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Tk^jst
GEOLOGICAL SOCIETY,
March 25th, 1846. ^^
LIBRARY REGULATIONS.
Tick Council, with a view to the oonvenienoe of the Fellows gene-
rally, and to the better oare of Works Uiat art» easily iajiired, have
deemed it expedient to make the following regtdationa^ in oonforraitj
with Section XIX. Art. 1 of the Bje^Laws. .Av*i
1 . The Books shall only be delivered to a Fellow joif the Society,
or to some one producing a written order frc^ such Fellow ;
and a receipt shall be given by the person to whom the book
is deliverea (expressing the name of the Fellow for whom it
is received), in a book kept for that purpose.
3. Any Fellow failing to return a book on the application of the
Council, or returning books torn or deiaued, shall be consi-
dered as liable for their value ; and if they are separate voluraett,
for the value of the whole work rendered imperfect.
3. All books allowed to circulate may be retained A FORTNIGHT ;
after the expiration of that time, every book shall be immedi-
ately returned, so soon as the FcUow shall receive an intimation
from the Librarian that it is wanted ; and after the expiration
of OXE MONTH from the date of its having been delivered
from the Library, every book shall be returned.
4. All books shall be returned on the 1st of November for a
fortnight, at which period the Librarian shall deliver a report
to the Council on the state of the Library.
5. No Fellow shall have in his possession at one time more than
SIX VOLUMES, without the permission of the Council.
6. Any Member failing to comply with the above regulations, after
receiving notice from the Librarian, shall be fined half-a-crown
for every week that a volume is detained beyond the time
allowed ; and the privilege of having books from the Library
shall cease until the fines are paid and thebeoks are retumetl.
7. All chai^QS of carriage and delivery of books &c. to and from
Fellows shall be defrayed by the iB'ellow borrowing the same.
EXCEPTIONS.
I. There are certain books which cannot be allowed to circulate.
A list of these shall be prefixed to the printed Catalo^ie of the
Library, and a notice of such additions to that list as the
Council may from tune to time feel it necessary to make shall
be fixed up in the Library.
II. No Map, Section, or Drawing oan be allowed to circulate with-
out permission in writing grantCd by the Council, or by the
President or one of the Secretaries.
III. No book or illustration in loose sheets shall be allowed to cir-
culate.
lY. No Periodical Publication, and no Volume or part of the
Transactions of any Society, shall be allowed to circulate
until after the expiration of four months from the date of its
having been received at the Society.
V. Ail new works shall circulate amongst the Fellows after the
expiration of a fortnight from the time of their being received,
imloss the Council (or, during the recess, the President or one
of the Secretaries) shall determine otherwise.
iftf book lent to the Society m allowed to dreuXaie without a written
order from the Proprietor.
•,
^ OF LO-JOON -*
•i-
' BEQUEST
U.\IV>;KS1TY „r MICHIGAN
GKNERAL LIBRARY 1
*-; OF LCKDCN^ -*
'-f OF LtPinCN '-'
THE JOURNAL
OF THK
BOMBAY BRANCH
OF THK
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.
VOLUMF. XI
>>*;o^
1876.
EDITED BY THE SECRETARIES.
BOMBAY:
SOCIETY'S LIBRARY, TOWN HALL.
LONDON :-TRUBNER <fc Co.. 57 and 59 LUDGATE HILL.
1876.
CONTENTS OF NUMBER XXXI.
ART. PAGE
I. — A Description of the Mekranee-Beloochee Dialect. By
Mr. E. Pierce 1
II. — Safigamesvara MaLatmya and Liiiga- Worship. By the
Hon. Rao Saheb V. N. Mandlik 99
III. — Memoir on the History of the Tooth-relic of Ceylon.
By J. Geeson DA CuNHA, M.R.C.S. Eng 115
IV. — The Subjugation of Persia by the Moslems, and the
Extinction of the Sasdnian Dynasty. By E. Rehatsek, M.C.E.,
Hon. Mem. B. B. R. A. S 147
V. — Old Canarese and Sanskrit Inscriptions relating to the
ChieftaiDs of the Sindavamsa. Edited, with Translations, Notes,
and Remarks, by J. P. Elect, Esq., Bo. C.S 219
Proceedings , i
Accounts of the Society for 1874 xviii
List of Members xx
Original Communications xxx
Presents to the Library xxx
CONTENTS OF NUMBER XXXII.
ART. PAGE
VI. — Additional Remarks on the Age of the Naishadhiya.
By J. G. BuHLEB, Ph. D 279
VII. — An Historical and ArcheBological Sketch of the Island
of Angediva. By J. Gerson da Cunha, M.R.C.S., &c 288
Vni. — The Labours of the Arab Astronomers, and their In-
etmments, with the Description of an Astrolabe in the
Mulla Fimz Library. By E, Rehatsek, M.C.E., Hon. Mem.
B. Br. R. As. Soc. (with four Plates) 311
IX. — Three Walabhi Copper Plates, with Remarks. By the
Hon. Rio Saheb V. N. Mandlik, Vice-President (with seven
Plates) 331
PbOC EEDINOS XXXV
"V.-- '<VV
;-f ,pF LONDON "^
JOURNAL
OF THE
BOMBAY BRANCH
OF THE
EOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
No. XXXI. Vol. XI.
Art. I. — A Description of the MeJcranee^Beloochee Dialect.
By Mr. E. Pierce.
Presentod October 9th, 1874.
The Mekranee-Beloochee is the dialect spoken by the people living
in the eastern and southern parts of Beloochistan. Its limits on the
seacoast are the Malan mountains on the east, and a line drawn about
fifty miles west of Charbar on the west. Inland it is spoken generally
over the large provinces of Kej, Koldnch^ and Kolwah, with the adja-
cent districts.
The dialect spoken over the whole of this tract varies very slightly,
and the people of any one district are intelligible to people of the others.
There are, however, innumerable small variations in the words used in
every district, and people are often unacquainted with words in common
use amongst people living forty or fifty miles distant.
In the districts of Baho and Dushtyari, N.W. of Gwidur, the
country is inhabited by Judgalls (Sindee tribes settled in Mekran), and
the language of these districts is consequently a dialect of Sindee.
The dialect spoken by the Mayds {med = a fisherman), inhabiting the
coast villages of Ormara, Pusnee, and Gwddur, diiFers slightly from
that spoken by the people living in the jungle.
Iras
2 THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
The dialect which I have more particularly chosen to descrihe is
that spoken hy the country people living east of Gwddur, as in their
dialect the words adopted from the Persian are used without many of
the corruptions common to the people ahout Gw^ur and to the west-
ward. In the vocabularies the pronunciation used east of Gwadur
will be found in the first place. The Western forms, where differing,
are given after the Eastern form.
From about fifty miles west of Charbar a different dialect commences
»
to be spoken. This is almost unintelligible to the people living to
the east, and appears to resemble Persian much more closely than
the Gwadur dialect. Persian words are largely introduced without
alteration, but the construction still retains the Beloochee character.
In this district Persian commences to be to a certain extent current.
The Mekranee- Beloochee appears to be a dialect of Persian mixed
up with a great many words of Indian origin, which have probably
been introduced by the Judgalls.
It appears to have little connection with the modern Persian, many
of the words derived from the latter language being words now obsolete
or very rarely heard. One of the most notable features in Beloochee
is the retention of the " majhUV^ sounds of j and (^^ which have been
entirely discarded by the modern Persians.
The words of Indian origin are principally nouns, but a few of the
verbs in very common use are of undoubtedly Indian origin, as ladaga
to load, lagaga to strike, and charaga to look. Amongst the adverbs
also are hanlh now, idd here, udd there, and kadih when.
The principal changes undergone by Persian words in their introduc-
tion into Beloochee are : —
(I.) Substitution of ^ for the silent h.
(II.) The softening of all throat sounds as kh («.) into k or h^
gh{*^)miog.
(III.) The alteration of the sound of the long alif from the
soand of a in /all to that of a in arch,
(IV.) The substitution of g or gw for 6, as gtodi for bad, gesh
for besh, gwdzX for 5ari, gwdn for bang.
(V.) Substitution of w for khw (^) as wab for khwdb, wat for
khud, wdnaga for khwnndan, waraga for khurdan.
THS MXERA.NEE-BELOOCHEB I>IALSCT. 3
(VI.) Substitution of i for o or u, as dir for dur, bUa for bfuia,
&c. These words may, however, generally be pronounced
either with o, ti, or i. The substitution of i for o or 6 is pecu-
liar to the western part of Mekran.
(VII.) A general disposition may be noticed to end all words in
k OTff.
I have endeavoured in the Beloochee-EnglisK vocabulary to trace
as far as possible the origin of the Beloochee words, but in Mekr&n so
few books are available for reference, that I have failed to find the
origin of many words which with greater facilities might doubtless be
traced to the languages of the neighbouring countries.
In Beloochee there are no sounds foreign to the English language.
In a few Sindee words the j is heard, bat as a rule it is sounded as an
English r.
Pronunciation,
In representing Beloochee words I have nsed English letters on the
following system : —
a sounded as a in America or tf in but*
e
do.
e
they, fSte.
•
t
do.
•
t
pin.
do.
pole, so.
u
do.
u
pull.
a
do.
a
father (never as a in fall).
i
do.
•
t
police.
u
do*
u
rule.
ai
da.
ai
aisle.
au
do.
ou
our.
n, which occurs mostly in syllables added to nouns and verbs to form
inflections, is not a perfectly nasal sound, but more like an indistinct
pronunciation of the English n. When preceding a vowel it is sound-
ed as the English it.
^ as ^ in go.
ch as ch in church.
kh as ch in loch, or German ch in Buch.
Other consonants are sounded as in English.
4 THE ICEKRANEE-BELOOCHEE DULSCT.
SUBSTANTIVES.
Substantives have only one inflection in the singular for the genitiyey
dative, and accusative cases, viz. a added to the nominative case. The
nom. plural is formed by adding an to the nom; singular ; and the gen.,
dat., and ace. plural are formed by adding a to the nom. plural. For
the dat. and ace. cases drd is sometimes added instead of a.
It would appear at first sight that some confusion must arise from
gen., dat., and ace. cases being alike, but in practise it presents very
little difficulty.
There may be said to be no gender in Beloochee. Female animals
have either different names, as pachin a male goat, and buz, a female
goat ; or their names are formed by prefixing the adjective tnadag
(female) to the name of the male, as goky a bull, madagin gok^ a cow.
The latter form is rare, as almost every animal has a separate name far
the female.
A noun in the gen. case is placed before the noun signifying the
thing possessed, instead of after it as in Persian, as marduma dost, a
man's hand.
The inflections of the Beloochee substantives, it "will be seen, are
very different from those of the Persian. The termination rd of the
dat. and ace. is rarely used ; and of the two forms of the plural, viz.
an and hd, only dn is retained.
As in Persian the singular is very often used with a plural significa-
tion.
A noun of agency is formed from some verbs by the addition of uk
to the root, e.g.
buyer or taker, zlriik.
seller, bahokanilk.
speaker, gwashuk.
giver, deuk.
goer, rouk.
The latter word is applied as an adjective to a swift camel.
The following is the mode of declension of a Beloochee substantive: —
Singular.
Nom. mardum, a man.
Gen. mardum-a, of a man.
Dat. mardum-a, a, ara, at, to, or for a man.
Ace. mardum-a, a, ara, a man.
THB MEKBANEE-BELOOCHEfi DIALECT. 5
Plural
Nom. Tnardum-aiiv men.
Gen. mardum-ana, of men.
Dat. mardum-ana, ana, anara, at, to, or for men.
Ace. mardum-ana, ana, anara, men.
The vocative and ablative cases are formed by ai, O, for the former,
and aah, from, with, or by, for the latter.
ADJECTIVES.
The adjective in Beloochee takes only one inflection, viz. the addition
of tn, which is added when an adjective is used to qualify a substantive.
Adjectives precede the substantives they qualify, instead of following
them as in Persian, e.^., sharih roch, a fine day*
When an adjective precedes a substantive beginning with a vowel«
the n of the termination loses its nasal sound.
The comparative degree is formed by adding tar to the positive, ex-
cept tnazan, great, and kasdn, small, which have irregular comparatives,
viz. mastar and kastar.
There is no superlative degree, but one may be formed as in Hindn-
stani, e.g,, e ash druBtdn shartar in* This is the best. Literally : — This
is better than all.
In such a sentence as this a Belooch usually omits the word ash.
The possessive adjectives are the gen. cases of the pronouns.
Some adjectives are formed from nouns by adding ig —
as nugrdig, silvern, from nugra, silver.
tildig, golden, from iila, gold.
ddrig, wooden, from ddr, wood.
Mokxmmediff, belonging to Mohammed.
as e kdrch nugrdig in, This knife is silvern.
e nugrdigiii kdrch ih^ This is a silver knife.
e Mohammadig in. This is Mohammed's.
PRONOUNS.
The pronouns in Beloochee appear to follow the Persian much closer
than most other parts of speech.
I
THE MEERANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
The principal yariatioa to be noted is that the personal pronouns can-
not be suffixed. The only suffix used is t or ish for the accusative
case of the demonstrative pronouns, e.ff, —
Man abarani or man abardnisk, I will take it away.
Bill, Let it alone.
The pronouns are declined as follows : —
Personal Pronouns.
Man, I.
Sinff,
Nom. man, I*
Gen. mani, of me, my.
Dat. & Ace. mana, me, to me.
Nom. to, tau, thou.
G. tai, of thee, thy.
D. & A. tura, to thee, thee.
Plur,
ama, ma, we.
amai, mai, of us, our.
amara, mara, us, to us.
To, tau, Thou.
shuma, you.
shumai, of you, your,
shumara, to you, you.
In addressing one person it is customary to use the singular form
of " to."
A, he, she, or it.
N. a, he, she, it.
Q. aii, of him, his, &c.
D. & A. aira, aia, to him, him, &c.
a, aan, ahan, they,
ai-i, aani, ahani, of them, their .^
aira, aia, aanra, ahanra, to them,
them.
The plural forms dan and dhdn are rarely used, the singular being
generally used for the plural.
* Demonstrative,
E or Esh, This.
eshan, these.
eshani, of these.
eshanra, eshana, to theBe, these*
N. e, esh, this.
G. eshi, of this.
D. & A. eshia, eshira, to this, this
A, That.
Declined as a, he, she or it, qv.
Ham may be prefixed to these pronouns to give the sense of this
very or that very. This does not appear to be allowable with any
ease but the nominative —
e.g. Hame drdch, this very tree.
When answering questions ham is almost invariably prefixed.
THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCflEE DIALECT.
e,g. Which is the man ? Kujan mardum in.
This is he. Hamesh in.
Ham is also very frequently prefixed to pronouns when the sense of
very does not appear to be implied.
The demonstrative pronouns are not declined when used to qualify
substantives ; vrhen used as substantives they take above deflections,
t,g. —
This man's house, E marduma log.
These people's houses, £ mardumana logan.
The fastening of this is broken, Eshi band prushtag in.
These are large, Eshan mazan an.
B.efiect%x)e,
Waty self, probably from Persian Ichud,
Sing,
N. wat, self.
G. wati, of self.
D. & A. wata, to self, self.
Plural.
Same as singular.
Wat is used instead of the possessive pronouns when preceded hy
a personal pronoun of the same person.
e.g,, I am going to my house, Man wati toga *roan,
Man wat, I myself.
Plur.
ama wat, we ourselves.
amai wati, of ourselves.
amai wata, to ourselves, ourselves.
Sing.
N. man wat, I myself.
G. mani wati, of myself.
D. & A. mani wata, to myself,
myself.
To wat, thou thyself, and a wat, he himself, declined in same man-
ner as man wat.
Interrogative,
Kai, Who ?
Plur.
Sing,
N. kai, who ?
G. kai-i, whose?
D. & A. kaira, kaia, to whom ?
whom?
Same as singular.
8
THE MEKRANEE-BBLOOCHEB DIALECT.
Kujdfiy kuddn, Which?
N. kujan, which ?
G. kujani, of which ?
D. & A. kujaara, kujaaa, to
which ? which ?
Plural same as singular.
N. che, what ?
G. chea, of what?
D. & A. chea, to what ?
what?
Che, What.
Plural same as singular.
Relative and Correlative.
Rel. a keh, he who, whoever.
e.ff. He who is wise speaks Uttle.
Rel. hanch, whatever.
e-ff., Whatever I say, ybu do.
(Jorrel. hamd, that same.
a keh akalwand in, hama kam
agwashit.
Correl. hancho, that same.
Hanch keh man agwashln hancho
pekan.
Correl. kamesh, kame, this same.
E keh go man in hame shar in.
Rel. e keh, this which.
e.ff.. This which I have is good.
The correlatives are very often omitted entirely.
Suffixes,
The suffix i or ish is often used for eshia or eshird,
e. g.. Shall I take this away ? Man eshia 'barah,
or Man abarani,
or Man aharanish,
I will give this to you, Man tura deinish.
These suffixes appear to be only added to the verb, and not to nouns
as in Persian.
Possessives.
The possessive pronouns are formed hy adding ff to the gen. case of
the other pronouns, as mnnig, mine, iaiig, thine, aiig, his, amdig, ours,
shumdig, yours, danig, theirs, kaiig, whose, as —
e petx manig in, this hox is mine.
For the possessive adjectives my, thy, &c., the gen. case of the
pronouns is used, as —
E manipetl in, this is my hox.
THE HEKSANEE-DELOOCHSE DULECT. 9
VERBS.
The Bcloochcc verbs are extremely irregular, and it is impossible to
reduce them to any system of conjugations.
The irregularities, however, are very rarely in anything but the
formation of the preterite tense. I have given a table of the most
irregular, and iu the vocabulary I have given the aorist, preterite,
and imperative of each verb.
It will be noticed that the irregularities are mostly derived from the
original Persian verbs ^'ana^a, draga, warapa, deaga, &c.
The principal peculiarities of the Beloochee verb are : —
(I.) There is no distinction between the present and future
tenses, both being represented by one tense which I have
called the Aorut. This does not appear to give rise to any
difficulty in actual practice, as the context generally shows
whether the verb should be in the present or future sense.
(II.) That part of the verb ending in aga^ which appears to be
the nearest approach to an infinitive, is of very rare occurrence,
keh with the aorist generally taking its place ; e. g, —
Man alotxh keh man aroaht I want to go, for Man alotih roiga.
This resembles the Persian Man mikhwdham berawam.
(III.) Almost entire disuse of any compound tenses.
(IV.) Prefixing a to aorist tense.
{Fide Remarks.)
Root, — The root is formed from the infinitive by catting off aga.
In those verbs in which the aga of the infinitive is preceded by cA
OTJ, those letters are changed to tk or ht in the root, as dochaga, root
dotk or doht.
Verbs coming under this head are mostly those derived from Persian
verbs ending in khtan^ and which change the kht into ;: in the aorist
teuse.
InfinitivCy ending in aga. This part of the verb, although it bears
no resemblance to the Persian infinitive, yet appears to have the exact
meaning of an infinitive. It is, however, rarely used. From it is
2 ras
10 THB MEERANEE-BELOOGHEE DIALECT.
formed by changing aga into agi an adjective signifying to be , fit
to be , about to — — , or, to be able : —
e.g., gvoashagl, to be said, i,e. ought to be said, fit to be said ;
about to say, or speakable ; roaglt about to go, or ought to
go ; man roagl uh, I am about to go, I am to go.
This corresponds very closely with the Persian words gu/tanl, ra/tant,
<&c., which are formed by adding i to the infinitive.
Aorist — Formed by prefixing a and adding various personal termi-
nations to the root.
This tense has present, future, and potential significations, e.^., Man
agtjoashlhy I am speaking, I shall speak, or I may speak.
When preceded by a word ending in a short vowel, the aorist usually
loses its a prefixed.
{Vide Remarks.)
Preterite. — ^This is formed from the root generally by the addition
of toL or ita, and has no variation for the three persons, singular and
plural. It is evidently the preterite participle of the Persian verb.
This tense is not in such common use as the Perfect.
The Preterite has often an abbreviated form, as ku for kurta^ gu for
gwashta, di for dtta, and in conversation the final a is very frequently
omitted.
Perfect. — This tense is formed by the Preterite Participle with vari-
ous personal terminations added.
There appears to be no difference in the meaning of this tense and
the preceding. It is perhaps applied niore to past and completed
actions.
Imperative. — ^The 2nd pers. sing, is formed by prefixing be or pe
to the root.. The 2nd pers. plural is formed by adding i or Id to the
2nd pers. sing.
Some verbs, instead of taking be or pe, require the b to be followed
by the first vowel in the root, as boro, bubur, bigir.
The first and third persons are formed by compounds with the verb,
" liagar See «* Let."
THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 11
The prefix be is often omitted. In the vocabnlary the usual form of
the imperatiTe is given.
Preterite Participle, — Formed by adding tag to the root.
Pluperfect. — ^This tense is very rarely used. It is formed by the
Pret. Part, with the first form of the Preterite of the verb to be :
e,ff., Man shutag atun, I had gone. Harwahdl keh to hamuda
atkag ate man shutag atuh ashudd. When you arrived there I had
gone from there.
Future Perfect, — This tense, like the last, is of very rare occurrence.
Jt is formed by the preterite participle with the future of the verb
to be : —
Man rastag abih, I shall have arrived. Harwahdl keh to hamuda
rase man ham hamuda raatag abiht When you arrive there I also
shall hare arrived there. This would generally be expressed by a
Belooch Harwahdi keh to hamuda raae man ham akai-ih.
Negatives, — In the aorist the prefix a disappears after na^ as man
na 'roan, I won't go.
In the verbs aiaga, draga and liaga the form of the aorist without k
is always used in negative sentences : tf.^., man na drin, I will not
bring it-
The negative form of the imperative is formed by prefixing ma and
cutting off the prefix be or pe, as maro, don't go, makan, don't do*
Potential, agar, if, is used with the aorist : e,g,, agdr akait, if he
come, agdr arot, if he go.
There is a method of forming the potential by prefixing be, bo, &c.,
to the aorist : e.g., agdr beaiat, if he come, agdr borot, if he go.
Interrogatives. — Interrogation is expressed by a difference of accent
in the past tenses ; but in the aorist be is often prefixed and the a of
the aorist cut off. Those verbs which require the b of the prefix of the
imperative to be followed by the first vowel of the root, take the same
prefix to the aorist as to the imperative —
Man pekanaii ? Shall I do it ?
Man boroaii ? Shall I go ?
Can. — There appears to be no verb answering to the Persian tawdnia-
tan. Can is expressed in Beloochee by using the preterite tense of the
12 THE MEERANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
verb with the aorist of the verb hanaga. The verb hanaga may per-
haps be considered to have the meaning of to be able, in which case
the following sentences correspond very closely with the Persian : —
I can go, Man shuta 'kanan ; Persian — Man mitawdnam raft.
I cannot lift it, Man chis kurta na 'kananish.
It is also expressed by the past tense with the future of the verb to be.
I cannot fasten this, E bast a nabit. Literally : — It cannot, or will
not, be fastened.
Could. — This is expressed by the preterite tense of the verb with
the preterite of the verb kanaga. The abbreviated form of the latter*
viz., k% is generally used. If the first verb is formed by a compound*
of the verb kanaga, ku is invariably used. I could not lift it, man chis
kurta na ku; I could not fasten it, man basta na kurta.
Let. — This is expressed in the first and third persons of the impera-
tive by bil (the imperative of liaga, to permit) with the aorist of the
verb.
Let me go, Bil keh man aroan. I will let him go is expressed by Man
air a roaga li-ih (or kilih).
I allowed him to go, or I let him go, Man aird roaga ishta.
Astin or dBt, negative nlstin or nlst.
This is used to signify possession or existence, and takes the place of
the verb to have. It undergoes no inflection,
e.g. Tura fursat ast ? Have you leisure ?
ach ast ? Is there any fire ?
ach nist. There is no fire.
Kanaga, deaga, and kapaga, — These verbs are often used in
conjunction with another word to form a verb. When used in this way
they take no prefix to the 2nd persons of the imperative.
Conjugation of Verbs,
BUAGA, BIAGA, To be, or to become.
This is the only verb with separate present and future tenses.
Present.
Sing. Plur.
I.
man un,
I am.
ama an or in.
we are.
2.
to e,
thou art.
shuma e or it.
you are.
3
a in or int,
he is.
a, ail or ant,
they are.
THE ICEEBANEE-BELOOCHEE DULECT.
13
1.
2.
3.
Iw.
2.
3.
1.
Future.
man ablu, aban, I shall be.
to abc, abl, thou shalt be.
a abi, abit, he shall be.
ama abaii, abih, we -\ , ,,
shuma abl, abit, abit, you V
a aban, abant, they J
Preterite No, 1.
manatuii, I was or became,
to ate, thou wast or becamest.
a at, he was or became.
ama ataii, we were or became,
shuma ate, atit, you were or became,
a atan, ataut, Uiey were or became.
Preterite No, 2.
man buta or bita, I was or
became.
2. to buta or bita, thou waster
becamest.
3. a buta or bita, he was or
became.
ama buta or bita.
we were or
became.
shuma buta or bita, you were or
became.
a buta or bita, they were or
became.
Perfect.
1. man butagnn or bitagaii,
2. to butage or bitage,
3. a butagau, butagant, bltagaii, bitagant,
1. ama bfi tngnii or bitagnn,
2. shuma bfitagi or bitagi,
3. a butagau or bitagan.
}
thou ? was or became,
he
we
you
they
}
Preterite Participle.
Butag, became.
Imperative.
were or became.
1. bit keh man abiii, let me be.
2. bu, bl, be thou.
3. bit keh a abit, let him be.
1. bilkeh amaaban, let us be.
2. bud, bid, be ye.
3. bil keh a abaii, let them be.
The following are occasionally used : —
Batt ha^ had\ May it be, may you be, &c.
14 THE MEKBANEB-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
Agar bebid, — This phrase is used to express " if there be nny, " e, g»
Boro npa bidr, go and fetch water ; agar bebid man akarih, if there be
any I will bring it. — Vide PotentiaL
The present tense of this verb appears to correspond to the rerbal
termiDRtioDs of the same meaning in Persian.
The future appears to correspond with buwam of the Persian rerb
budaih to be, and the second form of the preterite is evidently froQ>
the same verb.
The following show the method of conjugation of the irregular verbs
kanaga, aiaga, and roaga, the defective sarpada *baih, and the regular
verb gwashaga. The latter shows the method of inflection of all
Beioochee verbs with the exception of the manner of forming the
preterite tense, in which there is considerable irregularity.
KANAGA, To do.
Aorist, I am doing, or I will do.
ama akan-an.
shuma akan-e, it.
a akan-ant.
ama "^
shuma /-kurta, kuta, ku.
a )
1 . man akan-in, an, an.
2. to akan-e.
3. a akant, akanlt.
Preterite, I did.
1. man *|
2. to >>kurta, kuta, ku.
3. a 3
Perfect, I did, I have done.
1. mankurtag-aii,uu;kurtag-aii, un. i ama kurtag-au, kntag-aii.
2. to kurtag-e, kutag-e. shuma kurtag-i, kutag-i.
3. a kurtag-au, ant, kutagau ant. | a kurtag-aii, kutag-aii.
Preterite Participle, Done.
Kurtag or kutag.
Imperative.
2nd pers. sing, pekan, kan, \ 2nd pers. pi. pekanl, kini,
1st and 3rd persons formed by aorist with bil.
A I AG A, to come.
This verb has two forms of the aorist.
\
THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCflEE DIALECT. 15
AorUt No, 1, I am coming, I will come.
1. man akai-ih, an.
2. to akai-e*
3. a akait.
ama akai-aii.
shuma akai-it.
a akai-au.
Aorist No. 2, I am coming, I will come.
1. man ai-in, an.
2. to ai-e.
3. a ai-at.
ama ai-an.
shuma ai-it.
a ai-an.
Preterite, I came.
atka, atka, ata
or at.
ama
shuma ^atka, atka, ata or at.
a
Perfect, I came, I have come.
1. man atag-an, uu. or atkag-an, un.
2. to utag-c. or atkag-e.
3. a atag-ant, an. or atkag-ant, an.
1. ama atag-an. or atkag-an.
2. shuma atag-i. or atkag*!.
3. a atag-an. or atkag-au.
Imperative.
2nd pcrs. sing. hia. 2nd pers. pi. biaUl.
Preterite Participle,
atag or atkag.
ROAGA, To go.
Aorist, I am going, I will go.
1 . man aroan or areln.
2. to a roc.
3. a arot.
ama aroan or arein.
shumii aroe or arot.
a aroan or arc in.
Preterite, I went.
1. manl
2. to >shuta, shut or shQ,
3. a J
}
1. amil
2. shuma ^shuta, shut, shu.
3. a
IG
THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCHEE DULECT.
Perfect^ I went, I have gone.
1. man shutaguh. 1. ama shutagan.
2. to shutage. 2. shuma shutagl.
3. a shutagant, shutagan. 3. a shutagan.
Preterite Participle, Gone,
shutag.
Imperative.
2nd pers. sing, boro, 2nd pers. pi. boroid.
The aorist and imperative of this verh are evidently from the Persian
verb ra/tan, to go (aorist rawam). The remaining tenses appear
to be from shudan to be, or to go.
DEFECTIVE VERB. SARPADA 'BAIN, I understand.
Aorist,
1. man sarpada 'bain» sarpada 'ban or sarpada 'bin.
2. to sarpada 'be.
3. a sarpada 'bit.
1. ama sarpada 'bin.
2. shuma sarpada 'bit.
3. a sarpada 'ban.
Preterite,
r sarpada buta or sarpada bita.
man
to
a
ama .
shuma I
a J
Regular Verb. GWA8HAGA, To speak, to say.
Aorist, I am speaking, I will speak.
1. man agwash-ln, an.
2. to agwash-e.
3. a agwash-1, It.
1. man
2. to
3. a-
1. ama ngwash-aii.
2. shuma agwash-I, It.
3. a agwash-aii, ant«
Preterite, I spoke.
1 . ama "^
2. shuma Vgwashta or gu.
3. a J
Perfect, I spoke, I have spoken.
1 . man gwashtag-aii, uu.
2. to gwashtag-e.
3. a gwashtag-an, uii.
1. ama gwashtag-aii.
2. shuma gwashtag-I.
3. a gwashtag-an.
THE MEKRANEE-BKLOOCHEE DIALECT. 17
Preterite Participle^ Spoken.
Gwashtag.
Imperative.
1. Bil keh man agwashin, aii, Let me speak.
2. Begwash, Speak thou.
3. Bil keh a agwashi, it, Let him speak.
L Bil keh ama agwashan, Let us speak.
2. Begwashid, Speak ye.
3. Bil keh a agwashan, ant, Let them speak.
Potential^ I may speak.
1. man begwash-in, an, &c. *
This Terb is plainly from the Persian verb guftan, to speak.
The correct form appears to be gwaahaga, but it is often pronounced
guihaga.
PASSIVE VOICE.
This is very rarely used in Beloochee» the active voice being
generally substituted.
The following will show the method of forming the principal tenses
of the passive voice : —
I shall be beaten, Man janag abih.
I was beaten, Man janag buta.
I should have been beaten, Man janag but atun.
I had been beaten, Man jaiuig butag atun.
I have been beaten, Man janag butagan.
CAUSAL VERBS.
There is no rule for the formation of causal verbs ip Beloochee. A
few of the Persian causal verbs have been retained, as rasdnaga (Persian
rasdnidan).
The following verbs form causals ; they are probably of Smdee
origin : —
chandaga, to shake (intransitive); causal chandenaga,to shake (transitive),
lotaga, to want ; „ lotainaga, to demand,
siiraga, to shake (intransitive) ; »» surinaga, to shake (transitive),
pulaga, to become wet ; ,, pulenaga, to make wet.
2 r a 8
18
THE MEEBANEErBELOOCHEE DIALECT.
ADVERBS.
In Beloochee adverbs exhibit no peculiarities. In construction they
generally precede the verb.
They are generally the inflected forms of nouns.
Following is a list of those most in use : —
above.
Barbara, bala.
now.
nun, nin, banun.
afterwards
gudan, gudin,
hanin.
(time),
pashtara.
outside.
darai, dar, dana.
after, behind
randa.
over.
Barbara.
(place),
once.
yebarl, yek bar.
again,
noka (literally
thus.
chosh.
anew).
to-day.
marochi.
always.
yek-kasha.
to-morrow.
bahdad.
before(time).
pesara, peshtara.
to-night.
ishap.
before(place)
dema, saria.
this side,
edem, e nemaga.
beyond.
adem, dema.
thence,
achuda, ashuda.
between,
miyanji, toka.
chamuda {for
below.
buna, chira.
ach hamuda).
back.
pada.
under.
buna, chira.
behind.
randa.
up,
bala.
down.
jala.
when.
kadin.
ever,
izhbar, izhbi.
where.
kuja, ku.
hence,
achida, azhda.
with the verbroaga.
ashida, chamida.
kvjd angu is
how.
chitor, chonl,
used; e.g, where
choan.
are you going.
how many,
how much.
Ichunt, chinka.
whence.
kuja dngu aroe.
ash kuja.
here.
ingu, haraingu.
why,
parcha, parche.
here,
ida, hamida.
in the morn-
soba.
inside.
thar, tahar, lapa.
ing.
never.
izhbar, izbbi (with
in the even-
bega.
na).
ing*
.
yet.
tanagl, tanagei.
The following are used as Relatii
iQ and Correlative.
ReL harwahdl keh, when.
Correl. hama wahdi. Men.
„ a ja, bar
ja, har kuja, wher-
„ hamangu, hamuda, there,
ever.
thither.
THE HEERANKE-BRLCX)CH£B DIALECT.
19
JTiim.— The ham prefixed to adferbsof place appears to be frequent-
ly used without altering the meaning of the word ; e.g., hamangu and
hamingM are frequently used in the sense of here and there without
having the force of in tkU very place ^ or in that very place.
PREPOSITIONS.
Prepositions require the termination i or a added to the substantives
to which they refer. They are generally the same as the adverbs.
They are placed after the substantive, except par, ash, go, bagar, and
ta, which precede the substantive and require no termination to be
added.
Following is a list of those most frequently used : —
above, sara, sarbara.
afler (time), gud.
after, behind (place), randa.
at,
The dative case as Owddara, at Gwadnr.
along with,
gon, go, lura.
before (place),
dema.
before (time),
peshtara, pesara.
beneath,
chira, buna.
between.
miyanji, toka.
beyond,
adem, dema.
behind.
randa. In the sense " at the back of" puihta is
used ; e.g., bdga pu$hta, behind the garden.
by.
ash, ach.
except,
bagar.
for,
par, wasta. (The dative case is, however, gene-
rally used to imply for without any preposi-
tion).
from,
ash, ach. From here, ashida, achida, azhda ;
From there, ashuda, achudu.
in.
thar, tahar, lapa.
on, 1
over, /
sara.
towards,
nemaga.
to.
Dative case, or td. The latter is used when
speaking of two places in the sense of from one
to the other.
20 THE MEKBANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
e,g, I am going to Gwadur, Man Gwadara 'roan ;
He weDt from Gwadur to Pusnee, a ash
Gwddar id Pdsnl ahutagan : How far is it
from here to Gwadur ? Azhdd ta Gwadar
chunt dlr in ?
under, chlra, buna. .
upon, sara.
with, gon, go, liira. In the sense of " by" ash, ach.
without, bagar.
in possession of, gon, go, gwara ; e,g, I have it. Go man dat, or
mani gwara dst.
Ash and ach are very often changed to 'sh or 'cA before a word
beginning with a vowel, aitd are sounded as if part of the next word
as'ch e (pronounced che) for ach e, from this.
Gon and go have the peculiarity of being frequently both used to
express the word with : e.g.. Come with me. Go man bid gon ; Bring
those things with you, A ch'idna gon wat hidr go,
CONJUNCTIONS.
These present no peculiarities. The following are the most com-
mon : —
also, ham.
and, o.
but, ball, lekiu.
if, agar.
INTERJECTIONS.
Besides the ordinary Mussulman phrases, the principal are —
Bravo ! Shabash.
Oh! Ai (vocative).
Quick quick! Make haste! Haya-hnya.
Indeed ! Haucho.
DIVISIONS OF TIME.
The following names of various parts of the day and night, are very
useful to any one travelUng in Mekran : —
The space from about two to four hours mazanin gwarbam.
before daylight,
About one hour before daylight, gwarbam.
THB HEKRANEB-BELOOOHEE DIALECT.
21
When there is just faint da¥m,
Jost before sunrise,
atarag.
nimaz, sob,
(prayer),
naharia wahdi.
swaragani.
roshanal
About one to two hours after sunrise,
From about three hours after sunrise
till noon,
Noon,
Noon till about 2 p.m.,
2 P.M. till sunset.
About two hours before sunset.
From sunset till dark.
When just dark.
About one hour after sunset.
From the time it becomes quite dark till shap.
midnight,
Midnight, nimshap
NUMERALS.
These are almost exactly the same as the Persian numbers : —
nimroch.
zuhr (prayer).
bega.
asr (prayer).
magrab (prayer).
sham.
ashar (prayer).
1.
yak, yek.
1 1. yoazda.
2.
do.
12. dowazda.
3.
sai.
13. slzda.
4.
char.
1 4. charda.
5.
panj, panch.
15. panzda.
6.
shash.
16. shanzda.
7.
hapt, haft.
17. haptda.
8.
hasht.
1 8* hashtda.
9.
no.
.19. nozda.
10.
da.
2D. hist.
21, 22, 23, &c., hist
-o-yak, bist-o-do, &
30.
si.
80. hashtad.
40.
chehil.
90. nowad.
50.
panja.
100. sad.
60.
shast, shash t.
200. dosad.
70.
haptad.
1000. hazar.
ORDINALS.
1st, awwal. 2nd, domi.
For the rest add ml to the cardinal numbers*
22
THE MEKRANfiE-BSLOOCHEE DIALECT.
FRACTIONS.
^ nim ^ saick i rub or charek
For the rest add ek to the cardinal numbers.
DAYS OF THE WEEK.
These are the same as the Persian —
i panchek.
Sunday,
Monday,
Tuesday,
Wednesday,
Thursday,
Frida?,
Saturday,
yak shambe.
do shambe.
sai shambe.
char shambe.
panj shambe.
juma, adina.
shambe.
DAYS, NIGHTS, AND YEARS PAST AND TO COME.
Four days ago,
Three days ago,
Day before yesterday.
Yesterday,
To-day,
To-morrow,
Day after tomorrow,
Third day hence.
Fourth day hence.
Last night,
Night before last.
The third night past.
pishta-pareri or pishta-pairi.
pesh-parerl or pesh-pairi.
pareri, pairi.
zi.
marochi.
bandad.
poshi poiishi.
paramposhl.
pish ti-paramposh i .
doshi.
parandoshi.
pisparandoshi.
Beyond the above limits the number of days is expressed as
follows : —
I arrived five days ago, Panchm rack man dtagun, or Marochi
panchmi rock int keh man dtagun.
I am going in five days, Panch rocha gud man arelh.
Last year, pari.
Year before last, pairarl.
Third year past, peshta-pairari.
This year, imbara.
IRREGULAR VERBS.
The following is a list of the principal irregular verbs, showing the
ist person singular of the aorist, the preterite, and the imperative with
THE MEKRANEE-BEIfOOCHEE DIALECT.
23
the infinitive, and aorist of the Persian verb from which they are
derived : —
6
c
-P4
•a
o
CO
a
a
3Q
o
a
s °
a «
OS fc-
M 199
O
OB
6 B
ttlioS
eg eo M ctS e8
g § g
Sd 6 ^ ^1^ S '^ 5 ^ ^
B B
S •==
oO CO
S.'S
^
^
s
•a?.'5
^ _ «^ 4^ .iris
pO js js ^ js ^
s
f9 ^ fi,
a«^ js js js ^ ^
(P o
B O
e3 ^
JS en
ao <Q
« 3 o Id
•^^ w eo
13
OS
13
« " - -P OB-g 5^
CO
5
s
bo
9
S 2
^ •= •= 'S
•Q •S T* JS ^ *Tt
CtS 48 CtS C8 fl8 flCl
•a
oo J3
c8 p
c8 C8
•fl •&
B O
-S 3
§>
« & ^ ^
08 « ^ ^
>^>>M OB 00 OC
6C
So
08
&)
08
B
08
flS So
08 4)
* .5 « a S^
OS &A
08 9
i S S
1^
o
S-c B 5-s I
>% V
08
4>
o
B 4>
Pu
o
oo
o
o
a.
B
O 3
B
&• B '^ **" -S
8 S « oT S
CO OB •** ^
/
24 THE MEERANBE-BELOOOHEE DIALECT.
FORMS OF ADDRESS AND SALUTATIONS.
In their dealings with one another the Beloochees are a particularly
polite people. They rarely address one another without using the word
toajd, whether the person addressed be superior, inferior, or equal to the
speaker.
The Beloochee salutations, which are invariably gone through when
two Beloochees meet, extend sometimes to a very great length. The
principle of the salutation appears to be as follows : —
A and B interchange saldm.
A and B ask after each other's healthy and each expresses a wish
that the other and his family may be well. This part of the salutation
is usually spoken nearly simultaneously by each person.
A and B then ask for news, each replying that all is well.
After this any news there may be is exchanged.
In these salutations " all is well " is only a formula. Should either
of the speakers be ill, he would still say " all is well."
The simplest form of salutation used by people nearly strangers is as
follows : —
A. — Salam alik.
B, — Alikum salam. Wash at.
A, — Wash at.
J5.— -Droha jur e.
A, — Drohajur e.
B, — Droha bat.
A, — Droha bat.
JB. — Habar de.
A. — Ash hudiii mihrbani draiin hair in to habar de.
^.— Ash hudai mihrbani draiin hair in.
Between intimates the salutation becomes extended almost indefinitely
by repetitions and inquiries after each other's families as follows :-«
A. — Salam alik, Peace upon you !
B. — ^Alikum salam ; Wash at. Upon you peace ! Welcome !
A. — Wash at. Welcome !
Then A and B almost simultaneously, B slightly in advance : —
THE HEKKANEfi-BKLOOCHEt: DIALECT. 26
Droha jur e ? Droha bat {or Are you well ? May you be well !
taiar bat). To taiar jur e? Are you well? Are you very
To shar taiar jure? To wat well? Are you well yourself?
taiar e ? Tai alam taiar an ? Are your people well ? Is your
Tai bras taiar in? Tai zal brother well? Is your wife
taiar in. &c. &c. well ? &c. &c.
JB. — Habar de, habar kau, or Give news,
mihrbani kan.
^i. — Ash hudai mihrbani draiiii From God*s kiuduess all is well,
hair in.
or, ash hudai rahm bad! na From God's mercy it is not bad
hair in. but well (with me).
or, ash tai salamati draiin hair From your safety all is well,
m.
to habar de, to habar kan. You give news.
or to mihrbani kan.
B. gives the same answer as A, After this, wash at, droha jur e ?
droha hat, &c., is often repeated, then
A. — Nokih hala kan. Give news*
B, — Man na hush kurta badiii I have heard no bad news, you
hal, to nokiu hala kan. give news.
A, — Manna hush kurta badin hal. I have heard no bad news.
This is all subject to variations at the will of the speaker, but the
above is the most usual form. •
In the case of a salutation of one man to a body of other men the rule
is that the new comer addresses the Salam alik to the others generally*
and it is answered by them together. The wash at, droha bat, &c. is
then interchanged by the new comer with each individual of the party
in turn, or if the party be large with a few of the head people only.
After this, the headman of the party, addressing his followers, says
habar gir^ ask for news. The followers decline doing this by paying ji,
implying that they leave it to the chief to ask for news. The chief
then proceeds with the salutation from habar de.
Should one of the parties be in a house and the other arrive from out-
side, the former must be the first to say wash at and habar kan.
Answering a man's enquiries by less than he asks you is a proof of
assumption of superior position or of ill manners.
I- ras
26 THE M£KRAN£E-B£LOOCH£E DIALECT.
REMARKS.
Syntax. — In Beloochee the usual order of words iu a sentence is —
(I.) Nominative,
(11) Dative or Accusative,
(III.) Verb,
the adverbs, prepositions, &c., taking their places as described under
their respective heads. The relative orders of nominative, accusative,
and verb are however by no means strictly adhered to, and the accu-
sative is frequently placed after the verb.
a, — The termination and prefix {a) is one of the greatest difficulties
in Beloochee. It is frequently used in plnces where it cannot be ac-
counted for grammatically, as nazik (a) &ia, come near ; a mardum (a)
gwashty that man said, &c. In these sentences it appears, however,
to be equally right to insert or omit the a, which is probably only in-
serted for the sake of euphony, to avoid two consonants coming
together.
In the case of the aorist, however, the a is invariably inserted before
the verb, although it would appear improbable that the a can really be
part of the verb.
The following sentences will serve to show the method usually folio ve-
ed by Beloochees in forming sentences. The first part shows the
use of some of the more peculiar Beloochee words, and in the latter
part will be found a variety of sentences such as are in common use in
travelling through the country : —
(I.)
Come here. Ingu bia.
Come near. Na2ik(a) bia.
Come inside. Thar bia.
Be silent* Betowar bii.
Be careful. Sambal or Habardar bu.
Don't forget. Dila mabar or Behaiyal mabu.
Remember what I say. Maui habara haiyal bedar.
Do you remember ? Tura haiyal in ?
I do not remember. Man behaiyal un.
Come back. Pada bia.
Go home. Loga boro.
THE MEKRANKE-BELOOCU£E DIALECT.
27
Light the Ump.
Put out the lamp.
Turn to the right.
Give my coroplimeats.
Don't make a noise.
Do as I say.
Mind your own business.
SUnd still.
Bring some drinking water.
Bring some water for washing
hands.
Go slowly.
Don't let him go.
When are you going to leave ?
We shall leave to-morrow morn-
ing early.
Who^are you ?
Are you Mahomed ?
Where have you come from ?
Where have they gone ?
What do you want ?
Where do you hve ?
Where arc you going ?
When will he come back ?
He will never come back.
What is the use of that?
Why do you do thus ?
What is the matter ?
What do you call this ?
What is the name of this ?
Do you understand ?
I don't understand.
Make him understand (t. e, ex-
plain to him).
Listen to me.
What you say is all tnie.
Say it again.
Chiraga rok pekan.
Chiraga pukush.
Rasta pi tar.
Mani salama bed! or beras&n.
Towar makan.
Hanch keh man agwashiu hancho
pekan.
To wati kHra pekan.
Bosht
Waragi apa biar.
Dast shodaga apa biar.
Wash-wash (a) boro.
Aira mail roaga.
To kadih sark agire ?
Ama soba m&hala 'roan.
To kai e ?
Mahomed to e ? or To Maho-
med e ?
To ash kuja atkage ?
A kuja angu shutagan ?
To che lote ?
To kuja ninde ?
To kuja angu aroe ?
A kadin pada 'kait ?
A izhbar pada na aiat.
A che kar akait ?
To parcha chosh akane ?
Che buta ?
To eshira che 'gwashe ?
Eshi nam che ?
To sarpada 'be ?
Man sarpada na 'baiii.
Aira sarpad kan.
Mani habara gosh dar.
Hanch keh to agwnshe drust rast
in.
Noka begwash.
28
THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
I will give you ten rupees per
mensem.
Very good Sir, I agree.
Bring those things with you.
It is very hot.
The sky is cloudy.
How dark it is.
It will rain to-day.
Does much snow fall on the hills ?
There was thunder yesterday.
Has the moon risen yet ?
Last night there was lightning
in the north. Probably the
river will fill to-day (bring water
to-day).
"Why do you go on foot ?
I am fond of walking.
Are YOU tired ?
Come with me.
Call me early in the morning.
They went six months ago.
It is three years since I was about
here.
Do you like to go ?
As you like.
Give me a httle water.
Have you learnt Hindustani ?
I will wear this shirt.
I will wear these trousers.
A Uttle remains in this inkstand-
I have nothing to eat or drink.
Go in front.
Put these things in the bag.
Put it down here.
Come down from there.
Go down into the nullah here and
come out there on the other
side.
Pour water into this.
Man tura maha da kaldara 'dein.
Sak shar Waja, kabfll in.
A chiana gon wat biar go.
Sak garm in.
Asmana nod in.
Cho tahar in.
Marochl haur abl.
Kohana sara harp baz akap} ?
Zl grund bilta.
Tanagi mah dar at ?
Doshi kutuba girok at (or buta) .
Geshtar marochl kohr apa'karl.
To .parcha pada ' roe ?
IVfana dost abln pada roaga.
To dam burta ?
Go man bia gon.
Mana soba mahala pada kan.
Shash mah an keh a shutagant .
Sai sal an keh man parida na
atkagun.
Tura dost abi roaga ?
Hanch keh tura dost abL
Mana kamin (or tukurin) apabedi.
To Hindustania burta.
Man e jamaga gwara 'kanan.
Man e shalwara pada 'kanan.
E masdana lapa tukur man in.
Mana waraga-charaga hich chl
nist.
Saria boro.
E chiana pelaga lapa man kan (or
man gij).
Hamida ir kani.
Ashuda ir kap.
Hamida kohra lapa Ir kap, adem
hamuda dar kap.
Eshia apa ir rech.
THE MEKRANEE-BBLOOCHEB DIALECT.
29
Have you thrown away the
water?
Take those things out of the hag.
Whatever be lost I will find.
Have you water with you ?
Have YOU brought water with
youf
Come with the things.
This was formerly mine, now it is
his.
To apa retka ?
A chlana dar gej 'che pelaga lapa.
Har che gar abi man daragejln.
Ap gon in go T
Ap aurta gon ?
To gon samana boro (or gon s&-
mana lura boro).
E awwal manig buta, hanin aiig in.
(II.)
Are the camels ready ?
Yes sir, they are all ready.
The camelmen want an advance to
buy provisions for the journey.
Start off.
How far is to-day's stage ?
We shall arrive there at sunset.
What kind of a road is it, good
or bad ?
The road is all good, but in the
creek there may be some diffi-
culty.
When is it high tide ?
It is high tide now, but by the
time we reach the creek there
will not be much water in it.
Will there be moonlight to-night ?
What time does the moon rise ?
The moon will rise at midnight.
Take care that the camel's feet do
not slip in the creek.
I win follow yon.
I shall go by the sea-beach.
The way will be stopped on the
sea-beach at Buddook* when
the tide rises.
Bag tiar in ?
Hau waja drust tiar an.
Hushterian zara 'lotan keh tosh-
aga 'giran.
Sark gir.
Marochia minzil chunt dur in ?
Ama magraba 'rasan.
Ra choan in? Sharin? Gandag
in?
Drohaiii ra shar in, bali kohar
tukurin mushkuli abi.
Darya kiidin pur abi ?
Darya hanin pur in, lekin har-
wahdi ama kohra rasan ap baz
na'bi.
Ishap mahi kani abi ?
Mah che wahdi dar akait ?
Mah nimshapa dar akait.
Habardar keh kohra lapa hush-
teraa pad na 'lugushi (or na
'shitteri).
Man tai randa 'kaian.
Man tiaba 'roan.
Harwahdi keh darya bala 'kait,
tiaba ra, Badtlka gat abi.
* A name given to places where the beach is impaaaable at high tide.
30
THE M£KRAN£E-BELOOCHS£ DIALECT.
What 18 that which I can see in
the ^stance ?
I think it is a camel.
Do jwtL see those trees ?
That is where a Kulmuttee was
killed last year by the Rinds.
Indeedl
What kind of ground is it there ?
It is salt ground.
Is there a well near those trees ?
Yes sir, there is. It would be well
if we were to stay there to-night.
Is the water sweet there ?
It is not very sweet, but it is drink-
able.
Is there good grass for the camels T
There is plenty of salt grass and
babul trees.
Do you think there will be any
rain?
No there will not be any rain
tiU the winter.
What people Uve in those huts ?
Are these the people who have
been lately stealing camels ?
No, these are good people and do
not steal.
How did they come by these
fields?
It was given to them as blood
money.
Are there any hares here ?
In the winter there are a very
great many grouse and par-
tridges here.
Are there any deer here ?
At night the deer come from the
hUls.
Is the tent pitched ?
Have the camelmen fetched wood
and water ?
A che ill keh dur peda in ?
Geshtar hushtera in.
A drachana ginde to ?
Gwastagin sala, hamangu Rindan
yek Kalmatia kushta.
Hancho !
Angu chitor zamin in ?
Shor in (or kalar in).
A drachkana nazik chah ast ?
Ha waja astin. Agar ama shapa
hamangu adaran sak shar abi.
Angu ap wash in ?
Sak wash na in ball waragl abi.
Hushteraa wasta sharin ka ab! ?
Surag o chish baz in.
Tai dila haor abi ?
Na, zimistana haur abi, peshtara
na'bi.
A halka kai anindi ?
Haman »n keh hanin hushterana
duzd kurtagan ?
Na, e sharin marduman an duzda
na 'kanan.
£ zamin chitor aira rasita?
Aira huna rasita, (or huna sara
rasita).
Ingu kargoshk abi ?
Zimistana ingu katangar o kapln-
jar baz in, hancho keh much.
Ingil ask abi?
Shapa ask ash koh akaian.
Tambua jata, (or tambua lik
kurta)?
Hushterian dar o ap aurtagafi?
THE XEKRAlfEE-BELOOCHKfi DIALECT.
31
Where is the well ?
In the bed of the nullah.
Have the camels been let loose
to grase?
Tell the camelmen not to let the
camels go far away, as I shall
start early m the morning.
What can we get to eat here ?
Sheep and fowls can be got here.
Is it cold here at night ?
No, the hills keep off the breeze.
Are there any camels to be hired
here?
I will go and ask.
I will go and look.
Have you many sheep ?
Whose are those tiate trees ?
When did the baggage camels
arrive ?
If YOU don*t see the camel himself,
look for his pugs.
Unload the camels here.
Cha ku in ?
Kohra lapa.
Hushtera charaga yek data ?
Bushterlana begwash keh mai-
keh hushtera dur aroan. Man
Boba mahala 'rosn.
Ingu che arasi waraga ?
Ingu gurand o knkur arasaii.
Ingii shapa sard abl ?
Na, kohan gwata gat akanan.
IngQ hushtera ast keh kirya
akanan ?
Man aroan, just akanan.
Man aroan, achariii ( or haiyal
akanan).
Goh tai mesh baz ah ?
A mach kai in ?
Bag kadlh rasita?
Agar to hushteraa jindana 'gintfs
pada haiyal kan.
Hushteraa bar hamida boj.
SHORT VOCABULARY.
above
abundant
abuse, to
account (mo-
ney)
account (rea-
son)
active
after
after, behind
afternoon
A.
sarbara sara
bax
bad deaga, bad
gwashaga
hisab
sabab
hushyar, puktig
gudan, gud, gudlh
randa
vide divisions of :
day, bega air
afterwards
again
age
agree
agreement
agriculturist
ague
ago
gudah, gudin,
pashtara
uoka, literally
" anew "
umbr
kabul kanaga
kabul
dahikan
gwahar
expressed as fol-
lows: — he went
three days ago.
Sai roch in keh
a shutagah
gwat
32
THB MEKRANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
alive
all
allow, to
almond
along with
also
alum
always
and
angry
animal
ankle
annoyance
answer
ant
ant, white
antimony
anvil
any
anyone
anyhow
apple
apple of eye
arm
arm pit
army
arrive, to
arrive to,
cause to
artery
as
ashes
ask, to
ass
assafoetida
zindag
drust,droha, hama,
hamuk
liaga,lnn, ishta,hil
badam
goii, go, lura
ham
pituki*
yekkasha
o
zahr
rastar (if haram),
dalwat (if halal)
much
halak
jawab
mor
rumir, darwar
sirimug
sindan
chizi
kas
har-che-bebid,
hanchoshi
sorob
chama siyahag
dast, bazk
bagal
lashkar
rasaga, arasin,rasta
or rasita, beras
• _ •
rasanaga, rasanin,
rasanta, herasan
rag
hanch, hancho
pur
justb kanaga, justa
kanaga
har
hing {hind)
assist
kumak deaga
assistance
kumak
at
expressed by da
tive case, Gwa
dara ''at Gwa-
dur"
awake, to be
haga biaga
awaken, to
pada kanaga (iron
sitive)
awaken
padaaiaga(m^ran
sitive)
axe
towar
babul tree
bad
back (of
body)
back (direc-
tion)
bag, saddle
bag, made of
carpet
bag, gene-
rally
bag, goat
hair
baggage
baggage, if
consisting
of house-
holdgoods
accompa-
nied by
women
and chil-
dren
ball (bullet)
banana
banian tree
barber
B.
chish, tish
^andag, harab
pusht, bad
pada
hurjin
kont
pelag
gwalag
saman, bunag
barwar
tir
mwoz, moz
karag
hnjam
THE UEKBAMKE-BSLOOCHBK DIALECT.
3S
barren
dan
barley
o
bark, to
lakaga, alakln, la-
kita, belak
bat
shapchar
basket
lach, lachuk, kapat
basket, kind
pat
of mat bag
A
bee
benaga makask,
gwamz
bear
rich
beard
rish
beetle
gundar, gokindar.
dandu
beat, to
janaga, ajanin, jata
or jat, bejan
bedding
gud, gandal
bedstead
taht, taht
before, ad-
dema, saria
verb of
place
before, ad-
awwal, peshtara.
verb of time
pesara
beggar
pakir, mlar
begin, to
silru kanaga
behind
randa
bell, any
tlUu
belly
lap
below 1
beneath J
buna, chira
between
toka, miyanji
beyond
adem, dema
bill
hisab
bird
murg
bitter
zahir, zahr
black
siyah
blacksmith
]uri
bHnd
kor, becham
blood
hun
blood monev
•
huna zar
bine
nil
blunt
boar
body
body, whole
person
boil, to
{trans)
boil, to
(intrans,)
boiling
bone
book
boot
booty
both
box
boy
brass
bread
brain
breadth
break, to
(any hard
thing)
break, in-
transitive,
applied to
soft things,
ropes, &c.
breakfast
breakfast,
early
breast, man
breast, wo-
man
breath
brick
bridge
bridle
bring, to
brother
kunt
hik
jan
jind
lahr kanaga
lahr buaga
lahr
had
kitab
kaush
hijl, pul
doin, har do
peti
bachak
brinj
nan, nagan
majg
prahl
prushaga, aprush-
In prushta, be-
prush
sindaga. asindin,
sis la, besind
swarag
nahari
gwar
gwar
gin
it, isht
phul
lagam
araga ; arin or ka-
rln ; aurta \ biar
bras, brat
o r a »
34
THE M£KRAN££-B£LOOCH£E DIALECT.
brown
buffalo
bullet
bullet-mould
bullock
bullocks,
cows, and
young in a
herd
Bunniah
burn, to
(trans.)
burn, (iTi-
trans.)
bury, to
bustard
but
butcher
butter
buy, to
butterfly
calf
call, to
camel, gene-
rally
camel, up to
1 year old
whilst milk
drinking
„ 1 to 2 years
„2to3
„ 3 to 4
„ 4 to 5
,, 5to6
», 6 to 7
,, 7 to8
„ 8 years and
upwards
j>
>>
>>
>»
•»
if
bor
garnish
tir
kalib, tir-rech
karigar, gok
gwurm, gOTung
gor
sochaga, asochin,
sotka, besoch
suchaga, asuchin,
sutka, besuch
kala kanaga
charz
bali, lekin
kasab
nemag
kimat kanaga
{zuraga ovgiraga
generally used)
pirik
C.
gwask
gwan kanaga
hushtera
chirmat, jari, hir,
banduki
matapus
mazad
razm
zauk
dodantanl
char dan tan I
shash dantanl
neshl
»
>>
9>
camel up to
5th year,
male
up to 5th
yr. female
more than
5 yrs. male
more than
5 yrs. female
camel, riding
camels, a
number of
camel, circle
on breast
camel rein
camel rein,
small end of
camel* 8 head
gear
camel's neck
band
camel's band
passmg un-
der neck and
fastened
to front
of saddle
camel's
crupper
camphor
cannon
canoe
cap, man's
cap, gun
care
careless
carpet
cask
cat
catch (to
seize)
caterpillar
cause to fall
kowat, kowanf
purap
lero
dachl
mahrl
bag
senag
mahar
sarmahar
saramsa
sell
gwarband
pardin
kafur
top
yekdar
top, kula
topi {hind)
parwa
beparwa
Jul
pip
pushi
giraga, agirih, gib-
ta bigir
pirik
see * fall,to cauw to'
THE KEKRANEX-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
S5
cause to
see "arrive, to
collect, to
moch kanaga
arrive
cause to'*
much kanaga
centipede
sowasu
colour
rang
centre
tok
comb
shak, sarand
certain (a
falan
contented
raza, razi
certain
O V
come, to
aiaga ; aiin, or
one, &c.)
akaiiii, atka, ata
chair
kurshi
or at ; bia
chattie
manjal
come out, to
dar kapaga
(conking)
come down.
Ir kapaga
charcoal
ishkar, ishkar
to
cheap
asan
compass
dero
cheek
kahk, gul
completely
ycbara
cheese
shilanch
cook
mubdei
chest(man*8)
dil
cook, to
brijaga, abrijln,
brihca, hrij
child
zae, chok
•
chin
zanik
cook, to
gradaga, agradlu
chisel
patosl, hushkunag
gradita or gras-
ta, begrad
rod
cholera
margu
copper
cinnamon
darchlnl
cord
sad
city
kilat, shahr
coriander
kinich
clay
hak
cork
buji, buch
clean
pahk
cotton, or
karpas
cloak
shal, dupi
cotton tree
clock
8a*at
cough, a
kulag
cloth
gud
countrv
•
mulk
clothes
posliak, gudau
country (not
kuchig
cloud (black
istln
town)
rain)
cow
madagin gok
cloud, light
nod
crab
kukll, nahuchin
coast
dab
crane (bird)
kang
cobbler
1
mochi
cricket, a
kurakush, chirat
cock (of gun)
zad
crime
taksir, tasklr, guna
cock (fowl)
koros, Sums, han-
crooked
chot
g»i
crop
zamik
cocoanut
nalaglan
crow
gurag
coffee
kahawil
cry, to
grCHga, agrewuii.
cold (tem-
sard
grera, bigri
perature)
r
1
cucumber
kusij
cold season
zimistan
cut, tu
ouragn, aburlu
cold» a
pashag
burita. bubur
• •
3S
THE MEKBANBE-BEL00CHE8 DIALECT.
cut, a
tap
depth
juhli
cuttie fish
sam
desire, to
lotaga, alotlik.
cuttle fish
kap-i-darya
lotita
bone
dew
namb, gwapsh
D.
diarrhoea
lapa dard, express-
damp
tar
ed thus : ** I
have diarrhoea,**
dark
tabar, lunj
mani lap dard
darkness
tahar, lunj
akauit
dates, quite
•
na (4 th stage)
die, to
miraga, amiiin»
ripe
murta, bemir
dates, acid
pon
difficult
mushkul
dates, when
green
dates, when
papuk (1st stage)
kulunt (2nd stage)
dig, to
dinner
1 • A •
kanda janaga
sham
slightly red
direction
nemaga
dates, half
pogaz (3rd stage)
dirt or dirty
legar, chil
red and
distant
dir, dur
half ripe
do, to
kanaga ; akanin ;
dates, supe-
muzatl
^
kurta or ku ;
rior kind.
pekan or bekan
in earthen
doctor
tabib
chatties
dates, supe-
rior kind.
karaba
dog
donkey
kuchak
har
in baskets
double
dotal
{2nd sort)
(cloth &c)
dates, dry
hurraag
double(work
dosari
date- tree
mach, tnachi
expense.
daughter
janik
&c.)
day
roch
double, to
dotal kanaga
dead
murtag
(cloth, &c).
deaf
kar
dove
kapot
deafness
kari
down
jala
dear (price)
debtor
1
giran
wamdar
draw, to
(pull)
huijinaga, ahur-
jinih, hurjinta,
deep
juhl
hurjin
deer
ask, au
drawing, a
nam una
delay
der
drink, to
waraga, awarin.
delicate
nazurk
warta, bur
demand, to
lotainaga, alo-
drive awav.
galenaga, agalenlu
tainln, lotainta,
to
galenta, galen
belotain
or gali
THE KBKBAKEE-BILOOCHKE DIALKCT.
37
drop
pit
end
kir, sar
drum
dohl
enemy
dushman
drunkard
kaipl
engine
chark
dry
hushk
enough
has
duck
bat
equal
barabar
dumb
g«ng
erect, to
lik kanaga, mik
dust storm
muj
(cause to
kanaga
dust
hak
stand)
dwell, to
nindngs, anindln,
ever (at any
time)
izhbar, izhbi
nisbta, benind
dysentery
same as diarrhoea
excellent
kabu, zabr, sak*
shar
15
except
bagar
£.
expense
harch
extraordi-
ajab
each, erery
bar, bar, ham a
nary
•F
hamuk
eye
cham
ear
gosh
eve-brow
burwan
early
mahala ; early
eye-lash
michach
morning, soba
eve-lid
cUama-kos
^1 1
mahala
*
earth, the
dunya
F.
earth
hak
east
rodarat
face
dem
easy
asan
fall, to
kapaga, akapin,
kapta, bekap
eat, to
waraga, awarin
warta, bur
fall, cause to
perenaga, aperenln,
eclipse
magir
perenta, peren ;
edge (of a
dap
or perenanaga,
knife, &c.)
V
perenanin, per-
edge, margin
egg
kir, karak
haik
false
farmer
enanta, perenan
darog
dahikan
elbow
surushk
farrier
nalband
elephant
•
pU
fasten, to
bandaga, abandin.
employ, to
nokar kanaga
bast a, be band
employment
nokarl
fasten to
lagaga, alagln, lagi-
empty
hurk
(attach to
ta, belag
empty, to
hurk kanaga
anything)
make
fat («ii5-
charp, pig
empty, to
rechagA, arechin.
itantivt)
make (li-
retka, rech
fat, {adjec-
fazur
quids)
tive)
THE llEERAKGN-BBLOOCHSE DIALECT.
fate
kismnt, naalb
flock, herd
father
pis, pit
oxen
fault
guiia
flock, herd
bag, eamelt
fear
trus
fioar
art
fear, to
tru«aga. atrusin,
flower
p«l
trmiln, heirus
fly, a
makask
fever
tap
fly away, to
bftl kan.ga
fevr
kam
fly, horse
dang
field
dagiir. inmlii
foam
kap
fifth, the
pan ch III I
fog
nod, namb
fifth, a
panclisk
fold, 10
dotiil kanaga
fig
anjlr
follow, to
raiida aiaga. rmnda
fight, to
Jang kanaga.
roaga
miraga, ainirln.
foo<l
waragi, warag
mirita, bemir
fool
bevtukaf, ganok
file, ft
auhan
foot
pad
file, to
suhiin kanaga
foot-niHrk
pad ; pada rand
find, to
mana, turn, &c..
for
par ; generally ex-
nisnga. Jliwe
■,,rt■ss^d bv use of
vou found it
Jftiivo caU- :
TuraraiiUgnii?
find, to
dargejaga, dar-
used but pro-
bably only by
persoKH «c-
agejiadargetka.
dargej
fine, ft
•naliini
quaintcd nith
Hindusuni or
Sindee
finished
halM
finger
lankuk, lankuh
fiuger. Uttle
fire
chuki-laiik>ik
ich, us
forep,
luranarl, ubar-
dastl
fire, to (a
gun)
firm, Mcure
fir*t
janaga, ajnnli'i,
jaiaorjat, bejan
mohr
fore 1 lend
for):ct
forgi,..
pcshani
dila baraga,
behniyiil bi'iaga
(l)bakshaga.
abaksliln. buk-
fiah
mabl
shila. bebaksh
fi»hennsn
med
(2) bwhkaga
fiat
muaht
abit'likli'i, hFL^h-
flamingo
lakftrl (Siuder)
kira. bcbashk
flea
kak
(3) muhii kftnag*
fleih
goiht
fo.t
kol, kilat
flook, herd
raniag, sAefp or
fourth, the
chirml
goatt
fourth, a
chiirek
X
THE MEKRANfiK-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
39
fowl, uny
fowl, cock
fowl, hen
fox
friend
frog
from
from here
from there
frost
fruit
fall
gain
game (ani-
mals)
game (play)
garden
gardener
get, to
ghee
Rift
ginger, dried
girdle
girl
girth, a
give, to
giver, a
glaM
go
go by land
go by sea
go in or
down
kukur
koros, kurus,
bangu
nekiank
roba
dost
pugut
ash, ach, azh
ashida achida
azhda ; ashuda,
achuda
harp
nlwag
pur
G.
paidftg, nap, sut,
sit
shikar, said
gwazi
bag
bagpan
wadl kannga
rogan
bftkshish
sand
threnband
janik
tang
deaga, adein, data,
bed!
deuk
shlshag
roaga;aroan, arein;
shuta, shur, or
shij ; boro
hushkl roaga
tarl roaga, darya
roaga
Ir kapaga
go out
goat, any
goat, male
goat, female
goat, hill
goat, hill,
male
goat, hill,
female
God
goer
gold
goldsmith
good
gram
grandfather
grand-
mother
grape
grass, sweet
grass, sweet,
dried
grass, salt
grass, salt,
various
kinds are
known by
the names
grave
graze, to
great
greater
grebe
green
greyhound
grind, to
dar kapaga
siyahin pas
pachin
buz
kohl pachin
kohl buz
huda, alia ^
rouk (said of a
swift-going ca-
mel)
tila
zargar
shar
nohd
plruk
baluk
angur
ka, kawan
buch
surag
f kal, rigit,
J bowat, Ian din,
I hashag^ mezk,
Ltrat
kal
charaga, acharln,
charts, bechar
mazan
mastar
jSdu
sabz
tazi
drusbaga, adrush-
in, drushta, be-
drush
40
THK MEKKANKK-BKLOOCUKL DIALKCT.
grindstone
gripes
groom
ground
grouse
grow], to
guava
guinea-worm
gul!
gun
gunpowder
hnir
half
halt, to
hand
handkerchief
hang, to
{trans, and
intrana,)
hard
hnre
hat
haTc to (pos-
hawk
he
head
headache
heart
heat
heaven
hearv
chark
lapmurda
hupsA sarahur
Kamlu
katangar, katuii-
gar, chakur
guratra, agurin,
gurita, gur
zaitun
rago, ragu
mallr
tupak
shuro
H.
mud, mid
nim
daraga, adiiriii,
dashta, bedur
dast
dasmal
dranJAga; adraiijiii;
dratka, drahta,
or dranjita ;
bedranj
sak
kargoshk
top, kula
expressed as
follows : I have,
mana ast ; you
have, tura ast,
&c., or mani
gwara ast &c.
banz, shikari
a
aarag, sar
sara dard
dil
garmag
hibisht
giran
hedgehog
heel
height
hell
herd
here
hereabouts
heron
high {adjec-
tive or
adverb)
highway
hill
hire
hog
hold, to
hole in
ground
hole in any-
thing else
honey
horn
hornet
horse
horseman
horse shoe
hot
hot season
hour
house, any
houses, small
collection
of
houses, in
sense of
family
houses, mud
how
dajnk
pinz
billad
dozak, doze
s<»e "flock''
ingil.ida, hamingu,
hnmidfi
paridfi
kang
burz
ra, kishk., sark
koh
kiriya, kire
hik
daraga, adarih,
darihta, bedar
kal, kanda
sumb, tung
beuag
kant
gwamz, sochako
haps, hasp
sawar
nal
garm
garmag
sa*at
log, metag
halk
gis
ban
chitor, choni,
choan
TUB HEKBANEE-BELUOCUBB DIALECT.
41
how many
chunt, chinka
insect
liruk
or how
intellect
Rgl, akl
much
intellisrent
hushvar
hungry
guzhnag
intention
•
irada
hurry
ishtapi
intoxicated
mast
hurried or
• 1
ishtap
iron
ahin
in a hurry
husband
mard
itch, the
washkechag
hydro-
haraka
ivory
plla dant
phobia
hyena
haptar
J.
jail
tung
I.
jackal
tolag
I
•
jawbone
shagur
man
jelly-fish
limbari
ice
idle
harp
kahil
jelly-fish
with long
daryal sochako
idleness
susti
stinging
idol
but
streamers
if
agar, agar
jewel
tip
ignorant
jahil
join, to
yek kanaga
ill
nadroha
joint
band
immediately
hanlii, haniin
journey
safar
impassable
gat
jowaree
surfi, zurrat
place on sea
baduk
judge
kazl
beach im-
jump, to
daur kanaga
passable
1*1
justice
insaf, shariat
at high
tide
K.
impudence
beadabl
in, inside
tahar, lapa, thar
keep, to
daraga, adarln.
indeed
albat
dashta, bedar
indigo
nil
key
kiln
industrious
izmat kanuk
khojah
lotia
infant
bachak
kick, to
lagata janaga
infidel
kafir
kid
shanik
ink
mas
kill, to
kushaga, akushli'i,
ink-stand
masdan, masa
kushta, pukusli
darap
kind, sort
rakam
innocent
beguna
kindness
mihrbani
iiKjuiry
shohaza
king
badshah
6 r a 8
42
THB UEKBANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
knee
kund, zan
leaf (tree)
pan, tak
knee-cap
padana shilanch
lean (thin)
lagar
knife
karch
learn, to
baraga, abariu.
knife, pen
chanku
/
burta, beber.
knife, for
harrat, das
leave, per-
raza
grass cut-
mission
ting
leave, to
sark giraga, dar
knowledge
ilm
kapaga
know, to
zanaga, azaniii,
leather
post
zanta, bezan
left (hand)
chap
knuckle
bog
leg
pad
L.
leisure
fur sat
lend, to
anamat kanaga.
labour
izmat
anamat deaga
ladder
padiank
lend (money)
wam deaga
lake
kumb
leprosy
sohrbad, gar
lamb
let, to ; per-
liaga, lilii, ishta.
V sheep
mit
bil
lame
lans; •
liar
darogband
lamp
chirag
lid
dapi,
land, to so
hushki roaga
lie, a
darog
by
%j
lie, to tell
darog bandaga
landmark
chedag
untruth
(pile of
s^
lift, to
chis kanaga, chista
stones to
kanaga
shew road)
light (sub-
roshani
language
habar, lavz
stantive)
larure
mazan
light (not
subuk
larger
mastar
heavy)
lark
chagQ
light, to
rok kanaga
last
randa
(lamp or
last night
doshi
fire)
last (last
gwastag
lightning
giruk, girok
year, &c.)
like, similar
paima, preceded by-
laugh
(1) handaga, ahan,
termination "a"
din, haudita.
or "i*. Like this,
beband
" eshi paima."
(2) kandaga, akan-
like, to
mana, tura, &c..
din, kandita,
dost biaga
bekand
lime
chun, ak
lay down, to
if kanaga
lion
sher
lead (metal)
surup
lip
luut
THB MEKEtANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
43
listen
little, small
little, a
live, to
dwell
liver, the
lizard
load, a
load, to
lobster
lock
locust
loins
long
look, to
loose (not
tight)
loot
lOOty to
lose, to
loss
lost, to be
louse
mad
make, to,
prepare
man
mango
mangrove
manner,
style
gosh daraga
kasan
tukur, kam, kamk,
all take in-
flection "ill"
nindaga, anindin,
nishta, beniud
jagar
kitta
bilr
ladaga; aladlfi, la-
dita, belad
lor, klkata
kubl
madag
thren
draj
(1) charaga, achtir-
iii charita,
bichar (2) hai} al
kanaga
sust
hul
hul kanaga
gar kanaga
nuksan, nuskan
giir buaga
bot, but
M.
biakl
ild kanaga
mardum
hamb
timar
tor, paima. Do it
in this manner ;
e tor pekan, or e
paima pekan
many
march, to ;
start
mare
mark
market
marriage
mast
master
mat (peesh)
mat (grass)
meaning
meat
medicine
meet^ to
melon, water
melon, musk
merchant
mercury
middle
middle, in
milk
milk, sour
mill
mist
mistake
mistake, to
mix, to
moist
money
month
monkey
moon
moonshine
more
more, still
morning
many,
kehy
dar
baz ; very
hancho
much
sark giraga
kapaga
madian
nishan
bazar
sir
daur
waja
tagird
haslr
mani
gosht
dharm, dawa, dar-
man
dochar kapaga
kutag, kitag
tejag
saudagar
para, paro
tok
toka
shir
trushpiii shir
jantar, chnrk
namb
rad
rad kanaga
lur kanaga
tar
zar, nagd
mah
shadu
ma
mal kanl
gesh, geshtar
angar
sob
44
TQE UBKRANEE-BELOOCHBE DIALECT.
mosquito
purl
none, no-
hich
moth
patQ
thing
mother
mas
noon
nimroch
mount, to
sowar kanaga, or
north
kutub
(horse)
sowar buaga
nose
poz
mount, to
jimaz buaga
nostril
granz, granz
(camel)
not
na
mount (get
sar kapaga
no IV
nun, hanun, haniA
on the top of
anythiner)
nullah, large
9 '
kohr
mountain
koh
nullah, small
shep, jur
mouse
kasanih mushk
nurse
dai
moustache
barut, shrapar.
nutmeg
jauzi-buak
barot
0.
mouth
dap
mud
men, gil
oath
sogind, saugind.
mungoose
rizhguk
obarah
charz
murder
kun, bun
obey, to
habar ziraga
mussel
kado
oil
tel, rogan ^^
mussuck
mashk, kali
oil, mustard
zahrin tel
mule
kacbal,istal,kachar
or bitter
TWT
ointment
malham
N.
old man
pir
nail, of body
nakun, nahun
old things
kwahn
nail, iron
meh
once
yebari, yek bar
name
nam
onion
pimaz
narrow
tank
open, to
pach kanaga, bo-
navel
nafag
J9ga
necessary
zarur
opium
afian
neck
gardin
orange
naring
needle
suchin, sichin
order
hukm
neem tree
shirish
other
digar
neigh, to
saraga, asarlii.
outside
darai, dar, dan
sarita, besar
over
sarbara, sara
never
izhbar na, izhbi na
new
nok
P.
news
hal, hal-i-nok
pain
dard
night
shap
X
paint
rang
nightingale
bulbul
paint, to
rang deaga
10
na
palm of
dasta dil
noise
towar
hand
THE UEEBANEX-BILOOCBBE DIALECT.
p«per
kiigad
pour, to
ir rechaga
pnrrot
mitiu
powder, gun
shuro
parting (of
giwur
powrah
kodal
hair)
pox, small
grumpug
partridge
k«pliijar
prawn
madag, daryal
past
gw«.t«g
madag
path
Ta,kishk
pregnant
Spue
patteni
nam una
(animals)
pay
pagSr
price
kimat
peesh plant
puh
prison
tung
pelican
mesh-murg
procure, to
wadi kaoRga
pen
kalam
proper
kabu
peppeT.vhite
pepper,bl«k
Borifi mirch
Biyahih pilpil
pull, to, to
hnol or to
take out
kasbaga, akasliln,
kashta, bekash
perfect
kSbQ, Mbr
pull, to, or
hurjiuaga, ahurji-
permit, to
lUga, allin, ishta.
to haul
uin, burjinta.
bil
hurjin
petition
arzl
pulla liah
palwar
pickaxe
tlkam
purchaser
ziruk
pigeon, tame
chain
put, to (into
(1) man kanaga
pigeon, wild
kapodar
anything)
(2) maiiffiinga,
pillow
saijft
niSnngjjiii, man-
piatol
watach
gitka. maugij
pUceof
darap, e. a. mass
(3) Uquids, Vide
deposit
darap. an ink-
"pour"
stand
put down, to
Ir kanaga
place
ja,jaga
(on the
placed, to be
It buaga
ground)
plain, a
pUU
dak, dak, wad
kashi
put, to (on
hoard a
ship)
man kashaga
play
play, to
gwaii
gwuzl kanaga
put down, to
be
Ir buaga
plc.«nt
dost
Q-
kamir
quail
jangal! bat
plongh
nangar
quantity.
hancbo keh much
anar
very great
poor
g«rlb. kangat
quick
tetziid
porcupine
Bikun
quicksilver
para,paro
porpoise
goko, gokin
quiet
hetowar
pOMtSB, to
«ee " to have"
quilt
nipat, nipiid
46
THE MEEBAN£E-BELOOCH££ DIALECT.
quit, to
quarter, a
rabbit
rain
rainbow
raise, to
raisins
ramrod
razor
rat
read, to
ready
red
rein (horse)
rein (camel)
relations
remain, to
(stop)
remain, to
(left over)
remember,
to
repair, to
responsibi-
lity
responsible,
to be
rib
rice
rich
right (hand)
right (true)
rights (de-
serts)
ring
yele deaga,
kanaga
rub
yele
R.
kargoshk, wilai-
yati kargoshk
haur
drinag, drinuk
chis kanaga, chista
kanaga
mawich
tirku
istrag
mushk
wanaga, awanin,
wanta, bewan
tiar
sur, sohr
lagam
mahnr
siyad
daraga, adarin
dashta, bedar
man buaga, pash
kapaga
mana tura, &c.,
haiyal in
ad kanaga
joko, (Sindee)
zimma
**I am responsible
for this," eshi
joko mani sara in
pahli
birinj
dunyadar
rast
rast
hak
mundari
ripe
rise, to
rise (sun or
moon)
river
road
rob, to
robbery
roll, to (cloth
&c.)
roll, to
(along)
root
rope, any
rope, made of
peesh
rope, made of
goat hair
rope, with
loops for
fastening
loads on
camels
pakka ~
pada aiaga
dar aiaga
kohr
ra, kishk
duzdi kanaga» hul
kanaga
duzdl, hul
pataaga, apatain,
patata, pata
lira deaga
rotag
sad, chit
chilag
rez
ladok
rose water
gulab
round
gird
rub, to
mushaga, amushin
mushta, mush
run, to
(1) maidana roaga
(2) tachaga, ata-
chln, tachita or
tatkata, betach
rupee
kaldar
rust
zang
rusty
zangi
X
S.
saddle, camel.
raht, katab
baggage
saddle,cameh
pakaro
riding
saddle, horse
zla
sail
achar
THE UEKBANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
47
salammoniac
noshater
self
wat
salt
wad, sur
sell, to
baho kanaga, bhai
saltpetre
shuro
kanaga
salt-ground
shor, kalar
seller
baho kanuk, bhai
sand
hak, rek
kanuk
sand storm
dans
send, to
dema deaga, ra
sandy place
rek
deaga
sand (flying,
dato, iQr
sense
agl, hosh
pillnr of)
set, to (as the
budaza, abudln,
sandal(made
sawas
sun)
budita, bud
of peesh
palm)
sew, to
dorhaga, adochin.
dotka or dochi-
sand piper
guragu
ta, bcdoch
saw
harrat
shake, to
sQrlnaga, asurlnlfi.
say, to
(1) gwashaga, ag-
surintH, besiirin
washin, gwashta
shallow
talag
or gu, begwash
shame
laj, haya
(2) sometimes
shark, any
pagds
gushaga
shark, ham-
mesh
scales
shahim
mer-headed
scissors
migraz
shark, vari-
kai-il, narmaui,
scrape, to
mushagR^amushin,
ous kinds
sid
mushta, bcmush -
sharp
tez
sea
darya
sheep, any
mesh, ispetiii pas
sea, to go by
tari roaga, darya
sheep, male
gurand
roaga
sheep, female
mesh
seal
muhr
sheep, hill,any
gad
search
shohaza
sheep, hill.
kohi gurund
search, to
shohaza kanaga
male
%mJ
search, to(for
randa roaga
sheep, hill.
kohi mesh
an animal
female
or a man)
•
sheep, milk
gwarag, gwark
season
mausim
drinking
season, cold
zimistan
sheep, from
gatur
season, hot
garmag
suckling
second
doml
period till
secretly
see, to
sarap
gindaga, agindin.
full grown
sheet
chadar
dista, begind
shell, (any)
gurak ; bivalve.
see (to look)
haival kanaga.
karkink
charaga
shirt
jamag
seed
torn
shoe
kaush
48
THE HEKBANEE-BELOOCHEB DIALECT.
shoemaker
mochl (hind)
smoke
dlt
shop
dukan
smoke, to
tambak kashaga
shopkeeper
saudagar
C tobacco)
short (man)
patak; (things,)
snake
mar
gwand
snow
harp
shore
tiah
so much
ink a.
shot
reza
soap
sabun
shoulder
kopak, kapag
socks
mozag
show, to
pezh daraga
soft
naram
sick, ill
nadroha
sole fish
sowaso
sickness
nadrohai
sole, of foot
pada dil
sieve
gechin
some, few
laht, kam, kamk
silent
betowar
(take inflection
silver
nugra
"in"); inchru-
simoom, hot
lewar
kl, inchki
wind
sometimes
harwahdl, barl-
sing, to
shaira janaga
wahdi
sink, to (sun
budaga, abudiii.
some one
kas
or hoat)
budita, bud
something
ehizi
sister
gwahar
son
zag
sit, to
nindaga, anindiii,
nishta, benind
sore, a
resh
or mind
sour
trushp
8it,tocauseto
(a camel)
jokinaga, ajokiniii,
jokinta, bejokin
sow, to
kishaga, akishiii
kishta, bekish
skin
post
spark
patrushag,tripoBhk
sky
asman
speak, to
(1) gwashaga, ag.
sleep
wab
washln, gwaahta
« •
orgu, begwash
sleep, to
wapsaga, awapsm,
wapta, bwaps or
(2) habar kanaga
bwasp
speaker
gwashuk
slippery
lugushan
spectacles
chashmak
slip, to
(1) lugushaga,
speech
habar
alugushln, lu-
gushta, lugusli
(2) shitteraga
(3) trapunzaga
spices
spider
spine of tree
bizar
moko
kuntag
slow
wash-wash
spleen
dilui
small
kasan
spoon
hasag
smaller
kastar
squirrel
hidrik
smell, to
bo kanagn, bu
stable
tabila
kanaga
stage, a
luinzil, manzil
THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCHEB DIALECT.
49
Standstill, to wnshtaga, awush- I surf
star
start, to
stay, to, stop
steam
steam boat
steel
step
stick, a
still (more)
still, quiet
stomach
stone
stopped
storm
straight
strain, to
(make
clear)
strike, to
strike
(against
anything)
string
strong (op-
pressive)
strong, phy-
sically
(man)
strong, firm
(thing)
sugar
sulphur
summer
sun
sunshine
7 r a 8
tin wushtata
bosht or bwusht
istar, tarl
sarkgiraga, dar
aiaga,dar kapaga
daraga, adarin,
dashta, bedar
bap
ogbilt
pulad
kadam
lat
angar
betowar
lap
sing
gat
tufan
rast
gechaga, agechlh,
getka, gech
janaga, ajanin, jata
or jat, bejan
lagi^a, alagln, la-
gita, belag
bandlk
zurag
himmatdar, zilr-
mand
mohukum
shakar
gokurt
ahar, garmag
roch
roch
swear, to
sweeper
sweet
swim, to
sword
sword fish
take, to
take awaj,
to
take out, to
take down,
to
tall
talur (jungle
fowl)
tamarind
tamarisk
tank
target
taste
taste, to
tea
tear, to
telescope
tent
thence
gwarm
(1) saugind waraga
(2) I swear it is
thus, &c. ; hndai
sarin chosh int
turl
wash
ushnag kanaga
zam, shamshir
bulando, daryal-
asp.
T.
(1) zuraga, azurlii,
zurta, buzur,
(2) ziraga, azirlii,
zirta, bizir,
(3) giraga, agirin,
gibta, bigir
baraga, abarin,
burta, beber
dar gejaga, dar
agejin, dar
getka, dar gej
iJ^ gejaga, Ir agej-
in, ir getka, ir
gej
burz
charz, karwanak
chlchar
gaz
wateg, talamb
nishan
pichak
dapa kanaga
cha
diniga, adfrin,
dirta, bidir
dirgind
tambu
achuda, ashudE
50
THK MKKRANEK-BKLOOCHKE DIALECT.
thief
thin (aDimal
or man)
thin (rope,
wire, &c.)
thin (any
flat thing)
than
that(demon-
strative)
that very (de-
monstrative)
that (rela-
tive)
that (con-
junction)
thick
thigh
thing
think I (pro-
bably)
third, the
third, a
thirsty
this
this very
this side
thorn
then
throw, to
throw away
throw away
liquids
thumb
thunder
thread
duzd
lagar
burig
tanak
ash
u
hamu
kch
keh
Zand
leng
chi
(1) geshtar, e. g.
geshtarchoshin,
I think it is so
(2) mana dila (in
my mind) e. g.
mana dila chosh
ill, I think it is so
saimi
saiek
tunag
e, esh
hame, haraesh
edem
kuntag
to, tau
daur deaga
daur deaga, chagal
deaga
rechaga, arechin,
retka, rech
lankuk
grund, hfira
bandik, bandl
throat
thus
tick, a
tie, to
tiger
tight
time (period)
thne (once,
twice, &c.)
tin
tired
tire to (in-
trans.)
to
tobacco
today
toe
together
with
tomorrow
tongue
tonight
tooth
top
tortoise
gardin
chosh, cho
kitag
bandaga, aba n din,
basta, bebaiid
pulank
trund
wahdi, wakt (rare)
bar, bar, bari
kalai-inch, kali
dam burtag
dam baraga.
(I) Dative case or
(2) ta ; tais used
when speaking
of two places or
objects, in the
sense of from
one ^o the other-
lie went to
PusneeiiiPasnia
shuta. He went
from Gwadur to
Pusnee ; a ash
Gwiidarta Pasnl
shuta. How far
is it from here to
Gwadur ? Azhda
ta Gwadur chunt
dlr in?
tambak
marochi
lankuk
gon, go, lura, yes-
sara
bandiid
zuwiin
ishap
dant
sar
TUB MEKaANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
51
touch, to
lagaga, alaglii,
victuals
waragi, warag
lagita, belag
village
shahr
towards
nemaga
visible
peda, pedag, gin-
town
shahr
dagi
trader
saudagar
vomit
shanag
tree
drach, drachk
vomit, to
shanag kanaga.
trees, grove
of
bal
vulture
gij, geti
trees, babul
chish, tish
w.
trees, lote
kunar (Hind., ber)
wages
pagar
trees, date
niach, niachl
waist
thren
trees, banian
karag
wake, to
pada kanaga
tr<»users
shalwar
walk, a
sail, scl
t urban
V^S
walk, to
pada roaga
turmeric
halagdar, halidur
walk about,
taraga, atari n,
turn, to
tarajra, atari ii,
to
tarita, pitar
tarita, pilar
wall
diwar
turtle
kasib
war
Jang
^»v
warm
garm
U.
wash, to
shodaga, ashodin
shodita or
uncle
naku
shushta, pushod
under
chira, buna
washerman
eudshod
understand,
to
(1) defective verb ;
anrisff man, to,
&c.,sarpadabaior
wasp
watch, a
gwodar, nai gwamz
saat
sarpadabln;/;re-
water
ap
teritcy man, to
wax
mom
&-C., sarpadbfita.
we
ama, ma
(2) ziinaga, aziinln,
wear, to, on
gwara kanaga
zanta, bezan
the body
*-* ^j
U!i fasten
pach kanaga,
• •
wear, to, on
pada kanafira
»
bojaga
I he legior
up
bala
feet
upon
sara, Barbara
week
hapta, hafta
use
kar
weigh, to
shahima kashaga ;
useful, to be
kar aiaga
€, g, weigh this,
shahima peka-
V.
nish, or eshira
shahima kan
vacant
hurk
pekash
vein
"••g
well (water)
chah
very
Mk
well (not
ur, droha
52
THE MEKBANEE-BELOOCUEE DIALECT.
west
roirsht, magrab
wine i
sharab
wet
tar
winter
zimistan
wet, to make
pulenaga, apulenin
wise
akalwand, paham-
pulenta, pulen
dar, hoshi
wet, to be-
pulaga, apulin.
with
gon, go, lura
come
pulita, pul
without
bagar
whale
abro, 111
witness
shahid
what
clie
wolf
ewark
wheat
gandin, gala
woman
janin
wheel
chark
wood
dar
when?
kadih
wool
pazhm
when
harwahdi
work
•
kar, izmat
whence
ash kuja
world
dunyH
where
kuja,
with verb " to
worm
.1
kirm
go " kuja angu,
worms, the
(disease)
gwag
where are you
% « ^
going ? kuja
worn out
halas
angu aroe ?
wound, a
tap
which
kuian, kudan
wrist
dasta much
whip
chabuk
write, to
nimishta kanaga,or
white
ispet
novista kaaaga
who?
kai?
wrong
rad
who (rela-
keh
tive)
Y.
whole, the
drai ; all day.
drai-in roch
year
sal
l;?hy?
parcha ?
yellow
zard
wide
prah
yes
ha, ah, hau
wife
zal, gis
yesterday
zi
wind
gwat
yet
tanagi, tanagei
wind, hot
lewar
you
shuma
wind, sea
shumal
young
warna
THE MEKBANEE-BELOOCHBE DIALECT.
53
a
a or a
a
abro
A.
prefix to aorist tenses of
verbs
termination of dative
and accusative case
he, that (demonstrative)
a whale
fire
JJ
of
ach, as
ach V, ash
achar a sail
achida, ashida, from here
azhda
achuda, ashuda from there, thence
ud kanaga to make, prepare, to
repair
on that side
opium
if
sense, understandmg
adem v. dem
afian
agar, agar
agl, akl
ah, ha, hau
ahar
ahin
ahinjag
yes
summer
iron
a string for fastening
trowsers.
t;Af
aiaga, aiiii or to come
akailn, ata,
atka or
bia
ajab
ak
akalwand
akl t7. agl
albat
alia
ama, ma
auar
at,
wonderful
lime
clever
indeed, certainly
God
we
pomegranate
Ml
u
jlil
an p.
ab ro, going in P.
water
ach and ida
ach and uda
amada, prepared P.
ada, fulfilment A.
afyawn
agar
^akl
hao
harr, heat
ahan
u«^T amadan
^ajab
ahak
^ akimand
albatta
alia
ma
anar
A.
P.
A.
S.
A.
P.
P.
A.
P.
P.A.
A.
A.
P.
P.
54
THE MEKKANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
anamnt kanaga, to lend (anything except
money)
still,, more, encore
a grape
a fig
water
pregnant (animals)
«^ \^ f amanat,
a deposit
angar
angur
anjir
ap
apus, aps
araga, aria or
akarin,
aurta, biar
art
arzi
as V. ach
asan
ash, ach, azh
asha
to bring
flour
a petition
cheap, easy
from, by, with
the prayer time in even-
ing, about 1 hour after
sunset
ashida v. achida
ashuda&.achuda
ask, au
asman
asr
atarag
aurta v. araga
awwal
azh V. ash
azhda v, achida
a deer
the sky
the prayer time, about
2 hours before sunset
the early dawn
first, before (adverb of
time)
angur
anjir
ab
^i^'^Jj^ iiwardan
•>jT ard
i/^-r^ ^ arzi
asan, easy
az
9 isha
^Af ahu
^l««itf asman
^^-^ip ^ asr
3j«^jjT a war da
(J J I awwal
a:
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
A.
P.
P.
P.
P.
A.
P.
B.
bachak
boy, child, infant
bacha
P.
bad deaga
to abuse
•
bad, wicked,
P.
bad gwashaga
to abuse
bad
bad
the back (of the body)
badam
almond
r'^^
badam
P.
badshah
a king
sU.>b
badshah
P.
THE MEKRANEi:-nKLOOCHKK DIALECl'.
baduk
bag
bag
bfigpui)
bagal
bagar
a name given to several
places ou sea coast
where the beach is
impassable at high
tide from the sea ris-
ing up to tlie feet of
the hills running pa-
rallel to the shore
a herd of camels, any
number of camels to-
pether grazing, in a
bairgajie train, &c. Sec.
a garden
a gar<lener
an armpit
without, except
J wagu
baho kanaga to sell
r. bhai kannga
baho kanijk a seller
bakshaga,
abakshin,
bakshita,
behaksh
to give, to forgive
bakshish
bal
bfil kanaga r.
balil
bala
bulad
ball
baluk
ban
band
baud ad
a gift
a grove of trees
to flv
up, above
height
but
a grandmother
a mud house
a knot, joint, any joint
of the bodv
m
tomorrow
bandaga, aban- to tie, to fasten (by
din, basta, binding), to shut up,
beband r. to stop (a road)
lagaga
bandl r. bandik
bandlk> bandi string, cotton, thread
S.
t ^ bagh
P.
cJ ^^ ^ baghban
P.
Jw bagh I
A.
^ baghayr
A.
ii) ^y C^ bai ^ kardan
P.
^^jxl^ bakhshidan P.
••• * ,1^
bahkshish
belo forest
P.
S.
balfi
balai
balki
P.
P.
P.
m
bam, a roof
band
P.
P.
.>|6^b bamdad, in the P.
morning
e;A-j bastan P.
•^ band, a fasten- P.
ing
THS HGKBANEB-DELOOCHEE DIALECT.
bangu B cock fowl
banz a hawk
jf
bill
A. P.
bap Hteafn
^'v.
bhiph
H.
bar a load, a time (occur-
jk
bar
P.
rence)
bar, bar, barl a time (occurreoce)
barabar orl
bereber } ^l""'
JiU
barabar
P.
baraga. abariii, to take away, to learn
burts, beber
lu'-rf
burdan
P.
barig thin (applied to round
^jl.
bank
p.
objecta o. tanak and
lagar)
barot V. barilt
barp ice, anow
■^K
barf
P.
barCt, barot a moustache
a-J-rt
burat
P.
bartfar baggage, consisting of
hunsehold goods and
Hccompanieil by wo-
men and children
baa enough
tr«
bas
P.
bashkaga, abash to give, to forgive
kin, baab-
.. bafcdug.
kita, bebashk
bat a duck
^
bat
A.
hit abundant, many, much
faiiiar market
MM
baiar
P.
hiUk an arm
si'i
btiaij
P.
be prefix, meaning "with-
out"
beadabi impudence, impolitenesB
v'l*-
beadab
P.
beeham blind
V. be & cham
bega the period from about 2
.Kh
begah, evening
P.
p.m. till sunset
beguna innocent
il«*
begnnih
P.
bebaiyal, blaga to forget
D. haiyal
benag honey
benaga makaak a bee
beparwa careless
'«<-
beparwS
P.
bereber v. bara-
bar
betowar quiet, noiselesi
THE MEKBANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
57
bewukuf
bhal kanaga v.
baho kaoaga
bhal knnuk v.
baho kanuk
blakl
bihisht
bil
birinj v, brinj
bizar
bo
bo kanaga
bog
bojaga, abojlii,
bohta or
butka, boj
bor
hot, but
bowat
bras, brat
brijaga, abrijln,
brihta, brij
brinj, biriuj
bu r. bo
bu kanaga v. bo
kanaga
biich
budaga, abudin,
budita, bud
buji, buch
bulando
bulbul
bun, bun
b^jna
bunag
buraga, abarlii,
burita, bubur
burwfin
burz (adj. or
adv.)
but
H t a If
fool, foolish
to sell
a seller
mad
heaven
imperative of llaga
spices
smell, scent
to smell
a knuckle
to open, to unfasten, to
unload a camel
brown
a louse
a kind of salt grass
brother
to cook, to roast
(Jy^ bewukiif
P.
brass, rice
smell, scent
to smell
{
dried grass (sweet)
to sink, to set (the sun)
a cork
a sword fish
nightingale
a one, a unit (of trees)
below, beneath
baggage
to cut
eyebrow
high, tall
au idol, a louse
V. akl
• * ^ bihisht
jjH bazr
^ bu, bo
j^\y baradar
birinj, rice
€^ burinj, brass
u^' buuji
lMj bulbul
c;*^-H buridan
baru
burz
but, idol
P.
A.
P.
P.
P.
P.
S.
P.
e^? bun, root, basis P.
P.
p.
P.
P.
58
bus
THE HEEBANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
a she-goat ; kohi buz, a y* buz
hill-goat (female)
C.
cha
chabuk
chadar
chagal deaga
chagil
chah, chat
chain
cham
chama kos
tea
a whip
a sheet
to throw away
a lark (bird)
a well
a tame pigeon
an eye
an eyelid
chama siyahag the pupil of the eye
chamida hence (for ach hatrida)
chamuda thence (for ach hamuda)
chandaga, ^ to shake (intransitive)
achandlfi,
chandita, chand
chandenaga, to shake (transitive)
achandenin,
chand enta,
chanden
cha
chabuk
chadar
P.
P.
P.
chaguk
chah
P.
P.
chashm
V. cham & siya
P.
chahk
chankil
chap
char
char-dantani
chara^a, acha-
rih, charta,
bechar
a piece of steel for
striking iire from flint
a penknife
the left hand
four
a camel 6 to 7 years old,
having 4 teeth
to graze
y^ ^ chaku
yA. chap
J l^ chahar
V. char & dant
e;*^^ charidau
charaga, acha-
rin, charita to look, to observe
bichar
r
1
charek
chark
charm!
bichama, to
consider
cbaralanu, to
spy out
chahar yak
charkh
quarter JIj j l^
an engine, a wheel, a -^
grindstone
the fourth ^j l^ chharum
P.
P.
P.
P.
H.
S.
P.
P.
P.
THB M£KRANKK-BELOOCHIE DIALICT.
59
charp
efaan
chashmak
che
chedag
chi, chiz
chlchar
chU
chllag
chinka t;. chant
chlra
chirat
chlrag
chirmat
fat (substantive)
a bustard, obarah
spectacles
what
a small pile of stones put
in a conspicuous place
to mark the road
amongst hills
a thing
a tamarind
dirt, dirty
a rope made of peesh
beneath
a cricket
a lamp
a sucking camel^ less
than 1 year old
V«^ charb
chashmak
che
cbiz
Jij
chi kadr
zer
chiragh
name signifies
** under the
mother," v.
chira and mat
chis kannga,
or chista
kanaga
chish, tish
chit
chlzl
cho V. chosh
choan v. chonl
choni, choan
chosh
chot
chun
chunt, chinka
to lift, to raise
a Babul tree
a rope of any kind
some, something
thus
how
thus, cho and ish
crooked
lime
how many, how much
D.
j^ chii, like
{
oil
chun
chu, like
chok
a knee, genu-
flexion
chuna
chand
dschi
dagar
dahikad
a female camel more than (^t i dachi
£▼6 yean old
afield
agriculturist, farmer (j^l<^ dibk^an
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
A.
P.
P.
P.
P.
H.
P.
S.
P.
60
THE MEKBANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
dajuk
dak, dak
dalvvat V. rastar
dam baraga
dam buitag
dam kauaga
dan
dans
dandu
dang
dant
dap
a hedgehog
a plain
an animal (if halal)
to become tired
tired
to rest
barren, outside
a sand or dust storm
a beetle
a horse fly
a tooth
the edge (of a knife,
&c.), a mouth, a lid
lJ ^ dak, a desert
P.
^^ dam, breath P*
a'^^r'^
dapa kanaga to taste
dapi a lid
dar, V darai
dar ^ood, a stick
dar aiaga v, dar to come out, to start, to
kapaga rise (the suu)
daraga, adariii, to halt, to stop, to hold, er*^ '"^
dashta, bedar to keep
darai, dar, dan outside, out j^
dhindinu
dand
dahan
mouth, cover of
a vessel, edge
of a sword,
&c.
darap
darchini
dard
dargejaga, dar
agejiii, dar
getka, dar gej
darl
dar kapaga v.
dar aiaga
darmun r.
dharm
the place where anything
is kept ; e.ff, masa
darap, an inkstand
cinnamon t/^^ J ' ^
pain ^j^
to take out from any-
where, to find by
seeking
a window, i.e, a hole made
in the side of a mat
house for ventilation
to come out, to go out,
to start ;
medicine
dashtan
dar
(soHTietimes
meaning
**out'')
darchini
dard
-J d daricha
S.
P.
P.
P.
P.
P,
P,
THE HEKBAlTfiE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
61
darog
false, a lie
t^^^
durogh
P.
darogband
a liar
darog bandaga
tc lie, to tell untruth
(darog gwashaga is
not used)
daru
gunpowder
j;i^
daru
P.
darwar v, dar
a white ant, meaning a
and waraga
•* wood-eater "
darya
the sea
Uj^
darya
P.
darvai sochako
•
a jelly fish with long
t;. sochako
stinging streamers,
meaning " sea hornet "
das
a knife for cutting grass
dasmal
a handkerchief
JUiU..>
dastmal
P.
dast
a hand
Om.>
dast
P.
dasta dil v.
the palm of the hand.
padadil
meaning ** heart of
the hand "
dasta mach v.
the wrist
piida mach
•
data, V. deaga
$^\^
dada
P.
dato
a flying column of sand,
Sind devil
daur
a mast
f
JJ^
dur, far
P.
daur deaga
to throw away <
daur, a revolu-
tion
P.
daur kanaga
to jump
dawa V. dharm
medicine (this word
rarely used)
h^
dawa
deaga, adein.
to give
^')?
dadan
P.
data, bed!
•
dem
the face
(^.^
dim
P.
dema
before, beyond (from
dem)
dema deaga
to send
der
delay, late
Ji^
der, dir
dero
a compass
J3^
daur, a circle
P.
deuk
a giver
agent noun
from deaga
P.
dharm
medicine
62
THE UEKBANEE-BELOOCHEG DIALECT.
digar
other, another
/*
digar
p.
dil
breast, chest, mind, heart
j-^
dil;
heart,
mind,
soul
p.
dila baraga v.
behaiyal
to forget
ft _
dilui
the spleen (disease)
^
till
s.
dir V. dur
distant, far
U«^J*^
daridan
p.
diraga, adirin,
dirta, bedir
to tear
dirgind r. dir
and gindaga
dit
a telescope
smoke
i>ji>
dud
-
p.
diwar
a wall
J»>!«i
diwar
p.
do
two
J^
do, du
p.
dochaga, ado-
chin, dotka,
docbita or
to sew
ij^^^
dukhtan
p.
dobta, bedoch
dochar kapaga
to meet face to face
c^jijjU^^
^ duchar zadan
p.
dohl
do-dantani
doin
domi
do-sari
doshi
dost
do-tal
do-tal kanaga
dozak, doze
drach, drachk
drai
draj
dranjaga,Rdran- to hang up
jin, drabta,
dranjita or
dratka,bedranj
a drum
having two teeth, a camel
5 to 6 years old
both
the second
double (as work, expense,
&c.)
last nigbt
a friend, pleasing, plea-
sant
mana dost in, I like it, it
is pleasing to me
double (as cloth)
to double, to fold (cloth)
hell
a tree
the whole (takes inflec-
tion in)
long
Of •> duhul
V. dant
i^J^ duwumi
c^J*^ dush
^ dust
^^^ dota
^}j^ duzakh
^^^jd darakht
contraction
droba
jlj«> daraz
of
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
THB MEKRANEE-BELOOCHBX DIALECT.
63
drinag, drlnnk a rainbow
droha all ; well, in good health
(when meaning " all"
takes inflection in)
druahaga, adru-to grind
8hln,drushtay
bed rush
drust ill
danja
donjadar
dukan
dapl
dur, dir
dur kanaga
dushman
duzd
duzd kanaga
dozdl
e, esh
edem
the earth, the world
rich
a shop
a cloak
far, distant
to take off from any-
thing, to remove
an enemy
a thief
to rob, steal
theft, robbery
E.
this
this side, this direction
\jrj ^ dars, beating, A.
thrashing
durnst, entire,
complete
danya
dunyadar
dukan
jj6 dur
^ l«<i«i)
i>j,>
dushman
duzd
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
V, dem
falan
fazur
fursat
certain, a
(adj) fat
lebure
F.
certain one
e; ^ fulan
/o^ farba
c^^ fursat
A.
P.
A.
gad
gala V, gandin
G.
a hill sheep. There is
some uncertainty as to
the meaning of this
word. It is said by
some to be synonymous
with gurand, by others
to be the female hill
sheep, whilst others
again use it indiscrimi-
nately for either sex
^ gballa, com A.
61
•THIS HEKRANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
galena, agal-
to drive away
enlxiy galeDta,
galea or gall
garnish
a buffalo
u^j!
i gaomesh
gandag
bad (applied to anything,
8 ji?
gauda
road, man, &c. ,not used
Mffanda in Persian)
gaodal
bedding, clothes
^*
gandiD, gala
wheat
^txis
gandum
ganok
a fool
^^
gar
leprosy, mange, second-
ary symptoms
/
gar, scab,
gar buaga
to be lost
gardiu
the neck
u'^J
gardau
gari
a leper ; afflicted with an
infectious skin disease
r. gar
garlb
poor, tractable, mild
Vij*
gharib
garm
hot, warm
r^
garm
garmag
heat, the summer
loj
garma
gasht
a tour (of inspection &c.)
eJi?
gasht
gat
stopped up, impassable
(as a road by mud,
rocks, water, &c.) ; un-
attainable (as a place
amongst hills which
cannot be got at on
account of obstacles
in the way) ; stopped
by any obstacle.
gatur
a lamb between the
gwark and gurand
stages
^
1
gaz
the tamarisk
J
gaz
gechaga, age-
to strain, to sift
». gechin
chin, getka,
gech
gechin
a sieve
U^
gechanu
gesh, geshtar
more
ij^.
bish
geshtar
more ; probably, most
likely, I think
^
geti, gij
a vulture
A?
gid
gil
mud
J?
gil
gin
breath
p.
p.
A.
P.
P.
P.
P.
S.
P.
P.
P.
TBI llBKBANIK>BBLOOCUIiB BULBCT.
giDdaga. «gin.
3 dldan
p.
din, dlsta,
dlti, begiod
to see, topereeiTP
1 disaDu
S.
glr^a, agirlD,
gibta. bfgir
to catcb, seiie
^J^J
giriftan
P.
giran
dear, eipBosWe, heavy
uiy
giran
P.
gird
round
V
gird
P.
girok. giruk
lightning
oje
bark
A.
«is
a house, wife and family
glwar
the [uirliny ofthehflir
gt^ gou
villi, m copijinnv, in
possession of
1 l*
bi
P.
gokin, goko
a porpoise
gji^^
kbnki d.r,a
(«•> log)
P.
gokindar, gun-
a tumble-duui; beetle
purjjuisc
P.
dar
jW
gugir, abeetla
P,
goko r. gokin
gokurt
sulphHr
.yy
gugird
P,
gon,go
with, in company, in
poisesiion of
V. go
gor
a Bunniah
j^
gawr
infidel, pagan,
guebre
P.
gorong.
a herd of cows
r>f
goramu
S.
gnurm
go.h
an ear
J'f
goah
P.
gosh daraga
to listen i^\i
J'f
goib daahtau
P.
gosht
flesh, meat
^f
goalt
P.
gradaga. agra
- to cook, to boil
din,graditao»-
graatajbegrad
grwnpag or
prickly beat
garmpag
grani, gram
a nostril
grcaga, grewai\
, to cry
^J
giristan
P.
greta, bigri
grumpiig
the small-pox
gnind
thunder
uM>
ghurumbish
P. A
g«d
Hfter ; cloth, clothes
gudaii, gudhi
afler. afterwards
**
bajd
A.
j^udshod
■.gudiabngada
R-
66
TH£ MBKBANEE-BELOOCHKE DIALECT.
gul
a cheek
OS
galu
S.
gulab
rose water
•
gnlab
P.
guna
crime, fault
sUf
gunah
P.
gundar r. go-
kindar
g»ng
damb
nSiS
gung
P.
gurag
a crow 1
^'3viy«agb,ghurab
A.
gunga, agurln,
, to growl (dog)
\:)^j^ gharldan
P.
gurita, gur
guragu
a sandpiper
gurand
a male sheep, full grown,
ram
^AAMjf
gusfand, a
sheep
P.
gurak
a shell
guxhnag
hungry
^j
gunisna
P.
g^ag
the worms (disease)
^^
khark,
maw-worm
P.
gwahar
ague, intense cold
gwahar
sister
j^ \)^ khwahar
P.
gwalag
a goat-hair bag
gwamz, gwabz
a bee, hornet, wasp
J^J
zambur
P.
gwan kanaga
to call
«J:}Ij
bang
yoice, cry ,
shout
P.
gwand
short (applied to inani-
mate objects)
ji)if
gando
S.
gwar
breast (man or woman)
kSj^
t^hark
P.
gwara
in possession of
gwara kanaga
to wear, to put on (any
r. pada ka-
clothing for the body)
naga
gwarag, gwark
gwarbam
gwarband
a sucking lamb
the period from about
I hour before day-
light to the first
dawn
the baud passing under a
camel's neck and fas-
tened to front of the
saddle
gwark I', gwa-
rag
gwarm
a wolf, a sucking lamb ySj^ gurg, a wolf P.
surf
\
THB ICEKKANEE-BELOOCHEE DTALBCT.
67
gwashaga or to say, to speak, to tell,
gushaga, ag- aometimes to think,
washin, or to suppose
agushin
gwashta,
gushta, orgu,
begwash or
bttgush
gwashuk a speaker
er^ guftan
gwashtag r.
gwAstag
gwask
gwastag
gwat
gwazl
gwazl kanaga
gwodar
gwurm V, go-
rung
spoken
a calf
gwashtag, the last or past
(year, .week, &c.)
wind
play, game
to play
a wasp
agent noun from
gwashaga
«a? guzashta
•>^ bad
C/jb bazi
P.
P.
P.
ha V. ah
habar
habar kanaga
habar ziraga
had
hafta V. hapta
haga buaga
haik
haiyal buaga
U.
speech, language, news j*^
to speak
to obey
a bone
to be awake
an egg
to remember (with dat.
case of pen. pronouns)
haiyal kanaga to look
hajjam barber
hak rights, deserts
hak dust, earth, sand
hal, hali nok news
halagdar, hali- turmeric
dar
khabar, news, P.
report
iS S* haddi
H,8,
kbag
khayal
meditation, re-
flection
P.
P.
r^
hajjim
A.
hakk
kbak
hal
haldl H. with
dar
A.
P.
A.
C8
THR MEKRANEE-BELOOCnEE DIAIECT.
halak
halas
halidarv.halag.
annoyance ^ **
finished, worn out jjo ^
halak
khalas, release,
liberty
p.
A.
dar
halk
a small collection of huts y -j^
halka, a circle
khalk
A.
A.
ham
also, prefix meaning ^
ham
P.
hama
" very "
that very, that
V. a
hama,
hamuk
all, every ^^
hama
A.
hamb
a mangoe y^jo|
amba
P.
hame, hamesh this very, this
hamida v. ha-
mingu
hamingu ha- here, in this very place
mid a
hamra along with
hanch v. hancho
hancho, hanch, as, like as
hanchoshl anyhow, somehow
handaga, ahan- to laugh
din, handita,
behand
haiiln, hanun now, immediately
hanun v. haniii
haps, hasp a horse
hapsa surahur a horsckeeper, groom
V, e, esh
8l^^
^jjA:^
r. ingu, ida
hamrah
P.
hamchu
P.
khandan
P.
jU Lane
hapta, hafta
haptar
har
har, har
har-wahdl
harah
haraka
harch
har-che-bebid
a week
a hyena
a donkey
every
when, whenever, some-
times
bad
hydrophobia
expense
anyhow, somehow
5>
harrat
a saw, a toothed saw-like jjf
knife for cutting grass
asp
sarakhwur, mas-
ter of the horse
hafta
kaftar
khar
har
r. wahdi
kharab
hadk)0
kharch
har-che-bebid,
literally "what-
ever may be"
arrali
S.
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
S.
P.
THB HIKBANEE-BBL00CH8E DIAUCT.
69
haaag
a spoon
C * 1 •
kbashuk
A.
hashag
a kind of salt grass
haair
a grass mat
jX.^
baslr
P.
haap V, haps
hau V. ah
haur
rain
haya
shame, modesty
M
haya
A.
hayakanlhaya
I ! make haste!
M>
hayya
A.
hich
none, nothing
?
hicb
P.
hidrik
a squirrel
^te
hlk
a boar
^r
khuk
P.
himmatdar
strong (applied to human
beings and animals)
himmat
A.
hlng
assafoetida
O^JUA
hlng
H.
hir
a sucking camel
bisab
account (money), bill
#
bisab
A.
hosh
sense, understanding
J^j*
bosb
P.
hosbl
wise, clever
buda
God
\^
kbuda
P.
bndal sarin
adjuration meaning " I
swear**
bukm
an order
(^
hukm
A.
bul
booty, loot, robbery
hul kanfiga
to rob, to loot [ney
bun
blood murder, blood-mo-
e)^
khun
P.
hura
tbunder
hurjin
a saddle bag
uijj^
kbarzin
S.
burjinAga,abur
- to pull, to haul
jmin, hur-
jinta, hurjin
hurk
empty
burk kanaga
to make empty
bnrmilg
dried dotes
U^
kburma
P.
busbk
dry
iClA
kbnsbk
P.
bnshkl roaga
^ travel by land
bushkunag
a chisel
bnshtera, husb-
. a camel (of any kind)
jSA\
usbtur
P.
tcr.
bnshteri
a CAm el-man
busbyar
active, clever, intelligent
J ^^^
boshvar
•
P.
70
THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
ida V. ingu
ilm
inchrukl,inchkl
ingu, ida
inka
insaf
Ir buaga
Ir kanaga
Ir kapaga
Xr-gejaga, Ir-
agejiii, ir-get-
ka, irgej
Ir rechaga
I.
knowledge
a very little
here
thus much
justice
to be placed
to put down, to place, to
lay down
to come down, to go
down into any place, to
leave a place, todescen(^
to take down
to pour into anything (as
water into a glass)
{idhar
bidhan
f ilm
In kadr
insaf
zlr, under
V. rechaga
H.
S.
A.
P.
A.
P.
irada
intention
S^\j\
irada
A.
Ishap
to-night
v^*l
imshab
P.
ishkar, ishkar
charcoal
g^l
ashkara, an ex-
tinguished
firebrand
P.
bht
a brick
C^i^
khisht
P.
ishta
preterite of liaga
/
ishtap
hurried, in a hurry, hurry
•
shitab
P.
ishtapl
haste, hurry
ispet
white
OJuIm
sufed
P.
ispetin pas
a sheep
■ **
istar, tari
a star
8jU-.|
istara
P.
istal
a mule
>.r
astar
P.
istin
a black cloud
istrag
a razor
»^i
ustara
P.
It V. isht
a brick
i5aj|
int
H.
izhbar, izhbl
ever, at any time, used
in conjunction with na
to express " never "
for bich bar
izmat
work, labour
literally "a
•
worker"
izmat-kanuk industrious
THE MEKBANCE-BELOOCHEB DIALECT. 71
J.
JS» jag*
a place
U
ja
P.
jadu
a grebe
•
jaga r. ja
^^
jaga
H.
jagar
liver
Ja
j>g»'
P.
jahil
ignorant
JaU
jahil
A.
jala,jhala>jahli
a down (direction)
j&nmg
a shirt
^u.
jama, a
gannent
P.
jan
the body, life, soul
e;^
jan
P.
jan kahil or
idle
jAlf
kahil
A.
kahU
janagA, ajanln»
to beat, to strike, to 6re
0*^3
zadan
P.
jata or jat.
(a gun)
bejan
j*ng
war, quarrel, fight
-^
j«ng
P.
jang kanaga
to fight
jangall bat
a quail
0. bat
P.
janik
a daughter, a girl
^j
zanik,
a little
P.
woman
janin a woman c^j ^^^ P-
jantar a mill, a machine >o^ janlr, a machine H.
jari a sucking camel under
1 year old '
jast zinc ^--^ jast H.
jauxi-bOak a nutmeg y^^ j^jauzi buja A.
jawab an answer ^\j^ jawab P.
jimaz r. sawar mounted (on a camel)
jind the body, the whole
person
jo barley yt jo
jokinaga, ajok- to make a camel sit down
inlfi, iokinta,
bfjokin
joko responsibility, risk c^^^ jokhoh,risk,ven- h^ g.
ture, danger
juhl deep
johli depth
jol carpet, covering for any JLai^ ju)I ^,
animal, the carpet
placed under a camel's
saddle
P.
72
THS HEKBANEB^BBLOOCHEE DIALECT.
jur a small nullah
J^
jfi, a river
P.
jur well, in good health
JJJ
zur, strength,
P.
•
vigour
justa kanaga, or to ask
••
justan
P.
justo kunaga
K,
ka, kawan
sweet grass
sl^
kah
P.
kabu
perfect, excellent, proper
^\j
kabil, worthy.
A.
sufficient
knbul
agreement, agreed
Oy^
kabfil
A.
kabul kanaga
to agree
M> ^
kachal, kachar
a mule
y^
khacharu
S.
kadam
a step
J.A*
kadam
A.
kadin
when
Krii'^
kadhin
S.
kado
a mussel
•
kafir
an infidci
>(^
kafir
A.
kafur
camphor
jji\S
kafur
P.
kagad
paper
^\s
kaghad
A.
kahawa
coffee
»^
kahwa
A.
kahil
idle
Jjkii
kahil
A.
kahur
a kind of tree (acacia)
common in Mekran
m
kai
who ? (interrogative),
yS
keh
P.
whose
kaiil
a kind of shark
kaipi
a drunkard
J^
kaiphi
S.
kak
a flea
^
kaik
P.
k&l
a kind of salt grass
kai
a grave, a hole in
ground
the
•«
kabr
A.
kala kanaga
to bury
kalaiinch, kali
tin
isH^
kalai
H.
kalak
a cheek
^
galu
S.
kalam
a pen
(^
kalam
A.
kalampur
a clove
J*5^
karanfal
A.
kalar
salt earth
y*
kalaru
S.
kali V. mashk
a small mussack, made
of the skin of a
kid,
THE MSERAVEE-BELOOCHVE DIALECT.
73
kail V. kalaiinch
kalib
kaldar
a bullet-mould
a rupee
kam
kam, kamk
kamlr
kamk t;. kam
kanaga, ak au-
la, kurta or
ku, pekan,
kan or bekan
kanda
kanda
kanda janaga
kaudaga, akan-
dlD, kandita,
bekaiid r.
handaga
kaiig
kangal
kant
kap
kapag
kapaga, akapln,
kapta, be kap
kapi-darya
kaplnjar
kapodar
kapot
kar
kar
kar aiaga
karaba
small, less
a little, few, small quantity
(takes inflection in)
a ploughshare
to do
a hole in the ground, a
trench
name of a tree common
in Mekran
to dig a hole
to laugh
a heron, a crane
poor
a horn
foam, froth
a shoulder
to fall, to happen, to
occur
the bone of the cuttle
fish, meaning *' sea
foam"
a partridge
a wild pigeon
a dove
deaf
work, use, useful
to be useful
an inferior kind of dates
generally packed in
baskets
kalab
P.
kaldaru, name
S.
of a particular
coinage of
rupees
kam.
P.
ij^jS kardan
^(^i^ khandan
JUlr kulank
J iHiS kaugalu
d^ kaf
J^ kataf
kabutar
do.
kar
kar
P.
giu^ kanda, ditch, p.
fosse^ moat
P.
P.
S.
P.
A.
P.
P.
P.
10 ra«
74
THB MBERANGE-BELOOCHBE DIALECT.
karag
a banian tree
karak
edge, margin
karch
a large knife
:»;l^
kard
P.
kargoshk
ahare, wilaiyati kargoshk,
^Jt^js^ khargosh
P.
a rabbit
kari
deafness
karigar
a' bullock
karkink, kar-
a bivalve shell
kiank
karpas
cotton, cotton tree
u-V-^
karpas
H.
kas
any one, some one
u-f
kas
P.
kassab
butcher
kassab
A.
kasan
little, small
kasanin mushk
a mouse
V. mushk
kash kanaga
to pull, to weigh in scales
kashaga, aka-
to pull, to take out from
CjA^^
kashidan
P.
shin, kashta,
> anywhere, to weigh in
^^ ^
bekash
scales
kash!
a plate
J!,\S
kashi
P.
kasib
a tortoise, turtle
tT
kastar
smaller, less ; compara-
tive of kasan
katangar, ka-
a grouse
tungar
kaush
a shoe
{J^
kaffih
P.
kawan v. ka
kazl
a judge
* I ■*
kazi
A.
keh, (conjunc-
that
^■^
tion)
'
keh, (relative
that, who, which
^
keh
P.
pronoun)
kikata
a lobster
kilat
fort, city
yoJj
kila,^ a fort
A.
killt
a key
kilid
P.
kimat
price
0>«AJ
kimat
A.
kimat kanaga
to buy (zuraga generally
used)
kinlch
coriander seed
^i
kishnlj
P.
kir
the end, the edge, mar-
gin
^
kiriya, kire
hire
1 vf
Irira
A
THB MKKBANEE-BELOOCHKE DIALKCT.
75
kiriyii kanaga
to hire
^a
kirm
a worm
r-f
kinn
P.
kiahaga, akish-
to sow, to till, to dig
^1^
kishtan
P.
lii, kishta,
bekish
kiahk
a road, a path
kismat
fate
e«*«J
kismat
A.
kitab
book
•
kitab
A.
kitag
a tick (insect)
kltag v. kutag
kitta
a bouse lizard
kodul
a powrah
J\djS
kodal
P.
koh
a hill, mountain
»/
koh
P.
kohl buz
a hill goat (female)
r. buz
A.
kohl pucliin
a hill j?oat (male)
kohl guraiid
a hill sheep (mnle)
kohr
a river, a nullah
jA
khaur
A.
koQt
a bag made of carpet
kopak
a shoulder
r. kapag
kor
blind
J/
kur
P.
koros, kurus
a cock, fowl
LTJJ^
khuros
P.
kot .
a fort
e>)i
kot
11.
kowat, kowunt
a male camel under five
years old
•
^\jii
kanwatu
S.
kubl
a lock
Jai
kufl
A.
kuch
a corner
?^
kunj
P.
kuchak
a dog
kuchig
country (as opposed to
town)
5/
kuch,migration,
decamping
P.
kuchk
small shells, cowries
kudan r. kujun
I
kuja
where
^
kuj^l
P.
kuja-angu ?
where ? (interrogative*
used with the verb
"roaga")
kiijan, kudaa
which
f\^
kyr^aim
P.
kukli
a crab
\j^
kekra
H.
kukur
a fowl
^
kukim
8.
kula
cap, hat
l^
kulHh
P.
kalag
a cough
76
THE UEKBAN£G-BELOOCB£E DIALECT.
kulunt
dates in the slightly red
stage
kumak
assistance
fS^S
kumak
P.
kumak deaga
to assist
kumb
a lake
kunar
the lote tree (Hind, her)
>r
kunar
A.
kund
a knee
kunt
blunt
o^y^
kund
P.
kuntag
a tborn, spine of a tree
•Jii^
kantak
H.
kupat
a basket made of mat-
ting
V
patu
S.
kurakush
a cricket
,
kurshi
a cbair
UTJ^
kurshi
A.
kurus, V. koros
kushaga, aku-
to kill
yi^
kushtan
P.
shiii, kushta
>
pukush
«
kusij
a cucumber
kutag, kitag
a water melon
•
kutub
the north
•
kutb
A.
kwahn
old (applied to inanimate
objects)
L.
Crt^
kuhan
P.
•
lach, lachuk
a basket
ladaga, aladln,
to load
lD^
ladann
s
ladita, belad
\^ w~
V? •
ladok, laduk
the long rope witli 2
loops passing complete-
ly round a camel's
load
literally " a
loader,'*" from
ladaga"
lagaga, alagin,
to strike against anything,
L^
laganu
S.
iagita, belag
to toucii, to fasten un
to anything (not i)y
binding, r. baudaga),
to hit a mark
lagam
a bridle, reins
r^
ligam
P.
lagar
lean, thin, weak (applied
to animate oi)jects)
y^
laghar
A.
lagat JAnaga
to kick
^^
lakad
P.
Ihar
boiling
lahr deaga
to boil anything
TH£ MEKBANE£-B£LOOCH££ DIALECT.
77
Uir buaga to be boiling
Uhr kanaga to cnuse to boil
laht some, a few (takes inflec-
tion '« in ")
lig shame, modesty
Kkaga, alakin, to bark as a dog
likita
lakari a flamingo
landin a kind of salt grass
Umg lame
Umkuhv.lankuk
bnkuk, lankuh a flnger ; chuki lankuk,
the little iinger
the abdomen, stomach,
inside
inside
diarrhcEa, dysentery ; e,g,
maiii lap dard akant,
I have diarrhoea
gripes
f
) laj
v-W lang
lap
Upa
l&pa dard
lap murda
lashkar
l^J^ murda, dead
V. lap
lashkar
lekin
leng
lero
lewir
ij4 lekin
army
dirt, dirty
but
a thigh
a male camel more than ^j^
5 years old
hot-wind ^y^
llagatkilin.alin to allow, permit (*<dun*t e;*^^ hilidan,
or alliii, let," "mail")
iahta, bil
lik kanaga (im- to erect, to cause to stand
perative up
- lik kan,"
lero
10 h
to
dismiss, aban-
don, quit
or
«
likke-
kan, ") or mik
kanaga
limbari a jelly flsh
lira deaga to roll anything along
limk an insect
log a house
lor a lobster
S.
^\s^)^ lakhejanjl S.
P.
P.
P.
P.
S.
S.
P.
78
THE MEKBANBE-BELOOOHBE I>IALECT.
lotainaga, alot- to demand
ainiu, lotain-
ta, belotain
lotaga, alotin, to want, desire, wish for (j^^ lochanu
lotita
lotia
a khojah
lugushaga,
alu-
to slip, to slide
0*^3^ laghzidf
gushin,
lu-
gushta,
lu-
gush
lugushan
slippery
o^j^ lughzuii
lunj
dark, darkness
lunt
a lip
lur
a flying column of sand ;
Sind devil
•
lur kanaga
to mix
Ifira
along with
^/^
luri
a blacksmith
j^ luharu
s.
p.
8.
M,
mach, machi
a date tree
uiadag
a locust, a prawn
madag
female
madagiii gok
a cow
madian
a mare
magir
an eclipse, meaning "seiz-
ing the moon "
magrab
the west. The prayer at
sunset. The period
from sunset till dark.
the evening twilight
mah, ma
the moon, a month
mahala
early ; soba mahala, early
in the morning
mahar
a camel s rein J ^ ^
mahi-kani
moonshine
mahi
fish
mahri
a riding camel
e-
»»iU
malakh,alocust;
rnalakhi dar-
yai, a prawn
mada
e;4.>^ madiyan
wj** maghrib
8 ^ mtih
or j^ mahar or ma
bar
t^ ^ mahi
(S^^ mahri
P.
P.
P.
A.
P.
a- P.
P.
S.
THE MEKRANBE-BELOOCHSE DULECT.
79
iMuduna roagn to nin
majg the brain
makaek a fly
inalam a line
malham
malir
maa biiaga
man kanaga
man kasliaga
man gijaga,man
agijin, man
gitka, man gij
man
mana dila
mani
manjal
manzil t;. minzil
mar
matd
mardum
margu
marochi
ma;, mat
mas
masdan
mashk v. kali
mast
mattar
matapuso. mat
and upus
ointment
a gull
to remain in anything,
to be left in a vessel, as
water in a glass
to put into an\ thing
to put things on board a
ship
to put into anything
I, a weight of about seven
pounds
in my mind. Used to
express " I think," "I
suppose *'
meaning
a cooking chattie
a snake
a husband
R man
the cholera
today
mother
ink, the black fluid se-
creted by the cuttle fish
inkstand
a large mussuck
intoxication, lust
larger, greater ; compara-
tive of mazan
a camel 1 to 2 vears old.
Name signifies that the
mother of the camel is
this year again preg-
nant
>-
maghs A.
^jXo
magas P.
r**
malam, dis- P.
V
grace, blame
(^J*
marham A. P.
e;^
men s.
u*
tf^-
man
mainly
mar
mard
mardum
mari
imroz
mUtH
mas, ink
«j:1a mashk
P.
A.
; p.
p.
p.
s.
p.
s.
s.
p.
80
THE^MBKBANEE-BELOOCHBE DIALECT.
Tnausim
mawich
mazad
mazaii
mazanin gwar-
bam
med
meh
men
mesh
meshmurg
metag
mezk
miar
michach
migraz
mihrbani
mik kanaga
(imperative
mik kan or
mikkekan)
v. lik kanaga
minzil, manzil
a season
raisins
a camel 2 to 3 years old.
The name signifies
that the cam el* s mother
produces young again
this year ; v. mas and
Persian verb c^«>ilj
zaidan, to bear, i^^^
majadu,a young camel,
8. «-^ '^* mRJaku, a
camel 2 to 3 years old,
S.
great, large
the period from about 2
to 4 hours before day-
light
a fisherman
a nail (of iron), a tent peg
mud
a sheep of either sex, a
hammer-headed shark
a pelican, meaning ** the
sheep bird." In Per-
sian meshmurgh is a
bustard
a house of any kind
a kind of salt-grass
a beggar
an eyelash
scissors
kindness, mercy
to erect, to cause to
stand up
mausim
mawiz
miraga, amirin,
murta, be-
mir
miraga, amirin to fight,
mirita, be-
mir
a stage, a day's journey
to die
men
mekh
mesh
y^^ mucha
U^t>^ mikraz
c^^Ot* mihrbani
manzil
murdan
A.
P.
S.
P.
P.
P.
A.
p.
A.
P.
rUK MEEltAKEK>UI£LOOCIttiK UIAI.RCT.
81
IlllttU
a parrot
iiiiyanji
in the naddle
^^»j|xj Uk
• niiyun^'Ia
W
moch kanaga
to collect
tnochi
shoemaker
^tty
mochi
U.S.
molir
firm, tight, fastened
mohukum
strong (applied to inani-
mate objects)
(^
miihknm
A. P
moko
a spider
iSji-"
inakri
H.
mom
wax
r^
mom or mum
r.
mor
an ant
jy»
mor
p.
moz, mwo<
plantain, banana
3^
mauz or muz
A.
moiag
socks
»jy
muza
p.
mubdei
a cook
much V. dasta
a multitude. Hancbo
much, pad
keh much, a very great
a much
many
m
mud, mid
hair
)^
mu
p.
muha kanaga
to forgive
oU«
mu^ilf, forgive-
ness
A.
mubr
a seal, a stamp
^
muhr
p.
muj
a dust-storm
mulk
a country, an estate, a
tract of land being
cultivated by any one
uSli
mulk
A.
mondari
a ring
iS^
mundrl
s.
murg
a bird
i^^
murgh
A-
mortagv.miraga dead
%^j^
murda
P.
muiihaga, am a
- to rub, to scrape
shin, muahta.
t
mush
moshk V, kas-
a rat
cA-r-
miisfa, a mouse
P.
anin muahk
muabkul
difficult
(JCI-
mnshkil
A.
muflht
a fist
.>.*^^
musht
P.
musati
best kind of dates, gene-
rally packed in earthen
chatties
mwoz 0. moE
n!
•
na
not, no
•
nah
P.
ni
ripe dates
nadroha
ill, unwell
v. droha
\\ra$
82
THE MEKRANBE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
nadrohai illness, sickness
nafag the navel ^i U
nagd cash, money oiij
nah^lri first breakfast taken at i|>jUlJ
sunrise or soon after
naharia wahdl the period from about 1
to 2 hours after sunrise
nahun v. nakun
naf
nakd
nahari
P.
A.
P.
nai gwamK
a wasp
lit. *^ the date
bee," V, na
naku
an uncle
nakuD, nahnn
the nail (of finger oi
rtoe)
e^li
nakhun
p.
nal
a horse shoe
L^i
na^l
A-
nalagian
a cocoanut
iii^J^
nar jil
A.
nal band
a farrier
iXX) JUj
na^lband
P.
nam
a name
r"
nam
P.
namb
dew, fog, mist
•
nam, moistute,
dew
P.
namilna
"a drawing, pattern
^j*i
namilna, sam^
pie, like
P.
nan, nagan
bread
w'i
nan
P.
nang&r
a plough
• .
nap
gain, profit
e«.
nai^
A.
naram
soft
fj'
narm
P.
nSrinj
an orange
€^'
naratij
A.
narmani
a kind of shark
nasib
fate
*T*4^J
naslb
A.
nazurk
delicate
v?j«i
nazuk
P.
nekiank
a hen fowl
nemag
butter, a direction
nemaga
towards
. •
neshl
a camel with
tusks.
crxi
nesbn
S.
camel 8 years old and
upwards
nd
blue, indigo
lW
nil
P.
nim
half
1^
nim
P.
nimax
prayer, the mofning just
jW
namac
P.
before sunrise
nimishtakanaga
V, novista
THE MEKBANEB-BELOOOHBE DIALECT.
. 83
Bitnroch
noon
j^j^ nimroz
P.
nimshap
midnight
V^(^ nlmshab
P.
Bindaga, anin-
to live, to dwelU to stay^
(i;i— ^j nishastan
P.
dln, nishta,
to sit
benind or
mind
%
Bipal, nipad
a quilt
jj l^J nahali
P.
Bishan
a mark, a target
^11 J nishan
P.
nlwag
fruit
lyu^ miwa
P.
nod
a light cloud, fog
•
Tk
iiohd
gram
^^ nukhud
P.
nok
new
JH no
p.
Doka
again, anew
nokar
a servant
j^y naukar
p.
nokar kanaga
to employ, to engage
sokarl
employment
(Sj^y^ naukari
p.
noshater
sal ammoniac
1
j^Im^ naushadur
p.
Dovista kanaga
to write
ij^j^ nawishtan
p.
or nimishta
kanaga
nogra
silver
•••
^J^ nukra
p.
nngraig
made of silver
noksao^ niMkan loss
m Laiij nuksan
A.
nun, nln t;.
now
oy^l aknun
S.
hanlii
0.
and
P.
o
J or wa
p.
P.
pacb kanaga or
pak kanaga
to open, to unfasten
pachin
a male goat ; kohl pachin,
a male hill goat
pad
a foot, a leg
pad, pada, rand
a footmark
pada
bsck (direction) meaning
*' in the track "
padaaiaga
to awaken, to arise
(intransitive.) Impera-
tive pad a
pa
V, rand
V, pad
P.
84
THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCBEK DIALECT.
pa (la dil v.
the sole of the foot (lit.
dasta dil
the heart of the foot)
pada kanaga
to awaken, (transitive) to
/•. gwar
wear (anything on the
kanaga
feet or legs)
jjfula much v.
the ankle
dasta much
pada roaga
to walk, to go on foot
padana shi-
the knee cap
v. pad and
shllanch
lauch
pad lank
a ladder
V^S
puggaree, turban
^^
prig
S.
pagar
j)ay, wages
j^.
pagharu
S.
pagas
a shark
jiahamdar
wise, clever
rt*
fahm, under-
standing
A.
pahk
clean
V
pak
P.
pahli
a rib
J^
pahlu
P.
paidag
gain, profit, advantage
saSH
faida
A-
palma
like, similar, a style,
manner
i^k
painu
S.
pair! r. pareri
pakaro
a camel's riding saddle
>^H
pakhiro
S.
pakir
beggar
•• •
fakir
A.
pakka
ripe, perfect -J
pako
pakka
S.
H.
palwar
the pulla fish
y^.
pAo
S.
pan
the leaf of a tree
ui
*
panu
s.
panch V. panj
^ %
panchek
a fifth part
^'^^
1 panj yak
p.
panchmX
the fifth
•
panjumi
p.
panj, panch
^ve
^
panj
p.
papuk
dates in the green stage
^^
par, pa
for
wjj^i
paronS. ^ ba
p.
para, paro
mercury, quicksilver
Jj'i
paro
s.
paramposhi
the third day hence
parandoshi
the night before last
parcha
why
par and che
pardia
a crupper
r^jSf
purdum
p.
THE MEKRANEE-BKLOOCIIKK DIALKCl'. 85
piircrl or pairi the day before yesterday
paridfi hereabouts, in this nei<^h-
bourhuod
parwii care Ij^J paiwfi !'•
pas goat or sheep, siyfihinpas,
a ^oat ; ispctiu pa^, a
sheep
pash kapaga to remain, to be left over U^i \ms after P.
pas hag a cold
jtashtara afterwards ^j-^ pas, after P.
pat a basket, a bag made of o^j \Kii\\ S.
matting
patfiaga, to roll up (as cloth)
apatain,
patata, pata
patak short (a man)
pafasi a chisel ^j^lljpataso rambo g^
patrfishag a ^J>nrk
pfitu a moth «-^^ p'ltan^n S*
pnzhm wool ^J j)ashiu P-
peda, pedilg visible \^xj j,„iJfi P.
pelag a bng
perenaga, ape- to cause to fall *
reniii, peieu-
ta, pLTcn
perenanaga, to cause to fall
aperenanlii,
perenanta,
pereoan
pesara before (preposition or ^jiaj pesh, before P.
adverb of time)
pesh pareri or the third day past v, i)areri
])esh pairi
peshani forehead cr'^^ peshani P.
peshtara before (adverb, of time) ^r^ ^uAi P.
peti a ^ox ^^ peti S. II.
pezh dilrnga to show, to point out, to <^ju pesh, before P.
explain
phul a bridge J;J pfd P.
pichak a taste, flavour
pil an elephant ^^ fil P.
pila dant ivory J^cJ^'^'«>dandani fil P.
80
THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCHEE mALBCTT.
pimaz
pinz
pip
an onion .
the heel
a cask
pijaz
pipa H. from
English
R.
«
pipe
pirik
piruk
pis, pit
pish
old (men or animals)
caterpillar, butterfly
grandfather
father
the peesh plant {Cha-
morops Ritchiawj,
Grif). A fan like palm
growing amongst the
hills in Mekran, from
which Beloochees
manufacture matting,
ropes, baskets, sandals,
drinking cups, saddle,
coverings, pipes, &c.
pishta-pareri or the fourth day past
pishta-pairi
pishti-parampo- the fourth day hence
shi
^he third night past, i. e,
the nijiht before the
night before last
a drop
alum
dates partly red and part-
ly ripe
dates or grain turned
acid and unfit to eat,
blighted
clothes
the day after tomorrow
leather, skin
the nose
wide
-H^ pir
^J^,oT^ piu, pita
U*^ pisi
pisparandoshi
pit V, pis
pituki
pogaz
poh
pofishi, V. poshi
poshak
poshi, pohshl,
post
poz
prah
prahi width, breadth
prushaga, apru- to break, to snap
shin, prushta,
beprush
V. pashtara,
pareri
fij pitkl
^^^ poshak
R
S.
S. H-
•^ post
J^ ^ poz
«
etti C ^^ palin or farrakb
P.
P.
P.
P.
THE UEKEANEE-BELOOGHEE DIALECT.
87
pOltut a Irog
•
puktag active
pukhta
P.
pal booty
*•
^
phuri
S.
pulad steel
^i^
pulad
P.
pulaga, apulin, to become wet
pulita, pul
pulenagfl, apu- to make wet, (causal verb
lenin, pulenta of pulaga)
pnlen
pdank a tiger
V
palank
P.
pur fully ashes
Ji
pur, full
P.
purap . a female camel under 5
years old
pQtl a mosquito
te
phusi
pusht
s.
p.
push! a cat
pmht the back
V
piijihta at the back of, behind
V. pusht
P.
R.
ra
r& deaga
rad
ntd kanaga
w«
Tago» ragu
rtht
rakam
rainiig
nind
randa v. rand
randa aiaga
ftada roaga
nuig
imng deaga
ft road, path
to send
a mistake, wrong
to make a mistake, to do
wrong
an artery, a vein
a guinea-worm
a camel's baggage saddle
a kind, a sort
a flock of sheep or goats
a foot-mark
behind, after.last, (mean-
ine '*in the footsteps
or')
to follow, to come in
search of, to come after
to follow, to go in search
of, to go after
colour, paint
to paint
9\j rah
y^ dadlii
vij rag
ufc
rakam
rama
randu
S.
S.
P.
A.
P,
S.
J rang
P.
88
Tits :M!::KKA>CliE-BELOOClll!lE DIALECT.
rasa^a, ara-lu, to arrive. With the Dat. c;^i^j rasidaii
rasita or rastit, case ot pers. pronouns
P.
bcrajj
rasannpia, ara-
sanlu, r.'iSEUi-
tH, berasau
rast
rastar
razfi, razi
razii
razm
rc'chaga, arc-
chin, reika,
rech
** lo find " as mana,
turn> &c.> rnsita ; I,
thou &c., found or re-
ceived it
to cause to arrive, to '^^ - J
forward
rck
resh
rc2
rexa
rich
rigit
rUh
rizghgfik
roaga, a roan
or a rein,
shuta, bhut
or shu, boro
light, true, straight, the
right hand
au Huimal
contented
leave
a camel 3 to 4 years old
to throw awavj to
empty (liquids)
a saiuly place> sandhill?,
sand
.a sore
a rope made of goat-
hair
\j rast
shot
a bear
a kind of salt grass
a beard
a inungoose
to go
^xitJj
razi •
riza
rekhtan
reg
resh
reza, scraps,
crumbs
jichhu
rish
raftan
shudau
ruba
ro£
Toba a fox ^JJ
roch a day, the sun, sunshine jjj
rod copper
rodarat r. roch the east, meaning '' Sua
auddar-aiaga came out"
rogan oil, ghee iif^J
rck kanaga to light a lamp or fire t;*^J-r**afrokhtan
roshanaii the period just before cf ^*J roshanai, light
sunrise
roghan
P.
P.
A.
A.
P.
P.
P.
P.
S.
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
THB MEKBANEK-BELOOCHEB DIALECT.
89
roshanl (sub-
stmitiTe)
light, brightness u^JJ
roshanl
rotag
a root
rouk
a goer, one going ; as an
adjective applied to a
swift going camel
agent formed
from roaga
rub
a quarter gj
rube
rnmlr
a white ant
p.
s.
sa'at
an hour, a clock, j
a watch
CapU*
safat
A.
sabab
account, reason
• •
sabab
A.
aabun
soap
o^U
sabun
A.
labi
green
j^
sabz
P.
Bad
cord, rope of any
kind
'
safar
a journey
>•
safar
A.
said
any kind of game (espe-
cially deer)
•aiek
a third part
«-^ /^
sih yak
P.
sail, sel
a walk
J^
sair
A.
saiml
the third
^♦XMt
siyumi
P.
aak
hard, very
VL*^'**
sakht, hard
P.
sal
a year
Jl-
sal
P.
aam
a cuttle-fish
aaman
l>ftgg«ge, things
CJ^^
saman
P.
aaiiibalagfl.
to take care
sJW^
shambhalanu
S.
asambalin,
sambalita.
sambal
aar, sarag
head, end, top
.r-
sar
P.
aar kapaga
to get over the
top of
V. sar and knpa-
anything, to climb up
ga
aara dard
headache
jm ^j^
dardi sar
P.
aara
above, over
•
sarag t;. sar
A
aaraga, asarln.
to neigh
cAa)^
' shakhulidan
P.
aarita
■aramsa
a camel's head gear
aarand
a comb
^B vw
aarap
quietly, secretly
\j»
sinan, quietly
A.
12ra<
90
THE HEKBANSS-BELOOCHJEK DIALECT.
Barbara
sard
saria
sarja
sark
sark giraga
sarmahar
sarpad-abai,
sarpad-buta,
&c.
saudagar
saugind
above, over
cold (temperature)
before (place), in front
a pillow
a road, footpath
to start off
the small string at the
end of a camel's rein
which is fastened
round the piece of
wood passing through
the nose
I understand, defective
verb: vide Grammar
V, sar
dj^ sard
V. sar & ja
^j^ sarak
P.
V, sar & mahar P«
a merchant, trader
an oath
saugind waraga to swear
sawar a person mounted
to be mounted (on a
horse) v. jimaz
to mount or elevate any-
thing, to hoist up on
to anything
sawas the sandals made of
peesh worn by Be-
loochees
Jl I ^^ saudagar
dJSym saugand
V. waraga
j\j^ suwar
sawar buaga
sawar kanaga
P.
P.
P.
sel V. sail
senag
the circle on a camel's
breast
/Sx^
slna, breast
P.
sell
a camel's neck band
shadu, shadi
a monkey
iS^^
shad!
P.
shagur
the jaw-bone
shahid
a witness
i^Lm
shahid
A.
shahim
scales (for weighing)
^♦aU
sahimi
S.
shahr
a town, village
shahr
P.
shaira janaga
to sing
y^
shig^r, poetry
A.
shak
a comb
,^c
shana
P.
shakar
sugar
j^>m
shakar
P.
shal
a long cloak generally
made of goat hair
jLi
shal
P.
shalwar
trousers
jl^
shalwar
P.
THI HEKRANEE-BELOOCHKE DI&LBCT.
■him
dinner, the early part of
the evening when it ia
joat dark
t^
shim
P.
■h&mihlr
a Birord
j4i*i
ahainBhlr
P.
■hinag
Torait
■bansg kanaga
to Tomit
•banik
a kid
rf«p
night, the period from
■ham till midnight
V-
•hub
P.
a bat (perbapa meaning
^jt^ shabparal
P.
a"gra7erbynigbt")«.
ahap ondchnrnga
■bar
good; as nn iiiierjectiou
"all right," "Tery
tJ-
■hara ; the pre-
cepts of Ma.
homed, law.
A.
well," perhaps from
eqoitj
iWab
nine
v'^
shuab
A.
■bariat
justice
i=»,^
sfaarl^Ht
A.
■hash
six
u"
ihiah
P.
■hash dantlQl
a camel 7 to 8 years old,
having six teeth
o. shssh and
dant
P.
■hep
a small nullah
aher
a lion, tiger
J^i
sher
P.
ahikir
game (miimaU), hunting,
sbootiog
jKi
shikar
P.
diikirl
a hawk, a bonier
isj^
shikari
P.
■hll&Dch
cheese ipadaoaBbllanch,
the knee cap
■Mr
milk
J4i
shir
P.
■birlab
a neem tree
^j.
sirishk
ablihag
glass 1 a bottle
^ii
shlsha
P.
■hittaraga, asb
- to alip
itUrin, shit-
Urta, abitUr
■hoUaga, nsbo-
to wash
w^--
shnstsn
P.
dlfi. shodita
or Bbtubta,
pnabod
■hobua
enquiry, search
■hohua kanagato aearch, enquire
■hor
■alt ground
Jji
shor
P.
■hr&par
amonitacbe
jir
sbahpani
S.
92
THE MEKRANBE-BEIiOOOHEE DULEOT.
you
a sea breeze
shuma
sbuoial
shuro saltpetre, gunpowder
sichin, v. suchln
sid a kind of shark
sikun a porcupine
8im wire
sindagaiRsindin, to break (intrnnsitiye) as
a rope, wire, &c.
an anvil
a stone
marriage
antimony, colly rium
t*^ shuma
Ji^ shimal
f $j^ shora
t JJ^ sboro
j^ sukar
• j^^^^w^^^w^w
sista, besind
sin dan
sing
sir
u
ul
shikastan
sindan
fS^
sang
sirimug
jjAm sur .
y^j*» surma
sit, V, silt
siyad
siyah
siyahin pas
siyahin pilpil
sob
soba mahala
sochaga, aso-
chin, sotka
or sohta
besoch
sochako
sogind
V. saugind
sohr, t>. sur
sohrbad
relations
black
a goat,
black pepper
the morning just before
sunrise, the morning
generally
early in the morning
to bum (trnnsitive)
siyah
V, pas
filfil, pepper
subh
L^j^^* sokhtan
a hornet
an oath
leprosy
sonh mirch
80 rob
sowaso
ftowasil
Bubuk
white pepper
apple
a sole fish
a centipede
light (in weight)
suchaga, asiL- to burn (intransitive)
chin, sutkaor
sQhta,besuch
17. socbnga.
S^Ui.^
5^
surkhbada,
erysipelas
mirch, pepper
seb
«JU«« sabuk
{:)>^y* sokhtan
P.
A.
P.
S.
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
A.
A.
P.
P.
S.H.
P.
P.
P.
THE HEEBANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
93
■uebln, Bichia
a needle 03 r^
sozan
P.
Buhan
a file w^r*
suhan
P.
sahan kanaga
to file
auxnb v. kal,
a hole (not in the ground)
kanda
sand
dried ginger (>^
sundi
S.
8ur, sohr
red ^j^
surkh
P.
Bur
salt (adjective) jj^
shor
P.
Burag
salt grass
V. BUT
Buragfl, asurin,
to shake (intransitive)
Burita, besui
»
V, surinaga
Burlnaga, asuri
- to shake (transitive)
nln, surinta,
besurln
r. suraga
Buru
jowaree
Buru kanaga
to begin
t^J^
shurug^
A.
Bump
lead (metal)
V-i^**
surb
P.
sorushk
elbow
Bust
loose (not tight)
Ow«
sust
P.
BUSti
idleness, laziness
t/--
susti
P.
But, sit
profit
dj^
sud
P.
Bwarag
breakfast, meal taken be-
tween about 3 hours
afler sunrise and noon
Bwaragani
the period from about
3 hours afler sunrise
till noon
T
ta
to, up to; used when
speaking of two phices
in the sense of from
one to the other
G
ta
P.
tabib
doctor
tabib
A.
tablla
a stable
A^^
tawila
A.
tachaga, Rt&-\
chin, tachita |
f U«^3^tazidan
1 u*^ takldan
P.
or tatkata, (
y to run
P.
betach J
V *^
tagird
a mat, matting
94
THE MEKBANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT'
tabar
V. thar
taht, taht
taiar
V. tiar
tak
takslr, taskir
talag, talak
tambak
tambak ka-
sbaga
tambu
tanagl, tanagei
tanak
tang
tank
tap
tar
taraga, atariu,
tarita, pitar
tarl
tari roaga
tau, V. to
tazi
tejag
tel
tez
thar, tahar
* tbren
* tbrenband
tiab
tiar
tikam
tila
tilaig
tillu
dark, darkness ; in, inside j (3
a bedstead
ready, well, strong
tar, dark
takbt
P.
A. P.
a leaf of a tree
fault, crime
•hallow
tobacco
to smoke tohacco \
a tent
yet
thin (applied to flat ob-
jects only,!;, barig and
lagar)
a girth
narrow
a cut, a wound. Fever.
damp, wet, moist
to turn round, to walk
about
a star
to travel by sea
a greyhound
a musk melon
oil
quick, swift, sharp
in, inside
the waist, loins
waistband, cummerbund
coast, sea shore
ready, well, strong
a pickaxe
gold
golden
a bell
yUv3
• ••
taksir
tambaku
tambaku kashl-
dan
tambu
tadhi hi
iJm tunak
(S
crj
tang
tang
tab, fever
tabb, catting
tar
tari
17. tar
tazi
telu S., tel H.
tez
j^
lib
taiyar
tila
^ talo
A.
p.
8.
S.H.
S.
P.
P.
P.
P.
A.
P.
S.
P.
P.
P.
P.
s.
* Id these word* " th" sounded u ia English word " thin."
THK UKKBANEE-BBLOOCHKK DIALECT.
95
tip
a jewel
4J3
tik
S.
tlr
a bullet
J^
tir
P.
tir rech
a bullet mould
U^'J
rekhtan, to
pour,cast,melt
P.
tirku
a ramrod
to, tan
thou
••
to
P.
tok
centre, middle
toka
between, in the
centre
tolag
a jackal
m
torn
seed
r'
tukhm
P.
top
a cannon
^^.
top
P.
top
a hat
isiy
topi
H.S
topi
a percussion cap
tor
a style, manner
j^
tawr
A.
^war
an axe, a noise
••
tabar, axe
P.
trapanzaga,
to slip
atrapunzin,
trapunzita,
trapuDZ
trat
a kind of salt grass
triposhk
a spark
trttnd
narrow, tight
P.
trula
fear
u-^
tars
troaaga, atru-
to fear
e;*^^>
; tarsldan
P.
8lD, trusita.
•
betrus
trushp
sour
•
♦ 1
tursh
P.
tnubpin shir
sour milk
. •
tofan
a storm, a gale, a
very great, as
garmxy very
heat ; tufana I
nything
tufanu
great
Ioshkar,
tjb^i,
tufan, a storm
A.
a very numerous army
takor
a piece ; a little,
quantity. (In
a small
latter
J^
tukaru, a piece
S.
sense takes inflection
"in")
tunag
thirsty
tishna
P.
tung
a hole (not in the j
V. kal, kanda
ground)
; a jail
uW
tang, a jail
P.
tupak
a gun
iJUaJ
tufang
P.-
tori
a sweeper
M
96
THE MEERANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT.
u.
umbr age
uzhnag kanaga to swim
^^T asbna
A.
P.
W.
sleep
V '-r^ kbwab
P.
salt
to get, to procure
a time, a period
Cijl^ wari
S.
Master, Sir (common
/^^(•k khwaja
P.
form of address
amongst Beloochees)
to lend money
e><3 f <3 (• tj warn dadan
P.
to borrow money
ey^/^ftj warn giriftan
P.
to collect a debt
a debtor, a creditor
j|a*lj wamdar
P.
to read
s2) ^\^ kh wandan
P.
wab
wad
wadi kanaga
wahdi
waja
warn deaga
warn kanaga
warn giraga
wamdar
wanaga,awanin,
wanta, bewan
wapsaga, awap- to sleep
sin, wapta,
bwaps or
bwasp
waraga, awarin, to eat or drink, to cut as
or awar war- a saw, gimlet, &c.
ta, bur
waraga charaga an expression used to
signify *' eating and
drinking ;" cbaraga
has in this case no
meaning, and is pro-
bably only a word
formed to rhyme with
waraga
waragi food, edible
warna young
wash sweet (water, &c*)
(^^3^ khuftan
\a^j)^ khurdan
\%^^jj^ khurdani
warna
wasbkechag the itch
wash-wash slowly, steadily ; perhaps ui*^^ ^
from
wash, good, ex-
cellent
bashldan,
V. wustaga
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
P.
THE H£KBAN££-BJ!:L00CH££ DIALECT.
97
wista for
wat self
watach a pistol
waieg, wuteg or a tank
nteg
waahtaga,
awuflhtln,
wusbtata,
bosht or
bwusht
to stand up, to
still
J^\^ waste
•^^ khud
/^Uj tabancha
4^ I J wahi
stand cj<)^b bashidan
A.
P.
P.
S.
P.
Y.
yebara completely, entirely
yebarly yek-bar once
j^.^.
yakbar
P.
yak, yak
one
sSi
yak
P.
ydidar
a canoe (meaning " one
piece of wood)"
yek kanaga
to join
yek-kasha
always
yeledeaga,yele
\ to let go, to let loose,
A'
yaln, escape.
P.
kanaga
to abandon (sometimes
yelo deaga)
•
release
yessara
together
labardaati
z.
force, tyranny
K^^J^.j zabardasti
P.
labr
excellent, very good,
perfect
J^-J
zabar, high,
superior
P.
sad
the cock of a gun
e>'^3
zadan, to strike
P.
Mg
a child
o\j
zak
A.
xahir, v, lahr
zahra, the gall
P.
sahr, zahir
angry, bitter
zahr, angry
P.
fealinn tel
bitter oil, mustard oil
saitun
a guata (in P. & H.
. zaitun is an " olive'*)
sal
a wife
Jlj
zul
P.
sam
a sword
samlk
a crop
samln
a field, the ground
LH^J
zatniii
P.
sin
the knee
y\j
zanu
P.
13 r a «
•« I
M
98
THE MKKKANEE-BELOOCUBJfi DIALECT.
zanaga, azaniii,
zanta, bezaa
Zand
zang
zangi
zaDlk
sank
zar
zard
zargar
zarur
zl
zimistau
zin
zindag
zlraga, azlriii,
zlrta, bizlr
zlruk
zud
suhr
zurag
zuraga, azuriu,
zurta, bozur
zurawarl
zurmand
zuwan
<SJ\
zang
f^j zanakh
to know, to understand ^^^^jLJ|i)danutan
thick, stout, strong
(man or animal)
rust
rusty
the chin
a camel 4 to 5 years old
money
yellow
a goldsmith
necessary
yesterday
cold season, winter
a horse's saddle
alive
to take, to buy (same as
zuraga)
a purchaser (agent form-
ed from ziraga)
quick
the period from noon till
about 2 p.m.
strong, oppressive
to take, to buv
jjj zur, strength,
violence
V, ziraga
force, tyranny (jjjfjjjzurawari
strong physically (a man)
a tongue 4yUj zuban
P.
P.
P.
P.
t>jj aiard
P.
P.
j^jj zargar
P.
jjj^ zarur
jj^.^ dlroz
^J^S,m^j zimistan
P.
P.
P.
(•tij zinda
p.
P.
i:A*jiji pazlruftan
jyiiy giriftnn
P.
P.
<>_jj zud
P.
j^ zuhr
A.
P.
p.
p.
P — Persian.
A. — Arabic.
S — Sindee.
H — Hindustani.
Imp. — Imperative.
Adj . — Adj ective .
Ad?. — Adverb.
MbreviatioHs.
The principal parts of verbs are
given in following order : —
(1) Infinitive.
(2) Aorist.
(3) Preterite.
(4) Imperative.
Art. II, — Sahgameivara Mahdtmya ami Linga Worahtp.
By the Hon'ble Ra'o Sa'heb V. N. Mandlik.
Read February 13th, 1875.
Saiigamesvara is the principal town of the Taluku of that name in the
District of Southern Koukana, in the Bomhay Presidency. It is situated
at the junction of the rivers Sustri and Sonavi. Its latitude is 17^ 9^
N., and longitude 73° 36' E. It is one of the principal places noted
in such portions of the Sahyudrl Kha?ida, a part of the Skanda
Puruna, as arc now accessible. The Sahgamesvara MdhdlmyOy which
I present to the Society to-day, is stated to have been composed by
a poet named ^sha, in the service of one of the Chiluky^ kings
named Karna. It consists of ninety slokas or verses — the last five of
which have been extracted from the Sahyddrl Khanda, The copy
with which I have been favoured by my friend Mr. Vishnu Moresvara
Kelkar, the Subordinate Judge of Saiigamesvara, was made in Sake
1713, and is therefore 83 years old. The language is simple, hke that of
other Puranas, and this and other circumstances which I shall state
presently, seem to show that this town is one of some considerable anti-
quity. The poem begins by citing the genealogy of the founder of
Saiigamesvara. It is as follows : —
(1) Seshaputra (OT'p), who began to reign in the Saka year 10.
(2) Saktikumaraka ( ^rHijiHIC-h )» who reigned 25 years.
(3) Siiihaka Mudrika (RiihFr 5f^), „ 12
(4) Indu-Kiriti „ 18
(5) Brahma to Chuluki „ 38
The lastnamed in this poem is Karna, who became kinging. 100.
He came from Karavira or Kolhupura, along with his brothers, Nitga
and Singhana. Kolhapura itself was not their original seat ; but their
preiious residence and capital are not given in the extract before me.
He then built a number of temples in addition to those which had
been established by Kama at this place ; and he built a fortress for
his residence, and his brothers built their own palaces and constructed
their quarters of the city. To the principal temple which he built,
and named after himself— Karnesvara — he assigned nine villages :— (1)
Dharmapura, (2) Gunavallika, (3) Devanimdchaka, (4) Sivani, (5) La-
▼ala, (6) Phanas, (7) Dhamani, (8) Kadamba, and (9) Antravalli.
The village of Katuki was assigned to Somesvara temple, and the
village Turiya was granted to the temples of Keddra and Someaa
together. Most of these places can be directly or remotely identified.
The poem, like other similar works, describes the virtues and religious
}»
>f
100 SANGAMESVARA MAIIATMYA AND UNGA WORSHIP.
efficacy of the several holy spots in SaiigamesTara, and concludes
by mentioning that the king Kama who founded the temple of
Karnes vara at this place was the same as the king who built the
temple of Mahalakshmi at Kolhiipura. We arc also told that all the
temples existing previously to the time of Karna were of the time
of Raghava or Ruma. And the ancient name of the place is given afl
Bimakshctra. The extract from the Sahyddri Khanda at the end of
the Sahgamesvara Mdhatmya is as follows : —
** (85.) The slokas therein are the following : —
*• As the delightful Kasi, Prayaga, Pushkara, Prabhasa, Naimisha
Kshetra, Chakra Pushkarini arc celebrated, so is this great city named
Sangama. There are ten holy places established by Rdma. Among
the ten, six are superior; the names of which hear from me: — Go-
karnn, Saptakotisa, Kunakesa, Sangama, Ilarihara, and Tryamba-
Kesa. There are six holy places. Kuddalesa (Kudal ?), Dhdtapapa,
Dalbhesa (Dabhol), Vardhana (;:)rivardhana?), and the great god
Ramesvara. These are the fixa holy places. Even Bhurgava R^ma
by his devotion founded the lihgaa at Sahgamesvara in the vicinity of
Siva." (86-89.) These are the slokas in the Sahyddri Khanda. The
preceding slokas are the principal ones describing Sahgameivara
composed by ^esha, and forming part of a work named KarntuU'
dhdnidhi.
There is evident confusion here between Bhargava Rama and
Raghava Rama in a previous part of the poem. But this seems to me
to confirm the Puranik origm of the narrative, written from a simple
religious point of view, regardless of time. If, according to the grada-
tion of the Puranik avatdrs, we ascend from Rdma to Bhargava
Rdma, the antiquity of the spot becomes all the greater.
At Sahgamesvara there is a temple of Sahgamesvara pointed out,
and that shrine is stated to be older than that of Karnesvara founded
by the Chaluky^ king Karna. This older shrine is referred to Para-
6ar^a, the reputed reclaimer of the Kohkana'^ country along the
western coast of India. There are remains of old temples at and about
the town, which point to a remote period. The only inscription to be
found is inside the temple of Karnesvara, on a wall, an impression
of which I produee before the Society to-day. It has been taken
by an intelligent clerk of my own, whom I had deputed on purpose
to that and other places, in connection with some work before me on
account of this Society, at my own expense : —
* Inolades all that strip of land between the Sabyidri raDge and the sea
up to and inclaiiTe of Malabar.
SAM0AME8VARA UAHATMYA AND I.INQA WORSHIP.
101
v^v^/*^
c
"n (^
<;■•
h^^
JLJ5 x^r*^ ) U^ *^ <r^^-
.\% -^ j^^
15
4
c:^
a.
»
^ T:
.'<^
01 ^-^
--•"n
^
^..-W
)
a
a
The only letters and figures whieh can be deciphered are :— V
Ist line 3f ^ iff \\{0
2nd „ ^ If {.{I)
Mr. Vishnu Moresvara sends me the following version by a gentle-
man at Sangamefivara, made with some local knowledge : —
/
r
$
9
00
A
SANOAMESVAKA MAHATMYA AND LINQA WORSHIP. 103
But I confesE that there is little or no evidence before me to support
this reading of the few lines that are now very nearly obliterated.
It seems, however, that a similar reading was adopted by the late
Sivardma Bh&skar K^ne, Sub-Deputy Educational Inspector of Ratnd-
girf, in his Mar^thf account of that coUectorate published in a.c. 1872,
and of which the following is a facsimile : —
The reference to Kolhiipura in the poem naturally led me to further
inquiries ; and I obtained from a friend at Kolhdpura the following
verses, which form part of an inscription on the temple of Mahd-
lakshmi : —
^3?ftf iiiiiH^<si^^ ^^:qi5!il(^qi5ql|crt ii \ ii mA aR^in^
*«iRi4iw ^^r^y^: II ^ II m^r Ml^d^nqSiciH^Nic^i^nw:
^: g ^^i i ^< i ^^ {fiprggy ?T wvi fl^^wH II ^ ^friprtt^
104 sanqam£svaka mahatmya and linqa worship.
^^pf II ^ II MWn^^^^% ^flT^^^qri^rq- fi^rf^R^ ^^nft^
cT^ M<4'i'M(J|?' II
Translation : — ** When thirty years of the S^vahana era had passed,
theChalukya king named Karna, generous like the Elarna,* flourished.
He hy the help of his younger brothers Naga and Singhana, who were
his two additional hands, becoming four-handed, really conquered the
earth surrounded by the four oceans (1).
" By him mountains of money being spent, the great temple of the
goddess, which is an ornament to the whole world, and which is in the
form of a &riy antra and of a beautiful shape, was constructed. And
by him also a similar temple dedicated to the great Linga, and
consecrated after his own name, was built at Sri Sahgamesvara town in
the Konkana (2).
" He, followed by the kings of the earth (whose pride had been
destroyed), having heard that in the whole world this place would
immediately wash away sins, and which city of Karavira was a place
where the goddess of wealth delighted to play, spent several years
there, and went again to subdue the Konkana (3)."
These three klokaa have been inscribed on the temple of Karnesvara
in the city of Sangamesvara.
These verses have not been found on the walls of the present
E[arne§vara temple. But the moist climate and excessive rainfall of
the Southern Konkana would fully account for the different states of
inscriptions, even contemporaneous, on both sides of the Oh&ts.
About the Kolhdpura temple I hope to write on a future occasion, if
I receive ample materials which have been promised to me. Meanwhile
I would refer to pp. 479 and 480 of the Statistical Report on Kolhd-
pura -f This inscription distinctly refers to Sangamesvara and King
Karna of the Ch&lukya dynasty. He is described as being succeeded
byNrisinha, Vetugideva, Somesvara, and Somadra — the last of whom
gave the village of Kumbhdrgim to the temple of Mahdlakshmf, which
* One of the heroes of the Mahdbhdrata,
t Selections from the Records of the Bombay Goverrnnont No. VIH., New
Series : Statistical Report on the Principality of Kolhdpura, Compiled hf
Major D. C. Graham, of the 28Ui Regt. Bombay N. I., Political Superintendent
at Kolhdpura : 1854.
8ANGAMX8VABA MAHATMTA AND LINO A WOBSQIF. 105
grant is set forth in the above inscription. There is no date to the
inscription as given by Major Graham, and in his Summary at pages
534 and 335 the column of dates is blank. The king T?ho succeeded
Karna^eva is said to have had his capital at '* Vijajaput"^ (as it is
there designated), and this must, I think, be the same as Juyunugur or
Jajranagar at p. 314 of the same work. If so, it takes us, according
to Major Graham, to a.c. 789. In Brown's Camatic Chrnnology^ the
Chilukja era begins with a.c. 1016. The two branches of the
Chalukjas are there described, one reigning at Kalj&na, in the Western
Kamitaka, and the other ruling Kalinga. But the names given in my
account of Sangamesvara are not mentioned by Mr. Brown.
Major (noW'Major General Sir) George LcGrand Jacob gives Chi-
hikya grants from Kuddl Desd, near Goa, of the 6th and 7th centuries of
the Christian era. % The same learned writer notes in the next vol-
time$ a Chdlukya grant of Tenrana, a village near Rdjdpura, about fifty
miles to the south-west of Sangamesvara, of the year a.c. 1261.
The late Professor Bil Gangadhar Sh^tri gives notice|| of a
Chilukya grant of the year a. c. 733 ; and he seems to hold^ that
the power of the Ch^ukyas had then (at least temporarily) declined.
This grant refers to a place near Pun^. Another referred to in the
same paper is described as of the 5th century of the Christian era.
The list of Chalukyas given by Mr. Wathen (Jour. R. As, Soe,,
No. VII., pp. 1-41) is said to tally with those which Dr. Bhiu
reported upon in his paper to this Society read in November 1870.
Eolh^pura is mentioned as a tributary state of the Chalukyas by
Mr. Wathen ; and more than one prince of the name Somesvara or
Soma occurs in his account of the Ch&lukyas of the 10th or 11th
centuries.
In his Survey oj Indian Chronology (see Vol. VIII. of this Society's
Journal, p. 250), Dr. BUu Diji puts the dates of the previous Chdlukya
grants till then published as ranging from ^ake 411 downwards. It
* StMUttical Account o/Kolkdpur, by Mi^'or Qraham (above quoted), p. 479.
t CamaUe Chronology, by C P. Brown, M.R.A.S., Madras Civil Service ;
Lond. 1663, p. 37.
t Jour. B. Br. R. As. 8oe., toI. III., p. 203.
§ Jour. B. Br. R. As. 8oc., vol. IV., p. 98.
II Jour. B. Br. R. As. Soc, vol. II., p. 1.
f Ihid. p. 2.
14 r as
106 SAN0AMS8VABA MAHATMTA AND LINOA WORSHIP.
seems to me, boweTer, from the scant j notices of the Ch^lukjas in
Nelson's Madura Manual* that a great deal of light will yet be
thrown on the history not only of the ChiUukyas, but on the spread
t>f l4ii|^a. worship and the progress of ^vism, by the publicatym and
translation of all the Tamil works which date many centuries before
the Christian enu
How the Chalukyas prospered, and brought with them a more
elaborate form of It^a-worship, can be completely illustrated by re-
searches into the history of the South of India and connecting it with
that of Western India. For Malabar and Canara form a part of
the Konkana, which once extended far into the southern portion of
Gujarat.
This country is said to have been recovered from the sea by Parala-
rama — who was then standing at Gokarnaf (as some would hold),
or at SafigameSvara, which at one time was called Ramakshetra.
And if the lost portions of the Svrayddri Khanda could be recovered,
they would throw additional light on the subject. The Rev. Mr.
Taylor speaks of a manuscript of ParaSurdmavijayamt the publication
of which would doubtless give some help in the same direction.
Farasurilma was evidently no ordinary person. He is connected
with the passage of the Brahmaputra into Assam X ^ ^^^ ^^^ >i^d
colcmizing the western coast of India $. And yet on the establish-
ment of what is understood in those parts as the oldest Brahmanical
seat, we find the first shrines consecrated are dedicated to the liuffa of
Siva. It is remarkable that the trimurti or triad at the present tbwn
of Parasurima, near Chipluna, to the north-east of Sangameivara,
where there are now three images of Vishnu, is also known to have
been a /in^a-shrine set up by a paramahahaa Gos^vi, who after-
wards removed to the village of DUlvadsi, near S£tir£. On the
site of the present three images there once stood three Ungat. The
images now consecrated are : — KUak&ma^ Parahurima^ and BkdrfO'
rardma. This must have been at least two hundred years ago. All
the oldest temples at Sangameivara are /ti^-temples ; and the style
• Fart IIL, pp. 68, 65, 75.
t A Handbook of Hindu Myihohgy, hj the Rev. W. M. Taylor: Madias,
1870 (2Dd ed.), pp. 8M8.
t Am. B«ff., voL xiv., p. 888.
§ IHcL, p. 886, and note.
lAHQAMlSVABA UAHATMTA AND LINQA WORSHIP. 107
^ Xjir^e^Tara temple maj be judged from wmefacnmUes of ardii*
rial ornaments which I now produce. The late Dr. BUu's Pandit
vMnlfl refers them to a date anterior to the 8th century of the
tom evidence which is available, the worship of Vishnu had made
■i^rable progpress in this part of the country long before this period.
hMmparatively poor mountainous village six miles from D^puli I
MUh a beautiful image of Vishnu, brought evidently from the north,
■PC the date dri-^ka 1127 ; and I am satisfied that a careful
Ik. will bring to Hght further facts and materials.
HAnkya traditions near Sangamesrara trace an offshoot of the race
L to about the 15th century of the Christian era; and famiKes
,'S3ie surname of Chalke or Cha|ake are known even now in different
of the Marithd Country. Xin^a-worship appears to have
QT become a national institution amongst all classes in Western
k |mor to the 7th century of the Christian era, if not in the 2nd
of that of Silivihana. Except in connection with Kolhipura,
not yet succeeded in identifying the Chalukyas named in the
*wwifii<ira MihAtmya with the princes mentioned by other writers,
iu materials are gathered together, that work could some day, I
» ao doubt, be more easily accomplished.
Traiueript.
R/MiHW<iqRn^ V^l'wret II irsn <iWtni'4-ci i tsftM<i^<iPi -
^RfPft Jj«irjjJ^«Tl<«(i'</HWi t?^?r? jrft«raT: ii ^ ii '^rwi^qk-
^!«>V:^^3J|<rtU?I%»T^5^^:JMI*;leill^dll^^i|«:ll^l|ql^T:
imHw)A(()4iHHHiH4>: II |cfr«r:ftraflr^% irft«raRllRW^ ii
I iWKWHWw m^ ^nrnwr: ii«M^^[rtR«idiw^ ctpiw^-
^mt II <^ II ^w^wiPiFii-.fl^^'nftTi^ II H[Hinm<iuii<iti<<l
I S*lR^Pi | (l II i II ^lMftH»''l«lri4 dN^Hiwr^-ff II R f Sl^ Ij l difl
« riflHR«c| |:3iT: II v» llTRW?*i^^ ^[ft^ McTreRT: II ^^n-
108 SANaAUESVABA UAHATHTA AND LINO A WORSHIP.
dMi|<fl^;i^ijju4 ?r3r:M-:<4-M*i<* II ^ II (^^pPTre^rareR ?wh^?i#r-
feT: 11 ^^^^i^^ «^*liy*<lHci II \o II ci^*fl^MU«tq^?N'
f?r^ II ci^ti4 rq ^^K« f f ?:*JTf^ij^*>rtf II \\ n ^n^n^ifcff
'i«(1 i '<miti<'<H^i II ^TfRo^ftsnrtiTsrf ti^c*N>mwj<il II \^ w^mm
t^f^ nw-ci^jj ff; 11 ;^m»TmtmwTg^[^?TOl^tr ii \^ ii
tn5RT#Rr?jmf^ q#cn^g#T^ll¥^#5His^ 5itf5rHl:gg^ii\8
ci*«idi^i«'i?niij(*ir^rTR^fc41^ II M4ciiijil4Pi;^ §Tqf)Trwrr3^r 1 1
\^ II ^nrgjiicrRf^ ^MiiUft-.g?! II ^RTprf^wnift 4wi*l^-
'ei^^ II \i M «i*!"iirt+-i<wi: ^gTi^<qT5 II crcR^tPr^Fir-
Pr '^cmmiR+iR^ ii \^ li ^tRhhhw^ f^^^rrPtsrs^: licRtrr-
^^iTFTPT :?;?Kr?r?irmg^' U \ ^i" 1 1 ^if ffl»HN#f g^st^r^^f^ 1 1
j^'^ II Rife^feM< =%i^Hmp«hwm< • ll \o ll?R»iRf^jnTnt-
fq:%%'^^^rewr ii cr?RF3"MWnr d-H5'?N4*i«<i^ ii X\ ll ?ffi^
^Rlfcf SRofn^fi^ \\m- ^4'i\m[^ JTi^^Wsfit^ 1 1^^ II CRT
?|iR^t ?TsnirFff*j<«iH^r II iiH<i^-M'^?a^%^5"i^ ll X^ ll
X«ll < J'i;»^1.M<H| tl j g. ^ H««)|'(Ji<| l| d4,feg$jA'4.|^ ^c*M«loHR^ tl
X^ II ^d^RTTST^ ^g^qitf^f fRf: 1 1 IWMI'fljdM'i *^l5Tl*!<W-
^^ II Xi II JTPFTrKTRRgj Rf^HIHI^ftTWof II 'h<4)ldd<:^THI
ft^icT^^pr^ II X^ ll ?n%^y^^wl Ppf^m^'^t WM-WHimi^-
?f^g^4^rnr^ww=il Vii g^^ife^cnr sjpfl^^jiqiiJifcr: 1 1 m-
mm4i^i\m<Ari^\m' ll ^^ ii ^NiHi^ii'H<ti»iirH f^i'^fa'f^i-
giwic II a"sr5i^#inn^q^wdH<M/sr5f II ^o ii ^'y<Hiw<i ?^tr--
<RJT^ 11 irftrt^tw ijf^ij^ir?ra^ |R\ 1 1 Prft^^n^tcfft crcr=
5^'<jn^' II i»*4)<iH^i$4) ^asrfeTJof^ ii ^^ ii ^rfSJ^r^imr-
w wf^^iwiW iii^im^^i^A sOoTl-siH+Ky: II ^^ II ?i^^-
?»Ttr^*fl5lMRHiyH II ^^HI^HMI^'l Hj ' ml^M^^llW ll ^8 II mij-
SAHOAMBSTABA MAHATUYA AKD LIKOA WORSHIP. 109
«l**l*IW^i
<WTftnl":
«M^ W 8o||^^"rT|<f<fWff^*qTg»T^II d^fHHN'ff^W ITP-
^fim'sm II «\ii ?wf^Wi<fi^ srpRpfiftfir^iif ii q ^ « »MHi«ii i 4-
^SJ^^dd
55^ It 8\ II ^«l4*IM<l'l)4JK|k|<ildlftTj H?ni^'
r^nrtftnr- II88II d^i^iM<ti^H< i^i tii4 4.rt<> >^ ii m
cHT-^TrlTiTrJN'
•\ •
•fiufiWI'
[^'Hllal
^R^nqcfNftJ^insR =PKr K M lw im
^<«<jj4^^j<»w<iii l wM< »ii^^t^n^ffPffl- ^^<^i^'i^^^ 'ii^on
STr« II <^X II aj|t|*Mif<l^%l*f W*IIH«'frti*<? II aiRnnioRRWT-
f^na^kiM \\*^\ II ar Tftj«f<?«jw ; ^m^Rftf^RWT II ^^atror-
3rt^ ^f^ngf^FiRpre II <^8 II aji^iiti^m'^^ i iq ^Thy^ffe^rtf-
ft^ II ^^i^^^kbR ^ -^ig1((fti i ft^rdfe II ^^ ii j«n>«<c»^i<fl4 y-
ii«i(^i%d«<i II enw^R^r fj^jftfr^^rnrasir II <«>^ II !^rjJw-
H'Pi^-
3Pi«y|^*lfi<i llJroiMJ|WqH|«rt fWttqir< H W^ I
'HttJ(i*i'*«j(?<ii94
ftRr*Pi#-
110 SAMOAUKSVABA KAHATMTA AND UNOA W0B8EIP.
ft* II ^\ II HHIJirH<l''IH>^1 HHI^*<tl^ l P T^II <lM<HI^Hm^H W^Htl-
ft*iFW lllXll ^Rsjrtrpisn^ffgr 5»qqRfit3p ^[^ ii ^aM^jRinnr-
in^qfttrwi'RRnr ii ^^ ii <nc(ili*i^i ; iu4 <P''i'm<w^P<4tf ii Jnf-
^«ini-*i4^ Hd"«ii"ilftHVir<i li^» II 4-d«^Ngitf»l ^ a^aiRHiM4> ii
'^ ii ^^ ^ K^^ f ^ q ^^^rt l R ' ^^^w^^|ii|ti Hiii I ^-i^ ^tHiX^^m -
I^Hm- II qg fi | ^i>rtii^ ?^RRft5*irt iif.^11 i^MNMgi<4V
^I^i*l<*<R41 II d4(&<i4m^«i' A i j«iiq i V« < H»<f^ II ^d !i <itfn&
»nn3^^<t^r^gW5J II ^tIi^whmi^h ftnnfN^ortJT^ ii ^^ ii
^i^'^yg'fiifS fTRm«rt»tii HH?mqt€pr- ^rtTwnnrhni^ I No
^^«^t^l*^l•(tft^<^^ l «^^>u^ilw< J I ^M -i MliiM^'tt 4ii i «(<| ' 'nf^H>l ii»xii
^«i'f l <tti^>i<wi^mgKi4<^«i^ II fcn^ftR(^4 ^^i^wwwifinfii'»\u
«5<tiiwwif «w«wPi^l<^ii5<l^ui*i^<K«lHyiMiU5^fiHv»<^il
«n^if«)<ii<H^^ iwcRs^oopr^ ilTR^WERr^ 7n4v#nlt'
^ iiv»^i wwi^H< i R4 4^9 ftiimn' II irg? '^?^qi%Hw> irNff-
^f^#55 IN-*;! H^ft^«ngf5R5r aifiM-*i^<iimP«i<ii • ii^rjtqfe^iw-
H'Kif^'^fcwN'n- IIn»^ii aflV*j-^'5i«2it*U Jr=«^rt^nRW»i- ii#-
irt^5 II iiwjff-inriJw «n%^5'TO^ ii <ro ii^^^ftwiwwr-
^ i tf^^'A^ti II ^TO^f?ranr *«7y«fliiirt4 ii <r\ ii #3^>ii«jf
IRT 4ci^d«l«4^ II tl«("i<AI«l«*l <5l««<5JHew(^ : II Z\ II ITW
<H>j^'^l*-^MHW =TftTPni» II H<l<dW^R<i fWt^IPRPnf ll^^ll
<iiRwn<i<ii4\t ^* i AiMji<aift^ II ^ i ftM«iir«i4^l {»r itmwift^iift'i
II ^» II ^mft^ i Jwt^s l Ri'ini^ftMHi II t » rd*i^^(r'WK V«Tr-
%«nfM ^^^Ml aiian«;«rtr' ii *i«iH.i*/(afK«ii ininr=,3««tgm Ii
» w i ^Pisw^ i ^t<yw "fl ewi ii <rl ii <i^4H<Ki^«mfti4iw<ini-
fty II iw^t^qftMw i immte^rtJ^g ii ^K ii d-n^MaiS l H'
W
SAMGAMKBVARA MAHATMYA AMD UMOA WOBSMm 111
^ HR^'N84JS|<{ II iwSVrv|ciMN<Wi?*|^<(^H II ^^ II 1J^'^
toH qfliqxn:f^< II in^ft^i^ ^inrinwiftcnPi^ ii^^ ii
«^MlN<W*^nPi ftM«IRyi*iPi^ II y^^nft'«fw- ^reniNrTwr-
^«iw-5wfr^craii^N??nfTO?Rr- ll *ici^i^ltl^irH^i^NmPi^
«*i*lN«"W wm II
Translation of *' Sanffamehara Mahatmyat or ' the Greatnest of
Sangameivara.'
Sftlntfttion to G^neia. Now for Saogameftrara Kshetra Mah&tmya, composed
hj 6«tba. Now, in this 10th year of the ^iliT&hana &Jca, at its close, there
HTed ^ king [named] Seshapatra [or the son of the auspicioos ^eaha], whose
oonntenance was like the moon, and who was like the son. From him was
bom a certain king named 6akti Kam4raka, who was very powerful and was
the oaose of the whole world's delight for 25 years. (1) After him came King
R^ftK^A^^ Mndrika, devoted to the Brihmanas ; he reigned 12 years. Aiter him
If ^in g Indn Kiriti reigned 18 years. From him [came his sons] beginning with
|*»T"^^»^ and ending with Chiluki, having glorified and honoured the Brihmanas
for M years, departed all to heaven. (2) King Ch41uki was the most powerful
of all kings. He had three sons, who were in lustre like the three fires.*
(8) The first was by name Karna, the second was N&ga, and the third 8in-
gfaana, and they all set out in the southern direction. (4) Having exacted
tribute (on the way) they reached Karavira (Kolhipura). Having stayed there
for some time, they thought of leaving it. (5) They came to B&ma Kshetra,
graced by the sea, crowded by Brihmanas of various classes, and adorned by
vmricMis trees. (6) Having conquered the country up to Gtokarna, and the sea
up to the river Qautami, they returned ; (7) and having visited Bima, they all
wt out ; on the road, they turned into another path. (8) And there beholding
Kedira» facing the south, a very sacred hot springy giving immediate proof
(of its character), (9) they stayed there three days and (Karna) saw a dream,
the giver of everything. In that dream he saw Viiveivara with Elmi. (10)
Near him was an exceedingly delightful mountain in the form of 6iva (or
liingam), and the great lovely goddess Bhuvaneivari. (11) Situated in a
great forest and flowing from the eastern part of the mountain was a sacred,
beantiful, and quietly-flowing river, the waters of which he saw were dear and
hoi in the middle. (12) He also saw, on the top of the mountain, the venerable
Grilava, doing penance near ICahideva from fear of [the goddess]
(18) Thence, four miles distant, he saw on the summit of a moun-
laiB the beantiful Sapte^ and YaQanitha, worshii^wd by nombers of Qishis.
* The thrse ■acrificial fires are : — Girbapatya, Dakihina, and Ahavaniya.
112 saHqambsvaba mahatmya and linqa worship.
(14) Ifsaing from the ■ammit of the tangled hair of the Sapte^ Gaiag&, taking
the northerly direction, flowed on to the lower ground. (15) From the eastern
part arose the Gaatama-T(rtha. On the western part also [appeared] the
ifdr Kole^rari. (16) Sangamo^vara stood at the jonction of YaninA and Ala-
kanandi. [He also saw] other holy places like the Dhntapftpa [or remoter of
sin]. (17) On the north N&gan4tha, and 6ira under the name of Nibandhe6a,
then on the east Kedira, facing the soath. (18) In the middle of the river,
the sacred hot spring gfiring comfort to all beings ; thence on the western sidoi
also Tilabh4nde6yara. (19) In that Sangame6vara [there] was the well-known
celebrated Pirvati; so [was] the superior god Gane6a, the giver of the eight pre-
ternatural faculties, intelligence, and desires. (80) From thence, ont he western
aide, there wa? Gomukhefivaraka, then Svarnavati (3anga, where there were three
great goddesses Durgi. (21) Thus, the king Karna saw a holy place in hia
dream. Then the king awoke and comprehended at the same moment the
meaning of everything. (22) He then resolved on making it his happy capital,
and in the morning invited an astrologer of the 8&ndilya family, who was an
inhabitant of 6ri Sangame^vara Kshetra, who was an austere and pious man,
▼ersed in the science of astronomy, and named Kiisifiha. (28 and 24) Having
duly honoured him with fruits and jewels, the King joyously asked him the
propitious time. When the propitious time with propitious conjunction of stars
and the support of the planets was mentioned by the astrologer, King Karna,
having duly worshipped Kurma, ^esha, Var&ha, &c., established his oi^tal
there. (25, 28) N4gapura was founded by N&ga, and Singhana by Singha.
Then, abandoning Karavfra, they lived here many years. (27) Karna made
Sangameevara altogether like that Kshetra (%.0. Karavfra) ; and founded the
principal lihga after his own name. (28) Having spent a crore of gold pieces,
that great-minded king built 860 temples there. (29) I will briefly mention
the names of some of them. On the east, Bramhe^, graced by five (surround-
ing) gods; (80) the great god Karnefta, surrounded by ten other gods, and
who is celebrated in Sangamakshetra, and is the g^ver of the means of sub-
sistenoe and salvation. (81) On the river-side, GKrije^ (or the lord of Girija),
and thereafter Kumbhosvara ; the gn^eat goddess Ekaviri accompanied by 64
gands, (82) Bavane^ near the Ganga, who is Sankara himself. It was a Ukga
founded by B4vana, which Karana repaired. (33) There also was Vftrana-
Tuiha, the destroyer of all sin, by bathing in and drinking of which,
a mortal attains salvation. (84) Then there was Bhandapur4neia» sur-
rounded by five Ndr^yanis ; also Mah&kaleftvara and Kopan^tha. (85) In the
middle of the city, Nagarefta, giver of the means of subsistence and salva-
tion, by seeing whom only, a mortal can become sinless. (86) Then the god
Someivara, the seat of the god of the universe; then the great god
Amriteia, and next Pantijeia. (87) Then Khadgesvars, and Nandikdb,
surrounded by water. There was K41abahirao for the protection of the Kshetra.
(88) Fsdng the south, he was served by Siddhas and Gandharvas. By looking
at him, living in the Kshetra becomes safe. (89) He who diligently worships him
with the baiHcui (ficusindica), fig {ficus glomeraia,), and other trees, would obtain
his desires. (40) He who bathes in and drinks of the tirtha near Bhairava-
tJLlTOAHESVARA. MAHATMYA ANB LINOA W0B8HIP. 113
Bmnheirara attains Bramhaloka. (41) On its west is the great renowned
tirtha Dny&nav&pi, by the drink of which men on earth become acquainted
with the Bramha, (42) Then the goddess Yindhyddriv&sini, next Bram>
hakshetra, where formerly austere penance was performed by the seven
9ishi8. (43) Then the fourteen steps together with Vishnu, where the
manes desirous of salvation always dwell.. (44) By offering funeral balls there,
one should reap the fruit of performing the sraddha at Gay&. Then, the
Vaitarani-tirtha, giver of strength to the virtue of a chaste woman ; (45) by
bathing in it and drinking of it one does not see the region of Tama [or Pluto].
There, also, by giving cows, one attains heaven. (46) Thence to the north is
flitaated the perpetual banian-tree known as Akshayya Vata (imper%thoble)t
(Jieus indica), under which giving funeral oblations to the manes leads them to
beatitude. (47) Thus a great holy place of this description was founded by
King Karua; then he built a pleasant city named Sangama, (48) and placed on
tke eastern side Bharavas endued with bliss, Wastoshpatis (i. e. guardians),
Kirtimukhas, a class of demons. (49) The Bharava at the door was the King's
givar of g^fts. The extent of this ho2y place was undoubtedly five koia. (50)
By bathing and heaping gifts there, the manes of ancestors attain heavenly
bliss. By worshipping Somes vara always, a sonless man obtains a son. (51)
He who worships Saptesa does not become subject to disease. By the worship
of Vaijanitha a man shall always become successful. (52) On the south-east
is a burning-ground leading to heaven for the deliverance of the mane^ of ances>
tors. On the west from Satraganandtha is the Svarnavdhini. (53) On the north
[is] the village Tur\'ari, so on the south [is] Saptesa. This holy place of five
kosa in exteut is the giver of the means of subsistence and salvatiun. (54) Around
this are eight well-known habitations of the Stikti (goddesses), and eight tirthas
in the eight quarters of this holy place. (55) In the east [is] the Kamalajd tirtha,
always presided over byKamali. By bathing and giving tkiihAtt Crtha, a man
becomes wealthy. (50) There also is the Goshpada-/irf/ia, tlio destroyer of all
sickness ; even now a beautiful lihga is visible in the Goshpatla-tirtha. (57)
In the south-east is the Gautama-ttrtha, founded by Gautama, by bathing and
giving at which a man is delivered from all sins, (58) In the south lies the
Agastya-tirthfif inhnbitod by multitudes of Rishis, where, by bathing and drink-
ing, [sins such as] tlio killing of a Brdhmana, &c. are destroyed. (59) In the
south-west is tho Ebivir.ikhya- tirtha, with a class of heavenly beings called
Siddhas. By drinking of it, injury from infernal beings immediately ceases.
(60) In tho west, there where the rivers Varuna and Svarna unite, is the tirtha
V4runa, visited by Siddhas and Gandharvas, crowded by various classes of
Rishis, and adorned by various trees. By bathing and drinking there no danger
from water arises. (61, 02) In the north-west is the Ganan6tha, ever fond of
drinking milk. No doubt, by worshipping him even an idiot shall become a Pan-
dit. (63) There is a very pure and sacred tirtha named Ganesa, by the drinking
of which the dumbness of men vanishes. (64) In the north is the great superior
tirtha Mallarika, where dwells the venerable 6iva, the destroyer of Malla, and
the giver of all desired objects. (65) By bathing there, a person is liberated
from all diseases. That mortal who on a Sunday would with devotion worship
\b r a s
114 SANaAMliVAKA MAHATMTA AND LINOA W0B8BIP.
MaUAxi in company of P&nr»ti with powdered tormerio, fruit, flowen and meal
fli^il meet with all racoess diffioDlt eren for the godM to obtain. (66, 67) In the
north-east is the great goddess Mahishasoramardini (destroyer of Mahishasnra).
By worshipping her feet danger Anom an enemy immediately disappears. (68)
There also is the very pure and holy tirtha Ganri. By hathing in and drink-
ing its waters men shall gain health quickly. (69) At these eight holy
places, offering funeral cakes and oblations, bathing, giiing, meditating,
and sacrificing, all shall become everlasting. (70) That king had a great
fortress in the east occupied by several warriors and possessed of various richea.
(71) The King granted nine villages to the Karneii for maintenance [of the
establishment] of Dharmapur for charitable purposes ; Gunavalliki for betelnnto,
Devanimichaka village for refineshment, Sivani for ghee, Lavala for meala,
Fhanas for fruits, Dhamani for a charitable ferry, Kadamba and Aptravallika
for the god's servants. (72, 74) He granted the whole Katuki village to
Someia, and the village Turiya to Kedira and Some^ jointly. (75) The
powerful King Karna founded B4makshetra in the year 100 of the 6&liv4hana
era. (76) In his kingdom there is no poverty, no separation of friends, no
•onless person, none diseased, none foolish. (77) In this Kshetra the Br^«
manas are versed in all kinds of knowledge, possessed of all qualities, skilled
in the 64 arts, and rich in penance. (78) In this Kshetra that wicked
mortal who lives disrespectfully, even losing his merit, becomes poor in.
■tantly. (79) In this Kshetra, inhabited by gods and Brihmanas, he who
enjoys the company of the good cannot but reach the presence of diva.
(80) He who built the temple of Mahilakshmf at Karav{ra (Kolhipiir), the
same built the temple of Karne^ here. (81) When the temple was completed,
the noble-minded king paid ten thousand pieces of gold to the master-builder.
(82) At the palace of that king there also lives a master-poet of the name of
6esha, who composed this for the delight of that gentle and abetemions king.
(88) Bome^ and other Uhg<u seen in the dream by the king were all formerly
established by B&ghava. (84) The greatness of these lingas is also described
at length in the Sahyddri Khanda by the venerable Yy&sa. (86) The ilohu
therein are the foUowing :— As the delightful Ki&, Pray&ga, Pushkara, Prabhisa,
Kaimisha Kshetra, Chakra-Pushkarini are celebrated, so is this great city
named Sangama. There are ten holy places established by B&ma. Among the
ten, six are superior ; the names of which hear from me : — Qokarna, 8apt»-
kote^ Kunakefta, SaQgama, Harihara, and Tryambakeia. There are six holy
places .-—Kuddale^ (KudalP), Dh6tapipa, Dilabho^ (Dabhol), Vardhana
(Shrivardhana P), and the great god B&meftvara. These are the five holy places.
Even Bhargava B4ma, by his devotion, founded the Uhifos at SaQgameftvaia in
the vicinity of diva. (86-89) These are the ilokat in the aahyddri Khaw4a,
The preceding ilokae are the principal ones describing Sangameivara com-
posed by dosha, and forming part of a work named Karnaeiidhdnidhu
115
Art- m. — Memoir on the History of the Tooth-relic of Ceylon.
By J. Gebson ba Cunha^ Esq., M.B.C.S. and L.M. Eiig.»
L.B.C.P. Edin., Ac.
Bead 18th Haroh 1875.
Ths field hitherto explored of Sikyamuni's philosophy being already
■o wide, and the domain of Buddhistic literature so extensive, it
appears surprising that so interesting a subject as the Tooth-relic of
Gautama Buddha, with its romantic wanderings and adventures, should
■o seldom be alluded to. It is only the ancient vanktu or classical
chronicles of Ceylon and of the kingdoms of the Malay Peninsula, and
books chiefly descriptive or historical of those countries, that contain
8ome meagre accoimts of the tooth-relic, so thinly scattered among a
large mass of other topics that not unfrequently they are entirely over-
looked.
There is no lack of arguments, however, to justify this neglect, the
principal being the absolute want until lately of trustworthy and
complete translations of the ancient Buddhist annals into modem
languages, especially the two most familiar in Europe — the French
and the English* — and the spirit of the marvellous, so characteristic
of the infancy of civilization, predominating amongst them, and pro-
ducing an admixture of the fantastic with the real, so fatal to the
rigidness and severity of historical truth, and totally repugnant to the
stoical lover of dates and facts.
It is well known that while tradition and documentary evidence are
by one party pressed forward in support of the statement that the so-
called Dalada or tooth-rehc of Buddha was captured and destroyed by
the Portuguese in the sixteenth century a.d., it is contended by the
other that it is still preserved in the Malig&va temple at Kandy, as
fresh as when it was first rescued by Khema firom the great teadier's
funeral pyre in Kusinagara,t about twenty-five centuries ago.
• M Qq£ y^Q^ arriver ^ un grand poblic doit anjourd'hiii toire en an§^aii oa
enfran^ais." — ^Edouaid Laboolaye, i>w. Prelim, VassilierB Bouddimu^ Pans,
1886^. xvi.
f Sji^inagaia, the acene of Buddha's nirtdna^ has been identified with KAiiA,
about 110 miles 1) J^. of Benares. It is believed that the very spot marked
in ancient times by a reclining figure, representing Buddha in the attitude in
whioh he died, may now be recognized in the site or the HOipa or heap of ruins
ths name of which is translated as " the foot of the dead prince/' while ths
116 MEMOIR ON TH£ HISTORY OF
Both statements, so diametrically opposed, cannot of course be
correct.
Partly from a desire to collect all the available information that may
serve to throw light on the subject, especially from the Portuguese
annalists of the period and their European contemporaries, and partly
from the interest and curiosity I, with several others, feel in all that
concerns the venerable Hindu sage, this attempt at one connected and
continuous narrative has been made.
The earliest authentic records of this tooth-relic of Buddha are — First,
the Daladdvausa or Dhdtddhdtuvahsa, contracted into Dhdtuvaitsa or
Chronicle of the Tooth, of unknown authorship, written formerly in
£lu, the ancient language of the Sihalcse, about the year 310 a. d., and
translated into Pali by the priest Dhammakitti Thera in the thirteenth
century a.d.* Secondly, the Mahdvah^a, a metrical chronicle, which
literally means 'the Genealogy of the Great,* containing the early history
of the kings Mahavamcy or the Great Dynasty, of Ceylon. The first
section of this Odyssey of the Sinhalese, extending from 543 B.C. to
301 A.D., was compiled in the reign of his nephew, the king Datusena,
between the years 459 and 4/7 a.d., by the priest Mahiinamo, and is
based both on the Dyjavahsd — a work of greater antiquity but yet of
unknown authorship, which unfortunately ends just before the events
recorded in the Bhdtuvahsa took place — and on annals in the vernacular
language then existing at Anuradhapura, the ancient capital of Ceyloa.
The second section was written in the reign of the SaluvahsCy or the
Inferior Dynasty, the story of whose line occupies the continuation of
this mystic chronicle. It was the king Pandita Farakrama Bahu
III. who caused it, under orders of another illustrious king of the same
name, to be extended as far as the year 1266 a.d. ; and thence the
narrative has been carried on, under subsequent sovereigns, down to the
year 1758 a.d., the latest chapters being compiled by command of
Kriti Sri, the king of Kandy, partly from Sinhalese works brought
back from Siam, and partly from native historical accounts preserved
from the general destruction decreed about the year 1590 a.d. by the
apostate from Buddhism, Raja Sinha I. It is the second section that
alludes to the history of the tooth.* Thirdly, the Rdjavali, a work of
*
spot where his body was burned would correspond with the site of the ffreai atdpa
oalled Deviathdn. — Ounningham's Ancient Geographic of India, pp. 431, 489 i
Alabaster's Wheel of the law, p. 166.
^ * According to Mr. D'Alwis the Dathavahsa appeared in 13 S6 a-d., but h»
gives no authority for this statement : Introduction to Sidat San^arAwa, p. olxxv.
THE TOOTH* RELIC OF CSTLON. 117
differeDt hands, compiled from local annals and used generally as a corol-
Iftry or addition to the Mahdvahsa,* as ^ell as to the Rdjaratndkari, —
the latter also a valuable historical work, deservedly held in high
estimation by the Buddhists as a record of events from 540 b.c. to the
■ettlement of the Portuguese in the metropolis of their religion in
India. The Udjavali continues the narration through the mighty
straggle for political ascendancy between the Portuguese and their rivals
the Dutch, which resulted in the latter gaining possession of Colombo,
and ultimately of all the maritime districts of the island«f Fourthly,
the Phrd Pdthomy a Siamese version of a Pali work partially translated
by Colonel Low.|
The Dhdluvahsa, which, as chronicling the events connected with
Ae tooth, is naturally regarded as the great authority on the subject, is
said to have been written, as already mentioned, about 310 a.d., when
the relic was first brought to Ceylon from Dantnpura (Odontopolis) in
Kaliiiga, in Southern India. § The original work in Elu is said to
have experienced the fate that befell all the Sinhalese chronicles and
commentaries during the reign of Parakrama the Great's widow,
Lilavat!, who reigned as queen at Pollanarua three times, and was
dethroned as often— in 111)7-1200, 1209-10, and again in 1211-12
A.D. — that of being entirely rewritten in Pali, which unfortunately
csused almost all the Elu works to disappear ; although Tumour, well
known as the Colebrooke of the Sinhalese savants, notes that it was
still extant in Ceylon in 1837. || As regards the antiquity of the
* It is also said that ample allusion is made to the tooth-relic in several
diapten of the untranslated portions of the Mah'ivah'sa.
t (Jpham's ColUcUon of Tracts, &c.. Lend. 18:{3. Bumoufs articles in the
Jmimmldet SavnnU, 1^3:5 (Sept.), It^di (Jun and Apr.).
X Jour. R, A8. Soc. Benp.f rnl. 1848, vol. xvii., pt. ii., p. 82.
§ The town of l)an(lagula, the Dnntapura of the Buddhi*»t chronicles, is now
B/jamihendri, which is about 80 miles to the north-east of Korinuu : see Colonel
Cunningham's Ancient Geography of luditiy pp. 618-19. Another Dnntupura
is said to have been situated on the northern bank of the Kpslina, and to corre-
spond with the modern Amaravnt!, one of the ancient Tri-Kulihgas.
H Jour. Ab. Soc. litg.,Cii\. Ib-'^T, vol. i., pp. 85H et seq. Turnour also sup-
poMt the tooth-relic of Ceylon to l)e allud«'d to in the < peniug passage of the
JtriM Ldt Inscription, but this has been questioned by later wiitcrs.
The inscription, facing we&t, is as follows : — ** ITio Rdja P£i^^u, who was
the delight of the Dcras, has thus said : ' This inscription on Dhammo is record-
ed by me in the twenty-seventh year of my inauguration* My public fnnc-
tkmaxies intermingle among many hundred thousands of living creatures, as
well as hmnan beings. If any one of them should inflict injuries on the most
•lien of these beings, what advantage would there be in this my edict f [On the
other hand,] should the?e functionaries follow a line of conduct tending to allay
•larai, they would confer prosperity and happiness on the people, as well as on
tlie oonntiy ; and by such a benevolent procedure they will acquire a know.
118 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OP
I, to prove that it was reallj composed 310 a.d., or, at the
latest, some time before the end of the fifth century of oar era, an
argument founded on this work being alluded to in the 37th chapter of
the Mahdvania — which, as above stated, was compiled between 459 and
477 A.D. — has been put forth. In the Mahdvansa the chronicle is
referred to thus : — " In the ninth year of his reign ^rimeghavana (or
Meghavarna, possibly the Var&ja of the Western Cave Inscriptions — see
Jour, Bom, Br, R. As, Soc, vol. v., p. 42), a certain Br^mana princess
brought the Bhdtddhdtu or tooth-relic of Buddha hither from Kalinga,
under the circumstances set forth in the DhdtddhdiuvanSa." Now
the Mahdvahsa, notwithstanding its accepted authenticity and chrono-
logical precision, was not completed, as before mentioned, between
459 and 477 a.d. It contains a hundred chapters in all, dirided into
sections, and only its first section, compiled within that interval, ex-
tends to 301 A.D. or the end of Mah^sena's reign, while the Dhdtuvania
is said to have been written when the relic was removed to Ceylon,
in the ninth year of the reign of his successor, i.e. 310 a.d.
Difficult as it is, then, to assign a fixed date to its composition,
concurrent circumstances, too tedious to enumerate here, have led
ledg^ of the condition both of the proeperoua and of the wretched, and will at
the lame time prove to the people and the country that they have not departed
from Dhammo, Why ihonld they inflict an injury either on a countiyman of
their own or an alien P Shoidd my functionaries act tyrannically, my people,
loudly lamenting, will be appealing to me, and will appear alao to hare become
alienated [from the effects of orders exiforced] by ro3raI authority. Those
ministers ox mine who proceed on circuits, so far from inflicting oppressionfly
should cherish the people as the infiuit in arms is cherished by the wet-nurse ;
and those experienced circuit ministers, moreover, like unto the wet-nurse,
should watch over the welfare of my child (the people). By such a proeednte
my ministers would ensure perfect happiness to my realm.
" ' By such a course, these (the people) released from all disquietiide, and
most fully conscious of their security, would devoto themselves to their avooa*
tions. By the same procedure, on its being proclaimed that the grievous power
of my ministers to inmct tortures is abolished, it would prove a worthy subject
of joy, and be the estabUshed compact (law of the land). Let the criminal
judges or executioners of sentences [in the instances] of persons committed to
prison, or who are sentenced to under^ specific punishments, without my
special sanction, continue their judicial mvestigations for three days, till my
decision be given. Let them also, as regards the welfiire of living creatures,
attend to what affects their conservation, as well as their destruction ; let them
establish offerings ; let them set aside animosity.
" * Hence those who observe sjod who act up to our precepts would abstaiA
from afflicting another. To the people also many blessings will result by
living in DAoMMM. The merit resmting from the charibr would spontaneously
manifest itself. ' " — ^Tumour on the Inscriptions on the Columns at Delhi, Ac
I quoto these lines from the edition of the DhdUtvania by Sir Bwimi, who, in
respect to the inscription, says : " The spirit of universal charity and philanthropy
which animat.es this draft is not unworthy of the consideration of the present
enlightened rulers oi the grsat Indian etafknJ'^jHtrod*
X
THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON. 119
•cholan, like Tumour and others, to think that at least the first por-
tion of it was written some time hefore the end of the 5th century
of the Christian era, and that two sections were subsequently added
to ity bringing the history of the dalada down to the middle of the
eighteenth century.
Dhammakitti Thera, the author of the Pali work— who among his
other titles to eminence takes to himself that of a royal preceptor, and
flourished in the thirteenth century of our era — has written a preface to
his book,* in which he lays down the following reasons for under-
taking the task of translating the Daladdvahsa from Elu : — (1) That the
Mahdvansa, merely referring to the Baladdvahsa, says scarcely any-
thing about the relic ; (2) that the Daladdvahsa is too long, being full
of details about the death of Buddha and the history of the relic imme-
diately after that event ; and (3) that the Elu language, in wliich the
Daladdvahsa is written, is hard for the Sinhalese to understand. In the
poem itself (ch. v., v. 10, of Sir Sw^i*s edition), he adds a fourth, yiz.
** for the benefit of those who live in other lands." From this it is appa-
rent that Thera not only translated, but even abridged, the original. It
terminates just at the period of the arrival of the relic at Anuradhapura,
in Ceylon.f Of the translation Tumour was the first to give a brief
analysis, in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society in 1837, and it
was only last year that a translation into English was published in
London by Sir Swami. It is an excellent translation, so far as I am
able to judge, but I cannot help concurring with Mr. Rhys Davids,
who in a review of the work writes : — " It is to be regretted that the
interesting history of the tooth has not been more thoroughly discussed
in the Introduction." (The Academy ^ Sept. 1874, p. 341.)
Besides these there are other accounts of the relic, of secondary
importance, but all bearing testimony to the devotional feeling, heroic
achievements, magnificent designs, and bitter disappointments of
which it has been the witness. There has probably never been a relic
which has given rise to so much controversy, or created so much duB-
* Hub preface is not given in Sir SwAmi's translation. See Th4 Academy^
Sept. 1874. Nor have the two sections bringing the history of the dalada down
to the middle of the eighteenth century been given.
f The e^c poem of Uie DhMynahsay in the form in which it is translated by
Bfaammakitti Thera, is said to be considered by Sinhalese scholars as the best
specimen of the medisoval PAli literature, and the original in Elu as " a very cla-
bontA work, which ranks among the classics of the Sinhalese." Some people,
however, look upon it as but a poor imitation of KAlidAsa's RftghuwiMa^ possessing
the same artificial style of composition in high-flown and ornate language, but not
the rich imagination of the Sanskrit poet. See Athenaum , Feb. SO, 1875, p. S58.
120 MEMOIK ON THE HISTORY OF
cord, between two such great religious bodies as the Br&hmans and the
Buddhists, as the tooth of Buddha, exerting its influence on iDdiau
society from that reformer's death to the present time. Its adventures^
trials and triumphs afford the best indications of the tenets of its per-
secutors, and the firm belief and superstitious tenacity of its votaries.
The history of the left upper canine-tooth, or, as vulgarly called^
the left eye-tooth, may be divided into two periods, viz. the first from
the death of Buddha to its removal to Ceylon, and the other from
that time to the present.*
The tooth is said to have been saved from the flames by one of
his disciples named Khema, while the funeral obsequies of Buddha
were being celebrated at Kusinagara in the magnificent funeral pile
in the forest of siil trees, near the spot where he expired in b.c*
r)43, and wliilst the princes of the surrounding countries were quar*
rolling for the possession of the relics.f W'^hen in his possession he
was commissioned to take it to Dantapura or the Tooth-city, the
capital of Kaliiiga, and deliver it over to the king Brahmadatta, who^
along with his son and grandson Kari and Sunauda, greatly honoured
this relic of the divine sage by ofibrings and festivals. In Dantapura
it remained thus honoured for about eight hundred years, in spite
of the Brahmanical protests against " a piece of human bone " being
set up as an object of worship. At the expiration of this long period
• In 111'? /m'^'"».V' ih> first four can tog nro takon up with tho history of
ili«^ r- li:; 1» r)!"' it-; .ii-iiv il in u'l yl'»n, nnd tho filth and List with iU history
in r.'vlna until tli- clo^' ot tli«» rriL^n of Vi'irji-ivjinM. Soo also Forh<'.s'8 Danpiatra
Ihif.if/t. Ct-! >,i A'lii in H-y l>;i."», aiul Ritt«'r's EnUcuHffCf vol. ix , p. 201.
+ Vv. H'ly-, l>.i\ils st iti's Ihut it would Im intorostinvf to know whether
thoro is any ui'Tition of tlii.s in ihe M/tlt' pfiriinhbaiin-Snf to, tho tv\t of which,
with a tran.'^Lition, is biiu«,^ i)ubiislicd by 31 r. Childorn, while an ancient KIu work
nani(>d Th''pavfi'i\'^n^ a hi -tury «>f tho ]uincii)al dhjoh'is in India and C«ylon, mid
rpckonod])y th«» Huii«lhi«itsaTnonj2^ tlioirsacn-d w.'iipturos, although not belonging
to tho 'Tliroo l^aski^ts,' di'sciibinp: minuttly thodrathof Buddha, passes over tLu
fiU't quito in sil"ii(.<'. {The Artifhinij^ lor, cit.) The former refcra to tho times
followint? tho attainment of Pnrinirv'inn. or stato of extinction, by Gantama
Buddha, and throws some liprbt, fnipfmentarj' thoup:h it be as a record, on
tho ancient hi-ti^rv of India, nnrl <m the 8trujru:lea between Brahmaniflxu and
Buldliisin f >rsnpi'ctnacy iu Kalilij:a iu tho South and T/ltnil in the North ; the
latt'-r — a history T)artly of miracles, and partly of the superstitious ideas of a
worship which, iIjoukIi loathsome, as Sir Swfimi justly observes, to the Hindu
mind, and repugnant to the genius of Gautama himself — remaina the Bole
symbol and subsianco of faith amongst the people, to whom the higher
teachings of Buddhism are unknown, and this worship is kept up with a
considerable degree of state and splendour out of tho revenues derived from
extensive lands and states with which their temples had been endowed in
<ildpn times by the Sinhalese sovereigns and othenu It is rather interesting
TBE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON. 121
y^t are told that Guhasinha, a king of Dantapura, apparently ignorant of
the very existence of the tooth, notwithstanding his capital beingnamed
after it, seeing one day a great festival going on in the city, inquired the
cause of it, and was informed by a Buddhist priest that the people were
worshipping the relic of Buddha which Khemn, some eight centuries
before, had brought over there. Thereupon Guhasinha, recalled from
apathy and infidelity by the remonstrances of his minister — who re-
presented to him the unanimous belief of the people in the power of
the relic — renounced heresy, and, with all the zeal and intolerance of a
neophyte, persecuted and expelled from his kingdom all the Hindu
devot^ps, called in the Dhdtuvaksa * Niganthaa, a sect of i^aivites else-
where called Achailakas (Ajivakas or naked ascetics), who had hitherto
enjoyed his favour. This took place early in the fourth century of
our era.
To revenge themselves for this outrage, the Xiganthas repaired to the
kingdom of Pataliputra, modem Patna, and prevailed upon its sovereign
— whose name is given as Paudu, and who is probably the Gautamaputra
of the Satkarni dynasty, also called the Emperor of all India — to
commission a subordinate raja named Chaitayana to start at the head
xii a laige army for the Kalinga country and bring his tributary king
Guhasinha from Kaliiiga, and the tooth, to him. This ultimatum was
conceived more or less in these terms : — Whereas he (Pandu) worshipped
the true gods Brahma, Vishnu, and Mahesa, his subject Guhasinha in
Dantapura worshipped day and night a piece of bone of a dead body ;
therefore Guhasinha must repair to his court, bringing the reUc with
him. Chaitayana accordingly proceeded with a great army to Danta-
pura, where he was most amicably received by Guhasinha, who enter-
tained him as an honoured guest, and related the history of the relic
in justification of his conversion to Buddhism. The narrative made
■och an impression on Chaitayana and his oilicers that they requested
an inspection of the wonderful relic, which being willingly complied
with, Guhasinha opened the casket, exposed the relic, and implored a
recurrence of the miracles it had already wrought, which were once
more repeated, and ended in the conversion both of Chaitayana and his
anny to Buddhism.
to lemm that the SmhalesO) besides tho * History of tho Tuoth/ are also in
pOMCSsion of tho KesadhMuvahM, the* Iliston' of Buddhii's Hair,' mentioned
m the 39th chapter of the J/a/mra»ia, a transliition of which has been lately
published in the Journal of the Rnt/al Asiatic Societf/. They h;ivu ^ot abso the
Xoldiarania, or the * History of the Frontil Booc relic of Buddha,' whos^o
date and author arc yet unknown. iSee Jour, U, As. Soc, vol. vii., 1871.
Id r a 8
122 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OF
As the order of the Emperor of all Jambudv ipa could not be dii*
obeyed, Guhasifiha, accompanied by Chait&yana, departed to the coort
of the suzerain at P&taliputra, bearing with him in a splendid procestiaii
the precious relic, amidst the tears and lamentations of his people*
and crossing rivers and mountains they in one time reached P&talipn-
tra. Then commenced what Buddhists term the trials of the dalada.
P()idu, exasperated with rage at what he regarded the perversion of
his army, commanded the tooth to be cast into a large pit prepared
in the courtyard of his palace and filled with glowing charcoal, that
it might be annihilated : " Throw now into a burning heap of char-
coal," said the emperor, '' the bone worshipped by this man, nbo has
abandoned the gods worthy of adoration, and bum it without delay :"
Dhdtuvaiua, ch. iii., v. 10. The order was obeyed, but by the
mystical power of the relic a lotus-flower of the size of a chariot-whed
arose above the flames, and the sacred tooth, emitting rays which
ascended through the skies and illumined the universe, alighted on
the top. This is supposed by a writer to explain the esoteric meaning
of the Buddhist formula Om manepadme korem^ 'The jewel is in the
lotos.'* Pandu then subjected it to several other trials and indigo
nities to destroy or dishonour it, such as throwing it into a deep and
filthy ditch, which speedily became a clear pond covered with five kinds
of lotus-flowers, on one of which the relic was seen reposing; buy-
ing it in the earth to be trodden down by elephants' feet, but,
" spuming a subterraneous retreat and bonds of clay," it reap-
peared in the centre of another golden lotus-flower: thus coming out of all
of these trials quite unscathed. He at last directed that the tooth should
be placed on an anvil and smashed with a ponderous sledge-hammer»
but the tooth penetrated and became imbedded in the anvil, where it
remained safe and immoveable. The irate king^ finding all efforts to
extract it unavailing, then proclaimed that whoever would remove the
tooth should receive a great reward. Whereupon, several persons
having made attempts to extract it but in vain, a pious Buddhist, by
name Subhadrft, at last, after expounding the doctrines, and history of
Buddha, evoked the relic, which immediately disengaged itself from
the iron and floated in the water placed in a golden bowl which
SnbhadrA held. The emperor, however, at the instigation of
* « At that momont the tooth.relio of Bnddba, ascending to the skies, aad
iUumining all directions like the planet Venus, pleased the people, their doubts
being removed."— D^d^uvania, ver. 54. Abo see Aikiiie Jtwmal and JfonlAly
JUeord, Lond. 1888, p. 90.
THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON. 123
the Br&hmans, who were persistent in saying that the hone
muat then he of one of the aval An of their own deities,* to prevent
a further succession of miracles hardened his heart and remained for
■ome time a sceptic» uutil at the entreaty of his officers he renounced
hia incrednhty, which also helped to confirm the wavering and convert
the unbelieving, and took refuge in the three treaeurei Buddha,
Dhamma, and Sangha, and built a magnificent temple for the tooth-
idic^ which at the close of his reign was reconveyed to Dantapura-f
While all this was going on, a northern king — ^we are not told whence
he eame^ — attacked the capital in order to possess himself of the
wonder-working rehc, but sustained a complete defeat beneath the walls of
the city and was killed. Guhasmha returned home in triumph, but new
dingers awaited him here, and fresh enemies attacked the city. He was
ihortly after besieged in his capital by the nephews of Kheradhara,
who had allied themselves with other chieftains. Thus having pitched
their camp near the city, they sent this message, disagreeable to the
our : — ** Either give us the tooth-relic of Sugata, or instantly play the
wmr-play which confers renown and prosperity :" p. 62, VhdiuvanSa,
Apprehensive of the power by which he was being assailed, and seeing
that resistance would be hopeless, Guhasinha before going to the combat
gave the tooth, which was the object of the besieger, in charge to
Dantakumara, his son-in-law, a prince of Avanti (Oujein), and a
aealooa Buddhist, and to his daughter Hemamal^ called also Banavali
(HemamAlA means literally ' a chain of gold *), enjoining them to escape
hj lea and convey it to the king Mahiscna of Ceylon, who had been
fcr lonie time negotiating for its purchase ; then leading his troops out
againat his opponents he fell in the battle. His daughter, with her
hnaband* in the meanwhile, disguised as Brahmans, secretly conveyed
the relic from Kalinga, buried it in the sand, as the image of Jagan.
nAtha ia said to have been in the Brahmanical accounts, then concealed
it in her hair, and contriving to reach the shore took a ship from the
a « O King, there were in the world various incarnations of Jan&rdhana,
ndi as BAma and the like ; this bone is a part of him. If not, whence such
ia^^Bf"M as this F " — J)hdtuvania, ch, iii., v. 10.
t The king Pfin^u, penitent for the indignities offered to the tooth,
ffwaolftd hims^ witk the confession that he had subjected it to trials with the
^•H^V^ purpose to procure triumph to true religion. ** Qems," said he, '* are of
acknowledged perfection after they have passed through the fire ; and gold be-
CHMt man viluable dftcr its puri^ has been subjected to proof."— DAd^wronia,
ke^eiL
t Forbw says, king of Saewat-nuwera.— £7«fn Yfars in Ceyhn, vol. l»
^»6.
124 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OF
coast at T^mralipi or Tamluk, a port supposed to be situated on one
of the mouths of the Ganges. The fugitives arrived at Ceylon in safety,
after undergoing great hardships, and overcoming an immense number
of obstacles.* This took place in the ninth year of the reign of
Kriti Srimeghavarna, who reigned from 302 to 330 ad., or, more
precisely, about the year 310 a. o. The monarch, taking charge of it
himself and rendering it in the most reverential manner the highest
honours, depusited it in a casket of great purity made of sphatika stone^
lodged it in the edifice called Dhammachaka, built by DavananpiateTt
in Anuradhapura, the ancient capital of the island, and spent an immense
sum to celebrate a Dhatadhatu festival, and ordained that a similar
festival should be annually celebrated. The relic was then successfully
transferred in procession to several shrines in Ceylon, till at last it was
deposited, about the year 12G8, iu the Maligava temple of Kandy, then
called Srivardhanapura, amongst the mountains of Maya, and the seat
of the last native dynasty of Ceylon. It was visited by the Chinese
pilgrim Fa-Hian circa 413 a.d., who recounts the gorgeous ceremonies
with which it was carried in procession to the mountains without, &c«
(Fa-Hian's Foelloue Si, ch. xxxviii., pp. 334 et seq.)
* It would be cxcecdiDgly tirosome to cnumcrato these obstacles ; one or
two circumstancofl, however, are worth mentioning in detail. Hallway be*
tween the i)lace of embarkation and Gcylon they are fihipwrecked at a place
called the Diamond Sands, wliich Mr. FerguHson supposes to be the banks of
the river Krislina. The relic is stolon from tho iirincesa, while she is asleep,
by the Nfiga Buja, whoso brother swallows oth(»r relics, (there were two droruu
of relics of Buddha, besides, concealed in the kingdom of N/lga RAja), and flies
to the Mem. By the power and inteiTenti(m of a There or saint from the Hima-
laya, the relic is rootorod and carried to Ceylon. The other relics are put into
a golden cup ; this is placed in a vase, and the whole put into a golden ship. A
wooden ship is next built, having the breadth of a *' beam of seven long cubitB,"*
and on board this vessel Hemamiilfi and Dantakumfira embark for their conntrj,
A chaitya is built for the relics on the Diamond Sands, which is believed to
correspond with the AmrAvatt Topes, supposed to have been built between 82S
and 880 a.d., one of the sculptures of which represents in l)as-relief a ship with
two persons on board, and .^ceues of conference l)ct ween a Nftgaking and a prince
accompanied by a lady ; and the whole pro:<ents so many points of coincidence
that the story about these adventures does not appear to be apocryphal or acci-
dental. From other sources it is apparent that a canine t(K)th of Buddha mB
deposited for some time in tlie Kanheri Caves in Salsette, where a copper plate
supposed to be dated 324 a.d. and recording tho event was discovered, and Arom
the narrative it is extremely probable that the Kanhen tooth is identioel
with the one which perfoiTned so many miracles in F&taliputra. Also Aww^i g
the Bharaliut antiquities and the paintings of Ajant£ we meet with scenes
of gorgeous processions carrying relics, with figures of elephants and stags,
which appear to have some affinity with the processional ceremonies connected
with the tooth of Buddha. For details see Jour. R. As, 8oc., Lend. 1868,
vol. iii., p. 132; Jour. Bomb. Br. R. As. Soc, voh v., pp. 10-12; the Indian
THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON. 125
The king Dhatusena, who reigned 459 to 477 a.d., made a jewelled
casket for it.
Parakrama Bahu the Great, between the years 1190 and 1195 a.d.,
built for it a beautiful little temple at Palastipura, still extant, the ex-
qaiaite workmanship of which, according to Mr. Rhys Davids, has
aitonisbed all who have seen it.
About the year 1240 a. d. Yijayabahu enshrined it at DambadeneyA,
whence Bhuvanekabahu I. took it to Yapahu, which in the opinion
of R<^rs is the same Yapahu the ruins of which capital may still be
seen in the Seven Korles, and is also the Yapana of Ribeiro.
Between the years 1303 and 1314 a.d , in the reign of Bhuvaneka-
lilhu, or about ten centuries since its reaching Ceylon under the com-
mand of a man whose name is given as Ayiyachchakkaryati, Kulise-
kera, the king of Pandi, sent an army to invade Ceylon, and got posses-
lion of the tooth and carried it from Yapahu in the Seven Korles, which
was then the capital of the island, to their country in South India,
supposed to be Madura, where, however, it did not remain long, for
Parakrama III,, to retrieve the loss sustained by his predecessor, went in
person to Pandi to treat for it, and was successful in procuring its
restitution and conveying it back safely to Ceylon, His son established
it in 1319 a.d, at Hastiselapura. It is said that it continued to be for
iome time close to the sacred Bo-tree {Ficus rellgiosa) at Anuradhapuray
the most yenerated object in Ceylon, which tree is said to have been a
bough of the parent tree at Uruwela, sent by King Asoka to Ceylon,
under which Buddha himself, secluded from the world in his sublime
musings and meditations, had sat for six uninterrupted years — planted by
King Tissa in 288 B.C., and is consequently 2163 years old* — until
Antiquary y vol. iii. p. 25 ; Mr. Fergusson's Serpent and Tree Worshipf Lond.
187S ; Cunningham*« Ancient G*''>*jraphy of IwHa, Lond. 1871, pp. 530 et seq,
BtirliDg's llistory of Onsra also throw s some light on thu Buhjoct, OHpcciully the
war that took place among Kakta, Hihar, and Sirhhum, &c about 316 a.d. — a
Teiy near approximation to the capture and fall of Dantapura.
* Agee Tarying from one to fivo thousand years havo been assigned to
tlie Baobabs of Senegal, tho Eucalyptus of Tasmania, the Dragon-tree of
QrotaTa, and the Chesnut of Mount Ktna;but all these estimates are purely
inferential, whereas the ago of tho 2>o-tree is a matter of record, its con-
■M i a tion being an object of solicitude to successive dynasties. Compared
with it the Oak of Ellerslie is but a sapling; and the Conqueror's Oak in
Wlndaor Forest barely numbers half its years ; the Tew-troes of Fountains
Abbey are believed to be twelve hundred years old ; the Olives in the Garden
of Gethsemane were full-grown when the Saracens were expelled from Jerusalem;
■ad the Cypress of Soma, in Lombardy, is said to have been a tree in the
tins of Julius Oiesar ; yet the J9o-trco at AnurAdhapura is older than the
126 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OF
in the year 1560 a.d. the Buddhist world was startled by hearing that
it had been captured and destroyed by the Portuguese. A relic th«
fame of whose prodigies had filled the air, regarded by Buddhists as
a sacred treasure of inestimable value, a national palladium of tbt
Ceylones^ to fall into the hands of infidels, was truly as frightful
a catastrophe as might well be imagined ; no wonder then that tbt
native authorities strongly affirm that during the fray^ with the Portu-
guese in 1560 the relic was safely hidden in different parts of the island,
at Delgamoa in Saffragam, at Kandy, and at Kotmalya, &c. The
Portuguese historinns, on the contrary, assert that a tooth mounted
in gold which had been carried to Jaffna during the commotions in
the Buddhbt states^ believed by all the Buddhists of Jaffnapatam and
elsewhere to belong to Buddha, was really brought out of the spoils
of a Buddhist temple to D. Constantino da Bragan^a, the Viceroy of
Ooa, who submitted it to the Inquisition there, which tribunal ordered
that it should be crushed to pieces, cast into a brazier, and the ashes
thrown into a running stream, in spite of the unlimited offers in ei-
change for the relic, made by the wealthy monarch who ruled in fur-
ther India, and who was in the habit of despatching annual embassies to
pay homage to the shrine.* But I cannot do better than reproduce
oldest of these hj at least a centary, and would almost aeem to verify the
propheoy prononnoed at the time it was planted bj Tissa, that it would " flou-
rish and be green for ever." — Sir Emerson Tennent's Ceylon^ voL iii, pp 81S-1S^
qaoted almost verbatim ; De Candolle's BihL XJniverg. de G^n^ve, tome ^rw.
p. 894. To this tree the Ceylonese attaoh the deepest interest. Mr. Childers
sajs that the Bo-tree oooapies in modem Buddhism the same position as the
cross in Christianity. The MahAvania give 4 in too great detail the manner in
which the miraonloos self-severance of the parent tree took place. Chapmaft
tells ns that in 1829 the tree consisted of five principal branches, none of which
appeared to exceed the ' body of a man ' in thickness ; and there were, besidea.
* * smaller branches grown oat of the terraces at different points" {RemiMrkB
on the City of AnwAdhapura, Jour, R. As. 8oc» vol. ziii., p. 164.) Fa-Hian speaks
of itas " letting down roots from its branches," which is more like the Fieue Indioai
bnt this appears to be a mistake. We are told, again, that Bnddha himself mada
frequent allusions to the growth of the Bo-tree as an emblem of the rapid
propagation of his faith, jnst as the architectural form of the si^pa carried
abroad another of the symbols by which Buddha used to illustrate his
doctrines. About the superstitious reverence with which the tree is regarded ia
Ceylon the reader may see Butts's RoMibler in Ceylon, Loud. 1841, pp. 221-241.
On the right to appoint the chief priest of the sacred Bo-tree, and the claim
that arose from the last incumbent dying suddenly from cholera without
leaving any male issue, which gave rise to a trial and a historical itunanoa
similar to Uie Tiohbome case ; see the Ind, AnL vol. i., p. 196.
• The hat of the capture of the tooth by the Portuguese is oonfimed
bj the authority of Ribeiro, and by that of Bodrigues de 84 e Menaaes, who
in 1678 wrote lus RehdUon de Ceyhn to oommemorate the exploits and daaih
of his ftiher, CoBstatino de 84 e Noranha, who perished at Badulls in 1880
THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON. 127
here whtt Diogo do Couto so circumstaxitially tells us on the
tnbject: — "The Viceroy» D. Constatino da Bragan9a» having con-
quered the kingdom of Jaffnapatam, went back to Qoa with the king
of that country fettered in irons, that were covered over with crimson
▼elyety and carried along with him also the sacred tooth." He then
relates that ** amongst the spoils of the principal temple thej brought
to the Viceroy a tooth mounted in gold, which was generally said to
be the tooth of an ape,* but which these idolaters regarded as the
most sacred of all objects of adoration. The Viceroy was immediate-
ly made aware that its value was inestimable, as the natives would
be sure to offer vast sums to redeem it. They believed it to be the
tooth of their great saint Buddha. This Buddha, so runs their
l^end, after visiting Ceylon, travelled over Pegu and the adjacent
countries converting the heathen and working miracles ; and death
approaching, he wrenched this tooth from its socket, and sent it to
▲J), in the expedition to redace the Kandians. — B^bellion, oh. i., p. 18 ; oh.
vii., p. 99. Valentyn reoords also the &te of the tooth, and Bays it waa kept
near Adam'a Peak till 1S54. — Besehryring van Oud en Neuw Oott JfMiitffi, ch.
ZTL, p. 882. Sir Thomas Herbert, whose TraA)eU were published in 1048,
it truly indignant with the worship paid to the relic, and writes : — " Amongst
others (which I mention only for the imposture) was that infamous Haomant
or Ape's^tooth god, which was highly esteemed and resorted to by millionB
of Indians till Constantino, a late Qtonn. Viceroy, landing five hundred men at
CMombo, first forcibly took away that Apish Idol, and upon their proffer-
ing a nnsome of thiee hundred thousand duckets burned it to ashee. Not-
withstanding which a crafty Bannyan so well forged another counterfeit as was
believed by the Jog^es to be the same (willing to be deluded, it seems), there-
by exceedingly enriching himself, and joying not a little these simple Zey-
loniBiia."—- iSoma Yearif Travels^ Lond. 1665, p. 859. Francis Pynod de Laval,
who visited Ceylon about 1608, relates the event as having occurred during
tlie revolt of D. Joao (Itodeliar ?), which is posterior to the capture of the tooth-
rdio. The story of this revolt appears to have been treated in detail by Diogo
do Couto in his XL Decada, which unfortunately has been lost. For important
doonmeuts on the subject the AtchMo Porti^tAes-Oriantol, Fasc. 8, may be
ooBfluHed with advantage.
^Auriay Sonn alsostates it to be the tooth of an ape, and a white ape
(IfofM) hUHneo) besides, and according to Sir Emerson Tennent the facsimile at
Kiandy resembles the tooth of a crocodile rather than that of a man. The
wQfd 'ape' is farther said to arise from confounding Buddha and Hanuman,
the movikey-god. — Sir E. Tennent's Ceylon, vol. ii, p. ^1. In the Aeia of Faria
T Boiua I imd the following : — ** El venia a ser nn diente de JHono bianco.
nieoe que este color, por improprio, b inusitato en algunos ammales, se base
no solsmente admii^bile, mas aun divine quando se halla en ellos. £1 aver
MUdo bku&oo de las manos de la Naturaleza un Elefante del Bey de 9iam, ftie
oaiiaa de oodiciarlo el Brami de Pegii ; y la oodida d^l, lo vino a ser de gran
dernunamiento de sangre entre aquellas dds Nadones. Ack estotra blanoura
en el Mono vino a ser la ceguera (ciega mucho lo bianco en que son i^equentee
Ids <rios) de inumerables Abnas. Finahnente siempre el Mundo se pierde por
bems SBMidM oon exoesso de los Principes dkV-^Cnp. zvi., p. 850.
128 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY Of
Ceylon as the greatest of relics. So highly was it venerated by
the Sinhalese and by all the people of Pegu that they esteemed it above
all other treasures.*
" Martin Alfonso de Mcllo happening to be in Pegu with his ship oo
business when the Viceroy, D. Constantine, returned (to Goa) from
Jaffnapatam, the King, hearing that the tooth which was so profoundly
revered by all Buddhists had been carried off, summoned Martin
Alfonso to his presence and requested him, as he was returning to
India, to entreat the Viceroy to surrender it, offering to give in excluuige
whatever might be demanded for it. Those who knew the Peguana,
and the devotion with which they regarded this relic of the devil, af-
firmed that the King would willingly give three or even four hundred
thousand cruzadosf to obtain possession of it. By the advice of Martin
Alfonso, the King despatched ambassadors to go in his company to
the Viceroy on this affair, and empowered them to signify his readineaa
to ratify any agreement to which they might assent on his behalf.
" Martin Alfonso, on reaching Goa in last April (1561), apprised the
Viceroy of the arrival of the envoys. The Viceroy, J after receiving
* Decada VII., liv. iz., cap. ii., pp. 316 et seq. of the edition of 1783.
t Cruzado, 80 called from its bearing a cmss, being coined at the period
of the Crosades, is worth two shillings and nine pence.
X The Viceroy, D. Constantino de firagan^a, was the foorth son of D. Jaime^
fourth Duke of Bragan^ and a prince of the reigning dynastj of Portugid*
He left Lisbon for India, when only 81 years old, on the 7th April 1558, and
arrived at Goa on the Drd September of the same year, and on landing took the
usual oath as Viceroy of India. His name has remained dear to the Indo-Portu*
guese, as he was firm, wise, and benevolent. He has incurred, no doubt, the cen-
sure of the historian on account of the famous tribunal of the InquisiUon being
established in Goa during his goyemment, but he had no hand in that aflSdr^
which was settled long before in Portugal. His piety is shown in his building
the church of St. Thomas, in the Campo de S. Lazaro, in the old city of Gee,
where it was his intention to enshrine the relics of the apostle St. Thomas, die-
covered by one Manool de Faria, described in ancient documents as the Captain of
the Coromandel Coast, in 1523, in the town of Meliapur ; but the inhabitante of
that place objected to their removal The church, however, could not be finished
during his stay in India, and is now in ruins, although in 1827 it allured the AbM
Oottineau to say mass at its altar on the day of the Apostle, 15th December*
(See his Journal in the Institute Vasco da Gama, 1874, p. 2U0.) He admitted
into intimate friendship the unfortunate poet Camoens, and through his polite-
ness and good sense silenced those who were trying to procure the banishment
of the satirist, whose Disparates na India had severely handled certain i>ersona
of influence in Goa. The Viceroy took an active part in thoae expeditions which
were periodically sent to Ceylon and elsewhere for the propagation of Chris-
tianity, especially that of JaSbapatam, which had been some years before
fervently preached as a sacred vow by St. Francis Xavier, and for which he
had to travel from Cochin to fiassein (see my Notes on the History and Antiqwi^
ties o/Bassein, Jmwr, Bomb, Br, R, At. 8o€, 1874, p. 823). D. Constantino govenied
THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLOK. 129
them hospitably, opened the business for which they were sent by
their king. They began the conrersation by making a request for
the tooth on behalf of their soTereign ; offering in return any terms
that might be required, with a proposal for a perpetual alliance with
Portugal, and an undertaking to provision the fortress of Malacca at
all times when called upon to do so, together with many other condi-
tions and promises. The Viceroy promised an early reply, and in the
meantime communicated with his veteran captains and fidalgos, all of
whom were of opinion that so great an ofler should be accepted, which
would replenish the exhausted treasury ; and so eager were they, that
the question seemed to be decided.
** But the matter having reached the ear of the Archbishop, Don
Gaspar,* he repaired instantly to the Viceroy, and warned him that
he was not to permit the tooth to be ransomed for all the trea-
sures of the universe, since it would be dishonouring to the Lord,
and would afford an opportunity to these idolaters to pay to that
bone the homage that belonged to Qod alone. The Archbishop re-
minded him often of the subject, and even preached against it from
the pulpit in the presence of the Viceroy and all his court, so.that
Don Constantino, who as a good Catholic feared God and was obe-
dient to the prelates, hesitated to proceed with the affair, or to .take
any step that was not unanimously approved of.
India until the 7th September 1561, and in Januaiy 1562 embarked on board
his ship^ tho Constantina, built in Oca, which had doubled the Cape of Good Hope
serentocD timeR, bronght fonr Viceroys to India, and lasted altofifother 25 years — a
rare feat of navigation in thone days : Oriente Conquistado, Dec. XL, cap. i., p.
193. His goycmment was altogether prosperoos, and tho King, D. Scbastiao,
whose offer to D. Constantino of the Viceroyalty of India for his lifetime had
been politely declined, said to the Viceroy D. Lois de Ataide oa his second
nomination to that post, " Allez," as Lafitau expresses it, " gonvomcz comme
a Ikit Don Constantino !" A vexy good portrait of the Viceroy D. Constan-
tino is in the Governor's palace at Fangim or New-Goa, one at Damaon, one
in Faria y Sonza*s, and another in Lafitaa's works.
i * D. Gaapar de LeaG Pereira was a canon of the see of Evora who came
to Goa as Arohbisbop in 1500 a.d. It was he who held the first consecration of
bishops in the church of St. Paul, assisted by the Patriarch of Ethiopia and the
Biabop of Malacca. The priest consecrated was a Jesuit by name Melchior
Osmeiio, Bishop of NicsDa, and a coadjutor of the abovenamed Patriarch. In the
•reniiig of the day of consecration he baptised in the church of Santa Fi 409
psraons of the province of Salsete of Goa, in the presence cf the four prelates.
Ai that tiina Salsete contained only one church and a misdon-honse at Rachol,
bnt at the end of fifty years it could boast of twenty-eight. The Patriarch
eonld never reach Abyssinia, which oircumstanoe induced him to resign his
titia snd assmna that clf Bishop of China uid Japan. He died in Macao about
two yearaaller his ]Minination.^Bof9., Hitt ds Char pp. 77 Hiieq.
\7raM
130 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OF
^ He therefore conyened an assembly of the Archbishop, the prelatcSf
diTineSy and heads of the religious orders, together with the captainst
senior fidalgos, and other officers of the government^ and laid the
matter before them, saying that by the large offers of money that had
been made for the tooth the pressing want of the state would be pro-
vided for.*** After mature deliberation among all those theologianip
who had it well studied beforehand, a resolution was come to^ thai it
was not proper to part with the tooth, since its surrender would be an
incitement to idolatry, and an insult to the Almighty— ^ins that should
not be committed though the state, or even the world itself, might be
imperilled. Of this opinion were the divines — ^the Archbishop ; the In-
quisitors, Fr. Antonio Pegado, Vicar-General of the Dominicans, Fr.
Manuel da Serra of the same order, the Prior of Goa, Rev. Custodio da
San Francisco, and another theologian of the same order ; Rev. Antonio
de Quadros, of the Company of Jesus, the Provincial of India ; Rey.
Francisco Rodrigues o Manguinho of the same order, and several others.
"Having resolved thus, and committed it to writing, to which all
attached their signatures, and a copy of which is now in our posses-
sion in the Record Office (or in the Torre do Pombo),t the YiGeroj
called on the treasurer to produce the tooth. He handed it to the
Archbishop, who, in their presence placed it in a mortar, and with hie
own hand reducing it to powder, cast the powder into a brazier which
stood ready for the purpose, after which the ashes and the charcoal
together were scattered into the river, in sight of all who were crowd-
ing the verandahs and wiadows which looked upon the water.
*' Many protested against this measure of the Viceroy, since there wae
nothing to prevent the Buddhists (ffenti<>s)X from making other iMm ;
and out of any piece of bone they would shape another tooth in resem-
blance of the one they had lost, and extend to it the same worship ;
* Some of these fidalgos wished to carry the relio themselree back to
Pegn, and collect money on the way by exhibiting it to the Buddhist worshippers.
Faria y Sonm reoonnts this story, mod Lafltau repeats it. " Ningnno dodavs
ya de que ella se haria, y moohos descnbrieron la oodicia de ser cada quel
embiado a Pegik con el diente ve&dido, para ir moetraDdole a los Gentiles per
todas las Poblaciones qoe ay de una a otra parte, y jantar on Tesoro de las
ofertas con qne era oreiDle avian de aondir todos a adorarle."^Faria y Soma
AMia Portugueta, c»p. xvi on '* Hasaia heroioa y aognsta del Vi-Bey D. OoD-
stantino," p. 858; Lafltao, Hiit. de§ DScouv, ti Conq,, tome iv., p. 283.
t It does not existat aU.— Bolseim do Qov0mc d» Ooa, 1858, p. 660.
X The Portuguese apply the term QmUio (a Ctentile) indiscriminately to m
nalire of India, unlets he is converted to Christianity or Mahomedanism.
\
THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON. 181
whilst the gold that had been rejected would have satisfied the press-
ing needs of the state. In Portugal itself much astonishment was ex-
pressed that these proceedings should have been assented to.
" To commemorate the event, and to illustrate the spirit which had
dictated an act approved b j the Fathers of the Company, and signaFizcd
bj zeal for Christianity and the glory of God, a device was designed
as follows : — On a scutcheon was a representation of the Viceroy and
the Archbishops surrounded by the prelates, monks, and divines who
bad been present on the occasion, and in the midst was the burning
brazier, together with Buddhists offering purses of money, and above,
the letter C, being the initial of Don Constantino, was repeated five
times, thus —
CCCCC
and below it the five words—
Constantinus, cceli^ eupidine, eremavit, crumenai —
the interpretation being that ' Constantine, devoted to heaven, re-
jected the treasures of earth.' "♦
One can easily imagine the effect this imposing assembly of the
Ticeroy, prelates, and the notables of the old city of Qoa, met for the
purpose of pounding a piece of bone to dust, would have on the minds
of the populace thronging the streets, the dismay of the wretched
Peguan embassy at the sight of the destruction of their saint's relic, and
the grim exultation of the stem Inquisitors over the dissolution of the
dalada in the sacred waters of the Gomati, and the consequent promo-
tion of the glory of God, the honour and prestige of Christianity, and the
salvation of souls. If there ever was a point where two extrevies met,
it is this. The burning of a tooth for the glory of the Almighty was
the point of contact between the sublime and the ridiculous. However,
the doers of such an act took pride in it, and had a scutcheon made to
commemorate their heroic deed. Suum euique.
In later times the transaction appears to have been estimated in va-
riom ways, the clerical element delighting in the reminiscence of it,
and the lay characterizing it as a fanatic and foolish action.
But it is difficult to please all. The Rev. Denis Louis Cottineau
de Kloguen, a French missionary, writes: — ''Constantine is also
blamed and ridiculed for having refused to give to the king of Pegu
* Decada VII., lir. ix.. cap. zrii., page 428 et »eq.
132 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OF
a tooth (which some affirm to have been that of a monkey), but
which had been revered as that of Buddha in a temple of Jaffnapattam
in Ceylon, although that prince offered for it 300,000 cruzadoa; in
this business Constautinc acted as a conscientious and religious man ;
he consulted the Archbishop and clergy on this occasion, as he was
afraid on the one hand of participating in an act of idolatry and
superstition, and on the other of defrauding the King his master of
a considerable treasure ; and when it was made clear to him thai,
according to conscience and natural reason, it was unlawful to parti-
cipate in an act of idolatry for any reason whatsoever, much less for a
sum of money, which would be adding to the former guilt that of avarice,
he immediately consented that the infamous relic should be thrown into
the sea. If he had taken the money, he would certainly have been
represented by prejudiced authors as a covetous man without law or
conscience ; but as he acted otherwise they call him a fool. It is yery
difficult, or rather impossible, to please those who are bent on blaming
their fellow-creatures."*
But those were not really far from truth who thought that the Bud-
dhists would shape another tooth out of any piece of bone. Long
before the Peguan embassy's return home the Sinhalese had found out
the tooth. Some said, as writes Padre Francisco de Souza in hia
Orienie ConquisiadOff that the moment the Archbishop placed the tooth
in the mortar and was about to pulverize it, it made its way through
the bottom and went straight to alight on a lotus-flower in Kandy, where
they have built for it a temple called Dalidagis, or temple of the sacred
tooth. Others revived a facsimile not only in a duplicate, but in a tri-
plicate form of the desecrated relic.
The story of the resuscitated tooth is of some importance, and is also
minutely related by Couto, who writes : — ** At the birth of Brahma,
king of Pegu, the astrologers who cast his nativity predicted that he
• Hi<f-yrical Sketch of 0(ki, pp. 33, 84.
t *' FinK<>ni os chim^lis que o dento dc Budu sahira pelo fando do almo*
faxiz, qunndo D. Canstantino (nad ; o arcebigpo) o quiz desfazcr, o se fora pdr
em Candia aobro uma formofu rosa, o assim Ihe de<iicaram um famoso templo
chamado Dalidiigis, quo KiKnifioa * ca^ do dente saj^rado."— Oriente Conquitdado ;
G)nquut'i I., Divisau I., No. 88. Tho «amft author narrates the whole affair as
minutely as Couto. \\\% work, however, » v<»r>' rare, and scarcely known, I
believe to Enf^lisli 8chol:ir«. Tho w.)rk of Texeira Pinto on the causes of the
decadence of the Portu^mo possessions in Asia has also a recriminatory article
on the subject, as he think« the Portuf^cse Viceroy tdiould have accepted tho
ransom-money proffered by the Buddhist kinyr, which would hare replenished
their (in those times) empty coffers. But the priests rrply to this with their
warped and threadbare argument that " ho was a finecmason."
THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON. 1,*J3
would many a daughter of the king of Ceylon, who was to have such
and such marks and features, and certain proportions of limhs and
figure. Brahma, willing to fulfil the prediction, sent ambassadors to
Don Juan (the king of Gotta), whom he addressed as the sole inheritor
of the royal blood and the only legitimate soTereign of the island, and
requested his daughter in marriage, accompanying the demand by a
shipload of rich presents, consisting of things unknown in Ceylon, be-
sides woven cloths and gems^ The envoys arrived about the time that
the king had abandoned Cotta to take up his residence within the Fort
of Colombo (a.d. 1564). He received the ambassadors with much
distinction, and, apprised of their mission, concealed from them the
fact that the astrologers were in error, as he was childless. He had,
however, brought up in his palace a daughter of his great chamberlain,
a prince of the royal blood who had embraced Christianity through
the instrumentality of the governor, Francisco Barreto, who had stood his
godfather and given him his name ; and such was the influence of this
man, in addition to the claim of relationship, that in all things the king
was directed by his advice. This girl the king treated with every honour
as his own child ; on the arrival of the envoys she had a place assigned
to her at the royal table, and was addressed as his daughter, and under
that designation he sought to make her wife to the king of Pegu. The
opposition which he apprehended was from the Captain-General of
Colombo and the Franciscans, who, although the girl was a Buddhist,
might nevertheless regard her as a lamb within their fold, whom they
could any day induce to become a Christian, and they were, therefore,
likely to interfere to prevent her leaving the island. Discussing these
considerations with the great chamberlain, who was a man of resources
and tact, the latter pointed out to the king, who relied on his judgment
in all things, that although forced to abandon Gotta, and reduced to
poverty, he might, through this alliance, open up a rich commerce with
Pegu ; and he accordingly assented that the girl should be despatched
to the king, provided she was conveyed away secretly and without the
knowledge of the Portuguese at Colombo.
" But the chamberlain did more ; in concert with the king he caused
to be made out of a stag's horn a facsimile of the npe*s tooth carried off
by Don Constantine, and mounting it in gold he enclosed it in a costly
casket, richly decorated ^th precious stones. Conversing one day with
the Peguan ambassador and the Buddhist priests (talapoens) in his
suite, who were about to set out to worship and make offerings at
]34 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OF
the sacred footprint on Adam's Peak,* the chamberlain, who was s
Buddhist at heart, disclosed to them in confidence that Don Joui,
the Sinhalese king, was still in possession of the genuine tooth oi
Buddha, t that which was seized by Don Constantine being spurionsi
and that he, the great chamberlain, kept it concealed in his house,
the king of Ceylon baring become a Christian. The ambassador and the
talapoens evinced their delight at this intelligence, and besought him
to permit them to see it ; he consented reluctantly, and, first obliging
them to disguise themselves, he conducted them by night to his resi-
dence, and there exhibited the tooth in its shrine, resting on an altar^
surrounded by perfumes and lights. At the sight they prostrated them*
selves on the ground, and spent the greater part of the night in cere-
monies and superstitious devotion ; afterwards, addressing the great
chamberlain, they entreated him to send the relic to the king of Pega
at the same time with the princess, undertaking that, as a part of the
splendour and pomp of the marriage, Brahma would send him a million
of gold, and year by year despatch to Ceylon a present of a ship laden
with rice and such other articles as might be reqiured. All this was
negotiated privately, the king and the great chamberlain alone being in
the secret
''When the time arrived for the young lady to take her departure^ it
was so cunningly arranged that neither the Captain of Colombo, Dioga
de Mello, nor the priesthood suspected anything. Andrea Bayam
Moodliar accompanied her as ambassador from the sovereign of Ceylon,
and after a prosperous voyage they landed at a port to the south of
Cosmi, and announced their success and the arrival of the qoeen^ to the
* Adam's Peak, in Geylon, is the place where Bnddha, on his arrifal ia
the island, was invited by Santana, the guardian of tho monntain, to leave an
impression of his foot, the celebrated 6t\ Pada ('beaatifhl fbotstep'),
which has attracted travellers to the sammit of i he monntain from very remote
times. Marco Polo alludes to it, and says it is so steep and precipitous that nien
are only able to mount to the top with the help of massive iron chains fixed to
it. The footprint is a hole in the rook about five feet long, and repreaents a rwy
rude outline of a foot. Still this does not prevent Buddhists from claimuig it
as the foot of Buddha, &kivites as that of ^ira, Mahomedans as that of Adam,
and Christians as that of St. Thomas. See Mr. Skoen*s account of it ; Hardy's
Manual, p. 21S ; Alabaster's Wheel of the Law, p. 252; and Marco Polo's TVoKwlt,
vol. ii., Tfp. 256-7. Mr. Skeen, a resident in Ceylon and the author of ^dam't
Peakf hsa in preparation, I am told, an elaborate work on the subject I am
writing about — ^the Tooth.Relic of Cevlon ; but most unfortunately, before the
work was finished, he died suddenly about three years ago.
t Couto calls the tooth " Dm t« do »eu idolo Quijay" in another pisce "do
Quiar" which according to Tennent is the corrupt spelling of the Burmese
Fhra, another name for Boddha, or a modification of the Chinese Keu-tan.
\
THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON. 135
(Might of the king and his nobles. * * * Xhe sou and heir of
the king received her as she disembarked * * * the king met
her at the gates of the palace which was assigned to her as a residence^
gorgeously furnished in chamber, antechamber, and wardroom with all
that became the consort of so rich and powerful a monarch, who con-
ferred upon her immense revenues to defray the charges of her house-
hold. For days he devoted himself to her society, conducted her to
the rojdl residence, and with great solemnity required the people to
■wear allegiance to her as their queen. The eunuchs who waited on
her imparted these particulars to Antonio Toscano, with whom they
iveie intimate, and who communicated them to me.
** But as in these countries no secret is long preserved which is in
any one's keeping. King Brahma came at length to discover that his
irife was the daughter, not of the king, but of his chamberlain ; for it
ieems that Andrea Bayam, the Sinhalese ambassador, who, as the pro-
Terb says, could not keep his tongue within his teeth, divulged it to
■ome Chinese at Pegu, who acquainted the king. He, however, was
little moved by the discovery, especially as the talapoens and ambas-
aadore gave him an account of the ape*s tooth, and of the veneration
with which it was preserved, and of the arrangement which they had
ecmcerted with the person in charge of it. This excited the desire of
Brmhma, who regarded it as the tooth of his idol, and reverenced it
above everything in life ; even as we esteem the tooth of St. ApoUonia
(thon^ I shall not say much of the tooth of that sainted lady) ;
more highly than the nail which fastened our Saviour to the cross, the
thorns which encircled his most sacred head, or the spear which pierced
his blessed side, which remained so long in the hands of the Turks,
tfithont such an effort on the part of the monarchs of Christendom to
rescue them as King Brahma made to gain possession of this tooth of
Satan, or rather of a stag. He immediately despatched the same ambas-
sadors and talapoens in quest of it, and sent extraordinary presents by
them to the king of Ceylon, with promises of others still more costly.
The ambassadors reached Colombo, negotiated secretly with Don Juan,
who placed the tooth with its shrine in their hands with much solem-
nity and secrecy, and with it they took their departure in the same vessel
in which they had arrived."* Again he continues : —
" In a few days they drew near to Cosmi, a port of Pegu, whence
• Dec«da VIII., cap, xii., pp. li €t stq.
136 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OF
the news spread quickly ; the priesthood (talapoeus) assembled, and
the people crowded devoutly to offer adoration to the tooth. For its
landing they collected vast numbers of rafts elaborately and richly
ornamented, and when they came to carry the accursed tooth on
shore it rested on gold and silver and other costly rarities. Intelligenoe
was instantly sent to Brahma at Pegu, who despatched all his nobles
to assist at its reception, and he superintended in person the preparm-
tiou of a place in which the relic was to be deposited. In the
arrangements for this he displayed to the utmost all the resources
and wealth at his command. In this state the tooth made the ascent
of the river, w^hich was covered with rich boats, encircling the structare«
under which rested the shrine, so illuminated that it vied with the
brightness of the sun.
" The king, when all was prepared, seated himself in a boat decorated
with gilding and brocaded silks ; he set out two days in advance to
meet the procession, and on coming in sight of it he retired into the
cabin of his galley, bathed, sprinkled himself with perfumes, assumed
his most costly dress, and on touching the raft which bore the tooth he
prostrated himself before it with all the gestures of profound adoration^
and on his knees approaching the altar on which rested the shrine, he
received the tooth from those who had charge of it, and raising it aloft
placed it on his head many times with adjurations of solemnity and
awe ; then restoring it to its place, he accompanied it on its way to the
city. As it passed along, the river was perfumed with the odoura
which ascended from the barges, and as it reached the shore the tala-
poeus and nobles of the king, and all the diief men, advancing into the
water, took the shrine upon their shoulders and bore it to the palace,
accompanied by an inpenetrable multitude of spectators. The grandees
taking off their costly robes spread them on the way, in order that those
who carried that abominable relic might walk upon them.
** The Portuguese who happened to be present were astonished on
witnessing this barbarous pomp ; and Antonio Toscano, who I have
stated elsewhere was of the party, has related to me such extraordinary
particulars of the majesty and grandeur with which the tooth mm
received, that I confess I cannot command suitable language to describe
them. In fact, everything that all the emperors and kings of the
universe combined could contribute to such a solemnity, each eager to
display his power to the utmost, all (his was realized by the acts of this
barbarian king.
THE TOOTIl-RELU! OF CEYLON. l?i
»/
*' The tooth was at last deposited in the centre of the courtyard of
the palace, under a costly tabernacle, upon which the monarch and all
his grandees presented their offerings, declaring their lineage, all
which was recorded by scribes nominated for that duty. Here it re-
mained two months till the vihara which they set about erecting could
he constructed, and on which such expenditure was lavished as to
cause an insurrection in the kingdom.
" To end the storv, I shall here tell of what occurred in the follow-
rag year, between the king of Kandy and Brahma, king of Pegu, respect-
ing these proceedings of Don Juan, king of Ceylon. These matters
which Don J nan had transacted so secretly, touching the marriage of
his pretended daughter with the king of Pegu, as well as the affair of
the tooth, soon reached the ear of the king of Kandy, who, learning the
immense amount of treasure which Brahma had given for it, was in-
fluenced with envy (for he was a connection of Don Juan, having
married his sister or, as some said, his daughter), and immediately des-
patched an envoy to Pegu, whom the king received with distinction.
He opened the object of his mission, and disclosed, on the part of his
master, that the lady whom Don Juan had passed off as his own child
was in reality the daughter of the great chamberlain, and that the tooth,
which had been received with so much pomp and adoration, had been
fabricated out of the horn of a deer ; but he added that the king of
Kandy, anxious to ally himself with the sovereign of Pegu, had commia
sioned him to offer in marriage a princess who was in reality his own
offspring, and not supposititious ; besides which he gave him to under-
stand that the Kandyan monarch was the possessor and depository of
the genvfine tooth of Buddha, neither the one which Don Constantinc
had seized at Jaffnapatam, nor yet that which was held by the king of
Pegu, being the true one, — a fact which he was prepared to substantiate
by documents and ancient alas.
" Brahma listened to his statement, and pondered it in his mind ; but
seeing that the princess had already received the oaths of fidelity as
<|uecn, and that the tooth had been welcomed with so much solemnity
and deposited in a vihara specially built for it, he resolved to hush
up the affair, to avoid confessing himself a dupe (for kings must no
more admit themselves to be in error in their dealings with us thau
we in our dealings with them). Accordingly he gave as his reply that
he was sensible of the honour designed for him by the proffered alliance
with the roval familv at Kandv, and likewipe bv the offer of the tooth ;
ISra s
138 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OF
that he returned his thanks to the king, and as a mark of consideratiQo
would send back by his ambassadors a ship laden with presents. He
caused two vessels to be prepared for sea, with cargoes of rice and rich.
cloths, one for Don Juan, and the other for the king of Kandy ; and
in that for Don Juan he embarked all the Portuguese subjects -whom
he had held in captivity, and amongst them Antonio Toscano, who has
told me these things many times. '1 hesc ships having arrived at Ceyloo»
the one which was for the Kandyan port had her cables cut and was
stranded before she could discharge her cargo, so that all was lost and
the ambassador drowned ; some said that this was done by order of the
Sinhalese king, Don Juan, and if so it was probably a stratagem of the
great chamberlain, for the king himself had no genius for plots. Thus
thmgs remained as they were, nothing further having been attempted
or done."*
The next curious episode in the history of the tooth-relic and the reli-
gious annals of C/cylon is the apostasy, or reversion to his former faith,
of Dom Joau, and his seizure oi' tlio dalada as crown property. The
Portuguese having roused tlic Ivi/m Ivans to revolt against their king.
Raja Sinha, Kanapik Bandar of l\-i:;.uencia, a political intriguer and
Sinhalese of royal blood, who had been educated at Goa by the Jesuits
and had embraced Christianity under the name of Dom Joa5, was des-
patched with an armed force to enthrone Dona Catherina, the daughter
of the fugitive king Jayaweira. The expedition was successful, and
the Portuguese made arrangements for conferring the sovereignty on
Dom Felipe, on whom they desired to bestow the hand of Queen
Catherina, which arrangements, however, Dom Joau did not agree to.
The consequence was that he turned his army against his alUes, driving
them away from Kandy, and removed his rival by poison. Thus left
undisputed master of Kandy, D. JoaO then seized on the supreme
power, defeated the army of his native op})onent. Raja Sinha, who had
threatened to iiitlict on D. Joau the same torture as that under which his
father had expired — that of being buried underground up to the neck
and then the sufferings terminated by rolling huge stones on the head
above the surface — and assumed the Kandyan crown under the fantas-
tic name of * Vimala Dharma.' Then he gave the last finish to his policy
by abjuring Christianity, which secured to the usurper the support of
the Buddhist priesthood, and raised the superstructure of his fortunes
♦ Docada VIII., cap. xiii., pp. 83 €\ seq. Although Sir Emerson Tenneiit
has given thcso extracts from Couto in his work on Ceylon, T have drawn min»»
Irom the original .'ind Imvo compared tlu»m with his.
THE TOOTH-RfiLIC OF CEYLON. 139
bj producing the dalada, without which, as the national palladium
inseparable from royalty, he could not venture to gain the suffrages of
his people. It was the same dalctda discov£red by Vikrama B&hu, and
the apostate did not fail to persuade the Randyans, already prone to
believe it, that this was the original or genuine relic, which at the arrival
of the Portuguese had been removed from Cotta and preserved at Delma-
-^oa, while the one destroyed by the Portuguese was a counterfeit.
This is the very relic that is now exhibited in the temple at Kandy.*
In spite, however, of all the circumstantial external and internal evi-
dence, proving that the invaders had seized the relic, and that the priests
in Goa, with the Archbishop at their head, had really opposed this traffic
in idols as impious, and that their piety was triumphant in the scattering
of the daladaa ashes into the waters of the Mandovi, there are not a few,
although not Buddhists, who think that the Portuguese had really been
mposed upon. Mr. Rhys Davids is one of them ; he writes : — ** Jaffna
is an outlying and unimportant part of the Ceylon kingdom, not often
under the power of the Sinhalese monarchs, and for some time before
this it had been ruled by a petty chieflain ; there is no mention of the
tooth brought by Dantakumara having been taken there, — an event so
unlikely and of such importance that it would certainly be mentioned
had it really occurred. We have every reason to believe, therefore,
that the very tooth referred to in the work edited by Sir Coomara
Swami is preserved to this day in Kandy ."f But that the relic was
at the same time within the range of the Portuguese army is also
quite patent ; for the Sinhalese chronicles had no need to mention that
during those troublous times the relic was concealed in Delmagoa,
in Saffragam, and elsewhere, if it was so secure in its sanctuary of the
Maligava temple. And then, again, while thus roving about the
island, might not their genuine dalada have actually fallen into the
hands of the Portuguese ? And if spuriuus, then the king of Pegu had
no necessity to offer such a handsome amount of money for it, which
&ct has not been denied. The dimensions and form of the dalada^
the clumsy substitute manufacture'd by Vikrama Bahu in l.i66 to
replace the original burnt by the Portuguese in 1560, are, moreover
fatal to any belief in its identity with the one originally worshipped.
The present dalada b said to resemble the tooth of a crocodile, as the
old one was asserted to be that of a monkey. But it is neither. It is but
» Ribeiro, Hi»t d'Isle de Cfil^fffj bk. i., ch. v.
t Tltf Acfrdemyt lo'-. rii.
J40 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OF
a curved piece of discoloured ivory, as Sir E. Tenuent rightly observes;
about two inches in length and more than one in diameter, which
unexampled dimensions are by Buddhists accounted for by a strange
argument, that in the days of Buddha human beings were giants, and
their teeth kept pace, so to speak, with their larger stature.*
Dr. Davy, who, it appears, was one of the first Christians to see the
modern datada^ in 1817 describes it thus: — ** It was of a dirty yellow
colour, excepting towards its truncated base, where it was brownish.
Judging from its appearance at the distance of two or three feet (for none
but the chief priests were privileged to touch it), it was artificial, and
of ivory, discoloured by age." f Major Forbes saw it again on the 28th
May 1828, during the great Kandyan festival, in company with Sir
Robert and Lady Horton and party, amongst whom was Baron von
Hugel. Ue writes : — " It is a piece of discoloured ivory, slightly
curved, nearly two inches in length, and one in diameter at the base ;
from thence to the other extremity, which is rounded and blunt, it
considerably decreases in size.'* % Elsewhere he continues : — *• Not
the least curious fact connected with this antique is, that the original
promoter of the imposition (which passed it as a tooth of Gautama)
did not procure some old man's tooth, and thus deprive sceptics of at
least one strong argument against its authenticity." §
•As regards tho staiiis now obsen'ed iu tlio relic, we are told that the
Buddhists claim them as a proof of identity, from the fact of their having boen
mado the subject of remark centunes ago by the king P/iiulu, us recorded in the
Dhatuva hsa . But its yellowish-brown colour, if it then existt jd, could not possibly
have inspired the following allusion in the sumo epic : — *' The tooth-relic, of a
colour like a part of the moon, white as the kunda flower (a species of
jasmine) and new sandalwood, caused wiih its r.idiance palace-gates, mountains,
trees, and the like to appear for a moment as if of polirthed silver." — Canto v.,
ver. 63. Only the faith of a l^uddhist can cxpLiiii away these discrepancies.
t Davy's Account of Ceylon y Lend. 1821, p. 308.
X Forbes's Eleven Years in Ceylon, Lond. 1820, vol. i., p. 293. Tlic same
author hks published in the Ceylon Al manacle, 1835, an article on this subject
entitled " The Dangistra Dalada, or Right Canine Tooth of Gautama Buddha,"
but this is erroneous. All other authorities concur in calling it the left canine,
which is moreover qualified as belonging to the upper set by naming it the left
eye-tooth. In reference to other canine teeth Col. Yule writes : — ** Of the
four cyc-teeth of Sfikya, one, it is relattjd, passed to the heaven of Indra, the
Bccond to the capital of Gandhara, tho third to Kalihga, the fourth to the
snakc-gods. The Gandh/lra tooth was pcrhaj)S, like tho alms-bowl, carried
off by a Sassanido invasion, and may be identical with that tooth of Fo which
the Chinese annals state to have been brought to China in a.d. 530 by a Pei*sian
embassy. A tooth of Buddha is now shown in tho monastery of I^ichau, but
whether this bo either the Sassanian present, or that got from Ceylon by Kublai,
is unknown. Other teeth of Buddha were shown in llwcu Thsang's time at
Balkh and at Kanauj." — Yule's Marco Poloy vol. ii., p. 266.
§ Forbes's Eleven I'enrs in Crylov, vol. ii.. p. 220.
THE TOOTH-RtLIC OF I
141
Both Dr. Davy Rnd Major Forbt-a have giveu « drawiug of it ; that
of the latter, slightly reduced in size, appears to have been reproduced
by Sir E. Tennent in his charming History of Ceylon, and by Col,
Yule in fais excellent edition of Marco Poloa Travel*. The following
diagrams, copied from the abore-mentioaed vorks, along with a faithful
representation of the permanent human npper canine tooth, show at once
the palpable difference there is between the tooth of a man and the
counterfeit one now e<£hibited in Kahdy.
After Dr. Dav/. After Major Forbes. Human c&iiiTie tooClr.
The human canine teeth, or cuspids as anatomists call them, are
abont three-quarters to one inch In length, and consist of three parts,
vii. the crown, the neck, and the fang or root. The crown is thick,
conical, convex in front and hollowed behind. The point or cusp is
generally blunted or becomes worn down by use. The neck is con-
tracted, and as such only slightly marking the separation between the
crown and the root. The fang is single, conical in form, compressed
laterally, and lined by a slight groove on each side. It is evident that
both in size and form the human tooth bears a strikmg contrast to the
one at Kandy.
Now a few words about the temple and sanctuary where the tooth-
relic is deposited. If the Buddhists persist in saying that it is the
tooth of Buddha, ns they always will, then they have every reason to
be proud of their Maligiiva temple, where it rests afler having had
its wanderings and returns, captivities and exiles, degradation and
trinmphs, during two thousand years of travel. No relic, as Bishop
Heher truly remarks, " was ever more sumptuously enshrined or more
devoutly worshipped."*
" JiarraUct 0/ a Jmimty.tc. vol. ii., p. 264. The vtocraMo Ilishop a\V>
meotioDi that allhou(th ho did not soo the tooth, be was ahown a facn'milc,
which is more like a icild btaat'^ tusk thnn a human tooth.
142 MEMOIR UN THE HISTORY OF
Dr. Uiivy, who was iu Kaudy in 1817, describes the temple where
the tooth-relic is now ])reservcd, thus : — •* The dalada Malaga wa was the
domestic temple of the king, and is the most venerated of any in the
country, as it contains the relic, the tooth of Buddha, to which the
whole island was dedicated, and which is considered by good Buddhists
as the most precious thing in the world. The temple is small, of two
stories, built in the Chinese style of architecture. The sanctum is an
inner room, about twelve feet square, on the upper story, without win-
dows, and to which a ray of natural light never penetrates. You enter
it by folding doors, with polished brass j)anels, before and behind which
is a curtain. The splendour of the place is very striking ; the roof and
walls are lined with gold brocade ; and nothing scarcely is to be seen
but gold, gems, and sweet-smelling flowers. On a platform or stage
about three feet and a half high, and which occupies about half the
room, there is a profusion of flowers tastefully arranged before the
objects of worship to which they are offered, viz. two or three small
figures of Buddha, — one of crystal, and the other of silver gilt, — and four
or five domes or caskets, called karanduas, containing relics, and similar
in form to the common Dagobah. * * * ^\\ \^j^^ Qjjg ^f
the karanduas are small, not exceeding a foot in height, and wrapped
in many folds of muslin. One is of much greater size, and uncovered,
and with its decorations makes a most brilliant appearance. It is five
feet four and a half inches high, and nine feet ten inches in circum-
ference at its base. It is of silver, from three-tenths to four-tenths of
an inch thick, and gilt externally. It consists of three different pieces,
capable of being separated from each other. Its workmanship is neat
but plain, and it is studded with very few gems, the finest of which is
a valuable cat's-eye on the top, which is rarely seen. The ornaments
attached to it arc extremely rich, and consist of gold chains, and a
great variety of gems susjicnded from it. The most remarkable of
these is a bird hanging by a gold chain, and formed entirely of diamonds,
rubies, blue sapphires, emeralds, and cat's-eyes, set iu gold, which i$
hid by the profusion of stones. Viewed at a little distance, by candle-
light, the gems about the karandua seem to be of immense value, but
when closely inspected they prove in general to be of bad quality, and
some of the largest merely crystal coloured by a foil. This great
karandua is the receptacle of the dalada, * the tooth,' as it is considered,
of Buddha. * * * Never was relic more preciously enshrined ; wrapped
in pure sheet -gold, it was placed in a case, just large enough to receive
THE TOOTIl-UELIC OF CKYLON. 1 4;i
it, of gold; covered exteraally with emeralds, diamonds, aud rubies,
tastefully arranged. This beautiful and very valuable bijou was put
into a very small gold karandua, richly ornamented with rubies,
diamonds, and emeralds : this was enclosed in a larger one also of gold,
and very prettily decorated with rubies : this second, surrounded with
tinsel, was placed in a third, which was wrapped in muslin ; and this
in a fourth, which was similarly wrapped : both these were of gold,
beautifully wrought, and richly studded with jewels. Lastly, the
fourth karandua, about a foot and a half high, was deposited in the
great karandua."*
But to return to the history of the dalada. In 1815 a.d. the relic
came, along with the island of Ceylon, into the possession of the British
Crown. The first Adhikar (Minister of State and Justice) remarked on
this event that whatever the English might think of the consequences
of having taken Kappitapola (a rebel chief of Ceylon), in his opinion
and in the opinion of the people in general the taking of the relic
was of infinitely more moment "f And Dr. Davy remarks : " The
effect of its capture was astonishing, and almost beyond the compre-
hension of the enlightened. "J For the powers of the tooth as a
national palladium, somewhat similar to those which in the thirteenth
century obtained among the Scotch concerning the stone at Scone, and
which are even nowadays current in Goa concerning the body of the
greatest missionary Portugal ever sent to the £ast,§ and the exemp-
tion of Ceylon from foreign domination as long as it possessed the relic
and the sacred tree at Anuradhapura, are oracularly propounded in the
Rdjaratndkaiiy and as fully believed by the Sinhalese Buddhists.
• Davy's Account of Ceylon ^ pp. 3G6-GU.
t Forbes, vol. ii., p. 221.
X Davy, p. 369.
§ The tradition about the body of St. Fmncis Xavier being the palladium of the
liberties and independence of the Goaneso, and in the hands of whose silver image,
placed on the north-facing altar of his mausoleum, an official baii^n is depordted,
and reverentially taken possession of by each new Governor on taking charge
over of the statr, as one of the insignia inseparable from government, draws sup-
port from several puerile legends. One of these is to the effect that when in 1601
a British auxiliary- force, without any hostile intention, was posted at Agoada
and Cabo during the political commotions in Europe caused "by the great Napo-
leon, and remained there until the general peace in 1815, a man in the habit of
a friar was seen almost every night in the encampment striking with his knotted
cord the men and officers cf the force. Resistance was impossible, for their
tormentor, although visible, was strangely impnlpable; and the force, unable to
bear any longer the tortures of this implacable friar, were obliged suddenly to
beat a retreat. Tlie ghost in the habit of a friar is said to have been St. Francis
Xavier, who, fearing foreign invasion, thus compelled the British to decamp.
14 t MEMOIR ON THE IIISTOUY OF
During tlio rebellion au;ain»t tlie English in 1818, in which ngra in
the relic played an important j)art, it was clandestinely removed by
certain priests appointed to officiate at its sanctuary, but towards the
conclusion of the rebellion it was again restored, having been found
with a priest who was seized in the ^latalo district, by the care of
the British Government, who then empowered its Resident at Kandy
to act as the custodian of the relic, and a soldier to keep guard
every night at the door of the temple.* It was at last entirely
surrendered to the British, together with the Kaudyan kingdom, in
1825. The next occasion on which the dalada attracted attention was
at its public exhibition in Kandy on the27th of May 182S, the first time
after fifty-three years since the king Kriti Sri had openly displayed it,
on which occasion a considerable sum of money was collected from the
assembled multitude of devotees, who flocked thither from all parts of
the country to worship the relic. Of this splendid festival and proces-
sion we have numerous records. On that day all three larger cases
having previously been removed, the relic contained in the three inner
caskets was j)laced on the back of a richly ca])arisoned elephant, over
it a small octagonal cupola or canopy supported by silver pillars, and
all this grand apparatus carried round in solemn and gorgeous procession.
In 183 1 a secret plan was concerted by some chsafFected Siiihalese to
remove again the dalada^ and renew the scenes the Kandyan country
had once witnessed so grievously in 18KS; but these proceedings were
carefully watched by the Government, the delinquents arrested, and
thus the scheme was frustrated. For a long time afterwards the relic
was in the official custody of theCeylonese Government, and Tumour was
the first European, it appears, who, for more than nine years, had the
keys of the sanctuary constantly in his library, save during the per-
formance of the daily offerings. 1 1 is only within a few years, circa 1 839,
that, owing to the rCvmonstrances of the Christian societies in England, the
connection of the existing Government with the shrine has ceased.
In IHjS two Burmese bonzes from Rangoon were sent to Ceylon by
the king of Burma on a ini.:Jsion almost similar to that of his remote
predecessor the king Anavantha, who in the eleventh century had
sent an embassy to endeavour to procure the relic, but could obtain
only "the niiraculous emanation" of it, to contain which a tower in the
palace-court of Amarapura was built. This time the priests went there
* RfV'^r fh's r/rux Monflm^ 1851, p. 143.
THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON. 145
to get a facsimile of the tooth, which they ohtained, on the 9 th October
of that year, and the whole transaction is but a repetition mutatis
mutandU under the British of what, about three hundred years ago,
took place under the Portuguese. The latter, swayed by the Inquisitional
influence and perhaps scruples of conscience, not only refused to give
up but burnt the relic ; the former, more tolerant, if not more enlight-
ened, allowed the model to be taken, which has since been deposited
within the walls of the palace at Mandalay, the new capital of Burma.*
The present condition of the sanctuary and its precious contents re-
quire a few words of description. We are told that ' ' nothing can be more
picturesque than the situation and aspect of Kandy, on the banks of the
miniature lake overhung on all sides by hills which command charm-
ing views of the city with its temples and monuments below." But
the sanctuary of the great relic, notwithstanding the beauty of the
■oenery around, and its richness in gems and precious metnls, is a small
chamber without a ray of light, in which the air is stifling hot and
heavy with the perfume of flowers, situated in the inmost recess of the
vikdra attached to the palace of the Kandyan kings. The frames of
the doors are inlaid with carved ivory, and on a massive silver table
hung round with rich brocades stands the bell-shaped larandua, the
shrine or dugoba, consisting of six cases, the largest or external cover,
five feet in height, formed of gilt silver inlaid with rubies and other
gems, and ornamented with jewelled chains ; other caskets, similarly
wrought, but diminishing in size gradually ; until on removing the
innermost one, about one foot in height, a golden lotus is disclosed, in
which reposes the mystic tooth. In front of the silver altar a plain
table is placed for people to deposit their gifts upon. These karaiiduaa
are said to have been made for the relic by successive sovereigns be-
tween 1267 and \4(j4 a.d.
The last event in the history of the dalada is the solemn visit paid
but a few months ago by the Burmese envoys to the Maligava temple
at Kandy on their return from Europe, in fulfilment of the speciiil com-
mands of their king. The pomp and circumstance of that splendid
pilgrimage evoked a fresh enthusiasm in the Sinhalese for their revered
tooth-relic, and numerous were the tokens of obeisance and devotion
offered to the shrine.
• Madras Exami'ncr, 26th August 1858. Conf. also C«»l. Yiil<*'!i Marco Poln^n
T^vels, vol. ii., p. 2tJ5, and Rei^tp de«dcujr Mof.dis, 18<iO, p. liiy, wIumv u gnipliic
description of the ceremony ia f?iven, and the relic is doscrilwd Uius : — " C'rst
nn fmginent d'ivoire de la dimension du petit doi^rt, jaune fauve, un i»cu courbe
vers lo milieu, et plus gros u unc oxtremitc qu a rautro."
VJras
146 HISTORY OF THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON'*
What Stirring times has not the dalada gone through during the
twenty-five centuries which have elapsed since it was first picked up
from the Kusinagara funeral pile of the great sage, while monarchs
were fighting for its possession, until its preseiit comfortable lodging in
the richest shrine raised by man to a mistaken devotion ; and what
a part has it not played in the religious history of India, from the
epoch in which Buddhism became the dominant faith of the coun-
try, subsequently persecuted and tyrannized over by a powerful enemy,
ruined by the degeneracy of its own adherents, and enfeebled by
schism and heresy, until at last all disasters culminated in its being
banished from its birthplace to find a refuge in distant foreign lands I
Then, its place usurped by the stem dominion of El Islam, spreading
its faith throughout the fair plains of Hindustan by the merciless edge
of the sword, to be followed by a still sterner race, " that- nation of heroes,"
as the Abbe Raynal called the Portuguese, coming from the far West
to supplant " the nation of philosophers," as Professor Max Miiller
designates the Hindus ; and who by the discordant use of the torch, the
symbol of barbarism, on the one hand, which marked its passage by
the lurid flames of burning cities, and of the cross, the emblem of
peace, on the other, which by the persuasive voice of the missionary
they succeeded in planting all along the coast of our peninsula, named,
as if to add insult to injury, the very sacred tree of Buddha Arbor
diaholi or Devil' s-tree.* In bringing this incomplete Memoir to a
close, I cannot more fittingly conclude than in the words of the learned
llodier, who says : — ** Les rtiglements orgueilleusement immuables,
pour le corps et pour Tame, que les thcocratcs de Tlnde ont eu la
emcrite d'imposer a la socicte, ont fini par y dctruire tous les <Hement8
du progres. Le genie indou, autrefois si brillant, si fecond, si yivace,
meurt dtouffe dans une camisole de force.
" Le dur contact de notre civilisation le rcveillera peut-etre. Espc-
rons que les descendants des Arias trouveront, tot ou tard, une com-
pensation aux douleurs et aux humiliations <jue leur inflige la prepon-
dcrauce des Euroj)eens ; qu'ils nous emprunteront la foi en la puis-
sance et en la legitimitc des efforts individuels, et qu'ils apprendront
de nous II se mouvoir en dehors des limites conventionelles de leur yieille
organisation. Puissent les percs des nations modemes reprendre nn
jour une place honorable dans I'cdifice dout ils ont, avee tant de pa-
tience, etabli les fondements I^f.
* Rlicodo's Ilortus Malabar ic as, voL ii., pp. 40-7, tip. 27.
t G. Rydicr*e Anti'^vAU des llaas Ilutnui/uS} pp. 37i2-373.
147
Art. IV. — The Suhjugnfuvi of Persia by the Moslems, and the
Extinction of tJic Susan ian Dynnsfy, By E. Reuits2K,
M.C.E., Hon. Mem. Bom. Br. R. A. S.
Read 9th Jannary 1875.
Considering that tlic Arabs had never before the time of Muhammad
been fully united, liad never been able permanently to retain any foreign
territory, and liad barely succeeded in establishing union and peace at
home when they began repeatedly, and not in very considerable num-
bers, to invade the frontiers of the Persian E'ruk, it is scarcely probable
that they seriously entertained so vast a scheme as the overthrow of the
Sasanian dynasty, and the conquest of the whole Persian empire, in the
beginning of the war. But, fired with religious zeal, and flushed with
fluccess, the Moslems soon perceived that if they persevered in their
hostilities they would be rewarded with boimdless wealth, an immense
addition to their territories, and with the beautiful opportunity, dear to
«very true believer of those times, of being able to present Islam for
acceptance at the point of the sword to the subjugated people. The
conquest of the Persian empire, which had not been contemplatiJd by
the Arabs suddenly, could neither be accomplished suddenly ; the war
commenced during the reign of Ardeshir 111., and continued during
the whole time of Yazdegird, so that it lasted longer than a quarter of
a century, and with him the Silsanian dynasty becanie extinct, although
even with his death the struggle was not entirely terminatcil, as long
afler it uprisings against the Arabs took ])laco, the suppression of which,
however, presented no very great dilficulties to the jiower which had
BOW become paramount. The reliable historic.il sources from which
an account of this conquest can be given are not only scanty, but come
all from one side, as there exist none on the other ; so that a con-
frontation of both is an impossibility, and those used in the compilation
of this paper in which the subject is treated with considerable detail
arc Zotenberg's Tabari, the Rauzat al-9afa, and the quotations made
from Ibn Khaldun occuring iu Caussin de Perceval's *'l]ssai sur
THistoire des Arabes."
148
MOSLEM CONQUEST OP PERSIA.
(chapter I. — Commencement of the War.
Abu Bekr, the immediate successor of the prophet, was the first
Khalif who bcgau to contemplate the extension of Islam bejond the
limits of Arabia proper. The little kingdom of Hirah, tributary to
Persia, although it contained an entirely Arab population, he deterromed
to subjugate, apparently without entertaining any scheme of further or
larger conquests, merely because he had been informed that the empire
of Persia, having after Shiruyeh* fallen into the hands of women and
children, was much enfeebled also by internal dissensions, and that no
great resistance might be apprehended from that quarter. The Kings
of Persia had conferred the government of Hirah and of Kufahf on
lyus, and all the Arab possessions of the Persians were under his
• For tlio purpose of better fixing in the memory of the reader the events
about to be uarratinl, it will be proper in this place to insert a chronological
table of tlie sovereigns of Persia from Mr. K. U. Cama's " Jamshedi Naoroz,"
containing Dr. Monliiuann's " Chronology of the S&s&nians," and to add also the
corresponding Hcgim years. I'his list of dates is well determined, although
some writers diifor in a few details, and Mr. E. Thomas entirely omits Kesra L,
Chahinendah, and Forakhzud ; he also places Arzemidukht after Kesra II., i,9.
Khosru, and calls the lust Yazdogird the 3rd, and not the 4th; he does not, how-
ever, stand alone in his opinion, as the confusion of reigns was very coDsiderable
during that period ; also the Shohnamah omits Kesra IL, and oven Hormud
v., and has afiur Purundukht only Arzemidukht, who reigned 4 montha,
Farrakhzad 1 mouth, and Yazdogird 20 years; whereas the list of E. Thomaa,
F.R.S., &c., terminates as follows : —
Accession of Nd. 20 Puraudukht (dr. of Khosm Parviz) A. D. 630 5 of
Nos. 27, 28, and 29, i.e. Khosru, Azarmidnkht (dr. of Khosru), andHormozd,
all A.D. C31~2; lastly No. 30, Yazdogird III., son of Shahryir, whose reign
lasted from t!ie Kith June 032 to 650 ; whereas according to Dr. Mordtmann's
list, the latter portion of which is here inserted from the '* Jamshedi Naoroz/*
the total number of reigns amounts to 38, counting that of Kobad for two» as he
reigned twice.
No.
38
21)
SO
31
32
33
94
35
36
37
99
Kobnd n. (Slilniych)...
Anlrshir Til
S.'trbiiraz (^huhry&r) ...
Ke»r« I
Puntndulcht,daiii;hti>r (<t Khosru I'arnz
ChaiiiiuMidah
Arxemidukht, also dr. of KliOHru Purria.
Kc«ra U
Ferakhzid
Ilormuzil V
Yn/depni IV., pon of Shnhrj'dr
(Killed flol iu the intprTal between
SUt March and 23Td Au^'U8t.) I
Accession to tho throne according to
Mordtmann.
25 Feb. 628
Richter.
628
SediUot.
628
Fata-
638
Nov. ds
628
620
' 828
690
629
620
0:20
630
630
630
620
630
Jan. Feb. 631
••• ••*
Mar. Apr. 631
631
632
Hi
May, June 631
631
632
631
July, Aug. 631
633
632
•••••■
Sept. 631
631
^ 16 June 632
032
632
632
>
to
to
to
;
6j0
662
651
7-8
7-8
8-
8-10
8-10
10
10
10-11
10-11
10-11
11 BabI'
I to
31-at
+ Iho two ttwus were onlv thiee miles distant from each other.
MOSLEiT CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 149
authority. A man named Mo^annn Ren IIare«ah A I Shnybani, imwill-
ing to obey lyds, went from Kufah to ^iedinah, embraced Islam, and
presenting himself to the Khnlif said, ** Give me the government
of the territory of Kufah and Sawad, that I may be the master of
all the parts of the provinces ^^ hich I sliall conquer ; because the
Persian empire is weak." Abu Bekr granted him these countries, and
promised to aid him with troops. !Mo«anna then returned but did
nothing except alternately sojourning at Kufah and in the Sawad.
When Abu Bekr saw that he could undertake nothing, he recalled
Khiled Ben W'alid bv a letter from Yemania and said : — " March to
Hirah and Eufah, unite thy forces with those of Mo^anna, then pro-
ceed in the direction of ^ladayn,* taking tlic advice of Mo^anna,
and march to Obolla. The town of Obolla is situated between Borrah
and Kufah ; it is called Ffirj'til'IIind (the limit of India), because
there O'man is entered from India." Abu Bekr wrote also a letter to
Mofanna and ordered him to obey Khaled.f
In the month Muharram A. II. 12 (March— April C33) Khiiled Ben
"Walid departed from Yemama at the head of 10,000 men, consisting of
Tarious tribes, and was soon joined by Mosanna, who brought 8.000
tneUt so that the whole army now consisted of 18,000. !Mo.sanna had
already made predatory incursions before into the Persian dominions,
and had several times penetrated into the district of Kaskar, where he
plundered villages. When Khaled arrived near ITirah, lyils the king
of it came out to meet him, and Khaled said, **0 lyas, select one of
these three proposals : — Accejit our religion, or ]iay tribute, or be jire-
pared for war ; because the men who are with me love war and death
as thou lovest pleasure and life.'* lyas replied, *• We do neither
wish to resist thee nor to abandon our ancient religion ; but we
consent to pay tribute." Subseciuently the inhabitants of Hirah made
a collection of 90,000 dirhems, which they paid to Khaled.
Hormuz, the Persian governor of the lower or coast portion of F/rak,
being informed of the approach of the Musalmans, sent word to that
• (Comclii Taciti Annalcfl VI. 42. In a foot not o : — ) Solrnrrncrg vt Polonci
t Tabari, III., p.32l.
150 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA.
effect to his sovereign, Ardeshir Kesra, son of Shiruyeh.* True to
the abovementioued order of Abu Bekr, Khaled proceeded to Obolla,
which was commanded by a Persian named Hormuz, who had 20,000
men under his orders. At this time Shiruyeh the son of Parvi* being
dead, the crown was placed on the head of Ardeshir, an infant on the
breast, and the government was carried on by some magnates of
Persia, while Hormuz, who was extremely brave, watched over the se-
curity of the empire on the side of the desert against the Arabs, and on
the side of the sea against the people of India. Khaled addressed the
following letter to Hormuz : — " I, the general of the vicar of God,
have arrived. Embrace IsMm, or pay tribute, or be prepared for war."
After having perused these lines, Hormuz sent them to Ardeshir, the
king of Persia ; then he put his army in motion and entered the
desert, desirous to encounter Khaled, whom he actually met.
In the morning the two armies left their camps and put themselves
in battle array. The first who came forward was Hormnz, who
shouted at the Musalmans, " Where is Khaled ? Tell him to come to
measure his strength with me.*' Hormuz was of a powerful stature,
and Khaled an insignificant-looking fellow. Hormuz alighted from
his steed, and a single combat ensued. Having parried a blow aimed
by Hormuz, Khaled threw away his own scimitar, saying, " What is
the use of swords ?" and approaching Hormuz, lifted him up from the
ground, sat down on his breast and drew a poniard to cut his throat.
At this sight the Persian army came on running and surrounded
Khdled to disengage Hormuz, whilst on the other hand Ka'^' and
the Musalm^n soldiers threw themselves amidst the Persians and. sepa-
rated them from Khaled, who cut off the head of Hormuz, throwing it
among the Persians, who thereupon took to flight. Khaled mounted a
horse and sent a body of troops in pursuit of them. Many of them
were slain or made prisoners, but at the fall of night the Musahn&ns
re-entered their camp.f
• From the cbronological list given before, it appears that the sovereign bera
mentioned, Ardeshir III., who ascended the throne at the end of 028 or the
beginning of (529, i.t>. not later than A.H. 8, and was not even one year on ik|
could not have been appealed toby the Persian governor Hormuz a.r. 12, when
the first invasiouoof Persia by Khaled took place. Both these contradictcnj
dates are apparently taken from Ibn Khaldun by Caussin de FercevaL Tftbari
has them not, and is in general very sparing of dates, but it will aftorwardl
be Been that he also assigns later dates to several events.
t Tabari, III., p. 324.
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 151
The reason why the ^lusalmuns returned to their camp does not
appear, nor why Obolla, into which Khiiled marched the next morning,
had remained undefended by the Persians ; but what is more strange
still is that some writers relate that Khalodi' did not take Obollo,
bat that it succumbed only during the Khalifate of O'mar, a.h. 14
(635-36); that statement appears, however, not to be true. InTabari's
recital of the booty taken by Khuled when he entered Obolla, the
chains brought by the Persian troops to fetter the Muhammadan pri-
soners are mentioned, as well as the fact that in all the narratives of
the battles and victories in E'rak the fight at Obolla is called " the
day of chains" for this reason ; whereas Caussin de Perceval states,
according to Ibn Rhaldun, that the name is taken from the circum-
stance that the Persian soldiers had chained themselves to each other,
with the intention rather to perish than to flee. All agree, however.
that the mitre of Ilormuz found among the phuider, the like of which
had never before been seen by the Arabs, was estimated at the value
of 100,000 dirhems ; it was of red colour and set with precious stones.
Among the Persians the various degrees of nobility were indicated by
the head-dress, which was more or less rich according to dignity. The
highest magnates alone had a right to wear a costly diadem like thftt
of Ilormuz. Khaled made a distribution of the spoils, oue-iifth of
which, together with the costly mitre and an elej)liant which had
been taken, was sent to Medinah. Abu 13ekr had the elephant prome-
naded about in the whole town, so that the peojile might see him ;
then he sent him back to Khaled, whom he also presented with the
mitre of Ilormuz.
ClIAl>TER II. — CONQUKST OF PERSIAN E'ra'k.
After this victory Khaled marched deeper into the country, but was
soon met bv Karen 13eu Ferianus,* who eomniandcd for the kinc of
Persia in Ahvaz, but was sent by him to support the army of Ilormuz,
the remnants of which he joined to his (mn r)(),0()0 men, and eneamj)ed
at a place called Mazur. To this place Khaled also marched, and when
he came in sight Karen drew up his army, giving the command of the
right wing to Anushejan, and the left to Kobad, both of whom had been
officers of Ilormuz, were distinguished men, and relatives of the infant
king Ardeshir. Karen himself came out from the ranks and challenged
• F'^risiniis n«'»T boinjj an Aral sic <'r Persjian iinino, tbo iM'jinT of it wim y^rnbji-
bly a Roman; ami •jvcn tlio naint* ol' liic> son K:irL'U is very liki-Iy u corruption cf
Eunio Somau or Circck >\t.i:'<I.
152 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA.
Khiiled to single combat, whereto the latter agreed, taking Kjiren for
his own antagonist, and assigning A'di B. Hatim Tai and A'^sem B.
Khattah to Aniishejan and Kobiid. Both the latter were slain, but
nothing is said of Kuren. The Persian army was put to flight, and on
counting the dead on tlic next day 30,000 Persians were found to have
fallen ; and the jMusalmans obtained considerable booty (April-May
633, A. II. 12, in the month Cafar).
A few days after this battle Khuled heard that after the defeat at
Ma7.ar the king of Persia had despatched 50,000 men under the com-
mand of Anderzaz, who had encamjicd at Walajah. On receipt of
this information Khuled reviewed his army, and picking out 20,000
men left the rest in the place where they were. On arriving in the
presence of the enemy he detached a body of 4,000 men, whom he
])laced in ambush on the two sides of the enemy's camp, with orders
to rush upon him as soon as they j)orccivcd that the battle had com-
menced. This was done and the Persians fled, but the slaughter of
them was more terrible still than at MiWar.
From AValajah Khsiled marched to Ollays,* where a battle took
place ; but before describing it some account of the Arabs who fought
on the Persian side is to be given. In the army of Karen there were
many Christians who had come with him from Ahvaz. They were
Arabs of the Beni Bekr and of the Bcni Fjl. They had taken part
in the tij^lit at Mazir and many of them had been slain. Then all the
Arabs of the Beni Bekr and the Beni Pjl from Ahvdz, Hirah, and
from Mocul made common cause and addressed a letter to the king of
Persia in which they said, "AVe bind ourselves to aid thee; send
another army and we shall join it.*' In the army of Khaled there
were, however, also many of the Beni Bekr and of the Beni I'jl who
had become Musalmans.
The king of Persia, having learnt that the Arabs of Moqul, of Jezirah,
and of Ahvaz wished to aid him, was very glad. He had sent after
Anderzaz another body of troops of '10,000 men under the command
of Bahman Jaduyeh, and the former, having engaged in battle before
the arrival of the latter, was beaten. AVlieu Bahman saw the ftigitivea
he halted in his march and wrote a letter to the king of Persia to ask
for instnu'tions. The king deliberated. When he received the letters
• Lifl according to Tabari, but the place is evidently the harao which Ibn
KlialUuu mcuiis.
MOSLEM C0N«-iCKST OF PEKSIA. 153
of the Arab Christians of the tribes Beni Bekr and Fjl who proposed
to aid him and demanded an army, he wrote to Bahman to march
forward to join the Arabs of the Beni Bekr and the Beni Tjl and to
attack Kh£led. Bahman Jdduyeh gave the command of the army to an
officer named Jdbaii, who was a Dehkun or large proprietor in the
Stnrid district. He ordered Jaban to join the Beni Bekr and the Beni
rjl, and enjoined him not to begin the struggle before he had himself
returned. J&bAn marched, and established his camp at Lis (Ollays),
a Tfllage which was under his personal jurisdiction.
Khiled had been informed of these circumstances. When the
Christians of the Beni Bekr and the Beni I jl became aware that a
Persian army had been put in motion without a commander-in-chief, not
one of them left his country to join Jaban. At this news Khaled
considered that it would be proper to fall on the Persian troops before
the arrival of Bahman, and before their junction with the Arabs ;
therefore he immediately departed with 20,000 men.
Jdban kept himself on his guard within his camp, expecting the
return of Bahman. One day his soldiers were just eating their
dinner when the vanguard of Khaled came in sight ; they said, " The
Arabs will pitch their camp to-day and will attack us only to-morrow,"
and continued to eat. When Khaled arrived, the soldiers of the
vanguard said that the Persians were engaged in dining. Khaled asked
whether on seeing them arrive the enemies had got up to attack them.
The soldiers gave a negative reply. Khaled snid, "Do not alight,
but attack them at once,'* and swore that if God granted him victory,
he would slay as many of the eneinifs as would dye the river with
their blood, because they had despised the Mu:jalmans.
The Musalman army, having been drawn up in battle array, began
the attack. The Persians rose, saying to Jaban, ** We shall not
lose thy repast," and, beginning to fight, fought a battle which was
the hottest that ever took place between Khaled and the Persians.
After a very obstinate stmggle the Persians took ilight in the interval
between the morning and the afternoon prayers. Khaled had it
proclaimed that none of the prisoners should be killed, and the next
morning he had them led to the bank of the river, near which their
heads were cut off, so that the blood flowed into it, and his oath was
fulfilled.* It appears that Tabari in all his (k'^cri])tions of battles
* Tubari, vol. III., p. JS'.'.
20 r a 3
IS^ MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA.
invariably attributes the victory to the Mnsalmins, and never even
hints that it was dubious. Caussin de Perceval, however, who here
followed both Tabari and Ibn Khalddn, states that although Bahman,
who had gone to Madayn in order to consult Ardeshir who was sick,
could not be present at the battle, J^b^ had been so bravely ieoonded
by Abj^ and A'bd-al-aswad, the Christian BeVrite chiefs, that the
victory was for a long time dubious. The butchery on the river
Euphrates, or rather a canal of it, lasted one day and one night ; the
water of it became red from the blood of so many victims, and obtained
after that time the name " Nahr-al-dam,'' t.^. river of blood.
Not far from Ollays there was Amghishiyah, a city almost rivalling
Hirah in importance, and situated on the lower extremity of the
branch of the Euphrates called " Fur^t Badakhi/' *' the Euphrates of
Badakla," which begins in the vicinity of Hirah. Ehdled appeared all
of a sudden before Amghishiyah, the inhabitants whereof fled withont
having time to carry off their valuables. The Musalmdns plundered
the houses and demolished them utterly. Already enriched by their
former successes, they collected on this occasion such a quantity of
booty that the share of each trooper amounted to 1,500 silver dir-
hems.
After Kh^led had embarked his infantry and baggage in boats, he
marched with his cavalry to Hirah, following the banks of the
FuWLt Badakla, which his flotilla was ascending. At the news of his
approach El-Azaduba, the Marzeb^ or satrap of Hirah, established
near the two mausoleums called " Gharyani" a camp to protect the
town, and despatched his son with a body of troops to guard the head
of the Fwrit Badakla, which body closed, according to the instructions
of the satrap, the upper extremity of the Fwrit Badakla by a dam,
in such a manner as to turn the mass of water into the other arm of
the river, and opened the sluices of all the canals of irrigation issuing
from the arm of the Badakla. By this means the waters of this
latter arm were speedily withdrawn, so that the boats of the Musal-
mans stuck all of a sudden fast, high and dry. Khiled, however,
undaunted by this stratagem, left his flotilla, and, hastening forward
with his cavalry, met at the spot called "Famni-al-a'ty]^' or *^oId
mouth,*' the first post of troops, the others being stationed farther np
at the " Famm-Furiit-Bidakla," or " mouth of the Furit Badakla."
This first post Kh^ed attacked suddenly, and cut it up, together with its
young chief, the son of the Marzeban ; then he pierced the dam, and
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 155
after closing the outlets to the canals the water took its ordinary course,
and the Musalmin boats, thus again set afloat, soon arrived with the
infiuitiy and the baggage. As soon as the infantry had set foot on
ihore, the Musalmins presented themselves before the Khawamak
caatlf, and took possession of it almost without striking a blow.
Then thej marchei to Hirah, which was situated at a distance of three
wSiitB, and where £l-Azdduba dared not wait for them, as he fled in
the direction of Persia on being simultaneously apprised of the death
id hia own son and that of Ardeshir. Khaled encamped with his army
OQ the Tery spot occupied by the Marzebdn during the preceding night,
and began, after ineffectually summoning the inhabitants of the city
to capitulate, immediately to besiege Hirah.
The ca&tles, which constituted the only force of Hirah, resisted the
attack for some time, but Khaled having taken possession of the Chris-
tian convents in the vicinity, the monks expelled from them induced the
defenders of these castles to capitulate, which happened as follows : —
The soldiers of Khaled had orders to invite the inhabitants of Hirah to
embrace Islam, and to grant them for that purpose a respite of one
day, but to attack them in case of refusal the next day, and not
to treat with them if they proposed to pay tribute. Eight thousand
men posted themselves near the walls of the town, and summoned the
people to accept the Musalman religion. After they had refused, the
Mosalmans provoked them to fight, and rejected the proposal of those
inhabitants of Hirah who wished to pay tribute. The people on their
part sent men upon the walls, who threw stones from slings at the Mu-
iilm^ns, but the latter succeeded in taking possession of a gate and in
slaying many persons. Then the monks came out from Hirah with
their heads wrapped in their cowls, and presented themselves before the
Hiualmin army weeping, and asking for quarter. The Musalmans
had been prohibited from killing Christian monks. When they arrived
in the presence of Moranna Ben Hare«ah, whom Khaled had entrusted
with the comnuind of the troops, these monks said, '* Grant us three
dajB of respite that we may betake ourselves to Khaled and explain our
poaition." Mo^anna consented, and hostilities were suspended. Four
chiefs of the town, one of whom was A'bd-al-Masih, went to Khaled
and, implored his clemency on condition of paying tribute.
A'bd-aUMasiljt carried in his hand a folded leaf.'*' Exhaled asked : —
^What is this?*' A*bd-al-Masili rephed:— ''This is a mortal poison,
* A imall bag BOipendcd from his girdle, according to Ibn KhaldiiD.— C. de P.
15G irOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA,
which, in case thou hadst refused to grant us peace, I intended to
swallow, in order not to return to my countrymen." Khdled took this
poison away from him, spread it on his own hand and pronounced the
words *' In the name of God, by whose power nothing from heaven nor
from the earth can hurt," and swallowed it. He felt uneasy for a mo-
ment and perspiration flowed from his forehead; then he said, "There
is neither power nor force except with God the Most High, the Great ;"
then turning towards A*bd-al-Masili he said to him, '' I took this
poison to let thee know that nothing can hurt anyone except hy the
will of God." He also asked A'bd-al-Masil^, <* Dost thou recollect
how this land looked formerly?" A'bd-al-Masih replied, "I recollect
that the country between Hirah, Damascus, and Syria, which is now a
desert, was cultivated and planted with fruit-trees."*
After this conference the deputies returned to Hirah, and A'bd-al-
Masih said to the people, '* This fellow is not a man but a devil, — ^he
has swallowed a handful of poison which would kill an elephant, but it
has not hurt him. No one can. resist him ; consent to all his demands."
Khaled granted them peace on condition of paying an annual tribute of
190,000 (or, according to others, of 290,000) dirhems, and a capitation
tax of four dirhems per head, which they had also before paid to the
King of Persia, and which was called *' Harazat Kesra." Several histo-
rians agree that the capitulation of Hirah was signed in the month
Rabi' anterior a.h. 12 (May-June a.d. 633). f Then the chie0*
brought rich presents to Khaled, who sent them to the Khalif Abu
Bekr ; the latter wrote back that he accepted them as an instalment of
the tribute, and their value having been estimated it was deducted as
such for the current year.
Following the precedent of Hirah, the Deh^^ans, t. e. large pnv
prietors and owners of villages in the surrounding country, treated with
the Musalmaus, and bound themselves to pay for the estates to be
cultivated a tax of one million dirhems besides the " Harazat Kesra"
or capitatlon-tax of four dirhems for every individual on their property.
When Khdled had thus subjugated Persian E'rdk as he had been in-
* Tabari, III. 333.
t This is one year after the accession of Yazdegird, the last king, to the
throne ; whereas from what follows it a})pcar8 that no king had been yet elect-
ed by the magnates who afterwardtn found Yazdegird and put him on the
throne.
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 157
itroctecl, he established Musolmlin tax-gatherers in various places, and
placed officers, such as Mo«anna Ben Hare^ah, Zirur B. Al-Azwar
the Aadite, Zirar B. Mn|carrim the Mozanite,aud Al-Ka'ka' in charge
of the newly acquired frontiers beyond the Euphrates along the river
Sib^ irith orders to defend its approaches and to pillage the country
eait of that line. They vrere not slow in zealously obeying his instruc-
tUMia, by making raids as far as the banks of the Tigris, devastating
and plvndering everything that came in their way.
Daring this time Bahman Jaduyeh had remained quiet with his
army at Nahr-sh(r near Sdbat, opposite to Madayn, where Al-Azaduba
had joined him, whilst other Persian troops occupied Anbur, A'yn
Tamr, and Firax. All these troops remained immoveable, witjiout
daring to undertake anything, and without obtaining any directions from
the capital. Since the death of Ardeshir III. great confusion and un-
eeitainty prevailed at Madayn. The barbarous jealousy of Shiruyeh
the son of Elhosru Parwiz, who exterminated his brothers and his
connna the descendants of Nushirvan, as well as the fury of the
contending factions which had massacred the chief members of the
bmilies collateral to that of Nushirvun issuing from Bclirum Gdr, ap-
peared to have extinguished the male posterity of the ancient kings.
The magnates of Persia, divided by ambition, were unable to agree on
the choice of a monarch. Khaled heard that the king was dead, that
a woman had been placed on the throne, and that Az.4duba, the general
who had abandoned Hirah, was now at Madayn arousing the Persians
to wage war. Consequently Khaled despatched two messengers, one
of whom carried a letter for the sovereign, and the other for the people.
The contents of both letters were these : — *' God takes away the power
from yon, and causes the true religion to appear in your country.
Believe now in God and in His prophet, or consent to pay tribute, or
prepare for war, because I have men with me who love death better
than life."
This threatening message imposed on the rival pretenders silence for
a moment ; and the princesses of the blood of Kesra Nushirvan caused
the government of the state to be transferred to Farrukhzad son of
Bendowan, until an individual could be found whom both the magnates
and the people might acknowledge as king. But Farrukhzad, either
from want of capacity or of authority, took no means suitable to arrest
the progress of the Musalmans. Within the space of two months
Khaled had succeeded in collecting through his agents all the contribu-
158 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA.
tions the people had engaged themselves to pay, and the greater poition
of his army, concentrated around Hirah, had recovered itself from its
fatigue. Impatient to extend Musalmdn dominion to the regions as-
signed to the operations of Ijdz B. Ghanum, and having received no
news of this general, he believed that obstacles had impeded hini» and
intended to march to meet him in order to aid him in the fulfilment of
his task. He recalled Al-Ea'|f:a' from the banks of the river Sib» and,
having left this officer in command of Hirah, departed and progressed
through the cultivated districts adjoining the Euphrates, and caUed
Al-Felilij (sing. Falldjah) as far as KerbelU, where he took a few days'
rest, in order to assure himself of the obedience of the sarroonding
population. Then, preceded by Al-Akrd Ben "HAhn at the head of the
vanguard, he continued his route towards the north-west, and arrived
before Anbdr, a town situated on the Euphrates, defended by a deep
fosse and good fortifications, under the governor, i.e. Marsban Shirsid,
and defended by its Arab inhabitants, as well as Persian soldiers ; there
were also the Christian Arabs of Hirah, of Mocul and Jexirah, irith the
tribes Beni Be^ and I'jl who had been put to flight by ElUlled and had
taken refuge in the fort of Anbdr. When Khdled approached them
he beheld men covered with iron from head to foot, of whose bodies
no part was bare except the eyes. Accordingly he made his archen
advance and said to them, " This day the action is yours : you must
aim correctly, the sword can effect nothing against them." The archers
then poured a shower of arrows against the Persians, aiming only at
their eyes, and blinding one or two thousand of them. Shirsad pro-
posed a capitulation to Elh^led, and he consented on condition that the
former should retire to Mesopotamia with his troops, carrying only the
clothes they wore, and provisions for a march of three days. Shirsid
departed and marched to Madayn, where he was blamed by Bahman
for having capitulated, but he replied, '*By a single discharge of
arrows 2000 of my men have been blinded ; and when the Arabs who
served in my army saw this, they shouted that we ought to surrender
ourselves."
This battle is called " Zat-al-O'yiSn," or " the day of eyes," which is
briefly narrated by Tabari, and who says nothing about Anbir, to take
which ELhdled ordered all the camels of his army which were exhausted
by fatigue to be killed on the next day, and their bodies thrown into
the fosse, so that they served as a bridge for the Musalm^ to make
an assault on the walls, in which they gained the advantage.
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PEBSIA. 15(^
KUIed confided the keeping of Anb^r to the Tamimite Zibri^tn B.
Bedr, and marched to A' jn Tamr, a town situated three stages north-
ncit of Anbar on the confines of the desert. There a strong Persian
gttTUon commanded by a general named Mehrin B. Behrdm Chubin
had ihnt itself up, and was supported by a large body of Arab Chris-
tuuilSy whose chiefs were Akka and Uozayl. The former of these said
to M ehr^y " Leave to us the care of repelling KhiUed ; we Arabs
know better how to fight Arabs than you do." Mehr^n willingly
■ooepted this proposal, and Akka posted himself on the road where the
M obammadans were expected. He was however defeated and made
priaoner by Khfled*8 own hand, whilst Hozayl escaped with a portion
of the beaten troops ; and Mehran, being alarmed, evacuated the fort
of A'yn Tamr, fleeing with his Persians in the direction of Madayn.
A remnant of the troops of Akka, however, took up their position in the
lbrt» and* putting themselves into a state of defence, valiantly resisted
aeveral assaults of Kh^led, who soon besieged and compelled them to
■orrender unconditionally. He slew all these Arabs, aa well as their
diief Akka, whom he had already captured before ; he also made
priaoners of all the women and children he found in the town. He
took away also the students belonging to the seminary of the church
of A'yn Tamr. Now Khaled, who entertained no apprehensions of
any great molestations on the part of the Persians in his recent con-
qocflta, hastened to aid his colleague lyaz B. Ghdnum, who had sent
him a message asking for assistance from Daumat Jandal,* where he
had in the beginning of the campaign experienced a check, and where
he still waa.
Zibrit^in B. Bedr, who had been appointed governor of Anbar by
Khiled, sent him the following letter : — '* When thou hadst departed
from the Sawad to Daumat-al-Jaudal, the Persians thought that thou
hadst returned [to Medinah], and the troops which were scattered have
reassembled ; they are commanded by two generals, named Zermihr
and Rnabeh, who have united under their banners all the fugitives,
and have taken possession of three fortresses in the Saw^, namely,
lid, Ehanafis, and Muzayya*k. I fear they will attack Anb^r.**
* The point stmck on a line drawn from tho hoad of tho Pertrian Galf to the
lowMt part of tho Mediterranean, by a perpendicular dropped on it from
Madinab, will mark tho position of Daumat Jandal pretty nearly. This town is
I diys' distance from Damascus, and 15 or 16 from Medinah according to
Wright (£aWy ChriHianity in Arabia , p. 177), and was inhabited by Chris-
tiaik Aimbs who became afterwards Musalmans.
160 MOSLEM CONQUEST OK PERSIA.
When Kh^Icd received this letter, he wrote to the governor of Hirah,
Ka'ka' B. Amru, and called him to himself, whilst he sent Ijju B.
Ghanum to take his place at Hirah. Then he despatched Ka'tu' to
Hasid, which was the most considerable of the three just-mentioned
fortresses, whilst he himself marched to Anbar. Hasid was occupied
by Ruzbeh, who had been sent there by Zermihr, whilst the latter
had established his camp on the frontier of the Saw^d. On the ap-
proach of Ka*ka', Ruzbeh informed Zermihr and demanded reinforce-
ments. Zermihr thereupon entrusted Mahbud^n with the command
of the principal army, and marched himself with a considerable body of
troops to the assistance of Ruzbeh, and thus united the two generals
attacked Ka'ka' B. A*mru ; both, however, perished in the battle^ and
their troops were put to flight, but again assembled and halted at
Khanafis.
Mahbuddn, apprised of the death of Ruzbeh and of Zermihr, left his
camp and marched with his whole army to Muzayya'^c. As soon as
Khaled heard of this, he sent a letter to call Ka']|:a', and then made
arrangements to surprise the army of Muzayya']^. The garrison,
thinking itself secure, had fallen asleep, and the gates of the fort were
not shut. Khaled, who arrived at daybrcak,f immediately threw him-
self into the town and massacred the enemies. When the sun had
risen, there were so many corpses within and without the fortress that
blood flowed like a river.
Without losing time, Khaled now passed through the localities named
Hauran, Alrank, Al-Hanat (crossed the Euphrates), and ran to
Zomayl, where the Taghlibite hordes of Rabia'h B. Bojayr had
encamped : these he crushed by a nocturnal surprise like the one
he had just accomplished at ISIuzayya'k. Thence he tnmed towards
Rozab, where a gathering of the Bcni Namir and the Beni Taghhb had
taken place under Hilnl B. A']<:ka, but which dispersed at the sight of
the Musalman banners. Khulcd proceeded as far as Firiz, and a body
of Persians which had occupied that position evacuated it immediately.
This was a beautiful place on the banks of the Euphrates, where Khiled
rested his army a whole month, and kept the Ramazan fast, a.h. 12.
Ililal B. A'kV:a, who had escaped from the fort of Rozab to the territoiy
of the Romans, spoke to them as follows : — " Khaled has conquered
EVdlj: and will no^ turn towards Riim. Co-operate with me to reassemble
the Persians and the Arabs. I shall attack him, and destroy him in this
• AlidnigUt.— C. dc P.
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PEUSIA* 161
▼uy place, on Roman soil." The Romans accepted these propositions,
and the Emperor of Rdm sent £pm Constantinople an army of 100,000
men. Hilal despatched messengers towards the Sawad and E*t&^ to
induce the Arahs who had escaped from various battles to fight under
banner. About 30,000 joined him. A letter to the same import
addressed to the Persian army, and its assistance sought.
KhAled was informed of these machinations, but kept himself quiet
and waited for the end of the month Ramazan. Then, the Roman
army having arrived, the enemies, to the number of 180,000 men, put
themselves in motion agaii^t Khdled. They halted on the banks of
the Euphrates and sent word to K haled to cross the river himself,
in they would cross it. Khaled replied, " You come to attack me,
ajd you ought to cross it." Accordingly they passed over the river.
Tlie next morning Khaled drew up his army in battle array and
wuted. At the time of noon-prayers the enemies had not yet formed
their lines. Khaled shouted, ** How long shall we wait ? " Then
he rushed at them, and they were routed at the first shock. The
Mosalm^ns made great carnage, and those who were not killed perish-
ed in the waves. In this battle 100,000 dead, Romans, Persians, and
Arabs, were counted. Hilill B. A'l^ka escaped and was seen no more.
The booty was immense. This battle was fought on the 12th l^ul-
Va'dab a.h. 12 (22nd January a.d. 634). Khaled remained yet ten
days more at Firaz, and began on the 25th Zulka*dah (1st February
A.D. 634) his retreat to Hi rah, where he arrived in due time with his
troops, although whilst these were on the march he had paid an incog-
nito visit to Mecca, where he was present on the day of sacrifices in
the valley of Mina on the 10th Zulhijjah (16th February 634).
Tabari was so simple-minded, and so ignorant of the vast extent
of the Persian empire, as to believe that the conquest of it would be
completed if the city of Madnyn, which w^as merely on the outskirts
of it, were taken.* Hitherto the Arabs had not penetrated further
than the Persian E*ruk, the bulk of whose population consisted not
of Persians, but of Arabs tributary to them. Khaled remained for
•ome time in ITirali with the intention of conrciitrnting all his forces
and then marching on Madayn, but was dis.';| >]M)ii it orl, inasmuch as
he was in the beginning of a.h. 13 recalled by A*):: Bekr and des.
. • Tabari, in., p. 347. Not less than four years more elapsed, however, before
HadajD was taken, a ii. 1($ (ibid,, p. 414), and in four years more, a.h. 20,
Kekiiwend was taken {ibid., p. 467).
2\ r a s
162 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA.
patched to Syria against the Romans, leaving Mo«anna B. H^rerah to
he the commander-in-chief of the Muanlmdn troops in £'rd]^.
Now great confnsion arose ahout the succession to the throne of
Persia. It is a well-ascertained fact that in the heginning of a.h. 13
the first of the month Muharram of which fell on the 7th March 634,
Yazdegird, the last king of Persia, must have been on the throne
already 1 year 7 months and 21 days, and therefore the very brief
reigns of Shahriraz or Shalirirdn, of Dukht Zeman, of Shdpiirthe son of
the former, and of Arzemidukht, which are so insignificant that they
have been omitted by the majority of historians, must all have taken
place before that time. It will be seen from the chronological table
given in the beginning of this paper that, according to the best authori-
ties, the reign of Pur^ndukht preceded that of Arzemidukht, and can-
not have been later than a.h. 9 ; we nevertheless find Tabari,* and
Caussin de Perceval who followed both him and IbnKhalddn, assigning
to her a reign after a.h. 13 and after the recall of Khdled.
When Shahriraz died, Dukht Zedn, a daughter of Khosru Parviz, is
said to have occupied the throne of Persia for a moment, and was
succeeded by ShdpiSr the son of Shahriraz, who granted to his minister
Farrukhzad B. Bendowdn the hand of another daughter of Kbosra
Parviz, namely, Arzemidukht. This princess, indignant at the idea of a
marriage which she considered ignominious, entered into a conspiracy
with an officer named Syawuksh, who slew Farrukhzdd, besieged the
king in his palace, took possession of his person, deprived him of life,
and placed Arzemidukht on the throne.
These sudden and violent changes, together with the disorder they
entailed, hindered the Persians from making new eflforts to wrest from
the Musalmdns their new conquests. All this, however, made the
position of Mo^anna — who was with a feeble army compelled to hold
a vast extent of territory incessantly threatened by an enemy whose
resources were immense — not the less dangerous and precarious. Un-
easy about the state of Abu Beljcr, from whom he had for some time
not received any letters, and profiting by the respite which the Pendana
allowed him, this general determined to go himself to Medinah in
order to solicit reinforcements, and to ask for permission to enrol under
his banners those fractions of the Beljcrites and other Arab tribes
which, although they were formerly guilty of apostacy and revolt, had
• Ibid. lU., p. 869.
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 163
now returned to Islam, and eagerly offered themselves to combat the
infidels, bat whose seririees the Khalif had hitherto refused to accept.
Accordingly on the day preceding his death, Abu Be]j:r saw the
uiiTal of Mofanna Ben Hare^ah, whom Khiled had, on his departure to
Syria, entrusted with the command of the Musalmdn troops he had in
Persian £*rdk. Although the death of Abu Bekr was drawing near,
he still retained full lucidity of mind. The statement made to him
by Motanna concerning the position of the army in E'rdk excited
aU hia solicitude, and he sent for O'mar. '* Listen," said he, " to the
instructions I have to give thee, and promise me to carry them out.
This day is, I believe, the last of my hfe- Begin to-morrow morning to
make a solemn appeal to the Musalm^s that the men able to bear
arms may depart in all haste, and join the troops of Mofanna. If
the generals who are fighting in Syria are successful, cause the troops
of Khdled to return to the E'rdlc as soon as they have become masters
of the chief points of that country." Abu Bekr expired that very
evening. He had reigned 2 years 3 months and some days. His death
is said to have taken place between the 16th and 22nd Jomaza the 2nd
A.B. 13, or between the 18th and 28th August 634.*
The first act of O'mar was to deprive Khdled of his command in
Syria, then he convoked the Musalmuns and addressed them as
follows : — " Musalmdns ! God has promised to His prophet that he
would cause his people to conquer Syria, the country of Riim and
Persia ; and God never leaves his promises unfulfilled. Now, do not
hesitate. Here is Mo«anna, who has come to you from E'rdlj: ! De-
part to £*ra|c: !" But no one responded to this appeal. Then 0*m^r
continued: — " Who will sacrifice his life and his property for the cause
of God V* No one offered himself, as they were all discontented with
O'mar because he had removed Kbaled from the chief command of the
troops, in spite of the brilliant victories he had achieved in tlie cause
of Islam. O'mar remained confused at these refusals, and felt ashamed
in the presence of Mo«anna. The Mohajers, the An9ars, and a multi-
tude of other Musaimans were present in the assembly. The next day
0*mar again harangued the people ; he recited many verses of the
Eorto, but in vain ; no Musalm^n presented himself to depart, and the
>mbly dispersed. The third day O'mar delivered another oration to
* Acoordiog to the Annals of Eutjchinn, Oxon, 1658, Abu Bokr is Buid to have
reigned from 28th May G32 till 28th August 034.
164 MOSLEM CONQUEST OP PERSIA.
encourage the people to war, but unsuccessfully, then Mo«anna rose
and said, " Musalmdns, hasten to the sacred war ! Fear not any Terj
great dangers on the side of Persia or E'rdk, as these countries are
more easy to conquer than any others. The greatest portion of KriHf
is aheady conquered, Hirah and the Sawdd are in our hands; the
Persians are in a precarious position and the Musalmdns hure the
advantage oyer them ; I have already a strong army there, but I desire
to go with reinforcements in order to revive the courage of the Musal-
mdns."
The first man who rose in consequence of this appeal was Abu O'b-
aydah B. Masu'd. This man, who had not been a companion of the
prophet, stood up and said, " Commander of the Faithful ! I consent
to depart with all those of my people who shall be wilhng to follow
me," Another, Sa'd B. O'baydah, a man of considerable importance,
then spoke, but O'mar, afflicted by the hesitation he perceived, said,
" Musalmdns, you cannot [always] remain in the territory of Mekka and
Medinah, and you cannot betake yourselves to other countries. Since
Hejdz exists, commerce with Syria, the E*rdV> Abyssinia, and Yemen
has been carried on at Mekka and Medinah, and in the just-mentioned
countries fruits, corn, and other goods have been sought, so that a living
has been made. Now, however, the whole world is your enemy. If
you do not mean to wage war against your enemies you must make peace
with them, else you cannot remain here any longer, you would be des-
titute and miserable." The people present considered this reasoning
just, and unanimously declared their readiness to depart ; in this man-
ner one thousand men presented themselves. 0*mar speaking to Mo-
«anna said, ''Thou hast in the E'rak 10,000 men whom Khdied has
left thee ; here are yet one thousand more, who will suffice to reinfiirce
thy army."
Then he designated Abu O'baydah as commander-in-chief. Bat
the people said, "Give us another general, some one of the com-
panions of the prophet, — one who has fought at Bedr." O'mar re-
plied, " You hesitated when I exhorted you to depart. For three
days not a man responded to my appeal! Now preference is due
to him who offered himself first." Accordingly he gave to Abu 0'bay«
dah not only the command of the troops who were to enter on
the campaign, but also of those who were already in the E*rdk. He
ordered Mo«anna to start in advance to carry this news to the troops»
and to surrender to Abu O'bavdah the command of his own soldiers
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 1G5
hnmediately on his arrival, and to march under the orders of the new
general, Mo#anna then departed and arrived in Hirah.'*'
Chapter III. — The Musalma'ns again lose the £'ra*k.
•
It has heen mentioned above that Syawukhsh had, after killing
SUpdr the son of Shahrir^z, and his minister Farrukhzad, placed
Arzemidukht, the daughter of Khosru Parviz, on the throne of
Persia. Puran, another daughter of Khosru Parviz, who enjoyed much
respect, and had often been selected as an umpire among the various
factions which divided the Persians, hastened to inform Rustum the
governor of Khoras^n of the murder of his father, Farrukhzad. On
receiving this news, Rustum, impelled by a desire for vengeance, im-
mediately left Kliorusan and hastened to Madayn, where he put to
flight the troops opposed to him by Arzemidukht and Syawukhsh, put
out the eyes of tlie former, killed the latter, and placed Purundukht
on the throne. This princess accordingly became the queen, whilst
Rustum was to be the generalissimo of all the military forces of Persia,
and co-regent with her for ten years, on the condition that if at the
expiration of this term some male descendant of Khosru Parviz should
be discovered, the supreme power would devolve on him as king, but
that in the contrary case it would continue to abide in ^hc female line
of the royal dynasty.
As soon as Rustum had been invested with authority, he despatched
emissaries to various quarters of Arabian E*ra(j: in order to rouse the
population against the Musalmdns, whilst he sent a body of troops
commanded by Jdlinus f from Madayn towards Hirah in order to
expel the Musalmdns. This was the position of affairs when the
general Moranna returned, after an absence of more than a month,
from Medinah to Hirah. On his arrival Mo^anna learnt that already
several of the Dehkan class, or large landholders, were beginning to
revolt ; and that the Persian officers Narsi and Jabuii had collected
imposing forces, the former being stationed in the district of Kas^ar,
and the latter in that of Furut-Budakla. This news made Mo«auna
apprehensive of a simultaneous attack in front and rear, and there-
fore he first of all concentrated all his detachments scattered along
• Tabari, III. 3G9.
t This mmj have been a Roman, as the uanic is merely a translitoration of
Galenufl, or Oallieiius.
166 MOSLEM CONQUEST OP PERSIA.
the river Sib and in other localities at Uirah, which he then evacuated
with all his troops, and retired towards the southern extremity of WrSf
to KhafFan, on the fringe of the desert, where he waited for his chief,
Abu O'baydah, who soon made his appearance at the head of the
reinforcements he brought. The Musalmdns thus strengthened at-
tacked Jubiin and defeated him at Namurik ; he was made prisoner
by a man named Aktal, who meant to kill him, but allowed him
to escape on receiving some precious stones. Jdban, however, being
unable to run, wandered about, and being brought into the presence
of Abu O'baydah, the general said, *' He cannot be killed, as a
Musalman had given him quarter." He was consequently set at
liberty.'*' This is no doubt the same Jdbdn whom the author of the
Rauzat-al-9afa converts all of a sudden to Isldm by stating that when
he was unhorsed he immediately shouted the words, ''There is no
God but Allah," &c., whereby he saved his life, and paid in addition a
considerable ransom.
When Abu O'baydah was encamped at Namdri]j: and was just
about to distribute the plunder, he heard that Narsi had collected
a numerous army and that Rustum was sending troops to aid him.
He immediately left his camp to attack Narsi before the arrival of
the just- mentioned reinforcements. Narsi, on the other hand* being
informed of the march of Abu O'baydah, came out from the fortresSy
and a battle took place in which he was defeated and the fortress of
Al-SaV itiyyah taken. The booty taken there was a large quantity
of provisions, and among them a number of things totally unknown
to Musalmdns and never before seen by them.
The inhabitants of Kaskar feared that Abu O'baydah might devas-
tate the whole district, and therefore the Dehkans, owners, and other
inhabitants came from every village to Abu O'baydah to treat with
him. He granted them peace and imposed tribute on them. When
the Dehkans arrived to pay tribute they brought at the same time a
large quantity of cakes of all kinds such as the Arabs had never seen,
as well as great birds of Kaskar. The Arabs thought they were
ostriches, whose flesh they never eat. As to the cakes, they all asked
what these things were and how they were called. When Abu
O'baydah asked about the birds he was told that they were domestic
fowls. Then he exclaimed, " Glory be to God who has created such
a bird for his servants!" Then he asked the Deh\jduis, "Why have
* Tabari, III. 371.
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PKKSIA. 167
joa brought me these things ? I am not in the habit of receiving
presents for myself alone." The DehV^ns replied, " We have brought
these presents for the chiefs."
Abu O'baydah despatched a messenger to carry to 0*mar the fifth
part of the booty and news of the taking of Namiirilj: and Kas^ar. He
sent him at the same time dried meat, small dried apricots, and fatten-
rd fish. The news of these victories gave much satisfaction to O'mar,
on account of the reproaches he had met with for removing Khaled
from the commandership. He was also greatly pleased on beholding
the fifth part of the spoils, and on hearing everything that was told
him about the birds, the dishes, and the cakes.*
Chapter IV. — Tiie Battle of the Bridge.
When Jalinus waited on Rustum, the latter blamed him for his
■
flight. The news of this defeat having reached Purandukht, she sent a
magnate of Persia named Bahman Jadnyeh, who was one of the
highest officers of the army, with 30,000 men and 30 elephants, against
Abu O'baydah; she gave him also the celebrated banner called ** Direfsh
Kaviin," which was kept in the royal treasury and considered to be of
happy augury .f Rustum sent also Jalinus with Bahman Jaduyeh,
to whom he said, '* If he happens to flee, cut off his head and send
it to me."
Bahman % marched against Abu O'baydah, and arriving on the
banks of the Euphrates halted near a village named Koss-al Nutif. At
this news AbuO*baydah left Kaslj:ar, gave the command of the vanguard
to Motanna B. Ha're^ah, and also marcbed to the Euphrates, halting
near a village called Marwaha. Thus the two armies, separated by the
rirer, came in sight of each other, but the bridge connecting its banks
gave the name to the battle which ensued. This bridge was thromi
across the river by Abu 0*baydah, over which he passed with his army,
consisting of 10,000 men, without minding the representations of his
principal officers, and gave the signal for attacking the Persians. Bah-
• lUMri, III. 874.
t This celebrated standard vvis formed of tifi^cr-skins set with jcwelfl, and
12 cubits long by 8 broad. It is described iu detail in the Shahnamoh.
t Snmamed by the Arabs Zulhdjeht "endued with eyebrows'; for the same
rsMon, f. €. their aversion to remember ptranpre names, tbcy dubbofl, cen-
turies Afterwards, when Napoleon Bonaparte was in Kjjr}'pt, or.e of his grenerals
Ahu Zej*\j, * iUv father of plasj*/ bocau so ho w<»rc s]»ectacle.s ; uud another Ah'
al-/anraA, * the owner of fur,' on account of lii-n iKilibsc.
168 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF TERSIA.
man had ranged his elephants in a line with orders to allow them to
fight this day freely : their trunks were protected and their bodies cover-
ed. When all was ready the keepers impelled the elephants with yella,
and the Musalmiios, who had never before seen them, were confused ;
their horses, terrified at the sight of these animals and by the noise of their
bells, retreated. Some trooperg were successful in stopping their horses
after alighting and in leading them back, but none were able to keep
them quiet. The elephants rushed into the midst of the Musalmin
army and broke its lines. Then the Arabs abandoned their horses and
threw themselves on the elephants, whose trunks they attacked with their
sabres but were unable to inflict any woimds on them. Nevertheless the
elephants, frightened by the glare of the swords as well as the blows,
concentrated themselves on a single point, and the Musalmans, abandon-
ing them, likewise massed themselves on one spot, opposite to the Per-
sian army, and engaged in the fight. The Persians sustained the shock
for a while, but soon began to flee, and many of them were cut to pieces,
so that by the time of evening prayers GOOO of them had been killed
and a certain number made prisoners.
Bahman Jaduyeh, who resisted the assaults of the Musalmans, never
left his post, and encouraged his soldiers to fight. A portion of his
troops had remained with him, and he endeavoured to recall those who
had fled. Then Abu O'baydah shouted, *' After all, the elephants de-
cide the affair. As' long as these are not repelled the enemies will not
yield." The soldiers answered, ** What is to be done ? Our arms take
no effect on the elephants, who are covered with iron from head to foot."
Abu 0*baydah called for a Persian prisoner, whom he asked how an ele-
phant is to be dealt with, and he replied, '* If his trunk is cut he can no
more draw breath, and dies." Hereupon Abu O'baydah himself alight-
ed, took his shield and sword, went to the white elephant and struck his
trunk, which, however, the animal stretched out, and seizing therewith
Aba O'baydah crushed him under foot. The keepers jingled their little
bells as a signal of joy and victory, shouting, ** We have slain thekidg
of the Arabs." Hereupon those of the Persians who had fled returned.
The Musalmans surrounded the corpse of Abu O* bay dab, and the Per-
sians had the advantage. Then an Arab named Jabr B. Nofayr took up
the standard and the Musalmdns recommenced the flght, but the Per-
sians soon killed him also ; hereupon another general snatched up the
banner, who likewise fell, and the same was the case with the seven
chiefs Abu O'baydah had designated. At last Mo^anna B. Ha'renh
took the standard of command, and the Musalmans ranged themselves
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 169
inder his orders, but thcj could not resist the Persians, who had ob-
tained the advantage over them, and fled.*
When Mo^anna perceived that the army was yielding, he retreated
gently to protect the flight of the Musalmdns in order to allow
tliem to cross the bridge. A man of the Beni Sakf named A'bdullah
B. Marnd, however, outsped the troops, and destroyed the bridge by
smking the two first boats of it. lie placed himself on the way
and abonted, " Musalmdns ! Return to the battle !" But the soldiers,
cavalry as well as infantry, threw themselves into the river, and a cer-
tain number of them perished in the waves. When Mo^anna arrived
and foond the bridge cut, he asked A'bdullah why he had acted in this
manner, aiid the latter replied, '^ To hinder the troops from fleeing."
Moianna replied, "Thou hast done wrong, and hast caused Musal-
mhm to perish." Then he struck him several times on the head with
liis whip, and alighting had the boats properly united and the bridge
repaired. Although he was himself wounded on the side by a lance-
tlmiBt, he waited till all the soldiers had passed, then followed, and
Iiad the bridge sunk. The fugitives took the road to Medinah ; but
Motanna, being unable to march, remained with 3, 000 men on the spot
vhere he was. At the moment when Bah man Jaduyeh arrived near
the destroyed bridge and was about to reconstruct it in order to
purine the Musalmdns, he received the news that the army of Persia
liad revolted against Pur^dukht, not desiring to have her any longer
for a qneen, and against Rustum the generalissimo. A letter recalled
Sahman Jaduyeh in all haste to Madayn, and he immediately left the
army*
This battle^ called ''the day of the bridge" or of Koss-al-Ndtif, as
"Well as the day of Marwiha, and of Kirkis, near which the combat took
plaee^ was fought in the month Sha'ban a.h. 13 (Oct. 13 a.d.
634) ; t 4,000 Musalmdns lost their lives, and 2,000 others returned
to Medinah covered with shame. It would have been impossible for
lif oianna to escape complete destruction had not Firuzdn, aided by
numerous adherents, come forward to dispute the authority of Rustum,
and both factions being under arms a civil war seemed imminent ;
therefore Bahman never followed up his victor}', but hastened to sup-
• Xabari, UL 879.
f Also this date appoara to be too late, as occordiDg to the narrative the
raign of Yaidogird had not yet bep^n, whcroas according to the date it had
' "^^^ already more than 2 years and 3 months.
22 ras
170 MOSLKM CONQUEST OF PERSIA.
port Rustum in Madayn instead of pursuing the Arabs, as was jost
mentioned above, because Firuzan wished to oust him from power,
which he appears after all to have taken away from him, as we
afterwards find Firuzdn sent by Purdndukht and fighting against
the Arabs i* according to others, however, these two rivals came to a
compromise among themselves, and henceforth acted as colleagues in
concert vnth each other, so that the dissensions which agitated Mm-
dayn were for a short time calmed.
Moranna, although for the moment no more threatened by the Persian
army, which had departed to Madayn vnth Bahman, did not consider
it prudent to remam in a position as advanced as Marw^ha, but went
and established his camp on the brink of the desert between K^esyah
and Rhaffidn, where he was gradually reinforced by hordes of nomadic
Arabs who marched and joined him by order of the Khalif . Rustum and
Firuzdn, the two rivals who had now become colleagues, being inform-
ed of the concentration of troops taking place around Mo«anna, des-
patched Mihr^n the Hamddni at the head of 10,000 men to disperse it.
Mihran advanced along the banks of the Euphrates and detached some
officers to Hirah, who were received vnthout resistance by the inhabitants;
but a Musalm^, who had remained in the town, secretly conveyed in-
formation to Mo«anna about the march of the foe. Accordingly Mo-
«anna immediately put himself in motion to encounter Mihrdn, and enter-
ing the district of Fnrit Bddakla he formed his camp on the right bank
of the Euphrates, and Mihdm soon made his appearance on the left.
The two armies remained for some days opposite to each other, and whilst
the people anxiously waited for the issue of the struggle about to break
out, two hordes of Arab Christians belonging to the Mesopotamian
tribes Taghleb and Namar, which had come to these localities for the
purpose of selling horses, offered their services to Mo«anna, preferring
to make common cause with the nation from which they had sprung
than with the Persians. Mo«anna accepted the useful auxiliaries ; and
Mihr£n having crossed the Euphrates vnthout opposition on the part
of the Musalm£ns, a combat took place in the month Ramgim ▲. h.
13 (Nov. 634), in which Mihrin was slain, a moiety of his army annihil-
ated, and the rest put to flight. The most acute loss with which the
Musalmans obtained this dearly-bought victory was that of Masu*d B.
Hare^, the brother of their commander-in-chief.
• Tabari, p. 881.
/'
MOSLEM CONQUSST OF PSKSIA. 171
The Arabs pursued the fugitives as far as the district of Sib and even
to the gates of SdbiU, a town situated on the Tigris opposite to
Madayn, plundering and devastating everything on their route, and
bringing hack immense booty to the camp. Afterwards Mojanna again
entered Hirah. where the women and children of Musalmfo soldiers
bad been left since the retreat from Marw^ha, and were well treated
by the inhabitants, from whom he nevertheless exacted a slight aug-
mentation of tribute for having sheltered the officers of Mihdm.
Having taken a few days' rest in Hirah, Moranna entrusted the town
to the keeping of Beshir, and marched with the bulk of the army to
AI-Lis, a village in the territory of Anbdr, on the eastern bank of the
Euphrates, whence he sent out detachments of cavalry to pillage the
whole region fertilized by the Tigris and subject to the Persians, whilst
he himself surprised Ehanafis, and afterwards Baghdid, which hap-
pened as follows : —
A man came to Mojanna and said, " The Persians hold twice a
year a fiur, to which merchandize, in greater quantity than exists in
the whole world, is brought. This fair takes place in a village situ-
ated on the banks of the Euphrates and called Baghdad." Mo«anna
replied, '* Find me a guide who can lead me there through byeways."
Whto the guide arrived, Mo«anna departed with two thousand men.
After having marched for three days through out-of-the-way locaHties,
they arrived at Baghdad, killed two thousand men of the garrison
which they had surprised, and put the others to flight. The Musal-
mins took away one thousand camels loaded with goods of all kinds,
and returned to the Saw^d, whence they made plundering raids in all
directions ; these also, however, soon ceased, as will now be shown, and
they retreated soon after the accession of Yazdegird towards the desert,
leaving the Persians in ftill possession of £'rd|c.
Chapter V. — ^Yazdegird IV., the last of the Sa^sa'nians.
Bustttm and Firuzan had made no efforts to put a stop to the just-
mrationed raids, and this inaction displeasedHhe people as well as the
magnates of Persia, who attributed all the misfortunes of the State to
the rivalries of these two men, so much so that they rose against them
and threatened them with death. Seeing that they had no chance of
letaining authority, Firuzan and Rustum determined to give Persia a
king who might enjoy the support of the people. Accordingly they
cansed all the wives and concubines of the royal faifiily massacred by
Shimyeh to be sought out and questioned. After the murder of these
172 MOSLEM C0NQUB8T OF PERSIA.
princes their wives had been shut up in a palace, where Shimyeh had
caused their male infants to be slain. But the ingenious tenderness of
a mother might have robbed the executioner of a victim. Indeed, one
of these women confessed that she had succeeded in saving the life of a
eon of Shehryar Ben Khosru Parviz, whom she let down from a window
m a basket tied to a rope, and entrusted to a relative, to be brought up
secretly. This young scion of the royal house, named Yazdegird, at
that time about twenty years old, was found, and, after being recognized,
was acknowledged sovereign by acclamation, whereupon all the fac-
tions that had hitherto separated the Persians forgot their divisions^ and
united in one common feeling of devotion to the person of the new
monarch, and in zeal for the public interest.
Yazdegird, being intelligently advised, and profiting by the enthusiasm
of the people, immediately took measures to drive out the Musalmins
from Arabian E'r^k. Numerous troops were raised, and generals
appointed to march with them simultaneously to Anb^r, Hirah, and
Obolla. These threatening preparations, with the 'activity and vigour
they presaged with reference to the forthcoming military operations,
produced a deep impression upon the rural as well as upon the town
population which had submitted to the Musalm^ins, their minds were
excited, and symptoms of insurrection began to appear on all sides.
Moranna, aware of his inability to resist the impending storm, prudently
yielded to the signs of the times, and retired in the month Zullf:a'dah
A.M. 13 (end of December 634) towards the desert, allowing the Per-
sians to occupy without any resistance all the points of the Kf£if
where the Musalm^ had been masters.
Whilst Monmna was taking this defensive position, and Western
E'rft: again obeyed Persia, he wrote to O'mar, " The situation of the
Persians is strengthened, they are killing Musalm&M. A new king has
ascended the throne, and a general is marching against us."* The
Khalif O'mar was determined at any cost to reconquer E*ri]}:, and
despatched messengers denanding new soldiers from every Arab tribe.
According to the position of their territories, some of these tribes were
enjoined to send their levies direct to £*ra1j:, whilst others had to take
the route to the Hej^ in order to concentrate themselves at I^ehur near
Medinah, where some of the contingents actually arrived about the
month Zulliejjah a. h. 13 (Jan.-Feb. 635), and where also O'mar
• Tabari, III. 385.
MOSLEM CONQTTSST OF PERSIA. 173
hhnselfy leaving A'li as his representatire at Medinah, made his appear-
ance in the company of the principal men among the Mohdjer and the
Aaqir, on New Yearns Day a.h. 14 (26 Feb. 635). In a council there,
O^mar intimated his desire of himself leading the army to E'rilf:, but
was dissuaded by his chief councillors ; and at last Sa'd Ben Abu yok^9,
one of the warriors who had most bravely fought at the battle of Ohod
to defend the Hfe of Muhammad, was appointed commander-in-chief of
the expedition.
0*mar had also informed the Arabs who wished to shake off the
Mnsalm^ yoke after the death of Muhammad, and had revolted against
Abu Bekr, but afterwards again made profession of Islam, that
he would accept their services. This declaration attracted multitudes
of Arabs who were ready to take part in the war against the infidels,
and thus to show the sincerity of their return to the religion of the
prophet. When Sa'd arrived in the country of the Beni Tamym he
added to his troops 4,000 men of this tribe and of the Reba'b, who
were expecting him on the frontier of their territory. Then he went to
Zordd, where he encamped and halted, thinking that Moxanna would
come there ; the latter, however, never arrived, but died at Zul^dr in
consequence of the wound he had received in his side at the Battle of
the Bridge ; but his wife, being very beautiful, was married by Sa'd.
As soon as Yazdegird had become aware of the first movements of
Sa'd, he ordered a considerable army to be levied, which was destined to
march against him under the command of Rustum, who enjoyed at that
time among the Persians the highest military reputation. 12,000 soldiers
were assembled at Sihit for this expedition, but Rustum, who did not
approve of it, was dilatory, because according to his opinion it would
have been best to divide this army into several corps, to be sent one
after the other against the Musalmdns, who would, even in case of
defeating each of these separate corps, become fatigued and diminished
in numbers by successive attacks, when he would afterwards himself
come forth with a numerous reserve force to inflict more sure blows
upon the enfeebled enemy ; whereas in case he were all at once to
engage against the Musalmins all the disposable forces of Persia and
were to be defeated, there was reason to fear that the Persians would
never recover their courage after such a catastrophe, and that the fate of
tiie empire would be seriously compromised. As all these reasons did
not appear convincing to Yazdegird, Rustum went to S&bat to take com-
mand of the army, but still delayed his departure under various pretexts.
174 1C08LKM C0NQUB8T OF PSB8U.
Yasdegird had also induced Eibds B. Eibda B. Manzir lY., one
of the last scions of the royal race of Hirah, who was there liTing
in obscnrity, to debauch the Beni Shajbdn and other Ba^nites conati-
tutmg the Muaalmin detachments stationed at Kotkotlna and ^nlfbt
on the promise to reinstall him as king of Hirah in cas^ of sneocM.
Accordingly, Kiibds took up his quarters at K^esyah, on the limits
of the desert, whence he wrote to the Ba^rites seeking to awaken the
ancient bonds of attachment which united them to his fiunily, and
endeaYouring to attract them ; but these stratagems took no effect,— -on
the contrary, Mua'nnah B. BUretah, brother of the general who had
recently died, left the camp of Zu^zir, marched towards Eibds, inr-
prised him in Kddesyah, and killed him, with all those who had aocom-
panied him in this enterprise.
Chapter VI. — Progress of the Musalma'ns.
At Shirtf all the troops who had obeyed Motanna gradually con-
centrated themselves around the new commander-in-chie^ except
Mua'nnah, who, having been delayed in the just-mentioned expedition
against Kdbds, was the last to arrive. He brought to Sa'd B. Wc^lfi^ the
letter dictated by his brother Mo«anna at the moment when his end
drew near. This general offered to his successor the advice which an
experience of several years of fighting against the Persians had en-
abled him to give : — He entreated Sa'd to harass the enemy by invasions^
but never to endanger the bulk of his army by marching into the heart
of E'rit^ as long as union prevailed in the government of Yazd^ird,
and not to accept a battle except on the confines of the desert, where
the Musalmins might find a retreat in case of a check ; he tenninated
his letter by recommending Selma his wife to the benevolent protee-
tion of Sa*d, who, as has been seen above, immediately married her,
and, acknowledging the wisdom of Motanna*s advice, eulogixed him
publicly.
The number of warriors who had been commanded by Mosanna
amounted to about 12,000 men: namely, 8,000 of the posterity of
Babya'h, among whom 6,000 were Bat:rite6 ; 2,000 Bajilahs, and 2,000
of the E[oiBiaand Tay. Other new levies were still arriving, among whom
were 1,700 Kindians led by Al-Asha'« Ben Kays, heir of the princes
of Kindah, who had remained inactive since Abu Bekr had pardoned
his revolt. These troops together with those brought by Sa'd formed
a total of about 30^000 men.
^.
MOSLKM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 175
More than a month elapsed in organizing the army and pladng it
on a new footing. Sa'd arranged it in diyisions, subdivisions, and oom-
panies broken np into squads of ten men each, every one being com-
manded by its decurion, in imitation of the method adopted by Mo*
j l^ inm a d in all his expeditions. All the officers, the subaHem as well
as the higher ones, were selected among the oldest Musalmins, but espe-
cially among those who had fought under the prophet. Yet another
month elapsed in transmitting news of these arrangements to the Eliilify
and waiting for his orders to begin operations. These orders arrived at
laat : the army moved away from Shirtf and set out in the direction of
KMesyah, but halted first at Osayb, where it took possession of a small
fort abandoned by the Persian garrison at its approach. From this place
Sa'd B. Vot:d9 despatched squadrons of cavalry to scour the country all
round ; one of these detachments advanced in the direction of Hirah
and met a company of Persians conveying Sinnin, the sister of the
Marzbin who commanded the city, to the gcvemor of another place^
whose bride she was. Her escort was soon dispersed, and she was,
together with the rich dowry intended for her husband, carried to the
camp of Oisayb.
Kadesyah, on the western frontier of £'dLV> was situated four miles
north-east of Ozayb and about four leagues distant from Hirah, between
the ** ditch of Sh^pdr,"* a fosse dug by the just-named king to impede
the invasion of the Arabs, and the bed of an old arm or canal of the
Euphrates at that time nearly dry, called *'Al-a'ty^," crossed by
the " Kantarat-al-a'tyt," i.^. bridge of the a'ty^: or old arm, on the
road leading to Hirah. Kddesyah succumbed without a blow, and the
Musalmin vanguard took up a position near it, in front of the just-
mentioned bridge, whilst Sa'd with the rearguard stationed himself at
Kodays, a small fort in the district of Ozayb, the rest of the army being
scattered on the intervening ground, whilst the wives and children of
the soldiers remained under the protection of a detachment in Ozayb
itself.
In this position Sa'd determined to wait for the attack of the Per-
sians, but die troops of Yazdegird, shut up in the towns and fortresses
* The Khanddk Shdhpur was a broad and deep trench extending from the
town of Hyt to the district of K&zima on tho Forsian Gulf, which proved in the
end bat a weak obstacle to tho Arabs, as tho greater part was soon filled with
nnd. Its traces, however, still existed in front of the little town of Kadesyah,
md a portion of it was yet kept in good condition. (Caussin do Perceval,
Suai tur VHUtoire dea Arabcs, &c. II. p. DI.)
176 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA..
situated on both banks of the Euphrates, kept themselves immoYeable,
desirous to allure the enemy into the interior of the country, where
they hoped to be able to fight him to greater advantage. Meanwhile
squadrons of Musalm^n cavalry were gradually detached from head-
quarters, and devastated t&e whole frontier from Anbibr as far as the dis-
trict of Easkar and of Mays&n. They rushed suddenly on unprotected
points and carried off cattle, grain, fruits and provisions, which they
rapidly conveyed to their camp, and thus maintained abundance. The
agricultural population, being greatly distressed by these raids, inces-
santly complained to Yazdegird, and at last declared that in case of his
failing to succour it, the people would be compelled to hold out their
hands to the Musalmdns.
Chapter VII. — The Musalma'n Deputation to Yazdegird.
Whilst Yazdegird, much agitated by the depredations of the Arabs
and the cries of distress of his people, was endeavouring to spur
Rustum his generalissimo to energetic measures, a deputation of
fourteen Musalmans* arrived in Madayn. The noble and venerable
aspect of the oldest, the proud and martial bearing of the youngest, the
simplicity of their costume, their striped cloaks, their sandals, the
slender whips they carried in their hands, the beauty and vigour of
their horses, all struck with surprise the people whom curiosity had
gathered around them.
After they had been brought into the presence of Yazdegird, he
asked them first some indifferent questions through an interpreter. He
wished to know how they called their cloaks, whips, and sandals. They
replied Burd^ Sauf, and Na*L The analogy between the sound of these
Arabic words and the Persian ones designating ideas of taking, burning,
and lamenting, appeared of so unwelcome a purport to the monarch
and his officers that they changed colour.
"What motive brings you here ?" then said Yazdegird, "and why
has your nation taken up arms against us ? " No'm^ B. Ma(:arrii],
who was the spokesman of his colleagues, replied, " God commanded
us by the mouth of his prophet to extend the dominion of Islam over
all nations. That order we obey, and say to you. Become our brothers
by adopting the Faith, or consent to pay tribute if you wish to avoid
war.
* • As the names of these foarteeD deputies do not agree with those I find in
Tabari, I omit them.
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PEBSU. 177
** The dissensions which hare for some years troubled Persia hare
greatly emboldened you," said Yazdegird, '* but we are now in a position
to make you feel our power as you experienced it formerly, when the
garrisons of our frontiers sufficed to stop you or to chastise you. Mice
and serpents are your food, and you have nothing to dress with except
the wool of camels and sheep. Who are you to tackle yourselves on
to our empire ? Of all the nations of the world you are the poorest, the
most disunited, the most ignorant, the most estranged from the arts
which constitute the sources of wealth and power. If a foolish pre-
sumption has taken hold of you, open your eyes, and cease to indulge
in deceitful illusions. If misery and want have driven you out from
your deserts, we shall grant you food and raiment, we shall deal liber-
ally with your chiefs, and we shall give you a king who will govern you
with gentleness and wisdom.'*
The deputies kept silence for a while, but one of them soon broke it :
** My companions,*' said he, *' are men of distinction among Arabs. If,
in consequence of a demeanour which their sense of delicacy impels
them to use towards an august personage, they hesitate to reply and
frankly to express their thoughts, I shall do it for them and speak with
the liberty of a Bediwi. What thou hast said about our poverty, our
divisions, and our state of barbarism was nevertheless true. Yes, we
were so wretched that persons could be seen among us appeasing their
hunger by feeding on insects and serpents, whilst some killed their
daughters to avoid sharing their food with them. Plunged in the dark-
ness of superstition and idolatry, without laws or restraint, always foes to
each other, we were occupied only in robbing and killing each other.
This is what we have been. At present we are a new people. God has
raised in our midst a man, the most distinguished of Arabs by the
nobihty of his birth, by his virtues, by his genius ; and God has selected
him to be his apostle and his prophet. Through the organ of this
man God has said to us, ' I am the only God, eternal, the creator of
the universe. My goodness sends you a guide to direct you. The way
which he shows you will deliver you from the pain I reserve in the life
to come for the impious and the criminal, and will lead you near me,
to the sojourn of felicity.' Persuasion gradually insinuated itself into
our hearts ; we have beUeved in the mission of the prophet ; we have
recognized that his words are the words of God, and his commands the
commands of God, and that the religion he announced to us, which he
called IsUm, is the only true religion. He has enlightened our uiiuds,
23 ras
178 MOSLEM CONQIIKST OF PERSIA.
he has extinguished our hatreds, he has united us to a society of
brothers under laws dictated bj divine \visdom. Then he said to os^
* Complete my work, spread everywhere the dominion of Isldm. The
earth belongs to God, he gives it to you. The nations which shall
embrace your faith will be assimilated to yourselves ; they shall enjoy
the same advantages and will be subject to the same laws. On those
who will be desirous to retain their beliefs you are to impose the obli-
gation of declaring themselves subject to you and of paying you tri-
bute, in consideration whereof you arc to cover them with yonr protect
tion. But those who shall refuse to accept Islam on the conditions of
tributaries, you are to fight them until you have exterminated them.
Some of you will perish in this struggle ; those who fall therein will
obtain paradise, and those who survive, victory.* These are the des-
tinies of power and glory towards which we confidently march. At
present thou knowest us : it is for thee to choose either Islam or tribute,
or else war unto death."
** If I entertained no regard for your quality as deputies," replied
Yazdegird, ** I would instantly deprive you of life." Uttering these
words, he ordered a bag full of earth to be brought, and ironically
alluding to the tribute the envoys had ventured to demand he said
to tbem, **This is all you will get from me. Return to your
general. Inform him that Rustum will in a few days go to bury
him with his whole army in the trcn(^h of Kadesyah." Then he
added, " Let this bag be placed on the shoulders of the chief of
the deputation, and let these men be pushed out from the gates of
Madayn." Asim Ben A'mru hastened forward to receive this load»
and, far from feeling humbled thereby, he lifted it on his head with
an air of satisfaction, which appeared to Yazdegird to be a mark of
stupidity.
The Arabs had scarcely departed, when Rustum, having been in-
formed of the details of the conference and of the manner in which
it terminated, immediately understood the presage which had excited
the joy of Asim. He sent persons to run after the deputies in order
to take away from them the earth which they were carrying
away as a pledge that heaven had granted them success in their
war against the Persians ; they had however progressed so far that
all pursuit was vain, and when they reached Kodays, Asim, deposits
ing the bag before his general, exclaimed, '* The soil of Perria it
ours !*'
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 179
Chapter VIII. — Battle of Ka'desyah.
•
Rustum decided himself at last to put his army in motion, and ad-
vanced towards the Euphrates. He made several halts in his march,
bat wherever he passed, the rohberies and violence of his troops, which
he vainly endeavoured to restrain, drew upon him the maledictions of the
inhabitants. After that he encamped near Hirah, where he summoned
the principal Arab Christians domiciled in that town to his presence,
and bitterly reproached them for having paid allegiance to the Musal-
mins, as well as aided them by paying contributions. Ibn Bakilah, one
of these Arabs, replied, ** When even your troops were compelled to
flee from the enemy, could we alone offer useless resistance ? We are your
subjects, and it was your duty to defend us, but you knew not how to do
it; be not therefore offended that we have ourselves ensured our safety by
sacrificing a part of our possessions. Our condition, like that of the in*
digenous population of these countries, is to obey the stronger party."
Rustum admitted the justice of this excuse, was appeased, and dismissed
the Christians of Hirah without exacting anything from them.
Hitherto Rustum had marched very slowly, because he was probably,
in spite of the magnitude of his army, apprehensive of meeting the
same fate as the other generals whom the Musalmans had van-
qaished, and perhaps hoped that the enemy would, from impatience^
or from the difficulty of subsisting for a long time in the same place,
either attack him or disperse, or perhaps even return to Arabia. On
perceiving, however, that the Musalmans obstinately stuck to their
threatening position at Kddesyah, he resolved to attack them, and
removed his camp to the same locality, pitching it on the banks of the
old arm of the Euphrates, Al-A'tyk, just opposite to that occupied by
the vanguard of Sa'd B. Voki9.
In order to obtain personally an opportunity of ascertaining the
spirit which animated the Musalmans, Rustum sent an invitation to
some of their officers to have a parley, and Ribi' B. Amir, Hozay-
fmh B. Hism, and Moghayrah B. Sho'bah came to him one after the
other. He could not restrain himself from admiring the firmness of
their language and the energy of their convictions. The only result
of these' conferences was to fix the day and the place of the battle.
It was agreed that the Persians should cross the A'tyk: and seek the
Musalmans on the other bank. Rustum demanded that he should
be allowed a free passage over the bridge, but Sa*d replied, ** We
shall never yield that to you of which we are masters.'* After this
ISO MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA,
refusal, Rustum got a portion of the A'tyV^ filled with rubbish and
fascines, so as to form a road, over which his whole army marched on
the day agreed upon for the battle. He took his position on a; golden
seat covered by a canopy, whilst the generals serving under his orders,
such as Firuzdn, Mihran, Bahman, Zulh^jeb, Hormuzdn, and Jalenus,
placed the troops in battle array, and distributed thirty-three elephants
bearing towers filled with soldiers, and reseml^ling moveable castles,
among the various corps, on the flanks and the centre of the army.*
On the other hand the M usalmans also took their nteasures, in which
however Sa'd, who suffered from the sciatic gout, and was moreover at
that time afflicted with a malady which covered his body with ulcers,
not being able to take part, remained shut up in the fort of Kodays ;
on being however informed that with reference to this strange rumours
were afloat, he came out, showed his wounds and was excused ; he
appointed Khdled B. A'rfata to command in his stead, and exhorted
the army in a lively allocution, addressed to those who were near
enough to hear him, to deserve by their bravery the fulfilment of
the promises of heaven; whilst at the same time the officers most
distinguished for their ability to speak, as well as poets such as
Shemmdkh, Hotayah 0*bdah B. Tabib and others, kept passing
through the lines and inflamed the ardour of the soldiers by their
speeches or by their verses. Then Sa'd ordered also the Surah of the
Koran bearing the title ** The spoils '* to be recited, as was the custom
of the Musalmans before fighting,- which excited their zeal and con-
fidence to the highest pitch.
The battle of Kadesyah lasted several days before the victory was
decided and the fighting ceased, and the Arabs assigned to each day a
separate name. The action commenced with single combats, but as
the names given of the duellists by various authors do not agree, it
will be best to omit them altogether. It is however certain that, as in
several of the battles already described, also on this occasion, the hostile
armies rushed at each other en masse when the number of duellists
had grown very large, and the excitement became general. According
to the Rauzat-al-9afa the Persian champions made many prisoners by
throwing the hamcmdf over the heads of their antagonists, and so
* According to Tabari, III. 388, about 50,000 men appear to have fonglit
in this battle on the Persian, and 30,000 on the Musalm&n side.
f The fcamand was a long rope with a noose — the lasso still in use ia South
America to catch wild horses in the prairies.
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 181
exasperated the Arabs that they made a general rush at them, bnt were
receiyed with a deluge of arrows, whereupon they attacked the Persians
with still greater impetuosity, throwing away their lances, and using only
their sabres. Nothing is said about the elephants, whereas according to
Tabari* they also played a conspicuous part by frightening the horses
of the Musalmdn cavalry, but were turned away by one thousand men
who ahghted and attacked them on foot. The contest lasted till night ;
the carnage was great on both sides, but the contending parties appear
to have been so equally balanced that neither of them gained an advan-
tage over the other. This was called ** the day of Armit."
When the next morn dawned, the Musalm^s, .who had buried their
dead, entrusted their wounded to the care of the women in their rear at
Ozayb, and prepared to renew the struggle ; the Persians also put
themselves in motion and took position in a locality called Aghwd«.
The hostile armies were drawn up in battle array and the fight com-
menced : Persian and Arab warriors issued from the ranks, and the
combat again lasted till night set in. Great numbers of Musalmans
were slain. Sa*d B. Abu \6\f.i<}, sitting with his wife on the terrace
of the castle, contemplated the fight. His wife, beholding the great
number of Musalmdn corpses, exclaimed, " Alas I where art thou, O
Mo«anna, son of Hdreiah V* Whereupon Sa'd gave her a slap on the
face.f His wife, who was intelligent, continued, ** Why this jealousy ?
ought you not rather to regret the deaths of so many Musalm^s?"
Sa'd said td himself, '* This woman b aware that the position
of the Musalmdns is bad, therefore she speaks thus. To-morrow I
shall mount my horse, and I shall do what I can." Many more
Musalm^s were yet slain on that day,| but according to others the
Persians lost their best officers as well as 10,000 men. This was
called •* the day of Aghwd*." On this day Rustum was deprived of the
aid of his elephants, whose wooden towers had been overturned and
broken on the eve. The Musalmdns had moreover contrived to drive
against the Persian cavalry a number of camels covered with long
pieces of loose cloth, and the strange aspect of the animals thus decked
out frightened the Persian horses yet more than the sight of the
elephants had terrified the Arab coursers.
• Tabari, III. 890.
t This little incident is also mentioned in the " Bauzat-al-fafa" in nearly
tbe same words,
t Tabari, III. 390.
182 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA.
The third day of this great battle proved to be still more sanguinar j
than the two preceding ones. Here however again a difficnlty occnrs :
Caussin de Perceval states, no doubt on good grounds, that on the
second day of the battle reinforcements from Syria, where Khdled B.
VoUd had been very successful, and which were therefore detached from
his army, had arrived ; whereas according to Tabari these were not actual
reinforcements, or had at any rate not arrived on this occasion ; for
he says Ka'l^a* had taken the command of the army, and, knowing
that Bustum would obtain reinforcements, he detached five thousand
Musalm^ns, sent them away on the route to Syria and said, *' March
to the distance of one parasang and remain there till to-morrow. When
the Musalman army engages in the battle, you are to make your ap-
pearance on the horizon, to induce the infidels to believe that the
Musalmdns have received help." Ka'ka' took this measure because he
feared the Musalmans might the next morning, on beholding the arrival
of new Persian troops, become frightened, and take to their heels.
The next morning [the third day] when the battle commenced, K&^^fs.
passed in front 'of the Musalmans and said, " Be not dismayed, help
vrill come to you this day." That moment the detachment appeared in
sight. Ka'ka' ran to meet these troops and assigned to them a post
distant from the soldiers, so as not to be recognized. The Musalmans
raised their shouts of war for joy. The 20,000 men sent by Yazdegird
had arrived, and without this stratagem of Ka'ljza' the Musalman army
would have been annihilated.* The elephants, whose towers had been
repaired, at first caused disorder among a portion of the Musalmdn
troops. At last one of them was slain, and a second, whose eye had
been put out and the extremity of his trunk cut off, issuing from the
thickest of the fight began to run about from right to left on the battle-
field, whilst the other elephants, wounded by the arrows of the Arabs, .
and impelled by a similar rage, followed suit; and this formidable band,
after rushing about for some time at random between the two armies, at
last turned to the Persians, broke through their lines, jumped into the
A'tyfc crossed it, and fled in the direction of Madayn. The battle,
interrupted for a while by this strange spectacle, recommenced with
such obstinacy that even night itself could not mitigate it. The battle
of the past day had obtained the name of "the day of Amas"f —
♦ Tabari, HI. 391.
f Bead " Imis" by Zotenberg, Tabari, III. 390, but I do not take it upon
myself to decide which pronunciation is the more correct.
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 18S
probably, like the other, from some locality near which it had raged most;
but this night was called " Lailat-al-harir,** " the night of roaring," from
the confused noise of the clashing of arm^, shouting of men, and neigh-
ing of horses. This night was fatal to the Persians, and the next morn-
ing dawned upon their total defeat. Here again a difference occurs about
the name of the man who slew Rustum the Persian generalissimo, but
he was either Hilal B. Ollafa or HiUl B. O'lkama, or Amru B. Ma'di
Karib. The account of Rustum's death is as follows : —
The Persians resisted till the moment when the day became hot.
Then a hurricane arose in the west, conveying into the eyes of the Persians
a dust so black and so thick that the two armies were no longer able to
distinguish each other. Rustum had caused his seat to be erected on the
bank of the river, and caused one thousand camels loaded with gold and
silver to be placed around it. Two thousand men were posted there,
who spread a canopy over the seat of Rustum, to shelter him when the
sun became burning hot. This canopy however was thrown by the wind,
which blew with great violence, into the river of Kddesyah, named
"A'tylj:," which connected the Euphrates with the Tigris. Rustum, being
no longer able to keep his seat, sought shade near a camel and sat down.
At the foot of the seat stood the banner called the Kaianian standard,
originating from Kai, and borne by him on the occasion when, issuing
from Espahdn, he vanquished Zohak. Since that time the Persians had
been victorious in all the battles where this standard was present, and
after every victory thus obtained some new jewels were added to its
ornaments.
When the heat had become still more powerful, or the dust had bUnd-
ed the Persian soldiers, the Musalmins concentrated their efforts on' a
aingle point, and broke into the centre of the hostile army. Rustum
observed the position of his troops from the spot near the camels where
he was seated : the troops of the centre were dispersed on the ground
or standing, whilst the left and the right flanks had retained their
positions.
An Arab, named Hilal B. A'lkama, arriving near the camels loaded
with the treasures of Rustum, struck about with his sabre, and acci-
dentally hit the camel under which Rustum was sitting, whom the
obscurity produced by the dust had hindered from seeing. The rope fix-
ing the load of treasure on the camel's back having been cut, the load
fell on Rustum' s head, who sprang to his feet in spite of the pain he
felt, and threw himself into the canal in order to escape by swimming;.
184 MOSLEM CONQUEST OP PERSIA.
Hilul perceived a man endeavouring to flee, and smelt the odour of
musk and perfumes ; lastly, he took notice also of the golden seat
with the Kaianian standard, and recognized the seat of Bastam. As
he heheld no one near the seat, he was sure that the man who had
just thrown himself into the water must he Rustum himself* The
latter not heing ahlc to move, hccause he had, when leaping, broken
his leg, Hilul ran, seized it, cut Rustum's head off and tied it to the
top of his lance. Then he mounted on the seat shouting, " MuBal-
muns, I have killed Rustum !" The Musalmans replied by a shout of
triumph. When the Persians saw the head of their commander, they
gave way ; both the right and the left wing began also to flee.*
The celebrated battle of Kadesyah was fought in the month Muharram
A. H. 15 (Feb. — March C3fi) according to Caussin de Perceval, and
Rasmusscn.f Ibn Khaldun places it in Muharram a.h. 14, but states
that there are also authors who place it a.h. 16 ; Tabari also places
it A.H. 14.^
Chapter IX. — The Musalma'ns rest themselves and
STRENGTHEN THEIR POSITION.
No pitched battle appears to have taken place between that of
Kadesyah in the first month of a.h. 15 and the occupation of Madayn,
which happened during the latter part of the same year.§ The army
indeed is represented to have asked orders from O'mar to advance fur-
ther, as the whole conquest had hitherto not been extended to any
district of Persia, but was still limited to the E'rak, containing an Arab
population but tributary to the Persian empire. It was the desire of
O'mar that the army should for a while remain in its present advanced
position near Kadesyah, but as the soldiers were falling sick he wrote
to Sa'd as follows : — ** The Arabs must have a country in which there
are camels, sheep, and pastures ; this is the air suitable for them.
Ascertain from the inhabitants of the So wad where meadows and
sheep are found, and establish thy camp there." Sa'd examined the
whole country, and found the climate of Kufah most convenient,
* Tabari, III. 897.
t Annales Islamicif p. 1 ; but the month is not given there.
X Tabari, III. 400.
§• If wo adliero to tho data of Tabari, according to whom the battle of
Kidusyah took placo a. n. 14, and Madayn was taken a. n. 1(1, the attermoai
interval allowable will bo about 35 months, during which the MosalTD&ns
received new accessions to their army, rested from fatigue, and strengthened
their hold of £*r6k.
. MOSLEM CONQUEST OF FERSIA. 185
because the air is there as healthy as in the desert, and the country is
but partially cultivated. Accordingly Sa'd established his camp there,
and b^;an founding the town.
The whole province of the Sowid, as far as Madayn, which had
formerly been conquered by Khdled B. Walid and had been lost, was
now again under Musalman power. During the time of Kh^led a
portion of the inhabitants had been converted to Islum, and another,
persevering in its own religion, had received from him charters of
aecnrity and had paid tribute. When Sa'd had again taken possession
of the Sowad the population wished to renew these treaties. Then Sa'd
addressed the following letter to O'mar : — ** Those inhabitants of the
SowM who are Musalmuns are entirely devoted to me, but those who
had conserved their ancient religion and had treated with Khaled again
fell away on the arrival of Rustum, and have made common cause with
him. Now they allege that, having been forced by Rustum to submit,
they were not in a condition to offer resistance, and they desire to renew
the treaties we had formerly granted them. Moreover, the Persians
were in the habit of levying a tribute in the Sowad in favour of certain
courtiers of the king who received it. Some of these men are to this
day in the country, whilst others are elsewhere, and some have gone
to Madayn. What is to be done in these circumstances ?" O'mar
replied to Sa'd, '' As to those who have remained faithful, and who
have come to submit, observe towards them the conditions granted,
and keep the engagements. But as for those who have not made
their appearance to ask for peace, and who have committed acts
of hostility, thou wilt know how to deal with them." This order
of O'mar was expedited af^er deliberation with the companions of
the prophet, who had judged thus ; and Sa'd obeyed their instruc-
tions.
After the battle of Kudesvah and the destruction of the Persian
army, O'mar, fearing that the king of Persia might ask aid from the
king of O'man and from the king of Hiudostmi, and that they would
grant it, considered it proper to send a body of tror)p3 to the mouth
of the Tigris, and to build there a town inhabited by Arabs, in order
to hinder the Persians from introducing auxiliaries. Therefore he
called for 0*tbah B. Ghazwan, who had been a companion of the
prophet, and spoke to him thus : — ** God has caused Islim to
triumph by my hand, and has broken the Persians. Now I want
to have the route between Ilindostun and 0*m;in guarded, that the
24 r a 9
186 MOSLEM CONQUEST OT PERSIA.
Persians may recelTe no aid from that side. Thou must go there
with thy body of troops, and build a town where yoa will be
comfortable, thou and the Musalmdn soldiers." This place» which was
at first only considered a strategic point, soon attracted multitudes of
Arabs from all quarters, and became in a few years a flourishing dty,
called Bo9rah.t
Hirah, formerly the capital of the Lakhmite kings, and afterwards
the residence of Persian satraps, had hitherto lost nothing of its
prosperity, but gradually decayed when Kufah, which soon became an
important town, was built at a distance of three miles to the south-
east of it. After Sa'd had ensured the submission of the neigh-
bourhood of Hirah, he marched to Bdbcl, where the fragments of the
Persian army had assembled under the generals Firuzin, HormusiUii
and Mihr^; these he attacked and dispersed. Mihrdn retired to
Madayn, destroying the bridge in his ref^ ; Hormuz&n reached the
district of Ahvdz, and Firuzan went to shut himself up at Neh^yehd,
where the treasures of the king of Persia were.
On the right bank of the Tigris, near Sabat, was another town,
named Nahr Shir, and situated opposite to Madayn, of which it was
considered a dependency. As it was defended by a numerous garrison,
Sa'd was obliged to besiege it. He employed engines of war and often
assaulted the place, but the siege was protracted in spite of all his
efforts. In order therefore to utilize the time and to employ the
cavalry, the services of which were useless against enemies entrenched
within walls, Sa'd despatched it to subjugate various districts ofWrils:
west of the Tigris, where he had himself not yet penetrated with his
troops. According to instructions received from 0*mar, he ordered his
lieutenants who commanded these raids, to treat kindly the indigenous
Arab population if it accepted the conditions to become tributary^
but to be severe against all who should attempt to elude them by
flight. After a defence of several months the garrison of Nahr "Shfr,
enfeebled and discouraged, evacuated the place, and escaped in boats to
Madayn.
Now everywhere the law of the Khalif was received without resist-
ance, and all the parts of E'ralj: comprised between the Tigris and the
Euphrates were definitively conquered by the Musalmin power.
t According to Basmusseu, Bo^rah was foundod a.h. 14 (a.d. 035) : Annale9
Ulamicif p. 1.
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. ' 187
Chapter X. — The Taking of Madayn.*
It has been seen in the preceding chapter that Sa*d B. Abu Vo^^
resting his troops at Kufah by order of O'mar ; the latter ad-
dressed in the beginning of a.h. 16 a letter to him in the following
terms : — " Thy army is now refreshed and rested, and God has spread
IsUm in the world whilst the Persians remained quiet at Madayn. But
if the Persians desire to remain quiet, do not thou do the same, but march
and attack them. If God causes thee to triumph easily, we shall give
him thanks ; but if he wishes thee to meet with resistance let me
know." Sa*d put in motion his army, which consisted of 20,000 men.
Soldiers from every town ran to enrol themselves under his banners ;
for they knew that he would meet with no resistance, as Yazdegird
possessed no longer a single man to take command of the army as a
chief; so that when Sa'd arrived at Madayn his army numbered 60,000
men.
Yasdegird, being informed that Sa'd was already at Anb^r, assembled
a council in order to deliberate on the choice of a general ; but no one
was inclined to accept the appointment, and it was said to the king,
" It will be necessary for thee to leave Madayn and to retire to other
provinces of thy realm, such as Khorasin, the province of Fars, and
Kirm&i. We shall accompany thee, and abandon Madayn to the Arabs."
The thought of leaving Madayn was very painful to Yazdegird ; he
nevertheless determined to abandon it. Meanwhile Sa*d advanced
but slowly as far as Sibdt, one day*s journey from Madayn, because he
vaa apprehensive of being stopped in hi^ march. At this news Yazde-
gird fled in all haste, without having time to save his treasures, taking
with himself only what he could, and abandoning the rest. The in-
habitants of Madayn, the soldiers and the people, men and women,
high and low, all equally left the city without thinking of the property
which they left behind. Sa*d, being informed of their flight, sent a
body of troops in command of Ka*^a' B. A'mru to pursue the fugitive^
and to capture Yazdegird ; but Ka'^a' did not succeed in overtaking
him, and met only with a small band unable to defend itself, which he
cat to pieces, and took possession of all it carried.
• As Caassin de Perceval, to whom I am largely iudcbtod for the preceding
portion of this paper, has not treated the subject of the conquest of Persia
fiuiher, I am almost entirely reduced to theChruoicIc of Tabari, ii?hich is indeed
most valuable, but it would have been useful to consult also other writers. The
Bautai-al-^afa and other works treat on too many subjects ; they therefore
eontain hot few details on this most interesting and last episode of the Sus^
niaa ampire.
188 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF P£RSIA.
■
After having despatched Ka'ka', Sa'dput himself at the head of his
army and marched into Madayn, which he found deserted. On per-
ceiving the splendid palaces and gardens he recited the following verse
from the Koran: — ''How many gardens and fountains, and fields of
corn, and fair dwellings, and advantages which thej enjoyed, did thej
leave behind them ! Thus [we dispossessed them thereof] and we gave
the same for an inheritance unto another people. Neither heaven
nor earth wept for them." (Surah XLIV. 24 et seq.). On proceeding
to the Ayovan, or royal palace, Sa'd beheld a magnificent structure 120
cubits broad, 300 long, and 100 high ; it had been built not of bricks
but of polished marble, and twelve columns of the same material, each
100 cubits high, formed the portico. This palace had been constructed
by Kob^d the son of Firuz, and in it the king, seated on a throne of
gold, held his audiences of justice.
Sa'd encamped with his army near the palace, on entering which he
prostrated himself eight times to the ground, uttered the Sal^m, reciting
at each prostration the Fdtcha with another Surah, and pronouncing
after every two prostrations the confession of faith. Then Sa'd charged
A'mru B. Mo1s:arrin with the keeping and distribution of the booty, all
of which when found was to be entrusted to A'mru, who collected the
whole of it and distributed it afterwards among all. Then he moonted
his horse and returned to the city, where he alighted in the castle of
Eesra, and saw apartments, the number of which is known to God alone^
filled with gold, silver, garments, precious stones, arms and tapestry.
The soldiers dispersed everywhere collecting everything and carrying it
to A' mm B. Mokarrin. Ka'ka' B. A'mru, who had gone as far as the
bridge of Nahrwan, brought back firom his expedition enormous plunder,
which being united to the above formed an immense quantity of riches.
After having deducted one-fifth therefrom, the remainder was distri-
buted among the G0,000 cavalry and infantry which constituted the
army, every man receiving 12,000 dirhems for his share; there were
moreover many objects sent as homage to O'mar, and a multitude of
inestimable value, and several of which no use whatever could be made.
According to the Rauzat-al-qafay cart-loads of camphor also were fi>und,
which the Arabs at first mistook for salt.
Ka'ta* had found at the bridge of Nahrwan, attached to the hack of
a camel, a box containing a tunic of Kesra embroidered with pearls^
among which were also red rubies. It contained likewise other garments
of gold tissue, the crown of Kesra, his ring, and six pieces of gdd
HOSLEX CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 189
brocade* All this was sent to O'mar. In the collection of anns a
cupboard containing the arms of Kesra garnished with pearls was
diacoTered, as well as his cuirass of gold, his helmet, with leg and
arm pieces, all of gold ; further six Solomonian coats of mail, with
nine costly sabres. In the treasury a horse made entirely of gold,
coTered with a silver saddle set with precious stones, was found;
alao a camel of silver with a foal of gold. All these objects were
lent to 0*mar, as well as a carpet of white brocade, which had like-
wise been found in the treasury, 300 cubits long by 60 broad, and
named the winter carpet. The kings of Persia made use of it in the
winter season, when there were no longer any flowers or verdure. The
whole border was fringed with green emeralds, so that any one sitting
on this carpet beUeved himself to be in a meadow or green field. Pre-
cious stones of vario\is colours represented all kinds of odorous herbs
and flowers. In the magazine of perfumes were vases of glass contain-
ing camphor, ambergris, musk, and other perfumes, which were likewise
salt to O'mar over and above the fifth part of the spoils, with a large
number of other objects. When all these riches arrived at Medinah,
the Khalif had them deposited in the mosque, and the people looked at
them with amazement. Then O'mar caused them to be distributed
among the Musalmans in conformity with the regulations fixed by the
administration of gifts. A'li received a piece of the great carpet, which
he sold for the sum of 8,000 dirhems. People came from all directions,
from the east and west, from Egypt and from Yemen, to Medinah, to
buy precious stones, gold and silver. The occupation of Madayn
took place in the month of ^afar a.h. 16 (March 637).*
Chapter XI. — The Taking of Jalu^la' and op Holwa'n.
After his flight from Madayn Yazdegird had retired to Holw^,
and Sa'd B. Abu Yo^9 asked 0*mar for permission to follow him
there. The Khalif replied, " Do not go there thyself, but send [the
ion of] thy brother Hashem with 12,000 men, and give the command
of the vanguard to Ka*]ca' B. A'mru. As for thyself, remain at Madayn,
to send them reinforcements in case of need." Sa'd acted in conformity
with these orders, and when Hashem arrived at Jaldla he found the
Persians concentrated in one army under the orders of a general
named Mihran. Hashem spent there six months in fighting, till he suc-
ceeded in routing them.f The reason of this delay must no doubt have
• Tabari, p. 418.
190 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PIBSIA.
been the precautions taken for the protection of Jaldld by the Persian
general Mihrdn B. Behrdm. He surrounded his camp with a large
trench and thorny bushes, and these impediments must haye been
quite sufficient to baffle an opponent in an age in which artillery
and gunpowder were unknown, and the war engines which the
Musalmaus could use must have been extremely imperfect; they
had however one great resource, to which they always resorted in
similar cases, — they hemmed their opponents in closely and starred
them, until they were either forced to capitulate, or to come out and
fight. The latter appears to have been the case in this instance, and,
according to the Bauzat-al-ca/af the battle commenced as usual with
single combats, which brought on a general fight resulting in the
defeat of the Persian army. Tabari states that Mihran with 100,000
men fell in the plain of Jaliila ; it is however not only very improbable
that he had so large an army, but impossible that such a number could
perish in a single battle, as such a thing has never happened in any
modem engagements, even with the terrible powers used in our times, in
comparison with which the arrows and swords of the seventh century must
be considered as mere toys. It is also hard to believe that the Musaknins
could have been so bloodthirsty as to murder in cold blood the unfor-
tunate people, to make up that large number. The booty obtained in this
town was immense, so that, after deducting one-fifth part of it to send
to Medinah, every soldier received 10,000 dirhems for his share. This
victory was gained in Zulka'dah a.h. 16 (Nov.-Dec. 637).
At the news of the defeat of his army and the death of Mihran,
Yazdegird left Holwan and proceeded in the direction of Key, leaving in
the former place a body of troops under general Khorzad,* ordering him
to give the Arabs as much occupation as he could about Holwdn in order
to keep them off from himself. Sa'd being informed of the departure of
Yazdegird by Hashem ordered the latter to remain in the place where
he was, and to despatch Ka'ka' with a moiety of his troops against
Holwan. Khorzdd marched against Ka'^a' as far as the place named
Ka^r Shirin, '* the castle of Shiriu," situated one parasang from Holw&,
on the banks of a river near which there were large trees, where
Khorzad pitched his camp. There the two armies met ; the Persians
were defeated, but Khorzdd escaped and joined Yazdegird. Ka't^a'
entered Holw^ and wrote the following letter to Hashem : — ** Ask
Sa'd to authorize me to pursue Yazdegird beyond Holwdn before he
* Always Khosumsum in Tabari, with a sign of intorrogation by Zotenbeig*
HOSLKM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 191
■rrives at Rey and is able to collect an army.*' Sa'd informed O'mar
of the taking of Holwan, and asked him for permission to send troops
towards Hamaddn and Rey. But O'mar refused, and replied, <' Hol-
win is at the extremity of the E*rak ; accordingly you are now in
possession of the whole of the Sawdd and the E*rak. Tliat will do for
this year. The safety of the Musalmdns is preferable to great spoils."
From this letter, as well as from several others inserted before, it
appears that O'mar was better acquainted with the difficulties and
dangers to be surmounted in subjugating gradually and then retaining
the yast dominions of Persia than his generals, who were always
anxious to gain yictories, to make spoils, and to proceed further,
without considering what might happen in their rear. Tliis undue
ardour he often wisely cooled by interdicting further movements, — not
impeding, however, raids and small expeditions near to the chief
camps. In this manner Musalman supremacy was now maintained
permanently in the conquered districts of £*rak, which had on a former
occasion been lost ;* this supremacy was still more confirmed by the
retirement and concentration of the Persian troops at more distant
points, which now abandoned to the Arabs the districts they had al-
ready occupied, and endeavoured to prevent their penetrating further
into the country. These defensive measures enabled the Arabs to
strengthen their footing cverj'whcre, gave them time to raise fresh levies,
and to pour them into the country.
In the above-quoted letter of O'mar he had merely prohibited fur-
ther progress iuto the Persian dominions, and although the towns of
MiLsebedun and Shirvdn, belonging to the territory of the Kolicstun,
were both situated in the vicinity of Uolwan, Sa'd nevertheless considered
it proper first to obtain permission from O'mar to take them, inasmuch
as Masebedan was defended only by a small body of Persian troo]*3.
0*niar ordered Sa'd to despatch Zerur B. Khattub to take both towns ;
the latter accordingly left Madayn and proceeded to ]\Iu5ebedun. The
Persian general collected all the troops he had at Musebedun and at
Shirw^n, and marched to meet the Musalmun army. The battle raged
so fiercely tliat it lasted three davs. Zcrur defeated the Persians, killed
many of them and made numerous prisoners. ^lasebedan and Shirwan
sarrendcred to the Musalmuns. From that time Islam ])revailed all
over the £*rak, from the heights of Ilolwan as far as Mo^ul and Syria.
This was at the end of a.h. 16 (December 637- January 638).
Sco Cliaptor III.
192 moslem conquest of persia.
Chapter XII. — ^The Musalma'ns build Kufah, and
HOSTILITIES CEASE FOR ONE FULL YEAR.
We have seen in the beginnmg of Chapter IX. that Sa*d B. Abu
Yo]j:d9 had already begun to lay the foundations of the town of Knfah
A.H. 15, after the victory at Kadesyah. Then he had merely erected
reed huts and traced the outline of the town, and was soon called
away. * Now however, two years after that event, he again returned to
the place, in order to rest his troops, by order of the Khalif. He left
Madayn and brought from the Sawud all persons, whether Musalm^nB
or not, who possessed some knowledge of architecture. He Hkewise
summoned the governors of various towns, who appointed lieutenants
to take their places, to Kufah, and assigned to them plots of ground
to build upon. O'mar addressed to Sa*d a letter in which he
said, " Build according to just proportions, that your fortune may he
durable." By expressing himself in this manner 0*mar meant to say
that they were to erect houses which should be neither too small nor too
large. Accordingly everybody commenced to build ; but Sa'd caused
a splendid palace to be built for himself, on the model of the white
palace he had seen at Madayn, the gate of which he had from the
latter place caused to be brought to Kufah and to be placed in hifl own
palace. The other people imitated him, carried off the doors ftom the
houses at Madayn, and used them in their houses at Kufah.
When O'mar learnt that Sa'd B. Abu Vokac had caused such a
palace to be built for himself, he was highly displeased, and calling
for Muhammad B. Maslama, spoke to him as follows: — "Betake thy-
self to Kufah, procure wood, get it carried to the palace of Sa'd, and
bum the whole palace. After having done this, place this letter on my
part into the hands of Sa'd without telling him one word, and return."
It was announced to Sa'd that a messenger from O'mar had arrived,
but that his mission was unknown. Muhammad B. Maslama, having
arrived near the palace, ordered a large quantity of wood to be brought
and to be set on fire. Sa'd sent a person to summon Muhammad
into his presence, in order to ascertain the object of his mission.
Muhammad appeared before Sa'd and said to him : — " Come and see
thyself the object of my mission." Sa'd arose and went out. Afler
having set the palace in flames Muhammad handed to Sa'd the letter
of O'mar without saying one word more, and departed. Sa'd opened
the letter, the contents of which were as follows : — "I have learnt that
• See beginning of Ch. X.
MOSLEM CONQUEST OP PERSIA. 193
ihoa hast built for thyself a palace like the palace of Kesra, the gate
of which thou hast taken away and fixed to thy own. It is probably
thy intention to place doorkeepers and guards at tliis gate, to keep
off or to refuse to hsten to those who may Imvo a request to make.
Thou meanest then to follow the aberrations of Kesra by abandoning
the injunctions of the prophet ? Kesra was however carried from his
palace to the tomb, whilst the prophet was conveyed from tlie tomb to
a palace. Now I have sent some one to burn thy palace ; he will not
fear thee. One single modest house is to sutHce thee in this world in
which to live, and another in which to deposit and to guard the public
treasure. Then thou wilt go from thy house to a palace, like the
prophet, and not from a palace into the tomb, like Kesra.'* Sa'd then
intended to give provisions for his journey to jMuhammad B. Maslama,
bat he refused them. Afterwards SaM occupied a habitation com-
posed of two buildings, in one of which he dwelt, and tlic other he used
as a treasury. The palace was in ruins till the reign of Moa'vyah
B. Abu Sofyan ; it was however repaired l)y Zya\l, whom Moa'vyah had
appointed governor of this province, and became after him the royal
residence.
During the whole of a.ii. 17 (a. d. 6^8) the building of Kufah was
carried on, and there was no campaign in the E'rul^.*
Chapter XIII. — Conqukst of some Towns of tiih Aiiwa'z, Ex-
pedition FROM liA I IRA IN, AND (/AI»TURE OF IIoRMUZA'n, FROM
A.II. 18 ((>3y-640) TILL A.II. *21 (Dec. CIO till Oct. 31, 64\).
Hormuziin being of royal blood and enjoying great authority was
king of the Ahwaz ; the government of this province, which contained
seventy towns, was hereditary in his family, and he as well as his an-
cestors had the riglit of wearing a crown. This right was enjoyed by
seven families in Persia, who were by tlieir origin the equals of the
king of Persia, only their crowns were somewhat smaller than those
of the sovereign. Hormuzuu, who had at the demand of Yazdegird
taken part with a numerous army in the battle of Ktidesyah under
the orders of Kustum, returned after the defeat to the Ahwaz, and
oontinued to govern that province, the limits whereof were contiguous
to the territory of Bo^rah, into which Ilormuzun made incursions and
slew many Musalmans. O'tbah 15. Ghazvan, the governor of Bo^rah,
informed 0*inar of this fact, and the latter wrote to SaM B. Abu Vokm»
to send reinforcements to O'tbali. Accordingly SuM despatched ri,000
• Tiiliiiri. 111. 12.5.
2i) r a jf
194 nOSLEM CONQUEST OF TERSIA.
men under the command of Noa'im B. Mokarrin and of A'bdnllah B.
Masu*d ; O'tbah on his part hkevnse detached a body of troops from the
army of Boi^rah commanded by Salnidn B. Al-Kaim, and another by
Harmalah B. Martabah. After these two armies had joined each other,
they estabUshed their camp at Dost Maysan, whence they marched into
the Ahwdz, Ilormuzan being at that time in a town called Tera.
. The province of Ahwaz was surrounded by the Arab tribe Kulayb
B. Wdil, with whom Ilormuzan had some disputes about certain terri-
tories' and villages ; on this occasion, however, he was very anxious
that they should co-operate with him against the Musalmans, but they
refused, and promised their aid to the latter, whom they invited
to oflFer battle on a certain day, when they would fight on tlieir side.
Hormuzan being informed of the approach of the Arabs reviewed his
army, and made arrangements for a battle. On the day fixed, the*
Musalman army divided itself into two bodies, and the troops of Kufah
attacked the flanks of the enemy, who was already beginning to get
weakened, when the army of Bo9rah arrived, and after still resisting for
a while took to flight, when also the Kulayb B. Wiiil made their
appearance on the battle-field. Then Hormuzan retreated to Sdk-al-
Ahwaz, the capital of his province, situated on the two banks of the
little Tigris, Dujayl, and well fortified ; but Ilormuzan fortified also
the bridge which connected the two banks.
Afterwards O'tbah despatched Horku^ with reinforcements against
Hormuztin, who coming out from Sdk-al-Ahwjiz challenged the Mu-
salmdns to fight, but they sent him the following message, "Cross
the river and come to us, or we shall cross it and go to thee." Hor-
muzan replied, " It is for you to cross the river." Accordingly
Hort:u9, whom O'tbah had appointed commander-in-chief of all the
Musalman troops, crossed the Dujnyl, and a battle took place, which
was the most sanguinary that had been fought at Bocrah and in the
Ahwdz. Hormuzan was put to flight, and many of his soldiers were
killed by the Musalmans ; and he retreated to another town of the
Ahwaz called Ram-Hormuz, where he fortified himself. Horku9 then
took possession of Sdk-al- Ahwaz, and sent immediately an officer who
had come from Medinah named Hurr B. Moa'vyah, in pursuit of
Hormuzin. O'mar on his part also despatched orders to Sa'd to
expedite new forces from Kufah towards the same destination. Seeing
that Musalman armies were arriving from all sides to attack him,
Uormuzdu made proposals of peace to Hurr and to Ilor^u^, demanding
\
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIi^. 195
that he should be left in possession of the Ahwaz. When Horku9
demanded instructions from O'niar, lie replied, "Make peace with
him, stipulating that you will retain the towns you now possess, and
he those which he still possesses." Peace was concluded on these
terms. Ilormuzan remained at llum-IIormuz, and Horku9 at Sulj:-al-
Ahwaz.
The towns situated beyond the Ahwdz in the province of Firs were
8till in the power of the Persians and of Yazdegird, who resided at Rey.
After havuig obtained possession of a part of the Ahwaz, HorVu9 ad-
dressed a letter to O'mar, and asked permission to undertake an expe-
dition into the province of Furs. O'mar replied, " Do not attack this
province. Be contented with the Ahwaz. The army is not to be too
distant from me, m countries where it could not communicate with me,
and where I could not send reinforcements. Fix the limits of the MusaU
vain empire on the side of Bo^rah at Ahwnz, and on the side of the E'rat
at Hoi wan.*' It appears from this letter that after fighting for ten
years, and conquering during all that time only the E'ra^: with a portion
of the Ahwaz, the Musalmims had — in spite of the distracted state of
Persia and the rapid succession of feeble sovereigns, which ceased only
with the ascension to the throne of a youth not more than twenty
years old, whose armies they had likewise been defeating during several
years — not yet become powerful enough to invade Persia proper, which
was however entered by the ill-concerted expedition from Bal.irain, to
extricate which the army of 13o9rah was compelled to enter Furs, as
will now be narrated : —
O'mar had an agent in Bahrain whose name was A'la B. Al-Hazrami,
who had been appointed to that post by the prophet himself, and
maintained in it by Abu Bekr. To this man O'mar had written a letter
just before the battle of Kadesyah, and had ordered him to join Sa'd
B. Abu Voka9 ; but A'la begged to be excused from this campaign, as
he was unwilling to serve under Sa'd. O'mar agreed and left him in
Balirain ; when however A'la heard how many victories Sa'd had gained,
and how many conquests he had made as far as Holwan, and that the
army of Bocrah had penetrated as far as the Ahwaz, he also became
desirous of undertaking an expedition and of gaining triumphs. Accord-
ingly, without asking the Khalif for authorization, he embarked with the
army of Bahrain, crossed the sea intervening between it and Pars, and
made his appearance under the walls of a town named E^takhar.
O'mar never allowed any expeditions across the sea ; he feared that the
196 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA.
army might incur dangers, and alleged that neither the prophet nor Abn
Bekr had ordered any expeditions to be undertaken by sea. Accord-
ingly he was much displeased when he heard that A* la had embarked.
The prince who governed the province of Furs as a vassal of Yazde-
gird was named Shahrokh,'*' and had under his orders the governor of
£9takhar whose name was Mobed.f When the latter heard of the
approach of A'la he collected an army and marched against him. In
the engagement which took place many fell on the side of the Musal-
jndns as well as on that of the Persians. Then the governor asked for
reinforcements from Shuhrokh, who was at Shiraz, the usual residence
of the governor of the province of Fars. Shuhrokh made an appeal to
the whole province and assembled a large army. A'la B. Al-Hazrami»
who perceived that he could not resist all these forces, retraced his
steps. When he arrived on the sea-shore, he desired to embark in his
ships, but they could not be found. The Musalmdns were greatly em-
barrassed, and tried to march to Bocrah by the way of the Ahwiz, but
Shahrokh, being informed of their intention, cut oflf their route. There-
fore they remained, to the number of .5000 men, without being able to
retreat either from the direction of £9takhar, nor from the sea, nor
towards the Ahwdz.
When O'mar was informed of their position, he sent the following
letter to O'tbah B. Ghazwdn: — "A'la B. Al-Hazrami has, without any
orders of mine, led the army of Bahrain into the province of Fars,
where he is blocked up by the enemy. Send a body of troops from
Bo^rah by way of the Ahwaz, to endeavour to disengage the Musdlman
soldiers in such a manner from the .enemy as to insure their retreat,
even at the risk of, for the present, abandoning the conquest of the pro-
vince of Fars." Then he wrote to A'la in these terms : — " God has
appointed sovereigns to be obeyed. Whatever is done besides their
orders turns out bad. Thou hast on thy own responsibility caused the
army to leave Bahrain and hast thrown it into the midst of enemies. I
have now recommended to the army of Bograh to go to your assistance,
in order to try to disengage the Musalmans. As to thyself, thou art not
to return to the Bahrain. Thou wilt betake thyself to Sa'd B. Abu
Yoka^ ; and if I knew a thing in the world more disagreeable to thee
than to serve under the command of Sa'd I would impose it on thee."
• Shehcrek, as spelt by somo anthora.
t Tabari appears to bavo been ignorant of his real name, and therefore nscd
this OQC, wLicii designated a claus aud uot an individual : Tabari, HI., p. 45S.
HOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 197
After perusing tho letter of the Klialif, O'tbah B. Ohnzwun sent
5000 men of the army of Bocrah by the route of the Ahwaz into the
province of Pars. When these troops arrived near the camp of Shah-
rokh, at Tawaz,* a place situated on the confines of the Ahwaz and of
the province of Pars, they attacked the enemy and compelled him to
Tetire. Then A'la, who had lefl the sea-shore, joined the Musalmdns, and
Abu-Sabra B. Abu Buhm, who commanded the expedition, handed him
the letter of the Khalif. Thereupon both corps returned to Bocrah,
where 0*tbah dissolved the army of the Bahrain, which was composed of
irarious Arab tribes from the Hejr, ordering every man to rejoin his own
tribe, and sent A*U to Sa'd. O'tbah remained at Bo9rah, and Ilormu-
IJD in the Ahwaz.
The news of the events that had taken place in the Ahwaz, and in
the province of Pars which had been invaded by the army from the
Bahrain and again abandoned by it, having reached the ears of Yazde-
gird, he addressed from Rey a letter to the people of Pars to the follow-
ing purport : — " You have cared so little for your religion, and you have
allowed the Arabs to gaiu so many advantages, that they have, after
conquering the E'riik, the Sawad, Madayn our country and our capital,
also attacked the Ahwaz ; neither have you given assistance to Ilormu-
xan, 80 that he has been compelled to abandon to them one-half of that
province. They have after that invaded the province of Pars, your own
country, and you were not moved ; they were enabled to effect their
retreat sound and safe. Unite now your efforts to those of Hormuzdu,
that he may defend Ahwaz. Send him troops, that he may begin the
war again, and regain the portion of his country which he has lost."
Yazdegird wrote also to Ilormuzan, and announced to him that he had
recommended to Shuhrokh and to the inhabitants of Pars to render
him assistance. The latter indeed informed Ilormuzan that they would
come to his aid, and thus encouraged hiui for the coming struggle.
0*mar, having been informed that Hormuzun had obtained the con-
currence of the army of the province of Purs, and that he had broken
the peace, sent orders to Abu Mdsa Al-Asha'ri to despatch a body
of troops from Bo9rah against Ilormuzau, under the command of
Abn Sabra, in order to conquer the whole Ahwaz, and to exi>el Ilor-
muzan from it, so as to deprive the army of the province of Pars
for ever of au opportunity to attack the Musalmans on the score of
• To be mcutionod again in tliu begiuniog of Ch. XYIII.
193 MOSLEM CONQUE.^T OF PERSIA.
I
aiding Hormuzan. Abu Milsa sent a detachment of troops from 6o9ra]i.
The KhaUf addressed a letter to Sa'd B. Abu \6^c and ordered
him to send from the E'rak into the Ahwaz troops which were to join
the army of Bocrah in order to wage war against Uormuzan. Sa'd
despatched a body of troops from Kufah, in command of No*iii4n B.
Mokarrin. Lastly, in a letter addressed to Abu Sabra, O'mar appointed
that officer to be the commander-in-chief of the united armies of Kufah
and Bo^rah, and confided to him the direction of the war in the Ahwaz.
Abu Sabra, having penetrated into the Ahwdz, encamped under the
walls of Ram-Hormuz. Hormuzan asked for reinforcements from
Shahrokh, who sent him a body of troops, and who went himself to
occupy the town of Tuster, which was better fortified than Riim-
Ilorniuz. Nevertheless when Hormuzan perceived that the Musalman
army was very numerous, he left the fortress of Ram-IIonnuz, and
likewise betook himself to Tuster, thus effecting his junction with the
army of the province of Fars. Hereupon Abu Sabra took possession
of Ram-Hormuz, left a small garrison there, and proceeded towards
Tuster. He wrote to 0*mar that the enemy had obtained reinforce-
ments, and likewise demanded fresh troops. O'mar instructed Abu
Miisa Al-Asha'ri to march in person with the whole army of Bocrah
to the assistance of Abu Sabra ; accordingly Abu Mdsa joined the
army of Abu Sabra again (the latter retaining the supreme command),
and took up his position under the walls of Tuster. The Musalm&s be-
sieged this town for six months in vain, but at last entered it by an
underground canal through which water was conveyed into the town,
within which, however, there was also a citadel, where Uormuzan shut
himself up, but was at last forced to capitulate, and was taken to Mc-
dinah, where he became a Musalman.
Chapter XIV.— The Taking of Neha'vend.
Yazdcgird, who had been at Rcy for some time, but was aware that
the Musalmans would again renew hostilities, did lis best to collect a
numerous army, and to concentrate it at Nchavend under the command
of Firuzan, who is likewise nicknamed by Tabari 'ZulWjeb,* 'endned
with eyebrows,' just like Bahinan, who was also a Persian gene-
ral, and had>cven years before fought at the Battle of the Bridge. In-
formation concerning the preparations of the Persians was immediately
sent to O'mar by A'bdullah Ebn Ftban (the successor of Sa'd B.
Abu Voka9 after his recall from Kufah), who wrote to him that they
had concentrated at Nehuvend larger forces than they had CTcr
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF ITRSIA. 199
before. ** In n short while," continuetl he in his letter, ** this army
will beeome still more numerous, Tvill march forward, will take Holwan,
and will descend into the E'ralj:, so that the Musalmaiis will have to
make great efforts to conquer it. Therefore the Musahiians ou{;ht to
forestall it by crossing the heights of Holwan and carrying the war into
the Kohestan, far from the boundaries of the E'rak."
0*mar, being greatly distressed by the perusal of this letter, con-
Toked the Musalmans, and communicated its contents to them in the
mosque, where he declared also his intention to march in j)erson to Persia
at the head of an army, but was dissuaded, and various opinions were
broached about appointing a suitable general to lead it. In this per-
plexity O'mar resorted to his usual habit of consulting A'bbas B.
A*bd-Al-Mulalleb, who replied as follows: — "Thou must remain here,
and send an army.*' This advice coincided with the hiclination of
O^mar, who again asked, ** Now tell me who is to be placed at the
head of this army ? " A'bbas replied, ** Commander of the Faithful !
thou art better acquainted with the army of the EVak than anybody
else, and thou wilt be able to find the man needed." O'mar said,
•'lam inclined to select No'man B. Mokarrin." "He is the man
required," replied A'bbas.
O'mar called out the army of Medinah and made it encamp without
the town. Then he wrote a letter to No'nuin B. Mokarrin, who was
in the Ahwaz, and orderetVhim to march to Nehavend. lie also wrote,
*• I shall order !MiJ>«a Al-Asha'ri to send thee all the trooj)s of the Boiprah
army he will be able to dispense with, and 1 appoint thee commander-
in-chief of the whole army.*' Then he despatched his own son A'b-
dullali at the head of the army of Medinah, which was comj»osed of
5,000 Mohajers and Ancars. When this army left Medinah, O'mar
lent orders to Abu Mdsa Al-Asha'ri to retain with him only one-
third of the troops of Bocrah and of the Ahwaz, and to-abandon the
other two-thirds to No'man for the expedition to Nehavend. The same
order was communicated also to A'bdullah B. I'tban, who was to fur-
nish No'man with the two-thirds of the forces of the E'rak and of
Kufah. When No' man arrived from the Ahwaz at Bo9rah, Abu Musa
put 10,000 men under his command. At Kufah he received from
A'bdullah a corps of .'),00() men, composed of companions of the ])ro-
phet, Arab chiefs and celebrated warriors such as Hozaifah B. Al-Ya-
min, Jarir B. A'bdullah Al-Bajali, A'mru B. Madi Karib, Tolaihah
B. Khovailad, and others.
200 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSU,
After the arrival of A'bdullah the son of O'mar with his 5,000 men
from Medinah, No' man put his army, which now consisted of 20,000
men, in motion, and marched through the Sawad towards Holwan,
where he was joined by other soldiers, either Arabs or tributaries, to
the amount of 10,000, who ilocked to his banners. Finding no enemies
at Hoi wan, No' man crossed the mountains and arrived at Merj, whence
he went to Tur.
The Persians at Nehdvcnd had strengthened their position by ditches
and ramparts, and in those days, when fortifications played an immense-
ly higher part in the art of war than at present, they proved a consider-
able obstacle to the Musalmans, who had ascertained that the Persians
would not attack them, and had therefore crossed the distance of 25
parasangs intervening between Tiir and Nehavend, and had encamped
before it. They were imable to cross the palisades, and remained
inactive in front of the town for two months. As No*m&n B. Mo^arrin
continued in his position before the gates of Nehavend, Firoz^ sent
him the message, ** Send us a man that we may come to an under-
standing with him." No' man selected Mogliirah B. Sho'bah, who
crossed the palisades and entered the town. A tent of gold brocade
had been pre{)ared for the meeting. Firuzan was seated on the throne
with a golden crown on his head, whilst soldiers armed with hinces
and sabres stood by, and formed two lines, between which Moghirah
advanced with his eyes fixed to the ground. . When he arrived i)efore
the throne of Firuzan he stopped without lifting them. Then the
soldiers touched him with the hilts of their swords and said, *' At
least lift up thy eyes towards the prince, who is looking at thee !"
Moghirah, who had lost an eye in the war, replied, " I have not
come as an enemy ; I am an envoy, who is not to be treated as jou
treat me at this moment, and I enjoy higher consideration among
my people than this prince among yourselves." When the interpreter
translated these words to Firuzan, he said, " He is right, do not act
towards him unsuitably." Then he told Moghirah to sit down, and
the latter obeyed. Firuzan said, " You Arabs are the most wretched
and famishing people of the world. It would be easy for me to
annihilate you all at once, because I have in my army a number of
archers equal to the whole number of your warriors. But I do not
want your corpses to pollute the gates of my town. If you depart* so
much the better for you ; but if yon desire to lose your lives you have
only to remain." Mo^rhirah replied in the following terms: — " Wc have
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PEIISIA. 201
indeed been snch as thou sayest, Avrctched and poor ; but God has sent
us ft prophet, has led us to the religion, has taken away from us ill luek»
ftnd has imposed it on you. Now we hive come to throw our poverty
oo you and to take away your possessions. " After uttering these words
Moghirah rose and went away. Firuzan said to the Persians, " This
Arab is right ; they acted as he has said.'* These kii\ds of stereo-
typed dialogues between Persian princes and Arab envoys Tabari gives
in several places ; the former always reproach the latter with their
wretched condition, which they acknowledge, and plead for their
religion. The best occurred in Chajjter Vll. between Yazdegird and
the Arab deputation, but to give them all in ertenso would be a mere
waste of time.
The Arabs were, in spite of their large numbers, unwilling to attack
the fortifications, and constantly challenged the Persians to come out
and have a free fight in the open plain ; it is not certain whether these
taunts or the want of provisions induced the Persians to leave their
fortified camp to attack them, but it is certain that they did so.
Tabari relates that the Musalmdns s])read ialse rumours that the
KhaUf O'mar had died, that they intended to return to their country,
and they actually marched away. IIereuj)on the Persians issued from
their retrenchments and pursuiul them. When Xo'nian had departed,
and purposely left in his camp all kinds of articles which were not
indispensable, such as garments, utensils, and animals, the Persians
entertained no doubts that the Musalmuns hnd fled, and marched after
him. The battle took place between N eh a vend and llamadan, but was
soon decided by the flight of the Persians and the death of their general,
Firuzan.*
This battle was called "the victory of victories" ; according to the
Rau|sat-al-cafa 80,000, and according to Tabari 100,000 Persians lost
their lives in it, and it is said that at'ter this time the Persians never
mustered in such lar^re numbers. Hvizaifuh 15. Al<Yamiin had all the
booty collected near Sayb B. Al-Akra*, who had been delegated by the
Khalif to preside over its distribution. After having put aside the
fifth part, Sayb divided the rest ainong the trooj)3. The share of each
man in the cavalry amounted to (i.OOO, and in the infant rv to 2,000
dirhems. Next day a Persian, one of those who gnaided the fire-
temples, and who was an aged man, came to Hozaifih and said,
"Grant me my hfe, and the lives of those whom I shall point out ; and
• Xabari, III. 475,
2G r (7 «
202 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA.
I shall deliver to thee the treasure of Kesra.'* Having received fifom
Hozaifah a promise of protection, he went away, and hringing with him
a casket sealed A^dth the seal of Kesra he said, ** When Yazd^ird, in
his journey to Rey, passed through this ])lace, his treasurer Nakhirj^
confided this casket to me with the information that Kesra intended
to reserve it in case misfortunes should befall him." When Hoeaifah
opened the casket, he found it full of rubies and other precious stones,
red, white, green, of all colours and of inestimable value. It was
sent to 0*mar to be deposited in the public treasury.
Hozaifah had been informed that the fugitive Persian troops had again
ralHed at Hamadan. He sent Ka'ka' B. A*mru to disperse them. At
Ilamadan there was a Dehkan named Dinar, who governed the pro-
vinces of Hamadan and of Rev. This Dehkan came to Ka'ka' and
• ' . ■
said, " Take me to thy chief, I wish to negotiate with him.** When he
arrived in the presence of Hozaifah he concluded peace for Hamadan,
and a treaty was written, so that the latter place was occupied by
mutual agreement, whilst Xehavend was taken by force of arms.
The Musalmau army was partly composed of troops of Kufah, and
partly of troops of Boerah. Hozaifah, waiting for orders from O'mar
to march or to return, dwelt after his victory at Nehavend, which being
too small a town to contain the whole Musalman army, Hozaifah di-
vided it into two corps, the troops of Boerah being quartered in Nehi-
vcnd, and those of Kufah in a town called Dinwer, situated in the
vicinitv of Nehavend. These two towns were afterwards called ** M£h-
Boerah** and "Mah-Kufah,'* both together being designated by the
word *' Mahayn.** In the Pehlevi language the word mdh signifies a
province and kingdom. *
At the news of these events Yazdegird lost all hope of reconquering
his realm. He left Key and went into the Kohestan.
m
Chapter XV. — Occupation of Espaha'n and of several other
TOWNS.
0*mar had, with his usual cautiousness, issued orders to the army
of the E'ril: not to pass beyond the heights of Holwan, and to that
of Bo9rah not to march beyond the Ahwaz, for fear that the Masai-
m&DB might not be able to keep in subjection any more countries*
inasmuch as Yazdegird was not resthig in peace, but levying new
• TaUri, III., p. 480.
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 203
tioops every year and rekindling the war. Accordingly 0*mar deliber-
ated with the Musalmuns on what was to be done, and was advised to
•end an army against Espahdn, against the province of Furs and the
Kirm^ in order to deprive Yazdegird of these countries, so that being
reduced to the possession of Khorusdn he might be compelled to give
mp these provinces. Uormuz^n, the Persian apostate,* was also con-
sulted by 0*mar, and coincided with the above opinion, saying, *' It
will first be necessary to march on Espahdn, which is as it were the
head of the kingdom of Persia, whilst Fars and Kirm^n are its two
bands^ but Aderbijiin and Rey its two feet. A body whose feet and
bands are cut off, but whose head is still lefl, yet lives ; whereas if its
head is cut off it is completely exterminated. *'t
0*mar gave the government of Kufah, of theE'ruk, and the command
of the army to A'mmiJr B. Yascr and sent him to the E'rulj:. Then
he gave four banners to four generals, whom he sent to Persia at the
head of various corps of troops. One of these generals was Noa*im B.
Mot:arrin, brother of No'man. He was ordered to betake himself to
Hamadan, the inhabitants of which had broken the peace they had
eoncluded with Hozaifah. Afler having reduced this town he was to
have marched towards Khorusun, in pursuit of Yazdegird. Noa'im
departed and took possession of Ilamaddn. It happened to him on
the route that the horses of his troop wore stolen in a place named
Kenkiber, where he had halted ; therefore the place was henceforth nick-
named ''the castle of thieves." The second general who received a
banner from the hands of 0*mar was O^tbah B. Farkad ; and the
third Bokavr B. A*bdullah. Both were to march towards the Ader-
bijdn, the one on the right by the way of Hoi wan, and the other by the
route of Mocul. The fourth banner was given to A*bdullah B.
A'bdullah B. I*tban, with orders to march on Espahan. A*bdullah
had been one of the companions of the prophet, and O'mar relieved
Abu Musa Al-AshaVi of the government of Bo^rah in order to aid him.
Lastly 0*mar addressed a letter to Ziyad B. Hanzalah and ordered him
also to march with A*bdnllah B. Ttban towards Espahun. He was
first to betake himself from Kufah to ^ladayn, to take there all the
troops he needed, then to go to Nehavend and to pick out all the
soldiers he wanted from the army of Hozaifah. Ziyad collected a
corps of 10,000 men.
• See Ch. XIII. f Xabari, HI., p. XHl.
204 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF TEKSIA.
A'bdullah left the E'rak and came first to Nehavend. Thence he
marched towards Espah/m, whirh is seven days* march from Nehi^vendy
and was at that time governed by a Persian named Padu8pdn» with a
numerous army under liis command, and augmented by a great many
fugitives from Nehavend. This governor had for his general-in-chief
an aged magnate of Persia named Shehrabraz, who had waged many
wars and acquired much experience. Being informed of the position
of affairs after the battle of Nehi'ivend, Paduspan sent forth Shehrabraz
at the head of a considerable body of troops, who encountered the
Musalman army near a borough de])ending from Espahdn and situated
on the route to Nehiivend, and a battle ensued, in which the Persians
were put to flight after a hard struggle, and their old general lost his
life. Thereon the Dehkan of the borough came to A^bdullah, surren-
dered it, and made peace with him This was the first engagement
and the first success of the ^lusalmans ou the territory of Espahan.
After that A'bdullah contin\ied his route and arrived under the walls
of Espahan. Having marched out to fight tho Musalm^s, and drawn
out his army in battle array, Paduspan, who was a famous warrior,
came out in front of Lis lines, called A'bdullah, and said to him,- "Why
so much bloodshed ? I have heard that thou art a celebrated hero ;
come let us measure ourselves in single combat. If thou killest mCt
Espahan is thine ; and if thou art slain by my hand, I shall be the
master of thy army." A'bdullah consented, and both placed themselves
in a position to fight. One stroke of Piidusj)an's lance broke the girth of
A*bdullah*s saddle, which glided to the tail of his horse, but he leaped
again on the back of his horse without letting go the bridle, and pre-
pared to assail his antagonist by brandishing his lance. Pdduspan then
said, " Remain there, I perceive that thou art a brave warrior. I
shall do anything thou wantcst." A'bdullah replied, " I want thee
to embrace Islam or to pay tribute." " I consent to pay tribute,** said
Paduspan, ** and I surrender mysrlf on condition of being allowed to quit
the town and to go wherever I please." A'bdullah granted his request,
and peace was concluded. Then A'bdullah established his camp nnder
the walls of Espahan. * On this occasion many people left the city and
emigrated with their families to the province of Kirm^, and a tribute
was imposed on those who remained.
It has been mentioned already in the beginning of this chapter that
Noa'im B. Mokarrin took Ilamadiin because the inhabitants had broken
•Xabari, III., p. 48^1.
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 205
the peace they had concluded with the Mnsalmuns and had fortified the
town. When Noa'im arrived, the Persian general Khsharashnum (?)
had received assistance from the peo{)le of the Aderbijan, and the
inhabitants of that province had arrived in great numbers. O'mar be-
came 80 uneasy at this news that lie immediately wrote a letter to
Hoasaifah B. Al-Yamdn, who was at Nehayend, and ordered him to send
all his troops to Hamadan, in order to succour Noa*im. Khsharashndm
came out from the fortress and marched against Noa'im, who was en-
camped in a district of the plain named Waj-i-rud. A sanguinary
battle ensued which lasted three days. The Persian general was killed
and his routed troops were cut to pieces by the Musalmans. Noa'im
occupied the town of llaniadan, and sent troops in pursuit of the
Persians, who fled in the direction of Rcy, where a prince named
fiawukhsh, grandson of Behram Chubin, was governing in the name of
Yazdegird, and was in command of a large army given him by the latter
when departing from Rey. A distance of six days* march separates
Hamadan from Rey, but the pursuing Musalmiin troops proceeded
only three and then retraced their steps ; and Noa'im, who despatched
the booty gained at Uamadun to 0*mnr, informed him in a letter that a
great concentration of troops had taken place at Rey under the com-
mand of Behram Chubin's grandson. When O'mar gave to the
messengers leave to depart, he handed them a letter for Noa*im contain-
ing the following instructions : — ** Establish a governor at Hamadan,
•electing any one thou choosest. Despatch Simalj: B. Kharasha with
a small detachment to Aderbijan to aid Bokayr B. A*bdullah, and march
thyself to Rey. Hinder the Persians from rallying in any place.*' The
taking of Hamadan and of Rey, which will now be narrated, took place
A.fi. 22 (between Dec. 042 and Oct. C43).*
Now the Musalmdns had obtained so strong a footing that some
Persian magnates considered it good policy to ensure the safety of their
own possessions by abetting them 0])enly, and cases of treachery to
their country and sovereign become more frequent than hitherto. Sia-
wukhsh, the governor of Rcy, made the best preparations he could to
resist the further progress of the Musalm^ns, by sending messages to
the provinces adjoining Rey, and wherever troops existed, to Gorgan, to
Taberist^n, to Demivend, to Kaum, nnd into the Karen mountain, and
all the princes res{)onded to his appeal by sending him forces, so that
• Tubari, IJI., r- -189.
206 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PEBSIA.
he collected a numerous army. This army contained, however, a magnate
of Persia and Dehkan of Rey named Zinbi, the father of Femikhan, who
was afterwards appointed Marzban or satrap of the town. Zinbi was at
variance with Siiiwukhsh on account of some estates at Rej, of which
the descendants of Behram Chilbin were in possession of a lai^ share.
This enmity, in addition to the anxiety of ensuring his own safety,
impelled Zinbi to wait with his whole family on Noa'im, who was
already near, and had pitched his camp at a distance of one parasang
from Roy. Beins: admitted to the presence of Noa'im, Zinbi addressed
him as follows : — *' The garrison of Rey is numerous, and thou canst
triumph over it only by a stratagem/* ** What is to be done V* asked
Noa*im. Zinbi replied, '* Give me two thousand men to penetrate
into the town from the opposite side at the moment thou attackest the
place ; this diversion will bring confusion into the ranks, they will rush
to the city, and thou wile conquer them." Noa'im put 2,000 men under
the command of his nephew Muzin B- A*mru at his disposal, and Zinbi
led them durins; the nii^ht round the town to the road of Khorasan.
The next moniins: Siiiwukhsh came out from Rev and offered battle
to Noa*ini. and as soon as it had commencc<i, Zinbi brought the
Musalmju corps by the Tabarak mountain through the Khor£san-gate
into the town. On this the Persian troops, apprehensive of the fate of
their familios lot\ the battle-tield in groups and ran into the town ; so
that Siawiikhsh. being completely abandoned, took to flight. Noa*iin
and the Musalmius in front and in the rear massacred the Persians,
and blood flowed iu the town like a rivulet. Those Persians who
were strangers in Roy and had succeeded in escaping took the road
to their provinces, whilst the soldiers of Rey itself fled to Kaum and to
Dimev:h:in. After taking the town. Noa'im had it pillaged, and obtained
immense Inxny. Zinbi. with all the members of his family, was not only
sfvirevl. but appoir.ted by Noa'im Marzbin of Rey. and concluded peace
with him. Zinbi had two sons, one of whom was called Ferrakhan and
the other Shohrv.ir. Thev all retained the relision of Persia. After
that, Noa*i:u de:riolL>hcd the old [^rt ot the cown« which remained in
ruins ever at^erwards.
At Petniveiul there was a rowertul I\h'v.in named Merdanshah, wh(S
who!i he had loarut that the Persians had been defeated at Rey and
that their pos::;oa was dos:vra:e. sen: a ='.essenger to Noa'im to ask for
}»ea^v. and dtv-.arevl hitnselt' reaiiy to pay tribute. Noa'im granted lum
^Hravx and recalled his trvVf** frv.>::i Deiuaveud.
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PEBSIA. 207
The fugitive Persian troops had again rallied at Kaum, but without
any general, as Siawukhsh had lost his life in the battle of Rey. This
(act was duly reported by Noa*im, when he sent oif the booty last gained,
to O'mar, whose reply was as follows : — •* As there is no general at
Kaum around whom the army might form itself, there is no need of
making great eiforts to fight the Persians who arc there. Remain at
Rey, but send thy brother Soway d B . Mokarrin to occupy Kaum, and to
pursue the Persians as far as he shall be able." When Soway d arrived
at Kaum the Persian troops dispersed, and as there was no fortified
town he met with no resistance ; he also occupied Dumeghan without
striking a blow, but he immediately left it to march after the Persians,
who had retired to Gorgan and Taberistan. He arrived at Bastum, a
town in the district of Kaum on the side of Gorgan, and pitched his
camp there.
Chapter XVI. — Conquest op Gorga'n, Ta'berista'n,
Aderbija'n, and Derbend.
The Dailemite prince who reigned in Gorgun and Dehistan was a
professor 'of the Persian religion and ceMed Marzbdn ; he was obeyed
by the princes of Taberistan, each town of it being governed by one
of them who bore the title of Sfphabud,* but they were also subject
to the Sephabud of Sephabude. When Sowayd marched from Bas-
tam to Gorgan, the Marzban of it came to meet him, to a dbtance
of one day's march, embraced Islam,t and made the following pro-
posals of peace : — " He would pay the ordinary land-tax for Gorgan,
and those of the inhabitants not adopting the Musalman religion would
pay the capitation-tax." lie added that " on learning this agreement
the Sephabuds of Taberistan would likewise prefer peace to war. If
however it should be necessary to use arms, he would be the first to
march with the army of Gorgan, and would fight till he became master
of the province." Sowayd accepted these conditions and concluded
peace with him, and marching to Gorgan established his camp near the
town, where the Marzban proclaimed that all who intended to make a
profession of Islam should come out, and that the rest would have to
pay the capitation-tax.
* Composod of Sephahf troops, and Budy master.
t Tabari, III. 492. These sudden professions of IslAm arc not impossible,
onij somewhat surprisiog, but occur more frequently the more firm the MusaU
m4ii power becomes.
208 MO&LEM CONQUEST OP PERSIA.
When the Scphahuds of Taberistan were informed of these facts, they
went to their chief, tlie Scphabud of Sej)habuds, Ferrukhdn, a Gilanian
and a very powerful man, to consult him on what was to be done.
Fcrrukhan rejjlied, *' It is all over with Persia, whereas from the Arab
root a tree has grown which bears fruit. The religion of Mul^ara-
mad is a new religion, and every new religion is victorious. Therefore
I think that we must make peace and psiy tribute. We must however
not receive the Musalman army and pay the capitation-tax individually,
but we shall pay it in a lump sum, and levy contributions for it among
ourselves as we like." This advice having been approved by all,
Ferrukhan despatched a messenger to Sowayd asking for peace, and
stipulating that he would pay for the whole of Taberistdn the annual
sum of five hundred thousand dirhcms, but that he should not be
compelled to furnish troops to the Musalmans in time of war. Sowayd
accepted the conditions, peace was concluded, and Ferrukhan at once
sent one hundred thousand dirhems. All these events took place a.h.
22 (between November 30th, 612, and October 21st, 643).*
Sowayd informed O'mar of the conquest of Kaum, of Gorg^ and of
Taberistan; whereon the Khalif ordered Noa'im B. Mo^arrin to send
also Simak B. Kharasha to Aderbijdn, where he had already before sent
A'cma B. Farkad and Bokayr B. A'bdullah. The first man who
opposed Bokayr was Esfendyar, one of the princes of the country, but
he was defeated and captured by the Musalmans. He said to Bolj:ayr,
** Intendest thou to take possession of the towns of Aderbijan by war or
by treaty ? " " By treaty,'* replied Bokayr. He continued, " Then
keep me a prisoner ; because if thou killest me, the whole of AderbijAn
will arise to avenge my death, and will fight against thee ; but if thou
keenest me, they will make ])eace with thee, for fear of exposing my life."
Accordingly Bokayr retained him in captivity, and SimdV: B. Kharasha
brought him reinforcements when he had already obtained possession
of the person of Esfendyar and of all the towns within his reach.
Hereupon Bokayr wrote to O'mar that, having no longer any hostilities
to fear as long as he retained Esfendyar in his hands, he consiclered it
necessary to march to Derbend.
Meanwhile Behram B. Fcrrukhzud, one of the Dehkans of Aderbi-
jan, assembled a considerable army, but being attacked by the united
forces of Bokayr, of Simak, and of A'cma he was put to flight, then
• Tabari, 111., p. 49-1.
MOSLEU CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 209
Eflfendyfa said to Bojcayr, ** This was the only remaining opponent.
Now Aderbijan belongs to thee; thou canst go where thoii pleascst, there
is no longer any one in this province who can attack thee." Bokayr
expedited the news of his victory to O'mar, as well as the tiilth part
of the plunder, and asked for authorization to march to Dcrbend,
which 0*mar willingly granted. Hereupon Boknyr established A\ma
B. Far|»d his lieutenant in Aderbijan, leaving with him Simdk an<]
all hia troops, as well as his prisoner Esfendydr, and marched to
Derbend.
As the Khalif knew that Bokayr would stand in need of reinforcements
at Derbend, he despatched to him Sordkah, whose vanguard was com-
manded by A'bd-al-rahman B. Rabia'. On the route of this army
there was a country governed by a prince named Shclirydr, who came
to A'bd-al-rahman wth proposals of peace, but was unwilling to j)ay
tribute. He said, " I am between two enemies, the Khazars and the
Russians. These nations are at feud with the whole world, but only
the people of this country are in a position to wage war against them.
Instead therefore of paying you tribute, we shall make war against
the Russians, by arming and equipping ourselves in order to hinder
them from crossing their frontiers. Consider this war, which wc are
compelled annually to wage, as a compensation for the capitation-
tax and the impost." A'bd-al-rahman rej)lied, ** I am under the com-
mand of an officer whom I shall inform," and despatched Shchryar
with a man to Sonikah, who in bis turn desired to submit the case
to O'mar. The Khalif decided that these people should be exemf»ted
from paying the capitation-tax and the impost, which derision after-
wanls became a general law, " because the people of those narrow
passes fight ap^inst the infidels and defend the Musalmans, and
this is considered a com])ensation of the tax." This measure was
Cfpially adhered to afterwards in the concpiest of Transoxiana, in
SijAb (Isfijdb) and Ferghanali, whore the people being constantly at
war with the Turks hindered them from invading the Miisalman ter-
ritorv. To levy tribute in mountain-fastnesses, or in i)lains where tlu»
bulk of the inhabitants arc in a nomadic state wandering from pasture
to pasture, would have been a somewhat arduous task, and would have
caused much ill-feeling : therefore it was no doubt very good policy not
to insist on this point at once, but to leave it for the present, and to
wait till the consolidation of the Musalman ])ower might fsu-ihtate the
im^iosition of taxes.
'27 r a 8
210 MOSLEM CONQUEST OJt PERSIA.
After the termination of this afiBur, Sor£^h, Bo^ayr, and Habib B.
Maslama united their forces, and the inhabitants of all the other
mountain-passes made peace with them. They engaged themselves to
protect the Musalmdn territory against the invasions of enemies through
these defiles, that the Musalm^s might have no need of posting troops
in them. Soralcah sent his officers into the defiles or into the towns
which were among the mountains. He also strengthened all the pas-
sages towards the Alains and the Khazars, so that the Musalm&is were
protected in their towns against enemies. Then he wrote a letter to
O'mar giving an account of what he had done. The Khalif was
delighted, as he had entertained grave apprehensions with reference to
these mountain passages. He apprehended that if the foes were to
cross these passages and to invade the Musalm^ territory, the Per-
sians might join them and again repel the Musalm^ns. He had never
thought that this affair could so rapidly be brought to a prosperous
termination. Therefore he experienced a lively joy on the receipt of
the just-mentioned letter, and wrote to Sorakah a reply full of praise ;
the latter however died shortly afterwards at Derbend, and A'bd-al-
rahman took his place as commander.
A'bd-al-rahman asked Shehryar in what direction he might attempt
to penetrate vdth an expedition through the mountain-passes, in order
to convert the people of the country to IsUm. Shehryir replied*
** Let us be content to exact from them that they should not allow the
enemies to penetrate to us."* A'bd-al-rahman however .would not
take his advice, but desired to penetrate as far as the rampart of Grog
and Magog,t and marched through the mountains into a territory
called Balanjar to a distance of twenty parasangs. A man who had
been in the just-mentioned expedition with A'bd-al-ra^man afterwards
came to O'mar, who asked him how they had marched through the
mountain-pass, how they had penetrated into those countries, and
how they had fought ? The man replied, " All those countries were
inhabited by pagans, Khazars, and Alains intermixed with Turks.
When we arrived, they said to each other. No army of men has ever
penetrated to this place. This is a host of the angels of heaven, to
have dared to come so far. Then they asked us whether we were angels
or men. "We replied. We are men ; but we have angels to accom-
pany us wherever we go, to assist us when we are attacked. Then
* Tabari, III., p. 498. f Korfin, XVHL 96.
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 211
they dansd not to approach us, and no one attacked us, because they
Sftidv These men cannot be killed because the angels arc with them.
Accordingly we progressed in this country, till a man in a certain
town said to himself, I shall strike one of them, to see whether he
will die or not. He posted himself behind a tree, discharged an arrow
against one of our men and killed him. Then the inhabitants knew
that we were mortal^ and made preparations to attack us, but we re-
traced our steps and returned to Derbend.*
Chaptcr XVII. — Conflicting Accounts about the Death
OF Yaedegird.
Although at present scarcely any doubt exists that the death of
Taidegird took place a.d. 651 between the 21st March and the 23rd
August, opinions still differ about the manner of it, which was violent
according to the majority of authorities. £ven if an agreement could
be brought about between Persian and Arab authors, the difficulty would
still remain that the former had a very limited knowledge of the military
operations of the Arabs which gave rise to the wanderings of Yazdegird,
whilst the latter knew nothing about Persian life, customs, religion, geo-
graphy, &c., and of the movements of the fugitive sovereign, which
moreover, as their duration amounted to a number of years, could not
be easily ascertained.
To these difficulties also the last, but not the least, is to be added, —
that more than a thousand years ago, to which period the event now
under discussion refers, extremely few persons wrote history, and that
of the few writings the majority are lost ; difficulty of getting at the
truth, which would not have been altered had writers of succeeding
ages merely copied their predecessors, was still more increased by their
habit of elaborating from their own imaginations episodes and details
which never existed ; and this liberty taken by prose writers has been
abused to an extraordinary degree by poets, who have moreover so
exaggerated or distorted historical facts that their authority is very
small indeed, and therefore even the Sh^hnamah, which is so excellent
in many respects, has no great value as a real historical document.
When the Musalmans had gained the victory at Jali!ila,t Yazdegird
at Holwan, but then went to Rey ; his movements appear however
• Tabari III. 499. t S'^f* Chnptor XI.
212 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PSfiSIA.
to have been very slow, because the dauger ceased after he got out of the
way of the Musahnaiis ; because he travelled with a retinue of several
thousand persons, even when he possessed no troops, as he had with
him the slaves of his palace, cooks, servants of the body, horsekeepers,
secretaries, wives, concubines, the aged and the children of the royal
family ; and lastly because he never left a town of any importance before
he had issued proclamations in all directions, collected troops, and
appointed generals to fight the Musalmaiis, who would, unless these
arrangements had been carried out, have made very short work of the
conquest of the Persian monarchy, instead of protracting it through a
quarter of a century. lie progressed slowly in a chariot drawn by
mules, and first took up his position at Rey, as already stated above, and
then at Espahdn, but travelled afterwards in Kirmau and in Khoras^
always carrying with him the sacred fire he had brought from the first-
mentioned place, which contained the most ancient fire-temple. From
Nishupiir he went to Merw, where he felt more secure, and whence he
sent a proclamation to all the districts to which the Arabs had not yet
penetrated. lie built a fire-temple at a distance of two parasangs
from Merw, depositing in it the firo he had brought with him from
Rcy, surrounded the fire-temple with gardens, erected mills, and thus
produced a delicious landscape, in which he continued to dweU for some
time.
Mahwy Sury, the governor of Elhorasan and vassal of Yazdegird,
resided at Merw ; his jurisdiction extended as far as the river Oxos
( Jiliun), but, being apprehensive of the signs of the times, he had entered
into an alliance of mutual defence with a Transoxian chief according
to Tubari ; according to the Rauzat-al-^afa he had also married his
daughter. Both books call him the Kha^^ of the Turks, in other
respects their accounts differ. That much is certain, that 7|000 men of
the troops of this Khiikan had been received by Mahwy Sury, to mipose
on Yazdegird, who desired the governor to settle his accounts of several
years with him, and to })roducc funds. The unfortunate sovereign had
been politely decoyed into the fort of Merw, where he was to have
been murdered during the night ; the plot was however discovered in
time, and lie walked out alone. After a while he felt tired, and arrivii^
near a mill intended to sleep there, but the king's embroidered robe
excited the cupidity of the miller, who chopped off his head with a
hatchet whilst he was asleep, then took his clothes and threw the
corpse into the water. Search was made for the lost king by 2dahwy»
UOSLEU CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 213
and Yaxdegird*s robe having been found with the miller he was killed.
After that Mahwy governed peaceably in Merw till 0*mar sent Ahnaf
B. Kays to Khoriisdn with the army of Bocrah and Kufah, but he met
with no resistance, and when he arrived in Merw, Mahwy escaped to
Tranaoxiana.
The above succinct account of the death of Yazdegird is probably the
most correct, and the various details and embellishments added to it by
lome authors must be taken for what they are worth. Tabari also
^vea it, but does not consider it authentic ; my respect however for so
painstaking and valuable a chronicler compels me to insert his own
account* in this place, omitting only the unimportant portions of it : —
When Yazdegird came to Merw, O'mar despatched Almaf B. Kays
with 1 2,000 men of the armies of Rufah and Bocrah, and ordered him
to pursue Yazdegird to every place, and to make him disappear from
the face of the earth. When Ahnaf arrived in Merw, Yazdegird fled to
Merv-al-rdd, whence he sent ambassadors to the Khukan of the Turks,
to the king of Sop^hd, to the emperor of Chhia, and asked aid from
them. Then Yazdegird went to Balkh, where he fortified himself, but
when A]>naf took Balkh, Yazdegird escaped again and crossed the Oxus,
whence he proceeded to Soghd, the king of which country furnished
him with a numerous army, as well as the Khakan, who, after assembling
all the warriors of Fercfhunah, recrossed with Yazdegird the Oxus and
marched to Balkh. Uibi* B. Amir retired with the troops of Kufah
which he had with him towards Merv-al-nid and joined Ahnaf. Yazde-
gird and the Khakan, at the head of an army composed of men from
Soffhd, from Turkestan, from Balkh, and from Tokliarestan, to the
number of 50,000 cavalry, arrived at Mcrv-al-riSd. Ahnaf had 20,000
men at his disposal ; they were troops from Kufah and Bo(;rah. The
armies remained during two months in presence of each other at the
place now called Dair-al-Ahnaf, and fought every day from morning till
evening. Yazdegird resided at the town Merv-ol-rdd.
During a certain night, one of the chief men among the Turks, a
relative of the Khukan, went out of the camp with his suite to inspect
the outposts. Ahnaf, being informed of this circumstance, came in
p<%son to the outposts, attacked the Turk and killed hhn. This man had
two brothers, who, on hearing of his death, came out, the one after the
other, to fight with Al^naf, who killed them likewise. At break of day,
• Xabari, III., p. oOO.
214 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF FEBSIA«
and when the Khak:an was informed of what had occarred he went
to the spot where the combat had taken place. On beholding these
three corpses he was much afflicted and said, " This war is very un-
fortunate I We are here for so long a time and have lost so many men/'
&c. Consequently he struck his camp, returned to Balkh) immedi-
ately crossed the river and returned to Turkest^.
After the departure of the Khd1j:iin, Yazdegird left Merv-al-rdd
and went to Merw, where he had secretly deposited a great quantity of
treasures and jewels. When he approached the town» H&remh B.
No' man put it in a state of defence. Yazdegird took his riches (which
he had succeeded in taking out from the town) and proceeded to
Balkh to join the KhaV:an. The Persian officers who were with him
asked him his intention." He told them that he meant to place him-
self under the protection of the Khaljidn, and to remain with him in
Turkestdn. The Persians said, " Do not go there, because we shall not
follow thee. The Turks are people without religion and without
faith," &c. After the refusal of Yazdegird to return with his officers
and to put himself rather under the protection of the Arabs than the
Turks, they took away his treasures from him and separated. Yazdegird
being now alone with his suite departed to the Khd^^dn, whilst his of-
ficers carried the treasures they had deprived him of to A^af,and sub-
mitted to him. Almaf sent them back to their homes, to Madayn, into
the province of Fars, to Rey and elsewhere ; he distributed the treasures
among the Musalmdns, each of whom received a sum equal to hia share
in the booty of Nehavend.
According to the narrative of Tabari just given, the manner of
Yazdegird's fate is totally unknown after he took refuge in Transoxiana
with the Khal^an of that country. However, since I have endeavoured to
make this paper as exhaustive as the sources at my .disposal would per-
mit, I am bound to give two short accounts more, according to which
Yazdegird perished by a violent death, and therefore they so far tally
with the one which I gave first and consider the most probable ; but
neither of them mentions the precise locality where he was slain.
The first tradition is that Yazdegird fled after the revolt of the
Persians ; that they pursued, found, and killed him in a mill : after-
wards they carried the treasure to Afpaf and submitted to him. The
second is that Yazdegird fled from Mcrw and went to Balkh, crossed
the Oxus and betook himself to Turkestan. Having arrived at So^hd
MOSLIU CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 215
he was again joined by the ambassador he had sent to China, and who
broaght him a reply from the king of China. In this letter it was said,
** I know that kings are bound to aid each other ; I have however
learnt from thy ambassador what kind of people they are against whom
thoa askest aid ; what their religion, their morals, and their manners are.
These men, possessing such a religion and such loyalty, will conquer the
whole world, and no one will be able to repel them. No resource
remains for thee but to employ peaceful means to remove them, so as
not to be expelled by them." Then the Kh^);:dn returned to Turkestin,
and Tasdegird remained in Fer^hanah. Al^naf returned from Balkh to
Menr-al-rdd and announced to 0*mar his victory, but two years after
the accession of 0*sm^ the inhabitants of Khodb^n revolted, when
Taidegird returned from Ferghanah and was then killed.*
This last account would make Yazdegird's death at least five years
earlier than it actually occurred. 0*mar having been assassinated in the
last dajTS of a.h. 23, i.e. on the 4th Nov. 644, was immediately succeeded
by O'smin ; therefore Yazdegird ought to have been killed in 646,
whereas his death actually took place in 6.51.
Chapter XVIII. — Expeditions to Fa'rs, to Kirma^n, to
Seista'n, and to Mekra'n.
There is no doubt that when the central government of the Persian
monarchy had ceased to exist, the governors of the various provinces
acted independently, using their best efforts to defend them separately,
without acting in concert. In the beginning of a.h. 2«3 (afler Novem-
ber 30, 642), the Khalif O'mar sent an army of 20,000 men to the
province of Pars, because he had been informed that Shahrukh (or
Shehrek), the governor of that province, had collected a numerous army
at the town of Tawoz, situated on the frontiers of the Ahwaz. On this
occasion O'mar followed a strange plan, which he was soon compelled
to give np to prosecute the campaign more successfully. Instead of
appointing a commander-in-chief over the whole army, he parcelled out
the chief towns of the provinces to his officers, ordering each to march
strught on it, because he luid heard that the whole Persian army was
concentrated in the abovementioned town, and because he conceived
that by acting in this manner no great resistance would be met with.
When^ however the Musalman army divided itself, as ordered by the
Difli^ the Persian army did so likewise, and each chief marched to his
• Tabari, III., p. 511.
21 G MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA.
town to (Icfeiid it. Mujaahi' B. Masu'd then marched on Tawaz, where
Shahrukh, who had returned to Shiniz to defend it, had left but a small
garrison, which he massacred, and where he gained immense booty.
A part of this province had been conquered already before* but had
again thrown off its allegiance to the M usalmans as soon as a chance to
revolt had presented itself; and now 0*sman B. Ab-al-A's again subju-
gated the people of E9takhar, who had come out to fight hiniy 'but were
defeated, whilst his brother Al-Hakam B. Ab.ul-A*s marched on Shiriz,
where (as has already been mentioned) Shahrukh had gone^ whom be
killed with his own hand after a fierce contest between the two annies.
The success of the Musalmdns was not so rapid at Darabgerd, which
they were compelled to besiege for two months, after the expiration where-
of the Persians made a sortie, and a terrible battle ensued, in whidi the
M usalmans had well nigh taken to fiight, but saved themselves by
taking up their position near a mountain, which so effectually protected
their rear that they eventually gained the victory.
The Kirmun had been entered by the M usalmans already a.h. 22,
but hostilities took place only a year afterwards, when the inhabitants
asiiteniblcd an army and called to their aid the inhabitants of the
Kuj mountains, who came down into the towns. Then a battle took
place, and afterwards A'bdullah B. I'tbtin despatched Sohayl B. A'di,
by the direct route passing through the towns, to a place called Jireft,
situated in the centre of the Kinnun, whither he also himself marched
by way of the desert and took possession of all the cattle he met with,
and which amounted to a countless number of camels and sheep. On
that occasion also the Kohcstau was invaded.
During this same year a.h. 23 0*mar despatched A'sim B. A'mr
from Borrah to the Seistan. The governor of that province had
collected a numerous army and come as far as the frontiers to attack
the Musalmans, but was defeated after a battle, and shut himself up in
his ca]»ital, Zcrenj, which, being a well-fortified town, ^vas not attacked
by the Musalmans, who contented themselves with occupying the sur-
rounding places, but when the governor saw that he could not hold
out for ever, he capitulated.
The Meknin, which is bounded on the north by Kirman, and on the
south by India, was then invaded by A'bdullah B. A'bdullah ; inhabit-
ants of Mekrdn who were neighbours to the king of Sind asked his
aid against the Arabs, and he arrived at the head of a numeroua army
• Sco Oh. xiir.
MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 217
with many elephants, but was defeated and the latter taken. A'bdullah
immediately despatched a messenger with news of the victory to O'mar,
who questioned him about the country and elicited the following
reply : — ** Commander of the Faithful, it is a country of which the
mountains are mountains indeed, and the plains of which are real moun-
tains ; it is a country with so Uttle water that its dates are the worst of
dates, and the inhabitants the most warUke of men. If thou hadst a
more numerous army there, it would be annihilated and could do no-
thing ; and if thy army is considerable it will perish of hunger, because
there are no victuals. The country beyond it is still worse." Conse-
quently O'mar sent the following instructions to his officers : — ** Do not
cross the boundaries of Mekran. You have nothing to do with Sind ;
do not lead the Musalmdns to their destruction. Send letters to Sind»
that the princes of that country who wish to have their elephants back
may ransom them and send you money, which you will distribute
among the soldiers."
Expeditions were also undertaken against the more unsettled popu-
lation, and the Kurds, to subjugate whom was much more difficult than
the inhabitants who possessed fixed habitations and landed estates,
whilst nomads wandered from pasture to pasture, and large hordes
could elude all persecution for a time by simply going to the deserts
and mountains. Sometimes the Persians averted persecution by bribing
the Arab officers who governed in their districts, and at others by
outwardly conforming with the formalities of the Musalmdns under
intimidation, and it required some time before the Faith took actual root
and became hereditary. There is no doubt that there were also a few
wise men among the conquering race perfectly aware that it would be
bad policy to insist on the immediate conversion of the whole people,
and to exasperate it. The complete subjugation of the vast extent of
the Persian monarchy took place only by degrees, and revolts now
and then still took place, but were suppressed without very great
difficulty, as no extensive organizations or ramifications of them among
the various districts were possible. These insurrections were frequent
enough up to the death of the Khulif Sulaimun B. A'bd-al-Melek,
which took place a. h. 99 (717-18). The last great effort of the
Persians to recover their ancient independence occurred also in the 8th
century of our era, but the Rauzatal-cafa, from which I take the ac-
count, does not give the date. Sinbad the Zoroastrian, an influential
inhabitant of Nishipdr, raised the standard of revolt, by first proclaim-
2Sras
218 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PEKSIA.
ing his intcution to liberate the Persians from the Musalm^ yoke in
his native city, and inviting the population of the district of Key, as
well as the whole of Taberistun, to make common cause with him.
Sinbad first marched to Kazvin, with the intention of taking possession
of it, but was disappointed. In Roy he was more successful ; he not
only took it, but slew its governor, and obtained an enormous booty of
arms and other articles. When he had collected an army of 100,000
men, he declared that the end of Islam was at hand, that a scion of the
Sdsanian dynasty would make his appearance, under whose command
he would march to Mckkah and would destroy the Ka*bah. When
Abu Ja'fer Mau9ur heard of what was taking place, he marched with
his army to Sawa ; Siubud, too, hastened to encounter him, carry-
ing also numerous Musahmln women whom he had placed on camels.
The battle which took place was decisive : Sinbad was put to flight and
afterwards killed in Tubcristan ; his army was partly destroyed, but
many of the fugitives perished of thirst in the desert. The total num-
ber of those who lost their lives is stated to have amounted to 70»000.
It is probable that the ancestors of the Zoroastrian community of
India, who arrived in a ship at Sanjan, on the coast of Gujarat, were
fugitives from Persia who escaped after the just described last reyolu.
tion of the Zoroastrians in that country. That party consisted of a few
wealthy men, who had bought a ship, wherem they embarked with their
servants, and who were the nucleus of which all the Parsees of India
are the descendants. As there are absolutely no historical data extant
about this little emigration, a short account of which, named " The
Story of Sanjan," was written by a Mobed of Surat, centuries after it
had taken place, a.d. 1590, the above conjecture may be considered
just as valid as any other that could be made.
219
Art. V. — Old Canareseand Sanshrit Liscnptioiis relating to the
Chieftains of the Sindavamkoy edited, with translations, notes,
and remarks, by J. F. Fleet, Esq., Bo. C.S.
PresoDted May 15th, 1875.
The accompanying six Old Canarese and Sanskrit Inscriptions relate
to a dynasty of Mahumandalesvaras or Great Chieftains of the Sinda
family, who, as the local representatives of the Chalukya kings, were
governing, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries a.d., the country
round Naregal in the Dharwad District and Aihole and Pattadakal in
the Kaladgi District.
The originals are all in the Old Canarese characters. Nos. I and
II are from stone-tablets in the temples of Kalamesvaradeva and
Tripurantakadeva respectively at Naregal ; and Nos. Ill and IV are
from stone-tablets in the temple of Molle-BrahmadSva at Kodikoppa,
a hamlet of Naregal. I examined in person the originals of these four
inscriptions. But, in order to effect a saving of time, I had had pre-
pared, before my arrival at NarSgal, rough copies for me to correct on
the spot ; the corrections that I had to make in these copies were
innumerable and led to much confusion, and the result is that the
versions now submitted, though substantially correct, may perhaps be
susceptible of improvement in a few minor points such as the use of
the different forms of */' and *«', the doubling of consonants aflcr
the letter ' r\ &c. No. V is from Pattadakal and No. VI from Aihole,
and these two inscriptions have been edited from photographs as specified
in the firbt note to the translation of each.
The iiiscriptious mention the following kings of the Chalukya
dynasty : —
Jajasimha.
Ahavamalla.
I
1 I
Somdsvara or Vikrama, Vikram&nka, P^r-
Bhuvauaikauialla. madi, or Tribhuvanamalla.
I
Sdma.
I
I I
Jd£jadekainallad<*va. NArmaditaila.
And they furnish the following genealogy of the Sinda family : —
29 r a 8
220
OLD CANABESE AND SANSKIUT INSCBIPTIOXS
O S
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BSLATINO TO THE SIKDATAMsA CHIEFTAINS. 22 1
No. I refers to the time of PSrmadid6va I who, as the suhordinatc
of the Chalukya king Vikramaditya II ^^^ was governing the Easukada
Seyenty, the KSjavadi Three-hundred, the Bagadage or Bagadigc
Seventy, and the Narayaiigal or Nareyaiigal Twelve. But the inscrip-
tion commemorates grants made much earher, viz. in Saka 872 (a.d-
950-51), the Saumya scnhvataara. PSrmilcjiidSva's capital was Ramha-
rage or Rambirage, which I have not been able to trace on the
map.
No. II, again belongs to the time of Perm&did6va I, now also
etlled Jagadekamalla-Permadideva, being at this time the subor-
dinate of the Chalukya king Jagadekamalladeva. f This inscription,
also, commemorates a grant made long before, viz. in the Sudharana
smkvatsara, to which the same year of the ^aka era is allotted as is
allotted in the preceding inscription to the Saumya aonhvaUara, The
Saumya and Sadhdrana aamvataaraa are respectively the forty-third
and the forty-fourth years of the cycle ; and calculating back from the
present time, — Saka 1797, Yuva samoatsara, — Saka 872 was the
Sadhirana sauwatsara. In respect of the laxity of the Hindus in
frequently allotting the same year of the Saka to different samvatsaras
of the cycle, Mr. Brown, at page 26 of his Camatie Chronology, re-
markSy — "These discrepancies never trouble the Hindus, who care
little for the numeral as long as the title is known. They certainly
have a vulgar prejudice against specifying their exact age, the number
of their children, the sum of their cattle, or how many trees there are
in an orchard. And the same feeling seems to rule in chronology.
They punctiUously state the month, day, hour, and moment, of the
deed recorded, and the title of the year ; but its numeral is oflen
omitted, and more often wrongly stated. It is, however, observable
that the variation is seldom more than three, plus or minus. If it
is larger, we may suspect forgery, — of which the instances rarely
occur."
No. Ill, earlier in point of date than the preceding two, belongs to
the time of Achugidova II, who was the subordinate of the Chalukya
king Vikramaditya II. His government included, when this inscription
was engraved, only the Kisukadu Seventy and the Nareyaugal Twelve ;
the K^lav&di Three-hundred and the Bagadage Seventy, which we find
in the possession of his son Permadid6va towards the close of the reign
• ^aka 998 to 1049, -Sir W. Elliot.
t ^aka 1060 to 1072,— Sir W. Elliot.
222 OLD CANARESE AND SANSKKIT INSCRIPTIONS
of Vikramatlityadova, must have been acquired in the conquests achicTed
by Achugideva, as the inscriptions tell us, at the command of his
master Vikrama. This inscription records a grant made by AchugideTE
himself in the forty-fifth year of Vikramaditya, i.e, in the Saka "year
1042 (a.d. 1120-21), the Subhakrit* mmvatsara.
No. IV is another inscription of the time of P^rmadideva 1, and
records grants made in the seventh year of the Chalukya king Jagade-
kamalladeva, i.e, in the Saka year 1066 (a.d. 1144-5), the Rakt^kshi
samvatsara.
No. V is of the time of Chavunda II, the subordinate of the Cha-
lukya king Nurmaditaila or Tailapadeva Illf. The inscription records
grants made in the Saka year 1084 (a.d. 1162-3), the Subh^n^
smixvatsartti by Chavunda's chief wife Demaladevi and his eldest son
Achideva II, who were governing, apparently during Chavunda's life-
time and as his representatives, at the capital of Pattadakisuvolal> —
apparently the modern Pattadakal.
No. VI, again, a fragment only, refers to the time of Ch&vunda II.
It gives the name of his second wife, Siriyad^vi ; and of their two
sons, Bijjaladeva and Bijravad^va ( ? ), who, whether in their father's
lifetime or after his death, is not apparent, were governing the Kisukadu
Seventy, the Bagadage Seventy, and the Kelavadi Three-hundred.
The part of the inscription containing the grant is partly quite illegible
and partly lost. Of the date, only the last figure of the year,— 4,—
and the name of the samvatsara, — ^Virodhi, — are legible in the photo-
graph. This figure and the name of the year are distinctly l^ble,
but there is some error in them ; perhaps the date intended is Saka
1091 (a.d. 1169-70), which was the Virodhi saihvatsara, or Saka
1 1 14 by mistake for 6aka 1113 (a.d. 1191-92), which was the Vir6-
dhikrit samvatsara.
* * 3ie . » « * ♦
These inscriptions contain many historical allusions and notices of
places ; but at present I am not in a position to suggest an explanation of
* According to the table in Brown's Camatic Chronology, which appears to be
correct, and calculating back from the present time, the Subhakrit 8amvat8€ura
was Saka 1044. I have in at least one other instance fonnd the Subhakrit
tamvatsara made to correspond with the forty -fifth year of VikramAditya, — i.e.
the first year of his reign being Saka 998, with the Saka year 1042, as here.
t Saka 1072 to 1104,-.Sir W. Elliot.
X According to the table in Brown's Camatic Chronology, the SubhAna lam-
vatsara was Saka 1085.
RELATUJO TO THE SINDAVAMsA CHIEFTAINS. 223
more than one or two of them. The two most powerful and renowned
members of the family appear to have been Achugidera II and Perma-
dideva I. G6ve and the Konkana, when they were acquired by Acliugi-
dt^va II, must have been in the possession of the later Kildambas of
Goa ; and the Bhoja with whom he came in contact is probably Bhoja
I, of the family of the 6ilahura Mahamandalesvaras of Valavada, whose
date is about Saka 1050 (a.d. 1128-9). The JayakeBi, who was
driven back, perhaps in an attempt to recover Goa, by Peraiadideva I,
is probably jthe Kadamba Jayakesi III, whose date is about ^aka lOGO
(a.d. 1138-9). And Bitfciga of Dhorasamudra, repulsed and pursued
by the same prince, is the Uoysala king Vishnuvardhana or Bittidcva
of Dvaravatipura, whose date is about the same. Sir W. Elliot has
shown that the Hoysala kings first obtained a permanent footing to the
north of the Tungabhadra in the person of Vishnuvardhana's grandson,
Viraballala, whose date was about Saka 1113 (a.d. 1 191-2). It would
seem, therefore, that it was the Great Chieftains of the Sindavamsa
who held them in check up to that time, and that the Sindavamsa
finally succumbed to the conquests of the Hoysala dynasty.
224
OLD CANABESE AND SANSEBIT INSC£I|>nOKS
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BELATINO TO THE SINDAVAMSA CHIEFTAINS.
225
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OLD CANARESE AND SANSEKIT INSCRIPTIONS
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BBLATING TO THE SINDATAUSA CHIEFTAniS.
227
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RELATINa TO THE 8INDAVAMSA CHIEFTAI118.
229
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OLD CANARESE AND SANSKUIT INSCRIPTIONS
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RELATING TO THE SINDAVAMSA CHIEFTAINS. 231
No. I.i
a
Om! Reverence to 6iva! Reverence to Sambhn, who is resplendent
with a chowri which is the moon that lightly rests upon his lofty
heady and who is the foundation-pillar for the erection of the city of
the three worlds ! Victorious is Siva
the
whole earth !
The Chalukyavamsa, — tho beloved of the lovely woman Fortune,
the abode of the goddess of plentifnl valour, possessed of an abundance
of spotless fame, the support of the whole world, — was resplendent on
the earth.
Some of the Chjllukya kings, praised by mankind, having in succession
protected the earth with their might, Jayasiihha, — who was born in that
race, who was the choicest among the best of kings, who was of mi-
rivallcd splendour, and who purified the whole surface of the earth with
the sacred streams that were his own achievements, — acquired an ex-
tensive kingdom.
After the king who was thus famous, his son Ahavamalla, the best
among brave kings by reason of the pride of his arm which was
renowned in the game of war*, became the lord of the earth.
After that king, his son, Somesvara, — who was ardently devoted to
sovereignty, who was well capable of sustaining the burden of the earth,
who was celebrated for his statesmanship which was illumined by the
wisdom of a tortoise united with the four means of attaining success',
and who was formidable by reason of being endowed with fierce
valour, — was glorious (under the name of) Bhuvanaikamalla, being
the best among celebrated men aud heroes.
* Tliia inscription is from ii stone-taMct bnilt into tho wall of tho portico of
tho temple of KalaniAgvanul^va at NartVal in tho R6u TuIukA of tbo DhArw/ld
District. Tho onibleniH at tho top of tho tablet aro: — In tho centre, a liii»ja
offact'd ; to tho ri;^lit of it, a priost, beyond him a figure of Basava, and above
them the Fun or moon ; and to tho left of it, a crooked knife or a curved awurd,
beyond it a cow and calf, and abovo them the moon or sun elTaced.
* Tliis is a play upon hia name, — * dhavamalla^ meaning lie who is strong and
suryassis otlurs in battle.
' The fonr means of ruocobs ag^ainst an enemy arc sowing dissension, ncgo.
elation, bribery, and open attack.
232 OLD CANARESE AND SANSKRIT INSCEIPTIONS
After that king, his younger brother, Tribhuvanamalla, — of great
prowess, equal to the Kauntt*yas* iu his might of ami, of unequalled
beauty, — became the husband of the lovely woman the earth. King
Pomiadi^ was resi)lcudent in the world, so that, iu the light of his
commanding power, his splendour, and his majesty, there are no kings
whether of carher or of later times, who may be said to resemble him.
Hail ! "While the victorious reign of the prosperous TribhuTanamalla-
deva®, — the asylum of the universe, the favourite of the world, the
supreme king of great kings, the supreme lord, the most venerabley the
glory of the SatyAsrayakula^, the ornament of the Ch&lokyasy — vtbb
flourishing with perpetual increase so as to endure as long as the moon
and sun and stars might last : —
* The three elder FAnclava princes, Yadhishthira, Bhima, and Aijana, who
were the bods of PrithA or Kunti, the wife of P&ndu, by the g^ds Dharmay YAja,
and Indra respectively.
^ I am somewhat in doubt whether the vowel of the first syllable of this
name is by nature long or short. In the Old Canarcse alphabet the forma of
* e * and * J,* as also of * o * and * 6 ' and frequently of * ♦ * and ' I,* are precisely
alike ; and in the case of Canarese proper names and old words and forms it is
often difficult to decide whether the particular vowel used is short or long^,
unless the word occurs in a metrical passage and in such a manner that the
metre itself decides the quantity of the doubtful vowel. The name PArmAdi is
evidently connected with ^'pSrinCy affection^ fame, pride, the vowel of the first
syllable of which is, on the authority of Sanderson's dictionary, long by natnret
— * 4', not * e'; in line 22 of No. Ill we meet with the name in a corrupted form,—
Hemmadi, just as we have ' hemme* as the more modem form of *pirme^ ; we
also have, as intermediate forms, P6nna in line 22 of No. II and line 9 of
No. IV — Pemma in line 27 and line 29 of No. V, — and PemmAdi in line 48 of
the same. Iho name may also be -written Paramardi, e. g, in the Halsi stone*
inscription (see page 279, line 5, of Vol. IX, No. XXVIT, of the Sooie^'s
. Journal) and probably in line 14 of No. IV of the present inscriptionB. The
forms given in Prof. M on ier Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary are ParmA^i and Par*
radndi ; in this case the * a ' must stand fur an original short ' e.* But wherever
I have met with the name Pdrmfidi in inscriptions in the Eflyastha or Grantha
characters, the ' <! ' is retained and in of course long. With regard to the fiulare
of the Old Cannroso alphabet to diHtinguish between the forms of*«* and *<*
and of * ' and ' o, I miiy mention that the same occurs frequently in Canarese
MSS. of any age, oven though the oldest characters are not ustvd,^ — and especial]/
in metrical passages, where the indication afforded by a knowledge of the metre
is supposed to be suflLcient to save the writer the trouble of adding the distin-
guifihing mark of the long vowel ; it is probably the laxity on this point that
leads many native scholars to misi)ronounce one of the endings of the Old
Canarese locative, in reading, for instance, * kCrm-ci/CtV instead of * MLrmeyol* ; a
reference to any metrical passage, not to mention any authoritative grammar^
would teach them that thi.s ending, — ^ oV, is short, and it is of course a remnant
of * old ' or of * olagej' v:ithin.
« The Ch&lukya king Vikramfiditya II, Saka 998—1049 ; Sir W. Elliot.
^ * Saty/israya,' he in ivlnnn truth Vs inherent, was the name acquired by the
ChAhikya king Pulikd»i I or Pulike^i II, and the Ch^lukya family is hence
calloJ the Saiyfisruyurkula.
BKLATINO TO THE SINDAVAMSA CHIEFTAINS. 233
The kings of the Sinda race, — who were the devoted adherents of the
Chalukya family, who were the preceptors of excessively valorous
deportment, who were specially fit for war, whose pure and renowned
actions were worthy to be praised tbroiighout the world, who were
the bravest men on the earth, who were well acquainted with those
sciences that should be learned bv unrivalled warriors, and who were
possessed of fierce courage, — were resplendent.
Bom in that race, of great prowess, acquainted with many accom-
pliflhments, possessed of an arm that was very violent in conquering
the hostile rulers of the earth, the foremost of rising warriors, tho
most excellent of chieftains, performing achievements that enhanced
the glory and the prosperity of the Sinda race, — king Achugi acquired
iame. Being of unequalled courage, he attained, in the very presence
of the Chalukya king, the pinnacle of greatness among those who
sound the trumpet of their firm determination ; if you reflect upon
it, then, can any other warriors be likened to king Achugi 7
The younger brothers of that same king Achugi who was thus
famous were king Naka, king Sifiga, king Dasa, king Dava, king
Chaunda, and king Chiiva, who were resplendent, being eminent in
respect of their good quahties. Amongst them king Chavunda*, —
who was impetuous in war, the might of whose arm excelled in caus-
ing fear to all his enemies, and who was the abode of the goddess
of fame, — was glorious in being the abiding-place of the glory of
sovereignty.
Afler that king who has been thus described, king Bamma, the son
of king Achugi, was glorious, becoming through the might of his arm
the favourite of the lovely woman Absolute Sovereignty, being pre-
eminent among kings who are formidable in battle, the supreme lord of
kings and princes, eager as a bee in enjoying' the lotus which is the
condition of prosperity, a very ocean of good qualities, foremost
amongst those who have acquired as an ornament for their ears the
commendations of learned men.
A
After that king, Achugideva, — the abode of merit, possessed of an
acquaintance with the science of arms that was renowned in the world,
the best of chieftains, — was esteemed the lord of the woman Sovereignty.
Having taken many forts, having resisted those who, defiled with
> Soo Dot« * to lino 17 of tho text.
231 OLD CANAGESE AND SANSKRIT INSCBIPTIONS
])ri(lc, attacked and pursued such kings as bowed down before blm
(and thus were his alHes and tributaries), having taken possession of
the territories of the hostile kings, and having charmingly acquired
that power which results from j)leasing and virtuous actions, king
Acha, the lover of the lovely woman Fortune, the abiding-place of all
hapi)incss, became very famous. At the command of the universal
emj)eror Vikrama, he, a very lion in war and shining like the hot-
rayed sun, sounding his war-cry, pursued and prevailed against Pojsala,
took Gove, put to flight Lakshma in war, valorously followed after
rriudya, disj)ersed at all times the Malapas^ and seized upon the
Ivoiikana. The wife of king Acha, the great chieftain who was known
to be thus intent upon the observances of religion : — A most virtuous
• * Malavammari/ — a hybrid formation; * Ilalavara* (or *Malapara*) beins;
the geiiiiivo of tho Caiiaroso nomiuativo plurjil * Malavnru' (or * Malaparu*)4
and * Jtuiri' btiiuj^tho Caiiareso form of tho Sanskrit 'mdrin/ a slayer, — i8 one of
tho titles of tlic later Xadambi ohicftaius of Goa ; thus it is given to JayakdsS III
nn the fioal of tho hirjjro Ualsi coj^per-j^lafco ^ (sco page 230 of Vol. IX,
No. XXVI 1, of tlio Society's Journal), and to Sivachitta ot the end of the
])Agiiihvo insuription No. I (seo pago 271 of tho same), and the coins in which
tho grants of JayakAii III wcro reckoned are called * MalavoramAri-nishka'
(s(!e i)p. 2'13-l of tho same). Tho pure Canarcso equivalent, * MalaparoU
tjaud'ij* is one of tho titles applied to tho lloysaja king Vimballflladdva in lino
32 of No. II of tho Gadak inscriptions (sco page 300 of the Indian Antiquary
for October 1873). Four possible explanations of tho title were suggested by
mo at pago 2-lU of the above-montiouod Number of the Society's Journal i
fuller information enables mo now to submit the following explanation as
probably tho correct ono. In either form tho title means * the slayer
or puuisher of tho Iklalavaru.' There is a division of tho LingAyats, called
tho Malavaru, which is to bo found only in the country lying along tho
Western Ghauts ; they aro peo])le of some wealth and position, and they
intermarry only among themselves. 'Xhoy aro to be met with especially at
73anawj)si, Saundfi, ^irsi, ludiir near ]\Iundag6d| B/indawadi, and Pungan^r.
The Village-headmen of IndAr and of Kkkambi near Sirsi aro Malavas. It is
one of tho Malavas of Indilr who is the head of the Bundawadi SamsthAna, and
his wife is from ono of tho Malava families of PuiiganAr; he styles himsolf
* iira.sa' or kinri, as also does the head of tho IHifiganAr family to which his wife
bolongH. Tho Malavas aro also mentioned by Dr. Buchanaui who, in describing
the countiy in tho neighbourhood of Banaw^si, states (Vol. II, p. 378) thafe
most of tho village-hoadmon aro Malavas and that they are a low class of
Sivabhaktas. There is little doubt that these Malavas are the descendants of a
onco i)owerful race of Gliaut chieftains who took their name from tho country
that was subject to them, — tho Malanfidu or hilly and wooded countiy lying
along tho Wodteru Ghauts, now called tho * MahiAdti-* or < Malfida-ddsa' as
di:»tiugaished from tho * Bailu-simo' or open plains to tho east. It should be
noticed that tho title " Malavara-mAri* or * Malaimrol-ganda' is applied to
kiiii^s and chiefrains whone territorial j)ositi<m was such as to bring them into
ooUisicm witli the people of the Ghauls, and that it is not assumed by others
whose po.sition was loo far to the north and east for this. For a popular de-
scription of tho AlalanAdii see tho Canarcso versos of Snrvajua translated by tlio
llev. F. Kittel at page 23 of iho Indian Aiiii'iuanj for January 1873.
RELATING TO THE SINDAVAMSA CHIEFTAINS. 235
wife, of spotless conduct. Abounding with most pious actions, Mahad^Ti
acquired the fame of being called the best among the consorts of such
chiefhiiiis as are the most excellent in the world.
To Maddvi, who was thus glorious, and to king Acha, who was
esteemed' the best of kings who are praised, by mankind, was bom king
Pdrm^i, as if it were the birth of joy to all mankind. Conquering the
cities of his brave foes, vanquishing numbers of kings intoxicated with
pride, possessed of many countries acquired by his arm, menacing the
fierce dawning might of hostile kings, avoiding that sin which springs
firom the influence of the Kali age^°, performing great achievements
against his enemies whose thunderings were silenced, a very sun to (dis-
perse) the darkness which was (the inimical) great chieftaiiis, — such was
Pdrmadid^a. Men wondered at king Pormadi on account of his pious
actions which were, amongst other things, his pure deeds, his ablu-
tions, his worship of the gods, his sacrifices, his liberal charities, the
number of his vows, and the respect paid by him to Bruhmans, to
religious preceptors, and to holy men, on account of his aciiuaintance
with the sacred writings which treat of religion, on account of his
gifts of all kinds of sacred food, and on account of his delight in hold-
ing assemblies that were made charming by listening to many excellent
new poems. And, as each day passed profitably by, he, being of a
sportiye disposition and resembling a second Bhoja ^ ^, enjoyed con-
tentment arising from his excellent pursuits and from his happiness
with the lovely woman Sovereignty.
Hail I While the fortunate Mahamandclt'svara kinqr Pr»rmridideva, —
who was adorned with the titles commencing with * The Great Chief-
tain who has attained the five MahCtsabdaa ** ; he who is the lord
of the goddess of generosity and bravery ; he who is the sun of the
white lotuses of the Sindakula ; he who is a very Kilmadeva^'' amon«jc
chieftains ; he who, mounted on restive horses, is skilled in training
>o xhe preeont or iron age, the ago of vice, tho last of tho four ages of tho
worid.
** A prinoe who according to tradition was a great patron of learning,
*• Probably five titles commonciDg with tho word * mdhd* (ma/iaf ), great,
Biich u ' MahArAja', < MohAmandol^vara', &c.
*• In tho orif^nal ' Kusumakddancla,' At; whnne how is made vp ofjlnwcrs;
hi* bow is iablod to bo made of flowers, a row of bK'ick boca is tho string of it,
and each of his tivo arrows has fur its tip a bloriKom that is <iu}>poscd to
ejKCrcise a special influence ovor one or other of th«» five senses"?
31 rn s
236 OLD CANABESE AND SANSKRIT INSCBIPTIOKS
them to perfection ; he who is possessed of characteristic marks that
are completely auspicious; he who is praised by poets, by wits,
and by orators; he who is the receptacle of a number of good
qualities ; he who has for the ornament of his ears the listening
to the Saiva traditions ; he who is the support of aU learned men ;
he who is the preceptor of inexhaustible benefits to others ; he who
is brave even without any one to help him ; he who is as conver-
sant as Chanakya^* with the many expedients of the art of govern-
ment ; he who never breaks his word ; he who is well versed in the
science of arms and other excellent accomplishments ; he who is the
leader in the battle-field ; he who is a very Samkrandana ^* in
enjoying all objects of enjoyment ; he who is a very Ravinandana **
in respect of his complete liberality; he who is a very Trinetra^' to
(destroy) numbers of forts of many kinds ; he whose achievements i^e
like those of the first of kings^^ ; he who is a very cage of thunderbolts
to (protect) those who take refuge with him ; who is as one of the
elephants of the quarters among chieftains^ * ; he who delights in
enjoying the sentiments of poetry and singing ; he who has acquired
the excellent favour of the deity of the original shrine', — impartially
punishing the wicked and protecting the good was ruHng, at his capital
of Rambarage*°, with the diversion of joyful conversations, the Kisukada
Seventy, the Kelavadi Three-hundred, the Bagadige'^ Seventy, and
the Narayaiigal*' Twelve, — and, preserving the ancient faiths, was mani-
festing his tenderness in saying, whenever any religious occasion present-
ed itself, that every religion should have its deed of gift : —
^* The minister of Chan dragapta and reputed author of a work on morals
and the principles of administration.
^* Indra.
** Karna, the son of Kunti by the Sun, before her marriage with PAndu,
and so the elder half-brother of the PAndava princes. He was renowned for
his generosity.
^^ The three-eyed Siva who destroyed the three strong cities of gold,
silver, and iron, in the sky, air, and earth, of a celebrated demon. *
*8 * Adirdja,' the first king ; — Manu, or Prithu.
^ ® i.e. * who is a most excellent and brave chieftain.*
'° In No. II, line 34, the name is spelt Bambirage.
'^ In No. II, line 33, and in No. Y, line 54, the name is spelt BAgadage ; in
No. IV, line 11, it occurs again as BAgadige.
*^ Other forms of the name in the present inscriptions are NareyaJigal,
Narayagal, Nareyagal, and Narigal. Possibly the etymology is * narii/a-kal
(kallu)\ the stona of the jackal.
RKLATINQ TO THE SINDAVAMSA CniEFTAINS. 237
The mdiant country of Kuntafa is esteemed the chief ornament of
the land of Bharata in the world which is encircled by the ocean ; and
in it Narayagal, laden with fruits, is very charming. Very lovely is it
with its flower-gardens which diffuse many divine odours, with its cool
tanks which confer the most exquisite pleasures, with its numberless
groves, and with its rice and other juicy graius, the fragrance of which
pervades the regions ; charming is it to travellers, and best in the
whole earth, and very much to be sought after.
On the occasion of an eclipse of the moon, when the sun was com-
mencing Lis progress to the north, on Monday, the day of the full-
moon of the bright fortnight of the month Pushya of the Saumya
sa^vatsara, being the year of the i§aka 872, Mundcyara-Srimanta-
giivunda**, — ^having caused Prabhugavundu*", who was intent upon
maintaining religion and was a man of innumerable pious deeds in the
two parties** of Narayaiigal, which was thus charming, to build a
temple of the deity of the original shrine in the middle of the southern
part of the village, — gave to Ntlakanthapanditadeva, with libations
of water, for the ahgabh'nfa of the god, some land which was a grant
to be respected by all and ai> offering to (the god) Paramesvaradeva,
and the locality of which isi — Four heaps of stones above graves'* ot
Kim-Narigal*®, together with (stones bearing the emblems of ) a lihga
and ascetics and a cow, were set up (as boundary-marks) to the
thirty-six matt are (of land) which were allotted, free of all rent
and free from all opposing claims, to be continued as long as the moon
and sun and stars might last, to the N. of the road to Muduvolal",
to the S. of (the field of) Navayavala, to the E. of the rent-free
service-land of Vfisigj\vun(la, and to the W. of some land on which
revenue was paid. Four heaps of stones above graves of Kim-Narigal,
together with (stones bearing the emblems of) a liikga and ascetics and
*' Sco noto * to lino 46 of the text.
** * BdUC ; see noto 45 to No. VII of tho Rntta InscriptionB at pago 285 of
Vol. X, No. XXIX, of tho Society's Journal. Both tho nicauingB of < baW are
illantratod in tho present inscription.
** * Qudde' ; see noto 17 to tho translation of No. Ill of tho Batta Inscriplioui
referred to above.
■ ■• Kirii-Nan^l, Kini-Narigal, Kir-Narijral, or Kiri-Narifj;al is the Bmall^r or
more modem Naripil as distiiifjuishecl fnjin Hiri-Nari^^il or lliriya-Narij^l, the
Un^r or elder Naripal. The modern terms are * Jliri' and * Chikkd,* aa Iliri-
BaK<iW&di and Chikka-BagewHdi.
•' Ppolmbly the mmlorn Mudh61, the cliiof town of the Native State of the
mmc name in the Southern Muratta Country.
238 OLD CANARESE AND SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS
a cow, wore set up (as boundary-marks) to six mattars, that were
made a grant to be respected by all, to the S. of the road to Muduvolal,
to the N. of the rent-free service-land of Bannira-Bammagavunda, to
the £. of some land on which reyenue was paid, and to the W. of the
rent-free service-land of Kadigavunda. Four heaps of stones above
graves of Kin-Narigal, together with (stones bearing the emblems of) a
lihga and ascetics and a cow, were set up at the four corners (as bound-
ary-marks) to six mattars, that were made a grant to be respected
by all, to the W. of Kuyyavalla which was the cultivated land of (the
god) Tippesvaradeva, to the E. of (the field of) Chiguravala, to the N.
of some land on which revenue was paid, and to the S. of another plot
of ground on which revenue was paid.
The site of the garden-land of the god : — Four heaps of stones
above graves, together (with stones bearing the emblems of) a iinffa
and ascetics and a cow, were set up at the four comers (as boundary-
marks) to one mattar of garden-land, that was made free of all rent,
to the E. of the moge^^ of Navayara-Kitagavunda, to the W, of the
moge of the Dandanuyaka Chavundameya^ ", to the N. of some land
on which revenue was paid, and to the S. of the road to Belgere.
The shrine of the god is to the N. of (the temple of the god)
Mangesvara, to the S. of the king's highway, to the W. of the gate
called Srivagilu, and to the E. of another king's highway ....
so
■8 I havo not boon able to obtain any explanation of this word as applied
to land. The only meanings given to it in Sanderson's dictionary are, as a
verb, to hale or scoop out watery and, as a substantive, a sinall earthen cwp or
vessel. It must denote here some kind of sorvice-lauda.
a ^ See note'* to lino 55 of the text.
8 Sec note * to line 58 of the text.
BBL&TINO TO THE 8INDAVAHSA CIIIEFTAIM8.
239
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OLD CANARESG AND SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS
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BELATINQ TO THE SINDAVAMSA CHIEFTAINS.
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OLD CANABESE AMD SANSKRIT IMSCBIFTIOMS
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BBLATINa TO THE SINDAVAMsA CHIEFTAINS. 243
No. II.»-
Rercrence to Sambhu, who is resplendent with a ckowri which is
the moon that lightly rests upon his lofty head, and who is the foun-
dation-pillar for the erection of the city of the three worlds !
Hail ! While the victorious reign of the prosperous JagadAkamalla-
ddva', — the asylum of the universe, the favourite of the world, the
supreme king of great kings, the supreme lord, the most venerable, the
glory of the Satyasrayakula, the ornament of the Ch&lukyas, — was
flourishing with perpetual increase so as to endure as long as the moon
and sun and stars might last, he* who subsisted (as a bee) on the
lotuses which were his feet (was as follows) : —
(There was) king Acha, the Great Chieftain who attained the five
Mahdiabdas ; he who was a very Mah^vara* (in dealing destruction)
to the god of love in the form of chieftains blinded with pride; he
who was like a strong-throated lion in striking the foreheads of the
elephants which were his enemies ; he who was a very ocean of the
quaUty of impetuosity ; he who was a very hand-mill for grinding the
wheat which was (the race of) Jaggu ; he who was the sovereign of the
country of the lion of Hallakavadike ; he who was a very jewelled
mirror for the embellishment of the lovely woman the Art of Govern-
ment ; he who made happy crowds of good people ; he who eminently
surpassed Jimiitavahana' in the quaUty of all-embracing compassion ;
he who was a very Kamjusana^ in respect of the multitude of his
acquirements. Having taken many forts, having resisted those who,
defiled with pride, attacked and pursued such kings as bowed down
^ Ibis inscription is from a stono-tablot built into the wall inside the
temple of TriparAntakaddva at Nardgal in the Bdn TAIokA of the DhArwad
District. The ombloms at the top of the stone are .* — In the centre a lihga ;
to the right of it, a priest, and, beyond him, a cow and calf; to the left of it,
a figure of Basava.
* Saka lOeO— 1072 ; Sir W. Elliot.
* Sc. FdrmAdi, who is first mentionod in tlio verse beginning in line 13,
and not his father Acha or Achngp, whose name intervenes by way of an
introdaction.
* Siva ; the allusion is to the reduction of Kimaddva to ashes by Siva when
he tried to inflame him with love for FArvatt.
* < He who rides upon the clouds/ Indra.
* Brahma, — ' he whoso scat is the lotus' which sprang from the navel of
Yishnu.
32r a 8
2'li OLD CANABESE AND SANSKRIT INSCBIPTIONB
l)cforc him (and thus wer^ his allies and tributaries), having taken pos-
session of the territories of the hostile kings, and having charmingly
acquired that power that springs from pleasing and virtuous actions,
king Acha, the lover of the lovely woman Fortune, the abiding-place of
all happiness, became very famous. At the command of the universal
emperor Vikrama, he, a very lion in war and shining like the hot-rayed
sun, sounding his war-cr}', pursued and prevailed against Poysala, took
G6ve, put to flight Lakshma in war, valorously followed after PAndya,
dispersed at all times the Malapas, and seized upon the Konkana.
f
His sou : — Conquering the cities of his brave foes, vanquishing
numbers of kiugs intoxicated with pride, possessed of many countries
acquired by his arm, menacing the fierce dawning might of hostile
kings, avoiding that sin which springs from the influence of the Kali
age, performing great achievements against his enemies whose thunder-
ings were silenced, a very sun to ( disperse ) the darkness which was
( the inimical ) great chieftains, — such was Fdrmadiddva. Possessing
the fierce heat of the sun of the white lotuses of the Sindakula, — bo
that the blue lotuses of the regal fortunes of kings ^ho bent not down
before him closed their flowers, so that the darkness which was the
poverty of excellent and learned men faded away, so that the yMte
lotuses which were the faces of such kings as came to his feet began to
expand while the majesty of other kings grew dim, and so that he
pervaded the whole earth which is bounded by the quarters of the
regions and the sky, — king Pt^rmadi vanquished Kulaifikharlnka,
gloriously besieged Chatta and took his head with a sword ( to behead
him ), alarmed and pursued JayakSsi, seized upon the royal power of
Poysala who was the foremost of fierce rulers of the earth, and acquired
the reputation of being himself proof against all reverses. Going to the
mountain-passes of the marauder Bittiga, plundering him, besieging
Dhorasamudra, and, pursuing him till he arrived at and took the city of
Belupurn, king Ptirma^, of great glory, — driving him before him with
the helj) of his sword^ arriving at the mountain-pass of Yilhadit and
overcoming all obstacles, — acquired celebrity in the world. Pursuing
and seizing in war the friends, (mighty) as elephants (though they
were), of the kings who joined king Bittiga in the work of slaughter,
' T!io T'.amo TArmfidi occurs in tliis fi>rm also in lino 9 of No. TV and nqain
ill line 3 of i1m> Galhalli iuBcriptiou publishud at page 290 uf Vol. IX, Na X2LV1I
ui' ili(» So;:i«Mv'> Journal.
RELATING TQ THE SINDAVAMSA CHIEFTAINS. 245
(P^rmadij) unequalled in his great impetuousity, brought them (back
as captives) with derisive cheers. •
Hail ! While the fortunate Mahamandal^svara king Permadid^va, —
who was adorned with the titles commencing with * The Great Chief-
tain who has attained the five Mahdsabdas ; he who is the lord of the
goddess of generosity and bravery ; he who is the sun of the white
lotuses of the Sindakula ; he who is a very Kiimaddva among chieftains ;
he who, mounted on restive horses, is skilled in training them to perfec-
tion ; he who is possessed of characteristic marks that are completely
auspicious ; he who is praised by poets, by wits, and by orators ; he
who is the receptacle of a number of good qualities ; he who has
for the ornament of his ears the listening to the Saiva traditions ; he
who is the support of all learned men ; he who is the preceptor of
inexhaustible benefits to others ; he who is brave even without any
one to help him ; he who is as conversant as Chanakya with the many
expedients of the art of government ; he who never breaks his word ;
he who is well versed in the science of arms and other excellent
accomplishments ; he who is the leader in the battle-field ; he who
is a very Sninkrandana in enjoying all objects of enjoyment ; he who is
a very Ravinandana in respect of his complete liberality ; he who is a
very Trinetra to (destroy) numbers of forts of many kinds ; he whose
achievements are like those of the first of kings ; he who is a very cage
of thunderbolts to (protect) those who take refuge with him ; he who
is as one of the elephants of the quarters among chieftains ; he who
delights in enjoying the sentiments of poetry and singing ; he who has
acquired the most excellent favour of the god Sri-Sankaradeva', — im-
partially punishing the wicked and protecting the good, was ruling,
at his capital of Rambirage, with the diversion of joyful conversations,
the Kisukadu Seventy, the Kelavadi Three-hmidred, the Bugadage
Seventy, and the Nareyangal Twelve : —
The radiant country of Kuntala is esteemed the chief ornament of
the land of Bharata in the world which is encircled by the ocean ; and
m it Narayagal, laden with fruits, is very charming.
On the occasion of an eclipse of the sun on Thursday the day of the
new moon of the month Karttika of the Sadharana samvafsara, beincr
the year of the Saka 872, Tippanayyanayaka of Hiriya-IIannasu of
• *Anatt{fi^* of which I have not been able to obtain an explanation as a
separate word, would appear to bo connected etymdlc^ically \Niih *anaki*u\ to
morkfjrc,'.
246 OLD CANARESE AND SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIOKS
the southern part of Naveyangal -which was thus charmiDg, gav^, with
libations of water, to Trilochanapandita, on behalf of the god Tip-
panesvaradova, thirty mat tars of Aravana in his rent-free service-
land of Ilannasu to the £. of Kuyyaballa, to the N. of the road to
Miidapadahola, and to the S. of the rent-free senrice-land caUed
Teneyabala ; at the four corners four heaps of stones above graves of
Kim-Narigal, together with (stones bearing the emblems to) a likffa
and ascetics and a cow, were set up (as boundary-marks). The
shrine of the god is to the E. of the gate called Srivagilu, to the W. of
the fort, to the N. of the rent-free service-land called 6avundabala>
and to the S. of the king*s highway ; at the four comers are four
heaps of stones above graves of Kiih-Narigal. Tippauayya set apart
one oil-mill for the purposes of the god. Four heaps of stones above
graves of Kim-Narigal (are the boundary-marks) to one mattar of
rent-free garden-land (that was given to the god) to the £. of the
road to Jakile and to the S. of the rent-free land of the god Sr!-
Abesvaradeva.
To the W. of the road to Jakile and to the N. of the garden-land
of (the god) S6bagesvara, Dovagavunda" gave one mattar of rent-free
garden-land, (the boundary-marks of which are) four heaps of stones
above graves of Kim-Narigal.
The (corporation of) Sixteen and the (corporation of) Eighteen of
that place, and the (members of the religious body of) the locality of
the five Mathas, shall preserve the grants thus specified as long as the
moon and sun shall last.
Uall ! The fortunate king Jagadekamalla-PSrmadiddva, haying de«
liberated on this act of piety *^
^ Soo nolo t to lino 45 of tho tost.
10 Soo noto t to lino 48 of tho text.
BEIiATnia TO THE SINDAVAMSA CniEFTAINS.
247
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OLD CAN&RE8E AND SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS
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RELATING TO TUE StKDAVAMSA CHIEFTAINS.
249
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250 OLD CANABESE AND SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS
No. III.*
Reverence to Sambhu, who is replendent with a ehowri which is the
moon that lightly rests upon his lofty head, and who is the foundation-
pillar for the erection of the city of the three worlds !
Hail! While the victorious reign of the prosperous Tribhuvana-
malladeva, — the asylum of the universe, the favourite of the world,
the supreme king of great kings, the supreme lord, the most venerable,
the glory of the Saty&srayakula, the ornament of the Ch&lukyas, — was
flourishing with perpetual increase, so as to endure as long as the moon
and sun and stars might last, at the capital of Jayantipura', with the
diversion of joyful conversations, he who subsisted (as a bee) on the
lotuses which were his feet (was) : —
Hail ! The fortunate Mahaman dales vara king Acha, who was adorn-
ed with all the glory of the names of * The Great Chieftain who has
attained the five Mahdsabdas, he who is a very Bh6giSvara* in respect
of his pleasures, he who is a very sun (in respect of his hostility) to
the blue lotuses of the race of Kusava, he vihp is a mine of truth, he
who is a very second Dharmanandana^, he who resembles Samkran-
dana in his power, he who is the mightiest of chieftains who attack
when they discover a weak pomt, he who is a very Gandabherunda",
he who plunders hostile chieftains,
«, he who is resolute in war, he who is the
first of warriors and kings, he who naturally has the odour of musk,
he who delights in liberality, he who supports men of letters, he who
is the glory of brave men, he who is the lion of the prosperous Tribhu-
vanamalladeva, he who strikes the palms of the hands of hostile chief-
tains.' "Whilst he, with the diversion of joyful conversations, was
* This inscription is from a stone-tablet built into the wall on the right of the
door of the temple of Mollebrahmaddva at Kodikoppa a hamlet of Nar&al in the
Rdn TAlukA of the DhArwAd District. The emblems at the top of &e stone
are : — In the centre, a iihga ; to the right of it, a priest with a cow and calif
beyond him, and over them the sun ; to the left of it, a figure of Basava with the
moon above it.
* An old name of BanawAsi.
* The king of serpents, — Sdsha, or VAsuki.
* Yudhishthira.
m
' A fabulous bird with two heads which preys on the flesh of elephants.
* * Anyyanahkakdry , — meaning not known.
A
RELATING TO THE SINDAVAMSA CniEPTAINS. 251
governing the Kisukudu Seventy and several towns the chief of whicli
was Ahbegei<c of Nareyaugal which is the chief town of the (Narcyau-
gal) Twelve which is included in the Belvola Three-hundred : —
II is brave enemies, and valiant and honourable and learned men, —
timorous of rabing their heads, of transgressing against him, of opposing
him, of attacking him, of assailing him, of manifesting their arrogance,
of causing his head to swell from their blows, or of thieving aught
firom him, — surrendered to him their heads with a sword (wherewith
to behead them if he pleased) and their property, and, seeking his
protection, came to perform for him the three (kinds of) forced house-
hold labour; what men then are foolish enough to withstand king
Acfaama?
When the sun was commencing his progress to the north on Mon-
day the eighth day of the bright fortnight of the month Chaitra of the
Sabhakrit smhvatsara, which was the forty-fifth year of the era of
the prosperous Chalukya Vikrama, the Great Chieftain king Acha, —
who, being thus the object of praise and the abode of glory, was gov-
erning with punishment to the wicked and protection to the good, —
gave, for tiie purpose of the god Sri- M olios varad^va of Kiru-Nare-
yaiigal which was included in the Kisukudu Seventy, twelve mattnrs,
with libations of water and free from all opposing claims, to MollCsva-
radova who belonged to (the establishment of) the god Si1!)linir\s\'ara
of Iliriya-Nareyangal. The boundaries of these twelve mattars of
cultivated land arc : — To the S. of the village ; to the W. and tlic S.
of the boundaries of the lands of Iliriya-Nareyangal ; and to the N.
of the boundaries of the lands of Umniacliif^e. Ilemniadldcva^ his
eldest son, continuing the religious act of king Acha and regarding it
with kindness and protecting it, preserved religion in the world.
And after that Mollcya-Bamma, — a very Angadhiraja' (in respect
of his munificence) to women and acquaintances and supplicants, pos-
sessed of great splendour and eminent fame, a \Qry lion to those who
assailed him, — was glorious in the world. And to describe his great-
ness : — Bearing in mind that his worshippers, running hither and thi-
ther, were becoming poor, and bidding them come and take (whatever
they desired), — the wealth of the liberal Bamma, which he had accpiired,
(became an ornament to him through the publicity) of his charities just
as a liarlot (to dis])lay her wealth) puts on ornaments (made out of all
^ Kariiji, tlu kiiii; of Aiiiru.
X^ r fi s
252 OLD CANARE9E AND SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS
that she possesses). To describe the religious actions performed by
that same MoUeya-Barmanna who was thus the superintendent of the
estimates-department > : — Saying " This is a perpetual grant," Bar-
mana, — who was glorious in being esteemed to be ever more and more
the well-known abode of fame and who was the good and spotless
worshipper of Moll^ara, — ^gaye at that time a grant to the god.
When the king, regarding him with afFection and confirming his acts,
gave him whatever he asked for, then Bamma allotted twelve WMttan
of cultivated land to that god' who is adorned with serpents.
8 < AkAra-hnkka\ the province or peculiar hueineee of nrngJUy-framed timt^-
menU of expense*, profit ij ^c Thoso oro mthcr carious wordB to find in an Old
Canaroso inscription of tho early part of the twelfth century a.d. ; ' hetkka* ii
of course the IIindustAni (or Arubi) ' hakk\ and the meaning evidently intended
and given above to tho Sanskrit word * dkdro! is a purely MaiAtbi moaning.
• feva.
BBLATIMO TO THE SINDAVAHSA CHIEFTAINS.
253
o
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254
OLD CANABESE AND SANSKRIT IN8CBIPTI0RB
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BELATINQ TO TUE aiNDAVAKSA CUIBPTAIMS.
255
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256 OLD CANARE6E AND SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS
No. IV.^
Reverence to Sambhu, ^ho is resplendent with a chowri which is
the moon that lightly rests upon his lofty head, and who is the fomi-
dation-pillar for the erection of the city of tho three worlds ! Beve-
rence to Sambhu, whose spirit is composed of eternal joy and knowledge
and power, and who is the chief stay of religious knowledge which
becomes fruitful through the exercise of mental determination I
Hail! While the victorious reign of the prosperous and Talorous
universal emperor Jagadokamalladeva, — the asylum of the imiTerse,
the favourite of the world, the supreme king of great kings, the su-
preme lord, the most venerable, the glory of the Satyasrayakula, the
ornament of the Chalukyas, — was flourishing with perpetual increase
so as to endure as long as the moon and sun and stars might last, he
who subsisted (as a bee) on the lotuses which were the feet of that
mighty potentate (was) : —
The brave king Pfirma*, — the son of the chieftain Achugi, a very
thunderbolt to the mountains which were the fierce hostile chieftains^
possessed of unequalled manliness, — who, enveloping the whole world
with his great glory so that it was said that he could not he described
in words by any one, was waited upon by the preeminence of his fyne.
nail ! AVhile the fortunate Mahamandnlesvara king JagadSkamalla-
Permadideva, — who was decorated with his own titles of * the Great
Chieftain who has attained the five Mahdsahdas, he who is a very
Mahesvara to (destroy) Love in the form of hostile chieftains,* — punish-
ing the wicked and protecting the good, was ruling at his capital, with
the diversion of joyful conversations, the district of Kisukiidn, the
district of Bagadige, the district of Kelavadi, and the district of
Nareyagal : —
lie who preser\'ed and governed him was king Paramardi *;
Brahmesvara, the Unborn *, was ever respectfully worshipped by
^ This inscription is from a stono-tablot built into tho wall on tho loft of tho
same door of tho tomplo of M()llc-13rahmad6vft on tho rijjht of which is No. IIJ,
'ITio emblems at tho top of the stono are : — In tho centre, a lihgn and a priest ;
to tho right of it, a figure of Basava, beyond which is tho sun ; and to tho loft of
it, a cow and calf, beyond which is the moon.
* Soo note 5 to tho translation of No. II.
^ Sou note 5 to the translation of No. II.
+ The god Bralmiu.
RELATINO TO THE SINDAVAMSA CHIEFTAINS. 257
him ; his family-divinity ^ was Vama&kti, the worshipper of Brahmcs-
Tan ; — in these things consisted his greatness ; how shall man further
describe and praise the pious Barma, the worshipper of ... .
Molleya? Sri-V^asaktipanditadeva usurped the rcpu-
tati<m, well-known throughout the world, of being considered the noon-
tide cow of plenty ; thus excellent was he ; how shall one describe it ?
Their priests were ascetics ; Purahara" was their favourite divinity ;
their decoration was such charity towards the Ugura Three-hundred'
M to provoke astonishment ; they were indeed the best of all good
people ; very j)roperly not
recognizing those who covet the wives of others or long for their wealth ;
—such were the Eleya-Bojagaru, who were considered to be the pos-
sessors of knowledge.
Hail ! On the occasion of an eclipse of the sun when the sun was
commencing his progress to the north on Monday the day of the
new-moon of the month Pushy a of the Raktakshi samvatiara, being
the seventh year of the reign of the prosperous and valorous universal
emperor Jagadekamalla, the One-thousand sellers of betel leaves and
nuts, acting all together, (gave), for the ahgabhoga of the god Sri-
Brahm6s>'aradeva of the original shrine of Kini-Narayangal which
was a town near to' the Kisukudu Seventy, one visa* on each load of a
beast of burden of betel-leaves of Kiru-Narayangal that had been cut,
and two hdgims on each hcad.load of bctel-lcaves, for the god. And
one oiLmill was set apart, as a grant to be respected by all, for the
perpetual lamp of that same god. And the Ugura Three-hundred
and the Eleya-Bojagaru Five-hundred-and-four, acting all together,
set apart for the angahhoga of the god onepana^^ on each agriculturist.
And Molleya-Barmai^na allotted to his god Brahmesvaradeva, as a
grant to be respected by all, in the cultivated land of the One-hundred-
• t. «. his family-priost.
• Tho destroyer of the cities, — Siva.
• Tho Uffura Throe-hundred and the Five-hunditxi-and-fournro referred to nlflo
in Bomo YAdava inscriptions ut Munavalli or Mundli in tho IJelffaiim District
which I hope shortl}' to publish. I can off<T no explanation of theso terms
bc}'ond that certain religious bodies are apparently int4)nded.
• * Baliya, inelwUd in ; see noto 37 to the Translation No. VII of the Ritta
IiMcriptions referrc<I to above.
• • rtw*, — one- fourth of an anna.
*<* * Aa^wr,— corrupted form of * kdkini^'- twenty cowrice or a quarter of a
pana.
" * i*rfiia',— a gold loin equal t-^ v.:ry nearly 220 JTrjiins Tn\v.
258 OLD 0ANARE8E AND SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS
«
and-four merchants the chief of whom was Urddcya of Umncliigo,
twelve mat tars to the E. of the village of MQrugondu and to the N.
of the stone that marks the road to Kukkandr.
To those who preserve (intact) these numerous sites (of grants) there
shall accrue the same reward of religious merit as belongs to those who
bestow a thousand tawny- coloured cows upon holy ascetics or Brah-
mans who are well versed in the scriptures at the sacred shrines of
Vuranasi or KurukshOtra or Arghyatirtha at the time of an eclipse of
the sun ; but he, who destroys them, is guilty of as great a sin as if at
those same sacred shrines he were to destroy those same ascetics or
those same Brahmans or those same tawny-coloured cows.
BEtATtKQ TO THE SIMDAVAMSA CHIEITAIMS.
259
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OLU CAMABE8K AND SANSKRIT INSCBIFTIONS
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BXUTIMa TO TBB BlND&TAMilA CHIEFTAINS.
262
OLD CAHABE8E AND 8AN8K1UT INSCRIFTIONB
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BELATING TO THE SINDAVAMSA CUIKFTAINS. 2G7
No. V.^
Om! Reverence to Siva! Reverence to Sambhu, wlio is resplendent
with a ehowri which is the moon that Hi^htly rests upon his lofly head,
and who is the foundation-pillar -for the erection of the city of the
three worlds I
Hail ! lie ■ , the most excellent one, — (the ' colour of whose body is
as) black as a bee, and whose feet are placed upon the substantial
rays of the tiaras of all the happy immortals who bow down before
him» — ac(|uired both the earth and the ocean. .
The ocean, — from which the moon aro3c ' ; which is the home of
the goddess of fortune * ; which is adorned with the moimtains that
fled to it for protection ' ; which is the i)lace of the production of
ever-new jewels ; and the surface of which is the favourite couch of
Mukunda ' , — is marked as if with a signet with (the earth which is)
the habitation of men which is decorated with plungijigs into the waters
of rivers which are vocal through their lines of surging waves caused
by the motion of the fishes which are driven to and fro by the play
of the tortoises and the Pathlna fishes and the alligators and crowds of
elephants mad with passion.
To the south of the mountain Moru, which is esteemed the tiara of
the earth which is charming as being considered to have that same
ocean for the girdle that encircles its waist, there is the good and spot-
less hind of Bharata ; and to the south of this there is the charming
country of Kmitala.
* This incripliou ia edited from Plato No. XVI of a pliotoprapliic collection
of inscriptions in DliAnvAd and ^I lisAr edited in ll^(!rt by Mr. T. C. Hope,
Bo, C. S., for tho C-omnuttoe of Architectural Antiquitiea of Western India.
The original ia u stone-tablet nine foot hiirh in a toiii|>lu at ruttidakal in tho
UfidAmi T&lukd of the K.ilidgi District. Tho enihlenis at tlio top of tho stono
arc: — In the contn?, a H'n^ja and priust in a hliririi- ; un llio ri;4'iit of it, a li^uru of
Bjuavu, with the sun above it ; and on the left of it a cow and calf, with the moon
above them.
• Se. Vishnu who, in his incarnation as Krishna, was bom with a black or
blno-hlack skin.
* The moon, amongst other thinirs, was produced from tlio ocean when it was
chamcd for the sake of the nectar by tho gods and demons.
♦ The p:o<ldo^s of fortun«\ 6ri or Lakshnii, according to one legend sprang
from tho froth of tho oceali wln-n it was being churned.
• Somo of the mountiins ari^ snjipnscjd to have taken shelter in the ocean to
OKcape ha-i-ing their wings cut off by Indra.
• Sc. Vishnu who e^l ips on'the oveun, liaving tho ^hoods of tho sorpcnt Sdsha
for a c;inopy and tho tuiltt of his body for a couch.
35 r a «
268 OLD CANABESE AND SANSKRIT IKSCfflPnOKS
Many (kings), — who were the jewelled earrings of the race of the
Chalukjas; who were considered to be the receptacles of endless
happiness ; and who were as mighty as lions in rending asunder the
heads of the infuriated elephants that were their foes, — gOTcrocd it.
Among them (was) ; —
Hail ! — Soma, the son of king Vikramanka, — who was the bcsnti-
fill aotumn moon of the skj which was the prosperous &ni]j of the
Chalok jas ; who was worthy to be praised by the whole world ; who
was possessed ci wealth that sufficed to gratify the desires of lo^j
women ; who placed the lotuses which were his leet on the beads of
the kings of Andhra, Dravila, Magadha, and Nepala ; who waa landed
bj all learned men ; whd was a yery king Saryajna' among kings.
His son, Jagadekamalla, — whom no one dared oppose ; who was
endowed with all good qualities ; who was a yaloroos uniyersal emperor ;
who was renowned ; and who was the destroyer of hostile mien of the
earth, — ^was glorious.
His younger brother was Ndrmaditaila, — who was kind towards
those who were skilled in rending asunder the infuriated elephants that
were his proud foes ; who had for a banner his good and spotless fiune ;
who was eyer eager for the taste of war.
He who played the part of a bee in ever being in attendance upon the
lotuses which were his feet was king Chayunda, — who was bom in the
Sindakula ; who was the lord of all the proud uniyersal ralers of the
earth ; who was esteemed a yery P^ha* among fortunate kings. Vie-
torious is he, the king who excels in impetuosity, — ^who is the stage
for the dances of the dancing-girl who is the goddess of yictoiy;
who has conquered (in) the battle-field ; who has broken the pride
of arm of his enemies ; who excels in the yirtue of generosity ; whose
mind contains all knowledge ; who associates with learned men of
yarious kinds. Hail ! ; the braye king Chayunda is the son of the
white lotuses which are those who are bom in the SindayainSa ; the
lotuses which are his feet are shaken to and fro by the many head-
ornaments of the kings who bow down before him ; he has driyen out
numbers of his enemies ; he is worthy to be praised by the kings of
G^ijara, Andhra, Drayila, Magadha, NSpala and other countries ; his
^ ^ ' Sarva/Ha*, omniscient, is an epithet of Siva ; I do not know of any paxticalar
king to whom this epithet is applied.
• A metroDymic of Yudhishihira, Bhlma, or Arjona.
BBLATINQ TO THE SINDAVAHSA CHIErTAINS. 269
glory is perpetual ; he is possessed of a very powerful army. And the
lineal descent of this same Great Chieftain king ChaTundadSva is
this:—
Glorious was king Achugi, who was esteemed the glory of the
Sindakula, — who broke down the courage of the hostile chieftains ;
who was possessed of stability equal to that of the mountain Mandara ;
who was a yery Puramdara * in respect of his might ; who was possessed
of unequalled prowess.
The uterine brother of the thus-mentioned chieftain Achugi was
king Naka, who was a very Wieldcr of the thunderbolts *° towards
the mountains which were the arrogant and brave hostile kings ; (and
abo) king Simha, and king Dasa, and king Duma who abounded with
the valour of fierce demeanour, and king Chavunda, and king Chava
who was a very Churudatta^ ^ to supplicants.
The famous king Bamma was born, amidst the praises of mankind,
to king Acha amoug them, and, becoming a universal emperor, he ac-
quired distinguished power and eminence of bravery.
Zounger brother was king Sii'iga, and his ^* son was the famous
;ha, who was renowned in the world, — who was as it were a
second Mandhata ^'» and who was endowed with surpassing courage.
How shall we liken the arrogant crowds of chieftains to king Acha
who^ having proudly and valorously given 66ve and Uppinakatte to the
flames, made the kings of Kaliiiga and Vanga and Mam and Qiirjara and
M&lavA and Ch6ra and Chola (subject) to his sovereign, so that he
might say to them, with such a command as is used in the case of
those who are subject to compulsory and unpaid labour, * Walk on, O
slave !' ? In his surpassing brilliance they were all burned up, so that not
one king's town remained to be enumerated in the districts of Elaliuga
and Vanga ; who were foolhardy enough to withstand in war king Acha
wh<s in such a way as to be compared with a demon, first swallowed and
then vomited forth Bhoja together with his troops which had invaded
his country ?
• * The destroyer of cities,* — Indra.
" India.
*^ Perhaps the character of this name in the drama of Mrichchhaka^ikA.
*• Lt. Singa's.
^* An ancient kin^, the sou of YuvanAsva.
270 OLD CANARESE AXD SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS
The son of king Acha who was thus famous was king Pemma who
was a very Kalpa-tree (in respect of his liberality) to panegyrists ; who
was praised by good people ; who was as it were a second Bh6ja ; who
was pleasing to mankind by reason of his daring. Having frightened
and put to flight the lord Hoysala who had ruled with severity over the
countries of Chengiri, Chera, Chola, Malaya, Maleyel, Tulu, Kolla. and
Pallava, the city of Kooguna, and the countries of Banav&se and
Kadambale and Ilayve, the brave king Pemma seized in war a multitude
of infuriated elephants.
His younger brother was king Chavunda who was very famous, —
who was possessed of good qualities ; who was dear to bis bride that
was his spotless fame ; who was avoided by the hostile kings who
bowed not down before him ; who was without a rival. Tell me now,
who are there who have acquired sufficiently great courage to with-
stand king Chavunda when they consider that his pastime is to frighten
and ])ursue the hostile kings who bow not down before him, and then
in his wrath to assail their wealth, their substance, their chariots, their
troops of wives, their temples, their tents, and their countries ? In
respect of his great devotion he was a very Lotus-born*** ; taking up
his resolute stand in war he pierced (his enemies) like Anaiiga *^ ; he
was verily (to be likened to) Dhanada upon the earth ; he was, if you
regard it, praised and learned ; — if, then, you give him his full meed
of praise, how is it wonderful that the king Chavunda is called a very
god upon earth ? If the hostile kings with (the proclamation of) their
titles opposed king Chavunda, they (were straightway ingloriously
put to flight and so) departed without the honourable decoration of
their entrails (torn out in a glorious death) and without enjopng the
embraces of the arms of the nymphs of heaven (who are the reward of
such as die bravely) . If any one opposed him in the world, then the
brave king Chavunda, — whose spreading radiance was like that of the
sun, and who protected the kings as the ocean did the mountains that
fled to it for shelter, — when he was angry, was like him who con-
(juered the three cities, so that the battle-field was scorched up just
as the body (of Kamadeva) was burned up amidst the crackling of the
consuming flames of the terrible eye in his forehead. The white fame
of the brave chieftain (-Imvunda, — who conferred happiness upon man-
kind ; who darkened (with sorrow for the death of their husbands)
!» * The incorporcul one/— Kamadfiva, the god of love.
BELATINQ TO THE SINDAVAMsA CHIEFTAINS. 271
the ikcetf of the loyely women of the hostile kings ; and who bestowed
gold in abundance upon excellent learned men and good poets and
worthy people, — is considered spotless ; is not this a wonder in the
world?
If you ask for a description of the fame, which extended to the ten
regions *•, of Demaladovi who was the wife of the fortunate Great
Chieftain king Chavundadova who has been thus described : — Sayuig
that Demaladovi was a very creeper of the Parijiita-tree (in respect of her
liberality) to her attendants, a very cow of the gods to (gratify) tlie
many desires of excellent people and friends, a very mother to those who
begged of her, — mankind greatly praised her who was the female swan
of the lotus-pool which was the heart of king Chavunda, and who was
the ornament of the two lotuses which were the feet of the daughter of
the mountain. The whole world praised Donialadovi, the chaste wife
of king Chavunda, — saying that she was a very Arundhati*' in respect
of her devotion to her husband, a very Bharati** in respect of her
intellect, and a very Rati* ' in respect of her charms. The lustre of
her body was the water ; if you regard it, her delicate arms were the
lines of waves ; her eyes were the oi)ening buds' ; her smiling mouth
was the lotus ; and the curls upon her forehead were the black bees ; —
thus did Demaladovi, whose breasts were like two Chakrav&ka birds, in
the semblance of a lake attract with perfect aiTection the swan which
was the heart of kin;; (chavunda.
Just as Rama and Lakshmldhara were born to Kausalve'^ and the
charmuig Dasaratha, so to DCnialadcvi, who has been thus described,
and to tlie famous king Chavunda were born Achidcva and the
generous Pemmadi, who were imbued with great courage and with
fame that was ever unequalled in its radiance. The jirince Achidova,
who was far removed from fear and avarice and was as profoinid in his
character as the ocean, was a very lion to the elephants which were the
hostile kings and a very Rhairava "* in war to his fierce enemies. The
brave hostile princes say of Achidcva that he knows not (how to
*• The four ranliii.il iwints of tho coiiiiass, the four intormediatc poiiitd, tho
xenith, and the n.-idir.
*' The wife of Vuisisihtlia and the pattorn of conjugal excellence.
>» Sarasvatt, the j;o«ldos8 of sprcrh and Icaminj^.
* • llio wife of KfiniadAva and tho proddrss of heauty.
•° KauBalyA was tho motlu r of Rjlnn, Uit the mother of Lakahmidhara or
Ijaki^hniAiia wus kSumitiii.
•* Siva, us the tyju. i)i li<.rLxi:ct& imd cimlty.
I
272 OLD CANABKSE AMD SAN8KSIT INSCBIPTI0M8
punish) if they prostrate themselves and ask him for protection, but, if
they meet him in enmity, he is a very open-eyed Java **« or an angry
serpent-king, or a heaped-np fire, or a thunderbolt that fidls till i^
strikes its mark, or an enraged lion, or Death in front of one, or
Mari ** who consumes everything as she pursues.
While the fortunate Great Chieftain the brave king GhftvaQdadiva,
— ^who excelled in impetuosity and who was very terrible by reason of the
might of his arm, — ^in conjunction with the princes, — who were in this
fashion the abiding-places of glory and the objects of praise, — was
ruUng, with the diversion of joyful conversations, the Kisukft^^ Seventy,
the Bagadage Seventy, the KSlavadi Three-hundred, and several other
districts, if you ask after the excellence of Pattadakisuvolal '* which
was the city of the regency of the chief queen, the fortunate D6ma-
ladevi, and the prince the fortunate Achiddva :^-
The district of Kisukadu, which was like the forehead of the lovely
woman who was the country of Kuntala, was excellent and charming»
and in it the city of Kisuvolal, which might be called its jewelled
diadem, was very beautiful ; even Vasugi ■* can never properly praise
the country that surrounds that town. Is there any holy place on the
surface of the earth that surpasses Kisuvolal which was the place of the
coronation of Nriga, and Nahusha, and Nala, and Purdrava, and Sagarat
and other kings ? With its groves that are carefully tended, with its
pellucid tanks set round with flowers, with its sacred river called the
M alahari, with its fertile fields, with its beds of water-lilies, and with its
swarming cuckoos and parrots and Chakora birds and cranes and geese,
Easuvolal is truly very charming. With its shrines of Bhava**, its
shrines of the Lotus-bom, and its perfect shrines of the son "^ of
Vasudeva, Kisuvolal is verily the earthly birth-place of the goddess of
fortune.
While the chief queen, the fortunate Demaladevi, and the prince, the
fortunate Achideva, were happily governing as regents the capital of
Pattadakisuvolal which has been thus described, — ^having deliberated
on the continuance of the pious grants that were made there by former
■■ Yama, the god of death.
*' The goddess of pestilence.
■♦ Probably the old form of the name of Pattadakal itself.
" The scrpont-king VAsuki, who has two thousand tongues.
•• Siva.
" Krishna, i>. Vishnu.
BlLATOrO TO THB SINDAVAMSA CHIEFTAINS. 273
kings who were intent upon preserTing religion, — on a holy lunar day
which combined a Vjfaitpdid with an eclipse of the moon, on Monday
die day of the full-moon of the bright fortnight of the month Jydsh-
iha of the Subh&nu ^rnhvaisara, which was the year of the Saka one
thousand and eighty-four, — ^having washed the feet of Sri-Siiry&-
bhan^a-panditadSva, — they allotted, free of all opposing claims, to
the god the holy Vijaydsyaraddva who was the representation on earth
of the holy Yiiv^TaradSva of Kisuvolal which was esteemed the
Tlnnasi of the south**, three hundred mat tars in the circle of Ma-
liikMTara for the purpose of the angahh6ga and rahgabhoga of the god
firf-VijayttTaraddva, and for the nourishment and clothing of the
pfiests of that place ; the four boundaries of that land are,-^On the
E.» the lands of Ayyaholc are the boundary ; on the S., the riyer
Malaprahari is the boundary ; on the W., a stone called the stone of
the great elephant is the boundary; and on the N. the hill called
PuTa(abetta is the boundary : there is one mat tar of wet-crop-land
in it. To the £. of the village (there was given) one mattor of
guden-hind. and to the S. of Devarapura
four oil-mills.
A
Dfcnaladdvi and the fortunate prince Achidciva granted to the agricul-
turists of that place privileges and contributions and cattle and rent-
free service-lands and houses and taxes. And the merchant Pheliya-
seiti of that country allotted a kdgini
And the ropomakcrs allotted one tUa and one
kiginu And of the Kisuk&du
Seventy allotted one mdna * * on each large basketful of ....
• • • • and two mdmu on each three loads of a porter. May it be
weU!»«
"* A hill in the neip:hbourhood of BIdAmi and Pattndakal is no covered with
im^oM aa to he still called DakehinakAsi, * the K&H or Benares of the south*.
•• * ifdna', — the measure intended hero is prohably a handful; but * mdfia*
meaos also aizUfn scfrt.
*^ See note to lino 75 of the text.
271
OLD CANABESE AND SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS
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RELATIKO TO THE SINDATAHSA CHIEITAUtS.
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276 OLD CANABESE AND SANSKEIT INSCRIPTIONS
No. YI. ^
Reverence to ^ambhu, who is resplendent with a choivri which is
the moon that lightly rfests upon his lofty head, and who is the foun-
dation-pillar for the erection of the city of the three worlds !
Hail ! He, the most excellent one, — (the colour of whose body is
as) black as a bee, and whose feet are placed upon the substantial rays
of the tiaras of all the happy immortals who bow down before him, —
acquired both the earth and the ocean.
The ocean, — from which the moon arose ; which is the home of the
goddess of fortune ; which is adorned with the mountains that fled to
it for protection ; which is the place of the production of ever-new
jewels ; and the surface of which is the favourite couch of Mukunda, — •
is marked, as if with a signet, with (the earth which is) the habitation
of men which is decorated with plungings into the waters of rivers
which are vocal through their lines of surging waves caused by the
motion of the fishes which are driven to and fro by the play of the
tortoises and the Pathina fishes and the alligators and crowds of ele-
phants mad with passion.
To the south of the mountain Meru, which is esteemed the tiara
of the earth which is charming as being considered to have that same
ocean for the girdle that encircles its waist, there is the good and
spotless land of Bharata ; and to the south of this there is the charm-
ing country of Kuntala.
Many (kings), — who were the jewelled earrings of the race of the
Chalukyas ; who were considered to be the receptacles of endless happi-
ness ; and who were as mighty as lions in rending asunder the heads of
the infuriated elephants that were their foes, — governed it.
Hail! The brave king Chavunda is the sun of the white lotuses
which are those who are born in the Sindavainsa ; the lotuses which
are his feet are shaken to and fro by the many head-ornaments of the
kings who bow down before him ; he has driven out numbers of his
1 This inscription is edited from Plate No. I of Mr. Hope's work referred to in
Note 1 to No. V. The original is a stone-tablet in a Saiva temple at Aihole in
tlie Hunagund TAlukA of the KaUdgi District. The emblems at the top of the
tablet are : — In the centre, a standmg figure of a god or goddess which I am
unable to particularize ; on the right of it, two indistinct seated figures, with the
pun above them ; and on the left of it, a cow and a calf, with the moon above
them.
RELATING TO THE SIXDAVAMSA CHIEFTAINS. 277
enemies ; he is worthy to be praised by the kings of Gdrjara, Andhra,
Dravila, Magadha, Nepfila, and other countries ; his glory is perpetual ;
he is possessed of a very powerful army. Victorious is he, the king
who excels in impetuosity, — who is the stage for the dances of the
dancing-girl who is the goddess of victory ; who has conquered (in) the
battle-field ; who has broken the pride of arm of his enemies ; who
excels in the virtue of generosity ; whose mind contains all knowledge ;
who associates with learned men of various kinds. Tell me now, who
are there who have acquired sufficiently great courage to withstand
king Chavunda when they consider that his pastime is to frighten and
pursue the hostile kings who bow not down before him, and then in his
wrath to assail their wealth, their substance, their chariots, their troops
of wives, their temples, their tents, and their countries ?
And if you ask for a description of the glory, which extended to the
ten regions, of Siriyadevi who was the wife of the fortunate Great
Chieftain king Chavunda who has been thus described : — Mankind
praise Siriyadevi, the virtuous wife of king Chavunda, , saying that
she is a very Arundhati in respect of devotion to her husband, a very
Bharati in respect of her wisdom, and a very Rati in respect of her
"beauty. «
"While the princes, the brave Bijjaladeva and Bijravad^va (?), — who
were (born to) the thus described Siriyadevi and king Chavunda, and
who were the abiding-places of glory and the objects of praise, — were
governing, with the diversion of joyful conversations, the Kisukadu
Seventy, the Bagadage Seventy, and the Kelavadi Three-hundred, . .
\ . . ' '. .' of
the Virodhi samvaisarat (being the year of the Saka era)
and four,
JOURNAL
OF THE
BOMBAY BRANCH
OF THE
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.
No. XXXII. Vol. XI.
Art. yi.— Additional RemarJcs on the Age of the Naishadhiya.
By G. BuHLER, Ph. D.
Read 18th August 1874.
About two years ago 1 had the honour to read before the Society a
paper on the age of Sriharsha, the author of the Naishadhiya mahd'
kdvya^ in which, relying ou the authority of the Prabandhakosha of
Rajaaekhara, I attempted to show that Sriharsha belonged to the latter
half of the twelfth century of our era. My j)aper has since been
freely discussed, especially in the Indian Antiquary^ and various objec-
tiona have been brought forward against the conclusions at which I
mrrived. It will be now my aim to complete my former article, to meet
the remarks of my critics, and to show that the facts alleged by them
have either no existence, or do not form such formidable obstacles to my
theory as might appear at first sight.
The main points which I brought forward in my first paper were —
\stly — Rajasckhara states that Sriharsha lived at the court of a
king named Jayantachandra, who ruled Benares.
2ndly — This Jayantachandra is no other than Jayachandra» the
last of the Rathor princes of KAnoj, who ruled also in Benares,
and was dethroned by the Musalmans in 1 195.
3r(//y— Sriharsha states that he was honoured by a king of K^nya-
kubja or Kanoj.
37 r a «
280 THE AGE OP THE NAISHADHIYA.
4thly — Rajasekhara states incidentally in another part of his
work that the first copy of the Naishadhiya was hrought
into Gujarat by Harihara during the reign of Rana Viradha-
vala (circa 1235 a.d.), and that the latter chiefs minister
Vastupala obtained a copy of it.
I admitted, however, that Rajasekhara's narrative was not in every
respect trustworthy. I mentioned also that Dr. FitzEdward Hall as-
serted the occurrence of a quotation or quotations from the Naishadhiya
in the Sarasvatikanfkdbharam of Bhoja of Dhara, composed in the
first half of the 11 th century. But I stated that the latter assertion
required verification, as the quotation might have been interpolated by
a later hand.
Against this the following objections have been brought forward. My
friend Mr. K. T. Telang, who in the course of an inquiry into the age
of Udayanacharya, the author of the Kusumdnjali,* was led to discuss
Srlharsha's times, arrived at the conclusion that Sriharsha must be
placed in the 9th or 10th century, not in the 12th. The reasons given
by him for this conclusion are —
Istly — That Sriharsha's Naishadhiya is quoted in the Sarasvaii-
kanthdbharana,
• • •
2ndly — That Vachaspatimisra, a writer of the eleventh century,
wrote a refutation of Sriharsha*s philosophical work, the
Khandanakhandahhddya*
Srdly — Sayana-Madhava in the Sankaravijaya names Sriharsha
as one of the contemporaries of the great Vedantist.
Mr. Telang finally denies the credibility of Rajasekhara's story, be-
cause he is obviously inaccurate in many details.
In addition to the points brought forward by INfr. Telang, Mr,
Growset has called attention to a passage of the Prithirdj Bdsdu in
which Chand, who is said to have lived at the end of the 12th century,
anil, if Rajasekhara's story be true, must personally have known Sri-
harsha, places in an enumeration of his predecessors the Sriharsha who
celebrated king Nala before Kalidasa.
Two other writers in the Indian Antiquary, Babu Ramdas Sen and
Mr. Puruaiya, have defended my views, or rather RajaBekhara's state-
ment, and attemi)ted to weaken especially the force of the objection
» hid. Ant. vol. I., ])p. 297, 353.
t lii'l Ant, vol. II., pp. 213, 306.
THE AGE OF THE NAISIlADIIlYA. 281
brought forward by Mr. Growse. Grateful as I am for their support,
I regret that I cannot base my defence on the arguments advanced by
them.
In dealing with the objections, those which are based on passages tend-
ing to show that Sriharslia was known to authors of the eleventh cen-
tury claim the precedence, and among them the 8upj)osed quotation or
quotations from the Naiskadhiya in the tSarasvatVcanthdbharana. As
T^ards this point, which Dr. Hall first brought forward, I am, after a
careful investigation of all the poetical passages quoted in the S-Jtraivati-
kanthdbharanay in a position to assert that no verse from the Naisha-
dktifa occors among them. Last year I procured from Benares a copy
of the Saraavaiikanihadhirana, and of its commentary the Ratna-
dmrpana, which latter, however, includes the first three chapters only.
My Sustrl, Mr. Vumanachjirya Jhalkikar, next made a complete alpha-
betical index of the verses quoted in the work, checking one copy with
the help of the other. He thou compared every line of the printed
copy of the Naishadhhja with the index. The result obtained is that
stated above. With this metiiod of operation I think it very unlikely
that Mr. Vamanacharva should have made a mistake, and this is so
mach less probable as Dr. Aufrecht, who in the Catalogue of
Oxford MSS, gave a list of the authors and works quoted in the Saras'
vatikanihdbharamy was likewise unable to trace the NaishadMya in
it. Dr. FitzEdward Hall's statement must therefore either be based on
m mistake or on an interpolated copy.
The second objection, that Vachaspatimisra, a writer of the eleventh
century, wrote a refutation of Srlharsha*sA7/flrw(7aw«r/i^tfW(/fl/-^Mr/yfl, has
no greater force than the first. It is perfectly true that a work entitled
Khandanoddhdra has been written bv a Vachas])atimi8ra. Pandit
Vishveshvar Naval Gosvami of Delhi possesses a copy of it, and was
kind enough to show it to me on my late visit to the town. But there
is nothing to show that this Yachas])atinii8ra was the author of the
eleventh century. The name Vachaspatimisra is common to several
writers on philosophy aufl on law. The Khaiidanoddhdra is not in-
cluded in the list of books of the ancient Vedantist.* Besides the
pt^dits of the Benares Colleu:e, whom I consulted on the age of the
Kkandanoddhdra, declared that it was well known to them as a modern
work, and was composed not by the old Vachaspati, but by a later
homonymous author.
• See PitzEdwanl Ilall, Cat., p. b7 ; Colcbrooke, Essays, I. 532.
282 ' THE AGE OF THE NAISHADHlTA.
In the third place, the passage from Chand's Prithirdj Rdsdu desenres
consideration. It occurs in the 5th stanza of the poem^ which con-
cludes the mang aid char ana or invocation, and of which a spirited trans-
lation has heen given hy Mr. Growse. There the poet pays homage,
1«^, to the serpent-king &esha : 2ndly^ to Vuhm ; 3rdly, to Fydsa ;
4M/y, to Sukadeva ; bthly^ to Srtharsha, who on king Nala*s neck let
fall the wreath of victory; Othfy, to Kdliddsa^ who wrote a chronicle
of king Bhoja ; 7thly, to Vanda-mali; 8thly, to Jayadeva, the author
of the Gttaffomnda, whom he calls ' great names of elder fame/ Mr.
Growse is of opinion that the names of the poets mentioned there stand
in chronological order, or at least that Chand intended to arrange the
poets named according to what he considered their order of succession.
Mr. Telang, whose indefatigable industry in the search for passages
bearing on the ^riharsha question cannot be enough commended, has
already shown that Sriharsha knew Kalidasa"' and quotes him in
the Khandanakhandakhddya. It is therefore impossible to maintain
that Chand enumerates the poets in their proper order. But it would
be sufficient to make Rajasekhara's story doubtful if Chand* who
certainly lived in the twelfth century, had written of Sriharsha as of m
poet of bygone ages. If, therefore, Rajasekbarn's story is to be main-
tained as trustworthy, it must be shown either that another interpreta-
tion of Chand's passage is admissible, or that the passage does not
belong to Chand, but to some later writer. In my opinion the passage
certainly allows of an interpretation according to which it does not
stand in opposition to the assumption that Chand and Sriharsha were
contemporaries. Chand, I think, gives in the above lines not a chrono-
logical catalogue, but he enumerates some of the authors best known
to him, in what he considers their order of merit. Under this supposi-
tion it is not strange that the author of the NaUhadhiya should be
placed before Kalidasa. Fur, to the purely native taste, the Naiska"
dhiya appears now, and has appeared for many centuries, preferable to
all the other Mahakavyas. Our Sastris now study it more frequently,
and praise it more highly, than even Kalidasa's works, and it has been
commented on more frequently than any other poem. It must not be
urged that Chand calls ^riharsha*s * a great name of elder fame* For
this expression does not make it necessary to assume that he preceded
Chand by centuries. It will be explicable on the assumption that 6ilbar-
* I asflume here for argument's sake that the KAlidisa mentioned bj Ghaad
and the great poet of that name are identical, thoogh the point is op«a to doubt.
THE AGS OF THE NAISHADHItA. 283
•ha's fame was well established before Chand wrote. The narratlTe of the
Frabandkakosha makes it probable that the Naishadhtya was written
before the year 11/4 a.d. For the story of the pilgrimage of Jaya-
chandra's Pradhan to Somanatha, on which he came into contact with
Kmniirapala of Anhilvad, is told af^er the story of Sriharsha's journey
to Kailmir, which took place when he had completed his work. Chand's
Rigdut on the other hand, must be considerably later, as it contains
the narrative of Prithuraja's death, and of the fights of his son Rayana-
siha or Ratnasimha with the Ghoris.
I cannot leave this subject without stating that the chief bard of the
Hahdrftja of Jodhpur, Kaviraj Murardhan, stated to me that he did
not believe that Chand really wrote the Prithirdj Rdsdu. According
to his opinion, the work belongs to the fourteenth century at the
earliest. The reasons for his opinion were, Istlt/, that Chand, accord-
ing to the tradition of the bards, had been killed with or shortly after
his master, while the Rdsdu described Prithiraj's death and the com-
bats of his son with the Musalmans ; 2ndiyy that the language of the
Rdsdu contained many Persian words, while it was not probable that
the Hindi of the 1 2th century, when the Musalmans had as yet little
influence in India, should show such a mixture. I am not in a position
to judge fully of the value of these remarks, though the second espe-
cially seems to me to deserve careful consideration.
I need only add that should the authorship of the Rdsdu, on further
inquiry, prove doubtful, its passage mentioning ^riharsha would be-
come of very small importance.
The fourth objection which now remains is Mr. Telang's discovery
that, according to Madhava's ISamkshepasamkaravijnya, the Khanda^
nakdra was refuted in a disputation by the great Vedanlist. On this
point I have only to mention that Madhava*s work is devoid of all his-
torical value. It is nothing but a mass of legends heaped one upon
the other for the glorification of the great master. To give only one
instance of its inaccuracies, Samkara is made to refute Bana and Ma-
y&ra, the two well-known poets of the 7th century, and, besides the
Ekandanakartd, his predecessor Udayanacharya. The testimony of
such a work ought never to be invoked in chronological questions.
Under these considerations it seems to me that, up to the present,
nothing has been brought forward which is calculated to shake Raja-
iekhara*B statement that Sriharsha wrote under Jayachandra, in the
second half of the 12th century. On the contrary, the fact, which has
284 THE AGK OF THE NAISHADHiTA.
now been established, that Sriharsha is not quoted in the SarawatU
kanthdbharana, is of great significance. That work is of considerable
extent, and cites all the Mahakayyas, as well as all other considerable
authors, up to the second half of the 11th century. I have also no
doubt that it really belongs to Bhoja of Dhara, as its colophon states,
or at least to his Pandits, Ck>n8idering the great reputation which
the Naishadhitja has always enjoyed, the silence regarding it is almost
a proof that it did not exist in Bhoja's time. It may be that other
works of Sriharsha will be recovered, and that we may gain therefrom
more authentic information regarding his age. The Jesalmtr Bh4ndiir
contained only ninety years ago a copy of his SdhoidnkacharitOt though
it is not to be found there any longer. We may therefore hope that
one of the other old Bhandurs of our Presidency will furnish the book,
or that the lost Jesalmir copy may still turn up. But until the time
that such fuller and more trustworthy information is forthcoming,
I shall hold that Rujasekhara*s statement that Sriharsha lived under
Jayachandra of Kanoj, which is confirmed by Srtharsha*8 mention of
the king of Kunoj as his patron, gives us reasonable grounds for fixing
the age of the NaUhadhiya in the second half of the 12th century.
P.S. — Shortly after I had read the above paper before the Asiatic
Society, large fragments of an unknown commentary oh Srtharsha's
Makdkdvya, the Naishadhadtpikd of Chdndupandita came into my
hands, which furnish some additional evidence for the recent com-
position of the poem.
Chdndupandita, who wrote his commentary in the year of Vikrama
l513atpholk^ near Ahmadabad, calls the Naishadha a new poem
{kdvymh navam).* He further states that in his time there existed only
one commentary on it, composed by Vidyddhara {aliae S&hitya-
vidyadhara, of which I have found fragments at Jesalmir and AhmadA-
bad. He also confirms, in the introduction to the first dloka, the
story told by RajaSekhara that Hira, Sriharsha' s father, was conquered
in a disputation by a rival, and was avenged by his son. Aceordiiig
to Chand{^ the opponent of Hira was Udayana, and the Khandana^
khandakhddyakhandana was the composition by which the latter phi-
losopher's wurks were demolished. f
• Colophon of Sarga XXII. v. 62.
t Tho same tradition is also curront among the Pandits of KaAmtr.
THE AOE OF THE NAIBHADHiTA. 285
These statements go a great way to confirm EAjasekhara's statement.
But I am quite willing to admit that objections on the part of those
who wish to establish the claim of the Naiahadhiya to a higher anti-
quity are still possible.
In order to enable Sanskritists to judge for themselves the value of
Chand&'s statements, I give the beginning of the ^f S. and its end in
full. I regret that I am not able to entirely restore the corrupt text.
Introductioru
•TFnrRvfMpnifvftif »TRirli*dHdiMiHHi<i II rPir "^ Mt^rrr-
'fj^^fTcrpf: I Q|^ANMlf^^m4 tftf>Trt 4^M " <<^MR<n r: FTT-
%cf^MH|^H--JK^^ilf»T: ini^rPt: qR^^MIUMIT ^f^-
14" srr^^^rMS. ID'' i^Ti??jfff= MS.
286 THB Aai or the MAisnAoeiTA.
"^df^iPl
Pnfrr di,'«<K 'S"*^ 3^>Pr: ««v?r: <jiNd'< i 't I «nr ^
Colophon ofSarga XXII.
3?rt% ^ ^R^ f^^HTT ^ ^ ^ aniT^ II ^^ II
d«H^i^f^>^«l*iMH^«^:H/*><cJdMH|JH| II \ II
?iWTjpjpTW5i(^<iHp«di<e4t%5rinr:!nj^%^«w^*n%n ^ii
% *(W^lR^i^H(^«H«<<diJ|4eMHWH|'A*«<*Allf«*HIM ^ I
d^|rH4ii «*|4lR« «*rt«iHi*l««|^ dIt|d^M4Hl^R*l4j II \ II
^ 4K^H4'^<<H A n ^ fti<;m«i^^^^i"| i <e*(M("<d rrt ft?raiT
« ^lff»M|4>MH<<|-^«|M«< R4»^l^ld| ^Wf^%^ ?l%f^^ I
%f dMKAiy irrrR' ^ ^?nra d*?i*^iR4l <Ri««i«1 ^ II Ml
«sft»n^iii3> ssfN^^ir m^imi5j i
M'Jc^^H^HiK^KMKHmtiRM l f^^j' ^^^ II ^ II
PFTRT cRf ^HhUh"IMR<"II f^^cTT I
arr^TT* ^?^ 5P5^ 5^ «MlfviJ|HrrtHlH II ^• II
TJfl^TTTt JlfrlPrf^Rf %3T:
f^^^'Rrif^F^tnf^SJTt HIM^*(lfHI« «*f>«lfH 1# lllfft4|Rl
^IW II \ II
TUB AGE OF THE NAISIIADIIIYA. 287
^rfpRT^f^ ^^: ^r*nr^ ^^^ ^fr ^rirfrf g^qr ftsaw
Tifrii^ii (sic!)
^nff^^T fT^npTeri: jmfq^: ^"i R»-Tr% p.Nctt: ii '^ ii
imx^ 3trf^rj ^^p% «»nw55n??TrT^r sT%rr IK ii
%Uilii 1 1*^-1 d «^'«^<4 ^qriT^^JrT ir?^R3T^ II v* ||
^ «^rw3T»TS)fTi7: f>f^f5rf^f<T?:qf?iw t\^u{ ii
oS" ftftiJH MS. ]'-'HTST.°MS. 2''3mMS. 2'w7°MS.3''Ji?»nt?ir. 3''
I^II^eRJIR MS. i^^f MS. 2" ^rfH^° MS.' 4" jjt^. 8" ^^ MS.
3S r o «
288
Art. VII. — An Historical and Archceologicat Sketch of the
Island of Angediva. By J, Gerson da Cunha, M.R.C.S., &c.
Read 1-lth August 1875.
The island of Angediva is situated in 14° 44' N. Lat. and 74° lO^
E. Long. It is about two miles distant from the coast of North Canara,
and fifty-one miles south-east of Goa. Irregular in form, it is about
three miles long from north to south, and not more than one mile broad
at its widest part from east to west, and its area is nearly two square
miles. It appears barren and rocky on its western or sea side, but
fertile and of a pleasant aspect towards the main, where some cocoanut
groves, rice-fields, and one or two orchards of the mango and other fruit
trees surrounding a small town fortified by a wall, towers, and a castle,
are observed. The strait which separates the island from the continent
is safely navigable, being from six to seven fathoms deep, without any
hidden shoal or sunken rock. Close to it on the outside the depth is
from ten to twelve fathoms. To the eastward of it, near the coast, are
two rocky islets which with another about four miles to the south-east
contribute to make a pretty good roadstead, where in case of necessity a
ship may find shelter during the prevalence of the south-west monsoon.
Within this circumscribed space scenes full of dramatic incidents have
been enacted, and the picturesque beauty this isolated little spot in the
Arabian Sea displays, as derived from both its geographical position and
other natural features, is greatly enhanced when allied to historical asso-
ciations of no little moment, especially that which has made it the theme
for the classical model of the ** floating island of Venus,'* which is one
of the most charming episodes in the poem of Camoens. Again, when
considered, although summarily, in connection with both its ancient
legends and medieval history, or from the earliest mystic times of the
Puranas to the days when the admiral Vasco da Gama, about the end
of the loth century, on his voyage homeward after the discovery of the
route round the Cape, "put into one of the beautiful islands of Ange-
diva" to refit his ships and supply them with wood and water; and the
Count of Abrautes, Dom Francisco d' Almeida, in the beginning of the
1 6th century, laid the foundation of the fortress, which he himself dis-
SKETCH OF THE ISLAND OF ANGEDIVA. 289
mantled at the end of a few months ; or even as late as the time when
Abraham Shipman with his five hundred soldiers sojourned there from
April 1663 to October 1C65, and having buried in the meanwhile about
three hundred of his men* he put this mutilated squadron to sea, — a
time that is fraught with subjects for grave reflection, when the British
power in India was yet in its infancy, and the littoral provinces of the
latter in the height of disintegration, — the island of Angediva com-
mends itself to our attention, and deserves to be studied with more
than an ordinary interest.
The origin of the word * Angediva* has been a topic for various ety-
mological speculations. The Hindus, who believe the island to be
situated parallel to the spot where the Goparashtra or Gorashtra divi-
sion of the Parasuramnkshetra begins, consider it to be derived from
two Sanskj-it words, Adya and dnpa, meaning * a primitive island,* in
reference to its existence previous to the reclamation of the Konkan by
that well-known sixth flr«/(^r of Vishnu, Parasuruma. Others think
it to be a corruption of the word 'Ajyadcipay or ' the island of clarified
butter,' — this latter supposition arising from alegcnd, which is current
among the people, to the effect that Parasurama intending to celebrate,
after the extirpation of the Kshatriyas, the asvamedka or horse-sacrifice,
one of the most maguificent of ancient Hindu rites,t at the Ilarmal
mountains in the province of Pernem, and having failed to obtain the
clarified butter, so essential to the performance of that sacrifice, in the
land newly reclaimed by him from the ocean, and which was then na-
turally devoid of all such sacrificial materials, got it from the island of
Angediva. J The Portuguese writers are, however, of opinion that the
name of the island is derived from \4nchediDa,^ which, they say, means
* five islands,' and De Barros^ confirms this opinion by stating that
there were four other islets around the principal one of the grou[), to
make up the number supposed to be exj)ressed by the composition of
the word ; while really at present, as above noted, there are only three,
• Hamilton's A Netc Account nf the East Indies, Lond. 1744, vol. i., pp. 184
eiseq.
f In the Mah^hhdraia a very intorostinp^ description of the sacrifice will be
fband by those who desire to Icum its details.
J See ^J4;j||^oqH> chapters iv. and v.
f Tome i., pt. i., pp. 407 ct seq. of the Lishon edition of 1777, and T^ifitau's
Eitt. des DeseourfrteSf &c., Parin, 1730, tome i., p. 152.
2dO AN HISTORICAL AND ARCHiEOLOGfCAL ffKETCH
and if the fourth has disappeared within the last three centuries the
fact appears to have been too easily forgotten. But *flwcA«?/ — or ^anke*
as some chroniclers write it. — in no Indian vernacular, so far as I am
aware, means five ; and to have such a meaning the name should have
been * Pancha-dvipa/ Anotl»er meaning of the word, and that which
has, I believe, all presumptive evidence o\\ its side, is derived from
^Jjddcipa,* or * the island of the goddess Aja,' which is a synonym of
Maya or Prakrit!, aiul whose temple, standing on the island from very
remote times was, at the time of the persecutions by the Mahomedans,
who had taken possession of the island, along with the coast of Canara,
in the year l.'n2 a.d., removed for safety to Ankola, on the main land
near Carwar, where it is still existing. The Hindus, as well as other
people, are not seldom in the habit of naming places after their own
patron saints or tutelary goddesses, — a habit that makes the latter sup-
position appear the most plausible of all. The islanders, besides, appear
to have been verv reli^jious, from the mention De Barros makes of their
attending to the holy duties (santoa officios) with an extremely piou»
zeal. *
Among the Greeks, we are told by Murray,t the island of Angediva
was known by the name Leuke ; and it is said, again, that this was the
j)oint where the ancient Greek merclmnt ships used to meet before
entering on the more fertile shores of Limerike, or Canara and Malabar
Proper.
D'Anville, however, in his map of Ancient India places the names of
Chersonesus and Sisecrience jw^t where the Angediva cluster of islands
is situated ; whereas Ptolemy assigns to these names places that appear
to corrcsjjond more correctly with the situation of the Andaman and
Nicobar islands, and the Ilheos Qufinnulos of the Portuguese, or the
Vingorla Rocks, respectively, and has, besides, an InJtula Aegidiorumt
which, from its position on the map and similarity of name, appears
to stand for Angediva. J
• Derada^y \\ 408.
t Murray's British I/hli^, JfL<f. and lUncript., Kdin. 18^2, vol. i., p. 67.
X In i^prnnnor-MpukM's Aihm Jjiflf^nns iht- iiuino of Arff id ioruhi insufa is dis-
tinctly written whrn' the Antc<<Hvan jjruuj) ot i>lHH(lsi8}»iluute(l, which fact leads
to the siirniiNe that fiu'.Hc islands may Iihvo h«on known to the cla^Bic writers of
tlie West. 8o.' nl^o rtnlenuci (ieoirttphitr Lihri ijcfo^ Amsterdam, 1(M)6 ; and Yin-
rent's Voijage of ^'can/tmi, and I'lrij/lus of the Enjihican Sea, voL ii., pp. 42Ssiid
4)2.
OF THE ISLAND OF ANGEDIVA. 291
There is no such perplexity, fortunately, respecting the identification
of this place with the name as written by a few of the geographers,
merchants, and travellers of the Middle Ages, both Europeans and
Arabs, who have made but a passing allusion to the island in their
works. The famous Ibn Batuta is the only traveller who has left us a
fdnt sketch of what the island was about a hundred and fifly years
before the arrival of the Portugui*se, without giving its name, although
by the aid of the accompanying narrative we are tolerably certain that
the island he aJludes to is identical with Angediva. Nevertheless, we
are grateful to him for the information he has left us about the island
and the country* around, on account of its referring to a period that
has few authentic chronicles or travels to elucidate the history of the
western coast of India.
The proximity of this island to that of Siudiibur is distinctly re-
ferred to by Ibn Batuta, but to identify Sindabiir is itself a point of no
little concern in the medieval geography of Western India.
The Arab writers, such as Masudi, Edrisi, Abulfeda, Rashid-ud-din,
and others, refer in their works to a populous delta island situated on
the western coast of our peninsula which they call Sindilbiir, but have
confused its location with Sindan (Sanjan), the St. John's Point of
Rennell, and the well-known seaport between Damaun and Bassein.*
But the geographical j)osition ascribed to Sindabiir by Abulfeda and
Ibn Batuta, and the data ({uoted from travellers in their itineraries, as
three days' sail to the south of Thuna, and reached immediately before
. • • •
Ilunawar (Ilonore), remove all doubts about this identification, and
we know now for certain that it is but modern (loa, which in those
times, and probably some centuries before, was classed witli Sudhapura+
or Sundapura, or * the city of Sunda,' the latter place being along with
Goa two of the dependencies of the sovereign of Vijayanagara, the Bis-
nagar of the Portuguese annalists; while the modern name of Goa ap-
pears to be a mere reversion to its Puranic dc^signation of Gomant.
I have advisedly detained myself so long on the elucidation of this
point because it is most important for my purpose ; for unless
• Si^ Riiwlinson, quoted in Mndru* JnHrnaf, xiv. IDS.
t *rko name of Smlhr.puni in North Ounara often occurs in ancient SanFkrit
•nd old ('anarc>o iLscriptionrt : Jii*f. Ant. v«»l. iv., ji. 2(?^. 'J he woixl ^^inriibli^.
on the conirarv, occurj* in no inscription hit]i«*i to known. Fdrisi, it ap]Kiiis, was
ihe fin«t to mcntirm it, und llic Arabs of tlie ^liddle Ages are siiujdy n*>ponsiMi'
for thid uncouth de^ilrnati<'n.
292 AN HISTORICAL AND ABCHJEOLOQICAL SKETCH
Sindnb^^r is identified with Goa — two names standing, as it were, at tire
opposite poles, and defying identification without the aid of the descrip-
tion of the place, and other circumstances,'*' which, as being out of place
• It iH to Gil(loTnpist«»r, who, itappoani, first recogfnized the proximity of Sind5-
bftr to Goa, and to Colonel Yule, tno learned interpreter of Marco Polo, I pre-
sume, X\ni tredit i« duo of having found out that the Sindab6r of the Arab writtTj*,
and Chinfcibor and CintHbor of the Catalan maps and of the Portulano Mediceo
respectively, to be identical with modem Goa. which name had up to this time
defied the otherwino accunite researches of D'Anville, I^oe, Badger, and others,
who have confustd Goa with Ihn Batdta's Kfiwah, which is but modem Kon-
wai, on the south of the Mah^ estuary. Colonel Yule's reasons for identifying
SindabAr with Goa are : — the number of thirty-six villages mentioned by Ibn
Battitaas situ.'ited on *' an island which, he says, is surrounded by an estuan' in
which the water was salt at the flood-tide, but fresh at the ebb," — a dk;scriptioD
that i« applicable only to a delta island like Goa {Ind. Ant.^ vol. iii.). The latter
fact, which is equally mentioned b}' Do Burros {Dec. II. liv. ▼., cap. 1) g:tve
rise to the ap|K']Iati(m of * Tigwa^y,* which it has borne up to our own daj-, and
which means thirty villages ; and that is njallv the number of the village com-
munities it ctmtains. Then, again, ho rtjfers to Sidl All's Turkish book of
navigation called Mohith, a translation of which has been given by Hammer in
the Jour. As. Soe. Betig.^ vol. v., p. 4(J4, where there is a section* headed "24th
Voyage from Koah (Goa) SindftbCir to Aden," and the traffic between Gkm and
Aden has been known to have existed from the remotest times. Another argument
adduced in support of this identification is that MIsudi refers to the abundance
of crocodiles in the bay of Sind£bilr, — a circumstance that is also particularly
referred to by Barros, who mentions as well the legend that tber had been
introduced there as a ** guard against surprises and the et»capo of the slaves.**
We now hear little of th«.*ir great size and numlwr, as mentioned by MAsudi, but
of their existence in the waters of both the Goa rivers — Mandovi on the north,
and Juary on the south of the inland — little doubt can be entertained.
I should now perhaps refer to other arguments that may serve to strengthen the
position the learned editor of ^larco Polo has taken in regard to the identification
of this apparently insignificant but really valuable landmark in the history' of
the western coast of India, as well as to discrepancies such a§ that of Linschoten,
who places it b«.'Iow D£bul, and those of sailing distances between Kuka and
Sind^bAr, fortunately not hard to be reconciled, but their array in fall here
would simply wear}- the reader ; I must, however, give a few. The first argument
is the reference Ibn Bati^tri makes to two cities on the island, — one the old Hindu
city, an<i the other that built by the Mahomedans. This is exactly what wo find
even now in the island of Goa.' The Hindu city, on the banks of the JshX^', wa»
built bv thft Kadambas ; while the Mahomedan one, which was first taken posse*-
sion of))y Albuquerque on the 17th February l-'ilO, then fell again into the hands
of the Mahomedans, and was* retaken by surprise on the *23th November 1610, was
hitherto supposed to have been built by the Mahomedans of Honore, who, nnable
to resist the persecutions of the Hindu king of that countrj', who was subject
to that of Vijayfinngara, had taken refuge in Goa, which was then under the gov-
ernment of the Mahomedan king of Bijapur, about the year 1479, and wko, under
the guidance of Malik Ozen, had laid the foundations 'of the city captured by
Albuquerque in the village of Ella, on the margins of the northern nvor, liwor
dovi. The ruins of both these cities are still visible, especially of the Utter,
but they arc, unfortunately, fast disappearing.
Now Ibn Batata, who leR Delhi in the year of the Iliiira 743 (a.d. 134t) as
an envoy of Sultan Mahomed of the PathUn dynasty to the Emperor of Chiiim»
OP THE ISLAND OP ANGEDIVA. 293
in the text, I have given in a footnote below — the alhision of Ibn Batdta
to Angediva cannot be substantiated. Ibn Batiita's Travels^ therefore,
which for accuracy and trustworthiness cannot be equalled, require to
l^ carefully interpreted before we attempt to fill up the gap between
the reigns of the Kadambas, Rattas, and Chalukyas on the one hand,
and the Mahomedan dynasties on the other, in our annals of Western
and on hie journey to that country met with severe trials and long delays, was,
according to hi* own statement, twice at SindAbAr. He does not ^ve the date,
but it appears that he was there between the years 1342 and 1350 a.o. If tho
Mahomedan city of Goa was, as stitted by the Portuguese chroniclers, built in
tbo year 1479, Ibn Batiita could not possibly have seen it in 1342 and IMfiO,
or else it was built by Mahomedans who, uuder Malik Tubliga, had settled in Goa
between 1312 and 13()7, in which year they were entirely driven out by Vidya-
nnya M&dhava, the prime minister of Uarihara, RAja of Vijavinagara. Though
in the interval between this event and tho capture of Goa by the Portuguese their
hostilities had not quite ceased, and in spite of the reign of the Vijayfinagara
dynasty, which continued for little more than a centurj', their Hkirmifning con-
tinued, until again, in 1469, Goa fell into the hands of the Mahomedans, and
this time those of the B/lhmani dynasty of Byapur, who held it until it glided away
into the possession of tho Portuguese, there is no document to prove that either
of these two peoples built any city in Goa. If tho Mahomedans built their own
town soon after the conquest in 1312, it is quite evident that it might have been
seen by Ibn BatCita. In this case the Portuguese annalists, who assign its
foundation to the year 1479, are wrong, or else tho passage that refers to tho
Mahomedan town is a modem interpolation in the travels of Ibn Batiita, for
this Bt4itcmont is not found in Leo's tmnslation, but only in the French version
by Prot Defremory, under the heading Ibn BathutnK* diaries^ quoted by
Colonel Yule. Another fact worth mentioning is that the IVluhomednn king of
Honoro and tho Hindu rflja of Goa were frequently engaged in war against each
other. Ibn BatAtii writes : — ** I then betook myself to Jani£l-uddin, king of
Honorc, by sea ; who, when I came near, met mo and received me honour-
ably, and then app<anted me a house with a suitable maintenance. He was
about to attend on divine service in the mosque, and commanded me to accom-
pany him. I then became attached to the mosque, and read daily a khatma or
two. At this time tho king was preparing an expedition against the island of
SindAbdr. For this purpose ho had prepared two and fifty ves^icls, which when
ready ho ordered me to attend with him for the expedition. Upon this occasion
I opened tho Kor£n in search of an omen, and in the first words of the first
leaf which I laid my hand upon was frequent mention of the name of Grod, and
the promise that IIo wouhl certainly assist those who assisted Him. I was
ffreatly delighted with this, and when the king came to the evening prayer
I told him of it, and requested to be allowed to accompany him. He was much
■urprised at the omen, and prepared to set out in person. After this he went on
board one of tho vessels, taking mo with him, and then we sailed. WTien wo
got to the island of Sind&bdr, we found the people prepared to resist us, and a
hard battle was accordingly fought. We carried the place, however, by diA^ine
Sermission, by assault." Again: — **Ithen returned to Sind^bAr to the king
amAl-uddin, at tho time when an infidel king wa«» besieging tho town with his
troops. I left the place, therefore, and made for the Maldive islands, at which
after ten days I arrived."
See Ibn BatOHas Travels ^ translated by S. Lee, Lend. 1829 ; Yule's Cathay,
and the %cay thither, Lond. 1866, pp. 444, 445, and J. Gildemcister's Seriptorum
Arabum de rebuts Indicts, &c., Bonn, 1838, pp. 46, 47.
29i AN HISTORICAL AND ARCH.KOLOGICAL SKETCH
aud Southern India. Coming as he did in the middle of the long interval
between the travels of Marco Polo (1271-94 a.d.) and the awaking of
the spirit of discovery in Portugal and the arrival of Vasco da Gama's
fleet (1486-98), Ibn Batuta supplies to us the place of both a com-
mentator to the once obscure text of Marco Polo, and that of an
accurate, observing tourist, whose truthful remarks bear, moreover, the
mark of authenticity stamped on them by his successors the Portuguese
writers, to say nothing of such minor authorities who both preceded and
followed him, as Bishop Jordanus (1321-30), Friar Odorico (1325-30),
Nicolo Conti (1440-50), and others, whose accounts taken together con-
firm most of his statements.
Ibn Bati\ta informs us circumstantially that he sailed from this Sin-
dabur island and passed over to another small island near it, which,
from details he gives, cannot be any other than Angediva. He writes : —
" After some days we came to the island of Sindubilr, in the interior
of which arc six and thirty villages. By this we passed, however, and
dropped anchor at a small island near it, in which are a temple and a
tank of water. On this island we landed, and here I saw a Jogee {yoff()
leaning against the wall of the temple and placed between two idols ; he
had some marks about him of a religious warfare. I addressed him,
but he gave me no answer. We looked, too, but could see no food near
him. When we looked at him he gave a loud shout, and a cocoanut
fell upon him from a tree that was there. This nut he threw to us : to
me he threw ten dinars,* after I had offered him a few, of which he
would not accept. I supposed him to be a Moslem : for when I ad-
dressed him he looked towards heaven and then towards the temple
at Mecca, intimating that he acknowledged God and believed in
Mahomed as his prophet."t A yogi placed between two idols, it
appears, could not possibly be a Moslem ; however, that is Ibn Batata's
statement.
• " The dinar of Ibn BatAta is the tdntja of othtT l^Iuhomcdan authors,
corresponding more or less to the modem rupee :'' Col. Yule's Cat/my,
f Lee's Ibn Jiat(lta*g Traveln, pp. 164, 1G5. Leo gives a note about the
yo^t'* marks of a rolip^ious warfare, talking exception to whut A pretz has trans-
lated as civi caatigationum vesfigia impressa erant, wliich Lie interprets to the
effect that Ibn BatAta really believed tlie yogi, to be a IMnhomcdan, ^and re-
cognized in him those characters (marks) of promptness and titness to contend
for the Faith, without the actual existence of scars, wounds, and the like, which
would then deserve to be named ** castigationuin vtstigiay
OP THE ISLAND tjF ANGEDIVA. 295
It was on the 24th September 1498 that Vasco da Gama, on his
fintvoyage homewards after the discovery of the route round the Cape,
having departed from Calicut rather abruptly, ou account of the unfriend-
ly treatment he met i^ith at the hands of the Zamorin and his people,
sailed close by the coast, dropped at Camianore, visited its king, and,
having set sail again, placed, \vhile on the way, a landmark iiith the
name of Bt. Mary on one of the Mulki Rocks,* opposite Udipi, and then
pnt in at the island of Angediva, where, as Gasjpar Correa tells us, " they
enjoyed themselves much." Here he sent one of his otficers, by name
Nicolau Coelho, in an armed little boat {hotel) as a scout. Coelho, hav-
ing landed at the island and examined it all around, returned to the ship
to inform the admiral that the island had, what appeared to* him, a
beautiful stone-built church reduced almost to ruins bv Mahomedans,
as he was informed by the islanders, except its chancel, which was thatch-
ed with straw and palm-leaves, and contained in its recess three black
stones under the guardianship of a yotji. This custodian of the three
black stones was living under a stone grotto, and ate of what was given
to him from the ships which passed by, and which generally consisted
of*' rice and dried herbs, because these men do not eat anything else.*'t
Compare tliis statement with that of Ibn Batuta.^ Coelho said also
that he had discovered good water springs with trees aromid, and in the
upper part of the island a fine tank, ornamented with hewn stones,
containing water about four fathoms deep, which was conveyed by a
magnificent aqueduct close to the shore, for the convenience of ships
putting in there, and nobody could tell him who might have been the
author of ** this ancient and superb work,*' as Castera names it ; although
De Barros conjectures it to have been built by some ])owerful prince,
without giving his name, who was desirous to promote the well-being
of traders by converting a natural reservoir of water, which existed there
from olden times, into the lieautiful masonry work above described.
•Those are throo narrow islets called Mulki or Mulpf hy tho nativps, but
8t Mary's Ii>lcs in tho maps, from ono of tho sixcruoifonn columns of white stone
bearing two OKcutcln'ons, — out; oonluininf^ tho anna of l*ort«ip:al and tho other
tho armillary sphon* of Dom Manuel, and each do<licat(<l to a f'aint,— that Vasco
da Ganui carrit-d with liini on liis first voyafj:o. 'Hie landniaik of St. Mary's
Iilc has disai)poan'd.
fDo Barros, hr, n't., p. 3^2; also tome i., ])art ii.. p. 2.'>0 ; Stanley's (Jatpar
C«rrea, or Thrte Voijngtn of Vasco da Cama, Ijoud. lbCl>, p. *J38.
J It is most improK'ihlo that thr ../"•«/♦ tfcon by Ibn Hutilta was tho same as
tho onn noticed by tiio Tortu^urju-, althouyfh Couto ti IN us that in tho Khanfiri
caves wari st'cn a y^//* who wus> a himdrcd and fifty ycar.M old.
'39 r ait
296 AN HISTORICAL AND ARCHJIOLOOICAL SKETCH
Yasco da Gama, on obtaining the above information, hastened to lay up
the supply of fresh water and wood he wanted for his fleet. He stayed
there altogether twelve days, for taking on board, besides water and
wood, a stock of provisions consisting of figs, cocoanuts, and fowls, of
which latter article they bought, according to Gaspar Correa, six for
one Vint em (less than twopence) , and for the refitting and careening of
his caravels, which operation more than anything else occasioned this
long delay at the island. Thenceforward he made this port a favoured
anchorage of the Portuguese, thus practically expelling from it the
Moors of Mecca, who, according to Cabral,* used to take this route to
Calicut, and stop here to take m wood and water, before the arrival of
the Portuguese.
A curious incident in connection with Vasco da Gama*s stay on the
island is the arrival of an embassy consisting of twelve well-dressed
men, who came in two boats from the main land, and said they were
sent to him by some native prince, — probably the king of Goa, — and
brought him as a present a bundle of sugarcanes, which present the
admiral was ci^-il enough to accept with thanks, but most decidedly
declined to accede to their rather indiscreet request to pay a visit to
his ships. Then a Jew,t who spoke the Castilian dialect Well and was
the captain-major of the fleet of the Sabaio, the. ruler of Goa, subject
to the king of Bijapur, came on board, making all sorts of friendly
overtures, although in reality acting the part of a spy. This man was
not only refused admittance on such terms, but was, on the contrary, —
the admiral's suspicions having been roused by the islanders against
the character of the Moor, who, they said, had been sent from the
main land by the native prince to pry into the state of the navigators,
and to capture them if possible, — put to the torture until lie confessed
that the suspicions entertained against him by the islanders were not
altogether unfounded. This man was at last known to be a Polish
Jew, a native of Posna, in the service of the Sabaio, and was carried
* Voyage of Pedro Alvares Cahralf Lisbon, 1812, p. 118.
t There is still some doubt hanging over the nationality and creed of this per-
sonage. Osorius call him a Sarmate by nation and Jew by religion ; Gaspar
Correa a Grenadine Jew ; Castanheda says ho announced himself as a Levantino
Christian, — hence some annalists called him a Levantino renegade, and state that,
while being carried away by Vasco da Gama, at a distance of about two hundred
leagues from Angediva he confessed he was a Moor. But it appears that he
was really a Jew, and was married to a Jewess who lived in Cochin.
OP THE ISLAND OF ANGEDIVA. 297
bj Vasco da Oama to Portugal, who on converting him to Christianity
under the name of Gaspar da Gama — he is sometimes known in the
old chronicles as Gaspar da India — stood godfather to him. He was
afterwards made a knight by the king, and not only hecame a valuable
acquisition to the Portuguese sailors in their subsequent trips to India,
but was again at Angediva with Almeida at the building of the fortress
by command of the king Dom Manuel, where he rendered important
Bervices. Vasco da Gama then set sail on the 5th of October* for
Lisbon, but uot before he had signalized his stay on the island by sink-
ing a pirate ship he had taken during the skirmish there, notwithstand-
ing that a ransom of one thousand fanaos was offered for it.
In his second voyage. Da Gama having sailed as far as Dabul, a heavy
gale overtook him there at night, and disj>ersed liis caravels, which could
only meet to " salute tlie flag-ship '* the next morning, when the gale
had a little abated, near Angediva. Here he observed two great barges
with armed people coming towards his fleet, which barges, the Jew
Gaspar informed him, belonged to the renowned pirate Timoja, who
paid part of the plunder to the king of Gars>oj»a, and was going towards
Angediva with the intention of ticking possession of Vasco ,da Gama's
■hips. The latter had scarcely any trouble with him. Waiting until
the pirate's ^fustas, as they were call*»d, approached near enough, the
admiral made short work of them all by dischar^'ing his artillery at
them, which wrought terrible havoc among the crew of the Malabarese
corsair, who was obliged to beat a hasty retreat into the river of Ilonore,
and was eventually brought round, at a later time, to be the steadfast
frienJ of the Portuguese. This action was followed by wanton and
unprovoked attacks by the Portuguese on Ilonore and Batecaln, which
the humane De Foe has rightly characterized as *' acts of murder to
punbh the robbers."
The fiction of the floating island of Venus, or the enchanted island
{ilha nUtnorada), as it is called, has been for centuries a bone of coiiteu-
• The Port iigueso hiatoriuna.aru often at variance with on« another in the
matter of chronolopy. Correa says 10th Doccmlwr ; Oo*:/., Ca»tanheda, ami
Do Barros 5th OcIoUt. The Litter havr more probabilities on their side. Maffey,
who docH not care much about dates, only refers to events thus : — '* Cum uo re-
iponso Ganiina AnehtHli\\.i.i iTisuLuu petiit, leucus ;i (Jalocuto cireitcrquiu^.irij^nta,
iro<iu«'ntem nemoribus, et J^i^co omni.s i:<*ni li'. ;ij']irinii- ■ ^ ndunteui. Ibi rc-
feetise lun.:;;i jjictiitiono socii-'*, navibii.s«iiit', DiJiini i»r«.'cat«is uti i'n>iutius iloniiu
(idesset n-iluot nii|ue se optiiiio Iti-.^i propinqtiis, ac putrisc bisterct ; in Curopiuu
cursuni intcudit.' — liiift. InJ.y 15*A>, p. Or>.
298 AN HISrORKAL AND AHCHyKOLOOICAL SKETCH
tion among critics ; and their criticism, as the Ilonourable Mr. Stanky
observes, has not in general been lair toCamoens.* Assuming for the
nonce, — and there are very good grounds for such an assumption,"-
that Angediva \i'as the material basis on which the superstructure of the
episode of the enchanted island is raised, poetic genius having really the
power to impart to the commonest object on earth a hallowed renown*
such as the genius of Milton once conferred on the now desolate bland
of Ormuz, would in itself suHiee to raise the islet of Angediva, swampy
and pestilential though it be, in the estimation of scholars.
Voltaire, who had otherwise demonstrated to the world in his Pucelle
<r Orleans that his was not too prudish a nature, pretends to be shocked
at the scenes of the island of Venus as described by Camocns. Another
critic, and a countryman of the poet, has, as the above-quoted writer
remarks, brought the imagery of the * tlJui namorada* (* Love's own
bland ') to the level of a matter-of-fact description of a vulgar debauch,
which lie, against all probability and historic grounds, imagines to have
taken place at Melindc or Zanzibar. f
But several stanza-* '^f canto IX. of the Lusiad plainly indicate that
the nymphs and deligiits of the * ilha namorada^ are but the honours
and glory promised, and won by the com[)anion3 of Vasco da Gama» for
heroic deeds. In this poetic creation Camocns has but faithfully ad-
hered to classical models, as is apparent throughout his poem, and
hb aim appears to be to endeavour to prove that the great and the good
who were admitted to the tables of the gods to drink (to use a local
simile) ihe amrita of the mount Meru, or to enjoy the company of the
immortals who peopled the Grecian Olympus, were all ordinary men
who rose to that high station or were placed there as a reward for
their virtue^ a!:J merit. Again, Duperron de Castera — ^who for the
fantastic explanation he once gave regarding the fables of paganism
being fmuid mingled with the legends of Christianity in the poem of
Cainooiis, drew from Voltaire the following sarcasm : — " A la bonne
licnre, j\v eonsens ; mais j'a\oiU' que je ne m\'\\ I'tais pas apcrcu," and
was often the butt for the satires of the Abbe Desfontaines — remarks,
ui his La Lustnde, Paris, IT.'^.VGS, that the fictions of Camoens, like
• ScH< Stanh'v's 77,rii /W/7<>»7' l'<fi<» dn Cim'i, Loinl. 18G0, p. liv,
r Sc.. Cn.y ,/o .sv. ./. (.. .»/. of..,n '■' s., rJ:,,,u. A'o/7f.;/, Porto, 1849^ and (>6ni«
<h Luis 'f( Cii"i'"fi!t. I/.-1h :, r^.'.J. t- !:i • • , >jt. .'.{n\ 004,
OF THE ISLAND OF ANGKDIVA. 299
that which makes the island of Angcdiva to zander on the waves of the
sea, are the more marvellous because they are all founded on history :*
for when the pirate Timoja, as Faria says, came forward to attack by
stratagem Yasco da Gama*s fleet with twelve roving vessels, eight of
them were so linked together and covered with boughs of trees that
they appeared like a large raft, and had all the appearance of a Hoatuig
island. Mickle, however, is of a different opinion. Ue doubts whether
the master-hand that wrote "the great epic of commerce" would ever
choose so inapt an illustration. Really the genius of Camoens never
stood in need of such weak assistance.
The verses on the floating island provided by Venus for the repose
and delight of the Portuguese argonaut and his invincible crew, and
where their future triumplis and glory in the East are related to them,
are so interesting that I cannot forbear from quoting them here.
Camoens writes : —
LI.
f Cprtando vao as naos a larga via
Do mar iugente para a ])atria amada,
Desejando prover-st» de agua fria
Para a grandc viageni prolougada :
Quando juntas, com subita alegria,
Ilouveram vista da Ilha namorada ; '
Romjtendo ])elo ceo a nuu fonnosa
De Mcmnonio, suave c dulcitosa.
LII.
De longe a ilha viram fresca e bcUa !
Que Venus pelas ondas Ilia levava,
•"Sont d*autant plus mcrveilleuses, qu'cllcs ont touti'S lour loiidtuicnt dans
I'histoirc."
LI.
t Cutting throusH the waves the ships thoir weary way
PurbiKHl ovtT tlio wide sea to the loved home,
Wanting fresh watiT, not knowinj^ how they niay
Supply themselves tor su«*h a voyajjo lon*^ ;
AVlion tojjetljer they In'held ahovo tlio spr.iy
Tlie siijfht ot' Love's own island, every one :
Just as tlirouph heavun broke tlie mother brip:ht
Of Memnon, briuji^inf^ mild beauty ami delij^ht.
LII.
From ;i tli>t.'iiui- liny s;iw the island fi-esh and fair
Whitli Vi.iiu^ lr«'ni the wavui* iV»r tin in nphLuVf^l,
300 AK HISTORICAL AND AECHiEOLOaiCAL SKETCH
(Bern como o vento leva branca Tela),
Para onde a forte armada sc eiixergava :
Que ])orque nao passassem, scm que nclla
Tomassem porto, como desejava,
Para oudc as naos navegam a movia
A Acidalia, que tudo em fim podia.
LIII.
Mas firmc a fez e immobil, como yio
Que era dos nautas vista, e dcmandada ;
Qual iicou Dclos, tanto que pario
Latona Phebo, e a dcosa k caca usada.
Para la logo a prova o mar abrio,
Onde a costa fazia huma enseada
Curva e quieta, cuja branca area
Pintou de ruivas conchas Cytherea.
LIV.
Trcs formosos outeiros se mostravam
Erguidos com soberba gracioza.
Que dc gramineo csmalte se adomavam,
Na formosa ilha alegre, e deleitosa :
Claras fontes, e limpid as manavam
Do cume, que a verdura tem vi90sa ;
(Just as tho white sails arc inflated bv the air)
Wlicre tho brave armada tho island first perceived :
But, that they might not pass that part of it where
Thoy should tfike part ; the goddess had contrived
Tho entrance whero the vessels sailed to predisposo
By Acidalia, who could do what she chose.
LHI.
But firm sho made it, and immovable to the sight
Of the sailors it seemed, with them in such request ;
So Delos stood when Latona tlicre brought to light
Bright Phoebus and the goddess used to the chase.
Thither then the prow straight through the sea cut right
To a deep bay wherein the waves were at peace,
Curving and quiot, where of the smooth shining beach
Cytherea witli pink and yellow shells painted neb.
LIV.
Three beauteous hills before their eyes appeared,
Eound, smooth, and gracefully with flowers bespread^
Adorned with grananoous verdure, gently upreared.
And in tlie delightful isle soft valleys made :
Clear fountsiins, too, coming from those liills were heard,
Which whispering limpid among white pebbles strayed
OP THE ISLAND OP ANGEDIVA. 301
Por eiitrc pcdras alvas se deriva
A sonorosa lympha fugitiva.
LV.
N'hum valle amcno, que os outeiros fende,
Veuham as claras aguas ajuntar-se,
Ondc huma meza fazeni, que se estcnde
Tari bella, quanto i)ode iinagiuar-se :
Arvorcdo gentil sobre olla pendc,
Como que prompto cstti para affcitar-se,
Vendo-se no crystal resplandecente,
Que cm si o est>i pintado propriamcute.
Os Luzladas, Canto IX.
Dom Francisco d* Almeida, the first Viceroy of the Portuguese settle-
ments in the East — who, being a man of great political sagacity, was
fully aware that a small nation of scarcely four millions could not hold
large conquests for any length of time "without loss of prestige, but had
expressed to the King his opinion that they should, on the contrary,
strive to confine themselves to obtain supremacy over the sea, which
would eventually assert their power over the countries bordering on it,
or even secure their territorial dominion, a system that in former times
had been successfully practised by the Athenians, and has in our own
daye with apparent advantage been tried by some of the modern
nations — wrote from India to the King, Dom Manuel, that they should
build factories and counting-houses only, and a few fortresses for their
defence, where needed, on the coast and the adjacent islands, and thus
place their trade on a more solid footing, rather than make large territorial
acquisitions, which would in the end simply interfere with, if not niin,
their commercial position in Asia, and drive them away from it. His
prediction was at last to be fulfilled. This sound policy, was, however.
Cool and fresh dovm from the siiinmit's shiidy source,
Tho fugitive sonoroiu lymph derived ita coui-so.
I.V.
In a ploaRant valley, by the hilla defended,
ITio limpid waters met and joined in one.
Forming a maze, or table, wliich extended
As beautiful aH fancy e'er gazed upon :
Groves gracefully o*cr parts of tho sborcs impended.
As if thoy were going to sliave, and looking down*
Viewing Uiemselves in the cr)'stal bright presented
13oth accurately and naturally painted.
The Lusiad, Canto IX., translated by
Lieut-CoL Sir T. L. Mitchell, lit., D.C.L.
302 AN HISTORICAL AND ARCH^EOLOQICAL SKETCH
counteracted by the more ambitious views of Alfonso d'Albuquerquc,
who wished to found, like the Romans, an empire in the East, and
amalgamate the Portuguese with the natives, — an experiment that has
been found, now that it is too late to repair the evil, to be fruitful of
grave evils to both parties. May not this be a warning as well to
present and future statesmen and philanthropists of other nations to
desist from pursuing any longer a policy inaugurated, so unsuccessfully,
by the great founder of the Portuguese empire in the East ?
Albuquerque's policy, as foretold by Dom Francisco d' Almeida,
could not be followed beyond the government of Dom Joao de Castro,
or, even allowing for their last reactive efforts, as late as the government
of the brave Dom Luis d^Athaide, who, unfortunate man ! did really
struggle hard against all odds, and perhaps more than any of his
predecessors, to preserve the power that was decaying ; but the fates were
against him, and he succumbed' the moment the resources of Portugal
were exhausted, and corruption had crept in to precipitate the downfall.
No human power could then withstand it, and, it being but natural, it
appears strange that some of the later Portuguese writers should at-
tempt to lay all the faults of their impolitic rule at the door of the
Spanish yoke. This is, no doubt, the best argument to evade bitter
recrimination, which a retrospective glance upon their own past mis-
deeds might evoke.
The king, quite convinced of the soundness of Almeida's suggestions,
wrote back that he wished him especially to have Angediva fortified,
from its being situated about the middle of the coast, which, besides
affording protection to his trade, would also secure a supply of water
for his shipping. Another place which Dora Francisco much desired
to possess and fortify along with Angediva was the Mount Dilli, a pro-
montory some sixteen miles north of Cannanore, — the first Indian
land seen by Vasco da Gama on his sailing towards Calicut, and at that
time the most frequented seaport and emporium, almost all the ships
from Mecca, Ormuz, Cambay and Calicut anchoring in the little bay
under it.
It was on the 13th September 1500 that Dom Francisco d' Almeida
laid the foundation-stone of the Angediva fortress. A curious incident
in connection with its foundation is the discovery of some crosses *
• Mitchell, referring to Osorio, says he found many cmcifixcB of black and red
colour ; but lie is incorrect.
OF THE ISLAND OF ANOEDIVA. 303
of black and blue coloured wood, found buried underground, while
making excavations in the hill, which, along with some images found
by Alfonso d' Albuquerque in the building of tbe old city of Goa, gave
origpin to the impression that the islands of Qoa and Angediva were for-
merly inhabited by Christians. The fact of the discovery of those
pieces of wood in the form of a cross underground does not, howerer,
prove that the place had been inhabited by Christians, — an impression
that gave to the pagoda, the ruins of which are still faintly visible there,
the name of * church.' Every one, perhaps, is aware that the Kndus
were then, as they are now in some places, in the habit of making an
inatroment in the form of a cross for taking astronomical observations ;
and these must have been found when Dom Francisco was laying the
oomer-atone of the fortress, — not to speak of the phallic triad of the an-
cients in wood and stone, which has been met with almost everywhere,
in all countries and climes, and was a religious symbol in the infancy of
modern civilized nations, as it is now among the savages of Africa and
America, and of the Pacific.
I must not, however, omit to notice here another supposition, ^that
of their being relics of the Christians of the Nestorian sect, that
once prevailed on, and was spread over, the Indian coast, from the
ninth century until the persecutions of the Mahomcdans drove them
away, or, later still, until the time of Archbishop Menezes, who com-
pelled them to concentrate themselves within the narrow precincts of
Travancore and the neighbourhood. I do not wish to enter here into
the question whether these are really the remnants of the St. Thomas
Christians, — which opinion has, I am afraid, many advocates, — as it is
quite foreign to my subject.
But to return to our narrative. The first thing which Dom Francisco
dWlmeida did on disembarking at Angcdiva on the 13th September
1 TiO'), — a proceeding which was not opposed by the islanders, who, per-
ceiving his fleet sailing towards Angcdiva, had hastily and in a fright
(nx>ssed over to tho main, — was to send an able officer, by name Joa9
Ilomem, to Cannanore, Cochin, and Coulan, with despatches informing
the factors settled in those places of his arrival at Angcdiva ; and while
fortifying the island he also sent Rodrigo Botelho and Gonfalo de Faria
to cruise in the sea between Angcdiva and Mount Dilli, and to seize
every Mahomedan vessel that should happen to sail between those
points, and bring it as spoil to him. This petty naval, or rather pirati-
40 r as
304 AN HISTORICAL AND ABCHJEOLOOICAL SKETCH
cal, expedition was successful in capturing a number of zambucs with
valuable cargoes of spices, timber, and silk.
The building of the fort could not be carried out to the satisfaction
of Dom Francisco, from the absolute want of proper cement, such as
Ihne, in the island ; but he succeeded in buildmg one, rather hastily, of
simple clay and stone. Having done so, and his presence being re-
quired elsewhere, he handed over the island to Manuel Pa^anha, whom
he named Captain of the Fort of Angediva, and for whose nomination
he had himself previously solicited the King's approbation. Having
completed the building, and having armed one galley and two brigantinesi
he gave them in charge to another of his officers, by name Joa9 Serrao,
which vessels were afterwards used by Dom Francisco himself in his
naval excursions in the Indian Ocean ; and having placed, moreover,
the administration of the factory established on the island in the hands
of Duarte Pereira, who was made its provost or chief, and was assisted
by three clerks and other subordinate officers, he left for Cannanore,
where he assumed the title of Viceroy.
Scarcely had six months elapsed since Dom Francisco left Angediva
when the fortress was besieged by a host of Mahomedans and Hindus
who were in the service of the king of Goa, — who had grown ex-
tremely jealous of the Portuguese, since they had made an alliance
with tHe king of Honore, — under the command of a Portuguese renegade
by name Antonio Fernandes, a carpenter, who had once been left on
the shores of Africa, near Quiloa, as a convict by Pedro Alvares Car
bral, and, having embraced Mahomedanism under the name of Abdulla,
had somehow found his way to India. This man being aware that
both Dom Francisco and his son Dom Lourenco were absent from
the island, the former at Cannanore and the latter at Calicut, seized
the opportunity to risk an attack upon the undefended island. The
attempt, the historian* tells us, was made by Fernandes under a
promise from the Zabaim (Sabaio) that he would appoint him captain
of the fortress of Cintacora, modern Ankola, provided he expelled the
Portuguese from Angediva. The bait Fernandes thought was worth
catching at, for from the estimate of his character given by chroniclers
he could not certainly be above taking the offered bribe.
♦ Do Barros, tome i., pt. ii., p. 410.
OF THB ISLAND OF ANQEDIVA. 305
The attack was sudden. In the dead of night, or a little before
dawn had dispelled the darkness and enabled people to sec each other,
the landing of the enemy, who brought with them a fleet of sixty
m\ took place. The surprise of the descent, however, evoked all
the fury of the Portuguese to repel the attack. The moment he was
rarrounded by the enemy, the y-alorous captain Manuel Pa9anha, know-
ii^ well that his fortifications consisted of only a low wall and a tower
of clay and stone, which could ill afibrd him shelter against the showers
of shot and arrows of the host of the enemy, with his handful of a gar-
riaon sallied forth and at the point of the sword began the slaughter
of the foe. The Mahomcdans took alarm at the bold front thus shown
them, and it really kept them at bay for some time. An unopposed
debarkation on the island had raised their hopes and filled their hearts
with joy, and they were confident that the firing of a few shots would
Boon be followed by complete submission and unconditional surrender ;
bat they were mistaken. From the place of their first attack, — which
was, as Lafitau expresses it, vigorous, — the iVIahomedans were obliged to
torn round, mount a hillock, and from under a grove of trees which
overhung the fortress pour their shots and arrows into it, so that but
for the bravery of the defenders it would have lain at their mercy.
From so favourable a position, gained almost by accident, the Portu-
gaese could not easily dislodge them. Nor did the latter dare to issue
from the fort, on account of the danger they incurred of becoming a
mark for the enemy. Pacanha, however, was equal to the emergency.
In the midst of perils he did not lose presence of mind. To mount his
pieces of ordnance on the tower, from whence he could beat down the
attacking party, and to place on the wall some of his big mortars with
which to sink the fleet in which the Mahomcdans had crossed the
channel, was an idea put into execution as soon as conceived.
This expedient was very successful, but, in spite of it, the state of
blockade lasted for four days and nights continuously, during which the
Portuguese could scarcely move from their post of defence. De Barros
writes, they did not even care for their meals or sleep. They were
ready to sacrifice their lives for the honour of their country ; but what
caused them the greatest annoyance was the vile ladguage used against
them daring the calm of the night, and which could distinctly be
heard in the fortress, by the renegade captain Abdulla, alias Fcrnandes,
who was leading this attack against his own countrymen.
306 AN HISTOBIGAL AND ABCH^OLOOICAL SKETCH
The Mahomedans, who, in spite of their oTerwhelping numbers, had
failed to realize their expectations, being nnable to reduce the fortress
within that time, and noticing that two Portuguese boats had, at the
beginning of the surprise, started to inform Dom Louren90 — ^who was
cruising in the sea close by, and was much feared by theMahomedans —
of the nature of the attack, raised the siege and fled across to the
continent as precipitately as they had landed on the island. On the
arrival of the reinforcements and provisions sent by Dom Louren90 a
council was held, at which it was resolved that as the rainy season was
fast approaching, and Cochin, the head-quarters of the troops, too
distant to afPord it assistance easily, Angediva would be constantly ex.
posed to attack, and, in view of the expense and trouble involved in
succouring it, it would not be worth keeping, the fortifications should
be razed to the ground and the place abandoned. At the same time
Dom Francisco d'Almeida began to build the castle of Cannanore,
which also greatly enraged the Moors of that country.* This took
place in the month of May 1506.
Some time before the building of the fortress, the well-known tra-
veller Ludovico di Varthema, who was himself in Angediva, refers to the
condition of the island thus : — " I quitted this place (Bathacala, modern
Sadasivagad), and went to another island which is inhabited by a cer-
tain sort of people who are Moors and pagans. This island is distant
from the main land half a mile,and is about twenty miles in circumference.
The air is not very good here, neither is the place very fertile. There
is an excellent port between the island and the mainland, and very good
water is found in the said island, "t Here Varthema greatly exaggerates
its dimensions.
In the long interval between the dismantling of the fortress by
Dom Francisco d'Almeida, or its total abandonment by the Portuguese,
and the next historical event of importance in connection with the
island, — ^its occupation by the troops of Sir Abraham Shipman, — it ap-
pears that the island was left entirely desolate ; so that it became one
of the haunts of the pirates of the coast.
* See the letter from the Viceroy, Dom Francisco d'Almeida, to the King, in the
Annaes de ScienciaSf Lisbon, 1858.
t The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema^ a.d. 1503 to 1508. Translated by J. W.
Jones, and edited with notes by G. F. Badger, Lend. 1863, p. 120.
OF THE ISLAND OF ANQEDIVA. 807
It 18 Fra Paolino da San Bartolomeo who makes mention of this fact.
He writes : — '* The capital of the kingdom of Cannanur, called also
Colanada, lies in the latitude of 11^ dO', and is distinguished by the
■ame name. The whole surrounding district, which towards the north
extends as far as the mountain Illit is inhabited by the Molandis, who
live merely by piracy. These sea-robbers are mentioned by Pliny, Ar-
Tian, Ptolemy, and other ancient authors. They unite themselves to
other pirates who reside on the Angedib islands near 6oa, and capture
all the small vessels which sail from Goa to Cochin."*
This barefooted Carmelite was in India about the third quarter of the
eighteenth century, when the island was again occupied by the Portu-
guese ; and when he states that the pirates ** reside on the Angedib
islands'* he most probably refers to a period antecedent to its reoccupa-
tion by the Portuguese.
But Pietro della Yalle, who passed by the island on the 16th of
October 1623, when it was unoccupied, alludes to it thus : — '' Ci se fece
notte presso a ccrti scogli, ouero Isolette dishabitate, che le chiamano
AngediuQj che in linjipia del paese vuol dir, cinque Isole, perche tante a
punto sono. In una v'^ acqua : tutte sono verde, e con qualch' albero."t
The impression that ' anche* or ' Angediva' meant five islands appears
to have been general among Europeans, since De Barros and other
early Portuguese annalists wrongly explained the origin of the name ;
for Lafitau also gives the same derivation of the name.
Now the striking historical fact connected \i'ith the island is the land-
ing at Angediva of the English troops that were sent down to India to
take possession of Bombay, ceded to the King of Great Britain by
the marriage contract dated the 23rd of July 1661. The delivery of
the bland was decreed by the royal letter dated the 9th of April 1662,
for which purpose a fleet consisting of five ships, under the command
of the Earl of Marlborough, was despatched to India, carrying about
five hundred soldiers. Sir Abraham Shipman had the control of the
troopsy and was appointed the General of the island and its dependen-
cies. They arrived off Bombay on the 18th of September 1662, and
• A Voyage to the FnH Indies, by Fm Paolino dji San Bartolomoo. TranslAtcd
into German Ly J. N. Foster, and from German into Iilngliah by W. Johnston,
Lond. 1800, pp. 141,145.
t Viagoi di Fietro della Vallc ilPelUgrim, Vcnotia, 1667, vol. iL, p. 180.
808 AN HISTORICAL AND ABCHiEOLOGICAL SKETCH
ou requesting that the island might he made over to them, the Portu-
guese Viceroy, proffering some plea and reasons — some of them worth
attention,* but too tedious to enumerate here — refused to accede to the
demand ; whereupon they sailed to Surat and made an application to
the English President, Sir George Oxenden, to obtain permission from
the Mogul to effect a landing of the troops there, but even this was re-
fused. Further misunderstandings led Lord Marlborough to return in'
January 1661 to England, but his five hundred men had no other re-
source left than that suggested by Sir Abraham Shipman, to land at
the desolate island of Angediva, which then belonged to nobody. Here
they remained about two years under the shelter of a few huts, and
without sufficient protection from the deadly effects of the climate.
The consequence was that Sir Abraham Shipman died on the 5th of
April 1664, and three hundred of his men perished on the island during
this short interval,— the marshy condition of the island, the absence of
any accommodation to which a European is accustomed, and the scarcity
of provisions, having thinned their numbers rapidly ; and when by an-
other of his royal letters, dated the 16th of August 1663, the cession of
the island of Bombay was almost imperatively urged on the Viceroy,
Castro de Mello, by the King of Portugal, a new treaty was drafted, to
be signed by Humphry Cooke, who had become acquainted with the
Viceroy in Lisbon, where he was carrying on the trade of a tanner, and
had succeeded here to the command of the British troops. It was on
the 10th of January 1665 that the new treaty was signed, and the
formal cession was made on the l/th of the following month,f when
Humphry Cooke took possession of Bombay with the wreck of his army,
as the few English troops still surviving on Angediva were called, amount-
ing to only two officers and a hundred and ninety-one rank and file. All
the others were buried in the rocky island of Angediva, and, strange
though it may appear, nobody has yet thought in this the nineteenth
century, in which it is the fashion to commemorate even the most ordi-
nary events in life and to raise statues to no less ordinary beings, of
placing even a decent slab to the memory of those brave and self-denying
pioneers of the British power in the East, who, having the misfortune to
seek a refuge that was denied them elsewhere, were at last obliged to
* Memorias de Teixeira Mngalhaes, Goa, 1858.
t Soe my articles entitled ** Wonls and Places in and about Bombay" in the
Indian Aniiqwiry^ Bomb. 1874, vol. iii#
OF THE ISLAND OF ANOEDIVA. 309
mtke an unhealthy spot their retreat, and in the case of most of them
their grave. But I must stop here, on the principle Ne tutor ultra
erejndam.
On the English evacuating the island it was left without a possessor,
and now the time -was at hand for the Portuguese to make another
attempt to appear on the scene and raise new fortifications. This was
done in 1682, during the government of the Viceroy Conde d'Alv6r, when
the Portuguese again fortified the island, and this time more effectually
than ever, the corner-stone being laid on the 5th of May of that year.
The fort is a pretty large quadrilateral bastioned one, consisting of a wall
built of stone and mortar, and possessing embrasures, battlements, and
■11 the other features and appliances of medieval fortifications. It has
casemates under the ramparts, and some of the landward and southern
bastions are built with orillons. It has also a balcony for the guard ;
a large store-room for gunpowder ; a magazine for ammunition and vic-
tuals ; a castellated governor*s palace ; a cuirass ; a house for the door-
keeper of the palace and of the cuirass ; a major's house ; two redoubts ;
five bastions, named Francisco, Antonio, Concei9a?l', Diamante and
Lumbreira ; three batteries, named Ponta de dentro, Pe9a and Fon-
tainhas, and several other small buildings amidst palm-groves and
other trees, which it would be too tiresome to enumerate here. The
entrance gate leads to a courtyard, and in the enceinte of the fortress is
a fine tank of spring water.*
When completed it was one of the most pleasant seats fortified by
the Portuguese government in India, who appointed Amaro Simoes its
first Governor ; but it is now in a very dilapidated condition, a few rusty
old iron guns lie about in the interior of the fort, and the locality
is one of the most unhealthy of the possessions still remaining to them.
In fact, unwholesome air appears to have been its characteristic since
the days when Varthema was there ; what the causes are, nobody, it
teems, has yet thought it worth while to investigate.
Its population, living within the fortress, amounts, according to the
last census, to 527, inhabiting 147 houses. They are all Christians of
the Roman Catholic faith, and belong to the only parish in the island, its
church, dedicated to N. S. das Brotas, being situated within the
^ This is perhaps the very tank that supplied wator to the fleet of Yasco da
Qama, and is mentioned by Ibn BatCita in his Travflt.
310 SKETCH OP THB ISLAND OP ANGEDIVA.
precincts of the fortress.* This mere handful of islanders are most-
ly descendants of the old Portuguese soldiers who once formed the
garrison of the fortress and of convicts ; for Angcdiva was, as late as
the last century, a penal settlement, whither felons from Goa, Damaun
and Diu were transported. Some of these men are engaged in the
cultivation of rice and cocoanuts, and in fishery, all living in the eastern
part of the island ; the western i& hut a rock for fishermen to dry
their nets on. The women spin cotton thread and yam, and weave
stockings, which are said to be the best made on this side of India.
There is nothing remarkable about the physical and moral condition of
these islanders, — at least nothing more than what we see among the
native Christians of Bassein, Bandore and Mahim. The island is now
under the jurisdiction of the province of Salcete, one of the three old
divisions of the territory of Goa.
• It appears that this church waa built on the very spot where the Hindu
temple mentioned by Ibn Batiita once existed. It has been the invariable custom
of the Portuguese to appropriate the g^und and building materials that once be-
longed to the Hindus and Mahomedans.
nil
Abt. Vin. — The Labours of the Arnh Aft(ronrnncrfi,a)Hl their In-
siruments, with the Description of an Astrolabe in the Mulla
Fimz Library. By E. Reiiatskk, M.C.E., IToii. Mem.
Bomb. Br. B. As. Soc.
Read September 13th, 1875.
Ai the ancients have laid the foundations of all the practical and
theoretical sciences we now possess, and we have during the lapse of
thousands of years hecome heirs to all the accumulated knowledge
which has escaped the ravages of time, and has heen preserved to he
imprOTed and augmented hy future ages, it behoves us to speak of the
mttainments of the ancients, whether perfect or imperfect, with humility
mod veneration.
The mild climate and the clear sky of the East naturally point to it
ss the cradle of Astronomy, but it would be wrong to assert, as has
been done by some autliors, that it originated first of all among the
Chaldaeans. Their most ancient observations which it is possible to admit
are those of three eclipses said to have taken |)lace in the years 719 and
720 before Christ, of which Ptolemy made use, probably after Hip-
parchus, who had intelligently and methodically collected these obser-
Tttions anterior to the astronomy of the Greeks.* The Egyptians,
like the Chalducans, attribute a fabulous age to their astronomy and to
their civilization. Although the statements of the former are as in-
credible as those of the latter, there is no doubt that the chief points
of the astronomy of both the«e nations consisted in obsen'ations of the
sun, in fixing the length of the year, noticing the phases of the moon,
and naming the stars, so that their risings and settings, with their
movements in the sky, could be recorded. The Egyptian zodiacs which
have come do^-n to our times bear witness to the care with which the
astronomers of that nation had observed the position of the solstices on
the signs of the zodiac. The Chinese do not boast, as the Chaldaeans
• A. 8. do Montfcrrier, DictiouHain- ^1cs iSciencts Uaihvmaiiquct, 2<lo ed., tomo
I., p. 163.
41 r a 9
312 IJIBOURS AND INSTRUMENTS
did, of possessing astronomical observations dating as far back as nearly
half a million of jears ;* and even the conjunctions of five planets and
of the solar eclipse observed in China during the years 2514 and 2436
before our era, and examined by the European astronomers of the last
century, were found to be so untractable by the laws of calculation that
they gave rise to polemics and guesses as vague as those of the Chinese
themselves. It is, however, at present known that in 1 109 before Christ
gnomons eight feet high existed in China ;t so that the honour of
having invented the gnomon belongs no more to the Greeks.^
* Montferrier, J)iet,, tome I., p. 1G2.
fSuppUment au Ihiit^ ded IrutrwnenU Attronomiques de$ Arab^t, par M. U
Am. Sidillot, p. 7.
X Anaximander, the successor of Thales in the direction of the Ionian^ lohool,
and bom aboat 680 years before Christ, was usually considered as the inventor
of the gnomon ; and Diogenes Laertius, lib. ii., cap. i., 9, ta;^ of him : —
" Primus autem gnomonem inyenit, ipsumque Lacedemone in solanii itatait, quo
ut ait Phavorinus in omnimoda historia, conversiones Solisi et aBquinoctia
notaret"
The larg^ columnar pillar at Stonchenge, sixteen feet high, has recently been
found to b« a gnomon, marking noon by throwing no shadow. See Ths Time*
of India, July 31, 1875 :—
*' About twelve months ago a correspondent of a home paper drew attention to
some remarkable phenomena observable at Stonehenge, in connection witii tho
sun's rising on midsummer's morning, and suggested that the inference the refr om
was that these meg^ithic circles, certainly this one in particular, had been exact-
ed for the purposes of Baal-worship. Tlie facts mentioned interested aenreral
scientific and literary men, and it was felt that a complete and scientific examina-
tion of the structure was desirable in order to set at rest the various sarmises of
archffiolog^ists and others. Accordingly last week a party of civil engiaeers pro-
ceeded to the spot, and were engaged for four or five oays in taking meet elabonito
measurements of the structures, as well as making astrcmomioal calcniationa.
The results of their exhaustive survey, we are informed, have been very 8trikiiig»
astonishing none more than the savants themselves, and leave not the least donbt
about the solar references of the structure, and further, that it was nndonbtedlT
erected as a temple of the sun, thereby verifying the inference to that eflfoct whida
appeared at the time referred to. By an arrangement of the stones, the tine of
rising and setting of the sun at the winter and summer solstices can beasoertainedy
and Sie large columnar stone or gnomon, which stands isolated some distsaoe be»
yond the main avenue, marks the time of noon by the fact of its xeflectiiig no
shadow then. This was tested by one of the part>', who altered his watoh timo
by it, and checking it by Greenwich time on returning to Salisbozy fbond it lo
correspond exactly. The position of this gnomon, some sixteen feet high, imtt-
cates in more ways than one that it was intended to serve astronomical pnrpoMt.
The interesting results of this, perhaps the most important, if not only s oie n tM te
survey, in the true sense of the term, that has been made of these historic raias^
wUl, we are informed, be embodied in book form, and as a contribution iowaida
the elucidation of a question which remains unsettled, it will doubtless nrov* lo
•intiquaries and archseolog^ists a valuable addition to that ' literary ctiinC wbkh
this subject has already provoked."
OF THE ARAB A6TE0N0MEBS. 313
It cannot be denied that when the Greeks were yet in a state of almost
complete barbarism the Chaldseans and Egyptians'*' had made consider-
tUe progress in astronomy^ and it is certain that the Greek astronomers
of the school of Alexandria (one of whose brightest ornaments, born two
centuries before Christ, was Hipparchus) had recourse to Chaldaean
obserrations ; whilst before their time Thales in the 7th, Plato in the 5th,
Eodoxus in the 5th, and Pythagoras in the 2nd century before Christ,
vent from Greece to the Egyptian priests to seek instruction. Hence
it. is clear that the Greeks were not the inventors of astronomy ; and
although we have mentioned only the Chnldteans and Egyptians as
their teachers, there is the greatest probability that the Chinese, the
Hindus and Persians, likewise furnished their quota of astronomical
information, but that, on account of the immense distance and the
want of close intercourse with these nations, the Greeks became ac-
qaainted with their discoveries only at second hand.
Although the influence of the East upon the West must be admitted,
tome discoveries may have been made again and again in both. After
all, however, the first positive data on the science of astronomy must bv
aonght among the Greeks. The principal instruments used by the
Chreeks were the sphere, the gnomon, the heliometer, the heliotrope, to-
gether with various kinds of quadrants, clepsydras, and sand-clocks ; of
these it will be necessary to say something before mentioning the in-
ctruments of the Arabs, who made good use of them, added new ones,
«nd achieved brilliant successes in the science whilst Europe was yet
plunged in the darkness of the so-called Middle Ages.
There is a natural law in the development of sciences according to
irhich they gradually proceed from the simplest requirements prompted
by the necessities of the hiunan race, to more complicated ones, and to
• The ingenious method by which the ancit^nt Egyptians measured the diameter
of tho sun by means of wator-t'locks is worth mentioning: — At the moment
when tho diak of tho rising sun touched the horizon on tho day of tho equinox,
Wftter was allowed to esca]x) drop by drop from tho bottom of a vessel always
kept Tull by means of another vessel placed iibovo it, and which was likewise
kept fulL Tho water escaped from tlio first appearance of the sun's limb
on Uie horizon until tlie full orb had emerged. In a second, much larger basin
the water was preserved which fell, until tho next morning's first appearance of
the 8un*8 upper limb. Thc*n the watrr c«»ntained in each basin was carefully
meoflured and weighed, and the following proportion was established : —Tho
whole water which has flowed out is to that ctmtained in tho small basin as tho
990 degrees of the celestial Rph^ni arc to tho diameter of the sun which iv
■ought (SuppUmoity &c-,pp. 10, 17.)
314 IJIBOURS AND INSTRUMENTS
discoveries having no palpable influence on the wants of daily life.
Thus, for instance, it must have been one of the earliest problems of mb-
tronomy to determine the length of the year, as a knowledge of time ia
so important an item in all human transactions. To find the duration
of the year, it was sufficient to observe the lengths of the shadows
thrown by gnomons at the time of the solstices, and from these the
equinoxes were approximately deduced, which were corrected by means
of the equatorial circle. No necessity for trigonometry had yet arisen,
as the length of the year^ of the seasons, and the inequality of the days
could be ascertained without it, from daily observing the sun's altitude
on the meridian by measuring the length ; and the various honrs of the
day could be known by observing the direction of the gnomon's
shadow.
The gnomon, which is the simplest and oldest of all instruments,
gives the height more accurately in proportion to its own. Therefore
extremely tall gnomons were sometimes used, and, although the rague
termination of their shadows was inconvenient, it took some centuries
to make the discovery that the passage of the solar rays through a
small circular aperture would more accurately define the end of the
shadow ; and the observations demonstrating the progressive diminution
of the obliquity of the ecliptic were thus taken long after %he obliquity
itself had been determined.'*' The gnomon and the sphere hild been
in use at a very early time in Greece, but it is uncertain whether Thales
employed other instruments, and nothing positive is known either about
the form, size, or use of the heliotrope and the heliometer. A little
more is known about the dials of the ancients ; that of £udoxas» five
centuries before Christ, is explained by Yitruvius, but the Romans
themselves erected the first of them only three centuries later, t.e. in
233 before Christ ; the sand and water clocks are also of an ancient
date, but the latter are not to be confounded with the clepsydras naed
in Rome and Athens during the fourth century.
If we now take up the astronomical instruments of which Ptolemy baa
left us a description in his Almagest y-^ they arc as follows : — ^The first ia
the solstitial armilla, which serves to show how much the ed^tic ia in-
clined to the equator ; perhaps Aristillus andTimocharis were acquaint*
* Tho most cclebmt<vl of these observations were by Cassini in 1650 at Bologna^
and hy Monnior in 1713 at Paris.
t Suppli-n'cnf, pp. 17 d ff'i.
OF THE ARAB ASTR0N0MEK8. '315
cd with the use of this armilla^ but the same cannot be said of Eratos-
thenes, who at any rate placed equatorial armillas at Alexandria. Proclus
has given a long commentary on the armilla of Ptolemy, and in it an
indication occurs of an instrument which was afterwards by the Arabs
called Ddirah Hindiah, or the Indian circle. Ptolemy also made use
of the quadrant of a circle traced on a plank to determine the inclina-
tion of the ecliptic, which likewise again occurs among the Arabs by
the name of Allebnah, i,e, the brick. Ptolemy says also a few words
OQ the equinoctial armillas, when speaking of the obserrations made at
Alexandria with the copper circle placed in the square portico, which
instmment, apparently known also to Hipparchus, was very accurate.
There is reason to believe that Ptolemy did not himself invent
several instruments the first idea of which is generally attributed to
him. The astrolabe which bears his name belongs, no doubt, to
Hipparchus, and is not to be confounded with the planisphere as-
trolabes so perfectly constructed by the Arabs by applying the rules
given in Ptolemy's treatise on the planisphere ; it is more justly named
iifUntmentum armillarum, as Gebrge of Trebizond calls it. As to the
solid sphere of Ptolemy, and his triquetum or parallactic rules, it will
saffice to say iii this place that the construction of the first mentioned
of these instruments was known long before Ptolemy's time, and that
the second has justly been criticized by the Arabs, and by all who
have attentively examined it. This is all that the Greek authors have
transmitted to us concerning the astronomical instruments used in their
times.
We shall not say anything alx)ut the astronomy of the ancient Arabs,
their practical acquaintance with this science having been scarcely more
extensive than that possessed by the Greeks before the time of Thales,
and they began to make it an object of serious study only during
the period of the Abbasside Khalifs. The celebrated Al Man^iir, sur-
named Abu Ja'fer, was concerned most in the intellectual revolution
which then commenced to manifest itself among the Arabs. He ascend-
ed the throne about the middle of the 8th century (xV.H. 136, A.D.
7lA)y encouraged the sciences by his liberality, by the favours where-
with he honoured those who cultivated them, but above all bv his own
example, because he devoted himself with much ardour to the study
of astronomy. His successors followed in his footsteps ; the celebrated
Hart!in Al-Rashid and his son Muhammad Al-Amin favoured with all
816 LABOU£S AND INSTBUMENTS
their might the movement of ciyilization which had manifested itself
among the Arahs. But among all the Arah princes who became cele^
brated by their love for the sciences, the Khalif Al-Mdmdn-A'bd-Allah,
second son of Hanin, who ascended the throne A.H. 198 (A.D. 813-14),
is deserving of special mention. He protected the sciences as a sover-
eign and a philosopher ; for, magnanimous like Alexander, he never
forgot, even in his warlike expeditions, the noble purpose he had in view.
He imposed on Michael III. a tribute of books, constituting the treasures
of the ancient civilization of Greece, and afterwards vraged war against
Theophilus, who had refused to allow Leo the archbishop of Thessalonica
to depart to Baghdad, and whom this Christian emperor allowed to
live on the price of the lessons which he was obliged to give to slaves.
Beginning with the reign of Al-Mamdn, all the sciences, but particularly
astronomy, took a prodigious start among the Arabs, and crowds
of men remarkable for their works and for their scientific attainments
«
surrounded his throne. The Almagest^ as well as all the mathematical
works of Greece and of the school of Alexandria, was translated. The
astronomers of Baghdad made a great many important observations, and
drew up new tables of the sun and of the moon, more exact than those
of Ptolemy, to which the name of " verified tables" was given. They
determined, with more precision than Hipparchus had done, the duration
of the tropical year, and measured in a plain of Mesopotamia a degree
of the meridian,, with the object of calculating the exact size of the
earth.
It would be necessary to cite many astronomers who distinguished
themselves during the reign of Al-Mdmiin and his successors to illus-
trate the progress of astronomical science made in those times ; biogra-
phies of these astronomers occur in various works, but their insertion
would be out of place here. One, however, may be given as a specimen,
namely, that of JNiuhammad Ben Jaber, who having been born in Meso-
potamia in a place called Batan is on that account known in Europe
by the latinized name Albatemus, and whose labours are among the
most important. The precise epoch of this great man's birth is not
knovm, but it is certain that he flourished about fifty years after the
death of the Khalif Al-Mamdn, that is to say, towards A.D. 880. He
was not a Moslem, but a Sabsean and a worshipper of stars ; in those
times religious toleration was so great and science so highly esteemed at
the court of Baghdad, that physicians, mathematicians, and scientific
OF THE ARAB ASTRONOMERS. 817
men in general ^ho were Christians, Jews, Sabteans, or Hindu poly-
theiat0» enjoyed respect and occupied honourable positions. Like the
majority of Arab mathematicians, Albatenius applied mathematics
chiefly to astronomy, the study of which he embraced with the double
iBOliTe of religious sentiment and as a high branch of knowledge. In
■pite of his religion, which was horrible to Moslems, he enjoyed the
dignity of governor of Syria under the Kliallfs. All his observations
were made either at Antioch or in the town of Rukl^ah in Mesopotamis,
fer which reason some old authors called him Mahomet us Aractensis.
The following is a general sketch of the labours of Albatenius,
which, considering the epoch when they were undertaken, are very
remarkable.
This illustrious astronomer adopted nearly the system and the hy-
potheses of Ptolemy, but rectified them in some points, and made also
■ereiml discoveries, which have procured him a distinguished place
among the men whose labours have enriched astronomical science.
As far as the movement of the fixed stars is concerned, Albatenius
approached the truth much more than the ancients. Ptolemy caused
them to move only one degree in a century, but the Arab astronomer
made them pass through the same space in 70, whilst modern as-
tronomers allow 72 years. Albatenius measured the magnitude of the
eccentricity of the solar orbit,'*' and the appreciation could not be more
jost. The determination of the length of the solar year, in which
Albatenius was engaged, does not appear to have been so successful.
On comparing his own observations with those of Ptolemy, he made
the year to consist of 3S.5d. Tih. 46m. 24s., which conclusion is
erroneous by 2im. But one of the most beautiful discoveries con-
nected with the name and labours of Albatenius is the one relating to
the determination of the motion of the sun*s apogee. Before the time
of this astronomer the sun's apogee had been considered as fixed to the
same point of the zodiac, immoveable and imaginary, and to be beyond
the stars. Such it seemed to Ptolemy himself; but Albatenius, aided
* By tlie eccontricity of the solar orbit, in reality that of tho earth is now
meant ; and this eccentricity of the apparent orbit of the sun was determined
l)jr observing the difference between the apparent diameters of the sun. Tho
diameter of tho sun necessarily appeared smaller in proportion as the dift-
tanoe from the earth was larp^er ; hence it sufficed to know the sun's largest and
nudlest apparent diameter in order to obtain tho ratio between tho largest and
the smallest distance.
:318 LABOUES AND INSTBITHENTS
by observations more distant from each otber, disentangled this moTe*
ment, and distinguished it from that of the fixed stars. He showed
that it was somewhat more rapid, as the most recent observatioiis seem
to confirm. Albatenius took notice of the defects of Ptolemy's theory
of the moon and the other planets, and if he did not entirely correct it,
he at least rectified his hypothesis in many details. His discoyery of
the motion of the sun's apogee led him to suppose that it was appli-
cable to the movement of the other planets ; and also in this respect his
conjectures have been verified. Lastly, Albatenius constructed new
astronomical tables and substituted them for those of Ptolemy, which
were beginning to become sensibly incorrect. These tables, much more
perfect than the first ones, attained great celebrity in the East, and
were used for a long time.
The work containing the discoveries of Albatenius, and called by him
Zij Sdbi, was translated into Latin under the title of De seieniia
stellarum ; but a biographer justly observes that the translator knew
neither Arabic nor Latin. This translation is actually full of grave
errors, and can give but an imperfect idea of the labours of Albatenius,
which were so remarkable. The first edition appeared in Nuremberg
in 1537, in folio. The second, which was likewise inaccurate, was
published in IG45, in quarto, at Bologna. The original is believed to
be in the library of the Vatican. Albatenius, whom Lalande ranked
among the forty-two most celebrated astronomers, died A.H. 137»
A.D. 929.*
The writings of Arab astronomers were but imperfectly known till
the beginning of the present century. The introduction to the tables
of Muhammad Ben Jaber Albatani, whom his translator had sumamed
Albatenius, having been carefully commented upon by Regiomontanus,
appeared to show that the Arabs were scrupulous imitators of the Qreeks,
had retained their general theories, had only somewhat perfected their
instruments, better determined the obliquity of the ecliptic, the eccen-
tricity of the Sim, its mean movement, and the precession of the equi-
noxes ; that they had used sines instead of chords in their astronomical
calculations, but that they had not gone further ; and that in order to
point out new progress it is necessary to have recourse to the European
astronomers of the 1 6th century.
• Montferrier, Diet,, tome L, p. 38.
OF THR ARAB ASTRONOMERS. SlO
The translation of some chapters from Ehn Yunis by Caussin
ID 1804 made known certain observations of eclipses and conjunctions
of the planets useful in determining mean movements ; but the doctrine,
the methods, — in a word, the science of history, — remained in obscurity.
Laplace had asserted that the activity uf the Arab astronomers was
limited to observations, and that they had added nothing to the hypotheses
of Ptolemy ; whilst Delambre stated that their chief merit lay in having
lived seven or eight centuries later, — that they had better determined
what the Greeks had commenced, but that they did not seem to
have even perceived the necessity of changing anything in their
theories.
These were the only notions current when J. J. Scdillot,* sup-
posing the labours of the Arabs to have been more perfect and more
extensive, devoted himself to serious researches on this subject, and
commenced a series of discoveries which Delambre mentions with great
praise in his history of astronomy during the Middle Ages, published in
1819. S<5dillot senior began his further researches by completing his
translation of the manuscript of Ebn Yunis taken from the library of
Leyden, and containing 22 chapters ; he discovered 28 new chapters of
this astronomer in a work of Ebn Shathir, and brought to light advance-
ments of which we had no idea, such as a number of [)rocesses and rules
bringing Arabic into contact with European modern trigononietr}% the
use of tangents and of secants as subsidiary means in certain more com-
plicated cases, and artifices of calculation afterwards invented by Euro-
peans only as late as the beginning of the 18th century.
But this was not all ; an Almagest of Ab-al-Wofa, who flourished
during the 10th century in Baghdad and was a contemporary of Ebn
Yunis, existed unnoticed in several libraries, and was found to contain
the formulas of tangents and secants, as well as tables of tangents and
cotangents for the whole quarter of the circle. These tables Ab-al-Wofa
used in the same manner as they are at present employed in trigono-
metrical calculations ; he changed the formulas of trian<:les, and did
away with the unhandy compound expressions containing at the same
• Introduction of L. Am. Scdillot to his fith<.;r'd Traits den JnHtrttomfg
Aitronomigues des Arabc*^ par Aboni Wiassan Alidc Jfaror^ vit\tu!e 4^«itxJ| ^^
obuify pp. 2fK*<-7.
42 r'l *
320 LABOURS AND INSTRUMENTS
time the sine and the cosine of the unknown quantity ; thus he com-
pleted a revolution initiated by an unknown author, but ascribed without
foundation to Regiomontanus, who had never gone further than, nor
even as far as, Ebn Yunis ; Europe profited by it six centuries after the
first invention by the Arabs, whose works were unfortunately not suffi-
ciently known.
Encouraged by this success, Sddillot extended his researches to the
Persian and Tartar astronomers. He informs us that the catalogue of
Ulugh B^g is really original, like that of Hipparchus, and that the posi-
tions of all its stars had actually been determined by new observations ;
that all the other catalogues were but copies of Ptolemy, -who had copied
Menelaus, and that the latter had taken everything from Hipparchus.
Albatenius, as well as Na9er-aUdin, had, in order to determine the pre-
cession of the equinoxes, like Menelaus, contented himself with observing
two or three stars, and had taken the others from Ptolemy by applying
a common correction which resulted from a small number of compari-
sons. Sedillot also states that the astronomer A'bd-al-rahmdn ^^fi oc-
cupied himself only with taking sights and magnitudes of stars, so that
his catalogue, which had been considered really original, is only that of
Ptolemy with the addition of a constant quantity known to ua ; this re-
mark is curious enough, inasmuch as in consequence of it an authentic
catalogue of Ptolemy can be obtained, and therefore also of that of Hip-
parchus, whereby a considerable number of errors (which crept in as no
means were at hand for restoring the original readings) may be rec-
tified.
The above-mentioned information had hitherto been buried in libra-
ries, and its having been brought to light has filled out a great and im-
portant lacuna in the mathematical sciences ; it has been embodied in
Delambre's history of the astronomy of the Middle Ages, of which it
forms a really new and original portion. But the labours of Sedillot did
not end here ; Montucla had not hesitated to state that the gnomonics
of the Arabs were lost, like those of the Greeks ; whereas those of the
Greeks existed in their totality in the Analemma of Ptolemy, with the
first idea of shies and of versines. The works of Albatenius proved
that up to the ninth century of our era the Arabs had not made any
addition to the theory of Ptolemy. In his translation of Ab-al-Hasan
A*li's treatise on astronomical instruments, Sedillot has produced a com-
plete and very detailed work on the gnomonics of the Arabs ; the con-
OF THE ARAB ASTRONOMERS. * 321
tents and the doctrine being still the same, but with curious and im-
portant additions. Although Vitruvius had written on some processes
known in his time, his descriptions were so equivocal that they admit-
ted only of conjectures. The more exact descriptions of Ab-al-Hasan,
who lived in the 13th century, remove all doubts, and his work more-
over contains a number of inventions evidently due to the Arabs.
But the Arabs distinguished themselves in the sciences especially in
Spain. In Cordova, Seville, Grenada, and other large towns of that
country, flourishing schools and colleges were maintained. More than
six thousand volumes could be seen in Cordova at the University Ubrary,
and seventy such libraries existed in Spain.
It is true that as far as philosophy is concerned the Arabs studied
Aristotle much more than nature ; their astronomical works were oflen
infected with astrology ; but their errors contributed to preserve pre-
cious indications, and in their n^w researches they met sometimes with
the truth. The invention of algebra, the solution of equations of the
second degree, and the geometrical solution of the third is attributed
to them. The science as taught by Muhammad Ben Musa does not
extend beyond quadratic equations, including problems with an adfected
square. These he solves by the same rules which are followed by Dio-
phantus, and taught, but less comprehensibly, by Hindu mathema-
ticians.* That he borrowed from Diophantus is not at all probable ; for
it does not appear that the Arabs had any knowledge of Diophantus*s
work before the middle of the fourth century after the Hejirah, when
Ab-al-Wofa Buzjani rendered it into Arabic. It is far more probable
that the Arabs received their first knowledge of algebra from the
Hindus, who furnished them with the decimal notation of numerals
and with various important points of mathematical and astronomical
information, t
The period of time designated by the term the Middle Ages, which
was to us an epoch of darkness and servitude, embraces the most brilli-
ant period of the history of the Arabs. When our knights, who were
as brave as they were ignorant, followed to the East myriads of pilgrims
impelled by religious enthusiasm, they imagined that they were going
* Liidvati, p. 29, Vijaganitaf p. 347, Colebrooke's translations.
f Algehra of Muhammad Ben Musa, edited and translated by Fred. Roson,
p. s.
322 LABOURS AND INSTRUMENTS
to attack barbarians scarcely worthy to fall under their noble swords, but
they had to deal with a nation as brave as it was enlightened, and Arab
civilization triumphed oyer this formidable attack ; the Christians,
howcTer, brought back from the East ideas which germinated in Europe,
and afterwards contributed to produce the intellectual reviyal. Sufeh was
the positfye result of the Crusades. It is no doubt great, and bears
eloquent testimony to the providential direction which society under-
went.*
The beneficent influence of the Arabs on the progress of civilization
in Europe cannot be denied. Their schools were frequented and their
commercial relations led them into all the ports of the Mediterranean,
where they spread the germs of useful knowledge. Their works, or
those which they had themselves borrowed from the Greeks and Romans,
were translated, and it is thus that so many Arab words crept into the
astronomic nomenclature of scholars during the 15th century.
The school of Baghdad has far surpassed that of Alexandria with
reference to the methods of calculation. The substitution of sines for
chords, and the introduction of tangents into trigonometrical calculations,
naturally imparted more comprehensiveness and simplicity to the ex-
pression of relations and their combinations. The determination of the
variation by Ab-al-Wofa, an entirely new fact in the history of science,
had at the same time awakened greater interest concerning manuscripts
of the Arabs, and opened a vast field of conjectures and investigations to
friends of literature ; but it is surprising that so little attention had
hitherto been paid to the instruments used by the Arabs, who were al-
ways considered to have employed such as had been invented by the
Greeks.
The Arabs possessed not only astrolabes of various kinds, sextants,
and a number of other instruments, but had also attained great perfec-
tion in the mechanical arts. The Khalif Hariln-Al-Rashid had sent a
clock to Charlemagne, and of these they possessed three kinds ; namely,
water- clocks, sand-clocks, and such as were put in motion by wheel-
works. Sihestre de Sacy has described the great clock of Damascus with
many details ;f and the celestial globes made of various metals likewise
bear testimony to the skill of the Arab instrument- makers.
• Montferrier, Dictionnaire des Sciences Mathematiques, tome I., p. 170.
t Silvestro de Sacy, Relation de VEgypte par Abdallatif^ p. 578.
OF THE AKAB ASTRONOMERS. 323
What the attainments of fStxe ancient Persians may have been in
science, and in astronomy in particular, can now no longer be deter-
minedy as their literature has been lost; and the only work of it, known by
the name of the Fables of Bidpai, of no earlier date than the time of
Nushirvan, is not an original composition, but has been identified with
the Hitopadeioy and has comedown to us in an Arabic translation only.*
After emancipating themselves from the yoke of the Khalifs, the
Persians distinguished themselves in the eleventh century, when one of
their most celebrated astronomers reformed the calendar, and adopted
an intercalation, which Dominique Cassini proposed, in the 17 th century,
as the most accurate Gregorian intercalation. In the 13th century
Holagu-Ilekukhan most laudably encouraged astronomy in Persia, and
ITla^h Beg, one of his successors, must himself be rauked among the best
observers. He measured in 14/7 the obliquity of the ecliptic, aud drew
up astronomical tables surpassed in accuracy and perfection only by
those of Tycho de Brahcf
Among Arab writers on astronomy, only few have made it a special-
ity to write on instruments, but the most important of these have been
made known in two very valuable books translated from the Arabic, the
first of them being a complete treatise on Arab gnomonics, and the second,
which is a supplement to it, containing accurate descriptions of a number
of instruments. The first work was translated by J. J. S<Sdillot, and the
second by his son L. Am. Sediliot, both of which I found extremely
Taluable in the compilation of this paper, although as far as the instru-
ments described in them are concerned there was no need of having
recourse to them, inasmuch as I do not pretend to enter into great
details concerning instruments, but shall content myself with the de-
scription of a few only, as enomiced in the heading of this paper.
In my Catalogue of the Mulla Firuz Library,^ where I had occasion to
register 93 MS. volumes under the section of Astronomy, Chronology^
and Mathematics, I found the second part of No. 20 to consist of an
Arabic MS. called the " Nazhat al-hakaik," whose author was Jamshid
* Calila et Dimna, ou Fablc9 de Bidpai en Arabe ; ed. Silve«tre do Socy.
t Muntferricr, Dietionnaire det Sciences Math^matiquea, 2de ed, tome L, p. 170.
{ Catalogue Jtainonne of the Arabic, JTindosiani, Persian^ and Turkish MS8. in
ik$ Mulla FiruM Library. Bv E. Behatsek. Published by (ho Managing Commit'
tee, lb73.
324 LABOUKS AND INSXaUMENTS
B. Masud B. Mahmud Al-Tabib Al-Kashy, surnamed Q^haj^s. He
describes an instrument which he had himself invented, and says:
" I succeeded in preparing a metal disk, by means of which the approach
and latitude of the seven planets, as well as their motion away from the
earth, together with solar and lunar eclipses, can be observed," &c. He
calls this instrument the Taba)|: al-manaie)c, or ecliptic plate, and states
that its use is the same as that of the Louh alittisalat, or tablet of con-
junctions, invented by learned men long ago. No. 59 contains not less
than five different treatises on various astronomical instruments, most of
which, however, have already been described, such as the armilla, the
astrolabe, and a few others, not omitting even the gnomon. In No. 72
the second part of the MS. has for its author Ebn Kishef Al-dyn
Mul^ammad K^j, who describes various instruments, and among them
also one called the Mu)j:^lid-al-samuvdt-val-ar^ t.^. the keys of heaven
and earth. The last MS. to be noticed is No. 21, which contains a
number of instruments, but has on nearer examination not answered
my expectations, although I have copied the whole of it in hopes that
a dose study of the text would enable me to obtain clear ideas on
the numerous figures it contains, all of which represent astronomical
instruments. Of some parts -of instruments horizontal and other views
are given, but, as I could not satisfactorily make out how they might fit
each other, I shall be compelled to curtail my descriptions and restrict
them only to a few instruments : —
The vernier and micrometric screw being probably unknown to the
Arabs, they were, in order to obtain very accurate results, sometimes
compelled to use instruments having a very large radius, as for instance
Abu Raihan Al-Beiruni, who employed a quadrant of fifteen cubits.
Nevertheless, heavy and clumsy as. these ancient quadrants were, thej
served as models for our beautiful and accurate ones, some of which aire
almost small enough to be carried in the pocket. The constractioii of the
quadrant is given in M.S. No. 21, as follows : — ^Take a piece of box,
or poplar, or other wood to form two rules and the quadrant, the former
intersecting each other at right angles at the centre of the qumdranl,
whose two extremities are connected with them. The length of eadi
of these rulers or bars is not more than five cubits, and the thickness
must be one quarter of a cubit, to prevent warping. When these three
parts are firmly joined together in one plane by cutting off some wood
from the thickness of the. bars and of the quadrant, the latter is to h%
OF THE ARAB ASTRONOMERS. 325
excaTated circularly so as to present a channel of about one digit broad
and half a digit in depth, into which an arc made of brass or iron is
firmly inserted, so as to form but one surface therewith. After draw-
ing a right angle on the two bars, one point of a pair of compasses is
to he fixed in it as a centre, and with the other four concentric arcs are
to be described on the brass or iron quadrant. Then the innermost arc
is to be divided into ninety degrees from 5 to 5, the next one into single
degrees, and the third into parts of degrees or minutes. This quadrant
is to be fixed in a wall (representing the direction of the meridian) so
u to make but one surface therewith, the perpendicular bar coinciding
with the southern angle of the wall according to the plumb-line ; then
the other bar will be horizontal. To this quadrant a dioptra moveable
around the centre is fixed by a pin which passes not only through the
centre of the quadrant, but also through the wall. The dioptra is a bar
or ruler prepared by drawing through its middle a line which must on
the one side pass through the centre of the quadrant, and on the other
point out the degrees. Two pinules, i.e. rectangular pieces of brass, are
Bo fixed on the dioptra that one of them will be not far from the centre,
and the other from the limb of the quadrant. These pinules both stand
perpendicularly on the dioptra, and observations of the sun or star pass-
ing across the meridian are taken by looking through the small eye-
holes in the two pinules. Lastly, the holes must be so placed that a
perpendicular line dra\vn from any of them on the dioptra must strike
the above-mentioned line which pesses on the dioptra from the centre
of the quadrant to its limb. This instrument is adapted only for alti-
tudes from the zenith down to the point where the meridian touches
the horizon to the south, but it may easily be arranged so that it can
be turned and serve for the northern side if necessary.
An old instrument for observing the obliquity of the ecliptic, and
for other purposes, consisted of a circle from which not only degrees
and minutes, but also seconds and even terces, could be read off.
The instrument consisted of a circle, not less than six cubits in diameter,
which was immoveable, but within it and in the plane of the same
meridian there was another which moved in a northerly and southerly
direction, and a dioptra with which sights could be taken of the sun or
•tars. There is much j)robability that an instrument of this kind must
have suggested the vernier of modem times, but I do not know whether
any Arab astronomer was ever struck by the idea that a circle or part of a
326 LABOURS AND INSTRUMENTS
circle moving around another, but not having exactly the same divisions,
might be made to serve to determine accurately minor divisions, and
thus perform the function of what we now call the vernier.
For the purpose of measuring in digits the extent of a solar or lunar
eclipse, a dioptra was used with an immoveable ocular pinule, which
had a very small hole. This dioptra was divided into 212 parts, and
their subdivisions called the digits of the sun or moon ; within a groove
in this dioptra there was another ruler having also a pinule, but being
capable of motion forwards or backwards until the observer could
perceive the full image of the moon or sun through the hole, which
was larger than that on the immoveable ocular pinule. Two disks
were used for ascertaining the magnitude of the eclipse, — the larger disk
for a lunar, and the smaller for a solar eclipse, — by moving the disk be-
tween the ocular and objective pinule, arranged as just stated, in such a
manner as exactly to cover the eclipsed part, when the extent could be
ascertained by taking notice of the division of the ruler over which the
dbk stands when it covers the eclipsed part.
There was also an instrument called " the two quadrants," Al-
Ruba*vn, bv means of which two observations could be taken simul«
taneously. On a horizontal circle divided into degrees two quadrants
were so arranged perpendicularly as to form a semicircle if required, and
to turn on the axis of the horizontal circle (which rose to some height
and served also as their axis) as doors turn on their hinges, these two
quadrants forming any required angle with each other. Both these
quadrants were provided with separate dioptras.
There was a contrivance for measuring angles without using an in-
strument divided into degrees. It consisted of two quadrangular pillars
of masonry (see Fig. 1) whose tops were perfectly horizontal, each
being covered with an iron plate containing a bed for a horizontal
spindle, from which a beam with two pinnies, /i,/;, for taking sights, was
suspended perpendicularly, and capable of being elevated and turned
by means of the pulley P. There was another, horizontal beam fixed
to an axle A, and capable of being lifted by a string on the pulley K.
This was called the chord-beam, because it had a scale of chords marked
on it according to the perpendicular line A B, which was considered
the radius, and constituted with the two just-described beams a triangle,
e,y, A,B,C, when an altitude was observed ; and it was only necessary
OF THE ABAB ASTBONOMEBS. 327
to read off the number Irom the scale of chords to ascertain the degree
of elevation.
In the MS. No. 21, Section I. of the Mulla Firux Library, where
the above instrument is described, there are also many other drawings
representing more complicated ones, supported by stands or masonry,
with several dioptras for taking sights, and pulleys with ropes, and pillars
of brickwork. There are also instruments with hollow tubes named
Anhubahy and apparently foreshadowing our telescopes, but without any
lenses in them. I would have been very glad to give descriptions of more
instruments, but as some are merely varieties of the one just described, it
would have been superfluous to enter into details concerning them, and
the above shows the principle and use of nearly all ; moreover, as already
stated, some instruments eluded all my endeavours to get at a clear
idea of their composition.
The astrolabe was generally a small portable instrument made of
brass, and various kinds have been described in translations from Arabic
and Persian works. In this place I shall confine myself to the astro-
labe preserved in the Mulla Firuz Library in Bombay. In the figures
I drew I kept the natural size, and abstained from giving drawings of the
five ^afihat, **^*^ t.e. plates containing the Almukantarats, o I jJ"^l
from the horizon of the place of observation up to the zenith, and also
a few other circles ; and limited myself to the outer shell, to the A'nka-
bat, *Sfy^^ or spider, and to the dioptra, as the ^afihat have been ac-
curately drawn and described by L. Am. Sedillot in his Supplement
cu Traiti des Instruments Astronomiques des Arabes, and arc analogous
to those belonging to the astrolabe in the Mulla Firuz Library.
m
The front part of the outer shell, called the *' face of the astrolabe,"
^^jfa^ ^ I l^j bas a circle divided into 3G0 degrees on its limb, marked
in the Abujad notation ; then comes the cavity which is called the
" mother of the astrolabe," v J^^ ill (•! probably because all the plates,
not excepting "the spider,*' which is the sixth and uppermost of them,
find room in it, as the embryo in thb womb. This cavity (see Fig. 2,
Face of the astrolabe) presents several concentric circles inscribed with
the longitude and latitude of the following places. The larger circle
gives those of Mckkah, Mcdinah, Kash^n, E9fahdn, Kazvin, Sawah,
Hamdin, Zenk^n, Nehdvend, £9takhar, Shiraz, Kazeruu, Bo^rah,
Baghdad, Ardebil, Tabriz, Meraghah, Nahjovin, Damascus, Astcrabid,
Sdury, Amed, and Rey. The smaller circle contains the longitude and
43 ras
328 LABOURS AND INSTRUMENTS
latitude of Kashghar, Khojend, Samartiand, Balkh, Kayz, Tdz, Tds
Shirvan, Asterabad, Kashmir, Al^medabdd, Gujerat, Kambayit [Cam-
bay], Surat, Broach, Junpur, Dakah, Bengalah, Badakhshdn, and Bo-
khara.
The longitudes and latitudes are all given in the Abujad notation ; the
first name being Mekkah, and having for its longitude iSjF^ meaning 71^
1(K, and its latitude ^^ i.e, 21° 40'. At the bottom of the astrolabe
is a small cubical protuberance, a, serving to keep all the pafihat pro-
vided with a corresponding cavity, into which it accurately fits, steady,
when they are inserted. In the centre there is a hole, h, for receiv-
ing an axis or pin which passes also through all the plates, and the
dioptrm made of white metal turns around it. The top has the following
inscription, taken from the preface to the GuliaUn of Sa'di : —
"The intention of this drawing is that it should remain after us ;
for I see no permanence of life."
The back of the astrolabe ^^.A* ^1^ (see Fig. 3) is divided
into four quadrants by two lines intersecting at right angles in the
centre of the instrument, and pointing to the four cardinal points.
The limb is divided into degrees. It contains also the lines of
shadows c5 y^--* 0^ the (j*^^ ^\^{ JJo and o*J^ ff^' ^J»
the words "Workmanship of A'bd-al-A'ly in 119," i.e. \\\
with cf'i^Jl •^^ AAUthe date, no doubt, standmg for A.H. 1119,
A.D. 1707.
Fig. 4 shows the whole astrolabe complete in a side-view with the
dioptra D D, fixed to its back, the dotted lines a 6, 6 c, and e d
showing the cavity, t.^. mother of the astrolabe, containing all the six
plates. In this figure the dioptra is represented foreshortened, to
show how on the pinules a small- hole faces a large one, and vtCMftM.
The dioptra, however, and all the small parts are also shown in separmte
figures, namely. Figs. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, for the sake of greater perspicuitj,
and require no further explanation.
The spider o^^ is represented in Fig. 11, and shows the ecliptie
divided into degrees, with the twelve signs of the zodiac marked
thereon.
OF THE ARAB ASTBONOHBBS.
329
The constellations within the circle of the ecliptic in their proper
places on the sky are as follows : —
V«^1 Ursa major. u*-^' (^ Mouth of the horse.
o^*^l (j»lj Ilead of the fish. ci^^l Cancer.
^1^1^ I The falling eagle.
V^^ Menkib.
f^^j CSJ^*** Arcturus.
Without the circle of the ecliptic are : —
I uiji Painted nose.
*^l (3^ Neck of the serpent.
V t ^ t ^ ^ Wing of the crow.
jj^\ tH^ Bull's eye.
A-«^| v-Ji Ileart of the lion.
p [;i Arm.
LSJ^\ J^J The left foot.
^j»kjJI i-A.Ji Tail of the whale.
iy,^«j| i^Jii Heart of the scor-
pion.
In the centre the A^nkahut has a hole, h^ through which the axis of the
instrument passes when inserted into the mother of the astrolabe, and
near the limb there is a button, B, which the observer takes hold of when
he wants to turn the spider around its centre, which is in the pole-star
in the tail of Ursa minor. As the spider, when in position, is the upper-
most plate, and inserted when the five others are already in the cavity
and fixed by a quadrangular notch in each, corresponding exactly with
and fitting the cubical protuberance a mentioned in the description of
the mother of the astrolabe, and as it is above the said protuberance,
there can be no obstacle to its motion round the centre.
The celestial globe of the Mulla Firuz Library is of brass, nearly eight
inches in diameter, and is supported by a stand. The meridians are
marked, as well as the ecliptic with the figures of the zodiac, and also
the equator, both divided into degrees. The constellations, which amount
to 48 or 49, but have in later times by European astronomers been
augmented by four more, are all given in figures of men, animals, or
other objects, with their names written on them in Arabic, the single
ttara in the constellations being marked by large dots of white metal,
bat most of these have no names attached to them. The axis does not
pass through the true pole, where all the meridians intersect, but
through the Pole-star in the tail of Ursa minor. From the inscrip-
tioo» one word of which is damaged, it appears that this celestial globe
330 LABOUBS AND INSTRUMENTS OF THB ARAB ASTRONOMERS.
was prepared for the instruction of the son of some great man. It is
as follows : —
'^ Made and figured at the desire of ... Allah- Abul-K^sim, son of our
lord and teacher, the paragon of his age, and unique in his period, A'bd-
al-Eahtnan Ben Hasan. May God bestow abundant mercy on both of
themi"
As the year is not marked, it cannot be accurately known when this
celestial globe was manufactured, but, to judge from the writing, it can-
not be very old.
331
Akt. IX. — Three Walabhi Copper^plates, with Remarls. By tho
Hon'blo Ra'o Sa'heb Vishvana'th Na'ra'yan Mandlik,
Vice-President.
Rend April 10th, 1875.
I PRESENT the Society to-day with facsimiles, transcripts, and trans-
lations of three Walahhf copperplate grants.
Two of these were received from Captain Phillips, Assistant Political
Agent in charge of theGondala State in Kathiawdd (or, more popularly,
* Rattywar '). Both refer to the same king. I describe them as A and B.
Both are grants by the fifteenth (XV.*) king SHaditya, and are later in
date than all the other Walabhi plates hitherto published. The kings
here described are as follows : —
BhaUurka (I)
his direct lineal
descendant
Guhasena (II)
(III) Dharascna
I I
(IV) Si'laditya (V) Klmrngraha
or I
Dharmdditya
I I I
(IX) Derabhntta (VI) (VII)
Dharasena Dhruvasena
or
B^laditya
(XII) SiWditya (XI) Kharagrnha (X) Dhruvasena
or Dharmuditva
(VIII) Dharasena
(XIII) 6iUdityadevn
I
(XIV) Siliidityadevn
(XV) giUdityadcva
The names of the kings occur in these plates in the order noted by
the Roman figures written above. The fifth (V'), Kharagraha, is
• Tho numbers pvcn in the above tablo reprowont the order of names in these
plates, and not the proper succession of the whole list of Walabhi kings.
332 THREE WALABHl' COPPER-PLATES.
Stated in both to be the suta (or son) of Sildditya Dharmiditya ; but
other copper-plates hitherto found describe him as anuja (or younger
brother). After (^o. VIII) Dharasena, while describing the descend-
ants of (IV) Siladitya or Dharm4ditya, he (the said Sfldditya) is stated
to be the brother of Dharasena's grandfather ; and Kharagraha (V)
is also described in terms which make him out to be the brother of
^ildditya ; so that anuja (or brother) would be the correct reading, and
not suta (or son).
(No. VI) Dharasena is styled in Plate B as Dhruvasena; but in
Plate A he is styled Dharasena ; and the latter seems to be the correct
designation, as being borne out by other plates hitherto discoTcred.
(No. IX) DerabhaUa is stated in other plates as angajanma^ or son
bom of his body ; but in both A and B he is styled agrajanmd, which
may be his elder brother ; the latter seems to be a mistake* *
From No. XII SiMditya all the subsequent princes up to XV are
styled ^il^dityadeva, but there is nothing else to distinguish them, — an
unusual circumstance, which may perhaps be explained by other plates
hereafter.
The fifteenth (XV) ^Qaditya is the grantor of both A and B. Of
these, A is dated Samvat 403 (of the Walabhf plates), Mdgha Babul *
12th ; and grants to Ddmodara Bhuti's son Wdsudeva Bhdti, Chaturvedi,
an emigrant from Wardham^a district (i.e. now Wadhaw^Qa Prdnta)
and living in Liptikhanda, of the Gargyas ^o^ra, of the Rig- Veda section,
the village of Antarpillika, near Dinnaputra^ in Saur&htra. B is
also a grant to the above individual of the village of Khandajja, near
Udsingha,tin Saur^shtra, dated Samvat 403, VaiS^kha Suddha 13th.
Captain Phillips writes that these were found at Dhanka, a place of
some note in Kattywar. It is under Gondala (?). It is now a moderate-
sized village. There are other places in its neighbourhood noted for
antiquarian remains, worthy of being inquired into.
The third copper-plate (C) of which I present a facsimile^ transcript,
and translation to-day came from Thakore Raul Sri Meghar^jji^ Chief of
Wald, a third-class chief in Kattywar, who forwarded it to the Honour-
able James Gibbs, our President, by whom it was placed in my hands*
Wald, sometimes called Walen by the people, is described in papers about
* i.e. dark half of the month of M&gha.
t On the Udsingha hill there is a fort of the late (Hinda) period, aoma of
the stones whereof appear to have belonged to Jain or fiaddhiat buildings found
on the north side of the fort walls in a monnd, which, as well as its neigli-
bonrhood, requires to be carefally surveyed.
THREE WALABHl' C0PPXR-PULTE8. 833
two centuries old as ^^ or n^ {i,e. *Waleh or Walahe,* a corruption of
Walahi of the Jtanpr^kriia authors, and the Waiahhf of Sanskrit writers.
Colonel Tod was the first English writer who identified this place
with the Walahhi of the ancients.
C consists of two copper-plates forming together one grant (or ddna-
pair a), slightly spoilt hy time, but, except the last comer of the first-
plate, and a portion of the beginning of the second (which have been
altogether destroyed by corrosion), the rest of the plates can nearly all
be read pretty easily.
This grant contains the following enumeration of the Walabhi
kings : —
8rf Bhatdrka,
[A lineal descendant of his] Guhasena,
his son Dharasena,
fais son SiUditya or Dharm^ditya.
The last-named is the grantor. Siladitya made the grant in the 286th
year of the era current in Walabhi plates, on the 6th of the dark half
of the month of Jyeshtha. Its object was to support the Bhikshus (by
providing them with food, bedding, and seats) ; for the service of the
sick ; and for medicines and provisions, and for flowers and oil for lamps
for the god (Buddha) of aVihara (the name of the Vih^ra is obliterated)
in Walabhi, and for the repairs, &c. of the Yihara itself. The following
places are given by this grant, viz. : —
[The village of] Pandharakupika (?) in the precincts [probably
Pargana of] Pushyanaka-sthali, [in the village of] Uchchapadraka,
in the possession of] one Suryaka, one field ; and another field in the
possession of [name obliterated] ; in the village of Karkajja ; one wtipi
[probably a measure of land which could be watered by one well] in the
possession of Ardhaha, and one lodpi in the possession of one Kam-
bhika [or ra (?)], in the village of Indranipadraha ; a field in the
poeaession of [name obliterated] ; on the confines of Walabhi ; a flower-
garden, and Aupakas or wells. Thus a village with three fields, two
w^pU, a flower-garden, and four wells, were bestowed.
Wipi here probably signifies a piece of land watered by a todpi
or well, and the fields are those cultivated by rain-water : this inference
if supported by the present state of things in Kattywar, where these
two kinds of fields exist. And the four wells must have been in the
flower-garden.
Along with the last plate, the Thakore sent also two earthen seals,
and some coins, on which I ha%'e to make very brief remarks.
331 THREB WALABHl' C0PPEB-PLAT88.
The two seals are made of earth baked; one appears brown, and the
other black.
The inscriptions are alike. The legend thereon is the Bauddha mantra
so often met with in five lines : —
This occurs on the pedestals of Bauddha images met with in different
parts of India, and also on seals found in stupas (or topes). The
Bauddhas of Nepal use this mantra at the present day in worshipping the
image of Buddha with parched rice ; and it also occurs at the end of
all their works. This mantra is not found in Bauddha writings prior to
the fourth century of the Christian era, and also from the form of the
letters on the seals it seems to be later than the end of the fourth century.
In some Nepal works the mantra line 2 reads, instead of ^ ^f, ^^
^T^f ; but the former is the form more frequent.
These seals are m a character later than that of the Walahhl plates,
as may be seen from the formation of the letters q-, \f, h* Comparing
them with the plates, the scab may be of the seventh centnry of the
Christian era, or somewhat later ; and it seems, therefore, that at that
time the city of WalabhC was the capital of a kingdom, and the religion
then current there was that of Buddha. *
Dr. Buhler, in the Indian Antiquary , mentions a similar seal, the
legend of which he there quotes partially. The third word there should,
I think, be prahhavd instead of Pravhava,
Of the coins : —
Four are silver, commonly called gadhayae, of very impure metaL
These are corruptions by the later Hindu dynasties of the Saaaanim
coins ; and the present are some of the worst specimens of these
corrupted forms. On one side is a human face almost undistingiiish-
able by an unpractised eye. On the other is a bad form of the fire-altar.
The ornaments which occur about the face on the better specimens are
hero mere dots. The five copper pice arc of the later periods of the
Muhammadan rulers.
• Vol. I., p. 130.
f
THRK£ WALABIII COlTEK-i'LATES.
335
WALABUr COPPEll-PLATES.
Plate First.
Transcript.
The Arabic nnmerals [1], [2], &c. in tho body mark the lines on the original,
tad are put within brackets in order to show that they have been inserted by the
writer of this paper. Those letters and phrases in the body which are bracketed,
thoa [ "]» have likewise been inserted to siip])ly omissions. The letters and
words at the bottom of (>acli imge nro corrections of the corrcsxx^tiding nnder-
Kned letters and words in tho body of tho grant. Other notes require no far-
ther explanation.
The capitals A, 6, C, D, E, F, G, II, and I are introdnced to mark the portions
where the grant A differs from grant B, or where some other explanation is
Bseded. These letters (A to I) mark paragraphs of a separate note which fol-
lows plate B. In other respects there is no dillerenre between the two grants ;
tad a translation of B has not, therefore, been inserted, as it would have been
a mere repetition.
GONDALA A.
I
5imiW'«TbHgK^Me*-*|l<dl [2]
3 (a)
4
(«) On the fieal sre the Icttcrb '* Sri
Bhsurkka." (♦) ^p
44 r a €
GONDALA B.
cTT [2] qiMHi4HJ4Hl4H7qrf%c!I-
1
TS^f^^iNH^^IHIrll [3] ^^
V) K (•) wm
33G
THRKE WALABHI COPPER-PLATES,
m: cRxnTRTPTcfRrfcf [4] -^^KH-
6
^(•^cr^x^,-ni?3fj(5-: ^r?qf5:. ^ir
•s rv
8
3
[5] ^^Rrr|r|Tr5rRTq^?5T3^^-
in^HiRi*i^H<ii=rRf^cTrt?'^-
rir^ [G] Rrt- ^iR^f^ ^^^5"
9
fc^^^ [7] m?^: m^^i^^'
10
II
13
1.1
14
D fe (') ft
("') %•• (") T
4
<
fro [6] 44<HHpitd:Rt«yt.
7
10
q itiHH<qR<i^mci^aHlHjq i o»P l idi
u '
>^?^fr [9] «W[#]?dKlft<l«-
5y5ift#ifm"?yr«i**iir«i*Mt'W*-
O ff (') fT: 8r: n T
THREE WALABHI COl'PEU-PLATES.
33!
K
10
17
Wf^ Prfe^rfcTjn [12] fri^-
18 ^
10
I'qr «ft5rr55rtt3r [i3] m^_^^
4|«<liai<d*qKH*<«d'y'4li [11]
M
(")>Tr (")C (") ^T^fHTTfiHT
or 3^ft^Trfrnnf^ (*'')Ri'potition,
•eo B. n qr-TRf ('") V
( ) Shouldi from tho context and
other platen, be rTt^FJ^: ( ) ^
U
12
13
le
D 17
g^jtarfcRT^: [12] gs^'rFqrif^-
wif3TO<Jt3^5ycrttf?iwg^q5^-
^rPi^:<!:w?K??T[i 3] ftrftTTmr
10
^SRygiff i^pqiff [14] ^f iRiW-
Mwr^HC«l<«<«J*r?TWJI»HHI-
(^') ^^^ 5^s '^ho original is clearly an
em.r. ("K (") T (" J ?r
(") TTr^"r (") ^ (") Pj^mhr
TlHT i^it-' repetition is a clerical enor.
338
THKKK WALABHI OOl'PER-PLATES.
[ 1 5] ipn%^ qi^^ ir^f cRf-
23
JiOTpmcr^: My^NMf^cT [i6]
ox
26
27
^2S
Rrari^- f^iccrf^i%ci5- [is] f^-
2i
«j^qc^f«TcTR^5rr^^c7[c77^^t-
cm^gTH [19] mm{^ w\^^-
30
31
82
"t: ^TRT^nisnrnrRrrc^JT^q^?"-
(") Some plates make it STpPTcHg^-
^V^;, *. e. wlio found out [all] the
schemes [of liis eneinios\
n Pr (") 9 n Mar hi qr. (.')
5q[RRrcrf^i<l<Heii4itJij«4m [i^j
^4iwPr tR:RsrfiiiMH<*i[ i ]^-
ini5Tr#^«nfii4i^<yi<iic|ftHi-
30
21
RRnT= 5"T!W^q^ PmPciciti*!)-
9(
<H^^I^H4.lTVWM41<Ii^t ir»w-
■23
^^: ^fharnre-. ^r^t [is] p-
24
is
^PMH^*<llidKlfti [19] TO]; iRt"
26 '
vTTf^ [20] JJ5^= ^nTRTtraTrar-
n^ Dn (")T ORr
(") T (") vi^m n c
THREE WALABHI COPPER- PLATE 8.
339
S3
gm7<^> ^^' [20] jpTi^^-
84
t!^Wcq|<;iq%iJTcj: ^-
35
iBfenfiRnn=raOT^ pi] q^rrf^.
a«
[5^] [22] q: ^rMmRjTeTr^?:-
* 38
40
41
if^ «i"Hr?rfq^rR5rp[dyHi.
r[:]^n^ <M*II^MCHci[-^^]
(•*) fr-^fiPT (**) Should bo frnrr-
JIT: as appears from other platoa.
(**) Vf^ would bo better. (") !fr
n ?r: (*') Ti
«
»{rll<3l*t^|»?J|f5TITR [21] ?Rr?5^-
28 D
B
m ?rr#icrr Rn^iuiI ^f^inPr-
[23] q^r: iTfmWTffc|'W*«*l*«*iq=
-fcir-dHlI^ffrl' iji<*<j»i=53T=?r-
t-^-*] i^r^: qr iM^f^?ni-
f?il- [26] yd«IH«4<l(3Hd*. ^^f^
(") »4h^=r (") "T
C") r^ (") fe
340
THREE WALABHl' COPPEE-PL4TE8.
43
i|^WI<fi-< j:]?^ [27] TFT? ?-
SI
43
5?r[28] *J<J-5ri1l^li:i^<i'i^>SKHl-
A.
Second Plate.
44
^ »r?rf«^ [-2] f pRT«m^y?frrT-
46
fe<fl^Hldl ' WPn3''^= M^OT#-
iS^ofj^ [28] «rI^"M|»«JH«*ri|4-
^-AAHirtt fe r iJMHVt^ «R»rPift^.
^' i^H^f^rtW [29] (cidlUft-
36
' tJlRldWNc^lt^tl.c^H - [3o] ITTTO-
87
38
B.
Second Plate.
39
<M^«i+i'?MdiH"i^<fciy«iri^i ^?r-
n ^ n tr (") K n ?w*-
q-MTT^iri See corresponding portioa
of A. r)g n^ n^ifn
THREE WALAUni' COPPER-PLATES.
341
Ri-flqJiRti^di [3] ^[7]^^^
47
48
!W [4] *H<lPl"^l: fji^W^pr-
€H*)i^afiicfliHsi«iiuii<:Himfidij-
WgT* ^^ ftf^ [6] q«|wn*<«f-
60
^
SI
w4^rtlddWMH33iq[ft5^Tirft<(^.
( ) A clorical error.
40
[4] igs «ftl^dWI^<sl: rertcPI-
41
TRTiFT [5] Pnm^'^TltgT'^^-
43
*JI*KRl^W<«l«llu||«HIMlR<1iJrt|-
R^<^d [5] R*d^lldq>H<H«iri-
jnr#:|^«*icidWHHij«i'<r<H [7]
tf^-^wt: cRimrt"'"^' «ftff^-
n ^m
n ^7
I
342
THREE WALABfll' COPPER-PLATES.
62
q K 4> M cl^4> [9] ^^^fcTJ iTfSTJ-
63 64
45
rs rv^S
[10] f ci^r^^¥fw:fc!flirrFcnc^-
55
^ ^«po3Tq5E2nfqrcRqrVirr[ii]
66 67 ^
^fpiqccTrf^ ?^5J^f^ %qw-
58
50
60
61
62 63
%Kwf%qfTT:q<*q<i(iMftcrPr-
64
■^^PPIT^-
w^f r)pr n^ ntm
n ST n ^ n ^^
IT
*s «^
46
aflfit5!ra":|Kr [9] (c4ir^4;*R*yi-
qfcTpr: gOTFT^Tf^ [10] ^jjl-^q.
48 * 49
60
<K-^f<dPlfl«(«4l^**=ll^: [12]
*\ r^
61
f?^''^?^* [13] ^^af^^crm^lt^^-
TBBEB WALABHl' C0PI'£B-1'LAT£8.
343
no
06
ir:[i4iw«iij^-^T5g7-
67
^^rVlft+ll^^^n- ^Efc^yRRT^qt^.
08
m
m*Ny<^«im««irtwq4<i [i7] #-
70
^^^trwcnn PiTiswaR [19] »r%-
rW^qnitiirTr (") f (") -r^
■15 r n s
[ 1 5] ^^'FPJTnTOl^ H<^Ny<-
6i
• CV
6*
qtJwr£K**<€KNiRnnr?q^w
[:]wTffrerf=rft3i^iPiqwR<^5ciKi-
Ci
ft^cf [19] r^*<rrH«i?i('JviNc*-
844
TttBEE WAtABQl' COFPEB-PLATIiS.
[20] ^W'
73
73
?tC [21] "^^c4fi«H| y4.c*iJ«lHr-
?TO^f^ [22] ^Tsri^fl^ssf^^OT-
74
("irg^ppn
HtfUim [23] ?r^^3Rmj^^%-
'frsiq^^ [24] sift?n5n^?r-
75
76
^iR^ [25]««^«J|«oij^|^|^|^.
(") grftrT (») f^
('*) s)fll4ldOT is repeated
mfitw fqfecricnm[s]'Rimr-
T^W^: M<MMil<* [20] H4KNI-
n^nriicraTreRrriRr^ [21] tr-
i "iH^')<'iNd<[ ^a m<KR'< » q-
HilUH^KNlffcKN [22] ^K'^*^-
q?T^ ^: tf^^ 'Tarr »r!ir jit-
^^f*WE55RI[23]^«P[^-
WJTl^T^ [24] ^? ^^RT? ^f^-
^^ qimtr^argraRT5?^Vn%
5ci^3 'aranfSfA.^d *flq*i<i?^-
muk^ii ±mi^{l<i>^^^^<^ [25]
*<HRra*«^qiciMt^w [:] w^-
-m?<u^i^^[p]«<Aiiq<|t? ['] ^-
(") sx> n ^
THBBE WALABHI COPPSB-PLATES.
345
rt
n
79
81
r^? ^^irr [-29] ^^zqfinri^
«l3 84 M
ftcfslT^^jTirs^ [I i] ^Pts?^
ff^ U^1^W»Rrr?1iT: [I l] [30]
JRT ^ror IRT JlfiR^IW ^RT ?I?7
«Fw^ [I i\ I QTi^r?" ^rfrgriTin^iT-
^^iPr M mHttHTj.dlfi [||]<^iqt-
DliTt instead of >jfiT1K (") Rf
('•) rfpr: O !«■ would bo better to
(") flf C*) Tr n 'V
■<Wtr€dl [26] ij^rf^-
S8
wPTT «r*4?R [27] fenqr^ pTcr
W 00
fm^ w^R m [30] 5= 3TO?^
^ 5TP% ^ ftfsr^ [31] ^-
346 THREE WAtABm C0Pl»EB-PIiATB3,
86
S^I^K^JT [ll^lll^rfg- [31] ^^JT-
^or w^ ^Rrf?i »Tr^: 3n%TTr
ft?7[:]N%?fftT [32] MVf^-
Translation of the Walabhi Copper-plate Grant.
GONDALA A.
Plate First.
[May] Prosperity [attend] !
From the great 6aiva Sri Bhatfciirka, * [who] resided in the city named
Srikhetaka, the ahode of success ;
who had achieved success in hundreds of battles occurring in the
wide extent of territories of Maitrakdaf who were endowed with in-
comparable courage, and who had forcibly reduced their enemies to
submission ;
who had gaiiied the affections of those whom he had conquered by
bravery, by means of gifts, honours, and candour ;
who has obtained the glory of a king through the power of his de-
voted army [of three kinds], termed ;waM/fl, J [i.e. hereditary soldiers],
bhrita [t.e. receiving pay for service done], and sreni [i.e, man vm*
ployed in thands or posts].
* Sometimes termed Bhatarkka, and Bhat^rka in other plates.
f Seems to bo a race of the later Kshatrapa warriors.
X See the Nitisdra, or the Elements of Poh'ty, by Edmandaka, edited by BAbA
EajendraUUMitra, Calcutta, 1861, p. 118, " ^ ipt VpTg^ft^KRft^^/' oh.
xriii., v. 4. This gives six kinds of forces. In other plates swrhidah or friends
ore acconnted a species of force ; that is, the expression runs thns : — "d|H'<thj||v
rPJjfT PnivPr" ?®. These terms are also defined in the NUiiM^itkha of 5fla*
jEantha, whoso intcrprotations I have adopted.
THREE WALABHl' COPPER-PLATES. 347
From the unbroken kingly line descending from him [the said Bhat^
i£rka], [came] the great Mahesvara [i,e, liiiva] Guhasena^ —
who had washed away all sins by submission to the commands of his
parents;
whose sword even was his second arm from childhood, and whose
strength had been tested in defeating hordes of ruttish elephants of his
enemies ;
the light of the nails of whose feet commingles with the rays of
jewellery set in the diadems of enemies reduced [ to submission ] by his
arms;
who, by truly following the rules of all the SmriiiSf and by gkd-
dening the hearts of his subjects, has [in his own person] realized the
real meaning of the word lUju ;*
who, by his beauty, his magnificence, his steadiness, his depth, his
intellect, and his riches has excelled Smara/^- the moon,^ the king
of mountains, § the sea, Jupiter, || and Ruber a ;^
possessed of the quality of giving safety or fearlessness to those wha
sabmitted to him, he treated his own aims and the results of his own
actions [so far as concerned himself] as grass [or as of no consequence];
he who, by bestowing more wealth than was asked for, has glad^
dened the hearts of the learned, the relatives, the friendly ;
who, like the traveller who walks, delights in the expanse of the
whole eircle of the universe ;
the great Mj&hesvara Sri Guhascnn.
His son [was Sridharascna];
who had washed away all his sins in the rays proceeding from the
nails of his [father's] feet — that being (as it were) the flow of the wide
Jinhavf ;
one whose riches — supporting hundreds of thousands of the fricnd-
• Tho word Rdjd mcoDS ono who shines (from raj to shino).
t See Amarakoaaf bk. I., ch. i, v. 20. Tho god of love : at Ellora in the groat
ICailisa caye (in tho compound wall) tho god Kdma is represented as embracing
Batif the goddess of lore, and bearing in his hand a bow made of sagarcane.
{ The moon gladdens people's hearts.
§ Mora, the highest mountain, according to the Pur&nika cosmogony.
II Brihaspati, the preceptor of the gods. He is the go<l of talent.
Y The treasurer of tho gods : dwells in Kailasa, and is represent od as the
friend of Siva.
34S THREE WALABHl' COPPER-PLATES.
ly — and whose beauty — induced the \('>bhig6mika or] kingly qualities'*^
themselves to approach him [i.e, his protection] rapturously ;
whose innate strength and acquired education specially astonished
all wielders of the bow ;
protector of the old Dharm'iddya [i.e, religious] grants of former
sovereigns ;
the destroyer of evils oppressing [his] subjects ;
one showing [in himself] the combination of Lakshml [i.e. riches]
and Sarasvati [i.e. learning] ;f
whose power in enjoying [or preserving] the wealth gained from
enemies overthrown [was] noted ;
whose pure kingly wealth was gained by valour;
this was the great Muhesvara ^ridharasena.
His son [was Sri Siladitya] ;
who, worshipping at his [father's] feet, has occupied the whole fir-
* mament by the aggregate of remarkable qualities causing joy to the whole
world ; •
* These BTrfH^rif^* qualities are thus laid down in the N<iw4raof K^mandaka
[Calcutta od., p. 78] : —
"^ ^ ^: ^ ^'%^ f^sraRTKrfr I 3rtft«llRrll ^ T^^ frRTcTT tlVll
Ch. iv., vv. 6 — 8 ; the gloss at p. 166 runs thus :—
3TF^/ ^ ' s^^^^g^ •^rRr^OOT, 'srt.-' ^^, *^^' g^HNdi, *^fftp^*
rflcTct, *^' 3Tw^- *T«^'f^^rr§PTV5m?qic!r, * f ff^rn"' f^m srcgr^-
sTRrt^ ^fPmPmr H<^-S|r^'4J ll ^li ^ii ^li
t This is considered an unusaal combination.
THREE WALABnr COPPER- PLATES. 3iO
wbose shoulder is beautified by the brilliancy of the sword which
lias been crowned with success on hundreds of battle-fields ; who bears
the great weight of serious [state] projects ;
refined in intellect by a study of all the sciences, * spiritual as well
as temporal, and yet capable of receiving pleasure from even a grain
of fine talk;
the seriousness of whose mind is unapproachable by all, and yet
whoee virtuous conduct clearly discloses a very beneficent disposition ;
who has acquired great fame by an investigation of tho ways of all
. the kings in the Krita age ;
who, by following the paths of virtue (or Dharma) obtained enjoy-
meat of the purest wealth and happiness, and thus gained for himself
the truly significant second name Bhann&ditya : \
[This was] the great Mdhesvara Sri-Siladitya.
His son (?) [should be his younger brother] J the worshipper of his
feet;
whose courage was not shaken by either joy or sorrow, in bearing
on his shoulders, as the well-disciplined bullock docs carry [the yoke]»
the much-to-be-coveted kingly wealth with which he was invested § [by
his brother who ] behaved towards him with the same respect as Indra
did towards [his younger brother] Upendra || : for his soul was de-
moted to simple obedience ;
Although his footstool was covered by the lustre of jewels set in the
diadems of hundreds of kings subdued by his prowess, still the bent of
his mind was not affected by pride which would hurt the self-respect of
others ;
whose enemies, though celebrated, powerful, and proud, had left off
all means of opposing him, save the one of submission ;
the collection of whose pure qualities has gladdened the whole world
* These are laid down as q^ and dpT^* See also Hfundalcoiyanishada, Khauda
1.5:—
Calcutta od. 1850, pp. 26G.G9.
f The Ban of Dharma or virtao.
X Other plates give it as 3?^, and it also agrees with tho context.
§ Tho original is dsaktaaty but it should bo read as ananjitam,
H Prom this it clearly appears that Siladitya resigned in his brother's favour,
and soatod him on tho throne during his lifotimo ; and ho gave his whole wealth
to his obedient brother.
350 THREE WAL^Hl' COPPEB^PLATES.
who, by his power, has destroyed the entire manifestation of the
force of Kali ;
whose mind was most exalted because it was not tainted by all the
sins which occu[)y the thoughts of the wicked ;
whose exceeding bravery and excellence in wielding arms were famous ;
who, having obtained the wealth of many opposing kings« had raised
himself to the first rank amongst the brave and powerful ancient
sovereigns ;
this was the great M uhesvara Kharagraha ;
his son ; who was a worshipper at his feet ;
who intensely delighted the hearts of all the learned by acquiring
all knowledge ;
who, by his power and generosity, when his enemies were off their
guard, had broken the axle of the moral and mental chariot of his
opponents ;
who, although acquainted with the deepest portions of many sciences^
arts, and po])u]ar annals [or biogra])hy], was yet of a very pleasant dis-
position ;
who, being artlessly gentle, whose gentleness became his ornament ;
who, by taking the flags after successes on hundreds of battle-iield»,
has destroyed by his ftunous arms the rise of ])ride of all his enemies ;
whose command is accepted by the whole circle of kings^ whoit
pride as warriors has been destroyed by his own bow.
This was the great Muhesvara Srfdharasena.
His younger brother ; the worshipper at his feet ; whose Tirtuet
excelled those of all former kings ; who by his valour acquired countnei
which were very hard to obtain ;
the very impcrsonification of manliness ;
whose subjects came to him — like Manu — of themselves, being in-
spired thereto by love for his high qualities, which had filled thdf
hearts ;
invested with [knowledge of] all arts and sciences ; brilliant, causing
comfort, like the moon, and yet whose splendour is not obscured [ lik«
that of the moon] : he is like the moon himself;*
whose ample glory has destroyed the vast darkness [of ignorance]
in the vast expanse of the heavens like the sun — [unlike whom] be is
shining at all times ;
* Like other words, this is a figure of spooch ; thus KaU means orta, dso.
when applied to the king, and phases when used in connootion with the mcMnip
THEEK WALABHl' COPPER- PLATES. 351
versed in even both the sciences of Polity and Grammar, creating [in
reference to Polity] in his subjects the greatest confidence which was
full of purpose, which was the source of very many objects, and which
was replete with the acquisition of wealth ;* skilled [in reference to
Polity] in determining upon making peace, war, and encampment ;
[skilled — the same applied in reference to Grammar — in determining
the Sandhis, Vigrahas, and Samdsas] ;
giving [in reference to polity] command [to men] according to rank;
[causing — in reference to Grammar — udesas (grammatical changes) in
proper places ;] and who has used means to producing increase in the
virtue of good people, — who [as applied to Grammar] has tried the
modes of producing guna and vriddhi] ;
though of excessive valour, yet having a heart softened by compas-
akm, possessed of learning, but free from pride ;
quiet, though handsome ; constant in friendship but the giver up of
the guilty ; with the well-known second name Baluditya (morning-sun)
which became significant, because by his rise [i.e, birth] the three
worlds were cherished (delighted), and with whose radiance [and love]
given [support] to the people ;
the great Mdhescara Sri Dhruvasena ;
his son; whose horned moon- like forehead was marked by a scar
caused by its rubbing against the ground when falling at his [father*s |
lotus-like feet ;
whose ears were endowed with holy Vedas^ graceful like the orna-
ments cf ]»earls, in his very childhood ; —
the ends of whose lotus-Iike hands were wetted by water accompany-
ing remarkable gifts ;
who sustained the amount of gladness of the earth by taking ligbt
ttxes,t like softly taking the hand of a maiden ;
who, like the Dhanurveda [or the science of archery] itself, was
skilled in directing his bow to every object which was the object of his
aim ;
whose command was obeyed like the jewels held at the best part of
the body [the head] by a circle of all the suppliant tributary princes ;
• Tho same words Injing applied in reforonco to gramiiinr, tlit* clause would
•tand thus : — *' formiii;:^ wonls l»y means of HuHixes added on to bascH, with
^n^ihandha,^ [ indicatory lettc-s or Hvllables niarkinf^ sumo pi'culiariiy in tho
inflexion of a word to which they are atim.'hed"^ t ha*, have various objects and
•re reploto with <f7.iiHn.s- laujjrments^ ;"
f This is a play upon the word 1 A-ara], irhich means a lax ad well as a hand.
Af^ r a s
352 THREE WALABHl' COPPER-PLATES.
the paramount power, the great king of kings, the supreme lord, the
monarch of the earth, [named] Sridhar&sena.
A^ Second Plate,
[Then comes Sri Derabhatta.]
The son of Siladitya, the brother of his [Sridharasena's] grand*
father, who [Sri 6iladitya] was Hke Sarngapani \i, e, Vishnu], who had
made obeisance by lowering his limbs through devotion [to Siladitya] ;
whose head was always kept shining by the exceedingly fair lustre
of the gem-like nails of [his father's] feet, like the most fair Mand^kini
[i.e, Ganges] ;
who was a royal sage, like ^gaatya,^ scattering liberality;
whose circle of richly fair fame graced the horizon [literally the
eight directions of the sky], and formed an entire and total halo round
the lord of the night [moon] in the heavens ;
who was the lord of the earth, whose [i.e. earth's] two breasts are
the Sahya and Vindhyd mountains, whose tops clothed in black clouds
appear like [her] nipples ;
[such was] Derabhatta.f
His son [was Dhruvasena] ;
who gave protection to a host of alhed kings ;
wearing the cloth of their own pure fame, and offering him (like a
garland of flowers by a damsel at her own marriage) the sovereignty J
of their kingdoms ;
* This is a figure founded on the word ddkshinya, which means living in the
south, like the sage Agasti, and wisdom or generosity like that of a royal sage.
t The object of thus bringing in Derabhatta by circumlocution seems to
bo this : — the main line of kings terminates with Dharasena ; and Sildditya, the
brother of Kharagraha and father of Derabhatta, was not in the direct line of
kings, but his son Derabhatta seems to have been an officer of note, who had
probably made excursions or conquests towards the Vindhya and Sahyddri
ranges. But his son, Dhruvasena, again ascends the Walabhi masnad. All the
copper-plates since the time of this Dhruvasena date from the camp Khetaka,
and those prior to this Dharasena date from Walabhi. This Khetaka is probably
the present Khedli or Kairaj and it seems to have formed a part of the Walabhi
dominions. Since the time of this Dharasena, it seems that the Walabhi kings
hereafter lived in Khetaka, instead of Walabhi.
J The original word for the host of kings is ^f^, which being in the femi-
nine gender, the whole figure is founded thereon, and hence the example of
swayamvara, or giving away in marriage by a damsel of her own person.
THnEE WALABHl' COPPER-PLATES. 353
who possessed valour which was irresistible, and which he held like
a sword, subduing a formidable array of enemies ;
who duly effected taking possession of the countries of his enemies,
the acquisition of which was made by force in winter [i.e. ^n[^], by for-
cibly handling his bow and arrow ;*
and who has properly taken the taxes from those countries ;
whose ears, which had been already ornamented [ by listening to lec-
tures] conveying profound learning, were further beautified with orna-
ments made of precious stones;
the ends of whose hands bore wristlets beautified by sparkling
emeralds, [which looked] as it were made of young moss, luxuriant with
the sprinkUng of water accompanying uninterrupted gifts ;t
who had embraced the earth with arms forming the boundary line
of the ocean made up of jewelled bracelets which he wore ;
the great Mahesvara — This was Sri Dhruvasena.
His elder brother [was Kharagraha] ;
whose body was marked by altogether unmistakable signs by Lak-
shmi herself in her embrace, as if with the sole object of getting rid of
the sin [communicated by] the touch of other — sovereigns ;
who had attracted all sovereigns [towards himself] by the greatness
of his exceedingly graceful deeds ; who had joyfully gained over other
kings by his great love [towards them] ; J
who has burnt out by his valour the race of all his enemies ;
who gave all his wealth [Lakshmi] to the company of his friends [un-
like Vishnu] ;
who wielded no disease [or distress] ;
who never left the company of the true sciences ;
who played no sports of childhood ;
who despised no twice-born ;
who won the earth by valour alone ;§
who did not sleep among or keep company with the dullards ;
who being an extraordinarily excellent person, like Dharma himself,
properly regulated the practices of the different orders of the classes of
the people ;
• The sarao countries aro compared to boautiful tlanpfhters.
f This i» a figure of speech : a p:ift by a Hindu is always confirmed by water
poured by the hand of the giver on that of the receiver. And hence the in-
trodaction of moss, which grows in watery pLircs.
J Tbie is nearly a repetition, and does not occur in B.
§ Many of the adjectives here used are applicable to the god Vishnu.
354 THREE WALABHl' COPPEB-PLATBS.
whose family was glorified by the standard of his excellent spotless
Tirtue, being lauded and raised by the three worlds, which were much
delighted by his freeing and confirming with his highly frank disposi-
tion even those grants to gods arid Brahmanas which had been spoUated
by former kings of the earth, who had been incited by a shade of greed ;
who, having duly honoured the gods, the twice-born, and his pre-
ceptor, permanently introduced new grants,* was yet unsatisfied, and the
series of whose famous deeds filled the cardinal points of the heavens ;
this was Kharagraha, the great Mahesvara, whose second name was
Dharmaditya, which is but plain and truly significant.
»
Of his elder brother f [Siladitya] who enlightened all the regions of
the world by his fame, which was just like the light of the moon unfold-
ing the beauty of a host of lotuses ;
who was lord of the Earth, whose heavy breasts were the black
Vindhya mountains, like a ball of the unguent made of the black
powdered aloe ;
and whose name was Sri Siladitya, whose son was 6ri Siladityadeva,
who was like the new moon, increasing every day his stock of knowledge ;
who graced the splendour of royalty, as the young Hon graces the
mountain forest ;
who, like the god Kurtikeya, % was crowned with a diadem, and
who was possessed of formidable power ;
who was full of glory, like the sultry Sarad season, and whose wealth
was in full bloom, like lotuses in the tSarad season ;§
slaying the cloud-like [big] elephants of his enemies ;
who, like the morning sun, destroyed in battles the lives of the ene-
mies in front ;
who was a great votary of Siva, a great monarch, a great lord, and
* The word in the original is ucb'anga ; the meaning of this has not yet been
pTX)perly settled ; it seems, however, to be something which accompanied gifts
of towns, because in nearly all plates the grants are given along with wdrcwi^as,
and therefore must be some old coin of those days.
t This was also not in the line of kings, and must therefore have been a
suheddr of the country about the Vindhya range.
J The words in the original have two senses, one applicable to the king,
and the other to the god KdrtiJcet/a.
§ Here also is a play on words.
THKEE WALABHl' COPPER- PLATES. 355
the great king of kings devoted to the feet of Sri Bdva,* who web a
great king, a great lord, and tlie great king of kings.
His son [was ^iladitya] ;
who by his prowess in delivering the great world, which was sinking
under the weight of the waves of the agitated sea of Kali, manifested
his being an extraordinarily excellent individual ;
who thus was, as it were, a second philosopher's stone, accomplishing
the desires of all people ;
who, on the occasion of making gifts, treated the earth, bounded by
the four seas, as insigniticant like grass, and who by his attempts to
create other countries [literally, to create another world] made fof
himself a name like that of another creator ;
who made a place for himself in the world, surrounded by a wall of
fire of his shining fame, spread by reason of his having destroyed the
temples of the enemy's elephants by a stroke of his sword drawn through
anger;
whose royal umbrella was hidden by the ceiling of his fame, fair like
a ball of froth issuing from the milky ocean by the churning of the
Mandara mountain, and which [ ceiling] was upheld by his mighty
arms and spread over the whole extent of earth ;
such was Sri Siljulityadcva, a great votary of Siva, devoted to the
feet of the great king, the mighty lord, the great king of kings, 6ri
Bappa ;
this was the great monarch, the great lord, and the great king of
kings [Sri Siladityadeva],
Ilis son [was Siladitya] ; whose lotus-like feet were set and adorned t
by the rays issuing from the gems of the crowns of all the tributary
princes who lay prostrate [at his feet] by his valour and love ;
• Elsewhere describt'd as ^^q*. Ho seems to bo some great teacher of the
Baiva faith, or some remarkable great king of that name, bat more probably the
former, from the adjectives us(mI. In Pandit Bha^vinliiPs collection of Nop6l
inscriptions of about this time, all the kings aro described as worshippers of tho
feet of Bappa.
VI MKIj'"-'?PTs Ii* vol. XI. of tho Mmlras Journal of Literature and Science ,
pp, 801-30(>, there is a note on an ancient Hindu grant of the time of Mah£r&ja
6ii Yijayanandi Varma, in which this same expression occurs in this modi-
fied form :— " ^f^ f^TTq* ^^tl" JTF ^>T^f%gr^^n% ^TRrgMnfr ^^ H?TT^ qf-
^MfTi ITT HMHrl**Ac., which confirms our supposition that Bnppa Bhatt'iraka
muMt have been somo dharm^chdrya or sage venerated equally in all parts tff
Hiiidiwtan at that time.
t TliiB seems superfluous.
856 THREE WALABHl' COPPEE-PLATES.
[this] was Sri SiMdityadeva, a great votary of Siva, devoted to the
feet of the great king, the mighty lord, the great king of kings, Sri
Bappa; this was the great monarch, the great lord, and the great king of
kings [Sri Siladityadeva] ;
commands all :
Be it known to you all ; each and all thus : — " for the increase of
the merit and fame of my father and mother and myself, for the ac-
quisition of the fruit of this and of the next world, is given out of
charity by me, confirming the gift by pouring of water, to Bhatta
Vasudeva Bhdti, the son of Bhatta Damodara Bhdti, who, leaving Sri
Vardham/ma * Bhukli, f has taken up his residence in Lipti-khanda ;
who is familiar with the four sciences, X of ^^ Gargyas gotra^ a
student of the Bahvricha ^u/chd ;
for the performance of ball [i.e. worship], charu [i.e. rice for sacri-
ficial oblations], vaisvadeva [i.e. offering to all deities], agnikotra [t.'?.
sacrificial libations to the three fires], kratu \i,e. other sacrifices after
the simple sacrifice to the fire], &c., the village of Antarpallika, near
Dinnaputra, in the Sur/ishtra country, along with udranga, § with all
its appurtenant taxes, &c. ;
with the vef/ia [i.e, right to exact labour] ;
along with jj^t^^t ^Tr^rq"; II with the profits iii kind and cash [literally
gold] ;
with the jurisdiction to inquire into the (?) ten offences ;
[the gift is] not to be interfered with by all government officers ;
which was not given before either to gods or Brkhmanas ; which, on
the principle Bhumichhidra, is to continue as long as the moon, the
sun, the ocean, the earth, rivers and mountains last ;
which is to be enjoyed by the son, the grandson, and the descendants
[of the donee] ;
therefore, while he, with the due limits of the rules of charitable gifts,
enjoys it, ploughs it, or causes it to be ploughed, or parts with it, he
« Probably Wadhawana. f Tdlukd (?)
X The fodr Vedas. There is a section among the Moda Br&bmanas termed
Chatniredi, now corrupted to Chdcbdrvedi.
§ See note* p. 356.
II As yet untranslatable : the expression occurs in various shapes, thus : ^^'-
riNPTTcTT! ^rl«*lffTr^I^ :, ^^R^R'r^R:, sometimes we have Hr^pf: instead
ofs|
THREE WALABHl' COPPER- PLATES. 357
should not l>e obstructed by any ; either the future blessed kings or our
heirs, or others, knowing that wealth is unsteady, human life is transitory,
and that the reward of the gift of land is common [to all kings], this our
gift should be acquiesced in and protected. It is said — The earth has
been enjoyed by many kings, beginning with Sagara ; when it is the
territory of any one, the fruit [of gift] belongs to him.
What good person will possibly retake the wealth which is made the
abode of charity by kings, from fear of poverty, which [wealth] is
considered like nirmdlya [f . e, flowers devoted to gods] or a thing
Tomited ?
The grantor of land lives in heaven for sixty thousand years ; its ^
depriver, and the ratifier of such deprivation, shall dwell those years
[sixty thousand] in hell. ' This [gift] is by the humble Agent [termed
Ddtakal SiMditya.
This is written by Sri Gillaka, commander of the army, and son of
6ri Buddha Bhata. Sam vat 403, M%ha Vadya 12.
My own hand.
Explanatory Note to Gondala Copper-plate Grant B.
(A) In grant A, line 9, the passage is ?^r^KlpI^^yiiP^Hrt5•'f^Tf^?r^-
^9f^4«H:» whereas in this it runs thus : ^$dUlM^^t^ ^^fhf^^^ ^l<^ R«^^H^ I
think this reads better, and is thus translated : ** whose power in en-
joying [or preserving] the wealth of his overthrown enemies."
{B) LineW. In grant A there is^^Rd|p!^in{fiti«'-IH»M<H*Vqpr^^rT:
whereas in B the passage is g^ftrTrfrT^^g^-^MiH^^^rTFrHr^: And
this seems to be better than the other, and may be rendered thus : —
" The excess of whose good deeds have made quite clear his very
benevolent disposition."
(€) In A {linea 12 and 13) occur the words ^^?f^r3E{nT^nT> while in
B the words are MHlftr q ft f flqH l H r* Both expressions, however, bear the
same meaning [see translation] .
(D) Line 21.* The word g^%5f is clearly an error ; for the same king
in A is ^X^T* and that he is ^j^, and not vr^^^, appears clearly from
other copper-plates.
{E) Line 21. In A the corresponding passage runs thus:**^!^-
m ft ^ ft d ^4 i rt'if |iTT?frr:" whereas in B it is **€^ff^rfvnPT[rf^nT?T] ^T^FB^f-
IWPrs" which means, ** who excels all former kings by the acquisition
of all the sciences." In the above passage I have added [frt^rftrr], as
it makes the sense more complete.
358 THREE WALABUl' COPPBB-PLATES.
{F) Lines 27 and 28. In B, after the words vfrPRTTT comes irf^,
which does not occur in A, but the sense of both passages is exactly
the same.
(6r) Line 29. In B, after the words ^jy^Tf '^ KH "^ f>vy H "^ there is
an evident omission of fttVfgy^TTijt: which occur in A, For without this
addition there can be no comparison, and the sense would be incomplete.
The meaning is that by the taking of light taxes he gladdened the
earth ; but, to bring this out, the words ^fVf^T<r^.* niust be inserted.
(H) Line 8. In B the words are qrf <:4tft cT ^<»-^H( q P r; T ^^cMJl^ ; while
in A the corresponding passage runs thus : — *' qR'»(rS(ftf«ha ' H TqffrTy-
g l jCHl^iH^^^Hj^diMp I;*' Therefore H^^rn^t^:, meaning— " extended
^nd very powerful " glory, &c., is an addition to B.
( / ) Line 9. In B the word aTT^j^Tpf : occurs ; whereas in A we
have ari^J^TpnTTT ; ^^^^^ is, in A we have the attribute, and in B the
person.
THREE WALABHI^ COPPEB-PLATBS. 859
Walabhi Copper-plate Grant from Wale, in Kdthiawdda,
Transcript.
ir<0^#.— What is put in parenthesesi thus ( ),i8 corroded, either totally or par-
imllj, in the original. The parts marked in bi'ackets, thus [ ], are supplied to
correct some evideut error or omission. The letters underlined occur in the
plates, and the corresponding letters on the margin are the corrections. The
test of the marginal notes need no explanation. The Arabic numerals in
brackets [1] arc supplied to mark the lines on the plates.
i
[3] 5q^^^n5r?^rRTr^[i'q] 'j^<"ii<r ^ '<^"iRit<r ^ fc?idi{)M'« >-
8
4 S
[6] iRcnrr ^"H<m«i(i'>iH*ii5'4.«*[:]qr45ii?y*ii!fH<HHf^d-
(*) ^» (*) ^^HT-* (*) This word means bravery ; but it seems to be
evidently out of place, and docs not occur in A. ( ) ^^I|^|. ( ) f^*
(*) ilrT is an addition to A, which means powerful. ( ) 9.
47 r a s
t 10
360 THREE WALABHl' COPPEB-PLATES.
[10] KHW^imrtfildl tr 4 «i |^ HI H M H>-d? M^myw*iR«iiijii*-
«
^*5miwM^imw«f
[14] ft<jm<H<i>in»rrfy<iHRHc4*<Pi<ft H«Jci«jm(Mdrt^Hift
II
I
IS
^*Hft ♦ ♦ J J ♦
[18] ['l']CTT^r7MdiHKHMI<lH^f^ ^q|^Mmnm>IHt-
15
inam ♦♦♦♦♦*
le _
(') ^nHTT" {*) Hl^idUH In this f!T is an addition to A, and means
(^^) Id a the reading is o^ ; hero it is ^, which forms one oompoiuid
meaning — who has bomo on his shoulders the weight of sorious prqjeoii.
(") 'ftPr- (") In A, instead of f^r^^JfT, Prf^ f» exists. Thepr*.
sent passage runs thus : '* or who has acquired great fame by disooTering tbe
deserted paths of the Krita age." ( ) The two intervening letters between ■ Z
•n<l f^, ^nfr* are corroded. (**) Eight letters after fJf are lost. (**) Sis
letters after q are lost C*) The line after ^ is altogether lost.
THREE WALABHl' COPFBB-PLATES. 361
Second Plate.
[1] Pr^fr[jr]f^4HM^NHi«wJrtHM^ii»Tq-
[2] fcTf ipr"[j]sqjn?jr^5yrgq%rpf R^uw
IS
[3] ^nr ?• qv3Tff^^n3wiTT^rpr?q«nhTgT«i5%-
[5] [r*T(!) Jrin'R^^ ?pir sRiftwcr^y^fh^ jrqwife-
[7] ?Jrw3rwfRivRqi?T?PiRft[far: <Ho4<N<fHHiM^«M&q«ftir:
[11] «<<i-^rj^<^MW^i4l:iM'<i«> ?: qRnic^f^do^^ [ii] w^-
[12] fir: JIW JRT «RT i{[ilW« ?RiT ?RT 1>^ [ll\ll] qpftc
C")"T- (") Three letten lort. (") Letter loet.
362 THREE WALABHl' COPPER-PLATES.
90
[13] f^Pr [II] I^ThMMMrd^ilH cH^ €r 5TPr flfig:
jH<i<tfM [IR II ] ^f§r ^^hc^tH ^^ ^-
[14] ^ ijPTgr- [ II I w%t{[ ^rj^ ^ cfp^ ^ ^^
[ II ] ^cnr^T^niT^T^pnrrs M^
[15] ^rfN f^ ii^i r^ t^ R^i - Mri-^^Aff ft^ ^. V^ ^ '^
[16] «^WI 3TJT.
iVo/e on a Walahhi Copper-plate Grant from Waliy in Kdthidwada.
Instead of a translation of the whole plate, which would, to a great
extent, he a repetition of what comes in the translation of A (see pp.
16 to 27) — for in these plates the adjectives applied to the diifer-
ent kings are, excepting some slight verbal changes, almost precisely
the same — I propose to give below only those parts where this pUte
differs from the others, and also those where additional information,
such as concerning the subject of the new grant, the grantee, &c.
&c., is to be obtained, or further explanations appear to he necessary.
Thus, in this plate, we have a Bhatarkka [Bhaiiarka] ; and in his line
we have Guhasena, his son Dharasena, his son biladitya, otherwise
called Dharmaditya. Their description in this plate b the same as
in A, to which I beg to refer.
In the beginning of the plate, in line 1, the word WalabhMk, i.e.
" from Walabhi," shows that this plate is from that city, and not from
Khetaka, from which subsequently copper-plate grants (like Gooi^^
A and B, see pp. 335 to 346) have been issued.
After this, up to line 17, first plate, the adjectives are similar to
those in A, and any verbal differences are given in the marginal notes
to the transcript. The following is a translation of the part from and
afker the words Sri ^(liidityah in line 17, first plate : —
** The great votary of Siva, the prosperous Srf Siladitya, commands
each and all, [such as] the Ayuktakas,* the Fintyuktakas,* MoAai"
^) In A and B this phrase runs thns :— pRT?^«II'f!Mfd*il|^. Thns in A and
B wo have flowers used up and matter vomited, while here we have the mod
np flowers only.
* 8omo village officers (?).
THREE WALABUl' COPPER- PLATES. 363
Ura^* the CAutabhatakaSff the Kunvtraa (i.e. princes), ministers, &c. ;
and to others in their respective offices [commands]. Be it known to
you all : —
Thus : For the increase of my parents' merits, in the environs of
Walahhi, for multitudes of Bhikshus, for giving them food, for their
deeping, sitting ; for serving the sick and giving them medicinal mate-
rials ; for giving perfumes, garlands of flowers, oil for lamps, &c. to the
revered images of Buddha, and for repairing the broken parts of the
Vihura (i.e. monastery), [is given] by me the villagePandarakupita, a field
situate in Uchchapadra, in the Pushy anakasthali, held by the cultivator
Sdryaka; also the field held by Kala* * * [letters lost]; so also in Karkajja
Tillage a Whpi [a measure of land watered by one well] held by Ar-
dhaka ; and also the WApi held by one Kumbhara ; so also the field situ-
ated in Indrani Padraka held by ra ; also, a pa$hpnvatika [i.e.
flower-garden] and four wells on the very borders of Walabhi. llius
the Tillage, together with the three fields, the two Wdpis^ the puahpacd'
tiMt and the four wells, [is given] with udrang'i ; with all its appurten*
ant taxes, &c. ; with ^f ^ «<iT T Wr^^( ; with the profits in kind and cash
[literally gold] ; with the jurisdiction to inquire into the ten offences ;
with the vetha [i.e. right to exact labour] ; [which] is not to be inter-
fered with by all government officers.
From «pVT?T^3r5rer^, &c., in line 7, second plate, to cTT^JR^^^c^, in
line 14 of the same plate, the passage is the same as in A and B, and
is therefore omitted. After ^,^in hue 14, second plate, the grant pro-
ceeds thus : —
*' Here the Ddtaka (agent ?) [is] Bhattaditya-yasdhs ; this is written
bj Divirapati Chandrabhdti, the negotiator of peace and war ; Samvat
286, Jyeshtha Vadya [dark half] Gth. This is my hand."
• An oiBoer in charge of a largo division, or tilluki (?).
t Polioe officers.
48 ra«
INDEX TO VOL XL
Ab-al-Wofa, 3 1 9, 322
Ahwaz ; (vonquest of some towns
of the, 193
Albatenius, 315, 317
Andreas, Dr., Sketch of Investiga-
tions m Persia, xxxvi
Angediva, Historical and Archaeo-
logical Survey of the Island of,
288
Arab Astronomers and their In-
struments, 311
Astrolabe in the MuUa Firuz
Library, 311
B
Bahrain, Expedition from, 193
Babu Ramdas Sen, 280
Beloochee (Mekranee) Dialect, 1
Bo^krah founded, 186
Bridge, Battle of the, 167
Buhler, Dr. G., Additional Re-
marks on the Age of the Nai-
shadiva, 279
Correa, Gaspar, 295
Camoens, 298
Canarese (Old) and Sanskrit In*
scriptions, 219
Ch&lukyas, lOf)
Dynasty, 219
Chand, 280
D
Da Cunha, Mr. J. Gerson, An His-
torical and Archaeo-
logical Sketch of the
Island of Angediva,
288
On the Tooth-relic of
Ceylon, Gautama Buddha, 115
Dalada, 115
De Bmtos Decadas, 290, 295, 304
De Bragant^a, D. Constantino, 128
Dhatuvansa, 117
Do Couto, Diogo, 127
E
Er&ky Persian, conquest of, 151
the loss of, 165
Espahiin, occupation of, 202
Fars,Kirman, Seistan, andMekran„
Expeditions to, 215
Fleet, Mr. J. F., Old Canarese and
Sansk rit Inscriptions relating to
the Chieftains of Sindavamsa,
219
G
Gildemeister, J., 292
Gorgan, T^beristan, Aderbijan, and
Derbend, conquest oC 207
Growse, Mr., 280
H
Hormuzan, Capture of, 193
[ iv
]
INDEX TO VOL. XI.
I
Ibn Batfita, 291, 293, 294
Jalulu and Ilolwun, the taking
of, 189
Janishid B- Masud B. Mahmud
Al-Tabib Al-Kashy, 324
Jayantachandra Jayachandra, 279
K
Kildesyah, Battle of, 1/9
Kanyakubja or Kanoj, 279
Karncsvara, 99
Kolhapura, Inscription on Maha-
laksbmi Temple, 103
Knfah bnilt by Musalmaus. 192
L
Linga-worship, 99
M
Madayn, the taking qf, 187
Mabjlvansa, 118
Maligava Temple, 141
Mandlik, Hon. Rio Silheb V. N..
Sangamesvara Mdhit-
mya and Linga-worship,
99
Three Walabhi copper-
plates with remarks, 33 1
Mekranee (Beloochee) Dialect, I
Musalmans, Progress of the, 174
N
Nahr-al-dam, i. e. River of Blood,
U4
Naishadhiya, Additional Remarks
on the Age of the, 279
Nebdvend, the taking of, 198
Paolino, Fra di San Bartolonieo,
307
Parasurdma, 106
Persia ; Sketch of proposed Inves-
tigations in, xxxvi
Subjugation of, by the
Moslems, 147
Pierce, Mr. E., Description of
Mckranee-Beloochee Dialeot, I
Prabandhakosha, 279
Ptolemy's Almagest, 314
Pumaiva, Mr , 280
R
Rajasekhara, 279
Ramakshetra, 100
Rehatsek, Mr. £ , on Labours of
the Arab Astronomers,
and their Instruments,
description of the
Astrolabe in the Mulla
Firuz Library, 311
On the Subjugation of
Persia by the Moslems, and ex-
tinction of Sdsanian Dynasty, 147
Rhys Davids, 139
Safigamesvara Mdhdtmya, 99
Sasanian Dynasty, extinction of
the, 147 ■
Sasnnians, Chronologv of the, 148
Sedillot, J. J., 319
Sedillot, M. L. A. M., 312. 320,
, 327
Sesha, 99
Sildditya, 331
Sinda Family, Genealogy of the.
219
Sindavamsa, Inscriptions relating
to the Chieftains of the, 219
Sriharsha, 279
OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC* iii
viz. Sir Walter Elliot, K.C.S.I. (England) ; Edward Rehatsek, M.C.E.
(Bombay) ; M. C. Commendatore Negri, President of the Geographical
Society of Italy.
Subscribers. — 13 Subscribers have been admitted during the past
year, under Clause 3 1 of the Revised Rules.
Library. — During the year under review 319 works in C79 volumes
were bought by the Society, against 419 works in 562 volumes pur-
chased in 1872-73.
Periodicals, — The Papers and Periodicals taken by the Society arc
as follows: —
Literary 16; Illustrated 15; Scientific Reviews 7; European News-
papers 1 6 ; Registers, Army Lists, and Directories 1 6 ; French Literary
and Scientific Periodicals 5 ; American Literary and Scientific Periodicals
3 ; American Newspapers 1 ; German Literary and Scientific Periodicals
4 ; Indian Newspapers 21 ; Indian Journals, Reviews, &c. 22 ; Australian
Newspapers 1 : being a total of 106 Literary and Scientific Periodicals
and 39 Newspapers, or in all 145. Of the former 34 are exchanged in
return for the Society's Journal.
Presents to the Library. — 79 works in 122 volumes and L3 pamph-
lets were presented to the Society during the year, chiefly by the
Governments of India, Bengal, Madras, and Bombay ; the Asiatic
Society of Bengal ; the Royal Astronomical Society ; the Smithsonian
Institute, Washington ; the Boston Society of Natural History, and
other persons and institutions, as detailed in the Proceedings appended
to Vol. X. of the Society's Journal.
The following papers were read during the year : —
Original Communications.
1. Exposition of twelve Hemyaritic Inscriptions, with Facsimiles,
by E. Rehatsek, M.C.E.
2. Explanations of eight Arabic Talismanic Medicine-Cups, with
Facsimiles, by E. Rehatsek, M.C.E.
3. Further Notes on the Age of Sriharsha, the author of the
Naishadhlya, by Dr. G. Buhler.
4. On Exorcisms, Amulets, Recipes, Geomancy, &c., by E. Rehatsek,
M.C.E.
5. Notes on the History and Antiquities of the Island of Bassein,
bj J. Gerson da Cunha, M.R.C.S.
iv ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS,
6. A Xew Chalukya Copper-plate, dated Saka 532, with Remark!,
bv Kashinath Trimbak TebiD^, \1.A.,LL-B.
7. 156 Facsimiles, 140 of which represent Mnhammadan, Hinda,
Bactrian, Roman, Pvzantine, &C. Coins, and 1 3 MuhammaJan, Svrian,
and other Gems, by E. Rehatsek, M.C.E.
8. A Note on the Age of Madhusddana Sarasyati, by Kashinath
Trimbak Telang, M.A., LL.B.
The Socieiif*s Journal. — Since June last, Nos. 29 and 30 of the Socie-
ty's Journal hare been printed, Xo. 29 has been distributed, and Xo. 30;
toirother with an Index to Vol. X., will be in the hands of the Memben
iu the course of tlu? next two weeks. These will complete the tenth
volume of the Journal. It is proposed to commence a new yolome ia
the current year, so as, if possible, to publish during the year all the
papers read within that year.
The CiitjiiXjHf, — At the death of Mr. Tavlor, letters A andB of the
iirst Fart wore ready, set up in type. Since then the remainder of
Vart I. au.l the whole of Part 11. hare been carried through the press;
a;ul the ivmploto Catalogue up to the end of IS 73 is placed before the
Mivtinjc iXi this da v.
Fir: '.v, — Aunoxcvl is an Abstract Statement and Auditors' Report of
tho Svv*otv*s funds, showuisr a balance of Rs. 8.111-9-7 in farour of
tV.o S^vioty, There arx.\ besides, the following sums belonging to the
tu\v;rai^h;^*al S<vtion : —
rUo lV:t:o!\u'.^l Koyohv.ud Donation (^deposited in
tlio i'l\a;:orv\i Mercantile Bank of India, Lon-
don, auxlChuw) Rs. 2,721 6
Uhu4;x\.*»xuU'tlV.rshvn;a:udas r>oiva:iou (deposited in
*ho NA^^v lvi:ik) ., 517 13
4^ y t \ * , ; '' > .' AT, \;\ ,* .' f> 1 1/ ^ V "v-p .• -iyti^- at o .i fheRecetp fs. — ^The amount
um'.»*\sI vui;u\^ ;ho \oar b\ sxilvk^rij^ti.nis of Resident Members and
SuUm^u\^x >k^x Uh U\iV^:^^<0; during IS73 it was, as well as can he
»u.<»U- ou» Unvu \ho A^::v*ha; i:r.|vrt\vi accounts, Rs. 14,090, the dif-
U^i^^uv u^ U\xni* o(' ihx^ \ <\tr nu.ier the h^irher rate beinc Rs. 3, 1 87-8-0. —
vu \uK*» \\\vnK, \No •^^l;^*;v:i ::* r^wiprs tor this year nearly corresponds
i\^ Uv \>»^lv \vi iN\UwH^>&\ jv.avW ;u tbc amouut of subscriptions^ i.e. 25
OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. V
It was then proposed by the Rev. Dr. Wilson, F.R.S., IJonoranj
President of the Society, and seconded by the Rev. J. S. S. Robertson
— "That the Report now read be adopted, and that the best thanks
of the Society be presented to the Office-bearers of the Society for
their valuable services during the past year." This motion was carried
unanimously.
The Rev. Dr. Wilson then submitted the following motion, com-
memorative of Dr. Bhau : —
"The Society in again adverting to the death of Dr. BhauDaji, their
honoured Vice-President, which occurred on the 29th of May last, can-
not but anew express their appreciative and tender regard for his
memory, founded on his high character, distinguished talents and
acquisitions, and his consecration of them to objects of public utility,
not only as connected with his own profession as a medical practitioner,
but as bearing on general literature and science, especially on the anti-
quities, civil and religious history, authorship, and productive resources
of India in all its extent. They gratefully recall to remembrance the
effective assistance which he rendered to the instruction and education
of his countrymen as an assistant-professor in the Grant Medical
College ; as the author of a Prize-essay dehortative of the unnatural
crime of Infanticide prevalent among the Jadejas of Kathiawad and
Kachh ; as a Member of the late Government Board of Education ; as
a personal advocate and early supporter of Indian Female Education ;
as a constant attendant at social meetings for the enlightenment and
improvement of students ; as a frequent public lecturer in the Town Hall
of Boifibay and other localities ; as one of the Fellows of the University
of Bombay mentioned in the Act of Incorporation, ji member of two
of its faculties, and of late years one of its Syndics ; and as one of the
originators of our public Museum. They recognize his genuine
philanthopy in fearlessly supporting the cause of truth and purity on
the occasion of the prosecution in the Supreme Court, in 1854, of a
public journalist for his exposure of the immoral tenets and practices
of the professed heads of a sect denominating themselves the followers
of Vallabhacbdrya ; and in his long -continued and expensive exertions
to mitigate and remove human suffering, especially in connexion with the
dreadful disease of leprosy, by which so many in this land have, for
agegy heen grievously afflicted.
"In adverting to the special obligations of this Society to Dr. Bhau
IMjit they feel called upon to insert hi this place the titles of his
OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. Vll
who knew the Cave-character, in remuneration for his services in making
transcripts and copies. In order to keep himself abreast of the progress
of Oriental research on the Continent of Europe he had not unfre-
quently to procure translations from the German.
'* Many testimonies have been given to Dr.Bhau's learning, worth, and
philanthropy since his decease, as by the public press in India, European
and Native ; by the inhabitants of Bombay, assembled in the Town Hall
by the Sheriff; by the Senate of the University of Bombay, and by its
Vice-Chancellor at the late Convocation for granting Degrees. From
these testimonies some passages may here with propriety be intro-
duced, as illustrative both of his early studies and his remarkable career
in after-life, especially from the proceedings on the occasion of the
meeting of the citizens of Bombay, when it was resolved to ra»se a pub-
lic subscription for his suitable commemoration.
(I) "Born of humble parents in the village of Manjaran, on the
confines of Goa and Sawantwadi, Dr. Bhuu Daji very early showed signs
of great intelligence, and his father brought him to Bombay to prosecute
his studies first in the Maraithi Central School, and afterwards in the
English department of the then only Government educational institu-
tion. Here he had the benefit of the instruction and, what was of more im-
portance, the friendship of those distinguished pioneers of English edu-
qition in Bombay, Messrs. Orlebar, Harkness, Bell, and Henderson, —
men who were not content with imparting to their pupils mere
book-learning, but who felt that the education they were imparting
would naturally lead their students to take a prominent part in the
great duties of citizenship, and perhaps in the government of the
country. Under such instructors the modest and intellectual character
of Dr. Bhau Diiji grew and matured, and he became a leading scholar,
taking prizes and medals in the principal subjects taught. It was
about this time that he gained the prize for the best essay on In-
fanticide in Kathiawud, and was appointed a teacher in the Elphinstone
Institution. His attention was soon after called to the benefit of
travel, and the study of the antiquarian remains of his country,
for the purpose of ascertaining and completing its history, and his
first journeys were taken in company with the then Chief Justice,
Sir E. Perry, whose encouragement of educated natives in all such
uaefnl undertakings is still gratefully remembered. Dr. Bh^u Daji's
enlightened mind and his innate compassionate disposition led him
now to enter the new Medical College then being established — a
Viu ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS,
means not only of extending his physical researches, but of increasing
his ability to benefit his fellow-countrymen by imparting to them
the benefits of the European practice of medicine and surgery. He
became a student at the Grant Medical College, aud was one of the
first who were distinguished as G.G.M.C. After holding for a very
short time the appointment of Sub-Assistant Surgeon, he gave up the
idea of Government service and commenced a private practice, which
in time exceeded anything he could have at first hoped for, and which
soon made him famous as one whose wisdom and experience rendered
him the best adviser for the ailments of all classes, from the prince to
the peasant, from the chief to the coolie ; and while his opinion was
courted by liis rich fellow-countrymen, he, to his great credit, * never
turned away his face from the poor man,' but, aided in every way by
his hardly less able brother. Dr. Xarayau Daji, administered to the
medical wants of large numbers of the poor at their dispensary in this
citv. Kver anxious for information, he searched the old works of the
Sanskrit sages, and examined the effect of drugs to which they had
given almost fabulous power over diseases, and in the course of this
incjuiry was led to the investigation of that terrible disease leprosy.
Much has been written and said about his secret. I think it right to say
that the medicine is no secret. (Hear, hear.) I know that it is known to
many — to some here i)resent — anil the treatment is still carried on by
liis brother. Jiut what Dr. Bhau Daji felt was that in this matter it
was not wise to publish the results until those results showed, as far as
human eye could see, acertjiinty in grappling with the disease. I was
present on one occasion with some of the leadhig niedical and scientific
men of this city when Dr. Bhau Daji showed us drugs, and photo-
graphs of j)atients in the different stages, and also living instances of
the power the medicine had had for good, and he then explained that
he still held back from placing the treatment before the profession and
public until he could conscientiously sav. Here is a cure. In the
meantime he was accumulathig the necessary facts and having the
illustrations prepared for the work. His sad illness and death have
prevented its completion, but we m.iy trust that his able brother will
I)erfeet what he left undone. I now turn to his more public career as
a citizen of Bombay and an ardent promoter of education. He was
the first representative of the Elphinstone Institution that was appoint-
ed a mend)er of the late Board of Education, and remained so until its
abolition and the establishment of the University, of which he was one
of the Fellows mentioned in the Act of Incorporation, and up to the
OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. ix
time of his death took a leading part in its proceedings. As the first
Native President of the Students' Literary and Scientific Society, and the
companion of the cause of female education, he will be handed down to
future generations by his name being associated with one of the first and
most promising schools for girls founded by that Society, for which an
endowment was provided by his friends and admirers. (Applause.)
Ever prominent in all good works for the advancement and amelioration
of his countryTnen, his voice was never silent when distress or calamity
in Europe led to appeals for charity here, and in the proceedings of the
Lancashire Relief Fund he took a prominent part. In the political
progress of India he took great and active interest, and the Bombay
Association and the Bombay Branch of the East India Association
owe their existence mainly to his ability and exertions, and on two
occasions when chosen as Sheriff by the Government the voice of
public approval showed how highly the appointment was approved by
his fellow-citizens. In all this he showed himself not only a good
citizen of the world, but, more than that— the helper and defender of
the poor, and the sick, and the distressed." — Hon, Mr, Gibbs, Chairman.
(2) " It is now nearly twenty years since I had the happiness of
making the acquaintance of the late Dr. Bhau Daji, who has, to the great
loss of this Presidency, been taken hence in the prime of a useful, honoura-
ble, and generous life, of which the community of Bombay has just reason
to be proud. Eminent and successful in his own profession, he never-
theless found time for literature and antiquarian research, and laboured
to promote in all respects the welfare and advancement in civilization
of his country. The lesson which his life teaches to and illustrates for
his fellow-countrymen is this — that, unlike too many of the young men
of the present day in India, his craving for education did not limit
itself to learning sufficient to obtain for him a Government appointment,
or other situation, or a profession. He never thought that he could
educate himself sufficiently ; he hungered and thirsted for knowledge to
the day in which he was stricken down by the malady which proved
fatal to him. He loved learning and science for their own sakes, and
caltivated them ardently and steadily, and with marked success. His
labours as an antiquarian have established for him a European name.
He spired neither time nor money in obtaining copies and photo-
graphs of inscriptions, of which India yields such a plentiful harvest,
and in accumulating ancient and valuable manuscripts and books, which
may yet, I trust, in connexion with his name, advance the cause of
2 a
X ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS,
learning in Bombay. I shall never forget a speech which it was mj
good fortune to hear him deliver in this hall, when speaking of a reli*
gious faith to which he did not belong : he expressed himself with I
will not say a toleration, but with an intelligent appreciation and sym-
pathy which manifested that liberality of sentiment which is the result
of high mental culture. Nor ought I to pass over an instance of his
public spirit. Believing one of his poorest and most humble fellow-
countrymen to have been wronged by one of the local authorities, he
warmly espoused his cause, and never deserted him until he obtained
compensation for his wrongs in the chief tribunal of this island at the
time." (Cheers.) —/fo/i. Mr. Chief Justice Westropp'
" Dr. Bhau has rendered invaluable services to his country by hif
researches into the ancient architecture of India. So great was his re-
putation as an antiquarian that when our Viceroy, Lord Northbrook,
visited the caves of Ellora, he invited the learned doctor to accompany
him, so that he might benefit by his lucid explanations. As a medical
practitioner you must have all heard of the cure of the terrible malady
of leprosy which he succeeded in discovering, and which has been spoken
of so highly. It is a known fact that to the poor and needy his ad-
vice was given gratis, and instances are numerous in which with advice
was combined assistance. Many here present who enjoyed his friend-
ship will agree with me in thinking that as a private individual Dr.
Bhau was all that could be wished. His genial disposition, his suavity
of manners, and his other sterling qualities will live in the memory of
all who knew him for years to come." — Hon. Sir Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy,
(3) '^ Dr. 6hau*s name as an antiquarian and scholar stands very
high. His reputation as such is spread over India, Europe, and America.
He made several very valuable discoveries in this branch. I will men-
tion one or two of them. The value of the ancient Sanskrit numerals
was for a long time unknown. Even Prinsep, that prince of Indian
antiquarians, was not able to determine it. It did not depend on the
position of the figures, as it does at present. The numeral 1, when it
stands alone, signifies unity, when there is another figure over it it
signifies ten, and another still one hundred. Such was not the case with
ancient Sanskrit numerals. Their value was constant, whatever the
position, like that of the Roman numerals. In some copper-plate grants
a certain mark was found, alongside which there were the words 'three
hundred*; and Prinsep and all subsequent antiquarians took it to re-
present that number in all cases. But after a while it was found that
OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. X\
the coins of about eighteen or twenty princes of a certain dynasty con-
tained that mark. Antiquarians, then, began to ask themselves, ' What !
did so many princes reign only for one century V Mr. Thomas then
observed that the mark had minute strokes to the right, and that their
form and number varied on the different coins, and suspected that the
value of the mark was in some way affected by these strokes. But he
was not able to find out in what way they affected it. It was Dr. Bhdu
Diji, then, that determined their value. He compared the numbers
existing in the several cave-inscriptions at Ndsik, Kirlen, Kanheri, and
Junir, and came to the conclusion that the mark without any of the
right-hand strokes signified one hundred, with one stroke it signified
^100 hMndred^ with two three hundred, and with the numerals four
and fiyc below it four hundred tm^Jive hundred, and so on. In this
way he determined the values of a good many numerical symbols. But
this was not his only discovery. There was once a dynasty of the
name of ' Guptas.' Inscriptions of several kings of that dynasty were
found containing dates. One date was 93, another 165 ; but what era
these dates were to be referred to nobody knew. Different antiquarians
took different eras, and the difference between the dates they assigned
to these princes came to several hundreds. But there is an inscription
of one of these princes on the celebrated Junagadh rock, a copy of which
was sent to Prinsep, but he did not decipher it. Dr. Bhdu took it up
and translated it, and may be said to have set the question at rest. In
that inscription he discovered three dates with the words : *' Gupta ka-
lasya/ i.e. *in the era of the Guptas,' occurring after them; from
whence it was seen that these princes used their own era. The initial
date of this is known from the writings of an Arabian author and
from inscriptions to be 319 a.d. Then there was another dynasty of
princes who called themselves Sahs, the names of the members of
which have been determined principally from coins. There are also
two inscriptions of this dynasty ; one of these is on the same Junagadh
rock, and it was translated by Prinsep before. Dr. Bhdu took it up
again and re-translated it, and pointed out some errors into which
Prinsep had fallen. He showed that the king named in that inscription,
Rodra Dama, was not the son of Chashthana, as Prinsep thought, but
lufl grandson. But the portion of the inscription containing the
father's name was broken off, and it could not be determined.
Tlii% however. Dr. Bhdu found out, and brought to light the names
of four or five princes more of this dynasty by translating an
ioicription on a pillar at Jusdun, in Kithiiwad. In this search for
Xii ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS,
antiquities, and in taking copies of inscriptions, Dr. Bhau was indefati-
gable. He went several times to Ajant^ deciphered and translated
the cave-inscriptions at that place, and threw light upon a new
dynasty of kings. He did several other such things, and wrote a
good deal more ; so that no one who wishes to write a paper on the
antiquities of the last two thousand years can do so without referring
to Dr. Bhuu*s writings. (Hear, hear.) But this was not the only
thing of the kind that he did. He devoted much time and atten-
tion to the collection of rare Sanskrit verses ; himself went to places
where he could find them, and when he could not go employed agents
to look for them and get them copied ; until there was almost no part
of India which had not an agent of Dr. Bhdu*s." — Profes$orJt. G,
Bhanddrkar.
(4) '' He had known, Dr. Wilson said. Dr. Bhau D^ji from his Tery
boyhood. He first attracted his attention in the classes of the Native
Education Society taught by Messrs. Bell and Henderson, in which he
especially noticed his eagerness for the acquisition of knowledge* parti-
cularly that which was connected with mathematics and physical science.
He was a favourite pupil (for his intelligence and diligence) with those
most zealous and able pioneers of Government English education in
Bombay, and with Dr. Harkness and Mr. Orlebar, who were the first
Principal and Professor of the Elphiustone Institution, with whom
Messrs. Bell and Henderson were united in office on their raising op
material for a collegiate institution. (Applause.) Under these four
gentlemen, all distinguished for their attainments in learning and their
success in tuition, Bhau Daji made rapid and sure progress. He soon
became a regular attendant also at the meetings, conferences, and lectures
which were conducted and delivered by himself (Dr. Wilson) ; and he
never failed to express his gratitude for the benefits which he thought
he had received at them. He privately studied the Sanskrit language
when he was an assistant-teacher at the Elphiustone Institution ; and
his scholarship and benevolence, aided by his knowledge of that tongae»
first found their scope in his Government Prize Essay on Infantidde»
which had an important effect dchortative of that unnatural crime among
the Jadejds of Kdthiawad and Kacch. (Hear, hear.) The commence-
ment of Ids studies at the Grant Medical College did not contract, but
enlarged, the sphere of his observation and inquiry. With Dr. More*
head and the Professors there he was an admired favourite ; and he
obtained from them the respect and confidence which he deserved. He
• • •
OFFICIAL) LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. XUI
preferred being a private practitioner to being a Goyemment servant,
that he might follow the bent of his own inclinations as to practioe and
study. On his joining the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society
he took a hearty interest in its work. In our Journal about a dozen
substantial articles appeared from his pen, while many other valuable
notices were to be found in the Appendices. It was believed by many
that his name might yet appear in the history of medical science as di-
rected to that dreadful disease leprosy, in connexion with which his ex-
periments and treatment in many instances, to all appearance, have been
successful to a large and encouraging extent. Much of his medical
practice was unrewarded by man. Advice, attendance, and medicine were
by him frequently freely bestowed — a fact which, it was to be hoped,
would be kept in mind in the destination of at least a portion of the
testimonial subscription to be made on this occasion. Altogether, Dr.
Bh^u Diji was a most remarkable character. He would, it was to be
hoped, be a bright exemplar in this country for generations to come — an
exemplar as a student, and ft scholar, and a philanthropist ; and it should
be added, with a full warranty of facts, as a candid, religious inquirer
and bold religious reformer. (Applause.) His courage in the notorious
Mahirdj case, both in the Supreme Court and elsewhere, could not be
forgotten. He had imperilled his practice with many on that occasion,
but this he did without regret. The respect which he had for another
faith (not that of his fathers) had already been alluded to by the
honourable speakers by whom the meeting had already been addressed. "
(Cheers.) — Rev. Dr. Wilson.
(5) " From the first days of our acquaintance I felt drawn to him by
that attraction which links all workers in the intellectual field in one great
fellowship. I found he had had cravings and aspirations in his student-
days which seemed to reproduce that part of my own life. He had been
an indefatigable labourer, yet withal something of a visionary. But what
visions those are which rise before the mind of the successful student as
early manhood and hope roll out the future before him ! Wordsworth
has said, ' Heaven Ues about us in our infancy.' Rather it gathers
round us in those years of opening manhood when, the drudgery of
mastering the rudiments being over, we learn in the society of cultivated
and accomplished minds to drink in the full beauty and significance of
all that science and literature have to reveal. Then it is that a ' vision
qplendid' opens on the student in his moments of day-dreaming. His
dull surroundings f^de from view. Illimitable vistas of knowledge to
Xiv ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS,
be gained and honours to be won open out to his mind's eje, and vague
bright hopes are borne in to him on the wings of a joung imagination*
He would take all learning for his province» and compass with his life
the task of ages. In such dreams had Bhau Daji indulged, and when
he spoke all he had hoped to do my spirit leaped in sympathy. He
had seen all this ' fade into the light of common day/ as all of us hare
or are destined to see it. But these musings were not all unpractical.
They had revealed ghmpses of an intellectual paradise, which having
seen he could no longer view with the longings of a baser nature the
vulgar rewards which for so many are the chief good this world sup-
plies. He gained an ideal of the man of learning, which kept him
through life independent, firm in integrity, in openness of mind, and
kindliness of heart. He had difficulties to overcome in acquiring the m-
diments of learning, which have been well described to the meeting. But
he also enjoyed an inestimable advantage. I would not be understood
to disparage the educational system now at work, or the teachers who
work it ; but there appears to have been in the infant days of Britiah
culture in Bombay an energy, an elasticity, a hopefulness and confidence
which now somehow are wanting. All institutions as they grow older
become more and more imbedded in traditions. Proprieties press down
with leaden influence on all spontaneousness, and mechanism takes
the place of nature. In earlier days this was not so. There was more
faith, more dependence on the one side, responded to by a more fnll
outflow of the teacher's whole being on the other. There was an inter-
course of mind with mind, an approach of soul to soul, which, when
the teacher is worthy of his position, affords the highest of all training.
Of all this I speak from tradition, but the tradition cannot be whoUj
wrong when it is corroborated by such results as appear in the life of
Bhiu Daji, and of some who yet survive to do credit to their teachers, aa
I trust, for at least another generation. Under such teaching. Dr. Bhin
D^ji easily triumphed over all disadvantages. He not only acquired
learning but manliness, a contempt for all tinsel pretences, and a love
for thoroughness of work which was essential in his future career. In
this spirit he entered on the study of medicine, and how successfully he
prosecuted that study you have already been told. He had an ideal to
satisfy, and a truthful, modest nature. His ability thus got fair plaj»
and placed him ere long in the front rank of his profession. Meanwhile
he was becoming a philologer. His labours no doubt were impeded
by professional work, but for this even there was a compensation. If
we look back on the intellectual gains of the last half-century, and k-
OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC* XV
qoire into their history, we find they are in the main due to the appli-
cation to matters of scholarship of the methods of investigation de-
Teloped by the followers of physical science. Bh£u D^ji had worked
in this field, had saturated his mind with the spirit that reigned there.
Thus he came armed to cope with the difficulties that beset an investi-
gation of Indian antiquities. What he achieved in this way has been
shadowed forth to you. I could not pretend to do it justice, but I will
just observe that the means by which, as Professor Bhdn^^rkar has
described, he arrived at a solution of the problem presented by the
mysterious numeral sign, affords a true instance of philosophic working
according to the method of difference. His labours have been brought
to an untimely close, but they have gained him a high and honourable
place in the records of learning. His versatility of talent and devotion
to intellectual pursuits are somewhat rare in every country. In India,
so far as I know, Bh^u Daji's life and example are almost unique. And
there is a point connected with them on which I may be allowed to dwell.
He affords an example which the peculiar circumstances of society
in this country make specially necessary, specially valuable." — Hon.
Mr. Justice West.
(6) '* The chief characteristic of Dr. Bhdu D^ji was an unstinted
sympathy. This had been referred to by many speakers with regard to
its being shown in Dr. Bh^u's medical practice, and his constant readi.
ness to assist others ; and it was not only apparent in these, but in every
thing he could lay his hands to on behalf of the public. He (Mr. Wood)
remembered how on one occasion he heard Dr. Bh^iu Daji, with very
strong feeling, quote one of the aphorisms or institutes of Asoka.
These were the words, ' the heart of Buddha was filled with infinite
pity.' Though we may find many similar texts in the Christian
Scriptures, this, coming from Dr. Bh^u as it did, struck him (Mr.
Wood) very much. And, as they all knew, this sentiment or principle
was apparent in Dr. Bh^u's daily life and actions. He would just
mention one instance of this which had come under his notice. Little
more than half a year ago, and when, as they knew. Dr. Bh^u was
Ijring prostrate and powerless, news came that an assistant of his,
engaged in archaeological exploration, had been taken ill with fever on
his way to Nepdl ; and Dr. Bhdu D^ji knew very well the dangerous
nature of the Terai fever. This man is a Gujarat Br^man, Bhag-
wlnlal by name, and well known to many of them as one who, under
Dr. Bh^u*8 direction, had acquired great skill in the copying and de-
ciphering of ancient inscriptions. Well, Dr. Bhau sent a pressing
XVI ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY S PROCEBDINGS,
mesaage to him (Mr. Wood) to come a.Dd see him on Borao
business, which proved to be about this matter. He could not deKrfl
the strong feeling, he might aay the loye, with which Dr. Bh£u spol
of this man, and how keen was the aniiety which he espressed because
of this assistant being e^ipoacd to mortal danger on his account. The
paralyzed doctor said he would do anything he could to rescue him,
and he tossed with restlessness in his anxiety to do something. The
sick man was an immense distance off, and of course nothing could be
done but to make inquiry by writing to the Resident. This was done,
and in due time a kind answer was received from Mr. Girdlestone,
saying that on search being made, Bhagwan was found lodged at one
of the temples with some of his caste-people, and though it was true
he had the fever, he was then recovering, and had escaped from its
worst effects. The Ilesideut at oiicc sent medical assistance to him,
These tidings being given to Dr. Qhuu D^ji, he was delighted and hU
mind relieved," — Mr. W. M. Wood.
(7) Thf Hon'bte Mr. Jugtiae Gibbi, Vice -Chan eel lor, at theC<
vocation of the University of Bombay, spoke tbiis : —
"Aa I told the students at the Grant College a few days ago,
do uot consider the important fact that their real edncation only
commences, that unless they are content simply to exist, and d
desire to grow, they must ever continue apt to lenrn, I am told
in some of the examinations iu the higher grades the examiners find
men coming up time alter time, and failing on each successive OHXtasion
more signally than before. Those who enter on the liberal professi(
and bare to earn their bread by their skill are obliged in some degi
to keep pace with the times, but those who enter the service of
State are too apt to rest content with their lot, and find in their di
otEce routine sufficient for them. Let me warn all against leading sui
lazy lives. Take example from the late Dr. Bhilu Diiji ; look wl
he has done for his country ; how he studied its early history and il
ancient languages, and gave the results of his inquiries to the scionti&c
world ; how he made deep research into the hidden mysteries of Sana-
knt lore and culled therefrom additional benefits for his deceased fellow-
countrymeu ! He studied and searched the past for the benefit of the
present and future. Let all take esample from this distinguished
man's career, — not the medical graduate only, but the lawyer and the
civil engineer. Looking at the records of old, both to writings and
buildings, we may indeed say, ' there were giants in those daya.'
Let it be the pride and satisfaction of this University to find it§ gn-
dhU
]
find
sioa
m
tific '
OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. XVU
duates, not» as was ably pointed out by one of the leading Anglo-
Teraacular papers a few months ago^ pennitting their exclusiyely English
education to lead them to deny Uie existence of science and art among
their ancestors; not falling behind the alumni of the older educational
institutions of the Presidency ; but, following diligently those pioneers
of the study of the past, let it be said that they perfected what others
began, and that the UniTersity of Bombay has sent out not mere
pedants, much less conceited half-educated striplings, but men who in
the state, on the bench, or at the bar, as architects or as physicians,
prove themselves, as Dr. BhAu Diji did, worthy of their education,
beloved and respected in their lives, and in their deaths honoured
and deplored." (Loud applause.)
After the above documents were submitted, it was unanimously
agreed to insert them in the Proceedings of the meeting.
It was then proposed by the Rev. Dr. Wilson, seconded by Mr.
Manockjee Cursetjee, and unanimously carried — ** That the following
gentlemen be elected as the Committee for the year 1875 : —
Committee of Management.
Preiideni : The Honourable James Gibbs, F.R.G.S.
Vic&'Prendenti : The Honourable Mr. Justice West, B.A.,
F.R.6.S. ; the Honourable Rio Siheb Vishvanath N. Mandlik;
Surgeon-General W. Thom, F.R.C.S. ; Col. J. A. Ballard, C.B., RE.
Members : W. Loudon, Esq.; E. T. Leith, Esq., LL.M. ; Prof. R.G.
Bhindarkar, M.A. ; Lieut. H. Morland, I.N., F.R.A.S., F.R.G.S.;
N4riyan Daji, Esq., G.G.M.C. ; Javerilal Umiashankar, Esq.;
J. A. Forbes, Esq.; Surgeon-Major W.Dymock,B. A.; Rev. D.C.Boyd,
M.A. ; C.E. Fox, Esq., M.A. ; Dhanjibhai Framji, Esq. ; J. G. daCunha,
Esq., M.R.C.S.
Secretaries : The Honourable Rio S^heb Vishvanith NMyai^
Mandlik; Surgeon-Major O. Codrington, F.R.M.S.
Auditors : Thomas Lidbetter, Esq. ; ktm&tim ^kr^^\xxwa%^ Esq.,
G.G.M.C.
The following new Periodicals were ordered : — Hindu Patriot^
Calcutta ; Mookerjee^s Magazine^ Calcutta ; Madras Athenaum instead
of Madras Times,
The following were ordered to be discontinued : — Journal des
DSbatSf Norderdeutschf New York Herald^ Poona Observer, Scindian,
Once a Week, Australian Illustrated News.
3 a
XTIU
Dr.
BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE
STATEMENT of INCOME and EXPENDITUBE
1874.
Amoont.
DeaSlft
Balanoe of lait year ...
SabsoriDiioiiB of Basident Membeni..
Bs. a. p.
10,477 8
565
2,800
42500
Bs. a. p.
2,950 9 4
14,267 8
710
4^00
184 6
67 4 8
18
Ditto Non-Besident Members
Ditto Life-Hemben
Ditto to tho Librarv ..^. .....<.•.......
SnbscriDtionB in arreoni for 1872 ....tt tt-.tt-t
15
695
Ditto ditto for 1878
OovArnmoiit Oontribntion ..tt---t
Jmim&l ■R.lA.nfYMAfidfi
(hah Balanoe of the Geographical Society
Sale-proceedi of old Papers and Boxes
22,281 4
Examined and fonnd correct.
THOMAS LIDBETTER, > , ^.
S Attditon*
ATMARAM PANDUEANG, j
Bombay^ Town Bali, Ui January 1875.
XIX
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.
from Xst January to Qlst December 1874.
Or.
1874.
Amonat.
Deo. Slat
Office Establishment
Postage and Beoeipt Stamps
Shipping Ghargea
Stationery
Genera] Charges
Purchase of Books and Pablioations
Subscription to Newspapers and Periodicals ...
Binding Gharges
Advertising and Printing Charges
Compassionate Allowance
Dead Stock purchased
Silver Coins purchased
Premium on Govemment^Paper paid
Interest paid on ditto
Balance : —
In the New Bank of Bombay.
In hand
Government Four per cent. Paper
Bs. a. p.
7,091 8 8
185 10 9
54 18
827 8 6
2,084 8 10
926 11
769 14 6
418 12
1,872 2
220
2 8
84 12
90
46 7 2
6,101 12 8
9 12 11
2,000
E. £.
Bs. a. p.
14,119 10 6
8,111 9 7
22,281 4
VISHVANATH N. MANDLIK,
Vice-President and Joint Secretary.
LIST OF MEMBERS
OF THE
BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.
Patron.
The Honourable Sir Philip E. Woderouse, K.C«B., Gorcmor.
• Fice'Patrtmi,
The Honourable Sir M. R. Westropp, Knight.
The Rt. ReT. H. A. Douglas, D.D., Bisbc^ of Bombay.
Honorary President.
The ReT. John Wilson, DJ)., F.B.S.
Prmdtnt,
The HonoralHe James Gibbs, F.R.G.S*
Fiee'PreMidenU.
The Hod. Mr. Justice West, B.A.,
F.R.G.S.
The Hon. Rdo S^eb Vishrandth
N. Man^Uk.
CoMMriTEE OF MaNAGEMBJIT*
Members.
Surg..Genl. W. Thorn. F.B.C.8.
Colonel J. A. BaUard, C^^ R.E.
J. A. Forbes, Esq.
Surgeon-Major W. DymodLt B.A.
Rev. D. C. Boyd, M.A.
C. E. Fox, Esq., M.A.
Dhanjibhai Fr^ji, Esq*
J. G. da Conha, Esq., M.B.C.8.
W. Loudon, Esq*
£. T. Leith, Esq., LL.M.
Prof. R. G. Bhandarkar, M.A.
Lieut. H. Morland, LN.,F.R.A«S.,
FH.G.S.
NMjan Daji, Esq., G.G.M.C.
Jayerilal Umiishankar, Esq.
Secretaries.
The Hon. lUo SAheb Vishvanith I Surgeon-Major O. CodriogtoOy
Nariyan Mandlik. ■ F.R.M.S.
Auditors.
•
Tbomas Lidbetter, Esq. I Atmirim Pi9<|anui^ EH->
I G.G.M.C.,
U8T OF MKMfiKBS.
List oj Rendeni Memben/or 1874.
Year of
Election.
1840 Manockji Cunetji, Esq.
1845 H. P. St. George Tucker,
Esq.
1846 Lestock Reid, Esq.
1847 The Hon'ble Sir Jamsetjee
Jejeebhoy.
99 Manmohandas Devidas, Esq.
1850 Dhanjibhoy Framji, Esq.
1854 S. Carralho, Esq.
„ R. A. Dallas, Esq.
1855 YinayakraoWasudeoji, Esq.
1857 Sir Mangaldas Nathubhoy.
1860 J.A.Forbes, Esq.
„ J. M. Maclean, Esq.
,t The RcT. D. Macpherson.
M The Hon*ble James Gibbs.
1861 Framji Nussurwanji, Esq.
„ Cursetji Rustamji Cama,
Esq.
,9 W. Loudon, Esq.
9, The Honourable Rao Saheb
Vishyanath N. Mandlik.
,, Surgeon-Greneral W. Thorn.
1863 Cumroodeen Tyabji, Esq.
99 The Honourable Mr. Justice
Green.
,, The Hon'ble Mr. Justice
R. West.
,, The Hon'ble Bir. Justice
R. H. Pinhey.
„ Harichand Sadasewji, Esq.
99 Jayerilal Umiashankar, Esq.
,, Cursetji Fardunji Farakh,
Esq.
„ F. F. Arbuthnot, Esq.
9, Manockji Sorabji Ashbur-
ner, Esq.
ft
»>
f»
>9
»»
»»
9»
»
ff
Year of
Election.
1863 Buijoiji Sorabji Ashbumer,
Esq.
,, The Hon'ble A. R. Scoble.
„ The Rey. R. Stothert.
William Dymod^, Esq.
Dhirajlal Mathuradas, Esq.
1864 The Honourable Mr* Justice
Bayley.
Nowroji Manockji Wadia,
Esq.
O. A. Eittredge, Esq.
Byramji Jejeebhoy, Esq.
A. C. Oumpert, Esq.
Cursetji Nnssurwanji Cama,
Esq.
Shantaram Narayan, Esq.
Ardaseer Cursetji Furdoonji,
Esq.
t, 6. 8. Lynch, Esq.
„ W. Niyen, Esq., M.D.
„ Colonel J. A. Ballard, C.B.
1865 The Rey. W. Maule.
The Rey. D. C. Boyd.
Sorabji Framji Patell, Esq.
Atmaram Pandurang, Esq.
F. Mathew, Esq.
Narayan Daji, Esq.
Hamilton Maxwell, Esq.
„ A. W. Forde, Esq.
„ T. B. Johnstone, Esq.
Henry Cleyeknd, Esq.
W. M. Wood, Esq.
,9 E. D. Sassoon, Esq.
C. E. Benn, Esq.
Brigadier-General J. S. Gell.
Yandrawandas Purshotam-
das. Esq.
»f
»
»>
>»
19
19
99
99
>9
99
xxu
LIST OP ICIMBEBS.
>9
»
9>
9>
>9
>9
Tear of
Election.
1866 Charles Currey, Esq.
,, D. Watson, Esq.
„ R. L. Crawford, Esq.
E. B. Carroll, Esq.
Janardhan Gopalji, Esq.
T. Ormiston, Esq.
Captain G. F. Henry.
C. 11. Reynolds, Esq.
Ramcrishna Gopal Bhan-
darkar, Esq.
„ W. G. Hnnter, Esq., M.D.
1867 The Rev. G. C. Reynell.
D. Graham, Esq.
Dr. F. G. Joynt.
Dustoor Jamasji Mancherji.
C. P. Cooper, Esq.
G. H. Farran, Esq.
„ John Westlake, Esq.
T. E. Taylor, Esq.
T. B. Kirkham, Esq.
P. F. Gomes, Esq.
„' C. Peile, Esq.
R. M. A. Branson, Esq.
Thomas Lidbetter, Esq.
Moraijee Gokaldas, Esq.
1868 E. T. Leith, Esq.
„ Kahandas Mancharam, Esq.
„ The Hon'ble Nacoda Maho-
med All Rogay.
C. A. Langley, Esq.
F. R. S. Wyllie, Esq.
Surgeon-Major J. Lums-
daine.
M. R. D'Quadros, Esq.
R. M. MacLean, Esq.
J. C. Lisboa, Esq.
C. E. Fox, Esq.
„ James Burgess, Esq.
99
»>
»>
»
M
it
>9
91
99
99
»>
99
99
99
99
9t
99
99
99
91
99
Tear of
Election.
1868 Perozshaw M. Mehta, Esq.
1869 Edward Walker, Esq.
„ A. £. Ashley» Esq.
„ W. F. Peel, Esq.
„ F. L. Latham, Esq.
„ F. W. Doolittlc, Esq., M.D.
L. P. D'RosArio, Esq.
Cursetji Manockji Cursetji,
Esq.
Sorabji Shapooiji Bengalee,
Esq.
„ John Dixon, Esq.
1870 The Rer. J. S. S. Robert-
son.
„ J. Jardme, Esq.
„ The Right Rev. H. A.
Douglas.
„ HormuBJiArdaseerSnntooky
Esq.
„ The Hon'ble Sir M. R.
Westropp.
H. P. LeMesarier, Esq.
Yinayek Ramchandra Lnx-
umon, Esq.
„ The Hon'bleMr. JnstiGe
Eemball.
„ James Simpson, Esq.
„ Robert Swing, Esq.
1871 W. Fraser, Esq.
J. Q. Pigot, Esq.
Thakordas Atmaram Mehta,
Esq.
„ J. A. Cassels, Esq.
„ Bomonji Cursetji Cawaqi,
Esq.
J. Jefferson, Esq.
Shapoorji Honnusji Phatakr
Esq.
99
99
99
99
99
99
UST OP MEMBEBS.
•• •
XZIU
19
99
99
99
99
99
99
99
Year of
Election.
1871 C. A. Stuart, Esq.
1872 The Hon'ble Mr. Justice
Marriott.
J. M. Campbell, Esq.
J. L. Kipling, Esq.
His Excellency Sir P. E.
Wodehouse, K.C.B.
J. B. Paterson, Esq.
John Gordon, Esq.
1873 Surgeon-Major T. E. P.
Martin.
The Hon'ble A. Rogers.
Surgeon-Major O. Codring-
ton.
J. G. DaCunha, Esq.
„ A. AUardjce, Esq.
», The Hon'ble Mr. Justice
Nanabhai Haridas.
W. G. Hall, Esq.
J. W. Orr, Esq.
G. H. Traill, Esq.
The Hon'ble J. K. Bythell.
P. Ryan, Esq.
Dhirajram Dalpatram, Esq.
Dinshaw Manockji Petit,
Esq.
„ J. McDonald, Esq.
J. Macfarlane, Esq.
Captain Henry Morland.
Lieutenant W. L. Searle.
Sorabji Jamsetji Jejeebhoy,
Esq.
Vurjivandas Madhowdas,
Esq.
R. G. Walton, Esq.
1874 H. Conder, Esq.
M Major J. H. White.
„ T. W. Wood, Esq.
99
99
99
99
99
99
99
99
99
99
99
99
99
99
99
99
99
Year of
Election.
1874 A. Buchanan, Esq.
9t Kashinath Trimbak Telang,
Esq.
,, Byramji Nussurwanji Sinrai,
Esq.
N. Spencer, Junior, Esq.
H. Gamble, Esq.
Captain W. P. Walsh.
W. Forrest, Esq.
„ David Finlayson, Esq.
» Javerilal Umiashankar Taj-
nik, Esq.
„ Cursetji Jehangiijee Tara-
chand, Esq.
„ P. Peterson, Esq.
,9 Robert Clark, Esq.
„ A. J. luTerarity, Esq.
„ G. A. Bamett, Esq.
„ T. Bromley, Esq.;
y, Deputy Surgeon-General J.
M. S. Fogo.
„ Khanderao Chimanrao Be-
darkar, Esq.
„ A. Craigie, Esq.
Surgeon-MajorG.Y.Hunter.
F. Feddon, Esq.
Perozshaw Merwanji Jejee-
bhoy, Esq.
„ Hormasji Nowroji Sacklat-
wala, Esq.
„ Ardaseer Framji Moos,
Esq.
„ Grattan Geary, Esq.
„ Jehangirji Burjorjee Wacha,
Esq.
„ Shamrao Vithal, Esq.
„ Ganputrao Bhasknr, Esq.
99
99
99
XXIV
LIST OF IIEMBSRS.
XoH'Rendent Members,
Year of
ISoti T. C. Hope, Esq.
1859 J. P. Straton, Esq.
1 86 1 M. J. M. Shaw Stewart, Esq.
,• A. Faulkner* Esq.
18(>2 J. B. Peile, Esq.
1863 J. R. .\rthur, Esq.
„ II. M. BiniwiXNl, Esq.
„ ii. BAhler, Esq.. Ph.D.
•• J. B. Riohey, Esq.
1 80»4 W. T. Blaiitbrvl Esq.
•« II. M. ScvHt« Esq.
, ». R. S. Sinclair. Esq.« LL.D.
„ Major T. W'AvMitu:cou.
,» i^ftptaiu E. AV. West
lSi^'» T. i\vke» Esq,. M.A.. M.I.,
i.i-n.
»« Kao lUhaslur Jaoardau Wa-
sUxWjL Esq,
.. Rax» l^aKaviur Trltualno
YvaxiXarcsh.
iSv W.j! Aa>l:*.Fss.
IV U,A::V.vrf.
Ku>a*.x::ao Y;rufc\akS>ji«n»
J. U R:^t>c:A^aTrak\ Fa^
\ r I'Va^r'tvl. Fs»;
«»
«.
^k
«»
v«
\«
1^'
I
Year of
Election.
1867 Alijah Ramchundra Apa
Saheb, Chief of Jnm-
khnndy.
„ Col. W. V. ShewelL
1868 Alijah Amrootrao Daflay,
Chief of Jutt.
9, Colonel W. W. Anderson.
„ AzumBhugwanji KammBey,
Minister to H. H. the
Jam of Nowannggior.
„ Azum Goculji Samputram,
Prime Minister to H. H.
the Nawab of Jo^ma-
ghur.
., Gopal Shri Soorvingji Tha-
kore Saheb of Fslitana.
„ GoTind Krishna Bhoos-
kutavy Esq.
,, Gowrishanker Odeyahanker,
Esq., Minister to H. H.
the Thakore Saheb of
Bhownnggor.
.« Jaepc»nath Icharaniv Esq.
^ H. H. the Jam of Nowa-
«•
Aram Jeyashankar Lalshan-
kar. Minister to the Tha-
kore Saheb of Gondol.
Jhareja Shri JeTasiiigji,Tha-
kofe Saheb of Dhrole.
Krishnaji Lnnunan, Esq.
H, H. the Xawmb of Joona-
chnr.
ScxfiNMi J. Finkerton.
6. 6. Reid. Em}.
LIST OF MEMBERS.
Year of
Election.
1868 H. H. the Thakore Saheb
of Bhownuggur.
„ H. H. the Thakore Saheb
of Morvee.
„ H. H. the Thakore Saheb
of Gondul.
1869 Bomanji Jamasji, Esq.
„ Jorawur Khanji Bahadoor,
Nawab of Radhunporc.
„ Lt.-Col. J. F. Lester.
„ Rev. A» V. Lisboa.
1870 R. M. E. Brereton, Esq.
,, J. Jardine, Esq.
1871 R. E. Candy, Esq.
„ A. D. Cunnyngham, Esq.
99
99
Year of
Election.
1871 G. H. D. Wilson, Esq.
1872 J. E. Andre, Esq.
II. Batty, Esq.
Surgeon-]Major W. Davey.
„ Professor Kero Laxuman
Chhatray.
W. Lee- Warner, Esq.
W. Ramsay, Esq.
W. Woodward, Esq.
1874 A. F. Pereira, Esq.
Shripad Babaji Thakore,
CS.
Leopoldo Cipriano da Gama,
Esq., Deputy Postmaster
Genl., Portuguese India*
It
>»
>f
List of Honorary Members.
The Rev. John Wilson, D.D., F.R.S. {Honorary President.)
>f
>»
1830 Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson,
London.
1 832 Mons.Garcin de Tassy, Paris.
1835 A. S. Walne, Esq., Cairo.
1842 Prof. C. Lassen, Bonn.
M. le Marquis de Ferricre de
Vayer.
N. L. Westergaard, Esq.,
K.D., Copenhagen.
1848 M. Felix Bogaerts, Antwerp.
„ M. le Vicomte de Kerck-
hove, Antwerp.
„ M. Eugene de Kerckhove,
Antwerp.
1849 B. Hodgson, Esq., Bengal
C.S., London.
y, Captain R. N. Inglefield,
London.
1855 The Rev. R. H. Friederich,
Batavia, Java.
1860 Martin Haug, Ph.D.
4a
1862 H. J. Carter, Esq., F.R.S.,
late of the Bombay Me-
dical Service, London.
1865 W. E. Frere, Esq., C.S.,
London.
1866 Honourable Sir R. Temple,
K.C.S.I., Calcutta.
„ Dr. A. Weber, Berlin.
1867 A. H. Leith, Esq., M.D.,
London.
„ J. II. Rivara da Cunha,
Esq., Goa.
1868 G. C. M. Birdwood, Esq.,
M.D., London.
1869 U. Newton, Es^., C.S.
1874 M-(£rCommend«itor?>N/gri,-e'
>t
President of
the Geographical Society
of Italy.
E. Rehatsek, M.C.E.
XXVI
LIST OF MEMBERS.
Members gone to Europe,
Year of
Election.
1822 W. Nicol, Esq.
1828 Sir P. M. Melvill.
1829 Augustus LcMessuricr, Esq.
1830 Sir U. C. Rawlinson, C.B.
It Lcstock R. llciJ, Esq.
1831 J. S. Law, Esq.
1832 Colonel James Holland.
1834 R. W. Crawford, Esq.
1835 John Earkncss, Esq.
1837 P. Ewart, Esq.
„ E. L. Jenkins, Esq.
1838 D. Davidson, Esq.
„ Majcr-Genl.Sir G. LeGrand
Jacob, CD., K.C.S.I.
„ C. Morehead, Esq., M.D.
„ Col. II. B. Turner.
1839 W. Graham, Esq.
1810 Sir n. L. Anderson.
„ S. S. Dickinson, Esq.
„ Rev. J. M. Mitchell, D.D.
1841 C.J. Erskine, Es(|., C.S.
n. G. Gordon, Esq.
J. R. Iladow, Esq.
18^2 W. ^y. Cargill, Esq.
E. B. East wick, Esq.
The Right Honourable Sir
n.B.E. Frere, K.C.B.,
G.C.S.I.
„ Sir Thomas Erskine Perrv,
Knight.
1843 R. K. Pringlo, Esq.
„ A. Spcns, Esq.
1814 Col. W. R. Dickinson.
„ Major-Gencral W. F. Mar-
riott.
1843 J. A. Baumbach, Esq.
,, II. Conybearc, Esq.
fi
fi
f*
>f
Year of
Election.
1816 T. S. Cowie. Esq.
„ Lieut. J. F. Jones, I.N.
„ Arthur Malet, Esq.
1847 \V. C. Coles, Esq., M.D.
„ II. P. Malet, Esq.
„ Sir Wm. Yardley, Kt.
1848 Rev. J. 11. Glasgow.
1849 G. M. Campbell, Esq.
„ Rev. J. D. Gibson.
„ II. B. Gilmour, Esq.
„ Thomas L. Jenkins, Esq.
1850 Major-General C. W. Tre-
menheere.
1851 J. Graham, Esq.
1 852 U. Miller. Esq.
1854 W. P. Adam, Esq.
„ John Fleming, Esq.
1S55 R. T. Reid, Esq., LL.D.
185G Sir Edward Lugard. K.C.B.
,, Major-Gencral U. Rivers.
1858 J. p. Bickersteth, Esq.
„ II. Ilebbert, Esq.
„ J. S. White, Esq.
I8oO His Excellency the Hon'bk
Sir G. R. Clerk, K.C.fi.
„ G. Foggo, Esq.
„ Sir Alex. Grant, Bart «M.A.»
LL.D.
1851 Captain F. Black.
„ W. R. Cassels, Esq.
„ W. D'Oyly. Esq.
„ CM. Keir, Esq.
„ D. J. Keimelly, Esq.
„ ^lajor-Gcneral Liddell.
„ George Scott, Esq.
1862 W. B. Tristram, Esq.
1863 W. R. Iloare, Esq.
LIST OF MEMBERS.
XXVll
Year of
Eloction.
1863 George Inverarity, Eisq.
„ F. F. Lidilcrdale, Esq.
„ A. B. Warden, Esq.
1864 Rev. II. Gell. B.A.
J. W. Wriglit, Esq.
R. llannay, E&ij.
J. G. T. Scott, Esq.
John Sands, Esq.
Dr. T. AV. Ward.
R. Mcllwraith, Esq.
1865 Alex. Brown, Esq.
II. J. Giraud, Esq., M.D.
R. Hamilton, Esq.
A. J. Hunter, Esq.
Arthur Iluson, Kscj.
H. Ranisdtni, Esq.
„ A. Stewart, Esq.
»>
99
99
l»
99
»»
»»
>»
• 9
>9
>>
Year of
Election.
1865 W^ B. Thompson, Esq.
1866 F. S. Arnott, Esq.
Col. W. Gray.
J. F. Moir, Esq.
William Nicol, Esq. (Junior.)
M Chaj-les Gaddum, Esq.
„ G. M. Stewart, Esq.
1867 W. E. Crmn, Esq.
The Right Honourable Sir
W. R. S. V. FitzQerald.
F. Lloyd, Esq.
1868 II. E.Astley, Esq.
A. H. Campbell, Esq.
J. Dunbar, Esq.
Major-General T. Stock.
„ F. Vix, Esq.
tt
a
f>
tt
9?
9t
»9
99
Subscribers to the Bombrnj Branch Royal Asiatic Society,
1874 R. II. Baker, Esq.
W. H. Payne, Esq.
James Douglas, Esq.
C. F. Farran, Ilsq.
J. A. Shepherd, Escj.
Ca])tain A. G. Spencer.
Ca])tain Charles Gibbs.
99
ff
»9
99
M
1871 Captain E. S. Ostrehan.
II. E. M. James, Esq.
Robert Valentine Reid, Esq.
Surgeon-Major E. J. Crane.
Major A. M. Shewell.
Surgeon W. Gray.
99
99
91
99
lAst of Resident Members of the Geoyraphical and Nitvral Science
Section of the Bombay Branch of the Roi'al A.siatic Society.
1863 Rustomji Ardaseer Wadia,
Esq.
1804 Premchand Roychand, Esq.
ft F. II. Souter, Esq., C.S.I.
1865 Bcramji Nanabhoy Framji,
Esq.
1865 Ilirjihhoy IMerwanji Wadia,
E>"(|.
„ II. II. G. Tippett, Esq.
1 S70 JamsetjiDhanjibhoy W^adia,
Esq.
ZXVUl
ABSTRACT OF THB SOCIETY'S FfiOCSEDINOSj
N on- Resident Members of the Geographical Section of the
Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic Society.
Year of
Election.
1851 J. Scorgie, Esq., F.C.S.
1859 Surgeon-Major J.T.C. Ross.
„ Lieut. A.W. Stiffe, F.R. A.S.
1861 Lieut. H. Burn, late I.K
18G2 W. M. P. Coghlan,Esq.,C.S.
1863 Lieut. G. C. Parker, late
I.N.
1864 Lieut. W. P. Arnott, late
I.N.
„ F. A. R. Morrison, Esq.
1865 Dr. A. G. Eraser.
Lieut. -Colonel Sir Lewis
Pelly, C.S.I.
i9
Year of
Election.
1 865 Captain C. Swinhoe.
„ A. Taylor, Esq.
„ n. Warner, Esq., late I.N*
1866 Surgeon W. A. Shepherd.
1867 Alex. Gibson, Esq.
„ F. B. Girdlestone, Esq.
1868 F. W. Pickering, Esq.
R. Proctor-Sims, Esq., C.E.,
F.R.G.S.
W. Sowerby, Esq., C.E.,
F.G.S.
*>
$t
At the Monthly Meeting on 13th February 1875, the Honourable
James Gibbs. F.R.G.S., President, in the Chair:—
The following gentlemen were elected Members of the Society : —
Manockji Cursetji Jamsetji, Esq.
Cowasji Cursetji Jamsetji, Esq.
Honourable Mr. Justice Green, LL.B.
A paper entitled " The Saiigamesvara Mahdtmya and Linga- Worship"
was read by the Honourable Rao Sahcb Yishvanath Nar^yan Man^Uik.
The Rev. Dr. Wilson, in proposing a vote of thanks to the author,
made some interesting observations upon the worship of Siva, and said
that anything throwing light on the question was of interest.
The Rev. J. S. S. Robertson, in seconding the proposal, hoped his
honourable and learned friend would continue his researches on this
subject.
At the Monthly Meeting held on the 13th March 1875, the Honour-
able Jn nes Gibbs, F.R.G.S., President, in the Chair: —
Basil Lang, Esq., Barrister-at-Law, and the Rev. G. Shirt were
elected Members of the Society.
New books, maps, &c. presented to the Society were laid before the
meeting, and thanks voted to the donors.
OFFICIAL^ UTERABTj AND SCIENTIFIC. Xxix
A special Tote of thanks to Cheyalier Dr. Von Scherzer was passed,
on the motion of the President, seconded by the Honourable Rao
Sdheb Vishvan^th Ndrfyai^ Mandlik, Vice- President, for obtaining and
forwarding to this Society the volumes containing the proceedings ot
the Novara Expedition.
Mr. J. 6. da Cunha read a paper entitled " Memoir on the History
of the Tooth-relic of Ceylon," in which he gave an account of the
so-called Buddha's Tooth, dwelling especially on the writings of the
Portuguese on the subject of its destruction by the Jesuits at Goa.
A vote of thanks to the author was passed on the motion of
the Honourable Mr. Justice West, seconded by the Rev. J. S. S.
Robertson.
The Seals belonging to the late kingdom of S^t&r^ presented by the
Government of Bombay, were laid before the Meeting, and the Pre-
sident gave a short account of how they were obtained. Captain
Robinson proposed, and the Rev. J. S. S. Robertson seconded, that a
vote of thanks be passed to the Honourable President for the pains he
had taken to secure these scab for the Society. Carried nem, con,
A letter from Dr. Biihler was read forwarding Photograph of a
Copper-plate Grant of the Valabhi king Druvasena I., the oldest yet
found.
At the Monthly Meeting held on April 10th, 1875, the Honourable
James Gibbs, F.R.G.S., President, in the Chair: —
The Honourable Rao S^eb Vishvan^th Ndrfyan MandUk read a
paper entitled " Three Valabhi Copper-plates, with remarks.'' Two of
the three plates had been sent to the Society by Captain Phillips on
behalf of the Gondal State. They had been found at the site of the
ancient city of Mugna Pattan, in Kdthidw^d, and both refer to the
last Silddityadeva of the Valabhi dynasty. Both are dated Samvat
403. The third plate was forwarded to the President by Th&or Sri
Meghr^jji, Chief of Wdli, in K^thidwdd. It is dated Samvat 286 of
the Valabhi plates, and grants certain places to the Bhikshus of a
vihdra the name of which is obliterated. The grantor is Siliditya or
Dharmiditya. The era of these plates is most probably the era of the
Guptas.
The thanks of the meeting were voted to the author on the motion
of the President, seconded by Mr. Burgess.
ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PBOCEEDINOS.
ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS.
January 1st to June SOto, 1875.
Da Cunha, J. Gerson, M.R.C.S. £ng., &c, — Memoir on the JUt-
tory of the Tooth-Relic of Ceylon.
Fleet, J. F,, Bo. C.S. — Old Canarese and Sanskrit Inscrip-
tions relating to the Chieftains of the Sindavamla ; with Translationfl^
Notes, and Remarks.
Mandlik, The Hon. Rao Sa^heb V. N. — Sangamesvara }AOdt'
mja and Linga- Worship.
Pierce, £. — A Description of the Mekranee-Beloochee Dialect.
Rehatsek, £., M.C.E. — The Subjugation of Persia by the Moslems,
and the Extinction of the Sasdnian Dynasty.
PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY.
From the 1st January to the 30th June 1875.
Administration Report of the Resident at Hyderabad for the year
1873-74. By the Resident at Hyderabad.
A Lecture on Political Economy, Part I. By the Author.
Appendix D to the Report of the Director of Public Instructum,
Bombay, for 1872-73. By the Director of Public Instruction,
Bombay.
Archeeological Survey of Western India, by J. Burgess, Esq., F.R.G.S.,
M.R.A.S. By the Government of Bombay.
Bibliotheca Indica : a Collection of Oriental Works, published bj
the Asiatic Society of Bengal. New Series, Nos. 308, 309, and
313. By the Society.
Bombay University Calendar for 1874-75. By the University of
Bombay.
Carter on Mycetoma or the Fungus Disease of India. By the Goyezm-
ment of Bombav.
m
Catalogue of Books printed in the Bombay Presidency, 1874. By the
Government of Bombay.
Do. do. do. during the quarter endtx^ 3Itt
December 1874.
Do. do. do. during the quarter ending 31st
March 1875.
PRESENTS TO THE LIBRABIT. XXXI
Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts existing in Oudli. Bj the Di-
rector of Public Instruction.
Do. do. do. in Private Libraries of the N. W.
Provinces, Part I., in 1 874. By the Government N. W. Provinces.
Claude and Etheline and other poems, by Raseim Willowby. By the
Author.
Discorso letto dal Commendatore Negri Cristoforo, Presidente Fon-
datore della Society geografica Italiana, la Sera del 10 Novem-
bre 1874. By the Author.
Finance and Revenue Accounts and Miscellaneous Statistics, Part III.,
for 1875. By the Govern,
ment of India.
Do. do. do. do. relating to the Finances
of British India, Part I., from 1st May 1865 to 3 1st March 1873.
By the Government of India.
Gazetteer of N. W. Provinces. By the Government of N. W. Pro-
vinces.
Glossary and Index of the Pahlavi Texts of the Book of Arda Viraf.
By the Director of Public Instruction, Bombay.
Haswell's (Rev. J. M.) Grammatical Notes and Vocabulary of the
Persian Language. By the Commissioner of British Burmah.
Iligh Court Reports, Vol. II., 3 Parts. By the Government of Bombay.
Do. do. Vol. IV., 3 Parts. Do.
Do. do. Vol. VI., Part III., and Index. Do.
Do. do. Vol. IX., 3 Parts. Do.
Indian Bureaucracy, its Features ; or. Secrecy in Officialism, by
JaveriUl Umiashankar Yajnik. By the Author.
Journal of the Agricultural and Horticultural Society of India,
Vol. v.. Part 1, New Series. By the Society.
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Parts 1 (with three Plates)
and 2 of No. III., and Part 1 of No. IV. of 1874. By the
Society.
Do. do. Part 1, No. I. of 1875. Do.
Journal of the East India Association, No. 3, Vol. VII. By the
Secretary to the Association.
Map of Bombay. By the Superintendent Government Photoxinco-
graphic Department, Poona.
xxxu PRESEyrs to the librart.
Map of Guienth. By the Superintendent G. T. Surrey of India.
Do. the Adminiscracion Report of the X.W. ProTinces for the
Tear lSr3-r4. Bv the Superintendent GoTemment N.W.
Provinces.
Do. parr of the Viramgaum Taluka of the Ahmedahad Collec-
torace, with portions of the Lagtar and Limri States.
By the Superintendent G. T. Surrey of India.
Do. do. do. and Map of Kattjwar Surrey. By
the Superintendent G. T. Surrey of India.
Ikw Town and British Cantonment of Rajkote. By the Su-
perintendent G. T. Surrey of India.
Memoirs of the Geol<^lcal Surrey of India, Vols. I. and II. By
the Superintendent Geological Surrey of
India.
Do. do. Vol. XI., Part 1. By the Goyemment of
India.
Do. Royal Astronomical Society, Vol. XL., for 1874-75. By
the Sooietv.
m
Memoir on the Tix»th-Relic of Ceylon, with a Preliminary Essay on
the Life and System of Gautama Buddha. By Dr. J. G. da
Cuuha. Bv the Author.
Minutes of the Trustees of the Indian Museum for the year 1873-74.
Bv the Trustees,
*
Notices of Sauskrit MSS. by Rajendralal Mitra. By the Asiatic So-
ciety of Bengal.
IX>. do. Vol. III., Part 2. By the GoTemmoit
of Bombay.
m
Xoies on the Saka. Samvat^ and Gupu Eras. By the Author.
OMtermchiwhe Mooatjsschritk fur den Orient. By the Secretaiy, Ori-
iie Mujifam. Vienna.
« or the Pamol : a Portogoese and English Periodiol ; for
er IST^k By the Editw.
I ] By Dr. J. G. Da Conha.
J ^ Sodety of fiei^id, Nos. IX. and X.»
for 1$74. By the Society.
dow Xos. I.-IY., for 1875.
I
PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. XZXUl
Proceedings of the Council of the Governor of Bombay for making
Laws and Regulations, Vol. XIII. for 1874. By the GoTemment
of Bombay.
Do. Parliament of South Australia for 1874, Vols. I. — III. Do.
Do. Roval Institution of Great Britain, Vol. VII., Parts 3 and 4.
Bv the Institution.
»
Records of the Geological Survey of India, Vol. VIII., Parts 1 and 2,
for 1875. By the Government of Bombay.
Reise der Osterreichischen Fregate Novara, 1 7 vols. By the Emperor
of Austria.
Report (Annual) of the Bombay Presidency for the years 1863-64,
1864-5.0 (with Supplement), 1867-68, 1868-69, and 1869-70. By
the Government of Bombay.
Do. do. of the Municipal Commissioner of Bombay for the
year 1874. By the Municipal Commissioner.
Do. (General) on the Administration of the Bombay Presidency
for 1873-74. By the Government of Bombay.
Do. do. on the Operations of the Great Trigonometrical Sur-
vey of India for 1873-74. By the Government of India.
Do. do. do. By Colonel J. T. Walker, U.E., F.R.S ,
Superintendent Trigonometrical Survey of India.
Do. do. on the Topographical Surveys of India for 1873-74.
By the Government of India.
Report of the Director ofPubUc Instruction for the year 1873-74.
By the Director.
Do. of the Schools of the Sir Jamsetji Jejeebhoy Parsee Benevolent
Institution for the year 1874. By the Secretary to the Institu-
tion.
Do. on Public Instruction in Mysore for 1873-74. By the
Chief Commissioner of Mysore, by order of Government of
India.
Do. on the Administration of the Madras Presidency during the
year 1873-74. By the Government of Madras.
Do. do. of Mysore for 1873-74. By the Commissioner
of Mysore.
Do. on the Administration of N.W. Provinces for lb73-74. By
the Government of N. W. Provinces.
5a
XXXIV PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY.
Report on the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the year 1873-74
Bv the Chamber.
Do. on the Census of British Burma taken in August 1872. 13 v
the Government of Bombav.
Do. do. of the Bombay Presidency taken on the 21st
February 1872, Parts I. and II. Do.
Do. on the Vienna Universal Exhibition of 1873, with Maps and
Plans. Do.
Rig-Veda-Sanhita, together with the Commentary of Sayanacharra.
Edited bv F. Max Muller, M.A. Vol. VI. Do.
Selections from the Records of Government, North-Western Provinces,
2nd Series, Vol. VI., 1S74. Bv Government N.W. Provinces.
Synoj>sis of the Results of the Operations of the Great Trigono-
metrical Survey of India. Vols. II. — IV. By the Government of
India.
The History of India as told by its own Historians. — The Mahomedan
Period. By Sir H. M. Elliot, and edited by John Dowson.
Vol. V. Bv Director of Public Instruction, Bombav.
Transactions of the .Asiatic Society of Japan, Vol. III., Part I, from
October to December 187-1. Bv the Societv.
^ •
Tukaram's Abhangs, Vol. II. (5 copies.) By the Director of Public
Instruction, Bombay.
Vocabulary of Dialect.*^ spoken in the Nicobar and Andaman Isles. Do.
Do. do. do. Bv the Government of India.
Do. do. do. Do. through Govt, of Bombav.
Ynjadiin Prasti and Jarathoshati Dharama. By the Author.
. 1 *' ' .
I I
PROCEEDINGS OF THE BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.
[July to December 1875.]
A Monthly Mcctinp: of the Society was held on 1 1th August 1875,
the Rev. Dr. Wilson, Honorary VreBidenty in the chair.
The foUouinp; p;cntlemen were elected Members of the Society : —
(icorgc Larcoin, Esq., Assistant Political Agent in charge Janjira
State ; Rev.-Dujijald Mackichan ; Aanandrao Bhaskarji, Esq , Assistant
Clerk, Small Cause Court.
Mr. J. Gerson da Cunha read a paper, " Historical and Archaeolo-
gical Sketch of the Klnnd of Angediva."
After mentioning the etymology of the name, and describing the
geographical position of the island, the author proceeded with its
history, dividing it into three periods, viz. Puranic, llinduand Muham-
niadan, and Portuguese or Modern.
Kvidence was adduced to show that this was the island which suggested
to the mind of Canioens the Floating Island described in the Luxintf.
An account was given of its fortifications, of the sojourn there of the
English troo|>s which came out under Marlborough to receive the
island of Bomliay from the Portuguese, the present condition of the
island, and its archaeology.
A vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Da Cunha, on the motion of the
Rev. Dr. AVilson and the Honourable Mr. J. Gibbs.
Eight Dellii silver coins, presented by the Government, were laid
before the meeting, and a description of them by Mr. Rebatsek.
Several 1)ooks and pamphlets presented to the Society were also laid
on the table.
The thanks of the Society were voted to the donors.
XXXvi ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PKOCEEDINGS,
A Monthly Meeting of the Society was held on 1 1 th September
1875, the Honourable Ilsio Sdlicb Vishvanuth Naniyan Mandlik, Vice-
President, hi the chair.
Books and pamphlets presented to the Society since the last meeting
were laid before the meeting. A vote of thanks for the sarae was
passed to the donors.
Mr. E. Rehatsek read a paper on the Labours of the Arab Astrono-
merS) and their Instruments, with a description of an Astrolabe in the
Mulla Firuz Library.
In this paper Mr^ Rehatsek described at considerable length the
works of the Arabs in astronomy, and described the astrolabe, which
was kindly lent for exhibition by Mr. Khursetjee Rustomjee Cama, and
the manner of using it for taking observations.
The Chairman, having previously sent the paper to Professor Keni
Lakshuman Chhatre, read a letter from that gentleman on the subject,
and {)roposed a vote of thanks to Mr. Rehatsek for his interesting
paper.
Mr. Atmaram Paiulurang having seconded the proposition, it was
carried.
A Meeting of the Society was held on 20th October 18/5, the
Honourable James Gibbs, President, in the chair.
Dr. Andreas gave a sketch of the subjects which he proposes to
investigate in Persia.
lie said that the main objects in the investigations he proposed
pursuing in Persia were, first, the obtaining fuller information ns
to the liistory of the Persian race, to gain which a close and detailed
study of geographical and ethnological features of Persia were abso-
lutely necessary. He must, to effect his object, study the monuments
and inscriptions, which were scattered throughout the country in toler-
able profusion.
The method which he j)roposes to pursue is to investigate the subject
of the geogra])hical names of tlie country, its towns, &c., and to
examine into their identity as at present existing with the old names
OFi'lCIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. XXXVII
with which we arc familiar through the writers and writings which we
possess and which treat either directly or indirectly of Persia. To
obtain this information the best course would be to follow the fate of
any given city from the time of its foundation, marking the changes
in dynasties, names, and localities which affected it throughout its
existence. But in Persia this cannot be done ; the sources of such in-
formation are not forthcoming there, — as indeed in too many other cases ;
in their absence, of necessity some other course must be adopted, and
that will be to ascertain, by means of whatever information may be
forthcoming, the geographical identity of each locality ; to ascertain
whether the old names with which we are familiar are the now disused
names of cities still the home of industry and life, or are merely the
lettered remembrance of cities that once have been and now have passed
away. There is the liiiguistical proof, — the identity of a name mentioned
by gome old writer with some name at present current, Ilavinp; paid
particular attention to the study of the nomenclature of the different
writers upon Persia and to its history, the learned doctor thought he
would in tliis vray be able to derive some valuable results.
Dr. Andreas stated that the great aim of his investigations was to
o])tain, by the study of the actual geography and ethnography of
Persia, a full insight into the history and civilization of the Persian
race. It was in harmony with the historical tendency of his investiga-
tions that particular care would be bestowed on the study of the monu-
ments and inscriptions.
As for the accomplishment of this object the identification of the
names of ancient ])lares was of considerable importance, he shortly
pointed out the method by which we can arrive at such identifications,
and insisted j)rincipally on the necessity of using the severest and most
reiined method in the linguistical identification of a modern with an
aiu*u*nt name.
M'iili sjii'cial rcijard to the pon[:rnphical nomenclature of Persia, he
riMi.'arkcd that the names actually used could easily be traced upwards
t > till* tlnuvi of tiio Monp;ols. Further up there was a break ; hut
novt'ftlu K'>s sv'vcral instances made him hope that a more complete and
cin'fiil .survey of the country would restore to us a considerable part
ot* the rich catuloi;ue of geographical names given by the Arab
jj:('Oi:rapher5, — for instance, the oldest of them, Istakhri, a native of
latakhr.
XXXviii ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS^
lie then proceeded to specify some of the problems to be solved in
the province of Farsistan, the Persis of the niicieiits. This proviiice
had played a very prominent part in the political development of Persia ;
twice during the course of its history the dominant race had come from
it, — the first time as the dynastic race of the Achromenians, and the
second time as the Sassanians.
On the road from Hushire to Shiraz the first things to be noticed
Avere the m^nnid of Rishehr, near Bushire, where cuneiform tablets had
been fr)uud. One of them tended to show that the empire of the
Elamites in Susiana had extended as far south as Bushire ; and it would
be highly desirable to get more of these tablets. In later times the
citv was lefounded bv the first Sassanian, its name being in fact a con-
traction of Riw-Ardeshir. One of the first battles of the invading
Arabs \\as fought here against Shehrek. the Marzban of Fars, and it
was a curious coincidence that the British force landing in 1n56 at
Bushire had also its first engagement at the mounds of Kishehr. Follow-
ing the road leading from Bushire to Shiraz, the next place of interest
for the historian and anti(juarian is the ruins of Shapur, near Kazenin.
This town was built by Shapur, son of Ardeshir Babegan ; a considerable
number of sculptures celebrating his trumph over the Romi^n emperor
Valerian are still extant, as well as an inscription in Pahlavi charactera.
Some interesting details about the fire-altars established near this place
may bo found in the Arab geogra])hers.
It is unnecessary to prove the necessity of a more thorough ioTestir
gation of the remains of Persepolis. If the weather is favourable,
excavations in the two large mounds on the Persepolitan terrace will bo
among the first unJertakings. More than fifty years ago the necessity
of the>e excavations was ))()inted out by Sir Robert Ker Porter, and
thev will doubtless enuble us to give a satisfactory reconstruction of
the Old PeiNian architecture. Bi-sides tlK'>e the topograjihy of Istakhr
shoidd bo fiillv invi-stii::;ite«l. This was tiie citv to which the Palaces
of Persi'polts bi-loni^v'd. It (K'Ti'iulcd the entrance of the Vallev of the
Pulwar, the* Koile IVrsis of the ancient Greek and Roman writers.
Istakhri irivis vt-rv vahrible details about the «xatcs. bridges, and castles
of Istakhr. Aeeo/dini: to the oi)ini()n of ^onie Kn-^lish enu:ineer officers
who werv» St itloiie.l Jit Shiraz, the mountains near Istakhr require a
more exa/t a:i:i ejiiipletv? survey. ^Vilh reu:ard to the identification of
the two river> ilowiiii: \wi\r Persepolis with those iriven by Occidental
w rite.'s, il o::j!ii :u oc le.iiarkeil that the cj:nmonly adopted identification
OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. . ZXX1X
of making the Pulwar the ancient Medus, and the river flowing from the
north through the vallev of Ramjird the Araxes, is wrong. The inverse
is the case, as may be seen by the passage of Curtius, who is a much
better source than is generally supposed, having copied almost verbatim
the work of the celebrated Clitarchus. Ascending higher up in the
valley of the Pulwar we arrive at Murgab, the monuments of which
are generally identified with Pasargadee and the tomb of the old Cyrus.
Dr. Andreas showed the fallacy of this identification, in pointing out
that the figure over which the inscription " I, Cyrus, the kingof Achse-
menide", is engraved, bears an Egyptian head-dress peculiar to certain
Egyptian deities and to the divinized kings of Meroe. But such a
head-dress would in no way suit the person of the founder of the
Achaemenian dynasty, nor the younger Cyrus who fell at the battle of
Cunaxa, and to whom Professor Lassen had referred the figure and the
inscription. Dr. Andreas tried to show that there was only one Achse-
menide to whom an Egyptian head-dress could be naturally applied.
Ctesias tells us that the brother of Xerxes, called by him Achaimenides,
was viceroy of Egypt, fell there in a battle against the rebel Inaros, and
was brought to Persia to be buried there. Now, Achaimenides cannot
have been the proper name of this prince, as it is only a family name
corresponding to the Persian Hakhamanisiya of the inscription ; and,
as no other choice is left us, we may fairly assume that the proper name
of this prince was Cyrus, and that he was buried at Murgab. An
evident connection seems to exist between the above-mentioned Egyp-
tian head-dress and some hieroglyphic inscriptions, of which the Baron
de Bode has seen a rough copy at Ispahan, and after which no subse-
quent traveller has made inquiries.
Dr. Andreas, passing to the country south of the road from Bushire
to ^hi^az, remarked that the whole tract of countrv Ivin": between the
rojuls Bushire-Shlraz-Kerman, the road Kerman-Bunder Abbas and
the sea, must be considered as almost totally nnsurvevcd. Of the two
' mm
roads which lend from Shiraz to Buiitler Ahi)as, the eastern one had
been travelled over in its whole extent onlv bv Pietro della Valle and
Duprc. On i\m road we find to the west of the Derya-i-Niriz, not far
from Kiiir, TinU-h, the hi^th-I>^'\^e of the founder of the ^assanian
dvn.istv. The iili'iititicaLioii of this ])la(?e, iriven bv the Arab historian
Talinri, Dr. Andivas has hiXMi able to ninke, through the surveys of
English olhcers in th:it p:ut of the country, and embodied in a niaj) not
yet published.
xl ^ ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PR0CEEDIN08,
Of the greatest importance is Darabjird and the neighbouring conn*
try. Here it was that Ardeshir l^abegan rebelled ngauist the khig of
Istakhr, and more than seven hnndred years before him the same thing
had been, though unsuccessfully, tried by the second false Smerdis,
whose real name was Vahyazdata, and whose history we find recorded
in the.«third column of the Bchistun inscriptions. This double attempt
setMns tbSpoint to some peculiarity in the relations between the reigning
tribes near Persepolis and those in the south-eastern parts of Persia, —
a peculiarity mo|;t probably resulting from the features of the country.
Interesting but uninvestigated remains of ancient cities are to be found
near Darabjird ; of particular importance are the towns of Forg and
Tarun, further south, as we find them already mentioned by Ptolemy,
and the inscription of Behistun.
On the western of the two above-mentioned roads is situated the
canton of Firnzabad, with considerable remains of anticpiitics, buildings
and sculptures. Tbis town, originally called Gur — jjrobably the Gabra
of Ptolemy — was rebuilt by Ardeshir Babegan, who erected three exten-
sive monuments and called the city Ardeshir-Khurreh, ** the Splendour
of Ardeshir." The actual name, Firuzabad, was given to it by the
Buidsultan Azad-ed-daulat after its capture. We know through the
Arabic historian Tabari that four large fire-altars had been established
there by Mihr Xarsi, the grand vizier of the Sassanian king Bahram
Gur, for himself and his three sons, who occupied the highest dignities
in the Sassanian empire.
Then there was the town of Lar, the geographical position of which
had to be ascertained.
On the seashore was the town of Tahrie, — most probably the once
celebrated seaport of Siraf. Extensive remains of antiquity, belonging
])artly to the Muh:i:nnia;ljin period, partly to the Sassanian times, nrc
found near ibis place. The skulls which are still lying in the rock-
tombs will oiler a higbly acceptable nuiterial to the ethnologist. For
Knglishmen there may be a kind of special interest for Siruf, as the
story of Whiltingtoii and his cat originally referred to a boy from
Siraf. Besides tiiese topographical and ari^hirological (piestions, the
livilrograpby and ethnography of this ])art of the country rei|uire
special attention. In the eaitern parts the number and geological
cbains (jf tlie mountain rau'jjcs, as well as tht^ formation of the intervcnu*g
valleys, should be ascertained. The central granitic range was crossed
by Captain Lovett at Khairabad, and it is most probably connected
OFFICIAL, LITERAUY, AND SCIENTIFIC. xli
witli the granite at Kohrud, nortli from Ispahan. With regard to the
wfstcrn parts, no one has ever tried to cross and study the mountain
ranges ruiniing parallel to the coast.
Of the hydrogra])hy nothing more in fact is ascerfained than the
months of a certain numher of rivers flowing into the Gulf, the
delineations of their course upwards on our maps being mtjrij' fanci-
ful constructions. . 7^
As to the ethnography of Southern Farsistan, exact data as to the
number and names of the Turkoman tribes should be collected, as this
element seemed to become predominant in these regions.
Dr. Andreas then turned to the country north from the road Bushire-
Shiraz.
Here the celebrated Kala-i-Scfid offered special interest, as sculptures
and inscriptions arc said to be found within its walls. It was generally
believed to be the Persikai Pulai which Alexander the Great had to
force before he could reach Persepolis. Dr. Andreas rather inclined to
put these passes more to the east, and more due north from Persepolis,
and remarked that the question could only be solved on the spot, having
the necessary books at hand. lie would further try to fix the site of
Tnokc, mentioned in the Periplus of Nearchus. This town was situated
not far from Bushire, to the north, near the mouth of a river called
ranis. It was evident that this was the same city known in later
times under the name of Tawaj, and that the Granis is the same river
culled by the Arab geographers Ratin. These data will easily enable
any traveller to ascertain the exact locality near one of the small rivers
north from Bushire.
Following the coast towards the north we arrive at the old town of
Genaweh, where extensive mounds with masses of masonry set in
mortar and burut bricks indicate the site of a city of considerable
antiquity.
The hydrography of this tract of country is in a deplorable confusion,
and it is impossible to reconcile the statements of the Arab geographers
with those which we find embodied in the best of our maps. As the
Arabs are generally found to be very exact, it will be necessary to
follow their indications in surveying the course of the rivers flowing
through this part of the province.
AVc now arrive at the mountain ranges extending between Media,
Susiana, and Pcrsis, and known in ancient times as the Zagros. The
Iry. tii-t
Uuklir. a
OFFICIAL, LITERAUY, AND SCIKNTIFIC. xliii
older ones to the Elamite, the younger to the Sossanian. These last have
been rightly identified with the city of Eidedj. To the north of Mai
Amir are the ruins of a large fort called Kala-i-Gilgird. This is the
Castle Giligerdon mentioned by Theophylactus Simocatta, which during
the reign of the Sassanians was used as a state prison, and was called
• the Castle of Oblivion.* Here the king Kobad, the father of Khosru
Anushirvan, was confined by his rebel subjects. The name Giligerdon
is very interesting, as it signifies * city of the Gil,' and evidently refers
to the above-mentioned Koh-Gilvaih.
Descending into the plains of Susiana a number of most important
ancient sites will be met by the traveller. First of all, Susa, the capital
of the Elamite empire, and a residence of the Achremenian dynasty ;
then the remains of Gundi Shapur between Dizful and Sinister ; llam-
Ilormaz in the plains to the south ; and Arrajan on the frontier of
Khuzistan, with the remains of a bridge from the Sassanian times.
From Susiana Dr. Andreas passed to the third of the three great
western provinces of the Persian empire — to Media.
The topography of Ekbatana, nowadays Ilamadan, will occupy a
prominent place amongst the investigations Dr. Andreas intends to
carry on. Dr. Andreas will especially endeavour to find out the site of
the palaces of the old Median kings: for, if sufficient funds are
available, excavations carried on at Ilamadan will undoubtedly throw
new light ii])on one of the obscurest periods of the history of Western
Asia. For the historv of the Median dvnastv we until now can use no
other sources than the meagre account and the artificial chronology of
Herodotus and Ctesias ; if anywhere, the annals of Dejoccs and his
successors are to be found at Ekbatana.
Turning to the west and visiting on the great road to Bagdad,
Kongaver, and Bisutun, we come near the Turkish frontier to Zohab,
Holwan, and the banks of the Diala, a district full of remains of past
ages. Of particular interest is the ruin at Pai Kuli, not far from the
right bank of the river. Here a large bilingual inscription of Ardesbir
Babegan has been discovered by Sir Henry Rawlinson. Dr. Andreas
said he had examined the fragments copied by Sir Henry, and come to
the conclusion that this inscription, when wholly made known, would be
of as great a y-alue for the history of the Sassanians as the iiisrriptifm
of Bchistuu has proved itself to l)e for the history of the Aelurme-
nian Darius. It contains the deeds and wars of the founder of the new
7 a
Xliv ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PBOCEBDINOS,
Persian empire, mid is most probably a Persian pendant to the well-
known Monumentum Ancyranum of Augustus. We even know that
Ardeshir composed a book on that subject called the 'Ear Nameh/
rerum geatarum liber ; and it may be suggested that the inscription of
Pai Kuli is either identical with that record of his actions, or forms an
epitome of it.
Before leaving Media, Dr. Andreas pointed out the necessitj of
surveying the triangle between Hamadan, Teheran, and Ispahan, which
is a complete blank in our maps. Major St. John had observed, north-
west from Ispahan, hills of a conical shape, which would point towards
a volcanic origin.
After having finished his investigations in Persia, Dr. Andreas intends
to travel through the southern parts of Armenia. It has been proposed
by the Academy to investigate tlie question of the true site of the Arme-
nian capital Tigranocerta. Professor Kiepert, the well-knowA geogra-
pher of Berlin, a few years ago discussed this question in a very elaborate
essay, and placed the Armenian city north of the Tigris at Arzen. But
Professor Mommsen has shown in a brilliant paper that the city must
have been situated south of the Tigris, — probably near the village of
Kefr loze, visited in 1863 by Mr. Taylor, a place where coins are con-
tinually dug up in considerable quantity. Professor Kiepert has now
joined the opinion of Mommsen. North-west of the lake Van the plain
of Mush will be more specially surveyed. Dr. Andreas concluded by
saying that he would return to Europe through the trans-Caucasian
provinces of Russia, and make a stay at the Armenian cloister of Etsch-
miadziu, in order to study the manuscripts of Armenian historians, which
are of great importance in the investigation of the geography and his-
tory of Persia during the reign of the Sassanians.
A vote of thanks was passed to Dr. Andreas on the motion of Mr.
Dhanjibhui Friimji and Rev, J. S. S. Robertson.
A Monthly Meeting of the Society was held on Saturday, 11th
December 1875, the Honourable James Gibbs, President^ in the chair.
Surgeon-General J. G. Inglis, M.D., C.B., and Carlo de Marchesetti,
M.D., were elected Members of the Societv.
OFFICIAL, LITEEABY, AND SCIENTIFIC. xlv
Professor Monier Williams, M.A., D.C.L., Boden Professor of
Sanskrit University of Oxford, was elected an Honorary Member of the
Society on the proposal of the Honourable James Gibbs, President,
the Honourable V. N. Mandlik, F ice- President, and O. Codrington,
Secret art/.
Read a letter from Sir Bartle Frere, sent with a copy of Dr. Gold-
stucker*s reproduction of the Mahdbh­a presented by H. R.H. the
Prince of Wales, and the following Resolution was proposed by the
Honourable President^ seconded by the Honourable V. N. Mandlik, and
carried —
" That the respectful thanks of this Society be tendered to H.R.H.
the Prince of Wales for the handsome present of the Mahubhi'ishya
which he has been pleased to make to the Society as a souvenir of
H. R. H.*s visit to Bombay." •
Several other books and pamphlets presented to the Society were laid
before the meeting, and thanks voted to the donors.
The Preiidenty referring to the recent deathof Dr. Wilson, Honorary
P resident y said that the first meeting of the Society after the great loss
sustained should not be allowed to pass without some expression of
their regret. A more formal motion on the subject would be made at
the Annual Meeting next month. He therefore proposed the following
resolution : —
** This meeting desires to record the very sincere and heartfelt manner
in which it feels the death of Dr. Wilson, Honorary President.**
Seconded by the Honourable Ruo Siiheb V. N. Mandlik, and sup-
ported by Mr. Martin Wood, the motion was carried.
xlvi ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS.
July 1st to December 318t, 18/5.
Da Cuniia, J. Gkrson, M.R.C.S. Eiig., &c. — Ilistorical and Ar-
chaeological Notice of the Island of Angediva.
Rehatsek, E., M.C.E. — Labours of the Arab Astronomers, and
their Instruments ; with a description of an Astrolabe in the Mnlla
Ftruz Library.
Andreas, Dr. — Sketch of the Subjects which he proposes to Inves-
tigate in Persia.
LIST OF PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY.
From the 1st July to the SIst December 1875.
Aarboger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historic, Part III. for 1874.
B^ the Societc Royale des Antiquaires du Nord a Copenhague.
Abstract of Resnlts of Study of the Genera Geomys and Thomomys, &c.,
by Dr. E. Cones. By the Author.
Album Littcrario Pcriodico Mensal Directores, Nos. 1 to 4. By A. P.
Pereira.
A Pamphlet dedicated to His Royal Highness the Prince of Walea,
by Bowmanji Cursetji Cowasji. By the Author.
Appendix II, Tables required by the Govt, of India to the Report of
the Director of Public Instruction, Bombay, for the year 1873-74.
Bv the Director.
■
Bhugavadgitu translated into English Blank Verse, with Notes, by
Kasinath Trimbak Telaug, M.A., LL.B. By the Author.
Bibliotheca luuica • — Chaturvarga Chintumani, Vol. II., Fasc. I. By
the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
Suma Veda Sanhita, Vols. II., IV., and V. By
the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
Suma Veda Sanhita. New Series, Nos. 321 and
322. By the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
The Agni Purana. New Series, No. 316. By
the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. xlvii
Bibliotheca Indica : — The Aitareya Aranyaka of the Rigveda, with the
Commentary of Sdyanacharya, Fasc. I. By
the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
The Akbarn^mah. New Series, Nos. 319 and
320. By the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
The Fa/hang-i-Raahidi. New Series, Nos. 317
and 318. By the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
The Mimamsa Darsana, with the Commentary of
Savara Swamin. New Series, No. 315. By
the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
Bombay High Court Reports, Vol. XI., Part II. By the Government
of Bombay.
Bulletin of the Minnesota Academy of Natural Sciences, with Reports
of Committees for 1874. By the Boston Society of Natural
History.
Burgess's Archaeological Survey of India for 1874, Belgaum and Ka-
liidgi. By the Government of Bombay.
Catalogue of Books printed in the Bombay Presidency during the
Quarters ending 3Uth June and 30th September 1875. By the
Director of Public Instruction, Bombay.
~ of Sanskrit Manuscripts existing in Oudh, Fasc. VI. By the
Director of Public Instruction, Oudh.
Census of the Bombay Presidency, Part III. By the Government of
Bombay.
Cosmos, Vol. II. of 1874. By the Publisher.
English and Sanskrit Dictionary, by Monier Williams, M.A. By the
Author.
Extracts from an Arabic work relating to Aden. By the Government
of Bombay.
Four Lectures delivered in substance to the Brahmos in Bombay and
Poona. By the Rev. Nehemiah Goreh. By the Author.
Geological and Natural History Survey of Minnesota for the year 1873.
By the India Office.
Hindustani Book of Lectures on Medical Subjects, by Dr. Wyndowe.
By the Government of Bombay.
Index to Vol. X. of High Court Reports, 1873. By the Government
of Bombay. *