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Tk^jst 




GEOLOGICAL SOCIETY, 






March 25th, 1846. ^^ 



LIBRARY REGULATIONS. 

Tick Council, with a view to the oonvenienoe of the Fellows gene- 
rally, and to the better oare of Works Uiat art» easily iajiired, have 
deemed it expedient to make the following regtdationa^ in oonforraitj 
with Section XIX. Art. 1 of the Bje^Laws. .Av*i 

1 . The Books shall only be delivered to a Fellow joif the Society, 
or to some one producing a written order frc^ such Fellow ; 
and a receipt shall be given by the person to whom the book 
is deliverea (expressing the name of the Fellow for whom it 
is received), in a book kept for that purpose. 

3. Any Fellow failing to return a book on the application of the 
Council, or returning books torn or deiaued, shall be consi- 
dered as liable for their value ; and if they are separate voluraett, 
for the value of the whole work rendered imperfect. 

3. All books allowed to circulate may be retained A FORTNIGHT ; 

after the expiration of that time, every book shall be immedi- 
ately returned, so soon as the FcUow shall receive an intimation 
from the Librarian that it is wanted ; and after the expiration 
of OXE MONTH from the date of its having been delivered 
from the Library, every book shall be returned. 

4. All books shall be returned on the 1st of November for a 

fortnight, at which period the Librarian shall deliver a report 
to the Council on the state of the Library. 

5. No Fellow shall have in his possession at one time more than 

SIX VOLUMES, without the permission of the Council. 

6. Any Member failing to comply with the above regulations, after 

receiving notice from the Librarian, shall be fined half-a-crown 
for every week that a volume is detained beyond the time 
allowed ; and the privilege of having books from the Library 
shall cease until the fines are paid and thebeoks are retumetl. 

7. All chai^QS of carriage and delivery of books &c. to and from 

Fellows shall be defrayed by the iB'ellow borrowing the same. 

EXCEPTIONS. 

I. There are certain books which cannot be allowed to circulate. 
A list of these shall be prefixed to the printed Catalo^ie of the 
Library, and a notice of such additions to that list as the 
Council may from tune to time feel it necessary to make shall 
be fixed up in the Library. 

II. No Map, Section, or Drawing oan be allowed to circulate with- 
out permission in writing grantCd by the Council, or by the 
President or one of the Secretaries. 
III. No book or illustration in loose sheets shall be allowed to cir- 
culate. 

lY. No Periodical Publication, and no Volume or part of the 
Transactions of any Society, shall be allowed to circulate 
until after the expiration of four months from the date of its 
having been received at the Society. 

V. Ail new works shall circulate amongst the Fellows after the 
expiration of a fortnight from the time of their being received, 
imloss the Council (or, during the recess, the President or one 
of the Secretaries) shall determine otherwise. 

iftf book lent to the Society m allowed to dreuXaie without a written 

order from the Proprietor. 



•, 



^ OF LO-JOON -* 






•i- 




' BEQUEST 

U.\IV>;KS1TY „r MICHIGAN 

GKNERAL LIBRARY 1 



*-; OF LCKDCN^ -* 



'-f OF LtPinCN '-' 

THE JOURNAL 



OF THK 



BOMBAY BRANCH 



OF THK 



ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. 



VOLUMF. XI 



>>*;o^ 



1876. 



EDITED BY THE SECRETARIES. 



BOMBAY: 
SOCIETY'S LIBRARY, TOWN HALL. 
LONDON :-TRUBNER <fc Co.. 57 and 59 LUDGATE HILL. 

1876. 







CONTENTS OF NUMBER XXXI. 



ART. PAGE 

I. — A Description of the Mekranee-Beloochee Dialect. By 
Mr. E. Pierce 1 

II. — Safigamesvara MaLatmya and Liiiga- Worship. By the 
Hon. Rao Saheb V. N. Mandlik 99 

III. — Memoir on the History of the Tooth-relic of Ceylon. 
By J. Geeson DA CuNHA, M.R.C.S. Eng 115 

IV. — The Subjugation of Persia by the Moslems, and the 
Extinction of the Sasdnian Dynasty. By E. Rehatsek, M.C.E., 
Hon. Mem. B. B. R. A. S 147 

V. — Old Canarese and Sanskrit Inscriptions relating to the 
ChieftaiDs of the Sindavamsa. Edited, with Translations, Notes, 
and Remarks, by J. P. Elect, Esq., Bo. C.S 219 



Proceedings , i 

Accounts of the Society for 1874 xviii 

List of Members xx 

Original Communications xxx 

Presents to the Library xxx 






CONTENTS OF NUMBER XXXII. 



ART. PAGE 

VI. — Additional Remarks on the Age of the Naishadhiya. 
By J. G. BuHLEB, Ph. D 279 

VII. — An Historical and ArcheBological Sketch of the Island 
of Angediva. By J. Gerson da Cunha, M.R.C.S., &c 288 

Vni. — The Labours of the Arab Astronomers, and their In- 
etmments, with the Description of an Astrolabe in the 
Mulla Fimz Library. By E, Rehatsek, M.C.E., Hon. Mem. 
B. Br. R. As. Soc. (with four Plates) 311 

IX. — Three Walabhi Copper Plates, with Remarks. By the 
Hon. Rio Saheb V. N. Mandlik, Vice-President (with seven 
Plates) 331 



PbOC EEDINOS XXXV 



"V.-- '<VV 

;-f ,pF LONDON "^ 




JOURNAL 



OF THE 



BOMBAY BRANCH 



OF THE 



EOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY 



No. XXXI. Vol. XI. 



Art. I. — A Description of the MeJcranee^Beloochee Dialect. 

By Mr. E. Pierce. 



Presentod October 9th, 1874. 



The Mekranee-Beloochee is the dialect spoken by the people living 
in the eastern and southern parts of Beloochistan. Its limits on the 
seacoast are the Malan mountains on the east, and a line drawn about 
fifty miles west of Charbar on the west. Inland it is spoken generally 
over the large provinces of Kej, Koldnch^ and Kolwah, with the adja- 
cent districts. 

The dialect spoken over the whole of this tract varies very slightly, 
and the people of any one district are intelligible to people of the others. 
There are, however, innumerable small variations in the words used in 
every district, and people are often unacquainted with words in common 
use amongst people living forty or fifty miles distant. 

In the districts of Baho and Dushtyari, N.W. of Gwidur, the 
country is inhabited by Judgalls (Sindee tribes settled in Mekran), and 
the language of these districts is consequently a dialect of Sindee. 
The dialect spoken by the Mayds {med = a fisherman), inhabiting the 
coast villages of Ormara, Pusnee, and Gwddur, diiFers slightly from 
that spoken by the people living in the jungle. 
Iras 



2 THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 

The dialect which I have more particularly chosen to descrihe is 
that spoken hy the country people living east of Gwddur, as in their 
dialect the words adopted from the Persian are used without many of 
the corruptions common to the people ahout Gw^ur and to the west- 
ward. In the vocabularies the pronunciation used east of Gwadur 
will be found in the first place. The Western forms, where differing, 
are given after the Eastern form. 

From about fifty miles west of Charbar a different dialect commences 

» 

to be spoken. This is almost unintelligible to the people living to 
the east, and appears to resemble Persian much more closely than 
the Gwadur dialect. Persian words are largely introduced without 
alteration, but the construction still retains the Beloochee character. 
In this district Persian commences to be to a certain extent current. 

The Mekranee- Beloochee appears to be a dialect of Persian mixed 
up with a great many words of Indian origin, which have probably 
been introduced by the Judgalls. 

It appears to have little connection with the modern Persian, many 
of the words derived from the latter language being words now obsolete 
or very rarely heard. One of the most notable features in Beloochee 
is the retention of the " majhUV^ sounds of j and (^^ which have been 
entirely discarded by the modern Persians. 

The words of Indian origin are principally nouns, but a few of the 
verbs in very common use are of undoubtedly Indian origin, as ladaga 
to load, lagaga to strike, and charaga to look. Amongst the adverbs 
also are hanlh now, idd here, udd there, and kadih when. 

The principal changes undergone by Persian words in their introduc- 
tion into Beloochee are : — 

(I.) Substitution of ^ for the silent h. 

(II.) The softening of all throat sounds as kh («.) into k or h^ 
gh{*^)miog. 

(III.) The alteration of the sound of the long alif from the 
soand of a in /all to that of a in arch, 

(IV.) The substitution of g or gw for 6, as gtodi for bad, gesh 
for besh, gwdzX for 5ari, gwdn for bang. 

(V.) Substitution of w for khw (^) as wab for khwdb, wat for 
khud, wdnaga for khwnndan, waraga for khurdan. 




THS MXERA.NEE-BELOOCHEB I>IALSCT. 3 

(VI.) Substitution of i for o or u, as dir for dur, bUa for bfuia, 
&c. These words may, however, generally be pronounced 
either with o, ti, or i. The substitution of i for o or 6 is pecu- 
liar to the western part of Mekran. 

(VII.) A general disposition may be noticed to end all words in 

k OTff. 

I have endeavoured in the Beloochee-EnglisK vocabulary to trace 
as far as possible the origin of the Beloochee words, but in Mekr&n so 
few books are available for reference, that I have failed to find the 
origin of many words which with greater facilities might doubtless be 
traced to the languages of the neighbouring countries. 

In Beloochee there are no sounds foreign to the English language. 

In a few Sindee words the j is heard, bat as a rule it is sounded as an 
English r. 

Pronunciation, 

In representing Beloochee words I have nsed English letters on the 
following system : — 

a sounded as a in America or tf in but* 



e 


do. 


e 


they, fSte. 


• 

t 


do. 


• 

t 


pin. 





do. 





pole, so. 


u 


do. 


u 


pull. 


a 


do. 


a 


father (never as a in fall). 


i 


do. 


• 

t 


police. 


u 


do* 


u 


rule. 


ai 


da. 


ai 


aisle. 


au 


do. 


ou 


our. 



n, which occurs mostly in syllables added to nouns and verbs to form 
inflections, is not a perfectly nasal sound, but more like an indistinct 
pronunciation of the English n. When preceding a vowel it is sound- 
ed as the English it. 

^ as ^ in go. 

ch as ch in church. 

kh as ch in loch, or German ch in Buch. 

Other consonants are sounded as in English. 



4 THE ICEKRANEE-BELOOCHEE DULSCT. 

SUBSTANTIVES. 

Substantives have only one inflection in the singular for the genitiyey 
dative, and accusative cases, viz. a added to the nominative case. The 
nom. plural is formed by adding an to the nom; singular ; and the gen., 
dat., and ace. plural are formed by adding a to the nom. plural. For 
the dat. and ace. cases drd is sometimes added instead of a. 

It would appear at first sight that some confusion must arise from 
gen., dat., and ace. cases being alike, but in practise it presents very 
little difficulty. 

There may be said to be no gender in Beloochee. Female animals 
have either different names, as pachin a male goat, and buz, a female 
goat ; or their names are formed by prefixing the adjective tnadag 
(female) to the name of the male, as goky a bull, madagin gok^ a cow. 
The latter form is rare, as almost every animal has a separate name far 
the female. 

A noun in the gen. case is placed before the noun signifying the 
thing possessed, instead of after it as in Persian, as marduma dost, a 
man's hand. 

The inflections of the Beloochee substantives, it "will be seen, are 
very different from those of the Persian. The termination rd of the 
dat. and ace. is rarely used ; and of the two forms of the plural, viz. 
an and hd, only dn is retained. 

As in Persian the singular is very often used with a plural significa- 
tion. 

A noun of agency is formed from some verbs by the addition of uk 
to the root, e.g. 

buyer or taker, zlriik. 

seller, bahokanilk. 

speaker, gwashuk. 

giver, deuk. 

goer, rouk. 

The latter word is applied as an adjective to a swift camel. 

The following is the mode of declension of a Beloochee substantive: — 

Singular. 
Nom. mardum, a man. 

Gen. mardum-a, of a man. 

Dat. mardum-a, a, ara, at, to, or for a man. 
Ace. mardum-a, a, ara, a man. 



THB MEKBANEE-BELOOCHEfi DIALECT. 5 

Plural 

Nom. Tnardum-aiiv men. 

Gen. mardum-ana, of men. 

Dat. mardum-ana, ana, anara, at, to, or for men. 

Ace. mardum-ana, ana, anara, men. 

The vocative and ablative cases are formed by ai, O, for the former, 
and aah, from, with, or by, for the latter. 

ADJECTIVES. 

The adjective in Beloochee takes only one inflection, viz. the addition 
of tn, which is added when an adjective is used to qualify a substantive. 

Adjectives precede the substantives they qualify, instead of following 
them as in Persian, e.^., sharih roch, a fine day* 

When an adjective precedes a substantive beginning with a vowel« 
the n of the termination loses its nasal sound. 

The comparative degree is formed by adding tar to the positive, ex- 
cept tnazan, great, and kasdn, small, which have irregular comparatives, 
viz. mastar and kastar. 

There is no superlative degree, but one may be formed as in Hindn- 
stani, e.g,, e ash druBtdn shartar in* This is the best. Literally : — This 
is better than all. 

In such a sentence as this a Belooch usually omits the word ash. 

The possessive adjectives are the gen. cases of the pronouns. 

Some adjectives are formed from nouns by adding ig — 

as nugrdig, silvern, from nugra, silver. 
tildig, golden, from iila, gold. 
ddrig, wooden, from ddr, wood. 
Mokxmmediff, belonging to Mohammed. 

as e kdrch nugrdig in, This knife is silvern. 
e nugrdigiii kdrch ih^ This is a silver knife. 
e Mohammadig in. This is Mohammed's. 

PRONOUNS. 

The pronouns in Beloochee appear to follow the Persian much closer 
than most other parts of speech. 



I 
THE MEERANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



The principal yariatioa to be noted is that the personal pronouns can- 
not be suffixed. The only suffix used is t or ish for the accusative 
case of the demonstrative pronouns, e.ff, — 

Man abarani or man abardnisk, I will take it away. 
Bill, Let it alone. 

The pronouns are declined as follows : — 

Personal Pronouns. 
Man, I. 



Sinff, 
Nom. man, I* 
Gen. mani, of me, my. 
Dat. & Ace. mana, me, to me. 



Nom. to, tau, thou. 
G. tai, of thee, thy. 

D. & A. tura, to thee, thee. 



Plur, 
ama, ma, we. 
amai, mai, of us, our. 
amara, mara, us, to us. 

To, tau, Thou. 

shuma, you. 
shumai, of you, your, 
shumara, to you, you. 



In addressing one person it is customary to use the singular form 
of " to." 

A, he, she, or it. 



N. a, he, she, it. 

Q. aii, of him, his, &c. 

D. & A. aira, aia, to him, him, &c. 



a, aan, ahan, they, 
ai-i, aani, ahani, of them, their .^ 
aira, aia, aanra, ahanra, to them, 
them. 

The plural forms dan and dhdn are rarely used, the singular being 
generally used for the plural. 

* Demonstrative, 

E or Esh, This. 



eshan, these. 

eshani, of these. 

eshanra, eshana, to theBe, these* 



N. e, esh, this. 

G. eshi, of this. 

D. & A. eshia, eshira, to this, this 

A, That. 

Declined as a, he, she or it, qv. 

Ham may be prefixed to these pronouns to give the sense of this 
very or that very. This does not appear to be allowable with any 
ease but the nominative — 

e.g. Hame drdch, this very tree. 

When answering questions ham is almost invariably prefixed. 



THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCflEE DIALECT. 



e,g. Which is the man ? Kujan mardum in. 
This is he. Hamesh in. 

Ham is also very frequently prefixed to pronouns when the sense of 
very does not appear to be implied. 

The demonstrative pronouns are not declined when used to qualify 
substantives ; vrhen used as substantives they take above deflections, 
t,g. — 

This man's house, E marduma log. 

These people's houses, £ mardumana logan. 

The fastening of this is broken, Eshi band prushtag in. 

These are large, Eshan mazan an. 

B.efiect%x)e, 
Waty self, probably from Persian Ichud, 



Sing, 

N. wat, self. 

G. wati, of self. 

D. & A. wata, to self, self. 



Plural. 
Same as singular. 



Wat is used instead of the possessive pronouns when preceded hy 
a personal pronoun of the same person. 

e.g,, I am going to my house, Man wati toga *roan, 

Man wat, I myself. 



Plur. 

ama wat, we ourselves. 

amai wati, of ourselves. 

amai wata, to ourselves, ourselves. 



Sing. 

N. man wat, I myself. 
G. mani wati, of myself. 
D. & A. mani wata, to myself, 

myself. 

To wat, thou thyself, and a wat, he himself, declined in same man- 
ner as man wat. 

Interrogative, 

Kai, Who ? 

Plur. 



Sing, 

N. kai, who ? 
G. kai-i, whose? 
D. & A. kaira, kaia, to whom ? 

whom? 



Same as singular. 



8 



THE MEKRANEE-BBLOOCHEB DIALECT. 



Kujdfiy kuddn, Which? 

N. kujan, which ? 
G. kujani, of which ? 
D. & A. kujaara, kujaaa, to 
which ? which ? 



Plural same as singular. 



N. che, what ? 
G. chea, of what? 
D. & A. chea, to what ? 

what? 



Che, What. 

Plural same as singular. 



Relative and Correlative. 



Rel. a keh, he who, whoever. 
e.ff. He who is wise speaks Uttle. 

Rel. hanch, whatever. 

e-ff., Whatever I say, ybu do. 



(Jorrel. hamd, that same. 

a keh akalwand in, hama kam 

agwashit. 
Correl. hancho, that same. 
Hanch keh man agwashln hancho 

pekan. 
Correl. kamesh, kame, this same. 
E keh go man in hame shar in. 



Rel. e keh, this which. 

e.ff.. This which I have is good. 

The correlatives are very often omitted entirely. 

Suffixes, 
The suffix i or ish is often used for eshia or eshird, 
e. g.. Shall I take this away ? Man eshia 'barah, 

or Man abarani, 
or Man aharanish, 
I will give this to you, Man tura deinish. 

These suffixes appear to be only added to the verb, and not to nouns 
as in Persian. 

Possessives. 

The possessive pronouns are formed hy adding ff to the gen. case of 
the other pronouns, as mnnig, mine, iaiig, thine, aiig, his, amdig, ours, 
shumdig, yours, danig, theirs, kaiig, whose, as — 
e petx manig in, this hox is mine. 
For the possessive adjectives my, thy, &c., the gen. case of the 
pronouns is used, as — 

E manipetl in, this is my hox. 



THE HEKSANEE-DELOOCHSE DULECT. 9 

VERBS. 

The Bcloochcc verbs are extremely irregular, and it is impossible to 
reduce them to any system of conjugations. 

The irregularities, however, are very rarely in anything but the 
formation of the preterite tense. I have given a table of the most 
irregular, and iu the vocabulary I have given the aorist, preterite, 
and imperative of each verb. 

It will be noticed that the irregularities are mostly derived from the 
original Persian verbs ^'ana^a, draga, warapa, deaga, &c. 

The principal peculiarities of the Beloochee verb are : — 

(I.) There is no distinction between the present and future 
tenses, both being represented by one tense which I have 
called the Aorut. This does not appear to give rise to any 
difficulty in actual practice, as the context generally shows 
whether the verb should be in the present or future sense. 

(II.) That part of the verb ending in aga^ which appears to be 
the nearest approach to an infinitive, is of very rare occurrence, 
keh with the aorist generally taking its place ; e. g, — 

Man alotxh keh man aroaht I want to go, for Man alotih roiga. 
This resembles the Persian Man mikhwdham berawam. 
(III.) Almost entire disuse of any compound tenses. 
(IV.) Prefixing a to aorist tense. 
{Fide Remarks.) 
Root, — The root is formed from the infinitive by catting off aga. 

In those verbs in which the aga of the infinitive is preceded by cA 
OTJ, those letters are changed to tk or ht in the root, as dochaga, root 
dotk or doht. 

Verbs coming under this head are mostly those derived from Persian 
verbs ending in khtan^ and which change the kht into ;: in the aorist 
teuse. 

InfinitivCy ending in aga. This part of the verb, although it bears 
no resemblance to the Persian infinitive, yet appears to have the exact 
meaning of an infinitive. It is, however, rarely used. From it is 
2 ras 



10 THB MEERANEE-BELOOGHEE DIALECT. 

formed by changing aga into agi an adjective signifying to be , fit 

to be , about to — — , or, to be able : — 

e.g., gvoashagl, to be said, i,e. ought to be said, fit to be said ; 
about to say, or speakable ; roaglt about to go, or ought to 
go ; man roagl uh, I am about to go, I am to go. 

This corresponds very closely with the Persian words gu/tanl, ra/tant, 
<&c., which are formed by adding i to the infinitive. 

Aorist — Formed by prefixing a and adding various personal termi- 
nations to the root. 

This tense has present, future, and potential significations, e.^., Man 
agtjoashlhy I am speaking, I shall speak, or I may speak. 

When preceded by a word ending in a short vowel, the aorist usually 
loses its a prefixed. 

{Vide Remarks.) 

Preterite. — ^This is formed from the root generally by the addition 
of toL or ita, and has no variation for the three persons, singular and 
plural. It is evidently the preterite participle of the Persian verb. 

This tense is not in such common use as the Perfect. 

The Preterite has often an abbreviated form, as ku for kurta^ gu for 
gwashta, di for dtta, and in conversation the final a is very frequently 
omitted. 

Perfect. — This tense is formed by the Preterite Participle with vari- 
ous personal terminations added. 

There appears to be no difference in the meaning of this tense and 
the preceding. It is perhaps applied niore to past and completed 
actions. 

Imperative. — ^The 2nd pers. sing, is formed by prefixing be or pe 
to the root.. The 2nd pers. plural is formed by adding i or Id to the 
2nd pers. sing. 

Some verbs, instead of taking be or pe, require the b to be followed 
by the first vowel in the root, as boro, bubur, bigir. 

The first and third persons are formed by compounds with the verb, 
" liagar See «* Let." 



THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 11 

The prefix be is often omitted. In the vocabnlary the usual form of 
the imperatiTe is given. 

Preterite Participle, — Formed by adding tag to the root. 

Pluperfect. — ^This tense is very rarely used. It is formed by the 
Pret. Part, with the first form of the Preterite of the verb to be : 

e,ff., Man shutag atun, I had gone. Harwahdl keh to hamuda 
atkag ate man shutag atuh ashudd. When you arrived there I had 
gone from there. 

Future Perfect, — This tense, like the last, is of very rare occurrence. 
Jt is formed by the preterite participle with the future of the verb 
to be : — 

Man rastag abih, I shall have arrived. Harwahdl keh to hamuda 
rase man ham hamuda raatag abiht When you arrive there I also 
shall hare arrived there. This would generally be expressed by a 
Belooch Harwahdi keh to hamuda raae man ham akai-ih. 

Negatives, — In the aorist the prefix a disappears after na^ as man 
na 'roan, I won't go. 

In the verbs aiaga, draga and liaga the form of the aorist without k 
is always used in negative sentences : tf.^., man na drin, I will not 
bring it- 

The negative form of the imperative is formed by prefixing ma and 
cutting off the prefix be or pe, as maro, don't go, makan, don't do* 

Potential, agar, if, is used with the aorist : e,g,, agdr akait, if he 
come, agdr arot, if he go. 

There is a method of forming the potential by prefixing be, bo, &c., 
to the aorist : e.g., agdr beaiat, if he come, agdr borot, if he go. 

Interrogatives. — Interrogation is expressed by a difference of accent 
in the past tenses ; but in the aorist be is often prefixed and the a of 
the aorist cut off. Those verbs which require the b of the prefix of the 
imperative to be followed by the first vowel of the root, take the same 
prefix to the aorist as to the imperative — 

Man pekanaii ? Shall I do it ? 
Man boroaii ? Shall I go ? 

Can. — There appears to be no verb answering to the Persian tawdnia- 
tan. Can is expressed in Beloochee by using the preterite tense of the 



12 THE MEERANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 

verb with the aorist of the verb hanaga. The verb hanaga may per- 
haps be considered to have the meaning of to be able, in which case 
the following sentences correspond very closely with the Persian : — 

I can go, Man shuta 'kanan ; Persian — Man mitawdnam raft. 

I cannot lift it, Man chis kurta na 'kananish. 

It is also expressed by the past tense with the future of the verb to be. 

I cannot fasten this, E bast a nabit. Literally : — It cannot, or will 
not, be fastened. 

Could. — This is expressed by the preterite tense of the verb with 
the preterite of the verb kanaga. The abbreviated form of the latter* 
viz., k% is generally used. If the first verb is formed by a compound* 
of the verb kanaga, ku is invariably used. I could not lift it, man chis 
kurta na ku; I could not fasten it, man basta na kurta. 

Let. — This is expressed in the first and third persons of the impera- 
tive by bil (the imperative of liaga, to permit) with the aorist of the 
verb. 

Let me go, Bil keh man aroan. I will let him go is expressed by Man 
air a roaga li-ih (or kilih). 

I allowed him to go, or I let him go, Man aird roaga ishta. 
Astin or dBt, negative nlstin or nlst. 

This is used to signify possession or existence, and takes the place of 
the verb to have. It undergoes no inflection, 

e.g. Tura fursat ast ? Have you leisure ? 
ach ast ? Is there any fire ? 

ach nist. There is no fire. 

Kanaga, deaga, and kapaga, — These verbs are often used in 
conjunction with another word to form a verb. When used in this way 
they take no prefix to the 2nd persons of the imperative. 

Conjugation of Verbs, 

BUAGA, BIAGA, To be, or to become. 

This is the only verb with separate present and future tenses. 

Present. 
Sing. Plur. 



I. 


man un, 


I am. 


ama an or in. 


we are. 


2. 


to e, 


thou art. 


shuma e or it. 


you are. 


3 


a in or int, 


he is. 


a, ail or ant, 


they are. 



THE ICEEBANEE-BELOOCHEE DULECT. 



13 



1. 

2. 
3. 



Iw. 
2. 

3. 



1. 



Future. 



man ablu, aban, I shall be. 
to abc, abl, thou shalt be. 
a abi, abit, he shall be. 



ama abaii, abih, we -\ , ,, 

shuma abl, abit, abit, you V 
a aban, abant, they J 



Preterite No, 1. 

manatuii, I was or became, 
to ate, thou wast or becamest. 
a at, he was or became. 



ama ataii, we were or became, 
shuma ate, atit, you were or became, 
a atan, ataut, Uiey were or became. 



Preterite No, 2. 



man buta or bita, I was or 

became. 



2. to buta or bita, thou waster 

becamest. 

3. a buta or bita, he was or 

became. 



ama buta or bita. 



we were or 
became. 



shuma buta or bita, you were or 

became. 

a buta or bita, they were or 

became. 



Perfect. 

1. man butagnn or bitagaii, 

2. to butage or bitage, 

3. a butagau, butagant, bltagaii, bitagant, 

1. ama bfi tngnii or bitagnn, 

2. shuma bfitagi or bitagi, 

3. a butagau or bitagan. 



} 



thou ? was or became, 
he 



we 

you 

they 



} 



Preterite Participle. 

Butag, became. 
Imperative. 



were or became. 



1. bit keh man abiii, let me be. 

2. bu, bl, be thou. 

3. bit keh a abit, let him be. 



1. bilkeh amaaban, let us be. 

2. bud, bid, be ye. 

3. bil keh a abaii, let them be. 



The following are occasionally used : — 

Batt ha^ had\ May it be, may you be, &c. 



14 THE MEKBANEB-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 

Agar bebid, — This phrase is used to express " if there be nny, " e, g» 
Boro npa bidr, go and fetch water ; agar bebid man akarih, if there be 
any I will bring it. — Vide PotentiaL 

The present tense of this verb appears to correspond to the rerbal 
termiDRtioDs of the same meaning in Persian. 

The future appears to correspond with buwam of the Persian rerb 
budaih to be, and the second form of the preterite is evidently froQ> 
the same verb. 

The following show the method of conjugation of the irregular verbs 
kanaga, aiaga, and roaga, the defective sarpada *baih, and the regular 
verb gwashaga. The latter shows the method of inflection of all 
Beioochee verbs with the exception of the manner of forming the 
preterite tense, in which there is considerable irregularity. 

KANAGA, To do. 
Aorist, I am doing, or I will do. 



ama akan-an. 
shuma akan-e, it. 
a akan-ant. 



ama "^ 

shuma /-kurta, kuta, ku. 
a ) 



1 . man akan-in, an, an. 

2. to akan-e. 

3. a akant, akanlt. 

Preterite, I did. 

1. man *| 

2. to >>kurta, kuta, ku. 

3. a 3 

Perfect, I did, I have done. 

1. mankurtag-aii,uu;kurtag-aii, un. i ama kurtag-au, kntag-aii. 

2. to kurtag-e, kutag-e. shuma kurtag-i, kutag-i. 

3. a kurtag-au, ant, kutagau ant. | a kurtag-aii, kutag-aii. 

Preterite Participle, Done. 
Kurtag or kutag. 

Imperative. 

2nd pers. sing, pekan, kan, \ 2nd pers. pi. pekanl, kini, 

1st and 3rd persons formed by aorist with bil. 

A I AG A, to come. 
This verb has two forms of the aorist. 



\ 



THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCflEE DIALECT. 15 

AorUt No, 1, I am coming, I will come. 



1. man akai-ih, an. 

2. to akai-e* 

3. a akait. 



ama akai-aii. 
shuma akai-it. 
a akai-au. 



Aorist No. 2, I am coming, I will come. 

1. man ai-in, an. 

2. to ai-e. 

3. a ai-at. 



ama ai-an. 
shuma ai-it. 
a ai-an. 



Preterite, I came. 




atka, atka, ata 
or at. 



ama 

shuma ^atka, atka, ata or at. 

a 



Perfect, I came, I have come. 

1. man atag-an, uu. or atkag-an, un. 

2. to utag-c. or atkag-e. 

3. a atag-ant, an. or atkag-ant, an. 

1. ama atag-an. or atkag-an. 

2. shuma atag-i. or atkag*!. 

3. a atag-an. or atkag-au. 

Imperative. 
2nd pcrs. sing. hia. 2nd pers. pi. biaUl. 

Preterite Participle, 
atag or atkag. 

ROAGA, To go. 
Aorist, I am going, I will go. 



1 . man aroan or areln. 

2. to a roc. 

3. a arot. 



ama aroan or arein. 
shumii aroe or arot. 
a aroan or arc in. 



Preterite, I went. 



1. manl 

2. to >shuta, shut or shQ, 

3. a J 



} 



1. amil 

2. shuma ^shuta, shut, shu. 

3. a 



IG 



THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCHEE DULECT. 



Perfect^ I went, I have gone. 

1. man shutaguh. 1. ama shutagan. 

2. to shutage. 2. shuma shutagl. 

3. a shutagant, shutagan. 3. a shutagan. 

Preterite Participle, Gone, 
shutag. 
Imperative. 
2nd pers. sing, boro, 2nd pers. pi. boroid. 

The aorist and imperative of this verh are evidently from the Persian 
verb ra/tan, to go (aorist rawam). The remaining tenses appear 
to be from shudan to be, or to go. 

DEFECTIVE VERB. SARPADA 'BAIN, I understand. 

Aorist, 

1. man sarpada 'bain» sarpada 'ban or sarpada 'bin. 

2. to sarpada 'be. 

3. a sarpada 'bit. 

1. ama sarpada 'bin. 

2. shuma sarpada 'bit. 



3. a sarpada 'ban. 



Preterite, 



r sarpada buta or sarpada bita. 



man 

to 

a 

ama . 
shuma I 

a J 

Regular Verb. GWA8HAGA, To speak, to say. 

Aorist, I am speaking, I will speak. 



1. man agwash-ln, an. 

2. to agwash-e. 

3. a agwash-1, It. 



1. man 

2. to 

3. a- 



1. ama ngwash-aii. 

2. shuma agwash-I, It. 

3. a agwash-aii, ant« 

Preterite, I spoke. 

1 . ama "^ 

2. shuma Vgwashta or gu. 

3. a J 

Perfect, I spoke, I have spoken. 



1 . man gwashtag-aii, uu. 

2. to gwashtag-e. 

3. a gwashtag-an, uii. 



1. ama gwashtag-aii. 

2. shuma gwashtag-I. 

3. a gwashtag-an. 




THE MEKRANEE-BKLOOCHEE DIALECT. 17 

Preterite Participle^ Spoken. 

Gwashtag. 
Imperative. 

1. Bil keh man agwashin, aii, Let me speak. 

2. Begwash, Speak thou. 

3. Bil keh a agwashi, it, Let him speak. 

L Bil keh ama agwashan, Let us speak. 

2. Begwashid, Speak ye. 

3. Bil keh a agwashan, ant, Let them speak. 

Potential^ I may speak. 

1. man begwash-in, an, &c. * 

This Terb is plainly from the Persian verb guftan, to speak. 

The correct form appears to be gwaahaga, but it is often pronounced 
guihaga. 

PASSIVE VOICE. 

This is very rarely used in Beloochee» the active voice being 
generally substituted. 

The following will show the method of forming the principal tenses 
of the passive voice : — 

I shall be beaten, Man janag abih. 

I was beaten, Man janag buta. 

I should have been beaten, Man janag but atun. 

I had been beaten, Man jaiuig butag atun. 

I have been beaten, Man janag butagan. 

CAUSAL VERBS. 

There is no rule for the formation of causal verbs ip Beloochee. A 
few of the Persian causal verbs have been retained, as rasdnaga (Persian 
rasdnidan). 

The following verbs form causals ; they are probably of Smdee 
origin : — 

chandaga, to shake (intransitive); causal chandenaga,to shake (transitive), 
lotaga, to want ; „ lotainaga, to demand, 

siiraga, to shake (intransitive) ; »» surinaga, to shake (transitive), 
pulaga, to become wet ; ,, pulenaga, to make wet. 

2 r a 8 



18 



THE MEEBANEErBELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



ADVERBS. 

In Beloochee adverbs exhibit no peculiarities. In construction they 
generally precede the verb. 

They are generally the inflected forms of nouns. 

Following is a list of those most in use : — 



above. 


Barbara, bala. 


now. 


nun, nin, banun. 


afterwards 


gudan, gudin, 




hanin. 


(time), 


pashtara. 


outside. 


darai, dar, dana. 


after, behind 


randa. 


over. 


Barbara. 


(place), 




once. 


yebarl, yek bar. 


again, 


noka (literally 


thus. 


chosh. 




anew). 


to-day. 


marochi. 


always. 


yek-kasha. 


to-morrow. 


bahdad. 


before(time). 


pesara, peshtara. 


to-night. 


ishap. 


before(place) 


dema, saria. 


this side, 


edem, e nemaga. 


beyond. 


adem, dema. 


thence, 


achuda, ashuda. 


between, 


miyanji, toka. 




chamuda {for 


below. 


buna, chira. 




ach hamuda). 


back. 


pada. 


under. 


buna, chira. 


behind. 


randa. 


up, 


bala. 


down. 


jala. 


when. 


kadin. 


ever, 


izhbar, izhbi. 


where. 


kuja, ku. 


hence, 


achida, azhda. 




with the verbroaga. 




ashida, chamida. 




kvjd angu is 


how. 


chitor, chonl, 




used; e.g, where 




choan. 




are you going. 


how many, 
how much. 


Ichunt, chinka. 


whence. 


kuja dngu aroe. 
ash kuja. 


here. 


ingu, haraingu. 


why, 


parcha, parche. 


here, 


ida, hamida. 


in the morn- 


soba. 


inside. 


thar, tahar, lapa. 


ing. 




never. 


izhbar, izbbi (with 


in the even- 


bega. 




na). 


ing* 


. 






yet. 


tanagl, tanagei. 


The following are used as Relatii 


iQ and Correlative. 


ReL harwahdl keh, when. 


Correl. hama wahdi. Men. 


„ a ja, bar 


ja, har kuja, wher- 


„ hamangu, hamuda, there, 


ever. 




thither. 



THE HEERANKE-BRLCX)CH£B DIALECT. 



19 



JTiim.— The ham prefixed to adferbsof place appears to be frequent- 
ly used without altering the meaning of the word ; e.g., hamangu and 
hamingM are frequently used in the sense of here and there without 
having the force of in tkU very place ^ or in that very place. 



PREPOSITIONS. 

Prepositions require the termination i or a added to the substantives 
to which they refer. They are generally the same as the adverbs. 
They are placed after the substantive, except par, ash, go, bagar, and 
ta, which precede the substantive and require no termination to be 
added. 

Following is a list of those most frequently used : — 

above, sara, sarbara. 

afler (time), gud. 

after, behind (place), randa. 



at, 


The dative case as Owddara, at Gwadnr. 


along with, 


gon, go, lura. 


before (place), 


dema. 


before (time), 


peshtara, pesara. 


beneath, 


chira, buna. 


between. 


miyanji, toka. 


beyond, 


adem, dema. 


behind. 


randa. In the sense " at the back of" puihta is 




used ; e.g., bdga pu$hta, behind the garden. 


by. 


ash, ach. 


except, 


bagar. 


for, 


par, wasta. (The dative case is, however, gene- 




rally used to imply for without any preposi- 




tion). 


from, 


ash, ach. From here, ashida, achida, azhda ; 




From there, ashuda, achudu. 


in. 


thar, tahar, lapa. 


on, 1 
over, / 


sara. 


towards, 


nemaga. 


to. 


Dative case, or td. The latter is used when 



speaking of two places in the sense of from one 
to the other. 



20 THE MEKBANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 

e,g, I am going to Gwadur, Man Gwadara 'roan ; 
He weDt from Gwadur to Pusnee, a ash 
Gwddar id Pdsnl ahutagan : How far is it 
from here to Gwadur ? Azhdd ta Gwadar 
chunt dlr in ? 

under, chlra, buna. . 

upon, sara. 

with, gon, go, liira. In the sense of " by" ash, ach. 

without, bagar. 

in possession of, gon, go, gwara ; e,g, I have it. Go man dat, or 

mani gwara dst. 

Ash and ach are very often changed to 'sh or 'cA before a word 
beginning with a vowel, aitd are sounded as if part of the next word 
as'ch e (pronounced che) for ach e, from this. 

Gon and go have the peculiarity of being frequently both used to 
express the word with : e.g.. Come with me. Go man bid gon ; Bring 
those things with you, A ch'idna gon wat hidr go, 

CONJUNCTIONS. 

These present no peculiarities. The following are the most com- 
mon : — 

also, ham. 

and, o. 

but, ball, lekiu. 

if, agar. 

INTERJECTIONS. 

Besides the ordinary Mussulman phrases, the principal are — 
Bravo ! Shabash. 

Oh! Ai (vocative). 

Quick quick! Make haste! Haya-hnya. 
Indeed ! Haucho. 

DIVISIONS OF TIME. 

The following names of various parts of the day and night, are very 
useful to any one travelUng in Mekran : — 

The space from about two to four hours mazanin gwarbam. 
before daylight, 

About one hour before daylight, gwarbam. 



THB HEKRANEB-BELOOOHEE DIALECT. 



21 



When there is just faint da¥m, 
Jost before sunrise, 



atarag. 
nimaz, sob, 

(prayer), 
naharia wahdi. 
swaragani. 



roshanal 



About one to two hours after sunrise, 

From about three hours after sunrise 
till noon, 

Noon, 

Noon till about 2 p.m., 

2 P.M. till sunset. 

About two hours before sunset. 

From sunset till dark. 

When just dark. 

About one hour after sunset. 

From the time it becomes quite dark till shap. 
midnight, 

Midnight, nimshap 

NUMERALS. 

These are almost exactly the same as the Persian numbers : — 



nimroch. 

zuhr (prayer). 

bega. 

asr (prayer). 

magrab (prayer). 

sham. 

ashar (prayer). 



1. 


yak, yek. 


1 1. yoazda. 


2. 


do. 


12. dowazda. 


3. 


sai. 


13. slzda. 


4. 


char. 


1 4. charda. 


5. 


panj, panch. 


15. panzda. 


6. 


shash. 


16. shanzda. 


7. 


hapt, haft. 


17. haptda. 


8. 


hasht. 


1 8* hashtda. 


9. 


no. 


.19. nozda. 


10. 


da. 


2D. hist. 




21, 22, 23, &c., hist 


-o-yak, bist-o-do, & 


30. 


si. 


80. hashtad. 


40. 


chehil. 


90. nowad. 


50. 


panja. 


100. sad. 


60. 


shast, shash t. 


200. dosad. 


70. 


haptad. 


1000. hazar. 



ORDINALS. 

1st, awwal. 2nd, domi. 

For the rest add ml to the cardinal numbers* 



22 



THE MEKRANfiE-BSLOOCHEE DIALECT. 



FRACTIONS. 

^ nim ^ saick i rub or charek 
For the rest add ek to the cardinal numbers. 

DAYS OF THE WEEK. 

These are the same as the Persian — 



i panchek. 



Sunday, 

Monday, 

Tuesday, 

Wednesday, 

Thursday, 

Frida?, 

Saturday, 



yak shambe. 
do shambe. 
sai shambe. 
char shambe. 
panj shambe. 
juma, adina. 
shambe. 



DAYS, NIGHTS, AND YEARS PAST AND TO COME. 



Four days ago, 
Three days ago, 
Day before yesterday. 
Yesterday, 
To-day, 
To-morrow, 
Day after tomorrow, 
Third day hence. 
Fourth day hence. 
Last night, 
Night before last. 
The third night past. 



pishta-pareri or pishta-pairi. 

pesh-parerl or pesh-pairi. 

pareri, pairi. 

zi. 

marochi. 

bandad. 

poshi poiishi. 

paramposhl. 

pish ti-paramposh i . 

doshi. 

parandoshi. 



pisparandoshi. 

Beyond the above limits the number of days is expressed as 
follows : — 

I arrived five days ago, Panchm rack man dtagun, or Marochi 
panchmi rock int keh man dtagun. 

I am going in five days, Panch rocha gud man arelh. 
Last year, pari. 

Year before last, pairarl. 

Third year past, peshta-pairari. 

This year, imbara. 

IRREGULAR VERBS. 
The following is a list of the principal irregular verbs, showing the 
ist person singular of the aorist, the preterite, and the imperative with 



THE MEKRANEE-BEIfOOCHEE DIALECT. 



23 



the infinitive, and aorist of the Persian verb from which they are 
derived : — 

6 



c 

-P4 



•a 

o 






CO 

a 



a 






3Q 

o 






a 






s ° 

a « 

OS fc- 

M 199 



O 

OB 



6 B 

ttlioS 






eg eo M ctS e8 



g § g 



Sd 6 ^ ^1^ S '^ 5 ^ ^ 






B B 
S •== 

oO CO 





S.'S 



^ 



^ 



s 



•a?.'5 






^ _ «^ 4^ .iris 
pO js js ^ js ^ 



s 









f9 ^ fi, 



a«^ js js js ^ ^ 



(P o 



B O 

e3 ^ 

JS en 



ao <Q 






« 3 o Id 

•^^ w eo 






13 

OS 






13 

« " - -P OB-g 5^ 

CO 



5 
s 






bo 



9 



S 2 







^ •= •= 'S 

•Q •S T* JS ^ *Tt 
CtS 48 CtS C8 fl8 flCl 



•a 

oo J3 
c8 p 
c8 C8 



•fl •& 
B O 

-S 3 



§> 



« & ^ ^ 

08 « ^ ^ 
>^>>M OB 00 OC 




6C 



So 

08 






&) 

08 
B 
08 



flS So 

08 4) 



* .5 « a S^ 



OS &A 
08 9 






i S S 



1^ 

o 



S-c B 5-s I 



>% V 



08 
4> 

o 



B 4> 



Pu 

o 

oo 



o 

o 



a. 

B 






O 3 






B 
&• B '^ **" -S 

8 S « oT S 

CO OB •** ^ 



/ 



24 THE MEERANBE-BELOOOHEE DIALECT. 

FORMS OF ADDRESS AND SALUTATIONS. 

In their dealings with one another the Beloochees are a particularly 
polite people. They rarely address one another without using the word 
toajd, whether the person addressed be superior, inferior, or equal to the 
speaker. 

The Beloochee salutations, which are invariably gone through when 
two Beloochees meet, extend sometimes to a very great length. The 
principle of the salutation appears to be as follows : — 

A and B interchange saldm. 

A and B ask after each other's healthy and each expresses a wish 
that the other and his family may be well. This part of the salutation 
is usually spoken nearly simultaneously by each person. 

A and B then ask for news, each replying that all is well. 
After this any news there may be is exchanged. 

In these salutations " all is well " is only a formula. Should either 
of the speakers be ill, he would still say " all is well." 

The simplest form of salutation used by people nearly strangers is as 
follows : — 

A. — Salam alik. 

B, — Alikum salam. Wash at. 

A, — Wash at. 

J5.— -Droha jur e. 

A, — Drohajur e. 

B, — Droha bat. 

A, — Droha bat. 

JB. — Habar de. 

A. — Ash hudiii mihrbani draiin hair in to habar de. 

^.— Ash hudai mihrbani draiin hair in. 

Between intimates the salutation becomes extended almost indefinitely 
by repetitions and inquiries after each other's families as follows :-« 

A. — Salam alik, Peace upon you ! 

B. — ^Alikum salam ; Wash at. Upon you peace ! Welcome ! 

A. — Wash at. Welcome ! 

Then A and B almost simultaneously, B slightly in advance : — 



THE HEKKANEfi-BKLOOCHEt: DIALECT. 26 

Droha jur e ? Droha bat {or Are you well ? May you be well ! 

taiar bat). To taiar jur e? Are you well? Are you very 

To shar taiar jure? To wat well? Are you well yourself? 

taiar e ? Tai alam taiar an ? Are your people well ? Is your 

Tai bras taiar in? Tai zal brother well? Is your wife 

taiar in. &c. &c. well ? &c. &c. 

JB. — Habar de, habar kau, or Give news, 
mihrbani kan. 

^i. — Ash hudai mihrbani draiiii From God*s kiuduess all is well, 
hair in. 

or, ash hudai rahm bad! na From God's mercy it is not bad 

hair in. but well (with me). 

or, ash tai salamati draiin hair From your safety all is well, 
m. 

to habar de, to habar kan. You give news. 

or to mihrbani kan. 

B. gives the same answer as A, After this, wash at, droha jur e ? 
droha hat, &c., is often repeated, then 

A. — Nokih hala kan. Give news* 

B, — Man na hush kurta badiii I have heard no bad news, you 
hal, to nokiu hala kan. give news. 

A, — Manna hush kurta badin hal. I have heard no bad news. 

This is all subject to variations at the will of the speaker, but the 
above is the most usual form. • 

In the case of a salutation of one man to a body of other men the rule 
is that the new comer addresses the Salam alik to the others generally* 
and it is answered by them together. The wash at, droha bat, &c. is 
then interchanged by the new comer with each individual of the party 
in turn, or if the party be large with a few of the head people only. 
After this, the headman of the party, addressing his followers, says 
habar gir^ ask for news. The followers decline doing this by paying ji, 
implying that they leave it to the chief to ask for news. The chief 
then proceeds with the salutation from habar de. 

Should one of the parties be in a house and the other arrive from out- 
side, the former must be the first to say wash at and habar kan. 

Answering a man's enquiries by less than he asks you is a proof of 
assumption of superior position or of ill manners. 
I- ras 



26 THE M£KRAN£E-B£LOOCH£E DIALECT. 

REMARKS. 

Syntax. — In Beloochee the usual order of words iu a sentence is — 

(I.) Nominative, 

(11) Dative or Accusative, 

(III.) Verb, 

the adverbs, prepositions, &c., taking their places as described under 
their respective heads. The relative orders of nominative, accusative, 
and verb are however by no means strictly adhered to, and the accu- 
sative is frequently placed after the verb. 

a, — The termination and prefix {a) is one of the greatest difficulties 
in Beloochee. It is frequently used in plnces where it cannot be ac- 
counted for grammatically, as nazik (a) &ia, come near ; a mardum (a) 
gwashty that man said, &c. In these sentences it appears, however, 
to be equally right to insert or omit the a, which is probably only in- 
serted for the sake of euphony, to avoid two consonants coming 
together. 

In the case of the aorist, however, the a is invariably inserted before 
the verb, although it would appear improbable that the a can really be 
part of the verb. 

The following sentences will serve to show the method usually folio ve- 
ed by Beloochees in forming sentences. The first part shows the 
use of some of the more peculiar Beloochee words, and in the latter 
part will be found a variety of sentences such as are in common use in 
travelling through the country : — 

(I.) 

Come here. Ingu bia. 

Come near. Na2ik(a) bia. 

Come inside. Thar bia. 

Be silent* Betowar bii. 

Be careful. Sambal or Habardar bu. 

Don't forget. Dila mabar or Behaiyal mabu. 

Remember what I say. Maui habara haiyal bedar. 

Do you remember ? Tura haiyal in ? 

I do not remember. Man behaiyal un. 

Come back. Pada bia. 

Go home. Loga boro. 



THE MEKRANKE-BELOOCU£E DIALECT. 



27 



Light the Ump. 
Put out the lamp. 
Turn to the right. 
Give my coroplimeats. 
Don't make a noise. 
Do as I say. 

Mind your own business. 

SUnd still. 

Bring some drinking water. 

Bring some water for washing 
hands. 

Go slowly. 

Don't let him go. 

When are you going to leave ? 

We shall leave to-morrow morn- 
ing early. 

Who^are you ? 

Are you Mahomed ? 

Where have you come from ? 
Where have they gone ? 
What do you want ? 
Where do you hve ? 
Where arc you going ? 
When will he come back ? 
He will never come back. 
What is the use of that? 
Why do you do thus ? 
What is the matter ? 
What do you call this ? 
What is the name of this ? 
Do you understand ? 
I don't understand. 
Make him understand (t. e, ex- 
plain to him). 
Listen to me. 
What you say is all tnie. 

Say it again. 



Chiraga rok pekan. 

Chiraga pukush. 

Rasta pi tar. 

Mani salama bed! or beras&n. 

Towar makan. 

Hanch keh man agwashiu hancho 

pekan. 
To wati kHra pekan. 
Bosht 

Waragi apa biar. 
Dast shodaga apa biar. 

Wash-wash (a) boro. 
Aira mail roaga. 
To kadih sark agire ? 
Ama soba m&hala 'roan. 

To kai e ? 

Mahomed to e ? or To Maho- 
med e ? 

To ash kuja atkage ? 

A kuja angu shutagan ? 

To che lote ? 

To kuja ninde ? 

To kuja angu aroe ? 

A kadin pada 'kait ? 

A izhbar pada na aiat. 

A che kar akait ? 

To parcha chosh akane ? 

Che buta ? 

To eshira che 'gwashe ? 

Eshi nam che ? 

To sarpada 'be ? 

Man sarpada na 'baiii. 

Aira sarpad kan. 

Mani habara gosh dar. 

Hanch keh to agwnshe drust rast 
in. 

Noka begwash. 



28 



THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



I will give you ten rupees per 
mensem. 

Very good Sir, I agree. 

Bring those things with you. 

It is very hot. 

The sky is cloudy. 

How dark it is. 

It will rain to-day. 

Does much snow fall on the hills ? 

There was thunder yesterday. 

Has the moon risen yet ? 

Last night there was lightning 
in the north. Probably the 
river will fill to-day (bring water 
to-day). 

"Why do you go on foot ? 

I am fond of walking. 

Are YOU tired ? 

Come with me. 

Call me early in the morning. 

They went six months ago. 

It is three years since I was about 
here. 

Do you like to go ? 

As you like. 

Give me a httle water. 

Have you learnt Hindustani ? 

I will wear this shirt. 

I will wear these trousers. 

A Uttle remains in this inkstand- 

I have nothing to eat or drink. 

Go in front. 

Put these things in the bag. 

Put it down here. 
Come down from there. 

Go down into the nullah here and 
come out there on the other 
side. 

Pour water into this. 



Man tura maha da kaldara 'dein. 

Sak shar Waja, kabfll in. 

A chiana gon wat biar go. 

Sak garm in. 

Asmana nod in. 

Cho tahar in. 

Marochl haur abl. 

Kohana sara harp baz akap} ? 

Zl grund bilta. 

Tanagi mah dar at ? 

Doshi kutuba girok at (or buta) . 
Geshtar marochl kohr apa'karl. 



To .parcha pada ' roe ? 

IVfana dost abln pada roaga. 

To dam burta ? 

Go man bia gon. 

Mana soba mahala pada kan. 

Shash mah an keh a shutagant . 

Sai sal an keh man parida na 
atkagun. 

Tura dost abi roaga ? 

Hanch keh tura dost abL 

Mana kamin (or tukurin) apabedi. 

To Hindustania burta. 

Man e jamaga gwara 'kanan. 

Man e shalwara pada 'kanan. 

E masdana lapa tukur man in. 

Mana waraga-charaga hich chl 
nist. 

Saria boro. 

E chiana pelaga lapa man kan (or 
man gij). 

Hamida ir kani. 

Ashuda ir kap. 

Hamida kohra lapa Ir kap, adem 
hamuda dar kap. 

Eshia apa ir rech. 



THE MEKRANEE-BBLOOCHEB DIALECT. 



29 



Have you thrown away the 
water? 

Take those things out of the hag. 

Whatever be lost I will find. 

Have you water with you ? 

Have YOU brought water with 
youf 

Come with the things. 

This was formerly mine, now it is 
his. 



To apa retka ? 

A chlana dar gej 'che pelaga lapa. 
Har che gar abi man daragejln. 
Ap gon in go T 
Ap aurta gon ? 

To gon samana boro (or gon s&- 
mana lura boro). 

E awwal manig buta, hanin aiig in. 



(II.) 



Are the camels ready ? 
Yes sir, they are all ready. 
The camelmen want an advance to 
buy provisions for the journey. 

Start off. 

How far is to-day's stage ? 

We shall arrive there at sunset. 

What kind of a road is it, good 

or bad ? 

The road is all good, but in the 
creek there may be some diffi- 
culty. 

When is it high tide ? 

It is high tide now, but by the 
time we reach the creek there 
will not be much water in it. 

Will there be moonlight to-night ? 

What time does the moon rise ? 

The moon will rise at midnight. 

Take care that the camel's feet do 
not slip in the creek. 

I win follow yon. 

I shall go by the sea-beach. 

The way will be stopped on the 
sea-beach at Buddook* when 
the tide rises. 



Bag tiar in ? 

Hau waja drust tiar an. 

Hushterian zara 'lotan keh tosh- 
aga 'giran. 

Sark gir. 

Marochia minzil chunt dur in ? 

Ama magraba 'rasan. 

Ra choan in? Sharin? Gandag 
in? 

Drohaiii ra shar in, bali kohar 
tukurin mushkuli abi. 

Darya kiidin pur abi ? 

Darya hanin pur in, lekin har- 
wahdi ama kohra rasan ap baz 
na'bi. 

Ishap mahi kani abi ? 

Mah che wahdi dar akait ? 

Mah nimshapa dar akait. 

Habardar keh kohra lapa hush- 
teraa pad na 'lugushi (or na 
'shitteri). 

Man tai randa 'kaian. 

Man tiaba 'roan. 

Harwahdi keh darya bala 'kait, 
tiaba ra, Badtlka gat abi. 



* A name given to places where the beach is impaaaable at high tide. 



30 



THE M£KRAN£E-BELOOCHS£ DIALECT. 



What 18 that which I can see in 
the ^stance ? 

I think it is a camel. 

Do jwtL see those trees ? 

That is where a Kulmuttee was 
killed last year by the Rinds. 

Indeedl 

What kind of ground is it there ? 

It is salt ground. 

Is there a well near those trees ? 

Yes sir, there is. It would be well 
if we were to stay there to-night. 

Is the water sweet there ? 

It is not very sweet, but it is drink- 
able. 
Is there good grass for the camels T 

There is plenty of salt grass and 
babul trees. 

Do you think there will be any 
rain? 

No there will not be any rain 
tiU the winter. 

What people Uve in those huts ? 

Are these the people who have 
been lately stealing camels ? 

No, these are good people and do 
not steal. 

How did they come by these 
fields? 

It was given to them as blood 
money. 

Are there any hares here ? 

In the winter there are a very 
great many grouse and par- 
tridges here. 

Are there any deer here ? 

At night the deer come from the 
hUls. 

Is the tent pitched ? 



Have the camelmen fetched wood 
and water ? 



A che ill keh dur peda in ? 

Geshtar hushtera in. 

A drachana ginde to ? 

Gwastagin sala, hamangu Rindan 
yek Kalmatia kushta. 

Hancho ! 

Angu chitor zamin in ? 

Shor in (or kalar in). 

A drachkana nazik chah ast ? 

Ha waja astin. Agar ama shapa 
hamangu adaran sak shar abi. 

Angu ap wash in ? 

Sak wash na in ball waragl abi. 

Hushteraa wasta sharin ka ab! ? 
Surag o chish baz in. 

Tai dila haor abi ? 

Na, zimistana haur abi, peshtara 
na'bi. 

A halka kai anindi ? 

Haman »n keh hanin hushterana 
duzd kurtagan ? 

Na, e sharin marduman an duzda 
na 'kanan. 

£ zamin chitor aira rasita? 

Aira huna rasita, (or huna sara 
rasita). 

Ingu kargoshk abi ? 

Zimistana ingu katangar o kapln- 
jar baz in, hancho keh much. 

Ingil ask abi? 

Shapa ask ash koh akaian. 

Tambua jata, (or tambua lik 
kurta)? 

Hushterian dar o ap aurtagafi? 



THE XEKRAlfEE-BELOOCHKfi DIALECT. 



31 



Where is the well ? 

In the bed of the nullah. 

Have the camels been let loose 
to grase? 

Tell the camelmen not to let the 
camels go far away, as I shall 
start early m the morning. 

What can we get to eat here ? 

Sheep and fowls can be got here. 

Is it cold here at night ? 

No, the hills keep off the breeze. 

Are there any camels to be hired 
here? 

I will go and ask. 

I will go and look. 

Have you many sheep ? 

Whose are those tiate trees ? 

When did the baggage camels 
arrive ? 

If YOU don*t see the camel himself, 
look for his pugs. 

Unload the camels here. 



Cha ku in ? 
Kohra lapa. 
Hushtera charaga yek data ? 

Bushterlana begwash keh mai- 
keh hushtera dur aroan. Man 
Boba mahala 'rosn. 

Ingu che arasi waraga ? 

Ingu gurand o knkur arasaii. 

Ingii shapa sard abl ? 

Na, kohan gwata gat akanan. 

IngQ hushtera ast keh kirya 
akanan ? 

Man aroan, just akanan. 

Man aroan, achariii ( or haiyal 
akanan). 

Goh tai mesh baz ah ? 

A mach kai in ? 

Bag kadlh rasita? 

Agar to hushteraa jindana 'gintfs 
pada haiyal kan. 

Hushteraa bar hamida boj. 



SHORT VOCABULARY. 



above 
abundant 
abuse, to 

account (mo- 
ney) 

account (rea- 
son) 

active 

after 

after, behind 

afternoon 



A. 



sarbara sara 

bax 

bad deaga, bad 
gwashaga 

hisab 
sabab 



hushyar, puktig 

gudan, gud, gudlh 

randa 

vide divisions of : 
day, bega air 



afterwards 

again 

age 

agree 

agreement 

agriculturist 

ague 

ago 



gudah, gudin, 
pashtara 

uoka, literally 



" anew " 



umbr 

kabul kanaga 

kabul 

dahikan 

gwahar 

expressed as fol- 
lows: — he went 
three days ago. 
Sai roch in keh 
a shutagah 

gwat 



32 



THB MEKRANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



alive 
all 

allow, to 

almond 

along with 

also 

alum 

always 

and 

angry 

animal 

ankle 

annoyance 

answer 

ant 

ant, white 

antimony 

anvil 

any 

anyone 

anyhow 

apple 

apple of eye 
arm 
arm pit 
army 
arrive, to 

arrive to, 
cause to 

artery 

as 

ashes 

ask, to 

ass 
assafoetida 



zindag 

drust,droha, hama, 
hamuk 

liaga,lnn, ishta,hil 

badam 

goii, go, lura 

ham 

pituki* 

yekkasha 

o 

zahr 

rastar (if haram), 
dalwat (if halal) 

much 

halak 

jawab 

mor 

rumir, darwar 

sirimug 

sindan 

chizi 

kas 

har-che-bebid, 
hanchoshi 

sorob 

chama siyahag 
dast, bazk 
bagal 
lashkar 

rasaga, arasin,rasta 
or rasita, beras 



• _ • 



rasanaga, rasanin, 
rasanta, herasan 

rag 

hanch, hancho 

pur 

justb kanaga, justa 
kanaga 

har 

hing {hind) 



assist 


kumak deaga 


assistance 


kumak 


at 


expressed by da 




tive case, Gwa 




dara ''at Gwa- 




dur" 


awake, to be 


haga biaga 


awaken, to 


pada kanaga (iron 




sitive) 


awaken 


padaaiaga(m^ran 




sitive) 


axe 


towar 



babul tree 

bad 

back (of 

body) 

back (direc- 
tion) 

bag, saddle 

bag, made of 
carpet 

bag, gene- 
rally 

bag, goat 
hair 

baggage 

baggage, if 
consisting 
of house- 
holdgoods 
accompa- 
nied by 
women 
and chil- 
dren 

ball (bullet) 

banana 

banian tree 

barber 



B. 

chish, tish 
^andag, harab 
pusht, bad 

pada 

hurjin 
kont 

pelag 

gwalag 

saman, bunag 
barwar 



tir 

mwoz, moz 
karag 
hnjam 



THE UEKBAMKE-BSLOOCHBK DIALECT. 



3S 



barren 


dan 


barley 


o 


bark, to 


lakaga, alakln, la- 




kita, belak 


bat 


shapchar 


basket 


lach, lachuk, kapat 


basket, kind 


pat 


of mat bag 


A 


bee 


benaga makask, 




gwamz 


bear 


rich 


beard 


rish 


beetle 


gundar, gokindar. 




dandu 


beat, to 


janaga, ajanin, jata 




or jat, bejan 


bedding 


gud, gandal 


bedstead 


taht, taht 


before, ad- 


dema, saria 


verb of 




place 




before, ad- 


awwal, peshtara. 


verb of time 


pesara 


beggar 


pakir, mlar 


begin, to 


silru kanaga 


behind 


randa 


bell, any 


tlUu 




belly 


lap 


below 1 
beneath J 




buna, chira 


between 


toka, miyanji 


beyond 


adem, dema 


bill 


hisab 


bird 


murg 


bitter 


zahir, zahr 


black 


siyah 


blacksmith 


]uri 


bHnd 


kor, becham 


blood 


hun 


blood monev 

• 


huna zar 


bine 


nil 



blunt 

boar 

body 

body, whole 
person 

boil, to 
{trans) 

boil, to 

(intrans,) 
boiling 

bone 

book 

boot 

booty 

both 

box 

boy 

brass 

bread 

brain 

breadth 

break, to 
(any hard 
thing) 

break, in- 
transitive, 

applied to 
soft things, 
ropes, &c. 
breakfast 

breakfast, 

early 
breast, man 

breast, wo- 
man 
breath 
brick 
bridge 
bridle 
bring, to 

brother 



kunt 
hik 
jan 
jind 

lahr kanaga 

lahr buaga 

lahr 

had 

kitab 

kaush 

hijl, pul 

doin, har do 

peti 

bachak 

brinj 

nan, nagan 

majg 

prahl 

prushaga, aprush- 
In prushta, be- 
prush 

sindaga. asindin, 
sis la, besind 



swarag 
nahari 

gwar 
gwar 

gin 

it, isht 

phul 

lagam 

araga ; arin or ka- 
rln ; aurta \ biar 

bras, brat 



o r a » 



34 



THE M£KRAN££-B£LOOCH£E DIALECT. 



brown 

buffalo 

bullet 

bullet-mould 

bullock 

bullocks, 
cows, and 
young in a 
herd 

Bunniah 

burn, to 
(trans.) 

burn, (iTi- 
trans.) 

bury, to 

bustard 

but 

butcher 

butter 

buy, to 



butterfly 



calf 

call, to 

camel, gene- 
rally 

camel, up to 
1 year old 
whilst milk 
drinking 

„ 1 to 2 years 

„2to3 

„ 3 to 4 

„ 4 to 5 

,, 5to6 

», 6 to 7 

,, 7 to8 

„ 8 years and 
upwards 



j> 



>> 



>> 



>» 



•» 



if 



bor 

garnish 

tir 

kalib, tir-rech 

karigar, gok 

gwurm, gOTung 



gor 

sochaga, asochin, 
sotka, besoch 

suchaga, asuchin, 
sutka, besuch 

kala kanaga 

charz 

bali, lekin 

kasab 

nemag 

kimat kanaga 
{zuraga ovgiraga 
generally used) 

pirik 

C. 

gwask 

gwan kanaga 
hushtera 

chirmat, jari, hir, 
banduki 



matapus 
mazad 
razm 
zauk 

dodantanl 
char dan tan I 
shash dantanl 
neshl 



» 



>> 



9> 



camel up to 
5th year, 
male 

up to 5th 
yr. female 

more than 
5 yrs. male 

more than 
5 yrs. female 

camel, riding 

camels, a 
number of 

camel, circle 
on breast 

camel rein 

camel rein, 
small end of 

camel* 8 head 
gear 

camel's neck 
band 

camel's band 
passmg un- 
der neck and 
fastened 
to front 
of saddle 

camel's 
crupper 

camphor 

cannon 

canoe 

cap, man's 

cap, gun 

care 

careless 

carpet 

cask 

cat 

catch (to 
seize) 
caterpillar 

cause to fall 



kowat, kowanf 

purap 

lero 

dachl 

mahrl 
bag 

senag 

mahar 
sarmahar 

saramsa 

sell 
gwarband 



pardin 

kafur 

top 

yekdar 

top, kula 

topi {hind) 

parwa 

beparwa 

Jul 

pip 

pushi 

giraga, agirih, gib- 

ta bigir 
pirik 

see * fall,to cauw to' 



THE KEKRANEX-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



S5 



cause to 


see "arrive, to 


collect, to 


moch kanaga 


arrive 


cause to'* 




much kanaga 


centipede 


sowasu 


colour 


rang 


centre 


tok 


comb 


shak, sarand 


certain (a 


falan 


contented 


raza, razi 


certain 

O V 




come, to 


aiaga ; aiin, or 


one, &c.) 






akaiiii, atka, ata 


chair 


kurshi 




or at ; bia 


chattie 


manjal 


come out, to 


dar kapaga 


(conking) 




come down. 


Ir kapaga 


charcoal 


ishkar, ishkar 


to 




cheap 


asan 


compass 


dero 


cheek 


kahk, gul 


completely 


ycbara 


cheese 


shilanch 


cook 


mubdei 


chest(man*8) 


dil 


cook, to 


brijaga, abrijln, 
brihca, hrij 


child 


zae, chok 


• 


chin 


zanik 


cook, to 


gradaga, agradlu 


chisel 


patosl, hushkunag 




gradita or gras- 
ta, begrad 
rod 


cholera 


margu 


copper 


cinnamon 


darchlnl 


cord 


sad 


city 


kilat, shahr 


coriander 


kinich 


clay 


hak 


cork 


buji, buch 


clean 


pahk 


cotton, or 


karpas 


cloak 


shal, dupi 


cotton tree 




clock 


8a*at 


cough, a 


kulag 


cloth 


gud 


countrv 

• 


mulk 


clothes 


posliak, gudau 


country (not 


kuchig 


cloud (black 


istln 


town) 




rain) 




cow 


madagin gok 


cloud, light 


nod 


crab 


kukll, nahuchin 


coast 


dab 


crane (bird) 


kang 


cobbler 


1 
mochi 


cricket, a 


kurakush, chirat 


cock (of gun) 


zad 


crime 


taksir, tasklr, guna 


cock (fowl) 


koros, Sums, han- 


crooked 


chot 




g»i 


crop 


zamik 


cocoanut 


nalaglan 


crow 


gurag 


coffee 


kahawil 


cry, to 


grCHga, agrewuii. 


cold (tem- 


sard 




grera, bigri 


perature) 


r 

1 


cucumber 


kusij 


cold season 


zimistan 


cut, tu 


ouragn, aburlu 


cold» a 


pashag 




burita. bubur 

• • 



3S 



THE MEKBANBE-BEL00CHE8 DIALECT. 



cut, a 


tap 


depth 


juhli 


cuttie fish 


sam 


desire, to 


lotaga, alotlik. 


cuttle fish 


kap-i-darya 




lotita 


bone 




dew 


namb, gwapsh 




D. 


diarrhoea 


lapa dard, express- 


damp 


tar 




ed thus : ** I 
have diarrhoea,** 


dark 


tabar, lunj 




mani lap dard 


darkness 


tahar, lunj 




akauit 


dates, quite 

• 


na (4 th stage) 


die, to 


miraga, amiiin» 


ripe 






murta, bemir 


dates, acid 


pon 


difficult 


mushkul 


dates, when 
green 

dates, when 


papuk (1st stage) 
kulunt (2nd stage) 


dig, to 
dinner 

1 • A • 


kanda janaga 
sham 


slightly red 




direction 


nemaga 


dates, half 


pogaz (3rd stage) 


dirt or dirty 


legar, chil 


red and 




distant 


dir, dur 


half ripe 




do, to 


kanaga ; akanin ; 


dates, supe- 


muzatl 


^ 


kurta or ku ; 


rior kind. 






pekan or bekan 


in earthen 




doctor 


tabib 


chatties 
dates, supe- 
rior kind. 


karaba 


dog 
donkey 


kuchak 
har 


in baskets 




double 


dotal 


{2nd sort) 




(cloth &c) 




dates, dry 


hurraag 


double(work 


dosari 


date- tree 


mach, tnachi 


expense. 




daughter 


janik 


&c.) 




day 


roch 


double, to 


dotal kanaga 


dead 


murtag 


(cloth, &c). 




deaf 


kar 


dove 


kapot 


deafness 


kari 


down 


jala 


dear (price) 

debtor 

1 


giran 
wamdar 


draw, to 
(pull) 


huijinaga, ahur- 
jinih, hurjinta, 


deep 


juhl 




hurjin 


deer 


ask, au 


drawing, a 


nam una 


delay 


der 


drink, to 


waraga, awarin. 


delicate 


nazurk 




warta, bur 


demand, to 


lotainaga, alo- 


drive awav. 


galenaga, agalenlu 




tainln, lotainta, 


to 


galenta, galen 




belotain 




or gali 



THE KBKBAKEE-BILOOCHKE DIALKCT. 



37 



drop 


pit 


end 


kir, sar 


drum 


dohl 


enemy 


dushman 


drunkard 


kaipl 


engine 


chark 


dry 


hushk 


enough 


has 


duck 


bat 


equal 


barabar 


dumb 


g«ng 


erect, to 


lik kanaga, mik 


dust storm 


muj 


(cause to 


kanaga 


dust 


hak 


stand) 




dwell, to 


nindngs, anindln, 


ever (at any 
time) 


izhbar, izhbi 




nisbta, benind 




dysentery 


same as diarrhoea 


excellent 


kabu, zabr, sak* 
shar 




15 


except 


bagar 




£. 


expense 


harch 






extraordi- 


ajab 


each, erery 


bar, bar, ham a 


nary 


•F 




hamuk 


eye 


cham 


ear 


gosh 


eve-brow 


burwan 


early 


mahala ; early 


eye-lash 


michach 




morning, soba 


eve-lid 


cUama-kos 




^1 1 

mahala 


* 




earth, the 


dunya 




F. 


earth 


hak 






east 


rodarat 


face 


dem 


easy 


asan 


fall, to 


kapaga, akapin, 
kapta, bekap 


eat, to 


waraga, awarin 






warta, bur 


fall, cause to 


perenaga, aperenln, 


eclipse 


magir 




perenta, peren ; 


edge (of a 


dap 




or perenanaga, 


knife, &c.) 


V 




perenanin, per- 


edge, margin 
egg 


kir, karak 
haik 


false 
farmer 


enanta, perenan 
darog 
dahikan 


elbow 


surushk 


farrier 


nalband 


elephant 

• 


pU 


fasten, to 


bandaga, abandin. 


employ, to 


nokar kanaga 




bast a, be band 


employment 


nokarl 


fasten to 


lagaga, alagln, lagi- 


empty 


hurk 


(attach to 


ta, belag 


empty, to 


hurk kanaga 


anything) 




make 




fat («ii5- 


charp, pig 


empty, to 


rechagA, arechin. 


itantivt) 




make (li- 


retka, rech 


fat, {adjec- 


fazur 


quids) 




tive) 





THE llEERAKGN-BBLOOCHSE DIALECT. 



fate 


kismnt, naalb 


flock, herd 




father 


pis, pit 




oxen 


fault 


guiia 


flock, herd 


bag, eamelt 


fear 


trus 


fioar 


art 


fear, to 


tru«aga. atrusin, 


flower 


p«l 




trmiln, heirus 


fly, a 


makask 


fever 


tap 


fly away, to 


bftl kan.ga 


fevr 


kam 


fly, horse 


dang 


field 


dagiir. inmlii 


foam 


kap 


fifth, the 


pan ch III I 


fog 


nod, namb 


fifth, a 


panclisk 


fold, 10 


dotiil kanaga 


fig 


anjlr 


follow, to 


raiida aiaga. rmnda 


fight, to 


Jang kanaga. 




roaga 




miraga, ainirln. 


foo<l 


waragi, warag 




mirita, bemir 


fool 


bevtukaf, ganok 


file, ft 


auhan 


foot 


pad 


file, to 


suhiin kanaga 


foot-niHrk 


pad ; pada rand 


find, to 


mana, turn, &c.. 


for 


par ; generally ex- 




nisnga. Jliwe 




■,,rt■ss^d bv use of 




vou found it 




Jftiivo caU- : 




TuraraiiUgnii? 






find, to 


dargejaga, dar- 




used but pro- 
bably only by 
persoKH «c- 




agejiadargetka. 
dargej 




fine, ft 


•naliini 




quaintcd nith 
Hindusuni or 
Sindee 


finished 


halM 




finger 


lankuk, lankuh 




fiuger. Uttle 
fire 


chuki-laiik>ik 
ich, us 


forep, 


luranarl, ubar- 
dastl 


fire, to (a 

gun) 
firm, Mcure 
fir*t 


janaga, ajnnli'i, 

jaiaorjat, bejan 
mohr 


fore 1 lend 
for):ct 

forgi,.. 


pcshani 

dila baraga, 

behniyiil bi'iaga 
(l)bakshaga. 

abaksliln. buk- 


fiah 


mabl 




shila. bebaksh 


fi»hennsn 


med 




(2) bwhkaga 


fiat 


muaht 




abit'likli'i, hFL^h- 


flamingo 


lakftrl (Siuder) 




kira. bcbashk 


flea 


kak 




(3) muhii kftnag* 


fleih 


goiht 


fo.t 


kol, kilat 


flook, herd 


raniag, sAefp or 


fourth, the 


chirml 




goatt 


fourth, a 


chiirek 



X 



THE MEKRANfiK-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



39 



fowl, uny 
fowl, cock 

fowl, hen 

fox 

friend 

frog 

from 

from here 

from there 

frost 
fruit 
fall 



gain 

game (ani- 
mals) 

game (play) 

garden 

gardener 

get, to 

ghee 

Rift 

ginger, dried 
girdle 
girl 

girth, a 
give, to 

giver, a 
glaM 

go 



go by land 
go by sea 

go in or 
down 



kukur 

koros, kurus, 
bangu 

nekiank 
roba 
dost 
pugut 

ash, ach, azh 
ashida achida 
azhda ; ashuda, 
achuda 

harp 

nlwag 

pur 

G. 

paidftg, nap, sut, 
sit 

shikar, said 

gwazi 

bag 

bagpan 

wadl kannga 

rogan 

bftkshish 

sand 

threnband 

janik 

tang 

deaga, adein, data, 
bed! 

deuk 

shlshag 

roaga;aroan, arein; 
shuta, shur, or 
shij ; boro 

hushkl roaga 

tarl roaga, darya 
roaga 

Ir kapaga 



go out 

goat, any 

goat, male 

goat, female 

goat, hill 

goat, hill, 
male 

goat, hill, 
female 

God 

goer 



gold 

goldsmith 

good 

gram 

grandfather 

grand- 
mother 

grape 

grass, sweet 

grass, sweet, 

dried 

grass, salt 

grass, salt, 
various 
kinds are 
known by 
the names 

grave 
graze, to 

great 

greater 

grebe 

green 

greyhound 

grind, to 



dar kapaga 
siyahin pas 
pachin 
buz 

kohl pachin 
kohl buz 

huda, alia ^ 

rouk (said of a 
swift-going ca- 
mel) 

tila 

zargar 

shar 

nohd 

plruk 

baluk 

angur 
ka, kawan 
buch 

surag 

f kal, rigit, 
J bowat, Ian din, 
I hashag^ mezk, 
Ltrat 

kal 

charaga, acharln, 
charts, bechar 

mazan 

mastar 

jSdu 

sabz 

tazi 

drusbaga, adrush- 
in, drushta, be- 
drush 



40 



THK MEKKANKK-BKLOOCUKL DIALKCT. 



grindstone 

gripes 

groom 

ground 

grouse 

grow], to 

guava 

guinea-worm 

gul! 

gun 
gunpowder 

hnir 
half 
halt, to 

hand 

handkerchief 
hang, to 
{trans, and 
intrana,) 

hard 

hnre 

hat 

haTc to (pos- 





hawk 

he 

head 

headache 

heart 

heat 

heaven 

hearv 



chark 

lapmurda 

hupsA sarahur 

Kamlu 

katangar, katuii- 
gar, chakur 

guratra, agurin, 
gurita, gur 

zaitun 

rago, ragu 

mallr 

tupak 

shuro 

H. 

mud, mid 

nim 

daraga, adiiriii, 
dashta, bedur 

dast 

dasmal 

dranJAga; adraiijiii; 
dratka, drahta, 
or dranjita ; 
bedranj 

sak 

kargoshk 

top, kula 

expressed as 
follows : I have, 
mana ast ; you 
have, tura ast, 
&c., or mani 
gwara ast &c. 

banz, shikari 

a 

aarag, sar 

sara dard 

dil 

garmag 

hibisht 

giran 



hedgehog 

heel 

height 

hell 

herd 

here 

hereabouts 
heron 

high {adjec- 
tive or 
adverb) 

highway 
hill 
hire 
hog 
hold, to 

hole in 
ground 

hole in any- 
thing else 

honey 

horn 

hornet 

horse 

horseman 

horse shoe 

hot 

hot season 

hour 

house, any 

houses, small 
collection 
of 

houses, in 
sense of 
family 

houses, mud 

how 



dajnk 

pinz 

billad 

dozak, doze 

s<»e "flock'' 

ingil.ida, hamingu, 
hnmidfi 

paridfi 

kang 

burz 



ra, kishk., sark 
koh 

kiriya, kire 
hik 

daraga, adarih, 
darihta, bedar 
kal, kanda 

sumb, tung 

beuag 

kant 

gwamz, sochako 

haps, hasp 

sawar 

nal 

garm 

garmag 

sa*at 

log, metag 

halk 



gis 



ban 

chitor, choni, 
choan 



TUB HEKBANEE-BELUOCUBB DIALECT. 



41 



how many 


chunt, chinka 


insect 


liruk 


or how 




intellect 


Rgl, akl 


much 




intellisrent 


hushvar 


hungry 


guzhnag 


intention 


• 

irada 


hurry 


ishtapi 


intoxicated 


mast 


hurried or 

• 1 


ishtap 


iron 


ahin 


in a hurry 
husband 


mard 


itch, the 


washkechag 


hydro- 


haraka 


ivory 


plla dant 


phobia 








hyena 


haptar 




J. 






jail 


tung 




I. 


jackal 


tolag 


I 

• 




jawbone 


shagur 


man 


jelly-fish 


limbari 


ice 
idle 


harp 
kahil 


jelly-fish 
with long 


daryal sochako 


idleness 


susti 


stinging 




idol 


but 


streamers 




if 


agar, agar 


jewel 


tip 


ignorant 


jahil 


join, to 


yek kanaga 


ill 


nadroha 


joint 


band 


immediately 


hanlii, haniin 


journey 


safar 


impassable 


gat 


jowaree 


surfi, zurrat 


place on sea 


baduk 


judge 


kazl 


beach im- 




jump, to 


daur kanaga 


passable 

1*1 




justice 


insaf, shariat 


at high 








tide 






K. 


impudence 


beadabl 






in, inside 


tahar, lapa, thar 


keep, to 


daraga, adarln. 


indeed 


albat 




dashta, bedar 


indigo 


nil 


key 


kiln 


industrious 


izmat kanuk 


khojah 


lotia 


infant 


bachak 


kick, to 


lagata janaga 


infidel 


kafir 


kid 


shanik 


ink 


mas 


kill, to 


kushaga, akushli'i, 


ink-stand 


masdan, masa 




kushta, pukusli 




darap 


kind, sort 


rakam 


innocent 


beguna 


kindness 


mihrbani 


iiKjuiry 


shohaza 


king 


badshah 


6 r a 8 









42 



THB UEKBANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



knee 


kund, zan 


leaf (tree) 


pan, tak 


knee-cap 


padana shilanch 


lean (thin) 


lagar 


knife 


karch 


learn, to 


baraga, abariu. 


knife, pen 


chanku 


/ 


burta, beber. 


knife, for 


harrat, das 


leave, per- 


raza 


grass cut- 




mission 




ting 




leave, to 


sark giraga, dar 


knowledge 


ilm 




kapaga 


know, to 


zanaga, azaniii, 


leather 


post 




zanta, bezan 


left (hand) 


chap 


knuckle 


bog 


leg 


pad 




L. 


leisure 


fur sat 




lend, to 


anamat kanaga. 


labour 


izmat 




anamat deaga 


ladder 


padiank 


lend (money) 


wam deaga 


lake 


kumb 


leprosy 


sohrbad, gar 


lamb 




let, to ; per- 


liaga, lilii, ishta. 


V sheep 




mit 


bil 


lame 


lans; • 


liar 


darogband 


lamp 


chirag 


lid 


dapi, 


land, to so 


hushki roaga 


lie, a 


darog 


by 


%j 


lie, to tell 


darog bandaga 


landmark 


chedag 


untruth 




(pile of 


s^ 


lift, to 


chis kanaga, chista 


stones to 






kanaga 


shew road) 




light (sub- 


roshani 


language 


habar, lavz 


stantive) 




larure 


mazan 


light (not 


subuk 


larger 


mastar 


heavy) 




lark 


chagQ 


light, to 


rok kanaga 


last 


randa 


(lamp or 




last night 


doshi 


fire) 




last (last 


gwastag 


lightning 


giruk, girok 


year, &c.) 




like, similar 


paima, preceded by- 


laugh 


(1) handaga, ahan, 




termination "a" 




din, haudita. 




or "i*. Like this, 




beband 




" eshi paima." 




(2) kandaga, akan- 


like, to 


mana, tura, &c.. 




din, kandita, 




dost biaga 




bekand 


lime 


chun, ak 


lay down, to 


if kanaga 


lion 


sher 


lead (metal) 


surup 


lip 


luut 



THB MEKEtANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



43 



listen 

little, small 
little, a 

live, to 
dwell 

liver, the 

lizard 

load, a 

load, to 

lobster 

lock 

locust 

loins 

long 

look, to 



loose (not 
tight) 

loot 

lOOty to 

lose, to 

loss 

lost, to be 

louse 



mad 

make, to, 
prepare 

man 

mango 

mangrove 

manner, 
style 



gosh daraga 

kasan 

tukur, kam, kamk, 
all take in- 
flection "ill" 

nindaga, anindin, 
nishta, beniud 

jagar 

kitta 

bilr 

ladaga; aladlfi, la- 
dita, belad 

lor, klkata 

kubl 

madag 

thren 

draj 

(1) charaga, achtir- 
iii charita, 

bichar (2) hai} al 
kanaga 

sust 

hul 

hul kanaga 
gar kanaga 
nuksan, nuskan 
giir buaga 
bot, but 

M. 

biakl 

ild kanaga 

mardum 

hamb 

timar 

tor, paima. Do it 
in this manner ; 
e tor pekan, or e 
paima pekan 



many 

march, to ; 
start 

mare 

mark 

market 

marriage 

mast 

master 

mat (peesh) 

mat (grass) 

meaning 

meat 

medicine 

meet^ to 

melon, water 

melon, musk 

merchant 

mercury 

middle 

middle, in 

milk 

milk, sour 

mill 

mist 

mistake 

mistake, to 

mix, to 

moist 

money 

month 

monkey 

moon 

moonshine 

more 

more, still 

morning 



many, 
kehy 

dar 



baz ; very 
hancho 
much 

sark giraga 
kapaga 

madian 

nishan 

bazar 

sir 

daur 

waja 

tagird 

haslr 

mani 

gosht 

dharm, dawa, dar- 
man 

dochar kapaga 

kutag, kitag 

tejag 

saudagar 

para, paro 

tok 

toka 

shir 

trushpiii shir 

jantar, chnrk 

namb 

rad 

rad kanaga 

lur kanaga 

tar 

zar, nagd 

mah 

shadu 

ma 

mal kanl 

gesh, geshtar 

angar 

sob 



44 



TQE UBKRANEE-BELOOCHBE DIALECT. 



mosquito 


purl 


none, no- 


hich 


moth 


patQ 


thing 




mother 


mas 


noon 


nimroch 


mount, to 


sowar kanaga, or 


north 


kutub 


(horse) 


sowar buaga 


nose 


poz 


mount, to 


jimaz buaga 


nostril 


granz, granz 


(camel) 




not 


na 


mount (get 


sar kapaga 


no IV 


nun, hanun, haniA 


on the top of 
anythiner) 




nullah, large 


9 ' 

kohr 


mountain 


koh 


nullah, small 


shep, jur 


mouse 


kasanih mushk 


nurse 


dai 


moustache 


barut, shrapar. 


nutmeg 


jauzi-buak 




barot 




0. 


mouth 


dap 




mud 


men, gil 


oath 


sogind, saugind. 


mungoose 


rizhguk 


obarah 


charz 


murder 


kun, bun 


obey, to 


habar ziraga 


mussel 


kado 


oil 


tel, rogan ^^ 


mussuck 


mashk, kali 


oil, mustard 


zahrin tel 


mule 


kacbal,istal,kachar 


or bitter 






TWT 


ointment 


malham 




N. 


old man 


pir 


nail, of body 


nakun, nahun 


old things 


kwahn 


nail, iron 


meh 


once 


yebari, yek bar 


name 


nam 


onion 


pimaz 


narrow 


tank 


open, to 


pach kanaga, bo- 


navel 


nafag 




J9ga 


necessary 


zarur 


opium 


afian 


neck 


gardin 


orange 


naring 


needle 


suchin, sichin 


order 


hukm 


neem tree 


shirish 


other 


digar 


neigh, to 


saraga, asarlii. 


outside 


darai, dar, dan 




sarita, besar 


over 


sarbara, sara 


never 


izhbar na, izhbi na 






new 


nok 




P. 


news 


hal, hal-i-nok 


pain 


dard 


night 


shap 


X 

paint 


rang 


nightingale 


bulbul 


paint, to 


rang deaga 


10 


na 


palm of 


dasta dil 


noise 


towar 


hand 





THE UEEBANEX-BILOOCBBE DIALECT. 



p«per 


kiigad 


pour, to 


ir rechaga 


pnrrot 


mitiu 


powder, gun 


shuro 


parting (of 


giwur 


powrah 


kodal 


hair) 




pox, small 


grumpug 


partridge 


k«pliijar 


prawn 


madag, daryal 


past 


gw«.t«g 




madag 


path 


Ta,kishk 


pregnant 


Spue 


patteni 


nam una 


(animals) 




pay 


pagSr 


price 


kimat 


peesh plant 


puh 


prison 


tung 


pelican 


mesh-murg 


procure, to 


wadi kaoRga 


pen 


kalam 


proper 


kabu 


peppeT.vhite 
pepper,bl«k 


Borifi mirch 
Biyahih pilpil 


pull, to, to 
hnol or to 
take out 


kasbaga, akasliln, 
kashta, bekash 


perfect 


kSbQ, Mbr 


pull, to, or 


hurjiuaga, ahurji- 


permit, to 


lUga, allin, ishta. 


to haul 


uin, burjinta. 




bil 




hurjin 


petition 


arzl 


pulla liah 


palwar 


pickaxe 


tlkam 


purchaser 


ziruk 


pigeon, tame 


chain 


put, to (into 


(1) man kanaga 


pigeon, wild 


kapodar 


anything) 


(2) maiiffiinga, 


pillow 


saijft 




niSnngjjiii, man- 


piatol 


watach 




gitka. maugij 


pUceof 


darap, e. a. mass 




(3) Uquids, Vide 


deposit 


darap. an ink- 




"pour" 




stand 


put down, to 


Ir kanaga 


place 


ja,jaga 


(on the 




placed, to be 


It buaga 


ground) 




plain, a 
pUU 


dak, dak, wad 

kashi 


put, to (on 
hoard a 
ship) 


man kashaga 


play 

play, to 


gwaii 

gwuzl kanaga 


put down, to 
be 


Ir buaga 


plc.«nt 


dost 




Q- 




kamir 


quail 


jangal! bat 


plongh 


nangar 


quantity. 


hancbo keh much 




anar 


very great 




poor 


g«rlb. kangat 


quick 


tetziid 


porcupine 


Bikun 


quicksilver 


para,paro 


porpoise 


goko, gokin 


quiet 


hetowar 


pOMtSB, to 


«ee " to have" 


quilt 


nipat, nipiid 



46 



THE MEEBAN£E-BELOOCH££ DIALECT. 



quit, to 
quarter, a 

rabbit 

rain 

rainbow 
raise, to 

raisins 
ramrod 
razor 
rat 
read, to 

ready 

red 

rein (horse) 

rein (camel) 

relations 

remain, to 
(stop) 

remain, to 
(left over) 

remember, 
to 

repair, to 

responsibi- 
lity 

responsible, 
to be 

rib 

rice 

rich 

right (hand) 

right (true) 

rights (de- 
serts) 

ring 



yele deaga, 
kanaga 

rub 



yele 



R. 

kargoshk, wilai- 
yati kargoshk 

haur 

drinag, drinuk 

chis kanaga, chista 
kanaga 

mawich 

tirku 

istrag 

mushk 

wanaga, awanin, 
wanta, bewan 

tiar 

sur, sohr 

lagam 

mahnr 

siyad 

daraga, adarin 
dashta, bedar 

man buaga, pash 
kapaga 

mana tura, &c., 
haiyal in 

ad kanaga 

joko, (Sindee) 

zimma 

**I am responsible 
for this," eshi 
joko mani sara in 

pahli 

birinj 

dunyadar 

rast 

rast 

hak 

mundari 



ripe 

rise, to 

rise (sun or 
moon) 

river 

road 

rob, to 

robbery 

roll, to (cloth 
&c.) 

roll, to 
(along) 

root 

rope, any 

rope, made of 
peesh 

rope, made of 
goat hair 

rope, with 
loops for 
fastening 
loads on 
camels 



pakka ~ 
pada aiaga 
dar aiaga 

kohr 

ra, kishk 

duzdi kanaga» hul 
kanaga 

duzdl, hul 

pataaga, apatain, 
patata, pata 

lira deaga 

rotag 
sad, chit 
chilag 

rez 

ladok 



rose water 


gulab 


round 


gird 


rub, to 


mushaga, amushin 




mushta, mush 


run, to 


(1) maidana roaga 




(2) tachaga, ata- 




chln, tachita or 




tatkata, betach 


rupee 


kaldar 


rust 


zang 


rusty 


zangi 


X 


S. 


saddle, camel. 


raht, katab 


baggage 




saddle,cameh 


pakaro 


riding 




saddle, horse 


zla 


sail 


achar 



THE UEKBANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



47 



salammoniac 


noshater 


self 


wat 


salt 


wad, sur 


sell, to 


baho kanaga, bhai 


saltpetre 


shuro 




kanaga 


salt-ground 


shor, kalar 


seller 


baho kanuk, bhai 


sand 


hak, rek 




kanuk 


sand storm 


dans 


send, to 


dema deaga, ra 


sandy place 


rek 




deaga 


sand (flying, 


dato, iQr 


sense 


agl, hosh 


pillnr of) 




set, to (as the 


budaza, abudln, 


sandal(made 


sawas 


sun) 


budita, bud 


of peesh 
palm) 




sew, to 


dorhaga, adochin. 






dotka or dochi- 


sand piper 


guragu 




ta, bcdoch 


saw 


harrat 


shake, to 


sQrlnaga, asurlnlfi. 


say, to 


(1) gwashaga, ag- 




surintH, besiirin 




washin, gwashta 


shallow 


talag 




or gu, begwash 


shame 


laj, haya 




(2) sometimes 


shark, any 


pagds 




gushaga 


shark, ham- 


mesh 


scales 


shahim 


mer-headed 




scissors 


migraz 


shark, vari- 


kai-il, narmaui, 


scrape, to 


mushagR^amushin, 


ous kinds 


sid 




mushta, bcmush - 


sharp 


tez 


sea 


darya 


sheep, any 


mesh, ispetiii pas 


sea, to go by 


tari roaga, darya 


sheep, male 


gurand 




roaga 


sheep, female 


mesh 


seal 


muhr 


sheep, hill,any 


gad 


search 


shohaza 


sheep, hill. 


kohi gurund 


search, to 


shohaza kanaga 


male 


%mJ 


search, to(for 


randa roaga 


sheep, hill. 


kohi mesh 


an animal 




female 




or a man) 


• 


sheep, milk 


gwarag, gwark 


season 


mausim 


drinking 




season, cold 


zimistan 


sheep, from 


gatur 


season, hot 


garmag 


suckling 




second 


doml 


period till 




secretly 
see, to 


sarap 

gindaga, agindin. 


full grown 
sheet 


chadar 




dista, begind 


shell, (any) 


gurak ; bivalve. 


see (to look) 


haival kanaga. 




karkink 




charaga 


shirt 


jamag 


seed 


torn 


shoe 


kaush 



48 



THE HEKBANEE-BELOOCHEB DIALECT. 



shoemaker 


mochl (hind) 


smoke 


dlt 


shop 


dukan 


smoke, to 


tambak kashaga 


shopkeeper 


saudagar 


C tobacco) 




short (man) 


patak; (things,) 


snake 


mar 




gwand 


snow 


harp 


shore 


tiah 


so much 


ink a. 


shot 


reza 


soap 


sabun 


shoulder 


kopak, kapag 


socks 


mozag 


show, to 


pezh daraga 


soft 


naram 


sick, ill 


nadroha 


sole fish 


sowaso 


sickness 


nadrohai 


sole, of foot 


pada dil 


sieve 


gechin 


some, few 


laht, kam, kamk 


silent 


betowar 




(take inflection 


silver 


nugra 




"in"); inchru- 


simoom, hot 


lewar 




kl, inchki 


wind 




sometimes 


harwahdl, barl- 


sing, to 


shaira janaga 




wahdi 


sink, to (sun 


budaga, abudiii. 


some one 


kas 


or hoat) 


budita, bud 


something 


ehizi 


sister 


gwahar 


son 


zag 


sit, to 


nindaga, anindiii, 
nishta, benind 


sore, a 


resh 




or mind 


sour 


trushp 


8it,tocauseto 
(a camel) 


jokinaga, ajokiniii, 
jokinta, bejokin 


sow, to 


kishaga, akishiii 
kishta, bekish 


skin 


post 


spark 


patrushag,tripoBhk 


sky 


asman 


speak, to 


(1) gwashaga, ag. 


sleep 


wab 




washln, gwaahta 


« • 




orgu, begwash 


sleep, to 


wapsaga, awapsm, 
wapta, bwaps or 




(2) habar kanaga 




bwasp 


speaker 


gwashuk 


slippery 


lugushan 


spectacles 


chashmak 


slip, to 


(1) lugushaga, 


speech 


habar 




alugushln, lu- 
gushta, lugusli 

(2) shitteraga 

(3) trapunzaga 


spices 
spider 
spine of tree 


bizar 

moko 

kuntag 


slow 


wash-wash 


spleen 


dilui 


small 


kasan 


spoon 


hasag 


smaller 


kastar 


squirrel 


hidrik 


smell, to 


bo kanagn, bu 


stable 


tabila 




kanaga 


stage, a 


luinzil, manzil 



THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCHEB DIALECT. 



49 



Standstill, to wnshtaga, awush- I surf 



star 
start, to 

stay, to, stop 

steam 

steam boat 

steel 

step 

stick, a 

still (more) 

still, quiet 

stomach 

stone 

stopped 

storm 

straight 

strain, to 
(make 
clear) 

strike, to 

strike 
(against 
anything) 

string 

strong (op- 
pressive) 

strong, phy- 
sically 
(man) 

strong, firm 
(thing) 

sugar 

sulphur 

summer 

sun 

sunshine 

7 r a 8 



tin wushtata 
bosht or bwusht 

istar, tarl 

sarkgiraga, dar 
aiaga,dar kapaga 

daraga, adarin, 
dashta, bedar 

bap 

ogbilt 

pulad 

kadam 

lat 

angar 

betowar 

lap 

sing 

gat 

tufan 

rast 

gechaga, agechlh, 
getka, gech 

janaga, ajanin, jata 
or jat, bejan 

lagi^a, alagln, la- 
gita, belag 

bandlk 
zurag 

himmatdar, zilr- 
mand 

mohukum 

shakar 

gokurt 

ahar, garmag 

roch 

roch 



swear, to 



sweeper 
sweet 
swim, to 
sword 
sword fish 



take, to 



take awaj, 
to 

take out, to 



take down, 
to 

tall 

talur (jungle 
fowl) 

tamarind 

tamarisk 

tank 

target 

taste 

taste, to 

tea 

tear, to 

telescope 

tent 

thence 



gwarm 

(1) saugind waraga 

(2) I swear it is 
thus, &c. ; hndai 
sarin chosh int 

turl 

wash 

ushnag kanaga 

zam, shamshir 

bulando, daryal- 
asp. 

T. 

(1) zuraga, azurlii, 
zurta, buzur, 

(2) ziraga, azirlii, 
zirta, bizir, 

(3) giraga, agirin, 
gibta, bigir 

baraga, abarin, 
burta, beber 

dar gejaga, dar 
agejin, dar 

getka, dar gej 

iJ^ gejaga, Ir agej- 
in, ir getka, ir 

gej 
burz 

charz, karwanak 

chlchar 

gaz 

wateg, talamb 

nishan 

pichak 

dapa kanaga 

cha 

diniga, adfrin, 
dirta, bidir 

dirgind 

tambu 

achuda, ashudE 



50 



THK MKKRANEK-BKLOOCHKE DIALECT. 



thief 

thin (aDimal 
or man) 

thin (rope, 
wire, &c.) 

thin (any 
flat thing) 

than 

that(demon- 
strative) 

that very (de- 
monstrative) 

that (rela- 
tive) 

that (con- 
junction) 

thick 

thigh 

thing 

think I (pro- 
bably) 



third, the 
third, a 
thirsty 
this 

this very 
this side 
thorn 
then 
throw, to 
throw away 

throw away 
liquids 

thumb 

thunder 

thread 



duzd 
lagar 

burig 
tanak 

ash 
u 

hamu 

kch 

keh 

Zand 
leng 
chi 

(1) geshtar, e. g. 
geshtarchoshin, 
I think it is so 

(2) mana dila (in 
my mind) e. g. 
mana dila chosh 
ill, I think it is so 

saimi 

saiek 

tunag 

e, esh 

hame, haraesh 

edem 

kuntag 

to, tau 

daur deaga 

daur deaga, chagal 
deaga 

rechaga, arechin, 
retka, rech 

lankuk 

grund, hfira 

bandik, bandl 



throat 
thus 
tick, a 
tie, to 

tiger 

tight 

time (period) 

thne (once, 
twice, &c.) 

tin 
tired 

tire to (in- 

trans.) 
to 



tobacco 

today 

toe 

together 
with 

tomorrow 

tongue 

tonight 

tooth 

top 

tortoise 



gardin 
chosh, cho 
kitag 

bandaga, aba n din, 

basta, bebaiid 
pulank 
trund 

wahdi, wakt (rare) 
bar, bar, bari 

kalai-inch, kali 
dam burtag 
dam baraga. 

(I) Dative case or 
(2) ta ; tais used 
when speaking 
of two places or 
objects, in the 
sense of from 
one ^o the other- 
lie went to 
PusneeiiiPasnia 
shuta. He went 
from Gwadur to 
Pusnee ; a ash 
Gwiidarta Pasnl 
shuta. How far 
is it from here to 
Gwadur ? Azhda 

ta Gwadur chunt 
dlr in? 

tambak 

marochi 

lankuk 

gon, go, lura, yes- 
sara 

bandiid 

zuwiin 

ishap 

dant 

sar 



TUB MEKaANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



51 



touch, to 


lagaga, alaglii, 


victuals 


waragi, warag 




lagita, belag 


village 


shahr 


towards 


nemaga 


visible 


peda, pedag, gin- 


town 


shahr 




dagi 


trader 


saudagar 


vomit 


shanag 


tree 


drach, drachk 


vomit, to 


shanag kanaga. 


trees, grove 
of 


bal 


vulture 


gij, geti 


trees, babul 


chish, tish 




w. 


trees, lote 


kunar (Hind., ber) 


wages 


pagar 


trees, date 


niach, niachl 


waist 


thren 


trees, banian 


karag 


wake, to 


pada kanaga 


tr<»users 


shalwar 


walk, a 


sail, scl 


t urban 


V^S 


walk, to 


pada roaga 


turmeric 


halagdar, halidur 


walk about, 


taraga, atari n, 


turn, to 


tarajra, atari ii, 


to 


tarita, pitar 




tarita, pilar 


wall 


diwar 


turtle 


kasib 


war 


Jang 




^»v 


warm 


garm 




U. 


wash, to 


shodaga, ashodin 
shodita or 


uncle 


naku 




shushta, pushod 


under 


chira, buna 


washerman 


eudshod 


understand, 
to 


(1) defective verb ; 
anrisff man, to, 
&c.,sarpadabaior 


wasp 
watch, a 


gwodar, nai gwamz 
saat 




sarpadabln;/;re- 


water 


ap 




teritcy man, to 


wax 


mom 




&-C., sarpadbfita. 


we 


ama, ma 




(2) ziinaga, aziinln, 


wear, to, on 


gwara kanaga 




zanta, bezan 


the body 


*-* ^j 


U!i fasten 


pach kanaga, 

• • 


wear, to, on 


pada kanafira 


» 


bojaga 


I he legior 




up 


bala 


feet 




upon 


sara, Barbara 


week 


hapta, hafta 


use 


kar 


weigh, to 


shahima kashaga ; 


useful, to be 


kar aiaga 




€, g, weigh this, 
shahima peka- 




V. 




nish, or eshira 
shahima kan 


vacant 


hurk 




pekash 


vein 


"••g 


well (water) 


chah 


very 


Mk 


well (not 


ur, droha 



52 



THE MEKBANEE-BELOOCUEE DIALECT. 



west 


roirsht, magrab 


wine i 


sharab 


wet 


tar 


winter 


zimistan 


wet, to make 


pulenaga, apulenin 


wise 


akalwand, paham- 




pulenta, pulen 




dar, hoshi 


wet, to be- 


pulaga, apulin. 


with 


gon, go, lura 


come 


pulita, pul 


without 


bagar 


whale 


abro, 111 


witness 


shahid 


what 


clie 


wolf 


ewark 


wheat 


gandin, gala 


woman 


janin 


wheel 


chark 


wood 


dar 


when? 


kadih 


wool 


pazhm 


when 


harwahdi 


work 


• 

kar, izmat 


whence 


ash kuja 


world 


dunyH 


where 


kuja, 
with verb " to 


worm 

.1 


kirm 




go " kuja angu, 


worms, the 
(disease) 


gwag 




where are you 


% « ^ 




going ? kuja 


worn out 


halas 




angu aroe ? 


wound, a 


tap 


which 


kuian, kudan 


wrist 


dasta much 


whip 


chabuk 


write, to 


nimishta kanaga,or 


white 


ispet 




novista kaaaga 


who? 


kai? 


wrong 


rad 


who (rela- 


keh 






tive) 






Y. 


whole, the 


drai ; all day. 








drai-in roch 


year 


sal 


l;?hy? 


parcha ? 


yellow 


zard 


wide 


prah 


yes 


ha, ah, hau 


wife 


zal, gis 


yesterday 


zi 


wind 


gwat 


yet 


tanagi, tanagei 


wind, hot 


lewar 


you 


shuma 


wind, sea 


shumal 


young 


warna 



THE MEKBANEE-BELOOCHBE DIALECT. 



53 



a 

a or a 

a 
abro 



A. 

prefix to aorist tenses of 
verbs 

termination of dative 
and accusative case 

he, that (demonstrative) 

a whale 

fire 



JJ 



of 



ach, as 

ach V, ash 

achar a sail 

achida, ashida, from here 
azhda 

achuda, ashuda from there, thence 

ud kanaga to make, prepare, to 

repair 

on that side 

opium 

if 

sense, understandmg 



adem v. dem 
afian 

agar, agar 
agl, akl 

ah, ha, hau 



ahar 
ahin 
ahinjag 



yes 

summer 

iron 

a string for fastening 
trowsers. 






t;Af 



aiaga, aiiii or to come 
akailn, ata, 



atka or 
bia 

ajab 

ak 

akalwand 

akl t7. agl 

albat 

alia 

ama, ma 
auar 



at, 



wonderful 

lime 

clever 

indeed, certainly 
God 

we 
pomegranate 



Ml 

u 

jlil 



an p. 

ab ro, going in P. 
water 



ach and ida 

ach and uda 
amada, prepared P. 
ada, fulfilment A. 



afyawn 

agar 

^akl 

hao 

harr, heat 
ahan 



u«^T amadan 



^ajab 

ahak 

^ akimand 

albatta 
alia 
ma 
anar 



A. 
P. 
A. 

S. 

A. 
P. 



P. 



A. 

P. 

P.A. 

A. 
A. 
P. 
P. 



54 



THE MEKKANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



anamnt kanaga, to lend (anything except 

money) 

still,, more, encore 

a grape 

a fig 

water 

pregnant (animals) 



«^ \^ f amanat, 

a deposit 



angar 
angur 
anjir 
ap 
apus, aps 



araga, aria or 
akarin, 
aurta, biar 

art 

arzi 

as V. ach 

asan 

ash, ach, azh 

asha 



to bring 



flour 

a petition 

cheap, easy 

from, by, with 

the prayer time in even- 
ing, about 1 hour after 
sunset 



ashida v. achida 

ashuda&.achuda 

ask, au 

asman 

asr 

atarag 
aurta v. araga 

awwal 

azh V. ash 
azhda v, achida 



a deer 

the sky 

the prayer time, about 
2 hours before sunset 

the early dawn 



first, before (adverb of 
time) 






angur 

anjir 
ab 



^i^'^Jj^ iiwardan 

•>jT ard 
i/^-r^ ^ arzi 






asan, easy 

az 

9 isha 



^Af ahu 

^l««itf asman 

^^-^ip ^ asr 

3j«^jjT a war da 

(J J I awwal 



a: 



P. 

P. 
P. 

P. 



P. 
A. 

P. 
P. 



P. 
P. 

A. 
P. 



B. 



bachak 


boy, child, infant 




bacha 


P. 


bad deaga 


to abuse 


• 


bad, wicked, 


P. 


bad gwashaga 


to abuse 




bad 




bad 


the back (of the body) 








badam 


almond 


r'^^ 


badam 


P. 


badshah 


a king 


sU.>b 


badshah 


P. 



THE MEKRANEi:-nKLOOCHKK DIALECl'. 






baduk 



bag 



bag 

bfigpui) 
bagal 
bagar 



a name given to several 
places ou sea coast 
where the beach is 
impassable at high 
tide from the sea ris- 
ing up to tlie feet of 
the hills running pa- 
rallel to the shore 

a herd of camels, any 
number of camels to- 
pether grazing, in a 
bairgajie train, &c. Sec. 

a garden 

a gar<lener 

an armpit 

without, except 






J wagu 



baho kanaga to sell 
r. bhai kannga 

baho kanijk a seller 

bakshaga, 
abakshin, 
bakshita, 
behaksh 



to give, to forgive 



bakshish 
bal 

bfil kanaga r. 
balil 

bala 

bulad 

ball 

baluk 

ban 

band 

baud ad 



a gift 

a grove of trees 

to flv 

up, above 

height 

but 

a grandmother 

a mud house 

a knot, joint, any joint 
of the bodv 

m 

tomorrow 



bandaga, aban- to tie, to fasten (by 
din, basta, binding), to shut up, 

beband r. to stop (a road) 

lagaga 

bandl r. bandik 

bandlk> bandi string, cotton, thread 



S. 



t ^ bagh 


P. 


cJ ^^ ^ baghban 


P. 


Jw bagh I 


A. 


^ baghayr 


A. 


ii) ^y C^ bai ^ kardan 


P. 



^^jxl^ bakhshidan P. 



••• * ,1^ 


bahkshish 
belo forest 


P. 

S. 




balfi 

balai 

balki 


P. 
P. 
P. 


m 


bam, a roof 
band 


P. 
P. 



.>|6^b bamdad, in the P. 

morning 
e;A-j bastan P. 



•^ band, a fasten- P. 
ing 



THS HGKBANEB-DELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



bangu B cock fowl 








banz a hawk 


jf 


bill 


A. P. 


bap Hteafn 


^'v. 


bhiph 


H. 


bar a load, a time (occur- 


jk 


bar 


P. 


rence) 








bar, bar, barl a time (occurreoce) 








barabar orl 

bereber } ^l""' 


JiU 


barabar 


P. 


baraga. abariii, to take away, to learn 
burts, beber 


lu'-rf 


burdan 


P. 


barig thin (applied to round 


^jl. 


bank 


p. 


objecta o. tanak and 








lagar) 








barot V. barilt 








barp ice, anow 


■^K 


barf 


P. 


barCt, barot a moustache 


a-J-rt 


burat 


P. 


bartfar baggage, consisting of 








hunsehold goods and 








Hccompanieil by wo- 








men and children 








baa enough 


tr« 


bas 


P. 


bashkaga, abash to give, to forgive 
kin, baab- 




.. bafcdug. 




kita, bebashk 








bat a duck 


^ 


bat 


A. 


hit abundant, many, much 








faiiiar market 


MM 


baiar 


P. 


hiUk an arm 


si'i 


btiaij 


P. 


be prefix, meaning "with- 








out" 








beadabi impudence, impolitenesB 


v'l*- 


beadab 


P. 


beeham blind 




V. be & cham 




bega the period from about 2 


.Kh 


begah, evening 


P. 


p.m. till sunset 








beguna innocent 


il«* 


begnnih 


P. 


bebaiyal, blaga to forget 




D. haiyal 




benag honey 








benaga makaak a bee 








beparwa careless 


'«<- 


beparwS 


P. 


bereber v. bara- 








bar 








betowar quiet, noiselesi 









THE MEKBANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



57 



bewukuf 

bhal kanaga v. 
baho kaoaga 

bhal knnuk v. 
baho kanuk 

blakl 

bihisht 

bil 

birinj v, brinj 

bizar 

bo 

bo kanaga 

bog 

bojaga, abojlii, 
bohta or 
butka, boj 

bor 

hot, but 

bowat 

bras, brat 

brijaga, abrijln, 
brihta, brij 

brinj, biriuj 

bu r. bo 

bu kanaga v. bo 
kanaga 

biich 

budaga, abudin, 
budita, bud 

buji, buch 

bulando 

bulbul 

bun, bun 

b^jna 

bunag 

buraga, abarlii, 
burita, bubur 

burwfin 

burz (adj. or 
adv.) 

but 

H t a If 



fool, foolish 
to sell 

a seller 

mad 

heaven 

imperative of llaga 

spices 

smell, scent 

to smell 

a knuckle 

to open, to unfasten, to 
unload a camel 

brown 

a louse 

a kind of salt grass 

brother 

to cook, to roast 



(Jy^ bewukiif 



P. 



brass, rice 

smell, scent 
to smell 



{ 



dried grass (sweet) 

to sink, to set (the sun) 

a cork 

a sword fish 

nightingale 

a one, a unit (of trees) 

below, beneath 

baggage 

to cut 

eyebrow 
high, tall 

au idol, a louse 



V. akl 
• * ^ bihisht 



jjH bazr 
^ bu, bo 



j^\y baradar 



birinj, rice 
€^ burinj, brass 



u^' buuji 
lMj bulbul 



c;*^-H buridan 






baru 
burz 

but, idol 



P. 



A. 
P. 



P. 

P. 
P. 



S. 
P. 



e^? bun, root, basis P. 



P. 

p. 
P. 

P. 



58 
bus 



THE HEEBANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 

a she-goat ; kohi buz, a y* buz 
hill-goat (female) 



C. 



cha 

chabuk 
chadar 
chagal deaga 
chagil 
chah, chat 
chain 
cham 
chama kos 



tea 

a whip 

a sheet 

to throw away 

a lark (bird) 

a well 

a tame pigeon 

an eye 



an eyelid 

chama siyahag the pupil of the eye 

chamida hence (for ach hatrida) 

chamuda thence (for ach hamuda) 

chandaga, ^ to shake (intransitive) 

achandlfi, 
chandita, chand 

chandenaga, to shake (transitive) 
achandenin, 
chand enta, 
chanden 





cha 

chabuk 

chadar 


P. 
P. 
P. 




chaguk 
chah 


P. 
P. 




chashm 

V. cham & siya 


P. 



chahk 

chankil 
chap 
char 
char-dantani 

chara^a, acha- 
rih, charta, 
bechar 



a piece of steel for 
striking iire from flint 

a penknife 

the left hand 

four 

a camel 6 to 7 years old, 
having 4 teeth 

to graze 



y^ ^ chaku 
yA. chap 
J l^ chahar 

V. char & dant 

e;*^^ charidau 



charaga, acha- 

rin, charita to look, to observe 
bichar 



r 

1 






charek 
chark 

charm! 



bichama, to 
consider 

cbaralanu, to 

spy out 
chahar yak 
charkh 



quarter JIj j l^ 

an engine, a wheel, a -^ 
grindstone 

the fourth ^j l^ chharum 



P. 
P. 
P. 



P. 

H. 

S. 

P. 
P. 

P. 



THB M£KRANKK-BELOOCHIE DIALICT. 



59 



charp 

efaan 

chashmak 

che 

chedag 



chi, chiz 

chlchar 

chU 

chllag 

chinka t;. chant 

chlra 

chirat 

chlrag 

chirmat 



fat (substantive) 

a bustard, obarah 

spectacles 

what 

a small pile of stones put 
in a conspicuous place 
to mark the road 
amongst hills 

a thing 

a tamarind 

dirt, dirty 

a rope made of peesh 

beneath 

a cricket 

a lamp 

a sucking camel^ less 
than 1 year old 



V«^ charb 






chashmak 
che 



cbiz 



Jij 



chi kadr 
zer 

chiragh 

name signifies 

** under the 

mother," v. 

chira and mat 



chis kannga, 
or chista 
kanaga 

chish, tish 

chit 

chlzl 

cho V. chosh 

choan v. chonl 

choni, choan 

chosh 

chot 

chun 

chunt, chinka 



to lift, to raise 

a Babul tree 
a rope of any kind 
some, something 
thus 

how 

thus, cho and ish 

crooked 

lime 

how many, how much 

D. 



j^ chii, like 



{ 






oil 



chun 

chu, like 

chok 

a knee, genu- 
flexion 

chuna 
chand 



dschi 

dagar 
dahikad 



a female camel more than (^t i dachi 
£▼6 yean old 

afield 

agriculturist, farmer (j^l<^ dibk^an 



P. 

P. 
P. 



P. 



P. 
P. 

A. 



P. 

P. 
P. 
P. 



H. 
P. 



S. 



P. 



60 



THE MEKBANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



dajuk 

dak, dak 

dalvvat V. rastar 

dam baraga 

dam buitag 

dam kauaga 

dan 

dans 

dandu 

dang 

dant 

dap 



a hedgehog 

a plain 

an animal (if halal) 

to become tired 

tired 

to rest 

barren, outside 

a sand or dust storm 

a beetle 

a horse fly 

a tooth 

the edge (of a knife, 
&c.), a mouth, a lid 



lJ ^ dak, a desert 



P. 



^^ dam, breath P* 



a'^^r'^ 






dapa kanaga to taste 

dapi a lid 

dar, V darai 

dar ^ood, a stick 

dar aiaga v, dar to come out, to start, to 
kapaga rise (the suu) 

daraga, adariii, to halt, to stop, to hold, er*^ '"^ 
dashta, bedar to keep 

darai, dar, dan outside, out j^ 



dhindinu 

dand 
dahan 

mouth, cover of 
a vessel, edge 
of a sword, 
&c. 



darap 



darchini 

dard 

dargejaga, dar 
agejiii, dar 
getka, dar gej 

darl 



dar kapaga v. 
dar aiaga 

darmun r. 
dharm 



the place where anything 
is kept ; e.ff, masa 
darap, an inkstand 

cinnamon t/^^ J ' ^ 

pain ^j^ 

to take out from any- 
where, to find by 
seeking 

a window, i.e, a hole made 
in the side of a mat 
house for ventilation 

to come out, to go out, 
to start ; 

medicine 



dashtan 

dar 

(soHTietimes 
meaning 
**out'') 



darchini 
dard 



-J d daricha 



S. 

P. 
P. 



P. 
P. 



P, 
P, 



THE HEKBAlTfiE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



61 



darog 


false, a lie 


t^^^ 


durogh 


P. 


darogband 


a liar 








darog bandaga 


tc lie, to tell untruth 
(darog gwashaga is 
not used) 








daru 


gunpowder 


j;i^ 


daru 


P. 


darwar v, dar 


a white ant, meaning a 








and waraga 


•* wood-eater " 








darya 


the sea 


Uj^ 


darya 


P. 


darvai sochako 

• 


a jelly fish with long 








t;. sochako 


stinging streamers, 
meaning " sea hornet " 








das 


a knife for cutting grass 








dasmal 


a handkerchief 


JUiU..> 


dastmal 


P. 


dast 


a hand 


Om.> 


dast 


P. 


dasta dil v. 


the palm of the hand. 








padadil 


meaning ** heart of 
the hand " 








dasta mach v. 


the wrist 








piida mach 


• 








data, V. deaga 




$^\^ 


dada 


P. 


dato 


a flying column of sand, 
Sind devil 








daur 


a mast 










f 


JJ^ 


dur, far 


P. 


daur deaga 


to throw away < 




daur, a revolu- 
tion 


P. 


daur kanaga 


to jump 








dawa V. dharm 


medicine (this word 
rarely used) 


h^ 


dawa 




deaga, adein. 


to give 


^')? 


dadan 


P. 


data, bed! 






• 




dem 


the face 


(^.^ 


dim 


P. 


dema 


before, beyond (from 
dem) 








dema deaga 


to send 








der 


delay, late 


Ji^ 


der, dir 




dero 


a compass 


J3^ 


daur, a circle 


P. 


deuk 


a giver 




agent noun 
from deaga 


P. 



dharm 



medicine 



62 



THE UEKBANEE-BELOOCHEG DIALECT. 



digar 


other, another 


/* 


digar 




p. 


dil 


breast, chest, mind, heart 


j-^ 


dil; 
heart, 


mind, 
soul 


p. 


dila baraga v. 
behaiyal 


to forget 


ft _ 








dilui 


the spleen (disease) 


^ 


till 




s. 


dir V. dur 


distant, far 


U«^J*^ 


daridan 




p. 


diraga, adirin, 
dirta, bedir 


to tear 










dirgind r. dir 
and gindaga 

dit 


a telescope 
smoke 


i>ji> 


dud 


- 


p. 


diwar 


a wall 


J»>!«i 


diwar 




p. 


do 


two 


J^ 


do, du 




p. 


dochaga, ado- 
chin, dotka, 
docbita or 


to sew 


ij^^^ 


dukhtan 




p. 


dobta, bedoch 










dochar kapaga 


to meet face to face 


c^jijjU^^ 


^ duchar zadan 


p. 



dohl 
do-dantani 

doin 

domi 

do-sari 

doshi 
dost 



do-tal 

do-tal kanaga 
dozak, doze 
drach, drachk 
drai 



draj 

dranjaga,Rdran- to hang up 
jin, drabta, 
dranjita or 
dratka,bedranj 



a drum 

having two teeth, a camel 
5 to 6 years old 

both 

the second 

double (as work, expense, 
&c.) 

last nigbt 

a friend, pleasing, plea- 
sant 

mana dost in, I like it, it 
is pleasing to me 

double (as cloth) 

to double, to fold (cloth) 

hell 

a tree 

the whole (takes inflec- 
tion in) 

long 



Of •> duhul 

V. dant 



i^J^ duwumi 

c^J*^ dush 
^ dust 



^^^ dota 



^}j^ duzakh 
^^^jd darakht 

contraction 
droba 

jlj«> daraz 



of 



P. 



P. 



P. 
P. 



P. 

P. 
P. 



P. 



THB MEKRANEE-BELOOCHBX DIALECT. 



63 



drinag, drlnnk a rainbow 

droha all ; well, in good health 

(when meaning " all" 
takes inflection in) 

druahaga, adru-to grind 
8hln,drushtay 
bed rush 

drust ill 



danja 
donjadar 
dukan 
dapl 
dur, dir 
dur kanaga 

dushman 

duzd 

duzd kanaga 

dozdl 



e, esh 
edem 



the earth, the world 

rich 
a shop 

a cloak 

far, distant 

to take off from any- 
thing, to remove 

an enemy 

a thief 

to rob, steal 

theft, robbery 

E. 

this 

this side, this direction 



\jrj ^ dars, beating, A. 
thrashing 






durnst, entire, 
complete 

danya 

dunyadar 

dukan 



jj6 dur 



^ l«<i«i) 
i>j,> 



dushman 
duzd 



P. 
P. 
P. 

P. 



P. 
P. 



V, dem 



falan 
fazur 
fursat 



certain, a 
(adj) fat 
lebure 



F. 



certain one 



e; ^ fulan 

/o^ farba 

c^^ fursat 



A. 
P. 
A. 



gad 



gala V, gandin 



G. 

a hill sheep. There is 
some uncertainty as to 
the meaning of this 
word. It is said by 
some to be synonymous 
with gurand, by others 
to be the female hill 
sheep, whilst others 
again use it indiscrimi- 
nately for either sex 



^ gballa, com A. 



61 



•THIS HEKRANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



galena, agal- 


to drive away 






enlxiy galeDta, 






galea or gall 






garnish 


a buffalo 


u^j! 


i gaomesh 


gandag 


bad (applied to anything, 


8 ji? 


gauda 




road, man, &c. ,not used 






Mffanda in Persian) 






gaodal 


bedding, clothes 


^* 




gandiD, gala 


wheat 


^txis 


gandum 


ganok 


a fool 


^^ 




gar 


leprosy, mange, second- 
ary symptoms 


/ 


gar, scab, 


gar buaga 


to be lost 






gardiu 


the neck 


u'^J 


gardau 


gari 


a leper ; afflicted with an 
infectious skin disease 




r. gar 


garlb 


poor, tractable, mild 


Vij* 


gharib 


garm 


hot, warm 


r^ 


garm 


garmag 


heat, the summer 


loj 


garma 


gasht 


a tour (of inspection &c.) 


eJi? 


gasht 


gat 


stopped up, impassable 
(as a road by mud, 
rocks, water, &c.) ; un- 
attainable (as a place 
amongst hills which 
cannot be got at on 
account of obstacles 
in the way) ; stopped 
by any obstacle. 






gatur 


a lamb between the 
gwark and gurand 
stages 


^ 


1 


gaz 


the tamarisk 


J 


gaz 


gechaga, age- 


to strain, to sift 




». gechin 


chin, getka, 








gech 
gechin 


a sieve 


U^ 


gechanu 


gesh, geshtar 


more 


ij^. 


bish 


geshtar 


more ; probably, most 
likely, I think 


^ 




geti, gij 


a vulture 


A? 


gid 


gil 


mud 


J? 


gil 


gin 


breath 







p. 
p. 



A. 
P. 
P. 
P. 



P. 



S. 
P. 



P. 
P. 



TBI llBKBANIK>BBLOOCUIiB BULBCT. 



giDdaga. «gin. 






3 dldan 


p. 


din, dlsta, 
dlti, begiod 


to see, topereeiTP 


1 disaDu 


S. 


glr^a, agirlD, 
gibta. bfgir 


to catcb, seiie 


^J^J 


giriftan 


P. 


giran 


dear, eipBosWe, heavy 


uiy 


giran 


P. 


gird 


round 


V 


gird 


P. 


girok. giruk 


lightning 


oje 


bark 


A. 


«is 


a house, wife and family 








glwar 


the [uirliny ofthehflir 








gt^ gou 


villi, m copijinnv, in 
possession of 


1 l* 


bi 


P. 


gokin, goko 


a porpoise 


gji^^ 


kbnki d.r,a 
(«•> log) 


P. 


gokindar, gun- 


a tumble-duui; beetle 


purjjuisc 


P. 


dar 




jW 


gugir, abeetla 


P, 


goko r. gokin 










gokurt 


sulphHr 


.yy 


gugird 


P, 


gon,go 


with, in company, in 
poisesiion of 




V. go 












gor 


a Bunniah 


j^ 


gawr 

infidel, pagan, 
guebre 


P. 


gorong. 


a herd of cows 


r>f 


goramu 


S. 


gnurm 










go.h 


an ear 


J'f 


goah 


P. 


gosh daraga 


to listen i^\i 


J'f 


goib daahtau 


P. 


gosht 


flesh, meat 


^f 


goalt 


P. 


gradaga. agra 


- to cook, to boil 








din,graditao»- 








graatajbegrad 








grwnpag or 


prickly beat 








garmpag 










grani, gram 


a nostril 








grcaga, grewai\ 


, to cry 


^J 


giristan 


P. 


greta, bigri 










grumpiig 


the small-pox 








gnind 


thunder 


uM> 


ghurumbish 


P. A 


g«d 


Hfter ; cloth, clothes 








gudaii, gudhi 


afler. afterwards 


** 


bajd 


A. 


j^udshod 






■.gudiabngada 









R- 






66 


TH£ MBKBANEE-BELOOCHKE DIALECT. 




gul 


a cheek 


OS 


galu 


S. 


gulab 


rose water 


• 


gnlab 


P. 


guna 


crime, fault 


sUf 


gunah 


P. 


gundar r. go- 










kindar 










g»ng 


damb 


nSiS 


gung 


P. 


gurag 


a crow 1 


^'3viy«agb,ghurab 


A. 


gunga, agurln, 


, to growl (dog) 


\:)^j^ gharldan 


P. 


gurita, gur 










guragu 


a sandpiper 








gurand 


a male sheep, full grown, 
ram 


^AAMjf 


gusfand, a 
sheep 


P. 


gurak 


a shell 








guxhnag 


hungry 


^j 


gunisna 


P. 


g^ag 


the worms (disease) 


^^ 


khark, 
maw-worm 


P. 


gwahar 


ague, intense cold 








gwahar 


sister 


j^ \)^ khwahar 


P. 


gwalag 


a goat-hair bag 








gwamz, gwabz 


a bee, hornet, wasp 


J^J 


zambur 


P. 


gwan kanaga 


to call 


«J:}Ij 


bang 
yoice, cry , 
shout 


P. 


gwand 


short (applied to inani- 
mate objects) 


ji)if 


gando 


S. 


gwar 


breast (man or woman) 


kSj^ 


t^hark 


P. 


gwara 


in possession of 








gwara kanaga 


to wear, to put on (any 








r. pada ka- 


clothing for the body) 









naga 
gwarag, gwark 
gwarbam 



gwarband 



a sucking lamb 

the period from about 
I hour before day- 
light to the first 
dawn 

the baud passing under a 
camel's neck and fas- 
tened to front of the 
saddle 



gwark I', gwa- 
rag 

gwarm 



a wolf, a sucking lamb ySj^ gurg, a wolf P. 



surf 



\ 



THB ICEKKANEE-BELOOCHEE DTALBCT. 



67 



gwashaga or to say, to speak, to tell, 
gushaga, ag- aometimes to think, 
washin, or to suppose 

agushin 
gwashta, 
gushta, orgu, 
begwash or 
bttgush 

gwashuk a speaker 



er^ guftan 



gwashtag r. 
gwAstag 

gwask 

gwastag 

gwat 

gwazl 

gwazl kanaga 

gwodar 

gwurm V, go- 
rung 



spoken 

a calf 

gwashtag, the last or past 
(year, .week, &c.) 

wind 

play, game 
to play 
a wasp 



agent noun from 
gwashaga 



«a? guzashta 



•>^ bad 
C/jb bazi 



P. 

P. 
P. 



ha V. ah 
habar 

habar kanaga 

habar ziraga 

had 

hafta V. hapta 

haga buaga 

haik 

haiyal buaga 



U. 



speech, language, news j*^ 



to speak 
to obey 
a bone 

to be awake 

an egg 

to remember (with dat. 
case of pen. pronouns) 



haiyal kanaga to look 

hajjam barber 

hak rights, deserts 

hak dust, earth, sand 

hal, hali nok news 

halagdar, hali- turmeric 
dar 



khabar, news, P. 
report 



iS S* haddi 



H,8, 





kbag 

khayal 

meditation, re- 
flection 


P. 

P. 


r^ 


hajjim 


A. 




hakk 

kbak 

hal 

haldl H. with 
dar 


A. 
P. 
A. 



C8 



THR MEKRANEE-BELOOCnEE DIAIECT. 



halak 
halas 

halidarv.halag. 


annoyance ^ ** 
finished, worn out jjo ^ 


halak 

khalas, release, 
liberty 


p. 

A. 


dar 
halk 




a small collection of huts y -j^ 


halka, a circle 
khalk 


A. 
A. 


ham 




also, prefix meaning ^ 


ham 


P. 


hama 




" very " 
that very, that 


V. a 




hama, 


hamuk 


all, every ^^ 


hama 


A. 


hamb 




a mangoe y^jo| 


amba 


P. 



hame, hamesh this very, this 

hamida v. ha- 
mingu 

hamingu ha- here, in this very place 

mid a 
hamra along with 

hanch v. hancho 

hancho, hanch, as, like as 

hanchoshl anyhow, somehow 

handaga, ahan- to laugh 
din, handita, 
behand 

haiiln, hanun now, immediately 

hanun v. haniii 

haps, hasp a horse 

hapsa surahur a horsckeeper, groom 



V, e, esh 



8l^^ 



^jjA:^ 



r. ingu, ida 




hamrah 


P. 


hamchu 


P. 


khandan 


P. 



jU Lane 



hapta, hafta 

haptar 

har 

har, har 

har-wahdl 

harah 
haraka 
harch 
har-che-bebid 



a week 
a hyena 
a donkey 
every 

when, whenever, some- 
times 
bad 

hydrophobia 

expense 

anyhow, somehow 






5> 



harrat 



a saw, a toothed saw-like jjf 
knife for cutting grass 



asp 

sarakhwur, mas- 
ter of the horse 

hafta 

kaftar 

khar 

har 

r. wahdi 

kharab 

hadk)0 

kharch 

har-che-bebid, 
literally "what- 
ever may be" 

arrali 



S. 

P. 
P. 

P. 
P. 
P. 
P. 



P. 
S. 
P. 



THB HIKBANEE-BBL00CH8E DIAUCT. 



69 



haaag 


a spoon 


C * 1 • 


kbashuk 


A. 


hashag 


a kind of salt grass 








haair 


a grass mat 


jX.^ 


baslr 


P. 


haap V, haps 










hau V. ah 










haur 


rain 








haya 


shame, modesty 


M 


haya 


A. 


hayakanlhaya 


I ! make haste! 


M> 


hayya 


A. 


hich 


none, nothing 


? 


hicb 


P. 


hidrik 


a squirrel 


^te 






hlk 


a boar 


^r 


khuk 


P. 


himmatdar 


strong (applied to human 
beings and animals) 




himmat 


A. 


hlng 


assafoetida 


O^JUA 


hlng 


H. 


hir 


a sucking camel 








bisab 


account (money), bill 


# 


bisab 


A. 


hosh 


sense, understanding 


J^j* 


bosb 


P. 


hosbl 


wise, clever 








buda 


God 


\^ 


kbuda 


P. 


bndal sarin 


adjuration meaning " I 
swear** 








bukm 


an order 


(^ 


hukm 


A. 


bul 


booty, loot, robbery 








hul kanfiga 


to rob, to loot [ney 








bun 


blood murder, blood-mo- 


e)^ 


khun 


P. 


hura 


tbunder 








hurjin 


a saddle bag 


uijj^ 


kbarzin 


S. 


burjinAga,abur 


- to pull, to haul 








jmin, hur- 










jinta, hurjin 










hurk 


empty 








burk kanaga 


to make empty 








bnrmilg 


dried dotes 


U^ 


kburma 


P. 


busbk 


dry 


iClA 


kbnsbk 


P. 


bnshkl roaga 


^ travel by land 








bushkunag 


a chisel 








bnshtera, husb- 


. a camel (of any kind) 


jSA\ 


usbtur 


P. 


tcr. 










bnshteri 


a CAm el-man 








busbyar 


active, clever, intelligent 


J ^^^ 


boshvar 

• 


P. 



70 



THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



ida V. ingu 

ilm 

inchrukl,inchkl 

ingu, ida 

inka 

insaf 

Ir buaga 

Ir kanaga 

Ir kapaga 



Xr-gejaga, Ir- 
agejiii, ir-get- 
ka, irgej 

Ir rechaga 



I. 



knowledge 

a very little 

here 

thus much 

justice 

to be placed 

to put down, to place, to 
lay down 

to come down, to go 
down into any place, to 
leave a place, todescen(^ 

to take down 



to pour into anything (as 
water into a glass) 






{idhar 
bidhan 

f ilm 



In kadr 
insaf 
zlr, under 



V. rechaga 



H. 

S. 

A. 



P. 
A. 
P. 



irada 


intention 


S^\j\ 


irada 


A. 


Ishap 


to-night 


v^*l 


imshab 


P. 


ishkar, ishkar 


charcoal 


g^l 


ashkara, an ex- 
tinguished 
firebrand 


P. 


bht 


a brick 


C^i^ 


khisht 


P. 


ishta 


preterite of liaga 


/ 






ishtap 


hurried, in a hurry, hurry 


• 


shitab 


P. 


ishtapl 


haste, hurry 








ispet 


white 


OJuIm 


sufed 


P. 


ispetin pas 


a sheep 


■ ** 






istar, tari 


a star 


8jU-.| 


istara 


P. 


istal 


a mule 


>.r 


astar 


P. 


istin 


a black cloud 








istrag 


a razor 


»^i 


ustara 


P. 


It V. isht 


a brick 


i5aj| 


int 


H. 


izhbar, izhbl 


ever, at any time, used 
in conjunction with na 
to express " never " 




for bich bar 




izmat 


work, labour 




literally "a 

• 

worker" 





izmat-kanuk industrious 



THE MEKBANCE-BELOOCHEB DIALECT. 71 





J. 










JS» jag* 


a place 


U 


ja 




P. 


jadu 


a grebe 






• 




jaga r. ja 




^^ 


jaga 




H. 


jagar 


liver 


Ja 


j>g»' 




P. 


jahil 


ignorant 


JaU 


jahil 




A. 


jala,jhala>jahli 


a down (direction) 










j&nmg 


a shirt 


^u. 


jama, a 


gannent 


P. 


jan 


the body, life, soul 


e;^ 


jan 




P. 


jan kahil or 


idle 


jAlf 


kahil 




A. 


kahU 












janagA, ajanln» 


to beat, to strike, to 6re 


0*^3 


zadan 




P. 


jata or jat. 


(a gun) 










bejan 












j*ng 


war, quarrel, fight 


-^ 


j«ng 




P. 


jang kanaga 


to fight 










jangall bat 


a quail 




0. bat 




P. 


janik 


a daughter, a girl 


^j 


zanik, 


a little 


P. 



woman 

janin a woman c^j ^^^ P- 

jantar a mill, a machine >o^ janlr, a machine H. 

jari a sucking camel under 

1 year old ' 

jast zinc ^--^ jast H. 

jauxi-bOak a nutmeg y^^ j^jauzi buja A. 

jawab an answer ^\j^ jawab P. 

jimaz r. sawar mounted (on a camel) 

jind the body, the whole 

person 

jo barley yt jo 

jokinaga, ajok- to make a camel sit down 

inlfi, iokinta, 

bfjokin 

joko responsibility, risk c^^^ jokhoh,risk,ven- h^ g. 

ture, danger 
juhl deep 

johli depth 

jol carpet, covering for any JLai^ ju)I ^, 

animal, the carpet 
placed under a camel's 
saddle 



P. 



72 



THS HEKBANEB^BBLOOCHEE DIALECT. 



jur a small nullah 


J^ 


jfi, a river 


P. 


jur well, in good health 


JJJ 


zur, strength, 


P. 


• 




vigour 




justa kanaga, or to ask 


•• 


justan 


P. 


justo kunaga 









K, 



ka, kawan 


sweet grass 




sl^ 


kah 


P. 


kabu 


perfect, excellent, proper 


^\j 


kabil, worthy. 


A. 










sufficient 




knbul 


agreement, agreed 




Oy^ 


kabfil 


A. 


kabul kanaga 


to agree 




M> ^ 






kachal, kachar 


a mule 




y^ 


khacharu 


S. 


kadam 


a step 




J.A* 


kadam 


A. 


kadin 


when 




Krii'^ 


kadhin 


S. 


kado 


a mussel 


• 








kafir 


an infidci 




>(^ 


kafir 


A. 


kafur 


camphor 




jji\S 


kafur 


P. 


kagad 


paper 




^\s 


kaghad 


A. 


kahawa 


coffee 




»^ 


kahwa 


A. 


kahil 


idle 




Jjkii 


kahil 


A. 


kahur 


a kind of tree (acacia) 
common in Mekran 


m 






kai 


who ? (interrogative), 


yS 


keh 


P. 




whose 










kaiil 


a kind of shark 










kaipi 


a drunkard 




J^ 


kaiphi 


S. 


kak 


a flea 




^ 


kaik 


P. 


k&l 


a kind of salt grass 










kai 


a grave, a hole in 
ground 


the 


•« 


kabr 


A. 


kala kanaga 


to bury 










kalaiinch, kali 


tin 




isH^ 


kalai 


H. 


kalak 


a cheek 




^ 


galu 


S. 


kalam 


a pen 




(^ 


kalam 


A. 


kalampur 


a clove 




J*5^ 


karanfal 


A. 


kalar 


salt earth 




y* 


kalaru 


S. 


kali V. mashk 


a small mussack, made 










of the skin of a 


kid, 









THE MSERAVEE-BELOOCHVE DIALECT. 



73 



kail V. kalaiinch 

kalib 

kaldar 



a bullet-mould 
a rupee 



kam 
kam, kamk 

kamlr 
kamk t;. kam 

kanaga, ak au- 
la, kurta or 
ku, pekan, 
kan or bekan 

kanda 

kanda 

kanda janaga 

kaudaga, akan- 
dlD, kandita, 
bekaiid r. 
handaga 

kaiig 

kangal 

kant 

kap 

kapag 

kapaga, akapln, 
kapta, be kap 

kapi-darya 



kaplnjar 

kapodar 

kapot 

kar 

kar 

kar aiaga 

karaba 



small, less 

a little, few, small quantity 
(takes inflection in) 

a ploughshare 
to do 



a hole in the ground, a 
trench 

name of a tree common 
in Mekran 

to dig a hole 
to laugh 



a heron, a crane 

poor 

a horn 

foam, froth 

a shoulder 

to fall, to happen, to 
occur 

the bone of the cuttle 
fish, meaning *' sea 
foam" 

a partridge 

a wild pigeon 

a dove 

deaf 

work, use, useful 

to be useful 

an inferior kind of dates 
generally packed in 
baskets 






kalab 


P. 


kaldaru, name 


S. 


of a particular 




coinage of 




rupees 




kam. 


P. 



ij^jS kardan 



^(^i^ khandan 



JUlr kulank 

J iHiS kaugalu 

d^ kaf 

J^ kataf 






kabutar 

do. 
kar 
kar 



P. 



giu^ kanda, ditch, p. 
fosse^ moat 



P. 



P. 

S. 

P. 
A. 



P. 

P. 
P. 



10 ra« 



74 



THB MBERANGE-BELOOCHBE DIALECT. 



karag 


a banian tree 








karak 


edge, margin 








karch 


a large knife 


:»;l^ 


kard 


P. 


kargoshk 


ahare, wilaiyati kargoshk, 


^Jt^js^ khargosh 


P. 




a rabbit 








kari 


deafness 








karigar 


a' bullock 








karkink, kar- 


a bivalve shell 








kiank 










karpas 


cotton, cotton tree 


u-V-^ 


karpas 


H. 


kas 


any one, some one 


u-f 


kas 


P. 


kassab 


butcher 




kassab 


A. 


kasan 


little, small 








kasanin mushk 


a mouse 




V. mushk 




kash kanaga 


to pull, to weigh in scales 








kashaga, aka- 


to pull, to take out from 


CjA^^ 


kashidan 


P. 


shin, kashta, 


> anywhere, to weigh in 


^^ ^ 






bekash 


scales 








kash! 


a plate 


J!,\S 


kashi 


P. 


kasib 


a tortoise, turtle 


tT 






kastar 


smaller, less ; compara- 
tive of kasan 








katangar, ka- 


a grouse 








tungar 










kaush 


a shoe 


{J^ 


kaffih 


P. 


kawan v. ka 










kazl 


a judge 


* I ■* 


kazi 


A. 


keh, (conjunc- 


that 


^■^ 






tion) 


' 








keh, (relative 


that, who, which 


^ 


keh 


P. 


pronoun) 










kikata 


a lobster 








kilat 


fort, city 


yoJj 


kila,^ a fort 


A. 


killt 


a key 




kilid 


P. 


kimat 


price 


0>«AJ 


kimat 


A. 


kimat kanaga 


to buy (zuraga generally 
used) 








kinlch 


coriander seed 


^i 


kishnlj 


P. 


kir 


the end, the edge, mar- 
gin 


^ 






kiriya, kire 


hire 


1 vf 


Irira 


A 



THB MKKBANEE-BELOOCHKE DIALKCT. 



75 



kiriyii kanaga 


to hire 


^a 






kirm 


a worm 


r-f 


kinn 


P. 


kiahaga, akish- 


to sow, to till, to dig 


^1^ 


kishtan 


P. 


lii, kishta, 










bekish 










kiahk 


a road, a path 








kismat 


fate 


e«*«J 


kismat 


A. 


kitab 


book 


• 


kitab 


A. 


kitag 


a tick (insect) 








kltag v. kutag 










kitta 


a bouse lizard 








kodul 


a powrah 


J\djS 


kodal 


P. 


koh 


a hill, mountain 


»/ 


koh 


P. 


kohl buz 


a hill goat (female) 




r. buz 


A. 


kohl pucliin 


a hill j?oat (male) 








kohl guraiid 


a hill sheep (mnle) 








kohr 


a river, a nullah 


jA 


khaur 


A. 


koQt 


a bag made of carpet 








kopak 


a shoulder 




r. kapag 




kor 


blind 


J/ 


kur 


P. 


koros, kurus 


a cock, fowl 


LTJJ^ 


khuros 


P. 


kot . 


a fort 


e>)i 


kot 


11. 


kowat, kowunt 


a male camel under five 
years old 

• 


^\jii 


kanwatu 


S. 


kubl 


a lock 


Jai 


kufl 


A. 


kuch 


a corner 


?^ 


kunj 


P. 


kuchak 


a dog 






kuchig 


country (as opposed to 
town) 


5/ 


kuch,migration, 
decamping 


P. 


kuchk 


small shells, cowries 








kudan r. kujun 


I 








kuja 


where 


^ 


kuj^l 


P. 


kuja-angu ? 


where ? (interrogative* 
used with the verb 
"roaga") 








kiijan, kudaa 


which 


f\^ 


kyr^aim 


P. 


kukli 


a crab 


\j^ 


kekra 


H. 


kukur 


a fowl 


^ 


kukim 


8. 


kula 


cap, hat 


l^ 


kulHh 


P. 


kalag 


a cough 









76 



THE UEKBAN£G-BELOOCB£E DIALECT. 



kulunt 


dates in the slightly red 










stage 








kumak 


assistance 


fS^S 


kumak 


P. 


kumak deaga 


to assist 








kumb 


a lake 








kunar 


the lote tree (Hind, her) 


>r 


kunar 


A. 


kund 


a knee 








kunt 


blunt 


o^y^ 


kund 


P. 


kuntag 


a tborn, spine of a tree 


•Jii^ 


kantak 


H. 


kupat 


a basket made of mat- 
ting 


V 


patu 


S. 


kurakush 


a cricket 


, 






kurshi 


a cbair 


UTJ^ 


kurshi 


A. 


kurus, V. koros 










kushaga, aku- 


to kill 


yi^ 


kushtan 


P. 


shiii, kushta 


> 








pukush 




« 






kusij 


a cucumber 








kutag, kitag 


a water melon 




• 




kutub 


the north 


• 


kutb 


A. 


kwahn 


old (applied to inanimate 
objects) 

L. 


Crt^ 


kuhan 


P. 

• 


lach, lachuk 


a basket 








ladaga, aladln, 


to load 


lD^ 


ladann 


s 


ladita, belad 




\^ w~ 




V? • 


ladok, laduk 


the long rope witli 2 
loops passing complete- 
ly round a camel's 
load 




literally " a 
loader,'*" from 
ladaga" 




lagaga, alagin, 


to strike against anything, 


L^ 


laganu 


S. 


iagita, belag 


to toucii, to fasten un 
to anything (not i)y 
binding, r. baudaga), 
to hit a mark 








lagam 


a bridle, reins 


r^ 


ligam 


P. 


lagar 


lean, thin, weak (applied 
to animate oi)jects) 


y^ 


laghar 


A. 


lagat JAnaga 


to kick 


^^ 


lakad 


P. 


Ihar 


boiling 








lahr deaga 


to boil anything 









TH£ MEKBANE£-B£LOOCH££ DIALECT. 



77 



Uir buaga to be boiling 

Uhr kanaga to cnuse to boil 

laht some, a few (takes inflec- 

tion '« in ") 

lig shame, modesty 

Kkaga, alakin, to bark as a dog 
likita 

lakari a flamingo 

landin a kind of salt grass 

Umg lame 

Umkuhv.lankuk 

bnkuk, lankuh a flnger ; chuki lankuk, 

the little iinger 

the abdomen, stomach, 
inside 

inside 

diarrhcEa, dysentery ; e,g, 
maiii lap dard akant, 
I have diarrhoea 

gripes 



f 



) laj 



v-W lang 



lap 

Upa 
l&pa dard 



lap murda 
lashkar 



l^J^ murda, dead 
V. lap 

lashkar 



lekin 

leng 

lero 

lewir 



ij4 lekin 



army 

dirt, dirty 

but 

a thigh 

a male camel more than ^j^ 
5 years old 

hot-wind ^y^ 

llagatkilin.alin to allow, permit (*<dun*t e;*^^ hilidan, 
or alliii, let," "mail") 

iahta, bil 

lik kanaga (im- to erect, to cause to stand 
perative up 

- lik kan," 



lero 
10 h 



to 



dismiss, aban- 
don, quit 



or 



« 



likke- 



kan, ") or mik 
kanaga 

limbari a jelly flsh 

lira deaga to roll anything along 

limk an insect 

log a house 

lor a lobster 



S. 



^\s^)^ lakhejanjl S. 



P. 



P. 
P. 
P. 

S. 

S. 
P. 



78 



THE MEKBANBE-BELOOOHBE I>IALECT. 



lotainaga, alot- to demand 
ainiu, lotain- 
ta, belotain 

lotaga, alotin, to want, desire, wish for (j^^ lochanu 
lotita 



lotia 




a khojah 




lugushaga, 


alu- 


to slip, to slide 


0*^3^ laghzidf 


gushin, 


lu- 






gushta, 


lu- 






gush 








lugushan 




slippery 


o^j^ lughzuii 


lunj 




dark, darkness 




lunt 




a lip 




lur 




a flying column of sand ; 
Sind devil 

• 




lur kanaga 




to mix 




Ifira 




along with 


^/^ 


luri 




a blacksmith 


j^ luharu 



s. 



p. 



8. 



M, 



mach, machi 


a date tree 


uiadag 


a locust, a prawn 


madag 


female 


madagiii gok 


a cow 


madian 


a mare 


magir 


an eclipse, meaning "seiz- 




ing the moon " 


magrab 


the west. The prayer at 




sunset. The period 




from sunset till dark. 




the evening twilight 


mah, ma 


the moon, a month 


mahala 


early ; soba mahala, early 




in the morning 


mahar 


a camel s rein J ^ ^ 


mahi-kani 


moonshine 


mahi 


fish 


mahri 


a riding camel 



e- 



»»iU 



malakh,alocust; 
rnalakhi dar- 
yai, a prawn 

mada 



e;4.>^ madiyan 



wj** maghrib 



8 ^ mtih 



or j^ mahar or ma 
bar 

t^ ^ mahi 
(S^^ mahri 



P. 

P. 
P. 



A. 



P. 



a- P. 



P. 

S. 



THE MEKRANBE-BELOOCHSE DULECT. 



79 



iMuduna roagn to nin 

majg the brain 

makaek a fly 

inalam a line 



malham 
malir 
maa biiaga 

man kanaga 
man kasliaga 

man gijaga,man 
agijin, man 
gitka, man gij 

man 
mana dila 



mani 

manjal 

manzil t;. minzil 

mar 

matd 

mardum 

margu 

marochi 

ma;, mat 

mas 

masdan 
mashk v. kali 
mast 
mattar 

matapuso. mat 
and upus 



ointment 

a gull 

to remain in anything, 
to be left in a vessel, as 
water in a glass 

to put into an\ thing 

to put things on board a 
ship 

to put into anything 



I, a weight of about seven 
pounds 

in my mind. Used to 
express " I think," "I 
suppose *' 

meaning 

a cooking chattie 

a snake 

a husband 

R man 

the cholera 

today 

mother 

ink, the black fluid se- 
creted by the cuttle fish 

inkstand 

a large mussuck 

intoxication, lust 

larger, greater ; compara- 
tive of mazan 

a camel 1 to 2 vears old. 
Name signifies that the 
mother of the camel is 
this year again preg- 
nant 



>- 


maghs A. 


^jXo 


magas P. 


r** 


malam, dis- P. 


V 


grace, blame 


(^J* 


marham A. P. 


e;^ 


men s. 



u* 



tf^- 






man 



mainly 



mar 

mard 

mardum 

mari 

imroz 

mUtH 

mas, ink 



«j:1a mashk 



P. 



A. 



; p. 
p. 

p. 

s. 
p. 

s. 
s. 

p. 



80 



THE^MBKBANEE-BELOOCHBE DIALECT. 



Tnausim 
mawich 
mazad 



mazaii 



mazanin gwar- 
bam 



med 
meh 
men 
mesh 

meshmurg 



metag 

mezk 

miar 

michach 

migraz 

mihrbani 

mik kanaga 
(imperative 
mik kan or 
mikkekan) 
v. lik kanaga 

minzil, manzil 



a season 
raisins 

a camel 2 to 3 years old. 
The name signifies 
that the cam el* s mother 
produces young again 
this year ; v. mas and 
Persian verb c^«>ilj 
zaidan, to bear, i^^^ 
majadu,a young camel, 
8. «-^ '^* mRJaku, a 
camel 2 to 3 years old, 
S. 

great, large 

the period from about 2 
to 4 hours before day- 
light 

a fisherman 

a nail (of iron), a tent peg 

mud 

a sheep of either sex, a 
hammer-headed shark 

a pelican, meaning ** the 
sheep bird." In Per- 
sian meshmurgh is a 
bustard 

a house of any kind 

a kind of salt-grass 

a beggar 

an eyelash 

scissors 

kindness, mercy 

to erect, to cause to 
stand up 






mausim 
mawiz 



miraga, amirin, 

murta, be- 

mir 
miraga, amirin to fight, 

mirita, be- 

mir 



a stage, a day's journey 
to die 






men 
mekh 

mesh 



y^^ mucha 
U^t>^ mikraz 
c^^Ot* mihrbani 






manzil 
murdan 



A. 
P. 



S. 
P. 

P. 



P. 
A. 

p. 



A. 
P. 



rUK MEEltAKEK>UI£LOOCIttiK UIAI.RCT. 



81 



IlllttU 


a parrot 








iiiiyanji 


in the naddle 


^^»j|xj Uk 


• niiyun^'Ia 


W 


moch kanaga 


to collect 








tnochi 


shoemaker 


^tty 


mochi 


U.S. 


molir 


firm, tight, fastened 








mohukum 


strong (applied to inani- 
mate objects) 


(^ 


miihknm 


A. P 


moko 


a spider 


iSji-" 


inakri 


H. 


mom 


wax 


r^ 


mom or mum 


r. 


mor 


an ant 


jy» 


mor 


p. 


moz, mwo< 


plantain, banana 


3^ 


mauz or muz 


A. 


moiag 


socks 


»jy 


muza 


p. 


mubdei 


a cook 








much V. dasta 


a multitude. Hancbo 








much, pad 


keh much, a very great 








a much 


many 


m 






mud, mid 


hair 


)^ 


mu 


p. 


muha kanaga 


to forgive 


oU« 


mu^ilf, forgive- 
ness 


A. 


mubr 


a seal, a stamp 


^ 


muhr 


p. 


muj 


a dust-storm 








mulk 


a country, an estate, a 
tract of land being 
cultivated by any one 


uSli 


mulk 


A. 


mondari 


a ring 


iS^ 


mundrl 


s. 


murg 


a bird 


i^^ 


murgh 


A- 


mortagv.miraga dead 


%^j^ 


murda 


P. 


muiihaga, am a 


- to rub, to scrape 








shin, muahta. 


t 








mush 










moshk V, kas- 


a rat 


cA-r- 


miisfa, a mouse 


P. 


anin muahk 










muabkul 


difficult 


(JCI- 


mnshkil 


A. 


muflht 


a fist 


.>.*^^ 


musht 


P. 


musati 


best kind of dates, gene- 
rally packed in earthen 
chatties 








mwoz 0. moE 


n! 




• 




na 


not, no 


• 


nah 


P. 


ni 


ripe dates 








nadroha 


ill, unwell 




v. droha 




\\ra$ 











82 



THE MEKRANBE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



nadrohai illness, sickness 

nafag the navel ^i U 

nagd cash, money oiij 

nah^lri first breakfast taken at i|>jUlJ 

sunrise or soon after 

naharia wahdl the period from about 1 

to 2 hours after sunrise 

nahun v. nakun 



naf 

nakd 

nahari 



P. 
A. 
P. 



nai gwamK 


a wasp 






lit. *^ the date 
bee," V, na 




naku 


an uncle 










nakuD, nahnn 


the nail (of finger oi 


rtoe) 


e^li 


nakhun 


p. 


nal 


a horse shoe 




L^i 


na^l 


A- 


nalagian 


a cocoanut 




iii^J^ 


nar jil 


A. 


nal band 


a farrier 




iXX) JUj 


na^lband 


P. 


nam 


a name 




r" 


nam 


P. 


namb 


dew, fog, mist 




• 


nam, moistute, 
dew 


P. 


namilna 


"a drawing, pattern 




^j*i 


namilna, sam^ 
pie, like 


P. 


nan, nagan 


bread 




w'i 


nan 


P. 


nang&r 


a plough 




• . 






nap 


gain, profit 




e«. 


nai^ 


A. 


naram 


soft 




fj' 


narm 


P. 


nSrinj 


an orange 




€^' 


naratij 


A. 


narmani 


a kind of shark 








nasib 


fate 




*T*4^J 


naslb 


A. 


nazurk 


delicate 




v?j«i 


nazuk 


P. 


nekiank 


a hen fowl 










nemag 


butter, a direction 










nemaga 


towards 




. • 






neshl 


a camel with 


tusks. 


crxi 


nesbn 


S. 




camel 8 years old and 










upwards 










nd 


blue, indigo 




lW 


nil 


P. 


nim 


half 




1^ 


nim 


P. 


nimax 


prayer, the mofning just 


jW 


namac 


P. 




before sunrise 










nimishtakanaga 










V, novista 















THE MEKBANEB-BELOOOHBE DIALECT. 


. 83 


Bitnroch 


noon 


j^j^ nimroz 


P. 


nimshap 


midnight 


V^(^ nlmshab 


P. 


Bindaga, anin- 


to live, to dwelU to stay^ 


(i;i— ^j nishastan 


P. 


dln, nishta, 


to sit 






benind or 








mind 


% 






Bipal, nipad 


a quilt 


jj l^J nahali 


P. 


Bishan 


a mark, a target 


^11 J nishan 


P. 


nlwag 


fruit 


lyu^ miwa 


P. 


nod 


a light cloud, fog 


• 


Tk 


iiohd 


gram 


^^ nukhud 


P. 


nok 


new 


JH no 


p. 


Doka 


again, anew 






nokar 


a servant 


j^y naukar 


p. 


nokar kanaga 


to employ, to engage 






sokarl 


employment 


(Sj^y^ naukari 


p. 


noshater 


sal ammoniac 

1 


j^Im^ naushadur 


p. 


Dovista kanaga 


to write 


ij^j^ nawishtan 


p. 


or nimishta 








kanaga 








nogra 


silver 


••• 

^J^ nukra 


p. 


nngraig 


made of silver 






noksao^ niMkan loss 


m Laiij nuksan 


A. 


nun, nln t;. 


now 


oy^l aknun 


S. 


hanlii 


0. 

and 


P. 


o 


J or wa 


p. 



P. 



pacb kanaga or 
pak kanaga 


to open, to unfasten 


pachin 


a male goat ; kohl pachin, 
a male hill goat 


pad 


a foot, a leg 


pad, pada, rand 


a footmark 


pada 


bsck (direction) meaning 
*' in the track " 


padaaiaga 


to awaken, to arise 




(intransitive.) Impera- 
tive pad a 



pa 

V, rand 
V, pad 



P. 



84 



THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCBEK DIALECT. 



pa (la dil v. 


the sole of the foot (lit. 








dasta dil 


the heart of the foot) 








pada kanaga 


to awaken, (transitive) to 








/•. gwar 


wear (anything on the 








kanaga 


feet or legs) 








jjfula much v. 


the ankle 








dasta much 










pada roaga 


to walk, to go on foot 








padana shi- 


the knee cap 




v. pad and 
shllanch 




lauch 








pad lank 


a ladder 








V^S 


puggaree, turban 


^^ 


prig 


S. 


pagar 


j)ay, wages 


j^. 


pagharu 


S. 


pagas 


a shark 








jiahamdar 


wise, clever 


rt* 


fahm, under- 
standing 


A. 


pahk 


clean 


V 


pak 


P. 


pahli 


a rib 


J^ 


pahlu 


P. 


paidag 


gain, profit, advantage 


saSH 


faida 


A- 


palma 


like, similar, a style, 
manner 


i^k 


painu 


S. 


pair! r. pareri 










pakaro 


a camel's riding saddle 


>^H 


pakhiro 


S. 


pakir 


beggar 


•• • 


fakir 


A. 


pakka 


ripe, perfect -J 




pako 
pakka 


S. 
H. 


palwar 


the pulla fish 


y^. 


pAo 


S. 


pan 


the leaf of a tree 


ui 


* 
panu 


s. 


panch V. panj 




^ % 






panchek 


a fifth part 


^'^^ 


1 panj yak 


p. 


panchmX 


the fifth 


• 


panjumi 


p. 


panj, panch 


^ve 


^ 


panj 


p. 


papuk 


dates in the green stage 


^^ 






par, pa 


for 


wjj^i 


paronS. ^ ba 


p. 


para, paro 


mercury, quicksilver 


Jj'i 


paro 


s. 


paramposhi 


the third day hence 








parandoshi 


the night before last 








parcha 


why 




par and che 




pardia 


a crupper 


r^jSf 


purdum 


p. 



THE MEKRANEE-BKLOOCIIKK DIALKCl'. 85 

piircrl or pairi the day before yesterday 

paridfi hereabouts, in this nei<^h- 

bourhuod 

parwii care Ij^J paiwfi !'• 

pas goat or sheep, siyfihinpas, 

a ^oat ; ispctiu pa^, a 
sheep 

pash kapaga to remain, to be left over U^i \ms after P. 

pas hag a cold 

jtashtara afterwards ^j-^ pas, after P. 

pat a basket, a bag made of o^j \Kii\\ S. 

matting 

patfiaga, to roll up (as cloth) 

apatain, 
patata, pata 

patak short (a man) 

pafasi a chisel ^j^lljpataso rambo g^ 

patrfishag a ^J>nrk 

pfitu a moth «-^^ p'ltan^n S* 

pnzhm wool ^J j)ashiu P- 

peda, pedilg visible \^xj j,„iJfi P. 

pelag a bng 

perenaga, ape- to cause to fall * 
reniii, peieu- 
ta, pLTcn 

perenanaga, to cause to fall 

aperenanlii, 

perenanta, 

pereoan 
pesara before (preposition or ^jiaj pesh, before P. 

adverb of time) 

pesh pareri or the third day past v, i)areri 

])esh pairi 

peshani forehead cr'^^ peshani P. 

peshtara before (adverb, of time) ^r^ ^uAi P. 

peti a ^ox ^^ peti S. II. 

pezh dilrnga to show, to point out, to <^ju pesh, before P. 

explain 

phul a bridge J;J pfd P. 

pichak a taste, flavour 

pil an elephant ^^ fil P. 

pila dant ivory J^cJ^'^'«>dandani fil P. 



80 



THE MEKRANEE-BELOOCHEE mALBCTT. 



pimaz 

pinz 

pip 



an onion . 
the heel 
a cask 









pijaz 

pipa H. from 
English 



R. 



« 



pipe 



pirik 
piruk 
pis, pit 
pish 



old (men or animals) 
caterpillar, butterfly 
grandfather 
father 

the peesh plant {Cha- 
morops Ritchiawj, 
Grif). A fan like palm 
growing amongst the 
hills in Mekran, from 
which Beloochees 

manufacture matting, 
ropes, baskets, sandals, 
drinking cups, saddle, 
coverings, pipes, &c. 

pishta-pareri or the fourth day past 
pishta-pairi 

pishti-parampo- the fourth day hence 
shi 

^he third night past, i. e, 
the nijiht before the 
night before last 

a drop 

alum 

dates partly red and part- 
ly ripe 

dates or grain turned 
acid and unfit to eat, 
blighted 

clothes 

the day after tomorrow 

leather, skin 

the nose 

wide 



-H^ pir 



^J^,oT^ piu, pita 
U*^ pisi 



pisparandoshi 

pit V, pis 

pituki 

pogaz 

poh 



pofishi, V. poshi 

poshak 

poshi, pohshl, 

post 

poz 

prah 

prahi width, breadth 

prushaga, apru- to break, to snap 
shin, prushta, 
beprush 



V. pashtara, 
pareri 



fij pitkl 



^^^ poshak 



R 



S. 



S. H- 



•^ post 
J^ ^ poz 

« 

etti C ^^ palin or farrakb 



P. 

P. 
P. 
P. 



THE UEKEANEE-BELOOGHEE DIALECT. 



87 



pOltut a Irog 








• 

puktag active 




pukhta 


P. 


pal booty 


*• 

^ 


phuri 


S. 


pulad steel 


^i^ 


pulad 


P. 


pulaga, apulin, to become wet 








pulita, pul 








pulenagfl, apu- to make wet, (causal verb 








lenin, pulenta of pulaga) 








pnlen 








pdank a tiger 


V 


palank 


P. 


pur fully ashes 


Ji 


pur, full 


P. 


purap . a female camel under 5 








years old 








pQtl a mosquito 


te 


phusi 
pusht 


s. 
p. 


push! a cat 
pmht the back 


V 


piijihta at the back of, behind 




V. pusht 


P. 



R. 



ra 

r& deaga 

rad 

ntd kanaga 

w« 

Tago» ragu 

rtht 

rakam 

rainiig 

nind 

randa v. rand 



randa aiaga 

ftada roaga 

nuig 
imng deaga 



ft road, path 

to send 

a mistake, wrong 

to make a mistake, to do 
wrong 

an artery, a vein 

a guinea-worm 

a camel's baggage saddle 

a kind, a sort 

a flock of sheep or goats 

a foot-mark 

behind, after.last, (mean- 
ine '*in the footsteps 
or') 

to follow, to come in 
search of, to come after 

to follow, to go in search 
of, to go after 

colour, paint 

to paint 



9\j rah 



y^ dadlii 



vij rag 






ufc 



rakam 

rama 

randu 



S. 



S. 



P. 



A. 
P, 

S. 



J rang 



P. 



88 



Tits :M!::KKA>CliE-BELOOClll!lE DIALECT. 



rasa^a, ara-lu, to arrive. With the Dat. c;^i^j rasidaii 
rasita or rastit, case ot pers. pronouns 



P. 



bcrajj 



rasannpia, ara- 
sanlu, r.'iSEUi- 
tH, berasau 

rast 

rastar 

razfi, razi 

razii 

razm 

rc'chaga, arc- 
chin, reika, 
rech 



** lo find " as mana, 
turn> &c.> rnsita ; I, 
thou &c., found or re- 
ceived it 

to cause to arrive, to '^^ - J 
forward 



rck 

resh 
rc2 

rexa 

rich 
rigit 
rUh 
rizghgfik 

roaga, a roan 
or a rein, 
shuta, bhut 
or shu, boro 



light, true, straight, the 
right hand 

au Huimal 

contented 

leave 

a camel 3 to 4 years old 

to throw awavj to 
empty (liquids) 

a saiuly place> sandhill?, 

sand 

.a sore 

a rope made of goat- 
hair 



\j rast 



shot 

a bear 

a kind of salt grass 

a beard 

a inungoose 

to go 






^xitJj 






razi • 
riza 

rekhtan 



reg 
resh 

reza, scraps, 
crumbs 

jichhu 

rish 

raftan 
shudau 



ruba 
ro£ 



Toba a fox ^JJ 

roch a day, the sun, sunshine jjj 

rod copper 

rodarat r. roch the east, meaning '' Sua 
auddar-aiaga came out" 

rogan oil, ghee iif^J 

rck kanaga to light a lamp or fire t;*^J-r**afrokhtan 
roshanaii the period just before cf ^*J roshanai, light 

sunrise 



roghan 



P. 



P. 



A. 
A. 

P. 



P. 
P. 

P. 

S. 

P. 

P. 
P. 

P. 
P. 



P. 
P. 

P. 



THB MEKBANEK-BELOOCHEB DIALECT. 



89 



roshanl (sub- 
stmitiTe) 


light, brightness u^JJ 


roshanl 


rotag 


a root 




rouk 


a goer, one going ; as an 
adjective applied to a 
swift going camel 


agent formed 
from roaga 


rub 


a quarter gj 


rube 


rnmlr 


a white ant 





p. 



s. 



sa'at 


an hour, a clock, j 


a watch 


CapU* 


safat 


A. 


sabab 


account, reason 




• • 


sabab 


A. 


aabun 


soap 




o^U 


sabun 


A. 


labi 


green 




j^ 


sabz 


P. 


Bad 


cord, rope of any 


kind 


' 






safar 


a journey 




>• 


safar 


A. 


said 


any kind of game (espe- 










cially deer) 










•aiek 


a third part 




«-^ /^ 


sih yak 


P. 


sail, sel 


a walk 




J^ 


sair 


A. 


saiml 


the third 




^♦XMt 


siyumi 


P. 


aak 


hard, very 




VL*^'** 


sakht, hard 


P. 


sal 


a year 




Jl- 


sal 


P. 


aam 


a cuttle-fish 










aaman 


l>ftgg«ge, things 




CJ^^ 


saman 


P. 


aaiiibalagfl. 


to take care 




sJW^ 


shambhalanu 


S. 


asambalin, 












sambalita. 












sambal 












aar, sarag 


head, end, top 




.r- 


sar 


P. 


aar kapaga 


to get over the 


top of 




V. sar and knpa- 






anything, to climb up 




ga 




aara dard 


headache 




jm ^j^ 


dardi sar 


P. 


aara 


above, over 






• 




sarag t;. sar 






A 






aaraga, asarln. 


to neigh 




cAa)^ 


' shakhulidan 


P. 


aarita 












■aramsa 


a camel's head gear 








aarand 


a comb 




^B vw 






aarap 


quietly, secretly 




\j» 


sinan, quietly 


A. 


12ra< 













90 



THE HEKBANSS-BELOOCHJEK DIALECT. 



Barbara 

sard 

saria 

sarja 

sark 

sark giraga 

sarmahar 



sarpad-abai, 
sarpad-buta, 
&c. 

saudagar 

saugind 



above, over 

cold (temperature) 

before (place), in front 

a pillow 

a road, footpath 

to start off 

the small string at the 
end of a camel's rein 
which is fastened 
round the piece of 
wood passing through 
the nose 

I understand, defective 
verb: vide Grammar 



V, sar 
dj^ sard 

V. sar & ja 
^j^ sarak 



P. 



V, sar & mahar P« 



a merchant, trader 

an oath 
saugind waraga to swear 
sawar a person mounted 

to be mounted (on a 
horse) v. jimaz 

to mount or elevate any- 
thing, to hoist up on 
to anything 
sawas the sandals made of 

peesh worn by Be- 
loochees 



Jl I ^^ saudagar 
dJSym saugand 

V. waraga 
j\j^ suwar 



sawar buaga 
sawar kanaga 



P. 
P. 

P. 



sel V. sail 










senag 


the circle on a camel's 
breast 


/Sx^ 


slna, breast 


P. 


sell 


a camel's neck band 








shadu, shadi 


a monkey 


iS^^ 


shad! 


P. 


shagur 


the jaw-bone 








shahid 


a witness 


i^Lm 


shahid 


A. 


shahim 


scales (for weighing) 


^♦aU 


sahimi 


S. 


shahr 


a town, village 




shahr 


P. 


shaira janaga 


to sing 


y^ 


shig^r, poetry 


A. 


shak 


a comb 


,^c 


shana 


P. 


shakar 


sugar 


j^>m 


shakar 


P. 


shal 


a long cloak generally 
made of goat hair 


jLi 


shal 


P. 


shalwar 


trousers 


jl^ 


shalwar 


P. 



THI HEKRANEE-BELOOCHKE DI&LBCT. 



■him 


dinner, the early part of 
the evening when it ia 
joat dark 


t^ 


shim 


P. 


■h&mihlr 


a Birord 


j4i*i 


ahainBhlr 


P. 


■hinag 


Torait 








■bansg kanaga 


to Tomit 








•banik 


a kid 








rf«p 


night, the period from 
■ham till midnight 


V- 


•hub 


P. 




a bat (perbapa meaning 


^jt^ shabparal 


P. 




a"gra7erbynigbt")«. 










ahap ondchnrnga 








■bar 


good; as nn iiiierjectiou 
"all right," "Tery 


tJ- 


■hara ; the pre- 
cepts of Ma. 
homed, law. 


A. 




well," perhaps from 












eqoitj 




iWab 


nine 


v'^ 


shuab 


A. 


■bariat 


justice 


i=»,^ 


sfaarl^Ht 


A. 


■hash 


six 


u" 


ihiah 


P. 


■hash dantlQl 


a camel 7 to 8 years old, 
having six teeth 




o. shssh and 
dant 


P. 


■hep 


a small nullah 








aher 


a lion, tiger 


J^i 


sher 


P. 


ahikir 


game (miimaU), hunting, 
sbootiog 


jKi 


shikar 


P. 


diikirl 


a hawk, a bonier 


isj^ 


shikari 


P. 


■hll&Dch 


cheese ipadaoaBbllanch, 
the knee cap 








■Mr 


milk 


J4i 


shir 


P. 


■birlab 


a neem tree 


^j. 


sirishk 




ablihag 


glass 1 a bottle 


^ii 


shlsha 


P. 


■hittaraga, asb 


- to alip 








itUrin, shit- 








Urta, abitUr 










■hoUaga, nsbo- 


to wash 


w^-- 


shnstsn 


P. 


dlfi. shodita 










or Bbtubta, 










pnabod 










■hobua 


enquiry, search 








■hohua kanagato aearch, enquire 








■hor 


■alt ground 


Jji 


shor 


P. 


■hr&par 


amonitacbe 


jir 


sbahpani 


S. 



92 



THE MEKRANBE-BEIiOOOHEE DULEOT. 



you 

a sea breeze 



shuma 
sbuoial 

shuro saltpetre, gunpowder 

sichin, v. suchln 

sid a kind of shark 

sikun a porcupine 

8im wire 

sindagaiRsindin, to break (intrnnsitiye) as 

a rope, wire, &c. 

an anvil 

a stone 

marriage 

antimony, colly rium 



t*^ shuma 

Ji^ shimal 

f $j^ shora 

t JJ^ sboro 

j^ sukar 



• j^^^^w^^^w^w 



sista, besind 
sin dan 

sing 
sir 



u 



ul 



shikastan 
sindan 



fS^ 



sang 



sirimug 



jjAm sur . 
y^j*» surma 



sit, V, silt 
siyad 
siyah 

siyahin pas 
siyahin pilpil 
sob 



soba mahala 

sochaga, aso- 
chin, sotka 
or sohta 
besoch 

sochako 

sogind 
V. saugind 

sohr, t>. sur 

sohrbad 



relations 

black 

a goat, 

black pepper 

the morning just before 
sunrise, the morning 
generally 

early in the morning 

to bum (trnnsitive) 






siyah 
V, pas 

filfil, pepper 
subh 



L^j^^* sokhtan 



a hornet 
an oath 



leprosy 



sonh mirch 
80 rob 
sowaso 
ftowasil 
Bubuk 



white pepper 

apple 

a sole fish 

a centipede 

light (in weight) 

suchaga, asiL- to burn (intransitive) 
chin, sutkaor 
sQhta,besuch 
17. socbnga. 



S^Ui.^ 



5^ 



surkhbada, 
erysipelas 

mirch, pepper 
seb 



«JU«« sabuk 
{:)>^y* sokhtan 



P. 

A. 
P. 

S. 



P. 

P. 

P. 
P. 
P. 
P. 



P. 

A. 
A. 



P. 



P. 

S.H. 
P. 



P. 
P. 



THE HEEBANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



93 



■uebln, Bichia 


a needle 03 r^ 


sozan 


P. 


Buhan 


a file w^r* 


suhan 


P. 


sahan kanaga 


to file 






auxnb v. kal, 


a hole (not in the ground) 






kanda 








sand 


dried ginger (>^ 


sundi 


S. 


8ur, sohr 


red ^j^ 


surkh 


P. 


Bur 


salt (adjective) jj^ 


shor 


P. 



Burag 


salt grass 




V. BUT 




Buragfl, asurin, 


to shake (intransitive) 








Burita, besui 


» 








V, surinaga 










Burlnaga, asuri 


- to shake (transitive) 








nln, surinta, 










besurln 










r. suraga 










Buru 


jowaree 








Buru kanaga 


to begin 


t^J^ 


shurug^ 


A. 


Bump 


lead (metal) 


V-i^** 


surb 


P. 


sorushk 


elbow 








Bust 


loose (not tight) 


Ow« 


sust 


P. 


BUSti 


idleness, laziness 


t/-- 


susti 


P. 


But, sit 


profit 


dj^ 


sud 


P. 


Bwarag 


breakfast, meal taken be- 
tween about 3 hours 
afler sunrise and noon 








Bwaragani 


the period from about 
3 hours afler sunrise 
till noon 

T 








ta 


to, up to; used when 
speaking of two phices 
in the sense of from 
one to the other 


G 


ta 


P. 


tabib 


doctor 




tabib 


A. 


tablla 


a stable 


A^^ 


tawila 


A. 


tachaga, Rt&-\ 










chin, tachita | 




f U«^3^tazidan 
1 u*^ takldan 


P. 


or tatkata, ( 


y to run 


P. 


betach J 




V *^ 






tagird 


a mat, matting 









94 



THE MEKBANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT' 



tabar 
V. thar 

taht, taht 

taiar 
V. tiar 

tak 

takslr, taskir 

talag, talak 

tambak 

tambak ka- 
sbaga 

tambu 

tanagl, tanagei 

tanak 



tang 
tank 

tap 

tar 

taraga, atariu, 
tarita, pitar 

tarl 

tari roaga 

tau, V. to 

tazi 

tejag 

tel 

tez 

thar, tahar 

* tbren 

* tbrenband 
tiab 
tiar 
tikam 
tila 
tilaig 
tillu 



dark, darkness ; in, inside j (3 

a bedstead 
ready, well, strong 



tar, dark 
takbt 



P. 

A. P. 



a leaf of a tree 
fault, crime 
•hallow 
tobacco 

to smoke tohacco \ 

a tent 
yet 

thin (applied to flat ob- 
jects only,!;, barig and 
lagar) 

a girth 
narrow 

a cut, a wound. Fever. 

damp, wet, moist 

to turn round, to walk 
about 

a star 

to travel by sea 

a greyhound 

a musk melon 

oil 

quick, swift, sharp 

in, inside 

the waist, loins 

waistband, cummerbund 

coast, sea shore 

ready, well, strong 

a pickaxe 

gold 

golden 

a bell 



yUv3 

• •• 



taksir 

tambaku 
tambaku kashl- 

dan 
tambu 
tadhi hi 



iJm tunak 






(S 



crj 






tang 
tang 
tab, fever 

tabb, catting 
tar 



tari 
17. tar 

tazi 

telu S., tel H. 
tez 



j^ 



lib 



taiyar 
tila 



^ talo 



A. 

p. 

8. 

S.H. 

S. 

P. 

P. 
P. 

P. 
A. 
P. 

S. 



P. 



P. 



P. 
P. 

s. 



* Id these word* " th" sounded u ia English word " thin." 



THK UKKBANEE-BBLOOCHKK DIALECT. 



95 



tip 


a jewel 




4J3 


tik 


S. 


tlr 


a bullet 




J^ 


tir 


P. 


tir rech 


a bullet mould 




U^'J 


rekhtan, to 
pour,cast,melt 


P. 


tirku 


a ramrod 










to, tan 


thou 




•• 


to 


P. 


tok 


centre, middle 










toka 


between, in the 


centre 








tolag 


a jackal 




m 






torn 


seed 




r' 


tukhm 


P. 


top 


a cannon 




^^. 


top 


P. 


top 


a hat 




isiy 


topi 


H.S 


topi 


a percussion cap 










tor 


a style, manner 




j^ 


tawr 


A. 


^war 


an axe, a noise 




•• 


tabar, axe 


P. 


trapanzaga, 


to slip 










atrapunzin, 












trapunzita, 












trapuDZ 












trat 


a kind of salt grass 








triposhk 


a spark 










trttnd 


narrow, tight 








P. 


trula 


fear 




u-^ 


tars 


troaaga, atru- 


to fear 




e;*^^> 


; tarsldan 


P. 


8lD, trusita. 


• 










betrus 












trushp 


sour 


• 


♦ 1 


tursh 


P. 


tnubpin shir 


sour milk 




. • 






tofan 


a storm, a gale, a 
very great, as 
garmxy very 
heat ; tufana I 


nything 

tufanu 

great 

Ioshkar, 


tjb^i, 


tufan, a storm 


A. 




a very numerous army 








takor 


a piece ; a little, 
quantity. (In 


a small 
latter 


J^ 


tukaru, a piece 


S. 




sense takes inflection 










"in") 










tunag 


thirsty 






tishna 


P. 


tung 


a hole (not in the j 
V. kal, kanda 


ground) 
; a jail 


uW 


tang, a jail 


P. 


tupak 


a gun 




iJUaJ 


tufang 


P.- 


tori 


a sweeper 











M 



96 



THE MEERANEE-BELOOCHEE DIALECT. 



u. 



umbr age 

uzhnag kanaga to swim 



^^T asbna 



A. 
P. 



W. 



sleep 


V '-r^ kbwab 


P. 


salt 






to get, to procure 






a time, a period 


Cijl^ wari 


S. 


Master, Sir (common 


/^^(•k khwaja 


P. 


form of address 






amongst Beloochees) 






to lend money 


e><3 f <3 (• tj warn dadan 


P. 


to borrow money 


ey^/^ftj warn giriftan 


P. 


to collect a debt 






a debtor, a creditor 


j|a*lj wamdar 


P. 


to read 


s2) ^\^ kh wandan 


P. 



wab 

wad 

wadi kanaga 

wahdi 

waja 



warn deaga 

warn kanaga 

warn giraga 

wamdar 

wanaga,awanin, 
wanta, bewan 

wapsaga, awap- to sleep 

sin, wapta, 

bwaps or 

bwasp 
waraga, awarin, to eat or drink, to cut as 

or awar war- a saw, gimlet, &c. 

ta, bur 

waraga charaga an expression used to 

signify *' eating and 
drinking ;" cbaraga 
has in this case no 
meaning, and is pro- 
bably only a word 
formed to rhyme with 
waraga 

waragi food, edible 

warna young 

wash sweet (water, &c*) 



(^^3^ khuftan 



\a^j)^ khurdan 



\%^^jj^ khurdani 
warna 






wasbkechag the itch 

wash-wash slowly, steadily ; perhaps ui*^^ ^ 

from 



wash, good, ex- 
cellent 

bashldan, 
V. wustaga 



P. 



P. 



P. 
P. 
P. 

P. 



THE H£KBAN££-BJ!:L00CH££ DIALECT. 



97 



wista for 

wat self 

watach a pistol 

waieg, wuteg or a tank 
nteg 

waahtaga, 
awuflhtln, 
wusbtata, 
bosht or 
bwusht 



to stand up, to 
still 



J^\^ waste 

•^^ khud 

/^Uj tabancha 

4^ I J wahi 

stand cj<)^b bashidan 



A. 
P. 
P. 

S. 

P. 



Y. 



yebara completely, entirely 



yebarly yek-bar once 


j^.^. 


yakbar 


P. 


yak, yak 


one 


sSi 


yak 


P. 


ydidar 


a canoe (meaning " one 
piece of wood)" 








yek kanaga 


to join 








yek-kasha 


always 








yeledeaga,yele 


\ to let go, to let loose, 


A' 


yaln, escape. 


P. 


kanaga 


to abandon (sometimes 
yelo deaga) 


• 


release 




yessara 


together 








labardaati 


z. 

force, tyranny 


K^^J^.j zabardasti 


P. 


labr 


excellent, very good, 
perfect 


J^-J 


zabar, high, 
superior 


P. 


sad 


the cock of a gun 


e>'^3 


zadan, to strike 


P. 


Mg 


a child 


o\j 


zak 


A. 


xahir, v, lahr 
















zahra, the gall 


P. 


sahr, zahir 


angry, bitter 


zahr, angry 


P. 


fealinn tel 


bitter oil, mustard oil 








saitun 


a guata (in P. & H. 
. zaitun is an " olive'*) 








sal 


a wife 


Jlj 


zul 


P. 


sam 


a sword 








samlk 


a crop 








samln 


a field, the ground 


LH^J 


zatniii 


P. 


sin 


the knee 


y\j 


zanu 


P. 



13 r a « 



•« I 



M 



98 



THE MKKKANEE-BELOOCUBJfi DIALECT. 



zanaga, azaniii, 
zanta, bezaa 

Zand 

zang 

zangi 

zaDlk 

sank 

zar 

zard 

zargar 

zarur 

zl 

zimistau 

zin 

zindag 

zlraga, azlriii, 
zlrta, bizlr 

zlruk 

zud 
suhr 

zurag 

zuraga, azuriu, 
zurta, bozur 

zurawarl 

zurmand 

zuwan 



<SJ\ 



zang 



f^j zanakh 



to know, to understand ^^^^jLJ|i)danutan 

thick, stout, strong 
(man or animal) 

rust 

rusty 

the chin 

a camel 4 to 5 years old 

money 

yellow 

a goldsmith 

necessary 

yesterday 

cold season, winter 

a horse's saddle 

alive 

to take, to buy (same as 
zuraga) 

a purchaser (agent form- 
ed from ziraga) 

quick 

the period from noon till 
about 2 p.m. 

strong, oppressive 



to take, to buv 



jjj zur, strength, 
violence 

V, ziraga 



force, tyranny (jjjfjjjzurawari 

strong physically (a man) 

a tongue 4yUj zuban 



P. 
P. 

P. 
P. 



t>jj aiard 


P. 
P. 


j^jj zargar 


P. 


jjj^ zarur 

jj^.^ dlroz 
^J^S,m^j zimistan 


P. 
P. 
P. 


(•tij zinda 


p. 
P. 


i:A*jiji pazlruftan 
jyiiy giriftnn 


P. 
P. 


<>_jj zud 


P. 


j^ zuhr 


A. 



P. 



p. 
p. 



P — Persian. 

A. — Arabic. 

S — Sindee. 

H — Hindustani. 

Imp. — Imperative. 

Adj . — Adj ective . 

Ad?. — Adverb. 



MbreviatioHs. 

The principal parts of verbs are 
given in following order : — 

(1) Infinitive. 

(2) Aorist. 

(3) Preterite. 

(4) Imperative. 



Art. II, — Sahgameivara Mahdtmya ami Linga Worahtp. 
By the Hon'ble Ra'o Sa'heb V. N. Mandlik. 



Read February 13th, 1875. 



Saiigamesvara is the principal town of the Taluku of that name in the 
District of Southern Koukana, in the Bomhay Presidency. It is situated 
at the junction of the rivers Sustri and Sonavi. Its latitude is 17^ 9^ 
N., and longitude 73° 36' E. It is one of the principal places noted 
in such portions of the Sahyudrl Kha?ida, a part of the Skanda 
Puruna, as arc now accessible. The Sahgamesvara MdhdlmyOy which 
I present to the Society to-day, is stated to have been composed by 
a poet named ^sha, in the service of one of the Chiluky^ kings 
named Karna. It consists of ninety slokas or verses — the last five of 
which have been extracted from the Sahyddrl Khanda, The copy 
with which I have been favoured by my friend Mr. Vishnu Moresvara 
Kelkar, the Subordinate Judge of Saiigamesvara, was made in Sake 
1713, and is therefore 83 years old. The language is simple, hke that of 
other Puranas, and this and other circumstances which I shall state 
presently, seem to show that this town is one of some considerable anti- 
quity. The poem begins by citing the genealogy of the founder of 
Saiigamesvara. It is as follows : — 

(1) Seshaputra (OT'p), who began to reign in the Saka year 10. 

(2) Saktikumaraka ( ^rHijiHIC-h )» who reigned 25 years. 

(3) Siiihaka Mudrika (RiihFr 5f^), „ 12 

(4) Indu-Kiriti „ 18 

(5) Brahma to Chuluki „ 38 
The lastnamed in this poem is Karna, who became kinging. 100. 

He came from Karavira or Kolhupura, along with his brothers, Nitga 
and Singhana. Kolhapura itself was not their original seat ; but their 
preiious residence and capital are not given in the extract before me. 
He then built a number of temples in addition to those which had 
been established by Kama at this place ; and he built a fortress for 
his residence, and his brothers built their own palaces and constructed 
their quarters of the city. To the principal temple which he built, 
and named after himself— Karnesvara — he assigned nine villages :— (1) 
Dharmapura, (2) Gunavallika, (3) Devanimdchaka, (4) Sivani, (5) La- 
▼ala, (6) Phanas, (7) Dhamani, (8) Kadamba, and (9) Antravalli. 
The village of Katuki was assigned to Somesvara temple, and the 
village Turiya was granted to the temples of Keddra and Someaa 
together. Most of these places can be directly or remotely identified. 
The poem, like other similar works, describes the virtues and religious 



}» 



>f 



100 SANGAMESVARA MAIIATMYA AND UNGA WORSHIP. 

efficacy of the several holy spots in SaiigamesTara, and concludes 
by mentioning that the king Kama who founded the temple of 
Karnes vara at this place was the same as the king who built the 
temple of Mahalakshmi at Kolhiipura. We arc also told that all the 
temples existing previously to the time of Karna were of the time 
of Raghava or Ruma. And the ancient name of the place is given afl 
Bimakshctra. The extract from the Sahyddri Khanda at the end of 
the Sahgamesvara Mdhatmya is as follows : — 

** (85.) The slokas therein are the following : — 

*• As the delightful Kasi, Prayaga, Pushkara, Prabhasa, Naimisha 
Kshetra, Chakra Pushkarini arc celebrated, so is this great city named 
Sangama. There are ten holy places established by Rdma. Among 
the ten, six are superior; the names of which hear from me: — Go- 
karnn, Saptakotisa, Kunakesa, Sangama, Ilarihara, and Tryamba- 
Kesa. There are six holy places. Kuddalesa (Kudal ?), Dhdtapapa, 
Dalbhesa (Dabhol), Vardhana (;:)rivardhana?), and the great god 
Ramesvara. These are the fixa holy places. Even Bhurgava R^ma 
by his devotion founded the lihgaa at Sahgamesvara in the vicinity of 
Siva." (86-89.) These are the slokas in the Sahyddri Khanda. The 
preceding slokas are the principal ones describing Sahgameivara 
composed by ^esha, and forming part of a work named KarntuU' 
dhdnidhi. 

There is evident confusion here between Bhargava Rama and 
Raghava Rama in a previous part of the poem. But this seems to me 
to confirm the Puranik origm of the narrative, written from a simple 
religious point of view, regardless of time. If, according to the grada- 
tion of the Puranik avatdrs, we ascend from Rdma to Bhargava 
Rdma, the antiquity of the spot becomes all the greater. 

At Sahgamesvara there is a temple of Sahgamesvara pointed out, 
and that shrine is stated to be older than that of Karnesvara founded 
by the Chaluky^ king Karna. This older shrine is referred to Para- 
6ar^a, the reputed reclaimer of the Kohkana'^ country along the 
western coast of India. There are remains of old temples at and about 
the town, which point to a remote period. The only inscription to be 
found is inside the temple of Karnesvara, on a wall, an impression 
of which I produee before the Society to-day. It has been taken 
by an intelligent clerk of my own, whom I had deputed on purpose 
to that and other places, in connection with some work before me on 
account of this Society, at my own expense : — 

* Inolades all that strip of land between the Sabyidri raDge and the sea 
up to and inclaiiTe of Malabar. 



SAM0AME8VARA UAHATMYA AND I.INQA WORSHIP. 



101 



v^v^/*^ 



c 








"n (^ 



<;■• 





h^^ 



JLJ5 x^r*^ ) U^ *^ <r^^- 



.\% -^ j^^ 



15 




4 



c:^ 






a. 



» 



^ T: 
.'<^ 



01 ^-^ 



--•"n 



^ 




^..-W 



) 



a 



a 



The only letters and figures whieh can be deciphered are :— V 

Ist line 3f ^ iff \\{0 
2nd „ ^ If {.{I) 

Mr. Vishnu Moresvara sends me the following version by a gentle- 
man at Sangamefivara, made with some local knowledge : — 



/ 



r 









$ 



9 







00 







A 



SANOAMESVAKA MAHATMYA AND LINQA WORSHIP. 103 

But I confesE that there is little or no evidence before me to support 
this reading of the few lines that are now very nearly obliterated. 

It seems, however, that a similar reading was adopted by the late 
Sivardma Bh&skar K^ne, Sub-Deputy Educational Inspector of Ratnd- 
girf, in his Mar^thf account of that coUectorate published in a.c. 1872, 
and of which the following is a facsimile : — 




The reference to Kolhiipura in the poem naturally led me to further 
inquiries ; and I obtained from a friend at Kolhdpura the following 
verses, which form part of an inscription on the temple of Mahd- 
lakshmi : — 

^3?ftf iiiiiH^<si^^ ^^:qi5!il(^qi5ql|crt ii \ ii mA aR^in^ 

*«iRi4iw ^^r^y^: II ^ II m^r Ml^d^nqSiciH^Nic^i^nw: 
^: g ^^i i ^< i ^^ {fiprggy ?T wvi fl^^wH II ^ ^friprtt^ 



104 sanqam£svaka mahatmya and linqa worship. 

^^pf II ^ II MWn^^^^% ^flT^^^qri^rq- fi^rf^R^ ^^nft^ 

cT^ M<4'i'M(J|?' II 

Translation : — ** When thirty years of the S^vahana era had passed, 
theChalukya king named Karna, generous like the Elarna,* flourished. 
He hy the help of his younger brothers Naga and Singhana, who were 
his two additional hands, becoming four-handed, really conquered the 
earth surrounded by the four oceans (1). 

" By him mountains of money being spent, the great temple of the 
goddess, which is an ornament to the whole world, and which is in the 
form of a &riy antra and of a beautiful shape, was constructed. And 
by him also a similar temple dedicated to the great Linga, and 
consecrated after his own name, was built at Sri Sahgamesvara town in 
the Konkana (2). 

" He, followed by the kings of the earth (whose pride had been 
destroyed), having heard that in the whole world this place would 
immediately wash away sins, and which city of Karavira was a place 
where the goddess of wealth delighted to play, spent several years 
there, and went again to subdue the Konkana (3)." 

These three klokaa have been inscribed on the temple of Karnesvara 
in the city of Sangamesvara. 

These verses have not been found on the walls of the present 
E[arne§vara temple. But the moist climate and excessive rainfall of 
the Southern Konkana would fully account for the different states of 
inscriptions, even contemporaneous, on both sides of the Oh&ts. 

About the Kolhdpura temple I hope to write on a future occasion, if 
I receive ample materials which have been promised to me. Meanwhile 
I would refer to pp. 479 and 480 of the Statistical Report on Kolhd- 
pura -f This inscription distinctly refers to Sangamesvara and King 
Karna of the Ch&lukya dynasty. He is described as being succeeded 
byNrisinha, Vetugideva, Somesvara, and Somadra — the last of whom 
gave the village of Kumbhdrgim to the temple of Mahdlakshmf, which 

* One of the heroes of the Mahdbhdrata, 

t Selections from the Records of the Bombay Goverrnnont No. VIH., New 
Series : Statistical Report on the Principality of Kolhdpura, Compiled hf 
Major D. C. Graham, of the 28Ui Regt. Bombay N. I., Political Superintendent 
at Kolhdpura : 1854. 



8ANGAMX8VABA MAHATMTA AND LINO A WOBSQIF. 105 

grant is set forth in the above inscription. There is no date to the 
inscription as given by Major Graham, and in his Summary at pages 
534 and 335 the column of dates is blank. The king T?ho succeeded 
Karna^eva is said to have had his capital at '* Vijajaput"^ (as it is 
there designated), and this must, I think, be the same as Juyunugur or 
Jajranagar at p. 314 of the same work. If so, it takes us, according 
to Major Graham, to a.c. 789. In Brown's Camatic Chrnnology^ the 
Chilukja era begins with a.c. 1016. The two branches of the 
Chalukjas are there described, one reigning at Kalj&na, in the Western 
Kamitaka, and the other ruling Kalinga. But the names given in my 
account of Sangamesvara are not mentioned by Mr. Brown. 

Major (noW'Major General Sir) George LcGrand Jacob gives Chi- 
hikya grants from Kuddl Desd, near Goa, of the 6th and 7th centuries of 
the Christian era. % The same learned writer notes in the next vol- 
time$ a Chdlukya grant of Tenrana, a village near Rdjdpura, about fifty 
miles to the south-west of Sangamesvara, of the year a.c. 1261. 

The late Professor Bil Gangadhar Sh^tri gives notice|| of a 
Chilukya grant of the year a. c. 733 ; and he seems to hold^ that 
the power of the Ch^ukyas had then (at least temporarily) declined. 
This grant refers to a place near Pun^. Another referred to in the 
same paper is described as of the 5th century of the Christian era. 

The list of Chalukyas given by Mr. Wathen (Jour. R. As, Soe,, 
No. VII., pp. 1-41) is said to tally with those which Dr. Bhiu 
reported upon in his paper to this Society read in November 1870. 
Eolh^pura is mentioned as a tributary state of the Chalukyas by 
Mr. Wathen ; and more than one prince of the name Somesvara or 
Soma occurs in his account of the Ch&lukyas of the 10th or 11th 
centuries. 

In his Survey oj Indian Chronology (see Vol. VIII. of this Society's 
Journal, p. 250), Dr. BUu Diji puts the dates of the previous Chdlukya 
grants till then published as ranging from ^ake 411 downwards. It 

* StMUttical Account o/Kolkdpur, by Mi^'or Qraham (above quoted), p. 479. 

t CamaUe Chronology, by C P. Brown, M.R.A.S., Madras Civil Service ; 
Lond. 1663, p. 37. 

t Jour. B. Br. R. As. 8oe., toI. III., p. 203. 

§ Jour. B. Br. R. As. 8oc., vol. IV., p. 98. 

II Jour. B. Br. R. As. Soc, vol. II., p. 1. 

f Ihid. p. 2. 

14 r as 



106 SAN0AMS8VABA MAHATMTA AND LINOA WORSHIP. 

seems to me, boweTer, from the scant j notices of the Ch^lukjas in 
Nelson's Madura Manual* that a great deal of light will yet be 
thrown on the history not only of the ChiUukyas, but on the spread 
t>f l4ii|^a. worship and the progress of ^vism, by the publicatym and 
translation of all the Tamil works which date many centuries before 
the Christian enu 

How the Chalukyas prospered, and brought with them a more 
elaborate form of It^a-worship, can be completely illustrated by re- 
searches into the history of the South of India and connecting it with 
that of Western India. For Malabar and Canara form a part of 
the Konkana, which once extended far into the southern portion of 
Gujarat. 

This country is said to have been recovered from the sea by Parala- 
rama — who was then standing at Gokarnaf (as some would hold), 
or at SafigameSvara, which at one time was called Ramakshetra. 
And if the lost portions of the Svrayddri Khanda could be recovered, 
they would throw additional light on the subject. The Rev. Mr. 
Taylor speaks of a manuscript of ParaSurdmavijayamt the publication 
of which would doubtless give some help in the same direction. 

Farasurilma was evidently no ordinary person. He is connected 
with the passage of the Brahmaputra into Assam X ^ ^^^ ^^^ >i^d 
colcmizing the western coast of India $. And yet on the establish- 
ment of what is understood in those parts as the oldest Brahmanical 
seat, we find the first shrines consecrated are dedicated to the liuffa of 
Siva. It is remarkable that the trimurti or triad at the present tbwn 
of Parasurima, near Chipluna, to the north-east of Sangameivara, 
where there are now three images of Vishnu, is also known to have 
been a /in^a-shrine set up by a paramahahaa Gos^vi, who after- 
wards removed to the village of DUlvadsi, near S£tir£. On the 
site of the present three images there once stood three Ungat. The 
images now consecrated are : — KUak&ma^ Parahurima^ and BkdrfO' 
rardma. This must have been at least two hundred years ago. All 
the oldest temples at Sangameivara are /ti^-temples ; and the style 

• Fart IIL, pp. 68, 65, 75. 

t A Handbook of Hindu Myihohgy, hj the Rev. W. M. Taylor: Madias, 
1870 (2Dd ed.), pp. 8M8. 

t Am. B«ff., voL xiv., p. 888. 

§ IHcL, p. 886, and note. 



lAHQAMlSVABA UAHATMTA AND LINQA WORSHIP. 107 

^ Xjir^e^Tara temple maj be judged from wmefacnmUes of ardii* 
rial ornaments which I now produce. The late Dr. BUu's Pandit 
vMnlfl refers them to a date anterior to the 8th century of the 



tom evidence which is available, the worship of Vishnu had made 
■i^rable progpress in this part of the country long before this period. 
hMmparatively poor mountainous village six miles from D^puli I 
MUh a beautiful image of Vishnu, brought evidently from the north, 
■PC the date dri-^ka 1127 ; and I am satisfied that a careful 
Ik. will bring to Hght further facts and materials. 

HAnkya traditions near Sangamesrara trace an offshoot of the race 
L to about the 15th century of the Christian era; and famiKes 
,'S3ie surname of Chalke or Cha|ake are known even now in different 
of the Marithd Country. Xin^a-worship appears to have 
QT become a national institution amongst all classes in Western 
k |mor to the 7th century of the Christian era, if not in the 2nd 
of that of Silivihana. Except in connection with Kolhipura, 
not yet succeeded in identifying the Chalukyas named in the 
*wwifii<ira MihAtmya with the princes mentioned by other writers, 
iu materials are gathered together, that work could some day, I 
» ao doubt, be more easily accomplished. 

Traiueript. 

R/MiHW<iqRn^ V^l'wret II irsn <iWtni'4-ci i tsftM<i^<iPi - 
^RfPft Jj«irjjJ^«Tl<«(i'</HWi t?^?r? jrft«raT: ii ^ ii '^rwi^qk- 

^!«>V:^^3J|<rtU?I%»T^5^^:JMI*;leill^dll^^i|«:ll^l|ql^T: 

imHw)A(()4iHHHiH4>: II |cfr«r:ftraflr^% irft«raRllRW^ ii 
I iWKWHWw m^ ^nrnwr: ii«M^^[rtR«idiw^ ctpiw^- 
^mt II <^ II ^w^wiPiFii-.fl^^'nftTi^ II H[Hinm<iuii<iti<<l 

I S*lR^Pi | (l II i II ^lMftH»''l«lri4 dN^Hiwr^-ff II R f Sl^ Ij l difl 
« riflHR«c| |:3iT: II v» llTRW?*i^^ ^[ft^ McTreRT: II ^^n- 



108 SANaAUESVABA UAHATHTA AND LINO A WORSHIP. 

dMi|<fl^;i^ijju4 ?r3r:M-:<4-M*i<* II ^ II (^^pPTre^rareR ?wh^?i#r- 

feT: 11 ^^^^i^^ «^*liy*<lHci II \o II ci^*fl^MU«tq^?N' 

f?r^ II ci^ti4 rq ^^K« f f ?:*JTf^ij^*>rtf II \\ n ^n^n^ifcff 
'i«(1 i '<miti<'<H^i II ^TfRo^ftsnrtiTsrf ti^c*N>mwj<il II \^ w^mm 
t^f^ nw-ci^jj ff; 11 ;^m»TmtmwTg^[^?TOl^tr ii \^ ii 
tn5RT#Rr?jmf^ q#cn^g#T^ll¥^#5His^ 5itf5rHl:gg^ii\8 

ci*«idi^i«'i?niij(*ir^rTR^fc41^ II M4ciiijil4Pi;^ §Tqf)Trwrr3^r 1 1 
\^ II ^nrgjiicrRf^ ^MiiUft-.g?! II ^RTprf^wnift 4wi*l^- 
'ei^^ II \i M «i*!"iirt+-i<wi: ^gTi^<qT5 II crcR^tPr^Fir- 
Pr '^cmmiR+iR^ ii \^ li ^tRhhhw^ f^^^rrPtsrs^: licRtrr- 
^^iTFTPT :?;?Kr?r?irmg^' U \ ^i" 1 1 ^if ffl»HN#f g^st^r^^f^ 1 1 

j^'^ II Rife^feM< =%i^Hmp«hwm< • ll \o ll?R»iRf^jnTnt- 
fq:%%'^^^rewr ii cr?RF3"MWnr d-H5'?N4*i«<i^ ii X\ ll ?ffi^ 

^Rlfcf SRofn^fi^ \\m- ^4'i\m[^ JTi^^Wsfit^ 1 1^^ II CRT 

?|iR^t ?TsnirFff*j<«iH^r II iiH<i^-M'^?a^%^5"i^ ll X^ ll 

X«ll < J'i;»^1.M<H| tl j g. ^ H««)|'(Ji<| l| d4,feg$jA'4.|^ ^c*M«loHR^ tl 
X^ II ^d^RTTST^ ^g^qitf^f fRf: 1 1 IWMI'fljdM'i *^l5Tl*!<W- 
^^ II Xi II JTPFTrKTRRgj Rf^HIHI^ftTWof II 'h<4)ldd<:^THI 

ft^icT^^pr^ II X^ ll ?n%^y^^wl Ppf^m^'^t WM-WHimi^- 
?f^g^4^rnr^ww=il Vii g^^ife^cnr sjpfl^^jiqiiJifcr: 1 1 m- 
mm4i^i\m<Ari^\m' ll ^^ ii ^NiHi^ii'H<ti»iirH f^i'^fa'f^i- 
giwic II a"sr5i^#inn^q^wdH<M/sr5f II ^o ii ^'y<Hiw<i ?^tr-- 
<RJT^ 11 irftrt^tw ijf^ij^ir?ra^ |R\ 1 1 Prft^^n^tcfft crcr= 
5^'<jn^' II i»*4)<iH^i$4) ^asrfeTJof^ ii ^^ ii ^rfSJ^r^imr- 
w wf^^iwiW iii^im^^i^A sOoTl-siH+Ky: II ^^ II ?i^^- 

?»Ttr^*fl5lMRHiyH II ^^HI^HMI^'l Hj ' ml^M^^llW ll ^8 II mij- 



SAHOAMBSTABA MAHATUYA AKD LIKOA WORSHIP. 109 



«l**l*IW^i 






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«M^ W 8o||^^"rT|<f<fWff^*qTg»T^II d^fHHN'ff^W ITP- 

^fim'sm II «\ii ?wf^Wi<fi^ srpRpfiftfir^iif ii q ^ « »MHi«ii i 4- 



^SJ^^dd 



55^ It 8\ II ^«l4*IM<l'l)4JK|k|<ildlftTj H?ni^' 

r^nrtftnr- II88II d^i^iM<ti^H< i^i tii4 4.rt<> >^ ii m 






cHT-^TrlTiTrJN' 



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^R^nqcfNftJ^insR =PKr K M lw im 



^<«<jj4^^j<»w<iii l wM< »ii^^t^n^ffPffl- ^^<^i^'i^^^ 'ii^on 

STr« II <^X II aj|t|*Mif<l^%l*f W*IIH«'frti*<? II aiRnnioRRWT- 

f^na^kiM \\*^\ II ar Tftj«f<?«jw ; ^m^Rftf^RWT II ^^atror- 
3rt^ ^f^ngf^FiRpre II <^8 II aji^iiti^m'^^ i iq ^Thy^ffe^rtf- 
ft^ II ^^i^^^kbR ^ -^ig1((fti i ft^rdfe II ^^ ii j«n>«<c»^i<fl4 y- 
ii«i(^i%d«<i II enw^R^r fj^jftfr^^rnrasir II <«>^ II !^rjJw- 



H'Pi^- 



3Pi«y|^*lfi<i llJroiMJ|WqH|«rt fWttqir< H W^ I 



'HttJ(i*i'*«j(?<ii94 



ftRr*Pi#- 



110 SAMOAUKSVABA KAHATMTA AND UNOA W0B8EIP. 

ft* II ^\ II HHIJirH<l''IH>^1 HHI^*<tl^ l P T^II <lM<HI^Hm^H W^Htl- 

ft*iFW lllXll ^Rsjrtrpisn^ffgr 5»qqRfit3p ^[^ ii ^aM^jRinnr- 
in^qfttrwi'RRnr ii ^^ ii <nc(ili*i^i ; iu4 <P''i'm<w^P<4tf ii Jnf- 
^«ini-*i4^ Hd"«ii"ilftHVir<i li^» II 4-d«^Ngitf»l ^ a^aiRHiM4> ii 

'^ ii ^^ ^ K^^ f ^ q ^^^rt l R ' ^^^w^^|ii|ti Hiii I ^-i^ ^tHiX^^m - 
I^Hm- II qg fi | ^i>rtii^ ?^RRft5*irt iif.^11 i^MNMgi<4V 
^I^i*l<*<R41 II d4(&<i4m^«i' A i j«iiq i V« < H»<f^ II ^d !i <itfn& 
»nn3^^<t^r^gW5J II ^tIi^whmi^h ftnnfN^ortJT^ ii ^^ ii 
^i^'^yg'fiifS fTRm«rt»tii HH?mqt€pr- ^rtTwnnrhni^ I No 

^^«^t^l*^l•(tft^<^^ l «^^>u^ilw< J I ^M -i MliiM^'tt 4ii i «(<| ' 'nf^H>l ii»xii 
^«i'f l <tti^>i<wi^mgKi4<^«i^ II fcn^ftR(^4 ^^i^wwwifinfii'»\u 

«5<tiiwwif «w«wPi^l<^ii5<l^ui*i^<K«lHyiMiU5^fiHv»<^il 
«n^if«)<ii<H^^ iwcRs^oopr^ ilTR^WERr^ 7n4v#nlt' 
^ iiv»^i wwi^H< i R4 4^9 ftiimn' II irg? '^?^qi%Hw> irNff- 
^f^#55 IN-*;! H^ft^«ngf5R5r aifiM-*i^<iimP«i<ii • ii^rjtqfe^iw- 
H'Kif^'^fcwN'n- IIn»^ii aflV*j-^'5i«2it*U Jr=«^rt^nRW»i- ii#- 

irt^5 II iiwjff-inriJw «n%^5'TO^ ii <ro ii^^^ftwiwwr- 
^ i tf^^'A^ti II ^TO^f?ranr *«7y«fliiirt4 ii <r\ ii #3^>ii«jf 

IRT 4ci^d«l«4^ II tl«("i<AI«l«*l <5l««<5JHew(^ : II Z\ II ITW 
<H>j^'^l*-^MHW =TftTPni» II H<l<dW^R<i fWt^IPRPnf ll^^ll 

<iiRwn<i<ii4\t ^* i AiMji<aift^ II ^ i ftM«iir«i4^l {»r itmwift^iift'i 
II ^» II ^mft^ i Jwt^s l Ri'ini^ftMHi II t » rd*i^^(r'WK V«Tr- 
%«nfM ^^^Ml aiian«;«rtr' ii *i«iH.i*/(afK«ii ininr=,3««tgm Ii 
» w i ^Pisw^ i ^t<yw "fl ewi ii <rl ii <i^4H<Ki^«mfti4iw<ini- 
fty II iw^t^qftMw i immte^rtJ^g ii ^K ii d-n^MaiS l H' 



W 



SAMGAMKBVARA MAHATMYA AMD UMOA WOBSMm 111 

^ HR^'N84JS|<{ II iwSVrv|ciMN<Wi?*|^<(^H II ^^ II 1J^'^ 

toH qfliqxn:f^< II in^ft^i^ ^inrinwiftcnPi^ ii^^ ii 
«^MlN<W*^nPi ftM«IRyi*iPi^ II y^^nft'«fw- ^reniNrTwr- 
^«iw-5wfr^craii^N??nfTO?Rr- ll *ici^i^ltl^irH^i^NmPi^ 
«*i*lN«"W wm II 

Translation of *' Sanffamehara Mahatmyat or ' the Greatnest of 

Sangameivara.' 

Sftlntfttion to G^neia. Now for Saogameftrara Kshetra Mah&tmya, composed 
hj 6«tba. Now, in this 10th year of the ^iliT&hana &Jca, at its close, there 
HTed ^ king [named] Seshapatra [or the son of the auspicioos ^eaha], whose 
oonntenance was like the moon, and who was like the son. From him was 
bom a certain king named 6akti Kam4raka, who was very powerful and was 
the oaose of the whole world's delight for 25 years. (1) After him came King 
R^ftK^A^^ Mndrika, devoted to the Brihmanas ; he reigned 12 years. Aiter him 
If ^in g Indn Kiriti reigned 18 years. From him [came his sons] beginning with 
|*»T"^^»^ and ending with Chiluki, having glorified and honoured the Brihmanas 
for M years, departed all to heaven. (2) King Ch41uki was the most powerful 
of all kings. He had three sons, who were in lustre like the three fires.* 
(8) The first was by name Karna, the second was N&ga, and the third 8in- 
gfaana, and they all set out in the southern direction. (4) Having exacted 
tribute (on the way) they reached Karavira (Kolhipura). Having stayed there 
for some time, they thought of leaving it. (5) They came to B&ma Kshetra, 
graced by the sea, crowded by Brihmanas of various classes, and adorned by 
vmricMis trees. (6) Having conquered the country up to Gtokarna, and the sea 
up to the river Qautami, they returned ; (7) and having visited Bima, they all 
wt out ; on the road, they turned into another path. (8) And there beholding 
Kedira» facing the south, a very sacred hot springy giving immediate proof 
(of its character), (9) they stayed there three days and (Karna) saw a dream, 
the giver of everything. In that dream he saw Viiveivara with Elmi. (10) 
Near him was an exceedingly delightful mountain in the form of 6iva (or 
liingam), and the great lovely goddess Bhuvaneivari. (11) Situated in a 
great forest and flowing from the eastern part of the mountain was a sacred, 
beantiful, and quietly-flowing river, the waters of which he saw were dear and 
hoi in the middle. (12) He also saw, on the top of the mountain, the venerable 
Grilava, doing penance near ICahideva from fear of [the goddess] 
(18) Thence, four miles distant, he saw on the summit of a moun- 
laiB the beantiful Sapte^ and YaQanitha, worshii^wd by nombers of Qishis. 

* The thrse ■acrificial fires are : — Girbapatya, Dakihina, and Ahavaniya. 



112 saHqambsvaba mahatmya and linqa worship. 

(14) Ifsaing from the ■ammit of the tangled hair of the Sapte^ Gaiag&, taking 
the northerly direction, flowed on to the lower ground. (15) From the eastern 
part arose the Gaatama-T(rtha. On the western part also [appeared] the 
ifdr Kole^rari. (16) Sangamo^vara stood at the jonction of YaninA and Ala- 
kanandi. [He also saw] other holy places like the Dhntapftpa [or remoter of 
sin]. (17) On the north N&gan4tha, and 6ira under the name of Nibandhe6a, 
then on the east Kedira, facing the soath. (18) In the middle of the river, 
the sacred hot spring gfiring comfort to all beings ; thence on the western sidoi 
also Tilabh4nde6yara. (19) In that Sangame6vara [there] was the well-known 
celebrated Pirvati; so [was] the superior god Gane6a, the giver of the eight pre- 
ternatural faculties, intelligence, and desires. (80) From thence, ont he western 
aide, there wa? Gomukhefivaraka, then Svarnavati (3anga, where there were three 
great goddesses Durgi. (21) Thus, the king Karna saw a holy place in hia 
dream. Then the king awoke and comprehended at the same moment the 
meaning of everything. (22) He then resolved on making it his happy capital, 
and in the morning invited an astrologer of the 8&ndilya family, who was an 
inhabitant of 6ri Sangame^vara Kshetra, who was an austere and pious man, 
▼ersed in the science of astronomy, and named Kiisifiha. (28 and 24) Having 
duly honoured him with fruits and jewels, the King joyously asked him the 
propitious time. When the propitious time with propitious conjunction of stars 
and the support of the planets was mentioned by the astrologer, King Karna, 
having duly worshipped Kurma, ^esha, Var&ha, &c., established his oi^tal 
there. (25, 28) N4gapura was founded by N&ga, and Singhana by Singha. 
Then, abandoning Karavfra, they lived here many years. (27) Karna made 
Sangameevara altogether like that Kshetra (%.0. Karavfra) ; and founded the 
principal lihga after his own name. (28) Having spent a crore of gold pieces, 
that great-minded king built 860 temples there. (29) I will briefly mention 
the names of some of them. On the east, Bramhe^, graced by five (surround- 
ing) gods; (80) the great god Karnefta, surrounded by ten other gods, and 
who is celebrated in Sangamakshetra, and is the g^ver of the means of sub- 
sistenoe and salvation. (81) On the river-side, GKrije^ (or the lord of Girija), 
and thereafter Kumbhosvara ; the gn^eat goddess Ekaviri accompanied by 64 
gands, (82) Bavane^ near the Ganga, who is Sankara himself. It was a Ukga 
founded by B4vana, which Karana repaired. (33) There also was Vftrana- 
Tuiha, the destroyer of all sin, by bathing in and drinking of which, 
a mortal attains salvation. (84) Then there was Bhandapur4neia» sur- 
rounded by five Ndr^yanis ; also Mah&kaleftvara and Kopan^tha. (85) In the 
middle of the city, Nagarefta, giver of the means of subsistence and salva- 
tion, by seeing whom only, a mortal can become sinless. (86) Then the god 
Someivara, the seat of the god of the universe; then the great god 
Amriteia, and next Pantijeia. (87) Then Khadgesvars, and Nandikdb, 
surrounded by water. There was K41abahirao for the protection of the Kshetra. 
(88) Fsdng the south, he was served by Siddhas and Gandharvas. By looking 
at him, living in the Kshetra becomes safe. (89) He who diligently worships him 
with the baiHcui (ficusindica), fig {ficus glomeraia,), and other trees, would obtain 
his desires. (40) He who bathes in and drinks of the tirtha near Bhairava- 




tJLlTOAHESVARA. MAHATMYA ANB LINOA W0B8HIP. 113 

Bmnheirara attains Bramhaloka. (41) On its west is the great renowned 
tirtha Dny&nav&pi, by the drink of which men on earth become acquainted 
with the Bramha, (42) Then the goddess Yindhyddriv&sini, next Bram> 
hakshetra, where formerly austere penance was performed by the seven 
9ishi8. (43) Then the fourteen steps together with Vishnu, where the 
manes desirous of salvation always dwell.. (44) By offering funeral balls there, 
one should reap the fruit of performing the sraddha at Gay&. Then, the 
Vaitarani-tirtha, giver of strength to the virtue of a chaste woman ; (45) by 
bathing in it and drinking of it one does not see the region of Tama [or Pluto]. 
There, also, by giving cows, one attains heaven. (46) Thence to the north is 
flitaated the perpetual banian-tree known as Akshayya Vata (imper%thoble)t 
(Jieus indica), under which giving funeral oblations to the manes leads them to 
beatitude. (47) Thus a great holy place of this description was founded by 
King Karua; then he built a pleasant city named Sangama, (48) and placed on 
tke eastern side Bharavas endued with bliss, Wastoshpatis (i. e. guardians), 
Kirtimukhas, a class of demons. (49) The Bharava at the door was the King's 
givar of g^fts. The extent of this ho2y place was undoubtedly five koia. (50) 
By bathing and heaping gifts there, the manes of ancestors attain heavenly 
bliss. By worshipping Somes vara always, a sonless man obtains a son. (51) 
He who worships Saptesa does not become subject to disease. By the worship 
of Vaijanitha a man shall always become successful. (52) On the south-east 
is a burning-ground leading to heaven for the deliverance of the mane^ of ances> 
tors. On the west from Satraganandtha is the Svarnavdhini. (53) On the north 
[is] the village Tur\'ari, so on the south [is] Saptesa. This holy place of five 
kosa in exteut is the giver of the means of subsistence and salvatiun. (54) Around 
this are eight well-known habitations of the Stikti (goddesses), and eight tirthas 
in the eight quarters of this holy place. (55) In the east [is] the Kamalajd tirtha, 
always presided over byKamali. By bathing and giving tkiihAtt Crtha, a man 
becomes wealthy. (50) There also is the Goshpada-/irf/ia, tlio destroyer of all 
sickness ; even now a beautiful lihga is visible in the Goshpatla-tirtha. (57) 
In the south-east is the Gautama-ttrtha, founded by Gautama, by bathing and 
giving at which a man is delivered from all sins, (58) In the south lies the 
Agastya-tirthfif inhnbitod by multitudes of Rishis, where, by bathing and drink- 
ing, [sins such as] tlio killing of a Brdhmana, &c. are destroyed. (59) In the 
south-west is tho Ebivir.ikhya- tirtha, with a class of heavenly beings called 
Siddhas. By drinking of it, injury from infernal beings immediately ceases. 
(60) In tho west, there where the rivers Varuna and Svarna unite, is the tirtha 
V4runa, visited by Siddhas and Gandharvas, crowded by various classes of 
Rishis, and adorned by various trees. By bathing and drinking there no danger 
from water arises. (61, 02) In the north-west is the Ganan6tha, ever fond of 
drinking milk. No doubt, by worshipping him even an idiot shall become a Pan- 
dit. (63) There is a very pure and sacred tirtha named Ganesa, by the drinking 
of which the dumbness of men vanishes. (64) In the north is the great superior 
tirtha Mallarika, where dwells the venerable 6iva, the destroyer of Malla, and 
the giver of all desired objects. (65) By bathing there, a person is liberated 
from all diseases. That mortal who on a Sunday would with devotion worship 

\b r a s 



114 SANaAMliVAKA MAHATMTA AND LINOA W0B8BIP. 

MaUAxi in company of P&nr»ti with powdered tormerio, fruit, flowen and meal 
fli^il meet with all racoess diffioDlt eren for the godM to obtain. (66, 67) In the 
north-east is the great goddess Mahishasoramardini (destroyer of Mahishasnra). 
By worshipping her feet danger Anom an enemy immediately disappears. (68) 
There also is the very pure and holy tirtha Ganri. By hathing in and drink- 
ing its waters men shall gain health quickly. (69) At these eight holy 
places, offering funeral cakes and oblations, bathing, giiing, meditating, 
and sacrificing, all shall become everlasting. (70) That king had a great 
fortress in the east occupied by several warriors and possessed of various richea. 
(71) The King granted nine villages to the Karneii for maintenance [of the 
establishment] of Dharmapur for charitable purposes ; Gunavalliki for betelnnto, 
Devanimichaka village for refineshment, Sivani for ghee, Lavala for meala, 
Fhanas for fruits, Dhamani for a charitable ferry, Kadamba and Aptravallika 
for the god's servants. (72, 74) He granted the whole Katuki village to 
Someia, and the village Turiya to Kedira and Some^ jointly. (75) The 
powerful King Karna founded B4makshetra in the year 100 of the 6&liv4hana 
era. (76) In his kingdom there is no poverty, no separation of friends, no 
•onless person, none diseased, none foolish. (77) In this Kshetra the Br^« 
manas are versed in all kinds of knowledge, possessed of all qualities, skilled 
in the 64 arts, and rich in penance. (78) In this Kshetra that wicked 
mortal who lives disrespectfully, even losing his merit, becomes poor in. 
■tantly. (79) In this Kshetra, inhabited by gods and Brihmanas, he who 
enjoys the company of the good cannot but reach the presence of diva. 
(80) He who built the temple of Mahilakshmf at Karav{ra (Kolhipiir), the 
same built the temple of Karne^ here. (81) When the temple was completed, 
the noble-minded king paid ten thousand pieces of gold to the master-builder. 
(82) At the palace of that king there also lives a master-poet of the name of 
6esha, who composed this for the delight of that gentle and abetemions king. 
(88) Bome^ and other Uhg<u seen in the dream by the king were all formerly 
established by B&ghava. (84) The greatness of these lingas is also described 
at length in the Sahyddri Khanda by the venerable Yy&sa. (86) The ilohu 
therein are the foUowing :— As the delightful Ki&, Pray&ga, Pushkara, Prabhisa, 
Kaimisha Kshetra, Chakra-Pushkarini are celebrated, so is this great city 
named Sangama. There are ten holy places established by B&ma. Among the 
ten, six are superior ; the names of which hear from me : — Qokarna, 8apt»- 
kote^ Kunakefta, SaQgama, Harihara, and Tryambakeia. There are six holy 
places .-—Kuddale^ (KudalP), Dh6tapipa, Dilabho^ (Dabhol), Vardhana 
(Shrivardhana P), and the great god B&meftvara. These are the five holy places. 
Even Bhargava B4ma, by his devotion, founded the Uhifos at SaQgameftvaia in 
the vicinity of diva. (86-89) These are the ilokat in the aahyddri Khaw4a, 
The preceding ilokae are the principal ones describing Sangameivara com- 
posed by dosha, and forming part of a work named Karnaeiidhdnidhu 




115 



Art- m. — Memoir on the History of the Tooth-relic of Ceylon. 

By J. Gebson ba Cunha^ Esq., M.B.C.S. and L.M. Eiig.» 
L.B.C.P. Edin., Ac. 



Bead 18th Haroh 1875. 



Ths field hitherto explored of Sikyamuni's philosophy being already 
■o wide, and the domain of Buddhistic literature so extensive, it 
appears surprising that so interesting a subject as the Tooth-relic of 
Gautama Buddha, with its romantic wanderings and adventures, should 
■o seldom be alluded to. It is only the ancient vanktu or classical 
chronicles of Ceylon and of the kingdoms of the Malay Peninsula, and 
books chiefly descriptive or historical of those countries, that contain 
8ome meagre accoimts of the tooth-relic, so thinly scattered among a 
large mass of other topics that not unfrequently they are entirely over- 
looked. 

There is no lack of arguments, however, to justify this neglect, the 
principal being the absolute want until lately of trustworthy and 
complete translations of the ancient Buddhist annals into modem 
languages, especially the two most familiar in Europe — the French 
and the English* — and the spirit of the marvellous, so characteristic 
of the infancy of civilization, predominating amongst them, and pro- 
ducing an admixture of the fantastic with the real, so fatal to the 
rigidness and severity of historical truth, and totally repugnant to the 
stoical lover of dates and facts. 

It is well known that while tradition and documentary evidence are 
by one party pressed forward in support of the statement that the so- 
called Dalada or tooth-rehc of Buddha was captured and destroyed by 
the Portuguese in the sixteenth century a.d., it is contended by the 
other that it is still preserved in the Malig&va temple at Kandy, as 
fresh as when it was first rescued by Khema firom the great teadier's 
funeral pyre in Kusinagara,t about twenty-five centuries ago. 



• M Qq£ y^Q^ arriver ^ un grand poblic doit anjourd'hiii toire en an§^aii oa 
enfran^ais." — ^Edouaid Laboolaye, i>w. Prelim, VassilierB Bouddimu^ Pans, 
1886^. xvi. 

f Sji^inagaia, the acene of Buddha's nirtdna^ has been identified with KAiiA, 
about 110 miles 1) J^. of Benares. It is believed that the very spot marked 
in ancient times by a reclining figure, representing Buddha in the attitude in 
whioh he died, may now be recognized in the site or the HOipa or heap of ruins 
ths name of which is translated as " the foot of the dead prince/' while ths 



116 MEMOIR ON TH£ HISTORY OF 

Both statements, so diametrically opposed, cannot of course be 
correct. 

Partly from a desire to collect all the available information that may 
serve to throw light on the subject, especially from the Portuguese 
annalists of the period and their European contemporaries, and partly 
from the interest and curiosity I, with several others, feel in all that 
concerns the venerable Hindu sage, this attempt at one connected and 
continuous narrative has been made. 

The earliest authentic records of this tooth-relic of Buddha are — First, 

the Daladdvausa or Dhdtddhdtuvahsa, contracted into Dhdtuvaitsa or 

Chronicle of the Tooth, of unknown authorship, written formerly in 

£lu, the ancient language of the Sihalcse, about the year 310 a. d., and 

translated into Pali by the priest Dhammakitti Thera in the thirteenth 

century a.d.* Secondly, the Mahdvah^a, a metrical chronicle, which 

literally means 'the Genealogy of the Great,* containing the early history 

of the kings Mahavamcy or the Great Dynasty, of Ceylon. The first 

section of this Odyssey of the Sinhalese, extending from 543 B.C. to 

301 A.D., was compiled in the reign of his nephew, the king Datusena, 

between the years 459 and 4/7 a.d., by the priest Mahiinamo, and is 

based both on the Dyjavahsd — a work of greater antiquity but yet of 

unknown authorship, which unfortunately ends just before the events 

recorded in the Bhdtuvahsa took place — and on annals in the vernacular 

language then existing at Anuradhapura, the ancient capital of Ceyloa. 

The second section was written in the reign of the SaluvahsCy or the 

Inferior Dynasty, the story of whose line occupies the continuation of 

this mystic chronicle. It was the king Pandita Farakrama Bahu 

III. who caused it, under orders of another illustrious king of the same 

name, to be extended as far as the year 1266 a.d. ; and thence the 

narrative has been carried on, under subsequent sovereigns, down to the 

year 1758 a.d., the latest chapters being compiled by command of 

Kriti Sri, the king of Kandy, partly from Sinhalese works brought 

back from Siam, and partly from native historical accounts preserved 

from the general destruction decreed about the year 1590 a.d. by the 

apostate from Buddhism, Raja Sinha I. It is the second section that 

alludes to the history of the tooth.* Thirdly, the Rdjavali, a work of 

* 

spot where his body was burned would correspond with the site of the ffreai atdpa 
oalled Deviathdn. — Ounningham's Ancient Geographic of India, pp. 431, 489 i 
Alabaster's Wheel of the law, p. 166. 

^ * According to Mr. D'Alwis the Dathavahsa appeared in 13 S6 a-d., but h» 
gives no authority for this statement : Introduction to Sidat San^arAwa, p. olxxv. 



THE TOOTH* RELIC OF CSTLON. 117 

differeDt hands, compiled from local annals and used generally as a corol- 
Iftry or addition to the Mahdvahsa,* as ^ell as to the Rdjaratndkari, — 
the latter also a valuable historical work, deservedly held in high 
estimation by the Buddhists as a record of events from 540 b.c. to the 
■ettlement of the Portuguese in the metropolis of their religion in 
India. The Udjavali continues the narration through the mighty 
straggle for political ascendancy between the Portuguese and their rivals 
the Dutch, which resulted in the latter gaining possession of Colombo, 
and ultimately of all the maritime districts of the island«f Fourthly, 
the Phrd Pdthomy a Siamese version of a Pali work partially translated 
by Colonel Low.| 

The Dhdluvahsa, which, as chronicling the events connected with 
Ae tooth, is naturally regarded as the great authority on the subject, is 
said to have been written, as already mentioned, about 310 a.d., when 
the relic was first brought to Ceylon from Dantnpura (Odontopolis) in 
Kaliiiga, in Southern India. § The original work in Elu is said to 
have experienced the fate that befell all the Sinhalese chronicles and 
commentaries during the reign of Parakrama the Great's widow, 
Lilavat!, who reigned as queen at Pollanarua three times, and was 
dethroned as often— in 111)7-1200, 1209-10, and again in 1211-12 
A.D. — that of being entirely rewritten in Pali, which unfortunately 
csused almost all the Elu works to disappear ; although Tumour, well 
known as the Colebrooke of the Sinhalese savants, notes that it was 
still extant in Ceylon in 1837. || As regards the antiquity of the 



* It is also said that ample allusion is made to the tooth-relic in several 
diapten of the untranslated portions of the Mah'ivah'sa. 

t (Jpham's ColUcUon of Tracts, &c.. Lend. 18:{3. Bumoufs articles in the 
Jmimmldet SavnnU, 1^3:5 (Sept.), It^di (Jun and Apr.). 

X Jour. R, A8. Soc. Benp.f rnl. 1848, vol. xvii., pt. ii., p. 82. 

§ The town of l)an(lagula, the Dnntapura of the Buddhi*»t chronicles, is now 
B/jamihendri, which is about 80 miles to the north-east of Korinuu : see Colonel 
Cunningham's Ancient Geography of luditiy pp. 618-19. Another Dnntupura 
is said to have been situated on the northern bank of the Kpslina, and to corre- 
spond with the modern Amaravnt!, one of the ancient Tri-Kulihgas. 

H Jour. Ab. Soc. litg.,Cii\. Ib-'^T, vol. i., pp. 85H et seq. Turnour also sup- 
poMt the tooth-relic of Ceylon to l)e allud«'d to in the < peniug passage of the 
JtriM Ldt Inscription, but this has been questioned by later wiitcrs. 

The inscription, facing we&t, is as follows : — ** ITio Rdja P£i^^u, who was 
the delight of the Dcras, has thus said : ' This inscription on Dhammo is record- 
ed by me in the twenty-seventh year of my inauguration* My public fnnc- 
tkmaxies intermingle among many hundred thousands of living creatures, as 
well as hmnan beings. If any one of them should inflict injuries on the most 
•lien of these beings, what advantage would there be in this my edict f [On the 
other hand,] should the?e functionaries follow a line of conduct tending to allay 
•larai, they would confer prosperity and happiness on the people, as well as on 
tlie oonntiy ; and by such a benevolent procedure they will acquire a know. 



118 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OP 



I, to prove that it was reallj composed 310 a.d., or, at the 
latest, some time before the end of the fifth century of oar era, an 
argument founded on this work being alluded to in the 37th chapter of 
the Mahdvania — which, as above stated, was compiled between 459 and 
477 A.D. — has been put forth. In the Mahdvansa the chronicle is 
referred to thus : — " In the ninth year of his reign ^rimeghavana (or 
Meghavarna, possibly the Var&ja of the Western Cave Inscriptions — see 
Jour, Bom, Br, R. As, Soc, vol. v., p. 42), a certain Br^mana princess 
brought the Bhdtddhdtu or tooth-relic of Buddha hither from Kalinga, 
under the circumstances set forth in the DhdtddhdiuvanSa." Now 
the Mahdvahsa, notwithstanding its accepted authenticity and chrono- 
logical precision, was not completed, as before mentioned, between 
459 and 477 a.d. It contains a hundred chapters in all, dirided into 
sections, and only its first section, compiled within that interval, ex- 
tends to 301 A.D. or the end of Mah^sena's reign, while the Dhdtuvania 
is said to have been written when the relic was removed to Ceylon, 
in the ninth year of the reign of his successor, i.e. 310 a.d. 

Difficult as it is, then, to assign a fixed date to its composition, 
concurrent circumstances, too tedious to enumerate here, have led 

ledg^ of the condition both of the proeperoua and of the wretched, and will at 
the lame time prove to the people and the country that they have not departed 
from Dhammo, Why ihonld they inflict an injury either on a countiyman of 
their own or an alien P Shoidd my functionaries act tyrannically, my people, 
loudly lamenting, will be appealing to me, and will appear alao to hare become 
alienated [from the effects of orders exiforced] by ro3raI authority. Those 
ministers ox mine who proceed on circuits, so far from inflicting oppressionfly 
should cherish the people as the infiuit in arms is cherished by the wet-nurse ; 
and those experienced circuit ministers, moreover, like unto the wet-nurse, 
should watch over the welfare of my child (the people). By such a proeednte 
my ministers would ensure perfect happiness to my realm. 

" ' By such a course, these (the people) released from all disquietiide, and 
most fully conscious of their security, would devoto themselves to their avooa* 
tions. By the same procedure, on its being proclaimed that the grievous power 
of my ministers to inmct tortures is abolished, it would prove a worthy subject 
of joy, and be the estabUshed compact (law of the land). Let the criminal 
judges or executioners of sentences [in the instances] of persons committed to 
prison, or who are sentenced to under^ specific punishments, without my 
special sanction, continue their judicial mvestigations for three days, till my 
decision be given. Let them also, as regards the welfiire of living creatures, 
attend to what affects their conservation, as well as their destruction ; let them 
establish offerings ; let them set aside animosity. 

" * Hence those who observe sjod who act up to our precepts would abstaiA 
from afflicting another. To the people also many blessings will result by 
living in DAoMMM. The merit resmting from the charibr would spontaneously 
manifest itself. ' " — ^Tumour on the Inscriptions on the Columns at Delhi, Ac 

I quoto these lines from the edition of the DhdUtvania by Sir Bwimi, who, in 
respect to the inscription, says : " The spirit of universal charity and philanthropy 
which animat.es this draft is not unworthy of the consideration of the present 
enlightened rulers oi the grsat Indian etafknJ'^jHtrod* 



X 



THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON. 119 

•cholan, like Tumour and others, to think that at least the first por- 
tion of it was written some time hefore the end of the 5th century 
of the Christian era, and that two sections were subsequently added 
to ity bringing the history of the dalada down to the middle of the 
eighteenth century. 

Dhammakitti Thera, the author of the Pali work— who among his 
other titles to eminence takes to himself that of a royal preceptor, and 
flourished in the thirteenth century of our era — has written a preface to 
his book,* in which he lays down the following reasons for under- 
taking the task of translating the Daladdvahsa from Elu : — (1) That the 
Mahdvansa, merely referring to the Baladdvahsa, says scarcely any- 
thing about the relic ; (2) that the Daladdvahsa is too long, being full 
of details about the death of Buddha and the history of the relic imme- 
diately after that event ; and (3) that the Elu language, in wliich the 
Daladdvahsa is written, is hard for the Sinhalese to understand. In the 
poem itself (ch. v., v. 10, of Sir Sw^i*s edition), he adds a fourth, yiz. 
** for the benefit of those who live in other lands." From this it is appa- 
rent that Thera not only translated, but even abridged, the original. It 
terminates just at the period of the arrival of the relic at Anuradhapura, 
in Ceylon.f Of the translation Tumour was the first to give a brief 
analysis, in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society in 1837, and it 
was only last year that a translation into English was published in 
London by Sir Swami. It is an excellent translation, so far as I am 
able to judge, but I cannot help concurring with Mr. Rhys Davids, 
who in a review of the work writes : — " It is to be regretted that the 
interesting history of the tooth has not been more thoroughly discussed 
in the Introduction." (The Academy ^ Sept. 1874, p. 341.) 

Besides these there are other accounts of the relic, of secondary 
importance, but all bearing testimony to the devotional feeling, heroic 
achievements, magnificent designs, and bitter disappointments of 
which it has been the witness. There has probably never been a relic 
which has given rise to so much controversy, or created so much duB- 

* Hub preface is not given in Sir SwAmi's translation. See Th4 Academy^ 
Sept. 1874. Nor have the two sections bringing the history of the dalada down 
to the middle of the eighteenth century been given. 

f The e^c poem of Uie DhMynahsay in the form in which it is translated by 
Bfaammakitti Thera, is said to be considered by Sinhalese scholars as the best 
specimen of the medisoval PAli literature, and the original in Elu as " a very cla- 
bontA work, which ranks among the classics of the Sinhalese." Some people, 
however, look upon it as but a poor imitation of KAlidAsa's RftghuwiMa^ possessing 
the same artificial style of composition in high-flown and ornate language, but not 
the rich imagination of the Sanskrit poet. See Athenaum , Feb. SO, 1875, p. S58. 



120 MEMOIK ON THE HISTORY OF 

cord, between two such great religious bodies as the Br&hmans and the 
Buddhists, as the tooth of Buddha, exerting its influence on iDdiau 
society from that reformer's death to the present time. Its adventures^ 
trials and triumphs afford the best indications of the tenets of its per- 
secutors, and the firm belief and superstitious tenacity of its votaries. 

The history of the left upper canine-tooth, or, as vulgarly called^ 
the left eye-tooth, may be divided into two periods, viz. the first from 
the death of Buddha to its removal to Ceylon, and the other from 
that time to the present.* 

The tooth is said to have been saved from the flames by one of 
his disciples named Khema, while the funeral obsequies of Buddha 
were being celebrated at Kusinagara in the magnificent funeral pile 
in the forest of siil trees, near the spot where he expired in b.c* 
r)43, and wliilst the princes of the surrounding countries were quar* 
rolling for the possession of the relics.f W'^hen in his possession he 
was commissioned to take it to Dantapura or the Tooth-city, the 
capital of Kaliiiga, and deliver it over to the king Brahmadatta, who^ 
along with his son and grandson Kari and Sunauda, greatly honoured 
this relic of the divine sage by ofibrings and festivals. In Dantapura 
it remained thus honoured for about eight hundred years, in spite 
of the Brahmanical protests against " a piece of human bone " being 
set up as an object of worship. At the expiration of this long period 



• In 111'? /m'^'"».V' ih> first four can tog nro takon up with tho history of 
ili«^ r- li:; 1» r)!"' it-; .ii-iiv il in u'l yl'»n, nnd tho filth and List with iU history 
in r.'vlna until tli- clo^' ot tli«» rriL^n of Vi'irji-ivjinM. Soo also Forh<'.s'8 Danpiatra 
Ihif.if/t. Ct-! >,i A'lii in H-y l>;i."», aiul Ritt«'r's EnUcuHffCf vol. ix , p. 201. 

+ Vv. H'ly-, l>.i\ils st iti's Ihut it would Im intorostinvf to know whether 
thoro is any ui'Tition of tlii.s in ihe M/tlt' pfiriinhbaiin-Snf to, tho tv\t of which, 
with a tran.'^Lition, is biiu«,^ i)ubiislicd by 31 r. Childorn, while an ancient KIu work 
nani(>d Th''pavfi'i\'^n^ a hi -tury «>f tho ]uincii)al dhjoh'is in India and C«ylon, mid 
rpckonod])y th«» Huii«lhi«itsaTnonj2^ tlioirsacn-d w.'iipturos, although not belonging 
to tho 'Tliroo l^aski^ts,' di'sciibinp: minuttly thodrathof Buddha, passes over tLu 
fiU't quito in sil"ii(.<'. {The Artifhinij^ lor, cit.) The former refcra to tho times 
followint? tho attainment of Pnrinirv'inn. or stato of extinction, by Gantama 
Buddha, and throws some liprbt, fnipfmentarj' thoup:h it be as a record, on 
tho ancient hi-ti^rv of India, nnrl <m the 8trujru:lea between Brahmaniflxu and 
Buldliisin f >rsnpi'ctnacy iu Kalilij:a iu tho South and T/ltnil in the North ; the 
latt'-r — a history T)artly of miracles, and partly of the superstitious ideas of a 
worship which, iIjoukIi loathsome, as Sir Swfimi justly observes, to the Hindu 
mind, and repugnant to the genius of Gautama himself — remaina the Bole 
symbol and subsianco of faith amongst the people, to whom the higher 
teachings of Buddhism are unknown, and this worship is kept up with a 
considerable degree of state and splendour out of tho revenues derived from 
extensive lands and states with which their temples had been endowed in 
<ildpn times by the Sinhalese sovereigns and othenu It is rather interesting 



TBE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON. 121 

y^t are told that Guhasinha, a king of Dantapura, apparently ignorant of 
the very existence of the tooth, notwithstanding his capital beingnamed 
after it, seeing one day a great festival going on in the city, inquired the 
cause of it, and was informed by a Buddhist priest that the people were 
worshipping the relic of Buddha which Khemn, some eight centuries 
before, had brought over there. Thereupon Guhasinha, recalled from 
apathy and infidelity by the remonstrances of his minister — who re- 
presented to him the unanimous belief of the people in the power of 
the relic — renounced heresy, and, with all the zeal and intolerance of a 
neophyte, persecuted and expelled from his kingdom all the Hindu 
devot^ps, called in the Dhdtuvaksa * Niganthaa, a sect of i^aivites else- 
where called Achailakas (Ajivakas or naked ascetics), who had hitherto 
enjoyed his favour. This took place early in the fourth century of 
our era. 

To revenge themselves for this outrage, the Xiganthas repaired to the 
kingdom of Pataliputra, modem Patna, and prevailed upon its sovereign 
— whose name is given as Paudu, and who is probably the Gautamaputra 
of the Satkarni dynasty, also called the Emperor of all India — to 
commission a subordinate raja named Chaitayana to start at the head 
xii a laige army for the Kalinga country and bring his tributary king 
Guhasinha from Kaliiiga, and the tooth, to him. This ultimatum was 
conceived more or less in these terms : — Whereas he (Pandu) worshipped 
the true gods Brahma, Vishnu, and Mahesa, his subject Guhasinha in 
Dantapura worshipped day and night a piece of bone of a dead body ; 
therefore Guhasinha must repair to his court, bringing the reUc with 
him. Chaitayana accordingly proceeded with a great army to Danta- 
pura, where he was most amicably received by Guhasinha, who enter- 
tained him as an honoured guest, and related the history of the relic 
in justification of his conversion to Buddhism. The narrative made 
■och an impression on Chaitayana and his oilicers that they requested 
an inspection of the wonderful relic, which being willingly complied 
with, Guhasinha opened the casket, exposed the relic, and implored a 
recurrence of the miracles it had already wrought, which were once 
more repeated, and ended in the conversion both of Chaitayana and his 
anny to Buddhism. 

to lemm that the SmhalesO) besides tho * History of tho Tuoth/ are also in 
pOMCSsion of tho KesadhMuvahM, the* Iliston' of Buddhii's Hair,' mentioned 
m the 39th chapter of the J/a/mra»ia, a transliition of which has been lately 
published in the Journal of the Rnt/al Asiatic Societf/. They h;ivu ^ot abso the 
Xoldiarania, or the * History of the Frontil Booc relic of Buddha,' whos^o 
date and author arc yet unknown. iSee Jour, U, As. Soc, vol. vii., 1871. 

Id r a 8 



122 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OF 

As the order of the Emperor of all Jambudv ipa could not be dii* 
obeyed, Guhasifiha, accompanied by Chait&yana, departed to the coort 
of the suzerain at P&taliputra, bearing with him in a splendid procestiaii 
the precious relic, amidst the tears and lamentations of his people* 
and crossing rivers and mountains they in one time reached P&talipn- 
tra. Then commenced what Buddhists term the trials of the dalada. 
P()idu, exasperated with rage at what he regarded the perversion of 
his army, commanded the tooth to be cast into a large pit prepared 
in the courtyard of his palace and filled with glowing charcoal, that 
it might be annihilated : " Throw now into a burning heap of char- 
coal," said the emperor, '' the bone worshipped by this man, nbo has 
abandoned the gods worthy of adoration, and bum it without delay :" 
Dhdtuvaiua, ch. iii., v. 10. The order was obeyed, but by the 
mystical power of the relic a lotus-flower of the size of a chariot-whed 
arose above the flames, and the sacred tooth, emitting rays which 
ascended through the skies and illumined the universe, alighted on 
the top. This is supposed by a writer to explain the esoteric meaning 
of the Buddhist formula Om manepadme korem^ 'The jewel is in the 
lotos.'* Pandu then subjected it to several other trials and indigo 
nities to destroy or dishonour it, such as throwing it into a deep and 
filthy ditch, which speedily became a clear pond covered with five kinds 
of lotus-flowers, on one of which the relic was seen reposing; buy- 
ing it in the earth to be trodden down by elephants' feet, but, 
" spuming a subterraneous retreat and bonds of clay," it reap- 
peared in the centre of another golden lotus-flower: thus coming out of all 
of these trials quite unscathed. He at last directed that the tooth should 
be placed on an anvil and smashed with a ponderous sledge-hammer» 
but the tooth penetrated and became imbedded in the anvil, where it 
remained safe and immoveable. The irate king^ finding all efforts to 
extract it unavailing, then proclaimed that whoever would remove the 
tooth should receive a great reward. Whereupon, several persons 
having made attempts to extract it but in vain, a pious Buddhist, by 
name Subhadrft, at last, after expounding the doctrines, and history of 
Buddha, evoked the relic, which immediately disengaged itself from 
the iron and floated in the water placed in a golden bowl which 
SnbhadrA held. The emperor, however, at the instigation of 



* « At that momont the tooth.relio of Bnddba, ascending to the skies, aad 
iUumining all directions like the planet Venus, pleased the people, their doubts 
being removed."— D^d^uvania, ver. 54. Abo see Aikiiie Jtwmal and JfonlAly 
JUeord, Lond. 1888, p. 90. 



THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON. 123 

the Br&hmans, who were persistent in saying that the hone 
muat then he of one of the aval An of their own deities,* to prevent 
a further succession of miracles hardened his heart and remained for 
■ome time a sceptic» uutil at the entreaty of his officers he renounced 
hia incrednhty, which also helped to confirm the wavering and convert 
the unbelieving, and took refuge in the three treaeurei Buddha, 
Dhamma, and Sangha, and built a magnificent temple for the tooth- 
idic^ which at the close of his reign was reconveyed to Dantapura-f 
While all this was going on, a northern king — ^we are not told whence 
he eame^ — attacked the capital in order to possess himself of the 
wonder-working rehc, but sustained a complete defeat beneath the walls of 
the city and was killed. Guhasmha returned home in triumph, but new 
dingers awaited him here, and fresh enemies attacked the city. He was 
ihortly after besieged in his capital by the nephews of Kheradhara, 
who had allied themselves with other chieftains. Thus having pitched 
their camp near the city, they sent this message, disagreeable to the 
our : — ** Either give us the tooth-relic of Sugata, or instantly play the 
wmr-play which confers renown and prosperity :" p. 62, VhdiuvanSa, 
Apprehensive of the power by which he was being assailed, and seeing 
that resistance would be hopeless, Guhasinha before going to the combat 
gave the tooth, which was the object of the besieger, in charge to 
Dantakumara, his son-in-law, a prince of Avanti (Oujein), and a 
aealooa Buddhist, and to his daughter Hemamal^ called also Banavali 
(HemamAlA means literally ' a chain of gold *), enjoining them to escape 
hj lea and convey it to the king Mahiscna of Ceylon, who had been 
fcr lonie time negotiating for its purchase ; then leading his troops out 
againat his opponents he fell in the battle. His daughter, with her 
hnaband* in the meanwhile, disguised as Brahmans, secretly conveyed 
the relic from Kalinga, buried it in the sand, as the image of Jagan. 
nAtha ia said to have been in the Brahmanical accounts, then concealed 
it in her hair, and contriving to reach the shore took a ship from the 

a « O King, there were in the world various incarnations of Jan&rdhana, 
ndi as BAma and the like ; this bone is a part of him. If not, whence such 
ia^^Bf"M as this F " — J)hdtuvania, ch, iii., v. 10. 

t The king Pfin^u, penitent for the indignities offered to the tooth, 
ffwaolftd hims^ witk the confession that he had subjected it to trials with the 
^•H^V^ purpose to procure triumph to true religion. ** Qems," said he, '* are of 
acknowledged perfection after they have passed through the fire ; and gold be- 
CHMt man viluable dftcr its puri^ has been subjected to proof."— DAd^wronia, 
ke^eiL 

t Forbw says, king of Saewat-nuwera.— £7«fn Yfars in Ceyhn, vol. l» 
^»6. 



124 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OF 

coast at T^mralipi or Tamluk, a port supposed to be situated on one 
of the mouths of the Ganges. The fugitives arrived at Ceylon in safety, 
after undergoing great hardships, and overcoming an immense number 
of obstacles.* This took place in the ninth year of the reign of 
Kriti Srimeghavarna, who reigned from 302 to 330 ad., or, more 
precisely, about the year 310 a. o. The monarch, taking charge of it 
himself and rendering it in the most reverential manner the highest 
honours, depusited it in a casket of great purity made of sphatika stone^ 
lodged it in the edifice called Dhammachaka, built by DavananpiateTt 
in Anuradhapura, the ancient capital of the island, and spent an immense 
sum to celebrate a Dhatadhatu festival, and ordained that a similar 
festival should be annually celebrated. The relic was then successfully 
transferred in procession to several shrines in Ceylon, till at last it was 
deposited, about the year 12G8, iu the Maligava temple of Kandy, then 
called Srivardhanapura, amongst the mountains of Maya, and the seat 
of the last native dynasty of Ceylon. It was visited by the Chinese 
pilgrim Fa-Hian circa 413 a.d., who recounts the gorgeous ceremonies 
with which it was carried in procession to the mountains without, &c« 
(Fa-Hian's Foelloue Si, ch. xxxviii., pp. 334 et seq.) 

* It would be cxcecdiDgly tirosome to cnumcrato these obstacles ; one or 
two circumstancofl, however, are worth mentioning in detail. Hallway be* 
tween the i)lace of embarkation and Gcylon they are fihipwrecked at a place 
called the Diamond Sands, wliich Mr. FerguHson supposes to be the banks of 
the river Krislina. The relic is stolon from tho iirincesa, while she is asleep, 
by the Nfiga Buja, whoso brother swallows oth(»r relics, (there were two droruu 
of relics of Buddha, besides, concealed in the kingdom of N/lga RAja), and flies 
to the Mem. By the power and inteiTenti(m of a There or saint from the Hima- 
laya, the relic is rootorod and carried to Ceylon. The other relics are put into 
a golden cup ; this is placed in a vase, and the whole put into a golden ship. A 
wooden ship is next built, having the breadth of a *' beam of seven long cubitB,"* 
and on board this vessel Hemamiilfi and Dantakumfira embark for their conntrj, 
A chaitya is built for the relics on the Diamond Sands, which is believed to 
correspond with the AmrAvatt Topes, supposed to have been built between 82S 
and 880 a.d., one of the sculptures of which represents in l)as-relief a ship with 
two persons on board, and .^ceues of conference l)ct ween a Nftgaking and a prince 
accompanied by a lady ; and the whole pro:<ents so many points of coincidence 
that the story about these adventures does not appear to be apocryphal or acci- 
dental. From other sources it is apparent that a canine t(K)th of Buddha mB 
deposited for some time in tlie Kanheri Caves in Salsette, where a copper plate 
supposed to be dated 324 a.d. and recording tho event was discovered, and Arom 
the narrative it is extremely probable that the Kanhen tooth is identioel 
with the one which perfoiTned so many miracles in F&taliputra. Also Aww^i g 
the Bharaliut antiquities and the paintings of Ajant£ we meet with scenes 
of gorgeous processions carrying relics, with figures of elephants and stags, 
which appear to have some affinity with the processional ceremonies connected 
with the tooth of Buddha. For details see Jour. R. As, 8oc., Lend. 1868, 
vol. iii., p. 132; Jour. Bomb. Br. R. As. Soc, voh v., pp. 10-12; the Indian 



THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON. 125 

The king Dhatusena, who reigned 459 to 477 a.d., made a jewelled 
casket for it. 

Parakrama Bahu the Great, between the years 1190 and 1195 a.d., 
built for it a beautiful little temple at Palastipura, still extant, the ex- 
qaiaite workmanship of which, according to Mr. Rhys Davids, has 
aitonisbed all who have seen it. 

About the year 1240 a. d. Yijayabahu enshrined it at DambadeneyA, 
whence Bhuvanekabahu I. took it to Yapahu, which in the opinion 
of R<^rs is the same Yapahu the ruins of which capital may still be 
seen in the Seven Korles, and is also the Yapana of Ribeiro. 

Between the years 1303 and 1314 a.d , in the reign of Bhuvaneka- 
lilhu, or about ten centuries since its reaching Ceylon under the com- 
mand of a man whose name is given as Ayiyachchakkaryati, Kulise- 
kera, the king of Pandi, sent an army to invade Ceylon, and got posses- 
lion of the tooth and carried it from Yapahu in the Seven Korles, which 
was then the capital of the island, to their country in South India, 
supposed to be Madura, where, however, it did not remain long, for 
Parakrama III,, to retrieve the loss sustained by his predecessor, went in 
person to Pandi to treat for it, and was successful in procuring its 
restitution and conveying it back safely to Ceylon, His son established 
it in 1319 a.d, at Hastiselapura. It is said that it continued to be for 
iome time close to the sacred Bo-tree {Ficus rellgiosa) at Anuradhapuray 
the most yenerated object in Ceylon, which tree is said to have been a 
bough of the parent tree at Uruwela, sent by King Asoka to Ceylon, 
under which Buddha himself, secluded from the world in his sublime 
musings and meditations, had sat for six uninterrupted years — planted by 
King Tissa in 288 B.C., and is consequently 2163 years old* — until 



Antiquary y vol. iii. p. 25 ; Mr. Fergusson's Serpent and Tree Worshipf Lond. 
187S ; Cunningham*« Ancient G*''>*jraphy of IwHa, Lond. 1871, pp. 530 et seq, 
BtirliDg's llistory of Onsra also throw s some light on thu Buhjoct, OHpcciully the 
war that took place among Kakta, Hihar, and Sirhhum, &c about 316 a.d. — a 
Teiy near approximation to the capture and fall of Dantapura. 

* Agee Tarying from one to fivo thousand years havo been assigned to 
tlie Baobabs of Senegal, tho Eucalyptus of Tasmania, the Dragon-tree of 
QrotaTa, and the Chesnut of Mount Ktna;but all these estimates are purely 
inferential, whereas the ago of tho 2>o-tree is a matter of record, its con- 
■M i a tion being an object of solicitude to successive dynasties. Compared 
with it the Oak of Ellerslie is but a sapling; and the Conqueror's Oak in 
Wlndaor Forest barely numbers half its years ; the Tew-troes of Fountains 
Abbey are believed to be twelve hundred years old ; the Olives in the Garden 
of Gethsemane were full-grown when the Saracens were expelled from Jerusalem; 
■ad the Cypress of Soma, in Lombardy, is said to have been a tree in the 
tins of Julius Oiesar ; yet the J9o-trco at AnurAdhapura is older than the 



126 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OF 

in the year 1560 a.d. the Buddhist world was startled by hearing that 
it had been captured and destroyed by the Portuguese. A relic th« 
fame of whose prodigies had filled the air, regarded by Buddhists as 
a sacred treasure of inestimable value, a national palladium of tbt 
Ceylones^ to fall into the hands of infidels, was truly as frightful 
a catastrophe as might well be imagined ; no wonder then that tbt 
native authorities strongly affirm that during the fray^ with the Portu- 
guese in 1560 the relic was safely hidden in different parts of the island, 
at Delgamoa in Saffragam, at Kandy, and at Kotmalya, &c. The 
Portuguese historinns, on the contrary, assert that a tooth mounted 
in gold which had been carried to Jaffna during the commotions in 
the Buddhbt states^ believed by all the Buddhists of Jaffnapatam and 
elsewhere to belong to Buddha, was really brought out of the spoils 
of a Buddhist temple to D. Constantino da Bragan^a, the Viceroy of 
Ooa, who submitted it to the Inquisition there, which tribunal ordered 
that it should be crushed to pieces, cast into a brazier, and the ashes 
thrown into a running stream, in spite of the unlimited offers in ei- 
change for the relic, made by the wealthy monarch who ruled in fur- 
ther India, and who was in the habit of despatching annual embassies to 
pay homage to the shrine.* But I cannot do better than reproduce 

oldest of these hj at least a centary, and would almost aeem to verify the 
propheoy prononnoed at the time it was planted bj Tissa, that it would " flou- 
rish and be green for ever." — Sir Emerson Tennent's Ceylon^ voL iii, pp 81S-1S^ 
qaoted almost verbatim ; De Candolle's BihL XJniverg. de G^n^ve, tome ^rw. 
p. 894. To this tree the Ceylonese attaoh the deepest interest. Mr. Childers 
sajs that the Bo-tree oooapies in modem Buddhism the same position as the 
cross in Christianity. The MahAvania give 4 in too great detail the manner in 
which the miraonloos self-severance of the parent tree took place. Chapmaft 
tells ns that in 1829 the tree consisted of five principal branches, none of which 
appeared to exceed the ' body of a man ' in thickness ; and there were, besidea. 
* * smaller branches grown oat of the terraces at different points" {RemiMrkB 
on the City of AnwAdhapura, Jour, R. As. 8oc» vol. ziii., p. 164.) Fa-Hian speaks 
of itas " letting down roots from its branches," which is more like the Fieue Indioai 
bnt this appears to be a mistake. We are told, again, that Bnddha himself mada 
frequent allusions to the growth of the Bo-tree as an emblem of the rapid 
propagation of his faith, jnst as the architectural form of the si^pa carried 
abroad another of the symbols by which Buddha used to illustrate his 
doctrines. About the superstitious reverence with which the tree is regarded ia 
Ceylon the reader may see Butts's RoMibler in Ceylon, Loud. 1841, pp. 221-241. 
On the right to appoint the chief priest of the sacred Bo-tree, and the claim 
that arose from the last incumbent dying suddenly from cholera without 
leaving any male issue, which gave rise to a trial and a historical itunanoa 
similar to Uie Tiohbome case ; see the Ind, AnL vol. i., p. 196. 

• The hat of the capture of the tooth by the Portuguese is oonfimed 
bj the authority of Ribeiro, and by that of Bodrigues de 84 e Menaaes, who 
in 1678 wrote lus RehdUon de Ceyhn to oommemorate the exploits and daaih 
of his ftiher, CoBstatino de 84 e Noranha, who perished at Badulls in 1880 



THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON. 127 

here whtt Diogo do Couto so circumstaxitially tells us on the 
tnbject: — "The Viceroy» D. Constatino da Bragan9a» having con- 
quered the kingdom of Jaffnapatam, went back to Qoa with the king 
of that country fettered in irons, that were covered over with crimson 
▼elyety and carried along with him also the sacred tooth." He then 
relates that ** amongst the spoils of the principal temple thej brought 
to the Viceroy a tooth mounted in gold, which was generally said to 
be the tooth of an ape,* but which these idolaters regarded as the 
most sacred of all objects of adoration. The Viceroy was immediate- 
ly made aware that its value was inestimable, as the natives would 
be sure to offer vast sums to redeem it. They believed it to be the 
tooth of their great saint Buddha. This Buddha, so runs their 
l^end, after visiting Ceylon, travelled over Pegu and the adjacent 
countries converting the heathen and working miracles ; and death 
approaching, he wrenched this tooth from its socket, and sent it to 

▲J), in the expedition to redace the Kandians. — B^bellion, oh. i., p. 18 ; oh. 
vii., p. 99. Valentyn reoords also the &te of the tooth, and Bays it waa kept 
near Adam'a Peak till 1S54. — Besehryring van Oud en Neuw Oott JfMiitffi, ch. 
ZTL, p. 882. Sir Thomas Herbert, whose TraA)eU were published in 1048, 
it truly indignant with the worship paid to the relic, and writes : — " Amongst 
others (which I mention only for the imposture) was that infamous Haomant 
or Ape's^tooth god, which was highly esteemed and resorted to by millionB 
of Indians till Constantino, a late Qtonn. Viceroy, landing five hundred men at 
CMombo, first forcibly took away that Apish Idol, and upon their proffer- 
ing a nnsome of thiee hundred thousand duckets burned it to ashee. Not- 
withstanding which a crafty Bannyan so well forged another counterfeit as was 
believed by the Jog^es to be the same (willing to be deluded, it seems), there- 
by exceedingly enriching himself, and joying not a little these simple Zey- 
loniBiia."—- iSoma Yearif Travels^ Lond. 1665, p. 859. Francis Pynod de Laval, 
who visited Ceylon about 1608, relates the event as having occurred during 
tlie revolt of D. Joao (Itodeliar ?), which is posterior to the capture of the tooth- 
rdio. The story of this revolt appears to have been treated in detail by Diogo 
do Couto in his XL Decada, which unfortunately has been lost. For important 
doonmeuts on the subject the AtchMo Porti^tAes-Oriantol, Fasc. 8, may be 
ooBfluHed with advantage. 

^Auriay Sonn alsostates it to be the tooth of an ape, and a white ape 
(IfofM) hUHneo) besides, and according to Sir Emerson Tennent the facsimile at 
Kiandy resembles the tooth of a crocodile rather than that of a man. The 
wQfd 'ape' is farther said to arise from confounding Buddha and Hanuman, 
the movikey-god. — Sir E. Tennent's Ceylon, vol. ii, p. ^1. In the Aeia of Faria 
T Boiua I imd the following : — ** El venia a ser nn diente de JHono bianco. 
nieoe que este color, por improprio, b inusitato en algunos ammales, se base 
no solsmente admii^bile, mas aun divine quando se halla en ellos. £1 aver 
MUdo bku&oo de las manos de la Naturaleza un Elefante del Bey de 9iam, ftie 
oaiiaa de oodiciarlo el Brami de Pegii ; y la oodida d^l, lo vino a ser de gran 
dernunamiento de sangre entre aquellas dds Nadones. Ack estotra blanoura 
en el Mono vino a ser la ceguera (ciega mucho lo bianco en que son i^equentee 
Ids <rios) de inumerables Abnas. Finahnente siempre el Mundo se pierde por 
bems SBMidM oon exoesso de los Principes dkV-^Cnp. zvi., p. 850. 



128 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY Of 

Ceylon as the greatest of relics. So highly was it venerated by 
the Sinhalese and by all the people of Pegu that they esteemed it above 
all other treasures.* 

" Martin Alfonso de Mcllo happening to be in Pegu with his ship oo 
business when the Viceroy, D. Constantine, returned (to Goa) from 
Jaffnapatam, the King, hearing that the tooth which was so profoundly 
revered by all Buddhists had been carried off, summoned Martin 
Alfonso to his presence and requested him, as he was returning to 
India, to entreat the Viceroy to surrender it, offering to give in excluuige 
whatever might be demanded for it. Those who knew the Peguana, 
and the devotion with which they regarded this relic of the devil, af- 
firmed that the King would willingly give three or even four hundred 
thousand cruzadosf to obtain possession of it. By the advice of Martin 
Alfonso, the King despatched ambassadors to go in his company to 
the Viceroy on this affair, and empowered them to signify his readineaa 
to ratify any agreement to which they might assent on his behalf. 

" Martin Alfonso, on reaching Goa in last April (1561), apprised the 
Viceroy of the arrival of the envoys. The Viceroy, J after receiving 

* Decada VII., liv. iz., cap. ii., pp. 316 et seq. of the edition of 1783. 

t Cruzado, 80 called from its bearing a cmss, being coined at the period 
of the Crosades, is worth two shillings and nine pence. 

X The Viceroy, D. Constantino de firagan^a, was the foorth son of D. Jaime^ 
fourth Duke of Bragan^ and a prince of the reigning dynastj of Portugid* 
He left Lisbon for India, when only 81 years old, on the 7th April 1558, and 
arrived at Goa on the Drd September of the same year, and on landing took the 
usual oath as Viceroy of India. His name has remained dear to the Indo-Portu* 
guese, as he was firm, wise, and benevolent. He has incurred, no doubt, the cen- 
sure of the historian on account of the famous tribunal of the InquisiUon being 
established in Goa during his goyemment, but he had no hand in that aflSdr^ 
which was settled long before in Portugal. His piety is shown in his building 
the church of St. Thomas, in the Campo de S. Lazaro, in the old city of Gee, 
where it was his intention to enshrine the relics of the apostle St. Thomas, die- 
covered by one Manool de Faria, described in ancient documents as the Captain of 
the Coromandel Coast, in 1523, in the town of Meliapur ; but the inhabitante of 
that place objected to their removal The church, however, could not be finished 
during his stay in India, and is now in ruins, although in 1827 it allured the AbM 
Oottineau to say mass at its altar on the day of the Apostle, 15th December* 
(See his Journal in the Institute Vasco da Gama, 1874, p. 2U0.) He admitted 
into intimate friendship the unfortunate poet Camoens, and through his polite- 
ness and good sense silenced those who were trying to procure the banishment 
of the satirist, whose Disparates na India had severely handled certain i>ersona 
of influence in Goa. The Viceroy took an active part in thoae expeditions which 
were periodically sent to Ceylon and elsewhere for the propagation of Chris- 
tianity, especially that of JaSbapatam, which had been some years before 
fervently preached as a sacred vow by St. Francis Xavier, and for which he 
had to travel from Cochin to fiassein (see my Notes on the History and Antiqwi^ 
ties o/Bassein, Jmwr, Bomb, Br, R, At. 8o€, 1874, p. 823). D. Constantino govenied 



THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLOK. 129 

them hospitably, opened the business for which they were sent by 
their king. They began the conrersation by making a request for 
the tooth on behalf of their soTereign ; offering in return any terms 
that might be required, with a proposal for a perpetual alliance with 
Portugal, and an undertaking to provision the fortress of Malacca at 
all times when called upon to do so, together with many other condi- 
tions and promises. The Viceroy promised an early reply, and in the 
meantime communicated with his veteran captains and fidalgos, all of 
whom were of opinion that so great an ofler should be accepted, which 
would replenish the exhausted treasury ; and so eager were they, that 
the question seemed to be decided. 

** But the matter having reached the ear of the Archbishop, Don 
Gaspar,* he repaired instantly to the Viceroy, and warned him that 
he was not to permit the tooth to be ransomed for all the trea- 
sures of the universe, since it would be dishonouring to the Lord, 
and would afford an opportunity to these idolaters to pay to that 
bone the homage that belonged to Qod alone. The Archbishop re- 
minded him often of the subject, and even preached against it from 
the pulpit in the presence of the Viceroy and all his court, so.that 
Don Constantino, who as a good Catholic feared God and was obe- 
dient to the prelates, hesitated to proceed with the affair, or to .take 
any step that was not unanimously approved of. 

India until the 7th September 1561, and in Januaiy 1562 embarked on board 
his ship^ tho Constantina, built in Oca, which had doubled the Cape of Good Hope 
serentocD timeR, bronght fonr Viceroys to India, and lasted altofifother 25 years — a 
rare feat of navigation in thone days : Oriente Conquistado, Dec. XL, cap. i., p. 
193. His goycmment was altogether prosperoos, and tho King, D. Scbastiao, 
whose offer to D. Constantino of the Viceroyalty of India for his lifetime had 
been politely declined, said to the Viceroy D. Lois de Ataide oa his second 
nomination to that post, " Allez," as Lafitau expresses it, " gonvomcz comme 
a Ikit Don Constantino !" A vexy good portrait of the Viceroy D. Constan- 
tino is in the Governor's palace at Fangim or New-Goa, one at Damaon, one 
in Faria y Sonza*s, and another in Lafitaa's works. 

i * D. Gaapar de LeaG Pereira was a canon of the see of Evora who came 
to Goa as Arohbisbop in 1500 a.d. It was he who held the first consecration of 
bishops in the church of St. Paul, assisted by the Patriarch of Ethiopia and the 
Biabop of Malacca. The priest consecrated was a Jesuit by name Melchior 
Osmeiio, Bishop of NicsDa, and a coadjutor of the abovenamed Patriarch. In the 
•reniiig of the day of consecration he baptised in the church of Santa Fi 409 
psraons of the province of Salsete of Goa, in the presence cf the four prelates. 
Ai that tiina Salsete contained only one church and a misdon-honse at Rachol, 
bnt at the end of fifty years it could boast of twenty-eight. The Patriarch 
eonld never reach Abyssinia, which oircumstanoe induced him to resign his 
titia snd assmna that clf Bishop of China uid Japan. He died in Macao about 
two yearaaller his ]Minination.^Bof9., Hitt ds Char pp. 77 Hiieq. 

\7raM 



130 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OF 

^ He therefore conyened an assembly of the Archbishop, the prelatcSf 
diTineSy and heads of the religious orders, together with the captainst 
senior fidalgos, and other officers of the government^ and laid the 
matter before them, saying that by the large offers of money that had 
been made for the tooth the pressing want of the state would be pro- 
vided for.*** After mature deliberation among all those theologianip 
who had it well studied beforehand, a resolution was come to^ thai it 
was not proper to part with the tooth, since its surrender would be an 
incitement to idolatry, and an insult to the Almighty— ^ins that should 
not be committed though the state, or even the world itself, might be 
imperilled. Of this opinion were the divines — ^the Archbishop ; the In- 
quisitors, Fr. Antonio Pegado, Vicar-General of the Dominicans, Fr. 
Manuel da Serra of the same order, the Prior of Goa, Rev. Custodio da 
San Francisco, and another theologian of the same order ; Rev. Antonio 
de Quadros, of the Company of Jesus, the Provincial of India ; Rey. 
Francisco Rodrigues o Manguinho of the same order, and several others. 

"Having resolved thus, and committed it to writing, to which all 
attached their signatures, and a copy of which is now in our posses- 
sion in the Record Office (or in the Torre do Pombo),t the YiGeroj 
called on the treasurer to produce the tooth. He handed it to the 
Archbishop, who, in their presence placed it in a mortar, and with hie 
own hand reducing it to powder, cast the powder into a brazier which 
stood ready for the purpose, after which the ashes and the charcoal 
together were scattered into the river, in sight of all who were crowd- 
ing the verandahs and wiadows which looked upon the water. 

*' Many protested against this measure of the Viceroy, since there wae 
nothing to prevent the Buddhists (ffenti<>s)X from making other iMm ; 
and out of any piece of bone they would shape another tooth in resem- 
blance of the one they had lost, and extend to it the same worship ; 

* Some of these fidalgos wished to carry the relio themselree back to 
Pegn, and collect money on the way by exhibiting it to the Buddhist worshippers. 
Faria y Sonm reoonnts this story, mod Lafltau repeats it. " Ningnno dodavs 
ya de que ella se haria, y moohos descnbrieron la oodicia de ser cada quel 
embiado a Pegik con el diente ve&dido, para ir moetraDdole a los Gentiles per 
todas las Poblaciones qoe ay de una a otra parte, y jantar on Tesoro de las 
ofertas con qne era oreiDle avian de aondir todos a adorarle."^Faria y Soma 
AMia Portugueta, c»p. xvi on '* Hasaia heroioa y aognsta del Vi-Bey D. OoD- 
stantino," p. 858; Lafltao, Hiit. de§ DScouv, ti Conq,, tome iv., p. 283. 

t It does not existat aU.— Bolseim do Qov0mc d» Ooa, 1858, p. 660. 

X The Portuguese apply the term QmUio (a Ctentile) indiscriminately to m 
nalire of India, unlets he is converted to Christianity or Mahomedanism. 



\ 



THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON. 181 

whilst the gold that had been rejected would have satisfied the press- 
ing needs of the state. In Portugal itself much astonishment was ex- 
pressed that these proceedings should have been assented to. 

" To commemorate the event, and to illustrate the spirit which had 
dictated an act approved b j the Fathers of the Company, and signaFizcd 
bj zeal for Christianity and the glory of God, a device was designed 
as follows : — On a scutcheon was a representation of the Viceroy and 
the Archbishops surrounded by the prelates, monks, and divines who 
bad been present on the occasion, and in the midst was the burning 
brazier, together with Buddhists offering purses of money, and above, 
the letter C, being the initial of Don Constantino, was repeated five 
times, thus — 

CCCCC 

and below it the five words— 

Constantinus, cceli^ eupidine, eremavit, crumenai — 

the interpretation being that ' Constantine, devoted to heaven, re- 
jected the treasures of earth.' "♦ 

One can easily imagine the effect this imposing assembly of the 
Ticeroy, prelates, and the notables of the old city of Qoa, met for the 
purpose of pounding a piece of bone to dust, would have on the minds 
of the populace thronging the streets, the dismay of the wretched 
Peguan embassy at the sight of the destruction of their saint's relic, and 
the grim exultation of the stem Inquisitors over the dissolution of the 
dalada in the sacred waters of the Gomati, and the consequent promo- 
tion of the glory of God, the honour and prestige of Christianity, and the 
salvation of souls. If there ever was a point where two extrevies met, 
it is this. The burning of a tooth for the glory of the Almighty was 
the point of contact between the sublime and the ridiculous. However, 
the doers of such an act took pride in it, and had a scutcheon made to 
commemorate their heroic deed. Suum euique. 

In later times the transaction appears to have been estimated in va- 
riom ways, the clerical element delighting in the reminiscence of it, 
and the lay characterizing it as a fanatic and foolish action. 

But it is difficult to please all. The Rev. Denis Louis Cottineau 
de Kloguen, a French missionary, writes: — ''Constantine is also 
blamed and ridiculed for having refused to give to the king of Pegu 

* Decada VII., lir. ix.. cap. zrii., page 428 et »eq. 



132 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OF 

a tooth (which some affirm to have been that of a monkey), but 
which had been revered as that of Buddha in a temple of Jaffnapattam 
in Ceylon, although that prince offered for it 300,000 cruzadoa; in 
this business Constautinc acted as a conscientious and religious man ; 
he consulted the Archbishop and clergy on this occasion, as he was 
afraid on the one hand of participating in an act of idolatry and 
superstition, and on the other of defrauding the King his master of 
a considerable treasure ; and when it was made clear to him thai, 
according to conscience and natural reason, it was unlawful to parti- 
cipate in an act of idolatry for any reason whatsoever, much less for a 
sum of money, which would be adding to the former guilt that of avarice, 
he immediately consented that the infamous relic should be thrown into 
the sea. If he had taken the money, he would certainly have been 
represented by prejudiced authors as a covetous man without law or 
conscience ; but as he acted otherwise they call him a fool. It is yery 
difficult, or rather impossible, to please those who are bent on blaming 
their fellow-creatures."* 

But those were not really far from truth who thought that the Bud- 
dhists would shape another tooth out of any piece of bone. Long 
before the Peguan embassy's return home the Sinhalese had found out 
the tooth. Some said, as writes Padre Francisco de Souza in hia 
Orienie ConquisiadOff that the moment the Archbishop placed the tooth 
in the mortar and was about to pulverize it, it made its way through 
the bottom and went straight to alight on a lotus-flower in Kandy, where 
they have built for it a temple called Dalidagis, or temple of the sacred 
tooth. Others revived a facsimile not only in a duplicate, but in a tri- 
plicate form of the desecrated relic. 

The story of the resuscitated tooth is of some importance, and is also 
minutely related by Couto, who writes : — ** At the birth of Brahma, 
king of Pegu, the astrologers who cast his nativity predicted that he 

• Hi<f-yrical Sketch of 0(ki, pp. 33, 84. 

t *' FinK<>ni os chim^lis que o dento dc Budu sahira pelo fando do almo* 
faxiz, qunndo D. Canstantino (nad ; o arcebigpo) o quiz desfazcr, o se fora pdr 
em Candia aobro uma formofu rosa, o assim Ihe de<iicaram um famoso templo 
chamado Dalidiigis, quo KiKnifioa * ca^ do dente saj^rado."— Oriente Conquitdado ; 
G)nquut'i I., Divisau I., No. 88. Tho «amft author narrates the whole affair as 
minutely as Couto. \\\% work, however, » v<»r>' rare, and scarcely known, I 
believe to Enf^lisli 8chol:ir«. Tho w.)rk of Texeira Pinto on the causes of the 
decadence of the Portu^mo possessions in Asia has also a recriminatory article 
on the subject, as he think« the Portuf^cse Viceroy tdiould have accepted tho 
ransom-money proffered by the Buddhist kinyr, which would hare replenished 
their (in those times) empty coffers. But the priests rrply to this with their 
warped and threadbare argument that " ho was a finecmason." 



THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON. 1,*J3 

would many a daughter of the king of Ceylon, who was to have such 
and such marks and features, and certain proportions of limhs and 
figure. Brahma, willing to fulfil the prediction, sent ambassadors to 
Don Juan (the king of Gotta), whom he addressed as the sole inheritor 
of the royal blood and the only legitimate soTereign of the island, and 
requested his daughter in marriage, accompanying the demand by a 
shipload of rich presents, consisting of things unknown in Ceylon, be- 
sides woven cloths and gems^ The envoys arrived about the time that 
the king had abandoned Cotta to take up his residence within the Fort 
of Colombo (a.d. 1564). He received the ambassadors with much 
distinction, and, apprised of their mission, concealed from them the 
fact that the astrologers were in error, as he was childless. He had, 
however, brought up in his palace a daughter of his great chamberlain, 
a prince of the royal blood who had embraced Christianity through 
the instrumentality of the governor, Francisco Barreto, who had stood his 
godfather and given him his name ; and such was the influence of this 
man, in addition to the claim of relationship, that in all things the king 
was directed by his advice. This girl the king treated with every honour 
as his own child ; on the arrival of the envoys she had a place assigned 
to her at the royal table, and was addressed as his daughter, and under 
that designation he sought to make her wife to the king of Pegu. The 
opposition which he apprehended was from the Captain-General of 
Colombo and the Franciscans, who, although the girl was a Buddhist, 
might nevertheless regard her as a lamb within their fold, whom they 
could any day induce to become a Christian, and they were, therefore, 
likely to interfere to prevent her leaving the island. Discussing these 
considerations with the great chamberlain, who was a man of resources 
and tact, the latter pointed out to the king, who relied on his judgment 
in all things, that although forced to abandon Gotta, and reduced to 
poverty, he might, through this alliance, open up a rich commerce with 
Pegu ; and he accordingly assented that the girl should be despatched 
to the king, provided she was conveyed away secretly and without the 
knowledge of the Portuguese at Colombo. 

" But the chamberlain did more ; in concert with the king he caused 
to be made out of a stag's horn a facsimile of the npe*s tooth carried off 
by Don Constantine, and mounting it in gold he enclosed it in a costly 
casket, richly decorated ^th precious stones. Conversing one day with 
the Peguan ambassador and the Buddhist priests (talapoens) in his 
suite, who were about to set out to worship and make offerings at 



]34 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OF 

the sacred footprint on Adam's Peak,* the chamberlain, who was s 
Buddhist at heart, disclosed to them in confidence that Don Joui, 
the Sinhalese king, was still in possession of the genuine tooth oi 
Buddha, t that which was seized by Don Constantine being spurionsi 
and that he, the great chamberlain, kept it concealed in his house, 
the king of Ceylon baring become a Christian. The ambassador and the 
talapoens evinced their delight at this intelligence, and besought him 
to permit them to see it ; he consented reluctantly, and, first obliging 
them to disguise themselves, he conducted them by night to his resi- 
dence, and there exhibited the tooth in its shrine, resting on an altar^ 
surrounded by perfumes and lights. At the sight they prostrated them* 
selves on the ground, and spent the greater part of the night in cere- 
monies and superstitious devotion ; afterwards, addressing the great 
chamberlain, they entreated him to send the relic to the king of Pega 
at the same time with the princess, undertaking that, as a part of the 
splendour and pomp of the marriage, Brahma would send him a million 
of gold, and year by year despatch to Ceylon a present of a ship laden 
with rice and such other articles as might be reqiured. All this was 
negotiated privately, the king and the great chamberlain alone being in 
the secret 

''When the time arrived for the young lady to take her departure^ it 
was so cunningly arranged that neither the Captain of Colombo, Dioga 
de Mello, nor the priesthood suspected anything. Andrea Bayam 
Moodliar accompanied her as ambassador from the sovereign of Ceylon, 
and after a prosperous voyage they landed at a port to the south of 
Cosmi, and announced their success and the arrival of the qoeen^ to the 

* Adam's Peak, in Geylon, is the place where Bnddha, on his arrifal ia 
the island, was invited by Santana, the guardian of tho monntain, to leave an 
impression of his foot, the celebrated 6t\ Pada ('beaatifhl fbotstep'), 
which has attracted travellers to the sammit of i he monntain from very remote 
times. Marco Polo alludes to it, and says it is so steep and precipitous that nien 
are only able to mount to the top with the help of massive iron chains fixed to 
it. The footprint is a hole in the rook about five feet long, and repreaents a rwy 
rude outline of a foot. Still this does not prevent Buddhists from claimuig it 
as the foot of Buddha, &kivites as that of ^ira, Mahomedans as that of Adam, 
and Christians as that of St. Thomas. See Mr. Skoen*s account of it ; Hardy's 
Manual, p. 21S ; Alabaster's Wheel of the Law, p. 252; and Marco Polo's TVoKwlt, 
vol. ii., Tfp. 256-7. Mr. Skeen, a resident in Ceylon and the author of ^dam't 
Peakf hsa in preparation, I am told, an elaborate work on the subject I am 
writing about — ^the Tooth.Relic of Cevlon ; but most unfortunately, before the 
work was finished, he died suddenly about three years ago. 

t Couto calls the tooth " Dm t« do »eu idolo Quijay" in another pisce "do 
Quiar" which according to Tennent is the corrupt spelling of the Burmese 
Fhra, another name for Boddha, or a modification of the Chinese Keu-tan. 



\ 



THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON. 135 

(Might of the king and his nobles. * * * Xhe sou and heir of 
the king received her as she disembarked * * * the king met 
her at the gates of the palace which was assigned to her as a residence^ 
gorgeously furnished in chamber, antechamber, and wardroom with all 
that became the consort of so rich and powerful a monarch, who con- 
ferred upon her immense revenues to defray the charges of her house- 
hold. For days he devoted himself to her society, conducted her to 
the rojdl residence, and with great solemnity required the people to 
■wear allegiance to her as their queen. The eunuchs who waited on 
her imparted these particulars to Antonio Toscano, with whom they 
iveie intimate, and who communicated them to me. 

** But as in these countries no secret is long preserved which is in 
any one's keeping. King Brahma came at length to discover that his 
irife was the daughter, not of the king, but of his chamberlain ; for it 
ieems that Andrea Bayam, the Sinhalese ambassador, who, as the pro- 
Terb says, could not keep his tongue within his teeth, divulged it to 
■ome Chinese at Pegu, who acquainted the king. He, however, was 
little moved by the discovery, especially as the talapoens and ambas- 
aadore gave him an account of the ape*s tooth, and of the veneration 
with which it was preserved, and of the arrangement which they had 
ecmcerted with the person in charge of it. This excited the desire of 
Brmhma, who regarded it as the tooth of his idol, and reverenced it 
above everything in life ; even as we esteem the tooth of St. ApoUonia 
(thon^ I shall not say much of the tooth of that sainted lady) ; 
more highly than the nail which fastened our Saviour to the cross, the 
thorns which encircled his most sacred head, or the spear which pierced 
his blessed side, which remained so long in the hands of the Turks, 
tfithont such an effort on the part of the monarchs of Christendom to 
rescue them as King Brahma made to gain possession of this tooth of 
Satan, or rather of a stag. He immediately despatched the same ambas- 
sadors and talapoens in quest of it, and sent extraordinary presents by 
them to the king of Ceylon, with promises of others still more costly. 
The ambassadors reached Colombo, negotiated secretly with Don Juan, 
who placed the tooth with its shrine in their hands with much solem- 
nity and secrecy, and with it they took their departure in the same vessel 
in which they had arrived."* Again he continues : — 

" In a few days they drew near to Cosmi, a port of Pegu, whence 

• Dec«da VIII., cap, xii., pp. li €t stq. 



136 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OF 

the news spread quickly ; the priesthood (talapoeus) assembled, and 
the people crowded devoutly to offer adoration to the tooth. For its 
landing they collected vast numbers of rafts elaborately and richly 
ornamented, and when they came to carry the accursed tooth on 
shore it rested on gold and silver and other costly rarities. Intelligenoe 
was instantly sent to Brahma at Pegu, who despatched all his nobles 
to assist at its reception, and he superintended in person the preparm- 
tiou of a place in which the relic was to be deposited. In the 
arrangements for this he displayed to the utmost all the resources 
and wealth at his command. In this state the tooth made the ascent 
of the river, w^hich was covered with rich boats, encircling the structare« 
under which rested the shrine, so illuminated that it vied with the 
brightness of the sun. 

" The king, when all was prepared, seated himself in a boat decorated 
with gilding and brocaded silks ; he set out two days in advance to 
meet the procession, and on coming in sight of it he retired into the 
cabin of his galley, bathed, sprinkled himself with perfumes, assumed 
his most costly dress, and on touching the raft which bore the tooth he 
prostrated himself before it with all the gestures of profound adoration^ 
and on his knees approaching the altar on which rested the shrine, he 
received the tooth from those who had charge of it, and raising it aloft 
placed it on his head many times with adjurations of solemnity and 
awe ; then restoring it to its place, he accompanied it on its way to the 
city. As it passed along, the river was perfumed with the odoura 
which ascended from the barges, and as it reached the shore the tala- 
poeus and nobles of the king, and all the diief men, advancing into the 
water, took the shrine upon their shoulders and bore it to the palace, 
accompanied by an inpenetrable multitude of spectators. The grandees 
taking off their costly robes spread them on the way, in order that those 
who carried that abominable relic might walk upon them. 

** The Portuguese who happened to be present were astonished on 
witnessing this barbarous pomp ; and Antonio Toscano, who I have 
stated elsewhere was of the party, has related to me such extraordinary 
particulars of the majesty and grandeur with which the tooth mm 
received, that I confess I cannot command suitable language to describe 
them. In fact, everything that all the emperors and kings of the 
universe combined could contribute to such a solemnity, each eager to 
display his power to the utmost, all (his was realized by the acts of this 
barbarian king. 



THE TOOTIl-RELU! OF CEYLON. l?i 



»/ 



*' The tooth was at last deposited in the centre of the courtyard of 
the palace, under a costly tabernacle, upon which the monarch and all 
his grandees presented their offerings, declaring their lineage, all 
which was recorded by scribes nominated for that duty. Here it re- 
mained two months till the vihara which they set about erecting could 
he constructed, and on which such expenditure was lavished as to 
cause an insurrection in the kingdom. 

" To end the storv, I shall here tell of what occurred in the follow- 
rag year, between the king of Kandy and Brahma, king of Pegu, respect- 
ing these proceedings of Don Juan, king of Ceylon. These matters 
which Don J nan had transacted so secretly, touching the marriage of 
his pretended daughter with the king of Pegu, as well as the affair of 
the tooth, soon reached the ear of the king of Kandy, who, learning the 
immense amount of treasure which Brahma had given for it, was in- 
fluenced with envy (for he was a connection of Don Juan, having 
married his sister or, as some said, his daughter), and immediately des- 
patched an envoy to Pegu, whom the king received with distinction. 
He opened the object of his mission, and disclosed, on the part of his 
master, that the lady whom Don Juan had passed off as his own child 
was in reality the daughter of the great chamberlain, and that the tooth, 
which had been received with so much pomp and adoration, had been 
fabricated out of the horn of a deer ; but he added that the king of 
Kandy, anxious to ally himself with the sovereign of Pegu, had commia 
sioned him to offer in marriage a princess who was in reality his own 
offspring, and not supposititious ; besides which he gave him to under- 
stand that the Kandyan monarch was the possessor and depository of 
the genvfine tooth of Buddha, neither the one which Don Constantinc 
had seized at Jaffnapatam, nor yet that which was held by the king of 
Pegu, being the true one, — a fact which he was prepared to substantiate 
by documents and ancient alas. 

" Brahma listened to his statement, and pondered it in his mind ; but 
seeing that the princess had already received the oaths of fidelity as 
<|uecn, and that the tooth had been welcomed with so much solemnity 
and deposited in a vihara specially built for it, he resolved to hush 
up the affair, to avoid confessing himself a dupe (for kings must no 
more admit themselves to be in error in their dealings with us thau 
we in our dealings with them). Accordingly he gave as his reply that 
he was sensible of the honour designed for him by the proffered alliance 
with the roval familv at Kandv, and likewipe bv the offer of the tooth ; 
ISra s 



138 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OF 

that he returned his thanks to the king, and as a mark of consideratiQo 
would send back by his ambassadors a ship laden with presents. He 
caused two vessels to be prepared for sea, with cargoes of rice and rich. 
cloths, one for Don Juan, and the other for the king of Kandy ; and 
in that for Don Juan he embarked all the Portuguese subjects -whom 
he had held in captivity, and amongst them Antonio Toscano, who has 
told me these things many times. '1 hesc ships having arrived at Ceyloo» 
the one which was for the Kandyan port had her cables cut and was 
stranded before she could discharge her cargo, so that all was lost and 
the ambassador drowned ; some said that this was done by order of the 
Sinhalese king, Don Juan, and if so it was probably a stratagem of the 
great chamberlain, for the king himself had no genius for plots. Thus 
thmgs remained as they were, nothing further having been attempted 
or done."* 

The next curious episode in the history of the tooth-relic and the reli- 
gious annals of C/cylon is the apostasy, or reversion to his former faith, 
of Dom Joau, and his seizure oi' tlio dalada as crown property. The 
Portuguese having roused tlic Ivi/m Ivans to revolt against their king. 
Raja Sinha, Kanapik Bandar of l\-i:;.uencia, a political intriguer and 
Sinhalese of royal blood, who had been educated at Goa by the Jesuits 
and had embraced Christianity under the name of Dom Joa5, was des- 
patched with an armed force to enthrone Dona Catherina, the daughter 
of the fugitive king Jayaweira. The expedition was successful, and 
the Portuguese made arrangements for conferring the sovereignty on 
Dom Felipe, on whom they desired to bestow the hand of Queen 
Catherina, which arrangements, however, Dom Joau did not agree to. 
The consequence was that he turned his army against his alUes, driving 
them away from Kandy, and removed his rival by poison. Thus left 
undisputed master of Kandy, D. JoaO then seized on the supreme 
power, defeated the army of his native op})onent. Raja Sinha, who had 
threatened to iiitlict on D. Joau the same torture as that under which his 
father had expired — that of being buried underground up to the neck 
and then the sufferings terminated by rolling huge stones on the head 
above the surface — and assumed the Kandyan crown under the fantas- 
tic name of * Vimala Dharma.' Then he gave the last finish to his policy 
by abjuring Christianity, which secured to the usurper the support of 
the Buddhist priesthood, and raised the superstructure of his fortunes 

♦ Docada VIII., cap. xiii., pp. 83 €\ seq. Although Sir Emerson Tenneiit 
has given thcso extracts from Couto in his work on Ceylon, T have drawn min»» 
Irom the original .'ind Imvo compared tlu»m with his. 



THE TOOTH-RfiLIC OF CEYLON. 139 

bj producing the dalada, without which, as the national palladium 
inseparable from royalty, he could not venture to gain the suffrages of 
his people. It was the same dalctda discov£red by Vikrama B&hu, and 
the apostate did not fail to persuade the Randyans, already prone to 
believe it, that this was the original or genuine relic, which at the arrival 
of the Portuguese had been removed from Cotta and preserved at Delma- 
-^oa, while the one destroyed by the Portuguese was a counterfeit. 
This is the very relic that is now exhibited in the temple at Kandy.* 

In spite, however, of all the circumstantial external and internal evi- 
dence, proving that the invaders had seized the relic, and that the priests 
in Goa, with the Archbishop at their head, had really opposed this traffic 
in idols as impious, and that their piety was triumphant in the scattering 
of the daladaa ashes into the waters of the Mandovi, there are not a few, 
although not Buddhists, who think that the Portuguese had really been 
mposed upon. Mr. Rhys Davids is one of them ; he writes : — ** Jaffna 
is an outlying and unimportant part of the Ceylon kingdom, not often 
under the power of the Sinhalese monarchs, and for some time before 
this it had been ruled by a petty chieflain ; there is no mention of the 
tooth brought by Dantakumara having been taken there, — an event so 
unlikely and of such importance that it would certainly be mentioned 
had it really occurred. We have every reason to believe, therefore, 
that the very tooth referred to in the work edited by Sir Coomara 
Swami is preserved to this day in Kandy ."f But that the relic was 
at the same time within the range of the Portuguese army is also 
quite patent ; for the Sinhalese chronicles had no need to mention that 
during those troublous times the relic was concealed in Delmagoa, 
in Saffragam, and elsewhere, if it was so secure in its sanctuary of the 
Maligava temple. And then, again, while thus roving about the 
island, might not their genuine dalada have actually fallen into the 
hands of the Portuguese ? And if spuriuus, then the king of Pegu had 
no necessity to offer such a handsome amount of money for it, which 
&ct has not been denied. The dimensions and form of the dalada^ 
the clumsy substitute manufacture'd by Vikrama Bahu in l.i66 to 
replace the original burnt by the Portuguese in 1560, are, moreover 
fatal to any belief in its identity with the one originally worshipped. 
The present dalada b said to resemble the tooth of a crocodile, as the 
old one was asserted to be that of a monkey. But it is neither. It is but 

» Ribeiro, Hi»t d'Isle de Cfil^fffj bk. i., ch. v. 
t Tltf Acfrdemyt lo'-. rii. 



J40 MEMOIR ON THE HISTORY OF 

a curved piece of discoloured ivory, as Sir E. Tenuent rightly observes; 
about two inches in length and more than one in diameter, which 
unexampled dimensions are by Buddhists accounted for by a strange 
argument, that in the days of Buddha human beings were giants, and 
their teeth kept pace, so to speak, with their larger stature.* 

Dr. Davy, who, it appears, was one of the first Christians to see the 
modern datada^ in 1817 describes it thus: — ** It was of a dirty yellow 
colour, excepting towards its truncated base, where it was brownish. 
Judging from its appearance at the distance of two or three feet (for none 
but the chief priests were privileged to touch it), it was artificial, and 
of ivory, discoloured by age." f Major Forbes saw it again on the 28th 
May 1828, during the great Kandyan festival, in company with Sir 
Robert and Lady Horton and party, amongst whom was Baron von 
Hugel. Ue writes : — " It is a piece of discoloured ivory, slightly 
curved, nearly two inches in length, and one in diameter at the base ; 
from thence to the other extremity, which is rounded and blunt, it 
considerably decreases in size.'* % Elsewhere he continues : — *• Not 
the least curious fact connected with this antique is, that the original 
promoter of the imposition (which passed it as a tooth of Gautama) 
did not procure some old man's tooth, and thus deprive sceptics of at 
least one strong argument against its authenticity." § 

•As regards tho staiiis now obsen'ed iu tlio relic, we are told that the 
Buddhists claim them as a proof of identity, from the fact of their having boen 
mado the subject of remark centunes ago by the king P/iiulu, us recorded in the 
Dhatuva hsa . But its yellowish-brown colour, if it then existt jd, could not possibly 
have inspired the following allusion in the sumo epic : — *' The tooth-relic, of a 
colour like a part of the moon, white as the kunda flower (a species of 
jasmine) and new sandalwood, caused wiih its r.idiance palace-gates, mountains, 
trees, and the like to appear for a moment as if of polirthed silver." — Canto v., 
ver. 63. Only the faith of a l^uddhist can cxpLiiii away these discrepancies. 

t Davy's Account of Ceylon y Lend. 1821, p. 308. 

X Forbes's Eleven Years in Ceylon, Lond. 1820, vol. i., p. 293. Tlic same 
author hks published in the Ceylon Al manacle, 1835, an article on this subject 
entitled " The Dangistra Dalada, or Right Canine Tooth of Gautama Buddha," 
but this is erroneous. All other authorities concur in calling it the left canine, 
which is moreover qualified as belonging to the upper set by naming it the left 
eye-tooth. In reference to other canine teeth Col. Yule writes : — ** Of the 
four cyc-teeth of Sfikya, one, it is relattjd, passed to the heaven of Indra, the 
Bccond to the capital of Gandhara, tho third to Kalihga, the fourth to the 
snakc-gods. The Gandh/lra tooth was pcrhaj)S, like tho alms-bowl, carried 
off by a Sassanido invasion, and may be identical with that tooth of Fo which 
the Chinese annals state to have been brought to China in a.d. 530 by a Pei*sian 
embassy. A tooth of Buddha is now shown in tho monastery of I^ichau, but 
whether this bo either the Sassanian present, or that got from Ceylon by Kublai, 
is unknown. Other teeth of Buddha were shown in llwcu Thsang's time at 
Balkh and at Kanauj." — Yule's Marco Poloy vol. ii., p. 266. 

§ Forbes's Eleven I'enrs in Crylov, vol. ii.. p. 220. 



THE TOOTH-RtLIC OF I 



141 



Both Dr. Davy Rnd Major Forbt-a have giveu « drawiug of it ; that 
of the latter, slightly reduced in size, appears to have been reproduced 
by Sir E. Tennent in his charming History of Ceylon, and by Col, 
Yule in fais excellent edition of Marco Poloa Travel*. The following 
diagrams, copied from the abore-mentioaed vorks, along with a faithful 
representation of the permanent human npper canine tooth, show at once 
the palpable difference there is between the tooth of a man and the 
counterfeit one now e<£hibited in Kahdy. 




After Dr. Dav/. After Major Forbes. Human c&iiiTie tooClr. 

The human canine teeth, or cuspids as anatomists call them, are 
abont three-quarters to one inch In length, and consist of three parts, 
vii. the crown, the neck, and the fang or root. The crown is thick, 
conical, convex in front and hollowed behind. The point or cusp is 
generally blunted or becomes worn down by use. The neck is con- 
tracted, and as such only slightly marking the separation between the 
crown and the root. The fang is single, conical in form, compressed 
laterally, and lined by a slight groove on each side. It is evident that 
both in size and form the human tooth bears a strikmg contrast to the 
one at Kandy. 

Now a few words about the temple and sanctuary where the tooth- 
relic is deposited. If the Buddhists persist in saying that it is the 
tooth of Buddha, ns they always will, then they have every reason to 
be proud of their Maligiiva temple, where it rests afler having had 
its wanderings and returns, captivities and exiles, degradation and 
trinmphs, during two thousand years of travel. No relic, as Bishop 
Heher truly remarks, " was ever more sumptuously enshrined or more 
devoutly worshipped."* 

" JiarraUct 0/ a Jmimty.tc. vol. ii., p. 264. The vtocraMo Ilishop a\V> 
meotioDi that allhou(th ho did not soo the tooth, be was ahown a facn'milc, 
which is more like a icild btaat'^ tusk thnn a human tooth. 



142 MEMOIR UN THE HISTORY OF 

Dr. Uiivy, who was iu Kaudy in 1817, describes the temple where 
the tooth-relic is now ])reservcd, thus : — •* The dalada Malaga wa was the 
domestic temple of the king, and is the most venerated of any in the 
country, as it contains the relic, the tooth of Buddha, to which the 
whole island was dedicated, and which is considered by good Buddhists 
as the most precious thing in the world. The temple is small, of two 
stories, built in the Chinese style of architecture. The sanctum is an 
inner room, about twelve feet square, on the upper story, without win- 
dows, and to which a ray of natural light never penetrates. You enter 
it by folding doors, with polished brass j)anels, before and behind which 
is a curtain. The splendour of the place is very striking ; the roof and 
walls are lined with gold brocade ; and nothing scarcely is to be seen 
but gold, gems, and sweet-smelling flowers. On a platform or stage 
about three feet and a half high, and which occupies about half the 
room, there is a profusion of flowers tastefully arranged before the 
objects of worship to which they are offered, viz. two or three small 
figures of Buddha, — one of crystal, and the other of silver gilt, — and four 
or five domes or caskets, called karanduas, containing relics, and similar 
in form to the common Dagobah. * * * ^\\ \^j^^ Qjjg ^f 

the karanduas are small, not exceeding a foot in height, and wrapped 
in many folds of muslin. One is of much greater size, and uncovered, 
and with its decorations makes a most brilliant appearance. It is five 
feet four and a half inches high, and nine feet ten inches in circum- 
ference at its base. It is of silver, from three-tenths to four-tenths of 
an inch thick, and gilt externally. It consists of three different pieces, 
capable of being separated from each other. Its workmanship is neat 
but plain, and it is studded with very few gems, the finest of which is 
a valuable cat's-eye on the top, which is rarely seen. The ornaments 
attached to it arc extremely rich, and consist of gold chains, and a 
great variety of gems susjicnded from it. The most remarkable of 
these is a bird hanging by a gold chain, and formed entirely of diamonds, 
rubies, blue sapphires, emeralds, and cat's-eyes, set iu gold, which i$ 
hid by the profusion of stones. Viewed at a little distance, by candle- 
light, the gems about the karandua seem to be of immense value, but 
when closely inspected they prove in general to be of bad quality, and 
some of the largest merely crystal coloured by a foil. This great 
karandua is the receptacle of the dalada, * the tooth,' as it is considered, 
of Buddha. * * * Never was relic more preciously enshrined ; wrapped 
in pure sheet -gold, it was placed in a case, just large enough to receive 



THE TOOTIl-UELIC OF CKYLON. 1 4;i 

it, of gold; covered exteraally with emeralds, diamonds, aud rubies, 
tastefully arranged. This beautiful and very valuable bijou was put 
into a very small gold karandua, richly ornamented with rubies, 
diamonds, and emeralds : this was enclosed in a larger one also of gold, 
and very prettily decorated with rubies : this second, surrounded with 
tinsel, was placed in a third, which was wrapped in muslin ; and this 
in a fourth, which was similarly wrapped : both these were of gold, 
beautifully wrought, and richly studded with jewels. Lastly, the 
fourth karandua, about a foot and a half high, was deposited in the 
great karandua."* 

But to return to the history of the dalada. In 1815 a.d. the relic 
came, along with the island of Ceylon, into the possession of the British 
Crown. The first Adhikar (Minister of State and Justice) remarked on 
this event that whatever the English might think of the consequences 
of having taken Kappitapola (a rebel chief of Ceylon), in his opinion 
and in the opinion of the people in general the taking of the relic 
was of infinitely more moment "f And Dr. Davy remarks : " The 
effect of its capture was astonishing, and almost beyond the compre- 
hension of the enlightened. "J For the powers of the tooth as a 
national palladium, somewhat similar to those which in the thirteenth 
century obtained among the Scotch concerning the stone at Scone, and 
which are even nowadays current in Goa concerning the body of the 
greatest missionary Portugal ever sent to the £ast,§ and the exemp- 
tion of Ceylon from foreign domination as long as it possessed the relic 
and the sacred tree at Anuradhapura, are oracularly propounded in the 
Rdjaratndkaiiy and as fully believed by the Sinhalese Buddhists. 



• Davy's Account of Ceylon ^ pp. 3G6-GU. 

t Forbes, vol. ii., p. 221. 

X Davy, p. 369. 

§ The tradition about the body of St. Fmncis Xavier being the palladium of the 
liberties and independence of the Goaneso, and in the hands of whose silver image, 
placed on the north-facing altar of his mausoleum, an official baii^n is depordted, 
and reverentially taken possession of by each new Governor on taking charge 
over of the statr, as one of the insignia inseparable from government, draws sup- 
port from several puerile legends. One of these is to the effect that when in 1601 
a British auxiliary- force, without any hostile intention, was posted at Agoada 
and Cabo during the political commotions in Europe caused "by the great Napo- 
leon, and remained there until the general peace in 1815, a man in the habit of 
a friar was seen almost every night in the encampment striking with his knotted 
cord the men and officers cf the force. Resistance was impossible, for their 
tormentor, although visible, was strangely impnlpable; and the force, unable to 
bear any longer the tortures of this implacable friar, were obliged suddenly to 
beat a retreat. Tlie ghost in the habit of a friar is said to have been St. Francis 
Xavier, who, fearing foreign invasion, thus compelled the British to decamp. 



14 t MEMOIR ON THE IIISTOUY OF 

During tlio rebellion au;ain»t tlie English in 1818, in which ngra in 
the relic played an important j)art, it was clandestinely removed by 
certain priests appointed to officiate at its sanctuary, but towards the 
conclusion of the rebellion it was again restored, having been found 
with a priest who was seized in the ^latalo district, by the care of 
the British Government, who then empowered its Resident at Kandy 
to act as the custodian of the relic, and a soldier to keep guard 
every night at the door of the temple.* It was at last entirely 
surrendered to the British, together with the Kaudyan kingdom, in 
1825. The next occasion on which the dalada attracted attention was 
at its public exhibition in Kandy on the27th of May 182S, the first time 
after fifty-three years since the king Kriti Sri had openly displayed it, 
on which occasion a considerable sum of money was collected from the 
assembled multitude of devotees, who flocked thither from all parts of 
the country to worship the relic. Of this splendid festival and proces- 
sion we have numerous records. On that day all three larger cases 
having previously been removed, the relic contained in the three inner 
caskets was j)laced on the back of a richly ca])arisoned elephant, over 
it a small octagonal cupola or canopy supported by silver pillars, and 
all this grand apparatus carried round in solemn and gorgeous procession. 

In 183 1 a secret plan was concerted by some chsafFected Siiihalese to 
remove again the dalada^ and renew the scenes the Kandyan country 
had once witnessed so grievously in 18KS; but these proceedings were 
carefully watched by the Government, the delinquents arrested, and 
thus the scheme was frustrated. For a long time afterwards the relic 
was in the official custody of theCeylonese Government, and Tumour was 
the first European, it appears, who, for more than nine years, had the 
keys of the sanctuary constantly in his library, save during the per- 
formance of the daily offerings. 1 1 is only within a few years, circa 1 839, 
that, owing to the rCvmonstrances of the Christian societies in England, the 
connection of the existing Government with the shrine has ceased. 

In IHjS two Burmese bonzes from Rangoon were sent to Ceylon by 
the king of Burma on a ini.:Jsion almost similar to that of his remote 
predecessor the king Anavantha, who in the eleventh century had 
sent an embassy to endeavour to procure the relic, but could obtain 
only "the niiraculous emanation" of it, to contain which a tower in the 
palace-court of Amarapura was built. This time the priests went there 

* RfV'^r fh's r/rux Monflm^ 1851, p. 143. 



THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON. 145 

to get a facsimile of the tooth, which they ohtained, on the 9 th October 
of that year, and the whole transaction is but a repetition mutatis 
mutandU under the British of what, about three hundred years ago, 
took place under the Portuguese. The latter, swayed by the Inquisitional 
influence and perhaps scruples of conscience, not only refused to give 
up but burnt the relic ; the former, more tolerant, if not more enlight- 
ened, allowed the model to be taken, which has since been deposited 
within the walls of the palace at Mandalay, the new capital of Burma.* 

The present condition of the sanctuary and its precious contents re- 
quire a few words of description. We are told that ' ' nothing can be more 
picturesque than the situation and aspect of Kandy, on the banks of the 
miniature lake overhung on all sides by hills which command charm- 
ing views of the city with its temples and monuments below." But 
the sanctuary of the great relic, notwithstanding the beauty of the 
■oenery around, and its richness in gems and precious metnls, is a small 
chamber without a ray of light, in which the air is stifling hot and 
heavy with the perfume of flowers, situated in the inmost recess of the 
vikdra attached to the palace of the Kandyan kings. The frames of 
the doors are inlaid with carved ivory, and on a massive silver table 
hung round with rich brocades stands the bell-shaped larandua, the 
shrine or dugoba, consisting of six cases, the largest or external cover, 
five feet in height, formed of gilt silver inlaid with rubies and other 
gems, and ornamented with jewelled chains ; other caskets, similarly 
wrought, but diminishing in size gradually ; until on removing the 
innermost one, about one foot in height, a golden lotus is disclosed, in 
which reposes the mystic tooth. In front of the silver altar a plain 
table is placed for people to deposit their gifts upon. These karaiiduaa 
are said to have been made for the relic by successive sovereigns be- 
tween 1267 and \4(j4 a.d. 

The last event in the history of the dalada is the solemn visit paid 
but a few months ago by the Burmese envoys to the Maligava temple 
at Kandy on their return from Europe, in fulfilment of the speciiil com- 
mands of their king. The pomp and circumstance of that splendid 
pilgrimage evoked a fresh enthusiasm in the Sinhalese for their revered 
tooth-relic, and numerous were the tokens of obeisance and devotion 
offered to the shrine. 



• Madras Exami'ncr, 26th August 1858. Conf. also C«»l. Yiil<*'!i Marco Poln^n 
T^vels, vol. ii., p. 2tJ5, and Rei^tp de«dcujr Mof.dis, 18<iO, p. liiy, wIumv u gnipliic 
description of the ceremony ia f?iven, and the relic is doscrilwd Uius : — " C'rst 
nn fmginent d'ivoire de la dimension du petit doi^rt, jaune fauve, un i»cu courbe 
vers lo milieu, et plus gros u unc oxtremitc qu a rautro." 

VJras 



146 HISTORY OF THE TOOTH-RELIC OF CEYLON'* 

What Stirring times has not the dalada gone through during the 
twenty-five centuries which have elapsed since it was first picked up 
from the Kusinagara funeral pile of the great sage, while monarchs 
were fighting for its possession, until its preseiit comfortable lodging in 
the richest shrine raised by man to a mistaken devotion ; and what 
a part has it not played in the religious history of India, from the 
epoch in which Buddhism became the dominant faith of the coun- 
try, subsequently persecuted and tyrannized over by a powerful enemy, 
ruined by the degeneracy of its own adherents, and enfeebled by 
schism and heresy, until at last all disasters culminated in its being 
banished from its birthplace to find a refuge in distant foreign lands I 
Then, its place usurped by the stem dominion of El Islam, spreading 
its faith throughout the fair plains of Hindustan by the merciless edge 
of the sword, to be followed by a still sterner race, " that- nation of heroes," 
as the Abbe Raynal called the Portuguese, coming from the far West 
to supplant " the nation of philosophers," as Professor Max Miiller 
designates the Hindus ; and who by the discordant use of the torch, the 
symbol of barbarism, on the one hand, which marked its passage by 
the lurid flames of burning cities, and of the cross, the emblem of 
peace, on the other, which by the persuasive voice of the missionary 
they succeeded in planting all along the coast of our peninsula, named, 
as if to add insult to injury, the very sacred tree of Buddha Arbor 
diaholi or Devil' s-tree.* In bringing this incomplete Memoir to a 
close, I cannot more fittingly conclude than in the words of the learned 
llodier, who says : — ** Les rtiglements orgueilleusement immuables, 
pour le corps et pour Tame, que les thcocratcs de Tlnde ont eu la 
emcrite d'imposer a la socicte, ont fini par y dctruire tous les <Hement8 
du progres. Le genie indou, autrefois si brillant, si fecond, si yivace, 
meurt dtouffe dans une camisole de force. 

" Le dur contact de notre civilisation le rcveillera peut-etre. Espc- 
rons que les descendants des Arias trouveront, tot ou tard, une com- 
pensation aux douleurs et aux humiliations <jue leur inflige la prepon- 
dcrauce des Euroj)eens ; qu'ils nous emprunteront la foi en la puis- 
sance et en la legitimitc des efforts individuels, et qu'ils apprendront 
de nous II se mouvoir en dehors des limites conventionelles de leur yieille 
organisation. Puissent les percs des nations modemes reprendre nn 
jour une place honorable dans I'cdifice dout ils ont, avee tant de pa- 
tience, etabli les fondements I^f. 

* Rlicodo's Ilortus Malabar ic as, voL ii., pp. 40-7, tip. 27. 
t G. Rydicr*e Anti'^vAU des llaas Ilutnui/uS} pp. 37i2-373. 



147 



Art. IV. — The Suhjugnfuvi of Persia by the Moslems, and the 
Extinction of tJic Susan ian Dynnsfy, By E. Reuits2K, 
M.C.E., Hon. Mem. Bom. Br. R. A. S. 



Read 9th Jannary 1875. 



Considering that tlic Arabs had never before the time of Muhammad 
been fully united, liad never been able permanently to retain any foreign 
territory, and liad barely succeeded in establishing union and peace at 
home when they began repeatedly, and not in very considerable num- 
bers, to invade the frontiers of the Persian E'ruk, it is scarcely probable 
that they seriously entertained so vast a scheme as the overthrow of the 
Sasanian dynasty, and the conquest of the whole Persian empire, in the 
beginning of the war. But, fired with religious zeal, and flushed with 
fluccess, the Moslems soon perceived that if they persevered in their 
hostilities they would be rewarded with boimdless wealth, an immense 
addition to their territories, and with the beautiful opportunity, dear to 
«very true believer of those times, of being able to present Islam for 
acceptance at the point of the sword to the subjugated people. The 
conquest of the Persian empire, which had not been contemplatiJd by 
the Arabs suddenly, could neither be accomplished suddenly ; the war 
commenced during the reign of Ardeshir 111., and continued during 
the whole time of Yazdegird, so that it lasted longer than a quarter of 
a century, and with him the Silsanian dynasty becanie extinct, although 
even with his death the struggle was not entirely terminatcil, as long 
afler it uprisings against the Arabs took ])laco, the suppression of which, 
however, presented no very great dilficulties to the jiower which had 
BOW become paramount. The reliable historic.il sources from which 
an account of this conquest can be given are not only scanty, but come 
all from one side, as there exist none on the other ; so that a con- 
frontation of both is an impossibility, and those used in the compilation 
of this paper in which the subject is treated with considerable detail 
arc Zotenberg's Tabari, the Rauzat al-9afa, and the quotations made 
from Ibn Khaldun occuring iu Caussin de Perceval's *'l]ssai sur 
THistoire des Arabes." 



148 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OP PERSIA. 



(chapter I. — Commencement of the War. 

Abu Bekr, the immediate successor of the prophet, was the first 
Khalif who bcgau to contemplate the extension of Islam bejond the 
limits of Arabia proper. The little kingdom of Hirah, tributary to 
Persia, although it contained an entirely Arab population, he deterromed 
to subjugate, apparently without entertaining any scheme of further or 
larger conquests, merely because he had been informed that the empire 
of Persia, having after Shiruyeh* fallen into the hands of women and 
children, was much enfeebled also by internal dissensions, and that no 
great resistance might be apprehended from that quarter. The Kings 
of Persia had conferred the government of Hirah and of Kufahf on 
lyus, and all the Arab possessions of the Persians were under his 



• For tlio purpose of better fixing in the memory of the reader the events 
about to be uarratinl, it will be proper in this place to insert a chronological 
table of tlie sovereigns of Persia from Mr. K. U. Cama's " Jamshedi Naoroz," 
containing Dr. Monliiuann's " Chronology of the S&s&nians," and to add also the 
corresponding Hcgim years. I'his list of dates is well determined, although 
some writers diifor in a few details, and Mr. E. Thomas entirely omits Kesra L, 
Chahinendah, and Forakhzud ; he also places Arzemidukht after Kesra II., i,9. 
Khosru, and calls the lust Yazdogird the 3rd, and not the 4th; he does not, how- 
ever, stand alone in his opinion, as the confusion of reigns was very coDsiderable 
during that period ; also the Shohnamah omits Kesra IL, and oven Hormud 
v., and has afiur Purundukht only Arzemidukht, who reigned 4 montha, 
Farrakhzad 1 mouth, and Yazdogird 20 years; whereas the list of E. Thomaa, 
F.R.S., &c., terminates as follows : — 

Accession of Nd. 20 Puraudukht (dr. of Khosm Parviz) A. D. 630 5 of 
Nos. 27, 28, and 29, i.e. Khosru, Azarmidnkht (dr. of Khosru), andHormozd, 
all A.D. C31~2; lastly No. 30, Yazdogird III., son of Shahryir, whose reign 
lasted from t!ie Kith June 032 to 650 ; whereas according to Dr. Mordtmann's 
list, the latter portion of which is here inserted from the '* Jamshedi Naoroz/* 
the total number of reigns amounts to 38, counting that of Kobad for two» as he 
reigned twice. 



No. 

38 
21) 
SO 
31 
32 
33 
94 
35 
36 
37 
99 



Kobnd n. (Slilniych)... 

Anlrshir Til 

S.'trbiiraz (^huhry&r) ... 

Ke»r« I 

Puntndulcht,daiii;hti>r (<t Khosru I'arnz 

ChaiiiiuMidah 

Arxemidukht, also dr. of KliOHru Purria. 

Kc«ra U 

Ferakhzid 

Ilormuzil V 

Yn/depni IV., pon of Shnhrj'dr 

(Killed flol iu the intprTal between 
SUt March and 23Td Au^'U8t.) I 



Accession to tho throne according to 


Mordtmann. 
25 Feb. 628 


Richter. 
628 


SediUot. 
628 


Fata- 


638 


Nov. ds 


628 


620 


' 828 


690 


629 


620 


0:20 


630 








630 


630 


620 


630 


Jan. Feb. 631 


••• ••* 






Mar. Apr. 631 


631 


632 


Hi 


May, June 631 


631 


632 


631 


July, Aug. 631 


633 


632 


•••••■ 


Sept. 631 






631 


^ 16 June 632 


032 


632 


632 


> 


to 


to 


to 


; 


6j0 


662 


651 





7-8 

7-8 
8- 
8-10 
8-10 
10 
10 

10-11 

10-11 

10-11 

11 BabI' 

I to 

31-at 



+ Iho two ttwus were onlv thiee miles distant from each other. 



MOSLEiT CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 149 

authority. A man named Mo^annn Ren IIare«ah A I Shnybani, imwill- 
ing to obey lyds, went from Kufah to ^iedinah, embraced Islam, and 
presenting himself to the Khnlif said, ** Give me the government 
of the territory of Kufah and Sawad, that I may be the master of 
all the parts of the provinces ^^ hich I sliall conquer ; because the 
Persian empire is weak." Abu Bekr granted him these countries, and 
promised to aid him with troops. !Mo«anna then returned but did 
nothing except alternately sojourning at Kufah and in the Sawad. 
When Abu Bekr saw that he could undertake nothing, he recalled 
Khiled Ben W'alid bv a letter from Yemania and said : — " March to 
Hirah and Eufah, unite thy forces with those of Mo^anna, then pro- 
ceed in the direction of ^ladayn,* taking tlic advice of Mo^anna, 
and march to Obolla. The town of Obolla is situated between Borrah 
and Kufah ; it is called Ffirj'til'IIind (the limit of India), because 
there O'man is entered from India." Abu Bekr wrote also a letter to 
Mofanna and ordered him to obey Khaled.f 

In the month Muharram A. II. 12 (March— April C33) Khiiled Ben 

"Walid departed from Yemama at the head of 10,000 men, consisting of 

Tarious tribes, and was soon joined by Mosanna, who brought 8.000 

tneUt so that the whole army now consisted of 18,000. !Mo.sanna had 

already made predatory incursions before into the Persian dominions, 

and had several times penetrated into the district of Kaskar, where he 

plundered villages. When Khaled arrived near ITirah, lyils the king 

of it came out to meet him, and Khaled said, **0 lyas, select one of 

these three proposals : — Accejit our religion, or ]iay tribute, or be jire- 

pared for war ; because the men who are with me love war and death 

as thou lovest pleasure and life.'* lyas replied, *• We do neither 

wish to resist thee nor to abandon our ancient religion ; but we 

consent to pay tribute." Subseciuently the inhabitants of Hirah made 

a collection of 90,000 dirhems, which they paid to Khaled. 

Hormuz, the Persian governor of the lower or coast portion of F/rak, 
being informed of the approach of the Musalmans, sent word to that 



• (Comclii Taciti Annalcfl VI. 42. In a foot not o : — ) Solrnrrncrg vt Polonci 




t Tabari, III., p.32l. 



150 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 

effect to his sovereign, Ardeshir Kesra, son of Shiruyeh.* True to 
the abovementioued order of Abu Bekr, Khaled proceeded to Obolla, 
which was commanded by a Persian named Hormuz, who had 20,000 
men under his orders. At this time Shiruyeh the son of Parvi* being 
dead, the crown was placed on the head of Ardeshir, an infant on the 
breast, and the government was carried on by some magnates of 
Persia, while Hormuz, who was extremely brave, watched over the se- 
curity of the empire on the side of the desert against the Arabs, and on 
the side of the sea against the people of India. Khaled addressed the 
following letter to Hormuz : — " I, the general of the vicar of God, 
have arrived. Embrace IsMm, or pay tribute, or be prepared for war." 
After having perused these lines, Hormuz sent them to Ardeshir, the 
king of Persia ; then he put his army in motion and entered the 
desert, desirous to encounter Khaled, whom he actually met. 

In the morning the two armies left their camps and put themselves 
in battle array. The first who came forward was Hormnz, who 
shouted at the Musalmans, " Where is Khaled ? Tell him to come to 
measure his strength with me.*' Hormuz was of a powerful stature, 
and Khaled an insignificant-looking fellow. Hormuz alighted from 
his steed, and a single combat ensued. Having parried a blow aimed 
by Hormuz, Khaled threw away his own scimitar, saying, " What is 
the use of swords ?" and approaching Hormuz, lifted him up from the 
ground, sat down on his breast and drew a poniard to cut his throat. 
At this sight the Persian army came on running and surrounded 
Khdled to disengage Hormuz, whilst on the other hand Ka'^' and 
the Musalm^n soldiers threw themselves amidst the Persians and. sepa- 
rated them from Khaled, who cut off the head of Hormuz, throwing it 
among the Persians, who thereupon took to flight. Khaled mounted a 
horse and sent a body of troops in pursuit of them. Many of them 
were slain or made prisoners, but at the fall of night the Musahn&ns 
re-entered their camp.f 



• From the cbronological list given before, it appears that the sovereign bera 
mentioned, Ardeshir III., who ascended the throne at the end of 028 or the 
beginning of (529, i.t>. not later than A.H. 8, and was not even one year on ik| 
could not have been appealed toby the Persian governor Hormuz a.r. 12, when 
the first invasiouoof Persia by Khaled took place. Both these contradictcnj 
dates are apparently taken from Ibn Khaldun by Caussin de FercevaL Tftbari 
has them not, and is in general very sparing of dates, but it will aftorwardl 
be Been that he also assigns later dates to several events. 

t Tabari, III., p. 324. 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 151 

The reason why the ^lusalmuns returned to their camp does not 
appear, nor why Obolla, into which Khiiled marched the next morning, 
had remained undefended by the Persians ; but what is more strange 
still is that some writers relate that Khalodi' did not take Obollo, 
bat that it succumbed only during the Khalifate of O'mar, a.h. 14 
(635-36); that statement appears, however, not to be true. InTabari's 
recital of the booty taken by Khuled when he entered Obolla, the 
chains brought by the Persian troops to fetter the Muhammadan pri- 
soners are mentioned, as well as the fact that in all the narratives of 
the battles and victories in E'rak the fight at Obolla is called " the 
day of chains" for this reason ; whereas Caussin de Perceval states, 
according to Ibn Rhaldun, that the name is taken from the circum- 
stance that the Persian soldiers had chained themselves to each other, 
with the intention rather to perish than to flee. All agree, however. 
that the mitre of Ilormuz found among the phuider, the like of which 
had never before been seen by the Arabs, was estimated at the value 
of 100,000 dirhems ; it was of red colour and set with precious stones. 
Among the Persians the various degrees of nobility were indicated by 
the head-dress, which was more or less rich according to dignity. The 
highest magnates alone had a right to wear a costly diadem like thftt 
of Ilormuz. Khaled made a distribution of the spoils, oue-iifth of 
which, together with the costly mitre and an elej)liant which had 
been taken, was sent to Medinah. Abu 13ekr had the elephant prome- 
naded about in the whole town, so that the peojile might see him ; 
then he sent him back to Khaled, whom he also presented with the 
mitre of Ilormuz. 

ClIAl>TER II. — CONQUKST OF PERSIAN E'ra'k. 

After this victory Khaled marched deeper into the country, but was 
soon met bv Karen 13eu Ferianus,* who eomniandcd for the kinc of 
Persia in Ahvaz, but was sent by him to support the army of Ilormuz, 
the remnants of which he joined to his (mn r)(),0()0 men, and eneamj)ed 
at a place called Mazur. To this place Khaled also marched, and when 
he came in sight Karen drew up his army, giving the command of the 
right wing to Anushejan, and the left to Kobad, both of whom had been 
officers of Ilormuz, were distinguished men, and relatives of the infant 
king Ardeshir. Karen himself came out from the ranks and challenged 

• F'^risiniis n«'»T boinjj an Aral sic <'r Persjian iinino, tbo iM'jinT of it wim y^rnbji- 
bly a Roman; ami •jvcn tlio naint* ol' liic> son K:irL'U is very liki-Iy u corruption cf 
Eunio Somau or Circck >\t.i:'<I. 



152 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 

Khiiled to single combat, whereto the latter agreed, taking Kjiren for 
his own antagonist, and assigning A'di B. Hatim Tai and A'^sem B. 
Khattah to Aniishejan and Kobiid. Both the latter were slain, but 
nothing is said of Kuren. The Persian army was put to flight, and on 
counting the dead on tlic next day 30,000 Persians were found to have 
fallen ; and the jMusalmans obtained considerable booty (April-May 
633, A. II. 12, in the month Cafar). 

A few days after this battle Khuled heard that after the defeat at 
Ma7.ar the king of Persia had despatched 50,000 men under the com- 
mand of Anderzaz, who had encamjicd at Walajah. On receipt of 
this information Khuled reviewed his army, and picking out 20,000 
men left the rest in the place where they were. On arriving in the 
presence of the enemy he detached a body of 4,000 men, whom he 
])laced in ambush on the two sides of the enemy's camp, with orders 
to rush upon him as soon as they j)orccivcd that the battle had com- 
menced. This was done and the Persians fled, but the slaughter of 
them was more terrible still than at MiWar. 

From AValajah Khsiled marched to Ollays,* where a battle took 
place ; but before describing it some account of the Arabs who fought 
on the Persian side is to be given. In the army of Karen there were 
many Christians who had come with him from Ahvaz. They were 
Arabs of the Beni Bekr and of the Bcni Fjl. They had taken part 
in the tij^lit at Mazir and many of them had been slain. Then all the 
Arabs of the Beni Bekr and the Beni Pjl from Ahvdz, Hirah, and 
from Mocul made common cause and addressed a letter to the king of 
Persia in which they said, "AVe bind ourselves to aid thee; send 
another army and we shall join it.*' In the army of Khaled there 
were, however, also many of the Beni Bekr and of the Beni I'jl who 
had become Musalmans. 

The king of Persia, having learnt that the Arabs of Moqul, of Jezirah, 
and of Ahvaz wished to aid him, was very glad. He had sent after 
Anderzaz another body of troops of '10,000 men under the command 
of Bahman Jaduyeh, and the former, having engaged in battle before 
the arrival of the latter, was beaten. AVlieu Bahman saw the ftigitivea 
he halted in his march and wrote a letter to the king of Persia to ask 
for instnu'tions. The king deliberated. When he received the letters 



• Lifl according to Tabari, but the place is evidently the harao which Ibn 
KlialUuu mcuiis. 



MOSLEM C0N«-iCKST OF PEKSIA. 153 

of the Arab Christians of the tribes Beni Bekr and Fjl who proposed 
to aid him and demanded an army, he wrote to Bahman to march 
forward to join the Arabs of the Beni Bekr and the Beni Tjl and to 
attack Kh£led. Bahman Jdduyeh gave the command of the army to an 
officer named Jdbaii, who was a Dehkun or large proprietor in the 
Stnrid district. He ordered Jaban to join the Beni Bekr and the Beni 
rjl, and enjoined him not to begin the struggle before he had himself 
returned. J&bAn marched, and established his camp at Lis (Ollays), 
a Tfllage which was under his personal jurisdiction. 

Khiled had been informed of these circumstances. When the 
Christians of the Beni Bekr and the Beni I jl became aware that a 
Persian army had been put in motion without a commander-in-chief, not 
one of them left his country to join Jaban. At this news Khaled 
considered that it would be proper to fall on the Persian troops before 
the arrival of Bahman, and before their junction with the Arabs ; 
therefore he immediately departed with 20,000 men. 

Jdban kept himself on his guard within his camp, expecting the 
return of Bahman. One day his soldiers were just eating their 
dinner when the vanguard of Khaled came in sight ; they said, " The 
Arabs will pitch their camp to-day and will attack us only to-morrow," 
and continued to eat. When Khaled arrived, the soldiers of the 
vanguard said that the Persians were engaged in dining. Khaled asked 
whether on seeing them arrive the enemies had got up to attack them. 
The soldiers gave a negative reply. Khaled snid, "Do not alight, 
but attack them at once,'* and swore that if God granted him victory, 
he would slay as many of the eneinifs as would dye the river with 
their blood, because they had despised the Mu:jalmans. 

The Musalman army, having been drawn up in battle array, began 
the attack. The Persians rose, saying to Jaban, ** We shall not 
lose thy repast," and, beginning to fight, fought a battle which was 
the hottest that ever took place between Khaled and the Persians. 
After a very obstinate stmggle the Persians took ilight in the interval 
between the morning and the afternoon prayers. Khaled had it 
proclaimed that none of the prisoners should be killed, and the next 
morning he had them led to the bank of the river, near which their 
heads were cut off, so that the blood flowed into it, and his oath was 
fulfilled.* It appears that Tabari in all his (k'^cri])tions of battles 



* Tubari, vol. III., p. JS'.'. 
20 r a 3 



IS^ MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 

invariably attributes the victory to the Mnsalmins, and never even 
hints that it was dubious. Caussin de Perceval, however, who here 
followed both Tabari and Ibn Khalddn, states that although Bahman, 
who had gone to Madayn in order to consult Ardeshir who was sick, 
could not be present at the battle, J^b^ had been so bravely ieoonded 
by Abj^ and A'bd-al-aswad, the Christian BeVrite chiefs, that the 
victory was for a long time dubious. The butchery on the river 
Euphrates, or rather a canal of it, lasted one day and one night ; the 
water of it became red from the blood of so many victims, and obtained 
after that time the name " Nahr-al-dam,'' t.^. river of blood. 

Not far from Ollays there was Amghishiyah, a city almost rivalling 
Hirah in importance, and situated on the lower extremity of the 
branch of the Euphrates called " Fur^t Badakhi/' *' the Euphrates of 
Badakla," which begins in the vicinity of Hirah. Ehdled appeared all 
of a sudden before Amghishiyah, the inhabitants whereof fled withont 
having time to carry off their valuables. The Musalmdns plundered 
the houses and demolished them utterly. Already enriched by their 
former successes, they collected on this occasion such a quantity of 
booty that the share of each trooper amounted to 1,500 silver dir- 
hems. 

After Kh^led had embarked his infantry and baggage in boats, he 
marched with his cavalry to Hirah, following the banks of the 
FuWLt Badakla, which his flotilla was ascending. At the news of his 
approach El-Azaduba, the Marzeb^ or satrap of Hirah, established 
near the two mausoleums called " Gharyani" a camp to protect the 
town, and despatched his son with a body of troops to guard the head 
of the Fwrit Badakla, which body closed, according to the instructions 
of the satrap, the upper extremity of the Fwrit Badakla by a dam, 
in such a manner as to turn the mass of water into the other arm of 
the river, and opened the sluices of all the canals of irrigation issuing 
from the arm of the Badakla. By this means the waters of this 
latter arm were speedily withdrawn, so that the boats of the Musal- 
mans stuck all of a sudden fast, high and dry. Khiled, however, 
undaunted by this stratagem, left his flotilla, and, hastening forward 
with his cavalry, met at the spot called "Famni-al-a'ty]^' or *^oId 
mouth,*' the first post of troops, the others being stationed farther np 
at the " Famm-Furiit-Bidakla," or " mouth of the Furit Badakla." 
This first post Kh^ed attacked suddenly, and cut it up, together with its 
young chief, the son of the Marzeban ; then he pierced the dam, and 




MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 155 

after closing the outlets to the canals the water took its ordinary course, 
and the Musalmin boats, thus again set afloat, soon arrived with the 
infiuitiy and the baggage. As soon as the infantry had set foot on 
ihore, the Musalmins presented themselves before the Khawamak 
caatlf, and took possession of it almost without striking a blow. 
Then thej marchei to Hirah, which was situated at a distance of three 
wSiitB, and where £l-Azdduba dared not wait for them, as he fled in 
the direction of Persia on being simultaneously apprised of the death 
id hia own son and that of Ardeshir. Khaled encamped with his army 
OQ the Tery spot occupied by the Marzebdn during the preceding night, 
and began, after ineffectually summoning the inhabitants of the city 
to capitulate, immediately to besiege Hirah. 

The ca&tles, which constituted the only force of Hirah, resisted the 
attack for some time, but Khaled having taken possession of the Chris- 
tian convents in the vicinity, the monks expelled from them induced the 
defenders of these castles to capitulate, which happened as follows : — 
The soldiers of Khaled had orders to invite the inhabitants of Hirah to 
embrace Islam, and to grant them for that purpose a respite of one 
day, but to attack them in case of refusal the next day, and not 
to treat with them if they proposed to pay tribute. Eight thousand 
men posted themselves near the walls of the town, and summoned the 
people to accept the Musalman religion. After they had refused, the 
Mosalmans provoked them to fight, and rejected the proposal of those 
inhabitants of Hirah who wished to pay tribute. The people on their 
part sent men upon the walls, who threw stones from slings at the Mu- 
iilm^ns, but the latter succeeded in taking possession of a gate and in 
slaying many persons. Then the monks came out from Hirah with 
their heads wrapped in their cowls, and presented themselves before the 
Hiualmin army weeping, and asking for quarter. The Musalmans 
had been prohibited from killing Christian monks. When they arrived 
in the presence of Moranna Ben Hare«ah, whom Khaled had entrusted 
with the comnuind of the troops, these monks said, '* Grant us three 
dajB of respite that we may betake ourselves to Khaled and explain our 
poaition." Mo^anna consented, and hostilities were suspended. Four 
chiefs of the town, one of whom was A'bd-al-Masih, went to Khaled 
and, implored his clemency on condition of paying tribute. 

A'bd-aUMasiljt carried in his hand a folded leaf.'*' Exhaled asked : — 
^What is this?*' A*bd-al-Masili rephed:— ''This is a mortal poison, 

* A imall bag BOipendcd from his girdle, according to Ibn KhaldiiD.— C. de P. 



15G irOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA, 

which, in case thou hadst refused to grant us peace, I intended to 
swallow, in order not to return to my countrymen." Khdled took this 
poison away from him, spread it on his own hand and pronounced the 
words *' In the name of God, by whose power nothing from heaven nor 
from the earth can hurt," and swallowed it. He felt uneasy for a mo- 
ment and perspiration flowed from his forehead; then he said, "There 
is neither power nor force except with God the Most High, the Great ;" 
then turning towards A*bd-al-Masili he said to him, '' I took this 
poison to let thee know that nothing can hurt anyone except hy the 
will of God." He also asked A'bd-al-Masil^, <* Dost thou recollect 
how this land looked formerly?" A'bd-al-Masih replied, "I recollect 
that the country between Hirah, Damascus, and Syria, which is now a 
desert, was cultivated and planted with fruit-trees."* 

After this conference the deputies returned to Hirah, and A'bd-al- 
Masih said to the people, '* This fellow is not a man but a devil, — ^he 
has swallowed a handful of poison which would kill an elephant, but it 
has not hurt him. No one can. resist him ; consent to all his demands." 
Khaled granted them peace on condition of paying an annual tribute of 
190,000 (or, according to others, of 290,000) dirhems, and a capitation 
tax of four dirhems per head, which they had also before paid to the 
King of Persia, and which was called *' Harazat Kesra." Several histo- 
rians agree that the capitulation of Hirah was signed in the month 
Rabi' anterior a.h. 12 (May-June a.d. 633). f Then the chie0* 
brought rich presents to Khaled, who sent them to the Khalif Abu 
Bekr ; the latter wrote back that he accepted them as an instalment of 
the tribute, and their value having been estimated it was deducted as 
such for the current year. 

Following the precedent of Hirah, the Deh^^ans, t. e. large pnv 
prietors and owners of villages in the surrounding country, treated with 
the Musalmaus, and bound themselves to pay for the estates to be 
cultivated a tax of one million dirhems besides the " Harazat Kesra" 
or capitatlon-tax of four dirhems for every individual on their property. 
When Khdled had thus subjugated Persian E'rdk as he had been in- 



* Tabari, III. 333. 

t This is one year after the accession of Yazdegird, the last king, to the 
throne ; whereas from what follows it a})pcar8 that no king had been yet elect- 
ed by the magnates who afterwardtn found Yazdegird and put him on the 
throne. 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 157 

itroctecl, he established Musolmlin tax-gatherers in various places, and 
placed officers, such as Mo«anna Ben Hare^ah, Zirur B. Al-Azwar 
the Aadite, Zirar B. Mn|carrim the Mozanite,aud Al-Ka'ka' in charge 
of the newly acquired frontiers beyond the Euphrates along the river 
Sib^ irith orders to defend its approaches and to pillage the country 
eait of that line. They vrere not slow in zealously obeying his instruc- 
tUMia, by making raids as far as the banks of the Tigris, devastating 
and plvndering everything that came in their way. 

Daring this time Bahman Jaduyeh had remained quiet with his 
army at Nahr-sh(r near Sdbat, opposite to Madayn, where Al-Azaduba 
had joined him, whilst other Persian troops occupied Anbur, A'yn 
Tamr, and Firax. All these troops remained immoveable, witjiout 
daring to undertake anything, and without obtaining any directions from 
the capital. Since the death of Ardeshir III. great confusion and un- 
eeitainty prevailed at Madayn. The barbarous jealousy of Shiruyeh 
the son of Elhosru Parwiz, who exterminated his brothers and his 
connna the descendants of Nushirvan, as well as the fury of the 
contending factions which had massacred the chief members of the 
bmilies collateral to that of Nushirvun issuing from Bclirum Gdr, ap- 
peared to have extinguished the male posterity of the ancient kings. 
The magnates of Persia, divided by ambition, were unable to agree on 
the choice of a monarch. Khaled heard that the king was dead, that 
a woman had been placed on the throne, and that Az.4duba, the general 
who had abandoned Hirah, was now at Madayn arousing the Persians 
to wage war. Consequently Khaled despatched two messengers, one 
of whom carried a letter for the sovereign, and the other for the people. 
The contents of both letters were these : — *' God takes away the power 
from yon, and causes the true religion to appear in your country. 
Believe now in God and in His prophet, or consent to pay tribute, or 
prepare for war, because I have men with me who love death better 
than life." 

This threatening message imposed on the rival pretenders silence for 
a moment ; and the princesses of the blood of Kesra Nushirvan caused 
the government of the state to be transferred to Farrukhzad son of 
Bendowan, until an individual could be found whom both the magnates 
and the people might acknowledge as king. But Farrukhzad, either 
from want of capacity or of authority, took no means suitable to arrest 
the progress of the Musalmans. Within the space of two months 
Khaled had succeeded in collecting through his agents all the contribu- 



158 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 

tions the people had engaged themselves to pay, and the greater poition 
of his army, concentrated around Hirah, had recovered itself from its 
fatigue. Impatient to extend Musalmdn dominion to the regions as- 
signed to the operations of Ijdz B. Ghanum, and having received no 
news of this general, he believed that obstacles had impeded hini» and 
intended to march to meet him in order to aid him in the fulfilment of 
his task. He recalled Al-Ea'|f:a' from the banks of the river Sib» and, 
having left this officer in command of Hirah, departed and progressed 
through the cultivated districts adjoining the Euphrates, and caUed 
Al-Felilij (sing. Falldjah) as far as KerbelU, where he took a few days' 
rest, in order to assure himself of the obedience of the sarroonding 
population. Then, preceded by Al-Akrd Ben "HAhn at the head of the 
vanguard, he continued his route towards the north-west, and arrived 
before Anbdr, a town situated on the Euphrates, defended by a deep 
fosse and good fortifications, under the governor, i.e. Marsban Shirsid, 
and defended by its Arab inhabitants, as well as Persian soldiers ; there 
were also the Christian Arabs of Hirah, of Mocul and Jexirah, irith the 
tribes Beni Be^ and I'jl who had been put to flight by ElUlled and had 
taken refuge in the fort of Anbdr. When Khdled approached them 
he beheld men covered with iron from head to foot, of whose bodies 
no part was bare except the eyes. Accordingly he made his archen 
advance and said to them, " This day the action is yours : you must 
aim correctly, the sword can effect nothing against them." The archers 
then poured a shower of arrows against the Persians, aiming only at 
their eyes, and blinding one or two thousand of them. Shirsad pro- 
posed a capitulation to Elh^led, and he consented on condition that the 
former should retire to Mesopotamia with his troops, carrying only the 
clothes they wore, and provisions for a march of three days. Shirsid 
departed and marched to Madayn, where he was blamed by Bahman 
for having capitulated, but he replied, '*By a single discharge of 
arrows 2000 of my men have been blinded ; and when the Arabs who 
served in my army saw this, they shouted that we ought to surrender 
ourselves." 

This battle is called " Zat-al-O'yiSn," or " the day of eyes," which is 
briefly narrated by Tabari, and who says nothing about Anbir, to take 
which ELhdled ordered all the camels of his army which were exhausted 
by fatigue to be killed on the next day, and their bodies thrown into 
the fosse, so that they served as a bridge for the Musalm^ to make 
an assault on the walls, in which they gained the advantage. 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PEBSIA. 15(^ 

KUIed confided the keeping of Anb^r to the Tamimite Zibri^tn B. 
Bedr, and marched to A' jn Tamr, a town situated three stages north- 
ncit of Anbar on the confines of the desert. There a strong Persian 
gttTUon commanded by a general named Mehrin B. Behrdm Chubin 
had ihnt itself up, and was supported by a large body of Arab Chris- 
tuuilSy whose chiefs were Akka and Uozayl. The former of these said 
to M ehr^y " Leave to us the care of repelling KhiUed ; we Arabs 
know better how to fight Arabs than you do." Mehr^n willingly 
■ooepted this proposal, and Akka posted himself on the road where the 
M obammadans were expected. He was however defeated and made 
priaoner by Khfled*8 own hand, whilst Hozayl escaped with a portion 
of the beaten troops ; and Mehran, being alarmed, evacuated the fort 
of A'yn Tamr, fleeing with his Persians in the direction of Madayn. 
A remnant of the troops of Akka, however, took up their position in the 
lbrt» and* putting themselves into a state of defence, valiantly resisted 
aeveral assaults of Kh^led, who soon besieged and compelled them to 
■orrender unconditionally. He slew all these Arabs, aa well as their 
diief Akka, whom he had already captured before ; he also made 
priaoners of all the women and children he found in the town. He 
took away also the students belonging to the seminary of the church 
of A'yn Tamr. Now Khaled, who entertained no apprehensions of 
any great molestations on the part of the Persians in his recent con- 
qocflta, hastened to aid his colleague lyaz B. Ghdnum, who had sent 
him a message asking for assistance from Daumat Jandal,* where he 
had in the beginning of the campaign experienced a check, and where 
he still waa. 

Zibrit^in B. Bedr, who had been appointed governor of Anbar by 
Khiled, sent him the following letter : — '* When thou hadst departed 
from the Sawad to Daumat-al-Jaudal, the Persians thought that thou 
hadst returned [to Medinah], and the troops which were scattered have 
reassembled ; they are commanded by two generals, named Zermihr 
and Rnabeh, who have united under their banners all the fugitives, 
and have taken possession of three fortresses in the Saw^, namely, 
lid, Ehanafis, and Muzayya*k. I fear they will attack Anb^r.** 



* The point stmck on a line drawn from tho hoad of tho Pertrian Galf to the 
lowMt part of tho Mediterranean, by a perpendicular dropped on it from 
Madinab, will mark tho position of Daumat Jandal pretty nearly. This town is 
I diys' distance from Damascus, and 15 or 16 from Medinah according to 
Wright (£aWy ChriHianity in Arabia , p. 177), and was inhabited by Chris- 
tiaik Aimbs who became afterwards Musalmans. 



160 MOSLEM CONQUEST OK PERSIA. 

When Kh^Icd received this letter, he wrote to the governor of Hirah, 
Ka'ka' B. Amru, and called him to himself, whilst he sent Ijju B. 
Ghanum to take his place at Hirah. Then he despatched Ka'tu' to 
Hasid, which was the most considerable of the three just-mentioned 
fortresses, whilst he himself marched to Anbar. Hasid was occupied 
by Ruzbeh, who had been sent there by Zermihr, whilst the latter 
had established his camp on the frontier of the Saw^d. On the ap- 
proach of Ka*ka', Ruzbeh informed Zermihr and demanded reinforce- 
ments. Zermihr thereupon entrusted Mahbud^n with the command 
of the principal army, and marched himself with a considerable body of 
troops to the assistance of Ruzbeh, and thus united the two generals 
attacked Ka'ka' B. A*mru ; both, however, perished in the battle^ and 
their troops were put to flight, but again assembled and halted at 
Khanafis. 

Mahbuddn, apprised of the death of Ruzbeh and of Zermihr, left his 
camp and marched with his whole army to Muzayya'^c. As soon as 
Khaled heard of this, he sent a letter to call Ka']|:a', and then made 
arrangements to surprise the army of Muzayya']^. The garrison, 
thinking itself secure, had fallen asleep, and the gates of the fort were 
not shut. Khaled, who arrived at daybrcak,f immediately threw him- 
self into the town and massacred the enemies. When the sun had 
risen, there were so many corpses within and without the fortress that 
blood flowed like a river. 

Without losing time, Khaled now passed through the localities named 
Hauran, Alrank, Al-Hanat (crossed the Euphrates), and ran to 
Zomayl, where the Taghlibite hordes of Rabia'h B. Bojayr had 
encamped : these he crushed by a nocturnal surprise like the one 
he had just accomplished at ISIuzayya'k. Thence he tnmed towards 
Rozab, where a gathering of the Bcni Namir and the Beni Taghhb had 
taken place under Hilnl B. A']<:ka, but which dispersed at the sight of 
the Musalman banners. Khulcd proceeded as far as Firiz, and a body 
of Persians which had occupied that position evacuated it immediately. 
This was a beautiful place on the banks of the Euphrates, where Khiled 
rested his army a whole month, and kept the Ramazan fast, a.h. 12. 
Ililal B. A'kV:a, who had escaped from the fort of Rozab to the territoiy 
of the Romans, spoke to them as follows : — " Khaled has conquered 
EVdlj: and will no^ turn towards Riim. Co-operate with me to reassemble 
the Persians and the Arabs. I shall attack him, and destroy him in this 



• AlidnigUt.— C. dc P. 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PEUSIA* 161 

▼uy place, on Roman soil." The Romans accepted these propositions, 
and the Emperor of Rdm sent £pm Constantinople an army of 100,000 
men. Hilal despatched messengers towards the Sawad and E*t&^ to 
induce the Arahs who had escaped from various battles to fight under 
banner. About 30,000 joined him. A letter to the same import 
addressed to the Persian army, and its assistance sought. 

KhAled was informed of these machinations, but kept himself quiet 
and waited for the end of the month Ramazan. Then, the Roman 
army having arrived, the enemies, to the number of 180,000 men, put 
themselves in motion agaii^t Khdled. They halted on the banks of 
the Euphrates and sent word to K haled to cross the river himself, 
in they would cross it. Khaled replied, " You come to attack me, 
ajd you ought to cross it." Accordingly they passed over the river. 
Tlie next morning Khaled drew up his army in battle array and 
wuted. At the time of noon-prayers the enemies had not yet formed 
their lines. Khaled shouted, ** How long shall we wait ? " Then 
he rushed at them, and they were routed at the first shock. The 
Mosalm^ns made great carnage, and those who were not killed perish- 
ed in the waves. In this battle 100,000 dead, Romans, Persians, and 
Arabs, were counted. Hilill B. A'l^ka escaped and was seen no more. 
The booty was immense. This battle was fought on the 12th l^ul- 
Va'dab a.h. 12 (22nd January a.d. 634). Khaled remained yet ten 
days more at Firaz, and began on the 25th Zulka*dah (1st February 
A.D. 634) his retreat to Hi rah, where he arrived in due time with his 
troops, although whilst these were on the march he had paid an incog- 
nito visit to Mecca, where he was present on the day of sacrifices in 
the valley of Mina on the 10th Zulhijjah (16th February 634). 

Tabari was so simple-minded, and so ignorant of the vast extent 
of the Persian empire, as to believe that the conquest of it would be 
completed if the city of Madnyn, which w^as merely on the outskirts 
of it, were taken.* Hitherto the Arabs had not penetrated further 
than the Persian E*ruk, the bulk of whose population consisted not 
of Persians, but of Arabs tributary to them. Khaled remained for 
•ome time in ITirali with the intention of conrciitrnting all his forces 
and then marching on Madayn, but was dis.';| >]M)ii it orl, inasmuch as 
he was in the beginning of a.h. 13 recalled by A*):: Bekr and des. 

. • Tabari, in., p. 347. Not less than four years more elapsed, however, before 
HadajD was taken, a ii. 1($ (ibid,, p. 414), and in four years more, a.h. 20, 
Kekiiwend was taken {ibid., p. 467). 

2\ r a s 



162 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 

patched to Syria against the Romans, leaving Mo«anna B. H^rerah to 
he the commander-in-chief of the Muanlmdn troops in £'rd]^. 

Now great confnsion arose ahout the succession to the throne of 
Persia. It is a well-ascertained fact that in the heginning of a.h. 13 
the first of the month Muharram of which fell on the 7th March 634, 
Yazdegird, the last king of Persia, must have been on the throne 
already 1 year 7 months and 21 days, and therefore the very brief 
reigns of Shahriraz or Shalirirdn, of Dukht Zeman, of Shdpiirthe son of 
the former, and of Arzemidukht, which are so insignificant that they 
have been omitted by the majority of historians, must all have taken 
place before that time. It will be seen from the chronological table 
given in the beginning of this paper that, according to the best authori- 
ties, the reign of Pur^ndukht preceded that of Arzemidukht, and can- 
not have been later than a.h. 9 ; we nevertheless find Tabari,* and 
Caussin de Perceval who followed both him and IbnKhalddn, assigning 
to her a reign after a.h. 13 and after the recall of Khdled. 

When Shahriraz died, Dukht Zedn, a daughter of Khosru Parviz, is 
said to have occupied the throne of Persia for a moment, and was 
succeeded by ShdpiSr the son of Shahriraz, who granted to his minister 
Farrukhzad B. Bendowdn the hand of another daughter of Kbosra 
Parviz, namely, Arzemidukht. This princess, indignant at the idea of a 
marriage which she considered ignominious, entered into a conspiracy 
with an officer named Syawuksh, who slew Farrukhzdd, besieged the 
king in his palace, took possession of his person, deprived him of life, 
and placed Arzemidukht on the throne. 

These sudden and violent changes, together with the disorder they 
entailed, hindered the Persians from making new eflforts to wrest from 
the Musalmdns their new conquests. All this, however, made the 
position of Mo^anna — who was with a feeble army compelled to hold 
a vast extent of territory incessantly threatened by an enemy whose 
resources were immense — not the less dangerous and precarious. Un- 
easy about the state of Abu Beljcr, from whom he had for some time 
not received any letters, and profiting by the respite which the Pendana 
allowed him, this general determined to go himself to Medinah in 
order to solicit reinforcements, and to ask for permission to enrol under 
his banners those fractions of the Beljcrites and other Arab tribes 
which, although they were formerly guilty of apostacy and revolt, had 



• Ibid. lU., p. 869. 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 163 

now returned to Islam, and eagerly offered themselves to combat the 
infidels, bat whose seririees the Khalif had hitherto refused to accept. 
Accordingly on the day preceding his death, Abu Be]j:r saw the 
uiiTal of Mofanna Ben Hare^ah, whom Khiled had, on his departure to 
Syria, entrusted with the command of the Musalmdn troops he had in 
Persian £*rdk. Although the death of Abu Bekr was drawing near, 
he still retained full lucidity of mind. The statement made to him 
by Motanna concerning the position of the army in E'rdk excited 
aU hia solicitude, and he sent for O'mar. '* Listen," said he, " to the 
instructions I have to give thee, and promise me to carry them out. 
This day is, I believe, the last of my hfe- Begin to-morrow morning to 
make a solemn appeal to the Musalm^s that the men able to bear 
arms may depart in all haste, and join the troops of Mofanna. If 
the generals who are fighting in Syria are successful, cause the troops 
of Khdled to return to the E'rdlc as soon as they have become masters 
of the chief points of that country." Abu Bekr expired that very 
evening. He had reigned 2 years 3 months and some days. His death 
is said to have taken place between the 16th and 22nd Jomaza the 2nd 
A.B. 13, or between the 18th and 28th August 634.* 

The first act of O'mar was to deprive Khdled of his command in 
Syria, then he convoked the Musalmuns and addressed them as 
follows : — " Musalmdns ! God has promised to His prophet that he 
would cause his people to conquer Syria, the country of Riim and 
Persia ; and God never leaves his promises unfulfilled. Now, do not 
hesitate. Here is Mo«anna, who has come to you from E'rdlj: ! De- 
part to £*ra|c: !" But no one responded to this appeal. Then 0*m^r 
continued: — " Who will sacrifice his life and his property for the cause 
of God V* No one offered himself, as they were all discontented with 
O'mar because he had removed Kbaled from the chief command of the 
troops, in spite of the brilliant victories he had achieved in tlie cause 
of Islam. O'mar remained confused at these refusals, and felt ashamed 
in the presence of Mo«anna. The Mohajers, the An9ars, and a multi- 
tude of other Musaimans were present in the assembly. The next day 
0*mar again harangued the people ; he recited many verses of the 
Eorto, but in vain ; no Musalm^n presented himself to depart, and the 
>mbly dispersed. The third day O'mar delivered another oration to 



* Acoordiog to the Annals of Eutjchinn, Oxon, 1658, Abu Bokr is Buid to have 
reigned from 28th May G32 till 28th August 034. 



164 MOSLEM CONQUEST OP PERSIA. 

encourage the people to war, but unsuccessfully, then Mo«anna rose 
and said, " Musalmdns, hasten to the sacred war ! Fear not any Terj 
great dangers on the side of Persia or E'rdk, as these countries are 
more easy to conquer than any others. The greatest portion of KriHf 
is aheady conquered, Hirah and the Sawdd are in our hands; the 
Persians are in a precarious position and the Musalmdns hure the 
advantage oyer them ; I have already a strong army there, but I desire 
to go with reinforcements in order to revive the courage of the Musal- 
mdns." 

The first man who rose in consequence of this appeal was Abu O'b- 
aydah B. Masu'd. This man, who had not been a companion of the 
prophet, stood up and said, " Commander of the Faithful ! I consent 
to depart with all those of my people who shall be wilhng to follow 
me," Another, Sa'd B. O'baydah, a man of considerable importance, 
then spoke, but O'mar, afflicted by the hesitation he perceived, said, 
" Musalmdns, you cannot [always] remain in the territory of Mekka and 
Medinah, and you cannot betake yourselves to other countries. Since 
Hejdz exists, commerce with Syria, the E*rdV> Abyssinia, and Yemen 
has been carried on at Mekka and Medinah, and in the just-mentioned 
countries fruits, corn, and other goods have been sought, so that a living 
has been made. Now, however, the whole world is your enemy. If 
you do not mean to wage war against your enemies you must make peace 
with them, else you cannot remain here any longer, you would be des- 
titute and miserable." The people present considered this reasoning 
just, and unanimously declared their readiness to depart ; in this man- 
ner one thousand men presented themselves. 0*mar speaking to Mo- 
«anna said, ''Thou hast in the E'rak 10,000 men whom Khdied has 
left thee ; here are yet one thousand more, who will suffice to reinfiirce 
thy army." 

Then he designated Abu O'baydah as commander-in-chief. Bat 
the people said, "Give us another general, some one of the com- 
panions of the prophet, — one who has fought at Bedr." O'mar re- 
plied, " You hesitated when I exhorted you to depart. For three 
days not a man responded to my appeal! Now preference is due 
to him who offered himself first." Accordingly he gave to Abu 0'bay« 
dah not only the command of the troops who were to enter on 
the campaign, but also of those who were already in the E*rdk. He 
ordered Mo«anna to start in advance to carry this news to the troops» 
and to surrender to Abu O'bavdah the command of his own soldiers 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 1G5 

hnmediately on his arrival, and to march under the orders of the new 
general, Mo#anna then departed and arrived in Hirah.'*' 

Chapter III. — The Musalma'ns again lose the £'ra*k. 

• 

It has heen mentioned above that Syawukhsh had, after killing 
SUpdr the son of Shahrir^z, and his minister Farrukhzad, placed 
Arzemidukht, the daughter of Khosru Parviz, on the throne of 
Persia. Puran, another daughter of Khosru Parviz, who enjoyed much 
respect, and had often been selected as an umpire among the various 
factions which divided the Persians, hastened to inform Rustum the 
governor of Khoras^n of the murder of his father, Farrukhzad. On 
receiving this news, Rustum, impelled by a desire for vengeance, im- 
mediately left Kliorusan and hastened to Madayn, where he put to 
flight the troops opposed to him by Arzemidukht and Syawukhsh, put 
out the eyes of tlie former, killed the latter, and placed Purundukht 
on the throne. This princess accordingly became the queen, whilst 
Rustum was to be the generalissimo of all the military forces of Persia, 
and co-regent with her for ten years, on the condition that if at the 
expiration of this term some male descendant of Khosru Parviz should 
be discovered, the supreme power would devolve on him as king, but 
that in the contrary case it would continue to abide in ^hc female line 
of the royal dynasty. 

As soon as Rustum had been invested with authority, he despatched 
emissaries to various quarters of Arabian E*ra(j: in order to rouse the 
population against the Musalmdns, whilst he sent a body of troops 
commanded by Jdlinus f from Madayn towards Hirah in order to 
expel the Musalmdns. This was the position of affairs when the 
general Moranna returned, after an absence of more than a month, 
from Medinah to Hirah. On his arrival Mo^anna learnt that already 
several of the Dehkan class, or large landholders, were beginning to 
revolt ; and that the Persian officers Narsi and Jabuii had collected 
imposing forces, the former being stationed in the district of Kas^ar, 
and the latter in that of Furut-Budakla. This news made Mo«auna 
apprehensive of a simultaneous attack in front and rear, and there- 
fore he first of all concentrated all his detachments scattered along 

• Tabari, III. 3G9. 

t This mmj have been a Roman, as the uanic is merely a translitoration of 
Galenufl, or Oallieiius. 



166 MOSLEM CONQUEST OP PERSIA. 

the river Sib and in other localities at Uirah, which he then evacuated 
with all his troops, and retired towards the southern extremity of WrSf 
to KhafFan, on the fringe of the desert, where he waited for his chief, 
Abu O'baydah, who soon made his appearance at the head of the 
reinforcements he brought. The Musalmdns thus strengthened at- 
tacked Jubiin and defeated him at Namurik ; he was made prisoner 
by a man named Aktal, who meant to kill him, but allowed him 
to escape on receiving some precious stones. Jdban, however, being 
unable to run, wandered about, and being brought into the presence 
of Abu O'baydah, the general said, *' He cannot be killed, as a 
Musalman had given him quarter." He was consequently set at 
liberty.'*' This is no doubt the same Jdbdn whom the author of the 
Rauzat-al-9afa converts all of a sudden to Isldm by stating that when 
he was unhorsed he immediately shouted the words, ''There is no 
God but Allah," &c., whereby he saved his life, and paid in addition a 
considerable ransom. 

When Abu O'baydah was encamped at Namdri]j: and was just 
about to distribute the plunder, he heard that Narsi had collected 
a numerous army and that Rustum was sending troops to aid him. 
He immediately left his camp to attack Narsi before the arrival of 
the just- mentioned reinforcements. Narsi, on the other hand* being 
informed of the march of Abu O'baydah, came out from the fortresSy 
and a battle took place in which he was defeated and the fortress of 
Al-SaV itiyyah taken. The booty taken there was a large quantity 
of provisions, and among them a number of things totally unknown 
to Musalmdns and never before seen by them. 

The inhabitants of Kaskar feared that Abu O'baydah might devas- 
tate the whole district, and therefore the Dehkans, owners, and other 
inhabitants came from every village to Abu O'baydah to treat with 
him. He granted them peace and imposed tribute on them. When 
the Dehkans arrived to pay tribute they brought at the same time a 
large quantity of cakes of all kinds such as the Arabs had never seen, 
as well as great birds of Kaskar. The Arabs thought they were 
ostriches, whose flesh they never eat. As to the cakes, they all asked 
what these things were and how they were called. When Abu 
O'baydah asked about the birds he was told that they were domestic 
fowls. Then he exclaimed, " Glory be to God who has created such 
a bird for his servants!" Then he asked the Deh\jduis, "Why have 

* Tabari, III. 371. 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PKKSIA. 167 

joa brought me these things ? I am not in the habit of receiving 
presents for myself alone." The DehV^ns replied, " We have brought 
these presents for the chiefs." 

Abu O'baydah despatched a messenger to carry to 0*mar the fifth 
part of the booty and news of the taking of Namiirilj: and Kas^ar. He 
sent him at the same time dried meat, small dried apricots, and fatten- 
rd fish. The news of these victories gave much satisfaction to O'mar, 
on account of the reproaches he had met with for removing Khaled 
from the commandership. He was also greatly pleased on beholding 
the fifth part of the spoils, and on hearing everything that was told 
him about the birds, the dishes, and the cakes.* 

Chapter IV. — Tiie Battle of the Bridge. 
When Jalinus waited on Rustum, the latter blamed him for his 

■ 

flight. The news of this defeat having reached Purandukht, she sent a 
magnate of Persia named Bahman Jadnyeh, who was one of the 
highest officers of the army, with 30,000 men and 30 elephants, against 
Abu O'baydah; she gave him also the celebrated banner called ** Direfsh 
Kaviin," which was kept in the royal treasury and considered to be of 
happy augury .f Rustum sent also Jalinus with Bahman Jaduyeh, 
to whom he said, '* If he happens to flee, cut off his head and send 
it to me." 

Bahman % marched against Abu O'baydah, and arriving on the 
banks of the Euphrates halted near a village named Koss-al Nutif. At 
this news AbuO*baydah left Kaslj:ar, gave the command of the vanguard 
to Motanna B. Ha're^ah, and also marcbed to the Euphrates, halting 
near a village called Marwaha. Thus the two armies, separated by the 
rirer, came in sight of each other, but the bridge connecting its banks 
gave the name to the battle which ensued. This bridge was thromi 
across the river by Abu 0*baydah, over which he passed with his army, 
consisting of 10,000 men, without minding the representations of his 
principal officers, and gave the signal for attacking the Persians. Bah- 



• lUMri, III. 874. 

t This celebrated standard vvis formed of tifi^cr-skins set with jcwelfl, and 
12 cubits long by 8 broad. It is described iu detail in the Shahnamoh. 

t Snmamed by the Arabs Zulhdjeht "endued with eyebrows'; for the same 
rsMon, f. €. their aversion to remember ptranpre names, tbcy dubbofl, cen- 
turies Afterwards, when Napoleon Bonaparte was in Kjjr}'pt, or.e of his grenerals 
Ahu Zej*\j, * iUv father of plasj*/ bocau so ho w<»rc s]»ectacle.s ; uud another Ah' 
al-/anraA, * the owner of fur,' on account of lii-n iKilibsc. 



168 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF TERSIA. 

man had ranged his elephants in a line with orders to allow them to 
fight this day freely : their trunks were protected and their bodies cover- 
ed. When all was ready the keepers impelled the elephants with yella, 
and the Musalmiios, who had never before seen them, were confused ; 
their horses, terrified at the sight of these animals and by the noise of their 
bells, retreated. Some trooperg were successful in stopping their horses 
after alighting and in leading them back, but none were able to keep 
them quiet. The elephants rushed into the midst of the Musalmin 
army and broke its lines. Then the Arabs abandoned their horses and 
threw themselves on the elephants, whose trunks they attacked with their 
sabres but were unable to inflict any woimds on them. Nevertheless the 
elephants, frightened by the glare of the swords as well as the blows, 
concentrated themselves on a single point, and the Musalmans, abandon- 
ing them, likewise massed themselves on one spot, opposite to the Per- 
sian army, and engaged in the fight. The Persians sustained the shock 
for a while, but soon began to flee, and many of them were cut to pieces, 
so that by the time of evening prayers GOOO of them had been killed 
and a certain number made prisoners. 

Bahman Jaduyeh, who resisted the assaults of the Musalmans, never 
left his post, and encouraged his soldiers to fight. A portion of his 
troops had remained with him, and he endeavoured to recall those who 
had fled. Then Abu O'baydah shouted, *' After all, the elephants de- 
cide the affair. As' long as these are not repelled the enemies will not 
yield." The soldiers answered, ** What is to be done ? Our arms take 
no effect on the elephants, who are covered with iron from head to foot." 
Abu 0*baydah called for a Persian prisoner, whom he asked how an ele- 
phant is to be dealt with, and he replied, '* If his trunk is cut he can no 
more draw breath, and dies." Hereupon Abu O'baydah himself alight- 
ed, took his shield and sword, went to the white elephant and struck his 
trunk, which, however, the animal stretched out, and seizing therewith 
Aba O'baydah crushed him under foot. The keepers jingled their little 
bells as a signal of joy and victory, shouting, ** We have slain thekidg 
of the Arabs." Hereupon those of the Persians who had fled returned. 
The Musalmans surrounded the corpse of Abu O* bay dab, and the Per- 
sians had the advantage. Then an Arab named Jabr B. Nofayr took up 
the standard and the Musalmdns recommenced the flght, but the Per- 
sians soon killed him also ; hereupon another general snatched up the 
banner, who likewise fell, and the same was the case with the seven 
chiefs Abu O'baydah had designated. At last Mo^anna B. Ha'renh 
took the standard of command, and the Musalmans ranged themselves 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 169 

inder his orders, but thcj could not resist the Persians, who had ob- 
tained the advantage over them, and fled.* 

When Mo^anna perceived that the army was yielding, he retreated 
gently to protect the flight of the Musalmdns in order to allow 
tliem to cross the bridge. A man of the Beni Sakf named A'bdullah 
B. Marnd, however, outsped the troops, and destroyed the bridge by 
smking the two first boats of it. lie placed himself on the way 
and abonted, " Musalmdns ! Return to the battle !" But the soldiers, 
cavalry as well as infantry, threw themselves into the river, and a cer- 
tain number of them perished in the waves. When Mo^anna arrived 
and foond the bridge cut, he asked A'bdullah why he had acted in this 
manner, aiid the latter replied, '^ To hinder the troops from fleeing." 
Moianna replied, "Thou hast done wrong, and hast caused Musal- 
mhm to perish." Then he struck him several times on the head with 
liis whip, and alighting had the boats properly united and the bridge 
repaired. Although he was himself wounded on the side by a lance- 
tlmiBt, he waited till all the soldiers had passed, then followed, and 
Iiad the bridge sunk. The fugitives took the road to Medinah ; but 
Motanna, being unable to march, remained with 3, 000 men on the spot 
vhere he was. At the moment when Bah man Jaduyeh arrived near 
the destroyed bridge and was about to reconstruct it in order to 
purine the Musalmdns, he received the news that the army of Persia 
liad revolted against Pur^dukht, not desiring to have her any longer 
for a qneen, and against Rustum the generalissimo. A letter recalled 
Sahman Jaduyeh in all haste to Madayn, and he immediately left the 
army* 

This battle^ called ''the day of the bridge" or of Koss-al-Ndtif, as 
"Well as the day of Marwiha, and of Kirkis, near which the combat took 
plaee^ was fought in the month Sha'ban a.h. 13 (Oct. 13 a.d. 
634) ; t 4,000 Musalmdns lost their lives, and 2,000 others returned 
to Medinah covered with shame. It would have been impossible for 
lif oianna to escape complete destruction had not Firuzdn, aided by 
numerous adherents, come forward to dispute the authority of Rustum, 
and both factions being under arms a civil war seemed imminent ; 
therefore Bahman never followed up his victor}', but hastened to sup- 

• Xabari, UL 879. 

f Also this date appoara to be too late, as occordiDg to the narrative the 
raign of Yaidogird had not yet bep^n, whcroas according to the date it had 
' "^^^ already more than 2 years and 3 months. 

22 ras 



170 MOSLKM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 

port Rustum in Madayn instead of pursuing the Arabs, as was jost 
mentioned above, because Firuzan wished to oust him from power, 
which he appears after all to have taken away from him, as we 
afterwards find Firuzdn sent by Purdndukht and fighting against 
the Arabs i* according to others, however, these two rivals came to a 
compromise among themselves, and henceforth acted as colleagues in 
concert vnth each other, so that the dissensions which agitated Mm- 
dayn were for a short time calmed. 

Moranna, although for the moment no more threatened by the Persian 
army, which had departed to Madayn vnth Bahman, did not consider 
it prudent to remam in a position as advanced as Marw^ha, but went 
and established his camp on the brink of the desert between K^esyah 
and Rhaffidn, where he was gradually reinforced by hordes of nomadic 
Arabs who marched and joined him by order of the Khalif . Rustum and 
Firuzdn, the two rivals who had now become colleagues, being inform- 
ed of the concentration of troops taking place around Mo«anna, des- 
patched Mihr^n the Hamddni at the head of 10,000 men to disperse it. 
Mihran advanced along the banks of the Euphrates and detached some 
officers to Hirah, who were received vnthout resistance by the inhabitants; 
but a Musalm^, who had remained in the town, secretly conveyed in- 
formation to Mo«anna about the march of the foe. Accordingly Mo- 
«anna immediately put himself in motion to encounter Mihrdn, and enter- 
ing the district of Fnrit Bddakla he formed his camp on the right bank 
of the Euphrates, and Mihdm soon made his appearance on the left. 
The two armies remained for some days opposite to each other, and whilst 
the people anxiously waited for the issue of the struggle about to break 
out, two hordes of Arab Christians belonging to the Mesopotamian 
tribes Taghleb and Namar, which had come to these localities for the 
purpose of selling horses, offered their services to Mo«anna, preferring 
to make common cause with the nation from which they had sprung 
than with the Persians. Mo«anna accepted the useful auxiliaries ; and 
Mihr£n having crossed the Euphrates vnthout opposition on the part 
of the Musalm£ns, a combat took place in the month Ramgim ▲. h. 
13 (Nov. 634), in which Mihrin was slain, a moiety of his army annihil- 
ated, and the rest put to flight. The most acute loss with which the 
Musalmans obtained this dearly-bought victory was that of Masu*d B. 
Hare^, the brother of their commander-in-chief. 

• Tabari, p. 881. 



/' 




MOSLEM CONQUSST OF PSKSIA. 171 

The Arabs pursued the fugitives as far as the district of Sib and even 
to the gates of SdbiU, a town situated on the Tigris opposite to 
Madayn, plundering and devastating everything on their route, and 
bringing hack immense booty to the camp. Afterwards Mojanna again 
entered Hirah. where the women and children of Musalmfo soldiers 
bad been left since the retreat from Marw^ha, and were well treated 
by the inhabitants, from whom he nevertheless exacted a slight aug- 
mentation of tribute for having sheltered the officers of Mihdm. 

Having taken a few days' rest in Hirah, Moranna entrusted the town 
to the keeping of Beshir, and marched with the bulk of the army to 
AI-Lis, a village in the territory of Anbdr, on the eastern bank of the 
Euphrates, whence he sent out detachments of cavalry to pillage the 
whole region fertilized by the Tigris and subject to the Persians, whilst 
he himself surprised Ehanafis, and afterwards Baghdid, which hap- 
pened as follows : — 

A man came to Mojanna and said, " The Persians hold twice a 
year a fiur, to which merchandize, in greater quantity than exists in 
the whole world, is brought. This fair takes place in a village situ- 
ated on the banks of the Euphrates and called Baghdad." Mo«anna 
replied, '* Find me a guide who can lead me there through byeways." 
Whto the guide arrived, Mo«anna departed with two thousand men. 
After having marched for three days through out-of-the-way locaHties, 
they arrived at Baghdad, killed two thousand men of the garrison 
which they had surprised, and put the others to flight. The Musal- 
mins took away one thousand camels loaded with goods of all kinds, 
and returned to the Saw^d, whence they made plundering raids in all 
directions ; these also, however, soon ceased, as will now be shown, and 
they retreated soon after the accession of Yazdegird towards the desert, 
leaving the Persians in ftill possession of £'rd|c. 

Chapter V. — ^Yazdegird IV., the last of the Sa^sa'nians. 

Bustttm and Firuzan had made no efforts to put a stop to the just- 
mrationed raids, and this inaction displeasedHhe people as well as the 
magnates of Persia, who attributed all the misfortunes of the State to 
the rivalries of these two men, so much so that they rose against them 
and threatened them with death. Seeing that they had no chance of 
letaining authority, Firuzan and Rustum determined to give Persia a 
king who might enjoy the support of the people. Accordingly they 
cansed all the wives and concubines of the royal faifiily massacred by 
Shimyeh to be sought out and questioned. After the murder of these 



172 MOSLEM C0NQUB8T OF PERSIA. 

princes their wives had been shut up in a palace, where Shimyeh had 
caused their male infants to be slain. But the ingenious tenderness of 
a mother might have robbed the executioner of a victim. Indeed, one 
of these women confessed that she had succeeded in saving the life of a 
eon of Shehryar Ben Khosru Parviz, whom she let down from a window 
m a basket tied to a rope, and entrusted to a relative, to be brought up 
secretly. This young scion of the royal house, named Yazdegird, at 
that time about twenty years old, was found, and, after being recognized, 
was acknowledged sovereign by acclamation, whereupon all the fac- 
tions that had hitherto separated the Persians forgot their divisions^ and 
united in one common feeling of devotion to the person of the new 
monarch, and in zeal for the public interest. 

Yazdegird, being intelligently advised, and profiting by the enthusiasm 
of the people, immediately took measures to drive out the Musalmins 
from Arabian E'r^k. Numerous troops were raised, and generals 
appointed to march with them simultaneously to Anb^r, Hirah, and 
Obolla. These threatening preparations, with the 'activity and vigour 
they presaged with reference to the forthcoming military operations, 
produced a deep impression upon the rural as well as upon the town 
population which had submitted to the Musalm^ins, their minds were 
excited, and symptoms of insurrection began to appear on all sides. 
Moranna, aware of his inability to resist the impending storm, prudently 
yielded to the signs of the times, and retired in the month Zullf:a'dah 
A.M. 13 (end of December 634) towards the desert, allowing the Per- 
sians to occupy without any resistance all the points of the Kf£if 
where the Musalm^ had been masters. 

Whilst Monmna was taking this defensive position, and Western 
E'rft: again obeyed Persia, he wrote to O'mar, " The situation of the 
Persians is strengthened, they are killing Musalm&M. A new king has 
ascended the throne, and a general is marching against us."* The 
Khalif O'mar was determined at any cost to reconquer E*ri]}:, and 
despatched messengers denanding new soldiers from every Arab tribe. 
According to the position of their territories, some of these tribes were 
enjoined to send their levies direct to £*ra1j:, whilst others had to take 
the route to the Hej^ in order to concentrate themselves at I^ehur near 
Medinah, where some of the contingents actually arrived about the 
month Zulliejjah a. h. 13 (Jan.-Feb. 635), and where also O'mar 



• Tabari, III. 385. 



MOSLEM CONQTTSST OF PERSIA. 173 

hhnselfy leaving A'li as his representatire at Medinah, made his appear- 
ance in the company of the principal men among the Mohdjer and the 
Aaqir, on New Yearns Day a.h. 14 (26 Feb. 635). In a council there, 
O^mar intimated his desire of himself leading the army to E'rilf:, but 
was dissuaded by his chief councillors ; and at last Sa'd Ben Abu yok^9, 
one of the warriors who had most bravely fought at the battle of Ohod 
to defend the Hfe of Muhammad, was appointed commander-in-chief of 
the expedition. 

0*mar had also informed the Arabs who wished to shake off the 
Mnsalm^ yoke after the death of Muhammad, and had revolted against 
Abu Bekr, but afterwards again made profession of Islam, that 
he would accept their services. This declaration attracted multitudes 
of Arabs who were ready to take part in the war against the infidels, 
and thus to show the sincerity of their return to the religion of the 
prophet. When Sa'd arrived in the country of the Beni Tamym he 
added to his troops 4,000 men of this tribe and of the Reba'b, who 
were expecting him on the frontier of their territory. Then he went to 
Zordd, where he encamped and halted, thinking that Moxanna would 
come there ; the latter, however, never arrived, but died at Zul^dr in 
consequence of the wound he had received in his side at the Battle of 
the Bridge ; but his wife, being very beautiful, was married by Sa'd. 

As soon as Yazdegird had become aware of the first movements of 
Sa'd, he ordered a considerable army to be levied, which was destined to 
march against him under the command of Rustum, who enjoyed at that 
time among the Persians the highest military reputation. 12,000 soldiers 
were assembled at Sihit for this expedition, but Rustum, who did not 
approve of it, was dilatory, because according to his opinion it would 
have been best to divide this army into several corps, to be sent one 
after the other against the Musalmdns, who would, even in case of 
defeating each of these separate corps, become fatigued and diminished 
in numbers by successive attacks, when he would afterwards himself 
come forth with a numerous reserve force to inflict more sure blows 
upon the enfeebled enemy ; whereas in case he were all at once to 
engage against the Musalmins all the disposable forces of Persia and 
were to be defeated, there was reason to fear that the Persians would 
never recover their courage after such a catastrophe, and that the fate of 
tiie empire would be seriously compromised. As all these reasons did 
not appear convincing to Yazdegird, Rustum went to S&bat to take com- 
mand of the army, but still delayed his departure under various pretexts. 



174 1C08LKM C0NQUB8T OF PSB8U. 

Yasdegird had also induced Eibds B. Eibda B. Manzir lY., one 
of the last scions of the royal race of Hirah, who was there liTing 
in obscnrity, to debauch the Beni Shajbdn and other Ba^nites conati- 
tutmg the Muaalmin detachments stationed at Kotkotlna and ^nlfbt 
on the promise to reinstall him as king of Hirah in cas^ of sneocM. 
Accordingly, Kiibds took up his quarters at K^esyah, on the limits 
of the desert, whence he wrote to the Ba^rites seeking to awaken the 
ancient bonds of attachment which united them to his fiunily, and 
endeaYouring to attract them ; but these stratagems took no effect,— -on 
the contrary, Mua'nnah B. BUretah, brother of the general who had 
recently died, left the camp of Zu^zir, marched towards Eibds, inr- 
prised him in Kddesyah, and killed him, with all those who had aocom- 
panied him in this enterprise. 

Chapter VI. — Progress of the Musalma'ns. 

At Shirtf all the troops who had obeyed Motanna gradually con- 
centrated themselves around the new commander-in-chie^ except 
Mua'nnah, who, having been delayed in the just-mentioned expedition 
against Kdbds, was the last to arrive. He brought to Sa'd B. Wc^lfi^ the 
letter dictated by his brother Mo«anna at the moment when his end 
drew near. This general offered to his successor the advice which an 
experience of several years of fighting against the Persians had en- 
abled him to give : — He entreated Sa'd to harass the enemy by invasions^ 
but never to endanger the bulk of his army by marching into the heart 
of E'rit^ as long as union prevailed in the government of Yazd^ird, 
and not to accept a battle except on the confines of the desert, where 
the Musalmins might find a retreat in case of a check ; he tenninated 
his letter by recommending Selma his wife to the benevolent protee- 
tion of Sa*d, who, as has been seen above, immediately married her, 
and, acknowledging the wisdom of Motanna*s advice, eulogixed him 
publicly. 

The number of warriors who had been commanded by Mosanna 
amounted to about 12,000 men: namely, 8,000 of the posterity of 
Babya'h, among whom 6,000 were Bat:rite6 ; 2,000 Bajilahs, and 2,000 
of the E[oiBiaand Tay. Other new levies were still arriving, among whom 
were 1,700 Kindians led by Al-Asha'« Ben Kays, heir of the princes 
of Kindah, who had remained inactive since Abu Bekr had pardoned 
his revolt. These troops together with those brought by Sa'd formed 
a total of about 30^000 men. 



^. 



MOSLKM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 175 

More than a month elapsed in organizing the army and pladng it 
on a new footing. Sa'd arranged it in diyisions, subdivisions, and oom- 
panies broken np into squads of ten men each, every one being com- 
manded by its decurion, in imitation of the method adopted by Mo* 
j l^ inm a d in all his expeditions. All the officers, the subaHem as well 
as the higher ones, were selected among the oldest Musalmins, but espe- 
cially among those who had fought under the prophet. Yet another 
month elapsed in transmitting news of these arrangements to the Eliilify 
and waiting for his orders to begin operations. These orders arrived at 
laat : the army moved away from Shirtf and set out in the direction of 
KMesyah, but halted first at Osayb, where it took possession of a small 
fort abandoned by the Persian garrison at its approach. From this place 
Sa'd B. Vot:d9 despatched squadrons of cavalry to scour the country all 
round ; one of these detachments advanced in the direction of Hirah 
and met a company of Persians conveying Sinnin, the sister of the 
Marzbin who commanded the city, to the gcvemor of another place^ 
whose bride she was. Her escort was soon dispersed, and she was, 
together with the rich dowry intended for her husband, carried to the 
camp of Oisayb. 

Kadesyah, on the western frontier of £'dLV> was situated four miles 
north-east of Ozayb and about four leagues distant from Hirah, between 
the ** ditch of Sh^pdr,"* a fosse dug by the just-named king to impede 
the invasion of the Arabs, and the bed of an old arm or canal of the 
Euphrates at that time nearly dry, called *'Al-a'ty^," crossed by 
the " Kantarat-al-a'tyt," i.^. bridge of the a'ty^: or old arm, on the 
road leading to Hirah. Kddesyah succumbed without a blow, and the 
Musalmin vanguard took up a position near it, in front of the just- 
mentioned bridge, whilst Sa'd with the rearguard stationed himself at 
Kodays, a small fort in the district of Ozayb, the rest of the army being 
scattered on the intervening ground, whilst the wives and children of 
the soldiers remained under the protection of a detachment in Ozayb 
itself. 

In this position Sa'd determined to wait for the attack of the Per- 
sians, but die troops of Yazdegird, shut up in the towns and fortresses 

* The Khanddk Shdhpur was a broad and deep trench extending from the 
town of Hyt to the district of K&zima on tho Forsian Gulf, which proved in the 
end bat a weak obstacle to tho Arabs, as tho greater part was soon filled with 
nnd. Its traces, however, still existed in front of the little town of Kadesyah, 
md a portion of it was yet kept in good condition. (Caussin do Perceval, 
Suai tur VHUtoire dea Arabcs, &c. II. p. DI.) 



176 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA.. 

situated on both banks of the Euphrates, kept themselves immoYeable, 
desirous to allure the enemy into the interior of the country, where 
they hoped to be able to fight him to greater advantage. Meanwhile 
squadrons of Musalm^n cavalry were gradually detached from head- 
quarters, and devastated t&e whole frontier from Anbibr as far as the dis- 
trict of Easkar and of Mays&n. They rushed suddenly on unprotected 
points and carried off cattle, grain, fruits and provisions, which they 
rapidly conveyed to their camp, and thus maintained abundance. The 
agricultural population, being greatly distressed by these raids, inces- 
santly complained to Yazdegird, and at last declared that in case of his 
failing to succour it, the people would be compelled to hold out their 
hands to the Musalmdns. 

Chapter VII. — The Musalma'n Deputation to Yazdegird. 

Whilst Yazdegird, much agitated by the depredations of the Arabs 
and the cries of distress of his people, was endeavouring to spur 
Rustum his generalissimo to energetic measures, a deputation of 
fourteen Musalmans* arrived in Madayn. The noble and venerable 
aspect of the oldest, the proud and martial bearing of the youngest, the 
simplicity of their costume, their striped cloaks, their sandals, the 
slender whips they carried in their hands, the beauty and vigour of 
their horses, all struck with surprise the people whom curiosity had 
gathered around them. 

After they had been brought into the presence of Yazdegird, he 
asked them first some indifferent questions through an interpreter. He 
wished to know how they called their cloaks, whips, and sandals. They 
replied Burd^ Sauf, and Na*L The analogy between the sound of these 
Arabic words and the Persian ones designating ideas of taking, burning, 
and lamenting, appeared of so unwelcome a purport to the monarch 
and his officers that they changed colour. 

"What motive brings you here ?" then said Yazdegird, "and why 
has your nation taken up arms against us ? " No'm^ B. Ma(:arrii], 
who was the spokesman of his colleagues, replied, " God commanded 
us by the mouth of his prophet to extend the dominion of Islam over 
all nations. That order we obey, and say to you. Become our brothers 
by adopting the Faith, or consent to pay tribute if you wish to avoid 
war. 

* • As the names of these foarteeD deputies do not agree with those I find in 
Tabari, I omit them. 




MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PEBSU. 177 

** The dissensions which hare for some years troubled Persia hare 
greatly emboldened you," said Yazdegird, '* but we are now in a position 
to make you feel our power as you experienced it formerly, when the 
garrisons of our frontiers sufficed to stop you or to chastise you. Mice 
and serpents are your food, and you have nothing to dress with except 
the wool of camels and sheep. Who are you to tackle yourselves on 
to our empire ? Of all the nations of the world you are the poorest, the 
most disunited, the most ignorant, the most estranged from the arts 
which constitute the sources of wealth and power. If a foolish pre- 
sumption has taken hold of you, open your eyes, and cease to indulge 
in deceitful illusions. If misery and want have driven you out from 
your deserts, we shall grant you food and raiment, we shall deal liber- 
ally with your chiefs, and we shall give you a king who will govern you 
with gentleness and wisdom.'* 

The deputies kept silence for a while, but one of them soon broke it : 
** My companions,*' said he, *' are men of distinction among Arabs. If, 
in consequence of a demeanour which their sense of delicacy impels 
them to use towards an august personage, they hesitate to reply and 
frankly to express their thoughts, I shall do it for them and speak with 
the liberty of a Bediwi. What thou hast said about our poverty, our 
divisions, and our state of barbarism was nevertheless true. Yes, we 
were so wretched that persons could be seen among us appeasing their 
hunger by feeding on insects and serpents, whilst some killed their 
daughters to avoid sharing their food with them. Plunged in the dark- 
ness of superstition and idolatry, without laws or restraint, always foes to 
each other, we were occupied only in robbing and killing each other. 
This is what we have been. At present we are a new people. God has 
raised in our midst a man, the most distinguished of Arabs by the 
nobihty of his birth, by his virtues, by his genius ; and God has selected 
him to be his apostle and his prophet. Through the organ of this 
man God has said to us, ' I am the only God, eternal, the creator of 
the universe. My goodness sends you a guide to direct you. The way 
which he shows you will deliver you from the pain I reserve in the life 
to come for the impious and the criminal, and will lead you near me, 
to the sojourn of felicity.' Persuasion gradually insinuated itself into 
our hearts ; we have beUeved in the mission of the prophet ; we have 
recognized that his words are the words of God, and his commands the 
commands of God, and that the religion he announced to us, which he 
called IsUm, is the only true religion. He has enlightened our uiiuds, 
23 ras 



178 MOSLEM CONQIIKST OF PERSIA. 

he has extinguished our hatreds, he has united us to a society of 
brothers under laws dictated bj divine \visdom. Then he said to os^ 
* Complete my work, spread everywhere the dominion of Isldm. The 
earth belongs to God, he gives it to you. The nations which shall 
embrace your faith will be assimilated to yourselves ; they shall enjoy 
the same advantages and will be subject to the same laws. On those 
who will be desirous to retain their beliefs you are to impose the obli- 
gation of declaring themselves subject to you and of paying you tri- 
bute, in consideration whereof you arc to cover them with yonr protect 
tion. But those who shall refuse to accept Islam on the conditions of 
tributaries, you are to fight them until you have exterminated them. 
Some of you will perish in this struggle ; those who fall therein will 
obtain paradise, and those who survive, victory.* These are the des- 
tinies of power and glory towards which we confidently march. At 
present thou knowest us : it is for thee to choose either Islam or tribute, 
or else war unto death." 

** If I entertained no regard for your quality as deputies," replied 
Yazdegird, ** I would instantly deprive you of life." Uttering these 
words, he ordered a bag full of earth to be brought, and ironically 
alluding to the tribute the envoys had ventured to demand he said 
to tbem, **This is all you will get from me. Return to your 
general. Inform him that Rustum will in a few days go to bury 
him with his whole army in the trcn(^h of Kadesyah." Then he 
added, " Let this bag be placed on the shoulders of the chief of 
the deputation, and let these men be pushed out from the gates of 
Madayn." Asim Ben A'mru hastened forward to receive this load» 
and, far from feeling humbled thereby, he lifted it on his head with 
an air of satisfaction, which appeared to Yazdegird to be a mark of 
stupidity. 

The Arabs had scarcely departed, when Rustum, having been in- 
formed of the details of the conference and of the manner in which 
it terminated, immediately understood the presage which had excited 
the joy of Asim. He sent persons to run after the deputies in order 
to take away from them the earth which they were carrying 
away as a pledge that heaven had granted them success in their 
war against the Persians ; they had however progressed so far that 
all pursuit was vain, and when they reached Kodays, Asim, deposits 
ing the bag before his general, exclaimed, '* The soil of Perria it 
ours !*' 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 179 

Chapter VIII. — Battle of Ka'desyah. 

• 

Rustum decided himself at last to put his army in motion, and ad- 
vanced towards the Euphrates. He made several halts in his march, 
bat wherever he passed, the rohberies and violence of his troops, which 
he vainly endeavoured to restrain, drew upon him the maledictions of the 
inhabitants. After that he encamped near Hirah, where he summoned 
the principal Arab Christians domiciled in that town to his presence, 
and bitterly reproached them for having paid allegiance to the Musal- 
mins, as well as aided them by paying contributions. Ibn Bakilah, one 
of these Arabs, replied, ** When even your troops were compelled to 
flee from the enemy, could we alone offer useless resistance ? We are your 
subjects, and it was your duty to defend us, but you knew not how to do 
it; be not therefore offended that we have ourselves ensured our safety by 
sacrificing a part of our possessions. Our condition, like that of the in* 
digenous population of these countries, is to obey the stronger party." 
Rustum admitted the justice of this excuse, was appeased, and dismissed 
the Christians of Hirah without exacting anything from them. 

Hitherto Rustum had marched very slowly, because he was probably, 
in spite of the magnitude of his army, apprehensive of meeting the 
same fate as the other generals whom the Musalmans had van- 
qaished, and perhaps hoped that the enemy would, from impatience^ 
or from the difficulty of subsisting for a long time in the same place, 
either attack him or disperse, or perhaps even return to Arabia. On 
perceiving, however, that the Musalmans obstinately stuck to their 
threatening position at Kddesyah, he resolved to attack them, and 
removed his camp to the same locality, pitching it on the banks of the 
old arm of the Euphrates, Al-A'tyk, just opposite to that occupied by 
the vanguard of Sa'd B. Voki9. 

In order to obtain personally an opportunity of ascertaining the 
spirit which animated the Musalmans, Rustum sent an invitation to 
some of their officers to have a parley, and Ribi' B. Amir, Hozay- 
fmh B. Hism, and Moghayrah B. Sho'bah came to him one after the 
other. He could not restrain himself from admiring the firmness of 
their language and the energy of their convictions. The only result 
of these' conferences was to fix the day and the place of the battle. 
It was agreed that the Persians should cross the A'tyk: and seek the 
Musalmans on the other bank. Rustum demanded that he should 
be allowed a free passage over the bridge, but Sa*d replied, ** We 
shall never yield that to you of which we are masters.'* After this 



ISO MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA, 

refusal, Rustum got a portion of the A'tyV^ filled with rubbish and 
fascines, so as to form a road, over which his whole army marched on 
the day agreed upon for the battle. He took his position on a; golden 
seat covered by a canopy, whilst the generals serving under his orders, 
such as Firuzdn, Mihran, Bahman, Zulh^jeb, Hormuzdn, and Jalenus, 
placed the troops in battle array, and distributed thirty-three elephants 
bearing towers filled with soldiers, and reseml^ling moveable castles, 
among the various corps, on the flanks and the centre of the army.* 

On the other hand the M usalmans also took their nteasures, in which 
however Sa'd, who suffered from the sciatic gout, and was moreover at 
that time afflicted with a malady which covered his body with ulcers, 
not being able to take part, remained shut up in the fort of Kodays ; 
on being however informed that with reference to this strange rumours 
were afloat, he came out, showed his wounds and was excused ; he 
appointed Khdled B. A'rfata to command in his stead, and exhorted 
the army in a lively allocution, addressed to those who were near 
enough to hear him, to deserve by their bravery the fulfilment of 
the promises of heaven; whilst at the same time the officers most 
distinguished for their ability to speak, as well as poets such as 
Shemmdkh, Hotayah 0*bdah B. Tabib and others, kept passing 
through the lines and inflamed the ardour of the soldiers by their 
speeches or by their verses. Then Sa'd ordered also the Surah of the 
Koran bearing the title ** The spoils '* to be recited, as was the custom 
of the Musalmans before fighting,- which excited their zeal and con- 
fidence to the highest pitch. 

The battle of Kadesyah lasted several days before the victory was 
decided and the fighting ceased, and the Arabs assigned to each day a 
separate name. The action commenced with single combats, but as 
the names given of the duellists by various authors do not agree, it 
will be best to omit them altogether. It is however certain that, as in 
several of the battles already described, also on this occasion, the hostile 
armies rushed at each other en masse when the number of duellists 
had grown very large, and the excitement became general. According 
to the Rauzat-al-9afa the Persian champions made many prisoners by 
throwing the hamcmdf over the heads of their antagonists, and so 

* According to Tabari, III. 388, about 50,000 men appear to have fonglit 
in this battle on the Persian, and 30,000 on the Musalm&n side. 

f The fcamand was a long rope with a noose — the lasso still in use ia South 
America to catch wild horses in the prairies. 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 181 

exasperated the Arabs that they made a general rush at them, bnt were 
receiyed with a deluge of arrows, whereupon they attacked the Persians 
with still greater impetuosity, throwing away their lances, and using only 
their sabres. Nothing is said about the elephants, whereas according to 
Tabari* they also played a conspicuous part by frightening the horses 
of the Musalmdn cavalry, but were turned away by one thousand men 
who ahghted and attacked them on foot. The contest lasted till night ; 
the carnage was great on both sides, but the contending parties appear 
to have been so equally balanced that neither of them gained an advan- 
tage over the other. This was called ** the day of Armit." 

When the next morn dawned, the Musalm^s, .who had buried their 
dead, entrusted their wounded to the care of the women in their rear at 
Ozayb, and prepared to renew the struggle ; the Persians also put 
themselves in motion and took position in a locality called Aghwd«. 
The hostile armies were drawn up in battle array and the fight com- 
menced : Persian and Arab warriors issued from the ranks, and the 
combat again lasted till night set in. Great numbers of Musalmans 
were slain. Sa*d B. Abu \6\f.i<}, sitting with his wife on the terrace 
of the castle, contemplated the fight. His wife, beholding the great 
number of Musalmdn corpses, exclaimed, " Alas I where art thou, O 
Mo«anna, son of Hdreiah V* Whereupon Sa'd gave her a slap on the 
face.f His wife, who was intelligent, continued, ** Why this jealousy ? 
ought you not rather to regret the deaths of so many Musalm^s?" 
Sa'd said td himself, '* This woman b aware that the position 
of the Musalmdns is bad, therefore she speaks thus. To-morrow I 
shall mount my horse, and I shall do what I can." Many more 
Musalm^s were yet slain on that day,| but according to others the 
Persians lost their best officers as well as 10,000 men. This was 
called •* the day of Aghwd*." On this day Rustum was deprived of the 
aid of his elephants, whose wooden towers had been overturned and 
broken on the eve. The Musalmdns had moreover contrived to drive 
against the Persian cavalry a number of camels covered with long 
pieces of loose cloth, and the strange aspect of the animals thus decked 
out frightened the Persian horses yet more than the sight of the 
elephants had terrified the Arab coursers. 

• Tabari, III. 890. 

t This little incident is also mentioned in the " Bauzat-al-fafa" in nearly 
tbe same words, 
t Tabari, III. 390. 



182 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 

The third day of this great battle proved to be still more sanguinar j 
than the two preceding ones. Here however again a difficnlty occnrs : 
Caussin de Perceval states, no doubt on good grounds, that on the 
second day of the battle reinforcements from Syria, where Khdled B. 
VoUd had been very successful, and which were therefore detached from 
his army, had arrived ; whereas according to Tabari these were not actual 
reinforcements, or had at any rate not arrived on this occasion ; for 
he says Ka'l^a* had taken the command of the army, and, knowing 
that Bustum would obtain reinforcements, he detached five thousand 
Musalm^ns, sent them away on the route to Syria and said, *' March 
to the distance of one parasang and remain there till to-morrow. When 
the Musalman army engages in the battle, you are to make your ap- 
pearance on the horizon, to induce the infidels to believe that the 
Musalmdns have received help." Ka'ka' took this measure because he 
feared the Musalmans might the next morning, on beholding the arrival 
of new Persian troops, become frightened, and take to their heels. 

The next morning [the third day] when the battle commenced, K&^^fs. 
passed in front 'of the Musalmans and said, " Be not dismayed, help 
vrill come to you this day." That moment the detachment appeared in 
sight. Ka'ka' ran to meet these troops and assigned to them a post 
distant from the soldiers, so as not to be recognized. The Musalmans 
raised their shouts of war for joy. The 20,000 men sent by Yazdegird 
had arrived, and without this stratagem of Ka'ljza' the Musalman army 
would have been annihilated.* The elephants, whose towers had been 
repaired, at first caused disorder among a portion of the Musalmdn 
troops. At last one of them was slain, and a second, whose eye had 
been put out and the extremity of his trunk cut off, issuing from the 
thickest of the fight began to run about from right to left on the battle- 
field, whilst the other elephants, wounded by the arrows of the Arabs, . 
and impelled by a similar rage, followed suit; and this formidable band, 
after rushing about for some time at random between the two armies, at 
last turned to the Persians, broke through their lines, jumped into the 
A'tyfc crossed it, and fled in the direction of Madayn. The battle, 
interrupted for a while by this strange spectacle, recommenced with 
such obstinacy that even night itself could not mitigate it. The battle 
of the past day had obtained the name of "the day of Amas"f — 

♦ Tabari, HI. 391. 

f Bead " Imis" by Zotenberg, Tabari, III. 390, but I do not take it upon 
myself to decide which pronunciation is the more correct. 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 18S 

probably, like the other, from some locality near which it had raged most; 
but this night was called " Lailat-al-harir,** " the night of roaring," from 
the confused noise of the clashing of arm^, shouting of men, and neigh- 
ing of horses. This night was fatal to the Persians, and the next morn- 
ing dawned upon their total defeat. Here again a difference occurs about 
the name of the man who slew Rustum the Persian generalissimo, but 
he was either Hilal B. Ollafa or HiUl B. O'lkama, or Amru B. Ma'di 
Karib. The account of Rustum's death is as follows : — 

The Persians resisted till the moment when the day became hot. 
Then a hurricane arose in the west, conveying into the eyes of the Persians 
a dust so black and so thick that the two armies were no longer able to 
distinguish each other. Rustum had caused his seat to be erected on the 
bank of the river, and caused one thousand camels loaded with gold and 
silver to be placed around it. Two thousand men were posted there, 
who spread a canopy over the seat of Rustum, to shelter him when the 
sun became burning hot. This canopy however was thrown by the wind, 
which blew with great violence, into the river of Kddesyah, named 
"A'tylj:," which connected the Euphrates with the Tigris. Rustum, being 
no longer able to keep his seat, sought shade near a camel and sat down. 
At the foot of the seat stood the banner called the Kaianian standard, 
originating from Kai, and borne by him on the occasion when, issuing 
from Espahdn, he vanquished Zohak. Since that time the Persians had 
been victorious in all the battles where this standard was present, and 
after every victory thus obtained some new jewels were added to its 
ornaments. 

When the heat had become still more powerful, or the dust had bUnd- 
ed the Persian soldiers, the Musalmins concentrated their efforts on' a 
aingle point, and broke into the centre of the hostile army. Rustum 
observed the position of his troops from the spot near the camels where 
he was seated : the troops of the centre were dispersed on the ground 
or standing, whilst the left and the right flanks had retained their 
positions. 

An Arab, named Hilal B. A'lkama, arriving near the camels loaded 
with the treasures of Rustum, struck about with his sabre, and acci- 
dentally hit the camel under which Rustum was sitting, whom the 
obscurity produced by the dust had hindered from seeing. The rope fix- 
ing the load of treasure on the camel's back having been cut, the load 
fell on Rustum' s head, who sprang to his feet in spite of the pain he 
felt, and threw himself into the canal in order to escape by swimming;. 



184 MOSLEM CONQUEST OP PERSIA. 

Hilul perceived a man endeavouring to flee, and smelt the odour of 
musk and perfumes ; lastly, he took notice also of the golden seat 
with the Kaianian standard, and recognized the seat of Bastam. As 
he heheld no one near the seat, he was sure that the man who had 
just thrown himself into the water must he Rustum himself* The 
latter not heing ahlc to move, hccause he had, when leaping, broken 
his leg, Hilul ran, seized it, cut Rustum's head off and tied it to the 
top of his lance. Then he mounted on the seat shouting, " MuBal- 
muns, I have killed Rustum !" The Musalmans replied by a shout of 
triumph. When the Persians saw the head of their commander, they 
gave way ; both the right and the left wing began also to flee.* 

The celebrated battle of Kadesyah was fought in the month Muharram 
A. H. 15 (Feb. — March C3fi) according to Caussin de Perceval, and 
Rasmusscn.f Ibn Khaldun places it in Muharram a.h. 14, but states 
that there are also authors who place it a.h. 16 ; Tabari also places 
it A.H. 14.^ 

Chapter IX. — The Musalma'ns rest themselves and 

STRENGTHEN THEIR POSITION. 

No pitched battle appears to have taken place between that of 
Kadesyah in the first month of a.h. 15 and the occupation of Madayn, 
which happened during the latter part of the same year.§ The army 
indeed is represented to have asked orders from O'mar to advance fur- 
ther, as the whole conquest had hitherto not been extended to any 
district of Persia, but was still limited to the E'rak, containing an Arab 
population but tributary to the Persian empire. It was the desire of 
O'mar that the army should for a while remain in its present advanced 
position near Kadesyah, but as the soldiers were falling sick he wrote 
to Sa'd as follows : — ** The Arabs must have a country in which there 
are camels, sheep, and pastures ; this is the air suitable for them. 
Ascertain from the inhabitants of the So wad where meadows and 
sheep are found, and establish thy camp there." Sa'd examined the 
whole country, and found the climate of Kufah most convenient, 

* Tabari, III. 897. 

t Annales Islamicif p. 1 ; but the month is not given there. 

X Tabari, III. 400. 

§• If wo adliero to tho data of Tabari, according to whom the battle of 
Kidusyah took placo a. n. 14, and Madayn was taken a. n. 1(1, the attermoai 
interval allowable will bo about 35 months, during which the MosalTD&ns 
received new accessions to their army, rested from fatigue, and strengthened 
their hold of £*r6k. 



. MOSLEM CONQUEST OF FERSIA. 185 

because the air is there as healthy as in the desert, and the country is 
but partially cultivated. Accordingly Sa'd established his camp there, 
and b^;an founding the town. 

The whole province of the Sowid, as far as Madayn, which had 
formerly been conquered by Khdled B. Walid and had been lost, was 
now again under Musalman power. During the time of Kh^led a 
portion of the inhabitants had been converted to Islum, and another, 
persevering in its own religion, had received from him charters of 
aecnrity and had paid tribute. When Sa'd had again taken possession 
of the Sowad the population wished to renew these treaties. Then Sa'd 
addressed the following letter to O'mar : — ** Those inhabitants of the 
SowM who are Musalmuns are entirely devoted to me, but those who 
had conserved their ancient religion and had treated with Khaled again 
fell away on the arrival of Rustum, and have made common cause with 
him. Now they allege that, having been forced by Rustum to submit, 
they were not in a condition to offer resistance, and they desire to renew 
the treaties we had formerly granted them. Moreover, the Persians 
were in the habit of levying a tribute in the Sowad in favour of certain 
courtiers of the king who received it. Some of these men are to this 
day in the country, whilst others are elsewhere, and some have gone 
to Madayn. What is to be done in these circumstances ?" O'mar 
replied to Sa'd, '' As to those who have remained faithful, and who 
have come to submit, observe towards them the conditions granted, 
and keep the engagements. But as for those who have not made 
their appearance to ask for peace, and who have committed acts 
of hostility, thou wilt know how to deal with them." This order 
of O'mar was expedited af^er deliberation with the companions of 
the prophet, who had judged thus ; and Sa'd obeyed their instruc- 
tions. 

After the battle of Kudesvah and the destruction of the Persian 
army, O'mar, fearing that the king of Persia might ask aid from the 
king of O'man and from the king of Hiudostmi, and that they would 
grant it, considered it proper to send a body of tror)p3 to the mouth 
of the Tigris, and to build there a town inhabited by Arabs, in order 
to hinder the Persians from introducing auxiliaries. Therefore he 
called for 0*tbah B. Ghazwan, who had been a companion of the 
prophet, and spoke to him thus : — ** God has caused Islim to 
triumph by my hand, and has broken the Persians. Now I want 
to have the route between Ilindostun and 0*m;in guarded, that the 
24 r a 9 



186 MOSLEM CONQUEST OT PERSIA. 

Persians may recelTe no aid from that side. Thou must go there 
with thy body of troops, and build a town where yoa will be 
comfortable, thou and the Musalmdn soldiers." This place» which was 
at first only considered a strategic point, soon attracted multitudes of 
Arabs from all quarters, and became in a few years a flourishing dty, 
called Bo9rah.t 

Hirah, formerly the capital of the Lakhmite kings, and afterwards 
the residence of Persian satraps, had hitherto lost nothing of its 
prosperity, but gradually decayed when Kufah, which soon became an 
important town, was built at a distance of three miles to the south- 
east of it. After Sa'd had ensured the submission of the neigh- 
bourhood of Hirah, he marched to Bdbcl, where the fragments of the 
Persian army had assembled under the generals Firuzin, HormusiUii 
and Mihr^; these he attacked and dispersed. Mihrdn retired to 
Madayn, destroying the bridge in his ref^ ; Hormuz&n reached the 
district of Ahvdz, and Firuzan went to shut himself up at Neh^yehd, 
where the treasures of the king of Persia were. 

On the right bank of the Tigris, near Sabat, was another town, 
named Nahr Shir, and situated opposite to Madayn, of which it was 
considered a dependency. As it was defended by a numerous garrison, 
Sa'd was obliged to besiege it. He employed engines of war and often 
assaulted the place, but the siege was protracted in spite of all his 
efforts. In order therefore to utilize the time and to employ the 
cavalry, the services of which were useless against enemies entrenched 
within walls, Sa'd despatched it to subjugate various districts ofWrils: 
west of the Tigris, where he had himself not yet penetrated with his 
troops. According to instructions received from 0*mar, he ordered his 
lieutenants who commanded these raids, to treat kindly the indigenous 
Arab population if it accepted the conditions to become tributary^ 
but to be severe against all who should attempt to elude them by 
flight. After a defence of several months the garrison of Nahr "Shfr, 
enfeebled and discouraged, evacuated the place, and escaped in boats to 
Madayn. 

Now everywhere the law of the Khalif was received without resist- 
ance, and all the parts of E'ralj: comprised between the Tigris and the 
Euphrates were definitively conquered by the Musalmin power. 

t According to Basmusseu, Bo^rah was foundod a.h. 14 (a.d. 035) : Annale9 
Ulamicif p. 1. 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. ' 187 

Chapter X. — The Taking of Madayn.* 
It has been seen in the preceding chapter that Sa*d B. Abu Vo^^ 
resting his troops at Kufah by order of O'mar ; the latter ad- 
dressed in the beginning of a.h. 16 a letter to him in the following 
terms : — " Thy army is now refreshed and rested, and God has spread 
IsUm in the world whilst the Persians remained quiet at Madayn. But 
if the Persians desire to remain quiet, do not thou do the same, but march 
and attack them. If God causes thee to triumph easily, we shall give 
him thanks ; but if he wishes thee to meet with resistance let me 
know." Sa*d put in motion his army, which consisted of 20,000 men. 
Soldiers from every town ran to enrol themselves under his banners ; 
for they knew that he would meet with no resistance, as Yazdegird 
possessed no longer a single man to take command of the army as a 
chief; so that when Sa'd arrived at Madayn his army numbered 60,000 
men. 

Yasdegird, being informed that Sa'd was already at Anb^r, assembled 
a council in order to deliberate on the choice of a general ; but no one 
was inclined to accept the appointment, and it was said to the king, 
" It will be necessary for thee to leave Madayn and to retire to other 
provinces of thy realm, such as Khorasin, the province of Fars, and 
Kirm&i. We shall accompany thee, and abandon Madayn to the Arabs." 
The thought of leaving Madayn was very painful to Yazdegird ; he 
nevertheless determined to abandon it. Meanwhile Sa*d advanced 
but slowly as far as Sibdt, one day*s journey from Madayn, because he 
vaa apprehensive of being stopped in hi^ march. At this news Yazde- 
gird fled in all haste, without having time to save his treasures, taking 
with himself only what he could, and abandoning the rest. The in- 
habitants of Madayn, the soldiers and the people, men and women, 
high and low, all equally left the city without thinking of the property 
which they left behind. Sa*d, being informed of their flight, sent a 
body of troops in command of Ka*^a' B. A'mru to pursue the fugitive^ 
and to capture Yazdegird ; but Ka'^a' did not succeed in overtaking 
him, and met only with a small band unable to defend itself, which he 
cat to pieces, and took possession of all it carried. 

• As Caassin de Perceval, to whom I am largely iudcbtod for the preceding 
portion of this paper, has not treated the subject of the conquest of Persia 
fiuiher, I am almost entirely reduced to theChruoicIc of Tabari, ii?hich is indeed 
most valuable, but it would have been useful to consult also other writers. The 
Bautai-al-^afa and other works treat on too many subjects ; they therefore 
eontain hot few details on this most interesting and last episode of the Sus^ 
niaa ampire. 



188 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF P£RSIA. 

■ 

After having despatched Ka'ka', Sa'dput himself at the head of his 
army and marched into Madayn, which he found deserted. On per- 
ceiving the splendid palaces and gardens he recited the following verse 
from the Koran: — ''How many gardens and fountains, and fields of 
corn, and fair dwellings, and advantages which thej enjoyed, did thej 
leave behind them ! Thus [we dispossessed them thereof] and we gave 
the same for an inheritance unto another people. Neither heaven 
nor earth wept for them." (Surah XLIV. 24 et seq.). On proceeding 
to the Ayovan, or royal palace, Sa'd beheld a magnificent structure 120 
cubits broad, 300 long, and 100 high ; it had been built not of bricks 
but of polished marble, and twelve columns of the same material, each 
100 cubits high, formed the portico. This palace had been constructed 
by Kob^d the son of Firuz, and in it the king, seated on a throne of 
gold, held his audiences of justice. 

Sa'd encamped with his army near the palace, on entering which he 
prostrated himself eight times to the ground, uttered the Sal^m, reciting 
at each prostration the Fdtcha with another Surah, and pronouncing 
after every two prostrations the confession of faith. Then Sa'd charged 
A'mru B. Mo1s:arrin with the keeping and distribution of the booty, all 
of which when found was to be entrusted to A'mru, who collected the 
whole of it and distributed it afterwards among all. Then he moonted 
his horse and returned to the city, where he alighted in the castle of 
Eesra, and saw apartments, the number of which is known to God alone^ 
filled with gold, silver, garments, precious stones, arms and tapestry. 
The soldiers dispersed everywhere collecting everything and carrying it 
to A' mm B. Mokarrin. Ka'ka' B. A'mru, who had gone as far as the 
bridge of Nahrwan, brought back firom his expedition enormous plunder, 
which being united to the above formed an immense quantity of riches. 
After having deducted one-fifth therefrom, the remainder was distri- 
buted among the G0,000 cavalry and infantry which constituted the 
army, every man receiving 12,000 dirhems for his share; there were 
moreover many objects sent as homage to O'mar, and a multitude of 
inestimable value, and several of which no use whatever could be made. 
According to the Rauzat-al-qafay cart-loads of camphor also were fi>und, 
which the Arabs at first mistook for salt. 

Ka'ta* had found at the bridge of Nahrwan, attached to the hack of 
a camel, a box containing a tunic of Kesra embroidered with pearls^ 
among which were also red rubies. It contained likewise other garments 
of gold tissue, the crown of Kesra, his ring, and six pieces of gdd 



HOSLEX CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 189 

brocade* All this was sent to O'mar. In the collection of anns a 
cupboard containing the arms of Kesra garnished with pearls was 
diacoTered, as well as his cuirass of gold, his helmet, with leg and 
arm pieces, all of gold ; further six Solomonian coats of mail, with 
nine costly sabres. In the treasury a horse made entirely of gold, 
coTered with a silver saddle set with precious stones, was found; 
alao a camel of silver with a foal of gold. All these objects were 
lent to 0*mar, as well as a carpet of white brocade, which had like- 
wise been found in the treasury, 300 cubits long by 60 broad, and 
named the winter carpet. The kings of Persia made use of it in the 
winter season, when there were no longer any flowers or verdure. The 
whole border was fringed with green emeralds, so that any one sitting 
on this carpet beUeved himself to be in a meadow or green field. Pre- 
cious stones of vario\is colours represented all kinds of odorous herbs 
and flowers. In the magazine of perfumes were vases of glass contain- 
ing camphor, ambergris, musk, and other perfumes, which were likewise 
salt to O'mar over and above the fifth part of the spoils, with a large 
number of other objects. When all these riches arrived at Medinah, 
the Khalif had them deposited in the mosque, and the people looked at 
them with amazement. Then O'mar caused them to be distributed 
among the Musalmans in conformity with the regulations fixed by the 
administration of gifts. A'li received a piece of the great carpet, which 
he sold for the sum of 8,000 dirhems. People came from all directions, 
from the east and west, from Egypt and from Yemen, to Medinah, to 
buy precious stones, gold and silver. The occupation of Madayn 
took place in the month of ^afar a.h. 16 (March 637).* 

Chapter XI. — The Taking of Jalu^la' and op Holwa'n. 

After his flight from Madayn Yazdegird had retired to Holw^, 
and Sa'd B. Abu Yo^9 asked 0*mar for permission to follow him 
there. The Khalif replied, " Do not go there thyself, but send [the 
ion of] thy brother Hashem with 12,000 men, and give the command 
of the vanguard to Ka*]ca' B. A'mru. As for thyself, remain at Madayn, 
to send them reinforcements in case of need." Sa'd acted in conformity 
with these orders, and when Hashem arrived at Jaldla he found the 
Persians concentrated in one army under the orders of a general 
named Mihran. Hashem spent there six months in fighting, till he suc- 
ceeded in routing them.f The reason of this delay must no doubt have 

• Tabari, p. 418. 



190 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PIBSIA. 

been the precautions taken for the protection of Jaldld by the Persian 
general Mihrdn B. Behrdm. He surrounded his camp with a large 
trench and thorny bushes, and these impediments must haye been 
quite sufficient to baffle an opponent in an age in which artillery 
and gunpowder were unknown, and the war engines which the 
Musalmaus could use must have been extremely imperfect; they 
had however one great resource, to which they always resorted in 
similar cases, — they hemmed their opponents in closely and starred 
them, until they were either forced to capitulate, or to come out and 
fight. The latter appears to have been the case in this instance, and, 
according to the Bauzat-al-ca/af the battle commenced as usual with 
single combats, which brought on a general fight resulting in the 
defeat of the Persian army. Tabari states that Mihran with 100,000 
men fell in the plain of Jaliila ; it is however not only very improbable 
that he had so large an army, but impossible that such a number could 
perish in a single battle, as such a thing has never happened in any 
modem engagements, even with the terrible powers used in our times, in 
comparison with which the arrows and swords of the seventh century must 
be considered as mere toys. It is also hard to believe that the Musaknins 
could have been so bloodthirsty as to murder in cold blood the unfor- 
tunate people, to make up that large number. The booty obtained in this 
town was immense, so that, after deducting one-fifth part of it to send 
to Medinah, every soldier received 10,000 dirhems for his share. This 
victory was gained in Zulka'dah a.h. 16 (Nov.-Dec. 637). 

At the news of the defeat of his army and the death of Mihran, 
Yazdegird left Holwan and proceeded in the direction of Key, leaving in 
the former place a body of troops under general Khorzad,* ordering him 
to give the Arabs as much occupation as he could about Holwdn in order 
to keep them off from himself. Sa'd being informed of the departure of 
Yazdegird by Hashem ordered the latter to remain in the place where 
he was, and to despatch Ka'ka' with a moiety of his troops against 
Holwan. Khorzdd marched against Ka'^a' as far as the place named 
Ka^r Shirin, '* the castle of Shiriu," situated one parasang from Holw&, 
on the banks of a river near which there were large trees, where 
Khorzad pitched his camp. There the two armies met ; the Persians 
were defeated, but Khorzdd escaped and joined Yazdegird. Ka't^a' 
entered Holw^ and wrote the following letter to Hashem : — ** Ask 
Sa'd to authorize me to pursue Yazdegird beyond Holwdn before he 

* Always Khosumsum in Tabari, with a sign of intorrogation by Zotenbeig* 



HOSLKM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 191 

■rrives at Rey and is able to collect an army.*' Sa'd informed O'mar 
of the taking of Holwan, and asked him for permission to send troops 
towards Hamaddn and Rey. But O'mar refused, and replied, <' Hol- 
win is at the extremity of the E*rak ; accordingly you are now in 
possession of the whole of the Sawdd and the E*rak. Tliat will do for 
this year. The safety of the Musalmdns is preferable to great spoils." 
From this letter, as well as from several others inserted before, it 
appears that O'mar was better acquainted with the difficulties and 
dangers to be surmounted in subjugating gradually and then retaining 
the yast dominions of Persia than his generals, who were always 
anxious to gain yictories, to make spoils, and to proceed further, 
without considering what might happen in their rear. Tliis undue 
ardour he often wisely cooled by interdicting further movements, — not 
impeding, however, raids and small expeditions near to the chief 
camps. In this manner Musalman supremacy was now maintained 
permanently in the conquered districts of £*rak, which had on a former 
occasion been lost ;* this supremacy was still more confirmed by the 
retirement and concentration of the Persian troops at more distant 
points, which now abandoned to the Arabs the districts they had al- 
ready occupied, and endeavoured to prevent their penetrating further 
into the country. These defensive measures enabled the Arabs to 
strengthen their footing cverj'whcre, gave them time to raise fresh levies, 
and to pour them into the country. 

In the above-quoted letter of O'mar he had merely prohibited fur- 
ther progress iuto the Persian dominions, and although the towns of 
MiLsebedun and Shirvdn, belonging to the territory of the Kolicstun, 
were both situated in the vicinity of Uolwan, Sa'd nevertheless considered 
it proper first to obtain permission from O'mar to take them, inasmuch 
as Masebedan was defended only by a small body of Persian troo]*3. 
0*niar ordered Sa'd to despatch Zerur B. Khattub to take both towns ; 
the latter accordingly left Madayn and proceeded to ]\Iu5ebedun. The 
Persian general collected all the troops he had at Musebedun and at 
Shirw^n, and marched to meet the Musalmun army. The battle raged 
so fiercely tliat it lasted three davs. Zcrur defeated the Persians, killed 
many of them and made numerous prisoners. ^lasebedan and Shirwan 
sarrendcred to the Musalmuns. From that time Islam ])revailed all 
over the £*rak, from the heights of Ilolwan as far as Mo^ul and Syria. 
This was at the end of a.h. 16 (December 637- January 638). 



Sco Cliaptor III. 



192 moslem conquest of persia. 

Chapter XII. — ^The Musalma'ns build Kufah, and 

HOSTILITIES CEASE FOR ONE FULL YEAR. 

We have seen in the beginnmg of Chapter IX. that Sa*d B. Abu 
Yo]j:d9 had already begun to lay the foundations of the town of Knfah 
A.H. 15, after the victory at Kadesyah. Then he had merely erected 
reed huts and traced the outline of the town, and was soon called 
away. * Now however, two years after that event, he again returned to 
the place, in order to rest his troops, by order of the Khalif. He left 
Madayn and brought from the Sawud all persons, whether Musalm^nB 
or not, who possessed some knowledge of architecture. He Hkewise 
summoned the governors of various towns, who appointed lieutenants 
to take their places, to Kufah, and assigned to them plots of ground 
to build upon. O'mar addressed to Sa*d a letter in which he 
said, " Build according to just proportions, that your fortune may he 
durable." By expressing himself in this manner 0*mar meant to say 
that they were to erect houses which should be neither too small nor too 
large. Accordingly everybody commenced to build ; but Sa'd caused 
a splendid palace to be built for himself, on the model of the white 
palace he had seen at Madayn, the gate of which he had from the 
latter place caused to be brought to Kufah and to be placed in hifl own 
palace. The other people imitated him, carried off the doors ftom the 
houses at Madayn, and used them in their houses at Kufah. 

When O'mar learnt that Sa'd B. Abu Vokac had caused such a 
palace to be built for himself, he was highly displeased, and calling 
for Muhammad B. Maslama, spoke to him as follows: — "Betake thy- 
self to Kufah, procure wood, get it carried to the palace of Sa'd, and 
bum the whole palace. After having done this, place this letter on my 
part into the hands of Sa'd without telling him one word, and return." 
It was announced to Sa'd that a messenger from O'mar had arrived, 
but that his mission was unknown. Muhammad B. Maslama, having 
arrived near the palace, ordered a large quantity of wood to be brought 
and to be set on fire. Sa'd sent a person to summon Muhammad 
into his presence, in order to ascertain the object of his mission. 
Muhammad appeared before Sa'd and said to him : — " Come and see 
thyself the object of my mission." Sa'd arose and went out. Afler 
having set the palace in flames Muhammad handed to Sa'd the letter 
of O'mar without saying one word more, and departed. Sa'd opened 
the letter, the contents of which were as follows : — "I have learnt that 

• See beginning of Ch. X. 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OP PERSIA. 193 

ihoa hast built for thyself a palace like the palace of Kesra, the gate 
of which thou hast taken away and fixed to thy own. It is probably 
thy intention to place doorkeepers and guards at tliis gate, to keep 
off or to refuse to hsten to those who may Imvo a request to make. 
Thou meanest then to follow the aberrations of Kesra by abandoning 
the injunctions of the prophet ? Kesra was however carried from his 
palace to the tomb, whilst the prophet was conveyed from tlie tomb to 
a palace. Now I have sent some one to burn thy palace ; he will not 
fear thee. One single modest house is to sutHce thee in this world in 
which to live, and another in which to deposit and to guard the public 
treasure. Then thou wilt go from thy house to a palace, like the 
prophet, and not from a palace into the tomb, like Kesra.'* Sa'd then 
intended to give provisions for his journey to jMuhammad B. Maslama, 
bat he refused them. Afterwards SaM occupied a habitation com- 
posed of two buildings, in one of which he dwelt, and tlic other he used 
as a treasury. The palace was in ruins till the reign of Moa'vyah 
B. Abu Sofyan ; it was however repaired l)y Zya\l, whom Moa'vyah had 
appointed governor of this province, and became after him the royal 
residence. 

During the whole of a.ii. 17 (a. d. 6^8) the building of Kufah was 
carried on, and there was no campaign in the E'rul^.* 

Chapter XIII. — Conqukst of some Towns of tiih Aiiwa'z, Ex- 
pedition FROM liA I IRA IN, AND (/AI»TURE OF IIoRMUZA'n, FROM 

A.II. 18 ((>3y-640) TILL A.II. *21 (Dec. CIO till Oct. 31, 64\). 
Hormuziin being of royal blood and enjoying great authority was 
king of the Ahwaz ; the government of this province, which contained 
seventy towns, was hereditary in his family, and he as well as his an- 
cestors had the riglit of wearing a crown. This right was enjoyed by 
seven families in Persia, who were by tlieir origin the equals of the 
king of Persia, only their crowns were somewhat smaller than those 
of the sovereign. Hormuzuu, who had at the demand of Yazdegird 
taken part with a numerous army in the battle of Ktidesyah under 
the orders of Kustum, returned after the defeat to the Ahwaz, and 
oontinued to govern that province, the limits whereof were contiguous 
to the territory of Bo^rah, into which Ilormuzun made incursions and 
slew many Musalmans. O'tbah 15. Ghazvan, the governor of Bo^rah, 
informed 0*inar of this fact, and the latter wrote to SaM B. Abu Vokm» 
to send reinforcements to O'tbali. Accordingly SuM despatched ri,000 

• Tiiliiiri. 111. 12.5. 
2i) r a jf 



194 nOSLEM CONQUEST OF TERSIA. 

men under the command of Noa'im B. Mokarrin and of A'bdnllah B. 
Masu*d ; O'tbah on his part hkevnse detached a body of troops from the 
army of Boi^rah commanded by Salnidn B. Al-Kaim, and another by 
Harmalah B. Martabah. After these two armies had joined each other, 
they estabUshed their camp at Dost Maysan, whence they marched into 
the Ahwdz, Ilormuzan being at that time in a town called Tera. 

. The province of Ahwaz was surrounded by the Arab tribe Kulayb 
B. Wdil, with whom Ilormuzan had some disputes about certain terri- 
tories' and villages ; on this occasion, however, he was very anxious 
that they should co-operate with him against the Musalmans, but they 
refused, and promised their aid to the latter, whom they invited 
to oflFer battle on a certain day, when they would fight on tlieir side. 
Hormuzan being informed of the approach of the Arabs reviewed his 
army, and made arrangements for a battle. On the day fixed, the* 
Musalman army divided itself into two bodies, and the troops of Kufah 
attacked the flanks of the enemy, who was already beginning to get 
weakened, when the army of Bo9rah arrived, and after still resisting for 
a while took to flight, when also the Kulayb B. Wiiil made their 
appearance on the battle-field. Then Hormuzan retreated to Sdk-al- 
Ahwaz, the capital of his province, situated on the two banks of the 
little Tigris, Dujayl, and well fortified ; but Ilormuzan fortified also 
the bridge which connected the two banks. 

Afterwards O'tbah despatched Horku^ with reinforcements against 
Hormuztin, who coming out from Sdk-al-Ahwjiz challenged the Mu- 
salmdns to fight, but they sent him the following message, "Cross 
the river and come to us, or we shall cross it and go to thee." Hor- 
muzan replied, " It is for you to cross the river." Accordingly 
Hort:u9, whom O'tbah had appointed commander-in-chief of all the 
Musalman troops, crossed the Dujnyl, and a battle took place, which 
was the most sanguinary that had been fought at Bocrah and in the 
Ahwdz. Hormuzan was put to flight, and many of his soldiers were 
killed by the Musalmans ; and he retreated to another town of the 
Ahwaz called Ram-Hormuz, where he fortified himself. Horku9 then 
took possession of Sdk-al- Ahwaz, and sent immediately an officer who 
had come from Medinah named Hurr B. Moa'vyah, in pursuit of 
Hormuzin. O'mar on his part also despatched orders to Sa'd to 
expedite new forces from Kufah towards the same destination. Seeing 
that Musalman armies were arriving from all sides to attack him, 
Uormuzdu made proposals of peace to Hurr and to Ilor^u^, demanding 



\ 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIi^. 195 

that he should be left in possession of the Ahwaz. When Horku9 
demanded instructions from O'niar, lie replied, "Make peace with 
him, stipulating that you will retain the towns you now possess, and 
he those which he still possesses." Peace was concluded on these 
terms. Ilormuzan remained at llum-IIormuz, and Horku9 at Sulj:-al- 
Ahwaz. 

The towns situated beyond the Ahwdz in the province of Firs were 
8till in the power of the Persians and of Yazdegird, who resided at Rey. 
After havuig obtained possession of a part of the Ahwaz, HorVu9 ad- 
dressed a letter to O'mar, and asked permission to undertake an expe- 
dition into the province of Furs. O'mar replied, " Do not attack this 
province. Be contented with the Ahwaz. The army is not to be too 
distant from me, m countries where it could not communicate with me, 
and where I could not send reinforcements. Fix the limits of the MusaU 
vain empire on the side of Bo^rah at Ahwnz, and on the side of the E'rat 
at Hoi wan.*' It appears from this letter that after fighting for ten 
years, and conquering during all that time only the E'ra^: with a portion 
of the Ahwaz, the Musalmims had — in spite of the distracted state of 
Persia and the rapid succession of feeble sovereigns, which ceased only 
with the ascension to the throne of a youth not more than twenty 
years old, whose armies they had likewise been defeating during several 
years — not yet become powerful enough to invade Persia proper, which 
was however entered by the ill-concerted expedition from Bal.irain, to 
extricate which the army of 13o9rah was compelled to enter Furs, as 
will now be narrated : — 

O'mar had an agent in Bahrain whose name was A'la B. Al-Hazrami, 
who had been appointed to that post by the prophet himself, and 
maintained in it by Abu Bekr. To this man O'mar had written a letter 
just before the battle of Kadesyah, and had ordered him to join Sa'd 
B. Abu Voka9 ; but A'la begged to be excused from this campaign, as 
he was unwilling to serve under Sa'd. O'mar agreed and left him in 
Balirain ; when however A'la heard how many victories Sa'd had gained, 
and how many conquests he had made as far as Holwan, and that the 
army of Bocrah had penetrated as far as the Ahwaz, he also became 
desirous of undertaking an expedition and of gaining triumphs. Accord- 
ingly, without asking the Khalif for authorization, he embarked with the 
army of Bahrain, crossed the sea intervening between it and Pars, and 
made his appearance under the walls of a town named E^takhar. 
O'mar never allowed any expeditions across the sea ; he feared that the 



196 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 

army might incur dangers, and alleged that neither the prophet nor Abn 
Bekr had ordered any expeditions to be undertaken by sea. Accord- 
ingly he was much displeased when he heard that A* la had embarked. 

The prince who governed the province of Furs as a vassal of Yazde- 
gird was named Shahrokh,'*' and had under his orders the governor of 
£9takhar whose name was Mobed.f When the latter heard of the 
approach of A'la he collected an army and marched against him. In 
the engagement which took place many fell on the side of the Musal- 
jndns as well as on that of the Persians. Then the governor asked for 
reinforcements from Shuhrokh, who was at Shiraz, the usual residence 
of the governor of the province of Fars. Shuhrokh made an appeal to 
the whole province and assembled a large army. A'la B. Al-Hazrami» 
who perceived that he could not resist all these forces, retraced his 
steps. When he arrived on the sea-shore, he desired to embark in his 
ships, but they could not be found. The Musalmdns were greatly em- 
barrassed, and tried to march to Bocrah by the way of the Ahwiz, but 
Shahrokh, being informed of their intention, cut oflf their route. There- 
fore they remained, to the number of .5000 men, without being able to 
retreat either from the direction of £9takhar, nor from the sea, nor 
towards the Ahwdz. 

When O'mar was informed of their position, he sent the following 
letter to O'tbah B. Ghazwdn: — "A'la B. Al-Hazrami has, without any 
orders of mine, led the army of Bahrain into the province of Fars, 
where he is blocked up by the enemy. Send a body of troops from 
Bo^rah by way of the Ahwaz, to endeavour to disengage the Musdlman 
soldiers in such a manner from the .enemy as to insure their retreat, 
even at the risk of, for the present, abandoning the conquest of the pro- 
vince of Fars." Then he wrote to A'la in these terms : — " God has 
appointed sovereigns to be obeyed. Whatever is done besides their 
orders turns out bad. Thou hast on thy own responsibility caused the 
army to leave Bahrain and hast thrown it into the midst of enemies. I 
have now recommended to the army of Bograh to go to your assistance, 
in order to try to disengage the Musalmans. As to thyself, thou art not 
to return to the Bahrain. Thou wilt betake thyself to Sa'd B. Abu 
Yoka^ ; and if I knew a thing in the world more disagreeable to thee 
than to serve under the command of Sa'd I would impose it on thee." 

• Shehcrek, as spelt by somo anthora. 

t Tabari appears to bavo been ignorant of his real name, and therefore nscd 
this OQC, wLicii designated a claus aud uot an individual : Tabari, HI., p. 45S. 




HOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 197 

After perusing tho letter of the Klialif, O'tbah B. Ohnzwun sent 
5000 men of the army of Bocrah by the route of the Ahwaz into the 
province of Pars. When these troops arrived near the camp of Shah- 
rokh, at Tawaz,* a place situated on the confines of the Ahwaz and of 
the province of Pars, they attacked the enemy and compelled him to 
Tetire. Then A'la, who had lefl the sea-shore, joined the Musalmdns, and 
Abu-Sabra B. Abu Buhm, who commanded the expedition, handed him 
the letter of the Khalif. Thereupon both corps returned to Bocrah, 
where 0*tbah dissolved the army of the Bahrain, which was composed of 
irarious Arab tribes from the Hejr, ordering every man to rejoin his own 
tribe, and sent A*U to Sa'd. O'tbah remained at Bo9rah, and Ilormu- 
IJD in the Ahwaz. 

The news of the events that had taken place in the Ahwaz, and in 
the province of Pars which had been invaded by the army from the 
Bahrain and again abandoned by it, having reached the ears of Yazde- 
gird, he addressed from Rey a letter to the people of Pars to the follow- 
ing purport : — " You have cared so little for your religion, and you have 
allowed the Arabs to gaiu so many advantages, that they have, after 
conquering the E'riik, the Sawad, Madayn our country and our capital, 
also attacked the Ahwaz ; neither have you given assistance to Ilormu- 
xan, 80 that he has been compelled to abandon to them one-half of that 
province. They have after that invaded the province of Pars, your own 
country, and you were not moved ; they were enabled to effect their 
retreat sound and safe. Unite now your efforts to those of Hormuzdu, 
that he may defend Ahwaz. Send him troops, that he may begin the 
war again, and regain the portion of his country which he has lost." 
Yazdegird wrote also to Ilormuzan, and announced to him that he had 
recommended to Shuhrokh and to the inhabitants of Pars to render 
him assistance. The latter indeed informed Ilormuzan that they would 
come to his aid, and thus encouraged hiui for the coming struggle. 

0*mar, having been informed that Hormuzun had obtained the con- 
currence of the army of the province of Purs, and that he had broken 
the peace, sent orders to Abu Mdsa Al-Asha'ri to despatch a body 
of troops from Bo9rah against Ilormuzau, under the command of 
Abn Sabra, in order to conquer the whole Ahwaz, and to exi>el Ilor- 
muzan from it, so as to deprive the army of the province of Pars 
for ever of au opportunity to attack the Musalmans on the score of 

• To be mcutionod again in tliu begiuniog of Ch. XYIII. 



193 MOSLEM CONQUE.^T OF PERSIA. 

I 

aiding Hormuzan. Abu Milsa sent a detachment of troops from 6o9ra]i. 
The KhaUf addressed a letter to Sa'd B. Abu \6^c and ordered 
him to send from the E'rak into the Ahwaz troops which were to join 
the army of Bocrah in order to wage war against Uormuzan. Sa'd 
despatched a body of troops from Kufah, in command of No*iii4n B. 
Mokarrin. Lastly, in a letter addressed to Abu Sabra, O'mar appointed 
that officer to be the commander-in-chief of the united armies of Kufah 
and Bo^rah, and confided to him the direction of the war in the Ahwaz. 

Abu Sabra, having penetrated into the Ahwdz, encamped under the 
walls of Ram-Hormuz. Hormuzan asked for reinforcements from 
Shahrokh, who sent him a body of troops, and who went himself to 
occupy the town of Tuster, which was better fortified than Riim- 
Ilorniuz. Nevertheless when Hormuzan perceived that the Musalman 
army was very numerous, he left the fortress of Ram-IIonnuz, and 
likewise betook himself to Tuster, thus effecting his junction with the 
army of the province of Fars. Hereupon Abu Sabra took possession 
of Ram-Hormuz, left a small garrison there, and proceeded towards 
Tuster. He wrote to 0*mar that the enemy had obtained reinforce- 
ments, and likewise demanded fresh troops. O'mar instructed Abu 
Miisa Al-Asha'ri to march in person with the whole army of Bocrah 
to the assistance of Abu Sabra ; accordingly Abu Mdsa joined the 
army of Abu Sabra again (the latter retaining the supreme command), 
and took up his position under the walls of Tuster. The Musalm&s be- 
sieged this town for six months in vain, but at last entered it by an 
underground canal through which water was conveyed into the town, 
within which, however, there was also a citadel, where Uormuzan shut 
himself up, but was at last forced to capitulate, and was taken to Mc- 
dinah, where he became a Musalman. 

Chapter XIV.— The Taking of Neha'vend. 
Yazdcgird, who had been at Rcy for some time, but was aware that 
the Musalmans would again renew hostilities, did lis best to collect a 
numerous army, and to concentrate it at Nchavend under the command 
of Firuzan, who is likewise nicknamed by Tabari 'ZulWjeb,* 'endned 
with eyebrows,' just like Bahinan, who was also a Persian gene- 
ral, and had>cven years before fought at the Battle of the Bridge. In- 
formation concerning the preparations of the Persians was immediately 
sent to O'mar by A'bdullah Ebn Ftban (the successor of Sa'd B. 
Abu Voka9 after his recall from Kufah), who wrote to him that they 
had concentrated at Nehuvend larger forces than they had CTcr 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF ITRSIA. 199 

before. ** In n short while," continuetl he in his letter, ** this army 
will beeome still more numerous, Tvill march forward, will take Holwan, 
and will descend into the E'ralj:, so that the Musalmaiis will have to 
make great efforts to conquer it. Therefore the Musahiians ou{;ht to 
forestall it by crossing the heights of Holwan and carrying the war into 
the Kohestan, far from the boundaries of the E'rak." 

0*mar, being greatly distressed by the perusal of this letter, con- 
Toked the Musalmans, and communicated its contents to them in the 
mosque, where he declared also his intention to march in j)erson to Persia 
at the head of an army, but was dissuaded, and various opinions were 
broached about appointing a suitable general to lead it. In this per- 
plexity O'mar resorted to his usual habit of consulting A'bbas B. 
A*bd-Al-Mulalleb, who replied as follows: — "Thou must remain here, 
and send an army.*' This advice coincided with the hiclination of 
O^mar, who again asked, ** Now tell me who is to be placed at the 
head of this army ? " A'bbas replied, ** Commander of the Faithful ! 
thou art better acquainted with the army of the EVak than anybody 
else, and thou wilt be able to find the man needed." O'mar said, 
•'lam inclined to select No'man B. Mokarrin." "He is the man 
required," replied A'bbas. 

O'mar called out the army of Medinah and made it encamp without 
the town. Then he wrote a letter to No'nuin B. Mokarrin, who was 
in the Ahwaz, and orderetVhim to march to Nehavend. lie also wrote, 
*• I shall order !MiJ>«a Al-Asha'ri to send thee all the trooj)s of the Boiprah 
army he will be able to dispense with, and 1 appoint thee commander- 
in-chief of the whole army.*' Then he despatched his own son A'b- 
dullali at the head of the army of Medinah, which was comj»osed of 
5,000 Mohajers and Ancars. When this army left Medinah, O'mar 
lent orders to Abu Mdsa Al-Asha'ri to retain with him only one- 
third of the troops of Bocrah and of the Ahwaz, and to-abandon the 
other two-thirds to No'man for the expedition to Nehavend. The same 
order was communicated also to A'bdullah B. I'tban, who was to fur- 
nish No'man with the two-thirds of the forces of the E'rak and of 
Kufah. When No' man arrived from the Ahwaz at Bo9rah, Abu Musa 
put 10,000 men under his command. At Kufah he received from 
A'bdullah a corps of .'),00() men, composed of companions of the ])ro- 
phet, Arab chiefs and celebrated warriors such as Hozaifah B. Al-Ya- 
min, Jarir B. A'bdullah Al-Bajali, A'mru B. Madi Karib, Tolaihah 
B. Khovailad, and others. 



200 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSU, 

After the arrival of A'bdullah the son of O'mar with his 5,000 men 
from Medinah, No' man put his army, which now consisted of 20,000 
men, in motion, and marched through the Sawad towards Holwan, 
where he was joined by other soldiers, either Arabs or tributaries, to 
the amount of 10,000, who ilocked to his banners. Finding no enemies 
at Hoi wan, No' man crossed the mountains and arrived at Merj, whence 
he went to Tur. 

The Persians at Nehdvcnd had strengthened their position by ditches 
and ramparts, and in those days, when fortifications played an immense- 
ly higher part in the art of war than at present, they proved a consider- 
able obstacle to the Musalmans, who had ascertained that the Persians 
would not attack them, and had therefore crossed the distance of 25 
parasangs intervening between Tiir and Nehavend, and had encamped 
before it. They were imable to cross the palisades, and remained 
inactive in front of the town for two months. As No*m&n B. Mo^arrin 
continued in his position before the gates of Nehavend, Firoz^ sent 
him the message, ** Send us a man that we may come to an under- 
standing with him." No' man selected Mogliirah B. Sho'bah, who 
crossed the palisades and entered the town. A tent of gold brocade 
had been pre{)ared for the meeting. Firuzan was seated on the throne 
with a golden crown on his head, whilst soldiers armed with hinces 
and sabres stood by, and formed two lines, between which Moghirah 
advanced with his eyes fixed to the ground. . When he arrived i)efore 
the throne of Firuzan he stopped without lifting them. Then the 
soldiers touched him with the hilts of their swords and said, *' At 
least lift up thy eyes towards the prince, who is looking at thee !" 
Moghirah, who had lost an eye in the war, replied, " I have not 
come as an enemy ; I am an envoy, who is not to be treated as jou 
treat me at this moment, and I enjoy higher consideration among 
my people than this prince among yourselves." When the interpreter 
translated these words to Firuzan, he said, " He is right, do not act 
towards him unsuitably." Then he told Moghirah to sit down, and 
the latter obeyed. Firuzan said, " You Arabs are the most wretched 
and famishing people of the world. It would be easy for me to 
annihilate you all at once, because I have in my army a number of 
archers equal to the whole number of your warriors. But I do not 
want your corpses to pollute the gates of my town. If you depart* so 
much the better for you ; but if yon desire to lose your lives you have 
only to remain." Mo^rhirah replied in the following terms: — " Wc have 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PEIISIA. 201 

indeed been snch as thou sayest, Avrctched and poor ; but God has sent 
us ft prophet, has led us to the religion, has taken away from us ill luek» 
ftnd has imposed it on you. Now we hive come to throw our poverty 
oo you and to take away your possessions. " After uttering these words 
Moghirah rose and went away. Firuzan said to the Persians, " This 
Arab is right ; they acted as he has said.'* These kii\ds of stereo- 
typed dialogues between Persian princes and Arab envoys Tabari gives 
in several places ; the former always reproach the latter with their 
wretched condition, which they acknowledge, and plead for their 
religion. The best occurred in Chajjter Vll. between Yazdegird and 
the Arab deputation, but to give them all in ertenso would be a mere 
waste of time. 

The Arabs were, in spite of their large numbers, unwilling to attack 
the fortifications, and constantly challenged the Persians to come out 
and have a free fight in the open plain ; it is not certain whether these 
taunts or the want of provisions induced the Persians to leave their 
fortified camp to attack them, but it is certain that they did so. 
Tabari relates that the Musalmdns s])read ialse rumours that the 
KhaUf O'mar had died, that they intended to return to their country, 
and they actually marched away. IIereuj)on the Persians issued from 
their retrenchments and pursuiul them. When Xo'nian had departed, 
and purposely left in his camp all kinds of articles which were not 
indispensable, such as garments, utensils, and animals, the Persians 
entertained no doubts that the Musalmuns hnd fled, and marched after 
him. The battle took place between N eh a vend and llamadan, but was 
soon decided by the flight of the Persians and the death of their general, 
Firuzan.* 

This battle was called "the victory of victories" ; according to the 
Rau|sat-al-cafa 80,000, and according to Tabari 100,000 Persians lost 
their lives in it, and it is said that at'ter this time the Persians never 
mustered in such lar^re numbers. Hvizaifuh 15. Al<Yamiin had all the 
booty collected near Sayb B. Al-Akra*, who had been delegated by the 
Khalif to preside over its distribution. After having put aside the 
fifth part, Sayb divided the rest ainong the trooj)3. The share of each 
man in the cavalry amounted to (i.OOO, and in the infant rv to 2,000 
dirhems. Next day a Persian, one of those who gnaided the fire- 
temples, and who was an aged man, came to Hozaifih and said, 
"Grant me my hfe, and the lives of those whom I shall point out ; and 



• Xabari, III. 475, 

2G r (7 « 



202 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 

I shall deliver to thee the treasure of Kesra.'* Having received fifom 
Hozaifah a promise of protection, he went away, and hringing with him 
a casket sealed A^dth the seal of Kesra he said, ** When Yazd^ird, in 
his journey to Rey, passed through this ])lace, his treasurer Nakhirj^ 
confided this casket to me with the information that Kesra intended 
to reserve it in case misfortunes should befall him." When Hoeaifah 
opened the casket, he found it full of rubies and other precious stones, 
red, white, green, of all colours and of inestimable value. It was 
sent to 0*mar to be deposited in the public treasury. 

Hozaifah had been informed that the fugitive Persian troops had again 
ralHed at Hamadan. He sent Ka'ka' B. A*mru to disperse them. At 
Ilamadan there was a Dehkan named Dinar, who governed the pro- 
vinces of Hamadan and of Rev. This Dehkan came to Ka'ka' and 

• ' . ■ 

said, " Take me to thy chief, I wish to negotiate with him.** When he 
arrived in the presence of Hozaifah he concluded peace for Hamadan, 
and a treaty was written, so that the latter place was occupied by 
mutual agreement, whilst Xehavend was taken by force of arms. 

The Musalmau army was partly composed of troops of Kufah, and 
partly of troops of Boerah. Hozaifah, waiting for orders from O'mar 
to march or to return, dwelt after his victory at Nehavend, which being 
too small a town to contain the whole Musalman army, Hozaifah di- 
vided it into two corps, the troops of Boerah being quartered in Nehi- 
vcnd, and those of Kufah in a town called Dinwer, situated in the 
vicinitv of Nehavend. These two towns were afterwards called ** M£h- 
Boerah** and "Mah-Kufah,'* both together being designated by the 
word *' Mahayn.** In the Pehlevi language the word mdh signifies a 
province and kingdom. * 

At the news of these events Yazdegird lost all hope of reconquering 
his realm. He left Key and went into the Kohestan. 

m 

Chapter XV. — Occupation of Espaha'n and of several other 

TOWNS. 

0*mar had, with his usual cautiousness, issued orders to the army 
of the E'ril: not to pass beyond the heights of Holwan, and to that 
of Bo9rah not to march beyond the Ahwaz, for fear that the Masai- 
m&DB might not be able to keep in subjection any more countries* 
inasmuch as Yazdegird was not resthig in peace, but levying new 



• TaUri, III., p. 480. 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 203 

tioops every year and rekindling the war. Accordingly 0*mar deliber- 
ated with the Musalmuns on what was to be done, and was advised to 
•end an army against Espahdn, against the province of Furs and the 
Kirm^ in order to deprive Yazdegird of these countries, so that being 
reduced to the possession of Khorusdn he might be compelled to give 
mp these provinces. Uormuz^n, the Persian apostate,* was also con- 
sulted by 0*mar, and coincided with the above opinion, saying, *' It 
will first be necessary to march on Espahdn, which is as it were the 
head of the kingdom of Persia, whilst Fars and Kirm^n are its two 
bands^ but Aderbijiin and Rey its two feet. A body whose feet and 
bands are cut off, but whose head is still lefl, yet lives ; whereas if its 
head is cut off it is completely exterminated. *'t 

0*mar gave the government of Kufah, of theE'ruk, and the command 
of the army to A'mmiJr B. Yascr and sent him to the E'rulj:. Then 
he gave four banners to four generals, whom he sent to Persia at the 
head of various corps of troops. One of these generals was Noa*im B. 
Mot:arrin, brother of No'man. He was ordered to betake himself to 
Hamadan, the inhabitants of which had broken the peace they had 
eoncluded with Hozaifah. Afler having reduced this town he was to 
have marched towards Khorusun, in pursuit of Yazdegird. Noa'im 
departed and took possession of Ilamaddn. It happened to him on 
the route that the horses of his troop wore stolen in a place named 
Kenkiber, where he had halted ; therefore the place was henceforth nick- 
named ''the castle of thieves." The second general who received a 
banner from the hands of 0*mar was O^tbah B. Farkad ; and the 
third Bokavr B. A*bdullah. Both were to march towards the Ader- 
bijdn, the one on the right by the way of Hoi wan, and the other by the 
route of Mocul. The fourth banner was given to A*bdullah B. 
A'bdullah B. I*tban, with orders to march on Espahan. A*bdullah 
had been one of the companions of the prophet, and O'mar relieved 
Abu Musa Al-AshaVi of the government of Bo^rah in order to aid him. 
Lastly 0*mar addressed a letter to Ziyad B. Hanzalah and ordered him 
also to march with A*bdnllah B. Ttban towards Espahun. He was 
first to betake himself from Kufah to ^ladayn, to take there all the 
troops he needed, then to go to Nehavend and to pick out all the 
soldiers he wanted from the army of Hozaifah. Ziyad collected a 
corps of 10,000 men. 

• See Ch. XIII. f Xabari, HI., p. XHl. 



204 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF TEKSIA. 

A'bdullah left the E'rak and came first to Nehavend. Thence he 
marched towards Espah/m, whirh is seven days* march from Nehi^vendy 
and was at that time governed by a Persian named Padu8pdn» with a 
numerous army under liis command, and augmented by a great many 
fugitives from Nehavend. This governor had for his general-in-chief 
an aged magnate of Persia named Shehrabraz, who had waged many 
wars and acquired much experience. Being informed of the position 
of affairs after the battle of Nehi'ivend, Paduspan sent forth Shehrabraz 
at the head of a considerable body of troops, who encountered the 
Musalman army near a borough de])ending from Espahdn and situated 
on the route to Nehiivend, and a battle ensued, in which the Persians 
were put to flight after a hard struggle, and their old general lost his 
life. Thereon the Dehkan of the borough came to A^bdullah, surren- 
dered it, and made peace with him This was the first engagement 
and the first success of the ^lusalmans ou the territory of Espahan. 

After that A'bdullah contin\ied his route and arrived under the walls 
of Espahan. Having marched out to fight tho Musalm^s, and drawn 
out his army in battle array, Paduspan, who was a famous warrior, 
came out in front of Lis lines, called A'bdullah, and said to him,- "Why 
so much bloodshed ? I have heard that thou art a celebrated hero ; 
come let us measure ourselves in single combat. If thou killest mCt 
Espahan is thine ; and if thou art slain by my hand, I shall be the 
master of thy army." A'bdullah consented, and both placed themselves 
in a position to fight. One stroke of Piidusj)an's lance broke the girth of 
A*bdullah*s saddle, which glided to the tail of his horse, but he leaped 
again on the back of his horse without letting go the bridle, and pre- 
pared to assail his antagonist by brandishing his lance. Pdduspan then 
said, " Remain there, I perceive that thou art a brave warrior. I 
shall do anything thou wantcst." A'bdullah replied, " I want thee 
to embrace Islam or to pay tribute." " I consent to pay tribute,** said 
Paduspan, ** and I surrender mysrlf on condition of being allowed to quit 
the town and to go wherever I please." A'bdullah granted his request, 
and peace was concluded. Then A'bdullah established his camp nnder 
the walls of Espahan. * On this occasion many people left the city and 
emigrated with their families to the province of Kirm^, and a tribute 
was imposed on those who remained. 

It has been mentioned already in the beginning of this chapter that 
Noa'im B. Mokarrin took Ilamadiin because the inhabitants had broken 



•Xabari, III., p. 48^1. 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 205 

the peace they had concluded with the Mnsalmuns and had fortified the 
town. When Noa'im arrived, the Persian general Khsharashnum (?) 
had received assistance from the peo{)le of the Aderbijan, and the 
inhabitants of that province had arrived in great numbers. O'mar be- 
came 80 uneasy at this news that lie immediately wrote a letter to 
Hoasaifah B. Al-Yamdn, who was at Nehayend, and ordered him to send 
all his troops to Hamadan, in order to succour Noa*im. Khsharashndm 
came out from the fortress and marched against Noa'im, who was en- 
camped in a district of the plain named Waj-i-rud. A sanguinary 
battle ensued which lasted three days. The Persian general was killed 
and his routed troops were cut to pieces by the Musalmans. Noa'im 
occupied the town of llaniadan, and sent troops in pursuit of the 
Persians, who fled in the direction of Rcy, where a prince named 
fiawukhsh, grandson of Behram Chubin, was governing in the name of 
Yazdegird, and was in command of a large army given him by the latter 
when departing from Rey. A distance of six days* march separates 
Hamadan from Rey, but the pursuing Musalmiin troops proceeded 
only three and then retraced their steps ; and Noa'im, who despatched 
the booty gained at Uamadun to 0*mnr, informed him in a letter that a 
great concentration of troops had taken place at Rey under the com- 
mand of Behram Chubin's grandson. When O'mar gave to the 
messengers leave to depart, he handed them a letter for Noa*im contain- 
ing the following instructions : — ** Establish a governor at Hamadan, 
•electing any one thou choosest. Despatch Simalj: B. Kharasha with 
a small detachment to Aderbijan to aid Bokayr B. A*bdullah, and march 
thyself to Rey. Hinder the Persians from rallying in any place.*' The 
taking of Hamadan and of Rey, which will now be narrated, took place 
A.fi. 22 (between Dec. 042 and Oct. C43).* 

Now the Musalmdns had obtained so strong a footing that some 
Persian magnates considered it good policy to ensure the safety of their 
own possessions by abetting them 0])enly, and cases of treachery to 
their country and sovereign become more frequent than hitherto. Sia- 
wukhsh, the governor of Rcy, made the best preparations he could to 
resist the further progress of the Musalm^ns, by sending messages to 
the provinces adjoining Rey, and wherever troops existed, to Gorgan, to 
Taberist^n, to Demivend, to Kaum, nnd into the Karen mountain, and 
all the princes res{)onded to his appeal by sending him forces, so that 

• Tubari, IJI., r- -189. 



206 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PEBSIA. 

he collected a numerous army. This army contained, however, a magnate 
of Persia and Dehkan of Rey named Zinbi, the father of Femikhan, who 
was afterwards appointed Marzban or satrap of the town. Zinbi was at 
variance with Siiiwukhsh on account of some estates at Rej, of which 
the descendants of Behram Chilbin were in possession of a lai^ share. 
This enmity, in addition to the anxiety of ensuring his own safety, 
impelled Zinbi to wait with his whole family on Noa'im, who was 
already near, and had pitched his camp at a distance of one parasang 
from Roy. Beins: admitted to the presence of Noa'im, Zinbi addressed 
him as follows : — *' The garrison of Rey is numerous, and thou canst 
triumph over it only by a stratagem/* ** What is to be done V* asked 
Noa*im. Zinbi replied, '* Give me two thousand men to penetrate 
into the town from the opposite side at the moment thou attackest the 
place ; this diversion will bring confusion into the ranks, they will rush 
to the city, and thou wile conquer them." Noa'im put 2,000 men under 
the command of his nephew Muzin B- A*mru at his disposal, and Zinbi 
led them durins; the nii^ht round the town to the road of Khorasan. 

The next moniins: Siiiwukhsh came out from Rev and offered battle 
to Noa*ini. and as soon as it had commencc<i, Zinbi brought the 
Musalmju corps by the Tabarak mountain through the Khor£san-gate 
into the town. On this the Persian troops, apprehensive of the fate of 
their familios lot\ the battle-tield in groups and ran into the town ; so 
that Siawiikhsh. being completely abandoned, took to flight. Noa*iin 
and the Musalmius in front and in the rear massacred the Persians, 
and blood flowed iu the town like a rivulet. Those Persians who 
were strangers in Roy and had succeeded in escaping took the road 
to their provinces, whilst the soldiers of Rey itself fled to Kaum and to 
Dimev:h:in. After taking the town. Noa'im had it pillaged, and obtained 
immense Inxny. Zinbi. with all the members of his family, was not only 
sfvirevl. but appoir.ted by Noa'im Marzbin of Rey. and concluded peace 
with him. Zinbi had two sons, one of whom was called Ferrakhan and 
the other Shohrv.ir. Thev all retained the relision of Persia. After 
that, Noa*i:u de:riolL>hcd the old [^rt ot the cown« which remained in 
ruins ever at^erwards. 

At Petniveiul there was a rowertul I\h'v.in named Merdanshah, wh(S 
who!i he had loarut that the Persians had been defeated at Rey and 
that their pos::;oa was dos:vra:e. sen: a ='.essenger to Noa'im to ask for 
}»ea^v. and dtv-.arevl hitnselt' reaiiy to pay tribute. Noa'im granted lum 
^Hravx and recalled his trvVf** frv.>::i Deiuaveud. 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PEBSIA. 207 

The fugitive Persian troops had again rallied at Kaum, but without 
any general, as Siawukhsh had lost his life in the battle of Rey. This 
(act was duly reported by Noa*im, when he sent oif the booty last gained, 
to O'mar, whose reply was as follows : — •* As there is no general at 
Kaum around whom the army might form itself, there is no need of 
making great eiforts to fight the Persians who arc there. Remain at 
Rey, but send thy brother Soway d B . Mokarrin to occupy Kaum, and to 
pursue the Persians as far as he shall be able." When Soway d arrived 
at Kaum the Persian troops dispersed, and as there was no fortified 
town he met with no resistance ; he also occupied Dumeghan without 
striking a blow, but he immediately left it to march after the Persians, 
who had retired to Gorgan and Taberistan. He arrived at Bastum, a 
town in the district of Kaum on the side of Gorgan, and pitched his 
camp there. 

Chapter XVI. — Conquest op Gorga'n, Ta'berista'n, 

Aderbija'n, and Derbend. 

The Dailemite prince who reigned in Gorgun and Dehistan was a 
professor 'of the Persian religion and ceMed Marzbdn ; he was obeyed 
by the princes of Taberistan, each town of it being governed by one 
of them who bore the title of Sfphabud,* but they were also subject 
to the Sephabud of Sephabude. When Sowayd marched from Bas- 
tam to Gorgan, the Marzban of it came to meet him, to a dbtance 
of one day's march, embraced Islam,t and made the following pro- 
posals of peace : — " He would pay the ordinary land-tax for Gorgan, 
and those of the inhabitants not adopting the Musalman religion would 
pay the capitation-tax." lie added that " on learning this agreement 
the Sephabuds of Taberistan would likewise prefer peace to war. If 
however it should be necessary to use arms, he would be the first to 
march with the army of Gorgan, and would fight till he became master 
of the province." Sowayd accepted these conditions and concluded 
peace with him, and marching to Gorgan established his camp near the 
town, where the Marzban proclaimed that all who intended to make a 
profession of Islam should come out, and that the rest would have to 
pay the capitation-tax. 



* Composod of Sephahf troops, and Budy master. 

t Tabari, III. 492. These sudden professions of IslAm arc not impossible, 
onij somewhat surprisiog, but occur more frequently the more firm the MusaU 
m4ii power becomes. 



208 MO&LEM CONQUEST OP PERSIA. 

When the Scphahuds of Taberistan were informed of these facts, they 
went to their chief, tlie Scphabud of Sej)habuds, Ferrukhdn, a Gilanian 
and a very powerful man, to consult him on what was to be done. 
Fcrrukhan rejjlied, *' It is all over with Persia, whereas from the Arab 
root a tree has grown which bears fruit. The religion of Mul^ara- 
mad is a new religion, and every new religion is victorious. Therefore 
I think that we must make peace and psiy tribute. We must however 
not receive the Musalman army and pay the capitation-tax individually, 
but we shall pay it in a lump sum, and levy contributions for it among 
ourselves as we like." This advice having been approved by all, 
Ferrukhan despatched a messenger to Sowayd asking for peace, and 
stipulating that he would pay for the whole of Taberistdn the annual 
sum of five hundred thousand dirhcms, but that he should not be 
compelled to furnish troops to the Musalmans in time of war. Sowayd 
accepted the conditions, peace was concluded, and Ferrukhan at once 
sent one hundred thousand dirhems. All these events took place a.h. 
22 (between November 30th, 612, and October 21st, 643).* 

Sowayd informed O'mar of the conquest of Kaum, of Gorg^ and of 
Taberistan; whereon the Khalif ordered Noa'im B. Mo^arrin to send 
also Simak B. Kharasha to Aderbijdn, where he had already before sent 
A'cma B. Farkad and Bokayr B. A'bdullah. The first man who 
opposed Bokayr was Esfendyar, one of the princes of the country, but 
he was defeated and captured by the Musalmans. He said to Bolj:ayr, 
** Intendest thou to take possession of the towns of Aderbijan by war or 
by treaty ? " " By treaty,'* replied Bokayr. He continued, " Then 
keep me a prisoner ; because if thou killest me, the whole of AderbijAn 
will arise to avenge my death, and will fight against thee ; but if thou 
keenest me, they will make ])eace with thee, for fear of exposing my life." 
Accordingly Bokayr retained him in captivity, and SimdV: B. Kharasha 
brought him reinforcements when he had already obtained possession 
of the person of Esfendyar and of all the towns within his reach. 
Hereupon Bokayr wrote to O'mar that, having no longer any hostilities 
to fear as long as he retained Esfendyar in his hands, he consiclered it 
necessary to march to Derbend. 

Meanwhile Behram B. Fcrrukhzud, one of the Dehkans of Aderbi- 
jan, assembled a considerable army, but being attacked by the united 
forces of Bokayr, of Simak, and of A'cma he was put to flight, then 



• Tabari, 111., p. 49-1. 



MOSLEU CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 209 

Eflfendyfa said to Bojcayr, ** This was the only remaining opponent. 
Now Aderbijan belongs to thee; thou canst go where thoii pleascst, there 
is no longer any one in this province who can attack thee." Bokayr 
expedited the news of his victory to O'mar, as well as the tiilth part 
of the plunder, and asked for authorization to march to Dcrbend, 
which 0*mar willingly granted. Hereupon Boknyr established A\ma 
B. Far|»d his lieutenant in Aderbijan, leaving with him Simdk an<] 
all hia troops, as well as his prisoner Esfendydr, and marched to 
Derbend. 

As the Khalif knew that Bokayr would stand in need of reinforcements 
at Derbend, he despatched to him Sordkah, whose vanguard was com- 
manded by A'bd-al-rahman B. Rabia'. On the route of this army 
there was a country governed by a prince named Shclirydr, who came 
to A'bd-al-rahman wth proposals of peace, but was unwilling to j)ay 
tribute. He said, " I am between two enemies, the Khazars and the 
Russians. These nations are at feud with the whole world, but only 
the people of this country are in a position to wage war against them. 
Instead therefore of paying you tribute, we shall make war against 
the Russians, by arming and equipping ourselves in order to hinder 
them from crossing their frontiers. Consider this war, which wc are 
compelled annually to wage, as a compensation for the capitation- 
tax and the impost." A'bd-al-rahman rej)lied, ** I am under the com- 
mand of an officer whom I shall inform," and despatched Shchryar 
with a man to Sonikah, who in bis turn desired to submit the case 
to O'mar. The Khalif decided that these people should be exemf»ted 
from paying the capitation-tax and the impost, which derision after- 
wanls became a general law, " because the people of those narrow 
passes fight ap^inst the infidels and defend the Musalmans, and 
this is considered a com])ensation of the tax." This measure was 
Cfpially adhered to afterwards in the concpiest of Transoxiana, in 
SijAb (Isfijdb) and Ferghanali, whore the people being constantly at 
war with the Turks hindered them from invading the Miisalman ter- 
ritorv. To levy tribute in mountain-fastnesses, or in i)lains where tlu» 
bulk of the inhabitants arc in a nomadic state wandering from pasture 
to pasture, would have been a somewhat arduous task, and would have 
caused much ill-feeling : therefore it was no doubt very good policy not 
to insist on this point at once, but to leave it for the present, and to 
wait till the consolidation of the Musalman ])ower might fsu-ihtate the 
im^iosition of taxes. 
'27 r a 8 



210 MOSLEM CONQUEST OJt PERSIA. 

After the termination of this afiBur, Sor£^h, Bo^ayr, and Habib B. 
Maslama united their forces, and the inhabitants of all the other 
mountain-passes made peace with them. They engaged themselves to 
protect the Musalmdn territory against the invasions of enemies through 
these defiles, that the Musalm^s might have no need of posting troops 
in them. Soralcah sent his officers into the defiles or into the towns 
which were among the mountains. He also strengthened all the pas- 
sages towards the Alains and the Khazars, so that the Musalm&is were 
protected in their towns against enemies. Then he wrote a letter to 
O'mar giving an account of what he had done. The Khalif was 
delighted, as he had entertained grave apprehensions with reference to 
these mountain passages. He apprehended that if the foes were to 
cross these passages and to invade the Musalm^ territory, the Per- 
sians might join them and again repel the Musalm^ns. He had never 
thought that this affair could so rapidly be brought to a prosperous 
termination. Therefore he experienced a lively joy on the receipt of 
the just-mentioned letter, and wrote to Sorakah a reply full of praise ; 
the latter however died shortly afterwards at Derbend, and A'bd-al- 
rahman took his place as commander. 

A'bd-al-rahman asked Shehryar in what direction he might attempt 
to penetrate vdth an expedition through the mountain-passes, in order 
to convert the people of the country to IsUm. Shehryir replied* 
** Let us be content to exact from them that they should not allow the 
enemies to penetrate to us."* A'bd-al-rahman however .would not 
take his advice, but desired to penetrate as far as the rampart of Grog 
and Magog,t and marched through the mountains into a territory 
called Balanjar to a distance of twenty parasangs. A man who had 
been in the just-mentioned expedition with A'bd-al-ra^man afterwards 
came to O'mar, who asked him how they had marched through the 
mountain-pass, how they had penetrated into those countries, and 
how they had fought ? The man replied, " All those countries were 
inhabited by pagans, Khazars, and Alains intermixed with Turks. 
When we arrived, they said to each other. No army of men has ever 
penetrated to this place. This is a host of the angels of heaven, to 
have dared to come so far. Then they asked us whether we were angels 
or men. "We replied. We are men ; but we have angels to accom- 
pany us wherever we go, to assist us when we are attacked. Then 

* Tabari, III., p. 498. f Korfin, XVHL 96. 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 211 

they dansd not to approach us, and no one attacked us, because they 
Sftidv These men cannot be killed because the angels arc with them. 
Accordingly we progressed in this country, till a man in a certain 
town said to himself, I shall strike one of them, to see whether he 
will die or not. He posted himself behind a tree, discharged an arrow 
against one of our men and killed him. Then the inhabitants knew 
that we were mortal^ and made preparations to attack us, but we re- 
traced our steps and returned to Derbend.* 

Chaptcr XVII. — Conflicting Accounts about the Death 

OF Yaedegird. 

Although at present scarcely any doubt exists that the death of 
Taidegird took place a.d. 651 between the 21st March and the 23rd 
August, opinions still differ about the manner of it, which was violent 
according to the majority of authorities. £ven if an agreement could 
be brought about between Persian and Arab authors, the difficulty would 
still remain that the former had a very limited knowledge of the military 
operations of the Arabs which gave rise to the wanderings of Yazdegird, 
whilst the latter knew nothing about Persian life, customs, religion, geo- 
graphy, &c., and of the movements of the fugitive sovereign, which 
moreover, as their duration amounted to a number of years, could not 
be easily ascertained. 

To these difficulties also the last, but not the least, is to be added, — 
that more than a thousand years ago, to which period the event now 
under discussion refers, extremely few persons wrote history, and that 
of the few writings the majority are lost ; difficulty of getting at the 
truth, which would not have been altered had writers of succeeding 
ages merely copied their predecessors, was still more increased by their 
habit of elaborating from their own imaginations episodes and details 
which never existed ; and this liberty taken by prose writers has been 
abused to an extraordinary degree by poets, who have moreover so 
exaggerated or distorted historical facts that their authority is very 
small indeed, and therefore even the Sh^hnamah, which is so excellent 
in many respects, has no great value as a real historical document. 

When the Musalmans had gained the victory at Jali!ila,t Yazdegird 
at Holwan, but then went to Rey ; his movements appear however 



• Tabari III. 499. t S'^f* Chnptor XI. 



212 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PSfiSIA. 

to have been very slow, because the dauger ceased after he got out of the 
way of the Musahnaiis ; because he travelled with a retinue of several 
thousand persons, even when he possessed no troops, as he had with 
him the slaves of his palace, cooks, servants of the body, horsekeepers, 
secretaries, wives, concubines, the aged and the children of the royal 
family ; and lastly because he never left a town of any importance before 
he had issued proclamations in all directions, collected troops, and 
appointed generals to fight the Musalmaiis, who would, unless these 
arrangements had been carried out, have made very short work of the 
conquest of the Persian monarchy, instead of protracting it through a 
quarter of a century. lie progressed slowly in a chariot drawn by 
mules, and first took up his position at Rey, as already stated above, and 
then at Espahdn, but travelled afterwards in Kirmau and in Khoras^ 
always carrying with him the sacred fire he had brought from the first- 
mentioned place, which contained the most ancient fire-temple. From 
Nishupiir he went to Merw, where he felt more secure, and whence he 
sent a proclamation to all the districts to which the Arabs had not yet 
penetrated. lie built a fire-temple at a distance of two parasangs 
from Merw, depositing in it the firo he had brought with him from 
Rcy, surrounded the fire-temple with gardens, erected mills, and thus 
produced a delicious landscape, in which he continued to dweU for some 
time. 

Mahwy Sury, the governor of Elhorasan and vassal of Yazdegird, 
resided at Merw ; his jurisdiction extended as far as the river Oxos 
( Jiliun), but, being apprehensive of the signs of the times, he had entered 
into an alliance of mutual defence with a Transoxian chief according 
to Tubari ; according to the Rauzat-al-^afa he had also married his 
daughter. Both books call him the Kha^^ of the Turks, in other 
respects their accounts differ. That much is certain, that 7|000 men of 
the troops of this Khiikan had been received by Mahwy Sury, to mipose 
on Yazdegird, who desired the governor to settle his accounts of several 
years with him, and to })roducc funds. The unfortunate sovereign had 
been politely decoyed into the fort of Merw, where he was to have 
been murdered during the night ; the plot was however discovered in 
time, and lie walked out alone. After a while he felt tired, and arrivii^ 
near a mill intended to sleep there, but the king's embroidered robe 
excited the cupidity of the miller, who chopped off his head with a 
hatchet whilst he was asleep, then took his clothes and threw the 
corpse into the water. Search was made for the lost king by 2dahwy» 



UOSLEU CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 213 

and Yaxdegird*s robe having been found with the miller he was killed. 
After that Mahwy governed peaceably in Merw till 0*mar sent Ahnaf 
B. Kays to Khoriisdn with the army of Bocrah and Kufah, but he met 
with no resistance, and when he arrived in Merw, Mahwy escaped to 
Tranaoxiana. 

The above succinct account of the death of Yazdegird is probably the 
most correct, and the various details and embellishments added to it by 
lome authors must be taken for what they are worth. Tabari also 
^vea it, but does not consider it authentic ; my respect however for so 
painstaking and valuable a chronicler compels me to insert his own 
account* in this place, omitting only the unimportant portions of it : — 

When Yazdegird came to Merw, O'mar despatched Almaf B. Kays 
with 1 2,000 men of the armies of Rufah and Bocrah, and ordered him 
to pursue Yazdegird to every place, and to make him disappear from 
the face of the earth. When Ahnaf arrived in Merw, Yazdegird fled to 
Merv-al-rdd, whence he sent ambassadors to the Khukan of the Turks, 
to the king of Sop^hd, to the emperor of Chhia, and asked aid from 
them. Then Yazdegird went to Balkh, where he fortified himself, but 
when A]>naf took Balkh, Yazdegird escaped again and crossed the Oxus, 
whence he proceeded to Soghd, the king of which country furnished 
him with a numerous army, as well as the Khakan, who, after assembling 
all the warriors of Fercfhunah, recrossed with Yazdegird the Oxus and 
marched to Balkh. Uibi* B. Amir retired with the troops of Kufah 
which he had with him towards Merv-al-nid and joined Ahnaf. Yazde- 
gird and the Khakan, at the head of an army composed of men from 
Soffhd, from Turkestan, from Balkh, and from Tokliarestan, to the 
number of 50,000 cavalry, arrived at Mcrv-al-riSd. Ahnaf had 20,000 
men at his disposal ; they were troops from Kufah and Bo(;rah. The 
armies remained during two months in presence of each other at the 
place now called Dair-al-Ahnaf, and fought every day from morning till 
evening. Yazdegird resided at the town Merv-ol-rdd. 

During a certain night, one of the chief men among the Turks, a 
relative of the Khukan, went out of the camp with his suite to inspect 
the outposts. Ahnaf, being informed of this circumstance, came in 
p<%son to the outposts, attacked the Turk and killed hhn. This man had 
two brothers, who, on hearing of his death, came out, the one after the 
other, to fight with Al^naf, who killed them likewise. At break of day, 



• Xabari, III., p. oOO. 



214 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF FEBSIA« 

and when the Khak:an was informed of what had occarred he went 
to the spot where the combat had taken place. On beholding these 
three corpses he was much afflicted and said, " This war is very un- 
fortunate I We are here for so long a time and have lost so many men/' 
&c. Consequently he struck his camp, returned to Balkh) immedi- 
ately crossed the river and returned to Turkest^. 

After the departure of the Khd1j:iin, Yazdegird left Merv-al-rdd 
and went to Merw, where he had secretly deposited a great quantity of 
treasures and jewels. When he approached the town» H&remh B. 
No' man put it in a state of defence. Yazdegird took his riches (which 
he had succeeded in taking out from the town) and proceeded to 
Balkh to join the KhaV:an. The Persian officers who were with him 
asked him his intention." He told them that he meant to place him- 
self under the protection of the Khaljidn, and to remain with him in 
Turkestdn. The Persians said, " Do not go there, because we shall not 
follow thee. The Turks are people without religion and without 
faith," &c. After the refusal of Yazdegird to return with his officers 
and to put himself rather under the protection of the Arabs than the 
Turks, they took away his treasures from him and separated. Yazdegird 
being now alone with his suite departed to the Khd^^dn, whilst his of- 
ficers carried the treasures they had deprived him of to A^af,and sub- 
mitted to him. Almaf sent them back to their homes, to Madayn, into 
the province of Fars, to Rey and elsewhere ; he distributed the treasures 
among the Musalmdns, each of whom received a sum equal to hia share 
in the booty of Nehavend. 

According to the narrative of Tabari just given, the manner of 
Yazdegird's fate is totally unknown after he took refuge in Transoxiana 
with the Khal^an of that country. However, since I have endeavoured to 
make this paper as exhaustive as the sources at my .disposal would per- 
mit, I am bound to give two short accounts more, according to which 
Yazdegird perished by a violent death, and therefore they so far tally 
with the one which I gave first and consider the most probable ; but 
neither of them mentions the precise locality where he was slain. 

The first tradition is that Yazdegird fled after the revolt of the 
Persians ; that they pursued, found, and killed him in a mill : after- 
wards they carried the treasure to Afpaf and submitted to him. The 
second is that Yazdegird fled from Mcrw and went to Balkh, crossed 
the Oxus and betook himself to Turkestan. Having arrived at So^hd 



MOSLIU CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 215 

he was again joined by the ambassador he had sent to China, and who 
broaght him a reply from the king of China. In this letter it was said, 
** I know that kings are bound to aid each other ; I have however 
learnt from thy ambassador what kind of people they are against whom 
thoa askest aid ; what their religion, their morals, and their manners are. 
These men, possessing such a religion and such loyalty, will conquer the 
whole world, and no one will be able to repel them. No resource 
remains for thee but to employ peaceful means to remove them, so as 
not to be expelled by them." Then the Kh^);:dn returned to Turkestin, 
and Tasdegird remained in Fer^hanah. Al^naf returned from Balkh to 
Menr-al-rdd and announced to 0*mar his victory, but two years after 
the accession of 0*sm^ the inhabitants of Khodb^n revolted, when 
Taidegird returned from Ferghanah and was then killed.* 

This last account would make Yazdegird's death at least five years 
earlier than it actually occurred. 0*mar having been assassinated in the 
last dajTS of a.h. 23, i.e. on the 4th Nov. 644, was immediately succeeded 
by O'smin ; therefore Yazdegird ought to have been killed in 646, 
whereas his death actually took place in 6.51. 

Chapter XVIII. — Expeditions to Fa'rs, to Kirma^n, to 

Seista'n, and to Mekra'n. 
There is no doubt that when the central government of the Persian 
monarchy had ceased to exist, the governors of the various provinces 
acted independently, using their best efforts to defend them separately, 
without acting in concert. In the beginning of a.h. 2«3 (afler Novem- 
ber 30, 642), the Khalif O'mar sent an army of 20,000 men to the 
province of Pars, because he had been informed that Shahrukh (or 
Shehrek), the governor of that province, had collected a numerous army 
at the town of Tawoz, situated on the frontiers of the Ahwaz. On this 
occasion O'mar followed a strange plan, which he was soon compelled 
to give np to prosecute the campaign more successfully. Instead of 
appointing a commander-in-chief over the whole army, he parcelled out 
the chief towns of the provinces to his officers, ordering each to march 
strught on it, because he luid heard that the whole Persian army was 
concentrated in the abovementioned town, and because he conceived 
that by acting in this manner no great resistance would be met with. 
When^ however the Musalman army divided itself, as ordered by the 
Difli^ the Persian army did so likewise, and each chief marched to his 

• Tabari, III., p. 511. 



21 G MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 

town to (Icfeiid it. Mujaahi' B. Masu'd then marched on Tawaz, where 
Shahrukh, who had returned to Shiniz to defend it, had left but a small 
garrison, which he massacred, and where he gained immense booty. 
A part of this province had been conquered already before* but had 
again thrown off its allegiance to the M usalmans as soon as a chance to 
revolt had presented itself; and now 0*sman B. Ab-al-A's again subju- 
gated the people of E9takhar, who had come out to fight hiniy 'but were 
defeated, whilst his brother Al-Hakam B. Ab.ul-A*s marched on Shiriz, 
where (as has already been mentioned) Shahrukh had gone^ whom be 
killed with his own hand after a fierce contest between the two annies. 

The success of the Musalmdns was not so rapid at Darabgerd, which 
they were compelled to besiege for two months, after the expiration where- 
of the Persians made a sortie, and a terrible battle ensued, in whidi the 
M usalmans had well nigh taken to fiight, but saved themselves by 
taking up their position near a mountain, which so effectually protected 
their rear that they eventually gained the victory. 

The Kirmun had been entered by the M usalmans already a.h. 22, 
but hostilities took place only a year afterwards, when the inhabitants 
asiiteniblcd an army and called to their aid the inhabitants of the 
Kuj mountains, who came down into the towns. Then a battle took 
place, and afterwards A'bdullah B. I'tbtin despatched Sohayl B. A'di, 
by the direct route passing through the towns, to a place called Jireft, 
situated in the centre of the Kinnun, whither he also himself marched 
by way of the desert and took possession of all the cattle he met with, 
and which amounted to a countless number of camels and sheep. On 
that occasion also the Kohcstau was invaded. 

During this same year a.h. 23 0*mar despatched A'sim B. A'mr 
from Borrah to the Seistan. The governor of that province had 
collected a numerous army and come as far as the frontiers to attack 
the Musalmans, but was defeated after a battle, and shut himself up in 
his ca]»ital, Zcrenj, which, being a well-fortified town, ^vas not attacked 
by the Musalmans, who contented themselves with occupying the sur- 
rounding places, but when the governor saw that he could not hold 
out for ever, he capitulated. 

The Meknin, which is bounded on the north by Kirman, and on the 
south by India, was then invaded by A'bdullah B. A'bdullah ; inhabit- 
ants of Mekrdn who were neighbours to the king of Sind asked his 
aid against the Arabs, and he arrived at the head of a numeroua army 

• Sco Oh. xiir. 



MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PERSIA. 217 

with many elephants, but was defeated and the latter taken. A'bdullah 
immediately despatched a messenger with news of the victory to O'mar, 
who questioned him about the country and elicited the following 
reply : — ** Commander of the Faithful, it is a country of which the 
mountains are mountains indeed, and the plains of which are real moun- 
tains ; it is a country with so Uttle water that its dates are the worst of 
dates, and the inhabitants the most warUke of men. If thou hadst a 
more numerous army there, it would be annihilated and could do no- 
thing ; and if thy army is considerable it will perish of hunger, because 
there are no victuals. The country beyond it is still worse." Conse- 
quently O'mar sent the following instructions to his officers : — ** Do not 
cross the boundaries of Mekran. You have nothing to do with Sind ; 
do not lead the Musalmdns to their destruction. Send letters to Sind» 
that the princes of that country who wish to have their elephants back 
may ransom them and send you money, which you will distribute 
among the soldiers." 

Expeditions were also undertaken against the more unsettled popu- 
lation, and the Kurds, to subjugate whom was much more difficult than 
the inhabitants who possessed fixed habitations and landed estates, 
whilst nomads wandered from pasture to pasture, and large hordes 
could elude all persecution for a time by simply going to the deserts 
and mountains. Sometimes the Persians averted persecution by bribing 
the Arab officers who governed in their districts, and at others by 
outwardly conforming with the formalities of the Musalmdns under 
intimidation, and it required some time before the Faith took actual root 
and became hereditary. There is no doubt that there were also a few 
wise men among the conquering race perfectly aware that it would be 
bad policy to insist on the immediate conversion of the whole people, 
and to exasperate it. The complete subjugation of the vast extent of 
the Persian monarchy took place only by degrees, and revolts now 
and then still took place, but were suppressed without very great 
difficulty, as no extensive organizations or ramifications of them among 
the various districts were possible. These insurrections were frequent 
enough up to the death of the Khulif Sulaimun B. A'bd-al-Melek, 
which took place a. h. 99 (717-18). The last great effort of the 
Persians to recover their ancient independence occurred also in the 8th 
century of our era, but the Rauzatal-cafa, from which I take the ac- 
count, does not give the date. Sinbad the Zoroastrian, an influential 
inhabitant of Nishipdr, raised the standard of revolt, by first proclaim- 
2Sras 



218 MOSLEM CONQUEST OF PEKSIA. 

ing his intcution to liberate the Persians from the Musalm^ yoke in 
his native city, and inviting the population of the district of Key, as 
well as the whole of Taberistun, to make common cause with him. 
Sinbad first marched to Kazvin, with the intention of taking possession 
of it, but was disappointed. In Roy he was more successful ; he not 
only took it, but slew its governor, and obtained an enormous booty of 
arms and other articles. When he had collected an army of 100,000 
men, he declared that the end of Islam was at hand, that a scion of the 
Sdsanian dynasty would make his appearance, under whose command 
he would march to Mckkah and would destroy the Ka*bah. When 
Abu Ja'fer Mau9ur heard of what was taking place, he marched with 
his army to Sawa ; Siubud, too, hastened to encounter him, carry- 
ing also numerous Musahmln women whom he had placed on camels. 
The battle which took place was decisive : Sinbad was put to flight and 
afterwards killed in Tubcristan ; his army was partly destroyed, but 
many of the fugitives perished of thirst in the desert. The total num- 
ber of those who lost their lives is stated to have amounted to 70»000. 

It is probable that the ancestors of the Zoroastrian community of 
India, who arrived in a ship at Sanjan, on the coast of Gujarat, were 
fugitives from Persia who escaped after the just described last reyolu. 
tion of the Zoroastrians in that country. That party consisted of a few 
wealthy men, who had bought a ship, wherem they embarked with their 
servants, and who were the nucleus of which all the Parsees of India 
are the descendants. As there are absolutely no historical data extant 
about this little emigration, a short account of which, named " The 
Story of Sanjan," was written by a Mobed of Surat, centuries after it 
had taken place, a.d. 1590, the above conjecture may be considered 
just as valid as any other that could be made. 



219 



Art. V. — Old Canareseand Sanshrit Liscnptioiis relating to the 
Chieftains of the Sindavamkoy edited, with translations, notes, 
and remarks, by J. F. Fleet, Esq., Bo. C.S. 



PresoDted May 15th, 1875. 



The accompanying six Old Canarese and Sanskrit Inscriptions relate 
to a dynasty of Mahumandalesvaras or Great Chieftains of the Sinda 
family, who, as the local representatives of the Chalukya kings, were 
governing, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries a.d., the country 
round Naregal in the Dharwad District and Aihole and Pattadakal in 
the Kaladgi District. 

The originals are all in the Old Canarese characters. Nos. I and 
II are from stone-tablets in the temples of Kalamesvaradeva and 
Tripurantakadeva respectively at Naregal ; and Nos. Ill and IV are 
from stone-tablets in the temple of Molle-BrahmadSva at Kodikoppa, 
a hamlet of Naregal. I examined in person the originals of these four 
inscriptions. But, in order to effect a saving of time, I had had pre- 
pared, before my arrival at NarSgal, rough copies for me to correct on 
the spot ; the corrections that I had to make in these copies were 
innumerable and led to much confusion, and the result is that the 
versions now submitted, though substantially correct, may perhaps be 
susceptible of improvement in a few minor points such as the use of 
the different forms of */' and *«', the doubling of consonants aflcr 
the letter ' r\ &c. No. V is from Pattadakal and No. VI from Aihole, 
and these two inscriptions have been edited from photographs as specified 
in the firbt note to the translation of each. 

The iiiscriptious mention the following kings of the Chalukya 

dynasty : — 

Jajasimha. 

Ahavamalla. 

I 

1 I 

Somdsvara or Vikrama, Vikram&nka, P^r- 

Bhuvauaikauialla. madi, or Tribhuvanamalla. 

I 
Sdma. 

I 



I I 

Jd£jadekainallad<*va. NArmaditaila. 

And they furnish the following genealogy of the Sinda family : — 
29 r a 8 



220 



OLD CANABESE AND SANSKIUT INSCBIPTIOXS 






O S 

- 5 

3 I- 



« d 

cs > 

.§ Q 
P 



Q 



ft 

OS -g 

— fee •- 

•a cc 

OQ 



9 



O 



rt 
^ 






i 

QD 
.2 









s 






- ^c 
•a 



«<<'^'3 



•»!«•- 



fe 



^^ 






3 



.^ 









1 = 

•^ S.is 

I > j3 2 

'^* c5 o 

.3; ^ 



«3) 

B 









"^g 



4 



BSLATINO TO THE SIKDATAMsA CHIEFTAINS. 22 1 

No. I refers to the time of PSrmadid6va I who, as the suhordinatc 
of the Chalukya king Vikramaditya II ^^^ was governing the Easukada 
Seyenty, the KSjavadi Three-hundred, the Bagadage or Bagadigc 
Seventy, and the Narayaiigal or Nareyaiigal Twelve. But the inscrip- 
tion commemorates grants made much earher, viz. in Saka 872 (a.d- 
950-51), the Saumya scnhvataara. PSrmilcjiidSva's capital was Ramha- 
rage or Rambirage, which I have not been able to trace on the 
map. 

No. II, again belongs to the time of Perm&did6va I, now also 
etlled Jagadekamalla-Permadideva, being at this time the subor- 
dinate of the Chalukya king Jagadekamalladeva. f This inscription, 
also, commemorates a grant made long before, viz. in the Sudharana 
smkvatsara, to which the same year of the ^aka era is allotted as is 
allotted in the preceding inscription to the Saumya aonhvaUara, The 
Saumya and Sadhdrana aamvataaraa are respectively the forty-third 
and the forty-fourth years of the cycle ; and calculating back from the 
present time, — Saka 1797, Yuva samoatsara, — Saka 872 was the 
Sadhirana sauwatsara. In respect of the laxity of the Hindus in 
frequently allotting the same year of the Saka to different samvatsaras 
of the cycle, Mr. Brown, at page 26 of his Camatie Chronology, re- 
markSy — "These discrepancies never trouble the Hindus, who care 
little for the numeral as long as the title is known. They certainly 
have a vulgar prejudice against specifying their exact age, the number 
of their children, the sum of their cattle, or how many trees there are 
in an orchard. And the same feeling seems to rule in chronology. 
They punctiUously state the month, day, hour, and moment, of the 
deed recorded, and the title of the year ; but its numeral is oflen 
omitted, and more often wrongly stated. It is, however, observable 
that the variation is seldom more than three, plus or minus. If it 
is larger, we may suspect forgery, — of which the instances rarely 
occur." 

No. Ill, earlier in point of date than the preceding two, belongs to 
the time of Achugidova II, who was the subordinate of the Chalukya 
king Vikramaditya II. His government included, when this inscription 
was engraved, only the Kisukadu Seventy and the Nareyaugal Twelve ; 
the K^lav&di Three-hundred and the Bagadage Seventy, which we find 
in the possession of his son Permadid6va towards the close of the reign 

• ^aka 998 to 1049, -Sir W. Elliot. 
t ^aka 1060 to 1072,— Sir W. Elliot. 



222 OLD CANARESE AND SANSKKIT INSCRIPTIONS 

of Vikramatlityadova, must have been acquired in the conquests achicTed 
by Achugideva, as the inscriptions tell us, at the command of his 
master Vikrama. This inscription records a grant made by AchugideTE 
himself in the forty-fifth year of Vikramaditya, i.e, in the Saka "year 
1042 (a.d. 1120-21), the Subhakrit* mmvatsara. 

No. IV is another inscription of the time of P^rmadideva 1, and 
records grants made in the seventh year of the Chalukya king Jagade- 
kamalladeva, i.e, in the Saka year 1066 (a.d. 1144-5), the Rakt^kshi 
samvatsara. 

No. V is of the time of Chavunda II, the subordinate of the Cha- 
lukya king Nurmaditaila or Tailapadeva Illf. The inscription records 
grants made in the Saka year 1084 (a.d. 1162-3), the Subh^n^ 
smixvatsartti by Chavunda's chief wife Demaladevi and his eldest son 
Achideva II, who were governing, apparently during Chavunda's life- 
time and as his representatives, at the capital of Pattadakisuvolal> — 
apparently the modern Pattadakal. 

No. VI, again, a fragment only, refers to the time of Ch&vunda II. 
It gives the name of his second wife, Siriyad^vi ; and of their two 
sons, Bijjaladeva and Bijravad^va ( ? ), who, whether in their father's 
lifetime or after his death, is not apparent, were governing the Kisukadu 
Seventy, the Bagadage Seventy, and the Kelavadi Three-hundred. 
The part of the inscription containing the grant is partly quite illegible 
and partly lost. Of the date, only the last figure of the year,— 4,— 
and the name of the samvatsara, — ^Virodhi, — are legible in the photo- 
graph. This figure and the name of the year are distinctly l^ble, 
but there is some error in them ; perhaps the date intended is Saka 
1091 (a.d. 1169-70), which was the Virodhi saihvatsara, or Saka 
1 1 14 by mistake for 6aka 1113 (a.d. 1191-92), which was the Vir6- 
dhikrit samvatsara. 

* * 3ie . » « * ♦ 

These inscriptions contain many historical allusions and notices of 
places ; but at present I am not in a position to suggest an explanation of 

* According to the table in Brown's Camatic Chronology, which appears to be 
correct, and calculating back from the present time, the Subhakrit 8amvat8€ura 
was Saka 1044. I have in at least one other instance fonnd the Subhakrit 
tamvatsara made to correspond with the forty -fifth year of VikramAditya, — i.e. 
the first year of his reign being Saka 998, with the Saka year 1042, as here. 

t Saka 1072 to 1104,-.Sir W. Elliot. 

X According to the table in Brown's Camatic Chronology, the SubhAna lam- 
vatsara was Saka 1085. 



RELATUJO TO THE SINDAVAMsA CHIEFTAINS. 223 

more than one or two of them. The two most powerful and renowned 
members of the family appear to have been Achugidera II and Perma- 
dideva I. G6ve and the Konkana, when they were acquired by Acliugi- 
dt^va II, must have been in the possession of the later Kildambas of 
Goa ; and the Bhoja with whom he came in contact is probably Bhoja 
I, of the family of the 6ilahura Mahamandalesvaras of Valavada, whose 
date is about Saka 1050 (a.d. 1128-9). The JayakeBi, who was 
driven back, perhaps in an attempt to recover Goa, by Peraiadideva I, 
is probably jthe Kadamba Jayakesi III, whose date is about ^aka lOGO 
(a.d. 1138-9). And Bitfciga of Dhorasamudra, repulsed and pursued 
by the same prince, is the Uoysala king Vishnuvardhana or Bittidcva 
of Dvaravatipura, whose date is about the same. Sir W. Elliot has 
shown that the Hoysala kings first obtained a permanent footing to the 
north of the Tungabhadra in the person of Vishnuvardhana's grandson, 
Viraballala, whose date was about Saka 1113 (a.d. 1 191-2). It would 
seem, therefore, that it was the Great Chieftains of the Sindavamsa 
who held them in check up to that time, and that the Sindavamsa 
finally succumbed to the conquests of the Hoysala dynasty. 



224 



OLD CANABESE AND SANSEBIT INSC£I|>nOKS 






n 






o 

cc3 



©• 



-n 



oy 



00 







'-' -^ TO 



o 



I 
^ 



o 

■p 



■3 

12 






o 
TO 



g 



TO 
o 

TO 









o 
TO 

o o 
>1 



^ 



1^ 






X 

« 



i. ri 




SP o 

o to 
T3 
©.0 



U3 



O 

CO 

>n 

XL 

13 

o 

93 



TO' 



o 



o 



/9 



^.& = 



a 

13- 



oy 

a 






Pi9<% 



s-S «T:-a 






-r'SA 



8 a J ^ s'a» 

If .a S|S- 
=3 'ill -9 

|.9l-|ii|| 

S^g-ad-a 




«0 O 1^ 







BELATINO TO THE SINDAVAMSA CHIEFTAINS. 



225 



TJ 



00 



4 



n 

o 

to 



T? 



W^ 



n 

o 



o 



13- 

ox 

«1 



•a 

12 






6 






a 

o 
10 









o 
<V2 






O 

•to 



©^ 



o 






•0 n 



n 

o 

1© 







226 



OLD CANARESE AND SANSEKIT INSCRIPTIONS 



o ;v^ 



§ 



3O S^ 



o 
o 



o 



00 « 



^ 



to 

Y2. 



— - 6^ 



O 

n 



o 



g 







13 



6 

& 

•ro 

o 

U 
n3 



9^ 




BBLATING TO THE SINDATAUSA CHIEFTAniS. 



227 



i. 

4 
* 



O 

13- 

a 

•a 

I 

^^ 






i?y 



^ 5K 



>7k 



^ o 
u. 






o 



o 

CO 



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t 



^2^ 



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^ 



73 
o 

73 

1 
I 

T0 

73 
o 

-3 



o 

3 



o 

r— I 

3 a 



i3 



©I 



73 
ox 



3 

» 

9 



a/ 






>T» 8 18 

W<» o 



u 

6 




'a 



I 
u ^ 

7i •» 



o 
l3 7<J 



72 

rt 

ox 

72 



o 

k 

u 












10 73 



32^ 






2) 



I 

oy 

-3 

o^ 



10 ^ 



^ 



ig^ 



< — > u. 

>3- e^ 



e - 






e 

ox 

li IS 



a/ 



CO 



o 
u 

-a 

T> 

CO 

CO 
I I 

6Z 



t 



10 



«5n 

u 

x< 

72 
u 

7> 

Tto 
ox 



73 

ox 

a 

72 
fl 

70 

ox 



re 



O-' 



n. 



- 1 






TL 



S) 72 o 



o 

10 

73 

o 

•8 



e 



ox 

a 
p 



ii 8 



7C- X 
7> 



CO 

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ft _ 



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lp^ 












1^ 



g 




s 



o 
"A 

.g 



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30 <- a « 



228 



OLD CANARESG AKD SANSKRIT INSCBIPTIOKS 



I 



•3 



<53 



oy 



72 § 



V 



Oo» 



o 






^ 



o 

X 
o 

g 
T) 



o 

K 
o 



to 









CO 



1 -f 

12 
«0 

■»- 

75 o 

o o 

I ? 

^ 72 iT^ 



ay »^^ 

73> 



i 18 






e 






-3 



l!oT 

72 



HO 



72 
3^ 



CO C> 

72 to' 



o 

t2 

o 







o 

V 



72 c« ll» 



^ ^ <? t 



o 



o .-a 



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a 



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15 
o 

1 

■3 

O 



RELATINa TO THE 8INDAVAMSA CHIEFTAI118. 



229 



12 



t 
^ f 
I 1 

t 

T* IP 

•3 " 



1 



-a 



8 






o 

o 



u 
■»2 












a 

6 






72 
>2 



% § 



ex 



g. 






12' 



1 






*R 



v0 



13- 



a 

T3- 

10 



73 






^^ CI 

o 

•12 

-a" 

i2 ^ 



3^ n 

I — I o 



g 1h 
72J 

^ o 

72 ^ 



3^ 



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73 

o 






I 



o 

o 

%^ 



-5 






O 

K 
o 



u 

S 



73 
8 






O 

8 



o 

I? 

o 

8 



10 

o 
18 






o 



K 
o 



o 

S 
I' 

-8 



<0 









«»3- 



7^ 

n 



©8 
X 

49 



72 



o 
3 



73 



72 



73 



o 
72 

oCtT 






** T) 

V 



^ 

kO 






o 
72 



tS 






g^ 



72 



» X 



73 



8 

a 




©s 



TjjP X 



8 
•8 



73 



49 



73 



72 

rz. 



Ox 



Yt 



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73 
8 



o 
o 

8 

a 



72 



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. 72 
X 



1^ 7? 



>2 



1 

72 

n 



it § 



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o 



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75 

n 
i> 

oy 

1» 



r 

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72 
«»3 



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^ 

^ 



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-8 



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73 

3 









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73 
3 
o 

oy 



O 

t 

10 






rz, 

(I 



o 

e9 






5 

GQ 



230 



OLD CANARESE AND SANSKUIT INSCRIPTIONS 



ox 

10 
to 



o 

I 

o 



o 
X 

:j 
o 






3 
o 

ox 

no 



.P 



no 



o 

e 

In* 



OX 



6 

a 



i5 



»o 



if** -^ 
72 



s 

T3 






o 



a 
I* 



-6 



72 
>2 



o 



00 

»o 

I— I 






o 









o 
ox 



70 



*C 
o o 

o 8 






I 



o 
o 3 

i| 

« c S 

e t*> - 



J 



^- -3 -8 






.^3 2 
S: *-• 

en •» 
fit? => 
— C J 
OS** 

• If ^ 



s ■* 

.o d 




RELATING TO THE SINDAVAMSA CHIEFTAINS. 231 



No. I.i 

a 

Om! Reverence to 6iva! Reverence to Sambhn, who is resplendent 
with a chowri which is the moon that lightly rests upon his lofty 
heady and who is the foundation-pillar for the erection of the city of 

the three worlds ! Victorious is Siva 

the 

whole earth ! 

The Chalukyavamsa, — tho beloved of the lovely woman Fortune, 
the abode of the goddess of plentifnl valour, possessed of an abundance 
of spotless fame, the support of the whole world, — was resplendent on 
the earth. 

Some of the Chjllukya kings, praised by mankind, having in succession 
protected the earth with their might, Jayasiihha, — who was born in that 
race, who was the choicest among the best of kings, who was of mi- 
rivallcd splendour, and who purified the whole surface of the earth with 
the sacred streams that were his own achievements, — acquired an ex- 
tensive kingdom. 

After the king who was thus famous, his son Ahavamalla, the best 
among brave kings by reason of the pride of his arm which was 
renowned in the game of war*, became the lord of the earth. 

After that king, his son, Somesvara, — who was ardently devoted to 
sovereignty, who was well capable of sustaining the burden of the earth, 
who was celebrated for his statesmanship which was illumined by the 
wisdom of a tortoise united with the four means of attaining success', 
and who was formidable by reason of being endowed with fierce 
valour, — was glorious (under the name of) Bhuvanaikamalla, being 
the best among celebrated men aud heroes. 



* Tliia inscription is from ii stone-taMct bnilt into tho wall of tho portico of 
tho temple of KalaniAgvanul^va at NartVal in tho R6u TuIukA of tbo DhArw/ld 
District. Tho onibleniH at tho top of tho tablet aro: — In tho centre, a liii»ja 
offact'd ; to tho ri;^lit of it, a priost, beyond him a figure of Basava, and above 
them the Fun or moon ; and to tho left of it, a crooked knife or a curved awurd, 
beyond it a cow and calf, and abovo them the moon or sun elTaced. 

* Tliis is a play upon hia name, — * dhavamalla^ meaning lie who is strong and 

suryassis otlurs in battle. 

' The fonr means of ruocobs ag^ainst an enemy arc sowing dissension, ncgo. 
elation, bribery, and open attack. 



232 OLD CANARESE AND SANSKRIT INSCEIPTIONS 

After that king, his younger brother, Tribhuvanamalla, — of great 
prowess, equal to the Kauntt*yas* iu his might of ami, of unequalled 
beauty, — became the husband of the lovely woman the earth. King 
Pomiadi^ was resi)lcudent in the world, so that, iu the light of his 
commanding power, his splendour, and his majesty, there are no kings 
whether of carher or of later times, who may be said to resemble him. 

Hail ! "While the victorious reign of the prosperous TribhuTanamalla- 
deva®, — the asylum of the universe, the favourite of the world, the 
supreme king of great kings, the supreme lord, the most venerabley the 
glory of the SatyAsrayakula^, the ornament of the Ch&lokyasy — vtbb 
flourishing with perpetual increase so as to endure as long as the moon 
and sun and stars might last : — 

* The three elder FAnclava princes, Yadhishthira, Bhima, and Aijana, who 
were the bods of PrithA or Kunti, the wife of P&ndu, by the g^ds Dharmay YAja, 
and Indra respectively. 

^ I am somewhat in doubt whether the vowel of the first syllable of this 
name is by nature long or short. In the Old Canarcse alphabet the forma of 
* e * and * J,* as also of * o * and * 6 ' and frequently of * ♦ * and ' I,* are precisely 
alike ; and in the case of Canarese proper names and old words and forms it is 
often difficult to decide whether the particular vowel used is short or long^, 
unless the word occurs in a metrical passage and in such a manner that the 
metre itself decides the quantity of the doubtful vowel. The name PArmAdi is 
evidently connected with ^'pSrinCy affection^ fame, pride, the vowel of the first 
syllable of which is, on the authority of Sanderson's dictionary, long by natnret 
— * 4', not * e'; in line 22 of No. Ill we meet with the name in a corrupted form,— 
Hemmadi, just as we have ' hemme* as the more modem form of *pirme^ ; we 
also have, as intermediate forms, P6nna in line 22 of No. II and line 9 of 
No. IV — Pemma in line 27 and line 29 of No. V, — and PemmAdi in line 48 of 
the same. Iho name may also be -written Paramardi, e. g, in the Halsi stone* 
inscription (see page 279, line 5, of Vol. IX, No. XXVIT, of the Sooie^'s 
. Journal) and probably in line 14 of No. IV of the present inscriptionB. The 
forms given in Prof. M on ier Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary are ParmA^i and Par* 
radndi ; in this case the * a ' must stand fur an original short ' e.* But wherever 
I have met with the name Pdrmfidi in inscriptions in the Eflyastha or Grantha 
characters, the ' <! ' is retained and in of course long. With regard to the fiulare 
of the Old Cannroso alphabet to diHtinguish between the forms of*«* and *<* 
and of * ' and ' o, I miiy mention that the same occurs frequently in Canarese 
MSS. of any age, oven though the oldest characters are not ustvd,^ — and especial]/ 
in metrical passages, where the indication afforded by a knowledge of the metre 
is supposed to be suflLcient to save the writer the trouble of adding the distin- 
guifihing mark of the long vowel ; it is probably the laxity on this point that 
leads many native scholars to misi)ronounce one of the endings of the Old 
Canarese locative, in reading, for instance, * kCrm-ci/CtV instead of * MLrmeyol* ; a 
reference to any metrical passage, not to mention any authoritative grammar^ 
would teach them that thi.s ending, — ^ oV, is short, and it is of course a remnant 
of * old ' or of * olagej' v:ithin. 

« The Ch&lukya king Vikramfiditya II, Saka 998—1049 ; Sir W. Elliot. 

^ * Saty/israya,' he in ivlnnn truth Vs inherent, was the name acquired by the 
ChAhikya king Pulikd»i I or Pulike^i II, and the Ch^lukya family is hence 
calloJ the Saiyfisruyurkula. 



BKLATINO TO THE SINDAVAMSA CHIEFTAINS. 233 

The kings of the Sinda race, — who were the devoted adherents of the 
Chalukya family, who were the preceptors of excessively valorous 
deportment, who were specially fit for war, whose pure and renowned 
actions were worthy to be praised tbroiighout the world, who were 
the bravest men on the earth, who were well acquainted with those 
sciences that should be learned bv unrivalled warriors, and who were 
possessed of fierce courage, — were resplendent. 

Bom in that race, of great prowess, acquainted with many accom- 
pliflhments, possessed of an arm that was very violent in conquering 
the hostile rulers of the earth, the foremost of rising warriors, tho 
most excellent of chieftains, performing achievements that enhanced 
the glory and the prosperity of the Sinda race, — king Achugi acquired 
iame. Being of unequalled courage, he attained, in the very presence 
of the Chalukya king, the pinnacle of greatness among those who 
sound the trumpet of their firm determination ; if you reflect upon 
it, then, can any other warriors be likened to king Achugi 7 

The younger brothers of that same king Achugi who was thus 
famous were king Naka, king Sifiga, king Dasa, king Dava, king 
Chaunda, and king Chiiva, who were resplendent, being eminent in 
respect of their good quahties. Amongst them king Chavunda*, — 
who was impetuous in war, the might of whose arm excelled in caus- 
ing fear to all his enemies, and who was the abode of the goddess 
of fame, — was glorious in being the abiding-place of the glory of 
sovereignty. 

Afler that king who has been thus described, king Bamma, the son 
of king Achugi, was glorious, becoming through the might of his arm 
the favourite of the lovely woman Absolute Sovereignty, being pre- 
eminent among kings who are formidable in battle, the supreme lord of 
kings and princes, eager as a bee in enjoying' the lotus which is the 
condition of prosperity, a very ocean of good qualities, foremost 
amongst those who have acquired as an ornament for their ears the 
commendations of learned men. 

A 

After that king, Achugideva, — the abode of merit, possessed of an 
acquaintance with the science of arms that was renowned in the world, 
the best of chieftains, — was esteemed the lord of the woman Sovereignty. 
Having taken many forts, having resisted those who, defiled with 



> Soo Dot« * to lino 17 of tho text. 



231 OLD CANAGESE AND SANSKRIT INSCBIPTIONS 

])ri(lc, attacked and pursued such kings as bowed down before blm 
(and thus were his alHes and tributaries), having taken possession of 
the territories of the hostile kings, and having charmingly acquired 
that power which results from j)leasing and virtuous actions, king 
Acha, the lover of the lovely woman Fortune, the abiding-place of all 
hapi)incss, became very famous. At the command of the universal 
emj)eror Vikrama, he, a very lion in war and shining like the hot- 
rayed sun, sounding his war-cry, pursued and prevailed against Pojsala, 
took Gove, put to flight Lakshma in war, valorously followed after 
rriudya, disj)ersed at all times the Malapas^ and seized upon the 
Ivoiikana. The wife of king Acha, the great chieftain who was known 
to be thus intent upon the observances of religion : — A most virtuous 



• * Malavammari/ — a hybrid formation; * Ilalavara* (or *Malapara*) beins; 
the geiiiiivo of tho Caiiaroso nomiuativo plurjil * Malavnru' (or * Malaparu*)4 
and * Jtuiri' btiiuj^tho Caiiareso form of tho Sanskrit 'mdrin/ a slayer, — i8 one of 
tho titles of tlic later Xadambi ohicftaius of Goa ; thus it is given to JayakdsS III 
nn the fioal of tho hirjjro Ualsi coj^per-j^lafco ^ (sco page 230 of Vol. IX, 
No. XXVI 1, of tlio Society's Journal), and to Sivachitta ot the end of the 
])Agiiihvo insuription No. I (seo pago 271 of tho same), and the coins in which 
tho grants of JayakAii III wcro reckoned are called * MalavoramAri-nishka' 
(s(!e i)p. 2'13-l of tho same). Tho pure Canarcso equivalent, * MalaparoU 
tjaud'ij* is one of tho titles applied to tho lloysaja king Vimballflladdva in lino 
32 of No. II of tho Gadak inscriptions (sco page 300 of the Indian Antiquary 
for October 1873). Four possible explanations of tho title were suggested by 
mo at pago 2-lU of the above-montiouod Number of the Society's Journal i 
fuller information enables mo now to submit the following explanation as 
probably tho correct ono. In either form tho title means * the slayer 
or puuisher of tho Iklalavaru.' There is a division of tho LingAyats, called 
tho Malavaru, which is to bo found only in the country lying along tho 
Western Ghauts ; they aro peo])le of some wealth and position, and they 
intermarry only among themselves. 'Xhoy aro to be met with especially at 
73anawj)si, Saundfi, ^irsi, ludiir near ]\Iundag6d| B/indawadi, and Pungan^r. 
The Village-headmen of IndAr and of Kkkambi near Sirsi aro Malavas. It is 
one of tho Malavas of Indilr who is the head of the Bundawadi SamsthAna, and 
his wife is from ono of tho Malava families of PuiiganAr; he styles himsolf 
* iira.sa' or kinri, as also does the head of tho IHifiganAr family to which his wife 
bolongH. Tho Malavas aro also mentioned by Dr. Buchanaui who, in describing 
the countiy in tho neighbourhood of Banaw^si, states (Vol. II, p. 378) thafe 
most of tho village-hoadmon aro Malavas and that they are a low class of 
Sivabhaktas. There is little doubt that these Malavas are the descendants of a 
onco i)owerful race of Gliaut chieftains who took their name from tho country 
that was subject to them, — tho Malanfidu or hilly and wooded countiy lying 
along tho Wodteru Ghauts, now called tho * MahiAdti-* or < Malfida-ddsa' as 
di:»tiugaished from tho * Bailu-simo' or open plains to tho east. It should be 
noticed that tho title " Malavara-mAri* or * Malaimrol-ganda' is applied to 
kiiii^s and chiefrains whone territorial j)ositi<m was such as to bring them into 
ooUisicm witli the people of the Ghauls, and that it is not assumed by others 
whose po.sition was loo far to the north and east for this. For a popular de- 
scription of tho AlalanAdii see tho Canarcso versos of Snrvajua translated by tlio 
llev. F. Kittel at page 23 of iho Indian Aiiii'iuanj for January 1873. 



RELATING TO THE SINDAVAMSA CHIEFTAINS. 235 

wife, of spotless conduct. Abounding with most pious actions, Mahad^Ti 
acquired the fame of being called the best among the consorts of such 
chiefhiiiis as are the most excellent in the world. 

To Maddvi, who was thus glorious, and to king Acha, who was 
esteemed' the best of kings who are praised, by mankind, was bom king 
Pdrm^i, as if it were the birth of joy to all mankind. Conquering the 
cities of his brave foes, vanquishing numbers of kings intoxicated with 
pride, possessed of many countries acquired by his arm, menacing the 
fierce dawning might of hostile kings, avoiding that sin which springs 
firom the influence of the Kali age^°, performing great achievements 
against his enemies whose thunderings were silenced, a very sun to (dis- 
perse) the darkness which was (the inimical) great chieftaiiis, — such was 
Pdrmadid^a. Men wondered at king Pormadi on account of his pious 
actions which were, amongst other things, his pure deeds, his ablu- 
tions, his worship of the gods, his sacrifices, his liberal charities, the 
number of his vows, and the respect paid by him to Bruhmans, to 
religious preceptors, and to holy men, on account of his aciiuaintance 
with the sacred writings which treat of religion, on account of his 
gifts of all kinds of sacred food, and on account of his delight in hold- 
ing assemblies that were made charming by listening to many excellent 
new poems. And, as each day passed profitably by, he, being of a 
sportiye disposition and resembling a second Bhoja ^ ^, enjoyed con- 
tentment arising from his excellent pursuits and from his happiness 
with the lovely woman Sovereignty. 

Hail I While the fortunate Mahamandclt'svara kinqr Pr»rmridideva, — 
who was adorned with the titles commencing with * The Great Chief- 
tain who has attained the five MahCtsabdaa ** ; he who is the lord 
of the goddess of generosity and bravery ; he who is the sun of the 
white lotuses of the Sindakula ; he who is a very Kilmadeva^'' amon«jc 
chieftains ; he who, mounted on restive horses, is skilled in training 



>o xhe preeont or iron age, the ago of vice, tho last of tho four ages of tho 
worid. 

** A prinoe who according to tradition was a great patron of learning, 

*• Probably five titles commonciDg with tho word * mdhd* (ma/iaf ), great, 
Biich u ' MahArAja', < MohAmandol^vara', &c. 

*• In tho orif^nal ' Kusumakddancla,' At; whnne how is made vp ofjlnwcrs; 
hi* bow is iablod to bo made of flowers, a row of bK'ick boca is tho string of it, 
and each of his tivo arrows has fur its tip a bloriKom that is <iu}>poscd to 
ejKCrcise a special influence ovor one or other of th«» five senses"? 

31 rn s 



236 OLD CANABESE AND SANSKRIT INSCBIPTIOKS 

them to perfection ; he who is possessed of characteristic marks that 
are completely auspicious; he who is praised by poets, by wits, 
and by orators; he who is the receptacle of a number of good 
qualities ; he who has for the ornament of his ears the listening 
to the Saiva traditions ; he who is the support of aU learned men ; 
he who is the preceptor of inexhaustible benefits to others ; he who 
is brave even without any one to help him ; he who is as conver- 
sant as Chanakya^* with the many expedients of the art of govern- 
ment ; he who never breaks his word ; he who is well versed in the 
science of arms and other excellent accomplishments ; he who is the 
leader in the battle-field ; he who is a very Samkrandana ^* in 
enjoying all objects of enjoyment ; he who is a very Ravinandana ** 
in respect of his complete liberality; he who is a very Trinetra^' to 
(destroy) numbers of forts of many kinds ; he whose achievements i^e 
like those of the first of kings^^ ; he who is a very cage of thunderbolts 
to (protect) those who take refuge with him ; who is as one of the 
elephants of the quarters among chieftains^ * ; he who delights in 
enjoying the sentiments of poetry and singing ; he who has acquired 
the excellent favour of the deity of the original shrine', — impartially 
punishing the wicked and protecting the good was ruHng, at his capital 
of Rambarage*°, with the diversion of joyful conversations, the Kisukada 
Seventy, the Kelavadi Three-hundred, the Bagadige'^ Seventy, and 
the Narayaiigal*' Twelve, — and, preserving the ancient faiths, was mani- 
festing his tenderness in saying, whenever any religious occasion present- 
ed itself, that every religion should have its deed of gift : — 

^* The minister of Chan dragapta and reputed author of a work on morals 
and the principles of administration. 

^* Indra. 

** Karna, the son of Kunti by the Sun, before her marriage with PAndu, 
and so the elder half-brother of the PAndava princes. He was renowned for 
his generosity. 

^^ The three-eyed Siva who destroyed the three strong cities of gold, 
silver, and iron, in the sky, air, and earth, of a celebrated demon. * 

*8 * Adirdja,' the first king ; — Manu, or Prithu. 

^ ® i.e. * who is a most excellent and brave chieftain.* 

'° In No. II, line 34, the name is spelt Bambirage. 

'^ In No. II, line 33, and in No. Y, line 54, the name is spelt BAgadage ; in 
No. IV, line 11, it occurs again as BAgadige. 

*^ Other forms of the name in the present inscriptions are NareyaJigal, 
Narayagal, Nareyagal, and Narigal. Possibly the etymology is * narii/a-kal 
(kallu)\ the stona of the jackal. 



RKLATINQ TO THE SINDAVAMSA CniEFTAINS. 237 

The mdiant country of Kuntafa is esteemed the chief ornament of 
the land of Bharata in the world which is encircled by the ocean ; and 
in it Narayagal, laden with fruits, is very charming. Very lovely is it 
with its flower-gardens which diffuse many divine odours, with its cool 
tanks which confer the most exquisite pleasures, with its numberless 
groves, and with its rice and other juicy graius, the fragrance of which 
pervades the regions ; charming is it to travellers, and best in the 
whole earth, and very much to be sought after. 

On the occasion of an eclipse of the moon, when the sun was com- 
mencing Lis progress to the north, on Monday, the day of the full- 
moon of the bright fortnight of the month Pushya of the Saumya 
sa^vatsara, being the year of the i§aka 872, Mundcyara-Srimanta- 
giivunda**, — ^having caused Prabhugavundu*", who was intent upon 
maintaining religion and was a man of innumerable pious deeds in the 
two parties** of Narayaiigal, which was thus charming, to build a 
temple of the deity of the original shrine in the middle of the southern 
part of the village, — gave to Ntlakanthapanditadeva, with libations 
of water, for the ahgabh'nfa of the god, some land which was a grant 
to be respected by all and ai> offering to (the god) Paramesvaradeva, 
and the locality of which isi — Four heaps of stones above graves'* ot 
Kim-Narigal*®, together with (stones bearing the emblems of ) a lihga 
and ascetics and a cow, were set up (as boundary-marks) to the 
thirty-six matt are (of land) which were allotted, free of all rent 
and free from all opposing claims, to be continued as long as the moon 
and sun and stars might last, to the N. of the road to Muduvolal", 
to the S. of (the field of) Navayavala, to the E. of the rent-free 
service-land of Vfisigj\vun(la, and to the W. of some land on which 
revenue was paid. Four heaps of stones above graves of Kim-Narigal, 
together with (stones bearing the emblems of) a liikga and ascetics and 



*' Sco noto * to lino 46 of the text. 

** * BdUC ; see noto 45 to No. VII of tho Rntta InscriptionB at pago 285 of 
Vol. X, No. XXIX, of tho Society's Journal. Both tho nicauingB of < baW are 
illantratod in tho present inscription. 

** * Qudde' ; see noto 17 to tho translation of No. Ill of tho Batta Inscriplioui 
referred to above. 

■ ■• Kirii-Nan^l, Kini-Narigal, Kir-Narijral, or Kiri-Narifj;al is the Bmall^r or 
more modem Naripil as distiiifjuishecl fnjin Hiri-Nari^^il or lliriya-Narij^l, the 
Un^r or elder Naripal. The modern terms are * Jliri' and * Chikkd,* aa Iliri- 
BaK<iW&di and Chikka-BagewHdi. 

•' Ppolmbly the mmlorn Mudh61, the cliiof town of the Native State of the 
mmc name in the Southern Muratta Country. 



238 OLD CANARESE AND SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS 

a cow, wore set up (as boundary-marks) to six mattars, that were 
made a grant to be respected by all, to the S. of the road to Muduvolal, 
to the N. of the rent-free service-land of Bannira-Bammagavunda, to 
the £. of some land on which reyenue was paid, and to the W. of the 
rent-free service-land of Kadigavunda. Four heaps of stones above 
graves of Kin-Narigal, together with (stones bearing the emblems of) a 
lihga and ascetics and a cow, were set up at the four corners (as bound- 
ary-marks) to six mattars, that were made a grant to be respected 
by all, to the W. of Kuyyavalla which was the cultivated land of (the 
god) Tippesvaradeva, to the E. of (the field of) Chiguravala, to the N. 
of some land on which revenue was paid, and to the S. of another plot 
of ground on which revenue was paid. 

The site of the garden-land of the god : — Four heaps of stones 
above graves, together (with stones bearing the emblems of) a iinffa 
and ascetics and a cow, were set up at the four comers (as boundary- 
marks) to one mattar of garden-land, that was made free of all rent, 
to the E. of the moge^^ of Navayara-Kitagavunda, to the W, of the 
moge of the Dandanuyaka Chavundameya^ ", to the N. of some land 
on which revenue was paid, and to the S. of the road to Belgere. 

The shrine of the god is to the N. of (the temple of the god) 

Mangesvara, to the S. of the king's highway, to the W. of the gate 

called Srivagilu, and to the E. of another king's highway .... 
so 



■8 I havo not boon able to obtain any explanation of this word as applied 
to land. The only meanings given to it in Sanderson's dictionary are, as a 
verb, to hale or scoop out watery and, as a substantive, a sinall earthen cwp or 
vessel. It must denote here some kind of sorvice-lauda. 

a ^ See note'* to lino 55 of the text. 

8 Sec note * to line 58 of the text. 



BBL&TINO TO THE 8INDAVAHSA CIIIEFTAIM8. 



239 



o 




^10 



o 

o o 
13 



0^3 o 
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o 

no ^ 
n 

r— I 
O 



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O 



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a 

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04 



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1? 



o 
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K 

o 
u 




-i 



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o 

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2tO 



OLD CANARESG AND SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS 



a ^ 



o 

T3 
o 

u 
g 

o 

1h 



o 

I — I 
TO 






p 

•p 

13) 



O 
12 



O 

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15) 

150 



o 

72 

P 
*>• 

o 

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10 

u 

•,335 
72 



o 

f 

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TL 

7:?> 

10 

u 

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o 

-3 

u 



■g 

©• 
•« 



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P8 



lis 

o 

B 

o 
o 

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72 



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73 *!► 
o ci 

o 



loT 



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7J 

n3 



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CO 



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73- 



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12"^ 
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S lt> 
■6,1 



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73 

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BELATINQ TO THE SINDAVAMSA CHIEFTAINS. 



2'H 




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t3 I li^ 



12 



Q^ 



72 






72 



4^ 

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242 



OLD CANABESE AMD SANSKRIT IMSCBIFTIOMS 






1» 



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3 









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o 



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K 



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18 






X 
3 



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r— I 

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ox 

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a ^ 

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o a£ 
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TP*^ 



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« IP 

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72 









= ■§ 



a 

9 



X 
o 

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72 






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73 
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BBLATINa TO THE SINDAVAMsA CHIEFTAINS. 243 



No. II.»- 

Rercrence to Sambhu, who is resplendent with a ckowri which is 
the moon that lightly rests upon his lofty head, and who is the foun- 
dation-pillar for the erection of the city of the three worlds ! 

Hail ! While the victorious reign of the prosperous JagadAkamalla- 
ddva', — the asylum of the universe, the favourite of the world, the 
supreme king of great kings, the supreme lord, the most venerable, the 
glory of the Satyasrayakula, the ornament of the Ch&lukyas, — was 
flourishing with perpetual increase so as to endure as long as the moon 
and sun and stars might last, he* who subsisted (as a bee) on the 
lotuses which were his feet (was as follows) : — 

(There was) king Acha, the Great Chieftain who attained the five 
Mahdiabdas ; he who was a very Mah^vara* (in dealing destruction) 
to the god of love in the form of chieftains blinded with pride; he 
who was like a strong-throated lion in striking the foreheads of the 
elephants which were his enemies ; he who was a very ocean of the 
quaUty of impetuosity ; he who was a very hand-mill for grinding the 
wheat which was (the race of) Jaggu ; he who was the sovereign of the 
country of the lion of Hallakavadike ; he who was a very jewelled 
mirror for the embellishment of the lovely woman the Art of Govern- 
ment ; he who made happy crowds of good people ; he who eminently 
surpassed Jimiitavahana' in the quaUty of all-embracing compassion ; 
he who was a very Kamjusana^ in respect of the multitude of his 
acquirements. Having taken many forts, having resisted those who, 
defiled with pride, attacked and pursued such kings as bowed down 

^ Ibis inscription is from a stono-tablot built into the wall inside the 
temple of TriparAntakaddva at Nardgal in the Bdn TAIokA of the DhArwad 
District. The ombloms at the top of the stone are .* — In the centre a lihga ; 
to the right of it, a priest, and, beyond him, a cow and calf; to the left of it, 
a figure of Basava. 

* Saka lOeO— 1072 ; Sir W. Elliot. 

* Sc. FdrmAdi, who is first mentionod in tlio verse beginning in line 13, 
and not his father Acha or Achngp, whose name intervenes by way of an 
introdaction. 

* Siva ; the allusion is to the reduction of Kimaddva to ashes by Siva when 
he tried to inflame him with love for FArvatt. 

* < He who rides upon the clouds/ Indra. 

* Brahma, — ' he whoso scat is the lotus' which sprang from the navel of 
Yishnu. 

32r a 8 



2'li OLD CANABESE AND SANSKRIT INSCBIPTIONB 

l)cforc him (and thus wer^ his allies and tributaries), having taken pos- 
session of the territories of the hostile kings, and having charmingly 
acquired that power that springs from pleasing and virtuous actions, 
king Acha, the lover of the lovely woman Fortune, the abiding-place of 
all happiness, became very famous. At the command of the universal 
emperor Vikrama, he, a very lion in war and shining like the hot-rayed 
sun, sounding his war-cr}', pursued and prevailed against Poysala, took 
G6ve, put to flight Lakshma in war, valorously followed after PAndya, 

dispersed at all times the Malapas, and seized upon the Konkana. 

f 
His sou : — Conquering the cities of his brave foes, vanquishing 

numbers of kiugs intoxicated with pride, possessed of many countries 

acquired by his arm, menacing the fierce dawning might of hostile 

kings, avoiding that sin which springs from the influence of the Kali 

age, performing great achievements against his enemies whose thunder- 

ings were silenced, a very sun to ( disperse ) the darkness which was 

( the inimical ) great chieftains, — such was Fdrmadiddva. Possessing 

the fierce heat of the sun of the white lotuses of the Sindakula, — bo 

that the blue lotuses of the regal fortunes of kings ^ho bent not down 

before him closed their flowers, so that the darkness which was the 

poverty of excellent and learned men faded away, so that the yMte 

lotuses which were the faces of such kings as came to his feet began to 

expand while the majesty of other kings grew dim, and so that he 

pervaded the whole earth which is bounded by the quarters of the 

regions and the sky, — king Pt^rmadi vanquished Kulaifikharlnka, 

gloriously besieged Chatta and took his head with a sword ( to behead 

him ), alarmed and pursued JayakSsi, seized upon the royal power of 

Poysala who was the foremost of fierce rulers of the earth, and acquired 

the reputation of being himself proof against all reverses. Going to the 

mountain-passes of the marauder Bittiga, plundering him, besieging 

Dhorasamudra, and, pursuing him till he arrived at and took the city of 

Belupurn, king Ptirma^, of great glory, — driving him before him with 

the helj) of his sword^ arriving at the mountain-pass of Yilhadit and 

overcoming all obstacles, — acquired celebrity in the world. Pursuing 

and seizing in war the friends, (mighty) as elephants (though they 

were), of the kings who joined king Bittiga in the work of slaughter, 



' T!io T'.amo TArmfidi occurs in tliis fi>rm also in lino 9 of No. TV and nqain 
ill line 3 of i1m> Galhalli iuBcriptiou publishud at page 290 uf Vol. IX, Na X2LV1I 

ui' ili(» So;:i«Mv'> Journal. 



RELATING TQ THE SINDAVAMSA CHIEFTAINS. 245 

(P^rmadij) unequalled in his great impetuousity, brought them (back 
as captives) with derisive cheers. • 

Hail ! While the fortunate Mahamandal^svara king Permadid^va, — 
who was adorned with the titles commencing with * The Great Chief- 
tain who has attained the five Mahdsabdas ; he who is the lord of the 
goddess of generosity and bravery ; he who is the sun of the white 
lotuses of the Sindakula ; he who is a very Kiimaddva among chieftains ; 
he who, mounted on restive horses, is skilled in training them to perfec- 
tion ; he who is possessed of characteristic marks that are completely 
auspicious ; he who is praised by poets, by wits, and by orators ; he 
who is the receptacle of a number of good qualities ; he who has 
for the ornament of his ears the listening to the Saiva traditions ; he 
who is the support of all learned men ; he who is the preceptor of 
inexhaustible benefits to others ; he who is brave even without any 
one to help him ; he who is as conversant as Chanakya with the many 
expedients of the art of government ; he who never breaks his word ; 
he who is well versed in the science of arms and other excellent 
accomplishments ; he who is the leader in the battle-field ; he who 
is a very Sninkrandana in enjoying all objects of enjoyment ; he who is 
a very Ravinandana in respect of his complete liberality ; he who is a 
very Trinetra to (destroy) numbers of forts of many kinds ; he whose 
achievements are like those of the first of kings ; he who is a very cage 
of thunderbolts to (protect) those who take refuge with him ; he who 
is as one of the elephants of the quarters among chieftains ; he who 
delights in enjoying the sentiments of poetry and singing ; he who has 
acquired the most excellent favour of the god Sri-Sankaradeva', — im- 
partially punishing the wicked and protecting the good, was ruling, 
at his capital of Rambirage, with the diversion of joyful conversations, 
the Kisukadu Seventy, the Kelavadi Three-hmidred, the Bugadage 
Seventy, and the Nareyangal Twelve : — 

The radiant country of Kuntala is esteemed the chief ornament of 
the land of Bharata in the world which is encircled by the ocean ; and 
m it Narayagal, laden with fruits, is very charming. 

On the occasion of an eclipse of the sun on Thursday the day of the 
new moon of the month Karttika of the Sadharana samvafsara, beincr 
the year of the Saka 872, Tippanayyanayaka of Hiriya-IIannasu of 



• *Anatt{fi^* of which I have not been able to obtain an explanation as a 
separate word, would appear to bo connected etymdlc^ically \Niih *anaki*u\ to 

morkfjrc,'. 



246 OLD CANARESE AND SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIOKS 

the southern part of Naveyangal -which was thus charmiDg, gav^, with 
libations of water, to Trilochanapandita, on behalf of the god Tip- 
panesvaradova, thirty mat tars of Aravana in his rent-free service- 
land of Ilannasu to the £. of Kuyyaballa, to the N. of the road to 
Miidapadahola, and to the S. of the rent-free senrice-land caUed 
Teneyabala ; at the four corners four heaps of stones above graves of 
Kim-Narigal, together with (stones bearing the emblems to) a likffa 
and ascetics and a cow, were set up (as boundary-marks). The 
shrine of the god is to the E. of the gate called Srivagilu, to the W. of 
the fort, to the N. of the rent-free service-land called 6avundabala> 
and to the S. of the king*s highway ; at the four comers are four 
heaps of stones above graves of Kiih-Narigal. Tippauayya set apart 
one oil-mill for the purposes of the god. Four heaps of stones above 
graves of Kim-Narigal (are the boundary-marks) to one mattar of 
rent-free garden-land (that was given to the god) to the £. of the 
road to Jakile and to the S. of the rent-free land of the god Sr!- 
Abesvaradeva. 

To the W. of the road to Jakile and to the N. of the garden-land 
of (the god) S6bagesvara, Dovagavunda" gave one mattar of rent-free 
garden-land, (the boundary-marks of which are) four heaps of stones 
above graves of Kim-Narigal. 

The (corporation of) Sixteen and the (corporation of) Eighteen of 
that place, and the (members of the religious body of) the locality of 
the five Mathas, shall preserve the grants thus specified as long as the 
moon and sun shall last. 

Uall ! The fortunate king Jagadekamalla-PSrmadiddva, haying de« 
liberated on this act of piety *^ 

^ Soo nolo t to lino 45 of tho tost. 
10 Soo noto t to lino 48 of tho text. 



BEIiATnia TO THE SINDAVAMSA CniEFTAINS. 



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250 OLD CANABESE AND SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS 



No. III.* 

Reverence to Sambhu, who is replendent with a ehowri which is the 
moon that lightly rests upon his lofty head, and who is the foundation- 
pillar for the erection of the city of the three worlds ! 

Hail! While the victorious reign of the prosperous Tribhuvana- 
malladeva, — the asylum of the universe, the favourite of the world, 
the supreme king of great kings, the supreme lord, the most venerable, 
the glory of the Saty&srayakula, the ornament of the Ch&lukyas, — was 
flourishing with perpetual increase, so as to endure as long as the moon 
and sun and stars might last, at the capital of Jayantipura', with the 
diversion of joyful conversations, he who subsisted (as a bee) on the 
lotuses which were his feet (was) : — 

Hail ! The fortunate Mahaman dales vara king Acha, who was adorn- 
ed with all the glory of the names of * The Great Chieftain who has 
attained the five Mahdsabdas, he who is a very Bh6giSvara* in respect 
of his pleasures, he who is a very sun (in respect of his hostility) to 
the blue lotuses of the race of Kusava, he vihp is a mine of truth, he 
who is a very second Dharmanandana^, he who resembles Samkran- 
dana in his power, he who is the mightiest of chieftains who attack 
when they discover a weak pomt, he who is a very Gandabherunda", 

he who plunders hostile chieftains, 

«, he who is resolute in war, he who is the 

first of warriors and kings, he who naturally has the odour of musk, 
he who delights in liberality, he who supports men of letters, he who 
is the glory of brave men, he who is the lion of the prosperous Tribhu- 
vanamalladeva, he who strikes the palms of the hands of hostile chief- 
tains.' "Whilst he, with the diversion of joyful conversations, was 

* This inscription is from a stone-tablet built into the wall on the right of the 
door of the temple of Mollebrahmaddva at Kodikoppa a hamlet of Nar&al in the 
Rdn TAlukA of the DhArwAd District. The emblems at the top of &e stone 
are : — In the centre, a iihga ; to the right of it, a priest with a cow and calif 
beyond him, and over them the sun ; to the left of it, a figure of Basava with the 
moon above it. 

* An old name of BanawAsi. 

* The king of serpents, — Sdsha, or VAsuki. 

* Yudhishthira. 

m 

' A fabulous bird with two heads which preys on the flesh of elephants. 

* * Anyyanahkakdry , — meaning not known. 



A 



RELATING TO THE SINDAVAMSA CniEPTAINS. 251 

governing the Kisukudu Seventy and several towns the chief of whicli 
was Ahbegei<c of Nareyaugal which is the chief town of the (Narcyau- 
gal) Twelve which is included in the Belvola Three-hundred : — 

II is brave enemies, and valiant and honourable and learned men, — 
timorous of rabing their heads, of transgressing against him, of opposing 
him, of attacking him, of assailing him, of manifesting their arrogance, 
of causing his head to swell from their blows, or of thieving aught 
firom him, — surrendered to him their heads with a sword (wherewith 
to behead them if he pleased) and their property, and, seeking his 
protection, came to perform for him the three (kinds of) forced house- 
hold labour; what men then are foolish enough to withstand king 
Acfaama? 

When the sun was commencing his progress to the north on Mon- 
day the eighth day of the bright fortnight of the month Chaitra of the 
Sabhakrit smhvatsara, which was the forty-fifth year of the era of 
the prosperous Chalukya Vikrama, the Great Chieftain king Acha, — 
who, being thus the object of praise and the abode of glory, was gov- 
erning with punishment to the wicked and protection to the good, — 
gave, for tiie purpose of the god Sri- M olios varad^va of Kiru-Nare- 
yaiigal which was included in the Kisukudu Seventy, twelve mattnrs, 
with libations of water and free from all opposing claims, to MollCsva- 
radova who belonged to (the establishment of) the god Si1!)linir\s\'ara 
of Iliriya-Nareyangal. The boundaries of these twelve mattars of 
cultivated land arc : — To the S. of the village ; to the W. and tlic S. 
of the boundaries of the lands of Iliriya-Nareyangal ; and to the N. 
of the boundaries of the lands of Umniacliif^e. Ilemniadldcva^ his 
eldest son, continuing the religious act of king Acha and regarding it 
with kindness and protecting it, preserved religion in the world. 

And after that Mollcya-Bamma, — a very Angadhiraja' (in respect 
of his munificence) to women and acquaintances and supplicants, pos- 
sessed of great splendour and eminent fame, a \Qry lion to those who 
assailed him, — was glorious in the world. And to describe his great- 
ness : — Bearing in mind that his worshippers, running hither and thi- 
ther, were becoming poor, and bidding them come and take (whatever 
they desired), — the wealth of the liberal Bamma, which he had accpiired, 
(became an ornament to him through the publicity) of his charities just 
as a liarlot (to dis])lay her wealth) puts on ornaments (made out of all 



^ Kariiji, tlu kiiii; of Aiiiru. 
X^ r fi s 



252 OLD CANARE9E AND SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS 

that she possesses). To describe the religious actions performed by 
that same MoUeya-Barmanna who was thus the superintendent of the 
estimates-department > : — Saying " This is a perpetual grant," Bar- 
mana, — who was glorious in being esteemed to be ever more and more 
the well-known abode of fame and who was the good and spotless 
worshipper of Moll^ara, — ^gaye at that time a grant to the god. 
When the king, regarding him with afFection and confirming his acts, 
gave him whatever he asked for, then Bamma allotted twelve WMttan 
of cultivated land to that god' who is adorned with serpents. 



8 < AkAra-hnkka\ the province or peculiar hueineee of nrngJUy-framed timt^- 
menU of expense*, profit ij ^c Thoso oro mthcr carious wordB to find in an Old 
Canaroso inscription of tho early part of the twelfth century a.d. ; ' hetkka* ii 
of course the IIindustAni (or Arubi) ' hakk\ and the meaning evidently intended 
and given above to tho Sanskrit word * dkdro! is a purely MaiAtbi moaning. 

• feva. 



BBLATIMO TO THE SINDAVAHSA CHIEFTAINS. 



253 



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254 



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256 OLD CANARE6E AND SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS 

No. IV.^ 

Reverence to Sambhu, ^ho is resplendent with a chowri which is 
the moon that lightly rests upon his lofty head, and who is the fomi- 
dation-pillar for the erection of the city of tho three worlds ! Beve- 
rence to Sambhu, whose spirit is composed of eternal joy and knowledge 
and power, and who is the chief stay of religious knowledge which 
becomes fruitful through the exercise of mental determination I 

Hail! While the victorious reign of the prosperous and Talorous 
universal emperor Jagadokamalladeva, — the asylum of the imiTerse, 
the favourite of the world, the supreme king of great kings, the su- 
preme lord, the most venerable, the glory of the Satyasrayakula, the 
ornament of the Chalukyas, — was flourishing with perpetual increase 
so as to endure as long as the moon and sun and stars might last, he 
who subsisted (as a bee) on the lotuses which were the feet of that 
mighty potentate (was) : — 

The brave king Pfirma*, — the son of the chieftain Achugi, a very 
thunderbolt to the mountains which were the fierce hostile chieftains^ 
possessed of unequalled manliness, — who, enveloping the whole world 
with his great glory so that it was said that he could not he described 
in words by any one, was waited upon by the preeminence of his fyne. 

nail ! AVhile the fortunate Mahamandnlesvara king JagadSkamalla- 
Permadideva, — who was decorated with his own titles of * the Great 
Chieftain who has attained the five Mahdsahdas, he who is a very 
Mahesvara to (destroy) Love in the form of hostile chieftains,* — punish- 
ing the wicked and protecting the good, was ruling at his capital, with 
the diversion of joyful conversations, the district of Kisukiidn, the 
district of Bagadige, the district of Kelavadi, and the district of 
Nareyagal : — 

lie who preser\'ed and governed him was king Paramardi *; 
Brahmesvara, the Unborn *, was ever respectfully worshipped by 

^ This inscription is from a stono-tablot built into tho wall on tho loft of tho 
same door of tho tomplo of M()llc-13rahmad6vft on tho rijjht of which is No. IIJ, 
'ITio emblems at tho top of the stono are : — In tho centre, a lihgn and a priest ; 
to tho right of it, a figure of Basava, beyond which is tho sun ; and to tho loft of 
it, a cow and calf, beyond which is the moon. 

* Soo note 5 to tho translation of No. II. 

^ Sou note 5 to the translation of No. II. 

+ The god Bralmiu. 



RELATINO TO THE SINDAVAMSA CHIEFTAINS. 257 

him ; his family-divinity ^ was Vama&kti, the worshipper of Brahmcs- 
Tan ; — in these things consisted his greatness ; how shall man further 
describe and praise the pious Barma, the worshipper of ... . 

Molleya? Sri-V^asaktipanditadeva usurped the rcpu- 

tati<m, well-known throughout the world, of being considered the noon- 
tide cow of plenty ; thus excellent was he ; how shall one describe it ? 
Their priests were ascetics ; Purahara" was their favourite divinity ; 
their decoration was such charity towards the Ugura Three-hundred' 
M to provoke astonishment ; they were indeed the best of all good 

people ; very j)roperly not 

recognizing those who covet the wives of others or long for their wealth ; 
—such were the Eleya-Bojagaru, who were considered to be the pos- 
sessors of knowledge. 

Hail ! On the occasion of an eclipse of the sun when the sun was 
commencing his progress to the north on Monday the day of the 
new-moon of the month Pushy a of the Raktakshi samvatiara, being 
the seventh year of the reign of the prosperous and valorous universal 
emperor Jagadekamalla, the One-thousand sellers of betel leaves and 
nuts, acting all together, (gave), for the ahgabhoga of the god Sri- 
Brahm6s>'aradeva of the original shrine of Kini-Narayangal which 
was a town near to' the Kisukudu Seventy, one visa* on each load of a 
beast of burden of betel-leaves of Kiru-Narayangal that had been cut, 
and two hdgims on each hcad.load of bctel-lcaves, for the god. And 
one oiLmill was set apart, as a grant to be respected by all, for the 
perpetual lamp of that same god. And the Ugura Three-hundred 
and the Eleya-Bojagaru Five-hundred-and-four, acting all together, 
set apart for the angahhoga of the god onepana^^ on each agriculturist. 
And Molleya-Barmai^na allotted to his god Brahmesvaradeva, as a 
grant to be respected by all, in the cultivated land of the One-hundred- 

• t. «. his family-priost. 

• Tho destroyer of the cities, — Siva. 

• Tho Uffura Throe-hundred and the Five-hunditxi-and-fournro referred to nlflo 
in Bomo YAdava inscriptions ut Munavalli or Mundli in tho IJelffaiim District 
which I hope shortl}' to publish. I can off<T no explanation of theso terms 
bc}'ond that certain religious bodies are apparently int4)nded. 

• * Baliya, inelwUd in ; see noto 37 to the Translation No. VII of the Ritta 
IiMcriptions referrc<I to above. 

• • rtw*, — one- fourth of an anna. 

*<* * Aa^wr,— corrupted form of * kdkini^'- twenty cowrice or a quarter of a 
pana. 

" * i*rfiia',— a gold loin equal t-^ v.:ry nearly 220 JTrjiins Tn\v. 



258 OLD 0ANARE8E AND SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS 

« 

and-four merchants the chief of whom was Urddcya of Umncliigo, 
twelve mat tars to the E. of the village of MQrugondu and to the N. 
of the stone that marks the road to Kukkandr. 

To those who preserve (intact) these numerous sites (of grants) there 
shall accrue the same reward of religious merit as belongs to those who 
bestow a thousand tawny- coloured cows upon holy ascetics or Brah- 
mans who are well versed in the scriptures at the sacred shrines of 
Vuranasi or KurukshOtra or Arghyatirtha at the time of an eclipse of 
the sun ; but he, who destroys them, is guilty of as great a sin as if at 
those same sacred shrines he were to destroy those same ascetics or 
those same Brahmans or those same tawny-coloured cows. 



BEtATtKQ TO THE SIMDAVAMSA CHIEITAIMS. 



259 



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BELATING TO THE SINDAVAMSA CUIKFTAINS. 2G7 

No. V.^ 

Om! Reverence to Siva! Reverence to Sambhu, wlio is resplendent 
with a ehowri which is the moon that Hi^htly rests upon his lofly head, 
and who is the foundation-pillar -for the erection of the city of the 
three worlds I 

Hail ! lie ■ , the most excellent one, — (the ' colour of whose body is 
as) black as a bee, and whose feet are placed upon the substantial 
rays of the tiaras of all the happy immortals who bow down before 
him» — ac(|uired both the earth and the ocean. . 

The ocean, — from which the moon aro3c ' ; which is the home of 
the goddess of fortune * ; which is adorned with the moimtains that 
fled to it for protection ' ; which is the i)lace of the production of 
ever-new jewels ; and the surface of which is the favourite couch of 
Mukunda ' , — is marked as if with a signet with (the earth which is) 
the habitation of men which is decorated with plungijigs into the waters 
of rivers which are vocal through their lines of surging waves caused 
by the motion of the fishes which are driven to and fro by the play 
of the tortoises and the Pathlna fishes and the alligators and crowds of 
elephants mad with passion. 

To the south of the mountain Moru, which is esteemed the tiara of 
the earth which is charming as being considered to have that same 
ocean for the girdle that encircles its waist, there is the good and spot- 
less hind of Bharata ; and to the south of this there is the charming 
country of Kmitala. 

* This incripliou ia edited from Plato No. XVI of a pliotoprapliic collection 
of inscriptions in DliAnvAd and ^I lisAr edited in ll^(!rt by Mr. T. C. Hope, 
Bo, C. S., for tho C-omnuttoe of Architectural Antiquitiea of Western India. 
The original ia u stone-tablet nine foot hiirh in a toiii|>lu at ruttidakal in tho 
UfidAmi T&lukd of the K.ilidgi District. Tho enihlenis at tlio top of tho stono 
arc: — In the contn?, a H'n^ja and priust in a hliririi- ; un llio ri;4'iit of it, a li^uru of 
Bjuavu, with the sun above it ; and on the left of it a cow and calf, with the moon 
above them. 

• Se. Vishnu who, in his incarnation as Krishna, was bom with a black or 
blno-hlack skin. 

* The moon, amongst other thinirs, was produced from tlio ocean when it was 
chamcd for the sake of the nectar by tho gods and demons. 

♦ The p:o<ldo^s of fortun«\ 6ri or Lakshnii, according to one legend sprang 
from tho froth of tho oceali wln-n it was being churned. 

• Somo of the mountiins ari^ snjipnscjd to have taken shelter in the ocean to 
OKcape ha-i-ing their wings cut off by Indra. 

• Sc. Vishnu who e^l ips on'the oveun, liaving tho ^hoods of tho sorpcnt Sdsha 
for a c;inopy and tho tuiltt of his body for a couch. 

35 r a « 



268 OLD CANABESE AND SANSKRIT IKSCfflPnOKS 

Many (kings), — who were the jewelled earrings of the race of the 
Chalukjas; who were considered to be the receptacles of endless 
happiness ; and who were as mighty as lions in rending asunder the 
heads of the infuriated elephants that were their foes, — gOTcrocd it. 
Among them (was) ; — 

Hail ! — Soma, the son of king Vikramanka, — who was the bcsnti- 
fill aotumn moon of the skj which was the prosperous &ni]j of the 
Chalok jas ; who was worthy to be praised by the whole world ; who 
was possessed ci wealth that sufficed to gratify the desires of lo^j 
women ; who placed the lotuses which were his leet on the beads of 
the kings of Andhra, Dravila, Magadha, and Nepala ; who waa landed 
bj all learned men ; whd was a yery king Saryajna' among kings. 

His son, Jagadekamalla, — whom no one dared oppose ; who was 
endowed with all good qualities ; who was a yaloroos uniyersal emperor ; 
who was renowned ; and who was the destroyer of hostile mien of the 
earth, — ^was glorious. 

His younger brother was Ndrmaditaila, — who was kind towards 
those who were skilled in rending asunder the infuriated elephants that 
were his proud foes ; who had for a banner his good and spotless fiune ; 
who was eyer eager for the taste of war. 

He who played the part of a bee in ever being in attendance upon the 
lotuses which were his feet was king Chayunda, — who was bom in the 
Sindakula ; who was the lord of all the proud uniyersal ralers of the 
earth ; who was esteemed a yery P^ha* among fortunate kings. Vie- 
torious is he, the king who excels in impetuosity, — ^who is the stage 
for the dances of the dancing-girl who is the goddess of yictoiy; 
who has conquered (in) the battle-field ; who has broken the pride 
of arm of his enemies ; who excels in the yirtue of generosity ; whose 
mind contains all knowledge ; who associates with learned men of 
yarious kinds. Hail ! ; the braye king Chayunda is the son of the 
white lotuses which are those who are bom in the SindayainSa ; the 
lotuses which are his feet are shaken to and fro by the many head- 
ornaments of the kings who bow down before him ; he has driyen out 
numbers of his enemies ; he is worthy to be praised by the kings of 
G^ijara, Andhra, Drayila, Magadha, NSpala and other countries ; his 

^ ^ ' Sarva/Ha*, omniscient, is an epithet of Siva ; I do not know of any paxticalar 
king to whom this epithet is applied. 

• A metroDymic of Yudhishihira, Bhlma, or Arjona. 



BBLATINQ TO THE SINDAVAHSA CHIErTAINS. 269 

glory is perpetual ; he is possessed of a very powerful army. And the 
lineal descent of this same Great Chieftain king ChaTundadSva is 
this:— 

Glorious was king Achugi, who was esteemed the glory of the 
Sindakula, — who broke down the courage of the hostile chieftains ; 
who was possessed of stability equal to that of the mountain Mandara ; 
who was a yery Puramdara * in respect of his might ; who was possessed 
of unequalled prowess. 

The uterine brother of the thus-mentioned chieftain Achugi was 
king Naka, who was a very Wieldcr of the thunderbolts *° towards 
the mountains which were the arrogant and brave hostile kings ; (and 
abo) king Simha, and king Dasa, and king Duma who abounded with 
the valour of fierce demeanour, and king Chavunda, and king Chava 
who was a very Churudatta^ ^ to supplicants. 

The famous king Bamma was born, amidst the praises of mankind, 
to king Acha amoug them, and, becoming a universal emperor, he ac- 
quired distinguished power and eminence of bravery. 

Zounger brother was king Sii'iga, and his ^* son was the famous 
;ha, who was renowned in the world, — who was as it were a 
second Mandhata ^'» and who was endowed with surpassing courage. 
How shall we liken the arrogant crowds of chieftains to king Acha 
who^ having proudly and valorously given 66ve and Uppinakatte to the 
flames, made the kings of Kaliiiga and Vanga and Mam and Qiirjara and 
M&lavA and Ch6ra and Chola (subject) to his sovereign, so that he 
might say to them, with such a command as is used in the case of 
those who are subject to compulsory and unpaid labour, * Walk on, O 
slave !' ? In his surpassing brilliance they were all burned up, so that not 
one king's town remained to be enumerated in the districts of Elaliuga 
and Vanga ; who were foolhardy enough to withstand in war king Acha 
wh<s in such a way as to be compared with a demon, first swallowed and 
then vomited forth Bhoja together with his troops which had invaded 
his country ? 



• * The destroyer of cities,* — Indra. 

" India. 

*^ Perhaps the character of this name in the drama of Mrichchhaka^ikA. 

*• Lt. Singa's. 

^* An ancient kin^, the sou of YuvanAsva. 



270 OLD CANARESE AXD SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS 

The son of king Acha who was thus famous was king Pemma who 
was a very Kalpa-tree (in respect of his liberality) to panegyrists ; who 
was praised by good people ; who was as it were a second Bh6ja ; who 
was pleasing to mankind by reason of his daring. Having frightened 
and put to flight the lord Hoysala who had ruled with severity over the 
countries of Chengiri, Chera, Chola, Malaya, Maleyel, Tulu, Kolla. and 
Pallava, the city of Kooguna, and the countries of Banav&se and 
Kadambale and Ilayve, the brave king Pemma seized in war a multitude 
of infuriated elephants. 

His younger brother was king Chavunda who was very famous, — 
who was possessed of good qualities ; who was dear to bis bride that 
was his spotless fame ; who was avoided by the hostile kings who 
bowed not down before him ; who was without a rival. Tell me now, 
who are there who have acquired sufficiently great courage to with- 
stand king Chavunda when they consider that his pastime is to frighten 
and ])ursue the hostile kings who bow not down before him, and then 
in his wrath to assail their wealth, their substance, their chariots, their 
troops of wives, their temples, their tents, and their countries ? In 
respect of his great devotion he was a very Lotus-born*** ; taking up 
his resolute stand in war he pierced (his enemies) like Anaiiga *^ ; he 
was verily (to be likened to) Dhanada upon the earth ; he was, if you 
regard it, praised and learned ; — if, then, you give him his full meed 
of praise, how is it wonderful that the king Chavunda is called a very 
god upon earth ? If the hostile kings with (the proclamation of) their 
titles opposed king Chavunda, they (were straightway ingloriously 
put to flight and so) departed without the honourable decoration of 
their entrails (torn out in a glorious death) and without enjopng the 
embraces of the arms of the nymphs of heaven (who are the reward of 
such as die bravely) . If any one opposed him in the world, then the 
brave king Chavunda, — whose spreading radiance was like that of the 
sun, and who protected the kings as the ocean did the mountains that 
fled to it for shelter, — when he was angry, was like him who con- 
(juered the three cities, so that the battle-field was scorched up just 
as the body (of Kamadeva) was burned up amidst the crackling of the 
consuming flames of the terrible eye in his forehead. The white fame 
of the brave chieftain (-Imvunda, — who conferred happiness upon man- 
kind ; who darkened (with sorrow for the death of their husbands) 



!» * The incorporcul one/— Kamadfiva, the god of love. 



BELATINQ TO THE SINDAVAMsA CHIEFTAINS. 271 

the ikcetf of the loyely women of the hostile kings ; and who bestowed 
gold in abundance upon excellent learned men and good poets and 
worthy people, — is considered spotless ; is not this a wonder in the 
world? 

If you ask for a description of the fame, which extended to the ten 
regions *•, of Demaladovi who was the wife of the fortunate Great 
Chieftain king Chavundadova who has been thus described : — Sayuig 
that Demaladovi was a very creeper of the Parijiita-tree (in respect of her 
liberality) to her attendants, a very cow of the gods to (gratify) tlie 
many desires of excellent people and friends, a very mother to those who 
begged of her, — mankind greatly praised her who was the female swan 
of the lotus-pool which was the heart of king Chavunda, and who was 
the ornament of the two lotuses which were the feet of the daughter of 
the mountain. The whole world praised Donialadovi, the chaste wife 
of king Chavunda, — saying that she was a very Arundhati*' in respect 
of her devotion to her husband, a very Bharati** in respect of her 
intellect, and a very Rati* ' in respect of her charms. The lustre of 
her body was the water ; if you regard it, her delicate arms were the 
lines of waves ; her eyes were the oi)ening buds' ; her smiling mouth 
was the lotus ; and the curls upon her forehead were the black bees ; — 
thus did Demaladovi, whose breasts were like two Chakrav&ka birds, in 
the semblance of a lake attract with perfect aiTection the swan which 
was the heart of kin;; (chavunda. 

Just as Rama and Lakshmldhara were born to Kausalve'^ and the 
charmuig Dasaratha, so to DCnialadcvi, who has been thus described, 
and to tlie famous king Chavunda were born Achidcva and the 
generous Pemmadi, who were imbued with great courage and with 
fame that was ever unequalled in its radiance. The jirince Achidova, 
who was far removed from fear and avarice and was as profoinid in his 
character as the ocean, was a very lion to the elephants which were the 
hostile kings and a very Rhairava "* in war to his fierce enemies. The 
brave hostile princes say of Achidcva that he knows not (how to 

*• The four ranliii.il iwints of tho coiiiiass, the four intormediatc poiiitd, tho 
xenith, and the n.-idir. 

*' The wife of Vuisisihtlia and the pattorn of conjugal excellence. 

>» Sarasvatt, the j;o«ldos8 of sprcrh and Icaminj^. 

* • llio wife of KfiniadAva and tho proddrss of heauty. 

•° KauBalyA was tho motlu r of Rjlnn, Uit the mother of Lakahmidhara or 
Ijaki^hniAiia wus kSumitiii. 

•* Siva, us the tyju. i)i li<.rLxi:ct& imd cimlty. 



I 

272 OLD CANABKSE AMD SAN8KSIT INSCBIPTI0M8 

punish) if they prostrate themselves and ask him for protection, but, if 
they meet him in enmity, he is a very open-eyed Java **« or an angry 
serpent-king, or a heaped-np fire, or a thunderbolt that fidls till i^ 
strikes its mark, or an enraged lion, or Death in front of one, or 
Mari ** who consumes everything as she pursues. 

While the fortunate Great Chieftain the brave king GhftvaQdadiva, 
— ^who excelled in impetuosity and who was very terrible by reason of the 
might of his arm, — ^in conjunction with the princes, — who were in this 
fashion the abiding-places of glory and the objects of praise, — was 
ruUng, with the diversion of joyful conversations, the Kisukft^^ Seventy, 
the Bagadage Seventy, the KSlavadi Three-hundred, and several other 
districts, if you ask after the excellence of Pattadakisuvolal '* which 
was the city of the regency of the chief queen, the fortunate D6ma- 
ladevi, and the prince the fortunate Achiddva :^- 

The district of Kisukadu, which was like the forehead of the lovely 
woman who was the country of Kuntala, was excellent and charming» 
and in it the city of Kisuvolal, which might be called its jewelled 
diadem, was very beautiful ; even Vasugi ■* can never properly praise 
the country that surrounds that town. Is there any holy place on the 
surface of the earth that surpasses Kisuvolal which was the place of the 
coronation of Nriga, and Nahusha, and Nala, and Purdrava, and Sagarat 
and other kings ? With its groves that are carefully tended, with its 
pellucid tanks set round with flowers, with its sacred river called the 
M alahari, with its fertile fields, with its beds of water-lilies, and with its 
swarming cuckoos and parrots and Chakora birds and cranes and geese, 
Easuvolal is truly very charming. With its shrines of Bhava**, its 
shrines of the Lotus-bom, and its perfect shrines of the son "^ of 
Vasudeva, Kisuvolal is verily the earthly birth-place of the goddess of 
fortune. 

While the chief queen, the fortunate Demaladevi, and the prince, the 
fortunate Achideva, were happily governing as regents the capital of 
Pattadakisuvolal which has been thus described, — ^having deliberated 
on the continuance of the pious grants that were made there by former 

■■ Yama, the god of death. 

*' The goddess of pestilence. 

■♦ Probably the old form of the name of Pattadakal itself. 

" The scrpont-king VAsuki, who has two thousand tongues. 

•• Siva. 

" Krishna, i>. Vishnu. 



BlLATOrO TO THB SINDAVAMSA CHIEFTAINS. 273 

kings who were intent upon preserTing religion, — on a holy lunar day 
which combined a Vjfaitpdid with an eclipse of the moon, on Monday 
die day of the full-moon of the bright fortnight of the month Jydsh- 
iha of the Subh&nu ^rnhvaisara, which was the year of the Saka one 
thousand and eighty-four, — ^having washed the feet of Sri-Siiry&- 
bhan^a-panditadSva, — they allotted, free of all opposing claims, to 
the god the holy Vijaydsyaraddva who was the representation on earth 
of the holy Yiiv^TaradSva of Kisuvolal which was esteemed the 
Tlnnasi of the south**, three hundred mat tars in the circle of Ma- 
liikMTara for the purpose of the angahh6ga and rahgabhoga of the god 
firf-VijayttTaraddva, and for the nourishment and clothing of the 
pfiests of that place ; the four boundaries of that land are,-^On the 
E.» the lands of Ayyaholc are the boundary ; on the S., the riyer 
Malaprahari is the boundary ; on the W., a stone called the stone of 
the great elephant is the boundary; and on the N. the hill called 
PuTa(abetta is the boundary : there is one mat tar of wet-crop-land 
in it. To the £. of the village (there was given) one mattor of 

guden-hind. and to the S. of Devarapura 

four oil-mills. 

A 

Dfcnaladdvi and the fortunate prince Achidciva granted to the agricul- 
turists of that place privileges and contributions and cattle and rent- 
free service-lands and houses and taxes. And the merchant Pheliya- 

seiti of that country allotted a kdgini 

And the ropomakcrs allotted one tUa and one 

kiginu And of the Kisuk&du 

Seventy allotted one mdna * * on each large basketful of .... 
• • • • and two mdmu on each three loads of a porter. May it be 
weU!»« 



"* A hill in the neip:hbourhood of BIdAmi and Pattndakal is no covered with 

im^oM aa to he still called DakehinakAsi, * the K&H or Benares of the south*. 

•• * ifdna', — the measure intended hero is prohably a handful; but * mdfia* 
meaos also aizUfn scfrt. 

*^ See note to lino 75 of the text. 



271 



OLD CANABESE AND SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS 



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276 OLD CANABESE AND SANSKEIT INSCRIPTIONS 

No. YI. ^ 

Reverence to ^ambhu, who is resplendent with a choivri which is 
the moon that lightly rfests upon his lofty head, and who is the foun- 
dation-pillar for the erection of the city of the three worlds ! 

Hail ! He, the most excellent one, — (the colour of whose body is 
as) black as a bee, and whose feet are placed upon the substantial rays 
of the tiaras of all the happy immortals who bow down before him, — 
acquired both the earth and the ocean. 

The ocean, — from which the moon arose ; which is the home of the 
goddess of fortune ; which is adorned with the mountains that fled to 
it for protection ; which is the place of the production of ever-new 
jewels ; and the surface of which is the favourite couch of Mukunda, — • 
is marked, as if with a signet, with (the earth which is) the habitation 
of men which is decorated with plungings into the waters of rivers 
which are vocal through their lines of surging waves caused by the 
motion of the fishes which are driven to and fro by the play of the 
tortoises and the Pathina fishes and the alligators and crowds of ele- 
phants mad with passion. 

To the south of the mountain Meru, which is esteemed the tiara 
of the earth which is charming as being considered to have that same 
ocean for the girdle that encircles its waist, there is the good and 
spotless land of Bharata ; and to the south of this there is the charm- 
ing country of Kuntala. 

Many (kings), — who were the jewelled earrings of the race of the 
Chalukyas ; who were considered to be the receptacles of endless happi- 
ness ; and who were as mighty as lions in rending asunder the heads of 
the infuriated elephants that were their foes, — governed it. 

Hail! The brave king Chavunda is the sun of the white lotuses 
which are those who are born in the Sindavainsa ; the lotuses which 
are his feet are shaken to and fro by the many head-ornaments of the 
kings who bow down before him ; he has driven out numbers of his 



1 This inscription is edited from Plate No. I of Mr. Hope's work referred to in 
Note 1 to No. V. The original is a stone-tablet in a Saiva temple at Aihole in 
tlie Hunagund TAlukA of the KaUdgi District. The emblems at the top of the 
tablet are : — In the centre, a standmg figure of a god or goddess which I am 
unable to particularize ; on the right of it, two indistinct seated figures, with the 
pun above them ; and on the left of it, a cow and a calf, with the moon above 
them. 



RELATING TO THE SIXDAVAMSA CHIEFTAINS. 277 

enemies ; he is worthy to be praised by the kings of Gdrjara, Andhra, 
Dravila, Magadha, Nepfila, and other countries ; his glory is perpetual ; 
he is possessed of a very powerful army. Victorious is he, the king 
who excels in impetuosity, — who is the stage for the dances of the 
dancing-girl who is the goddess of victory ; who has conquered (in) the 
battle-field ; who has broken the pride of arm of his enemies ; who 
excels in the virtue of generosity ; whose mind contains all knowledge ; 
who associates with learned men of various kinds. Tell me now, who 
are there who have acquired sufficiently great courage to withstand 
king Chavunda when they consider that his pastime is to frighten and 
pursue the hostile kings who bow not down before him, and then in his 
wrath to assail their wealth, their substance, their chariots, their troops 
of wives, their temples, their tents, and their countries ? 

And if you ask for a description of the glory, which extended to the 
ten regions, of Siriyadevi who was the wife of the fortunate Great 
Chieftain king Chavunda who has been thus described : — Mankind 
praise Siriyadevi, the virtuous wife of king Chavunda, , saying that 
she is a very Arundhati in respect of devotion to her husband, a very 
Bharati in respect of her wisdom, and a very Rati in respect of her 
"beauty. « 

"While the princes, the brave Bijjaladeva and Bijravad^va (?), — who 
were (born to) the thus described Siriyadevi and king Chavunda, and 
who were the abiding-places of glory and the objects of praise, — were 
governing, with the diversion of joyful conversations, the Kisukadu 
Seventy, the Bagadage Seventy, and the Kelavadi Three-hundred, . . 

\ . . ' '. .' of 

the Virodhi samvaisarat (being the year of the Saka era) 

and four, 






JOURNAL 



OF THE 



BOMBAY BRANCH 

OF THE 

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. 



No. XXXII. Vol. XI. 



Art. yi.— Additional RemarJcs on the Age of the Naishadhiya. 

By G. BuHLER, Ph. D. 



Read 18th August 1874. 



About two years ago 1 had the honour to read before the Society a 
paper on the age of Sriharsha, the author of the Naishadhiya mahd' 
kdvya^ in which, relying ou the authority of the Prabandhakosha of 
Rajaaekhara, I attempted to show that Sriharsha belonged to the latter 
half of the twelfth century of our era. My j)aper has since been 
freely discussed, especially in the Indian Antiquary^ and various objec- 
tiona have been brought forward against the conclusions at which I 
mrrived. It will be now my aim to complete my former article, to meet 
the remarks of my critics, and to show that the facts alleged by them 
have either no existence, or do not form such formidable obstacles to my 
theory as might appear at first sight. 

The main points which I brought forward in my first paper were — 
\stly — Rajasckhara states that Sriharsha lived at the court of a 

king named Jayantachandra, who ruled Benares. 
2ndly — This Jayantachandra is no other than Jayachandra» the 
last of the Rathor princes of KAnoj, who ruled also in Benares, 
and was dethroned by the Musalmans in 1 195. 



3r(//y— Sriharsha states that he was honoured by a king of K^nya- 

kubja or Kanoj. 
37 r a « 



280 THE AGE OP THE NAISHADHIYA. 

4thly — Rajasekhara states incidentally in another part of his 
work that the first copy of the Naishadhiya was hrought 
into Gujarat by Harihara during the reign of Rana Viradha- 
vala (circa 1235 a.d.), and that the latter chiefs minister 
Vastupala obtained a copy of it. 

I admitted, however, that Rajasekhara's narrative was not in every 
respect trustworthy. I mentioned also that Dr. FitzEdward Hall as- 
serted the occurrence of a quotation or quotations from the Naishadhiya 
in the Sarasvatikanfkdbharam of Bhoja of Dhara, composed in the 
first half of the 11 th century. But I stated that the latter assertion 
required verification, as the quotation might have been interpolated by 
a later hand. 

Against this the following objections have been brought forward. My 
friend Mr. K. T. Telang, who in the course of an inquiry into the age 
of Udayanacharya, the author of the Kusumdnjali,* was led to discuss 
Srlharsha's times, arrived at the conclusion that Sriharsha must be 
placed in the 9th or 10th century, not in the 12th. The reasons given 
by him for this conclusion are — 

Istly — That Sriharsha's Naishadhiya is quoted in the Sarasvaii- 
kanthdbharana, 

• • • 

2ndly — That Vachaspatimisra, a writer of the eleventh century, 
wrote a refutation of Sriharsha*s philosophical work, the 
Khandanakhandahhddya* 

Srdly — Sayana-Madhava in the Sankaravijaya names Sriharsha 
as one of the contemporaries of the great Vedantist. 

Mr. Telang finally denies the credibility of Rajasekhara's story, be- 
cause he is obviously inaccurate in many details. 

In addition to the points brought forward by INfr. Telang, Mr, 
Growset has called attention to a passage of the Prithirdj Bdsdu in 
which Chand, who is said to have lived at the end of the 12th century, 
anil, if Rajasekhara's story be true, must personally have known Sri- 
harsha, places in an enumeration of his predecessors the Sriharsha who 
celebrated king Nala before Kalidasa. 

Two other writers in the Indian Antiquary, Babu Ramdas Sen and 
Mr. Puruaiya, have defended my views, or rather RajaBekhara's state- 
ment, and attemi)ted to weaken especially the force of the objection 



» hid. Ant. vol. I., ])p. 297, 353. 
t lii'l Ant, vol. II., pp. 213, 306. 



THE AGE OF THE NAISIlADIIlYA. 281 

brought forward by Mr. Growse. Grateful as I am for their support, 
I regret that I cannot base my defence on the arguments advanced by 
them. 

In dealing with the objections, those which are based on passages tend- 
ing to show that Sriharslia was known to authors of the eleventh cen- 
tury claim the precedence, and among them the 8upj)osed quotation or 
quotations from the Naiskadhiya in the tSarasvatVcanthdbharana. As 
T^ards this point, which Dr. Hall first brought forward, I am, after a 
careful investigation of all the poetical passages quoted in the S-Jtraivati- 
kanthdbharanay in a position to assert that no verse from the Naisha- 
dktifa occors among them. Last year I procured from Benares a copy 
of the Saraavaiikanihadhirana, and of its commentary the Ratna- 
dmrpana, which latter, however, includes the first three chapters only. 
My Sustrl, Mr. Vumanachjirya Jhalkikar, next made a complete alpha- 
betical index of the verses quoted in the work, checking one copy with 
the help of the other. He thou compared every line of the printed 
copy of the Naishadhhja with the index. The result obtained is that 
stated above. With this metiiod of operation I think it very unlikely 
that Mr. Vamanacharva should have made a mistake, and this is so 
mach less probable as Dr. Aufrecht, who in the Catalogue of 
Oxford MSS, gave a list of the authors and works quoted in the Saras' 
vatikanihdbharamy was likewise unable to trace the NaishadMya in 
it. Dr. FitzEdward Hall's statement must therefore either be based on 
m mistake or on an interpolated copy. 

The second objection, that Vachaspatimisra, a writer of the eleventh 
century, wrote a refutation of Srlharsha*sA7/flrw(7aw«r/i^tfW(/fl/-^Mr/yfl, has 
no greater force than the first. It is perfectly true that a work entitled 
Khandanoddhdra has been written bv a Vachas])atimi8ra. Pandit 
Vishveshvar Naval Gosvami of Delhi possesses a copy of it, and was 
kind enough to show it to me on my late visit to the town. But there 
is nothing to show that this Yachas])atinii8ra was the author of the 
eleventh century. The name Vachaspatimisra is common to several 
writers on philosophy aufl on law. The Khaiidanoddhdra is not in- 
cluded in the list of books of the ancient Vedantist.* Besides the 
pt^dits of the Benares Colleu:e, whom I consulted on the age of the 
Kkandanoddhdra, declared that it was well known to them as a modern 
work, and was composed not by the old Vachaspati, but by a later 
homonymous author. 

• See PitzEdwanl Ilall, Cat., p. b7 ; Colcbrooke, Essays, I. 532. 



282 ' THE AGE OF THE NAISHADHlTA. 

In the third place, the passage from Chand's Prithirdj Rdsdu desenres 
consideration. It occurs in the 5th stanza of the poem^ which con- 
cludes the mang aid char ana or invocation, and of which a spirited trans- 
lation has heen given hy Mr. Growse. There the poet pays homage, 
1«^, to the serpent-king &esha : 2ndly^ to Vuhm ; 3rdly, to Fydsa ; 
4M/y, to Sukadeva ; bthly^ to Srtharsha, who on king Nala*s neck let 
fall the wreath of victory; Othfy, to Kdliddsa^ who wrote a chronicle 
of king Bhoja ; 7thly, to Vanda-mali; 8thly, to Jayadeva, the author 
of the Gttaffomnda, whom he calls ' great names of elder fame/ Mr. 
Growse is of opinion that the names of the poets mentioned there stand 
in chronological order, or at least that Chand intended to arrange the 
poets named according to what he considered their order of succession. 
Mr. Telang, whose indefatigable industry in the search for passages 
bearing on the ^riharsha question cannot be enough commended, has 
already shown that Sriharsha knew Kalidasa"' and quotes him in 
the Khandanakhandakhddya. It is therefore impossible to maintain 
that Chand enumerates the poets in their proper order. But it would 
be sufficient to make Rajasekhara's story doubtful if Chand* who 
certainly lived in the twelfth century, had written of Sriharsha as of m 
poet of bygone ages. If, therefore, Rajasekbarn's story is to be main- 
tained as trustworthy, it must be shown either that another interpreta- 
tion of Chand's passage is admissible, or that the passage does not 
belong to Chand, but to some later writer. In my opinion the passage 
certainly allows of an interpretation according to which it does not 
stand in opposition to the assumption that Chand and Sriharsha were 
contemporaries. Chand, I think, gives in the above lines not a chrono- 
logical catalogue, but he enumerates some of the authors best known 
to him, in what he considers their order of merit. Under this supposi- 
tion it is not strange that the author of the NaUhadhiya should be 
placed before Kalidasa. Fur, to the purely native taste, the Naiska" 
dhiya appears now, and has appeared for many centuries, preferable to 
all the other Mahakavyas. Our Sastris now study it more frequently, 
and praise it more highly, than even Kalidasa's works, and it has been 
commented on more frequently than any other poem. It must not be 
urged that Chand calls ^riharsha*s * a great name of elder fame* For 
this expression does not make it necessary to assume that he preceded 
Chand by centuries. It will be explicable on the assumption that 6ilbar- 



* I asflume here for argument's sake that the KAlidisa mentioned bj Ghaad 
and the great poet of that name are identical, thoogh the point is op«a to doubt. 



THE AGS OF THE NAISHADHItA. 283 

•ha's fame was well established before Chand wrote. The narratlTe of the 
Frabandkakosha makes it probable that the Naishadhtya was written 
before the year 11/4 a.d. For the story of the pilgrimage of Jaya- 
chandra's Pradhan to Somanatha, on which he came into contact with 
Kmniirapala of Anhilvad, is told af^er the story of Sriharsha's journey 
to Kailmir, which took place when he had completed his work. Chand's 
Rigdut on the other hand, must be considerably later, as it contains 
the narrative of Prithuraja's death, and of the fights of his son Rayana- 
siha or Ratnasimha with the Ghoris. 

I cannot leave this subject without stating that the chief bard of the 
Hahdrftja of Jodhpur, Kaviraj Murardhan, stated to me that he did 
not believe that Chand really wrote the Prithirdj Rdsdu. According 
to his opinion, the work belongs to the fourteenth century at the 
earliest. The reasons for his opinion were, Istlt/, that Chand, accord- 
ing to the tradition of the bards, had been killed with or shortly after 
his master, while the Rdsdu described Prithiraj's death and the com- 
bats of his son with the Musalmans ; 2ndiyy that the language of the 
Rdsdu contained many Persian words, while it was not probable that 
the Hindi of the 1 2th century, when the Musalmans had as yet little 
influence in India, should show such a mixture. I am not in a position 
to judge fully of the value of these remarks, though the second espe- 
cially seems to me to deserve careful consideration. 

I need only add that should the authorship of the Rdsdu, on further 
inquiry, prove doubtful, its passage mentioning ^riharsha would be- 
come of very small importance. 

The fourth objection which now remains is Mr. Telang's discovery 
that, according to Madhava's ISamkshepasamkaravijnya, the Khanda^ 
nakdra was refuted in a disputation by the great Vedanlist. On this 
point I have only to mention that Madhava*s work is devoid of all his- 
torical value. It is nothing but a mass of legends heaped one upon 
the other for the glorification of the great master. To give only one 
instance of its inaccuracies, Samkara is made to refute Bana and Ma- 
y&ra, the two well-known poets of the 7th century, and, besides the 
Ekandanakartd, his predecessor Udayanacharya. The testimony of 
such a work ought never to be invoked in chronological questions. 

Under these considerations it seems to me that, up to the present, 
nothing has been brought forward which is calculated to shake Raja- 
iekhara*B statement that Sriharsha wrote under Jayachandra, in the 
second half of the 12th century. On the contrary, the fact, which has 



284 THE AGK OF THE NAISHADHiTA. 

now been established, that Sriharsha is not quoted in the SarawatU 
kanthdbharana, is of great significance. That work is of considerable 
extent, and cites all the Mahakayyas, as well as all other considerable 
authors, up to the second half of the 11th century. I have also no 
doubt that it really belongs to Bhoja of Dhara, as its colophon states, 
or at least to his Pandits, Ck>n8idering the great reputation which 
the Naishadhitja has always enjoyed, the silence regarding it is almost 
a proof that it did not exist in Bhoja's time. It may be that other 
works of Sriharsha will be recovered, and that we may gain therefrom 
more authentic information regarding his age. The Jesalmtr Bh4ndiir 
contained only ninety years ago a copy of his SdhoidnkacharitOt though 
it is not to be found there any longer. We may therefore hope that 
one of the other old Bhandurs of our Presidency will furnish the book, 
or that the lost Jesalmir copy may still turn up. But until the time 
that such fuller and more trustworthy information is forthcoming, 
I shall hold that Rujasekhara*s statement that Sriharsha lived under 
Jayachandra of Kanoj, which is confirmed by Srtharsha*8 mention of 
the king of Kunoj as his patron, gives us reasonable grounds for fixing 
the age of the NaUhadhiya in the second half of the 12th century. 



P.S. — Shortly after I had read the above paper before the Asiatic 
Society, large fragments of an unknown commentary oh Srtharsha's 
Makdkdvya, the Naishadhadtpikd of Chdndupandita came into my 
hands, which furnish some additional evidence for the recent com- 
position of the poem. 

Chdndupandita, who wrote his commentary in the year of Vikrama 
l513atpholk^ near Ahmadabad, calls the Naishadha a new poem 
{kdvymh navam).* He further states that in his time there existed only 
one commentary on it, composed by Vidyddhara {aliae S&hitya- 
vidyadhara, of which I have found fragments at Jesalmir and AhmadA- 
bad. He also confirms, in the introduction to the first dloka, the 
story told by RajaSekhara that Hira, Sriharsha' s father, was conquered 
in a disputation by a rival, and was avenged by his son. Aceordiiig 
to Chand{^ the opponent of Hira was Udayana, and the Khandana^ 
khandakhddyakhandana was the composition by which the latter phi- 
losopher's wurks were demolished. f 

• Colophon of Sarga XXII. v. 62. 

t Tho same tradition is also curront among the Pandits of KaAmtr. 



THE AOE OF THE NAIBHADHiTA. 285 

These statements go a great way to confirm EAjasekhara's statement. 
But I am quite willing to admit that objections on the part of those 
who wish to establish the claim of the Naiahadhiya to a higher anti- 
quity are still possible. 

In order to enable Sanskritists to judge for themselves the value of 
Chand&'s statements, I give the beginning of the ^f S. and its end in 
full. I regret that I am not able to entirely restore the corrupt text. 

Introductioru 

•TFnrRvfMpnifvftif »TRirli*dHdiMiHHi<i II rPir "^ Mt^rrr- 

'fj^^fTcrpf: I Q|^ANMlf^^m4 tftf>Trt 4^M " <<^MR<n r: FTT- 
%cf^MH|^H--JK^^ilf»T: ini^rPt: qR^^MIUMIT ^f^- 

14" srr^^^rMS. ID'' i^Ti??jfff= MS. 



286 THB Aai or the MAisnAoeiTA. 



"^df^iPl 



Pnfrr di,'«<K 'S"*^ 3^>Pr: ««v?r: <jiNd'< i 't I «nr ^ 

Colophon ofSarga XXII. 

3?rt% ^ ^R^ f^^HTT ^ ^ ^ aniT^ II ^^ II 

d«H^i^f^>^«l*iMH^«^:H/*><cJdMH|JH| II \ II 

?iWTjpjpTW5i(^<iHp«di<e4t%5rinr:!nj^%^«w^*n%n ^ii 

% *(W^lR^i^H(^«H«<<diJ|4eMHWH|'A*«<*Allf«*HIM ^ I 
d^|rH4ii «*|4lR« «*rt«iHi*l««|^ dIt|d^M4Hl^R*l4j II \ II 

^ 4K^H4'^<<H A n ^ fti<;m«i^^^^i"| i <e*(M("<d rrt ft?raiT 

« ^lff»M|4>MH<<|-^«|M«< R4»^l^ld| ^Wf^%^ ?l%f^^ I 

%f dMKAiy irrrR' ^ ^?nra d*?i*^iR4l <Ri««i«1 ^ II Ml 
«sft»n^iii3> ssfN^^ir m^imi5j i 

M'Jc^^H^HiK^KMKHmtiRM l f^^j' ^^^ II ^ II 
PFTRT cRf ^HhUh"IMR<"II f^^cTT I 
arr^TT* ^?^ 5P5^ 5^ «MlfviJ|HrrtHlH II ^• II 



TJfl^TTTt JlfrlPrf^Rf %3T: 



f^^^'Rrif^F^tnf^SJTt HIM^*(lfHI« «*f>«lfH 1# lllfft4|Rl 

^IW II \ II 



TUB AGE OF THE NAISIIADIIIYA. 287 

^rfpRT^f^ ^^: ^r*nr^ ^^^ ^fr ^rirfrf g^qr ftsaw 

Tifrii^ii (sic!) 

^nff^^T fT^npTeri: jmfq^: ^"i R»-Tr% p.Nctt: ii '^ ii 
imx^ 3trf^rj ^^p% «»nw55n??TrT^r sT%rr IK ii 

%Uilii 1 1*^-1 d «^'«^<4 ^qriT^^JrT ir?^R3T^ II v* || 

^ «^rw3T»TS)fTi7: f>f^f5rf^f<T?:qf?iw t\^u{ ii 

oS" ftftiJH MS. ]'-'HTST.°MS. 2''3mMS. 2'w7°MS.3''Ji?»nt?ir. 3'' 
I^II^eRJIR MS. i^^f MS. 2" ^rfH^° MS.' 4" jjt^. 8" ^^ MS. 



3S r o « 



288 



Art. VII. — An Historical and Archceologicat Sketch of the 
Island of Angediva. By J, Gerson da Cunha, M.R.C.S., &c. 



Read 1-lth August 1875. 



The island of Angediva is situated in 14° 44' N. Lat. and 74° lO^ 
E. Long. It is about two miles distant from the coast of North Canara, 
and fifty-one miles south-east of Goa. Irregular in form, it is about 
three miles long from north to south, and not more than one mile broad 
at its widest part from east to west, and its area is nearly two square 
miles. It appears barren and rocky on its western or sea side, but 
fertile and of a pleasant aspect towards the main, where some cocoanut 
groves, rice-fields, and one or two orchards of the mango and other fruit 
trees surrounding a small town fortified by a wall, towers, and a castle, 
are observed. The strait which separates the island from the continent 
is safely navigable, being from six to seven fathoms deep, without any 
hidden shoal or sunken rock. Close to it on the outside the depth is 
from ten to twelve fathoms. To the eastward of it, near the coast, are 
two rocky islets which with another about four miles to the south-east 
contribute to make a pretty good roadstead, where in case of necessity a 
ship may find shelter during the prevalence of the south-west monsoon. 

Within this circumscribed space scenes full of dramatic incidents have 
been enacted, and the picturesque beauty this isolated little spot in the 
Arabian Sea displays, as derived from both its geographical position and 
other natural features, is greatly enhanced when allied to historical asso- 
ciations of no little moment, especially that which has made it the theme 
for the classical model of the ** floating island of Venus,'* which is one 
of the most charming episodes in the poem of Camoens. Again, when 
considered, although summarily, in connection with both its ancient 
legends and medieval history, or from the earliest mystic times of the 
Puranas to the days when the admiral Vasco da Gama, about the end 
of the loth century, on his voyage homeward after the discovery of the 
route round the Cape, "put into one of the beautiful islands of Ange- 
diva" to refit his ships and supply them with wood and water; and the 
Count of Abrautes, Dom Francisco d' Almeida, in the beginning of the 
1 6th century, laid the foundation of the fortress, which he himself dis- 



SKETCH OF THE ISLAND OF ANGEDIVA. 289 

mantled at the end of a few months ; or even as late as the time when 
Abraham Shipman with his five hundred soldiers sojourned there from 
April 1663 to October 1C65, and having buried in the meanwhile about 
three hundred of his men* he put this mutilated squadron to sea, — a 
time that is fraught with subjects for grave reflection, when the British 
power in India was yet in its infancy, and the littoral provinces of the 
latter in the height of disintegration, — the island of Angediva com- 
mends itself to our attention, and deserves to be studied with more 
than an ordinary interest. 

The origin of the word * Angediva* has been a topic for various ety- 
mological speculations. The Hindus, who believe the island to be 
situated parallel to the spot where the Goparashtra or Gorashtra divi- 
sion of the Parasuramnkshetra begins, consider it to be derived from 
two Sanskj-it words, Adya and dnpa, meaning * a primitive island,* in 
reference to its existence previous to the reclamation of the Konkan by 
that well-known sixth flr«/(^r of Vishnu, Parasuruma. Others think 
it to be a corruption of the word 'Ajyadcipay or ' the island of clarified 
butter,' — this latter supposition arising from alegcnd, which is current 
among the people, to the effect that Parasurama intending to celebrate, 
after the extirpation of the Kshatriyas, the asvamedka or horse-sacrifice, 
one of the most maguificent of ancient Hindu rites,t at the Ilarmal 
mountains in the province of Pernem, and having failed to obtain the 
clarified butter, so essential to the performance of that sacrifice, in the 
land newly reclaimed by him from the ocean, and which was then na- 
turally devoid of all such sacrificial materials, got it from the island of 
Angediva. J The Portuguese writers are, however, of opinion that the 
name of the island is derived from \4nchediDa,^ which, they say, means 
* five islands,' and De Barros^ confirms this opinion by stating that 
there were four other islets around the principal one of the grou[), to 
make up the number supposed to be exj)ressed by the composition of 
the word ; while really at present, as above noted, there are only three, 



• Hamilton's A Netc Account nf the East Indies, Lond. 1744, vol. i., pp. 184 
eiseq. 

f In the Mah^hhdraia a very intorostinp^ description of the sacrifice will be 
fband by those who desire to Icum its details. 

J See ^J4;j||^oqH> chapters iv. and v. 

f Tome i., pt. i., pp. 407 ct seq. of the Lishon edition of 1777, and T^ifitau's 
Eitt. des DeseourfrteSf &c., Parin, 1730, tome i., p. 152. 



2dO AN HISTORICAL AND ARCHiEOLOGfCAL ffKETCH 

and if the fourth has disappeared within the last three centuries the 
fact appears to have been too easily forgotten. But *flwcA«?/ — or ^anke* 
as some chroniclers write it. — in no Indian vernacular, so far as I am 
aware, means five ; and to have such a meaning the name should have 
been * Pancha-dvipa/ Anotl»er meaning of the word, and that which 
has, I believe, all presumptive evidence o\\ its side, is derived from 
^Jjddcipa,* or * the island of the goddess Aja,' which is a synonym of 
Maya or Prakrit!, aiul whose temple, standing on the island from very 
remote times was, at the time of the persecutions by the Mahomedans, 
who had taken possession of the island, along with the coast of Canara, 
in the year l.'n2 a.d., removed for safety to Ankola, on the main land 
near Carwar, where it is still existing. The Hindus, as well as other 
people, are not seldom in the habit of naming places after their own 
patron saints or tutelary goddesses, — a habit that makes the latter sup- 
position appear the most plausible of all. The islanders, besides, appear 
to have been verv reli^jious, from the mention De Barros makes of their 
attending to the holy duties (santoa officios) with an extremely piou» 
zeal. * 

Among the Greeks, we are told by Murray,t the island of Angediva 
was known by the name Leuke ; and it is said, again, that this was the 
j)oint where the ancient Greek merclmnt ships used to meet before 
entering on the more fertile shores of Limerike, or Canara and Malabar 
Proper. 

D'Anville, however, in his map of Ancient India places the names of 
Chersonesus and Sisecrience jw^t where the Angediva cluster of islands 
is situated ; whereas Ptolemy assigns to these names places that appear 
to corrcsjjond more correctly with the situation of the Andaman and 
Nicobar islands, and the Ilheos Qufinnulos of the Portuguese, or the 
Vingorla Rocks, respectively, and has, besides, an InJtula Aegidiorumt 
which, from its position on the map and similarity of name, appears 
to stand for Angediva. J 

• Derada^y \\ 408. 

t Murray's British I/hli^, JfL<f. and lUncript., Kdin. 18^2, vol. i., p. 67. 

X In i^prnnnor-MpukM's Aihm Jjiflf^nns iht- iiuino of Arff id ioruhi insufa is dis- 
tinctly written whrn' the Antc<<Hvan jjruuj) ot i>lHH(lsi8}»iluute(l, which fact leads 
to the siirniiNe that fiu'.Hc islands may Iihvo h«on known to the cla^Bic writers of 
tlie West. 8o.' nl^o rtnlenuci (ieoirttphitr Lihri ijcfo^ Amsterdam, 1(M)6 ; and Yin- 
rent's Voijage of ^'can/tmi, and I'lrij/lus of the Enjihican Sea, voL ii., pp. 42Ssiid 
4)2. 



OF THE ISLAND OF ANGEDIVA. 291 

There is no such perplexity, fortunately, respecting the identification 
of this place with the name as written by a few of the geographers, 
merchants, and travellers of the Middle Ages, both Europeans and 
Arabs, who have made but a passing allusion to the island in their 
works. The famous Ibn Batuta is the only traveller who has left us a 
fdnt sketch of what the island was about a hundred and fifly years 
before the arrival of the Portugui*se, without giving its name, although 
by the aid of the accompanying narrative we are tolerably certain that 
the island he aJludes to is identical with Angediva. Nevertheless, we 
are grateful to him for the information he has left us about the island 
and the country* around, on account of its referring to a period that 
has few authentic chronicles or travels to elucidate the history of the 
western coast of India. 

The proximity of this island to that of Siudiibur is distinctly re- 
ferred to by Ibn Batuta, but to identify Sindabiir is itself a point of no 
little concern in the medieval geography of Western India. 

The Arab writers, such as Masudi, Edrisi, Abulfeda, Rashid-ud-din, 

and others, refer in their works to a populous delta island situated on 

the western coast of our peninsula which they call Sindilbiir, but have 

confused its location with Sindan (Sanjan), the St. John's Point of 

Rennell, and the well-known seaport between Damaun and Bassein.* 

But the geographical j)osition ascribed to Sindabiir by Abulfeda and 

Ibn Batuta, and the data ({uoted from travellers in their itineraries, as 

three days' sail to the south of Thuna, and reached immediately before 
. • • • 

Ilunawar (Ilonore), remove all doubts about this identification, and 
we know now for certain that it is but modern (loa, which in those 
times, and probably some centuries before, was classed witli Sudhapura+ 
or Sundapura, or * the city of Sunda,' the latter place being along with 
Goa two of the dependencies of the sovereign of Vijayanagara, the Bis- 
nagar of the Portuguese annalists; while the modern name of Goa ap- 
pears to be a mere reversion to its Puranic dc^signation of Gomant. 

I have advisedly detained myself so long on the elucidation of this 
point because it is most important for my purpose ; for unless 

• Si^ Riiwlinson, quoted in Mndru* JnHrnaf, xiv. IDS. 

t *rko name of Smlhr.puni in North Ounara often occurs in ancient SanFkrit 
•nd old ('anarc>o iLscriptionrt : Jii*f. Ant. v«»l. iv., ji. 2(?^. 'J he woixl ^^inriibli^. 
on the conirarv, occurj* in no inscription hit]i«*i to known. Fdrisi, it ap]Kiiis, was 
ihe fin«t to mcntirm it, und llic Arabs of tlie ^liddle Ages are siiujdy n*>ponsiMi' 
for thid uncouth de^ilrnati<'n. 



292 AN HISTORICAL AND ABCHJEOLOQICAL SKETCH 

Sindnb^^r is identified with Goa — two names standing, as it were, at tire 
opposite poles, and defying identification without the aid of the descrip- 
tion of the place, and other circumstances,'*' which, as being out of place 

• It iH to Gil(loTnpist«»r, who, itappoani, first recogfnized the proximity of Sind5- 
bftr to Goa, and to Colonel Yule, tno learned interpreter of Marco Polo, I pre- 
sume, X\ni tredit i« duo of having found out that the Sindab6r of the Arab writtTj*, 
and Chinfcibor and CintHbor of the Catalan maps and of the Portulano Mediceo 
respectively, to be identical with modem Goa. which name had up to this time 
defied the otherwino accunite researches of D'Anville, I^oe, Badger, and others, 
who have confustd Goa with Ihn Batdta's Kfiwah, which is but modem Kon- 
wai, on the south of the Mah^ estuary. Colonel Yule's reasons for identifying 
SindabAr with Goa are : — the number of thirty-six villages mentioned by Ibn 
Battitaas situ.'ited on *' an island which, he says, is surrounded by an estuan' in 
which the water was salt at the flood-tide, but fresh at the ebb," — a dk;scriptioD 
that i« applicable only to a delta island like Goa {Ind. Ant.^ vol. iii.). The latter 
fact, which is equally mentioned b}' Do Burros {Dec. II. liv. ▼., cap. 1) g:tve 
rise to the ap|K']Iati(m of * Tigwa^y,* which it has borne up to our own daj-, and 
which means thirty villages ; and that is njallv the number of the village com- 
munities it ctmtains. Then, again, ho rtjfers to Sidl All's Turkish book of 
navigation called Mohith, a translation of which has been given by Hammer in 
the Jour. As. Soe. Betig.^ vol. v., p. 4(J4, where there is a section* headed "24th 
Voyage from Koah (Goa) SindftbCir to Aden," and the traffic between Gkm and 
Aden has been known to have existed from the remotest times. Another argument 
adduced in support of this identification is that MIsudi refers to the abundance 
of crocodiles in the bay of Sind£bilr, — a circumstance that is also particularly 
referred to by Barros, who mentions as well the legend that tber had been 
introduced there as a ** guard against surprises and the et»capo of the slaves.** 
We now hear little of th«.*ir great size and numlwr, as mentioned by MAsudi, but 
of their existence in the waters of both the Goa rivers — Mandovi on the north, 
and Juary on the south of the inland — little doubt can be entertained. 

I should now perhaps refer to other arguments that may serve to strengthen the 
position the learned editor of ^larco Polo has taken in regard to the identification 
of this apparently insignificant but really valuable landmark in the history' of 
the western coast of India, as well as to discrepancies such a§ that of Linschoten, 
who places it b«.'Iow D£bul, and those of sailing distances between Kuka and 
Sind^bAr, fortunately not hard to be reconciled, but their array in fall here 
would simply wear}- the reader ; I must, however, give a few. The first argument 
is the reference Ibn Bati^tri makes to two cities on the island, — one the old Hindu 
city, an<i the other that built by the Mahomedans. This is exactly what wo find 
even now in the island of Goa.' The Hindu city, on the banks of the JshX^', wa» 
built bv thft Kadambas ; while the Mahomedan one, which was first taken posse*- 
sion of))y Albuquerque on the 17th February l-'ilO, then fell again into the hands 
of the Mahomedans, and was* retaken by surprise on the *23th November 1610, was 
hitherto supposed to have been built by the Mahomedans of Honore, who, nnable 
to resist the persecutions of the Hindu king of that countrj', who was subject 
to that of Vijayfinngara, had taken refuge in Goa, which was then under the gov- 
ernment of the Mahomedan king of Bijapur, about the year 1479, and wko, under 
the guidance of Malik Ozen, had laid the foundations 'of the city captured by 
Albuquerque in the village of Ella, on the margins of the northern nvor, liwor 
dovi. The ruins of both these cities are still visible, especially of the Utter, 
but they arc, unfortunately, fast disappearing. 

Now Ibn Batata, who leR Delhi in the year of the Iliiira 743 (a.d. 134t) as 
an envoy of Sultan Mahomed of the PathUn dynasty to the Emperor of Chiiim» 



OP THE ISLAND OP ANGEDIVA. 293 

in the text, I have given in a footnote below — the alhision of Ibn Batdta 
to Angediva cannot be substantiated. Ibn Batiita's Travels^ therefore, 
which for accuracy and trustworthiness cannot be equalled, require to 
l^ carefully interpreted before we attempt to fill up the gap between 
the reigns of the Kadambas, Rattas, and Chalukyas on the one hand, 
and the Mahomedan dynasties on the other, in our annals of Western 

and on hie journey to that country met with severe trials and long delays, was, 
according to hi* own statement, twice at SindAbAr. He does not ^ve the date, 
but it appears that he was there between the years 1342 and 1350 a.o. If tho 
Mahomedan city of Goa was, as stitted by the Portuguese chroniclers, built in 
tbo year 1479, Ibn Batiita could not possibly have seen it in 1342 and IMfiO, 
or else it was built by Mahomedans who, uuder Malik Tubliga, had settled in Goa 
between 1312 and 13()7, in which year they were entirely driven out by Vidya- 
nnya M&dhava, the prime minister of Uarihara, RAja of Vijavinagara. Though 
in the interval between this event and tho capture of Goa by the Portuguese their 
hostilities had not quite ceased, and in spite of the reign of the Vijayfinagara 
dynasty, which continued for little more than a centurj', their Hkirmifning con- 
tinued, until again, in 1469, Goa fell into the hands of the Mahomedans, and 
this time those of the B/lhmani dynasty of Byapur, who held it until it glided away 
into the possession of tho Portuguese, there is no document to prove that either 
of these two peoples built any city in Goa. If tho Mahomedans built their own 
town soon after the conquest in 1312, it is quite evident that it might have been 
seen by Ibn BatCita. In this case the Portuguese annalists, who assign its 
foundation to the year 1479, are wrong, or else tho passage that refers to tho 
Mahomedan town is a modem interpolation in the travels of Ibn Batiita, for 
this Bt4itcmont is not found in Leo's tmnslation, but only in the French version 
by Prot Defremory, under the heading Ibn BathutnK* diaries^ quoted by 
Colonel Yule. Another fact worth mentioning is that the IVluhomednn king of 
Honoro and tho Hindu rflja of Goa were frequently engaged in war against each 
other. Ibn BatAtii writes : — ** I then betook myself to Jani£l-uddin, king of 
Honorc, by sea ; who, when I came near, met mo and received me honour- 
ably, and then app<anted me a house with a suitable maintenance. He was 
about to attend on divine service in the mosque, and commanded me to accom- 
pany him. I then became attached to the mosque, and read daily a khatma or 
two. At this time tho king was preparing an expedition against the island of 
SindAbdr. For this purpose ho had prepared two and fifty ves^icls, which when 
ready ho ordered me to attend with him for the expedition. Upon this occasion 
I opened tho Kor£n in search of an omen, and in the first words of the first 
leaf which I laid my hand upon was frequent mention of the name of Grod, and 
the promise that IIo wouhl certainly assist those who assisted Him. I was 
ffreatly delighted with this, and when the king came to the evening prayer 
I told him of it, and requested to be allowed to accompany him. He was much 
■urprised at the omen, and prepared to set out in person. After this he went on 
board one of tho vessels, taking mo with him, and then we sailed. WTien wo 
got to the island of Sind&bdr, we found the people prepared to resist us, and a 
hard battle was accordingly fought. We carried the place, however, by diA^ine 

Sermission, by assault." Again: — **Ithen returned to Sind^bAr to the king 
amAl-uddin, at tho time when an infidel king wa«» besieging tho town with his 
troops. I left the place, therefore, and made for the Maldive islands, at which 
after ten days I arrived." 

See Ibn BatOHas Travels ^ translated by S. Lee, Lend. 1829 ; Yule's Cathay, 
and the %cay thither, Lond. 1866, pp. 444, 445, and J. Gildemcister's Seriptorum 
Arabum de rebuts Indicts, &c., Bonn, 1838, pp. 46, 47. 



29i AN HISTORICAL AND ARCH.KOLOGICAL SKETCH 

aud Southern India. Coming as he did in the middle of the long interval 
between the travels of Marco Polo (1271-94 a.d.) and the awaking of 
the spirit of discovery in Portugal and the arrival of Vasco da Gama's 
fleet (1486-98), Ibn Batuta supplies to us the place of both a com- 
mentator to the once obscure text of Marco Polo, and that of an 
accurate, observing tourist, whose truthful remarks bear, moreover, the 
mark of authenticity stamped on them by his successors the Portuguese 
writers, to say nothing of such minor authorities who both preceded and 
followed him, as Bishop Jordanus (1321-30), Friar Odorico (1325-30), 
Nicolo Conti (1440-50), and others, whose accounts taken together con- 
firm most of his statements. 

Ibn Bati\ta informs us circumstantially that he sailed from this Sin- 
dabur island and passed over to another small island near it, which, 
from details he gives, cannot be any other than Angediva. He writes : — 
" After some days we came to the island of Sindubilr, in the interior 
of which arc six and thirty villages. By this we passed, however, and 
dropped anchor at a small island near it, in which are a temple and a 
tank of water. On this island we landed, and here I saw a Jogee {yoff() 
leaning against the wall of the temple and placed between two idols ; he 
had some marks about him of a religious warfare. I addressed him, 
but he gave me no answer. We looked, too, but could see no food near 
him. When we looked at him he gave a loud shout, and a cocoanut 
fell upon him from a tree that was there. This nut he threw to us : to 
me he threw ten dinars,* after I had offered him a few, of which he 
would not accept. I supposed him to be a Moslem : for when I ad- 
dressed him he looked towards heaven and then towards the temple 
at Mecca, intimating that he acknowledged God and believed in 
Mahomed as his prophet."t A yogi placed between two idols, it 
appears, could not possibly be a Moslem ; however, that is Ibn Batata's 
statement. 



• " The dinar of Ibn BatAta is the tdntja of othtT l^Iuhomcdan authors, 
corresponding more or less to the modem rupee :'' Col. Yule's Cat/my, 

f Lee's Ibn Jiat(lta*g Traveln, pp. 164, 1G5. Leo gives a note about the 
yo^t'* marks of a rolip^ious warfare, talking exception to whut A pretz has trans- 
lated as civi caatigationum vesfigia impressa erant, wliich Lie interprets to the 
effect that Ibn BatAta really believed tlie yogi, to be a IMnhomcdan, ^and re- 
cognized in him those characters (marks) of promptness and titness to contend 
for the Faith, without the actual existence of scars, wounds, and the like, which 
would then deserve to be named ** castigationuin vtstigiay 



OP THE ISLAND tjF ANGEDIVA. 295 

It was on the 24th September 1498 that Vasco da Gama, on his 
fintvoyage homewards after the discovery of the route round the Cape, 
having departed from Calicut rather abruptly, ou account of the unfriend- 
ly treatment he met i^ith at the hands of the Zamorin and his people, 
sailed close by the coast, dropped at Camianore, visited its king, and, 
having set sail again, placed, \vhile on the way, a landmark iiith the 
name of Bt. Mary on one of the Mulki Rocks,* opposite Udipi, and then 
pnt in at the island of Angediva, where, as Gasjpar Correa tells us, " they 
enjoyed themselves much." Here he sent one of his otficers, by name 
Nicolau Coelho, in an armed little boat {hotel) as a scout. Coelho, hav- 
ing landed at the island and examined it all around, returned to the ship 
to inform the admiral that the island had, what appeared to* him, a 
beautiful stone-built church reduced almost to ruins bv Mahomedans, 
as he was informed by the islanders, except its chancel, which was thatch- 
ed with straw and palm-leaves, and contained in its recess three black 
stones under the guardianship of a yotji. This custodian of the three 
black stones was living under a stone grotto, and ate of what was given 
to him from the ships which passed by, and which generally consisted 
of*' rice and dried herbs, because these men do not eat anything else.*'t 
Compare tliis statement with that of Ibn Batuta.^ Coelho said also 
that he had discovered good water springs with trees aromid, and in the 
upper part of the island a fine tank, ornamented with hewn stones, 
containing water about four fathoms deep, which was conveyed by a 
magnificent aqueduct close to the shore, for the convenience of ships 
putting in there, and nobody could tell him who might have been the 
author of ** this ancient and superb work,*' as Castera names it ; although 
De Barros conjectures it to have been built by some ])owerful prince, 
without giving his name, who was desirous to promote the well-being 
of traders by converting a natural reservoir of water, which existed there 
from olden times, into the lieautiful masonry work above described. 

•Those are throo narrow islets called Mulki or Mulpf hy tho nativps, but 
8t Mary's Ii>lcs in tho maps, from ono of tho sixcruoifonn columns of white stone 
bearing two OKcutcln'ons, — out; oonluininf^ tho anna of l*ort«ip:al and tho other 
tho armillary sphon* of Dom Manuel, and each do<licat(<l to a f'aint,— that Vasco 
da Ganui carrit-d with liini on liis first voyafj:o. 'Hie landniaik of St. Mary's 
Iilc has disai)poan'd. 

fDo Barros, hr, n't., p. 3^2; also tome i., ])art ii.. p. 2.'>0 ; Stanley's (Jatpar 
C«rrea, or Thrte Voijngtn of Vasco da Cama, Ijoud. lbCl>, p. *J38. 

J It is most improK'ihlo that thr ../"•«/♦ tfcon by Ibn Hutilta was tho same as 
tho onn noticed by tiio Tortu^urju-, althouyfh Couto ti IN us that in tho Khanfiri 
caves wari st'cn a y^//* who wus> a himdrcd and fifty ycar.M old. 

'39 r ait 



296 AN HISTORICAL AND ARCHJIOLOOICAL SKETCH 

Yasco da Gama, on obtaining the above information, hastened to lay up 
the supply of fresh water and wood he wanted for his fleet. He stayed 
there altogether twelve days, for taking on board, besides water and 
wood, a stock of provisions consisting of figs, cocoanuts, and fowls, of 
which latter article they bought, according to Gaspar Correa, six for 
one Vint em (less than twopence) , and for the refitting and careening of 
his caravels, which operation more than anything else occasioned this 
long delay at the island. Thenceforward he made this port a favoured 
anchorage of the Portuguese, thus practically expelling from it the 
Moors of Mecca, who, according to Cabral,* used to take this route to 
Calicut, and stop here to take m wood and water, before the arrival of 
the Portuguese. 

A curious incident in connection with Vasco da Gama*s stay on the 
island is the arrival of an embassy consisting of twelve well-dressed 
men, who came in two boats from the main land, and said they were 
sent to him by some native prince, — probably the king of Goa, — and 
brought him as a present a bundle of sugarcanes, which present the 
admiral was ci^-il enough to accept with thanks, but most decidedly 
declined to accede to their rather indiscreet request to pay a visit to 
his ships. Then a Jew,t who spoke the Castilian dialect Well and was 
the captain-major of the fleet of the Sabaio, the. ruler of Goa, subject 
to the king of Bijapur, came on board, making all sorts of friendly 
overtures, although in reality acting the part of a spy. This man was 
not only refused admittance on such terms, but was, on the contrary, — 
the admiral's suspicions having been roused by the islanders against 
the character of the Moor, who, they said, had been sent from the 
main land by the native prince to pry into the state of the navigators, 
and to capture them if possible, — put to the torture until lie confessed 
that the suspicions entertained against him by the islanders were not 
altogether unfounded. This man was at last known to be a Polish 
Jew, a native of Posna, in the service of the Sabaio, and was carried 



* Voyage of Pedro Alvares Cahralf Lisbon, 1812, p. 118. 

t There is still some doubt hanging over the nationality and creed of this per- 
sonage. Osorius call him a Sarmate by nation and Jew by religion ; Gaspar 
Correa a Grenadine Jew ; Castanheda says ho announced himself as a Levantino 
Christian, — hence some annalists called him a Levantino renegade, and state that, 
while being carried away by Vasco da Gama, at a distance of about two hundred 
leagues from Angediva he confessed he was a Moor. But it appears that he 
was really a Jew, and was married to a Jewess who lived in Cochin. 



OP THE ISLAND OF ANGEDIVA. 297 

bj Vasco da Oama to Portugal, who on converting him to Christianity 
under the name of Gaspar da Gama — he is sometimes known in the 
old chronicles as Gaspar da India — stood godfather to him. He was 
afterwards made a knight by the king, and not only hecame a valuable 
acquisition to the Portuguese sailors in their subsequent trips to India, 
but was again at Angediva with Almeida at the building of the fortress 
by command of the king Dom Manuel, where he rendered important 
Bervices. Vasco da Gama then set sail on the 5th of October* for 
Lisbon, but uot before he had signalized his stay on the island by sink- 
ing a pirate ship he had taken during the skirmish there, notwithstand- 
ing that a ransom of one thousand fanaos was offered for it. 

In his second voyage. Da Gama having sailed as far as Dabul, a heavy 
gale overtook him there at night, and disj>ersed liis caravels, which could 
only meet to " salute tlie flag-ship '* the next morning, when the gale 
had a little abated, near Angediva. Here he observed two great barges 
with armed people coming towards his fleet, which barges, the Jew 
Gaspar informed him, belonged to the renowned pirate Timoja, who 
paid part of the plunder to the king of Gars>oj»a, and was going towards 
Angediva with the intention of ticking possession of Vasco ,da Gama's 
■hips. The latter had scarcely any trouble with him. Waiting until 
the pirate's ^fustas, as they were call*»d, approached near enough, the 
admiral made short work of them all by dischar^'ing his artillery at 
them, which wrought terrible havoc among the crew of the Malabarese 
corsair, who was obliged to beat a hasty retreat into the river of Ilonore, 
and was eventually brought round, at a later time, to be the steadfast 
frienJ of the Portuguese. This action was followed by wanton and 
unprovoked attacks by the Portuguese on Ilonore and Batecaln, which 
the humane De Foe has rightly characterized as *' acts of murder to 
punbh the robbers." 

The fiction of the floating island of Venus, or the enchanted island 
{ilha nUtnorada), as it is called, has been for centuries a bone of coiiteu- 



• The Port iigueso hiatoriuna.aru often at variance with on« another in the 
matter of chronolopy. Correa says 10th Doccmlwr ; Oo*:/., Ca»tanheda, ami 
Do Barros 5th OcIoUt. The Litter havr more probabilities on their side. Maffey, 
who docH not care much about dates, only refers to events thus : — '* Cum uo re- 
iponso Ganiina AnehtHli\\.i.i iTisuLuu petiit, leucus ;i (Jalocuto cireitcrquiu^.irij^nta, 
iro<iu«'ntem nemoribus, et J^i^co omni.s i:<*ni li'. ;ij']irinii- ■ ^ ndunteui. Ibi rc- 
feetise lun.:;;i jjictiitiono socii-'*, navibii.s«iiit', DiJiini i»r«.'cat«is uti i'n>iutius iloniiu 
(idesset n-iluot nii|ue se optiiiio Iti-.^i propinqtiis, ac putrisc bisterct ; in Curopiuu 
cursuni intcudit.' — liiift. InJ.y 15*A>, p. Or>. 



298 AN HISrORKAL AND AHCHyKOLOOICAL SKETCH 

tion among critics ; and their criticism, as the Ilonourable Mr. Stanky 
observes, has not in general been lair toCamoens.* Assuming for the 
nonce, — and there are very good grounds for such an assumption,"- 
that Angediva \i'as the material basis on which the superstructure of the 
episode of the enchanted island is raised, poetic genius having really the 
power to impart to the commonest object on earth a hallowed renown* 
such as the genius of Milton once conferred on the now desolate bland 
of Ormuz, would in itself suHiee to raise the islet of Angediva, swampy 
and pestilential though it be, in the estimation of scholars. 

Voltaire, who had otherwise demonstrated to the world in his Pucelle 
<r Orleans that his was not too prudish a nature, pretends to be shocked 
at the scenes of the island of Venus as described by Camocns. Another 
critic, and a countryman of the poet, has, as the above-quoted writer 
remarks, brought the imagery of the * tlJui namorada* (* Love's own 
bland ') to the level of a matter-of-fact description of a vulgar debauch, 
which lie, against all probability and historic grounds, imagines to have 
taken place at Melindc or Zanzibar. f 

But several stanza-* '^f canto IX. of the Lusiad plainly indicate that 
the nymphs and deligiits of the * ilha namorada^ are but the honours 
and glory promised, and won by the com[)anion3 of Vasco da Gama» for 
heroic deeds. In this poetic creation Camocns has but faithfully ad- 
hered to classical models, as is apparent throughout his poem, and 
hb aim appears to be to endeavour to prove that the great and the good 
who were admitted to the tables of the gods to drink (to use a local 
simile) ihe amrita of the mount Meru, or to enjoy the company of the 
immortals who peopled the Grecian Olympus, were all ordinary men 
who rose to that high station or were placed there as a reward for 
their virtue^ a!:J merit. Again, Duperron de Castera — ^who for the 
fantastic explanation he once gave regarding the fables of paganism 
being fmuid mingled with the legends of Christianity in the poem of 
Cainooiis, drew from Voltaire the following sarcasm : — " A la bonne 
licnre, j\v eonsens ; mais j'a\oiU' que je ne m\'\\ I'tais pas apcrcu," and 
was often the butt for the satires of the Abbe Desfontaines — remarks, 
ui his La Lustnde, Paris, IT.'^.VGS, that the fictions of Camoens, like 



• ScH< Stanh'v's 77,rii /W/7<>»7' l'<fi<» dn Cim'i, Loinl. 18G0, p. liv, 

r Sc.. Cn.y ,/o .sv. ./. (.. .»/. of..,n '■' s., rJ:,,,u. A'o/7f.;/, Porto, 1849^ and (>6ni« 

<h Luis 'f( Cii"i'"fi!t. I/.-1h :, r^.'.J. t- !:i • • , >jt. .'.{n\ 004, 



OF THE ISLAND OF ANGKDIVA. 299 

that which makes the island of Angcdiva to zander on the waves of the 
sea, are the more marvellous because they are all founded on history :* 
for when the pirate Timoja, as Faria says, came forward to attack by 
stratagem Yasco da Gama*s fleet with twelve roving vessels, eight of 
them were so linked together and covered with boughs of trees that 
they appeared like a large raft, and had all the appearance of a Hoatuig 
island. Mickle, however, is of a different opinion. Ue doubts whether 
the master-hand that wrote "the great epic of commerce" would ever 
choose so inapt an illustration. Really the genius of Camoens never 
stood in need of such weak assistance. 

The verses on the floating island provided by Venus for the repose 
and delight of the Portuguese argonaut and his invincible crew, and 
where their future triumplis and glory in the East are related to them, 
are so interesting that I cannot forbear from quoting them here. 
Camoens writes : — 

LI. 

f Cprtando vao as naos a larga via 

Do mar iugente para a ])atria amada, 
Desejando prover-st» de agua fria 

Para a grandc viageni prolougada : 
Quando juntas, com subita alegria, 

Ilouveram vista da Ilha namorada ; ' 
Romjtendo ])elo ceo a nuu fonnosa 

De Mcmnonio, suave c dulcitosa. 

LII. 

De longe a ilha viram fresca e bcUa ! 
Que Venus pelas ondas Ilia levava, 



•"Sont d*autant plus mcrveilleuses, qu'cllcs ont touti'S lour loiidtuicnt dans 
I'histoirc." 

LI. 

t Cutting throusH the waves the ships thoir weary way 
PurbiKHl ovtT tlio wide sea to the loved home, 

Wanting fresh watiT, not knowinj^ how they niay 
Supply themselves tor su«*h a voyajjo lon*^ ; 

AVlion tojjetljer they In'held ahovo tlio spr.iy 
Tlie siijfht ot' Love's own island, every one : 

Just as tlirouph heavun broke tlie mother brip:ht 

Of Memnon, briuji^inf^ mild beauty ami delij^ht. 

LII. 

From ;i tli>t.'iiui- liny s;iw the island fi-esh and fair 
Whitli Vi.iiu^ lr«'ni the wavui* iV»r tin in nphLuVf^l, 



300 AK HISTORICAL AND AECHiEOLOaiCAL SKETCH 

(Bern como o vento leva branca Tela), 
Para onde a forte armada sc eiixergava : 

Que ])orque nao passassem, scm que nclla 
Tomassem porto, como desejava, 

Para oudc as naos navegam a movia 
A Acidalia, que tudo em fim podia. 

LIII. 

Mas firmc a fez e immobil, como yio 

Que era dos nautas vista, e dcmandada ; 
Qual iicou Dclos, tanto que pario 

Latona Phebo, e a dcosa k caca usada. 
Para la logo a prova o mar abrio, 

Onde a costa fazia huma enseada 
Curva e quieta, cuja branca area 

Pintou de ruivas conchas Cytherea. 

LIV. 

Trcs formosos outeiros se mostravam 
Erguidos com soberba gracioza. 

Que dc gramineo csmalte se adomavam, 
Na formosa ilha alegre, e deleitosa : 

Claras fontes, e limpid as manavam 
Do cume, que a verdura tem vi90sa ; 



(Just as tho white sails arc inflated bv the air) 
Wlicre tho brave armada tho island first perceived : 

But, that they might not pass that part of it where 
Thoy should tfike part ; the goddess had contrived 

Tho entrance whero the vessels sailed to predisposo 

By Acidalia, who could do what she chose. 

LHI. 

But firm sho made it, and immovable to the sight 
Of the sailors it seemed, with them in such request ; 

So Delos stood when Latona tlicre brought to light 
Bright Phoebus and the goddess used to the chase. 

Thither then the prow straight through the sea cut right 
To a deep bay wherein the waves were at peace, 

Curving and quiot, where of the smooth shining beach 

Cytherea witli pink and yellow shells painted neb. 

LIV. 

Three beauteous hills before their eyes appeared, 

Eound, smooth, and gracefully with flowers bespread^ 

Adorned with grananoous verdure, gently upreared. 
And in tlie delightful isle soft valleys made : 

Clear fountsiins, too, coming from those liills were heard, 
Which whispering limpid among white pebbles strayed 



OP THE ISLAND OP ANGEDIVA. 301 

Por eiitrc pcdras alvas se deriva 
A sonorosa lympha fugitiva. 

LV. 

N'hum valle amcno, que os outeiros fende, 

Veuham as claras aguas ajuntar-se, 
Ondc huma meza fazeni, que se estcnde 

Tari bella, quanto i)ode iinagiuar-se : 
Arvorcdo gentil sobre olla pendc, 

Como que prompto cstti para affcitar-se, 
Vendo-se no crystal resplandecente, 

Que cm si o est>i pintado propriamcute. 

Os Luzladas, Canto IX. 

Dom Francisco d* Almeida, the first Viceroy of the Portuguese settle- 
ments in the East — who, being a man of great political sagacity, was 
fully aware that a small nation of scarcely four millions could not hold 
large conquests for any length of time "without loss of prestige, but had 
expressed to the King his opinion that they should, on the contrary, 
strive to confine themselves to obtain supremacy over the sea, which 
would eventually assert their power over the countries bordering on it, 
or even secure their territorial dominion, a system that in former times 
had been successfully practised by the Athenians, and has in our own 
daye with apparent advantage been tried by some of the modern 
nations — wrote from India to the King, Dom Manuel, that they should 
build factories and counting-houses only, and a few fortresses for their 
defence, where needed, on the coast and the adjacent islands, and thus 
place their trade on a more solid footing, rather than make large territorial 
acquisitions, which would in the end simply interfere with, if not niin, 
their commercial position in Asia, and drive them away from it. His 
prediction was at last to be fulfilled. This sound policy, was, however. 

Cool and fresh dovm from the siiinmit's shiidy source, 
Tho fugitive sonoroiu lymph derived ita coui-so. 

I.V. 

In a ploaRant valley, by the hilla defended, 

ITio limpid waters met and joined in one. 
Forming a maze, or table, wliich extended 

As beautiful aH fancy e'er gazed upon : 
Groves gracefully o*cr parts of tho sborcs impended. 

As if thoy were going to sliave, and looking down* 
Viewing Uiemselves in the cr)'stal bright presented 

13oth accurately and naturally painted. 

The Lusiad, Canto IX., translated by 

Lieut-CoL Sir T. L. Mitchell, lit., D.C.L. 



302 AN HISTORICAL AND ARCH^EOLOQICAL SKETCH 

counteracted by the more ambitious views of Alfonso d'Albuquerquc, 
who wished to found, like the Romans, an empire in the East, and 
amalgamate the Portuguese with the natives, — an experiment that has 
been found, now that it is too late to repair the evil, to be fruitful of 
grave evils to both parties. May not this be a warning as well to 
present and future statesmen and philanthropists of other nations to 
desist from pursuing any longer a policy inaugurated, so unsuccessfully, 
by the great founder of the Portuguese empire in the East ? 

Albuquerque's policy, as foretold by Dom Francisco d' Almeida, 
could not be followed beyond the government of Dom Joao de Castro, 
or, even allowing for their last reactive efforts, as late as the government 
of the brave Dom Luis d^Athaide, who, unfortunate man ! did really 
struggle hard against all odds, and perhaps more than any of his 
predecessors, to preserve the power that was decaying ; but the fates were 
against him, and he succumbed' the moment the resources of Portugal 
were exhausted, and corruption had crept in to precipitate the downfall. 
No human power could then withstand it, and, it being but natural, it 
appears strange that some of the later Portuguese writers should at- 
tempt to lay all the faults of their impolitic rule at the door of the 
Spanish yoke. This is, no doubt, the best argument to evade bitter 
recrimination, which a retrospective glance upon their own past mis- 
deeds might evoke. 

The king, quite convinced of the soundness of Almeida's suggestions, 
wrote back that he wished him especially to have Angediva fortified, 
from its being situated about the middle of the coast, which, besides 
affording protection to his trade, would also secure a supply of water 
for his shipping. Another place which Dora Francisco much desired 
to possess and fortify along with Angediva was the Mount Dilli, a pro- 
montory some sixteen miles north of Cannanore, — the first Indian 
land seen by Vasco da Gama on his sailing towards Calicut, and at that 
time the most frequented seaport and emporium, almost all the ships 
from Mecca, Ormuz, Cambay and Calicut anchoring in the little bay 
under it. 

It was on the 13th September 1500 that Dom Francisco d' Almeida 
laid the foundation-stone of the Angediva fortress. A curious incident 
in connection with its foundation is the discovery of some crosses * 

• Mitchell, referring to Osorio, says he found many cmcifixcB of black and red 
colour ; but lie is incorrect. 



OF THE ISLAND OF ANOEDIVA. 303 

of black and blue coloured wood, found buried underground, while 
making excavations in the hill, which, along with some images found 
by Alfonso d' Albuquerque in the building of tbe old city of Goa, gave 
origpin to the impression that the islands of Qoa and Angediva were for- 
merly inhabited by Christians. The fact of the discovery of those 
pieces of wood in the form of a cross underground does not, howerer, 
prove that the place had been inhabited by Christians, — an impression 
that gave to the pagoda, the ruins of which are still faintly visible there, 
the name of * church.' Every one, perhaps, is aware that the Kndus 
were then, as they are now in some places, in the habit of making an 
inatroment in the form of a cross for taking astronomical observations ; 
and these must have been found when Dom Francisco was laying the 
oomer-atone of the fortress, — not to speak of the phallic triad of the an- 
cients in wood and stone, which has been met with almost everywhere, 
in all countries and climes, and was a religious symbol in the infancy of 
modern civilized nations, as it is now among the savages of Africa and 
America, and of the Pacific. 

I must not, however, omit to notice here another supposition, ^that 
of their being relics of the Christians of the Nestorian sect, that 
once prevailed on, and was spread over, the Indian coast, from the 
ninth century until the persecutions of the Mahomcdans drove them 
away, or, later still, until the time of Archbishop Menezes, who com- 
pelled them to concentrate themselves within the narrow precincts of 
Travancore and the neighbourhood. I do not wish to enter here into 
the question whether these are really the remnants of the St. Thomas 
Christians, — which opinion has, I am afraid, many advocates, — as it is 
quite foreign to my subject. 

But to return to our narrative. The first thing which Dom Francisco 
dWlmeida did on disembarking at Angcdiva on the 13th September 
1 TiO'), — a proceeding which was not opposed by the islanders, who, per- 
ceiving his fleet sailing towards Angcdiva, had hastily and in a fright 
(nx>ssed over to tho main, — was to send an able officer, by name Joa9 
Ilomem, to Cannanore, Cochin, and Coulan, with despatches informing 
the factors settled in those places of his arrival at Angcdiva ; and while 
fortifying the island he also sent Rodrigo Botelho and Gonfalo de Faria 
to cruise in the sea between Angcdiva and Mount Dilli, and to seize 
every Mahomedan vessel that should happen to sail between those 
points, and bring it as spoil to him. This petty naval, or rather pirati- 
40 r as 



304 AN HISTORICAL AND ABCHJEOLOOICAL SKETCH 

cal, expedition was successful in capturing a number of zambucs with 
valuable cargoes of spices, timber, and silk. 

The building of the fort could not be carried out to the satisfaction 
of Dom Francisco, from the absolute want of proper cement, such as 
Ihne, in the island ; but he succeeded in buildmg one, rather hastily, of 
simple clay and stone. Having done so, and his presence being re- 
quired elsewhere, he handed over the island to Manuel Pa^anha, whom 
he named Captain of the Fort of Angediva, and for whose nomination 
he had himself previously solicited the King's approbation. Having 
completed the building, and having armed one galley and two brigantinesi 
he gave them in charge to another of his officers, by name Joa9 Serrao, 
which vessels were afterwards used by Dom Francisco himself in his 
naval excursions in the Indian Ocean ; and having placed, moreover, 
the administration of the factory established on the island in the hands 
of Duarte Pereira, who was made its provost or chief, and was assisted 
by three clerks and other subordinate officers, he left for Cannanore, 
where he assumed the title of Viceroy. 

Scarcely had six months elapsed since Dom Francisco left Angediva 
when the fortress was besieged by a host of Mahomedans and Hindus 
who were in the service of the king of Goa, — who had grown ex- 
tremely jealous of the Portuguese, since they had made an alliance 
with tHe king of Honore, — under the command of a Portuguese renegade 
by name Antonio Fernandes, a carpenter, who had once been left on 
the shores of Africa, near Quiloa, as a convict by Pedro Alvares Car 
bral, and, having embraced Mahomedanism under the name of Abdulla, 
had somehow found his way to India. This man being aware that 
both Dom Francisco and his son Dom Lourenco were absent from 
the island, the former at Cannanore and the latter at Calicut, seized 
the opportunity to risk an attack upon the undefended island. The 
attempt, the historian* tells us, was made by Fernandes under a 
promise from the Zabaim (Sabaio) that he would appoint him captain 
of the fortress of Cintacora, modern Ankola, provided he expelled the 
Portuguese from Angediva. The bait Fernandes thought was worth 
catching at, for from the estimate of his character given by chroniclers 
he could not certainly be above taking the offered bribe. 

♦ Do Barros, tome i., pt. ii., p. 410. 



OF THB ISLAND OF ANQEDIVA. 305 

The attack was sudden. In the dead of night, or a little before 
dawn had dispelled the darkness and enabled people to sec each other, 
the landing of the enemy, who brought with them a fleet of sixty 
m\ took place. The surprise of the descent, however, evoked all 
the fury of the Portuguese to repel the attack. The moment he was 
rarrounded by the enemy, the y-alorous captain Manuel Pa9anha, know- 
ii^ well that his fortifications consisted of only a low wall and a tower 
of clay and stone, which could ill afibrd him shelter against the showers 
of shot and arrows of the host of the enemy, with his handful of a gar- 
riaon sallied forth and at the point of the sword began the slaughter 
of the foe. The Mahomcdans took alarm at the bold front thus shown 
them, and it really kept them at bay for some time. An unopposed 
debarkation on the island had raised their hopes and filled their hearts 
with joy, and they were confident that the firing of a few shots would 
Boon be followed by complete submission and unconditional surrender ; 
bat they were mistaken. From the place of their first attack, — which 
was, as Lafitau expresses it, vigorous, — the iVIahomedans were obliged to 
torn round, mount a hillock, and from under a grove of trees which 
overhung the fortress pour their shots and arrows into it, so that but 
for the bravery of the defenders it would have lain at their mercy. 

From so favourable a position, gained almost by accident, the Portu- 
gaese could not easily dislodge them. Nor did the latter dare to issue 
from the fort, on account of the danger they incurred of becoming a 
mark for the enemy. Pacanha, however, was equal to the emergency. 
In the midst of perils he did not lose presence of mind. To mount his 
pieces of ordnance on the tower, from whence he could beat down the 
attacking party, and to place on the wall some of his big mortars with 
which to sink the fleet in which the Mahomcdans had crossed the 
channel, was an idea put into execution as soon as conceived. 

This expedient was very successful, but, in spite of it, the state of 
blockade lasted for four days and nights continuously, during which the 
Portuguese could scarcely move from their post of defence. De Barros 
writes, they did not even care for their meals or sleep. They were 
ready to sacrifice their lives for the honour of their country ; but what 
caused them the greatest annoyance was the vile ladguage used against 
them daring the calm of the night, and which could distinctly be 
heard in the fortress, by the renegade captain Abdulla, alias Fcrnandes, 
who was leading this attack against his own countrymen. 



306 AN HISTOBIGAL AND ABCH^OLOOICAL SKETCH 

The Mahomedans, who, in spite of their oTerwhelping numbers, had 
failed to realize their expectations, being nnable to reduce the fortress 
within that time, and noticing that two Portuguese boats had, at the 
beginning of the surprise, started to inform Dom Louren90 — ^who was 
cruising in the sea close by, and was much feared by theMahomedans — 
of the nature of the attack, raised the siege and fled across to the 
continent as precipitately as they had landed on the island. On the 
arrival of the reinforcements and provisions sent by Dom Louren90 a 
council was held, at which it was resolved that as the rainy season was 
fast approaching, and Cochin, the head-quarters of the troops, too 
distant to afPord it assistance easily, Angediva would be constantly ex. 
posed to attack, and, in view of the expense and trouble involved in 
succouring it, it would not be worth keeping, the fortifications should 
be razed to the ground and the place abandoned. At the same time 
Dom Francisco d'Almeida began to build the castle of Cannanore, 
which also greatly enraged the Moors of that country.* This took 
place in the month of May 1506. 

Some time before the building of the fortress, the well-known tra- 
veller Ludovico di Varthema, who was himself in Angediva, refers to the 
condition of the island thus : — " I quitted this place (Bathacala, modern 
Sadasivagad), and went to another island which is inhabited by a cer- 
tain sort of people who are Moors and pagans. This island is distant 
from the main land half a mile,and is about twenty miles in circumference. 
The air is not very good here, neither is the place very fertile. There 
is an excellent port between the island and the mainland, and very good 
water is found in the said island, "t Here Varthema greatly exaggerates 
its dimensions. 

In the long interval between the dismantling of the fortress by 
Dom Francisco d'Almeida, or its total abandonment by the Portuguese, 
and the next historical event of importance in connection with the 
island, — ^its occupation by the troops of Sir Abraham Shipman, — it ap- 
pears that the island was left entirely desolate ; so that it became one 
of the haunts of the pirates of the coast. 



* See the letter from the Viceroy, Dom Francisco d'Almeida, to the King, in the 
Annaes de ScienciaSf Lisbon, 1858. 

t The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema^ a.d. 1503 to 1508. Translated by J. W. 
Jones, and edited with notes by G. F. Badger, Lend. 1863, p. 120. 



OF THE ISLAND OF ANQEDIVA. 807 

It 18 Fra Paolino da San Bartolomeo who makes mention of this fact. 
He writes : — '* The capital of the kingdom of Cannanur, called also 
Colanada, lies in the latitude of 11^ dO', and is distinguished by the 
■ame name. The whole surrounding district, which towards the north 
extends as far as the mountain Illit is inhabited by the Molandis, who 
live merely by piracy. These sea-robbers are mentioned by Pliny, Ar- 
Tian, Ptolemy, and other ancient authors. They unite themselves to 
other pirates who reside on the Angedib islands near 6oa, and capture 
all the small vessels which sail from Goa to Cochin."* 

This barefooted Carmelite was in India about the third quarter of the 
eighteenth century, when the island was again occupied by the Portu- 
guese ; and when he states that the pirates ** reside on the Angedib 
islands'* he most probably refers to a period antecedent to its reoccupa- 
tion by the Portuguese. 

But Pietro della Yalle, who passed by the island on the 16th of 
October 1623, when it was unoccupied, alludes to it thus : — '' Ci se fece 
notte presso a ccrti scogli, ouero Isolette dishabitate, che le chiamano 
AngediuQj che in linjipia del paese vuol dir, cinque Isole, perche tante a 
punto sono. In una v'^ acqua : tutte sono verde, e con qualch' albero."t 
The impression that ' anche* or ' Angediva' meant five islands appears 
to have been general among Europeans, since De Barros and other 
early Portuguese annalists wrongly explained the origin of the name ; 
for Lafitau also gives the same derivation of the name. 

Now the striking historical fact connected \i'ith the island is the land- 
ing at Angediva of the English troops that were sent down to India to 
take possession of Bombay, ceded to the King of Great Britain by 
the marriage contract dated the 23rd of July 1661. The delivery of 
the bland was decreed by the royal letter dated the 9th of April 1662, 
for which purpose a fleet consisting of five ships, under the command 
of the Earl of Marlborough, was despatched to India, carrying about 
five hundred soldiers. Sir Abraham Shipman had the control of the 
troopsy and was appointed the General of the island and its dependen- 
cies. They arrived off Bombay on the 18th of September 1662, and 

• A Voyage to the FnH Indies, by Fm Paolino dji San Bartolomoo. TranslAtcd 
into German Ly J. N. Foster, and from German into Iilngliah by W. Johnston, 
Lond. 1800, pp. 141,145. 

t Viagoi di Fietro della Vallc ilPelUgrim, Vcnotia, 1667, vol. iL, p. 180. 



808 AN HISTORICAL AND ABCHiEOLOGICAL SKETCH 

ou requesting that the island might he made over to them, the Portu- 
guese Viceroy, proffering some plea and reasons — some of them worth 
attention,* but too tedious to enumerate here — refused to accede to the 
demand ; whereupon they sailed to Surat and made an application to 
the English President, Sir George Oxenden, to obtain permission from 
the Mogul to effect a landing of the troops there, but even this was re- 
fused. Further misunderstandings led Lord Marlborough to return in' 
January 1661 to England, but his five hundred men had no other re- 
source left than that suggested by Sir Abraham Shipman, to land at 
the desolate island of Angediva, which then belonged to nobody. Here 
they remained about two years under the shelter of a few huts, and 
without sufficient protection from the deadly effects of the climate. 
The consequence was that Sir Abraham Shipman died on the 5th of 
April 1664, and three hundred of his men perished on the island during 
this short interval,— the marshy condition of the island, the absence of 
any accommodation to which a European is accustomed, and the scarcity 
of provisions, having thinned their numbers rapidly ; and when by an- 
other of his royal letters, dated the 16th of August 1663, the cession of 
the island of Bombay was almost imperatively urged on the Viceroy, 
Castro de Mello, by the King of Portugal, a new treaty was drafted, to 
be signed by Humphry Cooke, who had become acquainted with the 
Viceroy in Lisbon, where he was carrying on the trade of a tanner, and 
had succeeded here to the command of the British troops. It was on 
the 10th of January 1665 that the new treaty was signed, and the 
formal cession was made on the l/th of the following month,f when 
Humphry Cooke took possession of Bombay with the wreck of his army, 
as the few English troops still surviving on Angediva were called, amount- 
ing to only two officers and a hundred and ninety-one rank and file. All 
the others were buried in the rocky island of Angediva, and, strange 
though it may appear, nobody has yet thought in this the nineteenth 
century, in which it is the fashion to commemorate even the most ordi- 
nary events in life and to raise statues to no less ordinary beings, of 
placing even a decent slab to the memory of those brave and self-denying 
pioneers of the British power in the East, who, having the misfortune to 
seek a refuge that was denied them elsewhere, were at last obliged to 



* Memorias de Teixeira Mngalhaes, Goa, 1858. 

t Soe my articles entitled ** Wonls and Places in and about Bombay" in the 
Indian Aniiqwiry^ Bomb. 1874, vol. iii# 



OF THE ISLAND OF ANOEDIVA. 309 

mtke an unhealthy spot their retreat, and in the case of most of them 
their grave. But I must stop here, on the principle Ne tutor ultra 
erejndam. 

On the English evacuating the island it was left without a possessor, 
and now the time -was at hand for the Portuguese to make another 
attempt to appear on the scene and raise new fortifications. This was 
done in 1682, during the government of the Viceroy Conde d'Alv6r, when 
the Portuguese again fortified the island, and this time more effectually 
than ever, the corner-stone being laid on the 5th of May of that year. 
The fort is a pretty large quadrilateral bastioned one, consisting of a wall 
built of stone and mortar, and possessing embrasures, battlements, and 
■11 the other features and appliances of medieval fortifications. It has 
casemates under the ramparts, and some of the landward and southern 
bastions are built with orillons. It has also a balcony for the guard ; 
a large store-room for gunpowder ; a magazine for ammunition and vic- 
tuals ; a castellated governor*s palace ; a cuirass ; a house for the door- 
keeper of the palace and of the cuirass ; a major's house ; two redoubts ; 
five bastions, named Francisco, Antonio, Concei9a?l', Diamante and 
Lumbreira ; three batteries, named Ponta de dentro, Pe9a and Fon- 
tainhas, and several other small buildings amidst palm-groves and 
other trees, which it would be too tiresome to enumerate here. The 
entrance gate leads to a courtyard, and in the enceinte of the fortress is 
a fine tank of spring water.* 

When completed it was one of the most pleasant seats fortified by 
the Portuguese government in India, who appointed Amaro Simoes its 
first Governor ; but it is now in a very dilapidated condition, a few rusty 
old iron guns lie about in the interior of the fort, and the locality 
is one of the most unhealthy of the possessions still remaining to them. 
In fact, unwholesome air appears to have been its characteristic since 
the days when Varthema was there ; what the causes are, nobody, it 
teems, has yet thought it worth while to investigate. 

Its population, living within the fortress, amounts, according to the 
last census, to 527, inhabiting 147 houses. They are all Christians of 
the Roman Catholic faith, and belong to the only parish in the island, its 
church, dedicated to N. S. das Brotas, being situated within the 



^ This is perhaps the very tank that supplied wator to the fleet of Yasco da 
Qama, and is mentioned by Ibn BatCita in his Travflt. 



310 SKETCH OP THB ISLAND OP ANGEDIVA. 

precincts of the fortress.* This mere handful of islanders are most- 
ly descendants of the old Portuguese soldiers who once formed the 
garrison of the fortress and of convicts ; for Angcdiva was, as late as 
the last century, a penal settlement, whither felons from Goa, Damaun 
and Diu were transported. Some of these men are engaged in the 
cultivation of rice and cocoanuts, and in fishery, all living in the eastern 
part of the island ; the western i& hut a rock for fishermen to dry 
their nets on. The women spin cotton thread and yam, and weave 
stockings, which are said to be the best made on this side of India. 
There is nothing remarkable about the physical and moral condition of 
these islanders, — at least nothing more than what we see among the 
native Christians of Bassein, Bandore and Mahim. The island is now 
under the jurisdiction of the province of Salcete, one of the three old 
divisions of the territory of Goa. 

• It appears that this church waa built on the very spot where the Hindu 
temple mentioned by Ibn Batiita once existed. It has been the invariable custom 
of the Portuguese to appropriate the g^und and building materials that once be- 
longed to the Hindus and Mahomedans. 



nil 



Abt. Vin. — The Labours of the Arnh Aft(ronrnncrfi,a)Hl their In- 
siruments, with the Description of an Astrolabe in the Mulla 
Fimz Library. By E. Reiiatskk, M.C.E., IToii. Mem. 
Bomb. Br. B. As. Soc. 



Read September 13th, 1875. 



Ai the ancients have laid the foundations of all the practical and 
theoretical sciences we now possess, and we have during the lapse of 
thousands of years hecome heirs to all the accumulated knowledge 
which has escaped the ravages of time, and has heen preserved to he 
imprOTed and augmented hy future ages, it behoves us to speak of the 
mttainments of the ancients, whether perfect or imperfect, with humility 
mod veneration. 

The mild climate and the clear sky of the East naturally point to it 
ss the cradle of Astronomy, but it would be wrong to assert, as has 
been done by some autliors, that it originated first of all among the 
Chaldaeans. Their most ancient observations which it is possible to admit 
are those of three eclipses said to have taken |)lace in the years 719 and 
720 before Christ, of which Ptolemy made use, probably after Hip- 
parchus, who had intelligently and methodically collected these obser- 
Tttions anterior to the astronomy of the Greeks.* The Egyptians, 
like the Chalducans, attribute a fabulous age to their astronomy and to 
their civilization. Although the statements of the former are as in- 
credible as those of the latter, there is no doubt that the chief points 
of the astronomy of both the«e nations consisted in obsen'ations of the 
sun, in fixing the length of the year, noticing the phases of the moon, 
and naming the stars, so that their risings and settings, with their 
movements in the sky, could be recorded. The Egyptian zodiacs which 
have come do^-n to our times bear witness to the care with which the 
astronomers of that nation had observed the position of the solstices on 
the signs of the zodiac. The Chinese do not boast, as the Chaldaeans 

• A. 8. do Montfcrrier, DictiouHain- ^1cs iSciencts Uaihvmaiiquct, 2<lo ed., tomo 
I., p. 163. 

41 r a 9 



312 IJIBOURS AND INSTRUMENTS 

did, of possessing astronomical observations dating as far back as nearly 
half a million of jears ;* and even the conjunctions of five planets and 
of the solar eclipse observed in China during the years 2514 and 2436 
before our era, and examined by the European astronomers of the last 
century, were found to be so untractable by the laws of calculation that 
they gave rise to polemics and guesses as vague as those of the Chinese 
themselves. It is, however, at present known that in 1 109 before Christ 
gnomons eight feet high existed in China ;t so that the honour of 
having invented the gnomon belongs no more to the Greeks.^ 

* Montferrier, J)iet,, tome I., p. 1G2. 

fSuppUment au Ihiit^ ded IrutrwnenU Attronomiques de$ Arab^t, par M. U 
Am. Sidillot, p. 7. 

X Anaximander, the successor of Thales in the direction of the Ionian^ lohool, 
and bom aboat 680 years before Christ, was usually considered as the inventor 
of the gnomon ; and Diogenes Laertius, lib. ii., cap. i., 9, ta;^ of him : — 
" Primus autem gnomonem inyenit, ipsumque Lacedemone in solanii itatait, quo 
ut ait Phavorinus in omnimoda historia, conversiones Solisi et aBquinoctia 
notaret" 

The larg^ columnar pillar at Stonchenge, sixteen feet high, has recently been 
found to b« a gnomon, marking noon by throwing no shadow. See Ths Time* 
of India, July 31, 1875 :— 

*' About twelve months ago a correspondent of a home paper drew attention to 
some remarkable phenomena observable at Stonehenge, in connection witii tho 
sun's rising on midsummer's morning, and suggested that the inference the refr om 
was that these meg^ithic circles, certainly this one in particular, had been exact- 
ed for the purposes of Baal-worship. Tlie facts mentioned interested aenreral 
scientific and literary men, and it was felt that a complete and scientific examina- 
tion of the structure was desirable in order to set at rest the various sarmises of 
archffiolog^ists and others. Accordingly last week a party of civil engiaeers pro- 
ceeded to the spot, and were engaged for four or five oays in taking meet elabonito 
measurements of the structures, as well as making astrcmomioal calcniationa. 
The results of their exhaustive survey, we are informed, have been very 8trikiiig» 
astonishing none more than the savants themselves, and leave not the least donbt 
about the solar references of the structure, and further, that it was nndonbtedlT 
erected as a temple of the sun, thereby verifying the inference to that eflfoct whida 
appeared at the time referred to. By an arrangement of the stones, the tine of 
rising and setting of the sun at the winter and summer solstices can beasoertainedy 
and Sie large columnar stone or gnomon, which stands isolated some distsaoe be» 
yond the main avenue, marks the time of noon by the fact of its xeflectiiig no 
shadow then. This was tested by one of the part>', who altered his watoh timo 
by it, and checking it by Greenwich time on returning to Salisbozy fbond it lo 
correspond exactly. The position of this gnomon, some sixteen feet high, imtt- 
cates in more ways than one that it was intended to serve astronomical pnrpoMt. 
The interesting results of this, perhaps the most important, if not only s oie n tM te 
survey, in the true sense of the term, that has been made of these historic raias^ 
wUl, we are informed, be embodied in book form, and as a contribution iowaida 
the elucidation of a question which remains unsettled, it will doubtless nrov* lo 
•intiquaries and archseolog^ists a valuable addition to that ' literary ctiinC wbkh 
this subject has already provoked." 



OF THE ARAB A6TE0N0MEBS. 313 

It cannot be denied that when the Greeks were yet in a state of almost 
complete barbarism the Chaldseans and Egyptians'*' had made consider- 
tUe progress in astronomy^ and it is certain that the Greek astronomers 
of the school of Alexandria (one of whose brightest ornaments, born two 
centuries before Christ, was Hipparchus) had recourse to Chaldaean 
obserrations ; whilst before their time Thales in the 7th, Plato in the 5th, 
Eodoxus in the 5th, and Pythagoras in the 2nd century before Christ, 
vent from Greece to the Egyptian priests to seek instruction. Hence 
it. is clear that the Greeks were not the inventors of astronomy ; and 
although we have mentioned only the Chnldteans and Egyptians as 
their teachers, there is the greatest probability that the Chinese, the 
Hindus and Persians, likewise furnished their quota of astronomical 
information, but that, on account of the immense distance and the 
want of close intercourse with these nations, the Greeks became ac- 
qaainted with their discoveries only at second hand. 

Although the influence of the East upon the West must be admitted, 
tome discoveries may have been made again and again in both. After 
all, however, the first positive data on the science of astronomy must bv 
aonght among the Greeks. The principal instruments used by the 
Chreeks were the sphere, the gnomon, the heliometer, the heliotrope, to- 
gether with various kinds of quadrants, clepsydras, and sand-clocks ; of 
these it will be necessary to say something before mentioning the in- 
ctruments of the Arabs, who made good use of them, added new ones, 
«nd achieved brilliant successes in the science whilst Europe was yet 
plunged in the darkness of the so-called Middle Ages. 

There is a natural law in the development of sciences according to 
irhich they gradually proceed from the simplest requirements prompted 
by the necessities of the hiunan race, to more complicated ones, and to 

• The ingenious method by which the ancit^nt Egyptians measured the diameter 
of tho sun by means of wator-t'locks is worth mentioning: — At the moment 
when tho diak of tho rising sun touched the horizon on tho day of tho equinox, 
Wftter was allowed to esca]x) drop by drop from tho bottom of a vessel always 
kept Tull by means of another vessel placed iibovo it, and which was likewise 
kept fulL Tho water escaped from tlio first appearance of the sun's limb 
on Uie horizon until tlie full orb had emerged. In a second, much larger basin 
the water was preserved which fell, until tho next morning's first appearance of 
the 8un*8 upper limb. Thc*n the watrr c«»ntained in each basin was carefully 
meoflured and weighed, and the following proportion was established : —Tho 
whole water which has flowed out is to that ctmtained in tho small basin as tho 
990 degrees of the celestial Rph^ni arc to tho diameter of the sun which iv 
■ought (SuppUmoity &c-,pp. 10, 17.) 



314 IJIBOURS AND INSTRUMENTS 

discoveries having no palpable influence on the wants of daily life. 
Thus, for instance, it must have been one of the earliest problems of mb- 
tronomy to determine the length of the year, as a knowledge of time ia 
so important an item in all human transactions. To find the duration 
of the year, it was sufficient to observe the lengths of the shadows 
thrown by gnomons at the time of the solstices, and from these the 
equinoxes were approximately deduced, which were corrected by means 
of the equatorial circle. No necessity for trigonometry had yet arisen, 
as the length of the year^ of the seasons, and the inequality of the days 
could be ascertained without it, from daily observing the sun's altitude 
on the meridian by measuring the length ; and the various honrs of the 
day could be known by observing the direction of the gnomon's 
shadow. 

The gnomon, which is the simplest and oldest of all instruments, 
gives the height more accurately in proportion to its own. Therefore 
extremely tall gnomons were sometimes used, and, although the rague 
termination of their shadows was inconvenient, it took some centuries 
to make the discovery that the passage of the solar rays through a 
small circular aperture would more accurately define the end of the 
shadow ; and the observations demonstrating the progressive diminution 
of the obliquity of the ecliptic were thus taken long after %he obliquity 
itself had been determined.'*' The gnomon and the sphere hild been 
in use at a very early time in Greece, but it is uncertain whether Thales 
employed other instruments, and nothing positive is known either about 
the form, size, or use of the heliotrope and the heliometer. A little 
more is known about the dials of the ancients ; that of £udoxas» five 
centuries before Christ, is explained by Yitruvius, but the Romans 
themselves erected the first of them only three centuries later, t.e. in 
233 before Christ ; the sand and water clocks are also of an ancient 
date, but the latter are not to be confounded with the clepsydras naed 
in Rome and Athens during the fourth century. 

If we now take up the astronomical instruments of which Ptolemy baa 
left us a description in his Almagest y-^ they arc as follows : — ^The first ia 
the solstitial armilla, which serves to show how much the ed^tic ia in- 
clined to the equator ; perhaps Aristillus andTimocharis were acquaint* 



* Tho most cclebmt<vl of these observations were by Cassini in 1650 at Bologna^ 
and hy Monnior in 1713 at Paris. 

t Suppli-n'cnf, pp. 17 d ff'i. 



OF THE ARAB ASTR0N0MEK8. '315 

cd with the use of this armilla^ but the same cannot be said of Eratos- 
thenes, who at any rate placed equatorial armillas at Alexandria. Proclus 
has given a long commentary on the armilla of Ptolemy, and in it an 
indication occurs of an instrument which was afterwards by the Arabs 
called Ddirah Hindiah, or the Indian circle. Ptolemy also made use 
of the quadrant of a circle traced on a plank to determine the inclina- 
tion of the ecliptic, which likewise again occurs among the Arabs by 
the name of Allebnah, i,e, the brick. Ptolemy says also a few words 
OQ the equinoctial armillas, when speaking of the obserrations made at 
Alexandria with the copper circle placed in the square portico, which 
instmment, apparently known also to Hipparchus, was very accurate. 

There is reason to believe that Ptolemy did not himself invent 
several instruments the first idea of which is generally attributed to 
him. The astrolabe which bears his name belongs, no doubt, to 
Hipparchus, and is not to be confounded with the planisphere as- 
trolabes so perfectly constructed by the Arabs by applying the rules 
given in Ptolemy's treatise on the planisphere ; it is more justly named 
iifUntmentum armillarum, as Gebrge of Trebizond calls it. As to the 
solid sphere of Ptolemy, and his triquetum or parallactic rules, it will 
saffice to say iii this place that the construction of the first mentioned 
of these instruments was known long before Ptolemy's time, and that 
the second has justly been criticized by the Arabs, and by all who 
have attentively examined it. This is all that the Greek authors have 
transmitted to us concerning the astronomical instruments used in their 
times. 

We shall not say anything alx)ut the astronomy of the ancient Arabs, 
their practical acquaintance with this science having been scarcely more 
extensive than that possessed by the Greeks before the time of Thales, 
and they began to make it an object of serious study only during 
the period of the Abbasside Khalifs. The celebrated Al Man^iir, sur- 
named Abu Ja'fer, was concerned most in the intellectual revolution 
which then commenced to manifest itself among the Arabs. He ascend- 
ed the throne about the middle of the 8th century (xV.H. 136, A.D. 
7lA)y encouraged the sciences by his liberality, by the favours where- 
with he honoured those who cultivated them, but above all bv his own 
example, because he devoted himself with much ardour to the study 
of astronomy. His successors followed in his footsteps ; the celebrated 
Hart!in Al-Rashid and his son Muhammad Al-Amin favoured with all 



816 LABOU£S AND INSTBUMENTS 

their might the movement of ciyilization which had manifested itself 
among the Arahs. But among all the Arah princes who became cele^ 
brated by their love for the sciences, the Khalif Al-Mdmdn-A'bd-Allah, 
second son of Hanin, who ascended the throne A.H. 198 (A.D. 813-14), 
is deserving of special mention. He protected the sciences as a sover- 
eign and a philosopher ; for, magnanimous like Alexander, he never 
forgot, even in his warlike expeditions, the noble purpose he had in view. 
He imposed on Michael III. a tribute of books, constituting the treasures 
of the ancient civilization of Greece, and afterwards vraged war against 
Theophilus, who had refused to allow Leo the archbishop of Thessalonica 
to depart to Baghdad, and whom this Christian emperor allowed to 
live on the price of the lessons which he was obliged to give to slaves. 
Beginning with the reign of Al-Mamdn, all the sciences, but particularly 
astronomy, took a prodigious start among the Arabs, and crowds 
of men remarkable for their works and for their scientific attainments 

« 

surrounded his throne. The Almagest^ as well as all the mathematical 
works of Greece and of the school of Alexandria, was translated. The 
astronomers of Baghdad made a great many important observations, and 
drew up new tables of the sun and of the moon, more exact than those 
of Ptolemy, to which the name of " verified tables" was given. They 
determined, with more precision than Hipparchus had done, the duration 
of the tropical year, and measured in a plain of Mesopotamia a degree 
of the meridian,, with the object of calculating the exact size of the 
earth. 

It would be necessary to cite many astronomers who distinguished 
themselves during the reign of Al-Mdmiin and his successors to illus- 
trate the progress of astronomical science made in those times ; biogra- 
phies of these astronomers occur in various works, but their insertion 
would be out of place here. One, however, may be given as a specimen, 
namely, that of JNiuhammad Ben Jaber, who having been born in Meso- 
potamia in a place called Batan is on that account known in Europe 
by the latinized name Albatemus, and whose labours are among the 
most important. The precise epoch of this great man's birth is not 
knovm, but it is certain that he flourished about fifty years after the 
death of the Khalif Al-Mamdn, that is to say, towards A.D. 880. He 
was not a Moslem, but a Sabsean and a worshipper of stars ; in those 
times religious toleration was so great and science so highly esteemed at 
the court of Baghdad, that physicians, mathematicians, and scientific 



OF THE ARAB ASTRONOMERS. 817 

men in general ^ho were Christians, Jews, Sabteans, or Hindu poly- 
theiat0» enjoyed respect and occupied honourable positions. Like the 
majority of Arab mathematicians, Albatenius applied mathematics 
chiefly to astronomy, the study of which he embraced with the double 
iBOliTe of religious sentiment and as a high branch of knowledge. In 
■pite of his religion, which was horrible to Moslems, he enjoyed the 
dignity of governor of Syria under the Kliallfs. All his observations 
were made either at Antioch or in the town of Rukl^ah in Mesopotamis, 
fer which reason some old authors called him Mahomet us Aractensis. 

The following is a general sketch of the labours of Albatenius, 
which, considering the epoch when they were undertaken, are very 
remarkable. 

This illustrious astronomer adopted nearly the system and the hy- 
potheses of Ptolemy, but rectified them in some points, and made also 
■ereiml discoveries, which have procured him a distinguished place 
among the men whose labours have enriched astronomical science. 

As far as the movement of the fixed stars is concerned, Albatenius 
approached the truth much more than the ancients. Ptolemy caused 
them to move only one degree in a century, but the Arab astronomer 
made them pass through the same space in 70, whilst modern as- 
tronomers allow 72 years. Albatenius measured the magnitude of the 
eccentricity of the solar orbit,'*' and the appreciation could not be more 
jost. The determination of the length of the solar year, in which 
Albatenius was engaged, does not appear to have been so successful. 
On comparing his own observations with those of Ptolemy, he made 
the year to consist of 3S.5d. Tih. 46m. 24s., which conclusion is 
erroneous by 2im. But one of the most beautiful discoveries con- 
nected with the name and labours of Albatenius is the one relating to 
the determination of the motion of the sun*s apogee. Before the time 
of this astronomer the sun's apogee had been considered as fixed to the 
same point of the zodiac, immoveable and imaginary, and to be beyond 
the stars. Such it seemed to Ptolemy himself; but Albatenius, aided 



* By tlie eccontricity of the solar orbit, in reality that of tho earth is now 
meant ; and this eccentricity of the apparent orbit of the sun was determined 
l)jr observing the difference between the apparent diameters of the sun. Tho 
diameter of tho sun necessarily appeared smaller in proportion as the dift- 
tanoe from the earth was larp^er ; hence it sufficed to know the sun's largest and 
nudlest apparent diameter in order to obtain tho ratio between tho largest and 
the smallest distance. 



:318 LABOUES AND INSTBITHENTS 

by observations more distant from each otber, disentangled this moTe* 
ment, and distinguished it from that of the fixed stars. He showed 
that it was somewhat more rapid, as the most recent observatioiis seem 
to confirm. Albatenius took notice of the defects of Ptolemy's theory 
of the moon and the other planets, and if he did not entirely correct it, 
he at least rectified his hypothesis in many details. His discoyery of 
the motion of the sun's apogee led him to suppose that it was appli- 
cable to the movement of the other planets ; and also in this respect his 
conjectures have been verified. Lastly, Albatenius constructed new 
astronomical tables and substituted them for those of Ptolemy, which 
were beginning to become sensibly incorrect. These tables, much more 
perfect than the first ones, attained great celebrity in the East, and 
were used for a long time. 

The work containing the discoveries of Albatenius, and called by him 
Zij Sdbi, was translated into Latin under the title of De seieniia 
stellarum ; but a biographer justly observes that the translator knew 
neither Arabic nor Latin. This translation is actually full of grave 
errors, and can give but an imperfect idea of the labours of Albatenius, 
which were so remarkable. The first edition appeared in Nuremberg 
in 1537, in folio. The second, which was likewise inaccurate, was 
published in IG45, in quarto, at Bologna. The original is believed to 
be in the library of the Vatican. Albatenius, whom Lalande ranked 
among the forty-two most celebrated astronomers, died A.H. 137» 
A.D. 929.* 

The writings of Arab astronomers were but imperfectly known till 
the beginning of the present century. The introduction to the tables 
of Muhammad Ben Jaber Albatani, whom his translator had sumamed 
Albatenius, having been carefully commented upon by Regiomontanus, 
appeared to show that the Arabs were scrupulous imitators of the Qreeks, 
had retained their general theories, had only somewhat perfected their 
instruments, better determined the obliquity of the ecliptic, the eccen- 
tricity of the Sim, its mean movement, and the precession of the equi- 
noxes ; that they had used sines instead of chords in their astronomical 
calculations, but that they had not gone further ; and that in order to 
point out new progress it is necessary to have recourse to the European 
astronomers of the 1 6th century. 

• Montferrier, Diet,, tome L, p. 38. 



OF THR ARAB ASTRONOMERS. SlO 

The translation of some chapters from Ehn Yunis by Caussin 
ID 1804 made known certain observations of eclipses and conjunctions 
of the planets useful in determining mean movements ; but the doctrine, 
the methods, — in a word, the science of history, — remained in obscurity. 
Laplace had asserted that the activity uf the Arab astronomers was 
limited to observations, and that they had added nothing to the hypotheses 
of Ptolemy ; whilst Delambre stated that their chief merit lay in having 
lived seven or eight centuries later, — that they had better determined 
what the Greeks had commenced, but that they did not seem to 
have even perceived the necessity of changing anything in their 
theories. 

These were the only notions current when J. J. Scdillot,* sup- 
posing the labours of the Arabs to have been more perfect and more 
extensive, devoted himself to serious researches on this subject, and 
commenced a series of discoveries which Delambre mentions with great 
praise in his history of astronomy during the Middle Ages, published in 
1819. S<5dillot senior began his further researches by completing his 
translation of the manuscript of Ebn Yunis taken from the library of 
Leyden, and containing 22 chapters ; he discovered 28 new chapters of 
this astronomer in a work of Ebn Shathir, and brought to light advance- 
ments of which we had no idea, such as a number of [)rocesses and rules 
bringing Arabic into contact with European modern trigononietr}% the 
use of tangents and of secants as subsidiary means in certain more com- 
plicated cases, and artifices of calculation afterwards invented by Euro- 
peans only as late as the beginning of the 18th century. 

But this was not all ; an Almagest of Ab-al-Wofa, who flourished 
during the 10th century in Baghdad and was a contemporary of Ebn 
Yunis, existed unnoticed in several libraries, and was found to contain 
the formulas of tangents and secants, as well as tables of tangents and 
cotangents for the whole quarter of the circle. These tables Ab-al-Wofa 
used in the same manner as they are at present employed in trigono- 
metrical calculations ; he changed the formulas of trian<:les, and did 
away with the unhandy compound expressions containing at the same 



• Introduction of L. Am. Scdillot to his fith<.;r'd Traits den JnHtrttomfg 
Aitronomigues des Arabc*^ par Aboni Wiassan Alidc Jfaror^ vit\tu!e 4^«itxJ| ^^ 

obuify pp. 2fK*<-7. 

42 r'l * 



320 LABOURS AND INSTRUMENTS 

time the sine and the cosine of the unknown quantity ; thus he com- 
pleted a revolution initiated by an unknown author, but ascribed without 
foundation to Regiomontanus, who had never gone further than, nor 
even as far as, Ebn Yunis ; Europe profited by it six centuries after the 
first invention by the Arabs, whose works were unfortunately not suffi- 
ciently known. 

Encouraged by this success, Sddillot extended his researches to the 
Persian and Tartar astronomers. He informs us that the catalogue of 
Ulugh B^g is really original, like that of Hipparchus, and that the posi- 
tions of all its stars had actually been determined by new observations ; 
that all the other catalogues were but copies of Ptolemy, -who had copied 
Menelaus, and that the latter had taken everything from Hipparchus. 
Albatenius, as well as Na9er-aUdin, had, in order to determine the pre- 
cession of the equinoxes, like Menelaus, contented himself with observing 
two or three stars, and had taken the others from Ptolemy by applying 
a common correction which resulted from a small number of compari- 
sons. Sedillot also states that the astronomer A'bd-al-rahmdn ^^fi oc- 
cupied himself only with taking sights and magnitudes of stars, so that 
his catalogue, which had been considered really original, is only that of 
Ptolemy with the addition of a constant quantity known to ua ; this re- 
mark is curious enough, inasmuch as in consequence of it an authentic 
catalogue of Ptolemy can be obtained, and therefore also of that of Hip- 
parchus, whereby a considerable number of errors (which crept in as no 
means were at hand for restoring the original readings) may be rec- 
tified. 

The above-mentioned information had hitherto been buried in libra- 
ries, and its having been brought to light has filled out a great and im- 
portant lacuna in the mathematical sciences ; it has been embodied in 
Delambre's history of the astronomy of the Middle Ages, of which it 
forms a really new and original portion. But the labours of Sedillot did 
not end here ; Montucla had not hesitated to state that the gnomonics 
of the Arabs were lost, like those of the Greeks ; whereas those of the 
Greeks existed in their totality in the Analemma of Ptolemy, with the 
first idea of shies and of versines. The works of Albatenius proved 
that up to the ninth century of our era the Arabs had not made any 
addition to the theory of Ptolemy. In his translation of Ab-al-Hasan 
A*li's treatise on astronomical instruments, Sedillot has produced a com- 
plete and very detailed work on the gnomonics of the Arabs ; the con- 



OF THE ARAB ASTRONOMERS. * 321 

tents and the doctrine being still the same, but with curious and im- 
portant additions. Although Vitruvius had written on some processes 
known in his time, his descriptions were so equivocal that they admit- 
ted only of conjectures. The more exact descriptions of Ab-al-Hasan, 
who lived in the 13th century, remove all doubts, and his work more- 
over contains a number of inventions evidently due to the Arabs. 

But the Arabs distinguished themselves in the sciences especially in 
Spain. In Cordova, Seville, Grenada, and other large towns of that 
country, flourishing schools and colleges were maintained. More than 
six thousand volumes could be seen in Cordova at the University Ubrary, 
and seventy such libraries existed in Spain. 

It is true that as far as philosophy is concerned the Arabs studied 
Aristotle much more than nature ; their astronomical works were oflen 
infected with astrology ; but their errors contributed to preserve pre- 
cious indications, and in their n^w researches they met sometimes with 
the truth. The invention of algebra, the solution of equations of the 
second degree, and the geometrical solution of the third is attributed 
to them. The science as taught by Muhammad Ben Musa does not 
extend beyond quadratic equations, including problems with an adfected 
square. These he solves by the same rules which are followed by Dio- 
phantus, and taught, but less comprehensibly, by Hindu mathema- 
ticians.* That he borrowed from Diophantus is not at all probable ; for 
it does not appear that the Arabs had any knowledge of Diophantus*s 
work before the middle of the fourth century after the Hejirah, when 
Ab-al-Wofa Buzjani rendered it into Arabic. It is far more probable 
that the Arabs received their first knowledge of algebra from the 
Hindus, who furnished them with the decimal notation of numerals 
and with various important points of mathematical and astronomical 
information, t 

The period of time designated by the term the Middle Ages, which 
was to us an epoch of darkness and servitude, embraces the most brilli- 
ant period of the history of the Arabs. When our knights, who were 
as brave as they were ignorant, followed to the East myriads of pilgrims 
impelled by religious enthusiasm, they imagined that they were going 



* Liidvati, p. 29, Vijaganitaf p. 347, Colebrooke's translations. 

f Algehra of Muhammad Ben Musa, edited and translated by Fred. Roson, 
p. s. 



322 LABOURS AND INSTRUMENTS 

to attack barbarians scarcely worthy to fall under their noble swords, but 
they had to deal with a nation as brave as it was enlightened, and Arab 
civilization triumphed oyer this formidable attack ; the Christians, 
howcTer, brought back from the East ideas which germinated in Europe, 
and afterwards contributed to produce the intellectual reviyal. Sufeh was 
the positfye result of the Crusades. It is no doubt great, and bears 
eloquent testimony to the providential direction which society under- 
went.* 

The beneficent influence of the Arabs on the progress of civilization 
in Europe cannot be denied. Their schools were frequented and their 
commercial relations led them into all the ports of the Mediterranean, 
where they spread the germs of useful knowledge. Their works, or 
those which they had themselves borrowed from the Greeks and Romans, 
were translated, and it is thus that so many Arab words crept into the 
astronomic nomenclature of scholars during the 15th century. 

The school of Baghdad has far surpassed that of Alexandria with 
reference to the methods of calculation. The substitution of sines for 
chords, and the introduction of tangents into trigonometrical calculations, 
naturally imparted more comprehensiveness and simplicity to the ex- 
pression of relations and their combinations. The determination of the 
variation by Ab-al-Wofa, an entirely new fact in the history of science, 
had at the same time awakened greater interest concerning manuscripts 
of the Arabs, and opened a vast field of conjectures and investigations to 
friends of literature ; but it is surprising that so little attention had 
hitherto been paid to the instruments used by the Arabs, who were al- 
ways considered to have employed such as had been invented by the 
Greeks. 

The Arabs possessed not only astrolabes of various kinds, sextants, 
and a number of other instruments, but had also attained great perfec- 
tion in the mechanical arts. The Khalif Hariln-Al-Rashid had sent a 
clock to Charlemagne, and of these they possessed three kinds ; namely, 
water- clocks, sand-clocks, and such as were put in motion by wheel- 
works. Sihestre de Sacy has described the great clock of Damascus with 
many details ;f and the celestial globes made of various metals likewise 
bear testimony to the skill of the Arab instrument- makers. 

• Montferrier, Dictionnaire des Sciences Mathematiques, tome I., p. 170. 
t Silvestro de Sacy, Relation de VEgypte par Abdallatif^ p. 578. 



OF THE AKAB ASTRONOMERS. 323 

What the attainments of fStxe ancient Persians may have been in 
science, and in astronomy in particular, can now no longer be deter- 
minedy as their literature has been lost; and the only work of it, known by 
the name of the Fables of Bidpai, of no earlier date than the time of 
Nushirvan, is not an original composition, but has been identified with 
the Hitopadeioy and has comedown to us in an Arabic translation only.* 

After emancipating themselves from the yoke of the Khalifs, the 
Persians distinguished themselves in the eleventh century, when one of 
their most celebrated astronomers reformed the calendar, and adopted 
an intercalation, which Dominique Cassini proposed, in the 17 th century, 
as the most accurate Gregorian intercalation. In the 13th century 
Holagu-Ilekukhan most laudably encouraged astronomy in Persia, and 
ITla^h Beg, one of his successors, must himself be rauked among the best 
observers. He measured in 14/7 the obliquity of the ecliptic, aud drew 
up astronomical tables surpassed in accuracy and perfection only by 
those of Tycho de Brahcf 

Among Arab writers on astronomy, only few have made it a special- 
ity to write on instruments, but the most important of these have been 
made known in two very valuable books translated from the Arabic, the 
first of them being a complete treatise on Arab gnomonics, and the second, 
which is a supplement to it, containing accurate descriptions of a number 
of instruments. The first work was translated by J. J. S<Sdillot, and the 
second by his son L. Am. Sediliot, both of which I found extremely 
Taluable in the compilation of this paper, although as far as the instru- 
ments described in them are concerned there was no need of having 
recourse to them, inasmuch as I do not pretend to enter into great 
details concerning instruments, but shall content myself with the de- 
scription of a few only, as enomiced in the heading of this paper. 

In my Catalogue of the Mulla Firuz Library,^ where I had occasion to 
register 93 MS. volumes under the section of Astronomy, Chronology^ 
and Mathematics, I found the second part of No. 20 to consist of an 
Arabic MS. called the " Nazhat al-hakaik," whose author was Jamshid 

* Calila et Dimna, ou Fablc9 de Bidpai en Arabe ; ed. Silve«tre do Socy. 

t Muntferricr, Dietionnaire det Sciences Math^matiquea, 2de ed, tome L, p. 170. 

{ Catalogue Jtainonne of the Arabic, JTindosiani, Persian^ and Turkish MS8. in 
ik$ Mulla FiruM Library. Bv E. Behatsek. Published by (ho Managing Commit' 
tee, lb73. 



324 LABOUKS AND INSXaUMENTS 

B. Masud B. Mahmud Al-Tabib Al-Kashy, surnamed Q^haj^s. He 
describes an instrument which he had himself invented, and says: 
" I succeeded in preparing a metal disk, by means of which the approach 
and latitude of the seven planets, as well as their motion away from the 
earth, together with solar and lunar eclipses, can be observed," &c. He 
calls this instrument the Taba)|: al-manaie)c, or ecliptic plate, and states 
that its use is the same as that of the Louh alittisalat, or tablet of con- 
junctions, invented by learned men long ago. No. 59 contains not less 
than five different treatises on various astronomical instruments, most of 
which, however, have already been described, such as the armilla, the 
astrolabe, and a few others, not omitting even the gnomon. In No. 72 
the second part of the MS. has for its author Ebn Kishef Al-dyn 
Mul^ammad K^j, who describes various instruments, and among them 
also one called the Mu)j:^lid-al-samuvdt-val-ar^ t.^. the keys of heaven 
and earth. The last MS. to be noticed is No. 21, which contains a 
number of instruments, but has on nearer examination not answered 
my expectations, although I have copied the whole of it in hopes that 
a dose study of the text would enable me to obtain clear ideas on 
the numerous figures it contains, all of which represent astronomical 
instruments. Of some parts -of instruments horizontal and other views 
are given, but, as I could not satisfactorily make out how they might fit 
each other, I shall be compelled to curtail my descriptions and restrict 
them only to a few instruments : — 

The vernier and micrometric screw being probably unknown to the 
Arabs, they were, in order to obtain very accurate results, sometimes 
compelled to use instruments having a very large radius, as for instance 
Abu Raihan Al-Beiruni, who employed a quadrant of fifteen cubits. 
Nevertheless, heavy and clumsy as. these ancient quadrants were, thej 
served as models for our beautiful and accurate ones, some of which aire 
almost small enough to be carried in the pocket. The constractioii of the 
quadrant is given in M.S. No. 21, as follows : — ^Take a piece of box, 
or poplar, or other wood to form two rules and the quadrant, the former 
intersecting each other at right angles at the centre of the qumdranl, 
whose two extremities are connected with them. The length of eadi 
of these rulers or bars is not more than five cubits, and the thickness 
must be one quarter of a cubit, to prevent warping. When these three 
parts are firmly joined together in one plane by cutting off some wood 
from the thickness of the. bars and of the quadrant, the latter is to h% 



OF THE ARAB ASTRONOMERS. 325 

excaTated circularly so as to present a channel of about one digit broad 
and half a digit in depth, into which an arc made of brass or iron is 
firmly inserted, so as to form but one surface therewith. After draw- 
ing a right angle on the two bars, one point of a pair of compasses is 
to he fixed in it as a centre, and with the other four concentric arcs are 
to be described on the brass or iron quadrant. Then the innermost arc 
is to be divided into ninety degrees from 5 to 5, the next one into single 
degrees, and the third into parts of degrees or minutes. This quadrant 
is to be fixed in a wall (representing the direction of the meridian) so 
u to make but one surface therewith, the perpendicular bar coinciding 
with the southern angle of the wall according to the plumb-line ; then 
the other bar will be horizontal. To this quadrant a dioptra moveable 
around the centre is fixed by a pin which passes not only through the 
centre of the quadrant, but also through the wall. The dioptra is a bar 
or ruler prepared by drawing through its middle a line which must on 
the one side pass through the centre of the quadrant, and on the other 
point out the degrees. Two pinules, i.e. rectangular pieces of brass, are 
Bo fixed on the dioptra that one of them will be not far from the centre, 
and the other from the limb of the quadrant. These pinules both stand 
perpendicularly on the dioptra, and observations of the sun or star pass- 
ing across the meridian are taken by looking through the small eye- 
holes in the two pinules. Lastly, the holes must be so placed that a 
perpendicular line dra\vn from any of them on the dioptra must strike 
the above-mentioned line which pesses on the dioptra from the centre 
of the quadrant to its limb. This instrument is adapted only for alti- 
tudes from the zenith down to the point where the meridian touches 
the horizon to the south, but it may easily be arranged so that it can 
be turned and serve for the northern side if necessary. 

An old instrument for observing the obliquity of the ecliptic, and 
for other purposes, consisted of a circle from which not only degrees 
and minutes, but also seconds and even terces, could be read off. 
The instrument consisted of a circle, not less than six cubits in diameter, 
which was immoveable, but within it and in the plane of the same 
meridian there was another which moved in a northerly and southerly 
direction, and a dioptra with which sights could be taken of the sun or 
•tars. There is much j)robability that an instrument of this kind must 
have suggested the vernier of modem times, but I do not know whether 
any Arab astronomer was ever struck by the idea that a circle or part of a 



326 LABOURS AND INSTRUMENTS 

circle moving around another, but not having exactly the same divisions, 
might be made to serve to determine accurately minor divisions, and 
thus perform the function of what we now call the vernier. 

For the purpose of measuring in digits the extent of a solar or lunar 
eclipse, a dioptra was used with an immoveable ocular pinule, which 
had a very small hole. This dioptra was divided into 212 parts, and 
their subdivisions called the digits of the sun or moon ; within a groove 
in this dioptra there was another ruler having also a pinule, but being 
capable of motion forwards or backwards until the observer could 
perceive the full image of the moon or sun through the hole, which 
was larger than that on the immoveable ocular pinule. Two disks 
were used for ascertaining the magnitude of the eclipse, — the larger disk 
for a lunar, and the smaller for a solar eclipse, — by moving the disk be- 
tween the ocular and objective pinule, arranged as just stated, in such a 
manner as exactly to cover the eclipsed part, when the extent could be 
ascertained by taking notice of the division of the ruler over which the 
dbk stands when it covers the eclipsed part. 

There was also an instrument called " the two quadrants," Al- 
Ruba*vn, bv means of which two observations could be taken simul« 
taneously. On a horizontal circle divided into degrees two quadrants 
were so arranged perpendicularly as to form a semicircle if required, and 
to turn on the axis of the horizontal circle (which rose to some height 
and served also as their axis) as doors turn on their hinges, these two 
quadrants forming any required angle with each other. Both these 
quadrants were provided with separate dioptras. 

There was a contrivance for measuring angles without using an in- 
strument divided into degrees. It consisted of two quadrangular pillars 
of masonry (see Fig. 1) whose tops were perfectly horizontal, each 
being covered with an iron plate containing a bed for a horizontal 
spindle, from which a beam with two pinnies, /i,/;, for taking sights, was 
suspended perpendicularly, and capable of being elevated and turned 
by means of the pulley P. There was another, horizontal beam fixed 
to an axle A, and capable of being lifted by a string on the pulley K. 
This was called the chord-beam, because it had a scale of chords marked 
on it according to the perpendicular line A B, which was considered 
the radius, and constituted with the two just-described beams a triangle, 
e,y, A,B,C, when an altitude was observed ; and it was only necessary 



OF THE ABAB ASTBONOMEBS. 327 

to read off the number Irom the scale of chords to ascertain the degree 
of elevation. 

In the MS. No. 21, Section I. of the Mulla Firux Library, where 
the above instrument is described, there are also many other drawings 
representing more complicated ones, supported by stands or masonry, 
with several dioptras for taking sights, and pulleys with ropes, and pillars 
of brickwork. There are also instruments with hollow tubes named 
Anhubahy and apparently foreshadowing our telescopes, but without any 
lenses in them. I would have been very glad to give descriptions of more 
instruments, but as some are merely varieties of the one just described, it 
would have been superfluous to enter into details concerning them, and 
the above shows the principle and use of nearly all ; moreover, as already 
stated, some instruments eluded all my endeavours to get at a clear 
idea of their composition. 

The astrolabe was generally a small portable instrument made of 
brass, and various kinds have been described in translations from Arabic 
and Persian works. In this place I shall confine myself to the astro- 
labe preserved in the Mulla Firuz Library in Bombay. In the figures 
I drew I kept the natural size, and abstained from giving drawings of the 

five ^afihat, **^*^ t.e. plates containing the Almukantarats, o I jJ"^l 
from the horizon of the place of observation up to the zenith, and also 
a few other circles ; and limited myself to the outer shell, to the A'nka- 

bat, *Sfy^^ or spider, and to the dioptra, as the ^afihat have been ac- 
curately drawn and described by L. Am. Sedillot in his Supplement 
cu Traiti des Instruments Astronomiques des Arabes, and arc analogous 
to those belonging to the astrolabe in the Mulla Firuz Library. 

m 

The front part of the outer shell, called the *' face of the astrolabe," 
^^jfa^ ^ I l^j bas a circle divided into 3G0 degrees on its limb, marked 
in the Abujad notation ; then comes the cavity which is called the 

" mother of the astrolabe," v J^^ ill (•! probably because all the plates, 
not excepting "the spider,*' which is the sixth and uppermost of them, 
find room in it, as the embryo in thb womb. This cavity (see Fig. 2, 
Face of the astrolabe) presents several concentric circles inscribed with 
the longitude and latitude of the following places. The larger circle 
gives those of Mckkah, Mcdinah, Kash^n, E9fahdn, Kazvin, Sawah, 
Hamdin, Zenk^n, Nehdvend, £9takhar, Shiraz, Kazeruu, Bo^rah, 
Baghdad, Ardebil, Tabriz, Meraghah, Nahjovin, Damascus, Astcrabid, 
Sdury, Amed, and Rey. The smaller circle contains the longitude and 
43 ras 



328 LABOURS AND INSTRUMENTS 

latitude of Kashghar, Khojend, Samartiand, Balkh, Kayz, Tdz, Tds 
Shirvan, Asterabad, Kashmir, Al^medabdd, Gujerat, Kambayit [Cam- 
bay], Surat, Broach, Junpur, Dakah, Bengalah, Badakhshdn, and Bo- 
khara. 

The longitudes and latitudes are all given in the Abujad notation ; the 
first name being Mekkah, and having for its longitude iSjF^ meaning 71^ 
1(K, and its latitude ^^ i.e, 21° 40'. At the bottom of the astrolabe 
is a small cubical protuberance, a, serving to keep all the pafihat pro- 
vided with a corresponding cavity, into which it accurately fits, steady, 
when they are inserted. In the centre there is a hole, h, for receiv- 
ing an axis or pin which passes also through all the plates, and the 
dioptrm made of white metal turns around it. The top has the following 
inscription, taken from the preface to the GuliaUn of Sa'di : — 

"The intention of this drawing is that it should remain after us ; 
for I see no permanence of life." 

The back of the astrolabe ^^.A* ^1^ (see Fig. 3) is divided 
into four quadrants by two lines intersecting at right angles in the 
centre of the instrument, and pointing to the four cardinal points. 
The limb is divided into degrees. It contains also the lines of 
shadows c5 y^--* 0^ the (j*^^ ^\^{ JJo and o*J^ ff^' ^J» 
the words "Workmanship of A'bd-al-A'ly in 119," i.e. \\\ 
with cf'i^Jl •^^ AAUthe date, no doubt, standmg for A.H. 1119, 
A.D. 1707. 

Fig. 4 shows the whole astrolabe complete in a side-view with the 
dioptra D D, fixed to its back, the dotted lines a 6, 6 c, and e d 
showing the cavity, t.^. mother of the astrolabe, containing all the six 
plates. In this figure the dioptra is represented foreshortened, to 
show how on the pinules a small- hole faces a large one, and vtCMftM. 
The dioptra, however, and all the small parts are also shown in separmte 
figures, namely. Figs. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, for the sake of greater perspicuitj, 
and require no further explanation. 

The spider o^^ is represented in Fig. 11, and shows the ecliptie 
divided into degrees, with the twelve signs of the zodiac marked 
thereon. 



OF THE ARAB ASTBONOHBBS. 



329 



The constellations within the circle of the ecliptic in their proper 
places on the sky are as follows : — 

V«^1 Ursa major. u*-^' (^ Mouth of the horse. 

o^*^l (j»lj Ilead of the fish. ci^^l Cancer. 

^1^1^ I The falling eagle. 

V^^ Menkib. 

f^^j CSJ^*** Arcturus. 

Without the circle of the ecliptic are : — 



I uiji Painted nose. 
*^l (3^ Neck of the serpent. 



V t ^ t ^ ^ Wing of the crow. 

jj^\ tH^ Bull's eye. 

A-«^| v-Ji Ileart of the lion. 



p [;i Arm. 

LSJ^\ J^J The left foot. 
^j»kjJI i-A.Ji Tail of the whale. 
iy,^«j| i^Jii Heart of the scor- 
pion. 



In the centre the A^nkahut has a hole, h^ through which the axis of the 
instrument passes when inserted into the mother of the astrolabe, and 
near the limb there is a button, B, which the observer takes hold of when 
he wants to turn the spider around its centre, which is in the pole-star 
in the tail of Ursa minor. As the spider, when in position, is the upper- 
most plate, and inserted when the five others are already in the cavity 
and fixed by a quadrangular notch in each, corresponding exactly with 
and fitting the cubical protuberance a mentioned in the description of 
the mother of the astrolabe, and as it is above the said protuberance, 
there can be no obstacle to its motion round the centre. 

The celestial globe of the Mulla Firuz Library is of brass, nearly eight 
inches in diameter, and is supported by a stand. The meridians are 
marked, as well as the ecliptic with the figures of the zodiac, and also 
the equator, both divided into degrees. The constellations, which amount 
to 48 or 49, but have in later times by European astronomers been 
augmented by four more, are all given in figures of men, animals, or 
other objects, with their names written on them in Arabic, the single 
ttara in the constellations being marked by large dots of white metal, 
bat most of these have no names attached to them. The axis does not 
pass through the true pole, where all the meridians intersect, but 
through the Pole-star in the tail of Ursa minor. From the inscrip- 
tioo» one word of which is damaged, it appears that this celestial globe 



330 LABOUBS AND INSTRUMENTS OF THB ARAB ASTRONOMERS. 

was prepared for the instruction of the son of some great man. It is 
as follows : — 

'^ Made and figured at the desire of ... Allah- Abul-K^sim, son of our 
lord and teacher, the paragon of his age, and unique in his period, A'bd- 
al-Eahtnan Ben Hasan. May God bestow abundant mercy on both of 
themi" 

As the year is not marked, it cannot be accurately known when this 
celestial globe was manufactured, but, to judge from the writing, it can- 
not be very old. 



331 



Akt. IX. — Three Walabhi Copper^plates, with Remarls. By tho 
Hon'blo Ra'o Sa'heb Vishvana'th Na'ra'yan Mandlik, 
Vice-President. 



Rend April 10th, 1875. 



I PRESENT the Society to-day with facsimiles, transcripts, and trans- 
lations of three Walahhf copperplate grants. 

Two of these were received from Captain Phillips, Assistant Political 
Agent in charge of theGondala State in Kathiawdd (or, more popularly, 
* Rattywar '). Both refer to the same king. I describe them as A and B. 
Both are grants by the fifteenth (XV.*) king SHaditya, and are later in 
date than all the other Walabhi plates hitherto published. The kings 
here described are as follows : — 

BhaUurka (I) 
his direct lineal 
descendant 
Guhasena (II) 



(III) Dharascna 



I I 

(IV) Si'laditya (V) Klmrngraha 

or I 

Dharmdditya 



I I I 

(IX) Derabhntta (VI) (VII) 

Dharasena Dhruvasena 



or 
B^laditya 



(XII) SiWditya (XI) Kharagrnha (X) Dhruvasena 

or Dharmuditva 

(VIII) Dharasena 
(XIII) 6iUdityadevn 

I 
(XIV) Siliidityadevn 

(XV) giUdityadcva 

The names of the kings occur in these plates in the order noted by 
the Roman figures written above. The fifth (V'), Kharagraha, is 

• Tho numbers pvcn in the above tablo reprowont the order of names in these 
plates, and not the proper succession of the whole list of Walabhi kings. 



332 THREE WALABHl' COPPER-PLATES. 

Stated in both to be the suta (or son) of Sildditya Dharmiditya ; but 
other copper-plates hitherto found describe him as anuja (or younger 
brother). After (^o. VIII) Dharasena, while describing the descend- 
ants of (IV) Siladitya or Dharm4ditya, he (the said Sfldditya) is stated 
to be the brother of Dharasena's grandfather ; and Kharagraha (V) 
is also described in terms which make him out to be the brother of 
^ildditya ; so that anuja (or brother) would be the correct reading, and 
not suta (or son). 

(No. VI) Dharasena is styled in Plate B as Dhruvasena; but in 
Plate A he is styled Dharasena ; and the latter seems to be the correct 
designation, as being borne out by other plates hitherto discoTcred. 

(No. IX) DerabhaUa is stated in other plates as angajanma^ or son 
bom of his body ; but in both A and B he is styled agrajanmd, which 
may be his elder brother ; the latter seems to be a mistake* * 

From No. XII SiMditya all the subsequent princes up to XV are 
styled ^il^dityadeva, but there is nothing else to distinguish them, — an 
unusual circumstance, which may perhaps be explained by other plates 
hereafter. 

The fifteenth (XV) ^Qaditya is the grantor of both A and B. Of 
these, A is dated Samvat 403 (of the Walabhf plates), Mdgha Babul * 
12th ; and grants to Ddmodara Bhuti's son Wdsudeva Bhdti, Chaturvedi, 
an emigrant from Wardham^a district (i.e. now Wadhaw^Qa Prdnta) 
and living in Liptikhanda, of the Gargyas ^o^ra, of the Rig- Veda section, 
the village of Antarpillika, near Dinnaputra^ in Saur&htra. B is 
also a grant to the above individual of the village of Khandajja, near 
Udsingha,tin Saur^shtra, dated Samvat 403, VaiS^kha Suddha 13th. 

Captain Phillips writes that these were found at Dhanka, a place of 
some note in Kattywar. It is under Gondala (?). It is now a moderate- 
sized village. There are other places in its neighbourhood noted for 
antiquarian remains, worthy of being inquired into. 

The third copper-plate (C) of which I present a facsimile^ transcript, 
and translation to-day came from Thakore Raul Sri Meghar^jji^ Chief of 
Wald, a third-class chief in Kattywar, who forwarded it to the Honour- 
able James Gibbs, our President, by whom it was placed in my hands* 
Wald, sometimes called Walen by the people, is described in papers about 

* i.e. dark half of the month of M&gha. 

t On the Udsingha hill there is a fort of the late (Hinda) period, aoma of 
the stones whereof appear to have belonged to Jain or fiaddhiat buildings found 
on the north side of the fort walls in a monnd, which, as well as its neigli- 
bonrhood, requires to be carefally surveyed. 



THREE WALABHl' C0PPXR-PULTE8. 833 

two centuries old as ^^ or n^ {i,e. *Waleh or Walahe,* a corruption of 
Walahi of the Jtanpr^kriia authors, and the Waiahhf of Sanskrit writers. 
Colonel Tod was the first English writer who identified this place 
with the Walahhi of the ancients. 

C consists of two copper-plates forming together one grant (or ddna- 
pair a), slightly spoilt hy time, but, except the last comer of the first- 
plate, and a portion of the beginning of the second (which have been 
altogether destroyed by corrosion), the rest of the plates can nearly all 
be read pretty easily. 

This grant contains the following enumeration of the Walabhi 
kings : — 

8rf Bhatdrka, 

[A lineal descendant of his] Guhasena, 

his son Dharasena, 

fais son SiUditya or Dharm^ditya. 

The last-named is the grantor. Siladitya made the grant in the 286th 
year of the era current in Walabhi plates, on the 6th of the dark half 
of the month of Jyeshtha. Its object was to support the Bhikshus (by 
providing them with food, bedding, and seats) ; for the service of the 
sick ; and for medicines and provisions, and for flowers and oil for lamps 
for the god (Buddha) of aVihara (the name of the Vih^ra is obliterated) 
in Walabhi, and for the repairs, &c. of the Yihara itself. The following 
places are given by this grant, viz. : — 

[The village of] Pandharakupika (?) in the precincts [probably 
Pargana of] Pushyanaka-sthali, [in the village of] Uchchapadraka, 
in the possession of] one Suryaka, one field ; and another field in the 
possession of [name obliterated] ; in the village of Karkajja ; one wtipi 
[probably a measure of land which could be watered by one well] in the 
possession of Ardhaha, and one lodpi in the possession of one Kam- 
bhika [or ra (?)], in the village of Indranipadraha ; a field in the 
poeaession of [name obliterated] ; on the confines of Walabhi ; a flower- 
garden, and Aupakas or wells. Thus a village with three fields, two 
w^pU, a flower-garden, and four wells, were bestowed. 

Wipi here probably signifies a piece of land watered by a todpi 
or well, and the fields are those cultivated by rain-water : this inference 
if supported by the present state of things in Kattywar, where these 
two kinds of fields exist. And the four wells must have been in the 
flower-garden. 

Along with the last plate, the Thakore sent also two earthen seals, 
and some coins, on which I ha%'e to make very brief remarks. 



331 THREB WALABHl' C0PPEB-PLAT88. 

The two seals are made of earth baked; one appears brown, and the 
other black. 

The inscriptions are alike. The legend thereon is the Bauddha mantra 
so often met with in five lines : — 

This occurs on the pedestals of Bauddha images met with in different 
parts of India, and also on seals found in stupas (or topes). The 
Bauddhas of Nepal use this mantra at the present day in worshipping the 
image of Buddha with parched rice ; and it also occurs at the end of 
all their works. This mantra is not found in Bauddha writings prior to 
the fourth century of the Christian era, and also from the form of the 
letters on the seals it seems to be later than the end of the fourth century. 

In some Nepal works the mantra line 2 reads, instead of ^ ^f, ^^ 
^T^f ; but the former is the form more frequent. 

These seals are m a character later than that of the Walahhl plates, 
as may be seen from the formation of the letters q-, \f, h* Comparing 
them with the plates, the scab may be of the seventh centnry of the 
Christian era, or somewhat later ; and it seems, therefore, that at that 
time the city of WalabhC was the capital of a kingdom, and the religion 
then current there was that of Buddha. * 

Dr. Buhler, in the Indian Antiquary , mentions a similar seal, the 
legend of which he there quotes partially. The third word there should, 
I think, be prahhavd instead of Pravhava, 

Of the coins : — 

Four are silver, commonly called gadhayae, of very impure metaL 
These are corruptions by the later Hindu dynasties of the Saaaanim 
coins ; and the present are some of the worst specimens of these 
corrupted forms. On one side is a human face almost undistingiiish- 
able by an unpractised eye. On the other is a bad form of the fire-altar. 
The ornaments which occur about the face on the better specimens are 
hero mere dots. The five copper pice arc of the later periods of the 
Muhammadan rulers. 

• Vol. I., p. 130. 



f 



THRK£ WALABIII COlTEK-i'LATES. 



335 



WALABUr COPPEll-PLATES. 

Plate First. 

Transcript. 

The Arabic nnmerals [1], [2], &c. in tho body mark the lines on the original, 
tad are put within brackets in order to show that they have been inserted by the 
writer of this paper. Those letters and phrases in the body which are bracketed, 
thoa [ "]» have likewise been inserted to siip])ly omissions. The letters and 
words at the bottom of (>acli imge nro corrections of the corrcsxx^tiding nnder- 
Kned letters and words in tho body of tho grant. Other notes require no far- 
ther explanation. 

The capitals A, 6, C, D, E, F, G, II, and I are introdnced to mark the portions 
where the grant A differs from grant B, or where some other explanation is 
Bseded. These letters (A to I) mark paragraphs of a separate note which fol- 
lows plate B. In other respects there is no dillerenre between the two grants ; 
tad a translation of B has not, therefore, been inserted, as it would have been 
a mere repetition. 



GONDALA A. 

I 

5imiW'«TbHgK^Me*-*|l<dl [2] 

3 (a) 

4 

(«) On the fieal sre the Icttcrb '* Sri 
Bhsurkka." (♦) ^p 

44 r a € 



GONDALA B. 

cTT [2] qiMHi4HJ4Hl4H7qrf%c!I- 

1 

TS^f^^iNH^^IHIrll [3] ^^ 



V) K (•) wm 



33G 



THRKE WALABHI COPPER-PLATES, 



m: cRxnTRTPTcfRrfcf [4] -^^KH- 



6 



^(•^cr^x^,-ni?3fj(5-: ^r?qf5:. ^ir 



•s rv 



8 



3 



[5] ^^Rrr|r|Tr5rRTq^?5T3^^- 

in^HiRi*i^H<ii=rRf^cTrt?'^- 
rir^ [G] Rrt- ^iR^f^ ^^^5" 



9 



fc^^^ [7] m?^: m^^i^^' 

10 

II 

13 

1.1 

14 






D fe (') ft 
("') %•• (") T 






4 

< 

fro [6] 44<HHpitd:Rt«yt. 

7 

10 

q itiHH<qR<i^mci^aHlHjq i o»P l idi 

u ' 

>^?^fr [9] «W[#]?dKlft<l«- 

5y5ift#ifm"?yr«i**iir«i*Mt'W*- 

O ff (') fT: 8r: n T 



THREE WALABHI COl'PEU-PLATES. 



33! 



K 

10 

17 

Wf^ Prfe^rfcTjn [12] fri^- 

18 ^ 

10 



I'qr «ft5rr55rtt3r [i3] m^_^^ 

4|«<liai<d*qKH*<«d'y'4li [11] 

M 

(")>Tr (")C (") ^T^fHTTfiHT 
or 3^ft^Trfrnnf^ (*'')Ri'potition, 
•eo B. n qr-TRf ('") V 

( ) Shouldi from tho context and 
other platen, be rTt^FJ^: ( ) ^ 



U 



12 

13 

le 

D 17 

g^jtarfcRT^: [12] gs^'rFqrif^- 

wif3TO<Jt3^5ycrttf?iwg^q5^- 
^rPi^:<!:w?K??T[i 3] ftrftTTmr 

10 

^SRygiff i^pqiff [14] ^f iRiW- 
Mwr^HC«l<«<«J*r?TWJI»HHI- 

(^') ^^^ 5^s '^ho original is clearly an 
em.r. ("K (") T (" J ?r 

(") TTr^"r (") ^ (") Pj^mhr 

TlHT i^it-' repetition is a clerical enor. 



338 



THKKK WALABHI OOl'PER-PLATES. 



[ 1 5] ipn%^ qi^^ ir^f cRf- 

23 

JiOTpmcr^: My^NMf^cT [i6] 

ox 

26 

27 



^2S 



Rrari^- f^iccrf^i%ci5- [is] f^- 



2i 



«j^qc^f«TcTR^5rr^^c7[c77^^t- 
cm^gTH [19] mm{^ w\^^- 

30 



31 



82 



"t: ^TRT^nisnrnrRrrc^JT^q^?"- 



(") Some plates make it STpPTcHg^- 
^V^;, *. e. wlio found out [all] the 
schemes [of liis eneinios\ 

n Pr (") 9 n Mar hi qr. (.') 



5q[RRrcrf^i<l<Heii4itJij«4m [i^j 
^4iwPr tR:RsrfiiiMH<*i[ i ]^- 

ini5Tr#^«nfii4i^<yi<iic|ftHi- 



30 






21 



RRnT= 5"T!W^q^ PmPciciti*!)- 



9( 



<H^^I^H4.lTVWM41<Ii^t ir»w- 



■23 



^^: ^fharnre-. ^r^t [is] p- 

24 

is 

^PMH^*<llidKlfti [19] TO]; iRt" 

26 ' 

vTTf^ [20] JJ5^= ^nTRTtraTrar- 

n^ Dn (")T ORr 
(") T (") vi^m n c 



THREE WALABHI COPPER- PLATE 8. 



339 



S3 



gm7<^> ^^' [20] jpTi^^- 



84 



t!^Wcq|<;iq%iJTcj: ^- 



35 



iBfenfiRnn=raOT^ pi] q^rrf^. 



a« 



[5^] [22] q: ^rMmRjTeTr^?:- 

* 38 






40 

41 

if^ «i"Hr?rfq^rR5rp[dyHi. 

r[:]^n^ <M*II^MCHci[-^^] 

(•*) fr-^fiPT (**) Should bo frnrr- 

JIT: as appears from other platoa. 
(**) Vf^ would bo better. (") !fr 

n ?r: (*') Ti 



« 



»{rll<3l*t^|»?J|f5TITR [21] ?Rr?5^- 

28 D 

B 

m ?rr#icrr Rn^iuiI ^f^inPr- 

[23] q^r: iTfmWTffc|'W*«*l*«*iq= 

-fcir-dHlI^ffrl' iji<*<j»i=53T=?r- 

t-^-*] i^r^: qr iM^f^?ni- 

f?il- [26] yd«IH«4<l(3Hd*. ^^f^ 






(") »4h^=r (") "T 
C") r^ (") fe 



340 



THREE WALABHl' COPPEE-PL4TE8. 






43 



i|^WI<fi-< j:]?^ [27] TFT? ?- 



SI 




43 

5?r[28] *J<J-5ri1l^li:i^<i'i^>SKHl- 

A. 
Second Plate. 

44 

^ »r?rf«^ [-2] f pRT«m^y?frrT- 

46 



fe<fl^Hldl ' WPn3''^= M^OT#- 

iS^ofj^ [28] «rI^"M|»«JH«*ri|4- 

^-AAHirtt fe r iJMHVt^ «R»rPift^. 
^' i^H^f^rtW [29] (cidlUft- 

36 

' tJlRldWNc^lt^tl.c^H - [3o] ITTTO- 

87 
38 

B. 
Second Plate. 

39 

<M^«i+i'?MdiH"i^<fciy«iri^i ^?r- 

n ^ n tr (") K n ?w*- 

q-MTT^iri See corresponding portioa 

of A. r)g n^ n^ifn 



THREE WALAUni' COPPER-PLATES. 



341 



Ri-flqJiRti^di [3] ^[7]^^^ 

47 

48 

!W [4] *H<lPl"^l: fji^W^pr- 

€H*)i^afiicfliHsi«iiuii<:Himfidij- 

WgT* ^^ ftf^ [6] q«|wn*<«f- 

60 

^ 

SI 

w4^rtlddWMH33iq[ft5^Tirft<(^. 



( ) A clorical error. 




40 



[4] igs «ftl^dWI^<sl: rertcPI- 



41 



TRTiFT [5] Pnm^'^TltgT'^^- 



43 



*JI*KRl^W<«l«llu||«HIMlR<1iJrt|- 

R^<^d [5] R*d^lldq>H<H«iri- 
jnr#:|^«*icidWHHij«i'<r<H [7] 
tf^-^wt: cRimrt"'"^' «ftff^- 




n ^m 



n ^7 



I 



342 



THREE WALABfll' COPPER-PLATES. 



62 







q K 4> M cl^4> [9] ^^^fcTJ iTfSTJ- 

63 64 



45 



rs rv^S 




[10] f ci^r^^¥fw:fc!flirrFcnc^- 

55 

^ ^«po3Tq5E2nfqrcRqrVirr[ii] 

66 67 ^ 

^fpiqccTrf^ ?^5J^f^ %qw- 

58 
50 
60 

61 
62 63 

%Kwf%qfTT:q<*q<i(iMftcrPr- 



64 



■^^PPIT^- 



w^f r)pr n^ ntm 
n ST n ^ n ^^ 

IT 



*s «^ 



46 

aflfit5!ra":|Kr [9] (c4ir^4;*R*yi- 

qfcTpr: gOTFT^Tf^ [10] ^jjl-^q. 

48 * 49 

60 

<K-^f<dPlfl«(«4l^**=ll^: [12] 



*\ r^ 



61 



f?^''^?^* [13] ^^af^^crm^lt^^- 



TBBEB WALABHl' C0PI'£B-1'LAT£8. 



343 



no 
06 

ir:[i4iw«iij^-^T5g7- 



67 



^^rVlft+ll^^^n- ^Efc^yRRT^qt^. 



08 



m 

m*Ny<^«im««irtwq4<i [i7] #- 

70 

^^^trwcnn PiTiswaR [19] »r%- 

rW^qnitiirTr (") f (") -r^ 

■15 r n s 



[ 1 5] ^^'FPJTnTOl^ H<^Ny<- 



6i 



• CV 



6* 

qtJwr£K**<€KNiRnnr?q^w 
[:]wTffrerf=rft3i^iPiqwR<^5ciKi- 



Ci 



ft^cf [19] r^*<rrH«i?i('JviNc*- 



844 



TttBEE WAtABQl' COFPEB-PLATIiS. 




[20] ^W' 

73 

73 

?tC [21] "^^c4fi«H| y4.c*iJ«lHr- 
?TO^f^ [22] ^Tsri^fl^ssf^^OT- 



74 



("irg^ppn 



HtfUim [23] ?r^^3Rmj^^%- 

'frsiq^^ [24] sift?n5n^?r- 

75 

76 

^iR^ [25]««^«J|«oij^|^|^|^. 



(") grftrT (») f^ 

('*) s)fll4ldOT is repeated 






mfitw fqfecricnm[s]'Rimr- 

T^W^: M<MMil<* [20] H4KNI- 

n^nriicraTreRrriRr^ [21] tr- 
i "iH^')<'iNd<[ ^a m<KR'< » q- 

HilUH^KNlffcKN [22] ^K'^*^- 

q?T^ ^: tf^^ 'Tarr »r!ir jit- 

^^f*WE55RI[23]^«P[^- 
WJTl^T^ [24] ^? ^^RT? ^f^- 

^^ qimtr^argraRT5?^Vn% 
5ci^3 'aranfSfA.^d *flq*i<i?^- 

muk^ii ±mi^{l<i>^^^^<^ [25] 

*<HRra*«^qiciMt^w [:] w^- 
-m?<u^i^^[p]«<Aiiq<|t? ['] ^- 



(") sx> n ^ 



THBBE WALABHI COPPSB-PLATES. 



345 



rt 



n 






79 




81 

r^? ^^irr [-29] ^^zqfinri^ 

«l3 84 M 

ftcfslT^^jTirs^ [I i] ^Pts?^ 
ff^ U^1^W»Rrr?1iT: [I l] [30] 
JRT ^ror IRT JlfiR^IW ^RT ?I?7 

«Fw^ [I i\ I QTi^r?" ^rfrgriTin^iT- 

^^iPr M mHttHTj.dlfi [||]<^iqt- 

DliTt instead of >jfiT1K (") Rf 
('•) rfpr: O !«■ would bo better to 

(") flf C*) Tr n 'V 



■<Wtr€dl [26] ij^rf^- 



S8 

wPTT «r*4?R [27] fenqr^ pTcr 

W 00 

fm^ w^R m [30] 5= 3TO?^ 

^ 5TP% ^ ftfsr^ [31] ^- 



346 THREE WAtABm C0Pl»EB-PIiATB3, 

86 

S^I^K^JT [ll^lll^rfg- [31] ^^JT- 

^or w^ ^Rrf?i »Tr^: 3n%TTr 

ft?7[:]N%?fftT [32] MVf^- 



Translation of the Walabhi Copper-plate Grant. 

GONDALA A. 

Plate First. 
[May] Prosperity [attend] ! 

From the great 6aiva Sri Bhatfciirka, * [who] resided in the city named 
Srikhetaka, the ahode of success ; 

who had achieved success in hundreds of battles occurring in the 
wide extent of territories of Maitrakdaf who were endowed with in- 
comparable courage, and who had forcibly reduced their enemies to 
submission ; 

who had gaiiied the affections of those whom he had conquered by 
bravery, by means of gifts, honours, and candour ; 

who has obtained the glory of a king through the power of his de- 
voted army [of three kinds], termed ;waM/fl, J [i.e. hereditary soldiers], 
bhrita [t.e. receiving pay for service done], and sreni [i.e, man vm* 
ployed in thands or posts]. 

* Sometimes termed Bhatarkka, and Bhat^rka in other plates. 

f Seems to bo a race of the later Kshatrapa warriors. 

X See the Nitisdra, or the Elements of Poh'ty, by Edmandaka, edited by BAbA 

EajendraUUMitra, Calcutta, 1861, p. 118, " ^ ipt VpTg^ft^KRft^^/' oh. 
xriii., v. 4. This gives six kinds of forces. In other plates swrhidah or friends 
ore acconnted a species of force ; that is, the expression runs thns : — "d|H'<thj||v 

rPJjfT PnivPr" ?®. These terms are also defined in the NUiiM^itkha of 5fla* 
jEantha, whoso intcrprotations I have adopted. 



THREE WALABHl' COPPER-PLATES. 347 

From the unbroken kingly line descending from him [the said Bhat^ 
i£rka], [came] the great Mahesvara [i,e, liiiva] Guhasena^ — 

who had washed away all sins by submission to the commands of his 
parents; 

whose sword even was his second arm from childhood, and whose 
strength had been tested in defeating hordes of ruttish elephants of his 
enemies ; 

the light of the nails of whose feet commingles with the rays of 
jewellery set in the diadems of enemies reduced [ to submission ] by his 
arms; 

who, by truly following the rules of all the SmriiiSf and by gkd- 
dening the hearts of his subjects, has [in his own person] realized the 
real meaning of the word lUju ;* 

who, by his beauty, his magnificence, his steadiness, his depth, his 
intellect, and his riches has excelled Smara/^- the moon,^ the king 
of mountains, § the sea, Jupiter, || and Ruber a ;^ 

possessed of the quality of giving safety or fearlessness to those wha 
sabmitted to him, he treated his own aims and the results of his own 
actions [so far as concerned himself] as grass [or as of no consequence]; 

he who, by bestowing more wealth than was asked for, has glad^ 
dened the hearts of the learned, the relatives, the friendly ; 

who, like the traveller who walks, delights in the expanse of the 
whole eircle of the universe ; 

the great Mj&hesvara Sri Guhascnn. 
His son [was Sridharascna]; 

who had washed away all his sins in the rays proceeding from the 
nails of his [father's] feet — that being (as it were) the flow of the wide 
Jinhavf ; 

one whose riches — supporting hundreds of thousands of the fricnd- 

• Tho word Rdjd mcoDS ono who shines (from raj to shino). 

t See Amarakoaaf bk. I., ch. i, v. 20. Tho god of love : at Ellora in the groat 
ICailisa caye (in tho compound wall) tho god Kdma is represented as embracing 
Batif the goddess of lore, and bearing in his hand a bow made of sagarcane. 

{ The moon gladdens people's hearts. 

§ Mora, the highest mountain, according to the Pur&nika cosmogony. 

II Brihaspati, the preceptor of the gods. He is the go<l of talent. 

Y The treasurer of tho gods : dwells in Kailasa, and is represent od as the 
friend of Siva. 



34S THREE WALABHl' COPPER-PLATES. 

ly — and whose beauty — induced the \('>bhig6mika or] kingly qualities'*^ 
themselves to approach him [i.e, his protection] rapturously ; 

whose innate strength and acquired education specially astonished 
all wielders of the bow ; 

protector of the old Dharm'iddya [i.e, religious] grants of former 
sovereigns ; 

the destroyer of evils oppressing [his] subjects ; 

one showing [in himself] the combination of Lakshml [i.e. riches] 
and Sarasvati [i.e. learning] ;f 

whose power in enjoying [or preserving] the wealth gained from 
enemies overthrown [was] noted ; 

whose pure kingly wealth was gained by valour; 

this was the great Muhesvara ^ridharasena. 

His son [was Sri Siladitya] ; 

who, worshipping at his [father's] feet, has occupied the whole fir- 
* mament by the aggregate of remarkable qualities causing joy to the whole 
world ; • 



* These BTrfH^rif^* qualities are thus laid down in the N<iw4raof K^mandaka 
[Calcutta od., p. 78] : — 

"^ ^ ^: ^ ^'%^ f^sraRTKrfr I 3rtft«llRrll ^ T^^ frRTcTT tlVll 
Ch. iv., vv. 6 — 8 ; the gloss at p. 166 runs thus :— 

3TF^/ ^ ' s^^^^g^ •^rRr^OOT, 'srt.-' ^^, *^^' g^HNdi, *^fftp^* 
rflcTct, *^' 3Tw^- *T«^'f^^rr§PTV5m?qic!r, * f ff^rn"' f^m srcgr^- 

sTRrt^ ^fPmPmr H<^-S|r^'4J ll ^li ^ii ^li 

t This is considered an unusaal combination. 



THREE WALABnr COPPER- PLATES. 3iO 

wbose shoulder is beautified by the brilliancy of the sword which 
lias been crowned with success on hundreds of battle-fields ; who bears 
the great weight of serious [state] projects ; 

refined in intellect by a study of all the sciences, * spiritual as well 
as temporal, and yet capable of receiving pleasure from even a grain 
of fine talk; 

the seriousness of whose mind is unapproachable by all, and yet 
whoee virtuous conduct clearly discloses a very beneficent disposition ; 

who has acquired great fame by an investigation of tho ways of all 
. the kings in the Krita age ; 

who, by following the paths of virtue (or Dharma) obtained enjoy- 
meat of the purest wealth and happiness, and thus gained for himself 
the truly significant second name Bhann&ditya : \ 

[This was] the great Mdhesvara Sri-Siladitya. 

His son (?) [should be his younger brother] J the worshipper of his 
feet; 

whose courage was not shaken by either joy or sorrow, in bearing 
on his shoulders, as the well-disciplined bullock docs carry [the yoke]» 
the much-to-be-coveted kingly wealth with which he was invested § [by 
his brother who ] behaved towards him with the same respect as Indra 
did towards [his younger brother] Upendra || : for his soul was de- 
moted to simple obedience ; 

Although his footstool was covered by the lustre of jewels set in the 
diadems of hundreds of kings subdued by his prowess, still the bent of 
his mind was not affected by pride which would hurt the self-respect of 
others ; 

whose enemies, though celebrated, powerful, and proud, had left off 
all means of opposing him, save the one of submission ; 

the collection of whose pure qualities has gladdened the whole world 

* These are laid down as q^ and dpT^* See also Hfundalcoiyanishada, Khauda 
1.5:— 

Calcutta od. 1850, pp. 26G.G9. 

f The Ban of Dharma or virtao. 

X Other plates give it as 3?^, and it also agrees with tho context. 

§ Tho original is dsaktaaty but it should bo read as ananjitam, 

H Prom this it clearly appears that Siladitya resigned in his brother's favour, 
and soatod him on tho throne during his lifotimo ; and ho gave his whole wealth 
to his obedient brother. 



350 THREE WAL^Hl' COPPEB^PLATES. 

who, by his power, has destroyed the entire manifestation of the 
force of Kali ; 

whose mind was most exalted because it was not tainted by all the 
sins which occu[)y the thoughts of the wicked ; 

whose exceeding bravery and excellence in wielding arms were famous ; 

who, having obtained the wealth of many opposing kings« had raised 
himself to the first rank amongst the brave and powerful ancient 
sovereigns ; 

this was the great M uhesvara Kharagraha ; 

his son ; who was a worshipper at his feet ; 

who intensely delighted the hearts of all the learned by acquiring 
all knowledge ; 

who, by his power and generosity, when his enemies were off their 
guard, had broken the axle of the moral and mental chariot of his 
opponents ; 

who, although acquainted with the deepest portions of many sciences^ 
arts, and po])u]ar annals [or biogra])hy], was yet of a very pleasant dis- 
position ; 

who, being artlessly gentle, whose gentleness became his ornament ; 

who, by taking the flags after successes on hundreds of battle-iield», 
has destroyed by his ftunous arms the rise of ])ride of all his enemies ; 

whose command is accepted by the whole circle of kings^ whoit 
pride as warriors has been destroyed by his own bow. 

This was the great Muhesvara Srfdharasena. 

His younger brother ; the worshipper at his feet ; whose Tirtuet 
excelled those of all former kings ; who by his valour acquired countnei 
which were very hard to obtain ; 

the very impcrsonification of manliness ; 

whose subjects came to him — like Manu — of themselves, being in- 
spired thereto by love for his high qualities, which had filled thdf 
hearts ; 

invested with [knowledge of] all arts and sciences ; brilliant, causing 
comfort, like the moon, and yet whose splendour is not obscured [ lik« 
that of the moon] : he is like the moon himself;* 

whose ample glory has destroyed the vast darkness [of ignorance] 
in the vast expanse of the heavens like the sun — [unlike whom] be is 
shining at all times ; 

* Like other words, this is a figure of spooch ; thus KaU means orta, dso. 
when applied to the king, and phases when used in connootion with the mcMnip 



THEEK WALABHl' COPPER- PLATES. 351 

versed in even both the sciences of Polity and Grammar, creating [in 
reference to Polity] in his subjects the greatest confidence which was 
full of purpose, which was the source of very many objects, and which 
was replete with the acquisition of wealth ;* skilled [in reference to 
Polity] in determining upon making peace, war, and encampment ; 
[skilled — the same applied in reference to Grammar — in determining 
the Sandhis, Vigrahas, and Samdsas] ; 

giving [in reference to polity] command [to men] according to rank; 
[causing — in reference to Grammar — udesas (grammatical changes) in 
proper places ;] and who has used means to producing increase in the 
virtue of good people, — who [as applied to Grammar] has tried the 
modes of producing guna and vriddhi] ; 

though of excessive valour, yet having a heart softened by compas- 
akm, possessed of learning, but free from pride ; 

quiet, though handsome ; constant in friendship but the giver up of 
the guilty ; with the well-known second name Baluditya (morning-sun) 
which became significant, because by his rise [i.e, birth] the three 
worlds were cherished (delighted), and with whose radiance [and love] 
given [support] to the people ; 

the great Mdhescara Sri Dhruvasena ; 

his son; whose horned moon- like forehead was marked by a scar 
caused by its rubbing against the ground when falling at his [father*s | 
lotus-like feet ; 

whose ears were endowed with holy Vedas^ graceful like the orna- 
ments cf ]»earls, in his very childhood ; — 

the ends of whose lotus-Iike hands were wetted by water accompany- 
ing remarkable gifts ; 

who sustained the amount of gladness of the earth by taking ligbt 
ttxes,t like softly taking the hand of a maiden ; 

who, like the Dhanurveda [or the science of archery] itself, was 
skilled in directing his bow to every object which was the object of his 
aim ; 

whose command was obeyed like the jewels held at the best part of 
the body [the head] by a circle of all the suppliant tributary princes ; 

• Tho same words Injing applied in reforonco to gramiiinr, tlit* clause would 
•tand thus : — *' formiii;:^ wonls l»y means of HuHixes added on to bascH, with 
^n^ihandha,^ [ indicatory lettc-s or Hvllables niarkinf^ sumo pi'culiariiy in tho 
inflexion of a word to which they are atim.'hed"^ t ha*, have various objects and 
•re reploto with <f7.iiHn.s- laujjrments^ ;" 

f This is a play upon the word 1 A-ara], irhich means a lax ad well as a hand. 

Af^ r a s 



352 THREE WALABHl' COPPER-PLATES. 

the paramount power, the great king of kings, the supreme lord, the 
monarch of the earth, [named] Sridhar&sena. 



A^ Second Plate, 
[Then comes Sri Derabhatta.] 

The son of Siladitya, the brother of his [Sridharasena's] grand* 
father, who [Sri 6iladitya] was Hke Sarngapani \i, e, Vishnu], who had 
made obeisance by lowering his limbs through devotion [to Siladitya] ; 

whose head was always kept shining by the exceedingly fair lustre 
of the gem-like nails of [his father's] feet, like the most fair Mand^kini 
[i.e, Ganges] ; 

who was a royal sage, like ^gaatya,^ scattering liberality; 

whose circle of richly fair fame graced the horizon [literally the 
eight directions of the sky], and formed an entire and total halo round 
the lord of the night [moon] in the heavens ; 

who was the lord of the earth, whose [i.e. earth's] two breasts are 
the Sahya and Vindhyd mountains, whose tops clothed in black clouds 
appear like [her] nipples ; 

[such was] Derabhatta.f 

His son [was Dhruvasena] ; 

who gave protection to a host of alhed kings ; 

wearing the cloth of their own pure fame, and offering him (like a 
garland of flowers by a damsel at her own marriage) the sovereignty J 
of their kingdoms ; 

* This is a figure founded on the word ddkshinya, which means living in the 
south, like the sage Agasti, and wisdom or generosity like that of a royal sage. 

t The object of thus bringing in Derabhatta by circumlocution seems to 
bo this : — the main line of kings terminates with Dharasena ; and Sildditya, the 
brother of Kharagraha and father of Derabhatta, was not in the direct line of 
kings, but his son Derabhatta seems to have been an officer of note, who had 
probably made excursions or conquests towards the Vindhya and Sahyddri 
ranges. But his son, Dhruvasena, again ascends the Walabhi masnad. All the 
copper-plates since the time of this Dhruvasena date from the camp Khetaka, 
and those prior to this Dharasena date from Walabhi. This Khetaka is probably 
the present Khedli or Kairaj and it seems to have formed a part of the Walabhi 
dominions. Since the time of this Dharasena, it seems that the Walabhi kings 
hereafter lived in Khetaka, instead of Walabhi. 

J The original word for the host of kings is ^f^, which being in the femi- 
nine gender, the whole figure is founded thereon, and hence the example of 
swayamvara, or giving away in marriage by a damsel of her own person. 



THnEE WALABHl' COPPER-PLATES. 353 

who possessed valour which was irresistible, and which he held like 
a sword, subduing a formidable array of enemies ; 

who duly effected taking possession of the countries of his enemies, 
the acquisition of which was made by force in winter [i.e. ^n[^], by for- 
cibly handling his bow and arrow ;* 

and who has properly taken the taxes from those countries ; 

whose ears, which had been already ornamented [ by listening to lec- 
tures] conveying profound learning, were further beautified with orna- 
ments made of precious stones; 

the ends of whose hands bore wristlets beautified by sparkling 
emeralds, [which looked] as it were made of young moss, luxuriant with 
the sprinkUng of water accompanying uninterrupted gifts ;t 

who had embraced the earth with arms forming the boundary line 
of the ocean made up of jewelled bracelets which he wore ; 

the great Mahesvara — This was Sri Dhruvasena. 

His elder brother [was Kharagraha] ; 

whose body was marked by altogether unmistakable signs by Lak- 
shmi herself in her embrace, as if with the sole object of getting rid of 
the sin [communicated by] the touch of other — sovereigns ; 

who had attracted all sovereigns [towards himself] by the greatness 
of his exceedingly graceful deeds ; who had joyfully gained over other 
kings by his great love [towards them] ; J 

who has burnt out by his valour the race of all his enemies ; 

who gave all his wealth [Lakshmi] to the company of his friends [un- 
like Vishnu] ; 

who wielded no disease [or distress] ; 

who never left the company of the true sciences ; 

who played no sports of childhood ; 

who despised no twice-born ; 

who won the earth by valour alone ;§ 

who did not sleep among or keep company with the dullards ; 

who being an extraordinarily excellent person, like Dharma himself, 
properly regulated the practices of the different orders of the classes of 
the people ; 

• The sarao countries aro compared to boautiful tlanpfhters. 

f This i» a figure of speech : a p:ift by a Hindu is always confirmed by water 
poured by the hand of the giver on that of the receiver. And hence the in- 
trodaction of moss, which grows in watery pLircs. 

J Tbie is nearly a repetition, and does not occur in B. 

§ Many of the adjectives here used are applicable to the god Vishnu. 



354 THREE WALABHl' COPPEB-PLATBS. 

whose family was glorified by the standard of his excellent spotless 
Tirtue, being lauded and raised by the three worlds, which were much 
delighted by his freeing and confirming with his highly frank disposi- 
tion even those grants to gods arid Brahmanas which had been spoUated 
by former kings of the earth, who had been incited by a shade of greed ; 

who, having duly honoured the gods, the twice-born, and his pre- 
ceptor, permanently introduced new grants,* was yet unsatisfied, and the 
series of whose famous deeds filled the cardinal points of the heavens ; 

this was Kharagraha, the great Mahesvara, whose second name was 
Dharmaditya, which is but plain and truly significant. 

» 

Of his elder brother f [Siladitya] who enlightened all the regions of 
the world by his fame, which was just like the light of the moon unfold- 
ing the beauty of a host of lotuses ; 

who was lord of the Earth, whose heavy breasts were the black 
Vindhya mountains, like a ball of the unguent made of the black 
powdered aloe ; 

and whose name was Sri Siladitya, whose son was 6ri Siladityadeva, 
who was like the new moon, increasing every day his stock of knowledge ; 

who graced the splendour of royalty, as the young Hon graces the 
mountain forest ; 

who, like the god Kurtikeya, % was crowned with a diadem, and 
who was possessed of formidable power ; 

who was full of glory, like the sultry Sarad season, and whose wealth 
was in full bloom, like lotuses in the tSarad season ;§ 

slaying the cloud-like [big] elephants of his enemies ; 

who, like the morning sun, destroyed in battles the lives of the ene- 
mies in front ; 

who was a great votary of Siva, a great monarch, a great lord, and 



* The word in the original is ucb'anga ; the meaning of this has not yet been 
pTX)perly settled ; it seems, however, to be something which accompanied gifts 
of towns, because in nearly all plates the grants are given along with wdrcwi^as, 
and therefore must be some old coin of those days. 

t This was also not in the line of kings, and must therefore have been a 
suheddr of the country about the Vindhya range. 

J The words in the original have two senses, one applicable to the king, 
and the other to the god KdrtiJcet/a. 

§ Here also is a play on words. 



THKEE WALABHl' COPPER- PLATES. 355 

the great king of kings devoted to the feet of Sri Bdva,* who web a 
great king, a great lord, and tlie great king of kings. 

His son [was ^iladitya] ; 

who by his prowess in delivering the great world, which was sinking 
under the weight of the waves of the agitated sea of Kali, manifested 
his being an extraordinarily excellent individual ; 

who thus was, as it were, a second philosopher's stone, accomplishing 
the desires of all people ; 

who, on the occasion of making gifts, treated the earth, bounded by 
the four seas, as insigniticant like grass, and who by his attempts to 
create other countries [literally, to create another world] made fof 
himself a name like that of another creator ; 

who made a place for himself in the world, surrounded by a wall of 
fire of his shining fame, spread by reason of his having destroyed the 
temples of the enemy's elephants by a stroke of his sword drawn through 
anger; 

whose royal umbrella was hidden by the ceiling of his fame, fair like 
a ball of froth issuing from the milky ocean by the churning of the 
Mandara mountain, and which [ ceiling] was upheld by his mighty 
arms and spread over the whole extent of earth ; 

such was Sri Siljulityadcva, a great votary of Siva, devoted to the 
feet of the great king, the mighty lord, the great king of kings, 6ri 
Bappa ; 

this was the great monarch, the great lord, and the great king of 
kings [Sri Siladityadeva], 

Ilis son [was Siladitya] ; whose lotus-like feet were set and adorned t 
by the rays issuing from the gems of the crowns of all the tributary 
princes who lay prostrate [at his feet] by his valour and love ; 

• Elsewhere describt'd as ^^q*. Ho seems to bo some great teacher of the 
Baiva faith, or some remarkable great king of that name, bat more probably the 
former, from the adjectives us(mI. In Pandit Bha^vinliiPs collection of Nop6l 
inscriptions of about this time, all the kings aro described as worshippers of tho 
feet of Bappa. 

VI MKIj'"-'?PTs Ii* vol. XI. of tho Mmlras Journal of Literature and Science , 
pp, 801-30(>, there is a note on an ancient Hindu grant of the time of Mah£r&ja 
6ii Yijayanandi Varma, in which this same expression occurs in this modi- 
fied form :— " ^f^ f^TTq* ^^tl" JTF ^>T^f%gr^^n% ^TRrgMnfr ^^ H?TT^ qf- 
^MfTi ITT HMHrl**Ac., which confirms our supposition that Bnppa Bhatt'iraka 
muMt have been somo dharm^chdrya or sage venerated equally in all parts tff 
Hiiidiwtan at that time. 

t TliiB seems superfluous. 



856 THREE WALABHl' COPPEE-PLATES. 

[this] was Sri SiMdityadeva, a great votary of Siva, devoted to the 
feet of the great king, the mighty lord, the great king of kings, Sri 
Bappa; this was the great monarch, the great lord, and the great king of 
kings [Sri Siladityadeva] ; 

commands all : 

Be it known to you all ; each and all thus : — " for the increase of 
the merit and fame of my father and mother and myself, for the ac- 
quisition of the fruit of this and of the next world, is given out of 
charity by me, confirming the gift by pouring of water, to Bhatta 
Vasudeva Bhdti, the son of Bhatta Damodara Bhdti, who, leaving Sri 
Vardham/ma * Bhukli, f has taken up his residence in Lipti-khanda ; 

who is familiar with the four sciences, X of ^^ Gargyas gotra^ a 
student of the Bahvricha ^u/chd ; 

for the performance of ball [i.e. worship], charu [i.e. rice for sacri- 
ficial oblations], vaisvadeva [i.e. offering to all deities], agnikotra [t.'?. 
sacrificial libations to the three fires], kratu \i,e. other sacrifices after 
the simple sacrifice to the fire], &c., the village of Antarpallika, near 
Dinnaputra, in the Sur/ishtra country, along with udranga, § with all 
its appurtenant taxes, &c. ; 

with the vef/ia [i.e, right to exact labour] ; 

along with jj^t^^t ^Tr^rq"; II with the profits iii kind and cash [literally 
gold] ; 

with the jurisdiction to inquire into the (?) ten offences ; 

[the gift is] not to be interfered with by all government officers ; 

which was not given before either to gods or Brkhmanas ; which, on 
the principle Bhumichhidra, is to continue as long as the moon, the 
sun, the ocean, the earth, rivers and mountains last ; 

which is to be enjoyed by the son, the grandson, and the descendants 
[of the donee] ; 

therefore, while he, with the due limits of the rules of charitable gifts, 
enjoys it, ploughs it, or causes it to be ploughed, or parts with it, he 

« Probably Wadhawana. f Tdlukd (?) 

X The fodr Vedas. There is a section among the Moda Br&bmanas termed 
Chatniredi, now corrupted to Chdcbdrvedi. 
§ See note* p. 356. 
II As yet untranslatable : the expression occurs in various shapes, thus : ^^'- 

riNPTTcTT! ^rl«*lffTr^I^ :, ^^R^R'r^R:, sometimes we have Hr^pf: instead 
ofs| 



THREE WALABHl' COPPER- PLATES. 357 

should not l>e obstructed by any ; either the future blessed kings or our 
heirs, or others, knowing that wealth is unsteady, human life is transitory, 
and that the reward of the gift of land is common [to all kings], this our 
gift should be acquiesced in and protected. It is said — The earth has 
been enjoyed by many kings, beginning with Sagara ; when it is the 
territory of any one, the fruit [of gift] belongs to him. 

What good person will possibly retake the wealth which is made the 
abode of charity by kings, from fear of poverty, which [wealth] is 
considered like nirmdlya [f . e, flowers devoted to gods] or a thing 
Tomited ? 

The grantor of land lives in heaven for sixty thousand years ; its ^ 
depriver, and the ratifier of such deprivation, shall dwell those years 
[sixty thousand] in hell. ' This [gift] is by the humble Agent [termed 
Ddtakal SiMditya. 

This is written by Sri Gillaka, commander of the army, and son of 
6ri Buddha Bhata. Sam vat 403, M%ha Vadya 12. 

My own hand. 



Explanatory Note to Gondala Copper-plate Grant B. 

(A) In grant A, line 9, the passage is ?^r^KlpI^^yiiP^Hrt5•'f^Tf^?r^- 
^9f^4«H:» whereas in this it runs thus : ^$dUlM^^t^ ^^fhf^^^ ^l<^ R«^^H^ I 
think this reads better, and is thus translated : ** whose power in en- 
joying [or preserving] the wealth of his overthrown enemies." 

{B) LineW. In grant A there is^^Rd|p!^in{fiti«'-IH»M<H*Vqpr^^rT: 
whereas in B the passage is g^ftrTrfrT^^g^-^MiH^^^rTFrHr^: And 
this seems to be better than the other, and may be rendered thus : — 
" The excess of whose good deeds have made quite clear his very 
benevolent disposition." 

(€) In A {linea 12 and 13) occur the words ^^?f^r3E{nT^nT> while in 
B the words are MHlftr q ft f flqH l H r* Both expressions, however, bear the 
same meaning [see translation] . 

(D) Line 21.* The word g^%5f is clearly an error ; for the same king 
in A is ^X^T* and that he is ^j^, and not vr^^^, appears clearly from 
other copper-plates. 

{E) Line 21. In A the corresponding passage runs thus:**^!^- 

m ft ^ ft d ^4 i rt'if |iTT?frr:" whereas in B it is **€^ff^rfvnPT[rf^nT?T] ^T^FB^f- 
IWPrs" which means, ** who excels all former kings by the acquisition 
of all the sciences." In the above passage I have added [frt^rftrr], as 
it makes the sense more complete. 



358 THREE WALABUl' COPPBB-PLATES. 

{F) Lines 27 and 28. In B, after the words vfrPRTTT comes irf^, 
which does not occur in A, but the sense of both passages is exactly 
the same. 

(6r) Line 29. In B, after the words ^jy^Tf '^ KH "^ f>vy H "^ there is 
an evident omission of fttVfgy^TTijt: which occur in A, For without this 
addition there can be no comparison, and the sense would be incomplete. 
The meaning is that by the taking of light taxes he gladdened the 
earth ; but, to bring this out, the words ^fVf^T<r^.* niust be inserted. 

(H) Line 8. In B the words are qrf <:4tft cT ^<»-^H( q P r; T ^^cMJl^ ; while 
in A the corresponding passage runs thus : — *' qR'»(rS(ftf«ha ' H TqffrTy- 
g l jCHl^iH^^^Hj^diMp I;*' Therefore H^^rn^t^:, meaning— " extended 
^nd very powerful " glory, &c., is an addition to B. 

( / ) Line 9. In B the word aTT^j^Tpf : occurs ; whereas in A we 
have ari^J^TpnTTT ; ^^^^^ is, in A we have the attribute, and in B the 
person. 



THREE WALABHI^ COPPEB-PLATBS. 859 

Walabhi Copper-plate Grant from Wale, in Kdthiawdda, 

Transcript. 

ir<0^#.— What is put in parenthesesi thus ( ),i8 corroded, either totally or par- 
imllj, in the original. The parts marked in bi'ackets, thus [ ], are supplied to 
correct some evideut error or omission. The letters underlined occur in the 
plates, and the corresponding letters on the margin are the corrections. The 
test of the marginal notes need no explanation. The Arabic numerals in 
brackets [1] arc supplied to mark the lines on the plates. 

i 
[3] 5q^^^n5r?^rRTr^[i'q] 'j^<"ii<r ^ '<^"iRit<r ^ fc?idi{)M'« >- 

8 

4 S 

[6] iRcnrr ^"H<m«i(i'>iH*ii5'4.«*[:]qr45ii?y*ii!fH<HHf^d- 



(*) ^» (*) ^^HT-* (*) This word means bravery ; but it seems to be 

evidently out of place, and docs not occur in A. ( ) ^^I|^|. ( ) f^* 

(*) ilrT is an addition to A, which means powerful. ( ) 9. 

47 r a s 



t 10 



360 THREE WALABHl' COPPEB-PLATES. 

[10] KHW^imrtfildl tr 4 «i |^ HI H M H>-d? M^myw*iR«iiijii*- 

« 

^*5miwM^imw«f 

[14] ft<jm<H<i>in»rrfy<iHRHc4*<Pi<ft H«Jci«jm(Mdrt^Hift 

II 

I 

IS 

^*Hft ♦ ♦ J J ♦ 

[18] ['l']CTT^r7MdiHKHMI<lH^f^ ^q|^Mmnm>IHt- 



15 

inam ♦♦♦♦♦* 



le _ 



(') ^nHTT" {*) Hl^idUH In this f!T is an addition to A, and means 

(^^) Id a the reading is o^ ; hero it is ^, which forms one oompoiuid 

meaning — who has bomo on his shoulders the weight of sorious prqjeoii. 

(") 'ftPr- (") In A, instead of f^r^^JfT, Prf^ f» exists. Thepr*. 

sent passage runs thus : '* or who has acquired great fame by disooTering tbe 

deserted paths of the Krita age." ( ) The two intervening letters between ■ Z 

•n<l f^, ^nfr* are corroded. (**) Eight letters after fJf are lost. (**) Sis 

letters after q are lost C*) The line after ^ is altogether lost. 



THREE WALABHl' COPFBB-PLATES. 361 



Second Plate. 



[1] Pr^fr[jr]f^4HM^NHi«wJrtHM^ii»Tq- 
[2] fcTf ipr"[j]sqjn?jr^5yrgq%rpf R^uw 




IS 



[3] ^nr ?• qv3Tff^^n3wiTT^rpr?q«nhTgT«i5%- 

[5] [r*T(!) Jrin'R^^ ?pir sRiftwcr^y^fh^ jrqwife- 



[7] ?Jrw3rwfRivRqi?T?PiRft[far: <Ho4<N<fHHiM^«M&q«ftir: 
[11] «<<i-^rj^<^MW^i4l:iM'<i«> ?: qRnic^f^do^^ [ii] w^- 

[12] fir: JIW JRT «RT i{[ilW« ?RiT ?RT 1>^ [ll\ll] qpftc 



C")"T- (") Three letten lort. (") Letter loet. 



362 THREE WALABHl' COPPER-PLATES. 

90 

[13] f^Pr [II] I^ThMMMrd^ilH cH^ €r 5TPr flfig: 

jH<i<tfM [IR II ] ^f§r ^^hc^tH ^^ ^- 

[14] ^ ijPTgr- [ II I w%t{[ ^rj^ ^ cfp^ ^ ^^ 
[ II ] ^cnr^T^niT^T^pnrrs M^ 
[15] ^rfN f^ ii^i r^ t^ R^i - Mri-^^Aff ft^ ^. V^ ^ '^ 

[16] «^WI 3TJT. 



iVo/e on a Walahhi Copper-plate Grant from Waliy in Kdthidwada. 

Instead of a translation of the whole plate, which would, to a great 
extent, he a repetition of what comes in the translation of A (see pp. 
16 to 27) — for in these plates the adjectives applied to the diifer- 
ent kings are, excepting some slight verbal changes, almost precisely 
the same — I propose to give below only those parts where this pUte 
differs from the others, and also those where additional information, 
such as concerning the subject of the new grant, the grantee, &c. 
&c., is to be obtained, or further explanations appear to he necessary. 
Thus, in this plate, we have a Bhatarkka [Bhaiiarka] ; and in his line 
we have Guhasena, his son Dharasena, his son biladitya, otherwise 
called Dharmaditya. Their description in this plate b the same as 
in A, to which I beg to refer. 

In the beginning of the plate, in line 1, the word WalabhMk, i.e. 
" from Walabhi," shows that this plate is from that city, and not from 
Khetaka, from which subsequently copper-plate grants (like Gooi^^ 
A and B, see pp. 335 to 346) have been issued. 

After this, up to line 17, first plate, the adjectives are similar to 
those in A, and any verbal differences are given in the marginal notes 
to the transcript. The following is a translation of the part from and 
afker the words Sri ^(liidityah in line 17, first plate : — 

** The great votary of Siva, the prosperous Srf Siladitya, commands 
each and all, [such as] the Ayuktakas,* the Fintyuktakas,* MoAai" 



^) In A and B this phrase runs thns :— pRT?^«II'f!Mfd*il|^. Thns in A and 
B wo have flowers used up and matter vomited, while here we have the mod 
np flowers only. 

* 8omo village officers (?). 



THREE WALABUl' COPPER- PLATES. 363 

Ura^* the CAutabhatakaSff the Kunvtraa (i.e. princes), ministers, &c. ; 
and to others in their respective offices [commands]. Be it known to 
you all : — 

Thus : For the increase of my parents' merits, in the environs of 
Walahhi, for multitudes of Bhikshus, for giving them food, for their 
deeping, sitting ; for serving the sick and giving them medicinal mate- 
rials ; for giving perfumes, garlands of flowers, oil for lamps, &c. to the 
revered images of Buddha, and for repairing the broken parts of the 
Vihura (i.e. monastery), [is given] by me the villagePandarakupita, a field 
situate in Uchchapadra, in the Pushy anakasthali, held by the cultivator 
Sdryaka; also the field held by Kala* * * [letters lost]; so also in Karkajja 
Tillage a Whpi [a measure of land watered by one well] held by Ar- 
dhaka ; and also the WApi held by one Kumbhara ; so also the field situ- 
ated in Indrani Padraka held by ra ; also, a pa$hpnvatika [i.e. 

flower-garden] and four wells on the very borders of Walabhi. llius 
the Tillage, together with the three fields, the two Wdpis^ the puahpacd' 
tiMt and the four wells, [is given] with udrang'i ; with all its appurten* 
ant taxes, &c. ; with ^f ^ «<iT T Wr^^( ; with the profits in kind and cash 
[literally gold] ; with the jurisdiction to inquire into the ten offences ; 
with the vetha [i.e. right to exact labour] ; [which] is not to be inter- 
fered with by all government officers. 

From «pVT?T^3r5rer^, &c., in line 7, second plate, to cTT^JR^^^c^, in 
line 14 of the same plate, the passage is the same as in A and B, and 
is therefore omitted. After ^,^in hue 14, second plate, the grant pro- 
ceeds thus : — 

*' Here the Ddtaka (agent ?) [is] Bhattaditya-yasdhs ; this is written 
bj Divirapati Chandrabhdti, the negotiator of peace and war ; Samvat 
286, Jyeshtha Vadya [dark half] Gth. This is my hand." 

• An oiBoer in charge of a largo division, or tilluki (?). 
t Polioe officers. 



48 ra« 



INDEX TO VOL XL 



Ab-al-Wofa, 3 1 9, 322 

Ahwaz ; (vonquest of some towns 
of the, 193 

Albatenius, 315, 317 

Andreas, Dr., Sketch of Investiga- 
tions m Persia, xxxvi 

Angediva, Historical and Archaeo- 
logical Survey of the Island of, 
288 

Arab Astronomers and their In- 
struments, 311 

Astrolabe in the MuUa Firuz 
Library, 311 



B 



Bahrain, Expedition from, 193 

Babu Ramdas Sen, 280 

Beloochee (Mekranee) Dialect, 1 

Bo^krah founded, 186 

Bridge, Battle of the, 167 

Buhler, Dr. G., Additional Re- 
marks on the Age of the Nai- 
shadiva, 279 



Correa, Gaspar, 295 

Camoens, 298 

Canarese (Old) and Sanskrit In* 

scriptions, 219 
Ch&lukyas, lOf) 

Dynasty, 219 

Chand, 280 



D 



Da Cunha, Mr. J. Gerson, An His- 
torical and Archaeo- 
logical Sketch of the 
Island of Angediva, 
288 

On the Tooth-relic of 

Ceylon, Gautama Buddha, 115 

Dalada, 115 

De Bmtos Decadas, 290, 295, 304 

De Bragant^a, D. Constantino, 128 

Dhatuvansa, 117 

Do Couto, Diogo, 127 

E 

Er&ky Persian, conquest of, 151 

the loss of, 165 

Espahiin, occupation of, 202 



Fars,Kirman, Seistan, andMekran„ 

Expeditions to, 215 
Fleet, Mr. J. F., Old Canarese and 

Sansk rit Inscriptions relating to 

the Chieftains of Sindavamsa, 

219 

G 

Gildemeister, J., 292 

Gorgan, T^beristan, Aderbijan, and 

Derbend, conquest oC 207 
Growse, Mr., 280 

H 

Hormuzan, Capture of, 193 



[ iv 



] 



INDEX TO VOL. XI. 



I 



Ibn Batfita, 291, 293, 294 



Jalulu and Ilolwun, the taking 

of, 189 
Janishid B- Masud B. Mahmud 

Al-Tabib Al-Kashy, 324 
Jayantachandra Jayachandra, 279 



K 



Kildesyah, Battle of, 1/9 
Kanyakubja or Kanoj, 279 
Karncsvara, 99 
Kolhapura, Inscription on Maha- 

laksbmi Temple, 103 
Knfah bnilt by Musalmaus. 192 



L 



Linga-worship, 99 

M 

Madayn, the taking qf, 187 

Mabjlvansa, 118 

Maligava Temple, 141 

Mandlik, Hon. Rio Silheb V. N.. 
Sangamesvara Mdhit- 
mya and Linga-worship, 
99 

Three Walabhi copper- 
plates with remarks, 33 1 

Mekranee (Beloochee) Dialect, I 

Musalmans, Progress of the, 174 



N 



Nahr-al-dam, i. e. River of Blood, 

U4 
Naishadhiya, Additional Remarks 

on the Age of the, 279 
Nebdvend, the taking of, 198 



Paolino, Fra di San Bartolonieo, 

307 
Parasurdma, 106 

Persia ; Sketch of proposed Inves- 
tigations in, xxxvi 
Subjugation of, by the 

Moslems, 147 
Pierce, Mr. E., Description of 

Mckranee-Beloochee Dialeot, I 
Prabandhakosha, 279 
Ptolemy's Almagest, 314 
Pumaiva, Mr , 280 



R 



Rajasekhara, 279 

Ramakshetra, 100 

Rehatsek, Mr. £ , on Labours of 
the Arab Astronomers, 
and their Instruments, 
description of the 
Astrolabe in the Mulla 
Firuz Library, 311 

On the Subjugation of 

Persia by the Moslems, and ex- 
tinction of Sdsanian Dynasty, 147 

Rhys Davids, 139 



Safigamesvara Mdhdtmya, 99 
Sasanian Dynasty, extinction of 

the, 147 ■ 
Sasnnians, Chronologv of the, 148 
Sedillot, J. J., 319 
Sedillot, M. L. A. M., 312. 320, 
, 327 
Sesha, 99 
Sildditya, 331 
Sinda Family, Genealogy of the. 

219 
Sindavamsa, Inscriptions relating 

to the Chieftains of the, 219 
Sriharsha, 279 



OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC* iii 

viz. Sir Walter Elliot, K.C.S.I. (England) ; Edward Rehatsek, M.C.E. 
(Bombay) ; M. C. Commendatore Negri, President of the Geographical 
Society of Italy. 

Subscribers. — 13 Subscribers have been admitted during the past 
year, under Clause 3 1 of the Revised Rules. 

Library. — During the year under review 319 works in C79 volumes 
were bought by the Society, against 419 works in 562 volumes pur- 
chased in 1872-73. 

Periodicals, — The Papers and Periodicals taken by the Society arc 
as follows: — 

Literary 16; Illustrated 15; Scientific Reviews 7; European News- 
papers 1 6 ; Registers, Army Lists, and Directories 1 6 ; French Literary 
and Scientific Periodicals 5 ; American Literary and Scientific Periodicals 
3 ; American Newspapers 1 ; German Literary and Scientific Periodicals 
4 ; Indian Newspapers 21 ; Indian Journals, Reviews, &c. 22 ; Australian 
Newspapers 1 : being a total of 106 Literary and Scientific Periodicals 
and 39 Newspapers, or in all 145. Of the former 34 are exchanged in 
return for the Society's Journal. 

Presents to the Library. — 79 works in 122 volumes and L3 pamph- 
lets were presented to the Society during the year, chiefly by the 
Governments of India, Bengal, Madras, and Bombay ; the Asiatic 
Society of Bengal ; the Royal Astronomical Society ; the Smithsonian 
Institute, Washington ; the Boston Society of Natural History, and 
other persons and institutions, as detailed in the Proceedings appended 
to Vol. X. of the Society's Journal. 

The following papers were read during the year : — 

Original Communications. 

1. Exposition of twelve Hemyaritic Inscriptions, with Facsimiles, 
by E. Rehatsek, M.C.E. 

2. Explanations of eight Arabic Talismanic Medicine-Cups, with 
Facsimiles, by E. Rehatsek, M.C.E. 

3. Further Notes on the Age of Sriharsha, the author of the 
Naishadhlya, by Dr. G. Buhler. 

4. On Exorcisms, Amulets, Recipes, Geomancy, &c., by E. Rehatsek, 
M.C.E. 

5. Notes on the History and Antiquities of the Island of Bassein, 
bj J. Gerson da Cunha, M.R.C.S. 



iv ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS, 

6. A Xew Chalukya Copper-plate, dated Saka 532, with Remark!, 
bv Kashinath Trimbak TebiD^, \1.A.,LL-B. 

7. 156 Facsimiles, 140 of which represent Mnhammadan, Hinda, 
Bactrian, Roman, Pvzantine, &C. Coins, and 1 3 MuhammaJan, Svrian, 
and other Gems, by E. Rehatsek, M.C.E. 

8. A Note on the Age of Madhusddana Sarasyati, by Kashinath 
Trimbak Telang, M.A., LL.B. 

The Socieiif*s Journal. — Since June last, Nos. 29 and 30 of the Socie- 
ty's Journal hare been printed, Xo. 29 has been distributed, and Xo. 30; 
toirother with an Index to Vol. X., will be in the hands of the Memben 
iu the course of tlu? next two weeks. These will complete the tenth 
volume of the Journal. It is proposed to commence a new yolome ia 
the current year, so as, if possible, to publish during the year all the 
papers read within that year. 

The CiitjiiXjHf, — At the death of Mr. Tavlor, letters A andB of the 
iirst Fart wore ready, set up in type. Since then the remainder of 
Vart I. au.l the whole of Part 11. hare been carried through the press; 
a;ul the ivmploto Catalogue up to the end of IS 73 is placed before the 
Mivtinjc iXi this da v. 

Fir: '.v, — Aunoxcvl is an Abstract Statement and Auditors' Report of 
tho Svv*otv*s funds, showuisr a balance of Rs. 8.111-9-7 in farour of 
tV.o S^vioty, There arx.\ besides, the following sums belonging to the 
tu\v;rai^h;^*al S<vtion : — 

rUo lV:t:o!\u'.^l Koyohv.ud Donation (^deposited in 
tlio i'l\a;:orv\i Mercantile Bank of India, Lon- 
don, auxlChuw) Rs. 2,721 6 

Uhu4;x\.*»xuU'tlV.rshvn;a:udas r>oiva:iou (deposited in 

*ho NA^^v lvi:ik) ., 517 13 

4^ y t \ * , ; '' > .' AT, \;\ ,* .' f> 1 1/ ^ V "v-p .• -iyti^- at o .i fheRecetp fs. — ^The amount 
um'.»*\sI vui;u\^ ;ho \oar b\ sxilvk^rij^ti.nis of Resident Members and 
SuUm^u\^x >k^x Uh U\iV^:^^<0; during IS73 it was, as well as can he 
»u.<»U- ou» Unvu \ho A^::v*ha; i:r.|vrt\vi accounts, Rs. 14,090, the dif- 
U^i^^uv u^ U\xni* o(' ihx^ \ <\tr nu.ier the h^irher rate beinc Rs. 3, 1 87-8-0. — 
vu \uK*» \\\vnK, \No •^^l;^*;v:i ::* r^wiprs tor this year nearly corresponds 
i\^ Uv \>»^lv \vi iN\UwH^>&\ jv.avW ;u tbc amouut of subscriptions^ i.e. 25 



OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. V 

It was then proposed by the Rev. Dr. Wilson, F.R.S., IJonoranj 
President of the Society, and seconded by the Rev. J. S. S. Robertson 
— "That the Report now read be adopted, and that the best thanks 
of the Society be presented to the Office-bearers of the Society for 
their valuable services during the past year." This motion was carried 
unanimously. 

The Rev. Dr. Wilson then submitted the following motion, com- 
memorative of Dr. Bhau : — 

"The Society in again adverting to the death of Dr. BhauDaji, their 
honoured Vice-President, which occurred on the 29th of May last, can- 
not but anew express their appreciative and tender regard for his 
memory, founded on his high character, distinguished talents and 
acquisitions, and his consecration of them to objects of public utility, 
not only as connected with his own profession as a medical practitioner, 
but as bearing on general literature and science, especially on the anti- 
quities, civil and religious history, authorship, and productive resources 
of India in all its extent. They gratefully recall to remembrance the 
effective assistance which he rendered to the instruction and education 
of his countrymen as an assistant-professor in the Grant Medical 
College ; as the author of a Prize-essay dehortative of the unnatural 
crime of Infanticide prevalent among the Jadejas of Kathiawad and 
Kachh ; as a Member of the late Government Board of Education ; as 
a personal advocate and early supporter of Indian Female Education ; 
as a constant attendant at social meetings for the enlightenment and 
improvement of students ; as a frequent public lecturer in the Town Hall 
of Boifibay and other localities ; as one of the Fellows of the University 
of Bombay mentioned in the Act of Incorporation, ji member of two 
of its faculties, and of late years one of its Syndics ; and as one of the 
originators of our public Museum. They recognize his genuine 
philanthopy in fearlessly supporting the cause of truth and purity on 
the occasion of the prosecution in the Supreme Court, in 1854, of a 
public journalist for his exposure of the immoral tenets and practices 
of the professed heads of a sect denominating themselves the followers 
of Vallabhacbdrya ; and in his long -continued and expensive exertions 
to mitigate and remove human suffering, especially in connexion with the 
dreadful disease of leprosy, by which so many in this land have, for 
agegy heen grievously afflicted. 

"In adverting to the special obligations of this Society to Dr. Bhau 
IMjit they feel called upon to insert hi this place the titles of his 



OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. Vll 

who knew the Cave-character, in remuneration for his services in making 
transcripts and copies. In order to keep himself abreast of the progress 
of Oriental research on the Continent of Europe he had not unfre- 
quently to procure translations from the German. 

'* Many testimonies have been given to Dr.Bhau's learning, worth, and 
philanthropy since his decease, as by the public press in India, European 
and Native ; by the inhabitants of Bombay, assembled in the Town Hall 
by the Sheriff; by the Senate of the University of Bombay, and by its 
Vice-Chancellor at the late Convocation for granting Degrees. From 
these testimonies some passages may here with propriety be intro- 
duced, as illustrative both of his early studies and his remarkable career 
in after-life, especially from the proceedings on the occasion of the 
meeting of the citizens of Bombay, when it was resolved to ra»se a pub- 
lic subscription for his suitable commemoration. 

(I) "Born of humble parents in the village of Manjaran, on the 
confines of Goa and Sawantwadi, Dr. Bhuu Daji very early showed signs 
of great intelligence, and his father brought him to Bombay to prosecute 
his studies first in the Maraithi Central School, and afterwards in the 
English department of the then only Government educational institu- 
tion. Here he had the benefit of the instruction and, what was of more im- 
portance, the friendship of those distinguished pioneers of English edu- 
qition in Bombay, Messrs. Orlebar, Harkness, Bell, and Henderson, — 
men who were not content with imparting to their pupils mere 
book-learning, but who felt that the education they were imparting 
would naturally lead their students to take a prominent part in the 
great duties of citizenship, and perhaps in the government of the 
country. Under such instructors the modest and intellectual character 
of Dr. Bhau Diiji grew and matured, and he became a leading scholar, 
taking prizes and medals in the principal subjects taught. It was 
about this time that he gained the prize for the best essay on In- 
fanticide in Kathiawud, and was appointed a teacher in the Elphinstone 
Institution. His attention was soon after called to the benefit of 
travel, and the study of the antiquarian remains of his country, 
for the purpose of ascertaining and completing its history, and his 
first journeys were taken in company with the then Chief Justice, 
Sir E. Perry, whose encouragement of educated natives in all such 
uaefnl undertakings is still gratefully remembered. Dr. Bh^u Daji's 
enlightened mind and his innate compassionate disposition led him 
now to enter the new Medical College then being established — a 



Viu ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS, 

means not only of extending his physical researches, but of increasing 
his ability to benefit his fellow-countrymen by imparting to them 
the benefits of the European practice of medicine and surgery. He 
became a student at the Grant Medical College, aud was one of the 
first who were distinguished as G.G.M.C. After holding for a very 
short time the appointment of Sub-Assistant Surgeon, he gave up the 
idea of Government service and commenced a private practice, which 
in time exceeded anything he could have at first hoped for, and which 
soon made him famous as one whose wisdom and experience rendered 
him the best adviser for the ailments of all classes, from the prince to 
the peasant, from the chief to the coolie ; and while his opinion was 
courted by liis rich fellow-countrymen, he, to his great credit, * never 
turned away his face from the poor man,' but, aided in every way by 
his hardly less able brother. Dr. Xarayau Daji, administered to the 
medical wants of large numbers of the poor at their dispensary in this 
citv. Kver anxious for information, he searched the old works of the 
Sanskrit sages, and examined the effect of drugs to which they had 
given almost fabulous power over diseases, and in the course of this 
incjuiry was led to the investigation of that terrible disease leprosy. 
Much has been written and said about his secret. I think it right to say 
that the medicine is no secret. (Hear, hear.) I know that it is known to 
many — to some here i)resent — anil the treatment is still carried on by 
liis brother. Jiut what Dr. Bhau Daji felt was that in this matter it 
was not wise to publish the results until those results showed, as far as 
human eye could see, acertjiinty in grappling with the disease. I was 
present on one occasion with some of the leadhig niedical and scientific 
men of this city when Dr. Bhau Daji showed us drugs, and photo- 
graphs of j)atients in the different stages, and also living instances of 
the power the medicine had had for good, and he then explained that 
he still held back from placing the treatment before the profession and 
public until he could conscientiously sav. Here is a cure. In the 
meantime he was accumulathig the necessary facts and having the 
illustrations prepared for the work. His sad illness and death have 
prevented its completion, but we m.iy trust that his able brother will 
I)erfeet what he left undone. I now turn to his more public career as 
a citizen of Bombay and an ardent promoter of education. He was 
the first representative of the Elphinstone Institution that was appoint- 
ed a mend)er of the late Board of Education, and remained so until its 
abolition and the establishment of the University, of which he was one 
of the Fellows mentioned in the Act of Incorporation, and up to the 



OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. ix 

time of his death took a leading part in its proceedings. As the first 
Native President of the Students' Literary and Scientific Society, and the 
companion of the cause of female education, he will be handed down to 
future generations by his name being associated with one of the first and 
most promising schools for girls founded by that Society, for which an 
endowment was provided by his friends and admirers. (Applause.) 
Ever prominent in all good works for the advancement and amelioration 
of his countryTnen, his voice was never silent when distress or calamity 
in Europe led to appeals for charity here, and in the proceedings of the 
Lancashire Relief Fund he took a prominent part. In the political 
progress of India he took great and active interest, and the Bombay 
Association and the Bombay Branch of the East India Association 
owe their existence mainly to his ability and exertions, and on two 
occasions when chosen as Sheriff by the Government the voice of 
public approval showed how highly the appointment was approved by 
his fellow-citizens. In all this he showed himself not only a good 
citizen of the world, but, more than that— the helper and defender of 
the poor, and the sick, and the distressed." — Hon, Mr, Gibbs, Chairman. 

(2) " It is now nearly twenty years since I had the happiness of 
making the acquaintance of the late Dr. Bhau Daji, who has, to the great 
loss of this Presidency, been taken hence in the prime of a useful, honoura- 
ble, and generous life, of which the community of Bombay has just reason 
to be proud. Eminent and successful in his own profession, he never- 
theless found time for literature and antiquarian research, and laboured 
to promote in all respects the welfare and advancement in civilization 
of his country. The lesson which his life teaches to and illustrates for 
his fellow-countrymen is this — that, unlike too many of the young men 
of the present day in India, his craving for education did not limit 
itself to learning sufficient to obtain for him a Government appointment, 
or other situation, or a profession. He never thought that he could 
educate himself sufficiently ; he hungered and thirsted for knowledge to 
the day in which he was stricken down by the malady which proved 
fatal to him. He loved learning and science for their own sakes, and 
caltivated them ardently and steadily, and with marked success. His 
labours as an antiquarian have established for him a European name. 
He spired neither time nor money in obtaining copies and photo- 
graphs of inscriptions, of which India yields such a plentiful harvest, 
and in accumulating ancient and valuable manuscripts and books, which 
may yet, I trust, in connexion with his name, advance the cause of 
2 a 



X ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS, 

learning in Bombay. I shall never forget a speech which it was mj 
good fortune to hear him deliver in this hall, when speaking of a reli* 
gious faith to which he did not belong : he expressed himself with I 
will not say a toleration, but with an intelligent appreciation and sym- 
pathy which manifested that liberality of sentiment which is the result 
of high mental culture. Nor ought I to pass over an instance of his 
public spirit. Believing one of his poorest and most humble fellow- 
countrymen to have been wronged by one of the local authorities, he 
warmly espoused his cause, and never deserted him until he obtained 
compensation for his wrongs in the chief tribunal of this island at the 
time." (Cheers.) —/fo/i. Mr. Chief Justice Westropp' 

" Dr. Bhau has rendered invaluable services to his country by hif 
researches into the ancient architecture of India. So great was his re- 
putation as an antiquarian that when our Viceroy, Lord Northbrook, 
visited the caves of Ellora, he invited the learned doctor to accompany 
him, so that he might benefit by his lucid explanations. As a medical 
practitioner you must have all heard of the cure of the terrible malady 
of leprosy which he succeeded in discovering, and which has been spoken 
of so highly. It is a known fact that to the poor and needy his ad- 
vice was given gratis, and instances are numerous in which with advice 
was combined assistance. Many here present who enjoyed his friend- 
ship will agree with me in thinking that as a private individual Dr. 
Bhau was all that could be wished. His genial disposition, his suavity 
of manners, and his other sterling qualities will live in the memory of 
all who knew him for years to come." — Hon. Sir Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy, 

(3) '^ Dr. 6hau*s name as an antiquarian and scholar stands very 
high. His reputation as such is spread over India, Europe, and America. 
He made several very valuable discoveries in this branch. I will men- 
tion one or two of them. The value of the ancient Sanskrit numerals 
was for a long time unknown. Even Prinsep, that prince of Indian 
antiquarians, was not able to determine it. It did not depend on the 
position of the figures, as it does at present. The numeral 1, when it 
stands alone, signifies unity, when there is another figure over it it 
signifies ten, and another still one hundred. Such was not the case with 
ancient Sanskrit numerals. Their value was constant, whatever the 
position, like that of the Roman numerals. In some copper-plate grants 
a certain mark was found, alongside which there were the words 'three 
hundred*; and Prinsep and all subsequent antiquarians took it to re- 
present that number in all cases. But after a while it was found that 



OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. X\ 

the coins of about eighteen or twenty princes of a certain dynasty con- 
tained that mark. Antiquarians, then, began to ask themselves, ' What ! 
did so many princes reign only for one century V Mr. Thomas then 
observed that the mark had minute strokes to the right, and that their 
form and number varied on the different coins, and suspected that the 
value of the mark was in some way affected by these strokes. But he 
was not able to find out in what way they affected it. It was Dr. Bhdu 
Diji, then, that determined their value. He compared the numbers 
existing in the several cave-inscriptions at Ndsik, Kirlen, Kanheri, and 
Junir, and came to the conclusion that the mark without any of the 
right-hand strokes signified one hundred, with one stroke it signified 
^100 hMndred^ with two three hundred, and with the numerals four 
and fiyc below it four hundred tm^Jive hundred, and so on. In this 
way he determined the values of a good many numerical symbols. But 
this was not his only discovery. There was once a dynasty of the 
name of ' Guptas.' Inscriptions of several kings of that dynasty were 
found containing dates. One date was 93, another 165 ; but what era 
these dates were to be referred to nobody knew. Different antiquarians 
took different eras, and the difference between the dates they assigned 
to these princes came to several hundreds. But there is an inscription 
of one of these princes on the celebrated Junagadh rock, a copy of which 
was sent to Prinsep, but he did not decipher it. Dr. Bhdu took it up 
and translated it, and may be said to have set the question at rest. In 
that inscription he discovered three dates with the words : *' Gupta ka- 
lasya/ i.e. *in the era of the Guptas,' occurring after them; from 
whence it was seen that these princes used their own era. The initial 
date of this is known from the writings of an Arabian author and 
from inscriptions to be 319 a.d. Then there was another dynasty of 
princes who called themselves Sahs, the names of the members of 
which have been determined principally from coins. There are also 
two inscriptions of this dynasty ; one of these is on the same Junagadh 
rock, and it was translated by Prinsep before. Dr. Bhdu took it up 
again and re-translated it, and pointed out some errors into which 
Prinsep had fallen. He showed that the king named in that inscription, 
Rodra Dama, was not the son of Chashthana, as Prinsep thought, but 
lufl grandson. But the portion of the inscription containing the 
father's name was broken off, and it could not be determined. 
Tlii% however. Dr. Bhdu found out, and brought to light the names 
of four or five princes more of this dynasty by translating an 
ioicription on a pillar at Jusdun, in Kithiiwad. In this search for 



Xii ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS, 

antiquities, and in taking copies of inscriptions, Dr. Bhau was indefati- 
gable. He went several times to Ajant^ deciphered and translated 
the cave-inscriptions at that place, and threw light upon a new 
dynasty of kings. He did several other such things, and wrote a 
good deal more ; so that no one who wishes to write a paper on the 
antiquities of the last two thousand years can do so without referring 
to Dr. Bhuu*s writings. (Hear, hear.) But this was not the only 
thing of the kind that he did. He devoted much time and atten- 
tion to the collection of rare Sanskrit verses ; himself went to places 
where he could find them, and when he could not go employed agents 
to look for them and get them copied ; until there was almost no part 
of India which had not an agent of Dr. Bhdu*s." — Profes$orJt. G, 
Bhanddrkar. 

(4) '' He had known, Dr. Wilson said. Dr. Bhau D^ji from his Tery 
boyhood. He first attracted his attention in the classes of the Native 
Education Society taught by Messrs. Bell and Henderson, in which he 
especially noticed his eagerness for the acquisition of knowledge* parti- 
cularly that which was connected with mathematics and physical science. 
He was a favourite pupil (for his intelligence and diligence) with those 
most zealous and able pioneers of Government English education in 
Bombay, and with Dr. Harkness and Mr. Orlebar, who were the first 
Principal and Professor of the Elphiustone Institution, with whom 
Messrs. Bell and Henderson were united in office on their raising op 
material for a collegiate institution. (Applause.) Under these four 
gentlemen, all distinguished for their attainments in learning and their 
success in tuition, Bhau Daji made rapid and sure progress. He soon 
became a regular attendant also at the meetings, conferences, and lectures 
which were conducted and delivered by himself (Dr. Wilson) ; and he 
never failed to express his gratitude for the benefits which he thought 
he had received at them. He privately studied the Sanskrit language 
when he was an assistant-teacher at the Elphiustone Institution ; and 
his scholarship and benevolence, aided by his knowledge of that tongae» 
first found their scope in his Government Prize Essay on Infantidde» 
which had an important effect dchortative of that unnatural crime among 
the Jadejds of Kdthiawad and Kacch. (Hear, hear.) The commence- 
ment of Ids studies at the Grant Medical College did not contract, but 
enlarged, the sphere of his observation and inquiry. With Dr. More* 
head and the Professors there he was an admired favourite ; and he 
obtained from them the respect and confidence which he deserved. He 



• • • 



OFFICIAL) LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. XUI 

preferred being a private practitioner to being a Goyemment servant, 
that he might follow the bent of his own inclinations as to practioe and 
study. On his joining the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 
he took a hearty interest in its work. In our Journal about a dozen 
substantial articles appeared from his pen, while many other valuable 
notices were to be found in the Appendices. It was believed by many 
that his name might yet appear in the history of medical science as di- 
rected to that dreadful disease leprosy, in connexion with which his ex- 
periments and treatment in many instances, to all appearance, have been 
successful to a large and encouraging extent. Much of his medical 
practice was unrewarded by man. Advice, attendance, and medicine were 
by him frequently freely bestowed — a fact which, it was to be hoped, 
would be kept in mind in the destination of at least a portion of the 
testimonial subscription to be made on this occasion. Altogether, Dr. 
Bh^u Diji was a most remarkable character. He would, it was to be 
hoped, be a bright exemplar in this country for generations to come — an 
exemplar as a student, and ft scholar, and a philanthropist ; and it should 
be added, with a full warranty of facts, as a candid, religious inquirer 
and bold religious reformer. (Applause.) His courage in the notorious 
Mahirdj case, both in the Supreme Court and elsewhere, could not be 
forgotten. He had imperilled his practice with many on that occasion, 
but this he did without regret. The respect which he had for another 
faith (not that of his fathers) had already been alluded to by the 
honourable speakers by whom the meeting had already been addressed. " 
(Cheers.) — Rev. Dr. Wilson. 

(5) " From the first days of our acquaintance I felt drawn to him by 
that attraction which links all workers in the intellectual field in one great 
fellowship. I found he had had cravings and aspirations in his student- 
days which seemed to reproduce that part of my own life. He had been 
an indefatigable labourer, yet withal something of a visionary. But what 
visions those are which rise before the mind of the successful student as 
early manhood and hope roll out the future before him ! Wordsworth 
has said, ' Heaven Ues about us in our infancy.' Rather it gathers 
round us in those years of opening manhood when, the drudgery of 
mastering the rudiments being over, we learn in the society of cultivated 
and accomplished minds to drink in the full beauty and significance of 
all that science and literature have to reveal. Then it is that a ' vision 
qplendid' opens on the student in his moments of day-dreaming. His 
dull surroundings f^de from view. Illimitable vistas of knowledge to 



Xiv ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS, 

be gained and honours to be won open out to his mind's eje, and vague 
bright hopes are borne in to him on the wings of a joung imagination* 
He would take all learning for his province» and compass with his life 
the task of ages. In such dreams had Bhau Daji indulged, and when 
he spoke all he had hoped to do my spirit leaped in sympathy. He 
had seen all this ' fade into the light of common day/ as all of us hare 
or are destined to see it. But these musings were not all unpractical. 
They had revealed ghmpses of an intellectual paradise, which having 
seen he could no longer view with the longings of a baser nature the 
vulgar rewards which for so many are the chief good this world sup- 
plies. He gained an ideal of the man of learning, which kept him 
through life independent, firm in integrity, in openness of mind, and 
kindliness of heart. He had difficulties to overcome in acquiring the m- 
diments of learning, which have been well described to the meeting. But 
he also enjoyed an inestimable advantage. I would not be understood 
to disparage the educational system now at work, or the teachers who 
work it ; but there appears to have been in the infant days of Britiah 
culture in Bombay an energy, an elasticity, a hopefulness and confidence 
which now somehow are wanting. All institutions as they grow older 
become more and more imbedded in traditions. Proprieties press down 
with leaden influence on all spontaneousness, and mechanism takes 
the place of nature. In earlier days this was not so. There was more 
faith, more dependence on the one side, responded to by a more fnll 
outflow of the teacher's whole being on the other. There was an inter- 
course of mind with mind, an approach of soul to soul, which, when 
the teacher is worthy of his position, affords the highest of all training. 
Of all this I speak from tradition, but the tradition cannot be whoUj 
wrong when it is corroborated by such results as appear in the life of 
Bhiu Daji, and of some who yet survive to do credit to their teachers, aa 
I trust, for at least another generation. Under such teaching. Dr. Bhin 
D^ji easily triumphed over all disadvantages. He not only acquired 
learning but manliness, a contempt for all tinsel pretences, and a love 
for thoroughness of work which was essential in his future career. In 
this spirit he entered on the study of medicine, and how successfully he 
prosecuted that study you have already been told. He had an ideal to 
satisfy, and a truthful, modest nature. His ability thus got fair plaj» 
and placed him ere long in the front rank of his profession. Meanwhile 
he was becoming a philologer. His labours no doubt were impeded 
by professional work, but for this even there was a compensation. If 
we look back on the intellectual gains of the last half-century, and k- 



OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC* XV 

qoire into their history, we find they are in the main due to the appli- 
cation to matters of scholarship of the methods of investigation de- 
Teloped by the followers of physical science. Bh£u D^ji had worked 
in this field, had saturated his mind with the spirit that reigned there. 
Thus he came armed to cope with the difficulties that beset an investi- 
gation of Indian antiquities. What he achieved in this way has been 
shadowed forth to you. I could not pretend to do it justice, but I will 
just observe that the means by which, as Professor Bhdn^^rkar has 
described, he arrived at a solution of the problem presented by the 
mysterious numeral sign, affords a true instance of philosophic working 
according to the method of difference. His labours have been brought 
to an untimely close, but they have gained him a high and honourable 
place in the records of learning. His versatility of talent and devotion 
to intellectual pursuits are somewhat rare in every country. In India, 
so far as I know, Bh^u Daji's life and example are almost unique. And 
there is a point connected with them on which I may be allowed to dwell. 
He affords an example which the peculiar circumstances of society 
in this country make specially necessary, specially valuable." — Hon. 
Mr. Justice West. 

(6) '* The chief characteristic of Dr. Bhdu D^ji was an unstinted 
sympathy. This had been referred to by many speakers with regard to 
its being shown in Dr. Bh^u's medical practice, and his constant readi. 
ness to assist others ; and it was not only apparent in these, but in every 
thing he could lay his hands to on behalf of the public. He (Mr. Wood) 
remembered how on one occasion he heard Dr. Bh^iu Daji, with very 
strong feeling, quote one of the aphorisms or institutes of Asoka. 
These were the words, ' the heart of Buddha was filled with infinite 
pity.' Though we may find many similar texts in the Christian 
Scriptures, this, coming from Dr. Bh^u as it did, struck him (Mr. 
Wood) very much. And, as they all knew, this sentiment or principle 
was apparent in Dr. Bh^u's daily life and actions. He would just 
mention one instance of this which had come under his notice. Little 
more than half a year ago, and when, as they knew. Dr. Bh^u was 
Ijring prostrate and powerless, news came that an assistant of his, 
engaged in archaeological exploration, had been taken ill with fever on 
his way to Nepdl ; and Dr. Bhdu D^ji knew very well the dangerous 
nature of the Terai fever. This man is a Gujarat Br^man, Bhag- 
wlnlal by name, and well known to many of them as one who, under 
Dr. Bh^u*8 direction, had acquired great skill in the copying and de- 
ciphering of ancient inscriptions. Well, Dr. Bhau sent a pressing 



XVI ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY S PROCEBDINGS, 

mesaage to him (Mr. Wood) to come a.Dd see him on Borao 
business, which proved to be about this matter. He could not deKrfl 
the strong feeling, he might aay the loye, with which Dr. Bh£u spol 
of this man, and how keen was the aniiety which he espressed because 
of this assistant being e^ipoacd to mortal danger on his account. The 
paralyzed doctor said he would do anything he could to rescue him, 
and he tossed with restlessness in his anxiety to do something. The 
sick man was an immense distance off, and of course nothing could be 
done but to make inquiry by writing to the Resident. This was done, 
and in due time a kind answer was received from Mr. Girdlestone, 
saying that on search being made, Bhagwan was found lodged at one 
of the temples with some of his caste-people, and though it was true 
he had the fever, he was then recovering, and had escaped from its 
worst effects. The Ilesideut at oiicc sent medical assistance to him, 
These tidings being given to Dr. Qhuu D^ji, he was delighted and hU 
mind relieved," — Mr. W. M. Wood. 

(7) Thf Hon'bte Mr. Jugtiae Gibbi, Vice -Chan eel lor, at theC< 
vocation of the University of Bombay, spoke tbiis : — 

"Aa I told the students at the Grant College a few days ago, 
do uot consider the important fact that their real edncation only 
commences, that unless they are content simply to exist, and d 
desire to grow, they must ever continue apt to lenrn, I am told 
in some of the examinations iu the higher grades the examiners find 
men coming up time alter time, and failing on each successive OHXtasion 
more signally than before. Those who enter on the liberal professi( 
and bare to earn their bread by their skill are obliged in some degi 
to keep pace with the times, but those who enter the service of 
State are too apt to rest content with their lot, and find in their di 
otEce routine sufficient for them. Let me warn all against leading sui 
lazy lives. Take example from the late Dr. Bhilu Diiji ; look wl 
he has done for his country ; how he studied its early history and il 
ancient languages, and gave the results of his inquiries to the scionti&c 
world ; how he made deep research into the hidden mysteries of Sana- 
knt lore and culled therefrom additional benefits for his deceased fellow- 
countrymeu ! He studied and searched the past for the benefit of the 
present and future. Let all take esample from this distinguished 
man's career, — not the medical graduate only, but the lawyer and the 
civil engineer. Looking at the records of old, both to writings and 
buildings, we may indeed say, ' there were giants in those daya.' 
Let it be the pride and satisfaction of this University to find it§ gn- 



dhU 

] 

find 
sioa 

m 

tific ' 




OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. XVU 

duates, not» as was ably pointed out by one of the leading Anglo- 
Teraacular papers a few months ago^ pennitting their exclusiyely English 
education to lead them to deny Uie existence of science and art among 
their ancestors; not falling behind the alumni of the older educational 
institutions of the Presidency ; but, following diligently those pioneers 
of the study of the past, let it be said that they perfected what others 
began, and that the UniTersity of Bombay has sent out not mere 
pedants, much less conceited half-educated striplings, but men who in 
the state, on the bench, or at the bar, as architects or as physicians, 
prove themselves, as Dr. BhAu Diji did, worthy of their education, 
beloved and respected in their lives, and in their deaths honoured 
and deplored." (Loud applause.) 

After the above documents were submitted, it was unanimously 
agreed to insert them in the Proceedings of the meeting. 

It was then proposed by the Rev. Dr. Wilson, seconded by Mr. 
Manockjee Cursetjee, and unanimously carried — ** That the following 
gentlemen be elected as the Committee for the year 1875 : — 

Committee of Management. 

Preiideni : The Honourable James Gibbs, F.R.G.S. 

Vic&'Prendenti : The Honourable Mr. Justice West, B.A., 
F.R.6.S. ; the Honourable Rio Siheb Vishvanath N. Mandlik; 
Surgeon-General W. Thom, F.R.C.S. ; Col. J. A. Ballard, C.B., RE. 

Members : W. Loudon, Esq.; E. T. Leith, Esq., LL.M. ; Prof. R.G. 
Bhindarkar, M.A. ; Lieut. H. Morland, I.N., F.R.A.S., F.R.G.S.; 
N4riyan Daji, Esq., G.G.M.C. ; Javerilal Umiashankar, Esq.; 
J. A. Forbes, Esq.; Surgeon-Major W.Dymock,B. A.; Rev. D.C.Boyd, 
M.A. ; C.E. Fox, Esq., M.A. ; Dhanjibhai Framji, Esq. ; J. G. daCunha, 
Esq., M.R.C.S. 

Secretaries : The Honourable Rio S^heb Vishvanith NMyai^ 
Mandlik; Surgeon-Major O. Codrington, F.R.M.S. 

Auditors : Thomas Lidbetter, Esq. ; ktm&tim ^kr^^\xxwa%^ Esq., 
G.G.M.C. 

The following new Periodicals were ordered : — Hindu Patriot^ 
Calcutta ; Mookerjee^s Magazine^ Calcutta ; Madras Athenaum instead 
of Madras Times, 

The following were ordered to be discontinued : — Journal des 
DSbatSf Norderdeutschf New York Herald^ Poona Observer, Scindian, 
Once a Week, Australian Illustrated News. 
3 a 



XTIU 



Dr. 



BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE 

STATEMENT of INCOME and EXPENDITUBE 



1874. 




Amoont. 


DeaSlft 


Balanoe of lait year ... 
SabsoriDiioiiB of Basident Membeni.. 


Bs. a. p. 

10,477 8 

565 

2,800 

42500 


Bs. a. p. 
2,950 9 4 

14,267 8 

710 
4^00 

184 6 

67 4 8 

18 




Ditto Non-Besident Members 




Ditto Life-Hemben 




Ditto to tho Librarv ..^. .....<.•....... 




SnbscriDtionB in arreoni for 1872 ....tt tt-.tt-t 




15 
695 




Ditto ditto for 1878 




OovArnmoiit Oontribntion ..tt---t 








Jmim&l ■R.lA.nfYMAfidfi 




(hah Balanoe of the Geographical Society 

Sale-proceedi of old Papers and Boxes 




22,281 4 



Examined and fonnd correct. 

THOMAS LIDBETTER, > , ^. 

S Attditon* 
ATMARAM PANDUEANG, j 

Bombay^ Town Bali, Ui January 1875. 



XIX 



ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. 

from Xst January to Qlst December 1874. 



Or. 



1874. 



Amonat. 



Deo. Slat 



Office Establishment 



Postage and Beoeipt Stamps 

Shipping Ghargea 

Stationery 

Genera] Charges 

Purchase of Books and Pablioations 



Subscription to Newspapers and Periodicals ... 

Binding Gharges 

Advertising and Printing Charges 

Compassionate Allowance 

Dead Stock purchased 

Silver Coins purchased 

Premium on Govemment^Paper paid 

Interest paid on ditto 



Balance : — 

In the New Bank of Bombay. 

In hand 



Government Four per cent. Paper 



Bs. a. p. 

7,091 8 8 

185 10 9 

54 18 

827 8 6 

2,084 8 10 

926 11 

769 14 6 

418 12 

1,872 2 

220 

2 8 

84 12 

90 

46 7 2 



6,101 12 8 

9 12 11 

2,000 



E. £. 



Bs. a. p. 



14,119 10 6 



8,111 9 7 



22,281 4 



VISHVANATH N. MANDLIK, 

Vice-President and Joint Secretary. 



LIST OF MEMBERS 

OF THE 

BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. 



Patron. 
The Honourable Sir Philip E. Woderouse, K.C«B., Gorcmor. 

• Fice'Patrtmi, 
The Honourable Sir M. R. Westropp, Knight. 
The Rt. ReT. H. A. Douglas, D.D., Bisbc^ of Bombay. 

Honorary President. 
The ReT. John Wilson, DJ)., F.B.S. 

Prmdtnt, 
The HonoralHe James Gibbs, F.R.G.S* 

Fiee'PreMidenU. 



The Hod. Mr. Justice West, B.A., 

F.R.G.S. 
The Hon. Rdo S^eb Vishrandth 

N. Man^Uk. 

CoMMriTEE OF MaNAGEMBJIT* 

Members. 



Surg..Genl. W. Thorn. F.B.C.8. 
Colonel J. A. BaUard, C^^ R.E. 



J. A. Forbes, Esq. 

Surgeon-Major W. DymodLt B.A. 

Rev. D. C. Boyd, M.A. 

C. E. Fox, Esq., M.A. 

Dhanjibhai Fr^ji, Esq* 

J. G. da Conha, Esq., M.B.C.8. 



W. Loudon, Esq* 
£. T. Leith, Esq., LL.M. 
Prof. R. G. Bhandarkar, M.A. 
Lieut. H. Morland, LN.,F.R.A«S., 

FH.G.S. 
NMjan Daji, Esq., G.G.M.C. 
Jayerilal Umiishankar, Esq. 

Secretaries. 

The Hon. lUo SAheb Vishvanith I Surgeon-Major O. CodriogtoOy 
Nariyan Mandlik. ■ F.R.M.S. 

Auditors. 

• 

Tbomas Lidbetter, Esq. I Atmirim Pi9<|anui^ EH-> 

I G.G.M.C., 



U8T OF MKMfiKBS. 



List oj Rendeni Memben/or 1874. 



Year of 
Election. 

1840 Manockji Cunetji, Esq. 

1845 H. P. St. George Tucker, 

Esq. 

1846 Lestock Reid, Esq. 

1847 The Hon'ble Sir Jamsetjee 

Jejeebhoy. 
99 Manmohandas Devidas, Esq. 
1850 Dhanjibhoy Framji, Esq. 

1854 S. Carralho, Esq. 
„ R. A. Dallas, Esq. 

1855 YinayakraoWasudeoji, Esq. 
1857 Sir Mangaldas Nathubhoy. 

1860 J.A.Forbes, Esq. 
„ J. M. Maclean, Esq. 

,t The RcT. D. Macpherson. 
M The Hon*ble James Gibbs. 

1861 Framji Nussurwanji, Esq. 

„ Cursetji Rustamji Cama, 

Esq. 
,9 W. Loudon, Esq. 
9, The Honourable Rao Saheb 

Vishyanath N. Mandlik. 
,, Surgeon-Greneral W. Thorn. 
1863 Cumroodeen Tyabji, Esq. 
99 The Honourable Mr. Justice 

Green. 
,, The Hon'ble Mr. Justice 

R. West. 
,, The Hon'ble Bir. Justice 

R. H. Pinhey. 
„ Harichand Sadasewji, Esq. 
99 Jayerilal Umiashankar, Esq. 
,, Cursetji Fardunji Farakh, 

Esq. 
„ F. F. Arbuthnot, Esq. 
9, Manockji Sorabji Ashbur- 

ner, Esq. 



ft 



»> 



f» 



>9 



»» 



»» 



9» 



» 



ff 



Year of 
Election. 

1863 Buijoiji Sorabji Ashbumer, 

Esq. 
,, The Hon'ble A. R. Scoble. 
„ The Rey. R. Stothert. 

William Dymod^, Esq. 

Dhirajlal Mathuradas, Esq. 

1864 The Honourable Mr* Justice 

Bayley. 

Nowroji Manockji Wadia, 

Esq. 
O. A. Eittredge, Esq. 
Byramji Jejeebhoy, Esq. 
A. C. Oumpert, Esq. 
Cursetji Nnssurwanji Cama, 

Esq. 
Shantaram Narayan, Esq. 
Ardaseer Cursetji Furdoonji, 
Esq. 
t, 6. 8. Lynch, Esq. 
„ W. Niyen, Esq., M.D. 
„ Colonel J. A. Ballard, C.B. 

1865 The Rey. W. Maule. 
The Rey. D. C. Boyd. 
Sorabji Framji Patell, Esq. 
Atmaram Pandurang, Esq. 
F. Mathew, Esq. 
Narayan Daji, Esq. 
Hamilton Maxwell, Esq. 

„ A. W. Forde, Esq. 
„ T. B. Johnstone, Esq. 

Henry Cleyeknd, Esq. 

W. M. Wood, Esq. 
,9 E. D. Sassoon, Esq. 

C. E. Benn, Esq. 

Brigadier-General J. S. Gell. 

Yandrawandas Purshotam- 
das. Esq. 



»f 



» 



»> 



>» 



19 



19 



99 



99 



>9 



99 



xxu 



LIST OP ICIMBEBS. 



>9 
» 
9> 
9> 
>9 
>9 



Tear of 
Election. 

1866 Charles Currey, Esq. 
,, D. Watson, Esq. 

„ R. L. Crawford, Esq. 

E. B. Carroll, Esq. 
Janardhan Gopalji, Esq. 
T. Ormiston, Esq. 
Captain G. F. Henry. 

C. 11. Reynolds, Esq. 
Ramcrishna Gopal Bhan- 

darkar, Esq. 
„ W. G. Hnnter, Esq., M.D. 

1867 The Rev. G. C. Reynell. 

D. Graham, Esq. 
Dr. F. G. Joynt. 
Dustoor Jamasji Mancherji. 
C. P. Cooper, Esq. 
G. H. Farran, Esq. 

„ John Westlake, Esq. 

T. E. Taylor, Esq. 

T. B. Kirkham, Esq. 

P. F. Gomes, Esq. 
„' C. Peile, Esq. 

R. M. A. Branson, Esq. 

Thomas Lidbetter, Esq. 

Moraijee Gokaldas, Esq. 

1868 E. T. Leith, Esq. 

„ Kahandas Mancharam, Esq. 
„ The Hon'ble Nacoda Maho- 
med All Rogay. 
C. A. Langley, Esq. 

F. R. S. Wyllie, Esq. 
Surgeon-Major J. Lums- 

daine. 
M. R. D'Quadros, Esq. 
R. M. MacLean, Esq. 
J. C. Lisboa, Esq. 
C. E. Fox, Esq. 
„ James Burgess, Esq. 



99 



»> 



»> 



» 



M 



it 



>9 



91 



99 



99 



»> 



99 



99 



99 



99 



9t 



99 



99 



99 
91 

99 



Tear of 
Election. 

1868 Perozshaw M. Mehta, Esq. 

1869 Edward Walker, Esq. 
„ A. £. Ashley» Esq. 

„ W. F. Peel, Esq. 
„ F. L. Latham, Esq. 
„ F. W. Doolittlc, Esq., M.D. 
L. P. D'RosArio, Esq. 
Cursetji Manockji Cursetji, 

Esq. 
Sorabji Shapooiji Bengalee, 
Esq. 
„ John Dixon, Esq. 

1870 The Rer. J. S. S. Robert- 

son. 
„ J. Jardme, Esq. 
„ The Right Rev. H. A. 

Douglas. 
„ HormuBJiArdaseerSnntooky 

Esq. 
„ The Hon'ble Sir M. R. 

Westropp. 
H. P. LeMesarier, Esq. 
Yinayek Ramchandra Lnx- 

umon, Esq. 
„ The Hon'bleMr. JnstiGe 

Eemball. 
„ James Simpson, Esq. 
„ Robert Swing, Esq. 

1871 W. Fraser, Esq. 
J. Q. Pigot, Esq. 
Thakordas Atmaram Mehta, 

Esq. 
„ J. A. Cassels, Esq. 
„ Bomonji Cursetji Cawaqi, 
Esq. 
J. Jefferson, Esq. 
Shapoorji Honnusji Phatakr 
Esq. 



99 
99 



99 
99 



99 
99 



UST OP MEMBEBS. 



•• • 

XZIU 



19 
99 
99 

99 
99 



99 



99 



99 



Year of 
Election. 

1871 C. A. Stuart, Esq. 

1872 The Hon'ble Mr. Justice 

Marriott. 
J. M. Campbell, Esq. 
J. L. Kipling, Esq. 
His Excellency Sir P. E. 

Wodehouse, K.C.B. 
J. B. Paterson, Esq. 
John Gordon, Esq. 

1873 Surgeon-Major T. E. P. 

Martin. 
The Hon'ble A. Rogers. 
Surgeon-Major O. Codring- 

ton. 

J. G. DaCunha, Esq. 
„ A. AUardjce, Esq. 
», The Hon'ble Mr. Justice 
Nanabhai Haridas. 

W. G. Hall, Esq. 

J. W. Orr, Esq. 

G. H. Traill, Esq. 

The Hon'ble J. K. Bythell. 

P. Ryan, Esq. 

Dhirajram Dalpatram, Esq. 

Dinshaw Manockji Petit, 
Esq. 

„ J. McDonald, Esq. 
J. Macfarlane, Esq. 
Captain Henry Morland. 
Lieutenant W. L. Searle. 
Sorabji Jamsetji Jejeebhoy, 
Esq. 

Vurjivandas Madhowdas, 
Esq. 

R. G. Walton, Esq. 
1874 H. Conder, Esq. 
M Major J. H. White. 
„ T. W. Wood, Esq. 



99 



99 



99 



99 



99 



99 



99 



99 
99 

99 
99 



99 



99 



99 



99 



99 



99 



Year of 
Election. 

1874 A. Buchanan, Esq. 
9t Kashinath Trimbak Telang, 

Esq. 
,, Byramji Nussurwanji Sinrai, 
Esq. 
N. Spencer, Junior, Esq. 
H. Gamble, Esq. 
Captain W. P. Walsh. 
W. Forrest, Esq. 
„ David Finlayson, Esq. 
» Javerilal Umiashankar Taj- 

nik, Esq. 
„ Cursetji Jehangiijee Tara- 

chand, Esq. 
„ P. Peterson, Esq. 
,9 Robert Clark, Esq. 
„ A. J. luTerarity, Esq. 
„ G. A. Bamett, Esq. 
„ T. Bromley, Esq.; 
y, Deputy Surgeon-General J. 

M. S. Fogo. 
„ Khanderao Chimanrao Be- 

darkar, Esq. 
„ A. Craigie, Esq. 

Surgeon-MajorG.Y.Hunter. 
F. Feddon, Esq. 
Perozshaw Merwanji Jejee- 
bhoy, Esq. 
„ Hormasji Nowroji Sacklat- 

wala, Esq. 
„ Ardaseer Framji Moos, 

Esq. 
„ Grattan Geary, Esq. 
„ Jehangirji Burjorjee Wacha, 

Esq. 
„ Shamrao Vithal, Esq. 
„ Ganputrao Bhasknr, Esq. 



99 



99 



99 



XXIV 



LIST OF IIEMBSRS. 



XoH'Rendent Members, 



Year of 

ISoti T. C. Hope, Esq. 

1859 J. P. Straton, Esq. 

1 86 1 M. J. M. Shaw Stewart, Esq. 

,• A. Faulkner* Esq. 
18(>2 J. B. Peile, Esq. 
1863 J. R. .\rthur, Esq. 

„ II. M. BiniwiXNl, Esq. 

„ ii. BAhler, Esq.. Ph.D. 

•• J. B. Riohey, Esq. 
1 80»4 W. T. Blaiitbrvl Esq. 

•« II. M. ScvHt« Esq. 
, ». R. S. Sinclair. Esq.« LL.D. 

„ Major T. W'AvMitu:cou. 

,» i^ftptaiu E. AV. West 
lSi^'» T. i\vke» Esq,. M.A.. M.I., 

i.i-n. 

»« Kao lUhaslur Jaoardau Wa- 
sUxWjL Esq, 

.. Rax» l^aKaviur Trltualno 
YvaxiXarcsh. 
iSv W.j! Aa>l:*.Fss. 
IV U,A::V.vrf. 
Ku>a*.x::ao Y;rufc\akS>ji«n» 

J. U R:^t>c:A^aTrak\ Fa^ 
\ r I'Va^r'tvl. Fs»; 



«» 



«. 



^k 



«» 



v« 



\« 



1^' 



I 



Year of 
Election. 

1867 Alijah Ramchundra Apa 

Saheb, Chief of Jnm- 
khnndy. 
„ Col. W. V. ShewelL 

1868 Alijah Amrootrao Daflay, 

Chief of Jutt. 
9, Colonel W. W. Anderson. 
„ AzumBhugwanji KammBey, 

Minister to H. H. the 

Jam of Nowannggior. 
„ Azum Goculji Samputram, 

Prime Minister to H. H. 

the Nawab of Jo^ma- 

ghur. 
., Gopal Shri Soorvingji Tha- 

kore Saheb of Fslitana. 
„ GoTind Krishna Bhoos- 

kutavy Esq. 
,, Gowrishanker Odeyahanker, 

Esq., Minister to H. H. 

the Thakore Saheb of 

Bhownnggor. 
.« Jaepc»nath Icharaniv Esq. 
^ H. H. the Jam of Nowa- 



«• 






Aram Jeyashankar Lalshan- 
kar. Minister to the Tha- 
kore Saheb of Gondol. 

Jhareja Shri JeTasiiigji,Tha- 
kofe Saheb of Dhrole. 

Krishnaji Lnnunan, Esq. 

H, H. the Xawmb of Joona- 
chnr. 

ScxfiNMi J. Finkerton. 

6. 6. Reid. Em}. 



LIST OF MEMBERS. 



Year of 

Election. 

1868 H. H. the Thakore Saheb 

of Bhownuggur. 
„ H. H. the Thakore Saheb 

of Morvee. 
„ H. H. the Thakore Saheb 
of Gondul. 

1869 Bomanji Jamasji, Esq. 

„ Jorawur Khanji Bahadoor, 

Nawab of Radhunporc. 
„ Lt.-Col. J. F. Lester. 
„ Rev. A» V. Lisboa. 

1870 R. M. E. Brereton, Esq. 
,, J. Jardine, Esq. 

1871 R. E. Candy, Esq. 

„ A. D. Cunnyngham, Esq. 



99 
99 



Year of 
Election. 

1871 G. H. D. Wilson, Esq. 

1872 J. E. Andre, Esq. 
II. Batty, Esq. 
Surgeon-]Major W. Davey. 

„ Professor Kero Laxuman 

Chhatray. 
W. Lee- Warner, Esq. 
W. Ramsay, Esq. 
W. Woodward, Esq. 
1874 A. F. Pereira, Esq. 

Shripad Babaji Thakore, 

CS. 
Leopoldo Cipriano da Gama, 

Esq., Deputy Postmaster 

Genl., Portuguese India* 



It 



>» 



>f 



List of Honorary Members. 
The Rev. John Wilson, D.D., F.R.S. {Honorary President.) 



>f 



>» 



1830 Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson, 

London. 
1 832 Mons.Garcin de Tassy, Paris. 
1835 A. S. Walne, Esq., Cairo. 
1842 Prof. C. Lassen, Bonn. 

M. le Marquis de Ferricre de 

Vayer. 
N. L. Westergaard, Esq., 
K.D., Copenhagen. 

1848 M. Felix Bogaerts, Antwerp. 
„ M. le Vicomte de Kerck- 

hove, Antwerp. 
„ M. Eugene de Kerckhove, 
Antwerp. 

1849 B. Hodgson, Esq., Bengal 

C.S., London. 
y, Captain R. N. Inglefield, 
London. 
1855 The Rev. R. H. Friederich, 

Batavia, Java. 
1860 Martin Haug, Ph.D. 
4a 



1862 H. J. Carter, Esq., F.R.S., 
late of the Bombay Me- 
dical Service, London. 

1865 W. E. Frere, Esq., C.S., 

London. 

1866 Honourable Sir R. Temple, 

K.C.S.I., Calcutta. 
„ Dr. A. Weber, Berlin. 

1867 A. H. Leith, Esq., M.D., 

London. 
„ J. II. Rivara da Cunha, 
Esq., Goa. 

1868 G. C. M. Birdwood, Esq., 

M.D., London. 

1869 U. Newton, Es^., C.S. 

1874 M-(£rCommend«itor?>N/gri,-e' 




>t 



President of 
the Geographical Society 
of Italy. 
E. Rehatsek, M.C.E. 



XXVI 



LIST OF MEMBERS. 



Members gone to Europe, 



Year of 
Election. 



1822 W. Nicol, Esq. 

1828 Sir P. M. Melvill. 

1829 Augustus LcMessuricr, Esq. 

1830 Sir U. C. Rawlinson, C.B. 
It Lcstock R. llciJ, Esq. 

1831 J. S. Law, Esq. 

1832 Colonel James Holland. 

1834 R. W. Crawford, Esq. 

1835 John Earkncss, Esq. 

1837 P. Ewart, Esq. 

„ E. L. Jenkins, Esq. 

1838 D. Davidson, Esq. 

„ Majcr-Genl.Sir G. LeGrand 

Jacob, CD., K.C.S.I. 
„ C. Morehead, Esq., M.D. 
„ Col. II. B. Turner. 

1839 W. Graham, Esq. 
1810 Sir n. L. Anderson. 

„ S. S. Dickinson, Esq. 
„ Rev. J. M. Mitchell, D.D. 
1841 C.J. Erskine, Es(|., C.S. 
n. G. Gordon, Esq. 
J. R. Iladow, Esq. 
18^2 W. ^y. Cargill, Esq. 
E. B. East wick, Esq. 
The Right Honourable Sir 
n.B.E. Frere, K.C.B., 
G.C.S.I. 
„ Sir Thomas Erskine Perrv, 
Knight. 
1843 R. K. Pringlo, Esq. 

„ A. Spcns, Esq. 
1814 Col. W. R. Dickinson. 
„ Major-Gencral W. F. Mar- 
riott. 
1843 J. A. Baumbach, Esq. 
,, II. Conybearc, Esq. 



fi 



fi 



f* 



>f 



Year of 
Election. 

1816 T. S. Cowie. Esq. 
„ Lieut. J. F. Jones, I.N. 
„ Arthur Malet, Esq. 

1847 \V. C. Coles, Esq., M.D. 
„ II. P. Malet, Esq. 

„ Sir Wm. Yardley, Kt. 

1848 Rev. J. 11. Glasgow. 

1849 G. M. Campbell, Esq. 
„ Rev. J. D. Gibson. 

„ II. B. Gilmour, Esq. 
„ Thomas L. Jenkins, Esq. 

1850 Major-General C. W. Tre- 

menheere. 

1851 J. Graham, Esq. 

1 852 U. Miller. Esq. 
1854 W. P. Adam, Esq. 

„ John Fleming, Esq. 
1S55 R. T. Reid, Esq., LL.D. 
185G Sir Edward Lugard. K.C.B. 

,, Major-Gencral U. Rivers. 
1858 J. p. Bickersteth, Esq. 

„ II. Ilebbert, Esq. 

„ J. S. White, Esq. 
I8oO His Excellency the Hon'bk 
Sir G. R. Clerk, K.C.fi. 

„ G. Foggo, Esq. 

„ Sir Alex. Grant, Bart «M.A.» 
LL.D. 
1851 Captain F. Black. 

„ W. R. Cassels, Esq. 

„ W. D'Oyly. Esq. 

„ CM. Keir, Esq. 

„ D. J. Keimelly, Esq. 

„ ^lajor-Gcneral Liddell. 

„ George Scott, Esq. 

1862 W. B. Tristram, Esq. 

1863 W. R. Iloare, Esq. 



LIST OF MEMBERS. 



XXVll 



Year of 
Eloction. 

1863 George Inverarity, Eisq. 
„ F. F. Lidilcrdale, Esq. 
„ A. B. Warden, Esq. 

1864 Rev. II. Gell. B.A. 
J. W. Wriglit, Esq. 
R. llannay, E&ij. 
J. G. T. Scott, Esq. 
John Sands, Esq. 
Dr. T. AV. Ward. 
R. Mcllwraith, Esq. 

1865 Alex. Brown, Esq. 
II. J. Giraud, Esq., M.D. 
R. Hamilton, Esq. 
A. J. Hunter, Esq. 
Arthur Iluson, Kscj. 
H. Ranisdtni, Esq. 

„ A. Stewart, Esq. 



»> 



99 



99 



l» 



99 



»» 



»» 



>» 



• 9 



>9 



>> 



Year of 
Election. 

1865 W^ B. Thompson, Esq. 

1866 F. S. Arnott, Esq. 
Col. W. Gray. 
J. F. Moir, Esq. 
William Nicol, Esq. (Junior.) 

M Chaj-les Gaddum, Esq. 
„ G. M. Stewart, Esq. 

1867 W. E. Crmn, Esq. 
The Right Honourable Sir 

W. R. S. V. FitzQerald. 
F. Lloyd, Esq. 

1868 II. E.Astley, Esq. 
A. H. Campbell, Esq. 
J. Dunbar, Esq. 
Major-General T. Stock. 

„ F. Vix, Esq. 



tt 



a 



f> 



tt 



9? 



9t 



»9 



99 



Subscribers to the Bombrnj Branch Royal Asiatic Society, 



1874 R. II. Baker, Esq. 
W. H. Payne, Esq. 
James Douglas, Esq. 
C. F. Farran, Ilsq. 
J. A. Shepherd, Escj. 
Ca])tain A. G. Spencer. 
Ca])tain Charles Gibbs. 



99 



ff 



»9 



99 



M 



1871 Captain E. S. Ostrehan. 
II. E. M. James, Esq. 
Robert Valentine Reid, Esq. 
Surgeon-Major E. J. Crane. 
Major A. M. Shewell. 
Surgeon W. Gray. 



99 



99 



91 



99 



lAst of Resident Members of the Geoyraphical and Nitvral Science 
Section of the Bombay Branch of the Roi'al A.siatic Society. 



1863 Rustomji Ardaseer Wadia, 

Esq. 
1804 Premchand Roychand, Esq. 
ft F. II. Souter, Esq., C.S.I. 
1865 Bcramji Nanabhoy Framji, 
Esq. 



1865 Ilirjihhoy IMerwanji Wadia, 

E>"(|. 
„ II. II. G. Tippett, Esq. 
1 S70 JamsetjiDhanjibhoy W^adia, 

Esq. 



ZXVUl 



ABSTRACT OF THB SOCIETY'S FfiOCSEDINOSj 



N on- Resident Members of the Geographical Section of the 
Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic Society. 



Year of 
Election. 

1851 J. Scorgie, Esq., F.C.S. 
1859 Surgeon-Major J.T.C. Ross. 
„ Lieut. A.W. Stiffe, F.R. A.S. 
1861 Lieut. H. Burn, late I.K 
18G2 W. M. P. Coghlan,Esq.,C.S. 

1863 Lieut. G. C. Parker, late 

I.N. 

1864 Lieut. W. P. Arnott, late 

I.N. 
„ F. A. R. Morrison, Esq. 

1865 Dr. A. G. Eraser. 
Lieut. -Colonel Sir Lewis 

Pelly, C.S.I. 



i9 



Year of 
Election. 

1 865 Captain C. Swinhoe. 
„ A. Taylor, Esq. 

„ n. Warner, Esq., late I.N* 

1866 Surgeon W. A. Shepherd. 

1867 Alex. Gibson, Esq. 

„ F. B. Girdlestone, Esq. 

1868 F. W. Pickering, Esq. 
R. Proctor-Sims, Esq., C.E., 

F.R.G.S. 
W. Sowerby, Esq., C.E., 
F.G.S. 



*> 



$t 



At the Monthly Meeting on 13th February 1875, the Honourable 
James Gibbs. F.R.G.S., President, in the Chair:— 

The following gentlemen were elected Members of the Society : — 

Manockji Cursetji Jamsetji, Esq. 
Cowasji Cursetji Jamsetji, Esq. 
Honourable Mr. Justice Green, LL.B. 

A paper entitled " The Saiigamesvara Mahdtmya and Linga- Worship" 
was read by the Honourable Rao Sahcb Yishvanath Nar^yan Man^Uik. 

The Rev. Dr. Wilson, in proposing a vote of thanks to the author, 
made some interesting observations upon the worship of Siva, and said 
that anything throwing light on the question was of interest. 

The Rev. J. S. S. Robertson, in seconding the proposal, hoped his 
honourable and learned friend would continue his researches on this 
subject. 

At the Monthly Meeting held on the 13th March 1875, the Honour- 
able Jn nes Gibbs, F.R.G.S., President, in the Chair: — 

Basil Lang, Esq., Barrister-at-Law, and the Rev. G. Shirt were 
elected Members of the Society. 

New books, maps, &c. presented to the Society were laid before the 
meeting, and thanks voted to the donors. 



OFFICIAL^ UTERABTj AND SCIENTIFIC. Xxix 

A special Tote of thanks to Cheyalier Dr. Von Scherzer was passed, 
on the motion of the President, seconded by the Honourable Rao 
Sdheb Vishvan^th Ndrfyai^ Mandlik, Vice- President, for obtaining and 
forwarding to this Society the volumes containing the proceedings ot 
the Novara Expedition. 

Mr. J. 6. da Cunha read a paper entitled " Memoir on the History 
of the Tooth-relic of Ceylon," in which he gave an account of the 
so-called Buddha's Tooth, dwelling especially on the writings of the 
Portuguese on the subject of its destruction by the Jesuits at Goa. 

A vote of thanks to the author was passed on the motion of 
the Honourable Mr. Justice West, seconded by the Rev. J. S. S. 
Robertson. 

The Seals belonging to the late kingdom of S^t&r^ presented by the 
Government of Bombay, were laid before the Meeting, and the Pre- 
sident gave a short account of how they were obtained. Captain 
Robinson proposed, and the Rev. J. S. S. Robertson seconded, that a 
vote of thanks be passed to the Honourable President for the pains he 
had taken to secure these scab for the Society. Carried nem, con, 

A letter from Dr. Biihler was read forwarding Photograph of a 
Copper-plate Grant of the Valabhi king Druvasena I., the oldest yet 
found. 



At the Monthly Meeting held on April 10th, 1875, the Honourable 
James Gibbs, F.R.G.S., President, in the Chair: — 

The Honourable Rao S^eb Vishvan^th Ndrfyan MandUk read a 
paper entitled " Three Valabhi Copper-plates, with remarks.'' Two of 
the three plates had been sent to the Society by Captain Phillips on 
behalf of the Gondal State. They had been found at the site of the 
ancient city of Mugna Pattan, in Kdthidw^d, and both refer to the 
last Silddityadeva of the Valabhi dynasty. Both are dated Samvat 
403. The third plate was forwarded to the President by Th&or Sri 
Meghr^jji, Chief of Wdli, in K^thidwdd. It is dated Samvat 286 of 
the Valabhi plates, and grants certain places to the Bhikshus of a 
vihdra the name of which is obliterated. The grantor is Siliditya or 
Dharmiditya. The era of these plates is most probably the era of the 
Guptas. 

The thanks of the meeting were voted to the author on the motion 
of the President, seconded by Mr. Burgess. 



ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PBOCEEDINOS. 

ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS. 

January 1st to June SOto, 1875. 

Da Cunha, J. Gerson, M.R.C.S. £ng., &c, — Memoir on the JUt- 
tory of the Tooth-Relic of Ceylon. 

Fleet, J. F,, Bo. C.S. — Old Canarese and Sanskrit Inscrip- 
tions relating to the Chieftains of the Sindavamla ; with Translationfl^ 
Notes, and Remarks. 

Mandlik, The Hon. Rao Sa^heb V. N. — Sangamesvara }AOdt' 
mja and Linga- Worship. 

Pierce, £. — A Description of the Mekranee-Beloochee Dialect. 

Rehatsek, £., M.C.E. — The Subjugation of Persia by the Moslems, 
and the Extinction of the Sasdnian Dynasty. 



PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. 

From the 1st January to the 30th June 1875. 

Administration Report of the Resident at Hyderabad for the year 
1873-74. By the Resident at Hyderabad. 

A Lecture on Political Economy, Part I. By the Author. 

Appendix D to the Report of the Director of Public Instructum, 
Bombay, for 1872-73. By the Director of Public Instruction, 
Bombay. 

Archeeological Survey of Western India, by J. Burgess, Esq., F.R.G.S., 
M.R.A.S. By the Government of Bombay. 

Bibliotheca Indica : a Collection of Oriental Works, published bj 
the Asiatic Society of Bengal. New Series, Nos. 308, 309, and 
313. By the Society. 

Bombay University Calendar for 1874-75. By the University of 
Bombay. 

Carter on Mycetoma or the Fungus Disease of India. By the Goyezm- 
ment of Bombav. 

m 

Catalogue of Books printed in the Bombay Presidency, 1874. By the 
Government of Bombay. 

Do. do. do. during the quarter endtx^ 3Itt 

December 1874. 

Do. do. do. during the quarter ending 31st 

March 1875. 



PRESENTS TO THE LIBRABIT. XXXI 

Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts existing in Oudli. Bj the Di- 
rector of Public Instruction. 

Do. do. do. in Private Libraries of the N. W. 

Provinces, Part I., in 1 874. By the Government N. W. Provinces. 

Claude and Etheline and other poems, by Raseim Willowby. By the 
Author. 

Discorso letto dal Commendatore Negri Cristoforo, Presidente Fon- 
datore della Society geografica Italiana, la Sera del 10 Novem- 
bre 1874. By the Author. 

Finance and Revenue Accounts and Miscellaneous Statistics, Part III., 

for 1875. By the Govern, 
ment of India. 
Do. do. do. do. relating to the Finances 

of British India, Part I., from 1st May 1865 to 3 1st March 1873. 
By the Government of India. 

Gazetteer of N. W. Provinces. By the Government of N. W. Pro- 
vinces. 

Glossary and Index of the Pahlavi Texts of the Book of Arda Viraf. 
By the Director of Public Instruction, Bombay. 

Haswell's (Rev. J. M.) Grammatical Notes and Vocabulary of the 
Persian Language. By the Commissioner of British Burmah. 

Iligh Court Reports, Vol. II., 3 Parts. By the Government of Bombay. 

Do. do. Vol. IV., 3 Parts. Do. 

Do. do. Vol. VI., Part III., and Index. Do. 

Do. do. Vol. IX., 3 Parts. Do. 

Indian Bureaucracy, its Features ; or. Secrecy in Officialism, by 

JaveriUl Umiashankar Yajnik. By the Author. 

Journal of the Agricultural and Horticultural Society of India, 
Vol. v.. Part 1, New Series. By the Society. 

Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Parts 1 (with three Plates) 
and 2 of No. III., and Part 1 of No. IV. of 1874. By the 
Society. 

Do. do. Part 1, No. I. of 1875. Do. 

Journal of the East India Association, No. 3, Vol. VII. By the 
Secretary to the Association. 

Map of Bombay. By the Superintendent Government Photoxinco- 
graphic Department, Poona. 



xxxu PRESEyrs to the librart. 

Map of Guienth. By the Superintendent G. T. Surrey of India. 

Do. the Adminiscracion Report of the X.W. ProTinces for the 
Tear lSr3-r4. Bv the Superintendent GoTemment N.W. 
Provinces. 

Do. parr of the Viramgaum Taluka of the Ahmedahad Collec- 
torace, with portions of the Lagtar and Limri States. 
By the Superintendent G. T. Surrey of India. 

Do. do. do. and Map of Kattjwar Surrey. By 

the Superintendent G. T. Surrey of India. 

Ikw Town and British Cantonment of Rajkote. By the Su- 
perintendent G. T. Surrey of India. 

Memoirs of the Geol<^lcal Surrey of India, Vols. I. and II. By 

the Superintendent Geological Surrey of 
India. 

Do. do. Vol. XI., Part 1. By the Goyemment of 

India. 

Do. Royal Astronomical Society, Vol. XL., for 1874-75. By 

the Sooietv. 

m 

Memoir on the Tix»th-Relic of Ceylon, with a Preliminary Essay on 
the Life and System of Gautama Buddha. By Dr. J. G. da 
Cuuha. Bv the Author. 

Minutes of the Trustees of the Indian Museum for the year 1873-74. 

Bv the Trustees, 

* 

Notices of Sauskrit MSS. by Rajendralal Mitra. By the Asiatic So- 
ciety of Bengal. 

IX>. do. Vol. III., Part 2. By the GoTemmoit 

of Bombay. 

m 

Xoies on the Saka. Samvat^ and Gupu Eras. By the Author. 

OMtermchiwhe Mooatjsschritk fur den Orient. By the Secretaiy, Ori- 
iie Mujifam. Vienna. 

« or the Pamol : a Portogoese and English Periodiol ; for 
er IST^k By the Editw. 

I ] By Dr. J. G. Da Conha. 

J ^ Sodety of fiei^id, Nos. IX. and X.» 

for 1$74. By the Society. 

dow Xos. I.-IY., for 1875. 



I 



PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. XZXUl 

Proceedings of the Council of the Governor of Bombay for making 
Laws and Regulations, Vol. XIII. for 1874. By the GoTemment 
of Bombay. 
Do. Parliament of South Australia for 1874, Vols. I. — III. Do. 

Do. Roval Institution of Great Britain, Vol. VII., Parts 3 and 4. 

Bv the Institution. 

» 

Records of the Geological Survey of India, Vol. VIII., Parts 1 and 2, 
for 1875. By the Government of Bombay. 

Reise der Osterreichischen Fregate Novara, 1 7 vols. By the Emperor 
of Austria. 

Report (Annual) of the Bombay Presidency for the years 1863-64, 
1864-5.0 (with Supplement), 1867-68, 1868-69, and 1869-70. By 
the Government of Bombay. 

Do. do. of the Municipal Commissioner of Bombay for the 
year 1874. By the Municipal Commissioner. 

Do. (General) on the Administration of the Bombay Presidency 
for 1873-74. By the Government of Bombay. 

Do. do. on the Operations of the Great Trigonometrical Sur- 
vey of India for 1873-74. By the Government of India. 

Do. do. do. By Colonel J. T. Walker, U.E., F.R.S , 
Superintendent Trigonometrical Survey of India. 

Do. do. on the Topographical Surveys of India for 1873-74. 
By the Government of India. 

Report of the Director ofPubUc Instruction for the year 1873-74. 
By the Director. 

Do. of the Schools of the Sir Jamsetji Jejeebhoy Parsee Benevolent 
Institution for the year 1874. By the Secretary to the Institu- 
tion. 

Do. on Public Instruction in Mysore for 1873-74. By the 
Chief Commissioner of Mysore, by order of Government of 
India. 

Do. on the Administration of the Madras Presidency during the 
year 1873-74. By the Government of Madras. 

Do. do. of Mysore for 1873-74. By the Commissioner 

of Mysore. 

Do. on the Administration of N.W. Provinces for lb73-74. By 
the Government of N. W. Provinces. 
5a 



XXXIV PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. 

Report on the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the year 1873-74 
Bv the Chamber. 

Do. on the Census of British Burma taken in August 1872. 13 v 
the Government of Bombav. 

Do. do. of the Bombay Presidency taken on the 21st 

February 1872, Parts I. and II. Do. 

Do. on the Vienna Universal Exhibition of 1873, with Maps and 
Plans. Do. 

Rig-Veda-Sanhita, together with the Commentary of Sayanacharra. 
Edited bv F. Max Muller, M.A. Vol. VI. Do. 

Selections from the Records of Government, North-Western Provinces, 
2nd Series, Vol. VI., 1S74. Bv Government N.W. Provinces. 

Synoj>sis of the Results of the Operations of the Great Trigono- 
metrical Survey of India. Vols. II. — IV. By the Government of 

India. 

The History of India as told by its own Historians. — The Mahomedan 
Period. By Sir H. M. Elliot, and edited by John Dowson. 
Vol. V. Bv Director of Public Instruction, Bombav. 

Transactions of the .Asiatic Society of Japan, Vol. III., Part I, from 
October to December 187-1. Bv the Societv. 

^ • 

Tukaram's Abhangs, Vol. II. (5 copies.) By the Director of Public 
Instruction, Bombay. 

Vocabulary of Dialect.*^ spoken in the Nicobar and Andaman Isles. Do. 

Do. do. do. Bv the Government of India. 

Do. do. do. Do. through Govt, of Bombav. 

Ynjadiin Prasti and Jarathoshati Dharama. By the Author. 






. 1 *' ' . 

I I 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE 

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. 

[July to December 1875.] 



A Monthly Mcctinp: of the Society was held on 1 1th August 1875, 
the Rev. Dr. Wilson, Honorary VreBidenty in the chair. 

The foUouinp; p;cntlemen were elected Members of the Society : — 
(icorgc Larcoin, Esq., Assistant Political Agent in charge Janjira 
State ; Rev.-Dujijald Mackichan ; Aanandrao Bhaskarji, Esq , Assistant 
Clerk, Small Cause Court. 

Mr. J. Gerson da Cunha read a paper, " Historical and Archaeolo- 
gical Sketch of the Klnnd of Angediva." 

After mentioning the etymology of the name, and describing the 
geographical position of the island, the author proceeded with its 
history, dividing it into three periods, viz. Puranic, llinduand Muham- 
niadan, and Portuguese or Modern. 

Kvidence was adduced to show that this was the island which suggested 
to the mind of Canioens the Floating Island described in the Luxintf. 
An account was given of its fortifications, of the sojourn there of the 
English troo|>s which came out under Marlborough to receive the 
island of Bomliay from the Portuguese, the present condition of the 
island, and its archaeology. 

A vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Da Cunha, on the motion of the 
Rev. Dr. AVilson and the Honourable Mr. J. Gibbs. 

Eight Dellii silver coins, presented by the Government, were laid 
before the meeting, and a description of them by Mr. Rebatsek. 

Several 1)ooks and pamphlets presented to the Society were also laid 
on the table. 

The thanks of the Society were voted to the donors. 



XXXvi ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PKOCEEDINGS, 



A Monthly Meeting of the Society was held on 1 1 th September 
1875, the Honourable Ilsio Sdlicb Vishvanuth Naniyan Mandlik, Vice- 
President, hi the chair. 

Books and pamphlets presented to the Society since the last meeting 
were laid before the meeting. A vote of thanks for the sarae was 
passed to the donors. 

Mr. E. Rehatsek read a paper on the Labours of the Arab Astrono- 
merS) and their Instruments, with a description of an Astrolabe in the 
Mulla Firuz Library. 

In this paper Mr^ Rehatsek described at considerable length the 
works of the Arabs in astronomy, and described the astrolabe, which 
was kindly lent for exhibition by Mr. Khursetjee Rustomjee Cama, and 
the manner of using it for taking observations. 

The Chairman, having previously sent the paper to Professor Keni 
Lakshuman Chhatre, read a letter from that gentleman on the subject, 
and {)roposed a vote of thanks to Mr. Rehatsek for his interesting 
paper. 

Mr. Atmaram Paiulurang having seconded the proposition, it was 
carried. 



A Meeting of the Society was held on 20th October 18/5, the 
Honourable James Gibbs, President, in the chair. 

Dr. Andreas gave a sketch of the subjects which he proposes to 
investigate in Persia. 

lie said that the main objects in the investigations he proposed 
pursuing in Persia were, first, the obtaining fuller information ns 
to the liistory of the Persian race, to gain which a close and detailed 
study of geographical and ethnological features of Persia were abso- 
lutely necessary. He must, to effect his object, study the monuments 
and inscriptions, which were scattered throughout the country in toler- 
able profusion. 

The method which he j)roposes to pursue is to investigate the subject 
of the geogra])hical names of tlie country, its towns, &c., and to 
examine into their identity as at present existing with the old names 



OFi'lCIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. XXXVII 

with which we arc familiar through the writers and writings which we 
possess and which treat either directly or indirectly of Persia. To 
obtain this information the best course would be to follow the fate of 
any given city from the time of its foundation, marking the changes 
in dynasties, names, and localities which affected it throughout its 
existence. But in Persia this cannot be done ; the sources of such in- 
formation are not forthcoming there, — as indeed in too many other cases ; 
in their absence, of necessity some other course must be adopted, and 
that will be to ascertain, by means of whatever information may be 
forthcoming, the geographical identity of each locality ; to ascertain 
whether the old names with which we are familiar are the now disused 
names of cities still the home of industry and life, or are merely the 
lettered remembrance of cities that once have been and now have passed 
away. There is the liiiguistical proof, — the identity of a name mentioned 
by gome old writer with some name at present current, Ilavinp; paid 
particular attention to the study of the nomenclature of the different 
writers upon Persia and to its history, the learned doctor thought he 
would in tliis vray be able to derive some valuable results. 

Dr. Andreas stated that the great aim of his investigations was to 
o])tain, by the study of the actual geography and ethnography of 
Persia, a full insight into the history and civilization of the Persian 
race. It was in harmony with the historical tendency of his investiga- 
tions that particular care would be bestowed on the study of the monu- 
ments and inscriptions. 

As for the accomplishment of this object the identification of the 
names of ancient ])lares was of considerable importance, he shortly 
pointed out the method by which we can arrive at such identifications, 
and insisted j)rincipally on the necessity of using the severest and most 
reiined method in the linguistical identification of a modern with an 
aiu*u*nt name. 

M'iili sjii'cial rcijard to the pon[:rnphical nomenclature of Persia, he 
riMi.'arkcd that the names actually used could easily be traced upwards 
t > till* tlnuvi of tiio Monp;ols. Further up there was a break ; hut 
novt'ftlu K'>s sv'vcral instances made him hope that a more complete and 
cin'fiil .survey of the country would restore to us a considerable part 
ot* the rich catuloi;ue of geographical names given by the Arab 
jj:('Oi:rapher5, — for instance, the oldest of them, Istakhri, a native of 
latakhr. 



XXXviii ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS^ 

lie then proceeded to specify some of the problems to be solved in 
the province of Farsistan, the Persis of the niicieiits. This proviiice 
had played a very prominent part in the political development of Persia ; 
twice during the course of its history the dominant race had come from 
it, — the first time as the dynastic race of the Achromenians, and the 
second time as the Sassanians. 

On the road from Hushire to Shiraz the first things to be noticed 
Avere the m^nnid of Rishehr, near Bushire, where cuneiform tablets had 
been fr)uud. One of them tended to show that the empire of the 
Elamites in Susiana had extended as far south as Bushire ; and it would 
be highly desirable to get more of these tablets. In later times the 
citv was lefounded bv the first Sassanian, its name being in fact a con- 
traction of Riw-Ardeshir. One of the first battles of the invading 
Arabs \\as fought here against Shehrek. the Marzban of Fars, and it 
was a curious coincidence that the British force landing in 1n56 at 
Bushire had also its first engagement at the mounds of Kishehr. Follow- 
ing the road leading from Bushire to Shiraz, the next place of interest 
for the historian and anti(juarian is the ruins of Shapur, near Kazenin. 
This town was built by Shapur, son of Ardeshir Babegan ; a considerable 
number of sculptures celebrating his trumph over the Romi^n emperor 
Valerian are still extant, as well as an inscription in Pahlavi charactera. 
Some interesting details about the fire-altars established near this place 
may bo found in the Arab geogra])hers. 

It is unnecessary to prove the necessity of a more thorough ioTestir 
gation of the remains of Persepolis. If the weather is favourable, 
excavations in the two large mounds on the Persepolitan terrace will bo 
among the first unJertakings. More than fifty years ago the necessity 
of the>e excavations was ))()inted out by Sir Robert Ker Porter, and 
thev will doubtless enuble us to give a satisfactory reconstruction of 
the Old PeiNian architecture. Bi-sides tlK'>e the topograjihy of Istakhr 
shoidd bo fiillv invi-stii::;ite«l. This was tiie citv to which the Palaces 
of Persi'polts bi-loni^v'd. It (K'Ti'iulcd the entrance of the Vallev of the 
Pulwar, the* Koile IVrsis of the ancient Greek and Roman writers. 
Istakhri irivis vt-rv vahrible details about the «xatcs. bridges, and castles 
of Istakhr. Aeeo/dini: to the oi)ini()n of ^onie Kn-^lish enu:ineer officers 
who werv» St itloiie.l Jit Shiraz, the mountains near Istakhr require a 
more exa/t a:i:i ejiiipletv? survey. ^Vilh reu:ard to the identification of 
the two river> ilowiiii: \wi\r Persepolis with those iriven by Occidental 
w rite.'s, il o::j!ii :u oc le.iiarkeil that the cj:nmonly adopted identification 



OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. . ZXX1X 

of making the Pulwar the ancient Medus, and the river flowing from the 
north through the vallev of Ramjird the Araxes, is wrong. The inverse 
is the case, as may be seen by the passage of Curtius, who is a much 
better source than is generally supposed, having copied almost verbatim 
the work of the celebrated Clitarchus. Ascending higher up in the 
valley of the Pulwar we arrive at Murgab, the monuments of which 
are generally identified with Pasargadee and the tomb of the old Cyrus. 
Dr. Andreas showed the fallacy of this identification, in pointing out 
that the figure over which the inscription " I, Cyrus, the kingof Achse- 
menide", is engraved, bears an Egyptian head-dress peculiar to certain 
Egyptian deities and to the divinized kings of Meroe. But such a 
head-dress would in no way suit the person of the founder of the 
Achaemenian dynasty, nor the younger Cyrus who fell at the battle of 
Cunaxa, and to whom Professor Lassen had referred the figure and the 
inscription. Dr. Andreas tried to show that there was only one Achse- 
menide to whom an Egyptian head-dress could be naturally applied. 
Ctesias tells us that the brother of Xerxes, called by him Achaimenides, 
was viceroy of Egypt, fell there in a battle against the rebel Inaros, and 
was brought to Persia to be buried there. Now, Achaimenides cannot 
have been the proper name of this prince, as it is only a family name 
corresponding to the Persian Hakhamanisiya of the inscription ; and, 
as no other choice is left us, we may fairly assume that the proper name 
of this prince was Cyrus, and that he was buried at Murgab. An 
evident connection seems to exist between the above-mentioned Egyp- 
tian head-dress and some hieroglyphic inscriptions, of which the Baron 
de Bode has seen a rough copy at Ispahan, and after which no subse- 
quent traveller has made inquiries. 

Dr. Andreas, passing to the country south of the road from Bushire 
to ^hi^az, remarked that the whole tract of countrv Ivin": between the 
rojuls Bushire-Shlraz-Kerman, the road Kerman-Bunder Abbas and 
the sea, must be considered as almost totally nnsurvevcd. Of the two 

' mm 

roads which lend from Shiraz to Buiitler Ahi)as, the eastern one had 
been travelled over in its whole extent onlv bv Pietro della Valle and 
Duprc. On i\m road we find to the west of the Derya-i-Niriz, not far 
from Kiiir, TinU-h, the hi^th-I>^'\^e of the founder of the ^assanian 
dvn.istv. The iili'iititicaLioii of this ])la(?e, iriven bv the Arab historian 
Talinri, Dr. Andivas has hiXMi able to ninke, through the surveys of 
English olhcers in th:it p:ut of the country, and embodied in a niaj) not 
yet published. 



xl ^ ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PR0CEEDIN08, 

Of the greatest importance is Darabjird and the neighbouring conn* 
try. Here it was that Ardeshir l^abegan rebelled ngauist the khig of 
Istakhr, and more than seven hnndred years before him the same thing 
had been, though unsuccessfully, tried by the second false Smerdis, 
whose real name was Vahyazdata, and whose history we find recorded 
in the.«third column of the Bchistun inscriptions. This double attempt 
setMns tbSpoint to some peculiarity in the relations between the reigning 
tribes near Persepolis and those in the south-eastern parts of Persia, — 
a peculiarity mo|;t probably resulting from the features of the country. 
Interesting but uninvestigated remains of ancient cities are to be found 
near Darabjird ; of particular importance are the towns of Forg and 
Tarun, further south, as we find them already mentioned by Ptolemy, 
and the inscription of Behistun. 

On the western of the two above-mentioned roads is situated the 
canton of Firnzabad, with considerable remains of anticpiitics, buildings 
and sculptures. Tbis town, originally called Gur — jjrobably the Gabra 
of Ptolemy — was rebuilt by Ardeshir Babegan, who erected three exten- 
sive monuments and called the city Ardeshir-Khurreh, ** the Splendour 
of Ardeshir." The actual name, Firuzabad, was given to it by the 
Buidsultan Azad-ed-daulat after its capture. We know through the 
Arabic historian Tabari that four large fire-altars had been established 
there by Mihr Xarsi, the grand vizier of the Sassanian king Bahram 
Gur, for himself and his three sons, who occupied the highest dignities 
in the Sassanian empire. 

Then there was the town of Lar, the geographical position of which 
had to be ascertained. 

On the seashore was the town of Tahrie, — most probably the once 
celebrated seaport of Siraf. Extensive remains of antiquity, belonging 
])artly to the Muh:i:nnia;ljin period, partly to the Sassanian times, nrc 
found near ibis place. The skulls which are still lying in the rock- 
tombs will oiler a higbly acceptable nuiterial to the ethnologist. For 
Knglishmen there may be a kind of special interest for Siruf, as the 
story of Whiltingtoii and his cat originally referred to a boy from 
Siraf. Besides tiiese topographical and ari^hirological (piestions, the 
livilrograpby and ethnography of this ])art of the country rei|uire 
special attention. In the eaitern parts the number and geological 
cbains (jf tlie mountain rau'jjcs, as well as tht^ formation of the intervcnu*g 
valleys, should be ascertained. The central granitic range was crossed 
by Captain Lovett at Khairabad, and it is most probably connected 



OFFICIAL, LITERAUY, AND SCIENTIFIC. xli 

witli the granite at Kohrud, nortli from Ispahan. With regard to the 
wfstcrn parts, no one has ever tried to cross and study the mountain 
ranges ruiniing parallel to the coast. 

Of the hydrogra])hy nothing more in fact is ascerfained than the 
months of a certain numher of rivers flowing into the Gulf, the 
delineations of their course upwards on our maps being mtjrij' fanci- 
ful constructions. . 7^ 

As to the ethnography of Southern Farsistan, exact data as to the 
number and names of the Turkoman tribes should be collected, as this 
element seemed to become predominant in these regions. 

Dr. Andreas then turned to the country north from the road Bushire- 

Shiraz. 

Here the celebrated Kala-i-Scfid offered special interest, as sculptures 
and inscriptions arc said to be found within its walls. It was generally 
believed to be the Persikai Pulai which Alexander the Great had to 
force before he could reach Persepolis. Dr. Andreas rather inclined to 
put these passes more to the east, and more due north from Persepolis, 
and remarked that the question could only be solved on the spot, having 
the necessary books at hand. lie would further try to fix the site of 
Tnokc, mentioned in the Periplus of Nearchus. This town was situated 
not far from Bushire, to the north, near the mouth of a river called 
ranis. It was evident that this was the same city known in later 
times under the name of Tawaj, and that the Granis is the same river 
culled by the Arab geographers Ratin. These data will easily enable 
any traveller to ascertain the exact locality near one of the small rivers 
north from Bushire. 

Following the coast towards the north we arrive at the old town of 
Genaweh, where extensive mounds with masses of masonry set in 
mortar and burut bricks indicate the site of a city of considerable 
antiquity. 

The hydrography of this tract of country is in a deplorable confusion, 
and it is impossible to reconcile the statements of the Arab geographers 
with those which we find embodied in the best of our maps. As the 
Arabs are generally found to be very exact, it will be necessary to 
follow their indications in surveying the course of the rivers flowing 
through this part of the province. 

AVc now arrive at the mountain ranges extending between Media, 
Susiana, and Pcrsis, and known in ancient times as the Zagros. The 



Iry. tii-t 
Uuklir. a 




OFFICIAL, LITERAUY, AND SCIKNTIFIC. xliii 

older ones to the Elamite, the younger to the Sossanian. These last have 
been rightly identified with the city of Eidedj. To the north of Mai 
Amir are the ruins of a large fort called Kala-i-Gilgird. This is the 
Castle Giligerdon mentioned by Theophylactus Simocatta, which during 
the reign of the Sassanians was used as a state prison, and was called 
• the Castle of Oblivion.* Here the king Kobad, the father of Khosru 
Anushirvan, was confined by his rebel subjects. The name Giligerdon 
is very interesting, as it signifies * city of the Gil,' and evidently refers 
to the above-mentioned Koh-Gilvaih. 

Descending into the plains of Susiana a number of most important 
ancient sites will be met by the traveller. First of all, Susa, the capital 
of the Elamite empire, and a residence of the Achremenian dynasty ; 
then the remains of Gundi Shapur between Dizful and Sinister ; llam- 
Ilormaz in the plains to the south ; and Arrajan on the frontier of 
Khuzistan, with the remains of a bridge from the Sassanian times. 

From Susiana Dr. Andreas passed to the third of the three great 
western provinces of the Persian empire — to Media. 

The topography of Ekbatana, nowadays Ilamadan, will occupy a 
prominent place amongst the investigations Dr. Andreas intends to 
carry on. Dr. Andreas will especially endeavour to find out the site of 
the palaces of the old Median kings: for, if sufficient funds are 
available, excavations carried on at Ilamadan will undoubtedly throw 
new light ii])on one of the obscurest periods of the history of Western 
Asia. For the historv of the Median dvnastv we until now can use no 
other sources than the meagre account and the artificial chronology of 
Herodotus and Ctesias ; if anywhere, the annals of Dejoccs and his 
successors are to be found at Ekbatana. 

Turning to the west and visiting on the great road to Bagdad, 
Kongaver, and Bisutun, we come near the Turkish frontier to Zohab, 
Holwan, and the banks of the Diala, a district full of remains of past 
ages. Of particular interest is the ruin at Pai Kuli, not far from the 
right bank of the river. Here a large bilingual inscription of Ardesbir 
Babegan has been discovered by Sir Henry Rawlinson. Dr. Andreas 
said he had examined the fragments copied by Sir Henry, and come to 
the conclusion that this inscription, when wholly made known, would be 
of as great a y-alue for the history of the Sassanians as the iiisrriptifm 
of Bchistuu has proved itself to l)e for the history of the Aelurme- 
nian Darius. It contains the deeds and wars of the founder of the new 
7 a 



Xliv ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PBOCEBDINOS, 

Persian empire, mid is most probably a Persian pendant to the well- 
known Monumentum Ancyranum of Augustus. We even know that 
Ardeshir composed a book on that subject called the 'Ear Nameh/ 
rerum geatarum liber ; and it may be suggested that the inscription of 
Pai Kuli is either identical with that record of his actions, or forms an 
epitome of it. 

Before leaving Media, Dr. Andreas pointed out the necessitj of 
surveying the triangle between Hamadan, Teheran, and Ispahan, which 
is a complete blank in our maps. Major St. John had observed, north- 
west from Ispahan, hills of a conical shape, which would point towards 
a volcanic origin. 

After having finished his investigations in Persia, Dr. Andreas intends 
to travel through the southern parts of Armenia. It has been proposed 
by the Academy to investigate tlie question of the true site of the Arme- 
nian capital Tigranocerta. Professor Kiepert, the well-knowA geogra- 
pher of Berlin, a few years ago discussed this question in a very elaborate 
essay, and placed the Armenian city north of the Tigris at Arzen. But 
Professor Mommsen has shown in a brilliant paper that the city must 
have been situated south of the Tigris, — probably near the village of 
Kefr loze, visited in 1863 by Mr. Taylor, a place where coins are con- 
tinually dug up in considerable quantity. Professor Kiepert has now 
joined the opinion of Mommsen. North-west of the lake Van the plain 
of Mush will be more specially surveyed. Dr. Andreas concluded by 
saying that he would return to Europe through the trans-Caucasian 
provinces of Russia, and make a stay at the Armenian cloister of Etsch- 
miadziu, in order to study the manuscripts of Armenian historians, which 
are of great importance in the investigation of the geography and his- 
tory of Persia during the reign of the Sassanians. 

A vote of thanks was passed to Dr. Andreas on the motion of Mr. 
Dhanjibhui Friimji and Rev, J. S. S. Robertson. 



A Monthly Meeting of the Society was held on Saturday, 11th 
December 1875, the Honourable James Gibbs, President^ in the chair. 

Surgeon-General J. G. Inglis, M.D., C.B., and Carlo de Marchesetti, 
M.D., were elected Members of the Societv. 



OFFICIAL, LITEEABY, AND SCIENTIFIC. xlv 

Professor Monier Williams, M.A., D.C.L., Boden Professor of 
Sanskrit University of Oxford, was elected an Honorary Member of the 
Society on the proposal of the Honourable James Gibbs, President, 
the Honourable V. N. Mandlik, F ice- President, and O. Codrington, 
Secret art/. 

Read a letter from Sir Bartle Frere, sent with a copy of Dr. Gold- 
stucker*s reproduction of the Mahdbh&shya presented by H. R.H. the 
Prince of Wales, and the following Resolution was proposed by the 
Honourable President^ seconded by the Honourable V. N. Mandlik, and 
carried — 

" That the respectful thanks of this Society be tendered to H.R.H. 
the Prince of Wales for the handsome present of the Mahubhi'ishya 
which he has been pleased to make to the Society as a souvenir of 
H. R. H.*s visit to Bombay." • 

Several other books and pamphlets presented to the Society were laid 
before the meeting, and thanks voted to the donors. 

The Preiidenty referring to the recent deathof Dr. Wilson, Honorary 
P resident y said that the first meeting of the Society after the great loss 
sustained should not be allowed to pass without some expression of 
their regret. A more formal motion on the subject would be made at 
the Annual Meeting next month. He therefore proposed the following 
resolution : — 

** This meeting desires to record the very sincere and heartfelt manner 
in which it feels the death of Dr. Wilson, Honorary President.** 

Seconded by the Honourable Ruo Siiheb V. N. Mandlik, and sup- 
ported by Mr. Martin Wood, the motion was carried. 



xlvi ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. 

ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS. 
July 1st to December 318t, 18/5. 

Da Cuniia, J. Gkrson, M.R.C.S. Eiig., &c. — Ilistorical and Ar- 
chaeological Notice of the Island of Angediva. 

Rehatsek, E., M.C.E. — Labours of the Arab Astronomers, and 
their Instruments ; with a description of an Astrolabe in the Mnlla 
Ftruz Library. 

Andreas, Dr. — Sketch of the Subjects which he proposes to Inves- 
tigate in Persia. 



LIST OF PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. 

From the 1st July to the SIst December 1875. 

Aarboger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historic, Part III. for 1874. 
B^ the Societc Royale des Antiquaires du Nord a Copenhague. 

Abstract of Resnlts of Study of the Genera Geomys and Thomomys, &c., 
by Dr. E. Cones. By the Author. 

Album Littcrario Pcriodico Mensal Directores, Nos. 1 to 4. By A. P. 
Pereira. 

A Pamphlet dedicated to His Royal Highness the Prince of Walea, 
by Bowmanji Cursetji Cowasji. By the Author. 

Appendix II, Tables required by the Govt, of India to the Report of 
the Director of Public Instruction, Bombay, for the year 1873-74. 
Bv the Director. 

■ 

Bhugavadgitu translated into English Blank Verse, with Notes, by 
Kasinath Trimbak Telaug, M.A., LL.B. By the Author. 

Bibliotheca luuica • — Chaturvarga Chintumani, Vol. II., Fasc. I. By 

the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 
Suma Veda Sanhita, Vols. II., IV., and V. By 

the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 
Suma Veda Sanhita. New Series, Nos. 321 and 

322. By the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 
The Agni Purana. New Series, No. 316. By 

the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 



PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. xlvii 

Bibliotheca Indica : — The Aitareya Aranyaka of the Rigveda, with the 

Commentary of Sdyanacharya, Fasc. I. By 
the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 

The Akbarn^mah. New Series, Nos. 319 and 
320. By the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 

The Fa/hang-i-Raahidi. New Series, Nos. 317 
and 318. By the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 

The Mimamsa Darsana, with the Commentary of 
Savara Swamin. New Series, No. 315. By 
the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 

Bombay High Court Reports, Vol. XI., Part II. By the Government 
of Bombay. 

Bulletin of the Minnesota Academy of Natural Sciences, with Reports 
of Committees for 1874. By the Boston Society of Natural 
History. 

Burgess's Archaeological Survey of India for 1874, Belgaum and Ka- 
liidgi. By the Government of Bombay. 

Catalogue of Books printed in the Bombay Presidency during the 
Quarters ending 3Uth June and 30th September 1875. By the 
Director of Public Instruction, Bombay. 

~ of Sanskrit Manuscripts existing in Oudh, Fasc. VI. By the 

Director of Public Instruction, Oudh. 

Census of the Bombay Presidency, Part III. By the Government of 
Bombay. 

Cosmos, Vol. II. of 1874. By the Publisher. 

English and Sanskrit Dictionary, by Monier Williams, M.A. By the 
Author. 

Extracts from an Arabic work relating to Aden. By the Government 
of Bombay. 

Four Lectures delivered in substance to the Brahmos in Bombay and 
Poona. By the Rev. Nehemiah Goreh. By the Author. 

Geological and Natural History Survey of Minnesota for the year 1873. 
By the India Office. 

Hindustani Book of Lectures on Medical Subjects, by Dr. Wyndowe. 
By the Government of Bombay. 

Index to Vol. X. of High Court Reports, 1873. By the Government 
of Bombay. *