buried to the bosom of mother 
earth :* more probably they were intended merely as outlets for the products of 
decomposition on the principle already mentioned that it was desirable to purify 
the bones so as to provide a happy home for the ghost. In Mysore, jars of the 
same kind have been found in the Kistvaens, and in South Arcot there are cases 
of pot burial in stone chambers, the jars containing bones and fragments of iron.* 
In Malabar, again, jars and fragments of iron have been found in cromlecha* In 
the Nilagiris, funeral jars have been found with lids curiously shaped in the form 
of animals, such as birds, pigs, deer, dogs, horses, buffaloes, trees, men, and 
women, while in the barrows bones are found in a bronze vessel enclosed in an 
earthen jar.' The jar in Malabar is often buried with its lid on a level with the 
surface of the soil, and the whole covered with a massive slab of stone.* 

Jar burial is thus a well-established form of interment in Southern India. 
From the articles discovered with the bones they would, in most cases, seem to be 
not earlier than the discovery of iron. How long ago that may be or to what race 
the custom may be attributed, it is at present diflScult to say. It seems to have 
gone on continuously up to quite recent times. Probably in some cases the corpse 
was cut up or dislocated and thus forced into the jar : in other cases cremation, 
either complete or partial, preceded the placing of the bones in the jar : or possibly 
the jar may have been used occasionally for bones disinterred some time after 

This early custom of urn burial has left some survivals in the current Hindu 
death ritual. In the first place, the potter as the maker of the shrine or spirit 
house which contains the ghost, is subject to many taboos, and among certain of 
the lower castes discharges priestly functions. The household water pots are, 
again, subject to a rigid taboo. After a death they are all broken or replaced, 
because the ghost may have found its natural home in one of them, and all must 
be broken that the restless spirit may be released. So when the mourner marches 
round the pyre he breaks with the life-stone, which is supposed to represent the 

> Stu&rt, Tinnevelly, 67. • Logan, Malabar, i, 180. 

» Boswell, NeUorey 689. « Logan, loc. cU,, i, 181. 

' Rice, Mywr^y i, 607 ; Garstin, South Arcot, 330 wq, 
* Logan, loc, eit., i, 180. 
Qrigg, NUagiriB, 233, 235 9eq, J<mm. Anthrop. Inst., zi, 416. 

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288 W. Crookb. — Primitive Biteg of Disposal of the Dead, 

dead, a water pot with the same intention, and a water jar is hung on the sacred 
Pipal tree for some time after death to provide a home and refreshment for the 
homeless spirit. The line of pots piled during the marriage rite is supposed to be 
the home of the guardian deities who bless the union, and a Kalasa, or sacred jar, 
is found at every rural shrine and on the spires of Hindu temples, because it ]& 
distinctively the abode of the deity. This leads to a great chapter in folklore, the 
binding of a god in a jar, which I have discussed elsewhere.^ 

Though the habit of actual jar burial has practically disappeared in the 
northern part of the Continent, it has left many traces of its existence. All over 
Northern India dead babies, because they are specially taboo, are put away in jars. 
In the Panj&b, among the tribes which practice infanticide, the body of the child 
is placed in a water-pot and buried. The same vessel is used as the place of 
deposit for the umbilical cord, to which many curious beliefs attach, all based on the 
belief that it acts as the Life Index, or refuge for the separable soul of the child. 
More important \& the use of the jar for holding the bones and ashes collected from 
the cremation ground. Here it directly represents the jar used in earlier times for 
purposes of inhumation, and we can see the exact stages of the evolution of custom 
in practice at Siam, where the corpse of a king or queen is placed, dressed and 
ornamented, in a golden jar, and cremated some four or five months afterwards.' 

In the disposal of the bones and ashes many variances of practice present 
themselves. Some, and in particular those tribes which follow most closely the 
primitive usage, bury the jar in the plac>e where the corpse was cremated, the 
cremation being here an obvious supplement to the more early use. Others 
combine it with water burial and bar the return of the ghost by sinking the 
bone jar in the nearest running water, or reserve it for removal to the Granges or 
some other sacred stream. Meanwhile, and during the journey, the jar is hung on 
a tree, so that the ghost, if so disposed, may revisit its bones, for all ghosts are 
subject to a rigid taboo, not to tread upon the earth. Others, like the G^os of 
Assam, place the ashes in a jar and enclose it with a bamboo fence near the village, 
so that the ghost may abide with them as some North American tribes and savages 
in many parts of the world enclose the grave with a pen of sticks and Ic^ to 
prevent intrusion on the home of the dead.' Some, like the Ehasiyas, on a special 
day selected by the diviner, remove this jar to the tribal burial ground, where the 
dead man rejoins his relations ; or, like the Orftons, hang the bone jar on a pole 
outside the house of the deceased, and in the next December or January bury it 
near a river or tank, covering the remains with a massive stone.^ Here, too, the 
delay in disposing of the bones may be a survival of customs connected with the 
earlier rite of inhumation. Hence, also, the jar is naturally a sacred object, and in 

> Folh-lorey viii, 325 seqq, 
s Bowling, Siam, ii, 419. 

* Hunter, Statistical Account of Auam^ ii, 364 ; Dalton, loc, cU., 56 ; Yarrow, loc, ciL, 79, 
80, 141. 

* Rialey, loc. cit., ii, 174 seq. 

Digitized by 


with special reference to India. 289 

Bihilr to strike one with a jar, or even to threaten to do so, is the most extreme 
form of insult.^ 

But there are survivals of even ghastlier customs in connection with the 
form of interment. Many of the primitive burials, as we have seen, supply evidence 
that the corpse, before being deposited in the jar, was dismembered, because the 
mouth of the vessel was too narrow to admit it. The Dayaks at the present day 
sometimes evade this diflBculty by cutting the jar in two, through the middle, in 
order to permit the entry of the body, the upper part serving as a lid ; while 
in ancient Chaldaea the clay must have been modelled ever the corpse, or the neck 
subsequently added to the jar.^ 

In the light of facts such as these, it is significant that popular rumour credits 
tlie Doms, the lowest class of vagrants and scavengers in Upper India, with the 
habit of dismembering the corpses of their dead at niglit and placing the frag- 
ments in jars, which they sink in some stream or reservoir.^ Mr. Eisley is 
inclined to doubt the truth of this story, and suggests that it was based on the 
common prohibition against these outcasts burying their dead by daylight. But 
the tradition may not be so improbable as it seems, and it occurs just among the 
very tribe where we might have expected to meet with a survival of practices such 
as this. 

I have thus sketched some of the early methods of disposal of the dead in 
India, of which survivals more or less obvious may be traced in the current usages 
of the present day. But I have been able to touch only the fringe of a subject in 
which the evidence is very voluminous and intricate. I have perhaps said enough 
to show that in any discussion of the evolution of the methods for the disposal of 
the dead the prehistoric and contemporary evidence from the Indian Peninsula and 
its border lands cannot safely be ignored. 

» Journ. Anthrop, Soc.^ Bombay ^ ill, 365. 

« Roth, loc. city i, 152 ; Yarrow, loc. cit., 137 ; Maspero, loc. cit.y 684 

• Eisley, loc. dt, i, 248 ; Crooke, loc. cit.j ii, 325 ; compare Borlase, loc. cit., ii, 466. 

New Series, Vol. II, Nos. 3 and 4, U 

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290 W. Crooke. — Primitive Rites of Disposal of the Dead, 


Sepulchral Urns in Southern Inddl 

The following note by the late Dr. Caldwell, Bishop of Tinnevelly, and author 
of the Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, has been kindly placed at the disposal 
of the writer of this paper by Mrs. Athol Macgregor and deserves reproduction. 

" I am anxious to obtain some information as to the extent of the area within 
which sepulchral urns, like those to which I am about to refer, are found. 

" The urns I refer to are large earthenware jars, containing fragments of human 
bones, generally in a very decayed state. They are of various sizes, corresponding 
with the age of the person whose remains were to be disposed of. The largest I 
have found was 11 feet in circumference, and the smallest have been between 
4 feet and 5 feet. The shape varies a little within certain limits, so that I have not 
found any two perfectly alike : but the type generally adhered to is that of the 
large earthen jars (in Tamil Kilnai) with which the people in this neighbourhood 
draw water from wells for their cultivation. The urn is without handles, feet, rim, 
or cover. It swells out towards the middle and terminates in a point, so that it is 
only when it is surrounded with earth that it keeps an upright position. The urns 
do much credit to the workmanship of the people by whom they were made, being 
made of better tempered clay, better burnt and much stronger than any of the 
pottery made in these times in this part of India. They would contain a human 
body easily enough in a doubled-up position, if it could be got inside ; but the 
mouth is generally so narrow that it would admit only the skull ; and one is 
tempted to conjecture that the body must have been cut into pieces before it was 
put into the urn, or that the bones must have been collected and put in after the 
body had decayed. Generally decay is found to have advanced so far that these 
theories can neither be verified nor disproved. Fragments only of the harder bones 
remain, and the urn seems to contain little more than a mass of earth. In one 
instance I found the bones partially petrified and therefore almost perfect, though 
they had fallen asunder, but this was the large 11 feet urn referred to above, 
discovered at Korkoi ; so that in this instance it was conceivable that the body had 
been placed in it entire. At Ilanji, near Courtallum, on opening an urn some 
traces of the shape of a skeleton were discovered. The skull was found resting on 
the sternum, and on each side of the sternum was a tibia. It appeared, therefore, 
as if the body had been doubled up and forced in head foremost, though it was not 
clear how the shoulders could have got in. The bones were of the consistence of 
ochre, and crumbled to pieces when they were taken out. Nothing could be 
preserved but a piece of the skull and the teeth, which were those of an adult. 
Dr. Try, Surgeon to the Eesident of Travancore, who was present at the find, 
pointed out that the molars had been worn down by eating grain, and that the 
edges of the front teeth had also been worn down by biting some kind of parched 

Digitized by 


with special refercTice to India, 291 

pulse. Afterwards, on examining the mouths of some natives, I found their front 
teeth worn down a little in the same manner, and, as they admitted, from the same 
cause. I have not noticed any distinct trace of the bones in these urns having 
been calcined. 

" In addition to human bones, a few small earthen vessels are found in most 
of the jars. Sometimes such vessels are arranged outside, instead of being placed 
inside. These vessels are of various shapes, all more or less elegant, and all 
appear to have been highly polished. At finst I supposed they had been glazed, 
but I have been informed by Dr. Hunter, late of the Madras School of Arts, 
that what I noticed was a polish, not a true glaze. Whatever it be, I have not 
noticed anything of the kind in the native pottery of these parts and these 
times. In some cases the polish or glaze is black, and the decay of these 
blackened vessels seems to have given rise to the supposition that the bones had 
sometimes been calcined. 

" On a plate published in the Indian Antiquary for October, 1877, are sketches 
of five of these little vessels. When these have been shown to natives, they say 
that No. 4 seems to have been an oil-vessel, and No. 5 a spittoon. The use of 
No. 2, the vessel with the lid, is unknown. In these times such vessels would 
be made of bell-metal, not of pottery. We may conclude that the object in 
view in placing these vessels in the urn was that the ghost of the departed might 
be supplied with the ghosts of suitable vessels for eating and drinking out of in 
the other world. Small stones, about the size of a cocoa-nut, are generally found 
heaped up round the mouth of the urn, and the discovery of such stones ranged 
in a circle, corresponding to the circular mouth of the urn, will be found to be a 
reason for suspecting the existence of an urn underneath. 

" The natives of these times know nothing whatever of the people by whom 
this singular mode of interment was practised, nor of the time when they lived. 
They do not identify them with the Samanas, that is to say, the Jainas and the 
Buddhists lumped together, about whom tolerably distinct traditions survive, nor 
does there appear to be anything in or about the jars distinctively Jaina or 
Buddhistic. There is a myth current among the natives, it is true, respecting the 
people who were buried in these jars, but this myth seems to be merely a 
confession of their ignorance. They say that in the Treta Yuga, that is about a 
million of years ago, people used to live to a great age, and that however old they 
were they did not die, but the older they grew the smaller they became. They 
got so small at length that to keep them out of the way of harm it was necessary 
to place them in the little triangular niche in the wall of a native house, in 
which the lamp is kept. At length when the younger people could no longer 
bear the trouble of looking after their dwarf ancestors, they placed them in 
earthen jars, put with them in the jars a number of little vessels containing rice, 
water, oil, etc., and buried them near the village. 

" The name by which these urns are called in the Tamil country does not 
throw much light on th^ir ori«^in. This qauiQ assumes three forms. In the Tamil 

U 2 

Digitized by 


202 W. Crookb. — Primitive Kites of Disposal of the Dead, 

Dictionary it is rnadamadalckattdli. A more common form of this is maddama- 
dakkan-ddli, the meaning of both which forms is the same, viz., ' the tdli or large 
jar, which boils over/ The meaning attributed to this by some natives is rather 
far-fetched, viz., that the little people who were placed in them used sometimes to 
come out of the jars and sit about, as if they had boiled over out of them. The 
form of this word in use among the common people seems capable of a more 
rational interpretation. This is vuidamattan-ddli, 01* more properly madonmaitan- 
ddli, M(u1onmntta (Sansk.) (? madvanmata) means 'insane'; but it is sometimes 
used in Tamil to mean * very large,' as in the Tamil version of the Panchatantra 
where it is used to denote a very large jungle. The great size of the urn being 
its principal characteristic, it would seem that the name in use amongst the 
common people is, after all, better warranted than that which is used by those 
who are regarded as correct speakers. 

" Who the people were who buried their dead in these urns is a problem yet 
unsolved. The only points that can be regarded as certain are those which have 
been ascertained by the internal evidence of the urns and their contents 
themselves. From this it is clear that the people buried in them were not 
pygmies, but of the same size as people of the present time. How they were put 
in may be mysterious, but there is no doubt about the size of their bones. The 
skulls were similar to those of the present time. The teeth also were worn down 
like those of the existing race of natives, by eating grain. In a jar opened by 
Dr. Jagor of Berlin, a head of millet was found. The grain had disappeared, but 
the husks remained. The unknown people must have lived in villages, the jars 
being found, not one here and another there, but arranged side by side in 
considerable numbers, as would naturally be done in a burial-ground. They were 
also a comparatively civilised people, as is evident from the excellence of their 
pottery, and the traces of iron implements or weapons which have sometimes 
been found in the jars. The conclusion from all this which seems most probable 
to me is that they were the ancestors of the people now living in the same 
neighbourhood. If this were the true explanation, it is singular that no relic, 
trace or tradition of such a mode of sepulture has survived to the present day. 
And yet, if we were to adopt the supposition that they were an alien race, it 
would be still more difficult to conjecture who they were, where they came from, 
and why they disappeared. 

" I have myself seen those urns both in the Tinnevelly and Madura districts 
and in northern and southern Travancore — that is, on both sides of the Southern 
Ghats, and I am anxious to ascertain in what other districts of India they are 
foimd. If the area within which they are found can be accurately traced some 
light may thereby be thrown on their history." 


Mr. W. GowLAND said he had hoped to find in the Indian burial customs, which 
had been so ably dealt with by Mr. Ciooke, some parallels with those practised in 

Digitized by 


ivith special reference to India, 293 

Japan and Korea in early times. They were not altogether absent, but were 
confined solely to Buddhist times, which, in Japan, only dated from the sixth 
century of our era. The exposure of the dead in waste places to be devoured by 
beasts of prey, or to be destroyed by the action of the elements, as mentioned by 
the author, is certainly recorded in the traditions of the Japanese as being the 
earliest practice of the race, but how far these records are trustworthy on this 
point it is impossible to say, and we have no proofs, nor can we have any, that 
such a custom was actually followed. 

The first mode of burial, of which we have any evidence, is that which was 
practised by them in those remote times when they first migrated from the 
mainland of Asia, viz., interment in low mounds or burrows. In these mounds 
stone ornaments are found, but the weapons, swords, halberds, and arrow heads 
are of bronze. Somewhat later in time, burial in dolmens, or large megalithic 
chambers covered by mounds, was introduced. In these the characteristic 
weapon was a formidable iron sword. These dolmens, however, have nothing in 
common with those of India. As regards the methods, mentioned by the author, 
in which the object was to preserve the body, he would point out that mum- 
mification was unknown in Japan, but, in very early times, vermilion was 
frequently placed in the sarcophagus with the body. He had found this substance 
in several sarcophagi, and in one large tumulus of a forgotten emperor or prince, 
which had been rifled, a considerable quantity was disseminated through the 
earth where the interment had taken place. It was generally stated by Japanese 
archaeologists that the vermilion was used in order to preserve the corpse from 
decay. He did not think, however, that it could have this effect, but that there 
was some other reason for its use which was not obvious. He might mention 
incidentally that the custom of embalming is practised by the Chinese at the 
present day, in the cases of persons who had died in a distant country. The body 
was then embalmed in order that it might be transported to the native province 
of the deceased for interment there. 

As regards inhumation, this mode of burial alone was practised by the 
Japanese in early times. Cremation was unknown until it was introduced with 
Buddhism, and it was not until about the seventh century, when that religion 
had been established in the country, that it seems to have come into use. 

The first of the imperial line to be cremated is said to have been the Empress 
Jito (a.d. 702). There is some doubt about this, but the body of the Emperor 
Junna, who died in A.D. 842, was undoubtedly cremated. In these early 
cremations of important persons, it is important to note that the body was not 
burnt near the burial mound. Thus in the case of the Emperor Junna, the 
cremation took place about three miles from the tumulus proper ; and in all cases 
two mounds commemorated the death, one being erected on the actual spot where 
the cremation was carried out, and the other where the urn containing the ashes 
was buried. 

Inhumation was not given up but still continued to exist side by side with 
cremation, especially in burials of followers of the Shinto cult, and both are 
practised at the present day. 

No traces of the custom of crouched burial in early times have been found in 
Japan, but after the introduction of cremation, the bodies of the dead were usually 

Digitized by 


294 W. Crookb. — Primitive Sites of JtHsposal of the bead, 

placed in a squatting position in the wooden cofifer or tub in which they were 
placed on the funeral pile. 

Burial in jars, mentioned by the author as coufiaed to Southern India, was 
occasionally practised in Japan, but only during the last two or three centuries. 
In one example he had found, when excavating for the foundation of a building in 
extending the mint in Osaka, the body, which was that of a priest, had been 
interred in a large earthenware jar, the top of which was closed by a slab of stone 
bearing the date of the interment. The size of the jar and the width of its mouth 
were amply sufficient to admit the body without mutilation. 

Finally, it is noteworthy, from what has already been said, that the only 
ancient buritd custom which Japan owes to India was cremation. 

Mr. W. L. H. Duckworth thought that one eflfect of Mr. Crooke's researches 
would be to diminish the value to be attached to the consideration of identity in 
the method of disposal of the dead, as evidence of racial identity. In the case of 
the so-called Mediterranean Bace in particular, a good deal of stress has been laid 
on this criterion by Sergi and others. 

Digitized by 


( 295 ) 

By Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie, D.C.L., LL.D. 

[with plates XXXI TO XXXIIl.] 

The conveniently vague term, " prehistoric," has been generally thought to excuse 
our ignorance, and to render further inquiry needless beca^use it would be incon- 
clusive. To attain to a broad division into widely distinct periods and styles, such 
as palaeolithic and neolithic, was perhaps a tolerably safe venture; but the utmost 
that has been yet attempted is a division into a few well-marked varieties, as 
Mousterien, Acheullien, etc., or Mykenaean, Dipylon, Hallstattian, etc., for later 
ages. It has been, perhaps, the result of careless and incomplete observation and 
registration of discoveries, that the habit has arisen of defining only large periods 
without subdivisions, and describing a period by the name of a locality, which 
conveys no idea of relation to other periods. 

But it may be said that in dealing with ages before any written record of years 
no reference to time or dates is possible. In the narrowest sense this may be true. 
Yet the main value of dates is to show the sequence of events ; and it would matter 
very little if the time from Augustus to Constantine had occupied six centuries 
instead of three, or if Alexander had lived only two centuries before Augustus. 
The order of events and the relation of one country to another is the main essential 
of history. Indeed, the tacit commonsense of historians agrees in treating the 
periods of great activity and production more fully than the arid ages of barbarism, 
and so substituting pmctically a scale of activity as the standard rather than a 
a scale of years. 

It would be, therefore, no fallacy to portion out the past by the ratio of events 
rather than by the seasons ; and to measure history by the stages of thought and 
action of man rather than by inanimate celestial motions. In this truest sense, 
then, we may have a possibility of reducing the prehistoric ages to a historical 
sequence, and defining them as readily as historic times. If some scale and ratio 
of human activities can be adopted, we may measure the past by means of it as 
definitely as we do by years b.c. 

Supposing our information were complete, it is clear that we might, for 
instance, assign one degree in an arbitrary scale for every hundred objects of man's 
past that have survived to our time, and so obtain a reasonable series of " sequence 
dates'* — as we may call them — for any period hitherto unmeasured. Such 
sequence dates would have varying relation to a scale of years in different parts of 
the scale, but would be, at least, a reasonable system of denoting the past, which 
would give that power of exact expression in commonly understood terms, which is 

Digitized by 


296 Prof. W. M. Flinders FKniiK—Seqicences in Prehistoric Remains, 

the necessary basis of any scientific treatment. The sequence dates of one country 
would have to be correlated to those of another country by discoveries of con- 
nections ; but it would at least be a great gain to be able to express such a relation 
in a simple system of dating instead of some elaborate definition of a period named 
from one place being equivalent to the earlier or later part of a period named from 
some other. 

So far we have only been looking at the desirable, without any statement of 
the practical ; and sequence dates in prehistory may seem to be merely a " pious 
wish." Yet this abstract view of the matter has arisen from a very practical 
treatment of a large mass of material, out of which it has grown. 

The most practical scale of sequence dates in Egypt, and perhaps in most 
other prehistoric civilisations, is the proportion of burials. The number of burials 
in each century will, of course, vary with the population ; yet so does the import- 
ance -of a country vary, and also our interest in it, to some extent. Nothing can 
be so readily ascertained as the proportions of burials if our researches are fairly 
spread, and if we find each cemetery to Ije largely overlapping others in relative 
age. For the period covered by a series of overlapping cemeteries the number of 
tombs may be taken as a most rational basis of sequence dates. Thus each unit of 
dating represents an equal number of persons above a certain low standard of 
wealth and culture. If, then, we could treat a large number of tombs — a thousand 
or more — which had no blank periods between them, and arrange them in their 
original order, we should have a rational basis for sequence dates ; they might be 
divided into units of twenty tombs, for