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THE JOURNAL

OF THE

BOMBAY BRANCH

OF THE

UOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

VOLUME XIX

1895-1897-

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY,

BOMBAY:
SOCIETY'S LIBRARY, TOWN HALL.

LONDON:— KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER k Co..
PATERNOSTER HOUSE. CHARING CROSS

ROAD, W.C.

1897.

'l/

CONTENTS OV VOL. XIX.

3 :;^ ^ \ \

ART. PAOB

I. — The Extant Codicea of the Pahlavi Nirangistan. By
Dastur Dabab Peshotan Sanjana, B.A. 1

II. — Pdraskara Grihya Sutras and the Sacred Books of the
East,Yol. XXIX. By H. H. Dhruva, B.A., LLB 24

III. — The Nadole Inscription of King Alhanadeva. V. S. 1218.
Edited by H. H. Dhruva, B.A., LL.B 26

IV.— On the date of Kalidasa. By K. B. Pathak, B.A. ... 36

V. — Note on Brick Figures found in a Buddhist Tower in
Kahu, near Mirpur Khas, Sindh. By A. Woodbubn, I.C.S.,
with an introduction by J. M. Campbell, I.C. S., LL.D. ... 44

YI. — On the Authorship of the Nyayabindu. By K. B.

Jl ATHAK, Jd.^. ... ••• ••• ... ••* ... ••• ••« 47

VII. — The Bas-relief of Behram Gour i^Behram V.) atNaksh-i-
Rastam and his mamage with an Indian Princess. By Jivakji
Jamshrdji Modi, B.A. ^, ... 53

VIII. — The Progress and Development of the Aryan Speech :
being the first of the Wilson Philological Lectures (1894) in
connection with the University of Bombay. By H. H. Dhruva,

jD»A.»% J-iXj.lJ. ... ..• *•« *•. *•• ... ... ••• /Q

IX. — Interpretation of certain passages in the Pancha Sid-
dhantika of Varahamihira. By M. P. Kharegat, I.C.S. ... 109

X. — Mahmad of Ghazni and the Legend of Somnath. By
R. P. Karkakia, Esq 142

XI.— Mandu. By J. M. Campbell, LL.D., I.C.S 154

XII. — The Tree Blossomed. Shivaji as a Civil Ruler. By
the Hon'ble Mr. Justice M. G. Ranade, M.A., LL.B 202

XIII.— The Teleology of the Pahlavi Shikand Gumanik
Vijar and Cicero's De Matura Deorum. By R. P. Karkaria,

JjiSQ. •*• .•« ... ... ••* ... ... ... ... ^ Xo

XIV. — Firdousi on the Indian Origin of the Game of Chess.
By JiVANJi Jamshedji Modi, B.A. ... 224

XV. — Cashmere and the Ancient Persians. By Jivanji
Jamshedji Modi, B.A 237

XVI.— The Portuguese in South Kanara. By Dr. J. Gerson
DA Cunha •«« ... ... ••• •*. ••• ... ... 249

XVII. — The Antiquity of the A vesta. By Jivanji Jam-
shedji Modi, B.A ... ... ... ... 263

XVIII. — Akbar and the Parsees. By R. P. Karkaria, Esq. 289

XIX. — A Historical Survey of Indian Logic. By Mahadeva
Rajaram BoDAs, M.A., LL.B 3O5

XX. — Inscription on the "Three Gateways,'* Ahmedabad.
By Rev. J. E. Abbott. 343

XXI. — A chapter from the Tandya Brahmana of the Sdma
Veda and the L4ty6yana Sutra, on the admission of the Non-
Aryan Society in the Vedic Age. By Rajai-am Rimkrishna
Bhdgavat, Esq. ... ... ... ... 267

X!^II. — The Belief about the future of the Soul among the •
Ancient Egyptians and Zoroastrians. By Jivanji Jamshedji

JuODI, D»A.* ... ... ... ... ... .,« ,,. ,,, 3oS

Proceedings of B. B. R. A. Society, April 1894 to June 1897
and Lists of Presents to the Library. I— CVII.

4 ;

T U E J U it N A I

IIOMBAY Uli.A.N'CU

illOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

BOITBAT!

MICICTY'S l.inRABV, TOWS HAI.l,

I LOSOONi— KBBSN PAtll^ TIUiNCH, TROllSKn A On,

PATBIlKOSTBtt IIOirSK, tUJABIKB l.nilSS

BOAB, W.C.

'in

•-27;

A ^

rSITASr VRlcHt DtoNiNG

BEQUEST
[UNIVERSITY .r MICHIGAN

Sfc. CiENERAL LIBRARY i

PANCHA BIDDHInTIkA OF VABiHAMtSIBA. Ill

methods it would be Vaisakha, and yet there is little doubt the old
Astronomers took it to be Chaitra. The explanation is the same.
It would be both useful and interesting to find out when the modern
methods were introduced and by whom. The only practical
difEerence between these two is as to the naming of the intercalary
month ; according to the first system it is called by the name of the
succeeding month, and according to the second by that of the pre-
ceding.

CHAPTER I.— Stanza 10.

This Stanza shows how to reduce to Sdvana days, the lunar days
or Tithis obtained by the preceding two stanzas for the purpose of
calculating the Bomaka Ahargaoa. In this stanza the Kshepa
(additive quantity) expressed by the compound ^H^^lO has been
taken by the editors to mean 514. But I believe it means five
multiplied by fourteen or seventy. This construction is permissible
and is constantly used in the book e. g,^ in the compounds BTT^?
sf^if? in Chapter III. Stanza 2 and 3 and other stanzas of the same
Chapter and ^r^^ and ^jfcl^rl in Chapter VIII., Stanza 6.

I propose this interpretation in order to bring the Kshepa into accord
with the positions of the sun and moon given in Chapter VIII. A
little consideration will show that the Kshepa divided by 703 is the
fractional part of theTithi that has elapsed at the moment of the epoch,
i.e., sunset at Alexandria on Sunday, 20th March 505 A. D. The
Tithi multiplied by twelve is equal to the distance of the sun and
moon in degrees. It follows that the Kshepa multiplied by twelve
and divided by 703 would give the distance of the sun and moon
in defi^rees. If the Kshepa be 514, the distance would thus be

Note.— Long after I oame to the above oonolusion as to the epoch, 1 happened
to read Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's paper on the same subjeot in the Indian Antiquary
(Vol. 19, p. 47), and I was glad to find that he had come to the same con.
olasion. The only difference is that he considers the epoch to begin on Tnesday
22nd Maroh 505 A. D., but I have given sufficient reasons above why it should
be Monday. I also beg to differ from him as to the reason for the naming of
the month ; the reason adopted by him would reverse the ordinary rule that
tjbe bright fortnights of both the AmAnta and Pumimdnta months have the
same names : he would make the dark fortnights have the same names, and
there is no authority for that. The second reason which he rejects, seems to
me to be more probable ; if the intercalary months were reckoned from the
mean positions of the sun and moon, then certainly the month of the epoch
would be the intercalary Chaitra.

1t?5/-r»uU^

THE JOURNAL ""

OF THE

BOMBAY BRANCH

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

YOLUME XIX.

1895-1897-

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

BOMBAY:
SOCIETY* S LIBRARY, TOWN HALL.

LONDON :— KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER k Co.,
PATERNOSTER HOUSE, CHARING CROSS

ROAD, W.C.

1897.

114 PANCHA BIDDhInTIKA OF VARiHAMIHIRA.

In other words, add for 107 years one to the sum obtained after
multiplying by ten under the first rule before division by 9761.

The third rule I read thus : —

I interpret it thus : — Again add one to the sum from which the
iDtercftlary months are obtained (t. e., to the solar days multiplied by
ten) for every 55061 years."

Before proceeding to demonstrate the truth of these rules it will
be best to put them in a clear mathematical form. It is evident
that the first rule gives a fraction by which the solar days have to
be multiplied in order to reduce them to the intercalary months ; the

fraction is j^gr. The second rule gives another fraction for the same

purpose, and it is ^^ — 36 x 976 1* ^^^' suppose the number of

solar days to be ** S '* ; as 107 years contain 107 X 360 solar days,
the number to be added to the numerator before division by 9761

will be fA-7 — ^^ i the total will thus be 107 x 860, or

1U7 X 3b0 --^

10 R S

'^tTi + io'7 X 36b X 9761 ' ^^ exactly the same way, the third rule
gives a third fraction ssogi ^ 3^0 x 976 1* '^^® ^^^^^ ^^ the three
rules is that the solar days have to be multiplied by the sum of
these three fractions in order to be reduced to intercalary months.

It will be seen that I have interfered as little as possible with the
text, specially the part of it giving the figures. In the first rule the
only new suggestion is as to the last figure of the denominator ; the
text clearly requires the denominator to be of four figures, the
numerator being multiplied by ten, and the fourth figure can hardly
be anything but one. An objection might be raised to my inter-
preting the word Tithi as a solar day ; but the last portion of the
solar days b really represented by Tithis, the Tithis of the current
year being added to the solar days of the years elapsed. The last
figure of the years in the third rule is corrupt ; the nearest approach
to it would be one, and I have accordingly put that, although as I
shall presently show two would be nearer the truth. I will now
proceed to the demonstration.

PANCHA SIDDHANTIkA OF VARAHAMIHTRA. 115

The demonstration consists in proving that the mean motions of
the sun and moon according to the Paulisa Siddhdnta given in other
parts of the book give precisely the same fractions as those dednced
above. According to Chapter III., Stanza I., the sun completes one

438S1

sidereal revolution in -r^ days. The mean motion of the moon is

most probably the same as that for the Vasishtha Siddhdnta g^ven in
Chapter II, Stanzas 2 and 3 (see Dr. Thibant's Preface, Page XXXII).
This mean motion is according to the editors 110 Revolutions^

11 signs, 7 degrees, 30 minutes and ^^ of a sign in 8,031 days. For

good reasons given in my discussion of those stanzas, I believe there is
no fraction, but as the original text itself would read two kalds and a
Kshepa quantity. This gives for the mean motion of the moon in
3031 days, 110 Eev.-ll S.-7°-32', which differs only by four-fifths
of a minute from the editors'. This being reduced to minutes
becomes 2396252. Hence one sidereal revolution of the moon con-
sisting of 21,600' must be performed in 2896252 ^J^^ ^^ *^*

numbers to be dealt with are large it will be best to work with symbols
in their place. Let a =43831, 5=120, c=21600X 3031, &d=23g6262-

Then the length of a sidereal revolution of the sun in days is -^, and
that of the moon ^. Hence the number of lunar sidereal revolutions

in a year is r-. The number of lunar months in any period is the

number of lunar minus the number of the solar revolutions in that

period. Hence the number of lunar months in a year is t 1- The

intercalary months in any period is the number of lunar months in
that period minus the solar months. Hence the intercalary months

in a year is . 13. A year consists of 360 solar days, and there-

^ 23

fore the solar days have to be multiplied by he to reduce them

860

to intercalary months. The fraction in its simple form is g^, »

, . ^ . - , 2897545413 xi. • xl- £> *-^

which m figures comes to ogn 7866862000 ' ^® '^^^ traction

which has been used by VariUiamihira and very cleverly broken up
into parts. If the denominator of this fraction be divided by the
numerator the quotient will be something more than 976*09. Hence

116 PANCHA SIDDhAnTIkA OF VArXaAMCHIRA.

the fraction is a little more than ^^ or ^~ ^^ '^ ^^^ ^^^^ fraction
of Varihamihira. This subtracted from the original leavef aa

• J 73566532 •« • j ^i

™»**°^®' 8603r9r6T^785635200b- ^^ ^® *«"" ''®^'*^® *^® numerator

to one by dividing the denominator by it, it will be found that the

quotient is a fraction over 106 multiplied by 360X9761; hence the

last remainder is just larger than 2073797 61x860 ^^^^^ ^* ^^^ second
fraction of Vardhamihira. Subtracting this from the last remainder we

u* • 15266924 ^ • * • * j .u

O*^^*^" 360 X 9761 X 1 071^7 856352000 ' ^° *g*'° ^'^^^S *^ '"^^^^^^ ^^®

numerator to one, it will be found that the denominator is a trifle

over 55062 multiplied by 360X9761. This therefore gives us the

third fraction of Vardhamihira.

To understand the full significance of this proof, it is necessary to

consider how largely, any, the slightest variation in the mean motion

of the moon affects the years given in the second and third rules. It

will be found that if the mean motion of the moon in 3031 days be

diminished by the fiftieth part of a second, the third rale wi)l entirely

vanish, the number of years being reduced to infinity ; if the diminution

he less than by a fiftieth, the years will vary from 55063 to infinity ;

if there be 10,000 years more in the third rule, the mean motion will

be §^^l^ of a second less. Similarly one second less in the mean
motion will increase the years in the second rule by 12, and one second
more reduce them by nine.' What chance is there then of the figures
in the text agreeing so closely with those deduced by calculation from
the mean motions, unless both the interpretation of the text and the
mean motions were correct ?

I am unable to interpret the rules for reducing the lunar days to
Sivana days given in the same stanzas. According to the data given
above, it will be found that the fraction by which the lunar days have to be

multiplied to get the Kshepa Tithis is, ^^^^'Jl^^^'^ = sSiUSs:

Similarly the following few figures will be of use for comparison with
titose of the other Siddhintas. According to the above data.

Ds. Gh. P. Vp. Vvp.
The length of a lunar sidereal revolntion is ... 27 19 18 8|
,y u 99 synodic mouth is ... 29 31 50 5 55
The number of solar days in which an inter-
calary month occurs is ... 976 5 50 51 S5

PANCHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VARAHAMIHIRA. 117

Ds. Gh. P Vp. Vvp.
The number of Tithis m which a Kshaya

Tiihi occurs is ... ... ... ... 63 54 32 43 38

The number of lunar months in a year is ... 12*3688156

The number of lunar days in a year is ... 371 3 52 5 5

The close agreement with the synodic month

of the Romaka Siddhanta 29-31-50-5-37 is

worth noting. That of the old Surya

Siddhantais 29 31 50 6 53

CHAPTER I.— Stanzas 17, 18, 19 and 20.

These stanzas describe the cycle of seven years of 360 days each.
I have to sujrgest a few amendments in the interpretation of these
for evident reasons. It is cle«r that the Kshepa 2227 days, represents
the period of the cycle elapsed before the beginning of the Ahar^ana,
•'. tf., before Monday, 2lst March 505 A.D. Hence the cycle began
on Sunday, 14th February 499 A.D., and the next cycle commenced
on Sunday, 8th January 506 A.D. It follows that in the 18th stanza
the amount to be subtracted after multiplication of the year by 3
must be 2, and not 4 ; the word cannot be arf^v^ or ^rfe but some
word representing 2 such as 3Tf^. For, suppose the remainder after
division by 2520 is less than 360, the ruler of that year will be
clearly the sun ; the current year one being multiplied by three would
have to be diminished by two, and not four to obtain one, the
symbol of Sunday.

In the 19th stanza it is nob the Ahargana that has to be divided
by 30, but the remainder after division by 2520, else the months
would begin on the 2228th day of the cycle. Moreover, one for the
current month has to be added after multiplication by two and not
before ; an example similar to that for the year will make this clear.

In the 20bh stanza, again, it is not the Ahargana that has to be
divided b}* seven, but the remainder after dividing by 2520 ; else the
first day would be Monday.

One would at first sight suppose that this cycle of 2520 days is a
purely artificial institution of the astronomers like that of the modern
Surya Siddhdnta, which is made to begin from the supposed first day
of creation, Sunday. But calculation will show that this is not the
case. Creation began 452| Mahdyugas before the Kali3ruga, and
Ver^hamihira's Ahargana began 1,317,123 days after the Kaliyuga.
2^ow if we take the length of the Mahiyuga, the same as that of our

118 PANCHA SIDDhInTIKA OF VARIhAMIHIRA.

author, viz., 1,577,917,800 days, it will be found that the 452jMah£-
yugas yield just 2070 days oa dividing by 2520, rejectins; whole
cycles. The period after the Kaliyuga gives 1683 days. 2070 days
plus 1663 days give one cycle plus 1233 days of another. Hence
this cycle would have begun 1233 days before 21st March 505 A.P.
or on 4th November 501 A.D., if it had commenced with creation.
In the same way it will be ^ound that a cycle of the modern Surya
8iddhanta commenced on 19th August 501 A.D.

The question then is, what is the cycle of Varahamihira? Is it the
continuation of some old calendar with a year of 360 days? Such
a year was in use in India for sacrificial purposes (see the K^la>
madhava, the chapter on years) ; the name Savana itself being derived
from g to extract the Soma juice. It is a strange coincidence that
the Egyptians also used a year of 360 days for religious purposes
according to Diodorus Siculus.

CHAPTER I.— Stanzas 23-25.

These stanzas have been thought by the editors to contain only
astrological matter and therefore to be of altogether subordinate
interest. As a matter of fact they contain the Persian calendar of
the year of the epoch 505 A.D., and are of the greatest interest at
least to a Parsi. The meaning of the 2ord stanza as correctly given
by the editors is "Increase the Ahargana by one and divide by 365 ;
divide the remainder by 30 ; the quotient represents the months and
the remainder is to be considered as belonging to the lords of the
degrees of the signs.'* The next two stanzas ^ive the 30 names of the
30 lords of the 30 degrees of each sign. In fact, these names are
those of the thirty angels to whom each day of the Persian month is
dedicated, as the identification of the greater number of tliem, and
the order in which they stand proves conclusively.

The first is ^T^r^^ t. €.^ Brahma ; he is the same as Uormuzd,
the principal deity.

The second is S|^^| i. e,, the one who presides over the living
creatures. That is one of the principal functions of Bahman,

The third is ^ift, the lord of heaven. So is Ardibehesht who
holds the keys of heaven.

The names of the next four I fail to identify as the text is corrupt.
Possibly there has beeu an attempt to transliterate the original

PANCHA SIDDnXNTIKi OF VArAhAMIHIRA. 119

Pehlvi words as 1 shall show has been the case as respects the lOth
and 20th.

The eighth is siriTfyr ». e., the female counterpart of the highest
deity. The angel of the eighth Persian day Depudar or iJin, Favan,
Ataro is also feminine and represents the highest deity (See Shdyastla
Shdyast, Chap XXII. and XXIII.).

The ninth is ar^n^ i. e., fire. It is the same as Adar.

The tenth is 3T»tT- It seems to be a transliteration for Andhiti
the classical Anaitis, i. &., khiw the angel of the tenth day. In the
process the word has been changed, probably by the copyist to the
familiar Anta the destroyer, which certainly was not an attribute
of Abdn.

The eleventh is ^f^, i, e., the sun. He is the same as Khorshed.

The twelfth is ^^, i, e,, the moon. He is the same as Mohr.

The thirteenth is f ^ the god of rain. So is the angel of the
thirteenth Persian day Tir.

The fourteenth is iftj ^*. «•> the cow or bull, which is the same
as Gosh.

The fifteenth iis f^^tf^r. It is feminine and means self-restraint or
a religious duty. In the latter significance it possibly represents the
female Din-Pa vau-Mitro or Dapmehr.

The sixteenth is called ^ This seems again like an attempt at
transliterations, the M of Mehr beiui; dropped by copyists, and
changed to the familiar Hara, t. e., Shiva.

The seventeenth is called vf^ in one manuscript and ^^ in another.
Possibly the last may be Trata, the protector, which is one of the
principal parts of Shrosh.

The eighteenth is tt^ in one manuscript and t[^ in the other.
Justice is one of the principal characteristics of Rashnu, and so it iH
of Guru the teacher of the gods.

The ninteenth is ftfj, i, e„ the deceased fathers. There can be
little doubt about their identification with the Pravashis, to whom the
nineteenth day is dedicated by the Persians.

The twentieth is W^. Can it be ^TM closely akin to the classical
Yaranes for Behram, which has been converted into the familiar
Yarana 7

120 PANCHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VAKAHAMIHIKA.

The twenty-first and twenty-second are 4ff^^ and ^'ftTT. Both
are names of the wind or air, and represent R&m and Guvdd.

The twenty-third is 5!nT» I fail to see any connection between
him and Depdin.

The twenty-fourth is ^(T^, i, e,, the goddess of speech and wisdom.
So are Din and her companion Chisti, both females.

The twenty-fifth is ^, the bestower of wealth and happiness. It
is an accurate translation of the later idea of the female Arshisang.
The same word has been used for her in the Sanskrit Ashirvad.

The twenty >sixth is >T^f , the male bestower of wealth a sort of
counterpart of Shri as Arstad is of Arshisang. He is the increaser,
the one who makes the world grow.

The twenty -seventh is PTHT, i- e., the mountains. The firmament is
considered in Parsi books to be made of stone, and that is possibly
whv Asman has been so translated.

The twenty-eighth is \^^, i. c, the earth. It is an accurate
translation of Zam^ad.

The twenty-ninth is ^vjH" the creator, the ordainer. It may
represent MahrespanJ, the religious and heavenly law which ordains.
If the word wore Veda it would be a better translation.

The thirtieth is q*^ 9T^> *• '-m tlie last person or the being who
underlies all creation. That is but another nnme for the mystic
eternal, and boundless light representeil by Aneran. But possibly
the epithet means nothing more than the last angel of the month.

The identification of the 1st, 2nd, 3rtl, 8th, 9th, 11th, 12th, ]3th,
14th, lOth, 21st, 22nd, 2'lth, 25th and 28th names is, I think, beyond
doubt. These names could not occur by accident in exactly the
same places in whicli they occur in the Parsi month. The year, it will
be seen from Stanza 23, has the same constitution as the Parsi year,
viz,, 12 months each of 30 d.»ys, with 6 intercalary days at the end.
As the Ahaigana begins on Monday, and as one day has to be
added to it, it is clear this year is made to begin on Sunday, 20th
March, 605 A. D.

It will be found on calculation that this year is exactly the year o
the Persians described by Alberuni in his* Asar-i-Baki which has been
translated by Dr. Sacha and railed the " Chronology of Ancient

PANCHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VARAHAMIHIRA. J 21

Nations." Alberuni describes two kinds of Zoroastrians years, that
of the Zoroastrians of Persia proper, and that of the Zoroastrians
of Khwarism and Sogdianat i. e., those of Khorasan, Samarkand
and other regions to the east and north of Persia proper. In
the first kind of year the five intercalary days were inserted at the
end of the 8th month Abac, and in the second at the end of the 12th
Aspandad. This distinction is clearly laid down in his chapter on the
Persian months. Alberuni explains in the same chapter that these
intercalary days came to be inserted at the end of Aban, because the
last two intercalary months (Kabisas) were inserted at the end
of Aban in the reign of Yasdegird bin Shapur, and it was the
custom in Persia proper to insert these days immediately
after the intercalary months. Working back from the modern
Persian Calendar which is that of the Kadmi Parsis, or from the
Epoch of Yasdegird Shahriar 1st Farvardin corresponding to 16th
June 632 A. D., an easy calculation will show that 14th March 505
A. D. was 30rh Ab^n. If the intercalary days be inserted after
Aban, the month Addr will begin on 20th March and we shall have
the year described by Vardhamihira.

The fact that the calendar described by our author has the form
given to it by Yasdegird bin Shapur is of considerable interest.
That monarch reigned from 404 to 421 A. D. Hence the Hindu
astronomers must have been interchanging ideas with the Persian at
least after 404 A. D. I think that may have happened even much
later, viz., after the year of our epoch 505 A. D. This year would
naturally have been chosen by Persian astronomers for their epoch ;
according to the theory of theGahnb^rs or seasonal festivals, the last of
the intercalary days is the Hamaspathamedam, which probably means
the day on which the day and night are equal ; the year 505 A. D.
was the first of the four years in which this last intercalary day fell
on the day of the vernal equinox and therefore all the seasonal
festivals were exactly in their proper places • such a year never
occurred again on account of the neglect of intercalation. Can it be
by chance that our author chose the same epoch ? Is it not more
probable that he was led to choose it by the example of the Persian
astronomers of his time reported possibly in the Paulisa or Romaka
Siddhantas or their commentaries ?

The Connection of Persian and Hindu astronomy is a subject to
which little attention has hitherto been paid by scholars, but it is
we)l worth study as likely to throw considerable light on the sources

122 PANCHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VARAHAMIHIRA.

of later Hindu astronomy. No doubt there is little left of old
Persian astronomy, but probably a search of the earlier Arab writers
might furnish some facts. In this connexion Alberuni furnishes an
interesting fact. According to him (see page 11 of Dr. Sachu'a
translation) the Persian year was of 365 days, a fourth of a day, and
a fifth of an hour, i, «.» 365 days, G hours and 12 minutes precisely
the year of the Paulisa Siddhanta. On the other hand, we know
that the Persians used Hindu astronomical tables as well as Greek,
and their own (see page XL VI. of the Preface to the 4th yolume
of West's Pehlvi Texts).

CHAPTER II,— Stanza 1.

This Stanza has been left untranslated by the editors. An exami-
nation of the numbers contained therein leaves hardly any doubt
that it contains a description of a year of 365 J- days, composed of
solar months from whence the position of the sun on any day can
be easily deduced.

I propose to read it thus :--

I translate it thus : — •• Multiply the Ahargana by four, and] add
six ; divide the sum by 1461 ; divide it up by 126 diminished by one,
zero, zero, zero, two, four, seven, nine, nine, eight, six and five (t. e.,
subtract from it successively as far as you can 125, 126, 126, 126,
124. 122, 119, 117, 117, 118, 120 and 121).'' The elipsis to be
supplied is •* The number of these sums subtracted will represent
the whole signs the sun has passed from Aries, and the remainder
divided by the number for the next sign will represent the fraction of
the sign that has to be passed."

This method of expression is common in Sanscrit works ; it is used
with respect to the calculation of Siiiea, as well as of the Lagna or
horoscope by the Udayaa. The Kshepa 6 represents that the tun
entered Aries a day and a half before the epoch, which is correct. I
give below side by side the length of each solar month in days,

PANCHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VARAHAMIHIRA.

123

Qhatis and Pals according to this sjstem, and of each such month
ac<:orciing to modern Hinda calculations rejecting fractions under one
Pal. The reader will judge whether the identification is complete or
not, remembering that the modern year is 3L Pals longer : —

Kame of the month

Length accordiog to modern
Hindu calculations.

Length according to
this stanza.

Dys.

Ghts

1. Pis.

Dys.

Ghts.

Chaitra

• ••

. 30

Vaisdkha

• ••

• • «

Jyeshtha

• • •

.• •

Ashddha

• . •

• • •

Shravana

•••

• *

Bhddrapada

. . •

• •*

Asvin ...

. • •

• . •

Kirtika

a • •

• • •

Margsirsha

*• •

. • •

Pausha

t .

• • .

Mdgha

• ••

• • •

Falguna

...

• • 1

CHAPTER II.— Stanza 3.
I submit the last two lines of this stanza should be read thus : —

I propose to translate thus "(The preceding amount) begins with
signs. Add to that minutes equal to twice the number of Ghanas.
Add to that 2 signs, 9 degrees, 7 minutes and 1 second."

The construction of the last line is similar to that of the 6th stanza

124 PANCHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VARAHAMIHIRA.

of the 17th Chapter about the meauing of which there can be no
doubt.

One reason for the proposed reading is that it is more in accordance
with the extant text. A second reason is that it exactly accords
with the rules for the calculation of the Aliargaua given in the first
Chapter and already Hiscussed by me. A third reason is that it
gives the longitude of the moon's apogee at the epoch near its true
place and very near that of the Romaka Siddhanta, whereas the inter-
pretation of the editors gives the apogee nearly 60° behind its true
place. This is easv to ascertain by working out the rules given in
the 2nd and 3rd stanzas. The Ahargana is zero; add 1936; there
is no Ghana ; multiply by 9 and divide by 2AS ; the quotient is 70
Gatis or anomalistic revolutions, and the remainder 64 Padas or
ninths of a day. Hence the moon was in apogee 7^ days before
the epoch ; as each Gati gives a motion of 3^ 4 ^®^', in 70 Gatis the
motion is 2l5°-43'. If the editors' interpretation be correct and
there be no Kshepa 215^-43' would be the l<5ngitude of ihe apogee
7j days before the epoch, and it would be about 46' more at the
epoch or 216^-29'. Any modern table will show that it is nearly
281°; according to the old Siirya Siddhanta it is 279°-44'; according
to the Romaka it is 286^-58.' If the proposed interpretation be
adopted, and a Kshepa of 2s-9°-7'-r be added it would be 285°.3t'
which it will be seen is near enough to the truth and very near the
Boroaka.

I must however state that there is yet some defect in the constants.
The longitude of the mean moon even according to the present inter-
pretation is not right. It is 18°-32' according to this interpretation
and 309° according to that of the editors. The first vould be the
longitude on Tuesday evening, the 22nd March 505 A.D., according to
the Snrya Siddhanta, and on Tuesday morning according to the
Romaka ; the second would be that on Thursday, the 17th, about mid-
day. Probably the last figure of 1936 is not correct; if it were 1935
the longitufle would be that on Monday morning and therefore correct.
This Kshepa represents the number of days before the epoch when the
moon was in apogee at sunrise or some other fixed time ; if it were
1936 the day would be 2nd December 499 A. D., and if it were 1935
it would be 3rd December, which is also the day of the full moon.
The lattermost be correct as the moon is very nearly in apogee on the
morning of 3rd December 499 A. D. If so the position of the mean
moon at sunrise on the day of our epoch will be 5**-22/

PANCHA siddhIntikA OF varAhamihira. 125

CHAPTER II.— Stanzas 4, 5, 6.

The fifth and sixth stanzas have heen considered unintelligible by
the editors. To understand them it is necessary to re-translate the
latter half of the 4th stanza also. I translate them as follows : — '< 124
Fadas make half a Gati. The first half Gati is Dhana and the second
Bi$a. For the first half Gati add 180M.' Take degrees equal to the
Padas, or Padas remaining after subtracting 124 ; then (add) the
minutes (worked out as follows) in the case of Dhana and Rina (half
Gatis respectively) (In the first case) subtract one from the Padas,
multiply by five, add 1094, multiply the sum by the Padas, and
divide by 63 ; (in the second case) subtract 5 times the Padas minus
one from 2414, multiply by the Padas and divide by 63."

These stanzas give rules for finding the position of the true moon ;
having obtained the motion for whole Gatis by the 2nd and 3rd
stanzas, we have to make additions to it for the Padas. To put it
clearly let the Padas be " p ; " if they are less than 124, the amount
to be added is pO^ [l094 + 6^ (p.-l)] ^ , j^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^24

then for 124 add 180°-f 4^ ; let the remainder be p., then add p.^ +
[8414-^ (P.-1)] ,
69 P'

These formulae give an extremely simple theory of the moon based
on arithmetical progression. The motion is supposed to be 1^ -f*

(--ft) ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ T&dtL (or ninth of a day) after apogee ; it is then

supposed to increase from Pada to Pada by the common difference t^
until the moon becomes perigee. For the first Pada after the perigee

it is l^-f {'go' ) > ADclitr then diminishes from Pada to Pada by the same

10'
common difference -^ . It will be noticed that the motion in the

first Pada before the apogee, differs from that in the first Pada aflter
by ^ , and the same is the case with the first Pada before and

after the perigee. The reason for this anomaly becomes intelligible
when we calculate the motions for days instead of Padas ; it is then
found that the motion for the first day after the apogee is the
least, that the motion for the second day after the apogee is the
same as that for the first day before, that for the third day after
the same as that Ibr the second day before^ and so on, the common
diffennce for a day being (124-).'
17

126

PANCHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VARXhAMIHIRA.

The following table will show these motions : —

The motion of the
moon.

For which day.

11°

42'

1st day 1

after

apogee.

11°

54^

2nd(

day

after

apogee

and Ist day before

apogee.

12°

*7t'

3rd

»»

„ 2nd „

12°

20V

4th

>»

,, 3rd „

12°

33V

5th

99 4 th „

»>

>»

12°

46f

6th

f»

99 5th „

f»

9»

12°

59V

7th

>»

99 6th „

13°

12'

8th

>»

„ 7th „

13°

24V

9th

9»

„ 8th „

13°

37V

10th

,9 9th „

13°

50V

11th

,9 10th .,

9»

14°

12th

,9 11th „

14°

16V

13th

„12th „

HH'

13ith

>»

9 9l2jth„

14°

39V

Mrst day after perigee.

The motion is equally distributed on both sides of the first day after
thd apogee and first day after the perigee, and not round the apogee
and perigee themselves. This also explains why the motion in the
first half of the Gati is nearly 3° smaller than that in the lecond
half ; working out with the formulaB already given it will be found

Ami

that the motion for the first 124 Padas is 180° ~^ ^ 63 > which is put

equal to ISO^-f-^'t similarly for the next 124 Padas, the motion will be

8' 8

found to be 183^4- ^ , hence the total motion in one Gati is 363^ 4- 4^

•9 9 •

9'
The second and third stanzas give 363^ "^ ^ fS * '^^^^ proves that

the interpretation is correct.

It is an interesting question whether this theory of the lunar
motion is indigenous or borrowed. I do not know of [any other
astronomical system contaning this theory. It seems to be indige-
nous, for the idea of arithmetrical progression is also employed in the
same Siddh&nta for calculating the varying lengths of the day and
night during the year.

The interpretations now given of the obscure stanzas of this
chapter will show that the connection of the Inni-solar system of the
Vadshtha Siddh&nta with the Y&kyam process of the Tamil'

PANCHA siddhIntikA OF varIhamihira. 127

astronomers described by Warren is much closer tban the editors
thought. In fact, it seems to me that the latter is derived from the
former, certain corrections based on the more scientific Siddh^ntas
being introduced, but the old form being almost entirely retained. I
will give a few details to prove this. It will be seen that the
solar months are used and not lunar, and the longitude of the
sun is determined from the lengths of these solar months exactly as
in the Ydkyam process. Both for the sun and the moon, the true
positions are determined directly without determining the mean
exactly as in the V^kyam process. The V^kyam process derives
the longitude of the moon from its anomalistic position exactly
like the Siddh^nta in question. The Vedam of the Y&kyam
process Is-^^-V-T' is nothing more than the true position of the
moon, when it is in apogee at sunrise on the day of its epoch
1,600,984 days after the Kaliyuga, t. e., Friday, 22nd May 1282
A. D. ; this will be found on working out its position with the
modem Surya Siddhdnta; it will be discovered that the moon is in
apogee on the day in question about 7 pals after sunrise, and that its
longitude at sunrise is 75-2^-1 5|' ; the difference of 15|' seems to be
made up in table 47 of Warren giving the correction due to the interval
between mean sunrise at Lanka and true sunrise at Trivallore ; this
correction has been kept all throughout positive by adding to it the
difference of 15|^ or something very near it. Exactly corresponding
to 22nd May 1282 of the Vdkyam process, is 2nd or 3rd December
499 A,D. of our Siddh^nta, the day on which the moon is in apogee
at sunrise. The Vedam corresponds to the Kshepa 2«-9°-7'-l*' the
position of the moon on 2nd or 3rd December 499 A.D. The main
period of the V^kyam process is 12,372 days, in which the moon is
taken to complete 449 revolutions ; it also employs the subsidiary
periods of 3,031 days for 110 revolutions, and 248 for 9 revolutions,
which are employed by our Siddhdnta, the first being its principal
period. It will be seen that the correction in this respect is very
small, for if 449 revolutions take place in 12,372 days, 110 revolutions
will take place in only 8 Pals more than 3,031 days, and 9 revolutions
in 32 Pals less than 248 days. The last correction for the moon's
place mentioned by Warren is applied because the moon is nearer its
apogee for each Devaram or period of 248 days by 32 Pals; the
difference between the mean and true motions for that period of 32
Pals is added. Such a correction would also be necessary for our Sid-
dhinta as 110 Revolutions in 3,031 days, give 9 revolutions in 31 Pals

128 PANCHA siddhIntikA of varXhamihira.

less than 248 days, but being small this correction has not bees
applied.

It is interesting to see how the simple astronomy of southern India
of the time of Var^hamihira, has been subseqaently modified, oor>
rectiona based on the more scientific Siddh&ntas or on original
observation applied, and yet the old form retained almost in its
entirety. Possibly even the elements given by Varahamihira are not
those of this Siddhinta when it was originally started. Possibly the
mean motion of the moon has been borrowed from the Panlisa Sid-
dhdnta.

CHAPTER III.— Stanza 4.

This and the following five stanzas give rules for finding the
true place of the moon and its motion in one day according to the
Panlisd Siddhanta. I have not been able to find the meaning of the
next five stanzas, but that of the 4th. is pretty clear and is in accord-
ance with the theory of the moon given in the second chapter.
According; to this theory the fihukti or motion of the moon for the
first day in the first half of the Oati is 702' ; that for the second day

90' • ] 80' 1

is -y more, that for the third — more and so^ on, t. e., =- times

the number of the Pada last preceding the day ; exactly the same
rule is given in the first two verses of this stanza if we interpret the
dwors^nrr^ q^n; fts the Pada last preceding the day. Again accord-
ng to the same theory, the motion for the first day in the second

half of the Gati is 879 1/7' ; that for any subsequent day can bo

90'
obtained by subtracting ^ for each succeeding day, ». e., a number

equal to y times the number of the Pada last preceding the day.

This rule is prescribed in the second part of the stanza, but by some
accident the figures 879 have been inverted and changed to 978.

CHAPTER III.— Stanzas 20 and 21.

I think the original reading of the last word of the first line of the
20th stanza 5^ is quite correct, and the emendation ^ is not.
As the stanza stands it conveys nothing more than the well-known
rule that Vaidhrita is the 27th Yoga and Vyatipdta the 17th.

When the sun is as much in advance of 8^ Nakshatras, i. «., the
middle of Aslesh^, as the moon is behind it, it is clear the sum of
their Nakshatras must be 17 and then Vyatip^ta occurs. The 21it

PANCHA siddhAktikX OF varIhamihira. 129

stanza, when it aaserts that the solstice was in its proper place when
it was in the middle of Aslesh^ means that at that time the Yoga
Vyatipiita was in accord with its original significance. For Yyatipdta
originaliy signified a particular configuration of the sun and moon,
m»., when they were each at the same distance from the solstice on
opposite sides of it, so that they rose on the horizon at the same spot,
and yet one was going southwards and the other northwards, and
hence they were supposed to be opposed to each other and to fight.
Hence when the solstice was in the middle of Asleshd the technical
Yoga Vyatipita coincided with the true Vyatip&ta, and in fact must
date from that period,

Vaidhrita happens when the sun is as much in advance of the end
of Revati or the middle of Chitrd as the moon is behind it. This
Yoga could have had no particular significance until the vernal
equinox coincided with the end of Revati, and the autumnal with the
middle of Chitri. Hence it also happens that the Paitamaha
Siddhinta (See Chapter XII. of our book) mentions the Vyatipdta
Yoga but not the Vaidhrita, for that Siddhanta dates loncc before the
time when the Zodiac began with Asvini.

CHAPTER III.— Stanza 29.

This stanza, left untranslated, means nothing more than that the
Kshepa or longitude of Rahu at the time of the epoch is one minute
less than 26^ of Scorpio, and that the mean motion in the Ahargana
obtained by the former stanza should be subtracted from the Kshepa
to obtain the head of B^hu (the ascending node), and six signs added
to it to obtain his tail (the descending node) • The longitude so
given is accurate. According to modem tables I find it to be a few
minutes less than 26° of Scorpio. According to Yarihamihira's
Surya Siddhanta it is 6^ more than 26° of Scorpio, and according to
his Romaka IV less.

CHAPTERS IX. AND XVI.

There are good reasons for believing that Aryabhata either edited
he old Surya Siddhanta or else that he wrote a work in exact
accordance with it. I will give them one after the other.

The editors have proved that the Bhaganas, t. e., revolutions in a
Mahiyuga of the sun, moon, her nodes and apogee, Venus, Mars and
Saturn given in Chapters IX. and XVI. as those of the old Surya

130 PANCHA SIDDHiNTIKl OF VARiHAMIHIRA.

Siddhdnta are the same as those of the extant Aryabhatfjam. They
have also proved that the apogees aod epicycles are the same as those
ascribed to Aryabhata by Brahmagupta in his Khanda KhMyaka.

I will show first that the mean places of the above said heavenly
bodies, according to the old Surya Siddhdnta, are exactly the same as
those to be derived from the Aryabhatfyam at the epoch of
Aryabhata, vi»„ the end of the 3600th year of the Kaliyuga. The
learned Pandit has proved in the Sanskrit commentary that the mean
places of all the heavenly bodies at the beginning of creation are at
the beginning of Aries. There arc 452} Mahdyugas from the begin-
ning of creation to that of the present Kaliynga ; hence the Bhaga^as
multiplied by this number will give the positions of the different
bodies at the beginning of Kali. It will thus be found tliat in the
beginning of Kali, the sun, moon and planets are at the beginning of
Aries, the moon*s apogee is at the beginning of Cancer, and her node
at that of Libra ; these positions are therefore the same as those of
the Aryabhatfyam. But in the case of the old Surya Siddhinta
Kaliynga begins at midnight, and according to the Aryabhatfyam
at sunrise ; and hence at the beginning of Kali the heavenly bodies
of the former are six hours in advance of those of the latter. This
difference will be made up exactly in 3600 years. For it is clear that
for the same number of years in both cases the mean motions will be
the same, but the years of the Surya being larger than those of the
Arya Siddhanta for the same amount of motion the planets will take
more time in the former. Now the Mahayuga of the former is larger
than that of the latter hy just 300 days, and as 3600 years is the
twelve hundredth part of a Mahayuga 3000 years of the former will
be larger than those of the latter by the 1200th part of 300 days or
exactly 6 hours. As the former began 6 hours before the latter, the
ends will coincide : in fact, the 3600th year of both will terminate
exactly at mid-day, and the mean positions of the planets in both
oases will be the same at that time.

But iryabhata is himself reported to have also begun the Kaliynga
at midnii;ht in some other work (see the 20th Stanza of the 15th
Chapter;. It follows from what has been said above that if Arya*
bhata wanted to keep the mean places for his own epoch the same
according to both systems, he must have lengthened the Mahaynga
by 300 days. There can be little doubt that he must hare kept the
mean places of the heavenly bodies for his own time the same accord-
ing to both systems, because that was a matter of observation ; and

PANCHA SIDDHAnTIkA OF VARAHAMIHIRA. 131

hence he must also have used the same length of the Mahdyuga as
the old Surya Siddh^nta.

I will show presently when dealing with the 15th and 16th Stanzas
of Chapter IX. that the sizes of the earth, moon and sun and the
distances of the two latter from the former also closely resemble
those of Aryabhata, being very different from those of the modem
Snrya Siddh&nta.

On the other hand the modern Surya Siddhdnta, which is probably
a recast of the old one by some later writer, does connect itself by a
very important date given in it with Aryabhata. According to the theory
of precession contained in it, the Hindu Zodiac commenced at the vernal
equinox in the beginning of Kali and also at the end of the 3600th
year after Kali, and that is again the epoch of Aryabhata. Not only
does this follow from the theory of precession given in Chapter III.
Stanza 9, of the modern Surya Siddhdnta, but the labours of
Prof. Whitney have proved that the stellar longitudes in Chapter
VIIL are also calculated for that date. The editor of the modern
treatise either borrowed them from the old one, or else calculated
them for that date. In the first case it follows that the old treatise
was edited by Aryabhata himself; in the second case it follows that
it was the opinion of the modern editor that Aryabhata was the
fonnder of modem Hindu astronomy.

CHAPTER IX.— Stanza 5.

The Kshepa of R^hu in this stanza is not given by the editors as
too corrupt. It can, however, be easily found on the assumption that
it is at the beginning of Librd at the commencement of Kali, and
that its revolutions in a Mahdyuga are 232226. These revolutions
multiplied by the number of days elapsed since Kali 131 7123, and
divid^ by the number of days in a Mahiynga will give 193| revolu-
tions and 1577917806*^ °^* revolution ; this has to be reduced to the
denominator 1834582 employed in the book ; the numerator multiplied
by this denominator and divided by its own denominator gives the
Kshepa 631454 ; out of this 135 have to be subtracted as the Kshepa
obtained is that for mid-night; the true Kshepa is 631319. The
figures given in the text are •l^<ift^4<M<IH«'J^f|HV4^l: ; these are the
identical figures found above if ^^ be removed, and Krsf taken to
mean six. It is dear that one figure has to be removed because the
numerator cannot be larger than the denominator.

132 PANCHA SIDDHAnTIKX OF VARXhAMIHIRA.

CHAPTER IX.— Stanzas 15 and 16.
I propose to read these stanzas thus : —

ftnr: ^wr ^rohfrw ii

I translate them as follows : — " (15) The true hypotenuse multiplied
bj 5347 and divided by 40 gives the Kakshd of the sun ; the true
hypotenuse of the moon multiplied by ten gives the Eakshi of the
moon. (16) Divide 517080 by the Eaksha of the sun, and 38640 by
that of the moon ; the quotients are the diameters of the sun and
moon respectively in minutes/'

It will be seen that the method of translation is the same as that of
the editors, but certain figures have been altered. The alterations
are as near the original text as those of the editors, if not nearer. The
results justify the alterations as I proceed to show.

The alterations in the 15th Stanza are for the sun in the diTiflor
and for the moon in the multiplier. With the reading of the editors
the sine of the horizontal parallax of the moon at its mean distance

18 X 120

according to Stanza 22nd would be ^ ^^q , ^°^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^® ^°
5847 X 120 ' ^^^^ would make the parallax of the moon 2° 52^ and

that of the sun 11|', the radius being of 120 parts. These results ara
on the face of them nearly three times larger than they ought to be.
The proposed reading will give the parallax of the moon 51|' and
that of the sun 3j-' whioh are very near those of the modem
Siddhintas ; besides the ratio of these parallaxes to each other will
be inversely as that of the mean motions whioh the Hindu thaorj
demands. The reading of the editors will not satisfy even that test.

The proposed reading of the 16th Stanza, will give the diameten
of the sun and moon at their mean distances respectively 32^ 14' and
32' 12/ which is very near the truth. The reading of the editon
gave them 962''6 and 962''8 for which they have been obliged to
postulate a division by 30 which is not in the text.

PANCHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VARAHAMIHIRA. 133

It will now be easy to find out the data as regards sizes and dis-
tances. The diameter of the earth being assumed to be 36 units, the
mean distance from the moon is given as 1200 units, and from the suu
as 16041 units ; the latter two are respectively the Kakshds, distances
not in Yojanas but in peculiar units. The diameters of the sun and
moon in the same units will be obtained bj dividing the numbers in the
16th stanza by 3438. For the diameters divided by the Kakshds in the
same units will give the circular measures of the angles subtended ; as
one circular measure contains 3438 minutes very nearly, the diameters
have to be multiplied by 3438 before division by the Kakshds to
obtain them in minutes. Thus the diameter of the sun will be found
to be 150 2/5 units and that of the moon 11^ units, very nearly.

What is tlie length of the unit in Yojanas ? Vardhamihira does not
explicitly state the diameter or circumference of the earth according
to the Surya Siddhanta. But if we assume that it is the same as that
implied for the Paulisa Siddhanta in Chap, III. stanza 14, and
explicitly given in several places in Chap. XIII. viz,, 3200 Yojanas,
then each unit will be very nearly 28*3 Yojanas.

It is well worth noting that the measures thus deduced resemble
far more closely those of Aryabhata, than those of the modern Surya
Siddhdnta which are nearly one and a half times as large. According
to Aryabhata the diameter of th«^ earth is 1050 Yojanas, and its
circumference 3300 Yojanas, whereas according to the modern Surya
Siddhanta the diameter is 1600 Yojanas. The sun's diameter
according to Aryabhata is 4410 Yojanas, i. c„ 4 1/5 times that of the
earth, and that is also very nearly the ratio of our author, whereas
that of the modern Surya Siddhdnta is 4 1/16, According to
Aryabhata the moon moves ten Yojanas for each circular minute of
its motion, so that its distance from the earth is just ten times the
Artificial radius 3433 ; Varahamihira also makes the distance ten
times his artificial radius 120, and it seems very probable therefore
that he has also adopted the theory of ten Yojanas in one circular
minute. If so, the distance would be exactly the same as that of

Aryabhata, and the unit would be equal to ^^^ Yojanas, i. e., 28*65

very near our previous result. If the distance of the moon from the
earth be the same for the two authors, so also must be the distance
of the sun ; for the ratio of the distances is the inverse of the ratio of
the circular velocities of the two bodies, which latter ratio is the same
for both authors.
18

134 PANCHA SIDDHaKTIKa OF VARAHAMIHIRA.

A curious fact strikes one here. The measures of the earth girea
by Varuhamihira and Aryabhata are extremely near the measure of
the Greek Philosopher Eratosthenes, who nourished at Alexandria io
the 3rd century before Christ. The circumference of the earth
according to this Greek is 252000 stadia. Now a Yojana is of 32000
cubits, and a stii'lium called in Sanscrit Nalva is of 400 cubits ;
hence there are 80 stadia in a Yojana. Hence 3200 Yojanas
make 250000 stadia and 3300 make 2G4000. But the resemblance
is in fact still closer. The diameter 1050 Yojanas is exactly
cMjiial to 84,000 stadia, and that is just one-third of Kratosthenes'
measure ; very likely it was in that form brought to India by
inaccurate writers who did not know a more exact ratio between the
diameter and circumference of a circle than three. Some of the
classical writers did commit this mistake. According to Pliny,
the Greek Dionvsiodorus fixed the radius of the earth at 42,000 stadia
which is exactly that of Aryabhata. (Si^ Delambre's History o£
Ancient Astronomy, Volume L, Pages 220 and 293.)

CHAPTER X.— Stanza I.

In this stanza the original reading of the number in the second line
2SG seems correct, and not the substituted reading 276. According
to this stanza the difference between the diameters of the earth and
sun in units is equal to that particular number (286 or 276) multi>
])lied by .S6 and divided by 90. Hence the number must be equal
to tlie diflFerence multiplied by ^^ J or J. The difterence according to
the figures given above is 1145 units, and 2 J- times, that is exactly 286,
This also goes to support the truth of the figures already found*

CHAPTER XII.

The epoch of the Paitamaha Siddh'inta is the second year of the
Saka Era Magha Sukla 1, when the sun and moon were in conjunction
at sunrise in the beginning of Dhanishtha. The data are correct, for
on Tuesday, lllh January 80 A. 1). the sun and moon were in conjunc-
tion in Dhanishtha in the morning. Uut the conjunction took place
not in the beginning of the Nakshatra as now understood, bat
very near the true longitude of the star Dhanishtha (Alpha
I)elj)hiiii). The sun was then in the 21st degree from the winter
solstice of that year, and in the 27th degree of Capricoruus of the
iiiuveablo Hindu Zodiac ; the true longitude of the star is also in the
2 Tth degree of Capricoruus. This is extremely important as fixing the

PANCFA siddhAntika OF varXhamihira. 135

true position of the Hindu Zodiac before the introduction of the
Babylonian system of signs ; Asvini, according to this system, must
have commenced three degrees more to the East than it does now.
Its present position was fixed at the epoch of Aryabhafca,. and we
may very properly infer that it was he who fixed it. Another point
worth noting is that even at that early date (80 A.D.) before the
importation of the new astronomy, the Nakshatras- were taken to be
of equal length and 27 in number. It is also worth noting that at
first Baka years must have begun with Mdgha and not Chaitra.

This Siddhanta could have been of practical use only for a short
period ; the year is of 366 days, and so the sun must have fallen back
by 15° or over a Nakshatra in 20 years ; the lunar month is too short
by over 20 minutes, and therefore there must have been a loss of 4
Tithis in 20 years, and of 15 in 75 when the full moon must have
fallen on the day there ought to have been new moon according to
calculation.

CHAPTEE XIV.

The latter part of this chapter gives the longitudes and latitudes
of certain stars. I think the longitudes must be true longitudes
measured along latitude circles, and not polar longitudes measured
along declination circles. The latter seem to be a refinement of the
modern Surya Siddhanta, being the true longitudes corrected by the
Ayana Orikkarma. Lallans longitudes of the stars given in his Sishya
Dhi Vriddhida are clearly true longitudes, and very probably thay
were those of Aryabhata. I have just shown that the Paitamaha
Siddhanta also indicates Dhanishtha by its true longitude not its
polar which would be nearly 6° less.

It is remarkable that the latitudes are measured' in cubits, a method
•f measuring celestial distances very commonly employed by the
Greeks. The Greek measure was a very uncertain one as Delambre
has shown in different parts of his book ; a cubit may have been one
or two or three degrees. I think it has been properly fixed at 54 2/5'
in the present case by the editors.

The exact star of the group Krittiki (Pleiades) cannot be identi-
fied ; certainly the stars Pushya and Aslesh^ are different from those
of the modern Surya Siddhanta if the reading be correct. Rohini is
about 1° behind its true position, PuuRrvasu, which seems to repre-
sent the mean between Alpha and Beta Gemini about 3°, Maghd about
3**, and Chitrd about 2° for the epoch of Vatahamihira. One ex-

136

PANVHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VARA HAM I HI RA.

planation of ihis is that the longitudes are taken from an old catalognej
and not determined from observation in his own time or near it
Another is that the longitudes were determined according to the old
Eindu Zodiac, which as I have shown commenced about 3° to the
East of the present one. The only other old catalogue I know ii
that of Ptolemy, which is probably the same as that of Hipparchus,
I give below his longitudes side by side with those of Yarahamihira
Certainly the longitude of Magha (Regulus) would be what it ii
according to Ptolemy's method, by adding 3i° for his value of the
precession for the three and a half ceiituries that elapsed between him
and the epoch of Aryabhata. It is also worth noting that the
latitude of ('anopus 75i' is much closer to Ptolemy's latitude 76**i
than the 80^ of the modern Surva Siddhanta; —

Nanio of Star.

rtoli.-niv's

Var:ihamihira*ii

Loiigitiidi-.

Lat

.itmle.

Lonj?i

tiule.

Latitude.

Aldebarau or Boliini ...

•..

30 S.

48-

69' a

Pollax and Castor or Piinaryasa.

r 80

I 83

20
20

15 N.
SON.

5 88*

15' »

Bogulus OP Maghii

...

122

10 N.

126*'

Spioa or Ciiitra

•••

170

180'

48' S

Canopus or AgoBfcya ...

.•.

75'

00'

75'

sc s

Kotc en the Persian Calcntlar,

The pasHage of Yarahamihira dealing with this subject leads ti]
some iuteri'sting result:*, but as they are not directly connected witt
Hindu astronomy, it has been thought best to discuss them in s
separate note.

The passage gives us the oldest recorded date in the Persian
Calendar known to us. Strange as it may seem, hitherto there wai
aot a single date of that calendar known to us previous to the acceS'
sion of the last Snssanian monarch.

The passage furnishes extremely good corroboration of Alberuni'l
testimony which was very much wanted. The fact that the inter-
calary days were added at the end of the eighth month seems so odd
and iucouijisteut with the modern practice iu ludia as well aa PerBiAj

PANCHA SIDDHiNTIKi OF VARXhAMIHIRA. 137

that the authority of the Mahommedan writers who have asserted it,
has been very strongly doubted by European scholars as well as by the
modern Parsis themselTes. Yet Alberuni asserts that that was the
case eTen in his own time (About A.D. 1000), He states (See page
66 of Dr. Sacbu's translation) "In that intercalation the turn had
come to Ahin Mah, therefore the epagominae were added at its end>
and there they have remained ever since." Alberuni knew also the
other system in which the epagominae were put at the end of the 12th
month which he states prevailed in Khwarism and Sugdiana.
Throughout his book Alberuni has marked this difference. Thus at
page 136 when describing the day on which 1st Tholh of the era of
Nabonassar begins he states that it begins on the 1st of the month
De. ; that can only be if the intercalary days have preceded
De. ; if they be at the end of Aspand^d as in the calendars at
present current 1st Thoth would fall on the 6th of D^. In the
reformed calendar of Khalif Al-Mu'tadid introduced in 895 A.D.,
although the year begins with 1st Farvardin on 11th June, the
intercalation takes place in the same way being at the end of Abdn*
(See as regards this calendar pages 36, 37, 38, 138 and 185 of Dr.
Sachu's translation.) Again at page 184 when describing the way
to find the signum or week-day of the beginning of each month of the
Yasdegirdi Era, the same distinction is made between the Persian
and Khwdrismian calendars. The same distinction is most clearly
marked in the description of the Persian feasts beginning at page
201 ; the Gdhnb^rs or six seasonal festivals come exactly as if the
year commenced with Addr and not Farvardin, and that they must
do as they must keep their respectiye distances and at the same time
the last of them must fall on the last intercalary day ; the Farvardigan
ceremonies are described as taking place during the last five days of
Abdn and the intercalary days ; whereas in the case of the Sughdians
they are described as taking place at the end of Aspandad as now in
India. A perusal of his whole work cannot but convince one
of the truth of this assertion, for he tells not merely a tradition
but what was prevailing in his own time in the heart of Persia.
Alberuni receives unexpected support from Varahamihira, for the
passage I have quoted shows that even in 505 A.D., five centuries
before Alberuni's time the intercalary days were at the end of Ab^n.
Variihamihira wrote in the time of Noshirv^n if not earlier, and the
calendar he describes is that of the time of Kobad, and his is there-
fore contemporary testimony.

138 PANCHA SlDDHANTIKi OF VARAHAMIHIRA.

Another peculiar assertion of Albetuni receives coofirmation from
another \inexpected quarter. He asserts that the Khwurtsmiao
calendar differed from the Persian not only io putting the intercalary
days at the end of the twelfth month, but also according to that
calendar the year commenced five days later than the Persian^ so that
the first day of the first month Navasardi fell on the sixth day of the
Persian month Farvardin which is called Khurddd Sal now, and
used to be called formerly the great Xauroz. Thus the first year of
Yasdegird Sliahriur would in Khwarism have commenced on 21 at
June 632 A.D. I find the Khwarismiau calendar is in fact identical
with the common Armenian calendar. The first month in both
calendars bears the same name, viz., Nava Sardi, meaiiiiignew year, and
commences on exactly the same day. so that the rest of the months ai
well as the intercalary days also coincide. The Armenian Era
commenced on 1 1th July 552 A.D. (See Du Laurier's Armenian
Chronology) ; if we count back from 21st June 63*2 A.D. by years of
365 days we shall come to the same date for 552 A.D., vis., 1 1th
July ; or in the reverse way the Armenian year m 1394 A.D. com-
menced on 22nd August exactly as the Khwarismiau. We can
understand the identity when we remember that it wns one of th»
Arsacide kings Artaxes who introduced this calendar into Armenia
about the end of the first century after Christ This shows, more*-
over, how accurate Albernni is.

It is an interesting question as to how the Parsis of India came to
have the Khwarismiau mode of intercalation insteail of the purt
Persian. Probably a clue may be furnished by the tradition reported
in the Kissa-e-Sanjan that they came to India after a long stay ia
Ehorasaii. A dale given in the same book would seem to show as if
they had at first the Khwarismiau calendar in exactly the form given
by Alberuni. The date of landing at Sanjan is given as Shravan Sud
9 Samvat 772 Friday, corresponding to the 4th month and 2nd day of
the Yasdegirdi year 85. The Hindu date corresponds to 3rd July
716 A.D. Old style; and it would correspond exactly with the 4th
day of the 2nd month of the Khwarismiau year 85 of Yasdegird.
The month and day seem to have been interchanged somehow in the
original ; such is the theory also of Mr. K. K. EZama in his excellent
pamphlet on the Yasdegirdi Era in Gujerati, but of course according^
to the ordinary calendar the day comes out to be the 9th and therefore
the explanation is not quite satisfactory ; it would be the 4th according
to the Khwarismian. I have taken the date at second-hand from

PANCHA siddhantikX ov vabXhamihira. IS9

X)asbur Aspandiarji's book on the Kabisa, and that I believe is also
Mr. Kama's source ; it would be worth while looking np the oldest
-manuscripts of the Kissa-e-Sanjan to find <the truth.

After this dfgression I will return to Yarahamihira. It must not
-be intended from the passage in question, that the year actually com-
menced with the mouth of Adar. The year always seems to have
commenced with Fare Ardin. Such is the explicit assertion of AlberunL
The same is also clear from the facts that the first day of Farvardia
vftis always called the Nauroj, ». e., new day, and that the month cor-
responding \vith Farvardin both in £hw»rism and Armenia is called
Nava Sardi, i. e., New Year, That this correspondeace of Farvardia
^ith Navasardi is not accidental is shown by the names of several
other months being nearly identical, such as Qiri, Hamddd, and
Iksharewari for Tir Amerdad and Shahrivar,

Neither must it be supposed from the passacre -that the month of
Adar aWnys began, with the vernal equinox. There is good reason to
suppose that once upon a time the month of Farvardin began with the
vernal equinox. Of course it did so in the tenth century after Christ
•on account of the neglect of intercalation, but what I mean is that
this seems to have happened also before. There is a tradition to that
effect reported by Alberuni (See page 55 of his book), as well as in
the Bundahis. This tradition receives great support from the astro-
logical doctrine of exaltation. The 19tk degree of Aries is the exalta-
tion of the sun, and the 3rd degree of Taurus that of the moon ; this
seems to be derived from or connected with the fact that the )9th day
of Farvardin is Farvardin, and the5rd day of Ardibesht is Ardibesht,
both considered holy on which days the sun entered his own exalta.
tion and that of the moon respectively-; this idea of connecting the
degrees of the Zodiacal signs ^ith the days of the Parsi months is
not a new one, for it is the leading idea of the very passage of Vard-
hamihira under discussion. The doctrine of exaltation thus connects
Farvardin virith Aries and Ardibhesht with Taurus, and it is as old as
Ptolemy if not older, and consequently even before Ptolemy Farvardin
must once have been near the vernal equinox. Another tradition
reported in the Bundahis connects the fourth month Tir with the
heliacal rising of the star Sirius; the tradition is probably true as the
name shows ; the heliacal rising of Sirius has within the last 2,500
years tnken place in the third and fourth mpnths after the vernal
equinox ; this also shows that Farvardin must have been near the
vernal equinox when the month Tir was so named.

140 PANCHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VARAHAMIHIRA.

From the fact that Adar has not always been near the vernal equinox
but that Farvardin was once there, it follows that intercaUrj months
could not always have been added. In fact, it seems probable that
there have been onlv three intercalarv months. Before these months
were intercalated, the Persian vear must have been exactly the same as
the Egyptian ; a little consideration will show this if one bears in mind
the fact that at present the first Egyptian month Thoih coincides with
tlie tenth Persian month De ; before the last month was intercalated
it must have coincided with the eleventh Persian, before the last two
months were intercalated with the twelfth Persian, and before the
last three months were intercalated with the first Persian Farvardin.
It seems very unlikely that the two calendars ever were different
before; the chances seem to be very few that by accident the two
calendars should have not only the same structure, viz., 12 months o^
30 davs and 5 intercalary davs, but that also the months should
exactly coincide, so that the year began on the same day. In this con-
nection the tradition reported by Diodorus Siculus that a Zodiac of
3r>5 cubits was carried by Cambyses from Egypt to Persia seems to be
significant. No doubt Cambyses himself could not hare introduced
the Egyptian calendar into Persia, for his successor Darius seems to
have used a different one in his inscriptions, but probably he paved
the wav for it.

The next question is as to when the three months were intercalated.
We have the explicit statement of Alberuni that the last two were inter-
calated in the reign of Ya^degird bin Shapur at the beginning of the
fifth century alter Christ, and there is no good reason to doubt tliis
tradition. It is not clear when the first was ; it may have been in the
time of the hero Ilormazd bin Shapur who is said by Alberuni to have
connected the two Nauroz and made some other changes in the
calendar ; who this hero was or when he flourished I do not know.
But it seems pretty clear that the first intercalation must have taken
place within two or three centuries before the last, probably at the
end of the Arsacide or beginning of the Sassanian period.

The passage of Varahamihira seems to throw sone light on the
last question indirectly by confirming the seasonal theory of the
Ciahnbars, and suggesting a good reason why the intercalary days
were pub at the end of Aban. In the year chosen by our author
the Gahnbars or six festivals fall in complete accordance with the
seasonal theory ; the last of them which is the same as the fifth in-
tercalary day falls on the day of the vernal equinox, and the rest fall

PANCHA siddhIntikI OF varIhamihira. 141

at the fixed distances of 45, 105, ISO, 210 and 290 days from it. Is
it not probable that the intercalary days vsrere put at the end of the
eighth month Aban in order that the Gah^bars might come in their
proper seasons before the intercalations began ? Then they could
have been kept in their proper place by tho intercalation of a month
in about 120 years. If the Parsee calendar was originally the same
as the Egyptian it will be found that the eighth month terminated at
the time of the vernal equinox about the middle of the second century
after Christ. One can understand how at that time all the seasonal
festivals were brought right by shifting the intercalary days from the
end of the twelfth to the end of the eighth month Aban, the other
festivals keeping their 6zed distances from the intercalary days. One
can also understand how about the latter part of the third century after
Christ one month was intercalated to bring back the intercalary days
to the vernal equinox, and how the time again came for intercalation
at the beginning of the fifth century. Of course these suggestions can-
not be finally accepted without the discovery of some more facts, but
it does not seem unlikely that the Persians should have thought of
reforming their calendar about the same time that the neighbouring
nations in Turkey in Asia and Europe were doing the same for theirs
on the basis of the Julian. No doubt the above suggestions are not
in accordance with the alleged tradition reported hy Alberuni, that
intercalations existed from the very oldest times that the first inter-
calary month was put after Farvardin, the second after Ardibhesht
and so on, and that the intercalary days were put in succession after
each of these intercalary months. But this tradition is not support-
ed by any particular facts ; it is not known when any intercalary
month or intercalary days were added except after Aban. The
knowledge of the true length of the year in very remote times seems
extremely doubtful. Moreover, by the alleged method the intercalary
days and therefore the seasonal festivals would have been carried all
round the year, a result the very reverse of which people who in-
tercalate generally try to attain. The alleged tradition would seem
to be no tradition at all, but an attempt at explanation by some
ingenioud person or persons who did not know the facts.

142

Art» X, — Mahmiid of Qhazni and the Legend of Somnath, By

R. P. Karkaria, Esq.

Read 10th April 1895.

The reign of Mahmud of Ghazni is of great importance in the
history of India, as it marks the beginning of the critical period of
the Mahomedaii rule, fraught with momentous consequences to the
land and its peoples. Ancient history which in the West is by
common consent, taken to have terminated with the fall of Rome
in 475 A. D., lasted much lonsrer in India and may be said to have
closed here with the advent of the Mahomedans under Mahmud.
For all previous history up to this point presents a homogeneity
which clearly distinguishes it from the subsequent period. The
Mahomedan conquest and rule of India changed completely and
disastrously the condition and character of the various peoples
affected by it. The accounts which we have of the Hindu character
from writers in pre-Mahomedan times, are inapplicable to it in later
days, owing to the curse of the foreign rule. The trnthfulness,
honesty, bravery, and many other good qualities which Greek obser-
vers, like Megasthenes and Arrian, noted and admired in them»
gradually gave way under the political and religious tyranny to
which they were subjected for nearly eight centuries by their Maho-
medan rulers, and are only now beginning to revive under another and
a far better rule. " Their bravery is always spoken of as charac-
teristic, their superiority in war to other Asiatics is repeatedly
asserted and appears in more ways than one. They are said to be
sober, moderate, peaceable ; good soldiers ; good farmers ; remarkable
for simplicity and integrity ; so reasonable as never to have recoarsc
to a law-suit ; and so honest as neither to require locks to their doors
nor writings to bind their agreements. Above all, it is said (by
Arrian) that no Indian was ever known to tell an untruth." Of
course, there is some exaggeration in all this, as may be seen from
the remark on this account of one whose bias, if he had any, was
certainly on the side of the natives, and whom these hold in the
highest esteem. ** We know," says Mountstuart Elphinstone, *« from
the ancient writings of the Hindus themselves, that the alleged proofs

MAHMUD OF GHAZNI AND THE LEGEND OF SOMNATH. 143

of their confidence in each other are erroneons. The account of their
veracity may safely be regarded as equally incorrect ; but the state-
ment is still of great importance, since it shows what were the
qualities of the Indians, that made most impression on the Mace-
donians, and proves that their character must since have undergone
a total change. Strangers are now struck with the litigiousness and
falsehood of the natives ; and when they are incorrect in their
accounts, it is always by exaggerating those defects/'*

This change in character was but natural in a subject-people.
Falsehood and treachery are the weapons to which helpless subjects
of despotism readily turn when they have no open and brave means of
hostility left. The enlightened and liberal views which the Hindus
had about the education and freedom of women, had necessarily to be
changed when they were confronted with the lawlessness of their
licentious new rulers. It would be very interesting to enquire into the
moral effects of the Mahomedan rule upon the Indians, but this is
not the place for it« The subject is here touched only to show the
critical nature of the epoch heralded in India by Mahmud of Ghazni.
It may be said that he found a garden and converted it into a desert.
The work of wanton destruction gratuitously begun by him — for the
redeeming feature of the idea of possession and rule is absent in his
case, as after each invasion he returned to his capital — was continued
by successive rulers and dynasties who, however, showed better
method in their fury.

Personally Mahmud is an attractive subject to the historian.
Gallant, brave, prudent, enterprising, zealous, and, above all, scru-
pulously just, he is the character to fascinate. When we add to
this the magnificence of his court, the grandeur of his city, his love
of architecture, and, especially, his munificent patronage of litera-
ture, we cannot wonder, that he has been made a hero by his people.
This last trait is specially attractive. He collected round him some of
the best men of letters of his time, Ansuri, Rudini, Firdausi, the
poets, Al Utbi, the historian, Albiruni, the philosopher, and his
reign shines with the reflected lustre of their literary renown. The
great epic of Firdausi alone would keep hia bays green for ever, if all
other laurels were to be stripped by time from his brows. Among
Oriental potentates he shares with Caliph Harun Al Rashid and
Akbar alone, the rare honour of ranking with Pericles and Augustus,

• Blphinstone's Bittory of India, Ed. 1874, p. 286.

144 MAHMUD OF GHAZNl AND THE LEGEND OF SOMNATH.

Louis XIV and Queen Anne for the literary splendour of his rei^«
As Mohl puts it, he had estahlished at his court a yeritahle Round
Table aud become the Ring Arthur of the East.

But it is for his religious zeal, amounting to fanaticism, that he is
chiefly remembered by his co-religionists. It was zeal for his faith that
induced him to invade year after year the distant provinces of India,
and to carry away innumerable captives to be converted and sold into
slavery. No doubt his ruling passion of avarice, which was found in
his case literally *^ strong in death/' as is attested by the story of his
weeping on his deatb-bed at the sight of the enormous wealth and
grandeur that he had ordered to be paraded before him for the last
time, and which he could not carry with him out of this lifcy this
avarice had much to do with his activity, especially as he was im-
mensely enriched by his campaigns. But still it can hardly be
doubted that one of his chief motives was religions zeal. At least his
contemporaries thought so. He got from the Commander of the
Faithful the title of Yamin-ood-Dow)a, and was called by his people
the Ghazi, titles highly coveted by all true followers of Islam.

His mc )ory is cherished by them on this account to the present
day, and many are the legends woven around it by pious fraud and
believeG hy >us credulity. It is one of these, what I have called
the lege: 1 ti Somnath, that is selected for examination in this paper.
A mixture ^f . "\ doth ever add pleasure, said Bacon ; and the Persian
historians who n-aufartured and embellished this legend, were great
adepts in this art ot mixing truth with falsehood. Nothing that
added to the glorification of a Ohazi of their faith could be wrong or
false in their eyes. The end truly justified the means with them.
Nothing that could discredit and damn the infidels could be considered
reprehensible to be invented. Hence their pages contain many in-^tions
invented to praise the faithful, greatly at the expense of tb ) iiiadeU
who, in their eyes, had no claim to justice or truth at their h'-nds.

This religious bias and unscrupulousness is a great drawback to the
authority of these historians, who, without it, are also untrustworthy
enough. One who had studied them thoroughly, and who haa,
moreover, done much more than auj one else to spread a knowledge of
them, says that it is almost a misT> nj:r to style their works histories,
and that ihey ** may be said to be defi' .ent in some of the most
essential rcqnisiies of history."* He notices in them •* the intense

* Elliot's prtCiioc to Historians of Indian 1849, Part 1., p. xv.

MAHMUD OF GHAZNI AND THE LEGEND OF SOMNATH. 145

desire for pnrade and ostentatioiii which inclines authors to quote
works they have never seen, and to lav claim to an erudition which
the limited extent of their knowledge does not justify." And he
quotes an instance of how, in one list of works, he found that **from
bejrinning to end it was a complete fabrication, the names of the
works beine: taken from the prefaces of standard histories in which it
is usual to quote the authorities, the very identical sequence of names,
and even the errors of the originals being implicitly followed."*

Great care thus should be employed by a modern enquirer in using
these Persian historians of India, and it would be dangerous to
follow implicitly the authority of anyone of them, however renowned
for accuracy he may be. Collating them with one another, and, if
possible, with independent authorities, we can arrive at something
like the real facts, though it must always be a matter of doubt whether
we can be sure of the truth of events related bv these historians alone.

In his sixteenth invasion Mahmud came to the temple of 8omnath
and captured it after a stubborn resistance on the part of its
defenders. Somnath is in Kattiawar, and, on its site, is the present
town of Prabhas Patan which flared up into notice so suddenly and
disastrously in 1893. A striking description of its site is given by
Tod. " Nothing can surpass the beauty of the site chosen for t)ie
temple, which stands on a projecting rock, whose base is washed by
the ocean. Here resting on the skirt of the mighty waters, the vision
lost in their boundless expanse, the votary would be lulled into a
blissful state of repose by the monotonous roar of the waves. Before
him is the bay extending to Billawal (Verawal), its golden sands kept
in perpetual agitation by the snrf, in bold and graceful curvature ; it
is unrivalled in India, and although I have since seen many noble
bays, from that of Penzance to Salurnum, perhaps the finest in the
world, with all its accessories of back -ground, and in all the glory of
a closing day, none ever struck my imagination more forcibly than
that of Puttun. The port and headland of Billawal, with its dark
walls raised as a defence against the pirates of Europe, form a noble
terminating point of view, and from which the land trends northwards
to Dwarica. The peaks of Girnar, twenty coss distant, would raise
the sublimest feeling, or if he choose more tranquil scenes, the
country around presents objects of interest, the plains being well
wooded and diversified both by Nature and ar t.^f

♦ Ibid, t TraveU in Western IndiOy p. 344.

146 MAHMUD OF GHAZNI AKD THE LEGEND OF SOMNATH.

But Mahmud must have cared little for the beautiful situation and
the natural scenery of the place. He was intent on taking the place
by force and breaking the idol. And it is with this breaking of the
idol that the legend is connected. The earliest account of this in
English is that of Col. Dow, whose History of Hindustan, translated
from the Persian, published in 1767-72, professes to be a rendering
of the famous Persinn historian Ferishta, but contains much put in by
himself. This is Dow's account: *'In the centre of the hall stood.
Somnath, an idol of stone, five yards in height, two of which were
sunk in the ground. The King was enraged when he saw this idol,
and raising his mace, struck off the nose from his face. He then
ordered that two pieces of the image should be broken off to be sent
to Ghnzni, there to be thrown at the threshold of the public mosque
and in the court of his palace. Two more fragments he reserved to
be sent to Mecca and Medina. When Mahmud was thus employed
in breaking up Somnath, a crowd of Brahmans petitioned his
attendants and offered some crores in gold if the King should be pleased
to proceed no further. The Omrahs endeavoured to persuade Mahmud
to accept of the money ; for they said that breaking up the idol could
not remove idolatry from the walls of Somnath, that therefore it
could serve no purpose to destroy the image, but that such a sum of
money given in charity, among believers, would be a very meritorious
action. The King acknowledged that what they said was in some
measure true; but should he consent to that bargain, he might justly
be called a seller of idols ; and that he looked upon a breaker of them
as a more honorable title. He therefore ordered them to proceed.
The next blow having broken up the belly of Somnath which had
been made hollow, they discovered that it was full of diamonds,
rubies and pearls of a much greater value than the amount of what
the Brahmans had offered, so that a zeal for religion was not the sole
cause of their application to Mahmud."* This account is in the main
an accurate version of Ferishta. With Dow's version may be compared
the more correct translation of Ferishta, given by Briggs : *' In the
centre of the hall was Somnath, a stone idol, five yards in height, two
of which were sunk in the ground. The King approaching the image
raised his mace and struck off its nose. He ordered two pieces of the
idol to be broken off and sent to Qhizny, that one might be thrown at
the threshold of the public mosque, and the other at the court door of

• Vol. I. pp. 65, 66, Ed. 1812.

HAHHUD OF QHAZNI AND TBS LEGEND OF SOMNATH. 147

his own palace. These identical fragments are to this day (now 600
years ago) to be seen at Ghizny. Two more fragments were reserved
to be sent to Mecca and Medina. It is a well authenticated fact,
that when Mahmud was thus employed in destroying the idol, a
crowd of Brahmins petitioned his attendants and offered a quantity
of gold if the King would desist from further mutilation. His officers
endeavoured to persuade him to accept of the money, for they said
th&t breaking one idol would not do away with idoltary altogether,
that, therefore, it could serve no purpose to destroy the image
entirely ; but that such a sum of money given in charity among true
believers would be a meritorious act. The King acknowledged there
might be reason in what they said, but replied, that if we should
consent to such a measure, his name would be handed down to
posterity as ' Mahmud the idol-seller ;' whereas he was desirous of
being known as * Mahmud the destroyer : ' he therefore directed the
troops to proceed in their work. The next blow broke open the belly
of Somnath, which was hollow, and discovered a quantity of diamonds,
rubies and pearls, of much greater value than the amount which the
Brahmins had offered.*

The version of Dow lias been the chief source of misleading later
writers. Gibbon, coming a few years in 1786 after Dow, based his
short account on him, and compressed it in the following round
sentence: — "He repeated his blows , and a treasure of pearls and
rubies, concealed in the belly of the statue explained in some degree the
devout prodigality of the Brahmins.'* t Then came Maurice, the
learned author of Indian Antiquities, who, in his Modern History of
Hindustan^ published in 1802, gave the same account, with the
embellishment about the nose of the idul. *' In the fury of Maho-
medan zeal, he smote off the nose of the idol with a mace which
he carried, and ordered the image to be disfigured and broken to

pieces the person appointed having mutilated the superior

parts, broke in pieces the body of the idol, which had been made
hollow, and contained an infinite variety of diamonds, rubies and
pearls of a water so pure, and of a magnitude so uncommon, that the
beholders were filled with surprise and admiration."^ Next came
James Mill, who, in his first volume of the History of India

• Briggs' FeHshtay Vol. I. pp. 72, 73, Ed. 1829.
t Decline and Fall, Vol. VI. Chap. LVII. p. 361.
t Hiitory of Hindoottan, Vol. I. Part I. p. 296.

148 MAHMUD OF QHAZNI AND THE LEGEND OF SOMNATH.

published in 1817, repeats the same. ^' At the next blow the belly
of the idol burst open : and forth issued a vast treasure of diamonds,
rubies and pearls, rewarding the holy perseverance of Mahmud,
and explaining the devout liberality of the Brahmans.*'*

After Mill came Price, who, in the second volume of his Mahome-
dan History/, published in 1821, bases his account on the
KhulasaUuUAkbar as well as Ferishta. ^* The circumstance of its
being smitten on the nose by the mace of Mahmud, and of the
immense treasure concealed in its belly, are already known. We
shall here just mention that he rejected a prodigious ransom to spare
it, alleging that of two appellations, rather than the idol-broker, he
chose to be called Mahmud the idol-breaker : and to reward his seal
the precious contents discovered in the hollow of the idol surpassed an
hundred-fold the sum which had been offered bv the Brahmins for its
redemption."t Even the judicious Elphinstone is misled into giving
the same account in his excellent history published in 1841, though,
in a line in the note, he expresses some doubt and says, that
Feristah's '* account might be true of some idol in the temple."J
Since the time of Elphinstone, Prof. Wilson showed in 1843, how
the mistake was made by referring to some Persian historians* But
later writers have not heeded this, and continue to repeat the old
story which has the sanction of the authorities we have quoted.
Two books published very recently, Mr. Rees* short account of the
Mahomedans, in Mr. Adam's Series, and Syed Mahmud Latif' s more
pretentious and bulky History of the Panjahy give the same old
account.

Only Sir W. Hunter has given the correct version of the sack of
Somnath and the breaking of the idol in the historical part of his
Gazetteer, But owing to its verv narrow limits, he has merelv
condensed the result of the enquiry in a few lines. It is here pro-
posed to trace the origin and growth of the legend by means of all
the authorities available, some of which were rendered accessible
only recently, and consequently not used by Wilson, and to dissipate
the delusion, if possible, once for all.

Ferishta, as we have seen, who wrote before 1611 A. D., in the
reign of Jehangir, is the source for all European writers who

• Vol. I. p. 177, Ed. 1858.

+ Restroipect of Mahomedan History, Vol. II. p. 289, Ed. 1821.

X p. 336, Kd. 1874.

HAfiUOD OF OHAZNI AND THE LEGEND OF SOMNATH* 149

urention the event. Bu6 Feristha is not alone in narrating it. The
tvriters of the TarikJ^^i-Alfi, a great history composed by the order
of Akbar, of the thou8<)nd years after the Hegira that expired in his
reign, say that, '' It is a well aathenticated fact, that when Mahmud
^as about to destroy th« idol, a crowd of Brahmans represented to
his nobles, that if he would desist fron the mutilation, they would
pay several crores of gold coins into his treasury. This was agreed
to by many of the nobles, who pointed out to the Sultan that he
could not obtain so much treasure by breaking the image> and that
the proffered money would be very servicenble. Mahmud replied,
** I knew this, but I desire that on the day of resurrection, I should
be summoned with the words, *' Where i% that Mahn^ud who broke
the greatest of the heathen idols ? ' rather than by these : ' Where
is that Mahmud who sold the greatest of die idols to the infidels for
gold?' When Mahmud demolished the image, he found in it so
many superb jewels and rubies tha,t they amounted to, and even
exceeded an hundred times the value of, the ransom which had been
offered to him by the Brahmans,*'*

Ferishta cites as his general authority the celebrated Sauzat-us^
Safa of Mirkhond, which was written towards the close of the 15th
century. But Mirkhond's account does not mention the remarkable
incidents we have seen alluded to by all the writers quoted above* It
merely says: ''The temples were demolished and razed to the
ground. The stone of Somnnth was broken into fragments, some of
which were sent to Ghazni and placed at the door of the mosque^ and
were there many years," Khondamir, thedon, or according to Fome,
the nephew of Mirkhond in his Habib-us-Siyar^ written 1521-28,
gives a similar account: ''Somnath was an idol cut out of stone,
whose height was h^^ yards, of which three yards were visible, and
two yards were concealed in the ground. Yanunu d Daula having
broken that idol with his own hand, ordered that they should pack up
pieces of the stone, take them to Ghazni, and throw them on the
threshold of the Jami Masjid, The sum which the treasury of the
Sultan Mahmud obtained from the idol temple of Somnaih, was more
than twenty thousand thousand dinars, inasmuch as these pillars were
all adorned with precious jewels.* 't

The oldest accunt of this expedition is that given by Ibn Asir in

* Apttd, Elliot and Dowson, Vol. II., p. 472.
t Ibid. Vol. IV. p. 18J.

150 MAOMUD OF GHAZNI AND THE LEGEND OF SOMNATIT,

his Kamilu't'Tawarilchy written about 1230 A. D., and this also doeff
not mention the incidents of the bribe and the belly. It is very
specific in its details, and has been largely drawn upon by later
writers. It says: — ''The temple of Somnath was built upon 56
pillars of teaki/vood covered with lead. The idol itself was in a
chamber, its height was five cubits, and its girih three cubits. This
was what appeared to the eye, but two cubits were hidden ill
the basement. It had no appearance of having been sculptured.
Yaminu-d-Donla seized it, part of it he burnt, and part of it he carried
away with him to Qhazni, where he made it a step at the entrance of
the Jami M usjid. The shrine of the idol was dark, but it was lighted
by most exquisitely jewelled chandeliers. Near the idol was a chain
of gold to which bells were attached. The weight of it was 200 waiis.
When a certain portion of the night had passed, this chain was shaken
to ring the bells, and so rouse a fresh party of Brahmans to carry on
the worship. The treasury was near, and in it there were many idols
of gold and silver. Over it there were reils hanging, set with jewels,
everyone of which was of immense value. The worth of what wa»
found in the temple exceeded two millions of dinars, all of which was
taken."* A contemporary of Ibn A sir, the famous Ibn Khalikan,
adds another detail, and says that the idol had 30 rings in its ears.f
Abul Feda, in his Annals, written about the some time, at the
commencement of the l3th centurv, confirms the fact thai the idol
was burnt.

Thus, as we get nearer to the times, we got more accurate and less
embellished accounts. We may note, \^hilst dealing with writers of
the ]3th century, that the famous Shaikh Sndi, who lived 200
years after Mahmnd, gives an amusing tale of his own adventures at
Somnath in his Btisfan, But from the details he mentions, it is quite
evident that he never saw the inside of the temple, nor the idol, for
most strangely he calls it a temple of the Ouebres or Parsis, who, asis
well known, have no images whatever in their places of worship.

When we come to the contemporary writers, we get the straight,
forward account of the famous Alberuni, which sets the whole matter
at rest. From his account it is certam that the idol was not a statue
having any form or belly, but was a stone linga or phallic image of
Mahadeva. The great contemporary chronicler of Mahmud, Al Utbi,

• jipud, Klliot and Dowson, Vol. IT., p. 471.
t Biographical JjicOonary^ Vol. III., p. 333.

UAHMUD OF QHAZNI AND THE LEGEND OF SOXKATH. 151

does not narrate the events of this campaign of Somnath, as he stops
a few years before this event ; otherwise we might have had a most
valuable narrative which would have set at rest all doubts.

The following is Alberuni's account ia his Tarikh-i-Hind, taken
from Dr. Sachau*s recent scholarlv and faithful translation. '^The
lunar stations they declare to be the daughters of Prajapati, to whom
the moon is married. He was especially attached to Rohini, and
preferred her to the others. Now her sisters, urged by jealousy,
complained of him to their father, Prajapati. The latter strove to
keep the peace among them* and admonished him, but without any
success. Then he cursed the moon (Lunns), in consequence of which
his face became leprous. Now the moon repented of his doing, and
came penitent to PrajApati, who spoke to him : '^ My word is one, and
cannot be cancelled ; however, I shall cover thy shame for the half of
each month/' Thereupon the moon spoke to Prajapati : " But how
shall the trace of the sin of the past be wiped off from me V* Praja-
pati answered : ** By erecting the shape of the linga of Mahadeva a&
an object of thy worship/' This he did. The linga he raised was the
stone of Somnath, for soma means the moon andnatha means mastery,
80 that the whole word means master of the moon. The image was
destroyed by the prince Mahmud — may God be merciful to him I
A. H. 416. He ordered the upper part to be broken, and the remain-
der to be transported to his residence, Ghazni, with all its coverings and
trappings of gold, jewels, and embroidered garments. Part of it has
been thrown into the hippodrome of the town together with the
Chakrasvamin, an idol of bronze, that had been brought from Tane-
shar. Another part of the idol from Somnuth lies before the door of
the mosque of Ghazoi, on which people rub their feet to clean them.
from dirt and wet.

The linga is an image of the penis of Mahadeva. I have heard the
following story regarding it : — " A Rishi, on seeing Mahadeva witk
bis wife, became suspicious of him, and cursed him that he should
lose his penis. At once his penis dropped, and was, as if wiped off.
But afterwards the Rishi was in position to establish the signs of hia
innocence, and to confirm them by the necessary proofs. The
suspicion which had troubled his mind was removed, and he spoke to
bim : * Verily, I shall recompense thee by making the image of the
limb which thou hast lost the object of worship for men, who thereby
will find the road to God, and come near him.' "

Yarahamibira says about the construction of thejinga: — *' After

152 MAHMOD OF GHAZWI AND THBT LEGEND OF SOHNATfl*

having chosen a faultless stone for it, take it as long as the imitge ir
intended to he. Divide it into three parts. The lowest part of it i»
quadrangular, as if it were a cube or ^adrangular column. The
middle part is octagonal, its surface being divided by four pilasters.
The upper third is round, rounded oflF so as to resemble the gland of
R penis. In erecting the figure, place the quadrangular third within
the earth, and for the octagonal third, make a cover which is called
pinda, qpiadrangular from without, but so as to fit also on the quadr-
angular third in the earth. The octagonal form of the inner side ]»
to fit on to the middle third, which projects out of the earth. The
round third alone remains without cover."

Further he says : — ** If you make the round part tO€> small or too
thin, it will hurt the country and bring about evil among the inhabit*
ants of the regions who have constructed it:. If it does not go deep
enough down into the earth, or if it projects too little out of the earth,
this causes people to fall ill. When it is in the course of conetruction,
and is struck by a peg, the ruler and his family will perish. If on
the transport it is hit and the blow leaves a trace on it, the artist will
perish, and destruction and diseases will spread in that country."

In the south-west of the Sindh country this idol is frequently met
with in the houses destined for the worship of the Hindus, but Som-
nAth was the most famous of these places. Every day they brought
there a jug of Ganges water and a basket of flowers from Kashmir.
They believed that the linga of Somnath would cure persons of every
inveterate illness and heal every desperate and incurable disease.

The reason why, in particular, Somnath has become so famous, is
that it was a harbour for seafaring people, and a station for those wha
went to and fro between Sufala in the cauntry of the Zang and
China."

It is clear from Alberuni that the idol of Somnath was merely a
solid piece of stone haying no hollow, in which jewels and precioue
stones could be concealed to reward the pious zeal of an iconoclast.
As Alberuni says, the top of the stone idol was decorated withprecioue
stones and gold, which were thus visible to all at first sight, Mahmnd
must have seen them before the Brahman?, according to the later
writers, offered the ransom. But as we have seen, both the immense
wealth concealed in the belly of the idol, as well as the proffered ran-
som of the Brahmans, with the zealous answer of the iconoclast, are
purely fictitious, the creatures of the imagination of later Mahomedan
annalists, who care more for religious aeal than historical truth, and

HAHMUD OF GHiZNI AND THE LEGEND OF SOMNATH. 153

who evidently thought they were doing nothing wrong — on the con-
trary something highly meritorious — when they converted the plain
■tory of tiie sack of SomoAth into a piouR legend of Yairin-ood-DauWtt
iconoclastic zeal. The spirit which led those writers to invent this
legend, and which made it popular among the Moslems for so many
centuries, seems to live among them still to this day, if one may judge
from the fervour, with which the ignorant among them believe in it,
and the way in which they resent any attempt to show the real
character of the legend of Somnath.

Another myth connected with Somnath in history is the story of the
famous Sandalwood Gates which, eight centuries after they had been
rifled from the temple and taken to Ghazni by Mahmud, were paraded
by a theatrical Governor-General through the cities of India as a
trophy from Afghanistan to soothe the susceptibilities of the injured
Hindus. But the gates were spurious beyond doubt, and will live in
Indian history as an instance of a clumsy forgery and a huge practical
joke.

R. P. KARKARIA*

154

Art. X\.—Mdndu, By J. M. Campbell, Esq.,

LL.D.) C.I.C, I.Co*

[CommaDlcated 4c h Angast 1895.]

Pabt I. — Description.

M^ndii, about twenty-three miles south of Dhdr in Central India,
is a wide wnving hill-top, part of the great wall of the Vindhian
range. The hill-top U three to four miles from north to south and
four to five miles from east to west. On the north, the east, and the
west, Mdndu is islanded from, the main plateau of M^lwa by valleys
and ravines that circle round to its southern face, which stands 1,200
feet out of the Nimar plain. The area of the hill- top is over 12,000
English acres, and, so broken is its outline, that the encircling wall
is said to have a length of between thirty-seven and thirty-eight miles.
Its height, 1,950 feet above the sea, secures for the hill-top at all
seasons the boon of fresh and cool air.

About twenty miles south of Dhdr the level cultivated plateau
breaks into woody glades and uplands* Two miles further the plain
is cleft by two great ravines, which from their deeper and broader
southern mouths 700 to 800 feet below the Dhar plateau, as they
wind northwards, narrow and rise, till, to the north of Mandu hill,
they shallow into a woody dip or valley about 300 yards broad and
200 feet below the south crest of Malwa. From the south crest of
the Malwa plateau, across the tree tops of this wild valley, stand the
cliffs of the island Mandu, their prests crowned by the great Dehli
gateway and its long lofty line of flanking walls. At the foot of the
sudden dip into the valley the Alamgir, or World-Guarding Gate,
stands sentinel.^ Beyond the gateway, among wild reaches of rock

1 Farishtah (Persian Text, II. p. 466) calls this the Northern Gate of
H^da. The following Persian verses are carved on the Gateway : —

In the time of A.lamgir Anrangsib (A. D. I658-1707), the roler of the

World,
This gate resembling the skies in altitude was bnilt anew.
In the year A. H. 1079 (A. D. 16U8) the work of renewal was begun and

completed,
By the endeavour of the exalted Eh^ Muhammad Beg Khdn.
From the accession of this Emperor of the World, Aurangzib,
This was the eleventh year by way of writing and history.

mInw. 155

and forest, a noble causeway with high domed tonibs on either hand
fills the lowest dip of the valley. From the south end of the causeway
the road winds up to a second gateway, and beyond the second
gateway between side walls climbs till, at the crest of the slope, it
passes through the ruined but still lofty and beautiful Delhi or
northern gateway, one of the earliest works of Dildwar Khan (A. D.
1400), the founder of Mnsalman Mandu.

Close inside of the Dehli gate, on the right or west, stands the hand-
some Hindola pa?ace. The name Uindola, which is probably the title of
the builder, is explained by the people as the Swingcot palace, because,
like the sides of the cage of a swinging cot, the walls of the hall bulge
helow and narrow towards the top. Its great baronial hall and hanging
'windows give the Hindola palace a special merit and interest, and an
air of lordly wealth and luxury still clings to the tree-covered ruins
which stretch west to large underground cisterns and hot weather
retreats. About a quarter of a mile south stand the notable group
of the Jah^z Mehel or Ship palace on the west, and the Tapela Mehel
or Caldron palace on the south, with their rows of lofty pointed
arches below deep stone eaves, their heavy windowless upper stories,
and their massive arched and domed roof-c ham hers. Tliese palaces
are not more handsomely built than finely set. The massive ship-like
length of the Jahdz Mehel lies between two large tree-girt ponds, and
the Tapela, across a beautiful foreground of water and ruin, looks
east into the mass of tangled bush and tree which once formed part
of the 130 acres of the Lai Bagh or Royal Gardens.

The flat palace roofs command the whole 12,000 acres of Mdnda
hill, north to the knolls and broken uplands beyond the great ravine-
moat, and south across the waving hill-top with its miles of glades
and ridges, its scattered villages, hamlets and tombs, and its gleaming
groves of mangoes, hhirnis, banyans, mhntoras, and pipah. In the
middle distance, out from the tree-tops, stand the lofty domes of
Hoshang's tomb and of the great Jama mosque. Further south lies
the tree-girt hollow of the Sagar TaUo or Sea Lake, and beyond the
Sdgar lake a woody plateau rises about 200 feet to the southern crest,
where, clear against the sky, stand the airy cupolas of the pavilion of
Riip Mali, the beautiful wife of Baz Bahadur (A. D. 1551-1561), the
last Sultdn of Malwa. Finally to the west, from the end of the R6p
Mati heights, rises even higher the bare nearly isolated shoulder of
Songad, the citadel or inner fort of Mandu, the scene of the Gujarat
Bahadur's (A. D. 1531) daring and successful surprise. This fair

156 mIndu.

hill-top, beaufiful from its tangled wildness and scattered ruinSy is a
strange contrast to Mandu, the capital of a warlike independenl
dynasty. Daring the palmy days of the fifteenth century, of the
12,000 acres of the Mandu hill-top, 560 were fields 370 were xardens,
200 were wells, 780 wpre lakes and ponds, 100 werehaiar roads. 1,500
were dwellings, 200 were rest-houses, 260 were bath*, 470 were
mosques, and 334 were palaces. These allotments crowded out the
wild to a narrow pittance of 1,560 acres of knolls and ridges.

From the Jahilz Mehel the road winds through fields and woods,
gtmmed with peafowl and droll with monkevs, among scattered
palaces, mosques and tomhs, some shapely, fome in heaps, about a
mile south to the walled enclosure of the lofty domed tomb of the
estahlislier of Mdndu's greatness, Eoshang Slidh Ghori (A. D. 1405-
1432). Thongh the badly-fitted joinings of the marble slabs of the
tomb walls are a notable contrast to the finish of the later Mughal
bnildings, Hoshang^s tomb, in its massive simplicity and dim-lighted
roughness, is a solemn and suitable resting-place for a great Pathan
warrior. Along the west of the tomb enclosure runs a handsome
flat-roofed colonnade. The pillars, which near the base are four-sided»
pnss through an eight-sided and a sixteen-sided belt into a round upper
shaft. The round shaft ends in a square under-capital, each face of
which is filled by a group of leafage in outline the same as the
favourite Hindu Singh-mukh or horned head. Over the entwined
leafy horns of this moulding, stone brackets support heavy stone
beams, all Hindu in form.^ Close to the east of Ilushanj^'s tomb
is Hoshang's Jdma IMasjid or Great Mosque, built of blocks of red
limestone. Hoshang's Mosque is approached from the east through
a massive domed gateway and across a quadrangle enclosed on the

' Mr. Ferguflson {^Indian Archifectitret p. 543) save: *'The | ill ars appear to
have been taken from a Jain bu.ldirig." Bet the refinement on the square
capital of eaoh pillar of the Hindu Singh-mvkh or horiied face into a groap of
leaves of the same outline shows that the pillars were gpcoially carved for us©
in a Muslim building. The porch on the north side of the tomb euclosare is
described (Ferguseon, Indian Architecture, y. 543) as composed of pillam
avowedly re-crected from a Jain building. This note of Mr. Fcrgus8on*8 must
have gone astray, as the north porch of Hoshang's tomb enclosure is in the plain
massive pointed arch and square-shafted style (f the tomb andof tho great
mosquo. Mr. Fergcsson's note apparently belongs to the second and smaller
Jama Maajid, about 100 yards east of the Sea or Sdgnr lake, the pillars of whose
oolonnade and porch are still enlivened by rows of the lucky face of the Hindu
old horny.

mIndu. 157

enst, north, and south hy wrecked colonnades of pointed arches. The
west is filled hy the great pointed arches of the mosque in fair repair,
and from the roof out of a thick undergrowth of domelets rise three
lofty domes.'

In front of the gateway of the great Mosque, in the centre of a
masonry plinth about three feet high, stands an iron pillar about a
fbot in diameter at the base and twenty feet high. Close to the east
of the gateway is the site of Mehmud's (A.D. l442)*Tower of Victory,
traces of which remained as late as A. D. 1840* About fifty yards
further east are the ruins of a great building called the Ashrafi Mehel,
said to have been a Musalmdn College* To the north-east a banner
marks a temple and the local State offices. South the road passes
between the two lines of small houses and huts that make modern
Mandn. Beyond the village, among ruins and huge swollen baobab
stems, the road winds south along a downward slope to the richly,
wooded lowland, where stretches to the west the wide coolness of the
Sigar Taldv or Sea Lake. Its brond surface covering 600 acres is
green with fan-like lotus leaves, reeds and water grasses. Its banks
are rough with brakes of tangled bush from which, in uncramped

* Hoshang^s great mosqoe has the foUowiDg muoh damaged Persian
imscription : —

** The mosqne of exalted constr notion, the temple of heavenly altitude,
Whose every thick pillar is a copy of the (pillars of the) Sacred Temple

(the Temple of Makkah).
On account of the greatness of its dignity, like the pigeons of the

Temple of Makkah,
Sacred angels of high degree are always engaged in hovering around it*
The result of the events bom of the merciless revolution of the skies,
When the sun of his life oame as far as the balcouy (t. 0., was ready to

set),
A^am Hnmfiyiin (that isi Malik Mughls) said * *
The administration of the country, the construction of buildings, and the

driving back of enemies
Are things which I leave you (the son of Aazam Hum^yi^n) as parting

advioe with great earnestness.
The personification of the kindness of Providence, the SultAn Alii-ud-dfn

(Mehmfid I, A. D. 1436.14«9), who is
The outcome of the refulgence of the Faith, and the satisfier of the

wants of the people,
In the year A. H. 858 (A. D. 1454),
In the words of the above parting advioe, finished the construction of

this building/'

158 mIndu.

•

Btatelinesfl, rise lofty mhauras^ mangoes, kirnts, and p{pdl8» To tlw
east round a smaller tank, whose banks are crowned by splendid
mangoes and tamarinds, stand the domes of sereral handsome tombs*
Of some of these domes the black masses are brightened by belts of
brilliant pale and deep-blae enamel. To the north of this OTerflow
pool a long black wall is the back of the smaller Jama or congregation
mosque, badly ruined, but of special interest, as each of its nmnerona.
pillars shows the nndefaced Hindu Stngh-mtilsh or homed head. By a
rough piece of constructive skill ibe original cross comers of the end
cupolas have been worked into Taulted Musalmdn domes.*

From the Sea Lake, about a mile across the waving richly* wooded
plain, bounded by the southern height of the plateau, the path leads
to the sacred Rewa Kund or Narbada Pool, a small shady pond lined
with rich masonry, and its west side adorned by the ruins of »
handsome Bath or Hummdm Khdndh. From the north-east eomer of
the Rewa Pool a broad flight of easj stairs lead» thirty or fortj feet
up the slope on whose top stands the palace of Baz Bahadur (A.D,

« This Jima Mosqne has the follownig Persian inscription, dated H. 885.
(A. D. 1431):—

" With good omens, at a happy time, and in a lacky and well-starred
year.

On the 4th of the month of A116h (Kamaz^) on the great day of Friday,

In the year 635 and six months from the Hijrah (A. D. 1481)

Counted aocording to the reTolntion of the moon in the Arabian manner.

This Isldmio mosqne was fonndcd in this world,

The top of whose dome rnbs its head against the green eanopjof
Heaven.

The constrnction of this high moeqac was dne to Mngbis-ud-dfn-wad-
dnnya (Malik Mughfs), the father of Mehmilid I. of Mdlwa (A. D. 1496-
1469), the redresser of temporal and spiritnal wrongs.

Ulugh (bravo), Aazam (great), Humify un (angnst), the KMn of the
seven olimes and of the nine conntries.

By the hands of his enterprise this mosqne was fonnded so greaAp

That some call it the House of Peace, others style it the Kabbah.

This good building was completed on the last of the month of BhawwU
(A. H. 8B5, A, D. 1431).

May the merit of this good act be inserted in the soroU of the Kb&n'e
actions !

In this centre may the praises of the sermon read (in the name) of
Mehmikd Sbdh.

Bo everlasting, so long as mountains stand on tho earth and stars ia the

firmament."

lllNDtT. 159

1851-1561), the last independent Chief of Mindu.^ The bifoad easy
fiight o( steps ends in a lofty arched gateWay through which a roomy
hall or passage gives entrance into a courtyard wiCh a central masonry
cistern Ind an enclosing double colonniidt;. which on the right opens
into an arched balcony overlooking the Rewa Eund and garden.
Within this courtyard is a second court enclosed on three sides by an
tirched gallery. The roofs of the colonnades, which are reached by
flights of easy steps, are shaded by arched paviliooa topped by cupolas
brightened by belts of blue enameU

To the south of Bai Bab^dur^s Palace a winding path climbs the
steep slope of the southern rim of Miindu to the massive pillared
cupolas of R4p Mati's palace, which, clear against the sky, are the
most notable ornament of the hilUtop. From a ground-floor of heavy
masonry walls and arched gateways stairs lead to a flat masonry
terrace. At the north and south ends of the terrace stand massive
lieavy-eaved pavilions, whose sqnare pillars and pointed arches support
lofty deep-grooved domes. The south pavilion on the crest of the
Vindhian cliff commands a long stretch of the south face of Mindu
with its guardian wall crowning the heights and hollows of the hill-top.
Twelve hundred feet below spreads the dim hazy Nimar plain bright-
ened eastwards by the gleaming line of the Narbada. The north
pavilion, through the clear fresh air of the hill-top, looks over the
entire stretch of Mandu from the high shoulder of Songad in the ex*
treme south-west across rolling tree- brightened fields, past the domes,
the tangled bush, and the broad grey of the Sea Lake , to the five*
domed cluster of Hoshang's mosque and tomb, on, across a sea of
|2;reen tree tops, to the domed roof-chambers of the Jahaz and Tapela
palaces, through the Oehlt gateway, and, beyond the deep cleft of the
northern ravine, to the bare level and low ranges of the Malwa plateau.

From the Rewa Pool, a path, along the foot of the southern height
among &oble solitary mkauras and AAirnit, across fields and past small
clusters of hats, guides to a flight of steps which lead down to a deep
shady rock-cut dell where a Muhammadan chamber with great open-
arched front looks out across a fountained courtyard and sloping

* The following PersiaH iosc? iption, carved on the entrance arch, shows that
though it may hav>e been repaired by Bkz Bahadur, the building of the p.'ilaco
Was fifty years earlier (H, »14, A. D. 1508) ;— " lo the time of the Sultan of
l^ations, the most just and great, and the most knowing and munificent Khakan
'»a8ir Shih Khilji (A. D. 1600-1512). Written by Yusuf, the year (H. 914)
'a. D. 1508)."

IGO mInd0.

scalloped water-table, to the wild western slopes of Mdndn. This is
NUkanthy where the Emperor Akbar lodged in A.D. 1574, and which
Jehangir visited in A,D. 1617.*

From the top of the steps that lead to the dell the hill stretches
west bare and stony to the Songad or Tdrapur gateway on the narrow
neck beyond which rises the broad shoulder of Songad, the lofty
south-west limit of the Manda hill-top.^

Part IL — History.®

The history of Manda belongs to two main sections, before and
after the overthrow by the Emperor Akbar in A.D. 1563 of the
independent power of the Sultans of M^lwa.

Section I. — Thk Malwa Sultans, A.D. 1400-1570.

Of early Hindu Mundn, which is said to date from A.D. SIS,
nothing is known.® Hindu spire stones are built into the Hindola
Palace walls ; and the pillars of the lesser Jima mosque, about one
hundred yards from the east end of the sea or Sagar Lake, are Hindu,
apparently Jain. Of these local Hindu chiefs almost nothing is
known, except that their fort was taken and their power brought to an
end by Siiltun Shams-ud-din Altamsh about A.D. 1234.^^ Dh4r, not

^ TraoBlatioDB of its two mnoh-admired Persian insoriptloiiB are giyon below,
p. 181.

' On the T,irap6r gate a Persian inscription of the reign of the Smperor
Akbar (A.D. 1556-1605) states that the royal road that passed through thia
gateway waa repaired by Tdhir Muhammad Hassan Imad-ud-din.

** The Persian references ami extracts in this section arc contribnt^d by
Khan Saheb Fazl-ul-lah I.utfullah Faridi of Si'irat.

» Sir John Malcolm in Eastwick's Handbook of the Panjab, 119. This
referenoe has not been tracetl. Furishtah (Elliot, VI., 563) says IC&ndu was
built by Anand Dev of the Bain tribe, who was a contemporary of Khnsrao
Parwiz, the Sassanian (A.D. 591-621).

10 The date is uncertain. Compare £lphinstone*8 History, p. 828 ; BriggB*
Farishtah, Vol. I., pp. 210-211 j Tabakat-i-N5siri, in Elliot, Vol. II., p. 828. Tbm
conquest of Mandu in A.D. 1227 is not Maudu in Malwa as Elphinstone and
Brigps supposed, but Mandur in the Siwiilik Hills, See Elliot, Vol. II., p. 825^
Note 1. The Persian text of Farishtah (I., 115), though by mistake calliDg ife
Mandu (imt Mandu), notes that it was the Mundu in the Siw^ik Hills. The
poetical date'S^-ript also terms it Bilddi-Siwdlik, or the Siwilik coaxitriea. The
date of the conquest of the SiwAlik Mandu by Altamsh is given by Farishtah
(Id.) as A. H. 624 (A.D. 1226). The conquest of M41wa by Altamsh, the
taking by him of Bhllsah and Ujjain, and the destraction of the temple of If aha
Kali and of the statue or image of Bikramiijit are {jTiTCu as occurring in A.H. 681

mXndu. 161

M&frdu, was at that time the capital. It seems douhtful whether
Mandu ever enjoyed the poeition of a capital till the end of the four-
teeuth century. In A.D» 1401> in the ruin that followed Timdr's
(A. D. 1398-1400) conquest of Northern India, a Pathdn from the
town of Ghor, DiUwar KhanOhori (A. D.1387-1405), at the sugges-
tion of his son Alp Khin, assumed the white canopy, and scarlet
pavilion of royalty ,^^ Though Dhar was Dilawar's headquarters he
sometimes stayed for months at a time atMandu,^^ strengthening the
defences and adorning the hill with buildings, as he always entertained
the desire of makipg Mandu his capital.^^ Three available inscriptions

(A.D. 1233). The Mirati-Sikandari (Persian Text 13) notices an expedition
made in A.D. 1395 by Z afar Khan (Mazaffar I. of Q-ujariL) against a Hinda
Dhief of M^nda, who, it was reported, was oppressing the Masalmans. A siege
•of more thaii twel'p^e months failed to oaptare the fort.
i» Briggs* Farishtah, Voi, IV., p. 170.

i» Briggs' Farishtah, Vol. IV., p. 168. According to the WAkiAt-i-Mush-
t^ki (Elliot, IV., 553) Dilawar Khda, or as the writer calls him Amin Shah»
throqgh the good offices of a merchant whom he had refrained from plundering
obtained the grant of Manda, which was entirely desolate. The King sent a
robe and a horse, and Amin gave up walking and took to riding. He made his
friends ride, enlisted horsemen, and promoted the cultivation of the country
(Elliot, IV., 562). Faiishtah (Pers, Text. VoL 11, pp. 460-61) states that when
Sultan Muhammad, the son of Firdz TugUlak, made Khwajah Sarwar his chief
minister, with the title of Khwajah Jeh4n, and gave Zafar KhAn the Vioeroy-
«1ty of Gujarat and Khixr Khin that of Mnltdn, he sent Dilfiwar Kh&n to be
Governor of Malwa. In another passage Farishtah (II., 461) states that one of
Dilawar's grandfathers, Sult'au Shahab-ud-din, came from Ghor and took
service In the Coart of the Dehli Sultans. His son rose to be an Amitt and his
grandson, DilawaT Khan, in the time of Sultan Firiiz, became a leading noble-
man, and, in the reign of Muhammad^ son of Firiiz, obtained M61wa in fief.
When the power of the Tughlaks went to ruin Dilawar assumed the royal em-
blems of the umbrella and the red-tent.

13 Dilawar Khan Ghori, whose original name was Husein, was one of the
grandsons of Sultan Sh^ hab-ud-din Muhammad bin S^. He was one of the
nobles of Muhammad, the son of FCrdz Tughlak, who, after the death of that
monarch, settled in and asserted his power over Malwa. (Pers* Text, Farishtah,
II., 460). The Emperor Jehangir (who calls him Amid Shah Ghori) attributes
to him the construction of the Fort of Dhar. He says (Memoirs, Pers. Text,
201-202) : — Dhar is one of the oldest cities of India. Raja Bhoj, one of the
famous ancient Hindu kings, lived in this city. From his time up to this
1,000 years have passed. Dhar was also the capital of the Muhammadan rulers
of Malwa, When Sultdn Muhammad Tughlak (A. D. 1325) was on his way to
the conquest of the Dakhan he built a cut-stone fort on a raised site. Its
outline is very elegant and beautiful, but the space inside is empty of buildings.

162 hXnDit.

of DilawRr Kh£n (A. D. 1387.1405) seem to show that he bnilt an
assembly mosqae near the Ship Palace, a mosque near the Debli
Gate, and a gate at the entrance to Songad, the sonth-west comer
and citadel of Mdndu, afterwards known as the T^ripdr Qate.

In A. D. 1398 Alp Khan, son of DiUwar KhAn, annoyed with Iria
father for entertaining as his overlord at Dhar, Mehmdd Tughlak,
the refugee monarch of Dehli, withdrew to Mandu. lie stayed in
Mdndu for three years, laying, according to Fnrishtah, the foundation
of the famous fortress of solid masonry which was the strongest
fortification in that part of the world. i* On his father's death in
A< D. 1405 Alp Khan took the title of Sultdn Hoshang, and movedl
the capital to Mandu. The rumour that Hoshang had poisoned his
father gave DiWwar's brother-in-arms, Muzafar Shilh of Gujarat
(A. D, 1399-1411), an excuse for an expedition against Hoshang.^*

Xmid Shah Ghori, known as Dilawar Khan^ who in the days of SulU^
Muhammad, the son of Sult^u Flruz, King of Dehli, gained the independent
rule of Malwa, bailt oabside this fort an assembly mosqae, which has in front
of it fixed in the ground a four-cornered iron column about foar feet round.
When Sultdn Bahadur of Gujarat took Miilwa (A. D. 1580-31) he wished to
carry this column to Gujarat. In digging it up the pillar fell and broke in
twO) one piece measuring twcnty*two feet and the other thirteen feet. As it
was lying here uncared for I (JehangCr) ordered the big piece to be carried to
Agra to be put up in the courtyard of the shrine of him whose abode is the
heavenly throne (Akbar), to be utilized as a lamp post. The mosqae has two
gates. In front of the arch of one gate they have fixed a stone tablet ex\gra¥ed
with a prose passage to the effect that Amid Shah Ghori in the year H. 809
(A. D. 1405) laid the foundation of this mosque. On the other arch they have
written a poetio inscription of which the following verses are a part : —

The liege lord of the world.

The star of the sphere of glory.

The stay of the people.

The sun of the zenith of perfection.

The bulwark of the law of tne Prophet, Amid Shah Da(id.

The possessor of amiable qualities, the pride of Ghor.

Dilawar Khan, the helper and defender of the Prophet's faith.

The chosen instrument of the ezalfced Lord, who in the city of Dh^r
constructed the assembly mosque.

In a happy and auspicious moment on a day of lucky omen.

Of the date 808 years have passed (A. D. 1405).

When this fabric of Hope was completed.
»* Briggs' Farishtah, IV., 169.

»» When fellow-nobles in the 0)nrfc of the Tughlak Sultiin, Zafar Khin
(Saltan Mnzaffar of Gujarat) and Dilawar Khan bound themselves under an
oath to be brothera-in-arms. Farishtah, Pers. Text II., 462.

vIndit. 163

Eoshang was defeated at Dhdr, made prisoner, and carried to Gnjarat,
EDd Muzaffar's brother Nasrat was appointed in his place. Nasrat
failed to gain the good- will either of the people or of the army of
Mdlwa, and was forced to retire from Dhdr and take refuge in Mdnda.
In consequence of this failure in A. D. 1408, at Hoshang's request,
Mnzaffar set Hoshang free after one year's confinement, and deputed his
grandson Ahmed to take Hoshang to Malwa and establish Hoshang's
power. ^^ With Ahmed's help Hoshang took Dhdr, and shortly after
secured the fort of M^ndu, Hoshang (A.D. 1405-1431) madeMdndu
his cdpital and spread his power on all sides except towards Gujarft.^'
Shortly after the death of Muzaffar I. and the accession of Ahmed,
when (A.D. 1434) Ahmed was quelling the disturbances rnised by
his cousins, Hoshang, instead of helping Ahmed, marched towards
GujariLt and created a diversion in favour of the rebels by sending
two of his nobles to attack Broach. They were soon expelled by
Ahmed Shah. Shortly after Hoshang marched to the help of the
Chief of Jhdlaw^r, in Kathi^w^r, and ravaged eastern and central
Gajardt.^® To punish Hoshang for these acts of ingratitude, between
J^. D. 1418 and 1422, Ahmed twice besieged Mdndu, and though he
failed to take the fort his retirement had to be purchased, and both as
iregards success and fair-dealing the honours of the campaign remain-
ed with Ahmed.^^ In A. D. 1421 Hoshang went disguised as ahorse-
dealer to Jdjnagar, now J^jpiJr, in Katak, in Orissa. He took with
him a number of cream-coloured horses, of which he had heard the
Rdjah was very fond. His object was to barter these horses and other
goods for the famous war elephants of Jajnagar. An accident in the
camp of the disguised merchants led to a fight, in which the Rajah
was taken prisioner and Hoshang was able to secure 150 elephants to
fight the Gujarat Sultdn.^^ During Hoshang's absence at Jdjnagar
Ahmed pressed the siege of Mandu so hard that the garrison would

" BriggB' Farishtah, IV., 173; Elphinstone's History, 678!

^' Though their temples were turned into mosques the Jains continued to
prosper under the Ghoris. At Deogarh in Lalitpnra in Jh^si in the North-
West Provinces an inscription of Samvat 1481, that is, of A. D. 1424, records
the dedication of two Jaina images by a Jain priest named Holi during the
reign of Sb^h Alambhaka of Mandapapura, that is, of 8h^ Alp Ehin of Mindu,
that is, Sultan Hoshang Ghori. ArchsQological Surrey of India, New Series,
Vol. U„ 120.

" Farishtah, Pers. Text, II., 464-65.

i» Briggs' Farishtah, IV., 176, 178, 180, 181, 183.

»o Farishtah, Pres. Text, II., 46667.

164 mXndu,

have snrrendered had Hoshang not succeeded in findini; his way into

the fort through the south or Tarapiir Gate.*^ For ten years after

the Gujarat campaign by the help of his Minister Malik Mughis of the

Khiiji family and of his Minister's son Mehmud Khan, Mdlwa pros*

pered and Hoshang's power was extended. Hoshang enriched hi*

capital with buildings, among them the Great Mosque and his own

tomb, both of which he left unfinished. Hoshang's Minister, Malik

Mughis (who received the title of Ulugh Aaznm Humdyiin Khdn)

appears to have built the assembly mosque near the Sagar Lake in

Hoshang's life-time, A. D. 1431. Another of his buildings most

have been a Mint, as copper coins remain bearing Hoshang's name,

and Mandii Shddiabud as the place of mintage.^^ In A. D. 1432, at

Hoshangdbdd, on the left bank of the Narbada, about 120 miles east

of Manda, Hoshang, who was suffering from diabetes, took greatly to

heart the fall of a ruby out of his crown. He said : A few days before

the death of FiriJiz Tughlak, a jewel dropped from his crown.

Hoshang ordered that he should be taken to Mandn. Before

he had gone many miles the king died. His nobles carried the body

to the Madrasah or College in Shddiudbad, or Mandn, and buried

him in the College on the ninth day of Zil-Hajjah, the twelfth month

of A. H. 838, A. D. 1434. The year of Hoshang's death is to be

found in the letters.

Ah Shah Hoshang na mtind : Alas, Shah Hoshang stayed not.*'
■ — ^— ^— ^— — ^

«» BriggB* Farishtah, IV., ISO. In conucotion with the Taripfir Gate
Farishtah says (Pers. Text, II., 468):— The fort of Mdndu is built on the top
of a mountain, and the line of its fortification is about 26 miles in length. Id
place of a moat it is surrounded by a deep chasm, so that it is impossibtiB to
use missiles againRt it. Within the fort water and provisions are abundant^
and it includes land enough to grow grain for the garrison. The extent of it0
walls makes it impossible for an army to invest it. Most of the villages near
it are too small to furnish supplies to a besieging force. The south of T&rdp6r
Gate is exceedingly difficult of access. A horseman can hardly approaeh it.
From whichever side the fort may be attempted, most difficult heights hate
to be scaled. The long distances and intervening hills prevent the watcbeiv
of the besieging force communicating with each other. The gate on the side
of Delhi is of easier access thjin the other gates.

■* It follows that Parishtah (Briggs, IV., 19«) is mistaken in stating that

Hoshang's son, Muhammad, gave Mdudu the name of ShadiAbkd, the Abode of
Joy.

"» Farishtah, Pers. Text II., 472-475. It seems to follow that the monu-
ment to Hoshang in Hoshangdb^d from the first, was an empty tomb.
Compare Briggs' Farishtah, IV., ISO-IDO.

mInbu. 165

On Hosbang's death his son Ghdzni Khan, with the title of Sult&n
Muhammad Ghori, succeeded. Malik Mugbis, his father's Minister,
and the Minister's son, Mehmdd, were maintained- in power. In
three years (A. D. 1433-d6)» as Sultan Muhammad proved dissipated
cruel and suspicious, Mehmiid, the Minister's son, procured his death
by poison. Mehmdd Elhilji then asked his father to accept the
succession, but his father declined, saying that Mehmi!id was fitter
Co be king. A. D. 1436 MehmUd was accordingly crowned with the
Royal tiara of Hosbang.'^ He conferred on his father the honour of
being attended by mace-bearers carrying gold and silver sticks, who^

** The following more detailed, bat also more oonfuBed, story is told in the
WakiAit-i-Mnsbtiki, (Elliot, IV., 552-54) :— A man named Mehmiid, son of
Mugbfs Khilji, oame to Hoshang and entered his service. He was a treacheroos
man who secretly aspired to the throne. He became Minister, and gave his
daughter in marriage to the King. [Farishtah, Pers. Text jll., 474, says !-~
"Malik Mughfi gave his daughter (Mehm6d*s sister) in marriage, not to
Hoehang, bat to Hoshang's son Mohammad Sh^."] His father, Malik Mngbis,
coming to know of his son's ambitions designs, informed the King of them.
Hereupon Mehmiid feigned illness, and to deceive the King's physicians shut
himself in a dark room and drank the blood of a newly killed goat. When the
physicians oame Mehmdd rose hastily, threw up the blood into a basin, and
tossing back his head rolled on the floor as if in pain. The physicians called
for a light. When they saw that what Mehm6d had spat up was blood they
were satisfied of his sickness, and told the King that MehmOd had not long to
live. The King refrained from killing a dying man. This strange story seems
to be an embellishment of a passage in Farlshtah (Pers. Text II., 477). When
Kh&n Jehin, that is Malik Mughfs, the father of Mehm(id, was ordered by
Bultin Muhammad to take the field against the R^jpi!it rebels of Kddoti
(H&roti ?) many of the old nobles of M&lwa went with him. In their absence
the party hostile to the Kiljis represented to Sultdn Muhammad that Mehm&d
Khilji wad plotting his death. On hearing that the Sult&n was enraged against
him Mehmud secluded himself from the Court on pretence of illness. At the
same time he worked secretly aud bribed Sultan Muhammad's cup-bearer to
poison his master. On the death of Sult&n Muhammad the party of nobles
opposed to Mehmdd, concealing the fact of Muhammad's death, sent word that
Muhammad had ordered him immediately to the palace, as he wanted to send
him on an embassy to Gujar&t. Mehmi!id, who knew that the Sultan was dead
TOtumed word to the nobles that he had vowed a life-long seclusion as the
sweeper of the shrine of his patron, Sult&n Hosbang, but that if the nobles
came to him aud convinced him that the good of his country depended on his
going to Gujarit he was ready to go and see Sultdn Muhammad. The nobles
were caught in their own trap. They went to Mehmud and were secui^^d and
imprisoned by him.

166 mIkdu.

when the Khao mounted or went out, had, like the maoe-hearen of
independent monarchs, the privilege of repeating the BismilUtk, ^' In
tho name of the compassionate and merciful Allah .'*^ He gaTe his
father royal honours, the white canopy and the silver quiver, and to
his title of Malik Ashraf Khdn Jehan he added among others
Amir-ul-Umara and Aazam Humayiln.^ Mehmdd quelled a revolt
among his nobles. And an outbreak of plague in the Qujarit camp
relieved him from a contest with Ahmed Shah.27 In A. D. 1489
Mehmdd repaired the palace of Sultan Hoshang and opened the
mosque built in commemoration of that monarch which Farishtah
describes as a splendid edifice with 208 columns.^ About the same
time Mehmiid completed Hoshang's tomb, which Hoshang had left
unfinished. On the completion of this building Hoshang's remains
seem to have been moved into it from their first resting-place in the
College. In A. D. 1441 Mehmud built a garden with a dome and
palaces^ and a mosque at NHulcha, about three miles north of the
Dehli Gate of Mandu, a pleasint^ well- watered spot, where the
plateau of Malwa breaks into glades and knolls^^. In A. D. 144S,
in honour of his victory over liana Kilmbha of Chitor, Mehmtid
built a beautiful column of victory,^^ seven storeys high, and a

«» PariBhtah, Perg. Text 11., 480.

«« Brigg's Farishtah IV., 196. These titles mean : The Chief of Nobles,
the Great, the August.

*' It is related that one of the pious men in tho camp of Snltin Ahmed of
Qnjarfit had a warning dream, in which the Prophet (on whom be Peaoe)
appeared to him and said :— " The calamity of (spirit of) pestilenoe is cominf
down from the skies. Tell Saltan Ahmed to leave this ^coantry." Thia
warning was told to Saltan Ahmed, bat ho disregarded it, and within three
days pestilence raged in his csmp. Farishtah, Pers. Text II., 484 . .

•8 Brigg's Farishtah IV., 205, gives 230 minarets and 360 arches. This
must have been an addition in the Text used by Briggs. Theso details do not
apply to the building. The Persian text of Farishtah, II., 485, mentions 208
columns or pillars (duyatt o haahi uatuwdnnh), No reference is made either
to minarets or to arches.

» • Farishtah, Pers. Text II., 487.

»o Brigg's Farishtah IV., 207. Malcolm's Central India I., 32. In A.D.
1817 Sir John Malcolm (Central India I., 33 n) fitted up one of Mehmud'i
palaces as a hot weather residence.

^ ^ Of the siege of K6mbhdlmer a onrions incident is recorded by Farishtah
(Pers. Text 17., 485). He says that a temple outside the town destroyed by
Mehm6d had a marble idol in the form of a goat. The Sultan ordered the idol
to be ground into lime and sold to tho B^jpitts as betel-leaf lime, so that the

mIiibu. 167

college in front of the mosqae of Hoshang Qhori. Facing the east
entrance to the Great Mosque stands a paved ramp crowned by a
confused rub. As late as A.D, 1843 this ruin is described as a square
marble chamber. Each face of the chamber had three arches^ the
centre arch in two of the faces being >i door. Above the arches the wall
was of yellow stone faced with marble. Inside the chamber the square
comers were cut off by arches. No roof or other trace of superstruc-^
ture remained.^3 This chamber seems to be the basement of the>
column of victory which was raised in A.D. 1443 by Mehmiid I. (A*D»
1482-1469) in honour of his victory over Rina Kdmbha of Chitor.^^
Mehmiid's column has the special interest of being, if not the original
at least the cause of the building of Kumbha Bdna's still uninjured
Victory Pillar,, which was completed in A.D. 1454 at a cost of
i6900,00a in honour of his defeat of Mehmud.9^ That the Mdndu
Column of Victory was a famous work is shown by Abul Fazl's
reference to it in A.D. 1590 as an eight-storeyed minaret.'* Farishtah ,
about twenty years later (A.D. 1610), calls it a beautiful Victory,
Pillar, seven storeys high.'® The Emperor Jehdngir (A.D. 1605-1627)
gives the following account of Mehmiid's Tower of Victory .'^ This
day, the 29th of the month Tfr, corresponding to July-August of
A.D. 1617, about the close of the day, with the ladies of the palace,
I went out to see the Kaft Manzar or Seven Storeys. This building
is one of the structures of the old rulers of Mdlwa, that is of Sultdn
Mehmdd Khilji. It has seven storeys, and on each storey there are
foar porticos, and in each portico are four windows. The height o£
this tower is about 163 feet and its circumference 150 feet. From
the surface of the ground to the top of the seventh storey there are

Hindus might eat their god. The idol was perhaps a ram, not a goat. The
temple would then have been a Sun-temple and the ram the carrier or v&hana
of the sun would have occupied in the porch a position similar to that held by
the bull in a Mah^eva temple.
^* Rnineof Mdndu,13.

^^ In the end of A. H.846 (A.D. 1442) Mehmdd built aseveo-storeyedtower
and a oollege opposite the Jama Mosque of Hoshang Shdh. Brigg's Farishtah
IV., 210 J Persian Text II., 488.

»* Compare Brigg's Farishtah IV., 823,

»«» Gladwin's Aiu-i-Akbari II., 41.

»• Brigg*s Farishtah IV.*, 210; Farishtah, Persian Text II, 488.

»^ Memoirs of the Emperor Jchangir (Pers. Text) Sir Rayad Ahmed'a
Edition 188, year 11th of Jehdngir, A.D. 1617.

1 68 mXndu.

one hundred and seventy-one steps.*' Sir Thomas Herbert, the
traveller, in A.D. 1626, describes it from hearsay, or at least at
second-hand, as a tower 170 steps high, supported by massive pillars
and adorned with gates and windows very observable. It was built,
he adds, by Khdn Jchan, who the/e lies buried.^

Two years later (A. D. 1443) Mehmud built at Mdndn, and
endowed with the revenues of several villages a large Shifa Khdnah,
or Hospital, with wards and attendants for all classes and separate
apartments for maniacs. He placed iu charge of it his own phyri^
cian, MauUna FazluUah.'^ He also built a college to the east of the
Jdma mosque, of which traces remain>^

In A. D. 1453, though defeated, Mehmud brought baok from
Ghijardt the jewelled waistbelt of Gnjanit, which in a daring charge
he bad taken from the tent of the Gujarat King Kutb-ad-d(n ShAh.^

98 Herbert's Klijiu Jeli^n is doubtless Mehmad's fatlier the Minister Malik-
Maghfs, Kh&n Jebdo Afizam Huindyiic. It cimDot be Kh&n Jeli&n Pir
Mohammad, Ak bar's genera!, who after only a few months' rosidenoe was slain
in M&ndn in A.D. 1561 ; nor can it be Jehangic's great Afghdn general, Khfn
Jehin Lodi (A.D. 160O-163O), as he was not in M^nda until A.D. I628,tlfeatit
more than a year after Herbert loft India. Oompare Herbert's Trarels, 107-
118 ; BUiot Vl., 249-323 ; YII., 7, 8, and 21 ; and Bloohman*8 lln-i-Akbaii
608^6.

8 » Brigg'8 Parishtah IV., 214.

*^ Bains of M^nda, 13, Farishtah has three mentions of oollegei. Ona
(Pera. Text II., 475) as the plaoe where the body of Hoshang was oaniad,
probably that prayers might be said over it. In another passage in the rdiga
of Mehmud I (Fers. Text II, 480) he states that Mehmdd boilt ooUeges in Us
territories which beoame the envy of Shir&z and Samarkand. In a thiid
passage ho mentions a college (p. 488) near the Victory Tower.

41 Brigg s Farishtah IV., 217. A different but almost incredible aoooant
of the captare of the royal belt is given in the Mirdt-i Sikandari» Fers. Text,
139:— When Sult^ Kutb-ud-d(n, sou of Salttin Muhammad, defeated Bnltin
Mehmiid Khilji at the battle of Kapadwanj, there was snoh a slanghter ts
oonld not be exceeded. By chance, in the heat of the fray, which ro s ombl ed
the day of judgment, the wardrobe-keeper of SultAn Kutb-nd-dln, in whose
charge was the jewelled belt, was by the restiveness of his horse carried into
the ranks of the enemy. The animal there became so Tiolent that the
wardrobe-keeper fell off and was captnre<l by the enemy, and the jewelled bell
was taken from him and given to Sultiin Mehmiid of M&Iwa. ^e anther
odds : This jewelled waist-band was in the Malwa treasury at the time the
fortress of M^dn was taken by the strength of the arm of Snit&n MozaSsr
(A. D. 1531). Saltan Mehmiid sent this bolt together with a fitting SWOrd aad
horse to Snlt&n Muzafifar by the hand^ of hU son.

In A. U. 1441 Mehmdd's father died at Maiydasor. Mebmtid ^eli the
loss so keenly that he tore his hair like one bereft of reason.^
After his father's death Mehmild made his s6n, Ghids-ud-d(n,^
Minister, and conferred the command of the army and the title of
Aazam Humdyun on his kinsman T^j Kh&n. In A. D. 1469, after
a reign of thirty-four years (A. D. 1436-1469) of untiring energy
and activity Mehmiid died. Farishtah says of him — '* His tent was
his home > the field of battle his resting-place. He was polite, brave^'
jtisty and learned. His Hindu and Musalmdn subjects were happy
and friendly. He guarded his lands from invaders. He made good
his loss to any one who suffered from robbery in his dominions,
recovering the amount from the village in whose lands the robbery
had taken place, a system which worked so well that theft and
robbery became almost unknown. Finally, by systematic effort, he
freed the country from the dread of wild beasts.^

In A. D. 1169 Mehmud was succeeded by his son and minister,
Q-hiis-ud-din, to whose skill as a soldier much of Mehml!id'B success
had been due. On his accession Ghids-ud-din made his son, Abdul
Kider, Prime Minister and heir -apparent, and gave him the title of
Nisir-ud-din. He called his nobles, and in their presence handed
his sword to N^sir-ud-din, saying : — " I have passed thirty-four years
in ceaseless fighting. I now devote my life to rest and enjoyment."^^
Ghids-ud-din, who never left Mdndu during the whole thirty years
of his reign (A. D. 14694499), is said to have completed the Jah^£
Mehel, or Ship Palace,^^ and the widespread buildings which surround
it. It seems probable that the Tapela Palace close to the south-east
of the Ship Palace and the Lake and Royal Gardens immediately to
the north and north-east of the Tapela Palace were part of Ghi&s-ud-
din's pleasure houses and grounds. The scale of the ruins behind the
Hindola or Swing Got palace to the north, and their connection with
the ottt-boildings to the west of the Jahdz Mehel, suggest that they
also belonged to the palaces and women's quarters of the pleasure-
' loving Ghids-ud-din.

Of the surprising size and fantastic arrangements of Ghids-ud-d{n's
pleasure city, the true Mdndu Shddidb^d or Abode of Joy, curious

«s Bfigg's Farishtah IV., 209.

«s Brigg*8 Farishtah IV., 234-35 ; Pers. Text II., 503.

** Brigg'B Farishtah IV., 236. *

*' EuioB of M&ndu, p. 6.

1 70 mAndu.

details have been preserved. This Abode of Pleasare was acity, not
a palaoe. It contained IS^OOO inhabitants, all of them women, none
either old or plain featured, and each trained to some profession or
craft. Among^ them were the whole officers of a courts and besides
courtiers, teachers, musicians, dancers, prayer readers, embroiderers^
and followers of all crafts and callinf^s. Whenever the King heard
of a beautiful girl he never rested till he obtained her. This city
of women had its two regiments of guards, the Archers and the
CarabineerSy each 500 strong, its soldiers dressed like men in a
distinguishing uniform. The Archers were beautiful young Turki
damsels, all armed with bows and arrows: the Carabineers were
Abyssinian maidens, each carrying a carbine. Attached to the palace
and city was a deer park, where the Lord of Leisure used to hunt
with his favourites. Each dweller in the city of women received her
daily dole of grain and coppers, and besides the women were oiany
pensioners, mice, parrots, and pigeons, who also received the same
dole as their owners. So evenly just was Ghias-ud-din in the matter
of his allowances, that the prettiest of his (avourites received the same
allowance as the roughest Carabineer .^^

The Lord of the City of Pleasure was deeply religious. Whenever
he was amusing himself two of his companions held in front of him
a cloth to remind him of his shroud. A thousand Hdfizdhs^ that is
women who knew the Kuradn by heart, constantly repeated its holy
verses, and* under the orders of the King, whenever he changed his
raiment the Hdfitdhs blew on his body from head to foot with their
prayer-hallowed breath.^^ None of the five daily prayers passed
unpra3red. If at any of the hours of prayer the King was asleep he
wu sprinkled with water, and when water failed to arouse him, he
was dragged out of bed. Even when dragged out of bed by his
servants the King never uttered an improper or querulous word.

So keen was his sense of justice, that when one of his courtiers,
pretending he had purchased her, brought to him a maiden of
ideal beauty, and her relations, not knowing she had been given
to the King, came to complain, though they gladly resigned her,
the King grieved over his unconscious wrong. Besides paying
compensation he mourned long and truly, and ordered that no
more inmates should be brought to his palace>^ So great was

•• PariBhtah Pere. Text II., 604-606.
♦^ Parishtah Pers. Text II., 605.
«8 Farishtak Pers. Text XI., 607.

mIndu. 171

ihd King's charity that every night below his pillow he placed
a bag containing some thousand gold-mohurs* and before the next
erening all were distributed to the deserring. 80 religions was the
King that he paid 50,000 tankaa for each of the four feet of the ass of
Christ. A man came bringing a fifth hoof, and one of the conrtiera
said-*-" My Lord, an ass has four feet. I never heard that it had
fiye, unless, perhaps, the ass of Christ had five." '* Who knows," the
King replied, *' it may be that this last man has told the truth, and
one of the others was wrong. See that he is paid/' 80 sober was
the King that he would neither look upon nor hear of intoxicants or
stimulants. A potion thst hud cost 100,000 tankas wss brought to
him. Among the 300 ingredients one was nutmeg. The King direct-
ed the potion to be thrown into a drain. His favourite horse fell
sick. The King ordered it to have medicine, and the horse recovered*
" What medicine was given the horse?'* asked the King. "The
medicine ordered by the physicians " replied his servants. Fearing
that in this medicine there might be an intoxicant, the King
commanded that the horse should be taken out of the stables and
turned loose into the forest.*®

The King's spirit of peace steeped the land, which, like its ruler,
after thirty years of fighting, yearned for rest. For fourteen years
neither inward malcontent, nor foreign foe broke the quiet. In A.D,
1482 Bahlol Lodi advanced from Dehli to subdue Mdlwa. The talk
of M^ndu was BahloPs approach, but no whbper of it passed into the
charmed City of Women. At last the son-minbter forced his way
into the King's presence. At the news of pressing danger his soldier
spirit awoke in 6hids-ud-din. Bis orders for meeting the invaders
were so prompt and well-planned that the King of Dehli paid a ran-
som and withdrew. A second rest of fifteen years ended in the son-
minister once more forcing his way into the presence. In A.D. 1500
the son presented his father, now an aged man of eighty, with a cup
of sherhet and told him to drink. The King, whose armlet of bezoar
stone had already twice made poison harmless, drew the stone from
his arm. He thanked the Almighty for granting him, unworthy, the
happiest life that had ever fallen to the lot of man. He prayed that

«(> WikiHt-i-Moaht^ki, in Elliot IV., 664-56. Probably tiieM are stock
Ules. The Oajar&t historians give Masaffar II. (A.D. 1613-1636), credit for
the korse scmpalosity. Seo Mir&bi-Sikandari* Pers. Text, p. 178.

1 70 mAndu.

details have been preserved. This Abode of Pleasare was acity, not
a palaoe. It contained IS^OOO inhabitants, all of them women, none
either old or plain featured, and each trained to some profession or
craft* Among^ them were the whole officers of a courts and besides
courtiers, teachers, musicians, dancers, prayer readers, embroiderersi
and followers of all crafts and callings. Whenever the King heard
of a beautiful girl he never rested till he obtained her. This city
of women had its two regiments of guards, the Archers and the
Carabineers, each 500 strong, its soldiers dressed like men in a
distinguishing uniform. The Archers were beautiful young Turki
damsels, all armed with bows and arrows: the Carabineers wer«
Abyssinian maidens, each carrying a carbine. Attached to the palace
and city was a deer park, where the Lord of Leisure used to hunt
with his favourites. Each dweller in the city of women received her
daily dole of grain and coppers, and besides the women were many
pensioners, mice, parrots, and pigeons, who also received the same
dole as their owners. So evenly just was 6hias-ud-din in the matter
of his allowances, that the prettiest of his favourites received the same
allowance as the roughest Carabineer.^^

The Lord of the City of Pleasure was deeply religious. Whenever
he was amusing himself two of his companions held in front of him
a cloth to remind him of his shroud. A thousand HdfizdhSf that is
women who knew the Kuradn by heart, constantly repeated its holy
verses, and* under the orders of the King, whenever he changed his
raiment the HdfizAhs blew on his body from head to foot with their
prayer-hallowed breath.^^ None of the five daily prayers passed
unpra3red. If at any of the hours of prayer the King was asleep he
was sprinkled with water, and when water failed to aronse him, he
was dragged out of bed. Even when dragged out of bed by his
servants the King never uttered an improper or querulous word.

So keen was his sense of justice, that when one of his coortiera,
pretending he had purchased her, brought to him a maiden of
ideal beauty, and her relations, not knowing she had been given
to the King, came to eomplain, though they gladly resigned her,
the King grieved over his unconscious wrong. Besides paying
compensation he mourned long and truly, and ordered that no
more inmates should be brought to his palace.^ So great was

•• PariBhtah Pare. Text II., 504-506.
♦^ Parishtah Peps. Text II., 505.
«8 Farishtak Pen, Text XI.» 507.

mXndu. 171

thd King's charity that every night below his pillow he placed
a bag containing some thousand gold-mohurs, and before the next
evening all were distributed to the deserving. 80 religious was the
King that he paid 50,000 tanka» for each of the four feet of the ass of
Christ. A man came bringing a fifth hoof, and one of the courtiers
said-^'* Mj Lord, an ass has four feet. I never heard that it had
fiye, unless, perhaps, the ass of Christ had five." '* Who knows," the
King replied, '' it may be that this last man has told the truth, and
one of the others was wrong. See that he is paid/' 80 sober was
the King that he would neither look upon nor hear of intoxicants or
stimulants. A potion thst hsd cost 100,000 tankas wss brought to
him* Among the 300 ingredients one was nutmeg. The King direct-
ed the potion to be thrown into a drain. His favourite horse fell
sick. The King ordered it to have medicine, and the horse recovered*
" What medicine was given the horse ? '* asked the King. " The
medicine ordered by the physicians " replied his servants. Fearing
that in this medicine there might be an intoxicant, the King
commanded that the horse should be taken out of the stables and
turned loose into the forest.^®

The King's spirit of peace steeped the land, which, like its rukr,

after thirty years of fighting, yearned for rest. For fourteen years
neither inward malcontent, nor foreign foe broke the quiet* In A.D*
1482 Bahlol Lodi advanced from Dehli to subdue Mdlwa. The talk
of M^ndu was Bahlol's approach, but no whbper of it passed into the
charmed City of Women. At last the son-minbter forced his way
into the King's presence. At the news of pressing danger his soldier
spirit awoke in 6hids-ud-din. Bis orders for meeting the invaders
were so prompt and well-planned that the King of Dehli paid a ran-
som and withdrew. A second rest of fifteen years ended in the son-
minister once more forcing his way into the presence. In A.D. 1500
the son presented his father, now an aged man of eighty, with a cup
of sherhet and told him to drink. The King, whose armlet of bezoar
stone had already twice made poison harmless, drew the stone from
his arm. He thanked the Almighty for granting him, unworthy, the
happiest life that had ever fallen to the lot of man. He prayed that

«(> W4kUt-i-Mosht4ki, in Elliot IV., 664-56. Probably these are stock
tales. The Gajar&t historians give Mazaffar II. (A.D. 1613-1626), credit for
the horse scrupalosity. Sec Mir&bi-Sikandari. Pers. Text, p. 178.

172 mXndu.

th(» liii of hii death might not be laid to hii son's charge, drank the
poiHOii, and died*^

OhiiHi-nd-dtn can hardlj have ihut himself off so completely from
State affairs aa the story-tellers make out. He seems to have been
the firat of the Malwa kings who minted gold* He also introdooed
nen titles and ornaments* which implies an interest in hia coinage.**^
FariHhtah says that Ghias-nd-din used to come out every day for an
hour from his harimy sit on the throne and receive the salutations of
his nobles and subjects, and give orders in all weighty matters of
Stale, lie used to entrust minor affairs to his Ministers ; bat in
all grave matters he was so anxious not to shirk his responsibility
as a ruler, that he had given strict orders that all such commnniealioiM
ahould be made to him at whatever time they came through a parti-
eular tVmale otKi^^r appointed to receive his orders."^

A^vordiug to most accounts Nasir-ud-din was led to poi»n hia
father by an attempt of his younger brother, Shujaat Khan, sap*
ported if uot orgtiuizeil by some of Ghias-ad-din*s favourite wives, to

»^ Byi^^i rari^huOi IV.. 33t$^ : WikUti-Jehiogiri. is EUioc TL, S4M60|
VrAuQi-MiMhukuiuKraoc lV»&;V4-33; Xalcolm* Oocnl India L. K-3C
VtM >liMU-$4ka:»siri v^J^ "^^M^ ^'>^^^ hA* iha followiiac nocwe of Ghia»ad-
Ui¥;~'nM SuUaua s>:* )Liudu ^i r^^Mihed sucii a pitch cf laxnrr aad eaae tbat
U i« \ukpi.'«iub!« K^ iuta^tn*^ au^bc exc«»«»*2iu^ it. Anoai; thaait Saltaa GUA»>
^ J^u wtu «v.^ t\ui^>u<> tV^ hia :u.\'JLrn>u« babit«. thdc at present ;AJ)L 16311) 9
au^ vj^M caw<Kia iu >t\ary auU pI^fasooN shev s^ !i« is a «coad lT%i4rwliHa
r^C' ^^fdlH:s ^ i^o Su*.%4tt wucv tbbas 3lv «v«a3 ^i a pai^if 'il a&suxa^ or one m
mtki<ik Ibtai^ «a« autv >>ujcii ^^ iaJLaiiR», tlwald be Kui3«*«i :q htat. Zbaf M^
itUA tiu^tt^ ^ <Mi*.c^ ■'^u^ %»>«i^ s^t ^ «al ^ATTtre waa ^qIt :w*1« e o nfej ed to
biui. v.Hk>n MilWii ^^ mki iU'^« HoU. aad aia iujicaaer waa b w o if i ia baCbva
b:^ c^HboU ill wiiiv.* );«^-tiKM3«. ^Hi 'hia ^vaaioa »«f S^can ia refaotii tokava
iiui{KN :i*:«i ^ l!>KiK4^'« Vr ^;iA>)a:)01 u« j«*«^:/' This m ^'i b a nam e tka
cttMiWk ^ %^>^ v^^V**^ *^ l>i'a i« 'jbac ^'latt ^2feo aii$baad jf a w«.niuiii <&a% i

^ ^ift^taiA tf^ui^lc^ «w^ y^iuU«»£^.^i. M»v«Ka! fi uc rac= xoa x' '."Tiaauifri.
:% m^ tiai^xnarty '^ w^mc*' .b»a ;•• vino :si*ta:i. i:a 3iiMi«(ier» w«
AHuattttticaa^* -^ '^ y-'*^" ta^v. . .i<cvik^,Hv« Mii&vu ft Mau if .krcur^ ^f
^rgnTi^ /la ut^^a ^* ^ '$*i*t4t«. i'J^l *iKKi«.:vHi.ii^ K' hte'riv'ca 'ly :*?i>k<

V!|^a;»a voa >4.u >» ^-^ ,»«;♦»>

mAndu. 178

oust Nasir-nd-dfii from the succession.^^ In the struggle N^sir-ud-
d{n triumphed and was crownedj^at M^ndu in A. D. 1600.^ The
Bew King left Mdudu to put down a revolt. On his return to
Mandu he devoted himself to debauchery and to hunting down and
murdering his brother's adherents. He subjected his mother,
Khorshid Rani, to great indignities and torture, to force from her
information regarding his father's concealed treasures.^^ In a fit of
drunkenness he fell into a reservoir. He was palled out by four of
his female slaves. He awoke with a headache, aud discovering what
his slaves had done put them to death with his own hand.^^ Some
time after, in A^ D. 1512, he again fell into the reservoir, and there
he was left till he was dead.^^ Nasir-ud-din was fond of building.
His palace at Akbarpi4r, in the Nimdr plain, about twenty miles south
of Mandu, was splendid and greatly admired .^^ And, at Mdndu,
besides his sepulchre^^ which the Emperor Jehangir (A. D. 1617)

>> Farishtah (Per. Text II., 508) datailing bow Kasir-ud-diu came to
power, says : There was a diSorenoe betwen Nasir-ud-dia and his brother
AU-ad-din. The mother of these princes, Khurshid B^i, who was the
daughter of the Hindu chief of Baglana, had taken Ala-ad-diu the younger
brother's aide. After killing his father Nasir-ud-dfn ordered his mother to be
dragged out of the karint and Ala-ud-diu and his children to be slaughtered
like lambs,

»* Brigg's Farishtah IV., 233-39. Farishtah holds that Nasir-ud-din' a
marder of his father is not proved. He adds (Pers. Text II., 515) that
Kasir ud-din was at Dhar, where he had gone to quell the rebellion of the
nobles when the news of Ghias-ud-dln's death reached him. He argues that
88 A patricide cannot flourish more than a year after his father's murder, and
as MABir-ud-din ruled for years after that event, he coald not have killed his
father.

»* Farishtah Pers. Text II., 516.

»« Brigg's Farisht^ IV., 243. The Emperor Jehanglr (Memoirs, Pers.
Text 181) sayB that N^<^ir-ud-din had a disease which made him feel so hot
that ke used to sit for hours in water.

»' "Wikiat i-Jehangiri, in Elliot VI., 350. Farishtah (Pers. Text II.,
617-18) Bays that Nisir-ud-din died of a burning-fever he had contracted by
harddi-inking and other evil habits; that he showed keen penitence before his
death; and bequeathed his kingdom to his third son Mehmud. The Emperor
Jch^nglr (Memoirs Pers. Text 181) confirms the aooount of the Wdki^t as to
the manner of Nasir-ud-din's death.

»" Brigg's Farishtih IV., 243.

•" The Emperor Jehangir thus df^scriljcs (Memoirs Pers. Text 181) bis
visit to Nasir-ud-din's grave. It is related that when during his reign Sher
Khan Afghan Sur (A. D. 15^10-55) vibitcd Nasir-ud-din 's grave he ordered hi«

174 IfXNDQ.

mentions,*^ an inscriplion shews that the palace now known by the
name of Baz Bahadur was built by Nasir-ud-din.

Nasir-ud-din was succeeded by his younger son, Mehm&l
(A. D. 1512-30), who, with the title of Mehmud the Second, was
crowned with great pomp at Mandu. Seven hundred elephants in
gold-embroidered velvet housings adorned the procession .'^ Shortly
after his accession Mehmild II. was driven out of Mdndu by the
revolt of the commandant, MuhAfiz Khun, but was restored by the
skill and courage of Medani Rai, his Bajpik commander-in-chief.^
A still more dangerous combination, Muzaffar II. (A. D. 1511-26)
of Gujarat and Sikandar Shah Lodi (A. D. 1488-1516) of Dehli, waB
baffled by the foresight and energy of the same Rdjpdt geneml.
Mehmud, feeling that his power had passed to the Hindns,
tried to disband the Rajputs and assassinate Med&ni R^i,
Failing in both attempts Mehmild fled from Mandu to Gnjarit^
where he was well received by Sultan Muzaffar (A. D. 1511-26).*'
They advanced together against Mandu, and in A. D. 1519» after

attendants to flagellate the parricido*s tomb. When I visited the sepolohre
I kicked his grave and ordered those with me to do the same. Not satisfied
with this I ordered his bones to be dug oot and burned, and the ashes to be
thrown into the Narba<ia.

■

«o Wdkiat-i-Jehungfri, in Elliot VI., 350. The Emperor Jehinglr (Iffemoin
Pers. Text, 202) refers to the well-known bridpjo and water palaoe, about
three miles north of Ujjain, as tho work of Nasir-ud-din. He says : ''On
Sunday I reached Sar.dalpur near Ujjain. In this village is a river-IioaBe
with a bridge, on which are alcoves, both built by Nasir-ud-dln Khiiji
(A. D. 1500-12). Though tho bridge is not specially praiseworthy, the water-
courses and cisterns connected with it have a certain merit."

« 1 Brigg's Farishtah 1 V., 24«.

«a Brigg's Farishtah IV., 247-49. Mnlcolni (Central India I., 38) writes
the Rajpiis's name Mader<ty. The MirAt-i-Sikuuduri (Poi-s Text, p 149^5
gives ^he form Mcd:'ini R;'ii, tho L(*rd of the Battlo Fi#fld, a title whioh the
author says (p. 149) was conferred on the Eajput by Mehmud in acknowledg-
ment of his jirowess.

•3 The Mij6t-i Sikandari (Pers. Text, 154) gives the following detafle of
Mehmud's flight; Sultau Mehmud, on pretence of hunting, left Mindo and
remained huntin-,' for several days. The Hindus, whom Medani R}'.i bad
placed on guaid oyer him, slept afler the fatigne of the chase- Only some of
the more trusted guards remained. Amoii<^' them was a H&jput named Krishna,
a Malwu zaminddr^ who was attached to ihe Sult:in. Mehmiid said to Krishna;
** Can you find me two horses and »how me the way t<» Gujarit that I may get
aid from Sultdn MuzaTer to puuish ihedo rasuals ? If you can^ do so at onoc^

MiNDU. 175

a close sJege of several months, took the fort by assault. The
Rajput garrison, who are said to have lost 19,000 men, fought to
the last, consecrating the close of their ilefence by a general
javdr or fire sacrifice. Sultan Mehmud entered Mandu close after
the storming party, and while Mehmiid established his authority
in Mandu, Muzafi^er withdrew to Dhdr. When order was
restored Mehmild sent this message to Muzaffar at Dhdr:
** Mandu is a splendid fort. You shoud come and see it." "May
Mandu," Muzafar replied, " bring good fortune to Sultan Mehmdd.
He is the master of the fort. For the sake of the Lord I came
to his help. On Friday I will go to the fortress, and having
read the sermon in MehmiJd's name, will return." On Mnzafi'ar's
arrival in Mdndu Mehmiid gave a great entertainment;** and
Muzaffar retired to Gnjariit, leaving a force of 3,000 Gujaratis to
help to guard the hill.*^ Immediately after Muzafar's departure,
as Sul^tan Mehmud was anxious to recover Chanderi and Qagraun,
which still remained in the possession of Medani Rdi and his
supporters, he marched against them. R^na S^nga of Chitor came
to Medani's aid and a great battle was fought.^ MehmiJd's hastiness

and, Alldh willing, you shall be handsomely rewarded.*' Krishna brought two
horses from the Sultan's stables. Mehmiid rode ou one and seated his dearest
of wives, Rini Kannya Knar, on the other. Krishna marched in front. In
half the night and one day they reached the Gujarat frontier.

«♦ T&Hkh-i-Sher Shdhi, in Elliot IV., 366. The MirAt-i-Sikandari (Per«.
Text, 160) gives the following i details of the entertainment: — Solt^n Mehmtid
showed great hospitality and humility. After the banquet, as he led the
Saltan over the palaces, they came to a mansion, in the centre of which war
a four-cornered building like the Kabbah, carved and guilded, and round it
were many apartments. When Sultan Muzaffar placed his foot within the
threshold of that building the thousand beauties of Sultfcn Mehmud's harem,
magnificently apparelled and ornamented, all at once opened the doors of their
chambers and burst into view like huris and fairies. When Muzaffar*8 eyes
fell on their charms he bowed his head and said : " To see other than one's
own harim is sinful.'' SultAn Mehmud replied : "These are mine, and there-
fore yours, seeing that I am the slave purchased by your Majesty's kindness."
Muzaffar said : ** They are more suitable for you. May you have joy in them.
Let them retire." At a signal from Sultin Mehm6d the ladies vanished.

«» Brigg'sFarishtah IV., 260-62.

«• Parishtah Pers. Text., II., 527. According to the Mirs\t-i-Sikandari
(Pers. Text, IBl), Mehmiid marched against Gagraun first, and slew Hemkaran,
a partisan of Medini Edi, in a hand-to-hand fight. On this the E4na and
Med&ni Rai joined their forces against Mehmud.

176 ifXypg.

le<1 him to attack when his men were weary and the Bijpilts weiv
freah. lu Hpitc of tho greatest bravery on the |iart of himself and
of his ofllcrrH the Musalmnn army was defeated, and Mehmdd
weakoneil hy lo^s of blood, was made prisoner. The R^na S^nga
had Mohniild's wounds dressed, sent him to Ghitor, and on his
recovery released hini.*^

lu A. D. 152(5, by giving protection to his outlawed brother, Ch&nd
Khan, and to Kazi-ul-MuIk, a refugee Gujarat noble* MehmM
bnnight on himself the wrath of Bahadur Shah of Gujarat (A. D. 1526-
15300. Tho oifended Bahadur did not act hastily. He wrote to
Mehmitd, askimi: him to come to his camp snd settle their qnarrelsu
He waited on the Gujarat frontier at Karji Gh:it, east of Binawiira,
until at last satisfied that Mehmild did not wish for a peacefal settle-
ment he advanced on Mandu. Meanwhile Mehmud had repsired the
walla of Mandu« which soon after was invested by BahMur. The

liege was prv^ceetling in res^ular course by mines and batteries, and the
garrisoiit though nve i^-tiixeil. were sciil loyal and in heart» when in
the dim light of morning Mehmdd sudiienly found the Gujarat flag
waving on the beittloments. According to the Mirat-i-Sikaodari^
Vahidur annv\ved by the slow progress of the siege asked his spies
where was the high^s^t ground near Maudu. The spies »id : T<h
wards Sougad-Chicor the hill is extremely high. Witbafew followers
the Sultan sotUevl SongavU and rushing doviv che slope, bursl throogk
ike wallaiid tix>k the fv>rt v. May :Ivth, lo*.26).^ Mehmud sarrenderrd.
Near IVbav). vui his way to hts priKm at ChampAnir. an attempt wm
IMSde Co nfscue Mehtuud, av.d tv^ prevent their escape he and some of
kis sous were slain and burievi on the bd:;k oi t'-^e Pohad tank.^
Eabuikdur s^'^nt the Tai:\v seasoa v. June- October lo^o' in Maada, and
M alwa w as iuvv • uor^ihf o « •. : a ii u *4 r.* t.

M»udu Tv.ra.*j<d uaoer Viu;ifcr:i5, tu. iu A. P. IS'-;^^ after Babidnr'a
de(«*««t ^y lli:tiMy.-i *: Xlaao^sor, KiaAr:.r retired to Mandn.
H U'lb* y - iJt t"or.o>* vd. A : '.i • j:^ : -C «.' o : : : u - • : j. y - u " s jcic i^yrs went to the
Kw)l o: 'ih< K^^T^^i^ *^\.vru vj: :.» FArt3c::*>. :ae sccztb-wess hefcht of
Ss'tt^pur* S wVv*^ Kwlii^r Xld*u•\^'".s^^i Mtb^^c* £«rr*tfcn» seal*

• mXndu. 177

the walls by ladders and ropes, opened the gate, and let others in.
Mallu Khdn, the commandant of the batteries, a native of Mdlwa, who
afterwards gained the title of Eddir Shdb, went to Bahddur and
wakened him. Bah£dar rushed out with four or five attendants.
He was joined by about twenty more, and reaching the gate at the
top of the maiddn^ apparently the Tdrdpiir gate by which Humdydn's
men had entered, cut through 200 of Humdyiin's troops and went off
with Mallu Khdn to the fort of Songad, the citadel of Mdndu.
While two of Bahddilr's chiefs, Sadr Khdn and Snltdn Alam Lodi,
threw themselves into Songad, Bahddur himself let his horses dbwn
the cli:fiE by ropes and after a thousand difficulties made his way to
Chdmpdnlr.73 On the day after Bahadur^s escape Sadr Khdn
and Sultan Alam Lodi came out of Sonj^ad and surrendered to
HumaviJn.73

In the following year (A.D. 1535) the combined news of Sher Shdh's
revolt in Bengal, and of the defeat of his officers at Broach and Cam-
bay, forced Humdydn to retire from Gujdrdt. As he preferred its
climate he withdrew, not to Agra, but to Mdndu .7* From Mdndu, as
fortune was against him in Bengal, Humdydn went (A. D. 1535-36)
to Agra.

On HumdytSn's departure three chiefs attempted to establish
themselves at Mdndn : Bhtjpat Bdi, the ruler of Bij^gar, sixty nniles
south of Mdndu ; Mallu Khdn or Kddir Shdh, the former commandant
from Gujardt; and Mirdn Muhammad Fdrdki from Burhdnptir.^*^
Of these three Mallu Khan was successful. In A. D. 1536, when
HumdytSn fied from Bher Shdh to Persia, Mallu spread his power
from Mdndu to Ujjain, Sdrangpdr, and Rantambhor, assumed the
title of Kddir Shdh Mdlwai, and made Mdndu his capital. Some time
after, Sher Shdh, who was now supreme, wrote to Mallu Kddir Shdh,
ordering him to co-operate in expelling the Mughals. Kddir Shdh
resenting this assumption of over-lord^hip, addressed Sher Shdh as an

7 3 Abul Fazl'B Akbar N&mab, in Elliot VI., 14 ; Brigg's Farishtah II., 77.

»« Abal Fazl's Akbar Ndmah.ir. Elliot V., 192.

»♦ Abul Fazl's Akbar N4mah, in Elliot YI., 15 ; Brigg's Farishtah XL, 80-81.

»» Abul Fazl's Akbar N^mah iu Elliot VI., 18. According to Farishtah
(Fera. Text II., 632) Mallu, the srin ol* Mallu, wua a native of Malwa and a
Khilji slave noble. Mallu received his title of Kad'r Sh^h from Sultan Mehmud
III. of Gujarat (A. D. 1536-1544) at the reoouimeiKlatiou of his minister
Im&d-ul-Mulk who was a great friend of Mallu, Mir&t-i-Sikandari, Peraiao
Text, p. 298.

178 mIndu.

inferior. When Sher Shah received Mallu's order he folded it and
placed it in the scabhard of his poniard to keep the indignity fresh
in his mind. Allah willing, he said, we shall ask an explanation for
this in person.7« In A. D. 1542 (H. 949) as Kddir Shdh failed to
act with Kutb Khan, who had been sent to establish Sher Shah's
over-lordship in M^lwa, Sher Shah advanced from Gwilior towards
Mandu with the object of punishing Kiidir Shiih.^^ As he knew he
could not stand against Sher Shah, Kadir Shah went to SdrangpiSr
to do homage. Though on arrival Kadir Shah was well received, his
kingdom was given to Shujaat Khan, one of Sher Shdh's chief
followers, and himself placed in Shujaat Khan's keeping.^® Suspicions
of what might be in store for him Kadir Shah fled to Gujardt. Sher
Shah was so much annoyed at Shujaut Khan's remissness in not
preventing Kadir Shah's escape that he transferred the command at
Dhar and Mandu from Shujaat Khan to Hdji Khan and Jnnaid Khdn.
Shortly after Kadir Shah brought a force from Gujarat and attacked
Mandu. Shujaat came to Hdji Khan's help and routed Kadir Shdh
under tho walls of Mandu. In reward Sher Shah made him ruler of
the whole country of Mandu.^^ Shujaat Khan established his head-
quarters at Mandu with 10,000 horse and 7,000 matchlockmen.
During the reign of Sher Shah's successor, Selim Shah (A, D.

»• Farishtah Pets. Text II., 532.

77 Tdrikh-i-Sher Shdhi, in Elliot 17., 891 ; Brigg's Farishtah IV., 271-72.

7s Farishtah (Pers. Text, 533-34) refers to the following oiroamstanceB

tho oanso of K&dir Sh&h's suspicion. On his way to Sher Shah*s Darb&r at

Ujjaiu Kddir saw some Mughal prisoners in chains making a road. One of the

prisoners seeing him began to sing : —

** Mard mi bin darinahwdl ofikri Ichithtnn mi Icun ! **
In this plight thou seest me to-day,
Thine own turn is not far away.
When K4dir Shah escaped, Sher Shdh on hearing of his flight exclaimed-^

Bd md chi kard didi
MalU Qhuldm-i-gidi ?
Thus he treats us with scurn,
Mallu the slave base bom.
To this one of Sher Shah's men replied :

Kaul-i-Basiil bar hah
Ld khairJU Abidi.
Tho words of the Prophet are true,
No good can a slave ever do.
7« Tarkh-i-Sher Sh6hi in Elliot IV., 397.

UAMIU. 17P

1545-53), Shujart was forced to leave Malwa and seek shelter in
Dungarpur. ISelim pardoned Shujdat, but divided Mdlwa among
other nobles. Shujdat remained in Hindustan till in A. D. 1553, on
the accession of Selim's successor, Adali, he recovered Mdlwa, and in
A. D, 1554, on the decay of Adali's power, assumed independence.^^
He died almost immediately after, and was succeeded by his eldest
son, Malik Bayazid.^^ Shujdat Khan was a great builder. Besides
his chief works at Shujawalpiir, near Ujjain, he left many memorials
in different parts of Malwa.^^ So far none of the remains at Mdndu
are known to have been erected during the rule of Shujdat Khdn.

On the death of his father Malik Bavazid killed his brother
Daulat Khdn, and was crowned in A. D. 1555 with the title of B^z
Bahadur. He attacked the Gonds, but met with so crushing a
defeat that he foreswore fighting .^3 He g^ve himself to enjoyment,
and became famous as a musician,^^ and for his poetic love of Kilp
Mani or Riip Mati, who, according to one account, was a wise and
beautiful courtezan of Saharanpiir in Northern India, and according
to another was the daughter of a Nimdr Rajpilt, the master of the
town of Dharampuri.®^ In A. D. 1560 Pir Muhammad, a general
of Akbnr's, afterwards ennobled as Khan Jehan, defeated Biiz
Bahadur, drove him out of Mandu, and made the hill his own
headquarters,®* In the following year (A. D. 1561), by the help
of the Berar Chief, Pir Muhammad was slain and Baz Bahadur
re-instated. On news of this defeat (A. D. 1562) Akbar sent Abdullah
Khdn Uzbak with almost unlimited power to re*conqner the provmce.
Abdullah was successful, but as he showed signs of as8un)ing
independence Akbar moved against him and be fled to Gujarut.^^

80 T&rkh-i-Alfi in Elliott V., 168 ; Elphiustone's India, 402-403.

8i T&rkh-i-Alfi in Eiliott V., 168.

«« Brigg»B Fariehtah IV., 276.

"* When Jidz Bahidur attacked the Gonda their chief was dead, and his
widow, Bani Durgavati, was ruling in his plaoe. The Eaui led the Gonds
•gainst the invaders, and hemming them in one of the passes, inflicted on
them suoh a defeat that biZ 13ah<;dui' fled from the field, leaving his baggage
and camp in her hands, Farishtah Pei-s. Text II., 53b.

«♦ According to Farishtah (I'ers. Text II., 638) Baz Bahadur was already
an adept in musio.

«» Malcolm's Central India I., 39 ; Ruins of Mandu. 30.
»• Brigg's Farishtah II., 210.

■^ Blochmau's Aiu i-Akbari, 32l.

180 MANDU.

Akbar remained in Mandu during the greater part of tiie following
rains (A. D. 1503), examining with interest the buildings erected by
the Khilji kings.^^ At Mandu Akbar married the daughter of Mlran
Mabarak Khan of Khandesh.^^ When Akbar left (August, 1564)>
he appointed Karra Bahadur Khan governor of Manda and returned
to Agra.^ In A. D. 1568 the Mirzas, Akbar^s cousins, flying from
Gujardt, attacked Ujjain. From Ujjain they retreated to Mandu and
failing to make any impression on the fort withdrew to Gnjardt.*^
The Mfrzas' fnilure was due to the ability of Akbar's general, Haji
Muhammad Khan, to whomtAkbar granted the province of Manda.**
At the same time (A. D. 1568) the command of Mdndu Hill was
entrusted to Shah Bndagh Khan who continued commandant of the
fort till his death many years later. During his command, in a
picturesque spot overlooking a well-watered ravine, in the south of
Mandu, between the Sagar Lake and the Tarapur Gateway, Budigh
Khan built a pleasure-house, which he named, or rather perhaps
which he continued to call, Nilkanth or Blue Throat. This lodge is
interesting from the following inscriptions, which show that the
Emperor Akbar more than once rested within its walls.®^

The inscription on the small north arch of Nilkanth, dated A. D.
1674, runs: —

(Call it not waste) to spend yonr life in water and earth (t. e., in bnilding).

If perchance a man of mind for a moment makes jour house his lodging.

Written by Shfih Budigh Khan in the year A. 11. 982-87. p*

The inscription on the great southern arch of Nilkanth, dated
A. D. 1574, runs: —

This pleasant building was completed in the reign of the great Saltan, the

s« Brigg'e Farishtah IV., 211. ^

»» Brigg's Fariehtah IV., 216.

90 Tabakat-i-Akbari, Elliot V., 291,

91 Tabakat i-Akbari v., 330-31.
o< Blochman^s Ain-i-Akbari, 875.

»s The Emperor Jehangir thus describes (Memoirs, Pers. Text. 372) a risit
to this building. On the third day of Amardnd (July, 1617), with the palace
ladies 1 pet out to see Nilkanth, which is one of the pleasantest places in
Mandu fort. Shah Bud^gh Khan, who \«as one of the trusted nobles of my
august father, built this very pleasing and joy-giving lodge during the time
he held this province in fief (A. D. 1572-77). I remained at Kilkanth till
about an hour after nightfall and then returned to my State quarters.

«♦ An officer who distinguished himself under Humayun, one of Akbar 'i
Commanders of Three Thousand, long (jovernor of Miindu, where he died.
Blochman's Ain-i-Akbari, 372.

MANDU. 181

most muniAoent and just Khakan, the Lord of thd countries of Arabia and
Persia, ** the shadow of God on the two earths, the ruler of the sea and of the
land, the exalter of the standards of those who war on the side of Gk)d, Abu
Fatah J^al-ud-dfn Huhanunad Akbar, the warrior king, may his dominion
and his kingdom be everlasting.
Written hy Farid6n Husein, son of Hatim-al-ward , in the year ▲. h. 982.^^
The inscription on the right wall of Nilkantb, dated A. D. 1591-92,
runs : —

In the year A. H. 1000, when on his way to the conquest of the
Bakhan, the slaves of the Exalted Lord of the Earth, the holder of
the sky-like Throne, the shadow of Allah (the Emperor Akbar), passed
by this place.
That time wastes your home cease, Soul, to complain,
Who will not scorn a complalner so vain ;
From the story of others this wisdom derive
Ere naught of thyself but stories survive.
The inscription on the left wall of Nilkanth, dated A.D. 1600,
runs : —

The (Lord of the mighty Presence) shadow of All^, the Emperor Akbar,
after the conquest of the Dakhan and D^des (Ehandesh) in the year A.H.
1009| set out for Hind (Northern India). •

May the name of the writer last for ever !
At dawn and at eve I have watched an owl sitting
On the lofty wall- top of Shlrw^n Sh^'s Tomb.»7
The owl's plaintive hooting convey* d me this warning
<' Here pomp, wealth, and greatness lie dumb."
In A.D, 1573, with the rest of Malwa, Akbar handed Mandu to
Muzaifur III., the dethroned ruler of Gujarat. It seems doubtful if
Muzaffar ever visited his new territory. ^^ On his second defeat in
A.D. 1562, Bdz Bahadur retired to Gondwdna, where he remained, his
power gradually waning, till in A. D. 1570 he paid homage to the
Emperor and received the command of 2,000 horse. ^^ His decoration

9i When opposed to Arab the word ijam signifies all countries except
Arabia, and in a narrow seDse, Persia. The meaning of the word A jam is
dumbness, the Arabs so glorying in the richness of their own tongue as to hold
all other countries and nations dumb.

V* The stones on which this inscription is oarved have been wrongly arranged
by some restorer. Those with the latter portion of the inscription come first
and those with the beginning come last. Munshi Abdur Rahlm of Dhkr,

*' The maternal unole of Naushiraw&n (A.D. 539-576) the S&ss&nian, Shlrwin
Sh&h was ruler of a district on Mount Canoasus. Al-Masildi, Arab Text
Prairies d'Or II., 4, and Baozatus-Safa, Persian Text 1., 259.

<»« Blochmau*8 Afn-i-Akbari, 353.

•» Brigg's Farishtah IV., 279.

1 70 mAndu.

details have been preserved. This Abode of Pleasure was acity. not
a palaoe. It contained 15,000 inhabitants, all of them women, none
either old or plain featured, and each trained to some profession or
craft* Among^ them were the whole officers of a courts and besides
courtiers, teachers, musicians, dancers, prayer readers, embroiderersy
and followers of all crafts and callinf^s. W henever the King heard
of a beautiful girl he never rested till he obtained her. This city
of women had its two regiments of guards, the Archers and the
Carabineers, each 500 strong, its soldiers dressed like men in a
distinguishing uniform. The Archers were beautiful young Turki
damsels, all armed with bows and arrows: the Carabineers were
Abyssinian maidens, each carrying a carbine. Attached to the palao^
and city was a deer park, where the Lord of Leisure used to hmit
with his favourites. £a«h dweller in the city of women received her
daily dole of grain and coppers, and besides the women were many
pensioners, mice, parrots, and pigeons, who also received the same
dole as their owners. So evenly just was 6hias-ud-din in the matter
of his allowances, that the prettiest of his favourites received the same
allowance as the roughest Carabineer>^

The Lord of the City of Pleasure was deeply religious. Whenever
he was amusing himself two of his companions held in front of him
a cloth to remind him of his shroud. A thousand HdfiedhSf that is
women who knew the Kuradn by heart, constantly repeated its holy
verses, and* under the orders of the King, whenever he changed hii
raiment the Hdfizdhs blew on his body from head to foot with thair
prayer-hallowed breath.^7 None of the five daily prayers passed
unprayed. If at any of the hours of prayer the King was asleep he
was sprinkled with water, and when water failed to arouse him» he
was dragged out of bed. Even when dragged out of bed by his
servants the King never uttered an improper or querulous word.

So keen was his sense of justice, that when one of his courtien,
pretending he had purchased her, brought to him a maiden of
ideal beauty, and her relations, not knowing she had been gmtk
to the King, came to complain, though they gladly resigned her,
the King grieved oyer his unconscious wrong. Besides paying
compensation he mourned long and truly, and ordered that no
more inmates should be brought to his palace.*® S o great wa s

•• Pariahtah Pere. Text II„ 504-506.
♦^ Pariahtah Pers. Text II., 505.
«9 Farishtali Pers. Text II., 607.

MiNDU. 171

thd King's charity that every night below his pillow he placed
a bag containing some thousand gold-mohurs, and before the next
evening all were distributed to the deserving. 80 religious was the
King that he paid 50,000 tankas for each of the four feet of the ass of
Christ. A man came bringing a fifth hoof, and one of the courtiers
said — '' My Lord, an ass has four feet. I never heard that it had
five, unless, perhaps, the ass of Christ had five." ^' Who knows," the
King replied, '* it may be that this last man has told the truth, and
one of the others was wrong. See that he is paid." 60 sober was
the King that he would neither look upon nor hear of intoxicants or
stimulants. A potion that had cost 100,000 tankas was brought to
him. Among the 300 ingredients one was nutmeg. The King direct-
ed the potion to be thrown into a drain. His favourite horse fell
sick. The King ordered it to have medicine, and the horse recovered.
" What medicine was given the horse?" asked the King. **The
medicine ordered by the physicians " replied his servants. Fearing
that in this medicine there might be an intoxicant, the King
commanded that the horse should be taken out of the stables and
turned loose into the forest.^®

The King's spirit of peace steeped the land, which, like its ruler,
after thirty years of fighting, yearned for rest. For fourteen years
neither inward malcontent, nor foreign foe broke the quiet. In A.D.
1482 Bahlol Lodi advanced from Dehli to subdue Mdlwa. The talk
of M^ndu was BahloPs approach, but no whisper of it passed into the
charmed City of Women. At last the son-minister forced his way
into the King's presence. At the news of pressing danger his soldier
spirit awoke in Ghids-ud-din. Bis orders for meeting the invaders
were so prompt and well-planned that the King of Dehli paid a ran-
som and withdrew. A second rest of fifteen years ended in the son-
minister once more forcing his way into the presence. In A.D. 1500
the son presented his father, now an aged man of eighty, with a cup
of sherbet and told him to drink. The King, whose armlet of bezoar
stone had already twice made poison harmless, drew the stone from
his arm. He thanked the Almighty for granting him, unworthy, the
happiest life that had ever fallen to the lot of man. He prayed that

*« W^kiHt-i-Masht^ki, in ElUot IV., 654-56. Probably these are stock
tales. The Gajar&t historians give Mazaffar II. (A.D. 1513-1526X credit for
the iiorse sompalositj. See Mirati-Sikandari. Pers. Text, p. 178.

1 70 mAndu*

details have been preserved. This Abode of Pleasare was acity^ not
a palace. It contained 15,000 inhabitants, all of them women, none
either old or plain featured, and each trained to some profession or
craft. Among^ them were the whole officers of a courts and besides
courtiers, teachers, musicians, dancers, prayer readers, embroiderers,
and followers of all crafts and callinji^s. W henever the King heard
of a beautiful girl he never rested till he obtained her. This dty
of women had its two regiments of guards, the Archers and the
Carabineers, each 500 strong, its soldiers dressed like men in a
distinguishing uniform. The Archers were beautiful yoong Turki
damsels, all armed with bows and arrows: the Carabineers were
Abyssinian maidens, each carrying a carbine. Attached to the palaoe
and city was a deer park, where the Lord of Leisure used to hunt
with his favourites. Each dweller in the city of women received her
daily dole of grain and coppers, and besides the women were many
pensioners, mice, parrots, and pigeons, who also received the same
dole as their owners. So evenly just was Ghids-ud-din in the matter
of his allowances, that the prettiest of his favourites received the same
allowance as the roughest Carabineer.^^

The Lord of the City of Pleasure was deeply religious. Whenever
he was amusing himself two of his companions held in front of him
a cloth to remind him of his shroud. A thousand Hafizdhst that is
women who knew the Kuradn by heart, constantly repeated its holy
verses, and, under the orders of the King, whenever he changed hif
rument the Hdfizdhs blew on his body from head to foot with thdr
prayer-hallowed breath.^^ None of the five daily prayers passed
unprayed. If at any of the hours of prayer the King was asleep he
was sprinkled with water, and when water failed to arouse him» he
was dragged out of bed. Even when dragged out of bed by hii
servants the King never uttered an improper or querulous word.

So keen was his sense of justice, that when one of his coiirtienp
pretending he had purchased her, brought to him a maiden of
ideal beauty, and her relations, not knowing she had been given
to the King> came to complain, though they gladly resigned beTy
the King grieved over his unconscious wrong. Besides paying
compensation he mourned long and truly, and ordered that no
more inmates should be brought to his palace.^^ So great was

♦• Fariahtah Pers. Text II„ 504-506.
♦7 Farishtah Pers. Text II., 505.
«s FariBhtak Pers. Text II., 507.

uriNDU. 171

thd King's charity that every night below his pillow he placed
a bag containing some thousand gold-mohurs, and before the next
eTening all were distributed to the deserving. 80 religious was the
King that he paid 50,000 tankas for each of the four feet of the ass of
Christ. A man came bringing a fifth hoof, and one of the courtiers
said-^'' My Lord, an ass has four feet. I never heard that it had
five, unless, perhaps, the ass of Christ had five." ^' Who knows," the
King replied, '* it may be that this last man has told the truth, and
one of the others was wrong. See that he is paid." 60 sober was
the King that he would neither look upon nor hear of intoxicants or
stimulants. A potion that had cost 100,000 tankas was brought to
him. Among the 300 ingredients one was nutmeg. The King direct-
ed the potion to be thrown into a drain. His favourite horse fell
sick. The King ordered it to have medicine, and the horse recovered.
" What medicine was given the horse?" asked the King. **The
medicine ordered by the physicians " replied his servants. Fearing
that in this medicine there might be an intoxicant, the King
commanded that the horse should be taken out of the stables and
turned loose into the forest.^®

The King's spirit of peace steeped the land, which, like its ruler,
after thirty years of fighting, yearned for rest. For fourteen years
neither inward malcontent, nor foreign foe broke the quiet. In A.D.
1482 Bahlol Lodi advanced from Dehli to subdue Mdlwa. The talk
of M^ndu was Bahlol's approach, but no whisper of it passed into the
charmed City of Women. At last the son-minister forced his way
into the King's presence. At the news of pressing danger his soldier
spirit awoke in Ghi^s-ud-din. Bis orders for meeting the invaders
were so prompt and well-planned that the King of Dehli paid a ran-
som and withdrew. A second rest of fifteen years ended in the son-
minister once more forcing his way into the presence. In A.D. 1500
the son presented his father, now an aged man of eighty, with a cup
of sherbet and told him to drink. The King, whose armlet of bezoar
stone had already twice made poison harmless, drew the stone from
his arm. He thanked the Almighty for granting him, unworthy, the
happiest life that had ever fallen to the lot of man. He prayed that

*• W^kUt-i-Masht^ki, in ElUot IV., 654-56. Probably these are stock
tales. The Gajar&t historians give Mazaffar II. (A.D. 151d-1526X credit for
thehorsesortipaloBitj. See Mirati-Sikandari. Pers. Text, p. 178.

18G MANDU,

with her gun. I said "Be it so." In a trice she killed these four
tigers with six bullets. I had never seen such shooting. To shoot
from the back of an elephant from within a closed hfjwdah and
bring down with six bullets four wild beasts without giving
them an opportunity of moving or springing is wonderful. In
acknowledgment of this capital marksmanship I ordered a thousand
ashrafis (Rs. 4,500) to be scattered^o^ over Nur Jehan and granted,
her a pair of ruby wristlets worth a lakh of rupees.^**

Of the mangoes of Mandu, Jehangir says : — In these days many
mangoes have come into my fruit stores from the Dakhan, fiurh^nptir,
Gujarat, and the districts of Mulwa. This country is famous for ita
pangoes. There are few places the mangoes of which can rival those
of this country in richness of flavour, in sweetness, in freedom from
fibre, and in sizc^®^

The rains set in with unusual severity. Eain fell for forty days
continuously. With the rain were severe thunderstorms, accom-
panied by^ightuing which injured some of the old buildings.^^^ His
account of the beauty of the hill in July, when clear sunshine followed
the forty days of rain, is one of the pleasantest passages in Jehang{r*8
Memoirs : What words of mine can describe the beauty of the grass
and of the wild flowers ! Tliey clothe each hill and dale, each slope
and plain. I know of no place so pleasant in climate and so pretty
in scenery as Mandu in the rainy season. This month of July which
is one of the months of the hot season, the sun being in Loo, one
cannot sleep within the house without a coverlet, and during the day
there is no need for a fan. What I have noticed is but a small part
of the many beauties of Miindu. Two things I have seen here which

107 This scattering of gold, silver, or^copper coin, called in Arabic and
Peraaiu nisar, is a common form of offering. The influence of Ihe evil eye,
or other baneful influence, is believed to be transferred from the person ever
virhom the coin is scattered to the coin, and through the coin to him who
takes it.

los xhis feat of Ni!ir Jehan's drew from one of the Ooart poet» the couplet ;

Niir Jehdn gar chih la surat zanatt
Dar safi Marddn zani sher ajkanaat,
Nur Jehin the tiger-slayer *8 woman
Kanks with men as the tigcr-sl&ying woman,
Sherafkan, that is tiger-slayer, was the title of N6r Jehin'sfirsthnaband^
Ali Kuli-lstajlu.

io» Tuzuk.i-Jekunglri, IVrs. Text, 187.
110 TuBuk-i-Jehaugiri, Pers. Text, 189.

mIndu. 187

I had seen nowhere in India. One of them is the tree of the wild
plantain which grows all over the bill- top, the other is the nest of the
mamotah 6r wagtail. Till now no bird-catcher could tell its nest.
It 80 happened that in the building where I lodged we found a
wagtail's nest with two young ones. '

The following additional entries in the Memoirs belong to Jehdngir's
stay at Miindu. Among the presents submitted by Mahabatkhdn,
who received the honour of kissing the ground at Mandu, Jehdngir
describes a ruby weighing eleven miskdls,^^^ He says : — This ruby
was brought to Ajmere last year by a Frankish jeweller who wanted
two lakhs 6f rupees fpr it. M ab;lbatkh^n bought it at Burhdnpdr for
one lakh of rnpees.^^

On the 1st of Tir^ the fourth month of the Persian year (15th
May, 1617), the Hindu chiefs of the neighbourhood came to pay
their respects and present their tribute. The Hindu chief of Jaitpdr
in the neighbourhood of Mandu, through his evil fortune, did not
come to kiss the threshold.^^' For this reason I ordered Fiddikhdn to
•pillage the Jaitpur country at the bead of thirteen officers and font
or five hundred matchlockmen. On the approach of Fidafkhdn the
chief fied. He is now reported to regret his past conduct and to
intend to come to the Court and make his submission. On the 9th
of Ydvj the sixth month of the Persian calendar (late July A.D.
1617), 1 heard that while raiding the lands of the chief of Jaitpdr,
Ruh-ul-Iah, the brother of Fidaikhan, was slain with a lance in the
village where the chiefs wires and children were in hiding. The
.village was burned, and the women and daughters of the rebel chief
were taken captives.^^*

The beautiful surroundings of the Sagar Lake offered to the elegant
taste of Nur Jeh^n a fitting opportunity for honouring the Shab-r-
Barat or Night of Jubilee with special illuminations. The Emperor
.describes the result in these words:— On the evening of Thursday
the 19th of Amarddd, the fifth month of the Persian year (early July,
A. D. 1617), I went with the ladies of the palace to see the bnildings
and palaces on the Sagar Lake which were built by the old Kings of

1 ^^ The miakdl which was nsed in weighing gold was eqaal in weight to 96
barley corns.-' — BIochman'R A(n-i-Akbari, 36.
iia Tazuk-i-Jehdngiri, Pers. Text, 195.
»»» Tozuk-i-Jehanglri, Pers. Text, 195,
»»* Tuzuk-i-Jehangiri, Pers. Text, 19219 J.

188 mIndu.

Manda. The 2Gth of Amarddd (nhovii mid Julv) was the Shab-i-Barafe
holiday. I ordered a jubilee or assembly of joy to be held on the
occasion in one of the palaces occupied by Ndr Jehdn Begara in the
midst of the big lake. Tbe nobles and others were invited to attend
this party which was organized by the Begam« and I ordered the cap
and other intoxicants with various fruits and minced meats to be
given to all who wished them. It was a wonderful gathering. As
evening set in, the lanterns and lamps gleaming along the banks of tht
lake made an illumination such as never had been seen. Tbe
countless lights with which the palaces and buildings were ablaie
shining on the lake made the whole surface of the water appear to
be on fire.115

The Memoirs continue: On Sunday, the 9th of Yur^ the sixth Persian
month (late July), I went with the ladies of the palace to the quarters
of Asaf Khan, Nijr Jehan's brother, the second son of Mirxa Ghiis
Beg. I found Asaf Khan lodged in a glen of great benuty surrounded
by other little vales and dells with waterfalls and running streamlets
and green fresh and shady mango groves. In one of these dells were
from two to three hundred sweet pandanus or leewda trees. I passed
a very happy day in this spot and got up a wine party with some
of my lords-in-waiting, giving them bumpers of wine.^^® Two
months later (early September) Jehangir has the following entry ^^'
regarding a visit from his eldest son and heir. Prince Khurram,
afterwards the Emperor Shah Jehin, who had lately brought the war
in the Dakhan to a successful close. On the 8th of the month of
Mdh of the year H. 1026 (according to Roe, September 2nd, 1617X
my son of exalted name obtained the good fortune of waiting upon
me in the fort of Mandu after three-quarters and one ghadi of the
day had passed, that is about half an hour after sunrise. He had
been absent fifteen months and eleven days. After he had performed
the ceremonies of kissing the ground and the hurnish or prostrationt
I called him up to my hfij vr'indow or jharokah. In a transport of
affection I could not restrain myself from getting up and taking him
into my arms. The mare I increased tbe measure of affection and
honours the more humility and respect did he show. I called him
near me and made him sit by me. He submitted a thousand ashrafis

»>» Tuznk-i-Jehangiri, Pers. Text, 190.
ii» Tuzuk-i-Johinglri, Tcra. Text, 192.
»»' Tuzuk-I-Jehangfri, Pers. Text, I94.5u

m1nd0. 1 8S

(Rs. 4,500) and a thousand rupees as a gift or naxar and the same
Amount RS sacrifice or nisdr. As there was not time for me to
insfiect nil his presents he produced the elephant Sarndk, the best of
the elephants of Adil Khan of fif jdpdr. He also gave me a case fnll
of the rarest precious stones. I ordered the military paymasters to
make presents to his nobles according to their rank. The first to
come was Khan Jehan, whom I allowed the honour of kissing my
feet. For his victory over the Runa of Chitor I had before granted
to my fortunate child Khurram the rank of a commander of 20,000
with 10,000 horse. Now for his service in the Dakhan I made him
a commander of 30,000 and 20,000 horse with the title of Shdh
Jehun. I also ordered that henceforward he should enjoy the
privilege of sitting on a stool near my throne, an honour which did
not exist and is the first of its kind granted to anyone in my family
I further granted him a special dress. To do him honour I came
down from the window, and with my own hand scattered over his
bead as sacrifice a tray full of precious stones as well as a large tray
full of gold.

Jehdngir's last Mandu entry is this: — On the night of Friday in
the month of Ab^n (October 24th, 1617) in all happiness and good
fortune I marched from Mundu and halted on the bank of the lake
at Naalchah.

Jehdngir*s stay at Mandu is referred to by more than one English
traveller. In March 1617, the Rev. Edward Terry, chaplain to the
Right Honourable Sir T. Roe, Lord Ambassador to the Great
Mughal,H;ame to Mandn from Burhanpur in east Khandesh.^^® Terry
crossed a broad river, the Narbada, at a great town called Anchabar-
piir (Akbarpiir)ii® in the Nimar plain not far south of Mandu hilK
The way up, probably by tae Bhairav pass, a few miles east of
Manj^u, seemed to Terry exceeding long. The ascent was very
difficult, taking the carriages, apparently meaning coaches and
wagons, two whole days.i*' Terry found the hill of Mandu stuck

i»« A Voyage to Bast India, 181, Terry gives April 1616, but Boe seems
correot in saying March 1617. Compare W4kiat-i-Jehdngiri in Elliot VI., 351.

* » » Akbarpiir lies between Dharampnrt and Waisiar, Maloolm's Central
India I., 84, note.

I'o Carriages may have the old meaning of things carried, that is baggage.

The time taken favours the view that waggons or oarts were forced up the hill.

For the early seventeenth oentury use of carriages in its modern sense compare

Terry (Voyajj^e 161), Of our waggons drawn with oxen , . . . and other

190 mAndu.

round with fair trees that kept their distance 6o> one firom and belf
the other, that there was much delight in beholding them from eitb
the bottom or the top of the hill. From one side only was the asoe
not very high and steep. The top was flat plain and spacious wi
vast and far'^stretching woods in which were lions» tigers, ai
other beasts of prey and many wild elephants. Terry passed throiij
MandtL a few days' march across a plain and level country^ apparec
ly towards Dh^r, where he met the Lord Ambassador, Sir Thoni
Roe, who had summoned Terry from Sdrat to be his chaplain, f
Thomas Roe was then marching from Ajmir to MAnda with tl
Court of the Emperor Jehangfr, whom Terry calls the Great King.
On the drd of March, says Roe, the Mughal was to have enter
M^ndn. But all had to wait for the good hour fixed by the astrol
gers. From the 6th of March, when he entered Maudu, till the 24
of October, the Emperor Jehdngir, with Sir Thomas Roe in aitendanc
remained at Mandu.^^^ According to Roe before the Mughal visit
Mdndu the hill was not much inhabited, having more ruins by f
than standing houses.^^^ But the moving city that accompanied tl
emperor soon overflowed the hilltop. According to Roe Jehdngix
own encampment was walled round half a mile in circuit in the fox
of a fortress, with high screens or curtains of coarse stuff*, somewh
like Aras hangings, red on the outside, the inside divided into coi

oarriages we made a ring every night ; also Dodsworth (1614), who deooril
a band of B&jp\!ita near Baroda entting off two of his carriages (Kerr's Yoyac
jX., 303) ; and Roe (1616), who joornejed from {^jmir to M&ndn with twen
camels, four oarts, and two ooaches (Kerr IX., 308). Terry^s carriages sec
to be Roe's coaches, to which Dela Valle (A.D. 1623) (Haklyts' Edition I., S
refers as roach like the Indian chariots described by Strabo (B.C. 60) oovetr
with crimson silk fringed with yellow about the roof and the curtains. Coi
paro Idrisi (A.D. 1100-1150, bnt prolably frc m Al IstRlrhiri A,D. 900, BI
I., 87). In all Nahrwala or north Gujarat the only mode of carrying fitb
passengers or goods is in chariots drawn by oxen with harness and trtc
nnder the control of a driver. When in A.D. 1616 Jehanglr left Ajmlr for H^i
the English carriage presented to him by the English Ambassador, SirThom
Boo, was allotted to the Sult^nah Niir Jeh&n Begani. It was driven by
English coachman. Jehcingir followed in the coach his own men had made
imitation of the English coach. Corryat (1615 Orndities III. Letter* frc
India, unpaged) oalls the English chariot a gallant coa^h of 150 poonda price

i« I Kerr*8 Voyages IX., 385. "W4kidt-i-Jehangiri in Elliot VI., 377.

' * 2 Roe writing from Ajmir in the previous year (29th Augu8t,16l6) describ
M&udu as a castle un a hill, where there is no town and no buildings, Kerr U
267.

mXnpu. 191

partments with a varietj of figures. This enclosure had a handsome
gateway and the circuit was formed into various coins and bulwarks.
The post^ that, supported the curtains were all surmounted with brass
tops.^^ Besides the emperor^s encampment were the noblemen's
quarters, each at an appointed distance from the king's tents »
▼ery handsome, some having their tents green, others white,
others of mixed colours. The whole composed the most curious
and magnificent sight Roe had ever beheld.^^ The hour taken
by Jeh^ngfr in passing ifrom the Dehli Gate to his own
quarters, the two English miles from Roe's lodge which was not far
from the Dehii Gate to Jehdngir's palace, and other reasons noted
below make it almost certain that the Mughal's encampment and the
camps of the leading nobles were on the open slopes to the south of
the Sea Lake between B^z Bahadur's palace on the east and Songad
on the west. And that the palace at Mindu from which Jehangfr
wrote was the building now known as Bdz Bahddnr's palace .^^
A few months before it reached Mdndu the Imperial camp had
turned the whole valley of Ajmir into a magnificent city,^^ and a
few weeks before reaching Mdndu at Thoda, about fifty miles south
east of Ajmir, the camp formed a settlement not less in circuit than
twenty English miles, equalling in sizeialmost any town in Europe.^^
In the middle of the encampment were all sorts of shops so regularly
disposed that all persons knew where to go for everything.

The demands of so great a city overtaxed the powers of the
deserted Mindu. The scarcity of water soon became so pressing that
the poor were commanded to leave and all horses and cattle were
ordered off the hill.^^s Of the scarcity of water the English traveller
Corryaty who was then a guest of Sir Thomas Roe, writes : On the
first day one of my Lord's people. Master Herbert, brother to Sir
Edward Herbert, found a fountain which, if be had not done, he
would have had to send ten course {hos) every day for water to a
river called Narbada that falleth into the Bay of Cambye near
Broach. The custom being such that whatsoever fountain or tank is
found by any great man in time of drought he shall keep it proper to

i«» Boe in Kerr's Travels IX., 813.

"* Boe in Kerr's Travels IX., 314.

^•s Compare W4ki&t-i-Jeh^glri in Elliot VI., 877.

it6 Boe in Kerr's Trarels IX., 814.

^•' Boe in Kerr's Travels IX., 821.

1*9 Boe in Kerr*s Iravels IX., 336.

1 92 mXkdu.

his without interruption. The day after one of the King's Hadit
(Ahddis) Boding the same and striving for it was taken by my Lord's
people and bound.^^ Corryat adds : During the time of the great
drought two Moor nobles daily sent ten camels to the Narbada and
distributed the water to the poor, which was so dear they sold a little
skin for 8 pie8."<>

Terry notices that among the piles of buildings that held their heads
above ruin were not a few unfrequented mosques or Muhammadan
churches, Though the people who attended the King were marrel-
pusly straitened for room to put their most excellent horses, none
would use the churches as stables, even though they were forsaken
and out of use. This abstinence seems to have been voluntary, as
Roe's servants, who were sent in advance, took possession of a fair
court with walled enclosure in which was a goodly temple and a
tomb. It was the best in the whole circuit of M andu, the only draw-
back being that it was two miles from the King's house.*^^ The air
was wholesome and the prospect was pleasant, as it was on the edge
of the hill.132 The Emperor, perhaps referring rather to the south
of the hill, which from the elaborate building and repairs carried out
in advance by Abdul Karim seems to have been called the New City,
gives a less deserted impression of Mandu. He writes (24th March,
1617) : — Many buildings and relics of the old Kings are still stand-
ing, for as yet decay has not fallen upon the city • On the 24th I
.rode to see the royal edifices. First I visited the J^ma Masjid built by
Sultan Hoshang Ohori. It is a very lofty building and erected entirely
of hewn stone. Although it has been standing 180 years it looks as
if built do-day. Then I visited the sepulchres of the kings and
rulers of the Khilji dynasty, among which is the sepulchre of the
eternally cursed Ndsir-ud-din.^^ Sher Shah to show his horror of
NAsir-ud-din, the father slayer, ordered his people to beat Nisir-

ud-din's tomb with sticks. Jehangir also kicked ^e grave. Then he

— ■ — r

"» Corryat'B Crudities, Vol. III., Extracts (unpaged). This Master Herbert

ifvaa Thomas, brother of Sir Edward Herbert, the flrst Lord Herbert.

It seems probably that this Thomas supplied his oousin Sir Ibomas

Herbert who was travelling in India and Persia in A. D. 1637 with

his aocount of Mandu. See below p. 197-98.
"0 Corryat*8 Crudities, Vol. III., Extraots (unpaged).
131 Terry'a Voyage, 183. Roe iu Kerr IX., 335.
»a« Roe in Kerr IX., 335.
"s Wakiut-i-Jebangiri iu Elliot VI., 349.

hXndu. 193

ordered the tomb to be opened and the remains to be taken out and
burnt. Finally, fearing the remains might pollute the eternal light,
he ordered the ashes to be thrown into the Narbada.^^^

The pleasant outlying position of Roe's lodge proved to be open to
the objection that out of the vast wilderness wild beasts often came,
seldom returning without a sheep, a goat, or a kid. One evening
a great lion leapt over the stone wall that encompassed the yard and
snapt up the Lord Ambassador's little white neat shock, that is as
Roe explains a small Irish mastiff, which ran out barking at the lion.
Out of the ruins of the mosque and tomb Roe built a lodge,^^^ and
here he passed the rains with his ^ family," including besides his
secretary, chaplain, and cook twenty-three Englishmen and about
sixty native servants, and during part of the time the sturdy half crazed
traveller Tom Coryate or Corryat.^^^ They had their flock of sheep
and goats, all necessaries belonging to the kitchen and everything else
required for bodily use including bedding and all things pertaining
thereto.^37 Among the necessaries were^^^ tables and chairs, since the
Ambassador refused to adopt the Mughal practice of sitting cross-
legged on mats " like taylors on their shop boards." Roe's diet was
dressed by an English and an Indian cook and was served on plate
by waiters in red taffata cloaks guarded with green taffata. The
chaplain wore a long black cassock, and the Lord Ambassador wore
English habits made as light and cool as possible.^^®
. On the 12th of March, a few days after they were settled at
Mdndu, came the festival of the Persian new year. Jehdngir held a
great reception seated on a throne of gold, bespangled with rubies,
emeralds, and turquoises. The hall was adorned with pictures of the
King and Queen of England, the Princess Elizabeth, Sir Thomas Smith
and others, with beautiful Persian hangings. Ou one side, on a little
stage, was a couple of women singers. The king commanded that
Sir T. Roe should come up and stand beside him jon the steps of the
throne where stood on one side the Persian Ambassador and on the
other the old king of Kandahir with whom Sir T. Roe ranked* Tha
' - ■ ■■ ,

"* Wikiit-iJehtegiri in Blliot VI., 360.
135 Terry's Voyage, 228.
196 Terry's Voyage, 69,
"' Terry's Voyage, 183.

158 Terry's Voyage, 186, 198.

15 9 Terry's Voyage, 198, 206.

194 mAndu.

king called the Persian Ambassador and gave him some stones and s
young elephant. The Ambassador knelt and knocked hit head
against the steps of the throne to thank him.^^^ From time to time
during Terry's stay at Mandn, the Mughal, v^ith his stout daring
Persian and Tartarian horsemen and some grandees, went out to take
young wild elephants in the great woods that environed Mandii.
The elephants were caught in strong toils prepared for the purpose
and were manned and made fit for service. In these hunts the
king and his men also pursued lions and other wild beasts on
horseback, killing some of them with their bows, carbines, and
lances.^*^

The first of September was Jehdnglr's birthday. The king, says
Corryat,^*3 y^^kS forty-five years old, of middle height, corpulent, of a
seemly composition of body, and of an olive coloured skin. Roe
went to pay his respects and was conducted apparently to Bit
Bahadur's gardens to the east of the Rewa Pool. This tangled
orchard was then a beautiful garden with a great square pond or tank
set all round with trees and flowers and in the middle of the garden
a pavilion or pleasure house under which hung the scales in which
the king was to be weighed.^^' The scales were of beaten gold set
with many small stones, as rubies and turquoises. They were hung by
chains of gold, large and massive, but strengthened by silken ropes.
The beam and tressels from which the scales hung were covered
with thin plates of gold. All round were the nobles of the court
seated on rich carpets waiting for the king. He came laden with
diamonds, rubies, pearls, and other precious vanities, making a great
and glorious show. His swords, targets, and throne were corres-
ponding in riches and splendour. His head, neck, breast, and arms
above the elbows and at the wrist were decked with chains of precious
stones, and every finger had two or three rich rings. His legs were
as it were fettered with chains of diamonds and rubies as large as
walnuts and amazing pearls. He got into the scales crouching oi
sitting on his legs like a woman. To counterpoise his weight bags
said to contain Rs. 9,000 in silver were changed six times. After this
he was weighed against bags containing gold jewels and precious

»*o Roe in Kerr's Voyages IX., 337; Pinkerton's Voyages VIII., 85.

141 Terry's Voyage, 403.

*♦• Corryat^B Crudities III., Ii2., Eztraots unpaged.

»*» Roe in Kerr's Voyages IX., 343,

MANDU. Iff5

stoDes. Then against cloth of gold, silk stuffs, coUon goods, spices,
and all commodities. Last of all sgainst meal, batter, and corn.
£xcept the silver, which was reserved for the poor, all was said to be
distributed to Baniahs (that is, Brahmans).^^^ After he wasweighad
Jebangir ascended the throne and had basons of nuts, almonds, and
spices of all sorts given him. These the king threw about, and his
great men scrambled prostrate on their bellies. Roe thought it not
decent that he should scramble. And the king seeing that he stood
aloof reached him a bason almost full and poured the contents into
his cloak. ^^^ Terry adds : The physicians noted the king's weight
and spoke flatteringly of it. Then the Mughal drank to his
nobles in his royal wine and the nobles pledged his health. The
king drank also to the Lord Ambassador, whom be always treated
with special consideration, and presented him with the cnp of
gold curiously enamelled and crusted with rubies, turkesses, and
emeralds. ^**

Of Prince Khurram's visit. Roe writes : — A month later (October
2nd) the proud Prince Khurram, afterwards the Emperor Shah
Jehin (A.D. 1626-1657), returned from his glorious success in the
Dakhan, accompanied by all the great men, in wondrous triumph.^^^
A week later (October 9th), hearing that the Emperor was to pass
near his lodging on his way to take air at the Narbada, in accordance
with the rule that the masters of all houses near which the king
passes must make him a present, Roe took horse to meet the king.
He offered the king an Atlas neatly bound, saying he presented
the king with the whole world. The king was pleased. In return
he praised Roe's lodge, which he had built out of the ruins of the
temple and the ancient tomb, and which was one of the best lodges-

»** Eoe in Kerr's Travels IX., 310-343.

*«' Boe in Kerr's Travels IX., 844.

!♦• Terry's Voyage, 377. Terry's details seem not to agree with Eoe*8, who
states (Kerr's Voyages IX., 844 and Pinkerton's Voyages VIII. 37) I wag
invited to the drinking, bnt desired to be excused because there was no
avoiding drinking, and their liquors are bo hot that they burn out a man's
very bowels. Perhaps the invitation Roe declined was to a private drinking
party after the public weighing was over.

1*7 Roe in Kerr's Voyage IX., 347; Elphinstone's History, 494 Kerr (IX.
347) gives Septembei' 2, but October 2 is right, compare Pinkerton's Voyages,
VlXl. 39.

] 96 mXndu.

in the camp.^^^ Jehangir left Mandu on the 24th October. On the
30th when Roe started the hill was entirely deserted. ^^

Terry mentions only two buildings at M^ndu. One was the house
oi^the Mufi;hal, apparently Baz Bahadar's palace, which he describes
as large nnd stately, built of excellent stone, well squared, and put
together, taking up a large compass of ground. He adds : We could
never see how it was contrived within, as the king's wives and women
were thcre.*^® The only other building to which Terry refers, he calls
"The Grot." Of the grot, which is almost certainly the pleasure-
house Nilkanth, whose Persian inscriptions have been quoted above,
Terry gives the following details : — To the Mughal's house, at a
small distance from it, belonged a very curious grot. In the building
of the grot a way was made into a firm rock which showed itself on
the side of the hill canopied over with part of that rock. It was
a place that had much beauty in it by reason of the curious work-
manship bestowed on it and much pleasure by reason of its coolness.^"
Besides the fountain this grot has still one of the charmingly cool
and murmuring scalloped rillstones where, as Terry says, water runs
down a broad stone table with many hollows like to scallop shells, in
its passage over the hollows making so pretty a murmur as helps to
tie the senses with the bonds of sleep.

Sh^h Jehan seems to have been pleased with Mdndu. He returned
in A. D. 1621 and stayed at Mandu till he marched north against
his father in A. D. 1622.1^2 In March, A. D. 1623, Shah Jeh^n
came out of Mandu with 20,000 horse, many elephants, and powerful
artillery, intending to fight his brother Shah Parwiz.^^ After the
failure of this expedition Shiih Jehan retired to Mandu.^^ At this

^^* Rains of M^nda, 57. As the Emperor must haye passed out by the Dehli
Gate, and as Roe's lodge was two miles from Baz Bahadur's palace, the lodge
cannot have been far from the Dehli Gate. It is disappointing that, of his
many genial gossipy entries Jehangir does not devote one to Roe. The only
reference to Roe's visit is the indirect entry (Wakiat-i-Jehangiri in Elliot VI^
847) that Jehangir gave one of his nobles a coach, apparently a copy of the
English coach, with which, to Jehanglr*8 delight, Roe had presented him.

^«» Roe in Kerr's Voyages IX., 853.

150 Terry's Voyage, 180.

19 i Terry's Voyage, 181.

**• Wdki4t-i-Jeh^ingiri in Elliot VI., 388.

1" Wikidt-i-Jehdngiri in Elliot VI., 387.

i»« Elphinstone'a History, 496-97. Compare Dela Valle (Haklyt Edition
I., 177) writing in A. D. 1622, Sultan Kharram after his defeat by Jehaaglr
retired to Mandu. ^

mIndu. 197

time (A« D. 1623) the Italian traveller Dela Valle ranks M&ndu
with Agra, Ldhor and Ahmedabad, as the fonr capitals, each
endowed with an imperial palace and court,^^^ Five years later the
great General |Khan Jehan Lodi besieged Mdndu, but apparently
without success.^^® Khan Jehan Lodi's siege of Mandu is interesting
in connection with a description of Mdndu in Herbert's Travels.
Herbert, who was inGKijardt in A. D. 1626, says, Mdndu is seated at
the side of a declining hill (apparently Herbert refers to the slope
from the southern orest northwards to Sagar Lake and the Grot or
NClkanth) in which both for ornament and defence is a castle whioh
is strong in being encompassed with a defensive wall of nearly fiva
miles (probably kos, that is, ten miles) : the whole, he adds, heretofore
had fifteen miles' circuit. But the city later built is of less size yet
fresher beauty, whether you behold the temples (in one of which are
entombed four kings), palaces or fortresses, especially that tower
which is elevated 170 steps, supported by massive pillars and adorned
with gates and windows very observable. It was built by Khdu
Jehdn, who there lies buried. The confusedness of these details
shows that Herbert obtained them second-hand, probably from
Corryat's Master Herbert on Sir T. Roe's Staff.i^T The new city

»" Dela Valle'8 Travels, Haklyt Edition I., 97.

!»• Blphinatone's History, 607.
. *^7 Herbert's Travels, 84. Gorryat's Master Herbert was, as already noticed
named like the traveller Thomas. The two Thomas were distant relations
both being fourth ^in descent fi-om Sir Bichard Herbert of Golebroke, who
lived aboat the middle of the fifteenth century. A further oonnection
between the two families is the copy of complimentary verses, ** To my oonsin
Sir Thomas Herbert," signed Ch. Herbert,in the A.D. 1634 and A.D. 1665 editions
of Herbert's Travels, which are naturally, though somewhat doubtfully,
ascribed to Charles Herbert, a brother of our Master Thomas. It is, there-*
fore, probable that after his return to England Sir Thomas Herbert obtained
the Mandu details from Master Thomas, who was himself a writer, the author
of several poems^and pamphlets. Gorryat's tale how, during the water-famine
at Mandu, Master , Herbert anneifed a spring or cistern, and then bound a
servant of the Great King who attempted to share in its use, shows admirable
ooorage and resolution on the part of Master Thomas, then a youth of twenty
years. The details of Thomas in his brother Lord Herbert's autobiography
giTe additional interest to the hero of Gorryat's Tale of a Tank. Master
Thomas was born in A. D. 1597. In A.D. 1610, when a page to Sir Edward
Cedland a boy of thirteen, in the German War, especially in the siege of Juliers,
fifteen miles north-east of Aix-la-ChapeUe, Master Thomas showed such for-
wardness as no man in that great army surpassed. On his voyage to India

198 mXndU'

of fresher beauty is probably a reference to the bnildiiigs raised and
repaired by Abdal Karim against Jehdngir s coming, among which
the chief seems to ha^e been the palace now known by the name of
Bdz Bahddnr. The tower of 170 steps is Mehmijd Ehilji's Tower
of yictory, erected in A. D. 1443, the Khdn Jeh^n being MehmiSd's
father, the great minister Khdn Jehdn A&zam Hum^yiSn.

In A. D. 1658 a R^ja Shiyr^j was commandant of Mandn.^^ No
reference has been traced to any imperial yisit to Mdndu daring
Anrangsfb's reign. But that great monarch has left an example of
his watchful care in the rebuilding of the Alamgir or Aurangzib Gate,
which guards the approach to the stone-crossing of the great
northern ravine and bears an inscription of A • D. 1668, the elerenth
year of Alamgir's reign. In spite of this additional safeguard, thirty
years later (A. D. 1696) Mandu was taken and the standard of
Ud^ji Paydr was planted on the battlements. ^^^ The Marathis soon
withdrew and M^lwa again passed under an imperial gOTemor. In
A. D. 1708 the Sh(a-loving Emperor Bahadur Shah I. (A. D. 1707-
1712) visited Miindu, and there received from Ahmeddbdd a copy of
the Kuran written by Imam Aii Taki, son of MUsa Raza (A. D.810*
829), seventh in descent from AH, the famous son-in-law of th«

1617, in a figbt witli a great Portuguese carrack, Captain Joseph, in oommand
of Herbert's ship Qlche, was killed. Thomas took Joseph's place, forced the
oarraok aground, and so riddled her with shot that she neyer floated again. To
his brother 8 visit to India Lord Herbert refers as a year spent with the
merchants who went from Snrat to the Great Moghal. After his return to
Bngland Master Thomas distinguished himself at Algiers, capturing % veeiel
worth £1,800. In A.D. 1622, when Master Thomas was in command of one of
the ships sent to fotoh Prinoe Charles (afterwards King Charles I.) fromSpaiii*
duriog the return voyage certain Low Countrymen and Dunkirkers, that ia»
Dutch and Spanish vessels, offended the Prince's dignity by fighting in hit
preeenoe without his leave. The Prinoe ordered the fighting ships to be
separated ; whereupon Master Thomas, with some other ships, got bstwivt the
fighters on either side, and shot so long that both Low Conntrymen and
Dunkirkers were glad to desist. Afterwards at divers times Thomas fonght
with great courage and success with divers men in single fight, sometimet
hurting and disarming his adversary, sometimes driving him awayt The end
of Master Thomas was sad. Finding his proofs of himself undervalned, he
retired into a private and melancholy life, and after living in this sullen
humour for many years, he died about A.D. 1642 and was buried in London in
8t. Martin's near Charing Cross.

'»8 Khiift Khan in Elliot VJT., 218.

"0 Malcolm's Central India I., 64.

mIndu, 199

Prophiet, the first of Mnsalm&n raystics. In A. D. 1717 Asaph Jih
NidLm-ul-Mulk was appointed Governor of M^lwa and oontinued to
manage the proyiace by deputy till A. D. 1721. In A. D. 1722 Rdja
Girdhar Bahddur, a Nagar Brdhman« was made governor and remained
in charge till in A. D. 1724 he was attacked and defeated by
Chimniji Pandit and Uddji Pavdr.^^ Raja Girdar was succeeded by
his relation Dia Bahddur, whose successful government ended in
A. D, 1732, when through the secret help of the local Chiefe
Malharao Holkar led an army up the Bhairav pass, a few miles east
of Mdndu, and at Tirellah, between Amjhera and Dhir, defeated
and slew Dia Bahadur. As neither the next Governor Muhammad
Khdn Bangash nor his successor Rijti Jai Singh of Jaipt!ir were able
to oust the Mardthas, their success was admitted in A. D. 1734 by
ihe appointment of Peshwa Bajfrdo (A. D. 1720-1740) to be
Governor of Malwa. On bis appointment (A, D. 1734) the Peshwa
ehose Anand Baa Pavdr as his deputy. Anand Rio shortly after settled
at Dhdr, and since A. D. 1734 Mandu has continued part of the
territory of the Pavdrs of Dhdr.^^^ In A. D. 1805 Mdndu sheltered the
heroic Mioah Bdi during the birth-time of her son, Rdmcbandra Rdo
Flavor, whose State was saved from the clutches of Holkdr and
Siudhiaby the establishment of British overlordship in A.D. 1817.^0^
In A. D. 1820 Sir John Malcolm^^ describes the hill-cop as a place
of religious report occupied by some mendicants. The holy places on
the hill are the shrine of Hoshang Ghori, whosB guardian spirit stiH
scares barrenness and other disease fiends^^, and the Rewa or Nar-
baida Pool, whose holy water, according to common belief, prevents
the dreaded return of the spirit of the Hindoo whose ashes are
strewn on its snrface, or, in the refined phrase of the Brihman,
enables the dead to lose self in the ocean of being.^^^ In A. D.
1820 the Jdma Mosque, floshang's tomb, and the palaces of Baz
Bahddur were still fine remains, though surrounded with jungle and
fcst crumbling to pieces.^** In A.D. 1827 Colonel Briggs says^^':

i«o Malcolm's Central India I., 78,

i«» Malcolm's Central India L, 100.

!•• Malcolm's Central India L, 106,

"> Centrallndia II., 603.

'•* Rnins of M&ndu, 43 : March, 1852, p. 84.

>«• Rains of M^nda, 43 : March, 1852, p. 34.

^«« Malcolm's Central II., 508,

I at Briggs' Farisbteh IV., 235, note.*

200 mAkdit.

Perhaps no part of India so abounds with tigers as the neighbour-
hood of the once famous city of Mdndu. The capital now deserted
by man is overgrown by forest, and from being the seat of luxury,
elegance and wealth, it has become the abode of wild beasts, and is
resorted to by the few Europeans in that quarter for the pleasure
of destroying them. Instances have been known of tigers being so
bold as to carry off troopers riding in the ranks of their regiments.
Twelve years later (A.D. 1839) Mr. Fergusson^^s found the hill avast
uninhabited jungle, the rank vegetation tearing the buildings of the
city to pieces and obscuring them so that they could hardly be seen.^*
Between A.D. 1842 and 1852 tigers are described as prowling among
the regal rooms, the half savage marauding Bhil as eating his meal
and feeding his cattle in the cloisters of its sanctuaries and the in-
sidious pipal as levelling to the earth the magnificent remains.^'^ So
favourite a tiger retreat was the Jahaz Palace that ic was dangerous
to venture into it unarmed. Close to the very huts of the poor
central village, near the J^ma Mosque, cattle were frequently seized
by tigers. In the south tigers came nightly to drink at the Sigar
Lake. Huge bonfires had to be burnt to prevent them attacking the
houses.^7^ In A.D. 1883 Captain Eastwick wrote : At Mdndu the
traveller will require some armed men, as tigers are very numerous
and dangerous. He will do well not to have any dogs with him, as
the panthers will take them even from under his bed.^^^ If this was
true of Mandu in A.D. 1883 — and is not as seems likely the repeti-
tion of an old world tale — the last ten years have wrought notable
changes. Through the interest His Highness Sir Anand Bao
Pdvar, K C.S.I., C.I.E., the present Mahdrdjah of Dhdr, takes in the
old capital of his State, travelling in Mandu is now as safe and easier
than in many, perhaps than in most, outlying districts. A phaeton
can drive across the northern ravine- moat through the three gate-
ways and along the hill-top, at least as far south as the Sea Lake*
Large stretches of the level are cleared and tilled, and herds of cattle

i«8 Indian Architecture, 541.

»•» Ruins of M&nda, p. 9.

»»o Ruins of M6ndu, p. 9.

^f ^ Ruins of M&ndu, 18, 25, 85. Some of these ei^fcracts seem to belong to a
Bombay Subaltern, who was at Mandu about A.D. 1842, and some to Captain
Claudius Harris who visited the hill in April 1852. Compare Ruins of
Mandu, 34.

»»• Murray's Handbook, Panjdb, 118.

mXndit, 201

graze free from the dread of wild beasts. The leading buildings
have been saved from their ruinous tree-growth, the underwood has
been cleared, the marauding ;Bhil has settled to tillage, the tiger,
even the panther, is nearly as rare as the^wild elephant, and finally its
old wholesomeness has returned to the air of the hill-top.

This sketch notices only the main events and the main buildings.
Even about the main buildings much is still doubtful. Many inscrip*
tions, some in the puzzling interlaced Tughra character, have still to
be read. They may bring to light traces of the Mdndu kings and
of the Mughal emperors, whose connection with Mandu, so far as
the hill buildings are concerned, is still a blank. The ruins are so
many and so widespread that weeks are wanted to ensure their com-
plete examination. It may be hoped that at no distant date Major
Delasseau, the Political Agent of Dhdr, whose opportunities are not
more special than his knowledge* may be able to prepare a complete
description of the hill and of its many ruins and writings.

202

Art. XI.— !rAtf Tree Blossomed. Shtvajt as a Civil Ruler. By the
Hon'ble Mr. Justice M. G. Ranaoe, M.A., LL.B., CLE.

[Bead 17th September 1895.]

The history of Shivaji's military exploits only presents to oar
view one side of the working of his master-mind, and we are
too apt to forget that he had other and stronger olaima upon
our attention as a civil ruler. Like the first Napoleon, Shiraji
in his time was a great organiser, and a builder of ci^il institutionit
which conduced largely to the success of the movement initiated bj
faim, and which alone enabled the country to pass nnscaUied
through the dangers which overwhelmed it shortly after his detAh,
and helped it to assert its claim to national independence, after a
twenty years' struggle with the whole power of the Mogul
Empire. These civil institutions deserve special study because they
display an originality and breadth of conception which he could not
have derived from the systems of government then prevalent under
Mahomedan or Hindu rule ; and what is still more noteworthy is
that when, after the war of independence, the country was reorga-
nised, his own successors returned to the traditions of the past, and
departed from the lines laid down by the founder of the Marhatta
power, and in so departing from the model he had set up, they sowed
the seeds of that disunion and separation which it was bis constant
solicitude to avoid in all that he attempted and achieved. As has
been stated before, Shivaji did not aspire to found an universal
Empire under his own direct rule throughout India. He strove to
secure the freedom of his own people, and unite them into one nation
powerful for self-defence, and for self-assertion also ; but the
extinction of all other powers was not contemplated by him.
He had friendly relations with the Chiefs of Golconda and Bednur,
and even Bijapur, and did not interfere with their respective spheres
of influence, in the Telangan, Mysore, and Carnatic countries, and he
allowed his brother Yenkoji to retain his father's Jahagir, all to him*
self, in the Dravid country. He contented himself with levying only
chotUh and Sardeshmukhi from the Mogul possessions. He made a
clear distinction between Swarijya (territory directly governed by

THE TREE BLOSGOMED. 208

bimX and Mogalai (that governed hj foreign kings outside liis
Swaraj ja). The civil institutions founded by him were intended
chiefly for the Marhatta country proper, though they were also
introduced partially in the line of military forts, maintained by him
to the extreme south of the Peninsula. The civil territory, held
under bis direct sway, was divided into a number of Prants (Districts).
Besides bis ancestral Jahagir about Poona, there, was (1) Prant
Mawal — corresponding with Mawal, Saswad, Jnnnar, and Khed
Talnkas of the present day, and guarded by 18 great Hill-forts ;

(2) the Prants of Wai, Satara, and Karad — corresponding with the
Western portions of the present Satara district, guarded by 15 forts ;

(3) Prant Panhala* — corresponding with the Western parts of Kolha-
pur, with 13 Hill-forts ; (4) Prant South Konkan— corresponding
with Ratnagiri, with 58 Hill':forts and sea-fortresses ; (5) Prant
Thana — corresponding with North Konkan district, with 12 forts;
(6, 7) Prants Trimbak and Baglan — corresponding with the Western
parts of Nasik, with 62 Hill-forts. The territories occupied by the
military garrisons were, (8) Prant Wanagad — corresponding with the
Southern parts of Dharwar district, with 22 forts ; (9, 10, 11) Prants
Bednur, Kolhar, and Shrirangpatam — corresponding with the modern
Mysore, with 18 forts ; (12) Prant Garnatic, being the ceded
districts in the Madras Presidency south of the Krishna, with
18 forts ; (13) Prant Vellor — (modern Arcat districts) with 25 forts ;
and (14) Prant Tanjore, with 6 forts. The whole of the Sabyadri
range was studded with forts, and the territories to the west as
far as the sea, and to the east of these forts, varied in breadth from
50 to 100 miles at the most.

The chronicles make mention of some 280 forts in Shivaji's
occupation. In one sense it might be said that the HilKfort, with
the territory commanded by it, was the unit of Shivaji's civil
government. He spared no money in building new, and repairing
old forts, and his arrangements about the garrisoning and provision-
ing of these forts were of the most elaborate kind. The military
exploits which made these forts so famous, as points of resistance
against attack, or centres of aggression, formed the chief interest oi
these early Marhatta wars« The Empire was knit together by the
chain of these Hill-forts, and they were its saviours in days of adver-
sity. In the Satara district, Satara itself stood a siege for many
months against Aurangzebe*s whole power, and though it was storm-

204 THE TRBE BLOSSOMED.

ed at last, it was the first fort which was taken back from tba
Moguls under Rajarsm's leadership by the ancestors of the present
chief of Aundh. Torana and Rajagurh are associated with the
first conquests of Shivaji, Shiran eri was his birth-place^ Pnrandar
was made memorable by Baji Parbhu's defence, and Rohida and
Sinhggad will always be associated with the memory of the brave
Tanaji Malusare : Panhala stood the famous siege by Shiddijohar^
while Rsngann was famous for the defence by another Baji Parbfan
of the defile which led to it at the sacrifice of his life. The Malwan
fort and Kolaba were the places where the Marhatta navy was fitted
out for its expeditions by sea. Pratapgad was made famous as the
place of Afzulkhan's tragedy, while Mahuli and Saleri were scenes of
great battles in which the Marhatta Mawalis defeated the Mogul
commanders. The extreme limits on the east side of these Hill-forts
of Shiyaji's possessions were marked by the fortresses of Kaljan,
Bhiwadi, Wai, Karad, Supe, Khataw Baramati, Chakan, Shinawalt
Miraj, Tasgaon, and Kolhapur. The important part played by
these forts justified the care Shiyaji bestowed on them. Each fort
was under a MarhattA Havaldar, who had under him other assistants,
in charge of each circular wall of defence, from the same class, and
he was assisted by a Brahman Subhedar, or Subni9, chosen from the
three great divisions of Brahmans, and a Karkhanis who was a
Parbhu. The Havaldar with his assistants had the military chaige
of the garrison. The Brahman Subhedar had the civil and revenne
charge, and this charge included the villages within the command of
the fort, while the Parbhu officer was in charge of the grain and
fodder and military stores and of the repairs The three classes
were thus joined together in a divison of work, which ensured fidelity
and prevented jealousy. The hill-sides were carefully protected by
strict conservancy, and the charge of the forests below the forts was
entrusted to the Bamoshis and other lower classes of the population.
Minute directions were given as to the way watch and ward duties
were to be per formed by day and night. The garrison varied in
numbers according to the size and importance of the forts. There
was a Naik for every 9 Sepoys, and the arms were guns, short swords,
javelins, spears and pattas (long thin swords). Each man received in
cash and kind fixed amounts as wages for service according to hit
rank.

Coming down from the Hill-forts to the plains, the country

THE TREK BLOSSOMKD. 205

divided into Mahals, and Prants very much on the plan now in force,
in our Taluka system. The average revenue of a Mahal ranged
from three-fourths of a lack to alack and a quarter, and two or three
Mahals made a Subha or a district. The average pay of a Subhe-
dar was 400 hons per year, i. e., about Rs. 100 per month. Shivaji
did not continue the old Mogul system of leaving the revenue
management solely in the hands of the village patels or Kulkamis or
of the Deshamukhas, and Deshapandes of the district. These village
and district authorities received their dues as before, but the work
of management was taken out of their hands, and carried on directly
by the Subhedars or Mahalkaris for the Subha or the Mahal, while
every group of two or three villages was managed by a Kumavisdar
(Karkun) who made the direct collection of the revenue. The plan
of farming out land-revenue, cither of villages or mahals, found no
support under Shivaji's system.

The gradations of officers and men in the garrisons of the Hill

forts were only copied from the regulations which were enforced by

Shivaji both in his infantry and in his cavalry. In each Infantry corps

there was a Naik for every ten soldiers, one Havaldar had charge of 5

such parties, 2 Hawalas made one Jumaledar, 10 Jumalas made a ful

corps of ],000 men under a Plazari, and 7 Hazaris made up a Sarno*

bat's charge for the Mawali infantry. In the cavalry, there were 2

divisions Bargirs and Shilledars, and 25 Bargirs or Shilledars had a

Havaldar over them, 5 Hawals made one Jumala, 10 Jumalas made a

Hazards charge, and 5 Hazari charges made one Panch Jlazari. The

Panch Hazari was under the Surnobat of the cavalry. Every batch

of 25 horses had one water-carrier and farrier. Under each of the

higher Marhatta officers, both in the infantry and cavalry, there was a

Brahman Sabnis and a Parbliu Karkhanis or a Brahman Muzumdar

and Prabhu Jaminia. The Bargir's horses were during the

monsoons cantoned in camps where every provision was made for

grass and grain supplies, and barracks were built for the men to live

under shelter. All the officers and men received fixed pay, which in

the case of the Paga Hazari was 1,000 hons^ and Paga Panch Hazari

2,000 hons. In the case of the Infantry, the pay was 500 hons for

the Hazari, and for the lower officers and men, the pay varied

from Rs, 9 to 3 for the infantry, and Rs. 20 to 6 in the cavalry

according to the higher or lower rank of the soldier or trooper.

During 8 months in the year the armies were expected to maintain

206 THE TREE BLOSSOMED.

themselves by mulJchagiri, i.e., by levying Chouth and Sardesbmukbi
from the Mogul Districts. When engaged on such service, the men
were strictly prohibited from taking their women and children with
them. When a city was plundered, the loot had to be accounted for
by each soldier and trooper. No soldier or trooper was enlisted
without taking a security bond from his fellows to insure good
conduct. The military commanders were paid in advance, and they
had to account for the Chouth and Sardcshmukhi collected by
them. No assignments of revenue or land were allowed for the
service of the army in Shivaji's time. Notwithstanding these strict
restraints there was no ditiictilty found about the enlistment of
recruits in tho army, and no service was more popular than that
which led the Mawalees of the Gliautmatlia and the Hatekaries of
the Konkan, and the Shilledars and Bargirs of Maharastrn proper
to flock in numbers to the national standard on each Dasara day, when
a call was made for their services.

This system of cash payment and direct revenue management was
introduced and extended by Shivaji tlirougliout his dominions.
Native chroniclers notice this departure from old traditions in these
two points more prominently because Shivaji appears to have laid
great stress on it. It was his conviction that much of the disorder
in old times was due to the entrusting of revenue duties to Zamindars
of districts and villages. They collected more from the llayats, and
paid less into the treasury than was strictly due, and used their
opportunities to create disturbances and to resist tho commands of
the central power. Shivaji engaged the services of paid men —
Kumavisdars, Mahalkaris and Subhedai's, for the duties till then
performed by Zamindars. It was the Kumavisdars' duty to levy tho
grain and cash payments while the crops were standing. The fields
were carefully measured out, and entered in blocks in the name of the
holders thereof, and annual Kabulayats were taken from them for
the payments due. In tho case of grain payments, the Government
assessment never exceeded two-flfths of the actual vield. The re-
maining three-fifths were left to the cultivator as his shnre of the
crops. In times of distress, or in case of accident, Tagai advances
were made liberally, and their recovery provided for by instalments
spread over 4 or 5 years. The Subhedars performed both revenue
and criminal duties. The work of Civil Courts was not then of much
importance, and when disputes arose, parties were referred by the

THE TREE BLOSSOMED. 207

Subhedar to the Panch of the villages, or to those of other villages
in important cases, and eaforced their decisions. -

The civil organization of the District was of course subordinate to
the authorities at head-quaters, two of whom — the Pant Amdtya
and the Pant Sachiva, had respectively the charge of what in our
time would be called the office of Finance Minister and the General
Accountant and Auditor. The districts accounts had to be sent to
these officers, and were there collated together, and irregularities
detected and punished. These officers had power to depute men on
their establishments to supervise the working of the district officers.
The Pant Amdtya and the Sachiva were, next to the Peshwa, the
highest civil officers, and they had, besides these revenue duties
military commands. They were both important members of the
Board of Administration, called the Asta Pradhan or Cabinet of eight
heads of departments. The Peshwa was Prime-minister, next to the
king, and was at the head of both the civil and military adminis-
tration, and sat first on the right hand below the throne. The
Senapati was in charge of the military administration, and sat first
on the leftside. Amatya and Sachiva sat next to the Peshwa
while the Mantri sat next below the Sachiva, and was in charge of
the king's private affairs. The Sumant was foreign Secretary, and
sat below the Senapati on the left. Next came Panditrao who had
charge of the ecclesiastical department, and below him on the left
side sftt the Chief Justice. It will be seen from these dfetails that the
Asta Pradhan system has its counter-part in the present constitution
of the Government of India. The Governor- General and Viceroy
occupies the place of the Peshwa ; next comes the Commander-in-
chief of the army. The Finance and Foreign Ministers come next.
In the Government of India, the Executive Council makes no room
for the head of the ecclesiastical department, or for the Chief Justice
on one side, and the Private Secretary on the other, and in their place
sit the Member in charge of the Home Department, the Legal
Member, and the Public Works Minister. These variations are due
to the difference of circumstances^ but the conception which lies at
the bottom of both systems is the same, of having a council of the
highest officers of the state, sitting together to assist the king in the
proper discharge of his duties. If this system could have been
loyally worked out by the successors of Shivaji, as it was originally
conceived and worked by Shivaji himself, many of the dangers which

208 TriE TREE BLOSSOMED.

ulttmntely destroyed the Marhatta confederacy, even before it came in
conflict with the stiperior discipline and resources of the British
power, niip^ht have Ix^on uvoided. The seeds of dissolution lay in
the fact that the necessities of the times rcqaired all the eight Pra-
dhans or ministers, except P]>iiditrao and Nyayadhisha, to be military
commanders, and these military commands necessarily placed power
in the hands of the most successful leaders of the army. Shivaji
himself carefully guarded against this danger by providing that none
of those oHices Miould ho hereditary. In his own time he had four
different rominanders-in-Chief, vi::,, Maukoji Dahatonde» Netaji
ralkar, Prataju-ao Itujar, and llamhirnxo Mohite. He deprived the
first IVshwa of his otlice, and gave it to Moi-opant Pingle. The
Pant Amatya*s t>tUei' sinnliirly changed liaiids, and in fact the other
otUoors wore not allowed to bo hereditary in particular familiei.
This oautiiui was, to some extent, observed in the early years of
Shahu*s reign, but toward"* its end the talents and power of the first
thrtH^ Peshawas, Halaji Vishwnnath. the tirst Bajirao,* and Balaji
Hajirao. uiade the IVshwaship hereditary, in their family, whilst the
representatives ot' the vnhor uiiuisterswere mostly incapable men, and
their import a uee dwiadlod in eoaseijuenoe, and the equal distribution
and ba I .\i»ee v» I' p v> w o r wa > d ;■ s t :\>y e d . Th rough out t he Peshwa's rule,
the As:aprtulhaiis or the eigh: hereaitary miuisters of state, bad no
funeiiv^MS* or vMily iu>:::i:i.il :a;je::.'»iis to disehar^ce, and instead of being
lhov»ri:Auisi*d iiOversr'.uT.:, wiiich -Siava*: di'si^ued it to be we find an
u : K* r :; aui se I p * w <• r o t" t V. o o 1 .1 A <i .i : :e t \ p e , dep en .1 ins solel v for its
V I : a! ' V y u i » v> . t t ; ; e o. i i'a e : : y v : t >. o v- 1 ; i i- . eo u i r^^ o f power . Shiva ji*s
s\>;.'vi eAiiiK^j Lv tKAtiu'd .er s'.:.':i a v-.ni^i|ieiKV. It was the depar-
tLi:o I'fv^v: lii>s\>:ova I'.i.i: was iv>:>.* -.s.b.v' tor iho fa dure of his plana*
l'\ aiu^iiwr re>»ivet al> », Sliiva*; wa* tar in advance of bis times.
lis* >et ''iv.^'iel >i.v*aai!y .;^.'..'.-.<r a:t\ S'-j^ijC-mo'Us ol land as jahagir
i.» h"< *Uv'vv^>r-,\! viv:'. o: »;:.'..:..: \ v,v:;:::M::,ier^. Fiery one from ihe
re*h>^a h-nI S^rtH^M'.". Jo\x:: '.x* tlu* \ttt5C s<f[W or karknn wa%
u-.v.io. >".i \ I .'s ai A":j;i' -,.'».>, ^hrtcsed .o sirt'.v his salary in kind or
vi,»«/\ .v*v-i I he p'.iol:^- tiva*u:\ ai^d ,: n varies* The salaries were
••\oa a id i\4ul v\ .;=.:;.<'.■'.* a", ^:au^l ;>er:s\U. Vhe a^:^U3:e2C svstem
wa* ^\i: Uv!iu\'. l'xva:^>e c >«:t>i '..a.vo :o S: abused u;^ier the best
e . e u * '. ^ s . a • s\- >, .^ Uv I w v. 1 1 : ' le i k'> : m .» i ; * e^ . T he J aha^irdar naturally
■.ciu;s ..* ly\\» r'v* i t^-n :',e "ufcl v»r t'ei^va* iHi»d'.erv\ a*id when his
li t* a." : : -.'e : > >'. ■ cj * a; t ' u* iuxl '. • "k 1 iv ; v%i . ; ar^* iV i» uvvc icu*, ac caanoc be

THE TBEE BLOSSOMED. 209

remoTed except by force. The centrifugal tendencies towards
separation and disunion are always naturally very strong in India,
and the system of Eissigning jahagirs, and permitting tlie jahagirdar
to maintain a force of his own out of the revenue of the land assign-
ed to him, aggravates this tendency to a degree which makes well
ordered rule almost impossible. Shivaji would not even allow
Zamindars of the District to build forts for their protection, but re-
quired them to live in houses unprotected like those of the rayats.
None of the great men, who distinguished themselves in Shivaji^s
time, wore able to hand over to their descendants large landed estates.
Neither Moropant Pingley aor Abaji Sondeo, nor Ragho Ballal or
Datto Annaji or Neeraji Raoji, among the Brahmans, nor the
Malonsres or Kanks, or Prataprao Gujar, Netaji Palkar, Hambirrao
Mohite of the Maratha Sardars, were able to found ancient families
such as those which Shahu's ministers in the early part of the l8th
century succeeded in doing.

The only assignments of land which Shivaji sanctioned in his time
were intended for the endowment of temples and charities. These
were public trusts, and the holders thereof had no military duties
to discharge and could not in the ordinary course of things, become
dangerous to the State. Among the charities, the Dakshina system
of encouraging learning found strong support with Shivaji. It was
an old edition of our modern system of payment by results. Brahmans
received Dakshina according to a scale which was carefully graduat-
ed so as to provide both for the extent and quality of learning acquired.
There were no public schools in those days, but private teachers
taught pupils in their own homes, and both teacher and pupil were
placed above want by means of a judicious distribution of annual
rewards. Sanskrit learning was at its lowest ebb in these parts when
Shivaji rose to power, but by the methods of encouragement adopted
by him, the Deccan soon became known for the proficiency of her
scholars who proceeded to Benares for purposes of study, and return-
ed back to their country laden with honors, and rewarded by their
sovereign. The Dakshina system of encouraging learning was, after
Sambhaji's capture by the Moguls, kept up by the Dabhades of
Talegaon, and when the Dabhades lost their importance, the Peshwas
took up the trust, and greatly enlarged its scope, and it flourished
down to the times of the British conquest, when the amount dis-
bursed each year is said to have exceeded five lakhs.

210 THR TREE BLOSSOMED.

It will be seen from the details given above that ShivAJi's system
of civil government was distinguished from those which preceded it
or succeeded it in several important respects : —

Istly. In the great importance he attached to the EUIl-forts,
which were virtually the starting unit of his system of Govermnent.

2ndly . In his discouragement of the hereditary system of transmit-
ting high offices in one and the same family.

3rdly. In his refusal to grant jahagir assignments of land for
the support of Civil or Military officers.

4thly. In the establishment of a direct system of revemie manage*
mont, without the intervention of district or village Zamindars.

5thly. In the disallowance of the farming system.

6thly. In the establishment of a Council of Ministers with their
proper work allotted to them, and each directly responsiUe to the-
King in Council,

7thly. In the subordination of the Military to the Civil elemenir
in the administration.

8ihly. In the intermixture of Brahmans, Parbhus and Marhattas^
in all offices, high and low, so as to keep check upon one another.

Of course some of these distinctive features could not be continued
intact when the Marhatta power, instead of being confined to the
small area of the Swarajya district, was extended in all directions so
as to embrace provinces so distant as Cuttack on the east, and
Kathiawar on the west, and Delhi in the north and Tanjore in the
south. In the Marhatta country proper, the nation, the army, the
officers, and the kings were all of the same race, and a common
bond of loyalty knit them together in a way which it was impossible
to secure in distant parts of India, where the conquered population
differed essentially from the army of occupation, and too often the
army of occupation consisted of mercenaries who had no bond of union
with their commanding officers, or with the representatives of the
central power. It is therefore not to be wondered at that Shivaji's
iustitutions, as described above, were not found elastic enough to be
snitable for all parts of India. The connection of the Hill-forts
with the plains commanded by them, for instance, was a feature so
entirely local that it could not be accepted as a practical basis of
government in the plains of Gujarata or Malwa or in the Eastern
Districts of Maharastra itself. For a similar reason, the strict
system of direct revenue management and the total supersession of

THE TREE BLOSSOMED. 211

farmers and zamindars was also not equally suited for distant provinces
where the traditions of Government had been all along opposed to
such direct collection. While therefore allowance maybe made for these
and other consider ntions, there can be no doubt that, in other res-
pects, the departure from Shivaji*s system was a distinctly retrograde
step, for which no similar excuse can be pleaded, except that the
men who came after did not realise the wisdom of his plans, and
yielded to the temptation of present convenience, only to find that
they had thereby lowered the organised union he had established
into an unorganised mass held together by the very loosest ties, and
threatening dissolution at the first great crisis in its history.

The system of Government by a Council of eight Ministers, for
instance, was retained in the early years of Shahu's reign, but
gradually fell into disuse when the Peshwa's power increased so
as to overshadow the other Ministers, and it actually ceased to
exist when the Peshwas made Poena their capital. The Pant
Amatya and Pant Sachiva, the most powerful civil functionaries
next to the Peshwa, occupy no place in the Marhatta history after
Shahu's death, and sank into the position of mere jehagirdars. The
Peshwas did not venture or care to set up any substitutes in their
place, and presumed to manage all affairs on their own responsibility.
They were their own generals, and their own finance ministers, and
foreign ministers also. No wonder that the personal system oi rule
thus established had not the stability which it would have derived,
if Shivaji's institutions had ^been faithfully respected by his suc-
cessors.

The system of filling up high oflfices as though they were here-
ditary Watans was another retrograde departure from the instructions
iaid down by Shivaji, and systematically carried out by him. When
the Peshwaship itself became hereditary, it was not to be wondered
at that every other office became hereditary also. But as natural
capacity and virtues are not hereditary endowments, the office soon
came to be filled up by incapable persons, and brought on, sooner or
later, the expected disaster. Four generations of Peshwas retained
power by natural right; but the other officers had not even this claim
to urge for the continuance of office in their families. New men rose
from the ranks to the top-most positions, but there was no room for
them in the general Councils of the Empire. Nana Faranavis, for
instance, from being a Fadnis, aspired to be Prime Minister, Mahadji

212 THE TRKE 1JL0S80MED.

Shinde, from being a Sirdar of secondary importance, became the
most powerful military commander of his time. There was no room
for both of them, and the like of them, in the central council, and
each tried to suj)plant the other by force or craft, and each dragged
the other down. More frequently still, the ereat military commanders
became kings in (heir own territory, and made peace or war at their
own will. This danger might have been, to a great extent, obviated,
if the system of government by a council, with the necessary enlarge-
ments dictated by altered circumstance?, had been continued, and the
hereditary principle not allowed to t«ke Fuch deep root, as it did in
the course of two generations from Shivaji's death.

The greatest departure, however, was in the abandonment of the
principle of not giving extensive territories as Jahafjir to those who
could conquer them by the strenjrtli of their military prowess. To
some extent this departure was forced upon the Government of Shahu
by the events that had preceded his accession to power. The whole
country of Maharastra had been conquered by the Moguls after
Sambhaji*8 death, and Sambhaji's brother, llajaram, and his Council-
lors had been driven far to the South. The whole work had to be
commenced again, and the new leaders who came to power had to be
allowed much their own way. No fault therefore can be laid at the
door of Rajaram*s advisers, and the stress of adverse circumstances
continued to be in considerable strength in the early years of Shahu.
AVhen, however, Shahu'a Government was established in Maharastra,
and plans of extendinj^ the Empire in all directions were entertained,
the temptation of present convenience was not bo strong, and might
have been resisted. It was just at this time that the mistake was
committed of allowint? evcrv soldier of fortune to carve out his
own jaha^jir. Pillaji and Uamaji Gaikawad settled themselves as
sovereigns of Gujarat. The Bhosales of Nagpur became supreme
in those parts, while Shiude and llolkar and the Powars established
themselves in Malwa and North India, under a very loose system of
allegiance to the central power, represented by their agreement
to pay a portion of tho revenue^ to the Peshwa as wielding the
chief authority in Maharastra. When these jahagir assignments
were continued hereditary, the transformation from organized to
unorganized power was complete. Those who first acquired these
large domains retained some sense of loyalty to tho common cause.
Their successors, however, resented all interference with what they

THE TREE BL0S80MBD. 213

if tnie to regard as their own private possessions. It was in this way
that the more important departures from the policy laid down by
€hivaji proved ruinous to the general interests.

Shivaji^s arrangements about the direct management of land
'revenue, without the intervention of the District and village
Zamidars, were on the whole faithfully carried out by his successors^
and during the best period of the Peshwa's rule, almost down to the
death of Nana Fardanavis, the system of farming revenue found no
favowr. It was only under the rule of the last Peshwa that Districts
began to be farmed out in the Marhatta country proper. In the
outlying conquests of Mulwa, Gujarat and other parts of North
India, the farming system was more in vogue, as being more suited
to the unsettled condition of those parts. While in this matter,
therefore, Shivaji's traditions were on the whole respected, the pre-
cautions he had taken about the distribution of offices amongst
Marhattas, Brahmans and Parbhus, do not appear to have com-
mended themselves to his successors. The Parbhus, who had
played such an important part in the early history of Shivaji, ceased
to occupy any prominent place in the latter history of the
Peshwas from Balaji Bajirso's times. Only one great name, that of
'Sakharam Hari, who was a favourite commander under Raghanath-
rao Peshwa, appears in this later period, though in the Courts at
Baroda and Nagpur representatives of this class continued to play an
important part as civil ministers and military commanders. As regards
the Brahmans, there is an impression that the Konkanastha section
had no employment under the great Shivaji. The native chronicles,
however, clearlv' show that Brahmans of all the three sections of that
community were employed as Siibhedars and Commanders of Hill
forts. The Deshastha Brahmans naturally took the lead in the times
of Shivaji and his two sons. With the accession to power of the
Peshwaq in Shahu's time, the balance was turned in favour of the
Eonkanasthas, and the disproportion became more manifest, because
the leading Deshastha Jahagirdars had taken the side of Raghu-
nathmo in his wars with his nephews.

The military profession had not been monopolised by the
Marhattas in Shivaji's time, but they constituted the chief strength of
the army, both in the ranks and, file. The Brahman commanders '
under Shivaji were as brave in generalship as any Mnrhatta com-
mander. This continued to be the case under the early Peshwas.

212 IHR TKEE itl.oKft)*''

Shiiide, from Ijciiis a Sirilar of wconiliT

most powerful military poitimsiidf ■ • '

for both of iliem, nnil the like of ili.

each tried la supplaat the Olber b; i

ttie other down. More treijiifiitlj' M'

became kinE;s in their own twrilitn ,

own will. This dniigef mijilit l';i'

if the system of governm''iit 1". ■• ■

ments dictated by altcrrtl <■■.,■ ■ i

hereditary principle imt jiH' > _i

ibe course of two gcner*' i i ■

The grcBtMt dppartiif r
principle of not ginuc • \
could conquer t hi- m liv il
someestotit tbij dpfiariui
by the e»ont« that liad , .,

country of Mnhwwsiro I , ^^

Sambbpji'a death. tivA >.r ,

low Imd been dtlPrn far ^.^

.. .h. ■.rbonl

, iV^tHiho. wfaB

:t ["r.-t-irwriM

1 ihc r«£fty trf

L tl r-pt.n«trt

■ mlb. ud ll»

liDWUiOm, rvM

hl.ui I

L-it dim ngntaM

rivaln

tlMis Mt nf,

l«i..au

loihBgvwnl

allowed n

door of Rsjnmi i

cunliniwd lo 'i-

Whlii. howoi' r,

niul plant) of f.;

'^ - 'in »birli the ptioeiflm

ilrpn-icJ from fcy !>•
< rLbir-^:> *ni) (Indtne atlh»
■^rinitli liridtb Kutbonly
■..ii.c! ffTiprcaiMy, g«»e it*
1 .1 ) di'wn by flhinji eror
' -^rs. BiiiiMh rnt« lit India
i.'H.i 3 It complelt (eparaiwuof the
.•<! ami a doe ■nbetJiuiitiin) of llir
' a|><in cub f»jmtu\» tof ttrvtca
itiu of knite by wr a( tunignamM
h n(vwe» hi tvrofmm tMj tiwr-
Mfiti ur low. The govL-mitiral it
. il«, »ihI not by tlio HnfpMeroil ilif
I'Cta its laait reieniie by ils uata
,tui tu the uld ZuEiiiilan ar faiiuen.
.Ijiitiott lit uftictt aiiioii); all clawMC
..^iteaet nf the nbeitrvamx o( tliUM
, lul of KngtiKbmen have birn nble t»
n.it thittvtrikrsbuth nntirraui) t'onign
..ji lu a marvflloue fcfti of et&teanuiD*
, . piinciph-s hiu bfOD thus vlDdicalvd.
hv binueli ncbievvd, but by the buccms
' .-[• lit thuw who built th«T power upiid
_ . Mtfh ho hail trird Iq kiiit tngctbcr,
,b_*t wc'UM Sbiniji'» xuoci-MDnt dcpatud
, ^J iuHU by Ilun (ur tlieii ijaidancc.

St5

Act. XlU.^TJt£ Teleology of the Fahlad ShTcand Gumanik Vijar
aiul Cicer6*8 De Natura Deorum. By R. P, Karkarii, Eso.

[Read 15th October 1895.]

The Parsis bave been well called the ruins of a greilt people, and
their existing sacred books the ruin» of a great religion. How great
that nation and that religion once were b known to ail who have read
ancient history and care for the power and thought of bygone ages.
Under the great Xerxes the ancient Persian nation was on the point
of triamphing over Greece, Europe would have been subdued by Asia,
and the faith of Zoroaster would have taken the place of the gross
Paganism then existing and anticipated Christianity, But that
^as not destined to be. The battle uf Marathan turned the scale
against it and decided the fate of Europe and of the Persian monarchy.
The powev of Xerxes rapidly waned from that point till the Greeks
. in their turn in the next century invaded and conquered Persia under
Alexander the Great wiio put » stop to the long and glorious line
•f the Persian Monavchs. Their faith fell along with them, and
what with the deliberate and wanton destruction imputed to Alex-
ander, and the apathy and neglect of the Partiiian Kings, the ancient
Zoroastrian religion lost its* sacred books. There seems to be a
peculiar fatality about it in this matter. Having lost its* sacred
literature and restored k again, it has once again lost it and now
possesses only straggling fragments. After the losses under the
Greeks and the Parthians it recovered under the Sassanides and
Bscceeded in recovering neavly all its lost books. But when that
last line oi Zoroastrian menarchs fell at the hands of the newly risen
Arab power, their ancient faith* lost ground rapidly and suffered
terribly under the persecution of the new faitk' of Islam. The
literature recovered under the Sassanides was again lost, now irre-
coverably. Not only are the aneient books or Nasks themselves lost
but also works upon them and connected with them bave disappeared.
The treatise whioh Hermippos of Smyrna is said to have written on
that religion and based on his direct knowledge of the Nasks has
also not escaped the ravages of time.

The great revival of Zoroastrianism which took place when Ardeshir
Babigan- mounted the throne of Persia after destroying the rule of

n.AVi,

\ trnislnting the A>c«ta texU. Tliere
niUDiip ibtmi. Their faith citntv
I thkt lutl nthea in Pulefitine amI
I Wtat and £o8t. Christianity faut
•PBS Ibrrp in spite of pvrw>cutiuB.
I, Nuo-plalauieni, nnuiftimniaiul
f the earl/ «fuiuries of the ChritiiM
« ttnte religion of the Bmpire that
m Xtit^ had strncic terror into thv
) EnpJTo* mi the one hniiii, and India
All thoec inthirnced it in mnu) wii*A.
I «rvi>niro( "^ ihc tTvotd wn«. it thimI be
I MBJoAt ChrMiimiHy nnJ uvtay hrrvtiml
wMnrrutogy and Iii*)pnlo|[y hear letiiman,?
M h/ the QKHit untightrnnl mniinrchs uf tho
L^k Bttli^lrtenmeTit it seeme nai, in lhi>«c
A« .■*••• »1 1**** ^'*" enncomilar.t of {lenecutinR
L M» *^ *" ^"^t'^- '^'^^ p»ra Trojnn nnil tfar
rt^ <anHuf wfi'u niwing the moet hittBr
.^^^^r: tnd it is 8 RtaiKlini! tnaTTcl h(ii* iho
g^^ltvn», wliu tiboHi such a IfMidiTuea* ami
vMi. *l^* P"'^ bvfure liiniiteil' bdcIi a lofty
uM|4 ctKild have ixiUL'd brdcrt I'ur niaSBRerilig

SHIKAND AND CICEnO^S DE NATURA DE6BUM. ^l 7

tlionsauds of obscure and unoffending human beings, unless we'
assume such a cynical and complete divorce of practice irom opinion
as is not warranted bv the story of his life.

But the argumentum ad baculum was not the only instrument.
Less tangible though more convincing arguments were brought
forward, and a whole class of polemical literature arose in
the language of the day. This was the Pahlavi language,
about the origin and antiquity of which there has been a
good deal of controversy. Some have held that it is a frontier
langunge of the second century A. D., and that it grew inta import-
ance only in the times of the Sassanian revival. But the authority
of Haug is against them. In his ** Essay on Pahlavi '* he proves
the great antiquity of the lanofunge and shows that it? Semitic dialect
e&n be traced as far back as the seventh century B. C, and its
Assyrian dialect several centuries earlier still. ** The origin of
Pahlavi," says he, ** can be sought for only during the period
of the Assyrian rule, which lasted over Iran for 250 years'
and was established as early as the twelfth century B, C, if
not earlier. In the whole history of Iran from Assyrian down to
Arsacidan times there is no other period during which its rise and
spread could be explained in any reasonable way."^ In this opinion
Le is confirmed by another scholar who thinks th^j; '*the Pahlavi
language obtained currency in ancient Persia during the dynasty of
the Kyanian Kings," and that ** as maintained by some authorities it
does not owe its origin to the time of the Sassanian dynasty."'
Whatever view may be held about the origin and age of the language,
the literature written in* that language and extant to-day dates only
from the third century A. D., whilst the greatest bulk of it is as recent
as the seventh and eighth centuries. Most of the theological and'
polemical treatises written in the heyday of the old faith under the
Sassanides were lost along with books of a more sacred character.

The Zoroastrian faith fell again from power, and with Yeadigard
III., the la3t of the royal race of Sassan and his followers, it was forced
into an exile from which it has never since returned to its home and
renown. The new conquerors of Persia, the Arab followers of the
new faith of Islam, submitted it to a long and terrible persecution

almost amounting to extermination. In the great welter into which

- ■ *. ' — ■ ■ . —

1 Herodotus^ I., 95.

* Pahlavi -Pazand Olo9$ary, 1870, by Hoshang and Hang, p. 141.

" Dastor Peshotan Sanjaua's Pahlavi Grammar, 1871^ ppw 7, 10. t

218 THE TELEOLOGY OF THE PAHLATI,

things were thrown, the religious literature recovered after so much
trouble was again greatly lost sight of, though it maj hf suspected
not so much through active destruction as through the neglect of a
persecuted and down-trodden people. Even this persecution mast
not have been so very severe. There was a gveat change; but
that change was not rapid, as is popularly supposed. For nearly
three or four centuries after the Arab conq^uest the old religioD»
though fallen, was floarishing in the country, M. Mohl has
investigated this obscure period successfully, and the introduc-
tions and other essays in his mngnificent edition of the Shah
Nameh of Firdousi contain escellent materials for a history of
that period. From these it appears that the Persian religion, cus-
toms, traditions and songs survived in the hands of the Persian
nobility and landed gentry — the Dikhans as they were called — who
lived among the people^, particularly m the Eastern Provinces, remote
from the capital and the seats of foreign dominion, Baghdad, Kufah
and Mosul.^ And the poet Firdousi must have gathered the mate-
rials for his great epic from these sources. Religious materials, too^
were then existing and even added to. That the old faith was
surviving in the country for a long time is seen from the notices of
Zoroastrian families that occur in the annals of the first four centuries
after the conquest, and from the many fire-temples that still remained
to be destroyed under the later Caliphs. The story of Afshin, the
Commander-in-Chief and favourite of Caliph Motassim shewa* as
Sir William Muir notes, the strong hold which Magian or Zoroastrian
doctrines and worship still retained in the ninth century, and the
toleration accorded to them in the country.^

The old books eiisted during these eenturits-of supposed rigorous
persecution ; and not only that, but many new theological works were
produced during that period. Most of the Pahlavi treatises we now
possess were written during those centuries. It was only afterwards
that most of the theological literature disappeared, and that not so
much through deliberate destruction by the Arabs, as through the
neglect of the Parsis themselves. As Dr. £. W. West says, '' the
survival of so much of the sacred Zoroastrian literature during these
centuries of Mahomedan rule, indicates that the final loss of nearly
all this literature was not so directly attributable to the Arabs as the
Parsis suppose. So long as a considerable number of the Persians

*~0/rMM^Muiler, Chips, Vol. I., p. W, ed. 1887.
• * Earljf Caliphate^ p. 514.

8HIKANP AND CIOERO's DS KATUKA DEORUM. 219

adhered to their ancient religion, they were ahle to preserve its
literature almost intact, even for centuries, but when through
conyersion and extermination* ^the Mazda-worshippers had become
A mere remnant and then fell under the more barbarous rule of the
Tartars, they mpidly lost all their old literature that was not in
daily religious use. And the loss may have been as much due to
their neglecting the necessary crying of manuscript as ,to any
destructiveness on the part of their conquerors ; because the dura-
bility of a manuscript written on paper seldom exceeds five or six
centuries,"*

The Pahlsrvi treatises written nnder the Sassanides and in the
three centuries after the Arab conquest treat of several subjects con-
nected with religion. Some are dogmatic and expository, expounding
the views of the true fwith in various matters, as for instance* the
famous Bundahiih, which gives the account of the origin of creation
according to the Eoroastrian faith and tradition. Some are com-
mentaries on the ancient sacred books and usages. Some are in the
form of general epistles indited by learned Dastnrs to the lower clergy
and the laity *on certain points of dogma and ritual which seem to have
puzzled thein, as tihe epistles of Mannschehf and others. While some
again are polemical and apologetic works refuting other religions and
sects and upholding their own« The work which we are to consider
presently is of this last class.

It is called •*Shikand Gumanik Vijar," which means "doubt-
dispelling explanations," and was written with the chief object of
showing that good and evil arise from two independent sources as
taught by the Mazda-worshipping religion. To show this the author
naturally considers the arguments of the opposing creeds. He tries to
show that while professing to believe in the unity of creation, they can
only account for the origin of evil either by degrading the character of
the sacred being, or by attributing evil to a corrupting influence, which
is really a second being. In the general course of his great argument,
he considers and refutes the doctrines of Atheists, Jews, Christians,
Manichseans and Mahomedans. A great knowledge is shown of
their side of the case and great dialectical skill is apparent in many
parts of the argument. Quotations are given from the Old and New
Testament, as well as other works, including the Koran, and the
writer seems to have been a scholar of no mean abilities.

• Pahlari Texts, Part IV. ; Sacred Books of the Bast, Vol. XXXVII.,
p. zxxix.. Cf, also E. W. West a^ud Geiger and Kahn, QruadrUs der Irania-
chsn Philolofjiie, XI. 1., p. 60.

220 THE TELEOLOGY OF THE IWULkVJ,

This writer appears to be Mardan-farukh, flon of AhurmfiKdad, us ha
gives his own name in the body of the hook. This autobiographical
passage is interesting, as it gives tho-anthor*s qualifications for his
task, and mny be quoted : '* The many kinds of falsehood, which must
become confused and mutually afflicting to many, are, in the aggi^gstcb
from one source of deceitfulness. As to that, this composition is
provided by me, who am Mardan-farukh, son of Ahurmasdad* as I
saw in the age much religiousness and much good consideration of
sects of many species ; and I have been fervently minded, at all
times in my whole youthful career, an enquirer and investigator of
the truth of them. For the same reason I have wandered forth
also to many realms and the sea-shore. And of these compendioiu
statements which owing thereto are an enquiry of those desiring the
truth, and a collection and selection of it for these memoranda, from
the writings and memoranda of the ancient sages and high-priests of
the just, and espcciHlly those of the glorified Atur Padhtyavandt
the name Shikand Qunianik Vijar is appointed by me. As it is very
suiiable for explaining away the doubts of new learners about the
thorough understanding of the truth, the blessedness and truth of
tho good religion, and the inward dignity of these free from strife."^
His age has been fixed by his scholarly translator, Mr. £. W. West,
in the latter half of the ninth century.^ The original Pahlavi text
of the treatise is not extant, but thero are some copies of a Paiand
version of the earlier part of the work. Our existing text is derived
from the Pazand and Sanskrit version of the famous medieval Parsi
scholar Neryosnng. This Pazand-Sanskrit text has been lately
edited in a scholarly publication by Dastur Hoshang Jamasp of
Poena and Mr. E. W. West.

We havo said that Mardan-farukh refutes the arguments of the
Atheists, and it is to that portion of his treatise that I am going to
draw your attention to-day. His refutation of Atheism is contained in
the fifth and sixth Chapters. In them he points out (§§ 1 — 9) the
necessity of understanding the nature of the sacred being as well as of
admitting his existence. He then details (§§ 10 — 45) in a general
manner the various modes of acquiring such knowledge, and Ihese
modes are (§§ 4G — 91) applied to provo the existence of a wise and
benevolent Creator, from the evident existence of design in tho

t Chap. I., 34—39, WcHt, p. 120.

8 Vahlari TexU, PL. II!.j5. H, A\, Vol. XXIV., p. xxviL; ami West and
Ilobbaug b ratatui and Santkrit Tox^ of the Shikand^ p. xvii., 1887.

8HIKAND AND CICEBO's DE NATUBA DEOBUM. 221

creatures, and their various organs and appliances. In the sixth
chapter, the argument from design is continued with a special rebuke
at its close to the Sophists who argue that there can be no certainty
about spiritual matters because our knowledge of them is merely
subjective illusion.^

Now, what I wish to point out to you this evening is that the
argument, of which this is a bare outline, presents a very close
resemblance to the argument of M. Lncilius Balbus, the spokesman of
the Stoics in the famous dialogue of Cicero, called the De Natura
Deorum. This treatise is so well known to all who pay attention
either to classical literature or to philosophy that I shall not pause
here to describe it. Suffice it to say, that in it Cicero presents the
theories of the great ancient philosophical sects, the Stoics, the
Epicureans, and the Academics, about the existence, nature, and
government of the gods. In the first book the representative of the
Epicureans, C. Velleius, gives their views ; he believes in the
existence of the gods, but denies the government of the world by
them. C. Aurelius Cotta, on behalf of the Academics, says, that it is
impossible to arrive at any certainty with regard to the divine nature.
The second book is entirely taken up with the Stoic argument of
Balbus. He gives, (1) proof of the divine existence, (2) of the divine
nature, (3) oF the providential government of the universe, and (4)
of the providential care for man. Of the third part of his argument,
the providential government of the Universe, I shall give an outline from
the elaborate and excellent critical Cambridge edition of this treatise by
Prof. Joseph Mayor. Providential government is inferred from the
consideration of the Universe itself, as embodying an intelligent principle
first imported into it by a creative energy. A detailed review is given
of the wonders of Nature, viz., the earth, the sun, moon, stars and
planets ; also wonders of vegetable and animal life. Then the hand
of Providence is shewh to be most plainly visible in man, in the
provision made for supporting his life by food and air ; in the frame-
work of his body and his erect position ; in the organs of sense ; in the
gift of reason ; in the gift of speech through the wondrous mechanism
of the vocal organs ; in the capacity for action through the mechanism
of the hand ; and finally in the capacity for meditation and
worship. ^^

• West and Hoshang, p. xi,
1® II., §§ 81—153, De Natura Deorum, ed. Joseph Mayor, Vol. IL, pp. xiii.

XV.

222 THE TBLKOLOOT OF THE PAHLAVI,

This entire section of Cicero presents a resemblance to the two
chapters of the Pahlavi treatise noted above ; and this can be clearly
seen by reading the two side by side. I shall here give one instance.
Both Cicero and Mardan-farakh take the instance of the human eye
to show the adaptation of means to ends in the human body as well
as the Universe.

" What artificer bat Nature/* says Balbus, ** whose dbection is in-
comparable, could havo exhibited so much ingenuity in the formations
of the senses? In the first place, she has covered and invested the
eyes with the finest membranes, which she has made transparent^
that we may see through them, and firm in their textnre to preserve
the eyes. She hRS made them slippery and moveable that they might
avoid what would offend them and easily direct the sight wherever
they will. The actual organ of sight, which is called the pupil, is so
small that it can easily shun whatever might be hurtful to it. The
eyelids which are their coverings, are soft and smooth, that they may
not injure the eyes; and are made to shut at the apprehension of any
accident, or to o]5en at pleasure ; and these movements Nature has
ordained to be made in an instant ; thev are fortified with a sort of
pnlisade of hairs, to sweep off what may be noxious to them when
open, and to be a fence to their repose when sleep closes them, and
allows them to rest as if they were wrapped up in a caso. Besides
they are commodiously hidden and defended by eminences on every
side ; for on tlie upper part the eyebrows turn aside the perspiration
-which falls from the head and forehead ; the cheeks beneath rises little^
50 as to protect them on the lower side; and the nose is placed
between as a wall of separation.^^

Mai dan-f arukh handles the same subject of the eye. " When only
the construction of one of the organs of the body is examined into —
that is, how it is — it is wonderfully sagaciously constructed. Such
is the eye which is of many natures of different names and different
purposes, as the eyelash, the eyelid, the white, the eyeball, the trio^
and the pupil, in such way that the white is fat, the iris is water
which has so stood in the prism of fat, that the turning of the eye,
from side to side, occurs through it, and the pupil, itself the sight, is
like a view into the water. The iris stands in the prism of white
like the standing of water in a prism of fat and the pupil is within
the iris, like the view of a thing within clear water, or the form of a
column in a sliming manner. And the arrangement of the white in

SBIKAND AND ClCERO'S DE NATURA DEOEUM. 223

the orbit is for the reason that the dnst whirling from the atmosphere,
when it arrives at the eye, shall not be concealed in it, but shall turn
to the lid of the eye/'^ And both Cicero and Mardan-farukh then
proceed from the eye to the ear.

This resemblance between the two treatises has not, so far as I am
aware, been pointed out by any one. This may be chiefly owing to
general ignorance of Oriental works and especially old Persian
religious books shewn by Western scholars. But now that Prof.
Max Muller has rendered many of those old works accessible in
English, the work of comparison may be carried on with profit.
It was whilst engaged in a pretty close study of Cicero's treatise ten
years ago, that I was struck with the similarity in the arguments of
the Pahlavi writer even whilst cutting open the volume of Max
Mailer's Series containing the Shikand. I do not say anything
about the later writer borrowing from the earlier. We have no
means of arriving at any conclusions as to Mardan's knowledge of
Cicero either in the original Latin or through a translation.
Cicero's philosophical works are, as is well known, not original. He
is indebted to Greek writers. And the De Natura Deorutn, as is
shewn by Prof. Mayor, can be traced to the lost work of the philosopher
Posidonius " On the gods." Mardan says explicitly that he got these
arguments from the Dinkard of Adirfrobag. The date of this
IHnkard is bard to fix, as it took a long time^ to compose, and as it
was added to so much by later editors. Probably the editors of the
Dinkard might have seen Qreek philosophical works.

»« Chap, v., 65—76.

224

Art. XIV. Firdoust oii the Indian Origin of the Game of Chestm
By Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A.

[Roml 21st NovemlHjr 1895.]

India is ibo original home of the game of chess. From India H
wfiH introduced into Persia in the time of the great Noushiravan or
(IhoHi'oeB I. The Arabs ivho subsequently conquered Persia intro-
duced it into Spain on their conquest of the country. Spain spread it
into other parts of Europe. Though some seem to be of opinion that
it was the Crusaders who brought it from the East, many are of opinion
that it was known in Europe long before the Cmsades, and that it
was known in England before the Norman conquest.

Ah to its Indian origin, Sir William Jones in his paper^ "On the
Indian Game of (Uiess,*' says, ** If evidence be required to prove that
chess was invented by the Hindus, we may be satisfied with the
tPHtiniony of the Persians, who, though as much inclined as other
iiatiouH to appropriate the ingenious invention of a foreign people^
unanimously agree that the game was imported from the west of
I udia, together with the charming fables of Vishnusarma, in the fifth
century of our era "

The object of this paper is to adduce the testimony of one of the
greatest, if not the greatest, Persian writers, as to the Indian origin of
tlie game. Sir W. Jones makes a passing allusion to Firdousi, but does
not givo his version of the origin. Further on, Sir William Jones
says, *' Of this simple game, so exquisitely contrived and so certainly
invented in India, I cannot find any acconnt in the classical writings
of the Brahmans. It is indeed conBdently asserted that Sanskrit books
on chess exist in this country, and if they can be produced at Benares,
they will assuredly be sent to us."

1 do not know if since Sir W. Jones wrote the above, any Sanskrit
writing has been brought to light which would g^ive in detail a descrip-
tion of the origin of the game, and an account as to why this game
was invented. If a Sanskrit work of the kind has been brought to
light, it will be of some use to see, how far the following version of
Firdousi, about the circumstances which led to the invention of this
game, was right.

^ i\iu:itic Busearchetj, Vol. II.

PIRDOUSI ON THE INDIAN ORIGIM OF THK GAME OF CHESS. 225

Firdousi gives this versioD on the authority of one Shahui ( ^^ (^ )
a wise old man : —

••There lived a king in India, Jamhour (jtn^ ) ^7 Dame, who was
more valiant than Four {jjiy He was an intelligent and wise
monarch, whose territory extended from Kashmir in the west to China
in the east. He had his capital at a place called Sandali ( ^J dJu*),
The king had a wife who was equally intelligent and wise. The
queen gave birth to a prince as beautiful as the moon. The king gave
the child the name of Qau {j^). A short time after the birth of the
prince, king Jamhour died, conveying his last wishes to his queen.
The civil and military authorities of the State met together and after
some consultation resolved, that as the prince was a minor, and, as
such, was not capable of carrying on the affairs of the State, the
crown be bequeathed upon Mai ( (^ t« ), a brother of the late king,
who lived in Dambar (^«> )• Mai accepted the throne and came to
Sandali from Dambar. After ascending the throne, he married the
wife of his deceased brother^ and a son was born, whom he named
Talhend ( «xiaB^). When the child grew two years old and (3au seven
years old, king M&i fell ill and died within fifteen days of his illness.
The nobles of the State met together and resolved, that up to the time
when the two princes came to age, the throne be entrusted to the queen
who had all along shown herself to be virtuous and wise. The queen
ascended the throne and entrusted the two princes to the care of two
learned men to be properly educated. When the princes grew up,
they separately went to their mother and asked her, which of her two
sons she found to be nobler and worthier than the other. She evaded
the question, saying in a general way, that in order to deserye her
approbation they must be as temperate, courteous and wise as befitted
the sons of a king. And again they went separately to her and asked
her, to which of the two sons she would entrust the throne. She said
to each of them in turn, that he was entitled to the throne on account
of his wisdom. Thus both the princes came to age with their minds
filled up with the ambition of being the future rulers of the country.
Their respective teachers fanned the fire of this ambition. They
looked with jealousy at each other. The noble men of the Court
and the people divided themselves into two factions, one supporting

* Poms, who was defeated by Alexander.

s This allnsiozi shows that widow marriage was not prohibited in Northern
India in the time of Nouahirav&n in the sixth oentnry after Christ.

226 PTBDOUSI ON THE INMAN

the cause of Gau and the other that of Talhend. One day both the
brothers went together to their royal mother and asked her, -whicli of
the two sons she found to be worthy of tlie throne. In reply she
asked them to be patient and to submit the question to the leading
men of the State for a peaceful settlement. Gau, who was the elder
of the two, did not like this reply and asked her to decide that question
herself. He said, **if you do not find me worthy of ihe throne of my
father, say so, and give the throne to Talhend, and I will submit
myself to him. Jhit if you find me better qualified by my age and
wisdom, ask Talhend to give up his claim to tl)e throne." The mother
said in reply, that though he (Gau), being older than the other brother,
had a better right to the throne, it was better for him to settle the
question of succession peacefully with his younger brother, Talhend,
however, did not like even this qualified expression of opinion by his
royal mother in favour of Gau on account of his being elder of the
two and said that age did not always carry with it any kind of
su{)eriority, and that in civil and military appointments it was not
always the aged who occupied high positions. He said that bb his
father Mai was the last occupant of the throne he had every right to
the throne as his heir and successor. The royal mother thereupon
called upon him not to lose his temper and to take what she had said
in the spirit in which she had uttered. She said that she treated
both the brothers impartially and fairly, and thereupon, distributed
equally among them, all the royal treasures that she had under her
control.

The two brothers then resolved to submit the question of aucces*
sioD to the arbitration of their tutors. ' But the tutors, being interested
in the elevation to power, of their respective pupils, did not come to
any decision. Then the princes got two thrones placed in the
audience hall and sent for the nobles of the Stato and asked them to
settle the question, but as the Court was equally divided it was difficult
to do so. Then the last resort was to submit the question to war.
Before making any preparations for war, Gau requested his brother
to withdraw from the contest, saying that the throne of Jamhour
passed to Mai only during his minority and that Mai was no more
than a regent and that therefore he (Gau) was entitled to the throne.
Talhend did not attend to this and prepared for war. Both the
brothers collected their armies, and before the commencement of the
battle, Gau once more requested his younger brother, through a
messenger, to give up the contest. He also suggested the alternative

ORIGIN OF THE ^AME OF CHESS. 227

of dividing the kingdom into tifvo parts. Bat all this was of nQ
avail, asTalhend was bent upon fighting. Gaa sent for his preceptor
and asked his advice over the state of affairs at this crisis. The
preceptor advised his royal pupil to once more try his best, to win
over his brother, by offering him all the royal treasures, except the
throne and the royal seal. Gau sent a special messenger to Talhend,
offering all these, but it was of no avail.

Before givmg the final orders to commence fighting, Gau said a
few words of encouragement to his soldiers and asked them to take
Talhend prisoner, but not to kill him or wound him. On the other
side, Talhend also gave a similar order to his soldiers. A bloody
battle was fought, in which the army of Talhend received a crushing
defeat. At the end of the battle Gau once more asked his brother
to give up the hopeless contest, but Talhend paid no attention to his
request and retired from the battle-field to a place called Marg and
collected another large army, paying the men very liberally for their
services. He then sent an insulting message to his elder brother
Gau, and said that he was iirilling to fight again. At the instance
of his preceptor, Gau sent a peaceful reply, offering terms of peace to
liis brother. Talhend called a council of war and submitted the
terms offered by h'i$ brother for consideration. In the end they
resolved to fight again. A second bloody and fierce battle was
fought, wherein Talhend was found dead, over his elephant, through
great exhaustion, consequent upon hard work and want of food and
water for a long time. Gau, not seeing his brother in the midst of the
army, sent his men to inquire, and they found him dead upon the
back of his elefibant. Gau lamented long for the death of his brother.
When the Qneen heard of the death of her younger son, she lost
herself in profound grief. She went to Talhend's palace and burnt his
crown and throne as signs of mourning, and then burnt his body
according to the customs of the Hindus.

Gau, when he heard of the grief of his mother, went to her and
consoled her, saying that he had no hand in the death of his brother,
that he had done his best to dissuade him from fighting, that he had
given all possible instructions to his army not to kill or wound him,
and that he was found dead on the elephant, without in the least
being wounded by anybody. The mother could not believe the fact
that Talhend was found dead on the back of his elephant and that he
died of exhaustion without being killed or wounded by any one in the
tuTKoil of the battle* She thought that a case like that was

228 FIBDOUSI ON THE INDIAN

impossible and suspected some foul play, Gan thereupon asked his
mother to be patient for some time, in order that he may prove to hrr
satisfaction, that a death like that of Talhend was possible in a battle-
field, and that neither he nor anybody else had any hand i& his death.
He said that by some contrivance he would prove to her satisfaction
that the death of a king, on the back of his elephant, in the midst of
a battle, on being shut up on all sides and without being either killed
or wounded by anybody, was quite possible. He added that if he
could not prove that, he was ready to burn himself. The mother
thereupon desired to be shown how such a death was possible, and
said that if that could not be shown to her satisfaction, she wonld
prefer burning herself rather than that her son Gau should burn
himself. Gau thereupon returned to his palace and told his
preceptor all that had passed between him and his mother. The
preceptor advised the king to call a council of learned men from
differcut parts of the country, suoh as Caslimere, Dambar, Marg and
Mai, and to ask them to devise some means or contrivance by which
the queen can be consoled for the death of her younger aon, and it
should be shown to her that the death of a king, without either being
wounded or killed in a battle, was quite possible, and that it might be
brought about by being shut up on all sides and consequently through
exhaustion and want of food and water.

Gau accordingly sent messengers all round and called a council of
the learned men of the country. The preceptor of the king explained
to them the whole state of affairs and then described the battle-field
on which the battle between the two brothers was fought and the
position of the different armies and generals. On learning all the
particulars, the learned men, and especially two among them, invented
the game of chess, wherein one could see how one of the two kings,
without being slain, was shut up on all sides, by the army of his
opponent and lost the battle or the game.

I give below Firdousi's description of the game to enable the
players of the modern game to see how far their method of play
resembled that described by Firdousi as the Indian method. In giving
my translation I follow the text of Mohl (Vol. VI.) "Two great
and good-natured men prepared a square board of ebony wood. It
represented ditches and a battle-field on which two armies had met
face to face. They painted 100 squares on that board for the
movement of the army and the king. Then they prepared two
armies out of teak wood and ivory and two exalted kings with dignity

ORIGIN OP THE GAME OP CHESS, 229

and crown. Over it the footmen and the horsemen were drawn in two
lines prepared for the battle. Horses and elephants, the Dastur of
the king and the warriors who ride their horses in the midst of an
amny, all presented the picture of warfare, some marching fast and
at a gallop and others going at a slow pace. The king led the centre
t)f the army, having his well-wishing minister on one hand. On the
two sides of the hand of the king were two elephants. The movements
of the elephant raised the dust of the colour of the water of the river
Kile. On the sides of the two elephants were standing two camels
liaving two intelligent persons for their riders. On the sides of the
camels were two horses and two riders, who could fight on the day
of battle. On the sides of the two lines of the army were two
warlike rooks, with all foam over the lips, being excited for the battle.
The foot soldier moved here and there, because in the midst of the
battle it was he, who provided help. When one of these (foot
soldiers) succeeded in going to the other end of the battle field, it
had the right of sitting by the side of the king as his adviser.

''The adviser (or the vazir) cannot move in the midst of the battle
more than one square away from the king. The exalted elephant
moved three squares and he looked across the whole battle field up to
a distance of two miles ; similarly the camel also moved three squares^
moving pompously and majestically over the battle field. The horse
also moved three squares, one of which was out of the way. Nobody
dared to go before the rook which ran over the whole of the battle
field, looking for revenge. Everybody moved within the sphere of his
own plain ; none moved more or less. When somebody saw the king
within his reach, he called out "Hold ofi', oh king! " The king then
moved away and away from his square, until he had no more room
to move. Then the rook, the horse, the minister, the elephant and
the foot-soldiers all shut up the way of the king. He looked round
in all the four directions and found his army defeated with their eye-
brows dejected. He found his way shut up by water and ditches.
On his left and right, in front of him and behind him, were the
soldiers of the enemy. Out of fatigue and thirst, the king perished
This was the lot that he had obtained from the revolving heavens."

We find from these details of Firdousi that among the ancient
Hindoos, the chess beard was made up of 100 squares instead of 84 as
we have at present. In the modern method the following pieces
make up the first line of eight squares : — •

1 2846^7 8

Book or castld, knight, bishop, queen, king, bishop, knight, rook or castle.
80

230 Fiunoirsi on the Indian

■

But in the old Indian method, as there were 100 squares, ten pieces
formed the first line in the following order. To use Firdonsi's

•words : —

Rooky hars.'y cameU elephant, Bastur^ ling^ elejphant,camei,hor8c,rooh.

To use modern words : —
Rook, "knight, bishop, castle, queen, king, castle, bishop, knight, rook*

We thus find that while in the ancient game tho rook and the
castle formed two different sets of pieces, in the modern game^ they
are combined into one. The very fact that, while all the different
kinds of pieces in the modern game have one name, the piece
representing the rook or castle has two alternative names, shows that
in the ancient Indian game rook and castle represented two different
pieces, but latterly they were made to represent one and the same
piece. It appears that it was in Persia, that the amalgamation was
first made because the Pehelvi Madigcini-chatrHng, of which we will
speak Liter on, speaks of 16 pieces on each side of the board and not
of 20 as suggested by the description of Firdousi,

We give below the English names of the dilTerent pieces and their
Persian equivalents as given by Firdousi: —

English
King

Queen

•• •

Bishop

Knight

Castle

Kook

Pawn

Firdousi' s.
i^ (/. e., king).

^\^)j^^ ('^'j vazir) or »Lijy-«^ (i.e., the
bishop or adviser of the king).

y^ (camel).

Y-**»' (horse).

ci^j (elephant).

^j (rook).

jj^Iaj (foot soldier).
In the modern game the cjueen, »s the adviser of the king, occupies
tho Rcoond place of honour, which in the old game was occupied by
the Uastnr, ?'. r., the minister or the bishop of tho king. The name
bishop, for one of the pieces in the modern English game, seems to me
to have been taken from the old Persian game, where, according to
Firdousi, his eqtiivalent was Dastur. But these two pieces have
changed their places in their respective games.

Again, Sir William Jones ref^Ts to a description of the game of
chess iu the Bhavishya Puran, " in which Yudhisht'har is represented

* Vazir iu modern Persian,

ORIGIN OF THE GAME OF CHESS. 231

conversing with Vyasa, who explains at the king's request, the form
of a fictitious warfare and the principal rules of it." In that description
a boat forms one of the pieces of the game. Sir William Jones refers
to that and says : *' A ship or boat is substituted, we see, in this
complex game for the rat'h, or armed chariot, which the Bengalese
pronounce rot'h, and which the Persians changed into rokh, whence
came the rook of some European nations ; as the vierge and fol of
the French are supposed to be corruptions of ferz and fil, the prime
minister and elephant of the Persians and Arabs. ... I cannot agree
with my friend Radhdcant, that a ship is properly introduced in this
imaginary warfare, instead of a chariot, in which the old Indian
■warriors constantly fought; for though the king might be supposed
to sit in a car, so that the four angas would be complete, and though
it may often be necessary in a real campaign to pass rivers or lakes, yet
no rive? is marked on the Indian as it is in the Chinese chess-board."
But Firdousi's version throws some light on this subject, because we
find from his description of the Indian game given above, that ditches
and water were represented on the ancient-Indian chess-board.

The game of chess thus showed that it was possible for a king to
be shut up on all sides in a battle-field and to die out of mere
exhaustion and through thirst and hunger without being killed or
wounded by anybody, Gau showed the game to his royal mother and
explained how it was possible for Talhend lo have died on the battle-
field through exhaustion, thirst and hunger, without being killed
or wounded by any of his soldiers. Thereafter, the queen, whenever
she remembered the death of her departed son, Talhend, sought to
drown her grief in this game of chess. '^ She always liked the game
of chess because she was always sorry for the death of Talhend. She
often shed tears of grief and in that case the game of chess was the
only remedy for her grief."

Thus we learn from Firdousi that it was to console a royal mother
that an Indian prince had invented the game of chess. We will now
briefly see how, according to Firdousi, the game was introduced into
Persia from India.

One day there came to Noushiravan (Chosroes I.) of Persia
a messenger^ from India carrying with him Indian elephants, Sindhi

'• We have an older authority which, though it does not say how the game
of chess was invented, supports Firdousi in his description as to how the game
was introduced in Persia. It is the Pehelvi treatise known as the Madigan-i-
Chatrang, for the text and translation of which we arc indebted to Dastur

232 FIRDOUSI ON THE INDIAN

horses and various Indian curiosities a.s presents for the Persian king
from an Indian Raja.^ He also carried a very handsome and costly
chess-board and a letter from the Raja to the Shah of Persia. The
messenger presented all these on behalf of bis royal master to
Noushiravan and communicated an oral message which said : '* May
you live as long as the heaven lasts. Order those who are very wise
in your Majesty's Court to place this chess-board before them and to
find out the method of playing this game. Let them determine the
names of the difEerent pieces and the way how to move them in the
different squares and how to regulate the courses of the elephant, the
horse, the rook, the Vizier and the king. If your Majesty's courtiers
will succeed in discovering the method of playing this game, we will
acknowledge your suzerainty and give you the tribute which your
Majesty demands. But if the wise men of Iran are not able to discover
the method of playing this game, then as they are not able tb stand
with us in point of wisdom, they should cease asking from us any
tribute. Not only that, but in that case Iran should undertake

to pay tribute to India, because of all things, knowledge is the

be8t."7

The message having ended, the chess-board was arranged before
king Noushiravun who began to look at it very eagerly. The mes-
senger then, on being asked by the king, said that the game portrayed
the scene of a battle, and that the king, if he was able to discover the
method of playing it, would find therefrom, the details of a battle.

Dr. Pcahotan Byrainjee. Though the Pehelvi account is much shorter than
Finlousi's, and though there are several points of difference, the two accounts
agree in their main features. This Pehelvi treatise gives the name of the mes-
Bcnger as Takhtaritus. I give the name as it is read by Dastur Dr. Peshotan

but the wonl <O)!0^(C^ ^^^^ ^ ^"^^ ^^ varioxis other ways.

« The Madigan-i-Chatrang gives the name of the Indian RAjA as DevsAram.

Tuc word ^-lO^Ci) can be read in various other ways, and I choose to read it as

Dipislim which is the same ai Dabislim the well-known king of the book of
Kalileh and Damneh or the story of BidpAe otherwise known under its later
name of Anviir^e-Sohili.

^ The message as given in the Pehelvi treatise runs thus : —
" As you deem yourself to be the king of all the rest of us kings and hold the
title of Emperor (over us) the wise men of your court ought also to surpass t|io6C
of ours, nuncc you should send us an exposition of this game of chess (that is
sent herewith), and if you fail to do so, you should give us tribute and the
fourth littrt of your revenues." — Dr. Pcshotan.

ORIGIN OV THE OAHS OF CHK8S. 233

KoushiravaD asked for a period of seven days,^ by the end of which
time, he said he would discover the method of playing the game.

The noblemen and the officers of the king's court then tried their
best to discover the method, but they all failed. The king was very
«orry, lest it would throw a slur upon his royal court, that it possessed
not a single clever soul who could solve the mysteries of an Indian
^ame. But then Buzarjameher, the chief adviser of the king, rose to
the occasion and undertook to solve the mystery of the game. He
studied it for one day and night and then discovered the method of
|)laying it. Having communicated his [Success to his royal master,
the ktter called an assembly wherein he invited the Indian messenger
to be present. Buzarjameher made the Indian messenger repeat the
conditions of the treaty offered by the Indian Raja, vit,, that in case
an Iranian discovered the method of playing the game, the king of
Persia had the right of suzerainty upon the Indian Raja, and then he
arranged the game and showed to the messenger the method of
plaj^ing it.® The whole of the assembly and the messenger were struck
wiidi astonishment at the intelligence displayed by the minister of the
king. The king was much pleased with him and rewarded him very
liberally.

Firdousi thereafter adds that this Buzarjameher, in his turn,
invented another game called the game of Nard^^ i*^^)* & game like
that of draughts or backgammon and carried it to India to test the
intelligence of the Indian Brahmans, if they could solve its mysteries
and discover the meaning and the mystery of the game. The Indian
lUya asked a period of seven day s^^ to try to discover the method.
But the Hindoo sages in the end failed to discover the mystery of
the game.

The modern Indian name of the game of chess is "Shatranj," which
Sir William Jones derives as follows from its original Sanskrit word : —

^It seems to have been immemorially known in Hindustan
by <the name of Chatur-anga, that is the four *angas ' or members of

* The Pehelvi treatise gives three days.

* The Pehelvi treatise says that he played twelve games with the Indian
€nvoy and won all of them.

^* Acoording to the Kadigan-i-Chatrang, the name of the game was Vin-i-

Artashir JiJ^) m^Jm yi « It was so called in honour of Ardeshir Babegan, the

founder of the Saasanian Dynasty.

^^ According to the Pehelvi account 40 days*

234 FIRD0U8I ON THE INDIAN

an nrmj, vie,, elephants, horses, chariots and foot soldiers. . . By a
natural corruption of the pure Sanscrit word it was changed by the old
Persians into Chatrang^^ but the Arabs who soon after took possession
of the country, had neither the initial nor the final letter of that word
in their alphabet, and consequently altered it further into ' Shtranflr,*
which found its way presently into the modern Persian and at length
into the dialects of India where the true derivation of the word m
known only to the learned. Thus has a very significant word in the
sacred langnage of the Brahmans been transformed by successiTs
changes into axedrez, scacchi, echecs, chess, and by a whimsical
occurrence of circumstances, given birth to the English word cheeky
and even a name to the Exchequer of Great Britain.^^ "

Several modern dictionaries derive the word chess from Persian
* Shah/ i. 6„ king. This mistaken etymology seems to have begun from
the time the Arabs introduced the play into Europe, because having
corrupted in their pronunciaticm the original word Chatrang into
Shatrang, they derived the word from Persian *Shah' (king) and * ranj*
(trouble), and gave it the meaning of ** the trouble or the difficulty of
the king/' because the chief point in the play rests upon shutting np
the moves of the king.

Before concluding this paper, we will briefly speak of two other
versions about the origin and discovery of the game of chess. One of
these versions is gicen by Caxton, the first English printer in his book
" The game of chess," which was the second book printed in England
(1474).!*

According to Gaxton's work which was the translation of a French
book, which in its turn was taken from the Latin, the game of chess
was discovered in the time of " a kyng in I^abilon that was named
cnylmerodach a jolye man without justyse and so cruel that he did
do hewe his faders body in thre hondred pieces and gaf hit to ete
and deuouro to thre hondred byrdes that men cftlle voultres/^
(Part I. ch. I.)

It was discovered by a philosopher of the East named Excerses in
('haldaic and Philometer in Greek. Philometer in Greek meant
** lover of justice or measure/* The philosopher, true to his name, was
no flatterer, and hated the evil and vicious life of king enylmerodach
(evil Merodach). Thekinij; put to death all those who dared to adviso

^* It is so named in the Pchelvi work Ma<ligan-i -Chatrang.

^3 Asiatic Researches, Vol. II., p. 159.

^* Caxton's game of Clicsse. Facsimile 1863.

ORIGIN OF THE GAME OF CHESS. 235

him and to remonstrate with him for his injustice and cruelty. So
when the people requested^^ this philosopher to approach the king and
advise him, he found himself in a difficulty. On being pressed to
undertake even at the risk of his life that important task which would
immortalise his name, the philosopher consented. '* And thenne, he
began to thynke hym in what maner he mjght escape the deth and
kepeto the peplehis promesse and thenne thus he maad in thys maner
and ordeygned the eschequer of 64 poyntes.*'

Having thus discovered the game, the philosopher began to play it
with the barons, knights and gentlemen of the Court of the king, who
all liked it very much. The king once saw the philosopher playing
the game. He liked it and wanted to play with the philosopher.
The latter said that the king must first learn it thoroughly from him.
The king consented. The philosopher began to teach it to him and
in so doing dwelt at some length upon the duties of the different
officers of the State that were represented on the chess-board. He
dwelt at great length upon the duties and responsibilities of a good
king and at length advised the king to " amende hymself and become
vertuous." The king thereupon demanded '* upon payn of deth to telle
hym wherefore he had founden and maad this playe and he answerd
* my right dere lord and kyng, the grettest and most thyng that I
desire is that thou have in thyself a glorious and vertuous lyf , . . .
Thus than I desire that thou have other gouernement thene thou hast
had, and that thou have upon thyself first seignourie and maistriesuche
as thou hast upon other by force and not by right. Certeynly hit is
not right that a man be maister over other and comandour whe
he cannot rewle nor may rewle hymself and that his vertues domyne
above his vyces, for seignourie by force and wylle may not longe
endure. Thenne thus may thou see oon of the causes why and
wherefore I have founden and maad this playe, whiche is for to
correcte and repreve the of thy tyrannye and vicious lyuying."^^

Having thus described at some length the first cause why he had
discovered the game to improve the king, the philosopher said that
** the second cause wherfore this playe was founden and maad was for
to kepe him from ydlenesse, wherof Seneque sayth unto Lucy He
ydlenes without any ocupacion is sepulture of a man lyuyng." The
philosopher made a few remarks as to idleness leading a man to an evil
and sinful life, and said that the third cause why he had discovered

1* Caxton, Part JV., Chap. VIII.
i«i Caxton, Part I., Chap. IlL

236 PIRDOUSI ON THE INDIAN

the game was to remove ''pensifnes and thoughtes "from the mind of
the player.

The king having heard all these causes, thought '* that the
philosopher had founds a good maner of correccion and than he
thankjd hjm gretelj and thus hy the signement and lenrnjing of the
philosopher, he chaunged his lif, his maners and alle his eujll
condicions/' Part IV. ch. 8.

Now though the two versions ahout the cause, which led to the
discovery of the game are different, I think that ihe Ghreek Philometor
referred to hy Caxton is the same as Persian Buzarjameher. The
Greek name according to Caxton means 'Mover of justice" and the
Persian word means " great in justice." The Greek matron is the
same as Persian meher.

Now, before giving this version of the cause why the game of
chess was discovered, Caxton's work, though it does not believe the
statement, alludes to one other version. It says that some men say
*' that this play was founden in the tyme of the Vatnylles and siege of
Troye,"^^ This reminds us of what Sir William Jones^® says of h]»
being told '* that this game is mentioned in the oldest law books« and
that it was invented by the wife of Rdvan, king of Lanca in order to*
amuse him with an image df war, while his metropolis was closely
beseiged by Rama in the second age of the world."

These two latter versions, the European version and the Indian
version, which give to the seige of Troy and to the seige of Lanca
respectively, the credit of having originated the discovery of the game
of chess, are very striking, because they add one more link to the
number of facts which have been advanced to show that there is a
striking resemblance between the Indian episode of Sita and lUvau
in the Ramayan and the Greek episode of Helen and Paris in the
Hliad.i9

" Part I., Chap. I.

»» Asiatic Researches, Vol. II., p. 160.

^H MW51S "^s^-a hh \CCC~Ck ii ^WMil W^l W^l «l^. A lecture by Mr.
Pallonjee Burjorjee Desai.
A Lecture by Prof. Macmilhm.

237

Art. XV. — Oashmere and the Ancient Persians. By Jivanji

Jamshbdji Modi, B. A.

[Read 9th December 1895.]

M. Troyer in his Rajatarangini* says that " In all the geographical
notices of the ancients, Kachmir appears to hare been joined to India."
This is, to a very great extent, true of the geographical notices of
Cashmere in the ancient Iranian literature.

In the times of the Avesta, the modern regions of Cashn^ere, Punjaub
and Scinde which are watered by the great Indus and its tributaries,
were included in the region known by the name of Hapta Hindu

(^JJ^'O* ••■ro-O') the Septa Sindhu {^^ fts^) of the Vedas.

As the Avestic and Yedic names Hapta-Hindu and Sapta-Sindhu
signify, the Indus then had seven tributaries. The ancient Greeks
and the ancient Hipdus had given the following names to the seven
tributaries : —

Vedic-names.

Greek.

Modem.

In the MaMbharata.'

Sindhu

•••

Indus

Sindhu

Yitasta

•••

Hydaspes

Jhelum

Vitasta.

Asikani

...

Akesines

Chenaub

Tchandrabliaga,

Parushani

•••

Hydraortes

Ravi

Airavati.

Vipfts...

...

Hyphasis

Biya

Vipasa.

^t&dhru

■ . •

Hesydrus

Sutlej

Satadru.

Eubhi

. ••

Kophen

By the time when the Pehelvi wribern wrote their commentaries of
the Avesta Yendidad, which mentions the name of this bountry as
flapta ELindu, some of the tributaries were united and their number
was reduced to five, which has given the countiy its comparatively
modern name of Panjnaddy or Panjaub, i.e., the country of five rivers.

1 Bajatarangini. Histoiro des Rois du Kachmir, Vol. II., p. 308,
« Ibid., II., p; 317.

242 CASUMERE AND THE ANCIENT PERSIANS.

for this statement Wilson says, " It does not appear from what source
they have derived this story, as it is not found in the Hindu

records, nor in the historical romance of Firdousi •

Had there been any foundation for the tradition, it might have
been of some chronological utility." I think the source of this
tradition is Bahman-nnmeh, i. 6., the book of Bahman, written
according to M. Mohl. in the end of the eleventh or in the
common cemefUt of the twelfth century. It appears from the
Bahman-nameh that the fame of the beauty of the women of
Cashmere had spread even in Persia. When the different advisers of
the king advised him to marry the princesses of the different
countries which they liked best, Rastam pointed to Cashmere and
advised his kin^ to marry the princess of that country. Firdousi says
that Bah man had died a natural death^^ but according to Badi*ud-diD,
whose authority Wilson follows, he was murdered by the attendants
of his Cashmiri queen, his marriage with whom had proved very
unhappy.

Again, it appears from the Bahman-nameh that Cashmere was a
place of refuge for the family of Rustam from the cruel hand of
Bahman. His sisters and other relations ran away to Cashmere when
pursued by the followers of Bahman. ^^

According to Badi-ud-din, Janaka, the third ruling prince of
Cashmere after the above named Surendra, had sent a Cashmiri army
under his son to invade Persia then ruled over by Homai, the
daughter of Bahman, but the army was repelled by Darab, the son of
Bahman.

Jaloka, the third ruling prince after Janaka, had, according to
Badi-ud-din, subjugated a part of the north of Persia then ruled over
by Darub.

In the long list of rulers who succeeded Jaloka, we have nothing
special to record about the relations of the ancient Persians wiih
Cashmere, until we come to the reign of Mihircule, the Mirkhol of

17 On the other side of Takht-i-Solomon near Shrinagar there 'is a place
called Rustamgari. A pundit at the temple of Bagoonath Mandir told me that
according to some it ia bclicvcfl to have derive«l its name from Bustam. I waa
told by my syce at Islfim^bnd that at Giljit, in Cashmere, a place was pointed
out to him as that at which, accortling to tradition, Kostam was killed by the
treachery of hu in'olhcr Shag^id,

CASHMERE AND THE ANCIENT PERSIANS. 243

Ayin-i-Akbari. The author of the Rajatarangini depicts this king as
a wicked monarch in whose reign the Mleclihas had an ascendency.
He founded the temple of Mihireswara and the city of Mihirapur,
"in which the Gandhar Brahmans, a low race, were permitted to
seize upon the endowments of the more respectable orders of the
priesthood."

Now who were these iTF>Trrr ^TT^^TT of the ^r^-d^^^ i. e., the
Gandharva Brahmans of the Malechha dynasties ?

A learned Pundit of Cashmere told me fliat this is an allusion to the
Persian priests of Zoroastrian faith. The king Mihirakula having
fovoured these Zoroastrian priests, he is run down by tho Brahman
writer of the Rajatarangini and the Persian priests are abused. The
very names, of the king, his temple and his city as Mihirakula, Mihiresh-
wara and Mihirapura point to a tendency to lean towards the
Persian worship of Meher or Mithras.

The references to the Gandarii by the classical writers, as collected
both by Wilson and Troyer, point to two different races of the
Gandarii. It appears that the Gaud haras referred to by the author
of the Bftjataringini were not the same as those referred to in the
Mah4bh&ratta, but they were the same as those referred to by
Herodotus, as a people of one of the twenty Satrapies, in which Darius
Hystaspes had divided his Persian Empire.^® They were the same
who, with the Sogdians ''having the same accoutrements as the
Bactrians," formed a part of the army of Xerxes.^® They are the same
as those referred to by Pliny as being a tribe of Sogdiana, theSogdha
of the Vendidad.

Thus the Gandhara Brahmins referred to by Rajatarangini, as being
preferred to the Brahmins of the country and as having won the
favour of Mihirakula, were some foreigners from the further west.
That they were Zoroastrian Mobeds appears from the description
given in the Rajatarangini.^ The writer alludes tauntingly to the
oft-repeated charge of the custom of marriage among the nearest kins
among the ancient Persians, a charge that has been rebutted as one
carelessly made by a few Greek writers on the authority of a few
doubtfal recorded instances of one or two unreasonable Persian
monarchs.

18 Bk.in.,91.
i» Bk. Vn., 66.
«o Bk. I., Slokas 306— 309.

242 CASHMERE AND THE ANCIENT PERSIANS.

for this statement Wilson says, " It does not appear from what source
thej have derived this story, as it is not found in the Hindu

records, nor in the historical romance of Firdousi •

Had there heen any foundation for the tradition, it might have
heen of some chronological utility.*' I think the source of this
tradition is Bahman-nnmeh, t. e,, the book of Bahman, written
according to M. Mohl. in the end of the eleventh or in the
commencemefUt of the twelfth century. It appears from the
Bahman-nameh that the fame of the beauty of the women of
Cashmere had spread even in Persia. When the different advisers of
the king advised him to marry the princesses of the different
countries whirh they liked best, Rastam pointed to Cashmere and
advised his kin^ to marry the princess of that country. Firdousi says
that Bahman had died a natural death^^ but according to Badi*ud-din,
whose authority Wilson follows, he was murdered by the attendants
of his Caslimiri queen, his marriage with whom had proved very
unhappy.

Jaloka, the third ruling prince after Janaka, had, according to
Badi-ud-din, subjugated a part of the north of Persia then ruled over
by Darab.

In the long list of rulers who succeeded Jaloka, we have nothing
special to record about the relations of the ancient Persians with
Cashmere, until we come to the reign of Mihircule^ the Mirkhol of

17 On the other side of Takht-i-Solomon nejir Shrinagar there 'is a plaoo
called Rustamgari. A pundit at the temple of Bagoouath Mandir told me that
according to some it is believed to have dorivcfl its name from Bustam. I was
told by my syce at Islfim^bad that at Oil jit, in Cashmere, a place was pointed
out to him as that at which, according to tradition, Kostam was killed by the
treachery uf his brother ShagAd.

CASHMERE AND THE ANCIENT PERSIANS. 243

Now who were these iTF>srrrr ^TT^^TT of the Ji ft - dg^^ i. e., the
Gandharva Brahmans of the Malechha dynasties ?

The references to the Gandarii by the classical writers, as collected
both by Wilson and Troyer, point to two different races of the
Gandarii. It appears that the Gand haras referred to by the author
of the Bftjataringini were not the same as those referred to in the
MahabhSratta, bat they were the same as those referred to by
Herodotus, as a people of one of the twenty Satrapies, in which Darius
Hystaspes had divided his Persian Empire.^® They were the same
who, with the Sogdians ''having the same accoutrements as the
Bactrians," formed a part of the army of Xerxes.^® They are the same
as those referred to by Pliny as being a tribe of Sogdiana, theSogdha
of the Vendidad.

Thus the Gandhara Brahmins referred to by Rajatarangini, as being
preferred to the Brahmins of the country and as having won the
favour of Mihirakula, were some foreigners from the further west.
That they were Zoroastrian Mobeds appears from the description
given in the Rajatarangini.^ The writer alludes tauntingly to the
oft-repeated charge of the custom of marriage among the nearest kins
among the ancient Persians, a charge that has been rebutted as one
carelessly made by a few Greek writers on the authority of a few
doabtfal recorded instances of one or two unreasonable Persian
monarchs.

18 Bk.in.,91.

" Bk. Vn., 66.

«o Bk. I., Slokas 306—309.

242 CASHMERE AND THE ANCIENT PERSIANS.

for this statement Wilson says, " It does not appear from what source
they have derived this story, as it is not found in the Hindu
records, nor in the historical romance of Firdousi ...•••
Had there been any foundation for the tradition, it might have
been of some chronological utility." I think the source of this
tradition is Bahman-nameh, t. 6., the book of Bahman, written
according to M. Mohl. in the end of the eleventh or in the
commencemefUt of the twelfth century. It appears from the
Bahman-nameh that the fame of the beauty of the women of
Cashmere had spread even in Persia. When the different advisers of
the king advised him to marry the princesses of the different
countries which they liked best, Rnstam pointed to Cashmere and
advised his kin^ to marry the princess of that country, Firdousi says
that Bahman had died a natural death^^ but according to Badi-ud-din,
whose authority Wilson follows, he was murdered by the attendants
of his Cashmiri queen, his marriage with whom had proved very
unhappy.

According to Badi-ud-din, Janaka, the third ruling prince of
Cashmere after the above named Surendra, had sent a Cashmiri army
under his son to invade Persia then ruled over by Homai» the
daughter of Bahman, but the army was repelled by Dar&b, the son of
Bahman.

Jaloka, the third ruling prince after Janaka, had, according to
Badi-ud-din, subjugated a part of the north of Persia then ruled over
by Darab.

In the long list of rulers who succeeded Jaloka, we have nothing
special to record about the relations of the ancient Persians with
Cashmere, until we come to the reign of Mihircule^ the Mirkhol of

^7 On the other side of Takht-i-Solomon near Shrinagar there 'is a plaee
called Rustamgari. A pundit at the temple of Bagoouath Mandir told me that
according to some it ia believed to have derivcfl its name from Bustam. I was
tol<l by my syce at Islfim^bad that at Oiljit, in Cashmere, a place was pointed
GUI. to him as that at which, accoKling to tradition, Kustam was killcii by the
treaohory of his brother ShagAd.

CASHMERE AKD THE ANCIENT PERSIANS. 243

Ayin-i-Akbari. The author of the Rajntarftngini depicts this king as
a wicked monarch in whose reign the Mlechhas had an ascendency.
He founded the temple of Mihireswara and the city of Mihirapur,
"in which the Gandhar Brahmans, a low race, were permitted to
seize apon the endowments of the more respectahle orders of the
priesthood."

Now who were these vir^-v^Kr fTr^^TT of the ^Fj^STTO «. e., the
Oandharva Brahmans of the Malechha dynasties?

A learned Pundit of Cashmere told me fhat this is an allusion to the
Persian priests of Zoroastrian faith. The king Mihirakula having
favoured these Zoroastrian priests, he is run down by the Brahman
writer of the Bajatarangini and the Persian priests are abused. The
very names, of the king, his temple and his city as Mihirakula, Mihiresh-
wara and Mihirapura point to a tendency to lean towards the
Persian worship of Meher or Mithras.

The references to the Gandarii by the classical writers, as collected
both by Wilson and Troyer, point to two different races of the
Gandarii. It appears that the Gandharas referred to by the author
of the BfAjataringini were not the same as those referred to in the
Mahabharatta, bat they were the sam« as those referred to by
Herodotus, as a people of one of the twenty Satrapies, in which Darius
Hystaspes had divided his Persian Empire.^^ They were the same
who, with the Sogdians ''having the same accoutrements as the
Bactrians," formed a part of the army of Xerxes.^® They are the same
as those referred to by Pliny as being a tribe of Sogdiana, the^ogdha
of the Vendidad.

Thus the Gandhara Brahmins referred to by Bajatarangini, as being
preferred to the Brahmins of the country and as having won the
flavour of Mihirakula, were some foreigners from the further west.
That they were Zoroastrian Mobeds appears from the description
given in the Rajatarangini.^ The writer alludes tauntingly to the
oft-repeated charge of the custom of marriage among the nearest kins
among the ancient Persians, a charge that has been rebutted as one
carelessly made by a few Greek writers on the authority of a few
doabtfal recorded instances of one or two unreasonable Persian
monarchs.

18 Bk.in.,91.
le Bk. VIL, 66.
>o Bk. I., Slokas 306—309.

244 CASHMERE ANT) THE ANCIENT rEKSlANS.

The next reference by Badin-ud-din to n Cashmixi king who had
any relations with Persia is that to Lalitaditya, who, according to
Wilson's chronology, ruled in the commencement of the eighth century
after Christ. When Yazdgird, the last of the Sassanian rulers, was hard
pressed by the rising power of the Arabs, he was one of the neighbour-
ing rulers who had marched to Persia to help the Persian niQnarch.
But, on his vray, hearing of the great power of the Arabs, he withdrew
and returned to Cashmere.

According to Herodotus, Darius Hystaspcs was the first Persian
monarch, who had sent to Cashmere an expedition for exploring the
regions watered by the Indus. We know from the same anthority,
and from several stone columns with cuneiform inscriptions recently
discovered near Suez, that this enterprising monarch was the first to
build a complete Suez canal about twenty-three centuries ago, for the
purpose of developing the trade of his conquered countries.*^ It
appears that it was with the same enterprising zeal that he had sent
an expedition to the shores of the Indus. Herodotus says: —

** A great part of Aaia was explored under the direction of DariuB.
He being desirous to know in what part the Indus, which is the second
river that produces crocodiles, discharges itself into the sea, sent in
ships with others on whom he could rely to make a trne report and
also Scylax of Caryanda. They accordingly setting out from the city
of Caspatyrus and the country of Pactyice, sailed down the riyer
towards the east and sunrise to the east. . . . After these
persons had sailed round, Darius subdued the Indians and frequented
this sea ."22

Herodotus refers to the above Caspatyrus in another chapter as
follows : — ''There are other Indians bordering on the city of Caspatyrus
and the country of Pactyice settled northward of the other Indians,^
whose mode of life resembles that of the Bactrians. They anj the
most warlike of the Indians." ^

Wilson has shown very cleverly that the Caspatyrus of Herodotal
is the same as Cashmere.'^ According to the ancient tradition recorded
in the Rajatarangini, the ancient history of Cashmere, the coontiy was

■1 **L.i Stde d(i Chalouf par M. Joachim Meiiant. Vide my Gujazati
Lucture Inifore the DiiyAn Prasarak Mandli on ** The Suez Canal."
*» Uero<lotu8 IV., Ch. 44; translated l>y Cary.
*3 Horo<lotu8 III., Cli. 102.
«* Asiatic Ucsearchcs, Vol. XV., p. 115.

CASHMERE AND THE ANCIENT PEHSIANS. 245

at first A vast iake called Satisaras. Saint Eagyapay the son of
Marichi, the son of Brahma (the Kashef of the Mahomedans), was
the person who brought about the desecration of the conntry and
emptied the lake. Hence the country was called Kacyapapura, t.e.f
the country of Kagyapa,

According to another legend about the drying of the valley of Kashmir
referred to by 'Wilson, as given in the Wakiat-i-Kashmir, when this
country was covered with water, there lived in it a demon, named
Jaladeo (/. e., the demon of water) " who preyed upon mankind and
seized on everything and person he could meet with in the neighbour*
ing regions.'^ Kashef, the son of Marichi, prayed to Mahadeo to kill
this demon. Mahadeo asked his servant Vishnu to do this, and he
succeeded in killing this demon after a fight of 100 years. May I
ask — Has not this story any connection with that in theShahnameh in
which Sam, the son of Nariman, kills on the banks of the river Kashaf
a demon dragon ''whose length extended from one city to another and
whose breadth spread from one mountain to another. All the people
were afraid of him and kept a watch for day and night against him."^
That Sam had visited Hindustan, appears from another part of the
ISluLhnilmeh, wherein we find old Faridoon entrusting young Minocheher
to the care of this geueral.2«

£ven now the people of Cashmere read and hear with pleasure some
of the touching episodes about the ancient Persians in the Shahnameh
of Firdousi. During my visit to that country last May, I frequently
beard the Pundits saying :

%. €,f **The person who reads Shahnameh, even if he were a woman,
acts like a hero/' The episodes are rendered into Cashmiri songs and

u^^^ji J'^ ^y. Jj^ '>^t^
Vuller L, p. 194. ^^U ^jjj wji ^AM^I j ^^

Vuller I., p. 126. ^^IJ^iSU, (^jj a^ ^^ij^

246 CASEIMEKK AMD THE ANCIENT PERSIANS.

sung on special occasions by musicians and singers before large
asHemblies at night. In the midst of a very touching episode, when,
owing to the difficulty or the danger of the favourite hero of the
episode, who has for the time become a favourite of the audience as
welly the excitement of the hearers is raised to the highest pitch, tho
singer suddenly stops and refuses to proceed further. The hearers get
impatient to know the fate of their favourite hero and subscribe among
themselves a small sum to be given to tfio singer as the price for
releasing the favourite hero from what they call his •*Atfii?A" i, ^„
difficulty or danger. It is only when a sum is presented that the
singer proceerls further. They say that even on marriage occasions
some of the nuirriage songs treat of tho ancient Persians. For examplp,
I was told that one of the marriage songs was a song sung by the mother
of Rustam when her son went to Mazindcran to release king Kans.

It was for the first timo that I hRd heard iu Kashmir the following
story abnut Rustam and Aii. I do not know if it is common to other
parts of India.

They s;iy that Rustam was resuscitated about r>0() years after his
death fur the lollowin«j; reason. Ali, the favourite of the holy Prophet,
had fought very bravely in the war against the infidels. The Pi'ophet
complimented him, saying: ** You have fought as bravely as Rustaxn.'*
This remark excited the curiosity of Ali as to who and how strong
this Rustam was. To satisfy the curiosity of Ali, but without
letting him know about it, the Prophet prayed to God to resuscitate
Rustam. God accepted tho prayer. Rustam re-appeared on this earth
and met Ali once when he was passing throu;^'h a very narrow defile
which could allow only one rider to pass. Rustam bade Ali Salam

A A '

Alikum. Ali did not retnrn the Alikum SalAm. Having met in the
midst of a narrow defile, it was difficult for any one of them tapaas
by the side of the other unless one retraced his steps. To solve the
difficulty RustRm lifted up the horse of Ali tofrethcr wi^h the rider by
passmg his whip under his belly, and taking him over his head placed
him on the other side of the defile behind him. This feat of extraordi«
nary strength surprised Ali who on return spoke of it to the Prophet.
After a few days Ali again met Rustam who was sitting on
a plain with his horse Uakhash grazing by his side. On seeing Ali
he bade him Salam Alikum but Ali did not return the salilm. Rustam
then requested Ali to bring to him the grain bag of his horse which
was lying at some distance. Ali found it immensely heavy to lift up,
and it was after au amount of effort that he could carry it to Rustam.

CASHMERE AND THE ANCIENT PEfiSIANS, 247

Ali thought to himself what must he the strength of the horse and of
the master of the horse if the grain-bag^ of the horse was so extraordi-
narilj heavy. On going home he narrated to the Prophet what he
had seen. The Prophet then explained the matter to him and said
that it was Rustam whom he had seen during these two visits, and that
God had brought him to life again at his special request. He then
reprimanded Ali for his want of respect towards Rustam in not
returning his salams and said that had Ali been sufficiently courteous
to Rustam, he would have prayed to God to keep him alive some time
longer, and in that case he (Rustam) wouid have rendered him great
help in his battles.

Most of the Cashmiri songs about the ancient Persians refer to
Rustam and to King Kaus. I was told by a Pundit that the Sultan
of Kathai nearMuzaiferabad iu Cashmere, traced his descent from King
Kaus. We know from Avesta and Pehelvi books that King Kaus was
known for his opposition to magicians, fairies, &c. In the Aban Yasht
he is represented as praying before Ardvi9ura on Mount Ereziphya,
identified by Bunsen with Mount Seraphi in the country of Holmius
between Merv and Herat, for suppressing the power of these evil-minded
people. The Pehelvi Beheman Yasht supports this statement.
Again, from the Pehelvi manuscript Zarthoshi-nameh of Mr. Tehmuras

Dinshaw Anklesaria, we learn that this monarch had sent one to^^

Sarita to an abode of the fairies known as ''Dair-i-Parikan (tr^^Jo *^i)

with an order to destroy* that place. Santa,, instead of executing
the order of his master, entered into a treaty of peace, whereupon
Kaus sent him back with special orders to kill a fairy known as Kalba
Karap. Now we still hear in Cashmere, Cashmiri songs and stories
wherein Kaus and the fairies play a prominent part. The age of
Kaus is even now spoken of as the golden age of Cashmere when
boats could move on land. One can say that this is true even now in
the case of the Dal Lake, where the movement of the boats in the
beautiful waters of the lake, all covered with aquatic flower plants and
boshes, gives an appearance of the boats moving as it were on land.

Before concluding this paper, I will refer to a mistake committed by
some Parsee writers in mixing up Cashmere (^♦^) with Kashmar
^♦i^^ a place situated according to Oosley27 nearTarshiz in Khorasan.
Firdousi speaks of the foundation of the new religion of Zoroaster in

*T Ousley's travels in Persia, Vol. I,, p. 388.

248 CASHMERE AND THE ANCIENT PERSIANS*

the reign of Gushtasp as the planting of . a tree in the gronnd. He
says : *' It was a tree with many roots and a large number of branches,
spreading from the mansion of Qushtasp to the top of his palace. The
leaves of that tree were good connsels and the frnit was wisdom.
How can one who eats of such fruit (vis., wisdom) die ?" ^s

Having thus spoken allegorically of Zoroaster and his new religiont
Fiidousi says that I\ing Gushtasp, the then King of Persiai planted
before the gate of his lire-temple, a noble cypress which Zoroaster had
brought from paradise. He calls it the cypress of Kashmir (^jJmSj^)^
because it wns planted in a place called Kashmar. This tree *' reminds
us," says Ousley^® ** of that extraordinary, triple tree, planted by the
Patriarch Abraham and existing until the death of Christ." Mohsan
Fani, a native of Cashmere, also speaks of this cypress tree in his
Dabistun.^o and I think it is this Dabistan that has led Parsee
writers, like the learned author of the Rehbar-i-Din-i-Zarthoshti*^ into
the mistake of taking the Kashmar of Firdousi to be the same as
Cashmere. It speaks of the locality at one place as Kashmir or
Kashmar^^ and at another place as Kashmir. Again, it speaks of the
locality as *'a place celebrated for female beauty,'' and we know that
it is from very ancient times that modern Cashmere is celebrated for
the beauty of its women. Then^ add to this the fact that the author
of the Dabistan was himself a native of Cashmere. All these facts
seem to have led later Parsee writers to believe that the modern
Cashmere was the place N\hcrc King Gushtasp had planted lu the
compound of a fire-temple the 'cypress of Zoroaster, which, from the
straightness of its growth and the elegance of its form, was considered
to be the symbol of straightforwardness, uprightness and truth. The
author of the Dabistan tries to give some intellic^ent explanation of
the tradition wliicii allegorically speaks of tiic cypress being brought
from the paradise. As Firdousi says. King Gushtasp planted the
cypress before the iire-temple as a symbol to impress upon the minds
of the spectators that as the tree would grow straight and spread
all round so he would endeavour to spread the doctrines of truth and
straightforwardness tausrht by the new faith.

«** Vullcr HI., p. 14H7.
» " Travels in rersin, VoL T., p. 3s!>.
30 The Dabistnn by Shoft mid Tr«»yer. Vol. I„ p. 300-9.
«i Rehbari-l-in-i-Zarlhosliti, by Dasiur Krachjee Sornbjee Meherji Sbdis
p. 40.

3« 1>. 300.

249

Art. XVI,— We Portuguese in South Kanara. By J. Gerson
DA CuNHA, M.R.C.S., fe.R.C.P,, K.O.J., &c.

[Read, 2l8t January 1896.]

Part I.

A short professional visit to South Kanara, last Septemher, having
fiflforded me an opportunity of studying the extant monument*) of the
early Portuguese settlements in that interesting region, I have put
together a few notes, which, I trust, will he acceptable to the memhers
of this learned Society.

This visit, hurried though it was, brought me into close contact
with almost all the sections of its population, and thus enabled me to
gather from local sources much valuable information. But as the
element of exaggeration is rarely, if ever, absent from oral tradition,
I have tested its accuracy by consulting the chronicles of the time.

The Portuguese historians of the 16th and 17th centuries use the
word Kanara in a somewhat vague sense. Like Italy, prior to the
middle of this century, the kingdom of Kanara was but a geographical
expression. Gaspar Correa, in his Lendas, speaks of it as a part of
Malabar, while Barros, Couto, and other annalists of the period
assign to it various boundaries. Sim^o Botelho, in his Tombo do
Sstado da India^ mentions the river Cunbia as separating Kanara
from Malabar, while Faria e Souza fixes new lines of demarcation
approaching those of recent times. North and South Kanara
once formed one great province, a coast line of about 250 miles, with
its fourteen harbours, and was divided into 10 talukas, each talnka
being sub-divided into Maganes or collection of villages ; these again
into Monzas or Gramas, i.e., villages, and the latter into Magazas or
hamlets, also called Upagramas.

Kanara, although divided into North and South, belonged to the
Madras Presidency until 1862, when the North portion w^s annexed
to the Bombay Presidency.

The general aspect of Kanara is charming. It presents a continu*
ously varying panoratna of grand and picturesque scenery. The
Eastern length is bounded by the Ghauts, which, in some places, as
Honore and Ankola, approach near to the coast, whilst in the direction

250 THE ponir'arKSE in soiirn kanaka.

of Mangalore they are distant from 50 to 60 miles. Mr, Forbes, in
bis JFlld Life in Canara, tj'c. (Lond., 1885, p. 8), writes : — "Nothing
luore beautiful is to be seen anywhere in Europe or Asia than the coast
ofCanara. Mountain-spurs from the main range of the Western
Ghauts run down to the coast and sometimes extend far out to aei^
w'ooded to the water's edge, and mapping out broad bays or land-
locked coves ; in other places they flank the estuaries of naTigable
rivers which come winding among the hills from the east, bordered —
as the valleys open out and admit of cultivation — by plains of
brilliant green. All this wealth of picturesque outline is bathed in
the soft brilliancy of tropicAl titmosphere ; and^ the effect, to ejei
unfamiliar with the scene, is a happy stupor of admiration."

Another writer in Fraser^s Matjazine (New Series, Vol. XT., p. 616)
says: — **To the ship sailing past, the shore presents an cver-yarying
outline — generally a dark serried belt of cocoa-trees, whose roots ftre
washed by the waves, divided at frequent intervals by the gleaming
mouths of broad rivers, llocky headlands, seldom uncrowned with
old fort or white pagnda, jut out, forming a succession of winding
liaya where the long narrow fishing-boatr4 are busy, and the awkward-
looking pattimars or native vessels, with their titled sterns and
sloping masts, are lying at anchor. Now and then large towns can
be discerned embowered amongst cocoa groves and bananas ; further
inland knolls and tree-clad eminences are dotted about, and beyond
thfm long rolling upland plains, bright green during the rains^
whitening when the grass is ripe, extend (hi away.'*

Dr. Buchanan, in his Mysore, etc, speaking of Kbundapar,
writes: — ** 1 have not seen a more beautiful country than this; and
an old fort, situated a little higher up than the town, commands one
oi^ the finest prosjjects that I ever behold."

Harkur is another pretty town of great antiquity, and the beauty of
the women of this place deserves mention. There aresculptui'es npon
temple walls representing warriors, who resemble the soldiers of old
Greece. Perhaps, a colony of ancient Yavanas from Northern India was
settled lioi'e, nnd the beautiful women may cUim descent from them.

Karkal ^nd Mudabidri contain Jain temples, statues, and memorial
pillars of exquisite ^vorkmanship. Udipi has a coast line^ which
curves into a bay, protected to the seaward by three islets called
St. Mary's Isles. Vasco da Gama, in 1408, on his return voyage from
Calicut, set up a pathClo or landmark there, which he called Santa
Maria, while the one left at Calicut was dedicated to St. Gabriel.

THE PORTUGUESE IN SOUTH KANAKA. £51

Bednnr, some\fhat iiorthwards.issitunte in themiJstof abas]n,the
surrounding country being covered with luxuriant forests. Abd-er-
Razzak, the Persian Ambassador, in 1444, on his way to Vijayanngar
from Man galore, passed through Bednur, where the houses were
like palaces, the women like celestial houris, and its temples and
other buildings marvels of sculpture and painting.

If one were to describe all the interesting features of these lovely
Kanarese towns, it would carry him far a6eld. Besides, no descrip-
tion could fully portray the natural charms of a country, whicii
must be seen in order to be duly appreciated.

What i-trikes one, however, as strange in the numerous chronicles
and poems that have been written by the Portuguese on iheir dealings
with this delightful region, is, with very rare exceptions, their absolute
silence nbont the beauty and the fertility of its soil- Probably, in
those troubled time?, the conquest, trade, wnd conversion absorbed
men's thoughts, and left but little leisure to admire the charms of
Nattire. Mi'. Herbert Spencer tells us that when mental faculties
are largely applied to one purjwse, they become disabled for other
purposes, as great expenditure in one direction leads to economy in
other directions. The Portuguese, havin<^ their minds fully engrossed
in warfare and arts of an aggressive and material character, the marvels
of the universe, which demand a deep and sustained contemplation,
did not appeal to their itsthetic sense.

Albuquerque, the greatest Portuguese soldier that ever landed
on the Indian shores, speaking of Honore, has only one remark to
make, " Onor he cova de ladroes," " Honore is a den of thieves,"
in his letter to the King of the 1st December, 1513. And St. Francis
Xavier, their most holy missionary, writing on the I8th September,
1542. to the members of his Society in Rome, says :— " Tenemos
grande esperanza que se ban de hacer muchissimos christianos,'
*• We have great hope that a great many Christians will be made,"
a theme to which he returns often in his subsequent letters, ^ith
^snal variations, still without even a passing allusion to the beauty
of the Eastern countries the saint was privileged to visit and convert
to the Roman Catholic Church. But the times were different, and men
are much in the habit of reading other ages in the light of their own.

When the fleet of Vasco da Gama arrived at Calicut on the 20th
iCay, 1498, an important date whose quatercentenary the civilised
world will soon celebrate, Vijayanagar, under the dominion of the
RayA dynasty, was the most powerful yngdom of Southern India,

252 THK PORTUGUESE IK SOUTH KAXARA.

besides Malabar, and extended from one sea coast to the other. Its
Western portion corresponded to the province of Kanara, and
was subject either to their Viceroys or to Chieftains, who were
tributary to their Kings.

From Calicut to Gor, which in 1510 became the capital of their
'Eastern Empire, the Portuguese called frequently at the fourteen
harbours of varied depth and extent, which gave shelter to the boats
of the native merchants.

From the time of Vasco da Gama, the Portuguese felt the need of
planting, like the ancient Phoenicians, factories or agencies in all
lands where they traded, both to dispose of their cargoes and to
collect the produce for shipment to Europe. I'hey did not choose
new or comparatively unknown spots for their factories and eiitrei^^Uf
but built on historic sites, some of which grew under their auspices
to be commercial emporia and centres of political, social, and religious
influence, which outlived the decline of the nation as a maritime power.

Although their authority became supreme in the course of the
following 20 years over more than 12,000 miles of coast, they never
obtained possession of a sinsfle province on the continent of India.
Thus their power was sustained by a fleet that was fitted out every
year with an army corps exceedingly burdensome to a numerically small
people, and by between thirty and forty factories, some of which were
fortified. Aud the factory and the fort between them always required
a church, which becanie the centre from which radiated the missionazy
zeal in all directions. Thus the Kanara coast was in course of time
not only studded with factories and forts, but also with churches and
convent!^ of Franciscans, Dominicans, Jesuits, Augustins, Theatins, and
other religious orders, with their seminaries, schools, orphSnages, and
such civilising agencies of the modern times.

Gaspar Correa tells us that during the second voyage of Vasco
da Gama in 1502, the captain-major anchored at the ports of Onor
and of Baticala, where there were many Moorish ships, which were
captured and burned. He told the Moors that the King of PoTtugal«
his sovereign, was " lord of the sea, of all the world, and also of al!.
this coast ; for which reason all the rivers and ports which have got
shipping have to obey him, and pay tribute for their people who go
in their fleets : and this only as a sign of obedience, in order that there*
by their ports may be free and that they may carry on in them theic
trade and profits in security, neither trading in pepper, nor bringing
Turks, nor going to the port of Calicut, because for any of these

THB PORTUGUESE IN SOUTH KANAKA. 253

three things the ships which shall he found to have done these shall be
burned, with as many as may be captured in them." These words of
Vasco da Gama sum up the policy pursued by the Portuguese in
India. Thus they claimed dominion over the Indian Sea, and these
petty kings, who said that they had the names of kings, but were mere
tenants of the king of Bisnagar, were ready to acknowlege this new
sovereijjnty, and pay the tribute demanded from them.

But these attacks on Onor and Baticala or Honawar and Bhatkal,
as they are called now, had hardly the shadow of a pretext for them,
except that of punishing the pirates, which Defoe would describe
as acting the murderers to punish robbers, according to a remark by
Mr. Stanley, the translator of a part of the Lendas,

The twelve years which had elapsed from the doubling of the Cape
of Good Hope to the capture of Goa were spent mostly, save occasional
akirmishes with the pirates, in establishing tolerably friendly relations
with the rulers of the coast. These relations appear to have become
more cordial and durable after the conquest of Goa, when Narasinha of
Vijayanagar signed a treaty of alliance with Albuquerque. This treaty
made his viceroys and tenants tributary to the King of Portugal.

One cannot cease admiring Albuquerque's organizing power. As long
as he was alive, this coast enjoyed perfect peace. The fame of the founder
of the Portuguese Empire in the East is imperishable. Albuquerque
is to be placed in the same category with Alexander and Csesar, who,
by their splendid genius, masterful organisation, roady resource and
decisive action in every occasion, laid the foundation of more or less
lasting empires. What endeared his memory to the grateful hearts
of the Indians was his love of justice, and what embittered his exist-
ence in this country was that great flaw in the Iberic temperament
of his own countrymen — envy. His life, singularly free from vulgar
ambition, full of chivalry, devoted to the service of his country, pure,
and delighting in dealing even-handed justice, offers some details of
marked interest. Amongst these, his statesman-like firmness, even
when wielding a divided authority, and waging unceasingly a calm
combat against obstructions of all kinds, engendered by the vilest of
human passions, is most conspicuous.

But after Albuquerque's death, the friendly understanding with the
native princes, which was, indeed, from the beginning, of a precarious
character, although supported by the conciliating manner of the great
captain, ceased, and then outbreaks and naval engagements became
more frequent.
33

254 THE PORTUGUESE IN SOU'JH KANAIU.

These periodical conflicts culminated one day in a Berious figbt.
There was no actual casus belli, no provocation of any grave natnre,
but mere wantonness and conceit which characterised the coaBtrymen
of Viriato.

Barkur, called Vukkanur in Malayalam and Bacanor by the
Portuguese, gave shelter to a small fleet of paraos or native boats
laiU.Li with nee, abouMo oail to Calicut, for exchanging it with pepper.
This town was situated in the country of an allied prince. Never-
theless, **^ fierco " Sampaio, as Camoes calls him, went there from
Cannanore, burned thu boats, plundered the town and killed men,
sparing neither women nor children, nor unarmed peasants. This
took place in January 1528.

Lopo Vaz de Sampaio was an able, bold, and brave soldier, but an
unscrupulous character. He usurped the Governorship of India, was
sent a prisoner to Lisbon, but through his great military talents
obtained panl :i from the King. The Lusiads, which are the creation
of their age, often pass over many a prowess and episode of the Portu-
guese in silence, when they do not add to the glory of the nation. The
exploit of Sampaio was, however, of too epic a character, and as the
national poet had to refer to it, he appeased the qualms of his con-
science by prefixing a stanza in praise of justice. Such lines ought
to have been inscribed in golden letters, like the "know thyself on
the Delphian temple of A|)ollo, on the main gates and portals of
every factory and fort in India.

Camoes writes : —

** Mas iia India cobiga c nmbivao.
Quo cLiramcDto ])uo aberto o rosto
Coiitru Doos o jastif^a, te faruo
Vituperio nonhuiii, mas so deagusto :
Qucm faz iujilria vil o semrnziio,
Com for(;n8 e poder em que eata posto,
Niio veiice ; que a victoria ver(Lid(.'ira
Ho ajiber tcr justiqa nua o iiitcira." — Oauto x., 58.

Sir K. Burton translates it thus : —

*'I3ut Inde's ambition, and hor Lncrc-lust,
for uTcr flaunting bold and bnizcn f aoo
in front of God and Justice, ahall disgust
tliy heart, but do thiuc honour no disgrace.
AVIio works rilo iuj'ury with unroas^oning trust
in foroo, and footing lent by rank and place,
couqnoreth nothing, the true Conq'ueror he
who dares do oakod Jastice f'^ir and frou."

THE PQETUGUBSE IN SaUTH KANAKA. 255

Sampaio's victory is then recorded in these terms :—

*' Mas com tado nSo nego que Sampaio
Serd no esfdr^o illustre e assinaladb,
Mostraodo-ae no mojt nm fero raio, ^

Qae de inimigos mil rerd eoalhada:
Em Baoanor taxi, orael ensaio
No Malabar, para que amedrontado
Depois a ser vencido delle vonha
Cutiale, com quanta armada tenha:'*

Canto X., 59.

This is translated by Barton as follows : —

'^ Yet ta Sampaio will I not; gainsay ^

a noble Talour shown by shrewdest blows,

that shall o*er Ocean flash like thunder-ray^ ,

corded with thousand corpses of his foes.

He shall in Baoanor make fierce assay

on Kalabar, till owns in terror-throes
Cntiile, beaten with his battered Fleet
the dreadful ruin of a roizt complete.'^

Like the soldier-poet, there are not a few who woald also like to
forget their crimes and remember only their virtues, especially when
one contemplates at this distance of time the heroic deeds of these
Western adventurers, whom the Kanarese people, not knowing who
they were, called both Yavanas and Franghis, Greeks and Franks.

But whatever they were, they were a sturdy race of men. Even
now the entrance of each of these creeks and rivers presents consi-
derable ohstacles. How dangerous is the crossing of the bar, how
difficult the landing. Still, this handful of men, defying all
the perils of the sea and land, of Nature and man, amidst showers of
arrows, bullets, and cannon balls from a host of the enemy^ rowed
quite heedlessly across the unsafe gulfs, creeks, and rivers, armed
as these were with palisades, fences, and stockades of all sorts, to
the shore, captured the vessels, burned them, sacked, pillaged, devas-
tated the town, and returned to their galleys and then sailed back to
Goa, Cochin, or Cannanore, to be f6ted with chimes of bells, bbn-
fires, triumphal arches, salutes, flourish of trumpets, and processions
of the clergy singing Te Beums in the cathedrals of their towns.
These modem Yavanas seem really as if they were either pirates or
madmen. If piracy was their business, it was certainly attended with
great heroism ; if madness, there was a method in it.

25G Tfii: I'oKTT'orT::-^!-: ix south kakara.

But to return to the nnrrative. Two years after this engflgctnent
at Barkur, the terrible Diogo da Siheira, who had already sigoalised
his passage along the northern coast from Bombay to Baasein, was
keeping watch over the Kanara con,st. [laving heard that a rich
merchant, who had dealings with Calicut, was fitting out a fleet of
paraos to carry rice in exchange for pepper to the latter place, he set
sail to Mangalore, burned both the 0eet and the town, plundered and
laid waste the country around and returned to Qoa. This memor-^
able event in the annals of Mangalore took place in March 1530,
Both this engagement and the one of Barkur are described at length
by the chroniclers.

Twenty-nine years since the havoc and devastation wrought by
Silveira at Mans^alore had passed away, during which period the
Coast principalities of the kingdom of Kanara had paid their pareas
or tribute, in the form of bales of rico, from the Queen of Gapsopa to
the Queen of Olnla or whoever reigned there, with the intervening
viceroys often playing the ruleoi kings, to th(» King of Portugal, But
the repeated extortions by the Portuguese hnd caused considerably
discontent among them, and all the princes of the Coast were only too
glad to get rid of them.

In 1559, during the viceroyalty of D, Constantino dp Bragvnca,
news was received from spies, mostly native Christians, who appear
to have always had free access to the native Courts, that a conspiracy
was being hatched against the Portuguese. The head-quarters of this
plot were at Maucralore. No sooner was the Viceroy apprised of the
fact than he lost no time in fitting out a fleet apparently to punish
a rebellious Moor in tho port of that city, but in reality to nip in the
bud the rising against tho Portuguese po^ver. The preparations for
this expedition, which was placed under the command of D. Luiz
de Mell(> da Silva, were on such a scale of prodigality as to become the
topic of general amazement. .This naval combat, as the chroni-
clers call it, reduced Mangalore to ashes. Tl r soldiers opened a series
of butcheries, and much blood was thus shed. Several pages of Faria
and Souxa's Asia Fortngueza are filled with it, as well of the Decada8»
D. Luiz dc Mello took here a Turkish flajj, which he placed under a
Cliristian standard, and thus adorned, some time after, with seven
other v'essels, sailed from Pal meirinha, near Mangalore, to help D. Paio
doNoronha against the Malabar princes, and gained a signal victory,
Lafitau, describing this action, says : — ** Fut une des plus glorieuses
pour les portugais, its fircnt des prodiges d*une cxtrSme valeur.*'

THE PORTrcrESE IK SOUTH KANAKA. 257

The Kanarese towns seem, indeed, to possess great vitality. Twice
was Mangalore ravaged and destroyed by the Portuguese within
thirty years, and each time it sprang up, like the Phoenix of old,
from its own ashes. Still the misfortunes of the '^ prosperous city,"
for such is tbe meaning of its name, from the Sanskrit MangaUij
** happiness, success," and * pur ' " city " were not over.

Eight years had hardly gone by since the glorious action, as Lafitau
calls it, in which D. Luiz de Mello laid waste Mangalore and the
adjacent coast to the south, had evoked dismay mingled with admira-
tion from the awe-struck people of Kanara, and Mangalore was again
a flourishing town, and this time under the rule of a woman of lofty
resolve and strength of purpose.

The Portuguese had, from the day they visited Mangalore for the
first time, made it tributary, like many other towns on the seaboard.
It had regularly paid a certain number of bales of rice, which was .
supposed to be of the.best quality. Barbosa, describing this place, as
early as 1514, says : — " There many ships always load brown rice, which
is much better and more healthy than the white, for Malabar, for the
common people, and it is very cheap. They also ship there much rice
in Moorish ships for Aden, also pepper, which henceforward the earth
begins id produce, but iittle of it, and better than all the other which
the Malabars bring to this place in small vessels. The banks of this
river are very pretty, and very full of woods and palm trees, and are
very thickly inhabited by Moors and Gentiles, and studded with fine
buildings and houses of prayer of the Gentiles, which are very large,
and enriched with large revenues. There are also many mosques,
where they greatly honour Mahomed." (Hakluyt Edition, p. 83.)

Every time the Portuguese sacked and burned a town the tribute was
increased. Thus Mangalore was paying, according to Botelho's Tombo
of 1554, three tributes for each of its small harbours. Banguo
was paying a thousand bales of rice, the port near the pagoda seven
hundred, and the port to the south, called Talnhe, an equal number.

The Queen of Olala, who was the mistress of these ports, became
eventually recalcitrant, and objected to pay so heavy a tribute. The
Factor of the town used all possible persuasion, but failed.

Some of the factories had not yet been fortified, and that of
Mangalore was a structure of primitive type. The Factor could not
enforce his claims to the payment of the tribute, there being no
military force to support him. Moreover, the Queen of Olala was
growing every day more refractory and overbearing.

258 THE PORTUGUESE IN SOUTH KANAKA.

The Vioeroy 1). Antuo de Noronha then applied to the Queen for
the grant of a piece of ground for erecting a fort. The Queen not
only denied permission, but treated the request with a flippancy and n
want of the courtesy due to his high position. The Viceroy, then, to
curb — por Ihe freio, as a chronicler expresses it — the insolence of the
Queen, equipped a large fleet, which he placed under the command of
D. Francisco Mascarenhns. To this he added a smaller one of seven
ships, which he confided to the Second-in-command, Jolo Peizoto,
and he followed the expedition himself with 7 galleys, 2 galleons, and
5 fustas. The squadron consisted in all of 54 vessels, and there
were 3,000 fighting men on board, besides the crews.

They sailed on the 8th of December, 1567, and anchored off Manga-
lore on the 4th of January. The landing was unopposed, and the
troops meeting with no resistance, as they had expected, made light
of the enemy. They lit bonfires in their camp and began to eat, driuk^
and play. The enemy, however, who was all the while lying in wait,
taking advantage of the darkness of the hour, and of the distraction of
the soldiers, rushed in the deud of night, and at the height of the
festivities, into the encampment, and surprised them. The result was a
great confusion, during which the Portuguese are said to have killed
their own companions, believing them to be the enemy, and a terrible
slaughter ensued. Among the dead vras Lopo Barros, a son of
the great historian, the Portuguese Livy, and among the wounded
many distinguished officers. Mathias de Albuquerque, who livfd
to be a Viceroy of Philip II,, when Portugal became an appanage
of the Spanish Crown, had a narrow escape. When wounded, he
feigned death, but every Kanarese soldier who touched him, tried by
kicking and other means to be sure that he was dead. This is called
a miraculous escnpe, and so it apparently was.

The following morning, however, the Portuguese, fully avenged the
disaster. Mangalore was taken and razed to the ground, and the
Queen fled to the mountains. The Viceroy, seeing himself master of
the situation, commanded a fort to be built, the foundation of which
was laid on the 20th of January, 1568, and named St. Sebastian, in
honour of the saint of the day, and of the reigning sovereign of
Portugal. The building was completed about the middle of March.
The Viceroy nominated his brother-in-law, D. Antonio Pereira, its
commander, and left with him a garrison of 300 men, and ammunition
and provisions for six months.

THB PORTUGUESE IN SOVTH KANAKA. 259

Faria e Souza is severe upon the men who brought on the reverse
of the night, previous to the final victory. He blames the vanity
more than the self-reliance of his countrymen in despising the
enemy. These are his virords : "Pues mis vanidad que confian9a es
hazer bizarria de despreciar al enemigo," " It is indeed more vanity
than confidence to arrogantly despise the enemy."

The next Viceroy, D. Luis de Athaide, made a treaty of peace with
the Queen of Olala, who, besides paying the war indemnity, was
compelled to increase, as usual in such ca^es, the annual tribute
of bales of rice, in proportion to the losses suffered by the Portuguese.

The Fort of Mangalore, however, built so hurriedly, could not possi-
bly possess much strength, nor last long. King Philip, in his
correspondence with the Viceroy Mathias de Albuquerque, which has
been published in the Archivo Portuguez Oriental, Vol. III., alludes
to it frequently and urges the Viceroy to render it the best fortified
town of the whole of South Kanara. Antonio Teixeira de Macedo
was then i^e Captain of the fort.

It appears that, notwithstanding the efforts of Mathias de Albu-
querque to make Mangalore the entrepot and the best fortified town
of South Kanara, it fell off in prosperity. While in the time of
Barbosa and Varthema, fifty to sixty ships used to load rice here;
sixty years Inter, according to C. Federici, it was a little place of
small trade, exporting a little rice.

Bat, as said before, Mangalore, although pursued by a strange
fatality, seems to have been endowed with the power of quick
revival. When Delia Valle visited the place in 1623, it was again
fuU of life, although the Portuguese Fort was decaying. The Roman
traveller describes it as follows: — '* Mangalore stands between Olala
and Banghel, and in the middle of the bay, right against the mouth of
the harbour, into which the Fort extends itself, being almost encom-
passed with vrater on three sides. It is but small, the worst built of
any I have seen in India, and, as the Captain told me one day when
I visited him, may rather be termed the house of a gentleman than
a fort." (Venice Edn. of 1667, Vol. II.. p. 272.) The Captain of
the Fort was then Pero Gomes Pessanha.

Delia Valle was a ket^n observer of the events that were passing in
India in the first quarter of the 17th century. I shall have to refer
to him again in Part II. of this paper, but, in the meantime, it may
be worth while to quote his opinion of the Portuguese of those
days. He writes : — *^ I have mentioned this occurrence at large • • •

260 THE PORTUGUESE IN SOUTH KANAKA.

to make known to all the world the demeanour of the noble
Portuguese nation in these parts, who, indeed, bad they but M
much order, discipline and good government as they have ▼alour,
Ormuz and other sad losses would not be now lamented, but they
would most certainly be capable of achieving great matters. But
God gives not all things to all.*' lOid. p. 358.

Evidently valour, without order, discipline, and good government,
was of no avail against the host of the enemy in India, although
bravery is the keynote of the national temperament, which, like
the temperament of all the peoples of Southern Europe, is often more
profoundly influenced by sentiment than by reason, the feeling being
more acute than logic. A mighty spirit of valour seems, indeed, to
move through all the pages of tiie national poem : —
" Cesse tudo o que a Musa antigua canta,
Que outro valor mais alto se alevanta."

Canto i., 3.
** Cease all that antique Muse hath sung, for now
a better Brav'rv rears its bolder brow."

But bravery without discipline is a negative quality. Want of disci-
pline neutralises the best display of courage and endurance. If the
Portuguese had possessed the two combined, and also sentiment along
with reason, their power in the East might still be an important factor
in the civilization of the world. But, as Delia Valle says, **God
gives not all things to all." Perb J)io noti a tutti dd, tutte le cose.

To this internal enemy was now, about the middle of the 17th
century, to be added an external and a more powerful one. The
Dutch had crippled the Portuguese ])ower by first capturing Malaca
in 1641, then Ceylon from 1G56 to 1G53, and latterly Cochin and
some other settlements on the Malabar Coast in 1662.

These continued losses encouraged the Kanarese princes to defy
the Portuguese. Mangalore and other fortresses in Kanara were now
reported to be in a weak and dangerous condition, both on account of
their own feeble power of defence, and of a new aggressive power
rising in their neighbourhood. Shivnppa Naik, a Bednur Chief, had
grown into a potentate of no mean order from the decay of the king-
dom of Vijayanagar, and between 1648 and 1670 held all the
surrounding country, being called the king of Kanara.

The Portuguese were now, according to their proverb, between the
anvil and the hammer {entre o malho e a higorna). Having frittered
away the best opportunities to befrioud the natives, and having then

THE PdlTtrGUESE IN SOUTH KANAKA, 261

alienated their sympathies, they were now placed between two
enemies, the internal and the external, the Indian and the Dutch.

In 1652 Shivappa invested Mangalore and some other towns still in
the hands of the Portuguese, ba^ D. Vasco Mascarenhas patched
up a hasty peace. The negotiations were again protracted for
many years, and not brought to a conclusion until 1671, when the
king of Kanara gave sites for the erction of new. factories at varioua
places, among them Mangalore, but stipulated that they should
be surrounded by only single walls, without embrasures or bastions.

In 1678 there was another outbreak of hostilities, at the end of
1«rhich one more treaty was signed, whereby Shivappa undertook to
supply stone and timber for the factory at Mangalore. This factory
yielded, in 1687, 4,G88 Xerafins and spent 1,831.

We now come to the last act of the drama. It was a duel fought
for a long time, at the end of which both the antagonists were left
exhausted. The Naik dynasty of Bednur or Ikkeri, in spite of their
repeated treaties of friendship with the Portuguese, was almost always
at variance with the latter. In 1713 the Viceroy Vasco Fernandes
Cezar de Menczes had a disagreement with Keladi Basappa Naik,
King of Kanara. Not coming to terms a squadron was despatched on
the 15th of January, 1713, which captured and burnt 'many ships all
along the const as far as Mangalore, and destroyed much merchandise.
These losses brought the Naik to submission, and a treaty was signed
on the 19th of February, 1714. These few lines in which I have
condensed the events of the whole year are given by Cardinal
D. Francisco S. Luiz in his Os Portugnezes em Africa, Asia,
America e Oceania, Vol. VI., in nearly twenty-five pages, 4to
aiee, with copies of authentic documents.

From this time to the conquest of South Kanara by Haidar
AH in 1763, and its annexation to British ludia in 1799, the
Portuguese Factory of Mangalore passed through further vicissitudes*
A treaty was signed with Haidar Ali in 17G4, which agreed to the
permanency of the Factory, but in 1776 he somehow took possession
of it. In 1783 both the Fort and the Factory were destroyed. Nego-
tiations were then opened with Tippu Sultan, and with the British
Government at the end of the last century, in order to re-establish
the Factory, but all in vain. And thus the last remnant of the
Portuguese rule and trade in South Kanara was for ever extinguished.

But these were not the only vestiges of the Portuguese influence in
that beautiful country, A large section of its population, professing

52 THE PORTUGUESE III SOUTH KANAKA.

dbt BoBum Catholic religion, more than twenty-five diiirdiet^ some i
Ibem ktfgtr and more handsome boildinga than the diorchea i
BMitin or Salaettet and other moouments, which I shall resenre fc
Part U* of this paper, testify to the civilising action of that ama
wtdioQf in times past. Mangalore, the capital of South Kanara, whei
tbe largest number of the converts of the Portugpese reside, is now
y roip ero ns town. With the bright prospects of a rapidly advancin
eiMmntuiityy with all the elements, moral and material, that help 1
mafca a people happy, and the abundant resources of a rich eon
mmslal city, it is eipected that, if the port can be improved and
fatlway built, it will soon become the emporium of the Weatei
dmii at Southern India*

263

Art. XVII. — The Antiquity of the Avesta: By JivANn

Jamshedji Modi, fi.A.

[Baad a6th Jane 1896.]

The general opmion about the extaut Avesta literatare is that it
is a faithf al remnant of the *' Grand Avesta'' of the Achemenian times.
Sat as Prof. Max-Muller says, the late lamented Dr. Darmesteter,
"whose untimely death has caused a great gap in the foremost rank
of Avesta scholars, has, by what he calls the historical solution of
the question, ** thrown a bomb-shell in the peaceful camp of the
Orientalists.'XO He as8erts(3) that the Avesta, as it has come down
to us, is not a faithful reproduction from the ''Grand Avesta" of the
Achemenian times, but that it has undergone several changes while
passing through the hands of the different monarchs of Persia, who
undertook to collect them.

To support his theory he dwells upon what he calls two kinds
of evidence. Firstly, the historical evidence as collected from the
Dinkard and the letter of Tansar, the Dastur of Ardeshir Babcg&n
(Artaxerxes I.) to the king of Tabaristan \ secondly, the internal
evidence as presented by the Avesta itself.

On the supposed strength of these two kinds of evidence, he says,
that a great part of the Avesta had been re- written in the period
of the political and religious fermentation, which preceded the advent
of the Sassanians ; that the greatest and the most important touch and
finish were given to it in the reign of Ardeshir Babeg&n (A. B. 211-
241), and that even in the reign of Shapur I. (A. D. 241-272) some
final changes were made in it. Thus Dr. Darmesteter brings down the
antiquity of the Avesta, which scholars like Haug and his Vedic school
had placed in a remote period, preceding even the Achemenian times,
to as late as the third century after Christ. The object of this paper
is to examine some of the points, which Darmesteter dwells upon, to
support his theory* This paper does not pretend to examine in

(1) Prof. Max.-Mallcr in the Contemporary Review^ Deo. 1893.
(•) Le Zend Avesta UI. The Yendidad, 2nd £d.

263

Art. XVII. — The Antiquity of the Avesta: By JivANn

Jamshedji Modi, fi.A.

[Baad a6th Jane 1896.]

The general opinion about the extant Avesta literatare is that it
is a faithful remnant of the *' Grand Avesta'' of the Achemenian times.
But as Prof. Max-Mnller says, the late lamented Dr. Darmesteter,
whose untimely death has caused a great gap in the foremost rank
of Avesta scholars, has, by what he calls the historical solution of
the question, ** thrown a bomb-shell in the peaceful camp of the
Orientalists.'XO He asserts(3) that the Avesta, as it has come down
to us, is not a faithful reproduction from the '' Grand Avesta" of the
Achemenian times, but that it has undergone several changes while
passing through the hands of the different monarchs of Persia, who
undertook to collect them.

To support his theory he dwells upon what he calls two kinds
of evidence. Firstly, the historical evidence as collected from the
Dinkard and the letter of Tansar, the Dastur of Ardeshir Babcgan
(Artaxerxes I.) to the king of Tabaristan ; secondly, the internal
evidence as presented by the Avesta itself.

On the supposed strength of these two kinds of evidence, he says,
that a great part of the Avesta had been re- written in the period
of the political and religious fermentation, which preceded the advent
of the Sassanians ; that the greatest and the most important touch and
finish were given to it in the reign of Ardeshir Babeg^n (A. B. 211-
241), and that even in the reign of Shapur I. (A. D. 241-272) some
final changes were made in it. Thus Dr. Darmesteter brings down the
antiquity of the Avesta, which scholars like Haug and his Vedic school
had placed in a remote period, preceding even the Achemenian times,
to as late as the third century after Christ. The object of this paper
is to examine some of the points, which Darmesteter dwells upon, to
support his theory. This paper does not pretend to examine in

(1) Prof. Max.-Maller in the Contemporary Review^ Dec. 1893.
(•) Le Zend Avesta HI. The Yendidad, 2nd £d.

264 THE ANTIQUITY OF THE AVESTA.

detail the great question of the Antiquity of the Avesta from all
standpoints, but aims to examine it from a few standpoints
suggested by Darmesteter as facts of historicnl and internal evidence.

Firstly, we will enter into the subject of the historical evidence
about the later origin of the Avesta. The history of the collection
of the Avesta, as given in the Dinkard(3) is as follows : —

In the times of the Achemenian emperors one copy of the "Grand
Avesta " was deposited in the royal archives of Istakhar (Persepolis)
and another in the royal treaHury of Shapig^ln. The one in the royal
archives was destroyed by Alexander the Great(^) during his conquest
of Persia. The literature ho destroyed was written, according to
Tansar(^) upon 12,000 ox-hides. It consisted of 1,000 chapters. The
other copy in the royal treasury was taken possession of by the
Greeks, who carried it away and got it translated into their language.
Perhaps it is this translntion that Pliny refers to, when he says that
Hermippos of Alexandria (3rd century B. C.) had, with the asjistance
of Azonax, translated into Greek 20,000 verses of the writings of
Zoroaster. During the times of the Parthian dynasty when there
was a religious anarchy in Persia, Valkhaah (Vologeses I.), with a view
to restore the religion, tried to collect the Avesta literature destroyed
by Alexander.

But the most successful attempt was made by Ardeshir BabegAn,
the found^T of the Sassiinian dynasty. The services rendered by
Ardeshir to the cause of the Zoroastrian reli{;ion are therefore thni
commemoi-ated in the Afrin i Rapithavan : Uamazor Farohar-i-
Ar dasher BabogHn bad, ava hama Farohar-i-arasturan va vinastftran
va vinartaran-i-din khudue bad, t. e„ *' !May the gniding spirit of
Ardeshir Babegan be one with us together with the guiding spirits
of those who restore, arrange and look into the religion of God."
Ardeshir was helped in this noble cause by a learned Dastur named
Taosar or Tansar. Although, as said above, one attempt was
made by Vologeses I. before Ardeshir, and although two more
attempts were made afler Ardeshir by Shapur I. and Shapur IL
to restore the ancient literature aud religion, it is only Ardeshir 'a
more important attempts that are commemorated in the above
Afrin. Now Darmesteter lays great stress upon the abovementioned

(») West's Dinkard, p. xxxi., 413-14.

(*) Viraf, 1-8.

(^) Journal ABlatique Tpme III. (1894), p. 516.

THE ANTIQUITY OP THE AVESTA. 265

account of the Dinkard and upon a letter by Tansar to the Mng of
Tabaristan, wherein he explained to a certain extent how he wished
to proceed in the work of helping his royal master Ardeshir in the
Cause of uniting the ancient Persian empire, of reviving the ancient
literature, and of restoring the ancient religion. On the strength of
these two documents, he says that the Avesta literature, as it has now
come down to us, is, to a certain extent, meddled with by Tansar. It
appears from Macoudi that Tansar belonged to the Platonic sect,
and so according to Darmesteter, Tansar had introduced into the
Avesta his Platonic views. Working upon that speculation he tries
to show that there are several Greek elements in the Avesta.
Not only that, but there are several other elements — Budhistic,
Brahaminical, Jewish, etc., which show, he says, that the Avesta
now extent are not Yerj old.

Firstly, we will examine the evidence produced by Darmesteter
from the historical documents, and see how far his conclusion is based
on solid ground.

He takes his stand upon the general statements of the Dinkard
and of the letter of Tansar, and boldly draws inferences which would
not be justified by a detail examination of the passages. Let ni
examine the statements about the different sovereigns of Persia who
collected the Avesta, and who worked, so to speak, to bring about
Iranian renaissance. Firstly comes Valkhash. The Dinkard says of
him that ** Valkhash, descendant of Askan in each district, jqst as he
had come forth, ordered the careful preservation and making of
memoranda for the royal city, of the Avesta and 2^nd, as it had
purely come unto them, and also of whatever instruction, due to it,
had remained written about, as well as deliverable by the tongue
through a high priest, in a scattered state in the country of Iran,
owing to the ravages and devastation of Alexander and the cavalry
and infantry of the Ariimans." (•)

Darmesteter refers from this passage that as Valkhash had a hand
in the collection of the Avesta, the modern Avesta had some inter-
polations of his time, and that some post-Alexandrian elements had
crept into it. But the passage does not admit of this inference*
It very clearly says that he had ordered the careful preserva-
tion of the Avesta and Zand, as it had purely come into them.

(«} West, p. 413.

266 THS AKTTQUITT OF THE A VESTA.

(itepti^i'* irniex) (^ -hx^^oo* X39y Hoshangji and Haug's Pebelfi

Pazend Glossary, Haugs's essay, p. 150.) Valkhaah was so zealooa
to preserve the religious scruples of his creed, that he once refused to
go to Rome at the invitation of Nero, lest by going by the sea-roate
he polluted the water and thus broke one of the commandments of the
Vendidadv which forbade the pollution of water. His brother Tiridates
was a priest. Now how can a king like him, who was so closelj
connected with a priestly family and who himself so earnestly observed
all religious scruples, allow any interpolations in the collection of the
old Avesta ? How can he tolerate the smallest addition of any
foreign element 7

After Valkhash oomes Ardeshir Babegan. He is spoken of by
the Dinkard as the next collector of the Avesta. Tansar's letter to
the king of Tnbaristan also refers to this matter. The Dinkard says:^

"And that Artakhshatar, king of kings, who was son of Pfipak,
came for the restoration of the monarchy of IrAn, and the same
scripture was brought from a scattered state to one place. The
righteous Tosar of the primitive faith, who was the priest
of priests, appeared with an exposition recovered from the AveBta^
and was ordered to complete the scripture from that exposition. He
did so accordingly, to preserve a similitude of the splendour of the
original enlightenment, in the treasury of Shapigan, and was ordered
to dbtribute copies of the information provided."

From the above passage of the Dinkard, Darmesteter infers that ** it
appears that the Ardeshir compilation contained two classes of texts —
texts that were incorporated as they were and other texts that were
conjecturally restored by Tansar, the Pdryfitkes, so as to make a
collection that should be an exact reproduction of the Vist&sp Avesta,
the lost treatise of Shapigan, which is as much as saying that
the Ardeshir Avesta is a compound of texts anterior to Tansar and texts
emanating from Tansar, the whole being an ideal restoration of the
primitive Avesta.** We beg to submit that the above passage of the
Dinkard does not at all allow of such an inference. How can an
unprejudiced reader come to that inference when the passage very
clearly says that Tosar. . . appeared with an exposition recovered
from the Avesta and was ordered to complete the scripture from that
exposition ? "

(7) West's Dinkard, p. xxxi.

THB ANTIQUITY OF THE ATESTA, 267

Agaiiif we msst take into consideration the character of the two
chief actors of this second period of Iranian renaissance, the charac-
ter of both, the king and his Dastur, of Ardeshir and Tansar. Ardeshir
through his grandfather Sassan, belonged to the sacerdotal race.
According to Agatbias he '* was initiated in the doctrine of the Magi,
and conld himself celebrate the mysteries.'*(^) How can such a
kingy himself versed in the learned lore of his religion, giye a free
band to his Dastnr to introduce into the religious scriptures any
foreign element that he liked. It could do in the case of a king not
Tcrsed in religious lore, but not in the case of a king like Ardeshir
who, by birth and education, belonged to the sacerdotal class versed
in their religious books. If Tansar had taken any liberty, Ardeshir
could have at once stopped him.

Bat now let us examine the character of Tansar himself. According
to the Dinkard he was a *^ Paoiryo-tkaesha/' i.e., one of the old order
of faith, and so naturally averse to any innovations and to the intro-
duction of any new elements in the old religion and in the old
scriptures. This is confirmed by the tone he adopts in bis letter to
the king of Tabaristan. He expresses his displeasure at the new
order of things subsequent upon the religious anarchy in the reign
of the preceding dynasty. He says : (®) —

'* At last, hj^ the corruption of the men of those times, by the dis-
appearance of the law, the love of novelties and apocrypha, and the
wish for notoriety, even those legends and traditions passed away from
the memory of the people." How then can we expect a Paoiryo-
tkaSsha of Tansar's type and views to introduce into the religion
and religious scriptures notions foreign to the old faith ? While
speaking about the characters of the two principal actors of the
second period of Iranian renaissance, it will not be out of place to
examine briefly a few important parts of Tansar's letter on which
Darmesteter rests so much.

Firstly, Darmesteter attaches great importance to that part of the
letter wherein Tansar writes to the king of Tabaristan that king
Ardeshir does away with those customs which do not suit the
necessities of his time. Now this does not show that Ardeshir,
through his Dastur Tansar meddled with the old religious scriptures.
It simply means that he modified several customs which, looking
to the circumstances of the changed times, acted harshly and unjustly.
(«) Dftnn. Vend., 2 fid. XLL (») Ibid, p. XLUI. ^

262 THE PORTUGUESE IN SOUTH KANAKA.

the Roman Catholic religion, more than twenty-five churches, some of
them larger and more handsome buildings than the churches in
Bassein or Sal8ette« and other monuments, which I shall reserve for
Part n. of this paper, testify to the civilising action of that small
nation, in times past. Mangalore, the capital of South ELanara, where
the largest number of the converts of the Portugjiese reside, is now a
prosperous town. With the bright prospects of a rapidly advancing
community, with all the elements, moral and material, that help to
make a people happy, and the abundant resources of a rich com-
mercial city, it is expected that, if the port can be improved and a
railway built, it will soon become the emporium of the Westeni
Coast of Southern India.

263

Art. XVII. — The Antiquity of the Avesta: By JivANn

Jamshedji Modi, fi.A.

[B6ad aeth Jane 1896.]

The general opinion about the extant Avesta literatare is that it
is ai faithful remnant of the *' Grand Avesta" of the Achemenian times.
But as Prof. Max-Muller says, the late lamented Dr. Darmesteter,
whose antimelj death has caused a great gap in the foremost rank
of Avesta scholars, has, by what he calls the historical solution of
the question, '* thrown a bomb-shell in the peaceful camp of the
Orientalists.'XO ^^ asserts(3) that the Avesta, as it has come down
to us, is not a faithful reproduction from the ''Grand Avesta'* of the
Achemenian times, but that it has undergone several changes while
passing through the hands of the different monarchs of Persia, who
undertook to collect them.

To support his theory he dwells upon what he calls two kinds
of evidence. Firstly, the historical evidence as collected from the
Dinkard and the letter of Tansar, the Dastur of Ardeshir Babegan
(Artaxerxes I.) to the king of Tabaristan ; secondly, the internal
evidence as presented by the Avesta itself.

On the supposed strength of these two kinds of evidence, he says,
that a great part of the Avesta had been re- written in the period
of the political and religious fermentation, which preceded the advent
of the Sassanians ; that the greatest and the most important touch and
finish were given to it in the reign of Ardeshir Babeg4n (A. B. 211-
241), and that even in the reign of Shapur I. (A. D. 241-272) some
final changes were made in it. Thus Dr. Darmesteter brings down the
antiquity of the Avesta, which scholars like Haug and his Vedic school
had placed in a remote period, preceding even the Achemenian times,
to as late as the third century after Christ. The object of this paper
is to examine some of the points, which Darmesteter dwells upon, to
support his theory. This paper does not pretend to examine in

(}) Prof. Max.-Maller in the Oontemporary Review^ Dec. 1893.
(') Le Zend Avesta III. The Yendidad, 2nd £d.

270 THE A5TIQUITT OF THl ATE8TA.

here referred to is not at all in accord with the panishment referred
to hj Timsar in hia letter as that *^ ordered bj him to be inserted in
the Book of Laws.** On the other hand it is more in accord with
that spoken of bv Tanaar. as preralent io the ancient times. This shows
that Tansar had nothing to do with the ATesta. Not only that, but he
had nothing to do eren with the PehelTi commentaries written much
Uter than the original Arestm. If he had no free hand in the later
PeheM commentaries, how can he haTc a free hand in the original
Arcsta itself.

Again we find in the PeheWi Tersion of the Yendidad a
number of names of eminent DastorSyWhohad made comments, such as
Gogoshasp, IHd-farrokh, Adar-pad, ELhoshtanbujid. Vakhshapnr, but
we do not find anywhere the name of Tansar. This is a tctj strong
proof that Tansar had no hand at all, not onlj in the original Aresta
but even in the much later Peheln rersions.

Lastlj take the case of Taosar*s reference to the social custom of
marriage. He sajs« that Ardeshir ^* prohibited that a man of high
family should marry a girl of a lower family, with a Tiew to preserve
the purity of blood.** Now^ we find no prohibition of this kind
in the present Aresta. If Tansar had taken liberty with it as alleged,
he would haTe put in this prohibition in the Vendidad. The only
prohibition referred to in the Yendidad is that a Mazdaya9nan
should not join in marriage with a Daeya-ya^nan.

In examining the so-called historical eTidenceol Darmesteter on the
later origin of the Avesta, we now come to Shapur, the third import-
ant actor of the period of renaissance, after whose time he thinks
the Avesta canon was closed. Darmesteter is of opinion that foreign
elements crept into the Aresta even after Ardesir's time, and so he
attaches great importance to the following passage in the Dinkard
about Shapur.

** Shahpuhar, king of kings, and son of Artakhshaiar, again brought
together also the writings which were distinct from leligiony
about the inrestigation o! medicine and astronomy, time, places and
quality, creation, existence, and destruction .... that were scattered
among the Hindus and in Arum and other lands ; and he ordered
their collection again with the Ayesta, and the presentation of a
correct copy of each to the treasury of Shapigan. (West's Dinkard
P. Texts lY. p. 414 ; Dtrm. Le Zend Avesta HI., p. XXXII).

Darmesteter says that <" This is a confession that part of the Avesta

THE AHTIQUITT OP THB ATE8TA. 265

account of the Dinkard and upon a letter by Tansar to the king of
Tabaristan, wherein he explained to a certain extent how he wished
to proceed in the work of helping his royal master Ardeshir in the
CRQse of uniting the ancient Persian empire, of reviving the ancient
literature, and of restoring the ancient religion. On the strength of
these two documents, he says that the Avesta literature, as it has now
come down to us, is, to a certain extent, meddled with by Tansar. It
appears from Macoudi that Tansar belonged to the Platonic sect,
and so according to Darmestetor, Tansar had introduced into the
Avesta his Platonic views. Working upon that speculation he tries
to show that there are several Greek elements in the Avesta.
Not only that, but there are several other elements — Budhistic,
Brahaminical, Jewish, etc., which show, he says, that the Avesta
now extant are not very old.

Firstly, we will examine the evidence produced by Darmesteter
from the historical documents, and see how far his conclusion is based
on solid ground.

He takes his stand upon the general statements of the Dinkard
and of the letter of Tansar, and boldly draws inferences which would
not be justified by a detail examination of the passages. Let us
examine the statements about the different sovereigns of Persia who
collected the Avesta, and who worked, so to speak, to bring about
Iranian renaissance. Firstly comes Valkbash. The Dinkard says of
him that ** Valkbash, descendant of Askan in each district, jqst as he
had come forth, ordered the careful preservation and making of
memoranda for the royal city, of the Avesta and Zand, as it had
purely come unto them, and also of whatever instruction, due to it,
had remained written about, as well as deliverable by the tongue
through a high priest, in a scattered state in the country of Iran,
owing to the ravages and devastation of Alexander and the cavalry
and infantry of the Ar^mans." (®)

Darmesteter refers from this passage that as Valkbash had a hand
in the collection of the Avesta, the modern Avesta had some inter-
polations of his time, and that some post- Alexandrian elements had
crept into it. But the passage does not admit of this inference.
It very clearly says that he had ordered the careful preserva-
tion of the Avesta and Zand, as it had purely come into them.

(«} West, p. 413.

266 THE ANTIQUITY OP THB A VESTA.

(ffef))^)'* ^^))^lO(i t^ •HX>)00' X)aiy Hoshangji and Haug's Febel?i

Pazesd Glossary, Haugs's essay, p. 150.) Valkhasb was so zealous
to preserve the religious scruples of his creed, that he once refused to
go to Rome at the invitation of Nero, lest hy going by the sea-route
he polluted the water and thus broke one of the commandments of the
Vendidad, which forbade the pollution of water. His brother Tiridates
was a priest. Now how can a king like him, who was so closely
connected with a priestly family and who himself so earnestly observed
all religions scruples, allow any interpolations in the collection of the
old Avesta ? How can he tolerate the smallest addition of any
foreign element ?

After Yalkbash oomes Ardeshir Babegan. He is spoken of by
the Dinkard as the next collector of the Avesta. Tansar's letter to
the king of Tabaristan also refers to this matter. The Dinkard say8:(7)

'*And that Artakhshatar, king of kings, who was son of Papak,
came for the restoration of the monarchy of Iran, and the same
scripture was brought from a scattered state to one place. The
righteous Tosar of the primitive faith, who was the priest
of priests, appeared with an exposition recovered from the jive^iaj
and was ordered to complete the scripture from that exposition. He
did so accordingly, to preserve a similitude of the splendour of the
original enlightenment, in the treasury of Shapigan, and was ordered
to dbtribute copies of the information provided."

From the above passage of the Dinkard, Darmesteter infers that ** it
appears that the Ardeshir compilation contained two classes of texts —
texts that were incorporated as they were and other texts that were
conjecturally restored by Tansar, the P6ry6tk8s, so as to make a
collection that should be an exact reproduction of the Vista&p Avesta,
the lost treatise of Shapigan, which is as much as saying that
the Ardeshir Avesta is a compound of texts anterior to Tansar and texts
emanating from Tansar, the whole being an ideal restoration of the
primitive Avesta.'* We beg to submit that the above passage of the
Dinkard does not at all allow of such an inference. How can an.
unprejudiced reader come to that inference when the passage very
clearly says that Tosar. • . appeared with an exposition recovered
from the Avesta and was ordered to complete the scripture from that
exposition 1 "

(7 ) West's Dinkard, p. xxxi.

THl ANTIQUITY OF THI ATESTA, 267

Again, we mnst take into consideration the character of the two
cluef actors of this second period of Iranian renaissance, the charac-
ter of both, the king and his Dastur, of Ardeshir and Tansar* Ardeshir
through his grandfather Sassan, belonged to the sacerdotal race.
According to Agathias he '* was initiated in the doctrine of the Magi,
and could himself celebrate the mjsteries."(^) How can such a
king, himself versed in the learned lore of his religion, give a free
hand to his Dastur to introduce into the religious scriptures any
foreign element that he liked. It could do in the case of a king not
versed in religious lore, but not in the case of a king like Ardeshir
who, by birth and education, belonged to the sacerdotal class versed
in (heir religious books. If Tansar had taken any liberty, Ardeshir
oonld have at once stopped him.

But now let us examine the character of Tansar himself. According
to the Dinkard he was a '^ Paoiryo-tkaesha," t.e., one of the old order
of faith, and so naturally averse to any innovations and to the intro-
duction of any new elements in the old religion and in the old
scriptures. This is confirmed by the tone he adopts in his letter to
the king of Tabaristan. He expresses his displeasure at the new
order of things subsequent upon the religious anarchy in the reign
of the preceding dynasty. He says : (®) —

'* At last, hj the corruption of the men of those times, by the dis-
appearance of the law, the love of novelties and apocrypha, and the
wish for notoriety, even those legends and traditions passed away from
the memory of the people." How then can we expect a Paoiry6-
ikafisha of Tansar's type and views to introduce into the religion
and reh'gious scriptures notions foreign to the old faith ? While
speaking about the characters of the two principal actors of the
second period of Iranian renaissance, it will not be out of place to
examine briefly a few important parts of Tansar's letter on which
Darmesteter rests so much.

(8) Darm. Vend., 2 fid. XU. (») Ibid, p. XLIU.

-r

Strx iSTaiUrTT '? ^33 iTlHCV

"f^mris ^; i£:^'i^r '''^■*" ^ '* * **^ *^ aaean that
He kn^ ^ iic ■ nti*^ iFcr ztx aaiiEraii."' ^,. "im iiiii? i» sopenor
IE :TBigrfni ir m 7» iiad if ae 'Zhmra. Wa«t Taoaar
jEurc "v^ft "ZSB BiictaaL mii 'zmparal neaii of
*fc ^ Miug" - jt ^■p— w* mar -3115 -nnnaoEiua z!^T:a iv- DsnnesCeter,
^KtiixianKi iaff imwrt r»5er ^*» :»ii*Eon ** » bsywid
jz nxpsasi^ "ac nesmiir "mi niicn. Wjen Smry VXII.
Jt Znsrand the aiiw»ir w ^ic w »*■""*' lesuL ir 3ie 'riiixreh*

i:^'^ "nwHf TiaK

* jz :tie 3^1tc*iiL ft juc iess^tiesc ir saijiinetZ! ly TsaBoii. m oas na

.' I?Mai mu& ! i !i ! ± nsuiiarriiic it -»»i^ ^-^ i^ '^'^u^cened'*

-sitt .fiex "lisi: 'Lwrwr :iieaiii: lauunni ic stnumnuiain* biEC the

jKOSsr nm. "^ ieacriDiaiiii.^ T!te iicc time this paisgoe? of

i jossar fas^ itic sset h 'm: iinndiii ic hiv new oticitiiDi or

E Jinv!^ iv BiiitiiiiT puc^ if YuuBT^ M^sstus^ (|^iioo»i ^ibove^

Esa le TimMBl^ ^^-i^ip^ir^ ]iis n?fpreiwqjR Bpinisc ^e -iirr*j«iiii:t:u>fi

%^ui. "ine JKT "aor Tio^sc'^ 'jsssr iuis 311c ^isfisr '21 luij changes
tr tfuinoiui Ji ^k i^jsa. «rrntiiPBF > mnri 'iuui 3rj\re»i 17 ;i <:iij:3*>ry
^s^tasamoBSL if «iiiie tt "iie: rwes: jni£ jk.v$ r**&rmit ^i :▼ Taiuiar.
5^^ iftflif 7 sihr if lie itiiiits renr:??! ^j 15 Tiossiu* ir<f 5jixa«I in

"vniL vauLO. iiis ^ singin^rti tx au.?!: :sikeii ^rvmt

iim^ if i^icDicsan finmuinis ir jume aiiiii«3iduiu <iii u&e port

B. tie Jt^asii: .. nnv i» 1. sncsrr :r ibX. inj xxs luc imi tih^nu
Jir *ra—mr iic inns n: YjinarBcm. iQie«& tt JLrfeiur** tfi-TBabo
1^ lie iiifesRn: iiTiii'^imii jnzi intr vrjKsesv J^ Tib; JL«esci iiYinoa

n TuBar $ jsarc. is *s iriluws : —

n* inrrri ^■iirfffiiiL

THE ANTIQUITY OF THE AVESTA, . 269

3 Kuttab, i.e^ the writers. This class includes clerks, medical
men, literary men and scientific men.

4 MuhanS, *>,, the men of the ordinary class of work.
This class inclades merchants, agriculturists, workmen, &c.

A superficial examination of these two divisions, the one of the
vesta and the other of Tansar, shows that they widely differ.
bw if Tansar took liberty with the Avesta, why did he not replace
e Ayesta division which '' did not suit the necessities of the pre-
^nt " by the new division ? If Tansar's object was to establish the
nitj of the throne by the unity of the Church, instead of meddling
til philosophic subjects like those of the Logos and the Ideas
hich the generality of the people did not care for, and which could
o way strengthen the power of Ardeshir, he ought to have first of
11 handled subjects like this and the following which had drawn
general attention, and which had, according to the king of
abaristan, displeased the people. He ought to have introduced them
:xito the Avesta, to give them the stamp of religion. The fact that
ansar did not do so and that the extant A vesta gives quite another
i vision shows that Tansar had not taken any liberty with the Avesta.
Then the next important subject, referred to by Tansar in his letter,
3 the subject of punishments for scepticism and for criminal faults,
uch as theft and adultory. For example, Ardeshir ordered that the
dulterer must be punished by having his nose cut, that the brigand
nd the thief must be punished by bcirg made to pay large fines, &c,
bw, if Tansar had taken libci ty with the Avesta, and, if, as he says,
rdeshir had *' ordered these precepts to be inserted in the Book of
aws " (ketab-i-sunun), we should find them in the present Avesta,
%t least in the Vendidad. But we do not find anything of the kind
31 the Avesta, which shows that Tansar had not meddled with the

L vesta.

In thePeheWi commentary of the Vendidad (VIII.-236 (74) Spiegel,

. 122), we find an allusion to the punishment of a brigand (ra^dar

i\ It is t'lere said on the authority of a commciiLator Go^osh-

tl^at a brigand, if he conUnivG in his evil profo;isioii, may be at once

ut to death without waiting for a formal order from the DiUo-bar.

^in^V^ ■•tO^'V The same punishment is ordered on the autho-
ity of one Vakhshapur. Now it appears from tliis, that the punishment
33

270 THE ANTJQUITT OP THE AVESTA.

here referred to is not at all in accord with the punishment referred
to by Tansar in his letter as that ** ordered by him to be inserted in
the Book of Laws. ** On the other hand it is more in accord with
that spoken of by Tansar, as prevalent in the ancient times. This shows
that Tansar had nothing to do with the Avesta. Not only that, but he
had nothing to do even with the Pehelvi commentaries written much
later than the original Avesta. If he had no free hand in the later
Pehelvi commentaries, how can he have a free hand in the original
Avesta itself.

Again we find in the Pehelvi version of the Vendidad a
number of names of eminent Dasturs, who had made comments, snchas
Gogoshasp, Dud-farrokh, Adar-pud, Khoshtanbujid, VakhshApur, but
we do not find anywhere the name of Tansar. This is a very strong
proof that Tansar had no hand at all, not only in the original Avesta
but even in the much later Pehelvi versions.

Lastly take the case of Tansar's reference to the social custom of
marriage. He says, that Ardeshir ^* prohibited that a man of high
family should marry a girl of a lower family, with a view to preserve
tl)e purity of blood." Now, \^-e find no prohibition of this kind
in the present Avesta. If Tansar had taken liberty with it as alleged,
he would have put in this prohibition in the Vendidad. The only
prohibition referred to in the Vendidad is that a Mazdaya^nan
should not join in marriage with a Da6va-ya9nan.

In examining the so-called historical evidence of Darmesteter on the
later origin of the Avesta, we now come to Shapur, the third import-
ant actor of the period of renaissance, after whose time he thinks
the Avesta canon was closed. Darmesteter is of opinion that foreign
elements crept into the Avesta even after Ardesir's time, and so he
attaches great importance to the following passage in the Diokard
about Shapur.

**Shahpuhar, king of kings, and son of Artakhshatar, again broaght
together also the writings which were distinct from religion,
about the investigation of medicine and astronomy, time, place, and
quality, creation, existence, and destruction .... that were scattered
among the Hindus and in Arum and other lands ; and he ordered
their collection again with the Avesta, and the presentation of a
correct copy of each to the treasury of Shapigan. (West's Dinkard
P. Texts IV. p. 414 ; Derm. Le Zend Avesta HI., p. XXXII).

Darmesteter says that " This is a confession that part of the Avesta

THE ANTIQOITT OV THE AVKSTA. 271

was translated or imitated from foreign sources." Nothing of the
kind. It appears to he clear from this passage that here the question
is ahoat the collection of medical and other scientific works other than

those of religion (m)j dq ^ *9^oo'^ty) How can they have been em-
bodied in the extant Avesta which, according to Darmesteter himself is
" only a liturgical collection, and it bears more likeness to a Prayer Book
than to the Bible." What the Dinknrd says is merely this, that Shapur
got collected, both from the East and from the West, works on scientific
subjects. They were not all embodied in the Avesta, but as the last
sentence of the above quoted passage says ''the presentation of a
correct copy of each to the treasury of Shapigan " was ordered by

the king. The words in the text isr^O fffePOOT W^ ^'^o* (^^

(t. 0., he ordered their collection again together with the Avesta-Peh.
Paz. glossary, p. 150) mean that Shapur ordered the collection again
of this scientific literature together with that of the Avesta, and ordered
a copy of each to be preserved in the royal library of Shapigan. The
words do not admit of the intierpretation of " reunir et incorporer
dans r A vesta les fragments d'un int^ret scientifique " as Darmesteter
understands them.

If, as Darmesteter says, the above passage is an allusion
to his theory that additions were made to the Avesta even in later
times, then, as a matter of fact, we must find these writings on
medicine, astronomy, and such other scientific subjects in our
present Avesta. But we do not find them at all. Therefore, the
only inference we can draw is this, that the passage in the
Dinkard does not at all allude to any subsequent additions to the
Avesta itself, but to the Pehelvi works.

In closing this short survey of Darmesteter's conclusion based
on the historical evidence of the Dinkard and of Tansar's letter, we
must bear in mind that in the very passages where the Dinkard
speaks of the restoration of religion, and of the religious scriptures,
and on which Darmesteter lays great stress in support of his theory,
Alexander, the Greek of Greeks, is spoken of as " the evil-destined
TiUain Alexander" and allusions are made to his ravages and
devastations. Again, the very document on which Darmesteter hases
his theory, rt«., Ibn al MuqafPa's letter of Tansar speaks of
the harsh conduct of Alexander towards the Persians. He thought
of killing the princes and nobles of Iran so that during his march

272 TUE ANTIQUITY OV THE AVE3TA.

towards India they may not rise against him. But tbe good
udvicc of his tutor Aristotle prevailed, and he divided Iran into
petty principalities, so that the ruler*' may fight among themselves
and not join into an open rebellion against his rule. Again in tbe
body of the letter itself, 'J'ansar alludes to the fact of Alexander's
burning the sacred books. (^^)

Now Darmestetcr represents Tansar as borrovring foreign elements
for his A vesta from the.se very Groeks, whose hero Alexander he (Tansar)
himself runs down, and so do the Diukard and other Pehelvi works.
How improbable to think that a reli^^ious and sacerdotal monarch
like Ardeshir, and a Pauiryo-TkaOsha Dastur like Tansar should
think of inlroclucing into their scriptures the notions and beliefs of
those Tcry Greeks who had brought about the ruin of their country
and religion, a ruin, the paiuiul memory of which was fresh in their
minds, and which continued to remain fresh for some time longer.
Nothing can be more improbable than this.

13ut look to this (juestion from another point of view. What did
Valkhasli and Ardeshir and JShnpur aim at ? What wag the
religious renjiissuiice for ? The Greeks had possibly left the
mark of their invasion on the politics, as well as on the social and
religious lito of Iran. It was this mark of the Greeks
that had brought about the political, social, and religions
anarchy. It was to obliterate tht'se marks that Yalkhash, Ardeshir,
and tlie Shapuri* worked. It was to obliterate those marks that was the
aim of the renaissance of Arde^hir's time. Now what can be more
improbable than to think that those who worked hard in that work of
renaissance should, instead of ol/literating these marks of Greek
influence, perpetuate them, by bodily introducing Greek elements
into their very scriptures.

-Vgain, if there be any country, whose religious ideas the Persiani
would not liko to have incorporated into their religious books, it would
be ('fcceo or India. Ajrain, if there be anybody who could be said to
have introduced into Zoroastrianism these so-called Greek and Indian
elements, Tansar should be the last person, because from his very letter
to the king of Tabaristan, to which .1 >ariuesteter attaches so much
importance, we learn that a? a true Zoroastrian, he found the

(13) lifu aais qu' Alexandre luilla d Istakhar nos livros sacr^s cents aV
douzv) uiUle peaux de ba-uf," Journal Asia<(iuo T. lU, p.. 516,

THE ASXIOiZTr or 19£ ^TESTA. 27S

CrreekB, IsdinB, and utkin niuiiii^ m ««ioc TfhsifiiB moBPisaBc
customi (^iftwtdT^ Efffrrnnc tt* ilircpniigy n: me TFans. tflreeet.
and India. Tannr ktc O. etvc I^amiennerV xnuDBM&oii .. (^ ijiiir
anx bonnes moeniB i rTigifnw& e: as sprria xin £ik. ct aim: ds iam B Mit
qu'il (Le Diea) noiH a oGrcytss et anil iejor a TsiamsgL' Ik^gOL
further on he nn : ** Jtmitt ki scmies de jk xe-s amc notn- ioL.*'
Thus we see tbat Tanaar bdievec aba: km iaziierJBiin oc Jnbk.
poaseased all ibe aocnoef of t^ -worko, mat lais lac lis jitnanc^
was fitTonred by God ^visb all ^ead irligiiwff eDflunBa^minfc ^it iraur
conntriea were depxivBd aC Ko«^« ^a«r on jaH cspaR a aaaE wtt&
SQch a belief to bomnr Amem» igite aii fffini '5mm
and from other co^nt^ie^ ?

Again, what ia vom probable ! IVai, 2. s aricc 62- sc^
cfrcumstiinceB, he was alkrved tbe Sbucj cj> aiici&£]«( ^Fotk ^!«
( Avesta, he should take Hbertj with tb:iofr paits wh;je& ttrcafi of
philosophic snbjects, or with those that treat olf the soesal mamcis
and customs, with which the gcneralitf of pcoplie llart to do r
As a religious reformer, it would be his datj not to aid acw
philosophic ideas with which the people on the whoic had
little concern, but to change some of the old social usages which
required a change under the new circumstances. If allowed a free
hand Tansar would hare at first changed some of the customs
mentioned in the Vendidad, which clearly point that thej belonged
to very old times.

For example, it appears from the Vendidad that during the olden
times when it was written, the use of metal as money was very little
known* Animals were the medium of exchange or barter.
A medical practitioner is required to be paid not in coins, but in
animals. (^^) If he cured the head of a family he is to be given a
small ox as his professional fee; if he cored the ruler of a rillsge,
a large ox ; if he cured the lady of the house, a she-ass snd so on.

This scale of medical fees must ha?e existed a long time hffore the
Achemenian rulers, some of whom had Oreek doctors on their stsfF.
Now then, if Taoaar had a carte blanche from bis soverpi^n to tske
h'bcrty with the Aresta, and to add, omit, or modify, r^f cfynf^^,
the first thing he would have^done would have he^n fo «f rik** ofP
from the Vendidad the above system of payment and to intfoHiK"^ a

(»♦) JoarnAl A^iatiqod, Tome iff.^p. 5*7.
(") VcDdidad rn., 41-43.

274 THE ANTIQUITY OF THE AVKSTA.

new system of payment by coins. There are several other old
customs in the Yendidad which suited the times when it was written,
but in the times of Velkhash or Taasar, were more honoured in
their breach than in their observance. So, had Tansar taken liberty
with the A vesta, instead of meddling with some philosophic ideas,
he would have at once changed some of the customs mentiooed in
the Yendidad. But the very fact that the Yendidad has come
down to us, as it was written in some pre-Achemeuian times,
shows that Tansar could not have taken any liberty with the sacred
writings of the Oathas ascribed to Zoroaster himself.

The chief point which should determine the age when the different
writings of Zoroastrian literature were written, is the mention made
therein of the names of historical personages. * The Farvardin Tasht
contains a long list of the departed worthies of ancient Iran. It
contains the names of .eminent men, who lived upto two centa-
ries after Zoroaster, and who did yeoman's service to their country.
For example, the name of Sacna Ahum Stuto (Sacna Ahum Stndnn
of Afrin i Rapithavan) who, according to the Pehelvi Zarthosht.
Nameh, died about two hundred years after Zoroaster, is commemo-
rated there (Y. XIII., 97). Now, if according to Darmesteter, the
Zoroastrian canon was not closed up to the time of Shapur, why is it
that we do not find in the Farvardin Yasht any names of the Acheme-
nian, Parthian or Sassanian dynasties. Those dynasties have prodoced
a number of men worthy of being commemorated for their services
to the cause of their country and religion. Take the case of Yalk*
hash (Yologeses I.), whose services to the cause of Zoroastrian religion
were highly spoken of by the Dinkard together with those of Ardeshir.
Now if liberty was taken, as alleged, by Tansar, and his predecesaoni
with the A vesta, surely the name of Yalkhash would most assuredly
have been added to the long list of the worthies of Iran in the Far-
vardin Yasht. Ardeshir's services to the cause of Zoroastrian
religion were really very great, and so they were commemorated in
the later Pazend prayer known as the Afrin i Rapithavan, together
with those of Zoroaster, King Ooshtasp, Asfandiar, and others.
Now if the Sassanian princes took liberty with the Avesta, why
is it that the name of Ardeshir Babegan is not included in the list
of Farvardin Yasht. Ardeshir's son Shapur I., who also is spoken of
in the Dinkard as having had a part in the revival of the religion, could
have added the name of his illustrious father in the list of Farvardin

in cbekcer

A^otft m Ifloer noL ^fi-'mi ±3i meatL r ^mmK.:M-mLL

la ike 5am Tjatt. -iarr mr it Him.

HOC Kcae- ainp^ic ' jt*

penecvtiaa ii flTintwi m. -bui "iisi bciM'iirv*:. r t
aDnsiaK ta Ajcsoadsr's rangnnr if ?mis, Ik ^wiwrr -t j«
he feiti TO» ^iie PeietTi julr.iii^ tt -W ^nnt ^fiush. «
as KilisTic .'ILbisvif.. Ik die ?^n^Ti ^tnrrn
is 9pigkem. «f m Alrxaniiffr ^iu^ 2ai»yTik. * IL»n««
that die Kereaad ^ok^ <if in dv^ ^hxl Tsmbt j.
tfaeieiore thk text a pmr^ K<^TantfruB>

Hev die &Z1K fneginn Ji iur ji -iut
is Qsed a;a aeaouBoii simii. I^ :« uest at
Mnmwirr vasaOisvik. wace^icrpin samar -ii
that terau In d^ aaoe vrnf^ :iie P^iis'r: •:,
giYing a PefaelTi rendcia^ of die paaMes jl wsiixa. -iSkn^ i;i^ wyrt
Elerecmin or KIQisjak to be a eaaiBiaa aoni.

The Avesta pa^^sage mm dins

The Pehelvi rendering of diis pa«gag(? Ls as SiiL-.'v?

3<r »^^^ \( ffOD^ ^

This Peheln rendering clearly showa that die oomsMBtator Lat
taken the word Kere^ani in the sense of a eommoQ noun. He has
rendered it in the plural number. If, acoording to Darmetteter the

276 THE ANTIQUITY OP THE AVESTA.

Pehelvi translator meant by Kilisyak, Alexander, why should he
have used the plural number.

There is another consideration ^rhich shows that by Kere9ani the
Horn Yasht did not mean Alexander. In the Pehelvi books, wherever,
Alexander is spoken of, he is always spoken of, as Alexeidar, Akandgiir,
Alasandnr, or in some other similar form (Viraf-Nameh I., 4 ; West's
Dinkard, Bk. VIII., ch. I., 21 ; Bahman Yasht II.,. 19; III., 34;
Bundehesh XXXIV., 8 Minokherad ; VIII., 29). He is never
spoken of as Kilisyak. In the Bahman Yasht the word Kilisyak is
once used, but mind, there it is used with his original name Akandgar.
As we have said above there the word is not used alone but simply
as an appellation. Just as in some books (for example the Viraf-
Nameh I., 4) he is spoken of as Arumayak, i.e., the Roman, so in the
Bahman Yasht he is spoken of as AkandgAr,-i-Kilisyakih, t>., Alex-
ander the Kilisyak. In all other books he is spoken of by his own
name written in differenf ways. Now, if in all these Pehelvi writings
Alexander was spoken of by his own proper name, why should he
not have been spoken of by that name by the Pehelvi commentator
of the Ilom Yasht, if, at all, he meant to express that Kere9ani was
Alexander.

One fact more. In most of the above Pehelvi works, wherever
the harm done by Alexander to the Zoroastrian religion is spoken

of, he is always spoken of as Alexander the Qazasht^ ()l03o)

i,€,, the cursed, an epithet generally applied to Ahriman or the devil.
Some such other epithet is often applied to him (Viraf-Nameh I., 4 ;
Bahman Yasht. 0«) II., 19 ; Dinkard VII., ch. I., 21). Now if we
take that, as Darmestetcr says, the passage in the Hom Yasht refers
to the religious persecution by Alexander, why is it that we do not
find either in the Avesta passage itself or its Pehelvi rendering any
usual expression of hatred with the mention of Alexander's name.

Again, M the Avesta writer wished to make an allusion to the
religious persecution by Alexander, why should he have chosen
the Haoma Yasht for it ? We know nothing of Alexander's special
hostility to Haoma. In his invasion the Greeks generally destroyed
some of the Persian fire temples ; so if there was any part of the
Avesta where an appropriate allusion to Alexander's persecution coald
have been made with propriety, it was the sacred pieces in hononr

(10) West, Pehelvi Scries I. and VL

THB ANTIQUITY OF THE AVE8TA. 277

t>f fire and not the Tasht in honour of Haoma. All these considera-
tioiiB lead to show that it is a mistake to take Kere^ani to be
Alexander.

Darmesteter points to another name in the Avesta and connects
it with a historical event, and thereby tries to show that the Avesta,
«s they have come down to os, have a later origin*

It is the name of Axi Dfth&ka (Zohak of Firdousi). From the
fact that the Pehelvi Bundehesh draws his descent from one Tuz, a
brother of Hoshang and from the fact that the Shah-Nameh calls him
R Taxi, t,e,, an Arab (isj^^ •^-r*)» and from the fact that Bawri,
identified with tlie Inter Babylon, is spoken of in the Avesta as the
place of Azi-DaUaka, Darmesteter infers that it is a reference to the
settleoaeiit of the Arabs along the banks of the Euphrates and the
Tigris, an event which took place in the second half of the Arsacide
period. Hence he infers that the Avesta which refers to this historic
event must have been written along time after Alexander. But from
the mere fact that Zohak was descended from one Tiiz who was the
founder of the tribe of Tiiziks, latterly known as the Arabs^ and
from the mention of the name of Bawri identified with the later
Babylon, we have no safificient grounds to infer that it is an allusion
to the historical event of the occupation of Chaldea by the Arabs in
later times. Neither the Avesta nor the Pehelvi Budehesh say that
Zohak was an Arab. The Bundehesh, did not take Zohak to be an
Arab. It simply says that he was descended from one Taz. It is
only Firdousi that calls him an Arab ; and it is perhaps from the fact
that Zohak was descended from Taz and that the Taziks, latterly
known as the Arabs, were also descended from Taz. Thus then, if the
Bundehesh, did not recognize Zohak as an Arab, how can Tansar
or some of his predecessors recognize him as such ?

Again, even taking it for granted that Tansar or the people of
his time knew Azi-dahak to be an Arab, how could Tansar or some
one else in the latter half of the Arsacide period (whom Darmesteter
supposes to have taken some liberty with the Avesta) have connected
the historical event of the occupation of Chaldea by the Arabs with
Azi-dahak. The event having happened only about one or two centuries
before their time must be fresh in their minds through oral traditions.
So how can either Tansar, an intelligent man, who is represented
as having studied the philosophy of adjoining countries, or any other
man of his stamp, be supposed to connect a recent historical event
3G

278 THE ANTIQUITY OF THE AVE8TA.

with a mfin of the times of the Peshdndyan dynasty, a contemponrf
of Faridun, who lived several hundred years before the event. To
suppose that Tansar or men of his stamp mixed up a historical event
that had recently occurred and connected it with a man who lived
several hundred years before the event is paying; a very poor compli-
ment to men of Tansar*8 intelligence, who are otherwise credited
With a knowledge of the philosophies of adjoining countries*

Again Bawri, the name used in the Avcsta for Babylon, snggests
another consideration. Wo find from tho cuneiform inscriptioni
that Babylon was ono of the countries conquered by Darius. In the
Bohistun inscriptions BabyLm is spoken oF as BAbiru (Spiegers Die
Altpersisclien Koiliuschriftcn, ]). -1, Oppert's Les Inscriptions defl
Acliumcnid»'s, p. 24). Tin's word Biilnru sliows tliat in the Achc-
niiniiin times tlio old word Bawri Ii:i(l already begun to assamc
its later f(»nu of Babylon, Bawri is an older fonn of Babim*
Hence tin* U'xt wherein the ]>assage of 15awri occars must
hav(» Ikvu written a Imi-j: tin\e before the Achemenians, and the
conclusion of l)arniestet»T that " The texts in which the Arab
Azi Oahaka appears as riMgning in Babyhni belonii: to a time
when tlie Aral»a w»'re aln^ady settled in ^[esop.itaniia" is ground-
less. Had that bei'ii tlie case the writiT- avouM have ustnl Babini
or siMue otlier lat.T fv'rni u^T Bal'vlou and not tiie older form of
Bawri,

Again, what is said i>f ZoliAk can be saul of Dannestetcr's attempt
of connect ini: one Zainigaii, aV.vVcd In b«^ a co!iteni])i»rary of Afm^ijil},
with an histnricnl i^vmt oi th.e lafiT Pariliian tiT!>cs. In the first place
tlie word Zaiiiiirau has up to now Won transhited U\\]\ by European and
Parsce ^'.-htdars and aumni:: tl^cni by l^aniu'^irtcr Iiinisi'lf (Zend Avestft
li, S. H. l'.)as a C"inni«':i iiiMin, But n«»-.v l>:irniesti'itT. lo support
further his th*'or\. tiiuls in Z:ii»iii::iu. an Araliwho av:i»; killed by Afrasi&bv
and tliinks that tlie all u -ion n'tVrs t«« th«^ subset jufut events of tho
Arab invasiiMis. wjiioh otvurred in the later Parthian limes. Hero again
a?i in tlu' case .'f /i%hak, w.^ nvi' h^l \.^ WVa^w, iliRt a learned man like
Tansar or i others of bis stam]^ ^^c^c altoj^ctlier jkruorant of history*
that t.hi\ did not kn^nx wh« n Afrnsial> lived, and iluit therefore they
uiixini up hlst-irical c\rut> vhicli Iiad occurred t'uly a century or two
bell r.* th« ir tiu'cs \Mtli somv t'thcr rM'Ml \\liich ociM4rri*d a long time
b elnre. A-:;iiu, in coniicciiou wiUi this event. Dr. Daruicstctcr saj8»

THB ANTIQUITY OF THE AVESTi. 279

en the authority of Tabari (17), *» the 'legendary hiatofy of Yemen tells
of the Tubbah Abu Kurrub's invasion into Mesopotamia and his
stroggles with the Turdnians of Adarbaigan." But Tabari makes this
Tubbah a contemporary of Kinga Gushtasp and Bahaman of Persia Q^),
If that is the case, then it appears, according to Tabari, that the
Arabs had a footing in Mesopotamia in the time of king Goshtasp,
f. e., several centuries before the Parthian rule. Thus the arguments
based by Darmesteter (that the texts in which Zohak is made to settle
at Bawri and in which Zainigau is represented as being killed by
Afrasiab are texts written in the latter half of .the ^rsaoide period)
upon the assumption that ''the oldest periods known when the
Arabs settled along the Euphrates and the Tigris in the second half
of the Arsacide period " fail to ground.

Another point, that Darmesteter dwells upon to support his theory ,
is this that " the Avesta seems to ignore the existence of an Iranian
empire. The highest political unity is the dahyuy a name which in
the inscriptions of Darius denoted the satrapies, t. e,, the provincial
kingdoms . • . the highest political power is the danhupaiti,
the chief of a dahyu.** Hence he infers that the Avesta was written
in the times of the Parthian dynasty after the fall of the empire
when there were so many provincial kings but no Shahinshah, no
emperor.

But here Darmesteter commits a mistake in taking a dahyu in the
sense of a satrapy in which it is used in the inscriptions of Darius.
We ought to take it in the sense in which it is used in the Avesta
itself. In the Avesta it is not used in tho sense of a provincial
kingdom but in that of an extensive country.

There is a passage common to all Afringans (Westergaard Afringan
1-14) wherein the worshipper asks the blessings of God upon all the
good reigning sovereigns. Just as in the Farvardin Yasht are in-
voked theFravashisof theholy men of all countries, Iran, Turan, Sairim
Saini (China) and Dahi, so here blessings are invoked upon all good
reigning sovereigns (Khshathrayan danhupaiti). The Avesta praises
good order and peaceful rule. It says '* down with the tyrant."
(" Dush-padshahanavadashan bilcl," Nirang-kusti. *' Dana padsh^-bad

{!') Zofcenburg I., p. 504.

(li) <<Ge roi vivait du temps de Gouiohtasp et de Bahman." Zotenbarg
I., p. 605.

280 THE ANTIQUITY OP THE AVeSTA,

dnidanA avndnsh&n bad " Afrin), but may good kings flourish in aH
farts of the world. Now if the word Manhnpaiti' used in this pasMge
meant a mero provincial chief, the passage would, according to Dar-
mestotor, point to several provincial chiefs. If that is so, it requires an
explanation why Tansar who is supposed to have taken liberty with
the philosophic part of tho Avesta and who wanted to bring
about tho unity of the empire through the unity of the churchi
did not alter this passage. This is a passage which was, as now,
recited daily in huudredH of fire-temples of Iran and in thou-
sands of houses, and therein the blessings of God were inroked
upon all the ruling provincial chiefs. Ardeshir is represented by
Darmcsteter on the authority of Tansar*s letter to have tried to
extinguish the sncred fires of the provincial kingdoms to preaerre
the unity of the empire by tho unity of the royal fire. It is strange
then that ho should have allowed to remain this most important
passnge in the Avesta which acknowledged the sovereignity of
several provincial rulers.

This consideration tends to show that the word danhupaiti
does not refer to more provincial chiefs and that the argument based
on the meaninu: of this word is vajno. In his French translation
Daruiesttetor says : —

** Vishtaspa lui-ini'^mo diins U':4 Gathas n'a point la physionomie
d*un Koi des Rois. Cent un prince qui a donne sa protection i
Zorosdtrc oontiv d' autres princes : riiMi no le distingue des dahyupaitia
ordinaires." (^^) What Oarmesteter means by this passage is this
that there was no empire even before the Achemenians. There
were a number of provineial chiefs. Granted. Then what gronnds
havo l)anuescoter to eoiieludo tliut the fact chat the Avesta ignores
the existence ot an liattiLiii empire shows that it whs written in the
timv^H of lUe proviueial ohiets of tho i^arthiau dynasty ? It may aa
well have been wricteu in cue times of tho provincial chicfiB of the
^rtf-AelK'uiouiun tiuie.<.

Let us look U» this tiuo^tiou trom another point o? view. If the
present Avosta d<.>os n >c spcrik of m Lriiniai: empire and of a king
of king-*, thk* V^'aiieifVu'in iiiscr[pti.>us do s\>0{ik of a king of kings
(** khsavachiyii^ khi.UMthi>.iiui:n/' BehUtouri L-l), y.nv it' the Cunei*

^'- ') Ztjuil Av-:;*ta ILL, p. \\\.

THE AKTIQCITT OF THE AVE8TA. 281

form inscriptionB recognise an empire and a king of kings,
it is clear that their contemporary writings the " Grand Avesta**
must have also recognised a king of kings. The question
then is Who did away with the mention of this king of kings
from the Sassanian Avesta ? The answer perhaps would be
that either Valkhash or somebody in the Parthian times, finding
the Iranian empire divided into small provincial kingdoms, removed
from the Avesta the passages referring to the king of kings. If
Ihit was the case, why did not Tansar, who is represented as taking
all possible liberties with the Avesta, re-insert similar passages
which would have been of great use to him in uniting the power
and the authority of his new master and emperor Ardeshir.
To establish the unity of the empire, he wanted the unity of. the
church. So a re-insertion of similar passages ought to have drawn
his attention first of all in revising the Avesta, if he at all took
liberty with it by adding to or by modifying the original.

We now come to the subject of the Greek influence upon the
Avesta.

To support his post- Alexandrian theory, Darmes1;eter points to
an instance of the G reek influence upon Zoroastrian schools. He
refers to the four periods of three thousand years each, referred to by
the ancient Persians as the period of the doration of the world.
The prd-Alexandrian doctrine of the Persians described by Theo-
pompus as quoted by Plutarch is ** that Oromosdes ruled for 3,000
years alone and Areimanios for 3,000 more. After this period
of 6,000 years had elapsed they began to wage war against
eacli other, one attempting to destroy the other ; but finally Arei-
manios is to perish, mankind is to enjoy a blessed state of life ; men
will neither be any more in need of food nor will they cast shadows ;
the dead are to rise again ; men will be immortal and everything is to
exist in consequence of their progres8."(20j

Now the Pehelvi Bundehesh refers to the same doctrine, but
according to Darmesteter it differs in the description of the first
two periods. The Bundehesh says : *' Auharmazd through
'Omniscience knew that Aharman exists and whatever he schemes
he infuses with malice and greediness till the end ; and because
be accomplished end by many means, he also produced spiritually

(*o) Haug's Bfsays, 2nd ed., p. 8-9.

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ia?7.

2S2 THE ANTIQUITY OP TlIE AVESTA.

the croaturcs which were necessary for thoie meaiis» and ihcy
remained throe thonsand years in a spiritual state, so that thej
were unthinking and unmoTing with intangible bodies. The evil
spirit, on account of backward knowledge, was not aware of the
existence of Ailharmazd ; and afterwards he arose from the abvai
and came in unto the li{;ht which he saw. Desirous of destroy-
ing, and because of his malicious nature, he rushed in to destroy
that light of Auhurmazd, unassailed by fiends, and he saw its
bravery and glory were greater than his own ; so he fled back to the
gloomy darkness and formed many demons and fiends, and the
creatures of the deBtro}'er arose for violence." (West's Bundehesh
I., 8-10.)

Now, Darmcsteter says that the latter doctrine of the Bundehesh is
quite mystical. He says: ^*That period of spiritual ideal existence
of the world preceding its material and sensible opposition reminds
one strikingly of the Platonic ideas, and it can hardly have entered
Zoroastrianism before Greek philosophy penetrated the East/'

In the first place, Thcopornpus has made a brief reference to the
four periods of the world's duration. He has summed up in his
words the Zoroastrian doctrine about these periods. So, as long as
he has not given any detailed description of those periods as given by
the Bundehesh, one cannot affirm that there is a difference between
these two statements of the same doctrine. The vcrv fact that ho has
tried to describe the last two periods and not the first two, rathrr
shows that perhaps he did not clearly understand what Darmesieter
calls "the mystical spirit of tho Zoroastrian doctrine."

Now, for the Platonic ideas, one must look to the Farvardin Yasht,
which speaks at some length of the Fravashis or Farohars which are^
as Dr. West says, the immaterial existences, the prototypes* the
spiritual counterparts of the spiritual and material creatures after-
wards produced, and which are therefore compared to the 'ideas' of
Plato. A comparison of some points in the description of the ' ideas ^
of Plato and the Fravashis of the Avesta will clearly show whether
it is the Avesta that has borrowed or Plato that has borrowed.

Let ns see ''of what things," according to Taylor, the beat
translator of the Parmenides, there are ideas. Ue says : ^ There are
ideas only of universal and perfect substances aad of whatever
contribatos to the perfection of these, as, for instance, of man,

THE ANTIQUITY OF THE AVESTA, 283

hnd wbatever is perfective of man, such as wisdom and virtne."
Tho8» according to Plato, all perfect substances in the universe haye
ideas.

In the A vesta it is the vegetable and the animal 'world that has
Pravashis, and not the mineral world. The ^rth has its Fravashi
as the home of animal and vegetable life. It is only the life-bearing
creation that has the Fravashis, not the lifeless. To speak scientificall j
it is the objects of the organic kingdom that have the Fravashis, and
not those of the inorganic kingdom.

Now, what is the case with the * ideas * of Plato ? According to
PlatOy all existing objects have their ideas, whether they belong to tlie
organic kingdom or to the inorganic. The ideas are the realities, and
the substances of which they are the ideas or models are non-realities
or mere imitations of the ideas.

Again, according to Plato, whatever contributes to the perfection
of perfect substances have Mdeas.' For example, not only has a man
an * idea,* but wisdom and virtue, which contribute to the perfection
of man have ideas. So have justice, and beauty, and goodness.
Now, in the A vesta, we have nothing like this. We have no
Fravashis of these abstract qualities of justice, beauty, or goodness.

Then, what does this show ? That the Avesta borrowed from Plato
or that Plato borrowed from the Avesta ? The system of the Avesta
is simple. All the life- bearing or organic substances only havo their
Fravashis or spiritual parts. The dead people have their Fravashis,
because they had them in their living condition. But Plato, as it
were, developed his own system from that of the Avesta. He
extended the notion even to the objects of the inorganic world and
to qualities which led to perfection, and again mixed up with the
question, the notion of realities and non-realities. Thus we find
that Plato's system is more intricate than that of the Avesta. What
conclusion then is possible ? That the more developed and intricate
system is later than the simple one; that it has worked out its
development or completion from the original simple one. Thus one
sees that the Avesta system is older than that of Plato.

Darmesteter attributes these Platonic ideas in the Avesta to the
times of the Neo-Platonists, the school founded by Philo Judseus.
But wo have seen above that the Farvardin Yasht, a part of which
treats of the Fravashis, must have been written long before tho

286 THE AXTIQUTTY OP THE ATESTl.

store of different ideas, and a wide review of the different directions
of philosophical thought." {iJeeton.')

"Du I lie giecle de Tere chretienne jusqu'a Tie les Neo-Flatoni-
ciens entreprirent defondre U philosophic orientaleavec la philosophic
greque. Des tentativcs analogues avaient (t'j faites prec^emment
par des philosophes juivs d' Alexandric, par Aristobulc pent etre et
certai Dement par Philon dans le i^ siecle." Herein lies, then, the
key why some of the notions of the Avesta resemble those of the
Neo-Platonists. It was the Xco-Platonists who took some of their
notionr> from the Persian religion and philosophy as from other
religions and philosophies. Darnicsteter has just missed the key note,
and so has tried in rain to find reasons for the similarity of notions in
the A Testa and in Neo-Platonism.

This very consideration and the above quoted 8tat>ement from Plutarch
destroy the theory based by Darmesteter upon the names cf the three
demons, viz., Indra, Saurva and Naunghaithya, opposed to the three
Amesha Spentas, Asfaa Yashista, Khshathra Vairya and Spenta
Armaiti. From the fact that the names of the three demons are also
found in Brahminical works, he thinks that they represent foreign
Brahminical element borrowed by the Avesta in later times. He saya
^'it appears clear thereby that their present character is not the result
of a proloiig<;d evnlutiou in the inner circle of Zoroastrianism." The
above statement from Plutarch contradicts this in toto, and clearly
points out that the notion of the Amesha Spentas and their counter*
acting opponents the 'daevas* is specially Zoroastrian and pre- Alexan-
drian.

Attain, Darmesteter points to two passages of the Avesta wherein
hf Hupposfifl there are references to Gaotama Buddha and to his
nrligiori. Firstly, the word Bnity (Vend. XI.,7 ; XIX., 43) which he
think t U} be the same as Baodha, is a word which refers to one of the
I'vil forr'Js of the soul. The word occurs among other similar words
whirh spf*ak of moral vices. This shows that it is not a proper noan.
Akoih, l)flrmi*Kteter points to the word Gaotama in the Farvardin
Vfi^hf ( J3; and Mays that it is a reference to Gaotama Buddha. As it was

tinrli-r ihi' Indo Greeks (first centur}' before Christ) that Buddhism
tpuml widely in the eastern provinces of Iran, and as in the first cen-
^*n f tit iiuv wn KaniHhka*B coins present in an instructive ecclectism
«.i •(»!. i\' if ii*N of the Indo-Scythian empire, Greek gods» Brahmanical
«!' y*«, tUt'ttUiti and the principal Yazatas of Mazdeism/' he concludes

THE AXTIQtTITY OF THE AVESTA. 287

that '* if the alleged allusions to Buddhism are accepted, the Avesta
passages where they occur cannot have been written earlier than the
second century before our era." But then the question is if the Far-
vardin Yasht wherein occur these passages were written so late as the
second century after Christ, why is it that we do not find therein
the names of men like Valkhash who had done, according to tho
Dinkard, important services to the cause of the Zoroastrian
religion. The list of the historical personages in the Farvardin Yasht
was closed long before the Christian era.

Darmesteter speaks at some length about what he calls the Jewish
elements in the Avesta. This part of the question has been very
ably lately handled by learned scholars like Dr. Mills and Dr. Cheyne>
who hare tried to show that the Jewish scriptures owe a good deal
to Zoroastrian scriptures. I will allude to one point only and
close, and that is the subject of the Deluge. Darmesteter sees, like
others, in the second chapter of the Yendidad, a description of the
Deluge. I have shown elsewhere (2*) that though there are several
points which are similar in the Hebrew sketch of Noah and the Avesta
sketch of Yama or Jamshed, the second chapter of the Vendidad
refers, not to the Deluge, but to the founding and building? of the
city of Airyana-Vaeja,

(2^) J. Jamshed, Horn and Atasb.

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289

Art. XYllL—Akhar and the Parsees. By R. P, Karkaria, Esq.

[Read 8th August 1896.]

When the Emperor Akbar, disappointed with the faifeh of Islatn,
professed by his fathers and by the State, started on an earnest
enquiry after the best religion for men, he resolved to examine all the
existing creeds that he could, and bestow patient toil on the discovery
of the truth. If he could not discover any one among the existing
religions which could satisfy his need, he resolved to find out the true
elements in each, and combining them together, to set up a new faith.
For this purpose he assembled the representatives of many sects and
various creeds at his court, and built a special palace for their i^ieetings,
called the Ibadat-Khana, at Fatehpur-Sikhri, There he himself
presided over their discussions, encouraging everyone to come out
with his views without fear of repression. All the great religions of
the world were represented before the Emperor. First and foremost
was, of course, Islam, the nominal State religion, whose learned
doctors natnrally disliked such discussions and had scant sympathy
with the enlightened object of their Emperor. They had, however, to
be present and argue, as best they might and could, for the excellence
of their religion above all others, and refute the claims of rival creeds.
Used hitherto to be treated with special favour at court and to look
down upon these creeds with contempt and intolerance, they did not
always behave well under these novci circumstances, and betook
themselves to strange methods of defence. This led on occasions to
great confusions and uproar, when the meetings had to be adjourned
to let the heated passions cool down. p]ven the Emperor's presence was
at times not respected, and the bigoted Ulemas taunted and threaten-
ed his trusted advisers like Abul Fazl, Faizi, and Bir Bal, whom they
held responsible for all his religious vagaries, in the face of their
royal master. One of these, a grandee named Shahbaz Khan, once
said openly to Bir Bal at one of these meetings : "you cursed infidel,
do yon talk in this manner ? It would not take me long to settle
you I" Whereupon the Emperor scolded him in particular, and ail
38

290

4EEAR *I«tt THE PABSBM.

mid thnt r nhoeful «{

the other [ilcmn« in generftl. iayingi "
»in«inent were throirn into joat fftCM I" '

Tlipn iherp w*re tbo e»poiiiiii»rs of Hinduwrn. ths fiiilh cf th« vatt
nijority of AklMt's lodinn Kobji'mi. He lintoiied atti-iilivnly W ibrfr
doctriiws and fnTonrcit ibeir views. U« not oiity di«cn»«d "ilh
them ill [niblli-^ liut sow ibrm pririikly in bis pntncp, nnd wu 1
itnBacDCcd inuub h; ihrm. The histdntui, B«(lnuiii, ^tcs & CDitans 1
iMtniue nf hnw the Emji«-or "std ti> rcocivc tliwc mi-n, " A Bnh-
HiBo niiin«il Debi." »hya he, "who waft uitc of llie Jnlfrprctcni of thr I
U*hnbWat>i, was )iiill«d uji the walls of thr caMli: rittbg on n oAar- j
j)t>i, till b(! ormcd v.vm a lialiony which tho Brnprrnr Itnd atatlr
his btfdsrhamber, Wbiliit thui iii»p«iidi>d, he instrocled hii Mnjralf '
In lh« teflrvtABiid lc|;ciids uf Hindutem, iu the maimer of ironbippiliB
iiJoli, tite fire, ii\t Hun, the sUn, and of revcnui; tbe ifairf goia of
(bc« l»»ll^lit■^f«^•.■'*

Akbar'o aiiTrouodingi, bin Rnji>ut wives, hi« HtDdu atlrUm wi<l
generaU, like Todnr Mnl ntid Bir Hnl, bi^ Inaie fur KauskiiT' blerntRre
and philosophy, »hich ho hud tmn-lmnd into Pernian, made htm Irao
ooa^iderably tcnnrdi tlinduiam, BuddliUnt, too, was hiviight lo hi*
■olioe au'l naa al«o nni withuiit influcoi^e upon bim. ProTvsaor Max
Uiiller savB that '- Abul FatI, ihr ininistn' of Akbnr, iroald Sail no
Due io lutist him in hi* CTKjniripi rtwpoctiug Buddhism."* Sal
Badttoni Baje distinctly Ihal " Samsnaa" were intenriew^d by Ahbtt
nlonj; witli the Brahmana. Now. these " Sftmanni" nn rigblly inlft-
(irvtudby Prateiaor Cowell aod Mr. LonrabUuddliivC&itwtiM, "Shni> J
loanaa," in fact. PnifmiKur Mux Mdllcr himtrlf sreniB tti hfl?B row-
jvciured this, at ht put* tUia ijucry to the word of Bndnoui on p. 00 •
"Is not Su man! meant for 8aman&, (.«., Shramaiia?" Tho ctwim

> DftdoKDJ, iluMakJKii-yiTtwankk, Oalffiuta adtdoti, hs MonUi Agli»]
AtiD*d All, TiL il., p. 374.

Thera ai« (wo miujs on Akbai'a rell^oa, "ii., Van* Ktmicdr'a In UM ^
TfunttuHaiig ojtha Ltknryi Soeitty ef BeKilMy,lSii, aad Pnt. H. H. WHbhi^
tali" puarf'fip l><-UntaS Kayaitnt, Calcutta' l^i». Koanrd; ludBciieolB^-
dannl bafon lilm, tut taliiid oQ an nattMC fromtbat btKoiian giian ia alatar
lihtfan «i>iapil»ti(in tlw O'-'l-'^Sano. Wilaoo «r<M th* firil t« uae BadaaaT,
I havn not DU^J i!itl<'>r, or Ualuituvk's in>p«rfeot tranduilnn uf pan^ftM
Irjm Bsilnuui (Botubay, ItMO), baaaaa« I tiaTa ^im |u tba vriittaal aouraaS .>

• n«darj„i. Calcuita adHliiD, rol. il . p. »I. Uwe, p. 2W

* Mrodu:! M<t te &iianc« ,>/ Bi-U^IM, p. St.

AKBAR AND THE PAR8EE8. 291

of his hesitation seems to be the misinterpretation of Blochmann,
'who, following Arabic dictionaries, cnlls them *' a sect in Sind wh6
believe in the transmigration of souls (tannsuk). *'^

Besides Mahomedans, Hindoos and Buddhists, Akbar took
great care to have the representatives of the great Chris-
tinn faith of which he had heard. He requested the Portus:uese
authorities at Goa to send him missionary priests who could
expound the mysteries of their faith. Learned and pious
priests were accordingly sent from Goa to Ak bar's court.
An account of their travels and mission may be read in Hugh
Murray's ** Discoveries in Asia" (vol, ii,)» But the best account
of what they did at the Mogul court, and of their influence on the
monarch, is doubtless that contained in the work of the Jesuit
Father Catron, who based his ** History of the Mogul Empire " on
the manuscript Memoirs of the Venetian physician, Manucci, who re-
sided for 48 years at the Mogul court. I am glad to be able to
state that my friend Mr. Archibald Constable, who has given us a
scholarly edition of Bernier, is going to edit the complete work of
Oatrou from a rare manuscript which he has recently secured,
Bartoli's Italian History is also very important in this connection.
Akbar*s attitude towards Christianity is a very interesting problem,
not free from uncertainty and doubt, and may be treated on another
occasion. The Mohamedan historian notes that ''learned monks
also came from Europe, who are called Padre, and have an infalli*
ble head called, Papa, who is able to change religious ordinances as
he may deem advisable for the moment, and to whose authority kings
must submit, broij(;ht the Gospel and advanced proofs for the Triiuty,
His Majesty tirmly believed in the truth of the Christian religion,
and, wishing to spread the doctrines of Jesus, ordered Prince Murad
to take a few lessojis in Christianity under good auspices, and charged
Abul Fazl to translate the Gospel/' ^

There were, moreover, Jews, Sufis, Shiahs, Hanefites, and various
other religious and philosophical sects represented before Akbar,
who wanted to listen to all, theologian and philosopher, orthodox
and heterodox, heretic and schismatic, rationalist and mystic, to know
every shade of opinion, to receive every ray of light that he could
obtain from any quarter.

* Ain-i'Akhari, vol. i., p, 179.

* Badaoni, vol. ii.. p. 260; Lowe, p. 267,

292 AKI5AR AND THE PARSERS.

Thprc wns one religion which was distinguished by its grent and
hoary antiquity as well as its purity, which, if it could only attract
the royal enquirer's notice, could not but infhience him greatly, owing
to its conturmily with much of Akbar's object. That was the ancient
religion of Zoroaster, which, after a I^ni; spell of persecution, had
been driven out of its houie in Persi^i to seek a shelter in a corner of
Akbar's dominions. This relit!;i«/n wns historical, and must have
forced itself on his notire in several ways. "Notwithstanding their
paucity,*' says Count do Xoer, the Ciernian historian of Akbar, *'and
political insigniricance, tho opinions oi the Parsees exercised consider-
able influence on the great minds of India towards the close of the
16th Century/* ^

\\'hat Akbar did to get acquainted with this religion, and what
was his attitude towards it, are the quest i(»n> I propose now to con-
sider. That he came to know this religion, and somo of its chief
doctrines, is certain. But how far be was influenced by it, and how
much of it be ndojited in tho new faith that ho constructed, is pro-
blematical. There is a tradition amoni; the Parsees themselves that
a priest of tlieirs had been called from Naosari, in Guzei'at, to Akbar's
court under strange cirourastiMicos, and that he so far succeeded in
forcing upon the Kniperor's mind th«» truth and excellence of hisrelif^ion
as actually to convert bira to the Parsee faith by investing hitn with
the sacred shirt and thread-girdle, sn'lnh and kiA.<tl, the outward sign
of adopting that faith. The eircumsiances under which this priest,
whose name was Mehrjee Rana, wascalb'd to Akbar's court were these
exceedingly strange ones, according to the tradition. A Hindoo
priest, deeply versed in the arts of niai;ic and sorcery, Jugnt Guru
by name," once performed a mirncic in the presence of the Emperor
and his court, by sending up and Kuspending a large silver plate bij^h
in tho sky, which looked like another sun shining in the heavens, and
challenged the professors of all tho religions assembled to take this
new sun down, and test the powers of th»Mr faitbs. Akbar, of course.
called ui)0u the UkMnaa to do Ihia and refute the Hindoo. But they
could not do it themselves. Hence thev were in anxious search of
some one who could d'> ibis and disgrace the infidel. They were told

* Emperor Akhar^ vol. i., p 21 T qaole from Mrs. Heveridge's exoellent
translation, which is in many respcits anporior to M. Maury's French).

' tS'ic in the tradition ; but, of roiirso, .Fauat ^ruru is a title aasumed by th»
the heade of various Hindu sects.

AKBAR AND THE PARSEB8. 293

tbat a priest in Naosari could do this, if he were called. At their
suggestion Akbar sent for him. He came ; he saw ; he conquered.
By reciting his prayers and by other incantations he broke the power
of the Hindoo's magic, and the pseudo-sua came down, plate as it
was, and fell at Akbar's feet ! Akbar was astonished, as well he
might be. The Parsee priest was received with awe. He expounded
his faith to Akbar, ^|^ convinced him so well as to make him a
Parsee. This is the Parsee tradition, long cherished by the people
and circulated in various forms in prose and verse. There are some
poems about this triumph of Mehrjee Rana, sun^ by Khialis, or
itinerant minstrels, and others in Guzerat and Bombay.®

But now as to the validity of this tradition. After a diligent
search I can find no historical proof of it whatever. None of the
numerous great histories of this reign notice it at all ; and it need
hardly be said that, if such a highly improbable, if not impossible,
event happened at all, it must have been mentioned and detailed by
the writers who are generally very fond of relating the marvellous.
Badaoni, who mentions many other so-called miraculous or thauma-
turgic feats oi jogis and Mahomedan saints, as, for instance, that of the
Anuptalao, the lake filled with copper coins, does not say a word
about this. There is nothing about it in the Dabistan, the other
great authority for Akbar's religious history. Neither the Akbar
Nama of Abul Fazl, the official history, nor the excellent Tabakat-i-
Akbari of Nizam-ud-dio, mentions it. Nay, not even the name of
JVlehrjee Rana, the Parsee priest, occurs anywhere in any historical
work as having gone to Akbar's court at all. A paper has been put
into my hands by the present descendants of this Mehrjee Rana, who
still live in Naosari, in which what are called historical authorities
are given for the abovementioned traditions. The writer of this
quotes what purport to be passages from three famous historians of
Akbar, viz., Badaoni, xVbul Fazl, and the author of the Tabakat-i-
Akbari, in each of which the tradition is fully and emphatically
mentioned. But, strange to relate, I do not find just those passages
in these historians ! They are conspicuous by their absence in the

* These poems, which are mere doggerel, were composed, I fiad oa enquiry,
by hireling rhymesters a generation or two ago, as may be seen from
htnguage in which they are written. There were several snob profeaidp"-"
rhymesters who composed any number of suoh doggerel verses in prair'
body who paid them for their labour »

21)4

4KIIAU IM- TBK fAftSKItH.

Muellent Kilitions o( Bacjruini And Abul t^azl, puMithFil by tliR a
AtifllkQ Society iu the HibUoth'-oa InJie.a I Tti« cpyiat ms
fcbey are to be found ia liis copies at Agm, from wliicb a MntmiR
Muashi bail traiiHmbfil f-tieni for the iurorinnltaii of tho Pnnrasti
Bnt tbis may Lio <li«nii!i§sd nntn inftniico of intcrpiilntion nn tlir part
of that Munabl, very likHy a Forgery by the uopyisi blmself.
paoHages are wiinted in Perainn mHnu8cript«. there is iiolbin;; bo o«rteiit|
08 that they will »p|iear somtihriw I Oue whu han any experience afm
Permu hralorians and their launiiscrifta will readily underoiHad Ihuifl
Sir Heury Elliot, who \cnc\i tiwm nil intiriiaioly. mentions neveml ■
instanuea of impudeot anti iulereitied fraudt) by Peraiuii ooinpilera,
add w&rQB iix to be on our ituaril against " the blnndara amitid; trttm
Dcgligcncu and ignorance ; tliR tniiir]uiitin]K »f titk-H, liat^s nnd tiamrcj
the aacriptinn to wrmig aiiihort ; ihc ahscticr uf brginningx and end^a
ingi ; ihc nrhitrnry *nbstit,uti'.n of new ones lo complete a nuiiiUteJlT
manuecript ; tlie miitakps nf copyists; tho cxcroi»e of ingeDuity i
their corrections ond of fanry in thoir ■ddiiinns.''^

Lotus now look to tho hisiorical «niirces for thr reign of AtibMnl
■bout hia relation to the Pafsees. Abul Fasil, a» ia well knonn,
only one itliort chapter, Aiii 77, book i, on Akbnr's TtligiouH npinumt*!
He does not dilate ou them in his gccal work , bt-cauae hu uennl
write a special treatisn on this subject. Dut that ircntide anforlunatn
ly bedid not live to write, Tbe fullest account o( hi> religtnai
may be obtained, and their progrene trNced, in the grral work c
Abiliil Kadcr Bttdautii. Tho only paaange in his whole i
he muntiona the Farnee religion is this : — " Fire-wortilitppimi Ktflci ^
cnmo from Nao'nri in Gujikrat, [irodninied tbe rcli];ion of Zardlulit I
■a tbo true one, and declared revrrunce to fire to bn xupirrior to etsry- -
Otber kind of wumhip. They alsf attrauted the Rinpitror's rcfpinli. '
And tnitght him the peculiar tcrm^ the ordinnucRi, the ritM ai
ceremonies of the Kaianians. At last he ordered that tbu taored t
thonld be made over lo the obar^e of Abul Fail, and that, after the
manner of the Kings of Persia, ia whose temj'lea biased prrpetual
fires, ho should mke care it was never enti'ij^uished ni;,cht or day, for
that it is ouo of the signs of God, and one light from Ute many tij^tita i
uf His oreataon.'''"

The author of the Daliiftan, ihe famous book ou tbo TUioU

< Hitlory af India end :
<d. Dowson, IS8T.

" Voi. ii., B6l,0al. eil.

U m-anria.%1, vol t-, p. 11, »1 ISti. Vnt I., |i. ta,.|

i W. IiD«», p. 369.

IKBAR AND THE PAR8KKS. 295

religious and philosophical sects of the time in Asia, which may be
called a veritahle cncyclopser^ia of Oriental religions, gives a fuller and
more detailed account, ''In like manner," he says, ** the fire-wor-
shippers, who had come from the town of Naosari, situated in the
district of Guzernt, asserted the truth of the religion of Zoroaster and
the great reverence and worship due to fire. The Emperor called them
to hi? presence, and was pleased to take information about the way
and lustre of their wise men. He also called from Persia a follower
of Zardusht, named Ardeshir, to whom he sent money ; he delivered
the sacred fire with care to the wise Shaikh Abul Fnzl, and establish-
ed that it should be preserved in the interior apartment by night and
day, perpetual henceforth, according to the rule of the Mobeds, and to
the manner which was always practised in the fire-temples of the Kings
of Ajem, because the IH Set was among the sentences of the Lord,^*
and light from among the lights of the great Ized. He invited like-
wise the fire- worshippers from Kirman to his presence, and question-
ed them about the subtleties of Zardu^ht'8 religion ; and he wrote
letters to Azor Kaivan, who was a chief of the Yezdanian and Abadan-
ian, and invited him to Imlia. Azer Kaivan begged to be excused
from coming, but sent a book of his composition in praise of the
self-existing being, of reason, the soul, the heavens, the stars, and the
elements, as well as a word of advice to the King ; all this contained
in fourteen sections; every first line of each was in Persian pure
deri ; when read invertedly it was Arabic, when turned about, Turkish,
and when this wns read in reversed order it became Hindi,** ^3

This shows clearly that the priest Ardeshir of Kerman took a
promineut part in leading Akbar to Parseeism. The discussions
at Akbar's court between the various religious and philosophical
sects were carried on with ability; and, to judge from the specimens
of them that we have in this Dabistan, and also in the Akhar Nama,
their representatives nmst have been learned men. The arguments
brought forward by the various disputants show great acumen and
knowledge, an<l I do not think that an obscure priest in a corner of
Guzerat would have been able to take part in discussions showing
such skill and dialectical ability. They show a knowledge of other
religions and other general information about history and philosophy

'1 5ic in Shoa and Troyer. There is a slight diflcrepanoy here between the
original and the translation, but this is immaterial for our purpose.
1* Troyor and Shea, vol. iii., pp, 95-t>,

296 AKHAU AND THK I'AKSKKS^.

which it is vniii to look for in a priest of Naosiari. Ardeshir was, on
the coiitniry, known as a learned doctor of Zoronstrianism, and he was
considered of importance enough to be invited all the way from
Kerman in Fer!»ia, and it is recorded in the Dabii^faii that money for
his travellinf^ ex[)onses was sent by Akbar,^^ Another circumstance
also points to this. Ardi-s=hir was invited some years after Mehrjee
Raua is supposiul to have gone to the Mof;ul court. This shows
that Akbar must have b«cn dissatisfied with the priests from Xaosari
whom Badaoni mentions, and, seeing that they could not teach him
much, determined to go furtlier aticld an J invite Ardeshir and other
Parsees from Kerman.** Mehrjoc Rana may have gono to Akbar's
court, as his family possesses a gi^nt of 3<M) hiyahs of land from the
Mogul court, saitl to have been jjiven by Akbar to Mehrjee on his depar-
ture from Delhi.'" 13nt that he took any great part in the religious
and philosophical discn^sions that wire carrie<t on in the Emperor's
presence, cannot be maintained. Badaoni, as well as the Dabistan,
merely says that fire worshippers came from Naosari, and does not
single out one of them as having done anything noteworthy.
Then, where is the reason for exalting Mehrjee above his fellow-
travellers ? And, then, who were those otht-r persons who had gone
from Nao>ari t») Delhi ? Naosari itself hlood in nt-ed of religious
enlightenment, three centuries ago, and ctmid not he supposed to
spare much of it for Delhi. Akbar mnst, out of curiosity, hHve called
Parsees from his own recently compiered province of (iruzerat for

^■* Vi.h* Blnuhmanii In Jm/r. Bra, Aifiat. Soc., IStJS. p. 14.

^* TliH K(lit')r 'if rlu" Farhafitf-iJehnnt/iri, |irop:irf'(l uiuler tlie ortlers
of Akbtir, s-uvH ili.it Anlo-liir was «l«^(^ply vcrsud in tlio lc»ro <'f tli« Parsees and
WS18 a Kreat >i'lioI:ir of Ww Zeutl Avost.'i. Now ilic fact thai lie w:ih specially
invited nil thf way fn'rn L^Jr^i.l «>:irly shows lluit. tlu» I'arsi priupts of Guzerat
who hsul ]»P'viourtly hfcri to Akbar's court were fmiml wanting in any know.
le(i;C« «'f t-h"' in«;iiiiiiK «»f tho Avosta. This is prov«Ml uls" hv- the (General state
of igaora ii'JL' in whicli ilic* Indian ParBoes then wi.'ie sleojuul.

'•■^ The ic^tiinouy of this grant, inn, is very doubtful, as ic is not in the name
of MfhruM* liana, Imt of Iiim s«>n, and was Ljrantwl MVi-ra) yuars after that
prit'-t'-duatli. 'i'lu* 'IM'\ itosfor whi»Mi it wms j^ivi»nnr») alsu not niuntioncd in it,
tiud tliH lunti may liavi* been '.'iven fi»r mtvIcvs (luiie other than those pretend-
f«i riy tiiv prii;st H family. Now , as .M«liij«'0 Hana'N nanio i> not mentioned in
any hisiinical '»o.ili whatover. an>) i^ n n found oven in tlii< fumily><;raut, the
ma ustay of Ium tamily s prt«t«}n'lcd claim to his having:: w«nkfd the iniraclf and
onnviTud Akbar, I am di-pu'i'.'il to doulit tlio fm*! of hltf over havin<r gooc to
AkUir't colli t a' all.

AKBAR AND THE PARSKES. 297

hifcrtnation, but, seeing that he could not get much out of them,
he had to call others from Persia. This, T think, is a legitimate
inference.^®

The state of the Parseesof Guzerat at those times abundantly con-
firms this inference, that none of them could have possessed the
requisite ability to take any part in the learned and philosophic dis-
cussions of the Ibadatkhana. We have some historical records which
prove clearly that their standard of knowledge was very low and that
thtre were no men among them of even ordinary learning. They
were a down^trodden people among unsympathetic aliens, entirely
absorbed in obtaining a decent livelihood. This very Mehrjee Rana
and his family were farmers, supporting themselves by tilling the
ground. The clergy and the laity were alike ignorant and indifferent.
The Parsee historical manuscripts called lii'vaycts, of which there are
a goodly number — enable us to judge of tlie state of kuowhsdge
among these peojjle durinj,' the fifteenth, sixteenth and fieventccuth
centuries. They lay bare a state of the grosses b i^iiorance about
religion and even its most ordinary and elementary mp.tters. It is a
matter of *iotoriety among Parsees that for centuries their ancestors
in Guzerat knew very little about their religion. The coaipilor
of the Parsee Frakath^'^ is constrained to say, under year 1478 :

i« Persia, the orfit^iiial homo of the Zoroastrian religion, was the yliwe from
vhich the ignorant I arsees of India themselves sought ami obtained int'orma-
tion and kiiowh'dge of their own rolij<ioii durinj^ tlie fift* eiitlj, sixt^'outh
and followintf centuries. I'/dc Amjuetil du Perron, Z- )uf .ivr^ti^ ^^^Mn ler.
p. cQuXxiii. Prof. M«x Miiller al^o aiipports the Hauie iuferciiC'j .iboui A desliir.
** Wo have/* says Ite, "the Zend Ave:>tjJ, the sacred wriiin^s of (he Ro-
called fire-\vershij)pers, and we j)usi.es8 trnuslalions of it farni'MC connletH
and far more oorreet than any that the Ktu[)eror Ahbar eo:dd have (>ht;iiii-
ed from Arderihir, a wiso Zoroastriau whom he invited from Kennau to
India." — Science of Religion, p. St,

1' This work in Guzerati is a compilation in the form of anna's, and is based
upon materials w/iich are fieleofed and used uncriticalh*. It. is liy no ni'^anM
an authoritative work, but one which must bo consulted \\lth ca'niou and
judgment. So far as it is ba>.ed on imiid autheut.eaiod faci j. it is reliable.
But in many instance^ its authoritios are doubttul. For in-^tauee. nnich of tlie
information about the cjarly history of Lh(i Pars«.'eiJ in Naosari, Gnzeriti,
is derived from a manuscript book which ]/Ui ports to bo i\, ci»j'i/ oi
original documents, written by an interested p.iity. Tho ooLipiler of
these annals, larsce Prakash, had not seen the or:giual dooamciits, which
were not accessible. Heooei ho had to rely on the nercj of thi«

2[}^ AKHAR AND THE PARSE ES,

"After their nrriTal in India from Persia, tlic Parsees day by day
grew in ignorance of their rehgion and ancient cnstonis and traditions,
and in religious matters they were very unenlightened." Their
i:;uoranee was so great that they at lust tried the expedient of send-
ini; mcnsengcrs to Persia, asking iniorination about religions matters
from the Zoroastrians in Persia, who \^ere kind enough to answer
these queries. The first k'tter of religions information thus received
was in l-lTt*, and is very carious. In it information is ^i^on about
the most elementary points of reh'gious observances in which the
Parseeft of Naosari and Gnzerat were found wanting. And such is the
ignorance oT the priesthood of Xaosari about tlieir sacred languages
and writini^s that the hasturs of Persia recommend them to send i\
**e<>n]>le ot priests to Persia in order to learn /end and Pahlavi and
thereby be able to know their religious j)ractiees/' ^^ After 1478,
fretjuent letters were sent to Persia, and the answers received from
the Dasturs, were recorded and treasured up in what arc called
liprai/'-fs. For instsiuee, in a letter sent in 1527. tin; famous '* Ardai
Viral' Nama,'* wliieh (!ontaius the Parsec traditional repre.senlation of
honven and hell, was transmitted to India as no copy existed there of
even this famous book.^^ In 1550, many more books were asked for
from r.roaeh and sent there f)V the Dasturs of Persia,-® Even as
late :is ir»-7, a e 'py of the '* Vis|»ered ' waMi^ked for from Persia.^
.E\iii the Venili(!(/il, one of the mo^l inij>orf;nit jjarts of the Parsee
saiMcd writings, vvhieh had originally been hronL^lit by ihc refugee
Parsees to India, was lost bv their tleseend.nils, n\ ho had t«> do with-
our it for a long time, till Ai'deshir, a iVirsian ]nit'st from Sistan,

(■( pyist, wli'V liM-i pill ill thin^-i I.OKbitory df hin iuin\\\ :iiid pa; ty.
'!'h'' intei [i<'Ijif»"i pa .sntrcs fiuin M»'' IVmsLmi lii-.ii>viiiiis t'» whii^li I bnve
nllii'ii <1 :d)uVi. .■U'O ;i:si» ti l>o louiul t r;ii:scril),Ml jj* tins Tnaiiiiaoript Ci>py of
Miiijids- 'i nti^inal <l(M.'uincniB. V'or liininiirul piirpo.-'w ^ni'li « hunk is worth-
k->«, a- siiiy'iixl;. can pass olT any l«nik <•!' «l(i'Mnn«uts :is cnjiieil by liim fniin
li.'' iiri:,':u il.". 'I'll- ii'lustiy of tim coinpilcr oJ this 1'tir^ee Pi'dkinh, Mr.
llDiiiJii.ji ]i. Patrl. ill culling inforinarinn lV«i?ii nld ulo.. ol' nrwttpapera iH, how-
<'\<r, jri'.-a! anil ci>ninumilublo. T«"i tlie lii.>loriaM \viT.li ibo erf.ici". f.'irulty in
iii'ii. tl i-: i'i>iM]'i\'i!i'm will prove ix .iru' »(1 uii no uf iniU«;ials; I>ui. it, lit of very
lit 111* Jtiiilioi'iiy in iiself.

'"* L'trif't «>/ "/ii/r/fr AVwif//;/ Manii-cript. No. il"'?. INft'olla l''ir"Zc l.ibmry
B-.niii.iy, J). 1»35.

'" /i''»r.i/'' ff /mi'ihHii KfianifhiHi ^ p JJ".

^** /i'l'nio'f of H.irjor h'amdhf, p. 'M'.i.

AKBAR AND THK I'ARSEKS. 299

came to Guzernt, about the beginning of the thirteenth century, and
gave them a copy, which they translated and from which all their
modern copies are derived. 23 Jamasj) Hakim Vilayati, another learn-
<»d Persian priest, says, in the preface to his Pahlavi Furhaug
(MSS. Moolla Firo/.e Library, app. 2, No. 3), that the Parsecs of
Quzerat had to do without the Farokhshi, another most important
sacred book, for nearly 1,000 years, till he gave them a copy of it
in 1722.23

There is still stronger contemporary evidence of the state of gross
ignorance of the Parsees, priests and laity alike, of Naosari and other
parts of Guzerat, in the sixteenth century, the very age of this
Mehrjee liana. This is in a book written in the thirties of the
sixteenth century by a Parsee from Hormuzd in Persia, giving a
strnightforward and true account of what he saw during his travels
in Naosari and the neighbouring cities. He was accompanied by
another Persian, and both of them were merely lay merchants and
not very learned at all. Yot even they were shocked at the gross

** Anquetil du Perron Zc/td Avcuta Tome I, pte. I., p. oocxxiii. Wester*
guard, vol. I., Zti/id Areata^ p. x, also Geldner Avesta, 189(5, p. xvi.

*^ Anqaetil du Perron, p. ccocxxvi. aud Jamasp in MSS. Moolla Firoze
Library, Bombay, app. 2, No. li, '*T]io Parsees in India about a thousand
years after their iinmij?ration, were no longer in possossicm of the genuine
Horn plant, nor of the Frohoram Yasht. Jamasp accordingly pre[):ired tliis
copy for his ludiau co-religionists, at the special request, in faot, t»f Globed
Rusto'niji. as wo may road betweeu the lines. . . . Ho heard at lioinluiy
that Rusromji meanwhil(3 had died. After seven dayshc travelletl to Surat, where
he was received by tlio three sous of Rustomji. Ilere he presented to the
Parsees the Fi'awardin Yasht whi(;h he had brought with him, and the H(^m
plant. On }>liiy 23rd, 1723, he returned to Bombay, and thero transcribed the
Frawardin Yasht in Persian cliaractcrs.'* Karl Geldner, Areata Stuttgart,
1896, Prolegomena, p. vii. n. Cf. Dr. J, Wilson in Jouinal, B. B. R. A. S,,
vol. v., p. 500. Dr. Geldner elsewhere notes that at the time of Jamasp
and Ruatomji this 13th or Frawardin Yasht was in existence in the Indian
Yasht MSS. p. xlv., n. 3. It is iiowever absent from most ot* them, as wiU be
seen from Dr. Gelduer's own accounts of these MSS. The chief book
in which it is found, Dastur Peshotun Sanjaua's MS. Khordeh Avcafa, is of
doublful date. The lo;irned Doctor says about it that *' its colophon has
been removed by a second hand, but copied^ at all events, //v»w the oriijuuil
which u (J our \ it bears the date A. Y. 994, A. D. 1G25," p. xii. In ab^^once
of the orijjrinal oolophon, the date j)ut in it by a later hand must be con-
Bidered liij^ily doubtful. The dates of Indian MSS. present a very puzzling
question to inquirers owing to many forgericH and false dates inserted to
increase the value of r^purious later copies.

300

AKKti: AKii Till: PAimfm.

ignonnoD of lli«ir fnitli in nhiirlt th« Furaeeji of Guxcrnt t
hapolitMly itwpett. Tlieitu pcniile did not fvta know thr most <
mcntnrj fnctK wf thr fiiitti they jirafessei!, ntiil lliin Pcrsiitii I'lirievl
mnkps tlip mrl&nfiinly obearvniioo thnt thpy werfi nii tivt.tpr thaa iii«1
ituriviixi* or itnD-ZAroHsbiiiiiis ufouuil tlieiii. Hity, tbc Pnt«vn ciCll
tiiuAfnr; kni-w ttmir (lUiable cwmlitioii, and aukiiowlrdge it ii
vriiititutiOQ tbev aeni to tbis PcvMaiii vrhuu: uAuin wa« Knuns, Ittl
lliese fienitciitUl nnnls : "Thougli y«ii are layiuwi, you an! a«r|
]iHpiiii ; Fi>r iiur Inity in ItiilJit do flit know tbfii- relijclon, und (
faith i* cnrruptad by nur baring gnnn nitrny- And uli our Inll^fl
bare nl!a^[ltrd ihe way* of itan-anila, or iiiiidcl>). Mid (Apr
ta aid lieai in rtliffir"ts knowhdge-" This was wriiteii by the IcndfV J
of tbc Niinsitt-i nflciiity which «as sapposcd to coatain our protendnffl
learned mfn. Wc will not qiiMe further from tliis iiiler«Ml»f
acoMint, cnlbd the " KieswU-Kaoos va Aiabad," whieb is rlie fln^
part oFb book cslltd the Uadma Kama, or aa accrvmot of thp efUj
duyv at tbd P)U-i<i>es. In trudb, it furnislii-t» gliiomy picture at I
dfgnHed ttait uf that peO|i1e in the iniJdIc of Ihi- aixtrtfath ccnlOTf.l
£*.r ifiiii ditce <'iiiui: Tbi» in typical of icvernl Ci^nturim. Tbi» purimlV
hM beun tK-gloL-led in ihu " Hiitnry of the PRrmieii,*' by iny Ivacimd \
utirl riijp^teilfritiiui, Mr.Doxnbhai Kramjw Koraka, f.S.l,, bnt 1 1
hopofnl tiini ihi» and other dareots in bis work will be rciii«di«<l. vS ■ \
tlio new ctlilion now preparing.

No* let na turn to thu influence of the Paraee rtli^ou upon .Atklxu-.
That he atodieil it deeply and n'a8strn<!kby it, i» olenr. But what didjj
bt adopt) of it, wbtu li» comtruoted hi* Tatikid-i-tlahi, bit " Dinna- 1
Moiiotheitim," npnn the gonJ that be. found in the t^xiiting reUxionsf' ■
As I have Alinwa clvewherc, Akbnr nt first Mtnbliibed n pure »ad i
simple miiimtbeiim, witlxiut any >yml)o1« or any ritni, But Inter oo,
■when ht Mm the nocewity of ouCvrard visible >iytiibul» to cxprc«i the
inner idea)!, ho took the Run for bis great oynbul of (Jod,
Tennyson maltei bim lay -. —

Ut yi« San

Wlin iH^ita aor EhH1> to yiL-ld n* t'fatu and Iroit,

Ani U<ii(!i» npoii llij' Itnld :Mi w*!! Ha mins,

Anit ivnriii* Lha bluud of Btaiati and BacDoci,

Symliu] ehi' Btaroal.

Tliis Teiioration (w the San he may be snid to hiiTP taken from i
I'atsee rellgiou, which, na U well known, veneratos Ihu 8nn u ibj
great ayiubul of the Eteroal, Fothct Catrou auibtguouslj sayf i

AKBAK AND THE PARSEKS. 301

his rare work : ** He adopted from the Pagan worship the adoratiou
of the Sail, which ho practised three times a day: at the rising of
that himinary, when it was at its meridian, and at its setting.^*
Hinduism had also something tu do with this inclination of Akbar
towards sun-worship. Badaoni says that Bir Bal gave him this :
" The accursed Bir Bal tried to persuade the Emperor that since the
snn givos light to all and ripens all grain, fruit and products of the
earth and supports the life of mankind, therefore that luminary
should be the object of worship and veneration ; that the face should
be turned towards the rising and not towards the setting sun, i.e.,
towards Mecca, like the Mahomedans, which is the west ; that man
should venerate fire, water, stones and trees, and all natural objects,
even down to cows and their dung ; that he should adopt the
sectarial mark and Brahmanical thread. Several wise men at Court
confirmed what he said, by representing that the sun was the
' greater li^ht' of the world and benefactor of its inhabitants, the
patron of kings, and that kings are but his vicegerents. This was
the cause of the worship paid to the sun on the Natcroz-i-Jellali,
and of his being induced to adopt that festival for the celebration of
his accession to the throne.'^^y Thus, as in every thing else, so in
this, Akbar, owing to his stronj^ eclectic bent, combined several things
together. Tennyson's Hymn to the Sun is a beautiful embodiment
of Akbar's ideas about it.

Once again thou flamest heavenward, once again wc see thee rise,
JSvery moruing is thy birthday gladdouing human heartJS and eyes,
Every morning here we greet it, bowing lowly down beforo tlieo,
Thee the Godlike, thee the ohaugele.s3, in thine eyerchiiigiug skies.

Shadow-maker, shadow-slayer, arrowing light from clime to olime.
Hoar thy myriad laureates hail thee monarch in their woodland rhyme.
Warble bird, and open flower, and men, below thci dense of azure,
Kueel adoring Ilirn the Timeless in the filame that measares time.

Akbar's eclecticism is also to be found in the other thing that he may
be said to have taken from the Parsee religion — the veneration of
fire. We have seen how he ordered Abul Fazl to take charge of the
sacred fire and to feed it continuously, thus keeping it always burn-

2* }foi/hid L'inpire, p. 121.

5»* Vol. ii., p. 20O, Lowe, p, 268 j also ct". Dabidarif Tol. iii., p. 95.

302 AKH.VK AND THE PAUSEES

iii», as in the firc-teniples of the Persians. But the Hindoos, ioOf
have a kind of lire-worship, and Akbar must have been influenced by
them, too, in this. Badaoni mentions the fact that •* from early
youth, in compliment to his wives, the daughters of the Knjahs of
JIhul, he hiul within the female apartments continued to burn the
honi, which is a ceremony «h'rived from sun-worship."2e j think
l>rtdaoni*s lejirned translator, Mr. W. 11. I^owc, is wrong in his note
on this houi when he says it is " the branch of a certain tree offered
by Parsecs as a substitute for soma juice.'"^^ The hoiii ceremony of
the Hindoos is, as Rhichmann rij;htly notes hero, a kind of fire-wor-
ship, and has nothing to do with tho Parsee mystic " horn" juice,
in most of their j^acred rites. Fire-worship, therefore, like sun-wor-
ship, Akbar must have takfu from the Parsee religion and partly also
from the Hindoo, The pious care with which he ordered the tire to
be kept burning is, of course, peculiar only to the Zoroastrians, who
are unique in this mattrr. The Hindoos offer sacrifices to the god of
fire, but are not so solicitous about keeping it pure and always
burniuEf.

Another matter in which Akbar was brought into connec-
tion with the Parsees and indirectly inthumced bv^ them was
the Caleu'lar. Bring displeased with everything Miihomedan, ho
tried to get rid of as many institutions and opinions connected with
thr estal)lished faith as he could. One of tlie chief of these was the
^[uhonu'ilan Lunar Calendar, whicii was in \ogue for a long time in
India. He altereii it and adopted the Parsee SSolar Calendar, with
the old Persian names of the months and days, Farvardin, Ardibc-
hcsht, &c., and Horuiazd, Bahnnm, itc. The era he changed also,
makinij: it, like the ancient Persian kinu:lv era bci^in with liis accession.
Acconling to thu Ain-i-Ahhuriy'^^ Akbar changed the era and esta-
l»li>hed his Ualii or Divine era after the Parsee model in A. II. 992,
ur A. D. Vo^AP

**Hi^ Maiosfv, ' savs Abul Fazl ** had lonu; desired to introduce a
new com|>ulati()u ol years and months throughout the fair regions
of Hindustan, in onler that perjdexity might give place to easiness.
He was likewise averse to the era of the Hijra, which was of
ominous sitjnitication, but because of the number of short-sighted
ignorant in«'n who believw the currency of the era to be inseparable

-•i V-.l. ii , V, f'l, I.uwe, p.lIGa. " r. li'V.l „.,!o.

-•* bk. ;ii., ijitro. ^'* Jarrctt, vol. ii.. p. 31.

AKBAR AND THE PARSEES. 803

from religion, His Imperial Majesty, in his grnciousness, dearly re-
garding the attachment of the hearts of his subjects, did not carry
out his design of suppressing it. . , In 992 of the Novi lunar
year [A. D. 1584] the lamp of knowledge received another light
from the flame of his sublime intelligence and its full blaze shone
upon mankind. , . The imperial design was accomplished. Amir
Fathu'llah Shirazi, the representative of ancient sages, the paragon
of the house of wisdom, set himself to the fulfilment of this object,
and, taking as his base the recent Gurgani Canon, began the era with
the accession of his Imperial Majesty, The splendour of visible
sublimity which had its manifestation in the lord of the universe
commended itself to this chosen one, especially as it also concentra-
ted the leadership of the world of spirituality, and for its cognition
by vessels of auspicious mind, the characteristics of the divine essence
were ascribed to it, and the glad tidings of its perpetual adoption
proclaimed. The years and months are natural solar without inter-
calation, and the Persian names of the months and days have been
left unaltered. The days of the month are reckoned from 29 to
32, 30 an J tiie two days of the last are called Roz-o-Shab ( Day and
Night)."

Badaoni's account of this change of the Era and Calendar is
characteristic. ** Since, in his Majesty's opinion, it was a settled fact
that the thousand years since the tinio of the mission of the prophet
(peace be upon him !) which was to be the period of the con-
tinuance of the faith of Islam, were now completed, no hindrance re-
mained to the promulgation of these secret designs which lie nursed
in his heart. And so, considering any further respect or regard for the
Shaikhs and Ulema ( who were unbending and uncompromising)
to be unnecessary, he felt at liberty to embark fearlessly on his design

^^ Cuuningham has tliis passage of Abul Fazl in a sliglifcly altered form,
taken tVom Qladwiu. ** The mouths are from 29 to 30 days eaoh. There is
not any week in the Persian month, the 30 days being distinguished by dif-
ferent names, and in those months which have 32 days the last two are named
Roz-o-SIiab ( day and night), and in order to di'-.tiuguish one from the other
are called lirst and second.'* Wiiereupon this learned antiquary commenca
thus : *'ln the account qiioicd from Abul Fazl, which Prinocp has albo copied,
the lengths of the months are said to be * f rom 29 to 30 diys caob ; ' but in
the old Persian Calendar of Yazdajiril, they were 30 days each, tlie same as
amongst the P«arsee8 of the present day," vide Prin^ep, Indian Antiquities^
Vol. ii., p. 171 (Cj-eful Tables). The Parsees have 5 intercalary days at the
end of the 12 mouths.

;jl)4 AKliAi: A\T. THE I'AR^KKa.

61 annulling the Sliitutcs iind Ordinances of 1 slain, and of establisli-
inii liis own clierisheii pornicMous belief. Tho first command that he
issued was tliia : thai the ** Era of the Thousand " should be

stamped on the coins The Kra of the Ilijrali w.is

now abolished, and a new era was introdnced, ol which the first Vfar
was the yciir nf tiie Kniperor's accession, L'i:.^ OO.S.''^ The months
had the seme names jis ht tho time of the old IVrsian kings, and
as yfivcn in the Nicjih-nrcibvaati.'^^ l«\jnrli'(;n festivals also were intro-
duccd correspond ioi^ to the feasts of the Zoroastrians ; but the feasts
of the Mussalmaus and tlieir glory W(?ro trodden down, the Friday
prayr alf)iie beiuir I'ftiine.d, because some old decre.j)it silly people
used to >^o to it. The new Kra was called tho Turih'k-i-IIa/ii. On
cojiper coins and gold mohi'rs the Kra of the Millennium was used,
as indieatinu; that tlu* en<i ot the relii^ion of Miihammed, which was
to last one thoussinil yi-ars, was drawin"; near, ''•*■'

The I'onrteen sacred hstivals of the PnVs(H*s were also adopted bv
him. **\Vhen his .Maj(\sty," says Abul I'a/d, "was informed
of tho feasts of .lamshed, and the fesfiv.ds of the Parsee priests,
he adoptcil them and used them as o]>))()rtunitics of conferrinti'
benefits. Again His Majesty followed the cu^itom of the ancient
Parsees, who held bani|in'is on those days the names of wiiieh coin-
cided with the name of a month. Tlie tnllowiuix are the davs which
have the aatno name as a month : lOth I'arvanlin ; 3rd Ardibehesht ;

■*^ Tin* iT'w iTa <• iiiinioTjc-'il, nonorlisi'^ t) ^-Muniiiijharn, ou 15th
Ffbr;jary \')'*i) (15. S. ) ; hut, as Mi-s-rs. Si'well anil Dikhsl-n't pnim. out iu the
intUan Cahn'iai' ifci-uily puUlifln-il (I,<mu1 -ti IS'.Ml). 'tliai- day was a S:kt.upilny,'
and tlii'y a<:c()riliii>;ly cdiiiiucuco 't on the \\\\\ Kc-hiiiary. — Indi.i,]. CaleixdAti
|i. 4i» n"to.

^^ A vofjili'Jlaiy ill rh>iin» written by .\bii K:r)r-i-Far:ihl. of Parali iu Siji-
pt.iTi, aii'i roati. Ptiys IJl'?t'iinitnii, fur '-cat mi' 'S, iu in'.irly every Madrasah of
1*0! >ia and lud'ii.

••»3 lii'Kioni. CM. in. V..I. ri.. pp. :^^1.3^'m: L-mv, pp. .310, 310. VS.
Diihis'an \ •' '\\\v KinptTor fuij hor >;»:d. that <»u«? ilwiu-and y^-ara have ela])sctd>
siiiro till- boj:iii"ii».(^ of .Mirlr.iriuii»'d*M missiDji. and i iiai tliis was the extent <>f
ihn din.»rinij «»f tlii« i*.'lii;:ou, now arrivi-d ai. iis f'Tin.'" (Vo!. IIL. p. !>8).
'• T iiave h-.-mI sniiicwInTf,'' snys (iiNierai (..'inniin«rh.iin, '* that in A. U. 9J2,
wlioTi til'.; Iliira mill'-iiary bi'jran o- draw towanls it^ »■!. se, aud Akbar wa«
mcMlifatincc thi^ (.'■"tabli''hirn'iii nf tli'* llahi Kra, om- ui his cuurtiers sturod
opt'iily that. tiM) Hras i-voii nf tlu; mi-atrst. kings did iml hi.sL bi»ynnd l.OOJ vcara,
(ii proof of iliis \\vt \'\\\h\ the fxtinctiun of sorno Hindu rra, which waa abulinh-
rd at the end of 1,000 years." (Hooh of /tidhin J:ras^ p. ^4),

AKBAR AND THE PABSBES. S05

6th Khiirdad; 13th Tir ; 7th Amurdad; 4th Shahriwar; 16th
Mihr ; 10th Aban ; 9th Aear ; 8th, 15th, 23rd Dai ; 2nd Bahman ; 5th
Isfandarmad. Feasts are, actually and ideally, held on each of these
days. Of these, the greatest was the Naoroz or New Year's day feasf,
which commenced on the day the san entered Aries and lasted till the
1 9th day of the first month Farvardin.^*

But this New Parsee Calendar disappeared soon, like most innova*
tioQs of Akbar, being abolished by Aurangzib in the very second year
of his reign. The historian of that monarch gives this candid reason
for the abolition of the new calendar. ** As this resembled,*' says
Khafi Khan, ''the system of the fire- worshippers, the Emperor, in his
zeal for upholding Mahomedan rule, directed that the year of the reign
should be reckoned by the Arab lunar year and months, and that in
the revenue accounts also the lunar year should be preferred to the solar.
The festival of the (solar) used year was entirely abolished. Mathe-
maticians, astronomers and men who have studied history, know
that . . • the recurrence of the four seasons, summer, winter,
the rainy season of Hindustan, the autumn and spring harvests, the
ripening of the com and fruit of each season, the tanJchwah of the
jagirSj and the money of the mansahdars, are all dependent upon the
solar reckoning, and cannot be regulated by the lunar ; still his reli-
gious Majesty was unwilling that the nat/roz and the year and months
of the Magi should give their names to the anniversary of his acces-
sion." '*

3* Ain-i-Akbari, Bk. II., ain 22; Bloohmann, Vol. I., p. 278; of. Count
de Noer, Emperor Akhar, Vol. ll.,p. 268. The acconnt in the D<tbutan is as fol-
lows : '* On aocoant of the difiorence between the era of the Hindus and that
of the Hejira used by the Arabs, the Emperor introduced a new one, beginning
from the first year of the reign of Humaynn, which is 963 of the Hejira (A.D.
1555-6) ; the names of the months were those used by the kings of Ajem, and
fourteen festivals in the year instituted, coinciding with those of Zardusht
were named * the years and days of llahiJ' This arrangement was establish
ed by Hakim Shah Fattah' uUa Shirazi." (Shea and Troyer, Vol. III., p.99.)

»» MuntakhalmlLuhahf apud Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VII., pp. 231-4; cf.
Cunningham Indian Uras, p. 83 : '^ The Ilahi era was employed extensively,
though not exclusively, on the coins of Akbar and Jehangir, and appears to
have fallen into disuse early in the reign of Shah Jahan. Marsden has publish-
ed a coin of this king with the date of Sanh 5 Ilahi, coupled with the Hijra
date of 1041. But in this case the Ilahi date would appear to be only the
jalu^ or year of the king's reign. JVumismata OrierUalia, Vol. II., p. 640.

30G

Art. XIX.— -4 Historical Survey of Indian Logic. By Mahadet

Rajaram Bodas, M.A., LL.B.

[Road 24tli Septemlxir 189«.]

•* Thb foundation of logic as a Science," says Ueberweg, *' is fl
^ork of the Greek mind, which, equally removed from the hardness of
the Northern and the softness of the Oriental, harmoniously united
power and impressibility."^ The supple mind of the Oriental is
said to be wanting in the mental grip and measure required for strict-
ly scientific thinking. Ueberweg, when he laid down the above pro-
position, was not wholly ignorant of the existence of Nyaya philosophy,
but his knowledge of it seems to have been very meagre. Had he
known some of the standard works of Nydya and Vaiseskiha systems,
he would not have passed such a sweeping remark about the incapa-
city of the Oriental mind to develop a rigorous science like Logic.
The same ignorance has led many eminent writers to belittle Indian
philosophies in general or, where striking coincidences are discovered
between Greek and Indian speculations, to assume a Grecian im-
portation of philsophical ideas iuto India at some ancient time* Thus
Niebuhr unhesitatingly asserts that the close similarity between
Indian and Greek philosophies cannot be explained ** except by the
intercourse which the Indians had with the Graeco-Macedonic kings
of Bactria."2 On the other hand, there are writers like Gorres who
as positively declare that the Greeks borrowed their first elements
of philosophy from the Hindus. Max Miillor is probably nearer the
truth in saying that both Greek and Indian philosophies were autoch*
thonic, and that neither of the two nations borrowed their thoughts
from the othor.^ As the human mind is alike everywhere, it is quite
possible that philosophers in both India and Greece unconsciously
adopted the same mode of reasoning and arrived at similar results
quite independently. A closer study of Indian philosophical literature
is already producing a conviction among European scholars that it is
tolerably indigenous and self-consistent, and that it does not need the

1 Dr. F. Ueberweg: System of Logic, p. 19.

* Thomson's Laws of yhought, Ap]>eQdix p, 285,

* Thomson's Lams of Thought^ Api>enclix p. ^85.

HISTORICAL SURVEY OP INDIAN LOGIC. 807

supposition of a foreign inilaence to explain any portion of it* It
should also be noticed that notwithstanding; many coincidences
between the Indian and the Grecian currents of philosophical thought
there are several features in each so peculiar as to make any inter-
communion between them highly improbable. The fact, for instance,
that Indian Logic retained a close similarity to Pre-Aristotelian
Dialectics up to a very late time is a legitimate ground for believing
that the influence of Aristotle's works was never felt in India. Be-
sides, as a history of Indian philosophy is still unwritten, and will
probably remain so for years to come, it is advisable for every student
to keep an open mind on the subject. Preconceived theories, how-
ever ingenious or plausible, are more likely to mislead than help such
investigations. We shall therefore assume, until the contrary is
indubitably proved, that Indian philosophy, including Indian logic,
is a home-grown product, created by the natural genius of the people
and capable of historical treatment.

That it is possible to write a history of the Nydya and Vaiieshiha
philosophies will be readily admitted ; but a history of philo-
sophy, such as it ought to be, presupposes a good many things,
which may not find universal acceptance. It assumes, for
instance, that the Indian systems of philosophy were gra-
dually evolved out of a few broad principles by a succession
of writers and under particular circumstances. The idea that philo-
sophical speculations in India were the spontaneous brain- creations of
a few mystic Brahmans dreaming high thoughts in lonely forests and
totally unaffected by the passing events of the world, must be dis-
carded once for all. There is no reason why philosophy in India
should have followed a different course from what it did in Greece and
other civilized countries. Systems of philosophy are as much liable to
be influenced by past and contemporary events as any other branch of
science or literature ; and Indian philosophy should be no exception
to the rule. But the task of writing such a history is beset with in-
numerable diflSculties, The chief of these is the absence of nnv reli-
able historical data which might serve us as landmarks in the ocean
of Sanscrit literature. Not only are the dates of the principal writers
and their works unknown, bnt even the exist<?Dce of some of them as
historical personages is doubted. Many of these works, again, are
not available for reference, while of those that are printed or can be
procured in MS, only a few have yet been critically studied. Euro-
pean scholars are too much engrossed in their Vedic and antiquarian

3G8 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC.

researches to devote serious attention to systematic stndy of Indian
philosophy ; while as to native Pandits, however learned, the very
notion of a history of philosophy is foreign to their minds. There
are works in Sanskrit, like the Sarva-Darsana-Sangraha ofMddhaud'
eharya and the Shad-Dariana-Samtichchaya of Haridhatia, which
profess to treat of all current systems of philosophy ; but the histori-
cal yiew is totally absent in them. There the systems are arranged
either according to their religious character or according to the pre«
dilections of the author. In modern times, scholars like Colebrook,
Weber, Hall and Bannerjee have made some yaluable contributions,
but most of their opinions and criticisms are now antiquated and
stand in need of revision in the light of further researches. A good
deal has also been added to our knowledge of the Buddhistic
literature, but even there the attention of scholars has not yet been
sufficiently directed to its philosophical portion. It is not possible,
therefore, under these circumstances to do more than throw ont a few
hints which, while dispelling some of the prevalent errors on the
subject, will serve as a basis for future inquiries in the same direction.
The following pages will not have been written in Tain if this aim is
even partially achieved.

The value of a history of philosophy will be- appreciated by those
who know how much our knowledge of Greek philosophy has been
deepened by the accounts left by Plato, Xenophon and Thncydides.
Systems of philosophy as well as individual doctrines are never the
products of personal caprice or of mere accident ; they are OTolved
out of a long chain of antecedent causes. They are in fact the tangi*
ble manifestations of various latent forces which mould the character
and history of the nation. There could have been no Aristotle with-
out a Plato or a Socrates, and no Socrates without the Sophists.
A knowledge of this sequence is therefore essential to a true apprecia*
tion of every system and every doctrine, an isolated study of them
being either insufficient or misleading. Besides, theories and soboob
are often the work of not one individual or of one age, but of a sue-
cession of thinkers who fashion and refashion them as it were until
they become worthy of general acceptance. Such seems to have been
the case viith doctrines of God, of causality and of creation, in India
as well as in Greece. The true aim of a history of philosophy may
be explained in the words of Zeller : —

'' The systems of philosophy, however peculiar and self-dependent
they may be, thus appear as the members of a larger historical inter*

HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 809

connection ; in respect to this alone can they be perfectly understood ;
the further we follow it the more the individuals become united to a
whole of historicnl development, and the problem arises not merely of
explaining this whole by means of the particulars conditioning it, but
likewise of explaining these moments by one another and consequent-
ly the individual by the whole."*

A history of Indian philosophy, such as would fulfil this purpose,
is not of course possible in the present rudimentary state of Indian
chronology. Still even a crude attempt of that kind will give a truer
insight into each system or each doctrine than can be got by a study
of isolated works. The need of such a connected view of philosophy
is all the greater in the case of systems like the Nydya and the Vaiie-
shika whose real merits lie hidden under a hoavy load of scholastic
surplusage. They have not the halo of religion and mysticism which
makes the Veddnta and other theological systems so attractiye to
students of Hindu philosophy, while the scholastic subtleties of most
modern Ny/iya writers, such as Siromani and Gadddhara, inspire
positive terror in untrained minds. If the Nydya and Vaiieshiha
systems, therefore, are to be popularized and their value to be recog-
nized, it is necessary to divest them of their excrescences. A large mass
of rubbish is to be found in the works of modem Naiydyikas, and
the task of extracting the pure ore out of it is very difficult ; but
it is worth performing. The process of sifting and cleaning will have
to be repeated several times before we can really understand some of
the profounde^it conceptions that are interwoven in these systems.
Philosophy is the stronghold of Hinduism, and the system of Nydya
forms as it were the back-bone of Hindu philosophy. Every other
system accepts the fundamental principles of Nydya logic, while even
where there are differences, the dissentients often borrow the very
arguments and phraseology of the Nydya for their own purpose.
A study of the Nydya as well as Vaiieshika systems is therefore a
necessary step to a proper understanding of most of the systems. It
forms as it were an introduction to the general study of philosophy,
and hence no scholar who would seek the truth in the latter can afford
to neglect them.

Among the numerous systems of philosophy that have been evolved
in India during the last three thousand years, the Nydya and
Vaiseshika occupy a unique position, both on account of their cardi-

* Zeller : Outli?te of Greek Philosophy ^ p. 3.

310 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC.

Dal doctrines nnd of the mass of learning that has accumulated around
them. A general view of these doctrines will not, therefore, be out of
place in a sketch like this. Nydi/a, which is the more compact, and
perhaps also the more modern of the two, is much more a system of
diHlectics than one of philosophy. The aphorisms of Gotama 4nd
the works founded on them treat no doubt of metaphysical and theo*
logical questions occasionally, but they come in rather as digressions
than as inseparable parts of the system. The Vaisesliika, on the other
hand, is essentially a system of metaphysics wifch a disquisition on
logic skilfully dovetailed into it by later writers. It is these pecu-
liarities which have earned them the name of logical systems and
which distinguish them from each other as well as from other sys-
tems of Indian philosophy. These peculiarities must be carefully
noted, for inattention to them Iihs led many to misunderstand the
true scope and function of these systems.

Gotama begins by enumerating 16 topics, which have been errone-
ously called paddrfhas.^ These topics are not a classification of all
sublunary thing's or categories. They look like headings of so many
chapters in a treatise on logic. Of these the first nine, viz,, Jfm^,
5r^, ^^^, q^'^r^iPT, f ?'Frr> Fe^^r^, sr^^n*, ^^ and r^^, constitute
what may be called logic proper, while the last seven may be collec-
tively termed illegitimate or false lojjic, Vfm^ includes the four
proofs. Perception, Inference, Comparison and Word ;^ while If%^
comprises all objects which are known by means of those proofs, vw.,
soul, b«)dy, organ, material qualities, cof^nition, mind, effort,
fault, death, fruition, pain and salvation.7 These multifarious
things have obviously nothing in common except the capacity
of being known by one or other of the above proofs ; and
Qofaiiia accordinjj;ly treats of them only in that light. He rarely
troubles himsolf about the nature or form of these things, or of their
production and destruction, as Kandda, for instance, does. This is
the reason why Gotama s definitions of soul, cognition, mind, &c.,
only tell us how they are known, but say nothing as to what kind of
things they are. Gotama s theory of knowledge is essentially mate-
rial. Fere 'pt ion is a physical process consisting in the contact of
organs with their appropriate objects;^ whiia Ivforence, which is

» O. S. I, 1, 1. • G. S. T, 1, 3.

7 G.S.I, 1,9. * G.S.I, 1,4.

HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 311

threefold, springs from Perception,^ Comparison and Word are of
course exceptional cases, and may be called imperfect inferences.
Having thus dealt with the chief ingredients of knowledge, namely,
the proof and its object, Gofama describes several accessories to
knowledge, viz., doubt, aim, instance or precedent, general truths,
premises, hypothetical reasoning and conclusion. Doubt and aim as
incentives to every inquiry are necessary to knowledge. PreceHents
and general truths form the material, while premises and hypotheti-
cal reasoning are the instruments of acquiring fresh knowledge. Con-
clusion is the final and combined product of all these things.^®
Tlie seven topics forming the second group have a negative function
in logic, namely, of preventing erroneous knowledoje. By exposing
errors they teach us how to avoid them. They are rather like
weapons for destroying the enemy's fortress than tools to build one's
own. Continued argument ( ^rf )» sophistry ( ijT^ ), wrangling
( f ^d"^JT )i fallacies ( ^^^PTf^ ), quibbling ( ^H ), far-fetched analo-
gies ( ^rf^ ), «nd opponent's errors ( f^^T^^rT ) ; a'l these are useful
where the object is to vanquish an opponent or to gain a temporary
triumph ; but they do not legitimately belong to the province of logic.
Gotama*8 treatise may therefore be appropriately called the theory and
practice of controversy rather than a science of logic. It resembles
in this respect the dialectical work of Zeno who founded the sophistic
dialectics in Greece.

The system, however, underwent considerable modifications in later
times. The sixteen paddrthas were practically ignored, and the
theory of the four proofs absorbed almost the whole attention of later
Naiydyikas, The philosopical views of Ootama mostly came out in
the digressions which are numerous in his work. They are generally
introduced byway of illustrations to his method ; and yet his followers
have accepted these views as cardinal principles and built a regular
system of philosophy upon them. The most characteristic of these
doctrines are the non-eternity of sound,^^ the agency of God,^3
the theory of atoms,^^ the production of efFects,^* and its corollary, the
reality of our knowledge. From the fragmentary discussions on
these points contained in Gofama' s work the modern Naiydyikas have

G. S. I., 1, 5.

10 See fo.' definitions of these,G. S. 1., 1, 23-32, 40, 41.

11 G. S. II, 2, 13-40. 12 G. S. IV, 1, 19.21.
13 G. S. IV, 2, 4-25. 1* G. S. IV, 1, 22-54.

312 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN ^GIC.

evolved elaborate theories which have made the system ^hat it is.
The radical and realistic tendency of these later doctrines came at
every step into conflict with the more orthodox views of the two
Mimdnsds,

The system of the VaiseshfJcds is even more radical than the Nydyam
As a system of philosophy, tlie Valseshika is more symmetrical and
also more uncompromising. Its enumeration of the six oategories,^^
with the seventh AhJidca added afterwards, is a complete
analysis of nil existing; things. These categories again are not
enumerated for a special purpose only like the 16 paddrthas of
Gotama ; but they resolve the entire universe, as it were, not except^^g
even the Almighty Creator, into so many classes. KanddcCs categories
resemble in this respect those of Aristotle. Gotama treats of
knowledge only, but Kandda deals with the wider phenomena
of existencp* The first three categories, Substance, Quality, and
Motion, have a real objective existence, and so form one group
designated as 3??^ Kaudda.^^ The next three. Generality, Particular-
ity, and Intimate Union, are products of our conception, and may be
called metaphysical categories, while the last one, Negation, appears
to have been added for dialectical purposes. The nine substances
comprise all corporeal and incorporeal things, and the twenty-four
qualities exhaust all the properties that can reside in a substance,
91% is a quality of the Soul, and the whole theory of knowledge
therefore consists in the production of this quality in its substratum
the Soul. The process by which the cognition of an external object
is produced in the Sonl is something like printing or stamping on
some soft material. Mind is the moveable joint between the Soul
and the various organs which carry those impressions from external
objects. Loo;ic as a science of knowledge falls under 7^ and is so
treated in all Vaiseshika treatises, Vaiscshikas recognize only the
first two of the four proofs mentioned by Gotama^"^ and they differ
from the Naiydylkas on some other points also. What specially
distinguishes the Fai8':>s1iiJeas, however, is their remarkable power of
analysis ; and their system may for that reason bo appropriately called
analytical philosophy. They divide and subdivide each class of
things, and dissect every notion into its minutest components. No
doubt the process of analysis is sometimes carried to an extreme
where it ends into fruitless divisions and distictions, but its influence

I'* V. S. 1, 1, 4. I* V. S. VIII, 2, 3. >7 B. P. Ben. ed. p. 213.

HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 318

on philosophical specalntions in general must have been enormous.
It is this feature of the Vaiieshika system that has made it the
source of all liberal thou|>;ht in Indian philosophy. None are so un-
restrained in their speculations, and none are such powerful critics of
time-worn prejudices as the followers of Kandda, No wonder then
that they were looked upon with distrust by the orthodox school,
and were labelled Ardhu'Vainusikas (Semi- Buddhists) by their oppo-
nents.^® The Vaiseshikas never declared any open revolt against
orthodox faith, nor is there any reason for supposing that Kandda or
his immediate followers were atheists ; but the tendency of their
doctrine was none the less unmistakable. As the devout Lord Bacon
produced a Hume and a Voltaire in Europe, so the Vaiseshika doc-
trines must have led ultimately to many a heresy in India such as
those of the Buddhas and the Jainas,

A remarkable feature of both the Nydi/a and the Vaiseshika
systems, as in fact of all the Indian systems of philosophy, is the
religious motive which underlies them. Religion is the incentive to
all these speculations, and religion is also the test of their truth and
utility. Salvation is the goal which both Kandda and Gotama pro-
mise the people as the reward of a thorough knowledge of their
respective systems.^ ^ Amidst all the differences one idea appears to
be common to all the ancient Indian systems, namely, that knowledge
is the door and the only door to salvation. Opinions only differ as to
what things are worth knowing. Consequently the bitterest contro-
versies have raged among these rivals as to what things ought to be
known for the speedy attainment of salvation. These controversies
usually take the form of attacks on the rival classiiicAtions of catego-
ries as being either defective or superfluous or illogical. Another
effect of the religious character of these systems is the discussion of
many apparently irrelevant topics which have made them look some-
what heterogeneous and unsystematic. The many digressions
in the works of Gotama and Kandda as well as their followers
are easily understood if we look to the bearing which those
topics have upon the end and aim of philosophy. Take for
instance the controversy about the non-eternity of sound.3<>
What has the eternity of sound to do with logic ? An in-
ference would be just as right or wrong whether the words conveying

i" SaiikurAcLArya : Brahma-Su(ra-Bli'Uht/u II, 2, 18.

^» G. S. I., 1, 1; V. S., I., 1, 4. 20 ci. S. JL, 2, 13.

814 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC.

it are eternal or not. But the question of the eternity of sound is
vitally connected with the infallibility of the Vedas which are final
authority in all matters of doubt ; and all orthodox systems, there-
fore, must have their say on the point. We thus find that questions
of the most diverse character are discussed wherever the context
leads to them while others more closely related to the subject arc
neglected. Each system has consequently become a mixture as it
were of the fragment?? of several sciences such as logic, metaphysics,
psychology, and theology. This is not however a weakness as some
superficial critics have supposed. It arises from the very conception
of a Darsanuy and could never have been avoided by those who in
these systems sought to provide a complete guide as it were to the
road to salvation. Indian philosophy is not singular in this respect.
Everywhere philosophy grows out of religious instincts^ The sense
of dependence on supernatural powers and a desire to conciliate them
were the first incentives which led men at a very early period to
think of their religious well-being. *' Philosophy," says Zeller,
**jnst begins when man experiences and acts upon the necessity of
explaining phenomena by means of natural causes."2i The Rigveda^
the Brdhmanas and the Upanishads abound in passages showing how
in India this feeling grew in intensity until it became the ruling
passion of the Brahmins. Salvation was the sole purpose of life, and
knowledge of the universe was the means to it. The ancient
Upanishads were the repositories of the speculations which rose like
bubbles out of this fermentation of thought, and which appear to
have ultimately crystallized into the various systems of philosophy.
In Greece philosophy tended to become more and more ethical and
worldly ; in India it could never free itself from its religious setting.
This is the reason why in spite of additions and modifications Indian
Darsanas never lost their original character completely. A history
of each of these systems is therefore a history of its gradual evolution
within certain limits, while its relations outside of them remained
practically unchanged.

The period before the rise of Buddhism is almost a blank page.
We know nothing of it except that a large amount of free specula-
tion must have been stored up at that time in the Brahmanas' wad
the Upanishads, The only system which dates prior to Buddhism
is the Sdnhhya, and possibly the Vaiseshiha also ; but all the other

•* Zeller: Outfine of Greek VhUoto^hy, p. 6.

HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 315

Darianas are presumably of a post-Buddhistic origin, at least in the
form in ^hich we possess them. In fact the very notion of a system
seems to be post -Buddhistic. The severe conflict between Buddhism
and Brahminism which stirred men's minds in the century after
Buddha's death, must have compelled both the parties to systematize
the doctrines and express them in a compact methodical form. The
same cause or causes which led the Buddhists to collect their ethical
and philosophical teachings in their suttas during the period which
elapsed between the brst and the second council must have also
induced their Brahmin rivals to compose similar works for the
defence of vedic orthodoxy. The two collections of aphorisms
belonging to the Prior and the Posterior Mimdnsds and known by the
names of Jaimini and Bddardyana respectively have a strong con-
troversial flavour about them, and appear to be the first products of
this reaction against Buddhism. The aphorisms of Kandda and
Gotama could not have been of any prior date, and as we do not
know of any Nydija or Vaikeshika works older than these Sdlras,
the history of those systems may safely be said to begin in the 5th
or the 4th century before Christ.

Roughly speaking the literature of the Nydya and Vaiseshika
systems extends over a period of 22 centuries, that is, from about the
4th century B. C. till very recent times, of which the last two
hundred years not being distinguished by any original works may be
left out of account. The history may be divided into three periods :
the first from about 400 B. C. to 500 A. 0., the second from
thence to 1300 A. C, and the third after that till the end of the
last century. The only known representatives of the first period
are the two collections of aphorisms going under the name of
Gotama and Kandda respectively, and perhaps the scholium of
Prasastapdda also ; but there must have existed other works
now lost. The second period is pre-eminently distinguished by a
series of comnientaries on these Sutras beginning with Vdtaydyana
and comprising several works of acknowledged authority. The third
period saw the introduction of independent treatises and commentaries
on them which at last dwindle down into short manuals like Tarka-
sangraha and Tarka-Kaumudi. These three periods also mark three
successive stages in the development of the two systems. The first
may be called the age of the formation of doctrines in the Sutras ;
the second that of their elaboration by commentators; and the third
that of their systematization by writers of special treatises. The

810 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGICi

first is characterised by great originality and freshness, the second by
a fulness of details, and the third by scholastic subtlety ultimately
leading to decadence. Theso divisions may sometimes overlap, for
a we have treatises like Tdrkika-rakshd and SaptU'paddrthi before
the 14th century, so we have commentaries on the Sutras, like
Sanhara Miira\s Upaslcura, and Visioanutha's Vrittl, written after-
wards. This does not however ati'ert our general conclusion that the
writings of the 14th century and onwardn are in marked contrast
with those of the preceding age. The exact duration of these periods
may have varied a little in the case of the two systems, but the order
is the same. The mutual relation of these two systems, however
appears to have changed at different times. During the first period
they seem to have been two different systems, independent in origin
but treating of the same topics and often borrowing from each other.
Viitsydijana regards them as supplementary ,22 In the second period,
however, they become somewhat antagonistic, partly owing to an
accumulation of points of difference between the two, and partly on
account of the alliance of the Yaiscshih.u with the Buddhists. The
third period saw ti»e amalgamation of the two systems, and we come
across many works, like the Tar/:a-Sttvrjraha for instance, in which
the authors have attempted to select the best portions of each and
construct from these fragments a harmonious system of their own.
This is a curious i>henomenon, no doubt, and wo do not yet sufficient-
ly know the causes which brought about these successive changes iu
the attitude of the exponents of these two systems towards each other ;
but the fact is important in as much as it must have been a powerful
factor in mouldino; both of them. At any rate it accounts for the
difficulty, which every student meets with at the threshold, whether
to regard these systems as really supplementary or antasronistic to
each other. They are spoken of as both, and yet no Sanskrit writer
seems to have j>erceived the inconsistency of doing so. The only
explanation that can at present be suggested is that the twins after
quarrelling for some time reunited un«ler the influence of a reaction.

Having premised so much we may proceed to consider the three
periods iu order ; and the first thing we shall have to do is of course
to fix the age of the Siifras of Ciotama and K'lndda, They are the
recognized basis of the Nijdijtt and the Vaifieshiha systems, and they
are so far as we know the oldest works on those systems. Not that

I'ci/.ou G, S. 1., 1, 4.

niSTORICAL SURVEY OP INDIAN LOGIC, 817

they were the first of their kind ; perhaps they were preceded by cruder
attempts of the same sort that have perished ; perhaps the present
works are improved editions of older ones. For all practical pur-
poses, however, the works of Kandda and Gotama may be taken as
the starting points for the two systems. Now before adverting to
the evidence that exists for determining the dates of these two Sutras
it is necessary to notice one or two misconceptions that would other-
wise hinder our task. The first of these is the confusion that is often
made between the system and tlie Siltra work expounding it ; and the
second is a simiUr wnnt of distinction between the systems as a whole
and the particular doctrines composing it. The three things,
rt^., Gotama s work, the Nydya system, and the individual doctrines
embodied in it, are quite distinct, and ought not to be confoimded
with one another. They may for aught we know have originated at
different times, and no inference can therefore be safely drawn as to
the probable date of the one from any ascertained fact relating to the
other. The fact for instance that some of the Vaiseshxka doctrines
are controverted in Bddardyand's Brahma-Suiras^ has been made
the ground for inferring that Kandda' s Sutras were composed prior to
those of Bddardyana^ and yet there are cogent reasons for believing
that they were of a Ynuch later origin. We must therefore suppose
that the doctrines controverted in Brakma-'Svitras existed prior to
their incorporation into a regular system as set out in Kandda^ a
work. Similarly many of the arguments as to the relative priority
of Nydya and Vaiseshiha systems are based on assumptions made
from some doctrines of the one being cited or refuted by the other.
Such arguments however are misleading and often produce confusion.
The Nydya doctrine of ST^Tc^aT^^ must have existed before the
rise of Buddhism and even before the formation of the Sdnkhya
system, the oldest works of which controvert it. Does it follow
therefore that Gotama and Kandda preceded both the Sdnkhyas and
the Bauddhas ? And if so, how are we to account for the fact that
several doctrines of the Sdnhhyas as well as the Bauddhas are in
their turn quoted in the Sutras of both these authors? Here is a
dilemma which can only be solved by supposing that the doctrine of
BT^^^niVr^ and many others like it subsequently adopted by the
Naiydyikas and Vaiseshzkas must have formed ^topics of hot discussion
long before the Sutras of Gotama and Kandda were composed. In

»3 Brahnia-Sutraiy n.,2, 11, eU scq.

318 HISTORICAL ST RVEY OP INDIAN' LOGIC.

like manner, even supposing that the system as such exi.^ted at or
before a particular date it will not be right to argue that Kandda^i
Sutras also must have existed at that time.^^ Nor should it be
supposed that the whole system as conceived later on is to be found
in these works. Many doctrines now looked upon as cardinal princi-
ples of Vaiieshika philosophy, are conspicuous by their absence in
Kandda^s work, such as, for instance, Abkdca as a seventh category,
the last seven qualities, and the doctrine of Visesha?^ This much
however is certain, that when the Sutras were composed the two sys-
tems had assumed a definite form which was never to be substantially
changed. There are important gaps that were filled up afterwards ;
but the skeleton is there and it is the skeleton that gives shape to
the body. The proc^ess may have been something like this. First
bold thinkers started theories of their own on the burning questions
of the day, and then these theories after much discussion crystallized
into specitic doctrines such as those of ST^^^il^i ^T^PI and others.
The ancient Upafiishads abound in passages in which we find such
definite principles being actually worked out of a mass of general
speculations. The next step is for some eminent teacher to adopt
and develoj) some of these doctrities and form a school which might in
time grow up into a system. The difference between a school and a
system is that of degree. A school adopts a theory about a particular
phenomenon, while a svc^tem aims at explaining consistently the
whole order of nature by reducing* several of these theories into
harmouv. Audtdomi\ Kd.<akrifsnu, Bddari, and manv others whose
names occur in the philosophical SiUras, seem to have been founders
of the schools which preceded the regular systems. The system
when thus formed required an authoritative exposition, and many
must have been the failures of inferior persons, before a master mind
like Gotama or KanUla c^uKl produce a work that would live into
futurity. The present Sutras of Kandda and Gotama musts
therefore, lie regarded as representing the end rather than the
commencement of this evolutionary process. I'hey did not originate
the systems, they only stereotyped them, by giving them as it were a
body and shape. Besides it is probable that the fashion of propound-
ing philosophical systems in the form of Sdlras^ if not the systems
themselves, came into vogue after the rise (»f Buddhism, The ethi-

*♦ ('olebrooke's MitrcUaneim* Ejtsays. Vol, Im p. 354, Cowell*8 note.
" V. S. I.. 1,4; I., 1,6; I.. 2, 3.

HISTORICAL SURVEY OP INDIAN LOGIC. 319

cal teachings cf Gotama Buddha were expressed in the shape of pithy
sentences which were easy to remember and possessed a certain
attraction for the popular mind. The Brahmins, probably with a
desire to beat their rivals with their own weapons, composed Sutras
on their own philosophical systems modelled on the Buddhistic
suttas, and possessing in some cases literary finish of a yery high
order. The necessity of meeting their opponents in controversies
which became frequent from this time compelled the orthodox philo-
sophers to put their cardinal doctrines in a definite shape ; and
this they did by expressing them in an incisive and dogmatic form so
as to produce immediate conviction. The uncompromising tone and
rigid logic of these post-Buddhistic Sutras are in strong contrast with
the loose reasoning and poetical imagery which abound in earlier
philosophical books, such as the Upanishads. While morality was
the stronglioid of the Buddhists, philosophy was their weakest pointy
in these early times ; naturally the shrewd Brahmins cultivated this
latter branch with the greater vigour in order to outshine their rivals.
The siitras of Jaimini and Bddardyana must have been composed
with some object in view ; and the example once set, was of course
followed by other teachers belonging to the orthodox party.

It is difficult to determine the chronological order of the several
systems of philosophy, and the attempts hitherto made have not been
very successful. The Sdnkhya system and many of the doctrines of
the Vaik'Shihas, if not the whole of their system, are most probably
Pre-Buddhistic. The Vaiseshika system pre-supposes the Sdiikhyaj
and there is evidence to show that the VaUeshiha not only preceded
Buddhism and Jainism, but directly contributed to the rise of those
sects, many of their peculiar dogmas being closely allied to Vaiseshi-
lea theories. The Buddhistic doctrines of total annihilation
for instance, is only a further and an inevitable development of the
Vaiseshika doctrine of 3T€f^l^^l^; while the categories or Paddrihas
of the latter find their counterpart in the five Astikdyas or essences
of the Jaiiias* The atomic theory moreover is largely adopted by
the Jainas, and even enters into their legendary mythology. The
epithet Ardha-Vaindsihas or Semi-Buddhists, contemptuously be-
stowed upon the Faiseshi/cas by Sdiihardchdj-yay^^ concealed a histor-
ical truth, if the Vaiseshikas as suggested above were the
half-hearted precursors who by their materialistic speculations paved

'* See foot-note 16 su-pra.

320 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC.

the vfAy for the extreme radicRlism of Gotama Buddha, The Vaise-
sliika school is specificallj named in the sacred texts of the Jainas,
and also in the Lalita-Fistara.^^ Several of their doctrines are
refuted in Badaruyana's Brahma -Sutras^ and it is possible that they
may have existed then in some systematic form. As to the other
systems the two Mhndnsds appear to have come immediately after the
rise of Buddhism and before the advent of the Nijdya and the Yoga.
Neither Bddardyana nor Jainiini rehrs to any peculiar N'y^ya doc-
trine, while the few ai)horisms in Bddardyana^ s work which mention
Yoga look like interpolations. It will be shown presently that
Ootama himself borrows from Bddardyarjas work.

Looking to the Autras, however, the two M'.mdrusd collections
appear to be the oldest of them, while the works of Gotama and
Kandda come next in succession. Ti)(^date of Jaimiiil and Bddard-
yana, who quote each other and might have been contemporaries, is
not yet settled. They are certainly aware of the Buddhistic sect,
many of whose doctrines they quote and refute.-^ The two Mimdnsi
Sillra.i therefore could not have been composed before the 6th century
B, C. Thc}- may for the present be assigned to the 5th or the earlier part
of the 4th century B. C. The Sutras of Gotama and Kandda must
be still later productions, as will appear from a comparison of them
with the Brahma'tintras, The openiujj; siltnis of both Gotama and
Kandda appear to recognize the Vci/dntic doctrine of knowledge
being the means to salvation ; while throughout their works when-
ever they treat of soul, salvation, pain, knowledge, and such other
topics, their language seems t<^ be strongly tinged with Veddntic no-
tions. The phraseology is often the same, and in several places even
direct references to the Brahina-Siltras may be detected in these
works. For example, the Vaiicshihi siitrds, ^f^^^ tf?lf%?IWW: JTfil^-
>JHT^- I and arf^^ I ^5 appear to be answers to Bddardyana' 8 objec-
tions to the eternity of atonis^^ ; while the iSWrtf 3T^fin%^S^ir ^'ifir-
^^r^r^Pr^F^ ^^ is evidently aimed at the Fcddutic view explained in
the f(!ur preceding sutran, that the soul is to be known only through
}^nai?^ Similarly V. S. IV, 2, 2-3 controvert the Veddatiiis view

'^^ Wcbor: J/ixlory of IndUiti LiUraturr, p. 23'>, ftx>t-noto.
2' Brtihmii'SiUni IT, 2,18, (•/. gcff ; M tin iXnjfd- Sutra 1,2,33; see also Cole-
brooko*s Miaci lf(it/fiiitj( fi<irt^.v, Vol. I, j). 351.

«"* V. S. IV, 1. 4-5. •''» hrahma-'^iUfd II, 2, 14-15.

30 Y. s. IJI, 2, y. 8 1 a\ also (j. S. Ill, I, 28-30.

HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 321

that oar body is formed by the union of five or three elements.^'
Again many of the terms used by Kandda^ such as 3Tf^^n, f^^^t ^T^'
TR'n', and «^|l^€4|f|, appear to be borrowed from Bddordijana, The
same holds good of Gotama, In several places he propounds views
very similar to well-known Feddntic doctrines" ; while a comparison
of G. S, III, 2, 14-16 with Brahma-Suera II. 1, 24, will show th«t
Cotama borrows even illustrations and arguments from JBadardyana.^
G. S. II. 1, 61-67^^ would likewise show that Gotama was also
posterior to Jaimini. It may be argued that the borrowing may
have been on the other side, or that the particular stitras may be later
additions. But we must in such cases judge by the whole tone and
drift of the authors. While in all the cases noted above the topics
form essential parts of the two Mimdnsd systems, they come only in-
cidentally in the works of Kandda and Gotama, We can, therefore,
confidently assert that the works of Gotama and Kandda, as we have
them at present, cannot be older than the 4th century B. C.

The question as to the relative priority of these two systems per se is
beset with many difficulties. Opinions have differed as to which sys-
tem is prior in time, and arguments have been advanced on both
sides. Vkandrahdnta Tarltdlankara ^ in the preface to his edition of
Vaiieshilca'Sutras^ strongly contends for the priority of Vaiseshika
system, while others maintain the opposite view.^® Goldstucker calls
the VaUeshika only a branch of the Nydya without deciding their re-
lative priority^^ ; while Weber is undecidedon the point.-^^ Much of the
confusion, however, on this point can be avoided by making a distinc-
tion, as already noted, between the Vaiseshika system and the Vaiie-
shikd Sutras. There are strong grounds for believing, as Mr. Tarhd"
lankdra contends, that the Vaiseshika system preceded Gotama^s, and
yet the Sutras of Kandda, or at least many of them, may be of a later
date. The fact that, while Vaiseshika doctrines are noticed in
Bddardyana^s Brahma-Sutras ^ Gotama* s system is not even once
alluded to, shows that some Vaiseshika doctrines at least were promul-
gated not only before Gotama but even before the composition of the

s« Brahma-mra 11, 2, 21, 22. s^ Cf. G. S. IV, 1, 64

^[^(^ %^ <^h:^% I Brahnia'Siitra.

3 5 f^tTpl^Krg^r^^'sr^Rnf^rJT g. s. ii. i. 6i.

»• Bhim^cliarya : "Nyaya-Koshay Intro., p. 2-3, nolo.

*' GoMstiicker's Tantni^ p. 153.

3« Weber : History of Indian Literature, p. 245.

322 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC.

JBrahma-Stiiras. Vdtsydyaiia^s remark that omissions in Goiama^
work are to be supplied from fhe cognate system of the Faiaeshikat
may likewise be taken to imply that that system existed before
Ootamas time^^ ; while the latter's reference to a 5n%?r^3rr%^»**
by which he probably means doctrines taught by some allied
school such as the Vaiseshihas, would support such an inference.
The posteriority of Gotama may also be inferred from the fact
that many topics summarily disposed of or imperfectly dis-
cussed hy Kai}dd'i nre fully treated by him, as, for instance, inferencet
fallacies, eternity of sound, and the nature of soul. It is true that
some of these arguments would also prove that Kandda's siitraa were
anterior to Gotama' s work, and it is possible that a collection
of Vaiieshiha-dulras was known to Gotama^ But we must also take
account of the fact that several sutras in the present collection of
Kandda's aphorisms appear to be suggested by Gotama^s work,

V. S. Ill, 2, 4,*^^ for instance, is clearly an amplification of G. 8, I,
1, 10.*3 V. S. Ill, 1 , 17*3 again gives an illustration of the B^efTTI^Pli
fallacy, although the name, strange to say, is nowhere explained
throughout Kanddas work. The word is, howover, used by Gotama
as a definition of yse^H'^r^,*^* and it is possible that the author of
the Vaiscshiha siUra borrowed it from him, and wrongly uaed it rb
the name of the fallacy. These suiras, therefore, if not the whole
work oi Kandda^ must have been composed at'ter Gotama^n work was
published. Now there are good reasons for suspecting that Kanddd's
work, as we have it at present, contains a large number of aphorisms
which have been either modified or added in after times. A com-
parison of Karidda^s sutras, as fuund in our printed editions, with the
Bhdshya of Prdsastapdda, shows that many of the suiras are not ex-
plained by the scholiast and were probably unkown to him.**^ More-
over, all these suspicious aphorisms relate to topics that look like having
been suggested afterwards. The practice of making such interpolations

39 Vat. on G. S. 1. 1, 4. +0 G. S. I, I, 29.

ir5"5f[f^ I Vaiieshika-Siitra,

♦a ?=^in?^7^??rg^:^5[^rn!r'^f?'r^ f^ir-r'^rcT I Ootama-Sutra.

** ^Wf^^: ^^H^K: G. S. I, 2, 4H.

♦* See tbo excellent conspectus showiug the ^utras corresponding to each sec-
tion of FratastajwcUi's boh«liuni, prefixed to the Benares BditioD of that work-

HISTORICAL SURVEY OP INDIAN LOGIC. 323

in ancienii works is not uncommon in Indian literature. The Sdn-

•

kkt/a-SiUras are notoriously modern productions, though ascribed to
an ancient Er'shi ; and even the Brahma-Sutras oi Bddarttyma We
under the suspicion of being tampered with. The loose and unsys-
tematic arrangement of the Vaiseshika aphorisms must have consider-
ably facilitated the task of an interpolator, while such liberties could
not have been easily taken with the more compact and finished pro-
duction of Gotama.

The most reasonable conclusion that may be drawn from tbe
foregoing facts is that, although we can say nothing definite about an
•original collection of Vaiseshika aphorisms, the present work of that
name is comparatively modern. We have no materials at present to
fix its probable age. Kandda is a mythical personage and is various-
ly styled Kdsyapa^ Kanabhaksha or Kambhuk^^ The latter two
appellations are, of course, paraphrases of Kandda, which literally
means ** an eater of seeds or atoms," The name is said to be derived
from his having lived upon picked-up grain-seeds while practising
austerities ; more probably it is a derisive appellation invented by
antagonists for his atomic theory. The system is also called Aulukya-
Darsana^^^ and a pretty old tradition is told that God Mahadeva
pleased by the austerities of the sage Kandda appeared to him in the
guise of an owl and revealed the system which the latter subsequently
embodied in the 'Sdtras.^^ A Rishi named JJluka is mentioned in the
Mahd-Bhdrata^ but nothing can be said as to what connection he
had with the Vaiseshika system. The name Auldkya is, however,
considerably old, being mentioned by JJdyotakdra and Kumdrila,^^
The name Vaiseshika occurs even in the scholium of Frdsastapdda,
who also refers to the tradition about God Mahadeva just mentioned.^*^
Vdyu Purdna makes Ahsha-pdctu, Kandda and Ulilka sons of Vydsa,^^
but no reliance can be placed on such an authority.

It has been already shown that the present collection of Vaiseshika
aphorisms is posterior to the 4th century B. C, and the references
to it contained in Vdtsydyana's commentary on Gotama^s work prove
that it must have existed before the 5th century A. D. Vdtsydyana

♦« P. B. Ben. ed. p. 200; V. S. Up. Calo. ed. p. 160-1 ; TriHnda-Sesha.

♦7 Sarv. D. S. Calo. od. p. 110.

♦« BhimAchArya: Nyaya-Koshcb, Intro, p. 2.

*9 Jfydya-Vdrtika, Bibl. In. p. 168 ^ Tantra-VArtika I., 1, 4.

so P. B. Ben. ed. p. 234.

*i See the verses quoted in P. B. Ben. ed. lutro. p. 10.

324 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC.

not only mentions it as a ^^Rri<^? , enumerates the six categories*'
and actually quotes one aphorism of Kandda,^^ This is the utmost
that we can say with certainty about the age of Kanddfs work.
The date of Prasasta-pMa, the earliest scholiast of Kandda, is equally
uncertain. He cannot be tlie same as the Bishi Prasasta mentioned
in the Fravarddhydya of Bandhdy ana-Sutra, for Baudkdy ana- Sutra
hoing composed before the 4th century B. C.,^* Prasasta-pdda and
a fortiori Kandda would have to be placed long before that time.
Prasasta" pad a has also been identified with Gotama, the author of
Nydya-Sutras,^'^ but it seems to be a mistake. So no inference as to
the age of the Va ike shika- Sutras ran be drawn from the date of the*
commentator. The six categories as well as the proofs arc men-
tioned in the medical work of Charalia, who has been identified with
Patavjali, the author of the Mahd-Bhdshya^^ But even if this
identity is correct, the original work of Charaha having been sub-
sequently recast and enlarged by Dridhahalay particular passages
from it cannot be relied upon for historical purposes.

Happily we can obtain better results in the case of Gotama^i work.
That it is posterior to the rise of Buddhism is evident on its face, for
Buddhistic doctrines are expressly mentioned therein.^^ It is also, as
has been already shown, later than the latter part of the fifth centary
B. C, the time of Bddardyanas Brahma-Siitras which, while refuting
Vaiseshiha doctrines, make no mention of the cognate school of Nat"
ydyikas, Goldstiicker says that both Katydyana and PatanjdLi
knew of the Nyaya Sutras,^^ Now Patanjali is said to have written
his great work about 140 B. C.^®; but Katydyana* 8 date is not so cer-
tain. According to a story told in Kathd-Sarit'Sanyraha^ Katydyana
was a pupil of Upavarhsa and a minister of king Nanda who reigned
about 350 B. C.«o Goldstiicker makes light of the authority of

q^ I VAt.on G. S.I, 1,9.
»» ^^mft'?."^ rT^^KV jR( (V. S. Ill, 1, 16 ) l^qj^TT^fPlRT ^ ^^Nt

crqfr^f^cnf^rT: ^s^H^frr^- &c. i vdt. ou g. s. ii, 2, ae.

B* Buhler: Saored Laws (S. B. B. Series). Part I Apaitamha, Intro,
p. XXII. ** Bhim&charya : Nydya-A'o«^ Intro, p. 2.

*• Parama'Laghu-Manjntha. A verse said to be from Yogahija calls Patan-
flZt, a writer on throe sciences, grammar, medicine, and Yoga,

»T G. S. HI, 2, Jl-13. '^^ Goldstiicker's Pdnini, p. 167. »» Ibid p. 8S4.

«o Katha-Sarit'Sav/^raha I. 5 ; Max MUller : History of Ancient Sanskrit
Literature, p, 240.

"11

HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 325

Kathd'Sarit^Savgraha^ but it is hard to believe that such a
story could have got currency without some sort of foundation.
If the story is true the Ny ay a* Sutras would have to be placed
before 360 B. C. Kdtydyana's date is now generally taken to
be about the middle of the 4th century B..C.*i ; and so Gotama will
have to be placed before that time. There is another fact which con-
firms this conclusion. 'Sahara Swdmin, the scholiast on Jamini*s
SutraSf often quotes an ancient author whom he calls Bhagawdn
Upavarsha, and who must have, therefore, lived a long time before
him. This Upavarshi is said to have written commentaries on both
the Mimdnsa Sutras,^^ If he be the same as the reputed teacher of
Kdiydyana above mentioned, he must have lived in the first part of
the 4th century B. C.^ Now a passage quoted by Sahara Swdmin
from the commentary of this Upavarsha^^ shows that he was inti-
mately acquainted with Gotama^ s system and largely adopted its
doctrines. Gotama' s work must, therefore, have been composed before
the 3rd century B. 0., that is, it belongs to the 4th century B. C.®*
There is another piece of evidence, which, though apparently con-
flicting with the above conclusion, really supports it. Apastamha^
the author of the Lharma- Sutra ^ knew both the Furva and the
Uttara Mimdnsa systems but not the Nydya.^ It is true thst
Apastamba in two passages of his work uses the word «^^ and
e2|r^,%fT respectively®^ ; but there he clearly refers to Purva-Mimdnsd^
and not to the system of Gotama. Nor is this use of the word uncom-
mon in ancient writings. The fact that the word y^TRT, which was
subsequently monopolized by the followers of Gotama, i^ applied

*! Eggeling*8 Sdinpoiha-Brdhmana (S. B. B. Series) Intro, p. 30.

2 Colebrooke*8 MisceUanaoua Esiayft, Vol, I. p. 357.

*3 Another story in Somadeva-Bhatta's KatM-Sarit'Sanpraha makes him
live in P^taliputra during the reign of Nanda, ». c, about SoO B. C. ; but no
reliance oan be placed on the ohronological data furnished by this book in the
absence of other evidence.

»* S<ihara-Bh6,8hya Bibl. Ind. p. 10; for an Engh'sh trauslation of the pas-
sage, see Colebrooke's JM is eella neons Essays, Vol. 1, p. 828.

*5 This conclusion will not be affected by any date that may be assigned to
PAnini. Goldstiicker places P^nini long before the rise of Buddhism and holds
that he did not know Gotama's work. PSnini mentions the word ^^m
but only in the sense of a syllogism or rather a thesis, snch as those in Jaimini's
work. See Goldstiicker'a P6.nlnif p. 152,

«• Bnhler : Sacred Laws (S. B. E. Series.) Part I Apastamha, Intro, p. xxtii.

•' Apaxtamha-Vharma'S^tra IT, 4, 8, 13; and II, 6, 14, 13.

326 UISTOKICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC.

by Aj>asiamba to the system of Jaimini\ shows that at his time
Gotama^s system was either unknown, or at least so new as not to
have attained any wide celebrity. Apastamba, according to Buhler,
must have lived before the 3rd century B. C. and even 160 or 200
years earlier®^; but his knowlecJge of the two 3/fc>?z-ws^« shows that
he could not have lived long befi»re 400 B. C. Gotama^s work must
therefore be assigned to the end of the 6th or the beginning of the
4th Century B. C.

It is needless to state after this that our Gofama is quite different
from Gofama^ the author of a Dh anna- Sit fray who preceded Bavdhd-
yana and was a fortiori prior to Apastaniba^^ ; nor has he anything
to do with the mythical sage of tiiat name mentioned in the Rdmdyana
and Mahubhdrata ar* the son of UtafJuja and the husband of Ahilyd,
Nothing is known about the personality of our author, and it i^ even
doubtful whother his real name was Gutamn or Gautama, Being a
Brahmam he could not have belonged to the race from which
the founder of Buddhism sprung. He is also called Aksha-jpdda
or Aksha-charanay but the origin of the name is not known.
Some have conjectured that the ('|)ithet was a nick-name given
to Gotama for his peculiar theory of sensual perception, and
means one who stands or walks upon organs of sense (B|^) ;
but there is no authority for this. At any rate the anther,
whoever he may be, possessed great originality and a grasp of
f^eneral principles that enabled him to systematize the soience
of logic for the first time, lie cannot, however, be said to have
founded it, for logical rules soem to have prevailed even before his
time. 3ia/n4 proclaims the need of rea*50u for a correct understand-
ing of the sacred law, "^ while Bn,lar(h/ana goes to the other extreme of
declaring the utter futility of our reasoning power to discover trath.^
Besides, it is quite obvious that, unless the art of reasoning had beea
practised for a long time previous, and had been considerably develop-
ed, neither the philosophical speculations in the Upanishads nor the
rise of heretical sects, such as the Chdrvdhas the Bauddhas and the
Jaitiasj could have been possible. What then did Gofama achieve^
and what is his place in the history of Indian logic ? This is an
interesting question, and would, if satisfactorily answered, throw a
flood of liejht on the early history of Indian philosophy.

«** Buhler : Starred Laws (S. B. E. Series) Part I Apmtambaf Intro, p. xliii.
9 Ihid, Ibid. p. XX and Iv. ^^ Mauu-Smriti xii. 106,

Ti Brahma S&if a 11,1.11.

HISTORICAL SURVJEY OF INDIAN LOGtCi 327

Gotama was certainly not the pioneer. The very fact that he has
evolved a logical system complete and well knit in all essential re-
spects would lead us to suspect that he must have used materials left
by his predecessors and proHted by their errors. This is not a mere in-
ference however, for Vdtsydyana in his Commentary on G. S. 1, 1, 52,
actually tells us that there was a school of Naiyuyihas who required
ten pre-misses in a syllogism, and that Gotama reduced their number
to five72 This is quite probable, for Indian systematists always
favour brevity, and even Gotama* s five premisses were subsequently
reduced by others to three. Gotama^ therefore, most have been pre-
ceded by other labourers in the same fi?ld whose works have been
eclipsed by his superior treatise. External evidence would lead us
even a step further. The two passages from Apastambas Dharma-
SutrOy referred to above, show that the word ^m^ was formerly
applied to Purva-Mimdiisd, Similar passages are also found in
many ancient Smritis and also sqme modern works in which the same
word or its derivatives are used in connection with JaiminVs system.
So late a writer as Madhavdchdrya calls his epitome of Jaimint's
work ;^^|^H|(7rf%^?TT) while many other Mimansd works have^Piff^r as
part of their title. The various theses propounded in Jaiminis work
are called Nydyas, and even Fdnini uses the word in a similar
sense.^^ How then are we to explain the fact that a word so
generally used by the Mimunsahas came afterwards to designate the
rival and totally dissimilar systems of Gotama. As a general rule we
find that when a new school arises it coins its own phraseology to
distinguish itself from its predecessors. In this case, however, the
followers of Gotama appropriated an old word, and that word stuck
to them so fast as to become afterwards their exclusive property.
The explanation, it seems, lies in the fact that the science of logic
which afterwards developed into a separate system wjis originally the
child of Purva-Mimdnsd,

Analogy of other arts and sciences points to the same conclusion.
All sciences in India appear to have sprung out of sacrificial necessi-
ties. Astronomy was founded on the rules by which vedic Rishis as-
certained the correct time for performing periodical sacrifices, from
the movements of heavenly bodies. While medicine had its germ in
the analysis of the properties of Soma plant and other sacrificial
substances, music was first cultivated by the TJdgdtd priest for sing-

y« 76.t, on G. S. I., L, 32. ^3 p^nini's SutraB III, 2, 12i.

330 HISTORICAL SURVEY OP INDIAN LOGIC.

have sufficed for half a dozen Sutras. Besides it is very awkwardly
worded if not positively ungrainmatical, A comparison of this
aphorism with the openiua^ passage of Prasastapdad's scholium leaves
hardly any doubt about its spuriousness. Prusastapadci's passage runs

Now one of these two passages must be an adaptation of the
other. According to Kirandoali, this passage of Fra'sastapdda
explains only the first three siltras of Kandda, which implies that
the fourth SUra quoted above was unknown to the scholiast. Hence
if Kiranioali is to be believed, the aphorism must be the later of the
two. 'SWidhava, the author of N i/dya-Kandaliy speaks to the same
effect. In introducing the last sentence he says that it was added
to remove any apparent inconsistency between the preceding
sentence and Kanddas second aphorism 2r^.S*-5T^M"=''J^^f^f^* ^
^xh'" I Ihe inconsistency is that while according to the scholiast
knowledge of categories is the means oi Pr:»HTH, Kandla speaks of
it as resulting from \:r§; and this inconsistency is removed by
the scholiast by adding that the knowledge of categories itself
springs from \^^ as revealed in divine commandments. So accord-
ing to J:indhara this last clause is an addition of the scholiast intend-
ed to remove the apparent inconsistency, and yet it is summed up in
the opening words of the fourth Siltra, VVJ^^^^s^^^' Either these
words or the whole aphorism, must, thereforf, have been suggested
by P rasas fa-pd la's passage. If the aphorism, as it stands now, had
existed before, there would have been no fr^r^ff^. and tht^refore no
necessity for Prasad /n -pa Ja's additional clause fT%^C^rT*TTpT^'MThl<{»Tf
$^. We must, therefore, suppose that the afdiorism was added
by some later writer in order to supply what appe?»red to him an
oversight of Kandda, Besides, the fact that there should have been
even the suspicion of a contradiction between the enumeration of six
categories and Kandda's second sdtra proves that the six categories
were not thought of by Kandda and were for the first time mentioned
by his scholiist, Pramstapdda, We must, therefore, construe the
aphorism arq" \\H ffsq^uj^jf^.?? ng implung that Kandda mention-
ed only three categories, to which the scholiast added three more,
while the seventh was added still later on.''^ If any doubt is
felt on the point, a critical examination of the aphorisms which are

»• P. D. Ben. ed. p. 6, 7. »» V. S. VIII. 2. 3. »» V. S. I. 2. 3, 6.

HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. S31

supposed to define ^TfTT^ and Hr^ q will dispel it. These aphor-
isms speak of f^q* as well as of iifHr^^ in a way quite different
from the later conceptions of the two categories. Aphorisms 4^|h|«^
fi?iq ^r% 5:5^^*^ I and 3T^^nrr9c^».;qi- f^^q^irM are especially
significant. The first shows that Kandda use<l the word f%^ as a
relative term opposed to ^TF^, meaning that the notions of genua
and differentia are always relative, and that the same property may
be a genus with respect to one class, and a differentia with respect
to another class of things. q?c^ , for instance, is a genus as including
all jars under one class, and o. differentia as distinguishing all jars
from other substances, as cloth and men. The second aphorism shows
that Kar.dda distinguishes ultimate diff'erences of things from other
differeniice by givinjy to the former the special name of B^v^c^y ^^q*,
It is these ultimate differences that are denoted by the later VaiaeshiJcas
by the category i%^fq ; and the fact that Koxiuda regards them
only as one species oi differentia shows that he did not include them in
a separate category having absolute and not merely a relative exist-
ence. The conclusion is irresistible that the 3T^ilR[%qs, which
were at first only one kind of differentia^ were afterwards developed
into an inde[)endent category. The notions of ^r^|«^ and ^q^pq'
can also be shown to have originated in the same way.

It will be tbus seen tbat unlike Nydga, Vaiseshika was never given
out to the world as a cut and dry system. It was gradually evolved
as the ever-flowing stream of controversy suggested new points or dis-
closed the faults of old ones. Prasastapdda thus occupies a somewhat
intermediate position between Kandda and his later commentators.
He is SMtficiently removed in tirnefrom Knnddaio caW him a muni and
a desciple of Maheswara,'^^ while he himself is regarded almost as a
semi. mythical personage by later writers. His age cannot, however,
be ascertained even approximately. The earliest known commentary
on Prasasta-pdda s work is that of Sridhara who gives his own date
as 991 A. C. He must also have preceded Sanhardchdrya who seems
to quote from him several times. The opinions ascribed by
i^an/cardchdrya to the Kdndda school are all found in Prasasta-
pdda'' s work. 8® Sricharana, in his commentary on 'Sdriraha-
Bhushya called Prahatdrtha, says that a particular view criticised by
&anhara belongs to the older school of Vaiheshihas tliou:'h opposed

»» P. B. Ben. ed. pp. 1 and 329.

*<> Cf. the passages in k<\rirnka -BhUhya (Ananddsrama ed.) p. 514-5 and
p. 619 with the passages Id P. B. Bea. ed. p. 48 and p. 328 respectively.

832 HISTORICAL SURVEY OP INDIAN LOGIC.

to that contained in Rdvana's Bhdshya, The view referred to is
propounded by Prasasta-pdda who must, therefore, be older than
Rdvana, This Bhdshya of Rdvana which may be a commentary
either on Kandda's Siitras or Fraiasiajpddd! s own work, is not avail-
able, nor is its date known, Udayana's Kiravdvali is, however, s«id
to have been based upon ii.^^ If this Rdvana is the same as the
reputed author of a commentary on Rigveda he appears to have been
a very ancient author, and Prasastapdda must be still older. More-
over, if Praia 5^a/»atZa was as suggested above the first to enamerate
the six categories, he must have preceded Pdtsydyana who mentions
them.^2 Nothing more definite can be said on the point for the
present, and we must, therefore, leave Prasastapdda^ s date too as one
of the uncertainties of Indian chronology .^^

The age of commentaries proper begins with Vdtsydyana otherwise
known as Pakshila'Stvdini, whose commentary on Gotama's work is
the oldest known work of the kind we now possess.^* Vdtsydyana
must have lived about the end of the ^th century A. C. for he
preceded the well known Buddhist teacher Dijiidija who is said to
have lived in the early part of the 6th century. ^^ Dujndga was suc-
ceeded by the celebrated author of Udyota who is mentioned by
buhandhu writing in tlie 7th century.^^ UdyotaJcdra is said to have
written his work to dispel the errors of Digndya and others, and Vd-
chaspati in his Tkd adds that his principal object was to defend
Vdtsydyana against the attacks of Dujndga.^'^

According to the Jain 'Sloha-Vdrtika, UdyotaJcdra was in his turn

8 1 P. B. Ben. ed. Intro, p. 12 note. s^ y,xf^ q^ G. S. I. 1, 9.

'3 If Chnyaha^ the writer on medicine, is correctly identified with Patanjali,
Prasastapdda must be anterior to him. See p. 24 supra.

8* Was V^tsyiiyana a Buddhist ? Some liave supposed him to be so because
his work does not begin with a prayer to any of the Hindu deities. But the
epithet Swilmi as well the fact that the Buddhist writer DignAga controverts
his views should leave no iloubt about his orthodoxy.

«» Max MuUer : India, TThat can it teach us ? 1st ed. p. 320.

s« VUavadr.ttr,, (Calc.ed. p. 235) has =?Tr^R:>4rm'^^T^cT^r^^^^|.See also
Dr. Hall's Preface to his edition of that work.

5^ See quotation at P. B. Ben. ed. Intro, p. 10. Udyotahlra himself says : —

^sjqK: ^^K\ j^r^ ^^tpt wm ^^^ ^m^ I

Also see Weber, Zcitschr. D. M. C. XXI I. 727, and Colebrooke, MisceUanc-
ous Essays Vol I p. 282, Cowcirs note.

HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 333

answered by Dharmakirti,^^ Now Dharmalcirti is known to have
lived in the first half of the 7th century. ^^ Digndga and UdyotaMra
therefore must have belonged to the 6th, and Vdtsydyana at the
latest to the end of the 5th century. Vdtsydyana is not, however, the
earliest scholiast on Gotama's Sutras, The alternative interpreta-
tions of G. S. I. 1, 5 given by him show that the traditional
meaning was obscured at his time, and that several writers before
him had interpreted the Sutras in different ways. The interval
between Gotama and Vdtsydyana is considerable and could
not have passed without producing some notable writers, yet no
relics of the period appear to have been left behind. Either
the Scythian inroads which ravaged the country Irom the 1st century
B. C. to the 4th century A. C. must have swept away all literary
records of the period, or some unknown cause must have lulled
philosophical activity for the time.

After Udyota/idra there seems to have occurred another long gap
in the succession of Nfydya writers until the end of 10th century when
a revival took place under the influence of the author of «^Rr^?^v^
which is the earliest known commentary on Frasaslapdda's Bhdshya,
'Srldhara wrote at least three other works named QTf^^f^, ^^^^^nT»
and ^T^qT^NTif ^f. The absence of any eminent Nydya or Vaiseshika
writer between Udyotakdra and ^'Sridhara makes it highly probable
that the tradition was broken in the interval. This interregnum so
tci say is the more inexplicable as the period was one of inte^ise intel-
lectuftl activity. Controversies between the Brahmins as represented
bv the Mimdnsuhas and Veddntins on the one hand and the
Buddhists and the Jainas on the other occupy almost the whole of
this period ; and it is strange that the followers of Gotama and
Kandda did not freely enter into the fray. Vdtsydyana and Udijota-
hdra set the ball of controversy rolling, but no Nydya or Vaiseshika
writer seems to have taken np the cudgels on their behalf immediately
after Dharmak'rti's strictures. The task of answering the grei^t
Buddhistic writer was left to MwidnsaJcas like Kumdrilaj 'Sanhardchd-
rya and Mandana^ who were by no means favourable either to the
Nydya or to the Vaiseshika systems. Dhannottara defended
Dharmah'rti against the criticisnjs of Kumdrila and Mandaiia, and
we again find 'Sridhara a Naiydyika answering Bhumnltara.
Though the Nydya and Vaiseshika systems had thus no spokesman of

88 J. B. 15.11. A. S. Vol. XYIII p. 229. so ibid p. 90,

334 HISTORICAL SUaVET OF INDIAN LOQIC.

their own daring this interregnum, the individual doctrines inculcnted
hy them were not a bit neglected. They were fully handled by the
rival disputants as if they had by that time become the common
property of all schools. The Mimdasakas atronglv controverted the
doctrine of non-eternity of sound, and the V<:ddntins criticized the
atomic theory. The Prdbhdkaras started novel views about Samo'
vdyOf while all the scho«»ls fought over the proper number and nature
of proofs. The answer to these criticisms came parily from the
Buddhists and the Jainas a«id partly from the later Kydija writers.
The fact seems to be that at tliis time the Nydya and much more the
Vaiseshika doctrines, despite smaller differences, found their strongest
supporters among the Buddhists and the Jainas many of whose tenets
closely resembled the peculiar doctrines of the Vaiseshikas. The
Nydya- Bindu,(oT instance, which can now be safely ascribed to
Dharmahirti,^^ is a purely Vaiseshika treatise, while the Pramdna-
Samuohchaya of Digudga au'l Dhartnalclrt^s Vdrtikas on it must
also have been largely indebted to previous Vaiseshika works. This
must also be the reason why Vaiseshikas were at this time looked
upon almost as heretics.

The alliance of the Vaiseshikas with the Buddhists and the evident
tendencv of many of their theories towanls atheism ard materialism
alarmed the ortliodox writers of the Mimdnsd and Veddntn schools
who at once consigned them to the purgatory of non-believers.
Sankardchdrya cwWs i\\Qm Ardha-Vaindsikas (Semi- Buddhists), while
Kumdfila brackets them with "Sakyas as heretics who are frijjhtened
out of their wits hy the advent ol the faithful Mimdnsakas^^ And
yet a glance at Prasastapdda's Bhdshya will show tliat the Vaiseshi-
kas were at least as orthodox and as decidedly anti-Buddhistic as either
the Mimdnsakas or the Veddntins, Prasastapdda begins, with a
prayer to God and concludes by ascribing the origin of the world as
well as of the Vaiseshika system to Mahoswara, He accepts the autho-
rity ot"Sruti and occasionally controverts the views of the Buddhists.
The notion of Vaiseshikas being heretical probably origin.ited in the
din of controversy between the Buddhists and the Mimdnsakas, and
the prejudice thus created stuck to them for a long time j^fterwards.
The sister system of Nydya, however, seems to have escaped the
stigma of heresy, probably owing to its comparative neglect in this
period. The controversies of this period mainly raged round metaphy-

90 J. B. B. R. A. S. Vol. XXX p. 47.

»i Max Muller : History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature p. 48.

HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 835

sical and theological questions which were monopolized by the Vaiie-
shika, while the purely logical part of Gotama^s system did not
provoke much opposition. Only one doctrine of the Naiydij^Jcas was
made ihe subject of controversy, namely the theory of a personal
creator of the universe. This doctrine was strongly advocated by
the sect of Pd'nipatas^ and various sub-sections of Bhdjawatas, These
theistic Schools probably derived their inspiration from Gotamd*s
work, but they very soon became distinct religious sects.®^ On the
whole it appears that, although there is n lack of special Nydya or
Vais3shika works in this period, the various doctrines laid down by
Gotama and Kunuda were fully threshed out and underwent additions
and alterations wliicli were not even dreamt of by previous writers.

The interregnum from Udyotahdra's time to the end of the 10th
century may have been produced by various causes which cannot be
known at present ; nor can we say for certain how the subsequent
revival was brought about. Perhaps learned men at this time were
too much occupied with religious and sectarian disputes to attend to
the drier subtleties of logic. The fact, however, cannot be denied,
for while none of the known works of JS/ydi/a or VaUeshika proper
can be assigned to the interval between the 7th and the 10th centur-
ies, the succeeding age is marked by such an inrush of Nydya and
Vaiieshxka writers as more than atoned for the inactivity of the
previous period. The most notable productions of this later age are
a series of commentaries on the works of Prasastapdd<i and Vatsyd-
yana who had then come to be looked upon as ancient authorities to
be explained and enlarged with reverence, rather than criticized or
corrected by abler successors. In this later period boldness «nd
originality of thought dwindle in proportion to an increase of schol-
astic subtlety. The range of topics is limited, but each is treated
with a greater fullness and ingenuity. There is a distinct tendency
towards scholasticism, which afterwards assumed such abnormal
proportions in the Nuddea school, but the chanore was not completed
till four centuries later. It may be described as an age of transition
from the genuine philosophy of mediaeval India to the scholastic
verbiage of moflern times ; and it is a striking fact that this age
nearly coincides with the growth of scholasticism in mediaeval Europe.
It is not a little remarkable that the history of Indian logic bears in

»• JldyotnliArn was called PasupiMchdrya. Had he anything to do with
the Pfisupata seot who maintained the existence of a personal Creator and
Lord of the Universe?

334 HISTORICAL SUaVET OF INDIAN LOQIC.

their own during this interregnum, the individual doctrines inculcated
by them were not a bit neglected. They were fully handled by the
rival disputants as if they had by that time become the common
property of all schools. The Mimdnsakas alronglv controverted the
doctrine of non-eternity of sound, and the Vrddntins criticized the
atomic theory. The Prdbhukaras started novel views about Sama^
vdya, uhile all the schools fought over the proper number and nature
of proofs. The answer to these criticisms came partly from the
Buddhists and the Jainas and partly from the later Kyc/tja writers.
The fact seems to be that at this time the Nydya and much more the
Vaiseshika doctrine?, despite smaller differences, found their strongest
supporters among the Buddhists and the Jainas many of whose tenets
closely resembled the pecul.ar doctrines of the Vaueshikas. The
Nydya- Hi ml u, for instance, which can now be safely ascribed to
Dharmalcirti^^^ is a purely Vaiseshika treatise, while the Pramdna"
Samuohchaya of Dujudtja anl Dharmuhlrt's Vdrtileas on it must
also have been largely indebted to previous Vaiseshika works. This
must also l)c the reason why Vaiseshihas were at this time looked
upon almost as heretics.

The alliance of the Vaiseshika.^ with the Bud<lhivts and the evident
tendency of many of their theories towanis atheism ard materialism
alarmed the orthodox writers of the Mlmdnsd and Veddntn schools
who at once consigned them to the purgatory of non-believers.
Sank'j rdch dry a cwW^ \\\Qm Ardha-Vnindsikas (Semi-Huddiiists), while
Kumdrila brackets them with "Sdkyas as heretics who are fri<;htened
out of their wits by the advent of the faithful Mimdnsakas^^ And
yet a glance at Prasastapdda's Bhdshya will show tliat the Vaxseshu
kas were at least as orthodox and as decidedly anti- Buddhistic as either
the Mimdu'^akis or the Veddutins, Prasistapdda begins, with a
prayer to Gi»d and concludes by ascribing the origin of the world as
well as of the Vaisfshika system to Mahoswara, lie accepts tlie autho-
rity of ^ruti and occasionally controverts the views of the Buddhists.
The notion of Vaiseshika< being heretical probably origin?,ted in the
din of controversy between the Buddhists and the Mimdnsahas^ and
the prejudice thus created stuck to them for a long time i^terwards.
The sister system of Nydya^ however, seems to have escaped the
stigma of heresy, probably owing to its comparative neglect in this
period. Thecontroversiesof this period mainly ragedround metaphj-

^o~j, H. B. li. A. S Vol. XXX p. 47!

»i Max Miiller: History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature p. 48.

HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 835

sical and theological questions which were monopolized by the Vaiie-
shika, while the purely logical part of Gotama's system did not
provoke much opposition. Only one doctrine of the Naiydy^kas was
made the subject of controversy, namely the theory of a personal
creator of the universe. This doctrine was strongly advocated by
the sect of Pdiupatas^ and various sub-sections of Bhctjaioatas, These
theistic Schools probably derived their inspiration from Gotama*s
work, hut they very soon became distinct religious sects.®^ On the
whole it appears that, althouijh there is n lack of special Nydya or
VaiS3shika works in this period, the various doctrines laid down by
Gotama and Kunddn were fully threshed out and underwent additions
and alterations which were not even dreamt of by previous writers.

The interregnum from TJdyotakdrai time to the end of the 10th
century maj^ have been produced by various causes which cannot be
known at present ; nor can we say for certain how the subsequent
revival was brought about. Perhaps learned men at this time were
too much occupied with religious and sectarian disputes to attend to
the drier subtleties of logic. The fact, however, cannot be denied,
for while none of the known works of Nydya or Vaiseshika proper
can be assigned to ttie interval between the 7th and the 10th centur-
ies, the succeeding age is marked by such an inrush of Nydya and
Vaiseshika writers as more than atoned for the inactivity of the
previous period. The most notable productions of this later age are
a series of commentaries on the works of Prasastapddn and Vdtsyd-
yana who had then come to be looked upon as ancient authorities to
be explained and enlarged with reverence, rather than criticized or
corrected by abler successors. In this later period boldness and
originality of thought dwindle in proportion to an increase of schol-
astic subtlety. The range of topics is limited, but each is treated
with a greater fullness and ingenuity. There is a distinct tendency
towards scholasticism, which afterwards assumed such abnormal
proportions in the Nuddea school, but the change was not completed
till four centuries later. It may be described as an age of transition
from the genuine philosophy of mediaeval India t*) the scholastic
verbiage of modern times; and it is a striking fact that this age
nearly coincides with the growth of scholasticism in mediaeval Europe.
It is not a little remarkable that the history of Indian losic bears in

»• UdyotnMra was called PasupitSichdrya. Had he anything to do with
the Pfisupata seot who maintained the existence of a personal Creator and
Lord of the Universe?

342 HISTORtCAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC.

generations after Raghundtha must be assigned to the end of the
16th or the beginning of the 17th century. He was thus nearly
contemporaneous with Lord Bacon whose denunciations of scholasti-
cism may be most appositely illustrated by extracts* from Oadd*
dhard's writings. Akbar*s was an aug;ustan age in India, and
scholars like Gadddhara found a congenial atmosphere in the peace-
ful times of the great and enlightened Mogul ; but Akbar*s death
put an end to all dreams of a revival of letters. The wars and
anarchy of the next two centuries afforded little scope for the culti-
vation of philosophy, and we accordingly find that even scholastic
Nydya could not flourish after Gadddhara.

The generation next after Gadddhara is represented by two
writers standing on a somewhat lower level but equally famous.
These were ^anhara Misra, the author of Upashdra, a commentary
on Kanddas Sutras, and Visvandtha who wrote Siddhdnta- Muktdvali
and Gottama-Sutra-Vritti which is a commentary on Gotamd's
aphorisms. iSanlcara Misra was a pupil of Raghudcvay the fellow
student of Gadddhara, There is some doubt as to the date of
Viswandtha, but he most probably belouj^ed to this ftgc^

It is remarkable that i\\Q Sutras of both Kandda and Gatama should
have attracted the attention of commentators at about the same time.
^anhara Misra and Vlsivandtha who respectively commented upon
tho works o^ Kandda and Gotama greatly resembled each other and
were probably contemporaries. A kind of reaction against the ex-
cesses of Gadddhara seems to have led these writers to seek the fresher
fountains of the Sutras, Another sign of this reaction was the pro-
duction of manuals adapted to the understanding of the beginners
and explaining the latest ideas in the simplest language. The
Bhdshd-Parichchheda, the Tarka-Sangraha and the Tarhd-mrita are
instances of this class of books, which must have come as a relief to
those students of Nydya who were hitherto lost in the mazes of
Pancha-Lakshani and Dasa-Lakshani, In course of time these
manuals too were overloaded with commentaries, but fortunately the
commentaries on them, except perhaps two, never became as popular
as the originals. The two exceptions are Visxoandthds Siddhdnta-
Muktdvali and Annambhatta's Tarhi-B'pikd which being written by
the authors of the original works are more like larger editions of those

^ Rudrabbatta, brother of ViBwaQ^tha, wrote a commentary on Baghnndtha's
J)idhitif called Baudr'i. MSS. of two of Budrabhatta's works are mentioned
by Auf recht ( Catalogus Catalogornm } as dated 1640 and 1657 respectively.

HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 337

Miira in the llih century, who wrote commentaries on all the prince
pal philosophical systems, and whose works have been deservedly held
in the highest estimation by the succeeding tenerations.®* Fdchaspatt,
the author of BMniati and ^dnkhya-Tativa-Kaumudi, wrote an equally
able commentary on the Vdrtihna of TJdyotaMra^ called Fdrtika-Tdh
parya-Tikd, and this I'ikd of Vdchaspati became the text of another
commentary, Tdtparya-ParUuddhi by Udayana^'^ Udayandchdrya,
the author of Kiranavali and Parisuddhi lived, therefore, some time
after Vdchaspati, and may be assigned to the end of the 1 2th century .®®
Udayana is the greatest Naiydyi/ca writer of this age. He combines
in himself the two-fold character of an eminent dialectician and a
religions revivalist, and has consequently become the centre of a num-
ber of traditions which hate perhaps little foundation in fact. A story,
for instance, is told of his having once made a pilgrimage to the
temple of Jagannath, where he found the temple- door shut against
him. On this the irate Aaiydyika addressed the following couplet to
the Deitv : —

" Infatuated with omnipotence as thou art, thou treatest me with
contempt; but (remember) when the heretics approach, thy very
existence depends upon me."

This irreverent apostrophe was probably founded on the fact that
Vdayana wrote two well-known treatises to prove the existence of
God and to refute the atheistical objections of the Banddhas and
other heretics. These treatises, respectively known as Kusumdnjali
and Bauddha'dhikkdra, thou2;h small, prove Udayana to be a very
acute and powerful writer. Udayana is s»iid to have carried on a
vigorous crusale against the Buddhas and the Jainas ; and if Monier
M'illiams is right in assigning the complete decay of Buddhism in India
to the beginning of the thirteenth century,^ ®^ Udayana must have

■• J. B. B. R A. S. Vol. XVIII. p. 90. Cowell in the preface to his transla-
tion of KusumAnjali tries to prove that YSchaspati lived in the 10th century ;

but his view cannot be accepted as Vachaspati quotes rr^^Tm^ of King
Bhoja who reigned in 993 A.O.

•" Bhandarkar : Reyort on Search of Sk. ^f8S.Jor 1883-4. p. 81.

•' CowolPs Preface to his translation of Kusdmanjali, p. x ; J. B. B. R. A, S,
Vol. XVIII. p. 89-90.

•* Nehmiah Gore*8 RationaU Refutation of Hindu philosophy translated by
F. Hall, p. 6, not*. loo Monier Williams : Buddhism, p. 170.

342 HISTORtCAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC.

generations after Raghundtha must be assigned to the end of the
16th or the beginning of the 17th century. He was thus nearly
contemporaneous with Lord Bacon whose denunciations of scholasti-
cism may be most appositely illustrated by extracts* from Oadd»
dhard's writings. Akbar*s was an aug;ustan age in India, and
scholars like Gadddhara found a congenial atmosphere in the peace-
ful times of the great and enlightened Mogul ; but Akbar's death
put an end to all dreams of a revival of letters. The wars and
anarchy of the next two centuries afforded little scope for the culti-
vation of philosophy, and we accordingly find that even scholastic
Nydya could not flourish after Gadddhara.

The generation next after Gadddhara is represented by two
writers standing on a somewhat lower level but equally famous.
These were ^anhara Misra, the author of Upashdra, a commentary
on Kanddas Sutras, and Visuandtha who wrote Siddhdnta-Muhtdvali
and Gottama-Sutra-Vritti which is a commentary on Gotama^a
aphorisms. iSanJcara Misra was a pupil of Raghndeva^ the fellow
student of Gadddhara, There is some doubt as to the date of
Visioandtha, but he most probably beIoii«;ed to this age7

it is remarkable that the Sutras of both Kandda and Gatama should
have attracted the attention of commentators at about the same time.
Saiikara Misra and Viswandtha who respectively commented upon
tho works o^ Kandda and Gotama greatly resembled each other and
were probably contemporaries. A kind of reaction against the ex-
cesses of Gadddhara seems to have led these writers to seek the fresher
fountains of the Sutras, Another sign of this reaction was the pro*
duction of manuals adapted to the understanding of the beginners
and explaining the latest ideas in the simplest language. The
Bhdshd-Parickchheday the Tarka-Sangraha and the TarJcd-mrita arc
instances of this class of books, which must have come as a relief to
those students of Nydya who were hitherto lost in the mazes of
Tancha-Lakshani and Basa-Lokshani, In course of time these
manuals too were overloaded with commentaries, but fortunately the
commentaries on them, except perhaps two, never became as popular
as the originals. The two exceptions are Viswandtha^s Siddhdnta-
Muktdvali and Antiamhhatfa's Tarhi-I):pikd which being written by
the authors of the original works are more like larger editions of those

^ Rudrabbatta, brother of ViBwanAtha, wrote a commentary on Raghnndtha*9
Dtdhitif called Baudrl, MSS. of two of Rudrabhatta'g \vorks are mentioned
by Auf recht ( Catalogus Catalogornm } as dated 1640 and 1657 respeoti?ely.

HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 33^

aboQt it nntil the work is available to the public. It is superfluous
perhaps to remark that this Vallabha^ the author of Nydi/a-LUdvatt
was quite a different personage from the great Vaishnavaite reformer
of that name who fioarished in the 15th centurv.

A host of smaller writers such as Varadardja and Mallindtha
may be mentioned as belonging to this second period, but they do not
seem to have left any lasting mark on subsequent literature. The
period may be roughly said to have closed about the beginning of the
14th century. It is marked by a great activity in the beginning
and at the end, with an intervening blank which lasted for about 3
centuries and which sharply divides the older from th^ later school of
writers. The conflict of opinions between the VaUeshikas and the
Naiydyihas as well as the differences between the ancient and the
modern schools of NaiydyiJcas, which are so frequently discussed in
modern works, seem to have originated in this period ; and it was
perhaps the growth of these minute differences that created at the
end of this period a reaction in favour of auiHlgamating the two sys-
tems. This attempt at amalgamation, however, produced an effect
exactly contrary to what was intended, f 3r it stereotyped the differ-
ences instead of removing them. We find that in this period almost
all the principal doctrines were evolved and the details were work-
ed out, on which the dialecticians of the third period were exclusively
to spend their scholastic ingenuity and produce volumes after volumes
without making any real progress. With Udayana and ^ivdditya we
loose sight of writers who deserve to be called Achdryas, as having aimed
at originality and written epoch-making books. The class of Achd'
ryas or masters, was henceforward to give place to that of mere
Upddhydyas or ordinary pundits. The race of giants was to be
succeeded by a remarkably versatile and disputations troop of
dwarfs. Philosophy lost its freshness as well as its charm, and gra
dually degenerated into a bundle of endless controversies.

The end of the 14th century saw the commencement of the third
period of iVy ay a literature ; and Gamjeaa, or Gangeso-pddhydyaj the
author of Tativn-Chintdmani may be said to be its oracle. He
founded a new school of text-writers and commentators who afterwards
came to be known as the Nuddea school owing to their having chiefly
flourished in the tols of Nuddea or Navadwipa in Lower Begnal. The
distinguishing features of the writers of the school were their over-
whelming pride, an abnormal development of the critical faculty, and
a total disinclination to go out of the narrow grooves of traditional

840 HISTORICAL SUKVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC.

doctrines. The originnl Stitras and the scholia on them recede into
background, while Gangesd's work itself becomes the centre of a
muss of literature unparalleled in any other country or age. Here
we see at one and the same time scholasticism at its climax and true
philosophy at its lowest depth. We might wade through volumes of
coutroversinl jargon without coming across a single flash of deep
thought or real insight into the nature of things. Mere convention-
alities and distinctions without a difference are the weapons in this
wordy warfare, with which one disputant tries to defend his thesis
or to vanquish a rival. It may be donbted if either tiie writer or
the reader is made a wliit the wiser by all this labour.

All the writers of this school are not however equally faulty in this
respect. The earlier ones especially show a considerable freedom of
thought which is quite refreshing. The most notable of this kind is
Gangesapddkydya the founder of the Nuddea school, whose exact
date is not known, but who probably lived about the end of the 14th
century, Gangesa quotes Vdchaspafi, while his son Vanlhamdna
wrote commentaries on Udayana^s Kiranivali and Vallabha^s LHdcati,
Gangesa must have therefore lived after the 12ih century. Gangesa
was followed by two writers of note Jayadeva and Vdsudeva. Ac-
cording to Burnell Jayadeva^ otherwise known as Pakshadhara Misra^
wrote his J/a^T/a/o^a, a commentary on Gangeka's Tatwa-Chintdmani
about h centuries ago, that is, about the middle of the 14th century,
but this is highly improbable.* Viisudeva Sdrvab/tauma, a fellow
student of Jayadeca and the author of a commentary on Gangesa »
work, had four pupils of whom the first Gauravga^ popnlarly known
as Chaitanya, the celebrated religious reformer in Bengal, was born
about 1485 A.C.^ Both Sdrvahhauma and Jayadeva must, therefore,
have lived in the latter part of the 15th c<*ntury, and Gangesa at
least a generation or two earlier. Jayadeva is said to have studied
Tatwa'Chintdniani with his uncle Uarimisra, which shows that
Gangesa*s work was already a standard book in the first half of the

* Burnell, Catalogue of Taujor MSS., Vol. II., p. 117. Jayadert w&s noted
for his intellectual powers. He got the nickname TIT^T from having mastered
a difficult book in a fortnight. He is. probably the same as the author of
M^^ilM^ and is certainly diflFerent from the poet who corapoaed MT^^ltnTT'
Baghnnath.'\ Siromani is said to have been his pupil for a^^me time.,

» Cowell (Colebrooke'8 MUcellnneuM E^ntytf Vol. I., p. 281) gives the date
of Chaitanya's birth as 1489; but see Bi^so's HuUry of Himim drilha/toji.
Vol. I., p. 43. Chaitanya died in A. C. 152f .

HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 341.

15th century. We shall not be wrong therefore in placing Gangeia
in the latter part of the 14th century at the latest.

VoBudev Sdrvabhauma must have been a remarkable man, for all
of his pnpils tfiBtinguished themselves in different fields. The first,
Chaitanya, founded a Vaishnava sect which soon spread over the
whole province of Bengal and revolutionized as it were the religious
life of the people. The fact is noteworthy that the greatest exponent
of the doctrine of faith in modern times received his early
training in the dialectics of Nydya philosophy. The devout
mind of Chaitanya must have no doubt recoiled from the
scholastic subtleties of Gangesa, but they could not have
failed to influence many of his views. Vdsudeva's second pupil
Raghundtha, otherwise known as Tarha-'Siromani or simple SzVo-
fwant, wrote DWiiti, the best commentary on Gasgeia's Tatwa-
Chintdmaniy and is acknowledged to be the highest authority among
the modern Naiydyikas. The third was Raghunandana, the lawyer
and the author of a commentary on Jimilta' Vdhana'a Bdya-Vibhdga,
and is now held to be the best current authority on the Bengal
School of Hindu law. The fourth Krishndnanda also wrote works
on charms and other kindred subjects.* AH these writers being con-
temporaries of Chaitanya must have flourished in the beginning of
the 16th century. Baghundtha Siromani wrote besides D^hiti com-
mentaries on Udayana*8 works and a few other treatises, one of which
is Faddrtha-Khandana or a refutation of Vaiseshika categories. He
was succeeded by a series of commentators whose sole ambition
seems to have been to make the Didhiii as unintelligible and terrible
to the student as possible. Uaghundtha's immediate successors were
Mathurdrtdtka and Harirdma Tarkdlanhdra and Jagadwa, who were
followed by their respective pupils, Raghudeva and Gadddhara.
Gadddhara may be called the prince of Indian schoolmen, and in
him the modern "Nydya lore reached its climax. He was such a
thoroughgoing Naiydyika that when asked to think of the prime cause
of the universe on his deathbed, instead of contemplating God he is
said to have repeated the words 'fln^ : 'rt^ • ^\^^' (atoms, atoms,
atoms)! His sixty-four treatises or Fi^cia^ as they are called on as
many topics noticed in Tahva-Chintdmani form a continuous com-
mentary on 'Siromani' 8 Didhiti and Jayadeva's Aloka ; but several of
them are not yet available. Gadddhara having come about two

* Bbim^charya : Ny'iya.Kogha, Intro, p. 6.

342 HISTORIt^AL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC*

generations after Raghundtha must be assigned to the end of the
16th or the beginning of the 17th century. He was thus nearly
contemporaneous with Lord Bacon whose denunciations of scholasti-
cism may be most appositely illustrated by extracts* from Oadd»
dhard's writings. Akbar*s was an augustan age in India, and
scholars like Gadddhara found a congenial atmosphere in the peace-
ful times of the great and enlightened Mogul ; but Akbar*s death
put an end to all dreams of a revival of letters. The wars and
anarchy of the next two centuries afforded little scope for the culti-
vation of philosophy, and we accordingly find that even scholastic
Nydya could not flourish after Gadddhara,

The generation next after Gadddhara is represented by two
writers standing on a somewhat lower level but equally famous.
These were ^anhara Misra, the author of JJpashdra, a commentary
on Kanddas Sutras, and Vlsvandtha who wrote Siddhdiita' Muktdoali
and Gottama-Sutra-Vritti which is a commentary on Gotama^s
aphorisms. Sanhara Misra was a pupil of Raghudevat the fellow
student of Gadddhara. There is some doubt as to the date of
Vuioandtha, but he most probably beloiijjed to this age.^

It is remarkable that the Sutras of i)Oth Kandda and Gafama should
have attracted the attention of commentators at about the same time.
Saiihara Misra and Viswandtha who respectively commented upon
tho works o^ Kandda and Gotama greatly resembled each other and
were probably contemporaries. A kind of reaction against the ex-
cesses of Gadddhara seems to have led these writers to seek the fresher
fountains of the Sutras, Another sign of this reaction was the pro*
duction of manuals adapted to the understanding of the beginners
and explaining the latest ideas in the simplest language. The
Bhdshd-Parichchheda, the Tarha-Sangraha and the TarJcd-tnrita are
instances of this class of books, which must have come as a relief to
those students of Nydya who were hitherto lost in the mazes of
Pancha-Lakshatn and Dasa-Ldhshani, In course of time these
manuals too were overloaded with commentaries, but fortunately the
commentaries on them, except perhaps two, never became as popalar
as the originals. The two exceptions are Viswandtha*s Siddhdnta^
Muktdvali and Annamhhatta's Turhi-D-pilcd which being written by
the authors of the original works are more like larger editions of those

^ Rudrabbatta, brother of ViBwaaAtha, wrote a commentary on Baghaiidtha*9
Didhitiy called Raudr't. MSS. of two of Rudrabhatta's works are mentioned
by Auf recht ( Catalogus Catalogoram ) aa dated 1640 and 1657 respeoti?ely.

HISTORICAL SURVKY OP INDIAN LOGIC. 843

texts than mere explanatory glosses. These manuals proved very
handy and useful to students, but they also marked the lowest water-
mark of the Nydya and Vaiaeshika systems. Henceforward all origi-
nality was dead and the writers chiefly aimed at explaining the ideas
of their predecessors instead of expounding their own. The Upd-
dhydyas were now succeeded by writers whose high sounding names
were in strange contrast with the worth of their productions. Krodas
or annotations became plentiful, but original thinking was dead and
gone completely. Even these are now rare, and the once famous class
of NaiyOyikas is in danger of being extinct for ever.

The preceding resume of the Nydya and Vaiieshiha literature
brings out, it is hoped, at least the one fact that that literature is as
capable of a historical treatment as any other clnss of writings. It is
the story of a gradual development of two philosophical systems which,
springing out of a few elementary notions, attained their present
proportions after many vicissitudes and in the course of several cen-
turies. There must have been during this time considerable
additions and alterations in the fundamental doctrines as conceived
by the founders of the systems. The original nucleus was compa-
ratively small, but the accretions and out-growths seem to have
assumed in time quite large proportions. What an amount of ear-
nest thought and labour must have been devoted to this work of
elaborating complete systems out of a few primary principles ! It
was a process of evolution brought about partly by the natural law
of growth and partly by the mutual action and reaction of the
several systems of Indian philosophy. In the beginning the chief rivals
of the Nydya and Vaisefihika systems were the SdnkhyaSy whose
theory of the an ti- production reality of effects was diametrically
opposed to the I^aiyuyika doctrine of non-existent effect. Later on
they encounter the more formidable critics of the Mimdnsd and
Veddnta schools who differed from them in so many particulars that
a severe conflict between the rivals was inevitable. The Mimdnaakaa
aflirmed the eternity of sound, while the Naiydyikas denied it. The
first enumerated six proofs, the Naiydyikas four, and the Vaiseshikas
only two. The Naiydyikas assumed a personal creator, the Vedan-
tins an im pergonal Brahma, while the Mwidmakaa would recognize
nothing but the eternal Vedas. Again the Veduntins derived all
creation from one universal spirit, the Naiydyikas from hard minute
atoms. The first were idealists par excellence, the latter were out and
out realists. The doctrines of the first always tended towards mysti-

342

."•'ilC.

generations
IGth or the
con tern pom I
cism may b
dharas wr
scholars lil*
ful times o
put an enr
annrchv o
vation of
Nydya cc
The \
■writers f
These ik

on Kanti

•

and G
aphori^
studen-
Vimai
iti^
have i

tbo V

were

cesse

fount

duct

and

Bhii

inst

the

CO I

as
th.

•t .

fc*.

»♦■

.»iiird& materialifim and
ideiy divergent i^houlil
^-^:iiiitiaued controvrrsk^s
ive iiiuceriallr influenced
•uiuuus incorporated much
.. ivorkii, the Ii::er did noi
^ ..t» views of the lormer. It
.. a\\ of these systems a> pro-
.ill respects with the views
iif liiemselves recognize this
,.-»,* iw views of the moderns
. .i.»o noteworthy that thi-re
^•iii. .uid the modern schools
. . * .ire applied to the Vaise-
xjiuctimes to older authors like
. ^ v','itd to the later ones of the
..I i'.i that school to the author of
... . .V« an instance of the last, the
v.iitiiu>ns of ^{y\i one insisting
..u tUo other making proximity to
I'he line dividing the ancients
.u^•u*ly moved forward and forward,
^ . , . . t<fu»- themselves acknowledged a
iv.i philosophy. It ought to he an
. .^v*'**!^^ stages of this development,
.,*^. juve Uh.1 to them. The time may
..'^v* '*t I ho ^tjdya and Vaiksh'ika litera-
4U.N '.uvHtery.

^^ , uvo boon mostly based on material

•t^»,»*.v .♦i I Ik* yydya and Vaiieghika systems

•n v'^'"^***^ '*^* other philosophical systems as

\ ' xuiwi provluced in ancient and medieval

•\i: icd« >i«;ld still more important data for a

V comparison of Greek logic with the

i.aO Ik* very instructive. Such a compari-

V 'Hitt Similar ideas and modes of thought

ja^klv AiiJ ill the same historical order to

cif-

:^zi

^* *'

• •»

.^ ;. •vMi ^^^ vM>w«. leo NotcB on Seo* 37, pp. 186 90, in
;.U s^^Mtkl^ Sanskrit Series)*

HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 345

thinkers in two such distant countries as India and Greece, but it
may also throw new light on some of the dark chapters in the his-
tory of Indian Logic. Space will not, however, permit me to enter into
these interesting inquiries at present ; and I must content myself
with noting only one important fact which cannot he decently passed
over in such a sketch as this. I, of course, refer to the striking resem-
blance which the syllogistic method of the Nydya bears to the Pre-
Aristotalian dialectics in Greece. Zeno the Eleatic was thefonnder of
this latter, and Zeno must have been a contemporary of Gotama, or
of at least some of his immediate predecessors.^ Zeno's work, which
is divided into three parts, upon consequences, upon the interrogatory
method of disputation, and upon sophistical problems respectively, has
many points of similarity with that of Gotama^ v^hiie the interroga-
tory nnethod, cultivated by Zeno's followers the sophists and brought
to perfection in Plato's Dialogues, was almost identical with the
syllogistic process of the Naiydyihas* The essence of this method
consisted in driving an opponent to a point where he was either totally
silenced or the absurdity of his position became self-evident. So far
as the Naiydyihas were concerned this was not an accidental feature,
for they have laid down a special rule that no premiss in a syllogism
can proceed without having a previous Sj^rffl or doubt, presumably
started by an opponent in the controversy. Take the stock-example.
•* Mountain is fiery.*' " Why ?" " Because it has smoke." *• What
then ?" "Wherever there is smoke, &c.," and so on, every premiss
being a reply to some previous question, assumed until the imaginary
querist has no more questions to ask. This is exactly the way
Socrates used to argue with his real interrogators, or Euclid proves
his theorems of geometry. Obviously this method is better suited for
controversy than for purely didactic reasoning ; and consequently we
find that Indian thinkers who came after the Naiydikas such as the
Bauddhas and the Vedantins modified it to a considerable extent just
as Aristotle did in Greece.^® The tripartite syllogism of Aristotle was
nothing more than a re-adjustment of the ancient dialectical syllogism,
although Aristotle himself made too much of it and expected from it
results which it was incapable of producing. Similarly, those who
claim superiority for the Aristotelean over the five-mem bered syllo-

® Whatelcy: Elemevt» of LogiOf -p.Z,
^® Colebrookc thinks that the three-membered syllogism of the later VedAnta
was borrowed from the Greeks, but this is a mere guess. See Mitccllaneoici
Eiiayt, Vol. I., p. 350.

846 HISTORICAL SURVXY OF INDIAN LOGIC.

gism of the Naiydythas forget that both are mere instraments or
mechanical aids for thinking, and as such cannot by themselves
fnmish an absolute guarantee for truth. Both have their peculiar
merits as ^ell as drawbacks, and consequently both must be judged
from their proper standpoints. Aristotle distinguished between the
dialectic and the apodictic, i,e,, the old and the new, or his omit
syllogism, by asserting that the former proceeded from mere belief or
an assumed hypothesis while the latter was based on scientific tnith.
There is much force in this distinction, and it may to some extent
apply to the five-membered syllogism also. But A ristotle*s criticisms
can no longer be accepted without reserTation, even with respect to
doctrines intimately known to him. Much less can he be accepted
as a safe guide in adjudging tho merits of Indian logic.

It will not be proper to conclude this introductory sketch without
noticing one more objection that is often advanced against ih»
Nydya* VaisesJiika systems, namely, that their heterogeneous character
detracts considerably from their value as systems of pure logic.
Indian logicians, say these objectors, have by their frequent digressiona
on metaphysical and other topics, such as the categories, the sources
of knowledge and the theory of atoms, been led into treating the
strictly logical questions either perfunctorily or in a wrong manner
altogether. On a closer consideration, however, this heterogeneity of
the Nydya and Vaiseshika systems will be found to have been inef it-
able. The narrow conception of logic as being only a theory and
art of proof and nothing more is no longer tenable. Modern inves-
tigations, such as those of Kant, Ueberweg and others* show that
purely logical questions are inseparably connected with others
comprehended in the wider province of metaphysics. The best
answer to the above objection can therefore be given in the words of
an eminent modern writer: —

** Start as we may," says Prof, Adamson, "in popular cnrreni
distinctions, no sooner do logical problems present themselves than
it becomes apparent that for adequate treatment of them, reference to
the principles of ultimate philosophy is requisite ; and logic* as the
systematic handling of such problems, ceases to be an independent
discipline and becomes a subordinate special branch of general
philosophy." ^^

11 Prof. Adamson in his Art. Logic, in Encyclopedia Brtiaietea, Vol. XIV.,
p. 781.

HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 347

And again the same writer remarks :— -

*^ Any criticism of a general conception of logic or special applica-
tion thereof, which does not rest upon criticism of the theory of
knowledge implied in it must be inept and useless. It will also have
become apparent that a general classification of logical schools as
opposed to the reference of these to ultimate distinctions of pliiloso*
phicnl theory is impossible."^^

The Naiydyikas seem to have arrived at the same conclusion at an
early period, and faced it boldly by embodying their views on all
cognate and interdependent questions in a fairly consistent system.
Gotama and Kandda were not therefore such fools in mixing logical
and metaphysical topics in their works as some of their modern
critics would believe them to be. Logic is no longer regarded a^ a
theory of proof only ; it is a theory of knowledge in general, and ai
such treats of manj psychological and metaphysical topics which do
not fall within the domain of the narrower science. Looked at from
this standpoint Gotama^s conception of his subject will be found to
be remarkably accurate and just. Let us first understand him» and
there will be then time enough to pick holes in his monumental
work.

" Ibid, p. 799.

346 HISTORICAL BDBTXT DT INDIAH LOGIC.

gism of the NaiydyiJcas forget that both ire mere instn'

mechaaical aide for thioking. Hod u such cannot bj '

fnmish an abiolate guarantee for troth. Both have t1

merits as irell as drawbacks, and cooacquenUy both mi

from their proper standpoints. Aristotle diatingnisht

dialectic and the apodictic, i.e.. the old and the ne-

Bj'llogiam, by asserting that the former proceeded fro-

an assumed hvpothesis while the latter wu based oi

There is much force in this distinction, and it n- .

apply to the fiTe-membered syllogism also. Bnt.^. ^ ... '.

can no Janirer be accpted without reserration, **"y^' ~ ?
^^ tbe old citade'
doctrines intimately known to him. Much less -^ 814-846

&H a safe gmde in adjudging tbo merits of Indii'-.*^'^ ' *

It will not be proper to conclude this intro
noticing one more objection liis,t i-
Jiydya- i'aiieshika systems, namciv ''
detracts considersbly from thoir
Indian logicians, say these objectn'- ,
«n metaphysical and other topics. -
of knowledge and the theory of
strictly logical tjnestions fitber |>'- '
flltoRether, On a closer ron.lH" ■
the J/yd'ya nnd Vaisctli:!,-'
able. The narrow eonci
art of proof and nothing
tiKations, such as tbost
|iurely logical quesltuii
compreli ended in ihr '^
answer to the nbovo nhn
■n eminent modern wti[i i

" Start na wr msy, "
distinctions, no
it becomes a|ijin"i
the principles <>'■ ■
ayslemalic ban.'
discipline and '
philosophy." "

■> Prpf. Allan.,
p. 781.

ind it formed' a
'I. On tbe east

HO inwriplion in
mMTiptiiin waa
place it secured

l> the inscription

I he Qoveriiment

' ' ^^lw, mid faelened in a

.^40 it inscribed meaaurei
^t.aad arc well preserved.
, ^nikrii, the inacriptiou
: many iuslancet irregular.

•fid *T«T line 28. ITTWI
rnrt line Itj. (419^3^ hue

■.n, wr?^ line &, m^

fff iine 34 arc imperfectly form-
\^friri\ line 14. Inline 29 the
-^,fTH and is put in the margin.
. -.1. lff«Prr lirieO, ?(jpft line 11,
-1 .: ;Hinr as 5rr«W and onvfl' line
, . nrtrli'ie 31. The use of ^ for )H
^ff^ line 34. Tp^nVf S" SWflT»f
, « UliWt 'or V{m^K line 7. «rT^lf^

INSCRIPTION AT AllMEDiBAI). 349

The substance of .the inscription \9 as follows: —

That oh a visit of the revenue officers of Fatesingh Gayakawad,
Regent of Baroda, to Ahmadabad in October 1812, the citizens of
Ahmadabad presented a petition through the Nagar Sheth Wakhat-
chand Khushalchand, before Captain James Rivett-Carnac, British
Resident at Baroda, and his chief Kdrbhdri, Gangadhar Shastrl,
staling the following grievance, that in case a man died leaving
only female heirs. Government interfered with the ancestral property.
The petition asked a redress of this grievance. The justice of the
request was recognized, and an order was pasaed that both son and
daughter were to be considered as heirs. In case there was only a
daughter she should be considered as heir until she herself should
have offspring. The two Mdmlatddrsy namely, Haghu Ramchandra,
called the city Mamlatdar, and Bapuji Oovind, of the Haveli, repre-
senting the Gayakawiid's Governmenr, were charged to see that the
order was carried out. The order was to be engraved on stone, and
placed in a prominent position in tbe bazar.

?fir ^i^HiR ^^'' II

3 II »fr% TOTRmd >sfr ^ ym ^ II

4 II ^mJ^^ «iH^rft arr^ ^rr^ ^w ii

5 II «m H ^r^^ ?fhfr ^f^^REft gnrj ^rr* II

6 II ^^^^ «ift^ 'ftpfKnr qpTOrfT ^ « th ii

7 II ^TfT BTSfT^ ^r? 'rnft rwr 'jft yrr ^n^ ii

8 II Mwi^ ^> nHtt to^'* ^ri^?r ^Tf II

9 iiTift^f»T'Tr?RnT2"'<>i'»fhm'» niprflr'^ftll
30 II iRnft T%^T^ "* «ift M^nm-fTf iitfrc n

11 II %f *r B^r^mft ^v^fxTk '•fW?! ^rm^ w ii

12 II oiw^ ni^T^^nr ^Hi^i^^w «H*ic II

13 iiiTTfTC ^rrr *? 'rfVw nihft ^Wft«m n

14 II ^ iTRrar^T %f'TT»Tf^ W^tft Jiifre^ II

15 ii^rf5ft^^r*Hfca?»T^nrrT»Tr3Trft^!in^w n

16 II ifH^'T^^rrfiT^'TnrtftrsTinT^Fr^ii

17 II v;^ %xm fr^fm' ^srr n^r^iiKHrO % ii

18 II ^^TTf^sr^TW ^CT^hift 'tTT^ ^Tf«t ?t II

19 11 rrr wrw %f^ ^H^n i ^^ r ^* 'rijRf'^ ii

350 IN8CBTPTI0N AT AHMBDABAD.

24 It ^ 3Trirr air^ ^ ^raR^ ^ror 4h^ ^\mw wr^ ii

25 II *Rrr% ^RTHLT f>^ ^^iT gir?^ tT^ ^rwiK irr^ ii

26 n P5 Wx^^^ t^^ wi^ ^^Wm f^ ^Kw^ B?2 'jft II

27 II •'TCS^ 'T^ ^9^ ^rr^ M<^K hh;^ Tijnr s^ li

28 II f ^c 5T^ ^ ^hfi% ^r^^<» il^ilHrfft Iff^ II

29 11 5Tr ^rnrnnr ?nTr w^^ THRr^rr^r »ir»Trr^r^ tt Ii

31 II c^Tlft ^X[J TI^TTT ^<T^ qf JTHT^ rtf^^ it^liHr II

32 II lUTt ^ HTK^ *r^ »?T*rT 5irT% fft 3m "Jft ^^ II

33 II qjT ^%»T% vrfr^^TRT^^ 'fmnfr ^ ^ ^c^w u

34 II H?5fW«T s^rm^* irrTifrnT q^ht ^t^ 4ari< ii t? i ii

35 II cRYf ^^^^!^ m ^^ 'jft »r^>^ fr'> j^ ii

36 II f^HM^ ^fT fHTT ^g?^ 5^ ^f^ TTTsff II

The 7r mslation is as follows : —

*' 5An Oaneshayanamah, Om. In Samvat 1868, and Saka 1734 car-
rent, when the sua was in the south, in the autumn season, in the
good and auspicious month of Ashwin, in the bright half of the
month, on the 5th day, on Saturday, in the Samvatsar called
Subhanu, in the days of the Dehli Emperor, Shri Padshaha Akbar
Shah Ghazi, also at Shri Poona the ruler Shrimant Peshwa Bajerao
Sahebji, and his youngest brother Shrimant Rajeshri Chimnaji
Baghunath, governor of Shri Ahmadabad. When by his command
the adhikari Shrimant Rajeshri Anandrao Gayakawad Senakhaskhel
Samser Bahadar's brother Shrimant Rajeshri Fatesinghrao
Gayakawad* 9 Kumavishdari from Baroda, came to the City of
Ahmadabad, the Sheth of the city of Ahmadabad, Wakhatchand
Khushalchand, with all the merckants and rayaig, present-ed a petition
before the Hon. Carnac Saheb, representing the Hon. Company Baha-
dar, and present in person, and before his chief harbhari Vedasbastra-
sampanna Rajeshri Gangadhar Shastri as follows : — * In the case
where a daughter represents the family line, Government interferes
with the ancestral property, there would be great merit in the cancel-
ling of this rule.' Hearing this, pity was felt and an order was
passed that a son and also a daughter may be heir, or if a daughter
has no offspring she shall herself be heir until she has offspring ; so
long as moon and sun endure let no one connected with Gtoyernment

INSCRIPTION AT AHMEDABAB. 351

interfere. So saying, he ordered Rajesbri Raghu Ramchandra, the
City Mamlatdary also Bajeshri Bapaji Goviod, ihe Mdmlatddr of the
Haveli Gayakawad, to see that the above was observed, and being
engraved on stone be set up in the bazar, in order that no one may
transgress it. If any one transgresses it the Lord of the Universe
will inquire into it, and he will forfeit his religion. Shrirastu,
The scribe is Vyasa Pranajivan Sukharam Bakshi, keeper of the
documents. If any one speaks aught against this, if he is a Flindu
Shri Mahadev will enquire into it, if a Musalman, God and the
Prophet will enquire into it. Accept this as the truth.'*

This inscription is an interesting monument to the troublous times
that characterized the close of the I8th, and beginning of the present,
century* It mentions by name many of the chief actors of that
period of struggle between the Peshva and Gayakawad, and the rapid
ascendency of the East India Company.

Tbe DATS of the inscription is Saturday, the 5th day of Ashvin,
in the bright half of the month, in the Samvatsar called Subhanu, in
Baka 1734 and Saihvat 1868. This corresponds to the 10th of
October 1812.1

The places mentioned in this inscription are Dehll, Poona»
Baroda and Ahmadabad.

The pbrsons mentioned are —

1. Muhammad Akbar II.» next to the last of the Mughal

Emperors.

2. B§jirao Peshwa,

3. Chimnaji Raghunath, brother of Bajerav, and nominally

Governor of Gujarat,

4. Anandrav Gayakawad.

5. Fatesingh Gayakawad, Regent of Baroda.

6. Captain James Rivett-Carnac, then British Resident at

Baroda.

7. Gangadhar Shastri, the Gayakawad's Minister.

8. Wakhatchand Khushalchand, the Nagar Sheth of Ahmad

abad.

9. Kaghu Ramchandra, City Mamlatdar.

10. Bapuji Govind, Mamlatdar of the Haveli.

11. Vyasa Pranajivan Sukharam, the scribe.

* Mr. Vinayak N. Nene, of the Colaba Observatory, kindly calculated for
me the corresponding ChriBtian date.

35)} INSCRIPTION AT AHMEDABAD.

A« nearly all the persons mentioned in this inscription are well
kii<>wa in modern history, the briefest reference, sufficient to identify
tht»ni, mnd coimect them together, seems all that is necessary.

1. Muhammad Akbar IL, H. 1221-1253 A.D. 1806-1837,
Ufxt to the last of the Mughal Emperors, and pensioner of the
Hrit4«h. With the close of Aurangzeb*s reign, A.D. 1707, came to its
end the glory of the Mughal Empire. Between the English and
MarAthfts the empire was completely dismembered. In 1800 (H*
1221) Shah Alam died as a pensioner of the British, and Akbar 11^
Nucoeeded him to that degraded position. He died in 1837
(II. 1253). (See Mughal Emperors of Hindustan, by Stanley Lane-
I'uole.)

It seems strange that Akbar II. should be acknowledged as
PUdstiah by the Mar&thas when he possessed no authority, and was
mert^ly a pensioner of the British. It appears, however, that he was
still reoogniaed aa titular sovereign, for even at the time of this
inscriptiuu the Mar&th&s coined in his name. Coins minted in Ahmad-
Ihad in Akhnr'a name are described in C, J. Rodgers*s Catalogue
of (he Lahore Museum Coins, No. 5, page 244 (Mughal Emperor
volume), and in Pnrt II. of his Catalogue of the Calcutta Museum
|5iiinM, N(i. Hrt4i, paj^e Bh, Rev. Geo. Taylor, of Ahmad5bad, has
Mdvt^ral of thcMe cuius. 1 have also one dated H. 1233, A.D. 1817,
with Akhnr*H uanin, and coined at .Ahmadabad.

*«\ llajt^rav Poshwa. The Marathas first began their invasion of
thijnvat in 170r>, two years previous to AurangzeVs death. By
1757 Oujnial \\m\ cofne completely into the hands of the Maratlias,
hut thti rovt'uurM were shared by the Peshwa and Gayakawad. In
i71M) Hnjorav Uaghunuth received the insignia of Peshwa. In Oclo-
hor IHDO, an agreement was concluded between the Peshwa and
(iayakawiid for the Inlter to take on a five years' lease the Peshwa*s
share of the revenues of GujarHt. This was renewed in 1804 and
continued until 1814, so that this was the arrangement in 1812, the
time of our iaioription. Dajorav surrendered to the English, June
3nl, 1818. (Sen Duff^s History of the Marathas.)

•i. Chimoftjl Uaghunath, was the brother of Bajerav Peshwa, and
was appointed by him as Governor (Subedar) of Gujarat, This
ap point iiieut was nominal only, the active duties being performed by
deputies. (See UufTs History of the Marathas.)

4. Anandr&v G&yakaw&d. Govindr&v died on the 18th September
1900, and Anaudr&v was immediately placed on the throne of Baroda.

INSCRIPTION AT AHMEDABAD. 353

He was in every way a weak prince, a puppet iu the Iiands of others.
The administration of the Slate was phiccd in the hands of his
younger brother, Fatesiiigh. Anandriiv died October 2nd 1819.
(See Bom. Gaz. of Raroda, aiui Watson's History of Gujarat.)

6. Fatesingh was the younger brotlier of Auandruv, and on
account of his brother's incapacity he was made Regent. He joined
the Darbar in 1807, and continued as Regent until his death, June
£3rd, 1818. (See Bom. Gaz., Baroda.)

6. Captain James Rivett-Cainac. The predecessor of Captain
Carnac as Resident at Baroda hai beeu Major Walker. The latter
left on sick leave in 1810 and Captain Carnac succeeded him as
Resident. " Cajnain, afterwards Major-General, Sir James Carnac,
Bart,, belonged to the Madras Army. After completing his service at
Baroda he was Member of the Court of Directors from 1829-1833
and for some of the time Deputy Chairman and Chairman, and finally
he was Governor of Bombay from 1839-1841." (See Bom. Gaz.,
Baroda, pajre 216.)

7. Gangadhar Shiistri Patuardhan. One of the best known
characters in the Idstory of that period. Oriitinally from the Dcccan,
he entered the Gayakawad's service in Baroda in 1802. In 1803 he
was nominated confidential medium with the Darbar, and rapidly rose
to great influence. In June lltb, 1813, the year following our
inscription, he was created Mutaiik Diwan on a salary of Rs. 60,000.
He went to Poona in 1814 to settle questions between the Peshwa
and Gayakawad Governments, and was murdered at Pandharpur on
the night of the 14ih July 1815, wifcli what was believed to be the
full connivance of Bajerav Peshwa and Trimb>«kji, his minister. (See
Duff's History of the Marathas, and Bon-. Gaz., Baroda.)

8. Wakhatchand Khnshalchand.^ The office o( Nagar S/iethj while
not peculiar to Ahma<iabad, has special significance in that city in that
the otfice v^as conferred on one of its merchants for special services
rendtjred to the citv. The ofiice has descended from father to son.
The present member of the family to bear the ofiice of Nagar Sheth is
Miabhai Premabhai.

1 The history of this family I liavc prepared cbiedy from information supplied
to me by Mr. Alanibhai Prenmbhui, brother of the present If agar Shethj and
Vice-President of the Ahmadabad Municipal ity, but also from references to
members of the family in the travels of Mandelslo i.nd Ihevenot, (See also
Bom. Gaz., Ahmediibad, 113, 257 note.)
46

364 INSCRIPTION AT AHMEDABAD.

The genealogy of the family is as follows : —

1. Padmashali.

2. Vnchashalu

3. Sheskarana,

4. Shantidus.

5. Lakhmichauci.

6. Khuslialclmnd,

7. Wakhatchand.

8. Ilimabhai.

9. Premabhai.

10. Miabliai.
The family claims to be of the solar dynasty, and of the Kakul
and Sisodia race. Xothinp; is known of Padmashab, Vachashah, or
Sheskarana. Shuntidfis is better known. He was a merchant of
great wealth and built a Jain temple at Saraspur about a mile to the
east of Ahraadabiid. It was visited and described by Mandelslo^ in

• Mandelalo'a Voyages, Vol. II., page 114.

'• The oliiof Mosque of the Benjant is one of the finest structures tbat ever
I saw, it being but lately built then ; and stands in the Centre of a vast Court,
furnished witli a very high wall of Free-stone, all about which is a Piazza
divided into Cells, in each of which stands a Statue, either white or black,
representing a naked woman sitting with her legs under her, acoording to the
Eastern fashion. S3me of these Cells had three Statues, to wit, a great one
between two little one.s.

•* As soon as you enter the Mosque, you ?ee two Elephants of black marble
done to the life, and upon one of thorn the eflSgies of the founder, a rich
Benjan merchant, named Santidet. The mosque is vaulted, and the wall
adorned with the Figures of men and other living creatures. There was not
the least thing to be seen within the ^fosque^ except three Chapels, which were
very dark, and divided only by wooden rails, wherein were placed statues of
marble like those in the cells, the middlemost having a lamp hanging before
it. We saw the priest busie in receiving from puch aa wore performing their

INSCRIPTION AT AHMEDABAD. S55

1638 when just completed. When Aurangzeb was Viceroy in
1644 — 1646 he defiled and mutilated the temple. On complaint
being made to his father, the Emperor Siiah Jahiin, he was rebuked,
and tlie restoration of the temple was ordered.* This mast have been
much against Aurangzeb*s pride, for no sooner was he Emperor than
he utterly demolished the temple.

The title of Narjar Sheth was conferred upon Shantidas by the
Mughal Emperor,^ probably Shah Jahan. The Tliiikor of Palitana
gave him the full and unconditioned ownership of the Palitana Hills.
The dates of bis birth and death are not known. Of Lakmichand
nothing is known. His son Khushalchand was born in A. D. 1674,
He was of great service to the city in stopping its pillage by the
Marathas^ and in grateful recognition of his efforts there was given
to him and his heirs in 1725* the special privilege of taking octroi
duty,7 which has since been commuted by the British Govern-
ment into an annual pension of Rs. 2,133 payable from the Public
Treasury. He died in 1748.

His son Wakhatchand, of our inscription, was born in 1740 and died
in 1814. He seems to have been a favorite with the Gayakawad
Government, who gave him a present of a village called Ranchorda,
the income of which is still enjoyed by his heirs. He rendered
valuable assistance to the English. He was a man of wealih, having
shops and firms in many places. As we see from the inscription

DevotionB there, Flowers, Oyl, Wheat and Salt ; with the first he adorned the
Images, his Mouth and Noso being covered with a piece of Callicoe, for fear
of prophsning the Mystery by the impurity of his breath ; the Oyl was
intended for the Lamps, and the Wheat and Salt for the sacrifice. He muttered
aut certain Prayers over the Lamp, and washed erer and anon his hands in
the smoak of the flame, out of an Opinion they have that, Fire having a greater
Power of purifying than Water, they may without offence lift up their Handg
to God."

* Thevenot's Trarels (A. D. 1687), Part IIL, page 10.

* Aooordmg to the Rom. Gaz., Ahmadabad, p. 113, the title of Ifagar Sheth
was conferred on Khushalchand in 1725 for special services in preventing the
pillage of the city by the Marathas. It is possible, however, that Shantidas
first received the title, but that it was confirmed with special privileges to
Khushalchand in 1725.

* The reference to Khushalchand in Briggs's cities of Gujarashkra, 212, 218,
as rendering this service in 1781 on the occasion of General Goddard's Capture
of the city, arose from mistaking Samvat 1781 (A. D. 1725) for A. D. 1781
the date of Gen. Goddard's siege. (Bom. Gaz,, Ahmad. » p. 257, note.)

* Bom. Gaz., Ahmad., p. 114, note.

356 INgCUIPTJOX AT AHMEDABAD.

he represented the citizens of Ahmadabad on the occasion oF
their presenting the petition, and secured the redress of their
grievances. His son, Himabhai, born 1785 and died 1857, was known
for his many charities, and for the assistance rendered to the British
during the sepoy rebellion of 1857. His son Preinfibhai was born in
1815 and diel in 18S7. The present Nagar Sheth is, as has been
mentioned above, Miabhai Premabhai.

9-10. Hiiuhu Rfimchandra and BiipujI Govind, the one called
the Citv Mamlatdfir, the other the Mamlatdar of Haveli Gavakawad.
1 have been ahle to find no otlier reference to these than that of the
inscription. I have been informed, however, that there are descendants
of Bapuji Govind living in the city. The Haveli Gaynkawfid is the
name of n citadel in the south-west corner of the city between the
llaykhad and Klifin Jahan gates. It is supposed to have been built
in 1738 when the Government of the city v^as divided between
Momin Khan and the Marathas. After 1757, when the city was
divided between the Peshwa and Giiyaka>vad, the Haveli was nccjpied
by the agents of the CJiiyakawad, in whose possession it siill remains.
(Bom, Gaz , Ahmad. 260.)

11. Vvas Praniivan 8ukharam, the scribe. I have found no
reference to him other than that of this inscription.

In the books at my disposal I have found no reference to the
occasion which bi'ought Captain Carnnc and Gangadhnr Shastri to
Ahmadabad. It is interesting to note, however, that this year, 181'J,
was the year of the great famine in Gujarat, an account of which is
given by Captain Carnac, from personal obstrvaiion, in the TransaC'
tions of the llvmhay Literary Society^ Vol. I., pp. 321-329, in 1815.
This fact may explain the visit which was connected with the collec-
tion of revenue. It may also explain the immediate occasion of the
petition, since many families must have been left without male heirs,
and if the pro|)erty of such was interfered with by the Government
the community must have necessarily felt the increased hardship.

857

Art. XXl.—A Chapter from the Tuncfija Brdhmam oftlis Sdma Veda
and the Laiyayana Sutra^ on the admission of the "N on- Aryans
into Aryan Society in the Vedic Age. By UajahIm 11am-
KRiSHNA Bhagavat, Esq.

[Kead 21st December i89fi.]

It has always been a moot question with the students cf Indian
history how the Aryan settlers in India succeeded in incorporating
the non-Aryan races in all parts of the country into a common system
of religious faith and social life. Indian society, as we now find it
with its system of caste-organisations, mutually exclusive of one
another, seems wholly incapable of such an expausi.n, and vet there
can be no doubt that at some early stage of its growth this caj acity
of expansion was its chief' cliaracteristic. Sir Alfred Lynll has indeed
noticed in one of his essays this elasticity of the Aryan system of
faith, and he has traced the process by which even at the present day
the aboriginal tribes in large numbers are being converted to a
nominal allegiance to Hindu gods and veneration for the Brahman
and the cow. This modern expansion, however, is essentially different
from what must have taken place when the Dravidian races and the
Trans-Gangetic tribes were first Tiryanized and became in their turn
the staunchest adherents of the old orthodox creed. The mvtho-
logical as also the classical Sanskrit literature throws but little lio-ht
on this interesting period of the Aryan settlements. Some glimpses,
however, are afforded by the ritualistic writings, notably the Tdndya
Biahmana of the Sama Veda and the Latyayana Sutra in connection
with the description of the Vrjltya-Stoma or the prayer for the
Vratyas, a brief summary of which is propostd to be given in the
following paper.

An English Translation of the Text.

The TAndya Brahmana of the Sama Veda in its 1 7th chapter has
the following myth and remarks on this subject : —

**\Vhen the Devns (gods) retired to the u})per world called Svar^-a,
some of them who still wandered about on earth in the disguise of tho
vrdiyas (outcasts) had to -remain below. These, longing to join
their more fortunate brethren, now came to the spot whence the Devas
(gods) had ascended to heaven ; but not knowing the necessary hymn

353 A CHAPTER FROM THE TANDYA BRAQMANA.

with the metre, were in r fix. The gods sympathising with their less
fortunate hrethren below, asked the Maruts to teach them the
necessary hymn with the metre. Thereupon the less fortunate atnong
the gods duly received from the Maruts the necessary hymn called
shodasha with the metre called anustubhy by means of which they
subsequently ascended to heaven."

*' The /if7za (depressed) vrdtyas are certainly those who neither
practise brahma-charya nor can till land nor carry on trade."

'* Tliis prayer has the power of elevating tliem. This prayer can
make them all equal."

**In this prayer the priest recites the »Sama called chjonidna,^^

"The Saina is so called because the chief house-holder of the
depressed gods was named DyutAna. He belonged to the fallen
Marud-ganas: he with his fallen followers performed tjie sacrifice
and chanted this prayer and became prosperous.'*

** Those are called garagtr (swallowers of poison) who eat the
food to be eaten by the Brahmans, who, though not abused, cranplain
of being abused, who punish those not deserving punishment, who,
though not initiated, s()ealv the language of the initiated.**

" This prayer, called shodasha, has the power of destroying sins."

The TAndya Brahmaaa, after this introduction about the vrdtyas
and the merits of tho prayer, proceeds to describe the ceremony to
be obs^-rved.on the occasion.

** The vrdhja house-holder who wishes to perform this sacrifice
should secure a turban, a whip, a small bow, a chariot, a silver
coin, 33 cows, etc.; his followers should do the same.**

'* In this way the vrdtya who deposit their wealth with their old
brethren or with the noniiual Brahmans of the province of Bihar are
raised and join the ranks of the Aryans."

" Thirty-three vrdtyas come with their chief house-holder to the
sacrifice and attain elevation and prosperity."

** The vrdtyas are those who wear a turban on their heads, which
they put on one side. They carry a whip in their hands and a small
bow without arrows, by which they make depredations and trouble
people. They ride in carts with bamboo seats, without cover and
drawn by horses or mules. They wear on their bodies white gar-
ments with black borders or garments made of wool with red stripes
or sheep skins. They use silver coins. * These articles should be
procured by the grihapati (the vrdtya house-holder).'*

The same prayer and rite is prescribed by this Brahman for the

1 CnAPTER FROM THE TANDYA BRAHMANA. 859

admission of the Mna (defijraded and depressed) tribes into the Aryan
community as also of the condemned criminals, and young Aryans
rpturning after a short sojourn among non-Aryan people, and lastly
of those Aryans who, after having spent their lives among the
non-Arynns, return home in old age. This is the substance of the
Tandy a Brahmana.

The Latyayana Sutra of the same Veda in the 6th section of the
8th chapter tries to explain some of the obscure terms found in the
Brahmana and supplies additional information in regard to vrdtya
8acri6ces. It states that ** the vrdtyas, \^ho wish to perform this
sacrifice should select the most learned or the purest in descent or the
richest among them, as their (jrihapnii (ch'iei house-holder) and they
should partake of tho sacrificial food after their chief; also that
•* there should be at least 33 vrdtyas for performing this sacrifice."

The Sutra makes references to the Tandya Brahmana, and after
having given explanations of some of the obscure terms, finally states
that " when such sacrifices are performed the vrdtyas y having secured
the rights and privileges of the dvijas or the first three regenerate
castes, may afterwards learn the Vedas, perform sacrifices, and make
presents (to Brahmans), and the Brahmans may teach them the
Vedas, perform sacrifices for them, and receive presents at their
hands, an i even dine with them, without beinoj required to submit
to penance." This is the brief summary of the Brahmana and the
Sutra. As it is not likely to be quite intelligible without further
explanations, the following observations and remarks on the Brahmana
and the Sutra, of which a brief summary has already been given, are
placed before the audience.

Remarks and Observations,

The word vrdti/ay as explained by Sjiyana, means * fallen.' The
word vrdtya-stoma thus means ** a prayer (to be chanted) in the
anushstuhh metre for (the regeneration of) the fallen." There were
four kinds of vrdlya-stomas.

The first kind of vratyn-stoma, which on account of the number of
the necessary hymns being four, was known as chatuhs/iodashi was
performed for those who belor)ged to the de[)ressed race (hina) and also
those who were degraded (garagi?-). Those of the depressed race who
had the vratya-stoma performed for them were treated as their equals
by the followers of the Vedas. The degraded xVryans were collectively
described as ** swallowers of poison.'* In the case of the degraded, the
question was more of re-admission than of conversion. The depressed

860 A CHAPTER FROM THE TANDTA BRAHMANA.

race though described as ** not studying the Vedas tilling the soil or
trnaing *' is said to have been divided into two classes, the upper
and the lower. The former class is described as " wearing a turban,
carrying a whip or a javelin and a bow, possessed of a carringe, clad
iif (white) garments with black borders, wearing sheep-skins and
using coins of silver," while the latter seems to have been ** clad in
sheep-skin or in garments of wool interwoven lengthwise with threads
djed red'* and to have ** used shoes." These sundiy articles formed
the wealth of the depressed people who were known as ihe vnVyas
and who were regenerated generally in bands of thirty-three, their
chief being the thirty-fourth. The legend declares the number of
the depressed among the gods to have been thirty-three, their chief
Dyutana being the thirty-fourth. Corresponding to the original
number of the depressed among the gods the number of the depressed
on the occasion of any particular sacrifice was fixed at 33, or with the
chief at 34, among the children of Manu. This certainly was cou»
version en inasse pure and simple and not re-admission.

The second kind of vrdtva^sioma was performed for re-admitting
those who were '* guilty of manslan^hter.** These having tied from
jusiice or being condemned to lianisliment, after j»assing some years
amonj' alien races, naturally yearned to return to their kith and kin.
The number of neressary hymns to be chanted being: six, this
vriUya-stoma was called shaf-shodas/ii, the gudty persons being called
the nindit^ (condemned).

The third kind of vrdtya-stoma was intended for the re-admission of
those who, having lived from childhood for a limited number of years
among the depressed races, were nearly denationalized. Such dena-
tionalized Aryans were cla>sed with the depressed race and called the
Icanishtha (juniors). Owing to the nnmbcr of the necessary hymn
beino- two, this vratya-stoma was called dvi-shodashi.

The occasion for the fourth kind of vriUya-stoma was the return ia
old age of a follower of the Vedas from the midst of the def»rcssed
people. Such old men also were classed with the vrutyas and called
t\\e jyeshtha (seniors) or shaina-n'd.hdme-dhrai (the impotent). The
first to perform the sacrifice was kushitaka. This was also a case
of re-admission and not of conversion.

The Latyayana Sutra says that ** He who is superior in edacation,
birth or wealth should be acknowledged as their chief by the thirty,
three vrdlyas, who should each have a separate fire for pouring the
oblations into." Though not quite clear on the point, Latyayana

A CHAPTER FROM THS TANDTA BRAHMANA. 861

seems riot to insist on the number 33; but the commentator having
inserted the number of 33, is evidently not prepared to celebrate the
yratya-stoma unless 33 of the depressed community seek him in a
body. The word shama-ntchd-medhra, according to LAtyayana, means
•* those men who through old age have lost the power of procreation."
There were times, it seems, when the .vrdtyas bow in hand "made
depredations," owing to which the followers of the Vedas did not
think life quite a blessing. Those of the depressed races who had
the vrdtya-stoma performed for them assumed a new habit, casting off
their old one, which was recommended to be given away to those who
were not yet tired of their life as vrdtyas ; and in case the latter had
disappeared, to the nominal Brabmans of the province of Behar.
The vratyas who were fortunate enough to be thus enfranchized
could, by the right of enfranchisement, engage in any of the callings
considered honourable by the followers of the Vedas who no longer
disdained to mix freely among them on terms of equality. From
the manner in which the explanation of the words vipatha and
hrishnasha is attempted, there is room for entertaining a suspicion
that when the autlior of the Sutra flourished, the vrdtyas having well
nigh disappeared some of the words denoting things peculiar to them
had become unintelligible and even obscure. Even the shoes worn by
the primitive vratyas which, according to Shandilya, were black and
pointed, were almost forgotten, and it became customary to substitute
any ordinary pair for them.

The graphic description of the Brahmana clearly establishes that
the word vrdtya originally denoted some non-Aryan tribes. As these
non-Aryan tribes had a covering for the head to keep the sun off and
were clad in white garments, with black borders, and had a silver
currency and pointed shoes, they cannot be said to have been savages.
They must have been semi-civilized. When we come down from the
Brahmana to the Sutra we find that the society of the vrdtyas acknow-
ledged the three grades of the educated, the high-born and the wealthy,
which perhaps formed its upper classes, and which at times, with
its masses, made attempts to overwhelm the followers of the Vedas.
The plan of assimilation by conversion was, perhaps, suggested to the
Aryans hy the necessity for expansion. A belief in the integrity of
the Trayi or the three Vedas and an unshaken faith in the virtue of the
Mantras contained therein combined to produce a wonderful cohesive-
ness, which enabled the Aryans to present a united front to the vrdtyas.
The expansive force of a people without is generally in direct ratio to
47

362 A CHAPTER FROM THE TANDYA BRAEMANA.

the cohesive force within. There was, perhaps, a necessity for expan*
fiion on the part of the vrdtyas also. Bat the elements of cobesiyness
being absent, a very compact combination for offensire, or even
defensive, purposes became an impossibility, and the vrdtyas had
eventually to retire ignominiously from the unequal contest, leaving
the combined Aryans musters of the field.

Such a glowing picture cannot be drawn of the Brabmanism of
to-day. For all practical purposes it has become a dead organism by
reason of the crystallization of castes whose sab-divisions, looking down
upon one another, as if forming so many distinct races, refuse inter-
marriage, and in some cases even interdining. But if we ascend
higher and higher, and at last reach the crowning summit of the
Vedic times, wo shall find that the old Brabmanism, being a living
organism, and having, therefore, a cohesive as well as expansive force»
was blessed with a wonderful power of assimilation which naturally
refused crystallization into castes, though the distinction of classes
was not unknown.

The word vrdtya which thus originally denoted a barbarons or a
non- Aryan people, ex me in course of time to be applied to those
Aryans who hap|>ened, or were forced, to spend some years of their
life amongst such. The word shama-niiylid-medhra is, as explained by
the commentator, somewhat suggestive. S«»me of the Aryans perhaps
associated too freely with the licentious or gay women of the vrdtya
community, and having lost their bloom and health by excess
returned home in old age with shattered constitutions. The
stoma called by this name was, perhaps, originally intended for such
dissolute and depraved specimens of humanity. In no other way
can a connection be established between the loss of procreative power
and a residence among the vrdtyas. Gradually those also who
degraded themselies by violating the approved rules of conduct were
held to have become vrdtya and classed with them. The word
vrdtya in the Vedic language will thus be found to have a three-fold
significance. It is a pity that there is no clue in the Brahnaana to
determine the native country of the vrdtyas. The Sutra holds that
'* the chariot used by the vrdtyas'' was the same with that i» use
** among the eastern people," thereby hinting that the vrdtya should
be considered an eastern people. The custom of giving away th©
habit of the enfranchised vrdtya to a Brahman of the province of
Magadha (modern Behar) in case a vrdtya were not found at hand to
receive it, pretty conclusively establishes the original home of these

A CHAPTER FROM THE TANDYA BRAHMANA. 363

non-Arynns, The Vedic tradition at least as embodied in the Sutra
of Latyayana points to the province of Behar (Eastern India) as being
the cradle of this non-Aryan race.

In course of time the vrdtijas seem to have disappeared as a
race partly by Hbsor()tion and partly by extinction. The memory
of their having been a nnn-\ryan race was, however, prejseived
and the word naturnllv came to denote those amona: the Brah-
mans, the Rshatriyas and the Vaishyas, who, their thread ceremony
not being performed for 16, 22, or 23 years respectively, either
from birth or from conception, had lost their claim to tho
honor of being; called brethren by (he three reo^enerate castes.
AshvalAyanain his Grihya-siitra calls all those yonths who have passed
the limit of age fixed for each caste without being regerf^ratcd
by the thread ceremony TnUija^ and lays down that no inter-
course should be held with them. The vrdff/a-^ having tlius disap-
peared, the last three of the four crd/ja-stomas were coirpletely
forgotten, and the only occasion \Aas for the first vrdtya-sloma called
chatiih'sliodashly which Apastamba, as quoted by SAyana, while
annotating the legend of Dyatana, seems to recommend for the
unregenerate youths of all au:e< of the three regenerate castes. In
the Uharma-butra ascribed to Af>astamba the word vrdtya^ however
does not occur, though Apastamba divides the unregenerate Aryan
youths into three classes. The first class comprises those who have
l-assed the limit of age fixed for the performance of the thread
ceremony. Those whose fathers and gra(idfathers have died without
tiie thread ceremony are put into the second class, while the third is
reserved f(»r those whose great grandfathers also have departed this

i^orld without the sacred thread. Apastamba prescribes penance,
which such unregenerate Aryans must submit to before they can ask
to have the thread ceremony performed for them. The original
vrdtyas being no more found there are no occasions for the perform-
ance of any of the four vrdtj/a-slomas in these days. The modern
Brahman takes good care not to put off the thread ceremony of his
son later than the tenth or eleventh year as preliminary to his enrly
marriage, and stoutly holds that ihe Kshatriyas and Vaishyas
have become quite extinct in this age of Kali. There are, there-
fore, nowadays no occasions even for tho pcnancei prejcribed by
Apastamba.

The orthodox Brahman priest of to-day, having tiius had no oppor-
tunities to perform the vrdhja-slcma himself, or to see it performed for

864 A CHAPTBB FROM THE TANDTA BBAHMANA.

others, is unable to throw any light on the working of its details.
Besides, the ceremony in question being treated of at some length in
the Sama-Teda which has no followers among the Maratha Brahmans
who belong either to llig-veda, which makes no mention of it, or to
Tajur-veda, which seems to allude to it only casually, the ignorance
prevailing in regard to it throughout the length and breadth of
Maha-rashtra ought not to excite surprise. Curiously enough the
word vrdtyais still preserved in the sense of '' naughty, unmanageable,
playing pranks" in the e very-day language of the Maratha people.

365

Art. XXII. — The Belief about the Future of the Soul among the
ancient Egyptians and Irdnians. By Jivanji Jamshedji
Modi, B.A.

[Read, 17th June 1897.]

The belief of the ancient Egyptians about the future of the soul
after death was similar to that of the ancient Persians in several
points. The object of this paper is to determine and examine those
points.

Firstly, according to Dr. Wiedemann, the ancient Egyptians be-
lieved that '' in addition to his body, man had also an immortal soul.
This was not considered, as among most races, a simple entity, but a
composite one : in life, the component parts had been united, at
death they parted, each to find its own way to the gods.*'^ The
A vesta has a similar belief. Man is made up of body {tanu or
hehrpa) and soul. As the mortal body is made up of several
material parts, so is the immortal soul made up of several spiritual
parts or faculties. On death, the body decomposes and its consti-
tuents are mixed up with the different so-called elements of this
earth, but the soul ascends to heaven, where all its spiritual consti-
tuents part company.

According to the ancient Egyptians, the spiritual constituents of
the soul are Ka, Ab, Ba, Sakhem, Sahu, Khaib, Khu and Osiris.'

We read in the A vesta :

^>JfO -*>^C{jJw»/> ^)iaJA»(oi-Mj -^600^ -">>6^«y^

(Ya^na Ha XXVI.— 6.)
" We invoke here the life, conscience, intellect, soul and the
guiding spirit of the pious males and females of the Nabanazdishta."

* Eeligion of the Anoieat Egyptians, by Alfred Wiedemann, Ph. D • p. 240,
« Ibid, p. 243.

SGf) THE FUTURE OP THE SOUL.

We learn from this passage that the ancieat Persians beb'eved in
the existence of five spiritual parts in a man. On the death of a
man, his body (jtanu) remains in this world and the five spiritual facul-
ties go to the spiritual world. These five faculties are as follow :—
(1) Anghu t. c, life or vitality ; (2) Daena, t. e., coDScience or
the inherent power which reminds him to do good and shun evil ;
(3) Baodhangh, t. e., intellectual faculty ; (4) Urvana, t. e., soul which
has the freedom to chose good and evil; and (5) Fravashi, i. c, the
guiding spirit. We will now examine how far some of the Avesta
spiritual constituents of the soul agree with the Egyptian
constituents.

1. The first of the component parts of a man's soul, according to
the Egyptians, was Ka. Ifc corresponded to the Fravashi (Farohar)
of the Avesta in several ways.

(a) The Egyptian Ka was imagined to be ** similar to a man and
yet not a man." According to the ancient Persians, the Fravashi of a
person is the exact prototype of that person and yet not that person
himself. On the ruins of the Achemenian palaces, wo see pictures
of kings worshipping God. Opposite to them and a little above,
hovering in the air, we see winged figures which are the exact proto-
types of the worshipping monarchs. These figures are the Fravashis
of the monarchs. They are similar to the monarchs but not the
monarchs themselves.

(&) The Ka " was believed to be an indispensable constituent of
every being which had life, Kas being ascribed to the gods them-
selves."^ This is true of the Fravashis as well. According to the
Fravardin Yasht we have the Fravashis of all living beings. Even the
Yazatas, t. r^^ the angels, the Ameshaspentas, t. e., the archangels,
and Ahura Mazda, the Lord himself, have their Fravashis. (Yacna
XXIIl.— 2).

{AM^iifi )Oty^oo^ii ^2^\»»ii/e)Au ^^•»0)0?HD ;o^*)0^^^

"I invoke with praise the Fravashis of Ahura Mazda and the
Amesha spentas, together with all the holy Fravashis of the heavenly
yazatas.'*

^ Wiedemann, p. 242.

THE FUTURE OF THE SOUL. 8G7

(c) Again, with respect to Ka the Egyptians believed that man
** included a second self able to pass through walls or barriers bound
neither by time nor space, and which might exist for thousands of
years."^ This is true, to a certain extent, of the Fravaahi of the
Avesta. The Fravashi of a man existed thousands of years after his
death. Not only that, but it existed long before his birtb. The
birth of a man is not a new event in the history of creation. His
Fravashi was created bv God with the creation of the world. It
existed somewhere in the universe, helping in the work of creation.
With the birth of the m»in it came into existence in this world and
after his death it still existed somewhere in the universe, and irres-
pective of time and space it came to this world when piously invoked
by the living.

(d) " The Ka, which had been the companion of the body in life,
at death attained to independent existence. It was to the Ka that
fmieral prayers and offerings were made.''3 This is true of the
Fravaslii of the Avesta. In the Fravardin Yasht, wherein the depart-
ed worthies of ancient Iran are remembered, it is their Fravashis
or Faruhjlrs that are invoked, and not their ruvuns or souls in simple
entity. It is in honour of the Fravashis that the funeral prayers
and offerings are made.

2. Ab, or heart, was the second of the immortal parts of an
Egyptian's soul. According to Wiedemann, ** a distinct doctrine was
gradually formulated as to the part played by the heart in the next
world and how it was to be recovered by its owner. This taught
that after death the heart led an independent existence, journeying
alone through the Underworld until it met the deceased in the Hall
of Judgement."

From this description it apf)ears that the Egyptian Ab corresponded
to the Daena or conscience of the Avesta^ in several ways.(flf) Just
as the Egyptian Ab journeys alone and meets the deceased in the
Hall of Judgment, so we find from the Avesta and Pehelvi books that
Da6na, after being separated at death, meets the deceased a^ain on the
third day after death in the Judgment Hall before Meher Davar, i. e.,
Meher the Judge.

If the deceased had led a good and virtuous life, his Daena or
conscience appears before him in the form of a handsome maiden.
We read in the Vishtasp Yasht (Yt. XXIV.— 56).

1 Wiedemann, p. 240. ■ Wiedemann, p. 241.

* The Pehelvi equivalents of DaAna are kunashnS or kevilXr^ i. e., deeds.

368 THE PUTUHE OF THE SOUL.

-A»»ty -***

«i(^)JUI^i(^^»l/D jj^ gAU^ -J^c9^)«0 -»^'>i*^^

"It appears to him as if in that (wind) comes his own Daena
(conscience) in the form of a maiden that is handsome, beautiful, white-
nrmed» brave, well-formed, tall, with large breasts, and well-formed
body; well-born, of noble descent, of fifteen years of age, as beautiful
in the growth of her body as the most beautiful object in creation."

The Haddkht Nask (II., 22,-23) and Viraf-nameh (IV., ]8.20)gire
similar passages. The Miuokherad says the same thing about the

))HD)l^ Kuneshne of a deceased person (II., 125). Here Kuneshn^

is the Pehelvi equivalent of the A vesta Daena and means one's deeds
or actions.

The Vendidad (XIX., 29) also gives a similar passage, but the word
there used is Baodhangh, which, though one of the immortal consti-
tuents of the 8oul,'is, according to the Avesta passage, a little different
from Da^na. The Vendid seems to use it as an equivalent of Da6na.

Again, if the deceased had led a bad and vicious life, his Da8na
appears before him in the form of a hideous ugly woman. We read
in Viraf-nameh (XVII., 12).

** He saw in that wind his own conscience and deeds (in the form
of), a woman, loose, dirty, polluted, furious, with bent knees, back-

THE FUTURE OP THE SOUL. 869

hipped, 80 endlessly spotted that one spot over reached another spot
as if she were a polluted, dirty, stinking, noxious animal.*'

The Minokherad also savs that in the case of a vicious man his
conscience appears before him in the form of an unmaidenly maiden

(ir., 167). (^*»y«^>« -^ y*»y)^ \)^y\>^)

This is what is termed a '* noble allegory " by Dr. Cheyne, who
hinks that ** at any rate this Zoroastrian allegory suggested the
Talmudic story of the three bards of ministering angels who meet the
soul of the pious man, and the three bards of wounding anjcels who
meet the bad man when he dies." (Bampton Lectures. — The Origin of
the Psalter, p. 4o7.)

(5) Again, the belief of the Egyptians about this Ab (Heart) was
that ** it is not the heart which sins, but only its fleshly envelope.
The heart was and still remained pure and in the Underworld
accQsedits earthly covering of any impurities contracted. Only if the
latter was pure did it return to its place ; otherwise it probably dwelt
in a place set apart as the Abode of Hearts and so devoted its former
possessor to destruction."^

Well nigh similar is the case with the Dacna, or conscience of the
Avesta. When it appears before the deceased in the form of a
woman on the third day after death at the time of his being judged
by Meher the Judge, he gives credit to tlie deceased for her being
comely and handsome or accuses him for her being ugly and irksome,
according as the man is virtuous or vicious.

In the case of a virtuous man, his Daena (conscience), appearing
in the form of a beautiful damsel, praises the good actions of the
deceased, or, as the Egyptians said, gives evidence in favour of the
deceased and gives all credit for her being handsome to him. She
Bays, ** I am thy good thougths, good words and good deeds ....
thou hast made me more lovely, more beautiful, more desirable, &c.*'
(Hadokt Nask II., 25-30). In the same way in the case of a vicious
man his Dacna, or conscience, appearing before him in the form of an
ugly wo'nau, accuses him of having made her ugly and filthy. She
says, " Oh man of evil thoughts, evil words and evil deeds! I am
thy bad deeds. It is on account of thy desire and deeds that I ani
ugly and hideous &c." (Viraf XVIL, U, 15).

3, The third component immortal part of a man, was, according
to the Egyptians, the Ba. which. Prof. Wiedemann say?, **cor-

* Wiedemann, p. 287.
48

*570 THE FUTURE OF THE SOUL.

responds to our idea of the soul. It was imagined as being in the
form of a bird usually with human head." This Ba of the Egyptians
corresponds te the Urvan, or ' soul, of the Persians, but there is one
important difference, viz., that when the Eajvptians imagined the
Ba, 1. e., the Avesta Urvan, or soul, to be in the form of a bird, the
ancient Persians imagined the Fravashi (the Ka of the Egyptians)
to bo in the form of a bird.

According to the Fravardin Yasht (Yt. XIII., 70), when a pious
king invokes the Fravashis to his help, they fly to his help in the
form of a bird-like man with wings.

4. The Sekhem was another important immortnl component of
the soul among the Egyptians. According to Wiedemann, it is •' the
personified power of strength of the deceased." This seems to cor-
respond with the ** Anghn" of the Avesta, which is the life-giving
faculty or the power of vitality. In chapter LV of the Ya9na (s. 1)
where the mortal and the immortal component parts of a man's body
and soul are spoken of, we have the word * Terislu * used in place
of * Anghn' in the passage we have quoted in the beginning. This
shows tliat *Tevishi* was understood to be an equivalent of * Anghu,'

Now the word Tevishi derived from >^ = = H(^i-Jl^3, i.e., to be

able, to be strong, means strength or power. This, then, corresponds
exactly with the work of the Sekhem of the Egyptians, as described
by Wiedemann.

Now, there remains one word of the Avesta passage which
remains to be compared, and that is Baodhangh. But, as we
said above, the Vendidad uses the term as an equivalent of Da6na.
In the above passage of the Yacna (LV., 1) also, the word
Daena is altogether omitted, and the word 'Baodhangh* is used.
This shews that there was a very slight shade of difference
between Daena and Baodhangh as two immortal component parts of
the soul.

II.
The next point, wherein the Avesta and Egyptian beliefs about the
future of the soul agree, is that of the judgment after death.

According to the Egyptians, the deceased went before Osiris to be

THE FUTURE OF THE SOUL, 371

jiKlged for his past actions.^ According to the A vesta, it is before
Mithra or Meher that the souls of the deceased appear to he judged.

(a) It is SHid that an ancient name of Osiris was Hysiris, which
meant 'many-eyed.* In the same way, according to the Avesta, Mithra
was called BaSvar^-Cliashmana, t. e„ **a thousand-eyed.*'

(^) Again, Osiris was considered to be a Divinity of the Sun ;2
so was Mithra acknowledged to he the angel presiding over Light.
Mithra is always associated with Hvar8-khsha^ta or Khorshed, t. e.,
the Sun himself.

(c) Osiris holds a sceptre and a flail which is a club-like instru-
ment, as symbols of his power.3 Mithra also has his *vazra,' i. e.,
mace, or club, as a symbol of authority to be struck over the heads of
vicious persons (KamSredha paiti dn^vanam, Meher Nyash, 15).

(c?) As Osiris has a weighing scale before him to weigh the irood
and the bad actions of a person,* so has Mithra one before him (Mino-
kherad II., 119).

(e) Both among the Egyptians and the ancient Persians, the souls
of the deceased are led before the presiding judge by some god or
angel. Among the Egyptians it is Annubis that leads them before
Osiris and among the ancient Persians it is Sraoshn, Ram and Beheram
that lead them before Mithra (Minokherad II., 115).

(/) Osiris is helped in his work of Judgtement by some other
gods. So is Mithra helped by some other Yazatas, i. «., angels.
(Viraf, v., 3.)

It is Anubis that is in charge of the weighing scales among the
Egyptians. It is RaHhn^ that holds this office among the Persians.
(Kiaf, v., 3.)

As it is Horus among the Egyptians that superintends the work
of weighing, so it is Astad among the Persians that does a similar
work. As the Horus of the Egyptians is a god of truth, so is
Astad, among the Persians, an nngel of justice and truth.

Among the Egyptians Thoth acts as a scribe of the gods and sets
down the result of the proceedings, but among the Persians MithraS

himself is an account-taker. ^y*^£^ '^^Y) nyoHsh hamdrgar

(Dadistan-i-Dini XIV., 3).

* Wiedemann, p. 217. • Wiederaann, p. 216.

3 Wiedemann, p. 217, 248. ♦ P. 248.

' The names of the Zoroastrian angels taking a part in the work of judg-
ment suggest :i '^lifferent kind of oomparison between the ancient Egyptiand

372 THE FUTURE OF THE SOUL.

2. In both the nations the souls of the deceased go into the Higher
world repeating some words expressive of their feeling. According
to the Egyptians the deceased, while entering the Judgement Hall,
said :

" Hail to you, ye lords of the Two Truths! Hail to the Great God,
Lord of the Two Truths .... 1 bring unto you Truth, I
destroy the Evil for vou."

Compare with these, the words of a pions soul among the Zoro-
astrians. tTshtJi ahraai yahmAi ushta-knhmaichit, i. e,, ** Hail to him
who (brings) happiness to others.'* (Yacna XLIII., 1.)

III.

Both the nations believed in Resurrection. As Pettigrew says :^
** Believinjc in the immortality of the soul, the ancient Egyptians
conceived that they were retaining the soul witliin the body as long
as the form of the body could be preserved entire, or were facilitating
the reunion of it with the body, at the day of resurrsction, by
preserving the body from corruption."

Thus we see that one of the two objects and the principal object of
the Egyptians in preserving their bodies entire as mummies was to
provide for the resurrection. They embalmed and presurved not only
the body, which they called Kha (or Xa), but also the intestines, the
heart, lungs and liver.2 These four internal organs were, as it were

and Zoroaatrians. According to botli, the clays of the month and the months
are assigned to some gods or angels.

According to Herodotus (II., 82), " each month and day is assigned to some
particular god" among the Egyptians. We find the sanift among the
Zoroastrians. All the 30 days of a Parsee month and all the 12 months of a
Parsee year are named after particular 'yazatas ' or angels.

The Egyptians intercalated five whole days at the end of the three hundred
and sixty days of the Egyptian year. As Dr. VVierlemann says '* The old
Egyptian year consisted of twelve months of thirty days each, and in order to
bring this into closer conformity with the true year there were added to it the
so-called Epagomenal days, which even at an early perio<l were celebrated
in certain temples as those on which the five go<l8 of the Osirian oyole
were born*' (p. 21).

The Zoroastrians have a similar interoalation of the year, and even now the
last five days of the year so added, known as the ^g^thd' days, are celebrated
in the temples as the most sacred of Parsee holidays. They are named after
the five 'gtUhls, * or saored hymns, in honour of Grod and His Realm written
by Zoroaster himself.

» A History of Egyptian Mummies, by Thomas Jos'^ph Pettigrew. p. 13.

« Wiedemann, p. 2.34-35.

THK FUTURE OP THE SOUL. 878

given at the time of burial in the charfre of four gods to be preserved
entire and to be reproduced at the time «»f resnrrection.

Now the ancient Persi^^ns also believed in the resurrection, but
they did not think it necessnry to preserve the dead bodies entire
for that purpose. At first they thought that the preservation of the
bones was sufficient for the purpose of resurrection. One Saoshjant,
that will appear at the end of this cycle, ^ill raise the dead from
their bones (Ast). He wns called Astvat-erata, t. e., lie who makes
the posspss(»rs of bones rise u\k Hence arose at one time in ancient
Persia the custom of preserving the bones (Ast. MT^^ L. os ^,}^ar**t)
in Astoduns or Ossnarips.^

Latterly the necessity of pre«erving the bones in separate asioddns ^
( receptacles of bones ) or os»uaries, was gradually done away with,
and we find that the Bundehe!»h gives a more rational way of dealing
with the ancifut belief of rHising the dead from the bones. It says
that when God will resuscitate this world and raise the dead he
Would do so from the materials of this earth to which the different
material components of a man's body are entrusted. It says that at
the time of the resurrection, when the dead uill he nade to rise
Again, their bones will be claimed from the earth, where they have
been reduced to the ^t♦«te of dust, their hlood from water, their hair
from trees and their life from fire (XXX., 6).

Now rises the question, How shall we account for the above
points" of marlwied similarity between the beliefs of these two ancient
nations, the Egyptians and the Persians? **■* " ' '

The answer is that, both these nations had their homes in Central
Asia. The ancient Egyptians were Asiatics by origin and not Afrioms.

Wilkinson* says : — ** Every one who considers the featiires, the
language and other peculiarities of the ancient Egyptians, will
feel convinced that they are not of African extraction, but that
they bear the evident stamp of an Asiatic origin • • • •
And if features and other external appearances are insufficient
to establish this fact, the formation of the t>kull, which is
decidedly of the Caucasian variety, must remove all doubts of
their valley having been peopled from the East • • . . There

* Vide my paper on ** A Persian Coffin said to be 3,0(0 yeats old eenl to the
Moseum of the i^ociety by Mr. Malcolm of Bushire,'' in the Journal of tte
Anthropological Socifty, Vol. I., No. 7.

* Manners aud Customs of the Ancient Fgyptiann, by J. Q. Wilkinson,
Vol. I., p. 3,

874 THE FUTDLB OF THE SCUL.

IiAS always been a striking: resemblance between the Egyptians
and Asiatics, both as to their manners, cuHtoms, language and reli*
gion ; and some authors have considered the valley they inhabited
to belong to Asia rather than to Africa. • • • In manner, Ian*
guage and many other respects, Egypt was certainly more Asiatic
than African. It is not improbable tlmt those two nations (the
Hindus |iiid Eery ptians) may have proceeded from the same original
stock and have migrated southwards from their parent country in
Central Asia."

Not only were they foreigners to a certain extent in Africa, but in
their adopted country of Egypt itself they, as Dr. Wiedemann says
♦• did not exchide foreign deities from their pantheon. '1 hey never
questioned the divinity of the gods of tlio r^ices with which ihey
CHmc in contact, but accepted it in each case as an established
fact. To them, an ejcef)tionally powerful nation was in itself a proof
of that nation*s possessi-n oi an exceptionally mighty god, whom the
dwellers in the Valley of the Nile were, tberefure, eager to receive into
the ranks of Egyptian deities, that they might gain his (irotection
for themseh^es by uieans of prayers and offerings and at the same
time alienate his afiections from his native land.''^

Among the deities of the Asiatic origin so adopted was one Astarte
which WHS the Ardvi^ura Anuhita of the ancieut Persians, theAuaiiis
of the Homans.

^ Wiedemazuif p. 118.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE BOMBAY BRANCH ROYAL

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

(From January 1895 to June 1896.)

The Annual Meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, the
31st January 1895.

Presents

The Hon*ble Mr. H. M. Birdwood, C.S.I., President, in the
Chair.

The Honorary Secretary read the Report for 1894.

ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1894.

MEMBERS.

Resident. — During the year under review 31 members were elected,
ono of whom paid his subscription for life, and two non-resident
members came to Bombay ; 16 members resigned, 4 died, 3 retired,
and 2 having left Bombay, were transferred to the non-resident list.
The total number at the close of 1894 was thus 253, including 14
life members. Of these 39 were absent from India. The number at
the end of the preceding year was 245.

Non- Resident, — Two members were elected under this class, and

2 were transferred from the list of resident members. One withdrew,

3 died, 1 retired, and 2 were added to the resident list. The number
at the close of the year was 60, that at the end of 1893 \Vas 63.

OBITUARY.

The Society have to announce with regret the loss by death of the
following members :—

Resident,

Vinayak Wasudeva, Esq.
Sorabji Framji Patel, Esq.
C. E. Kane, Esq.
Jivandas Mulji, Esq.
c

Xiv ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDIKGS,

Non-Besident,

Kabi Raja Samaldas.

Yeshwant Wasudeva Aihale, Esq.

Shankar Pandurang Pandit, Esq.

Origmdl Communicait'ona,

The following papers were read before the Society during the
year : —

(1) Madame Dnpleix and the Marquise de Falaiseau. By Dr
J. GerEon da Cunha.

(2) Paraskara Grihya Sutras. By H. H. Dhruva, Esq.

(3) Nadode Inscription of King Alhanadeva, of Yikram Samvat
year 1218. By H. H. Dhruva, Esq.

(4) Date of Kalidasa. By K. B. Pathak, Esq.

(6) Partabgarh (Pratapgad) Fort and the Mahratha version
of the Afzulkban Tragedy. By R. P. Karkaria, Esq.

(6) On the Authorship of the Buddhist work Nyayabindhu, By
K. B. Pathak, Esq.

(7) The Bas-relief of King Beharam Gour at Kaksh-i-Rustam
and his marriage with an Indian Princess. By Jivanji Jamshedji
Mody, Esq.

The following were communicated to the Society :— •

(8) Note on brick figures found in a Buddhist tower in Kahu
near Mirpur Khas, Sindh. By A. Woodburn, Esq., I.O.S., with an
introduction by J. M. Campbell, Esq., LC.S.

(9) Wilson Philological Lectures. By H. H. Dhruva, Esq^
(Lecture L)

LIBRARY.

Issues of Books.

The issues of books during the year under review were 16,300
volumes of new works, including periodicals, and 10,283 of old
books, compared with 16,004 volumes of new books and 9,976 of the
old in the preceding year.

OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC.

A detailed statement of the monthly issues is subjoined : —

January
February
March ...
April ...
Hay-
June ...
July
August
September
October...
November
December

•••

Old

New

Books.

• ••

959

1,453

• •«

1,163

1,172^

• ••

638

1,211

• ••

762

1,190

• • •

1,049

1»316

• ••

862

1,648

•••

832

1,529

• ••

736

1,455

• ••

652

1,007

• ••

1,028

1,367

«••

796

1,494'

• t*

806

1,655

Total...

10,283

Total.. .16,300

The volumes of each class of books, new and old, issued during the
year are stated in the following table : —

Classes.

Volumes.

Periodicals, Magazines, &o. ...

Novels, Romances and Tales ...

"*^**'g^ ••P"j' ••• ••• ••• ••« ... >•• ... ... .*•

Miscellaneous, and Works on several subjects of the same Authors...

Toyages, Travels, Geography and Topography

History, Historical Memoirs and Chronology

Oriental Literature and Religion

Transactions of Learned Societies, Encyclopasdias and Periodical
Works

English Poetry and Dramatic Works

Politics, Political Economy and Statistics

Natural History, Mineralogy, Cieology and Chemistry ...

Theology and Ecclesiastical History

Foreign Literature

Philology, Literary History and Bibliography

Fine Arts and Architecture

Classics, Translations and Works illustrative of the Classics...

Medicine, Surgery, Physiology

Antiquities, Numismatics, Heraldry and Genealogy

Logic, Rhetoric and Works relating to Education

Metaphysics and Moral Philosophy

Natural PhiUophy, Mathematics, Mechanics and Astronomy...

Jurisprudence .

Public Records, Statutes, ifcc

Botany, Agriculture aud Horticulture

Grammatical Works and Dictionaries

Science of War and Works on Military Subjects !!!

...

•*•

...

Total..

8,457
8,427
1,602
1,031
1,017
971
631

608

685

575

360

369

295

180

179

177

170

166

163

146

106

100

26,583

XVI

ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEmNQS,

Additions to the Library.

The book accessions in ]894 numbered 901 volumes ; 575 of these
were purchased and 326 presented, compaA'ed with 541 volames
purchased and 299 presented in the year before. The presents of books
were as usual received chiefly from the Bombay Government, the
Secretary of State for India, the Government of India, and the other
local Governments and from individual authors.

The number of volumes of each class of books added to the Library
during tlieyear under report by purchase and by presentation is shown
in the following table : —

Classes,

Purchased.

Presented ,

Theology and Ecclesiastical History

Natural Theology, Metaphysics and Moral Philosophy...
Logic, Rhetoric, and Works relating to Education
Classics, Translations and Works illustrative of the

vld.ODlv/a ... ... ,,, ... (a. ... «.«

Philology. Literary History and Bibliography

History, Historical Memoirs and Chronology

Politics, Political Economy and Statistics

Jurisprudence

Public Records, Statutes, &c.

Biography and Personal Narratives

Antiquities, Numismatics, Heraldry and Genealogy ...
Voyages, Travels, Geography and Topography

English Poetry and Dramatic Works

Novels, Romances and Tales

MiscellaneouB, and Works on several subjects of the

same Authors

Foreign Literature

Natural Philosophy, Mathematics, Mechanics and

Astronomy

Fme Arts and Architecture ... ^.

Science of War and Works on Military Subjects '
Natural History, Mineralogy, Geology and Chemistry...
Botany, Agriculture and Hortioulturo ...
Medicine, Surgery, Physiology, &c. ... !.*.* "!
Transactions of Learned Societies, Encycloptediaa and

Periodical Works

Dictionaries, Lexicons, Vocabularies and Grammatical

Works

Oriental Literature

t»«

Total.

13
12

6
10
32
42

8
49

133

575

22
1

188

"9
16

1
3

3
3
2

10
34

326

OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. XVU

SIR RAYMOND WEST MEMORIAL.

There were besides, 218 volumes added to the Library in connec-
tion with the Sir Rayniond West MemoriaL The books ordered for
the Memorial were received during the year. These have been placed
in a separate case headed the ** Sir Raymond West Memorial."

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS.

The Newspapers, Periodicals and Journals of Learned Societies
subscribed for, and presented to the Society, during the year were : — ■

Literary Monthlies . ... 13

Illustrated ... ... .«. ... ... 16

Scientific ... ... ... ... ... ... 33

vTeDcrai ... ... •.« .•• ... ... o

xvcviews ... ... ... •• ••• .•• Ao

English Newspapers 17

English and Foreign Registers, Army Lists,

Directories, &c. ... 14

Foreign Literary and Scientific Periodicals ... 19
American Literary and Scientific Periodicals .•. 12«

Indian Newspapers 19

Indian Journals, Reviews, &c. ••. .«. ... 28

At a Meeting of the Society held in November, under Article 20 of
the Rules, it was resolved to subscribe to the following Newspapers
and Periodicals from the beginning of 1895 : —

Le Museon.
Lady's Pictorial.
Indian Church Directory.

Coin Cabinet.

During the year 78 coins were added to the Society's Cabinet. Of
these, 3 were presented by His Highness the Nawab of Cambay ; the
rest being received from different Governments under the Treasure
Trove Act : —

49 from the Bombay Government.

6 from the Punjab Government.

7 from the Bengal Government.
13 from the Government of Assam.

Of the total 78, 1 is gold, 35 jsilver, 40 copper and 2 of mixed
metal.

XVili ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS,

The following; is a detailed descriptive list of the coins : —
Presented by the Bombay Government : —

1 silver coin of Shah Jehan, found in the Village of Napa,

Taluka Borsad, Kaira District.
1 silver coin of Akbar, found in the Village of Napa, Talaka

Borsad, Kaira District.
1 silver coin of Jehangir, found in the Village of Napa,

Taluka Borsad, Kaira District.
1 silver coin of Aurangzeb, found in the Poona District.
1 silver coin of Aurangzeb, found in the Poona District.
1 silver coin of Shah Jehan, found in the Poona District.

1 silver coin of Muhammad Shah, found in the Poona District.

2 Ahmedabad rupees of mixed metal, found in the Broach

District.
40 copper coins of the following early Sultans of Delhi (so-
called Pathans), found in the Palanpur District : —

6hiyas-ud-din Bulban, 2.

Muzz-ud-din Kaiqubad, 2.
• Jalal-ud-din Firuz, 3.

Ala-ud-din Muhammad, 7.

Qutb-ud-din Mubarak, 10.

Ghiyas-ud-din Taghlag, 12.

Muhammad bin Tughlag, 4.

Presented by His Highness the Nawab o/Camhay .— —

3 silver coins of Akbar, found at Cambay.
Presented by the Punjab Government : —

2 silver coins of the Moghal Emperor Muhammad Shah,

found in the Kangra District.

4 silver coins of the Moghal Emperor Muhammad Shah

found in the Delhi District.

Presented by the Bengal Government : —

1 silver coin of Sikandar Shah bin Ilyas, found in the
Jessore District.

3 silver coins of the following Moghal Emperors : —

Ahmed Shah, 1.
Alamgir II., 1.
Shah Jehan III., 1.

Found in the Patna District.

OFFICIAL, LITEKARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. XlX

1 gold coin of Chandragupta II., found in the Muzsaffar-

gar District.

2 silver coins of Ilyas Shah, found in the Bhagalpur District.

Presented by the Assam Government : —
Moghal Coins -' —

7 silver coins of —

Shah Jehan, I.
Aurangzeb, I.
Muhammad Shah, 2.
Ahmed Shah, 1.
Alamgir II., 2.

Assam Coins : —

5 silver coins of Rudra Singh.

1 silver Jajantipur.

Found in the Sibsagar District.

JoumaL

No. 49 A, an extra number, containing Professor Pqterson'a
Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS. in the Bombay Circle,
1886—92, and No. 60 vrere issued during the year. No. 60 com-
pletes Vol. XVIIL of the Journal. An index, title page and
contents of the volume vrill be supplied with No. 61, which is
in the press, and will shortly be ready.

The following is a list of Governments, Societies, Institutions^
&c., to which the Journal of the Society is presented : —

Bombay Government ; Grovemment of India ; Govenment of Bengal j Govern-
ment of Madras ; Punjab Government j Government, N.-W. Provinces and
Oadh ; Chief Commissioner, Central Provinces ; Chief Commissioner, Coorg ;
Besident, Hyderabad ; Chief Commissioner, Burmah ; Geological Survey of
India ; G. T, Survey of India ; Marine Survey of India ; Bengal Asiatic Society;
Agricultural Society of India ; Literary Society of Madras ; Provincial Museum ;
Luoknow ; Bombay University ; Madras University ; Punjab University ; R. A.
Society, Ceylon Branch ; B. A. Society, North China Branch ; the Asiatic
Society of Japan ; Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences.

Strasbourg Library ; Geographical Society, Vienna ; London Institution of
Civil Engineers; Royal Geographical Society, London; Statistical Society,
London ; Royal Astronomical Society ; Literary and Philosophical Society,
Manchester ; Imperial Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburgh ; Smithsonian
Institution, Washington ; Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries, Copenhagan ;
Royal Society of Edinburgh ; Deutsche Morgenlandischc Gesellscahft, Leipzig ;
Literary and Philosophical Society, Liverpool ; British Museum, Loudon ; Royal

XX ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY S PROCEEDINGS,

Society, London ; Royal Asiatic Society, Great Britain and Ireland ; Academic
Real das Scieucia de Lisboa, Lisbon ; Societe de Geographic Commeroiale de
Bordeaux ; Societe de Geographic de Lyons ; Hungarian Academy of Sciences
(Buda Pest); Socictlad Geografica de Madrid; Royal Dublin Society; Societe
Geographie de Paris; Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences; United
States Surrey ; Kaiserliche Akademie de Wissonschaften, Vienna ; United
Sertioe Institution ; M'ninesota Academy of Natural Science ; India Office
Library ; London Bible Society ; Vienna Orientalische Museum ; Boston Society
of Natural History ; Musee Guimet, Lyons ; Victoria Institution, London ;
Koyal Institution, Great Britain American Geographical Society ; American
Oriental Society ; Hamilton Association, America.

Accounts.

A statement of Accounts, detailing the items of receipts and ex-
penditure for 1894, accompanies the report. The collection of sub-
scriptions during the year amounts to Rs. 9,768-5-3, including arrears
Rs. 30. The amount received in 1893 was Rs. 9,423-6-4. There
were also received on account of life subscription from one Resident
and one Non-Resident Member, Rs. 620. Of this, Rs. 600 have been
duly invested in Government Securities in accordance with Article
XVI. of the Rules.

The balance in favour of the Society on the 31st of December 1894
was Rs. 1,016-8-10, and the arrears due on the same date Rs. 270.
^42-12-6, due to Messrs. Kegan, Paul, Trench, Triibner & Co., up
to 31st December last, have since been remitted.

There was an addition during the year of Rs. 1,600 to the invested
funds of the Society, which now amount to Rs. 11,400.

Dr. De Monte proposed that the report be adopted, and thanks
voted to the Committee of Management and the Auditors for their
services during the past year.

Dr. Balchandra Krishna seconded the proposition.

The Chairman, in putting the proposition before the meeting, said :
Gentlemen, — I had hoped before putting this resolution to the
meeting to be able to say a few words myself with reference to the
work of the Society during the past year, but unfortunately I have
been suffering from a sore-throat for the past week and find some
difficulty in speaking audibly at all. In the circumstances I fear it
would neither be wise for me nor agreeable to yourselves if I were to
attempt anything of the kind. I will, therefore, simply put the
resolution to the meeting.

The proposition was agreed to unanimously.

OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. XXl

The Hon'bie Mr. Justice Candy proposed that the following gnctle-
mcn form the Committee of Management and Auditors for the year
1895 :— President— the Hoi/b eMr. Justice Jardine ; Vice-Presidents
— Dr, P. Peterson, Dr. J. Gns )n da Cunha, the Hon'ble Mr. Justice
Candy, and the Hon bleMr. W. R. Macdonell; Members— the Hon'ble
Mr. J. U. Yajnik, Mr. K. R. Kama, Dr. Atmaram Pandurang, Dr.
D. Macdonald, Professor M. Macmillan, Mr. G. A. Kittredge, Pwcv.
R. Scott, Mr. James Mac lonald, Hev. K. H. Gray, the Hon'ble
Mr. Justice Ranade, Mr. N. G. Chandavarkar, Major A. B. Mein,
Surgeon-Captain B. B. Grayfoot, the Rev. Dr. D. Mackichan, and
Mr. J. T. Hathornthwaite ; Honorary Secretary — the Hon'ble Mr. J.
U. Yajnik ; Joint Honorary Secretary — Dr. J. Gtrson da Cunha ;
Honorary Audi tors — Messrs. D.R. Chichgar and H. B. H. Wilkinson.

In moving the above proposition, Mr. Justice Candy said that he
very much regretted thnt the President of the Society had felt it
incumbent on him to resign his office. He had continued to be the
President to this dny, and they must feel the loss of his withdrawal,.
It was some satisfaction, hoi^ever, to know that Mr. Justice Jardine
would take his place.

Mr. K. R. Cama seconded the proposition.

The Chairman said : Gentlemen, — Before puttino: this resolution to
the meeting, I sliould Like to express my sense of your kindness in
electing me to the honourable office of President of this Society a
year ago. I feel very sure that you would be willing to place me
once more in the office if I myself desired it. But I do not desire it
for this simple reason that my official duties keep me out of Bombay
for eight months in the year, and during the four months that I am
here I find it difficult to attend the monthly meetings of the Society.
My continuance in office would, therefore, be unjustifiable ; for it
would partake of the nature of a sham; whereas what you want is a
resident Chairman who will be capable of attending to the duties of
the office and devoting to those duties the constant care and attention
which they demand if this Society is to maintain its rightful place
among the great institutions of this city. It gives me much pleasure
to know that, while accepting my resignation, you have chosen as my
successor so accomplished a scholar and so zealous an Orientalist as
Mr. Justice Jardine, in whose hands the best interests of this Society
will a ways be safe.

The resolution was agreed to unanimously ; and the proceedings
concluded with the customary compliment to the Chairman.

xxu

ABSTRACT OF THS SOCIETY § FBOCEEDINGSj

Dr.

BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE

GENERAL STATEMENT of Receipts and DisbureemenU

Balance of last year (including Bs* 1,000 on
aoconnt of Life Subscription, and Rs. 952*6-0
on account of Sir fiaymond West Testimonial
Fund Subscription)

Subscription of Eesident Members ... .•• „

Do. of Non-Resident Members

Do. in Arrears ... ■•• ...

Do. of Life Members

M«

• ••

(Government Contribution ..•
Sale-proceeds of Journal Numbers ...

Do. of Waste Papers ...

Do. of Catalogues

Do. of Duplicate Books ...
Interest on Society's 4 per cent. Gk>yemment

Bsfe a. p.

9,r85 13 8

662 8

620

4,200

278 8 2

13 13

33 8

52 6

Paper...

••• ••• •*• ••. ... ...

567 18 8

Total... Bs.

Rs. a. p.

3,162 1

15,684 8 1

16,696 8 2

Examined and found correct.

DARASHA RATTOKJI CHIOHGAR ) .„,.,
H. R. H. WILKINSON, '^[Auditors.

OFFICIAL, LITKBABY, AND SCIENTIFIC.

XXIU

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

from \tt January to 31s/ Dteember 1894.

Cr.

Books purchased in Bombay

Bemittances to Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench,
TrUbner & Ck>., Books (£82-811), and English
Kewpapers and Periodicals (£99-1^-0), in all
(£132-0-11), equivalent of ...

Subscriptions to Newspapers paid in India

Printing ... ..• ...

Binding ... ••• ••• .••

General Charges

Stationery ...

Postage and Receipt Stamps

Shipping and Landing Charges •.. .•«

Gas Charges

Gk)yemment 4 per cent. Paper purchased ..,

Office Establishment

•••

•••
•••
•••
•••

•••

Printing of Journal—

Nos. 49 a^d 50

Contribution towards printing Dr. Peterson's

Report on Sanskrit MSS

Facsimiles of Inscriptions for Dr. Bhandar-

kar's Paper

Sir Raymond West Testimonial Fund —

Amount paid to Messrs. Combridge & Co.,
being the balance due on account of Books
for the Memorial

Balance in Bank of Bombay

I>o. in hand „ •,

Total...Bs.

Bs. a. p.

Arrears of Subscription 270

*Due to Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench,
Trtibner & Co., up to end of SIsc
December 1894 £ 42 12 6

INVESTED FUNDS.

Government 4 per cent. Paper of the Society
Premohand Koychand Government 4 iper cent.
Loan Fund ,

Bs. a. p.
2,312 5 10

2,887

895

B76

688

483

106

104

1,600

6,615

12 8
6

6
14 6

13 3

14 4

1,418 15
400
680 14

963 7 4
63 1 6

Ba. a. p.

14,288 2 4

8,400
3,000

2,499 IS

892

1,016 8 10

18,696 8 2

11,400

• The amount has since been remitted.

JATERILAL U. YAJNIK,

Honorary Secretary.

XXIV

ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.

BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Patron :

His Excellency tlie Ri^lit Houourable Lord Harris, G. C. I. E.,

Governor.

Pre trident :
The Hon'ble »Justice Jolni .fardiue, I. C. S.
Vi re-President fi :

Dr! P. Peterson, M. A.

Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha.

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice Candv.

The Hon'ble W. R. Macdonell,
M. A.

Committee of Management,
The Hon'ble Mr. J. U. Yajnik. | Rev. R. M. Grayt

Kharsetji R. Cam a, Esq.
Dr. Atmaram Pandurang:.
Dr. D. MacDonald.
Prof. M. Macmillan, B. A.
Geo. A. Kittredge, Esq., M.A.
Rev. R. Scott, M.A.
James MacDonald, Esq.

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice M. G.

Ranade, C. I. E.
N.G.Chandawarkar, Esq., LL. B.
Major A. B. Mein.
Surgeon-Captain B. B. Gra}^oot.
Rev. Dr. D. Mackichan, M. A.
J.T. Hathornthwaite, Esq., M, A.

llofnorary Secretary :

The Hon'ble Mr. Javerilal Umiashankar Yajnik.

Joint Honorary Secretary :
( Numismatics and Archaeology )
Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha.

Honorary Auditors :
Dardsha Rattonji Chichgar, Esq.
H. R. H. Wilkinscm, Esq.

Assistant Secretary and Librarian :
Mr, Ganpatrao K, Tiwarekar.

LIST 0:F HV^EIS^BEK^S,

RESIDENT.

Year of
Election.

1862 Kharsetji Rastamji Cama,
Esq. {lAfe Member),

„ Kharsetji Fardunji Parak,

Esq.
„ Hon^ble Mr. H. M. Brid-

wood.

18G4 Hon ble Mr. Justice L. H.
Bayley.

„ G. A. Kittredge, Esq.

„ Nowroji Maneckji Wadia,
Esq.

1865 Dr. Atmaram Pandurang.

1866 Vandravandas Purshotam-

das, Esq.

„ E. B. Carroll, Esq.

1867 J. Westlake, Esq.

„ R. M. A. Branson, Esq,

1869 Dr. L. P. De Rozario.

1870 Hon'ble Mr. Justice John

Jardine.
1873 Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha.
„ Sir Din shah Manockji Petit,
Bart.

1873 J. MacDonald, Esq.

1874 H. Conder. Esq.

„ Sir Byramji Nusserwanj-
vai, Esq. (JJfe Member).

»9

Year of
Election.

1874 G. A. Bamett, Esq.

P. Peterson, Esq.

Pirozshah Merwanji Jiji-
bbai, Esq. {Life Member),

„ The Hon'ble Mr. Javerilal

Umiashankar Yajnik.
„ Grattan Geary, Esq,

1^875 Sir Jamseji Jijibhai, Bart.

„ Rev. Dr. D. Mackichan.

1876 The Right Rev. L. G.

Mylne, D. D., Bishop of
Bombay (Life Member).
„ J. M. Campbell, Esq.

1877 Maneckji Barjorji, Esq.

1878 Darasha Rattonji Chichgar

Esq.

„ Dr. E. H. R. Langley.
„ Bezonji Rattonji Kotewal,
Esq.

1879 Harischandra Krishna Joshi,

Esq.

„ Dr. D. MacDonald.

1880 N. S. Symons, Esq.

„ Rustam K. R. Cama, Esq.,

B. A. (Life Member).
„ Rev. W. Black.

„ Vrijbhuckandass Atmaram,
Esq.

XXVlll

LIST OF MEMBERS.

Year of
£)lectioii»

1891 K. A. Moos, Esq.

„ L. J. Robertson, Esq.

„ W. H. Sharp, Esq.

„ J, Y. Manro, Esq.

„ Shankar Prasad Hari Pra-
sad, Esq.

„ W, G. Treacher, Esq.

,, Captain J. C. Swann.

,f Jamsetjee N. Tata, Esq.

„ Fakirchand Premchand,

Esq.
^ .1 brahim Abmedi, Esq.
„ Surgeon-Major F. F. Mac-

Cartie,
„ Shrimant Narayanrao Go-

V i n d r a o Ghora paday ,

Chief of Tchalkaranji (Li/e

Member),

„ The Uon'ble Justice M. G.
Ranade.

1892 Kawasji Dadabhoy Dubash,

Esq.
„ M. C. Turner, Esq.
„ Prabhuram Jivanram Vai-
dya, Er>q. {Lije Member),
O. V. Muller, Esq.

Nowroji Byramji Suntook,
Esq.

Major I. Burne-Murdoch.
„ S. R. Bhandarkar, Esq.
„ R, C. Chapman, Bsq.
„ Dadabhoy Merwanji Dallal,
Esq.

„ F. W. Eickc, Eiq.

)»

»»

\ Year of
Election.

1892 RahimtuIIa Khairaz, Esq.
„ V. N Bhagvat, Esq.
„ Tribhuvandas Varjivands,
Esq.

„ H. R. H. Wilkinson, Esq.

„ Cur8**tji N. Wadia, Esq.

,, Major A. Hildebrand.

„ H. W. Uloth, Esq.

„ Karimbbai Ibrahim, Esq,

„ J. L, Symons, Esq.

,, Rao Saheb Dalp^^tram

Pranjiwanram Khakkhar.

„ R. Gilbert, E«q.

„ T. J. Bennett, Esq.

,, Sadanand Trimbak Bhan-
dare, Esq. {Life Member),

„ James Kenyon, Esq.

„ A. H. King, Esq.

,, K. B. Setna, E*q.

„ Burjorji Nownji Apyakh-
tair, Esq.

„ A. M. T. Jackson, Esq.

„ R. E. Melsheimer, Esq.

„ John A. Douglas, Esq.

„ L. R. W. Forrest, Esq.

„ Hormasji Dorabji Padamji,
Esq.

1893 F. T. Rickards, Esq.
„ ReF. J. Sellar.

„ Ouchavaram Nanabhai
Haridas, Esq.

,y H. R, Greaves, Esq.

„ Jijibhoy Edalji Modi, Esq.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

XXIX

Year of
Electioiu

1893 Ven'ble Archdeacon Gold-
wyer-Lewis.
„ Shamrao Yithal* Esq.
„ Shapurji Barjorji Barucha,

Esq.
„ Tribhuwandas Mangaldas
Nathubhoj, Esq.

„ A. Stephen, Esq.

„ Bao Saheb EUapa Ballaram.

„ RastamjiNanabhoyByramji

Jijibhoy, Esq. {Life

Member),
„ Tullockchand Maneck-

chand, Esq.
„ Hari Sitaram Dixit, Esq.
„ Major A. B. Main.
„ A. Hill, Esq,
„ W. W. Squire, Esq.
„ Surgeon-Col. D. E. Hughes.
„ A. M. Tod, Esq.
y, Gapt« Chandler.
„ E. C. Lees, Esq,
„ Robert Pesoio, Esq.

Merwanji Dhanjibhoy Jiji-
bhoy, Esq.
,, G. H. Townsend, Esq.

Mir Zulficar Ali, Esq.

Balvantrai Kalianrai, Esq.
„ Geo. A. F. Berends, Esq.
„ B. H. J. Rastamji, Esq.
„ His Highness Aga Khan.
„ Col. Empsou, R. A.
„ J. W.iBrown, Esq.
„ E, H. Elsworfchy, Esq.

Year of
Election.

1894 Wasudeva Gopal Bhan-
darkar, Esq.

„ Dr. James Arnott.

„ Rev. J. E. Abbott.

„ Geo. Miller, Esq.

„ J. C. G. Bowen, Esq.

„ J, T. Habhornthwaite, Esq.

„ S. L. Wyatt, Esq.

„ Major Sir Henry Johnson,

Bart*

„ D. M. Inglis, Esq.

„ C. S. H. Sari, Esq.

„ W. I. A. Foulkes, Esq.

„ Edwin Yeo, Esq.

„ Capt. St. J, A. D. Muter,
R. A.

„ Cecil Richardson, Esq.

„ J. G. Governton, Esq.

„ J. W. Orr, Esq.

„ R. C. Wroughton, Esq.

,, Captain Finny.

„ J. L. Jenkins, Esq.

„ Balkrishna Vinayak Was-
soodeo, Esq. (Life Member) ,

„ Lt. W. C. R. Farmer, R.A.

„ H. Rabe, Esq,

„ R. Whately, Esq.

„ Major Allan Smith.

„ N. R. Oliver, Esq.

„ Prof. H. M. Bhadkamkar.

„ Capt. A. J. Peile, R. A.

„ R. S. Brown, Esq.

„ Vernon B. F, Bayley, Esq.

„ Rev. C. Mavhew.

XXX

LIST OF HEMBEB8.

NON-RESIDENT.

>»

Year of

Eleotion.

1865 Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar.

1868 G.B.Reid, Esq.
„ Dr. J. C. Lisboa.

H. H. the Thakore Saheb
of Bhavnagar.
H. H. the Jam Saheb of
Nawanagar.
„ H. H. Ramchandrao Appa
Saheb, Chief of Jam-
khandi.
,, Dr. G. Biihler.
„ H. H. the Thakore Saheb
of Morvi.

1869 J. F. Fleet. Esq.

•

„ Bomanji Jamaspji, Esq.

1875 Cowasji Karsetji Jamsetjr

'Esq.

1876 G. C. Whitworth, Esq.
,, J. A. Baines, Esq.

„ Rev. Thomas Foulkes.

1878 SadashiTaVishwanath Dbu-

randhar, Esq.

1879 Say ad Hassan Bilgrami,
Esq.

„ Brigade-Surgeon-Lieut-Col.
C. T. Peters.

•

1882 W. P. Symonds, Esq.
„ E. H. Moscardi, Esq.
„ W. W. Loch, Esq.

1883 Rev. J. H. Mackay.
,> J. R. Greaves, Esq.

Year of
Election.

1883 Rev. J. Bambridge.

1887. A. W. Crawley-Boevey,
Esq.

1888 Prabhashankar Gowrishan-

kar, Esq.

„ Syed Ikhal Ali, Esq.
„ Syed Ali-Bilgrami, Esq.

1889 C. G. Dodgson, Esq.
„ Aziz Mirza, Esq,

„ E. M. Pratt, Esq.

,, M. H. Nazar, Esq.

,, Mancharji Pestonji Khare-
gat, Esq.

1890 Raja Murli Manohar Baha-

dur.

,, K. B. Pathak, Esq.

1891 Charles E. J. F. Ferriore,
Esq.

,, Rao Saheb Balwantrao
Bhukte.

„ H. H. Dhruva, Esq. (Life
Member),

„ Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Esq.

„ Vinayakrao Yadhow Vani-
kar, Esq. ^

„ Shrimant Aba Saheb, Chief

of Yisalgad.
,y Kharsetji Rustamji Thaaa-

v^ala, Esq.
„ W. C. Rand, Esq.

1892 Sortorio Coelho, Esq. {Life

Member).

L18T OF MEMBERS.

XXXI

Year of
Election.

1892 T. W. Araold, Esq.

„ C.Biddulph, Esq.

„ Vithalrao Narajan Natu,
Esq.

^, Kavasji Dadabhai Naigam-
vsqXa, Esq.

^ Surgeon-Major J. H. New-
man,

„ UaoSahebP. B. Parakh.
„ A, 0. Logan, Esq.

W. Doderet, Esq.

Captain T. J. Grier.

>»

Year of
Election,

1893 Sorabji Manekji Gawasji,

Esq.

„ Lalubhai Samaldas Desai,
Esq.

y, Kumar Sbri Baldevji of
Dharaxnpur (Life Member),

„ H. E. M. James, Esq.
„ Hari Narayan Apte, Esq.
„ W. H. Luck, Esq.

1894 Surgeon-Captain B. Basu.

„ T. B. Amalnerkar, Esq. ^

LIFE MEMBERS.

Kharsetji Rastamji Cama, Esq.
Byraraji Naserwanji Sirvai, Esq.
Pirozsha Merwanji Jijibhoy, Esq .
The Right Rev. L. G. Mylne,

P.D., Bishop of Bombay.
Rustam K. R. Cama, Esq.
Jehangir K. R. Cama, Esq.
Jehangtr Nasserwanji Mody, Esq.
Framji Dinshaw Petit, Esq.
Bomanji Dinshaw Petit, Esq.
Shrimant Narayenrao Govindrao

Ghorepady, Chief of Ichal-

karanji«

Prabburam Jivanram yaidya,Esq.
SadanaudTrimbak Bhandare, Esq.
Rastamji Nanabhoy Byramji

Jijibhoy, Esq.
Balkrishna Yinayak WassudeVt

Esq.
Sortorio Coelho, Esq.
Kumar Shir Balderji of Dharam-

pur.
H. H. Dhruva, Esq.

HONORARY.

Year of
Election.

1835 A. S. Walne, Esq.

1845 M. le Marquis de Ferriere

de Vayer.

1848 M. le Yicomte Eugene de

Kerckhove.

1849 B. Hodgson, Esq.

Year of
Election.

1862 Dr. H. J. Carter.

1866 Dr. A. Weber.

„ J. H. Rivara da Cunha, Esq.

1879 Dr. Oliver Codrington.

1892 Sir Raymond West, K.C.LE.

XXxli ABSTEACT OP THB SOCIETY'S PEOCEEDINGS,

A Meeting of the Society was held on Tuesday, the 12th March
1895.

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice John; Jardine, President, in the Chair.
The minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed.

The Honorary Secretary announced that H. E. Lord Sandhurst
had been pleased to do the Society the honour of becoming a mem-
ber and accepting the office of its Patron.

Mr. M. P. Khareghat read a paper on the interpretation of cer-
tain passages in the Panch-Siddhantika of Varahamihira, an old
Hindu Astronomical Work.

The Honorary Secretary made remarks on the paper and moved
a vote of thanks to Mr. Khareghat for the learned paper he had
contributed to the Society.

Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha seconded the motion.

The President with his remarks put the vote to the Meeting and
it was carried by accliftnation.

A Meeting of the Society was held on Wednesday, the 10th April
1895.

Dr. Atmaram Pandurang in the Chair.

The minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed.

Mr. B. P. Karkaria read a paper on '^Mahmudof Gazni and
the Legend of Somnath."

Mr. N. 0. Chandawarkar moved a vote of thanks to Mr. Karkaria
for the interesting paper he had read. The motion being seconded
by Mr. Kennard was carried by acclamation.

A Meeting of the Society was held on Tuesday, the 17th Septem-
ber 1895.

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice John Jardine, President^ in the Chair.

The minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed.

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice. M. G. Ranade, read a paper on '^Shivaji
as a Civil Ruler."

Mr. MacMillan made remarks on the paper and moved a vote
of thanks to Mr. Justice Ranade for the interesting paper he
had read.

• ••

OFFIOUL, LITBRAKY, AND SCIENTIFIC. XXXUl

The Honorary Secretary, who seconded the motion, also made a few
remarks.

The President with his observations pnt the vote to the Meeting
and it was carried by acclamation.

A Meeting of the Society was held on Tuesday, the 15th October
1895.

Dr. Atmaram Pandurang in the Chair.

The minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed.

Mr. R. P. Karkaria read a paper on *• The Teleology of the Pahlavi
Shikand Gbmanik Vijar and Cicero's De Natura Deorum."

On the motion of Mr. J. J. Mody, seconded by Mr. K. B. Kama,
a vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Karkaria for the interesting paper
he had read.

A General Meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, the 21st
November 1895.

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice Candy, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the
Chair.

The following proposals regarding periodicals, newspapers, etc.,
were placed before the meeting : —

N. S. Symon, Esq., Capt. A. J. Peile, R. A., and Surg.-Capt. B. B.
Gray foot.

That *' Badminton Magazine" be taken.

Carried.
By

Leslie HoUward, Esq., and F. H. Brown, Esq.

That the " Sketch" be taken.

Carried,
By

Surgeon-Captain B. B. Grayfoot, and E. Kennard, Esq.

"^ That '' Illustrated Sporting and Dramatic News'' be

taken.

Proposal withdraum.
By

N. S. Symon, Esq.

That ** Bookman" be discontinued.

Carried.

XXxiv ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIBTY*S PBOCIBDINGS,

The Honorary Secretary.

That " Indo-Prakash" be discontinued.

Carried,

Surgeon-Captain B, 6. Grayfoot.

That " Review of Reviews*' be discontinued.

Lost,

At the conclusion of the General Meeting, an Ordinary Meeting
was held, when Surgeon-Captain B. B. Grayfoot moved the adoption
of the following rule to be brought into force from 1896. The new
rule to be put in after Article XXXVIII of the Rules of the Society.

All boohs borrowed are to be returned to the Library in the first
week (from the Ist to the 7th inclusive) of December in every year
whether the time allowed for reading has expired or not, and there
wUl be no issues of boohs in that weeh.

Any member who shall not have returned the books as required
under this Article after receiving a call from the Librarian shall not
be allowed to tahe boohs out from the Library until he sends bach all
the boohs standing in his name in the Society*s Register on the SOth
of November,

Mr. James MacDonald seconded the proposition, which, on being
put to the vote, was unanimously carried.

Mr. Jivanji Jamshedji Mody then read a paper on Firdousi's
version of the discovery of the Indian Game of Chess.

After a short discussion in which Mr. James MacDonald, Dr. J.
Gerson da Cunha and Mr. K. R. Cama took part, a vote of thanks
was passed to Mr. Mody for the interesting paper he had read.

A Meeting of the Society was held on Monday, the 9th December

1895.

Dr. P. Peterson, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the Chair. •

The minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed.

Mr. Jivanji Jamshedji Mody read a paper on ''Cashmere and the
Ancient Persians."

A vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Mody for the interestbg
paper he had read.

OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. ZXXV

A Meeting of the Society was held on Tuesday, the 2l8t January
1896.

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice John Jardine, President, in the chair.

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed.

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice Candy moved that the proposal in the
following letter, received from the Anthropological Society of Bombay,
be adopted : —

The SECRETABY of thb BOMBAY BRANCH

OF THE ROYAL A8UTIC SOCIETY,

BOMBAY.

Bombay f 19th November 1895.
Sir,

Ths Member's of the Anthropological Society of Bombay y at their Meeting held

on the ISth inetant, have reeolved that their Museum and Library be presented

to you in toto, in consideration of which they request your Society to allow them

to hold theii meetings in one of your Booms, and also to give them access to the

books and records which they at present possess,

A reply wiU oblige.

Yours faithfully,

J. GER80N PA OUNHA,

Bonoranry Secretary,

Dr. L. P. de Rozario seconded the proposition^ which, on being
put to the vote, was unanimously carried.

IV* J> Gerson da Cunha read a paper on the ^' Portuguese in
South Kanara."

On the proposition of Mr. G. A. Kittredge, seconded by Mr.
Tribhuvandas Manguldas, a vote of thanks was passed to Dr. da Cunha
for the interesting paper he had read.

The Annual Meeting of the Society was held on Thursday,
the 30th January 1896.
The Hon'ble Mr. Justice Jardine, President, in the Chair.

The Honorary Secretary read the following Report :—

XXXvi ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS,

ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1895.

MEMBERS.

Resident. — During the year under review 42 Members were
elected, 15 Members resigned^ 4 died, 6 retired, and 3^ having
left Bombay, were put on the Non-Resident List. The total
number at the end of the year was 262, including 14 Life
Members. Of these 47 were absent from India for the whole
year or portions of the year.

Non-Resident. — Two Members were elected during the year
and 3 were transferred from the list of Resident Members. 2
withdrew, 1 retired, and the names of 6 were struck ofE the roll
for non-payment of subscription. The number at the close of
the year was 56. Of these 2 were absent from India.

OBITUARY.

The Society announce with regret the loss by death of the
following members : —

Perozsha Merwanji Jeejeebhoy, Esq. (Life Member),
Sitaram Vishnu Sukathankar, Esq.
Framji Dinshaw Petit, Esq. (Life Member).
Lord Colin CampbeH.

ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS.

The following papers were read before the Society during
the year : — •

(1) On the Interpretation of certain Passages in the Panch
Siddhantika of Varahamihira. By M, P. Kharegat, Esq.,

I. c. s.

OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. XXXVll

(2) Mahmud of Ghazni and the Legend of Somnath. By
B. P. Earkaria, Esq.

(3) The Teleology of Pahlavi Shikand Gumanik Vijar and
Cicero's De Natura Deorum. By R. P. Karkaria, Esq.

(4) Firdonsi's Version of the Discovery of the Indian Game
of Chess, By Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, Esq.

(5) Cashmere and the Ancient Persians. By Jivanji Jam-
ahedj Modi, Esq.

The following was contributed to the Society's Journal :^

(6) Mandu. By. J. M. Campbell, Esq., C. I. E.

LIBRARY.

Issues of Boolcs.

The issues of Books during the year under review were
30,754 volumes ; 19,838 of new works, including periodicals, and
10,916 of old books, compared with 26,683 volumes ; 16,300 of
new books and 10,283 of the old in the preceding year.

A detailed statement of the monthly issues is subjoined : —

Old New

Books. Books.

»••

...

January ••

February ...

March ••• ... •#.

A.pnl ••# ••• •••

May .»• ••• •••

June .•• ••• •••

July *•• ••• •••

August

September

October

November

December

••«

••• ••• •••

t*.

... ••• •••

*••

• •*

••.

1,025

1,494

•*•

• .•

*••

983

1,607

• •.

*.•

• ••

895

1,678

• ••

•

• ••

1,097

1,430

.••

..•

• t*

866

1,872

•••

• ••

842 '

1,944

•••

••»

t*.

1,037

2,029

• •«

• ••

t.t

885

1,851

*•«

.•t

• *•

940

1,421

•*•

• ••

...

861

1,777

•••

• ••

• •.

638

1,781

«•.

• •t

• .•

702

1,554

Total ...10,916 Total...l9,838

XXXViii ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PBOCBBDINGS,

The Yolumes of each class of books, new and old, issued
during the year are stated in the following table : —

Classes.

Volumes.

•••

Periodicals, Magazines, &c. ... ••• ... ... ••• ...

Novels, Bomanccs, and Talcs

Miscellaneous and Works on several subjects of the same authors...
jDio^rapny ... ••• •#• ••• ... ••. ••• ... •••

Vyoages, Travels, Qaography, and Topography

History, Historical Memoirs and Chronology.,

Oriental Literature and Religion ,

Politics, Political Economy, and Statistios

Transactions of liearned Societies, Encyclopaedias, and Periodical
worKB ««« ••• *•• ... .*• .«• ••• Iff

English Poetry and Dramatic Works ,

Natural History, Mineralogy, Geology, and Chemistry ...

Foreign Literature ,.,

Fine Arts and Architecture

Theology and Ecclesiastical History ,„

Metaphysics and Moral Philosophy

Classics, Translations, and Works illustratiye of the Classics

Philology, Literary History, and Bibliography

Antiquities, Numismatics, Heraldry, and Genealogy

Public Records, Statutes, &o , ...

Botany, Agriculture and Horticulture ..• ... ... ...

Logic, Rhetoric, and Works relating to Education ... .„

Science of War and Works on Military Subjects ...

Grammatical Works and Dictionaries

Medicine, Surgery, and Physiology

Natural Phi losophy. Mathematics, Mechanics, and Astronomy
Jurisprudence , ,„

Total...

•••
•••

•••

12,243

8,282

1,659

1,212

889

864

730

488

486
478
460
826
262
267
244
227
233
208
187
186
181
165
161
148
130
69

80,764

Additions to the Library/.

The total number of volumes added to the Library during
the year was 897, of which 572 were purchased, and 825
presented. The number in the year before was 901, 575 by
purchase and 826 by presentation.

The presents of books were, as usual, received from the
Bombay Government, the Government of India, the other
Local Governments, and the Secretary of State for India, and
from individual authors.

OFFICIAL, LITBBABT, AND SCIENTIPIO.

XXXIX

The number of volumes of each class of books purchased by
and presented to, the Society during the year under report is
shown in the following table : —

Classes.

Purchased.

•••

•••
•••
•••
•••

Theology and Eodesiastioal History

Katoral Theology, Metaphyflioa, and Moral Philo-

8opjiy ,,, ••• iM «•• ••• ••• ••>

Logrio, Rhetoric, and Works relating to Education
GlassicSy Translations and Works iUostratiye of the

Classics ■•« !•• ••• ••• ••• •««

Philology, Literary History, and Bibliography...
History, Historioal Memoirs, and Chronology ...
PoUtios, Political Economy, and Statistics
Jariapradence ... ... ... ..•

Public Becords, Statutes, &c

Biography and Personal Narratives

Annuities, Numismatics, Heraldry, and Genealogy ,„

Voyages, Travels, Geography, and Topography

EnigliBh Poetry and Dramatic Works

Novels, Bomanoes, and Tales

MisceUaneous and Works on several subjects of the

same Authors ...
Foreign Literature ...
Natural Philosophy, Mathematics, Mechanics, and

Astronomy

Fine Arts and Architecture

Science of War and Works on Military Subjects

Natural History, Mineralogy, Geology, and Che-

misuTy .•« ••• ••* ... ...

Botany, Agriculture, and Horticulture .••*

Medicine, Surgery, Physiology, &c.

Transactions of Learned Societies, Encyclopa)diaB, and

Periodical Works
Dictionaries, Lexicons, Vocabularies, and Grammatical

Works

Oriental Literature ...

...
«••
••.

•••
•••

•••

•••
•••

•••

Total...

8
1

7
15
19
22

*••
22
62
2
25
15
173

77
4

8
10
12

12
7

18
13

672

Presented

•••
•••

1
24

174

•••

6
10
•••
•••

6
5

1
3
2

1
40

325

xl ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PBOCEKDIirGS;

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS.

The newspapers, periodicals, and journals of learned Societies
subscribed for and presented to the Society daring the year
were :—

Literary Monthlies

Illustrated ...

Scientific

General

Reviews

English Newspapers

••• • •

••• ••• ••

••• ••• •

•••
•••
•••

•••
•••

• •

•••

••

•••

13
17
37
2
14
17

Foreign Literary and Scientific Periodicals .•• 12
English and French Registers, Almanacs,

Directories, &c» ... ... ... .«• ••• ]5

Indian Newspapers and Government Gazettes... 19

Indian Journals, Reviews, &c 27

American Literary and Scientific Periodicals .. 12

At a Meeting of the Society held in November under Article
20 of the Rules, it was resolved to subscribe to " Badminton
Magazine'* and '*The Sketch/' and to discontinue " Bookman '>
and ''the Indu-Prakash" from the beginning of 1898.

COIN CABINET.

The number of coins added to the Society's Cabinet during
the year was 67. They were received from different Govern-
ments, under the Treasure Trove Act,

2 from the Bombay Government.
35 „ the Bengal Government.
1 ] „ the Chief Commissioner^ Central Provinces.
18 „ the Punjab Government.
1 „ the Chief Commissioner, Burmah.

• Of the total 67, 22 were of silver, 33 of copper, 1 1 of mixed
metalj and 1 of impure gold.

OVnCIALi LITEBABY; AND SCIENTIFIC. xli

A detailed descriptive list of the coins is subjoined : —
Presented hy the Bombay OoverTiment^^
1 Silver coin of Aarangzeeb.

1 Silver coin of Shah Jehan.

Found in the Peint Tahika, Nasik District,

Presented by the Bengal Oovernment —

5 Silver coins of British MintagOt found in the Birbham
District.

3 Silver coins of Alamgir II., found in the Burdwan
District.

27 Copper coins of the Indo-Scythians^ probably current
in certain parts of ancient India^ found in the
Puri District.

Presented by the Chief Commissioner, Central Provinces —

5 Silver coins of the kind generally known as Gadhia

found in the Nagpur District.

6 Copper coins of the Sultans of Malwa^ found in the

Mandla District.

Presented by the Punjab Oovernment^

1 Silver coin of Mahamad Shah Durani, King of
Afghanistan, found in the Shahpur District.

6 Small coins of mixed metal of Mahamad Karlak,
found in the Oujranwala District.

1 Coin of impure gold, belonging to Class B of the Great
Kushans, found in the Rawalpindi District.

Coins of a mixture of gold and silver, the later Indo-

Scythians and Great Kushans, Class B, found in the
Jhang District.

5 Silver punch-marked coins, found in the Shahpur
District.

Presented by the Chief Commissioner, Burmah-^

1 Silver coin of the East India Company, struck at

Arcot.

Xlii ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS,

Journal.

No. 51 of the Journal was issued daring the year, as also
index, title page and contents of Vol. XVIIJ., which has been
completed. No. 52, containing papers contributed to the
Society in 1895, is in the press and will shortly be published.

The following is a list of Governments, Societies, Institutions,
Ac, to which the Journal of the Society is presented: —

Bombay Government ; Government of India; Government of Bengal ; Gov-
ernment of Madras ; Punjab Government ; Government, N.-W. Provincea and
Oadh ; Chief Oommissioner, Central Provinces ; Chief Commissloaer, Coorg :
Besident, Hyderabad ; Chief Commissioner, Burmah ; Geological Surrey of
India ; G. T« Survey of India ; Marine Survey of India ; Ben^^ Asiatic
Society ; Agricultural Society of India ; Literary Society of Madras ; Provin-
cial Museum, Lucknow ; Bombay CJniversity ; Madras University ; Punjab
University; B. A. Society, Ocylon Branch; B. A, Society, North China Branch;
the Aftiatio Society of Japan; Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences.

Strasbourg Library ; Geographical Society, Vienna ; London Inetitntion of
Civil fini^ineers; Boyal Geographical Society, London; Statistical Society
London; Boyal Astronomical Society; Literary and Philosophical Society*
Manchester ; Imperial Aoademy of Sciences, St. Petersbnrgh ; Smithsonian
Institution, Washington ; Boyal Society of Northern Antiquaries, Copenhagan ;
Koyal Society of Edinburgh ; Ddutsche Merge alandisohe Gesellschaft, Leipzig;
Literary and Philosophical Society, Liverpool; British Museum, London; Boyal
Society, London ; Boyal Asiatic Society, Great Britain and Ireland ; Academie
Beal das Scienoia de Lisboa, Lisbon ; Sooiete de Geographic Commerciale de
Bordeaux ; Societe de G^graphie de Lyons ; Hungarian Academy of Sciences
(Buda Pest) ; Sociedad Geografica de Madrid ; Boyal DubUn Society ; Societe
Gcographie de Paris; Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences; United States
Snrvey ; Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna ; United Service
Institution ; Minnesota Academy of Natural Science; India Office Library ;
London Bible Society; Vienna Orientalische Museum; Boston Society of Natural
History; Musee Guimet^ Lyons; Victoria Institution, London; Boyal Institution,
Great Britain ; American Geographical Society ;* American Oriental Society ;
Hamilton Assooiatioo, America ; Editor, Journal of Comparative Neurology
Granville, Ohio, U. S. A.

New Rule.

The Society at their Meeting on 21st November passed the
following rale submitted by the Committee of Management: —

All books borrowed are to be returned to the Library in the first wedc (from
the 1st to the 7th inclusive) of December in every year, whether the time
allowed for reading has expired or not, and there will be no issues of books in
that week.

OFFICIAL, UTERARY, AKD SCIENTIFIC. xliii

Any Hember who shall not have returned the books as required under thig
Article, after i^ec eiving a oall from the Librarian, shall not be allowed to take
books out from the Library, until he sends back all the books standing in his
name in the Society's Register, on the 30th of November.

It is to form part of article XXXVIII. of the existing Rules.

AccovMs,

A statemeDt giving in detail the items of income and
expenditure during 1895 is appended. The collection of
pubscription during the year amounts to Rs. 10,360-5-4t The
amount received in 1894 was Rs. 9,768-5-3.

The balance to the credit of the Society at the end of the
year was Rs. 1,015-10-9, and the arrears of subscriptions
Ba. 160.

The amount due to Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench Triibner &
Co. on 31st December 1895 was £31-10-9^, which has since
been remitted.

Mr. Sadanand Trimbak Bhandare moved the adoption of the

report, which he said, showed as usual, steady progress in the

Literary and the Financial Branches of the Society. He also

moved a vote of thanks to the Committee and the office-bearers

for their services during the year.

Mr. Tribhowandas Mungaldas seconded the proposition,
which was unanimously passed.

Dr. Peterson proposed, and Mr. Damodardas Tapidas second-
ed, that the following gentlemen form the Committee and the
Auditors for 1 896. The proposition was unanimously carried :-

xliv

ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY S PROCEEDINGS,

President :

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice Jardiiic, I.C.S.

Vice-Presidents :

Dr. P. Peterson, M.A.
Dr. J. Gersoii da Cuiiha.

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice Candy.
The Hon'blc W. R. Macdonell,
M.A.

Members:

The Hon'ble Mr. J. U. Yajnik.
Kharsetji R. Cama, Esq.
Dr. Atmaram Panduraiig.
Dr. D. MacDoiiald.
Geo. A. Kittredge, Esq., M.A.
Rev. R. Scott, M.A.
James MacDonald, Esq.
Rev. R. M. Gray.

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice M. G.

Ranade, CLE.
N. G. Chandawarkar, Esq., LL.B.
Major A. B. Mein.
Surgeon-Captain B. B. Grayfoot,
Rev. Dr. D. Mackichan, M.A.
Prof. J. T. Hathomthwaite, M.A.
F. C. Riniington, Esq.
Lt. A. J. Peile, R.A.

Honorary Secretary :
The Ilon'ble Mr. Javerilal U. Yajnik.

Joint Honorary Secretary :

(Numismatics and Archeology).

Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha.

Honorary Auditors :

D. R, Chichgar, Esq.
H. R. H. Wilkmson, Esq.

^^^^mm^i^m^mm^mmm^ta^^i^mmmmmmmmmi^^mmm^M

BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

STATEMENT OF ACCOUNTS.

iita

xlvi

ABSTBACT OV THB SOCIETY S PB0CESDIN08,

BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE

GENERAL STATEMENT of Receipts and Diabursetnents

Balance of last year...
Subscription of Resident Members
Do. of Non-Resident Members

•••

Do. in Arrears ... ...

GoYemment Contribution
Sal6«proceeds of Waste papers ,••

Do. of Journal Numbers

Do. of Catalogues ...

Do. of Duplicate Books

Interest on Socicly's Govemment Paper

•••

Bs. a. p.

9,677 13 4

652 8

4,200

6 8

27 8

232 9

Total...B8.

Bs. a. p.
1,016 8 10

14,906 14 4

16,923 7 2

Examined and found correct.

n. E. H, WILKINSON,
Honorary Auditor*

OPFICIAt,, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC.

xlvii

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

from 1ft January to Zlst December 1895.

Cr.

Books purchased in Bombay ...

...

Bs. a.
2,969 12

Bs. a.

P-

BemittAnces to Messrs. E!egan, Paul, Trench,
TrUbner&Co.—

Books «.. ... £ 31

8 10

English Newspapers and

PeriodicalB £ 138

8 9

In all (£169-12-7), equivalent of ...

t*.

3,214 7

Sabscriptions to Newspapers, paid in India ...

842 8

Printing ... «•• ... ••• •«,

...

474 8

Binding •.. ••• ... ... •••

• a.

1,011 6

General Charges ... ... ... .,«

...

488 8

Stationery ... •«• ... ... ...

...

89 2

Postage and Receipt Stamps

• *«

68 2

Shipping and Landing Charges

...

7 10

Oas Charges ,

...

86 10

Office Establishment

...

5,608 14

Printing of Journal No. 51

Balance in Bank of Bombay

*•>

519 14

14,875 12

1,016 10

Do* in hand ,,, ,„ «,« ...

Total.

..Bs.

1,047 10

16,923 7

Investment in Government Paper,

The Society's Fund

...

8,400

The Premchand Boychand Fund

...

8,000

11,400

JAVBBILAL U. YAJNIK,

Honorary Secretary ^

Xlviii ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIKTY'S PE0CEBDING8.

BOMBAY BEANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Patron :

Hia Excellency the Right Honourable Lord Sandhurkt, O.G.I.E.,

Governor,

President :

The Hon'ble Justice John Jardine, I.C.S.

Vice-Presidents :

Dr. P. Peterson, M.A.
Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha.

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice Candy.
The Hon'ble W. R. MacdoneD,
MA.

Committee of Management :

The Hon'ble Mr. J. U. Yajnik.
Kharsetji R. Cama, Esq. .
Dr. Atmaram Pandurang.
Dr. D« MacDonald.
Geo. A. Kittredge, Esq., M.A.
Bey. R. Scott, M.A.
James MacDonald, Esq.
Rey. R. M. Gray.

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice M. 6.

Ranade, CLE.
N. G. Chandawarkar, Esq., LL.B.
Major A. B. Mein.
Surgeon-Captain B. B. Grayfoot.
Rey. Dr. D. Mackichan, M.A.

J. T. Hathornthwaite, Esq., M.A.
F. C. Remington, Esq.
Lt. A. J. Peile, R.A.

Honorary Secretary:

The Hon'ble Mr. Javerilal Umiashankar Yajnik.

Joint Honorary Secretary :

(Numismatics and Archaeology)

Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha.

Honorary Auditors :
Dirdshd Ratanji Chichgar, Esq.
H. R. H. Wikinson, Esq.

Assistant Secretary and Librarian :
Mr. Ganpatrao K. Tiwarekar.

xlix

LIST OIF 3S^EIJi^BESI2;S.
On the i\st December^ 1895.

RESIDENT.

Year of
Election*

1862 (1) Kharsetji Rastamji Cama,
Esq. (Life-Member).
„ (2) Kharsetji Fardunji

Parak, Esq.
^ (3) Hon'ble Mr. H. M, Bird-
wood

1864 (4) G. A. Kittredge, Esq.
„ (5) Nowroji Maneckji Wa-

dia, Esq.*

1865 (6) Dr. Atmaram Pandu-

rang.

1866 (7) Vandravandas Pursho-

tamdas, Esq.
„ (8) E. B. Carroll, Esq.

1867 (9) J. Westlake, Esq.

„ (10) R. M. A. Branson,
Esq.

1869 (11) Dr. L. P. DeRozario.

1870 (12) Hon'ble Mr. Justice

John Jardine

1873 (13) Dr. J. Gerson daCunha.
„ (14) Sir Dinshah Manockji

Petit, Bart.
„ (15) J. MacDonald, Esq.

1874 (16) H. Conder, Esq.

„ (17) Byramji Nusserwanji
Sirvai, Esq. {Life Member),

»»

Year of
Election.

1874 (18) G. A. Barnett, Esq.

(19) P. Peterson, Esq.

(20) The Hon'ble Mr. Jave-
rilal Umiashankar Yajnik.

„ (21) Grattan Geary, Esq.

1875 (22) Sir Jamsetji Jijibhai,

Bart.

„ (23) Rer. Dr. D. Macki-
chan.

1876 (24) The Right Rev. L. G.

Mylne, D. D., Bishop of
Bombay {Lfic Member).

„ (25) J. M. Campbell, Esq.

1877 (26) Maneckji Barjorji,
Esq.

1878 (27) Darasha Ruttonji
Chichgar, Esq.

1878 (28) Dr. B. H. R. Langley.
„ (29) Bezonji Rattonji Ko-

tewal, Esq.

1879 (30) Harischandra Krishna

Joshi, Esq.
„ (31) Dr. D. MacDonald.

1880 (32) K S. Symons, Esq.

„ (33) Rustam K. R. Cama,
Esq., B.A. (Life-Member).

„ (34) Vrijbhuckandass At-
maram, Esq.

LIST OP UKUBERa.

18ftO (35) H.C. Kirkpatricfc, Esq.

1881 (36) M. Macmillati, Esq.
„ (37) Lt.-Col. G. Martin.

1882 (38) Louis Penny, Esq.

„ (39) A. F. Beaufort, Ksq.
„ (40) Re7. R. Scott.
„ (4l3 E. M. Slater, Esq.

1882 (42) A. AkTLmmbie, Esq.
,. (43) ,Su7g.!uQ-Maj\>rK. R.

Kirtikar.
„ (44) The HonTile Justice
E. H. Fulton.

1883 (45) Jehangir K. R. Cama,

Esq., B.A. {Lift-Member).

(46) J. M. Dreunan, Esq.

(47) R. H. Baker, Esq.

1884 (48) K. B. Sedgwick, Esq.

(49) Mrs. Pechey-Phipson.

(50) J. Griffiths, Esq. -
(51)Smxeon-Lt.-Col.T. S.

Weir.

(52) Hon'blo Sir Charles
Farran, Kt.

(53) ■ Bhaishaokar Naaa-
bhoy, Esq.

« (54) The Hon'ble Mr.

PeroBsha Merwanji Uehta

n {hh) Goculdas Kshandaa,

Esq.

1884 (56) Jehangir NaBaerwanji
Mody, Esq. {Life-Member),

1885 (57)DaaturDarabPe3hoteii

Sanjana.
ti (58) Nowroji Pestonji
Vakeel, Esq.

Eleation.

188G (59) R. N. Mant, Esq.
„ (60) Harkissondas Naro-
tamdas, Esq.

1887 (61) Dr. D. A. DeMonte.
„ (62) J. Marshal], Esq.

1888 (63) Hon'ble Mr. Justice

H. J. Parsons.
„ (64) Surgeon -Captain

M. A. T. Collie.
„ (6S) John Black, Esq.
„ (66) Murarji Goculdas

Dewji, Esq.
„ (67) Prince Sliri Samat-

Bingji.
„ (68) G. Cotton, Esq.
' » (69) W. Bullock, Esq.
„ (70) F. A. Reddie, Esq.
„ (71) W. Murray, Esq.
„ (72) KarsandaaVallabhdaB,

Esq.
„ (73) Narondas Pnraho-

tamdas, Esq.
„ (74j J. H. Symington, Esq.
„ (75) Jiwanji Jamshedji

Mody, Esq,
„ (76) J. Avent, Esq.
„ (77) R. S. Campbell. Esq.
„ (78) F. C. Remington, Esq.
„ (79) E. Wimbridge, Esq.
„ (80) J. B. K. Macbeth, Esq.
„ (81) Dwnodardas Tapidaa,

Esq.
„ (82) Dr. K, N. Baliadarji.

LIST OF IIIM6XB9.

Year of
£lection«

1888 (83) Bomanji Dinshaw Petit,

Esq. (Life-Member).

88 (84) Key. R. MacOn^ish.

„ (85) A. C. Parmeindes, Esq.

„ (86) J. P. Phythian, Esq.

„ (87) The EI on'ble Mr. Justice
Badrudin Tyabji.

„ (88) Rao Saheb Wasudeva
Jagonath Kirtikar.

„ (89) J. Stiven, Esq.

„ (90) W. Huges, Esq.

„ (91) A. H. Nazar, Esq.

„ (92) C. H. Armstrong, Esq.

„ (93) Veerchand Deepcliaud,
Esq.

„ (94) Jagmohandaa Vandra-

wandas, Esq.
„ (95) The Hon'ble Mr. W. R.

Macdonell.
„ (96) Rastomji Pestonji

Karkaria, Esq.
„ (97) G. W. F. Plajfak, Esq.
1888 (98) Gowardhandas Goculdas

Tejpal, Esq.
„ (99) J. C. E. Branson; Esq.
„ (100) Miss Macdonald.
„ (101) Rev. J. F. Gardner.
„ (102) Dinshaw Edalji Vacha,

Esq.
„ (103) I. O'Callaghan, Esq.
„ (104)NarayanGanesh Chan-

dawarkar, Esq.

Year of
Election.

1889(105) Surgeon-Captain B*
B. Grayfoot.
„ (106) Hon'ble Mr. Justice
Candy.

1890 (107) Manmohandas Ramji,

Esq.
„ (108) H. A. Acworth, E«q.
„ (109) Rev. Dr. W. M-

Alexander.
„ (110) Fram ji Rastamji Vicaji,

Esq.
„ (111) Philip B. Savile, Esq.

„ (112) Lieut. R. T. R.
Lawrence, R.E.

„ (113) Lieut.-Col. R. V.

Riddell, R.E.
„ (114) Dharamai Morarji

Goculdas, Esq.

1891 (115) Rev. Dr. B. DeMonte.
„ (116) Dharamsey Sundarda&

Mulji, Esq.

(117) Arthur Leslie, Esq.

(118) W. D. McKewan, Esq.
„ (119) The Hon'ble Mr Daji

Abaji Khare.
„ (120) Dr. Bhalchandra

Krishna Bhatawadekar.
„ (121) Rev. R. M, Gray.
„ (122) H. Kennard, Esq.
„ (123) J. H. Sleigh, Esq.
„ (124) Maneksha J. Talyaiw

khan, Esq.
„ (125) W. Munro, Esq.
1891 (126) T. W. Cuffe, Esq.
„ (127) Vajeshankar Gowri-

»hankar, Esq.

lii

LIST OF MItfBEKS.

>»

Year of
Election.

1891 (128) N. A. Moos, Esq.
„ (129) L. J. Robertsou, Esq.
„ (130) W. H. Sharp, Esq.
„ (131) J. Y. Munro, Esq.
„ (132) Shankar Prasad Hari
Prasad, Esq.

„ (133) W. G. Treacher, Esq.
„ (134) Major J. C. Swann.

(135) Jamsetjee N.Tata, Esq.

(136) Fakirchand Prem-
chand, Esq.

(137) Surgeon-Major F. F.
MacCartie.

(138) Shi-imant Narayanrao
Govindrao Gliorapaday,

Chief of Ichalkaranji
{Life-Member) .

„ (139) The Hon'ble Justice
M. G. Ranadc.
1892(140) Kawasji Dadabhoy
Dubash, Esq.
„ (141) M. C. Turner, Esq.

„ (142) Prabhurani Jivanram
Vaidya, Esq. {Life-
Member),

„ (143) 0. V. MuUer, Esq.

„ (144) Nowroji Byramji Sun-
took, Esq.

„ (145) S. R. Bhandarkar, Esq.
,, (146) R. C. Chapman, Esq.
„ (147) Dadabhoy Merwanji
Dallal, Esq.

.» (148) F. W. Eioke, Esq.

Year of
Election.

1892 (149) V. N. Bhagrat, Esq,
„ (150) TribhuvandasVarjiraii-

das, Esq.
„ (151) H. R. H. Wilkinson.

Esq.
„ (152) Cursetji N. Wadia,

Esq.
„ (153) Major A. Hildebrand*
„ (154) H. W. lUloth, Esq.
„ (155) Karimbhai Ibrahim,

Esq.
„ (156) J. L. Symons, Esq.
„ (157) Rao Saheb Dalpatram

Pranjiwanram Khakkhar.
„ (158) R. Gilbert, Esq.
„ (159) T. J. Bennett, Esq.
„ (160) Sadanand Trimbak

Bhandare, Esq. {Life-

Membej'),
„ (161) James Kenyon, Esq.
„ (162) A. H. King, Esq.
„ (163) K. B. Setna, Esq.
„ (164) Burjorji Nowroji Ap-

yakhtiar, Esq.
„ (165) A. M.T.Jackson, Esq.
„ (166) R. E. Melsheimer, Esq.
„ (167) John A. Douglas, Esq.
„ (168) L. R. W. Forrest, Esq.
„ (169) Hormasji Dorabji

Padamji, Esq.

1893 (170) Rev. J. Sellar.

„ (171) Ouchavaram Nanabhai
Haridas, Esq.

„ (172) H. R. Greaves, Esq.
„ (173) Jijibhoy Edalji Modi,
Esq.

LIST OF. XSMBBB8.

liii

Year of

Election.

1893(174) Shamrao Vithal, Esq.

„ (175) Shapurji Barjorj*
Barncha, Esq*

«}

»»

(176) Tribhuwandas Mangal-
das Nathubhoy, Esq.

(177) A. Stephen, Esq.

„ (178) Rao Saheb EUapa
Ballarani.

„ (179) Rastamji Nanabhoy,
Byramji Jijibbhoy, Esq*

{Life-Member),

„ (180) Tullockcband Maneck-
chand, Esq.

(181) Hari Sitaram Dixit,
E«q,

(182) Major A. B. Mein.

(183) W. W. Squire, Esq.

(184) Surgeon-Col. D. E.
Hughes.

(185) A. M. Tod, Esq.

(186) Capt. Chandler.

(187) R. C. Lees, Esq. .

(188) Robert Pescio, Esq.

„ (189) Merwanji Dhanjibhoy.
Jijibhoy, Esq.

„ (190) G. H. Townsend, Esq.
„ (191) B. H. J. Rastamji,
Esq.

yy (192) His Highness Aga
Khan.

(193) Col. Empson, R. A.

(194) J. W. Brown, Esq.

„ (195) E. H. Elsworthy, Esq.

»»

?»

>»

Year of

Election.

1894(196) Wasudeva
Bhandarkar, Esq.

Gopal

„ (197) Dr. James Amott.
„ (198) Rev. J. E. Abbott.
„ (199) Geo. Miller, Esq.
„ (200) J. C. G. Bowen, Esq.
„ (201) J. T. Hathornthwaite,
Esq.

„ (202) S. L. Wyatt, Esq.

„ (203) D. M. Inglis, Esq.

„ (204) C. 8. H. Sari, Esq.

„ (205) W. I. A. Foulkes, Esq.

„ (206) Edwin Yeo, Esq

„ (207) Capt. St. J. A. D.
Muter, R, A

„ (208) Cecil Richardson, Esq.
„ (209) J. G. Covernton, Esq.
„ (210) J . W. Orr, Esq.
„ (211) R.C,Wroughton,Esq.
„ (212) Captain Finny.

„ (213) J. L. Jenkins, Esq.

„ (214) Balkrishna Vindyak

Wassoodeo, Esq. {Life-
Member),

(215) Lt. W. C. R. Farmer,
R.A.

i»

»>

„ (216) R. Whately, Esq.

(217) Major Allan Smith.

(218) K R. OHver, Esq.

„ (219) Prof. H. M. Bhad-
kamkar.

„ (220) Capt. A. J.Peile, R.A,
,, (221) R. 8. Brown, Esq.

&tST 09 MSMBSBS.

»>

Tear of
Election*

1895 (222) Vernon B. P. Bayley,
Esq.

„ (22S) Rev. C. J. Mayhew.
„ (224) Lt.-Col. Freeman.
„ (225) Cumrudin Amirudin,
Esq.

„ (226) C. I. Nicoud, Esq.
„ (^27) F, A. Little, Esq.
„ (228) Miss Parker.

(229) A. B. Earle, Esq.

(280) R. H. Vincent, Esq.,
CLE.

„ (231) G. S. Curtis, Esq.
„ (232) A. Joly de Lotbimiere,
Esq.

„ (233) G. N. Sweet, Esq.

(234) T. A. Savage, Esq.

(235) Cecil Gray, Esq.

(236) Khimjibhoy Jairam
Naranji, Esq.

„ (237) A. Murray, Esq.
„ (238) Maganlal L. Shroff,
Esq.

„ (239) G. F. Horbury, Esq.
„ (240) Mancharsha Framji
Khan, Esq.

, (241) R. Kennedy, Esq.
„ (242) Miss Benson.

>»

Year of
Election.

1895 (243) C, Trafford, Esq.

„ (244) R. H. Vincent, Esq.,

(Junior).

„ (245) Framrose Edalji Din-
shaw, Esq.

„ (246) F. H. Brown, Esq.
„ (247) Col. A. T. Fraser.
„ (248) G. D. Marston, Esq.
„ (249) C. W. L. Jackson, Esq.
„ (250) J. A. Jeffrey, Esq:
„ (251) Geo. Service, Esq,

„ (252) F. A. Prevost, Esq.

„ (253) H. E. E. Procter, Esq.
„ (254) L. Hallward, Esq.

„ (255) A. J. L. Grimes, Esq.
„ (256) J. Jack, Esq.

„ (257) J. K. Moir, Esq.
„ (258) Fazalbhai Visram,
Esq.

(259) His Excellency the Rt.
Hon'ble William Baron
Sandhurst, G.C.I.E.
„ (260) Major Block, R. A.

(261) Frederick Noel Paton,
Esq.

(262) Lt.-Col. W. A.
Wetherall.

UST or USHBKBS.

NON-RESIDENT.

»l

»»

«)

•9

Tear of

Blectioii*

1865 (1) Dr. R, G. Bhandarkar.

1868 (2) G. B. Reid, Esq.

(3) Dr. J. C. Lisboa.

(4) H. H. the Maharaja
Saheb of Bhavnagar.

(5) H. H. the Jam Saheb of
Nawanagar

(6) H. H. Ramchandrao
Appa Saheb, Chief of Jam-
khandi.

(7) Dr. G. Biihler.

(8) H. H. the Thakore
Saheb of Morvi.

1869 (9) J. F. Fleet, Esq.

„ (10) Bomanji Jamaspji,
Esq.

1875 (11) Cowasji Karsetji Jam-

setji, Esq.

1876 (12) G. C. Whitworth, Esq.

1878 (13) Sadashiva Vishwanath

Dhnrandhar, Esq.

1879 (14) Sayad Hassan Bil-

grami, Esq.

„ (15) Brigade-Surgeon-
Lieut..CoL C. T. Peters.

1882 (16) W. P. Symonds, Esq.

(17) E. H. Moscardi, Esq.

(18) Th^ Hon'ble. W. W.
Loch.

1888 (19) Rev. J. H. Mackay.
„ (20) J. R. Greaves, Esq.

1888 (21) Prabhashankar Gown*
shankar, Esq.

»»

Year of
Election.

1888 (22) Syed Ikhal All, Esq.
„ (23) Syed AH Bilgraml,

Esq.

1889 (24) C. G. Dodgson, Esq.
„ (25) E. M. Pratt, Esq.

„ (26) M. H. Kazar, Esq.
„ (27) Mancharji Pestonji
Kharegat, Esq.

1890 (28) Raja Murli Manohar

Bahadur.

„ (29) K. B. Pathak, Esq.
„ (30) Rao Saheb Balwantrao

Bhuskute.
„ (31) H. H, Dhruva, Esq.

(^Life-Member),

„ (32) Shrimant Aba Saheb,
Chief of Visalgad.

„ (33) Kharsetji Rustamji
Thanawala, Esq.

„ (34) W. C, Rand, Esq.
1892 (5) Sortorio Coelho, Esq.

{Life-Member),

„ (36) T. W. Arnold, Esq.
„ (37) C. Biddulph, Esq.
„ (36) Kavasji Dadabhai Nai-
gamwala, Esq.

„ (39) Surgeon-Major J. H.
Newman.

(40) Rao Saheb P. B.
Parakh.

(41) A. C. Logan, Esq.

(42) W. Doderet, Esq.

„ (48) Captain T. J. Qrier.

Ivi

LIST or MIMBERS.

Year of
Election.

1893 (44) Sorabji Manekji

Cawasji, Esq.

(45) Lalubhai Samaldas
Desai, Esq.

(46) Kumar ShriBaldevji of
Dharampur( Z^/(?-itf(?7wi^r) ,

(47) H. E. M. James, Esq.

(48) Hari Narayan Apte,
Esq.

(49; W. H. Luck, Esq.

1894 (60) Surgeon-Captain B.

Basu.

Tear of

Eleotiou.

1894 (51) T.R. Amalnerkar, Esq.

1895 (52) Dattatraya Balwant

Parasnis, Esq.

(53) F. X. E. Barreto, Esq.

(54) B. K. Thakore, Esq.
(1893).

(55) Ibrahim Ahmedi, E«q.
(1891).

(56) F. T. Rickards, Esq.
(1893).

»>

>»

LIFE-MEMBERS.

Prabhuram Jivanram Vaidia, Esq,

Sadanand Trimbak Bhandare, Esq.

Rastamji Nanabhoy Byramji
Jijibhoy, Esq.

Balkrishna Vinayak Wassudev,
Esq.

Kharsetji Rastamji Cama, Esq.
Byramji Naserwanji Sirvai, Esq.
The Right Rev. L. G. Mylne,
D. D., Bishop of Bombay.

Rustam K. R. Cama, Esq.
Jehangir K. R. Cama, Esq.

Jehangir Nasserwanji Mody, Esq. j Sortorio Coelho, Esq.

Bomanji Dinshaw Petit, Esq. Kumar Shri Baldevji of Dharam-

Shrimant Narayenrao Govindrao

Ghorepaday, Chief of Ichal-
karanji.

pur.
H. H. Dhruva, Esq.

HONORARY.

Tear of
Election.

1835 A. S. Walne, Esq.

1845 M. le Marquis de Ferriere

de Vayer.

1848 M. le Vicomte Eugene de
Kerckhove.

1849 B, Hodgson, Esq.

Year of
Election.

1862 Dr. H. J. Carter.
1866 Dr. A. Weber.

„ J. H. Rivara da Cunha, Esq
1879 Dr. Oliver Codrington.
1892 Sir Raymond West,

K. G. I. Ea

ABSTRACT OP THB SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. lyii

A Meeting of the Society was held on Friday, the 26th June 1896.

Dr. J. Gcrson da Canha in the Chair.

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed.

Mr. Jivanji Jamshedji Modi read a paper on the ** Antiquity of the

A vesta.'*

Messrs. K. R. Cama and J. MacDonald and Dr. Nishikant of
Hyderabad (Deccan) made remarks on the paper.

A vote of thanks was then passed to Mr. J. J. Mody for the
interesting paper he had read.

Iviii PB18INT8 TO THE LI^BABT.

LIST OF PJIESSENTS TO THE LIBRARY.

(Fbom Jakcabt to Decsmbib 1895).

Titles of Books, Donors.

Acts, Goyemment of India, 1894.

Goyemment'of India.
Administb AVION Beport, Balacliistan, 1893-94.

Ooyemment of India.
Bengal, 1893-94.

Bengal Goyenunent.

Bombay Presidency, 1S93-94.

Bombay Goyemment.

Burmah, 1898-94.

Chief OommiBsioner, Burmab.

■ ■ Central India Agency, 1894-95.

Goyemment of India.

Hyderabad Assigned Districts, 1893-94.

Resident at Hyderabad.

■ Madras Presidency, 1893-94.

Madras Govemibent.

N.-W. Proyinces and Oudh, 1893-94.

Goyemment N.-W. P. and Ondb.

" Punjab, 1893-94.

Punjab Goyemment.

-—---____ p. w. D., Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

(Irrigation).

Bombay Goyemment.

■ ■ P. W. Department, Bombay Presidency,

1894.96.

Bombay Goyemment.

Rajpntana States, 1894-95.

Goyemment of India.

Agricultural Ledger, 1893 (Nos. 1 to 5 and 15) ; 1894 (Nos. 3, 7,

12 and 18 to 20) ; 1895 (Nos. 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 12, 13, 16, 17).

Goyemment of India.

Amsrigan Historical Association, Report, 1891-93*

Smithsonian Institution.
*— — — Museum of Natural History, Report, 1892-93.

Smithsonian Institution.
Apastamba Grihya Sutra.

Mysore GoTemment.

' Paribhasha Sutra*

Mysore Goremment.

PKBSMTS to THS UBSiBT. llX

AmcHJBOLOGicAL SoTTej of India. New Series. VoL XYIII., Put, I.
(Mogal Architecture of Eatepur Sikri).

(TOTermiient of India.
Akt Manufacture of India.

GoTemment of ^idia.
"Bombay Gazetteer, B^mibaj Town and Island, Part in.

Bombaj GiOTemment*

■ Unireraity Calendar, 1895-96.

The UniTeraity.
BowsK Manuscript, Fart IL Fasc. II.

Gorenunent of India.
BsiSP Sketch, Meteorology, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.

CaxAiiOOUC, Arabic MSS., Berlin Library.

The Library.

— of Coins, Indian Museum, Part 11.

Trustees of the Museum.

■ Lahore Museum, Part 11.

Groremment of Punjab.

. Sanskrit MSS., Calcutta Sanskrit Cellege Library.

Gofemment of India-

■ India Office Library, Part IV.

Secretary of State for India.
library of H. H. the Maharaja of Ulwar.

Dr. P. Peterson.
— — — of the Library, Institiition of Ciril Engineers.

The Institution.

CbH8U8 of India, 1S91. Hiji "Rl ghmntm f.lift Ni«itfn'« TiA Tniniana .

Bombay GrOTemment.

Mysore, Parts IIL and IV.

Bombay Groremment*

Ch CRAGS Daneh.

Dastur Darab P. Sanjana.

CinusATioy of the Eastern Iranians.

Framji Hormusji Setna, Esq.

CoMMOH Crow of the United States.

XT. S. Department of Agriculture.

Crop Experiments, Bombay Presidency, 1893-94.

Director of Land Beoords.

DAKmniTAJCiiBTi Stotra of Sri Sankaracharya,

Aysore GoTemment.

^SMOHBTBATioHs in the modes of "^a^^^^ng and examinTng the horse.

By N. D. Dhakmarrala.

The Author.

Iz PBE8KNT8 TO THE UBBABT.

DiCTiQNABT, Konkani and Portuguese. By Rev. S. B. Dalgado.

The Author.
Die Alttur Kischen Inschriften der Mongole^.

Academie des Scienees de St. Petersburg.
DiNA-i-Mainu i Khrat.

Dastur Darab P. Sanjana.

Framji Hormusji Setna, Esq.

Eablt History of the Deccan. 2nd Ed. By Dr. B. G. Bhandarker.

The Author.
East India (Accounts and Estimates) Explanatory Memo.

Secretary of State for India.

— (Cantonment Acts), 1895.

Secretary of State for India.
' Correspondence relating to Chitral.

1 Secretary of State for India.

.— i— (Cotton Manufactures) Import Duties.

Secretary of State for India.

' (Estimate).

Secretary of State for India.

n (Financial Statement, 1895*96).

Secretary of State for India.

■ (€k>Temment of India).

Secretary of State for India.
■ (Home Accounts).

Secretary of State for India.

■ (Indian Tariff Act and the Cotton Duties).

Secretary of State for India.
■ (Income and Expenditure), 1884 85 to 1893-94.

Secretary of State for India.

.—i— (Loans Raised in England).

Secretary of State for India.

— ■ (India).

Secretary of State for India .

— ■ Military Expenditure beyond the Frontier.

Secretary of State for India.

■ r ■ Gilgit, Ac.

Secretary of State for India.

■ (Progress and Condition), 1893-94.

Secretary of State for India.
I (Staff forps Officers).

Secretary of State for India.

Engbavbd Gems. By Professor M. Somerrille.

The Author.

PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. Ixi

Essays in English History. By B. P. Karkaria.

The Author.
FATU•^al-Zarib. La Bevelation de 1' Omnipresent.

The Governor-General, Netherlands, India.
FiNAx Beport, Boyal Commission on Opium.

Secretary of State for India.
Finance and Bevenue Accounts, Government of India, 1893-94.

Government of India.
Financial and Commercial Statistics, British India, 1894.

Government of India.
Ganjeshayagan.

Framji Hormusji Setna, Esq.
History of the Parsis.

Framji Hormusji Setna, Esq.
■ Tower Bridge.

The Bridge Estates Committee, Corporation, Cit^ of London.
Illxtbtbations of Indian Architectural Decorative Work. Plates 1-14.

Government of India.
Income Tax Reports, Bombay Presidency, 1893-94.

Bombay Government.
Index of Manuscripts, Govemlnent Oriental MSS. Library, Madras.

Madras Government.
Indian Meteorological Memoirs, Vol. V., Part 6.

Government of India.

■ Vol. v.. Parts 7, 8, 9.

Government of India.

^ Vol. VII., Parts 1-4.

Government of India.

IM*i

— Textile Journal Directory, 1895.

The Proprietor Indian Textile Journal.

Weather Review, 1894.

Government of India.
Instettctions to Observers, Indian Meteorological Department.

Government of India.
Intebnal Trade, Punjab, 1894-95.

Punjab Government.

IsRiaATiON Revenue Report, Bombay Presidency, 1893-94.

Bombay Government.

Sind, 1893-94,

Bombay Government.
Journey through Mongolia and Tibet. By W. W. Rockhill.

The Smithsonian Institution.
Judaism at the World's Parliament of Religions.

The Union of the American Hebrew Congregation.

Ixiv PRESENTS TO THE LinRARy.

Report, Mofnssil, Civil Hospitals and Dispensaries.

Bombay Government.

■ Meteorological Department, Government of India, 18^4-95.

Government of India-

■ Madras Government, Central Museum, 1894-95.

Madi'as Government*

■ Municipalities, Punjab, 1893-94.

Punjab Government.

— Municipal Taxation and Expenditure, Bombay Presidency,

1893-94.

Bombay Government.

■ Northern India, Salt Revenue Department, 1894-96.

Commissioner, N. I., Salt ItevennQ.
' Opium Department, Bombay Presidency, 1893-94.

Bombay Government,
— on Forest Management.

Government of India.
^— — — on Publications, British India, 1894.

Government of India.
on Sanskrit MSS., Bombay Presidency, 1884-85 and 1886-87.

Bombay Government.

■ Police, Bombay, 1894.

Bombay Government*
— Public Instruction, Punjab, 1893-94.

Punjjab Government.
- — — - Rail and Road-bome Trade, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.

Railways in India, 1893-94.

Secretary of State for India.

■ Railway Department, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.
«— Registration Department, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.

. Punjab, 1894-95.

Punjab Gk)vemment.

■ — Rail, Road and River-borne Traffic, Sind, 1894-95.

Bombay Government,

Reformatory School, Yerrowda, 1894.

Bombay Government.

Sanitary Administration, Punjab, 1894.

Punjab Government.

Salt and Continental Customs Department, 1893-94.

Bombay Government.

PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. IxV

Report, Sanskrit MSS. Southern India, No. I.

Madras Government.

r— Stamp Department, Bombay, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.
' Punjab, 1894-95.

Punjab Government.

.... Survey of India Departments, 1893-94.

Government of India.
. Trade and Navigation, Sind, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.
— T Talukdari, Settlement Officer, 1893-94.

Bombay Government.
— ] Vaccination, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.
> . . Vaccination, Punjab, 1894-95.

Punjab Government,
r Rail and River-borne Traffic, Sind, 1893-i^4.

Bombay Government.
Bbserches Sur le Bouddhisme.

Musee Guimet.
Beturns, Bail and Biver-bome Traffic, Sind, 1893-94 and 1894-95.

Bombay Government.
Beview, Trade of India, 1894-95.

Government of India.
Revision Survey Settlement, Shabpur District, Punjab, 1887-94.

Punjab Government.

r: * Alibag Taluka, Kolaba.

Bombay Government.

. ■ Haliyal Taluka, Kanara.

Bombay Government.

'■ — -^— ■ Javali Taluka, Satara.

Bombay Government.

■ ; Mebamadabad Taluka, Kaira.

Bombay Govemmentt

• ■ ■ . Peint Taluka, Nasik.

Bombay Government.

■ .. ■ .. ■ Anand Taluka, Kaira.

Bombay Government.

m .1 ■ Dbandhuka Taluka, Ahmedabad.

Bombay Government.

■ — — Gokak Taluka, Belgaum.

Bombay Government.

Ixiv PRESENTS TO THE LIBEARY.

Report, Mofussil, Civil Hospitals and Dispensaries.

Bombay Government.

■ Meteorological Department, Government of India, 18^4-95.

Government of Indiii.

■ Madras Government, Central Museum, 1894-95.

Madi'as Government.

■ Municipalities, Punjab, 1893-94.

Punjab Government.

— Municipal Taxation and Expenditure, Bombay Presidency:,

1893-94.

Bombay Government.

■ Northern India, Salt Revenue Department, 1894-96.

Commissioner, N. I., Salt Revenue^.
I Opium Department, Bombay Presidency, 1893-94.

Bombay Government.
— — ^— on Forest Management.

Government of Indii^
^— — - on Publications, British India, 1894.

Government of India.
on Sanskrit MSS., Bombay Presidency, 1884-85 and 1886-87.

Bombay Govermnent.
^ Police, Bombay, 1894.

Bombay Government*
— . Public Instruction, Punjab, 1893-94.

Punjab Government.
_ — 1-_ Rail and Road-bomc Trade, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.

— Railways in India, 1893-94.

Secretary of State for India.

■ Railway Department, Bombay Presidency, 189 i- 95.

Bombay Government.
«— Registration Department, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

Bombay GovemmcQt.
. Punjab, 1894-95.

Punjab Gk>vemment.

■ Rail, Road and River-borne Traffic, Sind, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.

Reformatory School, Yerrowda, 1894.

Bombay GoyemniefHbi

Sanitary Administration, Punjab, 1894.

Punjab Goi

Salt and Continental Customs Department, 1898-^

Bombay <

PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. IXT

Report, Sanski-it MSS. Soathem India, No. I.

Madras Government,
r— 7 Stamp Department, Bombay, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.

' Punjab, 1894-95.

Punjab Government.

rrrr— Survey of India Departments, 1893-94.

Government of India.
■ . Trade and Navigation, Sind, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.
— T Talukdari, Settlement Officer, 1893-94.

Bombay Government.
— ■ Vaccination, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.
' . . , Vaccination, Punjab, 1894-95.

Punjab Government.
— Rail and Biver-borne Traffic, Sind, 1893-94.

Bombay Government.
Bbsekches Sur le Bouddhisme.

Musee Guimet.
Returns, Rail and River-borne Traffic, Sind, 1893-94 and 1894-95.

Bombay Government.
Review, Trade of India, 1894-95.

Government of India,
Revision Survey Settlement, Shabpur District, Punjab, 1887-94.

Punjab Government,
rr * Alibag Taluka, Kolaba.

Bombay Government.

. ■ Haliyal Taluka, Kanara.

Bombay Government.

' — r^— — . ■ Javali Taluka, Satara.

Bombay Government.

. — r Mehamadabad Taluka, Kaira.

Bombay Govemmentt

r ■ ■ . ' Peint Taluka, Nasik.

Bombay Government.

r: ■ . — ■ Anand Taluka, Kaira.

Bombay Government.

r • ■ Dhandhuka Taluka, Ahmedabad.

Bombay Government.

— — — Gokak Taluka, Belgaum.

Bombay Government.

Ixvi PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY.

BvTis ION Survey Settlement, EaJjaxi Taluka, Thasa, 1895.

Bombay Govenunent.
■ ■■ ^1 I Koregaum Taluka, Satara.

Bombay Government.
I I ■■ ■ Karad Taluka, Satara.

Bombay Government.
_^ _ Murbad Taluka, Thana.

Bombay Government,

■■ * »•— Nadiad Taluka. Elaira.

Bombay Government.
■I I ■ ' ■ ■ I Patau Taluka, Satara.

Bombay Government.

*^ ■ '■ " Pen Taluka, Colaba.

Bombay Government.
Sangeetaditya. By Lakbmidas Aditram.

The Auihois
Sanitary Measures in India, 1893-94,

Bombay Government.
Selections from the Upanishads.

Christian Literary Society, Madras.
Smithsonian Report, 1890-92-93.

Smithsonian Institution,
— — ^-— Institution, Bureau of Ethnology, Report, 1885-88.

Smithsonian Institution.
« Miscellaneous Collection, 1893.

Smithsonian Institution.
Some Account of Silk in India.

Government of India.
South Australia.

Bombay Government.
South African Republic ; Papers relating to Grievances of Her
Majesty's Indian subjects.

Secretary of State for India.
Statement, Trade and Navigation, British India, 1892-93-94.
(Appendices). Government of India.

1894-95, 2 Vole.

Government of India.
Statistical Abstract, British India, 1884^ to 1893-94.

Secretary of State for India.

Survey Settlement Report, Kaldhan Village, Ehatava Taluka, Satara.

Bombay Government*

Synopsis of Operations, G. T. Survey of India, Vol. 34.

Government of India.

PBESBNTS TO THE LIBRABT. Ixvii

Taittieiya Samliita, Kpislina Yajurveda, Vols. 2 and 3.

Mysore Goyemment.

Telegraph Map of India, 1894.

The Superintendent, G. T. Survey.

Text Book of Sanitary Science.

Govemment of India.
Third Beport, Curator of Ancient Monuments.

Govemment of India.

•

Tide Tables, Indian Ports, 1895.

Govemment of India,
Trade, British India, 1889-90 to 1893-94.

Secretaty of State for India.

-^— and Navigation Accoxmts, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

Bombay Government*

■ ' British India, Monthly Accounts, 1894-95.

Govemment of India.

' Betums, Aden, 1894-95.

Bombay Grovemment.
Transutsbation of Oriental Alphabets. By J. Burgess.

The Author.

United States, Geographical and Geological Survey Report,

Yols. yil. and IX. Smithsonian Institution.

■ Geological Survey Beports, 1889-93.

Smithsonian Institution.

■ Geological Survey, Monographs, Vols. 17-22.

Smithsonian Institution.
YiSHNU Purana, Abridgment from English Translation

Christian Literary Society, Madras.

Wrecks and Casualties in Indian Waters, 1894.

Govemment of India.

Ixviii PRESENTS TO THE LIBRART.

LIST OP PRESENTS.

From January to June 1896.

Titles of Boohs. Donors.

Acts, Government of India, 1895.

Government of India.
Agricultural Ledger, No. 16, 1894.

Government of India.
: Nos. 11, 14, 15, 19, 23, 1895.

Government of India.

Annals, Botanical Garden, Calcutta, Vol. V.

Superintendent, Botanical Gkirden.
ADMINISTRA.TION Report, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.

Baluchistan, 1894-95.

Government of India.

— -: N.-W. Provinces andOudb. 1894-95.

Government, N.-W. P.

■ ■ Madras Presidency, 1894-95.

Madr^ Government.

■ _« Hyderabad Assigned District, 1894-95.

Resident, Hyderabad.
Bengal, 1894-96.

Bengal Government.
Burma, 1894-95.

Chief Commissioner, Burma.

— Punjab, 1894-95.

Punjab Government.
Bombay Code, 2nd Edition, Vol. II.

Government of India.
Catalogue, Persian Books, Asiatic Society, Bengal.

Asiatic Society.
Crop Bxpeiiments, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.
ENGLiSH-Pei-sian Dictionary. By Wollaston,

Secretary of State for India.
Finance and Revenue, Accounts, Government of India, 1894-95.

Government of India.
Income Tax Report, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.
Indian Meteorological Memoirs, Vol. VII., Part 5 ; Vol. VIII., Part 1 ;
Vol. IX., Parts 2 & 3.

o '. Government of India.

PRISBNTS TO THE LIBBAET. kix

Ikrioation Revenue Report, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

Bombay Government
Jack Babbits, United States.

TJ. S. Dept. of Agriculture.
K. T. Telang. By R. P. Karkaiia.

The Author.
Life and Exploits of Alexander the Great.

Lady Meux.
List of Ancient Monuments in Bengal.

Bengal Government.
Magnetical and Meteorological Observations, Bombay, 1894.

Bombay Government.
Notices, Sanskrit MSB., Bengal, Vol. XI.

Asiatic Society, Bengal,
Original Survey Settlement, Gujnal, Gokak, Belgaum.

Bombay Gk)vemment.

-^— — — ■ 6?t**i, Belgaum.

Bombay Government.
Parliamentary Papers : —

Prance (No. 2) 1896; Settlement of the Siamese and other

Questions.
Declaration between Great Britain and France,with regard to Siam.
East India (Opium), correspondence regarding the Report.
Statement Trade of British India, 1890-91 to 1894-96. Report,
Railways in India, 1894-96.

Secretary of State for India.
Police Administration, Punjab, 1894-96.

Punjab (Government.
Police Reports, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.
IPkoceedings, Legislative Council, Bombay, 1894.

Bombay Government.
Bajaputana, Sanitary, Yaccination, Dispensary and Jail Report,
1894.

Government of India.
Repoet, Archaeological Survey, N.-W. Provinces and Oudh, 1894-95.

Government, N.-W. P.-

— — — Western India, 1894-96.

Bombay Government.
m Chemical Analyser to Government, Bombay, 1895.

Bombay Government/

Criminal Justice, Punjab, 1894.

Punjab Government.

IxX PRESENTS TO THE LIBBABT.

Eepobt, Customs Administration, Bombay, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.
— ■ Civil Justice, Punjab, 1894.

Punjab Government*

■ Civil Veterinary Department, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.

Director of Public Instruction, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

Director of Public Instruction.
.—..»» Land Records and Agriculture, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.
— — on Municipalities, Punjab, 1894-95.

Punjab Government.
— — Public Instruction, Punjab 1894-95.

Punjab Government.
Railways in India, 1894-95, Part II.

Government of India.
' Slat, and Continental Customs Depts., Bombay Presidency.
1894-95.

Bombay Government.
— — "— Salt Department, Sind, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.
— — — Sea Customs Department, Sind, 1894-95.

Bombay Grovemment.

■ ■ Talukdari Settlement Officer, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.
Revision Survey Settlement, Talukdari Yilla^s, Sunand, Ahmedabad.

Bombay Government.
■ ■ Karjat, Thana.

Bombay Governments

m ■ KapadvanJ.

Bombay Government.

. ■ Borsad, Kaira.

Bombay Government.
Tbade and Navigation Accounts, British India, Nos. 6,8,7,9,10

1895-96.

Government of India.
Tide Tables, Indian Ports, 1896.

Government of India*
Ybndidad. Ed. Darab P. Sanjana.

The Editor.

YoTAOE dans Le Laos.

Mnsee Gnimei^

ToTAGES of Pedro S. de Gamboa. (Haklayt Society).

Bombay Government.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE BOMBAY BRANCH
liUYAL ASIA lie SDCIKTY.

(From July 1896 to Jcne 1897.)

A Meeting of the Society was held on Saturday, the 8th August
1896.

Mr. J. MacDonald, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the Chair,

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed.

Mr. R. P. Karkaria read a paper on ** The Emperor Akbar and
the Parsees."

Dr. Pollen made remarks on the paper, and moved a vote of thanks
to Mr. Karkaria for the interesting paper he had read.

The motion, on being put to the vote, was carried by acclamation.

A Meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, the 13th August
1896.

Dr. P. Peterson, President, in the Chair.

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed.

Dr. Nishikant read a paper on Mrichchakatika, a Sanskrit Drama
by Sudraka.

The Honorary Secretary made remarks on the paper, and moved a
vote of thanks to Dr. Nishikant for the interesting paper he had read.

The President, with his observations, put the vote to the Meeting,
and it was carried by acclamation.

A Meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, the 24th September
1896.

Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha, Vice-President, in the Chair.

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed.

The Honorary Secretary informed the Meeting that Mr. J. V. Vaz,
Veterinary Overseer, N.-W. P., a non-resident Member of the Society,
had sent from Babugarh a snake in a bottle. Mr. Vaz writes that
the natives know it as * Dhawan.* It is very poisonous, and is believed
to be the fastest runner among snakes. When irritated or about to
make an attack, it lays hold of any thing by the mouth, and lashes its
tail to and fro like a horse- whip forcibly used.

Mr. Mahadeva Rajaram Bodas read a paper on a Historical Sketch
of Indian Logic.

The Honorary Secretary made remarks on the paper, and moved a
vote of thanks to Mr. Bodas, which was carried by acclamation.

; .

i
I

1 ■

! '
( ■

,■■;

. i

' 'i

'■I

Ixxii ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS,

A General Meeting of the Society was held on Thnradaj, the
November 1896.

Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the CI
The following proposals about periodicals, newspapers^ &c., r©
from Members, were placed before the Meeting : —
By The Hon'ble A. F. Beaufort,
The Rev. A. H. Bowman, and
j-j Lt.-Col. T. A. Freeman —

I ■ That the following be taken in —

f. The " Churchman," a Monthly Magazine. — Co

The ** Record," Weekly Newspaper. — Carried.
By F. H. Brown, Esq. —

That the weekly edition of the ** London Times" be tal

By M. R. Bodas, Esq. —

That the following be subscribed for —

The " Hindu" (Madras), Weekly.— Crtm«;.
The •• Amrit Bazar Patrika," Daily or Weekly-
!■ The " Madras Review." — Proposal withdrawn.

\\' The " Bramha Vadan."— Do.

jj; A Meeting of the Society was held on Friday, the 27th Nov

T' 1896.

[.'. Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the C

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed.

The Rev. J. E. Abbott read a paper on an Inscription on the
Gateways at Ahmedabad.

The Honorary Secretary and Diwan Bahadur Manibbai

remarks on the pai)er.
*•■

I'l A vote of thanks was tlicn moved to tlie Rev. Mr, Abbott !

*•■

i > paper he had read, and it was carried by acclamation.

][] A Meeting of the Society was held on Monday, the 21st Dec

\i 1896.

!;l Dr. P. Peterson, President, in the Chair,

l! The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed.

!' Mr. Rajaram Shastri Bhagwat read a paper on a Chapter frc

"::l Tandya Brahmana of the Sam Veda and the Latyayana Suti

;j the admission of the non- Aryans into Aryan Society in the Vedi<

On the motion of the Uon'ble Mr. Justice Ranade, a vote of i
was passed to Mr. Rajaram Shastri for the interesting paper he h«

;i
'i '

.-tr
I

OFFICIAL LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. Ixxiil

The annual meeting of the Society was held on Thursday
the 18th February 181)7.

Present.

Mr. James MacDonald.
One of the Vice-Presidents in the Chair.
The Joint Honorary Secretary read the following Report: — •

annual report for 1896.

mp:mbers.

Resident, — 44 Members were elected during the year, and
1 Non-Resident Member came to Bombay, 22 withdrew, 7
retired, 5 died, and 1 having left Bombay was put on the
Non-Resident list. The total number of Members at the close
of 1896 was 272 against 262 at the end of the preceding year.

Non-Resident. — 5 Members were elected during 1896 and 1
was transferred from the list of Resident Members; 6 regined,
] retired, 1 was added to the Resident list, and 2 died. The
number at the end of the year was 52 against 56 at the close
of 1895.

OBITUARY.

The Society have to record with regret the loss bj^ death
of the following Members ; —

RESIDENT.

Kharsetji Fardoonji Parakh, Esq.

N. S. Symons, Esq.

J. P. Phythian, Esq.

Rev. J. F. Gardner.

Vinayak Nat ay an Bhagvat, Esq.

Ixxiv ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIITY's PROCEEDINGS,

NON-RESIDENT.

H. H. The Maharaja of Bhownagar.
H. H. Dhruva, Esq.

ORIGINAL COMJICNICATIONS.

The following papers were read before the Society during
the year : — •

(1) The Portuguese in South Kanara, By Dr. J. Gersou
da Cunha.

(2) On the Antiquity of the Avesta, By JivanjI Janoshedji
Modi, Esq.

(3) The Emperor Akbar and the Paraees. By R. P.
Karkaria, Esq,

(4) On Mrichhakatikam or the Toy Cart ; a Sanskrit Dranuu
By Dr. Nishikunt (Jhattopadhya.

(5) A Historical Sketch of Indian Logic. By Mahadeo
Rnjaram Bodas, Esq.

. (G) An Inscription on the Three Gateways at Abmedabad.
By Rev. J. E. Abbott.

(7) A Chapter from the Tandya Brahman of the Samveda
and tlie Lntyayana Sutras on the admission of the non- Aryans
into Aryan Society in the Vedio Age, By Rajaram Shastri
Bhagvat, Esq.

LIBRARY,

Issues cf Bookss

The issues of Books during the year were 29,362 volumes;
19,954 of new books, including periodicals, and 9,968 of old
books. The issues in the year before were 30,754 Tolumes ;
19,838 of new books and 10,916 of the old.

OFFICIAL, LITERARY^ AND BCIEMTIFIC.

Ixxi

The folIowiDg is a detailed statement of the montbly
issues : —

January ...
February ,.,
March ...
April

June

July

August ..•

September

October

>Iovember

December

•••

««•

•••

*••

•••

Total

Old

New

Books.

Booksi

8l6

Ifim

839

i,yid

9h5

1,796

901

1,630

7U2

1,190

734

1,825

811

1,981

978

1.933

852

1.484

859

1,806

696

1.413

795

1,008

9,968

19,594

The volumes of issues arranged according to classes are
given in the following table : —

Classes.

Volumes.

Novels, Bomances, and Tales ...

Miscellaneous and Works on several subjects of the same authors

Biography and Personal Nar ative

Voyages, Travels, Geography, and Topography

History, Historical Memoirs and Chronology

Politics. Political Economy, &c. ... ...

English Poetry and Dramatic Woiks ...
Oriental Literature aud Religion

Theology and Ecclesiatrical History

Transactions of Learned Societies, Encyclopaedias, &c.
Foreign Literature ... ... ... .. ...

Natural History, Mineralogy, Geology, and Chemistry
Natural Philosophy, Mathematics, Mechanics, Astronomy, &o.

Grammatical Works. Dictionaries, &c. ...

Works on Military Subjects ... ... ... ,,,

Philolojfy. Literary Bistory, and Bibliography

Metaphysics and Moral Philosophy

Fine Arts and Architecture

Medicine, Surgery, and Phy8ioloo:y

Antiquities, Numismatics, Heraldry, and Genealogy

Logic, Khetoric, an«J Works relating to Education

Public Records, Government Publicationa, &c.

v/lfi8SlC8 ... ... *•• •*• •** ••• .•• •.•

Jurisprudence ... ... ... ... .•• ... ..•

Botany, Agriculture, Ac. ... ... ... ... ...

The issues of r^iriodicals during 1896, were ...

... ...

Total..,

9,2R0
1,5R4
1,467
892
790
5H6
549
637
S30
314
278
269
2J3
187
181
180
179
154

138
121

102
89
68
48

18,fi98
10,864

29,559

Ixxvi ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDIKGS,

It will appear from the table showing the number of volumes
of different classes issued during the year that works of fic-
tion find most favour with the Members of the Society. Next
to fiction in popularity are works of standard authors, books
of biography, travel and history. After these come politics,
political economy, poetry and drama and oriental literature.
These are followed by the classes ' Religion,' * Foreign ' Lite-
rature, * Science/ ' Philology ' * Fine Arts/ and * Architecture/
'Antiquities/ * Logic,' 'Classics/ &c.

ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY.

The total number of volumes or parts of volumes added to
the Library during the year was 998, Of these 653 were
purchased, and 345 presented. The number in the preceding
year was 897 ; 572 being acquired by purchase, and S'2b by
presentation.

The presents of books were chiefly received from the
Bombay Government, the Government of India, the other
Local Governments, and the Secretary of State for India, and
a few from individual authors and other donors.

Among the books presented special mention must be made
of a very valuable work, '* Report on the Scientific Results of
the Voyage of H. M. S. Challenger y during 1872-76," in 50
volumes, which the Lords Commissioners of Tier Mijesty's
Treasury were pleased to present to the Society. There was
also another important book, the **Life and Exploits of Alex-
ander the Great, being a Series of Ethiopic texts, with English
Translation by E. A. W. Budge," received by the Society
from Lady Moux.

OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFtC.

Ixxvix

The volumes of each class of books purchased by, and pre-
BODted to, the Society during 1896 are shown in the following
table : —

Classes.

Purchased.

Presented.

Theolopry and Ecclesiastioal History

Kataral Theology, Metaphysics, and Moral Philo

BOpjuY^ ,•• ••• ••« »■• ••• ••« •«.

Logic, Rhetoric, and Works relating to Education
Classics, Translations and Works illustrative of the

V^XKCIdIL S tta «•• ••• »t* #•• t«A ««

Philology, Literary History, and Bibliography

History, Historical Memoirs, and Chronoiogy ...
Politics, Political Economy, and Statistics ...
Jurisprudence ... .. ... ...

Public Records, Statutes. &c

Biography and Personal Narratives ...

Antiquities, Numismatics, Heraldry, and Genealogy ..
Voyages, Travels, Geography, and Topography

English Poetry and Dramatic Works .,

Novels, Romances, and Tales

Miscellaneous and Works on several subjects of the

same Authors ... ... ... ... ...

Foreign Literature ...

Natural Philosophy, Mathematics, Mechanics, and

^ASLronomy . . . ... ... ... ... .«. ..,

Fine Arts and Architecture

Science of War and Works on Military Subjects
Natural History, Mineralogy, Geology, and Che

luiov* y «•• #•• ••« ••• ••• ••• ••'

Botany, Agriculture, and Horticulture •

Medicine, Surgery, Physiology, &c.

Transactions of Learned Societies, Encyclopajdias, and

Periodical Works...

Dictionaries, Lexicons, Vocabularies, and Grammatical

vY OrKS ... ... *•( ... ... ..a ...

Oriental Literature

Total...

12
1

8
17
48
28

8
79

184

61
2

8
21

•••

8
82

182

*••

••t

#••

t*t

•••

57
6

345

A Catalogue of books added to the Library during the year
with an Index of subject, is being compiled by the Librarian^
and will be supplied to members as soon as it is printed.

Ixxvlll ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS,

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS.

The newspapers, periodicals, and journals of learned Societies
subscribed for and presented to the Society during the year
were —

Literary Monthlies ... ... ... ... 13

Illustrated ... ... ... ... ... ... 18

Scientific and Philosophical Journals, Transac-
tions of learned Societies, &c. ... ... 39

xve views ... ... ... ••• *•• ... JO

English Newspapers ... ... ... ... 17

Eno^lish and French Registers, Almanacs,

Directories, &c. ... ... ... "^ ... «.• 15

Foreign Literary and Scientific Periodicals ... 12

American Literary and Scientific Periodicals .. 12

Indian Newspapers and Government Gazettes... 1 9

Indian Journals, Reviews, &c. ,.. ... ... 27

At a Meeting of the Society held in November under Article
20 of the Rules, it was decided to subscribe to the ** Church-
man,'' the '* Record,'* and the weekly edition of the "Londoa
Times," and of the " Hindu" (Madras), from the commencement
of 1897.

COIN CABINET.

64 Coins were added to the Society's Cabinet during the
year. Of these 5 were presented by the Nawab of Balsinor,
through the Political Agent, Rewa Kanta; 8 by Lieut.-Colonel
W. P. Kennedy, Administrator, Jamnaggar State; and 6 by
the State Karbhari, Akalkote. The rest were received from
diflferent Governments under the Treasure Trove Act —

24 from the Punjab Government.

8 „ Madras „

3 ff Bombay ^^

Of the 54 coins received 48 were of silver, and 6 of copper.

OFFICIAL^ LITEBABT^ AND 6CIENTIFI0. ]zzix

A detailed descriptive list of the coins is subjoined i'^

Presented by the Nawah of Balsinor —

5 Silver coins of Mahomedan Kings of Gujarat.

Presented by the Administrator of Jamnagar —
8 Silver, Later Guptas.

Found in the Jamnagar State.

Presented^ by the State Karbhari of Akalkote —

4 nindu copper coins of the Deccan bearing the image
of Hanuman.

2 Copper coins of the Bahamani Dynasty of Gulbarga.
Found in a village in the Akalkote State.

Presented by the Punjab Government —
1 7 Silver coins of Aurangzeeb.

1 „ coin of Shah Alam.

2 ,1 coins of Bahadur Shah.
4 „ M of Shah Jehan.

Found in the Delhi District.

Presented by the Madras Governmsnt^^

8 Silver punch marked coins.

Found in the Bimlipatam Taluka, Vizagaptam
District.

Presented by the Bombay Government-^

1 Silver coin of Timurshah.
1 „ „ Aurangzeeb,

1 ,, ,, Shah Jehan.

Found in the Shikarpur District.

liXX ABSTRACT OF THK SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS,

Journal.

No. 52 of the Journal contaiuiiig pnpers contributed to the
Society from March 18'J5 to June 1896 was published in the
year. No. 53 containing pnpers received since June 1896 will
shortly be put into printers hands.

The following is a list of Governments, Societies, Institutions,
&c., to which the Journal of the Society is presented : —

Bombay Government; Government of India; Government of Bengal ; Go7-
ernmont of Madras ; Punjab Government; Government, N.-W. Provinces and
Oudli ; Chief Commissioaer, Central Provinoos; Chief Commissioner, Coorg :
Resident, Hyderabad ; Chief Comiwiaaiouer, Burm.ih ; Geological .SurTey of
India j G. T, Survey of India ; Marine Survey of India ; Bengal Asiatic
Boeiety ; Agrioaltural Society of India ; Literfiry Society of Madras ; Provin-
«ln1 Museum, Lucknow ; Bombay University ; Madras Univei-sity ; Punjab
Uoivereity ; B, A. Society, Ceylon Branch; R. A. Sooicfty, North China Branch
the Ahiatio Society of Japan ; Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences.

Strasbourg Library; Geoj^raphioal Society, Vienna ; London Institution of
Civil Engineers ; Royal Geographical Society, London; Statistical Society
London; Royal Astronomical Society; Literary and Philosophical Society,
Manchester ; Imperial Aoademy of Sciences, St. Pctersburgh ; Smithsonian
lustitntion, Washington; Royal Society of Northern Autijuaries, Copenhagan ;
Moyal Society of EJinbargh ; D.3ut8clie Morgeulandisohe Gcsellschaft, Leipzig ;
Litoniry and Philosophical Society. Liverpool ; British Museum, London ; Koyal
Society, London ;' Royal Asiatic Society, Great Britain and Irelund ; Academie
Real das Scicnoia de Lisbo.i, Lisbon ; Sooict^ dc Geographio Commerciale de
Bordeaux; Socicte de Geographio de Lyons; Hungarian Academy of Soienoes
(Bnda Post) ; Sociedad Geog atica de Madrid ; Royal Dublin Society ; Soci^t^
Gtiographie de PariH; Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences ; United States
Survey ; Kaisorlichc Akademie der Wissensobaften, Vienna; United Service
Icstitution ; Minnesota Academy of Natural Soieu<5o ; India Office Libniry ;
London Bible Society; Vienna Orieutalische Museum; Boston Society of Natural
History; Musde Guiroet, Lyons; Victoria Institution, London; Royal Institution,
Great Britain ; American Geographical Society; American Oriental Society;
Hamilton AsbooiatioD, America; Editor, Journal of Compai*ative Neurology
Granville, Ohio, U. 6. A. ; American Museum of Natural History ; Soci(:t<1
Asiatique, Paris; Geological Society, London; Royal Aoademy of Sciences,
AmFterdam ; American Philological Association, Cambridge : Royal Univer-
B ity Upsala (Sweden).

OFFICIAL, LITErMWY, AND SCTBNTIFIC. . IxXlU

THE ANTHROPOIiOGICAL SOCIETY OF BOMBAY.

The Society received the following proposal from the
Anthropological Society about the beginning of the year :—

*• The Members of the Anthropological Society of Bombay
at their meeting held on the 18th November 1805 have
resolved that their Museum and Librar}' be presented to you
in Uito, in consideration of which they request your Society
to allow them to liold their meetings in one of your Hooms,
and also to give them access to the books and records which
they at present posse.'-s.

The Committee of Management accepted the proposal and
recommended it for approval of the Members of the Society.
This was done at a meeting of Members held on January 2l8t
when the recommendation of the Committee was finally
adopted.

Since then the Museum and the Library of the Anthro-
pological Society have been located in the Society's Rooms
and its meetings have been held in the Meeting Room of the
Asiatic.

A statement detailing the items of receipts and disbar^e-
ments for 1896 accompanies the report. The total amount of
pubscriptions received during the year, including arrears
Rs. 50, was Rs. 9,964. Subscriptions in 1895 amounted to
Rs. 10,360-5-4, There was also received on account of Life
Subscription from one Non-Resident Member the sum of
Rs. 120. Of this Rs. 10') have been duly invested in Govern-
ment Securities in accordance with Article XVI of the Rules.

The balance to the credit of the Socioly at tl-.'^ ^^' ri ,T h?
year was Rs. 1,124-13-^ and the arrears of buubcriptioiAd
Rs. 275,

Ixzxii ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.

The invested Funds of the Society amount to Rs.l 1,500,
. On the motion of Mr. II. E. H. Wilkinson, seconded by Mr.
S. T, Bhandare, the report and accounts for 1 896 were unani-
mously adopted.

Mr. James MacDonald then proposed and Surgeon-Captain
B. B. Grayfoot seconded that the following gentlemen form
the Committee of Management and the Auditors for 1897.
The proposition was unanimously carried : —

President .
Dr. P. Peterson, M.A.

Vice-Presiden is ,

Dr, J. Gerson da Cunha,
James MacDonald, Esq.

K. R. Cama, Esq.

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice Candy.

Members,

The Hon'ble Jayerilal U. Yajnik.
Pr. Atmaram Pandurang.
Pr. D. MacDonald.
Prof. M. MacMillan, B. A.
Rev. R. Scott, M. A.

The Hon ble Mr. Justice M. G.

Ranade, C. I. E.
N. G. Chandawarkar, Esq.,

B. A., LL. B.

Surgeon-Captain B. B. Grayfoot.

The Rev. Dr. D. Mackichan,
M. A.

J. T. Hathornthwaitc, Esq.,

M.A.

Lieut. A. J. Peile, R. A.

F. C. Rimington, Esq.

T. J. Bennett, Esq.

Dr. J. Pollen, I.C.S.

Honorary Secretary,
The Hon'ble Javerilal U. Yajnik.

Joint Honorary Secretary,
Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha.

Honorary Auditor's.
Darasha Ratanji Chichgar. Esq,
H. R. H. Wilkinson, Esq.

BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY-

STATEMENT OF ACCOUNTS.

Ixx&iv

ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY S PROCEEDINGS,

Dr.

BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE

GENERAL STATEMENT of Receipts and Disbursements

Balance of last year

Subecription of Resident Members ,

Do. of Non-Resident Members

Do. in Arrears ... ...

Do. of Non- Resident Life Member ...

Government Contribution

Sale-proceeds of Waste papers ...
Do. of Journal Numbers

Do. of Catalogues ,

Do. of Duplicate Copies of Books ...

Interest on Society's Government^Paper

Total.. .Es.

Bs. a. p.

9,i:32 15 1

682

120

4,200

13 8

31 12

35 11

667 6 4

Bs. a. p.
1,047 10 9

15,074 4 5

16,121 15 8

Examined and found correct.
D. R. CHIOHGAR,
H. B. H. WILKINSON,

Auditor;

OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AMD BClENTiriC.

Ixxxv

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

from \»t January to 31»< December 1896.

Cr.

Boolu purchased in Bombay ,

Hemittanoes to Messrs. Kegan, Paal, Trenoh,
Trubner & Co.—

Books ... ... ... ... £35 16 4

English Newspapers and

Pmodicalu £136 2 7

In all (£171.18-11), equivalent of

I Sabscription to Newspapers, paid in India ...

Printing ... ••• ... ••• ••• ...

Sinding ••• ••• •«• ••• ••• •••

General Charfres ... ... ... ...

ocacxouery •«. *•• ... .•• ... ...

Postage and Receipt Stamps

Shipping and Landiug Char(j;es

Office Establishment

Gas Charges ..« ..«

Printing of Journal •

Insurance Charges ... ...

Guvernment Paper purchased ...

Balance in Bank of Bombay ... ...

Do. iu hand ... ... .., ... .,

Total ..Rs.

Investment in Government Paper,

The Society's Fund

The Premcband Roychand Fund

Rs. a. p.
::,836 14 9

Rs. a. p.

2,932 3 10

3J1 8

684 1

665 1 6

307 5 5

96 4 6

78 9 7

42 8 3

6,684

85 12

862 6

281 4

100

1,079 3 2
64 13 2

8,500
3,000

14,977 14 10

1,H4 4

16,121 15 2

- 11,500

J. GBRSON DA CUNHA,
Joint Honorary Secretary^

IxXXVl ABSTRACT TO THE BOCIETT^S PR0CJBEDJN08«

BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Patron :

His Excellencj the Right Honourable Lord Sandhurst, G.C.I.E.,

Governor.

President :

Dr. P. Peterson, M.A.

Vice-Presidents :

Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha.
James MacDonald, Esq.

K. R. Camn, Esq.

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice Candy,

Committee Members :

The Hon'ble Mr. J. U. Yajnik.

Dr. Atmaram Pandurang.

Dr. D. MacDonald.

Prof. M, Macmillan, B.A.

Bev. R. Scott, M.A.

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice M. G.

Ranade, C. I. E.
N. G. Chandawarkar, Esq., LL.B.

Surgeon-Captain B. B. Grayfoot,
Rev. Dr. D. Mackichan, M.A.
J.T. Hathornthwaite, Esq., M. A.
Lieut. A. J. Peile, R. A.
F. C. Rimington, Esq.
T. J. Bennett, Esq.
Dr. J. Pollen. L C. S.

Honorary Secretary:

The Hon'ble Mr. Javerilal Umiashankar Yajni^v.

Joint Honorary Secretary :

(Numismatics and Archceology )

Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha.

Honorary Auditors :
Darasha Ratanji Chichgar, Esq.
H. R. H. Wilkinson, Esq.

Assistant Secretary and Librarian :
Mr. Ganpatrao K. Tiwarekar.

JXXXTl'i

LIST OIF 3N«^EAd:BEI^S

On the ?>\st December 1896,

RESIDENT.

Year of
Election.

18C2 (l)Khar?etji llastamjiCama,
Esq, (Life Member)
^ (2) Hon'blc Mr. H. M. Bird-
wood.
1864 (3) G. A. Kittrodgis Esq.
„ (4) Nowroji Maiicckj^ Wa-
dia, Esq.

18G5 (5) Dr. Atniaraiii Pandu-
rang.

18GG (6) Varidravandas Piirsbo-

tamdas, Esq.

1867 (7) J. Westlake, Esq.

,, (8) R. M. A. Branson, Esq.

1809 (9) Dr. L. P. DeRozario.

1870 (10) Hon'bb Mr. Justice

John jardine.

1873 (11) Dr. J. Gerson daCunha.
„ (12) Sir Dinsliali Manockji

Petit, Bart.
„ (13) J. MacDonald, Esq.

1874 (14) H. Conder, Esq.

„ (15) Byramji Xussorwanji
Sirvai, Esq. {tjfe Memher).
„ (16) G. A. Barnctt, Esq.
„ (17) P. Petorson, Esq.
,, (18) The Hon'Me Mr. Javc-
rihil Uniiashankar Yajnik.

Year of

Election.

1874 (19) Grattan Geary, £sq.

1875 (20) Sir Jamsetji Jijibhalj
Bart.

„ (21) Rev. Dr. D. Macki-
chan.

1876 (22) The Right Rev» L. G.
Myhie, D. D., Bishop of
Bombay (Life Member).

„ (23) J. M. Campbell, Esq.

1877 (24) Maneckji Barjorji>
Esq.

1878 (25) Darasha Ruttonji
Chichgarj Esq.

„ (2G) Dr. E. H. R. Langley.
I „ (27) Bezonji Rattonji Kote-
wal, Esq.
1870 (28) HaHdiandra Krishna
Joshi) Esq.
„ (29) Dr. D. MacDonald.

1880 (30) Hustam K. R. Cama,

Esq.,B. A. (Life Member),
(31) Vrijbhuckandass At-

marani, Esq.
(32)11. C.Ktrkpatriok,E6q»

1881 (.33) M. Macniillan, Esq.
„ (34) Lt.-Col. G. Martiu.

1882 (35) Louis Penny, Esq.

»»

'»

Ixxxviii

LIST OF MEMBERS.

Year of

Election.

1882 (36) A. F. Beaufort, Esq.
„ (37) Rev. R. Scott.

„ (38; E. M. Slater, Esq.
„ (39) A. Ai)ercroinbie, Esq.
„ (40) Siiriceoii Lieut* Col.
K. R. Kirtikar.

„ (41) The Hou'blo Mr. Jus-
E. H. Fultou.

1883 (42) Jehaugir K. R. Cama'

Esq. (^Lifi Member),
„ (43) J. M. Dreunau, Esq.
„ (44) R. H. Baker, Esq.

1884 (45) R. B. Sedgwick, Esq.
„ (46) Mrs. Pecliey-Phipson.
., (47) J. Griftiths, Esq.

(48) Surgeon-Lt.-Col.T. S
Weir.

(49) Hon ble Sir Charles
Farran, Kt.

(50) Bhair^haukar Nana-
bhoy, Esq.

(51) The Honn)le Mr.
Perozsha Merwanji Mehla.

(52) Goculdas Kahandas,
Esq.

„ (53) Jehangir Nasserwjinji
Mod J, Esq. {Life M^-mher).

1885 (54) Dastur Darab Peshotan

Sanjana.

,, (5.i) Xowroji PestoHJi
Vakeel, Esq.

188G (56) II. -N. Maut, Esq.
1887 (57) 13r. 1). A. DcMonte.
C58) J. Marshall Esq.

»>

Year of
Election.

1888 (59) Hoii'ble Mr. Justice
H. J. Parsons.

„ (GO) John Black, Esq.

„ (61) Muvarji Goculdas

Dewji, Esq.

„ (62) Prince Shri Samat-
s-ingji.

„ (63) G. Cotton, Esq.

„ (64) W. BuUock, Esq.

„ {66) F. A. Reddie, Esq.

„ {66) W. MiuTay, Esq.

„ {67) Karsandas Vallabhdas,

Esq.
„ {6><) Narondas Pursho-

tanidas, ^^^•
,, (69) J. H. Symington, Esq,
9« {70) Jiwanji Jamshedji

Mody, Esq.
,, (71) J. Avent, Esq.

„ (72) F. C. Rimington, Esq.
„ (73) E. Wind)ridge, Esq.
„ (74) Damodardas Tapidas^

Esq.
„ (75) Dr. K. N. Bahadurji.

„ (76) Bomanji Dinshaw Petity
Esq. {Life Member),

„ (77) Rev. R.MacOmish.

„ (78) A. C. Panneindes, Esq.

„ (79) The Hon ble Mr. Justice
Badrudin Tyabji.

„ (80) Rao Saheb Wasiideva

Jagonath Kirtikar.
„ (81) \V. Nughcs, Esq.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

Ixxxix

Vtearof
filccLion.

1888 (82) A. H. Nazar, Esq.

„ (83) C. H. Armstrong, Esq.

„ (84) Vecrchand Decpchaud
Esq.

„ (85) Jagmohandas Vaiulra- I

Wandas, Esq.

„ (86) Rastomji Pestonji
Karkaria, Esq.

„ (87; G. W. F. Playfair, Esq.
„ (88) Gowardhaiulas Goculdas

Tcjpal, Esq.
„ (89) Miss Macdonald.
„ (90) Dinshaw Edalji Vaclia,

Esq.

„ (91) I. O'Callaghan, Esq.

„ (92) Narayan Ganesli Chan,
dawarkar. Esq.

1889 (93) Surgeon-Captain B.

B. Gray foot,

„ (94) Hon'blc Mr. Justice
Candy.

1890 (95) Rev. Dr. W. M.

Alexander.

„ (96) Framji Rastamji Vicaji,
Esq.

„ (97) Philip B. Savile, Esq.

(98) Lkut. R. T, R.
Lawrence, R.E.

(99) Lieut.-Col. R. V.
Riddell, R.E.

„ (100) Dharamsi Murarji
Goculdas, Esq.
1891 (101) Rev. Dr. B. DeMonte.

>»

Year of
Election.

1891 (102) Dharamscy Sundardas
Mulji, Esq.

„ (103) Artliur Leslie, Esq.
„ (104) W.lXMcKewan,Esq.
„ (105) The Hon'ble Mr. Daji
Abaji Khare.

„ (106) Dr. Bhalchandra
Krishna Bhatawadekar.

„ (107) Rev. R. M. Gray.

„ (108) H. Kennard, Esq.

„ (109) J H. Sleigh, Esq.

„ (110) Maneksha J. Talyar-
khan, Esq.

„ (111) W. Munro, Esq.
„ (112) T. W. Cuffe, Esq.
„ (113) Vajeshankar Gowri-
shankar, Esq.

,, (114) N. A. Moos, Esq.
„ (115) L. J. Robertson, Esq,
„ (116) W. H. Sharp, Esq.
„ (117) J. Y. Munro, Esq.
„ (118) W. G. Treacher, Esq.
„ (119) Major J. C. Swann.
„ (120) Jamsetjee N.Tata, Esq.
„ (121) Fakii-chand Prem-
chand, Esq.

„ (122) Surgeon-Major F. F,
MacCartie.

„ (123) Shrimant Narayanrao
Govindrao Ghorapaday,
Chief of Ichalkaranji
{Jjife Member),

„ (124) The Hon'ble Justice
M. G. Ranade,

LIST OF MEMBERS.

Year of
ElcctioQ.

iS^2 (125) Kawasji Dadabhoy
Dubash, Esq.

„ (126) M. C. Turner, Esq.

„ (127) Priibliiiraiii Jivanmiii
Vaidya, Esq. (I^ife
Member),

„ (128) O. V. Miillor, Esq.
„ (129) Xnwroji Byraiuji Sun-
took, E>?q.

„ (130) S. K. Bhandarkar, Esq.

,, (131) K. C. Clmpman, Esq.

„ (132) Dadablioy Mcrwanji
Dallal, Esq.

„ (133) F. W. Eicke, Esq.
„ (134) H. R. H. Wilkinson,
Esq.

„ (135) Cursotji N. Wadia,
Esq.

„ (13G) H. W. Ulotli, Esq.
„ (137) KanDd)liai Ibraliim,
Esq.

„ (13.^) J. L. Synions, Esq.

,,(131)) Rao Saliob Dalpatrani
Pranjiwanram Kluikkhar.

„ (140) R. Gilbert, Esq.

„ (141) T. J. Bennett, Esq.

„ (142) Sadanand Trinibak
IMiancbu-e, Esq. (^^(f^
Meviher).

„ (143) James Kenyon, Esq.

., (14t) K. R. Setna, Esq.

^ (145) Bnrjorji Nowroji Ap-
yakhtiar, Esf£.

Year of
Election.

1892 (14G) A. M. T. Jackson, Esq.
„ (147) R. E. Melsheimer, Esq.
„ (148) Jolin A. Douglas, Esq.
,,(14!)) L. R. W. Forrest, Esq.
,, (150) Ilorniasji Dcirabji
Padaniji, Esq.

„ (151) Rev. J. Sellar.

„ (152) Oueliavarani XanaMiai
Harldas, Esq.

„ (153) IF. R. Greavfs, Esq.

„ (154) Jijiblioy Edalji Modi,
Esq.

,, (T55) STumirao Yithal, Esq.

,, (15(5) Shapurji Barjorji
Barneli.i, Esq.

„ (157) Tribhuwamlas Mangal-
das Xathublioy, Esq.

„ (158) A. Stej>hen, Esq.

„ (151)) Rastamji Nanabhoy
Byraniji Jijibl>boy, Esq.
i^JAfe. ^f ember),

„ (100) Tulloekcband Maneck-
chand, Esq.

„ (101) Lt.-C(d. A. B. Mein.

„ (102) W. W. Squire, Esq.

189;5(10:5) Surgeon-Col. D. E.
Hughes

„ (104) A.M. Tod, Esq.

„ (10.5) Cai»t. Chandler.

„ (lOG) R. C. Lees, Esq.

„ (107) Robei-t Pescio, Esq.

„ (108) Merwanji Dhanjibhoy
Jijibh^y, Esq.

LIST O^ MEMBRR8.

ZCl

Year of '

Election.

1893 (169) G. H. Townscnd, Esq.
„ (170) B. H. J. Rastainji,

Esq.

„ (171) His Highness Aga

Khan.
„ (172) Col. Enipson, R. A.
„ (17:3) J. W. Brown, Esq.
„ (174) E. H. Elsworthy, Esq.

1894 (175) Wasudcva Gopal

Bhandarkar, Esq.

„ (17G) Dr. Jamos Arnott.

„ (177) Rev. J. E. Ahhott.

„ (178) Geo. Miller, Esq.

„ (179) J. T. Hatliorntliwaite,
Esq.

„ (180) S. L. Wyatt, Esq.
„ (181) D. M. Inglis, Esq.
^ „ (182) C. S. H. Sari, Esq.
„ (183) W. LA. Foulkos, Esq.
„ (184) Edwin Yeo, Esq.
„ (185) Capt. St. J. A. D.

Muter, R. A.
„ (186) Cecil Richardson, Esq.
,, (187) J. G. Covcrnton, Esq.
„ (188) J. W. Orr, Esq.
„ (180) R.C.Wroughton,Esq.
„ (190) J. L. Jenkins, Esq.
„ (191) Balkrishiia Vinayak

Wassoodeo, Esq. {^Life

Member),
„ (192) Lt. W. C. R. Fanner,

R. A.

Year of

Election.

1894(193) Prof. H. M. Bhad.
kamkar.

„ (194)Lieut.A.J.Peile,R.A.

„ (195) R. S. Brown, Esq.

1895(196) Vernon B. F. Bayley,
Esq.

„ (197) Rev. C. J. Mayhew.

„ (198) Lt.-Col. Freeman.

„ (199) Cumrudin Aniirudin,
Esq.

„ (200) C. I. Xicoud, Esq.

„ (201) F. A. Little, Esq.

„ (202) Miss Parker.

„ (203) A. B. Earlo, Esq.

„ (204) R. H. Vincent, Esq.,

C. I. E.

„ (205) G. S. Curtis, Esq.

„ (206) A. July de Lothiuiniero,
Esq.

„ (207) G. N. Sweet, Esq.

„ (208) T. A. Savage, Esq.

„ (209) Cecil Gray, Esq.

„ (210) Khinijibhoy ' Jairam
Naranji, Esq.

„ (21J) Maganlal L. Shroff, .
Esq.

„ (212) G. F. Horbury, Esq.

„ (213) Mancharsha Framji
Khan, Esq.

„ (214) R. Kennedy, Esq.

„ (215) Miss Benson.

„ (216)0. Trafford, Esq.

„ (217) F. 11. Brown, Esq.

XCll

LIST Oif MEMBERS

Year of

Election.

1895 (218) Col. A. T. Fraser.
„ (219) G. D. Marston, Esq.
„ (220) C.W.L. Jackson, Esq.
„ (221) J. A. Jeffrey, Esq.

„ (222; F. A. Prevost, Esq.

„ (223) H. E. Procter, Esq.

„ {224:) L. Halhvard, Esq.

„ (225) J. Jack, Esq.

„ (22G) J. K. Moir, Esq.

„ (227) His Excellency the Rt.
Hon'ble William Baron
Sandhurst, G. C. I. E.

„ (228) Major Block, R. A.

„ (229) Frederick Noel Paton,
Esq.
189G (230) J. A. Slicpheid, Esq.

„ (231) J. H. Atterbury, Esq.

„ (232) Surgeon-Captain A.

• Street.
„ (233) Nigel F. Paton, Esq.

„ (234) Rev. A. H. Bowman.
„ (235) F. F. Gordon, Esq.

„ (236) The Hon'ble Mr. Jus-

tice Strachev.
„ (237) Furdunji Jamshedji,

Esq.-*
„ (238) J. Sanders Sl«ter, Esq.
„ (239) Rev. r H. Greig.
„ (240) J. M. Dick, Esq.
,, (241) Brigadier-General W.

F. Gatacre.
„' (242) Sundernath Dinanath

Khote, Esq.

„ (243) A. F. Simpson, Esq.

„ (244) Dewan Bahadur Ma-
nibhai Jassabhai

Year of

Election.

1896 (245) Major Hickson.

„ (24G) Lieut.-CoL G. M.
Stevens.

„ (247) R. G. Currie, Esq.

„ (248) A. P. Gould, Esq.

,, (249) Jehangir R. Vakaria,
Esq.

„ (250) Dorabji Jamsetji Tata,
Esq.

,, (251) E. Greenwood, Esq.

„ (252) Major J. F. C. That-

clier.

„ (253) T. M. Cotgrave, Esq.

„ (254^) Dr. J. Pollen,

„ (255) Rastamji Framji Mal-
barwala, Esq.

„ (25G) Joseph Jackson, Esq.

„ (257) Surgeon-Captain S.
E. Prall.

„ (258) Captain L. H. Vidal.

„ (259) Rev. G. Gothard.

„ (2G0) Major E. V. Elwes.

,, (2G1) Jagonath Sundernath
Sanjgirc, Esq (Life Mem-
ber).

„ (2G2) Lieut. H. C. Harvey.

„ (2C3) Mahadeva Rajaram
Bodas, Esq.

„ (2G4) N. N. Saher, ^sq.

„ (265) Major Stanley Smith,
R.A.

„ (2GG) Lieut. A. Hildebrand,

„ (2G7) Captain G. W. Mifc-

chell.
„ (2G8) J. A. Balfour, Esq.
„ (2G9) Dhanjisha Pallonji

Mis try, Esq.
„ (270; Major T. Fowle, R. A.
„ (271) Mahamad Hassan

Makba, Esq.
„ (272) J. 11. Greaves, Esq.

(1883).

LIST Of MEMfitBS.

zcni

NON-RESIDENT.

Year of

Election.

1865 (1) Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar.

18G8 (2) G. B. Reid, Esq.

„ (3) Dr. J. C. Lisboa.'

„ (4) H. H. Rauichandrao
Appa Sahcb, Chief of Jam-
khaudi.

„ (5) Dr. G. Biililer.

„ (6) H. H. the Thakore
Saheb of Morvi,
1809 (7) Bonmnji Jaiiuispji, Esq

1875 (8) Cowasji Karsctji Jam-

setji, Esq.
1870 (9) G. C. Whitworth, Esq.

1878 (10) Saihi.shiva Vishwauath

Dhuraudhar, Esq.

1879 (11) Sayad Hassan Bil-

graiiii, Esq.

,, (12) Brigado-Sur^eoii-
Lieiit.-Col. C. T. Pet^ rs.

1882 (13) W. r. Synionds, Esq^
„ (14) E. H. Moscardi, Esq.

„ (15) The Hon'ble W. W.
Loeh.

1883 (IG) Rev. J. H. Mackay.

1888 (17) Syed Ikhal Ali, Esq.

„ (18) 8yod Ah Bilgranii,
Esq.

1889 (19) C. G. Dudgson, Esq.
„ (20) E. ^l. Pratt, Esq.

„ (21) Mancharji Pestuiiji
, Kharegat, Esq.
1892 (22) The Hon. Rao Sahcb
Bahvantrao Bhuskuto.

Year of
Election.

1892 (23) Shrimant Aba Saheb,

Chief of Visalgad.

„ (24) Kliarsetji Rustamji

Thanawala, Esq,
„ (25) W. C. Rand, Esq.
„ (26) Sortorio Coellio, Esq.

(Life Membef-y

„ (27) T. W. Arnold, Esq.
„ (28) C. Biddulph, Esq.
„ (29) Kavasji Dadabliai Nai-
gamwala, Esq.

„ (30) Surgeon-Major J. H.
Newman.

„ (31) Rao Saheb P. B.

Parakh.
„ (32) A. C. Logan, Esq.
„ (33) W. Doderet, Esq.
,. («4) Captain T. J. Grier.

1893 (35) Sorabji Manekji

Cawasji, Esq.

„ (36) Lahibliai Sanialdas
Desai, Esq.

„ (37) Kumar Shri Baldevji of
Dharampur (Life Member').

„ (38) H. E. M. James, Esq.

„ (39) Hari Narayan Apte,
Esq.

„ (40; W. H. Luck, Esq.

1894 (41) Surgeon-Captain B.

Basu.

„ (42) T. R. Amahierkar,Esq.

1895 (4:^) Dattatraya Bahvant

Parasnis, Esq.

XCIV

LIST OF MEMBEB6.

Year of
Election.

1895 (44)F.X. E. Barreto, Esq.

•„ (45) B. K. Thakore, Esq.
(1893).

„ (4G) F. T. Rickards, Esq.
(1893).

1896 (47) H. H. Aga Shah
Rookshah.

„ (48) Vishnu Raghunath
Natu, Esq. {Life Member).

Year of
Eleotion.

1896 (49) Dr. Nishikant Chatro-

padhya.

(50) J. V. Vaz, Esq.

(51) Gopal Krishna Go-
klialc, Esq.

(52) Shaiikar Prasad Har
Prasad, Esq. (1891).

>»

»>

LIFE MEMBERS.

Kharsotji RastanijI Cania, Esq.
Byramji Nasorwaiiji Sirvai, Esq.
Tlie Right Rev. L. G. Myhic,
]). D., Bisliop of Bombiiy.

Rustam K. R. Caina, Esq.
JcliangirK. H. Cama, Esq.

Jehan.£,nr Nassorwaiiji Mody, Esq.

Bonianji Dinshaw Petit, Esq.

Sbrimajit Xarayeiirao GoviiKh'ao

rj|i()repa«luy, Chief of lelial-
karauji.

Prahhiiram »Iivaiiram Vaidia, Esq.

Sadaiiaiul Triird)ak Bhaiidare, Esq.

Rastaniji Nanahhoy Byramji
Jijihhoy, Esq.

Balkrislina Viiiavak Wassudev,
Esq.

Sortorio Coelho, Esq,

Kumar Shri Jialdevji of Dharani

pur.

Vishnu Raghunath Natu, Esq*

HONORARY.

Year of
Election.

1^79 Dr. Ohver Codrington,

: Year of
Election.

1892 Sir Raymond
K. C. I. E.

West,

PROCEEDINGS AT MEETINGS. ' XCV

A Meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, the 8th April 1897,

Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the Chair.

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed.

Mr» R. P. Karkaria read a paper on the ** Zoroastrian Religion and
Comte's Religion of Humanity.**

On the motion of Mr. K. R. Cama, a vote of thanks was passed
to Mr. Karkaria for the interesting paper he had read.

A Meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, the 17th June
1897.

Dr. P. Peterson, President, in the Chair.

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed.

Mr. K. R. Cama moved the following Resolution : —

That the Society place on record their sense of the loss they have
incurred in the death of their Honorary Secretary, the late
Hon'ble Mr. Javerilal U. Yajnik.

Mr.N. G. Chandawakar seconded the proposition, and Dr. Atmaram
Piindurang supported it.

The President with a few remarks put the proposition to the vote,
and it was carried unanimously.

Mr. Jivanji Jamshedji Mody then read a paper on " The Belief
ahout the Future of the Soul among the Ancient Egyptians and
Zoroastrians.*'

On the proposition of Mr. K. R. Cama, a vote of thanks was
passed to Mr. Mody for the paper he iiad read.

XCVl PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY.

LIST OF PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY.

(Fbom July to December 1896.)

Titles of Books. Donors.

Account of the Smithsonian Institution.

The Smithsonian Institution.
Accounts, Ti-ade, by Rail and River, in India, 1894-95.

Government of India.
Administration Report, Ajmere Merwara, 181^1-95.

Government of India.

P. W. Dept., Bombay Presidency, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.
• P. W. Dept. (Irrigation), Bombay Presi-
dency, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.

. • Rajpntaua, 1895-96.

Government of India.
Agricultural Ledger, 1895-1896.

Government of India.

Statistics, British India, 1890-91 to 1894-95.

Government of India.
AnnalSj Royal Botanical Garden, Calcutta, Vol. V. Part *J ; Yol. II.
Part I., Vol. VII. and Vol. VL, Part 1, and Vol. VII.

Superintendent, Royal Botanical Garden.
Annual Statement, Trade and Kavigatiou, British India, 1896-96,
Vol. II

Goveniraent of India.
Archaeological Studies among the Ancient Cites of Mexico.

The Smithsonian Institution.

_^ Survey of India. Mogul Ar chitecture of Fathpur,

Sikri, Part II.

Government of India.
Authentic Letters of (.Columbus.

The Smithsonian Institution.
Avesta. Ed. K. F. Geldner, 3 Parts.

Secretary of State for India.
Bhagavadgtta.

Mysore Government.
Bombay University Calendar, 1896-97.

Bombay University.
Brief Sketch Meteorology, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.
Bulletin, American Museum of Natural History, 1895.

The Smithsonian Institution.

PRESENTS TO TflJC LIBBART. XCVii

Titles of Books. Donors.

CATALoauE of Sanskrit M8S., India Office Library, Part 5.

Secretary of State for India.
Catalogues, Hebrew and Abyssinian MSS., Berlin Library.

The Berlin Library.
East India, Accounts and Estimates, 1896-97.

Secretary of State for India*
■ (Expenses of Troops despatched to Africa).

Secretary of State for India.
(Financial Statement, 1896-97;.

Secretary of State for India.
' (Kafiristan).

Secretary of State for India.
(Kythal).

Sv.»cretary of State for India.
— (Leave and Pension Rules, Civil Uncovonanted Service).

Secretary of State for India.
■ (Loans raised in India).

Secretary of State for India.
' (Maharaja Rana of Jhalawari.

Secretary of State for India.
— — (Occupation of Chitral).

B^»mbav Government.

— (Offices of Presidency Magistrate and Presidency Small

Cause Court Judge).

Secretary of State for India.
— — — (Progress and Condition, IS94-95).

Secretary of State for India.

(Suakim Expedition).

Secretary of State for India.
Factory Report, Bombay, 1895.

Bombav Government.
Financial and Commercial Statistics, British India, 3rd Issue.

Government of India.
Floba of Virginia.

The Smithsonian Institution.
■ Yucatian.

The Smithsoniiin Institution.
Handbook and Catalocrue of Meteorite Collection, Field Columbian
Museum.

The Smithsonian Institution.
History and Description of Africa.

Bombay Goverruuent.

XCVm PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY,

Titles of Books. Donors,

Index to Watt's Dictionary of Economic Products of India.

Government of India.
Indian Cotton Duties, Report for tlie Bombay Presidency, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.
■ Meteorological Memoirs, Vol. IV., Part III.

Government of India.

Vol. IX., Parts 4-7.

Government of India.
Japanese MSS., University Library, Leyde.

The University of Leyde.
KIrnIme i Artakhsliir i Papakan. Ed. Darab P. Sanjana.

The Editor.
Madras University Calendar, 1896-97.

Madras University.
Mahabharat, English Translation, Parts 96-98.

Director of Public Instruction, Bombay
Mandala Brahmanopanishad.

Mysore Government.
Mission Geological Survey Report, Vol. 47.

The Smithsonian Institution.
Monthly Trade and Navigation Accounts. No. 6 (1896-97).

Government of India,
Note, Rail and River-borne Trade, Punjab, 1896.

Punjab Government.
Original Survey Settlement, Pangurna Village, Peiut, Nasik District.

Bombay Goveniment.
Papers relating to an-angcment with Messrs. Cook & Sons on con-
duct of Pilgrim Traffic, 1884-95.

Government of India.
Poems in Gujerathi. By J. N. Patch

J. F. Patel, Esq,
Punjab University Calendar, 1896-97.

The University.
Report, Amrrican Museum of Natural History, 1894.

— — — — — Histoiical Association.

The Smithsonian Institution.

. ArchsDological Survey, N.-W. P. and Oudh, 1895-96.

Government, N.-W. P. and Oudh.
— Australasian Association for Advancement of Science, 1895.

The Association.
— . Bombay Jail Dcpt., 1895.

Bombay GoTemment.

PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. XClJt

Titles of Boohs. Donors,

Report, Bombay Mill Owners* Association, 1895.

The Association.

Port Trust, 1895-96.

Chairman, Port Trust,

■ Veterinary College, 1895-96.

Bombay Govei'nmenb.

■ Civil Justice, Punjab, 1895.

Punjab Government.

■ Medical Institutions, City of Bombay, 1895.

Bombay Government.
— ■^— Dispensaries, Punjab, 1895.

Punjab Government.

Experimental Farm, Poona, 1895-96.

• Bombay Government.

External Land Trade, Punjab, 1895-96.

Punjab Goverament.

Forest Dept., Bombay Presidency, 1894-95.

Bombay Government.

Government Experimental Farm, Poona. 1895-96.

Bombay Government.

— ^— Income Tax, Punjab, 1895-96. t

Punjab Goverament.

Indian Expenditure Commission.

Secretary of State for India.

■ Internal Land Trade, Punjab, 1895-96.

Punjab Government.

■ Local Boards, Bombay Presidency, 18P4-95.

Bombay Government.
— ^— Madi-as Government Museum, 1895-96.

Madras Government.

■ Meteorological Dept., Government of India, 18P5-96.

Government of India

■ Municipal Commissioner, Bombay, 1895-96.

Tlie Municipal Commissioner,
Taxation and Expenditure, Bombay Presidency.

1894-95.

Bombay Goverament.

■ Northern India, Salt Revenue Dept., 1895-96.

Government, N.-W. P. and Oudh.

■ Police of the Town and Island of Bombay, 1895.

Bombay Govei'nment.
— — Political Administration, Central India Agency, 1895-96.

Government of India.

e PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY.

Titles of Books. Donors.

Report, Provincial Museum, Lucknow, 1895-96.

Punjab Government.

■ Railway Dept., Bombay, 1895-9().

Bombay Government.

■ Registration Dept., Bombay Presidency, 1895-9G.

Bombay Government.

I Railways in India, 1895-96.

Government of India.

>* Rail and Road-borne Trade, Bombay Presidency, 189:-y6.

Bombay Government.

■ Reformatory School, Yerrowda, 1895.

Bombay Government.

Registration Dept., Punjab, 1893-94 to 180o-96.

Punjab Government.

■ on Researches into the Mohamedan Libraries of Lucknow.

Government of India.

I Sanitary Administration, Punjab, 1895.

Punjab Government,

— • Commissioner, Bombay Government, lbi^5.

Bombay Government.

II ■■ Measures, India, 1894-95.

Secretary of State for India.

Sanskrit MSS., Bombay Circle, 1892-95.

The Director of Public Instruction, Bombay.
I Survey of India Dept., 1891-95.

Govornnieut of India.
I on the Scientific Results of the Voyage of H. M. S. "Chal-

lenger,'* 1872-76.

The Lords, Commissioners, Her Majesty's Treasury.
■■ Stamp Dept., Bombay, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.
.. Punjab, 1893-96.

Punjab Government.
^ Trade and Navigation Returns, Aden, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.
. Thagi and Dakaiti Dept., 1895.

Government of India.
. Vaccination, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.
,. Vaccination, Punjab, 1895-96.

Punjab Government.
Revision Survey Settlement, Nandurbar Taluka, Khandeah.

Bombay Government.

PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. CI

Titles of Books. Donors.

Kbyision Survey Settlemeut, Yeola Taluka, Nasik.

Bombay Goverament.

■ I Chalisgaum, Khandesli.

Bombay Government.

• ■ Nandgao, Kasik.

Bombay Government.

■ Nasik Taluka, Nasik.

Bombay Government^

■ two Talukdari Yillages. Meitar, Kaira.

Bombay Government.
—_ . _.^^_- Valwa, Satara.

Bombay Government.

88 Yillages, Peint Taluka, Nasik.

Bombay Government.
Review of Trade of India, 1895-96.

Govei-nment of India.
Saundaryalahari.

Mysore Government,
Settlement Report, Sialkot District, Punjab.

Punjab Government.

Statement, Trade and Navigation, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.

_ and Navigation, British India, 1895-96, Vol. I.

Government of India.
Statistical Atlas of India, 2nd Ed., 1895.

Government of India.
Taittieiya Sarahita, Krishna Tajurveda, Vol. IV.

Mysore Government.
United States, Bureau of Ethnology, Rejjort, 1891-92.

The Smithsonian Institution.
«■ Geological Atlas.

The Smithsonian Institution.

•^ — Survey, Monographs, Vols. 23 and 24.

The Smithsonian Institution.

Reports, 1892-93— If 94-95.

The Smitlisouian Institution.

Weitings and Speeches of the late Hon. Rao Saheb V. N. Mandlik,
Ed. N. V. Mandlik.

The Editor.
ZoBOASTEE and Christ.

Lt.-Col. Freeman.

Cll PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY.

LIST OF PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY.

(From Januaby to July, 1897.)

Titles of Books. Donors.

Accounts of Trade by Rail and River in India, 1895-96.

Government of India.
Acts, Government of India, 1896.

Government of India.
Administration Report, Baluchistan Agency, 1895-96.

Government of India.

— Bengal, 1895-96.

Bengal Government.
• ■ Bombay Presidency, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.
, Burma, 1895-96.

Chief Commissioner of Burma.

*— — Hyderabad Assigned Districts, 18P5-96.

Resident, Hyderabad.
. . Madras, 1895-96.

Madras Government.
. N.-W. P. and Oudh, 1895-96.

N.-W. P. Government.
Persian Gulf Political Residency, 1895-96.

Government of India.
. Punjab, 1895-96.

Punjab Government.
Agricultural Ledger, 8 Nos.

Government of India.
. Statistics, Bntisli India, 1891-92 to 1895-96.

Government of India.
Arch-SJOLOGICAL Survey of India : —

Ghalukyan Architecture,

Government of India.

of Western India, Yol. VI. : —

Mahomedan Architecture in Gujerat,

Government of India.
Army (Average Numbers at Home and Abroad.)

Secretary of State for India.
Bombay Gazetteer, Vols. I. and II.

Bombay Government.
Catalogue of Coins : Indian Museum. Parts 3 and 4.

Trustees, Indian Museum.

of the Lady Meux Egyptian Collection.

Lady Mcui.

PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. ClU

Titles of Books. Donors.

Catalogus Catiilogoruin. Pai-t II.

German Oriental Society.
Crop Experiments, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.
Description, Geologique de Java et Madoura.

Government, Netherlands India.
Discovery and Conquest of Guiana. Vol. I. ( Hak. Soc).

Bombay Government.
JB/AST India (Contagious Diseases) : Representations from the Royal

College of Surgeons and the Royal College of Physi-
cians relative to the prevalence of Venereal Diseases
among British Troops in India.

Secretary of State for India.

Estimate of Revenue and Expenditui'e, Government

of India, 1896-97.

Secretary of State for India.
• (^Ilom^ Accounts), Government of India, 1895-96 and

169;-:;:.

Secretary of State for India.

■ (Extension of Railways by Private Agency).

Secretary of State for India.
. . (Financial Statement, 1895-96).

Secretary of State for India.
, Income and Expenditure, 1885-86 to 1895-96.

Secretary of State for India.
, Opium Returns, showing Acreage under Poppy in India.

Secretary of State for India.

Exact Description of the Outward Religious Rites, Ceremonies, and

Customs of all the Peoples of the World. With Illustrations.

(Dutch).

Fakirchand Premchand, Esq

Famine and the Relief Operations in India, 1896-97.

Secretary of State for India.
Finance and Revenue Accounts, Government of India, 1895-96.

Government of India.

Financial and Commercial Statistics, British India. 4th Issue,

Government of India.

Further P-ipers, Famine and Relief Operations in India, 1896-97.

Secretary of State for India,

Indian Meteorological Memoirs, Vol. VII., Part VI.; Vol. VIII., Pai-t 11.

Government of India,

MctoMiologicul Memoirs, Vol. IX., Parts VIII. and IX.

Govcniment of India.

CIV PRESENTS TO THE UBRARY.

Titles of Books. Donor9.

Indian Museum Notes.

Government of India.
Ibkigation Revenue Report, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.

. Revenue Report, Sind, 1895-9t).

Bombay Government.
John Heminge and H. Condell, Friends and Fellow Actors of
Shakespeare, by C. Walker.

The Executors of the late Mr. G. C. Walker.
JvDicuL and Administrative Statistics, British India, 1895-96.

Government of India.
Letters received by the East India Company from its Servants in the
East, Vol. I.

Secretary of State for India.
List of Inscriptions on Tombs or Monuments in Bengal.

Bombay Government.
Local Rules and Orders made under Enactments applying to
Bombay, Vol. I.

Bombay Government.
Magnetic AL and Meteorological Observation, Bombay, 1895.

Bombay Government.
Monthly Trade and Navigation Accounts, British India.

Government of India.
Norwegian, North Atlantic Expedition, Report, Part XXIV. (Botany).

Editorial Committee of the Expedition.

. North Atlantic Expedition, 1876-78 : Part XXIII. Zoology.

Editorial Committee of the Expedition.
Oriental Studies.

Oriental Club, Philadelphia.
Original Survey Settlement, Talukdai-i Villages of the Mehlol Estate.
Godhra, Punch Mahals.

Bombay Goremment.
Papers relating to Deccan Agriculturists' Relief Act.

Government of India.

— relating to Outbreak of Bubonic Plague in India.

Secretary of State for India.
, relating to Revision Survey Settlement, Chandore Taluka,

Nasik.

Bombay Government.
relating to Revision Survey Settlement, Niphad Taluka, Nasik,

Bombay Government.
relating to Treatment of Leprosy in India, 1887-95.

Government of India.

PRKSENTS TO THE LIBRARY. CT

Titles of Books. Donors.

Papers relating to Village Sanitation in India, 1888-96.

Government of India.

PiTSA Medha Sutras.

Gei-man Onental Society.

Police Reports, Bombay Presidency, 1895.

Bombay Government.

Prison- MADE Goods (India).

Secretary of State for India.
P&OCEEDINOS, Legislative Council, Bombay, 1895.

Bombay Government.
Records, Botanical Survey of India, Vol. I., Nos. 7 and 8.

Government of India.
Report, Abkari Department, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.
Agricultural Chemist to Government of India, 1895-96.

Government of India.
■■ Amencan Museum of Natural History, 1895.

The Trustees of the Museum.

■ Archaeological Survey, Western India, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.
Bombay Chamber of Commerce, 1896.

The Chamber of Commerce.
— ^— Criminal Justice, Punjab, 1895.

Punjab Government.

■ Customs Administration, Bombay, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.

■ Customs Administration, Kurrachee, 1895-96.

Government of India.

■ Director of Public Instruction, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96.

Director of Public Instruction.
' Forest Administration, Punjab, 1894-95.

Punjab Government.
Forest Administration, Punjab, 1895-96.

Punjab Government.
- Forest Department, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.
Forest Department, Madras Presidency, 1895-96.

Madras Government.

■ Income Tax Operations, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96.

Bombay Govemment-
— ^— — Inspection of Mines in India, 1894-95.

Government of India.
— — Internal Trade, Punjab, 1895-96.

Punjab Government,

Cri P£E.^£^1S TO THE UBEAET.

Titles of Books. Domors.

Kepokt, Land RecorcU and Agriculture, Bombaj Presidency, 1895-96-

Bombaj Goremment.
■ Land Records and Agricolture, Punjab, 1S95-96.

Punjab Government.

■ Land Revenue Administration, Punjab, 18?.: -96.

Punjab Government.

■ Local Boards, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.

Lunatic Asylums, Bombay Presidency, 1896.

Bombay Government.
^— ^ Lunatic Asylums, Punjab, 1896.

Punjab Government.
Mofussil Civril Hospitals and Dispensaries, Bombay Presi-
dency, 1895.

Bombay Government.

Municipal Taxation and Expenditure, Bombay Presidency,

1895-96.

Bombay Government.

Municipalities, Punjab, 1895.

Punjab Government.

of Chemical Analyser to Government, Bombay, 1896.

Bombay Government.
on Excise Administration, Punjab, 1895-96.

Punjab Government.

— on Publications, British India, 1895.

Government of India.

on Railways in India, 1895-96.

Secretary of Statie for India.

on Sanskrit MSS., Southern India, No. II.

Madras Government.
Opium Department, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.
— ^— Police Administration, Punjab, 1895.

Punjab Government.
• Public Instruction (Punjab), 1895-96.

Punjab Government.
Rail, River and Road-borne Traffic, Sind, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.
^> Railways in India, 1895-96, Part II.

Government of India.

Railways in India, 1896-97, Part I.

Government of India.

-" relating to Revision Survey Settlement, Salsette Taluka Thana.

Bombay Government.

FaSSlNTS TO THE LIBRABT. ovii

Titles of Books, Donors.

Rj&POST, relating to the Wreck of the Indian Transport '*Warren

Hastings."

Secretary of State for India.

Salt Department, Sind, 1395-96.

Bombay Government.
" — Talukdari Settlement Officer, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.
' Trade and Navigation, Sind, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.

Working of Cotton Duties Act, Punjab, 1896.

Punjab Government,
Return, East India (Bengal Gaols).

Secretary of State for India.
Review, Forest Administration, British India, 1894-9.5.

Government of India.

• of Trade in India, 1895-96.

Secretary of State for India.
Sacbed Books of the East : —

Gaina Sutras. Part II.
Hymns of the Atliarvaveda.
Vedanta Sutras. Part II.
Vedic Hymns. Part II.

Se cret aiy of State for India
Sanitary, Vaccination, Dispensary and Jail Report, Rajaputana, 1895.

GoveiDment of India
Smithsonian Contribution to Knowledge, Vols. 30-32.

Smithsonian Institution.
Tables relating to Trade, British India, 1891-92—1895-98.

Secretary of State for India.
Tea Insects.

Government of India.
Technical Art Series of Illustrations of Indian Architectural Deco-
rative Work.

Government of India.
Tide Tables, Indian Ports, 1897.

Government of India.
Tribes and Castes of N.-W. Provinces and Oudh.

Government, N.-W. P.
United States Geological Survey Report, 1894-95.

U. S. Survey Department.
Wbecks and Casualties in Indian Waters, 1895.

Government of India.

IXDEX TO VOLUME XIX.

Abbott (Rev. J. E.)» Inscrifin'on
on the Three (tateways, Ah-
medabad, 348-350.
Abflji Sondeo, 209.
Abd-er-Riizzak, 251.
Abdul Kader, 1(>0.
Abiul Karim, 184.
Abdullah Klmn Uzbtik, 170.
Adnr-pad, 270.

Abul Fiizl, 1-8!). 590, 203, 29i.
Adhani Kha i Atkah, 1^2.
Adirrrobag, 223.
/1«:hs, Cyole of, 113.
Aetpoor, 27,
Afartr, 9.

Afrasiab. 239. 27H.
AfrigHn-i-Dabman, I.
Afrini-Raplthavan, 264.
Ah\vn, 218.
Afzulkhan, 204.
Ahmed, 1G3.
Abinedabftd, Inscription on tlie

Three Gateways at, 318-356,
Ahurmaz lad, 220.
Aibole Inscription, 42.
Airavati, 237.
Airpatastj'm, 1, 6, 7, 10.
Aitareya Brahmana, 83.
Akalamkadeva, 48.
Akbar'o visit to, and stay at, Maii-

du, 180.181.
Akesines, 237.
A lam Lodi, 177,
Albiruni, 113. ^

Albuquerque, 251-253.

AUbar and the Parsees, 289-305.

Akbar Nama, 293.

Akbar, Remarks on tbe influence
of the PArsee religion upon,
300-305.

Akbar, assemblies of representa-
tives of different sects and
creedp, for discu^sin* relisioiis
questions, organised by,
289-292.

Akbar's change of the old era
and introduction of his Ilahi
or Divine era after the Parsee
model, in A. H. 992,
302.

Akbar's measures for getting
acquainted with the Parsee
religion and his attitude towards
it, considerations of questions
relating to, 292-805.

Akbir'8 relation to Parsees,
historical sourcea about,
294-297.

Albuquerque, Mathias de, 259.

Alexander the Great, destruction
by, of a copy of the Grand
Avesta in the archives of Ista-
khar, 2()4, 272.

Alexander the Great, invasion and
conquest of Persia, by the
Greeks under, 215.

Alexandria, 112.

Alhanadeva, 32, 33, 34.

INDEX.

AlhJinadeva, Inscription of, found
fit Nadole, 26-34.

Ali, 198.

Ali Tski, 198.

Allaudin, 27.

Aloka, 341,

Alpkhan, son of Diliwsr Khan,
look the title of Snlian Hosb-
ang in A.D. 1405, and moved
the capital from Dhar to
Mandn, 162.

Al Utbi, 143, 150.

Amarasimha, 36.

An^^eshaspand, 1.

Amir Fathu'llah Slurazi, 303.

Amoghavarsha, 42.

Anandrao Pavar, 199.

Anandrav Gayakawad, 351,352,
353.

Anandnjnrinn, 54, 55, 56.

Anatolius, Cycle of, 113.

Anchabarpdr (Akbarpur), 189,

Andrew of Byzantium, Cycles of,
113.

Anhila, 29, 32,34.

Annambhatta, 342.

Anne, 144.

Anniibis, 371.

Ani^birawiin, 9.

Ansiiri, 143.

Anushirawan, 72.

Aogamadaccha, 1.

Apastamba, 325, 326, 363.

Ardvan, 210.

Ardeshir Babijan's exertions to
recover the lost books of the
Avesta, 215, 216, 2G3, 264,
265, 2C6, 267, 272, 274,
281.

Ardeshir, a priest of K#»nnan,
took prominent part in
leading Akbar to Parseeism,
295-296.

Ardvicura, 247.

Areimanios, 281.

Aristotle, 272.

Aristotle, 345.

Armenian Era, 138.

Artakhshater, 266, 270.

Artaxes, 138.

Aryabhata, a erreat Hindu Astro-
nom^'r, 41-42, 130, 133, 134,
130, 136.

Aryabhatiyam, 130.

Aryan group of languages, occo-
pyidg India, Afghanistan, Ba-
luchistan and part of Ceylon,
92.

Aryan languages, on the life and
growth of, 89-91.

Aryan conf|uests in Medieval
times extended beyond India
and embraced Java, Sumatra,
Kamboja, &c., 93.

Aryjin Speech, progress and de-
velopment of tlie, 76-108.

Aryan Society, on the admission
of the non-Aryans into, in the
Vedic Age, 3.57-364.

Asafkhan, 188.

Asaphjiih JS^izam-ul-Mulk, 199,

Asa raja, 32, 34.

Ascoli, 85, 100.

Asfandiar, 274.

Asikani, 237.

Asta Pradhan or cabinet of eight
heads of departments, organ-
ised by Shivaji, 207.

INDEX.

Ill

Ashvalayana, 363.

Astad, 371.

Asvaghosha, 43.

Atar-pat, 9.

Atar-Auharmazd, 9.

Atash, 1.

Athene, 94.

Athaide, D. Luis de, 259.

Augustus, 143.

Auharmazd, 1, 282.

Aulakyn, 323.

Avdn, 1.

Avanti, 112.

Avesta, the antiquity of the, 263-

287.
Avesta, history of the collection

of the, as given in the Dinkard,

264-270.
Avesta Literature, extant, gene-
rally supposed to bo a faithful

remnant of the Grand Avesta

of the Achemenian times, Dr.

Darmesteter's opinion on the

point, 263.
Avesta, names of eminent Das-

turs, who made comments on

the, 270.
Avesta, on the supposed Buddhist

and Jewish elements in the,

286-287.
Avesta, on the Greek influence

upon the, 281-280.
Avesta-Phhlavi text, on the age

of, 8, 9.
Avijeh Din, 6.
Azer Goushflsp, a celebrated

fire temple of ancient Iran,

63.
Azer Kaivan, 295.

Azi Dahik, 277. 278.

Babiru, 278.

Badi-nd-din, 242.

Badarayanas, Bramha Sutras,

317, 320, 323. 324, 326.
Badaoni, 293, 294. .
Baglan, 203.

Bahdur Shdh, 176, 177, 198.
Bahadur Shah of Gujerat, cap-
tures Mnndu, defeats Mehmud
II. and incorporates Malwa
with Gujerat, 176-177.
Bahlol Lodi, 171.
Bahman, 241. 242.
Bahman Yasht, 10.
Baji Parbhn. 204.
Bajirao L, 208.
Bajirao Peshwa, 351, 352.
Bajirao Peshwa, appointed Gov-
ernor of xVIalwa (xi.D. 1720-
1740). 199.
Baladitya, 41.
Balaji Bajirao. 208, 210.
Balaji Vishwanath, 208.
Brdaprnsada, 32, 34.
Baliraja, 32, 34.
Bana. 42,43.
Banswara, 176.
Bapuji Govind, 351.
Barkur, 250.

Barkur, on the Kanara Coast,
attack by the Portuguese on

the town of, 254.

Bnrrns, Lopo, 258.

Baroshani-i-Auharmazd, 9,

INDKX.

Bas-i'ilic'f f^f J^cliaram-gour at
Nuksb-i-Kustam and his mar-
riflge Tvith an Indian Princess,
58-75.

Bauddba-dhikk^ra, 337.

Baudbajaiia, 326.

Bawri, 278.

Baz Babddur, the last Sultan of
Malwa, 155, 159, 17D, 181,
182.

Beames, 82, 88.

Bednur, 2U3, 251.

Behrain, 1, 371.

Behram-gour, 240.

Behram-gour, bas-relief of, at
Naksh-i-Kustam and Iiis mar-
riage with an Indian Princess,
58-75.

Bebram-gour's bas relief at
Naksh-i-Rustain, stories in
connection with, 59-63.

Behram-gour, device and charac-
ters on a coin of, corresponding
vrith those on his bas-relief,
Kaksh-i-Ruslam, 63 ; explana-
tion of, 63-64.

Behram gour's visit to India and
his marriage with Sepinad,
an Indian Princess, f irdousi's
account of, 65-69.

Behram-gour's visit to India sup-
ported by impressions on
Gudbia coins and by scenes in
some of the Ajanta paintings,
74-75.

Bell, Prof. Melville, 80.

Benfey, 85.

Bhimadeva I., 29.

Bhamati, 337.

Bhnndarkar, Dr. R. G., 76, 82.

BhashdParichcheda, 342,

Bhupat Rai. 377.

Bikramajit, 184.

Billawal (Verawal), 145.

Bir Bal, 289,301.

Biya, 237,

Bod as (Mahadeva Rajaram) ; A

historical sketch of Indian

Logic, 306-347.
Bopp, Prof. F., 78, 85, IOC.
Bra^anza, D. Constantino de,

256.
nrahmn, 245.
Brnhmadcva, 95.
Brahmanism of to-day & of the

Vedic times, 362.
Brihadaranvnkavartika, 54.
Brugniann, 85.
BryiH% 85, 80.
Bndagh Kban, 180.
Buddbaibarita, 43.
Bnddluignptn, 38.
Bnddbist relic mounds in Sindb,

44-45.
Buddhist tower in Kahu, near

Mirpnr Khas, Sindb, note

on brick figures found in a,

44-46.
Bundahesh, 4.
Burnell, Dr., 83.
Burnouf, 85.
Buzarjameher, 233.
Bydaspes, 238.

Caldwell, 82.88.
Cambyses, 140.

Campbell (J. M,), Introduction
to Mr. Woodbnrn's note on

INDEX.

brick figure found in a
Buddhist tower in Kahu,
near Mirpur Khds, Sindh, 44-
45.

Campbell (J. M.), Mandn, 154-
201.

Carnatic, 203.

Carnac (Captain James Rivett),
351, 352.

Cashmere, a legend about the
drying of the valley of, 245 ; its
probable connection with a
similar story in the Shahana-
meh, 245.

Cashmere, ancient tradition re-
lating to the country, beinj:; at
first a vast lake called Satisaras,
245.

Cashmere, expedition of Darius
Hystaspes to, for exploring the
region watered by the Indus,
244.

Cashmere, geographical notices
of, in the ancieut Iranian litera*
ture, and allusions to, in
Shahnameh, 237-241.

Cashmere, on the relation of the
ancient Persians to, 241-248.

Cashmere, Punjab and Scinde,
included in the times of the
A vesta in the region known as
Hapta Iliadu (Sapta Siudhu),
237.

Cashmere and the ancient Per-
sian, 237-248.

Caspatyrus of Herodotus, the same
as Cashmere, 244.

Catpan Bhanu, 241.

Ceylon, colonisation of, attribut-

ed to Bengal, Behar, Orissa

and Gujerat, 93, 94.
Chahumana kings, genealogy of,

34.
Chnitanya, 338, 340, 341.
Chanda, 84.
Chaudakhan, 176.
ChanHoirya Upanishad, 83.
Chandrabhaga, 237.
Chandragupta, 35,
Chan lira- vyakarana, 48,
Charaka, 324.
Chenaub, 237.
Chess, account of the origin and

discovery as given by Caxton

and Sir W. Jones, of the game

of, 234-236.
Chess, Firdousi on the' Indian

origin of the game of, 224-

236.
Chess, Firdousi's account of the

introduction into Persia from

India of the game of, 231--233.
Chess. Firdousi's description of

the Indian method of playing

the game of, 228-230.
Chess, Firdousi's version about

the invention in India of the

game of, 225-233.
Che?s, on the modern Indian

name of the game of, 233-

234.
Chess, testimony as to the Indian

origin of, 224.
Chide-Avista-i gasani, 1.
Chimnaji Pandit, 199.
Cliimnaji RHghunath, 351-

352.
rhing-kwong, 39.

INDEX.

Chosroes I., 224.

Cicero's De Naturii Deorum and

the Pahlnvi Shikand Gamanik

Vijar, 215-223.
Coins, known in Gujerat, as

Gadhia-ka-paisa, 73,
Corryat's stay at Maiidii, and his

account of Emperor Jehangir

when residing there, 194.
Cosmas Indikopleusies, 39.
Cunha (Dr. J. Gerson da) ; The

Portuguese in South Kanara,

249.2G2.
Curtius, 85-107.
Cypress Tree planted f»yGushtasp,

King of Persia, before his fire.

temple, tradition relating to

248.

Dabistan, 293, 294, 295.

Dadastun-i-Dini, 7, 9, 10.

Dad-Auharmazd, 9.

D^d-farukh, 9.

Dad-farrokh. 270.

Dair-i-Parikd.i, 247.

Damaji Gaikawad, 212.

Dambar, 225.

Darab, 242.

Darsanasara, 338.

Darius, 140.

Darmesteter's opinion abont the
extant Avesta not being a
faithful reproduction from the
Grand Avesta ot^ tiie Acheme-
nian times, 263. Examination
of some of the points tlwelt upon
by Darmestctt^r in stipport of
his theory bringing down the

antiquity of the Avesta to about

the third century after Christ,

263-287.
Dasa-Lakshani, 342.
Datto Annaji, 2u9.
Uayananda Sarasvati Swami, 85.
De'bi, 290.
De Natura Deorum, Cicero's, and

the Pahlavi Shikand Gumanik

Vijar, 215-223.
De Natura Ueorum, Cicero's, out-
line of the contents of, 221-

222
Delitzsch, 101.
Delia V»ille. 197, 259.
Depar ruins, in Sindii, 46.
Dharmakirti, 48, 54, 55, 56, 57,

333, 334.
Dharnidhnra, 27.
Dharnidlira, 33.
Dharmottara, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52,

53, 57, 333, 336.
Dharwar, 203.
Dhruva (H. H.) ; PDiraskara

Grihya Sutras and the Sacred

Books of the East. Vol. XXIX.

24, 25.
Dhruva (H. H.) ; The Nadole

Inscription of King Alhanade-

va, 20, 34.
Dhruva (H. H.) ; The Progress

and Development of the Aryan

Speech, 76-108.
Dia Bahadur, 199.
Didhiti, 431.
Dign.iga, 42, 50, 52, 54, 332,

333, 334.
l)i«;nrigac!jarya, 48, 50, 52,53, 54>

57.

INDEX.

Dilawar Khan, the founder of
Musalman Mandu, 155, IGl,
162.

Dinkard. 10.

Dindorus Siculns, 118, 140.

Dyaushpita, 95.

Ehn-Athir, 69.

Egyptians and Iranians, ancient,

Belief about the future of the

soul among the, 365-374.
Ephthalitcs or Huns, Sir A.

Cunningham's paper on,

4041.
Eratosthenes, 134.
Ereziphva, xMount, 247.
Euclid, 345.
Excerses, 234.

Faizi, 289.

Farhang-i*oim-Aevak, 1,

Faridoon, 245.

Farukh, 9.

Fatesingh Gayakawad, 351, 353.

Fidaikhan. 187.

Firdousi, 143.

Firdousi, on the Indian origin of

the game of Chess, 224-236.
Framroz, 239.

Gadadhara, 341, 342.

Gadha-rupa of Indian History,
the same as Behnim Gour of
Persian Hisiory, 69-71.

G^dhendra-puri, 71.

Gahambnr, 1,

Q.indh:ira, 39, 40. 41.

Gandliaras, account of the peo-
ple, known as, 243.

Qangadihar Shastri, 351,

353.

Gang.sa, 339, 340, 341.

Gangcsopadhyaya, 339, 340.

Gardabhiuas, the dynasty of,
probal)ly that of the descend-
ants of Behram Gour in Persia,
72-73.

Ga-gya, 84.

Gaspar Correa, 2^2.

Gatha, 1.

Gan, 225.

Gaudavabo, 42.

Oauranga, 340.

Ghiizni Khan, 165.

Ghias-ud-din*s rule at Mandu,
the buiidin^rs erected during
his time, and account of his
pleasure city, 169, 172.

Girdhar Bahadur, 199.

Gogoshasp, 9, 270.

Gollas, 39, 40.

Gopathi Brahmana of the Athar-
va Veda, 83,

Goshera, 71.

Gitama, the Nyaya system of,
310-311 ; on the age of the
Sutras of Gotama and Kanada,
316-329.

Gottama-Sutra-Vritti, 342,

Goshtasp, 274, 279.

GriersoG, 82, 88.

Grihya Sutras, account of a MS.
of, found at Lathi in Kathia-
wad, 24-25.

viu

IXDKX.

Grill va Sntrns and tlio sncred ,
l»ooksof the East, Vol. XXIX., I
24-25.

Grimm. 85.

Gujarat trade extended in medi-
H;val times, as far as Java,

Gubhtai^p, 248.

Hadoklit-Xask, 1,

Haji Klian. 178.

Ilnmbirrao Mohite, 2C8, 209.

IIa[)ta Hindu, the reg:ion known
hy the name of, 237.

llarimisra, 340.

Harirama Tark.Uankara, 341.

llarshacliarita, 42.

Uarun Al Rashid, 143.

llaveli Gavakawad, the name of
a citadel near Ahmedhbad, 35G,

IL*mahhai. 356.

Ilemachandra, 84.

Herbert '3 description of Mandu,
197-198.

Ilermippa, 215.

Uermippos of Alexandria, trans-
lated into Greek, 20,000 verses
of the writings of Zoroaster,
2G4, 284, 285.

Hesydnis, 237.

Hill-forts in the occupation of
Shivaji, their importRnce as
points cf resistance against at-
tMck, and their management,
203-204.

Hindu character as depicted by
the Greek writers, Megasthenes
and Arrian, 142,

Hindu months, names of, with

the leniTth in days, ghatis and

pals, 1J3.
Hoernle, Dr., 82, 88.
Homai, 242.
Honore, 251.
Ilonis, 371.
[loshaiigsha Ghori's rule at Man-

dn, 162-164.
Hoshangshah Ghori, 156, 162,

16*, 165.
Hnmayuns capture of Maudu,

176-177.
Humboldt, 107.
Human Races, classification of

according to Mr. Gust, Mr-

Haeckel and Mr. Bryue, 94.

97.
Huna kinjrs, ruling in Northern

India, 36, 40.
Huns, White, Sir A. Cunning-

iiam's paf)er on, 40, 41.
Hiisparam Nask, 5, 6, 9, 10,
Ilvdraortes, 237.
Hydaspes, 237, 238.
Hyphasis, 237.
Hvsiris, 371.

Ibn Asir, 149.

ibn Kalikan, 150.

India, change in the condition
and the character of the people
of, caused by the Mohamedau
conquest of the country and
their rule, 142-143.

India, on the evidence of the
existence of pre-Aryan and
non- Aryan races in, 90-92.

PRKSENTS TO THE LIBBART. CT

Titles of Books. Donors.

Papers relating to Village Sanitation in India, 1888-96.

Government of India.

PiTRA Medha Sutras.

German Oriental Society.

Police Reports, Bombay Presidency, 1895.

Bombay Government.
Prison- MADE Goods (India).

Secretary of State for India.
Proceedinos, Legislative Council, Bombay, 1895.

Bombay Government,
Becords, Botanical Survey of India, Vol. I., Nos. 7 and 8.

Government of India.
Report, Abkari Department, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.
Agricultural Chemist to Government of India, 1895-96.

Government of India.

■ American Museum of Natural History, 1895.

Tlie Trustees of the Museum.
' Archffiological Survey, Western India, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.
Bombay Chamber of Commerce, 1896.

The Chamber of Commerce.
— ^— — Criminal Justice, Punjab, 1895.

Punjab Government.
■ ■ Customs Administration, Bombay, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.
— — — Customs Administration, Kurrachee, 1895-96.

Government of India.

■ Director of Public Instruction, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96.

Director of Public Instruction.
■ Forest Administration, Punjab, 1894-95.

Punjab Govermnent.
Forest Administration, Punjab, 1895-96.

Punjab Government.

■ " Forest Department, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.
Forest Department, Madras Presidency, 1895-96.

Madras Government.

■ Income Tax Operations, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96.

Bombay Government.
Inspection of Mines in India, 1894-95.

Government of India.

Internal Trade, Punjab, 1895-96.

Punjab Government,

INDKX.

Grihva Sntrns and tlie sacred

l)ooksof the East. Vol. XXIX.,

24-26.
Grimm, 85.
Gujarat trade extended in medi-

»!val times, as far as Java.

93.
Guhhtasp, 248.

Hadokl.t-Xask, 1.

Haji Klian, 178.

Hnmbirrno Mohite, 2C8, 209.

H;i[)ta Hindu, the region known
hy the name of, 237.

llarimisra, 340.

]-Iaririmia Tark:ilankara, 341.

llarshacharita, 42.

Uarun Al Uashid, 143.

Ilaveli Gavakawad, the name of
a citadel near Ahmedttbad, 35(5.

Iliniahhai. 356.

Hcmacliandra, 84.

Herbert's description of Mandu,
197-198.

Ilermippa, 215.

llermippos of Alexandria, trans-
lated into Greek, 20,000 verses
of the writings of Zoroaster,
2G4, 284, 285.

Hesydnis, 237.

Hiil-forts in the occupation ot
Sbivaji, their importance as
prints of resistance against at-
tack, and their management,
203-204.

Hindu character as depicted by
the Greek writers, Megasthenes
and Arrian, 142,

Hindu months, names of, with
the lenirth in days, ghatis and
pals. 123.

Hoernle, Dr., 82, 88.

Homai, 242.

Honore, 251.

ilorus, 371.

[loshaiigsha Ghori's rule at Man-
d.i, 162-1G4.

Uoshangshah Giiori, 156, 162,
161, 165.

Hnmayun's capture of Maudu,
176-177.

Humboldt, 107.

Human Races, classification of
according to Mr. Gust, Mr-
Haeckel and Mr. Brvne, 94.
97.

Uuna kinj^s, ruling in Northern
India, 36, 40.

Huns, White, Sir A. Cunning-
ham's paper on, 40, 41.

Hilsparam Nask, 5, 6, 9, 10,

Hvdraortes, 237.

llydaspes, 237, 238.

llyphasis, 237.

Hvsiris, 371.

Ibn Asir, 149.

Ibn Kalikan, 150.

India, change in the condition
and the character of the people
of, caused by the Mohamedan
conquest of the country and
their rule, 142-143.

India, on the evidence of the
existence of pre-Aryan and
non-Aryan races in, 90-92. ^

INDEX

Indiii account of the writers on
th« philosophical systems of,
and their works, 315-343.

India, sciences and arts in, origi-
nating from sacrificial necessi-
ties, 327-328.

India, the original home of the
game of chess, 224.

India, works of Molmiiiedan His*
torians of, greatly influenced
by religious bias and unscru-
pulousness 144-145.

Indian logic, Historical sketch
of, 306-347.

Indian philosophy, erroneous no-
tions about, 307.

Indian philosophy, religious mo-
tive, underlying all the systems
of, 313-314]

Indian philosophy, the task of
writing the history of, beset
with innumerable ditficulties,
307-308.

Indian philosophical systems, the
Nyaya and Vaisesliika, surevy
of the literature of, 815-343.

Indian philosophy, including
Indian logic, a home-grown
product, created by the na-
tural . genius of the people,
306-307.

Indian philosophy, Nyaya and
Vaiseshika occupying a unique
postion among the systems of,
309 ; their history dating from
the 4th or 5th century 13. C.
315.

Indian philosophy, on deter-
mining the chronological order

of the several systems of, 319-
325.

Indian philosophy, on the doc-
trines of, the different systems
of, 343-344.

Indian Society, the capacity of
expansion of, 357.

Indra, 82.

Indus, 237.

Indus, the names of the seven
tributaries of the, 237.

Inscription on the Three Gate-
ways, Ahmedabad, 343356,
the text and translation of
the Inscription, 349-351 ; tho
places and the persons men-
tioned in the Inscription, 351*
352 ; brief notices of the per-
sf n?, 352-354.

Insciiption, Nadole, of King
Alhanadeva, 2C-34,

Iranians and Kgyplims, Ancient,
iJelief about the future of the
soul anioni: the, 3G5-374.

Isfendiar, 241.

Istakhar (Ptrsepolis), 264.

Jagadisa, 341.

Jaimini, :^20, 326, 327, 328.

Jai>ingh Deva, 184, 199.

da), 240.

•Jala dec, 245.

Jaloka, 242.

Jamas]) Hakim Vilayati, £99.

Jaiaasp Vilsiyati, Dastur, 2, 6.

Jamhour, 225, 240.

Janaka, 242.

INDEX.

Javerilal U, Yajiiik, Ilonbh^
Mr., Honurarv Secrctarv of the
Society, placing on record the
sense of the Society's loss at the
death of, XCV.

Javadeva, 340, 341.

Jen iraraja, 2v^ 32, 34.

Jhelum, 237.

Jivauji JamsheJji Modi : Belief
about tlie future of the soul
among the Ancient Ej^ypiiaus
and Iraniauii, 305-374.

Jivanji jHni>hedji Modi ; Cabh-
niere and the Ancient Perbiaub.
237-248.

Jivanji Jamsbedji MoHi ; Firdousi
on the Indian Origin of the
Game of Chess. 224-230.

Jivanji Jamsbedji Modi; The
Antiquity of the A vesta, 263-
287.

Jivanji Jamsbedji Modi ; The Bus-
relief of Bebram Gour at
Naksh-i-Rustam and his Mar-
riage with ao Indian Princess,
58-75.

Jina, 82.

Jiuasena, 42.

Jojjalla, 32, 3k

Junaid Khan, 178.

Junuar, 203.

Kacchavana, 84.
Kacyapa, 245.

Kacyapupura,namoof the Coun-

try of Cashmere, 245.
Kadir Shab, 177.

Kabii near Mirpnr Kbas, Sindh,
I note on brick figured found in
a Buddhist tower in, 44-40.
Kaikhosliio'), 239.
Kalltana, 38.

Kahda&a, on the date of, 35-43.
Rjilidai^a, references iu Indian
; Literature to, 42-43.
' Kansida, 312, 313, 315, 323.
Kauada, on the ageof the Sutras

of, 31C.-317, 324, 331.
Kanara, account of the doings of
the PoriU2:uese, on the Coist
of, 251-2r>2.
Kanara, South, extinction of the
last remnant of the Portuguese
rule and trade in, 261.
Kanara, general aspect of, and
account of the principal towns
. of the district of, 249-250.
Kanara Coast, at one time studded
with Portuguese Factories and
Forts, 252.
Kanara, references to, in the works
of Portuguese Historians, 249.
Kanara South, the Portuguese
I in, 249-262.
' Kani^^dez, 230.
Kanoj, the capital of Northern

India (A.D. 417-438), 65.
Kamilu-t-Tawarikb, 150.
' Karad, 203.
Karji Gbiit, 176.
Karkal, 250.

KHrkaria (R. P.) ; Akbar and the
. Parsee*, 289-305.
' Karkaria (R. P.); Mahmud of
Ghazni and the Legend of Sora-
nath, 142153.

INDEX.

Knrkaria (R. P.) ; Teleology of
the Pahlavi Shikand Gumanik
Vijar and C i c e r o 's De
N a t u r a Deorum, 215-
223.

Karra Bahadur Khan, 180.

Kashaf river, 245.

Kashmar, confounded with Cash-
mere, 247.

Kasikavriiti, 48.

Katyayana, 84,324. 325.

Kiius, 247.

Keladi Basappa Naik, King of
Kaiiara, 261.

Kellogg, 82, 88.

Kesiraja, 43.

Khafikhan, 305.

Khan Jehan, 179.197.

Khaiula Khadyaka, 130-

Kharegat (M. P.) ; On the Inter-
pretation of certain passages
ill the Punch Siddhantika of
Varahamihirs, an old Astrono-
mical work, 109-141.

Khed, 2u3.

Khooshro Parviz, 72.

Khoshtanbujid, 270.

Khurshed, 1.

Khushalohand, 355.

Khusro Noshirwan, 9.

Kir&navali, 330, 340.

Kobad, 9. 72, 137.

Kolaba Fort, 204.

Kolhapur, 203.

Kolhar, 203.

Konkan, 203.

Kophen, 237.

Kramadisvara, 84.

Kri&hnunanda, 341.

Krishnaruja III., 43.

Kshirasvamin, 42.

Kubera, 36.

Kubha, 237.

Kundapur, 250.

Kumara Pala, 29.

Kuuiara Pala, Inscription of,

dated, A.D. 1157, 29.
Kumarasambhava, 43.
Kumarnd^sH, King of Ceylon, 42,
Kumarila, 42, 48, 323, 33J,

33G.
Kurumchand, 27.
Kushtan-bujid, 9.
Kusumanjali, 337.
Kutb-ud-din Shah, 168.

Lae-lie, 39, 40.

Lae-lih, 40.

Lakha, 27, 28.

Lakshmana, 27, 28, 32, 34.

Lakhim, 27.

Lakshniidhara, 27, 33.

Lakhun, 27, 28.

Lalita.iityR, 244.

Language, character of, nnodified

by surroundings, 99.
Language, Greek and Indian

Myths about the birth of, 94,

95.
Language, gesture, voice and

graphic, remarks on, 81-82,
Language periods and langoage

chronology, researches in con-
nection with, 100-102.
Language, science of, a historico-

comparative science, 81.

INr>EX.

Languages, hnman and Arjan,
cbronology of the doTclopment
of, nrrniiged in six periods,
with critical remarks, 103-108.

Languaues of the East Indies,
divided into 8 groups, 9?

Laty^ynna Sutra, reference to
the description of the Vratya-
Stonin, in the, 3o7-339

LilaTati, ?M, 340.

Linga of Mahadevn, legend re-
garding, 151-152.

Literature, Pahlavi, classed under
three heads, 1.

Logic, Indian and Greek, simi-
larity of ideas and modes of
thought between, 314-3-15.

Logic, Indian, historical sketch
of, 306-347.

Logic, the foundation of, as a
science according to Ueberv.'cg,
a work of the Greek mind, SuG.

Lohiya, 29, 32. 34.

I'Udwig, 101.

MadhaT.ichiirya, 327.

Magupat Jamasp Asa, 6.

Mahabatkhan, 187.

Mahadji Shinde, 211, 212.

Mahiidshasp, 9.

MahTTind of Ghazni, the character
of, 143-144.

Maharira, 26,

Mahaviradeva, 33.

Mahendradeva, 32, 34.

Mahmud of Ghazni and tlie Le-
gend of Somnath, 142-153.

Mahuli Fort, 204.

Mah Yashta, 1,

Mai, 225.

Miut;ipata, 33.

Malh;irao Ilolkar, 199.

Malik Biiyazid, ] 79.

Malik Mughis, 164. '

Malliuiltha, 36, 42,339.

Mallu Khan,l?7.

Mil lava Era, current in Central
in.Jia, 35, 43.

Mai wan Fort, 204.

Man, Prof, liaeckel's View of the
races of, 94.

Miindan, 185.

Mandana, *S3'^, 336.

Mandu, 154-201.

Mandu, Abul Fazl's and Farisb-
tah*s descriptions of, 182-
183.

Manduy A k bar's Tisit to, and re-
sidence at, 180-181.

Mandu, Col. Brig-'s, Mr.
F o r g u s s o n's, and Captaio
Eastwick's accounts of the
deserted capital of, 199-
200.

Mandu, early Hindu period of
the history of, IfiO.

Mandu, Herbert's description of,
197-198.

Mandu, historical account of,
160-20?.

Mandu. Liscriptioo on a building
known as Nilkantk< at;
180-181.
Mandu, Emperor Jehangir's re-
sidence at, and his description
of, 183-101.

INDEX.

XUl

Mnniu, Jehangir's stay at, re-
ferred to by Sir T. Roe and
Rev. E. Terry, 189-198.

Mandu, passing into the hands
of the Marathas, .19&.

Mandu, Sir T, Roe's account of
Prince KImrram's (Shah-
Jehan) visit to, 195-196.

Mandu, Sir T. Roe's accounts of
£m|>eror Jehangir's camp at,

Mandu, the holy places at,

199.
Mandu, the old palaces, mosques,

tombs, &c., at. 155-160.
Mandq, the situation of, with

descriptive account, 164-160,
M nndu ,Tom Corryat's stay at,l 93.
Mangalore, DellaiValle's visit lo,

in 1G23 nnd his opinion of the

PortugucBe of those days,

259-260.
Mangalore, on the Kanara Coast,

attflck by the Portuguese on

the town of, 256. 257, 258, 259.
Manik Rae, 27.
Mankoji Dahatonde, 208.
Marcus Aurelias, 216.
Manoratha, 27, 33.
Manushchihr, 9, 10.
Manv^lolv") 340.
Manzar» 62.
Mard-hud, 9.
Mardan-farukh, author of Shi-

kand Gumanik Vijar, 220.
Marichi, 24.^.

Mascarenhas, I). Francisco, 258.
Mathuranatha, 341,
Mawal, 203.

Mazdak, 9.

Medani Rai, 174.

M(^dyo-.n)ah, 9.

Meghaduta, 42.

Mebmud Khan, 164.

Mehmud Khilji, lt;5.

Mebmud Khilji's rule at Mandu,
buildings erected during, 165-
. 169.

Mehmud Khilji's Tower of Vic-
tory at Maudu, account of,
167-168.

Mehmud II.'s rule at Mandu
174-176.

Mehmud Tughlak, 1^2.

Mehrjee Rana, a Parsi Priest,
called from Navsari, bjAkbar,
to give instruction in the
Parsi religion, 292,293, 296,
297 ; tradition relating to the
circumstances under which he
was called to Akbar's court, 292.

Menezes, Vasco Fernandes Cezar,
de, 261.

Mihircnle, 242, 243.

Mihiragula, 39.

Mihirakula, a most powerful king
of the Huna dynasty, 37, 38-
39, 40, 41, 42.

Minerva, 94.

Minochoher, 245.

Mir Rukhu ruins in Sindh, 45.

Mirdn Muhammad Faruki, 177.

Mirkhel, 242.

Mirkhond, 69.

.Mirpur Khds, Sindh, note on
brick 6gures found in a Bud-
dhist tower in Kahu, near,
44-46.

XIV

INDEX.

Mirza Ghias Beg, 1X8.

Mirza Miran Mubdrak Khan,18C.

Miaah Bai, 199.

Mitchell, Rev. Dr. J. M., 88.

Mithra or Meher, 371.

M.ihamad, 27, 28, 29.

Mohsan Fani, 248.

Moropant Pinsrle, 208.

Motassim Caliph, 218.

Mudabidri, 250.

Mugdhavabodha Auktika, 84.

Muhafiz Khan, 174.

Muhamm<id Akbar II., 851, 352.

Muhammad Irhori, 105.

Muhammad Khan, 180.

Muliammadkhan Batigasli, 199.

Mulla Finiz, 6.

Muller, Pn.f. Max. 7S, 82,83, 85.

MunisiiiidaTa, 57.

Musa Razii, 198.

Muzaifar Sluih, 162.

MuzRffiir, III., 181.

Mysore, 203.

Nadiila, 32. 33.

Naalehah, near Mandu, account
of, 184.

Nabonassar, era of, 137.

Nadolo, Inscription of king Alha-
nadcva, 26-34.

Najjar Sheth, the office of, at
Ahmodabad, 353 ; j;cnealogy
of the family of, 354; history
of the family, 355-356.

Naigamas, 27.

Kakshi-Rastam, the Bas-relief of
Bebarkm Gourat, and his mar-
riage with an Indian princess,
58-75.

Nana Faranavis, 211, 212.

Nanda, 324.

Nard, the game of, similar

to the game of drauehts,
233.

Narasinha, 253.

Xarsih, 9.

Nariman, 245.

Xariman Hoshang, 6.

Nasik, 203.

Nasir-ud-din's rule at Mandu,

173-174.
Nasrat, 163.
Navalkar, Rev. Mr., 88.
Neeraji Raoji, 209.
Netaji Palkar, 208, 209.
Niraugistan, 1.

Nirangistan, account of the differ-
ent MSS. of, 2-7.
Nirangistan Pahlavi, Extant

Codices of, 1-23.
Nishahpahar, 9.
Nizam-ud-din, 293.
Noronha, L). Antao de, 258.
Noronha, D. Paio de, 25G.
NQshirvan, 137.
Noushiravan, 224, 231, 240.
Nuddea school of text writers
and commentators, on Indian
philosophy, 339.
Nur Jehan, 185, 188.
Nyaya and Vaiseshika systems of
philosophy, resume ot the lite-
rature oF, 315-345; objection
advanced against their hetero-
geneous character detracting
from their value as system of
pure logic, 346.
Nvava-Bindu, 334.

INDEX.

Nyayabindu, on the authorship

of the, 47-57.
Nyayabindutika, 47.
Nyaya-Kaiidali, 336.
Nyaya-Lilavati, 338,
Nyaya philosophy, general view

of the doctrines of, 310-311.
Nyayesh-i-Khurshed, 1.

Olala, the queen of, the ruler of
Mangalore and other ports on
the Kanara Coast, 257, 259.

Oromosdes, 281.

Osiris, 371.

Pactvice, 244.

Padartha-Khandana, 341,

Padmashah, 354.

Pahlavi Language, on the origin
and antiquity of, 217.

Pahlavi Nirangistan, Extant Co-
dices of, 1-23.

Pahlavi treatises, written under
the Sassanides, subjects treated
in the, 219.

Pakshadhara Misra, 340.

Pakshila-Swami, 332.

Pancha Lakshani, 342,

Panchadarsanasvariipa, 57.

Pancha Siddhantika of Varaha-
Tnihira,on the interpretation of
certain passages in, 109-141.

Pdncha Siddhantika, one of the
oldest Hindu works on astrono-
my written about the middle of
the 6th century after Christ,
109.

Panhala, 203.

Pauhala Fort, 204.

Panini, 82, 84.

Piipak, 260.

Paraskarachiirva, 24.

Paraskara Grihya Sutras and the

Sacred Books of the East, Vol.

XXJX., 24-25.
Parik, 9.
Parsees of Naosari and other

parts of Gujerat, the state of, in

the sixteenth century, 297-300.
Parsvabnyudaya, 42.
Parushani, 237.
Fdtaliputra, 41.
Patanjali, 84, 324.

Pathak (K. B.): On the author-
ship of the Nyayabindu, 47-
57.

Pathak (K. B.) : On the date of
Kalidasa, 35-43.

Peile, Mr. John, 78, 105.

Pereira, D. Antonio, 258.

Pericles, 143.

Peterson, Dr. P., 11.

Peixoto, Joao, 258.

Persian Calendar, note on the,
136-141.

Pesyansai, 239.

Pezzi, 86.

Philological research in the West,
workers in the field of, 84, 85-
86.

Philologists, Indian, names of,

82-84.
Philo Judseus, 283.
Philology, comparative, remarks

on the science of, 78-81.
Philology Indian, hittory of, 82-

85.

xviii

INDEX.

Shikftnd Gumanik Vijar Pahlavi
and Cicero's De Natara Deo-
ram, 215-223.
Shikand Gupaanik Vijar, account
of the work, its subject, author,
&c., 219-221 ; points of resem-
blance between it and Cicero's
De Natura Deorum, 22 1-223.
Shirooyeh, 72.

Shivaji, as a Civil Ruler, 202-214.

Shivaji, the civil territory held

by, divided into ]8 prants or

districts, 203.

Shivaji's civil organization, 207-

208.

Shivaji's division of the country
under him for revenue manage-
ment, 205-206.
Shivnji's Hill Forts, 203-204.
Shivaji's regulations relatinj? to
Infantry and Cavalry, 205,
206.
Shivaji's system of charities, his
Daxina system for encourage-
ment of learning, <fec., 209 ; his
system of Civil Government
discussed, 210-2 14; his arrange-
ment about the direct manage-
ment of land revenue, discussed,
213 ; military profession not
monopolised by the Marhattas
in his time, 213-214.
Shivaneri Fort, 204.
Shivappa Naik, a Bednur Chief,
subjugating Kanara and the
surrounding country, between
1648 and 1670, 260-261,
Shrirangpatam, 203.
Shnjailt Khan, 172.

Shnjaat Khan's rule at Mandn^

178, 179.
Siddhdnta-MuktaTali, 342.
Sidharaja Jayasinha, 29.
Sikhi, the second Buddha, 44.
Silva, D. Luiz de'Mello da,

256.
Silveira, Diogo da, 256.
Simha, 38.
Sindhu, 237.
Singhana, 338.
Sinhggad, 204.
Siromani, 341.
Siruze, 1.
Sivacharya, 336.
Sivaditya, 336, 333, 339.
Skandagupta, 38, 39.
Socrates, 345.
Sohiya, 29, 34.
Somnatb, the Legend of, and

Mahmud of Ghazni, 142-153.
Somnath, account of the temple.
Sacked by Mahamud, and the
breaking of the idol, as given
by old Mahomedan Historians,
149-151.

Somnath, Col., Dow's, and other
Historians' account of the
breaking of the idol of, 146-
148.

Somnath, the legend relating to
immense wealth concealed in
the belly of the idol of, and the
proffered ransom of the Brah-
mans, to Muhamud, purely
fictitious, 152.

Somnath, the myth connected
with the sandalwood gates of|
153.

INPEX.

Somnatb, Tod'a desoription of the
site of, 145.

Sosgady the citadel of Mandu>
155, 176.

Soshjaos, 9,

Soul, belief about the future of
the, among ancient Egyptians
and Iranians, 365-374.

Soul, points of similarity in
regard to the belief about the
future of the, among the an-
cient Egyptians and Persians,
examined, 365-374.

8ou], spiritual constituents of the,
according to ancient Egyptians
and Persians, 865-366.

SouzR Faria E., 259.

Speech, communicated from man
to man by gesture language,
Toice language, and graphic
language, 81-82.

Sraosha, 371.

Srauta-Sutra, 24,

Sricharana, 331.

Sridhara, 27, 33, 330, 333, 336.

Srdsh (Hadokht), 1.

Subandhu, 332.

Sukarama, 27, 33.

Sumativijaya, 37,

Sung-Yun, 39, 40.

Surendra, king of Cashmere, 241.

Sur&vara, 48, 58, 54, 55, 56.

Sureshwara, 836.

Surya Siddhanta, 109, HO, 130,
131, 133, 135, 136.

Sutlej, 237.

Tabakat-i-Akbari, 293.
Tabari, 62, 68, 69.

Taittiriya Samhita, 88.

Taittiriya Upanishad, 83.

Talhend, 226.

Tamra-Sena, 69.

Tanaji Malusare, 204.

Tando in Sindh, ruins at, 46.

Tandya Brahmana of the S^ma
Veda, 83.

Tandya Brahmana of the S^ma
Veda, reference to the descrip-
tion of the Vratyastoma in the,
357-859,

Tanjore, 203.

Tansar, who edited and revised the
Avesta, 216. 268, 264, 266,
267, 272, 281.

Taosar, 264.

Tarauatha, 48.

Tarikh-i-Alfi, 149.

Tarik-i-Hind, 151.

Tarka Dipikd, 342.

Tarka Kanmudi, 338.

Tarka Siromani, 341.

Tarkamrita, 338, 342.

Tarka Sangraha, 338, 342.

Tatparya Parisuddhi, 337.

Tatwa Chintamani, 339, 340,

341.
Taylor, Rev. Mr., 88.

Taz, 277.

Telang, the Hon'ble Mr. Justice,

88.
Teleology of the Pahlavi Shikand

Gumanik Vijar and Cicero's

De Natura Deorum, 215-223.

Terry's (Rev. A.) visit to Mando,
189.

Thana, 203.

Tbeopompus, 281, 282, 284, 285.

JNDEX.

Thoth, 371.

Tin Darwaja, Three Gateways,

one of the most prominent

architectural ohjects at Ahme-

dabad, 348.
Tirellah, 199.
Tiridates, 266.
Todar Mai, 290.
Toramana, a most powerfal king

of the Huna dynasty, 37,38,

39, 40.
Torana Fort, 204.
Toshar or Tansar, one of the

most learned Dasturs of Arde-
. shir Babigoru, 216, 264, 267,

272, 273.
Tosar, 266.
Tree Blossomed : Shivaji as a

Civil Ruler, 202-214.
Trlmbak, 203.
Trumpp, B2, 88.
Tahbah Abu Kurrub, 279.

ratjiPaYAr. 198, 199.
raiTant, 882, 8:^.6, 337, 338,

Ttdipl, ^^o.

TuWrrtfckm, 323, 332, 333, 337.
Aiw^tTh«, Mi, S25.

-HiiiBmr S£:.1U%V SS7. 340.
\wHbiKAiAd Ni^Tt interns of

Vaiseshika system of philosophj,
general view of, 312, 313.

Vakhshapnr, 270.

Valgash, 9.

Valkhash, 264, 265, 266, 272,
274. 284.

Vallabha, 37, 336, 338, 339.

Varadaraja, 339.

Varahamihira, 42.

Varahamihira, on the interpretn-
tion of certain passages in the
Pancha Siddhantika of,109.141.

Vararuchi, the Buddhist gram-
marian, 48, 84.

Vardhamdna, 340.

Vartika-Tdtparya-Tika, 337.

Vasal, 27, 33.

Vasco da Gama, 250, 252, 253.

Vasudeva, 340, 341.

Vatsa, 336.

Vatsyayana, 315, 322, 327, 332,
333.

Vazarkard-i-Dini, 1.

Vedas, and their languages, the
date of, fixed about 2,000 B.C.,
100.

Vedas, not onlv the earliest of
Aryan records, but bear the
type of high antiquity, 87.

Vedic Age, on the admission of
the Non-Aryans into Aryan
Society in the, 357-364,

Veh-dost, 9.

Vellor, 203.

Vendidad, 1, 9,

Vernaculars, modern, of India,
the Philological research relat-
ing to, 87-88.

Vesudhva, 240.

INDEX,

XXI

Vidyananda, 54, 56.

VigrahapMa, 32, 34.

Vijaya, the son of Asoka, 93, 94.

Yijayanagar, a most powerful
kingdom in Southern India,
251-252.

"Vikram, a powerful king of the
Western Provinces of India, 73.

Vikramaditya, 69, 73.

Vikramaditya or Yikrama, the era
of, 35, 43.

Vikramaditya, son of Gandharva
and Yesdejird, son of Behram
Gour, facts of similarity in
Indian and Persian stories of,
69-73.

Vikramorvasi, 42.

Vinasvaranandi, 48.

Vipasa, 237.

Vira Balldla Deva, 43.

Yisdideva, 29.

Yishtasp yasht, 1.

Vishvandtha, 342,

Visparad, 1.

Vitasta, 237, 238.

Vologeses, 9, 264.

VrajaMk Kalidasa, 82, 84.

Yratya, originally denoting bar-
barious, came to be applied in
course of time to degenerate
Aryans, 362 ; the present
meaning of the word, 364.

Yratya-Stoma, or prayer for the
Yratyas (out-casts), a brief
summary of the description of,
351-359 ; description of the
different kinds of, 359-360;
remarks and observations on,
359-3G4.

Vjomavati) 336.

Vyasa Pranjivan Sakhdrdm, 351,

Yydsa, 231.

Wai, 203.

Wakhatchand Khushalchand,
351,353, 355.

Wanagad, 203.

Whitney, Prof., 78, 85.

Wilson, (Rev. J.), 76.

Wilson's Philological Lectures
(1894) Lecture, I.; Progress
and Development of the Aryan
speech, 76-108.

Wiltkowski, 104.

Wood burn (A); Note on brick
figures found in a Buddhist
tower in Kahu, near Mirpur
KUs, Sind, 44-46.

World, the Avestaic doctrine
about the period of the dura-
tion of the, 281-282.

Xavier, St. Franci?, 251.
Xerxes, the ancient Persian Na-
tion under, 215.

Yaska, 82, 84, 105.

Yasna, 1, 9,

Yasodharman, 38, 39, 41.

Yesdejird bin Shapur, 121, 140.

Yesdegird, son of Behrdm Gour,
and Vikramaditya, son of
Gandharva, facts of similiarity,
in Indian and Persian stories
of, 69-73.

Yesdegird Shahriar, 121, 138.

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