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The Journal of the 
Anthropological Institute of, 

Anthropological Institute of Great 
Britain and Ireland , ,1, 

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VOL. X. 



%\t ^nlt{nv|roIoguaI Ittstttidt of (6ivA Britain Biti^ Irelmtb 

TRUBNER & 00., 67 & 59, LXJDGATE HILL. 

All nigkU Beserved. 


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I. On tlie Central South African Tribes from the South Coast to 

the Zambesi. Bj Dr. Ehtl Holitb. . 2 

II. Notes on the Western Begions. Translated from the " Tsi^gn 

Han Shoo,'* Book 96, Part 1. Bj A. Wtmi, Esq. 20 

ni. On the Origin of the Plough and Wheel-carriage. Bj S. B. 

Tylob, Esq., r.E.S., President 74 

lY. Yisualised Numerals. Bj F&AifCiB Gai/fon,<F.B.S... .. 85 
V. On Nicobarese Ideographs. By V. Ball, M.A., F.G.S. . . 103 
VI. Notes on the Polynesian Ba<^. By C. Staniland Wake, 

Esq., M.A.1 109 

VII. Further Notes on the Komano-British Cemetery at Seaford, 
Sussex. By F. G. Hiltoit Pbiob, F.G.S., and Jomr E. 

PwcB. F.S.A., M.R.S.L 180 

Ym. Notes on Fijian Burial Customs. By the Ber. Lobdceb 

PlBOH 137 

IX Flint Implements from the Yalley of the Baim. By W. J. 

Knowlbs, Esq. 160 

X. On the Cranial Characters of the Natires of the Fiji Islands. 

By W. H. Ffowbb, LL.D., F.B.S .. .. 158 

XI. The Ethnology of Germany. Part Y. The Jutes imd Fomo- 

rians. By H. H. Howobth, Esq., F.S.A. . . . . . . 174 

XIL Observations upon the Methods and Processes of Anthro- 
pometry. By Dr. Paul Topihabd . . . . 212 

Xin. The Japanese : People their origin, and the race as it now 

exists. By C. Pfoundbs, Esq., M.B.S.L., fto. . . . . 225 

XIY. Memoir of the late Paul Broca, Honorary Member. By 

E. W. Bbabbook, F.S.A., Director 242 

XY. Beligious Beliefs and Practices in] Melanesia. By the Ber. 

BoBiBT Hbnby CoDBnroTON, M.A 261 

XYI. Notes on a Stone Implement of Palieolithic Type, found in 

Algeria. By Sir JoHir Litbbook, Bart., P.R.S., M.P. . . 816 
XYIL Camps on the Malvern Hills. By F. G. Hilton Pbiob, 

Esq., F.G.S., Treasury 819 

XYm. Land Tenure in Fiji. By the Rer. Lobimeb Fiboh, M.A. 832 
XIX. Notes on the Occurrence of Stone Implements in South 

Russia. By WnxuM D. Gooch, Esq., C.E 852 

XX. On Anthropological Colour Phenomena in Bdgium and 

elsewhere. By Dr. John Bedi>ob, F.R.S. .. .. 874 

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XXI. Certain BeasoiiB for belieying that the Art of Music in 
Prehistorio Times passed through Three Distinct Stages of 
Development, each characterized hj the Inrention of a 
New Form of Instrument, and that these stages in- 
yariahly succeeded one another in the same order in 
yarious parts of the World. By Mr. Bowbotham .. 880 
XXII. The Stone Age in Japan ; with Notes on Keoent (Geolo- 
gical Changes which hare taken place. By John Milks, 

F.O.S 389 

XXIII. Neolithic Flint Implements of the Nile Valley and Egypt. 

By R. P. Gmg, F.a.S., F.S.A 424 

Proceedings of Annual General Meeting 433 

President's Anniyersary Address 440 


Stature of the Andamanese. By W. H. Flowxb» F.E.S 124 

Chastleton Camp, Moreton-iu-Marsh. By Johk £. Pbicb, F.S. A. . . 124 
The Alleged Existence of Scythe Chariots in Ancient Britain. By 

J. JsBEMiAH, M A.S., and E. B. Tylob, F.B.S., President . . 127 

Necrology 281 

Becent Literature. "Catalogue of the Specimens Illustrating the 
Osteology and Dentition of Yertehrated Animals, recent and extinct, 
contained in the Museum of the Royal CoUege of Surgeons of 
England." By W. H. Flowkk. Part I. Man: Soma sapiens, 

Linn (1879) 231 

" Early Man in Britain, and his place in the Teitiary Period." By W. Boyd 

Dawkinb, M.A., F.BS.,F.a.S.,F.SA 232 

" Fossil Men and their Modem Bepresentatiyes.*' By J. W. Dawsok, 

LL.D., F.B.S., F.a.S., Ac 234 

" Folk-Lore, Manners, Customs, and Languages of the South Australian 
Ahorigines, gathered from inquiries made hy authority of the South 
Australian Gk>yernment. Edited by the late Bey. G-. Taplin, of 

Point Madeay, 1879 234 

■^ Die Ethnographisch-Anthropologische Abtheilung des Museum Gk)deff- 
roy in Hamburg." Ein Beitrag aur Eunde der Liidsee-Yolker yon 
J. D. E. SOHMBLTK und Dr. med. B. Kbausb, Hamburgg . . . . 236 

-"Who are the Scotch?" By Jambs Bonwick, F.B.S 237 

*' Manual de Voyageur." By D. Kaltbbunweb, 1879 237 

^AideM^oireduYoyageur „ „ 1861 237 

An Absamka Myth. By W. J. HorpMAK, M.D 239 

Notes OB PEehistoric Discoyeriee in Central Asia. By C. H. E. Cab- 

MiCHABi^ Esq., F.B.S.L 358 

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On Jade Implements found in Switzerland. Hoddbb M. Webtbofp 

E»q 359 

*' Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge." YoL XXII 863 

" Contributions to the History of the Development of the Human Baoe. 

By Datid Ashbb, Ph.D. 866 

A Homed African Family • . . . . . . . . . 459 

Bushman Cave Paintiugs and Stone Implements . . 459 

Strange Funeral Ceremony in the Tonga Islands, South Sea . . . . 460 
The International Congress of Prehistoric Archaeology and Anthropology 

at Lisbon 461 

Notes on the People of Batanga. By W. L. Distaitt 462 

Index 471 

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VII, vni. 



XII, xin, XIV. 




Portrait of Dr. Paul Broca. 

Koranna Huts in the Harts Biver Valley . . . . 8 

Koranna Huts . . • . . . . . . . 8 

Batlapin Men when travelling . . . . . . 14 

Batlapin Bojs throwing the Kiri . . . . . . 14 

Barolong Men on the Konana Eirer hunting Zehras 14 

PrimitiTe Agricultural Implements . . . . 76 

VisuaUsed Numerals . . . . . . . . . . 96 

Nicoharese Picture Writing 108 

Seaford, Sussex. Map, Section in Cemetery and 

Plan of Cuttings 130 

Seaford, Sussex. Pottery and Stone Implement . . 134 

Crania of Fijians . . . . . . . . 156 

Map of Melanesia 261 

Plan and Sections of Herefordshire Beacon Camp . . 318 
Stone Implements of Palsolithic Type, found in 

Algeria 318 

Japanese Pottery . . . . . . . . 392 

Stone Implements from Japan . . . . . . 395 


Shape of Stone used for Building by extinct tribe in South Africa . . 4 

Barolong €Krl gathering Locusts . . . . . . . . 14 

Batlapin Men working a carossc . . . . . . 16 

Medical Man of the Barutse « . . . . . . . . . 18 

Ancient Egyptian Plough . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 

Various ancient forms of the Plough . . . . . . . . . . 78 

Plough used in the time of Pliny . . . . . . ,, . . . . 79 

Oz-wagon from the Antonine Column . . . . . . . . . . 80 

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Bullock cart of the Azores . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 

Visualised Numerals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 

Ditto 90 

Ditto 91 

Artificial Care used for burial bj the Fijians 144 

Section of Cuttings made in HoUybush Camp . . . . . . 821 

Inscribed Sandstone from Herefordshire Beacon Camp . . . . . . 325 

Stone Implements found in South Bussia . . . . 856 

Delta of Birer Tamagawa . • . . . . . . 419 


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Febbuaey 10th, 1880. 

Francis Galton, Esq., F.RS., Vice-Fresidmt, in the Chair. 

The minutes of the last meetixig were read and confirmed. 

The Election of the following new Members was announced : 
Thomas Hodgkin, Esq. ; Alfeed Tucker, Esq. ; H. C. Stephens, 
Esq.; J. A. Farrer, Esq.; B. M. Wright, Esq.; T. W. A. 
BoBiNSON, Esq. ; and W. D. GoocH, Esq. 

The following presents were announced, and thanks voted to 
the respective donors : — 

Fob the Library. 

From the Editor.—" Nature," Nos 533-36. 

From the Society. — JourDal of the Society of Arts, Nob. 1417-20. 

From the Editor. — Revue Scientifiqae, Nos. 29-32. 

From Dr. Broca. — Revue d'Anthropologie, No. 1, 1880. 

From the Editor. — ^Archiv fiir Anthropologie, Nov., 1879. 

From Dr. Barnard Davis. — Selci lavorate, hronzi e monumenti di 

tipo preistorico di Terra d*Otranto. Per Giustiniano Nicolucci. 
From A. K. Thompson, Esq. — ^Account of the Natives of Western 

Report upon the Aborigines of Western Australia, 

by Dr. Milne Robertson. 
From De. E. Jarvis. — Circulars of Information of the Bureaa of 

Education (U.S.), No. 3, 1879. 
From the Socistt. — Journal of the Roy%l Asiatic Society, Vol. XII, 

W^L. X. fi 

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2 E. HoLUB. — On the Central South African Tribes 

From the Agadeiit. — Boletin de la Academia Nacional de piencias 

de la Eepdblica Argentina. Tomo III, Entreea 1. 
From the Editor. — Revue Internationale, No. 1, 1880. 
From the Authob. — The Method of Mannfactming Pottery and 

Baskets among the Indians of Southern California. Bj 

Paul Schumacher. 
From the Societt. — ^Bulletin de la Soci^t6 Imp^riale des Naturalistes 

de Moscou, 1879, No. 2, Proceedings Vol. XXXVIH, Part 2. 
From the Socjiety. — ^Achtzehnter Bericht der Oberhessischen 

Gesellschaft fiir Natur und Heilkunde, Nov., 1879. 
From Professor Agassiz. — Bulletin of the Museum of Comparative 

Zoology at Harvard College, Vol. V, Nos. 15, 16. 
— Annual Export of the Curator of the Museum of 

Comparative Zoology at Harvard College, 1878-9. 
From the Society. — Proceedings of the Royal Society, No. 199. 
From the Academy. — Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Academic 

der* Wissenchaften. 

Philos-histor, classe. Band 90, Heft. 1, 2, 3. Band 91,' 
Heft 1, 2. Band 92, Heft. 1, 2, 3. Band 93, Heft. 

I, 2, 3, 4. Register 81—90. 

Math-naturw. classe 1878. I. Abtheilung, Nos. 6-10. 

II. Abtheilung, Nos. 4-10. III. Abtheilung, Nos. 
1-10, 1879. n. Abtheilung, Nos. 1-3. IH. Abtheilung, 
Nos. 1-5. 

Almanack, 1879. 
From the Assocution. — Report of the forty-ninth Meeting of the 

British Association. Sheffield, 1879. 
From the Society. — Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society. 

Vol. [I, No. 2. 
From the Authob. — ^Who are the Irish? By James Bonwick, 

From the Society. — Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 

Vol. XLVIII. Nos. 228, 229. Proceedings, August, 1879. 
From the Assocution. — Proceedings of the Geologists' Association, 

Vol. VI, No. 4. 

The following paper was read by the Author : — 

On the Central South African Tribes from the Soirra 
Coast to the Zambesi. By Dr. Emil Holub. 

In the following paper I propose to describe some of the results 
of my ethnological researches during a sojourn both in the 
colonies and the southern parts of Central Africa. 

Of the tribes living between the coast and the Zambesi, 1 
divided these researches into two parts: the first relating to 
South Africa, and the second to Central Africa. I did not 
visit either the east or the west coast. When a traveller 
visits the interior it is only natural that he should make 

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fr(yni the South Coast to the Zambesi, 3 

acquamtances among the natives. He must enter their villages 
and obtain permission jfrom the kings to pass through their 
countries ; he must buy food from the people, and employ them 
as servants. It has been the custom for every traveller to give 
some kind of description of the tribes and countries which he 
visited, but I believe the public generally, as well as scientific 
men, are, at present, not satisfied with a mere list of names of 
tribes and coimtries, and a description of some of their most 
interesting customs; therefore, in order to obtain some satis- 
factory information concerning them, it is necessary that a 
traveller should live for months, or even years, among the 
natives. He must study their language, to some extent at least, 
notice their customs, and see how they deal with one another, 
with other tribes, and with white men. I thought it would not do 
for me to go at once into regions between the Vaal, the Limpopo, 
and the Zambesi, which are not yet in any way civiUsed ; but 
that I should first become acquainted with the tribes living among 
the white men, so that I might afterwards be able to notice the 
difierence between those who enjoy the benefits of civilisation 
and those who do not, and then draw my own conclusions. 

I went to South Africa without any prejudice for or against 
the natives. I had learned something about them from Dr. Living- 
stone's book, but otherwise I was in entire ignorance regarding 
them. In the Diamond Fields I practised as a medical man, in 
order to obtain the means for prosecuting my travels and ex- 
plorations. I saw how the natives behaved as servants, and how 
the English and Dutch dealt with them. Then I endeavoured 
to ascertain if there was any connection between those tribes and 
others further inland. When I visited the interior I entered 
the viUages professionally, and in this way I was successful 
in gaining the confidence of the natives. I am proud to say 
that I was thus enabled to observe what many other travellers 
could not, namely, how the natives appeared in their private 
lives ; in fact, I could see, as it were, behind the curtain. The 
result was that, certainly against my own wiU, I have had to upset 
certain opinions which have been formed about the natives. 

I divide my subject into two sections : the first concerns the 
tribes of whom I found traces, but who are not now in existence; 
and the second section relates to living tribes. The non-existing 
tribes I again divide into two branches. 

Along the south coast I found traces of tribes which do not 
now exist there, such as heaps of burnt bones of wild animals, 
none of domestic animals, and broken shells. These heaps are 
often 6 feet high, having a circumference of from 40 to 60 feet 
When able to dig up some of their implements, we shall, I 
suppose, find some relationship between those past tribes and 

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4 E. HoLUB. — On the Central South African Tribes 

the one which still up to the present time exists (living upon 
fish and mussels) in the rocks and caves of the Portuguese 
settlement on the west coast of Africa. I conclude, there- 
fore, that those heaps were formed by a race which stood very 
low indeed, but in order to obtain complete information on the 
subject, it would be necessary to spend three or four months in 
investigation and in digging the mounds; I could not then 
spare the time, but I hope to be able to do so during my next 

The second group of non-existing tribes belonged to the 
regions between the Limpopo and the Zambesi I found there 
ruins of locations. It is very well known that two hundred 
years ago there was an empire in Central Africa, with which the 
Dutch and Portuguese traders were well acquainted. We also 
know that there were provinces called Motapa or Monopotapa, 
but that is all the information we have about them. I am not sure 
that the ruins I saw belonged to this extinct race, but I believe so ; 
they were generally in the vicinity of mines, especially gold mines. 
They were of stone, on the tops of mountains, put together without 
any cement, but so well fitted together that they have stood for 
hundreds of years. Some of the ruins were formed of blocks of 
granite in the shape of large bricks. The tops of small hills were 

afr. SU>5^ Air, a little higber thane/. 

e d, 8 to 10 Vlnches long. amnb traa the inside, towards the Interior of 

e/, 2-3 J the round and eliptical shaped minow part. 

in this way fortified, with openings in the walls. I am not certain 
that these remains belonged to those who inhabited the Empire of 
Monopotapa, but I am sure that they belong to no tribe that is 
at present found in South Africa. I think that some of the 
stone work was made complete by a wooden fence erected on 
the top of it Exploration of these ruins would, I feel confident, 
be amply rewarded. When I saw them I was too ill with fever 
to do more than make sketches. 

From what I observed of the wars that have been carried on 
between the different tribes during the last few years, I come to 
the conclusion that whole tribes have been exterminated in 
South Africa. When a country is conquered it is the custom to 
In'll all the male population, take the women and children 
prisoners, and educate the latter as warriors for the victorious 
tribe, or enslave them. In this way whole tribes have ceased 

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from the South Coast to the Zambesi. 5 

to exist We know that Livingstone mentions a powerful tribe 
of the Basutos on the Upper Zambesi, named the Makololo, but 
if we now visit those parts we find that the only representatives 
of that tribe are women and children, and one man. The 
latter was spared because the daughter of the king took a liking 
to him, but aU the other male adults have been killed. These 
wars cause a great many diificulties to the anthropologist 
because the races become mixed. 

Between the Limpopo and the Zambesi we find ten different 
tribes mixed with the Zulu race, and a gentleman going among 
them in order to make anthropological researches would see 
many things that would astonish him. The men of ten tribes 
who formerly lived in the vicinity have been killed ; and the 
women and children having been captured, a new Zulu popula- 
tion has been created. 

The living tribes I divide according to their language and 
external appearance into three races — I do not consider that the 
customs are sufficiently distinctive to enable me to make the 
division. First, there are the Bushmen ; secondly, the Hotten- 
tots; and thirdly, the Banthu. I found a link between the 
Bushmen and the South AMcan Banthu family, and between 
the Bushmen and the Central AMcan, but not between the 
Hottentots and the Banthu. 

I will speak first of the Bushmen. The Bushmen inhabiting 
the eastern parts of the colony and a small portion of the Orange 
Free State belong to the pure race of Bushmen, which had been 
described before I ever entered South Africa. As is well known, 
the Bushmen are rapidly dying out. The reason of this is, 
that their great characteristic is a love of liberty and fond- 
ness for living in mountains. They have been accustomed 
to live among the hills and descend into the valleys to shoot 
game with poisoned arrows. When the Dutch came into South 
Africa and killed the game, they thought that the Bushmen 
would come down and work as servants, but instead of doing so 
they took refuge in their mountains, and when the game dis- 
appeared they sliot the cattle of the Dutch settlers. The result 
was that the Dutch treated them rather severely, shooting them 
down like dogs. In this way thousands of Bushmen were slain, 
and not more than about two per cent, of the number existing 
a hundred years ago are now alive. Even those few Bushmen 
who at present are working as servants for farmers long to get 
away to the mountains, and I saw some who had been living for 
about fifteen years with farmers, but who had run away more 
than thirty times. I did not notice any evidences of a religion 
among these Bushmen. I only know that they have a kind of 
esteem for a certain snake. With regard to their clothing, it is 

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6 E. HOLUB. — On the Central SoiUh African Tribes 

well known that a Bushman, when living in his mountains, uses 
only a piece of skin, or ostrich egg-shells formed into a small 
piece of clotL His houses are caves high up in the crevices of 
the mountains. They use stone weapons and poisoned arrows, 
but the bows and arrows are of very simple construction when 
compared with those in use among the natives of North and 
South America and Japan. A piece of wood forming a cross- 
bow is connected by a sinew of an animal, and the arrow is 
poisoned. The arrow-head is generally made of bone and ivory, 
it is fastened to a thin piece of reed about 1 J feet long, and the 
poison is obtained from bulbs, euphorbias, etc. They make stone 
implements of a very simple kind, and they sharpen their arrows 
on stones. They also have stones with a hole in the centre, 
through which they put a stick, and with this implement dig 
out the roots and bulbs which form their principal food. Thus 
in every way this race, which is dying out, appears very low in the 
scale of civilisation. But, strange to say, these Bushmen, who 
are regarded as the lowest types of Africans, in one thing excel 
all the other South African tribes whose acquaintance I made 
between the south coast and 10^ south latitude. I have in my 
possession about two hundred sketches on wood and stone and 
ostrich shells, by various tribes, but everyone who knows any- 
thing about drawing must acknowledge that those which were 
done by Bushmen are superior to any of the others. They draw 
heads of gazelles, elephants, and hippopotami astonishingly well. 
They sketch them in their caves and paint them with ochre, or 
chisel them out in rocks with stone implements, and on the tops 
of mountcdns we may see representations of all the ftm'mftlfl 
which have lived in those parts in former times. In many spots 
where hippopotami are now unknown, I found beautiful sketches 
of those animals, and in some cases fights between other native 
races and Bushmen are represented. From what I have said 
you may imagine that the efforts made to civilise the South 
African Bushmen have not produced any result commensurate 
with the trouble that has been taken. Mr. George Stow, the 
well-known South African geologist, made many valuable dis- 
coveries concerning the Bushmen and numerous drawings of 
their engravings on mountain-tops and painting in caves. 

The second race are the well-known Hottentots. The 
Hottentot race inhabiting the southern parts of South Africa is 
divided into three tribes : the real Hottentots, the Griquas, and 
the Korannas. The real Hottentots we find in the western and 
south-eastern part of the colony. The Griquas inhabit the 
district near the junction of the Vaal and the Orange River, the 
so-called province of Griqualand West, and another r^on 
between Kafiraria and Basuto land, called No Man's Land. 

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from the Scmth Coast to the Zambesi, 7 

At present the Hottentots, the Griquas, and half the number of 
the Korannas are subject to the English Government. 

The Korannas, the third Hottentot tribe, live on the Vaal 
River as subjects of Griqualand West. We also find them on the 
Central Harts Eiver living in a smcdl independent kingdom, 
where they are known as the Korannas of Mamusa ; their long is 
the son of Old Mashou (David Taaibosh), and in a north-westerly 
direction with their chief Shebor, as subjects of the Baralongs, a 
Betchuana tribe. If we look at this race what can we say of 
them ? If I attempted to enter into details with regard to their 
religion, government, customs, agriculture, etc., I should occupy 
the whole evening, even if I confined my remarks to only two 
tribes. You wiQ therefore excuse me if I only give a brief out- 
line of aU the tribes. When I spoke on this subject a few 
months ago, I had to acknowledge a very sad thing — that these 
tribes are dying out, but at the present time I hope that it 
will not be so any more ; so with the Griquas and the Ko- 
rannas. About the Hottentots, however, I cannot give such a 
good account. Of all the South African tribes the most 
numerous are those belonging to the Banthu family, but of the 
whole number, about forty, I know of none who have taken 
80 eagerly to the vices of civilisation as the Hottentot race. 
The Betchuanas observe some of the virtues of the white 
man, but unfortunately the Hottentots adopt only his vices. 
Drunkenness is the chief cause of their dying out. About two 
years ago I was requested to write a few words on the 
" native question in South Africa." I stated that I believed 
it was absolutely necessary to stop the importation of in- 
toxicating drinks. I suppose the suggestion was at that time 
r^arded as a little too premature, because being a j^oung 
man, of course I could not have formed a proper opinion; 
but I am very happy to say that now my friends in 
Griqualand West have come to the conclusion that it is 
necessary to have such a law in order to stop the increase of 
crime amongst those tribes of whom the Korannas were formerly 
the chief. Among those tribes I did not observe any sign of 
religion; but they have among themselves a kind of free- 
masonry. Some of them have on their chest three cuts. When 
they were asked what was the reason of it they generally 
refused to answer; but after gaining their confidence they 
confessed tliat they belonged to something like a secret society, 
and they said, "I can go through all the valleys inhabited by 
Korannas and by Griquas, and wherever I go, when I open my 
coat and show these three cuts I am sure to be well received.** 

The members of the society are initiated in this way. If a 
Koranna man who possesses cattle wishes to become a member 

Digitized by 


8 E. HOLUB.— Oti the Central South African Tribes 

of the society he goes to a memher and tells him what he 
desires. That man gives information to his neighbours, if they 
are also members of the society, and they assemble in the house 
of the man who is about to become a member. The candidate 
has to bring a large number of oxen and sheep, which are 
slaughtered and eaten. In former times they used to drink their 
home-made beer, but lately they used brandy^ For about four 
days the festivities are kept up, then the cutting is made upon 
his chest, and &om that time the man is recognised as a member 
of the family, and may travel wherever he Ukes, and be taken 
care of, thougl^ perhaps he has only a stick with him. 

Notwithstanding that these tribes have been living for 
hundreds of years among white men, they have obtain^ no 
benefit whatever from that circumstance. Nothing more sad 
could be imagined than one of those Koranna villages, which are 
generally built upon bare mountain ranges. The form of the 
huts is shown in the accompanying illustration.* They 
measure 1^ meters high by 3^ meters long. 

They make a few holes in the ground, forming a circle, and 
in those holes they fasten a few sticks — ^branches of trees, which 
they do not take any trouble to clear of the knots or anything 
else. These branches are stuck in the ground, and the points 
are fastened together, so that the whole aflfair has the appearance 
as shown in the illustration (Plate II). Then they cover this 
wood-skeleton with mats made of straw or rushes. They 
leave a low opening generally from the wind, and the hut is 
ready. There is no enclosure around it. The huts were made 
in the same way two hundred years ago. 

In the centre of such a hut we find a small place about 
2 feet in diameter, excavated like a ditch. In this hole they 
bum their wood and put their meat into the ash. In that way 
they prepare tJieir meals. The family is generally clothed in 
European rags. They sit around, and the paterfamilias has a 
knife in his hand which he continually pokes into the piece 
of meaty pulls it out and smells it to see if the meat is " done." 
They have not now any remarkable national costume. 

Among the Korannas and Hottentots I gathered only a very 
few curiosities. It seemed to me as though they had lost their 
former skill. I am sure they used to make weapons, and pots, 
and other things, but at the present time they make nothing 
except pipes. I saw some pipes very weU made out of stone. 
They have learned to make these pipes from the Dutchmen who 

* The Institute Ib indebted to Dr. E. Holub for the presentation^ of] the 
platee which acoompanj his Paper. They are from electrotypes of illustrations 
printed in his valuable work *' Seyen Years in South Africa,*' and hare been 
prepared for the Author by the permission of Messrs. Sampson Low and 
' Bton, the Bnglish publishers of the book. 

Digitized by 


Plate I. 



Digitized by 

To fart p. S. 


Digitized by 


J..-.1 •. ^•jjr.-...i-,I.' 1:.' .VolX , 

Vurw ^rvrnirto/i 

Framework of Korazma Huts 



Eniranccs to Hutu 

KorannaiHttt complete 


J p.&wR.eiMtM.iii»>. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


from the South Coast to the Zambesi^ 9 

make them on their farms. These were all the specimens of work- 
manship, but now that no more brandy is to be introduced 
among the Korannas I hope that a great change will take 
place; we may hope it wiU be extended upon the Griquas 
and Hottentots. These tribes inhabit parts of South Africa 
which are very well adapted to the breeding of cattle, and 
therefore I advised that the villages of the Korannas should be 
under certain supervision ; that a constable should visit them 
about once a week, and see that they were kept clean, and that 
the Korannas did their work. The old Korannas appear to be just 
like children — seduced by everything that glittered and looked 
nice. Therefore I believe if they were properly led something 
might be made of them ; but the sale of brandy must be stopped. 
I am sorry that I have but very little to say about the progress 
which they have made during the last score of years. 

To finish our subject, even if in a few outlines only, I am obliged 
to leave already now the second section and pass over to the tlurd 
race, which occupies by far the greatest portion of South Africa 
and belongs to the Banthu family. This race divides itself into 
many distinct tribes. Some of the tribes speak different dialects 
frt)m the others, and cannot be understood by them. There is 
also a great difference in the external appearance of the different 
tribes ; so that it waa almost difficult to believe that they belonged 
to one and the same race. To this Banthu family I consider the 
Basutos belong, who live on the banks of the Caledon river, 
also the different tribes of Colonied Kaffirs living in the eastern 
part of the colony, the Zulus in Zululand proper and between 
the Limpopo and the Zambesi, the Betchuanas living in the 
Transvaal and in the centre of South Africa, the Makalakas 
between the Betchuanas kingdoms and the Matabele, and the 
Makalahari in the central portion of South Africa in the Kala- 
har country, and further the Manansa, the tribes north of the 
Zambesi, etc. Between these we find a tribe called the Masarwas \ 
in the northern part of the coimtry towards the Zambesi, and \ 
called Barwas in the southern parts of the Betchuana countries, 
which I consider to be a link between the Bushmen and the 
Banthu family. The different tribes belonging to this race live 
partly as subjects to the British Grovemment and the Orange 
Free State, and partly in independent empires or kingdoms. 
The Makalahari occupy the lowest position among the !&tchu- 
anas, being slaves to them like the Masarwas, Barwas, and 

The Betchuanas who live between the Orange Eiver and the 
Zambesi as our subjects or as belonging to the six independent 
kingdoms, confess that when they came into those parts they 
found the Makalahari, Barwas, and Masarwas there. They con- 

Digitized by 


10 E. HOLUB. — On the Central South African Tribes 

quered the Makalahari and made them slaves. These Makalahari 
have to live in the more western parts, where game is plentiful, 
and have to kill the game and bring the spoil to their masters, 
who live in parts where water is more abundant. The Makalahari 
are the lowest of all the races belonging to the Banthu family. 
They live generally in small huts made of grass. A few sticks are 
driven into the ground and are covered with grass. They are em- 
ployed either as hunters or as herdsmen to look after the cattle 
of the Betchuanas. By the Betchuanas they are considered as 
human beings, but not so the MasarwcL If a Makalahari servant 
behaves weU and kills a good many ostriches for his master he is 
allowed to marry a Betchuana woman, but such a thing is never 
permitted to the Masarwa. AMasarwaandaBarwamanwhoisa 
servant to a Betchuana is not aUowed to enter the town of the 
Betchuana king during the day-time, and has to wait outside, and 
can only go in after sunset. Among the Makalahari I did not ob- 
serve any signs of religious ideas, but I noticed that the Masarwas 
believe in fetishes. They have pieces of bone which they cany 
about to give them strength, and make them good hunters, or 
heal them of diseases, etc. The Makalahari are a reddish-brown 
race, so that they have been called by some travellers Bed KaflSrs. 
From the Makalahari I turn at once to their masters. The 
Betchuanas live as British subjects, and not as Batlapins, 
in Griqualand West, and near the junction of the Harts 
River, under their chief Jantshe (jantje), and also as British 
subjects under their chiefs Mora and Gassibone. The most 
southern of the Betchuana tribes live as subjects to Griqua- 
land West, but they also form a small indq)endent kingdom, 
ruled over by a kmg called Mankuruane. Next to these we 
find a Betchuana tribe called the Barolongs, next to them the 
Banquaketse, next to them the Bakwena, and next to them the 
Bamangwato, eastern and western. With regard to their appear-! 
ance, the Eastern Bamangwato and the four most southerly I 
tribes seem to be most similar, but there is a great difference I 
between the eastern and the western Bamangwato or Batowana. ' 
The eastern are brown ; the western are quite black. The language 
which they speak is Betchuana. There are only three dialects, 
hardly worthy of notice. The Betchuanas employed themselves 
formerly as hunters and agriculturists, but at present, as no more 
guns and ammunition are introduced into their country, they are 
obliged to turn their attention almost entirely to agriculture. I 
regcurd the abolition of the sale of guns and ammunition to the 
natives as the best thing that could have been done, and as a great 
blessing to those tribes. The Betchuanas are peaceful tribes, but 
lately, like the Basutos who were also formerly peaceful, they have 
grown wai-like. During the last fifteen years they have become so, 

Digitized by 


from the South Coast to the Zambesi. 11 

until they considered themselves equal to the white men. We have 
had a very severe dispute with one of these tribes. That would 
never have happened had they not been possessed of ammunition. 
This suppression of the supply of guns and ammunition to the 
natives has improved them in many ways. It improves the 
social position of the women. We know very well that the 
little agriculture that has been carried out among the Betchuanas 
has been done by the women, and the men were accustomed to 
buy two or three women simply to plant Indian and African 
com sufficient to supply their households while they themselves 
employed their time in killing elephants or ostriches, and selling 
the tusks and feathers to traders, and lying otherwise idle. With 
the proceeds of the sale they bought more ammunition or Euro- 
pean clothing. Some of them have attempted to imitate our 
houses, and I was very pleased to see it. Now, although no more 
ammunition is supplied to them, they cannot leave off using 
European clothing, and they have to try and gain in a different 
way the means of buying those things. They are therefore 
obliged to take to agriculture. Some of the tribes among whom 
ploughs were introduced became rich. I know one Betchuana 
tribe, called the Baharutse, from which all the present Betch- 
uana tribes have risen by sub-devidation (banding off) with 
about eight hundred paterfamilias households, which has two 
hundred ploughs. When the village grows rich the other tribes 
see that the men can build small cottages and other necessary 
things^ and they like to imitate them. But among the Bet- 
chuanas the men never allow the women to touch tihieir cattle. 
The ploughs cannot be used except by the help of cattle, 
and tiierefore the men have now to do the heavy work. They 
plant not merely what they need for their households but 
in order to sell the produce, and I saw loads of Indian com and 
wheat coming down to the Diamond Fields to be sold by the 
Baharutse. If we can turn the Betchuana tribes, of whom the 
greater part have been hitherto idle hunters, into peaceful 
agriculturists, I am sure that their example will spread among 
the other tribes, and it will be a great blessing for South 
Africa. I remember that during my last stay in the Diamond 
Fields I paid no less than £3 for a bag of Indian com 
weighing 2 cwt. for my horses. In Port Elizabeth such a bag 
could l^ had for 5s. coming from America. But if aU 
the tribes imitate the Bahamtse and cultivate com there will be 
no need to import com at all into South Africa. I believe that 
they could even export some, and therefore I took the liberty 
to advise to make presents of ploughs to a few of the chiefs. I 
am sure if this were done agriculture would rapidlj spread 
among the natives. We wish to live in peace with these 

Digitized by 


12 E. HOLUB. — On the Central SotUh African Tribes 

native tribes^ but in order to do that they must cease to be 
hunters and warriors ; they must be peaceful 

I have said that of these different tribes the most southern are 
the Batlapins, Ba and Tlapi, id est, the men of the fish, the people 
who esteem a fish. When the tribes belonging to tiie Banthu 
family are close neighbours to the Hottentots, as such they are 
generally misled by the latter, and so we find that the Batla- 
pins became very bad in their habits. They were so given to 
drunkenness that whole families died of hunger, because when a 
trader arrived there with brandy, they would give him the very 
last sheep they had got for it. When brandy and similar 
articles are prohibited, we may hope that these Batlapins also 
will change for the better ; the more so because these men are 
living near the Diamond Fields, where they can sell their grain, 
wood, cattle, reeds for thatching houses, etc., for very good prices. 
In this way they may greatly profit by the new laws. 

To the north of the Batlapins we find the Barolongs, a tribe 
headed by a man named Montsie or Montsua. A long time ago he 
prohibited the sale of intoxicating liquors. These people are 
chiefly engaged in agriculture. In his kingdom I saw some 
Korannas staying with a chief of the name of Shebor, in the town 
of Konana. To the north of the Barolongs we find the Bangua- 
ketse, who were formerly hunters, but within the last two years 
they have taken a little more pains with agriculture. In that 
country we see two more tribes. To the east, near the ruins of 
the town of Kolobeng, described by Livingstone, we find the 
Manupi, and to the west the Baharutse, living in Moshaneng, 
the same tribe as the Baharutse, living in the town of linokana 
in the district Marico. 

To the north of the Banguaketse we find a tribe of the 
Bakwena chiefly engaged in hunting, and in their kingdom we 
find several Betchuana tribes like the Makhosi, Bakhatla, 
Batloka. About two years ago this tribe had to suffer from 
famine, and this is another reason why I consider it a very wise 
measure so stop the supplies of arms to the interior. During 
the last few years the game have been so exterminated between 
the Zambesi and the Orange Eiver that really a traveller might 
go right up to the Zambesi, and unless he was a very good shot 
and had splendid horses he might starve, although a few years 
ago game was exceedingly plentiful. It is true that many of the 
people complained that we did not bring any more ammunition, 
because the ivory and the ostrich feather trade has decreased to 
a considerable extent But if the elephant had continued to be 
hunted so continuously, all the elephants would sooner or later 
have been extirpated, and then the whole trade in ivory would 
have come to a standstill. Now is the time, when the natives 

Digitized by 


from the SotUh Coast to the Zambesi. 13 

have no gim8 and ammunition, to show them that there is a 
better use for these animals than killing them. It is better to 
tame the elephants and breed ostriches, as is done with the 
latter in the southern part of Africa. When elephants carry 
our goods, the cost of transport will be much less than iti is at 
present by bullock wagons, because occasionally a distance of 
70 or more miles has to be traversed without water ; further, 
they will turn very useful to traverse countries infested by the 
Tetse fly. When the crops fail and otherwise there would be a 
famine, tame elephants or tame ostriches may be turned into 
ready money ; but if they kiQ the last head of game, where can 
they take refuge ? They will become a burden to other tribes 
and to their white neighbours. 

Farther to the north are the Bamangwato tribes. These are 
hunters, and to a small extent agriculturists, and under the 
regime of the present King Khama, they promise to become the 
foremost of the Betchuana tribes. I never saw a native king do 
80 much to abolish the native customs. He takes the greatest 
precautions that no brandy shall be brought into his kmgdom, 
and does his best to abolish the old customs that have been 
existing for many years in the Bamangwato country. He 
has always proved a good friend to Englishmen, and punishes in 
a very severe manner any insult to a white man. He has certain 
rules by which cases are decided. If it is proved that a native has 
stolen anything from a white man, he orders him to repay double. 
I^ for instance, he steeds an ox, he must pay back one extra for 
having deprived the white man of it for two or three days. 

The second Bamangwato tribes differ from these, inasmuch as 
they are more fishers than agriculturists. They fish especially in 
theZooga Eiver and in the Lake N'Game water and its tributaries. 
Altogether they have more similarity with the tribes living to 
the north. In the eastern Bamangwato country we have 
altogether six tribes, the real Bamangwato, and then the Maka- 
lakas, as refugees from Matabela land, who have been residing 
in the town of Shoshong in large numbers. They have 
behaved badly, having taken both sides in the contest between 
Sekhomo and his son Khama. Besides these we find the 
Madenassena, a native tribe with very dark skin. Their lan- 
guage has a similarity to that of the Masarwas, and therefore 
with that of the Bushmen. Besides the Masarwas, which are a 
link between the Banthu and the Bushmen, we find a tribe neco* 
the Victoria Falls called the Manansa. At present there are 
only a few villages there, but up to 1837 they formed a large 
kingdom, which was destroyed by Moselikatse. The Manansa 
are a very peaceful tribe, and are entirely different from the 
Betchuanas, notwithstanding that they belong to the Banthu 

Digitized by 


14 E. HOLUB. — On the Centred South African Tribes 

family. In their language and their customs also there is a great 
difference. The Betchuanas regard their women only as slaves, 
but since ploughs have been introduced the women have gained 
more respect, and their work is confined more to the homes. 
Whites who have lived among them notice that those who 
have been instructed by missionaries and have been baptized, 
treat their wives better than they used to ; still, 1 saw many 
Christian women doing the hardest work. The introduction of 
ploughs has improved the position of the women among the 
Betchuanas, as it was always the case among the Manansa. In 
former times they were splendid agriculturists, and it was their 
pride to be peaceful. They hated to fight, and they killed their 
game in traps or holes in the ground. When the Matabele came 
into their country the Manansas threw their assegais to the groimd 
and said, " We do not want to fight, come into our houses." 
The Matabele said, " There is something wrong, they only say 

Fig. 1. 

this that they may have time to gather more strength "; and 
that same day they threw the king of the Manansas to the 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 



Plate III. 



To face p. 15. 

Digitized by VjOOy lic! 

Digitized by 


Platb IV. 

H mmA 








Digitized by 

To face p. 15. 


Digitized by 


Plate V. 














Digitized by 

Ttifaccp. 15. 


frcm the South Coast to the Zeanhesi. 15 

ground, tore open his bowels, and put his heart on his lips, 
saying, " You are a false man ; you have two hearts." Though 
the country near the Victoria Falls is very beautiful, we find 
only a few Manans8is. At the present time, when the Matabele 
come into their land, the Manansas run as far as possible to the 
west and say, " We are subjects of the Bamangwato," but when 
they are pressed by the Bamangwato, they go to the east and 
say, " We are subjects of the King of the Matabele." They do 
this because they do not care to fight. They are looked upon 
by the other South African tribes with great disdain, as cowards ; 
but I may say that of all the natives that I had with me as 
servants — Zulus, Hottentots, Betchuanas, ^Korannas — I never 
had such useful men as these Manansas. I collected about 
three hundred words and phrases from their language. So 
much for the independent Betchuana Empires. 

The illustrations represent scenes from the life of the Betchu- 
ana; they are drawings from the book of my wanderings in 
South AMca. Fig. 1 in text represents a Barolong girl from 
the vicinity of Morokana, gathering locusts; fig. 2, Batlapin 
men working a carosse (mantlet made of antelope-skins). Plate 
ni, Batlapin men when travelling; Plate IV, Batlapin boys 
throwing the Kin ; and Plate V, Barolong men living on the 
Konana river hunting zebras. 

Next to the Manansas we have the Makalakas belonging to 
the Banthu family, but their language is very different from that 
of the Betchuanas. These Makalakas were living under several 
kings, and are the real agriculturists among the natives of South 
Africa. They were very peaceful, and as agriculturists and 
cattle breeders really excelled. They were living on the border 
of a very peaceful kingdom, inhabited by natives called Mas- 
honas. In their workmanship, in their cotton gardens, and in their 
working of ivory and metals these Mashonas surpass aU the other 
South African tribes. These two peaceful kingdoms bordered 
one on the other ; but from the south there came what I would 
call a bird of prey, and destroyed for ever the peace and welfai-e 
of these tribes. The man who did so was a Zulu, and we know 
that a Zulu chief named Moselikatze settled down in the district 
where were residing the peaceful Makalakas. He came there, 
being beaten by the Dutch ; he retired into these parts on the 
hanks of the left-hand tributaries of the Limpopo. When he 
came there, he had only forty Zulu warriors and some Betchuana 
slaves left, and a few head of cattle ; but at the present time the 
Zulu kingdom of the Matabeli reaches nearly from the Zambesi to 
the Limpopo, extending nearly four hundred miles from west to 
east, and is continually growing. When he first arrived he remained 
for some time in the forest, and then at night set fire to the huts 

Digitized by 


16 E. RoLVB.— On the CerUrcU South African Tribes 

of the natives ; the men ran out, and as they did so were killed by 
the Zulus. The women and children were taken possession of, and 
the result was that the peaceful Makalakas recognised the Zulus 
as their masters. Moselikatse's kingdom increased towards the 
east and north-west, and he was continually enlarging his power. 
After I had seen the doings of the Matabele, I took the liberty, 
when I came down to South Africa, to publish accounts of them, 

but this was disliked by a few white men who lived in the resi- 
dence of the king and who did not like my publishing it. Quite 
recently I heard more on the subject, and will have to deal 
with this matter more minutely. These Makalakas live in 
several small tribes under the Matabele. They are still agri- 
cultiirists, but have only a few heads of goat and sheep, and 
these men, who were recognised by all the Betchuanas as very 
good men and neighbours, are now some of the greatest villains 

Digitized by 


from the Sovih Coast to the Zambesi. 17 

in South Africa. There are no greater thieves than they. The 
Matabele have caused this. 

The Matabele are at present a mixed race, and \re find some 
of them dark-brown, some light-brown. In their features they 
are similar to many other tribes. 

To the east of the Matabele is the kingdom of the Mashonas. 
Notwithstanding that it is a very unhealthy region in South 
Africa, it abounds with game, and is extremely fertile, rice and 
cotton being cultivated by the natives themselves. I know gold 
is to be found there, and I saw pieces of allu\aal gold. I would 
say that there is a great future in store for that land. I 
endeavoured during my journeys to do aU I could to open up 
the country to trade and commerce, but it was a very difficult 
thing to do. We know that on the east fever is very prevalent, 
and round the south is the Tsetse fly. From the Zambesi, trade 
might be carried on, but the Matabele are spreading in this 
direction, and would not allow white men to go into the country. 
The safest way is to go in from the south-east, to cultivate these 
lands for eight months, and during the fever season return into 
the Matabele country. The King of the Matabele, however, said 
that no white man should come in and settle down. He was 
afraid that the white men would help the Mashonas when they 
saw the cruelties practised upon them. I used to think that 
this opening up of trade coidd only be done by force ; but I 
thought differently after the Zulu War, when I visited Cape 
Town and had an opporttmity of meeting Sir Bartle Frere. He 
asked my opinion about these tribes, and when we came to talk 
about the Matabele I took the liberty to mention the follow- 
ing: "My opinion is that this king will now aUow white 
men to come into the Mashona country, and allow them to 
trade, for two reasons: first, because since the power of the 
Zulus has been broken, I observed among the natives that 
the white men had gained much more respect ; and secondly, 
because no more guns are to be supplied to the tribes, so 
that the king need not be afraid that the Mashonas will fight." 
When I came to London and had an interview with a few 
English gentlemen, I spoke about these matters, and was re- 
quested to make mention of them in one of our papers, 
which I did, reminding the public of the above; and when 
I was called upon by the Eoyal Geographical Society to 
deliver a second lecture, I received information from South 
Africa that the king of the Matabele had thrown Mashona 
land open. I hope this will be confirmed and made use 
of, and that in a short time we shall see great benefits accruing 
from it. 

Besides those tribes of the Banthu family, there are other 

VOL. X. c 

Digitized by 


18 E. HOLUB. — Oil the Cmtral South African Tribes 

veiy numerous tribes living in the Transvaal — the Baralongs, 
the Bakhatla, and others, most of whom I have already mentioned. 
Going farther to the south we find in one of the provinces of 
Cape Colony, on the banks of the Coledon, a tribe called the 
Basutos, who belong to some of the best tribes of the Banthu 
family. These Basutos accepted more of the virtues than of the 
vices of the white men. Moirosi, the rebel chief, had under him a 
conglomeration of all the dissatisfied elements of the Colonial 
Kaffirs — ^run-away servants and others, so that when we speak of 
the Basutos we must leave Moirosi out of consideration. This is a 
country where hundreds and thousands of bushels of com are 
produced yearly, and we may hope that the other tribes of the 
Betchuanas will follow the example of the Betsutos. The 
Basutos belong to the same tribe as the Makololo> whom 
Livingstone mentioned as living on the Upper Zambesi These 
Makololo came from the south and conquered the tribes, and 
established a new kingdom. But the Makololo have been ex- 
terminated by the Marutse. The accompanying woodcut re* 
presents a medical man among the Marutse, who are also a 

Banthu-tribe. Going lower down we find other tribes belonging 
to the Banthu family. They are pretty well known as Fingoes, 
Gaikas and Galekas, Pondos, etc. 
Then we have the Zulus. I have mentioned already that 

Digitized by 


from ffie South Coast to the Zambesi. 19 

there were two Zulu kingdoins — ^that of Cetewayo and that of 
La-Bengola. That the Zulus are recognised as the best warriors 
among the Banthu families is true. AU the tribes in the 
Marutse kingdom are afraid of the Matabele. When I came 
near to the junction of the Chobe with the Zambesi, the 
king sent messengers to me, and on their return asked them 
"Has he servants?" When they answered "Yes," he said, 
" Which tribe are they — ^Matabele or Betchuanas ? " They said 
" They belong to the Manansa tribe/' and then the king said that 
I might come in. He alluded to livingstone, who is known 
there as "Monari," and that traveller's memory is still dear to 
them. I said to the king, " How came you to inquire if my 
servants belonged to the Zulu tribe or the Betchuanas ? " He 
replied " If you had had Zulus, I would never have allowed you 
to come into my kingdom." 

The very short time at my disposal has compelled me to give 
but a rough outline of the whole subject ; if I had had more 
time, I should have been better able to deal with it and to give 
you a clearer idea of the different tribes. You will therefore 
excuse me if I have omitted many points which I otherwise 
might have dealt with. 


Mr. Keane took the opportunity of asking Dr. Holab whether 
he had detected amongst the natives any instances of a tufted 
growth of hair. Many ethnologists still held that this peculiarity 
was characteristic of certain Negro and Negroid races, and 
especially of the Hottentots. An argument for the affiniiy of the 
Oceanic and South African dark races had even been based on the 
assumed realiiy of the phenomenon. As the point had given rise 
to much discussion, it would be satisfactory to know whether such 
an original observer could help towards its definite solution. He 
?rculd also Kke to know whether the clicks were in use amongst 
the Bantu tribes as far north as the Zambesi. These sounds were 
supposed to be originally peculiar to the Bushman language, whence 
some of them had passed into the Hottentot and south-eastern 
Bantu dialects (Zulu and Ama'EIiosa) ; but apparently none of the 
northern Bantu tribes had adopted them. Touching Dr. Holub's 
statement that, though often differing widely in physique, all the 
Bantu tribes must still be regarded as of one race inasmuch as all 
spoke varieties of the same language, he thought that this view- 
gave xmdue impoi*tance to the Unguistic element. No doubt the 
Bantu language had spread over the whole Continent from the 
Equator to the Cape and from the Swaheli Coast to the Ogoway 
Delta. But this would seem to have been brought about by conquest 
and other influences rather than by diffusion of a single stock over 
such a vast area already occupied by Bushmen, Hottentots, and 

C 2 

Digitized by 


20 A. Wylie. — Notes on the Western Begions, 

many Negro races. Hence it seemed safe to regard the Bantu 
rather as a lin^nistLC than a racial family, corresponding somewhat 
to snch collective terms as Aryan or Finno-Tatar elsewhere, terms 
to which few Anthropologists woidd now feel inclined to attach any 
great ethnical value. 

Mr. CoENELius Walfobd believed that famine would be found 
upon inquiry to have operated largely upon the migration of race 
in different parts of the globe and in all periods of time. Very 
extensive migrations had resulted from iliis cause in India in 
modem times. This law, founded on the force of necessity, he 
thought had not been heretofore regarded sufficiently either by 
Ethnologists or Anthropologists : its operation under certain con- 
ditions might be more potent than conquests ; and more difficult 
to explain in later times, as regards people who keep no records. 
Such traditions, however, were likely to be preserved among the 
people themselves ; and the facts might therefore be ascertained 
by travellers who would keep the point in their minds. He re- 
garded Dr. Holub as the modem Livingstone of African travel, and 
as he was young, and in robust health, we had a fair right to 
look forward to much more information of a valuable character 
from him in due course. 

Notes on the Western EegIons. Translated from the " Tseen 
Han Shoo,'* Book 96, Part 1. By A. Wylie, Esq. 

The intercourse of China with the Western regions commenced 
in the time of the Emperor Woo-te (b.c. 140-87). The thirty- 
six kingdoms then opened up became afterwards gradually sub- 
divided into more than fifty ; all lying to the west of the Heung- 
noo, and south of Woo-sun. Along the north and south run great 
mountains, and through the centre flows a river,* From east to 
west the land is more than 6,000 fe in extent, and from north to 
south it is over 1,000 le. On the east it touches the confines of 
China at the Yuh gate and the Yang barrier. 

On the west it is limited by the Tsung-ling mountains. The 
Southern mountainsf commence on the east from Kin-ching,f and 
are connected with the southern hills of China. The river has two 
sources, one of which rises in the Tsung-ling mountains,§ the other 
in Khotan.|| Khotan lies at the foot of the Southern mountains, 

♦ The Tarim. 

t The Kw&n-lun range. 

X This is still represented by the district of Kin in the prefecture of Lan- 
chow in Eansuh proTince. The district city is in N. lat. 85** 65', E. lonir. 
104'' S'. 

§ The Kashgar rirer. 

II The Yarkand riTer. 

Digitized by 


A. Wylie. — Notes on the Western Regions, 21 

and the river runs northward till it joins its confluent from the 
Tsung-ling,and then flows eastward into Lake Lob, which is also 
called the Salt Marsh. This is over 300 le distant from the Ynh 
gate and the Tang barrier, and is 300 le in length and breadth. 
The water is stationary, neither increasing nor diminishing in 
summer or winter. The river is then said to run imder ground, 
and issue again at Ts'eih-shih,* where it becomes the Yellow 
river of (Thina. From the Yuh gate and Yang barrier there are 
two roads through the Western regions. That by Shen-shen, 
skirting the River Po, on the north of the Southern mountains, 
and leading west to Sba-keu,ti3 the Southern road. After this 
road passes the Tsung-Ung mountains, it leads to the country of 
the Ta Yu6-she and Gan-seih. From the Royal Palace of Anterior 
Keu-8ze4 following the course of the River Po, in the direction 
of the Northern mountains as far as Soo-lih,§ is the Northern 
road. This road passing westward across the Tsimg-ling moun- 
tains, goes on to Ta-wan (i.«., Fergana), K'ang-keu (t.«., Sogdiana), 
and the Yen-ts'ae (Alan) country. In Yen-ke|| and the various 
kingdoms of the Western regions the land is covered with cities, 
villages, cultivated fields, and domestic animals; and the 
inhabitants difier in their customs from the Heun^-noo and 
people of Woo-sun. Hence they were all employed in the 
service of the Heung-noo. The Jih-ch'uh Prince, on the western 
border of the Heung-noo territory, appointed a Slaves' Protector 
Creneral, whose ofl&ce was to rule the Western regions, and who 
always dwelt in the dangerous part of Yen-ke. He had to levy 
the taxes on the cultivated land, and received of the wealth of 
these kingdoms. 

From tibe time of the decline of the Chow dynasty, the bar- 
barians of the North and West had dwelt intermixed on the 
north of the King and Wei rivers. 

When Che-hwang of the Ts'in appropriated the interjacent 
countries, he built the Great Wall to form the boundary of China. 
But it only came west as far as the River raou.f 

The Han succeeded, 6uid in the time of the Emperor Woo-te, 
the barbarians on all sides were invaded, the dignity of the 
empire was extended, and Chang Keen first opened up the way 
into the Western regions, 

* litenlly '* AocimitilaM stoneS}'* the name of » xnountain. 

t This representa the modem Yarkand. 

X This was the country known b^ the name of Kaoa-chang daring the T*ang 
djnastj, and was in later ages inhabited by the Ouigour nation. 

§ The ancient name of Kashgar. 

II On the site of the present Kharashar. 

% A large affluent of the Yellow riyer, west of the city of Lan-ohow in 
Kansuh proYinoe, flowing near the town of T'aou-chow, lying south-east of 

Digitized by 


22 A. Wylib. — Notes on the Western Begions. 

After him the Tight-horse General attacked and subdued the 
right-hand land of the Heung-noo (b.c. 121). The Kings of Kw&n- 
ya and Heu-choo then submitted to the Han, when the popula- 
tions of their kingdoms were removed, and the building of the . 
WaU was begun from ling-keu westward. The region of Tsew- 
tseuen was first established, and afterwards gradually the people 
were removed in to fill it. He also divided the three territories 
of Woo-wei,* Ohang-ya,t and Tun-hwang into four regions, 
for which he made two barriers. 

After the Urh-sze Greneral had reduced Ta-wan (b.c. 104), 
the powers in the Western regions were greatly afraid, and most 
of them sent envoys to China with oflFerings of tribute ; while 
the Han imposed office on more of the Western region potentates. 
In consequence of this, resting stations were erected at intervals, 
from Tun-hwang westward as far as Lake Lob; and at botli 
Lun-t'aet and K'eu-le there were several hundred agricultural 
troops. An envoy was appointed as Deputy Protector, to rule 
and defend, by sending envoys to the outside countries. 

In the time of Seuen-te (rc. 73-49), the Cavalry leader Wei, was 
sent with a commission to protect the several kingdoms fromShen- 
shen westward ; when he subdued Koo-sze. He did not utterly 
exterminate it, however, but divided the nation between the two 
Kings of Anterior and Ulterior Keu-sze. As for the six nations 
on the north of the mountains, the Han at that time only under- 
took to protect the Southern road, and could not include all on 
the Northeim road. Yet the Heung-noo were not at rest. 

After this the Jlh-ch'uh Prince rebelled against the Shen-yu, 
submitted to China with aU his followers, and was received 
by Ching Keih, the envoy who protected the country west from 
Shen-ehen. On his arrival in China, the Jlh-ch'uh Prince was 
created Marquis of Kwei-tih, and Ching Keih was made Marquis 
of Gan-yuen. This took place in the year B.C. 59. 

Ching Keih was then appointed to defend the Northern road, 
and hence he was entitled Governor General, a title that origi- 
nated with the appointment of Chii^ Keih, From this time the 
office of Slaves* ftotector General was abolished. The Heung- 
noo became still more weakened, and were unable to approadi 
the Western regions. The military colonies were therefore 
removed and planted in the countries of Pih-seih, Keen-pe, and 
Sha-keu. The Deputy Protectors of the military colonies were 
first attached to the Governor General The Grovemor (Jeneral 

* Now represented by the prefecture of Leang-chow in Kansuh proyinoe ; of 
which the chief city is in K. lat. 87^ 69^, E. long. 102° 49". 

t Now represented by the prefecture of Kan-ohow in Eansuh proyinoe, of 
which the chief city is in N. hit. 39° C 40", B. long. 100° SC 

{ A military colony to the west of Yen-ke, which is represented by the 
present Tugur, about 60 miles east of Kuchay. 

Digitized by 


A. Wylie. — Note^ on ihe Western Begions, 23 

took the oversight of the aflTairs of Woo-sun, Sogdiana, and the 
various foreign countries. When any sign of disaflfection was 
manifest, he reported the same to headquarters. If it was 
practicable, tiie matter was amicably adjusted ; if it was a case 
for coercion, then he attacked them. The (lovemor General had 
his residence in the city of Woo-luy,* distant from the Yang 
barrier 2,738 fo, and in proximity to the officer of the agri- 
cultural colony of K'eu-le. The land is rich and productive, 
being medium-class land of the Western regions. Hence the 
Governor General had his seat there. 

In the time of the Emperor Yuen-te (b.c. 48-33), the Woo-he 
Deputy Protector was also appointed, and a military colony 
established at the Eoyal Palace of Anterior Keu-sze. About 
this time, Tsze-leih-cKe, the Heung-noo King of Eastern Poo-luy,t 
submitted to the Governor General with more than 1,700 
followers. The latter divided the western part of the kingdom 
of Ulterior Keu-sze into Woo-tan and Tsze-le, in which he 
placed this new accession. After the reigns of Seiien-te and 
Yuen-te, the Shen-yu was styled a border vassal, and the 
Western r^ons gave in their submission. The extent of the 
land, the hilla and the rivers, the kings and marquises, the 
number of the people, and the distances by the roads were aU 
cai^ully examined and noted. 

Outside the Yang barrier the inhabitants of the adjacent 
country were first ccJled Ch6 Keang.J The King of Cho Keang 
was called Keu-hoo-lae, and lived at a distance from the Yang 
barrier of 1,800 fo, and from Chang-gan 6,300 le, in a secluded 
part on the south-west, away from the high road. The kingdom 
consisted of 450 families, comprising 1,750 individuals and 5,000 
well-trained soldiers. On the west it was bounded by Tseay- 
muL§ The people removed their flocks for the convenience of 
water and pastures. They did not cultivate their fields, and 
depended upon Shen-shen, Tseay-muh, and Ko-shan for iron, 
with which fiiey made military implements. Their soldiers were 
armed with bows and lances, and wore knives, swords, and 
helmets. Proceeding north-west from thence to Shen-shen, the 
high road is reached. 

The original name of the kingdom of Shen-shen was Low-Ian. 

* On the site of the modem Tsetar, about 90 miles west of Kharashsr. 

t The modern Tehanggi. 

X A diTiskm of the oonntxy of Tarfan. 

§ It has been suggested by Mr. KingsmiU that this represents the district of 
S]iemo(M$na mentioned by the Buddhist trareller Heuen-chwang, lying between 
Khotan and Lake Lob. C' Ohinese Beoorder," vol. yii, p. 341.) 

II Although we may not be able to identify this place with certainty, we have 

Digitized by 


24 A. Wylik — Notes on the Western Regions, 

The capital is the city of Woo-ne, which is distant from the 
Tang barrier 1,600 fe, and from Choog-gan 6,100 fo. The king- 
dom contains 1,570 families, compnsing a population of 14,100, 
with 2,912 trained troops, a Guardian Marquis, a Marquis of 
Keih-hoo, a Protector Greneral of Shen-shen, a Protector General 
for repelling the Keu-sze, a Eight Tseay-keu, a Left Tseay- 
keu, a Prince for repelling the Keu-sze, and two Interpreters-in* 
chief. The seat of government of the Chinese Governor 
General lies to the north-west 1,785 le. The kingdom of Shan is 
distant 1,365 le ; and Eeu-sze lies to the north-west 1,890 le. 
The land is sandy and salt, and there are few cultivated fields. 

jet sufBcient indications to gire an approximate idea of its position, as being 
south of, and not far distant from Lake Lob. It is mentionea under the same 
name hj the Buddhist traveller Fa-heen in his joumej to India ; who places it 
at seventeen days' joumej, or 1,500 le from Tun-hwang, a known fortress in N. 
lat SO"" 40^, £. long. W SC. According to the text, the capital is 6,100 U from 
Ghang-gan the metropolis of China, now Se<gan. Measuring off this distance 
according to the Han /e, brings us to about 88° £. long, or 7 degrees west of Tun- 
hwaog, from which Fa-heen began his seventeen dajs* joumej ; giving him an 
average of somewhere about twentj-five miles a day, which we maj assume is 
not f^ from the truth. Heuen-chwang, another Buddhist pilgrim, who passed 
through it on his return joumej, gives the distance bj road from Khotan-* 
another known point — about 2,590 le. The ooimtrj is spoken of bj Heuen- 
chwang under the original name of Low-Ian, in which he piieuses the dtj of Ka- 
f5-po. We have probablj a transmutation of this latter name still remaining, in the 
lake " Lob" or " Lop," as suggested bj Cobnel Yule. The "She ke,** book tjxxiii, 
fol. 2, tells us that " there were cities with suburbs belonging to Low-Ian and 
Koo-sze, on the banks of the Salt Marsh." Now as Heuen-chwang*s Na-jS-po 
appears to represent the Sanscrit Lavapa^ " Salt water,*' we have in this a 
translation of the Chinese Ten-tsih^ or " Salt Marsh." Marco Polo, who passed 
through the place in the 18th century, speaks of it as a large town on the edge 
of the desert, and adds :— ** On ^uittins this citj, thej enter on the desert." 
This perfectlj agrees with the position oi Shen-shen, as given bj Fa-heen. In 
some notioes collected bj Mr. Wathen from Turkestan pilgrims at Bombaj, he 
states that — " Lopp is remarkable for a salt-watar lake in its vidnitj ;" and in 
an Itinerarj presented to the Geographical Societj by Mr. Johnson, in 1866, 
Lob is noted as a " village, bj a hu^e lake with fish. The^e several notices 
seem dearlj to prove that there is sml a village of Lob, the representative of a 
former citj on tne border of the lake ; and that this is near about the site of the 
ancient capital of Shen-shen in the time of the Han. A variety of oonfirmatorj 
statements might be gathered from Chinese works ; but it will be sufficient to 
quote from the "Shwuj king," as edited bj scholars of the present djnastj ; 
where we read : — '* The Tarim debouches into the marsh. The marsh lies on 
the north of the kingdom of Laou-lan, at the citj of Woo-ne. Formerij the 
popular name of this lake among the inhabitants was Laou-lan lake." 

Five dajB before reaching Lob, Marco Polo passed through the citj of 
Charchan. This has been identified bj Colonel Yule with a phuse still existing 
under the name of Chachan, 95 mile^ from Lake Lob. Mr. KingsmiU tries to 
identify this with Fa-heen*s Shen-shen ; but the distance from the great desert 
is too great, although we maj possiblj have in it a trace of the ancient name, 
and it maj even have been included within the boundaries of the kingdom, as it 
existed in the time of the Han. (" Becord of the Buddhistic Kingdoms," bj 
Herbert A. Giles, p. 8. — "M^m. sur les Cont. Ocoid.," trad, par M. Stanislas Julien, 
tom. ii, pp. 247, 427, 428, Ac.—" The Book of Ser. Marco Polo," bj Colonel H. 
Yule, C.B., 2nd edition, vol. ii, pp. 200-204.— "Joumal of the Bojal Geographical 
Societj," vol. xxxvii, p. 44.— -*' The Chinese Becorder," voL vii, p. 848.) 

Digitized by 


A. Wyuk — Notes on the Western JRegions. 25 

The country reb'es on the neighbouring kingdoms for cereals and 
agricultural products.* The country produces jade,t abundance 
of rushes, the tamarix> the eloRococea vemici/era, and white 
grass. The people remove with their flocks and herds for 
pasturage where they can find sufficiency of water and herbage. 
They have asses, horses, and many camels. They can fabricate 
military weapons the same as the people of Cho Keang. 

At first the Emperor Woo-te, under the influence of Chang 
Keen's representations, was very desirous to cultivate an inter- 
course with Ta-wan and the interjacent countries, and the 
envoys of the respective nations followed each other con* 
tinuously, more than ten in number in the course of a year. 
Low-Ian, in concert with Koo-sze,t however, being on the high 
road, harassed these officials, attacked and robbed the Chinese 
envoy Wang K*wei and his party, and on various occasions 
acted as eyes and ears to the Heung-noo, causing their troops to 
intercept the Chinese envoys. The latter were profuse in their 
statements that the kingdom contained cities and towns, and 
that the military were weak and might easily be vanquished. 
Woo-te thereupon sent Chaou Po^noo, the Marquis of Tsung- 
peaou, to take command of the cavalry of the dependent States 
with the local troops, numbering several tens of thousands, and 
make an attack on Koo-sze. Wang K*wei, who had several 
times sufifered at the hands of Low-Ian, received the Imperial 
order to assist Chaou Po-noo in the command of the army. 
The latter advancing at the head of 700 light-horse, seized the 
King of Low-Ian ; theu subjugated Koo-sze, and, relying on the 
prestige of his fierce troops, ha overawed the States dependent 
on Woo-sun and Ta-wan. Chaou Po-noo was further pro- 
moted Marquis of Tsiih-ya, and Wang K'wei was made Marquis 
of Haou. About this time the Chinese erected fortresses and 
entrenchments at intervals between that country and the Yuh 
gate. Low-Ian having submitted, presented ofTerings of tribute 
to China, which the Heung-noo heariug of, sent troops to attack 
them. On this the King of Low-Ian sent one son as a hostage 
to the Heung-noo, and another to China. 

Afterwards, when the Urh-sze General went to attack Ta-wan, 
the Heung-noo wished to intercept him. The General's troops, 
however, presented such a formidable appearance, that they did 

* Fa-heen says of Shen-shen : — ** The land is ruffged and barren." Maroo 
Folo speaks of the proTmoe of Charohan as sanaj, and says : — *' Quitting 
Charohan [the capital city presumably], you ride some fiye days through the 
sands, finding none but bad and bitter water." (" Maroo Polo," l.o. p. 201.) 

t Maroo Polo says of Charchan : — *' The province contains riyers which bring 
down jasper and chalcedony, and these are carried for sale into Cathay, where 
they fetch great prices." 

X The tame as Keu-sze. 

Digitized by 


26 A. Wylib. — Notes an the Western Regions. 

not dare to take the initiative, but sent cavalry to wait in Low- 
Ian till the Chinese envoy should again pass, wishing com- 
pletely to cut oflf his return. The Chinese Military Chief, Jin 
W&n, had then command of the military colony at the Yuh 
gate barrier; and when the Urh-sze General was afterwards 
obstructed, Jin W&n ascertedned the facts from some captives 
and reported the same to the capital* The Emperor issued a 
rescript ordering Jin Win to lead troops by a convenient road, 
and capture tiie King of Low-Ian. The Greneral proceeded to the 
city gate, where he reproached the King for his conduct, but the 
latter replied : " When a small State lies between two great 
kingdoms, if it has not an alliance with both, it cannot be at 
rest. I wish now to place my nation within the bounds of 
the Chinese empire.'' The Emperor confiding in his words 
re-estabUshed him in his kingdom, and commissioned him to 
keep a watch over the movements of the Heung-noo. From 
this time the Heung-noo had no great intimacy witii, or confi- 
dence in, Low-Ian. 

In B.C. 92 the King of Low-Ian died, when the people of the 
country came to request the son, who was residing as a hostile 
in China, to succeed to the throne ; but the hostage Prince had 
always been treated as a criminal while in Chma, and as a 
punishment was confined in the Silkworm-house Palace. Hence, 
instead of sending him home, the Chinese informed the appli- 
cants that the Emperor was so tenderly attached to his 
attendant prince, that he could not part with him, and requested 
them to install the next son in the dignity. When the King of 
Low-Ian was appointed, the Chinese again reproadbed the 
hostage prince with the fact that his father had also sent a son 
as hostage to the Heung-noo. On the death of the next king, the 
Heung-noo first hearing of it, sent their hostage prince back, 
who succeeded to the t^ne. China then sent an envoy with 
a rescript to the new king, ordering him to pay a visit to Court, 
when the Emperor would bestow upon him most liberal gifts. 
The wife of the former king by a second marriage, who was 
consequently the step-mother of the present king, said to him : 
'' Your royal predecessors sent two sons to China as hostages, 
neither of which returned. Is it indeed reasonable that you 
should now go to Court V The King, taking her counsel, discharged 
the envoy with the remark : " Having newly acceded to the 
throne, the affairs of the kingdom are not yet adjusted. I wish 
to wait a year or two, after which I will have an audience vdth 
the Emperor." Now the extreme eastern border of the kingdom 
of Low-Ian where it approached nearest to China, was opposite 

* Compare the '* Journal of the Anthropological Institute," Januaiy, 1874, 
p. 436. 

Digitized by 


A. Wyldb. — Notes on the Western Regions. 27 

the Pih-lung mound^ where there was a scarcity of water and 
pasture ; and it always fell to its share to provide guides, to 
cany water and forward provisions to meet the Chinese envoys ; 
but being frequently exposed to the oppressive raids of the 
soldiery, they at last resolved that it was inconvenient to hold 
intercourse with China. Afterwards, again on the revolt of the 
Heung-noo, they several times intercepted and killed the Chinese 
envoys. Tlie King's younger brother, Hwuy-too-ke, who had 
submitted to the Han, communicated all these facts to the 

In B.C. 77 the Generalissimo, Ho Kwang-pih, sent Foo Keae- 
tsze, the Superintendent of Ping-lo, to stab the King. Foo 
Keae-tsze hastily selected some bold and daring followers, and 
having received gold and silks, circulated the report that the 
object of his mission was to msike presents to a foreign State. 
Having reached Low-Ian, he deceived the King with the pre- 
tence that he had presents for him. The latter, delighted with 
the event, unsuspectingly invited Foo Keae-tsze to drink wine. 
When the King was intoxicated, Foo removed the royal screen 
and told two of his sturdy followers to stab him from behind. 
The nobles who were sitting round all fled. Foo Keae-tsze then 
made an announcement, saying : " The deed just accomplished is 
a retribution for the King's crimes against tiie Han. The Em- 
peror sent me to put him to deatL Tou must set up the King's 
younger brother, Hwuy-too-ke, now in China, as King." The 
Chinese troop, who had just arrived, not daring to move, he 
gave orders mat the kingdom of Low-Ian should cease to be. 
Foo Keae-tsze then decapitated the King, and having committed 
the head to the wardens, it was suspended at the north gate, and 
Foo Keae-tsze was promoted Marquis of E-yang. Hwuy-too- 
ke was then set up as King, and the kingdom re-established under 
the name of Shen-shen, for which a seal of investiture was 
engraved. One of the ladies of the royal palace was bestowed 
on him for a consort. Carriages, caval^, a baggage train, 
ministers of state, generals, troops, and ofi&cers of every grade 
escorted him outside the east gate, and sent him away as the 
first of a new line. The King Imnself presented the following 
request to the Emperor : " I have resided long in China, and 
now that I am returning weak and single-handed, while there is 
still a son of the former King living, I fear I shall be assassi- 
nated. In our kingdom there is the city of E-tun, where the 
land 18 rich and productive ; may I request the Han to send a 
general to plant a military colony there, and collect the grain, 
80 that your servant may rely upon his ]jrestige f' The Han 
monarch thereupon sent a cavalry leader with forty subordinates 
to cidtivate the fields at E-tun, in order to guard the place and 

Digitized by 


28 A. Wylie. — Notes on the Western lUgions. 

soothe the people. After this a Protector Greneral was appointed 
and this was the beginning of placing officers in E-tiin. 

Following the high road from China, through Shen-shen, west- 
ward to T^y-muh is 720 fe.* Beyond Tseay-miih the five 
cereals are everywhere cultivated. The land, herbage, trees, 
the animals they rear, and the military implements they make, 
are all much the same as in China, with some differences. A 
record of these matters is given below. 


The capital of the kingdom of Tseay-muh is the city of 
Tseay-miih, which is distfuit from Chang-gan 6,820 le. The 
State contains 230 families, comprising 1,610 persons, with 320 
trained soldiers, a Guardian Marquis, a Bight General, a Left 
General, and an Interpreter-in-chief. The city is distant from 
the seat of the Governor General on the north-west 2,258 le. 
The country joins HwuyJe on the north, and it is about three 
days' journey to the kingdom of LitUe Wan on the south. 
Grapes and other fruits are produced. The kingdom of Tsing* 
tseug on the west is 2,000 le distant. 

Seoum Wan,\ 

The capital of the kingdom of Seaou Wan is the city of Yu- 
ling, distant from Chang^gan, 7,210 le. The kingdom contains 
150 families, comprising a popylation of 1,050 people, with 200 
trained soldiers, a Guardian Marquis, and a Left and a Bight 
Protector General The seat of the Governor General lies to the 
north-west 2,558 le. The country joins that of Ch6 Keang on 
the east, lying out of the way of tiiie high road. 

The capital of the kingdom of Tsing-tseuS is the city of 

* Heuen^ohwang giyes the dlBtanoe from Tsow-mo to Nft-f5-po as 1,000 U, 

t Fewer noticee are to be found of this kinedom than the preceding ; jet as 
we gather from the distances, it lay on the hish road to the west, and alining 
that of Shen-shen. It is mentioned in the " |3nwuj long," as lying to the east of 
the kingdom of Tu-me, and south of the southern confluent of the Tarim river, 
fla-heen does not notice the place in his narratiTe ; but Heuen-chwang speaks of 
the kingdom of Tsow-mo, as the last through which he passed before reaching 
Na-f5-po, on his homeward journey. This, which he says is identical with Netf • 
muh, is without doubt the same. He also calls the oounby, as well as the capital 
city Ghe-mo-ta-na; which appears to be still the old name modified to accom- 
modate the languafl[e of the natiyes. He says : — *' The dty walls aro very high, 
but there are now no inhabitants.'* 

i Seaou Wan means '* Little Wan ;*'iprobably so called to distinguish it from 
Fergana, which is called Ta Wan, or " Great Wan.'* 

§ According to the " Shwuy king " this lay on the south bank of the southern 

Digitized by 


A. Wylie. — Notes on the Western Regions. 29 

Tsing-tseug, distant from Chan-gan 8,820 &. The kingdom con- 
tains 480 families, comprising 3,360 persons, with 500* trained 
troops, a Protector General of Tsing-tseue, a Eight and a Left 
Greneral, and an Interpreter-in-chief. The seat of the Governor 
Gteneral lies to the north 2,723 le. The Kingdom of Jung-leu 
lies four days' journey to the south, through a country abound- 
ing in narrow passes. Yu-me lies to the west, 460 le distant. 


The capital of the kingdom of Jung-leu is the city of Pe-pin, 
distant horn Ghang-gan 8,800 h. Ilie kingdom contains 240 
families, comprising 1,610 persons, with 300 trained troops. 
The seat of the Governor General lies to the north-east 2,850 le. 
The country joins Little Wan on the east, Cho Iteang on the 
south, and Keu-llh on the west. It lies oiF the high road from 


The capital of the kingdom of Yu-me is the city of Yu-me, 
distant from Chang-gan 9,280 le. The kingdom has 3,340 
families, comprising a population of 20,040 persons, with 3,540 
trained troops, a Guardian Marquis, a Eight and a Left General, 
a Eight and a Left Protector General, a Eight and a Left Enight, 
and two Interpreters-in-chief. The seat of the Governor 
Greneral lies to the north-east 3,553 le distant. The coimtry 
joins Keu-lih on the south, Kwei-tsze on the north-east, and 
Koo-mih on the north-west. Khotan lies 390 le to the west. 
The present name of the country is Ning-me. 


The capital of the kingdom of Keu-lih is the city of Keen- 
too, distant from Chang-gan 9,950 le. The kingdom contains 
310 families, comprising 2,170 persons, with 300 trained sol- 
diers. The seat of the Governor General lies to the north east 
3,852 le. The country joins Jung-leu on the east, Cho Keang 
on the west, and Yu-me on the north. 

great oonfluent of the Torim. The distances given in our text from Chang-gan and 
the reaidenoe of the {skyremor General, place the site of the city somewhere about 
the location of Khotan as giyen in our maps. 

* The text indicates this to be a tribe lyin^ on the north-western outskirts of 
the territorr now forming the Kingdom of Tibet. 

t The Shwuy king places this countiy on the south bank of the northern 
confluent of the Tarim ; which agrees with the indications in the text. All 
point to a spot nearly coincident with the present Yarkand. 

X From the indications in the text, this appears to correspond with the site of 
modem Sandra. 

Digitized by 


30 A. Wylie. — Notes on the Western Eegions, 

Tvrteen (Khotan)* 

The capital of the kingdom of Khotan is West City, distant 
from Chang-gan 9,670 le. 

The kin^om contains 3,300 families, comprising a population 
of 19,300 persons, with 2,400 trained troops, a Guardian Mar- 
quis, a Bight and a Left General, a Eight and a left Knight, an 
East City Chief, a West City Chief, and an Interpreter-in-chief. 
The seat of the Governor Gleneral lies to the north-east, distant 
3,947 le. The country joins Cho Keang on the south, and Koo- 
inih on the north. The waters on the west of Khotan all flow 
westward into the Western (Caspian ?) Sea, The waters on the 
east an flow eastward into the Salt Marsh (Lake Lob), from 
which springs the source of the Yellow river. The country 
produces abundance of jade and other 8tones.t Pe-shan lies 
380 le to the west. 


The capital of the kingdom of Pe-shan is the city of Pe-shan, 

* There is no doubt about this name designating the weU-known Khotan, but 
from the seyeral indications here given, it is almost certain that the city spoken 
of as the capital lay for to the west of modem Khotan. The distance giren 
from Chang-gan cames us to about the 78th degree of longitude, and renders it 

?robaUe the eity lay on an upper bend of one branch of the Yarkand riyer. 
'hiB would be the " West city of the text ; from which we learn that there 
was also an East city, but at what distance we are not told. Both, we may 
suppose, were known by the name of Tu-teen. Some traditional^ statements in 
Heuen-chwang*s narratiTe are strongly sumstiye of the elastic and shifting 
character of the boundaries of this kin^^m. ^ut perhaps the strongest 
prwumption for the more westward site of Khotan is afforded by the statement 
that the country extended to the waterbhed of the Pamir ; as we are told that 
the waters on the west all flowed westward, and those on the east flowed 
eastward. The ** Shwuy king " tells us that after passing the kingdom of Yu-teen, 
the riyer flows eastward, passing in succession the kingdoms of Yu-me, Tsing- 
tseuS, and Tseay-miih. Fa-heen spent orer three months in this city, in the 
beginninff of the fifth century ; but he gires scarcely any clue to the position. 
Heoen^wang also passed through Khotan on his return journey, and gires the 
distance from Cho-keu-keaf the ancient Yarkand, as 800 le, which seems to agree 
tolerably well with the present position of the city. Marco Polo, who passed 
the same road, says : — ** Cotsn is a province lying between north-east and east, 
and is eight days journey in length." (See ** M^oires sur les Contr^ Oociden- 
tales," tom. ii, pp. 228-224.— ** Keoord of the Buddhistic Kingdoms," pp. 5, 9.—- 
" Marco Polo,''^yol. i, p. 196.) 

+ Heuen-chwang says : — ** From this country are got woollen carpets, fine 
felts, well-woyen taffetas, white and black jade." As jade is traditionally spoken 
of in China as the production of Khotan, it is remarkable that Marco rolo says 
nothing about it. Neither does Mr. Johnson, who yisited the place in 1865. 
(" Bee of the Bud. Kingd." p. 5.—*' M^m. sur les Ck>nt. Ocoid." tom. ii, p. 427, 
etc— Yule's " Marco Polo," 2nd edition, yol.i, pp. 196, 197.) 

X The "Se jih. t*ung w&n che" (book iii, foL 25), a natiye polyglott geographical 
dictionaiy^y4>8 Duwa, in the proyince of Yarkand, as on the site of the ancient 
Pe-shan. T^ "Shwuy king ohoo t'oo tseen kaou" (book i, foL 8), places the site 
of Pe-shan south-east of Yarkand, and west of Khotan. 

Digitized by 


A.WYUE. — Nates on tiie Western Regions. 31 

distant from Chaiig-gan 10,050 U, The kingdom contains 600 
families, comprising 3,500 persons, with 600 trained troops, 
a Right and a Left General, a Right and a Left Protector 
General, a Knight and an Interpreter-in-chief. The seat of the 
Governor General lies to the north-east, at a distance of 4,292 
le. The kingdom of Woo-ch'a lies to the south-west 1,340 le. 
The country K)ins Teen-tuh (India) on the south, and is distant 
from Koo-nnh on the north 1,450 le. The road to Ke-pin 
(Kophen) and Woo-yih-shan-le lies to the south-west North- 
west to 8ha-keu is 380 le, 


The capital of the kingdom of Woo-ch'a is the city of Woo- 
ch'a, distant from Chang-gan 9,950 le. The kingdom contains 
490 families, comprising 2,7S3 persons, with 740 trained troops. 
The seat of the Governor General lies north-east 4,892 le. The 
country joins Tsze-ho and Foo-le on the north, and Nan-tow on 
the west The hills are surrounded by cultivated fields, and 
white grass grows among the rocks. The dwelling-houses are 
built of stone ; and the people join hands in drinking. They 
have small trained horses and asses, but no oxen. To the west 
is the Hindu Gush. The capital is distant from the Yang 
barrier 6,888 le, and from the seat of the Governor General 
5,020 le. The Hindu Gush is a rocky mountain range. There 
are gorges and valleys with no connecting road, but having ropes 
and chains thrown across, by means of which the passage is 


The title of the King of Se-yay is King of Tsze-ho, and the 
capital is called Keen-kSh, being distant from Chang-gan 
10,250 le. The kingdom contains 350 families, comprising a 
population of 4,000 ; with 1,000 trained troops. The seat of the 
Governor General lies to the north-east, at a distance of 5,046 
le. The cotmtry joins Pe-shan on the east, Woo-ch'a on the 
south-west, Sha-keu on the north, and P'oo-le on the west The 
kingdoms of Foo-le, E-nae, and Woo-luy all belong to the same 
ethnic class with Se-yay. The Se-yay differ from the Tartar 
nations ; being rather connected by afBnity with the Keang and 

* The indiofttioiis in the text would lead us to plaee this territory somewhere 
about Sarikol. It may possibly have been near the present Eurghan-i-TJjadbaL 

t The *'Se yih t'ong w&n che ** (book iii, foL 28) gires Tul-arik in the piorince 
of Yarkand, as the modem representatiTe of ancient Se^ay. On Wylas map 
there is a place named TolariK on a confluent of the Yarkand river, in N. lat. 
37* 2fft A. long. 77* 22^. The corresponding place on the Bnasian map is 
named l^argalik. 

Digitized by 


32 A. Wyue. — NotcB on the Western Regions. 

Te-hing. The people move hither and thither, according to the 
supply of water and pasturage for their flocks and herds. The 
land of Tsze-h6*produces jade and other precious stones. 


The capital of the kingdom of P'oo-le is the city} of P'oo-le, 
distant from Chang-gan 9,550 fe. The kingdom contains 650 
families, comprising a population of 6,000, with 2,000 trained 
troops. The seat of the Governor Genei'al lies north-east, distant 
5,396 le, Sha-keu lies to the east, at a distance of 540 le. Soo- 
lih is 550 le to the north. The country joins Se-yay and Tsze-h6 
on the south. Woo-luy lies 540 le to the west There is a 
Marquis and a Protector (Jeneral. For field products they rely 
on Sha-keu. Their national customs are the same as Tsze-ho. 


The capital of the kingdom of E-nae is distant from Chang- 
gan 10,150 le. The kingdom contcdns 125 families, comprising 
670 persons; with 350 troops. The seat of the Governor 
General lies north-east, at a distance of 2,730 le, Sha-keuis dis- 
tant 540 fo, and Woo-luy 540 fe. Soo-lih is 650 le to the north. 
The country joins Tsze-h6 on the south, and their customs are 
the same. The cereals are scarce, and they rely on Soo-lih and 
Sha-keu for agricultural produce. 

The capital of the kingdom of Woo-luy is the city of Leu, 

* There is great unoertaiiity about the position of this place. It was the first 
station Fa-heen stopped at after leaving ^hotan, on his waj to Ujjana, but the 
time he took — ^twenty fiye days — to reach it, throws a difficulty in the way, as it 
appears to have been just to the north of the Karakorum range. Otherwise we 
might suggest somewhere about Shahidula at the Sokhbulak Pass ; a little to the 
south of which ''Jade Quarries" are marked on Wyld's map. This may 
periiaps be included in the country. After a careful reriew of Fa-heen*s 
narratiye, Professor Wilson remarks regarding this part of the journey : — " It is 
impoMible, therefore, not to suspect somethmg wrong in the distances or the 
hearing, perhaps in both.'* (" Journal of the Boyid Asiatic Society," 1838, 
p. 113.) 

t The "Se yXh t'ung wltn che" (book iii, fol. 27) gives Serlek in the province of 
Yarkand, as the modem representative of this pliu^e. The " Shwuy king choo 
t'oo shw5 tseen kaou *' (book i, fol. 3) tells us that the country lay between the 
modem Yengihissar and Yarkand. The Russian map nas a place named 
Sajryk, a few miles south-west of Yengihissar. 

X The text has kvA (kingdom) here, which is obviously a typographical error 
for ehimg (city). 

§ According to the "Shwuy king choo t'oo shwo tseen kaou'* (book i, fol. 3) 
the site of ancient B-nae should be on the southern border of Yengihissar, 
somewhere about N. lat. 39**, E. bng. 7^. 

II The " 8e y!h t'ung w&n ohe *' (£)ok iii, fol. 18) gii^es Aratchul as the present 
name of the ancient Woo-luy country. This name is found in the native atlas 

Digitized by 


A. Wylie. — Notes on the Western Eegions. 33 

distant from Chang-gan 9,950 le. The kingdom contains 1,000 
families, comprising a population of 7,000 persons. The seat of 
the Grovemor General lies north-east at a distance of 2,463 le. 
P'oo-le lies 540 le to the south. The coimtry joins Woo-ch'a 
on the south, Keuen-tiih on the north, and on the west. The 
dress of the people resembles that of Woo-sun ; and their cus- 
toms are the same as Tsze-ho. 


The capital of the kingdom of Nan-tow is distant from Chang- 
gan 10,150 le. The kingdom contains 5,000 families, comprising 
a population of 31,000 persons, with 8,000 trained troops. The 
seat of the Governor General lies to the north-west at a distance 
of 2,850 Ze. Woo-luy lies 340 le to the west. Ke-pin lies 330 
le to the south-west. The coimtry joins Cho Keangt on the 
south, Heu-seun on the north, and the Ta Yue-she on the west. 
They cultivate the five cereals, grapes and other fruits.J The 
country produces silver, copper, and iron, and they make military 
weapons, the same as other nations. The kingdom is attached 
to Ke-pin. 

Ke-pin {Kop?ien),^ 

The capital of the kingdom of Kophen ia the city of Sun- 

Sw<mg ekaou chwng totte yih twag yu t^oo, in about N. lat. 89*, E. long. 74^, on 
Uie western border of the Kashgar proyinoe ; but no corresponding name 
appears on any accessible European map. 

* The distances and positions here seem to lead us somewhere about the 
southern part of the oountrj of Shignan, where the city of Ishkashim is located. 
This is spoken of by tieuen-chwang, who says of it \—r" This kingdom is an 
ancient proTince of the kingdom of Tokharistan. It is about 1,000 le from 
east to west, and 800 le from north to south ; the capital is 16 or 16 
U in circumference. The productions of the soil and manners of the inhabi- 
tants are much like those of Momkan." Marco Polo also speaks of the town 
of Oasem, at the distance of a^three days' ride from Taican, and says:— 
** This town is at the head of a yery great province, which is also called Casem. 
The people haye a peculiar language." (*' M^m. sur les Oont. Oodd.," tom. ii, 
p. 196.—" Marco Polo," yol. i. p. 161.) 

t It seems a little difficult to reconcile this statement with fact. Ch5 Eeang 
represented Tibet — or at least the northern portion of it. We must, howeyer, 
extend its boundaries as far west as Baltistan or Little Tibet, in order to giye it 
a chance of meeting the country here spoken of. 

X At the place aboye indicated Heuen-chwang tells us : — '' The sowing of grain 
and the hanrests take place at regular periods. There is a flourishing yegetation 
of plants and trees ; and the flowers and fruits are in extraordinary abui^ance." 
(" kdm. sur les Oont. Occid.," tom. ii, p. 198.) 

§ By genera] consent of inyestigators, this has been admitted to be the ancient 
kingdom of Eophen, a name closely connected with — ^if not deriyed from — ^the 
Biyer Eophes, which is found in the Yedas under the form Kubhtt, and appears 
in the classical writers also as Ehoes and Eoaspes. This country was identical 
with Eabulistan of later times, the capital of which is represented by tke 
modem Cabul, the capital of Afghanistan. Heuen-chwang appears to haye taken 
VOL. X. D 

Digitized by 


34 A. Wylie. — Notes on the Western Regions, 

seen,* distant from Chang-gan 12,200 fo. The kingdom is not 
tinder the control of the Governor GreneraL The numbers of 
families, persons, and trained troops are very large, as it is a 
great kingdom. The seat of the Governor General lies north- 
west at a distance of 6,840 le. The kingdom of Woo-ch'a 
lies 2,250 le to the east. The kingdom of Kantow is nine days' 
journey to the north-east The country joins the Ta Yu6-she 
on the north-west and Woo-yih-shan-le on the south-west. 
Formerly, when the Heung-noo subjugated the Ta Yue-8he,t 
the latter migrated to the west, and gained the dominion over 
the Ta-hea(Dah8e)^ whereupon the ki]^ of the Sae (Sacse) moved 
south and ruled over Kophen. The Sae were scattered, and at 
times formed several kingdoms.§ North-west of Soo-llh the Heu- 
seun, Keuen-tuh, and consanguineous nations are all descendants 
of the ancient Sae. The land of Kophen is flat ; and the 
climate mild and agreeable.Il The country produces medicago 
sativa, various herbs, strange trees, sandal wood, saphora 
japonica, rottlera japonica, bamboo, and the varnish tree. 
They cultivate the five grains, grapes and other fruits.T 
They manure their gardens and fields. In the low and damp 

this in his homeward journey, and describes it under the name of IJrddhasthana, 
as 500 le from Ghazni. The old name of Ke-pin or Kophen, he preserves us that 
of the capital city Hwo-pe-na. — (" Anc. Geog. of India, pp. 34^ 87. — " M^m. sur 
las Oont Oocid.,"tom. ii, p. 190.) 

* It is difficult to identify this name. Possibly it may be a corrupt transcript 
of *' Urddhasthatia," the ancient name of Cabul ; or it may be a distortion of the 
name '* Q-haznL" 

t See '* Journal of the Anthropological Institute," January, 1874, pp. 414, 

X " The Scythian tribes who occupied the Caspian plain to the west of the 
Massagettt, extending to the Oxus or eyen to the Jaxartes, in which case they 
must haye blended with the Maoeagettt, bore the general appellation of Dae." 
(Wilson's " Ariana Antiqua," pp. 140, 141.) 

§ " In Ariana they passed the mountains, and proceeding southwards, 
occupied the tract below the groa^ Me wherein the Helmond torminates, which 
took from them the name of Sacastan4 (land of the Saka or Scyths) a name still 
to be traced in the modem ' Seistan.' Further to the east, they effected a 
lodgment in Kabul, and another in the southern portion of the Indus yaUey, 
which for a time bore the name of ' Indo-Scythia.' " (Bawlinson's *' Sixth Great 
Oriental Monarchy," pp. 117, 118.) 

H '* In the summer, the heat of Oandahar is intense ; the winter mild. In 
Oabul the summer is charming ; but during the winter the cold is intense." 
(" Notes to accompany Mr Wyld's Maps of Centoal Asia and Afghanistan," 
p. 24.) 

If According to <he Chinese, the iiye grains are — ^hemp, millet, rice, wheat, and 

fulse. (" Chinese Reader's Manual," p. 316.) Mr Wyld says :— '* There are, as in 
ndia, two haryests in Afghanistan : of these one is sowed in the autumn and 
reaped in the spring, the chief crops being wheat, barley, peas, and beans : in 
Western Afghanistan this is the most important. The autumn haryest on the 
contrary is the principal one in Eastern Cabul, the seed is sown in the spring, anr'. 
gathered in the autmnn ; it consists of rice, a grain called baira {ffoleus epicaitu) 
and Indian com." Of Cabul he says: — "It is a most loyely landsc^>e, the 
plain being refreshed with numerous streams brought from the Cabul riyer, and 

Digitized by 


A. Wylie. — Notes on the Western Regwns, 35 

groTind they grow rice. In winter they eat raw vegetables. 
The |)eople are ingenious in carving, ornamenting, engraving 
and inlaying; in building palaces and mansions; weaving 
nets, ornamental perforation and embroidery; and excel at 
cooking. They have gold, silver, copper and tin,* of which they 
make vessels, and expose them for sale. They have a gold 
and a silver currency.! On the obverse of their money is a man 
on horseback, and on the reverse a man's facet The country 
produces the Indian ox, the bufifalo, the elephant, great dogs, Ifu^e 
apes, and the pea-fowl ; also pearls of different kinds, coral, amber, 
rock crystal, vitreous ware, camels, and domestic animals the 
same as other nations. § 

From the time that the Emperor Woo-te opened up communica- 
tion with Ke-pin, the rulers of that kingdom, in view of the 
extreme distance, had considered themselves safe from the intru- 
sion of a Chinese army. In this confidence the King Woo-t'ow- 

oorered with green fields, fringed \sj rows of poplars and willow trees ; orchards 
aJid Tineyards filled with fruit trees of eyery description ; and gardens well laid 
out and stocked with flowers and usef ol Teeetahles. Large quantities of grapes 
and dried fruits are exported to aU parts of Northern Inoia.*'^ (^.c. pp. 28, ist) 

* *' Iron exists in the Yaziris Hills, and in Furmuli ; copper in the Asmai 
Eoh to the West of Cabul ; lead in the Hazara Mountains, at Ko-i-wardak near 
Ghuznee, and in Argandab ; antimony at Shah Mahsud, north of Candahar ; 
sulphur, near Herat and Seistan ; zinc in the Zhobe vallej ; and nitre aU OTer 
the country. Gold, too, is found in the riyer beds, and affords a precarious 
rxistence to the few hundreds who search for it." (** Notes to accompany Mr. 
Wyld's Maps," Ac., p. 27.) 

T We do not find any specimens of a gold coinage among the Sacfls rulers of 
Kabulistan ; but siUter corns are by no means rare. Seyen or more specimens of 
gold coins are known of Eadphisis who is supposed to haye reigned in B.C. 1, 
while a solitaiy silver coin of this monarch is the only known silyer specimen of 
the Indo-Scythian dynasty. 

X This description applies only to one reign, on the coins of which there is no 
name, but only the title of the monarch, thus 20THP MEFAS BA2IAEYZ 
BA2IAEI2N — " Great King of Kings the Preseryer." Wilson, who supposes 
them to haye been issued in the first century of the Christian era, giyes the 
figures of sixteen specimens^ and remarks : — *' There is no great yariety in these 
coins, although they are infinitely numerous, and are, with yery few exceptions, 
of copper, and these latter are found, to use Mr. Prinsep's expression, * by bag- 
fnls' at Beghram, in many of the topes in the Panjab, and eyen in Central 
India. .... The fype on one face is uniyersally the mounted monarch, as 
on ^e coins of the preceding princes. On the other we haye in a few instances 
the figure of a man in a long robe, apparently a priest, with a fire altar ; but the 
derioe on those coins that are so numerous is the head of the king, occasionally, 
though rarely, with a helmet, but in general with either a kind of turban, or his 
hair dressed in a peculiar manner. No doubt the Han author had these in 
yiew when he wrote his account of Ke-pin, and his description is sufficiently 
accurate ; but the pretended figures of foreign coins, found in Chinese numis'- 
matical treatises, are worthless caricatures, mere productions of the imagination 
of some Chinese, to iUustrate the descriptions giyen in the dynastic histories. 
{8m '* Ariana Antiqua," p. 882.) 

§ " The horse, camel, cow, bufialo, sheep, goat, mules, and asses are the 
principal animals of the country." ('* Notes to accompany Mr. Wyld's Maps/* 
etc., p. 27.) 


Digitized by 


36 A, Wylie. — Notes on the Western Regions. 

laou* on several occasions put the Chinese envoys to death. On 
the death of Woo-t*ow-laou, his son, who succeeded to the dignity, 
sent an envoy with offerings to China; when WSn Chung,** the 
Protector Greneral at the barrier, was sent to escort him home. 
The King again wished to take WSn Chung's life ; but the latter 
becoming aware of his intention, entered into a plot with the 
King of Yung-keu's son, Yin-muh-foo, which resulted in an 
attack on the country, when the King was killed, and Yin-mtih- 
foo installed as King of Ke-pin, and received the seal and rib- 
bon of investiture from China. 

Afterwards the Military Marquis Chaou TOi, who was sent to 
Ke-pin, managed to get on bad terms with Yin-miih-foo, when 
the latter put the felon's collar on the envoy, killed his assistant 
and attendants, more than seventy persons in all, and then sent 
an envoy with a letter to the Emperor, acknowledging his trans- 
gression. But the country being amoi^ the unr^istered and 
impracticable regions, the Emperor Yuen-te discharged the 
envoy ; communication being cut off by the Hindu Cush. 

In the time of the Emperor Ching-te (B.C. 32-7) Ke-pin 
again sent an envoy with offerings and an acknowledgment of 
guilt. The supreme board wished to send an envoy with a 
reply, to escort the Ke-pin envoy home; but Too Kin 
addressed the Greneralissimo Wang Fung to the following 
effect : — " Formerly Yin-muh-foo, the King of Ke-pin, who was 
instated by China, ended by perversely rejecting our authority. 
Now there is no greater manifestation of virtue than for a 
ruler of a kingdom to treat the people as his children; and 
there is no greater sin than to detain and murder an envoy. 
Hence although omitting to requite favours they have no fear 
of chastisement; for tiiey know that they are at such an 
extreme distance that our troops cannot reach them. When 
they have anything to ask, they come with humble expressions ;, 
but when they do not want anything, they are proud and 
insulting. They cannot by any means be brought to cherish 
the feeling of submission. Whenever China enters into liberal 
correspondence with the barbarian tribes, and we are pleased to 

* The coins of Spaljrius, the Saoa King of Eophen, bear the inBcription 
2nAAYPI0S AIRAIOY AAEA«0YT0YBA2IA£a2 Spalurios DikaiouAdelpkou 
tou Basileos. He is here stated on the coin to be " brother " to the king, but 
Wilson thinks " it is not impossible that the ' brother* was the kins de facto, 
although he left for a season the title to Palirisus." As we do not mid a name 
among the Sac» princes of Kophen in any waj resembling Wbo-fow-laou, it seems 
probable that the Chinese maj have receiyedthe Greek designation Adelphot as the 
name of this prince. Truly the Chinese transcript is a nearer phonetic approach 
than the Arianian Alalutraputosa found on the same coins, and which Wilson 
says, " looks as if it was a blundering attempt to represent the Q-reek 
term AAEA^OS.*' The date giyen is b.g. 75, which would apparently synchronise 
with the Chinese namUiye. {See ** Ariana Antiqua," pp 315, 316.) 

Digitized by 


A. Wylir — Notes on the Western Regions. 37 

attend to their requests, we receive their approaches with 
intimacy, and they act as brigands. Now the dangerous 
passes of the Hindu Cush cannot be traversed by the people of 
Ke-pin. A cringing attitude is no evidence of the pacification 
of the Western regions ; and although they are not annexed to 
the empire, yet they are not a source of danger to the cities and 
suburbs. Formerly those we held intimate relationship with 
repudiated the token of authority, and spread vice and 
anarchy through the Western regions ; so that intercourse was 
found to be impracticable. Now they come professing 
penitence, and do not enter into an intimate relationship. Theii 
dignitaries who present offerings are all mean men carrying on 
commerce. They wish to open up commercial relations for the 
sake of the trade; and the offerings are a mere pretence. 
Therefore if we take the trouble to send an envoy to escort 
them to the Hindu Cush, I fear we shall commit an error, and 
find ourselves deceived. Whenever an envoy is sent to escort a 
guest, precautions must be taken to protect him against the 
attacks of brigands. 

" From Pe-shan southward there are four or five kingdoms not 
attached to China. With only a hundred men to keep a look- 
out, and to beat the five night watches for self-protection, they 
will be at times exposed to attacks from robbers, carrying off 
their asses and cattle bearing provisions : and will thus be 
rendered dependent on these countries for food, for which they 
must make some requital. The countries may be small and 
poor, and unable to furnish food ; or the inhabitants may be 
cruel and crafty and refuse to give, even intercepting them at 
the boundary. The Chinese Commission will in such circum- 
stances be left to starve among the hills and valleys, begging 
food to sustain life, with no means of obtainii^ it. In some 
ten or twenty days men and animals will die in the desert, and 
be never more heard of. Again, on passing the Great Headache 
Mountain, the Little Headache Motmtain, the Eed Land, and 
the Fever Slope, men's bodies become feverish, they lose colour, 
and are attacked with headache and vomiting ; the asses and 
cattle beiDg all in like condition. liloreover there are three 
pools with rocky banks along which the pathway is only 16 or 
17 inches wide for a length of some SO U, over an abyss of 
frightful depth where the travellers whether on horse or afoot 
are all attached, and lead each other by ropes. After more 
than 2,000 le the Hindu Cush is reached; more than half 
the cattle having perished by falling down the chasms, their 
bodies lying scattered about and dashed to pieces. Men lose 
their grasp, and they are unable to save each other. In fact, 
viewing the dangers of these precipitous gorges, the difficulties 

Digitized by 


38 A. Wyue. — Notes on the Western Regions. 

are beyond description. The sage kings divided the empire 
into nine depjutments and instituted regulations for the five 
tenures. Applying themselves to secure prosperity in the 
interior, they sought nothing from abroad. Now in sending an 
envoy to carry out the supreme commission by escorting the 
barbarian traders, you weary out the host of officials in passing 
through a dangerous and difficult road ; thus suspending and 
degrading the trustworthy in the performance of a useless 
service. This is not a far-sighted policy. The envoy having 
already received his credentials, let hun proceed as far as 
Pe-shan and then return." To this Wang Fung replied: — 
" According to your words, it is certainly profitable to Ke-pin 
if we grant them a market for their commerce ; while they 
only send an envoy once in several years." 


The capital of the kingdom of Woo-yih-shan-lef is distant 
firom Chang-gan 12,200 le. The State is not under the control 
of the Governor General The numbers of families, of the 
population, and of trained troops are all those of a great 
kingdouL The seat of the Governor General lies north-east 
at a distance of sixty days* journey. The country joins 
Ke-pin on the east, Po-taou (Bactria) on the north, and 
Le-keenJ and Teaou-che§ on the west After a journey of about 
a hundred days, the kingdom of Teadu-che is reached, bprdering 
on the Western Sea.|| The climate there is hot and damp, 
and rice is cultivated. There are large birds, with eggs in size 
like a pitcher. The people are very numerous and are often 
under petty chieftains, subject to the Parthians, who consider 
foreigners clever at jugglery. There is a tradition among the 
Parthian elders about the Dead water,f and the Mother of the 

* The positions laid down for this kingdom clearly point to Aria of the 
ancients, represented by the modem Khcnnissan. 

t This is veiy suggestiTe of the word " Alexandria," the name of a city which 
had been repaired by Alexander the Ghreat. The indications of the daseioal 
authors lead to the belief that it stood on the site of modem Herat and 
may have been the capital of the country about the beginning of the Christian 
era. (See " Ariana ijitiqua," pp. 151, 162.) 

X This appears to be the kingdom of the Seleucidss, represented by Syria. 

§ The country of tiie Tajiks, or ancient Persians. 

II This passage involyes some difficulty. Teaou-che is generally admitted to 
represent <^e Ti^iks or ancient Persians ; but a hundred days' joumey west from 
Herat carries one far beyond the limits of Persia. The most satisfactory 
conclusion— as Dr. Bretschneider has shown — ^is, that Syria is the country here 
alluded to ; and the description generally agrees with this identification. The 
Western Sea in this case would be the Mediterranean. {See " Notes and Queries 
on China and Japan/' vol. ir, pp. 58, 59.) 

% Probably the " Dead Sea.*^ 

Digitized by 


A. Wyliel — Notes on the fVestem Begvnis. 39 

Western kiBg8*iiiTeaou-che,but they have never been seen. They 
say that firom Teaou-che, a sea voyage of about a hundred 
days westward brings one near the place where the sun sets. 
The burning heat of the country of Woo-yih is exceptionally 
fierce. They have herbs and trees, domestic animals, the five 
kinds of grain, fruits, vegetables, food and drink, palaces and 
dwelling-houses, bazaars, circulating medium, military weapons, 
gold, pearls, and such like, all the same as in Ee-pin. They 
have also excellent peaches. The lion and the buffalo are 
found there, and by custom it is deemed laudable to kill these 
without mercy. On the obverse of their money there is 
only a man's head, and on the reverse is a figure of a man on 
horseback. Thej ornament their staves with gold and silver. 
Being extremely distant fix)m (Jhina, an envoy rarely arrives. 
Prom the Yuh Grate and the Yang barrier, the southern road 
passing Shen-shen, tends southerly to Woo-yih-shan-le, which 
is the terminus of the southern road. Thence proceeding north, 
Parthia lies on the east. 

Ganseth {Parthia.)1[ 

The capital of the kingdom of Gan-seih is the city of Fan^ 
tow, distant from Chang-gan 11,600 le. It is not under the 
control of the Governor General The country joins K*ang- 
keuj on the north, Woo-yih-shan-le§ on the east, and Teaou- 
chell on the west. The soil, climate, productions, and customs 
of the people are the same as those of Woo-yih and Ke-pin. 
They also have a silver coinage, with the king's head on the 
obverse, and a woman's head on the reversed When the king 
dies, they immediately cast new coins. The country produces 
ostriches. They have several hundred cities great and smalL 
It is a kingdom of the largest size, being several thousand le 

* It if not improbable that we hare here an alloBion to Lot's wife ; the tradition 
of whoee oalamitous &te would naturally linger in after agee among the 
Moabiteeand Ammonites, and their descendants. 

t That Ghm-seth designates the ancient kingdom of the Arsaoide seems 
Bcaroelj to admit of a doubt. 

t Sogdiana. 

S Khorassan. 

II Persia. 

T This somewhat singular fnct is remailukbly eorroborated in the oaee of the 
Parthian monarch, Phraataoes, who came to the thimie b.o. 2. Bngrarings of 
two of his coins are giren in the ** International Numismata Orientalia ;" and 
Professor Bawlinson gives a wood-out of one with the following remarks :— 
** The coins of Phraataces haye on one side his head ; which is being crowned 
by two Victories ; on the other the head of Musa [his mother], with the legend 
MOrSHS BASIAISZHS BBAS OYPANIAS." Referring to the fi^t of this 
long haying placed the effigy of Musa on the coins, Bawlinson observes : — " It is 
perh^ doubtful whether Phraates IV. [predecessor of Phraateces] had not 
done the same in his latter years as Mionnet and Mr. Lindsay imagine." (*< The 
Sixth Great Oriental Monarchy," p. 220.) 

Digitized by 


40 A. Wyuk— Notes on the Western Begims. 

square.* As the country extends to the Wei (Oxus) river their 
traders traverse the adjoining kingdomsf both by land 
and water. They write on skins in horizontal lines, in which 
manner they keep their records.^ 

When the Emperor Woo-te first sent an envoy to Gan-srfh, 
the King commanded a general to take 20,000 cavalry to 
meet him at the eajstem border. The eastern border is 
several .thousand le distant from the metropolis. Proceeding 
northward, they passed several tens of cities on the way, all 
the people of which were allied to each other. On this 
occasion the King sent an envoy to follow the Han envoy 
home to China. He took with him ostrich eggs and Le-keen 
jugglers, which he presented as offerings, and with which the 
Emperor was gi'eatly delighted. To the east of Gan-seih is the 
country of the Ta Yug-she. 

Ta Yue-she (Massagetce). 

The capital of the kingdom of the Ta Yue-she is the city 
of Keen-she, distant from Chcmg-gan 11,600 le. It is not 
imder the control of the Governor General The kingdom 
contains 100,000 families, comprising a population of 400,000, 
with 100,000 trained troops. The seat of the Governor General 
lies to Uie east, at a distance of 4,740 le. To Parthia on the 
west is a distance of forty-nine days' journey. The country 
joins Ke-pin on tihe soutL The soil, tiie climate, the 
productions, the customs of the people, and the currency, are all 
the same as those of Gan-seih. They have the single-humped 
camel (dromedaiy). The Ta YuS-she are a wandering nation, 

* Professor Bawlinson givefl the dimensions of Parthia proper as *' from east 
to west a distance of 820, and from north to south of nearly 200 miles.*' This 
would amount to about 1,920 by 1,200 le, {See "The Sixth Great Oriental 
Monarchy," p. 1.) 

t '' There was a considerable trade between Parthia and Bome, carried on by 
means of a class of merchants." If they traded with Bome, it can scarcely be 
doubted that the commerce extended also to ike Transoxianian nations. (See 
** Sixth Ghceat Oriental Monarchy/' p. 426.) 

t ** Though the Parthians had, so far as we can tell, no native literature, yet 
writing was familiar to them, and was widely used in matters of business. Not 
only were negotiations carried on with foreign Powers by means, of despatches, 
but the affairs of the empire generally were conducted by writing. A custom- 
house system was established along the frontier, and all commodities liable to 
duty that entered the country were registered in a book at the time of entry, by 
the custom-house officer. In the great cities, where the Court passed a portion of 
the ^ear, account was kept of the arrival of straneers, whose names and 
descriptions were placed upon record by the keepers of Uie sates. The orders of 
the Crown were signified m writing to the satraps ; and wey doubtless corre- 
sponded with the Court in the same way. In the earlier times the writing 
material commonly used was linen ; but shortly before the time of Pliny, the 
Parthians began to make paper from papyrus, which grew in the neighbourhood 
of Babylon, though they stul employed m preference the old material." (" Sixth 
Chreat Oriental Monarchy," pp. 424, 425«) 

Digitized by 


A. Wyue. — Notes on the Western Regions. 41 

moving from place to place for the convenience of their flocks 
and herds, the same as the Heung-noo.* They have more than 
a hundred thousand men skilled in the use of the bow ; f and in 
former times considered themselves strong enough to treat the 
Heung-noo with contempt. Originally they lived between 
Tun-hwang and Ke-leen, when Maou-tun Shen-ynJ attacked 
and subdued them. Laou-shang Shen-yu§ killed the King of 
the YuS-she, and converted his skull into a drinking-bowL 
The tribe then removed to a distance, passed Ta-wan, and 
attacked the Ta-hea on the west, reduced them to vassalage, 
and established their metropolis on the north of the Wei 
(Oxus) river, where the King held his Court A small section, 
who were imable to leave, fortified themselves at the southern 
mountains, and were named by the Keang the Seaou Yug-she. 
The Ta-hea wisre originally without a CMef Paramount ; and 
were accustomed to set up petty chiefs over their cities. But 
the people were weak and afraid to engage in war. Hence 
when the Yue-she removed into their coimtry they all 
became their vassals, and they presented a united petition to 
the Chinese envoy. They have five Helh-hows. One is called 
the Hdfh-how of Heu-mieh; his capital being the city of 
Ho-mih, distant from the Governor General 2,841 le, and from 
the Yang barrier 7,802 le. The second is the Heih-how of 
Chwang-me ; his capital being the city of Chwang-me, distant 
from the Governor General 3,741 le, and from the Yang barrier 
7,782 fo. The third is the Heih-how of Kwei-seang;. his 
capital being the city of Hwo-tsaou, distant from the Governor 
General 5,940 Z«,and horn the Yang barrier 7,982 Ze. The 
fourth is the Heih-how of Heih-tim ; his capital being the city 
of Po-maou, distant from the Governor Greneral 5,962 fo, and 
from the Yang barrier 8,202 fo. The fifth is the Heih-how of 
Kaou-foo ; Ms capital being the city of K6W)u-foo, distant from 
the Governor General 6,041 fo, and from the Yang barrier 
9,283 le. These five Heih-hows are all dependents of the Ta 

Kang-Tceu {Sogdiand)^ 

The King of K'ang-keu likes to hold his Court during winter 

* WObod, speaking of the Maesageto, says : — ** The character of the 
oountries which thej occupied Beems to have been in all ages essentially the 
same — extensive Btej^)e6 and plains of sand, interspersed at intervals only with 
water and rerdare, and compelling the inhabitants to lead a mi^pratory life, in 
quest of pasture for the cattle on which they themselves chiefly subsist.*' 
("* Anana Antiqua," p. 188.) 

t ^ They were good riders and excellent archers." (" Sixth Great Oriental 
Monarchy," p. 119.) 

X He ruled from B.O. 209 to 174. 

S From B.C. 178 to 160. 

II The identification of K'ang-keu with Sogdiana has been generally accepted. 

Digitized by 


42 A. Wyiaz.-— Notes on the Western Begions. 

in the country of TuS-nieh at the city of Pe-teen, which is 
distant from Ghang-gan 12,300 le. The kingdom is not under 
the control of the Governor General From t£e country of YuS^ 
nieh to the king's summer residence inside the border is a dis- 
tance of seven days' journey on horseback. Thence to Chang-gan 
is 9,104 fe. The kingdom contains 120,000 families, comprising a 
population of 600,000, with 120,000 trained troops. The seat 
of the Governor General lies to the east 5,560 le. Their customs 
are the same as those of the Ta Tufi-sha On the east they 
paid a forced servitude to the Heung-noo. 

In the time of the Emperor Seuen-te (b.o. 78-49), when the 
Heung-noo were in a state of cmarchy, and five Shen-yu were 
all fighting against each other, China interposed its influence to 
set up Hoo-han-seay Shen-yu; and Che-che Shen-yu bein£| 
incensed against the Chinese, put their envoy to death ; ana 
then moving westward (b.o. 49) settled in K'ang-keu. 

After this the Governor General Kan Yen-show and the Assis- 
tant Deputy Protector Ch'in Tang brought the Woo-ke Deputy 
Protector with the troops of the various kingdoms of the 
Western regions to K'ang-keu and exterminated the power 
of Che-che Shen-yu; the detaQs regarding which may be 
found in the Memoirs of Kan Yen-show,* and Ch'in Tang.f 
This took place in the year b.c. 36. 

In tiie time of the Emperor Ch'ing-te (b.o. 32-7), the Prince 

Bretschneider remarkB : — *' It seems howerer, that the ooontrj of K^txng hi^ 
first mentioned m the ' Histoiy of the Anterior Han ' — before our era, included 
Sogdiana ; for in the ' History of the Northern Wei (886-568),' a ooontrj in the 
west, K*cmgi is described, and it is further stated there that the people of E'ang 
are a branch of the Kang-kU of the Han period. In the ' History of the T'ang/ 
chap. cdTiii, ft, the kingdom of R*ang is again spoken of ; and among the synonyms 
gtren for the same country we find Sa^no-kietif which is intended for Samar- 
oand.^ (" Notices of the Medieyal Qeography and History of Oentnd and 
Western Asia," p. 163.) 

* The biograpnical notice of this officer is summed up briefly as foUows : — ''Kan 
Yen-show, who bore the cognomen Keun-hwang, was a native of the district of 
Yuh-che (now Gan-hwa) in the prefecture of Fth-t'e (now K'ing-yang in the 
proTince of Kansuh). Being a scion of a good family he exceed in horse- 
manship and archery in his youth, and was made a member of the Imperial 
body-guard. In sucn athletic exercises as throwing the stone he far outstripped 
his compeers ; and upon one occasion he leaped over the two-story guard-house. 
Oonsequent on this feat he was appointed fugleman at the military oompetitire 
examinations. By his talents, strength, and amiability he gradually rose in the 
seryioe, till he became Gk>yemor of Leaou-timg. Instead of aralling himself 
then of his official carriage, he travelled on horseback like a gener^, and was 
exemplary in his patronage. In time E[an Yen-show was made Secrotaiy and 
6b*and AdTiser, and was appointed Gk>Temor]Q«neral of the Western regions 
and Oayalry Protector General ; when, in concert with the Assistant Dq>ut^ 
Protector, he killed and beheaded Che-che Shen-yu, and was promoted Marouis 
of E-ching. After his death he was designated the Robust Marquis. The 
viceregal dignity descended to his great-grandson, till the defeat of Wang 
Mang, when the line was cut short." (*' Tseen Han Shoo," book ^Ixx, fol. 8, 4.) 

t See Appendix A. 

Digitized by 


A. Wylie, — Notes on the Western Begions, 43 

of K'ang-keu sent his son to China as a hostage, with an offering 
of tribute ; but the country being at such an extreme distance, 
the Prince was only haughty and insolent, and refused to look 
up to China like the other nations. The Governor General Kwo 
Shun several times addressed the throne, saying : — " Originally 
when the Heung-noo attained their highest prosperity it was 
not on account of their connection with Woo-sun and K'ang-keu ; 
and when they came calling themselves menials, it was not 
because they had lost these two kingdoms. Although China 
has received hostage princes from all these, yet the three king* 
doms impose burdens on each other, and n^ect intercourse 
with the empire as of old. They also keep watch, waiting a 
convenient time for demonstration. When near they cannot be 
taken into close confideDce; when distant they cannot be 
made use of as vassals. Applying this to present circumstances, 
the connection with Woo-sun by marriage has never turned out 
of any advantage to us ; but on the contrary has been a cause 
of trouble to China. However, Woo-sun having formerly 
formed this connection, and now both that nation and the 
Heung-noo style themselves vassals, it is not right that they 
should be repelled. But K'ang-keu is so proud and crafty that 
they will not pay due honour to our envoys. When the Go- 
vernor General's official reached their country he was set below 
the envoys from Woo-sim and the other countries. When the 
King and his nobles have finished their repast, the Governor 
General's official is then allowed to swallow a morsel Hence 
there is no room for boasting to the neighbouring kingdoms of 
these forming provinces of the empire. According to this 
estimate, why do they send their sons to Court as hostages ? The 
reason is that they wish to deceive us by specious words in 
order to be allowed to trade. The Heung-noo and all the great 
barbarian kingdoms now render perfect service to China ; but it is 
reported that K'ang-keu does not pay homage ; and moreover 
that it has sent an envoy to the Shen-yu, as an act of self- 
humiliation. Their hostage prince ought to be sent back, and 
an envoy should never be sent to them again, in order to show 
that the house of Han does not hold intercourse with kingdoms 
which ignore the rules of etiquette. The small regions of Tun- 
hwang and Tsew-tseuen and the eight kingdoms on the southern 
road give food to the envoys passing to and fro, including men, 
horses, asses and camels ; all which becomes very severe on them, 
exhausting their supplies of rice ; but to meet and escort those 
of proud, crafty, and extremely distant nations, is by no means 
a wise poUcv. In opening up a fresh intercourse, China treats 
men from afar with the greatest liberality ; but in the end has 
to curb and restrain them, yet she does not cast them off." 

Digitized by 


44 A. Wytje. — Notes on the Western Begions, 

To the north-west of K'ang-keu, about 2,000 le distant, is 
the kingdom of Yen-tsae,* with more than 100,000 bowmen ; 
having the same customs as K'ang-keu, on the border of a great 
marsh without banks, which is the Northern Sea (Caspian). 
K'ang-keu has five viceroys. One is called the viceroy of Soo- 
heae ; his capital being tiie city of Soo-heae, distant from the 
Governor General 5,776 le, and fix)m the Yang barrier 8,026 le. 
The second is called the viceroy of Foo-mih ; his capital being 
the city of Foo-mih, distant from the Governor General 5,767 le, 
and from the Yang barrier 8,025 le. The third is called the 
viceroy of Yu-nieh ; his capitsd being the city of Yu-nieh, dis- 
tant from the Governor General 5,266 le, and from the Yang 
barrier 7,525 le. The fourth is the viceroy of Ke ; his capital 
being the city of Ke, distant from the Governor General 6,296 le, 
and from the Yang barrier 8,555 le. The fifth is called the vice- 
roy of Gaou-keen; his capital being the city of Gaou-keen, 
distant from the Governor General 6,906 fo, and from the Yang 
barrier 8,355 le. All these five are viceroys of K'ang-keu. 

Torwan {Fergana).^ 

The capital of the kingdom of Ta-wan is the city of Kwei- 
shan,t distant from Chang-gan 12,550 le. The kingdom con- 
tains 60,000 ffiunihes, comprising a population of 300,000, with 
60,000 trained troops, a Viceroy, and a National Assistant Prince. 
The seat of the Governor General lies to the east at a distance 
of 4,031 le. To the city of Pe-teen in K'ang-keu on the north 
is 1,510 le. To the Ta Yue-she on the south-west is 690 le. 
The country joins K'ang-keu on the north, and the Ta Yu8-she 
on the south. § The soil, climate, productions, and customs of 
the people are the same as those of the Ta Yug-she and Gfin- 
seih. Boimd about Ta-wan they make wine from grapes. 
Wealthy people store up as much as 10,000 stone and over in 
their cellars, and keep it for several tens of years without 
spoiling. The people are fond of wine, and the horses are fond 
of medicago sativa. There are more than seventy other cities in 
the country. There is a numerous breed of excellent horses 
which perspire blood. It is said that this breed is from the 
strain of a supernatural stallion. When Chang Keen first told 
the Emperor about them, the monarch sent an envoy with a 
thousand pieces of gold and a golden horse, in order to obtain 
some of these excellent Worses. But the King of Ta-wan, con- 

• The Asi. 

t This corresponds to the present Khanate of Khobind. 
t The most ancient capital of Fergana recorded bj Mohammedan writers is 
Akhsi. Possibly Kwei-shan may be a mutation of the same name. 
§ The " She ke " says " west."*' 

Digitized by 


A. Wylie. — Notes on the Western Regions. 45 

sidermg that on account of its extreme distance China coidd 
not send an army there, and in view of the great value he at- 
tached to these precious horses, refused to part with them to 
China. The envoy having been betrayed into the use of some 
unguarded expressions regarding Ta-wan, the King had him put 
to death, and took possession of his treasure. The Emperor there- 
upon sent the Urh-sze* Greneral Le Kwang-le in command of an 
army numbering over 100,000 from first to last, which at- 
tacked Ta-wan for four successive years, till at last the natives 
beheaded the King Wuh-kwa, and presented an oflfering of 
3,000t horses. The Chinese army then returned. The details 
of these transactions are found in the "Memoir of Chang 
Keen.''t The Urh-sze general having secured the decapitation 
of the King, set up a noble of the country, who had previously 
received benefits from China — ^by name Mei-tsae — ^in his place. 

More than a year after this the nobles of Ta-wan charged 
Mei-tsae with having, by his sycophancy, caused the butchery 
of their compatriots, and uniting together, they put Mei-tsae to 
death, and set up Chen-fung, the younger brother of Wuh-kwa, 
as king, who sent his son to Court as a hostage. China 
consequently sent an envoy with gifts, to secure and pacify 
them. More than ten missions were subsequently sent to 
the various kingdoms west of Ta-wan, seeking for rarities; 
and the fame of the power of China, which had subdued Ta- 
wan, was thus spread far and near. Chen-fung, the King of 
Ta-wan, entered into a treaty with China, by which he agreed 
to send an offering of two celestial horses every year. The 
Chinese envoy selected and took back with him plants of the 
grape and medicago sativa. The Emperor now having a nimier- 
ous stud of celestial horses, and the ambassadors Hocking in 
numbers from foreign countries, having also planted the grape 
and the medicago sativa, he lelt his palace and took up his resi- 
dence in a separate house, to have a distant look-out upon his 
possessions. From Fergana westward to the kingdom of 
Farthia, although their language is somewhat different, yet the 
resemblance is so great that they can make themselves intelli- 
gible to each other. The people of Ta-wan have deep simken 
eyes, and bushy beards and whiskers. They axe clever traders, 

* Urh-sze was the oame of the citj where the King of Fergana kept the 
famous horses. The name is strongly suggestive of Ush or Uzgend, a place on 
the high-road through Fergana. ** The city is now in ruins, and from their 
extent it may he conduded uiat the ancient city was very large." fBretschneider's 
'* Notices of the MedisTal Geography and History of Central and Western Asia," 
p. 157.) On Wyld's Map of Central Asia^ the name is written Osh. 

t In the " Memoir of Ch'in Tang," the number of horses presented on this 
occasion is said to be thirty. Three thousand is probaSly a mbprint. 

J iS'tftf Appendix B. 

Digitized by 


46 A. Wylib. — Notes on the Western Regions, 

and dispute about the division of a farthing. Women are 
honourably treated among them, and their husbands are guided 
by them in their decisions. Silk and varmsh are used all over 
the country. They did not imderstand casting iron implements 
till a Chinese envoy, having lost his troops, submitted to them, 
and taught them tiie art of casting, when they made new mili- 
tary weapons. They applied the Chinese gold and silver to 
make vessels, instead of using them for state presents. From 
Woo-sun westward to Gan-seih, the several kingdoms are all 
near the country of the Heung-noo. The Heimg-noo having 
oppressed the Yue-she, when the Heimg-noo envoy came to 
Ta-wan with a letter from the Shen-yu, he was entertained and 
forwarded, as they dared not detain and punish him. But when 
the Chinese envoy arrived, he could not obtain food, nor pur- 
chase cattle, nor secure the accommodation necessary for his 
horses till he had delivered his presents. The reason of this 
was that China was so far distant^ and possessed so much 
wealth, that the people of Ta-wan would only give them what 
they wanted on fair commercial considerations. After Hoo- 
han-seay Shen-yu paid court to China, then China was 
honoured by all the Mngdoms. 


The capital of the kingdom of Taou-hwae is distant fix)m 
Chang-gan 11,080 le. The kingdom contains 700 families, com- 
prising a population of 5,000, with a thousand trained troops. 


The capital of the kingdom of Heu-tun is in the Meaou-fei 
valley, on the west of the Tsung-ling mountains, distant from 
Chang-gan 10,210 fo. The kingdom contains 358 families, 
comprising a population of 1,030, with 480 trained troops. The 
seat of the Governor General lies to the east, at a distance of 
3,121 le. To the valley of Yen-tun in Keuen-tfih in the same 
direction is 260 le. To the kingdom of Ta-wan on the north- 
west is 920 le. To the Ta Yue-she on the west is 1,610 le. The 
customs of the people and their clothing are of a class with 
those of Woo-sun. They move about for the convenience of 

* From tlie yery scantj indications giyen, it is impossiblcr to identify this 
looalitj. The distance from Ohina womd lead us to believe that it most be 
somewhere eastwaard of and not far distant from Fergana. The name is some- 
what suggestive of the ancient Tochari. Is it possible that a section of that 
people may have localised the name to this small territory ? 

t No clue presents itself to the identification of this small territory, which lay 
apparently at the western extremity of the Eashgar basin. 

Digitized by 


A. Wylib. — Notes on the Western Begions, 47 

their flocks and herds, according to the supply of pasture and 
water. They are originally one of the old Sae tribes. 

. Keuen-tiihJ^ 

The capital of the kingdom of Keuen-tuh is in the valley of 
Ten-tun, distant from Chang-gan 9,860 le. The kingdom con- 
tains 380 families, comprising a population of 1,100, with 500 
trained troops. The seat of the Governor General lies to the 
east 2,861 le, Soo-lih also lies to the east. To the south is the 
uninhabited r^on of the Tsung-ling mountains. Ascending 
the Tsung-ling moimtains on the west is Heu-tim. North- west 
to Ta-wan is 1,030 le. On the north the coimtry joins Woo- 
sun. The dress of the people is of a class with those of Woo- 
8un. They move about the Tsung-ling mountains, where they 
can find water and pasture for their flocks and herds. They 
are originally one of the Sae tribes. 


The capital of the kingdom of Sha-keu is the city of Sha-keu, 
distant from Chang-gan 9,950 le. He kingdom contains 2,339 
families, comprising a popidation of 16,373, with 3,049 trained 
troops, a National Assistant Marquis, a Left General, a Eight 
General, a Left Knight, a Eight Knight, an Anticipator of Se-yay 
raids, two Protectors General, and four Interpretei's-in-chief. 

The seat of the Governor General lie^ to the north-east at a 
distance of 4,746 le, Soo-lih is 560 le to the west.t Poo-le is 
740 le to the south-west.§ There is a moimtain of iron in the 
country which produces blue jade. 

In the time of the Emperor Senen-te (b.c. 73-49), the Im- 
perial PrincessR of Woo-sun had a little son named Wan-neen, 
who was tenderly loved by the King of Sha-keu. The King of 
Sha-keu died without a son, Wan-neen being in China at the 
time. The people of Sha-keu determined to submit the choice 
of a new kmg to China, and wishing at the same time to be 
on good terms with Woo-sun, they forwarded a letter to the 
Emperor, requesting to have Wan-neen made King of Sha-keu. 

• The indioations in the text would lead us to look for this small tenitoiy to 
the west of Kashgar, on the high road to Uzgend, somewhere about the 74th 
degree of longitude. 

t Ohineee geographers of the present dynasty identify this with Yarkand. 

X The aocount of Soo-IHi makes Sha-keu lie to the south 660 le. Probably the 
truth is an ayerage between the two. 

§ The aoeount of P*oo-le makes Sha-keu lie to the east 640 le. The present 
text seems the more probable. 

II This was Keae-yew, the daughter of the Xing of Tsoo, who was sent by the 
Bmpeior in marriage to Keun-sew-me the Gh'in-tsow, and after his death wa^ 
married to Ung-kwei-me, his cousin and successor. 

Digitized by 


48 A. Wylie.— iVb^es on the Wedem Regions. 

The Emperor consented, and sent the envoy He Ch'ung-kwS, to 
escort Wan-neen back. When the new sovereign first ascended 
the throne he was tyrannical and cruel, and alienated the 
people of the country. The old King of Sha-keu had a younger 
brother named Too-ching, who killed Wan-neen and also 9ie 
Chinese envoy, and set himself up as king, entering into a com- 
pact with the neighbouring kingdoms to turn against China. 
It happened at this time that Fung Fung-she, the Marquis of 
Wei, was sent to escort home an envoy fi-om Ta-wan ; and seized 
the occasion to call forth the troops of the several kingdoms, 
attacked and killed the King, and then set up the son of one of 
his brothers as King of Sha-keu. On his return Fung Fung-she 
was made a Great Statesman of the Banqueting-house. This 
occurred in the year B.c. 65. 


The capital of the kingdom of Soo-Kh is the city of Soo-lih, 
distant from Chang-gan 9,350 fe. The kingdom contains 1,510 
families, comprising a population of 8,647, with 2,000 trained 
troops, a Marquis of Soo-lm, a Heung-noo Attacking Marquis, a 
National Assistant Marquis, a Protector General, a Left General, 
a Right General, a Left Knight, a Eight Knight, a Left Interpre- 
ter-in-chief, and a Eight Interpreter-in-chief. The seat of the 
Governor General lies to the east at a distance of 2,210 le. Sha- 
keu lies 560 le to the south. They have a market for goods. 
The road to the Ta Yug-she, Ta-wan, and K*ang-keu lies direct 


The capital of the kingdom of Yu-t'ow is in the valley of Yu- 
t'ow, distant from Chang-gan 8,650 le. The kingdom contains 
300 families, comprising a population of 2,300, with 800 trained 
troops, a Left Protector General, a Eight Protector General, 
a Left Knight and a Eight Knight. The seat of the Governor 
General lies to the east 1,411 le. The country joins Soo-lih on 
the south ; but the road being mountainous, renders intercourse 
difficult. Keuen-tuh is 1,314 le to the west, two days' journey 
on horseback by a narrow path. They have cultivated fields, 
and rear domestic animals, moving about for convenience of 
water and pasturage. Their dress is in the same style as that 
of Woo-sun. 

* ThiB is saldBfactorily identified as the ancient r^nresentatiTe of the more 
modem Kashgar. 

t This is said to be the ancient representatiye of modern Uch, lying to the 
north-east of Kashgar. On Wyld's Map of Central Asia the place is named 

Digitized by 


Appendix. 49 


A. The following is the acconnt of Ch'in Tang, allnded to, as 
contained in the " Tseen Han Shoo," Book Ixx. fol. 4-14. 

Ch'in Tang, who bore the comomen Tsze-kung, was a native of the 
district of Hea-k'eu (now Tsze-yang) in the prefectnre of Shan- 
yang (now Yen-chow in the province of Shantung). In youth he 
was fond of books, and became deeply read in the higher order of 
literature. Having come of a poor family, however, he was driven 
to shifts for a subsistence, and being extravagant in his habits he 
failed to gain the esteem of his neighbours. Being induced to leave 
home, he went west to Chang-gan, the metropolis, to seek employ- 
ment, and there obtained a menial office in the service of one of the 
higher dignitaries. After several years' residence there his abilities 
brought him favourably to the notice of Chang P6, the Marquis of 

In B.C. 47, when the various marquises were ordered by the Emperor 
to select men suitable for the public service, Ch'in Tang was selected 
by Chang P6. While waiting for his appointment his father died ; 
but he did not return home to attend the funeral rites. A censorial 
officer memorialised the throne that Ch'in Tang had failed to 
comply with the mourning regulations ; and having been selected 
by Chang P6, the latter was deemed unfaithful to his charge, and 
was mulcted in the revenue of two hundred families ; and at his death 
he was canonised as the Erring marquis. Ch'in Tang was thrown 
into prison ; but after a favourable consideration of his case, he was 
again set at large. After repeated requests to be sent on foreign 
service, he was at length appointed Assistant Deputy Protector in ^e 
Western regions, and left for his post, together with Kan Yen show, 
the Governor General. 

Previous to this, in the time of the Emperor Seuen-te, when the 
Heung-noo were in a state of anarchy, five Shen-yu being aU striv- 
ing together for the supremacy, China lent her patronage to Hoo- 
han-seay Shen-yu. 

Both this chieftain and Che-che Shen-yu sent their sons to reside 
at the Chinese Court, where they were duly received. After this, 
Hoo-han-seay went in person to Court, and had an audience with the 
Emperor, at which he styled himself a vassal. Che-che, thinking 
Hoo-han-seay bad been induced to tender his submission to 
China in consequence of his enfeebled state, in which case he 
would not venture to return to his own country, resolved to occupy 
the right-hand land on the west. But when China sent a formidable 
military escort to accom pan y Hoo-han-seay back, Che-che moved 
westward, subdued the Woo-ke§, Keen-kwftn (ancestors of the 
Kirghiz), and Ting-ling nations, and fixed his capital in Keen- 

VOL. X. 

Digitized by 


50 Appendix. 

kw&n. Irate at China for extending its protection to Hoo-ban- 
seaj, and not assisting himself, he treated the Chinese envoy Keang 
Nae-che and his suite with severity and insult. 

In B.C. 45, Che-che sent an envoy with offerings, and availed 
himself of the occasion to request that his son might be excused 
attendance at Court, as he wished his service in the administration. 
When the Chinese were deliberating on sending the Gruard Cavalry 
Leader KQh Kelh to escort Che-che's son to his home, the Censor 
and Great Statesman Kung Yn, and the Professor K'wang H&ng 
said : — " From the GWun U^ew history we know that if the empire 
is to acquiesce in the wishes of the barbarian races, concession 
cannot be limited to a single instance. Now Che-che is not drawing 
towards our civilizing inluenoe from disinterested motives. His 
residence being so extremely distant, the envoy should be ordered 
to escort his son beyond the boundsoy and then return." At this 
point Ktih Kelh presented a memorial to the following effect : — 
" China professes to exercise an unlimited control over the bar* 
barian races. Now having entertained the chief's son for ten years 
past, a deep and salutary impression has been produced. Is it wise 
to efface this impression by refusing to send an envoy ? Should 
we merely escort him for a short distance to the boundary and 
return, Hko sending off a petty official whom we do not desire 
longer to entertain, we shall quite extinguish his attachment, and 
he will give no heed to the Imperial will. It is not prudent to 
abandon the advantage gained by previous ^vours, and provoke 
resentment in the future. The Imperial counsellors consider that 
there has been no retaliation for the treatment Keang Nae-che 
received at the hands of Che-che ; but they should know that the 
severities to which our representatives were subjected will naturally 
produce shame on the part of the offender, which is a natural 
prelude to becoming a vassal, and when the vassal is oppressed 
with anxious cares we shall happily succeed in strengthening the 
authority of China. When eidiibiting the illustrious and sacred 
decree, holding forth the most liberal favours, he will not dare to 
act a deceitful part. If we cherish birds and beasts, and treat a 
vassal with no regard to principle, then the Shen-yu — who has 
been culpable of a great crime — will certainly abscond and take up 
his residence in a still more remote region ; nor will he dare to 
approach the frontier. Let one envoy be sacrificed to secure the 
peace of the people. Such is State policy, and such is your servant's 
desire. He wishes to escort the party to the Court of the Shen-yu»" 
The Emperor laid this memorial before his Court for consideration. 
Kung Yu again contended that if Kuh Kelh went, the empire would 
certainly have cause to repent it, for it would give rise to troubles. 
He dissuaded compliance with the proposal. The Right General 
Ma Fung-she, however, supported the projected escort, and the 
Emperor gave his sanction. The embassy having been thus decided 
on, in due time the party reached Che-che's settlement ; but the 
latter was in no mood to conciliate the Chinese, and giving vent to 
his wrath, he ultimately put to death Kiih Keih and all his retinue. 

Digitized by 


Appendix, 51 

Knowing that be bad tbns rendered bimself obnoxions to Gbina, 
and bearing that Hoo-ban-seay was becoming more formidable, be 
fled to the west, and settled in K'ang-ken. There the king of the 
conntry g^ye bis daughter in marriage to Che-che, while he in turn 
gave bis daughter in marriage to the King of K'ang-keu. The K'ang- 
ken treated Che-che with great honour, wishing by means of his 
prestige to intimidate the other nations. On several occasions Che- 
che borrowed K'ang-keu troops to attack Woo-sun. He advanced 
a long way into that country, to the city of Chlh-kuh, slaughteriug 
and carrying captive the people, and driving off their animals. The 
Woo-sun troops did not dare to pursue them to the western border, 
the country being waste and without inhabitants for 1,000 le, 
Che-che now began to assume for his domain the status of a great 
kingdom, being renowned for his dignity and loaded with honours ; 
and being furthermore haughtily elated by his victories, he refused 
to render the rites due to the King of K'ang-keu. In the consequent 
misunderstanding, Che-che's anger rose to that extent that he put 
to death the daughter of the K'ang-keu king, some of his nobles, and 
several hundreds of the people, some of whom he dismembered, 
and threw their bodies into the Too-luy Biver. He then set the 
people to work to build a city, having 500 inen at it daily for two 
years, till it was finished. He also sent envoys to chide H6-8oo 
(the Asi), Ta-wan (Fergana), and other countries into sending 
yearly offering^, which they did not dare to withhold. China sent 
three envoys to K'ang-keu for the dead bodies of Kiih Kelh and his 
followers ; but they were oppressed and insulted by Che-che, who 
refused to receive the Imperial rescript, and through the Governor 
General forwarded a letter to the throne, saying : — " Wretched and 
miserable as I am, it is my desire to become attached to the empire, 
submitting to its plans, and I will send my son to reside at the 
Chinese Court." This was said in haughty raillery. 

In B.C. 36, Ch'in Tang went to the Western regions with Kan 
Ten-show. Now Ch'in was a man of indomitable bravery, and was 
fertile in comprehensive designs, having an abundance of deep-laid 
stratagems at his command. He was, moreover, fond of adventure. 
On passing any city, town, hill, or river, he was accustomed to 
ascend some eminence to get a view of the position. When he had 
received his foreign commission, he took counsel with Kan Yen- 
show, saying : — ** The Northern and Eastern barbarian races are 
naturally disposed to submit to the larger tribes. Originally the 
Western regions belonged to the Heung-noo. Now the fame of Che- 
che Shen-yu's dignity is spread far and wide. He insultingly 
threatens Woo-sun and Ta-wan, and is constantly scheming for 
their subjection to K'ang-keu. Should he get possession of these 
two kingdoms, attack E-leih on the north, take Gan-selh on the 
west, and push back the Yue-she and Woo-jih-shan-le on the south, 
in a few years all the settled kingdoms will be in danger. His 
people are active, fearless, and fond of fighting; and having 
obtained several victories, if they are much longer tolerated they 
will certainly become the scourge of the Western regions. Although 


Digitized by 


52 Appenduc. 

Ghe-che Hves at an extreme distance, yet the barbarian races have 
no impregnable cities or strongly defended fortresses. Tf we take 
the available troops from the military colonies, and nrge on all the 
forces fix)m Woo-snn straight np to his city, shonld he take to 
flight he will find no asylum to receive him ; or shonld he stand on 
the defensive he will be unable to protect himself ; and so by one 
morning's work we shall achieve a merit ihat will be remembered 
for a thousand years.'* Kan perfectly agreed with these suggestions, 
and wished to memorialise for permission to act on them. Ch'in 
however replied : — " When the Emperor holds a consultation with 
the dukes and high Ministers about any scheme of great importance, 
if it does not commend itself to the whole assembly, it will certainly 
not be carried out.'* Kan^ however, still persisted in postponing 
action. It happened shortly after this that he was laid aside by a 
protracted sickness ; when Ch'in took upon himself single-handed 
to call out the troops of the settled kingdoms, and the Woo- 
ke Deputy Protector of Keu-sze, with the trained contin- 
gents of the military colonies. When Kan heard of these 
proceedings he rose in excitement, and wished to put a stop to 
them. Ch'in then in wrath laid his hand on his sword, and said to 
Kan indignantly : — " The great body of the troops are already 
assembled. Menial ! would you throw an obstacle in the way ? " 
B[an eventually assented. The forces were gathered in brigades, and 
arranged in ranks as usual, with the additional companies of the 
Expanding Dignity, the White Tiger, and the United Cavalry, the 
Chinese and foreign troops together forming an army of over 
40,000. Kan and Ch'in then memorialised the throne, inculpating 
themselves, and stating the particulars of the military enterprise, in 
which they had ventured to act on their own responsibility. The 
same day they called out the army, dividing the troops by ranks, 
and separating them into six companies. Three of the companies 
went by the southern road, across the Tsung-ling Mountains, 
.following the path through Ta-wan. The three other companies, 
which were under the personal command of the Governor General, 
started from the kingdom of Wan-suh, advanced by the northern 
road to Chih-kCih, crossed Woo-sun, and passed over the border 
of K'ang-keu, to the west of the Teen Lake. The assistant King of 
K'ang-keu, named Paou-teen, had made a raid at the head of several 
thousand horsemen on the country east of the city of Chih-kiib, 
killing and taking captive more than a thousand of the Great Kw&n- 
me's subjects, and carrying ofiE immense droves of cattle. Subse- 
quently, coming up with the rear of the Chinese army, they made a 
serious plundering attack on the baggage train. Ch'in now giving 
the reins to his foreign troops, they killed 460 of the enemy, 
recovered 470 of the people that had been carried off, and delivered 
them back to the Great Kw&n-me ; but used the horses, oxen, and 
sheep as food for the army. They also took one of Paou-teen 's nobles 
named E-noo-ttth, and advanced beyond the eastern border of K'ang- 
keu ; but the troops were restrained from acts of brigandage. Ch'in 
then secretly sent for T'oo-mlh, a noble of the country, and after a 

Digitized by 


Appendix. 53 

solemn conversation they pledged their mutual fidelity by drinking 
together. T'oo-mih was then sent forward to lead the way for the 
army. When within about 60 le of the Shen-yu's city they 
pitched their camp, and caught two more K'ang-keu nobles, named 
Keu-sih-tsze aiid Nan-kae-mow, of whom they made use as guides. 
Keu-dh-taze was T*oo-mIh*s maternal uncle, and both were 
aggrieved hj the conduct of the Shen-yu, by which means Ch*in 
gained an intimate knowledge of the state of Ohe-che*s affairs. The 
following day the army advanced, but when within 30 le of the 
city the camp was again pitched. The Shen-yu then sent a 
messenger to inquire what the Chinese troops had come for ; to 
whom the following reply was committed : — ** The Shen-yu formerly 
addressed a letter to the throne, saying: * Wretched and miser- 
able as I am, it is my desire to become attached to the empire, sub- 
mitting to the plans of the powerful Han, when I will go to render 
homage in person.' Now the Emperor, compassionating the case of 
your highness in having abandoned a great kingdom, and con- 
descended to submit to the condition of K'ang-keu, has sent the 
military commander under the Governor General to meet your 
highness with your wives and children. But fearing the inhabitants 
might be moved with alarm, we have not ventured to approach the 
city." This was followed by a succession of correspondence between 
the parties ; till at length EZan and Ch'in forwarded a message 
to the following effect : — " We have made a long journey for the 
sake of your highness ; yet up to the present time you have sent no 
prince of distinction or grandee to meet the general, to receive the 
Imperial instructions, or to tender his services. Why is your highness 
surreptitiously concocting some great scheme of deception, while you 
omit the rites of hospitality ? After their long and weary journey, 
men and animals are utterly broken down, and the store of 
provisions is exhausted, so that it is to be feared we shall not be 
able to return. We beg your highness, in concert with your high 
Ministers, to devise some means for our relief." On the following 
day they advanced towards Che-che's city on the Too-luy river. 
They halted at a distance of three le, and formed into rank. Bound 
the city could be seen flags and streamers of every colour, and 
several hundred men in armour on the walls. More than a hundred 
cavaliers were riding about under the walls, and about the same 
number of foot soldiers were clustered round the gates like scales 
on the back of a fish. These seemed to be planning the disposal of 
their troops ; while those on the wall were bawling out defiance to 
the Chinese army. A hundred or more horsemen rode towards the 
camp, where the troops all stood ready with their bows bent, but 
the horsemen drawing aside, evaded the arrows. The Chinese 
detached a party to attack those round the city gates, when horse 
and foot all sought refuge inside. Kan and Ch'in then gave orders 
to beat to arms through the camp, and the sound of the drums was 
heard at the city walls. The city was defended on all sides at the 
entrenchments and gates of the barricades ; the shield-bearers 
formed the van in the attack, and these were followed by the Icmcers 

Digitized by 


54 Appendix. 

and cross-bow men. The archers aimed at the occupants of the 
galleries inside the city, when the latter roshed down and took np 
a position outside the earthworks, and inside the double stockades. 
There the arrows of the besieged succeeded in killing and wounding 
some of the attacking party. The besiegers then collected fuel and 
set fire to the stockades. At night several hundred horsemen tried 
to make their escape, but lost their lives in the attempt. When th0 
Shen-yu first heard that the Chinese troops had arrived, he 
suspected the King of K*ang-keu, irritated against him, had called in 
the aid of the Chinese ; but learning afterwards that the troops of 
Woo-sun and the other kingdoms were all in arms, he found there 
was no asylum open to him. He therefore returned again after he 
had left the city, saying : — " My best plan is to hold out on the defen- 
sive. The Chinese ti^ps having come a great distance, will be 
unable to sustain a lengthened siege.*' Putting on his amiour he 
ascended a gallery with his consorts and ladies to the number of 
several tens, all armed with the bow and arrows, presenting a bold 
front to the besiegers. At length an arrow from below stinick the 
Shen-yu on the nose, while the ladies were all nearly dead with 
exhaustion and alarm. The Shen-yu descended, mounted his horse, 
rode oH shooting as he went, and took refuge in the ladies' apart- 
ments. After midnight an opening was effected in the stockades ; 
when those inside crossed the earthworks, ascended the city wall 
and shouted. At the same time, over 10,000 K'ang-keu mounted 
troops, who were stationed at ten or more places all round outside 
the stockades, answered the shouts of those within. During the 
night there was much running to the camp, greatly to the detriment 
of the Chinese cause. By daybreak the fire was raging in sQl 
directions, and the air was rent with the joyous shouts of the 
victors, while the noise of the drums and cymbals shook the very 
earth. The K'ang-keu troops then led the Chinese in on all sides ; 
and the shield-men got within the earthworks. More than a hundred 
persons, male and female, of the Shen-yu's family ran to take 
refuge in the inner apartments of the palace. The Chinese set fire 
to the building, and strove to gain admission, when the Shen-yu 
was speared by the troops, and the military deputy, T'oo Heun, out 
off his head. In the palace were found two of the Chinese envoy's 
tokens of credence, and ihe silk presents and despatches brought by 
Kiih Kelh and others. The captors delivered up the prisoners they 
had taken. The consort and heir-apparent of the Shen-yu, wiw 
distinguished princes and subordinates 1,518 persons in lUl, were 
decapitated ; 145 were> carried captive ; and more than 1,0()0 sub- 
mitted. These were distributed among the fifteen princes of the 
surrounding kingdoms, who had sent to assist in the siege. At this 
stage of the proceedings E^an Yen-show and Ch'in Tang prepared 
a statement to lay before the throne, to the following effect : — 
" Tour servants have understood that the great theory of empire is 
unity. In ancient times there was the empire of Tang Yu, and now 
there is the formidable Han. Hoo-han-seay, the Shen-yu of the 
Heung-noo, has already declared himself a northern border vassal. 

Digitized by 


Appendix. 55 

But Che-cbe Shen-yn rebelled, and would not acknowledge his 
crimee ; while the people on the west of the Ta-hea all said that ho 
could not be brought under vassalage to the formidable Han. Ghe- 
ohe's inhuman violence was being painfully felt among the people, 
and hifl great crimes cried aloud to Heaven for vengeance. Your 
servants, Ten-show and Tang, taking command of the voluntary 
forces, have carried out the retribution of Heaven. Relying on your 
Imperial Majesty, the spiritual intelligences and the dual powers, 
and looking to the celestial indications, at early dawn we assaulted 
the ranks of the refractory, defeated the enemy, and decapitated 
Ghe-che with his distinguished princes and subordinates. It would 
now be well to suspend their heads at the Barbarian Hotel in Kaou 
Street in the capital, in order that it may be clearly known to a 
distance of 10,000 le^ that whoever contravenes the institutions of 
the formidable Han, however great the distance, the crime will 
certainly be punished." This matter was referred to the proper 
board for decision ; when the Prime Minister K'wang H&ng, and 
the Ghrand Gensor Fan Yen-show, delivered the following as their 
views : — ** Were the heads of Ghe-che and his distinguished princes 
exhibited through the various kingdoms, the several barbarian races 
would all then inevitably become acquainted with the facte. Accord- 
ing to the YvMing section of the * Book of Bites,' * Spring is the time 
for covering up rotten bones, and burying putrid flesh.' Gonse- 
quently the heads ought not to be saspended." The Garriage 
Uavaliy General Heu Kea, and the Bight General Wang Shang 
said: — ''According to the ♦Spring and Autumn Annals,' when 
there was a state assembly at Keft-kQh, the jester She having 
ridiculed the princes, he was put to death at the insti^tion of 
Gonfucius, Although it was then the height of summer, the head and 
feet of the victim were suspended at different gates. The heads 
ought now to be suspended for ten days, and <£en buried." An 
Imperial rescript then ordered the generals to hold a council on the 
subject. Now it so happened that on a previous occasion the 
Board Glerk Sh{h HSen had wished Kan Yen-show to marry his 
sister ; but Kan had refused. At the same time K*wang H&ng and 
Fan Yen-show, who were both disgusted with Gh'in Tang's haughty 
bearing, brought the following charges against him : — ''During tho 
siege, Gh'in had kept an eye on the treasure that was captured ; 
and when it was brought into camp he had made an unlawful 
appropriation of the same. As Superintending Official and Deputy 
Protector he had forwarded letters along the road to cause recruits 
to be raised. In proof of this we may refer to his memorial, in 
which he says : — ^ Your servant, in concert with the officers and 
troops, has put to death Ghe-che Shen-yu. He has happilv 
succeeded in tEkking captives and crushing the spirit of insubordi- 
nation, thus restoring order among the people to a distance of 
10,000 le. It would be well to send an envoy to meet and congratu- 
late the victors on the road.' Now it is plain that the superintend- 
ing official has rebelled, and taken the recruits with him. As proof 
of this we may refer to what he says of having taken vengeance on 

Digitized by 


56 Append/ur. 

the Shen-yu. Should the Emperor send troops with orders to 
suspend the heads and prepare entertainments along the road, it 
will be in excess of military custom." When they came to discuss 
the question of merit, Shih Heen and K'wang H&ng thus expressed 
their views : — " Kan Yen-show and Ch*in Tang have raised an army 
on their own responsibility, and by their overbearing conduct have 
fortunately been successful in escaping chastisement. If further 
rank and land be confeired on them, then future envoys, striving 
to obtain a marquisate, will succeed in raising troubles among the 
barbarians, and thus involve the empire in difficulties, which will 
gradually become inextricable/' The Emperor, however, looked with 
lavour upon the merit of E^n and Oh*in, and took exception to the 
counsel of K'wang H^ng and ShIh Heen. The consultation having 
lasted for a long time without arriving at any decision, the Clan 
Rector Lew Heang laid the following memorial before the throne : 
— " Che-che Shen-yu imprisoned and put to death our envoys and 
their followers, and his innumerable barbarities had become 
notorious, so that our prestige in foreign countries was being 
injured, and our influence destroyed ; being a source of grief to all 
the Ministers of your Imperial Majesty. In considering the question 
of chastisement, your Majesty in your luminous penetration has 
not forgotten that Klan Yen-show, the Grovemor General of the 
Western regions, and Ch'in Tang, the Assistant Deputy Protector, 
rested on the indication of your Sacred will, trusting to the spiritual 
intelligences. While ruling the princes of all the bia*barian 
races, and holding the control of thB troops of the various cities, 
they yet advanced in person to the most distant regions, passing 
through a hundred unheard-of dangers. Then making an incursion 
on K*ang-ken, they destroyed the five^fold defended city, pulling 
down the satrap's flag. They beheaded Che-che, and suspended the 
Imperial banner at a distance of more than 10,000 le. They exalted 
the prestige of the empire to the west of the Kw&n-lnn Monntains ; 
they swept away the disgrace of ^uh K^h's afEstir, and established 
the most resplendent merit. Now the barbarians will tremblingly 
submit, being all filled with trepidation. Hoo-han-seay, seeing 
that Ohe-6he is punished, will be moved with joy, and also with 
fear ; and when the rumours reach him, he will hasten to show his 
allegiance by prostrating himself before the throne. Wishing to 
preserve the northern border territory, the Shen-yus through all 
ages will acknowledge themselves vassals. Thus merit of a thousand 
years' standing has been achieved, and peace has been secured for 
10,000 genera^ons. There is no higher instance of patriotism among 
the Ministers than this. In former times, when Fang Shuh and 
Ke!h-foo, Great Statesmen of the Chow dynasty, chastiseiithe Heen- 
yun for King Seuen, the barbarians all submitted, as commemo- 
rated in the ** Book of Odes" (Part II. Book iii. Ode 4, ver. 4) :— 

•* Numerous were his war chariots, 
Numerous and in grand array, 
Like the clap or the roll of thunder their onset. 

Digitized by 


Appendix, 57 

Intelligent, and true is Fang Shuh. 

He had gone and smitten the Heen-yun, 

And the tribes of Xing came, awed by his majesty/* 

We read in the " Book of Changes " : — " It is a good thing to 
behead the chief ofiEender, to obtain the submission of the rebellions 
class." This commends the slaughter of the head criminal, since it 
causes all the refractory to return to their allegiance. Now the 
capital punishment inflicted and the trepidation created by Kan 
Yen-show and Ch'in Tang is a feat not equalled even by the 
beheading of the chief offender of the " Book of Changes," or the 
thunder-clap or roll of the " Book of Odes." In speajong of great 
merit, little faults are not noticed. In selecting an object of 
exquisite beauty, petty blemishes are tolerated. Sze-ma F& says : — 
*' In rewarding nulitary merit, a month should not be allowed to 
elapse ; for the people should quickly appreciate the benefits of well^ 

By the rapid attainment of military merit, the seryice of the 
men is enhanced. When Kdh-f oo returned to Chow, he received 
liberal gifts ; as it is said in the ** Book of Odes " (Part 11, Book iii. 
Ode 3, ver. 6) :— 

^' EeYh-foo feasts and is glad ; 
Q-reat happiness is his. 
In returning from Haou, 
Distant and long had been our march." 

At 1^000 Is they considered Haou to be very distant ; how much 
more extreroB the exertion when 10,000 Za off I As Kan Yen-show 
and Ch'in Tang have not received this great happiness for their 
reward, while on the other hand they have risked their lives, and 
long humbled themselves before the ranks, they have not been 
tres^bed in a way likely to encourage meritorious soldiers who are 
expert with their lances. Formerly, when Hwan the Duke of Tse 
had the merit of doing honour to the Chow before him, and the 
guilt of exterminating Heang behind, superior men considered his 
merit had made amendfi for his delinquency, and were silent 
regarding his conduct in the past. Again, Le Kwang-le, the 
Urh-sze General, sacrificed an army of fifty thousand, and spent an 
untold amount of silver in a laborious service of four years, and 
merely obtained thirty swift horses for his trouble ; and although 
he secured the decapitation of Wuh-kwa, the King of Taiwan, this 
was a very inadequate return for the expense. Bis own sins were 
very many ; yet in consideration of his military achievements for a 
distance o£ 10,000 le, the Emperor Woo-te overlooked his faults. 
He was then promoted Marquis of Pae-leang, with three high 
Mimsters, an emolument of 2,000 piculs of rice, and a retinue of 
over a hundred persons. Now K'ang-keu was stronger than Taiwan, 
the renown of Che-che was greater than that of the king of Ta- 
wan, and the crime of killing an. envoy is much heavier than that 
of retaining horses. But Elan Yen-show and Ch'in Tang have not 
troubled the empire for troops, nor have they used a bushel of the 

Digitized by 


58 Appendix, 

empire's rice ; so that in this respect their merit is a hundred times 
greater than that of the Urh-sze general. Farther, when Chang 
Hwny was about to attack Woo-sun, and when Ching Keih went to 
meet the Jih-ch*nh prince coming in person, the earth was rent with 
acclamation, and they received rank ; hence it was said that their 
martial dignity and laborions service were greater than those of 
Fang Shnh and Ke!h-foo ; and their manifest merits compensating 
their faults, were even more abundant than those of Duke Hwan of 
Tse and the Urh-sze general. Now the merit of the recent events 
is higher than those of Ching Kdh, Marquis of Oan-yuen, and 
Chang Hwuy, Marquis of Chang-lo. But the ereat merit of Kan 
and Ch'in has not been proclaimed, while their petty fitults haTe 
been overotated. Your servant is oppressed with the opinion that 
the heads of the maie^tors ought to be exposed to view for the 
proper period, and duly inserted in the records. Absolve the 
victors for past faults, and honour and prefer them by rank and 
position as an encouragement to the meritorious." Consequent on 
this, the Emperor issued the following rescript : — ^' Che>ohe Shen^yu 
of the Heung-noo, in contravention of established rites, detained 
and put to death China's envoy and suite, rendering himself 
exceedingly obnoxious to the principles of justice. How can I 
forget this ? Consequent on this, much ineffectual travelling took 
place, but there was no invasion of the offender's territory. The 
army was harassed by painful expeditions, wearying the troops till 
they were well-nigh exhausted ; so that we were obliged to endure 
the wrong in secret, without giving utterance to our feelings. Now 
Kan Yen-show and Ch'in Tang, watching their opportunity, took 
advantage of the time to secure the aid of the various kingdoms ; 
and raising an army on their own responsibility, peremptorily 
invaded the domain of the delinquent. Belying on the spiritual 
intelligences of heaven, earth, and the anoes^ral temple, they took 
vengeance on Che-che Shen-yu, decapitating him, together with 
his consort, his nobles, distinguished princes and subordinates, to 
t^e number of a thousand in all. Although in this matter they 
have overstepped the rules of propriety and transgressed the law, 
yet they have not troubled the empire for a single man's service, 
nor have they spent a tad from tibe Imperial treasury ; but supplied 
themselves with provisions from the enemy's stores, for the use of 
the army. They have thus established their merit at a distance of 
more than 10,000 le. All the barbarians are moved with awe by 
their prestige, and their renown has spread to the mnotest seas. 
They have rendered a service to the empire in improving the 
character of the troops ; and those who settle down on the borders 
may now rest in peace. Still they have rendered themselves 
amenable to the punishment of death or exile, and their crimes 
have been under consideration by the authorities. But I, feeling 
great compassion for them, hereby grant a free pardon to Kan 
Yen-show and Ch'in Tang." The Emperor then ordered the dukes 
and high ministers to consult togeth^ as to their promotion. The 
assembled deliberators decided that the rule ^i^esoribed by militery 

Digitized by 


Appendix. 59 

law, regarding the capture and decapitation of a Shen-jn, ought to 
be complied with. K'wang H&ng and Shih HeSn, however, said 
that Ghe-che having fled into exile, had lost his kingdom ; and 
clandestinely exalting his pretensions, he was not reallj a Shen-jn. 
The Emperor quoted the precedent in the case of Ching Keih, the 
Marquis of Gan-yuen, who was promoted to the benefice of a 
thousand &milie& After hearing some further objections from 
K'wang Hftng and 6hlh Heen, Kan Yen«show was gaeetted as 
Marquis of E-ching, whiie Ch'in reoeiyed rank as Marquis of Kwan- 
nuj. Each was endowed with a benefice of 300 families, and had 
a bonus of a hundred pounds weight of gold. The event was 
declared before God and in the ancestral temple, while a general 
amnesty was proclaimed throughout the empire. Kan Ten-show 
was inducted as Demity Protector of Chang^shwuy, and Ch'in Tang 
was made Deputy Protector of 8eay-shing. Kan Ten-show was 
successively removed to the offices of Deputy Protector of the City 
Gates and Army-defending Protector General, asd died during his 

8oon after the accession of Ching-te (B.C. 82), Ch'in's old 
opponent, K'wang Hftng, again memorialized, saying: — *' While 
under Imperial commission, with an emolument of 2,000 piculs, 
Ch'in Tang issued his own commands among the barbarian 
nations. He was himself the first unjustly to appropriate the 
booty taken in K'ang-keu, and warned his subordinate officers that 
in such an extremely distant region matters would never be 
inquired into. Although this took 'place anterior to his pardon, 
still it is not right that he should be in a position of trust." Ch'in 
stood exculpated from these charges, however. After this he laid 
a statement before the throne to the effect that the hostage prince 
of K'ang-keu was not really ihe king's son. Upon investigation it 
was found that he was truly the king's son, and Ch'in was thrown 
into prison on a capital chf^rge. While still in durance, the Grand 
Middle Great Statesman, KiUi Tung, laid the following apology f(^ 
Ch'in before the throne: — ''Tour servant has heard that Duke 
Wftn of Tsin caused Tsze-yuh TUi-shin, an officer of Tsoo, to sit at 
a side mat. When Ma-fuh, the Seaou General, was overbearing in 
his conduct to Ts'in, Le^i Po of Seaou could not bear to observe 
troops in the Well defile. More recently, during the Han, when 
Cha-che had his capital at Wei, although a Heung-noo, he did not 
dare to go south to the Sha-mo desert. From such instances e^ 
these we may see that the general who is victorious in batt]e is as 
claws and teeth to the empire, and may not be treated slightingly. 
When the superior man hears the sound of the drums, his thoughts 
naturally revert to his servant in command of the troops. It 
appears to me that Ch'in Tang, the Marquis of Kwan-nuy, having 
formerly been appointed Assistant to the Governor General of the 
Western regions was enraged at Che-che's unprincipled conduct ; 
and pitying the king's inability to chastise him, he excogitated a 
plan of action, impetuously called out an army of patriotic braves, 
and hastily got them in train. When the troops were set in 

Digitized by 


60 Appe^idix. 

motion they made a rapid march across Woo-sun, and assembled 
at a distant point on the Too-lny river. Destroying the triply- 
fortified city, he decapitated Che-che, and reported the punishment 
of the ten years* refugee, thus wiping oflE the disgrace of the border 
official stations. His prestige has overawed all the barbarians, and 
the fame of his military prowess has extended to the Western sea. 
From the commencement of the Han dynasty, no general had been 
found competent to invade the outside regions. Now Ch*in Tang 
stands charged with perjury, and having been cast into prison, has 
been long in bonds ; and although much time has elapsed, his case 
is not yet decided. The officials at whose instigation he is confined 
wish him to be submitted to capital punishment. In former times, 
when Pih K'e, the Ts'in General, had captured Ying-too in the 
south, and outwitted Seaou-kwa in the north, he was afterwards 
put to death at T'oo-yew for some trifling fault ; and the people of 
Ts'in all, shed tears of compassion for his fate. Now should Oh'in 
Tang be submitted to the executioner's knife, there will be an 
instantaneous outburst of tears of blood for a distance of more than 
10,000 le. His meritorious deeds have been presented in the 
ancestral temple, and declared before Gk>d at the annual sacrifice. 
The armour-clad warriors, who invariably look for justice, will deem 
this a crime, and an inglorious enormity. ' The Book of Chow ' 
says: — *The proper attitude for a prince is to remember men's 
merits and forget their faults.' When dogs and horses exert them- 
selves for their masters, their service is rewarded by cloths and 
coverings. How much more should the meritorious service of a 
Minister of the empire be acknowledged ! I fear your Imperial 
Majesty baa disregarded the sound of the drum ; and not having 
examined the meaning of the * Book of Chow,' has forgotten to 
give the cloth or the covering to a useful servant. Should Ch*in 
Tang die, his retainers will consult together, and there will be disi 
quietude among the people, like the indignation of the people of 
Ts'in. That is not the way to encourage Ministers to brave diffi-. 
culties to the death for their country." When this memorial 
reached the Emperor he set Gh'in at liberiy, but deprived him of 
his titles and reduced him to the ranks. 

Several years after this, Twan Hwuy-tsung, the Governor 
General of the Western regions, being surrounded by Woo-sun 
troops, despatched a horse express to Court with a letter, signifying 
his desire to raise troops from the various Western kingdoms and 
from Tun-hwang for self -protection. The Prime Minister Wang 
Shang, the Generalissimo Wang Fung, and all the high official^ 
deliberated together for several days without coming to any decision ; 
when Wang Fung suggested : — *' Ch*in Tang is fertile in devices, 
and practised in the ways of foreigners. His opinion might be 
asked." An Imperial rescript then summoned Ch'in to the palace. 
It happened that his arms were paralysed from the effects of the 
cold and sickness brought on at the time he attacked Che-che. 
When he entered the palace the Emperor consequently dispensed 
with the customary prostrations in his case; and Twan Hwuy- 

Digitized by 


Appendix. , 61 

tsnng^s memorial was shown to him. Ch'in excused himself, 
remarking : — " The high civil and military magnates are all men of 
wisdom and ability, intelligent and prudent; but yonr homble 
servant has been cast aside as infirm and useless, and is now 
incapable of planning any great undertaking." The Emperor 
said : — " There are superior men for State emergencies. Do not 
withhold your counsel." Ch'in replied: — "Tour servant is of 
opinion that there is no great cause for anxiety." " How so ? " said 
the monarch. Ch*in continued : — " Five foreign soldiers are equal 
to one Chinese. How is this ? The swords they use are rough and ^ 
blunt ; and their bows are of the clumsiest description. Now I hear 
they have acquired something of Chinese ingenuity in the manu- 
facture ; still they are but as three equal to one of ours. Again, 
according to the military canons, when the guest is double and the 
host only half, then war ensues. But the multitude encircling 
Twan Hwuy-tsung are insufficient to conquer him. Let not your 
Imperial Majesty be disquieted. Light troops travel at the rate of 
50 Ze, while heavy troops make only 30 le. Now Twan Hwuy- 
tsung wishes to raise troops from the various kingdoms, and from 
Tun-hwang. In course of time they would arrive, and might serve 
for retaliation^ but they would be of no use to deliver in a case of 
emergency." The Emperor said : — " How is the siege to be raised ? 
In what time will it certainly be raised P " Ch'in, knowing that 
the Woo-sun force was like a heap of tiles without any bond of 
union, and would be unable to maintain the siege for long, judging 
by former events not more than a few days, answered : — " The 
siege is already raised." Then doubling up his fingers to number 
the days, he said : — *' Within five days you ought to have good 
news." In four days a military despatch arrived, with the news that 
the siege was raised. The Generalissimo Wang Fung remarked in 
a memorial, that — " Among the inner councillors on State business, 
none is better able to arrive at a correct conclusion than Ch'in 
Tang. He is clear as to the laws, he judiciously discriminates 
according to the position of affairs^ and in tendering his views he 
pays great attention to the practical. When he receives money 
from others, he embodies his financial report in a memorial ; and 
this has eventually brought him to ruin." 

Ch'in was originally on good terms with Keae Wan-neen, the 
Superintendent of Public Works. Since the time of the con- 
struction of the Wei tombs during the reign of Tuen-te, the people 
had not been removed to any new city. Several years after Ching- 
te had erected the Ts'oo tombs, the work was again carried on 
south of the pavilion devoted to the music of the Pa tombs. Keae 
Wan-neSn taking counsel with Ch'in, the latter said : — " The work 
executed by the architect Yang Kwang-e in the time of Woo-te, 
was submitted to the Emperor for approbation. Having myself 
induced the Superintendent of Public Works, with the Super- 
intendent of Agriculture and Inner Deputy K&ng Show-chang, to 
build the T'oo tombs, the rank of Marquis of Kwan-nuy was con- 
ferred on me ; and the Superintendent of Public Works, Ching-ma 

Digitized by 


62 Appendix, 

Yen-neSn, was placed on the civil list at 2,000 picnls of rioe. Now 
tiie great merit of repairing the Ts'oo tombs and building the city- 
having been completed, Keae Wsji-ne^n ought to receive a hand- 
some reward. My wife and family are in Chang-gan; my 
children were brought up in Chang-gan, ard do not like the east 
country. I may ask to be removed, and might receive the gift of 
a house and land all complete." The thought commended itself to 
Ch'in, who laid the matter of promotion before the throne, saying : 
— " The land of the Ts'oo tombs, which belongs to the capital, is 
very rich, and might be erected into a district. For more than 
thirty years past the people of the empire have not been removed. 
Wealthy men on the east of the barrier are becoming very 
numerous ; they are marking out the good land for themselves, and 
are availing themselves of the services of the poor people. These 
latter might be removed to the Ts'oo tombs, in order to strengthen 
the capital, and weaken the feudal princes, which would tend to 
equalise the wealth of the middle and lower classes. Tang wishes 
to be the first to move to the Ts'oo tombs with his family and de- 
pendants." The Emperor fell in with this scheme, and began the 
erection of the city of the Chang tombs, intending afterwards to 
populate it with people from various regions. Keae Wan-neen 
imposed on himself tiie task of finishing the city wall in three 
years, but died before it was completed. The Ministers then 
strongly represented the unsuitability of the site. The question 
was referred to the authorities in charge for deliberation. The 
latter all said : — " The site of the Chang tombs being low, in order 
to raise it to the proper height the earth has to be heaped up like 
a mountain, while it is proposed to place the adjoining buildings on 
the level ground. The alien earth will not be protected by the 
invisible intelligences ; nor can the low outer portion be defended 
by troops. The expense of the work will amount to millions, and 
will have to be carried on at night by candle-light. - The expense of 
bringing earth from the eastern hills will make it as costly as grain. 
When the work is carried on for several years, distress from fatigue 
will be felt throughout the empire; the Imperial house will be 
wearied out, and, the resources of the treasury will be exhausted ; 
while the masses of the people will bitterly bewail their fate. The 
ancient tombs were raised with the natural earth of the locality, 
according to celestial principles, the height being regulated by those 
of the ancestors adjoining. Ten years of meritorious service has 
already been expended on them. It would be well to return again 
to the ancient tombs, and not remove the people." The Emperor 
then issued a rescript, ordering a cessation of the wprks at the 
Chang tombs, the words of which are found in the " Record of the 
Reign of Ching-te." The Prime Ministers and censors requested 
that the houses in the city of the Chang tombs might be abandoned. 
Before their memorial was handed over to the proper board, Ch'in 
was asked why his official residence was not transferred, so that 
he had no occasion again to remove ? To this he replied : — " As 
district officer, I am obedient to the wish of the Ministers ; still 

Digitized by 


Appendix. 63 

there will be another removal." At that time, Shang, the Marqaid 
of Ching-too, who was newlj-appomted Cavalry Superintendent, 
General of the Guard and Assistant Administrator, who had been 
on bad terms with Ch*in, hearing these words, said : — '* Gh'in has 
been exciting the multitude," and he was thrown into prison. It 
appeared on inyestigating his crimes that formerly when Gh'in 
was Gavalry Protector General, Wang Mang laid a letter before 
the throne, saying : — " My father dying early in life, I his only sou 
was not promoted ; my mother, Ming-keun, applying herself with 
still more unwearied assiduity in the service of the empress- dowager." 
Being entitled to promotion he was eventually made Marquis of 
Sin-too. After this, Kow Tsan, the Protector General of Shwuy- 
h&ng, who was uterine brother of the empress-dowager, died ; and 
his son K'ieh was among the Imperial attendants. The widow of 
Kow Tsan wishing to obtain promotion for Kieh, Gh'in Tang 
received fifty pounds weight of gold from her, with the promise 
that he would forward a memorial for her according to her desire. 
Now it happened that Chang Kwang, the Governor of Hung-nung, 
stood charged with having received a million cash, for forwarding 
a fraudulent and unprincipled petition to the throne. The Emperor 
ordered an investigation; and fearing he should be cast into prison, 
he sent a messenger to inform Oh 'in. The two million cash for 
which Ch'in had given his promise belonged to the same class of 
offence for which the other had been impeached. This took place 
before he received his free pardon. Afterwards, Hih Lung, the 
Gk)vemor of the region of Tung-lae, sent a person to make inquiry 
of Ch'in regarding the matter. Ch'in said this was for the 

Sikyment ot petty transactions connected with what is called the 
lack-gate, of which the disbursements and receipts are at no 
stated times. Hence Hih Lung said it was not a periodical pay- 
ment. Again, as to his remark that 'Hhere will be another 
removal," the words had been passed from mouth to mouth by ten 
or more persons ; and the Prime MinistetB and censors memorialised 
to the effect that : — " Ch'in had excited the multitude to evil ; and 
had unjustly attempted to impose perverse views on the sovereign ; 
his words being highly improper, and gVeatly wanting in reverence. 
T'ing Hwuy and Seaou Tsftng-show in consultation have considered 
that if this iniquity is not a capital crime, it is difficult to know 
how to class the offence. Your servants in employing subordinates 
have erred in judgment; and have therefore brought this case 
before T'ing Hwuy for decision. Let unparalleled cases be first 
heard, that the punishments may be rectified, and human life 
respected. The intelligent sovereign, compassionating the people, 
has issued an order, which has already been published, to put a stop 
to operations at the Chang tombs, that the officials and people may 
not be removed. But Ch'in having falsified the Imperial intention, 
saying, ' There will be another removal,' although the words are 
calculated to stir up a movement; yet as they have not been 
widely circulated, there has been no rising among the people, and 
it can scarcely be said that he has excited the multitude. Ch'in 

Digitized by 


64 Appendix. 

haying fraiidulently fabricat^fi a statement, however, for which 
there was no foundation, his words are highly improper, and 
greatly wanting in reverence." An Imperial order was then 
issued, which said : — " Ten Hwuy and Seaou Ts&ng-show have 
judged rightly. Ch'in has the merit of having formerly reduced 
Che-che Shen-yu. Let him be reduced to the level of the common 
people, and removed to the border." The order said also : — " For- 
merly Keae Wan-neen, the Superintendent of Public Works, frau- 
dulently and disloyally concocted false statements, and made 
oppressive exactions ; vexing the people with troubles, and making 
use of their services in violent and oppressive labours. Numbers of 
troops who had incurred the death penalty were seen in bands. 
Bitterness spread through the masses, and from sea to sea their 
hopes were tempered with complaint. Although he has received a 
freiB pardon^ he must not reside in the capital.'* Ch*in Tang and 
Keae Wan-ne§n were consequently removed to Tun-hwang. After 
a time, the Governor of Tun-hwang memorialised thus : — " Formerly 
Ch'in Tang personally chastised Che-che Shen-yu, and his prestige 
having spread through the foreign kingdoms, it is not suitable for 
him to be near the border strongholds." By Imperial order he was 
then removed to Gan-ting (now the district of Lung-tth in the pre- 
fecture of Ping-leang, in Kansuh province). WTiile there, the 
Counsellor Kftng Yuh presented a letter to the throne, pleading 
Ch'in's cause, against the injustice to which he had been submitted, 
saying: — "Klan Ten-show and Ch'in Tang have expanded the 
sacred influence of the Han, and made known its prestige in 
remotely distant parts. They wiped out the shame for many years' 
standing of the Imperial family ; reduced the intractable princes of 
the remotest regions ; and attached the most ungovernable captives 
at a distance of 10,000 le. How was this ? The former Emperor 
treated them kindly, and issued an illustrious rescript proclaiming 
their merits. He also changed the style of the years (b.c. 83), 
that the memory of their actions might be everlastingly handed down 
through changing generations. Corresponding with this, a white 
tiger was presented from the southern regions ; and there was no 
alarm or precautions taken at the border. When the sovereign was 
laid on a sick bed, the same idea was still carried out, nor were the 
meritorious forgot. The president of a supreme board was on 
several occasions sent to institute inquiries, and the Prime Ministers 
were constrained to acknowledge their merits. Only the Prime 
Minister K'wang H&ng made objections, and refused to accede. 
Ksm Ten-£how and Ch'in Tang were promoted to benefices of 
several hundred families, and now we see how such meritorious 
Ministers and distinguished warriore lose hope. When the Emperor 
Ching-te came to the throne, he obtained the prestige of successful 
invasion ; the troops were at rest ; the Imperial family was un- 
disturbed ; and the depraved and slanderous insinuations of great 
Ministers had little weight at Court. DiflBculties from first to last 
have arisen from a desire to guard against imaginary contingencies. 
Some wishing to have undivided control of the presb'ge, merit had 

Digitized by 


Appendix. 65 

to give way to envy, and Ch'in was treated as a blockKead. Being 
imjnstly held a prisoner, he was unable to exculpate himself. 
Eventually, for no crime committed, he was exiled to Tun-hwang 
in his old age; which being directly on the high-road to the 
Western regions, caused officers and subjects of irreproachable 
name to turn on their heels, while Ch'in himself became the 
laughing-stock of the remaining captives who had been in the 
service of Che-chew Truly it is mournful. Hitherto those who 
have received a commission to the outer barbarians have lost no 
opportunity of addacing the chastisement of Che-che, in order to 
exalt the resources of the Chinese empire. Now to put forward the 
merits of men in order to frighten the enemy, while the persons of 
the same are sacrificed to please insinuating flatterers, how truly 
painful ! In the time of peace we should not forget danger ; in the 
season of prosperity we ought not to ignore the possibility of decay. 
Now the Imperial house does not possess the weU-fllled treasury, 
resulting from the many years of economical government of W^. 
te ; nor has it the subjects courageous and distinguished for taking 
the enemy that were presented and received at ^e Court of Woo- 
te. Ch'in Tang is the only one that can claim that honour. If past 
ages should not have attcuned to the glory of your Imperial Majesty, 
it is to be hoped your Imperial house will look back and recoid the 
meritorious, and put the seal of promotion on his tomb, in order to 
encourage the emulation of posterity. Ch'in Tang happily succeeded 
in obtaining merit during the sacred years of your reign ; but ere 
long, depraved Ministers gaining the ascendancy, he was scourged 
away to a distant abode. Should he flee into exile, skulking in 
obseority, and die in a homeless land, eood men looking at his case 
from a distance will reckon thus : Ch'm's merit is unattainable for 
ages, and hia faults are such as are common to human nature. 
Such is Ch'in, and although his bones and sinews are rent asunder, 
and his bare body exposed to the heat and cold, yet still he is under 
the control of mere tolkers, and is held captive by jealous Ministers. 
On this account your swvant is still more distressed for the 
Imperial house." On the presentation of this memorial the 
Emperor recalled Ch'in, and he ended his days in Chang-gan. 
Some years after his death, when Wang Mang the Duke of Gan- 
ban, held the reins of government, calling to mind the former 
&vours of Ch'in Tang, and desiring to flatter the empress-dowager, 
he reported the merit of chastising Che-che, in the temple of Yuen- 
te, whom he honoured by designatmg Kaou-tsung. In remembrance 
of the former merits of Ch'in Tang and Elan Yen-show, he bestowed 
large gilts on Po and How-ching, but made no gift to T'oo Heun. 
fle then further promoted Ts'een, the grandson of Kan Yen-show, 
to a benefice of 1,600 &jnilies. Ch'in Tang was canonized as Robust 
Marquis of Po-hoo ; and his son Fung was made Marquis of Po-hoo. 
T'oo Heun was made Marquis of Taou-te!h. 

VOL. X. 

Digitized by 


66 Appendix. 

B. The following is the Memoir of Chang Ke^n, as given 
in the " Tseen Han Shoo," Book bd, fol. 1-6. 

Chano Keen was a native of Han-chnng. In the keen-yuen period 
(B.C. 140-135), when he held a sabordinate office in the Council, 
some of the subjects of Heung-noo reported that the Yue-she had 
been defeated by their conntrvmen, who had converted the king's 
skull into a drinking bowl. The Yu§-she had decamped under a 
strong feeling of irritation against the Heung-noo ; but standing 
alone, it was hopeless to attempt retaliation. On hearing this, the 
Chinese — who were looking for some occasion to extinguish the 
power of the Heung-noo — wished to open up communication with 
their old neighbours the Yue-she, but uniortunatelj the way to 
their new settlement lay through the Heung-noo country. When it 
became a question who should undertake the commission, Chang 
Keen requested the appointment, and was accredited to the 
Yue-she, to be accompanied by Kan-foo, a slave of the T*ang- 
ylh family. They left the country by Lung-se, and attempted the 
passage through the Heung-noo ; but were stopped by the latter, 
and taken before the Shen-yu. The chieftain thus addressed them 
when he had ascertained their object: — "The Yu§-she dwell to 
the north of my territory. How can the Chinese think of holding 
communication with them ? Should I wish to send an envoy to 
the Yu§, would China suffer it?" Chang KeSn was accordingly 
detained, and forced to live among them for more than ten years, 
during which time he married a native of the tribe, and begat 
children. Still he was ever careful of his token of credence, which 
he never lost ; and being located in the western part of the Heung- 
noo country, he contrived eventually to make his escape, along with 
his followers, and took the road towards the Yu^she. After a 
rapid jom*ney westward for several tens of days, he reached Ta-wan. 
The king of that country, who had heard of the superabundant 
wealth of China, had wished to open up intercourse with the empire ; 
but had hitherto been unable to do so. On seeing Chang Keen he 
was delighted, and inquired the object of his journey. The envoy 
replied : — " I am sent by China on a mission to the Yue-she, but 
have been detained on the way by the Heung-noo. Now I haye 
escaped, and wish your Majesty to send guides to escort me on the 
way. Having reached my destination, and returned to China, the 
Emperor will send presents of untold value to your Majesty." These 
words satisfied the King, who sent guides and interpreters to conduct 
the party to K*ang-keu. The K'ang-keu, in their turn, forwarded 
them to the Ta YuS-she. When the King was killed by the Heung- 
noo, his widow was raised to the supreme power, and having 
reduced the Ta-hea they ruled over them. The country they now 
inhabited was rich and fertile ; brigandage was rare, and the 
people were peaceful and happy. Considering the distance they 
were from China, they would not entertain the envoy's overtures, 
and had not the slightest intention of taking vengeance on the 

Digitized by 


Appendix. 67 

Henng-noo. Chang Keen then went to the Ta-hea ; but to the end 
he conld get no satisfactory hold on the Yue-she; and after a 
fitaj of more than a year, he returned. Following the Southern 
mountains, he tried to make his way through the country of the 
Keang, but was again taken by the Heung-noo. There he was 
detained more than a year, till the Shen-yu died, when the nation 
falling into a state of anarchy, he was able to make his escape with 
his foreign wife, and Kan-foo of T*ang-7ih, who all fled to China. 
Chang KeSn was then made Grand Middle Great Statesman, and 
Kan-foo of T'ang-ylh was made Prince of Commission. Chang KeSn 
was robust and impetuous, generous and confiding, and had gained 
the affections of the barbarians. Kan-foo of T'ang-yih was a 
Heung-noo by nation, and excelled in archery. In times of emer- 
gency he was able to supply the party with food, by the game that 
fell und^ his arrows. Wnen they commenced their journey the 
party consisted of more than a hundred men ; they were absent 
13 years, and only two of the original company returned. The 
euToy personally yisited Ta-wan, the Ta Yue-she, the Ta-hea and 
K'ang-keu. Besides these, he collected accounts of five or six of the 
neighbouring great kingdoms, and gave to the Emperor a descrip- 
tion of their outlines and productions ; the details regarding which 
are all given in i^e ^ Notes on the Western Regions." Chang KeSn 
is reported to have addressed the monarch in such terms as the 
following: — "When your servant was among the Ta-hea he 
observed they had ELeang bamboo staves, and Shuh cloth. On 
inquiring where they procured these things, the Ta-hea people 
replied : * Our merchants go to Shin-tGh to buy them. Shin*tllh is 
south-east from the Ta-hea, several thousand le. The inhabitants are 
accustomed to live in permanent settlements, the same as the Ta-hea. 
The country is low, damp, and hot ; and the people go to war on 
elepluMitB. The boundaries of the kingdom extend to the great 
ocean.' According to my estimate, the Ta-hea are situated south-west 
from China, at a distance of 12,000 le ; and as Shin-tGh, where the 
Shuh productions are found, is several thousand le to the south-east of 
the Ta-hea, it seems that place cannot be far distant from Shuh. 
Now it is dangeroufi to pass through the Keang, in order to reach 
the Ta-hea ; for the Keang are inimical. A htUe farther to the 
north we get taken by the Heung-noo. We ought to go straight 
through from Shuh, and then we should escape the brigands. Your 
Imperial Majesty has heard of Ta-wan, the Ta-hea, and Gan-seih, 
which are all great kingdoms, having many things iJiat are strange, 
and natural productions special to each. Their customs resemble 
those of China in some respects ; their military are feeble ; and they 
have a high appreciation of Chinese treasures. To the north are 
the Ta YuS-she and K'ang-keu, who have formidable armies. By 
dint of presents they might^ with the prospect of gain, be 
induced to render homage to China, and thus verily by diplomacy 
we might succeed in securing their attachment. Oor territory 
would thus be expanded 10,000 Ze, embracing people of every custom, 
and requiring a ninefold stoff of interpreters ; while the prestige of 

F 2 

Digitized by 


68 Appendix. 

the empire would be aU-pervading from sea to sea." The Emperor 
was transported with delight, and fell in heartily with Chang Keen's 
suggestions. He then gave orders that exploring parties should be 
sent out from Shub and Keen-wei, in four different directions. One 
party went by Mang ; one by TsS ; one by Se and K'eung ; and one 
hj P6 ; each party reaching a distance of between 1,000 and 2,000 
Ze. Those who went north were stopped by the Te and TsS tribes ; 
and those who went southward were stopped by the Sny and 
Kw&n-ming. The Kw&n-ming tribes have no chiera, and are much 
given to brigandage; and so the Chinese envoys suddenly met their 
death at the hands of these marauders. To the end a passage could 
not be opened in that direction ; but they heard of some countries 
about 1,000 le to the west, named Teen and YuS, where the inhabi- 
tants rode on elephants, and the Shuh traders, who carried on a 
clandestine commerce with them, occasionally went there. Conse- 
quent on this, the Chinese first penetrated as &r as the kingdom of 
Teen, in trying to find a road to the Ta-hea. When the Chinese first 
tried to open a communication through the south-western barba- 
rians, after incurring a heavy expense, the enterprise had to be 
abandoned. When Chang Keen, however, spoke of the possibility 
of a communication with the Ta-hea, they were again brought into 
contact with the south-western tribes. When Chang Keen, as 
Deputy Protector, followed the Generalissimo in an attack on the 
Heung-noo, by his knowledge of the places where water and pasture 
were to be found, he was the means of saving the army from much 
suffering, and was in consequence created Marquis of Po-wang. 
This took place in the year b.g. 123. 

Two years later, Chang Ke6n, as Guard Protector, left Yew-plh- 
ping with Le Kwang, for au attack on the Heung-noo. The latter 
surrounded General Le, who lost the greater piit of his army on 
the occasion. Chang Keen, who had failed to bring up his contin- 
gent at the appointed time, had rendered himself amenable to 
decapitation ; but the Emperor was pleased to pardon him, reduc- 
ing him to the status of the common people. This same year 
the Light-horse General defeated the Heung-noo, and killed some 
tens of thousands on the western border, advancing as &r as the 
Ke-leen Mountains. In autumn, the Prince of Kwan-ya brought 
his numerous followers, and tendered his allegiance to China ; and 
the territories of Eon-ching, Ho-se, Se-ping, and Nan-shan, and 
as far as the Salt Marsh, the country was clear of Heung-noo. At 
that time the Heung-noo were rarely seen at Court. 

Two years after this the Chinese attacked the retreating Shen- 
yu on ihe north of the desert. The Emperor several times asked 
Chang KeSn regarding the Ta-hea tribes, when Chang, although he 
had been degraded from the nobility, thus addressed the sovereign : 
— "When your servant was residing among the Heung-noo he 
heard that the King of Woo-sun was styled Kw&n-mo. Originally 
the Kw&n-mo*s father. Nan-tow-mo, and the Ta Yu^she, both had 
small kingdoms between Ke-leen and Tun-hwang. The Ta Yul-she 
attacked and killed Nan-tow-mo, and seized his land ; when his 

Digitized by 


Appendix. 69 

people fled to the Henng-noo. His son, the Ewftn-mo, being newlj 
bom, his gnardian, the Poo-tsew Hdh-how, fled with the infant in 
his charge, and deposited him among the grass. Going to seek 
nonrishment for his charge, on his retnm he f onnd the child being 
snckled by a wolf ; while a bird with some flesh in its beak alighted 
hy his side. Looking on these as tokens of the child's supernatural 
character, he then took him to the Henng-noo, where the Shen-yn 
conceived a liking for him, and brought him np. On reaching 
manhood, the former subjects of his father were placed under his 
command ; and on several occasions he distingpiished himself by 
military successes. About that time, the Yue-she, who had been 
defeated by the Henng-noo, attacked the King of the Sae on the 
west ; and the latter talong flight to a great distance southward, his 
territory was occupied by the Yue-3ie. The Kwftn-mo, who 
now felt himself strong, requested permission from the Shen-yu to 
avenge his ^kther's wrongs; moved westward, attacked and 
defeated the Ta YuS-she, who fled still farther to the west, and 
settled in the countiy of the Ta-hea. The Ew&n-mo took the mass 
of the people under his control, and remained in the country, where 
he gradually raised a powerful army. On the death of the Shen-yu, 
he refused any longer to render homage to the Heung-noo. The 
latter sent an army to attack him, but the expedition returned 
vrithout success. The belief in his supernatural character was 
tiiereby strengthened, and the Heung-noo were careful to keep him 
at a distance. Now the Shen-yu having been recently coerced by 
China, and the original country of the Kwftn-mo being empty, 
while the barbarian races retain a lingering afiection toward their 
fatherland, and at the same time covet the treasures of China, truly 
this is the time to send rich presents to Woo-sun, and invite them 
eastward to occupy their old country. Let the Emperor send hia 
daughter in marriage, and cement a fraternal alliance with the 
EwXn-mo. He will then listen to the Emperor's instructions, and 
thus the right arm of the Heung-noo will be broken. Woo-sun being 
thus attached, the Ta-hea tribes on the west may all be induced to 
submit themselves as vassals." The Emperor approved of these 
suggestions ; and Chang KeSn was made Secretary and Qeneral, 
with the command of 300 men, with two horses to each man, and 
over 10,000 oxen and sheep ; with supplies of gold and presents of 
silk to the value of several tens of millions of^ cash. Many of his 
followers held tokens as assistant envoys, who might be sent on 
commission to neighbouring kingdoms along the road. When Chang 
Keen arrived at Woo-sun he delivered the Imperial edict, but he 
could not bring the matter to any satisfactory conclusion. The 
details regarding this are to be found in the " Notes on the Western 
B^^ons. ° Chang Keen then despatched the assistant envoys to 
Ta-wan, K'ang-keu, the Yue-she, and the Ta-hea; while Woo- 
sun sent interpreters and guides with them. Woo-sun also sent a 
mission of several tens of persons to escort Chang Keen back, with 
some tens of horses as a peace-ofFering to the Emperor. The envoy 
liad orders to avail himself of the occasion to observe the state of 

Digitized by 


70 Appendix. 

ChinA, and then became aware of its magnitnde. Chang Keen, on 
his retnm, was made Trayeller-in-chief, and in little more than a 
year he died. 

Above a year later, the envoys who had been sent to commnni- 
eate with the Ta-hea tribes, nearly all returned, bringing some of 
the natives of these oonntries with them. The intercourse of China 
with the countries in the north- west commenced from this time, 
so that Chang Keen has the merit of having opened up the road. 
Succeeding envoys who were despatched to those parts all spoke of 
the Marquis of J?o-wang as their passport to the favour of foreign 
kingdoms, and foreign nations gave credence to them on this 
account. After this, woo-sun eventually contracted a matrimonial 
alliance with China. At first the Emperor issued a divination 
document, saying : — " Supernatural horses ought to come from the 
north-west. When we received the Woo-sun horses, these being 
an excellent breed, were called Celestial horses ; but on receiving 
the Ta-wan blood-perspiring horses, the name of the Woo-sun horses 
was changed to Remote Western horses, and the Fergana horses 
were called Celestial horses." China then began to build the great 
wall from Ling-keu westward, and the region of Tsew-tseuen was 
first established, to promote intercourse with the north-western king- 
doms. Envoys were consequently again sent to Gan-sdh, Yen-ts'ae, 
Le-keen, Teaou-che, and Shin-ttlh ; and the Emperor conceived a 
partiality for the Ta-wan horses. Missions followed each other in 
quick succession ; the larger numbering several hundred persons, 
and the smaller a hundred or more ; and the gifts they bore were 
for the greater part the same as in the time of the Marquis of Po- 
wang. Afterwards when the custom became less of a novelty, the 
number of followers was gradually reduced. The greatest number 
of missions sent by China in one year was over ten, and the 
smallest number five or six. From distant countries, return 
missions were sent every eight or nine years, and from the nearer 
every few years. About this time, TuS having been extermi- 
nated by China, the south-western barbarians, who were reached 
by way of Shuh, all became alarmed, and requested to have 
Imperial officers set over them. The regions of Tsang-ko, Yue-suy, 
Yih-chow, Tsin-le, and W&n-shan were then appointed, as the 
commencement of a conterminous chain, intended to extend onward 
to the Ta-hea. More than ten missions were then sent in a year 
from these first regions, but they were all again stopped by the 
Kw&n-ming, who killed the envoys and seized their presents. On 
this provocation, China sent troops to attack Kw&n-ming, when 
they decapitated several tens of thousands of the tribe. After this 
envoys were again sent, but to the end they never succeeded in 
opening up a passage. The details of these events are found in the 
** History of the South-Westem Barbarians." When Chang KeSn 
first opened up the road to formgn kingdoms, the officialiB were 
rewarded with honours and nobility, and there was a pressure of 
memorials to the throne, detailing the marvels of foreign countries, 
and speaking of the advantage of attaching them, and tiie danger of 

Digitized by 


Appendix. 71 

leaying them nsAabdaed. When any one sought the office of envoy, 
the Emperor — ^in view of the extreme distanoe which rendered each 
enterprises nndesired by most men — accepted the volunteer, and gave 
him a token to raise followers, without making particular inquiry as 
to whence he came. A large reserve was thus raised for the 
service. These were sent to extend the open oommunioations, and 
in their journeys to and fro there was alinost invariably a robbery 
of the presents, or some failure on the part of the envoy. In order 
to maintain the efficiency of the service, the Emperor immediately 
eaused an investic^tion mto such cases, and filled up the places of 
defaulters, while inducements were held out to offenders to redeem 
themselves by meritorious conduct. When the facts regarding the 
missions were inquired into, innumerable breaches of law were 
treated with leniency ; and when any of the officials died, his place 
was in) mediately filled up. In estimating the status of foreign 
kingdoms, for those reputed great, the envoy had a token of 
eredenoe, and to the lesser an assistant envoy was sent. Hence a 
rivalry arose among those reckless talkers who were mere ciphers 
in action, and the envoys, all usurping official prerogatives, disposed 
of the presents at their own option, wishing to make purchases on 
easy terms for their own personal advantage. The foreign nations 
also became disgusted with the Chinese envoys, whose reports were 
full of glaring discrepancies. In view of the great distance of the 
Chinese army, these foreigners, who judged themselves safe from 
invasion in that direction, forbade the supply of provisions, in order 
to distress the Chinese missions. The envoys, thus reduced to 
extremities, were exasperated into hostilities. The peti^ kingdoms 
ef Low«lan and Koo-sze, which lay on the high road, wantonly 
attacked and robbed the envoy Wang K'wei and his company ; and 
the Chinese were being constantly intercepted and attack^ by 
picdced Heung-noo troops. The envoys emulated each other in 
speaking of the advantage to be gained by the subjugation of these 
langdoms, and the danger of leaving them unrestrained ; adding that 
the troops stationed in the cities were weak, and might easily be 
defeated. The Emperor thereupon sent Seaou Po-oioo, the Marquis 
of Tsung-peaou, to take command of the cavalry of the subject 
kingdoms, with the troops from the several regions, to the number 
(^ several tens of thousaoids, to attack the Heung-noo, but the latter 
made off. 

Next year an attack was made, when the troops of Seaou Po-noo 
carried off the King of Low-Ian. Ghiard-houses were planted at 
intervals, from Tsew-tseuen. to the Yuh Gate. Ta-wan and the 
other countries sent envoys to accompany the Chinese missions 
back, that they might see for themselves the magnitude of the 
empire. On such an occasion they presented ostrich eggs and con. 
iurers from Le-keen, with which the Emperor was gnreatly delighted. 
The Chinese envoy had been to the source of the Yellow river, 
where the mountains contain abundanoe of jade and other precious 
stones, some of which he had selected and brought with him. The 
Emperor consulted an ancient hydrography of famous rivers, firom 

Digitized by 


72 Appendix, 

which he fonnd, that the mountains whence this river issued were 
called the Kw&n-lnn range. About this time the monarch made 
several tours round the lakes, on which occasions he distributed 
money and silks, and made presents in generous profusion to the 
various parties from foreign kingdoms who were residing in the 
capital for a time, in order to show them the great wealth of China. 
The chief actor exhibited the wonders of his art in the choicest 
performances ; and to the vast multitude of spectators assembled 
the Imperial hospitality was extended in pools of wine and forests 
of flesh meat, thus giving the foreign visitors to see the inexhaus- 
tible resources of the Imperial treasuries and stores, that so they 
might be duly impressed with the magnificence of the empire. 
When the feats of jugglery were added to the entertainment, the 
performance of the actors improved year by year, the great popula- 
rity of the f ^tes dating from this period. Tne envoys from foreign 
countries continued to arrive without intermission. But the nations 
to the west of Ta-wan, all relying on their great distance, assumed a 
haughiy and intractable bearing ; and as they would not conform to 
the rites, they had to be submitted to restraint. £nvoys were 
despatched from China with a vast retinue of followers ; but the 
return envoys brought merely fair words to the Emperor. They re- 
ported that Ta-wan had excellent horses in the city of Urh-sze ; but 
they refused to show them to the envoys. The Emperor, who was 
fond of the Ta-wan horses, heard this report with pleasure. He 
forthwith despatched the sturdy yeoman, Chay Ling, and others on 
a mission to the King of Ta-wan, with 1,000 ounces of gold, and a 
golden horse, to prefer a request for some of the famous horses in 
the city of Urh-sze. But Ta-wan already possessed a superabun- 
dance of Chinese objects, and the magnates consulting together, 
came to the following conclusion : — " China is at a great distance 
from our country, and travellers thence are frequently lost in the 
Salt Desert. If they leave by the northern route they are exposed 
to the Heung-noo raids ; if they take the southern route they suffer 
for want of water and pasture, and at many parts of the road, where 
there are no settled inhabitants, great scarcity prevails. If the 
Chinese envoys come with a retinue of several hundred persons, 
more than hfdf of them usually die of starvation on the way. How 
then can they possibly send an army P The Urh-sze horses are the 
most valuable horses in Ta-wan." Consequent on this, the demand 
of the Chinese envoy was met by an absolute refusaL The envoy 
was enraged, and gave way to ung^rded utterances, hammered the 
golden horse into a shapeless mass, and left. The Ta-wan magnates 
became irritated, and said : — *' The Chinese envoy has come to insult 
us.*' When they sent him away, orders were transmitted to the 
King of Tuh-cbing on the eastern border, who intercepted and killed 
him, taking possession of his treasures. On hearing of this event, 
the Emperor was in a fury. Yaou Ting-han and the others who had 
been to Ta-wan, said the Ta-wan troops were feeble, and it would 
not require more than 3,000 able-bodied Chinese archers to subju- 
gate the country. The Emperor had already sent the Marquis of 

Digitized by 


Lid of Presents, 73 

Ghiih-ya, with a force of 700 cavalry, to chastise Low-Ian, and he 
having at once taken the king prisoner, the Emperor was the more 
disposed to listen to the suggestion of Yaou Ting-han. Wishing at 
the same time for an opportunity to confer honour on his favourite 
concubine Madam Le, he appointed her relative Le Kwang-le 
General, with a commission to chastise Ta-wan. 

Chang Keen's grandson M&ng, with the cognomen Tsze-yew, be- 
came distinguished for his abilities. In the reign of Yuen-te (b.g. 48- 
33) he was made Magnate of the Banqueting-nouse, and was sent on 
a mission to the Heung-noo. While holding the office of Secretary 
to the Censorate, he was calumniated by Shih-Heen, under the 
influence of which he committed suicide. 

February 24th, 1880. 
K Burnett Tylor, Esq., F.RS., President, in the Chair. 

The minutes of the previous meeting were read and con- 

The following presents were annonnced, and thanks ordered 
to be returned to the respective donors : 

Foe the Libraet. 

From the Edftob. — Gorrespondenz-Blatt, December, 1879 ; January^ 

From the Society. — ^Achtzehnter Bericht der Oberhessischen 

Gksellschaft fur Natur-und Heilkunde, November, 1879. 
From Lieut. B. 0. Temple. — The Lord's Prayer in the South 

Andaman Language. By E. H. Man. 
From the AnTHOE. — Nbtes on the Transliteration of the Burmese 

Alphabet. By Lieut. R. C. Temple. 
From the Author. — ^The Lokaniti translated from the Burmese 

paraphrase. By Lieut. E. C. Temple. 
From the Author. — Bou^ Notes on the Distribution of the 

Afghan Tribes about £[andahar. By Lient. B. G. Temple. 
From the Author. — Notes on the formation of the country from 

Kala Abdullah Khan in the Khdjak Pass to Lug^ Bdrkhin. 

By Lieut R. C. Temple. 
From the Editor.— " Nature," Nos. 537-538. 
From the Editor. — " Revue Scientifique," Nos. 33-34. 
From the Society. — Journal of the Society of Arts, Nos. 1421- 

From the SocnsTT. — Transactions of the Imperial Society of 

Naturalists, Moscow, Tom. XXXIII, liv. 1 ; Tom. XXaIV, 

Digitized by 


74 E. B. Tylor. — On the Origin of the Plough, 

Hv. 1 ; Tom. XXXV, pt. 1, Hv. 2; Tom. XXXV, pt 2, liv. 

1-6; Tom. XXXVI, liv. 1, 2 ; Tom. XXXVIII, liv. 1. 
From Professor Aoassiz. — BuUetm of the Mnsenm of Comparatiya 

Zoology, Harvard College, Vol. VI, Nos. 1 and 2. 
From the Institution. — Journal of the Bojal United Service Insti- 
tution, Vol. XXIII, No. 103. 
From the Editor. — Bevue Internationale dee Sciences, No. 2, 

From the Gollboi. — List of the Fellows, &o., of the Bojal College 

of Physicians, 1880. 
From the Sogistt. — Proceedings of the Royal Society, No. 200. 
From the Societt. — Transactions of the Geological Society of 

Glasgow, Vol. VI, pt. 1. 
From the Society. — Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 

No. IX, 1879. 
From the Society. — Journal and Proceedings of the Boyal Society 

of New South Wales, 1878. 

John Hall Gladstone, Esq., F.RS., was elected a member 
of the Institute. 

Dr. Dally exhibited a collection of Ethnological objects fix)m 
British Columbia. 

The following paper was read by the Author : — 

On the Origin of the Plough, ani Wheel-Carmage, 
By K B. Tylob, Esq., r.E.S., President. 

Though much has been written on that great engine of civili- 
sation, the plough, yet the whole line of evidence as to its 
development from tibe simplest and earliest agricultural im- 
plements seems never to have been put together, so that I 
venture to lay before the Anthropological Institute the {Nreaent 

Not only tiie beginning of agriculture, but the invention of 
the plough itself, are pre-historic. The plough was known to 
the ancient Egyptians and Babylonians, and the very existence 
of these nations points to previous thousands of years of agri- 
cultural life, which alone could have produced such dense, 
settled, and civilised populations. It was with a sense of what 
the plough had done for them, that the old {Egyptians ascribed 
its invention to Osiris, and the Yedic bards said the AQvins taught 
its use to Manu» the first man. Many nations have glorified 
the plough in legend and religion, perhaps never more 
poetically than where the Hindus celebrate Siidy the spouse of 
K&ma, rising brown and beauteous, crowned with corn-ears, fix)m 

Digitized by 


and Wheel Carriage. 75 

the ploughed field ; she is herself the fanx)w (^Ud) personified. 
Between man's first rude husbandry, and this advanced state of 
tillage, lies the long interval which must be filled in by 
other than historical evidence. What has first to be looked for 
is hardly the actual invention of planting, which might seem 
obvious even to rude tribes who never practise it. Every 
savage is a practical botanist skilled in the localities and seasons 
of all useful plants, so that he can scarcely be ignorant that 
seeds or roots, if put into proper places in the ground, wiU 
grow. When low tribes are found not tilling tJte soil but 
living on wild food, as apparently all mankind once did, the 
reason of the absence of agriculture would seem to be not mere 
ignorance, but insecurity, roving life, unsuitable climate, want 
of proper plants, and in regions where wild fruits are plentiful, 
sheer idleness and carelessness. On looking into the condition 
of any known savage tribes, Australians, Andamaners, Boto- 
cudos, Fu^ans, Esquimaux, there is always one or more of 
these reasons to account for want of tillage. The turning-point 
in the history of agriculture seems to be not the first thought 
of planting, but the practical beginning by a tribe settled in one 
spot tx) assist nature by planting a patch of ground round their 
huts. Not even a new implement is needed. Wandering 
tribes already carry a stick for digging roots and xmearthing 
burrowing animals, such as the katta of the Australians, with 
its point hardened in the fire (Fig. 1), or the double-ended stick 
which Dobrizhofier ("Abipones," part ii, chap. 13) mentions 
as carried by the Abipone women to dig up eatable roots, knock 
down fruits or dry branches for fuel, and even, if need were, break 
an enemy's head with. The stick which dug up wild roots 
passes to the kindred use of planting, and may be reckoned as the 
primitive agricultural implement. It is interesting to notice 
how the Hottentots in their husbandry break up the groimd 
with the same stone-weighted stick they use so skilfully in 
root-digginf;; or imearthing animals. (J. G. Wood, "Natural 
History of Man," voL i, p. 254). The simple pointed stake is 
often mentioned as the implement of barbaric husbandry, as 
when the Kurubars of South India are described as with a 
sharp stick digging up spots of ground in the skirts of the 
forest, and sowing tjiem with ragy (Buchanan, " Journey 
through Mysore, etc.," in Pinkerton, voL viii, p. 707) ; or where 
it is mentioned that the Bodo and Dhimal of North-East India, 
while working the groimd with iron bills and hoes, use a 4-fb. two- 
pointed wooden steflf for a dibble (B. H. Hodgson, " Aborigines 
of India," p. 181). The spade, which is hardly to be reckoned 
among primitive agricultiu»l implements, may be considered as 
improved from the digging-stick by giving it a flat paddle-like 

Digitized by 


76 ' E. B. Tylor.— Oti the Origin of the Plough, 

end, or arming it with a broad pointed metal blade, and after- 
Wards providing a foot-step (see the Boman spade in Smith's 
" Dictionary of Greek and Eoman Antiquities," s.v. "pala.") In 
the Hebrides is to be seen a curious implement called cas^ 
chrom, a kind of heavy bent spade with an iron-shod point, 
which has been set down as a sort of original plough (Eau, 
" Geschichte des Pflugs," p. 16 ; Macculloch, " Western Islands," 
PL 30) ; but its action is that of a spade, and it seems out of the 
line of development of the plough. To trace this, we have to 
pass from the digging-stick to the hoe. 

All implements of the nature of hoes seem derived from the 
pick or axe. Thus the New Caledonians are said to use their 
wooden picks both as a weapon and for tilling the ground. 
(Klemm, " Culturwissenschaft, part ii, p. 78). The tima or 
Maori hoe (Tig. 2), from R. Taylor^s, "New Zealand and its 
Inhabitcmts/ p. 423, is a remarkable curved wooden implement 
in one piece. It is curious that of all this class of agricultural 
implements, the rudest should make its appearance in Europe. 
Tradition in South Sweden points to waste pieces of once tilled 
land in the forests and wilds, as having been the fields 
of the old "hackers," and within a generation there was 
still to be seen in use on forest farms the '' hack" itself 
(Fig. 3), made of a stake of spruce-fir, with at the lower end 
a stout projecting branch cut short and pointed (Hylt^n- 
Cavallius, "Warend och Wirdame," part ii, p. 110; i, p. 43). 
Even among native tribes of America a more artificial 
hoe than tins was found in use. Thus the hoe used by the 
North American women in preparing the soil for planting 
maize after the old stalks had been burnt is described as a bent 
piece of wood, three fingers wide, fixed to a long handla (See 
Charlevoix, " Nouvelle France," Letter 23 ; Lafitau, " Moeurs 
des Sauvages Ameriquaina," voL ii, p. 76, and Plate 7). (L do 
not venture to copy the hoe shown in this plate : a mere fancy 
picture.) In other North American tribes, the women hoed 
with a shoulderblade of an elk or buffalo, or a piece of the shell 
of a tortoi3e fixed to a straight handle. (See Loskiel, " Mission of 
the United Brethren in North America," p. 66; Catlin, 
" American Indians," voL i, p. 121). From this stage we come 
up to implements with metal blades, such as the Kafir axe, 
which by turning the blade in the handle becomes an imple- 
ment for hoeing (Lane Fox, " Lectures on Primitive Warfare," 
No. 2, p. 10). The heavy-bladed Indian hoe (Sanskrit kuddcUa) 
called koddly in Malabar (Klemm, " Culturwissenschaft," part 
ii, p. 123), which is shown here (Fig. 4), is one example of the 
iron-bladed hoe, of clumsy and ancient type. The modem 
varieties of the hoe need no detailed description here. 

Digitized by 


To teoe Fi«e 76. 


Fig. 1, AuBtnlian ** Katta." Fig. 2, " Tima," or Maori Uoe. 
Fig. 8, Swedish " Hack." Fig. 4, Indian Hoe. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


aTid Wheel Carriage. 77 

That the primitive plough was a hoe dragged through the 
ground to form a continuous furrow, is seen from the very 
structure of early ploughs, and was accepted as obvious by 
Ginzrot ("Wagen und Fahrwerke der Griechen und Eomer," 
vol. i, and Klemm, " Culturwissenschaft," part ii, p. 78). The 
evidence of the transitions through which agricultural imple- 
ments have passed in Sweden during the last ten centuries or 
so, which was unknown to these writers, is strongly confirma- 
tory of the same view. It appears that the fir-tree hack 
(P^. 3) was followed by a heavier wooden implement of similar 
shape, which was dragged by hand, making small furrows ; this 
" furrow-crook " is still used for sowing. Afterwards was in- 
troduced the "plough-crook," meule in two pieces, the share 
with the handle, and the pole for drawing. The share was 
afterwards shod with a three-cornered iron bill, but the imple- 
ment was long drawn by hand, till eventually it came to be 
drawn by mares or cows. (Hylt^n-Cavallius, part ii, p. 111.) 
Thus in comparatively modem times a transformation took 
place in Sweden remarkably resembling that of which we have 
circumstantial evidence as having happened in ancient Egypt 
The Egyptian monuments show a plough, which was practically a 
g^t hoe, being dragged by a rope by men. {See Denon, " An- 
tiquit^s de TEgypte, voL i, PI. 68.) Still more perfect is the 
ploughing scene here copied in Fig. 5. (^8!^ Bosellini, "Monu- 

Fis. 5. 

menti dell' Egitto, PL 32-3 ; Wilkinson, "Ancient Egyptians," 
chap. 6.) Here the man who follows the plough to break up 
the clods is working with the ordinary Egyptian hoe, remark- 
able for its curved wooden blade longer than the handle, and 
prevented from coming abroad by the cord attaching the blade to 
the handle half-way down. This peculiar implement, with its 
cord to hold it together, reappears on a Iturger scale in the 
plough itself, where the straight stick is lengthened to form the 
pole by which the oxen draw it, and a pair of handles are added 
by which the ploughman keeps down and guides the plough. 

Digitized by 


78 E. B. Tylor.— On the Origin of the Plough, 

The Valley of the Nile, where the lightness and richness of the 
alluvial soil is favoured by the inundations with their fi^sh 
deposit of river mud, was no doubt one of the r^ons where the 
higher agriculture earUest arose, and looking at this sketch of 
hoeing and ploughing, we might be tempted to think that here 
the transition from the barbaric hoe to the civilised plough is to 
be seen as it first took place in the world. Egypt may possibly 
have been the birthplace of the plough, but so many forms of 
rude ploughs are to be found represented on coins and sculptures 
Fia. 6. of the ancient world, that it is safer to 

be content with the general idea that they 
are enlarged and transformed hoes, with- 
out attempting to fix the date, place, and 
nation, to which this inventive transfor- 
mation beloAgs. The following figures 
are selected from those copied by Ginzrot 
and Eau. The old Syracusan form (Fig. 6), 
4IS likewise some old Etruscan patterns, are remarkable as being 
«o close to the original hoe-pattern as Fio. 7. 

not to have the tail or handle. This 
want is supplied in other rude forms 
of ancient Italy, of which Fig. 7 
shows one. A more angular Roman 
form is thought to represent the cere- 
monial plough, with which the wfidl- 
line was traced in foimding a new 
city, and Fig. 8 is another archaic 

Fio. 8. fonn ; the projection of the pole behind 

was for the ploughman's foot to press the 
share down. 

Depresso incipiat jam turn rnihi taturns aratro 
Ingemere, efc tolco attritus splendeBoere Tomer. 

(Virg. Georg. I, 46.) 

Fig. 9 is Greek, from an early MS. of Hesiod's 
"Works and Days." Looking at forms of 
plough as rude as these to be seen at this day in Asia and 
in backward countries of Fia. 9. 

Europe, one wonders to 
find that already in 
classic ages the husband- 
man had ploughs of con- 
struction far more nearly 
approaching that of our best modem implement-makers. 
Pliny (xviii, c. 48), after describing the simpler kinds of plough, 
mentions that in Ehoetia, a plough with the addition of two 

Digitized by 


and Wheel Carriage, 79 

small wheels had been recently invented, and was nsed for 
land already under tillage. He edso mentions the coulter 
(fruiter). This knife, fixed in front to make the first cut 
ready for the share to turn the sod, is a great improvement 
on the primitive ploughs, where the ploughshare has to do 
the whole work. In Plin/s ^ ^<»- lo. 

time, though only forming 
part of some ploughs, it was 
evidently well-known. Thus 
he recognises the whole con- 
struction of the wheel-plough 
(Fig. 10) as figured by Caylus 
from an ancient gem. The 
ordinary modem plough used 
by the English farmer improves upon this rather in details of 
construction and material than in essential principle, though a 
new start in invention is taken by the self-acting plough which 
no longer needs the ploughman to follow at the plough-tail, and 
by the steam-plough which substitutes engine-traction. 

The plough, drawn by oxen or horses, and provided with 
wheels, has taken on itseK the accessories of a wheel-carriage. 
But when the plough is traced back to its earliest form of a hoe 
dragged by men, its nature has little in common with that of the 
vehicle. Though the origin of. the wheel-carriage is even more 
totally lost in pre-historic antiquity than that of the plough, 
there seems nothing to object to the ordinary theoretical expla- 
nation {see Eeuleaux, " Kmematics of Machinery," and others), 
that the first vehicle was a sledge dragged along the ground, that 
when heavy masses had to be moved, rollers were put under 
the sledge, and that these rollers passed into wheels forming 
part of the carriage itself. The steps of such a transition, 
with one notable exception which will be noticed, are 
to be actually found. The sledge was known in emcient 
Egypt {see the well-known paintmg from El Bersheh of a 
colossal statue being dragged by men with ropes on a sledge 
along a greased way, Wilkinson, " Ancient Egyptians," voL iii) 
On moTintain-roads, as in Switzerland, as wdl as on the snow 
in winter, the sledge remains an important practical vehicle. 
The use of rollers under the sledge was also familiar to the 
ancients {see the equally well-known Assyrian sculpture of the 
moving of the winged bull, in Layard's " Nineveh emd Babylon," 
p. 110.) If now the middle part of the trunk of a tree used as 
a roller were cut down to a mere axle, the two ends remaining 
as solid drums, and stops were fixed under the sledge to prevent 
the axle from ninning away, the result would be the rudest 
imaginable cart I am not aware that this can be traced any- 

Digitized by 


80 E. B. TYLOR.—On the Origin of the Plough, 

where in actual existence, either in ancient or modem times ; if 
found, it would be of much interest as vouching for this par- 
ticular stage of invention of the wheel-caniage. But the stage 
which would be theoretically the next improvement, is to be 
traced in practical use ; this is to saw two broad drums off a 
tree-trunk, and connect them by a stout bar through their 

• Fia. 11. 

centres, pinned fast, so that the whole turns as a single roller. 
The solid drum-wheel was used in the farm-carts of classic 
times {see the article " Plaustrum," by Yates, in Smith's " Dic- 
tionary of Greek and Eoman Antiquities"). The ox- wagon 
here shown is taken from the Antonine column (Fig. 11) ; it 
appears to have solid wheels, and the square end of the axle 
proves that it and its drum-wheels turned round together in one. 
A further improvement was to make the wheel with several pieces 
nailed together, which would be less liable to split. The ancient 
Roman farm-carts were mostly made with such wheels, as are 
their successors which are used to this day with wonderfully 
little change, as in Greece and Portugal The bullock-cart of 
the Azores (Kg. 12) (from Bullar, * Winter in the Azores," vol. i., 

Fia. 12. 

Digitized by 


and Wtuel Carriage. 81 

p. 121) is a striking relic from the classic world ; its wheels are 
studded with huge iron naUs by way of tire. From old times 
it was common to make wooden rings, sockets, or bearings 
imdemeath the cart for the axle to turn in, much as children's 
toy-carts are made, as has often been remarked. But a drawing 
of a modem bullock-cart taken near Lisbon, represents only a 
pair of pieces of wood acting as stops, so that the body of the 
cart can be lifted off its wheels. In looking at these clumsy 
vehicles we certainly seem to have primitive forms before us* 
There is, however, the coimter-argument which ought not to be 
overlooked, and which in some measure accoimts for the lasting- 
on of these rude carts, namely, that for heavy carting across 
rough ground they are convenient, as well as cheap and easily 
repaired. Considering that the railway-carriage builder gives 
up the coach-wheel principle, and returns to the primitive con- 
struction of the pair of wheels fixed to the axle turning in 
bearings, we see that our ordinary carriage- wheels turning inde- 
pendently on their axles are best suited to comparatively narrow 
wheels, and to smooth groimd or made roads. Here they give 
greater lightness and speed, and especially have the advantage 
of easily changing direction and turnings which in the old block- 
wheel cart can only be done by gradually slewing round in a 
wide circuit 

As early as history goes back, the carriage-builder had already 
b^un to make spoked-wheels with metal tires, whose well-made 
nave turned smoothly on the axla It is needless here to extract 
from WUkinson and Layard particulars of the beautifully- 
made Egyptian and Assyrian chariots, nor to go into detaOs of 
classic, mediaeval, and modem carriage-building. As bearing on 
the origin of the art, it must be noticed that the point where 
the developments of the plough and carriage join, is in the way 
of attaching the drawing oxen or horses, which was much 
alike in both. The pole and yoke was no doubt the original 
mode of draught, not only for the plough and the heavy ox-cart, 
where it may be often seen still, but also for the chariot and 
light car. (See " Schlieben, Die Pferde des Alterthums," p. 154.) 
l£e war-chariot, with its yoked steeds, has a remarkable simi- 
larity wherever we meet with it in the ancient world, which 
seems to i>oint to its invention by some one particular nation, 
though which has not yet been made out, whence it spread to 
distant countries. How such inventions found their wav is 
well shown in a point of detail, which incidentally shows how 
far the ancient Britons were from the uncivilised state popu- 
larly attributed to them, namely, their use (Mela iii, 6) of 
scythe-chariots, such as were used in OrienttJ armies, like that of 
Darius (Diod. Sic. xvii, 53), or of Antiochus Eupator, when 

VOL. X. G 

Digitized by 


82 E. B. Tylor.— 0» th$ Origin of the Plough, &c. 

he came into Judea with horsemen and elephants, and 300 
scythe-chariots (2 Maccab. xiii, 2). War-chariots were bom 
the first drawn by the pole. The Homeric chariots appear to 
have been without traces, as where in the Iliad (vi, 40), 
Adrastus' scared horses snap the pole amid the tangled tamarisk, 
and set off straight for the city, evidently having nothing but 
the pole to hold them. In ancient Egypt, one inner trace was 
used, but the stress was on the pole. Eventually, in looking at 
the harness of various nations, we come to the present plan of 
draught by collar and traces. The change is interesting, as 
seeming to prove that the earliest use of draught-cattle is that still 
seen in the yoke of oxen. It has been argued by Pictet ('* Origines 
Indo-Europ^ennes, part ii, p. 94)), that the yoke, Sanskrit 
yuga^ihsX vfhich joins, was first invented for the pair of oxen 
to draw the plough with, it being likely that they were first put 
to this heavy work, and afterwards used for drawing carts, rather 
than that the idea of drawing a cart by oxen should have occurred 
before putting them to plough. This, though not absolutely 
certain, seems a very reasonable argument, while the yoke and 
pole being so much better suited to the ox than to Uie horse, 
points to oxen as the earliest draught-beasts. The history of 
successive changes seems well shown in the Latin Jumentum, a 
beast of burden, from jugumentum = yoke-ment, which word 
keeps up the memory of the original yoke, though other modes of 
transporting burdens had come in. The Latin jwmmtwm is used 
for the horse, etc., but not for the ox, and Ftench jvment has 
still further lost the old idea, now meaning merely a mare. 
One further remark is suggested by the harness of the ancient 
Egyptian chariot, where the yoke is provided with two saddles 
coming down on the withers of the horses. As is well known, 
cavalry was by no means general among the armies of the 
ancient world. The early Aiyans, like the Homeric heroes, 
were charioteers, not horsemen, nor are there any ancient 
Egyptian horsemen to be seen on the monuments. On the 
other hand, the warriors of Palestine are there to be seen on 
horseback, and horse-soldiers appear on the Assyrian sculptures. 
In old times, however, the horseman is mostiy seen riding a 
bare-backed horse, or with a cloth or pad only. It seems to 
have been gradually that saddles proper began to be used in 
Assyria, and among the Greeks and Bomans. Looking now at 
tiie Egyptian yoke-saddles of the chariots, one may suspect that 
fh)m uiem were derived not only the harness-saddles in modem 
use, but also our ridingnsaddlea 

Digitized by 


Discussion. 83 


Mr. DiCKiNS remarked that tlie Chinese language — ^that great 
repository of ancient facts — corroborated the President's obser- 
vations npon the hardened stick as the earliest instmment of tillage. 
The Chinese character, leiy iot spade, to dig, etc., consisted of the 
character for tree or wood, combined with an abbreviation of a 
character meaning easj, the whole being simp] j a piece of wood, 
perhaps a mere branch, shaped so a^ to be easily used for turning 
up the g^und. This was developed, by having a broad and 
flattened end, into a sort of wooden spade, the blade of which was 
afterwards made of metal. The Chinese plough seemed to be 
derived from this spade, rather than from any kind of hoe. The 
character for plough, Zi, consisted of the character for "ox," sur- 
mounted by an abbreviation of a sign meaning ** black " — the black 
ox being the most prominent object on the cultivated plain — thence 
we may suppose that in China the plough was always worked by an 
ox, not by human agency. The plough did not appear to be much 
used in husbandry in China, where spade and hoe cultivation pre- 
dominated. The same was the case in Japan; where, indeed, 
Mr. Dickins did not remember ever to have seen a plough at work. 
The Japanese name for plough, ka/rasyJcif meant a Chinese (kara) 
spade or digger {tmki). With respect to wheeled vehicles, he 
(Mr. Dickins) had seen Chinese pictures representing the drum- 
wheel or mere diAC of wood, which was sometimes peiSorated with 
holes, round or otherwise shaped, arranged symmetrically, no doubt 
to lighten the wheel. This perhaps was a link between the drum- 
form and the wheel of the present day. While on this subject, 
Mr. Dickins begged to call attention to two most extraordinary 
modes of vehicular locomotion common in the Far East : the 
wheelbarrows in North China, adapted for the muddy paths with 
raised narrow stone causeway in the middle, and the jinrikshas 
of Japan. The word " iinriksha " was not Japanese, but Chinese, 
meaning mau-power vehicle. Up to about ten years ago they 
were unknown in Japan, kagos and norimons aJone beiug used on 
journeys of any length. The jinriksha was like a hansom cab with 
the top removed ; in the shafts was not a horse, but a man, who 
could drag his &re along at an average rate on good ground of about 
5 miles an hour, and as much as 30 miles without change of coolie. 
These vehicles were, it is said, invented by an American Missionary 
in Japan ; they are hung upon springs, and are probably not a 
Japanese invention. The extraordmary thing about them was the 
marvellous rapidity with which they superseded kagos, which in a 
few years had almost disappeared from the country. In Yedo 
there were over 20,000 of these strange vehicles plying for hire. 
There they fulfilled the office of our cabs. The quickness with 
which they were adopted showed the imitative faculty of the 
Japanese ; while the fact that for so many hundred years they had 
remained without them, betrayed their want of inventive power — 

G 2 

Digitized by 


84 List of Presents, 

the more so, in that a sort of cart drawn bj men and capable of 
holding several passengers had been in nse for many years, 
centnnes probably, on some parts of the T6kaid5. Mr. Dickins 
referred to the Chinese Book of Natnre (" San-tsai-t'u) and the 
Japanese ^^akansansai dzn-ye " (fonnded on the first-named work), 
with the " Kin-md-dzn.i " (" Illnstrated Instructor of Youth ''). 

Mr. W. G. Smith remarked that yerj ancient agricultural im- 
plements were, in all probability, mounted with stone. He said he 
had found it by no means uncommon whilst going over ancient 
British positions, to find large pieces of worked flint, differing 
materially in shape from axe and adze forms. The former large 
pieces were, he said, generally somewhat rude, and might be looked 
upon as the mounting-pieces of ancient hoes or even ploughshares. 
Mr. Smith exhibited a large flint implement from his collection, 
worked to a hoe or ploughshare form. 

Makch 9th, 1880. 

Francis Galton, Esq., F.E.S., Vice-President, in the Chair. 

The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. 
The following presents were announced, and thanks voted to 
the respective donors : — 

For the Library. 

Trom the Editor.—" Nature," Nos. 639, 640. 

From the Editor.—" Revue Scientifique," Nos. 36, 36, 37. 

From the Editor.— "The Athenaeum," Part 626. 

From the Editor. — Correspondenz-Blatt, Februarv, 1880. 

From the Editor. — ^Mat^riauz pour Thistoire de lliomme, Tom. X, 

From the Socibtt. — Journal of the Society of Antiquaries, Vol. 

VIII, No. 1. 
From the Society. — Journal of the Society of Arts, Nos. 1423- 

From the Society. — Proceedings of the Royal (Geographical Society, 

Vol. II, No. 3. 
From the Berlin Anthropolooigal Society. — Zeitschrift fur Eth- 
nologic, 1879, Heft 3-6. 
From the Academie Boyale des Sciences a Amsterdam. — ^Verslagen 

en Mededselingen, Aid. Natuurk, 2e Bks. DL XIV. 
Jaarboek, 1878. 
Processen-Verbaal, 1878-9. 
From E. W, Brabrook, Esq.—" Was Adam the first Man created P'* 

By Argus. 

Digitized by 


F. Galton. — Visualised Numerals, 85 

From the Author. — Dolmens in Japan. By Edward S. Morse. 
From the Author. — Description of Human Remains found near 
Donnybrook, Co. Dublin. By W. Frazer, F.R.O.S.I., M.R.I.A. 

Mr. Gill exhibited a number of photographs of Australian 

The following paper was read by the author : — 

Visualised Numerals. By Francis Galton, F.RS. 

I PROPOSE to describe a peculiar habit of mind which charac- 
terises, so far as I can judge, about one man in 30, and one 
woman in 15 ; but before doing so, I must say a word of 
warning against a too-frequent tendency to assume that the 
minds of every other sane and healthy person must be like 
one's own. The psychologist should inquire into the minds of 
others as he should into those of animals of dififerent races, and 
be prepared to find instances of much to which his own expe- 
rience can afford little, if any, clue. 

This is especially the case with psychologists who are not 
imagiTuUive in the strict but unusual sense of that ambiguous 
word. I do not by imagination mean an uncontrolled fancy 
and inaccurate recollection. I apply the word imaginative 
to those who while they may be exceedingly matter-of-fact 
and precise, are apt to think in visual images ; not in fancied 
words, nor in a more abstract maimer. The mental state of 
imaginative persons is amidst a series of pictures, vivid in 
rx)lour, and well defined in form, and it happens in many cases 
that what they mentally see appears external to themselves. 
There is no doubt that abstract thought is best carried on 
without the aid of this concrete imagery, and that a natural 
tendency to indulge in it is liable to be repressed by vigorous 
brain-woricers. It is consequently uncommon among those 
scientific men whose attention I chiefly desire to gain. Every 
one, however, recognises the fact that some men of the highest 
order of genius and eurtistic temperament have had the gift 
of vivid mental presentation in a remarkable degree; they 
also know that chess-players exist, who have no mean capacity 
in other respects, who can play 10 or more games blindfold, 
having all the time a perfectly vivid picture of each board in 
succession before them, and seeing the chessmen on each, as 
made of wood or ivory, as the case may be. I therefore ask 
you all to take for granted the existence of imaginative i)ersons, 
in the sense of the word in which I have used it, although 
many of yourselves may never have had the tendency to think 
in visual forms, or if you once had it, may have long since 
abandoned it. 

Digitized by 


86 F. Galton. — Visualised Nmnerals, 

Let me also remark, that if the existence of colour-blindness 
which affects about 1 man in 30 was imsuspected, or at all 
events wholly undescribed and imnamed, until the time of 
Dalton, it need not astonish us that the psychological pecu- 
liarity which I am about to describe, and which is about 
equally rare (at least in adults), should hitherto have escaped 

Persons who are imaginative almost invariably think of 
numerals in visual imagery. If the idea of six occurs to them, 
the word " six," does not sound in their mental ear, but the 
figure 6 in a written or printed form rises before their mental 
eye. The clearness of the images of numerals, and the number 
of them that can be mentally viewed at the same time, differs 
greatly in different {)ersons. The most common case is to see 
only two or three figures at once, and in a position too vague to 
admit of definition. There are a few persons in whom the 
visualising faculty is so low that they can mentally see neither 
numerals nor anything else ; and again there are a few in whom 
it is so high as edmost to give rise to hallucinations. The images 
of these persons, whether of ntunerals or not, are so vivid as to be 
undistinguishable from reality, except by the aid of accidental 
circumstances ; thus the images may be transparent, or apt to 
vary in brightness from moment to moment, and to change more 
or less in outline. They may appear in the air without support, or 
any other of the innumerable conditions of objective reality may 
be absent, the want of which wiU render the visionary character 
of the image immediately manifest to a sane mind. Those 
who are able to visualise a numeral with a distinctness com- 
parable to reality, and to behold it as if it were before their 
eyes, and not in some sort of dreamland, will define the direc- 
tion in which it seems to lie, and the distance at which it 
appears to be. If they were looking at a ship on the horizon 
at the moment that the figure 6 happened to present itself to 
their minds, they could say whether the image lay to the left or 
right of the ship, and whether it was above or below the line of 
the horizon ; they could always i)oint to a definite spot in space, 
and say with more or less precision that that was the direction in 
which the image of the figure they were thinking of first appeared. 

Now the strange psychologicsd hct to which I desire to draw 
attention is that among persons who visualise figures clearly, 
there are many who notice that the image of the same figure 
invariably m^es its first appearance in the same direction, and 
at the same distance. Such a person would always see the figure 
when it first appeared to him at (we may suppose) one i)oint of 
the compass to the left of the ship at which he was lookmg, and 
upon the line of the horizon, and at 20 feet distance. Similarly, 

Digitized by 


F. Galton. — VimaJised Nurnerals. 87 

we may suppose that he would see the figure 7 invariably half a 
point to the left of the ship and at an altitude equal to the sun's 
diameter above the horizon, and at 30 feet distemce ; similarly 
for all the other figures. Consequently, when he thinks of the 
series of numerals 1, 2, 3, 4, &c., they show themselves in a 
definite pattern that always occupies an identical position in 
respect to the direction in which he is looking. 

Those who do not see figures with the same objectivity, use 
nevertheless the same expressions with reference to their mmtal 
field of view. They can draw what they see in a manner fairly 
satisfactory to themselves, but they cannot locate it in reference 
to their axis of sight and to the horizontal plane that passes 
through it It is with them as it is with all of us in dreams, 
the imagery is before and around, but our eyes during sleep are 
turned inwards and upwards. 

The pattern or " Form ** in which the numerals are seen is by 
no means the same in different persons, but assumes the most 
grotesque variety of shapes. I have placed on the table or 
suspended against the walls copies of nearly sixty of them, 
which will 1^ seen to run in all sorts of angles, bends, curves 
and zigzags. They have however for the most part certain 
characteristics in common. They are stated in aU cases to have 
been in existence, at least so far as the earlier numbers in the Form 
are concerned, as long back as the memory extends ; they come 
into view quite independently of the will, and their shape and 
position, at all events in the merUal field of view, is nearly 
invariable. They have other points in common to which I shall 
shortly draw attention, but first T will endeavour to remove all 
shadow of doubt as to the authenticity of these statements. 

I see no " Form " myself, and first ascertained that such a thing 
existed through a letter from Mr» Bidder, in which he described 
his own case as a very curious peculiarity. I was at the time 
making inquiries about the strength of the visualising faculty 
in dimrent persons, and among the numerous replies that 
reached me I soon collected ten or twelve other cases in which 
the writers spoke of their seeing numerals in definite forms and 
in much the same terms that Mr. Bidder had used. Though 
the information came from independent sources, the expressions 
used were so closely alike that they strongly corroborated one 
another. Of course I eagerly followed up the inquiry, and 
when I had collected enough material to justify publication, I 
wrote an accoimt which appeared in " Nature " on January 15th, 
with several illustrations. This has led to a wide correspondence 
and to a much increased store of information, which enables me 
to arrive at the conclusions I shall lay before you. The answers 
I received whenever I have pushed my questions have been 

Digitized by 


88 F. Galton. — Visu^dised Nwrnerals. 

straightforward and precise. I have not unfrequenUy procured 
a second sketch of the Form and found it to agree closely with 
the first one. I have also questioned many of my own friends 
in general terms as to whether they visuaUse numbers in any 
particular way. The large majority are unable to do so. But 
every now and then I meet with persons who possess the faculty, 
and I have become familiar with the quick look of intelligence 
with which they receive my question. It is as though some 
chord had been struck which had not been struck before, and 
the verbal answers they give me are precisely of the same type 
as those written ones of which I have now so many. I cannot 
doubt of the authenticity of independent statements which 
closely confirm one another, nor of the general accuracy of the 
accompanying sketches, because I find now that my collection 
is large enough for classification, that they tend to form a 
continuous series. 1 am often told that the peculiarity is 
common to the speaker and to some near relative, and that they 
had found such to be the case by accident. I have the strongest 
evidence of its hereditary character after allowing, and over 
allowing, for all conceivable influences of education and family 

Last of all, I have taken advantage of the opportunity 
afforded by a meeting of this Society, to bring with me many 
gentlemen well known in the scientific world, who have this 
habit of seeing numerals in Forms, and whose diagrams are in 
the collection before you. Amongst them are Mr. G. Bidder, Q.C., 
the Eev. Mr. G. Henslow, the botanist, Mr. Schuster, F.RS., the 
physicist, Mr. Eoget, Mr. Woodd Smith, and Colonel Yule, C.B., 
the geographer. I wish that some of my foreign correspondents 
could ako have been present, such as M. A^toine d Abbadie 
the well-known French traveller and Membre de Tlnstitut, and 
Baron v. Osten Sacken, the Russian diplomatist and entomologist, 
for they have given and procured me much information. 

I feel sure that I have now said enough to authenticate my data; 
it remains to treat them in the same way as any other scientific 
facts and to extract as much meaning from them as possible. 

To repeat in part what has already been said, this peculiarity 
is found so far as my observations have extended, in about 
1 out of every 30 adult males or 15 females. It consists in the 
sudden and automatic appearance of a vivid and invariable 
"Form" in the mental field of view, whenever a numeral is 
thought of, and in which each numeral has its own definite 
place. This Form may consist of a xnei'e line of any shape, of a 
peculiarly arranged row or rows of figures, or of a shaded space. 

I give woodcuts of some of these forms, and very brief 
descriptions of them extracted from the letters of my correspon- 

Digitized by 


1\ Galton. — Visualised Numerals. 


dents. (The woodcuts have already appeared in "Nature."* 
Many other drawings on a smaller scale on two lithographed 
plates will be found at the end of these pages, and brief descrip- 


S S < 


tions of some of them are given partly in an appendix, and 
partly by the sides of the figures themselves.) 












* I ftm indebted to tKe ootirteBy of the publishers of '* Nature " for the use 
of these woodcuts. 

Digitized by 



F. Galton. — Vistudised Numerals, 

I.S. " The figures are about a quarter of an inch in lengthy 
and in ordinary type. They are black on a white ground. 200 
generally take the place of 100 and obliterate it There is no 
light or shade, and the picture is invariable." 

I. J.C. " The accompanying figure lies in a vertical plane, and 
is the picture seen in counting. The zero point never moves, it is 
in my mind ; it is that point of space known as " here," while all 
other points are outside or " there." When I was a child the 
zero point began the curve ; now it is a fixed point in an infinite 
circle ... I have had the curious bending from to 30 as long 
as I can remember, and imagine each bend must mark a stage 
in early calculation. It is absent from the negative side of the 
scale, which has been added since childhood." 

T.M. " The representation I carry in my mind of the numerical 
series is quite distinct to me, so much so that I cannot think of 
any number but I at once see it (as it were) in its peculiar place 
in the diagram. My remembrance of dates is also nearly 
entirely dependent on a clear mental vision of their loci in the 
diagram. This, as nearly -as I can draw it. is the following : — 




It is only approximately correct (if the term " correct " be at 
all applicable). The numbers seem to approach more closely 
as I ascend from 10 to 20, 30, 40, &c. The liues embracing a 
hundred numbers also seem to approach aa I go on to 400, 500, 
to 1,000. Beyond 1,000 I have only the sense of an infinite 
line in the direction of the arrow, losing itself in darkness 
towards the millions. Any special number of thousands returns 

Digitized by 


F. Gkmoisi,— Visualised NwmeralB, 91 

in my mind to its position in the parallel lines from 1 to 1,000. 
The diagram was present in my mind from early childhood ; I 
remember that I learnt the midtipUcation table by reference to 
it at the age of seven or eight. I need hardly say that the 
impression is not that of perfectly straight lines ; I have there- 
fore used no ruler in drawing it." 

D. A. " From the very first I have seen numerals up to nearly 
200 range themselves always in a particular manner, and in think- 
ing of a number it always takes its place in the figure. The more 
attention I give to the properties of numbers and their interpre- 
tations, the less I am troubled -with this clumsy framework for 
them, but it is indelible Id my mind's eye even when for a long 
time less consciously so. The higher numbers are to me quite 
abstract and unconnected with a shape. This rough and untidy 
production is the best I can do towards representing what I see. 
There was a little difficulty in the performance, because it is only 


by catching oneself at unawares, so to speak, that one is quite 
sure that what one sees is not afiected by temporary imagination. 
But it does not seem much like, chiefly because the mental 
picture never seems on the flat but in a thick, dark grey atmo- 
sphere deepening in certain parts, especially where 1 emerges, and 
about 20. How I get from 1 00 to 120 I hardly know, though if T 
could require these figures a few times without thinking of them 
on purpose, I should soon notice. About 200 I lose all frame- 
work. I do not see the actual figures very distinctly, but what 

Digitized by 


92 F. Galton. — Visualised Numerals. 

there is of them is distinguished from the dark by a thin whitish 
tracing. It is the place they take and the shape they make 
collectively which is invariable. Nothing more definitely takes 
its place than a person's age. The person is usually there so 
long as his age is in mind." 

[The engraver took much pains to interpret the meaning of 
the rather faint but carefuUy made drawing, by strengthening 
some of the shades. The result was very satisfactory, judging 
from the author's own view of it, which is as follows : — "Certainly 
if the engraver has been as successful with all the other 
representations as with that of my shape and its accompauiments, 
your article must be entirely correct."] 

In some cases the mental eye has to travel along the faintly- 
marked and blank paths of a form, to the place where the 
numeral that is wanted is known to reside, and then the figure 
starts into sight. In other cases all the numerals as far as 100 
or more, are faintly seen at once, but the figure that is wanted 
grows more vivid than its neighbours ; in one of the cases it 
rises as if an unseen hand had lifted it. There are as many 
varieties as there are persons, but I will not now describe their 
shapes in detail, partly because I want to draw attention to the 
points they have in common, and principally because I hope 
that some of the forms wiU be explained by the persons them- 
selves who see them. I have, however, written at the side of 
each of the pictures that are suspended against the walls, those 
details which are required to explain their individual peculiarities. 

It is beyond dispute that these forms originate at an early 
age, though they are so far developed in boyhood and youth as 
to include the higher numbers, and, among mathematical 
students, the negative values. 

Nearly all of my correspondents speak with confidence of 
their forms having been in existence as far back as they recollect. 
One states that he knows he possessed it at the age of four ; 
another, that he learnt his multiplication table by the aid of the 
elaborate mental diagram he still uses. Not one in ten is able 
to suggest any clue as to their origin. They cannot be due to 
anjrtWng written or printed, because they do not simulate what 
is found in ordinary writings or books. 

The figures run frequently to the left, and more often upwards 
than downwards. They do not even lie in the same plane. 
Sometimes a form has twists as well as bends, sometimes it is 
turned upside down, sometimes it plunges into an abyss of 
immeasurable depth, or it rises and disappears in the sky. In 
one case it proceeds at first straightforward, then it makes a 
backward sweep high above head, and finally recurves into 
the pocket, of all places ! It is often sloped upwards at a slight 

Digitized by 


F. Galton. — Visualised Numerals, 93 

inclination from a little below the level of the eye, just as 
objects on a table would appear to a child whose chm was 
barely above it. 

All this contrasts strongly with the character of the Forms 
under which historical dates are visualised by the same persons^ 
These are sometimes copied from the numerical ones, but they 
are more commonly based both clearly and consciously on the 
diagrams used in the school-room. 

The same may be said of the imaged letters of the 
alphabet ; therefore the numerical Form is the oldest of alL I 
suppose that it first came into existence when the child was 
learning to count, and was used by him as a natural mnemonic 
diagram, to which he referred the spoken words " one," " two,'* 
"three," Ac. Also, that as soon as he began to read figures, 
their visual symbols supplanted the verbsJ soimds, and per- 
manently established themselves on the Form. 

Hence the Form is of an older date than that at which the 
child b^an to learn to read ; it represents his mental processes 
at a time of which no other record remains. It persists in 
vigorous activity, and offers itself freely to our examination. 

The teachers of some schools, have kindly questioned their 
pupils for me, and I find that the proportion of young people who 
see numerals in Forms is much greater than that of adults. But 
for the most part their forms are neither well defined nor com- 
plicated. I conclude that when they are too faint to be of 
service they are gradually neglected, and become wholly for- 
gotten, while if they are vivid and useful they increase in 
vividness and definition by the effect of habitual use. Hence, 
in adults, the two classes of seers and non-seers are rather 
sharply defined, the connecting link of intermediate cases which 
is observable in childhood having disappeared. 

These Forms are the most remarkable existing instances of 
what is called " topical " memory, the essence of which appears 
to lie in the establishment of a more exact system of division 
of labour in the different parts of the brain than is usually 
carried on. Topical sdds to memory are of the greatest service 
to many persons, and teachers of mnemonics make Itirge use of 
them, as by advising a speaker to mentally associate the comers, 
&c., of a room with the chief divisions of the speech he is about 
to deliver. Those who feel the advantage of these aids most 
strongly are the most likely to cultivate the use of numerical 

The question remains, why do the lines of the Forms run in 
such strange and peculiar ways ? the reply is, that different 
persons have natural fancies for different lines and curves. 
Their handwriting shows this, for handwriting is by no means 

Digitized by 


94 F. Galton. — Visucdifsed Numerals. 

aolely dependent on the balance of the muscles of the hand, 
causing such and such strokes to be made with greater facility 
than others. Handwriting is greatly modified by the fashion of 
the time. It is in reality a compromise between what the 
writer most likes to produce, and what he can produce with the 
greatest ectse to himself. I am sure, too, that I can trace a con- 
nection between the general look of the handwritings of my 
various correspondents and the lines of their Forms. If a spider 
were to visuaJbise numerals, we might expect he would do so in 
some web-shaped fashion, and a bee in hexagons. The definite 
domestic architecture of all animals as seen in their nests and 
holes, shows the universal tendency of each species to work 
according to definite lines. The same is seen in the groups and 
formations of flocks of gregarious animals, and in the wedge- 
shaped or other flights of gr^arious birds. 

The rambling character of the lines that characterise the 
majority of the Forms are natural to the taste of a child. They 
may be recognised in their drawings, in the castles they construct 
on the sand, and in the outlines of the borders of their flower- 
gardens. The appreciation of firm curves can hardly co-exist with 
theimperfectly developed physique of the child; it is related to the 
accurate hand, the steady tread^ and the generally weU-adjusted 
muscles of manhood. A natural instinct in favour of those rigidly 
straight lines in which printed matter is disposed in schedules, 
or of the circular outlines of many diagrams, can hardly as yet 
have become frequent in our race. No savage possesses it. Our 
habitual use of the straight line and circle has grown up as it 
were yesterday, under the requirements of manufactures based 
on careful measurements with a rule, and carried out by the plane 
and the turning lathe, which instruments make it now much more 
easy to work in accordance with these lines than any other. 
The rambling numerical Forms being based on the instinctive 
preferences of childhood, show the soHdity of their foundation 
by persisting in defiance of subsequently acquired tastes. 

Children learn their figures to some extent by those on the 
clock. I cannot, however, trace the influence of the clock on 
the numerical Forms in more than three cases out of all my 
collection, which amounts to nearly 80 pictures of one kind or 
another. In one of them, the clock-face actually appears ; in 
another it has evidently had a strong influence ; and in the 
third, its influence is indicated, but nothing more. I suppose 
the Eoman numerals in the clock do not fit in suflSciently well 
with ideas based upon the Arabic ones. 

The paramount influence proceeds from the names of the 
numerals. Our nomenclature is perfectly barbarous, and that of 
other civilised nations is not better than ours and frequently 

Digitized by 


F. GALTON.^Visualtsed Nwnerals, 95 

worse, as the French " quatxe-vingt dix-hiiit'* We speak of ten, 
eleven, twelve, thirteen, etc., in defiance of the beautiful system 
of dedmal notation in which we write those numbers. What 
we see is one-nou^it, one-one, one-two, etc, and we should 
pronounce on that principle, with this proviso, that the word for 
the one having to ^ow both the place and the value, should have 
a sound suggestive of " odo " but not identical with it Let us 
suppose it to be the letter o pronounced short as in '' on," then 
instead of ten, eleven, twelve, thirteen, etc., we might say on- 
tffie, OTirtwo, (m^krety etc. 

The conflict between the two systems creates a perplexity, to 
which conclusive testimony is borne by these numerical forms. 
In almost aU of them there is a marked hitdb at the 12, and 
this repeats itself at the 120. The run of the lines between 
1 and 20 is rarely analogous to that between 20 and 100, where 
it usually first becomes regular. The teens frequently occupy a 
larger space than their due. It is not easy to define in words 
the variety of traces of the diflSculty and annoyance caused by 
our unscientific nomenclature that are portrayed vividly, and so 
to speak painfully, in these pictures. They testify by the evidence 
of indelible scars to the e£Port and ingenuity witii which a sort of 
compromise is straggled for and has finally been effected between 
the verbal and decimal systems. I am sure that this difficulty 
is more serious and abiding than has been suspected, not only 
from the persistency of these twists whidi would have long 
since been smootiied away if they did not continue to subserve 
some useful purpose, but from the results of experiments on mv 
own mind. I find I can deal mentally with simple sums witn 
mudi less strain if I audibly conceive the figures as one-nought, 
one-one, etc., and I can both dictate and write from dictation with 
much less trouble when that system or some similar one is 
adopted. I have little doubt that our nomenclature is a serious 
tiiough imsuspected hindrance to the ready adoption by the 
pubhc of a decimal system of weights and measures. 

These Forms are no doubt of some convenience for mnemonic 
purposes, and it is worth considering what shape is most likely 
to suit the majority of those who wish for the first time to make 
one for their use. It ought of course to be based on the decimal 
system, and judging from the majority of the Forms it need not 
go higher than 100. I am sure that symmetrical divisions at each 
ten would be too elaborate and uniform for general convenience, 
and that a system of scores and half scores would be the best. 
In short a pentagon, with a mark in the middle of each side, 
seems most likely to fulfil the conditions ; it certainly suits me 
welL In that figure the angle at the bottom would stand 
indifferently for or 100, and the other angles for 20, 40, 60, 

Digitized by 


96 Appendix. 

and 80 ; the place of 50 being in the middle of the horizontal 
top line. I find that my own mind has a decided left-handed 
twist, so that I cannot without an effort reckon the divisions in 
this imaginary pentagon in the direction in which the hands of 
a clock would move, but I must proceed reverse ways. 

This concludes what I desired to say, and I trust that the 
gentlemen whose names I have mentioned will kindly explain 
their own Forms and favour us with any remarks that may help 
to throw light on this curious subject. . The lithographed page 
with 8 drawings contains copies of their Forms (made by a 
camera lucida) from those they were so good as to send me, and 
the following are brief explanatory extracts from their letters. 
The other lithograph contains 24 forms of other persons ; they 
will sufGiciently explain themselves. 


Brief Extracts from a few letters, with tUmtratione. (See Plate VII.) 
(The letter aocom^aaiying each iUustration is the initidl of the 

George Biddbb, Q.G. — One of the most curious peculiarities in 
my own case is the arrangement of the arithmetical numerals. I 
have sketched this to the best of my ability ; every number (at 
least within the first thousand, and afterwards thousands take the 
place of units) is always thought of by me in its own definite place 
m the series, where it has, if I ma^ say so, a home and an indi- 
viduality. I should, however, qualify this by saying that when 
I am multiplying together two large numbers, my mind is 
engrossed in the operation, and the idea of locality in the series for 
the moment sinks out of prominence. You will observe that the 
first part of the diagram roughly follows the arrangement of figures 
on a clock-face, and I am inclined to think that may have been in 
part the unconscious source of it, but I have always been utterly at 
a loss to account for the abrupt change at 10 and again at 12. 

Colonel Yule, O.B. — I am not sure that the angle at 20 is a 
right angle, nor the line from 20 to 100 straight. Neither do I (or 
dut 1 is perhaps more correct) see them in type, or black on white 
eround. I used to see them in gradations of colour, but I cannot 
nx these now with truth. I can only remember that 30 and up 
to 40 were of a subdued sunny colour; a division of the shade 
took place at 12. 

The Rev. G. Hbnslow. — I have always associated my numbers 
from childhood upwards as in the accompanying arrangement, but 
am quite at a loss to know how it arose. My alphabet corresponds 
with it. 

Digitized by 


Jowti Airftfopai«g iMt.Vol I.Pl Vn 

) 5 lOf— i IS 








1 °* 











i ^ 

1 ^^m^ 

\ ^^,...-^1000 

i ^^^ 




6 Kjo- 404142.. 

7 "^ 18 „ 30 31 32 . . 
lo!y«J** »202I22.. 

9fl 902*0. 

.' '.'.'. 2 



1 ,2 ^ ,.« .^ 

20 30 40 SO iO 70 80 90 

100 170 



: 1 

i ^ 





.«•• '•<>• 

.'.* Scale enlarged 
ao 30 40 

21 22 23 31 32 33 41 42 49 
rp 8425 2ft 34999ft 44454ft 
iU 27 28 28 379638 47 48 48 




Digitized by 

jr AWREmalie.Hth 


Digitized by 


JoumAit}irop(do^.In3L.7ol I,F1 Vni. 

— OSnwaZ> 

SuKghine CZl 


v«ry di f fk r€ .nt lAf 
tTuBT hrufhtness . 

FainUrxip tolOOO 

\ Frrnttid* Kgt /loot' 

\ShaidM ' vvojiumdcreSbtiMb- 



T.H.W ! FGE 


\ '-] 

I5.000/ / / 

; -"?// (( 


a» 20 


1^ 13 












}^ The bajt aruL T^tictdd 

t mm*fgr to mftam* 

^>* The 

i3 s: 

eoepUan> ftte^p^npeebufe. 

The AMrea are orv 
^^i a, pom, that Ziar 

anAi0*sin otHfite^ 

to, u 


3' ♦ 

Visualised numerals, 

by Francis GaJton.FR^. 

Digitized by 

jr.AWR em«ti»,iith 


Digitized by 


IXscussion. 97 

Abthttb Schuster, F.R.S. — The first figure shows ihe appear- 
ance the diagram 0-100 wonld have if looked at perpendicmarly. 
It recedes from the eye with a slight upward slope of about 1 in 
12. I make extensive use of this diagram ; it seems to me to act as 
a shelf on which I can put any number and take it out again when 
required. There is, however, a good deal of elasticiiy in this (as 
well as in the second figure), when I am speciallj occupied with 
one part of it, say between 70 and 80, as in thinking over what has 
happened in the last 10 years, that part would seem to become 
lai^r and encroach on the territory of its neighbours. On certain 
occasions also, the diagram would become distorted so as to join 
the 100 to the 0. 

This is not the only figure on which I visualise numbers ; the 
hundreds soem to me to be arranged as in the second figure, in a 
line sloping upwards. Between 1200 and 1500 the diagram becomes 
confused ; above 1500 1 cannot visualise numbers. I have almost 
daily to deal with such up to four or five figures, but they are only 
figures to me ; I cannot represent them in a diagram. 

John Rooet. — The first twelve are clearly derived from the 
spots on dominoes. After 100 there is nothing clear but 108 {i.e, 
9 X 12), and then I begin with the units and tens only as above. 

B. WooDD Smith. — 5n my case the numerals follow the route 
shown in the accompanying figure. Above 200 it becomes vague 
and is soon lost, except that 999 is always in a comer like 99. 
The lines bear no reasonable proportion to the numbers they 
contain, my own position in regard to them is generally at A, 
nearly opposite my own age, 50, and has shifted as I have grown 
older, but it sometimes varies between A and B. When at B I 
always stand with 1-7 to my left, but when at A I can &oe either 
towards 7-12 or towards 12-20, or 20-70, but never (I think) with 
my back to 12-20. 


Gboroe Bidder, Esq., observed that he had possessed the facully 
of mental visualisation referred to in the paper so long as he could 
remember. He imagined the mental pictures to be survivals of 
some early association of childhood, which however, in most cases, 
it is impossible to trace. In the mental picture or diagram that 
numerals appear to him to assume, the first twelve numbers are 
placed as if on a clock face, and probably the idea was originally de- 
rived from that source. In his diagram there was an angle at 10, 
and again at 12. He could only account for this by supposing it 
to be the result of a struggle between the decimal and duodecimal 
systems of notation. He explained also that not only numbers, 
but almost all subjects of thought and memory, present themselves 
to his mind in a visualised form : — For example, the months of the 
year are arranged in a circle. The days of the week in a line 
from right to lefb. The dates and events of history have also a 

VOL. X. H 

Digitized by 


98 DisevsstofL 

definite local arrangement. As regards the latter, he belieyed ihat 
he conld identify part of it with the arrangement in a certain his- 
torical puzzle-map, which he once, as a child, possessed. 

He pointed ont in connection with the subject, the curious value of 
memoria technica in assisting the memory, which usually consists 
of the arbitrary association of the fact to be remembered, with some 
totally incongruous, and perhaps ludicrous topic, and that apparently 
the very incongruity is an aid to memory ; he also explained that the 
visualised pictures were not in his case to be confounded with 
impressions real or &lse of the organs of external sense, and did not 
seem to rank with them at all. 

Dr. Hack Tdki^: With reference to a question just put by Major- 
General Lane Fox, as to ^* Whether the cause of the difference be- 
tween different people in the power to visualise mental impressions 
depends upon the perfection of the organs of sight ?" I see no reason 
to suppose such to be the case. I have no doubt the optic nerve is 
as well developed and the sight as good in those who are destitute 
of this power as in the 1 in 30 who possess it. Dr. Ferrier and 
others believe they have made out the visual centre in the grey 
matter of the cerebral convolutions ; and it is probably here that 
this remarkable power resides. It is not in the peripheral expan- 
sion of the optic nerve. If we could examine — I hope it may be 
long hence — ^the grey matter of the visual centre of Mr. Bidder 
and others who have given us their experience to-night, we ought 
to find under the microscope a greater perfection of structure 
than in that of ordinary people. If our knowledge were suffi- 
ciently advanced, we ought to discover cells exquisitely adapted 
to their purpose ; cells possessing a receptive and retentive power 
in a superlative degree. This visualising of forms might be 
called a faculty of physiological hallucination, as distinguished 
from what I am more familiar with — ^pathological hallucination* 
I have paid some attention to this among the insane, and have 
observed marked differences among them on careful in<]^uiry into 
their sensations, although at first sight they seemed identicaL 
Thus, with auditory hallucinations, I find that when a man hears an 
imaginary voice he sometimes hears it as clearly as he hears my 
own ; while in other cases it is only heard internally. It is an 
inward voice. Corresponding conditions, I suspect, occur with those 
who visualise figures. In some, there is a distinct objective form ; 
in others, the internal representation, however vivid, does not 
reach the point of objectivity. It would take too long to go 
into the physiological causes of these differences. There is no 
doubt that the researches of Mr. Oalton in regard to these remark- 
able mental representations, which are consistent with perfect health, 
present great interest to those who study the haUucmations which 
result from disease. In both instances they are alike purely sub- 
jective in their nature. 

Mr. Schuster: The diagram of numerals which I see, has 
roughly the shape of a horse-shoe, lying on a slightly inclined 
plane, with the open end towards me. It always first comes into 

Digitized by 


Discussion. 99 

view, in front of me, a little to the left, so that the right-hand 
branch of the horseshoe, at the bottom of which I place 0, is in 
front of my left eye. The numbers then succeed each other, going 
upwards and to the left ; 50 is placed at the highest point. When 
I inove my eyes without moving my head, the diagram remains 
fixed in space, and does not follow the movement of my eye. WTien 
I move the head, the diagram unconsciously follows the movement, 
but I can, by an effort, have it fixed in space as bef(»re. I can also 
shift it from one part of the field of view to the other, and even 
turn it upside down. I use the diagram as a resting-place for the 
memory, placing a number on it, and finding it again when wanted. 
A remarkable property of the diagram is a sort of elasticity which 
enables me to join the two open ends of the horse-shoe together 
when I want to connect 100 with 0. The same elasticity causes me to 
see that part of the diagram on which I fix my attention larger than 
the rest. 

I also have a diagram on which I place the months of the year. 
The diagram is an oval curve. The months follow each other in 
the direction of motion of the hands of a watch. The summer 
months take up a much larger space than the winter months. 

I see the days of the week arranged in a straight line from right 
to left. 

Although both the numerals and the days of the week succeed 
each other from right to left, I am not left-handed. 

Mr. A. Ttlor : Mr. Bidder in his remarkable and most valuable 
account of the workings of his own mind, and of the hereditary 
power which he possesses of visualising, has stated : First, that the 
face of the clock itself (but with the figures XI and XII deficient) 
from which as a child he had learnt to tell the time, recurs to his 
mind when he visualises. Second, that the picture of a certain 
number of the kings of England following William the Conqueror, 
appears still in his mind in the same row that he first saw them in 
the child's pictorial history book from which he learnt their names, 
dates, and order. From the statement made by Mr. Galton on the 
authority of most of the visualists, the impressions of this kind 
made in childhood are the most permanent, brightest, and clearest. 
The events happening since childhood are more difficult to visualise 
than the earlier periods of history. 

This statement refers us to the importance of object lessons for 
children, the Kindergarten system, and explains why children 
should be taught by objects. A block, with three dimensions, 
faced with a picture of an object used to illustrate a letter or 
word, seem to enable any child to visualise and make the first 
great abstract step in education. 

I may mention my own experience on a subject not touched on 
by Mr. Galton, viz. : the manner of learning to distinguish the 
right hand from the lefb. 

1 found that difficult, and when a young child invented for 
myself a plan of overcoming that difficulty ; I pictured, or as it 
will now be called (after the valuable discovery of Mr. Galton), 

H 2 

Digitized by 


100 Discussion, 

yisnalised myself always in the same position in the same room 
riding on a rocking-horse, with a whip in my right hand ; as I knew 
that the hand with the whip mnst be always between the horse and 
the wall, I oonld determine which was my right hand in whatever 
position I actaally was, by placing myself yisnally in the proper 
position on the horse. No donbt most children do something of 
this kind in learning lessons, mnsio, or ciphering. 

Had I known how to interpret what had happened to myself and 
to Mr. Chdton's other observers — ^when I read before the Institute 
my paper on the "Object-Origin of Pre-historic Thoughts and 
Ideas,"* I should have streugtheued my argument on Thought. Mr. 
Galton's researches'extend the principle I thus advocated very much. 
I believe now that the only thoughts that young children can attain 
to have a distinct object-origin, and on this point children 
resemble the whole animal world. Not only has Mr. Galton's 
inquiry a local value, but his investigation will probably affect the 
theory of the working of the human mind, and have an important 
implication on other questions of biology. 

Mr. BoQET, on being called upon, sifted that the form which the 
numbers from 1 to 100 instinctively assumed in his imagination, 
did not seem to exhibit any remarkable peculiarities as compared 
with those of other persons who saw such forms. It was, however, 
so deeply engraven in his mind, that a strong effort of the will was 
required to substitute for it any artificial arrangement. This he 
had found to be the case in the endeavour to fix dates in his 
memory. He had, in childhood, been trained by his father (the 
late Dr. Boget) to the use of a well-known system of memoria 
techmca advocated by Feinaigle, in which each year has its special 
place on the walls of a particular room, and the rooms of a house 
represent successive centuries. This plan his father had made 
great use of, and it had always served the speaker well for the 
chronology of earlier ages; but for that in which we live, par- 
ticularly for events during his own life, he had, in spite of various 
attempts, never succeeded in fairly locating the datai in the room 
assigned to them. They would go to what seemed to be their 
natural homes in the arrangement above referred to, which had 
come to him from some other, probably prior, but unknown source. 
The numbers from 1 to 12, taken separately, usually appeared to 
him in symmetrical forms, chiefly learnt, he had little doubt, from 
the spots on dominoes. 

Mr. BiCHABD B. Mabtin : 1 should like to ask Mr. Oalton if he 
has observed the singular power which is the subject of his paper to 
exist in any particular class of persons, or to be associated with any 
special pursuits, artistic, mathematical, or otherwise. 

The Kev. Q. Hbnslow described his own scheme of visualised 
numerals, which, like several others, had an angular bend at 10, 
and another at 12. The figures 1-6 being horizontal, figure 6 was in 
the usual point of sight, 7 to 10 being vertically arranged. The 

* " Journal of the Anthropological Institute," vol ri, p. 126. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Discussion, 101 

whole range from 1 to 100 (101 recommenomg at 1) was in sight 
at onoe, and any figure could be obBerved in its normal place ; bnt 
if the head was tnmed, the whole scheme moved accordmgl j. By 
an effort of the will, if the ejes were alone tnmed and not the head, 
the scheme conld be shifted- also, so that the figure 6 would still 
retain its position in the line of sight. 

His mental alphabet was described as partially coloured ; several 
of the letters bemg the initial letters of colours, partake of the same 
hues. Thus, B, G, R, P, are blue, green, red, purple, respectively. 
I is black, being the initial letter of Ink, while C and are white, 
apparently due to the white space included within the circle of 
luack; that others are coloured, such as A being yellow, and 
severalgrey. He could not account for these facts. 

Mr. Onslow also described his experience of Visual Objects, On 
shuttii^ the eyes and waiting for a minute or so, some object, real 
or nondescript, is sure to appear. Something in its form appears to 
be suggestive of some other object, into which it spontaneously 
turns, tiie latter resolving itself into a third, and so on till the 
series vanishes. The visual objects are thus purely automatic 
creations of the brain. Sometimes an object will appear which had 
been previously seen, but entirely forgotten, showing that uncon- 
scious or automatic memory was at work. The objects often seen 
are elaborately cut glass bowls, etc., highly ornamental ; embossed^ 
chased or frosted or filagreed gold and silver ornaments, flower- 
stands, etc., of exquisite beauly ; as well as common objects, fruit, 
flowers, jugs, sofas, etc. Brilliant and elaborate patterns of textile 
fabrics are not unfrequent. Choice bits of scenery, such as a narrow 
gorge, covered with ferns and mosses, with cascades, etc., or again^ 
well-remembered scenes of childhood, wiU spontaneously appear. 

If an attempt be made to foist some object into ihe dioramic 
series, a great effort of the wiU is required. The first attempt may 
either ful entirely or some nondescript hybrid structure, part 
automatic and part volitional, will appear. By a continued and 
determined effort to see the object thought of, the will or volitional 
effort may overcome the automatic action of the brain, so that the 
object determined upon will at last appear distinct and sharply 

Every object is generally very distinct, though if of some length, 
the whole of it cannot always be seen at once, thus the stock of a 
gun was only visible, not the barrel. They are at focal distance, 
excepting sceneiy, which appears as in nature. The objects are of 
small size, 1 to 2 or 3 inches in diameter or length. 

Several water-colour illustrations of visual objects were exhibited 
by Mr. Henslow. 

Colonel Yule, C.B. : I am afraid my experiences in this way are 
less striking and vivid than those described by the gentlemen who 
have spoken. The diagram representing the form in which I see the 
series of numbers is on the wall, and will be seen to be of a very 
simple kind compared with theirs. With me, too, the impressions 
have become sensibly weaker of late years, and in describing them 

Digitized by 


102 List of Presents. 

it is not always quite easy to say how far I am speaking from snr- 
viying impressions, and how far from memories of tike past. I 
mnst say, too, that I have fonnd that nnder the effort to fix and 
describe these impressions in writing for Mr. Gkdton, they have 
become, as it were, thinner, and hard to catch ; and in this expe- 
rience I do not stand alone. 

Thoneh I oonld respond to mnoh that was said of their own 
impressions by Mr. Bidder and Mr. Henslow, there is one point in 
which their experiences raise in me strong dissent. They actually 
describe not only the procession of numbers as seen by them, but 
that of the days of the week and the months of the year as adyancing 
from right to left! Now, so strong with me is the opposite impres- 
sion that their description seems to me quite anomalous, and in fact 
if I said all I felt I should say — " Why, everybody knows that they 
go the other way." 

I may mention that the procession of numbers as I see them, 
rising vertically from 1 to 20, and from 20 going off to the right in 
a tolerably straight line up to 100, applies strictly also to my 
retrospect of the history of ihe centuries. Every event in the first 
20 years of a century (e,g,, the Union with Scotland, the Rebellion 
of 1715 in the last century ; or the Regency, the batUe of Waterloo, 
etc., in the present oentury) I see as in the vertical part of the 
series, every event in the remaining decades of the century falls 
into the horizontal procession. 

Colonel Yule then spoke of the form and different colours of the 
days of the week as they appeared to him ; and in conclusion said 
that in being called up to speak on this subject, he could not but 
feel a good deal like M. Jourdain, who was so astonished at learning 
that he had been speaking prose for 40 years without knowing it. 
So he (the speaker) had been visualising for a good deal more than 
40 years, and but for their friend Mr. Galton he should never have 
become aware of the fact. 

Makch 23rd, 1880. 

E. BUENETT Tylob, Esq., F.RS., President, in the Chair. 

The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. 

The following list of presents were announced, and thanks 
were ordered to be returned to the respective donors : — 

Fob the Libbaby. 

From MiOTAB TudomAntos Akad^mia A Buda-Pbst.— Almanach, 
1879-80} firtesito (Akad6miai) 1878, 1-7; firtesito (Awshieo- 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


.JoupiL. Aathropolo^ lust yV.l X FT DC 

NicobsLPese Picture "Writin 



Digitized by ' 

V. Ball. — On Kicobarese Ideographs, 108 

logiai) 1878, XII ; fivkonyvek (Annalea), XVI, 2-6 ; 
^^kes^sek a t&rsad. tudomanyok kbr^bol. Y. 1-8 ; 
£rtekez^6ek a tOrt^nelmi tndomdnjok kdrebol, YII, 5-10, 
YUI, 1-9 ; £rtekez68ek a mathem. tudorndDvok kQr6bol, YI, 
3-9, VII, 1, 2, 4, 6 ; Ertekez^sek a termeszet-tudomdnyok 
kttr^bol, Vin, 3-15, IX, 1-19 ; Ki5zlem6nyek (Math. 6s Term.) 
XIV, XV; Monnmenta Hongariffi E&sto rica. I. osztdlj. 
Diplomataria, XVI ; TOrt^neln d T 4r. XXV ; Archivum 
B&6czianTim. I. osztdlj. VI, Vll; Liter. Berichte ana 
Ungam. 1878, 1-4, 1879, 1-4; Monnm. Aroh«ol. Ill, 2, 
IV, 1. 

From the Bditob.— " Nature," Nos. 541, 542. 

From the Editob. — ^Bevne Interoatioiiale des Sdenoes, No. 8, 

From the Editob. — Bevne Scientifione, No. 38. 

From the Editor. — Correspondenz-Blatt, No. 8, 1880. 

From the Sogibtt. — Journal of the Society of Arts, Nos. 1425, 

From the Socibtt. — Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of 
Scotland. Vol. XII, pt. 2. Vol. I, new series. 

From the Societt. — Mittheilungen der Anthrop., Gesell. in Wien. 
Band. IX, Nos. 9, 10. 

From the Goybbnmbnt. — Statistics of the Colony of New Zealand, 

From the Authob. — ^Archoological Notes on Ancient Sculpturings 
on Books in Kumaon, India ; Prehistoric Remains in Control 
India; Bough Notes on the Snake Symbol in India, in 
oonnection with the Worship of Siva; Description of some 
Stone Carvings collected in a Tour through the Doab, from 
Cawnpore to Alainpuri. By J. H. Rivett-Camac, Esq., C.S., 

From the Authob. — ^Introduction to the Study of Sign Language. 
By Garrick Mallery, Esq. 

From the Authob. — " Turtie-back " Celts in the District of 
Report on a Chaco Cranium. By W. J. Hoffman, M.D. 

The following paper was read : — 

On NicoBAKESE Ideogbaphs. By V. Ball, M.A., F.G.S. 

Mr. Galton's abstract of M. von M. Maclay's Notes* on the 
Papuans of Maday Coast, New Guinea, has recalled to my 
memory an intention formed long ago of bringing before the 
notice of the members of the Anthropological Institute, an 
account of certain ideographs or picture writings which are 
commonly to be met with in the houses of the inhabitants of the 

• PuUithed in *' Nature/' vol xxi, p. 227. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

104 V. Ball. — On Mcobarese Ideographs. 

Nicobar Islands. What I have to say on the subject is not 
precisely new, since a paper by me, describing and figuring the 
example, of which I herewith forward a photograph, was 
published in the Bombay " Indian Antiquary," for 1875. How- 
ever, since the facts have never been laid before a critical 
audience, I venture to hope that this communication may not 
prove unacceptable to the members of the Institute. 

As the Andamanese may be said to have not progressed in 
civilisation beyond that stage which was represented by the 
people of the early stone periods of Europe, so the Nicobarese, 
who are much less savage and degraded than their neighbours of 
the Andamans, may justly be compared with the inhabitants of 
Europe in the *' Bronze period,"* their villages erected on posts 
below high-water mark, alone serving to suggest a comparison 
with the lake-dwellings of Switzerland and other coimtries. 

The example of Nicobarese picture writing, which I shall now 
describe,t was obtained by me in the year 1873, on the island 
of Kondul, where I foimd it hanging in the house of a man who 
was said to have died a short time previously. Before removing 
it I obtained the consent of some of the vOlagers, who seemed 
amused at my wishing for it The offer of simdry bottles of 
rum, some cigars, and rupees, enabled me to obtain a goodly 
number of images, weapons, utensils, etc., but I do not purpose 
to allude to these more than thus incidentally at present 

While fully recognising the possibility of this painted screen 
not being intended to be more than an ornament^ object, as the 
wooden images of men which are commonly to be seen in 
Nicobarese houses are believed to be, there are several features 
about it which lead me to the conclusion that it is really a record 
of some event 

The material of which it is made is, I believe, either the 
glume of a bamboo, or the spatJie of a palm which has been 
flattened out and framed with split bamboos. 

It is about 3 feet long, by 18 inches broad. The objects are 
painted with vermilion, their outlines being surrounded with 
punctures, which allow the light to pass through. Suspended 
from the frame are some young cocoanuts and fragments of 
dried hogsflesh. 

As in all such Nicobarese paintings, which I have either seen 
or heard of, figures of the sun, moon, and stars occupy prominent 
positions. Now the sun and moon are stated by those who have 
Icnown the Nicobarese best to be especial objects of adoration, 

* I obtained a Nicobarese spear-head when in the island which was made of 
copper ; but ordinarily iron obtained by barter, or from wrecks is used in the 
manu&ioture of spears. 

t The original is deposited in the Museum of Science and Art, Dublin. 

Digitized by 


y. Ball. — On Nicdbarese Ideographs. 105 

and therefore these paintmgs may have some religious signifi- 
cance, but it may be that they are regarded as the orthodox 
heading of even purely civil records. 

At i&st it occurred to me that this was merely an inventory 
of the property of the deceased, but as some of the objects are 
certainly not such as we should expect to find in an enumeration 
of property, e.g.y the lizard, while the figures of men appear to 
portray particular emotions, it seems probable that the objects 
represented have a more or less conventional meaning, and that 
we have here a document of as hond fide and translatable 
a character as an Egyptian hieroglyphic inscription. 

My own efforts to discover an interpretation from the natives 
on the spot were not crowned with success, and I have now to 
regret that I did not persevere, as some of the more intelligent 
and intelligible inhabitants near the settlement at Kamorta 
would probably have been able to explain the meaning of the 

Mr. De Eoepstorfi*, Extra Assistant Superintendent of the 
Andamans and Nicobars, to whom I applied for such infor- 
mation as he might be able to collect upon the subject, 
assured me by letter in 1873, that the screens had a religious 
significance, and were used to exorcise spirits, but he did not 
seem to re^rd them as capable of being interpreted. However, 
I am not quite satisfied that this view is correct, and I therefore 
hope that some one, having an opportunity of doing so, may give 
special attention to the point. 

The following is a list of the objects depicted, besides animals ; 
many of the common utensils in use in a Nicobarese household 
are included : — 

1. The sun and stars ; 2. The moon and stars ; 3. Swallows 
or (?) flying fish ; 4 Impression of the forepart of a human 
foot ; 5. A lizard (Hydrosaurus ?) ; 6. Four men in various 
attitudes; 7. Two dds for cutting jungle; 8. Two earthen 
cooking vessels ; 9. Two birds ; 10. An axe ; 11. Two spears ; 
12. A ladder (?) ; 13. Dish for food ; 14. Cocoanut water vessels ; 
15. Palm-tree; 16. A canoe; 17. Three pigs; 18. Shed; 
19. Domestic fowl ; 20. Seaman's chest ; 21. Dog; 22. Fish of 
difiPerent kinds; 23. Turtle. 

Digitized by 


106 V. Ball. — On Nicobarese Ideographic 

AtUhorities an the Nicobar Islands not induded in, and smbseguent 
to Mr. Disian£s List.* By V. Ball, M.A., F.G.S. 

Travels of two Mahomedans through India and China. Trans- 
lated from the Arabic, by the Abb^ Benaudot Be-traus- 
lated from French into English, '^Harris's Voyages and 
Travels," VoL I, p. 523. 

First Voyage written by Soliman, A.H. 237, A.D. 851. Second, 
by Abu Zaid-l-Hussan of Siraf, A.H. 303 = a.d. 916. 

Jamin-t-tawarik, by Bashidu-d-Din, A.H. 710 = A.D. 1310. 

Vide " History of India," by Sir Henry Elliot, Vol. I, p. 71, and 
remarks upon the above by CJolonel EL Yule, J.ILA.S., 
VoL IV, N.S., part 2, p. 352. 

NicoLO CoNTi, A.D. 1420-1430. 

Vide "India in the loth Century," Introduction, Hakluyt 
Society. The remarks on the voyages of Sindbad the 
Sailor are of particular interest. It is possible that the 
Island of Nacous, visited by Sindbad, was one of the 

Fernanhez. An account of the Empire of China, Historical, 
Political, Moral, and Beligious, written in Spanish, by the 
R F. F. Dominic, Fernandez Navaretti, 1667. Translated 
in " A Collection of Voyages and Travels, etc.," VoL I, Book 
VI, chap. 19, p. 273. London, 1752. 

PiaiE Faurb, S.J. Letter to Pire de la Boesse, S J., dated 
17th January, 1711. From the "Lettres Edifiantes et 
Cirseuses," Toulouse, 1810. 

Piaa: Tullandier, S. J. to Pfere Willard, S. J., dated 20th February, 
1711, t.c., p. 58. 

KcEPiNG. Voyage of, Stockholm, 1743. 

Bolt's Becueil des pieces authentiques relatives aux afiFaires 
de la ci-devant Socidt^ Imp&riale Asiatique de Trieste 
Genie k Anvers. Bruxelles 1787, p. 78. 

Topping. " Journal of a Voyage in the Bay of Bengal " (visited 
Nicobars, October 1790.) Selections from records of the 
Madras Government, No. XIX, 1855, pp. 31, 35. 

CoLEBRooKE, Lt. E. H. On the Islands Nancoury and 
Comarty. " Asiatic Besearches," VoL IV, 1795, p. 129. 

Hamilton. East India Gazetteer, London, 1805. 

HoRSBURG. East Indian Directory, VoL II, 1836. Be printe d 
in " Eecords of the Government of India," No. LXXVII, 
1870, p. 1. 

• " Journal of the Anthropological Institute," vol. Ti, No. iii, p. 209. 

Digitized by 


V. Ball. — On Nieobarese Ideographs. 107 

Selections from the Calcutta Gazetteer, Calcutta, YoL V, 1823, 

p. 94 
BuscH. Journal kept on board the schooner " L'Espiegel " on a 

cruise amongst the Nicobar Islands; in 1845. Eeprinted 

in the "Records of the Government of India," No. LXXVII, 

1870, p. 9. 
McClellandt, Dr. Analytical report on specimens of coal 

fipom the Nicobars, 31st May, 1845. "Records of the 

Government of India," VoL LXXVII, 1870, p. 28. 
Barbe, Rev. P. Notice of the Nicobar Islands, " Journal of the 

Asiatic Society of Bengal," Vol. XV, 1846, p. 344. 
„ Sketches at the Nicobars, " Journal of the Indian Archi- 
pelago," VoL III, 1849, p. 261. 
Choppakd, Rev. J. M., Missionary Apostolic. ** A few particulars 

respecting the Nicobar Islands," dated 2nd June, 1844. 

" Journal of the Indian Archipelago>" VoL III, 1849, p. 271. 

Reprinted in the " Records of the Government of India," 

No. LXXVII, 1870, p. 68. 
ScHEKZEE, Dr. Karl. " Reise der Novara um die Erde," 1861, 

Vol. II, p. 79. " Statistics and Commerce," VoL I, p. 291 ; 

"Medical Report," Vol. I, Sec. VIII. 
Man, CoL, and King, Dr. Report on the Nicobar Islands, 

April 1869. Port Blair, Pamph. 1869. 
Ball, V. " The Nicobar Islands," ** Calcutta Review," No. CII, 

1870, p. 246. 
Ball, V. " On the Language of the Nicobaarins." " Records 

of the Government of India," No. LXXVII, 1870, p. 258. 
Ball, V. Notes on a trip to the Nicobar Islands. " lind and 

Water," 1870. 
Besides the above, there are several minor references which 
might be given, but it is perhaps undesirable to enlarge the list. 
I avail myself of this opportunity of pointing out that Mr. 
Distant^ has unfortunately been misled regarding the geological 
structure of the Nicobar Islands by one of the authorities whom 
he quotes. It is neither the case that " the Great Nicobar, Little 
Nicobar, and Katchall are of coral formation," nor that " the 
other islands are of volcanic origin." 

* Car Nicobar, as stated, was the only island of the group which I Tisited. 
As regards the geolo^^ of t^e Great Nicobar, Little Nicobar, and Eatchall, I relied 
on the testimony of Fr. Ad. de ROcpetorff (" Geograph. Mag.,** toI. ii, p. 44, 1875), 
as also for the yolcanic origin of the other islands. 

Mr. Ball has omitted from his supplement to my bibliographical list> the 
most important paper published since that date, yiz. : " Observations on Mr. 
Man's Collection of Andamanese and Nicobuese Obje^," by Maj.-Oen. A. Lane 
Fox ("Journal Anthro. Inst.," toI. Tii, p. 488, 1878^. There is also {ibid. vol. Tiii. 
p. 886, 1879) a note of my own, reoordine mformation communicated br 
Gen. Man, as to the people inhabiting the interior of the Great Nicobar Island. 
— W.L.D. 

Digitized by 


108 Lid of Presents, 

Eaised coral beaches do indeed occur near the coast lines of 
the first mentioned, and dykes of volcanic rocks have been 
observed in the latter, but both are mainly composed of 
sedimentary rocks of tertiary age as has been pointed out by 
Kink Hochstetter and others. 

Alfred Tylor, Esq., F.G.S., read a paper entitled "The 
Laws of Ornament in the Organic World, and on the Origin of 
the Human Form." 

April 13th, 1880. 

Major-General A. Lane Fox Pitt Rivers, F.RS., Vice-Presidrnt, 

in the Chair. 

The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. 
The following presents were annoimced, and thanks ordered 
to be returned to the respective donors : — 

Fob thb Librabt. 

From W. Eassib, Esq. — Transactions of the Cremation Society of 

England, No. 1. 
From Professor Aoassiz. — Bulletin of the Museum of Comparative 

Zoology, at Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass., Vol. VT, 

No. 3. 
From Professor A. Eckbb. — ^Archiv fur Anthropologie, Vol. XII, 

From the Gbogbaphical Society op Metz. — Zweiter Jahresbericbt 

des Vereins fiir Erdknnde zu Metz pro 1879. 
From the Author. — ^Mittheilungen aus der Antfaropologischen 

Literatnr Amerikas. By Dr. Emil Schmidt. 
From the Author. — ^Eine Culturskizze des Marutse-Mambunda- 

Beiches in Sud-central-Afrika. By Dr. Emil Holub. 
From tiie Society. — Proceedings of the Royal Society, No. 201. 
From the Society. — ^Journal of the Society of Arts, Nos. 1427- 

From the Society. — Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries, 

Vol. Vin, No. 2. 
From the Society. — Bulletin de la Soci6t6 de Borda a Dax, 1880, 

No. 1. 
From the Society. — Proceedings of the Boyal Geographical Society, 

Vol. II, No. 4, 
From the Society. — Transactions of the Imperial Society of 

Naturalists, Moscow, Vol. XXV, Part 3. 

Digitized by 


C. S. Wake. — Notes on the Polynesian Race. 109 

From the Society. — Proceedings of the Amerioan Philosophical 
Society, Nos. 103, 104. 

From the Academy. — Nova Acta AcademisB CaasaresB Leopoldino- 
Carolinsa G^rmanic89 NatorsB Cariosoram, T. XL. 

From the Assocution. — ^Aimnal Eeport of the Geologists* Asso- 
ciation for 1879. 

From the Assocution. — Proceedings of the American Association 
for the Advancement of Science, 27th Meeting. 

From the Editor. — "Natnre,*' Nos. 543-545. 

From the Editob.— " Athenaeum," Part 627. 

From the Editor. — ^Revue Scientifiqne Nos. 39-41. 

From the Editob. — ^Mat^rianx ponr Thistoire de THomme, T. XI, 
Kv. 1, 2. 

The following paper was read : — 

Notes on the Polynesian Bace. 
By C, Staniland Wake, M.A.I. 

In a valuable work recently published* some remarks are made 
with reference to the Polynesian race, which, although not 
inconsistent with the statements of recognised authorities, 
appear to me to be erroneous and, owing to their importance, to 
require correction. The writer of the work in question, after 
affirming that the whole of the Polynesian Islands are inhabited 
by one race, which diflfers very littie in the several islands, gives 
a general description of its physical characters, and of the native 
arts and manufactures. Among other things it is stated that 
the Mahoris, the name there given to the brown Polynesians, 
" have littie beard generally, though sometimes it grows pretty 
freely," and it is asserted that tibey have no bow and arrows 
(p. 494). These two general statements are, if true, very im- 
portant, seeing that they tend to support the opinion that the 
Polynesian and Papuan peoples belong to quite distinct races. 
The bearded Mangaians of the Hervey Archipelago are distin- 
guished from the Mahoris, so called, as the extreme eastern 
outliers of the Melanesian or Papuan race (p. 567), and else- 
where the lighter coloured natives of Eastern New Guinea are 
said to possess many features ''which are characteristically 
Polynesian," among them being "absence of the bow and 
arrow " (p. 456). Mr. Wallace, the editor of the work from 
which these statements are taken, wrote, not long ago, in the 

• " Stanford's " Compendium of Q«)graphy and Travel," (** Australasia.") 
Edited and extended by Alfred R. Wallace, F.E.G.8. 1879. 

Digitized by 


110 C. S. Wase.— Notes on tht Polynesian Race. 

" ContempoTary Eeview,"* that the Papuans of New Guinea 
contrast strongly with the Malays and Polynesians, being toler- 
ably well bearded, and differ fix)m them in having the bow and 
arrow, as an indigenous weapon, stating indeed that " the use of 
the bow and arrow by the Papuans is an important ethnological 
feature, distinguishing them from aU the peoples by whom they 
are immediately surrounded, and connecting them, as do their 
physiological peculiarities, with an ancient wide-spread negroid 
type." I propose therefore to show, ^rs^, that the Polynesian 
Islanders must be described rather as a bearded than a non- 
bearded race, and, secondly , that, as a rule, they aie well 
acquainted with the use of the bow and arrow. 

As to the first point, it must be admitted that the idea of the 
Poljmesian Islanders being an almost beardless race is not a 
rare one. Mr. Hale, of the United States* Exploring Expedition, 
in his admirable work on ethnography and philology, afl&rms 
that with them the beard is scanty and does not usually make 
its appearance till middle age (p. 9). Again, a recent German 
writer, Herr Peschel, speaks of the Polynesian and Asiatic 
Malays as one race, and as having '' almost complete absence of 
beard and hair on the body " as a common character.f On the 
other hand, however. Prof. Lawrence long since made the remark 
that " although the South Sea Islanders come under the dark- 
coloured division of the human race, they are not at all deficient 
in beard." He adds that " the descriptions and figures of Cook 
concur in assigning to them in many cases a copious growth/'J 
The general truth of Lawrence's conclusion can be established 
by reference to the testimony of various travellers as to the 
inhabitants of the several island groups of the Pacific. Thus 
Dr. Pickering makes the observation that the beard is not 
unusual among the Polynesians, although it is not strong until 
late in lifa§ This traveller remarks, indeed, that in the Low 
Archipelago the Eastern and Western Paumotuans remove the 
beard, but he adds that it is universally worn by the natives of 
Disappointment Island and Penrhyn Island.|| This would seem 
to be true also of the Glambier Islanders, who are said by Capt. 
Beechy to wear moustaches and beards, but no whiskers. One 
man had a beard which reached to the pit of his 
The natives of Eaater Island who, like the Penrhjm Islanders, 
are supposed by Mr. Gill to have been derived from the Hervey 

• February, 1879. 

t " The Baces of Man." (English edition) p. 847. 

X " Lecturee," p. 206. 

§ " Races of Man," (Bohn) p. 44. 

II Ihid. p. 48 teq. 

% See " Prichard's " Physical Researches," vol. t, p. 142. 

Digitized by 


C. S. Wakb. — Notes on the Polynesian Bace. Ill 

Islands * cut the beard short for deanliness-t The Hervey 
Islanders themselves would appear to be well bearded^ although 
this is ascribed by Mr. Wallace to the presence of a Melanesian 
element.§ That people were derived from the Samoan group, 
from which the Society Islanders are said to have migrated at a 
still earlier date. Now, Mr. Forster long since noted that at 
Tahiti the chiefs and others often had strong beardsJI a state- 
ment which is confirmed by Capt. Cook, who says that the 
beard is there grown long.lT A later observer, the Kev. 
William Ellis, in speaking of the Tahitians and the natives of 
the neighbouring islands, remarks that '' sometimes the men 
plucked the beard out by the roots, shaved it off with a shark's 
tooth, or removed it with the edges of two shells, acting like the 
blades of a pair of scissors, but cutting against each other; 
whilst others allowed the beard to grow, sometimes twisting and 
braiding it together." He states, however, that these fashions 
have aU disappeared, and that the beard is generally at least 
shaved once a week, and by the chiefs more frequently.** If we 
approach nearer to the Samoan group, from which all the 
Eeifitem Pacific Islanders have sprung, we find that the natives 
of the Nine or Savage Island are able to grow the beard to a 
great It is true that, according to a correspondent of 
Dr. J. Barnard Davis, the inhabitants of the Ellice group of 
islands — ^who claim to have sprung from Samoa — " have, as a 
rule, a dozen straggling hairs for a beard.^ It appears, how- 
ever, from the same authority that on one island, Nunemaya, 
** the men have splendid beards/' and Admiral Wilkes states 
expressly that the mhabitants of Fanafute, tl^e largest island of 
the Ellice group, are well provided with beards, resembling in 
that respect the Fijians. He adds that the people generally 
are similar in appearance to the Hawaians, although speaking a 
dialect resembling the Samoan. §§ The scanty beard of some of 
the Ellice Islanders may perhaps be due to the fact that an 
Asiatic element has been introduced from the Kingsmill Islands. 
Admiral Wilkes mentions that a loathsome skin disease to which 
the former are subject is equally prevalent in the latterj||| and 
Mr. Gill states that the natives of the Nui Island, in the Ellice 

• " Life in fche Southern Isles," p. 26. 

t Qt, Forster's" Vojage Bound the World," toI. i, p. 658. 

J " Cook's Third Voyage," voL i, p. 178. 

§ See ** Australasia," p. 607. 

II Op, eit. vol. ii, p. 111. 

% " Second Voyase Sound the World " toI. ii. i». 14/7. 

•• « Polynesian Besearohes," 2nd edition, i, 79, 188. 

ft Wood's •* Natural History of Man," yoI. ii, p. 896. 

jj " Anthropological Review," voL viii, p. 191. 

§§ ** United States' Exploring Expedition," vol. v, p. 88 eeq, 

II ;i /Wrf.v,p.46. 

Digitized by 


112 C. S. Wake. — Notes on the Polynesian Race. 

Archipelago, trace their origin to the Kingsmill group, which he 
supposes to have been peopled from Japan,* The last named 
writer affirms that the Maoris of New Zealand are in part 
descended from the Hervey Islanders, whom they call elder 
brothers,t and Capt. Cook and his companions speak of the 
black frizzled beards which they saw among the New Zea- 
landers4 The Kev. Mr. Taylor says that the Maori rivals tlie 
European in the luxuriance of his beard,§ and Mr. J. G. Wood 
remarks that the Maoris have naturally a fall beard, but that 
they remove every vestige of hair on the face in order to 
show the tattoo markings on it.|| This statement agrees with Dr. 
J. R Forster*s observation that, in both New Zealand and the 
Marquesas, those who are much punctured on their faces have 
very little or no beard at alLI Captsdn Cook states, however, 
that the Marquesans, who are said to be the finest of the South 
Sea Islanders, have generally long beards,** and he describes the 
treatment of these appendages in much the same terms as are 
used by Mr. Ellis in relation to the beards of the Tahitians. 
A recent writer mentions the fact that long white human beards 
are highly prized by the Marquesans as decorations, and are 
cultivated for the purpose of being thus Pritchard makes 
the observation as to the natives of the Sandwich Islands, that 
they may almost be considered as the same nation as the 
Marquesan8,Jt and they would certainly seem to agree in the 
possession of the beard. Capt King remarks that the inhabi- 
tants of the Sandwich Islands " differ from those of the Friendly 
Isles, in suflering, almost universally, their beards to grow."§§ 

We should be quite justified in assuming from the foregoing 
facts that the Polynesian Islanders are a bearded race, but 
strangely enough we find that the natives of the Navigator or 
Samoan Islands, from which most of the other islands of the 
East Pacific appear to have been peopled, are usually described 
as being but scantUy bearded. Dr. Darwin, indeed, explains the 
beardless character of the inhabitants of the Tongan and Samoan 
Archipelagoes as compared with the neighbouring Fijians on the 
ground of their belonging to different races. |||| He does not, 
however, refer to any authority on that point, and the important 

* Op, cit. p. 25. 

t C^. cit. p. 29. 

J Forater, op, cit, i, 171. 

§ " New Zealand and ita Inhabitants,*' 2nd edition, p. 66. 

II O^. <nf. ii, 106. 

if " Observations made during a Voyage Bound the World," p. 271. 

•• « Second Voyage," voL ii, p. 809. 

tt Wood, op. cit. u, 386. 

it •* Natural History," p. 886. 

§§ " "Voyage to the Pacific," iii, 184. 

nil *' Descent of 3fan," ii, 822. 

Digitized by 



C. S. Wake. — Notes on the Polynesian Race, 113 

position occupied by those peoples in relation to the other mem- 
bers of the same race renders it necessary for us to examine into 
the truth of his opinion. Mr. William D. Pritchard says of the 
Tongan and Samoan that " he is almost beardless and abhors a 
hairy chin."* This, is however, by way of antithesis to the 
remark made in relation to the Fijian, that his beard is equally 
profuse as his hair and " is his greatest pride,"t so that the state- 
ment must not be taken as literally true. On the other hand, 
not only does Mr. G. Forster remark that the Tongans cut the 
beard short for the sake of cleanliness,^ but Dr. Pickering says 
distinctly with reference to the Tongans that although they are 
usually smooth chinned in their native country, many of them 
in Fiji had " managed to foster considerable beards in imitation 
of the fashion of the new country."§ 

Mr. Hale was struck with the fact that the natives of Vaitupu, 
or the Depeyster Islands, had all a greater luxuriance of beard 
than had been seen elsewhere, except at the Feejee Islands. 
He says further " it is difl&cult to understand why these natives 
should be so well furnished with beard beyond what we have 
seen in any other tribe of the Polynesian race. Even the natives 
of Fakaafo, to whom they appear to be most nearly allied, are 
as ill furnished in this respect as the Samoans.''|| We have seen 
however that the Tongans, like the Depeyster Islanders, can 
cultivate the beard when they try, and we can hardly doubt 
that the Samoans, to whom the Tongans are closely allied, could 
do so also if they wished. In the Samoan grammar of the 
Eev. George Pratt, a curious note bearing on that subject has 
been added by the Rev. S. J. Whitmee. After referring to 
certain exceptions to the rule in the Polynesian dialects, that 
words when implying a passive or intransitive relation take o, 
but when implying an active and transitive one a, he says : *' the 
beard puzzles me most. Why should it take a ? The beard is 
not in favour with the Malayo-Polynesians. They are accustomed 
to pull out the hair on their fac^s. Can it be because a man 
would be thus (in a measure) actively concerned in possessing 
or not possessing a beard, that a is used with it ?"1 Mr. Whit- 
mee thinks not, but his language would seem to imply that the 
Polynesian Islanders, and among them the Samoans, are not 
naturally beardless. It is true that Mr. Hale endeavours to 
show that the darker complexion and more abimdant beard of 

• '* Memoirs of the Antliropological Society of London," i, 196. 
f Ihid. p. 195. 

I Op. ciM, p. 600. 
§ Op. eit. p. 84. 

II C^. cU. p. 161. * 

^f " Ghrammar and Dictionsiy of the Samoan Language," 2nd edition, note 
page 6. 


Digitized by 


114 C. S. Wake.— JVb^es on the Polynesian Bace, 

the natives of Vaitupu are due to the presence of Melanesian 
blood.* But this supposition is based on very insufficient 
grounds, which, if allowed, would require the same intermixture 
of races to be asserted also of the Hawaians, whom the natives 
of Vaitupu appear most closely to resemble.f Assuming even 
that some of the Polynesian peoples betray the existence of a 
Papuan element, it by no means foUows that the beard has 
been derived from it, whatever may be said of other characters. 
I think we shall be quite justified, in the face of the facts I 
have cited, in inferring that the beard has been derived by the 
Polynesian peoples from the same source as their general physi- 
cal organisation, and that they are not naturally deficient in hair 
on the face. This conclusion, that the Polynesians must be 
regarded as a bearded race, is confirmed by the presence among 
the Micronesians of bearded men who resemble in other respects 
the former race. Thus although the natives of the Kingsmill 
Islands, who are described by Wilkes as being totally different 
from the more southern natives, had but scanty beards, yet the 
inhabitants of Makin, or Pitt Island, one of the group, resemble 
the Polynesians rather than their more immediate neighbours, 
and have more beard.t According to native tradition, the islands 
would seem to have been peopled partly from the Caroline group 
and partly from Samoa, so that the Polynesian features are eaaily 
accounted for. Possibly, moreover, the brown Polynesian race may 
have existed in Micronesia before the advent of the Malay ele- 
ment, as a thick beard is by no means unknown among the 
inhabitants of Pelew§ and the Caroline Islands.]) Finally, Mr. 
Wallace refers to the existence in the northern peninsula of 
Gilolo, the isle of Ceram, and in Bouru, of a tall bearded race, 
resembling Polynesians-T This is quite consistent with the view 
he formerly entertained, that the brown Polynesian race " can 
best be classified as a modification of the Papuan type,"** the 
Papuan being noted for his abundtmoe of beard growth, although 
this view has smce been considerably modifieAtf Probably the 
truer opinion is that both Polynesians and Papuans belong to 
the pre-Malayan race of the Indian Archipelago, who are 
referred to by Mr. Keane as a taller and more muscular race 
than the others, with less prominent cheek bones, a lighter shade 
of brown, with a ruddy tinge on the cheeks, beard more 

• " Ethnology and PhUology," pp. 168, 168. 

t IhicLja. 161. 

j See WilkeB op, cit t, 83 ; Wood, op. cU. ii, 377. 

§ Captain Wilson's " Pelew Islands," 2nd editioD, p. 27. 

II Ltitke : Prichard's " Physical Researches,'* v. 183. 

IT ** Malayan Archipelago," ii, 449, 454. 

•* Ihid, ii, 455. 

tt See " Australasia," p. 261. 

Digitized by 


C. S. Wake. — Notes on the Polynesian Race. 115 

developed, and a hair of finer texture and more inclined to a 
brown colour."* The Papuans woidd thus be Asiatic Negroes 
with a Polynesian admixture, or Polynesians with a negroid 
element, which becomes less and less apparent the farther 
we advance eastwards from New Guinea among the Pacific 

I will now proceed to the question of the bow and arrow, and 
as to this I would refer first to the statement of Mr. J. G. Wood 
that " the weapons of the Outanatas [of New Guinea] are spears, 
clubs, and the usual bow and arrows which form the staple of 
Polynesian arms."t It may be thought, however, that this 
writer here confounds the Polynesians and Papuans, and cer- 
tainly when we try to find in Mr. Wood's work instances of the 
use of the bow and arrow by distinctly Polynesian peoples, we 
are disappointed. We have, however, in the Eev. W. W. Gill, a 
personal observer, and he says expressly that bows and arrows 
were used in the Eastern Polynesian Islands, although for sport, 
not for war ;J a fact which probably accoimts for the statements 
of other writers that those islandera do not use the bow and 
arrow. The testimony of Mr. Hale agrees with that of Mr. 
Gill as to this implement being used for amusement, although 
he makes the erroneous statement that it is not included by the 
natives of any of the islands of Polynesia among their warlike 
weapons."§ The real facts of the case are weU stated by the 
late Rev. W. Ellis, who says : " the bow and arrow were never 
used by the Society Islanders excepting in their amusements ; 
hence, perhaps, their arrows, though pointed, were not barbed, 
and they did not shoot at a mark .... In the Sandwich Islands 
they are used also as an amusement, especially in shooting rats, 
but are not included in their accoutrements for battle : whUe in 
the Friendly Islands the bow was not only employed on occasions 
of festivity but also used in war." Mr. Ellis suggests, however, 
that this may have arisen from their proximity to the Fiji 
Islands, where it is a general weapon, and he euids that at the 
time he wrote, the bow and arrow had been altogether laid aside 
in consequence of its connection with their former idolatry.|| 
We have here evidence that the bow and arrow was used for 
certain purposes by peoples so far apart as the Society Islanders, 
which here includes the Tahitians, the Sandwich Islanders and 
the Friendly Islanders. In addition we know from La Perouse,f 

• Ibid. p. 622. 
t Op. «*. ii, 226. 
X Op. cii, p. 28. 

§ " United States' Exploring Expedition, Ethnology and Philology," pp. 42, 

Ij " Polynedan Beseardief," toI. i, p. 220. • 

IT " Voyage Bound the World" (English edition), toI. iii, p. 120. 


Digitized by 


116 C. S. Wake. — Notes on the Polynesian ICace, 

as well as from the later United States explorers, that* the natives 
of the Samoan group possessed that weapon, and by other 
evidence that it is used by the inhabitants of Savage Island,t 
and among those of the Ellice Islauds as a child's plaything, j 
We have already had occasion to refer to the testimony of the 
Eev. W. W. GlQ, and doubtless he speaks with particular 
reference to the natives of the Hervey Islands, when he says 
that the bow and arrow was known to the natives of Eastern 
Polynesia. The early navigators saw no trace of this weapon 
among the Maoris of New Zealand, but that it has not always 
been unknown to them is evident from the fact that one dialect 
at least of their language, the Waikato,^ has words for both the 
bow (kopere) and the arrow (pere). 

It may be asked why should so warlike a people as the New 
Zealanders give up the use of the bow and arrow, and almost 
forget the existence of such a form of weapon. The reason must 
be sought in the fact referred to by Mr. Gill, that it is used by 
the Eastern Polynesians for sport onlv, because " their persons 
were so well defended with folds of cloth that such arrows as 
they could get would not have pierced the skin/*|| Thus in the 
Sandwich Islands, " bows and arrows were," says Mr. Jarvis, 
"rarely used, being so poorly fabricated as to be of little 
utility.'^ They were, therefore, valued by the Society Islanders 
and Sandwich Islanders only as instruments of amusement. 
The ineflBciency of a weapon for warlike purposes would, on the 
introduction of a more efiective instrument, soon lead to its 
abandonment, as we see with the New Zealanders in the case of 
the spear, which they have long since abandoned for other 
weapons more suited to the nature of their conflicts.** The use 
for warfare of the bow and arrow in the Friendly Islands may, 
as Mr. Ellis supposes, be due to intercourse with the Fijians, 
but that the weapon itself has not been derived by the brown 
from the black race, may, I think, notwithstanding Mr. Wallace's 
opinion to the contrary, be safely afl&rmed. Mr. Ellis refers to 
the use of that weapon by the Sandwich Islanders in the sport of 
rat shooting, and it is remarkable that this amusement was a great 
favourite also in the Friendly Islands. According to Mariner, 
rat shooting was a regular game with established rules, among 

• " Wilkes, " United States' Exploring Expedition," toI. ii, p. 151. 

t Wood, op, cit. ii, 895. 

t See Peschel. " The Races of Man," p. 183. 

§ For reference to this tribe see " Te Ika a Mani," by the Bey. Richard 
Taylor (2nd edition), p. 815. The name for bow among some of the Brazilian 
tribes, as given bjNeimoff, ffurapara, is not unlike the kopere of the Waikato. 

II Op. cit. p. 28. 

If " History of thjB Hawaian or Sandwich Islands," p, 56. 

•* See Wood op. cit, yoI. ii, p. 155. 

Digitized by 


C. S. Wake. — Notes on the Polynesian Bace. 117 

the Tongans, and it was reserved especially for chiefs and 
privileged classes * The bow and arrow was used also by the 
Tongans in their amusement of fanna kalaiy or fowl shooting, a 
sport which was practised solely by the king and very great 
chiefs, the expense of keeping the trained birds required in it 
being so great.t In the Society Islands te-a, or archery, was 
not only held in the highest esteem, but it was apparently a 
sacred game, and it could be practised only at certain places aild 
with special ceremonies.J I think we have in the sacred or 
special character ascribed to the use of the bow and arrow by 
these Polynesian peoples, a proof that they cannot have derived 
it from a foreign race. Moreover, although there was a general 
resemblance between those weapons as made by the Tongans 
and the Fijians, the bow being formed in each case of the man- 
grove wood or roots, and the arrows of reeds or light wood with 
harder pieces of wood inserted. Yet such a resemblance is no 
proof that the weapon was derived by one people from the other. 
This may have been the case with the Tongan war arrow, how- 
ever, the name for which gnah&w appears, indeed, to be the same 
as that of the Fijian arrow, Ngasau. 

The Fijian word for bow is Tidakai, while " to shoot " is vana, a 
word which curiously enough is applied under various forms 
by the brown race of the Pacific to the bow. In the Friendly 
Islands we have /ana, in the Hervey Islands ana, and in the 
Sandwich Islands pana, all meaning " bow "; and also, like the 
Fijian word, " to shoot" It cannot be said, however, that the 
Polynesians have derived their words from a Fijian source, 
seeing that the Malay and allied peoples of the Indian Archi- 
pelago have the same word for " bow " as the Sandwich Islanders. 
Thus, in Sumatra, Madura, and Bali, we have pdnah, while in 
other islands, as Java, this word is used for "arrow/' It would 
seem, from Affr. Wallace's vocabularies, to be found also among 
the inhabitants of the Celebes, Bouru, and Ceram. No doubt 
the natives of Mysol, who are said to be true Papuans, employ a 
form of the same word, which with them becomes aan or fean, 
but they could easily have received it from the Malay fisher- 
men or sea gipsies, the Baiau referred to by Mr Wallace, who 
use the word panah.^ The tact of the same term being found 
among the Malayan and the Polynesian peoples for "bow" 
appears to be quite inconsistent with the derivation of it by 
them from the Fijians. The use by certain Papuan peoples of 
the Malay word for "bow" has, indeed, been referred to by 

• " Tonga lalandfl," toI. i, p. 267, sea. 
t Thid. i, p. 235. 

* " Ellis, op. cU. i, 217, teq, 

§ ** Malayan Arohipela^," voL ii, p. 467. 

Digitized by 


118 C. S. Wake. — Notes on the Polynesian Sace. 

Mr. E. B. Tylor and Major-General Fox, but the statement made 
by the latter that, with but slight variation, this word is employed 
over the whole of the Papuan and Polynesian region where the 
bow is known,* is not exactly correct. Many Papuan tribes 
have, like the Fijians, a diflPerent word for that weapon. It is 
probable that the Polynesian Islanders carried both the weapon 
and the name for it together from their original home in the 
Indian Archipelago, and that the Fijians, in Qie course of their 
intercourse with the Tongans as described by Mr. Hale,t 
obtained from them the term for " to shoot," which the Polyne- 
sians, but not the Fijians, apply to the bow. 

The word fana or pana might perhaps be connected with tha 
Malay term bunuhy which means " to kUL" Mr. Wallace asserts, 
however, that not only the Polynesians, but ajso the Malays, 
were not acquainted with the bow and arrow. This is an extra- 
ordinary fact, if true, considering that the Malay word for the 
" bow " is used throughout the whole Pacific, but it is hardly 
probable, seeing that the Javanese, who belong to the Malay 
race, have employed that weapon for centuries paat. Sir 
Stamford Raffles gives representations of the bow and of numer- 
ous forms of arrows used by the Javanese, but he states that the 
weapon is used now by them only on State occasions,! which 
reminds us of the pecxiliar position it held among the Poly^ 
nesian Islanders. Moreover, it is used by the uncivilised 
Malays of the small islands belonging to Sumatra,§ and is one of 
the weapons of the warlike Achines^l of Sumatra itself, 
although we know too little of the Malays proper to say 
whether they also possess it. Nevertheless, the comparative 
vocabulary of Sir Stamford Eaffles gives words in Malayan, 
Madurese, and Bali, not only for "bow" and for "arrow," but 
also for the " arrow-barb," showing that something more than the 
simple arrow of sport was known to the Malays. 

Major-General Fox, who has treated fully of the weapons of 
primitive warfare, not only refers to the use of the bow and 
arrow by the Polynesian Islanders, but on philological grounds 
thinks that they received the bow from a Malay sourccIT The 
Malay word may however probably be traced to the Sanskrit 
Vdna, an arrow, or to the root Vcm, to kill, injure, thrust, &a 

• <* Journal of the Anthropologioal LiBtitate," toI. It, 1874, p. 306. 

t Op. cit. p, 174, seq, 

j " Hifltory of Java," i, 295. The Hoyas of Madagascar hare words for the 
bow and arrow, although these weapons arp now UMd only by some of the 
northern tribes of that island. See Sibree's " Great AMcan Island,*' p. 216. 

§ " Australasia," edited by A. B. Wallace, p. 841. 

II Ibid. p. 838. 

^ Catalogue of the Anthropological Collection, exhibited at the Bethnal Qreen 
Museum, 1874, p. 48. 

Digitized by 


C. S. Wake. — Notes m the Polynesian, Bace, 119 

It seems to me that we must now admit that the Polynesian 
race was acquainted with ihe use of the bow and arrow 
before their migrations over fhe Pacific, although some of the 
islanders have forgotten it. The source of this forgetfalness 
is probably not difficult to discover. Herr Peachel is doubtless 
wrong when he ascribes it to the fact that, hunting being 
impossible, the chase is not practised by the Polynesian 
Islanders as a means of subsistence.* We have seen, indeed, 
that the bow and arrow was used by the Sandwich Islanders 
and the Tongans in rat shooting, as weU as on other 
occasions of sport, It is more probable that the use of 
that weapon, as an instrument of warfare, had died out 
among the ancestors of the Polynesians before the commence- 
ment of their migrations, although they carried the knowledge 
of it with them. This idea is consistent with the fact already 
referred to that the Javanese have long since given up its use. 
An analogous state of things would seem to have occurred 
among the Papuans. As Peschel points out, the Fijians now 
use the bow and arrow only for throwing missiles into fortified 
places, or leave it to the women, who thus assist in the defence 
of their fortified places.t In itself the Fijian weapon is 
inefficient and it will soon be remembered only as an 
instrument of sport, as with the Sandwich Islanders. Moreover, 
notwithstanding Mr. Wallace's statement that the bow and 
arrow are " almost imiversal among the Papuans and most of 
the allied frizzly-haired races,"J no trace of them have been met 
with among the natives of New Caledonia, nor were they known 
to the Tasmanians or to the aborigines of Australia, except in 
the extreme north. This fact would seem to show that the bow 
and arrow were unknown to the dark frizzly-haired race when 
it first reached the islands of the Pacific, and that the Fijians and 
the neighbouring allied peoples have either migrated at a later 
period or received that weapon from the Polynesians since 
their settlement. If Mir. Hale's opinion thftt the Fijians are a 
mixed race, having a Polynesian element, be true, it is of course 
possible that they may have learnt the use of the bow from the 
Tongans. The name used by them for this weapon, however, is 
against such an idea, and the fact that so many other Papuan 
peoples are well acquainted with it renders it very improbisible. 
The facts would seem to be that at the date of the earliest 
Papuan migration, applying that term to the Tasmanians and 

• " The Baoes of Man," p. 185. 

t Op. cU. p. 184. 

X '* ContemporajT' Beyiew," p. 481. According to the Bev. W. G. Lawes, 
the use of the bow and arrow among the natives of South-East New Guinea is 
restricted to the ooast tribes, who are supposed to be of Malayan origin. 
'< Jottmal of the Anthropological Institute," yoI. viii, 1879, p. 878. 

Digitized by 


120 C. S. Wake. — Notes on the Polynesian Race. 

New Caledonians as well as to the Fijians, the bow and arrow 
were unknown to their ancestors. After that date this weapon 
was introduced among the Papuans, and was taken with them 
on their later migrations to the New Hebrides and Fijian 
Islands. Probably at that period the bow and arrow was used 
as an instrument of warfare among nearly all the peoples of 
the Indian Archipelago^ but afterwards it came to be employed 
only as an instrument of sport or ceremony. Such would have 
been the case when the ancestors of the Polynesian race left 
their ancestral home in the Archipelago, and when they reached 
the Samoan Islands, from which as a new centre they spread, 
as Mr. Hale clearly shows,* over the Pacific, they carried the 
bow and arrow with them thus modified in its use and 
afterwards to be almost entirely forgotten. The Tongans alone 
used it as a weapon of warfare, owing to their association with 
the Fijians, who having migrated at an earlier period had 
retained the use of the bow and arrow for that purpose. 

Before bringing this paper to a close I wish to say something 
with reference to a new name which has been proposed by 
Mr. W. L. Eanken for the brown Polynesians, and which 
Mr. Wallace has adopted in the work on Australasia edited 
by him. The derivation of Mahori, the term here referred to, 
is not given by Mr. Keane, who has also adopted it in his 
philological and ethnological appendix, but very sufficient 
reasons have been adduced by the Eev. S. J. Whitmee why it 
should not be adopted.! I feel much inclined to agree with 
Mr. Keane's opinion that the so-called Mahori "seem, 
on the whole, to be a pure unmixed race, if any such are 
still anywhere to be found on the globe,*'} and as such 
it is very desirable that some distinctive name should 
be given to them to replace that of Polynesians. The 
word Mahori, however, is not satisfactory, and I would 
propose another term which has the advantage not only 
of being a word in common use in all the Polynesian dia- 
lects, but also of having a meaning which recommends it 
for adoption. I will go further and say that it is already 
employed in the mode desired, as we see from a passage in 
M. Jules Gander's work on New Caledonia, where it is said the 
name KanaJc is generally given to the islanders of the 
Pacific Ocean.§ Travellers among peoples of a low degree of 

• Op. cit p. 119, seq. and see Mr. Gill's work, p. 23, seq. 

t " Journal of the Anthropological Institute, toI. yiii, 1879, p. 366. Mr. 
Whitmee proposes to call the Polynesian Sawaioriy a word formed from the names 
of three chief peoples of that race, hut I think Mahori would be preferable. 

X Op. cit. p. 611. 

§ This fact has been cited as a reason for not applying the term kanaJca as 
proposed in the text. See Dr. J. Barnard Davis's, "Thesaurus Craniorum," 
ncte^ p. 326, but it cannot be deemed sufficient. 

Digitized by 


C. S. JVake. — Notes on tlie Polynesian Race, 121 

culture are struck by the fact that the names 'by which these 
peoples are known among themselves often denote " man," as 
though they were the only real men. Now a word having this 
meaning is found with slight dialectic variations among aU the 
Polynesian peoples, and it is the word Kdndkd referred to by 
M. Garnier. If we look at the Rev. Mr. Pratt's " Samoan 
Dictionary," we find that the proper term ^for "man" or 
" mankind " is tagata. In Tongan the word is tangata, as it is 
also in the native languages of New Zealand, the Union 
Islands, the Hervey Islands, Savage Island, and the Sandwich 
Islands. It is even found in the same form in the small 
islands of the New Hebrides, such as Mna and Mele, peopled 
by the brown Polynesians. The Rev. Mr. Whitmee, however, 
in a note to the last edition of Mr. Pratt's Grammar, refers to 
the fact that in the Hawaian dialect the practice has been 
adopted of substituting in words the letter k for t and n for 
ng, and he states that the same practice is rapidly growing in 
Samoa. In this way the word tangata becomes kanaka, or 
kanaia, according to whether the letter t is exchanged for k at 
both the commencement and end of the word, or only at 
the beginning, as at Nukuhiva of the Marquesas group. It is 
true that in some dialects the word for " man " appears at first 
sight different. Thus in Tahiti we have ta'aia, and in the 
Marquesas ana;ta, but these words require only the restoration 
of the letters which they have evidently lost to be recognised as 
the tanata or kanaka of the common " Polynesian language."* 

I would therefore propose to use as a designation for the 
brown race who inhabit the Pacific Islands the native term 
for " man," kdndkd, instead of the word Mdhori suggested by 
Mr. Ranken. A commencement has indeed been made in that 
direction by the application of that term to the Pacific Islanders 
in general and to the Sandwich Islanders in particular.! Another 
reason for, and not an objection to, the use of the term kdndkd 
may be found in the fact that it is known in a modified form 
to not only the dark Fijians, but also the lighter coloured tribes 
of Micronesia. Father d'Aubenton, in his account of the 
establishment of the Jesuit Missions in the CaroUnas, speaks of 
the principal people on the islands as Tamoles, and from his 
description of them as having " curly hair, the nose large, eyes 
large and extremely penetrating, and beard moderately thick," 
the probability is that they belonged to the Polynesian race, or 
kdndkd, or at least to an allied branch of the Papuan race. In 
the Erakor dialect of the New Hebrides the word for '*man " is 
NatamOl, which may be intermediate between the tamoles of 

• See the Ber. W. W. Gill's " Life in the Southern Idee," p. 28. 
t Wallace's " Austraksia," p. 629. 

Digitized by 


122 Discussion. 

the Carolines and the tamata of the Fijian. The latter term 
also means " man," and with it is connected the word tama^ a 
" father," which curiously enough is found in the Polynesian 
dialects with the sense of " child," the same word with the accent 
on the last letter tama being used for *' father." We can hardly 
doubt that this phrase is related to the Polynesian taTie, a 
man, or male, through which the term kanaka or tangata, can 
probably be traced to its primitive source. In the Tanna dialect 
of the New Hebrides the word for " land " is tana, which in 
Fijian takes the form of van'Aa and in the Polynesian dialects 
otfenua or hantla. The word is very valuable as showing the 
fundamental relationships of the Kanaka race, seeing that, 
according to Balbi, it is found in most of the Malay dialects in 
the form of tanah or tanu* and in Malagasy as tane, meaning 
also " land." We may find in these facts another argument for 
the use of kdndkd to denote the Polynesian race. For not only 
does the connection of this word with that used for *' land " or 
" earth," show that the Kdndka look upon themselves as essen- 
tially an aboriginal race, the people of the soil, but it shows that 
they are fundamentally connected with other peoples so different 
from them and from each other in many respects as the Papuans 
and the Malays. Agreement in language is not by itself a 
sufficient proof of race affinity, but when combined with other 
important points of similarity, such as we see between the 
Kdndkd and the Papuans, we cannot doubt that they spring from 
a common source ; although the latter have been much more 
modified than the former by contact with the negroid race, which 
would seem to have spread throughout nearly the whole of the 
Pficific area before the advent of the Kdn^dcd, On the same 
grounds the Malays also must be affirmed to bear a relationship, 
on one side at least, to the black and brown races of the Pacific, 
although on the other they probably trace their descent to an 
Asiatic if not Mongolian source. This view is consistent with 
the theory advocated by Mr. Eeane that ** Malaysia was origi- 
nally peopled by the Mahori [Kanaka] race, which afterwards 
became modified in various proportions by fusion with intruding 
peoples from the north."t 


Major-General Lane Fox Pitt Riybbs said that he had not aa op- 
portunity of referring to his former remarks on the subject of the dis- 
tribntion of the bow in the Polynesian Island, but he thought his 
views would not be found to differ from those now expressed by 

* This word, and also tama, are found in some of the Djak dialects of Borneo. 
See Keppel's " Expedition to Borneo," yol. i, appendix No. ii. 
t Op, cit. p. 622. 

Digitized by 


Discussion, 123 

Mr. Wake so much as he seemed to suppose. He was not aware that 
he had ever said that Malay names were employed for the bow 
exclusively in Polynesia, but that they are in use over a great 
extent of that region, and the circumstance might fairly be used as 
an argument for the origin of the bow in those parts. No doubt 
its disuse might have arisen from a variety of causes. 

Mr. EIeake explained that his use of " Mahori " in the Appendix 
to Stanford's "Australasia," referred to by Mr. Wake, had been 
necessitated by Mr. Wallace's adoption of that unfortunate term in 
the body of the work. The word itself he had already elsewhere 
objected to publicly, and had suggested and since used " Sawaiori '* 
as the collective name of the large brown Polynesian race. This 
suggestion had been accepted by the Rev. S. J. Whitmee, who 
intended to substitute Sawaiori for the misguiding " Malayo- 
Polynesian " in his large comparative dictionary of the Eastern 
Polynesian languages now in progress. Against Mr. Wake's 
" Kanaka " there would be little to urge had it not already been 
rendered useless as a scientific designation by the reckless way in 
which it was currently employed, especially by French writers who 
applied it to the Melanesians, Mikronesians, Eastern Polynesians, 
and in fact to all the Pacific races indifferently; but whatever 
name might ultimately be agreed upon, it was so far satisfactory to 
find that ethnologists were beginning to feel the necessity of 
substituting some fresh and more accurate expression for Humboldt's 
" Malayo-Polynesian." He had otherwise listened with great 
pleasure to Mr. Wake's interesting paper, which went far to 
confirm his own conclusions regarding the mutual affinities of the 
Inter-Oceanic races as embodied in his monograph on that subject 
published in the last number of the Journal of the Institute.* It 
was obvious that if the Eastern Polynesians were really a bearded 
race, they must be ethnically separated altogether from the 
Mongolian, and of course also from the Malay connection, beardless- 
ness being one of the most distinctive and universal characteristics 
of that type. It did not follow, however, that the Eastern Polyne- 
sians must therefore be affiliated to the Papuans, a view which 
Mr. Wake would scarcely have suggested had he had an oppor- 
tunity of seeing the monograph above referred to. They di&r 
more from the Papuans than they do from the Malays proper, and 
their true affinities must be sought in the pre-MaJay Caucasian 
elements of the Archipelago, and the pre-Mongoloid elements of 
Indo- China. 

* See paper ^' On the Belations of the Indo-Chinese and Inter-Oceanic Kaoee 
and Languages," by A. H. Keane, Esq. Vol. ix, p. 254. 

Digitized by 


124 Anthropological Miscellanea, 


Stature of the Andamanesk. 

In my paper " On the Osteology and Affinities of the Natives of 
the Andaman Islands," in the Journal of the Anthropolopcical In- 
stitute, November, 1879, vol. ix, p. Ill, I endeavoured to calculate 
the average stature of the race, from a certain number of imperfect 
and disarticulated skeletons at my disposal, taking as a guide the 
length of the femur, and assuming that this bone bears to the whole 
height the ratio of 275 to 1,000, as is generally done in the case of 
Europeans. I warned my readers that nothing more than a rough 
approximation could be expected from such a method, as it was 
far from certain that the same proportion held true in races so dis- 
similar. The conclusions arrived at were, however, as follows : — 
Of nine males, average height, 4 feet 9 inches ; maximum, 5 feet 

3 inches ; minimum, 4 feet 6*5 inches. Of ten females, average, 
4f feet 6*1 inches ; maximum, 4 feet 10' 8 inches ; minimum, 4 feet 
3*2 inches. 

In a recent number of the " Proceedings of the Royal Society of 
Edinburgh" (1878-79, p. 416), Mr. E. S. Brander, in a paper called 
** Remarks on the Aborigines of the Andaman Islands," has given 
the actual measurements of thirty living individuals, fifteen of 
each sex ; from which he finds for the males an average height of 

4 feet 10*4 inches, the maximum being 5 feet 1^ inches, the mini- 
mum 4 feet 7\ inches ; for the females an average of 4 feet 6*03 
inches, maximum 4 feet 9 inches, and minimum of 4 feet 3*5 inches. 
The correspondence between the average heights of totally different 
series of individuals (in neither case very large) and arrived at by 
such difEerent processes is very interesting. 

W. H. Flower, F.R.S. 

r^^c^./ V 

Chastleton Camp. Moreton-in-Marsh. 

By permission of the owner an examination has been made of this 
interesting site. The suggestion that excavations would be of value is 

Digitized by 


Anthropological Miscellanea. 125 

due to our ftiend and colleague, George Harris, Esq., LL.D., F.S. A., 
an early Member of the Institute. Mr. Harris was present on the 
occasion, and in readiness to receive the party who responded to the 
generous invitation of Miss Whitmore Jones to inspect, not only the 
camp, but Chastleton House and the many objects of interest it con- 
tains. The excavations were conducted under the direction of E. W. 
Brabrook, F.S.A., Alfred White, F.S.A., and myself. The cajstrum 
occupies a height about half-a-mile from the Manor House at 
Chastleton, and is popularly known as " The Barrow,** though it 
gives the name, formerly Oestreton, to the estate and parish. It 
overlooks a field called in early deeds the " Sainfoin Field," in which, 
at the time of our excavations, a crop was again growing. In form 
the camp is rectangular, though slightly rounded at the corners, 
and is about 400 feet in diameter. Traces of two entrances are 
apparent, through which there is a cart-road leading to the village 
of Comwell. Contrary to the usual practice, the ramparts, 
instead of being formed out of the earth thrown up from the outer 
ditch, is built up of massive blocks of oolite, the natural stone of 
^the Strict, and is a monument of great labour. On the left bank 
of the entrance approaching from Chasfcleton is a fine old ash 
tree, the last of four which occupied similar positions on either side 
of the entrances to the camp. The local historians, Wharton and 
Plott, were of opinion that the site is that of a Danish barrow of 
the tenth century. Its true origin, however, has never been 
recognised until the present examination, which has proved that 
the whole of the camp is of Roman construction. Pits were sunk 
and trenches cut, but no evidence, however, could be discovered of 
prolonged occupation, but in cutting sections through the ramparts 
deposits of pottery, burnt bones, and charcoal were discovered, 
indications to those acquainted with the writings of the Agrimen- 
aores^^ or land surveyors, of the means by which they were 
accustomed to mark the limits of territory under Koman occupa- 
tion, and afiPording further proof of Britain having been included 
in the same system of organization as that which prevailed in other 
provinces of the empire. 

The position accorded to the trees is also a further illustration ; 
such were often used as terminal marks, and in the selection of the 
four ash trees we discern a survival of the practice. As a rnle, 
however, they were brought from a distance, arbores jperegrince^ their 
rarity in the district constituting a farther distinctive mark. Mr. 

* See Treatises by SiciUas Flaccus, Eaustus et Yaleriiis, and others, in 
Lachman*8 edition of the " Gromatici Veteres," 2 vols. 8vo. Berlin, 1848-^2. 
The following quotation from the former author is sufficient for the purpose, it 
also indicates how such deposits might be varied as to the nature of the objects 
selected : *' Si enim essent certcD leges, aut consuetudines, aut observationes, 
semper simile signum sub omnibus terminis inveniretur ; nunc quoniam volun- 
tarium est, aliquibus terminis nihil subditum est, aliquibus vero aut cineres, aut 
carbones aut teetea, aut vitrea fraota, aut asses subjectos, aut calcem aut gypsum 
invenimus ; quie res tamen, ut supra diximus, voluntaria est, oarbo autom aut 
oinis quare inveniatur, uua certa ratio est qu» apud antiquos quidem observata 
postea vero neglecta." 

Digitized by 


126 Anthropological MisceHariea. 

Coote, quoting the old writers,* speaks of the planting for such a 
purpose, date, almond, and quince trees in the neighbourhood of 
Constantinople, and olive with elder trees, etc., in Qie vicinity of 

Among the miscellaneous objects found were a lx>ne pin of neat 
workmanship, a flint flake, burnt pebbles, and various nomt shells, 
chiefly Terebratulw. Several animal bones were also found ; these 
we submitted to the inspection of Prof. G. Rolleston, M.D., F.R.S., 
who haa very kindly favoured me with the following report upon 
them, dated from Oxford : — 

Report on Bones from Chabtlkton. 

I was reluctantly obliged to decline to join the excursion to 
Chasfcleton, but I have been favoured with a small box of bones 
from that pleasant place, of which I will now say a few words. 

All the bones, with two or three exceptions, are bones of domestic 

animals. The exceptions are constituted by two lower jaws and 

one upper jaw of the Water- Rat, Apncola amphibia. These jaws 

have a certain interest as they are just the parts which the Polecat, 

Mnstda putoritis^ leaves behind, and rightly as the large rootless 

molars and the strong incisors of this harmless vegetable-feeding 

Rodent would be a hard thing for his sharp scissor-like teeth. I 

have found large quantities of these jaws, handfuls in fact and 

without exaggeration, in the lairs of polecats. The polecat is a 

river-haunting riparian animal, but will carry even frogs a long 

way away from the marshy places he finds them in. 

8us scrofa, varietas dortiestica^ is represented bv a few incisors. The 

pig, being a beast familiar to man from the very earliest 

times as his solidarity with man in supporting the hfe 

phases of more than one Entozoon shows, is rarely absent 

from the earliest prehistoric finds of Neohbhic times. 

The Gow^ Bos (probably ) longifrons is also represented, but 


The SJieepj Ovis ariea or Ooat (there are no difFerentiating parts 

left) is also proved to have been in existence and in 

availability for man's use by a larger quantity of bones 

and some teeth. 

The Horse, Equus Gahallua, of small size, or possibly Equus 

asinus (for I have no means of ascertaining the age of 

these bones, nor of saying whether they did or did not 

belong to those " far-off times " when " our land did breed 

no asses "), is represented by a single Os Oalcis. 

There are no human bones, nor canine, nor feline in this series. 

" But the bones are so broken as to prove they were ^'mauled** by man 

• ** Ex librie Magonia et Vegoi»," Lachman, p. 850. ** Kam in locis campeo- 
tribos rariores terminos constraximus, et maxime arborem peregrinam planta- 
yimuB." See also " Liber Coloniaruin/' Faustus et Valerius, &o. ** The Romana 
of Britain," H. C. Coote, F.S.A., p. 67. 

Digitized by 


Arvthropological Miscellanea. 127 

for his maWy and some look as if they might have been mnmbled or 
gnawed by the dog for his. With these came one of those daming- 
needle-like awls made oat of the long bone tibia of a small mmi- 
nant, possibly rocy Genms capriohis, but also possibly sheep or goat. 
I get them from many places in this neighbourhood, of many stages 
in development of the world's history* They would make good 
packing-needles now-a-days. I do not see why these bones should 
not be, as far as any indications they themselves furnish, and I 
have no other before me of any age) not nearer to us than some 
500 years or so. 

George Rolleston, M.D. 

There is nothing, therefore, in the objects found to illustrate a 
period, either earUer or later than the Roman occupation. And 
from the position and structure of the camp it would seem to be 
one not intended for permanent occupation, but hastily thrown up, 
perhaps, as suggested by Mr. Rroach Smith, F.S.A., to meet some 
pressing emergency. It was, however^ constructed upon the same 
principles as those which invariably guided sarveyoro and engi- 
neers. It adjoins the Akemau Street, a minor Roman way, running 
from the east of Britain to Cirencester and Bath, and is on the 
confines of three counties, Oxfordshire) Gloucestershire, and 

John E. Price, F.S.A. 



In the interesting communication read before the Institute by 
Mr. E.'B. Tylor in April last, "On the Origin of the Plough, and 
Wheel-carriage," a statement occurs to the effect that the Ancient 
Britons used chariots with scythes attached to the axles. This of 
course is founded upon the passage in " De Orbi in Situ " of 
Pomponius Mela (iii. 6.) As I have not an edition in the Latin 
before me I can only quote the translation. " They fight not onelie 
on horsebacke and on foote, but also in Wagons and Chariottes, 
and are armed after the manner of the Galles. They call those 
Chariots Conines (Co vines,) which are set with sithes round about 
the naues, (nav«5S, V' page 79.* My object is to call in question the 
truthfulness of Mela's account. Caesar makes no mention what« 
ever of the covinus, but of the essedum he does, and Tacitus does 
not describe the scythe-chariot, although the word covinarii occurs. 
(Agricola, 35-36). No writer upon Britain, known to me, of 
any position as an authority y mentions this form of chariot, and 
Mela must be accepted with some caution, as he never visited 
Britain (although this bare fact is of no value) ; but those 

* *' The worke of Pomponiug Mela, conceminge the Situation of the World, 
etc.," by A. Golding. 1585. 

Digitized by 


128 Anthropological Miscellanea. 

writers who have more fully described this country, and the 
manners and customs of its people, ar^ silent in this respect, 
especially CsDsar. In all the excavations in Wales and Caledonia, 
not a single relic has been discovered, to show the existence of 
scythe-chariots, and all the statements of later historians and 
writers upon Celtic History, are but copies of Mela, Lucan or 
Silius, and valueless. The account of the discoveries made in 
Yorkshire, and the County of Moray, of the remains of a 
charioteer, throw no light upon the question raised, for the chariots 
appear to have been of the essedum type. (Wilson : " Prehistoric 
Annals of Scotland," vol. ii. pp. 153-158.) 

Time prevents me from following this subject to its limits, but 
it will be interesting to know if the sickle or hook preceded the 
scythe, although it might be advanced that Mela merely meant 
blades of metal, similar to the scythe, as known to him. Sickles 
or implements so designated, have been discovered in Ireland and 
Scotland (Wilson, vol. i, p. 401.) But so far as I am aware, no 
scythe or blade so-called has been found, attributable to so remote 
a time as the Roman occupation. Mela, unsupported by a stronger 
authority than those herein cited, is of very little value, and upon 
whom reliance should bo withheld for further evidence, than even 
Tacitus' meagre allusion. 

J. Jebbmuh, M.A.I. 
^ In connection with this subject, the following references to 
classic literature have been communicated by Mr. Tylor since the 
reading of his Paper. 

" Pomponius Mela, in the passage referred to (iii. 6) describes 
the Britons as fighting not only with horse and foot, but with 
chariots, and armed in Grallic fashion ; the chariots which they call 
covin, are used with scythes to the axles. * Dimicant non equitatu 
modo aut pedite, verum et bigis et curribus, Gallice armati: 
covinos vocant, quorum falcatis axibus utuntur.' Mela wrote 
under Claudius about a.d. 45, and therefore is good contemporary 
authority, but both the covinus and the scythed axles are elsewhere 
mentioned in the first century (see Lucan, i 426 : Tac. Agric. 35-36 
Sil. Ital. xvii. 422.) The last of these passages is curious from 
the epithet * cterulus ' = * blue,' possibly referring to the British 
warrior's blue war-paint. 

' Cserulus baud aliter cum dimicat incola Thules 
Agmina f<dcifero drcmnTenit arcta covino,* ** 

E. B. Tyloe, F.R.S. 

Digitized by 







April 27th, 1880. 

Major-General A. Lane Fox Pitt Rivers, RRS., Vice-President 

in the Chair, 

Edward TYREiJi Leith, Esq., LL.D., was elected a Member 
of the Institute. 

The following presents were announced, and thanks voted to 
the respective donors : — 

For the Library. 

From Prof. Agassiz. — Bulletin of the Museum of Comparative 

Zoology at Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass., Vol. YI, 

No. 4. 
From the Author. — A Vocabulary and Outlines of Grammar of the 

Nitlakapamuk or Thompson Tongue, together with a Phonetic 

Chinook Dictionary. By J. B. Good. 
Recherches sur les dimensions g^n^rales et sur le d^veloppe- 

ment du corps chez les Japonais. By Mrs. Chaplin Ayrton. 
From the Academy.— Bulletin de TAcadi^mie Imp^riale des Sciences 

de St. P^tersbourg. Tom. 26, No. 1. 
From the Society. — Journal of the Society of Arts, Nos. 1430, 

Bulletins de la Soci^te d'Anthropologie de Paris, 1879, 

Part 4. 

VOL. X. 

Digitized by 


130 F. G. Hilton Phice. — Further Notes on the 

From the iNSTirirriON. — Journal and Report of the Royal 

Institution of Cornwall, No. 22. 
From the Editor. — "Nature," Nos. 546, 647. 

Revue Scientifique, Nos. 42, 43. 

Revue d*Anthropologie, No. 2. 

Revue Internationale des Sciences, No. 4. 

" Correspondenz-Blatt," April, 1880. 

" Athenaeum,'' No. 628. 

The following paper waa read — 

FuBTHER Notes on the Romano-British Cemetery at Seaford, 
Sussex.* By F. G. Hilton Price, F.G.S., and John 
E. Price, F.S.A. — 

Having been fortunate in obtaining a renewal of the kind 

Sennission to excavate on the Sutton Downs granted us by 
[rs. Harison, of Sutton Place, and the Rev. John Harison, of 
North Sutton, in June, 1876, we continued the explorations for 
a few days during the summer of last year. 

In our first noticef we erroneously supposed that this particular 
portion of the Downs in which we found the cemetery was called 
the " Warren," from the fact of its being a place swarming with 
rabbits, but we have since ascertained that the Warren properly 
so called is further to the westward, and that the spot in which 
we excavated is known as the Little Bury. In the published 
description of the cuttings made, we ascribed numbers to each, 
ranging from 1 to 7, and as the present communication is 
intended as a continuation of the previous paper we think it 
desirable to continue the numbering for these cuttings. 

On 26th May, with three men, we commenced digging, 
between numbers 6 and 5, working westwards towards 
No. 4 on our section ; this fresh trench is numbered No. 8. The 
trench was cut to a depth of about 6 feet ; in some places where 
the hard sandy rock was met with at a less depth we did not 
pierce below it, thus in many parts we did not exceed a depth 
of 5 feet. 

At from 4 feet to 4 feet 6 inches several black patches were 
observed in which fragments of burnt pottery, flints, pieces of 

* In a map preseired in the British Museum relating to a surrej of the 
Sussex Coast in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, made by Sir Thomas Pahner and 
others, the site of the Boman Camp on Seaford Heights is described a« ** Burdjck 
Hill,*' and it shows two beacons thereon. It is also known as Castle Hill and 
Signal Station. 

t '' Journal Anthropological Institute," toI. ti, p. 801. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Digitized by 


RomanO'British Cemetery at Seaford, Sussex, 131 

charred bones and bits of charcoal were found ; most of these 
patches contained one or more iron nails. Some of these black 
deposits were placed upon a quantity of stones and flints, all 
bearing marks of fire. As previously suggested, these black 
spots in the sand probably mark the place where interments 
have been made. After the body was burnt on the funeral 
pyre, the ashes were collected and placed in a cloth or in a 
napkin, and fastened together with the iron naQs ; these were 
doubtless instances of where the people cremated were of a 
poor class, probably soldiers or slaves whose friends were not 
in a position to afford the expense or luxury of a funeral urn. 

The custom of entombing such vessels with the remains of 
the deceased was practised by other nations besides the Eomans ; 
for example, among certain Indian tribes, the Moldavians, 
Caubees, etc., and modem history tells us of the custom among 
the Chinese and Peruvians.* 

It often happened that in out-of-the-way settlements, that is 
to say, stations far removed from a city or town, that the 
Bomans made use of domestic pottery for funeral use. Among 
sepulchral vessels found in a ustrinum at Littington, near 
iloyston,t was a small bottle of green glass ; it had contained the 
ashes of a child, but a fragment of bone had evidently been too 
large for the bottle, so a portion had been chipped off to allow 
of its insertion ; the broken piece had been afterwards replaced 
to close the aperture. If the vessel had originally been intended 
for the purpose, one suflSciently large would have been selected. 
At Colchester, in 1844, an amphora was discovered broken at 
the neck and handles. It contained a lachrymatory and lamp, 
a cinerary urn, and a coin of Faustina, with other objects, and 
the upper portion had been clearly reinstated by the depositors 
after the contents had been incased, and at times they were 
purposely broken for such use. Occasionally broken urns, 
perhaps second-hand ones, and mended urns — were used, as was 
proved at this very cemetery the last time we had the pleasure 
of describing the results of our digging. 

In this same trench a neolithic celt was found {see PL XI, fig. 5), 
fragments of pottery, red tiles, and bits ofT)rick. A little further 
on, at a depth of 4 feet from the surface, a large patch of 
blackened earth, mixed with charcoal, flint flakes, and upwards 
of 90 iron nails and studs, mixed with fragments of charred 
bones was met witL This is quite an exceptional case meeting 
with such a large quantity of nails in one interment ; it is a 
common occurrence to meet with two or three together, but 

• Vide Nicolo de Coli on the Habits of the Indian Tribes, Belleforest's 
" Cofemography," rol. ii, book ill, ch. 29. 
t "Archoologia," vol. xxri, p. 371. 

K 2 

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132 F. 6. Hilton Price. — Further Notes on the 

in this find some were large and others quite small, apparently 
suggesting that the remains of the ashes after the burning were 
gathered together and deposited in a small wooden chest or box, 
ornamented with the small nails, the wood of which has long since 
decayed ; no personal ornament or coins were found with it. 

Continuing this trench towards the old cutting No. 4, we 
came upon the same black seam of earth, clay, flints, stones, and 
pottery mentioned by us in our former paper {see page 306, 
" Journal Anthropological Institute," voL vi) ; this same seam 
was likewise met with upon the same horizon, i.e., at a depth of 
4 ft. 6 in. from the surface, at the cutting marked No. 9 on the plan. 
This circumstance proves that the place occupied by the fimeral 
pyre was of considerable extent, and was probably the Bustum 
or Ustrinum of the settlement. Another round flint ball was 
found here. 

In this same cutting on the third day we continued ex- 
cavating, and soon came upon some lumps of chalk rubble 
in the sand. As this was an unusual circumstance, great care 
was observed in removing the earth; in the midst of these 
pieces of chalk, a brownish-black vase, 5^ inches high, of 
a superior texture of Upchurch pottery was met with. It was 
ornamented with oblique marlangs, inclosed within incised 
concentric lines, and 1^ inches from the rim is a raised band 
encircling the vase above the shoulders. Next to it, on the left, 
was a black patera, 7 inches in diameter, which was unfor- 
tunately very much broken, but suflicient was recovered to put 
together and show its size and shape. The patera, it will 
be seen, is of a coarser texture than the vase, which is really fine 
and of elegant shape (see fig. 6) ; with the exception of the 
two flint flakes, nothing else was found near it. These vessels 
must have been placed in the position in which they were 
discovered as an accompaniment to an urn, which we failed 
to find; but the ground immediately to the north of this 
was part of the trench cut in 1825 by Mr. Harison, and the 
remainder of the interment was probably discovered at that 

Having now completed the section 6 to 4, it was filled in, and 
two men were detached to sink trial shafts at the spots marked 
10 and 11 ; but nothing, with the exception of flint flakes and 
fragments of pottery, were met with, and these were in the 
top layer of earth. 

Another section was cut on the little mound to the south 
of the Little Bury, but nothing was discovered. 

On the 29th May four men were occupied in cutting a trench 
12 feet long and 5 feet deep by about 6 feet bmad, north and 
south, at the place marked 12 on the plan ; as in 1825 a large 

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BomanO'British Cemetery at Seaford, Sussex. 133 

number of ums and coins were met with in the old cutting, 
which was alongside of it — ^and which we hoped might be found 
as fruitful ; nothing was, however, met with, with the exception 
of one black patch, containing bone ashes, bits of charcoal, nails, 
and fragments of pottery ; in the soil thrown out flint flakes and 
bits of pottery were numerous. 

We likewise opened a supposed tumulus upon that portion of 
the Downs known as the Gore,* just above Green Street, and to 
the east of the old cottage, and made some trenches near it ; but, 
with the exception of fragments of Eoman pottery and flint 
flakes, we found nothing. 

What is the origin of the term " Gore " for this portion of the 
Downs ? Was it a triangular holding, and the name conferred 
upon it in Saxon times, or was it the site of a battle, and so 
named from the fact of much blood having been spilled there ? 
Halliwell gives the meaning of it as the lowest part in a tract of 
country, or a small narrow slip of ground. 

Quite late in the afternoon of the 29th May, whilst the men 
were engaged filling in the old trenches, we cast about for 
another suitable place to make an excavation, finding some 
raised ground a little north of that part of the Downs marked 
"The Burrows "on the map, which is situated 194 feet due 
west of the pond, and 114 feet south of the sand-hole. Observing 
a rabbit-hole in this raised ground, in the mouth of which a 
few fragments of pottery had been scratched out by rabbits, 
induced us to dig out a few spadesful of earth ; by so doing, 
we were agreeably surprised by discovering an um of 
black pottery, through one side and bottom of which the 
rabbits had actually forced their way: this contained frag- 
ments of charred human bones. It consisted of black pottery, 
and was 9 inches high ; owing to its condition we were precluded 
from taking any other measurements* Just below the rim 
was a narrow band of ornamentation, consisting of oblique 
incised lines unevenly cut, apparently done with a blunt 
instrument ; in parts other incised lines cut the former, forming 
a sort of cross pattern. Between the shoulder and the base 
was a larce incised trellis pattern. Close beside it was another 
of reddisn brown ware, but too much broken to be of any 
use. The next day (30th May) five men were put upon this 
digging — the turf was removed and we commenced making 
a long trench at a depth of 2 feet 4 inches ; about the centre 
of the elevation a fine um was found. It is composed of 
reddish brown pottery — 7 inches high by 29^ inches in the 
widest part, and 17 inches round the base. It was full of 

* So described on a map of the Sutton estate, by Thomas Marohant, 1772, 
measuring 20 acres 8 roods 6 perches, and belonging to Launcelot Harison, Esq. 

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134 F. G. Hilton Price. — Further Notes on the 

human bones, fragments of charcoal, and a flint flake. This 
urn is ornamented round the widest part with an incised trellis 
pattern, and upon the bottom is an incised cross. It is quite 
perfect {see fig. 7). A little to the right of this, at only 
1 foot from the surface, a small urn of black pottery was 
discovered, which fell to pieces on getting it out. This we 
repaired. It is 4^ inches high by 22 inches in circumference in 
its widest part — 12 inches round the base. Beneath the rim 
are two deep concentric lines, between which it is ornamented 
by three lines slanting obliquely to the left, resting at the apex 
of the third line against three other lines slanting in a like 
manner towards the right. This urn contained a small quantity 
of fragments of charred bones very much decayed. 

Immediately behind this last described urn, in a position due 
north and south, at a depth of 2^ feet from the surface, we 
foimd a portion of the rim of a Samian ware vessel ; the spades 
were now laid aside, and with a strong knife the earth was cut 
away in the place where this fragment wtis met with, and revealed 
a fine Samian cup, measuring 5^ inches in diameter, 2\ inches 
high, with a rosette at the bottom. On developing the form 
before attempting to remove it fix)m the ground, we found 
directly below it a rim of an urn projecting ttom the side of 
the trench ; following this down with the aid of the knife, we 
discovered that this Samian vessel formed a sort of lid to a 
large brownish-red earthenware urn {see fig. 4). 

This urn measures 12 inches high, 34 inches round the 
widest part, and 19 inches round the base ; it is ornamented on 
the shoulder with a band 2 inches in width, between two deep 
incised lines, in which are cross markings representing trellis 
work; before this band is another, IJ inches deep, just below the 
brim, ornamented with occasional lines. 

Before we could remove it from the earth the ground all 
around it had to be carefully cut away. On making room on the 
left-hand side close beside Uiis urn, a small drinking cup 4 inches 
high, of the pottery known as Durobrivian ware, was taken out 
quite perfect ; it is of a brown metallic glaze with eight indented 
or pinched-in compartments ; it is otherwise embellished with 
two concentric lines with stamped markings passing through 
the compartments. These stamped markings are such as would 
now be produced by pressing the miUed edge of a half-crown 
round an earthenware vessel before it was fired {see fig. 1). 

In making similar preparations for removing the earth on the 
right-hand side of the urn, a small globular-formed bottle (fig. 3), 
3 inches high by 12, without handle, of a coarse brown, thick 
pottery, which pottery is full of pieces of flint grains, was found 
quite close to the side of the urn ; directly behind it was a black 

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Bomano-British Ctmetery at Seaford, Sussex, 135 

patera 5^ inches in diameter of Upchurch pottery (fig. 2). Upon 
the removal of these small vessels we were able to take out the 
urn, which was intact with the exception of a portion of the rim ; 
it contained a large quantity of charred human bones and fiint 
flakes. Owing to the Samian cup resting upon the top of it, no 
earth had fallen into it. This was evidently the interment of 
a person of some rank or importance Judging firom the superiority 
of the vessels found with it The Samian cup has the initials 
" V.E." scratched upon the side. 

As this was an interesting find, particularly so as all the pieces 
are perfect, we have given an illustration of the manner in 
which they were all plawced in the grave. 

On the 31st May, with five men we continued the excavation 
in a direction due north and south ; it was a remarkable circum- 
stance that in this particular spot all the urns were found lying 
in that position. 

At a depth of 1 foot 6 inches from the surface the frag- 
ments of an urn of very fine yellowish red pottery were 
discovered ; there was not sufficient of it collected to repair, but 
the base of it measured 3^ inches in diameter. At the same 
level and in close proximity, the base of a coarse brownish urn 
was met with, this, too, had been too much crushed to do any- 
thing with ; it measured 16 inches round the base and had a 
double cross or star incised upon the bottom of it. In close 
contact to this was another. No. 8, of reddish-brown pottery, 
bearing marks of having been turned on the lathe ; like the two 
former, the base only can be put together ; it was a low open- 
mouthed vessel, measuring 13 inches round the base and 
does not bear any marks or ornamentation. 

At a depth of 1 foot 2 inches we came upon a red cup of 
Samian ware with a turn-over rim ; it bears indications of having 
been covered over with red glaze, portions of which still remain 
underneath (figs. 8 and 9). This patera is not as fine as most 
Samian pieces, which makes us think it was of provincial manu- 
facture, particularly as it is very unusual for Samian pottery to lose 
its lustrous glaze. Such ware has, however, before been found in 
Sussex, and sometimes of a superior character. Among sepul- 
chral remains discovered at Densworth, in the parish of Fun- 
tington, and with examples of glass, were paterse of Samian 
pottery. Among the coins then foimd were some which gave a 
clue to the age of the deposits ; for instance, a brass of Hadrian, 
l^ble but in bad condition. The presence of such Samian 
vessels would, apart from numismatic evidence, at once connect 
these burials with the Eoman period. This ware was in uni- 
versal use, and though the finer descriptions were doubtless 
imported from manufactories on the continent, there is mucli 

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136 F. G. Hilton Peicb. — Notes on Romano-Britisk Cemetery. 

to favour the opinion that it was also fabricated in Britain. Of 
late years a mould for the production of one of the large em- 
bossed bowls has been found at York, bearing a strong resem- 
blance to similar objects discovered in the neighbourhood of the 
Bhine ; the deposits of such ware in the locality known as the 
Pan Rock, off the coast near Whitstable and Heme Bay, are also 
indications that potteries once existed there for the manufacture 
of this lustrous ware, akin to those so well known in con- 
nection with the black pottery at Upchurch Marshes. The inside 
measure is 5^ inches in diameter, in the widest part of the rim 
it measures 7^ inches in diameter, and is 3 inches high. The out- 
side beneath the turnover rim tapers down to the foot, which is 
two inches in diameter. 

Within a few feet of the latter we discovered a red patera of 
Samian ware, bearing a lustrous glaze; it was unfortunately 
broken before removing it from the earth, but we have roughly 
mended it. It is 7i inches in diameter and 2 J inches high ; 
beneath it wtis a first brass of Faustina the younger, daughter of 
Pius, and wife of Marcus Aurelius. It was highly satisfactory 
finding this coin, as by so doing we have an approximate date 
for the interment, and can positively assert diat it was not 
earlier than quite late in the second century, as Faustina 
flourished between 161 and 180 A.D. 

Immediately above these two Samian vessels was an urn of 
thin reddish-brown pottery (No. 9), which was unfortunately 
crushed in the ground, probably owing to its being so near the 

Much of it was decomposed from the effects of the moisture. 
At two inches from the rim it was ornamented with a concentric 
furrow, beneath which are short vertical cuts, a quarter of an inch 
in length, made with a blimt tool ; one and a-half inches below 
was another furrow and a similar line of markings. This urn 
had contained bones, as several fragments of charred bones were 
met with mixed up with it, likewise a large flat flint flake, and 
an iron naiL 

We continued digging about this place for about a whole day, 
but as no further indications of an interment were visible, and 
supposing that we had worked out this spot, we caused the 
whole to be filled in. 

On the 2nd June we recommenced operations in the Little 
Bury, at the place marked No. 13 on the plan. We dug a 
trench east and west and discovei^d several black patches in the 
sand similar to those found in trenches No. 6 and 8, containing 
burnt bones, burnt flints, potsherds, flint flakes, and a neolithic 

The foregoing researches close for the present our operations 

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LORIMER FisON. — Notes on Fijian Bv/rial Customs. 137 

at Seaford. It is probable that much more could be done, but 
the work accomplished, both as regards the camp and the 
cemetery outside its ramparts, is suflBicient for the purpose. On 
the range of downs between the valleys of the Ouse and 
Cuckmere there are many barrows which have been partially 
examined from time to time. In these, instances of cremation 
and inhumation occur side by side, and the pottery discovered 
partakes of that mixed description know as British, Romano- 
British, or E<Hnan pottery. Of indications of an earlier occupation 
than that illustrated by the rough air-dried earthenware 
technically known as British pottery no record exists ; anything 
that can be properly styled " prehistoric " may be said to b€ 
conspicuous by its absence, the people whose remains are from 
time to time disinterred upon the Sussex Downs are mostly 
those of an age little antecedent to the Roman occupation; 
indeed the association that is continually met with in all such 
researches as at present, points to a common resting-place both 
for the native and colonising race. 

The Chairmjui exhibited and described a series of plans and 
relics in connection with his recent explorations at Mount 
Cabum, near Lewes. A discussion ensued in which Mr. F. G. 
ffilton Price, F.G.S., Mr. John E. Price, F.S.A., Mr. A. Tylor, 
F.G.S., Mr. A. L. Lewis, M.A.I., Mr. J. Park Harrison, M.A., and 
others took part. 

Notes on Fuian Bueial Customs. By the Rev. Lorimer Fison. 

The Rev. Thomas Williams, in his valuable work on '* Fiji and 
the Fijians," has described the funeral ceremonies which came 
under his notice. To that account many interesting parti- 
culars may be added, for there is no uniformity of custom in 
Fiji, and no description of what is done by any one tribe can 
be taken as applicable to all the others. 

One custom, however, seems to have been everywhere 
practised, namely the strangling of widows that they might be 
buried with their dead husbands. On the death of a great chief, 
many women wei-e thus sacrificed, the victims being generally 
his watina lalai, or " little wives," i.e., women of inferior rank, 
though sometimes one or more of the vxitina mbau, who were all 
marama, or ladies of rank, would volunteer to be buried with 
him. The strangled women were called the tJiOthd, or " carpeting 
of his grave." 

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138 LoRMER FisON. — Notes on Fijian Burial Customs. 

In some parts of the group it is* the duty of the widow's 
brother to perform, or leaat to superintend the strangling, and 
he is summoned to do his office either by the kinsfolk of the 
deceased or by the widow herself. In one case within my own 
knowledge, a chief was found dead under his mosquito curtain 
by his wife. She at once went in search of her brother. " O 
Matakimbau," she cried, " Malani is dead ! Take pity upon me 
and strangle me to-day." " All right," her brother replied. " Go 
now and bathe yourself, and put on your ornaments. You shall 
be strangled by-and-by." And strangled she was in spite of 
the resident missionary's eflForts to save her life.f At Solevu 
(Vanua Levu) I was told that sometimes the friends of the 
deceased wish to spare the widow, and intercede for her with 
her brother, who is always at least ostensibly unwilling to grant 
their request. If their entreaties be of no avail one of them 
(probably he who wants to marry the woman) takes hold of 
her arm, and tries to drag her away. Her brother seizes her by 
the other arm, and a struggle ensues, on the issue of which 
depends the woman's fate. If her brother i)revail, she is strangled 
without more ado; but if her husband's kinsman prove the 
stronger her life is spared. It is quite possible that the 
brother's unwillingness to spare the widow may be always real, 
for the man who fails to strangle his sister on the death of her 
husband, is despised by his brother-in-law's kinsfolk, and is 
ashamed to visit them ; whereas he who fulfils the duty is 
honoured by them, and is treated with marked respect whenever 
he goes to see them. Moreover, a substantial mark of their 
regard is bestowed upon him, the strangling cord being hung up 
by them on a piece of land, which thereby becomes his pro- 

A man belonging to the Nandi tribe (the nearest neighbours 
of those Solevu folks, and therefore continually fighting with 
them) said to me, '' I have found the good of the strangling ; 
twice it has saved my life. My father was a Solevu man, and 
was killed when I was a child. My mother was strangled at 
Solevu by her brother, and he brought me here to Nandi, and 
reared me. 

" Twice in war time I came suddenly upon the Solevu warriors, 
and crouched down, expecting death. The clubs were raised to 
kill me. but some one who Imew me cried out, ' his mother was 
strangled among us,' and they saved me alive. They took me to 

* It must be borne in mind that the present tense is used in this memoir for 
the sake of conyenience, where the past tense ought to be employed. Most of 
these customs have been abandoned since the introduction of Christianity by 
the Wesleyan Mission. 

t It is scarcely necessary to say that she and her friends were heathens. 

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LORIMEK FisoN. — Notes on Fijian Burial Customs, 139 

the town, made a feast for me, and sent me away with many 

"Vyiien a woman is about to be strangled that she may be 
buried with her husband, she is made to kneel down, and the 
cord (a strip of native cloth) is put round her neck. She is then 
told to expel her breath as long as possible, and when she can 
endure no longer to stretch out her hand as a signal, whereupon 
the cord is tightened, and soon all is over. It is believed that, 
if this direction be followed, insensibility ensues immediately on 
the tightening of the cord ; whereas, if inhalation has taken 
plac6, there is an interval of suffering. 

An excuse for the practice of widow-strangling may be 
foimd in the fact that, according to Fijian belief, it is a needful 
precautionary measure ; for at a certain place on the road to 
Mbulu (Hades) there lies in wait a terrible god, called Nangga- 
nangga, who is utterly implacable towards the ghosts of the 
unmarried. He is especially ruthless towards bachelors, among 
whom he persists in classing all male ghosts who come to him 
unaccompanied by their wives. Turning a deaf ear to their 
protestations, he seizes them, lifts them above his head, and 
breaks them in two by dashing them down on a projecting rock. 
Hence it is absolutely necessary for a man to have at least one 
of his wives, or at all events, a female ghost of some sort follow- 
ing him. 

Women are let off more easily. If the wife die before her 
husband, the desolate widower cuts off his beard, and puts it 
under her left armpit. This serves as her certificate of marriage, 
and on her producing it to Nangga-nangga, he allows her to 

In some places the chiefs favourite henchman also is buried 
with him ; and in other places we find evident survivals of this 
custom, though the custom itself has died out. Thus on the 
death of the Torandrek^ti, or chief of the Tokatoka tribe, his 
follower lies down in the grave with the strangled women until 
the body is lowered, and then returns to the upper air. At 
Matailombau (an inland tribe of Kavitilevu), the headman of the ^ 
" undertakers," called the Mbouta, retires after the burial of the 
chief to a solitary hut which has been built for him in some out- 
of-the-way place, and remains there for several months in seclu- 
sion. The whole neighbourhood of his dwelling is strictly ^. 
tarnJm (tabooed) to aJOi, excepting certain persons who are 
appointed to take him his food, which they do secretly by night ; 
and a warning mark is set up at the place where he goes to 
bathe, that all passers by may know it is the sUisUi ni Mbouta 
(the Mbouta's bath), and so avoid it. At Vunda, on the north- 
west coast of the same island, when a chief is buried, the two 

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140 LORIMER FisON. — Notes on Fijian Bv/ricd Customs. 

headmen of the grave-diggers, who are his Ngganggali, retire 
after the funeral to a house in the town and remain there, it 
may be for a whole year. They paint themselves black from 
head to foot, and only leave the house by night. If compelled 
to go outside during the day, they cover themselves with a mat. 
A fiction is kept up that they are invisible, or rather non- 
existent. People may be coming and going to and from the 
house all daylong, but they take no notice of the Ngganggdli ; in 
fact, nobody is supposed to see them. Their food is brought into 
the house in silence, or is formally presented to imaginary 

V gufests with the usual speech. 

^ At one place, at least, on the island of Vanua Levu, there is a 
ghastly custom. A noted "brave" is distinguished from the 
common herd after death by being buried with his right arm 
sticking out above the gravemound, and passers by exclaim 
with admiration as they look upon the fleshless arm, " Oh, the 
hand that was the slayer of men !" 

In many widely separated parts of the group a custom pre- 
vails which is found in Centr^ Africa also, and elsewhere. For 
some days after the decease of a ruling chief, if his death be 
known to the people, the wildest anarchy prevails. The "subject 
tribes " rush into the chief town, kill pigs and fowls, snatch any 
property they can lay their hands on, set fire to houses, and 
play all manner of mischievous pranks, the townsfolk oflFering 
no resistance. Hence the death of a ruling chief is studiously 
concealed for a period varying from four to ten days. At 
Nalawa (Navitilevu) a log is placed on his bed, covered with 
his coverlet, and his attendants sit by fanning it, and talking 
to it as if he were still alive. These attendants are men 
belonging to a clan whose business it is to nurse the chief 
when he is sick, and to bury him when he dies. They take sole 
charge of him during his last illness, remove him to the Mbure- 
kalou (god's house, or temple) whence they jealously exclude all 
but themselves ; and when he dies they conceal his death even 
from his nearest kinsfolk. Elsewhere, the headman of the 
Mbouta before mentioned personates the dead chief, and issues 
his orders from within the mosquito curtain of native cloth, in 
the faint querulous tones of a sick man. 

When the secret oozes out, the people come rushing in great 
excitement to make inquiries, and are blandly informed by the 
Mbouta that they are too late. " Is the chief dead yet ?" " It is 
he who was buried ten days ago." " Sa nggai 'rusa na yangona.** 
("His body is decomposed by this time.'; And the bafBed 
inquirers go away grumbling, for their opportunity has passed 
away and is lost The idea seems to be that not until decompo- 
sition may be supposed to have made considerable progress is 

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LoRiMER FisON. — Notes on Fijian Burial Customs, 141 

the dead man fairly done with, and his authority handed over to 
his successor. The dead hand can no longer wield the sceptre, 
but it has not yet relinquished its grasp ; and the old communal 
idea asserts itself now that the power which kept it down is in 
abeyance. Hence the interval of anarchy if the death be not 
concealed. I have met with traces of a similar belief among 
certain Australian tribes, who seem to think that the spirit does 
not finally escape from the body until decomposition sets it free. 
It must, however, be noted that the customs ofsome other Fijian 
tribes do not fall in with this notion, as will presently appear.* 

Two instances may be given here which seem to mark the 
gradual subsidence of this custom. At Nakasaleka (Kanddvu) 
it is the property of the chief alone which is subject to lawless 
seizure on his decease. As soon as it is known that he has 
drawn his latest breath, the peoplef flock into his house, and lay 
violent hands on all the movables therein. To guard against 
this, whenever the chief is seriously ill his friends are careful 
to remove* the most valuable articles to other houses for 
security. At Navatu (north coast of Navitilevu), on the fourth 
night after the burial of the ruling chief, a solemn mSke (song 
and dance) is performed by the assembled people. There is a 
pause in the music, and a voice calls out " My five whale's 
teeth are So-and-so's." The song goes on again. Another pause, 
and another shout, *' My ndalo plantation to So-and-so." Again 
a strain of music, and again a pause, " My gun to So-and-so," 
and so on until nearly all the property of the townsfolk has 
changed hands. Whatever is proclaimed as a gift to yourself 

iron must call out a fair equivalent in return, or you will be 
ooked upon as a disgracefully shabby fellow, and your life will 
be made a burden to you. Here we see the old communal idea 
asserting itself, but in an orderly manner, and without the 
violence which is elsewhere displayed. 

By many tribes the burial place of their chief is kept a 
profound secret, lest those whom he injured during his lifetime 
should revenge themselvesf by digging up, and insulting or even 
eating his body. In some places uie dead chief is buried in his 
own house, and armed warriors of his mother's kin keep watch 
night and day over his grave. After a time his bones an3 taken 
up and carried by night to some far-away inaccessible cave in 
the mountains, whose position is known only to a few tmst- 
worthy men. Ladders are constructed to enable them to reach 

♦ /Sw « Nakelo Burial," p. 16. 

t Williams tells us that at Mbua (Yanua Levu) only the kinsfolk of the 
dead are allowed this license. 

J ** should rerenge themselrcs." Is it not possible that this maj 

explain the fate of those who dug the graye of Alaric ? 

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142 LORIMER FisoN. — Notes on Fijian Burial Customs, 

the cave, and are taken down when the bones have been de- 
posited there. Many frightful stories are told in connection 
with this custom, and it is certain that not even decomposition 
itself avails to baulk the last revenge of cannibals if they can 
find the grave. The very bones of the de8ui chief are not secure 
from the revenge of those whose friends he kUled during his 
lifetime, or whom he otherwise so exasperated by the tyrannous 
exercise of his power as to fill their hearts with a deadly hate. 
In one instance within my own knowledge, when the hiding- 
place was discovered, the bones were taken away, scraped, 
and stewed down into a horrible hell-broth — but here the nar- 
rative had better stop. 

Extremely interesting traces of the former prevalence of 
secret burial are found among tribes who do not conceal the 
graves of their dead. I observed from time to time in various 
parts of the group certain remarkable customs with regard to 
the first sod turned in digging a grave ; and of these customs 
the natives could give me no explanation other than that which 
is perfectly satisfactory to their own minds with regard to all 
practices of which they have forgotten the origin — '' Our fathers 
did so." It was not until I became acquainted with tribes who 
practise secret burial, and noted the extreme care with which 
the surface sods were raised and set aside when the grave was 
dug. in order that they might be replaced with as little derange- 
ment as possible, that I came upon what seems to be the under- 
lying idea. 

Tribes, who long ago abandoned their ancient practice of 
concealing the grave, seem to have remembered that the sods 
were kept apart from the excavated soil, but to have forgotten 
the reason for the custom ; and so they have come at length to 
ascribe some peculiar virtue to the first sod raised, and to do all 
manner of queer things with it. In some places it is laid aside 
until the grave has been filled up and then is kneaded into a 
little tower on the top of the mound. Elsewhere it is thrown 
in upon the corpse before the rest of the excavated earth. At 
Vunda, the two NgganggAli hold it against their breajsts until 
the body has been lowered into the grave. But the most sin- 
gular custom in connection with it occurs at the burial of the 
Torandreketi before mentioned. When his grave is dug, the 
mfiui who turns the first sod takes it up in both hands and 
raises it to his head. He then lifts up one foot, and resting it 
against the calf of his other leg, he maintains that posture until 
the chief is buried. The poor man may be kept thus standing 
for several hours, and has sometimes been unable to straighten 
his leg at the close of the ceremony. His friends carry him 
down to the waterside, bathe, and vigorously shampoo him, 
until the rigid muscles have recovered their elasticity. 

Digitized by 


LORIMEE FlSON. — Notes on Fijian Burial GvMoms, 143 

A curious belief in connection with the burial of a chief 
prevails at Naitasiri, on the banks of the Wailevu, the noble 
river which flows down to Eewa from the mountains of 
Navitilevu. There the Mbouta carry the dead chief by night 
to his secret grave far away in the hills, and are not permitted 
to lay the body down imtil the break of day. If they reach 
the burial place before dawn, they must stand in silence, 
bearing the body on their shoulders, until the morning light 
begins to appear in the east, for if they lay it down " Enid kata 
na nggio mai vxiH* (" The sharks will bite in the river."*) 

Cave burial is common in Fiji, that is to say it is found in 
many parts of the group, though it is not generally practised. 
The people of one village may be cave-buriers, while their 
neighbours on either side of them, and indeed all the other 
tribes of their island, bury their dead in graves. The dead, and 
sometimes the dying, are laid in caves without any covering 
other than the cloth or mats in which they are wrapped. At 
Nakasaleka (Kandavu) there is a deep rocky chasm into which 
the dead are thrown headlong, but only commoners are disposed 
of in this manner. Chiefs are treated with greater ceremony. 

In all probability the practice of cave burial was far more 
common in the olden times. In several places where the 
people bury their dead in the ordinary manner, and were in the 
habit of so burying them when the first missionaries arrived, there 
are caves which are full of skeletons. A few years ago a chief 
named Koroivuki of Tumbou (Lakemba), was strolling along 
a strip of sand left bare by the receding tide at the foot of a 
rocky bluff. A little dog he had with him started a wild cat 
and pursued it To Koroivuki's astonishment both cat and dog 
suddenly vanished where a stunted tree grew out of a crevice in 
the rock, and though he heard the dog barking he could find no 
trace of it At length, pushing aside the branches of the tree, 
he found that they concealed an opening whence the dog's 
barking sounded faintly as if it came from far away. He 
crawled in, and found himself within an extensive cave, which, 
to his horror, was full of dead men's bones. His people had 
buried their dead in graves from time immemorial, and none of 

* There ure plentj of aliarks in the WaileTn, but as a general rule they are 
not Terr troubtesonie, probablj because they can easily procure fish enough 
to satisfy their hunger. The natires ray tliat the sharks used to kiU many 
people in the olden times t that they left off their eril ways when the Lotu 
(Christianity) came ; but that since annexation they hare begun to bite again. 
It is quite possible that the natires may be right as to the facts, whaterer we 
may think of their theoiy. In the old heathen times the refuse of cannibal 
feasts which was thrown into the riyer brought the sharks up from the sea, and 
since annexation a butchery has been established, which has doubtless the same 

Digitized by 


144 LORIMER FisON. — Notes on Fijian Burial Customs. 

them were aware of the existence of the cave. The neighbouring 
tribe of Tarakua, however, were cave buriers, and I have visited 
a large double cave in which they deposited their dead. 

A curious circumstance gives further evidence of the wider 
prevalence of cave burial amoug the Fijians in fonner days. 
There are tribes of Navitilevu who make artificial caves for 
their dead in the alluvial soil. Some dig them in the hillsides 
with no little care and skill, others sink a perpendicular shaft, 
and then " put in a side drive " as the Australian gold-diggers 
phrase it This drive, or chamber, is the grave, and there the 
chief lies with his strangled women under him. A stone closes 
the entrance of the drive, and excludes the earth when the shaft 
is filled up. Sometimes the dying man is placed in the vault 
when he is supposed to be beyond hope of recovery. Food and 
water are lowered down the shaft, and as long as he can crawl 
to them and use them, so long is tlie shal't kept open. When 
they remain untouched the earth is filled in. All the super- 
fluous soil is carried away to a distance. The surface sods — 
which were raised with the greatest care by the grave-diggers, 
and kept apart from the excavated earth — are now replaced ; 
dead leaves, etc. are strewn over them, and all traces of the 
excavation are carefully obliterated. The following rough 
sketch shows a section of this kind of grave. It was made from 
the description given to me by native informants. At the time 
I was within easy distance of the place where the caves are 
excavated ; the tribes living there were heathen. One of our 
missionaries had lately been kiUed and eaten, and I could not 
visit the place without running the greatest possible risk. 

In some places, the dead man is laid out at full length, his 
head being supported by the kali, or wooden pillow, as in the 
foregoing sketch. But in many parts of Fiji the legs of the 

Digitized by 


LORIMER FiSON. — Notes on Fijian Burial Customs. 145 

corpse are drrftm up, the body is doubled together until the ' 

knees touch the chin ; the elbows are drawn in to the sides 
with the hands uplifted, and the whole body is then securely 
bound in that posture. This is done to prevent the ghost of the 
dead man from " walking " by night, and doing injury to the 
living. At Sambeto (north-west NavitSlevu), the body is placed 
face downwards in the grave, " Nde mai raid kenda Jco koya " 
(" Lest he should see us "). The spirits of women who die in child- 
birth, or before the child is weaned, are greatly dreaded, espe- 
cially if the child were not bom in wedlock It is a common 
custom to lay upon the breast of such a woman a piece of a 
banana stem wrapped in native cloth, and to bury it with her. 
This is done to cheat her into the belief that it is her baby 
which she has lying on her breast. The child in the meanwhile 
is carried secretly to a distant town, that its dead mother may 
be unable to find it if she discovers the cheat. Other precau- 
tions also are taken. In some places bits of bamboo are strung 
loosely on a cord and fastened to the wrists of the corpse, so 
that by their rattling they may give warning of her approach 
if she takes to walMng by night. Elsewhere the poor woman 
is buried with her lUcu or waistfringe untied, that it may fall 
down when she rises, and the wretched ghost may be thereby 
compelled to sit down again with shame and confusion of face.* 

In several parts of Fiji, when an old man dies a curious 
custom is observed. Before the body is carried forth to the 
burial, it is either lifted up by the bearers or laid upon a raised 
platform. A man — (the brother of the child's mother)— then 
takes the son's son of the deceased, passes him rapidly several 
times hither and thither, and under and over the corpse, and 
then runs away with him at the top of his speed. This is done 
in order to bewilder the old gentleman as to the direction in 
which the child is taken away, it being supposed that he will be 
veiy desirous to have his grandson with him where he is, and 
will therefore seek to kill him. A like custom is observed when 
the father dies ; but it is the father's father who is especially 
dreaded, for it is supposed that the relationship between the 
paternal grandfather and his grandchild is closer Uian that which 
exists between the child and its father. This idea can be clearly 
traced to the former prevalence of descent through females, 
which indeed is still the mle among some of the Fijian tribes. 
But this brings us into another and a far more important field 
of research, and a discussion of the subject would be out of place 

At Lakemba, one of the Windward or Eastern Islands, great 

* The liJcu was the sole garment of Fijian women in the heaihen days. 
VOL. X. L 

Digitized by 


146 LORIMER FisoN. — Notes on Fijian Burial Customs. 

chiefe ore buried in large stone coffins, which are placed on the 
surface of the ground, a great heap of sand being raised over and 
around them. The burial of one of the Tui Nayau (Lakemba 
kings), which I myself witnessed, was conducted as follows: — 

The body was laid out at fuU length upon fine mats, with the 
face imcovered. A lady of high rank sat by in a half-reclining 
posture with one arm thrown round the Iwujk of his head, her 
face and her whole attitude expressing the very extremity of 
woe. She was covered from head to foot with a laige flowing 
ngatu, or mantle of beautifully painted native cloth. Four other 
ladies sat below her, two on each side, and continually fanned 
the corpse. Profound silence was kept. All work was suS' 
pended throughout the island, save the necessary preparations 
for the funeral. No lamentation was permitted. The tangi nt 
vanua (weeping of the land) was expressed by the subdued 
dolorous blare of conchs,^ blown softly by young men who were 
seated on the projecting part of the mound on which the house 
was built. At night, rows of lamps made of cocoanut shells and 
filled with cocoanut oQ were placed upon the mound, and on the 
gate-posts ako of the fence which enclosed the king's precinct 
In the meanwhile the grave was being prepared. Six slabs of 
white sandstone were cut smooth and flat with axes, and care- 
fully fitted together so as to form a large sarcophagus, 7 feet 
long, 3^ feet broad, and 5 feet deep. A suitable spot near the 
beach was cleared, and all the undergrowth and rubbish removed 
to a distance. Here the lower slab was placed on the ground ; 
the side slabs and those at the ends were set up in their places ; 
and then clean white sand was brought from the beach, and 
poured down until a mound was formed about 15 feet square, 
and somewhat higher than the cofiin, which stood in the centre 
of the mound. The sand was kept in its place by a strong stone 
wall on every side. No particle of soil was allowed to mingle 
with the sand, and even the stones of the outer wall were care- 
fully washed in the sea before they were set in their places. The 
body was rolled up in many of the finest mats, and laid at full 
length in the coffin ; the top slab was put on as a lid, and about 
a foot of sand was poured upon it The whole surface of the mound 
was then levelled, and covered with little blue, green, and reddish- 
brown pebbles, which were brought in baskets by the women, 

A singular custom, called Vakandrondro (" flowing," or rather, 
" causing to flow "), is observed at Nairai, one of the islands in 
Central Fiji, immediately after the burial of a young unmarried 
chief, or a girl of high rank who died in her maidcDliood. Say 
that it is a chief who has lately been buried. The young men 

* " ConchB."— Thia b the custom at Tokatoka also 

Digitized by 


LOKIMEB FiSON. — Notes on Fijian Burial Customs. 147 

and the girls bathe and oil themselves, put on their best orna- 
ments, and then gather together in a house under the charge of 
certain elders. The girls lie down on one side of the house, and 
the youths on the other. A deep sleep faUs upon them. Their 
souls leave their bodies, and glide swiftly away with an easy 
flowing motion. Presently they see before them the spirit of the 
dead chief, who is making the best of his way to Naithombo- 
thombo, a projecting point of land which forms the western 
extremity of Vanua Levu, and whence the spirits of the dead 
leap into the sea on their way to Mbulu, the Fijian Hades. The 
young people follow in silence, and watch. They see the ghost 
arrive at the overhanging rock which is the " leaping-place." 
He pauses for awhile, gazing intently down upon the waves. 
The surface of the water is agitated, and lo ! the spirit of a dead 
marama rises fix)m the depths. She ascends the face of the pre- 
cipice. The two spirits embrace, leap together into the sea, and 
are lost to the view of the beholders, who turn reluctantly away, 
and go back to where their bodies are lying. As soon as they 
return the speU is broken. They awake from their sleep, and 
announce the name of the lady who came horn Mbulu to meet 
the departed chief. This is good news to his friends, for it 
assures them of his deliverance from the terrible Nangga-nangga, 
and from other dangers. But some of the sleepers do not awake. 
Their souls are lingering still at Naithombothombo, consumed by 
a vehement longing to follow the dead all the way to Mbulu. 
It is necessary to shout their names aloud* in order to recall 
them, and not without difficulty are they at length aroused. 
This curious dre€an has aU the force of reality to a Fijian who 
has slept that sleep, and it would be hard to convince him that 
it is nothing more than a dream. 

But perhaps the most striking of aU the Fijian burial customs 
are those of the Nakelo tribe who live on the banks of the 
Wainimbokdsi, one of the numerous outlets by which the Wai- 
levu empties itself into the sea. On the death of the Tui, or 
king, the path through the Nakelo lands to the river boundary is 
weeded and swept clean. The dead chief is laid out at full 
length, with his narrow waistcloth carefully arranged, his club 
in his hand or lying across his breast, a turban on his head, and 
his face painted. The house is filled with people, who oit in 
silence and with downcast eyes. By-and-by come three old 
men,' the elders of a clan called the Yunikalou ('' source of the 
gods ") holding fans in their hands. One of them enters the 

* In fainting-fite also, and other seizures producing insennbilitj, the soul is 
supposed to haye left the body. If not recaUed it will betake itself to Mbulu, 
and so the anxious friends shout after it, bawling out the person's name at the 
top of their Toices. 

L 2 

Digitized by 


148 LottlMER FisON. — Notes on Fijian Burial Customs, 

house, while the other two wait in the doorway. He flourishes 
his fan over the dead man*s face, and calls him, saying, " Rise, 
sir, the chief, and let us be going. Broad day has come over the 
land." And the soul of the dead man rises at his call. Holding 
his fan horizontally at a short distance above the floor, and 
walking backwards, the old man conducts the spirit from the 
house. The other Vunikalou join him at the doorway, holding 
their fans in like manner about two feet above the ground, as a 
shelter for the spirit, who is evidently supposed to be of short 
stature. Thus fliey go along the path, foUowed in reverential 
silence by a great multitude of men, no women being allowed to 
join the procession. When they reach the river-bank, one of 
the Vunikalou climbs a tree which grows thereby, and cries with 
a loud voice, " le Themba ! Lele mai na wanka, Lui manda mai 
na mua vesi" (" Themba, bring over the canoe. Let the vesi 
end be first.") This call he repeats three times ; and there- 
upon the people flee in all directions, and hide themselves. 
Themba is the Nakelo Charon, who ferries departed souls 
across the river. The ends of his canoe are of difierent woods, 
one being vesi, the best of all the Fijian hardwoods, while the 
other is made of ndolo, or tUo, which are inferior kinds. Hence 
when Themba hears the vesi end called for, he knows it is a 
great chief who is coming, and makes his arrangements 

The Vunikalou, after summoning the ghostly ferryman, wait 
by the riverside imtil they see a wave rolling in towards the 
shore, which they say is caused by the approach of the invisible 
canoe. They aver that a blast of wind* accompanies it, and 
that the wave dashes its spray over the bank "V^en this sign 
appears, they avert their faces, point their fans suddenly to the 
river, cry aloud, " Ni vondo, saka " (" Go on board, sir") ; and 
forthwith run for their lives, for no eye of living man may look 
upon the embarkation. 

The spirit of the dead chief being thus conducted beyond his 
dominions, there remains his body only to be disposed of, and 
this is done with little ceremony. The grave is dug about hip 
deep, and the chief is laid therein, roUed up in mats, face to 
face with one of his strangled wives, or his mother if she were 
living at the time of his death, or better still, his grandmother, 
if she were to the fore. An old cocoanut is broken by a blow 
with a stone, being held so that the milk runs down upon his 
head. The meat of the nut is then eaten by the Vunikdou, the 
grave is filled up, and there is an end of the Tui Nakelo. 

• " A blast of wind." Unless there were a dead calm, the Vunikalou would 
not have to wait long for a puff of wind at that part of the river. 

Digitized by 


List of Presents. 149 

Note. — The particulars given in the foregoing sketch by no 
means exhaust the subject. There are many other interesting 
burial customs besides those which are recorded in the Eev. 
Thomas Willieans's valuable work ; and they can now be ascer- 
tained with but little difficulty, for we are able now-a-days to 
make leisurely inquiries among many tribes who were inacces- 
sible in Mr. Williams's day. With the exception of the bare 
statement of widow-strangling on page 137, and the mention of 
Nangga-nangga, I have carefully avoided the ground which he 
has so ably covered. 

May 11th, 1880. 
A. L. Lewis, Esq., in the Chair, 

The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. 

The following presents were announced, and thanks voted to 
the respective donors : — 

Fob the Libbabt. 

From the Govbbnmbnt of Nbw Zealand. — Results of a Census of 

the Colony of New Zealand, 3rd March, 1878. 
From the Anthbopological Society op Beblin. — Zeitschrift fiir 

Bthnologie, 1879, Heft. 6 ; 1880, Heft. 1. 
From the Academy op Scknces, Kbacow. — ^Rozprawy i Sprawoz- 

dania z Posiedze£i wydzialu Matematyczno-Przyroamczego 

Akademii Umieietnofici. Tom. VI. 

Lud — Serya XIl. 

Monuments Pr^historiques de Fanoienne Pologne. Ire S6rie, 

Prnsse Boyale. 
From the Tbustbes op the Astoe Libbaby. — Thirty-first Aimual 

Report, 1879. 
From the Society. — Journal of the Society of Arts, Nos. 1432, 

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Nos. 6, 6, 10, 


Jonmal of the Boyal Asiatic Society, Vol. XII, Part 2. 

Proceedings of the Royal G^eographical Society, Vol. U, 

No. 5. 
' Proceedings of the Royal Society, No. 202. 

Digitized by 


150 W. J. Knowlbs. — Flint Implements from, 

From the Socibtt. — ^Bulletin de la Soci6t£ Imp^riale des Nahira- 

listes de Moscou, 1879, No. 3. 
From the Institution. — Journal of the Bojal United Service 

Institution, No. 104. 
From the Association. — Proceedings of the Geologists* Association. 

Vol. VI, Nos. 5, 6. 
From the Editor.—" Nature," Nos. 548, 649. 
— Revue Scientifique, Nos. 44, 45. 

The Director read a paper entitled " Notes on the Western 
Regions." Translated from the " Tseen Han Shoo," Book xcvi, 
Parti. By A. Wylie, Esq.* 

The following paper was read : — 

Flint Implements from the Valley of the Bann. 
By W. J. Knowles. 

I HAVE obtained at difiFerent times within the last three or four 
years, from the banks of the River Bann, a series of flint 
weapons or tools, which difiFer considerably in type fix)m the 
ordinary flint implements of the North of Ireland! They have 
been chiefly found on the left bank near the town of Port- 
glenone, in a deposit of diatomaceous clay which underlies the 
peat and is about five feet in thickness. The banks of the 
river are five feet higher than the winter level of the water, and 
consist of a small covering of soil, then the diatomaceous earth, 
and below that a clayey peat. At a short distance from the 
river the clay passes under a covering of peat of the ordinary 
kind. The clay is suitable for brickmaking, and every year 
during the summer months a considerable quantity of it is dug 
up for that purpose, and it is while this operation is going on 
that the implements are found. 

The first flint tools of the kind I am referring to which came 
into my possession were purchased frt)m a person who goes 
through the country districts and buys from labourers and 
fanners such objects of antiquity as they may find when turn- 
ing over the soU, but during the last two years I have gone at 
various times in the brickmaking season and purchased the 
objects direct from the labourers. 

The implements are of two types. The kind which is most 
numerous appears to have been made by splitting up nodules 
into halves and quarters, which are afterwards formed into 
pointed implements by a process of coarse chipping, but as a 
general rule they do not seem to be made from anything resem- 

* See page 20 in the preeent Tolume. 

Digitized by 


the VcMey of the Bann. 151 

bling a flake. The implements of this kind number about fifty, 
show no trace of polishing, and all agree in having a cutting 
point and thick base for holding in the hand. They are as 
a general rule long, narrow, and rather of a cylindrical form 
than flat and broad. Some of the largest are 7 or 8 inches 
long, and jBpom 2 to 3 inches broad at the base, but a few are 
brc^ and flat. There is one very fine implement in the series 
which is flat, and only worked on one side, but otherwise it has 
a likeness to the flat triangular palaeolithic implements. It is 
6 inches long, nearly 4 broad at the base, and 1^ inches thick, 
while the stout base still shows the weathered surface of the 
nodule from which it was made. I have examined several 
private collections and have not found any implements that 
agree in character with those I have described, and very few, 
perhaps not more than three or four, that would have a slight 
likeness to them. I have also inquired of the man from whom 
I first bought objects of this kind, as to whether he may have 
found implements of this type in any other district, but he 
assures me he has not, and that the kind referred to were all 
got in the Valley of the Bann, when the brick waa being made. 
I regularly buy flint implements from another dealer who 
confines his walks in search of antiquities to the eastern half of 
county Antrim, away from the direction of the Bann altogether, 
and on showing him this series of implements he declared they 
were perfectly new to him, and said he had never got similar 
implements though he had been collecting for many years. 
This was confirmed by my own labours as far as my experience 
went in collecting, from which I conclude that implements of 
this kind had a special connection with rivers. 

Dr. Evans in " Stone Implements and Ornaments of Great 
Britain," mentions that he has found implements of ** tongue 
shaped '* form in Ireland which were obtained from the shores 
of Lough Neagh, at Toome, and which I believe to be similar 
in character to some of those described by me. I have also 
myself picked up at Toome an implement of the same type 
as those from the diatomaceous deposit, and I was present at an 
excursion to that place of the Ballymena Naturalists' Field 
Club about three years ago, when one or two specimens of the 
same t)rpe were procured by the members on the shores of 
Lough Neagh, where the Bann emerges from it. But Toome is 
only three or four miles farther up the Bann than the place I 
have mentioned, and as the diatomaceous deposit is found there 
also, I am of opinion that those implements found by Dr. Evans, 
myself, and others, on the shores of Lough Neagh, were derived 
from the diatomaceous clay by the process of denudation. 

The second series of objects may be described as large flakes 

Digitized by 


152 W. J. Knowles. — Flirvt ImplemeTUs, etc. 

of triangular outline, with sharp point and central rib down the 
back, but having the base wrought into a tang. In the cata- 
logue of the Royal Irish Academy this form of flake is repre- 
sented by Fig. H ; the tang, as far as I am able to interpret what 
is said about it, being looked on as the first step in the process 
of development into arrow and spear heads, but as I can also 
refer nearly the whole of the tanged flakes in my possession to 
the diatomaceous deposit on the banks of the Bann, I am rather 
inclined to believe that instead of being a step in the way 
towards greater perfection, and as pointing out the process of 
development, they were perfect implements of their kind, and 
like those of the first series, manufactured specially for use about 

I have also got from the same deposit a very few — ^three or 
four — ^polished stone celts, and though there is something 
peculiar about them, as, for instance, the edge being more pointed 
than usual, and not of the ordinary semi-circular form, yet I am 
imcertain whether all may be of the same age or not. Previous 
to making the brick, the clay is dug out and cast into a heap, 
which is afterwards minced up with spades into small pieces, 
and it is frequently during the mincing operation that the im- 
plements are found. It is therefore not certain whether the 
poUshed and unpolished implements may have been found 
together in close association, or the one at the top and the other 
at the bottom. Any of the forms of implement may, if dropped 
into the water, have sunk more or less into the deposit bdow, 
but I have been assured by the workmen that some of the large 
unpolished implements were taken out quite dose to the bottom 
firom under 5 feet of clay. 

I cannot say what the age of these objects may be as I 
have not been able to obtain any animal remains. If we 
are to accept as an .acknowledged doctrine that the remains of 
the Irish Elk are only to be found in the marly deposit below 
the peat, then we may draw some sort of conclusion from the fact 
that these implements have been foimd in a bed occupying a 
similar position; but whatever their age may be they are none Qie 
less interesting, forif of neolithic age the fact of their being found 
chiefly in a river valley, and not generally where other £nt im- 
plements are found in abimdance, would lead us to the con- 
clusion I have already mentioned, that they were manufactured 
chiefly for use about rivers ; and this fact may suggest a reason 
for the large triangular flints of palseolithic age being chiefly 
confined to the old river gravels, while the implements 
from the caves are so different in type. These implements 
of the pointed kind might therefore in both cases be not 
for general use, but chiefly for the river valleys. They may 

Digitized by 


W. H. Flower. — On Cranial Chxiractefrs of Fiji Islanders. 153 

possibly have formed weapons for attackiiig the larger animals 
when diey came down to drink, but the tiieory that they were 
used for breaking holes in ice, I think is also a very likely one. If 
so it woidd follow that the climate of the north of Ireland when 
these implements were used was much colder than it is at 
present. I believe the tanged flakes were used mounted pos- 
sibly for spearing fish, aa suggested by Dr. Evans, when referring 
to similar implements from Lough Neagh in " Archseologia," 
vol. xli, p. 401. But whatever the use of either kind may 
have been there is no doubt that they are common implements 
in the deposit of diatomaceous clay on the banks of the Bann, 
and uncommon, if found at all, in other parts of the north of 
Ireland where flint implements are common. 

The following communications were also read : — 

W. D. GoocH, Esq., entitled "Notes on the occurrence of 
Stone Implements in South Bussia;" "Jade Implements in 
Switzerland," by Hoddbb M. Westropp, Esq. ; " Notes on the 
Discovery of Prehistoric Eemains in Central Russia," by C. H. E. 
Carmichael, Esq., M.RS.L. Extracts from these will appear in 
a future number of the Journal. 

On the Cranial Chara.cters of the Natives of the Fui Islands. 
By William Henry Flower, LL.D., F.E.S., P.Z.S., 
V.P. Anthrop. Inst., etcJ"* 

The Viti, or as it is now more commonly called, Fiji Archipelago, 
consists of two large, and a considerable number (estimated at 
250) of small islands, of which about 80 are inhabited. The 
latter lie mostly to the east of the main islands, and nearer to 
the Tongan and Samoan groups. The geographical situation of 
the Archipelago gives it its peculiar ethnological interest, as it 
is placed close to the line which forms the boundary between the 
portions of the ocean inhabited mainly by one or other of the 
two great and very distinct races of the Pacific, the Melanesian 
and the Polynesian, using the former term for all the dark- 
skinned, frizzly-haired, dolichocephalic people of the Western 
Pacific, and the latter for the light-brown, straight-haired, brachy- 
cephalic or sub-brachycephahc race, called Malayo-Polynesian 
by the older writers, and for which Messrs. Keane and Whitmee 
have lately proposed the name of Sawaiori. 

In accordance with this geographical position, as well as from 
observations based upon their physical characters and social 
condition, the Fijians have generally been considered to be a 
mixed or mongrel people, containing elements derived from both 

• BeiMl June 22nd, 1880. 

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154 W. H. Flower. — On the Cranial C/utracters of 

of these essentially different races. Thus Hale says : " From 
the description which has been given of the natives of the Fiji 
group it is evident that they cannot properly be ranked with 
either of the two neighbouring races, although they approjujh 
nearest to that which inhabits the islands to the west of them. 
In colour, they are neither yellow nor black, but a medium of 
the two, a sort of reddish-brown- Their hair is neither wooUy 
nor straight, but long and frizzled. In form and feature they 
hold the same undecided position, and however it may be in 
reality, in appearance they cannot be better described than as a 
mulatto tribe, such as would be produced by a imion of Mela- 
nesians and Polynesians."* 

It must, however, be noted that this description of the 
American ethnographer, as weU as nearly all our other know- 
ledge of the physical characters of the Fijians, is derived from 
natives of the smaller islands, or of the eastern coast of the 
principal island, Viti Levu, who have for a long time maintained 
an intercourse, sometimes friendly and commercial, and at 
other times hostile, with the neighbouring Tongan group in- 
habited by a pure Polynesian race, while hitherto scientific 
observations upon the inhabitants of the interior of either of 
what may be called the continental islands of the group, where 
the primitive characters of the people may be expected to be 
met with in their greatest purity, have been extremely scanty. 
This applies with scarcely any reserve to the osteological charac- 
ters, as (with one exception) all the specimens of crania of the 
Fiji islanders described up to the present time have been 
brought from some of the smaller islands. 

The precise origin of the one which was for many years the 
sole representative of the Fijian race in European collections, 
that presented to the Museum of the Eoyd College of Surgeons 
of England by Dr. Hobson, the figure of which in Mwtin's 
"Natimd History of Quadrupeds, etc." (1840), has been re- 
produced in several anthropological works, is certainly unknown, 
but as it was obtained from a man who died in the hospital at 
Hobart Town, probably one of the crew of a whaling slup, and 
as its essential characters differ totally from those about to be 
described, it is tolerably certain that it could not have been from 
the interior of either of the large islands. 

Dr. J. W. Spengelt has described and figured eight crania from 
the Godeffroy and other Museums in Germany, not one of which 
is known with any certainty to have been that of a native of 

• " United States Exploring Expedition under Wilkes (1838-42)" 
(* Ethnography and Philology,' by Horatio Hale (1846), p. 174). 

t " B^ti^e ziir Kenntniss der Fidschi-Insulaner " (" Journal des Museum 
Godeffroy," Band i, Heft iv, 1878, p. 289). 

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the Natives of the Fiji Idanda* 155 

either of the main islands. The same may be said of the ten 
specimens in the Barnard Davis colleotion.* 

In the latest exhanstive summary of our knowledge of the 
cranial characters of the Melanesian people, that given in the 
** Crania MJmica of De Quatrefages and Hamy" (Livraison 
vii, p. 288), fifteen skulls are mentioned from the small 
islands, probably presenting more or less of Polynesian mixture, 
and one only from the interior of Viti Levu, brought by M. Filhol. 
This is briefly described, and is said to present in the highest 
degree the characters of the Papoua (Melanesian) race. 

The great interest of the collection now before us lies in 
the fact that it contains a series of sixteen crania, of both 
sexes, and vcuious ages, of Kai Golos or natives of the 
mountainous regions of the interior of the large island of 
Viti Levu. These were obtained fai 1876 by Baron Anatole von 
Htigel, to whose promised work on the Islands and their in- 
habitants all geographers and ethnologists are looking forward 
with great inteiestf With these I am able to compare a series of 
thirteen, seven being those of adults and six of children, from 
the east coast of Viti Levu, or islands, such as Ovalau, situated 
near to the coast. These are partly from Baron von Hiigers 
collection, partly from that of Dr. Barnard Davis, but mainly 
from a collection made by Mr. Boyd in 1879, and acquired for 
the Museum through the liberality of Mr. Luther Holden, 
President of the College. A third series, consisting of seven 
crania, partly from the Von HtLgel and partly from the Barnard 
Davis collection, is derived from Vanua Balavu, one of the 
Lau, Eastward or Windward Islands, situated about 150 miles 
east of Viti Levu, and nearer to the Tongan group. 

The skidls of the Kai Colos, or mountaineers of the interior 
of Viti Levu, being by far the most important series, will be 
described first Of tiiese, the greater number, amounting to 
fourteen, were obtained by Baron von Hligel in August 1876, 
from a cave formerly used as a burial place by the Ngalimari 
tribe, at Wakuku, on the Siga Toka river, in the Nandronga 
district, which lies towards the south-western end of the island. 
They form a very representative series, as far as age and sex are 
concerned. ' Eleven are perfectly adult. In one (No. 1136, 
OsteoL Catalogue), all the permanent teeth have been acquired, 
including the third molars, but the basal suture is not closed. 
In another, all the permanent teeth are in place except the last 

* " Thetaurui Cranionun" (1867), p. 314, and Supplement to the same (1875), 
p. 74. 

t Baron Ton HiLflers entire oraniological collection, consisting of thirty seren 
skulls of nalaves ox Tarious islands of the Western Pacific, was purchased in 
1879 hf Mr. Erasmus Wilson, F.BJ3. and presented hj him to the College. 

Digitized by 


156 W. H. Flowek.— Oti the Cranial Characters of 

molars ; and one is that of a young child with the milk teeth 
only in place. These three are not included in the measure- 
ments from which the averages are derived. Of the adults, 
several have the appearance of considerable age; in two the 
whole of the teeth have been lost during life, and the dveolar 
walls absorbed. In most, the ordinary characters by which 
the sexes of skulls are distinguished are well marked, but in two 
there is some ambiguity, but placing these with the sex which 
on the whole they most resemble, I have classed sl^ as males 
and five as femtdes. 

None of them present any signs of having died other than a 
peaceful death, or of having been injured in any way afterwards, 
and this fact, with that of several having considerably outlived 
the vigour of manhood, as shown by consolidation of sutures 
and loss of teeth, affords no corroboration of the accounts of the 
excessive ferocity and cannibalism ascribed to these people.* 

The two other skulls of Kai Colos, both adult males, are from 
Voresika, in the Na Drau district, and bear different evidence of 
the native character, having both been broken by blows from 
dubs in a fray with members of a neighbouring tribe. 

Neither these nor any other of the Fiji crania bear any certcun 
evidence of having been designedly subjected to any process of 
artificial deformation, although one (No. 1130) is unsymmetri- 
cally distorted in the occipital region, being flattened on the 
right side. 

The crania of the Ngalimari will be first described, as they 
form a single homogeneous series. Nothing can be more striking 
than their wonderful similarity in all essential characters ; this 
is even more marked than in the series of crania of the Anda- 
manese, the subjects of a previous memoir.f In size there is 
some difference, but it would be almost impossible to find any 
equal number of human skulls presenting so little variation in 
general conformation, except such as is due to sex and age. 

As before mentioned, with two exceptions, the characteristic 
distinguishing signs of the different sexes are strongly marked, 
the males bemg known by their superior size, the comparative 
thickness and roughness of their walls, and the greatly developed 
glabella, supra-orbital ridges, suprarmastoid ridges, and mastoid 

Taken all together, they may be classed as large skulls, 
indicating a people probably above the average stature, and of 
considerable muscular devdopment. In this respect, however, 

* It is possible that they may have been Tictims of the epidemic of measle 
which committed such havoc among the inhabitants of the island immediately 
after our annexation in 1874. 

t See " Journal of the Anthropological Institute,*' Noyember, 1879, yol. ix, 
p. 108. 

Digitized by 


Crania of Fijian s. 2. Digitized by CjOo^li:: 

Digitized by 










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!■''« 2. 

JSmit. lith 

Crania of Fijians. i^ 

ll«.nharf imp 

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the Natives of the Fiji Idands. 157 

there is a considerable disparity between the sexes. The 
average horizontal circumference of the six males is 534 milli- 
meters, that of the five females 501. The average vertical 
transverse circumference of the males is 434, of the females 412 
millimeters. The same dimensions of the Andamanese were 
480, 462, 410, and 395 millimeters. 

The average cranial capacity of the six males is 1504 cubic 
centimeters, one being as high as 1660. The average capacity of 
the females is 1327, giving a ratio between the sexes of 100 to 88. 
This, owing to the insufficiency of the number of the specimens, is 
only an approximation, but it does not differ greatly from that 
found in other races.* The general average is very much the 
same as that of 138 Europeans of various nations,t and con- 
siderably above that of any other of the frizzly haired races, 
except the Kaffirs. It exceeds that of the Australians in the 
ratio of 100 to 87. 

In general form all the crania belong to the most pronoimced 
type of the class called by Dr. Barnard Davis hypsi-stenoceph/dic, 
dmracterised by their length, height, and laterally compressed 
wall- like sides. The norma occipitalis (Plate XIV, fig. 2) 
presents a high pentagon, the sides of which are nearly vertical, 
the maximum transverse diameter, usually situated near the 
squamosal suture, being rarely greater, and sometimes even less 
than the diameter between the supra-mastoid ridges. 

The latitudinal or cephalic index is remarkably low, being 
less than 70 in every one of the series, and in one case 
(No. 1126) as low as 62*9^^ calculated on the ophryo-occipital 
length, or 61*9, if calcidated on the glabello-occipital length, the 
plan so frequently adopted by anthropologists on the continent. 
This is the lowest index of any normal cranium in the collection, 
being very slightly below that of a skull of unknown origin, 
described by Prof. Huxley,§ which so closely resembles in all 
important characters those now imder consideration, that it 
might easily have been taken for one of the series. The mean 
latitudinal index of the six males is 65*5, that of the five females 
66*5, so that 66 may be taken as representing the entire series, 
a far lower mean index than has hitherto been found in any race. 

• See " Journal of the Anthropological Institute/' I^ovember, 1879, toI. ix, 
p. 118. 

t ** Catalogue of Osteology of Yertebrate Animals. Mus. Boy. CoL Surgeons," 
Fart, i, 1879, p. 254. 

{ In the catalogue the index of this cranium is given as 61*9, the breadth 
bein^ 120 millimeters. But this is the maximum parietal breadth only. The 
maxmium breadth, taken according to the Paris instructions, which I shall 
adopt in future, being in this case (idone among the crania of the series) situated 
on the squamosals ana is 122 millimeters, giTingthe index cited above. 

§ '* On two widely contra8*>ed Forms of the Human Cranium *' {** Journal of 
Anatomy and Physiology," vol. i, 1867, p. 60). 

Digitized by 


158 W. H. Flower.— Oti the Cranial Characters of 

The Fijian mountaineers, therefore, if this series may be taken 
as a fair representation of the whole, are the most dolicho- 
cephabc, or more properly stenocephaiic, people in the world. 

Are they also to be regarded as remarkable for their height ? 
Following the French school in taking the basio-bregmatic line 
as the most convenient measurement of altitude, we find an 
average of 142*7 millimeters for the males, and 137*2 for the 
females. This very considerably exceeds the maximum breadth 
in every case, and gives the average ratio of height as compared 
to breadth as 111 to 100. In the Andamanese, on the other 
hand, the height always falls short of the breadth. But these 
relations may depend as much upon variations of the breadth 
as of the height, and show nothing absolutely about the latter. 
In the same way the altitudinal index obtained by the usual 
method of comparing the height with the total length of the 
cranium is also fallacious, for in long skulls the height must 
appear less than in short ones. Thus the Andamanese by this 
test would appear more deserving of the epithet " lofty " than 
the Fijians, their altitudinal index being 77*9, while that of the 
latter is only 74*1, but this arises from the very short antero- 
posterior diameter of the former compared with the latter. A 
more just comparison may perhaps be made by taking ttie 
basio-nasal length as the standard. This being reckoned as 
100, the average height in the Fijian is 138, in the Andama- 
nese 136, in 25 English crania 132, in 17 Eskimo 133. More 
extended comparisons on this basis are desirable, but the 
subject will be referred to again before the conclusion of the 

The contour of the roof of the cranium as seen in the norma 
lateralis (Plate XII), shows a fairly developed and rounded 
frontal region, passing into a very regular arched line, the 
highest point of which is situated rather behind the bregma, 
and continued into an occipital region prolonged considerably 
behind the external auditory meatus. Narrowness from side 
to side is the characteristic of every region of the cranium; 
even the parietal eminences form but slight projections upon 
the general evenness of the lateral walls (see PL XIV, fig. 1). 
The anterior and upper region of the parietal bones is 
flattened, giving an angular or roof-shape to the upper part of 
the skull, and there is generally a very slight diminution of 
convexity in the region of the obeleon ; but there are none of 
those mai'ked and regular depressions on the surface frequently 
seen in Tasmanian and other Melanesian crania. Generally speak- 
ing, the surface of the upper part of the cranium is smooth and 
even, though in the males the temporal ridges are distinctly visible 
throughout their course, and the mastoid processes are lai^e and 

Digitized by 


the Natives of the Fiji Islands. 159 

rough on the surface, and the occipital ridges and inion strong 
and rugged. In the females the latter only form smooth 
rounded eminences. 

The sutures are rather faintly marked in most of the crania, 
and generally simple in character. In four of the older skulls, 
partial consolidation has taken place throughout the principal 
sutures. One only is metopic, No. 1102, a female, but in 
common with the other sutures the frontal is nearly obliterated. 
Wormian bones in the lambdoid suture are absent in four of the 
crania, and in the others generally few and simple. Union of 
the squamosal with the frontal by means of 2k processus frontalis 
occurs in both sides of one cranium, and on one side in another. 
In all the others, the distance between these bones is very 
small, in no case exceeding a centimeter. An epipteric bone 
occurs in one case only. 

As might be supposed, every one of the adult skulls is 
strongly phaenozygous. 

The well-rounded, and in some cases rather prominent though 
narrow forehead, ends below in a strongly marked brow-ridge, 
overhanging the root of the nose and especially the orbits. This is 
of course more pronounced in the males than the females, but is 
present in all, including the children, and is one of the most 
marked characteristics of the skulls. In most of the males the 
glabella is somewhat sunken between the supra-orbital ridges, 
and there is a depression above separating it from the foriehead, 
but in Nos. 1128 and 1130, as well as in the females, the contour 
of the forehead passes almost insensibly into the glabella. The 
exact amount of the projection of this eminence from the fore- 
head is seen by comparing the ophryo-occipital with the 
glabello-occipital length {see Table of Measurements). In the 
males it averages 2-6 millimeters, being only 1 millimeter in 
the two crania just mentioned, but as much as 3 or even 4 in 
the others, while in the females the difference is scarcely 
perceptible, averaging but -y^ of a millimeter. 

The whole face is remarkably short from above downwards, 
. compared with the European, or with the true Polynesian races. 
This is due to diminution of the height, both of the nasal 
aperture and of the subnasal portion of the face. 

The orbits show a marked contrast in form and character 
in the two sexes. In the males they are oblong, with greatly 
thickened margins, with an average index of 84-2. In the females 
they are more nearly square, with thin and sharply defined edges, 
having an index of 90'7. In the children their form is more 
rounded, and in the youngest, an infant with the milk teeth 
only, the height is actually greater tl'an the width, the index 
being 103-3. The series thus exemplifies in an extremely 

Digitized by 


160 W. H. Flower.— 0;^ the Cranial Cfha/racter$ of 

striking, almost exaggerated manner, the usual variations of 
the orbital form, according to sex and age, which were demon- 
strated by Broca in his interesting memoir on the orbital index. 

The nose is one of the most important of the features as a 
characteristic of race, and its form is very accurately indicated 
in its bony framework. There is a striking similarity in this 
region in the whole series. The aperture is large, being high, 
, owing to the shortness of the nasal bones, and also of great 
J width. The average nasal index of both sexes is 56'6, very 
much the same as that of the Australians and the African 
negroes in the Museum. With one exception (No. 1127, the 
index of which is 500) all belong to the platyrhine group (index 
above 53). The nasal bones are small, narrow at the upper end and 
widening below, not flattened as in African negroes, but more or 
less laterally compressed, and meeting at a roimded angle at the 
median dorsal ridge. The profile of this ridge is hollowed below 
the naso-frontal suture (though not so deeply as in the 
Australian), and then curves rather abruptly forwards, and turns 
slightly downwards at the tip. A nose formed upon this bony 
sub-structure would evidently be of considerable size, with 
broad alae and open nostrils, would be sharply marked off 
from the forehead by a groove, and have a prominent bridge, 
placed high up on the dorsum, as represented in many descrip* 
tions and drawings of individuals of the Melanesian race. 

The form of the lower margin of the nasal aperture is 
generally one of the best distinctive characters between the 
white and the black races of men. All the skulls of this series 
present the distinguishing form of the latter, i.e,, effacement of 
the sharp, elevated border, and more or less insensible passage 
from the floor of the nasal chamber to the anterior surface of the 
alveolar process ; part of the floor of the chamber, concealed in 
the European by the border just mentioned, being visible 
externally in a front view of the face. Concurrently with this 
formation of the lower margin of the nostrils, the nasal spine is 
always feebly developed, usually No. 2 of Broca's scale, or 
smaller ; never equalling No. 3. 

The average naso-malar angle is 135'6, ranging between 130° 
and 139°, about equal, therefore, to that of the English, and 
showing no Mongolian affinities.* 

* I find that for greater preciBion it is advisable to modify the definition of 
this angle, given in the paper on the Andamanese (J. A. Inst. vol. ix. p. 117.) 
Instead of ** the middle of the outer margin of the orbits," a spot immediately 
beneath the fronto-malar suture is preferable to rest the limbs ot the goniometer 
upon, the angle being then almost exactly in the horizontal plane of the cranium. 
The results obtained this way differ somewhat from those previously given. The 
average in 106 crania of natives of the British Islands is 135*2. I hope shortly 
to have made a sufficient number of observations to teot fully the vamc of this 
angle as a race character. 

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' 89 













86 121 











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t?ie Natives of the Fiji Islands, 161 

The malax bones are somewhat narrow from above downwards, 
and retreating laterally, but not to so great an extent as in the 
Tasmanians and Australians. A depression in the under surface 
of ttie malar process of the maxilla or " maxillo-malar notch " 
as it may be called, depending upon the development of the 
tuberosity and inferior edge of the malar bone, which is rarely 
found in Tasmanians and Australians, and indeed in many other 
races, as the Eskimo, is generally present in the Fijians, especially 
in the strongly-built males, though in most it is but slightly 
marked. The canine fossa is usually deep. 

The form of the palate is rather intermediate between the 
parabolic and the hypsiloid, but often more inclined to the 
latter form. It is rarely V-shaped or hyperbolic, the form so 
common in the Andamanese. llie index given by the measure- 
ment recommended in the French instructions is not very 
satisfactory, as the "points de repire," for these measurements, 
both length and width, are rather indefinite. The length 
terminates posteriorly at the palatine spine, a very variable point, 
sometimes greatly and sometimes but little developed, and 
giving no exact indication of the real length of the bony frame- 
work of the mouth, and, moreover, very often broken. The 
width also of the palate is very diflBcidt to determine precisely 
by measurement of the internal face of the alveolar arch. I 
should therefore suggest using the external dimensions of 
this arch. The length should be taken from the alveolar point in 
front to the middle of a line drawn across the hinder borders of the 
maxillary bones (the " maxillary tuberosities " of human anatomy). 
This is easily measured by placing a card or a thin pieceof 
metal across the back of the mouth, resting on each side in the 
groove between the tuberosity and the pterygoids. The width ia 
best taken between the outer borders of the alveolar arch imme- 
diately above the middle of the second molar tooth. These may 
be called the maxillary length and width, and the mdex obtained 
from them called the maxillary index. 

The following examples will show the value of this index in 
giving an idea of the general form of the maxillary bones. In 
the gorilla it is 69. In a Tasmanian, which presents in a striking 
degree the bjrpsiloid form approaching that of the Anthropoids, 
it is 106 ; in an Australian of similar form, 107. The Eskimo, 
which present the greatest conti-ast to the Austrabans in the 
form of the alveolar arch, have an index (average of 4) of 124. 
Ten English skulls give an average of 117, and the indices of the 
six Fijians whose alveolar arches are suflBciently perfect to admit 
of measurement, vcuy between 105 and 118, giving an average 
of 111. Their position in this respect therefore appears to be 
between the European and the Australian. 

VOL. x. M 

Digitized by 


162 W. H. Flower. — On the Cranial Characters of 

There now remains the very important question of the posi- 
tion of the upper jaw with regard to the cranium, gnathism, as 
it may be called, the variations of which in the human subject 
depend, as Topinard has shown, mainly upon the form of the 
portion of the jaw below the nasal spine ; in fact, upon the 
degree in which the anterior portion of the alveolar process of 
the maxilla (pre-maxilla being of course included in this term 
when speaking of the human jaw) recedes towards the base of the 
cranium, or projects forwards. Although in a refined and perfect 
system of craniometry it may be desirable to investicjate the rela- 
tions of the face, independently of its sub-nasal position, to the 
craniimi and to separate the different elements which produce the 
condition generally known as prognathism, it is clear that in esti- 
mating this condition as a whole, the alveolar point is the most 
important for consideration, and it is the position of this point 
in relation to some fixed line in the cranium which has to be 

The best and most convenient base line of the cranium appears 
to me that which Huxley calls the " cranio-f acial " axis, or the 
basio-nasal line, joining the basion (B, Plate XII) and the nasion 
(N) ; and, practically, gnathism depends upon the relation of the 
alveolar point (A) to thia line. If any line or axis of the 
cranium ending in front above the najsion is used, a new element 
is introduced — ^that of the form of the frontal bone, which should 
be kept quite distinct, for although required in estimating the 
whole " facial angle," it has nothmg to do with " gnathism " as 
was clearly shown in Professor Huxley's paper " On two widely 
contrasted Forms of the Human Cranium."* In what may be 
called the average or generalised condition of the human skull the 
points N (nasion), B (basion) and A (alveolar point), form a tri- 
angle of which the two sides BN and BA are equal. Such skulls 
may be called mesognathous. Prognathism and orthognathism 
consist in the advance or recession of the point A, which may be 
due to one of two causes, or, as is more often the case, to 
both combined : 1. A rotation,. or perhaps rather sliding forwards 
or backwards of the maxillary and adjacent bones, '* a shifting 
forwards of the centre of the palate," as Huxley expresses it. 
2. Variation in the size of the maxilla itself ; macrognathism 
being generally found in the macrodont, or large-toothed races. In 
comparing the skull of a gorilla with that of a man, it will be 
readily seen that both these causes combine to make the great 
difference between the two crania, strikingly seen in the immense 
increase of the length of the line BA over BN in the former. 
The amoimt contributed by each factor can easily be estimated by 
dividing the line BA at the point where it crosses the hinder 
• ** Jouroal of Anatomj and Ph jsiology," toI. i, p. 75, 1867. 

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the Natives of the Fiji Islands. 163 

margin of the maxilla, when it will be seen that both the 
maiollarj length and the space between the maxilla and the 
basion are increased. The same will be found in the black races 
of men, though in a far less degree. But, by whatever cause 
produced, the length of the line BA compared with that of BN 
expresses the measure of gnathism of the skull quite as 
accurately as any of the other methods by angles or indices 
which have been proposed, and its extreme simplicity and 
facility of application gives it great advantages. It fails 
certainly in cases of platybasic deformity, when the elevation of 
the basion causes it to approach nearer to the nasion ; but such 
cases are rare, and can readily be detected by the eye, and then 
the method must be exchanged for some other. It fails also, 
but in common with all other methods, when loss of incisor teeth 
or other cause has led to the destruction of the alveolar point. 

One other source of fallacy, which applies equally to this 
method of estimating gnathism, as to the angulaup one, in which 
A is taken as the apex of the angle measured (as by the French 
anthropologists), must also be pointed out It is affected by 
variations in the height of the face (the line NA), when unaccom- 
panied by similar and proportional variations of the length BN". 
Thus, of two faces of difTerent lengths, in which BN and the 
angle BNA, are equal, the shorter one will appear' the more 
orthognathous of the two. This probably does not amoimt to 
much practical importance, but if on a more extended and 
critical examination it should be found to do so, where rigid 
accuracy is required it will be necessary to resort to the angle 
itself, which can be calculated from the dimensions BN, NA, 
and AB, by the application of the principles of trigonometry.* 

For the index which expresses the ratio between the lines 
BA and BN I have used the term "alveolar index,"t but 
Mr. Busk had previously proposed the more expressive 
"gnathic index" for one denoting very nearly the same 
relationship. I should very much prefer to adopt this term in 
future, as it is scarcely possible that the slight difference 
between them (Mr. Busk using the auditory meatus instead of the 
basion as the apex of the triangle) will lead to any ambiguity. 

In the series of skulls before us only eight, four males and 
four females, have the alveolar margin sufficiently complete 

* The aDgle of prognathism or premaxillary angle soggeeted by Prof. 
Hoxlej has its apex at the anterior termination of the basi-cranial axis, or the 
junction of the prespbenoid and ethmoid bones, and its limbs passing the one 
through the basion, the other through the alv'^olar point. The principle is 
therefore the same, but practically it is not so conyenient. 

t *' Journal of the Anthropological Institute,*' vol. ix, p. 119, and " Catalogue 
. Osteology and Dwtition ox Yertebrated Animals,*' Coll. of Surgeons Museum 

M 2 

Digitized by 


164 W. H. Flower. — On the Cranial Characters of 

to afford the requisite measurements. Of these, in one (No. 1025) 
the basio-alveolar line just equals the basio-nasal line in length, in 
all the others it exceeds it. The females happen to be much more 
prognathous than the males, but the series is too small to draw 
satisfactory conclusions as to the characters of the two sexes. 
The general average of 1037, shows that as a race they enter into 
the prognathous category,* though not to the extreme degree of 
the Australian or African negroes. 

It has long been felt that in comparing crania one with another 
actual measurements ai'e of little value imless reduced to terms 
of some common dimension. The great difficulty has been to 
find the dimension which is best suited for this purpose. 
Professor Huxley has suggested the basi-cranial axis (lesion to 
upper end of the ethmo-presphenoid suture),t but this has several 
disadvantages. It can only be measured in a skull which has 
been bisected, and it is so short that small variations in its 
length, or slight inaccuracies in its measurement produce great 
apparent effects upon the resultant ratios. 

In the cranio-facial axis (BN),the first inconvenience is entirely 
and the second very considerably obviated. There is certainly 
an element of variability introduced, independent of the actual 
size of the skull, by the inclusion of the roof of the nasal 
chamber, and the thickness of the lower border of the frontal 
bone ; but putting aside occasional individual variations, this is 
one of the most constant dimensions of the cranium, and if not safe 
to apply to a single skull, will, I think, if averages of a sufficient 
number of specimens be taken, afford a good standard for com- 

The constancy of this dimension, the variations having relation 
apparently only, to the general size of the framework of the base 
of the skull, may be illustrated by the following table of its 
average length in different races : — 


17 <y 


106 1 

7 9 

i» • • 


6 i 

Fijian Moontaineen. 


6 ? 

»» • 


28 S 



30 i 


20 ? 

»» • • • 


40 i 



20 ? 

»» . . . 


100 i 



60 $ 

»» . . . 


40 i 



16 i 



12 i 

Andamanese .. 


12 $ 

»» • • • 


* Tlie gnathic indir'es maj be thus divided. 
Jdesognathout 98 to 103. Prognathotu above 108. 
t Op. cii.p, 72. 

Ort\ogfiathou9 below 98. 

Digitized by 


the Naiives of the Fiji Islands. 165 

Of 100 skulls of male natives of the British Isles of 
various districts, and different periods of time, the range of the 
cranio-facial axis is between 91 and 111, but these figures are 
perfectly exceptional Four-fifths of the whole number are 
between 96 and 106, and more than half between 99 and 103. 
In the examples of the length of the basio-cranial axis given by 
Professor Huxley, the range of individual variation appears to 
be quite as great, but as I said before, it is not with individuals, 
but with averages, that the comparisons must be made in order 
to obtain satisfactory race characters. 

As an example of this method of investigation I have placed 
side by side the principal dimensions of the crania of the two 
groups of mankind described in this and my last conmiunication, 
reduced to the terms of their respective cranio-facial axes, in 
order to see if any useful conclusions can be drawn from them. 

Atbragb measurements of six orania of male FijuuiB (moantaineen of Yiti 
Leru) and of twelre male Andamanese, reduced to terms of their respec- 
tire cranio-faoial axes ; this dimension (BN) being 104 m.m. in the 
former and 95 m.m. in the latter series : — 

Fijian. Andamanese. 

Capacity* 144 .. ..131 

Length 188 .. .. 176 

Height 187 .. ..136 

Maiimnm breadth (parietal) 123 .. 142 

Minimum frontal"^ 98 . . 97 

Maximum „ I v««« j*v. 1^6 . . 117 

Biauricular > breadth ^^^ ^^ 

Oocinital J 106 .. .. 108 

Total horixontal circumference 512 505 

Pre-auricular circumference 231 224 

Vertical transTerse drcumferenoe . . 417 . . 482 
Transrerse Arcs — 

Frontal 278 .. ..278 

Biecmatic 289 . . . . 300 

Parietal 304 .. ..329 

Occipital 266 .. ..268 

Longitudinal Arcs — 

Frontal 130 .. ..127 

Parietal 138 .. ..120 

Occipital 118 .. .. 109 

Length of foramen magnum 83 . . 36 
Totiu Tertical median circumference (ex- 
cluding BN) 426 .. ..401 

Baeio^yeolar length 103 .. ..101 

Biijgomatio diameter 181 132 

Bijugal „ 115 .. ..118 

Inter-orbital , 25 .. 26 

Height of faoe 80 .. 87 

„ malar 25 .. 24 

Auriculo-orbital length .. .. .. 65 .. 66 

Widthoforbit 38 . . ..88 

Height „ 82 .. ..36 

Height of nose 47 . . 48 

Width „ 26 .. .. 25 

* Number of eubie inches dirided by number of millimeters in cranio-facial 


Digitized by 


166 W. H. Flower. — On the Cranial Characters of 

A glance at the above table will show that most of the im- 
portant differences in conformation between the two sets of 
crania are clearly brought out by the figures. 

In the first place the general capacity of the interior of 
the cranium in the Fijians is larger in relation to the axis 
than it is in the Andamans. This is accounted for mainly 
by the fact that the whole median longitudinal arc from the 
fronto-nasal suture passing over the vertex to the basion is longer 
in the Fijians as compw^d with the axis. than it is in the 
Andamanese in the proportion of 425 to 401. The total hori- 
zontal circumference is also larger but in a less degree (512 to 
505), the preponderance being entirely in the preauricular 
portion, the diminution in the post-auricular circumference in the 
Fijians being evidently associated with the diminished width of 
the parietal region. From the same cause the vertical transverse 
circumference is less in the ratio of 417 to 432. It is interest- 
ing to note that the Andamanese brachycephalic craniimi has, 
contrary to what is often supposed, a larger post-auricular cir- 
cumference than the Fijian, in which " occipitid dolichocephaly " 
is so strongly marked. 

The relative greater length of the Fijian skull even to its own 
mnch elongated cranio-facial axis is shown by the figure,s 188 to 
176. The heights of the two are nearly equal, while as might 
be supposed from the most superficial comparison of the crania, 
the transverse diameters are, in the Fijian, diminished in every 
case, but most in the parietal and least in the occipital region. 
The comparison of the biauricular diameters is interesting, as it 
shows that, quite irrespectively of the form of the upper part of 
the brain case, its foundation, as it were, is relatively much 
narrower in the Fijian than the Andamanese. The comparison 
of the maximum with the biauricular breadth is also instructive. 
In the Fijians the increase of the former over the latter is only as 
110 to 100, in the Andamanese as much as 118, showing the com- 
parative flatness of the whole side of the craniimi in the Fijians. 
Comparison of the transverse arcs gives equality in the frontal 
region, preponderance in the bregmatic, and especially in the 
parietal regions to the Andamanese, and in the occipital to the 
Fijians. Th& longitudinal arcs of all three bones are greatest in the 
Fijians, but the difference is most strikingly seen in the occipital 
Thus in every relation the small size of the occipital region of the 
Andamanese, pointed out in the memoir on the race, becomes 
evident by this comparison. The greater prognathism of the 
Fijians is seen in the increased basio-alveolar length. The 
relative auriculo-orbital lengths are almost identical. The 
bizygomatic diameters differ but slightly, but the comparative 
diminution of the bijugal breadth in the Fijian points to a 

Digitized by 


the Natives of the Fiji Islands. 167 

narrowing of the fore part of the zygomatic arch and malar 
bones. The shortness of the whole face of the Fijians is con- 
spicuous, and the difference in the comparative dimensions and 
consequently in the form of the orbits and nasal apertures are 
well seen. The orbits being relatively of the same width, gain 
in height in the Andamanese, while in the same people the nose 
is higher but narrower than in the Fijians, giving proportions 
which are also shown in the orbital and nasal indices. 

The teeth have unfortunately been lost, either partially or 
whoUy, in all the skulls, in some cases owing to old age, but 
in most from having fallen from their alveoli after death. Those 
that remain are strong, well formed, and free from decay. They 
are of large size, though perhaps not equal to the Tasmanians 
or Austnilians. The upper incisors show considerable dental 
prognathisnL The first lower molar has five distinct cusps, and 
the wisdom teeth appear always to have been weU developed 
and never misplaced, as is so often the case among the Tasma- 
nians ; in the skull of a young person (No. 1136) they have 
taken their position in the jaw, before the closure of the basilar 

The two skulls of Kai Colos from Voresika in the Na Drau 
district, both adult males, resemble those above described in all 
their essential characters, as is seen in the table of measurements 
and indices, and so far tend to show that these characters are 
not peculiar to the Ngalimari tribe, but are those of the 
islanders generally. They do not, however, show the extremely 
small latitudinal index of some of the others, and they differ 
(especially No. 1139) in presenting a greater malar depth with 
a consequently better marked maxillo-malar notch. In 1139 all 
the teeth are perfect. In No. 1140, the four upper incisors, and 
the second and third upper molars of the right side, and the 
third upper molar of the left side have been lost during life, 
while all the other teeth are perfect and not much worn. The 
incisors may have been knocked out in some initiatory or pro- 
pitiatory rite, but the loss of the molars must be from other 

In 1139, globular bony growths from the hinder wall of 
the meatus auditoiius almost completely occlude the passage. 

The series of skulls from the coast of Viti Levu, Bau, and the 
island of Ovalau, mostly from the latter place, consists of seven 
adults, and six in which the basilar suture is not united. In 
the adults the sexual characters are less marked than in the 
preceding, and I have therefore not separated them in computing 
the averages. Though on the whole presenting many essenticu 

Digitized by 


168 W. H. Flower. — On the Cranial Characters of 


















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8 8 




















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8 8 















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9 9 
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Digitized by 


the Natives of the Fiji Islands. 169 

characters which show afiBnity with the Kai Colos, and though 
some could not be distinguished from them, but would well 
find a place even among the Ngalimari, as a series they are 
considerably less uniform. None of the males are so large or 
powerfully built as the Kai Colos. The average latitudinal index, 
though still very low, is somewhat greater, viz., 68*8, and in one 
(No. 1142) this index is as high as 72*5. One of the yoimg skulls 
(No. 1141 D) has remarkably prominent parietal eminences, 
though in other parts of the cranium the usual narrowness prevails. 
Contact of the squamosal and frontal bones occur in three cases 
of the thirteen, in each case on one side only ; in one, however, 
to the extent of two centimeters, in both the others only 
slightly. Epipteric bones are frequent (six cases) and the spheno- 
parietal suture is always short One (No. 1046 A) has no 
trace of sagittal suture, though the other usual sutures are 
all open. This does not appear to be accompanied by any 
appreciable alteration in the form of the skulL The gnathic 
index varies between 100 and 108, the average being 104*3. 
The nasal index from 50 to 55-3, the average being 52*4 The 
orbital index from 83*3 to 92*3, the average being 87*2. 

The last series consists of six skulls, all apparentiy those of males, 
and all adults, from Vanua Balavu, one of the Lau or Windward 
Islands. They are all thick-walled, heavy skulls with strongly 
marked muscular processes and brow-ridges. In other respects 
they present considerable individual variations, the latitudinal 
indices, for example, varying between 69*1 and 75*8. Indeed it 
is very difficult to describe them as a whole, as they give a 
decided impression of belonging to a mixed or hybrid race. 
Knowing to what an extent intercourse has taken place be- 
tween the Lau Islanders and the Tongans, it becomes extremely 
interesting to endeavour to ascertain whether the modification 
from the pure Fijian type seen in these skulls can have been 
derived from this source. 

For this purpose it would be necessary to establish thoroughly 
the cranial type of the Tongans, which, as mentioned before, is 
totally distinct from that of the Fijian, being perhaps the purest 
Polynesian. Unfortunately, I have not at hand means to do 
so, Tongan skulls being rare in collections in this country, but 
Uie Museum contains nve crania, all probably of males, two from 
the EUice Islands, two from Samoa, and one from Tonga, which 
agree so well in general characters, and correspond also with skulls 
from the same part of the Pacific figured by Dr. J. W. Spengel, 
that averages derived from their principal dimensions may, at 
all events in default of better information, be taken with tolerable 
safety as indicating the characters of the race whose intercourse 
with the Fijians of the Windward Islands may have led to a 
modification of the physical characters of the latter. 

Digitized by 


170 W. H. Flowek. — On the Cranial Characters of 

In the following table I have put down what appear to me 
the most important of the cranial indices of the four series of 
crania spoken of in this communication, taking for greater 
accuracy of comparison, the males only of each series, and 
arranging them according to their geographical position ; the 
pure Fijians from the interior of the Western end of Viti Levu ; 
next, the Fijians from the east coast of the same island and 
from Ovalau ; thirdly, the Fijians from the islands situated 160 
miles from Viti Levu in the direction of the Tonga and Samoan 
Islands ; lastly, the inhabitants of the latter islands, probably 
of pure Polynesian blood. I am fully aware tiiat each series U 
far too small for a satisfactory average, but the result is certainly 
remarkable, that in each character (and it must be remembered 
that these axe not characters selected for the purpose, but were 
determined upon before commenoing the comparisons ; in fact, 
they are those selected some vears ago for the Museimi Catalc^e, 
as the most important) a gradual transition is observed in passing 
from the first to the last series. Every departure from the type 
of the pure Fijian of the interior exhibited by the coast or island 
people is in the direction of the Polynesian, and the change 
is greater the nearer the geographical centre of the last named 
race is approached. The only exception in the whole series of 
figures is in the gnathic index of the mountain and ooast 
Fijians, but this is probably due to the insufi&cient number of 
examples, the average in the first case being derived from only 





6 Kai OolM of Viti Lem ... 

7 CoMt and Ovalaa F^iaiu 

6 People of Vanna.Baiayti 

6 Samoans, Tongan, and Ellice Islandent 



76 6 


lot -2 
100 6 


44 *S 

It is certainly a remarkable proof of the value of the 
numerical method of expressing cranial characters, that not- 

* Oompurison with the female skulls of this series will show that this index 
is too low to represent that of the race. 

t A yerj fine and characteristic skull of a mae Samoan, in the musemn of 
the Unirersitj of Oxford, gires the following Undioes: lat. 84'4, alt. 81*6, 
gnathic 96' 1, orhital 100, nasal 44* 1. 

Digitized by 


the Natives of the Fiji Islands, 171 

witlistanding the limited number of specimens disposable, such 
striking results should be obtained. 

The single skull presented to the Museum by Dr. Hobson and 
figured by Martin as a Fijian, differs completely from the 
natives of Viti Levu, and even from any of the islanders. In its 
broad parietal regions (index 78-2), round high orbit (index 100), 
diminished prognathism (index 982) and small teeth, it presents 
far greater afi&nities to the Polynesian than to the Melanesian 
type. The nose alone of all the features bears any resemblance 
to that of the Kai Colos, but it is still longer from above 
downwards, and of lower index (53*7) than the average of that 

Of the cranial characters of the inhabitants of the second 
great island of the Fijian group, Vanua Levu, we at present know 
nothing. With regard to Viti Levu, all the evidence we possess 
shows that the people who inhabit the interior of the island 
present in their cranial conformation a remarkable purity of 
type, &nd tha^ tUs type conforms in the main with that of the 
Melanesian islands generally ; indeed, they may be regarded as 
the most characteristic, almost exaggerated expressions of this 
type, for in " hypsistenocephaly " they exceed the natives of 
Fate, in the New Hebrides, to whom the term was first applied. 

The intermixture of Tongan or other Polynesian blood with 
the Fijian appetms to be confined to the smaller islands, and 
even in these not to have very greatly modified the prevailing 
cranial characteristics. The idea that at some former period 
the Polynesians had effected an extensive settlement in Fiji, 
receives no support from the specimens in these collections. 

It is probable that much light would be thrown upon the 
history of events in the Pacific Ocean, if we could obtain a 
sufficient series of crania from each of the islands, especially iGcom 
old burial grounds. Distinguishing characteristics of confor- 
mation would be traced in each. Some of these might be 
shown to have arisen from mixture, in various proportions, of 
different races; others from slight modifications gradually 
becoming intensified and perpetuateid by isolation. To the latter 
cause the Tasmanians probably owe their peculiar cranial con- 
formation. The isolation of island communities, though in 
most cases far from complete, protects them to a certain extent 
from the levelling influences of the constant intercourse, through 
war and commerce, of tribes living on continents, and the study 
of natives of such communities may be expected to aid in solving 
some of the problems connected with the causes of the 
variations in the human species. 

Digitized by 


172 W. H. Flower. — On the Cranial Characters of 

Notes to the Table of Measubements. 

For convenience of comparison, the greater number of the 
cranial measurements given correspond to those recommended 
in the " Instructions Craniologiques et Craniometriques " drawn 
up by Broca, and published by the Anthropological Society of 
Paris in 1875. 

Certain cases of deviation from these instructions will how- 
ever require explanation : — 

1. Capacity. The cranial cavity is filled to the utmost with 
mustard seed, poured into the foramen magnum through a 
funnel of narrow aperture. When about half full the shaking 
and tapping on the sides of the cranium required to cause the 
seed to settle closely together is commenced, and it is continued 
at intervals until the cavity is quite filled. The surface of the 
seed at the foramen magnum is then firmly pressed with the 
thumb, to cause the seed to fill up the temporal fossaB. As 
much seed as may be necessary is added to fill up to the level 
of the margin of the foramen. The seed is then measured by 
pouring through the same funnel into a graduated glass vessel, 
frequently shaking and tapping the sides as before, so as to obtain 
a maximum of compression in each case. This method, if pursued 
with care, has been found by numerous experiments to give 
perfectly satisfactory results. 

2. The length is measured from the ophryon to the most 
distant part of the occiput, but for the convenience of those who 
prefer to include the glabella, a second measurement is given 
from this point. 

14 to 17. The transverse arcs are measured with the tape, 
from the spot on the ridge (posterior root of zygoma) immediately 
above the middle of the external auditory meatus, where it is 
crossed by the auriculo-bregmatic line (line from the centre 
of the auditory meatus to the bregma.) They pass to the 
corresponding spot of the opposite side over the most prominent 
part of the frontal, parietal, or occipital bones, as the case may 
be, or the bregma (No. 15.) The last corresponds with the 
courie 8us-aur%culaiTe of Broca. 

23 to 26. The projections are taken when the cranium is 
placed on a board, with'a line representing the visual axis, i,e. a 
needle passing through the optic foramen and the centre of the 
anterior aperture of the orbit (fixed by Broca's orbitostat) 
horizontied. The cranium is regulated in this position by means 
of thin pieces of wood placed under the occiput The board 
has a pin to receive the basion, and a scale running backwards 
and forwards from this point on which the measurements are 

Digitized by 


the Natives of the Fiji Islands, 173 

read by means of a square. The facial projection is the part 
in front of a vertical line passing through the ophryon (Plate XII, 
Figs. 1 and 2, AF) ; the anterior cerebral, the portion between 
this and a vertical through the basion (FB) ; the posterior 
cerebral, that part situated behind the basion (BO). 

29. llie gnathic (formerly called alveolar index) is fully 
explained at p. 163. 

46. The facial angle is that of which the alveolar point is the 
apex, and of which the limbs pass through the ophryon and the 
auricular point respectively, taken by Broca's median goniometer. 

47. The naso-malar angle is explained at p. 160. 

48. The basilar angle is formed between a prolongation of the 
basio-nasal line and the plane of the foramen magnum, the 
apex being at the basion. (NBT of the " Instructions," p. 92.) 

The measurements of the mandible correspond with those of 
the " Instructions " except that Nos. 3, 9, 10 and 12 are omitted, 
and one is added, the coronoid height (No, 53) being the vertical 
distance between the summit of the coronoid process and the 
lower border of the maxilla. 

Description of the PiATBa 

All the figures are from specimens in the Museum of the Eoyal 
College of Surgeons of England. They are drawn on a geometrical 
projection, the outline being traced by means of Broca's stereograph 
and then reduced one-haJf. The plane of the visual axis (a 
line passing through the optic foramen and the centre of the 
anterior aperture of the orbit) is horizontal in the figures in 
Plates XII and XIII and Fig. 1 of Plate III, vertical in Fig. 2 
of Pkte XIV. 

The numbers refer to the catalogue of the Osteological 
specimens (1879.) 

AO, line ^>araUel with visual axis passing through the basion. 
The perpendiculars to this line at A, F, B and 0, divide the 
different segments of the cranial projection. AF, Facial ; FB, 
Anterior cranial ; BO, Posterior cerebral. 

BN, Basio-nasal line (cranio-facial axis) ; BA, Basio-alveolar 

Plate XII. — Side view of skull. 
Fig. 1.— Male, No. 1127. 
F^. 2.— Female, No, 1134. 
Plate XIII.— Facial view of skull. 
Fig. 1.— Male, No. 1127. 
Fig. 2.— Female, No. 1134. 
Plate XIV. 

Fig. 1. — Upper surface, Male, No. 1126. 
Fig. 2. — Posterior surface of the same. 

Digitized by 


174 H. H. HowoRTH. — The EOmclogy of Germany. 


The Pbbsident inquired whether these Fiji monntaineers with 
large heads of hair being pure Melanesii^ifl, would, in Prof. 
Flower's opinion, go against the common view that the mop- 
headed Papuans owe their pecoliarity of hair to mixtures 
between Malaj and Melanesian. He remarked that though Prof. 
Flower treated the cephalic index as only a subordinate cranial 
character, he practically showed it in the case of these most 
dolichocephalic people to be a most valuable race-mark. He called 
the attention of the meeting to the interesting series of cranial 
measurements, where four sets of indices in a crossed race showed 
intermediate dimensions between the two purest races, which as a 
reduction of hybridity to measurement was a most instructive 
result, never previously equalled. 

Dr. Allen Thomson expressed the pleasure with which he had 
listened to Prof. Flower's interesting description of the series of 
Fiji skulls exhibited to the Institute for the first time, in which the 
Professor continued his able and accurate application of the newer 
methods of craniological examination and descnption to the dis- 
tinction of the races of mankind, as inaugurated by Broca and 
others, and in connection with which Prof. Flower from his in- 
timate acqaintance with the subject, and his unrivalled oppor- 
tunities, was enabled to make important contributions to ethno- 
logical science. Dr. Thomson had never before seen such 
remarkable examples of Dolichocephaly, without scaphocephalic 
difformity, as were presented by these skulls, and could not help 
regarding them as indicating a distinctive race or family character. 
Dr. Thomson congratulated Prof. Flower and the Institute on the 
recent acquisition by the Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons 
of Dr. Barnard Davis' rich collection of Crania and Skeletons 
belonging to different races, from which, notwithstanding the large 
amount of intelligent work bestowed upon it by its former possessor, 
new and useful information may be confidently expected in its 
association with the collection of the College from the investigations 
of Prof. Flower. 

The Ethnology of Germany. — Part V. 

The Jutes and Fomori/^s. 

By H. H. HowoRTH, Esq., F.S.A. 

It is the almost invariable result of taking a new step in 
ethnology as in other sciences, that we are obliged to modify 
considerably our views along the whole line. The fresh vantage 
that we gain enables us to see that what was formerly held as 

Digitized by 


H. H. HOWOKTH. — The Ethnology of Germany. 175 

indisputable, is based upon very frail evidence indeed, and we 
are constrained to alter our picture accordingly. This makes it 
very important that we should make sure of every step. 

Li a former paper I have argued that the accounts of the set- 
tlement of the Saxons on the English coasts, as contained in the 
Anglo-Seixon Chronicle, are for the most part as fabulous as the 
story of Bomulus, and that far from their having come here in 
the middle of the fifth century, and settled as conquerors, that 
they came at least a century earlier, and that they settled here 
largely as colonists. Since I wrote that paper I have met with 
other evidence which had previously escaped me, and which all 
tends to strengthen the view there put forth. 

Prosper of Tyre, who wrote a Chronicle which reaches from 
A.D. 378 to 456, tells us expressly that in the 18th year of 
Theodosius, i.e., in aj). 441, Britain, after suffering from many pre- 
vious attacks, submitted to the Saxons. *" Brittanise usque ad hoc 
tempus variis cladibus eventibusque latae, in ditionem Saxonum 
rediguntur." ("Mon. Hist. Britt," Ixxxii). This is quite incon- 
sistent with the usual date of the Conquest as given by the 
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and by Bede. 

Constantius, Bishop of Lyons, who flourished during the fifth 
century, and wrote a life of Saint Germanus, and may be accepted 
as a contemporary witness, describes how his hero, on his visit to 
Britain, which took place, as we know from Prosper of Aquitaine, 
in 429, led the Britons against the Picts and Saxons, in the 
famous Hallelujah victory. This also is many years before the 
date generally received for the invasion of Hengist and his 
people, and if the site of the battle is to be identified, as Ussher 
and otliers argued, with Maes Grarmon, near Mold, in Flintshire, 
then the Saxons were not only in Britain, but had also penetrated 
into its veiy recesses. 

These two authors were actually contemporaries of the facts 
they relate, and their evidence is of immensely greater value than 
Bede or the compilation of the tenth century, which goes by 
the name of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. 

I have shown how many of the names in the latter narrative 
are formed out of names of towns: but another fact in 
the record makes us see what an artificial and untrustworthy 
narrative it is. Lappenberg, with his usual acumen, was, I 
believe, the first to draw attention to this. He says the events 
in the Saga of the Aescings, or founders of the Kingdom of 
Kent, take place in an eight times repeated cycle of eight years, 
and adds, " If so many traces of fiction did not betray a poetic 
source fit)m which these meagre chronicles derived their narra- 
tive, yet must those numbers awaken suspicion," etc. (Op. cU. 77.) 

Thus in 449, Vortigem invites the Angles to Britain. In 

Digitized by 


176 H. H. HowoRTH. — The Ethnology of Oermany. 

457 the Britons fought against the invaders at Crecganford. In 
465 Hengist and Aesc fought with the Welsh at Ebbsfleet. 
In 473 they again defeated the Welsh. In 488, 40 years after 
his arrival, i.e,, five times 8 years, Hengist died. Aesc then 
reigned 24 years, i.e., three times 8. (Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 
passim). From this point, for 80 years, we hear nothing of 
Kent, save of the succession of the three kings, " Octa or Ocha, 
the son of Eric or iEsc, Eormenric and -^thelbert, who is 
named in 568 ; he reigned 48 years, and his successors, £ad- 
bald and Earconbehrt, each 24." (Lappenberg, 75.) 

Similarly, iElla is said to have landed in 477, and to have 
fought with the Welsh in 485. Such artificial numbers show 
how purely conventional the chronology is. But it is more than 
conventional, it is inconsistent with itself. Thus^ Bede gives us 
both the year 449 and 459 as the beginning of the joint reigns 
of Marcian and Yalentinian, the former in his EUstory and the 
latter in his Chronicon, the right year being 450 ; and yet this is 
the crucial date of his chronology, for he tells us the Saxons 
landed during their reign. If it was during their reign, as he 
asserts, and as the Chronicle, following him, also asserts, it was 
clearly neither in 448 nor 449, but in 450, or one of the seven suc- 
ceeding years. But the fact is, that the date 448 is a purely 
artificial one. As Mr. Skene has argued, it is founded on an 
erroneous construction of a passage in Gildas (who apparently 
puts the arrival of the Saxons after the third consulship of Aetius, 
which was in 446), and a manipulation of the story of Constantius, 
about the Hallelujah victory over the Saxons, which Bede under- 
stands as of the second visit of (rermanus, while Constantius 
clearly refers it to the first. This date of Bede's is therefore of no 
value, and it is the cardinal date upon which the artificial chro- 
nology of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle has been based. 

Now, in the " Historia Britonum," which in its earliest shape 
was probably not later than Bede, but, as I believe, earlier, 
we have three different dates for the arrival of the Saxons, 
the latest of which is 428. This date occurs only in the Harleian 
MS., which was written in 954. There we are told that 
Vortigem began to reign in the joint consulship of Theodo- 
sius and Valentinian, i.e., in 425. Four years after this, and 
in the consulship of Felix and Taurus, t.e., in 428, the Saxons first 
arrived. This date seems to me to be clearly deduced from Con- 
stantius, and to coincide with that of the Hallelujah victory, and 
the first mission of St. Germanus, nor does it occur in the other 
copies of the Historia Britonum. The next date is apparently 
based on British traditions. In this we are told that from the 
first year of the arrival of the Saxons to the fourth year of King 
Mervin was 429 years. This entry is as old as the edition of the 

Digitized by 


H. H. HowoRTH. — The Ethnology of Germany. 177 

" Historia Britonum/' published in 821, which was the fourth year 
of King Mervin, and thus puts the Saxon invasion in 392, which 
as Mr. Skene, to whom I owe a great deal of my matter as to 
these datesir says, corresponds well with the oldest Welsh chrono- 
logical tables, and that preserved in the Bed Book of Hergest, a 
MS. of the thirteenth century, which says that from the reign of 
Vortigem to the battle of Badon was 128 years. As the " Annales 
CambrisB " put the battle of Badon in 676, this puts the beginning 
of Vortigem's reign in 388, and the arrival of the Saxons, four 
years later, in 392. 

A third date given in the " Historia Britonum," not recjoncilc- 
able with the last, is 374. We are told that Vortigem invited 
the Saxons in the 347th year of Christ's passion, and while Gra- 
tian and -^uantius were consuls. Tins answers to 374. I 
quote these dates as showing that neither in the British nor the 
Saxon traditions were there any fixed points upon which to hang 
the chronology, so that the early dates in the Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle are as valueless as the statements of fact 

We have no alternative after this criticism but to reject that 
work altogether, as an utterly worthless testimony in regard to 
the settlement of the Saxons on the south and east coast and to 
adopt the position maintained in a previous paper — that they 
settled there at an earlier date, and peaceably. They apparently 
became faithful adherents of the Emperors who ruled in Britjdn. 
The last Imperial coins struck in the Island were aurei of Maxi- 
mus (a.d. 383-388), with the monogram of London, of which a 
specimen may be seen in the British Museum. The next coins 
we have are certain gold coins with a head on the obverse, 
apparently fashioned on the model of these coius of Maximus, 
and with a blundered legend that is not legible. These have 
been found on the south coast, and one of them at Ljnnpne, one of 
the stations of the Saxon shore. They seem to show that on 
the withdrawal of the Bomans, the people there continued the 
previous coinage after a rude fashion. It would seem from the 
statement of Gildas, if we are to credit it, that the invitation to 
Aetius sent by the distressed Britons, was sent by the cities of 
Britain, which also points to the probability of there not being 
any r^uli or chieftains among the maritime Saxons at this date. 
They had in fact become incorporated with the empire. 

If we pass from the testimony of external witnesses to 
internal evidence the same conclusion is abundantly supported. 
Thus thA districts peopled by the Saxons in South Britain, 
where as I argue they settled as colonists and not as conqueroid, 
are marked by a veiy well distinguished dialect, whose 
boundaries can be traced with considerable minuteness. This 
dialect has certain idiosyncracies of its own. It is not so 

VOL. x. N 

Digitized by 


178 H. H. HowoRTH. — The Ethnology of Oermany. 

nearly allied to the mother tongue of both, the Prieaic, as its 
northern sister the Anglian dialect of Mid and East Britain. 
It bears the marks of having been softened and altered hj 
contact with a foreign race, and I have no hesitation in 
assigning its peculiarities to the fact that the Saxons where it 
is spoken were lai-gely mixed with the indigenous Eomano- 
Britons, and that both in blood and language they were 
accordingly much corrupted. This is confirmed by the evidence 
of the Kentish and West Saxon laws ; where the Wealh or Lset 
were the class of tenants who were neither free nor slaves answer 
to the same class in Lower Saxony where they represented the 
Thuringians who were conquered by a race of kindred origin, 
and therefore not reduced. to slavery but made into leaseholders. 
These Wealhs or Lsets I believe represent the Saxons of the 
old colonisation under the Romans, who were conquered by 
later invaders ; I shall have much to say of the class in a future 
paper. In a learned work by Mr. Coote on the Romans of 
Britain there are a number of additional facts cited which are 
very interesting for the purposes of this discussion. In 
speaking, for instance, of tiie Anglo-Saxon dialect he says : — 
''It had and has a sound always unknown to the whole of 
Germany and Scandinavia, the sound represented in our 
alphabet by the letter W .... It was the living sound of 
the Roman consonant Y, the digamma of the Aeolians. . . . 
The Romans so impressed upon the vernacular of the Belgic 
coloni and proletariate the rich broad ring of the digamma that 
it has never since left our island. Neither Anglo-Saxon nor 
Dane, Norman nor (Jascon could weaken or efface its masculine 
(M^ho. The Beige continued true to his Roman teaching, and 
pronounced his own Venta and Vectis, Went and Wight. The 
Roman vinum and vicus were still to him wine and wic 
Even therude god of the Anglo-Saxons became Woden, as in the 
two heroes of their folk-lore, Weland and Wada, vicings 
became wicings. Saint Valery became Saint Walery, GuiUaume 
was Wilhelm or William," etc. (op, at 33-36). Mr. Coote, 
already cited, has published the following most interesting and 
instructive list of Anglo-Saxon words which are of Latin 
etymology and prove, as he says, that Anglo-Saxon was a 
language spoken at one period by a Germanic nation 
conversant with the Romans. 

Adfinie . . . adfinis (an agrumensarial 

iEbs . . . . . . abies. 

Amber . . . . . . amphora. 

Ampulle . . . . ampulla. 

Digitized by 


H. H. HOWORTH.— 7^ Ethnology of Gerviany. 













Ceastl "^ 

Cartel y 

castellum aquse. 

Castello J 






cresco, crescere. 












cohortis (cohors.) 

Cordher . 

cohortis (cohors.) 











Denim • . 


























Fonte I 
Funte ) 

fons fontis. 















N 2 

Digitized by 



180 H. H. HowoRTH. — The Ethnology of Germany. 



Mangere . . 

. . magnarius. 



Mere Mare 



mille for mille passuum 

Miln (a niill) 







. . moneta. 

Mytle, mytla 

. . modius. 

Oitgeard . . 






Pendiug . . 

. . pends pendere. 

Peppoij pipor 



. . pix. 


.. pila. 




r portus 
' • Lporta 


. . probare. 


. . pondo. 


. . pyrus. 





Sceacere . . 

exactor (bubutonim.) 


. . signum. 






. . sporta. 

Steor (bord) 



. . strata. 


. . secta. 

Symbel (banquet; 

, . symbola. 



Tffif el 

. . tabula lusoria. 

Taeppere . . 

' . . tabemarius. 


. . tegula. 




valorem aequantes. 







Villa, wella 

. . villa, {op. nt. 36-40.) 

Digitized by CjOOQ I 

H. H. HowORTH. — The Ethnology of Germany, 181 

Mr. Coote, in speaking of this list, well says that these Latin 
words are survivals only, which in the tenth and eleventh 
centuries stiU made head against the rising flood which had 
submerged a larger vocabulary. {Id, 41.) 

This evidence again is amply supported by that of archaeology. 
The wide district peopled by the Saxons as distinguished from 
the Angles is marked by very curious archaeological facts. 
It is over this district that we find those circular brooches with 
inlaid pastes and stones of which similar ones are found in 
Teutonic graves along the Rhine, as may be seen in the splendid 
collection at Mayence. In this district of South Britain may 
be seen also a series of gold ornaments fashioned in a diflferent 
style and of much ipore elaborate workmanship than those of 
the Anglian districts and which point to their having been 
inspired probably by Roman models. The evidence therefore is 
overwhelming that the Saxons were in South Britain much 
earlier than the accounts of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle would 
have us believe, and that they were settled here as colonists. 
This conclusion naturally throws immense doubt on the 
narrative in the Chronicle and makes us inquire more closely 
into its structure. I showed in the former paper how clearly 
fabulous the account of the foundations of the kingdoms of the 
East Saxons and South Saxons, as told in the Chronicle, are. I 
may add that in the " Historia Britonum," to which I shall refer 
at greater length presently, not only is nothing said about 
independent dynasties in these two districts, but we are expressly 
told that both of them formed part of the country granted by 
Vortigem to Hengist {vide infra). I shall therefore postulate 
in future that " the Saxon shore " was inhabited by Saxons 
probably firom the time of Carausio or Carauseo (as he is called 
by Aurelius Victor). His name seems to be connected with that 
of the CaersRsi to whom we referred in our paper on the 
Germans of Caesar. That he belonged to the Continental 
Menapia is made clear by the statement of Eumenius, that he 
invited the Franks to invade Batavia, which they occupied, he 
tells us, under the sanction of its quondam alumnus. 

In confirmation of the theory that he planted the Saxons on 
the south coast may be added the tradition in the Brut that he 
did the same with the Gwyddel Fficht in the north of the 
island. (Herbert Brittania, after the Romans 9-11.) These 
Saxons were doubtless planted, as the other Germans were 
elsewhere, on the borders of the empire as ** laeti," or military 
colonists, and they were doubtless under the command of their 
own leaders. As Mr. Coote says, it was the settlement of 
certain chiefs with their *' comites." He adds that the Batavians, 
who at an early period entered the military service of the empire. 

Digitized by 


182 H. H. HowoRTH. — The Ethnology of Qei^many. 

at all times insisted and obtained that they should be led by their 
own notables .... and we are told by Ammianus Marcel- 
linus, himself an old soldier, that this was the general practice 
under the empire in the case of all the cohorts of Groths and 
Teutons engaged in the service of Rome. {Op, cU, 31, 16, 8. 
Coote, " Eomans of Britain," 209.) 

Not only have the Britons left their traces in the archaeology 
and dialect of the southern part of the island but also in its 
topography ; Kent was the old name of the district before the 
Saxon invasion ; Berks preserves for us the name of the Bibroci 
who lived in the district before the Romans arrived ; Cashio, a 
hundred in Hertfordshire, is a record of the Cassi ; London and 
the many town names compounded with Chester and Street 
are similar proofs. 

The tenure of gavelkind is another instructive proof of our con- 
tention. It is a word derived no doubt from the Welsh " gavael," 
a holding, and thence passing as " Gabelle " and " Gavellum " 
into French and Franco-Latin, and adopted also by the Saxons in 
the word " gafol," a tax, which is not found in the other Teutonic 
dialects (Robertson, " Scotland under her Early Kings," ii, 266). 
This tenure with its attendant consequence of the youngest or 
hearth child succeeding to the homestead, probably survived 
from the days before the settlement of the English. The corre- 
sponding tenure of Borough English, perhaps was derived firom 
the same source. It is curious that out of 319 manors 
enumerated by Mr. Corner in which this custom prevailed, 
136 were in Sussex, 53 among the East and Middle Saxons, 
and 96 in East Anglia, all districts of the littus Saxonicum, 
while there were only 12 in Wessex, of which nine were in 
Hampshire, the remaining 23, save a solitary one in Kent, being 
scattered over Mercia or along the frontiers of Wales (Robertson, 
op. cU,, ii, 268). 

Another important fact, proving that there was no violent 
displacement of the old inhabitants, but a gradual colonisation 
by the new comers, is mentioned by Mr. Wright " It seems 
certain," he says " that in some parts, especially in some of the 
cities, the transition from Roman to Saxon was gradual, and that 
the two races mixed together. At Canterbury, Colchester, 
Rochester and other places, we find Roman and Saxon inter- 
ments in the same cemetery : and in the extensive Saxon burial- 
ground at Osengal, in the Isle of Thanet, a Roman interment in 
a leaden cofl&n was met with. The result of the discoveries 
which have been made in the researches among the Saxon 
cemeteries, has been to render it more and more probable that 
the Saxons were gradually gaining a footing in the island before 
the period at which the grand invasions are imderstood to have 

Digitized by 


H. H. HOWOBTH. — The Ethrwlogy of Germany. 183 

commenced." This opinion from so accomplished an archseolo- 
gist is of the highest value in this controversy. 

Since writing the above, I have received the following com- 
munication from Mr. Keary, which I think so valuable in this 
discussion that I have incorporated it : — " What then is in sum the 
evidence upon this question which a study of the numismatic 
history of t^e time has afforded us ? Our examination of the 
various codes of the Teutonic continental nations has led to the 
conclusion that among all those German people who had 
remained near the borders of the old Eoman Empire, and had 
not shared in the movement which hurried the brother nations 
away from their early homes into France and Spain, and Africa, 
and Italy, there had been preserved unbroken the tradition of 
a silvet currency. Tacitus, in the first century, noticed the 
preference of the Gterman people for old and well-known types 
of Boman silver coins ; Mommsen teUs us, from the evidence of 
finds, that in the general debasement of the currency which 
marked the third century, the pure silver money fled and hid 
itseK in Germany ; and now in the seventh and eight centuries 
the Teutonic codes show us the Germanic nations of the border 
still in the use of silver coins, and when with Charlemagne, 
German influences become paramount in France, the change is 
marked by the substitution of a silver for a gold coinage. By 
the help of the information gleaned from the laws we are able 
to show a sort of ring round central and southern France, com- 
prising the districts in which, before the time of Charles, silver 
nad remained the standard metaL The circle took in the 
Alemanians and some of the Bavarians ; it took in Bipuaria and 
the north of Franda proper (where in the west were long 
settled the Saxons of Gaul), and a part at least of Frisia, but it 
left out Old Saxony, and most certainly never approached the 
Cimbric Chersonese. These lands lay beyond the region of a 
currency of which the silver region was as it were the 

" Do we continue our circle, it takes in the portion of England 
opposite to the silver coasts of France and Holland, and we should 
say primd/ade that Juid this district, too, been from early days 
German, as the land of the Bipuarians and Frisians was, and 
similarly the land of the Saxons in Gaid, the tradition 
of a silver currency would, in like manner, have been 
preserved. But we should have no reason to expect anjrthing 
of the sort had the inhabitants of this land not been of Teutonic 
blood ; if they had been as fully subjects of the Empire as the 
Britons were. We shoidd, too, assert with some confidence that 
if this country had undergone a sudden and utter revolution 
between, say, the days of Constantine and the date of the 

Digitized by 


184 H. H. HowoBTH. — The Ethnology of Germany. 

appearance of the earliest Saxon coins, if the older inhabitants 
had been all driven away or put to death by strangers to them, 
and to all their civilisation, then no tradition of a currency 
would have been handed on from the days of Carausius or 
Constantine to the days of Ethelred of Mercia or Ethelberht of 
East Anglia. Now what are the facts? Not only have we 
evidence that just the region of the old '* Littus Saxonicum per 
Britannias" is the r^on of the earliest silver coinage of 
England, and that when we pass beyond this district (in one 
direction at any rate*) no silver coinage appears for at least a 
hundred and fifty years, but we have much stronger evidence 
than in the case of the continental nations we found for the con- 
tinuance of a traditionary currency. In the first case, we argued 
upon the fact of the silver having been found current just in the 
regions where we might expect to find it : here not only is tins 
the case, but the types of the earliest Saxon coins are found in a 
vast majority to imitate bygone Soman types. And we have 
clear evidence that Roman coins were preserved and copied as 
late as Ethelberht of East Anglia (798). 

'' It is of course possible that the Saxons and Angles coming 
from a land which knew not a coinage, and without holding any 
communication with the Britons, found as it were hy accident 
some Roman coins, and constructed a monetary system in imita- 
tion of these. Th^ was the older theory, so far as any theory of 
the origin of the sceattas had been formed. But what 
a chapter of accidents it involves ! How curious it is that 
the discovery was confined to certain r^ons of the land, — 
just those regions where according to other evidence the old 
Saxon colonists must have Uved ! How strange that the same 
fortunate discovery was never made in Wessex ! How strange, 
again, if the use of silver money sprang up thus suddenly among 
the Angles and Saxons of the East, that it was never communi- 
cated to their brethren of the West! Or if this be partly 
accounted for by the supposition of a frequent communication 
between the opposite coasts of England and France, why were 
the types of the English coins not taken from those which were 
in use upon the Continent? 

" This army of difficulties melts away if we put in the place of 
the popular view of the English invasion the more reasonable 
theory of an old Saxon settlement on some of the coasts of this 
land, substitute for the old theories or no theories of the origin of 
the sceattas the supposition of a continued use of silver 
money among the Saxon settlers, handing on the habit of a 

* Into Wessex. Beyond the northern limit, i.e. in Northombria, the currenoj 
was of copper. The locus of the early Bil?er coins, the sceatla, is from the 
Southampton Water to the Wash. 

Digitized by 


H. H. KowoRTB,— The Mhnology of Oermany, 185 

currency from the time of Carausius to the time when the 
sceattas were first coined. 

" It takes a long time for a people to become thoroughly- 
familiarised with a coinage ; once they have done so, it takes as 
long to make them abandon it. If Tacitus found the Germans 
still using consular denarii, we need not be surprised that the 
silvermoney of Carausius — coins of the palmy days of the lUtus 
Saaonicum, should have continued in circulation for many 
hundred years, when the civilisation of Borne had withdrawn 
from our coasts, and ' the dark cloud which had been cleared by 
the Phoenician discoveries, and finally dispelled by the arms of 
Caesar, again settled down upon the shores of the Atlantic, and a 
Boman province was again lost among the fabulous islands of 
the ocean (Gibbon). In the thought of this decay, we see no 
difficulty in understanding why, when the Saxons came to 
supplement the decreasing numbers of the Boman coins by a 
manufacture of their own, they were only able so rudely to 
imitate the original types/ " 

It is curious in regard to the littus Saxonicum to which we 
have made such frequent reference in this paper, that the juris- 
diction of its towns is still preserved in that of the Cinque Ports 
— another proof of continuity with Boman times. 

Having examined the first wave of Saxon settlers along the 
southern and eastern coasts of Britain, let us now turn to the 
second. This brings us face to face with another difficulty, 
namely, the relationship of the Jutes. The story or Saga of 
Hengist and his followers has come down to us in three 
different forms. It is told in great detail in the "Historia 
Britonum," in less detail by Bede, and in a fragmentary fashion 
in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. I have already dissected the 
chronology of the last two authors, and shown reason for believ- 
ing it to be quite arbitrary. I have no doubt, further, that their 
accounts have been drawn firom the ** Historia Britonum " or the 
source whence the latter was itself derived. As I have said, the 
earliest recension of the latter work is certainly as old as the 
time of Bede, and, as I believe, even considerably older. The 
account of Bede is merely a truncated version of that in the 
" Historia Britonum," and seems to me to bear the evidence of 
having been composed from it ; while that of the Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle, as I have shown later on, only differs from it in the 
substitution of one synonym for a locality for another, and in 
the conversion of what were palpably Saxon defeats into vic- 
tories. My conclusion, therefore, is that the " Historia Britonum " 
is the best, fullest, and earliest recension we have of the Saga. 
The next point that we must consider is as to its historic value. 
I confess that it seems to me to bear palpable evidence of its 

Digitized by 


186 BL H. HowoETH. — The Etinwlogy of Germany, 

being authentic. It has, no doubt, been interpolated and altered 
in the version of Mark the Hermit, which apparently became 
the mother MS., but in the main it contains, as I believe, a 
faithful record of the tradition, and is of great value. 

The scepticism of Kemble, based upon the occurrence of 
two such names as Hengst and Horsa, is not reasonable. Why 
should these names be more mythical than Ursus and Lupus 
among the early Grallic bishops, or as Dr. Simpson has said, than 
Drake and Hawkins among English navigators, or Wolfe and 
Lyons and Horsman among other English notables ? It 
would surely go hard with Columbus if this form of criticism 
had any value, for we are expressly told by his son Ferdinand, 
that '' he took the olive branch and oil of baptism across the 
ocean;" figures, no doubt, suggested by his name Columbus, 
derived from Columba, a dove ; moreover, as Dr. Bosworth has 
shown, the names Hengst and Horsa still survive, and are in use 
among the Frisians. As to there being joint leaders of the 
expedition which has also been made a ground for scepticism, 
it is forgotten that this was the usual way in which piratical 
expeditions were led in early days. Ivar and Ubba, Ivar and 
Olaf the White, Ivar and Halfdene, Biom and Hasting, Godfred 
and Sigfred, ai'e some instances from Norse times ; Ibor and 
Ayo among the Lombards, from earlier legends. 

I have no hesitation therefore in accepting the Saga of 
Hengist as in the main a truthful narrative, and as standing on 
quite a different footing altogether to the accounts in the Ai^lo- 
Saxon Chronicle about the South Saxons and the East Saxons. 
The genealogy of Hengist, which has been so amply and curiously 
preserved in the British narrative of the " Historia Britonum," 
seems to me to be also of high authority, but we are not confined 
to one narrative in our criticism of the history of these dark 
times, and can gather gUmpses of light from other sources. 

The name Jute is probably not of very old date and was not 
improbably derived from Geata, the eponymos of the race, as the 
Kentish Boyal House calls itseK that of the Aesdngs, that of 
Denmark the Scioldings, of Sweden the Inglings, etc., from similar 
eponymi It is quite clear from a number of considerations that 
it was a synonym for Frisian, and that Jute and Frisian in 
fioct connoted the same people. Thus while Bede divides the 
English race into Angles, Jutes, and Saxons, Procopius, who lived 
much nearer the time and in the sixth century, divides them into 
Angles, Saxons, and Frisians. 

Hengist, the leader of the Jutes according to Bede, was de- 
scended, according to the genealogies both in the ''Historia 
Britonum " and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, from Fin the son of 
Folcwald the son of Gleta. Now, Fin the son of Folcwald is 

Digitized by 


H. H. HowoETB. — The Mlmology of Germany. 187 

named in the Traveller's song and is there distinctly called Fresna 
Cynne/' of Frisian race." The invaders of Scotland in the fourth 
century were led most probably, as I shall show presently, by 
Vecta, an ancestor of Hengist, while in the fifth century they are 
found there imder the latter's nephew Octa^ and it was thence 
that Aesc went to rule over Kent ; so that according to the Saga, 
which is our only authority, there can be no doubt that the in- 
vaders of £ent and those of the eastern seaboard of the Scotch 
lowlands were the same people. It is therefore natural to find 
Nennius speaking of one of the inlets on the Scotch coast as the 
Mare Fresicum ; while Josceline, in his life of Kentigem, as Mr. 
Skene has pointed out, calls the shores of Culross, Fresicum littus. 
That learned author argues forcibly that this name was derived 
from a large Teutonic colony which occupied the modem counties 
of Fife and Kinross and the maritime part of Forfar bounded on 
the land side by the second chain of the Ochils and Sidlaw hills, 
which separate, as he says, the low maritime tract from the great 
Straths of Stratheme and Strathmor. This district is marked 
by a peculiar Teutonic topographical nomenclature in that the 
hills within it are termed laws, the Sidlaw hills, its frontier, 
being a notable instance. Another large colony was apparently 
settled near Dumfries, which is identified by Mr. Skene as the 
Caer Pheris of Nennius, and explained by him as the Dun of the 
Frisians in contrast witii Dunbreton or the Dun of the Britons, 
and he quotes a curious anecdote from Josceline's life of Saint 
Kentigem, where we read that on his way back from Wales to 
Glasgow, the Saint stopped at Holden or Hoddelene (compare 
the n£uaie Hadeln applied to a considerable district on the Fnsic 
coast between the Elbe and Weser) in Dumfriesshire, where a 
mound artificially rose from the ground as a platform for him, 
and we are told he thence addressed the people and demonstrated 
to them that Woden, whom they and especially the Angli beb'eved 
to be their principal god, fi^m whom they deduced tiieir origin, 
and to whom they dedicated the fourth day of the week, was a 
mortal and a king of the Saxons. 

In the midst of the Friescum mare was the island fortress of 
Guidi, identified by Mr. Skene with Fedra island near the Bass 
rock, but as I think more probably by the late Sir James Simpson 
with Inch Keith, which seems to me to preserve the altemative 
name of Jute. The same fortress is mentioned iu the additions to 
Nennius and is there called Judea (M.H.B., 76). The name per- 
haps also remains in Jedburgh. Whether this be so or not there 
can be small doubt that the Jutes and Frisians were the same 
people, a conclusion supported by the occurrence of the names 
Hengist and Horsa among the modem Frisians by the Middle 
Age legends connecting Hengist with Holland, but above all by 

Digitized by 


188 H. H. HowoRTH. — The Ethnology of Oermany. 

the close afl&nity of the Northumbrian dialect of Anglo-Saxon with 
that of Friesland. How then came the change of name to Angle, on 
which name we shall have much to say in explanation of this very 
fact, when in a future paper we treat of the Angles ? Precisely, I 
believe, as the Angles were sometimes called Saxons. Neither 
Saxons nor Jutes were old n£uaies because the people who were 
rigidly entitled to use them were new comers. The names were 
not those of the mass of the people but only of the ethelings or 
princely caste; that section of them to which the kings belonged, 
the sacred race of the north which supplied its upper stratum 
to the Norsefolk, to the Goths and Vandals and Franks, one 
branch of which was known as Greatas or Aescings, another as 
Scioldings, a third as Inglings, a fourth as Merwings, another as 
Saxon8,etc.,etc.; but all claiming close kinship and tracingdescent 
firom Odin and the Asirs. The invaders in the noith of England 
were in fact Frisians led by a caste of this royal stock, a caste or 
sept known as G^atas. Thus it comes about that the latter name 
appears so late. Its first imdoubted occurrence known to me is 
in a letter of the Frank King Theodebert to the Emperor Jus- 
tinian, when he writes of their submission to himself in these 
words '' subactis cum Saxonibus Euciis, qui se nobis voluntate 
propria tradiderunt . . . usque in Oceani litoribus dominatis 
nostra porrigitur " (Zeu^ 501). A Uttle later we find them men- 
tioned by Venantius Fortunatus, who flourished about the year 
580, in a passage where the name ''Dane" apparently occurs for 
the first time. He names them among the foes of the Franks 
in the time of Chilperic, thus— 

** Qnem Geta^ Wasoo tremunt, Danus, Euthio, Saxo, Britannus, 
Oum patri quoe aoie te domitasse patet.*' (^d.) 

These northern invaders were called Saxons by Claudian. they 
were known as Saxons to the Gaelic people of Scotland, who 
stiU call the English race by the name. 

They were known as Saxons to the Cymraeg people of Wales 
and Strathclyde, for Saxon is still the indigenous generic n£uaie 
for the whole English race. 

Adanman speaks of King Aldfrid as visiting a friend in Saxonia, 
meaning the country of the Angles, and Nennius brings the 
people of Hengist from the island of Ongghul, i,e. firom Anglen. 

Bede, in his account of Yarrow, describes himself as an eccle- 
siastical office-bearer in Saxonia, although he was an Angle. 
Ambrones, as I mentioned in a former paper, is used by Bede as a 
synonym for the Old Saxons. It is curious to find the author 
of the additions to Nennius appljring it to the Angles of North- 
umbria, who were baptized by raulinus ("Mon. Hist Britt., 76)," 
showing that the names Jute, Angle, and Saxon were used 

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H. H. HowoRTH. — The Ethnology of Germany. 189 

indifferently. Bede, in fact, uses the phrase, " Tunc Angloram 
sive Saxonum gens " of the actual followers of Hengist, whom 
he afterwards calls Saxons ; while in the " Historia Britonum " 
we never meet with the name Jute, the invaders being invariably 
called Saxons by its author. Let us now on with our story. After 
the planting of the garrisons along the southern and eastern 
shores of Britain on the Saxon shore the southern parts of the 
island were for a long time unmolested, and the strong hands of 
the emperors who reigned in the first half of the fourth century 
were quite competent to restrain marauders. When we next 
read of the Saxons bjs invaders they are found in North Britain. 
They have nothing to do with the previous wave who were 
already settled in the south, and had then become Boman 
citizens, and this invasion forms an entirely new departure in 
Saxon history. 

In the year 360 Ammianus Marcellinus mentions how the 
Picts and Scots having broken the peace to which they had 
agreed, were plundering the districts on their borders and keep- 
ing in constant alarm the provinces exhausted by former disasters, 
whereupon Lupicinus was sent with two extra l^ons and an 
auxiliary force of light armed Heruli and Batavi against them. 
We are not told that he did anything against them, and are led 
to infer, from the contemptuous terms in which he is referred to, 
that he did not Four years later, namely in 864, the same 
author tells us that the Picts, Scots, Saxons, and Atacotti harassed 
the Britons with incessant invasions. This is the first mention 
of the Saxons in this their second campaign against the British 
territory, and as will be seen from the tribes they are named with, 
they clecffly came from the North and were in alliance with the 
tribes who lived beyond the wall. Four years later, neumely in 
3§8, we are told that news reached Valentinian that Britain was 
reduced by the ravages of the united barbarians to the lowest 
extremity of distress ; that Nectaridus, the Count of the Sea Coast, 
had been slain in battle, and the Duke Fullofaudes had been 
taken prisoner by the enemy in an ambuscade. Valentinian, struck 
with consternation, sent Severus and then Jovinus ; and lastly, on 
account of the formidable reports which reached him, Theodosius, 
who at the head of a large army went to restore matters. At 
this time Ammianus says the Picts, who were divided into two 
nations, the Dicaledones and the Vecturiones, and likewise the 
Attacotti, a very warlike people, and the Scots, were all roving 
oyer different parts of the country and committing great ravages 
(vi,y 453 and 454). The Vecturiones of this passage, as I shall 
show presently, were most probably Saxons. Claudian in his 
pan^yric on Theodosius puts the Saxons in the Orcades or 
Orkneys. Thus : — 

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190 H. H. KowoBTB.— The Ethnology of Germany, 

" Quid rigor eternal ooeli, quid sidera proennt, 
Ignotumque fretum ? maduerunt Saxone f aso 
Orcades : incaluit Piotorum sanguine Thule 
Scotonim cumulos flerit glaeialis leme." 
(Olandian de quarto Gonsulatu Honorii Auguati Panegyris, 80-34.) 

Again, when in 396 and 397 Stilicho came to Britain to 
repel another invasion, the same panegyrist writes : — 

" Muniyit StOiohon, totam cum Scotus lemen 
MoTit, et infesto tpumayit remige Tethys 
niius effeotum curis, ne tela timerem 
Scotioa, ne Pictum tremerem, ne litore toto 
Prospicerem dubiis Tenturum Saxona ventb.*' 

(Id. in primum consnlatum Stilichonis, lib. ii, 247.) 

These passages show that Scotland was at this time inhabited 
by colonies of Saxons as well as Picts and Scots, and this is 
confirmed when we turn to those much-neglected but very 
valuable authorities, the Irish Annals and Sagas, to which, 
excepting always their chronology, I am disposed to attach 
considerable credit. Now in one of the most famous of the 
battles mentioned in the early annals — that of Magh Mucreimhe 
near the present Athenry in the coimty of Galway, which is 
dated by the annalists about 195 A.D., and was fought between 
Mac Con and Art, son of Conn of the Hundred Battles — we are 
told the former was assisted by the Franks, Saxons, Britons and 
Albanians (O'Cunys Lectures, voL i, xxi.), 

Niall of the Nine Hostages is said in the Irish legends to have 
been killed in Britain on the Iccian Sea, i,e., the Straits of 
Dover, in 405. He may have led one of the confederate armies 
which then so terribly molested the English shores. 

In the story of Brudin Daderga we find mention made of 
many foreigners, among others of Saxons, at the Court of Conain 
Mor, King of Ireland. 

In the Ulster Annals we find under the year 434, the date 
ought to be. remcffked, " Prima proeda Saxonum in Britannia." 
In 471, the second plundering of the Saxons in Ireland is 

The common object of attack, Eoman-Britain, says Mr. 
O'SuUivan, brought the Irish and Saxons in contact at an early 
period ; and that this intercourse was on the whole of a friendly 
character is shown by the frequent intermarriages between them 
and their presence at the Courts of Irish princes, but, above all, 
by the number of early Irish missionaries who devoted them- 
selves not only to the establishment of churches and monasteries 
in the north- east of England, but curiously enough followed 
the stream of population from the Straits of Dover through 
Belgium to the Rhine, that is from the Iccian Sea, of which 

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H. H. HowoRTH. — The Ethnology of Oermany. 191 

there ia so frequent mention in Irish MSS. relating to very early 
times, and to which one Irish prince at least led an expedition. 
We have another proof of this alliance against the Bomanized 
Britons in the way in which Saxons were received at the 
schools of Ireland. The hostility of the two peoples appears to 
have first arisen in consequence of the quarrels between the 
Irish and Saxon Churches. Political causes helped to develop 
this hostility as soon as the Saxon dominion extended to the 
north of England, and the Saxon Kings of Korthumbria came 
into direct contact with the Scotic Kingdom established in 
Scotland. The wars carried on by the Saxon Kings against the 
Scots and Picts involved the Irish in the quarrek of their 
brethren in Scotland, and led to the ravaging of the coasts of 
Ireland by the Saxons ; and Bede in describing an expedition of 
Egfrid, King of the Northumbrians, against Ireland, under a 
commander named Beort in 684, adds that it miserably wasted 
that harmless nation, which had always been most friendly to 
the English, insomuch that in their hostile rage they spared not 
even the churches and monasteries. Alcuin similarly describes 
the same event 

" Frsfuit Egfiridus regno feliciter aDsis 
Ter quinis £Eu:ienB yictrioiabelU, quousque 
Agminibus misais animo trans equora sflevo 
Frsoipiens gentes Scotorum coede omenta 
Yastare innocuas, An^s et temper arnicas,** etc. 
(See O^SuUiran on O'Cony'i *' Manners and Customs of the Irish," etc., 1, 
XII.T. and zxxtL Bede iy, c. xxri, Alcnin Poema de Pont, et Sane. eccl. Ebor, 835.) 

The evidence, therefore, that the Saxons did not spare the 
Irish coasts when they attacked those of Great Britain is very 
conclusive. As they do not appear in the old Irish stories 
under the name of Saxons, however, it is interesting to find out 
whether they may not be mentioned under some other name. 
Mr. Skene, who has done so much for early history, pointed out 
that the people whom the Irish called Fomorians were doubtless 
the same folk as the Frisians. Fomorians or Fomorians is 
word for word the same name in form as Pomeranians, as has 
been pointed out by the learned Bishop of Limerick, Dr. Graves, 
and it means merely those living in the flatlands by the sea, and 
is therefore especially applicable to the Frisians. Several of the 
old Irish writers, as may be seen in 0*Flaherty*s " Ogygia," etc., 
call them Africans, and as Mr. Skene says, it is a remcu^kable 
£act that Procopius similcu^ly calls the Frisians Africans. 

The various notices of them in the Irish legends show they 
came from the neighbourhood of Scandinavia and were of 
Teutonic origin. In confirmation of this view, I may quote 
from Professor O'Curry, who says of them : " The Fomorians 
appear to have been rovers, tribes from Norway, Sweden, and 

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192 H. H. HowORTH. — The Ethnology of Germany. 

Finland, who crept down the Baltic and the coast of Noi^'ay 
and swarmed over the Orkneys, Shetland, and the Hebrides. They 
are said in our old histories and genealogies to have been of the 
race of Cam, son of Noah, and to have fled hither from Africa. They 
appear to have been the forerunners of the Vikings of later times ; 
if indeed the race and propensities of those adventurers did not 
come down unbroken from the remotest times to the battle of 

Mac Firbis classes the Fomorians with the Lochlanns or 
Scandinavians and the Saxon Galls in one of his works on old 
Irish genealogies. In another he devotes a chapter to them in 
company with the Lochlanns and Normans. I quite agree with 
the views here urged by Skene and O'Curry, and as these are by 
no means familiar facts, I have collected together such references 
as I could meet with about the Fomorians, culled from the old 
Irish heroic tales, etc. 

Keating says of them: — ^'^ Those African pirates called 
Formhorauc were the descendants of Shem. They fitted out a 
fleet and set sail from Africa, and steering towards the Western 
Isles of Europe, they landed on the Irish coast. Some time 
after they arrived, the Nemedians engaged them in three bloody 
battles and defeated them. , The first of these battles was fought 
at Sliabh Blaidhmia, the second at Boss Fraochain in Connaught, 
where Gan and G^anan were slain, the two principal com- 
manders of the Africans. The third battle at Murbuilg in 
Dailreadah, where Stam, the son of Nemedius, was killed by 
Conaing, the son of Farbhar. In a fourth battle, the bloodiest 
and most desperate of all, fought at Cuambrius in Leinster, 
Nemedius and his forces, which were most of the men he had in 
his kingdom, were cut to pieces. Among the slain was Arthur, the 
son of Nemedius, bom in Ireland, and Jobhchon, the son of his 
brother Stam. This broke the heart of Nemedius, who died 
shortly after, with 2,000 of his people, at a place called Oilean 
arda Nemhid, now Barrymon in the county of Cork. 

"On his death the Africans pursued their victory and completed 
their conquest of the country and made the people tributary. 
They fixed their chief settlement at Torinis, also called Tor 
Conaing, where More, the son of Dela, and Conaing, the son of 
Faobhar, who gave its name to the island, mled. The tribute 
of the Nemedians was annually collected at a place caDed Magh 
Goceidue, between Drobhais and Eirae, on the 1st of November. 
They took two parts of their children, their milk, butter, and 
wheat, which was collected thus : They employed a woman as tax 
collector, who compelled each family to pay three measures of 
wheaten meal, three measures of cream and three of butter every 
year. Magh Goceidue means the plain of compulsion." 

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H. H. HOWORTH. — The Ethnology of Oermany, 193 

The Nemedians, unable to bear the oppression any longer, 
rose in revolt and slew Conaing with all Ins children (Keating, 

Professor O'Curry describes in greater detail the struggle 
with Conaing. He says: — "During the revolt of the Ne- 
medians^ More, the son of Dela, was absent in Africa, 
but he returned soon after with 60 sail and fought a 
desperate battle with the Nemedians. The battle was fought 
on the strand, and was so h6tly contested that neither side 
observed how the tide was flowing in until both were surrounded, 
80 that many of those who escaped the sword were drowned." 

More and what remained of his men managed to get on their 
ships, and they afterwards succeeded in conquering the island. 
A large number of the Nemedians then withdrew from the 
island under three chiefs, while the wretched remnant of the 
people lived in servitude to the Fomorians till the arrival of the 
Firbolgs. (/rf., 34 and 36.) 

The Fomorians came under a valiant leader, named Conaing 
(? Kunung), son of Faebhar (? corruption of ap Ivar), and took 
possession of Tory Island, on the north-west coast of DonegaL 
This they fortified and converted into a kind of citadel or depfit, 
whence they plimdered the Nemedians on the mainland. Driven 
to despair, the latter at length assembled all their people, men 
and women, on the mainland, opposite Tory Island, whereupon 
we are told the Fomorians sent their Druids and Druidesses to 
confound them. Under an arch-Druidess, named Eeilbeo, the 
wife of Nemid, a fierce contest of blows and spells ensued, in 
which the Fomorians were defeated, and in a general fight which 
followed, their fortress on Tory Island was destroyed and their 
chief, King Conaiug, and his sons were killed (O'Curry, ii, 184 
and 185). Presently, however. More, son of Dela, another 
Fomorian chieftain, returned with sixty ships and re-occupied 
Tory Island, and renewed the oppression of the Nemedians. 
Another battle followed, in which there was a great mutual 
slaughter. More and a few of his followers alone escaped to the 
island, and but one ship of the Nemedians, with only tliirty 
warriors and three leaders, escaped to the mainland {Id. 185), 
Tory is merely Tor ey, t.c., Tor inis, or Tor Island, the island 
of the tower or fortress ; and this use of the Teutonic " ey " for 
an island shows again that the invaders were Teutons. 

Keating tells us that the palace of King Nemedius was built 
by four famous Fomorian builders, named Bog, Robhog, Eodan, 
.and Ruibhne. They were called Fomorians, he says, because they 
were a sort of pirates or sea robbers that came originally from 
Africa. The next morning, after their work was done, Nemedius 
ordered them to be killed, lest they should build other buildings 

VOL. X. 

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194 H. H. HowoRTH. — The EthTiology of Germany, 

exceeding his in beauty. They were killed at Doire lighe and 
there burned. {Id, 31.) 

One of the most famous of the heroic tales of the ancient 
Irish is that known as the Fate of the Children of Tuireann, 
translated by Professor 0*Ourry, in the Atlantis. This contains 
some very interesting notices of the Fomorians. In it we read 
that at the time the Tuatha de Danans were tributaries of the 
Fomorians, they laid a tax on the kneading trough, the quern, 
and the baking flags, and a poll tax of an ounce of gold upon 
every nose of the Tuatha de Danan, and this was extorted 
annually ; anyone who refused to pay had his nose cut off. 

Presently a deliverer came in the presence of Lugh of the 
Long Arms, who had been a great traveller, and returned home 
with a number of companions, opportunely, as eighty-one of the 
Fomorian tax collectors were about to proceed to their work. 
We are told four of them were called Eine (t.e., Ina), Eath- 
faid (Eadfred), Coron, and Compar. Lugh fell on these publicans 
and killed seventy-two of them. The remaining nine he spared 
and allowed to return home. They set out, we are told, for the 
country of Lochlain {i.e., Scandinavia), where the Fomorians 
were, and they related to them what had happened, and Balar 
asked if they knew who Lugh was ; Ceithliome, Balar's wife,* 
said she knew : " He is a daughter's son of yours and mine, and 
it is presaged and prophesied that when he shall go to him 
the Fomorians' power there should come to an end." Then the 
chief men of the Fomorians went into a Council 

£ab Seanchab, the grandson of Neid and Sotal Salmhor ; and 
Luaith-Leabharchaim, and Tume Mor of Triscadal, and Loisgum 
Lomghimeach ; and Luaith Luaimneach, and Lobais the Druid ; 
and liathlabhar, the son of Lobais ; and the nine deeply learned 
poets and prophetic philosophers of the Fomorians, and Balar of 
the Stout Blows himself, and the twelve white-mouthed sons of 
Balar and Ceithleann the Crooked Toothed, Balar's Queen. 

And it was then Breas, the son of Balar, said " I will go with 
seven valiant and great battalions of the horsemen of the Fomo- 
rians into Erin, and I will give battle to the Joldhanach" (a term by 
which Lugh was designated. He was a kind of Admirable 
Crichton, and was thence called Joldhanach, ie., master of all 
arts), " and I will cut off his head and I will bring it to you upon 
the green of the Lochlainn Berbhe."t " It woiild well become 

* She was present in the second &mou8 battle of Magh Tuiredh, to be mentioned 
presently, and so injured Daghda that he died. Mr. O'Gurrj suggests that Uie 
name Inis Ceithleann, now Inniskillen, in the oountj of Fermanagh, is deriyed 
from her. 

t Dr. O'Gurry says, this was the name of the chief city of Lochlainn, men- 
tioned in several of the Irish romantic tales, but whose position he could not fix. 
It is elsewhere called Berge. Can the name be connected with Bergen in South 

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H. H. HowoRTH. — The Mhnology of Oermany. 195 

you to do so " they said, and then Breae added, " Let my ships and 
my swift bcu^ks be made ready for me, and let food and stones 
be put into them." This was done, and Luaithhueach (i.e., the 
Swift Storyteller) and Luaithleatharcham (i.e,, the Swift-bodied) 
were sent to assemble the anny, and when they had come 
together, and were duly equipped, they set out for Erinn. 

" And Balar followed them to the port and said ' Give battle to 
the Joldhanach and out off his head, and tie that island which is 
called Eire (ie., Ireland) at the stems of your ships and let the 
dense verging water take its place, and plant it upon the north 
side of Lochlainn, and not one of the Tuatha D^ Danann will 
ever follow it there.' 

"Then they pushed out their ships and swift barks from 
the port, and they filled them with pitch, and with frankin- 
cense and mjrrrh ; and they hoisted their sliding variegated sail- 
ing cloths, and they made a sudden start from the harbour and 
the shore-port, along the land that is not cultivated, and out 
upon the wide lying sea, and upon the wondertul abyss, and 
upon the ridge backs of the deluge, and upon the wet high cold- 
venomed mountains of the truly deep ocean, and they never 
slackened from that sailing course imtil they reached harbour 
and shore port at Eas Dara (now the village of Ballisadare on 
the river Uinshin, in the barony of Leney and the coimty of 
Sligo), and the King of Connacht jU; this time was Bodbbh 
Dearg, the son of Daghdha." 

The strangers now proceeded to devastate Connaught. Mean- 
while Lugh went to Imve an interview with them at Magh Mor 
an Aonaigh {i.e,, the great Plain of the Fair, its site is not 
known), where they were camped with theii plunder. 

Then arose Breas and said, " It is a wonder the sun should rise 
in the west to-day and not in the east as on other days." " It had 
been better had it been so," said the Druids. " What then is it T 
said he. " The radiance of the face of Lugh of the Long Arms " 
was their reply. 

When Lugh saluted them he told them he was but half a 
Tuath de Danann, being a Fomorian by his mother's side, and 
he then, we 6u:e told, cast a druidical spell over the cattle they 
had harried, and sent its own milch cows to every house in 
Erin and left them the dry bones, and having waited for his 
forces and put on his armour, Lugh and his people attacked 
Magh Mor an Asnaigh, and the foreigners joined battle with 
them and they cast the spears at one another, and when these 
were shivered they drew their broad-edged gold crossed swords 
from their blue bordered scabbards, and Lugh, seeing Breas, the 
son of Balar, surrounded with his warriors, rushed at him, and 
two of these body-guards were killed. Breas then demanded 


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196 H. H. HowoRTH. — The Ethnology of Germany. 

quarter and promised to bring the Fomorians over to the battle 
of Magh Tuireadh ; quarter was granted to him accordingly, and 
he was allowed to go with his Druids. The battle to which he 
promised to come is known as the second battle of Magh 

The second or northern battle of Magh Tuireadh, more com- 
monly called the battle of Magh Tuireadh na b'Fomhor (i.e., 
the Plfidn of the Towers or Pilkrs of the Fomorians), is very 
famous from the heroic narrative which has reached our day in 
regard to it, and which is quoted by Cormac in his Glossary as 
early as the ninth century. It was fought between the Fomo- 
rians and the people called Tuatha D^ Danann. The latter 
were governed by Breas, who was a Fomorian by his father's 
side, but a Tuatha D^ Danann on his mother's. He encouraged 
the invasions of the sea rovers, we are told, so that they suc- 
ceeded in lajdng heavy tribute on the Tuath D^ Dananns. The 
latter, after conspiring secretly for three years, rose in revolt and 
drove away their King Breas, replacing him by his predecessor, 
Miadha, who, having lost his arm, had been disqualified from 
ruling, but had now recovered from his wound and even, accord- 
ing to the legend, had a silver arm made for him by the silver- 
smiths and surgeons of his people. The Tuatha D4 Dananns 
also prepared a great store of spears and swords for the coming 
fray. Breas, when he was constrained to resign the throne, 
went with his mother to the court of his father, Elatha (? EUa), 
who, we are told, was at this time the great chief of the Fomo- 
rian pirates, who swarmed all over the German Ocean and ruled 
over the Shetland Isles and the Hebrides. Though he received 
his son coldly, Elatha nevertheless furnished him with a fleet 
and army to enable him to reconquer his position in Ireland, and 
was recommended by him further to the great Fomorian chiefs, 
Balor of the Evil Eye, King of the Islands, and Indech, son of 
De Dannand, and they collected all their armaments so that 
they are said to have formed an unbroken bridge of ships and 
boats from the Hebrides to the north-west coast of Ireland. 
Having landed there they marched to the northern Tuireadh, 
situated in the parish of Cell Nitrie Trena, and the barony of 
Tirerrill, in the county of Sligo (O'Curr/s Lectures, 249 ; "Manners 
and Customs," iii, 213), a place surrounded with hills and 
rocks and narrow defiles. " Besides Meada of the Silver Hand, 
the chief men of the Tuatha De Dananns at this time were 
the great Daghda, Lug, son of Cian, son of Deancecht, their great 
iEsculapius ; Ogina Grean Ameach (of the Sun-Uke Face), and 
others, but the great Daghda and Lug were the piime counsellors 
and arrangers of the battle." The account goes on to state how 
these two summoned their smiths, their cerds, or silver and 

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H. H. HowORTH. — The Ethnology of Germany, 197 

brass workers, their carpenters, their surgeons, their sorcerers, 
their cupbearers ; their druids, their poets, their witches, and 
their chief leaders ; and there is not, perhaps, in the whole 
range of our ancient literature, a more curious chapter than that 
which describes the questions put by Lug to these several classes 
as to the nature of the service which each was prepared to 
render in the battle, and the characteristic professional answer 
which he received from each of them (Lectures 249). The same 
accomplished author hcis abstracted the answers given by the 
smiths, the silversmiths, and the carpenter. The first of these 
replied: " Though the men of Erin should continue the battle 
for seven years, for every spear that falls off its handle and for 
every sword that breaks, I will give a new weapon in place of it, 
and no erring or missing cast shall be thrown with any spear 
that is made by my hands, and no flesh into which it will enter 
shall ever taste the sweets of life after; and this," said he *' is 
more than Dubh, the Fomorian smith, can do." " And what 
will y&w give in the battle, Creiduc?" said Lug to the gold 
and silversmith. " This," said Creiduc, " rivets for spears and 
hilts for swords, and bosses and rims for shields shall be 
supplied by me to all our men." 

" And you, Luchtine," said Lug to the carpenter. " This," said 
Luchtine, " a fuU sufficiency of shields and of spear handles shall 
be supplied by me to them." (" Manners and Customs," etc., ii, 
249.) Here we gather that the shields were then made of wood 
with metal bosses and rims, etc. 

The Fomorians were astonished when they saw the furms of 
their enemies. "They saw their own arms," says the story, 
that ia, their spears and swords, " injured and useless after the 
fight; but it was not so with the Tuatha de Danann, for if 
their arms were rendered useless to-day, they were in perfect 
order for battle the next day, because Goibun the smith was in 
the forge making swords and javelins and spears and he made 
these arms by three turns, or spells, and they were perfectly 
finished by the third turn. And Luchtine made the spear 
handles by three chippings, and the third chipping was a 

" When the smith had finished a spear-head," says the tract, 
" he threw it from the tongs towards the door-post, in which it 
stuck by the point, and then Luchtine the carpenter had the 
handle ready and threw it so accurately that it entered the 
socket of the spear, and became so exactly fixed that it required 
no further setting" ! ! I Creidin the Cerd also made the rivets 
by three turns, and the third turn was a finish, and then he 
pitched them from his tongs into the holes in the socket of the 
spear, so as, without further boring, to pass through it^ and the 

Digitized by 


198 H. H. HowoRTH. —T/ie Ethnology of Oermany. 

handle fastening them so finnly as to require no further atten- 
tion ! ! 1 etc. 

The Fomorians sent out a man to spy out the enemy's camp ; 
his name was Ruadan, and he was the son of Breas of the 
Fomorians, but his mother was Brigh, daughter of Daghda the 
great chief, and champion of the Tuatha de Danann, and on the 
strength of this relationship he gained free access to their camp. 
He reported the operations of the smith, the Cerd, and the 
carpenter, and was told to return and kill the smith. He 
returned therefore, and obtained a spear-head from the smith, 
rivets from the C^rd, and a handle from the carpenter. He 
then took it to a woman named Cron, the mother of Fianlugh, 
whose occupation it was to grind the arms on a whetstone. 
She ground the spear for Ruadan, who thereupon threw it at the 
smith and woimded him, but the smith withdrew it from his 
own body and threw it back at Ruadan, through whose body it 
passed, killing him on the spot. {Op, cit., 249 and 250.) 

In this battle the only weapons named were the Sligh, or 
long-pointed javelin for throwing the fogha or short spear, the 
Saighead bolgh or belly dart, the claidheamch or sword, and the 
Lie tachn^ or sling-stone (id., ii, 295). The last of these is 
mentioned in an interesting passage of the tale. We are told 
that during the heat of the battle the Fomorian chief and 
warrior Balor was dealing fearful destruction among the Tuath 
de Danann, not more by his sword and spear than by his " Evil 
Eye," which he generally kept covered, but which he exposed 
during the fight. Among those who were struck down by this 
was Meada of the Silver Hand> the King of the Tuath de 
Danann, and the Lady Macha, daughter of Erumas, after whose 
deaths Balor again closed his eye. Thereupon the champion 
Lugh went up to him, and denouncing his cruelty, threatened 
him with instant death. Thereupon Balor opened the lid of 
his Evil Eye. When Lugh saw it move, he darted a sling stone 
at it and cfrove it through his skull, whereupon Balor fell dead 
among his people (id., 251). We are told that among the 
Fomorians there was not a man who was not supplied with a 
" lorica " en his body, a helmet on his head, a manais or broad 
spear in his right hand, a heavy sharp sword at his girdle, and 
a firm shield at his shoulder. The swords are spoken of as 
tooth-hated swords, i.e., hilted with the tusk of the sea-horse. 
They are also described as charmed. Thus we are told that in 
the fight Ogma the champion obtained Omai the sword of 
Tethra, King of the Fomorians ; Ogma unsheathed the sword and 
cleaned it '' Then it related all the deeds that it had performed, 
and it is therefore," says the old tract, " that swords are entitled to 
the tribute of cleaning them whenever they are opened. It is 

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H. H. HowoRTH. — The EtJmology of Germmuy, 199 

on this accoiint, too, that charms are preserved in swords, from 
that time down. Now the reason why demons were accustomed 
to speak from weapons at that time, was because arms were 
worshipped by the people in those times, and arms were among 
the tutelary protectors of those times.** {Id., 254) 

As a pendent to the above description of the armature of the 
soldiers on either side, may be added the following description 
of Eladha, King of the Fomorians, who after the battle ap- 
peared suddenly before a Tuatha de Danann maiden in Con- 
naught, dressed as follows : He had golden hair down to his two 
shoulders ; he wore a cloak braided with golden thread, a shirt 
interwoven with threads of gold, and a brooch of gold at his 
breast emblazoned with precious stones. He carried two bright 
silver spears with fine bronze handles in his hand, a shield of 
gold over his shoulders, and a gold-hilted sword, with reins of 
silver and paps of gold. And we are told that on parting he 
left the maiden his ring of gold, which he took off lus middle 
finger. (Op. cit, iii, 155 and 156.) 

The battle ended in the complete defeat of the Fomorians, 
who retired from the field imder their surviving leader Breas, 
who had been captured, but obtained his liberty by a stratagem. 
(Id,, 213.) 

We have other notices of the Fomorians. Thus we are told 
in the book of Invasions that Rath-Ciun-Eich (i,e,, the Horse- 
head Fort), was built in one day by four Fomorian brothers, 
who were condemned by Nemhedh as prisoners or slaves to do 
the work, but who were put to death again the next day, lest 
they should demolish the work again. (Id., iii, 3.) 

One of the famous legendary Kings of Ireland was Sioma, 
who for a while dispossessed Lugair, the son of Lugddh, of the 
throne of Munster. The latter appealed to the Fomorians to go 
to his assistance. They came in great force, we are told, headed 
by their King Ceadam (or Ceasam), and having been joined by 
Lugair and his Munster men, fought the battle of Moin 
Trogaidhe, in which the leaders on eifiier side were killed. On 
this battle an old poem survives : — 

** The batUe of Moin Trogaidhe in the East, 
In which the Fomorians were out down, 
He who fought it at the swelling hill, 
Was Lugair, the son of Lugaidh Lamh-fhind, 
He from whom Moin Trogaidhe is named, 
Was Trogaidhe, the tutor of the young warriors of Erin, 
And eyen of the Fomorians too 
Before the fight of this great battle." 

(Id., ii, 866.) 

In another story about the Fomorians, we read how when the 
famous hero CuchuUain was on a journey to Ireland, he landed 

Digitized by 


200 H. H. HowORTH. — The Ethmlogy of Ofrmang. 

at Eechrainn (now Rathlin) Island, " where he found a beauti- 
ful girl sitting tdone on the beach. On asking her why she 
thus sat there, she replied she was the daughter of the King of 
Eechrainn, that her father was annually compelled to pay a large 
and rich tribute to the Fomorians or pirates, who infested the 
Scottish Islands ; that failing this year to procure the stipu- 
lated amount, he was ordered to place her, his only daughter, in 
the position he now saw her, and that before the night she 
should be carried oflf by the Fomorians. While this conver- 
sation waa actually going on, three fierce warriors of the Fomo- 
rians landed fix)m their boat in the bay, and made straight for 
the spot in which they knew the maiden awaited them. Before 
they had time \a^ lay rude hands on her, however, Cuchullain 
fell on them and kiUed them all, escaping himself with but a 
slight wound which the maiden bound up," etc., etc. (0*Cuny, 
lectures, etc., 280 and 281.) 

The facts here collected are not, I am aware, arranged in 
complete order. The vein I have here followed is almost a 
virgin one in British ethnological reasoning, and I have little 
doubt that when more fully explored, a rich result will reward 
the inquirer. 

These facts, however, make it certain that Scotland and the 
North of Ireland were overrun probably in the middle of the fourth 
century by a large number of invaders, whom we identify as 
Frisians or Jutes. These invaders have in our view left a memo- 
rial of singular interest and importance in Southern Scotland, 
namely the Catstane. This famous monument has been illustrated 
with singular learning and ingenuity by Sir James Simpson, by 
Mr. Skene, by Professor Daniel Wilson, and others, and all are 
agreed that it is a perfectly genuine monument. It is situated 
in the parish of Karkliston, on the farm of Briggs, in a field on 
the north side of the roads to Linlithgow, and between the sixth 
and seventh milestones from EdinburgL It is a massive unhewn 
block of greenstone trap, like similar boulders in the district 
Its height above the ground is 4 feet 6 inches, it is about 4 feet 
5 inches in width, and 3 feet 3 inches in thickness. Sir James 
Simpson had the ground about it excavated, and found that its 
total length was 7 feet 3 inches. It rests on a basis of stones, 
which apparently once formed a built-up grave, but which has 
long since been rifled. A century and a half ago it was sur- 
rounded by a circular range of large flat-laid stones. The stone 
is known as the Catstane or battlenstone. Upon the stone is an 
inscription, which all the most competent lapidary authorities 
known to me who have examined it pronounce to be perfectly 
genuine, and to be of that peculiar debased Eoman style which 
prevailed in the fourth century. It was first published so long 

Digitized by 


H. H. HowoRTH. — The Ethnology of Germany. 201 

ago as 1699-1700, in the " Mona Antiqua Restaurata,'* in a letter 
to Eowlands, the author of that work, firom the well-known 
Welsh antiquary, Humphrey Ilwyd, and has been since frequently 
copied. (An elaborate paper upon it, showing great learning and 
ingenuity, was published in the 4th volume of the " Proceedings 
of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland," p. 119, by Sir James 
Simpson.) The inscription is as follows : " IN OC TUMOLO 
JACIT VETTA F VICTI.'' For a complete palaeographical 
commentary on the inscription I must refer to Simpson's paper 
just cited, and will at once turn to the person commemorated. 
The two names are clearly not Eoman, nor are they Celtic, and 
the question remains whether they are Teutonic, and about this 
there can be no doubt. Vetta or Witta occurs in the " Traveller's 
Tale," as the ruler of the Swafs or Suevi The name Witta is 
still in use among the Frisians. The tenth Bishop of Lichfield 
in Florence of Worcester's list, is Huita, called Hweicca or 
Hweitta, by Simeon of Durham. His death is mentioned under 
the year 775, in Florence, and he is then called Witta. But we 
can go further. Vitta was the name of Hengist's grandfather. In 
the " Historia Britonum," which in my view contains the oldest 
recension of the Saga of Hengist, he and Horsa are made the 
sons of GuichtgUs, the son of Guicta, the son of Guecta (Grime's 
ed., 18). These names occur here in their Welsh form. The 
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle gives them as Hengist, the son of Wiht- 
gils, the son of Witta, the son of Wecta (Earles' "Parallel 
Chronicles," 13). Bede uses V instead of W in the corresponding 
passage. Here then we find not only that Yitta and Victa were 
good Teutonic names, occurring in a good Teutonic genealogy, 
but that Yitta occurs as the son of Yecta, just as he does on the 
stone. This most remarkable coincidence in such rarely- 
occurring names, has led such cautious antiquaries as Simpson, 
Skene, etc., to suggest that the Yitta, son of Yecta, of the 
inscription, is no other than the grandfather of Hengist, and I 
confess that I do not see how this conclusion is to be gainsayed, 
and I accept it as at least tentatively soimd. 

In the Irish Nennius, the name Yitta is variously written 
Guighte and Guite. This has led the same antiquarians to con- 
nect the name with the city of Guidi, mentioned by Bede, which 
was situated in the midst of the Friesicum sinus or Friesic gulf. 
His Urbs Guidi thus becomes the town of Yitta. Again, one of 
the divisions of the Picts, mentioned by Ammianus in the year 
368, was the Yecturiones. It has been suggested that the 
Yecturiones were so named from Yecta, the father of Yitta, who 
was probably a famous chieftain and leader, and who gave the 
race its name, in the same way that the leaders of the Scotch and 
Irish clans and septs did, and as the Irish traditions declare 
the leaders of the Dalriadians and Cruithne or Picts did. 

Digitized by 


202 H. H. HowORTH. — The Ethnology of Oennany. 

Lastly, it is not uninteresting to find that Yit is the name 
given to the Jutes by Bede, and it may be that Vit is derived 
from "Vitta, as Vecturiones is from Vecta. 

I have therefore come to the opinion that in the fourth 
century, and before Hengist and his people had settled in Kent, 
Jutes, under the leadership of Hengist's ancestor, were already 
planted in the South of Scotland and the North of Ireland. If 
the arguments here used about the Catstane be deemed con- 
clusive, and if we assign the year 368 for the approximate date 
of Vecta's presence in Scotlsmd, we may with more confidence 
perhaps accept the position of tiie " Historia Britonum/* and of 
Greoffirey, that the Saxons against whom St Germanus fought 
were the Jutes of Hengist, and that the Hallelujah victory in 
429 was in fact won against him and his people cJter the fiigfat 
of Yortigem. Let us now examine the Saga about Hengist. 

Gildas, Nennius, and Bede are agreed that the strangers came 
in three cyulis, t.e., keels or long ships, and that they were com- 
manded by the two brothers, Horsa and Hengist Gildas says they 
were invited by Yortigern, in which he is followed by Bede. 
("Mon. Hist Britt," 13 and 121). Nennius, who doubtless 
preserves the older as he does the completer version of the 
story, informs us that they had been exiled from their coimtry 
(op, cU,, ed. Gunn, 18). While Geofiry of Monmouth adds 
that, like the later Norsemen, they went into exile in consequence 
of the national custom, by which, their country being overstocked 
with people, the youth were assembled together, and choice 
made by lot of such £ls were strongest, and they were thereupon 
constrained to emigrate, and chose Hengist and Horsa as their 
leaders. G^offirey reports the conversation which took place 
between them and Yortigem, in which they said they worshipped 
Saturn and Jupiter and Mercury, whom they called Woden and 
Freya (op, cit,, ed. Giles, 116 and 117). All this seems pro- 
bable enough. Nennius tells us the invaders landed in the Isle 
of Thanet, at the mouth of the Thames, a famous trjrsting-place 
of the later pirates. The later Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and 
Ethelwerd add that they landed at Hypwinesfleet, which is 
doubtless to be identified with Ebbsfieet, where was probably 
one of the two fords across the Wantsum (which separates 
Thanet from the mainland), mentioned by Bede, the other 
being doubtless at Wade (Guest, Arch. Inst Std., 53, note). 
Ebbsfleec is still the name of a farm-house on a strip of high 
ground, rising out of Minster marsh, in the Isle of Thanet It 
IB now some distance inland, but it was evidently at one time a 
promontory running out between the estuary of the Stour and 
PegweU Bay. The tradition that " some landing " took place 
here, is still preserved at the fi\rm, and the field of clover which 

Digitized by 


H. H. HowoRTH.— J%e Ethnology of Germany. 203 

rises immediately on its north side, is still shown as the spot 
(Stanley's "Memorials of Canterbury"; Murray's "Guide to 
Kent and Sussex," ^10). St. Augustine is said to have landed 
at the same place, as is also St. Mildred, the great Saint of 
Thanet, showing that Ebbsfleet was the ordinary landing-place 
in the island, and so confirming the tradition contained in the 

We are told the strangers were welcomed by Vortigem, who 
explained to them how he was harassed by the attacks of the 
Picts and Scots, and promised if they would assist him to make 
them a grant of land. To this they assented. At this time it 
would seem that the Picts were engaged in ravaging the northern 
parts of the island, and the allies marched against them. 
Gteoflfrey says they marched against them beyond the Humber. 
Henry of Huntingdon, who seems to preserve some other 
British traditions, teUs us the Picts and Scots had advanced as far 
as Stamford in the south of Lincolnshire, where he places the site 
of the battle in which the Saxons were victorious. Geoffrey adds 
that in reward for their services they were granted laige posses- 
sions of land in Lindsey (part of Linconshire) (op, cit., 118). 
Mr. Haigh suggests that in this campaign the Saxons coasted 
roimd the island from Thanet to the Nen, and landed near 
Peterborough, and he suggests that Horsey Hill, about two 
miles from Peterborough, commemorates the success of Horsa on 
this occasion ('* Conquest of Britain," 209). If we are to credit 
the statements of Hector Boece, the Saxons not only defeated 
the invaders in England, but pursued them into Scotland, and 
ravaged the Merse and Pentland, and defeated the Pictish army 
in a famous struggle, (/d, 210 and 211). 

To return to more sober chroniclers, we are told by Gildas, 
Nennius, and Bede, that after his victory, Hengist sent to 
Germany for reinforcements. Pleased with the fertility of the 
country, he had determined to remaiu here, and his people soon 
became exacting. Gildas says they complained that their monthly 
pay was not given them, and threatened to devastate the island 
if they were not more liberally treated. Nennius says that 
when their numbers were greatly increased, and the Britons 
could not feed them, as was their wont, they demanded food and 
clothing. To their request the latter answered, " Your number 
is increased, your assistance is now unnecessary, you may there- 
fore return home, for we can no longer support you." This, of 
course, was no put of Hengist's policy, and we are told that 
shortly after a fresh fleet of 16 keels arrived, bearing, inter alios, 
Hengiat's beautiful daughter (Nennius, 22). Her name 
is not giv^i in the text of the oldest version of the " Historia 
Britonum," nor in fact in the text of any of the copies. It 

Digitized by 


204 H. H. HowoRTH.— TAe Ethnology of Germany, 

occurs only in the capitula attached to the Cambridge MS^ 
which, according to the late Sir Thomas Hardy, is a very inferior 
MS., and abounding in interpolations. It dates from the end ot 
the twelfth century. In these capitula, which I take to be of no 
authority whatever, the daughter of Hengist is called Eourwen. 
It is probable that this name has been taken from Geoffirey of 

It has been well said that the name is not Teutonic, and 
in fact it occurs in two old genealogies as the name of a Celtic 
ancestor of the kings of Scotland (" Chrons. of the Picts and 
Scots," 134 and 144). But it seems to me that the mistake 
can be traced. We are told that the British name of Thanet, 
which was granted to Hengist, was Boihin (Nennius), 
which is also given with various readings as Buoihin, Buoichim, 
Buoichin ("Mon .Hist Britt.," 63). The name survives, according 
to Dr. Guest, in Bamsgate. I believe the name Bowena, as 
applied to Hengist's daughter, has been created out of a mis- 
understood reference to this local name, a position which is 
strengthened when wefind4)hat a considerable district in Wales also 
bore the name Bowenane, (See" Annales Cambriae,*' sub ann., 816, 
and Brut y Tywysogeon, sub ann., 817, *' Mon. Hist Britt,*' 834 
and 844). It will be noted that Geoffrey of Monmouth does 
not mention Thanet as granted to Hengist, which makes it very 
probable that he mistook its British name for a personal ona 

On the arrival of this reinforcement, the Saxons invited 
Vortigem and his officers to a feast, which was also attended by 
his interpreter Ceretic. Some of the later copies of the " Historia 
Britonum " have Certecsebnet, a mistake arising out of the con- 
fusion of Vortigem's interpreter with Ceretic, the petty regulus 
of Elmet or Leeds, who was, more than a century later, defeated 
by Edwin of Northumbria. The late copy unfortimately followed 
by Dr. Petrie in the " Mon. Hist. Britt," also adds that Ceretic 
was the only Briton who understood the Saxon language, a 
phrase which does not occur in the early recension of the text 
published by Mr. Gunn, and which seems to be a marginal gloss 
that has crept into the text. Hengist ordered his daughter to 
ply his guests liberally with wine and mead, and we are told by 
Geofirey that making a low curtsey she approached Vortigem, 
and said " Laverd king wacht heil " (t.«., " Hlaford conimg wacht 
heU "), (" Lord king, your health"). When Vortigem saw her he 
was much enamoured, and asked the meaning of the phrase from 
the interpreter, who explained it, and bade him reply "Drincheil," 
upon which he took the cup from her hand, kissed her, and 
drank himself (op. cit., ed. Giles, 120). This anecdote, preserved 
by a British tracUtion, and with the correct form of words, greatly 
strengthens, as Mr. Haigh says, the probable tmthfulness of 

Digitized by 


H. H. KOWOBTE.— The Ethnology of Geimany, 205 

the whole narrative. Having at length got drunk and being 
madly in love with the fair stranger, he asked her in marriage 
from her father, promising through the interpreter to give 
Hengist whatever he should ask. Hengist having consulted 
with his companions, demanded the province called Ceint by the 
Britons and Centland or Centwaraland by the English. Dr. 
Guest explains Caint or Cent as meaning the open country as 
distinguished fix)m the downs farther west, which were known 
as Gwent ("Proc. Arch. Ass. Sal.," 32). To this Vortigem agreed, 
and the province was made over to the strangers without the con- 
sent of tiie regulus who reigned there. The term used here is 
" guoranogono," which has been read by GeoflBL*ey and others as a 
persontd name Guorangan, but as Camden long ago showed, Guo- 
rong means a viceroy, and Langhom accepting this interpretation, 
treats the word as a generic one for deputy or petty regulus, a 
conclusion followed by Mr. Gunn (op, dt, note 86). What 
strengthens this view is that Kent being the very nucleus of 
the Old Saxon shore, it is probable that the personal name of its 
chief at this time would be Teutonic. Vortigem now married 
the Saxon princess. After this, we are told, Hengist addressed 
Vortigem, and said " I will be to you both a father and an 
adviser ; despise not my counsels and you shall have no reason 
to fear being conquered by any man or any nation whatever, for 
the people of my country are strong, warlDce, and robust ; if you 
approve, I will send for my son and his brother, who at my 
invitation will fight against the Scots, and the people who live 
in the north, near the wall called Guaul" (op. cit., Gunn 23-24). 
Here Ochta and Ebessa are called brothers, so they are called in 
one place by Geoffrey of Monmouth (Giles ed., 122), but in 
another place where Ebessa is called Essa, he is spoken of as 
Ochta's kinsman (id., 165). In other copies of the " Historia 
Britonum " he is spoken of as his "fratuelis " (ic., nephew), and not 
brother (" Mon. Hist. Britt.," 66). In the « Brut Tyssilio," Ossa is 
called Ochta's imcle (Gunn, op, cU,, note 87). In the Capitula 
attached to the later copies of Nennius, he is called the son of 
Horsa» and therefore the cousin of Ochta (" Mon. Hist Britt.," 
50). In the Irish Nennius, Ebessa is called the son of Ochta's 
mother's sister (op, dt, 89). The balance of evidence goes to 
show that he and Ochta were in fact cousins, as Mr. Haigh has 

Vortigem assented to Hengist's proposal to send for his 
relatives, and we are told they accordingly were invited. The 
" Historia Britonum" teUs us they came with forty ships. Geofirey 
that they were accompanied by Cherdich (t.«., no doubt by the 
Ceretic already named), whose knowledge of the Saxon language 
shows he was in some way connected with the invaders. He 

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206 H. H. HowoRTH.— I%e EOmology of Oermany. 

says they came with 300 ships. We are told they sailed round 
the country of the Picts, laid waste the Orkneys, and occupied 
many regions to the confines of the Picts {op, cU,, Gunn's ed., 
24). lAter MSS. describe the regions so attacked as being 
beyond the Fresic sea (one copy says " trans Mare Frenessicum " 
" Mon. Hist. Britt," 66). This phrase apparently fonned no part of 
the origintd narrative, and was a later explanatory gloss. The 
statement that they ssdled " rovmd the coimtry of the Picts," and 
the mention of the Orkneys, shows that the districts in the west 
of Great Britain on the Irish Sea were ravaged by them. The 
term " Mare Fresicum " may, however, merely mean the Irish Sea. 
The Irish Nennius explains it as the sea north of the Gaidheal 
(, of the Irish), and Ireland was probably the land of the 
Scots in the eyes of Nennius. 

We are told they occupied many regions near the Guaul 
and as far as the Pictish confines, and it would seem that the 
land ceded to them was south of tne Firths, and probably in the 

The island fortress of Guidi in the Firth of Forth, which is men- 
tioned by Bede, and which, as we have seen, has probably some 
connection with the Jutes, was perhaps a relic of their occupancy. 
We shall revert to these northern invaders presently ; meanwhile 
let us turn once more to Hengist. We are told he continually 
invited fresh bodies of his countrymen to come over and settle in 
Kent, so that the islands whence they came were left vacant 
OteoStej tells us the Britons now began to get alarmed, and ** the 
number of those who had come was now so great that they were 
a terror to his subjects, and no one could now know who was a 
pagan, or who a Christian, since pagans married the daughters 
and kinswomen of Christians. They accordingly remonstrated with 
Vortigem, who was, however, infatuated with his new friends. 
The Britons thereupon deposed him and set up his son Vortimer 
in his place. We are told he fought fiercely against the Saxons, 
whom he drove out of their conquests. He fought several 
battles with them. The "Hist Britt" says four, but it only 
describes three : the first at the River Derwent, which has been 
identified with every probability with the Darent in Kent 
(the Cray joins the Darenth in the marshes, just before it 
falls into the Thames). Thence Langhom has argued with 
some probability that this battle is the same as the one 
mentioned in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle in the year 457 
as having been fought at Crecganford (i.«., Crayford, near Dart- 
ford). The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle assigns the victory, however, 
to the Saxons, who are variously said to have slain four troops, 
or 4,000 men of the Britons. Thereupon the latter forsook Kent 
and retired to London. The leaders of the Saxons are called 

Digitized by 


H. H. RowouTH.— The Ethnology of Germany. 207 

Hengist and Aesc his son (" Mon. Hist. Britt," 299 ; " Karle's 
Pawdlel Chronicles/' 13). But this account, as I have said before, 
does not seem to me to be so trustworthy as those in the British 
writers. The second battle was fought, according to Geoflfrey, 
at Epiflford, which the " Historia Britonum " gives more correctly 
as Episford, the fonn the name has in the Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle. TysiUio gives the name in a Welsh translation as 
"Khyd y Pysgod" (ie., the ford of the fish, Gunn, op. cit, note 102), 
while the " Historia Britonum," adds that the place was known 
as Sathenegabail or Eithergabail (**Mon. Hist Britt.," 69). 
These forms are both doubtless corrupt. Dr. Guest explains the 
name as " Syddin y eenbail," (the house of the ford). This place 
was called by the Britons " Saisenaeg babail," because the Saxons 
were slaughtered there (Gunn, loe. cit.). In this battle we are 
told in the "Historia Britonum," and by Geoffrey, that Horsa, the 
brother of Hengist, and Katigem, the brother of Vortimer, were 
killed. The latter implies they killed each other in single 
combat In the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle the battle where 
Horsa was killed is dated in 455, before the battle of Crayford. 
The site of it is called Aeglesthrep in the Chronicle and by 
Ethelwerd, and jElestren by Henry of Himtingdon, which is 
identified tentatively by the editor of the " Mon. Hist Britt." with 
Aylesford. The latter place, which is named in later Saxon 
days as i^elesford, prolmbly derived its name fi*om the Latin- 
Welsh Eglwys, a church, and meant the church ford. Dr. Guest 
says Aylesford church probably occupies the same site as the 
Welsh Eglwys, and is situated on the top of the bank over- 
hanging the village, and its remarkable position explains the 
propriety of the names Aegelesford, Aegelesthrip or Aehlestren, 
the church ford, village, or cross {op. cit., 47). Kemble explains it 
as compounded with the name Eigil or Egd, the mighty archer 
of the Northern Sagas. Bede tells us that the site of the battle 
was in the east of Kent, and was marked by a monument 
bearing the name of Horsa. At Horsted, two miles north of 
Aylesford, a heap of flint stones is still pointed out as his 
grave (Murray's " Kent," 181). Horsted in Sussex and Horsham 
in Kent possibly also retain traces of his name. 

Horst^ is not the only reputed relic of the fight near Ayles- 
ford. Near that town is the famous cromlech known as Kits 
Coity house, which has been pointed out as the burial place of the 
British chieftain Catigem, who fell in the same battle. Kitts hill 
and Kite's house on Dartmoor are similar names given to ancient 
tombs, which disturb the value of the plausible etymology, and 
Kits Coity has been otherwise explained as derived from Ked Coity, 
the " hollow in the wood." A wood once overspread the hiU-side 
and of it some venerable yews remain. The cromledi, we are 

Digitized by 


208 H. H. UOWOUTE,— The Ethnology of Germany. 

farther told, is the centre of a group of monuments which it is 
supposed were once connected with a similar group in the parish 
of Addington. Near the cromlech is a large chambered 
tomb, in the hollow below which is a slab called the " coflSn 
stone," while the hill above is strewn with small cromlechs sur- 
rounded by stone walls ; while many circular pits with chambers 
at the bottom, like those at Cisbury and some filled up with 
flints, occur tdong the brow of the chalk hills on either side of 
the river. Many British coins have been found there, while we 
are told a boulder on the top of the hill (now destroyed) was 
formerly known as the white horse stone " and pointed out as 
the place on which Hengist after the death of Horsa at Aylesford 
was instaUed as first King of Kent" (Murray's " Kent," 183). 

This shows how legends grow and get distorted. Whether the 
cromlech and the heap of flints mark the respective graves of 
the British and Saxon chiefs or no, there can be no hesitation in 
accepting Aylesford as the site of the battle, and these numerous 
remains, as well as those of a Soman cemetery and a villa which 
was destroyed by fire, existing close by the town, prove that the 
site was a famous one, a position which is at once appreciated 
when we find it was situated at the lowest ford on the Medway. 

The third struggle, we are told, was fought near the stone on 
the shore of the Gallic Sea, where the Saxons being defeated fled 
to their ships (Gunn, loc, cit,). Other MSS. of the " Hist. Brito- 
num " give the name of the place as " Lapis Tituli" This has 
been identified with some probability with Stonar ; StdnAre/* the 
stone of honour/' being the equivtJent of Lapis Tituli (Haigh, 
op, cit., 241). Stonar was once the commercial rivtd of Sandwich, 
and is situated about a mile below that town. It was totally 
destroyed by the French in 1385. The name still survives in 
a farm-house, while the foundations of the church and adjoining 
buildings may be traced amidst a clump of trees (Murray's 
" Kent," 156). It is now included in the Ide of Thanet, but was 
formerly apparently separated by a wide channel from the island. 
It is close to Ebb's fleet, and the fight there is clearly the same 
as the one mentioned in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle as having been 
fought at Wipped's fleet in 465, where we are told 12 British eal- 
dormen were slain, while one of the Saxon thanes named Wipped 
(the eponymos of Wipped's fleet) also fell. After this defeat the 
Saxons took to their ships, and according to Geoffrey, retired to 
the Isle of Thanet, where Vortimer pressed them hard. It 
must be remembered that the Wantsum was passable for ships 
of burden sometimes, so that it is probable the ford could only 
be crossed on foot at ebb tida This explains their taking to 
their ships (Guest, op. cit., 53, note). Vortigem, it would seem, was 
all this while living with the invaders, and we are told he was 

Digitized by 


H. H. HowoRTH. — The Ethnology of Oermany. 209 

now sent by them to Vortimer to request pennission for them 
to embark quietly homewsuxis. While a conference was being 
held on the subject they went on board their long gaUeys, and 
leaving their wives and children behind them returned to Ger- 
many {op. dt., Giles, 123). Thus concluded, according to the 
British authorities, the first campaign of Hengist in Britain, and 
the account seems in every way probable and much more 
credible than the disjointed Anglo-Saxon notices. The latter 
claim victory after victory for their people, and yet 18 years 
after the landing of Hengist (%.e., in 465), and after the Britons, as 
we are told, had retired from Kent and taken refuge in London, 
we find them actually fighting the Saxons at Wipped's fleet, 
the very placewherethey landed originally ; but all becomes quite 
clear if we follow the British accounts. They acknowledge that 
Kent or a large portion of it had been made over to the invaders 
by Vortigem, and then go on to tell us how in one battle after 
another they were driven back until they were finally ejected 
from the island. In this campsiign Vortimer was probably 
greatly aided by the Old Saxon colonists of the Littus Saxoni- 
cum, who having shared in some of the culture of the Boman 
world and settled upon its soil were doubtless also little inclined 
to tolerate the strangers. The campaign was also in all pro- 
bability a sharp one and not distributed, as the Chronicle would 
make out, over 18 or 20 years— a statement in unison with the 
artificial chronology which it follows. 

The "Historia Britonum" tells us that shortly after these events 
Vortimer died. Tyssilio and GeoflErey accuses his stepmother 
Bowena of having lured a man to poison him. Boece makes out 
that the British nobles were accessory to her crime (Gunn, note 
104 ; Geofift^y, loc. cit,). We are told that before his death he 
ordered his fnends to bury his body at the entrance of the Saxon 
port, and at the rock where the Saxons first landed, for though he 
said they may inhabit other parts of Britain yet if the Britons 
followed his commands they would never remain in this 
island (Gunn, 30). Geoffrey, who has apparently somewhat 
misunderstood the notice he translated, says Vortimer ordered a 
brazen tomb to be built, and makes it appear it was the tomb 
which was to frighten the enemy {id., 124). We are told the 
Britons imprudently disobeyed Vortimer's commands and neg- 
lected to bury him where he had commanded (Gunn, 30) ; a late 
copy of the "Hist. Britt." says they buried him at Lincoln (" Mon. 
*' Hist. Britt," 69). Tyssilio and Geoffrey both say at London. 

On the death of Vortimer we are told that Hengist once 
more returned. Geoffrey says that Vortigem having recovered 
the throne, sent him an invitation on the advice of Ms wife and 
bade him come with only a small retinue so as not to arouse 

VOL. x. p 

Digitized by 


210 H. H. HowoRTH. — Tlu Ethnology of Qenmny. 

suspicion; but he set out with an army of 300,000 (!!!) 
men and a vast fleet, and calling his leaders together he 
consulted with them as to the stratagem they might employ 
against Vortigem and his army. They sent messengers to him 
with promises of friendship which were correspondingly met by 
Vortigern. On pretence of ratifying the treaty, the Saga tells 
us that Hengist invited the king, his nobles and military ofl&cers 
to the number of about 300, while he ordered 300 of his own 
people each to conceal a knife in his stocking. When the 
Britons were suflSciently drunk he told them he would cry out 
" Nemed eure seaxes " (t.«., " Take your knives again ") — a good 
Teutonic phrase, speaking well for the authenticity of the legend ; 
when each man was to draw his weapon and kill his companion. 
The king was to be spared, inasmuch as he was his son-in- 
law and his ransom nught be worth a good deal The feast 
took place, and we are told Hengist s companions followed his 
commands, and 300 of the Britons were laid low, Geoffrey says 
460 Britidi chiefs, and that they were buried by St. Eldad near 
the Monastery of Ambresbury in the neighbourhood of Salisbury. 
Vortiger^ was made prisoner, and we are told purchased Ins 
redemption by surrendering the three provinces of East, South, 
and Middle Sexe, besides other districts at the option of the 
invaders (" Mon. Hist Britt.," 70, note 14). The laat sentence is 
singularly confirmatory of the arguments we have previously urged 
that Sussex, Middlesex, and Essex were not founded by 
independent bands of settlers, as the English Chronicle falsely 
avers, and shows that they were integral parts of the old kingdom 
of ;Kent from which Essex was only detached in the days of 
Ethelbert. Geoffrey says the invaders, after the massacre at the 
banquet, took London, York, Lincoln and Winchester, wasting 
the country through which they passed terribly. On the 
retirement of Vortigem the Sagas mjJce him be succeeded by 
Aurelius Ambrosius, who came from Armorica with a large 
force to succour his countrynjeii. Geoflfrev tells us he fought a 
battle against Hengist at Msiesbeli. In this fight Eldol, who is 
called the Duke of Gloucester and who had escaped from 
the recent massacre fought with great bravery. Hengist and 
his people were defeated and retu*ed towards " Kaerconan, now 
called Cumingeburgh," says Geoffrey. Near the town another 
battle was fought In this fight Gorlois, Duke of Cornwall (?), 
distinguished himself and ¥)Ao\ engaged Hengist in single 
combat He seized Hengist, we are told, by the helmet 
fmd dragged him by main force among the Britons and then 
shouted out in great joy " God has fulfilled my desire, my brave 
soldiers. Down, down with your enemies the Ambrons, the victory 
is now in your hands ! Hengist is defeated and the day is your 

Digitized by 


H. H. B.owoBi!E.— The EtJmoloffy of GerTnany. 211 

own." They accordiDgly pressed the invaders hard and the 
Saxons fled wheresoever they could find shelter, some to the 
cities, some to the woods on the hills and others to their ships ; 
but Octa, the son of Hengist, made his retreat with a great body 
of men to York, and Eosa, his kinsman, to the city of Aldud, 
where he had a very large army for his guard (" Geoflrey of 
Monmouth," 150-153). Geofitey says that Aurelius now cap- 
tured the city of Conan and then called a council to deliberate as 
to what should be done with Hengist. At this council, we are told, 
Eldad, Bishop of Gloucester, brother of Eldol, insisted that he 
should be hewn in pieces like Agag, which Eldol accordingly 
carried out " But Aurelius," says Geoflrey, ** showed moderation 
in all his conduct, commanded him to be buried, and a heap of 
earth to be raised over his body, according to the custom of the 
pagans." Thence he went to York to besiege Octa's son there. 
Peeling that resistance was hopeless the latter went out with his 
principal chief, carrying a chain in his hand and sand on his 
head(!!!) and said, "My gods are vanquished, and I doubt not 
the sovereign power is in your god who has compelled so 
many noble persons to come before you in this suppliant 
manner." On the advice of Eldad mercy was shown them and 
they were allowed to settle in the country. After this Eossa 
and the rest who had fled, being encouraged by Octa*s success, 
came also and were admitted to the same favour. The king 
therefore granted them the country bordering upon Scotland 
and made a firm covenant with them (id., 154 and 155), 
Whatever the value of this legend, I am firmly convinced that 
it was no invention of Geoffrey's, but was the genuine Saga, of 
which a shorter recension is contained in the *' Historia Bri- 
tonum." The story of Hengist's final defeat and of the expulsion 
of the Jutes from Kent is confirmed by the remark- 
able Act that the Boyal House of Kent was not named after 
him as its patronymic, but was styled that of the Aescings, after 
a prince who is made his son by Bede and the Chronicle, which 
makes it probable that there was a new departure with Aesc, 
while it can be shown from other evidence that Octa and 
Eosa or Ebessa had a settlement in Southern Scotland and 
there fought with Arthur, etc. 

This is a good halting stage in our journey. We have by no 
means exhausted the interesting problem of the ethnology and 
early settlements of the Jutes and shall have more to say about 
them in another paper. But this one has already extended to 
an inordinate length, and we can only hope that the new facta 
brought forwjurd and the interest of the question upon which 
modem historians are so divided may excuse us. Our next 
paper will deal with the Franks. 

p 2 

Digitized by 


212 Paul Topinakd. — Observations upon the Methods and 

Observations ujxm the Methods and Processes of Anthro- 
pometry. By Dr. Paul Topinard. 

For many years it has been my duty as Assistant Director of 
the Laboratory of Anthropology, of which my lamented master, 
Broca, was director, to show to the pupils and to travellers the 
method of taking measurements upon the living body, according 
to the instructions of the Anthropological Society of Paris. I 
entered into their troubles, they related to me the difficulties 
they have experienced, and often, I must say, I have had to which 
coniess that the theory and the practice were not always in 
accord. Moreover, at the Society I have many times had to 
make reports upon the rough lists of measurements collected by 
travellers, and with these I have also had grievous deceptions. 

As Professor at the School of Anthropology I have had to 
compare the proportions obtfidned by different methods in 
Europe and in America, and with the most varied reference 
points (points de repkre), and here also I have met with many 
disappointments. Finally, I have measured for myself the 
skeleton, the living and the dead body ; I have sought, and I still 
seek, how the system may be improved. 

I have therefore thought that there might be some interest 
in submitting to the Anthropological Institute the results of 
my experience before the Anthropometric Committee appointed 
by the British Association shall have presented its report. 

The greatest part of my course of lectures of 1879-80 has 
had reference to the canons studied in the arts and in anthro- 
pology. I have made a commimication to the Society of 
Anthropology of Paris upon the instruments which I employ,* 
and I have just published a memoir upon anthropometry in 
general and upon the proportions of the trunk in pcuiiicular.f 

Anthropometry, since the time of Qu^telet, means the 
measurement of the entire human body (living or upon the 
dissecting-room table) with the view to determine the respective 
proportions of its parts : Ist, at different ages, in order to learn 
the law of relative growth of the parts ; 2nd, in the races, so as 
to distinguish them and establish their relations to each other ; 
3rd, in dl the conditions of surrounding circumstances, in order 
to find out their influence upon the ascertained variations. The 
systems of proportions imagined by artists from those of ancient 
India and i^ypt down to the present time bear the name of 

• BuU. Soo. Anthrop, 1880, p. 269. 

t "Bemo d'Anthropologie," 1880, p. 693, 

Digitized by 


Processes of Anthropometry, 213 

canons ; the types discovered by anthropometry ought to bear the 
same name. Anthropometry then consists of all those accu- 
rate processes which lead to the knowledge of the different 
canons, according to the ages, the sexes, the races, the surround- 
ing conditions, etc. 

Its horizon is therefore considerable, and the types to be 
established require large series of subjects, in which individual 
variations shall disappear, so as to leave apparent only the general 
mean. The small number of skeletons which our museums 
contain is absolutely insufficient, and living people alone can 
supply the number indispensable to arrive at any degree of 
certainty. All our efforts should therefore tend to perfect 
the methods of operating upon the living, and to simplify them, 
so as to render them accessible to all — ^to travellers, officers of 
the navy, recruiting agents, schoolmasters, etc. 

It follows that the number of measurements demanded should 
be reduced to those strictly necessary, and only those insisted 
on which are really useful and lead to the knowledge of one of 
the natural morphological divisions of the body. The more one 
exacts from a traveller, the more unsatisfactory are his replies. 
To obtjdn good measures, one should ask for few. Measurements 
taken obliquely are wanting in accuracy, so are lengths taken 
with the tape; they ought then to be abandoned. Heights 
above the ground, breadths, some circumferences and perhaps 
the facial angle — to these we ought to limit our demands. 

To determine the canon of the proportions of a body is to 
establish the relation of the dimensions, constant in the same 
type, of the natural divisions of the body. The intrinsic pro- 
portions of each of those divisions comes afterwards, and 
gives rise to particular branches of the science : cephalometry, 
pelvimetry, etc. The dimensions to be obtained directly, or by 
the method of subtraction (as, for example, the height of the 
middle finger above the ground taken from the height of the 
acromion equals the length of the upper limb), relate to — 

1. The trunk 

2. The head and the neck taken separately. 

3. The lower limb as a whole. 
4 The upper limb as a whole. 

5. Each of the segments of the limbs, the hand, the fore- 

arm and the arm in the one case ; the foot, tlie leg and 
the thigh in the other. 

6. The intrinsic proportions of the head (cranium and face 

with its further subdivisions) ; of the trunk (shoulders 
chest, pelvis, hips) ; of the foot (heel, metatarsus, toes) ; 
of the hand. 
To find the reference points most exact and least subject to 

Digitized by 


2 14 Paul Topinard. — Obser^vations upon the Methods avd 

error, which will best give these dimensions, is the first problem 
to be resolved. 

Anthropometry having for its object (with some exceptions 
as the volume of the cranium, the height, etc.) not absolute 
dimensions, since that which is large in one may be small in 
another of a diflFerent stature, but relative dimensions, proceeds 
only by comparisons. Two methods in this respect claim our 
preference. In one, inaugurated by White in 1799, and adopted 
by Broca, the dimensions are compared directly with one anottier, 
one being reduced into centesimal fractions of the other ; for 
example, the fore-arm compared with the arm or the maximum 
breadth of the shoulders with the maximum breadth of the 
hips. In the other method all the dimensions of the body are 
compared with one and the same module which in ttie canons 
of artists may be the nose, the hand or the finger, but 
which actuallv among anthropologists is by unanimous consent, 
the total heignt, taken as 1,000. 

But the height can be known only very approximatively upon 
the skeleton ; it varies according to the method of mounting 
and its state of preservation ; only in the living subject can the 
height give a certain element of comparison* This gives a 
second reason for relying upon, and for perfecting specially tie 
methods and measurements which concern the living. 

But if it is only among the living that a suflScient number of 
subjects can be obtained to lead to a reliable conclusion, and if the 
certainty of this conclusion is increased with the numbers 
measured, medical men and anatomists, already occupied by their 
own avocations, cannot, without help, determine the diifferent 
canons of humanity in the multiple conditions which we have 

Anthropometry is then forced to address itself to all the world, 
and consequently to put itself within reach of all. It must 
adopt points of reference, simple, easy to be found without 
anatomical knowledge, and yet true and precise. A measure- 
ment well taken, though not exactly corresponding to that which 
is wanted, is in fact of more worth than an imcertain measure- 
ment with errors of 2 to 5 centimeters, as not unfrequently 
occurs. A measurement which gives variations of more than a 
centimeter in the hands of an operator of average intelligence 
ought certainly to be rejected. In antlm)pology ten good 
observations do not always counteract one bsS one. The 
difference of one centimeter, which I am here supposing, in any 
measurement of moderate length, will often equal the maximum 
of the r^ular divergence between two different ages, sexes, or 
races. I have insisted upon this fact in my last memoir pub- 
lished in the " Kevue d' Anthropologic " upon the " Mensuration 

Digitized by 


Processes of Anthropometry. 215 

du tronc."* One or two examples will make my idea better 

The instructions of the Paris Society direct as the reference 
point for the inferior extremity of the thigh, the interarticular 
line which separates the external condyle of the femur from the 
upper surface of the tibia. The instructions of the Berlin 
Society prefet to this the external condyle of the femur. The 
English instructions, edited by Dr. Beddoe, indicate simply the 
articulation of the knee. The first point is anatomically perfect, 
but it is only accessible to a practised hand ; the second wants 
precision, and moreover does not represent the actual extremity 
of the femur ; the third is vague. On the other hand the anthro- 
pological statisticians of the American Civil War have taken 
the middle of the patella. To this it has been objected that it 
is not an anatomical point, and moreover that the patella is 
movable and changes its place with the contractions of the 
anterior muscles of the thigL This is incontestable ; but it is 
easily remedied. Place the subject upright, at ease, without 
giving him any special directions ; wait kneeling before bim ; 
as soon as you see that the muscles are well relaxed, mark 
rapidly the centre of the patella with ink or coloured chalk. 
Nothing can be more simple. 

It is true that the centre of the patella is slightly above 
the articulation. I have proved upon the dead subject that its 
lower border corresponds to the anterior border of the upper end 
of the tibia, but if it is oonsideied of importance, it is easy to 
correct this diflFerence. 

Thus, on the one hand, the anatomical school, that which 
guides itself by the skeleton, possesses an excellent reference 
point, the interarticular line of the knee, but one which can 
only be determined by a professional man ; on the other hand, 
the school which is engaged principally upon the living has a 
point quickly accessible to every one, but not very logical, since 
the pateUa is only a sesamoid bone, and scarcely a part of the 
skeleton proper. Of the two, I prefer, for the living 
subject, and in consideration of the difficulties of travellers, the 
centre of the pateUa, although I have up to the present time 
always taken the only exact articuljar line. 

The separation of the arm from the forearm, so necessary for 
the important antibrachial index, is almost equally difficult to 
determine. A practised surgeon only can distinguish with the 
nail, the upper border of the head of the radius ; the epicondyle 
gives considerable variations. On the contrary, the summit of 

• "Etudes anthropometriqneB etit lea Canons. !'• Lo Tronc," par P. 
Topinard C Berue d'Anthropologie," 1880, p. 598). 

Digitized by 


216 Paul Topinard. — Observations upon the Methods and 

the olecranon * and the middle articular fold in front are easy. 
But they are not logical, or rather they do not give the real 
length of the two bones wished for. 

In anthropometry then there are two kinds of points of 
reference : the one rational, agreeing with the conformation of 
the skeleton, answering to the real length of the bones, but 
which only an anatomist, and in some cases only a skilful 
anatomist, can determine ; the other sometimes quite different, 
corresponding rather to the external configuration, sacrificing 
the truth, but not conducing to notable errors in the hands of 
ordinary persons. When it is impossible to reconcile the two, 
I maintain without any hesitation that it is anatomical exacti- 
tude which ought to give way. 

It happens, moreover, that even for the anatomist there is 
often no means of finding a point upon the living body, corre- 
sponding to a particular one on the skeleton. Thus the length of 
the femur cannot possibly be measured in the same way in the 
two cases. Neither the head of the bone nor the true upper 
border of the great trochanter, are accessible to measurement in 
the living. The anatomist is then forced to make a concession 
in this case. Why should he not make others when it is 

Precision of the point of reference is the first condition of its 
value upon the living, and takes the lead of everything else ; 
no one should deceive himseK about this. Furthermore, the 
external proportions of the body clothed with its soft parts, 
muscles and tendons, deserve to be taken into consideration in 
anthropometry as much as the dry bones. 

The rule of conduct in the choice of reference points upon the 
living, and consequently the corresponding measurements 
suitable to make known the dimensions in length and breadth 
of the body, may be thus summarised. Take the anatomy of 
the skeleton, the true length of the bones, for a guide as far as 
possible. Then choose among the points of reference proposed 
those which allow, by a system of conversion, the measurement 
adopted to be brought to that required. Thus some anatomists 
prescribe the upper border of the pubis (a point for many reasons 
inconvenient in practise) as the limit of the thigh ; by adding 
42 millimetres for avers^e statures, that is to say, the distance 
in vertical projection from the pubis to the summit of the head 
of the femur, the anatomical length of the thigh is obtained. 
But as soon as it is proved that a reference point is dangerous, 
that it leaxis to mistakes, it must be given up, and we must 

* When the forearm is flexed in placing the hand upon the abdomen between 
the umbUicaB and the pubis, the summit of the olecranon oomes to the lerel of 
the inferior extremity of the humerus. 

Digitized by 


Processes of ArUTuropometry. 217 

begin once more to examine the external form. I cannot reach 
the head of the femur ; the great trochanter and the pubis are bad ; 
I try if the anterior superior iliac spine will suit travellers ; I 
see objections to it ; I seek elsewhere ! Presently I shall show 
that there are still two ways of getting over the difl&culty, and 
arriving at a satisfactory length of the thigh or of the lower 

There is one consideration which should be thought of in 
the choice of reference points ; this is the objection the subject 
may make owinc to modesty, fear, or sensibility ; the perinaBum 
for this reason fuone ought to be rejected. It is useless to say 
that one cannot dream of using points subject to displacement, 
like the ends of the breasts. Nevertheless, we ought not absolutely 
to condemn purely cutaneous points ; the articular folds in the 
extension of the limbs are very acceptable ; the commissures 
also. I am not disinclined to think that the n^ost elevated 
point of the skin, as apparent to the eye, at the level of the 
malar bones, ought to be accepted as the best *' malar point " 
upon the living subject. 

Upon the skeleton it is anatomical truth which is the 
criterion ; upon the living it is the manner in which travellers 
can act in relation to the point proposed. The end to be obtained 
is Tmiformity of result in the hands of non-anatomical observers 
as well as anatomists. In order that a measurement should 
be good, it is necessary that, repeated ten times by the same 
operator, or by ten different operators, it gives practically the 
same figurea. For the largest dimensions, the discrepancy 
permitted should not reach a centimeter ; for the elements of 
the cephaHc index, Broca admits one millimeter; for the 
elements of the nasal index of the living, I scarcely admit even 
so much. 

The reference points being settled, the operator has to find 
them and mark them upon the skin, which is generally not 
done. How often have I seen in the old method the operator 
occupied with too many things, his hands encumbered, thinking 
that he has his finger upon the point, and tsiking in perfect confi- 
dence a measure different from that he intended, because the 
point has slipped and escaped him. A point of reference exact 
in one attitude is not so in another. When the arm is extended 
horizontally, the head of the humerus is carried inside of the 
glenoid cavity into the axilla, and the arm is shortened by 
1 or 2 centimeters. The acromial point is thus made fal- 
lacious ; it gives the length of the limb well when it faUs ver- 
tically; it does not give it in the horizontal position. The 
Anthropometric Committee of the British Association ought 
strictly to forbid all measurements taken otherwise than in the 

Digitized by 


218 Paul TJopinard. — Observations upon the Methods and 

symmetrical attitude, standing in an easy posture, the arms 
falling, the legs together, the back and the head straight, 
looking forwards. 

In jul cases, extension and flexion change the relative position 
of the parts, and consequently of the points of reference. Every 
surgeon knows what errors occur in the measurement of the 
length of the lower limb, in cases of coxalgia, when the anterior 
and superior iliac spine is taken. I have made experiments on 
the dead body upon the articular line of the knee, it becomes 
displaced in relation to the skin as much as 2 centimeters. 

The movements attending respiration are the greatest 
obstacle to measurement of the chest Therefore, whatever be 
the point of reference accepted, care must be taken to place the 
thorax in a condition intermediate between elevation and 
depression of the sternum, the ribs and the clavicle — that is to 
say, intermediate between inspiration and expiration, making 
the subject count or speaks but in a quiet manner. 

There are reference points which determine themselves ; such 
is the seat, that is to say the natural base of the trunk in the 
living. It corresponds to the bi-ischiatic line of the skeleton. 
It is sufficient to make the subject sit upon the ground or upon 
a bench of which the height is taken. This is an excellent 
point of refierence, which the most refractory natives immediately 
fall in with. 

But up to the present time the supreme cause of ertor is in 
the apparatus used. I think that at last I have solved this 

Of the anthropometer which I use, constructed by Molteni, 
I have given a description and figure in the bulletins of the 
Society of Anthropology of Paris, 1880, p. 271, and General Pitt 
Rivers possesses one. It is of mathematical precision; an 
application of the process of the double square. A square slides 
in a graduated rule, kept vertical by a foot at its base, and which 
can be placed as desired, either before, behind, or on either side 
of the subject. It serves for all the vertical dimensions from 10 
centimeters to 2 meters.* 

I have experimented on all the other systems proposed. All, 
taking into consideration the generally defective manner in 
which they are practised, give gross errors which render the 

* The method of projections for the rertical measurerments and the prooeee of 
the double squure which reBolts from it, is now accepted bj all the world. It is 
that which the measuren of the NoTara used, when thejr spoke of the plumb • 
line, it is that which the Americans have adopted at the very outset hj the 
employment of the anthropometer of Bache. The instructions of the Society 
of Pans, of the British Association, of the Society of Berlin, are unanimous. 
The consequence is that the attitude of the body with the arms dropped by the 
side of the trunk cannot be ruestioned. 

Digitized by 


Processes of ArUhropometry, 219 

results illusory. I do not trust any of them. Hbe most 
general fault results from the operator having too many things 
to superintend at the same time, and from the operation being 
too long. The subject becomes fatigued, rests upon one hip, 
lowers one arm more than the other, contracts a muscle, so that 
there is no unity in the general conditions. 

The whole of the operations> as I practise them now, are 
divided into two periods, between which the subject as Well as 
the operator can rest. 

Thus : the subject presents himself ; we b^in by talking to 
him, and take some notes upon his hair, the colour of his skin, 
etc., to give him time to calm his emotion. Then he is 
undressed, and without any hurry, all the reference points are 
determined one by one, and marked with ink or a coloured 
chfidk pencil upon the skin. This operation is certainly the 
most delicate. The subject is placed in the prescribed attitude, 
the arms by the side, etc. Certain of the points are determined 
with the fingers pressed deeply into the soft parts ; others are 
obtained by practising alternate movements of extension and 
flexion ; others, as the centre of the patella, are fixed by the sight 
alone, touching being expressly avoided. 

When the point is once found, the fingers are gently taken 
away, the soft parts and the skin are allowed slowly to retake 
their place^ the limb is put back into the prescribed attitude, and 
having been careful to make sure for tiie last time that the 
point has not escaped, the spot is marked. One is now quite 
easy. To do all tMs, a dexterity or savovr faitt is needed, which 
can be acquired alone, but which ought to be taught There- 
fore every one about to take measurements ought to have seen 
someone) abeady accustomed to do so, operate at least once. It is, 
however^ quickly picked up. 

The second period is short. The subject having retaken the 
prescribed attitude, the legs upright, the body straight, the arms 
close to the side, the head fixed, looking 26 paces forward, and 
preserving this time a perfect immobility, the anthropometer is 
placed upon the most convenient side, which may be changed if 
desired, and> commencing with the vertex, the point of the 
square is successively carried to each marked point on the body, 
and the numbers dictated. The subject has time neither to 
become fatigued, nor to modify sensibly his attitude. 

With my portable anthropometer,* in consequence of its 

* I hsTe propofled to the Anthiopologidal Institute a itiU more tim}de apparatus, 
sad whioh can be made by the traTeUer whererer he is. This is a wooden 
board, about 10 oentimeters wide, and 2 meters in height, fixed at its base into 
a block of wood, heayj, but di sniaU width, so that it may be placed as required 
on either tide or before or behind the subject. Upon this board, a graduated 

Digitized by 


220 Paul Topinard. — Observaiions upon the Methods and 

construction in two principal pieces, there is an interruption 
between the measure above and those below one meter. But 
in a school or a recruiting ofl&ce, the anthropometer not 
requiring to be portable, may be constructed in a single 
piece, and the operation will occupy not longer than a minute. 
With the old process, putting on all possible speed, the same 
operation requires a quarter of an hour.* 

The division of the operations into two periods, the one 
during which the points of reference are determined and marked 
at leisure, the other during which the measures are read off, and 
finally the use of accurate instruments, this is the key of my 

I should now enumerate the reference points, if not the best 
at least the most practical, the most easy for travellers who 
are not anatomists, to which I give the preference. But I must 
own that I am not definitively fixed upon some of these, and the 
researches which I have commenced upon this subject are not 
yet finished. 

In a general way, I follow the instructions of the Anthropo- 
logical Society of Paris. But I recognise that being taken fronj 
a purely anatomical point of view, they are not sufl&ciently at 
the command of the majority of travellers, and do not suffi- 
ciently take external morphology into accoimt. The results of 
the long experience of artists are neglected in them. The 
height of the head and the number of times that it is contained 
in the total height, as well as the divisions of the head upon the 
median line seen from the front, into four parts, are not recom- 
mended in them. They do not insist upon the height of the 
trunk, which is the centre around which all the other propo> 
tions turn. They forget the relations so variable according to 
the ages, sexes, and races, which there are between the breadth 
of the shoulders and the breadth of the hips. The method 
which they indicate for taking the facial angle is out of date. 

Of the following points, there is in my opinion no question 
whatever : Vertex, auditory opening, inferior border of the chin, 
notch of the sternum, inferior border of the acromion, styloid 
process of the radius, extremity of the middle finger, umbilicus, 
point of the external malleolus, base of sustentation in the 
sitting posture, or seat. 

tape is fixed by two drawing pins and a square, of which the two branches meet 
at their flat sides, travels up and down. General Pitt Birers possesses a small 
square of this kind. 

* The best process up to the present time was by the double anthropometric 
board of Broca fixed to a wall, and along which a square slided. But the second 
square called an '* indicator," which accompanied this, the difficulty of getting 
into a good light, and the fixity of the posterior plane, rendered its management 
sometimes inconvenient. Then it was necessary to have a truly vertical wall. 

Digitized by 


Processes of Anthropometry. 221 

As regards the elbow, the knee, and the origin of the lower 
limb, I must use some reserve. Sappey and Qu^telet em- 
ployed the middle of the articular fold, the ''bleeding point" 
in the arm, and the fold of the groin in the thigh. It is 
very possible that they are right. The Americans have taken 
the centre of the patella, and they also may have foimd the 

As to the upper limit of the thigh, the great trochanter is cer- 
tainly bad for vertical measurements, and the anterior and superior 
iliac spine is far from having the value that is imagined, in fat 
or even moderately stout subjects. There is a simple method 
of solving the difficulty, which does not appear to have been 
thought of ; the seat being determined as I have shown in my 
last memoir published in the "Eevue d' Anthropologic,"* aU 
that is below will give the length of the lower Umbs. I will 
explain myself. 

By making the subject sit down on the groimd upright, 
squarely, the legs parallel and extended, and taking the height 
to the vertex in this attitude, a measure is obtained which, 
subtracted from the total height, gives the length of the lower 
limbs ; the same measure, diminished by the height of the head 
and of the neck, gives on the other hand the height of the 
trunk (seat to the sternal notch). 

My anthropometer gives all the vertical measures, conse- 
quently those of the face also, but I think it preferable to take 
these with a special instrument that I call die cephalometric 
square, and which I have described in the bulletins of the 
Anthropological Society of Paris, at the place quoted above. 
The measurements to which I allude are those which are in 
vogue in the arts, and which are established by the following 
points : the insertion of the hair upon the forehead, the middle 
of the line of the eyebrows, the base of the nose, the interval of 
the upper and lower incisor teeth, and the point of the chin. 
They give those proportions of the head seen from the front 
which are most important for the distinction of races. 

By the old methods, these measures or projections were taken 
by tJhe aid of a square placed against a wall ; but whatever one 
did, the head moved, and the measures were not comparable , 
with one another. In my system the apparatus takes its bear- 
ing from the head itself; the operation scarcely lasts thirty 
seconds, and if the head changes its position a little there is no 
inconvenience from it; the apparatus follows its movements. 
The measures are read from above downwards. The only pre- 

• " Etudes d'Anthropometrie. !• Trono," par P. Topinard (" BeTue d'An- 
tbropologie," 1880, p. 693). 

Digitized by 


222 Paul Topinard, — Obeervatums vpm the Methods and 

caution to take conaiats in placing the head in such a position 
that the orbits f!GU3e the horizon. Formerly, Broca and myself 
in my ** Anthropology '* recommended the head to be placed 
according to Camper's line. We have both given this up ; this^ 
Une raises the head too much. In taking these facial pro- 
jections, as well as in taking the height, the occiput should not 
DC made to rest, as is always done, against the posterior plane. 
This movement throws the head too much upwturds in brachy* 
cephalic people. The head should in all these cases be kept 
straight, in its natural attitude, the eyes looking to the horizon. 

1 wish to insist strongly upon the measures of the fore part 
of the head of which I have just spoken being included in the 
English Instructions ; they give the key to all the physiognomy, 
as the artists have well understood. 

The transverse measurements of the trunk cannot be taken 
by my anthropometer, nor by my cephalometrjo square. I use 
for them a simple sliding compass of wood, upon the model of 
the compaa^lissUre of Brooa, but 80 centimeters in length. 
These measurements can be reduced to the following: — 1, the 
maximum transverse diameter of the shoulders, the branches of 
the compass resting upon the external face of the head of the 
humerus, which the deltoid muscle covers; 2, the maximum 
transverse diameter of the pelvis, or maximum bi-iliac diameter, 
embracing the two iliac crests; 3, the maximum transverse 
diameter of the hips, or bi-rtrochanteric diameter. The great 
trochanter, of which the upper limit is indefinite, and which 
ought to be rejected for vertical measurements, is on the con- 
trary good here, where its external surface is in question. 

Among the circumferences one only appears to me very use- 
ful, that of the chest, as directed in the English Instructions, 
and revised by General Pitt Rivera. 

As to the facial angle, one process only gives it in a satis- 
factory manner, the median facial goniometer of Broca, one of 
the most ingenious instruments which has ever been devised. 
The most useful summit of this angle is that taken at the root 
of the median superior incisor teeth. If the traveller is disposed 
to take a second angle, the summit of this should be placed at 
the point of contact of the upper and lower incisors. A propos 
of the face, I recommend a measure very easy, and one of the 
most fertile in Anthropology, for the purpose of classifying 
races, and which deserves to rank even before the cephalic 
index. I mean the nasal index taken upon the living. Its 
elements, to be taken with the compass, are, the maximum 
width of the base of the nose, taking care not to depress the 
alsB, and the vertical height of the nose from its base to its root. 
The formula of the index is : — Breadth : Height : : X : 100. 

Digitized by 


Process^ of AnthropoTnetry. 223 

I cannot leave this subject without speaking of an operation 
which I recommend to travellers, and which gives excellent 
results. The natives fall in with it with the greatest facility. 
It consists in drawing the outline of the hand and of the foot 
placed flat upon a sheet of paper, with an ordinary pencil, from 
which a halt' circumference has been cut away ^m its whole 
length. The flat side thus formed follows the contour, but care 
must be taken to hold the pencil quite perpendicular to the 
paper, and there are two precautions to be observed : — 

1. The fore-arm should be placed so that its axis continues in 
a straight line with the axis of the hand placed flat, The leg 
should fall exactly perpendicular to the axis of the foot 2. 
In beginning the operation upon the hand, the summits of the 
two styloid processes of the ulna and radius should be marked 
by a quick outward movement of the penciL For the foot the 
pencil held quite straight should be made to slide from above 
downwards vertically along the tibia on the one hand, and 
the fibula on the other. When the tip of each malleolus is 
reached, the pencil goes beyond it and marks on the paper the 
place where it falls. The part situated behind the Ime which 
unites these two points, and which is perpendicular to the axis 
of the foot, represents the heel, the length of which in different 
races it is very important to know. 

To sum up : the measurement of the human body with 
sufficient precision to lead to averages which may be depended 
upon is a veir delicate operation. The differences which the 
proportions ol the body present according to age, sex, races, 
and surrounding conditions depend upon the smallest quantities. 
To attain them, the causes of error must be reduced to a mini- 
mum. Among the causes some are inevitable ; one caimot tell, 
for example, how much one depresses the skin ; for the breadth 
of the wrist, this gives differences which reduced to proportions 
of the length of the hand, are rather large. By choosing 
simple I'eference points, very easy to be felt or seen, certain of 
these are diminished ; by marking these points beforehand with 
the chalk, the chances of error are further lessened. Errors 
from defective instruments should not be allowed to occur. 

The three fundamental principles are: determinating and 
marking the reference points slowly, taking the measurements 
quickly, and the possession of good instruments. The choice of 
the reference points is a fourth fundamental principle. In 
relying exclusively upon exact anatomy, anthropometry is only 
practicable to anatomists and medical men. But the knowledge 
of the types of proportions in all conditions of age, of surround- 
ing circumstances, of race, etc., necessitates that the largest 
number of subjects possible should be made available. I do not 

Digitized by 


224 List of Presents. 

ask such numerous figures as those of the Americans in all 
cases, but of series of the same nature, at least a hundred in- 
dividuals. For that it is necessary to appeal to every one, that 
is to say, to put anthropometry at the command of every in- 
telligent person, it is necessary to simplify it, to ask only what 
is strictly necessary, and make sacrifices in favour of the most 
apparent points of reference. 

I feel sure, knowing the essentially practical spirit of the 
English race, that the Anthropological Committee instituted by 
the British Association will take these principles as the basis 
of their operations. 

May 25th, 1880. 

E. Burnett Tylor, Esq., F.E.S., Prmdmt, in the Chair. 

The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. 
The following presents were announced, and thjuiks were 
ordered to be returned to the respective donors : — 

Foe the Library. 

From Professor Agabsiz. — Bnlletin of the Mnseimi of Comparative 

Zoology at Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass., Vol. VI, 

Nob. 6-7. 
From the Socibtt.— Proceedings of the Royal Society, No, 203. 
From the Socibty.— Journal of the Society of Arts, Nob. 1434, 

From the Sooibtt. — ^Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania, 

From the Society. — ^Mittheilnngen der Anthropologischen Gesell- 

schaft in Wien, Band IX, Nr. 11-12. 
From the Society op Autiquabibs.— Archseologia. Vol. XLV, 

Part 2 ; Vol. XLVI, Part 1. 
From the Association. — Journal of the Royal Historical and 

Archaeological Association of Ireland, July, 1879. 
From the Editob.— " Nature," Nos. 660, 661. 
From the Editoe. — Revue Scientifique, Nos. 46, 47. 
From the Editob.— " Correspondenz-Blatt," May, 1880. 
From the Editor. — Revue Internationale, No. 6. 

Digitized by 


Mr. Pfoundes. — The Japanese People: their Origin, &c. 225 

The followiiig paper was read — 

The Japanese People : their Origin, ani the Eace as it now 
EXISTS. By Mr. Pfoundes, F.R. Geo. Soc, R Colonial Inst., 
E.S. lit, E. Asiatic Soc, E. Hist. Soc, Folk-lore Soc, Society 
of Arts, Hon. Sec of the Nipon (Japan) Inst., etc 

The origin of the Japanese has very frequently been the subject 
of discussion and of comment I resided in Japan for over 
13 years, during an eventful epoch of the national history. 
Having lived the native life amongst the people of all classes, 
speaking the colloquial fluently, and having dispensed with the 
aid of interpreters from an early period of my residence, I closely 
observed their customs and habit of life ; and I hope I may be 
excused if I now essay to make my crude expeiiences of a 
very pleasant residence in a most interesting country and 
amongst a most kind and amiable people, of some utility to 
those who take interest in the peoples of the Far East. 

It is first necessary to consider the geographical position of 
Japan. We see the Empire of Islands are situate in the North 
Pacific adjacent to the coast of Asia, in a strikingly similar man- 
ner to our own country and its relative position in the Atlantic 
on the western verge of Europe. 

Connected with the Malay Archipelago by series of groups of 
islands ; separated by a narrow strait, with islands in mid- 
channel from the peninsula of Corea ; but a few days' passage 
from the centre of China, its northern islands touching the 
Amoor region ; a chedn of islands connecting with the peninsula 
of Kamschatka ; and another chain running across the ocean to 
North America. Here we have at least six routes by which 
Japan has ever been easily accessible, with even the most primi- 
tive means of transport, and each from a very widely separated 
r^on. As a navigator and as a traveller, it is my firm convic- 
tion that in remote ages there was a considerable maritime inter- 
course in Eastern and other se£^. Of this, but spare records have 
been permitted to come down to us, it is true ; but we know that 
the three and three-quarter centuries that have elapsed, since 
Europeans first penetrated the long-sought-for and mysterious 
East, there has been but slight progress in the construction of 
native vessels. The same stereotyped forms still exist, and it 
may be reasonably supposed therefore they may have existed for 
tens of centuries before. The Japanese craft of to-day actually 
bear the form of the earliest attempts at navigation ; these were 
mere bundles of a rush or flag (a large species of Eryanthus). 

Waves of immigitition ; nomad tribes; defeated nations, 

VOL. x. Q 

Digitized by 


226 Mr. Pfoundes. — The Japanese People : their Origin, 

fleeing before a ruthless conqueror ; and refugees ; daring and 
adventurous spirits even in those early days no doubt existed, 
all of whom would seek new homes and fresh adventure. Having 
reached what would at first appear the extreme Umit, they would 
fain settle down, their descendants later on, possibly, roving 
further, or cast away by wind and wave further and farther 

An enthusiast traced many very curious resemblances 
between the lost tribes and the Japanese people ; but it would 
be strange indeed if some one had not traced these lost, yet 
often found, people to Japan. 

It is only, therefore, in accordsmce with a common-sense view 
that we may presume the Japanese to be a mixed race ; but they 
have not been a frequently conquered nation, though they have 
quarrelled amongst themselves throughout all time. Successive 
efforts of Chinese were ineffectual — the elements combined to 
protect the independence of Japan. 

Within historic periods there has never been any important 
wave of immigration ; castaways, refugees, and prisoners, there 
have been many of. On more than one occasion the aliens have 
been driven out or exterminated, and the most celebrated ancient 
diplomats were utterly opposed to foreign intruders. 

Similarities, it may be expected, are to be traced throughout 
the region that Japan forms the centre of ; the radius cannot be 
limited to the immediate vicinity, for we know Japanese vessels 
have drifted to the shores of Califomia as well as to mid-Paciflc 
and the southern China seas. 

The Japanese were great travellers as weU c^ daring marauders. 
They were the terror of the coast of China formerly. Even in 
the wars of the Indian Princes in the Malay peninsula they 
bore a very prominent part. They doubtless feU in with the 
Arabs (whom we know had even long before the sixth century of 
our era gained a firm footing in China), and with them voyaged 
to India and Africa. 

The Fusan of Leyland and his predecessors is doubtless Japan : 
the eminent scholar, Eobert K Douglas, Esq., Professor of Chinese, 
King's College, is of my opinion in reference to the Chinese 
characters, thus confirming the early travels to' and from Japan. 
Sefugees from China reached Japan when the great wall was 
erected, writings destroyed, and scholars exterminated. Pi-evious 
frequent messengers had been sent by the Chinese Emperors 
in search of the Elixir of Immortality and the Philosopher's 

The native annals commence by claiming Divine origin and 
ancestry. The myths about pre-historic hero and heroine are 
of no value to this matter, although intensely interesting ; but the 

Digitized by 


and the Bace as it riow exists. 227 

Japanese modestly moderate claim to antiquity, so unlike other 
Orientals, demand our respect Passing over the Cosmogony 
and fabulous period, we find the Japanese commence their era 
and history about the same time as that of Rome, B.C. 660 ; the 
first Emperor, Mikado, or Euler, established himself, and some- 
thing like systematic rule, in the vicinity of Kioto not very far 
from the present treaty ports Osaka — ^Hiogo. This Jinmu 
(Divine Warrior) may or may not be a mythical person ; some 
Japanese of high intelligence and considerable culture and 
extensive information assure me that this family and its 
followers, ancestors of the present Imperial family, originally 
travelled to the southward and thence returned, conquered the 
wild tribes, and introduced civilisation. 

For centuries history teems with accounts of efforts to civilise 
the people, subdue the wild and intractable aborigines, driving 
them step by step northward. In the second century of the 
Christian era they were driven beyond the vicinity of the present 
treaty port of Yokohama and subsequently to the North Island 
where they still exist and form the bulk of the by-no-means 
nimierous inhabitants under the rule of officials and underlings 
sent from the centre of government 

The primitive state of nomadic fisher and hunter gradually 
merged into the more civilised tiller of the soiL The mainland 
from time to time was visited for the purpose of obtaining 
teachers of the arts, manufactures, skilled labour, and other 
civilising influences. 

A voyager roimd the coast, or through the interior, to a lesser 
extent however, would meet with many local type^, showing a 
strong contrast, and widely diverging types — red hedr, very wavy 
and curly, dark brown and black hair ; brown shades of eye and 
peculiarities of physique would be met with. . The women of 
the east coast are notorious for the fairness of their complexion, 
those of the vicinity of Nagasaki for refinement of feature. The 
men of the far south are peculiar, and form both physically and 
mentally a strong contrast with Uiose of the northern provinces. 

How far localities that have been visited by foreigners, 
whether Chinese, Corean, Malayan or European, exhibit any 
traces of infusion of foreign blood, it must be left to exact and 
more scientific research to determine. Mrs. Matilda Chaplin 
Ayrton contributed a very able paper to the "Faculty de 
Medecine de Paris " recently, that is worthy of attention ; exact 
measurements are given that will be of great value to students. 

To judge from the people as they are, we must analyse the 
crude material, and divest it of its superabimdant dross ; I wiU 
therefore detail some peculiar customs and name some important 


Digitized by 


228 Mr. PFoaNDES. — The Japanese People : their Origin, 

Marriage is not in reality confined to certain castes, families 
or tribes, nor is it a matter of mutual selection or individual 
choice. Frequently arranged when the principals are infants, 
often settled before either party has any knowledge of the other, 
it is usually a mutual family matter of convenience, expediency, 
or policy. Concubinage was permissible, especially where the 
lawful spouse proved barren, but to a limited extent 

The fiction was kept up that the handmaiden must be of 
gentle birth, but when a girl of humble origin attracted attention 
by her physical beauty or mental ability, there was no difficulty 
in finding some complaisant gentleman to father the girl, and 
give her a nominal title to gentle birth. In any case, once the 
mother of a child, she took up a well understood and defined 
position by no means undignified. Thus the arbitrary standard 
of femfiJe beauty must have become in time an important factor 
in moulding the somewhat homogeneous type of the ruling class 
and noble families, and we would seek in v«dn for the family 
peculiarities so strongly marked in many European families. 

The head of the family having the right of selection, chose his 
heir ; those who were not deemed fit to become the head of a 
family had little chance to gain a settled home. 

Indiscriminate intercoui-se was only known to the men of the 
lowest type. Women of loose morals did not aboimd outeide of 
the localities within which they were confined by a government 
that, fijiding that it could not obliterate the vicious side of 
nature, essayed to control it within limits, for the general weaL 

The more heinous crimes are not unknown, it is true, but the 
Buddhist priesthood have been the great sinners, while certain 
youthful follies are happily almost unknown in Japan. 

The absence of entire privacy in Japanese life, while it 
deadened the more refined feelings, yet had its compensating 
points. A Japanese gentleman had apartments separate from 
those of the women, and formerly much ceremony was observed 
in their intercourse. The manhood of the race is most marked ; 
there is but little of what we know as mannishness. Homes are 
not broken up, lives irretrievably ruined, or families disgraced. 
The exuberance of animal spirits of the young men of Japan 
finds a safety valve, and vents itself in a direction less injurious 
to society. 

It is true, however, that in Japan, as in other countries, 
youths often disappoint their early promise, after having reached 
a certain age. The selection resting entirely with the male, 
produces the results that might be expected. Large families are 
not common ; it is true there are instances of women having a 
numerous progeny. I know of some who have borne f lom 9 to 
12, and reared the majority. 

Digitized by 


and the Race as it now exists, 220 

The social relation of the sexes, the position of the wife, of 
parent and child, master and servant, each to some small degree 
affect the question as to the causes that have produced the 
existing race, and the very marked distinction between the cl«ws 
that has hitherto ruled, and the various local types of the common 

There has been for ages a peculiar class or, I may say, caste 
(like the Cagots of Old France), excluded from residence or 
intermarriage with the people, and doomed to the vilest occu- 
pations. Whether these are the descendants of Corean prisoners 
or not, they are by no means an inferior people, mentally 
or physically, notwithstanding the enforced close inter-marriage 
and abject social position. That they are valiant they proved 
some years ago when called out to fight the rebels. 

The food of a people for tens of generations may be worthy of 
consideration. Kice is not the universal staple, although the 
inhabitants of the great cities mainly depend upon it ; there are 
many districts where it is almost unknown, and in the districts 
even where it is grown, it is a luxury — a dainty dish for festive 
occasions. Eice is to the Japanese tiller of the soil what the 
pig is to the Irishman : it pays the rent, and is equally respected. 

Fish is plentiful, yet the poorer classes have the most meagre 
portion, just as a relish (like the Irishman's " potato and point *' 
of famine time) ; salted or dried, it finds its way to the towns and 
the interior. Vegetables, barley, wheat, buckwheat, yams, sweet 
potatoes and other esculents are the staple articles throughout the 

The wild boar, the ape, and a variety of game furnish food to 
the sparse inhabitants of the mountain districts. Salted 
vegetables, preparations of malt, curiously preserved fruits, &c., 
form innumerable relishes. 

The clothing, giving but partied warmth and protection, and 
the habitations, should be mentioned. The posture indoors is 
more important, having a marked effect on the development of 
the figure, and the lower limbs, the ankle, instep, knee, &c 

Frequent hot bathing, scrubbing the body with bags of rice 
ofiTal, and the callous portion with pumice stone, marriageable 
women blackening the teeth with a preparation mixed with a 
sulphuret and water that has decomposed /n a pot containing 
iron nails, and many other habits, may be of interest, if they do 
not even materially bear upon the race and its present state. 

Speaking from having experienced such a want, I would 
suggest that the various scientific bodies combine and issue a 
manual of inquiry, properly classified and systematized. Hundreds 
of intelligent persons would be induced to spend profitably time 
now wasted or misused, with a most valuable result to the cause 
of scientific research. 

Digitized by 


230 Discussion, 


Mr. Holt asked what were tlie dragons' claws mentioned by tlie 
lecturer, and if they were kept in the shrines as sacred objects. 
He also inquired if the Japanese produced only grotesque pictures ; 
all he had seen were more or less of that character. Prom their 
photographs the natives seemed rather a stolid race, but judg^g 
from their works of art they must be a nation of buffoons. 

Mr. Pfoundes remarked that the grotesque and humorous sketches 
so commonly seen are not the only phase of Japanese caricature or 
of pictorial art. They are poetic and tragic as well; their art 
is reduced to a system that is very perfect in its classification, but it 
is in their loving picture of nature and its poetry that they excel ; 
although their sketches of human nature are grotesque and often 
inartistic in detail they are true to the life. 

"Demon's Claws'* — Mr. Pfoundes produced a sketch, and at the 
request of Mons. Terrien de la Couperie endeavoured to explain the 
various readings of the Chinese characters. There is first the 
vulgar or colloquial rendering of the idea into the Japanese tongue ; 
then there is the classical pronunciation of scholars, doctors, 
and classical poetical metre, and thirdly the pronunciation of the 
priests. The natives give various and conflicting statements as 
to the origin and growth of these readings, but they probably arise 
from the Chinese literature having been received from far distant 
parts of the Continent and at long intervals; being further 
modified by long ages, euphony, convenience, and the totally 
different natural mode of speech of the Japanese and Continental 

Digitized by 



Anthbopologicax Notes. 


In addition to the great loss oar science Has sustained in the death 
of Dr. Paul Broc€^♦ we have also to record the loss of another 
French worker who also laboured in our common field. 

Dr. D. A. Gt)dron, who died at Nancy on the 16th August last, 
though best known as a botanist, had also made some contributions 
to the science of Ethnology. From a "Liste des principaux 
ouvrages," published by Dr. Bonnet in "Le Naturaliste," we 
extract the following : — 

'* Stude ethnologique »ar les origines des populations lorraines/' 

" Des origines ethnologiques des populations prussiennes," 1868. 

*^ M6moire sur des ossements humains trouv^s dans une caveme 
des environs de Toul," 1864. 

" L'&ge de pierre en Lorraine/' 1868. 

jr Regent Litsratubb. 

" Catalogui op the Specimens Illustbatinq the Osteology and 
Dentition op Veetebratbd Animals, recent and extinct, 
contained in the Museum op the Botal College of Surgeons 
OF England." By W. H. Flower. Part I, Man : Homo sapiens^ 
Linn. (1879). * 

It was in 1858 that the last ** Catalogue of the Osteological 
Series" (comprising only the specimens of existing species) was 
published, and Anthropologists will rejoice that the vast cranial 
additions made to the Museum since that time, have not only now 
been catalogued up to the date of this publication, but that the 
work has had the more than eflBcient services of Prof. Flower. 
It is not, however, as a mere catalogue that this work will be 
consulted, for its introductory portion is a complete guide to all 
who would wish to begin the study of craniology and understand its 
method, whilst the tables at the end give the reliable material for 
which one so often searches in vain when desiring to study the 
cranial diversities and cerebral capacities of the difEerent varieties 
of mankind. 

As regards the method pursued in measuring these crania, we have 

* We have the satisfaction of stating that Dr. Topinard succeeds Dr. Broca 
as Seoretarr-GenenJ of the Societj of Anthropology at Paris. A memoir and 
portrait of JBroca will appear in the next number of our Journal. 

Digitized by 


232 Anthropological Miscellanea. 

the author's own supplementary statement in ** Nature " vol. rzi, 
p. 249. In taking the horizontal circumference the " Instructions 
Craniologiqucs " drawn up by Broca and published bj the French 
Anthropological Society have been followed ; whilst with regard to 
the important measurement of the antero-posterior diameter of the 
cranium, Prof. Flower decided to adopt thiB plan used by BoUeston 
in " British Barrows," by Barnard Davis in his " Thesaurus 
Craniorum," and by the majority of German Anthropologists. 

Appended to the notice of each cranium is a record, where 
possible, of all the ascertainable facts in reference to the way in 
which it was acquired, and also remarks as to peculiarities of 
osfceological structure. One remark is very pr^nant. In reference 
to the skuU of a Sheshaaht- Indian slave woman we read, "on 
account of her servile birth her head had not been distorted." 
This would surely discountenance the idea of the similarity of the 
remains of the peer and the peasant, at least among these people, 
and the Sheshaaht- Indian aristocracy must be a peculiarly favoured 

The tables at the end of the work are most interesting and give 
what, to some, must be surprising results. The highest cerebral 
capacity {Megacephalic) are those of 17 Dolichocephalic Eskimo 
who average 1546 cub. centims, next to which come 24 Mesati- 
cephcdic English (mostly of lower classes) av. 1511 cub. centims. 
Amongst other notorious indigenous heroes whose skulls are 
contained in the museum are those of Jonathan Wilde, cap. 1425 
cub. centims ; and of Eugene Aram, cap. 1400 cub. centims ; both of 
these coming just in tne Mesocephcdic range of capacities. The 
smallest (Microcephalic) cerebral capacities are 5 Dolichocephalic 
Veddahs who only average 1259 cub. centims and 6 BrachycephaHe 
Andamanese who average 1266 cub. centims. 

This catalogue will be frequently consulted by cranial statis- 
ticians and by all who are impelled to cranial research. 

" Eaklt Man in Britain and his place in the Tebxiaet Period." 
By W. BoTD Dawkins, M.A., F.R.S., F.G.S., F.S.A., London: 
Macmillan and* Co., 1880. 

The fourth edition of Lyell's "Antiquity of Man" bears date 
1873 ; the fact that an interval of only seven years intervenes 
between that publication and the present work, which again is 
somewhat a sequel to the same author's " Cave-hunting " which 
appeared in 1874, seems proof positive that this side of Anthro- 
pology is neither neglected, forsaken, nor lacks its apostles. And 
whereas the increased number of prehistoric and archsBological 
workers writing in dilPerent tongues and in more or less inaccessible 
publications to the ordinary reader, renders the study more diffuse, 
and the results less able to be assimilated by the non-specialist, 
a work like the above supplies a need and becomes a handbook to 
inquirers. It is doubtful whether Prof. Dawkins himself reaUy 
appreciates all the responsibility of such a book, and perhaps it 

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Anthropological Miscellanea, 


is well if be does not. Anthropology is becoming rapidly more 
and more, as far as its principal achievements are concerned, a 
portion of oar current ideas and an appreciated factor in our 
literature ; and so judging from the past we may reasonably 
anticipate in the future that '* leading articles" ''polemical 
reviews " and " encyclopeedic productions '* will not fail to be based 
on material supplied by this storehouse of early facts aud conclu- 
sions in a way and direction that would probably not altogether 
recommend themselves to the author. 

Prof. Dawkins demonstrates that the Tertiary Period in 
Europe may be divided into six well defined stages as pointed out 
in his work on " Cave-hunting." 


I. Uocene, or that in which the mammalia 
now on the earth were represented by 
aUted forme belonging to existing orders 
and families. 

Living orders and 
families jpresent. 

II, MeiocenCy in which the alliance between 
Uving a/nd fossil mammals is more close 
than before. 

Living genera. 

m. Fleiocene, in which living species of mam- 
mats appear. 

Living species. 

IV, Fleistocene, in which living species are 
more abundant than the extinct, Man 
appears. . 

Living species abun- 
dant. Man appears. 

V. Prehistoric, in which domestic animals and 
cultivaied fruits appear, and man has 
multiplied exceedingly on the earth. 

Man abundant. 
Domestic animals. 
Cultivated fruits. 

VI. Historic, in which the events are recorded 
in history. 

Historical record. 

Each of these periods is dealt with separately, the whole evidence 
for or against man's presence judicially investigated and sifted, the 
case summed up and a conclusion given. 

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234 Anthropological Misedlanea, 

Amonest the veiy many interesting speonlations and conclnBions in 
tins work, one whicli is sure to draw attention is when the author 
in concluding his third chapter on the Meiocene Period deciden 
that there is '* no proof of man in Europe in the Meiooene age," 
and in discussing the opinion to the contrary put forth by Dr. 
Hamy, M. de Mortillet and others, founded in part on spUnters of 
flint found in Mid-Meiocene strata at Thenay and on a notched 
fragment of a rib of an extinct kind of Manatee (HaUthertum) 
found at Pouanc6, remarks that if these be artificial, he would 
suggest *' that they were made by one of the higher apes then 
living in France rather than by man." 

*' Fossil Men and thbib Modern Repbbssntatiyis." An attempt 
to illustrate the characters and condition of prehistoric men in 
Europe, by those of the American Races. By J. W. Dawson, 
LL.D., F.K.S., F.G.S., <kc. London : Hodder and Stoughton, 

This work is written in a different spirit and with different 
aims to Prof. Boyd Dawkins' great work on the same subject. 
Principal Dawson clearly states this on the penultimate page of 
his book : ** My object, as stated in the first chapter of this work, 
has been to bring the testimony of facts relating to the existing or 
recently extinct tribes of America, to aid in correction and 
counteraction of the crude views prevalent among European 
archsBologists as to the origin and antiquity of the prehistoric 
men of the caves, gravels and peats, of the Eastern Continent. 
The treatment of ^e subject has naturally been meagre and 
imperfect; but it will have served its purpose if it has been 
suggestive of lines of thought in harmony with higher views as 
to the origin and destinies of men than those which spring firom 
monistic and materialistic hypotheses of the spontaneous evolution 
of consciousness, reason and morality from merely animal 
instincts." The book is full of most interesting illustrations, and 
written in a clear and pleasant manner, but whether it will carry 
convictions to those with whose views the author does not agree, 
is a question perhaps beyond our province to ask or answer. 


«<Thb Fole-lobk, Manners, Customs, and Languaqes op the 
South Australian Aborigines, gathered from Inquiries 


Edited by the late Rev. G. Taplin, of Point Macleay. 1st 
Series. Adelaide, 1879. * 

In the year 1874 a circular and letter was received by Sir A. 
Musgrave, then Governor of South Australia, from Dr. Bleek, of 
Cape Town, proposing that, as inquiries had been made and 
interesting information elicited respecting the manners and 
customs — and especially folk-lore — of the abori^nes of South 
Africa, similar inquiries should be instituted about the aborigines 
of South Australia. This suggestion was adopted, and on tlie 

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Anthropological Miscellanea, 235 

Bnggestion of Mr. Taplin a series of qnestions were prepared and 
distributed to all the keepers of aborigines' depdts throngbout 
the colony, and to all persons who were known to be acqaainted 
with the manners, enstoms, and lan^^oages of the aborigines, 
Twenty-fonr of the circulars of qnestions were filled up and replied 
to, and these form the material for the present volume, which we 
may hope is really, as the title states, only the " first series." 

la discussing the origin of these people, Mr. Tpplin well remarks 
that "autochtbony remains a word only," and he inclines to the 
opinion that ** the weight of evidence is in favour of their identity 
with the races inhabiting the continents and archipelagoes to the 
north and east, where we find the same system of kinship, the 
same customs, the same mental characteristics, and the same kinds 
of sorcery." It is not, however, for theories that this book will be 
valued and consulted, but rather for its mass of useful and in some 
cases most valuable information. 

In discussing the fecundity of the Narrinyeri, fresh evidence is 
given for the denial of the exploded but lingering statement that if 
a woman has a half-caste child she never has another of her own 
race ; and the results of the free use of tobacco by these women as 
stated at p. 47 is very curious, and will require corroboration before 
it can perhaps be made a " rule absolute " — " When a woman smokes 
a great deaJ during her pregnancy the child which she bears is 
always excessively fat. Such a child will resemble one of those 
little fat Chinese pigs, so abnormally fat will it be. Often a native 
woman is complimented on the plumpness of her baby when 
it arises solely fi>om this cause. But to a person accustomed to see 
native children this fatness is known to be peculiar in its cl\aracter. 
The child is round and bloated and unhealthy, although so fat ; 
and in every instance such infants have died. I never knew 
one that survived the troubles of dentition and weaning." 

Among the " Diejerie " tribe cannibalistic practices of the most 
disgusting description are reported to take place as part of the 
funeral rites; the reason assigned being that 'Hhe nearest 
relatives may forget the departed and not be continually crying." 

The following is the order in which they partsJce of their 
relatives : — 

" The mother eats of her children. 

** The children eat of their mother. 

" Brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law eat of each other. 

"Uncles, aunts, nephews, nieces, grandchildren, grandfathers, 
and ^andmothers eat of each other. 

" fiut the father does not eat of his oiSspring, or the offspring of 
bis sire." 

Other rites, which it would only be an insult to the rest of the 
animal world to call brutal, as they practise nothing of the kind, 
may be found fully described, such as the ^* ceremony of initiating 
the youths into manhood," p. 99 ; ** circumcision," p. 79, etc. 

Some interesting observations are made on the hair of these 
people. "They are a very hirsute race. Almost all have long 

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236 Anthropological Miscellanea. 

beards and monstaclies, and the whole body of the men is covered 
with hair. Old men who have never worn clothes are especially 
hairy. The women, after they have left off child-bearing, generally 
have more or less whiskers. I have known women with whiskers 
of which many a man would be proud. They recognise this as a 
sign that they will not have any more children, and I think they 
are right." 

The work is well illustrated; many excellent photographs of 
natives and their manufactures being given. It also abounds with 
philological notes, and contains a Grammar of the Narrinyeri 
Tribe of Aborigines. We heartily agree with and reiterate the 
last words of the editor's preface — "The writer commends the 
following pages to those who seek for truth respecting the human 
race, and who would gather up every contribution which may 
cast light upon the natural history of mankind." 

" Die Ethnographisch-Anthropolooische Abtheilukg dbs Museum 
GoDRPFROT IN HAMBURG." Bin Beitrag zur Kunde der Siidsee- 
Yolker von J. D. E. 6chmeltz und Dr. med. B. Krause, Ham- 
burg. L. Friederischen and Co. 1881 (sic). 

The publishers in their prospectus of this Catalogue state that 
the scientific matter comprised therein has exceeded even the 
expectations of the editors, and has now grown to such an extent 
and importance that they do not hesitate in rather calling the 
volume a ''Handbook of Ethnography and Ethnology of the 
South-Sea Tribes." 

''The catalogue is arrange<l in geographical order, beginning 
from Australia. Each part begins with a more or less detailed 
description of nearly all the islands of the Pacific Ocean, ex- 
hibiting them from the view of the geographer as well as that 
of the naturalist, and ends with a detailed description of the 
ethnographical objects of the museum, viz. — (a) objects of religious 
worship ; (6) clothing and ornaments ; (c) weapons and arms ; (d) 
utensils, musical instruments, etc." To these are added biblio- 
graphical and sometimes critical notes. 

The following may be taken as one example included in Sect. 
XIII, " Der Archipel Viti," " Clubs." 

"2159 bis 66 aus dem Innem von Viti-Levu." 

" Wilkes, Vol III, p. 343 und p. 262 (nach unten gerichtete 
Keule rechts), Ghristmaim IL, p. 157, Fig. h. Specht, Taf. Vl.y 
Fig, 2 {Nicht sehr gut!) Klemm., Fig. 44. Klemm.y KuUrugesch 
Vol. IV.y Taf. IV., oherste Figur. Curagoa, oherste Fig. rechts 
auf Taf. hei, p. 222. Belesseri, p. 192, Fig. 52. WUliams, p. 59, 
2. Eeihe, wittlere Fig." 

The work is illustrated with 46 plates, and furnished with an 
ethnological map divided into " Polynesian, Mikronesien and 
Molanesien," regions. 

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Anthropological Miscellanea. 237 

** Who ABE THE Scotch ? " By Jambs Bonwick, F.R.G.S. London : 

David Bogue, 1880. 

This little work is written in a popular style, published at the 
small price of one shilling, and written with a distinct object — " to 
present in a condensed form an interesting ethnological question.*' 
It forms one of a series, " Our NationaUties," of which the first 
" Who are the Irish ? '* has already appeared. 

When we reflect that the business of this Institute is to investi- 
gate, collect, and spread the truths of Anthropology, we cannot but 
rejoice to see that one of our members is taking sucb efficacious 
means to further the result. 

"Manuil du Votagkur." By D. EIaltbrunkbb, Member of the 
Geographical Society of Geneva. Zurich : J. Wurster and Co., 
Publishers, 1879. Paris : 0. Reinwald and Co. 

" AiDB Mbmoieb du Votagbur." Same Author and Publishers, 1881. 

We have here two substantial volumes of about 800 and 600 pages, 
in which the author provides an elaborate and carefully-prepared 
manual for the use of scientific and other travellers into the still 
partly-unexplored regions of natural and social phenomena. The 
observant student receives full and systematic instruction in the 
collection of facts; and the directions given of how and what 
to observe, investigate, digest, and record, are such as travellers of 
ordinary intelligence and acquirements will be well able to act upon ; 
exceUent models for their guidance being liberally scattered through 
the work. 

M. Kaltbrunner commences by describing tbe physical and 
mental requirements of the student of nature. He need not be an 
athlete, but should undergo some preparatory muscular training. 
He need not be a savant or a universal genius ; but some time 
should be spent in general preparation and study in the particular 
branch of science the intending traveller has in view. He sbould 
also endeavour to acquire some facility in tbe use of sucb instru- 
ments as may be required. 

-The author's remarks on these preliminary preparations are 
judicious and minute. But, inasmuch as the manual is also 
intended for the use of amateur tourists, and other persons to 
whom a journey is but an accessory diversion from their ordinary 
avocations, the chapters devoted to this subject, which occupy 
nearly 130 of the opening pages, could not well have been curtailed 
without sacrificing some of their admirable completeness. 

As an example of tbe author's metbod we give the following 
outline of some of the headings under which the various branches 
of scientific inquiry are arranged. 

The traveller, once foirly started on the ^'oumey, is required to 
give the precise geographical position, limit, and extent of tbe 
country he is visiting ; its topography, geology, <kc. The mineral 
and agricultural resources are to be investigated. The nature 
of the climate, temperature, rainfall, and surface waters, together 
with the whole of the circnmstances affecting the meteorological 
phenomena of the country. 

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238 Anthropological Miscellanea, 

After passing in review the details of the animal and vegetable 
kingdom generally, the question of the population is then reached. 
The inhabitants of the country are to be studied through 
statistics and any available source of information relating to thoir 
political, social, and domestic organisation ; their language, 
literature, arts, and sciences. 

At this stage the inquiries take a higher range, and become 
of special interest to -the students of anthropology ; for whether the 
inhabitants are regarded as individuals or as members of families 
they have to be considered in all that relates to them as human 
beings. Race, type, language, peculiarities of bodily form and 
constitution as variously developed under the different circum- 
stance of climate, food, and clothing. Laws and customs, natural 
propensities and acquired habits, religious traditions, progress 
in arts and general civilisation, literature, poetry, and music. 
This is, as we have already stated, but a mere outline of some of 
the subjects on which the student is directed to collect facts. 

In the " Aide M^moire " for travellers. Anthropology occupies a 
prominent position. The traveller is furnished with a list of works 
to be consulted, and with hints for his guidance as to the line of 
demarcation between man and other animals, particularly the points 
in which he differs anatomically from the anthropoid apes; the 
antiquity of man, the points on which those who carry it back to the 
tertiary period rely as evidence; the variability of human types, and 
the light thrown upon that question by the constancy of the Egyptian 
type during the whole of the historical period. A brief summary 
is given of the controversies which have taken place upon the 
Neanderthal skull, the unity or plurality of human races, the origin 
of man, creation or transformism, and the centres of appearance 
and dispersion, whether one or many. The reader is also put in 
possession of materials for studying the question of migration, both 
before and afler historical times, and of the extinction and 
disappearance of peoples, as proved by archsaology and by tradition 
not less than by recent experience. These, and other useful 
collections of information on subjects of geography, geology and 
biology, are modestly entitled "general notions." 

The manual affords facilities for the collection of valuable 
information upon scientific subjects. It is illustrated by about 300 
beautifully-executed plates and drawings. The appendix contains 
some valuable tables and directions. The relative degrees of the 
meridians of Greenwich, Cadiz, Washington, Rome, and Ptdkowa 
(Russia), with that of Paris are given. The barometrical tables 
and formulae have been supplied by Professor Weilenmann, of 
Zurich. There is also a copious index. 

In the "Aide M^moire du Voyageur," M. Ealtbrunner has 
completed his work by furnishing a sort of portable encyclopaedia 
of the information which will be useful to travellers, but which they 
would otherwise have to seek, perhaps vainly, in a number of special 
treatises. This volume, like the first, is liberally illustrated with 
coloured plates. Altogether the work cannot &il to be of great 
service to future students, travelltrs, and explorers. 

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Anthropological Miscellanea, 239 

At the risk of appearing too zoinnte in onr notice, we 
cannot avoid calling attention to an inaccoracy in the value of 
English money as set forth in Table VIII. of the Appendix. The 
practical standard of comparative valne between English and 
French money is as follows, viz. : £1 sterling = 25, 00 francs ; 
1 florin = 2 shillings = 2, 50 francs ; and 1 shilling = 1, 25 francs 
instead of 25, 22; 2, 32; and 1, 16, as stated in the table. The 
departure from the standard values is due to the course of ex- 
change tempered by the money-changer's conscience. When the 
exchange at Paris is at 25 centimes in favour of England, a 
very .common rate, the money-changer seldom allows more than 
15 centimes. And in London the charge for changing French into 
English money is rarely less than 50 centimes for each £1 ; some- 
times twice as much is charged. 

^ An Absa-eoka Myth. Bv W. J. Hoffman, M.D. 

A long time ago, before we had either guns or horses, and lived 
in a country where the snow never fell, there dwelt among us a 
beautiful maiden whom the sun saw and fell in love with. The 
maiden was the pride of the Absaroka, and every warrior tried to 
excel the others in making her presents of the finest robes. She 
was surrounded with every comfort, and lived in the best lodge in 
the village. The sun came here to visit her every night, and in . >o 
time a child was bom, which, as it grew older would amuse itself , ^ 
by sliding down the rays of sunlight that entered the lodge. After ^<. 
a while. Fool Bog also saw this woman and fell in love with her, "^ ^\ 
but finding his love was not returned, he ravished her. The next time^ 
the sun visited her, she related aU that had happened, whereupon the 
sun became very angry and threatened to destroy the Absaroka. 

There came a great famine ; the snow fell, and the buffalo did 
not return to the hunting grounds. The weather continued so 
cold during the following summer that the com did not grow and 
the Absaroka were rapidly dying off from starvation and disease. 
Then the chief men met in councU, where it was decided that it 
were better for them to seek a new home. It happened that while 
the Absaroka were moving, that Fool Bog was obliged to fall 
behind on the trail, as he was weak, sick, and starving ; then 
White Wolfy the servant of i^h^ sun, appeared to him and said that 
the Absaroka might yet be saved if his directions were followed : 
Fool Bog must hasten on to overtake the party at their next camp, 
where an offering must be made to the sun ; he must gather a 
large pile of dry wood and grass for kindling ; also some com and 
the fat of the buffalo, of which he must make ten balls, to be thrown 
upon the pile, when the fire would instantly appear. 

When White Wolf had finished talking he disappeared, and Fool 
Bog started on the trail, though he had great difficulty in reaching 
the party who had already encamped at some distance for the 
night. He began to search in the various lodges for the com and 
buffalo fat, but meeting only with disappointment, he strolled away 
from camp to meditate. Here he observed a solitary lodge, occu- 
pied by an old woman who, upon seeing the distress of Fool Bog, 
inquired the cause. Fool Bog told her of his meeting with White 


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240 Anthropological Miscellanea. 

Wolf, and the instractions he had receiyed, hut said he was nnahle 
to complete the ofEering to the sun, necessary for the preservation 
of the tribe. The old woman replied that she had a little corn left 
that had been laid by for planting in the country to which they 
were going, but was willing to part with some of it for the purpose 
required ; also, that her son had a necklace to which was attached 
a small buckskin sack containing bufPalo fat, which he always 
earned about with him as *' medicine ; " this, said the old woman, 
she would also give with the com. The old woman then left, but 
soon returned again with the promised articles, of which Fool Bog 
at once made ten balls, and hastening back to camp, he threw them 
upon the pile of wood, which was immediately ignited. 

Then White TToZ/came again and told Fool Dog that he must take 
a " buffalo chip " {hois de vache), pulverise it and sprinkle it upon 
the snow, and that upon the following morning he would find ten 
buffalo there, of which the AbsarokjEt must not permit any to 
escape. Fool Dog followed these instructions, and sJl the warriors 
who were strong enough tamed out the next morning, surroanded 
the buffalo which they found, and killed them. 

As there was scarcely enough meat to satisfy the starving 
people, they began to fear that they should yet perish, when White 
Wolf c&me a third time, and told Fool Dog that he must take another 
** buffalo chip," palverise it, and sprinkle it upon the snow as he 
had done the other, when he would find one hundred buffalo at 
that place upon the following morning, but the Absaroka must be 
caref al to kill every one, and not allow a single animal to escape. 
Fool Dog again did as he was told, and next morning the buffalo 
were found as promised, when the slaughter began. It happened 
that one young bull escaped, who immediately ran to the sun and 
complained. Then the sun cursed the buffalo, and told him he 
would no longer protect the herds. He next called White Wolf and 
cnrsed him, saying he was no longer a servant of the sun, but 
would be obliged to subsist )Upon such offal as the Absaroka 
chose to leave him. The sun no longer tried to destroy the 
Absaroka, but remained neutral, and since that time he has had no 
children with an Absaroka woman. 

NoTB. — ^The Absaroka are generally, though erroneously, called the Crow 
Indians ; the former is the tribal name and signifies '' yellow-beak " or " yellow- 
beaked hawk.** 

I\}ol Dog was one of a band of that name who are considered sacred and 
devoted to death. 

White WolfiB a mythical being. Frequently »J^iwift1a of abnormal form or 
colouration are looked upon with awe and superstition, and a mythical reason 
giren for such peculiarities ; as, for instance, the red shoulder of the red- 
winged blackbird (Agelacus phoetuceusy Linn.) ; the short tail of the hare, etc. 

The fire to light the pile of wood, grass, etc., was supplied through some 
supernatural agency. 

The term " medicine " is usually applied to anything partaking of the nature 
of a charm or fetish, and is prepared with attendant ceremonies by a '' medicine 
chief " or shaman. 

The above is a literal translation of the mjth given in the Absaroka language 
by one of the chiefo who accompanied a delegation to Washington, D. C, in 
April, 1880. 

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June 8th, 1880. 

Major-GeneralA. Lane Fox Pitt Rivers, F.E.S., Vice-President, 
in the Chair. 

The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. 

Hugh Brooke Low, Esq., of the Sai-awak Civil Service, was 
elected a Member of the Institute. 

The following presents were announced, and thanks voted to 
the respective donors : — 

Fob the Library. 

From ProfesBor F. V. Hatden.— Eleventh Annual Report of the 

U.S. Geological and Geographical Survej. 
From the Unitebsity. — Calendar of the University of Tokio, 

Memoirs of the Science Department, Vol. I, Part 1, 

Vol. n. 

From the Society. — Journal of the Society of Arts, Nos. 1440, 


Bulletins de la Soci^t-6 d'Anthropologie de Paris, Jan. 1880. 

Transactions of the Society of Bibli^ Archaeology, Vol. VII, 

Part 1. 
Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, Vol. II, 

No. 7. 

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Jan. 1880. 

From the Manx Society. — Manx Miscellanies, Vol. II. 

VOL. X. R 

Digitized by 


242 Memoir of Paul Broca, 

From the Institution. — Journal of the Royal United Service 

Institution, No. 105. 
From the Secbbtaby. — ^Atlas of the Anthropological Exhibition of 

From the Editoe. — Revue Internationale des Sciences, No. 6. 

" Nature," Nos. 656, 557, 558. 

"AthenoBum," Part 680. 

Revue Scientifique, Nos. 52, 53. 

The American Antiquarian, Vol. II., No. 3. 

Correspondenz-Blatt, July, 1880. 

The following papers were read :— 
" Religious Beliefs and Practices in Melanesia," by the Rev. 
R. H. CoDRiNGTON, M.A. " Camps on the Malvern Hills," by 
F. G. Hilton Pbice, Esq., F.G.S. These communications appear 
at p. 261, et seq., of the present number. The following obituary 
notice of the late Pierre Paul Broca, Hon. Member of the 
Institute, who died July 8, 1880 (prepared by R W. Brabrook, 
F.S.A., Director), is published in advance by order of the Council. 

PAUL BROCA, Honorary Member. 

[Founded, by permission, on the Memoir in tlie " Revue 

Pierre Paul Broca, Senator of France, Professor at the Faculty 
of Medicine, Surgeon of the Hospitals, General Secretary of the 
Society of Anthropology, Director of the Laboratory of High 
Studies, and Professor at the School of Anthropology, Member 
of the Academy of Medicine, of the Societies of Chirurgery and 
Biology, of the Anatomical Society, Member of the Council of 
the French Association for the Advancement of Science, etc., was 
born at Ste.-Foy-la-Grande (Gironde) on the 28th June, 1824. 
This little town has the distinction in scientific history of 
having been the birthplace of Gratiolet as «rell as of Broca ; — ^it 
may be added that it is also the birthjwiace of Dr. Pozzi, on 
whose memoir this notice is founded. 

When the Anthropological Society of London was established 
in 1863, Broca's name was of course included in the first list of 
its Honorary Fellows, and in the same year his name appears in 
the list of Honorary FeUows of the Ethnological Society of 
London. He had thus a double claim to be associated with 
this institute, apart from that arising from the many acts of 
fraternal kindness between it and the Society of Anthropology 
of Paris, of which he wa^ the ready and enthusiastic interpreter, 

Digitized by 


Memoir of Paul Broca, 243 

and apart froin the brilliant services to Anthropology rendered 
by him during the last 30 years, which would have claimed a 
record here if we had never luiown the man himself. 

Proceeding with the statement of facts as set forth in the 
memoir by Dr. Pozzi, we learn that Broca kept his classes in 
the Communal College which, under a liberal direction, was 
then frequented by the dite of the Protestant youth of France. 
He belonged to ah old Protestant family, and a curious event in 
his life is the publication by him of half-a-dozen articles in 
1864, to protest against his exclusion from the electoral lists of 
the Reformed Church in Paris* Unpopular as his freedom of 
thought must have made him among &ie orthodox party who 
ruled that Church, he successfully vindicated his rights, though 
it does not appear that he ever made use of them. 

At the age of 16 he took the degree of Bachelor in the 
Faculties of Literature and of Science, and was about to proceed 
to the Polytechnic School (where young men are trained for the 
military profession), for which his taste for the higher mathe- 
matics qualified him, when the death of a sister altered his 
plans. He was imwilling to embrace a course which would 
have separated him for Sfe from his parents, being now their 
only child, and he resolved to study medicine with the view of 
sharing his father's practice. His rapid success decided other- 
wise for him, and forced him, by a true natural selection, to take 
the rank he deserved at the head of his contemporaries. 

He entered the Faculty of Medicine at Paris in November, 
1841, was named escteme of the hospitals at the competition 
of 1843, interne at that of 1844, and iTUerrie laureate, with 
one year's extension, at that of 1847< At other competitions he 
was nominated successively Anatomy^-Assistant of the Faculty 
in 1846, and Prosector of the Faculty in August, 1848. These 
early successes led him naturaUy to pursue the career of sur- 
gery. He became Doctor of Medicine in the month of April, 
1849, and while awaiting the aggregate competition, which 
would not take place till 1854, he gave lectures as a private 
professor of surgery and operative medicine at the practical 
school, which rendered .his name popular among the students. 

Alreaily numerous works gave promise of the eminence 
reserved for him in the future. In 1847 he contributed to the 
Bulletins of the Anatomical Society several papers, among them 
the first of the series on club-foot. From 1848 to 1851, a 
numerous series of researches on the pathology of the articidar 
cartilages, besides about forty other papers. '* There is hardly 
one of the subjects," says Dr, Pozzi, " in which he did not at 
the first stroke make a cUscovery, great or small ; — ^there is not 
one on which he has not left the mark of his originality." 

B 2 

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244 Memoir of Paul Broca. 

In 1853 took place, a year sooner than had heen at first 
announced, the aggregate competition so impatiently expected. 
Broca there displayed a degree of knowledge, and especially of 
erudition, with which his judges were much struck. His com- 
petitive thesis, though drawn up in less than a fortnight, 
according to the requirements of the regulations, is not the 
less a fboished work on one of the most difficult subjects in 
surgery. He was named first for promotion, amid the applause 
of all who were present at the contest. This competition took 
place at the same time as that of the Central Office, which like- 
wise ended in his nomination to the title of Surgeon of the 

Broca had already acquired all that hard work and talent 
could accomplish in competition with others. For the i^est, 
favour alone could anticipate the work of time. He was not 
the man to solicit the first, or patiently to wait for the second. 
In default of the competition suppressed by the Empire, and 
not yet re-established by the Republic, there yet remains one 
efficacious means by wluch a man of brilliant intellect may, 
while still young, force his way into the ranks of the profes- 
soriat. Broca chose that means, and conceived the hope of 
conquering the position by the importance of , his labours. 

In the six years from 1853 to 1859 he produced successively 
important works on cancer, on galvano-caustic, and finally upon 
aneurisms. The book which he devoted to the history and 
therapeutics of these lesions is one of the finest monuments of 
contemporary medical literature. At the same time he col- 
lected the materials for his celebrated " Treatise on Tumours," 
But the year 1859 marked in some sort a new era in his life. 
He had finished his five years* service aa surgeon of the Central 
Office ; he had still three years to wait until his turn of seniority 
should call him to take the direction of a service in the 

To explain how he became the foimder of the Society of 
Anthropology it will be necessary to go a little further back. 
Dr. Pozzi has profited by the MS. notes furnished by Broca at 
the request of M. Bogdanow, for the record of the Anthro- 
pological Exhibition of Moscow, and has thus supplied some 
details hitherto inedited. In 1847, when Broca was only 
anatomical assistant, he was added, for the study of the bones, 
to a special Commission charged by the Prefect of the Seine to 
make a report on the excavations in the cemetery of the ancient 
church of the Celestins. To draw up his report (published by 
the city of Paris in 1850, and reprinted in the first volume of 
the " Memoirs of Anthropology "), he was led to seek and to 
read these veral works which relate more or less to craniology. 

Digitized by 


Memoir of Paid Br oca. 245 

and thenceforth, though his competitions led him to studies 
quite different, he continued to read with lively interest the 
books, then very few, which treated of man and the races of 
man. Ethnology, the name then borne by the science of man, 
.was then concentrating its energies on the question of mono- 
geny and polygeny. The Ethnological Society of Paris, founded 
in 1838 by William Edwards, had so completely exhausted this 
subject and itself, that, one day in 1848, it had nothing more to 
say, and ceased to meet. It was not tiU ten years after this that 
Broca made his first communication to the Society of Biology 
on certain facts in hybridity. Eayer, the President of the 
Society, alarmed at his heterodox notions, requested Broca to 
suspend his communications on the subject. Accordingly it 
was not in the Proceedings of the Society, but in the " Journal 
of Physiology" that the memoirs on Animal Hybridity in 
general, and Human Hybridity in particular, appeared. 

fThis episode, which had sensibly agitated the Society of 
Biology, showed the necessity of founding a new Society, in 
which questions relating to mankind could freely develop them- 
selves. But the project met with difficulties of more than one 
kind. The first was the recruiting of members; Broca had 
judged it necessary to obtain at least twenty adhesions before 
founding the Society. The members of the old Ethnological 
Society were first addressed ; all refused to join themselves to 
this little nucleus formed by the six members of the Society of 
Biologyi who, headed by Broca, took the initiative of this rash 
enterprise. It became necessary to look elsewhere, and it was 
not tUl the end of a year that the list of founders amounted to 

During this time, fruitless efforts had been made to obtain 
authority to meet. The Minister of Public Instruction, M. Kou- 
land, had refused it He sent Broca to the Prefect of Police, 
who sent him back to the Minister, hoping thus to tire out his 
patience ; for these two personages, with 3ie perspicacity which 
distinguished the statesmen of those times, supposed that the 
word "Anthropology" must cover some political or social 
machination. At last, thanks to the intervention of Professor 
Tardieu, a chief-of-division in the Prefecture of Police showed 
himself less intractable. Considering that no law forbade the 
association of less than twenty persons, after having scrupu- 
lously examined the list of founders, he consented to give Broca 
authority to meet his eighteen colleagues. He held him per- 
sonally responsible for all that might be said in the meetings 
against society, religion, or the government. 

To ensure the execution of these prudent arrangements, an 
agent of police was to be present at the meetings, in plain 

Digitized by 


24n Memoir of Pavl BroQd. 

clothes, and was directed to make a re|>ort upon each of them, 
and the authorization waa to be immediately withdrawn if the 
Society touched any theological, political, or social question. 

It was in these precarious conditions that the Society of 
Anthropology of Paris held its first meeting on the 19th May, 

In substituting the term Anthropology for the much less 
general one, Ethnology, it wished to show from the very first 
tiie entirely new extension given to its programma It em* 
braced, in fact, all the natural history of mankind, whether 
considered in the present, or in the past, or in its general 
characters, or in its subdivisions into races or varieties, or in its 
origin, or in its relation with the rest of nature. This pro- 
gramme thus pomprehended not only ethnology, or the study 
of human races j it comprehended also general anthropology, or 
the study of mankind, and extended itself besides over a large 
number of auxiliary science : — ^zoology, comparative anatomy, 
geology, palfiBontology, prehistoric and proto-historic archaeology, 
linguistics, mythology, history, psychology, medicine itself 
And as in the midst of studies so diverse and so divergent it 
was 4ecessary to constitute a central basis, the founders of the 
Society, who were all doctors of medicine, judged with their 
yoimg leader that this basis ought to be established on that 
which is most ^ed in man, that is to say, upon Kis organisation 
and functions — ^in a word, upon anatomy and physiology. 

With ^uch a vast field of ^yeaeayches the Society of Anthro- 
pologjjr ran no risk of e^i^tinguishing itself for want of materials, 
like its predecessor, the Society of i)thnology. When it was 
seen at worl^ adhesions quickly came, ^nd when it had pub- 
lished the first volume of its Biilletinsf, when it had thus shown 
the exclusively scientific character of its labours, the misgivings 
which it had ejccited before its birth began to disappear. The 
Minister pf Public Instruction, M. I^ul^d, ^.t last deigned to 
authorise it in 1861, and three years latey it was recognised as 
a society of public utility by a decree proposed by the Minister, 
M. Duruy, and adppted on the favourable advfce of the Council 
of State. 

From that day the agent of police, who had from the origin 
attended dl the meetings, went tq exercise \\iB talents else- 

Broca liked to tell an amusing anecdotal on the subject of 
this supervision: the police oflBicer acquitted himself of his 
mission with so great regularity, and had got so muph the habit 
of sitting among the members, that he seemed soon to have for- 
gotten tiiat he was there in a special capacity. Wishing one 
day to be able to take a holiday with a free conscience, he 

Digitized by 


Memoir of Pavl Broca, 247 

approached the officers with an amiable smile and addressed 
Broca— " There will be nothing interesting to-day. I suppose ? 
May I go ? " " No, no, my Mend," Broca immediately replied, 
" you must not go for a walk : sit down and earn your pay/* 
He returned to his place very unwillingly, and never after 
ventured to ask a holiday from those he was set to look after. 

During the first three years Broca fulfilled the functions of 
secretaiy. This task was irksome to a man who was continually 
taking a personal part in the discussions, and who, notwith- 
. standing occupations of all kinds, was constantly preparing 
original communications for the Society. Broca, nevertheless, 
undertook the labour without hesitation, knowing how important 
it was that the publications of the young Society should be 
edited with energy and appear with punctusdity. 

He excelled, moreover, in the difficult work of recording 
faithfully, but without prolixity, the arguments of the diflferent 
speakers. Under his pen the discussions took a concise and 
neat form, which added to their original interest, and put clearly 
in relief the central point of the debate, so often lost sight of in 
extemporaneous speeches. These accounts are, in their way, 
real che/s-cPcmi/vre ; he wrote them almost entirely from memory, 
for he took too active a part in discussion to be able to take 
notes at the time. 

In 1863 the growth of the Society had rendered necessary the 
appointment of a general secretary, to hold office for three years, 
and be capable of re*election. Broca was naturally elected to 
this office and held it till his death. It has been very often said, 
and Dr. Pozzi repeats it, with our entire assent, that Broca was 
the soul of the Society of Anthropology. 

He was its founder, he kept it alive, during those early years 
of difficulty, by the preponderating interest of his incessant 
labours, and by the commxmioative ardour of his devotion to the 
young science. He knew how to group aroimd himself tiie most 
diverse and apparently the most discordant elements ; he knew 
how to keep them united, how to excite the zeal of some, temper 
the fire of others, exercise upon all an authority incontestable and 
uncontested, because it reposed &lone upon his real superiority 
freely recognised by aU. This powerful action of Broca, visible 
especially at the commencement of the Society, was not less real 
even to the la^t, notwithstanding the care he took to avoid 
everything which might give him the appearance of personal 
dii'ection, But even when he voluntarily effaced himself in an 
irritating or ill-timed discussion, his attitude, the few words he 
would allow to escape him, even his vote alone, indicated 
infallibly to hesitating minds on which side were tiie reason, 
moderation, and justice of the case. 

Digitized by 


248 Memoir of Paul Broca. 

From the first year he was occupied with the creation of a 
craniological collection which, thanks to the navy sui^geons with 
whom he kept up an active correspondence, made rapid progress. 
Nevertheless a museum remains barren if it is not accompanied 
by a laboratory. The Society's place of meeting did not allow 
of this. If a skull can be measured on a mere table, certain 
other branches of Anthropology require quite special conditions : 
a cabinet of instruments, a studio for drawing, photography and 
moulding, and above all a dissecting-room. Then the a(bnini- 
strative regulations absolutely prohibited the removal of dead 
bodies to private establishments. It was therefore only at the 
practical school of the faculty of medicine, near the dissecting 
tables, that the laboratory of Anthropology could be established. 
The foundation of this laboratory was all the more necessary, 
that there yet existed nothing of the sort in any country; 
nowhere could students find the means of initiating themselves 
in the practice of Anthropology. 

Such was the object Broca proposed to himself, as soon as 
he had solidly established the foundations of his Society. 

His nomination as Professor at the Faculty of Medicine in 
1867 gave him the opportunity and the means. 

This nomination, preceded some months by his entry into 
the Academy of Medicine, in the section of operative medicine, 
had been earned by labours of the first order in anatomy, 
physiology, and surgery. In fact, during the eight years that 
had elapsed since the foundation of the Society of Anthropology, 
Broca, while devoting the greater part of his time to the Society, 
had not put aside his researches. Besides numerous com- 
munications to the Societies of Biology and of Surgery, he had 
published two volumes of considerable value, forming the 
greater part of a Treatise on Tumours, which unfortunately 
remains unfinished. Finally, he had commenced his labours on 
the seat of articulate language, and had already been able to 
establish, by irrefragable proof, the solidity of a discovery which 
alone would sufiBice to render his name immortaL* 

The oflBice of Professor entitled Broca to have, at the practical 
school of the faculty, a laboratory for his personal reseeuxjhes. 
Two small rooms above the Dupuy tren Museum, where the new 
Professor had hardly room enough to collect together the books, 
instruments, and collections most indispensable for craniological 
studies — such was the commencement of the Anthropological 

• " BuU. Soc. Anatom.," 1861, t. xxxvi, pp. 830^57, 398-407 ; 1868, 2nd 
S^e, t. Tiii, pp. 379-385, 393-399, &c "JBuU. Soc d'Anth,," 1863, t. iv, 
pp. 200-306 ; 1864, t. v, pp. 213, 217, 362-365 ; 1866, t. yi, pp. 372 393 j 1866, 
2nd S^rie, t. i, pp. 377-382, Ac., "G^azette des Hdpitaux," 23rd Jan. 1864, pp. 
35, 36. •• Bull. Soc. Chirurg.," 1864, 2nd S^e, t. v, p. 51. 

Digitized by 


Memoir of Paul Broca, 249 

Jnstitute of Paris. He chose^as private " pr^parateur," M. Hamy, 
who remained for several months his only fellow-labourer. There 
Broca commenced his researches upon tiie comparative anatomy 
of the primates. At the same time he set to work to complete, 
by the invention of new cremiometric and anthropometric 
instruments, the instrumental materied of Anthropology. Thus 
were created in their turn the craniograph (1863), the new 
goniometer (1864), the sphenoidal crochet, the stereograph 
(1865). Later, he completed the scientific arsenal by other 
successive inventions ; the maxima frsune and the micrometric 
compass (1869), the occipital goniometer (1872), the flexible 
auricular squcure, the auricular goniometer, the facial demi- 
goniometer, the cranioscope, the intercranial impress-holder, the 
endograph, the millimetric roulette, the endometer, the 
pachymeter, the Turkish crochet, the optic and acoustic sounders, 
the double disk to recompose the compass (1873), the cyclo- 
meter (1874), the goniometer of inclination, the orthogone, the 
flexible goniometer (1880). The former candidate at th*5 
Poljrtechnic School came thus usefully to the aid of the 
Naturalist in the search for trustworthy graphic processes, the 
invention of easy means for the determination or the calculation 
of angles, and &e construction of these simple and ingenious 
machines, the management of which might be learned in a few 
days by those even who are strangers to the notions of high 
mathematics, which their discovery supposes. 

Broca had published, since 1865, in the Memoirs of the 
Society, the famous general instructions for Anthropological 
Researches and Observations, a sort of codification of all the 
processes and methods which could aid and regularise the 
observations of scientific men and travellers. The influence of 
this memoir, separately published and largely circulated, has 
been immense, notwithstanding the imperfections and omissions 
which have been supplied in a later edition. It was, in a 
succinct form, a considerable work for its novelty and for its 
elevation. It was afterwards completed by the Craniological 
and Craniometric Instructions, which appeared in 1875 in the 
Memoirs of the Society. 

In 1868 the Minister of Public Instruction, M. Duruy, had 
the happy idea of constituting the Practical School of High 
Studies, by allowing annual subsidies and giving an official 
character to the principal private laboratories which already 
existed in the various establishments of instruction. 

Broca's laboratory was included among the laboratories of 
research of the new School, and M. Hamy received the title of 
" pp^parateur." Broca immediately instituted a system of instruc- 
tion which quickly developed itself, for from the second lesson the 

Digitized by 


250 Memoir of Paul Bi'oca. 

number of pupilB was too large for the small space allotted to 
him, and he was obliged to ask authority from the Dean to 
remove his lectures to a larger room. 

This brilliemt course of teaching was interrupted by the war 
of 1870-71. At that time Brooa was Clinical rrofessor at the 
Hospital of La Pitid ; having succeeded, in 1868, SI. Qosselin, on 
his promotion to La Charit^ on the death of Veipean. From 
the commencement of the siege La Fiti^ was crowded with the 
wounded. Broca gave himself up entirely to surgery and to 
hospital management He had been named one of the three 
Directors of Public Assistance, and was besides at the head 
of the important ambulance established in the Hotel de Chimay. 
All his time was occupied in these active duties, and for the first 
time for many years he forgot the way to his laboratory. 

He found, it again during the Commune. Too good a 
Kepublican and too good a patriot not to condemn the insane 
attempt which compromised with so light a heart the existence 
of Paris and of the Republic, too disdainful of danger and too 
sedulous of duty to abcmdon the wounded confided to his care, he 
isolated himself in his work, but did not dream of quitting 
Paris. During the long days of the second siege he com- 
menced to form that admirable collection of cerebral models 
which is now one of the principal possessions of the laboratory 
of Anthropology, At the moment of the entry of the troops to 
Paris, Broca incurred the greatest personal dangers. The house 
he lived in is very near the Rue de Lille, where the ravages of 
the fire were so great. How much intellectual wealth, long and 
laboriously amassed, was then devoured by the flames ! One 
can understand the emotion of Paul Broca when, after the peril 
was over, he recovered his books and manuscripts intact 

The immense service which Broca rendered to the Administra- 
tion of Public Assistance during the Commune is not generally 
known. The director of that great department had suddenly 
left for Versailles, without notice to Broca, who was then Vice- 
President of the Council of Public Assistance, and without 
taking any measures for the security of the funds. The cashier 
alone remained at his post in the Avenue Victoria, which the 
federals occupied as well as the place of the Hdtel de Ville. 
Broca, without news fix)m Versailles, where they seemed to 
look unfavourably on the officials who remained in Paris, but 
informed by other means of the intentions entertained by the 
federals on the fimds of the hospitals, took upon himself to save 
the money, notwithstanding the danger of such an enterprise. 
He commenced by himself carrying away in carpet-bags all the 
securities and funds which were kept at the Avenue Victoria, 
and hid them at the Charit($ with the aid of the director of that 

Digitized by 


Memoir of Paul Broca. 251 

hospital. He took the precaution to leave about 3,000 or 4,000 
fr. (£150) behind, and to reconunend the caahier to continue at 
his post, so as not to awake suspicion. It was time, for the very 
next day after the transfer of the property to the Charity, the 
federals presented themselves in arms at the Avenue Victoria ; 
the cashier, summoned to deliver up his funds, at first put on a 
show of refusal, then obeyed,and the emissaries of the Commune 
were astounded and deceived to find a very small sum where they 
hoped to discover a treasure. 

Had the bint been given, they could at any moment have 
caused inquiries to be made which would have revealed the 
hidden property ; the poor cashier, trembling for his safety, came 
continually to Broca, imploring him to get rid of these compro- 
mising securities. It was resolved that the bags should be 
carried to Versailles. The means employed to throw the 
Commune off the scent were most audacious ; a potato cart set 
out ostensibly for the hospice of Ivry, led by a safe man. The 
precious carpet*bag9 were hidden under the potatoes, and, the 
sentries passed, the cart took the road for Versailles, where it 
arrived the same day. The packages sent by Broca were there 
returned to the very prudent director : they contained, in notes 
and securities, 75,000,000 fr„ or three millions of pounds sterling. 

After the return to Paris, when people were hurrying from 
all parts to seek a reward for services, great or small, Broca 
made no allusiou to his own courageous action. He seemed 
to have forgotten it: the Government did the same, and in 
order that there might be no mistake in the matter, pro- 
nounced the dissolution of the Council of Public Assistance, 
without a word of thanks for him who had presided over it. 
This ingratitude gave Broca no anxiety. Doing good under the 
sole impulse of his conscience and his greatness of soul, he 
found in himself his high recompense, and as to the distinctions 
which Power can confer, if he did not affect to disdain them, he 
simply neglected them. His ambition was more noble, his purpose 
more elevated ; he proceeded steadily towards it, losing no time 
on those distractions of the road — titles, places and decorations. 
Virtue and science were for him the reverse of what they were 
to many others, edways the end and never the means. 

In resuming his teaching after the war, Broca founded 
the " Eevue d' Anthropologic," of which the first number was 
published in January, 1872. The contributors to this journal 
and the staff of the laboratory formed a little phalanx of 
instructed and zealous Anthropologists ; and this gave Broca the 
idea of developing the teaching of Anthropology by founding a 
public school which should not want for competent professors. 

The foundation of the School of Anthropology was due not 

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252 Memoir of Paid Broca. 

less to the personal influence of Broca and the ascendancy which 
he exercised over his colleagues than to his credit at the 
ministry. It took place mth wonderful rapidity, thanks to the 
ardour, one might almost say the passion, with which Broca 
pursued it. In May, 1875, M. Wiirtz, the Dean, gave up to the 
service of Anthropology the sort of loft which formed the second 
floor of the church of the Cordeliers, above the Dupuytren 
Museum. At the end of two months, 35 sums of £40 had been 
subscribed by 23 members of the Society for the expenses of 
formation and furnishing. In the month of July the labours 
commenced, and ten months afterwards they were finished. 

On the 15th December, 1875, Broca wrote (in holograph) to 
the Director of this Institute a characteristic letter, from which 
the following extract is translated : 

" We have been happy to receive the letter of congratulation 
and of encouragement which you have been good enough to 
address to us, in the name of the Council of the Anthropological 
Institute of London, on the subject of the foundation of a 
School of Anthropology, which forms part of the organisation of 
the Anthropological Institute of Paris, If we had had doubts 
as to the utility of our enterprise, the approbation of a Society 
so eminent as yours would have removed them. 

" Your letter is all the more esteemed by us, that it has been 
quite spontaneous, and that it has not been drawn forth by a 
communication on our part. You may have thought it strange 
that a foundation of this kind should have taken place, without 
its being our first care to let you know of it. This was cer- 
tainly our intention, but since some private conversations have 
allowed our projects to transpire, the clerical party has com- 
menced against us a furious war. The most absurd denimcia- 
tions have been made to the Minister who had given his 
authority, in order to intimidate him, and have succeeded in 
doing so. We have always had the best of it, but our strength 
has been that our adversaries knew our plans only very badly, 
and missed all their blows. We then thought that it would be 
preferable peaceably to continue our work of construction and 
installation, without letting the public talk of it. To drive us 
out of this position of silence, our enemies had recourse to a 
very ingenious stratagem. They circulated through the tele- 
grams of the Havas Agency a note full of inaccuracy, but very 
laudatory, which all the journals inmiediately re-published — 
nearly all to congratulate us, some to abuse us : we have not 
answered ; I have easily obtained the silence of the friendly 
journals ; as to the others, they are always so good as to busy 
themselves about us, but they know nothing more than they 
did the first day, and they do us no harm. 

Digitized by 


Memoir of Pmd Broca. 253' 

'* Permit me then, M. le Directeur, to say to you to-day only 
one thing : it is that ' tout va bien ' (all is well). Our works of 
construction and furnishing are very advanced. They will be 
entirely finished in two months, and of the obstacles that have 
been put in our way there will only remain to us the pleasure 
of having overcome them. 

" This letter is intended for you personally ; I desire that you 
will make the substance of it known to your Council, to explain 
to them the motives of our silence towards them, but I desire 
also that it may not be published. When the moment shall 
have come, I shall have the honour of addressing another letter 
to the President of the Anthropological Institute." 

The lapse of time, and the altered circumstances, release us 
from the prohibition in the last sentence, and the letter reflects 
so well the spirit in which Broca worked, and vrith which he 
inspired those who worked with him, that we avail ourselves of 
the release. 

Proceeding with the account as given by Dr. Pozzi, we learn 
that when the time approached for commencing the lectures in 
September and October, 1876, the journals of the clerical party 
organised a regular campaign against the school, and so com- 
pletely intimidated the Minister of Public Instruction that he 
hesitated for a long time before he gave his authority, and then 
would only grant it the individual Professors, and subject to 
renewal from year to year, and other discouraging conditions. 

Nevertheless on the 15th December, 1876, the school was 
inaugurated by Broca, as director, by a discourse entitled, 
"The Programme of Anthropology." It was written in an 
elevated style, and was an introduction to, and at the same 
time a sort of apology for, this science, the object of so many 
calumnies. Barely was Broca more eloquent than when ho 
pronounced this plea pro domo sttd. 

The school which he opened that day was certainly his own. 
It had not been founded with the help of the State, without 
which usually notJiing is done in France ; it was due entirely 
to the private interest which Broca had awakened and sus- 
tained by his exhortations and by his example. 

Some time afterwards official help was given to the sehooL 
Struck with the great success and the liberal tendency of the 
new teaching, the Municipal Council of Paris and the Council 
.General of die Seine spontaneously granted it an annual allow- 
ance of £480. Meanwhile the official staff of the Minister kept 
up their attitude of distrust, and almost of hostility towards it. 
Each year the authorisations required renewed application, and 
were subjected to further delays. They were always individual, 
and in order that it might be well understood that the courses 

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254 Memoir of Paid Broca. 

were isolated, it was forbidden to designate them under the 
collective title of " school," or under any other title indicating 
their solidarity. The influence of M. Henri Martin was a 
frequent help to Broca during the difficult period, and M. 
Vulpian, Dean of the Faculty, smoothed many obstacles for him. 
Finally, the senatorial elections of 1878, in consolidating the 
Bepublio, strengthened at the same time all the institutions 
which fought for progress. The authorisations of the Anthro- 
pological lectures were made thenceforth collective and perma- 
nent ; cmd the Chamber voted to the school an annual subsidy 
of £800, which added to the £480 already mentioned, and to 
£80 from one of the founders, raised its annual resources to 
£1,360. The future of the school was thus assured. Broca, 
who had founded the Society of Anthropology, could thence- 
forward be certain that it would not perish, and that the 
teaching of new professors would perpetuate the taste for his 
beloved science. He had thus crowned the edifice which he 
had constructed. 

The Society of Anthropology, the laboratory, and the school, 
reunited in the same locality, form thus a sort of federation 
under the name of the Anthropological Institute. These three 
establishments offer, by their combination, all the resources 
necessary for research and for teaching. By the side of theo- 
retical lectures the laboratory constitutes a true practical school, 
where the pupils are permitted to make Anthropological 
measurements under the direction of M. Topinard and the 
preparers, MM. Chudzinski and Kuhff. Not far off is the 
Society's valuable library, and one of the greatest Anthropo- 
logical museimis in the world— the only one in which all 
collections relating to Anthropology are brought together. 

In the last years of his life Broca commenced a series of 
studies on cerebral morphology. He proposed to do for the 
cerebrum that which he had accompUshed for the cranium, 
and there is no doubt that he would have carried this great 
enterprise to success. Already, in 1876, by his memoir on 
cranio-cerebral topography, he had fixed the relations which 
exist between the scissures of the nervous surface and the 
sutures on the cranial surface. The following year, the study 
of the brain of a gorilla give a fresh impulse to his researches 
by furnishing him with new and valuable facts. Thence suc- 
ceeded rapidly the memoir on the large limbic lobe and limbic 
scissure, in the series of the mammifers, the researches on the 
olfactory centres, and finally tiie treatise on cerebral nomen- 
clature — an admirable monument, worthy to serve as a pendant 
to the celebrated memoir of Gratiolet, on Uie cerebral folds of 
man and the primates. When he was surprised by death, 

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Memoir of Paul Broca, 255 

Broca waa working at a complete work on the morphology of 
the brain, which would have resumed in a masterly way the 
result of his studies. Though unfinished, the manuscript will 
not be lost to science ; reverent hands have collected together 
its scattered leaves, and will publish it after having tried to 
complete it with the notes taken at the lectures on anatomical 

During three years Broca had been compelled to deliver 
lectures twice a week, while the majority of his colleagues at 
the School of Anthropology limited themselves to a single 
lesson. He was, in other ways, the most occupied of any, 
going regularly to the hospital every morning, and sitting 
several times a week at the examinations of the faculty. Each 
day he passed long hours in the laboratory 5 dissecting, drawing, 
taking- measures, presiding at the modelling or at the classifica- 
tion of the specimens with which the museum, now called by 
his name, and . so worthy to bear it, was constantly being 
enriched. To Anthropology he devoted also most of his 
evenings, whether in the complex administrative details of 
the young Institute, or in correspondence with savants in all 
parts of the world, having for purpose as much to facilitate the 
studies of travellers, as to enrich the collections of the Institute. 

Dr. Pozzi simply mentions without detail the part taken by 
Broca in the several congresses at Paris, Bologna, Buda-Pesth, 
and Moscow ; his labours in the organisation of the Anthro- 
pological Exposition at the Trocad^ro ; and the place he occupied 
in the sessions of the French Association for the Advancement 
of Science, of which he was one of the principal founders. He 
presided over the congress at Havre in 1877, and delivered an 
address so admirable and comprehensive that the Council of 
this Institute requested Captain Dillon, then one of the direc- 
tors, to translate it for publication in this Journal, where it 
appears (YoL vii, p. 187). The following letters were received 
from Broca on this occasion : — 

*'My dear Colleague, 7th September, 1877. 

" I thank you for the interest you are so good as to take in the 
progress of tiie French Association. We have still more than 
one step to take to arHve at the degree of prosperity of your 
great British Association, which has served as a model for us. 
Nevertheless, our progress has been more rapid than we hoped. 
The session at Havre, on the subject of which you congratidate 
me, has been well occupied in sectional work, but will not bear 
the fruit in the country tiiat might be expected, because the 
political journals, absorbed in the indescribable crisis to which 
we are subjected, have been able to give it but little attention. 

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256 Memoir of Paul Broccu 

" I send you by the same post the number of the ' Revue 
Scientifique/ which contains my opening Address. I am much 
flattered by the intention you mention of publishing this dis- 
^ course in the ' Journal of the Anthropological Institute/ It is fim 
' excess of politeness on your part to ask me for authority to do 
so, for the reproduction of that which is said in a public meeting 
is a right which belongs to everybody, and far from seeking to 
restrain this right, we are, on the contrary, grateful to those who 
thus assist us with publicity. This way of looking at it is not 
that only of the i^ench Association ; it is also that of the 
Society of Anthropology. Last year the Central Committee 
authorised me to encourage the reproduction of our works, by 
lending the wood-blocks which accompany them to any one who 
asks for them. Since then, to render the matter more easy, 
our g^rant has collected fimd classified all the wood-blocks 
belonging to the Society, those of the ' Revue d' Anthropologic/ 
find a certain number of others published elsewhere. All these 
are catalogued, and proofs of them collected in an album, easy 
to consult, which is put at the disposal of any author, who can 
use them on payment of the mere cost of making the cliche, 
which is very smaU." 

" Dear Colleague, 30th December, 1877. 

" I received some days ago the packet containing copies of the 
last number of the ' Journal of the Anthropological Institute.* 
I had the satisfaction to find in the Miscellanea the translation 
of my discourse on fossil human races. Be so good as to present 
my thanks to the author of that elegant and faithful translation. 
I received also some days ago your answer on the subject of the 
exposition of Anthropological sciences. Your Society, though 
young under its present tide, is in reality the oldest of those 
which now exist, and will funiish to the case containing publi- 
cations of Anthropological Societies the most considerable 

The last remark relates to a contemplated history and bib- 
liography of Anthropological Societies in Europe, which we 
regret to learn Broca was not able to complete. 

The crowning distinction of Broca's life was his election as a 
permfiment member of the French Senate, as the representative 
of science. We were authorised by a small club of English 
Anthropologists to convey to him their sentiments on this 
occasion, and received the following answer : — 

" My dear Colleague, Paris, 12th February, 1880. 

" I am much touched by the congratulations you do me the 
honour to address to me, in the name of the Anthropological 

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Memoir of Paul Broca, 2c 7 

Club, on the occasion of my nomination as senator. In 
choosing their candidate for the first time from outside the 
political world, the ' Left ' of the Senate have wished to manifest 
their good disposition towards the sciences ; and if I am happy 
in having been chosen on that ground, I am especially happy 
that Anthropology should have acquired so much importance 
in public opinion, as to be called to have its representative 
in the Senate. The contest, to which I remained completely a 
stranger, was very lively. It happened in grave political circum- 
stances, following on a secession which threatened to displace the 
majority in the Senate, to the advantage of the clerical party. 
It is not therefore Anthropology alone which has had the 
honour of raising the storm among the patres conscripti; but 
it at least has been the ' Turk's head ' upon which repeated 
blows have been struck. It has been attacked under all 
forms, during 15 days, by the journals of the 'Right' It 
may, therefore, claim for itself a good part of the success." 

The triumph was celebrated by a dinner given to Broca by 
his colleagues and admirers ; probably the largest and certainly 
the most brilliant gathering of the kind that had ever taken 
place under similar circumstances. It was too soon followed by 
his sudden death — ^not to be referred to at length, but must be 
mentioned for the sake of his own remarkable words — " If the 
law of compensation is true, a great misfortune threatens me, for, 
my friends, I tun very happy." 

He was present at the meeting of the Society of Anthropology 
on the Ist July, when it is interesting to record that a proposi- 
tion was made by himself, M. de Mortillet, and others, for the 
election of the President of this Institute as a Foreign Associate, 
and one of its Directors as a Corresponding Member, of the 
Society. Thus his last official act was one of goodwill towards 
us. He made remarks at this meeting on some pre-historic 
skulls from Rio-Negro. 

He attended in his place at the Senate on Tuesday, the 6th 
July, and was seized with a fainting fit. On Wednesday he felt 
sufficiently recovered to resume his labours. On Thursday 
evening he was actually at work with his true friend, pupil, and 
colleague. Dr. Topinard. Towards midnight the same evening 
he was suddenly attacked with dyspnoea, rose from his bed, and 
expired in ten minutes. He had just completed his 56th year. 
Upon post-mortem examination all the organs were apparently 
sound, and Prof. Ball, one of his pupils, says '* We shall probably 
not be far from the truth in attributing the catastrophe to cerebral 
exhaustion, arising from too protracted a course of severe 
intellectual exertion." Actis cevum implet, non segnHms annis. 

VOL. X. 8 

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258 Memoir of Favl Broca, 

The funeral took place on Sunday, the 11th July. The pall- 
bearers were M. Jides Ferry, Minister of Public Instruction ; 
M. Pelletan, Vice-President of the Senate ; M. Vulpian, Dean of 
the Faculty of Medicine; M. H. Roger, President of the 
Academy of Medicine ; M. Ploix, President of the Society of 
Anthropology ; M. Gariel, Greneral Secretary of the Association 
iot the Advancement of Science ; M. Alphonse Guerin, Surgeon 
of the Hospitals ; and M. OUivier, Interne of the Hospitals. 
At the cemetery — the same western cemetery where Broca had 
commenced his first labours in craniometry — ^funeral orations 
were pronounced by some of these distinguished persons, and by 
M. Vemeuil, M. Trelat, M. TiUaux, M. Dmnont-Pallier, and 
M. Henri Martin, Member of the Institute. 

We translate that of M. Eugene Pelletan, pronounced in the 
name of the Senate : — 

'< I come in the name of the Senate to say a last adieu to 
him who, but yesterday, was among them, and is now in this 
coffin ; a deadly thunderbolt has lemoved him, in a few hours, 
from science and from his coimtry, for in him there was not 
only the savant but also the citizen. He belonged by his 
birth to that strong race, so roughly tried, of the Beform, which 
the persecution of a whole century had attempered to the severe 
life of labour and of duty. He had learned from the cradle that 
between liberty and science there is so dose an intimacy that 
where the one disappears the other decays and finishes by 
disappearing in its turn. He came early to Paris, that rendez- 
vous of all geniuses seeking to develop themselves ; son of an 
eminent physician, he wished to follow the paternal career, and 
from the first steps which he took in the medical schools he 
showed, upon the very benches of the school, that he was more 
than a pupil, that he was a future — he ascended brilliantly all 
the degrees of the intemat, the doctorate, the aggr^ation, the 
professioriate : others of greater authority will soon tell you by 
what numerous, by what learned works he reached the foremost 
ranks of French surgery. He had hardly passed the age of 
youth when he had already attained celebrity. But surgery 
did not suffice that encydopaedic mind — at once inquirer and 
observer— it was to him only the preface of a science more vast^ 
the science of man himself in all times, and on all the continents : 
he founded, in concert with an ^Ue of savants, the Society of An- 
thropology, a mother society which possesses at this day as many 
daughters as there are capitals in Europe. A new science, human 
palsBontology, has just originated under our feet ; at hundreds of 
ages of depth, our forefathers have been in some way surprised, 
lying pell-mell in the midst of the giant fauna of a vanished 
creation. Broca was one of the valiant pioneers who penetrated 

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Memoir of Paul Broca, 259 

the foremost into this subterranean world of humanity, and who 
understood best how to throw light on such history as is left of 
it But high as he had raised his renown in science, he recog- 
nised the claim on him, not only of his genius, but of his home. 
That fireside, formerly so attractive to aU who had the happi- 
ness to frequent it, its brilliancy is now in part extinguish^ ! 
he knew at least all its joys and all its grandeur, first in the 
noble comrades who were always an inspiration and a second 
conscience to him ; and then in his children, who, we think we 
may affirm, will know how worthily to bear the name which 
their father has bequeathed to them. But by the side of that 
first family Broca thought that there is another, which has the 
right also to our love and to our devotion — ^it is France, our 
country ; not only the material fatherland of the soil, but also 
the moral fatherland of liberty, for they are inseparable from 
one another; both, in every circumstance, Broca generously 
devoted himself, first under the Empire, and afterwwds during 
the si^ of Paris. He shared in all our struggles to recover 
the confiscated rights of democracy, and all our efforts to repel 
the enemy who surrounded the capital of France with a circle 
of iron and of fire. His patriotism as well as his liberalism 
had designated him beforehand for the choice of the Senate, as 
soon as the majority should have passed over to the side of the 
Republic. We had to do violence to his modesty, to induce him 
to take his seat by the side of his illustrious colleague. Doctor 
Sobin. But he understood that at a time when public instruc- 
tion in France was to be regenerated, his place in the Senate 
was marked out for him, and he accepted it. When it became 
necessary to name a reporter upon the law for the secondary 
instruction of young girls, which is in itself alone quite a moral 
revolution, it was he who was chosen, and he drew up that 
remarkaUe report, which was, alas 1 to be his political testament 
He had not the opportunity to defend it in the tribune, and to 
show that in him, besides the writer, there was also the orator. 

"And now what remains of this life so fiiU of work, 
lamentably cut short before the time ? This yawning grave 
before us, which a little earth will soon fill up. I know not 
what monument grateful science will one day raise to the friend 
we mourn, and our tears are still the words most worthy of hie 
memory, but from to-day we, his friends, his witnesses, have 
built a living tomb to him in our hearts, not less imperishable 
than marble and bronze ; he will rise again continually in us as 
we live again in him ; and whenever we have need to call our 
minds up to the height of duty, of devotion to justice and to 
truth, it is of him that we shall take example, and it is to the 
memory of him that we shall turn to seek for counsel" 

S £t 

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260 Memoir of Paid Broca, 

It is not necessary to reproduce the other tributes which 
were rendered, in language ahnost as eloquent, by the distin- 
guished representative men who followed Broca to the grave. 
N"or need we givfe at any length the comments on his character, 
which those who knew him intimately have published. A 
specimen or two of these will sufl&ce. Of that which interests 
us most here — ^his creative power, if one may so speak, as a 
teacher of Anthropology — Professor Ball, Chevalier of the 
Legion of Honour, one of his pupils, says with force and truth : 
" Ajithropology is a compound of so many other sciences that 
the intervention of a grasping and enclyclopaedic mind, like 
Broca's, is almost invaluable to form the connecting link 
between so many different branches of human knowledge. An 
excellent mathematician, a first-rate anatomist, a good Greek 
scholar, Broca combined in himself that diversified knowledge 
which the subject requires, with the synthetical tendencies 
which condense these disseminated forces, and make them con- 
verge upon a single point." Dr. Pozzi says : " Broca was 
benevolent and good. All those who knew him have in 
memory his affabilitjr and his trustworthiness. He took an 
affectionate interest m the studies of his disciples. He knew 
how, with touching delicacy, to dissimulate his aid, when he 
redressed an error or inspired a new idea, and had the very rare 
care to put in the light the part in his own works, however 
little it might have been, which belonged to the fellow-labourer. 
On the other hand, Broca was known, among all the students, 
not to be a protector of his own pupils ; in competitions and 
examinations, as in all the circumstances of life, he had no rule 
but that of equity. But if he was incapable of asking favour for 
them, he took up their defence with ardour, when an unfair 
advantage was sought to be taken of them. Their cause then 
became his own ; every attack upon justice seemed to wound 
him personjJly." 

The devoted group of accomplished men who have been his 
disciples will well continue the great institutions he originated. 
Dr. Gavarret succeeds him as Director of the School of Anthro- 
pology ; Dr. Mathias Duval as Director of the Laboratory of 
Anthropology ; Dr. Topinard as Director of the " Eevue d' Anthro- 
pologic," and also as General Secretary of the Society of Anthro- 
pology. Its museum will henceforth bear the appropriate title 
of Mus^e Broca. 

We select apter words than any of our own, to sum up a 
grand and admirable character : — 

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c-^'^-^ K "^to^ INDEX MAP. 

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R H. CoDBiNGTON. — Beligious Beliefs, &c. 261 

" For he wae worthy — full of power ; 
As gentle — liberal-minded, great, 
Consistent ; wearing all his weight 
Of learning lightly like a flower." 

The excellent portrait, which the courtesy of the publisher of 
the" Eevue d'Anthropologie " enables us to reproduce, is from a 
photograph in the possession of Dr. Topinard, bearing the 
inscription " k mon collogue et ami, Topinard, souvenir affec- 
tueux, Broca." 

Religious Beliefs and Practices in Melanesia. By the 
Rev. Robert Henry Codrington, M.A., Fellow of Wadham 
College, Oxford ; Melauesian Mission, Norfolk Island. 

To represent with tolerable correctness the religious belief of a 
savage people must always be very diflScult. Their ideas are 
not clear, and there is no systematic form in which they are 
accustomed to represent them among themselves. Although the 
superstitious practices which go along with the superstitious 
b^efs are followed with little variation in form, perhaps over a 
considerable area, and when there is much variety of dialect, yet 
inquiries into such matters will meet with what at first seem 
very different answers in one place and another. 

To undertake to describe the beliefs and practices which make 
up what may be considered the religion of the Melanesians, is 
pretty certain to go beyond what is attainable by any one. 
The islands and tiie dialects are so numerous that no one 
person's knowledge can well range over the whole. To repre- 
sent what is believed and practised in some parts of Melanesia 
is all that can be attempted here ; but it is extremely probable 
that if the true account can be given of the conception of the 
supernatural world prevailing in one group, it would hold good 
in the main of the whole people. 

What is called Melanesia is made up of four groups of islands, 
which are plainly distinct. The first comprises New Caledonia 
and the Loyalty Islands, from whence little information is at 
present to be had ; the second is made up of the New Hebrides 
and Banks' Islands, which are closely connected; the third 
is the Santa Cruz group, which has, by a series of calamities, 
been cut off from almost all observation; the fourth is the 
Solomon Islands. In all but the first there is a portion of 
the population not Melanesian, but belonging to the Polynesian 
Islands to the East. What is here offered is drawn chiefly from 

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262 R. H. CODRINGTON. — Bdigums Beliefs 

the Banks' Islands and Solomon Group, whence the most 
advanced scholars have come to the Melanesian Mission Station 
on Norfolk Island. 

The young people among the islands know very little indeed 
of what the elders believe, and have very little sight of their 
superstitious observances. The elders are naturally disinclined 
to communicate freely concerning subjects round which, among 
Christian converts, there hangs a certain ahame ; while those 
who are still heathen will speak with reserve of what retains a 
sacred character. Such reserve, on the part of converts or 
the unconverted, is so far natural and proper, that a considerate 
missionary probably will not press in(juiries too early or too 
far. K one should, he will probably fill his mind with mistaken 
notions, and perhaps publish tl^em before he finds that they are 

Hardly any European, whether missioii^ry or traveller, can 
approach savage life ai^d customs without such preconceived 
opinions as will coloi^* the view of wh^t he sees. Hence the 
head of some implement caryed for tl^e simple purpose of adorn- 
ment figures as a Solon^on Island idol ; ^ ston^, kept in a house 
for cracking nuts, appears ^ fetish ; or the singing and dancing 
at a feast seems a ^ligious celebration. To some, every legend 
will bear traces of primitive truth ; to others, the evidence of 
the growth of myths. If tl^ visitor for the first time mounts 
into a Banks' Island village, ^n4 sees, a little apart firom the 
group of holies, a platfqrm squarejy built up of stones, a small 
high-pointed edjjftce upon it, with the embers of a fire below, and 
above a^ in^age grotesquely shaped in human form, it is not 
strange if be pai^ea it f o?: granted that he sees an idol and a 
shrine mi ftltar. Whe^ Ife l^eaf^ of Qat and his eleven brothers, 
one sei;^s oil a ^olar myth; and a^otl^er cannot but think 
of Noah and the Flood, when he hoars of the deluge which 
floated off the canoe into which Qat had shut up his family and 
all living creatures. 

Approaching the subject of his inquiries with some prepos- 
sessions of this kind, one who is trying to obtain information 
from the natives, even supposing him to be able to communicate 
with them in their own language, will meet with native accounts 
of their own beliefe and practices much less trustworthy than he 

The native, with his very vague beliefs or notions floating in 
his mind, finds in the questions of the European a thread 
on which they will precipitate themselves, and witiiout intention 
to deceive, avails himself of the opportunity to dear his own 
mind, while he satisfies his questioner. When there is no 
certain medium of communication; when a native interpreter. 

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and Prcicticea in Melanesia. 263 

who speaks a little broken English, is employed to ask questions 
and to return the answers, nothing can be depended on as 
certain which is received. To be able to use some European 
word, or word supposed to be English, to describe a native 
practice or to convey a native belief, is to have sn easy means of 
^giving information ; and so, among die islands, " plenty devil '* is 
the description given of a sacred spot, and " tevoro '* (devil), in 
Fiji, has become the common appellation of the native ghosts or 

Supposing again that the inquirer is able to communicate 
pretty freely on ordinary subjects in the language of any island, 
he will surely find himself bafSed when any one of the elder 
people undertakes to give him information. The vocabulary 
of ordinary life is almost useless when the region of mysteries 
and superstitions is approached 

Some such statement of the difficulties in the way of a 
certain knowledge of the subject is a necessary introduction 
to the account which has to be given of the religion of the 
Melanesianft. The account must be partial, the knowledge 
of the subject is incomplete, and absolute certainty is not to be 
attained. After all, were it not that the beliefs and ways 
of savage people are of so much interest, it would seem that 
what can be learnt of Melanesia is of very little value. 

The Melanesian people, however, form but a branch of a veiy 
widely spread and very ancient race ; it may be thought with 
much reason that they represent a more primitive condition of 
the race than that in which it is found either to the west or the 
east of them ; among, that is to say, the islands of the Malay 
Archipelago and those of the Eastern Pacific. There can be no 
doubt that the languages of Madagascar, of Malacca, and of the 
Banks' Islands, are dialects of the same original tongue; and 
hiurdly less doubt that the people are branches of the same 

To the student of language or ethnology who approaches the 
islands of the Pacific from the side of India, it is very natural 
that the characteristics of the languages or the people common to 
those islands and the Malay Archipelago should best be de- 
scribed as Malay. To one again who approaches the same 
islands from New Zealand, the people and the speech of some 
places will appear to be Maori, and throughout the islands 
Maori characteristics will be conspicuous. It is, nevertheless, 
far from being probable that those who are known in com- 
paratively modem times as Malays are the original stock firom 
whence the islands of the Pacific have drawn their blood 
or speech; and no one can suppose that the Maoris of New 
Zealand have been the source whence those among the in- 

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264 R. H.. GODBJNGTON.—Iieligims Bdie/s 

habitants of Melanesia have sprung whose speech is in fact 
ahnost Maori, and their physical and social characteristics 
the same. But whatever may be the respective position of 
Malay and Papuan in the great and ancient family to which 
they both belong, it is clear that the Melanesians — the in- 
habitants, that is, of the four groups above enumerated — are 
Papuans ; and that they have near them, to the west, the 
modem Malays, and near them, to the east, the modem Poly- 
nesians. In New Guinea the Papuan, in what is thought his 
home, is in contact with the Malay ; in Fiji, where the mass of 
the population is identical with that of the Melanesian Islands, 
the Papuan has long been in contact with the Polynesian. In 
Melanesia itself, no intercourse with the modern Malay from the 
westwards is known, but abundant traces appear of Polynesian 
visitors from the east In those parts, tiierefore, where the 
effects of Polynesian immigration are least conspicuous, it will 
be reasonable to look for the characteristic Melanesian i)eople, 
and their characteristic religious beliefs and practices. 

It would not be, in all probability, very difficult to define the 
districts in which the direct modern influence of visitors from 
the Eastern Islands is to be seen. The more remote the time of 
immigration, the wider the range of its influence, the more 
diflBcult it becomes to distinguish possible traces of Polynesian 
ways and beliefs among the superstitions of Melanesia. Besides, 
however, what may be considered originally common to all the 
branches of the race, and besides what is to be found in Melane- 
sian Islands in unmixed or almost unmixed colonies of Poly- 
nesian immigrants, there is doubtless an element commonly 
present in the New Hebrides which is traceable to modem Poly- 
nesian influence from the east. 

If any special knowledge were to be had of the distinct and 
plainly Polynesian settlements in the Melanesian Islands, it 
would be hardly appropriate to introduce it here, since it is a 
foreign element which is present and distinct beyond mistake. 

For example, the inhabitemts of Tikopia, a small island not 
very distant from the Banks* Group, are unmistakably Poly- 
nesian in language and appearance, without any admixture of 
Papuan blood Their customs are no doubt those of the island 
whence they originally came. The same is the case with the 
people of BenneU Island and Bellona Island, which lie south of 
the Solomon Group. To one coming from New Zealand with a 
knowledge of the Maori language and people, their speech and 
habits are at once familiar. The language, at any rate, of the 
Keef Islands, near Santa Ouz, in one of which Bishop Patteson 
met his death, is purely Polynesian, and the Bishop could 
always easily converse with them. Physically, they do not 

Digitized by 


and Practices in Malanesia. 265 

appear to be pure Polynesians, being probably much mixed with 
the neighbouring people of Santa Cruz. The same is the case 
apparently with the people of Ontong Java, or Lord Howe's 
Group, which lies to the north of the Solomon Group. 

In some parts of the New Hebrides, however, such as in part 
of the island of Mae (three hills), the people appear in no way 
different physically from their neighbours ; but their tongue is 
purely Polynesian, is in fact that of Tongatabu, from whence no 
doubt they have come. They retain also further unmistakable 
marks of Polynesian origin or influence. Some evidence of a 
similar connection with the eastern islands could probably be 
traced generally among the New Hebrides ; but to trace it 
would require such a knowledge of the Polynesian people and 
of the New Hebrides people as it may be safely asserted that no 
one now possesses. Nothing is known to show that the Banks' 
Islands have been influenced by Polynesian immigration or 
neighbourhood ; though there are still men alive who can re- 
member a visit, which might have ended in a settlement, of 
double canoes from Tonga. The Banks' Islanders alone among 
Melanesians knew no cannibalism, and wore no dress. 

In the Solomon Islands another strain in the blood of the 
population is apparent; much more apparent in the more 
westerly islands of the group. The pure Polynesians of Eennell 
Island, the Polynesians, in speech and customs at least, of the 
Reef Islands, present no difficulties, for their race and origin is 
apparent. It is very different when in Florida or Ysabel wavy 
hair, or in children almost straight hair, somewhat oblique eyes, 
a scanty beard, with light and delicate extremities, make up a 
type distinctly different from the frizzly-haired and tiiickly- 
bearded Papuan, and still more unlike the Polynesian with his 
straight hair and massive limbs. It is evident that there is an 
admixture of some element from the West ; how ancient it may 
be it is impossible to decide, and it is not easy to give it a ntone. 
But it is not that modern Malay colonisation of the Papuan 
Islands which is spreading towards these Solomon Islands, but 
has by no means approached them, and which corresponds to 
the settlements of the Polynesians from the East, in Fiji and 
the New Hebrides. It is an element of more advancement in 
the arts of life, and of more general vigour and activity. No 
visitor can fail to feel himself nearer the -Asiatic islands when 
he finds the public hall of each village adorned with heads, 
when he comes within the region in which head-hunting is the 
practice, and when he sees in Savu or in Florida houses which 
are the counterpart of that at Waigion figured in Mr. Wallace's 
book on the Malay Archipelago. 

The religious and superstitious beliefs and practices of a 

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266 R. H. CoDRiNGTON. — Religious Beliefs 

people are sure to bear traces of the origin and Bubsequent 
admixture of the population. In Melanesia, therefore, as there 
is a very perceptible admixture of Polynesians horn the east- 
wards, it will be reasonable to look for the origin of some beliefis 
and practices in the eastern islands ; and as in advancing 
westward there is a different and apparently Asiatic element 
among the people, it will be natural to expect some change in 
religious ways and notions corresponding to it It would be 
highly unreasonable, when anything corresponding to a Poly- 
nesian practice on the one hand, or to the practices of the 
Asiatic islands on the other, occurs in Melanesia, to put it down 
as an importation from one side or the other ; for there is a 
common origin to the whole plainly stamped upon every 
language throughout But where there is in Melanesia let^t 
apparent admixture of population from east or west, it is 
reasonable to suppose that whatever can be ascertained of the 
native notions of the supernatural and of the original super- 
stitious rites, will represent most completely the religious beliefs 
and practices of the Melanesian people throughout The Banks' 
Islands appear to be thus the best representatives of the whole. 


Thb Banks' Islands. Belief in Supernatural Beings. 

The seven islands of the Banks' group, though there is a con- 
siderable diversity of dialect, have a population among whom 
no other differences seem to prevail It is evident, therefore, 
that the religious beliefs and rites which were common to them, 
all belong to the same period of the history of the people as 
does the use in unknown antiquity of the common tongue, from 
which the various dialects have long ago diveiged. The largest 
island of the group by far is Yanua Lava, in which are trees 
found also in the Solomon Islands, but not in the rest of this 
group, and where the variety of animal and vegetable life is 
said to be greater than in the neighbouring islands. It is to 
Vanua Lava also that the stories common to all the group refer. 
The information which has been gained concerning the native 
superstitions has been chiefly derived fix)m Mota, a much 
smaller island lying five miles from Vanua Lava; and the 
native words which must be used in treating the subject will 
be those in use at Mota. In all probability, what may be 
learned from any one island of the group would hold good of 

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and PractMes in Melanesia, 267 

the whole, though Yanua Lava may have been the centre and 
the source of alL 

Swpematwral Beings, Belieb, and the customs and practices 
which result from them, are concerned with the invisible world, 
or with those things at least which belong to another sphere of 
being from that of living men. The Banks' Islanders distinctlj 
recognised two orders of intelligent beings difTerent from living 
men; they believed in the continued existence of men after 
death in a condition in which they exercised power over the 
living ; and they believed in the existence of beings who were 
not^ and never had been, human. All alike might be called 
spirits, but it will be convenient to use the English words Ghost 
and Spirit^ corresponding to the Mota TarnxtU and Vu% and 
meaning in the one case the disembodied spirits of dead men ; 
in the other, beings corporeal or incorporeal, but never human. 
Very often the story told of a Vui will represent him as if a 
man ; but the native will always maintain that he was some- 
thing different, and deny to him the fleshy body of a man. It 
is too much to say of any of these Vwis that they were held as 
gods ; those indeed to whom the term would be most readily 
applied are the most like to men, but all were thought to be 
more than men in power over the forces of nature, and were 
called upon by prayer to help in time of need. 

In order to distinguish the two great classes of VuiSy it will 
be well to speak of them as corporeal and incorporeal, with the 
understanding that the Vui who is represented as corporeal has 
a body indeed, but not a human body. 

Corporeal Vuis figure largely in the stories and l^endary 
belief of the peopla The most conspicuous is I Qat, concern- 
ing whom and his familiar assistant Marawiei and his eleven 
brothers more will be told hereafter. There was a time when 
all were living at Yanua Lava, but they had disappeared time 
out of mind &om their quasi-human habitation. Yet they are 
still at hand to help, and are invoked in prayers ; though it is 
not by their agency that the forces of nature are ordinarily 
supposed to be moved or controlled, but by that of the incor- 
poreal Vuis. The dangers to which Banks' Islanders are most 
exposed are those of the sea, in their voyages in poor canoes 
from one island to another. The following prayers give a notion 
of the way in which Vuis of this kind are called on to help : — 

** Qate ! you and Marawa, cover over the blow-hole for me, let 
me come into a quiet landing-place, let it calm nicely down for 
me I Let the canoe of you and me come into a quiet landing- 

" Qate ! Marawa ! look down upon me, smooth the sea for us 
two, that I may go safely on the sea. Beat down for me the 

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268 R H. CODBJNGTOV,—Ileligiom Beliefs 

cresta of the tide rip : let the tide rip settle down away from 
me, beat it down level that it may sink and roll away, and I 
may oome to a quiet landing-place." 

" Qate ! Marawa ! let the canoe of us two turn into a whale, a 
hawk, a fljdng-fish ; let it leap onwards over the tide rip, let it 
speed, let it pass out into my land." 

In answer to such prayers as these, it was supposed that Qat 
and Marawa would come and hold fast the mast and rigging of 
the canoe, and save it in all danger. 

It will be seen that I Qat is represented as creating men and 
animals, and it was natural that the first European visitors to 
the Banks' Islands should have believed him to be the supreme 
God of the native mythology. But it ia evident that Qat is by 
no means looked upon as the author of the natural objects, by 
which the natives found themselves surrounded. He was bom 
into a country abeady inhabited, not by men, but by Vms; he 
finds himself among houses, canoes, bows, and arrows, and in the 
midst of such arts of life as the natives had attained when first 
seen by white men. If it were not for the supernatural powers 
that he etnd those with whom he lived possessed, there would be 
little indeed to show him other than a man. With the confu- 
sion which is common in such mythologies he is even con- 
sidered by some to be the ancestors of those who claim his 
birth-place in Vanua Lava, Alo Sepere, as the home of their 
forefathers. In all this, the legends of the Banks' Islanders 
concerning Qat will be found to correspond to those which 
prevail among the Maoris, and other Pol3Fnesian people, con- 
cerning Maui or Tangaroa. The brothers of Qat have all of 
them the name of Tangaroa, the Vuis of the northern New 
Hebrides have the same name, which is also applied in the 
Banks* Islands to stones used as fetishes or amulets. With 
the exception of his introduction of Night, the feats of Qat are 
trivial and apparently unmeaning ; the most remarkable of all is 
his disappearance from the Banks' Island world. The story 
which is told at Santa Maria is as follows :-t- 

Where now in the centre of the island is the great lake there 
was formerly a great plain covered with forest. Qat cut 
himself a large canoe there out of one of the largest trees. 
While making it, he was often ridiculed by his brothers for his 
folly, and asked how he would ever get so large a canoe 
to the sea. He answei-ed always that they would see 
by-and-bye. When the canoe was finished, he took inside 
it his w&e and others, making up altogether eight persons, 
collected living creatures from around, even those so small as 
ants, and shut himself and all inside. Then came a deluge of 
rain; the great hollow of the island became full of water, 

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and Practices in Mdanesia, 269 

which burst through where now descends the great waterfall of 
Gaua. The canoe tore a channel for itself out into the sea, and 
disappeared. There was an expectation of a future return; 
and a few years ago, when a small trading vessel ran on the 
reef, and was lost, she was apparently standing in to the 
channel of the waterfall stream ; and the old people cried out 
that Qat was come again, and his vessel knew her own way 

The resemblance of this story to that of Noah cannot be 
missed. It is far from improbable that the number of eight per- 
sons, and the closing in of the canoe, may have been added since 
the Bible history has been made known among the natives. A 
canoe closed in above is not likely to be thought of ; and the 
rapidity with which a new foreign story is taken up and assimi- ^ 
lated has been shown by the narration of the Riddle of the 
Sphinx, by a Mota lad in Norfolk Island, as a Mota legend. 
The resemblance without is striking, and that the story is in the 
main originally native is certain. When for the first time 
Bishop Patteson went ashore at Mota, they cried out that the 
brothers of Qat were returned. So Captain Cook in the Sand- 
wich Islands was received as the returning Bono. 

Though Qat was gone away, and, as was sometimes said, had 
taken the best things with him, with which he would some day 
return, yet inasmuch as he was a Vui, he could be invisibly at 
hand. As for Marawa, the Spider, he has not yet disappeared 
from Vanua Lava. A few years ago, a man in the early 
morning going to the river side saw a Vui there, smaller in 
stature than a man, and with long straight hair. He followed 
him up along the stream till he msappeared in a narrow gorge 
behind a stone. The stone opened Uke a door, and within it 
was a cave, which was the Vui's home. To the man's questions 
he repUed that he was Marawa, and lived there, and that he 
would wait and be seen again if the man went back to the 
village for some money. The man is still alive, and still finds 
it to his profit to tell his story, and receive on Marawa's behalf 
the money of those who wish him to do them a good turn. 

These Vvds are certainly not malignant beings, only to be 
propitiated by offerings lest they should do harm to men. 
Qat's brothers envied him and persecuted him, and there are 
many stories of wicked Vuis, the giants and the ogres of Banks' 
Island nursery tedes; but Qat himself is a good-natured 
fellow, playfully mischievous, and enjoying the exercise of his 
wonderful powers; and if his sense of justice makes him 
punish his enemy, Qasavara, with death, when he triumphs 
over his brothers, he gives them only the lesson of their 
experience, that quarrelling and envying bring nothing but 

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270 R H. CODRINGTON.— -Brf^MMW BdiefB 

discomfort, and charges them in their new country to lead a 
better life. 

Occupying as Qat does the most conspicuous place in the 
mythology of the Banks' Islands, he gives his name to remark- 
able objects ; a fungus is his basket, a fungia his dish, sulphur 
his sauce, a beam of light shining through the roof in the dusty 
air his spear, and the flying shadow of a solitary cloud over the 
sea is the shadow of Qat 

Of the same order of beings with Qat and his brothers, though 
looked upon as very inferior, are certain Vuia having rather the 
nature of fairies. The accounts of them are vague, but it is 
argued that they had never left the islands before the intro- 
duction of Christianity, and indeed have been seen since. Not 
long ago there was a woman living at Mota who was the child 
of one ; and a very few years ago a female Vui with a child was 
seen in Saddle Island. Some of these are called Nopitu, which 
come invisibly, or possess those with whom they associate 
themselves. The possessed are themselves called NopitiL 
Such persons would lift a cocoanut to drink, and native shell- 
money would run out instead of the juice, and rattle against 
their teeth ; they would vomit up money, or scratch and shake 
themselves on a mat, while money would pour from their 
fingers. This was often seen, and believed to be the doing of a 
Nopitu. In another manner of manifestation, a Nopitu would 
make himself known as a party were sitting round an evening 
fire. A man would hear a voice in his thigh, " Here am I, give 
me food." He would roast a little red yam, and fold it in the 
comer of his mat. He would soon find it gone, and the Nopitu 
would begin a song. Its voice was so small and dear and sweet 
that once heard it never coidd be forgotten ; but it sang the 
ordinary Mota songs. 

Such spirits as these if seen or found would disappear 
beside a stone; they were smaller than the native people, 
darker, and with long straight hair. But they were mostly 
unseen, or seen only by those to whom they took a fancy. 
They were the friendly Trolls or Eobin Goodfellows of the 
islands ; a man would find a fine red yam put for him on the 
seat beside the door, or the money which he paid away returned 
within his purse. A woman working in her garden heard a 
voice from the fruit of a gourd, asking for some food, and when 
she pulled up an arum, or dug out a yam, another still re- 
mained; but when she Ustened to another spirit's Panpipe, 
the first in his jealousy conveyed away garden and all. 

Under the cover of these fanciful popular beliefs, it may be 
readily understood how much mischief and wickedness could be 
carried on. 

Digitized by 


and Practices in Mdane^. 271 


The Story of Qat. 

I QjLT vaa bom at Alo Sepere in Yanua Lava ; his mother Iro 
QatgoTO was a stone at the time of his birth, according to some, 
or turned into one afterwards, which is still to be seen. Qat 
was the first-bom, after him Tangaro-Gilagilala, that is Tan- 
garo the Wise ; the other brothers, down to the twelfth Tangaio- 
Loloqong the Fool, were all called Tangaro with the adcUtion 
of the name of the leaf of some tree. They were grown np as soon 
as they were bom, and they took up their abode with their 
mother in the village ; where Qat occupied himself in creating 
trees, rocks, pigs, men, and the objects of nature generally. 

At first it was only day, and they cooked and ate till they 
were tired of it, and his brothers pressed Qat to do something 
for them to make a change. Some say that he heard there was 
night at Yava, the Torres Islands some 40 miles off, and sailed 
over there ; others relate that he paddled till he reached the foot 
of the sky to buy night from I Qong, Night. He took with him 
a choice pig and told Qong what he wanted. Qong blackened 
his eyebrows and showed him sleep that night, and next morn- 
ing how to make the dawn. Qat paddled l^k with a fowl and 
birds to show t^e morning, and with a promise that Night would 
come. Arrived at his home Qat warned his brothers to provide 
food and mats, for Night was coming. Presently they saw the 
sun moving and sinking towards the west, and cried out to Qat 
that it was crawling away. "Yes," said he, "it will soon be 
gone." " What is tins coming up out of the sea and covering the 
sky ? '* cried they. ** It is Night," said he ; " sit down on both 
sides of the house, and when you feel something in your eyes 
lie down and keep quiet" Presently it was dark and their 
eyes began to blink. " Qat ! Qat ! what is this ? shall we die T 
" Shut your eyes," says he, ** this is it ; go to sleep." 

When night had lasted long enough Qat took a piece of red 
obsidian and cut the darkness, and the dawn came out. The 
fowls and the birds began to crow and sing, and the brothers of 
Qat awoke. 

One day the brothers of Qat climbed a tree for fruit, which 
was the property of a bad Vui, an eater of men. Tangaro the 
Fool let a nut drop on the house of t^e Vui, who came out and 
killed all the brothers and put them into a food chest Qat 
waited five days for his to>thers, tlien took his bow and 
arrows and his shell hatchet and went in search of them. He 
brought out the Vvi by again dropping a fruit on his house, 

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272 R. H. CoDBlSGTOV.— Religious Beliefs 

fought with him and killed him ; then searching for his brothers 
found their bones in the chest. He revived them by blowing 
through a reed into their mouths. 

The origin of the connection of Qat and Marawa was as 
follows : — 

The brothers proposed to make canoes, and worked at theirs 
every day. Qat intending to surprise them delayed for some 
time, and then having chosen a large tree and begun to chop it 
down, he hastened home before evening lest it should be known 
that he was at work. For several days he found every morning 
that what he had chopped away had been replaced at night, and 
the tree made solid again. At last, to find out the cause, he hid 
himself under a large chip, and saw a Vui, a Spider, a Marawa, 
replacing the wood he had cut away. In his search for the 
large chip the Marawa found Qat, and eventually agreed to 
make the canoe for him, which he did in a very short time. 
When the brothers had finished and launched their canoes, Qat 
lifted his hand and one after another they sank. Then he and 
Marawa appeared in his own, and having amused himself with 
their mortification, he recovered their canoes for them in the 

Qat's wife was Iro Lei, whom he had made for himself, and 
very beautiful, and his brothers envied him the possession of 
her. To revenge themselves for his tricks with them, and to 
obtain Iro Lei, they tried to kill him. Once they beguiled him 
into a hole under a rock which they had undermined, in search 
of -a land crab. When they had let fall the rock upon him, and 
were running ofif each in hopes of securing Eo Lei for himself, 
Qat called Marawa to his rescue, and was found in his own 
house by his brothers with his head in his wife's lap. 

On another occasion they cut half through the branch of a 
fruit-tree and persuaded Qat to go out for the nuts. When he 
fell as the branch broke, and as they thought was killed, 
Marawa again saved him, and they found him reposing with his 
wife. Again they got him to mount a nutmeg tree, which they 
made to grow so tall and big that he could not come down, and 
then ran ofif to claim Iro Lei ; but Marawa the Spider spun him 
a line, or as some say, gave him a hair of his head, by which he 
descended to the ground, not, however, before his brothers had 
gone ofiT with his wife and his canoe. 

Qat runs to the village, calls his mother to give him his cocoa- 
nut-shell bottle, his cock's feather, his necklace, his shell axe, 
and some bananas. These he stows into the bottle and himself 
besides, and makes his mother throw him into the sea. The 
canoe of his brothers had passed beyond the furthest of the 
Banks' group when Qat in his cocoa-nut came up ; he drew them 

Digitized by 


and Practices in Melanma. 273 

towards him, paddle away as hard as they would. Though they 
took up the cocoa-nut, none but Tangaro the Wise knew what it 
was^ and Qat went on before them and came to land. Then he 
decked himself in his ornaments and awaited his brothers, 
perched on a pandanus. When they came ashore he chopped 
the canoe to pieces, with a song which is still preserved, and 
advised his brothers, now in a strange country, to live in peace 
and union, especially since they had a dangerous neighbour. 
This was Qasavara, a Vui, and very strong and fierce. He 
pretended friendship and brought Qat and his brothers to his 
place, giving them lodginff for the night in his " gamal," the long 
eating-house found in aU the Banks' Island villages. In the 
night Qasavara came to kiU them, but Qat had tapped the ridge 
pole with his knuckles and opened it for his brothers to sleep 
in. Before day they came out, and Qasavara was told by 
Tangaro the Fool where they had been hidden. Next ni^ht 
Qasavara broke open the ridge pole, but they were in a side 
post A third night he broke open the side post and they were 
in a centre post. Then he determined to kill thein by day at a 

Qat made his preparations b]r planting an " aru," a Casuarina, 
and telling his brothers how to escape and dimb up it. In 
washing their hands before preparing the food they contrived 
to spill all the salt water, so that when the time came for 
pouring salt water into the oven there was none, and they 
volunteered to go for more. Thus they went two and two till 
aU but Qat had escaped. Qasavara then attempted to kill (^t, 
who continually avoided his strokes, leaping from side to side 
of the oven^ while he caught up the food and ran off to his am. 
As he climbed up to his brothers, Qasavara climbed after him, 
but as he came near, Qat cried out " Stretch, my aru ! " and the 
tree grew up between them. This was done over and over 
again till the aru touched the sky, when Qat cried, "Bend 
down, my am ! " The top of the am reached down to Tet^ 
in Yanua Lava^ and all t^e brothers got down and ran off. Qat 
remained holding fast the top of the tree ; and Qasavara seeing 
that he was beaten, cried for mercy. But Qat cried, " Spring 
back, my am ! " and the tree sprang back and dashed Qasavara 
against the sky. He fell dead, either in Yanua Lava or in 
Gaua, and turned into a stone, on which sacrifices are made by 
those who desire to be strong in fighting. 

The story of the disappearance of Qat and his brothers 
varies, as it is natural that it should, in the several islands of 
the group. The version accepted at St. Maria has been already 
given, but in all it is argued that they went off in a canoe 
carrying the best of everything with them, and that the 


Digitized by 


274 R H. CODRINGTON. — Bdigioua Beliefs 

condition of mankind was altered for the worse on their 

The making of men and animals by Qat occupies no con- 
spicuous place in his l^nd, it was done, by the way, as other 
things were being done. Man was made at first with the same 
shape as that of pigs, but on the remonstrance of his brothers 
against t^e monotony of his creatures' appearance, Qat beat 
down the pigs to go on all fours. Man was made of clay, red 
from the marshy riverside of Vanua Lava. A touch of a finer 
feeling than is common lights up the story of the making of 
the first woman. Qat took rods and supple twigs and wove 
them together to make Iro Vilgale, the first female among 
mankind ; he set them up on end and fashioned with his basket 
work the head and various members ; then when he saw a smile 
he knew it was a woman. 

The story of the bringing of death into the world is remarkable, 
because it is told without any variation in the Solomon Islands 
and Banks' Islands alike. At first men never died, but when 
advanced in life they shed their skins like snakes or crabs, and 
came out in renewed youth. An old woman went to a stream 
to change her skin, and let the old one which she had shed 
float away till it caught against a stick. She then went home 
where she had left her child. The child refused to recognise 
her, and declaring that she was another person could only be 
pacified by the woman returning for her cast integument and 
putting it on again. Erom that time mankind have died. 

In another Banks* Island story this woman is Iro Puet, the 
wife of I Mate, Death. The inconvenience of the permanence of 
property in the same hands having been felt, Qat sent for Mate, 
who lived by the side of a volcanic vent at Gaua, Sta. Maria, 
where now is one of the descents to Panoi, the lower wortd. 
Assured that he would not be destroyed. Mate came forth, and 
went through the show of death and a fimeral feast. Tangaro 
the Fool was set to watch the way to Hell, lest Mate should 
follow it ; but when on the fifth day the conch was blown, and 
Mate fled from the place of his death, Tangaro the Fool mistook 
the paths which divided to the world above and to the world 
below ; and all men since have followed Mate into Panoi and 
never return to life. Another accx)unt makes Tangaro the Fool, 
under his other name of TageUngelinge, the cause of death, 
because when Iro Puet set him to guard the way to Panoi in 
prospect of her own death, he pointed out that way to her 
descending ghost instead of the way back to the world, and so 
she died for ever. 

Digitized by 


and Practices in Mdunesia. 275 


The Incobporkal Spirits* — Stones; Snakes. 

The ViU$ which are incorporeal and have nothing like a human 
life, haye a mu(;h higher place than Qat and his brothers in the 
common religious system of the Banks* Islanders. They have 
no names, and no stories are told of them, and they have 
no shape, but they are numerous, and they are present and 
powerful to assist men who can commimicate with them. That 
savages should conceive of purely spiritual beings is perhaps 
incredible ; and so it is found that though no one has seen one 
of these Vuis, yet there is the belief that if seen it would be a 
grey indistinct something that would meet the eye. The line 
too between these Vuis and such as are conceived as visible, and 
such as Qat or Qasavara, is not distinctly drawn ; but still those 
Vuis to whom sacrifice is commonly offered, who are approached 
through some outward medium of communication, are on the 
one hand clearly separate from the disembodied spirits of the 
dead, and on the other from such beings as have or have had 
a shape and life like men. 

These Vuis are very generally associated with Stones. It is 
not that the stone is a Vui, or that the Vui is in the stone, but 
that there is such a connection between the Vtci and the stone 
that the stone is the spirit's outward part or organ. To a certain 
extent the same connection exists between Vms and snakes, 
owls, and sharks. 

Communication with these Vuis Is not in the power of all, 
but there is no order of priests* If a man has his stone or his 
snake, by means of which he supposes that he can obtain 
favours from his Vui, he will instruct his son or some one 
else to take his place. If a man finds a stone, either in its 
natural site which strikes his fancy, or one worn in a stream 
into the resemblance of a fruit or animal, he conceives at once 
that there is a Vui about it, and believes that he derives 
advantage frt)m it. Certain well-^known stones are looked upon 
as sacred, either because the fancy of former generations has 
fallen on them, or because of some accident or adventure that 
has happened on the spot But there are spots which only a 
few men know and visit, which others pass by with awe, where 
there is some stone which has established its reputation, and 
where the presence of the Vui has made sacred the banyan that 
grows there (Note 1), and the snake that lives among its stems, 
and the owls that haunt itj branches. To sacrifice upontiiese stones 
will bring a man strength in fight, abundant crops, a multitude 


Digitized by 


276 R. H. CODBINQTO^.—Beligious Beliefs 

of pigs, all the good things of native life. The man who knows 
the stone and knows the Vui, being in a way the priest of it, 
will receive money from one who wishes to sacrifice, and offer it, 
or rather some of it, to obtain the benefit desired by him. The 
other will not approach or see it. No other sacrifice than that 
of the shell-money in common use seefns to be offered in the 
Banks' Islands. 

The influence of these Vuis is at least generally beneficent. 
It is far from the case generally that they are propitiated lest 
they should do men harm ; though it is true that neglect of due 
observance would be punished by the jealous spirit The 
malignant spirits are the ghosts of men. Still there are stones 
near which an accident has happened, or which for some other 
reason have a sinister reputation, and their Vuis are thought to 
have rather a turn for mischief But the Banks' Islander did 
not conceive of his world as full of hdstile spirits ; it was in men 
while they were alive that he was acquainted with cruelty and 
hate, and it was from the ghosts of men after they were dead 
that he looked for spite and mischief. 

The character and influence of the Vui connected with the 
stone was judged by the shape of the stone. A stone in the 
shape of a pig, of a bread-fruit, of a yam, was a most valuable 
fincL No garden was planted without the stones which were to 
ensure a crop. A large stone lying with a number of small ones 
underneath it, like a sow among her sucklings^ wa3 good for 
men to sacrifice upon for a numerous litter, and good for a child- 
less woman. A stone, with little disks upon it, a block of 
ancient coral, was good to bring in money ; any fanciful inter- 
pretation of a mark was enough to give a character to the stone 
and its associated Vuu 

The name of Tangaroa also was given to stones which a man 
would carry with him in a bag, or keep hung up in a house, to 
bring him luck or to avert misfortune. If a man went into 
another's house in his absence and meddled with his property, 
and after awhile an accident were to befall him, it would be 
said that the Tangaroa had done it. Such stones are used 
as amulets to secure safety in fighting ; others, if swung about 
in an invaded place, will take the courage out of the invaders ; 
others will straighten the aim and strengthen the arm to 

Some stones have such power that if a man puts one imder 
his pillow and dreams of a man, that man will die. But the 
more probable opinion is that this is the work not of a Vui but 
of a ghost, and corresponds to the stones which have the name 
of " eating ghost : " stones of remarkably long shape which are 
supposed to be associated with some dead person, and which are 

Digitized by 


arid Practices in Melanesia, 277 

set in a house to guard it Any one entering a house in the 
absence of its owner will call out his name, lest the ghost should 
think he has bad intentions and do him mischief. 

Next to stones in sacred character from association with Vuis 
come snakes, either the land snakes which commonly haunt the 
complicated root-stems of a banyan, or the amphibious ones 
which are common on the beach. It is not every snake that is 
sacred, but such as have a connection with a Vui, which are his 
property, or as they say "near" him. Those who have the 
knowledge of such a snake say that they go in secret to its 
haunt and call it out. It comes and crawls over their bodies 
and puts its tongue into their mouths. Then the sacrifice is 
made by scattering of money, not to the snake, but to the Vui 
whom the snake represents. At the same time, the previous 
proprietors of the snake, now dead, are invoked, for it is supposed 
they still have an interest in the matter. 

Since no one approaches while this is going on, no one can 
say whether there really is a snake in the case or not. It is 
certain that after the death of one who has been in the practice 
of receiving money to offer to the snake, when others have gone 
to re-open so profitable a connection, the creature has not been 
found ; and the conclusion is that the man and the snake die 

Owls, lizards, eels, crabs, and sharks have their share of the 
same r^ard ; not all of them, but such as are fancied to be con- 
nected with a Vui. In the same way it is not only stones on 
which money is offered with prayer either to Qat or the in- 
corporeal Vui that is attached to it ; but a stream or rather a 
deep hole in a stream (Note 2), or a pool among the rocks on the 
beach, has money scattered in it and is a sacred place. Into 
.such a deep pool among the coral rocks a man will scatter 
money, calling on the spirits of his immediate ancestors, and 
then dive to the bottom. If he sees anything imusual, a crab 
or cuttlefish, or any such thing, he fancies the creature has a 
particular connection with him ; that it is, as they say, the real 
origin of his being. If he sees nothing strange, to sit for an 
instant at the bottom will give him iruma, supernatural power. 

A very singular superstition prevails, not only in the Banks' 
Islands but in the Northern New Hebrides also, concerning 
snakes, which have the power of assuming human shape, 
whether of male or female, for the purpose of tempting men and 
women, and to yield to whose seductions brings death. Some 
supernatural character of course attaches to such snakes ; thev 
are snakes and not Vuns, but a Vui has some connection with 
them. A young man will see a woman with her hair decked 
with flowers beckoning to him or calling him ; coming nearer, he 

Digitized by 


278 R H. CODRINGTON. — BdigiouB Belufs 

will see the features of a girl of his own village or the next ; he 
will suspect that she is a snake, and will observe that her 
elbows and knees are reversed, the elbows in front, the knees 
behind. This reveals her real character and he flies. If one 
has courage to strike her with a stick, she sinks and glides 
away at once as a snake. Kot long ago a man at Gktua met on 
the beach at night a snake in the form of a woman of the place. 
Seeing by her knees and elbows what she was, he offered to 
fetch her some money from the village. . When he returned with 
it she was waiting for him in her proper form as a snake ; he 
scattered money on her back, and she went off with it into the 
sea. Nothing seems to be more fixed in the minds of the 
natives than the persuasion that all this is true. 

Sharks do not meet with so much superstitious regard in the 
Banks' Islands as in the Solomon Islands ; but a shaxk is some- 
times a Tangaroa, a visible manifestation of a Vui. Such a one 
a few years ago was to be seen in the harbour of Vanua Lava, 
Port Patteson, extremely tame, following its owner through the 
surf as he waU:ed along the beach. It was a shark, not itself a 
Vui, but it was a Tangaroa. The owner had given money to a 
Mai wo man of Aurora, in the New Hebrides, who had sent the 
shark to him. 

It is by the operation of these Vuis also that men are able to 
make rain or sunshine, and to produce abimdant crops of yams 
and bread-fruit. Stones are the principal media for the exercise 
of such power, but it is the Vui, which the man approaches by 
the stone, whose power is at work. There can be no doubt but 
that the rain-makers and weather-doctors believed in their own 
powers, though much of their success may have been owing to a 
shrewd observation and experience. To make sunshine, if a very 
round stone was found, it was wound round with red braid, and 
stuck with owl's feathers to represent rays ; it was then hung on 
some high tree, a banyan in a sacred place, or a casuarina, a tree 
which has always something of a sacred character. The stone 
representing the sun might also be laid upon the groimd with a 
circle of white rods raoiating from it for its rays. A piece of 
Astraea coral stone worn round will sometimes bear a surprising 
resemblance to bread-fruit, and such a stone laid at the foot of a 
tree wDl bring an abundant crop. But the possessor of such a 
stone, because of his connection with the Vm, can impart the 
mana, the power which is in the one, to a number of similar 
stones at once, and so produce a general crop for his village. 

It would be very difficult to ascertain whether the mana, 
the personal influence upon which so very much of a man's 
power depends, in whatever way it is exercised, is thought to 
originate in a connection with these spiritual beings. The 

Digitized by 


aifid Practice in Melanesia. 279 

notion conveyed by the word, which is apparently common to 
all the dialects of the Pacific, is vague, and the origin of the 
power not likely to be clearly conceived in the native mind. 
There can be little doubt, however, but that, as the media of 
communication with spirits are so various and abundant, and as 
such communication does certainly in many cases impart mana, 
a supernatural character is attached to any superiority or 
influence whatever which a man may exercise over his fellows. 
It is not natural vigour of mind that gives a man the lead in his 
village ; it is not superior industry and a keen eye for business 
that makes a man's goods increase and his harvests abundant ; 
it is not natural strength or skill that sends his arrows straight ; 
but the man has mana; and whether it comes from Vuis or 
from the ghosts of his dead relations will hardly be a matter to 
be discussed. 

There are few points, perhaps, in which the diflerence between 
the Melanesians and the Polynesians is more marked than in 
the position which the tajni occupies among them. A few 
minutes' intercourse with people of the pure Polynesian colonies 
in Melanesia, as of Tikopia or Bennell Island, is enough to bring 
the tapu to the surface. But among the Banks' Islanders, 
as generally among Melanesians, though the signs of it appear 
at every turn, the tapu is only employed to reserve the owner's 
rights to his fruit, or to prohibit the common use of a path, or 
of a part of the sea-shore for a certain time. Any man, or any 
set of men who have a sufficient status in the place, can put on 
his mark and make the tapu. At any rate there is no super- 
natural agency supposed to be at work, except inasmuch as the 
mana of the man who makes the tapu is supernatural. The 
man who should disregard the sign and break the tapu would 
not be sick or die in consequence, but he would have to make 
it up with the one who set the mark and his associates ; he 
would have to give a pig or money to appease their anger. It 
is commonly the case that the tapu is not set as resting on the 
authority of a single person, but on that of the grade of the 
club, or secret society, to which the individual or party belongs ; 
indeed, another word, and not tapu, is used when it is a 
private individual in connection with no recognised and power- 
ful body who puts up his own mark. In such a case, self- 
assertion is likely to meet with respect, and that is all. The 
main thing is that no sacred character attaches to the Banks' 
Island tapic, no spirits or ghosts give it a superhuman force. 

Digitized by 


280 R H. CoDBiNGTON. — Religious Beliefs 


The Ghobts of the Deap; Place of Departed Spirits; 
Charms and Witchcraft; Prayer and Sacrifice; 
Secret Societies. 

The spirits called Vui are olearly distinct from the ghosts of 
dead men called Tamate, a word in itself signifying dead man. 
The beUef of the Banks' Islanders concerning ghosts belongs to 
their whole conception of the soul, and of the continued exist- 
ence and condition of the soul after death. That they should 
believe in a continued existence is almost a matter of course ; 
but it is not to be expected that their conceptions of the unseen 
world should be clear and distinct, or that the stories and beliefs 
concerning it should all agree. 

That a ghost is the disembodied spirit of a man, is accepted ; 
but what is the spirit or soul when it is in the body ? To that 
question it is not easy to get a satisfactory jmswer. Let a man 
once be dead, and the distinct existence of the Tamate that lies 
in the house or in the grave, and of the TarruUe that haunts the 
place or is gone to Panoi, is plainly recognised ; though both 
are called by the same name. But though one word atai is 
generaUy allowed to stand for that which in English is called 
the soul, it will not do to accept the word as precisely corre- 
sponding, The notions of the native mind were not clear enough 
before Christian teaching came to be represented by one word 
which should convey the same meaning to all who heard it 
Atai is the best word, indeed the only word, that can be 
used ; yet a Christian native well knowing the sense which the 
word hesis to him now will still be found to doubt whether a 
heathen man would understand it precisely in the same way. 

There are three words which it will be worth while to con- 
sider and understand, for each of them is used in different 
islands as meaning soul, and all are found in Mota. The 
nearest equivalent for soul is foimd among them, but three 
islands make choice each of a different one of the thi-ee words. 
They are " Atai," " Tamaniu," " NunuaL" 

" Atai " in Maori means a shadow or reflection. In Mota it 
has no such meaning in regard to natural objects. But aiai is 
used in Mota for something taken as peculiarly and intimately 
connected with a person, whether he has set his fancy on it 
himself, or another has shown it to him. Whatever it may be, 
the man believes it to be a kind of reflection of his own per- 
sonality ; the man and his atai live, flourish, suffer, and die 

Digitized by 


and Practices in Mekmesia. 281 

together. Atai, then, is not a word borrowed from this 
counterpart without the man, and applied secondarily to his 
soul ; hut it is a word which carries a sense with it, applicable 
alike to that object and the unseen self (Note 3). 

** Tamaniu** in Mota is another name for the same thing, 
which is also called an atai, that is something animate or in- 
animate which a man has come to believe to have an existence 
intimately connected with his own. But this is not used at 
Mota as a word corresponding to " soul " ; at Aurora in the New 
Hebrides it is commonly accepted as such. 

** NunuaV in Mota is the recurrence of an impression made 
on the senses long after the impression has been made. A man 
who has heard a scream in the course of the day which has 
startled him, hears it again ringing in his ears ; it is the nwrmai 
of the scream. A man fiQhing for flying^fish paddles alone in 
his canoe with the long light line fastened round his neck ; as 
he lies down tired at night, he feels the pulling of the line as if 
there were a bite, though the line is not on his neck, and this is 
the nunuai of the Una To the native it is nothing fancied, it 
is real, but it has no form or substance. In another island of 
the New Hebrides, Whitsuntide, this is what they call the 

It is this soul, the atai, which in death is separateci from the 
body. Before death, it is not thought that the soul is commonly 
separable from the body, though in some dreams of extra- 
ordinary character, some will say that it goes out and returns. 
There are stones also upon which if a metn's shadow falls, the 
ghost which belongs to it has the power of drawing out his soul. 
So as the very widespread notion prevails at Mota that a 
sneeze is a sign that some one is calling the name of the man 
that sneezes, there is thought to be particular danger in the case 
of an infant lest some ghost should be calling away its souL If 
a child sneezes tiiey will cry " Live, roll back to us," as if the 
child's soul were already called away. 

The soul being separated from the body by death, is not 
supposed to go far away at first. Indeed, the name of the 
deceased is loudly called with the notion that the soul may hear 
and come back. A woman knowing that a neighbour was at 
the point of death heard a rustling of something in her house, 
as if it were a moth fluttering, just as the sound of cries and 
wailingn showed her that the soul was flown. She caught the 
fluttering thing between her hands, and ran with it, crying out 
that she had caught the aiai. But thvmgh she opened her 
hands above the mouth of the coipse there was no recoveiy. 

On the fifth day there is a mourning and a feast, the body 
having been already buried. The ghost is then supposed to 

Digitized by 


282 R H. CovBJNQTON.—Beligious Beliefs 

leave for Panoi, and shouts are raised, and conches are blown to 
drive it away firom the village. In the case of a well-to-do man, 
pigs are kiUed, with the notion that in some way they will 
accompany him to Panoi In this sense they will say that a 
pig has an atai, but it is not thought that animals or other 
things have an atai as men have ; and it is equally said that 
it is the nunuai, as above, of his pigs and ornaments that go 
with a man to the other world. At the death-feast, a leaf of 
cooked mallow, or a bit of food, is thrown aside, and the name 
of the dead man is called ; but this is not done so much with 
the notion that the ghost will eat the soul, as it were, of the 
food, as that it is a friendly memorial of him, and that he will 
be gratified by it At the same time, no doubt, there are many 
who think that there is a nurnuii of the food which reaches the 

" Panoi," the Hades of the Banks' Islands, is a general re- 
ceptacle for the ghosts from all the group. It is somewhere 
underground, and there are various entrances to it which are 
called evo'CL In Vanua Lava and Santa Maria there are still 
active volcanic vents where there are suras ; in Mota there is 
one at the top of the mountain. Generally, however, any point 
of land is a place for ghosts to assemble for their descent to 
PanoL Before descendis^, or if they are able to come up again, 
the ghosts entertain themselves at the swra with songs and 
dances ; they are often heard shouting and whistling with crabs' 
daws at night, especially when there is a moon. At times a 
departed soul has come back from the sura to his body ; and 
the man has revived to tell how he was hustled out of the sv/ra 
by the ghosts, who said there was no room for him, and he 
must go back. Of Panoi itself the notions are but vague ; if 
there are trees the leaves are red; the ghosts do nothing, 
neither work nor fight ; they eat excrement if they eat at all ; 
their existence is empty and wearisome. 

There is no difference in condition following on good or bad 
conduct in the world ; but there is a notion that conditions of 
wealth and poverty are reversed ; and some think that all who 
die under similar circumstances remain together. There is, 
however, a belief, which women particularly cherish, that the 
8v/re4uinagav, the place where the ghosts of lads who die in the 
flower of their youth are congregated, is more pleascmt than the 
rest, that all lands of flowers abound there, and scented plants. 
Some think the same of the sura of simple harmless people, the 

The best authority for the state of things in Panoi was a 
woman who had been down there. She was very anxious to 
see her brother who was just dead, she perfumed herself with 

Digitized by 


and Practices in Melanesia. 283 

water in which 9 dead rat had been steeped, to give herself a 
deathlike smell : she pulled up a bird's-nest from a Puet, and 
descended by the hole that she had opened. She found no 
difficulty in reaching Panoi, and she found friends who were 
surprised to see her, but never detected her as one still alive. 
She found her brother lying in a house, because as a recent 
ghost he was not yet strong enough to go about He cautioned 
her to eat nothing, and she returned. She professed herseK, but 
a few years ago, able to go down as she liked, and whatever 
was generally bdieved to be there, she declared that she had 

With r^ard to the immortality of the soul there is a differ- 
ence of belief; some say the ghosts live for ever in Panoi, others 
that after a long time they perish. There is a belief, further, 
that there is a second Panoi, in which those who die out of the 
first, begin a further term of existence in the form of children. 
When they are old again they turn into the black, wrinkled, 
and shapeless masses adhering to the trunks of trees which are 
the nests of white ants. 

The ghosts, however, in Panoi are not those who play so large 
a part in the unseen world of the Banks' Islanders. Whether 
it is that ghosts can get out of Panoi, or that there are some 
that have never settled there, every island is haunted at night 
by ghosts, and it is by the malicious activity of ghosts that 
most of the evils of life are brought upon mankind. To say 
that " savages are never ill," is, like so many statements of the 
sort concerning savages, wholly untrue in the Banks' islands, in 
the sense that whenever they are ill they think the disease has 
been induced by witchcraft or by supernatural agency of some 
kind. No one imagines his fever and ague to be anything but 
natural ; but there are some diseases which are put down as the 
work of ghosts, and on some occasions common complaints are 
thought to have been caused by witchcraft and all witchcraft is 
wrought by ghosts, by Tamatea, not by Vms. Just as some 
men are believed to have a special connection with some Vui, 
some are also believed to have a connection with a ghost or 
Tamate. A stone is the common medium whereby the power 
of the Vui is brought to bear for the benefit of its possessor ; and 
it is by the medium of the bone of a dead man that a ghost is 
induced or enabled to affect for harm a living man. 

There are three principal kinds of charms by which evil was 
believed to be inflicted through the power of ghosts. The 
Garata was the charming by means of some fragment of food, 
bit of hair or nail, or anytibdng closely connected with the person 
to be injured. For this reason great care was used to hide or 
safely dispose of all such things. The Talamatai was a charm 

Digitized by 


284 R H. CoDBiNGTON. — Bdigiom Beliefs 

composed of bone and a bit of stone with certain leaves tied up 
together, with incantations and prayers to a Tamaie. This was 
set in a path, and the first who stepped over it was smitten with 
some disease. The Tamatetiqa (ghost-shooter) was a bit of 
hollow bamboo in which a bone, leaves, with whatever else 
would have mana for such a purpose, was inclosed. Fasting 
on the part of the person using all these charms added much to 
their efficacy. The man who had prepared his Tamatetiqa would 
fast till he found his opportunity, wd then covering the open 
end of the bamboo with his thumb he would take his aim ; 
when he lifted his thumb the magic power shot out, and 
whoever it hit would die. A few years ago at a great feast at 
Motlav, a man was carried out, too weak with fasting to be able 
to walk, and armed with a Tamatetiqa to let off against an enemy 
unknown. As he aimed and shot, a man thinking himself the 
object fell on the spot ready to die with flight: he recovered, 
however, on finding from the lamentations of the shooter that 
he was notintended to be hurt In Mota a man was just letting 
off his Tam^atetiqa when his sister, carrying her child, stepped 
across his aim, and he felt that the child was hit. By way of 
preventing harm, the bone and leaves that were in the bamboo 
were kept in water that the child's body might be cool and 
moist (Note 4). The control of the supernatural force was a 
difficulty ; it was by the garata that a hold was had upon the 
person whom it was intended to harm ; the fragment of his food 
brought him within the pgwer of the charm. Other charms 
were supposed to work upon the first person who came within 
their influence, and it is yet common in old-fashioned places for 
the giver of food to a visitor, to bite it first himself, to show 
that it is not charmed, or to take the risk upon himself. 

It was not only by means of charms that the evil work of 
ghosts was done, they were always seeking an opportunity to do 
mischief to the living. No one would go about at night for fear 
of Tamatee, unless he curried a light, which ghosts themselves 
were afraid of. If a child were sick, it was thought that it had 
wandered within reach of some TamxUe which was drawing out 
its soul ; to cure it the names of all the dead whose ghosts were 
likely to be at hand were called, while counteiwcharms were 
muttered by women who knew them, and were called in on 
such occasions ; when the name of the ghost who had possessed 
the child was called, he would be forced to fly. 

When a man went out of his mind it was supposed that a 
ghost was possessing him, and wonderful things were thought to 
be done by one in such condition. To recover such a person, if 
he could be caught a fire was made of strong-smelling herbs, 
and the patient held in the smoke. The names of the dead 

Digitized by 


afid Practices in Mdanesia, 285 

were calledi and when the right name was given the possessed] 
man would confess it, and the power of the ghost would fail. 
There have been cases in which a morbid desire for communion 
with a ghost has made persons eat a morsel of a dead man's 
flesh ; one who had done so had then power himself to cause 
possessioti of another, by the ghost with whom he had formed 
this connection. Among the Banks' Islanders alone of Melane- 
siansi cannabalism was unknown, and such an act as this was 
thought horrible, yet it imparted wuna. The same name Tola- 
mav/r was given to one who did this, and to one whose soul was 
supposed to go out from him, and eat the soul or the lingering 
life of a fresUy-dead corpsa The story of one of these TaUt- 
maurs is^worth notice; it was a woman who confessed her 
exercise of this power, and on the death of a neighbour gave 
notice that she should go in the night and eat the corpse. The 
friends kept watch, and heard at dead of night a scratching at 
the door, a rustlibg and a noise close to the corpse ; some one 
threw a stone and seemed to hit the unseen thing. In the 
morning the Tatamav/r was found with a bruide on her arm, 
which she said was caused by a stone thrown at her while she 
was eating the corpse. 

Ghosts do not appear in visible form, but if anything is seen 
of them it is as fire or flames. Phosphorescent fungus often 
gives a firight. There are stories also of ghosts which credit 
Uiem with some bodily powers, and if the vacue fears of them 
can be expressed, it is that they eat peo^e. It has been 
mentioned that some stones are thought to have Tamates and 
Vuis about them, and that if a man's shadow falls on the stone, 
the Tamate will eat him. Here again it is not thought that the 
shadow is the soul, but that the shadow is very intimately 
connected with the mani and the stone with the ghost, and by 
the medium of the shadow on the stone, the ghost can reach the 
immaterial part of the living man. The spirit of a stillborn 
child is especially dreaded 

It is impossible to distinguish accurately, and yet some 
distinction must be made between the ghost whose intercourse 
with mankind Is thus mischievous and dreaded, and the souls 
of departed friends who are called upon for help. Prayers, as a 
rule, are made to dead men and not to spirits — to Tamates, not 
to Vuis. With the exception of the calls to Qat and Marawa, 
mentioned above, it is not known that any prayers are ofiered 
exeept to the dead To call this the Worship of Ancestors is 
hardly correct. People who carry no memory of their pre- 
decessors beyond their grandfathers can hardly be said to 
worship ancestors ; indeed, it may be doubted whether any dead 
person is appealed to by one who has not known him aliva 

Digitized by 


286 R H. CODRINGTON. — Rdigiom Beliefs 

It is not by any means the case, of course, that ghosts of the 
dead are appealed to as benevolent spirits, only to help their 
friends in what is good ; the help that is required of them is 
very often to do mischief, to which, indeed, they are rather 
thought to have an inclination. The following prayers will 
show what they are called upon and thought to do. 

Prayer on opening an oven when a 1^ of cooked mallow 
(Note 5) is thrown as if for a dead person : " This is a lucky 
bit for your eating. Those who have charmed you, killed you 
[as the case may be] ; take hold of their hands ; drag them to 
Panoi ; let them die." 

Prayer on a voyage : " Uncle ! Father ! plenty of pigs for you, 
plenty of money, kava for your drinking, twenty ba^ of food 
for your eating in the canoe. I pray you look upon me ; let me 
go safe on the sea." 

Prayer on pouring out a little of the liquor before drinking 
kava: "Grandfather! this is a lucky drop of kava for your 
drinking ; let pigs abound to me ; let the money I have spent 
come back to me ; let the food that is gone come back to the 
house of you and me." 

Prayer over a hole in which sacrifice is made by two persons, 
with a view to advancement in the Suqe : " Grandfather ! 
Uncle ! Father ! Great-uncle ! let us two go on ; there will be a 
hundred fathoms of money for you ; look upon us two ; don't 
look unfavourably on us ; let money abound to us, pigs, food ; 
let our Suqe succeed ; let not our canoe be swamped ; you sit and 
look after us ; let us go on all right, with no unfavourable looks 
upon us ; let us go on straight in this hole of yours and ours, in 
the hot suqe-hole of us three !" 

It has been said that sacrifices are offered to the dead, but not 
of anything except money in the Banks* Islands, and that 
prayers are also addressed, almost exclusively, to them. It 
would appear, therefore, that the religious rites, such as they are, 
of the Banks* Islanders are rendered to the dead ; but sacrifice 
and prayer must not be estimated by any other than the native 
standard, or thought to make a show as the public religious 
practices of the people. There are no sacred buildings and no 
priests; there is no public worship; those who have com- 
munication with Vms apply to them for their own benefit, and 
for those who pay them for their intercession. All men when 
they are of age or position sufficient, and have been taught how 
to do it, make their prayers and sacrifices upon occasion. A 
large proportion of the population know very little of what 
their elders practise. 

For the public festivals with songs and dancer there is 
nothing practised, except in small things by individuals, of a 

Digitized by 


and Practices in Mela/nesia. 287 

religious character. There is no superstitious association what- 
ever recognised in the dances of any kind, and there are no 
sacred songs (Note 6). There are no images either which can 
be called idols, hardly any to which a superstitious regard can 
be thought to be paid. 

The great institutions of the Banks' Islands are the Suqe and 
the Tamate, which in the absence of all political organisation 
whatever, supply a certain bond of unity and order throughout 
the group. Neither have a religious character, nor is any 
superstitious practice necessarily connected with them ; but 
inasmuch as any man who gets on in the world is supposed 
to do so by mcmaf and as mana is got by superstitious 
practices, so much of superstition is mixed up with both. So 
large a share of native life and interest is given to these things 
that some account of them ought to be shortly added. 

The Suqe is a club, the house"^ belonging to which is the most 
conspicuous building in every vill^e, and is to be foimd 
wherever there ^ a permanent habitation. This house, or 
gamal, has many compartments, each with its own oven, in 
accordance with the several grades in the society. Almost all 
the male population belong to this club, and were formerly 
bound to take their meals in the gamal, the women and little 
children alone eating in the houses. To rise from one grade to 
another money has to be given and pigs killed ; to take the 
highest degrees is very expensive, and requires a certain 
amount of influence, socud, and according to native notions, like 
all other powers, to some extent supernatural On this account 
men seeking the high degrees fast, and' perform such rites as 
that of the Qarang suqe (suqe-hole) above mentioned. As ad- 
mission to the highest grades depends on the good will of the 
few who have already reached them, and all promotion in every 
rank is consequently under their control, the authority of the 
men highest in the Suqe is very considerable indeed. It is 
these persons who appear to traders and naval officers as 
chiefs. Their position, however, is merely social, but as has 
been said before, the fact of their having been able to reach 
such a position, aigues in the native mind the possession of 
mana, wnich always has some supernatural quality. 

It is remarkable that this institution of the Suqe, quite 
unknown in the Solomon Islands, is found in the New Hebrides 
as for south, at least, as Mae, Three Hills. The Banks' 
Islanders, however, think the southern Suqe very incorrect. 

The TamcUe is a secret society, or rather there are many 
secret societies all called Tamate, of which one, the Tamate 
liwoa, or great one, is the chief, and probably the original. The 
name is " The Ghosts," and the pretence was that there was in 

Digitized by 


288 R H. CODRINGTON. — Religious Beliefs 

it an association of living men and ghosts. In the Banks' 
Islands the Tamaie is as universal as the Sfuqe, and its sacred 
place, the Salagoro, found beside every village. The society, 
however, does not include all the inale population: many 
remain mataivanavxmo, with their eyes closed. Some of the 
lesser TamcUes are cheaper than the TamcUe liwoa, some are 
more exclusive. Entrance to . these societies is obtained by 
payment, and the neophyte has to spend many days in the 
Salagoro. There is really nothing, however, of initiation, for 
there is nothing to be initiated into ; the only secret was the 
making of the masks and hats in which the members appeared 
in public, and the way of producing the soimd which was 
supposed to be the cry of the ghosts. The masks or hats were 
very ingeniously made, and often beautifully ornamented, the 
various Tamates having various masks. In times not very 
distant the mysterious character of the Tamate was still 
maintained ; the women and children believed that real ghosts 
were present All supernatural character has probably now 
disappeared at Mota, and the societies are maintained for the 
pleasure of the thing, from old associations^ and the conveniences 
of a club at the Salagoro, It is not only in the Banks' Islands 
that a secret and a costume have their attractions. 

The members of the great Tamate indulge in much licence. 
When they choose to go abroad to collect provision for one of 
their feasts^ the women and uninitiated are obliged to keep 
away from their paths. The warning voice of the Tamate is 
heard, and the ooimtry is shut up. "niere is also a considerable 
power in these societies to keep order. Each has its dis- 
tinguishing leaf of a croton. When a member of any Tam^ite 
sets a tapu he will mark it with its leaf, and any one who 
violates the tapu will have to do with all of that society. A 
man who belongs to all, or aU the important, Tam/ites will con- 
sequently have much power, and the same man will probably, 
almost certainly, be high also in the Suqe. He will have great 
personal influence and m>ana, and he will have the two great 
institutions of the country at his back. In islands where tiiere 
is no political or tribal organisation, position in the Suqe and 
the Tamate makes the " Great man," whose authority is 
respected and maintains order. Some years ago men in the 
highest position in Mota forbade the carrying of bows, in 
accordance with Bishop Patteson's teaching, and when a man in 
anger caught up his weapon, the cry of the Tamate was heard all 
roimd the district, and the fault had to be atoned for with a pig. 

The Tamate in some shape obtains in the New Hebrides as 
far south at least as Ambrym ; and there is something of it in 
one island at least of the Solomon group. 

Digitized by 


and Pra4^ice8 in Jfdaaima. 289 


The New Hebrides. 

The New Hebrides, consisting of a chain of islands stretching 
generally in a line for nearly 400 miles, are not likely to present 
so compact and homogeneous a body of beliefs and practices as 
the Banks' Islands. The diversity of language which is so con- 
spicuous between the northernmost and southernmost islands of 
the group woidd suggest a diflference much wider than actually 
exists between their customs and superstitions. But the people 
are in fact the same throughout, with various degrees of admix- 
ture, and the dialects are soon seen to be, in fact, dialects and not 
separate languages ; and so there can be no reasonable doubt 
that, with whatever variation here and there, the notions of the 
people concerning the other world, and their superstitious 
practices, are substantially the same throughout the New 
Hebrides. If so, as the difference between what is believed 
and practised in the Northern New Hebrides and Banks' 
Islands is not great, what has been already given as prevailing 
in the Banks' Islands wiU stand good to a large extent in the 
New Hebrides also. A single example will suffice to show how 
complete is the identity both in language and belief between the 
two extremities of the group. 

In an account of Anaiteum given by a missionary visitor, the 
"gods" of the people are eddied Natmas, Besides the god 
Nugerain, to whom the creation of the island was ascribed, there 
was a '* multitude of spiritual beings " who are called Natmases, to 
whom prayers were made and sacrifices offered, and who were 
supposed to havefpower over the elements, crops, and disease. 
It is evident that these Natmases are the Mota Tamates; the 
word is the same on the face of it (Note 7) ; and one proof 
of unity such as this is of more value for the understanding of 
the subject than a number of points of diversity observed, and 
very imperfectly ascertained, in different islands of the group. 

It appears that the small island of Futuna, which lies a little 
away to the eastward of the main line of the group, is inhabited 
by a people spesJring the Pol)'nesian language, but not physically 
different from the Melanesians of the other islands. The same 
is the case in the little island of Niua, in the islet of FUsl, and 
is part of the mainland of Fate, Sandwich Island, and in the 
middle division of Mae, Three Hills. In these it is most probable 
that something remains of the beliefs and customs as well as 
the language of the eastern islands. 

VOL. X. u 

Digitized by 


290 R H. CoDiONGTON. — Religious Beliefs 

At Mae, then, remains one decided mark of Polynesian 
character — a hereditary chieftainship with the power of the tapu 
attached to it. Whatever appearances may induce visitors, or 
indeed missionaries, who take it for granted that there are chiefs 
among all savages, to think that the leaders or most prominent 
persoi^s who appear are the chiefs of their respective places, 
it is pretty certain that in the Banks' Islands, and New 
Hebrides generally, there are no chiefs in the sense which the 
word bears in Polynesian Islands ; there are no men distinguished 
by higher or sacred blood, none who have an oflBcial and political 
position which they inherit and transmit to their posterity. In 
Mae, however, and probably among the other Polynesian- 
spealdng communities, there 6xe hereditary chiefs^ who as 
children can succeed to their fathers, and who alone possess the 
power of the tapu. This at once makes a great difference ; but 
whether there is much besides which these Polynesian people 
hold and practise unlike their neighbours, or whether their 
neighbours have received from them anything not known in 
more purely Melanesian districts, as they have received 
circumcision, is not ascertained. At Mae circumcision is not a 
religious rite, nor has it apparently any superstitious associations. 
It prevails very generally in the Southern New Hebrides, which 
have no doubt received many inmiigrants from the Eastern 
Polynesian Islands ; but it is imknown in the New Hebrides 
north of Ambrym, and in the Banks' and Solomon Islands ; 
except in the pure Polynesian settlements. 

At Mae they distinguish between the spirits (if they think of 
more thw one), who correspond to the Vuis of the Banks' 
Islands, and the spirits which are the ghosts of dead men. A 
g;host is called Ittui, the Maori attui; when seen, an Itiui is red, 
like flame ; and there are certain places and stones which are 
sacred and imapproachable by those who do not know the Itua 
to which they belong. In this it is probable enough that the 
notion is not strictly limited to the dead. A libation is offered 
to an Itiui on drinking kava, and a fragment of food from a 
meal is in like manner offered ; in this the object of the action 
is the commemoration or invocation of the recently dead. A 
certain Tavake is esteemed as a spirit — a matigtig, not a dead 
man, and it is possible that he may be a deified ancestor of the 
chiefs ; supposing the Mae people to be sufficiently Polynesian 
still to have ancestors of whom they conceive. The place of 
departed spirits is Bulaiva. There is nothing in these beliefs at 
all different to what obtains elsewhere ; but so little is known 
that the supposition may be entertained that, if the old and 
imdisturbed ideas of the native mind could be reached, some- 
thing from the eastern islands would still be found to be 

Digitized by 


and Practices in MdaiMsia. 291 

retained, together with the PoljmesiaD language, dress, chiefs, and 

Of the northernmost islands of the group more oan be 
ascertained, and it will be seen that the native notions and 
religious practices are substantially the same as those of the 
Banks' Islands, as the dialects spoken are very closely akin. 
Of the great islands of Espiritu Santo and Malikolo, the largest 
of all tiie group, very little is known as regards these matters ; 
but so much of absolute proof exists of a common population 
that it would be difficult indeed to believe in any considerable 
variation in other things. They may have different names in 
different islands for the supernatural beings who are the subject 
of these stories ; and there may be various ways of sacrificing or 
of holding communion with the dead ; but substantially the 
practices and beliefs of all the Northern New Hebrides are the 
same, and the same with those of the Banks' Islands. 

The identity of the language is conspicuous, however mutu- 
ally unintelligible the dialects may be ; and whenever a native 
of one of these islands may land he may find his due place in 
the gamal, the clubhouse of the Suqe. What is chiefly re- 
markable as showing how comparatively modem are these 
diversities, even of language, is the identity in all these Nor- 
tltem New Hebrides of the division of the popidation into two 
'' sides of the house," which obtains in the Banks' Islands (Note 8). 
A native of Merlav, Star Island, the nearest of the Banks' 
Group to the New Hebrides, will go over to Maewo, Aurora 
Island, the northernmost of the latter group. Just as if he goes 
to one of his own group, he will find a different dialect which he 
can hardly at first understand, but he will know who are his 
9ogoiy who belong to the same " side of the house " with him- 
self ; so if he paddles over to Maewo he finds a different speech, 
which he has to learn, but his own sogoi. But whereas at home 
at Merlav all the stories are of Qat, at Maewo Qat is unknown, 
and they say that Tagar is the Vvi who created them. If a 
Maewo man, again, goes to Araga, Pentecost Island, he goes to 
his own people, his sogoi, and it is perfectly known who they 
are. Again, an Araga man goes across to his sogoi at Lepers' 
Island, fimd the people there who have intercourse with Espiritu 
Santo know equally well who are of their " side " there. It is 
evident, therefore, that in the Banks' Islands and Northern New 
Hebrides the people are one, and that there exists an institution 
prior to their diversity of language and of legends. It is im- 
possible to doubt the substantial identity of the popida,tion 
throughout the group, but whether the Poljrtiesian influences 
from the east, which are plainly visible, or whether other causes 
have made a considerable change in the more southern islands, is 

u 2 

Digitized by 


292 R H. CODRINGTON.— -Be/i^'um* Bdiefg 

not easy to discover. A comparison of what is known of the 
northern and southern islands will leave very little doubt but 
that a certain knowledge of the beliefis and customs of any 
one island would explain almost everything which a visitor 

In Maewo, Aurora, the mest northern of the New Hebrides, 
they distinguish as in the Banks* Islands between the spirits 
who never have been men, Vui, and the ghosts, Tamate, Of 
the VvAS whose names are known, Tagar takes the place of 
Qa^ as the legendary maker of various objects ; Qat is unknown. 
The foolish brother of Qat, Tangaro-loloqong, is represented by 
Suqe-matua, who always did things wrong when Tagar was 
doing them right. No sacrifices or prayers are made to Tagar, 
he is only the subject of stories ; he stayed at Maewo long ago, 
made men, pigs, fruit-trees, and went off in a canoe. 

Other Vwis, nameless and unknown to aU but those who 
have special communication with them, are approached at stones 
upon which particular leaves are laid ; not by any order of men, 
but by all as they have the fancy, or get introduced by another. 
Stones also in houses called tangaroa, or carried about the 
person, bring mana with them, because of the Vui connected with 
them. So also the stones for rain and simshine, for giving 
abimdant crops of bread-fruit, yams, or taro. Snakes and owk 
also in some places are representatives of Fwm, and give men 

The Tamates are addressed in prayers, and something in the 
way of sacrifice of food is offered to them. Places where 
remarkable men have been buried, whether recently or in times 
beyond present memory, are sacred, not to be approached but by 
their owners, who make prayers there to the Tamate, 

They call the soul tamuni ; on leaving the body it goes on the 
road to Panoi to the northern point of the island, where there is 
a deep gully down which they pass. Before leaving the world, 
they stay some time at this place, and some are heard at play, 
others crying with grief and pain, the lately dead who have just 
become aware of their condition. When the Tamate makes the 
descent it finds two Vuia, Gaviga and Matamakira, on either 
side the path, trying to wound it with their spears. Further on 
is a pig which will devour all who have not in their lifetime 
planted the Pandanus, which supplies the fibre for mats and 
baskets. Those who have planted one, find it at hand and 
climb out of the reach of the pig. Those also who have not 
killed many pigs for feasts can make no progress, but hang on 
the branches of the trees that overhang Uie beach. In Panoi 
the ghosts are very black, they eat excrement, they live in 
a dim and unsubstantial place, where aU the trees have red 

Digitized by 


and Practices in Melanesia. 2S3 

leaves. Below this Panoi is another, in which those who 
descend into it turn into burning embers. It is by Tamates 
that diseases are brought, and through them that charms are 
worked. The story of the origin of death by a woman putting 
on again her cast skin, and the belief that snakes take the form 
of men, is the same as in the Banks' Island. 

Next to Maewo is Araga, Pentecost Island. The people 
believe that Tagar came down firom heaven and made things, 
and then went beu^k ; and that he is still able to help, and is 
therefore addressed in prayers. When Tagar was making things, 
another Vui, Suqe, was with him, but was always doing and 
proposing to do what was wrong. Tagar planted the rind of 
the yam, Suqe the inner part ; Suqe wished men only to die for 
five days, but Tagar made them die right out ; Suqe proposed 
that there should be six nights to one day, but Tagar made 
them equal. Tagar had and has a wife and children, and many 
brothers were with him on earth. The Vuis which belong to 
stones are not the same as Tagar and his brothers : if they have 
names they are only known to those who know the stone and 
its Vui, Sacrifices are offered to Tagar and other Vuis on their 
stones ; a man who wishes for their favour gives the man who 
knows the Vtd a pig and mats, and he rubs the stone with 
cocoa-nut There are places where snakes are believed to be 
belonging to some Vtd; those who know them sacrifice to the 
Vid through them as a medium. 

It is by the Tamates that disease is caused and that charms 
work. When a man dies his nun leaves the body ; the body of 
a person of consequence is buried in the place, and pigs are 
killed at the death-meal whose nun follows his. The ghosts 
meet at the southern point of Araga, nearest to Ambrym; 
at lingling, where there is a stream which they cannot cross, 
and where thoy are heard dancing, drunmiing, and whistling. 
When they descend to Hades they leap oflf a projecting tree 
(Note 9), and a shark waiting below bites off the noses of those 
who have not killed pigs, or complied with some other custom of 
the coimtry. They perish finally ; but yet whether there are 
some who never leave the island, or whether they can come 
back, ghosts haunt the country in abundance, especially where 
the dead have been buried. If seen they are Uke fire. The 
places where dead persons of consequence are buried are thought 
sacred; or it may be a place wluch ghosts are supposed to 
haunt In these sacred spots sacrifices are offered. Not every 
one can go into such places, but only such as have a special 
interest in each. Such persons to propitiate the ghosts, who are 
always feared, take mats, food, pigs living or c<x>ked, and leave 
them in the sacred spot. In such places also the fragment of 

Digitized by 


294 R H. GoDBlNGTO^.—Iteligiom Beliefs 

food by which another is to be bewitched is left, and as it 
decays the life of the person aimed at is drawn out by the ghost. 
To ghosts, also, prayers are offered. It cannot be said that Uiis 
is a worship of ancestors ; it is the ghosts of the lately dead 
who are feared, propitiated, or invoked. The belief in the 
change of some snakes into men is very strong. 

In Lepers' Island, Opa, opposite to Araga, 3iey call the Tut, 
using still that word, who made things Tagaro. Suqe, they say, 
was with him, always disagreeing. When the time came for 
his departure, Tagaro paddled away in a canoe, and since then 
things have been changing for the worse. Prayers are addi'essed 
to Tagaro, and to Vuis, which have stones or snakes appropriated 
to them, who also go by the name of Tagaro. The sacrifices are 
obscure; a man who has access to a' Vui, or Tagaro, in some 
sacred place, or by some stone, will receive pigs, money, and 
mats for his intercession, but he is not known to offer thent 
He takes the same to introduce another to his sacred place or 
stone. Ghosts, on the other hand, do not appear to have 
prayers or sacrifices offered to them ; but it is they who cause 
disease, and by their means that magic works. Weather 
doctors work by stones and leaves ; but in the cure of diseases^ 
which is much in the hands of old women, recourse is rather 
had to Tavuxies, 

The soiU is called tomtegi. On the fifth day after death, at 
the death-meal, they throw some of the food on the grave before 
they eat themselves. The souls on the way to the receptacle 
for Opa tantegiSy which is loloboetogitogi, goes first to the lake 
on the top of the island, at the edge of which there is an active 
volcanic vent. There they stay for a hundred days, with 
Graleon, who stops them on the road. When they leave him 
they have to meet a pig, who will devour those who have 
not followed far their svqe. 

Passing southward, the next island is Ambrym, distinguished 
by its vast volcano. A visitor will see there two objects which 
are not seen in the northern islands. Large figures, screened 
with bamboos and profusely ornamented and painted, will be 
found in .the villages, and will naturally be taken for idols 
(Note 10). They are, however, made and kept in memory of 
some persons of consequence, and are set up at the great feast, 
perhaps a himdred days, after death. That they do not 
represent ancestors is pretty certain : the very oldest can be but 
few years old. The custom is in aU the islands to bury persons 
of consequence in the village by the side of the open space 
which is kept clear for dances and other common purposes. 
The grave is covered with stones built up like a wall, and stones 
of a convenient size for seats, or for a standing-place for an 

Digitized by 


and Practices in Melanesia^ 295 

omtor, or for killing pigs upon at a feasts are plaoed near. 
These stones are treated with a certain respect by persons of 
no position, because of their association with the great man who 
is buried near, or with feasts which they themselves have never 
provided. The drums also are erect, the hollowed logs of trees 
as elsewheie, but not lying horizontally as in the islands to the 
north. Their top is fashioned into a grinning face ; and if the 
drum be the image of a venerated ancestor, the blows of the 
performers are struck upon his stomach. A drum is part of 
the furniture of a village or of a rich man's establishment 
all through the islands ; those that stand thus erect are more 
conspicuous, the other kind being often covered from the 
weather; but it must be thought very improbable that they 
are in any way idols, or indeed, except by the way, put to any 
superstitious uses, no songs or dances in Melanesia being known 
to be employed in a religious way. 

There is probably very little difference between the customs 
of the people of Ambrym and Malikolo, or the neighbouring 
island of Api orTasiko. Beyond these comes Mae, which is the 
furthest island to the southward now visited by the Melanesian 

Of Sandwich Island, Fate, and the three islands that lie 
beyond, which are all occupied by Presbyterian Missionaries, 
very much the same account is given. They are said to believe 
at Fate in six future states, ending in annihilation, and their 
" worship of tmcestors " is confined as elsewhere to the recently 
dead. The " two gods " to whom they are said to trace the 
origin of all things, Mauitikitiki and Tamakaia, seem by their 
names to belong to the Polynesian inhabitants of the island, as 
does their Hades, Lakiuatoto (Note 11). 

Of Eromanga it is said that their " great god and creator " is 
Nobu, who after making men at Eromanga, went off to another 
land. The spirits of the dead go eastward, and also roam the 
bush. Men at first went like pigs, and pigs walked like men. 
The first of the human race was a woman, and then her son. 
They have, as at Mota and Florida, a story of a man swaUowed 
by a whala The Missionary, Mr. Gordon, who was murdered 
by the natives of the island, reported " a species of idolatry 
connected with the worship of the moon, the image of which 
they exhibit at their idolatrous feasts, which are regulated by 
the moon and are great abominations." It may well be doubted, 
however, whether this is a correct interpretation of what 
was seen (Note 12). That the same superstitions about spirits 
and their connection with stones are prevalent as farther north 
is apparent, with the same beliefs in the powers of men who are 
called priests to control the weather and cause or cure diseases. 

Digitized by 


296 R H. CODRINGTON. — Rdigious Beliefs 

The residence for many years of two missionaries on the 
southernmost island of the New Hebrides, Anaiteum, has long 
ago brought the whole people to the profession of Christianity, 
and their beliefs and customs of old times have passed away. 
It is evident that, as before observed, there was a substantial 
identity in such matters between this and the other extremity 
of the group. The early missionaries reported the people to 
" live under the most abject bondage to their Natmases** taking 
these NatmaseSf which we have seen to be the ghosts of the 
dead, for " gods or spirits " (Note 13). When it is said that the 
fat of pigs was offered to the " gods," and that on occasions 
of feasts no one tasted the food until a part had been presented 
to the " gods " by a " priest," there can be little doubt that 
what are called gods are these Natmases, as the " priests ** are 
the near relatives. The belief in other spirits, not the ghosts of 
the dead, appears equally clear in the account of " sacred stones." 
sacred places, and sacred objects, without number," and the 
" minor deities," said to be a progeny of Nugerain, and called 
" gods of the sea, of the land, of mountains and valleys, &c." 
Doctors for the weather and for diseases had the same apparatus 
of stones, bones, and leaves as elsewhere, and the same charms 
were practised by means of the fragments of food. Nugerain 
was the creator, who fished up the island, b& Maui did New 
Zealand ; a legend probably borrowed from the Eastern Islands. 
What is mentioned as a " vague and dim tradition of the Fall," 
is no doubt an incorrect rendering of the common story of the 
origin of death in breaking through the primitive practice of 
casting the skin. 

The place of departed souls was called Imai, which had two 
divisions ; the one a " sensual paradise," to which nothing in 
the beliefs of the northern and western islands bears any 
resemblance ; the other, a " most miserable place," where they 
fed on the "vilest refuse," according to the common belief 
elsewhere, and were "tormented." One of the torments 
mentioned clears away the difficulty raised by the mention of 
torment, which is quite foreign to the common Melanesian 
conception of Hades, and points to an agreement with the 
almost universal belief in some kind of ordeal to be gone through 
on the way to Hades. This torment is the piercing of the nose 
and ears with a sharp instrument ; and the true story is pro- 
bably the same as that told at Florida, as the statement that 
" stinginess " is the crime chiefly punished in Hades is to be 
understood by what they say in Lepers' Island, and elsewhere, 
about the fate of those who have not killed pigs for public 

In two points a difTerence is seen between Anaiteum and 

Digitized by 


and Practices in Melanesia. 297 

the greater part of Melanesia. Human sacrifices are said to 
have been offered but rarely. The question arises whether it 
was really so ; whether the man was not killed, because he was 
supposed to be the cause of some calamity, l^e Sun and 
Moon also, especially the Moon, " held a distinguished place 
among, the gods of the Anaiteumese," as also at Eromanga. 
That the Sim and Moon axe spirits, or inhabited by spirits 
{Vuis in the language of the Northern New Hebrides is 
commonly believed ; but that they siioidd be worshipped and 
sacrificed to is not a common thing. Looking, however, at the 
whole Archipelago from the Torres Islands to Anaiteum, it 
cannot fail to be seen that with all diversities of dialect, and 
minor differences in other ways, the beliefs of the people 
concerning the imseen world and the practices that follow upon 
them are substantially the same. 

Of New Caledonia and the Loyalty Islands very little can be 
said. The absolute power of a few hereditary chiefs in these 
latter islands points to something different from the common 
Melanesian population, as the pottery and elaborate irrigation 
described by the first visitors to New Caledonia gives a notion 
of another stage of civilization ; though pottery is also made in 
Espiritu Santo, and water is in many islands ingeniously brought 
among the cultivations. It seems certain that prayers and food 
are offered to the recently dead ; what besides has been related 
by visitors is either a repetition or an obvious misrepresentation 
of what is common elsewhere (Note 14). 


The Solomon Islands, San Cristoval. 

The three himdred miles that separate the Solomon Islands 
from the Banks' Islands, carry the voyager into what he cannot 
fail to observe to be, in some respects, a new world. The diffe- 
rence between the elegant pltmk-built canoes, and the clumsy 
tree-trunks of the islands he has left behind, is striking. He 
sees at once that he has come into the region of the betel, and 
is told that he has passed out of the r^on of kava. He knows 
that it is now possible to sail on without losing sight of land 
to the Asiatic continent itself, and if that should seem too far, 
the great island of Ifew Guinea, the Papua, from which the 
whole race around him takes its name, is comparatively close 
before him. Whatever of difference, however, may be observed 
in the people will, as has been remarked before, seem to make 

Digitized by 


298 R H. CODBINGTON. — JRdigioua Beliefs 

them less Papuan; their more frequently straight hair and 
oblique eyes, and their generally shorter statura The origin of 
this difference, and the degree to which it obtains, not in the 
physical form, but in the customs and belief of the people, is 
the most interesting subject of inquiry in the Solomon Islands. 

Diversity in language still prevails, but the area over which 
one dialect extends is generally larger, though local differences 
are found everywhere. The distinction between the people of 
the sea-coast and of the inland villages is marked in the larger 
islands, not by diversity of language so much as of feeling ; 
and yet in some places where European intercourse has cor- 
rupted the population, it is mcuntained almost entirely by the 
adoption of cluldren from inland. All the dialects spoken have 
evidently the same origin with those of the Banks' Islands and 
New Hebrides, and the people are undoubtedly Melanesian, as 
in those islands, Papuan, not Polynesian. Small colonies of 
pure Polynesians are found in small islands of the group. 

The islands visited by the Melanesian Mission are San 
Cristoval, Ugi, Ulawa, or Contrariety, Malanta, Guadalcanar, 
Florida, Savo, and YsabeL It is probable that to divide these 
into two groups will not only be a matter of convenience, but 
will represent an existing (UflTerenoe between the customs of 
those who occupy the two extremities. The islands of Guadal- 
canar and Malaiita stretch side by side for a himdred miles, and 
the ends of each will belong to the south-eastern and north- 
western divisions respectively. We may take San Christoval 
with the small neighbouring islands, Ulawa, and the south- 
eastern ends of Malaiita and Guadalcanar, as forming one group, 
and the further ends of the last-mentioned islands with Florida, 
Savo, and Ysabel as forming another. Of the first, San Cristoval 
may be taken as an example ; whatever prevails there in belief 
or in practice will be found with little variety in the sur- 
rounding parts. 

In San Cristoval a difference is recognised between beings of 
a higher nature than human, and the spirits of dead men ; but 
ever]rthing in the nature of a eiUtttg is directed to the dead. 
A spirit, never human, is called Vigona, but only one Vigcma is 
spoken of, and that was a snake ; its outward form or manifesta- 
tion, that is, is said to have been a snake. The name of this 
spirit, who was female, was Kahausibware, her abode was on the 
mountain at Bauro in the centre of the island. It was she who 
made men, pigs, fruit-trees, yams, the animals, and their food 
with which the island is furnished. After a while, the race of 
men being in its infancy, a woman left her child in the house 
whiJe she went to work, in charge of Kahausibware, whose child 
in some way it was. The child so annoyed the Vigona by its 

Digitized by 


and Practices in Melancaia. . 299 

screaming, that it strangled it with its tail The mother coming 
in found the folds of the serpent still wound round the body, 
and seizing an axe began to chop the snake to pieces. As she 
chopped it asunder, the parts came together again ; but at last 
the spirit gave in, cried out that she would go away, and that 
the woman would soon be sorry for having used her so badly. 
The spirit-snake accordingly made its way down a watercourse 
to the sea and left the island. She first swam to Ugi, but still 
seeing the mountain at Bauro, she went further to Ulawa, and 
thence to the south-east end of Malanta, but still there was in 
fine weather the sight of her former home. Finally she reached 
Marau, the end of Guadalcanar, nearest San Cristoval, tind the 
view of the mountain of Bauro being shut out by the nearer 
hills, there she rests till the present day. Snakes upon that 
mountain are venerated as being the progeny or representatives 
of Kahausibware, but they are not Vigonas. No prayers or 
sacrifices are offered to Kahausibware ; she is nothing but the 
subject of stories. Since her departure, all things have deterio- 
vated The same story of the origin of death in the putting on 
again of the cast skin is related concerning the woman whose 
child was strangled by the snake, as is ciirrent in the Eastern 

The spirits of dead men are called Ataro. When a man dies 
his soul (aungana) goes from his body to a small island near 
Ulawa, Bondomana. At first the ghost feels like a man ; he 
gives the news of his place, and does not realise his condition. 
After some days a kingfisher pecks his head, and he sinks into 
the shadowy existence of a real ghost. They do nothing, but 
stay for ever in a cave, or ranging aimlessly about the islands. 
Men landing imder stress of weather often see them on the 
beach, but on close approach they disappear. They have no 
power, but exist with an empty life, and are afraid of living 
men. The kingfisher is killed at Bauro, bet^ause of its treatment 
of the ghosts, but yoimg ones spring up from the blood of all 
that are killed. 

It is a matter of much difficulty, as elsewhere, to reconcile 
the concourse of dead men's souls, in such a receptacle as this, 
with their presence and activity in the neighbourhood of their 
graves and among their living countrymen. It is possible that, 
if common people on their death disappear 'in their souls to 
Bondomana, and never really become Ataro$, men of rank and 
position, those in one word who have had mcurui, are thought to 
undergo a different change, and remain as Atarog near their 
homes. It is also possible that it is conceived that there are 
two souls, the anima and the animus, one of which goes to 
Bondomana, and the other remains as an Ataro. No clear 

Digitized by 


300 E. H. CODRINGTON. — RetigiouB Beliefs 

conception is formed by the natives : some will say one thing, 
some another ; but all will be agreed that common men when 
they die do not become the Ataros that are feared, invoked, and 

^ propitiated. To have power as a ghost, a man must have had it 
when alive ; the more he has when alive, the more he will have 
as a ghost ; and while alive he gets his power from the dead 
who have gone before him. 

^ The bodies of common people are thrown into the sea, but 
men of consequence are buried. After a time they take up the 
skull or some part of the skeleton, and put it in a small building 
in the village, where upon occasions they pray or sacrifice to 
obtain help from the spirit. Ghosts (Ataros) are seen and heard 
to speak ; their appearance is that of persons lately dead, their 
voice is a hollow whisper. On occasions, however, when the 
people of a place are gathering for a fight, some one, who has an 
Ataro with whom he communicates, will speak with the Ataro's 
voice loudly, prophesying success, and stirring up fierceness and 
couraga It is the Ataros of those who have lately died that 
have most power ; that is, if of late a man of great mana has 
died. If in any place there has been no great man of late, they 
think most of one of the former generation, who has never been 
superseded ; but after a time all are forgotten, or thought to have 
little mana, whom no one remembers in the flesh. 

In this way, as there will be a general recourse to the aid of 

^ some famous dead warrior or leader, so individuals, families, and . 
sets of neighbours will have some one of their own to whom as 

\ an Ataro they will apply. The ghosts are believed to fight 
among themselves with ghostly weapons. If then a person is 
sick in a way that is supposed to show that it has been done by 
a ghost, his friends will form an opinion as to the ghost belong- 
ing to some unfriendly party who has done it. They therefore, 
or the one among them who has access to the powerful ghost of 
their party by the medium of his skull, or spme relic of him, 
will call upon that ghost to attack the other who has done the 
mischief. The two ghosts fight, but mortals only know of the 
combat by the result. The ghost who wounds his adversary 
causes thereby the sickness or death of one of his adversary's 
living clients. 

The manner in which the help of a powerful Ataro is 
obtained by prayer and sacrifice on a public occasion is thus 
described in an account written by an educated Christian native : 
" When our people want to fight with any other pletce, the chief 
men of the village and the older men and the youths, with those 
who know how to sacrifice, come together to the place in the 
village which is sacred to the Aiaro, whose name is Harumae. 
When they are thus assembled to sacrifice, the man who acts as 

Digitized by 


and Practices in Melanesia. 301 

chief sacrificer takes a pig ; and if it be not a castrated pig they 
would not sacrifice it to that Ataro : he would despise it and not 
eat it Not the chief sacrificer, but thos<e who help him kill the 
pig by strangling it near the sacred place. Then they cut it up, 
taking care fliat no blood drops on the ground, to prevent which 
they put it into a bowl. Then the chief sacrificer takes a piece 
of the flesh, and dips up some of the blood in a cocoa-nut shell, 
and goes in with both to the sacred house, and calls the Ataro 
thus, * Harumae ! Chief in war ! we sacrifice this pig to you 
that you may help us to beat those people, and whatever we 
shall carry off from that place shall be your property, and we 
too will be yours.' Then he too bums the piece of flesh in a 
fire on a stone, and pours the blood on the fire. Upon that 
the tire flames up and reaches the roof, and the place is filled 
with the smell of the pig, a sign that the Ataro has heard. But 
when the man goes in, he does not go boldly, but with awe ; and 
this is a sign that he is going into the sacred house, that he puts 
away his bag, and washes ^oroughly his hands, lest the Ataro 
should despise him." It is to be observed that this Harumae 
has not been dead many years — ^the elder people of his place 
weU remember him ; nor was he a great fighting man, he was as 
hifl name, " Feed the enemy," implies, a kind and generous man, 
but he was thought to have much mana. The ghost of another 
man of very different character has also a great reputation in the 
same place, Tapia by name, who in his lifetime was no gi*eat 
warrior, but very powerful with charms and curses ; he is much 
dreaded now, and the place where he was buried is dangerous to 
approach, especially in the rain. It is on a little point of land, 
and if a rainbow is seen, then it is a sign that the Ataro is 
present. If a man should go there alone in the rain, Tapia will 
take his soul, and tie it to the great banyan that is there. When 
he gets home he feels his whole body in pain, and sends for a man 
skilful in such matters, who finding where he has been, says that 
Tapia is wishing to eat him. He then sacrifices on behalf of 
the sick man, gives Tapia some pig's flesh or a fish, and begs 
him to eat it instead of the man ; finally brings back the soul 
with him, and the man recovers. 

The d^ are thus applied to for help in battle, in sickness, 
and also to produce abundant crops. Not every one knows 
how to address them, but the prayers that are muttered are 
handed down from father to son, or taught for a consideration. 
It is worthy of notice that the inland people are thought to 
have much more mana in these matters than those on the 
coast ; there are some in the Island of Malanta so full of it 
that when they come down to the beach villages they dare not 
spread out their fingers, for to point the finger at a man is to 


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302 R. H. CODRINGTON.— JBeZtjtow* Beliefs 

8hoot bim with a charm, and one atretiched out would be a 
pTOvooation to an attack. Mischief is worked in these islands, 
as elsewhere, by fragments of food, or a bit of sometiiing from 
the person which, when put into the place considered saored to 
the Aixiro will bring d^ease or accident. To cure disease, 
besides the sacrifices as above mentioned, to propitiate the 
adverse ghost, there are means of bringing mcurui to bear from 
the Ataros by charms muttered over water for the sick person 
to drink, and by the use of certain leaves and roots, amongst 
which ginger has a conspicuous place. Eain, sunshine, 
wind, and calm, are equally controlled by the charms which 
have mcma from the dead. In all these matters the lately dead 
are thought most powerful. 

At the death-feast a piece of food is burnt as if for the eating 
of the ghost. If a person of great consequence, a figure may be 
made of him after his death, for the omamentaition of a canoe- 
house, or of a stage put up at great feasts. These images are 
hardly idols, though food may sometimes be put before them, 
though to remove them would be thought to bring down 
punishment from the dead man upon those who should so 
insult him. In these islands, however, it is a favourite amuse- 
ment, or was so in former times, to carve figures which, though 
often taken for idols, heul no superstitious meaning whatever. 

The native conception of the forms of the ghosts which haunt 
the sea was curiously shown in a very elaborately omam^ited 
canoe-house at Wango, now in decay. One of the many 
pictures of native life showed men in a canoe being diot at by 
ghosts. The shapes of the ghosts are made up of fish ; the head 
is a fish, and the hands and feet, all projecting angles of the 
body, are in the form of the heads or fins of fish, and fish serve 
as arrows or darts. The notion is that ghosts make fish, such 
as flying-fish and gar-fish, dart out of the sea upon men in 
canoes, and that any one struck by them will die. The sea, 
with which the living men have so much to do, is equally the 
scene of the activity of the ghosts. In any danger they are 
invoked, or propitiated with an offering of an areca-nut or some 
food. Sharks, especially those of a dark colour and large size, 
are thought to be ataros ; they are prayed to in danger, and 
offerings are made to them. At Ulawa they seem particularly 
to be regarded; one in particular, whose name is Sautahimatawa, 
to whom sacrifices are made of money and porpoise-teeth, which 
are more valued than money. In that place, if a sacred shark 
has attempted to seize a man, but he has escaped, they are so 
much afraid of his anger that they will throw him back into 
the sea to be devoured. These sharks also are thought to help 
in catching bonitos, for which mana is supposed to be particu- 

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and Practices in MeUinma. 303 

larly neeessary. Until a boy haja caught one of th^s fish he 
has not taken his plaoe in the world. In order to gain maryi 
for the purpose, boys and young men will spend even months in 
sepaiation from the rest in some canoe-house; where they 
sacrifice, or rather some one who has mana does so for them, 
and seek the necessary spiritual force. They paddle out con- 
tinually till they succeed. Sometimes a man who has mana 
will put his hand on a boy's, and so enable him to catch the fish. 
This is the only custom resembling an initiation known in this 
diyision of the Solomon grcup. 

Stones are, as everywhere, regarded with reverence, where, 
from their appearance or situation, or some association, they 
have come to be thought connected with an Ataro. Those 
which are in the open are treated with respect : no one will go 
too near, or sit upon them ; those that are out of sight in the 
bush make the place sacred, and sacrifices are offered upon 
them, or near them, of money to their spirit But as the Ataros 
connected with them are of ancient times, few know much 
about them, or give them more than a vague respect 


Solomon Islands, continued. Florida, Tsabel. 

The further division of the Solomon Islands comprises the 
north-western ends of Guadalcanar and Malanta, Florida, Savo, 
and TsabeL There is a connection between the languages 
generally, much closer than is foimd on the eastern side of 
Melanesia ; the dialect of Savo, however, being very distinct 
Over a considerable part of tUs area also the three or six 
exogamous divisions of the people of Florida prevail ; at least 
among the people of the coast The inland people of Malanta 
are reported by the others to be very different from them, which 
is accounted for on the supposition that the seafaring people who 
occupy islands close to the shore are a recent colony from 
Guadalcanar, from whence even yet, as they live by trade, they 
procure the greater part of their food. 

The central position of Florida, between Malanta, Ysabel, and 
Guadalcanar, gives it a representative character ; and it is for- 
tunately not difficult to ascertain generally what are the reli- 
gious beliefs and practices of the peopla 

What is at the outset very remarkable is, that they will not 
allow that there are any beings of a supernatural order that 
have not been men. The word used for such beings as are 

Digitized by 


304 R H. CODRINGTON. — Religious Beliefs 

approached by prayers and sacrifices, TindcUo, is, as is common, 
that used for the ghosts of dead men ; but it is strange to meet 
with the belief that there are no supernatural beings corre- 
sponding to tlie Vigona of San Cristoval, or the Vwi of the 
Banks' Islands. Soul or spirit is Tarunga; this is with the 
living man, and leaving him at death becomes a Tindalo; re- 
maining a Tarunga, a spiritual, not a material, being ; and no 
Tindalos will they allow to exist that have not been the Tarunga 
of a living man. Hence, is a diJBference and a difficulty in the 
account of the origin of mankind. The first was a woman 
named Eoevasi, but how she came into existence no one knows. 
She made things of all kinds, and became herself the mother of 
a woman, who again had a child fix)m whom the people of the 
island spring. Koevasi was the author of death by resuming 
her cast-off skin to satisfy her granddaughter, according to the 
widely-spread tradition. She was also the author of the 
different dialects of the neighbourhood ; for having started on a 
voyage, she was seized with ague, and shook so much that her 
utterance was confused. Wherever she landed, the people 
caught firom her their almost unintelligible speech. Koevasi 
thus, though declared to be a human being, corresponds to the 
various supernatural persons to whom the origin of mankind 
is ascribed throughout Melanesia; and accordingly she is 
not the object joi any worship, only the subject of legendary 

The Florida belief concerning the region of departed spirits 
is parallel with what has been ah'eady given, but in one inter- 
esting particular it varies or improves. Nowhere else ap- 
parently is there a "ship of the dead." All Tarungas from 
Florida assemble after death at a western point of the island, in 
an inhabited country where the path of the Tindalos, the dead, 
goes through the cultivated ground (Note 15). The ghosts 
spend some time at this place, and their dancing is heard at 
night. After a time a canoe comes over to them from Guadal- 
canar, and takes them to Galaga. They land on a rock near the 
shore, and there for the first time they become aware that they 
are dead. They then meet with a Tindalo, who carries a rod, 
which he thrusts through the cartilage of their noses to prove 
whether they are pierced ; if so, there is a good path which they 
can follow to Marau, the extremity of the island. If the nose 
is not pierced, the ghost is not allowed to follow the path, but 
has to make his way with difficulty and t»ain. Living men in 
canoes nearing the shore at this place (Galaga) see the forms of 
the ghosts, and recognise individuals, but on nearer aj^roach 
they disappear. A man still alive at Gaeta, having to all 
appearance died, revived to relate that he had reetched the 

Digitized by 


and Practices in Mdanesia. 305 

canoe, which came for him and his companions in the night ; 
but diat a tall black TindaJo forbade him to come aboard, and 
sent him back to the world again. 

A native account of the Florida belief concerning their Tin- 
dales is given in a translation in '' Mission Life " for Novem- 
ber, 1874. The point of particular interest is that it points to, 
but does not discriminate, the cultus of certain Tindalos who 
are not, as universally elsewhere they seem to be, the ghosts of 
recently deceased powerful men of the place. The spirits of 
men recently deceased do imdoubtedly become objects of 
worship as elsewhere ; being supposed able to help their friends, 
they are invoked and they have food oiBFered to them, but they 
cannot be called ancestors, much less gods. Besides these there 
appear legendary ancestors of the divisions of the population 
which are not tnbes in a proper sense, though much more like 
it than in the more eastward islands ; for the members of these 
divisions have much more in common than the disability of 
intermarriage when they have a l^endary common ancestor, 
and, with a reference to him, some food from which all are 
bound to refrain. It does not appear, however, that worship, 
prayers, or sacrifices are frequently oflfered to these legendary 
ancestors ; they are Tindalos because they are dead, but they 
have become mostly the subjects of stories, and are not brought 
into action upon the living as are those recently deceased. But 
there are, besides Tindalos, spirits called Keramo, who may 
almost be called gods, because, though only the spirits of 
famous warriors, they have only been known in Florida in their 
spiritual state and power, and never in human form* In fact, it 
is said that their names and their cultus have only recently been 
introduced &om the islands further west, where the Florida people 
suppose a stronger mana to prevail than among themselves. 
It is said that these Keramo are famous fighting men of recent 
times in the islands beyond, whom the Florida people now 
have recourse to for aid in war, as they used till lately to invoke 
their own dead warriors. Together with this cvltus of the 
Keramos, they say has been introduced from the west, the 
practice of taking heads ; and, what seems veiy questionable, 
considering the presence of undisguised cannibalism in the more 
easterly Solomon Islands, the practice of eating human flesh in 
sacrifice. According to their own accoimt, ti^e Florida people 
till lately did not eat human flesh, and now only eat it in 
sacrifice. They say that the Savo people do not even yet ; and 
generally that it is the inland people in all the islands who eat 
human flesh for food, and not those who live on the coast It 
is probably true that the notion prevails everywhere that manxi 
is obtained by partaking of such food, and that in some places 

VOL. X. X 

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306 R. H. CODKINGTON. — Rdiffiom Beliefs 

people only have become cannibals who eat it as they wonld 
other flesh. 

The way of obtaining the assistance of the Keramo, the 
Tindalos said to have been lately introduced, is that which is 
common elsewhere, by prayer and sacrifice, and by means of 
certain leaves, ginger, bark or roots of plants, through which 
rruina is conveyed, partly by eating or chewing the things, 
partly by tjring them as amulets about the person. The know- 
ledge of these things, as elsewhere, resides with men who have 
been taught, or have bought the knowledge from former possessors, 
and some will be in communication with one, some with more 
than one of t&e Keramos. The heart of a pig is offered and 
burnt in sacrifice, because being in the middle of the body it is 
thought the best representative of the whole. What is burnt in 
sacrifice, whether to a Keramo or to a recently-deceased Tindalo, 
is supposed to become his food, in a spiritual sense ; without any 
very clear conceptions, it is everywhere supposed that the 
immaterial ghost appropriates the correspondmg part of the 

Stones do not appear to occupy an important place in Florida, 
yet there are stones that are sacred with the notion that a 
Tindcdo haimts the place, and can be approached there ; food is 
put on such stones, with calling on the Tindalo, and when after- 
wards eaten it conveys mana. Money is offered and left in 
small quantities. 

Charms for causing and curing disease, for producing calms 
and winds, rain or sunshine, operate as elsewhere by means of 
the Tindalos, the spirits of the dead. In whatever way anything 
extraordiujuy is produced, whether it be by a well-directed aim 
or a plentiful haul of fish, whether by skill, strength, or good 
luck, all is ascribed to the Tuana obtained for a Tindaio, from a 

Snakes that haunt a place which is sacred to some Tindalo are 
themselves sacred as being his property. There is one in Savo 
which causes the death of every one who happens to see it. 
Alligators also are supposed in some cases to be Tindalos; a man 
will fancy that one is possessed by the ghost of some friend, and 
will feed it, or even sacrifice to it. Such an alligator will 
become an object of general reverence, and will even become 

The world is supposed to consist of several heavens overlying 
one another, making four or five habitable surfaces like the 
earth — auction which runs through several Banks' Island stories 
also. A story is told of Vulanangela, who getting out of his 
depth to recover the arrow with which he was shooting fish, 
was carried off and swallowed by an enormous bonito. After 

Digitized by 


and Practices in Mdanesia. 3 07 

Aome days he felt the fish ground on a sandy beach, and cut his 
way out with the piece of obsidian he had kept in his mouth 
for sharpening his arrows. He found himself at the foot of 
heaven, and, seeking for a place to warm himself, sat in the path 
of the sun, who was just coming out in likeness of a man with a 
walking-stick. The stick struck against Yulanangela, and the 
son becoming aware of his presence, asked him how he came 
there, and on hearing his story took him with him as he climbed 
to heaven. Midway there was a village and the sun's house, 
where Yulanangela remained a long time a guest with the sun's 
wife. Everything above was as on this earth ; they were on the 
upper surface of our sky. After a while, looking for a lost 
arrow, the man found that it had fallen down a hole, through 
which the earth was to be seen. A longing for his home then 
seized him^ and the sun and his wife pitied him, and let him go. 
They made a cage for him to sit in, and collected a vast quantity 
of a kind of supple-jack to let him down. He reached the earth 
in safety, shook the supple-jack as a signal that he was safe, and 
the sun let go the line, which fell on a hill in Florida, where 
that kind of creeper is now very abundant. Vulanangela is 
now a Tinanlo, whose name is not lightly mentioned. 

It is at fielaga, in Florida, that an institution corresponding to 
the TamaU of the Banks' Islands and Northern New Hebrides 
is found. There is a district of the coast which at uncertain 
intervals of some years is taken possession of by those who 
have been initiated. At this time, those who have not yet been 
brought in are admitted, even if very little boys. There is 
nothing to be initiated into ; but those who are acquainted with 
Tindalos and the ways of approaching them, sacrifice continually 
to one and another. The whole company is supposed by the 
women, and those who are not yet brought in, to be in com- 
munication with the dead, that is with Uie Tindalos; no one 
dares to appioach the place, and no one thinks of resisting or 
complaining if their property is carried oflF or themselves ill 
used. At the end of Uie time a great piece of the handiwork of 
tJie Tindalos is displayed on the l^ach, and all, women included, 
flock to see it. It is a lofty framework of bamboo, decorated 
and painted, and has hitherto been accepted and viewed with 
awe, as the work of spirits and not of men. The sight of 
similar things in the Sdagoros of the Banks' Islands by many 
Florida people has begun to shake the credit of this imposture ; 
as the free entrance of Solomon Islanders, who being strangers 
require no initiation and pay no fees, has helped to explode the 
secret of the TamaU associations there. 

The very large island of Ysabel, at its south-eastern end, is in- 
habited by people differing very little in language from those at 

X 2 

Digitized by 


308 R H. CODRINGTON.— iWt^run« Beliefs 

Florida, and with customs which if they vary at all, only show 
the better the general character of the superstitions of this 

With them the soul, the Twnmga, of the living man, becomes 
a TindalOy and the place of these departed spirits is the little 
island of Laulau. Living men visiting the island see the rocks 
on which the ghosts, who fly through the air, first become 
aware of their sad condition ; they see forms as of men at a 
distance, which disappear at a nearer approach ; they find the 
paths round the island nicely kept, and the bathing-places 
cleared of stones ; if they hang up fish in the trees in the 
morning they find them carried to another place ; and marks 
made in the road, as guides to those who come after, are taken 
away. On the top of the island is a pool of water, Kolapapauro, 
and thither the ghosts repair, to Bolafagina, who is the lord of 
the place. Across the pool is a nsmrow tree-trunk, along which 
the ghosts advance. Bolafagina examines their hands ; those 
who have a triangular mark cut in their hands, following 
the line of the forefinger and thumb, are received by him, and 
live in happiness under his rule ; those who have no mark are 
thrown by him into the gulf, and perish. 

The Tindalos, however, are active in their old homes ; it is 
they who cause and remove some diseases, and by whose power 
all charms are effectual. When a man is sick in such a way 
that a ghost is supposed to be the cause of it, a doctor who 
understands the matter is called in to find out who it is. He 
dangles a stone or some heavy ornament at the end of a string, 
and calls the names of all the lately deceased ; when the right 
name is called, the stone moves. By the same process he 
discovers what the ghost will take to leave the sick man — a fish, 
or a pig, or a mash of yams. Whatever he may desire is taken 
and offered at his grave, and then eaten, and the sick n^covers. 

When a chief dies they bury him ; but so that by keeping a fire 
over his head they are able to take up his skull for preservation in 
the house of the relative who succeeds him. An expedition then 
starts to obtain heads in his honcur ; any one not of his place 
will be killed if they fall in with them ; the heads which add 
mana to the new TindcUo are arranged upon the beach 
belonging to his place. Till the heads are procured, the people 
of the village do not move about The grave is built up with 
stones, and sacrifices are offered to the dead upon it. Of course 
the living chief knows that he will receive this worship after 
his death (Note 16). Common people's ghosts are not con- 
sidered ; but it shoiud be observed that though a chiefs son or 
brother succeeds him, it is by virtue of no superior ancestry, 
but because the wealth and the mana of the deceased are 

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and Practices in Mdanma, 309 

handed on to him. There is nothing to prevent a common man 
from becoming a great chief, if he can show that he has got the 
mana for it. 

The knowledge how to make prayer and sacrifice, and whom 
to address, is not in the hands of all. One who knows a 
particular Tindalo goes to the place where he is buried and 
makes his prayer. If it be a sacrifice, the pig is killed by stifling 
it, and the head is laid upon the grave-stones. The man who 
officiates cuts its neck, and all present join in the prayer, 
calling the name of the dead and asking for mana. The flesh 
is cooked and eaten near the place by the sacrificing party, part 
being burnt by the grave-side as the dead man's share. Some- 
times fish or other food is offered in the same way, and 
unhappily there can be no doubt but that human victims are 
sometimes offered. This horrible rite, they say, has been lately 
introduced, as at Florida ; but whereas at the latter place they 
deny that more than a very little flesh is eaten as a sacrificial 
act, and that of an enemy already killed in battle, it is certain 
that in Ysabel the human victim is killed and eaten as in the 
sacrifice of an animal. 

The notion is that much mana is added to, and in return 
received from, the Ttndalo by such a victim. The practice, they 
, say, has not been introduced into Savo ; there coumion people 
at death are thrown to the sharks, and diiefs are buried by the 
sea, with stones built over them on which sacrifices are ofl'ered. 
These are the " devilnstones " of traders, and English-speaking 

To obtain ma/na for fighting, the ghosts of the recently dead 
are applied to ; leaves of particular tinds are brought together, 
with gmger, which has a sacred character in all this region, and 
the Wk of trees, scraped and eaten. To obtain good crops, 
food is taken to certain stones thought to be sacred to some 
Tindalo of -ancient times; the food is laid on the stones with 
prayer that it may get m^na and then eaten. Fish is used in 
the same way for success in fishing. There is a certain sacred 
pool of water, into which scraps from a person's food whose life 
is aimed at are thrown by those who know the place and the 
Tindalo there. If the scraps of food are quickly devoured by 
fish or a snake, the man will die ; otherwise Uie Tindalo is 
unwilling to do the mischief desired of him. Sharks and 
alligators receive in Ysabel the same occasional worship as 
Tindalos, which is given in all this region ; but sharks par- 
ticularly in Savo, where they abound. 

The people of the south-western part of Ysabel have suffered 
very much from the attacks made upon them from year to year 
by the inhabitants of the further coast of tlie same island, and of 

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310 R H. CODRlNGTON.^ifo/^ioiM Bdiefa 

neighbouring islands with whose exact position they are not 
acquainted. The object of these attacks is to obtain heads, 
whether for the honour of a dead or living chief, or for the 
inauguration of new canoes. Throughout the Solomon Islands 
a new war canoe is not invested with due mana until some man 
has been killed by those on board her ; and any unfortunate 
voyagers are hunted down for the purpose on the first trip or 
atlterwards. The people of Rovigana, known to traders as 
Rubiana, carry off not only heads but living prisoners, whom 
they are believed to keep, till on the death of a chief, or 
launching of a canoe, or some great sacrifice, their lives are 
taken. It is from these people that, as they say, head-hunting 
and human sacrifices have been introduced into the nearer 
islands of the group. 

In all these islands there is a vague belief in the existence of 
wild, not really human, men. The belief is by no means 
limited to these larger islands, but prevails throughout from Mae 
in the New Hebrides to Ysabel, and is expressed in stories more 
or less extravagant. Some credence has been ^ven to these 
stories in regard to the larger islands, where the existence either 
of a much lower type of humanity, or of some large simians, has 
been thought possible. The fact that the same stories with 
modi£cations are told every whei-e is the most complete disproof 
that can be given. In the little island of Mae they are, or 
were, for they are now extinct, seen on the Three Hills ; at 
Ambrym they are seen basking on the rocks on the slopes of 
the great volcano ; in the Guadalcanar they are met with where 
the inhabited sea-coast is left, and adventurous visitors begin to 
climb the lower ranges of the lofty mountains. Everywhere 
these beings are seen singly, or rarely male and female together, 
sometimes with one young one. They always carry baskets, 
live in trees, wear no clothes, feed on wild fruits, and tear and 
devour men whom they can overpower. In the several islands 
they are either much larger or much less than men, with very 
long arms, or with nails like birds' claws, or with knees and 
elbows the wrong side before. In one word, the same stories 
are told from New Zealand throughout Melanesia to the Asiatic 
continent itself. The question is, whether the story in any 
form is true anywhere. If true somewhere, as certainly not in 
the Melanesian islands, how have the Melanesian people learnt 
them ? Are they the common inheritance of their ancient stock ? 
Do they point to the real existence of man-like apes or ape-like 
men in far distant times and lands ? or are they everywhere 
alike the creatures of imagination which delight in producing 
monsters for the wonder of children and of strangers ? 

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and Practices in Melanesia. 311 



A GENERAL view of the Beligious Beliefs and Practices in the 
i3lands of Melanesia comprised in the foregoing survey, will 
certainly show a general agreement throughout, more thorough 
than perhaps wo^d be anticipated. It is seen that almost 
everywhere, though the belief seems to fade away towards the 
westwards, the existence of spiritual beings, distinct from men 
living or dead, is believed in. It is true that the conception 
can hardly be that of a purely spiritual being ; yet by whatever 
name the natives call them, they are such as in English must be 
called spirits. To these beings the creation of men and animals, 
and the f unushing of the habitable world is ascribed ; but they 
are not generally the chief objects of worship — not those by 
whose agency will be brought about what the natives who seeks 
supernatural aid will most desire. It is to the spirits of tU^ 
dead that recourse is had in witchcraft, in prayer in time of 
danger, in the sacrifices which gain strength and victory in war. I 
A clear and well-understo(S distinction, no doubt, cannoty 
always be maintained, and the confusion may be thought, more- 
over, to be partly caused by a transition through which the ^ 
practices and belief have recently been passing. While at 
Florida the veneration of stones occupies a very small space in 
the religion of the people, and prayers are not ofifered at all to 
their legendary creator ; whereas in the Banks' Islands almost no 
religious rite is imconnected with the use of stones as media for 
spiritual influence, and prayers are addressed to their Vuis; it 
may not unreasonably be conjectured that a change has been 
going on by which the worship of the dead, and aJl practices 
connected with the belief in their active powers among living 
men, have come more into vogue than in olden times. Whether 
this has proceeded from the natural development of religious 
ideas, or whether it has been brought about by influence of 
communications from east or west, may be a question which 
cannot yet receive an answer ; but probably the practices con- 
nected with stones and spirits, not ghosts of the dead, prevail 
most strongly where there is least evidence of intercourse with 
another race, that is in the Banks' Islands. At any rate, in all 
the islands it is plainly believed that power of a spiritual 
character belongs to the dead, and may be obtained from them 
by living men. Whatever power of this kind a man possesses 
is his lifetime, though it may show itself in bodily excellence. 

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312 R H. CoDRiNGTOiJ. — Iteliffiom Beliefs 

is conceived of as supernatural, and attaching to that part of 
his nature, his soul, by whatever name it may be called, which 
not only survives the dissolution of the body, but is even 
enabled to act more effectively by death. The man of no mana 
in the world has nothing but an empty existence to look for- 
ward to after death ; but the chief, whose position depends upon, 
and has been mainly at least gained by, the proofs he has given 
of the mana which is in him, knows that his death will only 
add to his powers, though it will deprive him of the pleasures 
and comforts of the flesh. A Melanesian, therefore, whether it 
be in the islands where spiritual beings, not the ghosts of men, 
are much regarded, or in those wliere the lately dead have 
almost the worship that is given, moves always in a world of 
which great part is invisible; his body is not all himself; the 
grave does not close altogether the future for hinL By one 
means or another, by stones or leaves, he can put himself into 
communication with the unseen powers ; he can please them by 
sacrifices, and he can gain their help by prayers. 

Can such beliefs and practices as these be called a religion 
and treated as a religion by those who are to carry them the 
gospel ? A system in which supernatural powers believed to 
exist should be sought for and directed by sorcery could hardly 
be held by any one to be a religion ; but it is probably not weU 
to limit the term so strictly as to exclude any belief in beings 
who are invoked by prayer, and who can be approached by 
• some ritual of communication. It is probably also not wise 
for any teacher of true religion to neglect or despise, even when 
he must abhor them, the superstitious beliefs and rites of those 
whom he would lead from darkness to Ught. It is far better, 
if it be possible, to search for and recognise what is true and 
good among wild and foul superstitions ; to find the common 
foimdation, if such there be, which Ues in human nature itself, 
ready for the superstructure of the Gospel. It may surely be 
said that no missionary who knows and loves his people will 
ever fail to find this foimdation, ^ve4 ^mong the lowest races of 
mankind, or find himself utterly unftjble to say to them : ** Whom 
ye ignorantly worship. Him I declare ujito you." 

It may be true that there is po moral ^lemei^t in these prac- 
tices, that no man's life is made better by who-t be believes, and 
that there is no prospect of reward or punisWent in another 
world to encourage virtue and to deter from vice. But there is 
the belief, found among all savage people, in the existence of 
the soul, and in its continued existence after death ; there is the 
feeling, over and above the desire to obtain what will be useful 
in this world from spirits, that communication with the unseen 
world is a thing to be desired for itself. A savage people, if 

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and Practices in Melanesia. 313 

such are to be found, who have no appetite for intercourse with 
the invisible, would fail to supply to a missionary a fulcrum by 
which, when it exists, they may be raised to a higher level. 
The man who believes he has a soul, and that death is but a 
change of existence, and that unseen spiritual influence is at 
work upon him, is in a more receptive condition as regards 
Christianity, than one whose whole Uiought is to eat and drink, 
for to-morrow he dies. He is fixll of superstitions, and his 
superstitions will certainly be debasing, and be shaken off, even 
in Christianity, only witib the greatest difficulty, but he will 
hear the first lessons of Christianity with some glimmering 
approach to understanding. 

It does not appear that the belief in the existence of the 
soul of man proceeds in Melanesians from their dreams or 
visions in which deceased or absent persons are presented to 
them, for they do not appear to believe that the soul goes 
out from the dreamer, or presents itself as an object in his 
dreams. It does not also appear that the belief in other 
spirits than those of the dead is founded on the appearance 
of life and motion in inanimate things, for such spirits are 
conceived to possess as property, or to love as favourite haunts, 
the trees, stones, springs, or hollows, which are therefore con- 
sidered sacred. But, however, it has come to be so, the belief, 
the knowledge that a man has a soul, in a different sense 
from that which can be applied to a brute, is fixed in the 
native mind, and may give a foothold for an advance into the 
way of salvation; as indeed a childish belief in superhuman 
beings may be a step towards a faith in God. The belief in 
a man that he has a spirit within him, and that his spirit 
does not die, may be directed to faith and hope in the True 
God and Eternal life. 

Non 1. The banyan has no sacred character of its own, but a 
certain sacredness attaches to the cycas and the casuarina. 
Such trees are in no way worshipped, but it is thought that- 
there is something about them which makes them peculiarly 
appropriate in sacred places. 

NoTK 2. There is a stream in Saddle Island, or rather a pool in a 
stream into which if any one looks he dies ; the malignant spirit 
takes hold upon his life by means of his reflection on the 

Kon 3. It may be said to be certain that there is no notion what- 
ever among the natives that the shadow is the soul, though a 
hold can be got npon a man by means of his shadow. Similarly 
in Fiji, the Bev. Lorimer Fison writes, " the Fijian word for 
Soul is Yalo, that for shadow, Yaloyalo. I have not been able 
to find any trace of the belief that shadow and soul are identicaL 
I believe that Williams* remark about the ' two spirits ' 

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314 R H. CoDRlNGTON.— iWtyuww Beliefs, <Sx. 

(quoted by Lubbock) was the result of a oonfusion in his 
mind, concerning Yalo and Yaloyalo." That the soul and the 
shadow should l^ called by almost the same word in Fiji, itnd 
by the same word in Mota and Maori, is not by chance; butitis 
probably a borrowing of the name of a shadow, to express that 
which is in thought likened to it. 

NoTS 4» When a man was shot by a poisoned arrow, the 
possession of the head of human bone went far to influence 
the result. If the shooter regained it, he put it in the fire, if 
the wounded man retained it, he kept it in water; and the 
inflammation was violent or slight accordingly, llie effect of 
poisoned arrows was in the native view not so much owing to 
the poison, which is wholly vegetable, as to the human bone 
of which they are made, and the charms which aggravate the 

NoTR 5. If some small thing happens to fall, or suddenly iqipearB, 
on a morsel of food, it is thought a sign of luck : a man will 
attain his desire. It is called a tangarowia. 

NoTS 6. There is a dance which only those can perform who have 
been Initiated, and the initiation is carried on with much 
ceremony and secrecy. This dance is called the Qat. It is 
certain, however, that there is no religious or superstitious 
character about the whole. The initiation consists in learning 
a son^ which guides the steps of the dance, and this song is, 
** Mother ! brine my bow here, brin^ my bow here, that I may 
shoot a fowl, [moot a flying fowl, bring my bow here !" The 
name Qat has no reference to the Fim, but the name of both is 
the same — ^knob or head. That of the dance refers to the head* 
dress worn by the performers. 

Note 7. Natmat is the equivalent in a neighbouring island in the 
Banks' group for the Moto o tamate, a dead man or ghost. 
In the Anaiteum New Testament, 6.^., Luke viL 15, the " dead 
man " is natimi mas. 

Note 8. The people of the Banks' Islands are divided for purposes 
of marriage, and with regard to nothing else, into two divisions 
called Veve^ which are strictly exogamous. Those of ^ther 
Veve are sogoi to one another, and call the rest the '* other 
side of the house.*' The wife never becomes one of her 
husband's side of the house, but they will say she is at the 
door- way, half-way across. A similar sjrstem, the number of 
divisions varving, prevails in the Northern New Hebrides, and 
throughout the Solomon Islands. 

NoTS 9. Compare the tree at the Beinga, the New Zealahders* place 
of descent into Hades. 

NoTi 10. Memoir and Journal of Commodore Qoodenough, p. 323. 

NoTB 11. Commodore Gbodenough, p. 321, Murray's '* Missions in 
Western Polynesia," p. 228. 

Note 12. Murray's " Western Polynesia," pp. 179, 209. 

NoTB 13. Compare the fights among the ghosts at San Cristoval, 
and the belief in ghosts which hjiunt the sea there. 

Digitized by 


Discussion, 815 

NoTK 14. Murray, p. 279. Brenchlej's " Cmise of Uie Onra^oa," 
p. 842. 

NoTB 15. Compare the path at Anaitenm, which the first mi88ioii'> 
aries were unwittingly abont to fence acroBS **the path by 
which the said Naivuues were accustomed to pass from the 
mountain to the sea." (Murray, p. 88.) 

NoTi 16. '* In fact " [in Fiji J " there seems to be no certain line of 
demarcation between depeurted spirits and gods, nor between 
gods and living men. * I am a god,* Tuakilakila would some- 
times say, and he believed it too." (Quoted from Mr. Haslewood 
in Brenchley, p. 181*) 


Mr. Lewis thought the mass of information contained in 
the paper would be most valuable when it could be properly 
studied in print. On that occasion he would only remark that 
there appeared to be a strong resemblance between some of the 
Vu%8 described, and the fidries and dwarfs of north*westem Europe. 
The latter had been with much reason considered to represent an 
earlier, and in some cases, extinct race of inhabitants, and it 
might be a question whether the Melanesian legends had a similar 

Mr. Htde Glabki said that Mr. Codrin^^ton's paper was most 
valuable, but that unfortunately a discussion could not be fully 
carried out until the pi^r had been published. He must repeat his 
statement that the culture and language of all those regions in 
Australasia, Polynesia, Melanesia, and Australia, were to be traced to 
a common origm, with other aooient culture, and, as it seemed, 
from Africa. The system of secret societies described was most 
interesting, as it wtm parallel with those in West A£rica» described 
in the Journal. 

The mythology was evidently of the ancient iype of fetishism. 
The distinctions drawn by Mr. Codrington between the *' spirits ** 
of men, etc., and those which had never had a human shape, was 
useful to be borne in mind. What was referred to was not a soul 
in modem phrase, but that exact verisimilitude, commonly united 
with a living body, but capable of separation, as exemplified in our 
own superstitions of the ** fetch " or " wraith " of a living being. 
This was the "ka" of the ancient Egyptians, to be recognised 
among the Babylonians and Hebrews, and which lies at the 
foundation of a host of beliefs and superstitions. The oath by the 
*'ka" of Pharaoh vras more sacred than the oath by Pharaoh 
himself. It was the " ka " which furnished the framework for the 
soul, spirit, shadow, but not necessarily for the life The '' ka " 
might enter another living body of man or animal, and hence 
another series of mythological phenomena, from which the doctrines 
of metempsychosis are derived. This too is most probably the 
explanation of the mystery of masques, found all over the world, 
and formerly connected with religious observances. This may be 

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316 Sir J. Lubbock, Bart. — Kote on a Stone Implemmi 

suggested for the gold masques found in. tombs, and the external 
representations of the Egyptian corpse. The medicine man, who 
wears the head or masque of a bear, dbc., may have attributed to him 
possession by the animal whose semblance he wears, and from 
which a mjrstic power is conveyed. As there is a selection in 
mythology of the various ancient forms, or a development from 
anoiont forms, it is most important to obtain careful observations 
like those of Mr. Codrington. 

In comparing popular legends we cannot be too careful, lest 
we might arrive at very stranse conclusions. By example, while he 
was listening to those Australasian legends, he could have believed 
they were taken from the Babylonian and Assyrian clay tablets 
now in the British Museum. He could not say if one legend derived 
from the other, but it did not seem likely at first sight, and he 
believed that the imagination of the leg^id-mongers would every- 
where spontaneously develop much in the same way. 

Mr. BouvsRiB PusBT remurked that no details were read as to 
the invisible Vui (spirits) supposed by the Mota people to control 
the powers of nature ; he also called attention to the very remark- 
able resemblance between the secret societies described and the 
Mumbo-Jumbo associations, <fec., of negro Africa. 

Note on a Stonb Implement of PALiEOLTTHio Type found 
in Algeria. By Sir John Lubbock, Bart, F.RS., M.P., 
D.C.L, LLD., &a 

Nothing which can throw even a gleam of light on the 
conditipn and distribution of man in palseolithic times is 
without interest, and I think therefore that the Institute will 
like to see a stone implement which I found in Algeria last year, 
and have sent this evening for exhibition. So far as Europe is 
concerned, unmistakable palseolithic implements of the Hoxne 
and St Acheul type have hitherto, in my opinion, only been 
found in the centre and south. They have not yet been met 
with in Scotland, in the north of England, or in Scandinavia. 
I know that as regards the latter statement I am at issue with 
some high Scandinavian authorities, but when I was in the 
north I carefully examined all the large Scandinavian col- 
lations without finding a single specimen of a true palseolithic 
type. True, this is now some years ago ; but if such implements 
have since been discovered, they have not yet been described or 
figured. Moreover, our eminent colleague, Mr. Evans, has more 
recently visited these countries, and is entirely of the same 
opinion. The fact is the more remarkable consiaering the zeal 
with which Scandinavian archseologists have collected for 
80 many years. Nor have any implements of these types yet 

Digitized by 


of Palceolithic Type found in Algeria. 317 

been deecribed by Bussian observers either in European Bussia, 
or in Bussian Asia. Some chert implements found in Babylonia 
approach closely to palaeolithic types, but I agree with Mr. 
Evans* that these are probably neolithic. On the other hand, 
typical palaeolithic implements were discovered by Mr. Bruce 
Foote in India. As regards North Amenca, there are certainly 
some types which approximate closely to palaeolithic forms ; but 
there are not as yet, I think, sufficient reasons to justify us in 
attributing them without a doubt to that period. I do not, 
however, wish to be understood as expressing a decided opinion 
on the subject; and, indeed, whether they belong to our 
European types or not, the position in which some of them have 
been found certainly indicates a great antiquity. 

The South African flakes, &c., found by Mr. Busk and Mr. 
Dale, and described by me in the '' Journal of the Ethnological 
Society," 1869, p. 61, are very rude, and some of them may 
probably be palaeolithic; moreover, more recently other rude 
implements formed of quartzite and other materials, which 
present true palaeolithic types, and closely resemble some of 
those found in Madras, have been found in Southern Africa. 
The stone axes collected by Mr. Beade in Western Africa, and 
which 1 described and figured in our Journal (VoL I), are, on 
the contrary, however, all ground. 

Coming now to Northern Africa, we have the Egyptian 
implements to which attention was first called by M. Arcelin. 
None of those found by that gentleman or by MM. Hamy and 
Lenormant are distinctly and unmistakably palaeolithic in 
character. When I was in Egypt my attention was naturally 
directed to this subject, and M. Mariette, I need hardly say, was 
most obliging in giving me every opportunity for examining the 
most interesting Museum at Boulac under his charge. I have 
also seen a great number of the flakes, &c., collected by Dr. Biel 
at Helouan, but none of them were undeniably palaeolithic. 

While proceeding up the Nile I lost no opportunity of 
looking out for flint implements, and have described the results 
in the 4th volume of our JoumaL Some of the specimens I 
found (see, for instance, Plate XVI) certainly seemed to me 
palaeolithic m character. Some implements closely resembling 
palaeolithic types more recently found in the Nile Valley by 
Professor Haynes, of Boston, were in the Anthropological 
Exhibition in Paris in 1879. 

' Coming now to Algeria, although stone implements have been 
found in numerous localities, and occasionally in some abundance, 
none of those which I have seen, or which have yet been described, 
appear to me to be unquestionably palaeolithic. That was also Hie 

• '( Aikcieut Stone ImplemenU," p. 671. 

Digitized by 


318 Sir J. Lubbock, Bart — Note on a Stone Implement, &c. 

opinion of Mr. Flower, who gave an excellent summary of what 
was known on the subject at that date, in the Transactions of the 
International Congress of Prehistoric Archseology, held at 
Norwich in 1868 ; and I infer from the absence of any reference 
to Algeria in the chapter on river-drift implements in Mr. Evans* 
" Ancient Stone Implements " that he shares this view. No doubt, 
indeed, flakes and other very rud^ objects of stone have been 
met with in Algeria, which may be palaeolithic. None, however, 
of those figured, nor any which I have seen, can be said to be dis- 
tinctively of the more ancient types. For instance, the flakes, 
&a, found by M. Jullien near Kerchela, and now in the collection 
of the Society de Climatologie of Algiers, and those found by M. 
TAbb^ Eichard, at the Pointe Pescade, and others more recently 
found at Ouargla, though in some cases very rude, offer no special 
peculiarities which would justify us in referring them to the 
palaeolithic period. Some of my friends in Algiers are indeed 
disposed to do so ; but we must never forget that very rude 
implements were in use, not only down to the end of the stone 
age, but even in that of bronza Moreover, in the manufacture 
of the most beautifully formed implements, rude fletkes were 
necessarily struck off But if no implements belonging to 
unmistakably palaeolithic types have yet been found in Algeria 
proper, on the other hand those discovered by Dr. Bleicher 
in a rock shelter at Tlemcen, near Oran, appear to be truly 

On the whole, then, we may conclude that we have as yet no 
clear evidence of the existence of Palaeolithic man in Northern 
Africa, excepting in Egypt and Oran. 

Under these circimistances, the implement which I have now 
the honour to lay before the Society appears to me to present 
considerable interest^ as it will, I thmk, be admitted to be of a 
distinctly palaeolithic type. 

It is 4i-inches in length by 2 in breadth, is of the type 
known to the St. Acheul worlanen as " Langues de Chat," and 
somewhat resembles the Hoxne type figured by me in pp. 353-4 
of "Pre-historic Times " (4th Ed., Figs. 195-8) or still more closely 
Fig. 450 in Mr. Evans' work, though the Ogee curve is not so 
marked. It has a rather heavy butt, is brought to an edge all 
round, and is considerably more convex on one face than on the 
other. The workmanship is bold, and shows considerable skill. 

The accompanying figure (Plate XVI) will give a better idea 
of it than any description in words. 

It is of dark brown flint, and T picked it up on the surface, near 
Kolea, about a quarter of a mile to the north of the remark- 
able monument, known as the Tombeau de la Chr^tienne, and 
supposed by some to be the tomb of Juba IL 

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F. G. Hilton Price.— Cawps on the Malvern ffilh. 319 

It has been supposed by some that instruments of this kind 
were fastened to wooden handles. At the part aa are slight 
indentures which may have served to retain the ligatures by 
which it was attached, and I may observe that at B are several 
glittering surfaces, which tend to strengthen this supposition, aa 
they were probably produced by the friction of the figaments. 

I may add, in conclusion, that last autuinn I visited the 
interesting dolmens at Guyotville, and was sorry to find that, 
owihg to the spread of agricultxire, they were in imminent 
danger. I have reason, however, to believe that steps have now 
been taken which will preserve those that still remain. 

Camps on the Malvern Hills. 
JBy F. G. Hilton Price, Esq., F.G.S., &c. 

Through the kind oflBces of Mr. George H. Piper, F.G.S., of 
Ledbury, permission was obtained from the Earl Somers to 
excavate in any part of the camps on these hills. Accordingly 
on the 8th September, 1879, some labourers were obtained, and 
excavations were commenced in the camp on Hollybush HOI on 
the south side of the Malvern range. 

This camp is of considerable extent, following the shape of 
the hills as camps of this class always do. It has a circum- 
ference of 6,700 feet, and a length of 2,000 feet A deep ditch 
and a rampart encircle the two hills, t.e., Hollybush and Mid- 
summer Hill, and in the glen between the two on the south 
side, is the site of a British town about 1,100 feet in length. In 
the interior of the camp, on the Hollybush Hill, are many hut 
hollows, or circles where some sort of habitation probably 
existed. Some of these were opened, but without making any 
discovery. On the east face of Midsummer Hill, which is 
958 feet high, and considerably higher than Hollybush Hill, are 
several lines of hollows, which have been habitations. Mr. Lines^ 
a well known local antiquary, and who has paid much attention 
to these camps, states that there are 10 or 11 ranges of terraces, 
with no less than 214 hut hollows visible, and 30 more under 
the brushwood. I failed to discover so many, as the hill side 
was covered with a dense mass of bracken, &c., which hid the 
surface from view. 

The principal exits from the camp are on Midsummer Hill, 
leading down to the valley on the north, called the Gullet Pass, 
and on the south-east in the ravine between the two hills, 
leading down to the Hollybush Pass. Along this ravine are 
four twks or reservoirs having the ancient dams for holding 
back the water still in existence; they are supplied by two 

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320 F. 6. Hilton Price. — Camps on the Maivem Hills. 

dprings, which rise in the camp, the first of these dams also 
forms part of the rampart. 

On the south side of the camp on HoUybush Hill the ram- 
part is much higher, and is strengthened by a second one being 
thrown up inside it At this point the so-caUed Earl of 
Gloucester's ditch, which enters the camp on the north-east side 
running along the ditch of the camp on that side, goes off down> 
the hill over the Hollybush Pass, and runs up the side of 
Ragged Stone Hill beyond. Of this ditch I shall have more to 
say further on. 

In the centre of the Hollybush Camp is a raised mound, 
which has hitherto been looked upon by local archaeologists as a 
" long barrow ;" it was mainly for the purpose of digging into 
this mound that we met on the 8th September ; as soon as I 
arrived on the spot, it was hardly necessary to look at it twice 
to convince myself that it was no long barrow at all, and further 
that whatever it might have been thrown up for, it was many 
centuries more recent than the age of the camp. 

Mr. Piper was unable to ascribe to it a high antiquity, as its 
shape indicated it to be post Eoman, but said that it had been 
suggested that it might have served as the place of interment 
for the slain in some battle or skirmishes of the middle ages, 
or even of earlier date, as Cymric tribes are supposed to have 
held the territory west of the Severn, until they were driven 
over the Wye by Athelstan in the 10th century ; then, again, it 
is known that a great battle was fought on the Maivem Hills, 
and this might have been raised over the slain. 

This mound or barrow, which is symmetrical, is situated north 
and south ; it is 150 feet long by 32 feet broad, and abmit 3 to 
4 feet high, and is contained within a slight' trench thrown up 

The excavation was commenced at the south end, by running 
a trench north and south, 2 feet wide, and another on the south- 
east comer running diagonally, until it joined the first trench, 
both being about 60 feet long ; these were dug to a depth of 
about 4 feet, until the surface rock was met with ; the earth 
thrown out, although mixed in parts with large fragments of 


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F. 6. Hilton Price. — Camps on the Malvern Hills. ^21 

angular pieces of Laurentian rock, &c., was for the most part 
fine, such as would be found in a garden ; pieces of Upper 
Llandovery sandstone and quartzoze grit were tiie only remains 
we met with that did not belong to the hill, proving to us that 
it was made-earth we were digging into. 

We next made a trench east and west through the centre ; 
this we cut to a depth of 4 feet with no more interesting 

At this juncture 30 or 40 members of the Malvern Field 
Club arrived, who had been invited to inspect the opening of 
this supposed barrow, by their excellent President, Mr. Piper. 
Little more was done in ttie barrow that day, as there were sundry 
hut hollows, and a circle that members of the club requested we 
should open. These were opened, but with no satisfactory result* 

The next day operations were recommenced, with a view of 
solving the problem of the barrow ; a trench 2 feet wide and 
4 feet deep was cut from the north-west comer diagonally across, 
and another one east and west, in which latter, at 10 feet from 
the west side, and at a depth of 3 feet, the earth became much 
blacker as it was thrown up; upon examining it we found it 
contained fragments of charcoal, cinders, two small pieces of 
burnt brick, one having the impression of a dog*s foot, and a 
thin copper or bronze ring ; this blackness was but a mere patch, 
as below, the substcuice of the mound bore the same appearance 
as what we had thrown out before. Having cut these five 
trenches more than equal to twice the length of the whole 
moimd, and finding the result so unsatisfactory, it was soon 

Some days after, on the 17th, having a few hours to spare, 
and observing a similar mound on the slope of a hill south-east 
of the Herefordshire Beacon Camp, a little to the north of the 
Divination Stone, and due west of Clutter's Cave, I resolved to 
open it, as it might, perhaps, throw light on the former one. 

This mound measured 89 feet long by 17 feet broad, and 
2\ feet to 3 feet in height It had a north-easterly direction. 
A trench was cut 2^ feet wide and 4^ feet deep from west to 
east, and from north to south a trench of similar dimensions 
was dug, extending for 38 feet All the earth thrown up was 
of the same quality, being fine and suited to a garden. Whilst 
occupied at this mound, Greneral Pitt Eivers arrived, whose 
opinion I at once solicited ; he informed me that it would be 
only waste of time to continue the digging, as he, in company 

* On the eastern face of Midsummer HiU ^Te of the soHsalled hut hoUows 
were subsequently opened within the camp. In one, at one foot from the 
surface, a piece of brick, fragments of oharooal, and a quartz pebble were met 

VOL. X. Y 

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322 F. 6. Hilton Price. — Camp\ on the Malvern Hills. 

with Canon Greenwell and Professor RoUeston had opened 
precisely similar mounds in Oxfordshire, Surrey, and elsewhere 
with like results. But whilst at Dartmoor, some years back, he 
observed some of these raised mounds, and upon making enquiries 
ascertained that they were thrown up as artificial rabbit 
burrows, and had been in use for many years for the purpose 
with great success. They are even made there at the present day. 
General Pitt Rivers having fidly convinced me that this mound 
and the so-called long barrow on HoUybush Hill, about which 
local poets and writers of the guide books had written so 
much sentimental nonsense upon the remains of ancient British 
warriors therein interred, had been raised as an artificial 
rabbit warren, perhaps a few hundred years ago, I ordered the 
men to fill up the trenches at once. Notwithstanding two or 
three days had been occupied in opening these mounds, it was 
satisfactory to prove that they were of the same character as 
those which had so puzzled Professor EoUeston, Canon Green- 
well, and General Pitt Rivers, imtil the latter discovered their 

I am, however, reminded by Mr. John E. Price, F.S.A,, that 
some significance must be attached to the strange deposit of 
relics in the long barrow. He remarks that the mound and its 
contents may be Roman after all, and be an illustration of a 
Botontinus* or one of the terminal marks which it was the 
practice of the surveyors of old to construct at the confines of 
territory or estates. In defining the boundaries of land the 
agrimensors, or land surveyors, selected various signs, the future 
discovery of which would make the lines of demarcation clearly 
significant. At such limits they would deposit not only char- 
coal but broken pottery, the latter of various kinds and often 
purposely fractured, gravel, pebbles, pieces of metal, coins, 
pitched stakes, ashes, and lime, over such a deposit they would 
erect a mound or hillock of earth. Such an elevation of earth 
might in course of time become destroyed, but the objects so 
protected would remain, and indicate plainly to the professed 
surveyor their meaning and intention. It is certainly a coinci- 
dence, as my Mend suggests, that we should have met with such 
a deposit in the so-called barrow, and that it should be so 

* Consult the text books of the earveyoTB in Laohman's edition of the 
'^Oromatici Veteres," 2 vols., 8vo., Berlin, 1848-62, for example:— "In 
limitibus yero ubi rariores tenninos oonstituimus, monticellos pLintaTimuB de 
terra qnos Botontinus appellavimus." ** Faustus et Valerius, p. 308 : also 
" £t intra ipsis (the Botontoni) carbones et cinus et testa tusa coopemimus, 
Trifinium quam maxime quando oonstituimus cum signis, id est cinus aut 
carbones et calce ibidem oonstruximus et super duximus et super toxam mon- 
ticellimi oonstituimus." The author of this treatise remarks that even in his day 
ignorant people often confused sucb limitary Botontoni with sepulchral barrows r 

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F. G. Hilton Price. — Oamps on the Malvern Hills. 323 

doaely associated in its situation with the respective boundaries 
of terrUoria, or, in other words, adjoining counties. 

Jffere/ordshire Bedcon Camp. 

This is one of the largest and strongest earthworks in the 
country, and has usually been looked upon as of British origin, 
and I see no particular reason for doubting it at present 

Some archseologists assign it to Caractacus, and suppose it 
was constructed after the Britons or Cymri had obtained some 
knowledge of the Roman method of castramentation, to oppose 
the legions under Ostorius Scapula. Another goes so far as to 
say that the camp was constructed some 400 years before Julius 
Csesar landed. 

The fortifications enclose the highest hill and the two 
adjoining spurs, which is well known as the •* Herefordshire 
BesLCon." This was carefully surveyed by Greneral Pitt Eivers, 
who is author of the annexed plan. A deep ditch and a high 
rampart encircle the Beacon Hill. The outer rampart is 6,800 
feet, or 1 mile 500 yards in circumference ; the greatest length 
from north to south is 933 yarda The whole camp is said to 
contain 44 acres. 

The highest portion of the hill is 1,390 feet,* and forms what 
may be termed the citadel of the camp. 

The natural shape of the top of the hill was probably conical, 
and has been made to assume its present form by the high 
rampart which has been thrown up round it It is surrounded 
by a ditch about 7 feet deep, and broad enough for a 
chariot to be driven round it Formerly there was but one 
regular outlet from the citadel, and that was situated upon the 
south side leading by a causeway into the camp. There is now 
another entrance from the norfli-east side, but it is probably of 
modem construction, made for the convenience of travellers and 
for cattle. The outer ditch varies in depth from 12 to 18 feet, 
and the top of the rampart is from 30 to 40 feet in width. 
Following this ditch on the western side of the hill we come 
upon the principcd road or trackway from the camp trending in 
a south-westerly direction down to the old road, called the 
Silurian Pass by Phillips. The next way out of the camp is in 
the south-east comer, which leads down by a zigzag path to the 
Earl's Dyke, past the Thomtree (a well known landmark on 
these hills). On the eastem side, below the walls of the citadel, 
IB another outlet, leading through a natural hollow in the hill 
side, which is much in the shape of an amphitheatre, at which 

* Phillips places it at 1,118 feef. 

Y 2 

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324 F. Q. Hilton Price. — Camps on the Malvem Hills. 

point man probably aided nature for the purpose of forming a 
place of assembly. 

There are a great many depressions on the surface of the 
whole camp, which were probably hut hollows. 

I am of opinion that the portion of the camp occupying the 
northern spur of the hill, just above the British Camp here, 
was fortified by a ditch and rampart at a subsequent period to 
the formation of the main camp, probably thrown up for the 
purpose of strengthening it On the western side of this are 
three 8all3T)orts, leading down to a well at the foot of the hill. 

Upon the flat surface at the base of the western slope of the 
Beacon, is an earthwork of peculiar form : its measurements I 
have not yet taken ; but it is surroimded by a rampart — close 
by it, in fact passing through a portion of it, is an old trackway 
leading up to the camp, joining the main road leading from the 
camp at the western side, trending south-west and joining the 
old Silurian Pass of Phillips. 

Upon the east side of the citadal and just outside the ditch is 
an outwork, thrown up for the purpose of commanding the 
eastern slope, which the eastern rampart does not eflfectuaUy do. 

On 11th September, in the presence of Mr. Piper and several 
local archseologists, several hut hollows or pits were opened in 
the citadel of this camp. The first one was situated a few yards 
to the eastwards of the centre, and was 10 feet in diameter. 
This I propose to called Pit No. 1. At the depth of 1 foot were 
foimd two small fragments of red pottery and the base of a 
vessel of red earthenware, probably of not earlier date than the 
16th century. At 2 feet fragments of red ware and pieces 
of black pottery — one was a rim of an urn containing coarse 
grains of qnaxtz or silex which was of early date; an iron 
arrow-head; a fragment of corroded iron; a piece of a flint 
flake or stnke-a-light. At 2^ feet a hone stone and a pro- 
jectile of pipeclay or limestone of irregular dimensions, and 
a quartz pebble — the latter was probably used as a sling stone, 
or charm ; an iron nail 3 inches long ; a fragment of bone ; a 
terebratula from the Upper Ludlow formation : a bronze ferrule 
(?) an iron buckle ; a tooth of pig and other bones not identi- 

We found the bottom of this pit at 3 feet 8 inches below the 

Pit 2. — This was a depression in the surface just below the 
rampart of the citadel on the east side. The turf was carefully 
rolled off and just below was found a piece of sandstone of 
irregular form with the following inscription engraved thereon : — 

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F. G. Hilton Price,— Camps on the Malvem EUls, 325 

At 2 feet down a piece of iron was found, and a fragment of 
red pottery. At 2^ feet, a red earthenware pot or jug, having 
a brown glaze top with concentric markings round the neck (the 
handle wanting); this must be of about the 16th century. 
At 3 feet 7 inches centre of the pit a molar of pig, and large 
stones mixed with clay, and a clay projectile 1^ inch long by 
1^ broad and 1 high— weighing IJ oz. ; and at 4 feet beneath a 
stone mixed with charcoal, teeth of pig, and a piece of iron. 

Oil the margin of the pit at 1 foot from the surface and 10 
feet from the outer edge of the eastern rampeui; was a small 
wall of stones ; the groimd immediately below it was hard and 
much discoloured by burning, and contained a quantity of bits of 
charco6d ; the stones of which the wall was composed bore marks 
of fire. 

This place might have been used as a fireplace. Alongside 
of the stones was a thick stake of wood, apparently driven in 
with the object of keeping the large stones in position. 

This pit was 15 feet long by 9 feet broad, and the bottom was 
found at 6 feet from the surface. 

Pit 3 was on the south-west side of the citadel, and appeared 
a well defined hollow, which was opened without any results 
being obtained. 

Pit 4 This excavation was made in a hollow in the surface 
of the citadel on the north side dose under the rampart; as 
soon as the turf was removed the earth was observed to be very 
black and many pieces of coarse black pottery were found. 
At 1 foot from the surface a fragment of iron armour (?), half a 
horseshoe, and piece of hoop-iron were met with ; and at 20 
inches a spur. On September 15 this pit was continued and a 
laige quantity of bones were met with of domestic animals — 
many of the bones had been split for the supposed purpose of 
extractiQg the marrow, the greater number of bones were foimd 
•t 2 feet from the surface and the larger was about 1 foot in thick- 
ness ; this was much mixed up with fragments of coarse black 
pottery (which may be late Cymric, but difficult to separate 
from' Romano-British) ; a hone stone (?) and quartz pebbles. At 
3 feet a small whetstone or burnisher made out of a piece of 

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326 F. Q. Hilton Vbice.— Camps on the Malf>em HiUs. 

slate perforated at one end for suspension, which had been used 
for polishing arrow-points upon ; it is 1^ inch in length ; and a 
piece of the horn of a red deer 4 inches long, which had been 
cut with a sharp instrument. These burnishers are very 
ubiquitous, having been met with by Canon Greenwell, Professor 
Eolleston, and General Pitt Eivers in British Barrows, &c. ; by 
Dr. Schielmann, at His&rlik, tilie supposed site of ancient Troy ; 
in Boman and Mediseval excavations in London and elsewhere ; 
and 1 am informed that similar articles are made to this day 
for burnishing. So this little object which I hoped would help 
to prove the antiquity of the pits really proves nothing. 

Finding such a quantity oi bones in this cutting, tn6 trench 
was extended in form of a triangle, following the line of 
depression as shown on the surface. It was 3J feet broad, 
27 feet in length from north to south, and 27 feet from east to 
west This was evidently a kitchen midden. The bones from 
this pit I took to the Royal College of Surgeons, where Pro- 
fessor Flower and Dr. Gaxson, to whom my best thanks are 
due, took great pains in identifying them. 

They are as follows : — 

Ox — ^acetabulas, humerus, ribs, portions of jaw, teeth, tibia, one 
complete, one p6ui;ially so (one with epithise), astragali, 
and one radius. 

Pig — several teeth and jaws ; 2 tibi» ; 1 humerus and tenninal 
phalanx of foot of domestic pig. 

Horse — one tooth. 

Sheep — 5 teeth, humeri and portion of scapula. 

Dog — jaws, teeth, and tibia of dog. 

Bird — bones of a galinaceous fowl 

Deer — ^metatarsal bones and ulnp. of Roe. 

„ astragali, teeth, jaw, forehead (2 portions), portion of 
scapula, i)ortion of humierus, articular head of femur, 
OS calcis, 2 vertebrae and portion of ascetabulum of 

Pit 5. This was a hoUow in the surface of the Western 
portion of the citadel ; the trench was about 6 feet in length, 
with a breadth of 2 feet, in a north and south direction ; the 
earth beneath the turf was very black, and at first looked a 
likely place for finding remains in; two fragments of red 
pottery were thrown out; but We came upon the rock at 2\ 
feet down, so closed up the trench. 

Pits 6 and 7 were slight hollows on the north-eastern side, 
a few feet from the rampart of the citadel ; nothing but a few 
pieces of black pottery just beneath the turf were found, so 
the holes were filled in. 

September 12, being a wet windy day, two men were told oflF 

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F. G. HUiTON Price. — Camps on the Malvern Hills. 327 

to make a trench aoroes the outer ditch on the north side of 
the citadel ; this cutting was 12 feet long by 8 feet in 
breadth; at 2 feet the old surface line was found strewn 
with fragments of charcoal; some of it was from thorn wood, 
pieces of Upper Llandovery semdstone flags, and a rounded 
quartzite pebble. It is surmised that these pebbles, which are not 
met with nearer than the Severn, may have been sling stones. 

The next section was made in the outer ditch on the 
western side of the ccunp, where the level of the ditch and top 
of the rampart are equal I may as well state that the whole of 
this side of the citadel has much suffered from the effects of 
denudation ; that the action of frosts and rains have so disinter* 
grated the rocks that it has from time to time crumbled away 
and fallen into the ditches, and for the distance of some 70 
jrards or so, quite filled them up ; the ramparts have likewise 
suffered, and are in consequence of denudation very low and 
weak on this side of the camp. On all the other sides the 
terrace walks on the top of the mmparts vaiy from 40 feet to 
20 feet in widths whereas on the western side they are 
under 6 feet, but gradually widen and become higher towards 
the north and south sides of the earthwork. There is very 
little doubt that the western side was never so strongly 
fortified as the others, as there was less need of deep ditches 
on that side, on account of the natural steepness of that part 
of the hill and the fact of its overlooking the country of the 
Silures, who were in all probability the people who defended 
the Beacon Camp against the enemy coming up from the 
plains of Worcestershure and Gloucestershire. 

Tacitus informs us that the Silures were the most determined 
of all the tribes of Britain. He describes them as being of 
swarthy complexion, curled hair, of great ferocity and audacity ; 
and bemg of a warlike nature gave tide Bomana much trouble. 

They were finally subdued under Ostorius Scapula, A.D. 70-78, 
before which they abandoned their own country for that of the 
Ordovicians (the people of North Wales). They took post upon 
the ridges of some lofty mountains, where the sides were gently 
inclined and approachable ; they piled up stones as a rampart 

It has been asserted by certain local archseologists, generally 
looked up to as authorities, that the reason for the weakness 
of the ramparts and the breaches on the west side is due to 
the camp having been stormed and the ramparts thrown 

Mr. lines states that we find a much greater breach on the 
western vallum of Midsummer Hill, extending 600 feet, from 
which it is probable the two forts were dismantled at the 
same time and from the same quarter. 

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328 F. G. Hilton Price. — Camps on the Malrem Hills. 

This is undoubtedly another instance of the effects of 
denudation, the ditches being level with the tops of the 

General Pitt Eivers, who is our best authority on British 
earthworks, examined the fortifications of the camp with 
me, and he was of opinion that the absence of the ramparts 
and ditches here could never have been caused by the 
camp having been stormed from that point Apart from 
this side looking over a friendly country, there is no better 
reason for the absence of the ramparts than that already 
deduced, i.e., that the west side suffers most from the severe 
weather, and that the whole of the so-called breaches have 
been caused by denudation, which I may add still continues 
with great rapidity and may be seen upon all the slopes on 
the western side of the Malvems. 

The section made in this outer ditch was 12 feet long by 3 
feet in breadth ; at a depth of 3 feet some black pottery and a 
sling stone were met with. In the course of the excavation of 
this trench several large blocks of Laurentian rock (natural rock 
of the hill) were found at a depth of 6 feet from the surface ; 
this was evidently the bottom of the ditch, as no evidence was 
discovered of its having been disturbed by man. 

On the main way from the camp on the south-west side there 
are several depressions or hollows visible on the sides of the 
way. In one of these an excavation was made 7 feet long by 
5^ feet wide and 3 feet in depth, but it contained nothing. 

19th September. A section was cut into the rampart on the 
north side of the citadel, 4 feet wide by 22 feet long ; this was 
from the inner side of the hollow or flat up to the centre of the 
crest of the rampart. 

Beneath the turf on the flat and the lower portion of the 
interior slope, the soil was very dark, in parts almost black. At 
one foot below the turf a fragment of bone was thrown out, 
pieces of charcoal, and a quartz pebble ; at 20 inches, bones. 
At 1^ feet, the thickness of the turf and surfsu^e soil, the 
old interior slope of the rampart became visible ; it was com- 
posed of angular fragments of the rock, as thrown out of the 
ditches below. At a depth of 18 iiiches resting upon this in- 
terior slope and on the flat cutting at the same depth, bones and 
teeth of pig were found. At 2 feet, tusk and tooth of pig ; at 2| 
feet in the middle of the rampart, several fragments of coarse 
black pottery, some having a rim, and bones of ox ; at 8 feet, 
pottery ; at 4 feet and 4^ feet, charcoal ; at 5 feet, in the centre 
of the rampart, decayed bones and charcoal ; at this level was a 
hard seam composed of clay, burnt ashes, and charcoal ; in it a 
quartz pebble was found. At 5^ feet, the old surface line of 

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F. G. HiLTdN Tbicil.— Camps on the Malver/i Hills. 329 

the hill was discovered ; it was composed of a layer of bluish 
coloured clayey soil, having a most disagreeable smell, compared 
by the men to that of exfuoded gunpowder, about 3 to 4 inches 
in thickness ; this was all that remained of the original turf 
of the hill upon which the rampart was thrown up. In it 
fragments of charcoal were foimd. The excavation was con- 
tinued to a depth of 7 feet 2 inches, but without further results 
being attained. 

20th September. A section 16 feet long by 4 feet wide was 
made through the outer rampart on the south side of the camp 
facing the Thorn Tree. I was obliged to leave before it was com- 
pleted, but General Pitt Eivers reported that the result was the 
finding of two pieces of pottery, one hard and red and the other 
soft and black, which was insufficient to prove anything. 

In a ravine to the south-east of the B^u^on Camp and a little 
below Clutter's Cave, against the roots of an old crab tree, lies a 
huge block of syenite. This stone is called the " Divination " 
Stone, and has been described in ancient manuscripts as the show 
stone, suggesting that at one time singular religious rites were 
performed upon it. 

The exact dimensions of the stone I did not take, but simply 
measured the part that bore the appearance of having been hol- 
lowed out by man. The hollow portion of the stone faces south 
and is 4 feet wide from east to west, and 3^ feet from north to 
south ; the centre of the depression is 4 inches in depth. 

A little beyond is a British trackway still visible in places, 
leading from the top of the hill, to an old spring called 

A ditch extends all along the top of the Malvern Bange, 
which is said to have been constructed by Gilbert de Clare, the 
(red) Earl of Gloucester, who married Joan of Acre, daughter 
of Edward the 1st. The Earl resided at Hanley Castle and 
received the rights of Msdvem Chase as his wife's dower, so, 
wishing to separate this from the lands of the Bishop of Here* 
ford, he constructed a ditch. It it hardly possible that a ditch 
alone without a fence or pallisading could keep deer and other 
game from straying. He swore hw usual oath, " By the Splen- 
dour of Qod, if I catch any man trespassing upon my manor 
I will cut off his hands." 

This ditch, which starts from the Worcestershire Beacon, is 
cut upon the Worcestershire side of the range, and is in some 
places very sharp and deep, notably on the high peak over Mal- 
vern Wells where are also too large tumuli, the centres of which 
are broken in and measure respectively 12 and 10 feet in 
diameter across the hollow (they do not appear to have been 
opened). The dyke may be traced on to the Winds Point (before 

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330 F. G. Hilton Price. — Camps am the Malvern HilU. 

reaching whioh» not far from the pig-path, on a level side 
of the hill, is another tumulus), it then apparently makes 
use of the outer ditch of the Beacon camp past the place of 
assembly, and at the south-end goes o£f at right angles above 
the valley by the Thorn Tree, keeping along the top of the hills, 
crosses the Silurian Pass (where many old British ro€uls or track* 
ways may be clearly traced, the principal of which runs into 
the Ridgway) over the Swinyard Hill up the side of Midsimimer 
and HoUybush Hills, through the north side of the ditch of 
HoUybush Camp, down the declivity on the south out of the 
Camp, over the HoUybush Pass, and top of Bagged Stone HilL 

This dyke or ditch must be of greater antiquity than that 
usually assigned to it, and I am inclined to think that it was 
originally formed by the Silures, or by whatever tribe held these 
hills as a line of defence and covered way from one end to the 
other ; from which they could keep a command over the plains of 
Worcestershire and Gloucestershire. I am of opinion that it 
was formed subsequently to the camps, as the outer ditches on 
the eastern side of both have been made to do duty for a portion 
of it. 

It is very natural to suppose that the Earl of Gloucester 
adopted it as his boundary, but hardly credible that he should 
have had it dug out for the purposes assigned. 

When the Ordnance Surveyors were excavating in 1849 upon 
the summit of the Worcestershire Beacon, a small urn of Scucon 
pottery was discovered, containing charred htunan bones ; this 
um is in the possession of Mn E. Lees, of Worcester. As 
another instance of Celtic occupation of these hills, I may men- 
tion that in the year 1650 a gold crown or coronet was discovered 
by a poor man whilst making a ditch in the parish of Colwall, 
which is situate at the base of the Herefordshire Beacon. It 
has been mentioned by Camden and others. An old MS., said 
to be in possession of Jesus College, Oxford, states that a coronet 
or bracelet of gold, set with precious stones, of the size to be 
drawn over the arm and sleeve, was found at Burstner's Cross. 
It was sold to a goldsmith in Gloucester for £37, who sold it 
to a jeweller in Lombard-street for £250, and he again sold the 
stones alone for £1,500. Thus we must imagine the gold crown 
was melted down. 

There are many traditions of coins of remarkable value having 
been found, but no one can say to what period they belonged. 

Before closing this paper, I may mention that having carefully 
weighed all the evidence, we may consider this large camp, as 
well as the other camps on HoUybush and Midsummer Hills, te 
be of late Cymric or Celtic ormn, and that the latter camp is of 
eadi«r date than that on die Herefordshire Beacon, and that in 

Digitized by 


Lid of Presents. 831 

all probability they were occupied for a time by the Bomano<* 
British, as many remains of those people exist in the county, 
and the pottery appears to be of that period. 

I hope at a future time to be able to make another section 
right through the ramparts of the Citadel and of the Gamp with 
a view of bearing up more conclusively the age of the caatra- 


Mr. Yaux remarked that he was intimately acquainted with 
the topography of the Malvern Hills, and could therefore bear 
testimony to the accuracy of the outlin^^plans exhibited^ 

QeneraJ Prrr Rivbbs saidthat although he had accepted lifr. Price's 
invitation to join him during his examination of Herefordshire 
Beacon he had occupied himself entirely with the plan of the Gamp, 
and therefore could not speak as to the position of the relics 
discovered ; but from Mr. Pride's account of the diggings, he 
concurred with him in thinking the results as to date doubtful, the 
absence of glaze on any of the pottery was certainly a circumstance 
to be noted in favour of a Geltic origm. But on the otherhand some 
if not most of the pits contained objects of later date> and the 
examination of the rampart is scarcely sufficient to base any con- 
clusion upon. He quite concurred with the author of the paper 
as to the long mounds not being bat'Tows ; he felt satisfied that if 
Mr% Price's explanation of them tallied with his own, they were 
artificial rabbit burrows, the supposed breach on the west side waa 
clearly produced by natural causes. We had yet to determine to 
what extent, if at all, keejM or citadels in the interior of works were 
in use in pre-Boman times. Double and treble lines of defence 
were undoubtedly common. The scientific exploration of these 
camps is only commencing, and we were as yet without sufficient 
data for generalisation. 

JtTNB 22, 1880* 
K Burnett Tylor, Esq., F.RS., President, in the Chair, 

The minutes of the last meeting were read and confinAed. 

The following list of presents was read^ and thanks voted to 
the respective donors : — 

For the Librarv. 

^rom Pirbf. F. V. Haydin.— The Great West^ its Attractions and 

' Besources. 
From Signer Frakcisco P. Moreno. — Viaje a la Patagonia Austral. 

Digitized by 


332 LoRiMER FisON, M.A. — Land Tenure in Fiji. 

From the Societt. — Jonmal of the Society of Arts, Nos. 1438 and 

From the Society. — Proceedings of the Bojal Society, No. 204. 
From S. £. M. le President de \a Commission. — Gompte-rendn de la 

Commission Imp^riale Arch^logiqne, ponr Tannee 1877. 
From the Royal Academy of Copenhagen. — Oversigt over det 

Kongelige Danske Yidenskabernes Selskabs, 1879, No. 3, 

1880, No. 1. 
From the Museum. — Archives do Mnsen Nacional do Bio de 

Janeiro, Vols. IT and III, Parts 1, 2. 
From the Bditob.—'* Nature," Nos. 554, 666. 

Bevne Scientifiqne, Nos. 60, 61. 

Mat^rianx pour I'histoire de Thomme, Tom. xi, 1. 3, 4, 6. 

Correspondenz-Blatt, No. 6. 

The election of Robebt William Felkin, Esq., and of 
D. LeoAN, Esq., Barrister-at-Law, was announced. 

Mr. Wilfred Powell exhibited some Ethnological objects 
from New Britain and New Ireland. General Pitt Rivers, Mr. 
Richard B. Martin, M.P., Prof. Flower, F.RS., Mr. Hyde Clarke, 
Mr. Keane, and the President took part in the discussion. 

Don Francisco P. Moreno exhibited two skulls from Pata- 
gonia (Rio Negro). 

Professor W. H. Flower, F.RS., gave the substance of a paper 
on a Collection of Crania from the Fiji Islands * In the discussion 
that ensued Dr. Allen Thomson, Prof K Ray Lankester, 
Mr. A. H. Eeane, Mr. Park Harrison, and the Pl'esident took 
part, and the author repUed. 

The Assistant Secretary read extracts from a paper by 
Mr. Peter Bemridge, on the Aborigines of Victoria. 

The following papers were taken as read : — 

a. " Land Tenure in Fiji"— By the Rev. L. Fison. 

i. " Welsh Customs and Legends."— By the Rev. R. F. Kilvert. 

c. " A Classification of Languages on the basis of Ethnology." — 
By M. Gustav Oppert 

d. ** On the Asiatic Shoreline of the Hellespont" — By Mr. 
Frank Calvert 

e. *' Note on a Stone Implement of a Palaeolithic Type found 
in Algeria." — By Sir John Lubbock. 

/. " On Flint and Bronze Implements in the Nile Valley." — 
By Mr. R. P. Greg. 

Land Tenube in Fiji. By the Rev. Lorimeb Fison, M.A. 

It would be quite possible to stir up in Fiji a controversy about 
Land Tenure similar to that which has raged so hotly in India. 

• See pp. 1 53 and 174 in present Tolume. 

Digitized by 


LORIMER FiSON, M.A. — Land Tenure in Fiji. 333 

An investigator who will listen to that only which the chiefs have 
to say about it, may easily come to the settled conviction that 
they, and they alone, are the owners of the land, and indeed of 
eveiything else ; while another, who takes the statement of the 
commoners* only, may as easily satisfy himself beyond all 
doubt that it is they who are the real proprietors of the soiL 
Both of these inquirers would be right to a certain extent, and 
both of them would also be wrong. The statement of the com- 
moners I believe to represent ancient custom. That of the 
chiefs sets forth the extent to which they have been able to 
override that custom ; and Her Majesty's Government has now 
to decide the question between these two parties. It will in all 
probability be impossible to satisfy both ; but each of them has 
•a right to a fair hearing, and there can be no imdue leaning 
either to one side or to wie other without injustice. 

The question is between ancient custom on the one hand, 
and what the Fijian calls Yalavala vakaturangat (chief-like 
doings) on the other. 

This is equivalent to saying that the question is between Law 
and Despotism, with the reservation that it has yet to be 
decided how far the long prevalence of Yalavala vakaturanga 
may have established a custom in their favour. 

It is not easy for civilized men to feel the power which 
ancient custom has upon tribes such as these. We are 
governed by laws which our l^iislators make for us, but with 
the savage everything is regulated by custom, and custom is 
law. Savages have no other law, but it seems to me to be 
imphilosophical to assert that they have therefore no law at alL 
For law is the rule which men are bound to obey because it 
was made by qualified authority. And the savage looks upon 
that authority as vested in the far-away ancestors of his tribe. 
Thu customs founded by them are the laws which he is bound 
to obey. An offence against them is more than lawless ; it is 

The question between ancient custom and the power of the 
chiefs — suflSciently difficult in itself— is further complicated 
by the fact that neither one nor the other is uniform throughout 
the group. Custom differs very widely. Succession, for 
instance, is agnatic in some places, and uterine in others; 
and they who are acquainted with the subject need not be told 
how great an effect this fact alone must have upon the customs 
of the people. The chiefs, too, in some places are very powerful, 

* Whenerer the word " commonen *' oocun in this Article, the class of men 
known as the Tavksi is meant thereby. 

t ** Masterful doings *' is a fair translation of Valarala rakaturaoga when the 
expression is used in this i 

Digitized by 


334 LoRiMER FisON, M.A. — Land Tenure in Fiji. 

while in others they have but little authority. Hence no de- 
scription of what is the usage in any one place can be taken as 
of universal application. We may, however, take a certain 
neighbourhood, and analyse the constitution of the various 
communities which there present themselves ; for it is necessary 
to understand this in order to get at the basis of Land Tenura 
For this purpose I propose to take Bau and its immediate 
dependencies. This, at all events, wiU not be unfair to the 
chiefis' side of the question ; for it is in this neighbourhood that 
the power of the chiefs has attained its highest pitch. 

Here we find a number of koro (villages) all of which stand 
in a certain definite relation ta the koro turanga (chief koro), 
which is Bau iteelf. Examining these koro, we find that their 
relation towards the koro turanga is not the same in every case. 
Moreover, some of them are inhabited by taukei (landowners) 
while the people of others appear to have no land of their own. 
We have thei^ore to ascertain whose is the land which these 
people are cultivating, what causes them to differ from the land- 
owning tribes, and what again causes these to differ one from 

Passing by the koro turanga for the present, let us examine 
a village inhabited by one of the land-owning tribes, and let 
us suppose our examination to have been conducted in the 
heathen days, in order that we may get at the imadulterated 
customs of the people. The koro is surrounded by moat and 
mound and war-fence, in good or bad repair according as there 
is war or peace in the land. It is divided into *' quarters," of 
which, however, there may be more or fewer than four.* Each 
of these quarters belongs to a section of the community called a 
mataqali,t a word which fortunately tells its own history. 

Literally, " mata " means " eye," or " face." Hence Matanisinga, 
the Eye of Day, is the Sun. The secondary meaning of the word 
seems to be an eyeful, so to speak, e.g,, " a mata i valu " = a baud 
of warriors, " a mata veitathmi " = a band of brothers. 

Qalia is " to twist togettier." If you take two pieces of twine, 
and "lay them up," as sailors say, by rolling them together on 
your knee under the palm of your hand, you " qalia " them. A 
still better illustration is afforded by the use of the word as it is 
applied to cocoa-nuts. The nuts are first tied in pairs by 

* In some parte of Fjji tho koro is dirided into two sections, separated bj a 
ditch; and the head chief is chosen from each section in its turn. These 
sections are subdivided into ** quarters." 

t The Fijian q is pronounced like nff in " younger,'* sometimes like nk. The 
rowels hare their proper sounds, and every vowel is alwavs sounded, even in the 
so-called diphthongs. The accent is nearly always on the penultimate. These 
directions will enable the reader to pronounce with tolerable accuracy every 
Fijian word used in this article. 

Digitized by 


LORIMER FisoN, M^. — Land Tenure in Fiji. 335 

raising a strip of the husk of each nut, and then knotting the 
strips together, but not so as to bring the nuts into close contact. 
The pairs are then laid across one another, and the connecting 
cords are twisted together. It is this twisting that is denoted by 
the word *' qalia." It is significant that ten nuts thus twisted 
together are called a " qali," while a bundle of ten " qali " i& called 
a "koro" (village). The word "mataqali" therefore means a 
number of men who cpre "twisted together." The twist is 
a common descent 

A " mataqali " is composed of the descendants of a mataveita- 
thini, or band of brothers, from eaeh of whom is descended a 
minor division called a yavusa, and each yavusa may be again 
sub-divided into a number of vuvale, consisting of brothers 
with their families, who inhabit either the same house, or 
adjoining houses. That is to say, a number of vuvale make up 
a yavusa, a number of yavusa make up a mataqali, and a 
number of mataqali make up a koro. The people of a koro are 
theoretically of common descent, though they are not always 
actually so. 

If, therefore, the koro be compared to a cable, the mataqali 
are the ropes which are twisted together to form it; the 
yavusa are the strands of the rope ; the vuvale are the y€Lms of 
the strand ; and the individuals are the fibres of the yam. 

If we examine a rope we shall see here and there fibres of a 
different colour, and even of a different material, from the rest, 
which appear to have got into the rope by accident. Thus 
there are certain individuals who are . incorporated with a 
mataqali, but are not full-bom members of it And in addition 
to these, there are a number of people attached to it, who are 
not " twisted in " with the mataqali at all, but who yet belong 
to it Our simile fails us here, unless we take these unfortunates 
to be represented by the frayed out fibres which stand forth as 
if they belonged to neither rope nor strand nor yam, but are 
neverUieless held hard and fast Their status will be investigated 

These divisions are not imchangeable. They run into one 
another, and it is not always easy at first sight to distinguish 
one from the other. From an original vuvale several yavusa 
may be formed ; and each yavusa may branch out into smaller 
yavusa, and grow into a mataqali This process is clearly seen 
in the register of the Israelite families given in the 26th chapter 
of Numbers. In the first place, the sons of Jacob are the vuvale 
or mataveitathini— band of brothers — each of whom becomes 
the head of the household, and his descendants are his yavusa. 
Among the veitathini is Joseph, who branches out into the two 
yavusa, Manasseh and Ephraim. Each of these again becomes 

Digitized by 


336 LORIMER FisoN, M.A. — Land Tenure in Fiji. 

by expansion * a tribe or mataqali. Thus " Of the sons of 
Manasseh: of Machir, the fomily of the Machirites: and 
Machir b^at Gilead: of Gilead come the family of the 
Gileadites." The sons of Gilead who foimded yavusa were no 
fewer than six, not counting Zelophehad, from whose daughters 
seem to have sprung all the Manasseh yavusa " on this side of 

In Fiji many of the original yavusa have grown into 
mataqali, some of which are widely scattered among the islands. 
Xheir common origin is known by the fact of their having the 
same god, who is called the Kalou Vu (God-ancestor). Thus, 
if the Israelites had been Fijians, Joseph would have been the 
Kalou Vu of all the Ephraimite, as well as the Manasseh 
yavusa on both sides of Jordan. Beyond him would be Jacob, 
as the Kalou Vu of all the tribes of Israel And beyond him 
again — unless he had utterly faded away from the tradition of 
the elders — would be Abraham, as the Kalou Vu, not of the 
Israelites only, but of the Edomites also, and other n^^tions. 
His shrine would probably be a snake, a rat, a shark, or some 
other object : generally, though not necessarily, an animal ; a 
reminiscence of the far more ancient totem, which, though it is 
older than the oldest Kalou Vu, still survives, as I verily believe, 
in the crests of our armorial bearings. 


The koro* has its own lands, distinct from those of other 
koro. These are of three kinds : I. The Yavu, or Town-lot ; 
2. The Qele, or Arable Land ; and, 3. The Veikau, or Forest 

1. The Yavu. — Each mataqali has its own yavu, which is the 
" quarter " of the town belonging to it. These yavu are sub- 
divided into smaller yavu, apportioned to the yavusa, and these 
again into lots smaller still, each family or household having 
its own. The household, it must be observed, may be composed 
of several families, the heads of which are brothers. It is in 
fact the vuvale, and is generally presided over by the head 
of the eldest branch. This smaller yavu is the precinct, and 
may be surrounded by a fence at the will of its owners. 

The yavu adjoin one another ; but you must not build quite 
up to the edge of your own yavu, nor may your neighbour 
build up to the boundary of his. You and he must so arrange 
your houses as to leave a pathway between them. And when 
you cut down the grass and weeds in that pathway you must 

* The koro may bare seTeral affiliated koro, inhabited bj men of the same 
stock. These we maj call a community. I continue to speak of one koro only 
for the sake of oonrenience. 

Digitized by 


LoRiMER FisON, M.A. — Lartd Tenure in Fiji, 337 

be careful to keep within your own boundary, unless your neigh- 
bour be helpiQg in the work. To cut down the grass on his 
side without his permission would be an assertion of ownership 
on your part Great care is taken by the people to guard 
against encroachment here. The building of a new house is 
jealously watched by the neighbouring owners, and frequent 
quarrels arise. When such a quarrel culminates in a fight, 
which is no uncommon occurrence, the chief has no power — or, 
at least, no right — to interfere as a partisan. He may stop the 
fight, but he may not strike in on either side. " What are those 
people fighting about ? *' " Their yavu, Sir.'' " Oh, very welL" 
That is tie usual formula. 

The yavu is imder the dominion of its owners, and the house 
standing upon it is a sanctuary, which not even the greatest 
chief has a right to violate. No man outside of your own 
kindred can enter your precinct, and cross your threshhold 
against your will. If a great chief wants to kill a man who is 
within your house, you may at least delay the death-stroke. 
Clapping your hands crosswise, you say respectfully, " Let him 
not be killed, Sir. He is in my house." The chief may 
disregard your right; but his so doing would be considered 
Valavala vakaturanga, and the " chief-like doings " here would be 
equivalent to " masterful wrong." 

In fights among the townsfolk you may take refuge within 
your house ; and how hot soever the fight may be, your adver- 
sary cannot follow you thither.* Anything you may have 
growing within your precinct — kava, bananas, breadfruit, or 
what not — the chief has no rightf to take from you. If he want 
them, he must ask you for t£em. This, at least, is the taukei's 
statement of ancient custom. 

1 have gone into this matter at length, because a great deal 
depends upon it. There seems to be a close connection between 
the town-lot and the arable land, and the ownership of one 
appears to go far towards establishing that of the other. Hence 
the people are extremely jealous of encroachment upon their 
yavu. If they be driven away by war, they will keep up the 
memory of the arrangement of the yavu with the greatest care ; 
and whenever they are able to return, each mataqali builds upon 
its old " foundation." 

2. The Qele. — Beyond the koro is the Qele, or Arable Land, 

* If, howerer, the town be taken in war, the house ib no longer a nnctoary. 
The ancestral gods hare shown themselTes to be weaker than those of the 
inyaders ; and when thej can no longer protect their own, vm vietit / 

t I do not say that he has not the power. I am stating ancient cnstom 
as the commoners state it. It is this custom which establishes right, for 
custom is law. What the chief does because he has the power to do it is quite 
another thing. 

VOL. X. Z 

Digitized by 


338 LORIMER FisON, M-A,— Zand Tenure in Fiji. 

whose boundaries are clearly asQertained, and well known to aU* 
In some places it is divided into lots, and sub-divided into 
smaller lots, each having its owner or owners. Elsewhere it is 
not so divided, and all the joint owners appear to use any piece 
ihat may be convenient, provided always that they do not go 
beyond the lands belonging to their koro. 

3. The Veikau. — Beyond the Qele again is the Veikau, or 
Forest The forest lands are not sub-divided like the qele. 
They are common to all the mataqali of the koro, and of the 
affiliated koro which make up the community. Its members 
have the joint right of felling timber for building and other 
purposes. But one community may not trespass upcfli the 
Veikau of another, and valuable presents are nmde in order to 
gain permission to fell timber on the lands of others. 

Hence it appears that the town-lots and the arable lands 
are divided among the taukei (landowners), while the forest 
lands are held in common by them. Arable land also, which is 
not in actual use, is in some places common to a certain extent. 
A taukei of any mataqali in the community may cut grass or 
reeds from it ; but he may Jiot turn up the sod on any plot 
other than his own. For instance, he may not dig up a wild yam 
which he may find growing there. He may take from the land 
that which grows mid* out of it, but not that which 19 growing 
in it. 

The Taukbi. 

From what has been already stated it seems clear that the 
land is vested in — or, at any rate, is held by — certain joint 
tribal owners who have a common descent. These are called 
the Taukei ni vanua, or owners of the land, and we have 
now to ascertain who they are. 

Not all the people are landowners. There may be attached 
to a mataaaU a number of men, who, while they belong to it, 
are not full members of it. These may either be the descen- 
dants of Kai tani (people of another community, strangers, 
foreigners) or men who were not " bom," as the Germans have 
it. These two classes must be clearly distinguished one from 
the other. 

The Kai tani may have been in the first place fugitives from 
other tribes, or war captives, or other commoners who have 
become attached to a mataqali, but were not bom into it In 
some places these foreigners never become assimilated with the 
tribe among whom they Uve. The descendants of a stranger 
are strangers to all generations. Many of the tribes, however, 

• Fruit trees in the yeikau are not considered to be of wild grovth. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

LoRiMER FiflON, iLX—ldnd Tenure in Fiji, 389 

S9em to have the power <^ assmulatiiig* tbeee foreign pafUcIe«h 
to a oertam extent A stranger maj prove himeelf an excep- 
tionally useful man in Uie arta of either peace ot war. Wishing 
to attach him to yourself, you give him one of your daughters, 
and with her a piece of your land, which is called the 
Thovithovi ni Lou, or Vetiveti ni Lou.t He himself can never 
he ought but a stranger, but his son is VasuJ to your son, 
and naherits the Vetiveti in Lou if he remain in your koro. 
To the extent of that piece of land be is numb^^ among the 
taukei of your mataqali, but he is called a Taukei Yidangi 
(stranger taukei) and in some places this is the designation of 
his descendants for ever, or at least until tiieir foreign extraction 
dies out of remembrance. If, however, they are useful men, 
and conduct themselves properly, they will be treated as 
members of the tribe : but if any one of them make himself 
offensive he will be reminded of his origin, and cautioned that 
be has no right to assert himselL A good example (A this is 
afforded by the present Matanivanua Leva (Chief Herald, 
literally "Eye of the Hand") of Eewa, who is the Vasu of a 
Bewa matanivaxLua, and was brought up by his uncle. He so 
conducted himself as to win the respect of the tribe ; and when 
his uncle died without male issue, he was elected by common 
consent to the office which he now holds. His son, however, 
does not tread in his father's footsteps, and was put to open 
shame not long ago by a public reproof. " How is it that you 
are impudent here ? Hold your peace, for your grandfather was 
a stranger/' 

The vasu§ has certain privileges with regard to his uncle, 
and can make free with his property to an extent which would 
be surprising if we did not know the vasu-right to be a sur- 
vival of inheritance through the mother under which the 
sister's son becomes the heir, to the exclusion of the son. It 
is even asserted by a person well versed in native matters that 
the vasu can take his uncle's land. But this is an evident 
mistake, arising probably from that gentleman's observation of 

t Adoption it Draetised in Fiji, but onlj, I think, hy a few tnbpB who baye 
learned it from tne Tongans. Cases bare been brought under m^ notice as 
instaneei of adoption, but on inquiry I bare found that the persons said to be 
adopted were looked upon* by the people themselyee as Kai tani who had become 
connected, but not fully inoornorated, with the tribe. The custom of fuU 
adoption is very common in uie Friendly Islands, and other neighbouring 

f ** The Plucking kA the Lon," a tree whose lenfres are used to Hne food 

X Vasu — elsewho^ yatuYu, or mbatuyu — is a title of office, not a Ustm 
of relationship. The latter is yungo — elsewhere yunga, quya, suquya, or u. 

§ The oroinary yasu are here spoken of. The yasu leyu (great yasu) has 
extraordinary priyilegee. H* is yasu to the whole community. 

Z 2 

Digitized by 


340 LoKiHER FiSON, M.A. — Land Tenure in Fiji. 

the custom in Vanua Levu, where he has chiefly resided during 
his long stay in Fiji In many parts of that island succession 
is uterine, not agnatic, and the vasu, or sister's son, takes the 
land by natural mheritance, not by vasu-right. In the neigh- 
bourhood of Bau, where succession is agnatic, the vasu has no 
land among his mother's tribe, excepting the portion which ia 
given as her dower ; and he has this only when he takes up his 
residence with her tribe. As a general rule this land is given 
only when the marriage is between two neighbouring mataqali 
whose lands adjoin ; and these are the marriages preferred by 
the people, for they cause no trouble about land. The Vetiveti- 
ni Lou are simply exchanged between the mataqali as they 
intermarry, and the mark remains undiminished. If the vasu 
choose to live in his mother's koro, he will be allowed her Vetiveti 
ni Lou, but his position will depend upon his good behaviour. 

Hence it is evident that, in order to be a fudl-bom taukei, or 
landowner, it is necessary that descent should be traced through 
an uninterrupted line of full-bom males — ^to which statement 
we may now add the words " and of females also who come to 
their husbands in the proper manner." 

A base-bom child is not a member of the clan, though he 
belongs to it ; and even in cases of elopement (which frequently 
occur) though the ofifence may be condoned, and the parties 
recognised as man and wife, if the son of such a marriage assert 
himself too prominently, he will be rebuked by the elders — 
" You there ! Let not your voice be loud. As for your mother 
we know nothing about her. We did not eat her marriage feast, 
nor did we make presents to her kinsfolk for her." He would 
not be looked upon as base-bom ; and yet there was a fault in 
his birth which should suffice to keep him humble in the 
presence of full-bom men. 

The Kaisl 

The resources of the language seem to have been ransacked 
for terms of contempt to pour upon base-bom men. They are 
luve ni sala (children of the path) ; luve ni mbutako (chil- 
dren of theft) ; ngone sa senga na tamandra (children without 
a father .♦) These terms are tolerably clean ; but others, such 
as Kaisi, Kaimoro, Luve ni Qala, and the like, are simply 
untranslatable because of their filthiness. It is sufficient to say 
that each one of them is a denial of true generation. 

The great chiefs speak even of the commoners as their kaisi ; 
but this, I am persuaded, is an unwarrantable, though a very 

* Not *' fatherless chiklren,** but "children who nerer had a father." 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

LOBIMBB FisON, M.A. — Land Tenure in Fiji. 34X 

common^ use of the term. The chiefs have made so wide an 
application of the word that it has forgotten its real meaning 
and needs to be reminded of it. It is used by tiie chiefs to 
designate all low-born men ; but, strictly speaking, it can be 
applied only to those who are base-bom, and to their descend- 
ants also, for the children of a kaisi are kaisi for ever. These 
are they who belong to the mataqali but are not of it They are 
tamata tawavakayalo (men without souls.)* They have no 
ancestors, and therefore no gods save such as they may have 
made for themselves; and they have therefore no portion either 
in this life, or in that which is to come. 

Subject Matanitu. 

Keeping in mind the distinction between men who are 
" bom " and those who are not, we shall be able to understand 
the relation in which the various koro connected with Bau stand 
to it. I have already explained that there may be in a 
community several koro inhabited by a people of the same 
stock, and together composing a community. One of these 
is the koro levu (great town) or koro turangaf (chief town) 
of that community, and is probably the "mother-village" of 
which the others are ofl&hoots. There may be in addition one 
or more koro belonging to the community and yet not of it. 
All these together may, or may not, form a Mataniti4 a word 
hard to be translated, and which is generally rendered by our 
word " kingdom " for want of a better. Several of these village 
clusters subject to Bau are matanitu. 

There is no diflficulty about these. They are matanitii which 
have either been conquered by Bau, or have given themselves to 
it. They owe some sort of allegiance to Bau, it being distinctly 
understood that the debt is binding upon them only as long as 
Bau is strong enough to enforce payment of it. They render 
military service, and make ofiferings of food and property in 
time of peace. This, however, is tribute, and can in no sense be 
called rent. They can refuse to pay it whenever they please 
to run the risk of refusal, and they have frequently been 
pleased so to do when political disturbances gave them a chance. 
They are not tenants of Bau : their lands are their own. 

* So also the Tongans say that their mea Tale (foolish things) hare no souls. 
Ther are the deeoendiuits of worms. 

T Bau is the koro tnranga levu (great chief town) of aU these Tillage 

t Tu * to stand erect. The word Tni, which we render '* King," is simply 
Tu with the preposition "of.** Tui Bau » the Tu of Bau. It is also found in 
Turanga — ohiel, Banga - the Maori Bangatira, elsewhere Ba*atira « the 
Fijian taukei (landowner). 

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842 LoBlklB FisoK, M.A.~L(md Tenun m Fiji. 

: Mbatl 

Oth^r koro again ate mbati to Baa. Mbati means te6th, and 
is an expressive term when thus applied. The mbati are 
warriors, freemen living on their own lands, and are treated with 
great consideration. Feasts are made for them, and they are 
paid for their srervices in war. When they are present at a 
Ban feast, and a pig is cut up, the head is given to them. If 
they consider themselves neglected in the portioning of the food, 
they may kill one of the sharers of the feast in the nejct fight 
On their part, having eaten the feasts made for them by the 
koro turanga, they fight on its side in war if they do not 
consider it preferable to jGight on the other side, as they 
frequently do. They are, in fact, mercenaries, rather than 
subjects, of the mling tribe, and they can transfer their services 
to the enemy if they choose. The Bau chiefs, on ttie other 
hand, aver that the mbati are their own men, who are bound to 
their service. But history is certainly against them here, 
Dugald Dalgetty himself was not more free to change sides 
than are the mbati, though of course they have to count the 
cost. They cannot use their freedom as readily as he could use 
his ; for they are settled agricultural landowning tribes, whereas 
Gustavus could carry that unencumbered rover and cJl his 
belongings beyond the reaeh of Tengeanoe. 

<Jali Lewk m Ktmo. 

On the mainland of Navitilevu behind Bau, and elsewhere^ 
there are certain villages whose people are called thelrqaU 
lewe ni kuro (contents of the pot qali). These are of the 
lowest rank, or rather of no rank at all. They are kaisi, the 
descendants of '' children without a father/' They are vakatau 
ni were (husbandmen) but they are not yeomen like the taukeL 
Neither the lands they cultivate, nor the town lots on which 
they dwell, are their own. They are not even tenants. They 
are hereditary bondsmen, adscripii glAcBy whose business it is 
to raise food for their masters. Their lords may oppress them, 
and they have no redress. In times of peace fiiey must work 
for them, and in war time they must fight for them to the 
death. They cannot pay off old scores by turning to the enemy 
like the mbatL 

The position of this qali* seems to account for the contempt 

* Qali here n the same word as that whidi is found in ** mataqali,'* bat the 
qali to Bau and the Bau mataqali are two very different things. The " twist" is 
altogether different. All the component parts of the Bau matanitu are sdue- 
times called its Qali^the Qali yaka Bau. The subject matanitik are called the 

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LoMMiR FisoN, M^ — Land Tenwr^ in Fiji, 843 

in which the husbandmen are held elsewhere. Agriculture itself 
is by no means thought to be dishonourable. On the contraiy, 
the highest chiefs are often diligent planters, and Thakombau 
himself sets an excellent example to his people in this respect 
The husbandmen are despised, not because they are husband-^ 
men^ but because t&ey are kaisi, people without a father. 


In addition to the koro already mentioned, there ate others 
inhabited by tribes who have either migrated from their own 
lands owing to disagreement with their kinsfolk, or hare been 
driven thence by war. These emigrants beg land from a taukei 
tribe^ and settle down upon it They are not landowners where 
they axe now living, but it does not follow that ttiey are kaisi* 
If they were taukei in their own land they cannot be placed on 
the level of the people without a father. You cannot degrade a 
taukei into a kaisL You may drive him from his lands, but you 
cannot rob him of his ancestors. And though he be an exile, a 
stranger in a strange land, cultivating the soil which is not his 
own, and paying rent of produce and service to a tribe that took 
none ftom his fathers, he is nevertheless far above the level of a 
serf. Tribes such as these are tenants at will, and the land 
may be taken from them whenever it may be required. How 
long soever their occupation may continue, it does not establish 
a title. The descendants of the taukei can always resume the 
lands, upon giving formal notice, and presenting some property 
or other, which is called *' the falling back of the soil." 


It is a disputed question as to hpw far conquest affects the 
ownership of land in Fiji It is certain that in former days, 
when population seems to have been on the increase— or perhaps 
we ought rather to say when the tide of immigration was still 
flowing — tribes were dispossessed of their lands by other tribes 
who took them into their occupation, and are the taukei of the 

Qali tunnffa (Qali of chiefs), Uie Mbati are called Qali tangane (Qali of men) , 
while Uie husbandmen are called the Qali lewe ni kuro (Ck>ntent6 of the Pot 
QiUi). Thes# ietms, howsrrer, would, I think, be used only by the Eouans them- 
selves, or bj strangers. Call a Mbati a Qali, and he will very likely answer bv a 
club-stroke. The term Qali, in the sense of one tribe being qaH to another tribe, 
seems to be Miplkable, strietly speaking, to the hu^>andmen alone. They 
ara also called (^ kaisi, QaU yakatha - '* of a bad twist.*' 

* The emigrants hare been ^>F^mi of as Qali kai tani (Qali of foreigners)^ 
but this, I think* is a mistake. The Qali kai tani are men who wero somebody 
else's oali, but of whom you have got possession. They are yours, for you hold 
them, out they belonged to some other tribe in (he olden times. 

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344 LORIJIBR FisON, M-A. — Lamd Tenure in Fiji, 

present day. But it is long since the population of the country 
ceased to advance, and the question now is : " Does conquest 
by a tribe which does not occupy the land transfer the owner- 
ship ?" This is a question on both sides of which there is much 
to be said. A vanquished tribe in its extremity sometimes 
presents a basket of earth to its conquerors, suing for peace ; 
and this ceremony, which is called the Soroqele,* is held by 
some authorities to be a formal transferance of the ownership of 
the soiL But we find tribes who are known to have made this 
soro, and others who were utterly vanqijushed and punished by 
long banishment from their koro, now in undisputed possession 
of flieir lands as the taukei They have given evidence before 
the Lands Commissioners as the owners of land sold by them 
since their return to their ancient sites. It must be admitted 
that the form of words used in the soroqele expresses the most 
complete abandonment of everything to the conquerors ; but the 
Fijian uses extravagant expressions on nearly all occasions of 
ceremony, and their evidence is of little weight. 

The question seems to be a vexed one elsewhere also. Thus 
I am told that the New Zealand Grovemment paid three times 
over for a certain piece of land^-once to the occupiers from 
whom it was bought ; again to a tribe who claimed the title 
because their fathers were said to have conquered the inhabi- 
tants who knows how many generations ago ; and finally to a 
third party who claimed, because their fathers had been there to 
be conquered. 

After listening to a great deal of conflicting evidence on the 
question from t£e natives themselves, I am inclined to think 
that the soroqele is a surrender of the fruits of the soil, but not 
of the soil itself. The land might be withheld for a time as a 
punishment, but it was eventually restored. Be this as it may, 
I am fully convinced that conquest without the soroqele does 
not affect the title of land.t It is certain that, though the 
taukei may be driven from their Ifinds by a stronger tribe, they 
do not acknowledge the most crushing defeat as an extinction 
of their title. In fact they consider their title to be inextin- 
guishable aa long as they themselves are not extinguished. It 
may be held in abeyance, but it cannot be destroyed. 

The foregoing is a necessarily imperfect statement of Fijian 

* Soro » offering of atonement. Qele » earth. 

t Chiefs have sold the lands of conquered tribes to the white men, but th^ 
knew that they were exposing the buyers to a serious risk. ** Why did you sell 
that land to those men r " I asked on one occasion. *' Tou know the taukei are 
in the hills, and that there will be mischief.** " True/* said the old chief 
placidly, ''but the white men have many guns. They are a war-fence to my 

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LoRlMER FisON, M.A. — LaTtd Tenure in Fiji. 345 

custom as to land tenure. Not only is it incomplete even with 
r^f^ard to the particular neighbourhood specified, but it would 
require endless modifications to make it fit in with the usage in 
other parts of the group, for there is no such thing as uniformity 
of custom in Fiji I think, however, that it may be taken as 
fairly representing the broad principles of land tenure in Fiji, 
as they are held by the taukei ihemaelves. He who makes his 
inquiries from the chiefs alone may come to a very different 

I have very little doubt that the taukei's statement of the 
case is a correct representation of ancient custom. But there 
has long been in Fiji a power which has been able to override 
that custom, and this is the power of the chiefs. Hence the 
actual usage is that of ancient custom modified by what we 
may call tyrarmy mthout insisting on the word's being under- 
stood in its evil sense. We have, therefore, to inquire how far 
this modification affects land tenure. 

The power of the chiefs has been so long exercised as to have 
established for itself a sort of " prescriptive right" It has been 
in force for so many generations that it may be said to have 
grown into a custom. Nor is this denied by the commoners. 
They acknowledge that they owe service to their chiefs, and 
they render it wmingly. Bv;t they ncoet certainly deny that they 
owe it either as tenants or as serfs. 

The chief is their lord, but he is not their landlord. He is 
but one of the joint tribal owners together with themselves. 
As a member of a landowning tribe he has his own share of the 
tribal land ; and, as far as rightful ownership of the soil is con- 
cerned, he has not one acre more. And farther, his share is 
generally less than that of the ordinary taukei, for this reason 
among others — ^the commoners usually marry within the koro,* 
or at least within the bounds of the affiliated koro, and their 
wives bring land with them. The higher chiefs, on the contrary, 
seek their wives from other, often from distant tribes, and there- 
fore do not receive with them any addition to their own share 
of land. There are even chiefs who have no land at all of their 
own among the mataqali over whom they rule. 


It may not unreasonably be asked, " If, then, the chief be only 
one among a number of joint tribal landowners, how comes it 

* Sometimet they many within their own mataqali, though all the mataqaU 
are theoretioaUj hrothen and nsten, aooordinff to the Fijian sTstem of kinship, 
because they are descended from brothers. 1 ne people say that these marriages 
are lawful, because " sa yawa na nondra yeinganeni '' (their fraternity is far 

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346 LOBIMEB FisON, }ilLA.—Land Tenure in Fiji 

that he it 80 high in rank above the commoneis ? How, indaed, 
can there be any difference of rank at all ain(»ig fuU-bom 
men ? " This question I will now endearonr to answer. 

It may be stated as a general rule that as long as descent is 
reckoned entirely through females^ all the members of a dan 
enter the world on the same level ; and that, whatever distino* 
tions there may be, there are none of birtL Hence among 
the tdbes who have that line of descent, and wJio have 7u4 been 
brought into contact toith tribes having a,gnatic descent* so as to bo 
influenced by them, we find no such thing as hereditary 
chieftainship. Many such tribes have no chiefe at all, though 
they may have men who are leaders in war-time, or of con^ 
siderable influence owing to their position in the remarkable 
"dubs" and secret eodetiest whidi are of wide {^evalenco. 
Other tribes have elective chiefe, but the office is not hereditary 
in any one line* 

But when descent comes to be reckoned through males — and 
it is sure to come sooner or later when nomad hunters settle 
down to agriculture^ then birthright and polygamy combined 
produce marked distinctums of rank^ and these distincdona 
become hereditary. 

An inquiry extending over fifteen years among the Iljian and 
many other tribes has convinced me that hereditary ruling 
chiefs are in the first place nothing more than heads (rf 
iamilies. But when descent is through males, one family takes 
precedence of another by birthright, and its head is therefore 
exalted above his fellows. Thus, to go back to the original 
Mataveitathini (Band of Brothers) from whom the various 
yavusa of a mataqali are descended, ti^ elder brother takes 
precedence of the younger^ and the yavusa> of which he is the 

* Thif ii an important qualifi<iati<m of the ttatemant. In Fiji there are 
tribes in a state of tranflition from uterine suooesoion to agnatic under the 
influence of that contact, and distinctionB of rank are found among them. Then 
ia one community whii^ bags its ehief from another, becanee It hat not yel 
learned how to manufacture a head chief of iU own. 

t The Bey. B. H. Codrington, M.A., of the Melaneeian Mission, first called 
my attention to these sooieties. Some of them, he says, are secret, and some are , 
not. The Suqe, or Club, is composed (^ aecendmg grades, and promOtkiA 
is bought with *' pigs and money,*' the money being a sort of shell currency. 

The headmen of the highest grade in the Suqe haye great influence ; but 
they are not chiefs, nor do they transmit their position by inheritance. Mr. 
Ck>drington states positiyely ihat there are no chiefs amonc the Banks' Islanders, 
and he is of opinion that tndre are none in the neighboumig groups, where also 
" ' ' \ roma" 

deseenl is reckoned through females, " exoeptittf where the roTynesiaii eieMaent is 
strong." Of the term " SonS. ** he writes — ** l^yeUers and others, who expect to find 
obiefo errerywhere, use the word, but improperiy. I hare seen m print, as the 
personal name of a so-called chief, the yevy wovd which denoted his grade Hk tins 

I myself hare found what seem to be traces of similar sooieties among ^le 
Australian aborigines. 

Digitized by 


LoEUiKR PisON, M.A. — Land Tenurt in Fiji, 847 

mncoBtor, takes precedence of the other yavuaa. And einc^ the 
descendants of the elder brother are the elder brothers forever/ 
it is no wonder that so much importance should be attached to 
the birthright No wonder that Esau was despised for selUnff 
his at so <£eap a rate. No wonder that Joseph was " displeased 
when he saw Jacob's right hand placed on Ephraim's head 
instead of on that of Manasseh. 

But this is not all, nor <x>uld it of itself account for the dis* 
tinctions of rank which are found in FijL Birthright and 
polygamy combined aie necessary to account for them« Poly'* 
gamy acts as follows : — 

Every chief of high rank has a certain wife, or certain wives, 
who are marama (high-bom women — of ** good families '^. These 
are called Watina Mbauf and his children by them are chiefs 
in their own right But though all these wives are marama, 
one of them may be of a " better family " than the others, and 
her child is consequently of higher rank than are their children, 
for rank is derived from the mother as well as fr6m the father. 
Hence there may be difference of rank among hi^h-bom chiefs 
who are children of the same father by the watma mbau. A 
man may even be of higher rank than his own father, if his 
mother be of higher rank than his paternal gmndmother. 

And farther, in addition to his marama wives, a great chief 
may have any nimiber of women who are recognised as his 
wives to the extent that they belong to him alone. They are 
called Watina Lalai (his litde wives) and their children are 
called the Kaso.} 

The kaso are veitathini (literally " brothered together**) with 
the sons of the marama, but they are very far from being of 
equal rank with them. It takes nobility on both sides of the 
house to make a full-blooded chief ; and, while a kaso is a chief 
by the father's side, he is a commoner by the mother's. And, 
since the chiefs lands all descend to his sons by the marama^f 

• ThiB rule, though ootnmon, is not inyariable. 

t Wathuk mbftQ — bit wmfl. The word mbaii throws A strong emphssis 
on its snteoadent. 

X This term is rerj lignifioiat* The hato are the fpar»)i^bh bind the body 
of a oanoe to its outng^er. The chiefs being represented by the hull, uid tM 
commoners b j the outngger, the kaso are be^reen t^ two, tied to both and y^ 
belonging to neither. Thsre is a soperior class of the kaso, who are called the 
kaso yesi. It is iiiq;>osBible to explain all these distinctions within the eompase 
of a single paper. 

§ Sarah was watina mban to Abraham, and Keturah was watina laihd— (lailai 
is the* sinffular, lalai the plural)— -henee Isaac was his heir. Midiaa and the 
■est were kaso. '* And Abraham gaye all that he had unto Isaao " (Q^nesis 
xxy. 6). To the kaso " he oaye gifts, and sent tbem away." Ishmael was 
not reck one d among the kaso, because Sarai yoee his mother to Abraham iaAer 
oum siead, whereas Abraham took Keturah. Both Isaac and Ishmael ai« called 

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348 LoRiMER FisoK, M.A. — Land Tenure in Fiji. 

the kaso are landless. At least they are dependent on their 
high-bom brother for such portion as he may be pleased to give 
them. He gives them yavu for their houses, and land for tiieir 
plantations. In return they have to do him service. They are 
his "tail," or following, and must do his bidding. The descen- 
dants of a kaso who marries into a family of commoners are 
not exactly men of rank, and yet they are respected. Their 
descent from the great chief is borne is mind. 

Starting then at the kaisi or serfs, who are, strictly speaking, 
those only who are ** vrithout a father," we have an ascending 
series as follows : — 

1. Men who are not " bom " at alL 

2. Men who are born, but not full-bom, e,g,, the descendants 

of a " stranger " who married and settled among the 

3. Men who are fuU-bom, but not well-bom, viz., the ordi- 

nary commoners. 

4. Men who are well-bom, but not high-bom — ^the kaso and 

their descendants. 

5. Oiiefs who are high-bom, but who do not attain to the 

highest rank. 

6. And, finally, chiefs who are so high-bom as to be god- 

bom,* the pure blooded eldest of Sie eldest of the eldestf 
up to the Kalou Vu who stands at the head of the line. 

But though the high bom chiefs are thus exalted far above 
the commoners, land tenure remains untouched. How much 
soever of the fruits of the soil the chief may take by right of 
either birth or power, he is no more than one among a number 
of joint tribal owners, as far as the rightful ownerahip of the 
soil is concemed. 

'* the sons of Abraham " (1 Chron. i. 28) whereas the kaso are called " the 
sons of Keturah." 

For a like reason the sons of the hanHmaiHens of Leah and Bachel are num- 
bered among the sons of Jacob. 

* The Ber. J. B. Moulton of the Weelejan Mission in Tonga, wrote to me as 
follows concerning the Tamaha, a title whidi is usuallj borne by one female of 
the Tery highest rank, who is chosen from among those of a certain royal 
lineace: — 

" 1 believe the derivation of Tamaha to be Tama** child, and Ha-^wparent, 
somewhat as clarus, or darissimus, means illustrious. The son of the%miaha 
is called the Tama-tauhala»the very Tiptop, the end and consummation 
of all things, towards whom aU ranks and titles converffe. And, if the Tama- 
tauhala have a son, he is no mortal. He is The Eiki^the god himself — 
literally The Lord par exeeUenoe^ the Baal of the Baalim." 

t It is not of necessity, however, the eldest representative of the eldest branch 
who inherits the office of head chief or ruler, nor does the office necessarily 
descend from father to son. Qualification for the office is hereditary, but the 
office itself is elective among the qualified persons. 

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LOMMER FisON, M.A. — Land Tenure in Fiji. 349 

The theory* of the old government under " Cakobau Bex " 
was that '' the lands of Fiji are vested in the ruling chiefs, and 
are occupied by their subordinate chiefs (or vassals) and people 
in consideration for past, present, and future services/' It was 
further stated that the ruling chief '' has the right, and also the 
power, to remove at pleasure any sub-chiefs or people from the 
lands they occupy," all this being " under a feudal system that 
has existed from time immemorial." 

This theory was accepted by Sir Hercules Eobinson, for he 
held that the land title as well as the sovereignty of the group 
had been transferred to Her Majesty by the chiefe, and that the 
people were only entitled to hold land sufficient for their 
maintenance. It seems to be accepted by Sir Arthur Grordon 
also, for sales of land have been made imder his direction as if 
the Crown were the proprietor, and in his public speeches made 
during his visit to England he invited capitalists to buy Fijian 
lands from the Crown. 

I am nevertheless fully persuaded that the theory is founded 
on a mistake, and that if we approach the question of land 
tenure in Fiji with ideas based upon the feudal system we 
shall never arrive at right conclusions concerning it. The 
Fijian was on his way to the feudal system, but he was a long 
way from reaching it. The lands were not vested in any chief 
to the exclusion of the commoners, and the service rendered to 
the chief was not rent for land held by his tenants. In the case 
of his own tribesmen it was theoretically a freewill offering 
made to the head of the house, the earthly representative of 
the ancestral gods from whom both givers and receiver claimed 
a common descent. In the case of the subject matanitu it was 
tribute. In the case of the "stranger" tribes, whom I have 
called the emigrants, it was doubtless rent, but the rent payers 
were not the tenants of the chief aloncf They were the 
tenants of all the landowners, including the chief himself. In 
the case of the Qali lewe ni kuro it was neither rent nor 
tribute. It was the produce of what may be called the '' tribal 
farm " of which they were the slave cultivators. But they were 

• See a Hemonindum on the Ownenhip of Land in Fiji, bj the Hon. J. B. 
Thonton, in the Report of Commodore G-oodenough and Mr. Consul Lajard on 
the Offer of the Cession of the Fiji Islands. Presented to both Houses of Parlia- 
ment, July, 1874. 

t Hr. Thurston quotes a speech made at a presentation of property as a proof 
that the lands belong to the chief alone. But, as I have alreaoy stated, these 
speeches haye rerj little weight as eridence on such a matter. Fiiians use the 
most extravagant expressions on occasions of oeremonj. I mjself once heard 
a chief delirer himself of the following graceful hyperbole: "We cannot 
express our thankfulness. Our words are too short for the length of our joy. 
O that we were dogs ! for then would our ^adness be seen in the wagging of our 

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350 LoRiMER FiBON, M-A. — Lwnd Tmwe in Fyi 

qali to tiie landowning tribe, not to the chief alone. The qali 
yaka Ban is qali to Bau, not to Cakobau. 

As to the chief having the right and also the power to remove 
ai pleasurs anj sub-chiefs and people from the lands they 
occupy, he has certainly no such right, and very few ruling 
chiefs have ever had any such power. 

If, however, it be laid down as a first principle for the 
guidance of Her Majest/s Grovemment that the chiefs have a 
right to do all they have done, because they had the power to do 
it, then there is nothing more to be said The question is finally 
settled ; and we may come at once to the conclusion t^t the 
commoners have neither land-right, nor any other right, because 
a drunken chief like Tui Cakau was powerful enough to sell 
whole islands and districts to the white men, and to c(mipel his 
people elsewhere to make room for the ¥rretched inhabitants 
whom he removed from their ancient sites. His own country- 
men — even the men of his own order — cried shame upwi hiiut 
tor doing it. 

There is another side to the question, and I cannot ^itaJte 
it better than in the words* of a Fijian taukei, which he wrote 
to Sir Arthur Gordon himself about a sale of land by a chief, 
which he considered to be scandalously unjust : — 

" I, Sir, am a Fijian, and am well acquainted with the tenure 
of land in Fiji (na kena i lakolako ni qele e Viti). The 
land belongs to us the commoners (na tamata lalai, literaJly ' the 
little men '). Its division among us is not a thing of yesterday. 
It is from the old, old times. The land. Sir, of my grandfather, 
and of my ancestors, is mine. It belongs to me, and to my 
kinsmen with me. It is ours, and ours alone, it cannot be 
turned away from us. 

** That which our chiefs are doing nowadays is not just They 
know the Fijian customs, and yet they sell the land without the 
knowledge of its owners. This, Sir, is a very great injustice. 
There are certain things for which our lands can be seized 
(e vakavuna na ka me tauri kina na naitou vanua). If 
we offend, as by laying hold upon one of our chiefs little wives 
— the common ones, Sir, who are his house servants (a nona 
vanda saka ga), it rests with him to decide upon our punish- 
ment, whether it he that we are to make feasts for him, gr 
whether he will take our land. And if he takes our land from 
us, he does but hold it in his hand ; it does not become 

* I cannot answer for the strict verbal aocnracj of my Tension. The taukei 
repeated to me the substance of his letter as nearly as he could remember it. 
He is a remarkably intelligent man, and I have no doubt that his memory served 
him well. I may add, in order to prevent a possible misoonoeption, that he 
wrote his letter of his own accord, and at least twelvemonths before I faiew 
anything about it. 

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LORIMEB FisoN, M.A. — Lamd Tenwre in Fiji. 351 

hia absolute property (e senga m jxona me nona ndina 8ar»). 
Tbu6» if my son were to offend m that way, and the chief wei« 
to take my land, I should wait until the heat of his anger were 
OTerpast Then I should take him a whale's tooth, or a spear 
to be my soro (offering of atonement), and to be the falling back 
to me of my land ^d the chief would take my soro, and say 
' It is wdL That day is over and gone.' And so my land 
would come back to me again." 

This is something very different from ^the right and the 
power to remove oi pleasure any sub-chiefs and people from the 
lands they occupy/** It is a judicial act, for which there must 
be jui9t cause; and, though it withholds the land from the 
taukei for a time, it does not destroy his title. 

I am fully convinced that the tenure of land in Fiji is tribal, 
end that the title is vested in all the full bom members of the 
tribe, commoners as weU as chiefs ; not in any one individual, 
nor in any class of individuals, which excludes the commoners. 
Though the tribal land is in many places sub-divided ami>ng 
households and individuals, yet each owner holds for the tribe, 
and not for himself alone. He cannot alienate the land from 
his tribe, nor can he so alienate it as that his own heirs shall 
not inherit. He may, as I have already explained, give a piece 
of land together with his daughter to a stranger (kai tani), 
whom he wishes to attach to himself. 

This land, however, is given not to the stranger, but to the 
taukei's daughter, or rather to the son who shall be. bom of her. 
Her child comes in among her father's heirs as far as that plot 
of land is concerned ; but, if she die childless, the land reverts 
to her kin. It does not belong to her husband. 

No man, whether chief or commoner, is the absolute owner of 
the soil. He has no more than a life interest in it. He may 
dispose of that interest if he please, but he can do no more. 
Nor is the whole tribe the absolute owner. Each generation 
does but hold in tmst for the next, and the tribe is under 
obligation to hand down the tribal estate undiminished for ever. 
Land with the Fijian is not a chattel to be bought and sold. 
*' The earth does not lie in our hands," he says. 

But there can be no doubt that many of the natives, under 
the tuition of the white men, learned to treat it as a chattel, and 
disposed of their lands with the full understanding that tliey 
were parting with them for ever. Whether they had a right to 
do so, or not, is quite another question. In my opinion they 

^ Hr. ThaatUm admitf that, though the chief has the right and power to 
Mmore the peofile tram their lands at his wiU, the exercise of his power wonld 
be ri^arded as an act of gross ii\jastioe, if there had been no failure of serrioe on 
the {Murt of the people. 

Digitized by 


352 W. D. GOOCH, Esq. — Notes on the Occurrence 

had no such right* Certainly neither chief nor taukei had 
any right, independently one of another, to dispose of the fee 
simple, nor do I believe that the combined consent of both 
chiefs and commoners could establish such a right. The land 
was a public estate belonging to all the full bom men, and it 
was strictly entailed, the heir being the posterity of those men 
to all generations. It is impossible to cut off an entail such as 
this, for the heir can never be a consenting party. 

If, therefore, my case be made out, the cession of Fiji did 
not fairly carry mth it all that was supposed to convey. It is 
certainf that, when the cession took place, the chiefs under- 
stood that they were making over the lands, as weU as the 
sovereignty, of the group ; but it is equally certain, from the 
commoners' point of view, that they had not the title in their 
hands. It behoves us, therefore, to think well as to what we 
shall do ¥rith lands wbich have been thus acquired, for in all 
righteousness it is the management, not the ownership, of the 
Fijian estate which has come into our hands. 

Notes on the Occurrence of Stone Implements in 
South Russia. 

By William D. Gooch, Esq., C.R 

Having during four years residence in South Bussia paid some 
attention to the presence of prehistoric relics in the immediate 
district around me, I propose to lay before the members of the 
Institute a brief account of my observations. It is seven years 
since I left Russia, and my memoranda and collections are 
to a great extent dispersed, I can therefore bring for exhibi- 
tion only a small portion of the specimens collected, and 
furnish a brief riiswnU from memory of the facts of their dis- 

From 1869-72 I was engaged upon railway work, and the 
establishment of iron works and coal mines in New Russia, at 
a site upon the sources of the " Kalmiuss " river, centrally 

* I am nofc sure that the majority of mj brother miBsionariee in Fiji hold 
this opinion, but I am sure that they haye acted as if thej held it. There hare been 
no fewer than f ortj-three of us in the group, and of these only three bousht land, 
though there is not one of us who was in Fiji before the influx of tiie white 
men, and who did his work eren decently well, so as to gain the confidence of the 
natives, but who might have had plenty of land for little more than the 

t I say "it is certain," because Sir Hercules Bobinson, who was thoroughly 
open and straightforward throughout the whole transaction, was Tery explicit on 
this point. And a question asked bjr Batu Sayenatha on behalf ii the chiefs 
shows plainly that they understood him. 

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of Stone Implements in South Rvssia, 353 

situated on the portion of the Donetz coal-fields in which the 
bituminous coal is developed. 

During this period, upon explorations to ascertain the value 
of coal, lime, and ironstone beds, I became well acquainted with 
the western portion of the Donetz coal basin, an area 100 by 
60 versts, being much assisted by the Eussian ordnance maps 
of 3 versts or 2 miles to 1 inch. 

The " geology " of the district consists of a " carboniferous " 
base, in which the strata vary much by contortion or disloca- 
tion, but the surface of which has by denudation been worn 
very nearly level The dislocations and foldings are rarely 
the causes of scarps rising abruptly a little above the general 
level, which falls gradujdly southwards towards the Sea of 

This plain is typical of "steppe country;" it has been 
eroded along the lines of the principal faults and dislocations, 
till a river system is now mapped out upon it which has 
reached a depth of excavation of 250 feet ; it is along the eroded 
lines of the rivers, and coincident with the greater dislocations 
that the " carboniferous " sections are clearly exposed, and should 
be studied like the leaves of a book. 

The plain, however, is quite devoid of any indications of the 
ferous strata below it, being covered by thick beds of — 

1. Triassic, marls, and sands — the thinning out of the north- 

em beds, sometimes 60 feet in thickness. 

2. Thick brown clay — 15 feet, with chalk nodules inter- 

spersed. It is devoid of remains of any sort, and is 
probably pleistocene, 

3. The "tchomozem" or black earth alluvium whica is 

so characteristic of all South Russia, devoid of organic 
remains, yielding worked flints (pleistocene ?). 

4. In pockets and patches, not easy to place in their true 

geological origin. 

(a) White and coloured clays and strong marl with iron 
ore of hematite character with very strong colour- 
ing of chrome and other oxides. 

(6) A boulder clay, like pleistocene, and containing 
bones, which fell to pieces immediately on exposure 
to the air. These appeared to be bones and teeth of 
hippopotami or aUied animals. I had no means 
of ascertaining. 

(The whole of these patches and pockets which I 
noticed marked a line parallel to and not far from 
the porphyritic outbursts to the south of the coal- 
fields which are its limit in that direction.) 
VOL. x. 2 a 

Digitized by 


854 W. D. GoocH, Esq. — Notes on the Occurrence 

5. Lastly, the river systems jrield — 

(a) Sandy gravel with flints, at the junctions of 

several of the rivers on the northern part of the 
district ; 

(b) And close grey clay, the detritus of the district by 

the action of frost 

The beds I hoped to find Anthropological traces in were 2, 3, 
and 5, but on examination it Was only No. 3, the tchomozem 
or "black earth," which yielded anything; and the types 
found, as will be seen by the few specimens exhibited, seem 
essentially to be of a surface character. 

In travelling over the vast area of these steppes or plains 
the only things which contribute to the travellers knowledge of 
distance and direction are large timiuli or " moghili." These are 
very numerous; from the summit of one^ I have counted 
100 in sight at once. They are solitary or in groups of as 
many as nine. They vary very much in size, and they are only 
found on the level of the plains, or as terminals to lower spurs 
at the forks of streams^ left by erosion ; I have never met with 
any instance of them in the river bottoms. 

The absence of trees and the fact that the vOlages are all 
built in the valleys near water, makes the presence of these 
timitdi a very conspicuous feature of these steppes, as they 
really are often the only objects which break the level monotony 
of the horizon. 

Besides these "moghili" there are large "fields" which are 
covered with small timiuli of about equ^ height, 2 to 3 feet, 
sometimes arranged with considerable symmetry. 

It is very doubtful whether these are barrows or only the 
mounds made by successive generations of the " steppe stoat," 
which is very abundant, and whose burrows mostly, but not 
always, are to be found in the mounds. 

Whatever the origin of these fields, sometimes 100 acres 
at least in area, I could in no way trace any greater nimiber of 
flint chips near them, and in several sections where the earth- 
works of the railway passed through them, there was not a vestige 
of anything found. 

The " moghili," on the other hand, from whatever date they 
may take their origin, are evidently places of sepulture, and 
when excavated yield weapons and ornaments, &c., in bronze and 
iron with bones, and fragments and weapons in flint. 

The accompanying woodcuts represent examples discovered 
in " moghili " near to the village of Jeleznaya. Fig. 1 is from 
the interior of a mound terminal to a spur at the junction of two 
streams, fig. 2 from a " moghil " on high ground near the same 

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of Stone Implements in 3ov/th Russia. 355 

Fia. 1. 

Fig. 2. 

Those " moghili " wiihout exception have been examined for 
treasure. I never saw an instance of one where a pit in the 
summit or a hole in the side did not remain as evidence of an 
attempt to wrest treasure from its keeping; for the actual 
discovery of very valuable gold jewels in some, has raised the 
cupidity of the inhabitants from time to time ; and the " golden 
legends " handed down of the gold, &c., which was buried in the 
grave of such and such a chief, leads to occasional attem