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^ 




OEOLOOICAL BOaETT, 
Febrouy ith, 1880. 




.'^^«P' 



' . • > 



LIBBABY BEOULATIOHS. 

Tm Coandl, with a riew to the oonrenienoe of the Fellows gene- 
nil j, and to the better care of Works that are easily injured, have 
deemed it e3q>edient to make the following regulations, in oonformitj 
with Section ZIZ. Art 1 of the Bye-Laws. 

I. The Books shall onlj be deliyered to a Fellow of the Podety 

or to some one prodnoing a written order from such Fellow ; 

and a receipt- shall be giren bj the person to whom the book 

^ is deliTerea (expressing the name of the Fellow for whom it 

is riH^iTed), in a book kept for that purpose. 

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dered as liable for their Talue; and if they are separate Tolumes, 
f<v the ?alue of the whole work rendered imperfect. 
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Siration of ONB MONTH firom the date of its having been 
elivered from the Library, every book shall be returned. 
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tember for a fortni|{ht, during which period the Library shall 
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IT. No Periodieal Publication, and no Volume or Part of the 
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V. All new works shall dreulate amongst the Fellows after the 
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3 Book lent to O* SoeUty i$ allowtd to oireulaU wUhout a writitm 

otdotJroMk ih§ PtofTittor* 




^^ 



I 






THE JO:URNAL 



OF THE 



BOMBAY BRANCH 



OF THE 



ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. 



VOLUME XXII. 



(Edited by the Honorary Secretary.) 



BOMBAY : 
SOCIETY'S LIBRARY, TOWN HALL. 

LONDON : 
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & Co 

DRYDEN HOUSE, 42, GERARD ST., S. W. 



igo8. 




IKTEI' AT 



TiSI 




-•VxA^ 



CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXII. 



ART. PAGE 

I. — Arabic Poetry. By Prof, S. M. Isfahani .•. i 

II. — On the Age of the Sanskrit Poet Kaviraja. By Prof. K. B. 

X atnaKy d.a. ••• ••• ••• ••• ■•• *•• ■•• ii 

III.— A History of Bijapur by Raffiuddin Shiraji. By V. R. 

NatU) B.A.) I^Lt. D* .•• .•• ■•• ••• >•• ly 

IV. — ** Shivaji*s Swarajya." By Purushottam Vishram Mawji, 

ISSQ. .•• ••• ••• ••• ■•• ••« *•• ••• '20 

v.— Lt.-Col. T. B. Jervis (1796—1857) and his MS. Studies on 
the state of the Maratha People and their History, 
recently presented to the Society by his son. By R. P. 
ivarKariay isscj. *•• *•• ••• ••• .•• .■• a^ 

VI.— A Brief Survey of the Upanishads. By M. R. Bodas, 

iVl./\. , X^L^,Di .•• ••• ••• ••• ••• •»• •«« 07 

VII. — Nripatunga and the Authorship of the Kavirljamarga. 

(A reply to Dr. Fleet.) By Prof. K. B. Pathak, B.A. ... 81 

VII I. — An Epigraphical Note on Dharmapila, the second Prince 
of the P^la dynasty. By Prof. Shridhar Ramkrishna 
Bhandarkar, M.A ,. 116 

IX. — A comparison of the Avestic Doctrines of the Fravashees 
with the Platonic Doctrines of the Ideas and other later 
Doctrines. By R. K. Dadachanji, B.A., LL.B. ... 122 

X. — Ma^oudi on Volcanoes. By Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A. 135 

XI. — The Date of the Death of Nizami. By Jivanji Jamshedji 

iVlOCllj tj.A, .•• ... ••• ..• ..• ... ,,, 14^ 

XII. — An fiklihgji stone inscription and the origin and history of 

the Lakulis^ Sect. By D. R. Bhandankar, M.A. ... 151 

XIII. — Maratha Historical Literature. By D. B. Parasnis, Esq. 168 

XIV.— The Death of Akbar : A Tercentenary Study. By 

R. P. Karkaria, Esq. lyg 

XV. — The first Englishman in India and his Works, especially 

his Christian Puran. By J. A. Saldanha, B.A., LL.B. 209 



Vt CONTENTS. 

Altr. PAGE 

XVI.— ThoNnsik (Jo|(haltembhi) Hoard:of Nahapana^s Coins. 

By Rev, H. R. Scott, M.A 223 

XVI L— The Coins of Surat. By Rev. Geo. P.Taylor, M.A.,D.D. 245 

XVin.^Hombtiy a« seen by Dr. Edward Ives in the year 

1754 A. IX By JivanjI Jamshedji Modi, B.A 273 

XIXi*— A few Notes on Broach Anom an Antiquarian point of 

vlow. By JIvanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A.... ... ... 298 

\\« -Th« rarlUAriyA Dharuia ^istra. By the late Mr. Sham. 

rA\> Vithi^U (Oouiinunicated by the President) • 324 



IV^vvdlnj^'* Artvl 14 LUt of lV\>*ent< to the Library, from March 

igv^ tv> IVv^mber igo; - >^ ... i-xcii 



INDEX. 



Abhinava-Pampa, 8i, 84, 103. 
Ad, an Arabic Poet, 3. 
Adipurana, 102. 
Adityaniga, 152. 
Ahichchhatra, 16. 
Ajjaj, an Arab Poet, 7. 
Ajatasatru, 70. 
Akalankad^va, 10 1. 
Ak^avarsha, 113. 

Akbar, account of the death of, 
as given by Manucci and 
Catrou, 196, 197. 

Akbar, reference to the death of, 

in Ferista* 190. 
Akbar, death of, 179 — 208. 

Akbar, account of the death of, 
as given in the Rajaput Chroni- 
cles translated by Tod, 199. 

Akbar, account of the death of, 
by Sir Thomas Herbert, 198. 

Akbar, account of the death of, 
by his son Emperor Jehangir, 
182—186. 

Akbar, account of the death of, 
in Van den Broecke's Mogol 
History, 194, 195. 

Akbar, account of the death of, 
by Asad, in his '* Wakiat Asad 
Beg," 187—189. 

Akbar, account of the death of, 
in the **Tukhmila-i-Akbar- 
nama " by Inayatulla, 189, 
190. 

Akbar's death, on the exact date 
of, 200. 

Akbar's tomb at Secundra, de- 
scription of, 200 — 208. 



Akole Subha, Konkan Prant, 37. 
Al-Bourkftn, 138, 140. 
AIhars» an Arab Poet, 9. 
Amoghavarsha I, 81, 82, 96, 
104, 105, 106. 

Amr-ibne-KuIsum, an Arab 
Poet, 8. 

A 

Amra, 152. 

Amra-ul-Kais, an Arab Poet, 8. 
Amir Khusro, 143. 
Angria, Col. T. B. Jervis's ac- 
count of the Family of, 64. 

Antare bin Shaddad, an Arab 
Poet, 8. 

Arabic Language, the spread of, 
and formation of various dia- 
lects derived from it, 2. 

Arabic Literature, three periods 

of, 2, 3. 
Arabic Poetry, i, 2. 
Arabic Poetry, history of, 3 — 10. 
Arabic Poetry, the origin of, and 

the first writers of, 3, 4. 

Arabic writing, on the origin of, 

T. 

Aranyakas of the Vedas, 67, 71. 

Arezura, 140. 

Arrajlin, 141. 

Aruni, 70. 

Arzur, 140. 

Asfar, 139. 

Ashvagr&ma. 152. 

Assheher, 139. 

Aswapati Kaikeya, 69. 

At&bak Kazal Arslan, 144. 

Atisdyadhavala, 82, ico, loC. 



11 



INDEX. 



Avestic Doctrines of the Frava- 
shees, comparison with the 
Platonic Doctrines of the Ideas 
and other later Doctrines, 
122 — 134. 

Ayyub, an Arabic Poet, 3, 
Bajirao I, 65. 
Bajirao II, 45. 
Baku, 138. 

Balaji Janardhan (Nana Farna- 
vis), 65, 66. 

Balaji Viswanath, 62, 64, 65. 

Banavasi, a town in North 
Canara, 14. 

Bappaka, 152. 
Barhout, 139. 

Bedar, capture by Ismail A 
dilshah, 27, 28. 

Behram Gur, 305. 

Belgaum Subha, VVarghat, 38. 

Betgiri Subha, Warghat, 38. 

Bhandarkar (D. R.); An Eklingji 
Inscription and the Origin and 
History of the Lakulisa Sect. 
15^—167. 

Bhandarkar (S. R.) ; An Epi- 
graphical Note on Dharma- 
pala, 116 — 121. 

Bhartrihari, 86. 
Bhashyapradipa, 113. 
Bhatt&kalanka, no, 114. 
Bhavabhuti, 120, 121. 

Bhimgad Subha, Konkan Prant, 

37- 
Bhiwandi, Subha, Konkan, 36. 
Bhoja I, 120, 121 

Bhonsle, Col. T. B. Jervis's ac- 
count of the house of the, 
62, 63. 

Bhrigu, 152, 155. 

Bhrigu Kaccha (Broach), 152. 



Bijapur, History of, by Raffiud- 
din Shiraji ; a short account of 
the author, Shiraji, and a sum- 
marised translation of his his- 
tory, 18 — 29. 

Bodas(M. R.); A Brief Survey 
of the Upanishads, 67 — 80. 

Bombay as seen by Dr. E. Ives, 
in 1754 A.D. 273 — 297 ; A short 
sketch of his life and a descrip- 
tion of his book 273, 274 ; 
Account of his voyages, 275 — 
277 ; Account of Bombay and 
of its people, 277, .'278 ; The 
Parsees of Bombay 278 — 280 ; 
Observations on his description 
of the Towers of Silence, 281 — 
290 ; Forts and batteries of 
Bombay, 290, 291 ; Tank 
House, 291 ; Interview with 
a Jogee 291, 292 ; A Govern- 
ment Hospital in Bombay, 
292, 293 ; Tables of the 
daily rainfall in Bombay in 
1756, 293 ; Bombay Curios- 
ities ; the species of Bombay 
Snakes, 293 ; Exchange value 
of the English money, 294 ; 
Lord Clive in Bombay, 295 ; 
Preparation for attacking the 
Fort of Gheria (Vijayadurg), 
295—297. 

Broach, a few notes from an anti- 
quarian point of view,298^ 
323 ; Sites of the first English 
and Dutch Factories, 298 — 300; 
The Dutch Cemetery, 301 ; 
Inscriptions on the Dutch 
Tombs, 301, 302 ; Errors in 
Inscriptions on English 
Tombs, 302, 303 ; Notes^on the 
past History of Broach, from 
a Parsee point of view, — 303 



INDEX. 



iil 



317 ; Nabobs of Broach, 
Abdulla Beg, the founder of 
the line of Nabobs, 300 ; Hos- 
tilities between the Nabob 
and the English at Broach, 
311— 314; Visit of the Nabob 
of Broach to Bombay in 1772, 
314 — 316 ; His reception at 
Bombay, 316 — 317, ; Descrip- 
tion of the Kabir Vad (the 
Kabir Banyan Tree) on the 
bank of the Nerbudda near 
Broach, 317-^321 ; Traditions 
relating to it, the Shrine of 
Kabirjee,and the other Tirthds 
or Shrines on the bank of the 
Nerbudda. 317 — 321 ; Copies 
of inscriptions on Ducth 
Tombs at Broach and their 
translation 322, 323. 

Campbell Memorial Medal. 
Scheme for the Management 
of. LXI— LXV. 

Caucasus^ 138. 

Chakr&yudha, 116 — 121. 

Chhandombudhi, 114. 

Chandragupta, 118. 

Chaul, Subha, Konkan Prant,36. 

Chilluka, 159, 161, 164. 

Chimnaji Appa, 65. 

Christian Puran, written by 
Thomas Stephens, in the 
Marathi-Konkani Language 
corresponding to the Old and 
the New Testaments, 211 ; 
Contents of the Puran and 
quotations from it, 214 — 221. 

Qive (Lord), Dr. Ive's reference 

to, in his work on Bombay, 

205 — 207. 
Coins, Nahapan's, Hoard found 

at Nasik (Joghaltembhi), 222 — 

244. 



Coins of Surat, 245—272. 
Dabhol Subha, Konkan Prant,37. 

Dadachanji (R, K.) —A compari« 
son of the Avestic Doctrines 
of the Fravashees with the 
Platonic Doctrines of the Ideas 
and other later Doctrines, 
122—134. 

Dajal, 136, 137. 

Damajee Gaekwar, 63, 

Dandi, 81, 107. 

Demavend, 139. 

Devanandi, 102. 

Dhananjaya, 11, 12. 

Dharma ^astra. Para ^ariya, 324 

-378- 

Dharmapala, the second prince 
of the Pala Dynasty, Epigra- 
phical note on, 116— 121. 

Durgasimha, 11, 12, 88. 

Dutch Cemetery at Broach, ac- 
count of the, 300 — 302 ; Copies 
of inscriptions on Dutch tombs 
and their translation, 322, 323. 

Dutch Factoi*y at Broach ; identi- 
fication of the site, with a 
short account of the building 
and of an inscription on one 
of the walls, 299, 300, 303. 

Dvaip^yana-Vyasa, 151, 154. 

Education in Western India, 
Col. T. B. Jervis's observation 
on the, 59 — 61. 

Ekalinga, 152, 164. 

Ekiingji Stone Inscription and 
the Origin and History of the 
Lakultsa Sect, 151— 1 67. 

El-Borkftn, 142. 

Elburz, 139. 

Esk, 141, 142. 

Epigraphical Note on Dharma- 
pala, the second prince of the 
Pala Dynasty, 116— 121. 



IV 



indsx. 



Etn&, 138 —141. 

Eusaf Adilshah of Bijapur, early 
aiocount of, 25 — 27 

Ferishta» 18. 

Ferozshah bin Ahmadkhan 
Bahamani, character and end 
of, 23, 24. 

Forts, included in Shivaji's terri- 
tory, 40—42. 

Fravashees, Comparison of the 
Avestic Doctrines of, with the 
Platonic Doctrines of the Ideas 
and other later Doctrines 
122—134. 

Frohars or Fravashees, doctrine 
of Frawajrdeen Yesht, regard- 
ing, 125, 126. 

Gadag Subha, Warghat, 38. 

Gadhirupa, 305, 

Gaekwar, Col. T. B. Jervis's 

account of the family of the,63. 
Gandharva, 305. 
Gango Pandit, 22. 
GArgya, 153. 
Gdthds, 124. 
Gaudavaho, 84. 
Ghat (Western), Subhas of the, 

forming part of Shivaji's 

Kingdom, 37—39. 
Gheria Fort, on the Konkan 

Coast, 295. 
Godrez, a Parthian King, 304. 
Govind Rao Gaekwar, 63. 
Govind III, 117 — 121. 
Gunabhadra, 85, loi, 102, 113. 
GunAdhya's Brihat Katha, 12. 

Haft Paikar, 143. 

Halyal Subha, Warghat, 38. 

Hammade Raviyat, Arab Poet, 8. 

Hangal, 14, 16. 

Haradatta, 113. 

Harshadeva, 116, 117. 

Hedramaut, 139. 



Herambapila, 116. 
Himyar, Arabic Poet, 3. 
Hussen Gango Bahamani, Ac- 
count of, 22, 23. 
Hussein Ally Khan, 31, 32. 

Imra-ul-Kais bin Hujr, Arabic 
Poet, 8. 

Indra, 120. 

Indra III, ii6 — 118. 

Indrar&ja, 116, 117, 118, 120, 121. 

Indr&yudha, 119— 121. 

Isfahani (Prof. S. M.), Arabic 
Poetry, i. 

Ismail Adilshah, 27, 28. 

Ismail, the son of Abraham, be- 
lieved to be the first inventor of 
Arabic Characters, i. 

Ives (Dr. Edward) — Account of 
his book of Travels, 273, 274 ; 
Description of his voyage from 
Plymouth, 275, 277 ; His des- 
cription of Bombay and its 
People, 277, 278. 

Izz-uddin Masud, 149. 

Jabal-al-Barkan, 139. 

Jabl-al-nar, 142. 

Jagad^kamalla, 11, 12. 

Janaka, 69, 70. 

Janmejaya, 69. 

Jawali Subha, Konkan Prant, 37. 

Jayantipura, 14, 15. 

Jervis (Lt.-Col. T. B. ), 1796-1857, 
and his Manuscript Studies on 
the State of the Maratha People 
and their History, 43—66 ; A 
Sketch of his Life and his Work 
in Western India, 44 — 50 ; 
Extracts from his Manuscripts 
relating to the Mahars, 56, 57 ; 
The Condition of the People, 
57— 59 ; Education, 59—61 ; 
The Bhonsle, 62—63; The 
Gaekwar 63 ; The Angria, 64 ; 



INDBX. 



The Peshwa, 64, 65 ; Nana 

Furnavis, 65, 66. 
Jinas^na, 85, 96, 105. 
Jinendra Vy&karana, loi. 
Jowsham, 4. 
Junnar, Subha, Warghat, 39. 

Kabirvad (the Kabir Banyan 
Tree) on the bank of the Ner- 
budda, near Broach, Descrip- 
tion of the, 317 — 321. 
Kaitabh-^rlLti, 84. 
Kaiyata, 113. 

Kalyan Subha, Konkan Prant, 36. 
KimadSva, a Kadamba King, 11, 

12, 13, 14,16. 
Kanoji Angria, 64. 
Kannamayya, Kanarese Poet, 12. 
Karkaria(R. P.).— Lt.-Col T. B. 
Jervis (i 796-1857) and his 
Manuscript studies on the 
state of the'Maratha People and 
their History, 43 — 66. 
The Death of Akbar. A Ter- 
centenary Study, 179 — 208. 
K&rohana, 153. 
K&rv&n, 153. 
Raurusha, 153. 
Kavirija, the Sanskrit Poet, on 

the Age of, 11 — 16. 
Kavirlijamftrga, on the Author- 
ship of, 81 — 103. 
K^vy&darsli, 81, 107. 
Klvyftprakasha, 85, 86, 95. 
K^hryivaldkana, 84, 87. 
Klylvatara, 155. 
R^havana, loi. 
K^sirlja, 89, 94, 95. 
Khatao Subha, Warghat, 38. 
Khnsru and Shirin, 143. 
Konkan, Mr. T. B. Jervis's ac- 
count of the, 52, 53 ; His obser- 
vations on the Condition of its 
People, 57—59- 



Konkan Prant, Subhas in the, 
forming part of Shivaji's King- 
dom, 36—37. 

Konkani Language, Remarks on, 
212, 213, 214. 

Kopal Subha, Warghat, 38. 

Koran and the Arabic Literature, 
10, 

Krakatoa, 137. 

Krishna, 84, 88, 155, 160. 

Krishna II, 120. 

Krishnaraja II, 85. 

Kshitipala, 116, 117, 118. 

Kudal Subha, Konkan Prant, 37. 

Kumaid, Arab Poet, 7. 

Kunfuz-el-Kalabi, 4. 

Kurhad Subha, Warghat,* 38. 

Kusika, 152, 153. 

Krita Krityamalla, 82. 

Labid, Arab Poet, 8. 
Laili and Majnun, 143. 
Lakshmi, 81, 84, 86, 87, 88, 100, 

"3- 
Lakuli, 155, 160, 161. 

Lakulisa, 158, 159, 160, 161, 164. 

Lakulisa-Pa^upata Sect, 151, 

152* i54« 
Lakulisa, Temple of, 152, 153, 

162. 

Lakulishvara, 164. 

Laxmeshwar Subha, Warghat, 

38- 

MS.<^badan, 141. 

Ma^oudi on Volcanoes, 135 — 142, 

Mftdhavabhatta, Author of the 

Brahminical Raghavapftnda- 

vtya, 16. 
M&dhav&ch^rya ; Life and work 

off 367-378. 
Madhavarao Peshwa, 65. 
Madhavarao (Sawai) Peshwa, 65. 
Madhuk^svara, 14, 15. 
Mahapurana, 103. 



VI 



INDEX. 



Mahars in the Deccan and the 
Konkan, Col. T. B. Jervis's 
account of the, 56 — 57. 

Mahavira-Vardhamana, 162. 

MahSshvara, 155. 

Mahtplla, 116. 

Mahmudi Coins of Surat, 247 — 
249. 

Mahodaya (Kanauj), ii6, 118. 

Maillrling at H&ngal, 14. 

Maitreya, 153. 

Makhdum Khajajahan, 24 — 25. 

Makhzan-ul-AsrAr, 143. 

Malkapur Subha, Warghat, 38. 

MallishSna, 103. 

Mammata, 86, 95. 

Man Subha, Warghat, 38. 

Manoji Angria, 64. 

Manucci's Memoirs of the Mogals 

of India, 195 — 196. 
Maratha Empire as established by 

Shivaji, 30—31. 

Maratha Historical Ballads, 175, 
176. 

Maratha Historical Literature, 

168—178. 
Maratha Historical, Manuscripts 

in the Mackenzie and the other 

Collections! 177. 
Maratha History, Collection and 

Preservation of Marathi and 

Persian MSS relating to, 175. 
Maratha History, Documents in 

the Peshwa Daftar and the 

other Collections in the Deccan 

bearing on, 176, 177. 
Maratha History, Original Works 

and Translations of English 

Works by Indian Writers on, 

i74» 175. 
Maratha Power, Historical 
Works by European Writers, 
• and Historical Information in 



Maratha Bakhars relating to, 
169 — 174. 

Maratha People and their His- 
tory, Lt-Col. T. B. Jervis's 
Studies on the state of the, 43 — 
66. 

Mawal Subha, Warghat, 38. 

MayC^ravarma, 16. 

Medal, Campbell Memorial. 
Sheme for the Management 
of. LXI-LXV. 

Menander, 305. 

M^kala, 152. 

Mihirkula, 98. 

Modi ( J. J. ) ; A few Notes on 
Broach from an Antiquarian 
point of view, 298, 323. 

Modi (J. J.) ; Bombay as seen by 
Dr. Edward Ives in the year 
1754 A. D., 273, 297. 

Modi (J. J.) ; Magoudi on Volca- 
noes, 135—142. 

Modi (J. J.) ; The date of the 
death of Nizami, 143 — 150 

Mukkanna, 15. 

Munja, king of Dhdri, 13. 

Murabhid (Vishnu), 152. 

Muramer, the son of Murrah 
believed to be the first to Intro- 
duce the Art of Writing into 
Arabia, i. 

Murari, 88. 

Musnad or Makeli writing, 
known to the tribe of Himyar, 
gradually passed on to Bagdad 
and moulded into a definite 
shape, and formed the present 
Arabic characters, i, 2. 

Nabeghe-e-Zub3rani, Arab Poet, 
8. 

N&gabhatta, 118, 119, 120, 121. 
N^adaha, 164. 
N&gahrada, 164. 



INDBX. 



Vll 



N^avarma, 114. 
N^gd&, 164. 
N^l^endra, 164. 
Nagojibhatta, 86. 

Nahapan's Coins ; Hoard found 
at Nasik (Joghaltembhi), 223 — 
244 ; The discovery of the 
hoard ; the total number of 
coins in it ; reference to the find 
of Kshatrapa coins at Juna- 
gadh, 223 — 225 ; Coins in the 
Junagad find, 225 ; The Greek 
Inscription on the obverse of 
the coins ; the Inscription, 
originally a correct translitera- 
tion of the Brahmi Inscription 
on the reverse, 226 — 231 ; The 
Kharostri Inscription, 231 — 
234 ; The Brahmi Inscription, 
234 ; Remarks on the Bust of 
Nahapana, 235—238 ; The 
Counter-struck Inscription of 
Satakarni I., 238 — 241 ; The 
Symbols on the Coins, 241 — 242. 

Nakulisa-P^supata Sect, 151. 
Nana Farnavis, Col. T. B. Jer- 
vis's account of, 65, 66. 

Nana Saheb Peshwa, 65. 
Nannisvara, 153. 
Narav&hana, 152. 
Narayanrao Peshwa, 65. 
Nasik (Joghaltembhi) Hoard of 
Nahapan's coins, 223 — 244. 

Natu (V. R.); A History of Bija- 
pur by Raffiuddin Shiraji, 18 — 
29. 

Naum&n, 141. 

Nawalghund Subha, Warghat, 

38. 

Nemichandra, loi. 
Neminatha, 10 1. 
Nitinirantara, 82. 



Nizami, on the date of the death 
of, 143—150. 

Nizami, the date of the birth of, 
atid his five Poems, 143. 

Nriptunga and the Authorship of 

Kavir&jamarga, 81 — 115. 
Nusratuddin Abu Bakr, 149. 

Pampa, 102, 104, 106. 
Pamparamayana, 11. 
Panhala Subha, Warghat, 38. 
Parabala, 119. 
Parashara, 154. 

Par^iariya Dharma ^astra 324 — 
378. Dharma 324 ; ^rutis 325 ; 
Smritis 326 — 340 ; Puranas 
340—342 ; Achara 343—351 ; 
Pardiara Dharma Samhita, 

351—357; Caste 357—358; Po- 
sition of Woman 358 — 360 ; 
Penances 360 — 364 ; Age of 
Par^iara 364—366 ; Madhavl- 
charya 367 — 378. 

Parasnis (D. B.); Maratha His- 
torical Literature, 168 — 178. 

Paribh^shendushekara, S6. 

Pars, 142. 

Parsees of Bombay, Sir Streyn- 
sham Master's account of, 
285 — 289. 

P^shupata Sect, 162. 

Pashupati, 159. 

Pathak (K. B.); On the Age of 
the Sanskrit Poet Kavirdja, 
10 — 16, 

Peelaji, Gaekwar, 63. 
Peshwa Family, Col. T. B. 
Jervis's account of the, 64, 65. 
Phultan Mahal Subha, Warghat, 

38. 
Phonde Subha, Konkan Prant, 

37- 
Fippalada, 69. 



] 



• • • 

Vlll 



INDBX 



Plato's Doctrine on Ideas, 1 27, 

128. 
Poona Subha, Warghat, 37. 
Pravahana, 70. 
Pujyapada, loi. 
Purshotam Vishram Mawji ; 

Shivaji's Swarajya, 30—42. 

Raffiuddin Ibrahim bin Nurud- 
din Tawafic ; a short ac- 
count of the life of, 19 — 21. 

R^ghavaplLndviya, n, 12. 
Raghoba Dada, 65. 
Rajaram, 62. 
Rajapur Subha, Konkan Prant, 

37- 
Rajpuri Subha, Konkan Prant, 

36. 
Ram Raja, 62. 
Ramnagar Subha, Konkan, 36. 

Ramraja, king of Vijayanagar, 

account of, 28, 29. 
Ranna, 87. 
St. Thomas, tne Apostle, the 1 

tomb of, in India, 209. 
Saldanha(J.A.);ThefirstEngIish- 

nian in India and his work 

especially his Christian Puran, 

209 — 221. 
Samanta bhadra, loi. 
Sambaji Angria, 64. 
Sambhaji, 62. 

Sampgaon Subha, Warghat, 38. 
Samud, an Arabic Poet, 3. 
Sarasvati, 103. 
Sa^adhara, 11. 
Satara Subha, Warghat, 38. 
Sayajee Rao Gaekwar, 63. 

Scott (Rev. H. R.); The Nasik 
(Joghaltembhi) Hoard of Naha- 
pan*s coins, 223 — 244. 

Shahu, 62, 64. 

Shahu, enthroned at Satara* 31. 



Shamrao Vithal. The Par;3lsa- 
riya Dharma Sastra, 324 — 378. 

Shankraji Mulhar, 31. 

Sheikul Akhtaq Sheik Sheikh 
Mahamad Siraj, 22. 

Shiraji, History of Bijapur by, 
18 — 29. 

Shiva, 152, 153, 155. 

Shivaji, 62. 

Shivaji's SwarajyA, 30 — 42. 

Shravan Belgol Inscription, 11. 

Shuka, 69, 

Sighelmus, Bishop of Sherborne, 
his visit in the 9th Century 
A. D. to the tomb of St. Tho- 
mas in India, 209. 

Sikandar-Nameh, 143. 

Sikindar-Nameh, an old MS of, 
145, 148. 

Sinsdrchand, an Indian King, 

304. 
Sirw&n, 141. 

Sdma, a Kadamba King, 16. 

Stephens (Thomas), a priest of 
the Society of Jesus, the first 
Englishman coming to India, 
account of his life, the works 
he wrote in Marathi, 209 — 211 ; 

Surat, coins of, 245—272 ; 
Early history of Surat, 245 — 
246; The period of local Mughal 
Currency, A. H., 985—1027, 
247 — 248 ; The period of Impe- 
rial Mughal Currency A.H., 
1030-12 1 5, 248 — 249 ; Legends 
on the different types of coins 
struck at the Surat Mint, 250— 
268 ; The period of the East 
India Company's Currency; A. 
H., 1215—1251,268—270. 

Surat, Tradition about the found- 
ing of the city of, 245. 
Suta, 69. 




To"*!*' '", saenc" "* ^^^ * *^ 

Trim-"' 'Ka»oW *^ 
Tow"*' " ^^ 

^rxr«.---^.,. '.its'-—' 



"^*i» 



vin 



INDBX 



Plato's Doctrine on Ideas, 1 27, 

128. 
Poona Subha, Warghat, 37. 
Pravahana, 70. 
Pujyapada, loi. 
Purshotam Vishram Mawji ; 

Shivaji's Swarajya, 30 — 42. 

Raffiuddin Ibrahim bin Nurud- 
din Tawafic ; a short ac- 
count of the life of, 19 — 21. 

R^ghavaplLndviya, 11, 12. 
Raghoba Dada, 65. 
Rajaram, 62. 
Rajapur Subha, Konkan Prant, 

37- 
Rajpuri Subha, Konkan Prant, 

36. 

Ram Raja, 62. 

Ramnagar Subha, Konkan, 36. 

Ramraja, king of Vijayanagar, 

account of, 28, 29. 
Ranna, 87. 

St. Thomas, tne Apostle, the 
tomb of, in India, 209. 

Saldanha(J. A. ); The firstEnglish- 
nian in India and his work 
especially his Christian Puran, 
209 — 221. 

Samanta bhadra, loi. 

Sambaji Angria, 64. 

Sambhaji, 62. 

Sampgaon Subha, Warghat, 38. 

Samud, an Arabic Poet, 3. 

Sarasvati, 103. 

Sa^adhara, 11. 

Satara Subha, Warghat, 38. 

Sayajee Rao Gaekwar, 63. 

Scott (Rev. H. R.); The Nasik 
(Joghaltembhi) Hoard of Naha- 
pan's coins, 223 — 244. 

Shahu, 62, 64. 

Shahu, enthroned at Satara* 31. 



Shamrao Vithal. The Par^sa- 
riya Dharma Sastra, 324—378. 

Shankraji Mulhar, 31. 

Sheikul Akhtaq Sheik Sheikh 
Mahamad Siraj, 22. 

Shiraji, History of Bijapur by, 
18 — 29. 

Shiva, 152, 153. 155. 

Shivaji, 62, 

Shivaji's Swarajyd, 30 — 42. 

Shravan Belgol Inscription, 11. 

Shuka, 69, 

Sighelmus, Bishop of Sherborne, 
his visit in the 9th Century 
A. D. to the tomb of St. Tho- 
mas in India, 209. 

Sikandar-Nameh, 143. 

Sikmdar-Nameh, an old MS of, 

145, 148. 
Sins4rchand, an Indian King, 

304- 
Sirw&n, 141. 

Soma, a Kadamba King, 16, 
Stephens (Thomas), a priest of 
the Society of Jesus, the first 
Englishman coming to India, 
account of his life, the works 
he wrote in Marathi, 209 — 21 1 ; 
Surat, coins of, 245—272 ; 
Early history of Surat, 245 — 
246; The period of local Mughal 
Currency a A. H., 985 — 1027, 
247 — 248 ; The period of Impe- 
rial Mughal Currency A.H., 
1 030-1 2 15, 248 — 249 ; Legends 
on the different types of coins 
struck at the Surat Mint, 250 — 
268 ; The period of the East 
India Company's Currency; A. 
H., 1 2 15 — 1251,268 — 270. 

Surat, Tradition about the found- 
ing of the city of, 245. 
Suta, 69. 



INDEX 



IX 



Swarajya, Maratha, established 
by Shivaji, statement of 
36—42. 

Tuilapa II, 87. 

Tailapa, a Kadamba King, 16. 

T^agund, 15. 

Tara Bai, 62 

Tarak^svara, 14. 

Tarikh-i-Salim Shahi, 182, 

Tarle Subha, Warghat, 38. 

Taylor (Rev. G. P.), The Coins of 
Surat, 245—272. 

Terammah, Arabic Poet, 7. 

Torafa, Arabic Poet, 8. 

Towers of Silence in Bombay, 
observations on Dr. Ives's de- 
scription of, 286—289. 

Treaty between Shahu and Hus- 
sein Ally Khan, giving Swaraj- 
ya to the Marathas, 9th 
September 1718, 32, 33. 

Tril6chana, 15. 

Trinetra, 15. 

Trinetra, a Kadamba King, 13, 

Tukoji Angria, 64 

Tulaji Angria, 64. 
Tuzakh-i-Jehangiri, 182. 
Ud^harana-Chandrika, 104. 
Uddalaka Aruni, 69, 70. 

Uluka, 153. 

Upanishad, meaning of the Word, 

67 — 69. 
Upanishads, a brief Survey of, 

67—80. 
Upanishads, a table giving a list, 
names of the Vedas to which 
they belong and the works 
which mention 75—80. 



Upanishads, the number and the 

age of, 71—74- 
Upendra, 116, 118. 
Ushasti Ch4kriyana, 69 

Vaidyanath, 104. 

V^kyapadiya, 86. 

Van den Broecke, the first Presi- 
dent of the Dutch Factory at 
Surat, 192. 

Vasubhaga Bhatta, 12. 

Vasuddva, 155. 

Vatsar^Lja, 120. 

Vayu Purina, the date of, 155— 

157- 
V^^nga Muni, 152. 

Vesuvins, 137, 138, 141, 142. 

Vikrama, 306. 

Vinayakapala, 1x6. 

Vira Baliaia II., Hoysal King, 

16. 
ViranarSLyana, 82, 83, 87, 98, 100, 

"3- 
Vishnu, 81, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 

89, 98, 100, 103, 113, 154. i55» 

160. 
Vishnupurana, 86. 
Volcanoes of the World, Ma 

coudi*s description of, 135— 

142. 

Wadi-Berhout, 141. 

Wai, Subha, Warghat, 38. 

Yajnyavalkya, 69, 70. 
Yasovarman, 120,121. 

Zabej, 137. 

Zuhair-bin Abusulma, Arabic 
Poet 8. 




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Art. I — Arabic Poetry. 

By Professor S. M. Isfahani. 

Read before the Persian Section on lyth January 1905, in connection 
with the Centenary Celebration of the Society, 

' In the absence of any authentic history or any other reliable sources 
of information, it is not possible to speak with certainty as to when the 
Arabic language was first put into writing. European scholars, with 
all their latest researches, have not come to any definite conclusion in 
this matter. Arab historians who flourished after the rise of Islam 
have given different views on the subject. Most of them believe that 
Ismail, the son of Abraham, first invented the Arabian characters and 
wrote the language, while others say that the Arabs knew the art of 
ivriting in the time of Job the Prophet, whose sermons, which were 
originally in Arabicfand are now lost, were translated into Hebrew by 
the Prophet Moses. This view has been supported by many 
orientalists. 

A tradition ascribes the authorship not of the Arabic characters 
alone but of all other languages to the father of mankind. To teach 
his posterity their languages, 300 years before his death he wrote 
down the characters of the different tongues, which his children were 
to speak, on bricks which he had especially made for the purpose, and 
deposited them in a safe place. During the deluge the one on which 
the Arabic characters were inscribed was lost ; but after the building 
of the Kaba by Abraham, his son Ismail discovered the hidden 
treasure through a dream, and with the aid of the Angel Gabriel he 
read the characters, and taught them to his community. The majority 
of historians considering the story too fabulous give a more recent 
origin for the Arabic characters. Muramer, the son of Murrah, who 
belonged to the tribe of Tai and was a native of Anbar, was the first to 
introduce the art into Arabia, himself possibly learning it from the 
Phoenicians. 

The tribe of Himyar had a kind of script in which the letters were 
written separately, called the Musnad or Makeli writing. It was 
jealously guarded against the touch of the vulgar, and the teaching 
of it required a license from the authorities. It gradually travelled to 
Hira, a town on the borders of the Persian Empire, where it was 



2 ARABIC POETk%'. 

zealously studied under the patronage of the Munzer family, the^ 
vassals of the Persian Kings. A short time before Islam it i;^as- 
introduced amongst the tribe of Koraish, to which the Prophet Moha- 
med belonged. It then passed through the hands of many reformers 
and travelled through many cities and towns till, about the end of the 
3rd century, in Bagdad, the city of the Khalifs, it was moulded into- 
a definite shape, which it retains to the present time. In the 4th 
century it was reduced to a regular art, comprising several kinds of 
penmanship on which a large number of books are written. The 
history of these reformers and the famous caligraphists of the 
third and fourth centuries belong to the second period of Arabic 
literature, and will be given later on. However, the art of writing, 
before Islam, was known to a select few ; and therefore we see the 
prophet of Arabia, though he was illiterate and was never ** schooled," 
advancing his claim to prophetic rank by the production of his 
Koran. Thus the Arabic language spread not over the land of 
its birth but all over the world, and gave birth to a literature which 
has been the wonder of the civilized world. Arab conquests 
carried the language to the remotest corners of the East and West and 
made it the permanent tongue of the places conquered, and mixing 
with the local tongues it branched off into many dialects. With the 
exception possibly of Sanskrit, no other language in the world seems 
to have become the parent of so many daughters. Thus it was not by 
the children of the soil of Arabia that this vast literature was produced, 
but authors from the hearts of Africa and Europe, Egypt and Abyssinia,^ 
Constantinople and Cordova, Persia and even India, have contributed 
their quota to the general stock and helped in raising this huge 
monument of Arab intellect. It may be remembered that the contribu- 
':ion of Persia to this fund was very large indeed. A reference to the 
writers and authors of the first five centuries of Islam will show that 
the Persians stood as the first masters in every department of learning 
then known. 1 am inclined to say that if we were to compare the parts 
played by the pure Arabs and the Persians in the production of this^ 
literature, and to strike the balance, it will go in favour of the latter, 
at least in point of quality and originality. Hence, in treating of Arabic 
literature one has to take into account the parts played by other nations ; 
for it did not come into existence by the fostering care of the pagan 
Arabs and the votaries of Islam alone, but Christians and Jews 
also lent a helping hand to its expansion. It is, therefore, a liter- 
ature produced not by the Arabs, but by the Arabic-speaking 
people. 

Arabic literature has been divided into three periods : (1) the pre- 
Islamic period, which comprises about two centuries ; (2) the period 



ARABIC POETRY. 3 

after the rise of Islam down to the fall of Bagdad in A. D. 1258 or 
A..H. 656 comprising about six centuries ; (3) from the fall of Bagdad 
down to the present time ; which three periods, properly speaking, 
represent its birth, growth and decline. 

It has been said that the literature of every nation commences with 
poetry. This is perfectly true of the Arabic literature. To the ancient 
Arabs poetry was everything : it was the record of their war and peace, 
the book of their philosophy and learning, —in fact, the sum total of 
their wisdom and intellect. The poet was not only revered but 
worshipped. His word was law. At his command they undertook 
war, and at his suggestion made peace. 

It is» impossible, since poetry existed before writing, to trace the 
origin of Arabic poetry or to point out the person who first composed it. 
•* The long caravan marches across the monotonous deserts when the 
camel's steady swing bends the rider*s body almost double, turning the 
unaccustomed traveller sick and giddy, soon taught the Arab to sing 
rhymes. He even noted very soon that as he hurried the pace of his 
recitation, the long string of camels would raise their heads and step 
out with quickened pace. This creature, stupid and vindictive though 
it be, is sensitive to some extent to music, or, at all events, to rhythm. 
Its four heavy steps gave the metre, and the alternation of long and 
short syllables in the spoken language, the successive pulsation 
of the said metre. " 

I have quoted the above passage for what it is worth, but I cannot 
believe that the ** long caravan marches " taught the Arab to sing 
rhymes, nor that the camels' **four heavy steps" gave the metre. In 
this connection we may just turn to the poetry of other nations in the 
East and West. Was it the ** long caravan marches " that taught the 
Chinese to sing rhymes, or ** the four heavy steps of the camel " that 
gave the Romans and the Grecians their metre ? The most barbarous 
people in the world, be they the Zulus in the veldts of Africa or the 
Red Indians in the prairies of America, in their rudest state of life have 
sung rhymes and given expression to their emotions and feelings 
in rhythmical language, not through the instrumentality of any outside 
influence as has been suggested above, but through the inspiration of 
nature and nature alone. 

It is interesting to see the Arab authors vying with one another to 
fasten the fathership of Arabic poetry on different individuals. Ad, 
Samud, and Himyar have by turns been mentioned as the first poet, 
and some have even gone further and ascribed it to Ajyub the Prophet, 
who lived sixteen centuries before Christ and who is given the pa/m of 
superiority or at least priority to Homer, the best poet of ancient times. 



ARABIC POETRV, 



It is Stated that he composed some sermons in Arabic verse, now 
lost which were rendered into Hebrew by the Prophet Moses. \\e 
even find some Arab authors quoting fragments of poetry supposed to 
have been composed by both the male and female members of the tribe 
of Amalek, the fifth ancestor of Ayyub. 

It may naturally be asked, how is it that poetry precedes prose ? The 
reason is not far to seek. Poetry is the expression of strong emotions 
and passions excited in the heart, clothed in everyday language ; but 
nrose is an art which requires training and study. The poet s 
Tanguaee is not fettered by the artificial rules which the prose writer is 

bound to f»"o^ : '^^ '^^^ "'^">' """'" *■'"' ' "'"'^ T 

is not blessed. In short, poetry is the language of the heart, and there- 
fore natural, while prose is the language of the educated man. 

Durinc the Days of Ignorance, as the pre-Islamic era and the 
orimitive state of the Arabs is called, the whole .\rab learning amounted 
to a rude knowledge of the firmament and its luminaries, whose move- 
ments they had been witnessing for generations past, and to whose 
alencv they ascribed all their happiness and misery, and an empiric 
rcauaintance with medicine, founded either upon imperfect observa- 
tions and experiments, or learnt from the Persians and Indians. But 
on the other hand nature had compensated them by endowing them 
with quickness of comprehension, subtlety of thought, and a high 
de-ree of eloquence. Therefore most of them were able to compose 
noetrv It is said that every Arab is a poet by nature We give 
Cow a proverb the origin of which is traced to an Arab named 
Kunfuz-el-Kalabi, whose son Jowshan suddenly developed as a poet to 
the utter surprise of his father, who did not wish h.s son 
to meddle with poetrv and therefore prevented him from giving vent 
in verse to the emotions, that made his heart restless. But the storm that 
raced in his heart was too strong for him and he succumbed to it. 
The father becoming aware .it the last moment of the mischief 
that he had done, gave him permission to compose his verses : but it 
was too late, and the son before he died could only exclaim " Hal-ul- 
lariz-Dun-al-Kariz"— "Death intervenes between me and poetry now." 
Although this gift of nature was common to the whole Arab nation 
hich and low alike, still the Nobility were adverse to it and looked 
askance at those of their own class who were Jjossessed of it and desired 
to utilise it. We find proof of this in the case of Amra-ul-kais, the poet- 
king as he is called, who stands at the head of the ancient Arab poets. 
He was banished by his father for indulging in the composition ef 

poetry. , 

Simple desert life with few wants to provide for and fewer civic duti. s 
to attend to, gave the primitive Arab ample time to improve Ws tongue. 



ARABIC POETRY. 5 

and bring it to a high degree of perfection* It was the labours of these 
silent workers of the desert that in later times bore fruit in the form of 
huge and numberless works on Lexicography and Philology compiled 
by Muhammadan travellers and scholars after the spread of Islam. 
Every part of the body of the camel, the most precious property of the 
Arab, was minutely observed, studied and a name given to it ; the 
creature itself bears a thousand different names, and its various gaits 
even have been noted and named. The lion, the greatest enemy of the 
dweller in the desert, has received five hundred names and titles ; wine, 
perhaps the only luxury the Arab could enjoy in his own tent, being 
provided mostly with it by the early Christian merchants, was called by 
a hundred names. Along with the above mentioned development of 
the language, poetical composition, which afterwards played such a 
prominent part in the Arabic literature, was being evolved. The 
specimens that have been handed down to us of those compositions, 
though very meagre and fragmentary, yet are sufficient for a compari- 
son with the forms that poetry took in later times. 

The earliest remnants of Arabic poetry are some pieces relating to 
satire ; and it is therefore believed that poetry with the Arabs first as- 
sumed that form. The Arab, so jealous of his honor, would fall an easy 
prey to excitement at a word of ridicule. Satire, it seems, was 
a secondary kind of warfare, to which the Arabs resorted in early 
times. The honour of the whole tribe depended upon the magic word 
that issued from the mouth of the poet. The adversary whose honour 
was assailed could not rest till he had retaliated, and so the Hej& or 
satire passed from lip to lip and spread over the whole desert. But 
this was not the only use that the poet made of the inspiration with 
which he was supposed to have been gifted. Often did he record in 
verse the events of his times ; the exploits of heroes and warriors, 
the generosity of chiefs and lords were put into verse and sunj; 
by the members of his tribe. In fact, in the absence of any other 
means, this was the only way in which they could preserve the memory 
of those events. The description of the English ballad exactly repre- 
sents the state of the primitive Arabic poetry. *' Most of these ballads 
were never written down, never printed, but were carried about in tho 
memories of the Englishmen for hundreds of years. But though the 
ballads were altered to suit the circumstances, national feeling or 
personal preference, yet they have kept their purity except in a few 
cases when passing from the mouth of the reciter to the ear of the 
hearer. These ballads were recited, chanted or sung to the harp by the 
itinerant minstrels, strollers from the hall to the hamlet, from the town 
to the cottage, from the fair to the market, with songs old or new or 
newly revised.*' This is a true picture of the state of Arabic 



6 ARAEtC FOETRY. 

poetry in the fifth and sixth centuries of the Christian era. It was 
to recite^ or* chant these poems that in those times poets were 
invited to the courts of Princes and great Amirs. These poets travelled 
to distant places and everywhere were received with great honour. 
They carried the fame and ill-fame of the tribes in their hands. .A 
slight indifference or discourtesy shown to them would jeopardise the re- 
putation of the whole tribe. It may be noted here that the 
satires composed during this period were far above the type to which 
they were reduced in later times. The words were poignant, sharp 
and biting, but within proper limits. But the successors of these 
satirists passed all bounds of modesty and decency, even degenerating 
into abuses and obscenities. 

Towards the beginning of the sixth century we notice a change for 
th3 better which comes gradually over the Arabic language. Its 
vocabulary is enriched and the meanings of words became fixed. 
The poet feels conscious of his power and duty. The kasideh takes its 
definite form ; the tone of the language appears to be chaste and J^t 
times philosophic. The verses of the poet are interspersed with words 
of sound advice to the community, and the poet tries to quench the fire 
which his predecessors used to fan. It is also at this time that 
we find poets attached to the courts of Princes and Nobles, and, being 
called court poets in contradistinction to the desert poets, laying, so to 
speak, the foundation of the future post of Poet Laureate. 

The gift of poetic inspiration was not monopolised by the males only: 
the fair sex had also a full share in it. At this period Arabia produced 
some poetesses who could well compete with the best of the poets. 
The custom of mourning and lamentation by women following a 
funeral procession is of ancient origin. Like Indian women, 
Arab women continued to mourn for many days, and at times other 
women were hired to mourn with them. They followed the bier bare- 
footed and bareheaded, sometimes even with shaven heads, moaning 
and uttering plaintive words with a cadence which gradually resulted 
in the composition of elegies, tor the production of which the fair sex 
is no less renowned than is the sterner one for the production of eulogy. 
An Indian writer has given a very fine picture of Arabic poetry of 
this time, which I quote here, though with some reservation: ** They 
(the Arabs) had at that time no rules of grammar or versification to 
guide them ; and yet their verses were scrupulously accurate, and 
hardly ever went wrong. They had neither any fixed criterion of 
rhetoric nor any canons of criticism ; yet their idioms, expressions, 
images, similes and metaphors were as accurate, as clear, as lucid, 
and as perspicuous as any of the subsequent established schools of the 
post-Islamic times. One of the distinctive features of the primitive 



ARABIC POETRY. 7 

literature of ihe Arabs was that it possessed the real and rare beauty of 
being a faithful representation of nature, inasmuch as their images 
were derived directly from nature, and their composition was merely 
a real expression cf their real feelings and a true reflexion of their 
mental workings. False fame, vain glory, flattery and empty praise 
were motives not known to those early Arabs who led a simple innocent 
life, in the lap of nature, invested with all its concomitant virtues — 
ibravery, courage, gallantry, truthfulness, innocent and sincere love, 
fidelity, generosity, liberality, charity, hospitality, and a hatred of 
cruelty and oppression. With the Arabs of those times poetry was a 
Ljift of nature, commonly bestowed on al! alike, whether old or young, 
■man or woman, rich or poor, high or low, noble or m 
peasant, who used it as a tangible expression of the! 
ready vehicle of what they thought and felt, and a. lasting record of 
their views, made more impressive and more perspicuous by illustrative 
similes, apt images, and suitable metaphors, such as were readily 
supplied by natural objects and views of daily sight." 1 would 
certainly use my vocabulary of praise with some degree of parsi- 
mony, and would not exhaust it so lavishly on the beauties of early 
Arabic poetry and the excellences of Arab traits. But this is perfectly 
true, that the language of the early poets was absolutely pure and the 
similes and metaphors used by ihem were directly taken from nature. 
This characteristic was mucit more noticeable among the desert than 
amongst the town poets. Ajjaj, who was a well-known desert poet, 
was once asked his opinion about the difference in his poetry and that 
of Kumaid and Terammah, who were accustomed to have their difficul- 
ties solved by him. He said, as he derived bis similes and metaphors 
Arst hand from his own observation of nature, there was no possibility of 
his missing or misplacing them, but that as the latter two lived in the 
town and wrote about things which they did not see but of which they 
heard only fi^jm others, they often went wrong. Another peculiarity of 
primitive Arab poetry is the I. isplay of martial valour, and the warlike 
spirit and love of independence which prevail throughout the 
verses. It was on this account that when, in the second century of 
Islam, the portals of Greek learning were opened to Arab authors, 
no poetical work of the Grecians was rendered into Arabic, as ihey 
found Greek poetry wanting in that heroic and martial spirit which 
the Arab values above all. The same may be said for the absence of 
the translation of historic works. 

After the rise of Islam, when poetry together with other subjects was 
treated scientifically and reduced to an art, the poets were divided into 
four divisions. First, Al-Jaheliyyun or those who lived before Islam and 
died pagan, or even those who lived down to that time bu " ' 



8 ARABIC POETRY. 

Muslims. Second, AUMukhzaremun or those pagan poets who accept- 
ed Islani and died Muslims. Third, AI-Muwalledun or those who were 
born in the first two centuries of Islam. Fourth, AI-Muhaddesun, or 
the modern poets. The first three are considered to represent the 
ancient type of Arab poet ; for their composition was not affected bv' 
the artificiality of the schools which sprang up during the third century 
of Hejra. Seven collections, each consisting of seven poems belongings 
to different poets, have been made, and named after some peculiarity ii> 
the poems common to the seven grouped together. First is the famous- 
collection known as the Moallekator the seven suspended poems grouped 
together by Hammade Raviyah, to whom the preservation of a great 
part of the pre-Islamic poetry is due, and who himself was a poet with a 
wonderful and prodigious memory. Once, when the Khalif Walid, the 
Son of Yazid, asked him the reason of his surname— Raviyah (a quoter) — 
he boasted that he could recite, besides thousands of fragmentary pieces,, 
one hundred long Kasidehs, belonging to the pagan times, and an equal 
number from the post-Islamic times, rhyming on every letter of the al- 
phabet. To test the truth of this statement, Walid ordered him to recite- 
poems in his presence, and when he was tired, he appointed one of his- 
trustworthy servants to keep watch over him : and when the latter also- 
was tired, they had already counted two thousand. and nine hundred Kasi- 
dehs recited by the poet. This collection, which has served as an anvil 
for the genius of hundreds of Arabic scholars, contains seven master- 
pieces of pre-Islamic poetry composed by seven different poets. Their 
names were as follows : Imra-ul-kais bin Hujr of the tribe of Kinda, the 
errant poet-king who was driven from home by his father for the sin of 
composing poetry and indulging in amorous passions. He died at Ancyra 
through wearing a poisoned robe of honor, given to him by the Roman 
Emperor, which covered his body with ulcers ; whence he was called Zat- 
ul-Kuruh or the man of ulcers ; Torafa, whose name was Amr-ebn-el-abd 
and who attended the court of the king of Hyra Amr-ebne Hind, 
by whom he was sentenced to death for venturing to satirise his 
brother Kabus or the king himself; Zuhair-bin Abusulma, whose 
father Rabia, uncle Bashama, two sons Kaab and Bujair, and two 
sisters, Sulmah and KhansA, were celebrated poets, and who with 
Amra-ul-kais and Nabeghe-e-Zubyani constitutes the triumvirate of 
• the Arab poets ; Antare bin Shaddad the son of an Abyssinian 
slave who is also counted as a famous hero amongst the Arabs. 
He took part in the war known as the Dahes war between his 
tribe Abs and Fazarah. He was killed while fighting against the 
tribe of Tai ; Amr-ibne-kulsum, who is said to have lived for one 
hundred and fifty years and often satirized Noman, the son of Munzar ; 
Labid, the son of Rabia who belongs to the second division of poets and 
who was known for his piety. He, too, lived a long life of about 145 



ARABIC POETRY. g 

years and died in 14 A. H. ; and lastly Alhars, the son ot* Hillaz, of whose 
life nothing is known. It is said that the Arabs hung these poems 
in front of the Kaaba and prostrated themselves before them and 
worshipped them for nearly 150 years, till they had to be removed 
from their honored place in favour of the Holy Book, the first of its 
kind, the inspired word of God, the Koran. The sister of Amra-ul- 
Kats, it is said, was at Mekka on the day the poems were taken down, 
and she objected to the removal of her brother's poem. But when 
she saw the passage of the Koran — Sura II, verse 44 — she with 
her own hands took it down and burnt it. 

These poems have for hundreds of years been allowed to remain in- 
undisturbed possession of their title to antiquity, but they are now 
assailed by some scholars, who in these days of close investigation 
and criticism throw their search light into every nook and corner 
and point out defects and flaws which have escaped detection by 
the purblind authors of bygone ages. Hammad*s honesty in respect 
of his collection has been doubted, and certain arguments have been 
advanced to disprove the antiquity of the Moallekat. But before these 
arguments can be accepted as sound, the}' must pass through the 
same ordeal of criticism and investigation as the poems themselves. 
There is, no doubt, much force in the arguments advanced, but they 
are not sufficient to dispel the fascinating belief which has swayed 
the hearts of scholars for the last thirteen centuries. Hammad's 
honesty is rightly impeached; for, when hard pressed by the Khalif, 
Al-Mehdy, he admitted the charge that had been brought against 
him by Mufazzal, of interpolating his own lines amongst those of 
the ancient poets. But to charge him with wholesale forgery on 
insufficient grounds is unjust and difficult to prove. The other 
six collections are :— 

(i) Al-Mujamharat. 

(2) Al-Muntakayat. 

(3) AI-Muzahhabat. 

(4) Al-Marasee. 

(5) Al-Mashubat. 

(6) Al-Mulhamat. 

The list is arranged in order of merit and marks the different down- 
ward grades of Arabic poetry from its commencement to the end of the 
second century of the Hejra. 

There are also about a dozen more books containing the poetry of 
pre-Islamic times which, together with those mentioned above, make 
up our knowledge of the poets and the poetry of the first centuries of 
Arabic literature. But for a student who wishes to study ancient 



lO ARABIC POETRY. 

Arab poetry in all its aspects and phases, and minutely observe the 
features of Arab life, the Hamasa of Abu Tammam would furnish 
the best and most instructive guide, as well as prove a most capacious 
and entertaining storehouse to draw upon, and would be found 
much more useful and interesting than Moallekhat. 

With the Koran the first period of Arabic literature closes and the 
second period dawns. What would have been the course of Arabic 
literature if the Koran had not been produced, or if Mohammad as a 
Prophet had not been the author of it, is a matter of pure speculation, 
and I think cannot be entered upon here. As to how from the Koran 
radiated the study of the different kinds of sciences, as to how it created 
in certain cases the very existence of certain branches of knowledge, 
and as to how it accelerated the study of others, — in short, as to how it 
became the very source of all that knowledge which has rendered 
Islam and its followers famous, I will hereafter make an attempt to 
show. 




^t^^^ 



Art. II.— Ow the Age of the Sanskrit Poet Kavirdja. 
By K. B. Pathak, B.A., Professor of Sanskrit, Deccan College, 

POONA. 

(Read before the Sanskrit Section on \%th January 1905 in connection 
with the Centenary Celebration of the Society, ) 

Many Sanskrit scholars have written on the age of Kavirdja, but 
they do not appear to be successful in their attempts to fix his date. 
Professor MacdonelP says that Kaviraja perhaps flourished about 
A.D. 800, while Dr. Bhandarkar maintains^ that Kavirdja and Dhanan- 
jayamust have lived between A.D. 996 and 1141, and that Dhanafijaya 
borrowed the idea of a Righavapindviya from the Brahmanic poem 
of that name by Kavirdja. The opinions of other eminent scholars 
need not be considered here as they wrote before the contents of old 
Kanarese inscriptions were made accessible to the student of Sanskrit 
by the writings of Messrs. Rice and Fleet. 

With great deference to all scholars, who have written on this subject 
and to whom we owe so much, I beg to point out that this difference 
of opinion is due to the fact that the verses in which the poet gives an 
account of king KAmad^va do not appear to have received that 
amount of consideration, to which they are entitled at the hands of 
scholars. Kaviraja, unlike other Indian authors, gives ample informa- 
tion, which ought to enable us to identify his royal patron and to 
fix the date of the poet himself. There are only three introductory 
verses in which Kaviraja supplies historical information. The first 
of these verses is very easy, but the other two present exceptional 
difficulties. An edition of Kavir^ja's work with a commentary has 
lately appeared in the KAvyam^l^. The commentator calls himself 
Sasadhara or Moon and his commentary is entitled Prakglsa or Light. 
But unfortunately for Sanskrit Scholars this Moon throws no light on 
the difficult verses. 

From the way in which the Jaina R8,ghavap4ndaviya is mentioned 
in the Pampar^mglyana' and in the Sravan Bejgoj inscription*, it may 
be easily inferred that there was only one Rjlghavapindaviya known 
to Pampa's contemporaries. This view is confirmed by the Brahmin 
author Durgasimha, who alludes to Dhanafijaya's R^ghavap^ndaviya 
only. Durgasimha says that he was a native of Kisuk^da and a 
minister for peace and war under theChalukya Emperor J agaddka mall a 

\ History of Sanskrit Literature, p. J31. 
Report on Sanskrit Mhs. for 1884-^87. 
HamparAmAyana. p b. 2nd cd. 
Inscriptions at Sravana Bclgola. 



12 ON THE AGE OF THE SANSKRIT POET KAVIRAJA. 

This king can be Identified with Jagadekamalla II, who reigned between 
Saka 1061 and 1072, as Durgasimba mentions the Kanarese poet, 
Kannaniayya, who refers to Abhinava-Pampa as **adyatara** or contem- 
porary*. In his interesting introduction to his Kanarese Panchatantra* 
Durgasimba tells us that he proposes to give to the world a Kanarese 
translation of the Sanskrit Panchatantra of VasubhAga Bhatta, wha 
extracted five stories resembling five jewels from Gunftdhya's Brihat- 
kathA, which was in PaisAchi, translated them into Sanskrit and 
called his work Panchatantra. Durgasimba mentions Gun^^hya, Vara- 
ruchi, KAlidAsa, B^na, Mayura, V^mana, Udbhatabhima, Bhava- 
bhuti, Bh^ravi, Bha|ii, MAgha, Rijasekhara, KAmandaka and Oandi^ 
As regards Dhananjaya Durgasimba says : — 
Anupama-kavi-vrajam Jt — 

Yene Raghava-p^ndaviyamam peldu Yas6 — ! 

Vanit-^dbisvaran idam 

Dhananjayam vAg-vadhu-priyai]i Kevalane I! 
** Dhananjaya, the sole favourite of the goddess of speech, became the 
lord of fame resembling a lady, by composing the RdghavapAndaviya 
to the humiliation of matchless poets. " 

We must remember that Durgasimba was an eminent Brahman, 
who held the high post of minister for peace and war in the days of 
Chaiukya supremacy. He was intimately acquainted with Brahmani- 
cal literature. All the Sanskrit poets, whom he praises, were Brah- 
mans with the single exception of Dhananjaya on whom he lavishes 
extravagant praises for his Ragbavap^ndaviya. If the Brahman- 
ical Rftghavap^ndaviya had been in existence before the time of 
Jagadekamalla II, Durgasimba would certainly have accepted Kavi- 
r^jVs estimate of his own genius : — 

and would have excluded Dhananjaya from the list of Sanskrit authors, 
reserving all his praises for Kavirlja's R&ghavapandaviya. These 
considerations naturally lead us to the conclusion that Kavir&ja did 
not compose his work till after Saka 1072, the year in which the reign 
of Jagadekamalla II terminated. We shall appeal to Kaviraja himself 
on this point. 

We are told that king KAmadeva belonged to the KAdamba family. 

3?% «hKH^'tiM^'dM*H^l|?:: I 

mT^: mh<h\H^d^^^'' ll-I. 13. 
By the use of the form Kildamba, Kaviraja evidently wishes us to under- 
stand that his royal patron belonged to one of the later KAdamba 

' KarnAtaka-SabdAmi?vi«'ana. Intr. p. jj, 
Canare«<c Panchatantra published in the KarnAtaka KAvyamanjari, pp. 6 and 7. 
Canarcsc Panchatantra, p. I j. 



ON THE AGE OF THE SANSKRIT POET KAVIRAJA. 1 



O 



families. This is confirmed by the statement that Kdmadeva lived 
after Muftja, king of Dhar^, who died' about A.D. 996. 

^KIMR ?:^^^ft^ dH4.<mfrr: ll_i. 18. 

We know that there were two families of the later KAdambas. Here 
a question naturally arises, to which of these families did king 
K4madSva belongs ? This question is satisfactorily answered by Kavi- 
r^ja in the following two verses which are difficult to understand and 
as to the real purport of which, the commentator *' Moon ** with his 
** light ** seems to be totally in the dark. 

^c^l^i ^^^; W^ wS^- ^^^HT 2Rrh^; I 

^^^^^ *P5tRt l»?TN^f ^^^: ^Wi^i II— . I 23. 

Translation. 

Victorious IS the line of the sun, the glory of which was increased 
by the birth of the lord of the Raghus. The line of the moon, which 
is illuminated by the fame of the Pflndavas, bears resemblance to it. 
To both is comparable to-day the line of the son of the god 6iva and 
the earth, of which K^madeva who gratifies the wishes of the learned, 
is an ornament. 

The commentator Moon, who is unable to explain by his 'Might'* 
the expression ^H<«^<u^^H<4^, which is in the genitive case, 
deliberately changes the text into ^Hi^<>J<"ft ^H?lf?. But a careful 
study of the verse will convince Sanskrit Scholars that the genitive 
is here purposely employed by Kavir^ja, who wishes to compare the 
founder of the KAdamba line, who was the son of the god Siva and the 
earth, to the Sun and the Moon, the supposed founders of the Solar 
and the Lunar dynasties. Who the founder of the KAdamba line was, 
we learn from Kavir&ja himself who says : — 

3n%^ 'i>^^^ikM<=i^HRiMr ^tm ^i51"imi- i 

^ H*^'5^'tft3P3^'^«flW#3f^: 1 

Translation. 
That king was Trinfitra who imported from Central India Brahmins 
well versed in the Vedas and drinkers of Soma juice, who ascended to the 
assembly of Indra in human form, who was an ornament of a proud 

* Gazetteer of the Bombay Prewienc: • \'oU I, Part II. p. 2T4. 



14 ON THE AGE OF THE SANSKRIT POET KAVIRAJA. 

lady (his wife), the conqueror of the earth and a bee on the glorious 
feet of the god Siva of Jayantipura and who obtained, in later times by 
austerities, a very mountain (t.e., supporter) of his family (in king 
Kdmddva). 

The commentator ** Moon " has failed to throw any light on this verse. 
He takes the expression ^^t^fryptft to mean that his (Trin^tra's) 
family resembled a principal mountain. According to this interpret- 
ation. King Trinetra obtained his own family by means of austerities. 
This is absurd, because Trint^tra was the supposed founder of the 
K3.damba line. Before his time his family must have been of course 
obscure. To be born in an obscure family is no reward for performance 
of austerities. Besides, each of the 23 verses from Nos. 13 to 33 in the 
first canto is devoted to praising Kamadeva. If one of these verses, 
namely, No. 25, were to mention Trinetra without reference to K^mad^va, 
it would be out of place. Therefore, the real meaning of this verse is 
that King Trinetra obtained in later times, as a reward for his austeri- 
ties, a kulagiri or supporter of his family in Kilmad^va. In the 
K^vyam^U edition of Kaviraja*s work we often read ?F5>n:^*?rT 
<hKH^^I which is a mistake for g?^ur mf^f14>KH<J^ I.^ 

From the two verses which I have explained above, we learn the 
following facts. King Kamaddva belonged to a later K^damba family. 

The founder of this line was King Trindtra, who was the son of the 
god ^iva and the earth, who imported learned Brahmins from Central 
India and who was a worshipper of the god Siva of Jayantipura. The 
town of Banav^si in North Canara District is famous for its temple of 
Madhukesvara. In ancient times Banavasi was called Jayanti or 
Jayantipura. This is proved by the fact that the Brahmins of BanavAsi 
at the present day speak of their town as Jayanti-kshetra during the 
performance of religious rites. The chief god known even at the present 
day as Madhukesvara is referred to as snT^g^^^UT in a stone-tablet 
inscription in front of the god Mail^rling at H^ngal and as 3p??fftTO%*^ 
in another inscription in the temple of Tirakesvara at the same place. 
It is evident from these expressions that ^q^yfl or Sfq^tg^ is only another 
name of Banavasi. I may also mention that in the temple of Madhukes- 
vara at Banavasi itself there is a stone cot which bears the following 
inscription on it in comparatively modern Kanarese characters. 

«ft^ f^ "V^ W^ 5frmT^2RT% fe^ 

1 Ep! Carnatica? Vol. VIII, Sorab Inscrip. Xo. X79, lines 17—20 



ON THE AGE OF THE SANSKRIT POET KAVIRAJA. 1 5 

In a local purana called ^^j«Tf1*<|g|rJ-^j we are told— 

'Tglj^iHmi g ^ r[^ ^ U— Chap. 27. 
In another local purana we read 

^H^rnft %^ iritiTT.— Chap. 25. 

iT^^?^ fl5^ infer 5TT% ^^5T?5R u 

^R'^'^Tftm.— Chap. 26. 

We have thus seen that Jayanti is another name of the town of 
Banav^si. The last three passages cited above also tell us that the 
god Madhukdsvara is a linga. Kaviralja's expression 5nprlf3^3?!'^*R 
is, therefore, equivalent to ^ppfftj^r^gl^^T. D^' Fleet's statement* **that 
the family god of the K^dambas of Banav^si was Vishnu under the 

name of Madhuke^vara *' must be rejected as it is opposed to facts. 

Kavir^ja*s account of the K^damba family of BanavAsi, to which his 
patron K^madSva belonged, agrees with the account of the family 
which is found in the Kanarese inscriptions. The founder of this line 
TrinStra is called Tril6chana in the Sidd^pur inscription* and is spoken 
of as M ukkanna in an inscription^ at T^Iagund, the word Mukkanna 
being a Kanarese rendering of the Sanskrit f^^or i^^ f T^^ f. This king 
Tril6chana or Mukkav^a is represented in the inscriptions^ as the son 

* The temple of Madhuk£<ara stands on the river VaradA. 
■ A Vcdic form for ^Iff^r^. 

=• Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency. Vol I., p. 560. Ind. Ant, Vol. X., p. 250. 

■• Ind. Ant., Vol. XI., p. 273. 

' Epi. Camatka. Vol. Vll.. p. 208. Shikilrpur Inscription. No. 186, line $. 

* Stre notes 8 and 11 above. Ind. Ant., Vol. X., p. 150. Mysore Inscriptions, Intr., p. 39. 



l6 ON THE AGE OF THE SANSKRIT POET KAVIRAJA. 

of the god Siva and the earth, who brought learned Brahmins from 
Ahichchhatra and established them in the Kanarese country. The 
Havik Brahmins in North Canara claim to be the descendants of the 
Brahmins brought from Northern India by a Klldamba King Maydra- 
A'arma who is sometimes confounded in the inscriptions with the fabled 
Trin^tra. 

According to Dr. Fleet/ King Kamad^va was a MahSmandalesvara 
and ruled over the provinces of Hingal, BanavAsi and Puligere or 
Lakshmesvara. He was a feudatory of the Western Ch^lukya king 
Somesvara IV, and began to rule in Saka 1104. In Saka 11 19, the 
town of Hingal was besieged by the Hoysal King Vira Ballala II. He 
was defeated and repulsed for the time by KAmadeva*s forces under 
his general Sohoni, who, however, was killed in the battle. But the 
Hoysal king seems to have soon afterwards completely subjugated the 
Kadambas and annexed their territory. In Saka 11 26 KAmad^va was 
still fighting against the Hoysal forces ; but what became of him after 
xhat date, is not known. From these facts we can easily conclude that 
Kavirftja composed his RAghavap^rdaviya between Saka 1104 a"^ 
;iiJ9. 

A Kadamba copper- plate inscription has been lately published by 
Mr. Rice in the Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. VII, pp. 214—217. The 
grant purports to be issued by King S6ma, a grandson of K^mad^va. 
This KAmad^va must be identical with the K^mad^va, mentioned 
above, since the names* of his son, father and grandfather are the 
same. One of the grantees in this inscription is named Kaviraja M&d- 
havabhatta. This is the real name of the author of the Brahminical 
Ra,ghavaplndaviya, Kavir8,ja being his title only. 

It may, however, be noticed here that this grant is not dated in the 
Saka era, but mentions only the cyclic year Vilambi and Monday, the 
new moon-day of Ashadha, on which an eclipse of the sun occurred. 
Mr. Rice assigns this grant toA.D. 11 18. This cannot be accepted, 
because, according to Dr. Fleet, who bases his opinion on stone- 
inscriptions in the neighbourhood of HAngal and Banav4si, the Bana- 
v^si province was governed between A.D. 1099 and 11 29 by the 
Kadamba king Tailapa II and not by king S<^ma. The date of the 
grant must, therefore, be considerably later than Saka 1104, the year in 
which K^madeva began to rule. 

* Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency. Vol. I., Part II., p. 563. 

" Idem, p. 559. Epiqr. Carnatic* VoL HI., p. 27 (Tranelattons). In the copper-plate grant. 
KAmad^va's g^randfather's name is g^iven as V^ikrama-Taila. The Vikrama is a title, and 
4:orre!«ponds to the expression Udyat-pratApam applied to him in the Kargudari Inscriptiont 
line 22i Ind. Ant. Vol X., p. 2Sa. It is thus clear that Kftmad^va's grnndlather s name is 
Tnila, his father's name is Tailama and his son's name is Malla. 

' Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency. Vol. I.. Part II, p. 562. 



Art. III. — A History of Bijapurby Raffiuddin 

Shiraju 

By V. R. Natu, B.A., LL.B. 
(Read before the History Section on igth fanuary igoSy 
in connection with the Centenary of the Society,) 

Our present knowledge of the history of the kingdom of Bijapur is 
mainly derived from the famous work of Ferishta, supplemented by 
the works of writers like Kaiikhan and others who chronicled the 
movements and conquests of the Moghul armies in the Deccan. 
Ferishta was really attached to the court of Ahmadnagar though he 
lived at Bijapur for a few years. We have no work yet published 
by a writer at the court of Bijapur. The author of this work, of which 
I intend to give a summary, was a Bijapur nobleman who spent 
many years in the service of Bijapur kings. His history covers the 
same period as that of Ferishta, who was his contemporary. Irr 
the preparation of his monumental history of the Marathas, Grant 
Duff secured some Persian historical accounts of Bijapur, but in 
the list given by him in a footnote in Chapter II of his work, we do net 
find the name of RaBiuddin Shiraji. Sir H. M. Elliot collected some 
MSS. containing the histories of the independent Musalman kingdoms 
of the Deccan, but unfortunately those MSS. have not been translated. 
We do not even possess a list of them. In a paper published in 
Vol. I of the B. Br. R A. Society's journal by Captain Bird, we find the 
name of a work called * Busate-Salatin,* but Shiraji*s work is not 
mentioned. As far as I am aware Shiraji's work has never been 
published ; and it is only noticed in a Marathi work on Bijapur History 
by Professor Modak of Kolhapur. The importance of securing for pub- 
lication the original works on the history of the Deccan Muhammadan 
kingdoms cannot be exaggerated. A good deal of attention has lately 
been paid by Maratha scholars to the task of bringing to light valuable 
materials for the history of the Marathas ; but the work of collecting 
old chronicles of that long period of time extending over nearly four 
centuries from the fall of Deogad to the overthrow of Bijapur, and 
Golkonda by Alamgir, yet remains neglected. In this respect the 
latest work of Gribble is also disappointing as it scarcely adds anything 
more to our knowledge than what is found in Brigg's edition of 



1 8 A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR. 

* Ferishta.* The publication of old Persian MSS. on this subject would 

be of much use in adding to our limited fund of knowledge of this 

eventful period, and also would help us in gauging the account of 

Ferishta which is often marred by exaggeration. Raffiuddin Shiraji's 

work, though not as extensive nor as scholarly as that of * Ferishta,' 

is, however, very interesting, as the author writes of events that were 

enacted before his eyes. Besides, being himself an adventurer from 

Persia, he is very fond of giving short biographical sketches of similar 

other adventurers from foreign lands who came to India during this 

period. His work is full of such sketches, among which may be 

onentioned those of Hussen Gango, Khaja Gawan, Eusuf Adilshah, 

Jengirkhan, Shah Tahir, Mustafakhan and others who are famous 

in the history of the Musalman kingdoms of the Deccan. 

Following the plan of Elliot and Dowson, I do not intend to give here 
a full translation of Shiraji's work, but only an account of the author 
as gathered from the work itself, its contents, and a few extracts taken 
from it. It is also thought desirable to state how I came by the MS., 
which, as the sequel will show, now exists only in a Marathi 
translation. 

Fifteen years ago I formed the acquaintance of Mr. Sayad Soffi 
Bukhari of Lakshmeshvar, who is now serving as Chief Constable at 
Murgod in the Belgaum District. This gentleman traces his descent 
from a noble family at the court of Bijapur which still enjoys a 
Jagif originally granted to -it by the Kings of Bijapur. Mr. Soffi 
showed me a Persian MS., a carefully written and neatly bound 
volume, containing the History of the Kings of Bijapur. The work 
appeared to be a rare one, and so far as my inquiries went it was 
neither published nor translated. The work was written by ** Raffiud- 
din Ibrahim bin Nuruddin Tawafic of Shiraj, " who was in the service 
of the Bijapur Kings and a friend of Ankushkhan, the ancestor of 
Mr. Soffi. 

As I took some interest in collecting materials for the history 
of Vijayanagar, I thought that this work would be of much use : but as 
I did not know the Persian language I requested my elder brother, the 
late Mr. R. R. Natu, B.A., to translate the work for me into Marathi. 
He had learnt Persian and he undertook the translation with the 
assistance of Mr. Sayyad Mohmad Munshi of Belgaum. The 
translation was begun in 1891 and finished in 1893. The translated 
MS. has lain with me since then, though it was my intention to publish 
it in book form. The original Persian MS. was returned to Mr. Soffi, 
and I now learn with regret from him that it has been destroyed by 
white ants. I enquired at Hyderabad and Bijapur whether this work 
could be obtained there, but I met with no success. Unfortunately the 



A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR. 1 9 

Persian title of the work has not been retained in the Marathi version 
made by my brother ; but Mr. Soffi says that it was, ** Taskerah-i- 
Ahivali-Salatin-i-Bijapur. " The author, however, gives much informa- 
tion about himself in the work, and it would be easy to identify 
it if some Persian scholar succeeds in securing the MS. The 
whole work is very interesting, and the author gives a detailed and 
graphic account of the reigns of Sultan AH Adilshah (1551 to 1580) 
and Ibrahim Adilshah II (1580 to 1626) under whom he served as a 
palace chamberlain. In several places he describes scenes of which 
he was an eye-witness. The work closes with a lengthy history 
of the Emperor Akbar and his invasion of the Deccan. This work was 
written in H. 1017 (1608 A. D.) when the author was about 90 years 
old. He says it was written 35 years after he entered the service of the 
Bijapur Kings, which was 50 days after the capture of Bankapur by Ali 
Adilshah on i6th of Ramjan 982. 

An Account of the Author. 

Tliroughout the work the writer refers to himself sometimes as ** the 
author of this work " in the third person and more often in the first 
person. At the beginning of Chapter II of the work the author says, 
'* The writer of this work, Raffiuddin Ibrahim bin Nuruddin Tawafic, 
a native of Shiraj, had gone to Sagar in 968 to make some purchases. 
Sagar is a well-known town in the Deccan ; within a few fursangs 
from it is the village of Gogi containing the tombs of Usaf Adilkhan 
and his descendants. It also possesses a great Langarkhan (a place 
where free food is distributed to the poor) maintained on the revenue of 
ten villages dedicated for the purpose. There are about 100 Hafizes 
who recite the Koran every morning and evening. Twice a day food 
is given to these men and their families. They also get some cash 
allowance every month. Amongst them there was one Hafiz Sham- 
suddin Khijri who was more than 90 years old. He was a man of 
great erudition, had seen many climes and countries, and in his old 
age had settled down in this Kingdom (Bijapur). He maintained 
himself with what little he got there and was always near the tomb of 
his master. He was a friend of the Mutwali of the place. This 
Mutwali was a Sayad, being a learned and pious man and much given 
to devotion. I became a friend of his and often sought his company. 
Before the company which gathered round this Mutwali, old Sham- 
suddin, — a much travelled man, — used to narrate stories either heard 
or seen by himself. Sometimes he told his own adventures before 
the company. " 

From this point the author gives the history of Usaf-Adilshah as told 
apparently by Hafiz Shamsuddin. The name of this person is not 



20 A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR. 

further introduced and the history proceeds to the latter part of the reign 
of All Adilshah, where the author again introduces himself. He says : — 
**The fort of Bankapur was taken on the i6th of Ramjan in 982; 
50 days later the author entered the service of the Padshah. That very 
day he was appointed an officer of the palace with the title of 
Khan Saler. Within a few days he was made King's treasurer and 
Havildar of the Zenana. This history is written 35 years afterwards." 
In an earlier portion of this chapter the auihor says, ** even at present 
in 1017, the son of Ramraja is ruling at Anagondi.** This also shows 
that this history was written in 1017. While giving the history of 
King Ibrahim Kutubshah of Golkonda the author states that he had 
twice seen the King, once as a merchant and on another occasion as 
agent (vakil) of AH Adilshah. He also says that during the ministry 
of Afzulkhan, he held the same offices in the palace. When the King 
Adilshah was murdered the author was present outside the King's 
chamber and he took part in the events which followed. In giving 
the character of the King the author introduces several anecdotes 
from his personal observation.! During the reign of Ibrahim Adilshah, 
open fighting was going on for several years between rival courtiers 
for power, and when Afzulkhan was murdered in 988, the author was 
also imprisoned, but his life was saved through the intervention of the 
friends of Dasturkhan who was a co-prisoner with him. In A.D. 
1594 when Ibrahim's brother Ismail had raised the standard of revolt^ 
the author held an office of great trust under the King. He was 
guardian of the King's son and custodian of his seal. He was also 
in charge of his foreign correspondence. On 26 Rabilawar, Friday 
1003, the auihor was appointed Governor of the Province of Bijapun 
In 1005, he was deputed to Ahmadnagar on a political mission to bring 
about a settlement between Bahadur Nizamshah and his nobles. 
He says : — 

*• At this time the author was in charge of foreign affairs, Peshwai, 
and guardianship of Prince Fattekhan. He was also the holder of the 
King's seal and was in charge ot a district paying a revenue of i lakh of 
hons for the maintenance of 200 elephants, 700 camels and 1,500 horses. 
All letters, petitions, and messengers first came to me and I then sent 
them to the Padshah. I handed over the charge of all these offices to 
my son and left for Ahmadnagar. The author joined Sohilkhan, com- 
mander of the Bijapur forces sent to Ahmadnagar, and entered the ter- 
ritories of Nizamshah." They found Nizamshah surrounded by the 
armies of his refractory nobles who were enemies of Chandbibi. Their 
object was to arrest the Sultan. The author was conducted into the 
fort to see the King by one Sayad Ali, described as a great Historian. 
He remained at Ahmadnagar for 3 or 4 months, and tried to reconcile the 



A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR. 21 

<x)ntending nobles but failed. Rumours reached him that the army of 
Prince Murad was advancing against Ah madn agar, and he therefore 
wrote to his master, who ordered him to return to Bijapur. Chandbibi 
was sorry to part with him, but he left the place and remained outside 
for 2 or 3 days where he was joined by a large number of people who 
wanted to avoid the coming war. **They followed me," says the 
author, ** for protection and when they were out of danger they went to 
their respective villages." The author then reached Bediapur. On his 
return to Bijapur he took over charge of his former office. 

In the course of his narrative of Akbar, of whom he relates several 
interesting anecdotes, the author gives his own impressions of the great 
Emperor whom he had seen at Agra. He writes : ** The author had 
gone to Agra from Gujrath in 968 for trade. At that time Sayadbeg 
Masumbeg had gone there as the agent of Shah Tamasp of Persia. 
Akbar had lodged him in tents in a garden. Many nobles including 
Amir Vazir had also pitched their tents there. Large numbers of 
people went to see the place, among whom was the author. While 
I was standing there Akbar came. I saw him reclining on a young 
person. I was at a distance. The face of the Emperor at once reveal- 
ed his high intelligence and imperial fortune. I had never seen such a 
person in my life. When the Emperor came people did not stand up. 
I asked if there was no custom in that court of giving Tajim, I was 
informed that the rules about Tajim were very strict, but they were not 
observed when the Emperor visited a place privately without intimation. 
I again saw the Emperor in the treasury room on the upper story of the 
palace. The Emperor came there bare-headed. He had only a loose 
garment round his waist and was fanning himself with a paper fan. 
He was so simple in his habits." 

The author finishes his narrative with the conquest of Ahmadnagar 
by the Moghals. The history of Ibrahim Adilshah is interspersed with 
personal references to the author. In one or two places in his narra- 
tive he refers to year 10 18 as the "present year" indicating that he 
was writing the book for 2 years. 

From the foregoing account it will be quite clear that a great portion 
of the Bijapur History given in this work was actually enacted before 
the eyes of the author and therefore bears the impress of authenticity. 
Some of the incidents are detailed at great length and probably are not 
found in any other similar work of the time. 

Plan and Contents of the Work. 

Chap. I— The history of the Bahamini Kings, from Sultan Allaud- 
din to Sultan Mohmad. Chap. II — The history of Yusuf Adilshah. 
Chap. Ill — History of the reign of Ismail Adilkhan Savai. Chap. IV — 



22 A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR, 

Reign of Ibrahim Adilkhan. Chap. V — History of the reign of AI» 
Adilshah up to his meeting with Ram Raja of Vijayanagar. Chap. 
VI — Historical :account of the Muhammadan Kings of Gujrath up to the 
invasion of Akbar; account of the Kings of Ahmadnagar; of the battle 
of Talikot and the conquest of Vijayanagar. An account of Subhan 
Kuli Kutubsbah and his successors. Chap. VII — Continuation of the 
history of AH Adilshah *s reign up to his murder. Chap. VIII — Detailed 
history of Ibrahim Adilshah, History of the Moghals from Babar to the 
fall of Ahmadnagar. 

Each of these chapters consists of several subsections which are not 
given here for want of space. 

Some Extracts from the Work. 

!• —An account of Sultan Allauddin Hussen Gango Bahamini. 

*' Gentle and wise reader, there are different accounts current regarding 
the foundation of the Bahamini kingdom. Some say that Bahaman ibu 
Isfadiar bin Gastabasta, Emperor of Persia, was the progenitor of this 
family. He sent his son Isfandiar to Hindustan, who spread there the 
religion of Zoroaster and established a kingdom. This Hussen was a man 
of means at first, but adverse fate made him poor, and he therefore came 
to this country. One day while asleep under the cool shade of a tree by 
the way side, a cobra was warding off flies from Hussen's face with a 
blade of grass in its mouth. This was observed by Gango Pandit, a 
Brahman, who was passing by that road. The Brahman predicted from 
this that one day Hussen would be a great man and he waited there till 
the latter awoke, when the cobra disappeared in a hole. The Brahman 
told Hussen all that he saw, and promised that he would serve him on 
condition that Hussen should affix the Brahman's name to his own name 
when Hussen would rise to a great fortune. Hussen consented and acted 
according to the promise. All the i8 Bahamani Kings used the same title 
after their own names. 

Hussen was devoted to a saint named Sheikul Akhtaq Sheik Sheik- 
mahamad Siraj (God bless his memory). Hussen attended upon the saint 
at the time of his prayers. Once at Kudachi, near Murtizabad, now called 
Miraj, while the saint was going to wash before the prayers, he handed 
over his turban to Hussen who placed it on his own head. The Sheik 
remarked that Hussen desired a crown from him. On another occasion 
Hussen was complaining of his poverty to the saint, who said that every 
thing happened when the time was ripe for it. That country had no 
Musalmans in it, and the saint had built a musjid at Kudachi. The local 
Musalmans helped him. One day seeing Hussen lifting up a basket of 
earth for the work, he remarked that Hussen wanted to bear the burden of 
the world. One day Hussen kept off the sun from the face of the saint 
while the latter was asleep. On awaking the saint asked him if he 
coveted a royal umbrella. One day Hussen's mother went to the saint 



A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR. 23 

and told him her poor circumstances. The saint advised her to take to 
cultivation in a neighbouring village, where, while ploughing the land, 
Hussen's plough hit upon an underground stone-built cellar. When the 
Sheik was informed of this, he said, "Thank God and pray Him, because 
those who.thank Him become prosperous." One night when Hussen was 
attending upon the saint he addressed him as *' Sultan " and asked him to 
raise an army, carry on a religious crusade in the country of the non-believers 
and spread Islam. Hussen again pleaded poverty, when the Sheik took him 
to the above cellar and caused the hoarded wealth to be dug up. Hussen 
then began to raise an army in which work he was much assisted by 
Gango Pandit. One Friday the Sheik asked Hussen to collect his army 
which the saint blessed, and hung a sword round the waist of Hussen. 
Hussen then proceeded against Miraj, which was ruled by a Hindoo queen, 
Dashavati. The fort of Miraj was taken without much trouble and the 
queen was made a prisoner. When the saint was informed of this he sent 
word that Miraj should be called *' Mubark Abad " on account of this 
auspicious first victory gained by Hussen. This happened in H. 748 
(1347 A.D.). Hussen then marched in the direction of Gulburga. He found 
the place very strongly fortified and well prepared for a fight. He wrote 
to the Sheik, who advised him to take advantage of the absence of Paran- 
rao, the Commander of the Fort, who went to a neighbouring temple each 
Wednesday. Hussen acted upon the advice and entered the fort, whose 
gates were opened by the guards who thought that it was their Com- 
mander who was coming. When Paranrao learnt this, he left the temple 
precipitately and a battle ensued. The Musalmans showered arrows, 
one of which struck the Commander dead, his people fied in confusion, and 
his head was buried near the gate. This place is still pointed out. 
Gulburga was thereafter called Hussanabad, where Hussen established 
the seat of his Government and took the title of '* Sultan Allauddin Baha- 
man Shah." He appointed Gango Pandit to a great office. It was settled 
that all the Sultans who succeeded him should style themselves 
**Bahamani." The i8th Sultan-Shah- Walli-AIla also called himself 
•* Bahamani." The battle of Gulburga was fought in H. 748, in which 
year Hussen proclaimed himself king. He died in H. 761 (1559 A.D.) 
after a prosperous reign of 13 years 10 months and 27 days." 

11.— Character and end of Sultan Ferozshah bin Ahmadkhan 

Bahamini. 

** After he ascended the throne, he pleased his subjects by his justice 
and piety and by his munificent gifts. He maintained himself by copying 
the Koran, and his queen by selling needlework. He was thoroughly 
acquainted with the art of administering a newly conquered country. One 
of the memorials of his administration is a town that was built by him on 
the Krishna. He caused a large number of buildings to be erected, and 
built a stone fort which was a farsang square. He spent several years in 
enjoyment in that city. Once the town suffered terribly from inundations, 

and the Sultan had to spend seven days on the upper floor of his palace. 



24 A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR. 

That town and fort still remain, but not in a prosperous condition. The 
town is called Ferozabad. The king was very charitable to the Fakirs. 
He spent his time in copying the Koran and distributing its copies to the 
people His handwriting was excellent. He used to wear simple dress ; 
and he had appointed one Baba Kamal his religious lutor, and built for 
him a tomb near his own. Eight thousand infantry, four thousand horse, 
and five hundred elephants were always ready ne-ir his palace. Once 
upon a time the king decided that he was a humble man, and should 
not keep so large a guard about himself. He therefore reduced the whole 
numb»*r, and, banding over all the duties of administration to his nephew 
Ahmad, spent his time in devotion. Ahmad was a very clever administrator, 
and won over to his side all the nobles and the army, and began to form 
plans for deposing Ferozshah, Ferozshah was informed of this, but replied 
that fate must take its course, as in any case the nephew was to 
be Sultan after him. Once some army of the Sultan mutinied against 
him, and he therefore ordered 70 men of it to be executed. Their 
lives were saved by Ahmad's intervention and thej' were taken into service. 
These people had conspired to take the life of Ferozshah. Ahmad joined 
the conspiracy, and won over some of the Abyssinian servants who were in 
service in Ferozshah 's palace, one of them who played a prominent part, 
being in charge of the Jamdarkhana. One day the conspirators entered 
the palace of Ferozshah and a fight ensued with the guards. Both 
parties lost a number of men, when the Abyssinian in charge of the 
Jamdarkhana undertook to murder Ferozshah and entered the Sultan's 
chamber where he was reading the Koran. The murder was committed by 
the wicked man and the followers of Ferozshah ran in different directions. 
Some of the nobles raised the eldest son of Ferozshah to the throne. But 
Sultan Ahmad murdered the boy and proclaimed himself king Ferozshah 
reigned for a period of 25 years, 7 months and 12 days. Eight Bahamani Kings 
ruled at Hasanabad for a total period of 82 years, 5 months and 18 days." 

III.— An account of Makhdum Khaja Jahan's entering thb 

Service of the Sultan. 

** It is well known that Makhdum Khaja Jahan was a man of great intellect, 
and had travelled in many countries. In the course of his travels he went 
to the Port of Dabhol, now called Mustafabad. While there he carefully 
observed the character and the strange customs and manners of the people 
of this country. Once he saw a great nobleman passing along the road in a 
palanquin and looking at a bulbul that was perched on his arm, Khaja con- 
cluded from this that the people of this country were given up to idle 
pleasures and were not intelligent ; he thought he could easily approach and 
mix with them. He thought that he could make great fortune in trade 
with them, or would rise to a high office. He tried to get an introduction to 
the Sultan. The officers of the port had, however, strict orders from the 
Sultan that all merchants or adventurers who came to the port should be 
dismissed from the place when their business was over, and they should not 
be sent on to the Court. Khaja therefore gave many presents to the officers 



A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR. 2$ 

in chargfe of the place and requested an introduction to the Court. The 
officers, however, refused the request on the plea of the King's order. Khaja 
said that he had travelled much and seen Misar, Rumesham, Turkestan, 
Khorasan and other places and that he had got many choice articles 
which deserved to be seen by great princes. He requested the officers 
to write to the Ministers for an introduction to the Court. He had 
already sent letters with presents to the Ministers* The port officers 
granted his request, and finally the courtiers urged the Sultan to 
permit Khaja to visit the Court. The King at first refused saying 
that these foreigners were very clever men, and once they got a footing 
they gradually rose to power; but he was prevailed upon by the Ministers, 
and Khaja was allowed to see him. When Khaja reached Bedar he 
first met the several nobles and made them suitable presents. When 
the King held a Durbar to receive Khaja, the latter took with him as 
presents some beautiful horses, select brocades, some Turkish and Abys- 
sinian slaves, jewellery and artistically illumined copies of the Koran. 
When he entered the Durbar hall, he and his slaves carried copies of the 
Koran on their heads. Seeing this the King at once rose from his throne 
and came down to do honor to the ** Word of God," took the Koran from 
Khaja's head, kissed it, and placed it on the throne The Sultan did not 
understand- the trick played by Khaja to make him leave his throne at the 
first meeting. The King accepted the presents. Khaja was an eloquent 
m?n, and told the King stories of different Kings and Courts. The Sultan 
was so much impressed with Khaja's address, manners and conversation 
that he enlisted him as one of his personal attendants, and in the course of 
time he was entrusted with all the civil administration of the State. The 
King did nothing without consulting Khaja." 

IV.— The early Account of Eusaf Apilshah of Bijapur, 

** While I was in the service of Hussenbeg Aka Kolun, King of Bekar," 
continued Hafiz Shamsuddin, ** information was recived that the kingdom of 
Jebanshah was full of anarchy owing to the revolt of the nobles, and 
that the country was devastated and the people were in great distress. 
Thereupon the valiant Padshah Hussenbeg moved his army to conquer 
Ajarbizan, and when he reached Tebriz, Jah^hsha bin Kara Eusaf 
died and Hussenbeg conquered Ajarbizan, Khorasan, Kerman, Pars, 
and Arak, and appointed governors in the conquered country, one 
of whom was Ahmadbeg, Hussen's sister's son, who was chari^ed 
with the administration of Saba and the country around it. He ruled 
the country with justice and made his subjects contented. After his 
death, his son Mohmadbeg succeeded him as Governor of the province, 
which he ruled ably, like his father, for 20 years. By this time Hussen- 
beg of Bekar had died ; a bloody war of succession ensued between 
his sons Khalil and Yakub. Khalil was killed and Yakub ascended the 
throne. When Yakub died, his Ministers enthroned his son Bisantag, 
but soon afterwards a regular civil war ensued amongst these noblemen, in 
the course of which Mohmadbeg of Sava was killed and his family and chi|. 



26 A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR. 

dren sought shelter in different places. Eusafbeg was the eldest 
son of this Mohmadbeg, Wali ofSava. Eusafwent to Ispahan, while still 
a boy, but he left that place also for Shiraj through fear of his 
family enemies. 'He remained at Shiraj for five years and gained a good 
education there. But being in poor circumstances he conceived the idea of 
proceeding to foreign lands to make his fortune. With this object he went 
to Lar, and while sleeping one day in a musjid he had a vision. An old 
man in plain dress came to him and gave him warm cakes and told him 
to proceed to the Deccan where food for Eusaf was made ready. When he 
awoke he was delighted with this vision and went to port Jerun to 
embark for India. He was a stranger there ; but fortunately met Khaja 
Jaimal Abadia Samnani, a merchant who had gone to that port to make 
purchases for King Mohmadshah Bahamani. Having sold the goods he 
had brought with him, he was loading his ships with new purchases, 
including horses and Abyssinian and Turkish slaves. Some of the Turkish 
slaves took pity on Eusaf and requested their master to take him to India. 
Eusaf was well built, strong and handsome. The merchant saw Eusaf, 
and when he learned his history, he took him to India. When 
Khaja reached Bedar and presented horses and slaves to the Sultan, 
Eusaf was also presented to the King. The slaves were appointed 
to serve, some in the royal kitchen and some in the Jamdarkhana. 
Eusaf was installed head of slaves in the kitchen. He remained there 
for many days, but, being dissatisfied with his condition, he returned 
to Lar, and resided in the same musjid where formerly he had seen the 
vision. The vision appeared a second time, and he therefore returned to 
India and resumed his former duties. He was a born soldier and always 
practised fencing, archery, wrestling and the use of the lance. He got up a 
gymnasium and trained a large number of slaves in the art of wrestling 
They were dressed and trained in the fashion of Khorasan athletes. He 
obtained a large following among the people of the city." The author then 
proceeds to narrate in detail Eusaf's wrestling match with a famous 
wrestler from the north of India, whom he defeated. •* This brought him 
to the notice of the King, who gave him large presents, and made him his 
personal attendant. Soon after, being impressed by his character and 
commanding appearance, the Sultan made him the Kotwal of the cit}'. 
Eusaf worked hard, preserved good order in the < ity, and improved its 
streets and the general appearance of its bazaars. He became more and 
more a favourite of the Sultan and got round him a large proportion of the 
army. The nobles became very jealous and wanted to get rid of him by 
sending him to some distant place. An opportunity soon occurred. News 
came that while on its way from Masulipatam and Kampli, a large caravan 
of merchants, who had valuable goods and horses with them, was robbed 
near Kovil Kunda in the province of Telangana, and that some of the 
merchants were killed and many wounded. That country had no powerful 
central government and was rendered inaccessible by mountains and thick 
jungle. It possessed 80 forts. These forts were in possession of inde- 
pendent Hindu chiefs, who were not subject to any one, and who always 



A HISTORY OF ByAPUR. 27 

carried on war among' themselves and practised marauding'. In order 
to check these- predatory chiefs, the Ministers advised the Sultan to send 
Eusaf on that difficult mission. The Sultan consented, though unwillingly^ 
and Eusaf went out of the city and encamped there. He expected help 
from his noble friends but none came. He therefore raised an army of 
four or five thousand soldiers at his own cost and marched towards 
Telangana. He first sent some of his soldiers in the guise of merchants, 
and when they were being robbed by the Hindu chiefs, he attacked the 
latter, defeated them, and took their forts. In a short time he conquered 
a great portion of Telangana and increased his army. He sent the news 
of his fresh victories to his master, who became very proud of him. Eusaf 
converted many people and built musjids in every village. When hif 
influence and power greatly increased, the Ministers at the Court became 
afraid of him. Their object in sending him away from the Court was not 
secured, and they be^an to form plans for his ruin. They induced the 
Sultan to believe that the growing power of Eusaf Beg was a danger to 
the State, and that he should be recalled to the Court. With this object 
they selected Subhan Kuli and sent him to Eusaf with a large army. 
Another person, Moulana Ismail Munshi, was sent ahead with presents 
and a letter from the King inviting him to Court. Eusaf received the 
letter, but sent back the Munshi with his own trusted servant Hafiz 
Shamsuddin Khijari — who had served Eusaf in Persia — to the King giving- 
excuses for not returning to Court. Eusaf had no faith in the Ministers. 
Finally Subhan Kuli was deputed with a firman of the King and a large 
army to Kevil Konda where Eusaf was encamped. Subhan Kuli had 
instructions to induce Eusaf to return to Bedar, and if he refused, to fight 
with him." 

The account of Eusaf's winning over Subhan Kuli and making further 
conquests in Telangana is very interesting, but want of space forbids 
further quotations. 

v.— The Capture of Mohamadabad or Bedar by Ismail Adilshah. 

'* Kasim Berid was a brave man, a wise ruler, and a skilled soldier. After 
the death of Shaha Walli Ulla he raised Shah Kalimulla to the throne and 
administered the State himself. The King was King in name only. Ismail 
Adilshah, with the assistance of Nizamshah Behari and Imadulmulk 
Durya, invaded the kingdom and laid siege to the City of Bedar. Kasim 
Berid defended the town for seven months, having sent Ainulmulk to 
harass the besiegers. Ainulmulk sought peace, but Kasim was not 
to be won over, Ainulmulk then return ;d to his country, when Kasim 
Berid thought it proper to go out of the city, and went to the fort 
of LMgirand made preparations to send succour for the relief of the city. 
Nizamshah and Imadulmulk both withdrew to their kingdoms, and the work 
of siege devolved upon Ismail Khan alone. He pressed the operations and 
reduced the garrison to great privations. At this time one Vankella, a 
native of Sagar, who belonged to the robber class, went to Ismail and 
offered his services to bring Kasim Berid bodily to Shaha'*s camp. Ismail 



28 A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR. 

promised a high reward for the enterprise, whereupon Vankella, assuming 
the garb of a fakir, went to Udgir, where Kasim was preparing to send 
troops to Bedar. When Vankella saw Kasim he gave him a lime and 
4eft the place. As the fakir turned away Kasim Berid mounted his 
horse and followed him. His attendants could not understand Berid^s 
conduct, and some of them followed him. Vankella directed his 
steps towards the camp of Ismail, where Berid also followed him. 
Ismail being informed of Kasim Berid's arrival went out to meet him, and 
brought him into his own tent and made him occupy his own seat. While 
Kasim was thus seated his followers, who were outside, were put to 
death, and not even a page was left to give him water. The page 
who carried his shoes was alone left^ and he informed Kasim of what 
had happened, when he recovered from his apparent intoxication. Kasim 
became a close prisoner, and Ismail insisted upon the surrender of Bedar 
as the price of his life. Kasim Berid's mother, who was in the city, 
opened its gates to the enrmy who entered it triumphantly. Ismail 
Adilshah, however, treated Kasim Berid with kindness, and promised to 
return the place to him after he had captured the forts of Raichore and 
Mudgal with his assistance." 

VI.— An Account of Ramraja and the Prosperity of his Empire. 

*' Ramraja became King of Vijayanagar in H. 942 (A.D i533)« He used 
to hold his Court in the name of Krishnaraya's son, the real Emperor, and 
peoi>le used to make their obeisance to the boy. Ramraja conducted the 
administration for two years nominally for the son of Krishnaraya, during 
which period he removed all the old nobles and sta^e servants and appoint- 
ed his own relations to high offices. In matters of all civil administration 
he consulted his elder brother Trimalraya, and entrusted the army to his 
younger brother Venkatadri. Ramraja became supreme in the state. 
There was none to oppose his will ; and the son of Krishnaraya and his 
relations were practically confined in the fort. He thus ruled in great 
prosperity for 33 years. He completed the work of the canal begun 
by Krishnaraya. The kingdom became extraordinarily prosperous and 
happy. Some six Musalman nobles entered his service, and were given 
Jagirs by Ramraja, who treated them with respect and consideration. 
He kept a chair in the Durbar hall, on which a copy of the Koran 
was placed to which these Mahomedans might pay their respects. 
A portion of the city was specially kept apart for them, where they 
built houses and bazars. It was called Turkiwada, as most of these 
people were Turks. They were permitted to build a musjid, to repeat 
their nama;\ and follow their own customs and practices, including the 
slftughter of animals. Ramaraja's brother and other nobles objected to 
this slaughter, but Ramraja rebuked them, saying that the Turks bad 
come to serve, but not to give up their religion. Ramraja, his brother and 
other great nobles built large temples and other edifices in emulation of 
each other. The city was supplied with plenty of water from the 



A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR. 



29 



river. There were 70 large canals running, through the city. Every 
officer had extensive gardens, which produced plenty of fruits of all 
kinds. Ramraja was a just ruler. Until all the Mahomedan kings com- 
bined and killed him, this prosperity continued. But after his Fall the 
country was reduced to a desert. Once I, — the author of this work, — 
went to that place, when I found the country all round the city 
devastated. A thick jungle had grown there and even wild animals could 
be seen roaming about. It was difficult to find one's way among the 
ruins." 



Art. IV, — ^^ Shivajfs Swarajya^^ 

By Purshotam Vishram Mawji, Esq. 

{Read iSth December 1903.) 

Maratha History has been, for many past years, receiving consider- 
able attention, and has given rise to so many animated controversies 
that a paper connected with it will not, I hope, be found uninterest- 
ing. The present paper is intended to give an account of what 
is known as Swarajya, or the Marathas* own kingdom ; and is 
based on an original document which bears the heading of 
^'Jabita Swarajya," i.e.^ a statement of Swarajya, which literally 
signifies ** one's own kingdom." It was the name given]to the territory 
directly governed by Shivaji, as distinguished from the Mogulai, which 
included territory governed by foreign kings outside the Swarajya, but 
over which Shivaji exercised the right to levy the diflFerent kinds of 
contributions known as Chouth, Surdeshmookhie, Peshkushee and 
the like. The Swarajya may thus be said to be the Maratha Empire 
Proper. I do not know whether any records of Shivaji's time have been 
discovered in which the Swarajya territory has been defined. The first 
Important reference to it, so far as I am aware, was made during the 
time of Shahu, when an important treaty was concluded between the 
Marathas and the Moguls, by the terms of which the Marathas 
acquired complete and independent sway over certain specified tracts 
of territory, besides difi'erent important rights. It will be remembered 
that Shambhaji, who succeeded to the throne of Raighad after Shivaji, 
proved himself incapable of maintaining the grand position which his 
illustrious predecessor had attained by years of hard struggle. Instead 
of following the principles of government which that great founder of 
the Maratha Empire had laid down, and which were the outcome of 
mature wisdom and vast experience, that unworthy successor to the 
Maratha throne strongly resented the efforts of his father's best officers 
to induce him to adopt any proper mode of government. As the 
Maratha Empire was at this time but a few years old, with its bitterest 
enemy still alive and as strong as at any previous time, its existence 
was seriously imperilled and the situation still demanded vigilant rule. 
While such was the state of the Empire, its ruler rather than assume 
the reins of government with vigour and watchfulness, yielding to 



a 



SHIVAJI'S SWARAJYA." 31 



the seductive influence of his favourite Kalusha indulged in drinking 
and debauchery. The civil as well as military administration became 
disordered, the hill forts were neglected, and anarchy prevailed 
everywhere. Just when the Maharashtra was in this deplorable 
state, Aurangzeb marched into the Deccan with an overwhelming force, 
hoping to accomplish his long-cherished dream of subjugating that 
country. The condition of the country affbrded him favourable oppor- 
tunities for effecting his purpose • and such was his success, that 
within five years the whole country from the Narmada to the Tungbha- 
dra came into his hands ; and it seemed that the great empire which 
had cost such infinite toil to its founder to bring together was on the 
verge of extinction. Raighad was captured ; Shambhaji a prisoner. 
At this crisis a band of patriots, headed by Rajaram, the younger son of 
Shivaji, saved the situation. Acting as regent for Shahu, he became the 
chief authority, representing what was left of the M aratha power, and 
with the aid of a few trained and efficient officers, such as Pralhad Niraji, 
Raghunath Pant Hanumante, Nilo Moreshwar, Ramchandra Pant 
Amatya, Pharsuram Trimbak, Shankraji Mulhar and some others, he 
rescued the empire from the ruin which threatened it. The efforts 
of these patriots were so far successful, and the respective positions 
of the Marathas and the Moguls thereby so much altered, that, at the 
close of his memorable campaign against the Marathas, Aurangzeb 
found himself foiled in all his efforts, and his previous successes wholly 
useless. Among the Maratha patriots, who at this critical moment 
turned the tide of events in the Deccan, Shankraji Mulhar deserves 
special attention, because of his connection with the subject of this 
paper. Grant Duff tells us that Shankraji Mulhar was originally a 
karkoon under Shivaji and was appointed Sachiv by Rajaram at 
Ginjee. During the siege of the fortress he retired to Benares. But 
a life of that sort did not suit his active temperament, and he managed 
to get himself engaged in the Mogul service. After Aurangzeb*s death, 
Shahu was released under a promise, that in case he should succeed 
in establishing his authority and would continue steadfast in allegiance 
to the Mogul Emperor, he should receive certain territories. Soon 
after his release he succeeded in obtaining possession of Satara, 
and was formally enthroned there in 1708. After about ten years, 
during which the Marathas' cause was much advanced, circumstances 
arose which resulted in the treaty with the Moguls to which I have 
referred. It is then that we see Shankraji Mulhar rendering to the 
Marathas the signal service which secured to them again what was 
once their own. Ferokshere was Emperor of Delhi at that time. 
Being a weak monarch and extremely jealous of the famous Syed 
Brothers, he appointed Hussein Ally Khan, the younger Syed, to the 



32 " SHIVAJl's SWARAJYA." 

Viceroyalty of the Deccan, in the hope that he would thereby 
weaken the power of the brothers. Dawoodkhan, who was to be removed 
from the Deccan to make room for Hoossein Ally Khan, received 
secret instructions from the Emperor to oppose the new Viceroy, but 
this treacherous scheme proved unsuccessful, and Dawoodkhan was 
defeated by Hussein Ally Khan. The Emperor then secretly instigated 
the servants of his Government and the Marathas also to resist and 
annoy the new Viceroy of the Deccan. Hussein Ally Khan distracted by 
these intrigues thought of opening up negotiations with Shahu through 
bhankraji Mulhar, who was in his employment and had succeeded in 
gaining his confidence. He suggested to Hussein Ally Khan the plan 
of recognizing Maratha claims and thereby securing peace in the coun- 
try. This plan was approved of by Mohumad Khan, the governor of 
Burhanpur. Shankraji Mulhar was then sent to Satara for the purpose 
of effecting an alliance with Shahu. There a treaty was concluded by 
which, among other grants, Swarajya was to be given to the Marathas. 
Shankraji Mulhar furnished a statement of the districts, forts and other 
places wliich were to be under the rule of the Marathas. This important 
statement is the document which I place before you this evening. I 
shall omit further details about the treaty and its final completion, 
except mentioning that, though Ferokshere refused to ratify the treaty, 
after his death Balaji Vishwanath when at Delhi obtained a formal 
sanad, embodying the terms agreed to by Hussein Ally Khan. This 
brief sketch of events will explain the circumstances which preceded and 
to some extent led to the important treaty between Shahu and Hussein 
Ally Khan. I must mention that the restoration of the Swarajya was 
only a formal act, since a considerable portion of the territory had been 
already in the occupation of the Marathas. On referring to the body 
of the statement it will be seen that no less than 89 out of 145 forts 
were held by the Marathas at the date of that document. Similarly, 
other Subhas were also under the occupation of the Marathas. The 
statement itself begins with a list of thirteen Subhas (Collectorates) 
made up of 127 Talukas in the Konkan Prant, and of 16 Subhas 
made up of 101 Talukas in the Warghat Prant. The following notes 
appear at the foot of that list : — 

"Agreed as above. The writs of permission from the Nawab wilT 
be granted after Balaji Pant's interview with him, and will be exe- 
cuted. Afterwards the Firmans (Imperial orders) will be sent from the 
Huzur ( Delhi) within nine months from the date of this document." 

Dated 24th Sawal Suhur San Saman Ashar Maya Alaf. (9th September 
1718). 

*Mn the above mentioned list of Swarajya there are some Imperial 
ix)sts which are separately noted. They will be removed accordingly* 



"SHIVAJI'S SWARAJYA." 33 

You may take the other posts which are at present held by the Shamal 
and other Palegars. " 

A list of forts follows this note. The names of the 145 forts which 
were at one time included in Shivaji's territory are given with 
their respective positions in two separate divisions, the first containing 
the names of 89 forts which were already in the possession of the Mara- 
thas, and which were to be formally restored to them, while the second 
division contains the names of the 56 forts of which possession was 
yet to be taken by the Marathas. A note similar to the above is made 
at the foot of this list also. Twenty-four Mogul posts are then men- 
tioned which were in the Swarajya, and which were by the agreement 
to be removed. This is all that is contained in the docume* t, which is 
partly in the Persian and partly in the Marathi language written in Modi 
character and written by Shankraji Mulhar himself. It bears the 
Persian seal of the writer, which contains the following inscription : 
1 126, Mahamad Ferokshere Fidwi Padashaha Gazi, Shankrajirao 
Malhar. The date of the document is 24 Sawal Suhur San Saman 
Ashar Maya Alaf, which corresponds to 9th September 171 8. 

It will be seen that the Konkan Prant comprised the district 
along the sea-coast from Gandevi near Surat to Akola in Kanara 
(excepting Bombay, Daman, Goa, and Janjira) and was bounded 
by the Arabian Sea on the West and the Western Ghats on the East, 
while the Warghat Prant included the tract of the country from 
Junnur in Poona District to Halyal in Kanara, and from the 
Western Ghats to Indapur. 

I should like to tell you the circumstances which encouraged me to 
bring the present paper before you. The document, which has provided 
matter for it, is interesting in more respects than one. It is useful not 
only for giving a detailed list of the Subhas and Talukas, Maratha 
forts and Mogalai posts comprised within the Swarajya, but also as 
showing the territorial division of the Maratha Empire for administrative 
purposes. The location of the forts also deserves special study as dis- 
playing the military genius of Shivaji. The value of forts as excellent 
defence' works was very much appreciated in those days, and these forts 
were the great bulwarks of Maharashtra. Each Subha had a 
requisite number of fortresses to guard it ; and a careful study of the map 
will show how well arranged the whole country was with these defence 
works, which made it almost impossible to take it. It may be noted 
that other circumstances being equal, no invader of Maharashtra 
was successful against these fortresses. But this document 
has another and perhaps an equally important interest for our 
Society. Many of you perhaps may not be aware that some thirty- 
six years ago the subject of the collection and publication of original 
3 



34 "SHIVAjrS SWARAJYA.'* 

documents relating to Maratha History was under discussion at a 
meeting of this Society held on the 14th March 1867, and the late Mr. 
Justice Newton, the then President of the Society, made the following 
important observations in the course of the discussion : — 

** We had indeed," the President remarked, "in Grant DufPs invalu- 
able history a work which in some respects left scarcely anything to be 
desired, but while we could not hope to add much to the result of his 
patient investigations and conscientious discrimination, and had little 
need to seek for confirmation of a narrative which had been amply test- 
ed during a long series of years through the practical researches and 
discussions incident to the administration of the Maratha territory, and 
have now taken the place of settled history, it was still felt by many that 
the preservation of the interesting materials from which that admirable 
work had been produced was an object of very great importance. 
In no department of knowledge, perhaps, were we dependent so 
exclusively on a single authoritative work, and it might be feared that 
the recovery of the many records and the tracing again of the varied 
sources of information which have been so effectively used, is every day 
becoming a matter of more difficulty." 

It appears at that meeting there had been some discussion on the 
subject, for Mr. James Taylor thus referred to that discussion in his 
** Note on a letter from Mr. Grant Duff" which forms the subject of Art 
XI, page 120 of Volume X of the Society's Journal, where he says : 
* 'Remarks were made by one or two members of deserved influence 
to the effect that Mr. Grant Duff's history of the Marathas hardly 
deserved the authority conceded to it, because it did not always specify 
the authorities on which the statements it contained were based." 

These extracts have been taken at some length, as they place before 
you the necessity which the Society at one time considered to exist for 
collecting and publishing original records in connection with Maratha 
History. 

This subject was repeatedly discussed at the meetings of the Society, 
but nothing practical appears to have been done in connection with 
that object. Many scholars of Indian History thought that there were 
no original documents of Maratha History in existence which would 
prove of any great value ; and ittseems that it was this belief which 
hampered any serious attempt on the part of the Society in that direc- 
tion. In order to test the accuracy of the information given by Grant 
Duff it was necessary that the original records of the times of 
which he spoke should be examined. Without this any opinion 
pronounced about the worth of that history could carry no weight 
whatever. The question as to what had become of Grant Duffs 
manuscripts naturally occurred to every student of Maratha History. 



"SHIVAJi'S SWARAJYA." 35 

Several efforts were made to discover where these manuscripts were. 
Grant Duff himself tells us, in the foot notes to his history, that he had 
got copies made of some of these papers and writings and had deposit- 
ed them with the "Literary Society of Bombay. This Society has long 
ceased to exist, and our Society is its successor. The late Mr. Justice 
Telang caused search to be made in this library, but he could not find 
the manuscripts nor anything in the records of either Society which 
afforded any clue to their whereabouts. The fact that Grant DufTs 
manuscripts could not be found, gave rise to a curious impression to 
which the late Rao Bahadur Nilkant Janardan Kirtane, when a student 
at the Poona College, gave expression in his ''Criticism on Grant 
DufTs History of the Marathas *'. He tells us that the manuscripts 
used were burned with Grant DufTs own knowledge. The story was 
so improbable that Mr. Kirtane expressed his own disbelief in it, in the 
introduction to the **Life of Siwaji" written by Malnar Ramrao Chitnis. 
The document which I produce before you to-day is interesting in this 
connection. It was referred to by Grant Duff and seen by him. The 
production of this original document and several others which 1 
hope to lay before you from time to time is ample contradiction of 
this improbable story, if the story indeed required any contradiction. 
But though this story was disbelieved, the question as to how 
Grant Duff had disposed of the materials of his work remained 
unsolved. Efforts were made to ascertain in England whether 
Grant Duff had taken the papers with him and deposited them 
there. Sir George Birdwood, Mr. Martin Wood, and other eminent 
scholars of Indian History enquired of Sir Mountstuart Elphinstone^ 
the son of the Maratha Historian, whether he could give any informa- 
tion regarding these papers. His reply to those enquiries was : " I do 
not possess any papers which could be of any use. I fancy my father 
gave away everything of that kind which he had, to some Institution in 
Bombay.*' This reply removed the hope that the papers might be 
found in England, and the search thus made by these scholars did not 
result in any substantial discovery. But this important enquiry was 
not destined to end here. For many years past Maratha history has 
been exciting much greater interest than when Grant DufTs work was 
first published ; and better literary taste and critical judgment have 
been formed among native scholars. The search for Grant DufTs 
materials, though its result was so far for a long time disappointing, 
was not given up. It was taken up and diligently prosecuted by Mr. 
t>. B. Parasnis, whose honest devotion to historical work and his 
disinterested love for it have won him the success which he so well 
deserves. It is through him that I have been able to secure the 
present statement and the other documents of which I have just spoken; 



36 **SHJVAJI*S SWARAJYA.'' 

and I am glad to say we may hope to get, in the near future, a look into 
some of these much-sought records. It ought to give pleasure to any 
one who takes interest in this subject to be able to place, within 
the reach of our Society, some of ihe very documents for the recovery of 
which it showed at one time such great concern, and it is my proud 
privilege to-day to inform you that I hope to deposit with our Society, 
photographs and copies of the original papers and writings from which 
Grant DuflF constructed his work, and which may prove of use to 
modern students of Maratha History. 

In conclusion, our best thanks are due to my friend, Mr. Parasnis, 
for the valuable assistance he has rendered to the Society and myself 
in these historical studies. 



JABITA SWARAJYA. 
(Statement of SwarajyaS) 

SUBHAS IN THE KONKAN PrANT. 

1. Subha Ramnagar including Ghandevi. 

2. Subha Jawhar Prant. 

3. Subha Prant Bhiwadi — 

12 Talukas — i Sonavale, 2 Wasudari, 3 Barhekas (Betildal), 
4 Murbad, 5 Korkada, 6 Sere 7 Alani, 8 Aghai, 9 Rabe, 

10 Kunde, 11 Khambale, 12 Durgad. 

4. Subha Kalyan— 

20 Talukas. — i Kasaba Kalyan, 2 Ambarnath, 3 Talonje, 
4 Wanje, 5 Wankbaal, 6 Borete, 7 Chonkas Badalpur, 
8 Waredi Mahammadpur, 9 Wakase, 10 Kothalkhalati, 

11 Kohali, 12 Wather, 13 Aturvalit, 14 Tungartan, 
i5Badrapur, 16 Pen, 17 Wasi, 18 Chivanekhal, 19 Haweli, 
20 Chhattesi. 

5. Cheul Subha— 

6 Talukas — i Mamale Chaul, 2 Nagothane, 3 Aser Adharan, 

4 Antone, 5 Ashatami, 6 Pali. 

6. Subha Rajpuri— 

12 Talukas— I Goregaon, 2 Govele, 3 Tale, 4 Ghof^le, 

5 Divi, 6 Sivardhan, 7 Mhasale, 8 Nijampoor, 9 Hirdadi, 
10 Nadagaon, 11 Murud, 12 Madaltapa. 



<< 



SHIVAJI'S SWARAJYA." 37 



7. Subha Javali — 

18 Talukas (Mahals of the Konkati Talghat)— i Hiredadi, 
2 Shivathar, 3 Nate, 4 Mahad, 5 Tudal, 6 Winhere, 
7 Kondhavi, 8 Chidve, 9 Talavati, 10 (Mahals of the 
Warghat) i Ategaon, 2 Tambi, 3 Bamhanoli, 4 Helwak, 
5 Medhe, 6 Jorekhore, 7 Sonalsoisc, 8 Barampure, 

9 Kedambe. 

8. Subha Dabhol— 

II Talukas — i Chiplon, 2 Haveli, 3 Kelsi» 4 Weswi, 
5 Panchanadi, 6 Natu, 7 Khed, 8 Gohaghar, 9 Savarde, 

10 Welamb, 11 Jalgaon. 

9. Subha Rajapoor — 

18 Talukas — i Kharapaton, 2 Mithagawhan, 3 Sawandal^ 

4 Rajapoor, 5 Lanje, 6 Deorukh, 7 Hatkhambed, 8 Harchiri, 

9 Phungudh, 10 Dhamnas, 11 Dewale, 12 Kelmajgaon, 

13 Salsi, 14 Pawas, 15 Setawadi, 16 Nevare, 17 Sanga- 
mesh war, 18 Prabhawali. 

10. Subha Kudal — 

15 Talukas — i Haweli, 2 Masure, 3 Wengurle, 4 Ajagaon, 

5 Satarde, 6 Talvade, 7 Mangaon, 8 Manohar, 9 Narur, 

10 Pat, II Salandi, 12 Warad, 13 Patgaon Warghati, 

14 Berdawe, 15 Kalsuli. 

11. Subha Prant Bhimgad— 

5 Talukas — i Bande, 2 Pedane, 3 Maneri, 4 Sakhali, 5 Dicholi. 

12. Subha Prant Phonde— 

5 Talukas — i Antaruj, 2 Hemadbarse, 3 Ashtagrahare, 

4 Chandradad, 5 Bali. 

Subha Prant Akole— 

5 Talukas — i Akole, 2 Siveshwar, 3 Kadwad, 4 Kadare, 

5 Adwat. 

SUBHAS OF THE WaRGHAT. 

(Subhas upper the Ghat), 

1. Subha Poona — 

6 Talukas — i Haweli, 2 Nirthadi, 3 Karhe Pathar, 4 Saswad, 

5 Sandas, 6 Patas. 

2. Supe Baramati. 
7. Indapur. 



38 •* SHIVAJi'S SWARAJYA." 

4. Subha Prant Mawal — 

13 Talukas — i Karyat Mawal, 2 Kanad Khore, 3 Khedebare, 

4 Gunjan Mawal, 5 Nane Mawal, 6 Panmawal, 7 Paud- 
khore, 8 Muthekhore, 9 Mose Khore, 10 Yelawand Khore, 
II Hirwadas Mawal, 12 Rohid Khore, 13 Shirwal. 

5^ Subha Prant Wai— 

4 Talukas— I Haweli, 2 Nimb, 3 Wagholi, 4 Koregaon. 

6. Subha Prant Satara — 

6 Talukas — i Haweli Satara, 2 Parli, 3 Targaon, 4 Umbraj, 

5 Kudal, 6 Wandan. 

7. Subha Prant Kurhad — 

9 Talukas — i Kurhad, 2 Wing, 3 Marul, 4 Barse,*5 Tarale, 

6 Kole, 7 Naneghol, 8 Marli, 9 Patau. 

8. Subha Prant Khatao excluding Kasha Khatao — 

II Talukas — i Khatao, 2 Malwadi, 3 Wangi, 4 Nimbsod, 
5 Mayani, 6 Lalgun, 7 Aundh, 8 Vita, 9 Khanapur, 
10 Kaladhon, 11 Bhalwani. 

9. Subha Prant Man — 

4 Talukas— I Dhaigam, 2 Velapur, 3 Mhaswad, 4 Atpadi. 

10. Subha Prant Phaltan Mahal. 

11. Subha Prant Belgaum. 

12. Subha Sampgaon. 

13. Subha Gadag. 

14. Subha Laxmeshwar. 

15. .Subha Nawalghund. 

16. .Subha Kopal. 

17. Subha Halyal. 

18. Subha Betgiri. 

Subha Malkapur : — 

4 Talukas — i Warun, 2 Malkapur 3 Kasegam, 4 Shirale. 

Subha Prant Panhala. — 

10 Talukas — i Kalambe, 2 Kodoli, 3 Satwe, 4 Bhane, 
5 Borgaon, 6 Alte, 7 Kukdi, 8 Walwe, 9 Wadgam, 
10 Ashte. 

Subha Tarle — 

5 Talukas— I Tarle, 2 Asdoli, 3 Arle, 4 Khanapur, 5 Ghol. 

Subha Prant Ajera — 

51 Parganas— Ajra (Talukas — i Haweli, 2 Katgam, 3 Kar- 
noli, 4 Am boll, 5 Mahagam, 6 Otur), 2 Kapsi, 3 Khana* 
pur Masti, 4 Nuli, 5 Nesari. 



**SHIVAJI*S SWARAJYA." 



39 



Subha Prant Junnar — 

24 Talukas — i Haveli, 2 Chakan, 3 Wade, 4 Khed, 5 Ale, 
6 Pabal, 7 Belhe, 8 Narayangam, 9 Wawarda Jambli, 
10 Nibhoj, II Mahalunge, 12 Ambegaon, 13 Awsari, 
14 Andar, 15 Kukudner, 16 Madha, 17 Ghode, 18 Gaji, 
Bhobre, 19 Minnher, 20 Earner, 21 Karde, 22 Ranjan- 
gam, 23 Wotur, 24 Kotur. 

Besides the following Thanas which are included in the 
Mahal : — i Khed, 2 Awsari, 3 Narayangam, 4 Pabul, 
5 Nighoj, 6 Andar, 7 Madha, 8 Ambegaon, 9 Ghode, 
10 Wade, II Minnher, 12 Otur, 13 Mahalunj^e. 

Prant Kolhapore. — 

9 Talukas — i Haveli Kolhapore, 2 Kagal, 3 Raybag, 4 Ek- 
sambe, 5 Sandigoli, 6 Sadalage, 7 Neje, 8 Savi, 9 JugaL 
Total :— 

Prant Konkan. 



1 Subha Ramnagar 

2 Subha Jawhar , 

3 SubhaBhiwadi, Mahals 

4 Subha Kalyan 

5 Subha Chaul 

6 Subha Rajpuri , 

7 Stibhajavli < 

8 Subha Dahbol 

9 Subha Rajapur 

10 Subha Kudal 

11 Subha Bhimgad 

12 Subha Phonde 

13 Subha Akole 



Grand Total— 
29 Subhas. 
Talukas. 
16 Warghat. 
13 Konkan. 

29 





Prant War^ 


ghat. 








I Poona ... 




... 


6 


• • • 


2 Supe Baramati 


... 


• • • 


• • • 


3 Subha Indapur 


■•• 


• •• 


12 


4 Mawal ... 


... 


.. • 


13 


20 


5 Wai 


... 


.•• 


4 


6 


6 Satara ... 


■.. 


... 


6 


\f 


7 Karhad ... 


... 


•• . 


9 


12 


8 Khatao ... 


• •• 


.•• 


II 


18 


9 Man 


••• 


> . • 


4 


II 


10 Phaltan ... 


... 


. a. 


I 


18 


II Malkapur 


. • • 


... 


14 


15 


12 Panhala 


... 


• ■ . 


10 


13 Tarle 


... 


... 


5 


5 


14 Ajre 


... 


... 


6 


5 


15 Junnar 


... 


• • • 


13 


S 


16 Kolhaporer 


••. 


• 


9 



127 



101 



228 Mokra Mahal. 
127 Konkan. 
10 1 Warghat. 
228 



Agreed as above the writs of permission from the Nawab will be 
granted after Balaji Pant's interview with him, and will be executed. 



40 ** SHIVAJl'S SWARAJYA." 

Afterwards the firmans or the Imperial orders will be sent from the 
Hazur (Delhi) within 9 months from the date of this document. 
Dated 24th Sawal Suhur San Saman Ashar Maya Alaf. 
In the above mentioned list of Swarajya there are some Imperial 
posts which are separately noted down. They will be removed accord- 
ingly. You may take the other posts which are held at present by 
the Shamal and other Palegars. 



List of Forts. 

Out of 145 forts which were formerly included in Shivaji's territor>- 89 
are at present in the possession of the Marathas which are as follows :— 

1 Subha Satara — 

2 Forts — I Satara, 2 Sajjangad. 

2 Subha Karad — 

5 Forts— I Wasantgad, 2 Sadashivgad, 3 Machhendragad, 

4 Gunawantgad, 5 Sundargad. 

3 Subha Vai — 

7 Forts — I Manmohangad, 2 Pandavgad, 3 Kamalgad, 

4 Wairatgad, 5 Chandan, 6 Wandan, 7 Kalyangad. 

4 Subha Javli — 

6 Forts — I Pratapgad, 2 Makarangad, 3 Mangalgad, 4 

Wyaghragad, 5 Mahimandangad, 6 Gahangad. 

5 Subha Dabhol— 

4 Forts I Sarangagad, 2 Jayagad, 3 Sumergad, 4 Mahipat- 
gad. 

6 Prant Khatao — 

4 Forts — I Wardhangad, 2 Bhushangad, 3 Santoshgad, 4 Waru- 
gad. 

7 Subha Man — Mahimangad. 

8 Subha Rajapur Prachitgad. 

9 Subha Poona — 

3 Forts — I Purundhar, 2 Wajragad, 3 Sinhagad. 

10 Subha Mawal — 

8 Forts — I Kajgad (Ghala Killa, Padmawati, Suwela, Sanji- 

wani), 2 Prachandgad, 3 Wichitragad, 4 Lohagad, 

5 Kathingad, 6 Witandgad, 7 Ghangad, 8 Kuwarigad. 

11 Subha Chaul — i Killa Sudhagad. 
13 Subha Junnar — Fort Narayangad. 

Tot. 43 



•*SIIIVAjfS SWARAJYA. 4I 

14 Subha Panhala — 

3 Forts— I Panhala, 2 Pawangad, 3 Bila^ad. 

15 I Kot (Fort) Kolhapore. 

16 Subha Rajapur — 

4 Forts — I Vishalgad, 2 Gagangad, 3 Ratnagiri, 4 Mahi- 

mantgad. 

17 Subha Tarle— I Fort Bhudargad. 

18 Prant Ajre — 

5 Forts — I Samangad, 2 Kalanidhigad, 3 Pawitragad, 4 Walla- 

bhagad, 5 G ndharwagad. 

19 Subh^ Nawalghund — 

3 Forts — I Mahamatgad, 2 Bhujabalgad alias Ramdurg, 

3 Torgal. 

20 Subha Kopal — i Fort Kopal, 2 Buhadar Banda. 

21 Subha Bilgoli — i Fort Mahipatgad. 

22 Prant Miraj — i Fort Bhupalgad. 

23 Subha Bhimgad. 2 Forts — i Bhingad, 2 Pargad. 

24 Subha Prant Kudal — 

4 Forts — I Prasidhagad, 2 Manohargad, 3 Sindhudurga, 4 Fort 

Kudal. 

25 Subha Rajapur — 

3 Forts — I Vijayadurg, 2 Dugera, 3 Jayagad. 

26 Subha Dabhol' — 

6 Forts — I Wasangad, 2 Phattegad, 3 Kanakdurg, 4 Goa, 

5 Palgad, 6 Suwarnadurg. 

27 Subha Prant Chaul — 

4 Forts — I Khanderi, 2 Kulaba, 3 Sagargad, 4 Mrigagad. 

28 Subha Kalyan — 

6 Forts — I Manikgad, 2 Vikatgad, 3 Bahirawdurg alias Khapra, 

4 Shriwardhan, 5 Manranjan, 6 Kothala. 

Tot89 

These 89 forts which belonged to you are restored to you. 

The following 56 forts are to be taken into possession : — 
22 Forts in the possession of the Shamal — 

Subha Chaul — 

1 Sarasgad alias Pali, 2 Rajkot (Chaul), 3 Surg ad. 

Subha Dabhol — 
3 Forts — I Anjanwel, 2 Rani*s Fort, 3 Mandangad. 

Subha Javli — 

2 Forts — I Raigad, 2 Lingana. 



42 ** SHIVAJi'S SWARAJYA.*' 

Subha Rajpuri — 
14 Fofts—Wirgad, 2 Sewakgad, 3 Rajkot, 4 Mangad, 
5 Vishramgad, 6 Padmadurg, 7 Matjjad, 8 Balraja, 
9Ekdara, loSakra, 11 Hagra, 12 Nanowali, i3Tamhani, 
14 Sariingagad. 
34 Forts in the possession of the Palegars. 
Prant Akole. — 7 Forts. 
I Kot Akole, 2 Mahindragad. 3 Kadwad, 4 Madhurgad, 
5 Shiveshwar, 6 Kot Kadara, 7 Kurmadarga. 

I Kot Supa. 

I Ratnakar Durga alias Bokda. 

(In the possession of Bednurkar.) 

1 Kot Halsa. 

2 Phinrangan. 

Forts - 1 Dronagiri, 2 Aseri. 
8 In the possession of Kudalkar Sawant — 

I Songad, 2 Vengurla, 3 Redi, 4 Hanmantgad, 5 Bhaskargad, 
6 Narayangad, 7 Band , 8 Dibhawali. 

II in the possession of the Kolis — 

I Ganbhirgad, 2 Bhupatgad, 3 Pedur, 4 Khera, 5 Ulang, 
6 Balwant, 7 Waghera, 8 Kupera, 9 Songiri, 10 Kohaj, 
II Kuiang. 

3 Phonde — 

I Phonde, 2 Mardangad, 3 Kholgad. 

34 



Total 56 

You may take as presents these 56 forts which are given to you. 
The written permission of the Nawab for these 145 forts will be given 
after the interview of Balaji Pant with the Nawab. The firmans will 
be sent afterwards within 9 months. 



The Mogul posts in ths Swarajya to be removed. 
12. I Kalyan Bhiwadi, 2 Poona, 3 Indapur, 4 Baramati, 5 Supa, 

6 Shirwal, 7 Wai, 8 Masur, 9 Sap, 10 Patas, 11 Samdoli, 

12 Wangi. 
12. I Karhad (to be removed within 6 months), 2 Islampur, 3 Kade- 

gam, 4 Khanapur, 5 Yelapur, 6 Mhaswad, 7 Budh, 

8 Malwadi, 9 Vitba, 10 Nim Sodamayani, 11 Atpadi, 

12 Nataputa. 
These 24 posts to be removed and given into your possession. 
Dated 24th Sawal Suhur San Saman Ashar Maya Alaf. 



Art. V. — Lieut.'CoL Thomas Best Jervis (1796-1857) and his 
Manuscript Studies on the State of the Maratha People 
and their History J recently presented to the Society by 
his Son, By R. P. Karkaria^ Esq. 

(Read, 2jih September 1905.) 

When I first looked into these MS. volumes, some two months ago 
when they were presented to our Society in this historical year of its 
Centenary, I saw that they possessed a ^reat value for students of the 
subjects they treat of ; and accordingly I willingly adopted the suggestion 
of our learned and energetic Honorary Secretary, the Rev.R. Scott,that 
I should write for the Society a paper on them. I took it up all the 
more readily and turned aside from my other work for a time, as I 
learned with regret that he was soon to leave us for a long holiday in 
his native country. The good wishes of our Society, which he has 
served so ably for nearly five years, will, I am sure, accompany him 
thither ; and I trust that on his return he will continue to give us the 
benefit of his literary ability and rare scholarship. 

These MSS. have been appropriately presented to us by his son, who 
is settled in Italy as the Conservator of the Royal Industrial Museum at 
Turin, and is the author of a valuable work on the Economic Geology 
of that country, as their author was a former member of our Society 
and the brother of one, who was our Honorary Secretary, Capt. Geof ge 
Jervis, from 1827 to 1830, during the momentous years when under the 
guidance and advice of our distinguished member. Sir John Malcolm, 
our Society changed its name of the Literary Society of Bombay 
given in 1804 by its founder, Sir James Mackintosh, in favour of 
its present designation and consented to become the branch of a much 
younger Society, the illustrious newly founded Royal Asiatic Society of 
England. Thomas Best Jervis gave the best years of his life to this 
Presidency, which he served for nearly thirty years from 181 to 1841, 
in various capacities as an Engineer Officer of the Hon'ble East India 
Company. But he had more than a mere official connection with this 
country and its peoples. He may be described by applying to him that 
significant phrase, an old type of Anglo-Indian officer, who did not 
merely sojourn in this country, but took a real and hearty interest in its 
peoples and tried to ameliorate their intellectual and moral condition. 



44 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 

Perhaps the phrase may imply a slight to the present race ^f officers 
among whom, too, men like Jervis are not rare. But it must be said 
that in former days they were not so rare as now. It may be that 
official work has grown to such proportions as to leave little or no 
leisure or time for anything else. But where there is genuine sympathy 
for the people and a real interest in their pursuits and welfare, even 
hard-worked officers nowadays can, and some do, find time for doing 
good work unofficially. 

But I think much of the explanation of the great interest taken by 
former officers of the East India Company is to be found in the fact that 
they had a family interest in this country and a hereditary connection 
with it. The present competitive system of choosing men to serve 
here has many advantages, but this decided disadvantage that it is 
not in the power of a father to prolong or even perpetuate his connection 
with this country by putting his sons and grandsons into the service. 
But in former times the sons and nephews were selected as if by right to 
succeed their fathers and uncles in the various services, civil and mili- 
tary, of this country. Hence, the ties which bound them to this land 
were closer and stronger. The family of Jervis was an instance of this. 
Benjamin Jervis, the grandfather of Thomas Best, entered the Bombay 
Civil Service so far back as 1747, and rose to be the Chief of Surat, 
when that city was of far greater importance than it now is, and died 
there in 1774. His son John Jervis, the father of Thomas, joined the Civil 
Service as if by right, and served in Ceylon as Assistant to the Resident 
there, when that island had just been acquired from the Dutch. He 
died there at the early age of 27 in 1797, leaving three sons who also 
all served in Western India. The eldest, George, retired in 1830 and 
was presented with an address and a piece of plate worth Rs. 3,000 by 
the leading Indians when he retired, to mark their sense of gratitude 
for his services, especially to Native education which was then in quite 
a nascent stage. Thomas Best was John's second son, born, only a 
year before his death, at Jaffnapatam in Ceylon on 2nd August 1796, 

Thomas Jervis came of distinguished stock; and an elder branch 
of the family gave to England a famous admiral, Sir John Jervis 
(i 735-1823), who won the great victory of St. Vincent's over the 
Spanish Navy in 1797 and was raised to the peerage under that title. 
A cousin of Thomas, another Sir John Jervis (1802-1856), became a 
distinguished lawyer, and was Attorney-General under Lord John 
Russell from 1846 to 1850, and Chief Justice of the Common Pleas. 
{Diet. National Biography^ Vol. XXIX p. 363). His mother was 
of Polish extraction, belonging to a family long in the service of 
the Princes of Hanover whom they accompanied 10 England on 
their accession to the British Throne. She was connected through 



MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 45 

her mother with the famous German man of letters, Grimm ; and some 
of the literary qualities of that great German were seen to be inherited 
by his kinsman. Thus cosmopolitanism was in his blood, and this goes 
some way to account for his sympathy with the Indians especially 
Marathas, which came naturally to him. Thomas chose the 
military service like his brother George, and passed several 
years at Addiscombe College preparing for his future career. 
Among these MS. volumes is one containing what are called ** Addis- 
combe Studies " which shows how thoroughly and diligently 
the young cadet prepared himself at that Military Academy for his 
future work. He took elaborate notes of lectures on fortification and 
raining, and translated extracts from such standard French works as 
those of Lacroix. Here we find the first traces of his taste for observation 
and practical geography which rendered him famous in after years as 
one of the most distinguished officers of the famous Indian Survey. 
To this volume is attached a short but valuable memorandum of 
instructions for boring into the bed of hard stone found in sinking 
wells for water on the Islands of Bombay and Salsette, written later 
for Framji Cowasji, a famous Parsi Agriculturist of Bombay, who 
had a large estate in Pawai, Salsette. 

Jervis arrived in Bombay in the beginning of 1814. Things were in 
a ferment then in Western India. The great native power of the 
Peshwas was, under the feeble and intriguing rule of the second Baji 
Rao, tottering to its fall, which came a few years later at the Battle of 
Kirkee in 1817. Baji Rao surrendered himself to General Malcolm soon 
after, in consideration of an unprecedentedly large pension of eight 
lakhs a year — for promising which Malcolm was afterwards severely 
censured — and a life of ease which he loved more than duty or honour. 
He passed his remaining days till his death in 1851, in luxurious exile 
atBithoor near Cawnpore, leaving an adopted son, the notorious Nana 
Sahib, who did such incalculable mischief both to the Indians and the 
English in 1857. His extensive territories came into the hands of the 
English, and the great power of the Peshwas, which had flourished for 
just a century from 17 18 to 18 17, was extinguished. The territories con- 
quered from the Peishvva were annexed to the Bombay Presidency which 
thus received a very important accretion. This was a vast field for all 
officers, civil and military, young and old, in which many distinguished 
themselves. The work of settlement of the new Deccan and Konkan 
provinces, ably begun by Elphinstone as their first Commissioner, was 
carried out in the same spirit and under his guidance as Governor, by 
his successors, Chaplin and Robertson with the assistance of a larg^e 
body of younger officers, civil and military, in whom new zeal had 
been infused by the arduous work before them. 



46 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 

Young Jervis was appointed to take his part in this work in October 
181 9 as Executive Engineer of the Southern Konkan. The forts which 
stud the country and which are such a feature of it, were first dis- 
mantled and then allowed to fall to ruin as the best way to render them 
harmless. Jervis was in charge of these forts and in addition to his 
military duties he was required to superintend the new civil buildings 
that were required for the purposes of administration. He gives us a 
glimpse of the hard nature of the work to be done in this capacity : 
** In a newly-conquered country, where there had not been a European 
establishment or station before, excepting at the commercial resi- 
dencies of Bankot and Malwan, all things had to be done anew. There 
were absolutely no workmen, nor materials, such as were expected or 
required in many instances for large public works and buildings ; all 
depended mainly on the temper, industry, energy and foresight of the 
Superintendent. . . . With regard to those people, more especially 
those who were about the public offices in the capacity of writers and 
accountants, to watch over these, and standing alone as I did, to 
maintain efficiency, despatch and rectitude^ demanded no ordinary 
vigilance ; but to bring about all these objects and obtain a permanent 
and public proof of their regard was a higher testimonial. . . . 
The sentiments of the Hon'ble Court of Directors and the Hon'ble 
Mountstuart Elphinstone have been placed on record in the 
Parliamentary papers published in 1832." (Memoir pp, 11— 12), 

In 1820 happened an event which gave him splendid opportunities 
for employing his knowledge to one definite purpose, and gaining that 
experience which afterwards raised him to the highest post in the line 
he had chosen — a post which he unfortunately gave up before entering 
on its duties in order to retire finally from this country. He was ap- 
pointed in that year to make the Statistical Survey ol the Southern Kon- 
kan. Three years later in January 1 82 1 the greater task of the Trigono- 
metrical and Topographical Survey of the same vast tract of country 
was entrusted to him. Henceforward Survey work was his chief occupa- 
tion and even hobby. This work in the Southern Mahratta Country 
brought him into the closest contact with the people for whom he had 
a natural liking, and led him to make those enquiries into their condi- 
tion in his time and their past history whose results are preserved in 
these manuscript volumes. Of his happy relations with the people under 
his charge and of their confidence in him, we hear in a letter written to 
him by his Collector, Mr. J. H. Pelly, at the beginning of his period 
as a Survey Officer : ** During the whole of the time you have been 
in this *zillah,' during which period many thousands must have been 
in your employment, not a single complaint against you from a native 
has ever reached my ears, nor have you yourself had more than two or 



MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 47 

three complaints to prefer against them ; and when it is considered 
that, instead of collecting workmen, as has too frequently been the 
practice, at the point of the bayonet, attended with other acts of grosser 
personal violence, your labourers or bigaris, not only willingly uncom- 
pidsatively travel 100 miles for the privilege of being employed by you 
(though erven the bayonet cannot induce them to serve others )^ but no 
punishment appears more effective to them than aismissal from your 
employment. Now, 1 believe, the main secret of your management 
consists both in a humane and just demeanour to these poor creatures, 
whom to your lasting honour you appear to regard as fully entitled to 
every privilege common to human nature. In paying them a just 
price for their labour instead of forcing eight men to work for a Chin- 
churi rupee, you allow them in the proportion of a rupee to six men, 
which under a mild and equitable treatment it is demonstrated they 
will voluntarily work for^ although nothing but armed men can compel 
(hem to labour on lower terms, 1 earnestly hope the salutary example 
you have thus afforded will not be lost on some older and more ex- 
perienced heads, but lead them to regard the natives of India as some- 
thing more than mere machines, formed to administer to our pleasure 
and convenience. " {Memoir p. 13.) 

It must be remembered that Jervis was a young Lieutenant of barely 
twenty-five years when he was addressed in these flattering terms 
by his senior officer in December 1820. What is said here about the 
wages of the Maratha labourers forms the subject of an elaborate 
discussion in these MSS., where Jervis shows that the economic 
condition of the people at the time of the dissolution of the Ma- 
ratha rule was very miserable. The chief value of these studies 
into the economic condition of the Maratha people, especially 
the agricultural part of them, made at a critical period of their 
existence, namely when they passed from the indigenous rule of 
the Peshwas to British rule, lies in their affording us accurate 
materials, gathered by a very competent and sympathetic enquirer, for 
comparing their condition then with their condition at later periods and 
at the present day. Such a comparison would be very instructive and 
edifying in these days when British rule is submitted to severe and not 
unfrequently to captious criticism. These MS. studies of Jervis of the 
condition of the Konkan, deserve to rank by the side of the more famous 
but hardly more valuable studies of other parts of the Maratha country 
embodied in the reports of Mountstuart Elphinstone and Chaplin on the 
Deccan and Malcolm's report on Central India. Jervis did not make 
his results as interesting as Malcolm, partly because he lacked the 
literary ability which was so conspicuous in the latter and also in Elphin- 
stone, and partly because Government did not encourage him as it 



48 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 

did them to publish these to the world. Partly also he did not care 
much, as his heart was not so much in these economic and historical 
researches as in his great Trigonometric and Topographical Survey. 
These were merely ^ar^;^?** with him, and he did not care to publish them. 

Indeed he published very little of his work to the world and 
was content with submitting official reports which lie forgotten 
among the records of Government. A portion of his statistical 
memoir of the Konkan, that relating to the revenue and land tenures, 
was communicated to the Bombay Geographical Society, which was 
then in a flourishing state but which is now amalgamated with our 
Society, and appeared in its Journal. He also published a report on the 
weights and measures of the Konkan (1829) which was expanded in 
1836 into a somewhat larger work, called *' Meteorological and Monetary 
System throughout India," published in Bombay. In 1835 he published 
in Calcutta a somewhat remarkable Essay on a similar subject called 
** Records of Ancient Science exemplified and authenticated in the pri- 
mitive Universal Standard of Weights and Measures." This Essay 
was transmitted to Captain Henry Kater, Vice-President of the Royal 
Society, who, however, died before it reached him. In this Jervis 
very ingeniously suggests his universal standard as ** regulated 
and defined by the mean length of the pendulum ; the weight of water 
at a maximum of density and the metre or forty-millionth of the earth's 
polar circumference." The thesis of this Essay is that all weights and 
measures were originally derived from the same standard which he con- 
sidered to have been the mean length of the pendulum vibrating seconds 
at 45" latitude, and which only differs by a very small fraction from the 
length of the metre (Memoir p. 45.) This Essay was widely distributed by 
Government to its officers .for their opinion, and by the author to distin- 
guished men of science in England and elsewhere for their remarks. 
The various suggestions that he received as well as other correspondence 
connected with it, are embodied in one of these MS. volumes which 
contains several additions and corrections for a new edition of the work 
which he seems to have meditated but never published. 

At the end of this MS. volume is a document which should be of great 
interest on the personal side of the history of Science in Engand in the 
first half of the last century. It is a memorial addressed to the Chair- 
man, Deputy Chairman and the Directors of the East India Company, 
on behalf of Major Jervis, by the Presidents, Vice-Presidents and 
Fellows of the Royal Society, the Royal Geographical, the Geological 
and other leading scientific Societies, in which they endorse his 
views and scientific proposals and urge that the Company should 
promptly publish in the transactions of these societies or elsewhere 
the results of his labours on the Survey of India. This was a very 



MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 49 

influential move on behalf of Jervis and had its due weight with 
the Directors, who had already appointed him provisionally Surveyor- 
General in succession to CoK Everest who has given his name to the 
highest peak of the Himalayas. The interest of the memorial to us, 
however, lies in the fact that it is signed by all the leading men of 
Science of the day in England, and h^re we have collected in a single 
page the autographs of some forty of the greatest names in English 
Science. The list is headed by a Royal Duke, the Duke of Sussex, an 
uncle of Queen Victoria, who was then President of the Royal Society 
and whose signature with its curious strokes and flourishes is the most 
remarkable in this collection of autographs. Then follow such men as 
Sir David Brewster, President of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, Sir 
William Hamilton— not the distinguished Scotch metaphysician, 
(178S-1866), who, of course, had no business here among men of 
science and who cared little for Jervis*s peculiar pursuits, but the 
famous Irish mathematician and astronomer, (1805-1865), who was 
then President of the Royal Irish Academy— and Prof. Whewell, the 
President of the Geological Society. There is another William Ha- 
milton, (1805-1867), here, a geologist and geographer, who was Presi- 
dent of the Royal Geographical Society. There are, besides, Michael 
Faraday who true to his retiring nature comes among one of the last 
to sign. Sir Charles Lyall, the geologist. Sir John Lubbock, the father 
of the present Lord Avebury, a distinguished astronomer, Sir Roderick 
Murchison, the great geographer. Sir George Airy, the Astronomer 
Royal, Adam Sedgwick and many others. Altogether this page of 
autographs is curious and valuable and is an acquisition to be pre- 
served as a literary curiosity in our Museum. The facsimiles of these 
autographs were very skilfully done at Jervis' own lithographic press 
which he kept for some time at great cost and ultimately loss to him 
at his house in London on his retirement From this press he issued 
several maps, which are beautiful specimens of cartography, including 
an excellent one of Bombay based on the survey of Dickinson and Tait 
in 1812-16, which he published in 1843. This rare map with another 
of Bokhara is not in our collection and I have presented it to our 
Society to be kept by the side of these MS. volumes. The late Mr. 
James Douglas thus characterises this map of Bombay. ** Of maps, 
the best of the Island of Bombay, both for accuracy and execution, was 
printed in London in 1843, and represents the City and Island in 
1812-16. This map of Thomas Dickinson's is a perfect chef cPoeuvre. 
Major Jervis' signature is at the foot. This is a perfect gem of the 
engraver's art and can never be excelled." {^Bombay and Western 
India, Vol. I., p. 145), There is a reproduction of it on a smaller 
scale in Douglas' book. (Ibid I., 174). 
4 



50 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 

This memorial so influentially signed on behalf of Jervis seems to 
have given great offence to Col. Everest, (1790- 1866), the Surveyor- 
General in India, whom Jervis had been provisionally appointed to 
succeed, because no mention was made therein of his valuable services 
and those of his staff. **This proceeding," says Sir Clement Mark- 
ham, the distinguished President of the Royal Geographical Society 
just retired, in his Memoir of the Indian Surveys, ** excited great in- 
dignation in those distinguished officers who had bor^e the heat and 
burden of the day, and gave rise to a series of letters addressed to the 
Duke of Sussex, as President of the Royal Society, from Col. Everest 
remonstrating against the conduct of that learned body." But Sir 
Clement is mistaken in his observation that ** these letters so com- 
pletely gained the writer's object that nothing more was heard of 
Major Jervis in connection with the Surveyor-Generalship" {Indian 
Surveys^ 1873, p. 77.) As his son shows in the Memoir which he has 
recently drawn up with pious care of his father's life and to which this 
paper is much indebted, the real reason why Jervis did not wait to take 
up his high appointment, was that Col. Everest did not retire as it 
had been anticipated by the East India Company he would, but 
continued for several years after in the office, and Jervis for purely 
private reasons, as he wanted to superintend personally the education 
of his children at home, retired earlier than Everest and thus did not 
remain in India long enough to be Surveyor-General. (Memoir^ p. 50.) 

The information contained in these MSS about the condition of the 
Maratha people was gained at first hand in the course of his official 
duties. As he says himself, ** I had great and sing^ular opportunities 
of traversing the country in every possible direction, to acquire a far 
more intimate and exact knowledge of the topography, physical 
character and resources of the whole country than any other indi- 
vidual." He gives us some notion of the great care which he bestowed 
on all his work and especially this work of statistics and history in an 
official letter. ** I have the honour to acquaint you that I have de- 
spatched to you a large parcel containing in all about 1,496 papers on 
statistical and revenue subjects and a bundle of English papers. I 
have entrusted these papers to an intelligent Shastri, a native highly 
learned in the Hindu laws, customs, etc., and the Sanskrit language, 
who is in my private service. *A' is 5 general specimen of the popula- 
tion tables which will enable any person desirous of ascertaining the 
correctness of the same to do so with little trouble or inconvenience. 
These documents have been attested as coming nearly within the 
truth, as far as judgment could be passed on them, by the most 
respectable and oldest residents of the villages and towns. I beg 
most particularly to state that I have examined them with the greatest 



MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 5 1 

care and attention. I have left no means untried to ensure their 
accuracy, and have had recourse to every art which propriety and 
ingenuity could sufi^gest, to render them worthy of confidence., The 
statistical papers are on all subjects connected with the produce cir- 
cumstances, history and extent and other matters relating to the 
southern divisions of Malwan and Salshi. Specimens of these have 
now been translated and written out, to show their nature and value. 
The inquiries which I have instituted were made after a most careful 
and particular review of the manners, rights and institutions of the 
people. A slight view will show the immense trouble and attention 
which must have been bestowed on them, and I beg to state that there 
are many facts brought to light in them which will be well worth the 
consideration of the public authorities in this country, and conduce 
greatly to ameliorate the condition of a people once sadly oppressed. 
I do not wish to produce anything hastily, or to build any arguments 
on incomplete grounds. The daily intercourse which I have with the 
natives, the facilities which are constantly afforded me to see narrowly 
into their private character, customs and manners, will enable me to 
furnish in a short time such an account of them as will be most 
satisfactory to the Government and most essentially beneficial to the 
people themselves. " 

It is to be regretted that the account of which he speaks here was 
never published, though it must have been submitted to Government 
and might be now rotting somewhere among its records. The present 
MS. studies are a contribution towards such a complete account of the 
state of the Maratha people of the Konkan. For instance — the MS. 
contains a valuable section on the education of the people from which 
I have given an extract bearing on the interesting subject of indigen- 
ous education. But he seems to have written and sent to Government 
a larger report on this subject which was not printed, but which would 
be highly interesting at the present day if it were forthcoming, as a 
means of comparing the moral progress achieved to-day with the moral 
state of the Maratha people at the beginning of British rule nearly 
ninety years ago. About this report he says in one of his letters : 
** I likewise sent up to the Government a very full and exact report of* 
the state of education in the Konkan and on the system of education 
followed by the Mahomedans and Hindus, with a very complete series 
of tables, twenty in all, exhibiting the number, character, etc., of the 
schools of the several districts in 1820 and 1824, contrasting the state 
of education after the lapse of five years that the country had been 
under British management with its condition when it first came into 
our possession. With respect to the practical working of these princi- 
ples, which I had so fully discussed in my report on education, I sub- 



52 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 

join an extract from the official minutes of Government on the Southern 
Konkan School Society founded by me with the co-operation of the 
natives. This novel principle of getting the natives, a conquered 
people, completely wedded to their own system of government and 
superstitions, to go hand-in-hand with the British nation in their 
philanthropic schemes for the further amelioration of India, will pro- 
bably be recognised at no distant period as the surest and best way of 
governing the people of that great Empire, and more especially in 
which demands of a pecuniary nature are to be made on them, or deep- 
rooted prejudices to be overcome.*' And he gives an instance of how 
the people of India may be brought to co-operate with their English 
rulers in improving the country and voluntarily participating in the 
pecuniary burdens of the State. **The native," says he, ** at my sugges- 
tion and by my exertion and advice, came forward first in regard 
to the Colaba Causeway to pay down 20,000 rupees towards the 
expense, and further to secure the Government against all possible 
charge by excess of estimate beyond the amount sanctioned by the 
Hon'ble Court, provided an experienced engineer officer were appoint- 
ed to the superintendence of that work, and the work itself were 
executed by contract " {^Memoir^ pp. 19-20.) 

The Konkan when Jervis took it in hand for the purposes of obtain- 
ing knowledge about the condition of the people, was quite an unex- 
plored country about which the new rulers knew almost nothing with 
the exception of a very few places on the coast like Bankot. He thus 
describes his labours there : ** I had to travel continually from one 
end to the other of this long and mountainous strip of territory at all 
seasons and sometimes with great haste. I therefore very soon 
found, in addition to other impediments, that the public servants of 
Government knew nothing of the country or its resources ; that we 
were at first absolutely at the mercy of the native civil revenue and 
Magisterial officers subordinate to the Collector and Magistrate in 
everything. Our knowledge of the geography of the country was also 
limited to the verbal information of the guides and farmers and the 
sketch maps by the late General Reynolds and Col. Johnson. All the 
information that tlie Collector's and Judge's offices could afford me 
was always at my command, and indeed the same liberality was invari- 
ably extended to me by all the members of the Civil Service to whom I 
had ever had occasion to apply ; but the imperfection of our knowledge 
on all these matters was the frequent subject of regret to us, and first set 
me on the idea of communicating my thoughts to the Hon. Mountstuart 
Elphinstone on his first accession to the Bombay Government in 1819. 
They were most favourably received. Every fresh occasion for promp- 
titude in travelling and despatch in the completion of the public w*orks 



MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 53 

committed to me led me to dwell more especially on the lamentable 
deficiency of our geographical knowledge, and I was persuaded by the 
late Brigadier-General Kennedy, then commanding officer of the 
division, to address him an official letter on the subject. I knew no 
more profitable and creditable way of employing my time in these 
intervals than in acquiring a correct knowledge of the geography and 
resources of this unexplored territory. " {Memoir^ pp. 13-15.) 

He set to work for nearly ten years and produced valuable reports on 
the Konkan, its history, peoples, customs, etc. , which lie mostly in MS. 
either in these volumes now presented to us or in the'archives of Govern- 
ment. It is a matter of great regret that he was not encouraged to digest 
all this scattered information into a comprehensive monograph on the 
Konkan, like Malcolm's excellent work on Central India. It is well 
known that this work of Malcolm grew out of a report which he was 
asked to furnish about Malwa {cj, Kaye's Malcolm^ Vol. II, p. 328). 
From Elphinstone's official report of his mission to Cabul grew his 
celebrated work on Afghanistan {cf, Colebrooke's Elphinstone^ Vol. I, 
p. 200). But Jervis was at that time not nearly so famous as these great 
Anglo-Indians; so nobody suggested the possibility of his expanding 
his reports on the Konkan. Moreover, it was not a country as 
attractive to the public as the Deccan or Central India, not the home of 
great battle fields on which empires are won and lost, though it has 
great interest for us as the home of the Mawalis and Hetkaiis; who 
crossed the Ghauts and fought so bravely on the table-land of the 
Deccan, the fights that have been celebrated in numerous songs and 
powadas. What is known as Jervis' Konkan in Anglo-Indian literature 
is only a fragment of his work in that country, namely that on the land 
tenures ; but the whole of his work on the Konkan would indeed be an 
acquisition, and it is not too much to hope that we may one day have 
it by bringing together and publishing in convenient form his studies 
here and the Government reports in MS. Such a work as that of Jervis, 
but not so comprehensive nor showing an equally deep knowledge of the 
language and habits of the Marathas, was undertaken fifty years later 
by a member of the Bombay Civil Service, Alexander Kidd Nairne, a 
man of kindred tastes to Jervis in this that he became on his retirement 
from the service a priest and worked for the sake of humanity among 
the poor. This is published in the Bombay Gazetteer, 

This reminds us of another phase of Jervis' character, his missionary 
zeal and the intense religious spirit that infused all his work. He 
was a great friend of the first batch of professed missionaries who then 
worked in Bombay and Western India amid such difficulties, particularly 
of Dr. John Wilson, (1804-1807), a name honoured and endeared in 
many ways on this side of India, but specially honoured in these halls 



54 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 

as that of the presiding genius of our Society for full forty years, and of 
Dr. James Murray Mitchell (1814-1904) who has just closed a life 
of varied benevolence and usefulness, prolonged beyond its natural 
limit, peacefully in his own country among his kindred. It is not 
generally known that Jervis designed and superintended the erection 
of the old Free Church Institution in Klietwady which housed for 
over a generation the Wilson College that has done so much with 
that other Christian Institution, St. Xavier's College, for the higher 
education of our people in Western India. But he did not identify 
himself with any section of the Christian Church, but sympathised 
and worked with them all in a truly Christian spirit. In this spirit 
he joined the Evangelical Alliance when it was first instituted. 
WMting on the subject his son remarks : '* He early joined the Evange- 
lical Alliance on its institution in 1846, the members of which strove to 
do away with the mutual antagonism too common between the various 
sections of the Church of Christ, and so baneful to the spread of vital 
Christianity in the face of dead formalism, and by which he merely 
manifested the course he had always previously pursued in India of 
having a brotherly affection for all those who followed the Saviour as 
their Head, not troubling himself with dogmatic or administrative 
differences, the importance given to which is generally exaggerated 
most unwisely." {Memoir, p. 60.) But though he was well known to 
everybody here, Europeans and natives alike, as an open upholder of 
Christian Missions and the staunch friend of the missionaries, yet as 
his son well says, ** proselytizing of whatever kind, in the absence of 
perfectly personal conviction, he repudiated and denounced " (p. 34). 
He was a great friend of the Indians as he proved throughout his 
career by his efforts, especially in behalf of Maratha education^ 
helping his brother to translate and publish several works in 
Marathi for the benefit of that people, as was acknowledged 
by them in several ways ; and the name of Jervis is familiar to 
them as that of one of their earliest friends and benefactors. His 
opinion of the Indian peoples and their character is valuable as 
that of a sympathetic yet discriminating and acute observer. **They 
are perhaps the most docile, tractable and sharp-sighted people 
in the world ; they are therefore peculiarly disposed to religion » 
open to any superstitious fraud, but slow to apprehend a deep and 
consequential truth. They are quick to acquire and discuss all know- 
ledge, but have little originality or depth of thought. They are brave 
and patient in the face of evils and trials, which the European nations 
succumb to ; but timid in lesser dangers which the latter smile at. They 
are faithful to a fault, accessible to counsel, order, and any degree of 
discipline, by proper management and consideration, but may be 



MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 55 

roused to the most bitter and vindictive feelings, or turned aside by 
example and negligence and perverseness to the lowest state of degra- 
dation and wickedness. This great and very intelligent people is now 
under the sceptre of a gracious and powerful Queen, who loves all her 
subjects, and will find these amongst the most faithful and useful on 
any emergency, in the exercise of her sovereign wisdom ; though rash 
experiments on our part might alienate and sever that union for 
ever." (' India in relation to Great Britain.' Apud Memoir, p. 51.) 

The other volumes of these MSS contain some of his professional 
work on the great Trigonometrical Survey of Western India on which 
he was employed so long and with which his name is so closely and 
honourably identified. The calculation of triangles and other technical 
details may be useful to students of geodesy. His survey work here 
was very useful, though as a pioneer he was not free from inaccuracies, 
some of which are so serious as to render them in the opinion of a com- 
petent authority, Sir Clements Markham (^Indian Surveys, p. 85), now 
obsolete. Another competent writer about the middle of the last century 
in Bombay knowing well the facts says : ** In this Engineer oflicer*s 
(Jervis) manuscript report of his land survey in the Konkan, an in- 
correct latitude is assigned to many places ; and we have been given 
to understand that not very lately an error was discovered in the 
triangulation, which renders it, as far as correct distances are concern- 
ed, nearly useless." (Bombay Quarterly Review, 1856, Vol. Ill, p. 133.) 
These triangulattons and latitudes are now in our possession in these 
MS. volumes, and any enthusiastic student of this subject may enter 
into these calculations and confirm or refute these remarks. Whilst 
engaged in this arduous work he received from his Indian, especially 
Maratha, assistants, trained by him to do the work, great help which 
was generously recognised by him in these terms after his retirement : 
*' On the Trigonometrical Survey I required signals to be placed by 
sun-rise on different far-distant summits, often difficult of access, 
and gave my orders to my several people. On the appointed day I 
directed my theodolite towards the required spots in absolute certainty 
that the flag would be hoisted at the appointed time and place. Such 
conscientious fidelity to orders puts to shame too many nominal 
Christians at home. Should I be able to count so implicitly on loving 
unquestioning obedience on their part ? The poor heathen gives us an 
eloquent example of duty accomplished." {^Memoir, p. 35.) 

I think I have made it clear in this slight sketch of Jervis* career and 
character with the help of his correspondence, and his studies in these 
MS. volumes, that he was inspired by lofty ideals of doing good to the 
country and the people in whatever he did oflicially and unofficially, 



S6 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 

and Ihat by his pious God-fearing conduct towards all, especially the 
Indians, he realised in a large measure these ideals in active life, 
spreading sweetness and light wherever he went. Lives like his ought 
to serve as a stimulus and an inspiration to Englishmen in this country, 
whose peoples have profited much by the silent, almost forgotten, exer- 
tions of men of the type of Thomas Best Jervis. 

Of Maratha history proper there is one manuscript, and it is very 
important. It gives an historical account of all the great Maratha 
families like the Bhonslds, the Peshwas, the Pratinidhis, the Gaek- 
wars and scores of others who have played a part in the eventful 
history of the Marathas. I have never elsewhere seen so much useful 
information gathered together about these families as is done here by 
Jervis. He treats of nearly one hundred families and also gives the 
genealogies of the chief. This is a very useful work of reference on 
the somewhat intricate history of Maratha Clans and well deserves 
to be published by itself. I append some interesting extracts, which 
will show the importance of these MSS. 



ACCOUNT OF THE MAHARS. 

A very important tenure in villages is that of the low-caste people, 
called M ihars by the Mahrattas and Dhers by the Moosalmans. They 
have enam lands in all villages divided into Hurkee and Arowlah ; the 
former is rent-free and generally bears but a small proportion to the 
latter. The Arowlah is held on a quit rent. In the neighbourhood of 
Joomar and at Kothool, Purgh. Kothool, Ahmednagar Collectorate, I 
met with a new species of Mahars' enam, called Seesollah ; this is also 
rent-free, and held in addition to the two former. These enams vary 
in extent in different villages. In only one instance in the large town 
of Tembournee has it came to my knowledge, that the Mahras have not 
enam lands, and in that place they have to perform all the customary 
duties for the Government and the town, as if they have enam lands. 
The Mahars conceive that they have the right to mortgage or dispose of 
the lands held for the performance of specific duties, and at this mo- 
ment the whole of the Mahars' Arowlah at the town of Mahe, Tur- 
Muhekohreh, Poona Collectorate, is mortgaged to the Patel. They 
were originally mortgaged to the Deshmook for a sum of money, who 
transferred them to the Patel. Independently of their Hurkee, Arow- 
lah and Seesollah, the Mahars have a share of the cultivated produce, 
whether garden or field ; this is called their Bullooteh. Every village 
in its original constitution is said to have had 12 craftsmen and pro- 
fessions, who in their several lines perform all that the cultivators 
required to be done for themselves individually and the village gener- 
ally — the smith, carpenter to mend their implements of husbandry. 



MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MABATHA PEOPLE. 57 

the barber to shave them, the washerman to wash for them, the 
potmaker to make pots, &c., &c. These 12 persons were paid or sup- 
ported by an assessment in kind. They were divided into three classes 
and obtained their share of Bullooteh agreeably to the class they stood 
in. In the first class were the carpenter, shoemaker, ironsniith and 
Mahar. In the second class the washerman, potmaker, barber and 
Mang, and in the third the waterman, the astrologer, the gurow or 
cleaner of the temple, and the silversmith. Since the Musalman rule 
the Moolana or Musalman priest has been added, and in some villages 
the Kulkarnee claims to share in the 3rd class. I say nothing about 
Alooteh as part of the village community, for no two persons agree 
with respect to the constituents of this class, and it is scarcely reason- 
able to suppose that the cultivator could ever have supported, by fees 
in kind, 12 additional persons when he paid 50 percent, to Government 
And I am told the Bullooteh and Hakdar rights stood him in an 
average of 25 percent, leaving him only 25 per cent, for his own 
maintenance and agricultural charges. 

The Mahar who shares in the first class in consequence of his 
numerous duties shares also again as a third class Bool loo tehdar. 
The fee in kind appears to be a percentage on the produce, but it is 
not uniform throughout the country, and very rarely indeed could I 
get either the cultivator or Boollootehdar to state specifically what the 
one gave, or the other looked upon himself entitled to receive annually. 
It depended very much, I was told, upon the crops and also upon the 
extent of services performed for each individual cultivator. 



THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 

The land tax being more than 82 per cent, of the whole revenue of 
the country, in speaking of the condition of the people I would wish 
my observations to be considered chiefly applicable to the class paying 
this proportion, namely the agriculturists. In the present report 
I have shown that since the date of my first report the principal 
articles of agricultural produce have fallen in value from 25 to 66 per 
cent, i.e.f rice 66, wheat 25, joaree 52, gram 32 and bajree 36. 
Imports have certainly also fallen in price, but not in a similar ratio. 
Wages remain the same. The trifling manufactures continue to 
decline, the value of money is enhanced, and the assessments are not 
yet lightened. If, therefore, my first report gave unfavourable picture 
of the condition of the people, it may be supposed, under the operation 
of the above causes, that I am still deprived of the gratification of 
painting it in more agreeable colors. My late researches have extended 
over 5,900 square miles, a superficial extent more than double that of 
the first report, and I am constrained to say, that the marked features 



58 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 

of poverty and debt, formerly spoken of, characterize the condition of 
the people throughout the new tracts, and that I see no reason what- 
ever to modify the opinion I formerly expressed with regard to the 
causes of such a state of things. There is no doubt, however, that the 
poverty complained of is not the poverty of want : every cultivator 
throughout the country has a superfluity of the mere requisites for the 
support of animal life. This poverty is pecuniary poverty, and it bears 
heavily upon him in the relation in which he stands to the Government 
and to his creditors. He cannot convert a sufficiency of his grain into 
money to pay his taxes to the former, nor fulfil even in part his 
engagements to the latter. His taxes were increased by the cupidity 
of the former Government, and his debts contracted by his improvidence 
or forced upon him by his increased assessments, but this was at a 
time when his agricultural produce was worth from loo to 300 per cent, 
more than its present worth. Supposing him therefore to have been 
taxed formerly to the extent of his means, in equity his taxes should 
have been lightened in the ratio of the fall in the value of his produce. 

I stated in my first report there would shortly be calls upon Govern- 
ment to mitigate the assessment. The recent large remissions to the 
amount of 20 per cent, of the revenue of the Poona and Ahmednagar 
Collectorates proved the immediate pecuniary inability of the people, 
and the revenue survey as far as it has gone in its prospective assess- 
ments has justified the opinion I expressed, by lightening the burdens 
of the cultivators. Nevertheless the distress, the people complain of, is 
unquestionably not attributable to the revenue administration of the 
Company as originating with the Company. With trifling exceptions 
the assessments and extra cesses are the same, in name, number and 
specific amount as under former Governments. 

The only great change appears to be in Government through the 
medium of its collectors professing to settle with each individual 
cultivator, instead leaving it to the authorities to do so as heretofore, 
and this agreement should seem advantageous to the cultivator insuring 
him (could he read or write or keep accounts) from the exactions 
of intermediate agents. The benevolence of the Government has 
sufficiently manifested in the facility with which remissions have been 
granted, and not one instance throughout the country has come to my 
knowledge of the assessment being realised by coercive measures, 
involving the seizure of stock, or punishment, further than temporary 
personal restraint, and in case the cultivators* prosperity could 
be estimated by the small proportion of his gross produce taken 
from him by the Bombay Government, it should be comparatively 
marked^ as I have shown under the section of assessments, tliat 
he contributes to the necessities of the State 7 per cent, less 



MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 59 

than persons of his class did under Mullicomber and 23 per cent, 
less than in the ceded districts under Sir Thos. Munro, the propor- 
tions taken being respectively under the three Governments a tenth, a 
sixth and a third. The complaints of distress therefore seem scarcely 
compatible with these facts. In my numerous conversations with the 
cultivators and even with our own district officers, in various parts of 
the country, I have urged them to explain unreservedly the causes of 
the sufferings they complain of. Increase in cultivation, increase in 
cultivators, meagre crops, enhanced assessments, diminution in the 
size of farms and the withdrawal of part the money circulating me- 
dium, have been so repeatedly advanced in reply to my interrogatories 
as reasons for the present pecuniary inability of the people, that I was 
induced to look with attention into them, although involving in them- 
selves incompatibilities. For the purpose of determining the truth of 
the first four positions, I established a comparison) as rigid as circum- 
stances would admit of, between the state of certain towns and villages 
under the Peshwa*s Government and under ours. I chose places far 
distant from each other that I might, if possible, secure to my deductions 
the advantage of a general application. I will admit that I undertook 
the labour with impressions in unison with those of the cultivators and 
I was somewhat surprised, therefore, at the results falling infinitely 
short of my anticipations. 



EDUCATION. 



My continued inquiries into the state of education in the country 
have only been confirmatory, to the very letter even, of the observations 
I made in my first report on this important subject ; I will not repeat, 
therefore, what is already on record, but take leave to refer to it. 

The literary ignorance of the bulk of the people is almost incredible, 
and could scarcely be deemed compatible with an organized or even in- 
cipient civilized state of society. In many neighbouring villages in 
which there is only one Kulkurnee or accountant, I have known it 
to be the case that not a single inhabitant has been able to read, write 
or calculate; and yet this ignorance does not originate in any physical 
causes. Native children of all the castes are distinguished for their 
aptitude, sprightliness and intelligence, and some conspicious in- 
stances of decided ability have appeared in the English schools for the 
instruction of natives in Calcutta and Bombay, in their poetic powers, 
in English composition, in a taste for drawing and in mathematical ac- 
quirements. Amongst my native acquaintances there is a Hindu who 
repairs astronomical, mathematical and meteorological instruments, 
and who has an eager desire to master the rationale of all philosophical 



6o MANUSCRIPT STUDlBS OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 

experiments which he witnesses. A common ironsmith in Poona has 
kept himself in constant poverty by vain searches after the philosopher's 
stone, but his labours have made him acquainted with many chemical 
facts. The facile adaptation of this man's ingenuity to the supply of 
European wants, in his particular line, is both gratifying and useful. 
A poor outcaste shoots specimens in the animal and feathered 
kingdoms and has taught himself to skin and stuff them, and he lately 
commenced drawing birds in outline with a singular correctness. One 
man repairs watches, and a Hindu, in Poona, I am told, constructed an 
orrery. The general ignorance, therefore, is to . be referred to the 
absence of instructors in the first instance and in the next to the poverty 
of the people disabling them from profiting by instruction unless 
afforded to them gratuitously. Wherever this is done, the schools are 
well attended and the progress of the scholars is commensurate with 
the ability and zeal of the instructors. Mr. Elphinstone's noble attempt 
to impart instruction by means of Government schools, if fully developed, 
will unquestionably be productive ultimately of incalculable benefit to 
the people themselves and to the State, particularly in case the better 
classes of the natives become acquainted with our knowledge, our arts 
and sciences, through the medium of our own language. If it be our 
object to break down the barriers wliich separate us at present from the 
natives, to undermine their superstition, and to weaken their prejudices, 
and give them a taste for elevated enjoyments, it will be most effectually 
done through this medium. Translations of European books into the 
native languages by Europeans, although highly useful, must have the 
drawbacks of being limited in number, defective in execution and 
destitute of the attractive grace of idiomatic expression, whereas a 
native, once taught the English language, has the whole field of 
knowledge laid open to him. We have before our eyes the effects of 
Mahomedanism, modifying the supposed immutable habits, opinions, 
superstitions and usages of the Hindus The language of the con- 
querors is almost universally understood, and most commonly spoken by 
all classes in India. The Mahrattas worship Mahomedan saints, keep 
their festivals, and at the great annual celebration of the martyrdom 
of the grandsons of Mahomed, Hussain and Hassan, numbers 
enrol themselves in the list of those who publicly deplore their deaths. 

I have given instances of tombs being raised over Mahrattas in the 
Mahomedan style of architecture, and many parts of the present report 
testify to the adoption by a Mahratta or Brahman Government of 
Mussalman terms in politics, administration of justice, finance, agricul- 
ture, architecture and even in domestic economy. If such then have 
been the results from the simple juxtaposition of Hindus and Mussal- 
mans, what might not be expected from a systematic attempt to imbue 



MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 6i 

the minds of the rising generation with rational and useful European 
knowledge by means of Government schools. Under present circum- 
stances, the expense of such a measure prevents its adoption on an 
extended scale, but as precipitancy would be injurious as any urgent 
manifestations of interest on the part of Government would excite 
suspicions, and as ultimate success is dependent on the slow but 
gradual and almost insensible operation of knowledge on the opinions 
and habits of those who may have voluntarily sought and gratuitously 
received instruction influencing the circle in which they move by their 
examples, rather than in prompt, simultaneous and extended measures 
for general instruction, the few schools existing at the presidency and 
an occasional one or two in cities or large towns, although insufficient, 
will yet forward the great object in view to a limited extent. A few 
natives will be sent out with a sufficiency of education to impress on 
their minds the advantages that would accrue to their children in case 
they surpassed themselves in acquirements, and such an impression 
will be efficacious. 

I attended a public examination of the scholars of Government 

schools in Poona and of the pupils of the Engineer Institution and 

native schools in Bombay. I looked also into the school rooms at 

Ahmednagar. In the Engineer Institution and native schools some. 

of the boys (not particularly those of the highest or wealthiest classes) 

showed an efficient knowledge of the English language, and the 

progress of others in mathematics and drawing was remarkable. 

The two Poona schools were examined before the Collector and some 

European gentlemen on the i6th May 1827 by Sadashiva Bhau, 

the head native instructor in the present schools in Bombay. 

There were about 150 pupils, most of them the children of Brah- 

mans, ten or a dozen of the first class boys were called up, none 

of them had been twelve months in the schools. They were examined, 

in the first instance, in reading a printed translation of i^sop's fables 

into Marathi in the Balbodh character. They read fluently and seemed 

to understand the compendium of the morale which is given of each 

fable, instead of its full translation. They subsequently read parts of 

Maratha histories in the Modi and Balbodh characters ; they wrote 

down on slates sentences dictated to them, and spelt them. They wrote 

also on paper, and gave very favourable specimens of distinct and bold 

hands. Arithmetic they were taught on the European plan, and one or 

two of the boys had got as far as the extraction of the cube root. The 

boys all evinced considerable quickness, and the examinations were 

creditable to themselves and to their teachers. Prizes of turbans, cloths 

and books were distributed, the value of the present being in the 

ratio of the talents and the progress evinced by the boy. 



62 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 

THE BHONSLE. 

The origin of the rise of Shivaji is too well known to require any eluci- 
dation in these notes. He died in Raighur in the month of April A D. 
1680 and was succeeded by his eldest son Sunibhaji, who wiih his son 
Sewaji was both taken prisoner in the year 1694 and carried to the 
Court of Aurungzeb, where the former suffered a cruel death, and the 
latter, being spared on account of his youth, grew up under the protec- 
tion of the accomplished Fululnissa Begum, Aurungzeb's daughter. At 
the request of the Princess, it is said, he changed the name of Sewaji to 
that of Sahooji, which he ever after retained. Raja Ram, the younger 
son of Shivaji, was raised to the throne in the Fort of Rangnain 1695, 
and died in June 1698, leaving two sons, Shambhuji and Sheewajee, by 
his two wives Rajeesbye and Tarabye. The latter succeeded his father 
on the throne, but evincing symptoms of insanity some years after, he 
was deposed and confined by his own mother in the year 1703, who 
raised his half brother, Sumbhajee, to the Musnud of Kolapoor, which he 
made his residence. In the year 1707 Aurungzeb died, Shahajee obtain- 
ing his liberty came to Sattara to claim his kingdom. He was for 
some time opposed by his aunt, Tarabye, a clever and ambitious woman, 
the widow of his uncle Raja Ram. Shahoo Raja at length consented to 
share the empire with his cousin, Sambhajee, who was permitted to 
retain Kolapoor and all the country south of the Warna and Krishna, 
while to Sahooji was left all to the north of those rivers. Tarabye 
retired to Kolapoor and lived to an extreme old age. Both she and her 
stepson, Sambhajee, dying in the same year A. D. 1760. 

Sliahoo Raja, of indolent and luxurious habits, to manage his Govern- 
ment made it over to his minister the Peshwa, Balaji Viswanath, to 
whom succeeded Bajirao Ballal, and his son Balajee denominated Nana- 
saheb. Shahoo Raja died without issue, 27th December 1749, when 
the Peshwa having brought forward Ram Raja, the son of Shiwajee 
and nephew of the reigning Raja of Kolapoor, caused him to be adopted 
as the son Shahoojee. From that day the subversion of the power of 
the House of Satara was complete, and that of the Peshwas establish- 
ed. Ram Raja having no children, many years after adopted, at the 
instance of Nana Fadnavis, a youth of the family of the Deshmukhs of 
Wavel in 1777, and dying in following year, 1778, the Second Shahoo- 
jee succeeded to the Musnud of Satara. The semblance of respect 
was still maintained towards him. A guard of honour of 500 horse 
was appointed by the Peshwa to escort and to watch him, and his ex- 
penses were limited as well as the range of his excursions in the neigh- 
bourhood of his capital. All reports of war and peace and the result of 
campaigns, however, were regularly submitted for his information, 
and while the creation of new and the nomination to the succession of 



MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 63 

hereditary offices and estates derived confirmation from him alone, the 
Peshwa nimself was not deemed exempt from accepting this token of 
homage. The revolution which succeeded on the death of Sawai 
Madhavrao at Poona in October 1795 afforded the Raja an opening 
to emancipation, of which he did not fail to avail himself, and seizing 
the person employed to control him, encouraged his full brother, Chutr- 
sing, to raise troops and seek for foreign aid. The effort, however, was 
too feeble, — Shahoo the Second became henceforward a closed prisoner 
in the Fort of Satara and died 4th May 1808, leaving three sons, of 
whom the eldest, Partapsing, was raised to the throne by the British 
Government in February 181 8, and still reigns. 



THE GAEKWAR. 

This family from an inconsiderable origin has risen to become one 
of the Princes of the Mahratta State. 

It is said they are Patails of the village of Dhowry, Nimbgawn in the 
Poona Prant. Peelajee the First, who distinguished himself, was an 
officer with 15 retainers, in the service of Kuddum Bandy Brothers, 
whose flag the family still uses. After the first or second inroad into 
Gujarat, the Raja of Satara, not conceiving the Kuddum sing calculated 
to establish themselves permanently, deputed Peelajee with a large 
army, which assembled in the first instance at Moholy near Satara, 
and thence marched to the north. The success of Peelajee was complete. 
Peelajee commanded a division in the battle of Panipat, and died shortly 
after his return, at the village of Sowlee near Baroda, of a fever. He was 
succeeded by his son, Damajee, who had long before been distinguished, 
but some hesitation occurring in sending the Cloth of Investiture from 
Satara, Damajee repaired to court with an army estimated at 100,000 
men. He was induced by the solemn oaths interchanged between the 
Raja and himself to disband his army, but having been plundered by the 
Peshwa at the instance of the Raja, on his return he swore he would 
ne^'er pay the compliment of salaming with that hand which had been 
pledged in that of his princes, in a false oath — since which period the 
Gykawars assume the peculiar privilege of saluting with the left hand. 

Damajee died at Bhavee Pattan in Gujarat in the reign of the Great 
Madhavrao, leaving four sons, of whom Sayajee Rao, the eldest, was an 
idiot. The part which Govind Rao, the second son, took in favour of 
the exiled Raghoba Dada prevented his acceding to the Musnud till 
after the death of both his young brothers, Fatty Sing and Manajee, 
who had successively reigned. He sat on the Musnud only three or 
four years, when he died, leaving three legitimate children, who have 
each reigned in succession, the youngest, Sayajee, being now on the 
gadhi. 



64 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 

THE ANGRIA. 

Kanoji, the son of Tukoji, a Maratha chief of the family of Angria, 
first attained eminence while in the service of the Raja of Satara by the 
capture of the fort of Raighur from the Hubshee chief of Kolaba 
in the year 1698 and subsequently distinguished himself in the war 
in the Koncan carried on by the Marathas against that portion of the 
Mohamedan dominions, on which occasion he acquired the title of 
Surkhyle. Taking advantage of his own power, and the dissensions 
which broke out in the Satara family after the return of Shahu Raja, 
he not only refused to render him submission, but made an effort 
to establish an independent sovereignty along the whole Koncan 
Coast, from Goa to Surat, including the hill-forts on the low range 
of Ghats with the country below them. Till at length having been 
worsted in many actions by the superior State of Satara, peace was 
concluded, and Kanoji consented to acknowledge the sovereignty of 
Shahu Raja. On which occasion the whole of the seaports from Vizia- 
durg as far as Kolaba remained in Angria's possession, and reverted 
first to his eldest son Tukoji and in two years after to his second son 
Sambaji, between whom and his son Manoji dissensions arising, the 
latter fled to the English at Bombay, but meeting with no aid in that 
quarter he proceeded to Poona and became reconciled to his father 
through the Peshwa, but on the death of Sambaji his brother Tulaji, 
disputing the right of his nephew, was eventually seized by the Peshwa 
and died after a confinement of 31 years in prison. The piratical 
practices of the Angrias on all nations approaching the western coast 
of India are matter of history, and do not admit of illustration in this 
place. 

As the British power preponderated, they gradually subsided, and 
after the peace of Bassein they ceased altogether, while the once power- 
ful Angria encroached on by the Peshwas from time to time dwindled 
into insignificance leaving in possession of the family at the breaking 
out of the war a territory yielding two lakhs of rupees in the neighbour- 
hood of Kolaba and Andhery, of which about half has been alienated for 
religious purposes or for the reward of services performed by courtiers 
at Poona. 

THE PESHWA. 

The founder of this family, Balajee, the sonofWiswanath, aChiplony 
Brahman, was the hereditary desmook or zemindar of Shreewardhan 
on the sea coast of the Southern Koncan. He so recommended himself 
by his ability and energy at the Court of Satara that he was nominated 
to the office of Peshwa in 1717 and was succeeded at his death in 1720 



MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATJIA PEOPLE. 65 

by his eldest son, Baji Rao. Under this chief the power of the Pesh- 
waship became supreme and the Raja of Satara was satisfied to con- 
tinue a mere pageant. Baji Rao was succeeded in the year 1740, at 
his death, by Balwant Row entitled Nanasaheb, during whose rule, 
Sahojee, the Raja of Satara, died without issue, and from that date the 
Peshwa was acknowledged as chief and exercised the power of 
Sovereign of the Maratha Empire. 

His lieutenants carried their conquests over the whole of Hindoo- 
stan and Guzerat, levied heavy tribute from the Nizam, and 
wrested the Empire from the Mughul, and raised contributions in 
Bengal, and conquered Cuttack. Nanasahib died in 1761, and was 
succeeded by his second son, Madhaorao, called *' The Great." He died 
in 1772 at the age of 28, after giving great promise of his talents and 
vigour. He was succeeded by his younger brother, Narayan Rao, who 
was murdered in 1773 ^^ *^*s palace at Poona in the presence of his 
uncle, Raghoba Dada. Narayan Rao was succeeded by his posthumus 
child, S^way Madhavrao, during whose minority the State was ruled by 
his Minister, Nana Furnavis. On the death of SawayMadhaoRao in 1795 
without children, he was succeeded by his relative, Baji Rao, the eldest 
son of Raghoba Dada, who, expelled from his dominions after a desper- 
ate effort to recover all the power of his ancestors which he had for- 
feited by his imbecility, abdicated his sovereignty on 3rd June 1818 in 
favour of the British Government on condition of receiving annually 
Rs. 8,00,000. His brother, Chimnajee Appa, receives a pension of 
Rs. 2,00,000, and Amritrao, the adopted son of Raghoba Dada, 
Rs. 7,00,000 which has lately descended to his son. 



NANA FURNAVIS. 



The ancestor of this great Minister was Madhojee Punt Banoo, a 
Chiplony Brahman, the Mahajim of the village of Velloss in the 
Taluka of Bankote. He first left his native village and came to 
Satara in consequence of an invitation from the first Peshawa Balajee 
Vishwanath, whose brother Tanoo Vishwanath had found protection 
in his house after his defeat by the Hubshees near Sreevurdhan. The 
three sons of Madhoji Punt obtained service at Court and the elder, 
Balajee, was raised to the office of Furnavis and died at Delhi, 
whither he had accompanied the Peshwa. His sons, Janardan Punt 
and Baboo Rao, succeeded to his ofTice, the former died before the latter, 
leaving an only son, Balajee, who. Hying from the battle of Panipat, 
escaped to Poona, and in conjunction with his uncle. Baboo Rao, and 
his son, Moroba, filled the office of Furnavis. 

5 



66 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 

It is unnecessary here to enter into any particular history of Balajee 
Janardhan, better known by the appellation of Nana Furnavis. He 
succeeded to the supreme control of the affairs of the whole Maratha 
Empire in 1774 and exercised his power with a sagacity and conduct 
rarely met with. On the death of Saway Madhao Rao in 1795 and 
the subsequent contention for the throne he lost much of his power 
and expended the whole of a fortune amounting, it is said, to nearly 
five millions in his endeavour to regain it. He died of a fever in 1800, 
leaving a widow Jeoo Bai, who enjoys the following income : — • 

Rs. 

Pension from the British Government 12,000 

Deshmuky of Verval (Ellora) ... .^. ,., ... 500 

Enam Village of Menowly near Waee 1,000 

Mahojunky and Koteky of the native village of the family 
Vellass in the Talooka of Bankote <«. 200 



Income Rs. 13,700 

Management of the revenues of the religious establishment of the 
Bele Bagh at Poona producing Rs. 5,000. 




Art. VI— ^ Brief Survey of the Upanishads. 

By M. R. Bodas, m.a., ll.b. 

Read before the Sanskrit Section on i%th January 1905 in 
connection with the Centenary of the Society, 

The word Upanishad in ancient writings has various shades of mean- 
ing, all bearing the general sense of secret knowledge or esoteric 
lore. It sometimes means simply secret explanation, as in ^f^^ 

Ht fft?3^ TT ^'Tf^ ^nrfr ^T^Tf^MflN^HtH (Kena32), or amTttH^^T 
^TJTMt FT^TTST^^^ (Chh. Up. I. 13, 4) or some special rule, as in 
^^^ fT^-ff'Tf^^^^RRQ (Kaush Up. II. 2), or sometimes the highest 
knowledge asinJr^nt^>^?3'Tft«(^(Taitt. III. 10,6), or in d&ifilMHN^i^i, 
(Shweta V. x6'3). By common usage, however, the word Upanishad 
has come to be used to denote a particular class of ancient works which 
are the repositories of such esoteric knowledge, and which are from 
time immemorial regarded as supplementary to the Brahmanas 
and i4fa«ya>&a^ of the four Vedas. The works known as Upanishads 
are mostly concluding portions of the Aranyakas^ which are themselves 
supplements to their respective Brahmanas. There are some excep- 
tions, no doubt, as Isa^ which forms part of the Vajasaneyi Sanhita or 
the Kenopanishad, which according to Dr. Burnel forms the loth 
anuvak of the fourth chapter of Talavakdra Brdhmana recently dis- 
covered by him at Tanjore.* Kaushitahi was at one time supposed 
to be a part of Kaushitah Brdhmana, but now it has been discovered 
in a MS. of an Arnnyaka of the S^nkhiyanya ^^khd which along 
with the Aitareyaranyaka probably once formed one work.t As a 
rule, however, the sequence of Vedic books is, first, the Sanhita contain- 
ing mostly the hymns and prayers addressed to deities, and then, tho 
Brahmanas containing detailed descriptions of the several sacrifices 
and other Vedic rites as well as stories, whether real or mythical, illus- 
trative of the hymns in the Sanhitas. The Aranyakas are continuations 
of the Brahmanas, but distinctive in character in so far as they treat of 
more esoteric rites. They were probably intended for persons who have 
left the state of the common householder and, having entered the 
third Ashrama of Vanaprastha, have gone to live in the forests. Even 
now there is a prohibition against reciting these Aranyakas in a family 

* Sacred B. fi.» Vol. I., p xc. 

t Weber's History of Indian Literature, p. 50. 



68 A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS. 

house, and orthodox Pandits often resort to a temple whenever they 
have to read them. The Upanishads are those portions of the 
^ra»yfl>&ax which treat of the higher doctrines of the soul as distin- 
guished from rites and ceremonies. Upanishads may thus be said to 
form the kernel or rather the coping stone of the Vedic literature which 
begins with the simple invocation to a favourite deity, passes through 
the intermediate stage of elaborate rites, and ends in the deepest philo- 
sophy of the indissoluble unity of the individual and universal soul. 

Most European scholars derive the word Upanishad from the root 
sctdy to sit down, preceded by two prepositions upa and «f , meaning 
sitting near ; and the Trikdnda ^esha Kosha explains it as ^JJJTT ^B^. 
sitting near the teacher. It has been suggested that the contents of 
the Upanishads were thought to be so esoteric that they could not be 
taught promiscuously or in public, but the pupil had to approach 
very near the teacher to.hear them. Max Miiller thinks it expresses 
this position of inferiority which a pupil occupiesC when listening to a 
iQds:\iQt {^Ancient Sansk, Lit^ p. 318). iankarAch&rya^ on the other 
hand, in his commentary on Brihaddranyaka derives it from the root 
sadt with upa and unmeaning *to destroy.' ** ^ I1II|R^MHN^^^<4I'^I 

•^JImRmJ^^.I " Brahma Vidyd is called Upanishad b^cams^ it destroys 
completely all worldly ties and their causes : and so the treatises, 
which taught that knowledge, also came to be called by the same 
name, and Sdyana in another place * derives it as ^^qf^t^uoin^j q:^ ^t 
'* wherein the highest good is embedded." Max Miiller calls these ex- 
planations wilfully perverse, invented by half-educated native scholars 
to account for the most prevalent meaning of the word ; but he does 
not advance any strong grounds for making such a sweeping charge. 
The alternative etymology implying, 'sitting down near the teacher' 
is equally, if not more, imaginary. The derivation given by Indian 
scholars has at least the merit of explaining the various primary 
senses in which the word is found used in the Upanishads themselves. 
Wherever it occurs it connotes either ** secret knowledge" or ** rite " or 
** the highest knowledge of Brahma. " Max Miiller himself realized 
the difficulty of deriving this meaning from ''sitting down near the 
teacher". The fact is, it is one of those yoga-rudha words to which 
long usage has attached a special meaning and thereby destroyed all 
trace of its origin. The very diversity of derivations shows that the 
true etymology is now probably lost, and we shall have to be satisfied 
with conjectures only. If I may be permitted to make a similar guess, 
the true explanation of the word, it seems to me, is quite different 
from those hitherto given either by European or Indian scholars . 

• Tailhriya Up. II. 9. 



A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS, 6gf 

Upaniskadt I think, did originally mean " sitting down near" as Max 
Miiller says, but it was sitting down near the sacrificial fire and not near 
a teacher. To make this clear we must look to the probable origin 
of the treatises or rather the discussions which are now embodied in 
the treatises known as Upanishads. The Shatapatha Bmkmana, the 
Brihadaranyaka and the Chhandogya furnish ample evidence that the 
various conversations reported therein took place in the midst of big 
sacrifices. Thus we read in Chhandogya how Uiasti Chdkrdyana 
went to a king's sacrifice and there having challenged all to explain the 
nature of the various deities described them himself, concluding with 
a praise of the Udgitha^ which forms the burden of the whole chapter. 
In the fifth chapter there is the typical story of five learned theologians 
headed by Udddlaka Aruni gdin^ to king Aswapati Kaikeya to learn 
Vaiswavanara self, and the king before answering them proposes to hold 
a sacrifice. They approach him with sacrificial fuel in their hands, 
which probably implies that all such knowledge could in those times be 
obtained in the presence of the sacrificial fire. The king thereupon 
instructs them in the mysteries of the Universal Soul by a reference 
to the five limbs of Vaiswanara fire. Similarly the Brihadaranyaka 
describes the victory of Yajnyavalkya over the Kuru Panchala Brah- 
mans at the great sacrifice performed by Janaica. Katha also has the 
story of NachiketaSf who on seeing his father giving out sacrificial 
offerings asked to whom he would give his son ; and the Prasna tells 
us how when five inquirers after Btahma approached Pippalada with a 
sacrificial fuel stick in hand, he asks them to perform austerities for a 
year. Almost all the topics, metaphors and illustrations in these Upa- 
nishads are connected with a sacrifice, and in many places their con- 
text clearly shows that a sacrifice was then being actually performed. 
The Udgithawdya^ the Samvargavidya, the five Ahutis or oblations, 
all these are described as if the actual rite was then proceeding. 
The coincidences are too numerous to be accidental and can only be 
explained on the supposition that the various discussions which now 
form part of the several Upanishads originally took place during the 
celebration of a great sacrifice. A sacrifice lasts several days, and 
when the days' ceremonies are over, the Yajamdna, the Ritvigs and 
visitors must have spent the evenings in various discourses suggested 
by the morning rites. As a matter of fact we do find entertainments 
and even music provided to fill up the intervals between two parts of 
the sacrifice. The big Satras or sacrificial sessions did provide for 
such interludes as reading Puranas, philosophical discourses, literary 
contests, and we do find Suka reciting the Bhagwat to Janamejaya 
and Suta reciting other Puranas to Rishis during such sessions. Is it 
inconceivable that the awakening intellect of the ancient Aryans tired 
with the routine performance of dry rites should have, while resting in 



6o MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 

experiments which he witnesses. A common ironsmith in Poona has 
kept himself in constant poverty by vain searches after the philosopher's 
stone, but his labours have made him acquainted with many chemical 
facts. The facile adaptation of this man*s ingenuity to the supply of 
European wants, in his particular line, is both gratifying and useful. 
A poor outcaste shoots specimens in the animal and feathered 
kingdoms and has taught himself to skin and stuff them, and he lately 
commenced drawing birds in outline with a singular correctness. One 
man repairs watches, and a Hindu, in Poona, I am told, constructed an 
orrery. The general ignorance, therefore, is to be referred to the 
absence of instructors in the first instance and in the next to the poverty 
of the people disabling them from profiting by instruction unless 
afforded to them gratuitously. Wherever this is done, the schools are 
well attended and the progress of the scholars is commensurate with 
the ability and zeal of the instructors. Mr. Elphinstone's noble attempt 
to impart instruction by means of Government schools, if fully developed, 
will unquestionably be productive ultimately of incalculable benefit to 
the people themselves and to the State, particularly in case the better 
classes of the natives become acquainted with our knowledge, our arts 
and sciences, through the medium of our own language. If it be our 
object to break down the barriers which separate us at present from the 
natives, to undermine their superstition, and to weaken their prejudices, 
and give them a taste for elevated enjoyments, it will be most effectually 
done through this medium. Translations of European books into the 
native languages by Europeans, although highly useful, must have the 
drawbacks of being limited in number, defective in execution and 
destitute of the attractive grace of idiomatic expression, whereas a 
native, once taught the English language, has the whole field of 
knowledge laid open to him. We have before our eyes the effects of 
Mahomedanism, modifying the supposed immutable habits, opinions, 
superstitions and usages of the Hindus. The language of the con- 
querors is almost universally understood, and most commonly spoken by 
all classes in India. The Mahrattas worship Mahomedan saints, keep 
their festivals, and at the great annual celebration of the martyrdom 
of the grandsons of Mahomed, Hussain and Hassan, numbers 
enrol themselves in the list of those who publicly deplore their deaths. 

I have given instances of tombs being raised over Mahrattas in the 
Mahomedan style of architecture, and many parts of the present report 
testify to the adoption by a Mahratta or Brahman Government of 
Mussalman terms in politics, administration of justice, finance, agricul- 
ture, architecture and even in domestic economy. If such then have 
been the results from the simple juxtaposition of Hindus and Mussal- 
mans, what might not be expected from a systematic attempt to imbue 



MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 6 1 

the minds of the rising generation with rational and useful European 
knowledge by means of Government schools. Under present circum- 
stances, the expense of such a measure prevents its adoption on an 
extended scale, but as precipitancy would be injurious as any urgent 
manifestations of interest on the part of Government would excite 
suspicions, and as ultimate success is dependent on the slow but 
gradual and almost insensible operation of knowledge on the opinions 
and habits of those who may have voluntarily sought and gfratuitously 
received instruction influencing the circle in which they move by their 
examples, rather than in prompt, simultaneous and extended measures 
for general instruction, the few schools existing at the presidency and 
an occasional one or two in cities or large towns, although insufficient, 
will yet forward the great object in view to a limited extent. A few 
natives will be sent out with a sufficiency of education to impress on 
their minds the advantages that would accrue to their children in case 
they surpassed themselves in acquirements, and such an impression 
will be efficacious. 

I attended a public examination of the scholars of Government 
schools in Poona and of the pupils of the Engineer Institution and 
native schools in Bombay. I looked also into the school rooms at 
Ahmednagar. In the Engineer Institution and native schools some, 
of the boys (not particularly those of the highest or wealthiest classes) 
showed an efficient knowledge of the English language, and the 
progress of others in mathematics and drawing was remarkable. 
The two Poona schools were examined before the Collector and some 
European gentlemen on the i6th May 1827 by Sadashiva Bhau, 
the head native instructor in the present schools in Bombay. 
There were about 150 pupils, most of them the children of Brah- 
mans, ten or a dozen of the first class boys were called up, none 
of them had been twelve months in the schools. They were examined, 
in the first instance, in reading a printed translation of i^sop's fables 
into Marathi in the Balbodh character. They read fluently and seemed 
to understand the compendium of the morale which is given of each 
fable, instead of its full translation. They subsequently read parts of 
Maratha histories in the Modi and Balbodh characters ; they wrote 
down on slates sentences dictated to them, and spelt them. They wrote 
also on paper, and gave very favourable specimens of distinct and bold 
hands. Arithmetic they were taught on the European plan, and one or 
two of the boys had got as far as the extraction of the cube root. The 
boys all evinced considerable quickness, and the examinations were 
creditable to themselves and to their teachers. Prizes of turbans, cloths 
and books were distributed, the value of the present being in the 
ratio of the talents and the progress evinced by the boy. 



62 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 

THE BHONSLE. 

The origin of the rise of Shivaji is too well known to require any eluci- 
dation in these notes. He died in Raighur in the month of April A D. 
i68o and was succeeded by his eldest son Sumbhaji, who wiih his son 
Sewaji was both taken prisoner in the year 1694 and carried to the 
Court of Aurungzeb, where the former suffered a cruel death, and the 
latter, being spared on account of his youth, grew up under the protec- 
tion of the accomplished Fululnissa Begum, Aurungzeb's daughter. At 
the request of the Princess, it is said, he changed the name of Sewaji to 
that of Sahooji, which he ever after retained. Raja Ram, the younger 
son of Shivaji, was raised to the throne in the Fort of Rangna in 1695, 
and died in June 1698, leaving two sons, Shambhuji and Sheewajee, by 
his two wives Rajeesbye and Tarabye. The latter succeeded his father 
on the throne, but evincing symptoms of insanity some years after, he 
was deposed and confined by his own mother in the year 1703, who 
raised his half brother, Sumbhajee, to the Musnud of Kolapoor, which he 
made his residence. In the year 1707 Aurungzeb died, Shahajee obtain- 
ing his liberty came to Sattara to claim his kingdom. He was for 
some time opposed by his aunt, Tarabye, a clever and ambitious woman, 
the widow of his uncle Raja Ram. Shahoo Raja at length consented to 
share the empire with his cousin, Sambhajee, who was permitted to 
retain Kolapoor and all the country south of the Warna and Krishna, 
while to Sahooji was left all to the north of those rivers. Tarabye 
retired to Kolapoor and lived to an extreme old age. Both she and her 
stepson, Sambhajee, dying in the same year A. D. 1760. 

Shahoo Raja, of indolent and luxurious habits, to manage his Govern- 
ment made it over to his minister the Peshwa, Balaji Viswanath, to 
whom succeeded Bajirao Ballal, and his son Balajee denominated Nana- 
saheb. Shahoo Raja died without issue, 27th December 1749, when 
the Peshwa having brought forward Ram Raja, the son of Shtwajee 
and nephew of the reigning Raja of Kolapoor, caused him to be adopted 
as the son Shahoojee. From that day the subversion of the power of 
the House of Satara was complete, and that of the Peshwas establish- 
ed. Ram Raja having no children, many years after adopted, at the 
instance of Nana Fadnavis, a youth of the family of the Deshmukhs of 
Wavel in 1777, and dying in following year, 1778, the Second Shahoo- 
jee succeeded to the Musnud of Satara. The semblance of respect 
was still maintained towards him. A guard of honour of 500 horse 
was appointed by the Peshwa to escort and to watch him, and his ex- 
penses were limited as well as the range of his excursions in the neigh- 
bourhood of his capital. All reports of war and peace and the result of 
campaigns, however, were regularly submitted for his information, 
and while the creation of new and the nomination to the succession of 



MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 63 

hereditary offices and estates derived confirmation from him alone, the 
Peshwa tiimself was not deemed exempt from accepting this token of 
homage. The revolution which succeeded on the death of Sawai 
Madhavrao at Poona in October 1795 afforded the Raja an opening 
to emancipation, of which he did not fail to avail himself, and seizing 
the person employed to control him, encouraged his full brother, Chutr- 
sing, to raise troops and seek for foreign aid. The effort, however, was 
too feeble, — Shahoo the Second became henceforward a closed prisoner 
in the Fort of Satara and died 4th May 1808, leaving three sons, of 
whom the eldest, Partapsing, was raised to the throne by the British 
Government in February 181 8, and still reigns. 



THE GAEKWAR. 

This family from an inconsiderable origin has risen to become one 
of the Princes of the Mahratta State. 

Ii is said they are Patails of the village of Dhowry, Nimbgawn in the 
Poona Prant Peelajee the First, who distinguished himself, was an 
of!icer with 15 retainers, in the service of Kuddum Bandy Brothers, 
whose flag the family still uses. After the first or second inroad into 
Gujarat, the Raja of Satara, not conceiving the Kuddumsing calculated 
to establish themselves permanently, deputed Peelajee with a large 
army, which assembled in the first instance at Moholy near Satara, 
and thence marched to the north. The success of Peelajee was complete. 
Peelajee commanded a division in the battle of Panipat, and died shortly 
after his return, at the village of Sowlee near Baroda, of a fever. He was 
succeeded by his son, Damajee, who had long before been distinguished, 
but some hesitation occurring in sending the Cloth of Investiture from 
Satara, Damajee repaired to court with an army estimated at 100,000 
men. He was induced by the solemn oaths interchanged between the 
Raja and himself to disband his army, but having been plundered by the 
Peshwa at the instance of the Raja, on his return he swore he would 
never pay the compliment of salaming with that hand which had been 
pledged in that of his princes, in a false oath— since which period the 
Gykawars assume the peculiar privilege of saluting with the left hand. 

Damajee died at Bhavee Pattan in Gujarat in the reign of the Great 
Madhavrao, leaving four sons, of whom Sayajee Rao, the eldest, was an 
idiot. The part which Govind Rao, the second son, took in favour of 
the exiled Raghoba Dada prevented his acceding to the Musnud till 
after the death of both his young brothers, Fatty Sing and Manajee, 
who had successively reigned. He sat on the Musnud only three or 
four years, when he died, leaving three legitimate children, who have 
each reigned in succession, the youngest, Sayajee, being now on the 
gad hi. 



64 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 

THE ANGRIA. 

Kanoji, the son of Tukoji, a Maratha chief of the family of Angria, 
first attained eminence while in the service of the Raja of Satara by the 
capture of the fort of Raighur from the Hubshee chief of Kolaba 
in the year 1698 and subsequently distinguished himself in the war 
in the Koncan carried on by the Marathas against that portion of the 
Mohamedan dominions, on which occasion he acquired the title of 
Surkhyle. Taking advantage of his own power, and the dissensions 
which broke out in the Satara family after the return of Shahu Raja, 
he not only refused to render him submission, but made an effort 
to establish an independent sovereignty along the whole Koncan 
Coast, from Goa to Surat, including the hill-forts on the low range 
of Ghats with the country below them. Till at length having been 
worsted in many actions by the superior State of Satara, peace was 
concluded, and Kanoji consented to acknowledge the sovereignty of 
Shahu Raja. On which occasion the whole of the seaports from Vizia- 
durg as far as Kolaba remained in Angria*s possession, and reverted 
first to his eldest son Tukoji and in two years after to his second son 
Sambaji, between whom and his son Manoji dissensions arising, the 
latter fled to the English at Bombay, but meeting with no aid in that 
quarter he proceeded to Poona and became reconciled to his father 
through the Peshwa, but on the death of Sambaji his brother Tulaji, 
disputing the right of his nephew, was eventually seized by the Peshwa 
and died after a confinement of 31 years in prison. The piratical 
practices of the Angrias on all nations approaching the western coast 
of India are matter of history, and do not admit of illustration in this 
place. 

As the British power preponderated, they gradually subsided, and 
after the peace of Bassein they ceased altogether, while the once power- 
ful Angria encroached on by the Peshwas from time to time dwindled 
into insignificance leaving in possession of the family at the breaking 
out of the war a territory yielding two lakhs of rupees in the neighbour- 
hood of Kolaba and Andhery, of which about half has been alienated for 
religious purposes or for the reward of services performed by courtiers 
at Poona. 



THE PESHWA. 



The founder of this family, Balajee, the son ofWiswanath, aChiplony 

Brahman, was the hereditary desmook or zemindar of Shreewardhan 

on the sea coast of the Southern Koncan. He so recommended himself 

by his ability and energy at the Court of Satara that he was nominated 

'to the office of Peshwa in 1717 and was succeeded at his death in 1720 



MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATilA PEOPLE. 65 

by his eldest son, Baji Rao. Under this chief the power of the Pesh- 
waship became supreme and the Raja of Satara was satisfied to con- 
tinue a mere pageant. Baji Rao was succeeded in the year 1740, at 
his death, by Balwant Row entitled Nanasaheb, during whose rule, 
Sahojee, the Raja of Satara, died without issue, and from that date the 
Peshwa was acknowledged as chief and exercised the power of 
Sovereign of the Maratha Empire. 

His lieutenants carried their conquests over the whole of Hindoo- 
stan and Guzerat, levied heavy tribute from the Nizam, and 
wrested the Empire from the Mughul, and raised contributions in 
Bengal, and conquered Cuttack. Nanasahib died in 1761, and was 
succeeded by his second son, Madhaorao, called ** The Great." He died 
in 1772 at the age of 28, after giving great promise of his talents and 
vigour. He was succeeded by his younger brother, Narayan Rao, who 
was murdered in 1773 in his palace at Poona in the presence of his 
uncle, Raghoba Dada. Narayan Rao was succeeded by his posthumus 
child, Saway Madhavrao, during whose minority the State was ruled by 
his Minister, Nana Furnavis. On the death of Saway MadhaoRao in 1795 
without children, he was succeeded by his relative, Baji Rao, the eldest 
son of Raghoba Dada, who, expelled from his dominions after a desper- 
ate effort to recover all the power of his ancestors which he had for- 
feited by his imbecility, abdicated his sovereignty on 3rd June 1818 in 
favour of the British Government on condition of receiving annually 
Rs. 8,00,000. His brother, Chimnajee Appa, receives a pension of 
Rs. 2,00,000, and Amritrao, the adopted son of Raghoba Dada, 
Rs. 7,00,000 which has lately descended to his son. 



NANA FURNAVIS. 



The ancestor of this great Minister was Madhojee Punt Banoo, a 
Chiplony Brahman, the Mahajim of the village of Velloss in the 
Taluka of Bankote. He first left his native village and came to 
Satara in consequence of an invitation from the first Peshawa Balajee 
Vishwanath, whose brother Tanoo Vishwanath had found protection 
in his house after his defeat by the Hubshees near Sreevurdhan. The 
three sons of Madhoji Punt obtained service at Court and the elder, 
Balajee, was raised to the ofiBce of Furnavis and died at Delhi, 
whither he had accompanied the Peshwa. His sons, Janardan Punt 
and Baboo Rao, succeeded to his ofHce, the former died before the latter, 
leaving an only son, Balajee, who, flying from the battle of Panipat, 
escaped to Poona, and in conjunction with his uncle. Baboo Rao, and 
his son, Moroba, filled the office of Furnavis, 

5 



66 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THB MARATHA PEOPLE. 

It is unnecessary here to enter into any particular history of Balajee 
Janardhan, better known by the appellation of Nana Furnavis. He 
succeeded to the supreme control of the affairs of the whole Maratha 
Empire in 1774 and exercised his power with a sagacity and conduct 
rarely met with. On the death of Saway Madhao Rao in 1795 and 
the subsequent contention for the throne he lost much of his power 
and expended the whole of a fortune amounting, it is said, to nearly 
five millions in his endeavour to regain it. He died of a fever in 1800, 
leaving a widow Jeoo Bai, who enjoys the following income : — • 

Rs. 

Pension from the British Government 12,000 

Deshmuky of Verval (Ellora) ., .., .,. 500 

Enam Village of Menowly near Waee 1,000 

Mahojunky and Koteky of the native village of the family 
Vellass in the Ta^ooka of Bankote 200 



Income Rs. 13,700 

Management of the revenues of the religious establishment of the 
Bele Bagh at Poona producing Rs. 5,000. 




Art. VI — A Brief Smrs^ri' of tne Upjnish^s. 

By M. R. Boi^AS, M_ii., ul.^ 

Read hefon the Smmsirii Sii^ti^m ^m ihti Jmrnrnjo^ 10^5 in 
C0mmecti0u 'SL'itk dke Cem^em^n t^ ti£ Stcicf^^ 

The word Upmmi^md in andent vritin^ has \:arious shades c^ mean- 
ing, all bearing the general sense of secret knoviedge or esoceric 
lore. It sometimes means simply secret expianadoo, as in 3^:^^ 

^lfl?3^»f ^'ift^WW ^I^^T^'JHH'lf^ (Kenaja), or J I UK^ »flf%^ 
^^^ fllHI3MfiH<^ (Chh. Up. L 13, 4» or some special rule, as in 
?^'^ <1VJtMflMH^l9KK (Kansh Up, U. 2), or sometimes the highest 
knowledge as in H<l W^^^l^^^HM^ CTaitL IIL 10,6), or in difil'^HHtMiw 
(Shweta V. 16 '3). By common usage, however, the word Vpamsk^ 
has come to be used to denote a particular class of ancient works which 
are the repositories of such esoteric knowledge, and which are from 
time immemorial regarded as supplementary to the Brakmatuts 
Sind Aranyaiaf of the four Vedas, The works known as I'/Himiskotis 
are mostly concluding portions of the A ramraias, which are themselves 
supplements to their respective Brahmanas. There are some excep- 
tions, no doubt, as /xa, which forms part of the Vajasaneyi Sanhita or 
the KenopauisAad, which according to Dr. Burnel forms the loth 
anuvak of the fourth chapter of Talavaidra Brdhmana recently dis« 
covered by him at Tanjore.* Kaushitaki was at one time supposed 
to be a part of KaushitaM Brdhmana^ but now it has been discovered 
in a MS. of an Atnnyaka of the ^^nkhSyanya S&kh^ which along 
with the Aitareyaranyaka probably once formed one work.t As a 
rule, however, the sequence of Vedic books is, first, the Sanhita contain* 
tng mostly the hymns and prayers addressed to deities, and then, the 
Brahmanas containing detailed descriptions of the several sacrifices 
and other Vedic rites as well as stories, whether real or mythical, illus- 
trative of the hymns in the Sanhitas. The Aranyakas are continuations 
of the Brahmanas ^ but distinctive in character in so far as they treat of 
more esoteric rites. They were probably intended for persons who have 
left the state of the common householder and, having entered Iho 
third Ashrama of Vanaprastha, have gone to live in the forests. Kvon 
now there is a prohibition against reciting these Aranyakas in a family 

* Sacred B. £., Vol. T., p xc. 

t Weber's History of Indian Literature, p. 50. 



68 A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS. 

house, and orthodox Pandits often resort to a temple whenever they 
have to read them. The Upantshads are those portions of the 
Aranyakas vj\\\c\iXxe3.toithQ higher doctrines of the soul as distin- 
guished from rites and ceremonies. Upantshads may thus be said to 
form the kernel or rather the coping stone of the Vedic literature which 
begins with the simple invocation to a favourite deity, passes through 
the intermediate stage of elaborate rites, and ends in the deepest philo- 
sophy of the indissoluble unity of the individual and universal soul. 

Most European scholars derive the word Upanishad from the root 
sad^ to sit down, preceded by two prepositions upa and «f, meaning 
sitting near ; and the Trikdnda ^esha Kosha explains it as ^Av\ ^?^, 
sitting near the teacher. It has been suggested that the contents of 
the Upanishads were thought to be so esoteric that they could not be 
taught promiscuously or in public, but the pupil had to approach 
very near the teacher to.hear them. Max Miiller thinks it expresses 
this position of inferiority which a pupil occupiesC when listening to a 
\A?s\\Qt {Ancient Sansk, Lit, p. 318). iankarAchdrya, on the other 
hand, in his commentary on Brihaddranyaka derives it from the root 
sad, with upa and ff< meaning *to destroy.' ** ^ l|^^<]lMfHM^^<tl^l 

cjj^pfi^j-ai^.l " Brahma Vidyd is called Upanishad hacaiUSQ it destroys 
completely all worldly ties and their causes : and so the treatises, 
which taught that knowledge, also came to be called by the same 
name, and Sdyana in another place * derives it as ^^^^'"'RFrt ^ ^t 
'' wherein the highest good is embedded." Max Miiller calls these ex- 
planations wilfully perverse, invented by half-educated native scholars 
to account for the most prevalent meaning of the word; but he does 
not advance any strong grounds for making such a sweeping charge. 
The alternative etymology implying, 'sitting down near the teacher' 
is equally, if not more, imaginary. The derivation given by Indian 
scholars has at least the merit of explaining the various primary 
senses in which the word is found used in the Upanishads themselves. 
Wherever it occurs it connotes either ** secret knowledge" or ** rite " or 
** the highest knowledge of Brahma. " Max Miiller himself realized 
the difficulty of deriving this meaning from *' sitting down near the 
teacher". The fact is, it is one oi XhosQ yoga-rudha words to which 
long usage has attached a special meaning and thereby destroyed all 
trace of its origin. The very diversity of derivations shows that the 
true etymology is now probably lost, and we shall have to be satisfied 
with conjectures only. If I may be permitted to make a similar guess, 
the true explanation of the word, it seems to me, is quite different 
from those hitherto given either by European or Indian scholars . 

• Taithriya Up. II. 9. 



A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS. 69 

Upanishady I think, did originally mean '' sitting down near" as Max 
Miiller says, but it was sitting down near the sacrificial fire and not near 
a teacher. To make this clear we must look to the probable origin 
of the treatises or rather the discussions which are now embodied in 
the treatises known as Upanishads. The Shatapatha Bmkmana, the 
Brikadamnyaka and the Chhandogya furnish ample evidence that the 
various conversations reported therein took place in the midst of big 
sacrifices. Thus we read in Chhandogya how Uiasti Chdkrdyana 
went to a king's sacrifice and there having challenged all to explain the 
nature of the various deities described them himself, concluding with 
a praise of the Udgitha^ which forms the burden of the whole chapter. 
In the fiftli chapter there is the typical story of five learned theologians 
headed by Udddlaka Aruni go\n^ to king Aswapati Kaikeya to learn 
Vaiswavanara self, and the king before answering them proposes to hold 
a sacrifice. They approach him with sacrificial fuel in their hands, 
which probably implies that all such knowledge could in those times be 
obtained in the presence of the sacrificial fire. The king thereupon 
instructs them in the mysteries of the Universal Soul by a reference 
to the five limbs of Vaiswanara fire. Similarly the Brihadaranyaka 
describes the victory of Yajnyavalkya over the Kuru Panchala Brah- 
mans at the great sacrifice performed by Janaica. Katha also has the 
story of Nachiketa^^ who on seeing his father giving out sacrificial 
offerings asked to whom he would give his son ; and the Prasna tells 
us how when five inquirers after Bfahma approached Pippalada with a 
sacrificial fuel stick in hand, he asks them to perform austerities for a 
year. Almost all the topics, metaphors and illustrations in these Upa- 
nishads are connected with a sacrifice, and in many places their con- 
text clearly shows that a sacrifice was then being actually performed. 
The Udgithavidyay the Samvargavidya, the five Ahutis or oblations, 
all these are described as if the actual rite was then proceeding. 
The coincidences are too numerous to be accidental and can only be 
explained on the supposition that the various discussions which now 
form part of the several Upanishads originally took place during the 
celebration of a great sacrifice. A sacrifice lasts several days, and 
when the days' ceremonies are over, the Yajamdna, the Rttvigs and 
visitors must have spent the evenings in various discourses suggested 
by the morning rites. As a matter of fact we do find entertainments 
and even music provided to fill up the intervals between two parts of 
the sacrifice. The big Sairas or sacrificial sessions did provide for 
such interludes as reading Puranas, philosophical discourses, literary 
contests, and we do find Suka reciting the Bhagwat to Janamejaya 
and Suta reciting other Puranas to Rishis during such sessions. Is it 
inconceivable that the awakening intellect of the ancient Aryans tired 
with the routine performance of dry rites should have, while resting in 



70 A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS. 

the midst of sacrifices, risen higher and tried to grapple with the 
deeper problems of life ? A big sacrifice with its paraphernalia, the 
decorated pandal, the continuous chants of the hymns, the band of busy 
priests, and the crowd of spectators — a miniature picture, in fact, of the 
outer world — is just the occasion when solemn thoughts about the vanity 
of our aims would suggest themselves to earnest minds, who having 
gathered together as if in a Congress would exchange ideas and benefit 
by mutual instruction. A master mind among them like Uddalaka^ 
Aruni or Vajnyavalkya would invariably come forth on such occasions 
to guide others by disclosing the deeper truths implied in the sacrifi- 
cial rites which they were all engaged in celebrating. The sacrificial 
fire before them, Vaiswanara, would then be not a mere fiame, but the 
symbol of Universal Soul resting his feet on earth and raising his 
many variegated heads to the sky. The Udgitha would not be 
merely a string of words mechanically chanted, but the impas- 
sioned cry of prayer given out by Devas and A suras in their 
efforts to obtain the mastery of the world. The whole sacrifice is 
likened to a man's life wherein the first 24 years form the Pratas- 
savana or morning's prayer, the next forty-four form the Mandhyandina 
or noon prayer, and the next forty-eight years form the third or 
evening prayer. The frequency of such discourses must have led to their 
being collected and subsequently included in the respective Aranyakas, 
As the Yajamana also, who in a big sacrifice must have been a 
Kshatriya Prince, took part or rather commenced the discussion by 
propounding questions, we find learned Kshatriyas like Janaka, Ajata- 
satru, and Pravahana figuring prominently in these treatises. When 
in course of time these collections swelled and multiplied, they came 
to be regarded as a class of literature by themselves throwing the 
bald Samhitas or the ritualistic B rah manas into the shade and gradually 
bringing about a revolution of religious ideas. Once accustomed to 
such questionings on deeper problems, people could not be satisfied 
with mere ritual. Energetic minds casting aside the dead formula 
sought to reach the innermost truths. Kshatriyas as being com- 
paratively more practical and less untrammelled by the ritualistic 
conservatism appear to have been foremost in this movement towards 
a deeper religion, which commenced with the compilation or rather 
the collection of the Aranyakas and culminated in the secessions of 
Baudhas and Jainas. The development of thought, as Oldenburg 
truly says, which was progressing in this period, while resting ap- 
parently on the old faith in the gods, had really undermined that 
faith and created a new ground of religious thought, namely, the be- 
lief in the undisturbed, unchangeable Universal Unity. On this very 
foundation, centuries after the Brahminical thinkers had laid it, were 



A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS. 7 1 

built that doctrine and church which subsequently came to be known 
by the name of Buddha.^ 

The name Aranyaka^ which probably originated in the same manner, 
is usually derived from Aranya (^TT"^ Ht produced in forest), and the 
Vartika qr?T ^^TTT -^N R«K TSFT Sl'^df^fS WTS^TT^on Paninis's sutra 3?^- 
"Hi'^a^Cl V-2-129) derives the adjective BTK«i|4j from ^TT^as applied to an 
3TV?jpT or chapter, implying probably a chapter of a Brahmana. But the 
very exception to the usual derivative 3TR<'^ shows that it must have 
been an after-thought, suggested by the author of the Vartikas to explain 
an unknown word. Besides, even so it is only an adjective and does 
not denote an independent class of books. It is not impossible that the 
word was originally derived from 3?^, the wooden sticks, by rubbing 
which the sacrificial fire is produced, which may, therefore, be called 
^^P^t and the discourses compiled in the presence of, or relating to the 
sacrificial fire may have come to be called 3TH"*I*. Of course this is a 
conjecture only, but it is a guess which if confirmed by further inquiry 
will support the above hypothesis. 

It should not, of course, be supposed that all the works that pass under 
the name of Upanishads at^ of equal antiquity. Only a few of them 
that are well-known could be pre-Buddhistic, while a large number are 
of more or less recent origin. Many of the modern compositions are of 
such mixed character that they have hardly any similarity, except in 
name, with the genuine ones. A chronology of these writings would be 
very instructive, as it will throw much light on the gradual development 
of religious ideas in India ; but the task of compiling it is not easy. 
Sufficient data are not yet available to make any such attempt, and the 
text of all the extant works will have to be carefully examined and 
corrected before any reliable conclusions can be drawn therefrom . It 
is simply intended in this short paper to give a bibliography of the 
Upanishads that have hitherto been found, or the names of which have 
been ascertained from other source. When the basis has thus been • 
prepared, a critical study of the works together with their comparison 
with one another and other known writings will have to follow before 
their intrinsic worth and historical importance can be properly appraised. 
One fact, however, can now be safely asserted, that at least 8 or 10 
of the most famous Upanishads are pre-Buddhistic, while many of the 
rest must have come into existence during the three or four centuries be- 
fore Christ when the Brahminical orthodoxy had to contend against the 
onslaughts of Jain and Boudha heretics. A large number again are so 
sectarian or devoted to particular deities or ceremonies, that they must 
have been composed when Hinduism was split up into sects and each 

* Oldenburg:'s Buddha, his Life> his Doctrine, his Order|" p. t8. 



74 A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS. 

the Sama and 31 to the Atharva Veda, Other authorities, as has been 
shown above, assign 52 Upanishads to the A tharva Veda, while the 
names given by Muktika differ considerably from those given by Drs. 
Bhandarkar and Rajendralal. Similar differences also exist as regards 
p2iTi\cu\2ir upanishads which are assigned to different Vedas by different 
writers. It should be noted, however, that such differences mostly pre- 
vail either between the Snma Veda and white Yajurveda, which them- 
selves appear to have been nearly contemporaneous works,or as regards 
the Atharva Veda which has in fact been made the repository of all the 
later writings. Several Upanishads again have different recensions^ 
the most glaring instance of which is Narayana, which has been ac- 
tually printed in two recensions, one as the loth prapdthaka of TaUtiriya 
A ranyaka, and the other as Parisishta, and which even in the time of 
Say ana had four recensions, prevailing respectively in Dravida, Andhm, 
Kamataka and other provinces. These four go under the name of 
Ydjnikiy while the Parisishta^ which is a different thing altogether, is 
now recited by Vaidik Brahmins as the Narayanopanishad proper. 

Time will not allow me to digress further into this very interesting' 
field of investigation. A closer study of each treatise will, un- 
doubtedly, disclose many peculiarities showing its real character and 
merits. 

I may be permitted in conclusion to remark that no class of ancient 
Sanskrit works has exercised greater influence on the religious 
thought and life of the Hindus than the Upanishads. They have 
practically thrown the Sanhitas and the Brahmanas into the back- 
ground. They have made elaborate sacrifices and rituals obsolete. 
They gave birth to Buddhism and Jainism and many other move- 
ments and yet ultimately supplanted them by means of the orthodox 
Vedanta philosophy. It is the Upanishads that taught the austere 
doctrine of Para-Brahma and also the benign faith of the BhakH^ 
shastra. Founders of all orthodox sects in later times resorted to 
them as fountain heads of religious wisdom ; and no wonder that they 
have come to be looked upon as Shrutiy par excellence, Madhusudana 
Saraswati classes them apart from the other divisions of Veda, vis,, 
Sanhita, Brahmana, Aranyakas, Upa-Veda and Vedanga, Even now 
the upanishads are a living force as we see from the lives of Schaupen- 
haur in Europe and Ram Mohan Roy in India, both of whom derived 
their religious impulse from this perennial source. It behoves us 
all to study these works closely and respectfully. 



A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE L7AX1SHJUH. 



75 



APPEXDHL 



NoU,^^ The letters in the third coYumm 4eaot« Ibe ftonrLe ^ ^.rij^ tL^ 
name, ^.^.— 

A.-yuktikopmmisiutd. B.-ESot's iac C^-Colefaroofce • btf. D^A IH ftr-.n'* Ut. 
E.-Weber'8 list. F.— Ur. Rajeodrala]** Ebc Gu—Dr. B kfca aa tfcjtf^ • hat, H --Oppcr; * W. 
J.— Bulher's Catalosrue of MSS. ia GiQarat. 

t The following abbreTiatiocis is the second co'uct: denc-t* 'i-c IV^ *x^ 
which the Upanishad is assig'oed : — 

"Kx^.—Rigvedam B. Yaj.— Black Ymjrn*. W. Ya>— ITLr-e YmjmrttdM. Sa*r — 5a»vt>r<^0. 



No. 


Name of Upanishad. 


Veda to 

which it 
belong^.'' 


Work* Mh'i'A* tx*fr^ 
lion it,* 


1 

2 


ST. 


called ftWI 
ft^alsof^<^ 

t 
1 


Rig- 
B. Ya> 

Ath, 
W. Yaj. 

• • • • « J 

••• •• 

1 

Ath. 

9 V • • 9 

' B. Yaj. ' 
B. Yaj. 

W. Yaj. 
Sam. 






.A, B. 

A, B, H. 
H. 


3 


^!S^I*<lMHM^ 


F, H. 


4 


^^l^wflMMNcl, 


A. B. C. D, G, H,J. 


5 
6 

7 




A, B, C, D, F, G, H, ]. 

B, H. 

'Probably 3rd 

\,G,HJ.^ Chap. ^ of 
\, B, H. 


8 
9 


<«5ldlMftN< or ^W 


10 

II 




^- 1 Probably the 
A,B,H. J same. 

B, D, F, H. 

B, C, D, F, G, H, J. 


12 
13 

'4 


^^^Pl4 or ^5<R4 


'5 


^^dWiWjMpN^l 


H. 


1 16 

• 

1 


^^MH^^ 


J. 
A R H 


ii<i 
12a 
130 




A, B, M 



76 



A BRIEF SURVEY OP THE UPANISHADS. 



No. 



Name of Upanishad. 



M 

IS 
i6 

17 
18 

19 

20 

21 
22 
23 
24 

• 

25 
26 

27 
28 

29 

30 

:u 
3^ 



Veda to 

which it 

belongs .t 



Works which men- 
tion it.* 



or ^THF^ 



i[ftfr#?f^ 



im^m 



^^<^\hA\m 



f. 



^. 



^. 



Ath. 
Rig. 



Sam. 



A, C, D, G, H, J. 
A, B, D, H, J. 

J. 

A, B, C, D, F, G, J. 

B, C, G, H, J. 



W. Yaj. 



I 



^J3^ or ^55[^R3 



?^. 



Yaj. 



Rig. 



B. Yaj. 



A, B, C, D, F, H, J. 
H. Probably same as 



B. Yaju. 



A, B, H. 



A, B, C, D, F, H, J. 



H. 

A, B, C, D, F, G. H. J. 

I A. 

B, C, G, J. 



A, B, H. 
H. 



A BKIKF SURVEY OF THE UPANISUADS. 



77 



No. 




Veda to 

which it 

belongs, t 


Works which men. 
lion it,* 


33 
34 


t 


B. Yaj. 






A. B. C, G. H, J. 


««I^HWRS^ 


A, F. H, J. 


35 ,*^^ 


^^ 




36 il"«* or *l*^*l 

— .% rs rs. n. 


Sara. 
Ath. 


A, B, H. 


37 


»^MMia. or *»"WimHI 


A, B. 


38 


%^ 


5>am. 


A, B, C. D, F, H, J. 


39 


^<W 


B. Yaj. 


A, B, C, F, G. H. J. 


40 


A Sl—ts. 






*I^IHMiq, 


B. C, E, F, H. 


41 


\_A /> ^ fX 


Rig. 






A, B. C, D, F, H, J. 




ir. 






42 




B. Yaj. 


A, B, C, D, G. H, J. 


43 




Ath. 


A, B, H, J. 

[Perhaps the same as 
last. 


44 






45 


I^^Mpm^ 




46 


'TW 


Ath. 


A, B,C, G, H,J. 


47 


1* 


B. Yaj. 


A,B,C,D, F, G, H.J, 


48 


^ii"m^mPm<i^ 




H. Perhaps the same 

as'mMt^, 
B. 

A, B, C, E, F, H, J. 


49 


^iW'3m^»<^ 




50 


^ilMi^\i<^5ft 


i Ath. 


51 






52 




•■• *•• 


B, C, E, F, H, J. 


53 


N^MWI^ 




J. 


54 








55 


•^^IMMM^ or -^I 




A, B, C, D, G, H, J. 


56 


Sam. 


A, B, C. D. H. J. 



78 



A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS. 



No. 



57 

58 

59 

60 
61 
62 

63 

'65 
^6 

67 
68 
69 

70 

71 
72 

73 

74 

75 
76 

77 

78 
79 



Name of Upanishad. 



?T. 



«ft sn^T^^ or «r^^ 

^i«ii^ or ^ SfHT^ 



f f^yi^nfWt or 

i f%3U^I%^ or 



Veda to 

which it 

belongs, t 



Works which men- 
tion it.* 



Sam. 
W. Yaj. 
Sam. 



Yaj. 



B. Yaj. 
Ath. 

Rig. 
Ath. 



) 



W.Yaj. 



A, B, C, E, F, G, H. 
A, B, C, D, F, H. J. 

A, B. 

B. D, H. 
A, B, rl. 

J. 

A, B| ri* 

H. 

A, B, C, D, G, H. 

A, B, E, H, J. 
H. 

A, B, H, J. 



A, B, C, E, H. The 
same. 

H. 

A, B, H. Probably the 
same. 



B. Yaj. 
Ath. 



^o js^qhi^^ 



Ath. 



A, B, H. 

A, B, H, J. 

Same as 3|(i||c4 ^^. 

A, B, H. 

H. 

H. 



A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS. 



79 



No. 



Name of Upanishad. 



8i 

82 

83 

«4 

85 

86 

87 
S8 

89 
-90 

91 

92 

95 
96 
97 

98 

99 
too 









^pjlhH-ll^ 



^r^WB 



J[f3f^ 



101 ' ^^w^ Rf+W 




Veda to 

which it 

belongs.t 



Works which men- 
tion it.* 



Sam. 



Rig. 
' Ath. 



A. B, C. D, G, H, J. 



A, B, C, G, H, J. 

B, H. 

Perhaps the same as 2 
' ^fSCdlM-ft or nilMR r^ c T 

H. 
B. 



B. Yaj. 

; W. Yaj. [a, B, C, D, G, H. J. 
A, B, E, H, J. 



Rig. 



••• ••• 



5-Ath. 



\V. Yaj. 
Ath. 



A, B, n. 

B, C, G, H, J. 

iB, C, D, G, H, J. 

Perhaps the same a? 
the above. 



A, B, F, G, J. 
A, B, C, D. 



Ath. 



J. 

H. Perhaps same as ^. 

\ B, H. 



So 



A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS. 



No. 


Name of Upanishad* 


Veda to 

which it 

belongs, t 


Works which men- 
tion it.* 








A T T r^ 1 1 < 


io6 


W*<N«WMMMa, 


A, H. Probably same as 


. 






TT^m^TSRT (see 
Ell.) 


107 
108 
109 




Ath. 


H. The same as aruTTrVf. 

A, B, H. Perhaps same 

as the last. 

B, C, G, H, J. 


no 


^^M^I<OMPiM^ 


J. 


III 


^j^SmPiN^ 


W, Yaj. 


A, B, H. 


112 


M-^iH^ ^^^i ^'^f{\m^ 


Yaju. 


A, B. 


"3 


M-M^lldlMMMO. 






114 


il^K^HMMMM^ 






"5 


M"RlMpi*<^ 






116 


ii"h^i5;i^mPiMdL 






117 


5r« 


Ath. 


A, B, C, D, F, G, H, J. 


ii8 


i<l"llwtlw 


Yaju. 


A, B, C, D, H, J. 


119 




W. Yaj. 
Ath. 


H. 


120 


t^iM^M^ 


A, B, C, D, F, H, J. 


121 


4^>»<HHI^ or '^^i^.Hl^ 


A, B, H, J. 


122 


t*^l^l4il^0. 


Rig. 


A, B, H. 


123 


f^<?^mj^N^ 




J. 


124 
125 


TO 

1 • 


B. Yaj. 
ft 


F. 

A, B, C, H, J. 


126 


• 


A, B, C, D, G, H, J. 










127 


*<tThHHnMPm^ 




128 


^T5[T 


Ath. 




129 


*it*<v>1WI<* 


A, B, H. 


130 


^^Hl , 


>» 


A, B, H, J. 



Index to the Transactions of the Literary Society, Bombay— Rs, a. p. 

Vols. I. — III., and to the Journals of the B. B. R. A. Society, 

Vols. I. — XVII., with a Historical Sketch of the Society. 

By Ganpatrao K. Tiwarekar, librarian ..< 400 

Catalogue of the library of the B. B. R. A. Society up to 

1873. (Not in stock.) ... • 500 

Supplementary Catalogues from 1874 to 1904} 

.w^« . ^ . - ^, . V r ••• ••• each 040 

(With Catalogues of Novels.) J ^ 

Catalogue of Novels up to 1872 •.. ,, 080 

Journal of the Bombay Geographical Society, 

Proceedings, Bombay Geographical Society, 1837 080 

-^ • 1838 100 

'^39 ••• ...080 

— — 1840 ... •••100 



Transactions, Vol. VI., 1841-1844 180 

VII., 1844-1846 .200 

VIII., 1847-1849 «•• ••• 180 

IX., 1849-1850 a o o 

X., 1850-1852 ••• 200 

XI., 1852-1853 ...200 

— XII., 1854-1856 200 

XIII., 1856-1857 200 

— XIV., 1857-1858 200 

— XV., 1858-1860 200 

XVI., 1860-1862 200 

XVII., 1863-1864 200 



••• ••• ••• 



200 



XVIII. , 1865-1867 ... 
XIX., 1868-1873 200 



Index to the Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society, 
Vols. I. to XVII., with Catalogue of the Library. By D. J. 
Kennelly, Honorary Secretary 



... 



••• ••• ••" 



72 A BRIBP SURVEY OP THE UPANISHADS. 

votary tried to support his cause by some pseudo-ancient book. Isa^ 
Ken^ Katha, Chhandogya and Brihadaranyaka are samples of the first; 
J4b&la, ^wet^shwatara, Mundaka and the Upanishads of the Athar- 
vaveda are of the second class ; while treatises like Rama^ Sita, Datt^- 
traya, Krishna, Gopichandana, Rudr^ksha and many others obviously 
belong to the third class. The age of the most ancient of these, 
namely Brihadaranyaka, Chhandogya and (sa had for some time been 
assumed by European scholars to be contemporaneous with Vajasaoeyi 
Sanhita and the iatapatha Brahmana^ that is, between the 9th and 
7th centuries before Christian era. Mr. V. B. Ketkar, however, in a 
paper read before this Society^ relying on a passage in the 
Satapatha Brahmana showing that the vernal equinox was then 
actually in the Krittikas^ calculates the time to be B. C. 3068 
and if the Upanishads were contemporaneous, as most prob- 
ably they were, we shall have to push their origin much further 
back than the time hitherto assumed. The Upanishads abound in 
historical and topographical references, which are after more careful 
study likely to yield good results ; but until some positive data are 
obtained, random speculations would only mislead. 

Several attempts have been made by Western scholars in the past 
to collect a bibliography, as it were, of the Upanishads. The earliest 
known was that by Anquetil Du Perron who was followed by Colebrooke, 
Weber and Roer in Bibliotheca Indica, Vol. VII, No. 34. Mr. Walter 
Elliot in a list published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of 
Bengal (Vol. XX, p. 609) combined and corrected all the previous lists, 
enlarging the number of 6^<i»tr^<i</r from 95 given by Roer to 120 
by additional names collected from Telegu MSS. Mr. Elliot also pub- 
lished the list of 108 Upanishads given in Muktikopanishad. Roer on 
comparing Elliot's list with the previous ones found that the total num- 
ber thus known was 138 or, with portions of some counted as different 
works, i54.t Dr.Rajendra Lai Mitra in his Introduction to Gopatha-Brah- 
mana (Bibliotheca Indica) gives a list of 52 Upanishads of the Atharva- 
Veda fWhich with slight variations and a different order agrees with the one 
prepared by Dr. Bhandarkar from MSS. found in Gujarat^ Biihlerin 
his Catalogue of MSS. in Gujarat gives a list of different Upanishads 
containing several names not known to Elliot, while Oppert in his lists 
of Sanskrit MSS. in Southern India adds many more names which are 
not found elsewhere. In addition to all these I was fortunate in obtaining 
from my friend, Mr. Venkatachala Shastri of Mysore, MSS. and names 
of some Upanishads not found in any of the above lists. Having com- 
pared and collected these materials, I have prepared an alphabetical list 

• Journal. B. B. R. A., Vol. XXI, p. 39. 

t Journal, Royal As. Soc.. Beng., p. 619. 

X Search for Sanskrit MSS. in Bombay Presidency for i883<84, p. 24, 



A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS, 73 

of 220 Upanishads which is appended to this paper. All names that 
could be ascertained to belong to the same work have been grouped 
into one, ^ .^. , Afahd^NArdyayana and Brihan-Ndrdyana^ DaHana and 
J&bdla-Darsana, Brahmabindu and Amritabindu, All names on the 
other hand which could be ascertained to apply to parts of a larger 
work have been omitted. The most notable instance of this is the 
Mdndukya, which is sometimes counted as one and sometimes split up 
into four by counting the second, third and fourth chapters of Cauda- 
padas, Afondukya-KarikaSi as different Upanishads, Another instance 
would be Nrisinhatapini which along with Mahopanishad may be taken 
as one or counted as six as Dr. Bhandarkar has done. A similar doubt 
exists as regards other Tapanis. There are seven such pairs of Tapanis, 
Purvaand Uttara, vis,, Nrisinha. Gopal, Rama, Narayana, Tripura, 
Suryaand Sundari, besides single works such as Krishnatapini,Ganesha- 
tapini and Mahatripura Sundari and Viratapini. These pairs are treated 
sometimes as one and sometimes as different works. A considerable 
number of the names included in my list again must be treated as 
provisional only until the MSS. have been actually examined and found 
to constitute independent works. This is chiefly the case with the 
additional names taken from Buhler*s and Oppert's lists. If deduction 
is allowed for possible correction in this manner, we may fairly assume 
that we do at present know about 200 independent Upanishads com- 
posed at different times and possessing greater or less intrinsic value. 

Coming to Indian writers we find various enumerations of the 
Upanishads, probably representing their numbers known at different 
times ; the most famous of these enumerations being that of Dai- 
opanishad, /ra, Kena, Katha, Prasna, Mundaka, Mandukya, Taittiriya, 
Aitereya, Chhandogya and Brihadaranyka, These ten along with 
Swetaswatara have attained special repute by reason of the great 
scholiast Sankaracharya having selected them for his immortal 
commentaries. They are also probably the most ancient. Brahnt" 
opanishad mentions another class of thirteen Upanishads , viz,, 
Bnthma, Kaivdlya, Jdbala, Swetaswatara, Aruni, Garbha Narayana, 
Hansa, Bindu, Nada, Shifas, and Shikha which all belong to the 
Atharva Veda and probably represent a supplementary class. We have 
collections of 18 and also of 32 Upanishads, which latter are said by the 
Muktikopanishad to possess an educative value higher than the pri- 
mary ten. Lastly we have the 108 Upanishads enumerated and classi- 
fied in the Muktikopanishad as representing a list of those to be 
accepted as genuine. These 108 Upanishads are apportioned to 
the four or rather five Vedas in the following manner, vis,, 10 to the 
Rigveda, 19 to the white Yajurveda, 32 to the black Yajurveda, 16 to 



/ 

/ 






V, 



CONTENTS OF NUMBER LX. 



«< .4 • 



*• * • 



. 1 



ART. PAG8 

I. — Arabic Poetry. By Professor S. M. Ispahan! • i . 

II. — On the Age of the Sanskrit PoettKavjraj^- By* Professor 

l^* D« It AxHAK^ D»Am ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• II 

III.^A History of Bijapur. By Rafiud DIN Shiraji 17 

By V. R. Natu, B.A., LL.B. 

IV.—** Shivajt's Swarajya." By Purshotam Yishram Mawji, Esq. 30 

v.— Lt.-Co1. T. B. Jervis (1796-1857) and his MS. Studies on the 

State of the Maratha People and^ theif :HistQry« . recently .. 

presented to the Society by his Son. By R. P. K arkaria, Esg. 43 

VI.— A Brief Survey of the Upanlshads. By M. R. Bodas, M.A., 

JL^L^. l5* ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ^fe ••• ••• DT 



Proceedings of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1904-05 :i 

List of Presents to the Library, 1904-05 x^ 

List of Contributions to the Centenary Celebration Fund ... xzz^ 



• •* 






No. LXI.] 



[ Vol. XXII. 



THE JOURNAL 



OF THE 



BOMBAY BRANCH 




OF THE 



ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY 



r. 



1906 



Edited by the Honorary Secretary. 



BOMBAY 2 
SOCIETY'S LIBRARY, TOWN HALL. 



LONDON : 

Agents for Europe: 
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & Co., 

DRYDEN HOUSE, 42, GERRARD ST.^ S.W. 



1906. 



■M 



THS TIMBS PRB8S, BOMBAY— l845'o6 



/ . 

I-. 

\ ■ 



Art. VII. 
Nripatuhga and the authorship of the Kavirdjamarga. 

(^ reply to Dr. Fleet.) 

By K. B. Pathak, 
Professor of Sanskrit, Deccan College, Poona. 

( commukicatbd.) 

Dr. Fleet has lately contributed a very lengthy article entitleJ 
Kavisvara's Kavirajamarga to the Indian Antiquary for October and 
November 1904, pp. 258-280. This is a review of my edition of 
Xripatunga's Kavir&jamaU'ga published in 1898 as a volume of the Bihluh- 
tkeca camaiica. This work is full of interest for Sanskrit scholars as I 
have pointed out in my Introduction that it contains direct translations 
or adaptations of many verses in Dandi*s K&vyldarsa. The approxi- 
mate date of the work is also known. The first two verses are very 
interesting and important. They contain an invocation addressed by 
the author to the god on whose breast the goddess Lakshmi reclines, 
whom she never abandons, and round whom the lustre springing from 
the kaustubha-jewel forms a curtain. It may be remarked that the 
first verse does not mention the name of the god ; yet a Hindu 
scholar can easily recognize, from the description given, the god 
Vishnu who wears the kaustubha-jewel on his breast. But one of 
the words used in the first verse is nripatunga ; and this was a title 
of the R&sh^rakOta king Amdghavarsha I. A question will naturally 
arise is this king spoken of in the opening verse ? This question 
must be answered in the negative because we know that Am^ha- 
varsha I. did not possess this fabled jew^el. And the difficulty is easily 
got over by taldng the expression niipatuhga in its primary sense.' 
It means nripa-sr^htha, f.^., the best of kings ; and in this sense 
it is employed by Abhinavapampa, ' when he says, referring to 
Janaka, that the best of kings mounted the lofty steed. A similar 
expression yati-tunga in the sense of yati-sreshtha« 1.^., the best of 
ascetics, occurs in the R&jas^khara-vil&sa, Chap. I, 14. It must be also 
admitted here that there is an indirect reference to the secondary sense 
of the expression niipa-tunga as the dtle of Amdghavarsha I. ; in 

^ In Dr. Kitld's KanQa(;^-£nfirlisfa Dictionary the word is explained to nusao ** the moKt 
p cm mn eot one or dnef of king's." 

* Panpa-R^fli&ya^a IV, iso, Mr. Rice's e£t>oa, p. 94 , Sridan uttunf^'tttrangamu- 
mssp nrip»«4ungai|u 
6 



82 NRIPATUKGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

Other words, the expression is used in a double sense. These remarks 
apply with equal force to some expressions in the second verse, since 
the two verses form one sentence, as will be shown further on. A 
correct interpretation of these verses is most essential as they con- 
clusively prove that Am6ghavarsha I, who had the title of Nripatuhga, 
was the author of the work. 

Let us now turn to Dr. Fleet's review. He says, ** The real nature 
of the first and second verses is quite unmistakable. In the first of 
them the author of the work prays that good fortune may never 
desert a person, Nripatuhga, whom the expressions employed by him 
mark as a person of exalted rank. In the second, he asks Atisaya- 
dhava|a, — whom, in this stage of the inquiry, we might, or might not, 
be inclined to identify with the Nripatuhga who is mentioned in the 
preceding verse, — to inspire him with a power, in dealing with 
the subject lying before him, v.-hich he himself, unaided, could not 
hope to display. And there is not the slightest shadow of a basis 
in fact for the editor's assertion, or suggestion, that, in the first two 
verses of the Kavirljamlrga, Nripatuhga-Amdghavarsha I., as the 
(alleged) author of the work, praised a god mentioned, after himself, 
by the names of Nripatuhga, Nitinirantara, Kritakrityamalla, Vira- 
niriyana, (and Atisayadhavala). Those two verses embody requests 
made by the author of the work. The first of them prays for the 
welfare of a person, mentioned as Nripatuhga and Nitinirantara, 
whom he has marked as a person of high rank and has most distinctly 
indicated as his patron. In the second of them he has asked a person, 
whom he has mentioned as Ati^ayadhavaja, Viran&r&yana, and 
Kritakrityamalla, to inspire him with ability to perform the task lying 
before him. And, even apart from the colophons, the first of these 
two verses is sufiiicient to prove that the author of the work was not 
Nripatuhga.*" 

I give below the text of the two verses as transliterated by Dr. 
Fleet together with his translation^ and propose to deal in order 
with each of the points that are misunderstood. 

Sri talt=uradol kaustubha- 

j&ta-dyuti balasi k&ndapatad = ant-ire sarii — I. 

pritiyin = &vanan = agalal 

Nitinirantaran = ud&ran=& Nripatuhgarii II i. 

Kritakrityamallan = aprati- 

hata-vikraman = osedu Viran&r^yaijan = a— I. 

pp = Atisayadhavalam namag = ig = 

atarkkitdpasthita-prat&p-6dayamam II i, 2, 

* Ind. Antiquary, Oct. 1904, pp. 2ii, 264, 
^ Idem, p. a6i» 



nripatuS:ga and the authorship of the kavirajamarga. 83 

Translation* : — (Verse i) ** Let Fortune, — clinging to (Mis) breast, 
with the lustre, bom from the kaustubha-jewel, lying round (her) like 
a screen surrounding a tent, — not abandon with (her) affection him 
(literally, whom ?) ; (namely) the noble Nitinirantara (* he who never 
ceases to display statesmanship'), that (famous or 7veii'known) 
Nripatuhga ! " — (Verse 2) ** Let Atisayadhavaja, — who is Kiitakritya- 
malla * the wrestler, or the most excellent, of those who have done 
their duty,* and who, possessing prowess which has not been checked 
(^just as the god Vishnu-X&rayana had three strides which were not 
obstructed), has pleasingly become Viraniriyana, — give to us a develop- 
ment of power that comes quite unexpectedly !'* 

(i) The most important word in the first verse is kaustubha, 
which Dr. Fleet has entirely ignored in his explanatory com- 
ments from a misapprehension that no god is praised in the 
two verses. Dr. Kittel in his Kannada-English Dictionary sajs 
that kaustubha is the jewel suspended on the breast of Vishnu 
and that Kaustubhibharana is a name of Vishnu. We find a 
similar statement in the St. Petersburgh Dictionary and in the 
dictionaries of Benfey and Monier Williams. Tirin^tha in his 

Vlchaspatya mentions %R5^i^T>^ and ^JHt^^SP'T as the names of the 
^od Vishnu and explains ^t^gpr^^ as iR^fg^Y ^fir ^IFT and says it is 
an epithet of Vishnu. Amarasimha says :— 



Amara-K6sha, Canto I, 28. 
In the Mahibhirata we read — 

^KHn1<acM^I UdlcM[»j<<4lfe^ I 

g^iMt ^T3cqw 3^: Mi"i<w«n ii \\ ii 

Mah&bhirata I, 18. 

3# J«^^ 1<^ W^^ 5R1^: I 
<ft^44^Pl^iax^< ft^IT 'K'RT ^^^ II \^ II 
5^: W^* fi^ il^lft^llRl^l^: I 

Mah&bh&rata I, 13. 



84 NRIPATUK'GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA^ 

Kalidisa says : — 

Raghu. VI, 49- 



••• ••• ••• ••• 



^^^K«^*<m' 'Bit fiWT ttdK^I II 

Raghu. X, lo. 

53^ ^ ^i*M H^^PRR 'npr I 

Raghu. XVII, 29. 

B^na, K&dambari,* p. 66. 
In the ancient Pr&krita poem Gaudavaho'' the 22nd verse alludes to 
the rays of the kaustubha-jewel shining on the breast of Krishna. 
M&gha says : — 

Sisup&la-vadha XX, 37. 

In old Kannada Literature we meet with frequent allusions to the 
kaustubha-jewel of the god Vishnu. The first Pampa, a distinguish* 
ed author of the R&sh^rakO^a period, compares^ Hastin^pura to the 
kaustubha adorning the large breast of Kaitabh-&r^ti, i.e., Vishnu. 
Abhinava- Pampa'* also speaks of Hari's kaustubha. In the K&vy&va- 
Idkana,^ Verse No. 911, contains a conventional description of Krishna, 
bearing on his breast the kaustubha-jewel and the goddess Lakshmi ; 
and Verse No. 810 in the same work represents Krishna smiling at 
the feeling of jealousy betrayed by Lakshmi on seeing her own image 
reflected in the kaustubha-jewel and mistaking it for a rival wife. We 
have thus seen that references to this jewel are found in Sanskrit, 
Pr&krita and Kannada Literatures. And it is also worth noting that 
some of the authorities cited are distinguished Jaina writers. The 

'■ Nir^ayas&gara Press edition. 

* Bombay Sanskrit Series, S. P. Pandit's edition. 

^ Pampa*BhArata, edited by Mr, Rice, p. 9, prose passage. 

* Pampa-KAm^yapa, edited by Mr. Rice, p. 21, ch I. 119. 

^ Edited by Mr. R. Narasimhachar, M.A , in the Bibliotheca Carnatica series. 



NRIPATUKGA AND THE AUIHORSHIP OP THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 85 

jiewel is also referred to in Ancient Inscriptions. I quote the follow- 
ing verse from the Gupta Inscriptions/ p. 83. 

^aiin=Sva nabhd vimalam kaus[t]ubha niai;iin=^va ^ftrngi^d 

vakshah I 
bhavana-var^^a tath =^daih puram=akhilam =alamkritam = 
ud&raih II 
In the Index to the Gupta Inscriptions, p. 321, Dr. Fleet says: — 
"*' Kaustubha, a jewel worn on the breast by Vishnu." Bd^a says' : — 

g^nfW lift ^^R«?>it T^^m 4>^«it^i4R^iR«iiJidH, i 

Here the great jewel, though not mentioned by name, is the 
famous kaustubha. The commentator explains im\ [fft:] R^S^iUn^ 
f^ yy:^ ^^ [ ?fffH^A ^^ H«KH ^t^ ^vni% ; and this explanation 
is confirmed by another passage cited above from the K&dambari. 
It is interesting to note the fact that in the time of Nripatunga him- 
self, the people in the Canarese country knew that their king did not 
possess the kaustubha jewel and believed that it was worn on the 
breast by the god Vishiiu. The illustrious Jaina author Guiiabhadra, 
who was preceptor to Krishoar&ja II while the latter was yuvar&ja, 
■and who wrote the concluding five chapters of the Adipur&na,^ says, 
after a touching reference to his great teacher Jinas^na, who had just 
fiassed away :— 

*i^*ii^f^ w^ ^>^ j1<j41t!*<; II ^K II 

Adipur&i]ia, Chapter 43. 
Translation. — Let the best of persons cherish in his heart the 
great jewel in the form of religion, sprung from the ocean-like Scrip- 
ture, regarding it superior to kaustubha, which Vishi?u (Purushdttama) 
wears on his breast, and which is the great jewel sprung from the 
ocean. 

In the following verse from the K&vyaprak&sa^ we are advised to 
meditate on the two feet of Him who wears the kaustubha jewel. 

M^\^ ^ ^<ui3^l^ ^^^(T^: I 

^<^Wtmi ^ f5R:2fWi%p^ jnnri^ ii 

^ Corpus Intcriptiooum Indicarum, Vol. III. by Dr. Fleet. 

* KAdambart, Introductory versest NirnayanAs^r Press edition with commentary. 

' Jinae^nArhArya's AdipurA^a, composed in the time of Kingf Nripatuftgra-Amdghavarsha, 
Deocan College MS. No. 505 of 1884.86. 

* VimanichArya's edition of KAvyapralcA^ X, Sal. p> 857* 



86 NRIPATUlv'GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

Here no god is named. But Na,g6jibhatta, the celebrated author 
of the Paribh^shendusekhara in his commentary on this verse, re- 
marks' ft^ff: qr^gJT •n'^^K^^ that we are to meditate on the two 
feet of the god Vishnu who alone wears the kaustubha. Finally 
Professor Macdonell tells^ us that the post-Vedic kaustubha or 
breast-jewel of Vishnu has been explained as the sun by Kuhri. The 
conclusion to be drawn from all this evidence is that Vishnu is invoked 
in the first two verses of the KavirS-jamirga. 

(2) The next important word in the first verse which is misunder- 
stood is Sri which is translated in the above extracts ** fortune " **good 
fortune *' and ** welfare." Dr. Fleet speaks of ''Fortune clinging tCK 
the breast of king Nripatunga.'* This is not an Indian idea arid is 
very absurd. The word Sri bears several meanings; which of these 
is to be accepted here ? Mammata in his Kivyaprakisa^ says that 
in such a case we should be guided by the principles of interpretation 
which are enumerated by Bhartrihari in his Vikyapadiya, thus :— 

^ | gTf4 or constant accompaniment is the principle that determines 

the meaning to be assigned to the word Sri here. It means the 
goddess Lakshmi, who constantly accompanies Vishnu, reclines 
on his breast and never abandons him. We read in the Vishnu- 
purlna.-* 

3T^rnt ^fi^im ^4T «fl<dc^^iRr?ft 11 ? ?s 11 
2ica =^ ^Tpfr#r ^w^^r^nj^:^! fe^^ n ?\f ^ 11 
3T^ =^R^ Rw'TRm ^TfTfipft II t^i II 
T>nt^fi3^^ % ^»d^i^TcJR^^T3< II ?>fH II 

Book I, Chap. IX. 

* Prof. Chanddrkar's edition of KiLvyaprakAsa of Mammata, UllAsa, X, p. in. 
" V^dic Mythology, p. J9. 

^ VftmanAchArya's edition of KAvyaprakAsa, pp. 72. 73* 

* H. H. Wilson's translation of the Vish^upurAva. pp. 78, 80, S9. <J^ 



NRIPATUNGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 87 

Book I, Chap. VIII. 
The expression l J^g«^<g ';^ 6R ' ^f TI 9, applied to Lakshini means ** re- 
clining on the breast of Vishnu." This notion is frequently met with 
in Indian Literature and Inscriptions. We read in the Kidambari' 

Mlgha says : — 

^Tc^ng^ H<«h^ ^f^r 3^l%n: ^'^•uwh^iRtj: II 

Sisup&lavadha XII 3. 

Here fj|^ ft7T«r9J^ ^mi?^^ means Vishnu on whose breast Lakshmi 
has taken up her abode The Kannada poet Ranna who enjoyed 
the patronage of the Ch&lukya king Tailapa II, makes the goddess 
Lakshmi say"" ** I am sprung from the ocean. I am the noble 
lady who reclines on the breast of Vishnu." King Bhdja^ thus 
prays for the immortality of his work : — ^ 

2?ks:5Jl% *l^*l<^«lft?t ^^Ji<Jl^: I 

In the KivyivaI6kana/ verse No. 303 runs. 
&vom kivom 16kama— 

n Avonin amararkkaj amarar enisidar olavini— | 
d &von uras-thaladol La — 
kshmi-vadhu nelas irppal t Mura-dvishan itam |{ 

Translation ; — This is that foe of Mura [t.e, Vishnu] who protects 
the world, through whom the gods called themselves immortals and on 
whose breast the goddess Lakshmi has lovingly taken up her abode. 

We read in the Gupta Inscriptions^ 

Yivach=chandra-kal& Harasya Sirasi 
6rih ^4rngin6 (n6) vakshasi. 

In the Index Dr. Fleet explains Srih as ** the goddess Lakshmi." 

*■ K^dambari. Nirgayasigar Press edition, p. I18. 
' Gad^yuddha, Kar^Ataka KAvyamanjari series No. l?> p. I4I. 
^ Sarasvatikan(h&bhara9ai the concluding^ verse. 
^ Mr Narasimbachar's edition. 
^ Corpus Inscriptionum Indicorum, Vol. III| p. 204. 



88 NRIPATUKGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMArGA. 

This idea is also contained in the following illustration of the figure of 
sense called vyija-stuti given by Nripatuiiga himself : — 

jala-ri^i-prabhaveyan a-vi- 

kala*Krishna-guo-&nurakteyam mige Lakshmi- 

lalaneyan Intum vaksha — 

sthaladoj p^ 1 ent ud^ra-charitane appai |I 

Kavir&jam^rga, Chapter III, Verse i6i. 

Translation. — Say how thou canst be of noble character, though 
bearing on thy breast the fair Lakshmi sprung from a multitude of 
dull persons (sprung from the ocean) and fond of all black qualities 
(fond of all the qualities of Krishna.) 

In this verse Vishnu, who bears the goddess Lakshmi on his breast, 
is apparently dispraised but really praised. From all these passages 
it is evident that the phrase ^ri tajt uradoj does not mean Fortune 
clinging to the breast of Am6ghavarsha. It should be translated 
** Lakshmi clinging to the breast of Vishnu," as is seen in the cele- 
brated temple of Viran&rglyana at Gadag in Dharwar District where 
Lakshmt is represented as clinging to Viran^rAyapa's breast. 

(3.) The next important word that is misunderstood is the verb 
agalaj. This is the only verb in the first verse and means '* she does 
not abandon or never abandons*' ; and ** Sri agalal" means ** Laksmi 
never abandons." In the passage from the Vishou-purina cited 
above we are told that Lakshmi is the constant companion of Vishnu 
and that she never abandons him. The same idea is expressed by 
Mur^ri who savs : — 

Anarghya-R4ghava\ 

The Sanskrit words t^'ftt iTfTfif can be rendered into. Old Kannada 
thus, Sri agalaj or Sri-vadhu agalade irpaj (lit. lives without abandon- 
ing). The former mode of expression is adopted by Nripatuiiga in 
the first verse of the Kavir&jamirga which is the subject of the pre- 
sent discussion ; and the latter mode is found in the opening verse of 
the Kannada Panchatantra' where Durgasiipha says :— 

Srt-vadhu r&gadiipd agalad ivana vakshadol irpa] &vag(n)aip 
ddva-nik&yam dlagipud &vana nibhi— sardjadol vacha — 
Sri-varan utsavam berasu pu^tidan Itan a^sha-daitya-vi- 
dr&vanan ige Durga-vibhug Achyutan achyuta-saukhya- 
kdtiyaip II 

^ Published in the KAvyamAlA serie)«, p. ^16. 
* Published in the Kar9A(aka IC4vyainafijari. 



NRIPATUN'GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 89 

Translation : — May He, Vishnu, on whose breast the goddess 
Lakshmi lovingly remains without abandoning (him), whom a multi- 
tude of gods, serve, from the lotus in whose navel the husband of Saras- 
vati [Brahmad^va] has taken his birth wiih joy, and who dispels all 
demons, — give to the lord Durga untold and uninterrupted blessings. 

Dr. Fleet translates agalal ** Let her not abandon '* and says it ex- 
presses a prayer. This is opposed to the rules of Kannada grammar. 
This form of the verb is called pralish^dha-r(ipa or the negative 
mood. It is composed of the root agal, to abandon, a, the particle of 
negation, and al, the singular feminine verbal suffix of the third per- 
sonal pronoun. If. does not express the sense of the imperative and 
therefore cannot denote a prayer. K^sirija says* that the negative 
mood is used in all the three tenses and that md^am expresses the 
negation of what is denoted by the affirmative indicative forms, m^- 
didaip, m&didapam and mfi-duvam. So the form mAdaip means he 
did not, he does not and he will not do. In the Karn&taka-Subdd.nu- 
s^ana we are assured that the negative mood never expresses the 
sense of the imperative. Bhat|fi,kalanka says' ; — 

Sfltrain 524. Asir-Adau b^dam-bSdau paratah. Vrittih-Tihah 
paratah b§dam, b^da ity ^tau sabdau prayujy^t^ isir-idy-arth^ prati- 
sh^ha-vishay^ II 

Praydgah — Mldal bSdam, midal b^da ; nddal b^dam, n6dal b^da II 
lsir-&d&v iti kim I mildam m&dar II 

In this passage the words ** ftsir-^d^v iti kim, midam, midar " mean 
Why is the expression tstc-tdnu inserted in the SCitra ? because 
when prayer, &c. (isir-idi) the meanings of the imperative mood given 
in SdtrsL 465 are not denoted, then we have such forms as m&dam 
(he does not, did not or will not, do), midar (they do not, did not, or 
will not, do). 

Dr. Caldwell has made very interesting remarks on the negative 
mood in his comparative grammar of the Dravidian languages. He 
says^: ** In general, the Dravidian negative verb has but one tense, 
which is an aorist or is indeterminate in point of time, <r.^^., p6gen, 
Tamil (p6vanu, Telagu, pdgenu, Ca.\ I go not, means either I did not, 
I do not, or I will not go. The time is generally determined by the 
context. After noticing the peculiarities of Ku, Gond, and Tulu he 
proceeds ** in the other dialects (including Kannada) there is only one 
mood of the negative in ordinary use, viz., the indicative. Dr. Cald- 

^ Dr. Kittd'fi 1st. edition of Sabdama^idarpa^at Sutra 222, pp. 260, 26t. 

' Mr. Rice'a edition of Karpitaka-^bdAnu^sana, p. 265. 

^ Dr. Caldwell's comparative g^rammar of the Dravidian langfuagres) 2nd Ed., p. 360. 



90 NRlPATUlsGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

well has given the following comparative paradigm of the negative 
form of the verb gey, to do* : — 



o 
'Ji 

u 

u 



• 

c 


• 


£ 


• 


3 
•3 


<u 


rt 


ec 


CC 


c: 


>» 


>» 


>> 


>» 


>> 


>» 


>. 


>» 


>» 


>> 


o 


a> 


04 


o 


i> 


O 


O 


O 


O 


U 





:s 








3 










•2 


• 


3 


3 


-3 


3 








3 


C 


> 


iC 


•3 


• 






^ 


b/0 


es 


c« 


CC 


c 


o 






.':i 


>» 


>> 


>» 


>» 


^N 






?^ 


<a) 


<4> 


<i» 


«L> 


"^ 






••* 


U 


r» 


^^ 


*-" 


»" 
























H 


u 


u 


U 


u 








••• 

to 


















%, 


















K 
















• 


5 
















H 


"Va 
















^ 


<^ 












• 

7) 




sZ 


« 












^ _ 




O 


<t 


• 










w 

^ 




< 

1 




c 








E 




1 




n 


vZ/ 


^ 


^■^* 


v3 




Q 


>3 


n 


OJ 


«e 


«i 


KO 


drt 




O 


"iJ 


>> 


>» 


-^ 


>» 


>N 


>N 




^ 


js 


>^ 


>\ 


>^ 


>-. 


>% 




O 


a 


"^ 






o 


c> 


O 






















S 




s 





c 


CJ 


'O 


0^ 




Ld 


•h 
















> 


5 
















H 


•^ 












3 




< 




• 


g 


>t 


^ 




•3 




a 






o 


«« 


«5 


5* 


«0 


«e 


u 


e 
^ 


c 




>> 


>> 
>» 


• 


>> 
>% 




z 


<i 


,^ 


o 


o 


o 


0) 


u 


a> 




•»^ 


I-" 


s/^ 


^'Sl 


-X 


*y} 


X 


-Si 




»^ 


















« 


















^ 




• 

o 

•3 














« 




<«-• 














Q 




o 














s* 




r" 














•5 




•■ 














2» 




^1^ 














^ 




^^ 














e 




'i 


• 


• 


• 


• 





J< o o o o 

£ Q C5 Q - 

c 

J3 
'•3 



•3 



3 
c 



^ Qtf 



^ H ^ «/3 

- Idem p 447 ** 



XRiPATUSGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 91 

From this comparative view it is clear that like geyyal the form 
agalal means either she does not, did not or will not abandon. It 
does not mean ** Let her not abandon." It is also equally evident that 
in none of the four Dravidian languages compared above do such 
forms as geyyal and agalal convey the sense of the imperative. 

Dr. Kittel has discussed the negative verb in a most exhaustive 
manner in his grammar of the Kannada language. He says' that 
the conjugated negative of the verb is formed by suffixing the 
personal terminations to the infinitive ending in a, and is used 
for the present, past and future tense, according to circumstances. 
It was absolutely necessary both for Dr. Caldwell and Dr. 
Kittel to notice fully all the possible meanings of the negative 
verb in order to arrive at a correct explanation of the origin of 
this interesting form which is conspicuous by its absence in the 
Aryan languages. Dr. Kittel holds that a, the particle of negation, is 
the same as the infinitive ending in a. **That infinitive originally 
was a verbal noun and only in course of time came to get its specific 
meanings (§188). Thus, ^..^.,n6daat first meant * seeing ', * a see- 
ing,* and thereupon * to see,* 'about to see,* * yet to see.* N6dem 
(ndda and em) therefore signifies, ' a yet to see — I, /.£'.* my seeing 
(is or was) yet to be or (will be) yet to be, or my seeing (is) not actual- 
ly existing, (was) not so, or (will) not be so, whence we arrive at the 
meaning * I do not see,* ' I did not see,* * (I have not seen),' ' I shall 
notsee^'" Dr. Kittel very carefully notices all the meanings which 
the negative form nddaj or n6dalu bears in the ancient, the mediaeval 
and the modern dialect of the Kannada language and tells us that the 
negative verb is seldom used in the modern dialect except in proverbs 
and that such expressions as koduvad ill (I, etc., do not give, I, etc., 
shall not give), kodal ilia (I, etc., did not give) are now used in place 
of the conjugated negatived The negative verb therefore does not 
express the sense of the imperative. 

The unanimous opinion on this point of the four distinguished gram- 
marians, K^sirija, Bhatt&kalanka, Dr. Caldwell and Dr. Kittel is 
supported by the usage of ancient Kannada authors. 1 shall quote 
four illustrations. Dandi says : — 

3^ w^'^ ^^^(\i^A^^ ^^q^ ii 

K^vy&darsa, Chapter II, 83, 84. 

^ Dr. Kittel's Grammar of the Kanna4J[a Lan^agre, p. 157. 
Idem, p. l6t. ^ Idem, pp. IS9. 332. 



92 NRIPATUK'GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIrAjAMARGA. 

Nripatunga renders this thus — 

kamal-ftkaradol sankd — 

chaman alalam chakrav&kadol m&daduni- 

• • • 

nna mukh-^ndu-bimbam induge I 
saman embudu mige viruddha-rOpakam akkuip II 

Kavir&jam&rga III 19. 

Here sf iftc^qf^ is translated into sank6chamam m&dadu ; therefore 
the negative verb does not mean ** Let it not cause, &c.** Da^^di says 

K&vy&daria, Chapter II, 19. 

Nripatunga translates : — 

sarasijadol ninna mukham I. 

taruni sadrisam samantu pdladu peratam II 

nirutam id embudu niyam-&n I 

taritam niyam-dpam&-vikalpita-bh&vaip II 

Kavir&jam&rga, Chap. Ill, 64. 

Here the meaning is : thy face does not resemble any other thing. 
The negative verb pdladu does not mean ** Let it not resemble." 
Vrishabhan&tha says to Bharatar&ja *'your having seen the sun 
darkened by the clouds indicates that there shall be no rise of divine 
knowledge in the fifth age." 

^i<*i*fe^: mi ^ h^Amh g>r ii v!><: ii 

Jinas^na's Adipur^na', Chap. 40* 

Pampa renders this thus :— 
musurida mugilgaliipd ai?a — 

m eseyade nimd arka-bimbamam kandudarim — 

d eseyadu dushshama-k&lado — 

{ asadri^a-kaivalya-b6dha-dinakara-bimbaip II 

Pampa*s Adipur&iia% Chap. XV, 30. 

* Jinas^na's AdipurApa. Deccan C3Uege« MS. No. S05 ^f X884-86. 
' Mysore Government Oriental Library tenet No *• 



NRIPATUNGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KA VI RAJ AM ARC A. 93 

Here the meaning is The sun of divine knowledge shall not shine. 
The negative verb eseyadu does not mean ' ' Let it not shine. " Ch&- 
mu^darftja expresses the same idea thus : — 

Mugilu musurida n^saraip kaodudarim k^vala-jfi&nigal igaru 

•• •• •• 

Ch&mundar&ja-pur&na% Chap. I. 

This means that there shall be no more persons gifted with divine 
knowledge. The negative verb Igaru does not mean * * Let them not 
be." Dr. Fleet has been led into his mistake by not recognizing the 
difference between the negative mood agalal " she does not abandon *' 
and the negative imperative '*agalad irke " **let her, &c., not 
abandon." Nripatunga uses idad irkke (idade and irkke) *Met them 
notemploy" in verses, Chapter II, 21 and 25, as idar or idaru ddes 
not convey this sense. 

4. The next important word in the first verse which is misunder- 
stood is ivanaip. Dr. Fleet translates '' Let fortune not abandon 
bim (literally whom)." If &vanam literally means whom, how can it be 
rendered by the demonstrative pronoun him ? Dr. Fleet has failed to 
understand the peculiar use of the interrogative pronoun in the 
Kannada language. Dr. Caldwell mentions^ the remarkable fact 
that " the Dravidian languages have no relative pronoun, a partici- 
pial form of the verb being used instead." ** In the absence of a real 
relative pronoun, the interrogative is used as a relative in many of the 
Scythian languages." Referring to this use of the interrogative, 

' Palm-leaf MS. of the Jatna Mafha at Kolhipuri dated S'aka 1427. Mr. Narasimhachar in 
1^ Introduction to KAvy&valdkana. p. 7, says." Ch^mun^arftja acquired the title Chaladanka- 
^^ for having: killed his own brother N&g^avarma." Ag^ainst this undeserved charge of 
Matricide unknown to Jaina chroniclers and Jaina tradition I have simply to refer to a 
^temporary Sravap Be]g^ol Inscription No. 1091 in which Chaladafika-Ganga-nripnti 
i^kpc^Ben of as desiring to take the Ganga Kingdom ; his desire was frustrated and he was 
^3ed by Cbimun^ardja. The verse runs thus : — 

Here ipf refers to ChAmu^^arAja. The passage in the ChAmur^cjiar^ia-pur&^a runs thus :— 

^^oaa tammanaxp NAgavammanaip konda pagege Chaladanka-GaAganurp GaAgara 
^taaum enisida MadurAchayanuip dAI ittu konda chalamani nerapidudariip Samara- 
^^rasarimanum. ChAmun^ardja took the title of " a Parasurima in war " owing to 
^^ying firmness in having suddenly attacked and killed Madurichaya, who called himselt 
^^'^lad.anka-Gangr^ and Gangara ba^ta, to avenge the death of his brother NAgavarmma. 

' Dr. Caldwell's comparative grammar of the Dravidian languages, snd Ed., pp. 337 



94 nripatl-S:ga and the authorship of the kavirajamarga. 

Kdsirija says* that the pronouns S,vam, &val and ivudu are paratan- 
tramgal or dependent, as their sense is not completed unless they are 
followed by demonstrative pronouns. One of the instances cited by 
Dr. Kittel runs : — 

Dhanam ullan S,van avane indrani, 

which he 'translates thus : — 

Who is a rich man, he indeed is a prince. 

In English the two clauses stand thus : — 
He indeed is a prince, who is a rich man. 

Dr. Kittel remarks" ** such sentences appear to have originally been 
forn\ed in imitation of Sanskrit ones with the relatives if^ ^ TT^, 'T^ ^^d 
their correlatives rf^, ffT^ and fT^J, The truth of this remark is beauti- 
fully illustrated by the following two passages, the first from Jinasdna 
and the second from Pampa, the latter being a translation of the 
former : — 

Tr» Tf T» ^« 

^^^^fitrn^ m ^^ ^iitoqf^<*i ^* ii r^'.r ii 
^^ife^c«i{i ^»t^i%f|qR^N$ II R^^ II 

Jin.^^sdna, Adipurina, Chap. XXX. 

Dev-&nganeyar plduva — 

r 3,vana jasamani ku!-icha!-&va!iyoI sau — 

ry-&vash|ambhadin ildava — 

n Ivam shat-khanda-mandita-kshiti-talamam II 76 II 

itam Bharat-^s varan in — 

t i teradim negalda tanna kirtiyan 1 vi — 

khy&ta-Vrishabh-ftdriyoI sura— 

gila-ya^am nirisidam nelam nilv inegam II 77. 

Pampa, Adipurina, Chap. XIII. 

The construction employed by JinasSna is : (a) z^ i^: g\^]ftcT?., {b) 

^' Wt( ^TTftfT W, (c) 3T#r 4?lfriHM I ^M I ^<H^ . Here the two subordinate 

clauses, (a) and (^), are attributive adjuncts to a^^ ( ^^: ) in the 

principal clause {c) ; and the pronouns zf^ if: and ^T^ ^^^ used as 

* S'abdamapidarpa^a, Dr. Kittel's ist Etl.* p. 174, Sfitra 14^. 
^ Dr. Kittel's Grammar of the Kanna(ja langfuage, pp. 3$!* .15:. 



NRIPATUli'GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 95 

correlatives according to the principle ^ t| ^| ffl c^m I H^'?-^ : . Pampa renders 
the relative pronouns 7^q and q: by the interrogative pronouns &vana 
andivam thus, (a) D^v-inganeyar pAduvar ivana jasamani,(^) &ldavan 
ivarn kshititalamam, {c) itani Bharatesvaran 1 vrishabh-ftdriyoj tanna 
kirtiyaip nirisidam. It is therefore evident that Pampa*s verse 76 
contains two subordinate clauses which are attributive adjuncts to itam 
Bharat^svaram in verse 77 which contains the principal clause ; and the 
two verses form one complex sentence. This construction is also 
employed in the first two verses of the Kavirljamlrga which form one 
sentence*. Sri &vanan agalal ^^ 7{ ^i\\f\ is a subordinate clause, 
which is an attributive adjunct to Nripatuiiga which is in the nomina- 
tive case, being the subject of the verb ige in the second verse. The 
principal clause is : & Nripatungam namage ige pratipddayamam 
^ fT^fr ^ ^^ ^TfTriK^^. We should therefore translate ivanaip by 
the relative pronoun whom ; and Dr. Fleet's rendering *him (literally, 
whom ?)' must be rejected. 

5. The next word that is misunderstood is i in & Nripatungam 
which Dr. Fleet translates * that (famous or well-known) Nripatuiiga. 
We have already seen that ivanam and & are used as correlatives. 
In such a construction the relative, or, what is its equivalent in Kan- 
nada, the interrogative, being expressed, the demonstrative does not 
mean famous or well-known. Mamma|a, the author of the K^vya-pra- 
Usa, says' : — 

and cites as an illustration the following verse : — 

CT TiT ^n# ^^R5fmm H^TFRRm^RT *MlRi»|; i 

Kilidisa, Kum&rasambhava V. 

Mallin&tha in his commentary on this verse says 3^ %f^ ^ \ h^ \ ^r^ \ ^ 
^^^s^^ because the word m here means well-known, therefore the 
relative m is not expressed. This view is endorsed by K^sirija who 
says3 fi, denotes what is previously mentioned and what is well-known. 
Gaja-haya-rOdhiyol Bhagadattanin & Nalanim migil&dam. In 
mounting elephants and horses he was superior to Bhagadatta and 
that (well-known or famous) Nala. In this example & is used by itself. 

^ This is called ^Hf. Cf verses 27 and 28 in Chap. VIII in Pampa's Adipur&na. p. 199, 
Mfiore Or. Lib. Series No. I. See also a imporUnt verses in the Baroda copperplate inscrip- 
^> which were misunderstood by Dr. Fleet, but were correctly explained by Dr. Bhandarkar, 
liui. Ant. XII, pp. ni, 229. 

• Kivyaprakiua, Chap. VII.1 VimanAchArya's Ed., p. J7»« 

* ^bdamnvidarpa^a. Dr. Kittels 1st Edo Sutra 169. pp. 202, 203. 



96 NRIPATUXGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAV'RAJAMARGA. 

But in the first verse of the Kavir&jam&rga it is correlative to ivanam 
and therefore does not mean famous or well-known. 

6. The next point that is misunderstood is the position of the noun 
Nripatunga. Dr. Fleet believes that it is in apposition with &vanam 
and translates *Let Fortune not abandon him, (namely) that Nripatunga. 
This is impossible because ivanam is the object of agalal and in the 
accusative case, while Nripatunga is in the nominative case, being the 
subject of the verb ige, as has been fully explained above. A solemn 
disregard for the principle' i<Ti<^ i >fci<mHtf 5 |«- v|; is very frequent in 

Dr. Fleet's translations. The following three passages may be taken 
as fair specimens' : — 

Dr. Fleet translates : — ** When the fresh lustre of the jewels in his 
diadem was made of a reddish colour by the pollen of the water-lilies 
which were (his) feet, appearing between the streams that flowed forth 
from the rays of the high nails of his (feet), the glorious King 
Am6ghavarsha, — whose holy feet were worthy to be worshipped by 
JinasSna, (and who was) the (embodiment of the) prosperity of the 
world, — thought of himself, * I am purified to-day ; it is enough.' '* 

{a) That Jinas^na considered the feet of his own pupil holy, {b) that 
the illustrious Ach3,rya worshipped the feet of his pupil Amdghavarsha, 
and ic) that the pupil Am6ghavarsha was jagan-mangalam (the 
blessing of the world) are not Indian notions and are equalled in their 
absurdity by the idea of the lustre of the kaustubha-jewel going round 
Fortune clinging to the breast of Amdghavarsha. The next two 
examples are from the Gupta Inscriptions^ :— 

*^i"i ff^ >iihmPi(^ i^t wsi^ ^ ^r^: II ^^ n 

Dr. Fleet translates : — ** He who, in this age which is the ravisher, 
of good behaviour, through the action simply of (his good) intentions 
shone gloriously, not associating with other kings who adopted a re- 

^ KAvyapradip^i p. aa9» KAvyamAU series. 

^ Ind. Ant. Vol. XII| p. 217. A correct translation of thi« verse is given by Dr. Bhan- 
darkar, Early History of the Dekkan, 2nd Ed., p. 6^\ 

^ Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. Ill, pp«l46, .'471 148. 



NfllPATUKGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAM ARGA. 97 

prehensible course of conduct, — just as an offering of flowers (is 
beautiful when it is not laid down) in the dust,— he in whom, possessed 
of a wealth of virtue, (and so) falling but little short of Manu and 
Bharata and Alarka and M&ndh&tii, the title of "universal sovereign" 
shines more (than in any other), like a resplendent jewel (set) in good 
gold." 

Here (a) the verb ani^Tll^, being in the past tense, does not refer to 
the living and reigning king ; {b) the correlatives ^ and ^ refer to 
^Ts^: ; (0 ^(S^ ' means "applied " and not " associating with other 
kings," (d) sf should be construed with afrVHI^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^S^, ^°^ 
(^) 4>«M^IHI^f'<^r means " by dint of mere imagination," and 
not " through the action simply of (his good) intentions." 

The construction b : — 

[That king] in whom, the abode of virtue [and] but little inferior to 
Manu, Bharata, Alarka and Mllndh&tri, there shines forth exceedingly 
like a resplendent jewel set in good gold, that title of universal 
sovereign, which, [when] applied, in this age the ravisher of modesty, 
to other kings of reprehensible conduct, by dint of mere imagination, 
did not shine, just as an offering of flowers [does not shine when laid 
down] in the dust. Another verse in the same inscription runs : — 

Dr. Fleet's translation : — " He by whom (his) head has never been 
brought into the humility of obeisance to any other save (the god) 
Sth&9u ; — he, through the embraces of whose arms (Him&laya) the 
mountain of snow carries no longer the pride of the title of being 
a place that is difficult of access ; — he to whose feet respect was paid, 
with complimentary presents of the flowers from the lock of hair on 

fi<KV{4<6|M|^M4[l^ ^d€ Anandiirmina Ed. Part II. p. i|4> 

•CC fiM Wjr ^ ft«lfWV «fW5»f^ ^Of^RFT: I ?1^ *t^*IIHrt*l 
ICiV^akjeiWMhjKl with Gau^apAda's KArikis, p,M, Anaadlinuna 



98 NRIPATUl^GA AND THB AUTHORSHIP OP THE KAVIRAJAMARGA^ 

the top of (his) head, by even that (famous) King Mihirakula, whose- 
forehead was pained through being bent low down by the strength of 
(his) arm in (the act of compelling) obeisance." 

Here the reading ^TTRrTf is a mistake for hiIM^T and the expression 
**no longer" is a gratuitous insertion. The purport of the verse is mis- 
understood by Dr. Fleet. The relative pronouns in the first two lines 
^ and q^ are correlatives to ^ ftl?<Jrt^^)or ; therefore the clauses 
containing these relatives are adjectival adjuncts to'cpf i*fftijrt^^"i; 
the principal clause is IpT ft ftit^f ^"' ^^^ MKa^H 3Tft<T?. The rela- 
tive ^^ occurring in the third line above refers to Yal6dharman. 
The real purport of the verse is ** He to whom obeisance was made 
even by that King Mihirakula who did not bow before anybody save 
the god ^iva and embraced by whose arms the mountain Himalaya 
bears the pride of the title ** inaccessible." It is not Ya^6dharman 
but Mihirakula who is spoken of as a worshipper of ^iva. This inter- 
-oretation is according to the principle mentioned by Dandi. 

«l>l4l4^dl<lP« <l"lPlcc|r RMi<ft I 

Kivyftdar^a, Chapter I, 22. 

The pronoun %5T in rT^f Hfti^rt^'l'^ and in "Jr^f 'sftq^fft^^'^ in the next 
verse cannot mean ** famous "for one and the same reason. We are 
now in a position to offer the following literal translation of the first 
verse of the Kavirijamirga. 

That most eminent king (Nripa-tuiiga) whom the goddess Lakshmi, 
clinging to his breast, never abandons through affection, the lustre 
springing from the Kaustubha-jewel spreading around and forming a 
screen, who is noble, who is well-versed in politics (Niti-nirantara). 

It is evident that ihe first verse does not give a complete sense, as it 
contains only the subject of the principal clause and some of its attri- 
butive enlargements, while the predicate occurs in the second verse. 
At this stage of the inquiry, it is not possible to know whether the 
epithets applied to the god Vishnu refer, in their secondary sense as 
titles, to one or more persons. Let us now proceed to examine 
Dr. Fleet*s translation ot the second verse. 

7. After explaining the expression apratihata-vikraman he adds 
the parenthetical clause (just as the god Vishru-N§lr§lyana had three 
strides which were not obstructed). This must be rejected, as the 
god Vira-NAriyana, himself the owner of the kau5tubha-jewel, is 
praised in the two verses. 



NklPATUI^fGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMArGA. 99 

8. ** Appa'* does not mean** who has become." It is a present 
relative participle of igu, * becoming', * being* and should be translat- 
ed * that is', *who is' according to Dr. Kittel's Grammar^ p. 243. 

9. This will also show that * osedu' cannot be construed with 
* appa', as Dr. Fleet has done. It naturally goes with ige. 

Cf. 

taruniyan osed ittaip. 

^abdamanidarpana', sOtra 61. 
Osed ittu kfit-irtthanen appem. 

Pampa^ Rimiyaoa, VI, iix 
ishtan orvvan adhid^vateg end osed ittudam 

Inscription of ^aka 820, No. 60, Nagar^ Taluq 
osadu koftor = 1 dvija-mukhyar 

Ind. Ant. Vol. XII, p. 223. 

In the last quotation osadu should be osedu ; and Dr. Fleet trans- 
lates the words ** these best of the twice-born .... gave with plea- 
sure." Dr. Kittel in his grammar, p. 419, translates ** osedu koj^am " 
into ** he was delighted (and) gave." 

xo. The most important word in the second verse is prat&pa which 
is misunderstood and mistranslated. According to Dr. Ffeet, prat&pa 
means ** a power, in dealing with the subject lying before him (the 
author), which he himself unaided, could not hope to display." This 
absurd explanation of the well-known Sanskrit word pratipa is repeat- 
ed at page 264, where we are told it means ** ability to perform 
the task lying before him." By this periphrasis Dn Fleet obviously 
means poetical talent or power, though he does not say so in plain 
language. Of course Dr. Fleet is unable to cite any authority. His 
assertion that king Nripatunga is invoked to grant poetical power is 
too absurd to deceive anybody. A king can give patronage but not 
poetical powe^s< 

Sur^svara says : 

>2n?n^ ^T5TO m\^ iMHftf^l^^d I 

Part III, p. 1354, Anand&sram edition. 

Besides, invocations are never addressed to kings in Indian poems ; 
they are always addressed to gods, preceptors or other holy person- 
ages. 

* Kittel's 1st £<!., p. 74. 

' Mr. Rice's Ed., p. 145. 

^ Epigrraphia Carnatica, Vol. VIII, Inscriptions in the Shimogfa District, Patt II, p/ 380I ' 

7 



lOO NRIPATUNGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

The fact is, Dr. Fleetthas been obliged, in order to uphold a wrong 
interpretation of the -second verse, to mistranslate the well-known 
Sanskrit word which is explained by Amarasiipha 11^ 20. — 

The commentator' says ^Rt^ y^ ^n^-. %^ ?n«Tf 3IT?T^, Thus s^m^ 
means that glory which arises from treasures and troops. Only a 
Idng can possess this quality. T&r&nitha in his Vftchaspatya calls it 
^rtl ^"^JIMH. ^r^' ^ king's glory arising from money and armies. 
Bhavabhditi calls it l^^nf^*/ a quality of the warrior caste 

Uttara-R^macharita V. 

The word prat&pa, therefore, means military prowess and occurs 
frequently in Sanskrit and Kannada literatures and in old Sanskrit and 
Kannada inscriptions. The expression in our text is prat&p-6dayaip, 
which is also employed in describing the high pitch of military prowess 
displayed by King Nara8i^lha^ 

We have thus far critically examined the translation of the 6rst two 
verses of the Kavir&jam&rga so kindly presented by Dr. Fleet to 
Safiskrit scholars and have fully set forth the reasons for rejecting it 
altogether. I shall now give a correct and literal translation of the 
two verses. 

May that best of kings (Nripatunga), whom the goddess Lakshmi 
clinging to his breast never abandons through affection, — the lustre 
springing from the Kaustubha jewel spreading around and serving like 
a screen, — who is well-versed in politics (Nitinirantara,) who is 
noble, who is a wrestler that has performed his duty (Kritakrityamalla), 
whose valour is uninterrupted, who is exceedingly pure (Atilaya- 
dhavala), who is Vtra-NArAyaoa, give to us a high pitch of military 
prowess that is attained unexpectedly. 

From this literal and correct rendering of the 6rst two verses of the 
Kavir&jam&rga it is clear that the god Vfra-N&r&yai[m or Vishou, the 
owner of the kaustubha jewel, on whose breast the goddess Lakshmt 
reclines and whom she never abandons, is praised here. The god is 
invoked to grant prowess. The author who prays for prowess 
must have been a king. And from the epithets Nripatunga, 
Ati^ayadhavaja, &C. , applied to the god, we are forced to conclude 
that the royal author wishes to make a punning reference to his 

^ Amarak6la with the commentary VAkyasudhJlf Nirpaya S. Prest, p^jis. 
' Bpiyraphta Citmatica , VoU IV., InacriptionA in the Mysore District Part II, Inscrip- 
tioo No* 38, line tj. 



NRIPATUAGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OP THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 1 01 

own titles. This method of indirectly suggesting one's own name 
or title is adopted by Samantabhadra, AkalankadSva, NSmichandra 
POjyap&da and Gupabhadra. Addressing the last Tfrthankara 
Vardham&na, Samantabhadra says' : — 

H^4<TW^d'^4><!> ?f^ ^ JT^ ^HRTOf ^*^H. n ? 11 

^i^rf^tmftgT^: ^*<!1m41mi^ ^ fe^ f^^ qi^ (%%: ii ^ ti 

AkalankadSva addresses Mah&vira as Akalanka 

Laghtyastraya^ 

NSmichandra addresses the Ttrthankar N6min&tha as N^michandra 
ftro>f lo>f wm^ 9\T^\^^^U\M<M^^4k 

Gomata-s&ra3 
which KSlavai^^a renders into Sanskrit thus — 

m<^^H^^^<A ^ft^rw Jiwr ^ripnft 

In N6michandra*s TriI6kasira* we read — 

In this verse also the author N^michandra calls the Tfrthankara 
N^min&tha after himself and thus makes an indirect reference to 
his own name. It may be also noted here that PC^jyapftda, the 
celebrated author of the Jain^ndra Vy&karana, whose other 

' SvayambhAstotra, MS. of the Jaina Ma^ha at Kolhapur, versen 2 aod 3 are not found 
in some MSS ; verse t occurs also in the A8h(a^tS« 

* Pafan4eaf MS. of the Jaina Ma(ha at Kolhapur* p. 2% (3). 
' Terdal MS. of the Gomatasftraf the opening verse. 

* Deccan College MS. No. 599 of 1875.96, leaf 2 (&). 



102 NRIPATUK'GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

name was DSvanandi, makes the latter name part of the adjective 
qualifying the god whom he invokes. 

^^^fi%^t^ ^^^^ ^^^ ' II HH II 
Gunabhadra calls Jina guna-bhadra after himself. 

ITO iMiiHl^f^M* ^r^^gferog^ wii ii ^^vs ii 

^Mc^cit^ R^^j^ui*T5[ ^11 ^K ^ II 

Adipurina, Chapter 44. 

Tlie distinguished RftshtrakOta author Pampa who finished his 
Adipurina' in ^aka 863, mentions, as his titles, Sukavi-jana-mftnas- 
ottamsahaipsa, Gun&rnava) Sams&ra-s&rddaya and Sarasvatimani-hira. 
He then transfers these titles to Adin&tha, who is invoked in the 
beginning, to BharatSsvara, D^v^ndra and other divine persons 
very frequently in his Adipur^lna. The two concluding verses of each 
chapter and the opening verses of the second and all the succeeding 
chapters contain illustrations of this remark. The ninth chapter 
opens thus: — 

Sri-pati Puru-param ^svara — 

n ftpCirna-man6ratham naman-nripa makut-i- 

t6pam trailoky- inta — 

vyipita-mahimam Sarasavti-mani-hftram || 

Here Adin&tha is described as the lord of prosperity, whose desires 
are fulfilled, who is adorned by the splendour of the crowns of kings 
making a bow, whose glory has hlled the three worlds, and who is a 
string of jewels to the goddess Sarasvati (Sarasvati-manihJlram). In 
the concluding verse of the eighth chapter we read : 

Sik^ta-simhftsan-isinam pilisidam mahi-valayamam Samsftra- 
sftr-6dayam || 

Adin&tha, seated on the throne of Ay6dhyS,, the promoter of the 
essence of life [ue, religion], protected the circle of the earth. In 
these passages Pampa has transferred his own titles to the first 
TirthaAkara Vrishabhanfttha. Pampa*s object evidently is that they 
should be understood in their primary sense as referring to the god 

* Ja!n£ndra-v>'4karana. Deccan CoUe^ MS. No $91 of x'J75-76. 

* Mysore edition referred to in note 2, p. IS. 



NRIPATUI^IGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. IO3 

^nd in their secondary sense as giving his own titles as the author of 
the Adipur&na. Abhinava-Pampa has only followed the , example of 
his distinguished predecessor and namesake in this matter. 

As I have already remarked, the first two verses of the Kavir&jam&rga 
contain a prayer addressed to the god Vishnu lo grant military prow- 
ess. This indicates that the author was a king. And the intentional use 
of the expressions Nripatunga, Atisaya-dhavaja, &c., as epithets to the 
god, leads us to infer that they must have been the titles of this royal 
author. But as prowess will not help him in dealing with the subject 
lying before him, the royal author proceeds in the third verse to 
invoke the goddess Sarasvatt to give him poetical po^ver. 

dfivi Sarasvati hamsa-vi | 

bh&vade nele-golge kC^rttu man-m&nasadol || 

Let the goddess Sarasvati take up her abode with love in my mind 
{minasa) just as the flamingo takes up his abode in the lake Md.nasa. 
In the fourth verse the royal author calls upon former great poets to 
aid him in his literary work. 

To borrow the language of Mammata the first two verses have two 
meanings, the ^pEq (obvious) and the sq^Rq- (implied). The «q^qr^ 

(the implied meaning) that the author was a king, and that atisaya- 
dhavala was one of his titles is confirmed by the following passage: — 

Atisayadhava!-6rvvip-6dit-ftlankritil, 147, which means ** the figures 
of speech composed by King Atiiayadhavala.'* Dr. Fleet has failed 
to understand the meaning of the word udita. It does -not mean 
heffe ** sprung from." It is the past passive participle of ^ to speak, 
and is often used in the sense of composed (^ <mh) . Mallishena who 
finished his Mah&purd.na' in Saka 969, says : - 

%5T JTfT5?Tngf^ 3^5T^qqT%^{r^RT I 

^ MS. of die Jaina Mafha at Kolhapura. 



I04 NRIPATUKGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

In the first verse cited above the words iTfTSn^f^ mean 
TfT3n4 ft^f^. VaidyanAtha, the author of the UdAharaT»a-chan- 
drik&, ' says : — 

In the colophon we read ^qJTT^ <P<dNl ^«IH*IMlAI«<"lW?Hia<K«^- 
^^8[^P?t ^^W ^WWrs ^: The RishtrakAja author Pampa makes 

Bharata praise the Jinas thus : 
Saifis^a-s&r-dday-6- 1 
dita-m&9ikya-Jina-stav-&va)i jayaip bhadraip ^ubhaip mangalaip II 

Pampa's Adipur&va XVI, lo 
May the verses in praise of tlie M&!7ikya-Jinas uttered by Bharata 
(composed by Pampa) the propagator of the essence of life (t. e,^ re- 
ligion) confer blessings. It is obvious from the context that the 
expression Saipsiras&r-ddaya is used in a double sense ; and ** udita " 
means ' uttered ' and ' composed.' 

The next passage that is misunderstood and mistranslated by Dr. 
Fleet is the opening verse of the third chapter which runs thus : 

^rt-vidit-&rth-&lahka- 

r-&vajiyaip vividha-bh^da-vibhav-^spadamaip I 
bh&visi besasidan akhija-dha- 

r&-vallabhan int Amdghavarsha-nripdndraqn II 

Kavir^jam&rga III,' 

Dr. Fleet translates this thus :^ 

*' Having thought over the well-known series of embellishments of 
sense, which is a receptacle of the display of various kinds of dis- 
tinctions, the great King Am6ghavarsha, the favourite of the whole 
world, commanded (the treatment of it) thus (as follows).*' At 
page 268 Dr. Fleet explains the meaning of the verse more fully and 
says ''the great King Am6ghavarsha thought over the famous and 
well-known series of embellishments of sense, and commanded (the 
treatment of it) in the manner which the author then followed." 

The obvious objections against this translation and explanation 
are that the original text contains nothing answering to the words 
"(treatment of it)" and the words " which the author then followed,'* 
that the transitive verb besasidaqn having for its object arth&IaAk&r- 

^ KAvyaprmkfts'a, VAmanichArya's Ed.f Intr. p. 4a 



NRIPATUl^GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THfi KAVlkJ^t^ARGA. I05 

Ivaliyaip (the series of embellishments of sense) cannot mean "com- 
manded*' and that it is absurd to suggest that Amdghavarsha thought 
over the embellishments while he commanded ' ' the treatment of it 
(them ?)" by another person, because thinking over the subject is 
the most essential part of the author's work. The verb besasidaip 
means declared, made known, communicated, or described. This 
can be easily proved by the following passages from two eminent 
authors of the R&sh(rakOta period. 
Jinas^na says :^ 

3WFTO Tfl^tt ^ SHI ^^^ I 

^i)M^^>^<I ^m\ ^ # ^ ^^ II ?oo II 

^roi^ ^ ^^1553^ MA-^HINpl:^: II * o ? || 

• • • • • 

m ^ ^mm m 'WIT* ^^A^m. u 
fe*^-^<^<^ ^^^<4>^i^cq*ii ' <^ II K^\ II 

jmas^na's Adipur&oa XV. 
Pampa' translates the last verse thus : — 

Yaiasvati tanna ka!?da kanasugalan anukramaip dappad 
aripuvuduip anitumaip Puru param^ivaran avadh&risi, tat- 
svapna-phalangalan int endu besasidaip. 

Translation. 
When the Queen Yaiasvati communicated in order the dreams she 
had seen, Puru-paramSivara listened to all that and described in 
the following manner the fruits of her dreams. 
Jinas^na makes Bharata say : — 

Mi41ftR*<*iSi^ ^^[ ^«iii5i»l^^i: ii ^v ii 

«WI4K4JM^^ ^lft*<l'M<ii^ I 

'WI^ c1^^MtM^M^fifi<<^ ^ II 3K II 

# • • • * • 

^B^yft3Ti%qRf 5r ^m ?wnf^ ii v? ii 

Jinas^na's Adipur&pa, Chap. 41, 

Panpa 9 Aiispurft^a, VHI, pp. 198, 199. 



98 NRIPATUi;fGA AND THB AUTHORSHIP OP THE KAVIRAJAMARGA^ 

the top of (his) head, by even that (famous) King Mihirakula, whose 
forehead was pained through being bent low down by the strength of 
(his) arm in (the act of compelling) obeisance." 

Here the reading snfi'rff is a mistake for hiiM^T and the expression 
* *no longer" is a gratuitous insertion. The purport of the verse is mis- 
understood by Dr. Fleet. The relative pronouns in the first two lines 
^ and ^^ are correlatives to J^ {^(ii^A^^ ; therefore the clauses 
containing these relatives are adjectival adjuncts to>pf ftffTJpS^^; 
the principal clause is %5T ft?gT%rt j^ " l ^^ MKa^H 3Tft<T?. The rela- 
tive ^^ occurring in the third line above refers to Yal6dharman. 
The real purport of the verse is ** He to whom obeisance was made 
even by that King Mihirakula who did not bow before anybody save 
the god ^iva and embraced by whose arms the mountain Himalaya 
bears the pride of the title ** inaccessible." It is not Ya^6dharmai> 
but Mihirakula who is spoken of as a worshipper of Siva. This inter- 
•oretation is according to the principle mentioned by Dandi. 

K&vy&darsa, Chapter I, 22. 

The pronoun %5T in^ Piftiirt^*}"! and in "^ Ml^^il^'f'TT in the next 
verse cannot mean ** famous "for one and the same reason. We are 
now in a position to offer the following literal translation of the first 
verse of the Kavir&jamirga. 

That most eminent king (Nripa-tunga) whom the goddess Lakshmi, 
clinging to his breast, never abandons through affection, the lustre 
«'pringing from the Kaustubha-jewel spreading around and forming a 
screen, who is noble, who is well-versed in politics (Niti-nirantara). 

It is evident that the first verse does not .give a complete sense, as it 
contains only the subject of the principal clause and some of its attri- 
butive enlargements, while the predicate occurs in the second verse. 
At this stage of the inquiry, it is not possible to know whether the 
epithets applied to the god Vish?u refer, in their secondar>' sense as 
titles, to one or more persons. Let us now proceed to examine 
Dr. Fleet's translation of the second verse. 

7. After explaining the expression apratihata-vikraman he adds 
the parenthetical clause (just as the god Vishru-NSlr&yaija had three 
strides which were not obstructed). This must be rejected, as the 
god Vira-NAriyana, himself the owner of the kaustubha-jewei, is 
praised in the two verses. 



NRIPATUNGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIrAjAMArGA. 99 

8. '*Appa*' does not mean** who has become." It is a present 
relative participle of 4gu, * becoming*, * being' and should be translat- 
ed ' that is', 'who is' according to Dr. Kittcl's Grammar^ p. 243. 

9. This will also show that ' osedu' cannot be construed with 
' appa', as Dr. Fleet has done. It naturally goes with ige. 

Cf. 

tarui^iyan osed ittaip. 

Sabdama^idarpai^a^ sOtra 61. 
Osed ittu krit-irtthanen appem. 

Pampa* R&m&yana, VI, iii 

ishtan orvvan adhidSvateg end osed ittudam 

Inscription of ^aka 820, No. 60, Nagar^ Taluq 
osadu kottor = i dvija-mukhyar 

Ind. Ant. Vol. XII, p. 223. 

In the last quotation osadu should be osedu ; and Dr. Fleet trans- 
lates the words ** these best of the twice-born .... gave with plea- 
sure." Dr. Kittel in his grammar, p. 419, translates ** osedu ko^tam " 
into ** he was delighted (and) gave." 

ID. The most important word in the second verse is pratipa which 
is misunderstood and mistranslated. According to Dr. Fleet, prat&pa 
means "a power, in dealing with the subject lying before him (the 
author), which he himself unaided, could not hope to display." This 
absurd explanation of the well-known Sanskrit word pratipa is repeat- 
ed at page 264, where we are told it means "ability to perform 
the task lying before him." By this periphrasis Dn Fleet obviously 
means poetical talent or power, though he does not say so in plain 
language. Of course Dr. Fleet is unable to cite any authority. His 
assertion that king Nripatuiiga is invoked to grant poetical power is 
too absurd to deceive anybody. A king can give patronage but not 
poetical powers^ 

Suresvara says : 

^^^ ^T5TO 2Tit% ?J3iHft{^fg^ I 

Part III, p. 1354, Anand&sram edition. 

Besides, invocations are never addressed to kings in Indian poems ; 
they are always addressed to gods, preceptors or other holy person- 
ages. 

' Kittel's 1st Ed., p. 74. 

"Mr. Rice's Ed.f p. 145. 

^ Epigrraphia Carnatica, Vol. VIII, Inscriptions in the Shimosfa District, Part II, p.* x8oI 



112 NRIPATUl^GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIKAJAMARGA. 

vati who is as distinguished a grammarian as Bhatf^kalanka him- 
self, and whose work is read at the present day in all parts of India. 

In his gloss on PA^ini's sAtra ft>|rq!Rw^^i<>8^a<4:MI*t V, 2, 56 we 
read f*^P«nft«T ffit ^T?^^ ' ^ '— f?^ ^ f^qjl^ ft^l^K* 5fr%, 



[fir 'ToPr >^iwiH^ d<^dRf^^: fT^nfi «rerq^ ffit 



tattvab6dhinI. 

Translation. 
The expression la^i^MK^ : should be understood in the sense of 
the numerals beginning with twenty as enumerated in P&pini.V, 1, 59 
owing to proximity and not in the sense of ordinary numerals begin- 
ning with twenty in the popular sense owing to the latter being 
remote. This is the opinion of Patanjali. The author of the Kli^ik4- 
vritti' on the other hand holds that ordinary numerals beginning with 
twenty are intended and not those enumerated in Pacini V, i, 59 ; 
as according to the latter interpretation, such a form as q*(5^ldaH: 
could not be formed according to the maxim' that when a specific form 
of a noun is mentioned in Pacini, a termination should not be affixed 
to a word ending in such a form. On this supposition the exclusion 
of numerals beginning with sixty which are preceded by numerals 
in P&pini V, 2, 58 becomes perfectly consistent. Though, according 
to Pataftjali's interpretation, the affixing of terminations to words 
ending in specific forms mentioned in PApini, might appear to be 
disallowed, still the exclusion of sixty preceded by numerals in 
P^nini V, 2, 58, indicates that such a thing is allowed in this part of 
Pacini's grammar. According to this view the ordinal q^jmft^I^r?nr: 
can be correctly formed, while according to the opinion of the author 
ofthe KMikftvritti, it is ungrammatical, as the numeral * nineteen' 
precedes * twenty * in popular enumeration. And this is made clear 
in the works of Kaiya^a and Haradatta.* 

^ MahibhAshya, Dr. Kielhorn's Ed.. VoU IIi Part II t p. 3*5* 
KftiikAvptti, Benares Ed* pp. 5a» 5i» P*^ II. 

• Paribhftshftndui^khara. Dr. Kielhorn's Ed., pp. 191 30. 

» SiddhAnU-Kaumudi with Tattvabddhint, Nir^yaaAgar Pro»» tnd Edn.| pp. a«6 and 107. 



7 



NRIPATUI^GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. II3 

This subject is discussed by Kaiya^a in his Bhashyapradipa' and 
by Haradatta in his Padamafijari.' The expression Kaiyata- 
Haradatta-granthay6h means in the works composed by Kaiya^a and 
Haradatta. In the same way the genitive compound Nripatunga- 
granthd means in the work composed by Nripatunga, namely, 
the Kavir^jamlrga which deals with the different usages of 
the Southern and Northern schools of poets in verses II, ioo-io8. 
This is the most interesting external evidence in support of 
Nripatuhga's authorship of this oldest Kannada work, of which 
manuscripts have been found. The internal evidence contained 
in the passages that have been examined above, is, as I have 
proved already, equally conclusive on this point. Nor does the 
identification of King Nripatunga present the slightest difficulty. 
He was a king, a paramount sovereign ; his titles were Amdgha- 
varsha and Atisayadhavala. He was a devout worshipper of Jina or 
Tirthaiikara. King Nripatunga, therefore, was Jinas^nich^rya's 
pupil, Amdghavarsha, who had the title of Nripatunga as we learn 
from the opening prasasti of MahAvir^chirya's Ganitas^ra,^ and must 
have composed the KavirlLjamArga between ^aka 737 and 799. The 
contrivance by which Nripatunga has interwoven his own titles into the 
first two verses of his work is so ingenious as to render impossible any 
subsequent attempt to tamper with the text. Still Dr. Fleet has ven- 
tured to make such an attempt, but with the result that his so- 
called translation of the two verses, besides containing ten mistakes, 
asserts that Nripatunga possessed the kaustubha jewel, an assertion 
contradicted by a distinguished contemporary author,Gui:tabhadra, who 
as preceptor to Ak^lavarsha while the latter was yuvardja, had fre- 
quent opportunities of coming into personal contact with King Nripa- 
tunga and who tells us that in his time there prevailed in the Cana- 
rese country the belief that the great jewel, kaustubha, sprung from 

^ MahAbh&ahya with BhAshyapradipat Benares Ed.} p. 85 ( Sf. \ ^, \ STT* \. ) 
^ Padamanjari, Benares Ed., p. Sogi Part II. 

Cf. Anu-^bda-pray6gdd dva krita-mangraldyam Silstrakriditi S0tralqid-4chAri. 
nu\'artti VftttikArA'pi tayaiva di^ svayam api sva-grranthAntd maAgralam Acharitam sAcha- 
yati. KamA(aka-SabdAnui4iana, p. 290. Here " sva-^rantha »* means the work composed 
by himself. In this passagre SiLstrakfit, sAtrakfit and Vritttkftra refer to one and the same 
person. In the same way verse S2i Chap. II of the Kavir^amArg^a must be interpreted in 
accordance with the specific information contained in the first a verses of the first chapter 
and the openingr verse of the third chapter. Cf. 

RAjataraAgipi I, 14. 

-* Kavir^amirsra, Intro., p. 7. In this prasasti the words nripa*tufigr& and trndgha- 
varsha, which arc employed as epithets to Jina, contain a punning: reference to the titles 
of the reigning sovereign. 

8 



102 NRIPATUlsiGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

name was D^vanandi, makes the latter name part of the adjective 
qualifying the god whom he invokes. 

^^^if^^^t^ ^^^^ ^^^ ' M HH II 
Gunabhadra calls Jina guna-bhadra after himself. 

Adipurina, Chapter 44. 

The distinguished RJlshtrakO|a author Pampa who finished his 
Adipuri-na' in ^aka 863, mentions, as his titles, Sukavi-jana-minas- 
ottamsahaipsa, Gun&rnava, SanisAra-s&r6daya and Sarasvatimani-h&ra. 
He then transfers these titles to Adin&tha, who is invoked in the 
beginning, to Bharat^svara, D^v^ndra and other divine persons 
very frequently in his Adipurftna. The two concluding verses of each 
chapter and the opening verses of the second and all the succeeding 
chapters contain illustrations of this remark. The ninth chapter 
opens thus: — 

Sri-pati Puru-param esvara — 

n &p0rna-man6ratham naman-niipa makut-&- 

t6pam trailoky- inta — 

vy&pita-mahimam Sarasavti-mani-hirain || 

Here Adin&tha is described as the lord of prosperity, whose desires 
are fulfilled, who is adorned by the splendour of the crowns of kings 
making a bow, whose glory has klled the three worlds, and who is a 
string of jewels to the goddess Sarasvati (Sarasvati-manihftram). In 
the concluding verse of the eighth chapter we read: 

Sftk^ta-simhftsan-S,sinam pilisidam mahi-valayamam Sams&ra- 
s&r-6dayam || 

Adin&tha, seated on the throne of Ayodhyi, the promoter of the 
essence of life [i.e. religion], protected the circle of the earth. In 
these passages Pampa has transferred his own titles to the first 
Tirthartkara Vrishabhanfttha. Pampa's object evidently is that they 
should be understood in their primary sense as referring to the god 

* Ja!n£ndra-vy&karana. Deccan CoUegre MS. No 591 of 1B75-76. 

* Mysore edition referred to in note 2, p. I a. 



Art, VIII. 

An Epigraphtcal Note on Dhartnapala^ the second prince 

of the Pala dynasty. 

By Shridhar Ramkrishna Bhanoarkar, m.a. 

(Communicated. ) 

There has been going on for some time a controversy as to the date 
of Dharmap^a, the second prince of the Pila dynasty. Cunningham 
in his Archaeological Survey Report, Vol. XV., page 151, approximately 
fixed his accession in 831 A.D. But the date is inconsistent with the 
conclusion, drawn by my brother, Devadatta R. Bhandarkar, in his 
remarks on the Cambay plates of Govinda IV., that '' Dharmap&la 
was a contemporary of the RUshtrakAfa prince Indra III., for whom 
the RAsh^rakAta records furnish the dates 915 and 917 A.D.' 

The following are the grounds on which Devadatta bases his con- 
clusion. The Cambay plates speak of Indra III. having devastated 
Mahodaya (Kanauj). The date of Kshitip^la or Mahipllla of Kanauj 
is 917 A.D. and he was thus a contemporary of Indra III. According 
to a Khajur&ho inscription, ''a king named Kshitip&la was placed on 
his throne by the Chandella prince Harshadeva.*' ** This Harshadeva 
flourished at the beginning of the tenth century." The Kshitipila, 
therefore, whom he reinstated, must have been this Kshitip^a and the 
throne that of Kanauj. Devadatta further proceeds to identify this 
KshitipAla, Mahip^la, Herambapila, or Vin&yakaplLla with Chakr&yu- 
dha of the Bh^galpur plate and Upendra of the Nausari plates of 
Indra III., in which Indra III. is represented as having conquered an 
Upendra. In the Bh^galpur plate it is stated that Dharmapila 
acquired the sovereignty of Mahodaya by conquering Indrar^ja and 
other enemies, and bestowed it upon Chakr^yudha. In the Kh&limpur 
charter, where the same incident is referred to, Indrar^ja is not men- 
tioned, nor is ChakrHyudha, but the person on whom the sovereignty 
was conferred by Dharmap^a is mentioned as a prince of K&nyakubja. 
Therefore ChakrHyudha was of Kinyakubja and Indrar^ja who had 
to be defeated must have wrested the sovereignty from him. 
The question now is whether the Indrarsija of unnamed dynasty of the 
! BhUgalpur plate is identical with, or different from, the R&sh(rakO|a 
Indra III. of the Cambay plates. Devadatta inclines to the former view, 

* Ep. Ind., VII, pp. a6-Ji. 



AN EPIGRAPHICAL NOTE ON DHARMAPALA. 117 

because the account pieced together from the Bhllgalpur and- Kh&Iim- 
pur plates on the one hand, and the account as pieced together from the 
Cambay plates and the Khajur^ho inscription, referred to, on the 
other hand, agree in the two particulars that an Indrar&ja ousted a 
king of Kanauj from his throne and that the latter was again re- 
established. But there are two particulars in which the two accounts 
differ. The name of the king of Kanauj according to the latter 
account was KshitipSla and according to the former Chakrayudha, and 
the king who set him up was the Chandella prince Harshadeva and 
Dharmap&Ia respectively. Devadatta explains the latter by saying 
that in all likelihood both helped to set the king up again and credit 
was claimed on behalf of each. The former he explains by identifying^ 
Chakr&yudha with Kshitip&la and thinks the identification to be con- 
firmed by the fact that the name Chakrayudha signifies the same thing 
as Upendra, the name of the prince subjugated, according to the 
Nausari plates, by Indra III. 

This explanation and this identification, however, can be conceded 
only if the identification of the two Indrar^jas be well-established. 
But just on account of the difference as regards the two particulars it 
would be equally open to another to hold that the two Indrardjas were 
different* And in the history of India it is nothing strange if different 
kings at different times ruling over the same province are defeated and 
ousted from their thrones and again set up.' A somewhat unusual coin- 
cidence in the case of Kanauj may be that on two of the occasions on 
which its prince was deprived of his throne the names of the two 
victors were identical. And I have come across what I look upon 
as definite evidence that Dharmap&Ia was not a contemporary of Indra 
III., but of Govinda III.; and it is at the suggestion of Devadatta 
himself that I here publish it apart from, and before, the paper of 
which it should naturally form a part. 

For a considerable time I have had in my hands a Rllshtrakuta 
copperplate grant of Amoghavarsha I. The charter is rather a big 
one, having an introduction of fifty-two stanzas. Except for one 
drawback it would have been published long ago. It is very incor- 
rectly engraved and it alludes vaguely to not a few names and things 
of which very little or nothing was known when it came into my hands, 
and on only a few of which some glimmering of light has been thrown 
since. This fact renders it very difficult to make out to one's satisfac- 
tion the sense of many passages. 

^ Supposing, as Devadatta doesi that the Indrardja defeated by Dharmap&la did not 
belong to the same line as Chakrdyudha and that Chakr&yudha had been displaced by him. 
The point will be considered later on. 



|06 NRIPATUNGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

. Pampa translates this passage thus : — 

ad alladeyum indina dinam belagappa j&vadoj padin^ru kana- 
sugalam kaiiden t kanasugal anishta-phala-sOchakanga| 
cmbudam s&m&nyadin upalakshisiden avara phalamuman 
enag ariye besasim end avadhijn&nadim t&n & kanasugalan 
arivan igi)rui|i sabh&-janakkam aripal endu besa-golvudum 
praln-&nukramadini tri-ldka-guruv int endu besasidaip. 

Pampa*s Adipurina, XV, p. 398 ff. 

In these passages I have made Jinas^nich8,rya translate Pampa's 
words int endu besasidam into f| d 4 H |^<l and f?4 ^^TR^ ^ ''described 
or declared in the following manner." Dr. Fleet refers to the words 
** pel endu besase " in stitra* 3 of the Sabdamanidarpana, which he 
translates * on ordering me to relate.' But the same form of the 
word besase is used in the sense of * declaring * by Pampa. 

^ ^ ^5^K*llH<lrf)^ 3»*^ ^=^: I 

Jmasena, Adipur&na, Chap. 28. 
Pampa^ translates this thus : — 

Bharata-kshetradol 1 yugadol Tirthakararum chakravartigalum 
appar endu sarvajfiar besase palavu sQI km ellatp kdid aridevu. 

** We know having frequently heard omniscient persons de- 
clare that there shall arise Jinas and universal emperors in 
the Bharata-ksh^tra in this age." 

A correct translation of the opening verse of the third chapter of the 
Kavirijam&rga is as follows : — 

The eminent King Am6ghavarsha, the lord of the whole world, 
thought over and declared in the following manner the series of 
excellent and w^ell-known figures of sense which are the abode of 
abundance of various distinctions. The meaning of this verse is 
that the great King Amftghavarsha, who was a paramount sovereign, 
composed the figures of sense. This is in perfect accord with the 
meaning of the other passages explained above, that the author 
was a king, that his titles were Nfipatunga, Atisayadhavala and that 
King Atisayadhavala composed these figures of speech. 

It is perfectly clear then that the author of the Kavir^jam&rga is 
not different from Nripatunga-Am6ghavarsha. Nor does he ** repre- 
sent himself as putting forward view^s concurred in by Nripatunga*'^ 

^ Here the sense of the word is determined by the preceding expression p£l endu : see the 
next quotation. 

" Pampa's AdipurApa, XII, p. 33$* 
^ Ind. Ant, XXXIII. p. 260. 



NRIPATUKGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. I07 

as such a supposition is directly contradicted by the fifth verse of 
the third chapter in which the author tells us that he is guided by 
"ancient authorities ;" and Nripatunga certainly was not an ** ancient 
authority." This verse runs thus :-- 
Vidit-&rtth&lank&r-&- 

spada-bhSdahgal pur&na-s&str-dktaiigal I 
tad-anumata-Iakshya-lakshana — 
nidarisanaiigajan anukram-6ktiye p^lvein 
Kavir&jam&rga, Chap. Ill, 5. 

Translation. 

The distinctions which have for their abode the well-known figures 
of sense have been described by ancient authorities ; I will relate 
in order these figures, their definitions and illustrations sanctioned 
by them (t.e,, by the ancient authorities). 

One of these ancient authorities' is Dandi as I have satisfactorily 
proved. The word ** anumata " in this verse indicates Dandi's author- 
ship of the definitions and illustrations which Nripatunga has 
borrowed from the K&vy&darsa. The colophon of the third chapter 
also contains unmistakable evidence of Niipatunga*s authorship in 
the expression^ Parama— Sarasvati-tirth^vat&ra-Niipatunga-d^va, 
which means King Nripatunga who is a holy incarnation of the 
great Sarasvati or a Bight of steps leading to the sacred vvaters of 
the great Sarasvati. 

This view is further confirmed by verse Til, 230, in which we are told 
that **a high^souled person who has obtained the ship in the form of 
the specific knowledge contained in Niipatuhga-deva-m&rga, can 
reach the great further shore of the ocean of poetry filled with the high- 
est excellences. " This statement is intelligible only on the supposition 
that Nripatunga was the author of this work and excludes the possi- 
bility of any other person being the author of it. Here the specific 
knowledge contained in Nripatunga-deva-m&rga means, of course, the 

* In verse I, 47t Nripatunga says *' Having considered the faults mentioned in the works 
of the multitude of ancient poets and to the best of my own knowledge} I will declare some 
to wise men." In verse II» 44, he says : '* Having studied the method of ancient authorities. 
I will relate this much in Kanna^a*" In verse II, 49. he says : *' Having considered the dis- 
tinction known to ancient poets I will declare it according to the method of my knowledge." 
These verses contradict Dr. Fleet's assertion that the work does not contain ** any allusion of 
any kind to view's of predecessors." 



2 



Dr. Fleet has ignored this expression because it militates against his erroneous 
assumption that Nripatunga was not the author of the work. Dr. Fleet's statement that 
^ verse IIIi I25t compares some person, who the editor says is Nripatunga, to a flight of 
steps leading to the sacred waters of Sarasvati/' is inaccurate. It is not the editor but the 
colophon of the Jrd chapter that speaks of Nfipatunga as Saras\'ati-ttrthilvat&ra. 



I08 NRIPATUNGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OP THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

knowledge contained in the Kavir&jam&rga' and the poetry 
alluded to is the Kannada poetry with its characteristic prftsa which the 
work professes to teach. On this Dr. Fleet remarks, ** We need 
not lay any stress upon the fact that the original of this passage does 
not contain anything answering to the ** Kavir&jam&rga" and " Kan- 
nada," which are gratuitous insertions by the editor." Of course 
Dr. Fleet is unable to suggest any other possible explanation of the 
passage.' But his objection to ** gratuitous insertions" has my entire 
approval. On this ground we have already rejected such translations 
as ** commanded the treatment of it" and ** to inspire him with a 
power, in dealing with the subject lying before him, which he himself 
unaided could not hope to display." On this very ground we must 
reject the following translation of verse I, 149 : — 

...Kavi| 

prakaraqfi ^rivijaya-prabh(!itaman idaip kai-ko!vud i milkeyiip || 

" The multitude of poets will accept this product of Srtvijaya in 
this (new) guise." It will be easily noticed (a) that the original does 
not contain any word for (new), (b) the word malke does not mean 

** guise," (c) and the phrase i mlilkeydl which means " in this manner** 

should be construed with the verb kal-kojvudu. The original text 
literally means " the multitude of poets should accept this production 
of ^rfvijaya in this manner," from this it is clear that ^rtvijaya is one 
of the titles of the author himself. 
The last verse of Chapter II runs ; — 

Bh&visi iabda-tattva-sthitiyaip kurit ond a^sh&-bh&- I 

sh^-vishay-dktiyaip bagedu nddi pur&pa-kavi-prabhu-prayd- || 
g-&vilasad-gun6dayaman &yd-avariip samed ondu k&vyadiip I 

^rivijaya-prabhOta-mudamaip tanag agisidoip kaviivaraip || 

Dr. Fleet translates : — Having thought over the established con- 
dition of the conventional settlement of the essential nature of 
sounds, (and) having given attention to (that) one (thing) expression 
which is the object of all language, (and) having considered and seen 

^ The work is so called because it contains the tiArga or the method indicated (p^lda) by 

Nfipatuftga. Abhinavapampa's use of the word p61du (having composed) to indicate 

S'rutakfrti's authorship of the Jaina R4ghavap&94av!ya is exactly similar to Durgrasi- 
ipha's use of the same word to indicate the authorship of the same work by Dhanaftjaya. 
Dr. Fleet's sugrgestion that Abhinava-pampa uses the word in the sense of *" having recited 
(Ind. Ant., XXXIII, pi 779) is as absurd as his assertion that Nppatuftga possessed thekaus 
tubha jewel. Brahmin lads of 10 or i S years old can recite backwards and forwards greater 
poems than the Jaina RAghava-Pip^aviya ; and yet nobody thinks of commemorating them 
in inscriptions or praising them in literary works." 

* It is absurd to suggest that any other than Kannatja-poetry is taught in a Kannada 
work professing to teach Kannada poetry. 



APALA, 1 2 1 

eated Chakr&yudha, 

III. It would thus 

ince, the family had 

'ha mentioned in the 

"^. was probably a 

vanquished by 

>■ one referred to 

'Jiarmapaladidnot 

V- sovereignty of it 

[y connected with 

.'ill the names may be 

1 ilic rightful predeces- 

;irier his defeat and 

.0 been raised to the throne 

!:iiHnt So that some time 

■n of BhavabhQti, which must 

oi the eighth century, one 

.vii^ ruling in 783 A.D. He was 

,'.rhaps by somebody else, until 

.\ 11 by Bhojadeva of the GQrjara 

i[i(h century, and thereafter Kanauj 

-.1 J nasty. 



llO NRIl^ATUhfGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMAKGA. 

nobly born one " employed by K^^ava in the fourth verse of the conclud- 
ing prasasti of the ^abdamanidarpana. And the translation *'which 
was born from the source that was the supreme ^rivijaya " is also 
incorrect, because Srivijaya-prabhOti is a bahuvrihi compound which 
can be dissolved ^rivijayit prabhtitir yasya that which took its origin 
from Srivijaya, namely, this work called Kavir&jam&rga. The real 
meaning of the last verse of rhe Kavir&jam&rga is: ** Let the 
fame of one whose lineage is unblameable, which arises from the 

work having for its author the great Srivijaya, endure as 

fong as the moon and the stars last. ** This is in accordance with 
the custom, prevalent among Hindu authors, of expressing a prayer 
in the concluding verses that their works may endure as long as the 
sun, moon, &c. , last. We need only refer to the concluding verses 
of Gunabhadra's Uttarapurana, the Sarasvati-kanth&bharana of Bh6ja 
and the ^abdamanidarpana as illustrations. On the other hand no 
example can be quoted of a single Indian author Who has expressed 
in the colophon of his work a hope that the fkme or the works 
of a dead author may endure till the end of time. For these reasons 
and from the correct translations of the three verses given above 
it is plain that Srivijaya is one of the titles of the author of the 
Kavirajam^rga, and cannot refer to the older Srivijaya mentioned 
by the author in his introductory verse 33, Chap. I. The conclusion 
which Dr. Fleet has attempted to deduce from the misinterpre^^a- 
tions of the last three verges does not demand serioUs notice here. 

The most interesting external evidence in support of Nripatuiiga's 
authorship of the Kavir&jam&rga is found in Bhatt&kalanka's Kar- 
n&taka Sabdanu^&sana in which our attention is invited to a descrip- 
tion of the skill displayed in the different usages of the Northern and 
Southern schools in Niipatunga-grantha or the work composed by 
Nripatuiiga. Owing to a hopeless misunderstanding of the two 
opening verses of the Kavir&jamd,rga Dr. Fleet is led to believe that 
BhattsLkalanka uses the expression Nripatunga-grantha to denote 
that Nripatiinga was not the author but the inspirer of the work. 
This attempt to pervert the natural meaning of the expression will 
not be countenanced by Sanskiit scholars ; for Bhatt&kalanka is a pro- 
found grammarian and writes in Sanskrit. He says that such forms 
as namage and nammol, though not noticed by previous grammarians, 
are nevertheless correct and quotes in support of his view three invo- 
catory verses, one of which is the opening verse of the Pampa- 
r&m&yai}a. He says : — ' . 

Atra kechit kavya-mukham asirupam parartham api bhavatiti 
nanam anaiigikurv^na ninam eva pathanti nimage nimmol 
iti !| tad anye nilbhimanyante nirvighna-parisamapti-kAmati 



NRIPATU>IGA AND THE AUtHORSHIP OF THE KAVII^AjAMARGA. 1 1 1* 

priripsita-pratibandhaka-duritSpanddan^tham Paramatma. 
gun^nukirtana-rOpam maiigajam ^charantas svSrtham 
apah&ya par&rtham 6va prayatanta ity ayuktam 6va I 
apr^ksh^vattva-prasarig&t || anyatr&pi tathll prachOra-pra- 
ydga-darsan^ch cha | atd tr^smad-artha-vachak6 nan-sabda 
ev^bhimantavya iti || tath^pi sa kais chid Sv^ngikriyat6 { 
uttara-mHrg&nug^mibhih kavisvarair na sarvaih I dakshtna- 
in&rg&nuylyibhis tair anaiigikSr^t | en-pakshapdtind hi 
d^LksIiin^ty^h ka\i-jan& iti || dakshin6ttara-mdrg^-bh^da* 
bhinna-pray6ga-ch&turi-prapanch6 Nripatunga-granth6 drash- 
tavya iti || 

Karnitaka-^abd^nus^sana, Mn Rice's edition, p. i6i. 

TRANSLATIOy. 

Here [in the three invocatory verses] some who do not recognize 
such forms as namage, nammol read instead nimage, nimmol on the 
ground that the opening verse of a poem which forms an invocation,* 
contributes a'so to the benefit of others. This view is not accepted by 
other scholars, since it is quite inconsistent that authors who desire 
that their literary undertaking should be finished without any obstacle 
and Who address invocation by way of celebrating the praises of the 
Highest Being in order to drive away the sin which might inter-* 
fere with the completion of their literary work, should strive orily for 
the good of others, laying aside their primary object, since such a' 
course would argue a lack of prudence, and also because many such 
forms are found elsewhere [in passages containing no invocations], • 
However, this view is accepted by some, namely, by lords of poet* 
belonging to the Northern school and not by all ; while the followers 
of the Southern school reject it, for the poets of the Southern schoot ' 
are in favour of such forms as emage, emmol. A detailed descriptiori 
of the skill displayed in the different usages of the Southern and 
Northern schools is to be seen in Niipatuiiga's work. 

HereNripatunga-grantha means the workcompose^ by Nripjatuhga 
namely, the Kavir^jam^rga which gives illustrations of the different 
usages of the Southern and Northern schools in verses II, 100-108. 
With the expression Nripatunga-grantha we may compare the genitive 
compounds %VJ{>iVi ^ and fT^rppf^ employed by J iiAn^ndra-Saras- 

^ Here BhattAkalanka says that the opening: verse of th^ Pamfto-Rdm&ya^a contains ' 
an invocation. Mr. Ricct in his Analysis prefixed to his 2nd edition of the poemi says: *'(i) 
The author invokes Muni-suvrata (the 20th Ttrthankara), (a) the Siddhas. (3) the AchAryas, 
&c." On the other band Dr. Fleet says : The author of the Pampa-Rdmdyapd has not 
invoked any god at all in the introductory stanzas of his work, namely) verses i to X4 of 
the first Asvdsa or canto. (!!!) Ind. Ant. XXXIIIt p. 262. t is needless to say that 
Dr. Fleet's statemeht is opposed to fact. 



112 NRIPATUKGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIKAJAMARGA. 

vatt who is as distinguished a grammarian as Bhatt^Walanka him- 
self, and whose work is read at the present day in all parts of India. 

In his gloss on PApini's s(itra R^|r^ | ft^HM^^ai^ l *i V, 2, 56 we 

read frlPTT^ ffit ^(^mm * q% '— f?^ ^ f^^TTl^m ft^Pqi^ ^JfP^, 

sf Bt^mS^ t frTf^^fTl^f^ HMMd*l fl%fm 3f ft^pqr^ tft^^ !?^ TO^TO*^ 



tattvab6dhin!. 

Translation. 
The expression |q^[rqiA^ t should be understood in the sense of 
the numerals beginning with twenty as enumerated in P^oini.V, i, 59 
owing to proximity and not in the sense of ordinary numerals begin- 
ning with twenty in the popular sense owing to the latter being 
remote. This is the opinion of Patanjali. The author of the Kkiikk" 
vritli* on the other hand holds that ordinary numerals beginning with 
twenty are intended and not those enumerated in PA^ini V, i, 59 ; 
as according to the latter interpretation, such a form as q*(^yi?i«^M: 
could not be formed according to the maxim' that when a specific form 
of a noun is mentioned in Pacini, a termination should not be affixed 
to a word ending in such a form. On this supposition the exclusion 
of numerals beginning with sixty which are preceded by numerals 
in PMni V, 2, 58 becomes perfectly consistent. Though, according 
to Patafljali's interpretation, the affixing of terminations to words 
ending in specific forms mentioned in PApini, might appear to be 
disallowed, still the exclusion of sixty preceded by numerals in 
P&nini V, 2, 58, indicates that such a thing is allowed in this part of 
Pacini's grammar. According to this view the ordinal q^il^fl^lfda^: 
can be correctly formed, while according to the opinion of the author 
ofthe K4lik4vritti, it is ungrammatical, as the numeral * nineteen' 
precedes * twenty ' in popular enumeration. And this is made clear 
in the works of Kaiya^a and Haradatta.' 

^ MahftbhAshya. Dr. Kielhorn't Ed.. Vol. Hi Part II 9 p. 3*5* 
KAitkATptU, Benares Ed., pp. 5>* 5i» P^^ ^I* 

• Paribhftshftndui^khara. Dr. Kielhorn't Ed., pp. S91 3o* 

» SWdhlnto-KiomudJ with Tattvabddhint, Nir^ya«Agar Pre** tad Edn.| pp. aS^ ana t07- 



NRIPATUl^GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. II3 

This subject is discussed by Kaiyata in his Bh&shyapradipa' and 
by Haradatta in his Padamanjari." The expression Kaiyata- 
Haradatta-granthaydh means in the works composed by Kaiyata and 
Haradatta. In the same way the genitive compound Nripatuiiga- 
granth^ means in the work composed by Nripatunga, namely, 
the Kavirlljam^ga which deals with the different usages of 
the Southern and Northern schools of poets in verses II, ioo-io8. 
This is the most interesting external evidence in support of 
Nripatuhga's authorship of this oldest Kannada work, of which 
manuscripts have been found. The internal evidence contained 
in the passages that have been examined above, is, as I have 
proved already, equally conclusive on this point. Nor does the 
identification of King Nripatunga present the slightest difficulty. 
He was a king, a paramount sovereign ; his titles were Am6gha- 
varsha and Atisayadhavala. He was a devout worshipper of Jina or 
Ttrthaiikara. King Nripatunga, therefore, was JinasSnllch4r}'a*s 
pupil, Amdghavarsha, who had the title of Nripatunga as we learn 
from the opening prasasti of Mah&vir^ch&rya's Ganitas^ra,^ and must 
have composed the Kavir^jam^rga between ^aka 737 and 799. The 
contrivance by which Nripatunga has interwoven his own titles into the 
first two verses of his work is so ingenious as to render impossible any 
subsequent attempt to tamper with the text. Still Dr. Fleet has ven- 
tured to make such an attempt, but with the result that his so- 
called translation of the two verses, besides containing ten mistakes, 
asserts that Nripatunga possessed the kaustubha jewel, an assertion 
contradicted by a distinguished contemporary author,Gunabhadra, who 
as preceptor to Ak^lavarsha while the latter was yuvar^ja, had fre- 
quent opportunities of coming into personal contact with King Nripa- 
tunga and who tells us that in his time there prevailed in the Cana- 
rese country the belief that the great jewel, kaustubha, sprung from 

^ Mahibh&shya with Bh&shyapradipa) Benares Ed.f p. 85 ( 3^, \^ q]", "^ ^, ^ ) 
^ Padamanjari, Benares Ed., p. jogt Part II. 

Cf. Anu.^bda-pray6g4d fiva knU-mangraldyam S^strakriditi SAtrakrid-&chArA- 
nuvartti VpttikAr6'pi tayaiva di^ svayam api sva-grranthintd mafigalam Acharitam sAcha- 
yati. KamA(aka-SabdAnuJ&^na, p. 290. Here " sva-grrantha *' means the work composed 
by himsdf. In this passag^e SAttrakrit, sAtrakrit and VrittikAra refer to one and the same 
person. In the same way verse 5 Ji Chap. II of the Kavir^amArga must be interpreted in 
accordance with the specific information contained in the first a verses of the first chapter 
and the openings verse of the third chapter. Cf. 

R&jataraAgi^i I. 14. 

^ Kavirijaro&rflra, Intro., p. 7. In this prasasti the words nripa-tufiga and tmdgha- 
var^ba, which are employed as epithets to Jina, contain a punning reference to the titles 
of the reigning sovereign. 

8 



114 NRIPATUNGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

the ocean was worn on the breast by the god Vishpu. If Dr. Fleet 
learns this single conception of Hindu Mythology, the meaning of the 
negative verb and the peculiar use of the interrogative pronoun as 
explained by Dr. Kittel and Dr. Caldwell, and the fact, of Lakshmi 
clinging to the breast of Viran&rllyana in the temple at Gadag, he 
will have made satisfactory progress in his study of the two 
opening verses of Nripatunga's Kavir&jam^ga. 

A careful perusal of the arguments set forth above cannot fail 
to convince Sanskrit scholars that Dr. Fleet's assertion that Mr. 
Rice wrongly attributed the composition of the Kavir^jamirga to 
Nripatunga is itself wrong. The authorship of this interesting- 
Kannada work was ascribed to Nripatunga in ^aka 1526 by no less 
an authority than the celebrated grammarian Bhati&kalanka, whose 
opinion on this point is invaluable, as it rests upon the most import- 
ant verses in the work itself which were misunderstood by Dr. 
Fleet but which have now been satisfactorily explained. Dr. Fleet's 
paper contains many other gratuitous assertions. But an examin- 
ation of them may well be postponed till he has satisfied Sanskrit 
scholars that there is no invocation of any kind to any god in the 
opening verses of Nripatunga's Kavir^jam^rga and of Abhinava- 
Pampa*s R^m^yaija. One assertion, however, need be noticed here. 
Dr. Fleet says on pp. 272, 273 (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIII) that 2- 
verses "stand in precisely the same form" in the Kavir^jamllrga 
(II, 32, 35) and the Chhand6mbudhi (53, 55) and admits that the 
former work is older than the latter ; and yet he tells us that this 
**does not prove that it was from the Kavir^jam^rga that the 
verses were taken into the Chhanddmbudhi.'' This conclusion is 
most absurd, as he has not actually discovered these verses in 
an older author from whom the two works could have borrowed 
independently. Then Dr. Fleet finds 2 verses with different read- 
ings given in the two works, and as he cannot suggest 
**any acceptable" reason why Ndgavarma should vary the text, 
we are asked to believe that N^gavarma actually borrowed these 
verses, not from the KavirAjam^rga but from an older work which 
Dr. Fleet has yet to discover. But until the promised discovery 
is made by Dr. Fleet and because we can give very ** acceptable" 
reasons for the variation of the text by Ndgavarma, the world may 
safely believe that these verses were taken into the Chhanddmbudhi 
from the KavirajamSlrga. It was absolutely necessary for N^ga- 
varma to alter the readings kritakrityamalla-Vallabha-matadiude 
and Nripatungad^va-vidita-kramadiip, as otherwise his claims to the 
authorship of the Chhanddmbudhi would have been disputed by some 
critic who cannot understand invocatory verses in Indian poems and 



NRIPATUI^IGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THB KAVIRAJAMARGA. II5 

who, if the readings had been preserved, would have been disposed to 
represent NiipatungadSva as the author of the Cbhanddmbudhi. As 
to the reading ^tamakha-sadiiia, &c., N^avarma must have 
borrowed the verse containing this reading from a manuscript of the 
Kavir^jam^rga which was accessible to him and which might be re- 
garded as a predecessor of the present manuscript of that work which, 
as Dr. Fleet admits, does give that reading. It is obvious, therefore, 
that those four verses were really borrowed from Nripatunga-grantha 
(Nripatuiiga's work) by N^gavarma and not from an older work 
which exists only in Dr. Fleet's imagination. In conclusion I may be 
permitted to reply to the charge of '* a most indecorous attempt by 
the editor to abuse the confidence of his readers" in the following 
words of Gunabhadra : — 

R^'i^MRfWHIH-^wr fJl^ ft«W: II ^V5 ii 

Adipur^na, Chapter 43. 



Art. VIII. 

An Epigraphtcal Note on Dharmapala^ the second prince 

of the Pala dynasty. 

By Shridhar Ramkrishna Bhandarkar, m.a. 

(Communicated. ) 

There has been going on for some time a controversy as to the date 
of DharmapUla, the second prince of the Pila dynasty. Cunningham 
in his Archaeological Survey Report, Vol. XV., page 151, approximately 
fixed his accession in 831 A.D. But the date is inconsistent with the 
conclusion, drawn by my brother, Devadatta R. Bhandarkar, in his 
remarks on the Cambay plates of Govinda IV., that " Dharmap&Ia 
was a contemporary of the RUshjrakiija prince Indra III., for whom 
the RAshtrakiita records furnish the dates 915 and 917 A.D.* 

The following are the grounds on which Devadatta bases his con- 
clusion. The Cambay plates speak of Indra III. having devastated 
Mahodaya (Kanauj). The date of Kshitip^la or Mahip^la of Kanauj 
is 917 A.D. and he was thus a contemporary of Indra III. According 
to a Khajur&ho inscription, "a king named Kshitip&la was placed on 
his throne by the Chandella prince Harshadeva." ** This Harshadeva 
flourished at the beginning of the tenth century.*' The Kshitip^la, 
therefore, whom he reinstated, must have been this Kshitip^aand the 
throne that of Kanauj. Devadatta further proceeds to identify this 
KshitipAla, Mahipllla, Herambapila, or Vin&yakap^la with Chakr&yu- 
dha of the Bh^galpur plate and Upendra of the Nausari plates of 
Indra III., in which Indra III. is represented as having conquered an 
Upendra. In the Bhilgalpur plate it is stated that Dharmap&la 
acquired the sovereignty of Mahodaya by conquering Indrar&ja and 
other enemies, and bestowed it upon Chakrd.yudha. In the KhMimpur 
charter, where the same incident is referred to, Indrar^ja is not men- 
tioned, nor is Chakr^yudha, but the person on whom the sovereignty 
was conferred by Dharmap^a is mentioned as a prince of K^nyakubja. 
Therefore Chakr^yudha was of K&nyakubja and IndrarlLja who had 
to be defeated must have wrested the sovereignty from him. 
The question now is whether the Indrar^ja of unnamed dynasty of the 
! Bh^galpur plate is identical with, or different from, the R&shtrakOta 
Indra III. of the Cambay plates. Devadatta inclines to the former view, 

* Ep. Ind., VII, pp. 26 -ij. 



AN EPIGRAPHICAL NOTE ON DHARMAPALA. II7 

because the account pieced together from the Bh&galpur and- Kh&Hm- 
pur plates on the one hand, and the account as pieced together from the * 
Cambay plates and the Khajur^ho inscription, referred to, on the 
other hand, agree in the two particulars that an Indrar&ja ousted a 
king of Kanauj from his throne and that the latter was again re- 
established. But there are two particulars in which the two accounts 
differ. The name of the king of Kanauj according to the latter 
account was Kshitipfila and according to the former Chakrayudha, and 
the king who set him up was the Chandella prince Harshadeva and 
Dharmap&la respectively. Devadatta explains the latter by saying 
that in all likelihood both helped to set the king up again and credit 
was claimed on behalf of each. The former he explains by identifying^ 
Chakr&yudha with Kshitip&la and thinks the identification to be con- 
firmed by the fact that the name Chakrayudha signifies the same thing , 
as Upendra, the name of the prince subjugated, according to the 
Nausari plates, by Indra III. 

This explanation and this identification, however, can be conceded 
only if the identification of the two Indrar^jas be well-established. 
But just on account of the difference as regards the two particulars it 
would be equally open to another to hold that the two Indrardjas were 
different • And in the history of India it is nothing strange if different 
kings at different times ruling over the same province are defeated and 
ousted from their thrones and again set up.' A somewhat unus\ial coin- 
cidence in the case of Kanauj may be that on two of the occasions on 
which its prince was deprived of his throne the names of the two 
victors were identical. And I have come across what I look upon 
as definite evidence that Dharmap&la was not a contemporary of Indra 
III., but of Govinda III.; and it is at the suggestion of Devadatta 
himself that I here publish it apart from, and before, the paper of 
which it should naturally form a part. 

For a considerable time I have had in my hands a Rllshtrakuta 
copperplate grant of Amoghavarsha I. The charter is rather a big 
one, having an introduction of fifty-two stanzas. Except for one 
drawback it would have been published long ago. It is very incor- 
rectly engraved and it alludes vaguely to not a few names and things 
of which very little or nothing was known when it came into my hands, 
and on only a few of which some glimmering of light has been thrown 
since. This fact renders it very difficult to make out to one's satisfac- 
tion the sense of many passages. 

^ Supposing, as Devadatta doesi that the Indrar^ja defeated by Dharmap^a did not 
belong to the same Hne as Chakrikyudha and that Chakr&yudha had been displaced by iiim. 
The point will be considered later on. 



U8 AN EPIGRAPHICAL NOTE ON DHARMAPALA. 

The evidence I have alluded to above is the following stanza relating 
to Nirupamatanaya PrabhOtavarsha Jagattui^ga, i. ^., Govinda III.:— 

The mention together here of Dharma and Chakr^yudha in a 
Dvandva compound, though unfortunately there are no further parti- 
culars given of them, makes it plain, I think, that they are the same as 
the Dharmap^a and Chakr&yudha of the Bh&galpur plate. 

There is a Chakriyudha in the Gwalior inscription of Mihira Bhoja 
noticed in Dr. Kielhorn's Epigraphic Note No. 17. ' He is referred to 
therein as one " whose low state was manifested by his dependence 
on another (or others)*' and as conquered by NAgabhata ; and Dr. 
Kielhom identifies him with the Chakr&yudha of the Bh^galpur plate. 
This Nligabhata also seems to be referred to in the following verses, 
which immediately precede the verses quoted above : — 

^ HI<N<l'«4'j^yH'iM4l^4h(#?)f ?i^ 

^^l<iHMtl4 '^(^)R*^M«>l'4l<*^a (^'Ip^ or ^ifN^?) ['] 

<ljfM'HM<l ^^^^ ^Ili^^^lPl^ 1^ 

The Chandragupta mentioned here may be the one whose name 
occurs in No. 617 in Dr. Kielhorn's List of Inscriptions of Northern 
India. The inscription is from Sirpur and is of " about the beginning 
of the ninth century A. D." 

Dh&rmap&la must thus have been a contemporary of Govinda III., 
whose dates are Saka 716, 726, 730 (A.D. 794, 804,808), and flourished 
about the beginning of the ninth century A.D. 

Darmap&la and Chakr&yudha being thus referred to a period earlier 
than that of Indra III., the identification with Kshitip41a of the 
Upendra whom Indra III. defeated and of the fact of the devastation 
of Mahodaya by that prince with the defeat or dethronement of 
Upendra, which, De\*adatta thought, was probable, must now be 
given up. 

But who is the Indrarija who was defeated by Dharmap^a before 
ChakrAyudha was set up on his throne ? May he not now be the 

« OflMt 

KUSM. I Omil. 



AN EPIGRAPHICAL NOTE ON DHARMAPALA. 1 19 

brother of Govinda III., as conjectured by Mr. Batavyal'? If he be, 
the unusual coincidence I have mentioned above of two different 
victors of Kanauj having the same name, Indrar^ja, is not as unusual 
as it would otherwise be, since they both belong to a dynast}' having 
three Indras in the direct line and one in a collateral line. Indra may 
have accompanied Govinda III., in the latter's victorious march, which 
was as far as the Himalayas, and might have been left by him in pos- 
session of the kingdom of Kanauj. And may not N&gabha^a, whose 
glory is represented in the second of the above quotations as having 
been wrested from him by Govinda III., be the GOrjara prince on 
whom Govinda's brother Indra is represented as having inflicted a 
defeat'? If Indra, the brother of Govinda III., was in the latter*s 
company during his victorious march, there is nothing unusual if the 
credit of the victory over N^gabhata should be claimed for him also. 

It may then be, that Dharmapila and Chakrdyudha yielded them- 
selves up to Govinda III., that Indra, the brother of the last, was left 
in charge of Kanauj at least, that defeating Indra, DharmapSla set 
Chakr^yudha on the throne, and that, when Dharmap&la and Chakr^- 
yudha yielded themselves up, Nftgabhata too, at whose hands Chakr&- 
yudha suffered defeat, either before or after this event, had to do the 
same. 

Dr. Kielhorn' is of opinion that it is the Indr^yudha, who is referred 
to at the end of the Jaina Harivam^apurina as reigning in the north in 
^aka 705 (A.D. 783), and that he was of the same family as Chakr&yu- 
dha and was his predecessor on the throne of Kanauj. But his identi- 
fication of the R^sh^rakiita Parabala, who erected the Pathari Pillar 
bearing his inscription, with the R&shtrakO(a Parabala, who was the 
father-in-law of Dharmap^la,* would seem to militate against such a 
supposition. The great victorious march of Govinda III. occurred not 
later than A.D. 804.5 Chakr&yudha must, on Dr. Kielhorn*s sup^posi- 
tion, have been set on the throne by Dharmap^la before this event. 
And further, if N&gabhata defeated Chakr^yudha before the victorious 
march, it would have to be held as not unlikely, that Chakrd.yudha was 
set on his throne several years before A.D. 804. But under any 
circumstances, as the coronation of Chakr^yudha cannot be later than 
804 A.D., Dharmapdla who set him up must then have been of an age 
not only to govern but also to conquer and set others on the throne, 
say about thirty. His father-in-law, who might naturally be expected 
to be older, must at that time have been about forty and would have to 

^ Journ, Benga As. Soc LXIII, p. 6a. 

* Baroda grsMt of Karica of the Gujarat Branch, Ind. Ant, XII. p. 166, U ^3-5, 

* Epigraphic Note, No. 15. 
** Epigraj^ic Note, No* 6, 

° Dr. Bhandarkar's Early Htntory of the Dekkan (and edn.)t P* ^« 



I20 AN EPIGRAPHICAL NOTE ON DHARMAPALA. 

be considered as being about ninety-seven at the date of the Path^ri 
Pillar inscription of A.D. 86i. But if it be assumed that Dharmap&la 
set up ChakrILyudha some time after the victorious march of Govinda 
III. on defeating the last one's brother Indra, he might be assumed to 
have been younger in 804 A. D. and consequently Parabala less than 
ninety-seven in A.D. 861. 

There is one other point to notice. Dr. Hoernle has drawn the con- 
clusion that in 840 A.D. the GOrjara empire did not include the northern 
kingdom of Kanauj and the conquest of the kingdom happened only 
under Bhoja I.* Thus there is still left unfilled the gap among the 
rulers of Kanauj, **of not less than loc years between this king (Bhoja^ 
and Yasovarman, patron of Bhavabhdti," noticed by Devadatta in his 
paper on the GOrjaras."* But Chakr^yudha has been made out by him 
to be a ruler of Kanauj. So there is now one at least to fill up the 
gap and another also, if the Indr&yudhaofthejaina Harivamsa should 
have likewise been a ruler of Kanauj as Dr. Kielhorn maintains. 

That ChakrAyudha, who was a contemporary of the GQrjara prince 
Nd^gabha^a, was a ruler of Kanauj is an additional confirmation of 
the correctness of Dr. Hoernle's view. 

Moreover one reason adduced by Devadatta, in the paper just men- 
tioned, for assuming that the GOrjara Vatsar^ja's power was not 
restricted to Rajputana alone, but extended over the country ruled 
by Bhoja, is that the Gauda country was so far away from 
Rajputana that it is difficult to understand how otherwise Vatsarilja 
couki subjugate it as he did. But the difficulty of the task may be 
regarded as not quite so insuperable or the inexplicability may be 
considered to have been removed by the fact to which attention has 
been drawn by Mr. A. M. T. Jackson that the Gauda country was no 
other than Thanesar.^ 

Finally, in addition to the fact noticed by Mr. Jackson, this fact 
also, that Dharmapala was a contemporary of Govinda 111. (794 
.A. D.), completely does away with the preceptorship on the part of 
Krishna: II (877 A. D. ) with regard to Dharmapdla's children, which Dr. 

Hoemie refers to,* even if the words 'TORt RH^iltll^"HI^: had been 
capable of that meaning. 

The scraps of information gathered may then be put together as 
follows : — 

Chakr^yudha was raised to the throne of Kanauj by Dharmapala 
after conquering IndrarAja and others according to the Bhagalpur 

* J, R» A* S, tQiH, pfk *<*-T* 

• J. Ik R« A« &« t^>* 

' J. R. A, S, idv>j, riv tajM 



AN EPIGRAPHICAL NOTE ON DHARMAPALA. 121 

grant. Nftgabha^a of the G^rjara dynasty defeated ChakrHyudha, 
and N^gabhata himself was defeated by Govinda III. It would thus 
appear, that when Nagabhata was the GOrjara prince, the family had 
not established itself at Kanauj. The Indr&yudha mentioned in the 
Harivamia as ruling over the north in 783 A. D. was probably a 
ruler of Kanauj ; and he may have been one of those vanquished by 
Dharmap&la about the end of the eighth century and the one referred to 
by the name of Indrarija in the Bh^galpur plates. Dharmap^la did not 
annex the country to his territory but bestowed the sovereignty of it 
on Chakr^yudha. Chakr^yudha was probably connected with 
Indr&yudha, as the ending word &yudha of both the names may be 
taken to indicate. Indr^lyudha may have been the rightful predeces- 
sor of ChakrHyudha or a usurper and, after his defeat and 
probable death also, Chakr^yudha may have been raised to the throne 
by Dharmap^la as the next or rightful claimant. So that some time 
after the death of Yalovarman, the patron of BhavabhOti, which must 
have taken place about the middle of the eighth century, one 
Indr&yudha got possession of it and was ruling in 783 A.D. He was 
succeeded by Chakr^yudha and he perhaps by somebody else, until 
this petty dynasty was overthrown by Bhojadeva of the GOrjara 
dynasty about the middle of the ninth century, and thereafter Kanauj 
became the capital of the latter dynasty. 



Art. IX. 

A comparison of the Avestic Doctrines of the Fravashees 

with the Platonic Doctrines of the Ideas and 

other later Doctrines. 

Bv R. K. Dadachanji, B.A., LL.B. 
{^Read2']thjuly, 1905.) 

The history of all human thought establishes the correctness of the 
following three principles : First, all civilization and progress are the 
results of the evolution of thought from its simplest to its most com- 
plex forms, step by step, among the different races of mankind from 
the dawn of human history. Secondly, all ideas relating to objects 
and forms of worship were in reality in primitive times intended 
to be explanations of the mysterious phenomena of nature and 
«vents of human life on the supposition that such phenomena were the 
results of the operations of spirits, and were, so to speak, the effects 
of what may be called ** spiritual causes ** as distinguished from what 
we understand as ** physical causes." These ideas represented, as it 
were, the sciences of primitive times and led to the birth and growth 
of the sciences properly so-called of modem times. Thirdly, with 
the advance of knowledge and culture, '* spiritual causes ** are supplant- 
ed gradually by physical causes, as explaining natural phenomena and 
the events of human life. The first of these three principles establishes 
what may be called the principle of the suggestiveness of ideas, vis,, 
that old existing ideas have the power of suggesting new ideas ; that 
conversely, new ideas never arise except through the suggestion of, or 
as being derived from, old existing ideas, and bear, therefore, a neces- 
sary connection with the latter and ^*ould nex'er come into existence 
but for the prior existence of the latter. This principle is akin to, but 
distinct from, the principle of association of ideas. The j^econd of the 
said three principles is a corollary of the first and may be described as 
representing the principle of the unity and conttnuit>* of human thought 
throughout all ag^s in the history of the civilized nations of the world. 
The remaining third principle sheu*s, that the greater the advance 
made by the human mind in knowledge and culture, ti>., in the actual 
production of, and in the power of producing, new ideas out of old 
ideas, the less are natural phenomena and eN'^nts of human life ex- 
plained with reference to '* sf^ritual causes/" and the more are they ex- 



THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASHEES. 1 23 

plained with reference to physical causes. These principles, therefore, 
suggest tests for ascertaining the stage, at which any particular idea 
must have been developed, and its relations in point of growth to other 
Ideas, similar in substance but different in forms. We shall see, that 
the Fravashees, a certain class of spirits representing also human 
beings, dead, living and to be born, were regarded in the Avestic times 
as explaining most of the mysterious phenomena of nature and human 
life. But when we come to the times of Plato, which were far later 
than those in which the Avestic ideas of Frohars or Fravashees 
came into existence, we observe, that physical causes e.g,^ fire, air, 
water, are accepted as explaining the phenomena of existence in 
the world by some Greek thinkers, who denied that such pheno- 
mena were due to the working of spirits. In those times, we observe 
that Plato makes only a limited use of the idea of spirits. While in 
the Avestic times the Fravashees were regarded as explaining all 
phenomena, all the mysteries of nature and human life in this world, 
Plato looked upon the idea of fhe existence of spirits as only explain- 
ing metaphysical questions concerning life before birth and life after 
death. In later times than those of Plato, Christianity taught through 
Catholicism the activity in this world, for thegood of devout Christians, 
of the spirits of those few elect dead personages only who were cano- 
nized. Thus though Catholicism denied the activity of the spirits 
of all dead Christians who had met with Christian burial, and for 
whose spiritual benefit certain religious ceremonies had been per- 
formed, it admitted the beneficent activity of the spirits of those few 
who were revered as saints. But this limitation of the idea of the 
activity of the spirits of the human dead was abolished centuries later 
by Protestantism, which refused to accept the idea of the beneficent 
activity of the spirits of those whom Catholicism venerated as saints, 
though it retained the idea of the existence of the spirits of the dead, 
and their future salvation. And in the middle of the 19th century, 
when fcience had explained through physical causes and laws all 
phenomena of nature and human existence, physically observable, 
rejecting all explanations based on the agency of spirits, we find 
that Auguste Comte (who founded the Religion of Humanity in the 
hope of its supplanting all existing "supernatural religions," as A. 
Balfour has called them, meaning those which teach the existence of 

spiritual life after death) utilized for the purposes of his new religion 
an idea similar to the idea of the Frohars or Fravashees of the dead, 
not in its entirety, but with its connection with spirits eliminated. 
And coming to our own days, we obser\'e that with all orthodox 
Parsees the idea of Fravashees, as representing the dead, are living, 
moving ideas ; but that these ideas are, and have been, restricted to 



124 THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE PRAVASHBES. 

the beneficent acivity of the Fravashees invoked with proper ceremonies 
and observances. Thus Parseeism believes in the beneficent activity 
in this world of the Fravashees or spirits, representing the dead, 
including the Fravashees representing those living and to be born, 
though Catholicism, which arose much later than the ideas of the 
Fravashees, confines such activity to the spirits of those whom it has 
recognized as saints. This paper will, therefore, after setting out the 
Avestic doctrines as to the Fravashees, state and discuss the doctrines 
of Plato regarding what he has called the Ideas, and compare and 
contrast them with the former. It will, also, refer to Comte*s Religion 
of Humanity, as far as it bears on the subject herein dealt with. 
This paper will, further^ demonstrate, how the unity and continuity 
of thought are preserved by great religions, after their establish- 
ment, by the adaptation and absorption of ideas, which in their 
existing forms they desired to displace, but which they could not 
wholly extinguish. It is, generally, supposed, that a new religion has 
always absolutely broken up the old order of ideas and replaced it by 
an entirely new one. But attentive observation shews, that it is 
impossible to remove completely an existing intellectual and moral out- 
fit from the human mind, and equip it with an entirely new one. 

This paper will, also, attempt to settle the relation of the teachings of 
what are known as the later Avesta writings to those of the Gathas, to 
solve the questions firstly, whether the former are simple pre-Zoroastrian 
or post-Zoroastrian ideas, or are really Zoroastrian adaptations of pre- 
Zoroastrtan ideas ; secondly, what their age is with reference to the 
propagation of Zoroastrianism and the early Aryan emigration to India. 

2. The ** Gathas" are universally acknowledged as embodying the 
teachings of the great Zoroaster. With reference to the date of this 
grand work, the dates of composition of different parts of the remaining 
extant Zoroastrian scriptures have first to be fixed. And the opinion 
prevails, that the Yeshtas are writings, which belong to a later period 
th.an that of the Gathas and are, therefore, known as forming a part 
of what are called the later Avesta writings. As Dr. Haug observes 
in his learned ** Essays on the Parsis", — '^The name Fravashee is 
never to be met with in the Gathas." But as is well known the 
** nusks," which formed the body of the Zoroastrian scriptures, have 
been lost, and as it can never be assumed that the Gathas were the 
only original work, representing the teachings of the great Iranian 
prophet, it cannot be inferred from the silence of the Gathas as to the 
Fravashees, that the great prophet disbelieved the existence of the 
Fravashees, or preached their non-existence. If this had been the 
case, the later Avesta would not have assigned one whole Yashta 



THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASHEES. 1 25 

specially to the Fravashees, vis., the Frawardeen Yesht, and would 
not have made constant references to them in its other parts, nor would 
the recital of the Frawardeen Yesht have constituted, as it has con- 
stituted from time immemorial till the present day, the most important 
part of the Zoroastrian ritual of the dead. And, moreover, it is im- 
possible to assume either that the great prophet inculcated no ritual in 
honour of the dead who are always the first care of every great religion ; 
and that if he did, as he could not but have done, there was any other 
ritual prescribed than, inter alia, the recital of the Frawardeen Yesht. 
Assuming, therefore, that no significance can be attached to the fact 
of the Gathas not referring to the Fravashecs, we shall set out the 
main doctrines of the Fravardeen Yashta and afterwards discuss them 
in relation to the Platonic doctrines as to the Ideas ; because nothing 
brings out the salient points of any doctrines so much as their com- 
parison and contrast with other similar doctrines. It is when placed 
against the background of the latter, that the former appear in all 
their striking colours, disclosing the strong and weak points of both. 

3. The doctrines of the Frawardeen Yesht regarding the Fravashees 
are as follows on the following points : — 

I. What the Fravashees or Frohars are and their powers, **The 
Frohars or Fravashees are invisible, incapable of being imagined, are 
far-seeing, strong, powerful, successful in war, health-giving, grant- 
ors of gift and happiness.'' 

II. The place of abode of the Fravashees or Frohars : — ** The Fra- 
vashees or Frohars move about at their will in the upper region of 
air (or ether)." 

III. What beings and bodies are represented by the Fravashees 
or Frohars : — '* Ahuramazda, the yezds, the angels, the heavens, 
water, earth, trees (vegetation), goats and kine, and men, living, 
dead, and to be born, pious creations, and even the Mathravani have 
all their respective Fravashees or Frohars. But the Frohars of the 
pious living human beings are more powerful than those of departed 
ones." 

IV. Explanations of phenomena based on the agency of the Fra- 
vashees or Frohars : — 

** (a) The sun, moon, planets, and innumerable stars were sta- 
tionary at first for a long time, but the Frohars opened and pointed 
out the true paths for them .... Water was likewise sta- 
tionary at first for a long time, but the Frohars shewed to it good 
ways into streams .... Trees were also stationary, inactive 
at first, did not develop or yield fruits ; but the Frohars gave to them 



126 THB AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASHEES. 

the power of developing and 3rielding fruits, according to ordained 
ways and at ordained times." 

**{b) It is through the aid of the Frohars that Ahura Mazda 
sustains the earth and the heavens, preserves the unborn in the 
wombs of their mothers. If there had been no Frohars, no creatures 
of Ahura Mazda, rational and irrational, would have been in exist- 
ence, but Angremenyush, and the '* Deruj's, and the (evil) Meenoes 
(spirits) would have overpowered everything, and exercised their 
sway unchecked." 

V. The time, mode and results of the adoration of the Frohars : — 
•* The Frohars descend from their higher region to the earth on the 
occasion of the Hamaespathan ghambar [a certain part of the Parsi 
year], and move about the streets for ten nights, desirous 
of their names being remembered, their praises and glory being 
proclaimed, their worship being effected with pious prayers, and 
their being welcomed with hands bearing food and raiment 
[not, it is to be noted, being fed with food, or clothed with 

raiment] The blessings, which the Frohars that 

have had their aforementioned desires satisfied, possess the power 
of granting, and do grant on invocation, are as follows : — (a) " In- 
crease of cattle and human beings," {b) ** fleet horses and strong 
vehicles," (O ** power, with leadership of the Anjuman (public body)," 
{d) ** help in enterprises and in distress," (e) ** health and recovery 
from illness," (/) * victory in battles." 

Inferentially it may be stated, that Angremenyush, the Derooj's, and 
the evil Meenoes are not represented by Frohars, and that the Frohars 
are the beings forming the connecting link between the spiritual and 
the physical world — between mind and matter, and a«e the beings who 
connect Ahura-Mazda with his good creations. 

4. Dr. Haug says in his ** Essays on the Parsees" : ** Every being 
of the good creation, whether living or deceased, or still unborn, has 
its own Fravashee or guardian, who has existed from the beginning. 
Hence they are a kind of prototype, and may best be compared to 
the Ideas of Plato, who supposed everything really existing to have a 
double existence, first in idea, secondly in reality. Such celestial or 
invisible prototypes are also mentioned in the Bible. . . See Heb., 
IX, 23. Exod. XXV, 9, 24." We shall now state the doctrines of 
Plato as to the Ideas, and then note the points of similarity and c^s- 
similarity between them and the doctrines of th^ Avesta, regarding 
the Fravashees or Frohars. 

5. The doctrines of Plato on the Ideas, which were intended by him 
to prove the immortality of the soul, are put by him into the mouth of 



THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASHEES. 1 27 

Socrates in the dialogue entitled Phsedo. Socrates expresses them 
just before drinking the cup of hemlock, and bravely submitting to the 
execution of the sentence of death passed upon him. He holds his 
last discourse with his devoted grief-stricken disciples, appropriately 
on deatli and the immortality of the soul. He seeks to inspire his 
disciples with courage and fortitude to bear his approaching death, by 
trying to prove in his usual way that death to a true pure-minded 
philosopher, which Socrates had undoubtedly proved himself to be, 
was but the opening of the door of the prison of the body in which 
his immortal soul had been imprisoned, and afforded a passage ta 
that higher and sublimer unchanging life in the glorious upper regions 
of the gods, which was the reward of the true pure-hearted philoso- 
pher. The excellence of the analyses of the Platonic Dialogues given 
by Grote in his great work, entitled ** Plato and the other companions 
of Socrates," is testified to by Jowett, and is proved by a study of the 
latter's own fascinating translations of the dialogues. The following 
doctrines, therefore, of Plate on the Ideas are stated mostly in the 
words of Grote, which, besides being accurate, can hardly be im- 
proved upon : — 

I. What the Ideas are, and what functions they discharge, [not 
being, it is to be noted, invested with, and not exercising, any 
powers themselves]: **The Ideas are invisible, eternal unchang- 
ing intelligible essences, or realities, are substantial, universal, abso* 
lute universal, causative, entities, are extra phenomenal transcen- 
dental causes. Each idea imports or communicates its own nature 
to the particulars, which bear the same name with it and exist in this 
world of sense,' transient phenomena, uncertainty and mere opinion, 
e.g,^ Self-Beautiful and Self-Good are the eternal Ideas, and if any 
thing else be beautiful or good, it can only be, and is beautiful or 
good, because it inheres or partakes in or has in it the presence of, 
the Self-Beautiful or Self-Good. 

II. The place of abode of the Ideas : In the invisible upper 
regions of the earth, which are glowingly described in detail by So- 
crates, as if under inspiration, at the end of his discourse and where 
everything is fairer than here and where the gods also reside, there 
dwell the Ideas. 

III. Metaphysical explanations, not based on the assumed agency 
of the Ideas, but upon logical inferences drawn or deductions made^ 
from the theory of their existence : (1) Immortality of the soul, 
** Tliat which being in the body gives it life is the soul, which exists 
both as a particular thing in the world and as an universal Idea in 
the transcendental world. But contrary ideas can and will never 



128 THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASHEES. 

coexist in an3rthing, but will exclude one another. Therefore the 
soul, which always brings with it life, can never receive, or admit, or 
co-exist with, death, which always brings with it the contrary of life. 
The soul therefore is not liable to death, but is immortal." (ii) Life 
after death and the transmigration of souls : ** After the death of 
each individual, his soul is conducted by his attendant genius to whom 
he belonged in life to the proper place, and there receives its reward 
or sentence of condemnation to suffering greater or less, according to 
his conduct in life, to be carried out in certain ways. The reward or 
condemnation of the soul is determined by the following considera- 
tion : — {a) If the soul has undergone during the life in this world of 
the body, left behind by it, the purifying influence of philosophy, 
having detached itself as much as possible from all connection with 
the body, with passions, appetites, and impulses, from all pleasures 
and pursuits connected with the body, in order to pursue true wisdom 
and knowledge, then, it is relieved from the obligation of entering 
into any other body, and is allowed to live by itself ever afterwards, 
disembodied in the pure region of the Ideas, in companionship with 
the gods, (b) If the soul has undergone no such purification, it first 
takes the form of a ghost, and becomes visible and then after under- 
going some purification enters fresh bodies of different species of men 
or animals, according to the particular temperament it carries away 
with it, and the wrongs committed by it during its embodied life, ^.^., 
the soul of a despot, a violent or rapacious man, passes into the body 
of a wolf or kite ; of a glutton or drunkard into that of an ass ; 
but the soul of a man, just and temperate by habit and disposi- 
tion, and not through the exercise of the pure intellect passes into 
the body of a gentle and social animal, such as the ant, bee, wasp. 
Sec, or may return into the human form of a moderate man. 
{iii) Life before birth: "The soul during its pre-existence, 
while completely apart from the body, acquires through intellectual 
contemplation and commerce with the eternal Ideas, wisdom or know- 
ledge of the other eternal Ideas, to which its own nature is cognate. 
But such wisdom or knowledge is lost by the soul on birth, owing to 
its conjunction with the body, and during its existence in this world ; 
and if it acquires any part of that knowledge afterwards during itj> 
life in the world, such knowledge is mere reminiscence, a renewal of 
the Ideas, with which the soul was already familiar during its anterior 
life, while separate from the body." (iv) Conflict between the soul and 
the senses : ** Out of the body, there grow passions, appetites and 
impulses, feelings of pleasure and pain, which corrupt the souPs 
perception of truth, and misguide it in its search for wisdom and 
knowledge, which can only be acquired though pure mental contem- 



THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FKAVASHEES. 1 29 

plation of the eternal Ideas, and thu<: the perceptions of the senses 
lead to no truth, but only to confusion and deceit. The soul, therefore, 
existing in an embodied state must sever its connection with the 
senses, with all passions, appetites, and impulses, and must engage 
itself in true intellectual contemplation." 

6. Before instituting any comparison between the Platonic doctrines 
regarding the Ideas, and the Avestic doctrines regarding the 
Frohars, it will be interesting to note the ccmments of Jowett on the 
former. That great scholar remarks : ** At the conclusion of the 
dialogue [Phajdo] Socrates replaces the veil of mythology and describes 
the soul and her attendant genius in the language of the mysteries, 

or a disciple of Zoroaster When we consider how 

much the doctrine of Ideas was also one of words, we cannot wonder, 
that Plato should have fallen into verbal fallacies ; early logic is always 
mistaking the truth of the form for the truth of the matter .... 
The conception of an abstract soul is the impersonation of the ideas 
« . . and . . . is in Plato himself but half expressed . . . 
Plato had the wonders of psychology just opening to him, and 
he had not the explanations of them, which are supplied by the 
analysis of language, and the history of human thought .... 
Nor is it difficult to see that his crowning argument is purely 
verbal, and is but the expression of an instinctive confidence 
put into a logical form:— 'The soul is immortal because it 
contains the principle of imperishablcness.' Nor does he seem 
to be at all aware, that nothing is added to human knowledge 
by his 'safe and simple answer,* that 'beauty is the cause of the 
beautiful.' " It is clear, that Plato's proofs of his doctrines rest upon 
what appear to us like verbal juggleries. But this paper is con- 
cerned with his doctrines, and not with their proofs, however unsatis- 
factory they may appear to our modern minds. However it is to be 
noted, that as regards these proofs themselves, the great philosopher 
was not free from doubt and uncertainty* He puts the following ob- 
servation into the mouth of one of the characters, who takes part in 
the discourse :— " 1 dare say, that you Socrates feel as I do, how very 
hard, or almost impossible is the attainment of any certainty about 
questions such as these in the present life." And the same character 

is at the end of the discourse again made to observe as follows : 

" 1 can see no reason for doubt after what has been said. But I shall 
feel and cannot help feeling uncertain in my own mind, when I think 
of the greatness of the subject, and the feebleness of man." 
9 



130 THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASIIEES. 

7. The following points strike us, when comparing Plato's doctrines 
of Ideas, with the Avestic doctrines of the Fravashees : — 

I. As Jowett observes, it is not impossible, that Plato borrowed his 
idea of the attendant genius of each individual to whom he belongs 
in life from the Avesta either directly, or indirectly through the mys- 
teries, and that this attendant genius corresponds to the Fravashee of 
the living. But the Avesta recognizes the Fravashee of the living, as 
distinct from the Fravashee of the dead; while Plato does not. Accord- 
ing to him, the attendant genius of each individual attends on him 
when living, as well as after his death. 

II. The Platonic Ideas are not powers, or natural agents, produc- 
ing any natural phenomena, except so far as they are essences of 
animate and inanimate objects, and their qualities. They are not 
active spiritual beings, except those that represent souls. They 
do not represent the gods, and do not require adoration through 
offerings, but claim only contemplation. They possess no power for 
good, nor are they bene6cent in themselves. It is through their pure 
intellectual contemplation, that good comes, w>., release from future 
embodiment. In all these particulars the Ideas differ from the Fra- 
vashees. 

III. The Avestic doctrines of the Fravashees do not inculcate the 
transmigration of souls ; but on the contrary teach that every indivi- 
dual has three separate Fravashees representing him at three distinct 
stages of his existence, 2ns,, before birth, after drath and after birth. 
The Avesta does not mention any process of purification to be follow- 
ed in this world by the Fravashee of any departed individual. On 
the contrary the Fravashees of the dead descend in their spiritual 
disembodied condition on certain days during the year to bless the 
living, and not to re-enter the bodies of men or animals. Their be- 
neficent power arises from the fact of the individuals whom some of 
them represent being pious during their lives. But once these indivi- 
duals die« they resume no earthly forms again. 

IV. The Avestic Fravashees cannot be identified with the Platonic 
souls, or what are ordinarily known as souls ; living individuals 
themselves arc represented by Fravashees residing apart from them 
and by themselves in a disembodied, spiritual condition ; conse- 
quently these Fravashees, which remain outside the human bodies of 
living individuals, cannot be identical with what are called the souls of 
the living, which are necessarily within and are in possession of the 
bodies of the living. And it is possible, though it is not quite clear, 
that the Fravashees of the dead may not be their souls, which ani- 
mated them during life. This view finds support from the prevailing^ 



THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASHEES. 13I 

Parsi belief which makes a diflference between the soul of a dead 
indmdual and his Fravashee. Tlie inference, therefore, is that after 
the birth of a man, a Fravashee comes into existence ; so also after his 
death. 

8. With reference to the biblical allusions to ideas of prototypes 
mentioned by Dr. Haug, it is to be noted that such allusions are to be 
met with in Sanskrit literature also. Kulidas's Sakuntala or the Lost 
Ring refers to such an idea in the following passage, as translated 
by Sir Monier Williams, describing the peerless beauty of the heroine:— 
** Such the divine, the wondrous prototype, whence her fair shape was 
moulded into being.'' 

9. The ideas about Fravashees as taught by the Avesta, especially 
the duty of propitiating them in the way enjoined by the Avesta about 
the very time fixed by the holy texts, are in fnrce and acted upon, 
even now, amongst orthodox Parsis. The days sacred to the 
Fravashees are popularly called the Muktad days and are 18 in num- 
ber, beginning with the 25th day of the last month of the Parsi 
calendar year and ending with the 7th day of the following new year, 
including the 5 intercalary days, called the Gatha-ghambhar days, 
added by the Parsi calendar at the termination of the last month of 
every year. Strictly considered, the Muktad days should be 10 only, 
beginning with the 26th day of the last month of the year, and ending 
with the 5th intercalary day, the first day of the new year marking the 
close of the holidays. But for some reason or another the Muktad 
days became nominally extended to the 7th day of the first month of the 
new year, though even in popular belief and imagination, the last 10 
days of the old year have been held far more sacred than the first 6 
days of the following new year. The last 5 intercalary days are popu- 
larly regarded as days for repenting of the sins of the closing year and 
for forming pious determinations for the new year ; while the first 6 
days of the new year are assigned to rejoicings, which are never adopted 
till the advent of the new year or the last day of the old depart- 
ing year. During the Muktad days in every orthodox Parsi household, 
ceremonies are performed and prayers are recited by priests day and 
night in honor of the Fravashees, especially the Fravashees of the 
dead, and offerings of food, &c., are specially prepared for them. A 
room in the house is specially cleaned and prepared for the occasion for 
the visit of the Fravashees and is adorned daily with fresh flowers and 
rendered fragrant with the burning of incense. In this room some 
prayers are recited while offerings are offered, in honor of the 
Fravashees, other prayers being recited elsewhere. At the end of the 
holidays, a hearty send-off is given by the popular imagination to the 



I-ja THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASHEES, 



J 



visiting Fravashees. When for any reason a Parsi household is not 
in a position to perform the Muktad days' ceremonies in honor of the 
Fravashees, the task is entrusted to managers of **Agiaries," where 
they are performed in a separate room for as many households as may 
direct their performance there. 

lo. Dr. Haug says : ** Originally the Fravashees represented only 
the departed souls of ancestors, comparable to the * Pitras' of the 
Brahmans, and the * Manes' of the Romans." If he meant, as he 
most liUely did mean, that the Fravashees were Zoroastrian adapta- 
tions of pre-Zoroastrian ideas of the v\orship of ancestors, his opinion 
is well-founded. But Herbert Spencer viewed the doctrines of the 
Fravashees as proving only ancestor- worship. We shall, therefore, 
state his views and discuss them, especially as by so doing, we shall 
be able to bring out some more peculiarities of those doctrines and 
the religious usages still prevailing amongst the Parsis in connection 
with them. Herbert Spencer says : *' Concerning the ancient Aryans 
of Persia, we have, on the highest authority, statements distinctly 
proving a dominant ancestor- worship. While one of the several souls 
possessed by each individual (and we have seen, that various savages 
believe in two, three, and even four souls, shadow, reflection, health, 
heart), the Fravashee is the predominant and the propiti.ited soul. It is 
supposed to need food, like the other-self of the dead savage. Not 
ordinary men only, but dt- ities up to the Supreme One, have each his 
ghost, implying that he was originally a man ; there is god and 
•spirit of god,' as among the Hebrews. We see, too, that these 
which are ancestral ghosts become the agents, to whom the powers of 
surrounding objects are ascribed— fetish ghosts. We see. that 
worship of them, beginning with worship of those of the family and 
the clan, originates in lime the worship of more conspicuous tradi- 
tional persons, as heroes and gods just as among the Figians and 
others at this day." But as we have shewn, the Fravashee is not a 
soul ** possessed by each individual " embodied in him, as Spencer 
imagines it to be, and does not even reside on the earth in an embodied 
or disembodied form and is not, therefore, a ghost, as Spencer 
imagines it to be, and does not need food, but needs only reverence, 
as evidenced by the mere offering of food, not intended to be appro- 
priated by it. As, therefore, the Fravashee does not represent a soul, or 
constitute a ghost, its adoration in no wise proves ancestor-worship, 
much less dominant ancestor-worship ; because as already repeatedly 
observed there are Fravashis not only for the dead, but also 
for the living and those to be born. It is true, that at the recital of the 
Fravardeen Yesht, as a part of a ceremony in memory of a dead indi- 
vidual, it is still customary among the Parsis to invoke by their 



THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASHEES. 133 

respective names the Fravashees of the deceased^s ancestors, goin^ as 
far at times as the ancestor, who had, as a fugitive from Persia, 
landed in India, and founded here the family of the deceased. And 
there is the further practice, still prevailing, of nominating what is 
called the adoptive son of a deceased Parsi, though unmarried or 
childless at the time of death, and of invoking blessings of the Frava- 
shees on such son. The original object of this practice was undoubt- 
edly to provide a deceased male with an adoptive son, who should look 
after the welfare of the ghost or the spirit of the deceased. But the 
above Parsi practices would not prove ancestor-worship, even if we 
disregarded the facts already pointed out ; because there is the further 
practice prevalent from times immemorial, almost certainly from Zoro- 
astrian times, of invoking the Fravashees of deceased females, and 
especially of those females, who have in any way attained to pre-emi- 
nence, by being the mothers of national great men, or otherwise. 
Thus the Fravashees of the mother and the daughters of the great 
prophet, and the wives and mothers of great national heroes like Zal 
and Rustom are also still ordinarily invoked. This conclusively 
proves, that the Zoroastrian invocation of the Fravashees of the dead 
is by no means of the nature of ancestor-worship. It resembles, if it 
did not actually supply a model for, the commemoration ceremony pre- 
scribed by Auguste Comte for his Religion of Humanity. 

11. We now see most clearly, after a thorough examination of 
the ideas of the Fravashees, that they are as intellectual and spiritual 
as the Platonic abstract essential causative ideas, but are purer than 
the latter, as they never enter the bodies of men or animals as the 
latter do, but represent the higher order of beings, and are invest- 
ed with far greater powers than the Ideas, which are practically 
powerless. 

12. Turning, now, to Comte's Religion of Humanity, the metaphy- 
sical theory upon which he bases his doctrine of the non-spiritual 
worship of the dead is evidently inspired by Platonism, and is partially 
an adaptation to the requirements of the 19th century thinker of a por- 
tion of the Platonic theory ol the Ideas, thus being an illustration of 
the principles of the suggestiveness of ideas and continuity of thought. 
Comte's metaphysical theory is as follows ; — "The supreme power is 
the continuous result of all the forces capable of voluntarily taking 
part in the amelioration of the race, even witht^ut excepting our worthy 
helpmates amongst the animals. Each individual member cf this 
great whole has two successive existences, the one objective, and 
always transitory, in which he serves directly the great being by using 
tne entire series of the previous labors of our race, the other subjective 



134 THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASHEES. 

and perpetual, in which the service is indirectly prolonged by the results 
which he leaves his successors. . . . The first life forms nothing^ 
but the trial of a man*s worthiness for the final incorporation. . . • 
Once incorporated with the supreme being, he becomes truly insepa- 
rable from it. Thus man serves Humanity as a being during his life, 
strictly so called, and as an organ after his death, which finally trans- 
forms his life into a subjective life. . . . The living are, therefore, 
always and even more and more governed by the dead." And upon 
this theory the great thinker bases the following system of the worship 
of the dead : — ** As the static festivals represent morality, so dynamic 
festivals will represent history. In these the Worship of Humanity 
acquires a more concrete and animated form, as it will consist princi- 
pally in rendering honor to the noblest types of each phase of human 
development." And Comte framed a complete system of commemora- 
tion applicable to Western Europe under the title of ** Positivist Calen- 
dar." It may be noted, that the Parsis do possess such a calendar 
and that every addition to the calendar is made by the unanimous 
decision of the community in a general meeting assembled on the third 
day, Uthamna, ceremony, in honor of the death of a distinguished popu- 
lar Parsi, on the proposition of the Dastur (High Priest), and that 
thenceforth, his Fravashee is invoked generally amongst the commu- 
nity, when any prayers are recited in honor of the Fravashee of any 
deceased Parsi. It is interesting to note the grounds upon which 
Comte justifies his commemoration service in honor of the dead, those 
being the grounds, upon a part of which additions are made to the 
Parsi calendar, as above stated. He says : ** While striving to 
surpass our ancestors, we shall yet render due honor to all their 
services, and look with respect on their systems of life. By comme- 
moration of past services, we shall strengthen the desire inherent in 
all of us to prolong our existence. . . The praise given to our 
ancestors will stimulate a noble rivalry, inspiring us with the desire 
to become incorporate into the Mighty Being, whose life endures 
through all time, and who is formed of the dead far more than the 
living." 

{To be concluded.) 




Art. X, 

Ma<^oudi on Volcanoes, 

By JivANji Jamshedji Modi, B.A. 
{Read 26/A April 1906.) 

While studying for my lecture on ** Mount Vesuvius and my visit to 
that mountain in 1889 " delivered before the Dnydn Pras^rak Society 
on Tuesday, the 17th instant, I looked into some of the Eastern 
authors, to see if they gave any description of volcanoes. In Firdousi 
we find no regular description of volcanoes. 

It is in Ma^oudi that we find a description of some of the volcanoes 
of the world. Modern European scientific writers on the subject of 
volcanoes have given references to the writings of the classical 
authors who have alluded to the subject ; but, Jis far as I know, they 
have not referred to Ma<^oudi. The object of this short paper is to 
collect Macjoudi's references to some of the volcanoes of the world, 
as it may be of some interest and importance to vulcanologi its to 
know what an Arab writer of the loth century said of this grand 
phenomenon of nature. 

Abou *1 Hasan AH, surnamed Ma^oudi from one of his ancestors, 
flourished in the first half of the loth century after Christ. He was 
born in Bagdad and travelled through Persia and India and went 
even to the Malay Peninsula and to the Chinese seas. He travelled 
also in Egypt. So, what he says of the volcanoes, especially of 
the Asiatic volcanoes, seems to be the result of his own observations. 
The book, in which he has embodied his observations and the result 
of his studies, is known as Maruj ul Zahab va Ma'din ul J6har 

( w^^^p* I ^ d Liuo J t--^ jJ I ^j yfc J />., the Meadows of Gold and 

the Mines of Jewels. 

Ma^oudi has written in Arabic and I give his description of the 
volcanoes from the translation of the work in French by C. Barbier 
de Meynard and Pavet de Courteille. 

I. The first reference to volcanoes by Ma^oudi is in the i6th chapter 
which treats of seas and their peculiarities.^ He gives the following 
description of a mountain in the most distant parts of the islands 
situated in the sea of China : — 

'* From these mountains emanates a continuous fire, of which the 
Hames, which are red during the day and blackish at night, rise 

' Vol. I., p. 34«. 



136 MACOUDI ON VOLCANOES. 

SO high that they reach the clouds. These eruptions are accom- 
panied with sounds of the most terrible thunder. Often there 
emanates from it a strange and frightful voice announcing the death 
of a king or simply of a chief according as it is more or less 
resonant. There are those who can distinguish this perfectly, being 
instructed in this matter by a long experience which never makes 
mistakes. These mountains form part of the large volcanoes of the 
earth. Not far from these is an island, in which one hears con- 
tinuously the echo of the sound of drums, flutes, lutes and of every 
kind of instrument, of sweet and agreeable voices, and also of 
harmonious steps and clapping of hands. On lending an attentive 
ear, one distinguishes clearly all the sounds without confounding 
them. The mariners who have voyaged on these sea-coasts say that 

it is there that the Da'yM *((J^'«>}j ^•^•, the Antichrist, has fixed 
his abode." 

Now, which are the volcanoes that Mac^oudi here refers to as being 
situated in the sea of China ? It appears that they form the volcanoes 
of Java and Sumatra. Of the great volcanic lines described by Prof. 
Anstead in his Physical Geography, ** the most active is,'* as he says, 
** that of Java and Sumatra, separating the China Sea from the Indian 
Ocean." * He adds further on, that ** the islands near the Malay 
Peninsula, commencing with the Andaman group and the Nicobar 
Islands, and extending through Sumatra into Java, are all volcanic, 
and the volcanic force attains there the condition of ntense energy. 
Along the whole length of Java, the volcanic mountains are so close 
that it is difficult to distinguish between the various groups. This is 
the case for at least 700 miles. In this Island the volcanoes range 
from 5,000 to 13,000 feet in height above the sea."' 

So, when Maqoudi speaks of the mountains in plural ((J^^) and 
of their flames as ** a continuous fire, rising so high that they 
reach the clouds," it seems clear that he refers to this volcanic belt 
of great activity in Java. He refers to this belt of volcanoes once 
more, as we shall see later in the 17th chapter,^ where he speaks 
of the volcanic belts of the Caucasus and of the Mediterranean. 
There he remarks that ** of all the volcanoes of the world, the 
most remarkable for its terrible sounds, for its whirlwinds of black 
smoke and for its frequent eruptions is that which lies in the 
kingdom of the Mah&r&ji." This is a reference to the group of 
volcanoes at Java and Sumatra which were then ruled over by a 
Mah&r&jH. 

' Physical Geography by Prof. David T. Ansted (Fifth Edition 1871), p. 326. 

" Ibid, pp. 3'«-33' 

^ Ma<;oudi, Vol. II., p. 26. 



MA^OIIDI ON VOLCANOES. 137^ 

There is one other casual reference to this group in Ma^oudi which 
shows that it is the volcanoes of Java to which he refers. In the sstb* 
chapter of his book* while speaking of the Franks (i.e,, the Firangis or 
the Europeans) he refers to the Island of Sicily and to its volcanoes, and* 
then says that he has elsewhere referred to the volcano of ZsLbej in 

the China Sea ( ^^ij^ ^ f^ uf* '^W^ ^ ^ /^ I ^•^- » ^^® volcano of 
the city of Zfibcj in the sea of Sin, i.e., Chin or China). Barbier de 
Meynard takes this Zabej to be the same as modern Java. 

There are several other points in Ma<;oudi's description which 
require observation. 

1. Ma^oudi speaks of the eruption of these mountains as '* accom- 
panied with sounds of the most terrible thunder." The last eruption 
of one of these mountains, the most terrible eruption that we have ever 
had in our times, was that of Krakatoa in 1883, which caused the 
death of about 36,000 people. The sound of that eruption was heard 
at a distance of about 3,000 miles. 

2. Ma<;oudi then refers to ** a strange and frightful voice announcing 
the death of a king or simply of a chief, according as it is more or less 
resonant." Superstitious effects of this kind on minds terrified to 
the extreme are not rare even in our times, whether in the East or 
in the West. 

3. Ma^oudi refers to ** the sound of drums, flutes, lutes and of every 
kind of instrument, of sweet and agreeable voices and also of har- 
monious steps and clapping of hands." Now, all this is due to what 
are called ** rhythmical puffs and bursts" which occur at regular in- 
tervals of a few seconds, and which are observed even in the case of the 
eruptions of Vesuvius as referred to by Dr. Philipps in his work on 
Vesuvius.'' Dion Cassius, who wrote about 230 A.D., while describing" 
the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 A.D., notes the tradition that he was^ 
acquainted with, and says *' a blast, as if of trumpets, was heard."^ 

4. The last observation of Ma^oudi, in his description of this 
extreme-east volcano which requires observation is the statement of 

the mariners that **it is there that the Dajdl ((J'^*^) has fixed 
his abode." Now, who is this DajM ? Dajal generally means ** an 
imj)ostor, a liar." Barbier De Meynard translates the word as '* Anti- 
christ." So, if we assume that the mariners referred to a particular 
class of fiajdl 5 or liars, vin,, those who did not acknowledge Christ as 
Messiah, it follows that the mariners referred to were Christian sea- 
men, who took these volcanoes to be the seat of Hell itself and thus 
the seat of those who did not believe in the mission of Christ. 

* Ma(;oudi par B. de Meynard, &c.. Vol. Ill) p. 68. 

' Vesuvius, by John Phillips, p. 145. •' /bid, p. ay. 



138 MA^OUDI ON VOLCANOES. 

This allusion then indirectly shows that in the 10th century trade 
flourished between the Christian countries of £urope and the sea-^oast 
towns of China. 

Now, the allusion to these volcanoes as the seat of Hell, or as the 
seat of the punishment of the sinful, is natural. The first impression 
upon my mind, when I stood at the edge of the crater of the Vesuvius on 
28th July 1889, and when I heard the terrible and frightful sounds from 
within, with the occasional showers of stone that rose from it, was that of 
Hell. I have noted the first impression in my note-book there and 
then, thus " an? ! aMiqlSri, ii^rM**! !" i.e.y ** Oh ! the sounds !They are of 
Hell. " 

It is possible, that many a religious writer has conceived a part of 
his picture of Hell from what he himself saw and heard at a volcano 
or from what he heard cf it from others. 

Mount Vesuvius, the recent eruption of which has suggested to me 
the subject of this paper, is even now spoken of by some as a Hell. 
The city of Naples, the natural beauty of which has given rise to the 
saying ^ ^ Vedi Napoli e poi mori,^^ «.<?., "See Naples and then die," is said 
to be ** a paradise as seen from hell," because we see Najjles at its 
best from the top of Vesuvius, which in ilself is, as it were, a hell. 

That part of Sicily in which Mount Etna is situated is called Valle 
Demone, because popular tradition believed that the inside of the 
volcano was a region of demons. 

Ma^oudi says that these islands were ruled over by a Mah^r&ji. 
This points to the fact of the spread of Hinduism from India into the 
•East, and of the influence of India. 

II. The second important reference by Ma^oudi to a set of volcanoes 
is in his 17th Chapter.' Here, he at first refers to the mountains of 
the Caucasus. Then he refers to Baku as the principal place of 
naphtha, especially of black naphtha, which, he says, is only found 
there. He then proceeds to say : ** In the land occupied by the 
sources of the naphtha there is a volcano or a source of fire, 
the eruptions of which never cease and which emits at all times 
jets of flames high into air. In front of this portion of 
the coast are situated several islands. One of them, about 3 days' 
voyage from the mainland, contains a great volcano. At certain 
times of the year its sides roar and emit flames which rise in 
the air to the height of steep mountains and throw in the sea 
a vivid light which is seen from the mainland, from a distance 
of about 100 farsangs. This volcano can be compared to that of Jebel 

al-Bourkin (j^ IT yJ I JLkSk) situated in Sicily which forms a part of 

^ Macoudi par B. dc Meynard, &c.. II., pp. 25—27. 



MACOUDI ON VOLCANOES. 1 39 

ithe country of the Franks and is situated near Africa in the west. 
Of all the volcanoes of the world, the most remarkable for its terrible 
sounds, for its whirlwinds of black smoke and for its frequent eruptions 
is that which lies in the kingdom of the MahArftjA. It is 
necessary to place in the second rank the volcano of the valley of 
Barhout ( cy^^ y ) which rises not far from the country of Asf^r (^ \sum | ) 

and of Hadramautfi-j^^^a^) in the territory of Assheher ( -sA^I) 
between Yemen and Oman. One hears it grumbling like thunder at 
the distance of several miles. It ejects embers as large as mountains 
and pieces of black rock, which, after being thrown into the air where 
they are seen from a great distance, fall back immediately into the 
crater or round about it. The embers which the volcano throws out 
are only the stones which have been melted into lava under the pungent 
action of heat." 

In this long passage he refers to two belts of volcanic activity. 

1. The Caucasus group. While referring to this belt, he casually 
refers (a) to the Java group already referred to, and to the volcano of 
Sicily, which he calls Jabal al Barkan. 

2. The Arabian group, which is spoken of as the volcanoes of the 
Valley of Barhout near Hadramaut (Hazramaut), a province in 
.Arabia referred to in the Genesis (Chap. X, 26). 

Now, of the first group in this passage, z'^j., the Caucasus group. 
Professor Ansted says : ** Many of the high peaks in the Taurus chain 
and Mount Elburz itself, the giant of the Caucasus, are volcanic in 
»their origin ; but they certainly cannot fairly be ranked as among exist- 
ing volcanoes, active in the modern period."' 

Of Mount Demavendt a lofty peak of the Elbourz, Dr. Edward HulF 
■says : ** Mount Demavend, in Persia, which rises to an elevation of 
18,464 feet near the southern shore of the Caspian Sea, a volcanic 
inountain of the first magnitude, is now extinct or dormant."^ 

We said above, that it is from the volcanoes that many 
religious writers seem to have got their conceptions of Hell. It 
seems that later Zoroastrian writers seem to have taken their concep- 
tion of Hell from a volcano of this Caucasus group. In the 
Bundehesh* we read **Albourz kuf Arzur grivak chekdti pavan babSl-i- 
duzakhu munash hamvAr sha^da^n dv&rashniya temman v&dunend," 

^ Ansted's Physical Geography, p. 330. 

^ Volcanoes Pant aad Present, by Edward Hull, (i8(;:), p. 24. 

^ " This mountain was ascended in 18J7 by Mr. Taylor Thomson, who found the sum- 
mit covered with sulphur, and from a cone fumes at a high temperature issued torth, but there 
was no eruption." Journal, Royal Geographical Society, Vol- VIII, p. 109. ^Volcanoes 
Past and Present, by E. Hall, p. 241 n. i.) 

* Ft'dr S. B. E., Vol. V., Chap. XII 8. I'uie my Bundehesh. p. 38. 



\4AvvH.Ui V?N VOLCANOES. 

1*. .k. .ov^ Mjtnaut vH" ArzuT of the Elbourz Mountain is a 

.... '*. .^.ivc oi tlcil >*hcr« the demons always meet." 

\. . '»A \^>cvit;c >iww>s U>at Arzura (Arezura), one of the Elbourz 

. .^ ^ ^^ .i.vi^civU la btf the gate of Hell, the seat of the demons,. 

^ ,u^*i. It .ii>p^cns> then, that one of the volcanic mountains 

^ V t. V * ^^x ^loap ^ugi^csted to the Zoroastrian writer his concep- 

■t >^ \v. v^.uuwl,' thcr*? ts a ques&u^ .^t*'-U**» •€^ij'S>-*»« .-»») 

'»^ V ;^ " •'^v; V *. '. » Which is the first place on this earth which 

'N V V ^. ^.iC'k*.^/ The reply is 

.1 > av' ^u^llnut of Arezura. The demons and the devil run out 

\.'A, »vMi whai wt^ know of volcanoes, we can clearly understand 

w \ \u .. I \jc^ura isi considered to be the worst place on the surface 

xi u'. c.ah. i[\0 sutTocating slink and smoke render it so^ 

V. i, 1. 10 allusion to its being the seat of demons and of the 

.v\ii IS t.ioar. Wo shall see later on that Italian tradition, as 

'.' .J u L^ion Cussius» has pointed out Vesuvius also as a mountain 

.s >i svli.^h ruhh torth giants and extraordinary forms. 

V^ .11. in another part of the Vendidad* the demons are spoken of 
.. iv un- out oi the Arezur with shouts. They think of carrying 
,\\ o ''vuoasLcr to that place. The reference to the shouts indicates 
t .. viiv niountuin is a volcano. 

i lu .. *. vHiU ^roup in the above passage of Macjoudi, vts,, the Arabian 
. - .\ IS ;lso ictvrrvd to by Prof. Anstedas a volcanic group. He says: 

'v > i, i\w U*.»l> Land, and Arabia, all exhibit volcanic phenomena 
. I » V\ » \ Jiu a nature,**^ 

HI Uk Uu»0 long reference to volcanoes by Ma^oudi is in the 35th 
\ ^ , s' vnuiUJ ** The Franks and the Galiciens." The passage 

I »u I »aulv, po>»^ossed also the countries of Africa and Sicily. We 

• .\« \\v tt\ «|v kvM) of these islands and in particular of the island 

w t s M S ^s'wa vmkUm the name of Al Borkan. It is a source of fire from 

v\ ..N V, > vu vhh vullrtmeU figures resembling bodies of men, but without 

V . v\'<\U suv» hl^h in the air during the night to fall back after- 

\ *«4x.ys U^v^St^Aphy. p. 330. 

\ •> t . ^ yH \U'\«««r»l, III, pp. 67 — 69. 



MACOUDI ON VOLCANOES. I4I 

wards into the sea. These are stones with which they lustre and polish 
the paper of account books. They are light, white and assume the 
form of a honey-comb or the models of dinars of small diameter. This 

volcano is known under the name of the Volcano of Sicily 

We have spoken also of all the volcanoes of the earth such as the volcano 
of Wadi-Berhout in Hadramaut and the country of Al Sheher; the 

Volcano of Zabedj of^(^lj) ('•^•t Java) in the Chinese Sea; the 
Volcano of Esk (Eskibun) between Pars and Ahwaz in the dependen- 

cy of the city of Arrajan (^^^^A.J]) which forms a part of Pars. 
The 6 res of this last volcano are seen at night from a distance of about 
20 farsangs and they are well-known in all the Mu^alman countries. 
The word atimah (/X4J9I) means properly a source of fire which 

burst out of the earth. We will not speak in this volume of hot 
springs of sulphur and vitriol nor of the springs of hot water from 
which burst out flames arising from atimah (volcano) in the 
country of Mil^abadan (^|iXu«#L« ; in the dependency of Arrajan and 

Sirwlln and known under the name of Naum^n. It is an extraordinary 
volcano which water cannot extinguish nor fight against in any man- 
ner. So powerful is its incandescence and such vivacity have its flames 
that it passes for one of the wonders of the world." 

In this long passage Ma^oudi refers to the following volcanoes: — 

1. Etna the volcano of Sicily. 

2. The volcano of Wadi Berhout in Hadramaut and the country of 

.^Ishahar, i e, , the volcanoes of the Arabian group. 

3. The volcano of Java. 

4. The volcano of Esk (Eskibun) between Pars and Ahwaz in the 

country of Pars. 

We have already referred to the second and the third in the list. 

The first volcanic mountain referred to here is the well known 
mountain of Etna in Sicily. 

The following statement in the description of this volcano attracts 
one's special attention. Mac^oudi says : ** It is a source of fire from 

which come out enflamed bodies (j^'^/^ f l-^r^l ) resembling 
bodies of men but without head which rise high in the air during the 
night to fall back afterwards to the sea." Ma^oudi also refers to this 
casually in Chapter XII * where he says that this volcano throws out 

•* fires accompanied by bodies" (^f*^\^^x^j ^^^ I )• Compare with 
•this the following version of the Vesuvius eruption of A.D. 79 
by Dion Cassius, who wrote in about 230 A.D. He says : "Many 

* Vol. I. T>. J59. 



142 MACOUDI ON VOLCANOES. 

huge men, surpassing human stature, such as the giants are de^ 
scribed to have been, appeared wandering in the air and upon the e-irth^ 
at one time frequenting the mountain, at another the fields and cities- 

in its neighbourhood Some thought the giants were 

rising again, (for many phantoms of them were seen in the smoke, and 
a blast as if of trumpets, was heard)." ' 

Thus it appears both from an Arab author and a Roman author that 
people thought that they saw figures of men rising from the vol- 
canoes high into the air. Don Cassius says that they appeared to 
hover over cities and fields. Of course, this was due to all the fantas- 
tic shapes which the vapours emanating from the craters assumed. 
But these statements suggest the idea that perhaps it is from the 
appearance of such phantoms or fantastical shapes of vapours, added 
to ihe terrible sound from within, that the ancients thought that the 
volcanoes were the localities of Hells where the bodies of ihe sinful were 
burnt in suffocating flames and smoke. 

Other Arab writers speak of Etna as Jabl-al-nar (^Lill J^),. 
i,e,, ** the mountain of fire." Modern Sicilians call it *Mongibello,' a 
word said to have been made up o( mon (^Italian monte^ i.e., mountain) 
and gibello {Arabic jebal ( jj^) i.<'.» ^ mountain). Thus this word,, 
both parts of which mean a mountain, is made up partly of an Italian 
and partly of an Arabic word. 

1 do not understand why Ma^oudi calls the island of Sicily and 

the volcano El-BorkAn ( e;'^ 7^ I )' *^^ ^^^^ sight we may think that 
it means the mountain of *bark,' i.e,, lightning (jfj^)- But then the 
word is spelt with kaf-i-ka/itnan and not quarashat. 

The next volcano referred to in the above passage is that of Esk 
(Eskibun). We do not find any special reference to this volcano ia 
any of our books on physical geography or vulcanology. But we 
know that there is a band of mountains in Persia which may be called, 
both for its volcanic and seismic energy, an energetic band. This is 
a volcano of that band between Pars and Ahwaz at Ask, which is a 
place near Arrajdn. 

Lastly, Ma9oudi refers to the hot springs of sulphur, vitriol and hot 
water in the province of Arrajan and Sirwan. Professor Ansted thus 
refers to this region of seismic activity. "From the Gulf of Scan- 
deroon, by Aleppo and Mosul, to Lake Van, and the south of Ararat 
to Shirvan and Baku, on the Caspian, there is another wide and ener- 
getic band, probably joining the Caucasus, and connected with the 
occasionally disturbed districts of the Oural.*' "" 

* Ve»uviuS| by Du John Phillips, (1869?} pp. }6-l7. 

* Physical Geography, p. J50. 



Art. XI. 

The Date of the Death of Ntzamt. 

By Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A. 

{Read idth April 1906.) 

According to M. Mohl, Nizami was the first of the Persian poets, 
who, after the decadence of the Epic literature, inaugurated by FirUousi,. 
(A.D. 941-1020), brought the historical romance into fashion.* One 
of his Persian biographers, Doulat Shah, as pointed out by Ousley, 
says of him, in his ** Memoirs of the Poets," that ** it is impossible for 
either tongue or pen 10 describe his sanctity, his excellence, or his 
science." * 

Nizami is best known for his * * Five Poems " known as the 
Khamseh (^oua^ ), t,e.y * the five ' and also as the PanJGanj, 7.^., *the 
five treasuries.' These five poems are — 

1. Makhzan-uM-Asrdr (^lv*»'l cJle^T*^)^ ^-^-i ^^^ Treasury of 

Secrets. 

2. Khusru and Shirin. 

3. Laili and Majnun. 

4. Haft Paikar ( *^ O^ ), '.^., the Seven Portraits. 

5. The Sikandar-Nameh, ue,^ the Book of Alexander. 

Of these five, three, the second, fourth and fifth poems, treat of 
historical romances, in which kings Khusru (Chosroes II) and Behram 
Gour (Behram V) of the Sassanian dynasty and Sikandar (Alexander 
the Great) who overthrew the Achemenian dynasty are the principal 
heroes. 

Just as Firdousi had a host of imitators, who tried to imitate his 
ShlLhn^Uneli and wrote poems like Burzo-n&meh, Framroz-n^meh, 
Kers4sp-n^meh, B^nu-Goshasp-n&meh, S&m-n^meh, Jeh^ngier- 
n^meh, and Bahman-n^meh, so, Nizami had several imitators of his 
Khamseh. The most well-known of these imitators was Amir' 
Khusro. 

* " Le premier qui mit k la mode le roman historique fut Nizami (n^ I'an 5x3 et mort I'an* 
S76 de I'b^re)." Le Livrc des Rois« small edition. Preface, p. LXXXII. 

* Biosn'aphi*^! Notices of Persian poeU by Sir Core Ousley (1846), p. 4^* 



148 THE DATE OF THE DEATH OF NIZAMl. 

Now Bacher, whom we have fotlowed in the words of his translator > 
Robinson, has, as shown above, determined the date of the death of 
Nizami, not on the authority of the author himself, but on the authonjty 
of a later glossarist, who gives the age of the author when he completed 
the Slkandar-n&meh. Bacher seems to believe that the author himsett 
has not given the date of the composition of the Sikandar-n&meh. 
He says, *' It remains still to settle with regard to the Alexander- Book 
(Sikandar-n&meh), the time of its composit'on, which Nizami does not 
directly give. " * 

I now produce, for the inspection of members, an old manu- 
script,* about 300 years old, of a poem of Nizami known as the 
Sikandar-n Ameh or the book of Alexander. At the end (last page) of 
thii Sikandar-n^meh, as given in this old manuscript, Nizami himself 
gives the date of the composition of this poem. As far as I know, no 
author who has treated the subject of the date of Nizami*s death has 
referred to these lines. Nizami says : 



•» 



Translation — May the king of the world be always blessed in his 
assembly like an young cypress. In order that the reader may not be 
tired, on the date of the year 597, in the beginning of the year, on the 
4th (day) of (the month of) Moharam ^ when the 4th hour had 
passed. 

These couplets then clearly point out that Nizami was alive in the 
year 597 Hijri. and so all the dates previous to this, generally given as 
the date of his death, cannot be correct. Then, as Nizami according to 
the above glossarist, died shortly after finishing his Sikandar-n&meh, 
the date of his death comes to about 597 Hijri. 

Now, when we speak of Nizami, as finishing his Sikandar-nAmeh in 
5Q7, we must understand by that, the completion of the second recension 

' /bi4i, p. Hi- 

* The manuscript belongs to Mr. Manockjec Runtomjec Unwalla of Bombay. o( whom 
I have often itpokcn in this room as a fortunate pos8esM>r of many old Oriental nianuscriptH. 
Comparinff this old manuscript with a lithoicraphed copy of NizamPs Khamsah. I find that 
about t^o couplets are lost in the befnnning. 

'The firs* part of the tnd couplet occurs in verses ** quoted in the Haft-Asmflm but 
which the author thinks to He of doubtful authenticity " Dr. C Ricu's catalogrue of ttic 
Persian m:*nu»cript* in the British Museumi Vol. II, p. $68^. 

^ Moharam is the ist month of the year. 



THE DATE OF THE DEATH OF NIZAMI. 1 45 

It is no wonder, that the date of the death of such a person, who had 
ended his life in retirement, and around whose old age a halo of a 
miraculous sanctity had spread, has not been certain and is variously 
stated. Many known authors differ on this point TTie object of this 
short paper is to determine the date of his death on the authority of 
an old manuscript of the poet's Sikandar-n^meh cr the book of the 
life of Alexander. This manuscript was one of the old manuscripts 
that I exhibited at the Exhibition held in our City in December 1904 
in connection with the Indian National Congress. 

Dr. Wilhelm Bacher, in his history of Persian literature published in 
1871, says: **The statements which are contained in Oriental 
sources as to the year of Nizami*s death diverge, in their extreme 
limits, more than twenty years, and unhappily European authors 
have inclined to that side which, according to what follows, is submit- 
ted as the incorrect account. Daulet Shah, in his biography, which 
gives only very scanty and quite insufficient notices with regard to our 
poet, says, that Nizamidied in some month of the year 576 of the Hejra. 
This date has been adopted by Haji Khalifa also, in one place ; whilst 
in other places of his Dictionary he has named quite different dates, 
vis,^ twice A.H. 596, once 597, and finally 599. Now the first named 
date, A H. 576, is the one which has been adopted by the most eminent 
writers. So Von Hammer, in his history of Persian polite literature, 
and Von Erdman, who yet expressly adds, that Haji Khalfa incorrect- 
ly says that Nizamidied A.H. 597. Flugel, in his account of Persian 
literature, names likewise the year 576." » 

M. Mohl. also, as quoted above, gives 576, as the date of Nizami's 
death. 

Dr. Bacher himself gives the date as 599 Hijri.* Dr. Hermann 
Eth6 » also gives the date as 599 Hijri (1203 A.D."). Ousley * gives 
the year as 597 Hijri (1200 A.D.). 

Dr. Charles Rieu, in his Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts in 
the British Museum, (1881, Vol. II., p. 564^) says : ** Most conflicting 
statements have been made regarding the date of Nizami*s death. 
Daulat Shah gives A.H. 576, the Atashkadah A.H. 586, the Jahdn4r& 
A.H. 597, Haj. Khal, A.H. 596, the Subh-i-SAdik A.H. 602, and 
Takt Kft.sh! A.H. 606.'* Dr. Rieu himself determines the date to be 
A.H.598or599 {^Ibid. p. 565a). 

' ** Persian Poetry for Enfrlish Readers ** by Robinson (188 j), pp. to9-iir« 
° nid, p. lU. 

* Article on Nixami in the Bncyclopsedia Brittanica« 9th editioni Vol. i7t p* S«* col. S* 

* Biographical Notices of Persian PoeU (i84^> p. 48. 
10 



136 MACOUDI ON VOLCANOES. 

SO high that they reach the clouds. These eruptions are accom- 
panied with sounds of the most terrible thunder. Often there 
emanates from it a strange and frightful voice announcing the death 
of a king or simply of a chief according as it is more or less 
resonant. There are those who can distinguish this perfectly, being 
instructed in this matter by a long experience which never makes 
mistakes. These mountains form part of the large volcanoes of the 
earth. Not far from these is an island, in which one hears con- 
tinuously the echo of the sound of drums, flutes, lutes and of every 
kind of instrument, of sweet and agreeable voices, and also of 
harmonious steps and clapping of hands. On lending an attentive 
ear, one distinguishes clearly all the sounds without confounding 
them. The mariners who have voyaged on these sea-coasts say that 

it is there that the Daj^I '(4j'^«>}) '-^m the Antichrist, has fixed 
his abode.'* 

Now, which are the volcanoes that Ma<joudi here refers to as being 
situated in the sea of China ? It appears that they form the volcanoes 
of Java and Sumatra. Of the great volcanic lines described by Prof. 
Anstead in his Physical Geography, ** the most active is,'* as he says, 
** that of Java and Sumatra, separating the China Sea from the Indian 
Ocean." * He adds further on, that ** the islands near the Malay 
Peninsula, commencing with the Andaman group and the Nicobar 
Islands, and extending through Sumatra into Java, are all volcanic, 
and the volcanic force attains there the condition of ntense energy. 
Along the whole length of Java, the volcanic mountains are so close 
that it is difficult to distinguish between the various groups. This is 
the case for at least 700 miles. In this Island the volcanoes range 
from 5,000 to 13,000 feet in height above the sea.**' 

So, when Ma^oudi speaks of the mountains in plural ((J^^) and 
of their flames as ** a continuous fire, rising so high that they 
reach the clouds,*' it seems clear that he refers to this volcanic belt 
of great activity in Java. He refers to this belt of volcanoes once 
more, as we shall see later in the 17th chapter,^ where he speaks 
of the volcanic belts of the Caucasus and of the Mediterranean. 
There he remarks that ** of all the volcanoes of the world, the 
most remarkable for its terrible sounds, for its whirlwinds of black 
smoke and for its frequent eruptions is that which ties in the 
kingdom of the Mah&r&ji.*' This is a reference to the group of 
volcanoes at Java and Sumatra which were then ruled over by a 

• Physical Geography by Prof. David T. Ansted (Fifth Edition 1871), p. 316, 

" /bid, pp. S^a-Sa* 

•* Ma<^)udi, Vol. II.. p. 26. 



MA^OUDI ON VOLCANOES. 137^ 

There is one other casual reference to this group in Ma^oudi which 
shows that it is the volcanoes of Java to which he refers. In the 3Sthp 
chapter of his book' while speaking of the Franks {i.e., the Firangis or 
the Europeans) he refers to the Island of Sicily and to its volcanoes, and' 
then says that he has elsewhere referred to the volcano of Z^bej in' 

the China Sea (^^r^ ] ys^ ^ ^ M I ^ JU ^^ | i.e., the volcano of 

the city of ZAbej in the sea of Sin, i.e., Chin or China). Barbier de 
Meynard takes this Zabej to be the same as modern Java. 

There are several other points in Ma<;oudi's description which 
require observation. 

1. Ma^oudi speaks of the eruption of these mountains as " accom- 
panied with sounds of the most terrible thunder." The last eruption 
of one of these mountains, the most terrible eruption that we have ever 
had in our times, was that of Krakatoa in 1883, which caused the 
death of about 36,000 people. The sound of that eruption was heard 
at a distance of about 3,000 miles. 

2. Ma^oudi then refers to ** a strange and frightful voice announcing 
the death of a king or simply of a chief, according as it is more or less 
resonant." Superstitious effects of this kind on minds terrified to 
the extreme are not rare even in our times, whether in the East or 
in the West. 

3. Mac^oudi refers to ** the sound of drums, flutes, lutes and of every 
kind of instrument, of sweet and agreeable voices and also of har- 
monious steps and clapping of hands." Now, all this is due to what 
are called "rhythmical puffs and bursts" which occur at regular in- 
tervals of a few seconds, and which are observed even in the case of the 
eruptions of Vesuvius as referred to by Dr. Philipps in his work on 
Vesuvius.^ Dion Cassius, w^ho wrote about 230 A.D., while describing" 
the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 A.D., notes the tradition that he was^ 
acquainted with, and says *' a blast, as if of trumpets, was heard. "^ 

4. The last observation of Ma^oudi, in his description of this 
extreme-east volcano which requires observation is the statement of 

the mariners that ** it is there that the Daj^l ((J'^*^) has lixed 
his abode." Now, who is this Daj4l ? DajAl generally means *' an 
impostor, a liar." Barbier De Meynard translates the word as ** Anti- 
christ." So, if we assume that the mariners referred to a particular 
class of fiajdh or Viars, vie, those who did not acknowledge Christ as 
Messiah, it follows that the mariners referred to were Christian sea- 
men, who took these volcanoes to be the seat of Hell itself and thus 
the seat of those who did not believe in the mission of Christ. 

^ Maqoudi par B. de Meynard, &c.. Vol. Ill) p. 68. 

'^ Vesuvius, by John Phillip?, p. 145. •• /h'd, p. 27. 



152 AN ftKUNGjf STONB INSCRIPTION. 

of 2'^" broad by i'^^" high. The Hrst line of the inscription 
is well-nigh destroyed, and nearly half of it on the proper left side 
has peeled off. 

The inscription opens with obeisance to (the god) Lakult^. The 
first verse is irrevocably lost, and the second appears to have been 
devoted to the praise of the goddess Sarasvatt. The next two verses 
contain the mention and description of a city of the name of 
Nligahrada. Verse 5 tells us that in this city there flourished a 
king named Sri-Bappaka, the moon amongst the princes of the 
Guhila dynasty. The verse following probably mentioned the name 
of the king AUafa, father of Narav&hana to whose reign the record 
refers itself and whose glory is described in verses 7 and 8. The next 
three verses, though not complete and entire, are sufliciently pre- 
served to supply us with information highly important for the history 
of the Lakuli^ sect. In the country of Bhngukachch ha, i,e. Broach^ 
through which the Narmad4, daughter of M^kala, flows, the sage 
Bhrigu, being cursed by Murabhid (Vishou), propitiated the god 
^iva, who in the presence of that very sage, incarnated himself as 
characterised with a club (lakula) in his hand. As ^iva thus descended 
to earth in body, the place where this occurred was called KAya- 
vardha^a. A short description of the place then follows, and we arc 
told that by remaining in K^yAvardhapa ^iva did not at all remem- 
ber his Kail^a. What the purport of verse 12 is, it is not easy to say, 
but the verse following asserts that there lived ancient sages, such 
as Ku^ika and others, who were conversant with the PAiupata Ydj^, 
and who resorted to the use of ashes, barks, and matted hair. From 
verses 14 and 15 we glean that certain ascetics whose fame had 
spread from the Him^ayas to R&ma's bridge always worshipped 
the god ^kalinga,* and, by them, as verse 16 has it, was caused to 
be made this temple of Lakuli^a on the mountain Aiv^jgr&ma. From 
the next two verses we learn that there was a celebrated dilectician 
called ^rt-V6d&Aga muni who silenced the disputants of the Syftd- 
viJa (Jaina), Saugata (Buddhist), and other sects, and his pupil was 
the poet Amra, son of Adityan&ga who composed the praJasti, From 
ver^ 19 we obtain as the date of the inscription 1028 (of the era) 
of the king Vikram&ditya, which is, therefore, equivalent to the Eng- 
lish year 971. The next, which is the last, verse is not complete, 
but expresses a wish for the permanence oi either the temple or the 
praJasH. Then follow the names of KArdpakdk^ those who caused 

> There can Im nO doubt that they were coonerted with the temple of fikKAgjL That 
the priesto of this temple were PA^paUs may h^ seen from an inncripUoo published in 
f^r. Beng. Am. S9C.. Vol LV. pt. 1. p. 48. in which HAr!urA£ is called ^r(-&kmiigif 



AN fiKUNGj! STONE INSCRIPTION. 1 63 

ment of the P^upata vows that the ascetic-disciples of Lakuli^ 
became incarnate. Our inscription also, while describing^ the avatdra 
of Lakuli^, speaks of P^supata ySj^a, Again, the ascetics who built 
the temple of Lakulisa, as our inscription has it, were connected with 
the temple of £klingji, and one of the high priests concerned with this 
temple has been described in an inscription as SH-^kalingu-ffar- 
drddhanO'PdJupat'dcAdfya.^ The inscriptions thus show that in North 
India P^upatas were the adherents of the Lakuliia system. In the 
south also the doctrines of Lakulisa must have been followed by the 
P^supatas, as the expression Na{La)kul£sa-PdJupata'darJana used 
by S&yana clearly indicates ; but, in Southern India, in addition to the 
P^supatas, Kdldmukhas seem to have espoused the system of Lakulisa. 
It is not necessary, here to reiterate the instances given above in which 
certain ascetics who are called K^lSmukhas are also represented as 
upholders of the Ldkula'siddhdnta, That the Kft.l§jnukhas were de- 
votees of Lakuli^ is also implied by what R&m&nuja says about 
them. Just at the place where he specifies the four sects, R^m^nuja 
speaks of laguda-dh&rana as one of the characteristic practices of the 
Kidamukhas. Laguda-dhdrana, by its very mention, associates itself 
in our mind with Lakuli, who, as we have seen, was so called because 
he held a lakuJa, i,e,, lakuta^ a club, in his hand, and it is but natural 
that his followers should consider it as a badge of their sect. But the 
other two sects, especially the sect known as ^aiva, were probably 
not the adherents of the L&kula system. S^ya^a, in the Sarva^ 

darsana-samgraha, contrasts the ^aiva, with the Na(La)kuli^a- 
P&supata darsana. This is an unmistakable indication, in my 
opinion, of the followers of the ^aiva sect not being the supporters 
of the doctrines of Lakulila. Again, in the Karh^d copper-plate 
'Charter of the Rd.sh(rakOfa king Krishoa III.,'' the grantee Gaga- 
na^iva is represented as having mastered sakala-Siva-siddhdnta, This 
probably shows that Gagana^iva was of the ^aiva sect and the 
adherents of this sect had a siddhdnta of their own called Sivasiddhdnta 
corresponding to the Ldkula-siddhdnta upheld by the K§i^mukhas. 

In South India the followers of Lakulisa appear to have been split 
up into two classes, (i) old and (2) new. An inscription found at 
Go^pakere in the Tiptur tdluk, Mysore and dated in A. D. 1285 speaks 
of the donors as supporters of the new La(L^)kuIa samaya,^ This cannot 
mean, as Mr. Rice has correctly pointed out,^ that the L^ula sys- 
tem was then new, for, as we have seen, the incarnation of ^iva as 
Laku|i dates as far back as the first century A. D., but that probably 

* See aote 2 above. ' Ep, Ind^ Vol IV., p. 386* 
' Ep. Cam. 9 VoU XII., p. 4$ (traoslatioo). 

* Hid,, Introduction^ p. 10. 



154 AN ^KLlSGjf STONE INSCRIPTION. 

of the Lakulisa-P&iupata sect ; and I have remarked at the outset 
that no scholar has yet been able to adduce any information from the 
Sanskrit literature about the antiquity and history of the sect. There 
is, however, a certain passage in the V&yu and Linga PurAnas which 
throws a flood of light on this matter, and it is very strange that no 
scholar ever noticed it. The passage is composed of verses 217 — 225, 
Chapter XXllI. entitled Mdhesvar-dvatdra-yd^a of the V4yu, and 
verses 124 — 133, Chapter XXIV. of the Linga, PurAna. The text of the 
published editions oftheV^yu Purina' is somewhat corrupt, but that 
> of the Linga Purina is remarkably free from this defect. I, there- 
fore, cite the verses in question from the Linga Pur&na, which are 
as follows : 

^ ^%5T ^^ Wn: S^TOtTT: i 

^#[^1^^ wi#tr ^R^(^ II i\\ II 
^i*ftt*<^Hi«frT ^^^^; II ?^vs II 
^T^mi^ fen^sftq xrf^ qt^mFRT ii K\c w 

fes^Tf ^¥\%.\ 3^ c^2T[ mk ^ R^^HI I 

^fRT^^?: ( *WI<1<1"I Vayu ) J^ ^i^^ ^ % ^ I 

4<R^(d ifir^^ ^M:ift^^^ n ?^c II 

ff^^ 1^^ ft^: #1?^ '^ ^ II ?^? II 

4)^iic*<ih1 44^ i c44ih^ m^mr ^<m<^ii: i 
jn^ in^^ %n f^JT^ 8i>:^i^: II ??R II 

^?[^ ^lf^«^Pd 5^KI#T#^I 

The substance of the verses is briefly this : in the twenty-eighth ydga 
when Vishnu, son of Parisara, will incarnate himself as Dvaipiyana- 

* I am aware of only two editions of the VAyu Purdpa. one published in the Bibliothoca 
Indicai and the other in the Anandd.4rama Sanskrit Scries. 

* Although in the text of the VAyu PurApa of the AnandAsrama Series the reading Nakmli 
is adoptedi the footnote . shows that iMkiUi is the reading of three MSS. 



AN itKLINGj! STONE INSCRIPTION. 1 55 

Vy^lsa, Krishna will become incarnate as V^sud^va. At that time I 
(ie. Siva) shall as brahmachdrt enter a dead body thrown in a 
cemetery without anybody to guard it, by means o{ ydga powers, and 
shall bear the name Lakuli. At that time, Kaydrdhana (according to 
the V§yu), or K^y^vat^ra (according to the Liiiga Purina), will be- 
come famous as a sacred place and remain so till the earth endures. 
•And there will be born the ascetic-pupils Ku^ika, Garga, Mitra, and 
Kaurushya, and these P&supatas will repair to the Rudra Uka from 
where they will not return. 

It is thus evident that Lakuli, according to the FursLnas, was the 
twenty-eighth, ue, the last, incarnation of Mah^svara (6iva). It is 
also clear that this account completely agrees with that of the inscrip- 
tions excepting in one minor point. This point of difference arises 
only with regard to the cause and manner in which ^iva became 
incarnate as Lakuli. But here not only do the Pur^nas differ from 
our inscription and the Cintra prasasti, but the latter also diifer from 
each other. The PurAnas say that 6iva entered the dead body of a 
brahmachdrt lying in a cemetery without anybody to protect it and 
thus became incarnate as Lakuli. Our inscription, on the other hand, 
informs us that Bhrigu, to undo the effects of a curse pronounced on 
him by Vishnu (Murabhid) under which he was smarting, propitiated 
^iva who assumed a bodily form in the presence of that sage. But 
from the Cintra prasasti, we simply learn that ^iva became incarnate 
in the form of Lakulisa in order to favour the offspring of UlOka who 
were without sons in consequence of his curse. The three accounts 
are thus different from one another, only so far as the origin of the 
Lakulisa incarnation of Siva goes. But they all perfectly agree as 
regards the principal points, vis. that (i) Lakuli was an incarnation 
of M ahSsvara, that (2) this incarnation took place at K^y^vardhana, 
and that (3) there were four ascetic-pupils of Lakuli, whose names 
mentioned in the Pur^nas, are identical with those given in the Cintra 
pra^astu 

The verses quoted above are from the Liiiga Purina, but I have 
stated before that they occur also in the Vayu Purana When the 
. same verses are contained in two or more Pur^nas, they are supposed 
to have been copied from the earliest of these or from an old original 
PurAna whose existence is attested by the numerous allusions to it 
in the ancient Sanskrit literature. But, taking the most unfavouf- 
able view into consideration and consequently waiving the last sup- 
position, we shall say that the verses occurring in both the Pur^nas 
were borrowed by one from the other. There is a consensus of 
opinion that VaLyu is the earliest of the PurAnas. The V^lyu is, therefore, 
earlier than the Liiiga PurAna. Now, there cannot be the slightest 



156 AN fiKLII^Gj! STONE INSCRIPTION. 

doubt that the V^yu Pur&9a is anterior to the time when the poet 
B&iria flourished, as the latter refers to it twice in his works. Thus 
in the Harshacharita we have the following passage : (^•Od^r^ 
^ W ^m5«: j4^^qN<h ! a^ f gimn l H I Hlft^lfllrl-^l ^W^l HNW^ , • • • • 
^W^^a^< l l'S«M-mli^ Nt|^ Jft?^ M<<HHH t^ STM ^TO5 I ' Here then we 

have an allusion to the recitation of a Purd.na, which is PavamAna- 
prdkta^ i.e, uttered by Pavam^na. This is the reading of the Bombay 
and Kd.shmfr editions ; in the Jeypore edition we have pavana-ptdiia 
Instead of pavamdna-prdkta,^ Both mean the same thing, as Pavana 
and Pavam^na are both names of V^yu. The commentator also 
takes Pdifamdna-prSkta in the sense of Vdyu-prdkta. No reasonable 
doubt can thus be entertained as to the VAyu PurAna being referred 
to in the passage from the Harshacharita quoted above. Again, 
while describing in the Kddambari the hermitage to which the parrot 
Vaisamp&yana, thrown down from the nest of his parent bird, was 
carried by a sage, B^na uses the following words : ^^ ^ TVPTRW 
^TSf^W- 5n^ ^ i jfHHfQ^ • • • * I 3 Here also there cannot be even the 
shadow of a doubt as to the V&yu Purina being alluded to in the words 

Purdni Vdyu'pralapUamy according to one of the two senses obviously 
intended. The Viyu Purina was, therefore, composed before the first 
half of the seventh century when Bina lived, and as it was the cus- 
tom in his time to recite this Purina, as appears from the passage 
from the Harshacharita cited above, the Viyu Purina must have 
been compiled at least two centuries prior to his time. Again, in the 
Viyu Purioa itself occurs, in the account of the royal dynasties which 
enjoyed the sovereignty of the earth, the following verse : 

In this verse the Guptas are spoken of as the princes who^ accord- 
ing to the usual prophetic tone of the Puricas, will hold Prayiga, 
Sik^ta, and the Magadha country along the Ganges. This is doubt- 
less a description of the Guptas before they became paramount 
sovereigns. From the Allihibid and £ran inscriptions, we conclude 
that the dominions of Samudragupta had spread as far as the United 
and the Central Provinces in the west and the south respectively. 
The dehcription in the Viyu Purina can thus hardly refer to this wide 
extent of hid dominions. We must, therefore, suppose that the Viyu 
Puriva was put together shortly before the time of Samudragupta* 

* Vide the NirpayasAg^ara edition, pp. S5.4. 

* KAdambari by Peteniun ( Ho, Sk, Series)* Intra p. s4i footnote %, 
^ /bid. text p* 41. 

* Attand Sk. Settes, Cap. 99$ vs. J82-;. 

* I'his line of argument was first pointed out by Dr. R. G. Bbandarkar (see abovis; 
Vol.XX.tpp.4o|4V. 



AN fiKLIi;?Gji STONE INSCRIPTION. l^J) 

A reference to the Viyu Purina is, no doubt, also to be found in Verse 
16, chapter 191, Vanaparvan, Mah^bh4rata, but as the episode, 
wherein the reference is contained, is supposed to be an interpola- 
tion,' we can at the most say that there was a Pur&na of that name 
not before the beginning, but before the end, of the Mahabh^rata. 
The reference is, therefore, of no use to us in fixing the dale of the 
V^yu Purina, and the commencement of the fourth century, therefore, 
remains the earliest period, to which we can assign the compilation 
of that Purina. Now, to revert to the main point, if the V^yu Purana 
was put together in the beginning of the fourth century, the incar- 
nation of ^iva as Lakult, to become a general belief and come to be 
spoken about in this Pur^ria, must be placed as e^rly as the 6rst 
century A. D. at the latest. Here then we find that the Pur^nas 
not only confirm in every important respect the account of the epi- 
graphic records regarding Lakultsa, but also lead us to infer that the 
belief in the Lakulisa incarnation is of great antiquity. 

The Vayu and Liiiga, however, are not the only Pur^nas in 
which the incarnations of ^iva are mentioned. Chapter LI II. of the 
KQrma-pur^na also gives the avatdras of Mah&d^va, their names, and 
those of their pupils. The last of these incarnations has been there- 
in named Na(La)kulisvara, and the names of his pupils are cited 
in the line : ffBi^J^ irf^ ft^ ^^ (v./. ^^ q^T ) ^ I There can 
hardly be a doubt that this verse is corrupt and requires to be cor- 
rected into ^ftl^ ipN m: ^t^^ ^^\ As the KOrma Purina is 
a later work and does nothing more than give a mere list of the 
avatdras, it does not add to our knowledge. 

The information we so long had about Lakulisa was derived from 
epigraphic sources only, and it was supposed that no confirmation 
of it was forthcoming from the Sanskrit literature ; but now we 
see that the account of the inscriptions is, in all important respects, 
corroborated by the Pur^nas and that for Lakultsa is to be assigned a 
much earlier date than we had obtained from inscriptions. Nay, 
even a minor point connected with our inscription is elucidated by 
the vayu Purina. The inscription, as I have said above, speaks of 
the ancient ascetics Kusika and others (the pupils of Lakuli) as con- 
versant with the P^^upata y^j^a, and the inscription to my mind 
leads us^ to surmise that there was such a thing as Pasupaia ydj^a 
which was an important feature of ^aivism. As no description of it 
is given in the inscription, it remains only a surmise. Bui this sur- 
mise becomes an indubitable fact when we find that the V^yu Purana 

» TVir Great Epic of India by Hopkins, p. 4S ff. My attention to this was first drawn 
by Mr. Hari Narayan Apte. 



158 AN ftKLINGjt STONE INSCRIPTION. 

mentions the P^supata ydga by this very name and devotes no less- 
than three chapters to the elucidation of it. 

The next point that we have to consider is the signification of the 
name Lakuli. With respect to it our inscription tells us that when 
^iva made himself incarnate, he was lakul-dpalakshita-kara^ ie» with 
his hand characterised by a lakula^ i.e. apparently lakuta^ a club. 
And here Hindu iconography comes to our help. During my archaeo- 
logical tour in R^jput^n^ last year, I discovered many old temples, 
above the doorways of whose shrines or halls was carved a singular 
figure of ^iva. It is a figure with two hands with curly hair, long 
ear-lobes, a peculiar dsana or sitting posture, and in one instance, 
even a gem on his breast, thus closely resembling a Buddha or a Jaina 
tirthamkara. But one of his hands invariably holds a club, and the 
other often a cocoa-nut.' This distinguishes it from the images of 
Buddhas and ttrthamkaras. Further, it is to be noted that this figure 
is to be seen in temples, about whose dedication to Siva there is not 
the slightest doubt. In some instances it occupies the dedicatory 
block and in others the centre of the frieze above the lintel Banked ,^ 
on one side, by BrahmH, and, on the other, by Vishnu. And it is a 
fundamental principle of monumental iconography to carve, on the 
dedicatory block or or. the centre of the frieze above, either the 
divinity to whom the temple is dedicated as is frequently the case, or 
some sectarial emblem, such as Lakshmi in Vaishnava temples. 
No doubt can possibly be entertained as to the figure being of Siva 
under the Lakuli^a form. The figure above the door of the sabhA' 
mandapa of the temple of Nitha where our inscription was found is 
unfortunately a little defaced, but, on closely inspecting it, I found 
it similar to those I have described. The same figure is found 
above the shrine door of the celebrated temple of Sital^svara-Mah^- 
d6va at Jh^lr^patan.^ That Lakulisa was known and worshipped at 
this place is clear from the following inscription incised on the 
pedestal of an image of Var^ha in a chhatrt not far from the temple : 

-^f^r ^gpcO^ ^^m^ I ^T^ ^J^d ^J^; ^^- 

md^ ^[f]2: I ^ - - - ?T^ (?) ^ - - - 5f5iftrflq% II 

Here the mason who sculptured the image of Var^ha is called a 
servant of Is^lnajamu — , who is praised for his piety and is compared 
to Lakulisa. I have little doubt that he was a devotee of Lakulisa 

* Prog. Rep, ArcheeoU Surv. Ind. for the year ending 30th June 1905* p. 48. para. 17 ; 
p. 51, para. I5 ; p ^, para. 44 : p. SS. paras. 50 and 52 ; pp. 5^-57. paras. 58 and 60; and 
*o forth. 

^ Ibid , p. jJ» para. 90. 



AN £KLlK'Gjf STONE INSCRIPTION. 159 

and the head ptijdri of the temple of Sital^svara-Mah^d^va, the 
shrine door of which, as just mentioned, has a figure of LakuU 
on the dedicatory block. The temple has been assijg^ned to the 
seventh century by Fergusson,' and so here we have the 
earliest instance of a temple dedicated to Lakulfsa, the twenty-eighth 
avatdra of Pasupati. 

In North India outside RsLjput^n^ I know of only one instance of 
a temple in which the image of Lakulfsa is sculptured. At M&ndhilta 
a sacred place in the Narmad^, Lakulisa figures on the projecting 
block on the lintel of the shrine doorframe of the temple of Siduhe^vara 
on the top of the hill. But I am aware of no certain instance of the 
image of Lakulisa occurring anywhere in the South, though I can 
point to two or three instances of figures which are, in a!l likelihood, 
of Lakulisa. In the work entitled ** Cave-Temples of India," Dr. Bur- 
gess, while describing the Dum^r lena, says : ** In the north verandah 
is ^iva as Mahfty6gi, seated on a lotus, with a club in his left hand."' 
Of the same figure he elsewhere says : ** In the east end of it is ^iva 
as a yogi or ascetic, with a club in his left hand, and seated on a lotus 
upheld by N^ga figures, with two females worshipping behind 
each — an evident copy from the figures of Buddha. "3 This descrip- 
tion makes it all but certain that the image is of Siva as Lakulisa. 
Again, the same learned antiquarian, in describing certain figures in 
the celebrated KailAsa temple at Elur^. speaks of a certain image as 
one of 6iva as ** Mahayogi, the great ascetic " and as closely resembling 
a Buddha.* But unfortunately we are not informed whether the 
image had a club in one of its hands, so that we cannot say with any 
high degree of probability that it was a figure of Lakulisa. Mr. Rice, 
the late Director of Archaeological Researches in Mysore, has informed 
me that at BalaglLmi there was a curious figure with two hands, one 
wielding a club. As BajagUmi was a great centre of Lakulisa worship, 
as we shall see further on, it is not unsafe to conclude that this was an 
image of Lakulisa. But though no certain instances of Lakulisa 
sculptures are forthcoming, there cannot be the slightest doubt that 
the worship of Lakulisa was vigorously prevalent in the South. I 
have already referred to the HemUvati inscription in which it is said 
that Lakulisa for fear that his name and doctrines might be forgotten 
incarnated himself as the munindtha Chilluka. This indicates not 
only that Lakulisa was known in the South, bu( also that Chilluka was 
a worshipper of Lakulisa and a ^aiva teacher of importance belonging to 
that sect. An inscription found at HalkOr in the Arsikere tdluky Mysore, 

^ His* Ind. East, Architect p. 449* 

* P. 448. ' Arch, Sttrv. IVest Ind, Vol. V'., P. 4?. 

•* Cave -Tern pies of India, p. 45^ 



l6o AN 6KLIi;fGj! STONE INSCRIPTION. 

and dated in A.D. ii 77, mentions a number of munis, adherents of 
the K4j4makhas, as upholders of the Ldkul^j^ma-^amaya.^ But 
the worship of Lakulisa appears in Mysore to have been strong- 
est at Balag&mi which is called in inscriptions Ballig&ve and 
Balipura. Here was the temple of Dakshina-K^^r^^vara, to 
which was attached the K6diya matha. At the head of this was 
a very learned and distinguished line of guriis, a branch of the 
Kaiamukhas, forming the ^aktiparishe of the Muvara-kd^^ya 
santati of the Parvvatavali. The first one named is Ked^ra- 
^akti, his disciple was ^rikantha, his disciple was S6m^svara, his 
disciple was Gautama, his disciple was V^ma^akti, and his disciple 
was J ftlLna^akti. Many inscriptions have been discovered at BalagSmi 
which describe the erudition and austerities of many of these high 
priests. Thus one inscription represents Som^svara as having caused 
i}ci^ L&kula'Siddhd,ntaX,o\Aoom.'^ In another inscription, Somesvara and 
his predecessors are called K^l&mukhas, and the same inscription, it is 
worthy of note, begins with an invocation to Lakulisa.' About 
VAma^akti two inscriptions say that in grammar he was P^nini, in 
polity ^ri-BhushanAcharya, in drama and the science of music Bhara- 
tamuni, in poetry Subandhu, and in siddhdnta Lakuli^vara.^ The 
same V^masakti is called ** ornament of the L&kujAgama " in another 
inscription.5 It will thus be seen that all these high priests were 
worshippers of Lakulila and that the temple of south Ked&rdsvara of 
which they were the dchdryas, was, in all probability, dedicated to 
Lakulfsa.* 

We thus see that, according to the Pur^nas, Lakuli was the last 
incarnation of 6iva and synchronous with Krishna- V&sud^va. This 
has the value of a tradition, though the contemporaneity of the two 
m'ght well be questioned as an historical fact ; and from the tradi- 
tion it is not unreasonable to argue that just as Krishna-V^sudSva 
was regarded as an avatdra of Vishnu and was the reputed originator 

* Ep. Cartu, Vol. V , pt, I , p. ? J$ (translation). 
» Ep, Carn.i Vol, VII., pt I., p. 64 (translation). 
» /*«</. pp. 6$ and 67. 

* Ihid, p. ^ and p. 63 ; at the latter place, the name Naku|i&vara instead of Lakufilvatfa 
is g^ven* 

^ Ihid. p. 95* 

^ It is worthy of note that, in these Bnlag^Ami inscriptions, the terms putra and Utikya 
are used synonymously. Thus while two inscriptions (Shikarpur Nos. 94 and 98) repre- 
sent ^r!ka9(ha and Sdmdivara as iishvas of K£d4rasakti and ^rikaptha respectively, 
there is at least one inscription Shikarpur No. 99) in which they are called puiras of the 
latter. Similarly, in ShikArpur inscription Na 9a VAma^akti is spoken of as the disciple 
of Gautamaddva. whereas in No. 9^ he is mentioned as the dear son of this last. In the VAyu 
PurA^a also, the putrAk mentioned of each avatdra of Siva must be interpreted to meaa 
Hnky&k. and, as a matter of fact* we find the term Hahya employed in lieu of puirm in Che 
description of the sixth incarnation. 



AN feKLINGj! STONE INSCRIPTION, l6l 

of certain doctrines, so Lakulisa was regarded as an incarnation of 
6iva and was also the author of certain tenets. The Pur^nas, I 
befieve, clearly imply that Lakuli was originally a htahmachdti. The 
very fact that he is sculptured as an ascetic like Buddhas or Tirtham- 
karas who renounced the world confirms this implication. Further 
it deserves to be noticed that Lakuli is always figured, so far as my 
knowledge goes, with two hands, although other divinities in the 
same temples bear at least four hands. Nay, ^iva himself is sculp- 
tured under all other forms, with never less than four hands both in 
these and other temples near the bottom of the sides of the doorframe 
or in the principal niches on the outside walls of the temples. And, 
when Lakult is carved with only two hands, it means that his human 
origin was prominent before the mind of his followers and that conse- 
quently he was an historical personality like Buddha or Mah^vira. 
Next, there can hardly be a doubt that he was the originator of 
certain tenets. While setting forth the Na(Ld)kuUsa'Pdsupata darsana^ 
Sayaiia at least once uses the following words : tad-uktam bhag^avatd 
Na{La)kulisena. The H^mavati inscription says, as stated before, 
that Lakulisa became incarnate in the form of Chilluka in order that 
his name and doctrines might not be forgotten. This also shows 
that there were certain doctrines of which Lakulisa was the acknow- 
ledged teacher. But this point is placed beyond all doubt by the fact 
that Ldkula-siddhdnta and Ldkul-dgama are frequently referred 
to in inscriptions found in Mysore. I have just now made mention 
of the HalkOr inscription of A.D. 1177 which speaks of certain 
munis as upholders of Ldhul-dgama^samaya, S6mesvara, one of 
the pontiffs of the temple of Dakshina-K^dslr^svara is repre- 
sented in a Bajag^mi inscription, as we have just seen, as having 
caused Ldkula'siddhanta to bloom. Many such inscriptions might be 
quoted in which Ldkul'dgama and Ldkula-siddhdnta Sive mentioned.^ 
There can, therefore, be no question that Lakuli was the founder of a 
certain system. There is still one inscription found at Balag^mi 
which deserves to be noted in this connection. Therein has been 
given at length a description of the Kodiya matha attached to the 
temple of Dakshina-K^d^r^svara. And in this description it is stated 
that the monastery was '* a place for commentaries on the Ldkuta- 
siddkdnta^ fhe Pdianjala, and other Yoga-sdstras.'''' As Ldku/a-sid' 
dhdnta is here associated with Ydg-a^sdstras ^ there can be little doubt 
that it was connected with the Y6ga system. Thus we see that not. 
only was Lakuli the promulgator of certain doctrines, but also that 
these doctrines had a close affinity with Y6ga. 

* Ep^ Cam, Vol. V. Arsikere Taluq Nos. 46> 89 and 103 ; Vol. VII. Shikarpar Talu 
No. 107. » Ibid. Vol. V II., p. 73 ( translation). _ 

II 



l62 AN fiKLINGjt STONB INSCRIPTION. 

In the ^ftntiparvan of the Mah&bhftrata, five systems of philosophy 
are mentioned, viz. (i) S&ihkhya, (2) Y6ga, (3) P&Achar4tra, (4) 
V^das («. e, Ara![iyaka8), and (5) P&^upata.' We are further in- 
formed that the P^^upata system was proclaimed by the god ^rikaptha- 
^iva, husband of Um& and lord of the BhOtas. In the same chapter, 
the P^Acharitra system also is spoken of as having originated from 
Bhagavat or N&rd.ya9a, but in another chapter of the ^ntiparvan, 
V&sudSva, the name of the probable historical founder of P&tlcharMra, 
is given. And it seems tempting to assert that the P&^upata system here 
attributed to Siva had also, like the P&Achar4tra, an historical founder, 
and that the latter was, in all likelihood, no other than Lakuli^ We 
know that Mah&vira-Varddham&na was the last of the ttrthamkaras 
and was the founder of Jainism, and so Lakuli^a, being the last 
incarnation of Siva, may have, been the founder of the P4iupata system. 
But no certitude on this point can be reached, and perhaps the PA- 
^upata religion was in existence at the time of Lakullsa, who may 
have given only a fresh impetus to it, especially as his name is conspi- 
cuous by its absence in the Mah^bh^rata. 

Now, in early times there appears to have been only one sect called 
P&supata amongst the worshippers of Siva. PA^upata, as we have 
seen, is mentioned in the Mahabh^rata, and the name of no other 
Saiva sect is to be therein met with. The Pur&nas also, as mentioned 
above, refer to the yS^a practised by the devotees of Siva as PAhi^ 
pata ySga and call the disciples of Lakuli^ P&supatas. The Chinese 
traveller, Yuan-chwang, also speaks of the followers of Mah^ara 
either as cinder-sprinkled or Po-shu-po-to (PAiupata).' In later 
times, however, we hear of more than one sect Thus R&m^nuja in 
his work called Sri-Bh^shya, while commenting on BfakmasiUru II. 
2.36 distinguishes the worshippers ofPa^upati into the four classes : 
(1) KAp^a, (2) KaiAmukha, (3) P&^upata, and (4) Saiva. In 
their commentaries on Sankar^chftrya's bhAshya on Brahma- 
sAtra II. 2. 37, Gdvind&nanda and V&chaspati mention the four 
sects to be (i) Saiva, (2) PA^upata, (3) K&ru^ikasiddh&ntin, and 
(4) K^pAlika. Anandagiri also gives the same names, but for 
K^runikasiddhllntin, he has KSrukasiddh&ntin. Of these Pft^u- 
f>atas seem to be the old sect of that name and are con- 
sequently the earliest. The members of that sect, so far as our 
knowledge goes, were the followers of Lakuli^a both in the north and 
the south. The Qntra praiasti tells us that it was tor the rigid fulfil- 

1 Cap. 349f ▼•• 64 and 67 (Bombay edition) ; in Cap. to), v. 9S ^va •peaks of faunvelf aa 
having promulgated the P^upata vrata, 

* Buddkitl JUcoriU of ike Ifesterm l^ortd by BeaU Vol. II., p. 3S3 Me re&reocei under 
the word *Pliupata.' 



AN fiKUfiiOjt STONE INSCRIPTION. 1 63 

ment of the Plliupata vows that the ascetic-disciples of Lakuli^ 
became incarnate. Our inscription also, while describing the avatdra 
of Lakuliia, speaks of P^supata y6j^a. Again, the ascetics who built 
the temple of Lakulisa, as our inscription has it, were connected with 
the temple of ^klingji, and one of the high priests concerned with this 
temple has been described in an inscription as Sii^^kalinga-Har- 
AfAdhana^pAsupaU&ch&rya.^ The inscriptions thus show that in North 
India P^upatas were the adherents of the Lakuli^a system. In the 
south also the doctrines of Lakuli^a must have been followed by the 
Pd^upatas, as the expression Na(Ld)kulUa'Pd^upata'darJana used 
by S&yana clearly indicates ; but, in Southern India, in addition to the 
P^supatas, Kdldmukhas seem to have espoused the system of Lakuliia. 
It is not necessary, here to reiterate the instances given above in which 
certain ascetics who are called K^I^mukhas are also represented as 
upholders of the Ldkula^siddhdnta, That the K&l^Lmukhas were de- 
votees of Lakuli^ is also implied by what R&m^nuja says about 
them. Just at the place where he specifies the four sects, R^m&nuja 
speaks of laguda-dhdrana as one of the characteristic practices of the 
K^amukhas. Lagu(ia-dhdrana^ by its very mention, associates itself 
in our mind with Lakuli, who, as we have seen, was so called because 
he held a lakula, i,e.f lakuUi, a club, in his hand, and it is but natural 
that his followers should consider it as a badge of their sect. But the 
other two sects, especially the sect known as ^aiva, were probably 
not the adherents of the Ulkula system. S^yana, in the Sarva- 

dariana'Samgraha^ contrasts the Saiva, with the Na(La)kulisa- 
PH^upata darsana. This is an unmistakable indication, in my 
opinion, of the followers of the ^aiva sect not being the supporters 
of the doctrines of Lakuliia. Again, in the Karh^d copper-plate 
charter of the RftshtrakOfa king Krishna III.,' the grantee Gaga- 
naiiva is represented as having mastered sakala'Siva-siddhdnta, This 
probably shows that Gagana^iva was of the ^aiva sect and the 
adherents of this sect had a siddhdnta of their own called Siva-siddhdnta 
iX)rresponding to the Ldkula-siddhdnta upheld by the K^&mukhas. 

In South India the followers of Lakuli^a appear to have been split 
up into two classes, (i) old and (2) new. An inscription found at 
Gotpakere in the Tiptur tdluky Mysore and dated in A. D. 1 285 speaks 
of the donors as supporters of the new La(L^)ku|a samaya,^ This cannot 
mean, as Mr. Rice has correctly pointed out,^ that the L^ula sys- 
tem was then new, for, as we have seen, the incarnation of ^iva as 
Lakuli dates as far back as the first century A. D., but that probably 

^ See note 2 above. » Ep. ImtU, VoU IV., p. 286. 

3 Ep. Cam,f VoU XII., p. 45 (translation). 
^ Ibidt, Introductionf p. xo. 



164 AN £KLli;!Gjf STONE INSCRIPTION. 

some change had been made introducing new features into it. The 
H^mivati inscription mentions, as stated over and over again, that 
Lakuli^a, being afraid that his name and doctrines might be lost in 
oblivion, was born on earth again as Chilluka. This shows, as 
remarked above, that Chilluka was a ^aiva teacher of very great 
importance, and that he, in all likelihood, recast the doctrines of 
Lakulisa into a new system. May he, therefore, not have promulgated 
the new L&kula^samaya just referred to ? 

I have thus brought to a focus all the rays of information that could 
be gleaned from inscriptions and Sanskrit literature regarding the 
antiquity, origin, and dissemination of the Lakulisa sect. As the 
inscriptions of Mysore which throw light on the origin and history 
of the sect were not published six years ago, any theory based 
on the materials then available must necessarily be imperfect. It 
is, therefore, not necessary to discuss the theory of Dr. Fleet, 
who considered a certain ^aiva teacher named Lakuja, Lakulisa, 
or Lakuliivara who flourished in the first half of the eleventh century 
as the originator of the sect. ' And I am certainly mistaken if the 
learned doctor has not already given it up, for no scholar who has read 
the contents of the Hdm^vati inscription of A.D. 941 above referred 
to can regard LakuUsvara pandita as the founder of the sect. And, 
now that, as 1 have shown, Lakulisa is to be placed as early as the first 
century A.D., no antiquarian will lend countenance to the view that 
the ^aiva teacher Lakulisvara, who lived in the first half of the eleventh 
century, was the originator of the sect. 

It has been stated above that mention is made of a place named 
N^ahrada in verse 3 of our inscription and that the verse after the next 
represents the king Bappaka, the founder of the Guhila dynasty, as 
having reigned in this city. Again, in verse 15 the god Ekalihga is 
referred to, and we are told that the ascetics who built the temple of 
Lakulisa were the worshippers of that divinity. N^ahrada is doubtless 
to be identified with NslgdA, fourteen miles to the north of Udaipur, 
whose ruins stretch to the extent of a mile and a half at the foot 
of the hill on which the temple of fiklingji is situated. The pre- 
sent Sanskrit name of the place is no doubt N^gCndra, but in a 
Jaina temple called Padm^vati amongst the ruins of N&gd& I found 
two inscriptions, in one of which the place is called N^gahrada and in 
the other N^gadaha." No reasonable doubt need, therefore, be enter- 
tained regarding the identification. N^gda or N&gahrada thus 
appears to have been the old capital of the Guhila dynasty, and as the 

* Ind* An^.t VoU XXX., pp. i-a. 

" Proff» Rep* Arcfueol, Surv, West. Ind, (or the year ending Jl&t March I906, p, 65, 
No 2S43» 



AN feKLI!;iGj! STONE INSCRIPTION, 



»65 



A 

temple of Ekalinga mentioned in the inscription is unquestionably the 
celebrated temple of fikliiigjt close beside N^gdd and was in existence 
before A. D. 971. the date of our inscription, it shows that the old 
traditions about Nftg^ndra and Bappa R^waPs infancy given by Tod 
had some historical foundation, and it is intelligible how the R^n^s of 
Udaipur should come to have such intimate connection with the temple 
as that of high priests in which capacity they still officiate. 




%■• s^ %^ 



1 66 AN ^KLmGj! STQNE INSCRIPTION. 

Text' 

I. ^^^^^JJT^t^OT ll5I«nT[5fiT] 

^u[?]fib ?!m^ (?) '^ (0 ^ (0 ^ (0 

[l] ^ ^!Ht: xrf^^Rl^ 

3- .••^.•.^f^^2 II [r] HT...^!^., ....^ .•s»... 

^ 

4* ^mg^ ffir II [R] *t 5r(?) - ^ ^^i^ji%^ *ppT9m!^TORft(?) ^- 

5. -^ ii««M^ld: II [v] gTft>r5ni^f^[^Tr] ^H< 'iKM : ^ft^^^q^Ri^iN^T: ^ [%]- 

6. ^ (?) 'tPt: [g]ftfe^ ^FU ^ - - ^ - ^-^ gf^RR#SR-^ 

TfnrC^Jsq^ftm - - - — >«- - [11] [^] - 

7. - >^ - ^RNilN'i* ^ - - ^li|Si^lld^fe^DM*l*4"^^W: I ^Hft^RRTf^ 

^'T#q^TRlft^N^ H<^lfHHW^: II [^9] q^ R ->^ws^-s^^ Jt(?)^- 

8. ^l^ilfefei - ^ ^aW>: I 3i5RTT%f%3^ ^f^4l*<^'(^ 

•^^Mv»li^4>f^l<l*<f^l44"^<!^lPl II [c] ^ETH: JPI g^f^ ^ch^D^ 

9. ft?TR ^ - ^ [1] ^ ^: ^CT- -^ -- Wf^ ^Hi-^^ fiRadh 

'T^'TJT^^R: II L^] ^^^K<^*Jt|HidHd<liTi^|l-Tl<^fiTl<l «ift»r%^- 
«bw^*l* v^^^ w N^ — [1] 

10. — $mR5i4^ i%Jnt totiN g%: xr^ ^*^M^/^d*<: ^ipn^^ 

II V^RRnrf^ ^ ^T^ ^^roft: II [M] ^fi'h^fe***- 

5r^i^^k>?R 

* From the original stone. * Read 'fj'HT.I^. 

• Expressed by a symbol. » Read ^ ^g^^^lrt^^rt l^. 
-RcadO^cq^. « Read '^^. 



AN £klikgj! stone inscription* 167 

12 [ii][?R] -- - [^]gq^i'iM[^ 2WT*jRf^3a?r- 

S^FIT: II [?R]^^ 

13 gt[^]|^TOg5^TRimfH: ^-^ ^t^: I ?3NT3- 

^ [^] 

14. ^fl^i^^I^i-aiM^Jl: I ^qi^FfJRfPi^n^ ^^^ wm: 11 [ ?H ] 

WOT^D] ^ s/ _ w - 

15. ^<>»i«!wj^w*<i«i a5<;^^d0^rfi^ftA*i R*<«<^4^w ^irf^ii [ ?\] ^- 

W<^Hti^i^tHKRRlP«<^td^dft«h^°t^l ^Hkl^l<^4«5^fJl<^W^Mm^ 
^: I 

16 ^m^: ^Mif^af^: ^lhAH(iH\ ^^mii «r^u 

'^^[TOW 

17 .ft**iiRc^i;;»i^: I 3i8R^iRl^a«Kl ^ ^:^ ^11 

«5^ I 3lft ?35y^ 

18 Wl^ 5?%ftij; II [ Ro ] «n^P»<f<lf^ ^iKTRi JFl- 

^ Read °3(^\|t^. 

» Read Q fvi^^ltfflM .^ 

- Read °J:f3C°. 

- Read ^^PrtW^. 

' Read °?5S^. 




Art. XIII. — Maratha Historical Literature. 

By D. B. Parasnis, Esq. 

{Read before the History Section on igth January igos *n connection 

with the Centenary of the Society,) 

It is eminently fitting that in the celebration of the Centenary of 
the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, a place should be 
found for taking stock of the work done during the century, so as to 
note the landmarks in the progress of Maratha Historical Literature. 
Research in history has been, from the outset, one of the chief aims 
of such Societies. When the Royal Asiatic Society of England was 
established, the great Oriental Scholar, Mr. H. T. Colebrooke, in his 
inaugural address, dwelt at great length upon the importance of 
research in Asiatic History, and observed : ** Tlie inquiry extends over 
regions, the most anciently and the most numerously peopled on the 
globe. The range of research is as wide, as those regions are vast ; 
and as various, as the people who inhabit them are diversified. It 
embraces their ancient and modern history, their civil polity, their 
long-enduring institutions, their manners, and their customs ; their 
languages and their literature ; their sciences, speculative and 
practical ; in short, the progress of knowledge among them ; the 
pitch which it has attained ; and last, but most important, the means of 
its extension.** A similar scope of work was sketched for itself by our 
local Society, and several of its leading members, especially in the 
early thirties, put forth great efforts in the cause of elucidating 
ancient history. Their environments in Western India impressed them 
with the backwardness and obscurity of Maratha Historical Litera- 
ture, and stimulated their exertions in bringing to light such materials 
as were available. Many of the great lights of Maratha History, 
such as Grant Duff, Malcolm, Briggs, and Coats, were members of 
this Society, and their labours shed no little reflected glory on the 
early history of this institution. It is well known that the Society's 
Library was the repository of the celebrated Grant Duff collection of 
Maratha MSS, which, it is to be regretted, are not now forthcoming 
from the shelves of the Library ; but the incident serves to show the 
interest the Society took in the work of historical research. This 
interest has been kept up to this day. Archaeology, the elder sister 
of history, has figured somewhat more prominently in the labours of 



MARATHA HISTORICAL LITERATUR5, / 169 

the Society ; but history — especially Maratha History — has occupied no 
little attention. The transactions of th6 Society are replete with papers 
on different topics of Maratha History, and they will, I venture to 
think, be of invaluable help to the future historijan. 

The subject I have prescribed for myself is a review of the progress 
of Maratha Historical Literature during the century commencing 
with the foundation of this Society. As you are all aware, this Society 
was first founded in A.D. 1804 under the title of ** The Literary 
Society of Bombay," which was afterwards changed into ** The Bombay 
Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society." It is a noteworthy fact that 
the year 1804 marks an epoch in Maratha History. It was about 
this year that the Maratha power first began to show signs of weak- 
ness and decline. It was in A.D. 1804. that the victories of General 
Wellesley, afterwards Duke of Wellington, caused the first beginning in 
the break-up of the Maratha confederacy, and laid the foundation of 
the British Empire in the Deccan. The century may be divided, for the 
purpose of noting the progress of Maratha Historical Literature, into 
three parts — 1804 to 1830, 1830 to i860, and i860 to 1904. It may 
be mentioned here that, prior to 1804, there had been no little literary 
activity in regard to historical research. Numerous works of great 
value were written by travellers such as Tavernier, Berniert Carr^, 
Dellon, De Graaf, Fryer, De La Haye, Pere D'Orleans and Manouchi. 
These travellers visited India between 1640 to 1690, and their works 
supply valuable contemporary records of the rise of Maratha power. 
The translations of Eraser, Dow, Karr, Jonathan Scott, and others, 
from Persian historical works, also shed considerable light on the 
same period. In 1782 the first systematic effort of writing a connect- 
ed historical narrative was made by Orme. His first work is the 
** History of Military Transactions of the British Nation in Industan," 
and the second is ** The Historical Fragments of the Mogul Empire." 
Scot Waring in his ** History of the Marathas " refers to Orme in 
these terms : ** Mr. Orme, our first Indian Historian, was the first also 
to manifest any interest in the history of the Marathas. He col- 
lected a considerable degree of information which he published 
under the humble title of Fragments, and though his work be 
not free from errors, they result from the scantiness of his materi- 
als, and not from a want of the most patient inquiry. He con- 
centrated, in a small compass, a most valuable mass of informa- 
tion ; nor is it to be omitted that he has pointed out almost every Euro- 
pean author who has written on the subject. " Contemporary with 
Orme, Nana Phadnavis, it is interesting to note, made an effort in the 
Poona Durbar in 1783, to have a chronicle written dealing with the 



170 MARATHA HISTORICAL UTBRATURB. 

whole Maratha period. Dalfjrmple's account of Marathas in the 
'* Oriental Repertory," Tones' •* Institutions of the Marathas," Moore's 
'* Narrative of the Operations of Captsun Little's Detachment and of 
the Maratha Army under Parashram Bhow Patwardhan against 
Uppoo Sultan," as well as stray fragments published in the Asiatic 
Annual Register and the Asiatic Researches, are some of the notable 
contributions made in this behalf during the early period. Tippoo 
Sultan's letters by Kirkpatrick and other works relating to Mysore war 
by Beatson, Dirom and others, form another channel of information 
bearing on Maratha History. These works are valuable as forming 
the ground- work of the still more active and brilliant work achieved in 
the period which marked the commencement of the century. 

As I have noted above, the first period between 1804 and 1830 was 
marked by remarkable activity in the collection and publication of 
historical materials. While General Wellesley's victories made the 
year 1804 a conspicuous landmark in history, his brother, the Marquis 
of Wellesley, made it remarkable from the point of view of historical 
literature by his publication of ** The History of Maratha War.'* 
About the same time attempts were made by Col. Mackenzie to collect 
the materials of the early history of Maratha Power in Southern 
India. Col. Mackenzie's labours in the field of historical research 
are made memorable by his magnificent collection of vernacular 
manuscripts in Southern India — a collection which numbers about 
8,000 works. This collection was later on purchased by the Marquis 
of Hastings on behalf of the East India Company for ;£'io,ooo. In 
1 8 10 appeared Scot Waring's remarkable work. History of the Mara- 
thas. This work is based on several Maratha bakhars or chronicles 
as well as Persian kaifiyats and tawarikhs and the writings of 
English authors. He mentions as his authorities 4 bakhars of 
Shewajee, 2 of Shahu Maharaj, 2 of the Battle of Panipat, 2 of 
Madhowrao, 2 of Narayan Rao Peishwa, and i containing the 
accounts of the Rajas of Berar, and the Gaikwar, Sindia and 
Holkar families. The author bears the following testimony to the 
value of the Maratha bakhars :— "Their historians write in a plain, 
simple, and unaffected style, content to relate passing events in appo- 
site terms without seeking turgid imagery or inflated phraseology. 
Victory and defeat are briefly related. If they pass over the latter too 
hastily, they do not dwell upon the former with unnecessary minute- 
ness. They do not endeavour to bias or mislead the judgment, but 
are certainly greatly deficient in chronology and in historical reflec- 
tions." Scot Waring treats his materials with great discrimination 
and imparUality, and his work stands pre-eminent as the first attempt 



MARATHA HISTORICAL LITERATURE. 171 

to deal with Maratha History in a spirit of justice and fairness. 
Almost contemporaneous with Scot Waring's work were, it may be 
noted, several Maratha bakhars containing the lives of the Satara Rajas 
by Malhar Ramarao Chitnis, the hereditary Chitnis of the Maratha 
Kings of Satara. Then followed Wilke's History of Mysore, 
Malcolm's Central India, Blacker*s Maratha War, Jenkins' Nagpore, 
Prinsep's Transactions of Political Events in India, Tod's Rajasthan 
and other works. The most notable book of this period is, however, 
Grant DuiTs History of the Marathas. In spite of later researches 
Grant Duff is still the paramount authority on the subject of Maratha 
History. His work fully deserves all the eulogies passed upon it 
by successive writers. For patient research and judicious statement 
it stands pre-eminent among works on Maratha History. Whatever 
additions and improvements may be made by later writers. Grant 
Duff's work stands on its own pedestal, and can hardly be surpassed. 
It cannot be denied that want of familiarity with the Maratha 
language and such other causes have led to some errors and defects 
which later investigation may be able to correct, and such correction 
has been in part supplied by the work of Mr. Justice Ranade, which 
I shall notice later on. In connection with Grant Duff's work, it may 
be interesting to note, that Maharaja Pratapsing, the Raja of Satara, 
evinced an enlightened sense of the value of history by giving sub- 
stantial help to Grant Duff in the shape of original historical records 
and papers which, Mr. Grant Duff acknowledges, were not confided 
even to the Peishwas. Maharaja Pratapsing took such keen interest 
in this work that he had various bakhars and narratives specially 
written for Grant Duff's assistance, and after the publication 
of the History of the Marathas by Grant Duff, he got it translated 
into Marathi. This translation has not yet found its way into print, 
but I have obtained a copy of it which I intend to present to this 
Society. General Briggs, who succeeded Grant Duff as Resident at 
Satara, in a letter dated 20th August 1827, exhorted the Raja to make 
the translation mentioned above. He writes : *• I trust your High- 
ness has received his (Grant Duff's) History of the Maratha Empire, 
which your Highness should procure to be translated by degrees into 
the Marathi language, after which it might be struck off on litho- 
graphy (chhapp) at Bombay, which would obtain as great a name 
for your Highness in the East as your friend Captain Grant Duff has 
established for himself in Europe by compiling his excellent history. "^ 
For his enlightened interest in literature the Raja was made an 
Honorary Member of the Royal Asiatic Society of England, an honour 
then highly prized and rarely bestowed on Indians. It is also interest- 
ing to note here that another Maratha Prince of the same period,. 



172 MARATHA HISTORICAL LITERATURE. 

Raja Sarfoji of Tanjore in Southern India, was the happy recipient of 
the honourable distinction of M. R.A.S. He, too, under the guidance of 
the Rev. Dr. Schwartze, a famous Danish missionary worker in 
Southern India, had cultivated literary tastes and attained consider- 
able eminence as a lover of books. The large collection of manuscripts 
made by him at Tanjore is a standing monument of his culture ; this 
has served as a favourite resort to learned men, like Dr. Burnell, for 
carrying on their researches. With reference to our present subject, his 
most notable act was an inscription, in the Marathi language, of the 
History of the Tanjore House on the walls of the famous Brihadeshwar 
Temple which occupies about 90 courts. It has been made accessible 
to scholars by the labours of Mr. Sambha Murti Rao of Tanjore. 

General Briggs was another worker of the same period, quite as 
remarkable as Grant Duff. He translated, from the Persian, Ferishta*s 
** Rise of the Mahommedan Power " and ** Seirul Mutakharin." In 
the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society of England, he published, 
in 1827, ** An Autobiographical Memoir of Nana Pharnavis," and 
** Secret Correspondence of the Court of the Peishwa Madhoo Rao; 
from the year 1761 to 1772." He collected about 9,000 original papers 
relating to the life of Nana Pharnavis, and having translated several of 
them, he lodged them all with the Royal Asiatic Society in London. 
He intended to write a regular treatise on the life of this great states- 
man, but appeared to have been prevented from doing so by the 
apparent want of interest shown in Indian subjects by the British 
public of those days. Referring to the publication of this work. Grant 
Duff wrote to Briggs in 1854 : ** Pray, how do you mean to publish 
and how do you mean to make your book go down with the public ? 
The only advice I can offer must be in the style of that given me by 
the late John Murray, when I called upon him about my history of the 
Marathas. Can't you put something of the present days into it? 
Try to connect the life of Nana Pharnavis with Golden Horn at Sophia 
and the Sultan, mix up the Peishwas* Durbar with a particular 
account of the receptions of Messrs. Pease and Sturge by the Emperor 
of All the Russias. As an amusement to yourself, and a pleasure to 
those old friends who care about the most uninteresting history in the 
world, it is all very well ; but I would not venture on publishing 
unless some booksellers would take the whole risk." 

Grant Duff himself suffered terribly in the monetary way on account 
of the publication of his History of the Marathas. His letter to 
Goldsmid which has been published in the Journal of this Society, 
Vol. XXVIII, gives expression to his bitter disappointment. It is 
important here to observe that most of these writers on Maratha 



MARATHA HISTORICAL LITERATURE. 173 

History were raUitary men in the service of the East India Company, 
who in the course of their oflicial duties came in contact with men and 
institutions representing the last days of the Maratha power, and who, 
being struck by the contrast in civilization and character, were 
inspired with the laudable ambition of preserving their history. They 
were as great in letters as in arms. They were conspicuous for their 
sympathies with the princes and people of the day. They were also 
men of industry, ability, and self-sacrifice, by virtue of which they 
have laid us all under great obligations, though in their own country 
they were ill-requited for their labours, — a circumstance which might 
perhaps partially account for the apathy shown by English officers 
and writers towards Maratha History in later periods. 

The next period of 1830 to i860 is comparatively barren of actual 
results. The most noteworthy productions of this period are Elphin- 
stone's History of India, Forbes Oriental Memoirs and Ras Mala, 
Clune's Maratha States, MacDonald's Life of Nana Pharnavis, 
Thornton's History of India, Sleeman's Rambles and Recollections, 
and a few others. Several distinguished missionary workers, such as 
the Rev. Dr. Wilson, the Rev. Dr. Murray Mitchell and the Rev. Dr, 
Stevenson, studied Maratha literature, and read valuable papers 
before this Society, They were struck by the richness of that litera- 
ture and exhorted their contemporaries to cultivate it. In the course 
of their observations they referred to Marathi Historical Memoirs and 
advocated their publication, — a recommendation which soon bore good 
fruit. In spite of these contributions this period does not, as I have 
already remarked, compare favourably in point of actual work with 
its predecessor, but it is remarkable as preparing the way for yet more 
brilliant results in the period succeeding it. It was then that with 
the advocacy of Lord Macaulay, the despatch of Sir Charles Wood, 
and later on the establishment of Universities that English education 
began to be diffused among the Indian people. The rich treasures 
of English literature then became accessible to Indian readers. 
The Press, too, became an active instrument in the dissemin- 
ation of knowledge. All these agencies of enlightenment brought 
about an awakening of Indian intellect, and raised in the succeeding 
period new recruits in the rank of workers in all fields of literature. 

The third period, commencing from 1860 to the preser 
witnessed the spectacle of Indian workers labouring in the 
historical literature side by side with European workers 
superior facilities as regards information and materials, and w 
training in the modern prindples of historical criticism, thf 



174 MARATHA HISTORICAL UTERATURE. 

workers became valuable help-mates in the field of historical research, 
and though there were then some notable English writers like Wheeler, 
Taylor, Kaye, Malleson, Hunter, and Keene, the most noteworthy 
feature of this period was the work done by Indian scholars. English 
works of note were translated into the vernaculars, chief of these being 
Rao Saheb Mandlik's Marathi translation of Elphinstone's History of 
India, Vinayak Janardan Kirtane's Marathi translation of Malcolm's 
Central India and Rao Bahadur G. H. Deshmukh's Marathi transla- 
tion of Tod*s Rajasthan. There was a translation of Duff's History of the 
Marathas by another writer, and Rao Bahadur Nilkanth Janardan 
Kirtane published his *' Criticism of Grant DuflPs History." The last 
book pointed out the defects of Grant Duffs work, and led to the publi- 
cation of some original bakhars and other papers relating to Maratha 
History. Magazines like the ** Vividhadnyan Vistar " and ** Dambha- 
harak ** (i^f^v^KIHf^HK and ^fK4i) opened their columns to the publi- 
cation of original papers as well as to critical contributions on historical 
subjects. A magazine called " Lokahitawadi " ( ^ l ^ifjd^i^ ) was started 
by the lateR.B.Gopalrao Hari Deshmukh for the publication of historical 
incidents and anecdotes. Vishnu Shastri Chiplunkar's Nibandh-Mala 
contained some stirring critical essays on the subject of the study of 
history in general and of Maratha history in particular. These 
writings aroused active interest in historical literature, and helped in 
rescuing many old historical records from destruction. A magazine 

called the ** Kavyetihasa-Sangraha " (*l»^«If<-^ftnr) by Mr. Sane and 
the late Mr. Janardan Balaji Modak was started with the special object 
of publishing bakhars and all available historical papers. A considerable 
body of old historical material W!is brought to light by this magazine. 
It inspired in the Maratha public a taste for reading original historical 
papers, which gradually led to the writing of original works of history 
and biography. There has thus been a large accession to Marathi litera- 
ture—the lives of Nana Pharnavis, Mahadji Sindia, Malhar Rao Holkar, 
Shaliu Maharaj, Bapu Gokhale, Rani of Jhansi, Bramhendra Swami, 
Parsharam Bhow Patvardhan Balaji Vishwanath and so forth. The fami- 
ly histories of the houses of Sindia, Holkar, Dabhade,Vinchurkar, Bhon- 
sles and the lives of Prabhoo soldiers (^i^Hirti) are books of more 
or less value. They are, moreover, very interesting as the first fruit of 
the leaven spread by the publication of old records and documents. 

The «?)i««J/rlci^-^W continued for twelve years, and it was succeeded by 

other magazines such as ^FUJ^ ^"^ ffiffTOT^ m^, *^mT, ^?fihnf%^ 

"tW-^W, HRff^. These latter magazines have brought to light a rich 
treasure of historical materials. The most notable acquisition to 
Maratha historical literature of the present day was the *' Rise of the 



MARATHA HISTORICAL LITERATURE. 175 

Maratha Power " by the late Mr. Justice Ranade. It is a work of 
uncommon value. It throws on Maratha history quite a new light. 
It is not a mere narrative of events. It puts life and soul into the dry 
bones of history and makes the past tell its own tale with thrilling 
interest. The late Mr. Ranade had planned his work and intended to 
publish it in several volumes. The work we have got is only the 
first volume of the series, and its very excellence enhances our regret 
that its author has not lived to finish his work. 

While thus the native public evinced so much active interest in 
their past history, European scholars were no less active in the 
same cause. Sir Bartle Frere by his own example and precept gave 
an impetus to the study of Maratha history and the collection of 
historical materials. He himself collected a large number of Marathi 
and Persian manuscripts, relating chiefly to the Kingdom of Bija- 
pore, and had several of the Persian manuscripts translated into 
Marathi. These translations are preserved in three large vo- 
lumes at the India Office Library in London, and are a standing 
memorial of Sir Bartle Frere's interest in the cause of Indian history. 
A large collection of manuscripts was unhappily lost in his voyage 
from Calcutta to Bombay. He encouraged some of the native Chiefs 
and Jahagirdars of this presidency to get historical accounts of their 
respective houses written. He made a grant of Rs. 4,000 per year to 
this Society which it was at one time proposed to apply to the 
furtherance of Maratha history. Mr. Justice Newton and Dr. Wilson, 
both Presidents of this Society, made considerable efforts in the 
collection and publication of authentic ancient documents, elucidatory 
of Maratha history. There were debates and discussions in the 
Society in 1867, under the presidency of Mr. Justice Newton, on the 
possibility and importance of collecting and publishing original 
manuscripts which may be in the possession of old historical houses 
in the Deccan. Mr, Justice Newton himself made a tour in the 
Deccan, visiting several Sirdars and Jahagirdars and exhorting them 
to preserve their ancient documents and make them available to 
scholars. He himself was able to collect a few manuscripts which 
he presented to this Society. 

Another conspicuous worker, though of more recent date, was Mr. 
Acworth,' who struck a new line in the collection of historical 
materials. In collaboration with Mr. Shaligram he collected and 
published a large number of powadas or historical ballads which are 
sung by the gondhalis or minstrels of Maharashtra. It is worthy of 
jioie that in 1843 the Rev. Dr. Murray Mitchell, in a paper on Tukaram 



1^6 MARATHA HISTORICAL LITERATURE. 

read before this Society, had expressed surprise that martial 
songSj chronicling the gallant exploits of Maratha warriors, were not 
published. This want was supplied by Mr. Acworth*s book. Re- 
ferring to these ballads Mr. Acworth writes : ** With the Marathas, 
as with every warlike race, the feelings of the commons have taken 
shape in ballads, which, however rude and inartificial in their lan- 
guage, their structure and rhythm, are genuine embodiment of national 
enthusiasm, and are dear, and deserve to be dear, to those who 
repeat and those who listen to them." Mr. Acworth*s collection 
shows the necessity of further work in the same direction. 

The movement for publishing old papers spread to the Government 
and they published many valuable historical works in the form of 
selections from the original records. The Government of India 
published the collection of treaties, engagements and sanads prepared 
by Mr. Aitchison. The Government of Bombay appointed a special 
officer, Mr. Forrest, to make selections from their own records. These 
selections from State papers are a valuable addition to Maratha his- 
torical literature. Mr. Douglas* Book on Bombay and Western India 
as well as the different gazetteers published under the auspices of 
Government also contain much valuable historical matter and deserve 
mention in this connection. 

Among the books published in this period by European scholars I 
may specially note Colebrooke's Life of Mountstuart Elphinstone, 
Kaye's Life of Malcolm, Evans Bell's Memoirs of General Briggs, 
General Wellesley*s Despatches, Mackey's Central India, Hope's 
House of Sindia, Gribbles* History of the Deccan, and many others. 

Great as has been the work done in the past, the future is full of 
immense potentialities. The Peishwa Daftar, the Menavli collec- 
tion in Nana Pharnavis's Wada and the daftars of numerous ancient 
houses of the Deccan will yield a rich treasure, if skilful hands 
attempt the work of examination, of sifting, sortings selecting and 
of seeing it through the press. The movement to tap the Peishwa 
Daftar was first started by this Society as early as 1867. Mr. 
Justice Newton and Rao Saheb Mandlik were very hopeful of 
making the daftar available for inspection, but Col. Ethridge's some- 
what pessimistic view put an extinguisher on the movement. The 
subject was again taken up by the late Mr. Justice Telang and the 
late Mr. Justice Ranade under Lord Re ay's administration. Some 
others also made efforts in the san>e direction. Eventually in 1895 
the requisite permission was granted and the Peishwa Daftar was 



MARATHA HISTORICAL UTERATURE. 177 

thrown open to the work of selection under the auspices of the 
D. V. Society of Poona. Mr. Telang wrote a paper on Gleanings 
from Maratha Chronicles. Mr. Ranade wrote another paper on the 
Peishwas' Diaries. These show what rich possibilities there are in 
the Daftar of unearthing buried treasures. The work of inspecting 
and classifying papers is proceeding apace, and by the kindness of 
Government there is every prospect of a vast number of papers 
becoming available to the student of Maratha history. Private 
workers like Messrs. Khare and Rajwade have likewise given to the 
public a considerable body of historical material. They have, more- 
over, in their possession, unpublished, materials which will occupy their 
energies for many more years. It is hoped that the public will give 
every encouragement to their laudable efforts, and that they will not 
be hampered by want of funds, which is often a stumbling block in 
the way of good work of this class. 

The Mackenzie collection at Madras and London, the collection 
of General Briggs and Sir Charles Malet in the R. A. Society of 
London, the Jenkins' collection at the India Office, and the Tanjore 
Palace Library contain many Maratha manuscripts lying absolutely 
unused at the places where they are now kept. They are likely to 
prove very useful if they could be kept in Bombay, where they would 
be within the reach of Maratha scholars. H. E. Lord Curzon has 
already expressed his desire to obtain from England some historical 
manuscripts and documents and place them in the Victoria Memorial 
Hall at Calcutta. If among such manuscripts and documents 
there are any papers in Maratha character, they might more 
fitly be placed in Bombay than Calcutta. H. E. Lord Lamington 
has suggested the happy idea of establishing a museum in Bombay. 
That museum may appropriately possess a court for history, where 
ancient manuscripts and documents, arms and accoutrements, dresses 
and pictures, seals and coins, and other objects of historical interest 
might be collected. It will serve as a convenient resort to students of 
history desiring to make researches in that line. The project of a 
museum may, however, take a long time to accomplish. In the absence 
of such an institution, the rooms of this Society may well serve as a 
resting place for historical objects. On the heels of the collection of 
materials must follow the work of digesting and assimilating them. 
A race of scholars must rise, trained in the art of deciphering manu- 
scripts, of weighing evidence and drawing inferences with discrimina- 
tion. The ground is already prepared and there is every prospect of 
capable workers rising to the occasion. Mr. Karkaria, Mr. Purshotam 
Vishram Mawjee, Mr. Rajwade, Mr. Natu, Mr. Khare and others 
12 



^ )L_ 



178 MARATHA HISTORICAL LITERATURE. 

may be trusted to use their opportunities to advantage. Biographies 
of eminent personages, monographs on subjects like the Maratha army, 
the qavy, the revenue system, arms, dresses, and a variety of similar 
topics, as well as a methodical and well-ordered history of the Maratha 
Empire, have yet to be written. Speaking of the scope of history, 
Mr. Colebrooke observed : ** In speaking of history, I do not refer 
merely to the succession of political struggles, national conflicts, and 
warlike achievements, but rather to less conspicuous yet more import- 
ant occurrences, which directly concern the structure of society ; the 
civil institutions of nations ; their internal, more than their external, 
relations ; and the yet less prominent but more momentous events, 
which affect society universally, and advance it in the scale of civilized 
life. It is the history of the human mind, which is most diligently to 
be investigated ; the discoveries of the wise ; the inventions of the 
ingenious, and the contrivances of the skilful." These words aptly 
describe the nature of the work that lies before us. Such a work as 
this wants the genius of a Ranade or a Telang. Tlie fragments they 
have left only serve to remind us of the immensity of our loss. But we 
must have trust in the future. There must be co-operation between 
Indian and European workers. By the light and guidance and the 
example of European workers, Indian aspirants may strive to perform 
their task and fulfil the duty they owe to the nation. We can never 
forget that the work of recasting and digesting the materials done so 
far is very little compared to what yet remains to be done ; and our 
efforts must be commensurate with the magnitude of the task. This 
Society showed itself alive in the sixties to its responsibility as regards 
historical research. Let me now appeal to it to take up the work once 
more, of fostering research and guiding the footsteps of such new 
workers as may need guidance When in the light of the new 
materials discovered, history is rewritten, it may be hoped that many 
erroneous notions will be corrected as regards the Maratha character, 
the methods of their warfare as well as their civil administration, the 
deeds of their heroes, the degree of their refinement and their 
achievements in the fields of literature and art. In the words 
of Johnson, ** there is no part of history so generally useful as that 
which relates to the progress of the human mind— the gradual 
improvement of reason, the successive advances of science, the 
vicissitudes of learning and ignorance, which are the light and 
darkness of thinking beings, the extinction and resuscitation of arts, 
and the revolution of the intellectual world." When Maratha history 
is written in the light of these principles, it will fulfil its proper function. 
It will give them a correct representation of the past and show 
wholesome lessons for the guidance of the future. 



Art. XIV. — The Death of Akbar: A Tercentenary Study. 

By R. p. Karkaria, Esq. 
(^Read 2gtk January jgo6.) 

After completing a reign unexampled in the annals of India for 
prosperity and splendour, Akbar died in October 1605. Consequently 
in last October fell the Tercentenary of his death, a solemn historical 
occasion worthy of due celebration. But modern India was, it seems, 
indifferent to that great name on this occasion, and the date was 
allowed to pass by without even a thought being given to that great 
Emperor. In these days when there is so much talk amongst Indians 
of a united India and of national movements, it is very significant 
that Indians themselves should have made no movement to celebrate 
on such an occasion the memory of the illustrious monarch who did so 
much in his time to unite all Indians and ruled beneficently over all his 
subjects, — Hindus, Mahomedans, Sikhs, Parsis, Buddhists -and tried 
to bring them together. Shivaji, it would seem, appealed to some 
better than Akbar, and there have been celebrations in his honour, not 
only among the Mahrathas but also among the Bengalis. But with 
all due deference to the memory of Shivaji, for whom 1 have the great- 
est respect which I have shown on many occasions, I would say that 
after all he was but the hero of only a section of the Indians ; while 
Akbar ought to appeal to all Indians alike, as he worked more than 
other rulers for the union of all the peoples under his sway. 

It would have been in the fitness of things if the present rulers of 
Inuia, who have succeeded in the course of events by a wise Providence 
to the heritage of that illustrious mediaeval ruler, had celebrated the 
memory of their most illustrious predecessor. Surely the man was 
here who would have plunged with his whole heart into the work, who 
has given unmistakeabie proofs that he possesses the historic imagina- 
tion, to whom the works ot Akbar and his descendants, the magnifi- 
cent Mughals, have throughout his career in India appealed as they 
had appealed to no other English ruler, who in short was best fitted to 
do justice to the occasion. But somehow or other Lord Curzon missed 
the occasion and the Tercentenary of Akbar has been allowed to pass 
by unremembered, unsung, even unrecorded. People were too busy 
with the present to bestow thought on the past, even on such a splen- 
did past as the times uf Akbar. But that present was indeed worthy 



l8o THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 

to eclipse even so glorious a past. All India, and particularly all 
Bombay, was busy preparing to receive the Prince of Wales who is to 
be the future Akbar of this land. All thoughts and hopes were centered 
on this heir of the ages, and Akbar may find some consolation that he 
was forgotten in favour of one who may prove greater than even him- 
self, ruling over a vaster, happier, and more powerful empire. Some- 
thing also is due to the unsettled state in which Lord Curzon found 
himself at the end of his rule, and to the circumstances which rendered 
all his movements, even his departure, uncertain. 

But if the State was too much preoccupied with other matters 
which rightly dennanded its attention, at least our learned Asiatic 
Societies, within whose province this subject specially lies, should have, 
I venture to think, moved in the matter. I had looked forward to our 
elder sister of Bengal, the mother of Asiatic Societies in the world, 
taking the lead in this Tercentenary celebrations. It has indeed done 
as much as, and probably much more than, any learned body to pre- 
serve and illustrate Akbar*s name and work in literature. By its 
scholarly edition in the original Persian of the Ahbar-Nama^ that great 
monument which Abul Fazl, his fidus Achates^ has raised to his great 
patron's name and fame, more lasting than those marble mausolea 
and palaces by which Akbar expressly desired tocomemorate his reign 
to posterity, and still more by its worthy translations of that great 
work into the language most widely spoken on this earth, it may be 
said to have done enough to celebrate the memory of that great 
monarch. The labours, still unfinished, of that ripe scholar Mr. 
Beveridge, a past President of that Society, on the purely historical 
part, and of Colonel Jarrett, and that late prince of Persian scholars, 
the erudite Henri Blochmann, on the what we may, for want of a better 
term, call the constitutional part of the singular work of Abul Fazl, 
have made him speak and write English much better than he writes 
Persian,* and rendered his work an English classic for all those who 
care for his great theme, and for many more who do not, but read him 
for diversion and even amusement. But for some unexplained reason 
this Society, having its head-quarters in the capital city of India, 
Calcutta, has missed the occasion. Nor has our Society done any- 
thing. At one time I had hoped that we might hold a symposium in 
honour of the Tercentenary of Akbar, where our members could make 
their literary offerings in the shape of contributions, illustrative of cer- 
tain aspects of his life, character, and times. But the change in our 
Honorary Secretaryship last October and still more the Royal visit, 

•• Abul FazPs style seems, at least to Western eyes, to be quite detestable, bein^ full of 
circumlocutionst and both turgid and obscure. He is often prolix, and often unduly concise 
and darkly allusive,*'— Beveridgre, preface to Akbar'Namaht tr. Vol. I 190a. 



THE DEATH OF AKBArI i8i 

forbade the fulfilment of this hope. Still it is not too late ; and we 
might hold one or more meetings for this object, and even devote 
a special number of our Journal to papers relating to Akbar. 

Meanwhile I offer this paper as a slight contribution to the discus- 
sion of a subject intimately connected with Akbar, namely, his death, 
on which sufficient light has not yet been thrown and which remains as 
yet obscure and unelucidated. This would appear somewhat strange 
to anyone who remembers that of Akbar's reign we have more and 
fuller historical accounts, and those too by contemporaries, than of 
any other reign in Indian History. There is the great work of Abul 
Fazl, which, with its lavish details, lays bare before us nearly all 
aspects of the court and camp of Akbar, and even enlightens us 
with minute accuracy about his kitchen and stables. There are the 
elaborate histories of Nizam-ud-din and Abdul Kader Badaoni, which 
are so important for the different standpoints of their authors to that 
of Abul Fazl. Then there is the curious composite history of the 
millennium, the Tarikh-UAlfi, in which both these authors collaborated 
with others to produce a record of the thousand years of the Hegira 
which came to a conclusion in Akbar's reign. But all these famous 
contemporary chronicles were written before the close of Akbar*s life 
and reign, and therefore do not record the very close. Their authors 
predeceased Akbar by several years, Abul Fazl was murdered in i6o2. 
Badaoni died in 1596 and Nizam>ud-din a year or two earlier still, 
circa 1594. (Blochmann in Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society^ 
1869, Pt. I., p. 143). In these famous writers, therefore, there is 
necessarily no account of his death. 

Failing, therefore, the guidance of such authors, especially the 
conscientious and sober Nizam-ud-din, we have to fall back upon 
other contemporaries of inferior worth and reliability among Akbar's 
countrymen and co-religionists. But we find in these a different 
account of his death from that given by Europeans, one of whom at 
least was a contemporary and in India ; and it is hard to reconcile 
these Persian and European accounts of his death. 

I shall bring together first the accounts to be found in Persian 
works. At the head of these stands the elaborate story of Akbar*s 
last days and moments which his son, the Emperor Jehangir, gives 
in his autobiographical memoirs which go under various names and 
forms such as ** Wakiaat-i-Jehangiri ", ** Tuzakh-i-Jehangiri " and the 
like. The Imperial author did not necessarily write these memoirs 
with his own hand ; and it "seems very probable that the Emperor 
kept two or more memoir-writers to whom he gave directions as to the 
events they were to record and a general expression of his opinion 



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THE DEATH OF AKBAR* 1 83 

idolent dysentery was the result. Hakim Muzafar, another of the 
physicians, now pronounced that his brother-physician had gross- 
ly erred in his prescriptions, particularly in allowing melon to 
his patient at the commencement of the attack. From a just 
repugnance to take away from any man his reputation, and 
perhaps from a disposition to forgive, I determined that Hakim 
Ally should not be trodden under foot, at a mere malicious suggestion 
or an accusation on the part of Muzafar actuated by mere jealousy. 

*' * If,* thought I, * God's destiny and the blunders of the medical 
class did not sometimes concur, we should never die.* This much on 
a feeling of discretion and kindness, I confessed to Hakim Ally ; but 
in the bottom of my heart all confidence in his skill was extinguished. 

" During the last ten days of his illness, I attended my father as 
usual for two or three quarters of time in the latter part of the day ; 
and this I continued to do until Tuesday, the 14th of the latter Jemady, 
when he became so greatly reduced that I remained with him 
from the time at which his medicine was administered in the 
morning for the remaining part of the day. While he was yet 
in a state to discriminate, he advised me on one occasion to 
keep away from the palace ; at all events never to enter un- 
attended by my own guards and retainers : and it now occurred 
to me that it would be prudent not to neglect such advice ; that at such 
a crisis it behoved me in my intercourse with the palace to employ the 
most guarded circumspection. One day I entered the citadel accord- 
ingly attended by my own retinue. The very next day, without 
consulting their sovereign, they dared to close the gates of the citadel 
against me, and actually brought forward the ordnance on the towers. 
On Thursday, the i6th, perceiving the pretence of alarm under which 
these men were screening themselves, I discontinued my visit to the 
palace altogether ; and I then received by Mokurret Khan a note from 
Man Singh expressing on his part the expectation that I would concur 
in their views. How deeply my feelings were agonised at the thought 
of being excluded from the sight of my father ; during the period in 
which I thus abstained from entering the castle of Agra, I for some 
time withheld myself from communicating to any man, resigning myself 
entirely to the will of God. Having with the advice of my truest 
friends discontinued my visits to the castle, I sent my son, Parviz, with 
an apology to my father, stating that I was prevented from attending 
that day by a severe pain in my head. My father, lifting up his hands 
in prayer for my health, sent Khwaja Weissy to entreat that if possible 
I would come to his presence, for that he had no longer any hope of 
life, particularly under the violent paroxysms of his complaint. ' Alas I' 



184 THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 

said he, * what a time is this that thou hast chosen to be absent from 
my person, when thou knowest that, on my demise, the succession to 
the crown is without dispute !' " 

Jehangir then describes the intrigues that were going on round the 
death-bed of Akbar for bringing about the succession of his grandson, 
his own son, Prince Khosro, to the exclusion of himself. Raja Man 
Singh, the brother-in-law of Jehangir and maternal uncle of Khosro, 
and Mirza Azaz Khoka, were the principal persons in these intrigues. 
The latter asked the sick monarch his wishes about Khosro. To this 
he replied : ** The decree is God's decree and of him alone is the 
sovereignty. For my part with one mind I retain a thousand hopes. 
Surely, in giving a loose to such language in my presence you have 
abandoned me to the jaws ot death. Nevertheless it may happen that 
I have still some portion left in this life. If however the awful 
crisis be at hand— if the hour of departure be arrived — can I have 
forgotten the military promptitude, political sagacity and other qualities 
indispensable to the successful exercise of sovereign power, which at 
Allahabad I witnessed in Selim Shah ? Neither do I find that the love 
and affection which I have ever borne him has for a moment been 
diminished. What if, through the misguidings of the Evil One, he 
should, for an instant, have been led astray from his filial duty, is he 
not my eldest born, and as such the heir to my throne : to that throne 
which by the institutes of my race belongs to the eldest son and never 
descends to him who is in years younger ? But the six months, wide 
territory of Bengal I bestow upon Khosro. Having received these 
assurances from my father's lip," continnes the Royal author, ** the 
specious hypocrites repaired in numerous groups to my presence, in 
such throngs indeed that people had scarcely room to breathe. The 
chief intriguers seemed penitent of the part they had taken, and 
acknowledging their folly cordially resolved on yielding to me, without 
further opposition, every proof of submission and allegiance. . . My 
father sent me one of his dresses, with the turban taken from his own 
brows, and a message, importing that if I were reconciled to live without 
beholding the countenance of my father, that father, when I was absent,, 
enjoyed neither peace nor repose. The moment I received the message,. 
I clothed myself in the dress and in humble duty proceeded into the 
castle. On Tuesday, the 8th of the month, my father drew his breath 
with great dif!iculty, and his dissolution being evidently at hand he 
desired that I would despatch someone to summon every ameeer, 
without exception, to his presence * for I cannot endure,' said he, 'that 
any misunderstanding should subsist between you and those who, for so 
many years, have shared in my toil and been the associates of my glory. 



THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 1 85 

Anxious to comply with his desire, I directed Khwaja Weissy to 
bring the whole of them to the dying monarch's sick chamber. My 
father, after wistfully regarding them all around, entreated that they 
would bury in oblivion all the errors of which he could be justly 
accused, and proceeded to address them in the following terms, 
arranged in couplets : — 

' Remember the repose and safety which blessed my reign, 
The splendour and order which adorned my court, O remember. 
Remember the crisis of my repentance, of my oft revolving beads. 
The canopy which I prepared for the sanctuary of the Kaabah 
Let the tear of affection shed rubies over my dust, 
In your morning orisons turn your thoughts to my soul ; 
Let your evening invocations irraditate the gloom of night, 
Do not forget the anguish of the tear-flowing eye, 
When the chill winds shall visit your courts like the autumnal blast. 
Think on that cold hand which has so often scattered gold among 
you.* 

" He added the following stanza of four lines : 
' Did thou see how the sky shed around its flower-like fascinations ? 
My soul is on the wing to escape this rage of darkness. 
That bosom, which the world was too narrow to contain, 
Has scarcely space enough to inspire but half a breath.' 

*' Here I perceived that it might indeed be this mighty monarch's 
latest breath and that the moment was arrived for discharging the 
last mournful duties of a son. In tears of anguish I approached his 
couch, and sobbing aloud I placed my head at my father's feet. 
After I had then passed in solemn sorrow thrice round him, the dy- 
ing monarch, as a sign auspicious to my fortune, beckoned to me 
to take his favourite scimitar, Futteh-ul-Mulk (the conquest of 
empires), and in his presence to gird it round my waist. Having so 
done and again prostrated myself at his feet, I renewed my pro- 
testations of duty. So nearly was I indeed exhausted in these 
paroxysms of sorrow, that I found at last the utmost difficulty in 
drawing breath. On the evening of Wednesday, when one watch 
and four sections of the night were expired, my father's soul took 
flight to the realms above. He had however previously desired 
mc to send for Miran Sadrjehan, in order to repeat with him 
the Kalma Shahdat (the Mahomedan formula of faith : there is 
no God but God, etc.) which he said was his wish to the last 
moment, still cherishing the hope that the Almighty disposer of 
life might yet bestow some prolongation. On his arrival I placed 
Sadrjehan on both knees by my father's side, and he commenced 
reciting the creed of the faithful. At this crisis my father desiring 



1 86 THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 

me to draw near threw his arms about my neck and addressed 
me in the following terms : — 

" * My dear boy (baba) take this my last farewell, for here we never 
meet again. Beware that thou dost not withdraw thy protecting 
regards from the secluded in my harem — that thou continue the same 
allowance for subsistence as was allotted by myself. Although my 
departure must cast a heavy burden upon thy mind, let not the words 
that are past be at once forgotten. Many a vow and many a covenant 
have been exchanged between us — break not the pledge which thou 
hast given me — forget it not. Beware ! Many are the claims which 
have upon the soul. Be they great or be they small, do not forget 
them. Call to thy remembrance my deeds of martial glory. Forget 
not the exertions of that bounty which distributed so many a jewel. 
My servants and dependants, when I am gone, do not thou forget, 
nor the afflicted in the hour of need. Ponder word for word on all 
that I have said — do thou bear all, in mind, and again forget me not! ' 

** After expressing himself as above he directed Sadrjehan once 
more to repeat the Kalma, and he recited the solemn text himself 
with a voice equally loud and distinct. He then desired the Sadr to 
continue repeating by his pillow the Surah Neish and another chapter 
of the Koran, together with the Adilah prayer, in order that he 
might be enabled to render up his soul with as little struggle as 
possible. Accordingly Sadrjehan had finished the Surah Neish, and 
had the last words of the prayer on his lips, when with no other 
symptom than a tear drop in the comer of his eye, my noble father 
resigned his soul into the hands of his Creator. The venerated 
remains of my father were now laid on those boards equally allotted 
to the prince and the pauper ; whence after being bathed in every 
description of perfume, camphor, musk, and roses, a shroud for his 
vestment, a coffin for his chamber, they were conveyed to their last 
repose. One foot of the bier was supported on my own shoulder, the 
three others by my three sons, until we passed the gate of the castle. 
Hence my sons and the principal officers of my household, alternately 
bearing the coffin on their shoulders, proceeded all the way to Secundra 
where all that was mortal of the renowned Akbar was consigned to 
the care of heaven's treasury. Thus it was, and thus it will be, while 
this lower world continues to exist." 

(Autobiographical Memoirs of the Emperor Jehangir^ Tr. D. Price, 
4 to I pp. 70-78, London, Oriental Translation. Fund, 1829). 

There is another contemporary account of the death of Akbar, which 
is also pretty minute and confirms the account given by Jehangir. 
This was written by one who was * in the service of Abul Fazl and 



THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 1 87 

later an official of Akbar's Court, a sort of Lord Almoner, Asad Beg, 
and occurs in his history of the times, " Wakiat Asad Beg." He was 
dismissed from his service at Court by Jehangir on his accession, but 
was afterwards favoured by him and honoured with the title of Peshran 
Khan. He died in 1861. (Elliot and Dowson, Historians of India, 
Vol. VI, p. 150.) Asad was not present during the last illness of 
Akbar. 

" As I, Asad, wandering in the wood of evil destiny had started for the 
second time as envoy to the four southern provinces, Bijapur, 
Golconda, Bidar, and the Carnatic, I was not present when that 
peerless sovereign departed this life. When the question of my 
embassy was in agitation, the Emperor was also projecting a combat 
between the elephants Chanchal and Giranbar. His Majesty now at 
rest ordered me not to depart till I had seen the elephant fight; but 
Fate had ordained otherwise and I was not sorry for it, for as I shall 
relate. His Majesty had cause for severe anger at that elephant fight 
which came off after my departure. A few days after I had left Agra, 
His Majesty had been taken somewhat ill, and in a short time was 
very much broken down. While he was in this condition the combat 
of the elephant Chanchal with the elephant Giranbar, belonging to the 
Royal Prince, came off. While the fight was going on, an angry 
dispute arose between the servants of Prince Selim and Sultan Khusru 
and both overstepped the bounds of courtesy. When His Majesty 
heard of it, he became exceedingly angry, vexed, and enraged, and 
this so much increased his illness, that the chief physician, one of the 
most skilful of his time in the healing art, could do nothing more. 
During the Emperor's illness the weight of affairs fell upon the 
Khan-i-Azam, and when it became evident that the life of that 
illustrious sovereign was drawing to a close, he consulted with Raja 
Man Singh, one of the principle nobles, and they agreed to make 
Sultan Khusru Emperor. 

"They were both versed in business and possessed of great power, 
and determined to seize the Prince (Selim) when he came, according 
to his daily custom, to pay his respects at Court, thus displaying the 
nature of their mind, little considering that the sun cannot be smeared 
with mud, nor the marks of the pen of destiny be erased by the 
penknife of treachery. He whom the hand of the power of Allah 
upholds, though he be helpless in himself, is safe from all evil. The 
next day that chosen one of Allah, not dreaming of the treachery 
of his foes, went, as was his wont, to pay his respects at Court, and 
entered a boat with several of his attendants. They had reached the 
foot of the tower and were about to disembark, when Mir Zian-ul- 



l88 THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 

Mulk of Kazwin arrived in great agitation and jumped into the boat. 
He brought word of the hopeless state of the Emperor, and of the 
treachery and perfidy of those evil men. The boat returned, and 
His Royal. Highness with weeping eyes and a sore heart, re-entered 
his private palace, so that through the endeavours of that faithful 
friend and sincere well-wisher the arrow of those perfidious enemies 
missed its mark. When the«raw attempt of those wretches had 
thus been brought to light, and the lofty-flying Phoenix had escaped 
their treacherous snare, and the curtain which concealed their 
intentions had been torn, they were obliged to throw off all dissi- 
mulation. 

** At this time the breath was still in the Emperor's body, and all 
his servants and oflicers were assembled in the audience-room in 
great distress and agitation. The Khan-i-Azam and Raja Man 
Singh sat down, and calling all the nobles together, began to consult 
with them and went so far as to say, ' The character of the mighty 
Prince Sultan Salim is well known, and the Emperor's feelings 
towards him are notorious, for he by no means wishes him to be his 
successor. We must all agree to place Sultan Khusru upon the 
throne. ' When this was said, Sayyad Khan, who was one of the 
great nobles and connected with the Royal house, and descended 
from an ancient and illustrious Mughal family, cried out, ' Of what 
do you speak, that in the existence of a Prince like Salim Shah, we 
should place his son upon the throne ! This is contrary to the laws 
and customs of the Chagatai Tatars and shall never be.' He and 
Malik Khan, who was also a great chief and well-skilled in business 
with others of their opinion, rose and left the assembly." 

After describing how these machinations were foiled and the ac- 
cession of Prince Salim was settled, Asad proceeds: **As soon as 
the Prince was relieved from all anxiety as to the course affairs were 
taking, he went with the great nobles and Mir Murtaza Khan at their 
head, without fear, to the fort, and approached the dying Emperor. 
He was still breathing, as if he had only waited to see that illustrious 
one. As soon as that most fortunate Prince entered, he bowed himself 
at the feet of His Majesty. He saw that he was in his last agonies. 
The Emperor once more opend his eyes and signed to them to invest him 
with the turban and robes which had been prepared for him, and ta 
gird him with his own dagger. The attendants prostrated themselve:* 
and did homage; at the same moment that sovereign, whose sins are 
forgiven, bowed himself also, and closed his life. A loud lamentation 
arose on all sides, and groans and cries ascended from the world and 
race of men, and the voices of the angelic cherubims were heard 



.THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 1 89 

saying, ' God created him and to God he has returned.' When the 
Emperor Akbar died, groans arose from earth to heaven. 

"After that sad occurrence the gracious Emperor Jehangir had all 
iiis confidential servants and faithful friends perform the obsequies of 
the deceased sovereign, with all the ceremonies due to his rank. 
When they had gone through the funeral rites prescribed by religion 
jELnd tradition, and had arrange J the royal corpse in all state, the 
Emperor, in great pomp with weeping eyes and a sad heart, took 
the foot of the bier of the deceased king upon his shoulder, and 
carried it as far as the door of the public reception room ; from thence 
the great nobles, each anxious for the honour, relieving one another 
in quick succession, carried His Majesty as far as the gate of the 
fort. Thence tlie nobles and ministers, and courtiers, and imams 
jand all his servants and troops, followed the bier with heads and feet 
uncovered. " 

From this account it seems that Asad Beg must have seen Jehangir's 
narrative which it follows closely. Jehangir circulated his memoirs 
^mong his friends and courtiers, and it is likely that Asad Beg also 
was among these. He was at first in disgrace with the new monarch, 
but in the end succeeded in pleasing him so far that a title was con- 
ferred on him. In his chronicle he shows that he was anxious to 
please Jehangir, and it may very likely have been one of the means 
by which he regained favour. We might, therefore, safely dismiss 
this account as being merely an echo of the ** Wakiat-i-Jehangiri." 

There is a third and a short account of Akbar's death in the 
"Takhmila-i-Akbarnama." This work is, as its name implies, a 
<:ontinuation of the great work of Abul Fazl, who had recorded the 
history of forty-six years of Akbar's reign when he was murdered. 
Inayutulla, at the Emperor's command, wrote the account of the last 
four years, and this is usually found bound up with manuscripts of 
the Akbarnama of Abu) Fazl. (Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VI., p. 103.) 
In this work Inayatulla says : ** On Monday, the 12th Aban, corre- 
sponding with the 20th Jumada awwal 10 14 Hijra (September 1605), 
an illness insinuated itself into the frame of the Emperor and he 
became indisposed. Hakim Ali, who was the most skilful of physi- 
cians, was summoned to attend. After considering the symptoms, he 
refrained for eight days from administering medicine, in the hope 
that His Majesty's vigour of constitution would overcome the disease. 
On the ninth day, the debility and symptoms appeared to be aggravat- 
ed, so the physician resorted to the remedies of his art ; but they 
produced no good effect for ten days. The complaint in the bowels 
increased^ and the limbs lost their power. It then became evident 



IQO THE DEATH OP AKBAR. 

that recovery was hopeless, and that the collar of the world was in the 
clutches of the Fates. On the 9th Azur, when the age of His Majesty 
had reached the period of 65 lunar years, he hade adieu to life in the 
capital of Agra, and took his departure to the paradise of love. On 
the following day his sacred remains were home by men of all ranks in 
stately and becoming pomp to the grave and were entered in the 
garden of Bihishtabad. " {Takhmilai-Akbamama, afud Elliot and 
Dowson, Vol. VI., p. 115.) 

The great and famous historical work of Ferishta, who was also a 
contemporary of Akbar, beyond whose reign it docs not go very far, 
as it stops at 161 2, touches slightly on this subject and says that the 
death of Akbar was due to his grief at the death of his favourite son, 
Prince Daniel. **On the ist of Zehuj (8th April) Prince Daniel 
died in the city of Burhampore owing to excess of drinking. His 
death, and the circumstances connected with it, so much affected the 
King, who was in a declining state of healthy that he every day became 
worse, till on the 13th of Jemadi Sani, in the year 1014, he died after 
a reign ot 51 years and some months." (fr. Briggs, Vol. H., p. 280.) 

These are all the contemporary Mahomedan accounts of Akbar's 
death that are to be found now. In fact they reduce themselves to 
one account, namely, chat of Jehangir. Now Jehangir in spite of his 
prolixity of detail and of circumstance, does not mention exactly 
what disease it was precisely that attacked Akbar. He says that 
indigestion was the complaint, but that could not nave lasted so long, 
and besides it ought to have been amenable to the skill of the court 
physicians. And here is another difficulty. Hakim Ali, the physi- 
cian, seems to have grossly blundered, or worse. And stranger still, 
Jehangir says he took no notice of it. Here is a royal physician who, 
when his imperial master is seriously ill, refrains for full eight days 
from giving htm any medicine I And the Emperor's son takes no 
notice of his incompetence or criminal folly. And the reason Jehangir 
gives shows that he carried his good nature to excess. *' If thought 
I," says he, ''God's destiny and the blunders of the medical clas;$ did 
not sometimes concur we should never die." He actually said so to 
the physician and pardoned him ! There are here many grounds for 
suspicion. Jehangir evidently was very complacent to the man who 
nearly killed his father ! Mr. Talboys Wheeler indeed suggests that 
Jehangir actually employed Hakim Ali, the court physician, to poison 
Akbar, and says that he was capable of such a crime. (History of India, 
Vol. IV., Pt. I., p. 188 n.). This is too much. Jehangir was an 
indolent voluptuary, but he was not a determined murderer. He 
needlessly opposed his father, but it was not in him to go to the length 



THE DEATH OF AKBAR. I9I 

of murder. Had he the strength of character and determined will 
of his grandson, Aurangzib, he would have been a parricide like him. 
But his weak good nature is clearly portrayed in all his actions, and 
was such as to keep him from so foul a crime. 

Moreover, there was no motive for such an unnatural crime on the 
part of the pleasure-seeking Prince. During his father's last illness 
there was a formidable intrigue going on for passing him over in the 
line of succession and putting his son, Khosro, on the throne after 
Akbar's expected death. Akbar was old, nearing seventy, and in un- 
certain health after the death of Prince Daniel, Jehangir's brother and 
rival. Jehangir, if he would have his way to the throne made smooth 
and clear, would have removed not the dying monarch, whose end was 
but the question of months, but his own son whom Akbar was known 
to prefer to him as his successor. At least he would have been more 
likely to benefit by the death of his son than of his father. But such 
determined villainy, we think, lay not in him. What he says about his 
own disposition to forgive his son Khosro seems quite true, and is in 
conformity with his general character. This son's conduct at a later 
time during his own reign reminds him of his conduct during 
his father^s illness, and he says: " He refrained through folly and 
a false sense of shame from recurring to the only remedy by which he 
could have been saved from ruin. For, as I stand in the presence 
of God, had the unhappy Khosro at this moment of returning shame 
and remorse presented himself before me, not only would his offence 
have been overlooked, but his place in my esteem would have been 
higher than anything he had previously enjoyed. Of this he had 
already experienced the strongest proof, when after his implied conduct 
during the illness of my father, which I must have suspected to have 
risen trom hostile views and motives of the most dangerous nature, 
yet on his bare expression of repentance and a returning sense of duty 
I freely banished from my mind every unfavourable impression.' 
{Wakiat, p. 70.) This is true; he forgave the intrigue in favour of 
Khosro's accession, and not only Khosro but the other intriguers 
also. Such a man could not have been an accessory to his own 
father's murder. 

What then was Akbar*s illness, the course of which his son describes 
minutely without alluding to the cause ? The Mahomedan accounts 
we have seen throw no light on it. But there are two European 
accounts which clear up the mystery. Unfortunately of Akbar's court 
and times we have no contemporary account by any European 
travellers who have left a f j11 narrative behind them. The full and 
interesting European accounts of the Mughal Court begin some years 



192 THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 

after Akbar's death, with Sir Thomas Roe's narrative of his Embassy 
to Jehangir's Court. Had we possesed a narrative like Bernier's and 
Tavernier's, or even like Mandelslo's or Thevenot's for Akbar's reign, 
we would have a good criterion for judging the Persian historians of 
that reign, as we possess in these travellers' accounts a criterion for 
the reigns of the son, grandson and great-grandson of Akbar,— 
Jehangir, Shah Jehan and Aurangzib. The Catholic priests who 
were invited by Akbar to his court from time to time had nearly all left 
before his death, and can therefore tell us nothing about it. 

But there is an European account of Akbar's death which was- 
written only a few years after and published in 1631, and which may be 
said to be almost a contemporary narrative. It was written by Peter 
van den Broecke, the first President of the Dutch Factory at Surat who 
came to India ten years after Akbar's death. He became Director of 
the Dutch trade in the East in 1620 and was an important personage 
(cf. Foster, Embassy of Roe , Vol. II., p. 408). He very likely visited 
the Mughal court to obtain privileges for his nation when Sir Thomas 
Roe was there. (Anderson ** English in Western India," 1854, p. 
19.) He wrote, with the other Dutch factors at Surat, an account of 
Mughal history from Humayun down to 1628. For the later years 
this account has the value of a contemporary authority, as the authors 
were at the time in India. Probably some of the information was 
supplied by the Mughal's Viceroy at Surat and other high officials with 
whom the Dutch came into contact. This chronicle was published 
by the famous Dutch author Johannes De Laet in his Latin work on 
India called *' De Imperio Magni Mogolis Sive India Vera ; com- 
mentarius e varius auctoribus congestus :" published at Leyden in 1631 
by the famous printers, the Elzevirs. This dainty volume is excess- 
ively rare and therefore not much consulted by modern writers who 
have, however, much to glean from it. Sir Roper Lethbridge wrote 
several years ago about a copy which he had used in these terms : 
** The fact that it does not appear to have been consulted by any of the 
modern writers on Indian subjects is to be explained by the difficulty 
of procuring a copy of the book. The most careful enquiry in England 
and India has failed to discover a second copy, either in the market 
or in a library, and consequently I am justified in assuming that the 
copy used by me is at present practically unique. " 

I was long hunting for this work of De Laet, and but lately suc- 
ceeded in procuring a copy of this very scarce book. Probably only a 
very few copies were printed by the Elzevirs, and this accounts for the 
great difficulty in procuring one. The copy in my possession is one 
of the two copies that are said to exist in ;India. On communication 



THE DEATH OF AKBAR. I93 

with Sir Roper Lethbridge, he Jias kindly requested me to collaborate 
with him in publishing a translation for the Hakluyt Society. This 
work deserves to be known for the excellent topographical account 
that it contains of the Moghal Empire when it was at its zenith. On 
account ol the great rarity of the work, and also on account of the 
fact that^it is in Latin, it is almost unknown. 

The fragment of Mughal History occupies the tenth and last 
section of the book and forms a large part of the . whole. De 
Laet thus speaks of its authorship : " nostratum observationes, et 
imprimis insiene illud Historiae Indicae fragmentum humaniter nobis 
communicavit insignis vir Petrus van den Broecke, qui aliquot annis 
Surattae haesit et negotia Societatis Indicae Orien talis cum fide 
adminstravit." ** The observations of my countrymen and especially 
the fragment of the history of India, have been communicated to us 
by the well-known Peter van den Broecke, who was for several years 
a resident at Surat, and conducted the affairs of our East India 
Company." This he says in his preface to the very kind reader — 
praefatio ad humanissimum lectorem. The fragment was originally 
written in Dutch from which de Laet translated it into Latin. As he 
says in the separate preface to this section : '* Fragmentum nos e Bel- 
gico, quod h genuino illis Regni Chronico expressum credimus 
libere vertisse servata ubique Historiae fide." *' We have translated 
freely — though everywhere we have preserved faithfulness to historical 
truth — from the Dutch this fragment which we believe is based on a 
genuine chronicle of that kingdom." From this we think it very 
probable ihat Van den Broecke had access to the original chronicle in 
Chagatai and Persian which was kept by the Great Mughals of their 
doings. Manucci, the court physician of Aurangzib, as we shall see 
presently, had also access to it and embodies information obtained 
.from it in his memoirs in Portuguese. The Persian courtly chroniclers, 
from whom chiefly our account of Akbar times and those of his 
immediate successors are derived, suppressed whatever they 
liked, especially whatever they thought was not flattering to the 
sovereign. The ** Akbar Nama " of Abul Fazl is an illustration of 
this, who suppresses unscrupulously and without hesitation every- 
thing that does not tend to the credit of his patron, and consequently 
his work is a picture in which there is all light and no shade, and 
therefore not a trustworthy history. His work, however valuable from 
other ]ioints of view, has not much value for a just estimate of Akbar's 
reign and character. His object was to present to posterity the 
most favourable portrait of his imperial patron to whom he owed 

everything. 
I"* 



194 THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 

But European observers had and could have no motive in sup- 
pressing^ all adverse information. Hence we find them copying 
from the genuine chronicle everything they found important without 
regard to its bearing on :the King's character* Hence we find in 
van den Broecke the following account of his death, which is very 
likely taken from the court chronicle — e genuino illud Regni Chronico^ 
as de La6t calls it : — 

" Tandem Rez (Akbar) Myrzae Ghazse Zianii filio qui Sindae et Tattse 
imperaverat, ob arrogans verbum quod ipse, forte exciderat, iratus, cum 
veneno e medio tollere decrevit : et in eum finem medico suo man- 
davit, ut binas ejusdem formas et molis pillulas pararet et earum 
alteram veneno infceret : hane Gaziae dare proposuerat, medicam ipse 
sumere ; sed insigni errore res in contrarium vertit, nam Rex quum 
pillulas manu aliquamdiu versasset, Ghaziae quidem innoxiam pillulam 
deJit, venenatam vero ipsemet sumsit : Seriusque errore animad- 
vcrso, quum iam veneni vis venas pervassiset, antidota frustra adhi- 
biia fucrunt ; itaque Rex salute nondum desperata, Xa-Selim, invi- 
senti tulbantum quidem suum imposuit, cinxitque ilium gladio patris 
sui Humayonis, sed extra palatium operiri iussit, neque ad se ingredi 
antequam convaluisset. Obiit autem Rex duodecimo post die anno 
Mahometano 1014 postquam annos 60 felicissime imperasset." " At 
length, the king being angry with Mirza Ghazi, the son of Zianl 
(Jani) who had been Governor of Sind and Tatta, on account of some 
overbearing words he had accidentally let fall, determined to get him 
out of the way by poison : and he ordered his physician with this 
object to have ready two pills of the same shade and size, into one of 
which poison should be put. He had intended to give this to Ghazi, and 
to take the harmless pill himself ; but by an extraordinary error things 
turned out quite in the contrary way, for the King mixed up the two 
after he had kept them for a time in his hands, gave the harmless pill 
to the Ghazi, and himself took the poisoned one. Afterwards when 
ths error was found out v/hen already the poison had begun to 
act on his blood, antidotes were administered but to no purpose. 
Tlie King, therefore, before all hopes of his recovery were given 
up, put his own tulbanc (turban) on the head of Sha Selim and 
girded ham with tlie sword of his father Humayun, but he ordered 
him to be shut out of the palace and not to come near him till he 
should recover. The King, however, died on the twelfth day after 
this in the Alahomcdan year 10 14 (A. H.), having ruled most pros- 
perously for 60 years." 

There is evidsnlly a misprint here in de Laut*s excellently printed 
volume : 60 should be 50. Akbar's reign fell short by a few montlis 



THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 



195 



of a half century ; though according to the Mahomedan reckoning, 
which is lunar, a reign for nearly 52 years. Akbar himself had adopted 
the solar reckoning with the ancient Parsi Calendar in his reign. ^ 

This account of van den Broecke as given by de Lagt is not generally 
known, and it is certainly startling. It upsets the common notion 
that Akbar was a good ruler scorning everything base. That he was 
such for the greater part of his rule no one who knows his history will 
question. But those who have fully studied history know, what is 
not generally known, that in the latter part of his reign Akbar degener- 
ated, and during his last years he was hardly the good and great 
monarch of his best days. But this is a subject on which we should 
not like to dwell, especially on the occasion of his Tercentenary. His 
degeneration is very pathetic and shows that however great as he was, 
he did not escape for very long the defects of his age and environ- 
ment. That may be treated on another occasion. As for historical 
truth it is very necessary that we should know Akbar as he really was 
at all times and periods, in his zenith as well as nadir. Let it suflice 
here to say that van den Broecke's account appears to me to be prob- 
able, and it is only of probabilities that v/e can speak ; certainty is 
out of the question. The Dutch writer was mostly copying from the 
coiut chronicle, and he had no reason to invent the story if he did not 
find it there. He had nothing to do with the politics of the Mughal 
court and had no side to take, either Jchangir*s, or Khosro's; or any- 
body else*s. Moreover, he did not write for the Indian or indeed any 
public at all. His historical fragment was written for the private in- 
formadon of his employers at home in Holland, and when he came to 
know that de Laet was writing a description of real India as he 
called it — ** Descriptio Indian Vcrae " he called his work — he communi- 
cated it to him for publication. If he was misled in his account, he 
was misled in good faith. If the account is invented, it is certainly not 
by him. How could he have invented such a circumstantial story as 
this? He must have feu nd it in India. Now there is no Persian 
source from which he could have taken it, except the court chronicle 
which he professes to have ussd, for no Persian history that is known 
to us contains such an account. The account bears primd Jade signs 
of baxng true. 

Thattha Mughal court chronicle is the source of Broecke's informa- 
tion, receives conarmation from the fact that Manucci, who had un- 
doubted access t3 it, has the same story to account for the death of 
Akbar. Manucci was for fcrty-eight years at the Mughal court of 
Shah Jehau and Aurangzib, under the latter of whom he was court 

•S^cny artidc in the Calcttiia Reviuw, January 1897: " Akbar and the Parsis'* 
pp ic3«— SCO. 



196 THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 

physician. He wrote his memoirs in Portuguese, and on these manu- 
script memoirs Catrou has based his history of the Mughals so import- 
ant for a right understanding of that period as the only trustworthy 
European account For the reign of Akbar it is particularly valuable, 
as Catrou uses also the accounts written by the Jesuit priests at 
Akbar's court. Manucci's memoirs are hitherto known only through 
Catrou's work. But recently Mr. Irvine, late of the Indian Civil 
Service, has discovered the greater part of these memoirs in the original 
in two or three libraries in Venice and Paris : and is at present, I 
learn, engaged in editing them in four volumes for the Indian Govern- 
ment (Buckland, Diet,, Indian Biography, ). He has given a brief 
account of his interesting discovery before the Royal Asiatic Society in 
1903. 

Catrou thus gives Manucci's account : ** One day when the Mughal 
was hunting in the environs of Agra, he lost sight of his attendants, 
and being much fatigued sat himself down at the foot of a tree which 
afforded a welcome shade. Whilst he was trying to compose himself 
to sleep, he saw approaching him one of those long caterpillars, of 
a flame colour, which are to be found only in the Indies. He pierced 
it through with an arrow, which he drew from his quiver. A little time 
afterwards, an antelope made its appearance, within bow shot The 
Emperor took aim at it, with the same arrow witli which he had 
pierced the caterpillar. Notwithstanding the antelope received the 
shaft in a part of its body, which was not susceptible of a mortal 
wound, the animal instantaneously expired. The hunters of the 
prince, who opened the beast, found the flesh black and corrupted, and 
all the dogs who ate of it died immediately. The Emperor knew from 
this circumstance, the extreme venom of the poison of the caterpillar. 
He commanded one of the oflicers of his suite to get it conveyed to his 
palace. It was on this occasion, that the Emperor created the oflice 
of poisoner, an oflice till then unknown to the Mughal Government 
By the instrumentality of this new oflicer, Akbar quietly disposed of 
the nobles and the Rajas whom he believed to be concerned in the 
conspiracy of Mustapha. Poisoned pills were compounded for him, 
which he obliged them to take in his presence. The p>oison was slow 
in its operation, but no remedies could obviate its mortal eflects. This 
peroicious invention proved fatal to its author. Akbar carried always 
about him a gold box, which was divided into three compartments. 
In one was his betel, in another the cordial pills, which he used after a 
repasty and in the thtrd were the poisoned pills. One day it happened 
that he took inadvertently one ot the poisoned pills and became him- 
self a victim to its fatal power. He immediately felt liimself struck 



THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 1 97 

with death. He, in vain, made trial of all the remedies prescribed for 
him by the Portuguese physicians. His illness was a lingering one, 
and he died in the year 1605." (History of Mughal Dynasty^ pp. 133-4, 
ed. 1826.) 

It is evident that Catrou, who wrote his history in 1715, did not copy 
from de Laet this account ; but that bofh took from a common source, 
the one which they avow, the Mughal court chronicle. Their accounts 
of Akbar's death supplement each other. Catrou knew of de Last's 
work, which he thus mentions in connection with the very source we 
are discussing : '* I had no reason to doubt the existence in the 
archives of the Mughal Empire, of an exact chronicle, in which the 
principal events were narrated at length. It is from memoirs drawn 
from the chronicle, that Jean Laet has composed his notice of the 
Mughal States. He speaks of it in the following terms : Nos frag- 
mentum e Belgico quod genuino illius Regni Chronico expressum 
credimus libere vertimus. I had, moreover, the most convincing evidence 
attainable in such matters, of the veracity of the Mughal chronicle, 
of which I possessed a translation in the Portuguese tongue. M. 
Manucci assures us that he has caused it to be translated with great 
care from the original lodged in the palace written in the Persian 
language. The Venetian does not appear to have been sparing of 
expense that he might be enabled to transmit to Europe exact docu- 
ments of the Empire in which he resided. He has procured portraits 
to be painted at a great charge, by the artists of the harem, of the 
Emperors and the eminent men of the Mughal Empire." It is 
interesting to note that these paintings have been discovered in the 
Library of St. Mark, at Venice, by Mr. Irvine. 

So much, therefore, about the authenticity of the accounts of 
de Laet and of Manucci as given by Catrou. No reasonable doubt can 
be thrown on it and on the fact that they are based in the chronicle 
of the Mughals themselves. The Persian writers have suppressed its 
narrative of Akbar's death, as they justly thought it to be very 
damaging to the memory of that great monarch. But historical truth 
demands that we should know it, however much we may regret the 
necessity of bringing it into notice. All the accounts of Akbar's death, 
as Sir R. Lethbridge says, have been derived either from the narra- 
tive of Jehangir himself, or from other sources almost equally 
interested in maintaining the good reputation of the Imperial family. 
{Calcutta Review^ Vol. LVII, p. 200.) Nearly all modern accounts, 
(Elphinstone's, p. 531), Mr. Keene's (History of Hindustan^ p. 59, 
1885), Malleson's (Akhary pp. 41-4, 1890), Count de Noer's (Vcl. II, 
p. 425), follow Jehangir's or Asad Beg's story we have given at the 



198 THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 

beginning. Only Mr. Talboys Wheeler rejects it and follows Catrou. But 

not having seen de Last's account he makes the mistake of supposing 

that Jehangir caused him to be poisoned. Count de Noer says in a note 

(Vol. II, p. 425) that Mr. Wheeler should not have given credence to 

the poison story. But beyond saying that it is ** palpably correct," 

which it certainly is not, he advances no ground for disbelieving it. 

He, indeed, says ** it deserves no refutation." It stands, indeed, in 

great need of refutation if it can be refuted. But de Noer was a very 

enthusiastic admirer of Akbar, and he naturally refuses to believe 

anything derogatory to the consistently high character which he has 

imagined for his hero Moreover, the second volume of his work 

was published posthumously from his papers by his Secretary, 

Dr. Gustav ven Buchwald, and we must make allowance for this, while 

finding fault with his beautiful panegyric rather than history. An 

instance of the want of care in this part of the work is afforded by 

the fact that Mr. Wheeler's authority for his statement is not Tod, as 

is said in de Noer's work, but Catrou. Mr. Wheeler refers to Catrou 

in the passage referred to in the second volume of de Noer. 

A third European account of Akbar's death is that by the celebrated 
English traveller. Sir Thomas Herbert, who came to India and was 
at Agra in 1628-29. ^^ wrote at almost the same time as van den 
Broecke, with whose account his very closely agrees. 

•* Ecbar taking distaste," says Herbert, ** against Mirza Ghashaw(the 
Viceroy of Tutta's son, and formerly high in his favour) for speaking 
one word which Ecbar ill interpreted, no submission will serve his turn, 
no less than his life must pay for it. To which end the King's physician 
was directed to prepare two pills of like shape, but contrary operation ,* 
G bashaw must be trusted with them, and bring them to Ecbar ; who 
(imagining by a private mark he knew the right) bids Ghashaw swal- 
low the other. Ghashaw ignorant of the deceit, by chance light upon 
the best, so as Ecbar by mistake was poysoned. Too soon the miser- 
able Mogol perceives his errour, and too late repents his choler ; but 
(for shame concealing the cause) after fourteen days' torment and 
successless trial to expel the poyson yields up the ghost, in the 73rd 
year of his age, and 52 of his reign ; and with all possible solemnity in 
Tzekander (three course from Agray) in a monument which he had 
prepared, that great Monarch was buried." (Hebert, Travels into 
Africa and Asia the Great, p. 75, ed. 1665.) 

The Mughal court chronicle's account of Akbar*s death, as given by 
de LaSt, Mannuci, Catrou and Herbert receives confirmation from an- 
other and an independent source. In the chronicles of Rajputs it is 
stated that Akbar died of poison. Akbar came into great and constant con- 



THE DEATH OF AKBAR. I99 

tact with the Rajputs with whose great ruling families he allied himself 
by marriage. They certainly ought to know the truth about his death. 
Tod thus relates the story in his chronicles of the Rajputs of Mewar : 
'* If the annalist of the Boondi State can be relied upon, the very act 
which caused Akbar's death will make us pause ere we subscribe to 
these testimonies of the worth of departed greatness ; and disregarding 
the adage of only speaking good of the dead, compel us to institutCi 
in imitation of the ancient Egyptians, a posthumous inquest on the 
character of the monarch of the Mughals. The Boondi records are 
well worthy of belief, as diaries of events were kept by her princes, 
who were of the first importance in this and the succeeding 
reigns ; and they may be more likely to throw a light upon points of 
character of a tendency to disgrace the Mughal king than the histo- 
rians of his court, who had every reason to withhold such. A desire to 
be rid of the great Raja Man of Amber, to whom he was so much in- 
debted, made the Emperor descend to act the part of the assassin. He 
prepared a majoont, or confection, a part of which contained poison ; 
but caught in his own snare, he presented the innoxious portion to the 
Rajput and ate that drugged with death himself. We have a sufficient 
clue to the motives which influenced Akbar to a deed so unworthy of 
him, and which was more fully developed in the reign of his successor ; 
namely, a design on the part of Raja Man to alter the succession, and 
that Khosro, his nephew, should succeed instead of Selim. With such a 
motive, the aged Emperor might have admitted with less scruple the 
advice which prompted an act he dared not openly undertake, without 
exposing the throne in his latter days to the dangers of civil conten- 
tion, as Raja Man was too powerful to be openly assaulted." 
{Rajasthatiy Vol. I, p. 351 — 2 ed. 1829.) 

This account agrees in the main point with the other accounts ; but 
differs in the details as to the person who was to be poisoned and why. 
These were not matters of fact but of opinion, and opinions may vary. 
But whether Akbar intended to poison Raja Man Singh, his Rajput 
wife's brother, or any other noble, it is pretty clear that he unwittingly 
poisoned himself. This, let it be repeated once again, is a very melan- 
choly conclusion to which to come to, and I wish I could avoid coming 
to it. But I think it cannot be helped. It is melancholy to reflect that 
Akbar after all did not escape the dangers of his high and irresponsible 
position as an unconstitutional autocrat. 

About the exact date of Akbar's death there is not much doubt All 
who chronicle it have given dates which, /n^r^^, agree except Jehan- 
gir, who puts it ten days later ; but he is evidently mistaken, and his 
dates throughout are somewhat confused. Inayutulla, in the work 



20O THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 

above quoted, '* Takmila-i-Akbar Nama,'* gives the date as 12th of 
Jemada-i-Akhir or the latter Jemada of 1014 of the Hijra era. Ferishta • 
has the 13th of the same month. This difference of a day does not* 
matter much. Muhamad Amin in his " Anfan-1-Akbar " gives the 12th • 
(Elliot, VI, 248) and agrees with these. Abdul Baki says that Akbar 
died on 23rd Jemada-i-Auwal or the first Jemada. Here ** Auwal " is • 
evidently a mistake for ** Akhir." The year 10 14 commenced on 9th 
May 1605 (Sewell and Dikhshit, Indian Calendar, p. CXXXIV, 
Table XVI), from which the 12th Jemada-i-Akhir would be 12th and 
13th October 1605, as the Musalmanday commenced at sunset. 

The duration of Akbar's reign was from Rabi-ul- Akhir, 963, to. 
Jemad-i-Akhir 1014, that is, 51 years and 2 months. These are lunar 
years, which are equal to 49 solar years and 7 months. According to 
English reckoning he reigned from March 1556 to October 1605. (Cf. 
Table of Akbar's regnal years in Elliot and Dowson, Vol. V, p. 246 ; 
Sewell and Dikhshit, op. cit. p. CXXXIII.) Akbar, therefore, missed 
his Jubilee of half a century by only 5 months. But he might have*, 
celebrated his Jubilee according to the original Jewish or Biblical 
reckoning, and I believe French reckoning too — at the commencement 
of his fiftieth year, /.^., when he had completed his seven weeks of 
years, 7x7=49. (Leviticus, XXV. 8.) 

Akbar is buried at Secundra, a village five miles from Agra the 
capita] that he had built and so lavishly decorated, in one of the most 
splendid buildings in which such a soul could love to linger amid the 
stately piles that he had erected. This mausoleum, this '* sculptured 
sorrow " as Ruskin well called such structures, was designed and partly • 
built by Akbar himself. But it was left incomplete at his death and 
never finished according to his design. Beautiful as it is, it strikes 
the practised eye as imperfect and incomplete. And we may fancy, it 
is better so. It symbolises in a striking manner the incompleteness 
of his work for India. He was a man of vast designs and noble 
visions. Many of these he lived to see realised. But many, too, 
remained mere designs. They were never carried out by him in his 
later years, and in his successors' times his noble visions were chased 
away. Well has the great poet of England represented this monarch 
as dreaming and having a presentiment that his noble work was in- 
complete and would be rendered still more so by his sons and 
successors : 

** I dream'd 
That stone by stone I rear'd a sacred fane, 
A temple, neither Pagod, Mosque, nor Church, 
But loftier, simpler, always open door'd 



THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 20I 

To every breath from heaven, and Truth and Peace, 
And Love and Justice came and dwelt therein ; 
But while we stood rejoicing:, I and thou, 
I heard a mocking- laugh, ' the new Koran ! ' 
And on the sudden, and with a cry * Saleem ' 
Thou, thou, I sav7 thee falling before me, and then 
Me too the black-winged Azrael overcame. 
But Death had ears and eyes ; I watch'd my son, 
And those that follow' d, loosen stone from stone. 
All my fair work.** 

His son tampered with the design of this inausoleuin as he tampered 
with so many of his father's designs. In another way the last resting 
place of this great monarch is symbolical of him and his work. Its de- 
sign is Hindu, rather Buddistic, and not Mahomedan. He seems to 
have purposely done this to mark his predilection for by far the larger 
proportion of his subjects. Everything Hindu had a great attraction 
for him ; he allied himself with Hindu princely families by marrying 
Rajput wives and encouraged his nobles to do likewise ; he adopted 
many of the Hindu customs, and almost totally abstained from the 
flesh of the cow and other such animals ; he borrowed also much from 
their religion in his new ** Ileshi Faith." In fact, he was more a 
Hindu than a Mahomedan. The Hindus believe Akbar to have been 
in a former birth a Brahman saint ( Vide Sir M. Monier Williams' 
Brahmanism and Hinduism^ p. 318, ed. 1891.) It was therefore in the 
fitness of things that his mortal remains should rest (on this earth) 
in a building designed after the old Hindu model, more like one of 
those Buddist viharas than any Mahomedan mausoleum. Then also 
in death, as in life, he showed his disregard for the precepts of the 
faith of his fathers, and ordered his body to be buried with his face 
turned towards the rising sun, which he adored in life, following the 
Hindus and Parsis in this respect, and turned away from Mecca, — a 
position contrary to that of all Mahomedans. 

The historian of Indian architecture, Fergusson, has well described 
this noble building in a way to give us an idea of its excellence as well 
as defects : — 



<< 



Perhaps the most characteristic of Akbar's buildings is the tomb 
he commenced to erect for himself at Secundra, near Agra, which is 
quite unlike any other tomb built in India either before or since, and 
of a design borrowed, as I believe, from a Hindu or, more correctly, 
Buddist model. It stands in an extensive garden, still kept up, 
approached by one noble gateway. In the centre of this garden, on a 
raised platform, stands the tomb itself, of a pyramidal form. The 
lower storey measures 320 ft. each way, exclusive of the angle towers. 



202 THE DEATH OF AKBAR 

It IS 30 ft. in height, and pierced by ten great arches on each face, 
and with a larger entrance adorned with a mosaic of marble in the 
centre. 

" On this terrace stands another far more ornate, measuring 186 ft. 
on each side, and 14 ft. 9 in. in height. A third and a fourth of a 
similar design, and respectively 15 ft. 2 in. and 14 ft. 6 in. high, stand 
on this, all these being of red sandstone. Within and above the last 
is a white marble enclosure 157 ft. each way, or externally just half 
the length of the lowest terrace, its outer wall entirely composed of 
marble trellis-work of the most beautiful pattern. Inside it is sur- 
rounded by a colonnade or cloister of the same material, in the centre 
of which, on a raised platform, is the tombstone of the founder, a 
splendid piece of the most beautiful arabesque tracery. This, how- 
ever, is not the true burial-place ; but the mortal remains of this great 
king repose under a far plainer tombstone in a vaulted chamber in the 
basement 35 ft. square, exactly under the simulated tomb that adorns 
the summit of the mausoleum. 

** At first sight it might appear that the design of this curious and 
exceptional tomb was either a caprice of the monarch who built it, or 
an importation from abroad. My impression, on the contrary, is that 
it is a direct imitation of some such building as the old Buddist viharas 
which may have existed, applied to other purposes in Akbar's time. 
Turning to the representations of the great rath at Mahavellipore, it 
will be seen that the number and proportion of the storeys is the same. 
The pavilions that adorn the upper storeys of Akbar's tomb appear 
distinct reminiscences of the cells that stand on the edge of each of the 
rock-cut example. If the tomb had been crowned by a domical cham- 
ber over the tombstone, the likeness would have been so great that 
no one could mistake it, and my conviction is, that such a chamber 
was part of the original design. No such royal tomb remains open 
exposed to the air in any Indian mausoleum ; and the raised plat- 
form in the centre of the upper cloister, 38 ft. square, looks so like 
its foundation that I cannot help believing it was intended for that 
purpose. As the monument now stands, the pyramid has a truncated 
and unmeaning aspect. The total height of the building now is a little 
more than 100 ft. to the top of the angle pavilions ; and a central 
dome 30 or 40 ft. higher, which is the proportion that the base gives, 
seems just what is wanted to make this tomb as beautiful in outline 
and in proportion as it is in detail. Had it been so completed, it cer- 
tainly would have ranked next the Taj among Indian mausolea.)*' 

(Fergusson. Indian and Eastern Architecture, pp. 583 — ^51 ed. 1816.) 



THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 20^ 

To support his theory that this noble structure is unfinished and that 
it lacks the central dome, which must have been a feature of the 
original design, Fergusson quotes from. the English traveller Finch, 
whose journal, as given by Purchas in his famous collection, he says 
he saw after he had formed his theory. Finch resided for several years 
in Agra at the beginning of Jehangir*s reign and saw the mausoleum 
while it was building, about 1609. "At my last sight thereof there 
was only overhead a rich tent with a semiane over the tomb. But it 
is to be inarched over with the most curious white and speckled marble 
and to be seeled all within with pure sheet gold richly inwrought." 
(Purchas, his Pilgrims, Vol. I, p. 400, ed. 1626.) There is another 
account contemporary with the above, and written also by an English 
traveller who saw this mausoleum in course of erection, which Fergus- 
son might have quoted, as it is also given in Purchas* collection. 

Fergusson might have quoted the testimony of another traveller who 
was in India at the end of Jehangir*s and the beginning of Shah 
Jehan's reign, 1627—28, Sir Thomas Herbert, who, too, says that the 
mausoleum was not completed even more than twenty years after 
Akbar's death. '* At Secundra, three course (or five miles) from Agra, 
as we go to Labor, is the mausoleum or burial place of the Great 
Moguls, the foundation of which was begun by Ecbar, the super- 
structure continued by Jangheer, his son, and is yet scarce finished, 
albeit they have already consumed 14 millions of roopees in that 
Wonder of India."— Travels into Africa and Asia the Great, p. 67, ed. 
1665). 

Herbert continues his account ax follows : — " It well merits a little more in that descr ption. 
It is called Scander, }>., Alexander, a place where the greatest of Grecian Kings made his 
He plus when he made his utmost progress or march into India ; ivhich place Ecbar, the most 
magnifique Prince of Tamerlane's race, selected as the noblest place of burial. 'Tis a 
mausoleum of four large squares, each side has about three hundred paces ; the material is 
free-stone well polished ; at each angle is raised a small tower of party-coloured or chequered 
marble: ten foot higher than that is another tower, on every side beautified with three 
towers ; the third gallery has two on each side ; the fourth} one ; the fifth, half; and a small 
square gallery or tarrass about mounting in the whole to a royal Pyree, resembling not a 
little that famous ScHizonium Se^yeri Imfer in ancient Rome which you have represented in 
sculpture by Laurus, or (but in far less proportion) that famous tower which Semiramis built 
in Babylon) and dedicated to the memory of Jupiter Belus, her husband's great Ancestor. 
In this at the very top within is the mummy of Ecbar, bedded in a coffin of gold. The whole 
structure is built in the midst of a spacious garden, which is surrounded with a wall of red* 
coloured stone, and in that is a rail mounted by six stairs, which discovers a little garden, 
but exquisitely beautiful and delightful ; so that ot this noble fabric I may say, 

^^des es*, qualis ioto Sol aureus OrbeiVix videt — 

Such a monument) 
The Sun through all the world sees none more gent/* 

(Herbert) Travels, p. 67, ed. 1665.) The name Secundra is derived not, as here fancifully 
suggested) from Secunder or Alexander the Great) but from Secunder Lodi, the great Afghan 
ruler of India from 1489 — 1517. 



204 THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 

Captain William Hawkins also saw the tomb of Akbar before com- 
pletion, while he was at Agra in 1611. His journey thither and resi- 
dence at the court of Jehangir may be looked upon, says Sir Clement 
Markham, as the opening scene in the history of the English in India. 
(Hawkins' Voyages, p. xlv, Hakluyt Soc. Edition). Hawkins, it may 
be added, was induced by Jehangir to marry the daughter of Mabarik 
Khan, an Armenian who went to England and died on his voyage 
home at the Cape in 16 13. His description, given by Purchas in 1626 
in his ** Pilgrims," is as follows: — ** After I had written this, there 
came into my memory another Feast» solemnized at his Father's 
Funerall, which is kept at his Sepulchre, where likewise himselfe with 
all his posterity, meane to be buried. Upon this day there is great 
store of victualls dressed, and much money given to the poore. This 
Sepulchre may be counted one of the rarest Monuments of the world. 
It hath beene this fourteene yeares a building, and it is thought it 
will not be finished these seven yeares more, in ending gates and walls, 
and other needfull things for the beautifying and setting of it forth. 
The least that worke there daily, are three thousand people ; but thus 
much I will say, that one of our workmen will dispatch more than 
three of them. The Sepulchre is some J of a mile about, made square ; 
it hath seven heights built, every height narrower than the other, till 
you come to the top where his Herse is. At the outermost gate before 
you come to the Sepulchre, there is a most stately Palace building : 
the compasse of the wall to this gate of the Sepulchre and 

garding, being within, may be at least three miles. This Sepulchre 
is some foure miles distant from the citee of Agra." {Apiid 
Hawkins' Voyages (Hakluyt Society's ed., 1878, p. 442.) 

In this extract from William Hawkins s^iven by Purch.is there is also just a reference to 
Akbar's death without any details. "ThisSelim Padasha being in rebellion, his father dis- 
possessed him, and proclaimed haireapparenbhis eldest Sonne Cossero (Khosru), being eldest 
Sonne to Sehinshai for his owne Sonnes, younger Brothers to Selim, we^^e all dead in Decan 
and Guzerat ; yet shortly after his Father dyed, who in his death-bed had mercy on Selim* 
possessing him againe*" (^Ibid, p. 418.) Another European traveller who was in India within 
three years after Akbar's death, in lbo8, at the same time as William Hawkins, to whom he 
refers, Pyrard de Leval, also slightly alludes to the death in the following passage in his book 
of travels : " When this prince Achebar died all India was in disquietude and alarm, for the 
war that was feared would ensue in those parts ; for that king was greatly dreaded and feared 
of all the other Indian kings. And it can be said with assurance that he is lord of the fairest 
and best countries and of the most valiant people in the world as the Tartars are« Many of 
his people, too, are exceedingly rich and cultivated. None speak of the Turk in all the 
Indies, but only of the great Achebar ; and when his subject-kings themselves speak of him, 
they bow their heads in token of respect." (Voyage of Pyrard de Leval, Vol. II., pt. I., 
pp. tst-h Hakluyt Soc, ed.) 

Shortly after William Hawkins and Finch had written their accounts^ 
Edward Terry, who came as a chaplain in Sir Thomas Roe's train to 



THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 205 

the Moghul Court, thus described the tomb. Though published in 
1655, his account was written somewhat earlier : 

** Amongst many very fair piles there dedicated to the remembrance 
of their dead, the most famous one is at Secundra, a village three 
miles from Agra ; it was begun by Achabar-sha, the late Mogul's 
father (who there lies buried), and finished by his son, who since was 
, laid up beside him. The materials of that most stately sepulchre are 
marble of divers colours, the stones so closely cemented together that 
it appears to be but one continued stone, built high like a pyramid, 
with many curiosities about it, and a fair mosque by it ; the garden 
wherein it stands is very large (as before) and compassed about with a 
wall of marble. This most sumptuous pile of all the structures that 
vast monarchy affords, is most admired by strangers. Tom Coryct 
had a most exact view thereof, and so have many Englishmen ; other 
Englishmen had ; all which have spoken very great things of it.'* 
(^A Voyage to the East Indies t p. 291-2, ed. 1777.) 

The following passage in Jehangir's Autobiographical Memoirs 
alludes to the fact that the builders had altered the original design. 
Writing about the events of the third year of his reign (1608) he 
says : ** When I had obtained the good fortune of visiting the tomb, 
and had examined the building which was erected over it, I did not 
5nd it to my liking. My intention was that it should be so exquisite 
that the travellers of the world could not say they had seen one like it 
in any part of the inhabited earth. While the work was in progress, 
in consequence of the rebellious conduct of the unfortunate Khosru, 
I was obliged to march towards Lahore. The builders had built it 
according to their own taste, and had altered the original design 
at their discretion. The whole money had been thus expended, 
and the work had occupied three or four years. I ordered that 
clever architects, acting in concert with some intelligent persons, 
should pull down the objectionable parts which I pointed out. 
By degrees a very large and magnificent building was raised, with a 
nice garden round it, entered by a lofty gate, consisting of minarets 
made of white stone. The total expense of this large building was 
reported to amount to 50,000 tomans of Irak and forty-five lacs 
cf khanis of Turan. " ( Wakiyat-i-Jehangirif apud Elliot and Douson, 
VoL VI., pp. 319-20.) 

Later in these Memoirs he again mentions the comb in the following 
words : — '* I considered it a sacred duty to visit the tomb of my father 
at Secundra, ov^r which the buildings I had long since ordered had 
been now completed, and, in truth, it exhibited to the view in all its 
parts an object of infinite gratification and delight. In the first place, it 



2o6 THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 

was surrounded by an enclosure or colonnade, which afforded stand- 
ing for 8,000 elephants and a proportion of horses, the whole being 
built on arches, and divided into chambers. The principal gate by 
which you enter is thirty cubits wide, by as many in height, with a 
tower erected on four lofty arches, terminating in a circular dome ; the 
whole one hundred and twenty cubits high, divided into six storeys, 
and decorated and inlaid with gold and lapis lazuli from roof to base- 
ment. This superb portico, as it may be called, has also on each of 
its four sides (angles, properly) a minaret of hewn stone three storeys 
or stages in height. From the entrance to the building in which re- 
poses all that is earthly of my royal father, is a distance of nearly a 
quarter of a parsany, the approach being under a colonnade floored 
with red stone finely polished, five cubits wide. On each side of the 
colonnade in a garden planted with cypresses, are wild pine, plane and 
supary trees (the betel-nut tree or arek) in great number ; and in the 
gardens on each side, and at the distance of a bow shot from each 
other, are reservoirs of water, from each of which issues a fountain or 
jet d*eau, rising to the height of ten cubits, so that from the grand 
entrance to within a short distance of the shrine we pass between 
twenty of these fountains. Above the tomb itself is erected a pavilion 
of seven storeys, gradually lessening to the top, and the seventh 
terminating in a dome or cupola, which, together with the other 
buildings connected with it in ever}' part oi the enclosure, is all of 
poiisheu marbte throughout ; and all completed, from 6rst to last, at 
the expense of 180 lakhs of rupees. In addition to this I nave provided 
tliat a supply of two hundred measures or services of food and two 
hundred of confectionery should be daily distributed to the poor from the 
sacred edifice, and that no strangers should ever be required to dress 
their own meals, though their number should amount to a thousand 
horse. When I entered on this occasion the fa' 1 ic which enclosed 
my father's remains, such were my impressions th t I could have 
;=. iVmed the departed monarch was still alive, and seated on his throne, 
and that I was come to ofiTer my usual salutation of homage and filial 
duty. I prostrated myself, however, at the foot of the tomb, and 
bathed it with the tears of regret and sincerity. On leaving the 
venerated spot, and in propitiation of the pure spirit which reposed there, 
I distributed the sum of 50,000 rupees among tlie resident poor." 
{Wakiyat*%'Jchangir%^ pp. 119-20,) 

The final passage militates against Mr. Wheeler's theory that 
Jchangir had his father poisoned by Uie ph3'sician Haktn All. For if 
he had really been instrumental in bringing about his fath3r'5 dcatli, 
he would assuredly not have written tlius. Elsewhere, too, he writ3s 
with profound reverence for his deceased father. At the commence- 



THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 207 

ment of the account of the third year of his reign he says : ** As 
the magnificent sepulchre of my father was on the road, I thoug^ht 
that if I now went to see it, ignorant people would consider that I 
went to visit it only because it was on my road. I, therefore, deter- 
mined that I should proceed direct to the city (Agra), and then as my 
father, in accordance with his vow respecting my birth, had gone on 
foot from Agra to Ajmir, in the same manner I would also walk from 
the city to his splendid sepulchre, a distance of two and-a-half kos. 
Would that I could have gone this distance upon my head ! . . . 
On Thursday, the 17th, I went on foot to see the resplendent sepulchre 
of my father. If I could I would travel this distance upon my 
eyelashes or my head. My father, when he made a vow respect- 
ing my birth, had gone on foot from Fathpur to Ajmir on a 
pilgrimage to the shrine of the great Khwaja Murim Din Chisti, a 
space of 120 JeoSf and it would, therefore, be nothing very great if 
I were to go this short distance upon my head or eyes" (apud Elliot 
and Douson, Vol. VI., pp.316 — 319). Jehangir, if he were really a 
parricide, must have been dowered with incredible hypocrisy to write 
in this Pecksniflian vein. Many faults and even crimes must, doubt- 
less, be laid to his charge ; but we cannot add this the most repulsive 
of offences to the catalogue. 

Bishop Heber's description of this mausoleum, based upon a visit 
which he paid to it during his tour in ** Upper India " as he calls it, 
in 1826, is often quoted, and is given here in a note. But, in truth, 
to describe this as well as other monuments of the magnificent 
Moghuls at Delhi and Agra, Fathcpur, Sikhri and Secundra, worthily, 
would tax the genius of a master of language as well as of archi- 
tecture, of a prose poet like Ruskin. I often wonder, indeed, that that 
great man never came to India considering that his earliest inspira- 
tion was drawn from this country and the ancient monuments which 
are in our close vicinity, as witnessed by his youtiiful poem on the Ele- 
phanta Caves. Had he come here, he would have found in these 
Moghul buildings materials for a work on, say, the ** Stones of 
Agra," in every way as interesting and abounding in word-pictures 
as his ** Stones of Venice." 

Hcber writes under date January £i, 183$: ** This morning we arrived at Secundra} a ruinous 
rillage without a bazaar, but remarkatic for the magnificent tomb of Akbar, the most 
Rplcndid building in its way which 1 had yet seen in India. It stacd;? in a square area of about 
forty English acres, enclosed by an embattled wall, with octagonal tov^ers at the angles sur- 
mounted by open pavilions and tour very noble gatewajs of red granite, the principal of 
which is inlaid with white marble, and has four high marble minarctj. The space within is 
planted with trees and divided into green allcyM, leading to the central building, which is a 
•Oft of solid pyramid surrounded externally with cloisters, gallerie««, and denies, diminishing 
gradually on ascending it, till it ends in a square platform •f while marble, sturroundttd h\ 



2o8 THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 

most elaborate lattice-work of the same material, in the centre of which is a small altar tomb, 
also ot white marble, carved with a delicacy and beauty which do full justice to the material 
aiid to the (graceful forms of Arabic characters which form its chief ornament. At the 
bottom of the building, in a small but very lofty vault, is the real tomb of this great monarch, 
plain and unadorned, but also of white marble. There are many other ruins in the vicinity, 
some of them apparently handsome, but Akbar's tomb leaves a stranger little time or indina- 
tion to look at anything else. Government have granted money for the repair of the tomb, 
and an officer of engineers is employed on it. A serjeant of artillery is kept in the place, 
who lives in one of the gateways ; his business is to superintend a plantation of sissoo trees 
made by Dr. Wallich." — Heber, Narrativei Vol. I., pp. 585-6, 4th ed., i8a8. 

Elphinstone has noted that this splendid pile served as quarters for 
an European regiment of dragoons for a year or two after the first 
conquest of that territory by the British (History of India, p. 531, &c.) 
in 1803. It lay neglected for a long time, the only attention it received 
being the white-washing of its marble walls ! (Howell, Agra and the 
Taj, 1904, p. 96.) But Lord Curzon's recent orders are applicable to 
this in common with other Moghul buildings, and sincerely do we 
hope that better care will be taken in future of this the last rest- 
ing place of the Greatest Moghul. 




"I ; 



Art. XV. The first Englishman tn India and his 
WorkSy especially his Christian Puran. 

By J. A. Saldanha, B.A., LL.B* 
ReiMd ist October igo6. 

The earliest record we have of an Englishman having visited 
India is contained in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (a), and the next in 
William of Malmeshury's Latin Works De Gestis Refrum Anglo- 
rum (3) and De Gestis Pontificum Anglorum (3), according to which 
it appears that Sighelmus, Bishop of Sherborne, being sent by King 
Alfred in 883 A. D. with presents to the Pope, proceeded thence to the 
East Indies to visit with alms the tomb of St. Thomas, the Apostle. 
Although after reading the recent erudite work (c) of Bishop Medlycott 
on the question of location of the tomb of St. Thomas, one could see 
litde ground for doubting the ancient tradition locating it at Meliapur 
near Madras, we cannot, in the face of some strong arguments 
adduced to prove the contrary by a few distinguished writers (d), go 
so far as to maintain as a fact beyond doubt that the tomb of St. 
Thomas was as early as 883 A.D. known in Europe to be located 
within what is known at present as India, and that therefore Sighel- 
mus, King Alfred's messenger, ever visited India. 

The first Englishman then that we can with certainty assert to have 
come to India was Thomas Stephens, a priest of the Society of Jesus. 
He was discovered in Goa in 1583 by the first batch of English com- 
mercial adventurers that travelled to India — John Newbery, Ralph 
Fitch, William Bets and James Story, who were thrown into prison 
by the Portuguese in that year and were released after a few days, 
a favour which Newbery and Fitch in the accounts {e) of their adven- 
tures attribute in grateful terms to the intervention of two good 

(o) TTie Anglo-Saxon Chronicle according to several Original Auikorities, edited with 
a translation by Benjamin Thorpe. (See Vol. II., p. 56). 
(6) Hakluyt's Collection of Early Voyages^ &»c„ (i8Xo), Vol. II., p. ?8. 
(0 Itulia and the Afo&tle Thomas by A. E. Medlycott. 
(<0 The Syrian Church in India by George Milne Rae (iHpa). 

(r) Hakluyt's Collection of Early Voyages^ &»c. (iSxo), Vol. II., pp. 176, 380. ^i, 384. 
M 



aiO THE FIRST ENOUSHMAN IN INDIA. 

fathers, Thomas Stephens, whom they describe to be an Englishman 
and a Jesuit bom in Wiltshire, and a Fleming priest called Mark. 

Of the several letters written by Stephens from Goa only two are 
preserved and give us some glimpse into his life after he had left 
Europe : one written to his father on loth November 1579 after his 
arrival in Goa, the original of which is preserved in the National 
Library at Brussels and is printed in the Hakluyt's Collection of the 
Early Voyages , &'c,f (/) and the second one dated at Goa 24th Octo- 
ber 1583 addressed to his brother in Paris, a translation of which is 
printed in the Afangalore Maj^azine (jg). The letters which Stephens 
wrote to his father, apparently then a leading merchant in London, are 
s^d to have roused considerable enthusiasm (A) in England about the 
prospects of trade with the East Indies, and thus was laid the founda- 
tion of those ambitious projects of trade with India which bore their 
fruit in the formation of the East India Company. Stephens may 
therefore be said to be not only the first Englishman that came to 
India, but the pioneer of the British Indian Empire; though it must 
be noted that the 'links of connection between England and India 
forged by this first Englishman that set his foot in this country 
were not commercial, or material, but were of a spiritual and literary 
nature. 

The life story (t) of Thomas Stephens is briefly told : so little is 
known of it, a privilege which he shares with his great contemporary 
Shakespeare. Bom in Wiltshire about the year 1549 and educated 
at New College, Oxford, he narrowly escaped being sent to a 
life-long prison or put to death, as were many of his companions 
during the religious persecution of the Catholics. He soon found 
his way to Rome, where he entered the Society of Jesus. His zeal for 
the conversion of India was rewarded by his selection as a missionary 
to proceed to Goa. He left Lisbon in April 1579 and arrired at Goa in 
October of the same year. He laboured for 40 long years in the penin- 
sula of Salsette and consolidated Christianity among its new converts 
from the Brahman and other castes. He made himself quite at home 
amidst the charming cocoanut gloves and among the intelligent and 
zealous converts, obtained a complete mastery over their classical langu- 

(/) md. p. sgt. 

({) Mmmgmiotng Mmgmaime, VoL I., p. 225. 

(A) R'fmrt 9m ffa- OU Records of ike fndim Office, by Sir George Birdwood (1S91X 
p. 19^. See also Bmythprnim Brmmmiem (9th editi.Mi). VoL XII* p. '98. 

(0 Hakluyt's CWZcvTim of ^oymga, ^Fc^ < Sto). Vol. lU p. 380 (margiiuU noteX 
Dodds* CAnrdb Bisitfry, VoL II.. p. 133. Sir Mooer VorrfwWilKain's article ** Pacts ol 
la^an Progrreas'* in Cmittimpnrmwy Reviem (VoL \ Mrnn^^twr it^BWiK, VoL 1.. pp. 70. 
i<6k 191 and ta4- 



THE FIRST ENGLISHMAN IN INDIA. 211 

i 1 i 

age Sanskrit and their vernaculars, and composed several works in the 
vernaculars and in Portuguese for the benefit of the Indian Christians 
and missionaries. He died at a ripe old age at Rachol in Goa 
honoured by all as a saint, a poet and a great pandit. No monument 
marks his grave. The careful researches and enquiries made by my- 
self and my friends have not succeeded in tracing even the place of his 
burial. But the enduring monuments of his literary genius he has 
left are destined to make his name famous over the British Empire. 

Of his compositions there remain to us only his Christian Doctrine^ 
a catechism in Konkani (or Bramana-Canarin as he calls it) \ Arte tie 
Lingua Canatin (/) (Grammar of the Konkani Language) in Portu- 
guese, the first grammar of the kind of any vernacular in India ; 
and the Puran. 

The last one is a remarkable poem in what may be called the old 
Marathi-Konkani poetical language and in Ovi metre. It consists of 
ir,ot8 sloUas or strophes divided into two parts, the ist part 
called the Paillea Puranna^ coi responding to the Old Testament of the 
Bible, and the 2nd part, Dussrea Puranna^ corresponding to the New 
Testament, and contains a narration, written in lofty style and charm- 
ing language, of all the various and complex events as detailed in the 
Holy Scriptures, or handed down by tradition, that led to the birth of 
the Christian religion ; in other words, an account of the Paradise^ 
Lost and Regained based on a historical sequence of events from the 
time of the creation of Heaven and Earth to the closing scenes of the 
Gospel narratives, focussing round the death and resurrection of Jesus, 
the hero of the poem, with a lucid and exhaustive exposition of His 
sublime doctrines. In brief, it may be described as an impressive, 
vivid, and attractive metrical narrative of the birth of Christianity. 

The language of the book takes after that of his great predeces- 
sors Dnyaneshwar and Namdeo, with a fair sprinkling of the local 
Konkani or the Bramana-Kanarin language : hence I have spoken of 
thi.« language as partaking of the old Marathi-Konkani poetry, a view 
which is supported by the acknowledgments of the poet himself of his 
indebtedness to both. 

The poet sings (k) — 

Parama xastra zagui praghattaueya 
Bnhuta zanSL phnlla sidhy houaueya 
Bhassa bandoni Maratthiya 
Catha niropily 

(j) Republbhed in Nova Goa in 1857 as " Grammatica da Lingua Concani*" 
(Jb'i Part I, Canto I« Stanzas x2o— 'I23. 



212 THE FIRST ENGLISHMAN IN INDIA. 

2^issy horalla inazi ratnuquilla 
Qui ratnS. mazi hira nil la 
Taissy bhassS. mazi choqhalla 
Bhassa Maratthy 

Zoissy pusp^ mazi puspa mogary 
Qui parimalla mazi casturi 
Taissy bhassa mazi saziry 
Maratthiya 

Poqhi^ madhS maioru 
Vruqhi^ madM calpataru 
Bhassa modhS manu thoru 
Maratthiyessi 

In his Introduction (/) to the poem, Stephens writes : — 

" H6 soma Maratthiye bhassena lihil& ahe. Hea dessincheS bhassi 
bhitura hy bhassa Paramesuarachea vastu niropunssi yogue aissy 
dissali mhan-naunu panna sudha Maratthy madhtma locassi nacalle 
deqhunu, hea purannacha phallu bahutS. zananssi suphallu hounssi, 
cae quels, maguileS. cauesuaranchi bahutequS auaghaddS utarS sand- 
dunu sampuchey^ cauesuaranchiye ritu pramannS anniyequS sompi 
Bramhannanche bhassechi utarS tthai tthai mtssorita carunu cauitua 
sompS quels ; ya pary Paramesuarache crupestSua udandda locachS 
arata purna hoila, anny ze cauanna yecade vell& puruileU cauituancha 
srungaru va barauy bhassa adeap! atthauatati te hS cauitua vachunu 
santossu manity anny pbaue to phailu bhoguity : cS maguile^ 
cauituanchea sthani anniyeca .cauitua dent5 tey§ hounu phallasta 
suphalla.' 



i> 



The Brahmana Bhassa is evidently the Brahmana Kanarin, of 
which he wrote his grammar. It is what is called Konkani now-a- 
days. By the designation Konkani is not meant, as Dr. Wilson (m) 
writes, ** the very slight dialectic difference which exists between the 
Marathi of the British Dekkhan and the corresponding country- 
running between the slopes of the Ghauts and the Indian Ocedn, 
forming the British Konkan, but the language of the country com- 
mencing with the Groa territory and extending considerably to the 
south of Karwar and even Honawar. It is manifestly in the main 

(/) Printed in Mangdlort Maganne^ Vol. III.* p. 277. 

(m) See his Chapter on '* Tribes and Lancruafires " in the General Report on tkeAdmim's* 
hmHon of the Bombay Pretidtncy, 1872-73. 



THE FIRST BNGLISHMAN IN INDIA. 



213 



formed on the basis of Sanskrit" Konkani discloses peculiarities 
that are very striking, as will appear from the following compara- 
tive table (i») : — 



1 

Konkani. 


Sanskrit. 


Marathi. 


GUJBRATI. 


avun 


aham 


mi 


huti 


asan 


asen (Prak) 


aston 


chufi 


maka 


mahyam 


mala 


mane 


udak 


udaka 


pani 


pani 


khsLih 


kva 


khute 


khyafk 


(h) anga 


iha 


yetheh 


hyaft 


d6v6r 


dhor 


tev 


darav 


apai 


avha 


bulav 


bolav 


luvii 


lu 


kap 


lafi 


v6mp 


vapd 


per 


vav 


lagiii 


samipa 


zaval 


najik 


bhitor 


abhyantar 


ant 


andarnu 


chedo 


batu 


p6r 


chokro 



We also notice a very curious permutation of vowels under certain 
combinations which are peculiar to Konkani ; we find, for instance (p), 
that (i) words beginning with kd in Konkani change into ka (d 
pronounced as in the English word but) in Marathi ; (ii)the syllable vo 
in Konkani changes into o or ho in Marathi, and (iii) nouns ending in o 
in Konkani end in d in Marathi. There are of course exceptions. 
The following are a few interesting examples : — 



Konkani. 


Marathi. 


Konkani. 


Marathi. 


kdntalo. 


kantala 


vdnto 


vantd 


(disgust) 




(share) 




kdpur 


kapur 


dago 


dag^ 


(camphor) 




(deceit) 




kdmp 


kamp 


ddryo 


daryd 


(tremor) 




(sea) 




vojen 


ozen 


godo 


godd 


(burden) 




(horse) 




v6nk 


6nk 


ukod 


ukal 


(vomit) 




(boil) 




v6]6k 


616k 


lailduoi 


lilau.^ 


(recognition) 




(auction) 




v6i 


hoi 


lip 


lap 


(yes) 




(hide) 




vont 


h6nt 


fol 


fal 


(lip) 




(fruit) 





(m) See my brochure on Konkani or Goan Caate9, p. 
ifi) Ibid^ p. a6. 



3«. 



214 '^^^ FIRST ENGLISHMAN IN INDIA. 

Iriiese striking features Konkani borrows from Sanskrit or Prakrit 
or from sources other than any known variety of Marathi. The only 
inference that can be drawn from these fncts is that Konkani is not 
a dialect derived from what is commonly known as Marathi, but that 
both Konkani and Marathi are sister languages that have grown out 
side by side from the same stem. 

What is to be noted in connection with the point raised as to the 
exact dialect in which the Puran is written, is that the striking pecu- 
liarities of the Konkani at present spoken are noted by Thomas 
Stephens in his Grammar of the Konkani or Brahmane-Kanarin as 
he calls it, while these peculiarities are missing in the language of 
the Puran and make place for the Marathi peculiarities. At the 
same time it must be admitted that there is in the language of the 
book a fair sprinkling of the popular Konkani used in Goa, a fact 
which the author himself admits. 

The author also borrows largely, like Dnyaneshwar, from the inex- 
haustible sources of Sanskrit, which lends itself readily to give cor- 
rect shape and form to all possible and subtle ideas and shades of 
ideas 'of the profound Christian theology and mysticism and the lofty 
Christian ethics. The language simple, majestic and homely and 
frequently embellished with Indian imagery and metaphor, always 
throbbing with life and energy and refreshing, is calculated to 
appeal to the Indian mind and heart with a force which few Marathi 
poems can. Each sloka consists of four lines, the first three of 
which usually of four feet rhyme with one another, and the last one 
from two to three feet does not rhyme with the other three lines. 
This metre with the rhythm and euphony of the supremely happy com- 
bination of sounds employed by the poet has a magical effect upon 
the ear, which combined uith the charms of language, clothing in 
an Indian garb the lofty Christian spiritualism and ethics, makes the 
verses a continuous feast of which one never tires. 

Thomas Stephens employed Roman characters for writing his 
Indian poem, fixing their pronunciation according to the Continental 
way of pronouncing Latin, except using the italic " a" for the sound 
'^ as in " but", the single d, t, 1 and n for the dentals, and double dd, 
tt, 11, and nn for their linguals, and the accented vowels for 
their nasals. The Roman system of transliterating the vernacular 
sounds instead of the Devanagari had to be used probably because 
the cultivation of the o!d Hindu literature was discouraged by the 
Portuguese polity and thus the use of the Devanagari had been given 
up in Goa at the time of Stephen& Bearing, however, in mind the 



THE FIRST ENGUSHMAN IN INDIA* 21$ 

^mple method adopted by Stephens in his system of transliteration, 
the reading of the verses becomes after a slight exertion an easy 
matter. 

The Puran was first printed (J) at Rachol in 1616 after receiving 
the imprimatur of the Inquisition, the Archbishop of Goa and the 
Provincial of the Society of Jesus, a second time in 1649, and the 
third time in 1654. Yet no printed copy has been traced anywhere, 
and the only ones available are a few carefully written manuscript 
copies. 

The poem begins with an address to the Almighty God in which the 
theology of the Nicene Creed about the God -head and the Trinity is 
explained with the precision and fullness of a theologian and wealth 
of language which only Sanskrit or Sanskritized Marathi could 
lend {q\ We shall quote here the first few strophes : — 

Vo namo visuabharita 
Deua Bapa sarua samaratha 
Paramesu/zra sateuanta. 

Suarga prathuuichea rachannara 

Tu ridhy sidhicha dataru 
Crupanidhy corunnacaru 
Tu sarua suqhacha sagharu 
Adi antu natodde 

Tu poramanandu sarua suarf#pu 
\^suaueapacu gneana dipu 
Tu sarua gunn! nirlepu 

Nirmallu niruicaru suamiya 

Tu adrusttu tu auectu 
Sama dayallu sarua praptu 
Sarua gnoanu sarua nitiuantu 
Yecuchi Deuo tu 

Tu saqheata Paramesuaru 
Anadassidhu aparamparu 
Adi anadi auinassu amani 
TuzS stauona triloqui 

Suargu srustti tuu^ hella matrS 
Quela chandru suryu naqhetrS 
Tuzeni yeque sabdd pauitrS 
Quely sarua rachana 

(^) BWioikeca Luniana. Eus»to Hisiorico da Lmgua Concani by J. H. Da Cunha RivMra 
iq} Pmrt /, CmtUo I, Sianaas I'I4, 



21 6 TiTB FIRST ENGLISHMAN IN INDIA. 

Tu anny tuza yecuchi sutu 
' Anny Spiritu Sanctu 
Tegai zanna yecuchi sateuantu 
Deuo zannaua 

Teya tuzeya dayalla cumara 
Crupanidhy amruta saghara 
Suarga srusttichea suastocara 
Namana mazS 

Namo visuachiye dipty 
Hamo vaincunttha sabheche canty 
Deua Bapacha daqhinna hasti 
Sihassanna tuz5 

Zari tu am^ moni righaua carissy 
Tari ogneana pattalla pheddissy 
Amruta sariqhy ghoddiua dauissy 
Premabharita caroni 

Tu yecuchi sutu Paramesuaracha 
Tu sabdu ga Bapacha 
Bapa Spirita sauh saruacha 
Rachannaru tu 

Namo Spirita pamtra pauana 
Trindadichea tissarea zanna 
Tu apuleya seuacachea mana 
Pracasau cari 

Tu ziuana zharich^ panni 
Tu agni moho anny 
ZiuichS prema antacarann! 
Addaleya sarathy 

Tu sapta.diuedanacha dataru 
Tu Deuachy angustty sacharu 
Duqhiyancha buzauannaru 
Anathanathu 

The underl3ring idea of the poem is the same as that of Milton's 
Paradise Lost combined with the Paradise Regained ; but unlike 
Milton, who takes up only the episodes of the first man's fall and 
Christ's victory over Satan's temptations in the Paradise Lost and 
Regained, Stephens weaves together all the principal characters 
and episodes of the Old with those of the New Testament as conttdned 
in thejBible or handed down by history round the hero of the poem, 
Jesus Christ, in one harmonious whole. All principal and complex 
events of the Old Testament as narrated in the Holy Scriptures or 



THE FIRST ENGLISHMAN IN INDIA. 217 

handed down by tradition, in connection with the creation of the 
angels, — the rebellion of their prince Satan and his party, their ex- 
pulsion from Heaven, the creation of the first man and woman, 
their fall, the career of mankind until the Deluge, the survival of 
Noe and his family, the election of Abraham and his progeny, the 
Israelites, to preserve the primitive revelation and worship of the one 
Almighty Creator and Preserver of the Universe and their successful 
struggle for centuries to justify their election amidst the deluge of pan- 
theism, polytheism and idolatry which was spread among the nations 
around them — are all carefully linked together with the events of 
the New Testament, the birth of the blessed Virgin Mary and St. 
John Baptist, the Incarnation of the Second Person of the Holy 
Trinity, the birth, life, the sacred ministry, death and resurrection of 
Jesus, into one grand sublime action under one single idea— namely, 
the redemption of mankind from the thraldom of Satan and the estab- 
lishment of the kingdom of heaven by the atonement offered by the; 
" Word made Flesh." Milton utilizes the episode of the victory of 
Christ over Satan's wiles as the event which led to the re-establish- 
ment of the kingdom of Heaven. Stephens takes up the crowning 
event of Jesus' earthly life and His passion and death followed 
by His resurrection as marking His final and most decisive victory. 
For then Satan gathered all the forces at his disposal — the hatred of 
the Jewish nation, the infidelity of King Herod, the craven coward- 
liness of the Roman Governor and the weakness of the Apostles— to 
crush our Lord. In this final campaign Satan apparently wins. 
But it was this very passion and death of Jesus, ** the precious blood 
of Christ as of a Lamb unspotted and undefiled " shed for man 
crowned by this glorious resurrection, that saves mankind from the 
thraldom of Satan and wins them back the supernatural privileges 
lost by the disobedience of the first man. 

The highest efforts of the poet's genius are concentrated in his 
most touching description of the passion and death of Jesus Christ and 
in bringing home to his readers the sublime lessons of self-sacrifice, 
love and forgiveness taught us by Christ at and after His Last Supper 
and on the Cross (r) ; and when after the death of Jesus His body is 
lowered from the Cross, His blessed mother — ^her heart pierced with a 
sword as prophesied before — gives vent to her grief in a lamentation 
which is most heart-rending and must touch the hardest heart :—- 

Cotta catta mazea cumara 

Mea tuza sarupa didhala nara 
Tehi maza auasara 

Paratila corupu. 

(r) Part lit Cantos 45— 51. 



2l8 THE FIRST BNGUSHMAN IN INDIA* 

Mea zivtfntu didhala teassi 
Yen mnitiu vopila mazassL 

Mea didhala teya bhuzaueyassi. 
Niuaranu vigne. 

Panna tehi maza quela ghatu 
Maze vari rochila acantu. 

Tuza maruni caddila samastu. 
Anandu maza. 



(< 



We shall forbear quoting more of this lamentation and leave it to 
be read in order to realize how the depth of the grief of the wounded 
heart of the mother proves the unfathomable love which led her belov- 
ed Son (s) to sacrifice Himself for His flock." 

This is the plot of the birth of Christianity laid out in the Puran 
with a dramatic fullness, vividness and artistic skill which no poet or 
historian has ever succeeded in doing. The characters are delineated 
in all the realities of flesh and blood and soul. The sublimity of 
Christ's divinity and the reality of His humanity, His joys and sorrows, 
His likes and dislikes, His gentleness and tenderness of heart, His self- 
sacrificing love for man. His purity of life and the universality of His 
personality are brought out with a power and force which no painter^ 
sculptor or poet has ever surpassed. The narrative of events and des- 
cription of characters are insterspersed at appropriate occasions with 
clear and well-reasoned disquisitions on Christian mysteries, truths and 
ethics. Further, the poet's simple and natural description of nature and 
surroundings provide a background to the characters and events which 
help to make the drama charmingly attractive and forcibly real. 

In illustration of my remarks let me quote the stanzas (t) about the 
Supper at Bethany rendered into English verse, in which the charac- 
ter of Mary Magdalen is so forcibly brought out : — 

(From Father Stephens^ Purunna, Part /I, Canto 2, Stansas 79 — loS.) 

1. Wherefore to Simon's house I'll fleet 
And lay my head at Jesus' feet : 
But^ will the guests met there at meat 

Deride me in their scorn ? 

2. Yet I, alas 1 all shame put by. 

Not fearing, and in Heaven's own eye. 
And in the sight of Saints on high, 

Sinned greatly night and mom. 

(«) VuU my essay printed as appendix II to my Goam or Komkmni OuiesJ* 
it ) Part II, Canto 19. Stansas 79—108, translated by Mr. loseph SaManha. who is 
: the fNiran, and published in the Jtf««v«iprvJtf«f«smr,VoL 11^ p. 191. 



THE FIRST BNGUSHMAN IN INDIA. ^Mq 

3. Why should, then, shame's false blush be mine« 
When 'tis but men will see me pine 
For nns, so I obtain a sign, 

That Jesus hath forgiv'n ? 

4* Alack I a very flood, as 'twere, 
Of evil done ne'er brought despair 
To me : why, then, will I not bear 

Shame's drizzle, to be shriv'n ? 

5. Jesus have I contemplated ; 

To this resolve my heart is wed : 
If He to spurn my prayer be led, 

In death I'll still my grief. 

6. With mind bent firm on this intent. 
At Jesus' feet will I repent ; 

Tho' loathed, I'll cling till He relent 
And grant my soul relief. 

7. Ill urge His own disciples do 

The pleading, ay, and Simon, too, — 
The Pharisee — till what I woo 
Is won for sinful me. 

S. Then come what may ; my heart is sore 
l^th longing, Jesus to implore ; 
If once He pardon, never more 

Shall sin my pleasure be. 

9. Thus thinking, and in tears that rained 
Their flood on face and bosom stained. 
Rose Mary, as she slowly gained 

Fresh courage in her plight. 

10. Then, furnished with an offering meet 
Of ointment precious deemed and sweet, 
She, with a heart that eager beat. 

To Simon's house went right. 

11. As flies a stricken deer to find 
What salve she can to heal or bind, 
E'en so, to rid her pained mind 

Of sin's shaft, Mary hied. 

12. The mansion gained, in entered she ; 
Then fixed her gaze on Jesus ; He 
Beheld her while the company 

His glance intently eyed. 



aaiC^ THB FIRST BNGUSHIIAN {V INDIA. 

13. But 9T% griefs Storm scarce seemed to rise, 
There burst a tear flood from her eyes, 
While at his feet in revVent wise 

She fell with streaming hair. 

14. Then, moving backward fropi the place, 
She locked them in a fast embrace. 
The waters from her eyes apace 

Washing those feet so fair. 

15. Next with her hair she wiped them dry, 
Then kissed them ere she did apply 
The spikenard to them tenderly, 

As best became a maid. 

i6. The hall and mansion soon were filled 
With fragrance of that balm distilled 
From rarest herb ; the sweetness thrilled 
The sense nor seemed to fade. 

17. But Simon seeing all, began 

To argue with himself : '* This man 
No prophet is ; else He could scan 

This woman's sinful heart ; 

18. ''And, tiierefore, would He bid her quit 
His feet, and in an instant flit 

From off" His presence bearing it — 

The balm— nor play this part" 

19. Thus wrongly thought the Pharisee, 
Unweeting all her misery — 

" Sinner she was, and sinner she 

Must be, and nothing more.*' 

ao. Of her repentance still no sign 

Was clear to him : how she did pine 
Within her heart, and thus incline 
To good undreamt before. 

31. But He, the all- wise Son, begot 

Of God, through whom is wisdom sought. 
Knew, in His heart, the secret thought 
That sprung in Simon's mind. 

And calling to the Pharisee, 

He saith, " Til tell a thing to thee. 

Which hearken, thou, attentively. 

And judge as thou mayst find. 



THE FIRST ENGLISHMAN IN INDIA. 221 

23. ** Two men unto a lord became 
Debtors : from one the lord could claim 
Fifty and 'gainst the other name 

Five hundred pence as due. 

24. " But neither could his sum afford : 
So for remission both implored. 

And straight, to mercy moved, the lord 
Gave what they came to sue. 

25. " Now speak thou, Simon, tell me, pray, 
Of those whose debt was scored away, 
Which one would grateful love more sway 

To him such love did show." 

26. Quoth Simon, " Sire, meseems it fair. 
He whom the lord was kind to spare 
For larger dues, a larger share 

Of love and thanks should owe.'* 

27. Then Jesus : " Ay, thou speakest true." 
And glancing from the maiden who 
Stood there to Simon, ** Note thou, do, 

This woman's deeds so fair : 

28. ** As guest I c?me with thee to eat ; 
Thou gav'st no water for my feet. 

Yet she with tears hath washed complete. 
And wiped them with her hair ; 

29. " No oil thou broughtest for my head. 
But she with costly balm that spread 
All round its odour, hath, instead. 

Anointed, here, my feet. 

30. ** Therefore I say this unto thee, 
That she hath shown such love to Me, 
Her many sins to her must be 

Forgiv'n in measure meet." 

The whole poem if rendered in English verse will by itself be an 
unique treasure in English literature. To every one acquainted 
with Marathi or Konkani the Puran is certain to be a work of 
profound interest ; to Britishers all the world over, the noblest poem 
written by an Englishman in an Asiatic language will appeal with 
special force ; while to Christians in India the publication of what 
may be called the national Christian Puran will be a fruitful source 
of edification and piety, {v) 

(«) Thomas Stephois' Puran in already printed in the Jesuit Preu (Cadialbail Press), 
Manflalore, South Kanara, and will be brought out shortly with suitable introduction 
and glossary. 



( 



Art. XVI.—The Nasik {Joghaltembht) Hoard of 

Nahapana^s Coins. 

By Rev. H. R. Scott, M.A. 

iCammunicatedm ) 

The announcement in the Times of India of the 31st May last of 
the discovery in the Nasik District of an immense hoard of Naha- 
pana's coins came as a very welcome piece of news to all who are 
interested in the ancient coinage of India. The hoard was at first 
reported to contain about 10,000 coins, and the great significance of 
this fact will appear when it is remembered that there were proba- 
bly not a dozen specimens of Nahapana's coins known to numisma- 
tists before this hoard came to light, and those few known specimens 
were in one very important respect all very imperfect. 

I cannot better introduce what I have to say about the coins than 
by quoting a part of the account of the discovery of the hoard written 
by the Secretary of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 
and published in the Times of India of May 31st. 

" The village of Jogaltembhi lies close to the junction of the 
rivers Godavary and Darna, which uniting into a single stream of 
narrow compass in the fair season form the boundary between the 
Niphad and Sinnar talukas; and just outside the village site stands 
a small hill, more aptly described perhaps as a grassy barrow, 
around which the children of the village are wont to play. Here 
indeed they were engaged some few weeks ago in playing an 
indigenous game, known as Godhe-Kathi, which consists in 
an attempt to transfix one's adversary's stick, as it lies on the 
ground, with one's own weapon, each stick being sharpened to a 
fine point. At the moment when the coins were first discovered, 
one boy's stick lay just at the foot of the grassy hillock, and his 
playmate hurled his weapon at it with all the force of his small 
arm. The stick missed its goal, but impinging squarely on the 
soil uprooted a small handful of earth and grass, and disclosed 
something which glittered in the morning sun. Money ! For- 
gotten are the sticks, forgotten the game, when the great fact 
dawned upon their childish minds. Mother Earth is a hard task 
mistress to the Deccan ryot ; but she has her moments of com- 
passion, and surely this was one. 

" The report of her bounty spread through the village ; the 
elders came to the spot, and decided to dig deeper ...... 

Further excavation disclosed an earthen pot, firmly embedded in 

17 



224 I'HB nASIK OoGHALTBMBHI) HOARD OF NAHAPANA'S COINS. 

the hill side, and filled to overflowing with silver coins, much of 
which the villagers proceeded in the true commercial spirit to melt 
down. But the story of the find spread further than the limits of 
Jogaltembhi, and within a short time the balance of the treasure, 
about 10,000 coins, found a resting, place in the local treasury 
under the Treasure Trove Act 

"The fact that several of the coins are bored near the edges and 
that their resting place is near the confluence of two rivers, seems 
to justify the supposition that they once formed part of the treasure 
buried beneath a Hindu temple. The temple has vanished, nor 
does local legend preserve the smallest memory of it, but its 
treasure, veiled for nearly 1,800 years, has at last become articulate 
and bears its message across the gulf of dead centuries to those 
who rule the Deccan to-day, and who are themselves foreigners 
like Nahapana the K^aharata.** 

The total number of coins sent to me amounted to about 13,250 and 
as it is said that a good many were melted down by the villagers who 
discovered the hoard, it is quite possible that there may have been 
14,000 or even 15,000 altogether. 

The coins are in an excellent state of preservation, hardly more 
than a dozen of them being illegible through a deposit of verdigris. 
Considering the fact that the hoard must have lain very near the 
surface of the ground for almost 1,800 years, the bright fresh appear- 
ance of the coins is very remarkable. 

Of the coins that came into my hands about 9,270 are coins of 
Nahapana the K^aharata, counter-marked by his conqueror Gotami- 
putra ^ri Satakaroi. The remainder, nearly 4,000 coins, are coins 
of Nahapana which have not been so counter-stamped. Over 2,000 
of the coins are roughly perforated, about two-thirds of the perforated 
coins being Satakarni's. The perforation was probably mtde in order 
to attach the coins to a belt or to the clothes of the owner, or perhaps 
to make coin necklaces. These coins would not be likely to go into 
circulation again, and their presence in the hoard lends support to the 
theory that we have here probably the treasure of a temple, the pierced 
coins having been torn off the belts and offered on the occasion of the 
dedication of the temple. 

Seven or eight years ago the writer of this paper had the honour of 
bringing to the notice of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society an extremely interesting find of about 1,200 (twelve hundred) 



THB NASIK (jOGHALTBBtBHl) HOARD OP NAHAPANA*S COINS. 225 

K^trapa coins which were discovered in the floor of a cave near the 
Uparkot of Junagadh. Up to that time no such extensive find of coins 
of that series had been made, and it was a delightful task to go 
through the hoard and to discover how rich it was in excellent speci- 
mens of the coins of no less than thirteen of the K^atrapa rulers, 
many of them clearly dated, the dates being in several instances new 
to us. But there was one disappointment in connection with the 
Uparkot hoard. Although it contained specimens of so many difi^erent 
kings, there was not a single coin there belonging to any king earlier 
than Rudrasena I, the eighth of the line, whose reign extended from 
200 to 220 A. D. This was all the more disappointing from the fact 
that so few specimens were known of the coins of the K^atrapas 
and Mahaksatrapas who preceded Rudrasena. The succession as 
generally received runs thus : — 

(i) Nahapana the K^aharata, 120 A.D. 

(2) Ca^tana, son of Ghsamotika. 

(3) Jayadaman, son of Ca^tana. 

(4) Rudradaman, son of Jayadaman. 

(5) Damajada, son of Rudradaman. 

(6) Rudrasiqnha, ,, ,, 

(7) Jivadaman, son of Damajada. 

(8) Rudrasena, son of Rudrasiipha, etc. 

Whilst a fair number of coins of the last five have been discovered, 
very few were known of any of the first three, until the finding 
of the present hoard. From coins and inscriptions it has been 
inferred that Nahapana was the first of the line of Ksatrapa and 
Mahak^trapa rulers, but no positive evidence has yet appeared to 
connect him with Ca^tana. All we know is that he ruled over 
territory which afterwards formed part of the Ksatrapa kingdom, 
that he was a foreigner who won a kingdom for himself at the expense 
of the Andhras, that '* he is styled Ksatrapa in an inscription 

dated 42 (s.^., A.D. 120), and appears as Mahak^a- 

trapa Svami in an inscription of his minister Ayama, dated in the 
year 46." On the other side it is to be remembered that his conqueror 
the king Satakarni declares in the Nasik Cave inscription that he had 
" rooted out the dynasty of Khakharata," and now we have the 
pictorial evidence of these coins to show how Satakarni did his best 
to obliterate the features of Nahapana from his coins. And we learn 
from these coins that while Nahapana's coins bore the symbols of the 
thunderbolt and arrow, the king Satakarni used as his symbols tht 
well known " Ujjain mark " and the chaitya. And it is to be remem* 
bered that the chaitya is the symbol of the K§atrapas 



226 THE NASIK (|0GHALTBMBHI) HOARD OF NAHAPANA'S COINS. 

These facts should lead us to suspend our judgment until further 
light is obtained, and such a discovery as that of the present immense 
hoard encourages us to hope that there are yet great discoveries to be 
made in this field. Whether we suppose that this hoard was the trea- 
sure of a temple buried at the time of dedication, or a private hoard 
put away in some time of panic and distress, there is every reason to 
believe that similar treasure must be waiting in many other places to 
be unearthed. 

l^th regard to the coins contained in this hoard I shall arrange my 
observations under the following six heads : — 

(i) The Greek inscription on the obverse. 

(2) The Kharo^^hi inscription on the reverse. 

(3) The Brahmi inscription on the reverse. 

(4) The head of the king as represented on the coins. 

(5) The counter-struck inscription of Satakarni. 

(6) The symbols used by the two kings. 

I. — The Greek Inscrietion on the Obverse. 

It is interesting to remember that the signification of the Greek 
letters found on these coins has furnished a problem with which In- 
dian numismatists have wrestled for more than half a century. The 
first coin of Nahapana's to be discovered in our time was obtained 
more than 50 years ago from Kathiawar by Mr. Justice Newton, and 
its Greek inscription is thus described by him : — ** Sufficient remains 
to show that the letters were purely Greek, although in consequence 
of original indistinctness, wear or corrosion, not more than a single 
character here and there can be made out, and these hardly justify ine 
in hazarding a conjecture as to the filling in. " ' .... 

In July, 1890, the J.R.A.S. contained an article on the Western 
Ksatrapas by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, containing his latest views 
•' after a careful and continuous study, extending over 26 years, of the 
K^atrapa coins and inscriptions." In that article all that the learned 
pandit could say with regard to the Greek inscription on these coins 
was that *' the Greek letters on the obverse can never be read with 
certainty." 

In a note to the Pandit's essay Professor Rapson dissents from the 
Pa^^lt's opinion that there are traces to be found of the name Liaka 
Kasula, and gives his own opinion that **the arrangement of the 
Greek letters seems to be quite fantastic" . . . He says "the 

letters A fi^Q seen on some specimens cannot represent the name 
Liaka unless we suppose these legends to consist partly of Greek 



THB NASIK (jOOHALTBMBHl) HOARD OP NAHAPANA'S COINS. 237 

andpardyof Roman characters." Now it is a very curious fact, 
which we owe to the discovery of the present hoard that while Profes- 
sor Rapson was perfectly right in maintaining that the name Liaka is 
not represented on the coins, the reason which he advances in support 
of that opinion is incorrect, for as a matter of fact we find on these 
coins beyond all possibility of doubt that very mixture of the Greek 

and Roman characters which he thought impossible 

In the same paper Professor Rapson says that '' Roman denarii 
rather than Greek hemidrachms seem to have served as the models 
from which the K§atrapa coinage was copied," a remark which may 
go some length towards explaining the use of the Roman characters 
alongside the Greek. 

In his later paper on '* The coinage ot the Mahak^atrapas and 
K^atrapas of Sura^^ra and Malava (Western K^atrapas) published 
in the J. R. A. S. April, 1899, Professor Rapson has a very full dis- 
cussion of the Greek inscriptions found on these coins. He there 
points out that the letters are clearest during the period when the 
workmanship was at its best, i.e,, approximately from the reign of 
Damajada^ri, son of Rudradaman, to that of Vijayasena, son of 
Damasena, and that in consequence, the coins of that period received 
most attention. He comes to the conclusion, however, that '* at this 
time (roughly about 90 to 170 of the Ksatrapa era, ue.^ A.D. 168 to 
248) this Greek inscription had lost all meaning, and continued to be 
reproduced mechanically and unintelligently as a sort of ornamental 
border." He adds that " the best hope of recovering the lost meaning 
lay evidently in a study of the earliest coins of the class, those of 
Nahapana and Ca^^ana, which belonged to a period when these 
Greek inscriptions possibly still had some significance, but unfortunate- 
ly all the known specimens of Nahapana and Ca^^ana were lamen- 
tably deficient and fragmentary in this respect." 

Professor Rapson goes on to tell how the discovery of a coin of 
Ca$tana at last supplied the long missing clue. Its Greek inscrip- 
tion was indeed very incomplete, but what was left contained the 

word ''^•f^CXI^HC^ ^"^ it was concluded that the Greek letters 
must be *' either translations or transliterations of the Indian inscrip- 
tions on the reverse." As there were no traces found of the word 
ft^lLlfV&Cl^ there seemed good reason to conclude that they were 
transliterations, and this conclusion was confirmed by the discovery 
of a coin of Nahapana on which it seemed possible to make out the 
word I^^^Nl U3 , One further step was taken, with some hesita- 
tion, for the evidence was by no means clear. There were, however, 



228 THB NASIK (JOGHALTBMBHI) HOARD OF NAHAPAnA*S COINS. 

very probable indications that the third word of the Greek inscription 
must be a transliteration of the word Nahapanasa. The word appeared 

tobeAl^p^^..^..N^CC . 

This then was all that could be deduced trom the data available. 
An attempt was made to read the second word of the inscription, but 
the conclusion reached was that ** after all allowance for blundering 
has been made, the letters X NTN^^CC can scarcely be intended 
for a transliteration of Ksaharatasa or Chaharatasa.'* Professor 
Rapson was inclineJ to think that the word might be intended for 

X^Tf\Tt^CC * k§atrapasa. 

This was the state of the problem when the present hoard of 
Nahapana's coins came to light. At one stroke the whole difficulty 
was removed, and the puzzle of fifty years solved. 

In this hoard we have many hundreds of good specimens of the 
original Greek inscription, from which it can be readily seen that the 
transliteration was wonderfully accurate, and that not only is the 

first word P^NNICO and the third word «VKH PvW ^wN ^wC ^ 
but the second word, which had not been made out before, is what 
might have been expected, X ^ H (\ P ^T PvC The full Greek in- 
scription on the best specimens isP P^ N N lU) X KH ^ P ^TN C 

But this hoard not only supplies us with hundreds of specimens of 
the correct Greek transliteration, but, what is of scarcely less interest, 
it furnishes thousands of examples of the gradual corruption of the 
inscription, till apparently in Nahapana*s own time and on his own 
coins the inscription has changed so much as to be almost unintelligi- 
ble. Little wonder therefore that the efforts of numismatists to make 
sense of the inscriptions on the coins of the later reigns proved so 
entirely fruitless. 

A table of actual readings from various specimens arranged in 
order of faithfulness to the original Greek transliteration will make 
the matter clear : 



THB NASIK (jOGHALTEMBHl) HOARD OF NAHAPANA'S COINS. 229 

.. AwT^CNlKHTlANC • 

PA nv\\u3 1& A V\ R ^ K — 

P^v^v^vui EAv\ B .... 

- - -.. cox^B ^^^ccc^v• ^ pm a.— - 



330 THB nAsik (jogualtbmbhi) hoakd of nauapAna's coins. 

An examination of these various readings of the Greek l^end yields 
the following results : — 

(i) The Greek inscription was originally a correct transliteration of 
the Brahmi inscription on the reverse.* 

(2) In the best examples the inscription runs thus : 

A^.^.— There is no instance of A being found after the C in the 
two genitive forms as one might naturally expect. 

(3) The use of the Roman letter N twice in the inscription is re- 
markable, and as far as I know, these coins supply the only instance 
of such a combination of the Greek and Roman characters. 

(4) The other letters of the inscription in the best examples are 
correctly shaped Greek (uncial) letters, generally very well formed, 

the letter -y being represented by I. 



(5) Changes gradually take place in the inscription which can only 
be accounted for on the supposition that the later dies were prepared 
by persons ignorant of the Greek alphabet. In those degenerate in- 
stances the letter N is almost invariably written as ^ ; the letter I 

has various shapes :X»^3^^^^ ^# ^^ t ^^ letter i 

seems to have been early changed to B j and perhaps the most 

curious change of all is the change of TX into P. This seems to 

indicate a knowledge of the Roman alphabet, and ignorance of the 
Greek, but on the other hand there is the fact that the Roman R is 
never found in the place of the Greek P in the first word of the in- 
scription. 



* On other grounds it has been conjectured that Ca^tana and NahapStna 
were contemporaries. The evidence of the Greek inscription on the coins 
points to the same conclusion. Although we have not yet discovered a 
coin of Ca^tana^s with the Greek inscription perfect, enough is known 
to show that it was probably an accurate transliteration, in which case 
it is reasonable to infer that it was contemporaneous with Nahapina's 
early coins, before the degeneration had set in. On no coin later than 
Ca^tana's can any sense be made of the Greek inscription* 



THB NASIK (JOGHALTBMBHI) HOARD OF NAHAPANA'S COINS. 23I 

A Tery large proportion of the coins in the hoard have the inscrip- 
tion in the following form : — 

A very curious thing about these latter coins is that though the 
Greek is so corrupt the Kharof^hi inscription on these specimens is 
perfect, whereas the coins which have the purest form of the Greek 
transliteration have as a rule the worst executed Kharo^thi inscrip- 
tions. 

II. — The Kharosthi Inscription. 

Next in interest to the Greek inscription on these coins are the 
inscriptions on the reverse in the two oldest known alphabets of 
India, the Kharosthi and the Brahmi. Let us consider the Kharo^t^i 
first. 

It is hardly necessary for me to explain that the Kharosthi 
alphabet is written from right to left ; that it is believed to have 
reached India via Afghanistan some three or four centuries before the 
beginning of the Christian era ; that it is clearly derived from the 
Aramaic alphabet, having been taken over by the Persian kings along 
with the office establishments of their predecessors, and then carried 
by them to the confines of their world empire, till the character which 
was used by the Samaritans in their letter to Artaxerxes as described 
in the book of Ezra (4 ; 7) came to be used in the cutcherries of India ; 
that there are rock inscriptions in this character in various parts of 
India and in Eastern Afghanistan and Central Asia, and also on the 
coins of the Greek and Scythic invaders of India ; and lastly, that 
the recent explorations in Central Asia have brought to light many 
records written in this character on strips and wedges of wood. 

The Kharosthi inscription on these coins runs thus : — 

>H*1l I'Vl'ZY^^- Rana Chaharatasa Nahapanasa, i.e., 

of (belonging to) the king Nahapana the Chaharata. 

Apart from certain variations in the shapes of the letters, which I 
shall discuss presently, it may be said that almost all the coins, the 
latest as well as the earliest, contain this inscription in the above 
form. There are however some of the coins in which the Kharosthi 
inscription is found in a degenerate form, somewhat analogous to the 
degeneration which we have noticed in the Greek inscription, so that 



.» - 



H*^ nAsik (joghaltembhi) hoard of nahapaka's coins. 



ihc vvnclusion is forced on us that the Kharosthi characters were 
luH H!« well known as the Brahmi to those who made those dies. 
AuJ I have already referred to the curious and decidedly puzzling 
fttct that the worst specimens of the Kharosthi are found on the 
CiAn9 that have the most perfect Greek, and vice versa. 

When comparing the letters found on these coins with the Table 
of the Kharosthi alphabet given in Biihler's Indische Palaeographie, 
I was at once struck by the superior finish, if I may so express it, of 
the letters on the coins. There is a shakiness and irregularity in the 
letters of the Table which we do not find here. This may be due to 
the fact that Biihler got most of his types from rock inscriptions or 
much worn coins. On the rock inscriptions the letters would be large 
and uneven to begin with, and would be worn and rendered more or 
less indistinct by long exposure to the weather Whether this con- 
jecture be well founded or not. the letters on these coins are certainly 
neater looking than the same letters in the Table, and beautifully 

clear specimens are abundant. Take for instance the letters "7 and 
Y which always appear on the coins with sharp angles and simple 

firm lines, and observe the contrast in the Table. 

Biihler gives two forms (right-handed and left-handed) of the 
letter Ha in his Table, VS and i4, and we find many examples 

of both on the coins. But in the case of several other letters, of 
which Bjhler gives only single forms, right-handed or left-handed 
as the case may be, we find two forms on the coins. Thus Buhler 
gives only one form, right-handed, of the letter pa whereas we 

find two forms \f^ , fj ) on the coins of this hoard. The latter 

form is ' ound for the most part on coins which have the purest 
Greek inscription, and is also generally associated with the Icft- 
ha nded form of tia. 

The Kharosthi legend is frequently abbreviated on the coins for 
want of space in the circle, and I have noted the following :— 

Rano Chaharatasa Nahapana. 
Rano Chaharatasa Nahapa. 
Rano Chaharatasa Naha. 
Rano Chaharatasa Na. 
Rano Chaharatasa. 



THB NASIK (JOGHALTBMBHi) HOARD OP NAHAPAna'S COINS. 233 



These abbreviations are found only on coins that preserve the 
most correct form of the Greek legend. The Brahmi inscription, 
as far as I have seen, is never abbreviated. 

I give below a table showing the varieties in the shape of the Kha- 
ro$|hi letters which are found on the coins, along with the same 
letters as figured in Biihler's Table :— - 



Kharosihi 

letters from 

Biihler's 

Tables. 






chas 
has 



u 



na 



Y 

X 

- '7^ 



P* — 



t 



The same letters as found on the coins of this 

hoard. 



Y. V.Y. y, 1* .t ^ ,v,v,t/ 

t, '^-, \,i a n.. 'a. , s , s , 

y , ^ b , (no instance of left-handed ta) 

7 , ^ . \ I f' . r , ^"^ instance of left-handed ta) 



(1) A somewhat worn specimen has :— i^f/^lfp^T^YKl — 

apparently a serious attempt to represent the vowel signs. 

(u) Another, with King's bust very small, and otherwise peculiar, has 
• f II 7 >"\ O YH*) *" ^**° Chaharatasa Nahana. 

(mO do a ainfU •pactman I find a letter or symbol of some 'sort 
following Ibt Kkarostlii tagcod, $,€., between it and the Brlhmi, thus : 
i( > f r^ 2 ^ ..-> This tiga nay simply mark off the Briluiu Jrom 
the Kharostbi 



The results of my examination of the Kharo§(hi inscription may be 
summarised as follows : — 

(1) The letters are in very many cases beautifully formed, and give the 
impression of being better executed than the letters of Biihler's Table. 



234 THB NASIK 0<H»HALTBMBHl) HOARD OP KAHAPANA'S COINS 

(2) The coins supply a number of varieties in the shapes of the 
letters which are not found in Biihler's Table. 

(3) There are also various attempts to express the vowels which 
appear to be new ; at least I do not tind them in Buhler. 

(4) The coins with the most correct form of the Greek inscription 
have frequently the Kharo^^hi legend imperfectly and very badly 
executed, whilst the best form of the Kharo$(hi is found along with 
a very degenerate form of the Greek. 

III. — The Brahmi Inscription. 

With reference to the Brahmi character it may suffice to say that it 
is the oldest known Indian alphabet, and the parent of not only the 
modern Sanscrit character, but of most of the alphabets now in use 
in India. It is the character used by Asoka in the famous rock« 
inscriptions which he caused to be engraved over the length and 
breadth of India more than 250 years before the birth of Christ : it is 
the character used in the inscriptions found on the caves of Nasik 
some centuries later, and it is the same character which is found on 
the K^atrapa coins during the three centuries that that dynasty lasted. 

Biihler's Tables give specimens of Brahmi ranging from 350 B.C. to 
350 A. D. The characters on our coins belong to near the middle of 
that period. 

The Brahmi inscription runs from left to right, and is as follows : — 
\^\^Xf^l^ -^^ ^ ^V ^ Rajno K§aharatasa Naha- 
panasa, i,e. , of (belonging to) the king Nahapana the K^aharSta. 

The coins, though not all equally well executed, furnish no notable 
variety in the shapes of the Brahmi letters, nor do we ever find the 
Brahmi inscription in either an incorrect or an abbreviated form, from 
which we may conclude that the characters were well known to the 
many various workmen who prepared the dies, and made such 
numerous variations in both the Greek transliteration and the Kha- 
ro^thi inscription. 

The letters on these coins are distinctly of an earlier and purer 
form than those found on the K^atrap -coins of two hundred 
years later, and it is interesting to compare a good spectmeo of 
Nahapana's inscription with one of Viradaman. 



THS NASIK OoGHALTBMBHI) HOARD OP NAHAPANA'S COINS. 235 

IV. — ^Thb Bust of NahapAna. 

I have new reached what I cannot help regarding as the most 
perplexing and difficult part of my task, the representation of the 
king's head on the coins. 

When Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji wrote his final paper on the 
K$atrapa coins he had only four specimens of Nahapana's coins in 
his collection — now in the British Museum, — and I do not think he 
had ever seen any other specimens than those four. From these 
coins he was able, as we have seen, to read the Kharo$(hi and 
Brahmi inscriptions, but quite unable to do more than make a mis- 
taken guess as to the Greek inscription. With regard to the bust of 
the king he wrote, " The face on the obverse of all my coins was so 
well executed as to fairly indicate the age of the king at the time of 
striking. The face on one coin seemed to be that of a man about 
thirty years old. Another specimen . . . has a somewhat older 
head, perhaps about 45. A third coin . . . has a wrinkled face, 
with a long wrinkled neck, indicating an age of about 60 ; while the 
last specimen . . . bears a still older type of face with wrinkled 
cheeks and toothless mouthi and represents the king at about the age 
of seventy." Ever since I first read the Pandit's paper I have been 
filled with admiration at the marvellous skill possessed by the mint 
masters of those early days, — a skill which, as far as I am aware, is 
never emulated in any country, civilised or otherwise, in oor time, — and 
with wonder at the remarkable fact that while only four coins of Naha- 
p3jia were preserved over the lapse of nearly 1800 years, those four 
should be found to be so well distributed over the whole length of his 
long reign. It will be readily understood how eager an interest I 
took in comparing the busts of the king given on the 13,000 coins 
of this hoard. 

The first impression that one receives from the coins is that the head 
of the king is very well executed, the face is possessed of distinction 
and character and has no appearance of being conventional. The 
workmanship is far from being equally good on all the coins, but this 
matter of character and type is evident in all the coins. They give 
one the impression of being good likenesses. They also undoubtedly 
represent the king as of various ages, some of the faces being young 
enough to be twenty years of age, and others old enough looking to 
be that of a man of seventy. 

Was the Pandit then right in his theory? In other words, do the 
coinsreally represent the king at all ages from twenty or thirty 
seventy, and was the likeness varied from year to year ? 



236 THE NASIK (JOGHALTBMBHI) HOARD OF NAHAPANA*S COINS. 

With this question in my mind I have made a careful study of the coins, 
and have turned them all over again and agdin, but whilst I feel the 
utmost reluctance in disagreeing with so high an authoiity, and whilst 
I admit that there is much 10 be said in support of his view, yet on the 
whole I do not think that it is possible to establish the Pandit's con- 
clusion. I should say that a certain proportion of the coins, perhaps 
one-third, might be regarded as witnesses in favour of the Pap^it's 
theory. If these coins were set apart, and if we had no other speci- 
mens of Nahapana's coins, we should have no hesitation in believing 
that the king was really represented on the coins in all the various 
stages of his long life* But against this theory we must set the 
evidence of two-thirds of the coins of the hoard, on which we have 
indeed faces varying greatly in age, and not in age only, but in every 
feature. This is the surprise and the mystery of the hoard. If we 
grant that the die casters of those days were sufficiently skilled in 
their work to produce portraits of the king at various ages, and I am 
quite prepared to grant that, then I think we are forced to the conclu- 
sion that it is not one face that is represented on these coins but many. 
I hope that the coins shown on the Plates will make this clear. 

We are thus face to face with a very curious problem. The in- 
scriptions are all the inscriptions of Nahapana, whose are the faces? 
If they were really intended to represent one person, then we must 
not only accept the Pandit's theory as to the different ages, but we 
must conclude that the striking differences shown on the coins are 
due to the great variety of artists employed, and to their very varied 
powers of portraiture. If on the other hand we feel constrained 
to conclude that all these various types, — short-necked and long- 
necked, straight-nosed and hook-nosed, low forehead and high fore- 
head, stern visaged and peasant faced, lean face and fat face, — 
cannot possibly represent the same person, then whom do they 
represent ? Before giving my own opinion on this matter I wish to 
draw attention to some points which I have noticed in examining 
the coins. In the Brst place I have noticed that only a comparatively 
small proportion of the coins of this hoard have the Greek letters 
in their most correct form and the transliteration in its incorrupt 
reading. One would naturally expect to find on these coins a youth- 
ful representation of the king. But this is not the case. I might 
almost say that the very opposite is the case, but as a matter of fact 
there are a very few coins with perfect Greek which show a youth' 
ful face. The great majority, however, of the coins with the best 
Greek have a very old type of face. Again, it seems to me that even 
among the coins with the Greek legend pure there are sufficiently dis- 



THE NASIK (jOQHALTBMBHI) HOAI^D OF NAHAPANA'S COINS. 237 

tinct types of face to render it extremely doubtful that they could stand 
for one and the same person. Further, a very large number of coins 
in the hoard which have the Greek legend in a corrupt form, have 
quite a youthful representation of the king. And lastly, it seems to 
me that the differences are so pronounced that we are forced to seek 
some other explanation than that of Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, and 
to consider the possibility at least of there being here the faces of 
different persons. 

But for one signiGcant fact, I should have been inclined to suggest 
that we may have here the coins not of a single king, but of a series of 
kings, sons and grandsons perhaps of Nahapana, who retained on 
their coins the name of their great ancestor as a title ot honour, and 
for some strange reason caused their features t<> be portrayed on tneir 
coins, whilst refusing to record their personal names. I should also 
have been inclined to believe that the coins in this hoard might well 
cover a period of a century or two. But right in the way of any such 
tlieory lies the stubborn fact that almost if not quite all of the various 
types of Nahapana's coins are found among the coins which were coun- 
ter stamped by Nahapana*s conqueror, Satakarni. One of the types 1 
have not been able to trace, a youthful face with the Greek legend in 
correct form, and another type of youthful face with a very corrupt 
form of the legend in very small letters is extremely rare. But I have 
not been able to make an exhaustive search for these types, and the 
fact is unquestionable that among the coins stamped by Satakari^i are 
specimens of practically all the various types found among the coins 
that are not counter stamped. 

It seems to me that a possible solution of the problem may be found 
in the expression used by Satakarrii in his Nasik cave inscription, 
where he claims to have '' rooted out the dynasty of the Khakharata." 
This may be taken to mean either a line of K^aharatas or a number 
of members of the K^aharata family, ruling over various parts of 
the country at the same time. If we suppose that such was the case, 
then it may be possible that various members of the family caused 
their own likenesses to be engraved on the coins, whilst keeping the 
inscription of Nahapana unchanged as he was the founder of the 
dynasty. The explanation is, I admit, a somewhat far fetched one, 
but I give it for what it is worth, and it may be aUowed to stand till 
some further evidence is available. 

Before leaving this part of the subject I want to point out that the 
shape of the hat worn by the king, and the style in which the hair is 
represented are both characteristic, and appear the same on all the 



238 THB NASIK (JOGHALTBMBHI) HOARD OP NAHAPANA'S COINS. 

different types of coins. This is the more important as the busts of 

the K^atrapas all differ from Nahapaaa*8 in these particulars. 

• 
Nahapana*s head dress is a kind of square flat cap, without a brim, 

intersected by a number of upright strokes giving the appearance of a 

crown in some ca^es, and having a sort of little knot projecting behind. 

The K^atrapa's head dress on the other hand is round and smooth as 

if it were of metal, always shows a distinct brim, has no lines or marks 

of any kind, or any knot behind. 

The style in which the hair is dressed is equally characteristic. 
Nahapana*s hair is gathered up in a kind of bobwig style close under 
the hat, and extending only to the ear ; whilst all the K^trapas wore 
the hair long, extending down far behind the ear, and showing 
voluminous curls on the neck. 

Another point on which all Nahapana's coins agree is in showing 
the king without a moustache, whereas the Ksatrapa kings 
invariably have moustaches. 

v.— The Counter-struck Inscription of Satakarni I. 

As I have stated in the early part of my paper more than two-thirds 
of the coins of this hoard have been counter-struck by Nahapana's 
conqueror, the king Gotamiputra ^ri Satakarni. 

In very many cases the counterstamp is such as to completely 
obliterate the inscriptions and symbols of Nahapana. In other cases 
not much damage has been done and there is no difficulty in reading 
the original legends. My Brst idea was that the die used for the pur- 
pose of counter stamping the coins was brought to a white heat and 
then used until too cool to make an impression. The first coins 
stamped would therefore have their original inscriptions completely 
effaced, and the later ones would be scarcely affected. It has, however, 
been explained to me by my friend H. Cousens, Esq., of the 
Archaeological Survey that such a thing as using a hot die is unknown, 
and that the true explanation of the varying effect of the blow 
given to the counterstamped coin lies in the workman and not in the 
tool. A strong sledge hammer blow would efface the original stamp, 
but as the workman grew tired and struck less vigorously the effect 
would be less. 

In Bhandarkar's History of the Deccan (p, 167) there is a 
reference to a counterstamped coin. *'One of the Kolhapur coins 
figured by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji bears the names of both Gotami- 
putra and Madhariputra, showing that the piece originally bearing 



THE NASIK (jOGHALTEMBHl) HOARD OF NAHAPANA'S COIN'S. 239 

the name of one of them was restamped with the name of the other. 
Mr. Thomas thinks it was originally Madhariputra's coin. I think it 
was Gotamiputra*s ; for if we see the other figured coins we shall find 
that they are so stamped as to leave some space between the rim 
and the legend. This in the present case is utilized, and the name 
of Madhariputra stamped close to the rim, which shows that the thing 
was done later. Madhariputra Sakasena, therefore, must have been 
a successor of Gotamiputra Yajna 6ri Satakarni." 

It is noteworthy that there is not a single coin in the whole collection 
which was iiot originally Nahapana^s. This raises the question 
whether Satakarni I. ever issued coins of his own, and the testimony of 
the coins of this hoard points to the conclusion that he probably did 
not. 

As far as I know the coins of this hoard are the first of Satakarni's 
coins to be brought to light, and so they are of very special interest. 

Much has been learnt about this king Satakarni I. from the cave 
inscriptions at Nasik. The most important of the many inscriptions 
found in the caves is that of Queen Gautami BalasVi, in which the 
merits of her son, the illustrious Satakaroi Gautamiputra, are very 
fully described. If this account is to be relied on he must have been 
a very mighty king indeed. He is called '' King of kings ", and the 
list is given of the countries over which he ruled, showing that his 
kingdom stretched from Malwa in the north to Malabar in the south, 
and apparently embraced all Rajputana, Gujarat, Kathiawar, and the 
Deccan. He '* humbled the conceit and vanity of the K^atriyas ;" 
"destroyed the ^akas, Yavanas and Palhavas,** f.^., the Scythians, 
Greeks and Persians, — all northern invaders ; — ** fostered the Brah- 
mans ;" "established the glory of the Satavahana family ;" "stopped 
the admixture of the four castes ;" was a great warrior, ever victorious, 
a descendant of illustrious kings ; and, what is of chief interest to us 
just now, *' rooted out the dynasty of the Khakharata." The name of 
Nahapana does not occur in the inscription, but there seems no doubt 
that the description of Satakarni as the conqueror of Nahapana is 
correct. 

It is curious and interesting to find that the famous Mahak^atrapa 
Rudradaman in his inscription at Girnar claims to be just such an- 
other king as Satakarni is here described, and to have ruled over 
practically the same immense district. Rudradaman also claims to 
have twice conquered Satakarni, the lord of the Deccan, and to have 
refrained from '.destroying him only on account of his being a near 

18 



242 THE NASIK (jOGHALTBMBHl) HOARD OF NAHAPANA*S COINS. 

and arrow, their symbols being the chaitya with sun and moon, and 
on their copper coinage an elephant or an Indian bull. 

That all the symbols used had a religious signification is, I think, 
very probable, but there was so much eclecticism at that period of 
Indian history that it is impossible to draw hard and fast lines. I 
would merely suggest that the thunderbolt and arrow may be emblems 
of Vishnu, the wielder of lightning and thunder, and therefore, these 
symbols may be connected with Hinduism proper, whilst the chaitya 
and the ** Ujjain symbol " may be connected with Buddhism. 

(b) Satakarni's symbols are, as we have seen, the chaitya and the 
** Ujjain mark." They were not new to Indian coinage as they are 
both found on some of the very earliest of the Indian coins, e.g-.^ the 
chaitya on the Taxila coins of about 200 B.C. , and the ** Ujjain mark" 
on coins of a similar early date. 

The Ksatrapa king Ca§jana was probably a contemporary of 
Nahapuna, and he used the chaitya with sun and moon, as his symbol 
and that became the recognised symbol of the whole Ksatrapa line 
during the three or four centuries that they continued :to rule. None 
of the Ksatrapas, however, appeafs to have ever used the "Ujjain 
symbol." Both the chaitya and the ** Ujjain mark " are found, not 
on different sides of the coin, but close together, on the reverse of a 
coin of Satakaroi II. We should probably not be wrong in regarding 
these two as combining to form the Andhra symbol. Then we find 
that the Ksatrapas used the chaitya without the ** Ujjain mark," and 
it is interesting to remember that the Mahakfatrapa Rudradaman 
claimed kinship with Satakarpi, and gave that as a reason for sparing 
him. The common use of the chaitya as a symbol may well be con- 
nected with that fact of relationship, a sort of heraldic quartering of 
their royal coats of arms. 

I have only in conclusion to refer my readers to the excellent series of 
plates which have been very kindly prepared by Henry Cousens, Esq. , 
from which the many points of interest to which I have drawn atten- 
tion in my paper will be easily understood, and in the case of the diverse 
representations of the personal appearance of king Nahapana, will be 
better realised than from any verbal description. 



THE NASIK (jOGHALTEMBHl) HOARD OF NAHAPA>JA's COINS. 243 



Nahapana's Coins. 

Obverse : Head of king facing to right : inscription in Greek and 
Roman characters: FA^f^fltO. XA/t^fiATAC 
>rA^Air^/V^C . No date. 

Reverse : Thunderbolt and arrow : Rajno Ksaharatasa Naha- 
panasa in Brahmi characters ; Ratio Chaharatasa Nahapanasa in 
Kharoshthi characters. 

-^. Weight 29 to 32 grains. 



Satakarni's Coins. 



Obverse : Raho Gotamiputasa Siri Satakanisa in Brahmi characters : 
chaitya : no date. 

Reverse. — Ujjain symbol. 
Counterstruck on Nahapana's coins. 



I T 



244 THE NASIK (jOGHALTEMBHl) HOARD OF NAHAPANA'S COINS 



EXPLANATION OF THE PLATES. 

Plate /.—First Row : Coins showing Greek transliteration in 
its correct form. 

Second Row : Coins showing Brahmi inscription. 

Third Row : Coins showing Kharo^^hi inscription. 

Fourth Row : Coins showing Greek transliteration in 

degenerate forms. 
Fifty Row : Coins showing Kharo^thi inscription in 

degenerate forms. 

Sixty Row : Coins of Satakarni I, with his inscription 
complete. 

Plate IL — Greek legend in pure form, varieties of bust 

Plate III, — Greek legend in degenerate form, varieties of bust. 

Plate IV. — Specimens of counterstruck coins. 



vjcV 



242 THE NASIK (jOGHALTBMBHl) HOARD OF NAHAPANA'S COINS. 

and arrow, their symbols being the chatty a with sun and moon, and 
on their copper coinage an elephant or an Indian bull. 

That all the symbols used had a religious signification is, I think, 
very probable, but there was so much eclecticism at that period of 
Indian history that it is impossible to draw hard and fast lines. I 
would merely suggest that the thunderbolt and arrow may be emblems 
of Vishnu, the wielder of lightning and thunder, and therefore, these 
symbols may be connected with Hinduism proper, whilst the chaitya 
and the '' Ujjain symbol *' may be connected with Buddhism. 

(b) Satakarni's symbols are, as we have seen, the chaitya and the 
** Ujjain mark." They were not new to Indian coinage as they are 
both found on some of the very earliest of the Indian coins, tf.^., the 
chaitya on theTaxila coins of about 200 B.C., and the ** Ujjain mark" 
on coins of a similar early date. 

The K§atrapa king Ca§|ana was probably a contemporary of 
Nahapana, and he used the chaitya with sun and moon, as his symbol 
and that became the recognised symbol of the whole K^atrapa line 
during the three or four centuries that they continued :to rule. None 
of the Ksatrapas, however, appeafs to have ever used the "Ujjain 
symbol." Both the chaitya and the ** Ujjain mark " are found, not 
on different sides of the coin, but close together, on the reverse of a 
coin of Satakarni II. We should probably not be wrong in regarding 
these two as combining to form the Andhra symbol. Then we find 
that the Ksatrapas used the chaitya without the ** Ujjain mark," and 
it is interesting to remember that the Mahak^atrapa Rudradaman 
claimed kinship with Satakarni, and gave that as a reason for sparing 
him. The common use of the chaitya as a symbol may well be con- 
nected with that fact of relationship, a sort of heraldic quartering of 
their royal coats of arms. 

I have only in conclusion to refer my readers to the excellent series of 
plates which have been very kindly prepared by Henry Cousens, Esq., 
from which the many points of interest to which I have drawn atten- 
tion in my paper will be easily understood, and in the case of the diverse 
representations of the personal appearance of king Nahapana, will be 
better realised than from any verbal description. 



THE NASIK (jOGHALTEMBHl) HOARD OF NAHAPA.VA's COINS. 243 



Nahapana's Coins. 

Obverse : Head of king facing to right : inscription in Greek and 
Roman characters: FA^f^fltO. XA/t^fiAf^C 

ATAH^ir^lVAC . No date. 

/Reverse : Thunderbolt and arrow : Rajno Ksakaratasa Naha- 
panasa in Brahmi characters ; Rano Chaharatasa Nahapanasa in 
Kharoshthi characters. 

^, Weight 29 to 32 grains. 



Satakarni's Coins. 



Obverse: Ratio Gotamiputasa Siri Satakanisa in Brahmi characters : 
chatty a : no date. 
Reverse. — Ujjain symbol. 
Counterstruck on Nahapana's coins. 



. . ' 



244 '^HB NASIK (jOGHALTEMBHl) HOARD OF NAHAPANA*S COINS 



EXPLANATION OF THE PLATES. 

Plate /.—First Row : Coins showing Greek transliteration in 
its correct form. 

Second Row : Coins showing Brahmi inscription. 

Third Row : Coins showing Kharo^^hi inscription. 

Fourth Row : Coins showing Greek transliteration in 

degenerate forms. 
Fifty Row : Coins showing Kharosthi inscription in 

degenerate forms. 

Sixty Row : Coins of Satakarni I, with his inscription 
complete. 

Plate II, — Greek legend in pure form, varieties of bust. 

Plate III, — Greek legend in degenerate form, varieties of bust. 

Plate IV, — Specimens of counterstruck coins. 



VII.— 77ie Coins 0/ Surat. 
. P. Taylor, M.A., D.D., Ahmadabad. 
(Communicaleii) 

has gathered round the story of the founding 
Tradition links its prosperity as a modern dty 
a rich Hindu trader, who settled on its present 
h century. One of the city-wards is still called 
I a large reservoir, long since waterless, is 
: Talav. For a while the town, or perhaps we 
jburb, so quickly rising under his fostering 
' the " new place "; but ere long certain astro- 
ivened by Gopi, suggested it might well be 
lur, ' the City of the Sun.' Forthwith petition 
MuzafTar Karim, as overlord of the district, 
night be given for the adoption of this name, 
staunchly orthodox adherent of the Muslim 
ave been quite to his liking that a new town 
Id thus be accorded a purely Hindu name ; yet 
isposition inclined him to accede, as far as 
3 request. So, changing just the final letter of 
screed that the city should be called Surat 
abic ijjmj, a term surely free from all 
:a1 with ihe word Employed to designate each 
.sQ6r'5n." 

nt of Surat, Narmadaiankar gives the date of 
y as A.D. 1530. But in this detail he has evi- 
e : for six years before 1520 the Portuguese 
ia visited " a c!ly called Surat at the mouth of 
early it was " a. city of very great trade in all 
" Barbosa further relates that "Many ships of 
r partJ sail thither continually, and discharge 
ause this is a very important seaport, and there 
tities of merchandise. Moors, Gentiles, and 
in this city. Its custom-house, which 
y large revenue for the King of G^ 



246 THE COINS OF SCRAT. 

until now Malaguioy, a Gentile, commands it, and governs it, as lord 
of it."' 

This so circumstantial reference to the prosperity of the city in the 
year 1514 renders inevitable the conclusion that Surat dates back 
considerably before the days of the merchant-prince Gopi. We may 
with probability infer that on the site of an ancient Hindu town called 
Suryapur the present city was built, and that simultaneously with a 
phenomenal development of its trade in the first quarter of the 
sixteenth century the city's name was changed from Suryapur to 
Surat. ^ 

Owing both to its wealth and to its importance as a naval station, 
Surat early became an object of desire to the Portuguese, who on three 
several occasions assaulted and sacked the city — once in 1512, again 
in 1530, and yet again in 1531. Of the 1530 expedition Danvers 
concisely records that ** Antonio da Silveira proceeded up the Tapti 
river, and burnt the city of Surat and the ships in the arsenal there, 
killing everything that had life within it, and taking away every- 
thing of value."' The fort that had been built after the first invasion 
proving insufficient, the Sultan Mahmud (III) bin Latif gave orders 
for the erection of the much stronger castle that still dominates the 
river. 

In the latter part of the year 1572 (A. H. 980) the Emperor Akbar, 
gladly responding to an invitation from the disaffected noble fi'^timad 
^an, swooped down with his army upon the province of Gujarat, and 
in six short months had annexed it to his dominions. The recalci- 
trant Mirzas, who had found an asylum with Changiz Khan of Broach, 
and whose presence in Gujarat had supplied Akbar a specious pretext 
for invasion, early in 1573 gained possession of Surat, and entrenched 
themselves within the Castle. Akbar, however, followed close on the 
rebels, and after a seven-weeks' siege took the city (24 Shawwal 980 ; 
27 Feb. 1573). Henceforward Surat, in common with the rest of the 
province, became an integral part of the Mughal Empire, and for 
the next two centuries shared in its vicissitudes. 

* Stanley*s Edition of Barbosa's •* Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Mala- 
bar," printed for the Hakluyt Sodcty, x866, pa^es 67, 68. 

" NotwithsUndingr the contrary opinion maintained by EHiot and Dowson, it is well 
definitely to dissociate the name of the dty Surat ( Guj. ^^<1 ) from that of the pro- 
vince Sorath(Guj. ^Ri ). This latter name is the Prakritizcd form of the Sanskrit 
Saura^ra ( W^I^ ), which originally denoted the whole of the KathIawa<J Peninsula. 
It is, however, in its present application, limited to the front, or district, in that Peninsula 
which borders the sea on the South and Soutb*West. With an area of Saao square miles, 
it includes the Native States of Junagarh, Jafarabad, Porbandar. Bantva, and Jetpur. 

=» F. C. Danvers : " The Portuguese in India," Vol. I, pag^ ?99. 



THE COINS OF SURAT. , , 247 




I. The period of Local Mughal Currency : A, H. 985—1027 ; 
A. D. 1577 — 1618. It was within the first decade subsequentto its subju- 
gation by Akbar that Surat for the first time issued coins from a mint 
of its own. Prior to this period its currency had consisted of the gold 
and silver and copper coins struck by the Gujarat Sultans for the most 
part at their capital city of Ahmadabad. This Ahmadabad mint, 
which in the early months of H. 980 had been producing coins for 
the ill-fated Sultan Muzaffar III, was ere the close of that year im- 
pressed into service for the issue of imperial rupees, bearing the more 
illustrious name of Jalal-al-din Akbar Padshah. But Surat in the 
year of its conquest possessed no mint that could be requisitioned for { 

imperial coinage. So far as we can learn, it was in the year H. 985 * 

(A. D. 1577-78) that Surat made its first contribution to the currency, 
and the coins then issued were of a type distinctly inferior both in ! 

workmanship and in weight to the rupees struck at Ahmadabad and 
other of the Imperial Mints. Here, for instance, is Mandelslo's ac- 
count of the coins that were current at his time (A. D. 1638) in the 
province of Gujarat : — 

** They have also two sorts of money, to wit, the Mamoudies 
** and the Ropias. The Mamoudis are made at Surat, of silver 
** of a very base alley, and are worth about twelve pence sterling, 
** and they go only at Surat, Brodra, Broitchia, Cambaya, and 
" those parts. Over all the Kingdom besides, as at Amadabath 
** and elsewhere, they have Ropias Chagam, which are very good 
•' silver, and worth half a Crown French money. "^ 

These ** Surat Mahmudis," we may confidently affirm, are identical 
with the silver coins which Stanley Lane-Poole has designated in 
the British Museum Catalogue ** Coins of Gujarat Fabric.'* They 
are known only in silver, and are of two denominations corresponding 
in weight to the half and the quarter rupee. They are round coins, 
the larger ones having a diameter of six-tenths of an inch and the 
smaller of half an inch. The dates on the specimens known to me 
range from H. 985' to H. 1027. Then comes a blank for nearly two 
centuries, after which precisely the same type of coin reappears, 
but now with the dates H. I2i5dnd i2i7(A. D. 1800 and 1802). 

The legend, which on all these Mahmudis is the same, reads as 
follows : — {see Fig. i). 

'-J. Albert de Mandelslo : " Voyages and Travels:'* rendered into English by John 
17a vies, Edition of i66t, p. 85. 

* I had here and in the preceding paragraph originally written H. 989, but my friend, 
]Kr. Framji J.Thanawala, after reading this article, sent him in MS. form, most kindly 
resented me two beautiful Mahmudis— one dated H. 985 and the other H. 988* 



i^^ TBE ocas or 

fjirztne. In a square area bocnded bf doolde fines vrhh dots 



%Jii'^ 



y^ f^' 



Margins HlegibJe. 
Rricne, — in siniilararea : 






>Iargins ille^ble. 

T:.e ^giires denoting the Hiiri 3nears arc entered near the rigbt-hand 
la» er c:?rncr of the square area of the OftrvrBf — over tbe^flt of Ql^ 
In the coin dated H. 985 the figures are upright, but 00 all specknens 
known to me of a later date they appear as though King on their faces, 
having suffered rotation from the upright position through one quad- 
rant to the left. It is worthy of special note that, though Akbar died 
in H. 1 01 4, his name is retained unchanged on the coins struck 
subsequent to that date, whether in Jahangir's reign or even two 
hundred years later. ^ 

II. The Period of Imperial Mughal Currency : A. H. 1030 — 1215 ; 
A*D. 1620 — 1800. 

In order to meet the demand for a purely local currency, the Sural 
Mint continued to issue its comparatively insignificant Mahmudi 
silverlings for a period of more than forty years, say, H. 985 — 1027, with 
a slight added margin for either limit. But at the close of that period 
this Mint seems to have been promoted to the grade of an Imperial 
Mint, and its thenceforward increased actirity was evidenced by the 
production, and in considerable numbers, of all the different standard 
coins of the realm, the gold muhr, the silver rupee, and the copper 
fulus. The following table shows for each of the Mughal Emperors 
(or Qaimants to the throne) the metab in which coins from the Surat 
Mint are known to us to-day. It will be seen that, with the exception 
of five claimants (Dawar Bakfash,Shuja\ Kam Bakhsh, Niku-siyar and 

^ In tlic account here f^rcn of the SOrat Mahmudis, now more oomoMmly called the coins 
of GujaW&t Fabric 1 hare aTailed my«clf of the condusioos established m two artkks 
puMtshcd \r% the Nuinistnatic Sapplemeat II from the Journal. Anatic Society of Bcoffal. 
VoL LXXIII, Part I. No. s, 1904, and the Numismatic Supplement W from the Journal an^ 
Proceeding:*, Astatic Society of Bengal (New Series). VoL I, No. 10, 190$. 



'•►•»* ^. * 



-rTliA'JB«*iB:«i***»r ^m^^^ 



d 4* \' tvi 



:jia 



.• . i V ^• 



a«- 



SXV 



248 THE COINS OF SURAT. 

Obverse.^lti a square area bounded by double lines with dots 
between : 



^jliyf) 



Margins illegible. 
Reverse, — In similar area : 



Margins illegible. 

The figures denoting the Hijri years are entered near the right-hand 
lower corner of the square area of the Obverse— o\Qt the jim of J Ja 
In the coin dated H. 985 the figures are upright, but on all specimens 
known to me of a later date they appear as though lying on their faces, 
having suffered rotation from the upright position through one quad- 
rant to the left. It is worthy of special note that, though Akbar died 
in H. 1014, his name is retained unchanged on the coins struck 
subsequent to that date, whether in Jahangir's reign or even two 
hundred years later.* 

II. The Period of Imperial Mughal Currency : A. H. 1030— 1215 ; 
A.D. 1620 — 1800. 

In order to meet the demand for a purely local currency, the Surat 
Mint continued to issue its comparatively insignificant Mahmudi 
silverlings for a period of more than forty years, say, H. 985 — 1027, with 
a slight added margin for either limit. But at the close of that period 
this Mint seems to have been promoted to the grade of an Imperial 
Mint, and its thenceforward increased activity was evidenced by the 
production, and in considerable numbers, of all the different standard 
coins of the realm, the gold muhr, the silver rupee, and the copper 
fulus. The following table shows for each of the Mughal Emperors 
(or Claimants to the throne) the metals in which coins from the Surat 
Mint are known to us to-day. It will be seen that, with the exception 
of five claimants (Dawar Bakh§h,Shuja*, Kam Bakhsh, Niku-siyar and 

'^ In the account here g^iven of the Surat Mahmudis, now more commonly called the coin» 
of Gujarat Fabric, I have availed myself of the conclusions established in two articles 
published in the Numismatic Supplement II from the Journal. Asiatic Society of Bengal. 
Vol. LXXIII, Part I. No. 1, Z904, and the Numismatic Supplement VI from the Journal an^ 
Proceedings, Asiatic Society of Bengal (New Series), Vol. I, No. 10, ipc^. 



THE COINS OF SURAT. 



249 



Ibrahim) every ruler from Jahangir to Shah *Alam II is represented 
by at least his silver pieces : — 



SOrat Mint. 


1 SOrat Mint. 








Emperor or Claimant. 




Metal 


• 


• 


2: 


Emperor or Claimant. 




MeUl 


• 


« 


2: 


G. 


S. 


1 a 


G. 


S. 


c. 


I 


Jahangir 

Jahangir and Nur 
Jahan 


••• 
G 


S 
S 


c 

... 


11 Farrukh-siyar ..» 

12 Rafral darajat ••• 




S 

s 


c 
c 


2 


Dawar Bakh^ ... 


••» 


••• 


• •• 


13 


Shah Jahan II. ... 


G 


S 


k*. 


3 


Shah Jahan I. ... 


G 


s 


c 


14 


Niku-siyar 


.•• 


... 


... 


4 


Shuja' 


... 


• a. 


• •• 


15 


Ibrahim 


••• 


... 


••• 


5 


Murad Bakhsh ... 


•*• 


s 


c 


16 


Muhammad ... 


G 


s 


c 


6 


Aurangzeb 


G 


s 


c 


17 


Ahmad Shah 


*•• 


s 


.•• 


7 


A'zam Shah 


.•• 


s 


... 


18 


'Alamgir II. 


••• 


S 


... 


8 


Kam Bakhsh ... 


... 


... 


•*• 


19 


Shah Jahan III.... 


*•• 


S 


... 


9 


Shah *Alam I. ... 


G 


s 


c 


20 


Shah 'Alam II. ... 


G 


S 


••• 


10 


Jahandar 


G 


s 

1 


c 













We have already seen that the latest known Surat Mahmudi is dated 
H. 1027. The earliest known Surat rupee — a rupee in the possession 
of my friend Mr. Framji Jamaspji Thanawala — is of the first month of 
the Hijriyear 1030^, and from that date right on till H. 1215, or even a 
few years later, the Surat mint was more or less active. As the year 
H. 1 215, however, witnessed both the resumption of the coinage of 
silver Mahmudis and also the production of Surat muhrs and rupees 
by the Bombay mint of the East India Company, the issue of exclu- 
^vely Imperial Mughal coins may be assigned to the 185 (lunar) 
years from A. H. 1030 till A. H. 12 15. Accordingly we now proceed to 
register in their chronological order the legends on the different types 
of coins struck at the Surat mint during this period. 

^ Entry is made in the Lahor Mus. Catal. (p. 70, No. IJ7) of an Akbar! rupee struck at 
SGrat ( ^^)yO ) in the month Jfin. ((O^w) of the Ilah! year 38. This strange 

rupee, however, did not, we may confidently affirm, issue from the SGratf C:» 1 mm j Mint. 



250 THE COINS OF SORAT. 

JAHANGlR : A. H. 1014— 1037 ; A. D. 1605— 1627. 

A. From A. H. 1030 — x (regnal year) till A. H. 1033 — 18. 
Rupee (see Fig. 2) and half-rupee. 

obv. ^'^I;y 

On two rupees of this type in the Lahor Museum (Catalogue Nos. 
143 and 179) the tail of the_y^ in the word J | is retracted across the 

•9 

face of the coin, and in one the word ^Xau is wanting. Thus on these 
rupees the Reverse legends read as follow : — 

We/V^^ and ^li:;^!^'^ 

B. From A. H. 1033-19 till A. H. 1037-22. 

One muhr (Br. Mus. Catal. No. 513), several rupees {see Fig. 3), and 
a few half-rupees of this period are known, bearing on the Obverse the 
name of Jahangir and on the Reverse that of his Queen-consort Nur 
Jahan. 






THE COINS OF sORAT. 2-1 

Thus the legend, covering both the Obverse and the Reverse, runs 

By order of Shah Jahangir money gained a hundred beauties 
Through the name of Nur Jahan Padshah Begam. 

SHAH JAHAN J. : A. H. 1037-1069 ; A. D. 1628-1659. 

A. A. H. 1037-1 
Rupee. 

I. Obv» -'t.^l/ or the variant (j^^ Fig. 4) c>^L^»(j> 

Rev. 4/IJ'UIJ' 

2. (See Fig. 5) Ohv, 4^ jli 



^U ^^I^^U 






252 THE COINS OP SORAT. 

Rev. Ji/IJ'l^lJ' 



B. From Hijri 1037 — j^^) till /fyVf 1042-x. 
Rupee {jsee Fig. 6) and half-rupee. 

Both on Obverse and on Reverse the legend is bounded by two con 
centric linear circles between which comes a circle of dots. 



^^^^^ 



Rev. JblJ'UIJf 



It was in this year 1037 that the term Hijri ^^^Jb\ was for 

the first time entered on the coins of Surat. 

From some specimens of rupees of this period in the cabinet of the 
Bombay Asiatic Society it would seem that the entry of the regnal year 
was occasionally omitted altogether. 

C. From A. H. x— Ilahl 4 (i) till A. H. x— Ilahi 5 (12). 1 

Only two coins of this type have been published, and botli are 
muhrs : one is in the British Museum and the other at Labor. 
Ohv, Same as B. 

^ The bracketed figure indicates the month : thus Ilah! 4 (t) means the first month— 
Farwardtn — of the Ilah! year 4 ; and similarly Ilahi 5 (is) the twelfth month — Isfand&nnuz 
•of the Ilah! year 5. 



THE COINS OF sOrAT. 253 



Rev. Mi\Mi 



JUA 



D. From A. H. x— 6 till A. H. 1046—9. 
Rupee (see Fig. 7). 

Ohv, In square area with knotted corners. 

Margin : uppei : ^ jj |uj t^ 
: right: ,^„^L© *U»^ 
: lower : ^^ ^^f 

: left : cy^^^ «-> ^ 
Rev, In square area with knotted corners. 



Margin : lower : t^ c* I cJ "^""^ 
ileft: ^ l^j^^l Jac^ 

• upper: c^l^ rjj^ 

: right : ^ U^ 

It will be observed that on the rupees of this type both the Hijri and 
the regnal year are entered on the Reverse, the former in the left 
margin and the latter in the left lower corner of the area. The two 
dates are thus brought fairly close together. 

A gold coin of the year H. 1047, "^w in the Bombay Asiatic 
Society's cabinet, bears the regnal year both on the Reverse as in type 
O and also on the Obverse as in type E. This interesting muhr thus 
serves as a link connecting both those types. 



254 THE COINS OF SCRAT. 

E. From A. H. 1048—12 till A. H. 1051— 14. 
Rupee. 

„ \ Same as m D, 
Rev. ) 

but the regnal year is now removed from the Reverse area, and is 
entered instead in the right-hand margin of the Obverse. Thus 

^{^ J 
{See Fig. 8) or, more commonly, w-^'u^,*^ 

F. From A. H. 1052—16 till A. H. 1067—30 (but note G below). 

Rupee. 

Ohv. ^ ^ . T-. 

„ vSame as m D, 

but the regnal year is now entered not on the Reverse, but in the right- 
hand lower corner of the Obverse area {see Fig. 9). The Shah Jahani 
Surat rupees most in evidence are of this type. One specimen in 
my possession is square {see Fig. 10), measuring 7 inch, and weighing 
178 grains. 1 Its Hijri year is indistinct, but seems to be either 1055 
or 1059, and its regnal year is wanting. 

G. A. H. 1057— 20 and A. H. 1057—21. 
Rupee {see Fig. 11) and half-rupee. 

Obv, In area enclosed by a wavy diamond border. 

n 

Margin : left upper : 
: right upper : 
: right lower : 

: left lower : i:yj^*u uj -^ 

^The late Pandtt Bh.igvanlal Indraji, in his article on " Antiquarian Remains at Sopari 
and Padana," contributed to the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Amattc 
Society, Vol. XV, No. XL, tells of his obtaining at Sopara about ten coins of white metal, 
all of them square, and all bearing the legend of S^&h Jah&n. He adds (p. 279), " I bdieve 
these coins were perhaps struck at SdpSra to replace the Portuguese white metal coins, 
which were current in this part of the country, I may mention thatt except heret I haTe 
never found a white metal Moghal coin.*' Now Sopara is otherwise unknown as a mint town, 
and it is extremely improbable that at this long since decayed emporium of trade a mint 
should have been opened hf the Mughals solely for the production of white metal coins. 
Through the generosity of my kind friend Mr. FrS.nxii J&maspji Th&niwaUl four of these 
tutenag coin^ are now in my possession, and though on none of them can the place of 
mintage be decipheredi still the coins themselves resemble so closely the square rupee 
mentioned as type F that I incline to assign both to one and the same mint. But the rupee 
distinctly bears the name of its mint-town Surat, and hence we may with probability infer 
that it was from Surat these rare tufenag coins issued. 




THE COINS OP SORAT* 355 



Rev, In similar area : 



Margin : right lower : y^ i_<f I O *^ 
: left lower : ^ | ♦^V A^ s 
: left upper : i:)^^ r)) ^' 

: right upper : Jj^ J^j 

H. A. H. 1067—31 and A. H. 1068—31. 
Rupee (see Fig. 12). 
O^. In circular area : 

The marginal legend, starting from the left upper portion, reads 
consecutively : — 

Rev. In similar area : 



The marginal legend, starting from the left upper portion, reads 
consecutively. 

In one of my specimens the year | «.*f V is by a freak written | •»(' V 

In the rupee of the year A. H. 1068 — 31 the marginal legend on the 
Reverse begins not at the left upper but at the right lower portion. 
J. A. H. 1068 — 31. 

The Indian (Calcutta) Museum Catalogue registers a rupee 
(No. 13149 On page 35) as follows : — 
Obv. In square. 

f\ (31st year) under ^{J;, 

Margins as in Obverse of D. 
Rev, Kalima in a circle ; margins as usual ; and date | ♦^ A 

19 



248 THE COINS OF SURAT. 

Obverse.-^ln a square area bounded by double lines with dots 
between : 



^j\iy/) 



Margins illegible. 
Reverse, — In similar area : 



Margins illegible. 

The figures denoting the Hijri years are entered near the right-hand 
lower corner of the square area of the Obverse- ov^r the jim of J JU^ 
In the coin dated H. 985 the figures are upright, but on all specimens 
known to me of a later date they appear as though lying on their faces, 
having suffered rotation from the upright position through one quad- 
rant to the left. It is worthy of special note that, though Akbar died 
in H. 1014, his name is retained unchanged on the coins struck 
subsequent to that date, whether in Jahangir's reign or even two 
hundred years later. ^ 

II. The Period of Imperial Mughal Currency : A. H. 1030—1215 ; 
A.D. 1620 — 1800. 

In order to meet the demand for a purely local currency, the Sural 
Mint continued to issue its comparatively insignificant Mahmudi 
silverlings for a period of more than forty years, say, H. 985 — 1027, with 
a slight added margin for either limit. But at the close of that period 
this Mint seems to have been promoted to the grade of an Imperial 
Mint, and its thenceforward increased activity was evidenced by the 
production, and in considerable numbers, of all the different standard 
coins of the realm, the gold muhr, the silver rupee, and the copper 
fulus. The following table shows for each of the Mu^al Emperors 
(or Claimants to the throne) the metals in which coins from the Surat 
Mint are known to us to-day. It will be seen that, with the exception 
of five claimants (Dawar Bakhsh,ShujaS Kam Bakhsh, Niku-siyar and 

^ In the account here given of the SOrat Mahmudis, now more commonly called the coins 
of Gujarat Fabric, 1 have availed myself of the conclusions established in two articles 
published in the Numismatic Supplement II from the Journal. Asiatic Society of Bengral, 
Vol. LXXIII, Part I, No. s, 1904. and the Numismatic Supplement VI from the Journal and 
Proceeding*}. Asiatic Society of Bengal (New Series), Vol. I. No. 10, ISK>S* 



THE COINS OF SORAT. 



249 



Ibrahim) every ruler from Jahangir to Shah 'Alam II is represented 
by at least his silver pieces : — 



SOrat Mint. 


1 SOrat Mint. 








Emperor or Claimant. 


MetaL 








MeUl 


• 


• 

c 

as 


G. 


s. 


c. 


• 


2: 


Emperor or Claimant. 


G. 


S. 


C. 


I 


Jahangir 

Jahangir and Nur 
Jahan 


• •• 

G 


S 
S 


c 

... 


11 Farrukh-siyar ... 

12 Rafral darajat ••• 


... 
... 


S 
S 


c 
c 


2 


Dawar Bakh^ ... 


••» 


••• 


• •• 


13 


Shah Jahan II. ... 


G 


S 


%•• 


3 


Shah Jahan I. ... 


G 


S 


c 


14 


Niku-siyar 


.*• 


... 


... 


4 


Shuja' 


... 


• •• 


.•• 


15 


Ibrahim 


••• 


... 


• •• 


5 


Murad Bakhsh ... 


».• 


s 


c 


16 


Muhammad 


G 


S 


c 


6 


Aurangzeb 


G 


s 


c 


17 


Ahmad Shah 


.•• 


S 


.*• 


7 


A'zam Shah 


••• 


s 


... 


18 


'Alamgir II. 


••• 


S 


... 


8 


Kam Bakhsh ... 


... 


... 


«•• 


19 


Shah Jahan III.... 


... 


S 


... 


9 


Shah 'Alam I. ... 


G 


s 


c 


20 


Shah 'Alam II. ... 


G 


S 


••• 


10 


Jahandar 


G 


s 

• 


c 


^ 











We have already seen that the latest known Surat Mahmudi is dated 
H. 1027. The earliest known Surat rupee — a rupee in the possession 
of my friend Mr. Framji Jamaspji Thanawala — is of the first month of 
the Hijriyear 1030^, and from that date right on till H. 1215, or even a 
few years later, the Surat mint was more or less active. As the year 
H. 1 215, however, witnessed both the resumption of the coinage of 
silver Mahmudis and also the production of Surat muhrs and rupees 
by the Bombay mint of the East India Company, the issue of exclu- 
sively Imperial Mu^al coins may be assigned to the 185 (lunar) 
years from A. H. 1030 till A. H. 12 15. Accordingly we now proceed to 
register in their chronological order the legends on the different types 
of coins struck at the Surat mint during this period. 

^ Entry is made in the LShor Mus. Catal. (p. 70, No. IJ7) of an Akbari rupee struck at 
SQrat ( \::^\yO ) in the month Jan. (;oU^) of the Ilahl year 38. This strangre 

rupee, however, did not, we may confidently affirm, issue from the Surat f Cly 1^^ j Mint. 



250 THE COINS OF SORAT. 

JAHANGlR : A. H. 1014— 1037 *• A. D. 1605— 1627. 
A. From A. H. 1030— x (regnal year) till A. H. 1033 — 18. 
Rupee {see Fig. 2) and half-rupee. 

Rev. ^\ ^s^)i/ ^^ 

IV ,ju 

On two rupees of this type in the Lahor Museum (Catalogue Nos. 
143 and 179) the tail of the ^^ in the word A ] is retracted across the 

face of the coin, and in one the word ^Xm* >s wanting. Thus on these 
rupees the Reverse legends read as follow : — 

We/V^^ and ^le^^l^^ 
A*- 

B. From A. H. 1033-19 till A. H. 1037-22. 

One muhr (Br. Mus. Catal. No. 513), several rupees (see Fig. 3), and 
a few half-rupees of this period are known, bearing on the Obverse the 
name of Jahangir and on the Reverse that of his Queen-consort Nur 
Jahan. 

Obv. ^[^^ 






THE COINS OF sOraT. 2-i 

Jiev> KLi 

y 

Thus the legend, covering both the Obverse and the Reverse, runs 

By order of Shah Jahangir money gained a hundred beauties 
Through the name of Nur Jahan Padshah Begam. 

SHAH JAHAN I. : A. H. 1037-1069 ; A. D. 1628-1659. 

A. A. H. 1 037- 1 
Rupee. 

I. Obv, -'^^t/ or the variant (^^^ Fig. 4) \jl^»L> 

Rev. Mm Mi 



i.rv 

2. {See Fig. 5) 0*r. <i- J^^ 






f.V 4 1*^ 



252 THE COINS OP SORAT. 



B. From Hijri 1037 — j^^) till /TyVf 1042-x. 
Rupee (see Fig. 6) and half-rupee. 

Both on Obverse and on Reverse the legend is bounded by two con 
centric linear circles between which comes a circle of dots. 

Ohv. ^jl^KLijO 



i^'^ivi*^ 



Rev. JUUUIJ' 



It was in this year 1037 that the term Hijri (\^y^\ was for 

the first time entered on the coins of Surat. 

From some specimens of rupees of this period in the cabinet of the 
Bombay Asiatic Society it would seem that the entry of the regnal year 
was occasionally omitted altogether. 

C. From A. H. x — Ilahi 4 (i) till A, H. x — Ilahi 5 (i2).i 

Only two coins of this type have been published, and both are 
muhrs : one is in the British Museum and the other at Labor. 
Ohv^ Same as B. 

^ The bracketed figure indicates the month : thus Ilahi 4(1) means the first month— 
Farwardin — of the llahT year 4 ; and similarly Ilah! 5 (is) the twelfth month— Isfandarmuz 
—of the Ilahi year 5. 



THE COINS OF sOrAT. 253 



Rev. MhA\i 



JUiA 



D. From A. H. x— 6 till A. H. 1046—9. 
Rupee {see Fig. 7). 

Ohv, In square area with knotted corners. 

Margin : upper : ^ jj |uj l^ 
: right: ,^„cwL© *U»^ 
: lower: ^1^1:^1^ 

: left : cy^^^ v-j -^ 
Rev, In square area with knotted corners. 



Margin : lower : A ^^J (J '^ 
: left : ^ | .|e<1 J J*_, 
: upper . ^^Uic i.jjb 



: right 



It will be observed that on the rupees of this type both the Hijri and 
the regnal year are entered on the Reverse, the former in the left 
margin and the latter in the left lower corner of the area. The two 
dates are thus brought fairly close together. 

A gold coin of the year H. 1047, now in the Bombay Asiatic 
Society's cabinet, bears the regnal year both on the Reverse as in type 
D and also on the Obverse as in type E. This interesting muhr thus 
serves as a link connecting both those types. 



' 



254 THE COINS OF SCRAT. 



E. From A. H. 1048—12 till A. H. 1051— 14. 
Rupee. 
Obv. 
Rev, 

but the regnal year is now removed from the Reverse area, and is 
entered instead in the right-hand margin of the Obverse. Thus 



[Same as in D, 



{See Fig. 8) or, more commonly, w-^'u^,*^ 

F. From A. H. 1052 — 16 till A. H. 1067 — 30 (but note G below). 
Rupee. 

Obv, •\ ^ . -^ 

„ j-Same as m U, 

but the regnal year is now entered not on the Reverse, but in the right- 
hand lower corner of the Obverse area {see Fig. 9). The Shah Jahani 
Surat rupees most in evidence are of this type. One specimen in 
my possession is square {see Fig. 10), measuring 7 inch, and weighing 
178 grains. 1 Its Hijri year is indistinct, but seems to be either 1055 
or 1059, and its regnal year is wanting. 

G. A. H. 1057—20 and A. H. 1057—21. 
Rupee {see Fig. 11) and half-rupee. 

Obv, In area enclosed by a wavy diamond border. 

n 

Margin : left upper : 
: right upper : 

: right lower: ^^ U^f 

: left lower : cu j^*u «-> -^ 

^The late Pandit Bhasr^anUl Indraji. in his article on " Antiquarian Remains at Soparil 
and Padana," contributed to the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal AwUitic 
Society, Vol. XV, No. XL, tells of his obtainingr at Sopira about ten coins of white metal, 
all of them square, and all bearing: the legrend of ^&h Jah&n. He adds (p. 279), " I believe 
these coins were perhaps struck at Sdpar& to replace the Portugruese white metal coins, 
which were current in this part of the country. I may mention thatt except beret I have 
never found a white metal Moghal coin.** Now Sopara is otherwise unknown as a mint town, 
and it is extremely improbable that at this long: since decayed emporium of trade a mint 
should have been opened by the Mug:hals solely for the production of white metal coins. 
Throug:h the g:enerosity of my kind friend Mr. Fr4n\jl Jamaspji Th&n&w&Ul four of these 
tutenag: coin^ are now in my possession, and though on none of them can the place oi 
mintag:e be deciphered, still the coins themselves resemble so closely the square rupee 
mentioned as type F that I incline to assig:n both to one and the same mint. But the rupee 
distinctly bears the name of its mint-town Surat. and hence we may with probability infer 
that it was from Surat these rare tufenag coins issued. 




THE COINS OF SORAT* 255 



Rev, In similar area : 



Margin : right lower : t^ i<^ I O *^ 
: left lower : ^ | ♦^V A^ \ 
: left upper : ^^ US^ p; j Ij. 

: right upper : Jj^ Jp^ 

H. A. H. 1067—31 and A. H. 1068—31. ' 

Rupee (see Fig. 12). 
Ohv. In circular area : 

The marginal legend, starting from the left upper portion, reads 
consecutively : — 

Rev. In similar area : 



The marginal legend, starting from the left upper portion, reads 
consecutively. 

In one of my specimens the year | «.^ V is by a freak written | ♦f V 

In the rupee of the year A. H. 1068 — 31 the marginal legend on the 
Reverse begins not at the left upper but at the right lower portion. 
J. A. H. 1068 — 31. 

The Indian (Calcutta) Museum Catalogue registers a rupee 
(No. 1 3149 On page 35) as follows : — 
Obv. In square. 

f\ (31st year) under ^H, 

Margins as in Obverse of D. 
Rev, Kalima in a circle ; margins as usual ; and date | ♦^ A 

19 



I 

I 

I 



256 THE COINS OF SOrAT. 

K. A. H. 1069 — 32* 

2^! }SafneasinD, 

but with the regnal year entered not on the Reverse, but over the word 
yUt in the lower line of the square area on the Obverse. The 

legend in this area thus reads : — 

* • 



My cabinet contains two CiT^^r coins of Shah Jahan from the Surat 
Mint. These are dated A. H. x— 29 and A. H. 1077 (? 1067) — 30. 
Their legends are alike, and read as follows : — 

Obv. 



Rev, 




MURAD BAKHSH : A. H. 1068 ; A. D. 1657-58. 
A. A. H. 1068. Rupee (see Fig. 13) and half-rupee. 



Muhammad Murad, the victorious King, the Second Alexander, 
Took the heritage from (Shah) Jahan, the " Lord of the Conjunction." 



l*1A 



THE COINS OF SOrAT, 



257 



B. A. H. 1068. Rupee {see Fig. 14) and half-rupee. 
Obv. In square area with knotted corners. 

Margin : right : oU^ t \y | 

: lower : . jj 1^^ >• " Wedded to the Faith. " 
: left : xs»)y», s^ ^ 
rupper: j^ | ^ ^lb 
Rev. In similar area : 



Margin : right : y^^ | J J^ 
: lower: J^Jj^^ 

: upper : ^ ^^ 

A Fulus of Murad Bakhsh is described, and figured, in the Numis- 
matic Supplement I of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 
(Vol. LXXIII, Part I, No. i, 1904). Its legends are very simple :— 



Rev. _ 



AURANGZEB : A. H. 1069— 1118; A.D. 1659—1707. 
A. A. H. 1070 — j^^l Rupee (5^^ Fig. 15) and half-rupee. 






2s8 THB COINS OF SCRAT. 

Rev, 




This interesting rupee supplies us the only ' ' honorific epithet" 
assigned on the Mu^al Coins to the city of Surat, which is here 
styled "Bandar mubarak," the blessed Port. The origin of this title is 
doubtless to be found in the fact that Surat was the chief port of 
embarkation for Indian Muslims on pilgrimage to Makka. For this 
same reason the city is also sometimes designated (though not on 
coins) the Bab al Hajj, or Gate of Pilgrimage. Terry in his ** Voyage 
to East India " refers ^ in the following terms to the pilgrim-traffic 
from Surat in the second decade of the seventeenth century : — 

** The ship, or junk, for so it is called, that usually goes from 
** Surat to Moha, is of an exceeding great burden, some of them, 
" I believe, fourteen or fifteen hundred tons, or more, but these 
'* huge vessels are very ill built, like an over-grown lighter, broad 
"and short, but made exceeding big, on purpose to waft passengers 
" forward and backward ; which are Mahometans, who go on 
"purpose to visit Mahomet*s sepulchre at Medina, near Mecca, 
" but many miles beyond Moha. The passengers, and others, 
" in that most capacious vessel that went and returned that year I 
"left India, (as we were credibly told) amounted to the number 
" of seventeen hundred. Those Mahometans that have visited 
** Mahomet's sepulchre are after called Hoggees', or holy men." 
Another, but distinctly less probable, explanation of the origin of 
the epithet Bandar mubarak is given in the Bombay Gazetteer from 
a local history written by Bakhshi Mia walad Shah Ahmad. It is 
there recorded that, when orders were issued (cir. A. D. 1540) by the 
Sultan Matimud (III) bin Latif for the erection of the Castle at Surat, 
the Turk §afi A^a, to whom the work had been entrusted, submit- 
ted three plans. " The King chose the one that placed the Castle on 
the bank of the river, and under this plan wrote the word mubarak^ 
or 'the prosperous.' Henoe the city up to this day is called 
Surat bandar mubarak,*^* 

* Edward Terry : »' A Voyagre to East India" : reprinted ( in 1777 ) from the edition 
of l^Stpaffes 130. 131- 

la^ H&ji (for HAjjI). ' one who has performed the pilgrrimagre to Mecca.' 



^ Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. II (Surat and Broach), pag:e7t, note i. 



TUE COINS OF SORAT. 259 



B. A. H. 1071 — 3 a«<i A* H, 1078 — lotill 1080—12. 
Rup^e {see Fig. 16) and half-rupee, 

Obv, 7^ (^^ 




Rev. 



C. From A. H. 1075 — x till A. H. 1089 — 22 (but sec B). 

Muhr (B. M. Catal. No. 707), rupee (see Fig. 17) and half-rupee. 

Obv. Same as in B. 

• 

Of rupees dated 1079 — 11 and 1080 — 12 the Reverse in some speci- 
mens follows type B, and in others type C. 

D. A. H. 1089 — 22. Rupee (see Fig. j8) and half-rupee. 

Obv. y^l^ 



Jfev, Same as in C. 



36o THE corns OF sCrat. 

E. From A. H. 1090— 22 tin A. H. II i8 — 51. 
Muhr (probably of this type in Indian Museum A. H. x— 29 ; 
A. H. X — 30 ; A. H. x— 42) ; rupee (see Fig. 19) and half>rupee. 






This b quite the most common of all the types of coins struck at 
Surat in the reign of Aurangzeb. 

The Brit Mus. rupees, Nos. 796, 796a, dated A. H. 1 105 — ^37, have 
the Reverse '* counterstruck with galloping horseman.'* 

The arrangement here shown of the words of the Reverse legend 
is worthy of special note, since adopted on all the gold and silver 
coins struck at Surat in or after the reign of Jahandar (A. H. 11 24). 



Of the Cc/^r coins of Aurangzeb from the Surat mint two distinct 
tjrpes are known. 

A. From A. H. x— 4 till A. H. x — 1 1, 






.THB COINS OF SORAT. '261 

B. From A. H. 1080—13 till A. H. 1119— x {see Fig. 20). 



'^ 



Rev. (♦Al 

The exaggerated elongation of the upper stroke of the letters alif, 
kaf, and lam on the Obverse is also found on Aurangzeb's copper coins 
struck at Lahor and Akbarabad. See Labor Museum Catalogue, page 
195, Nos. 18 and 20. 

Fulus of this curious type are not infrequently to be found in the 
A^adabad bazar, but a specimen in good condition is rare indeed. 



A'ZAM SHAH : A. H. 11 18— 19 ; A. D. 1707. 
A. A. H. 1119— «w| Rupee (f^^ Fig. 21). 



Obv. }j^/^*i[f^^^ 



f L fU/ ^J-^ 



Rev, yu, I i>*»_^*flfc 



This is an exceedingly rare coin. 



SHAH *ALAM I : a. H. 1119— 1124; A.D. 1707— 1712. 
A. From A. H. x— j^) till A. H. 1123— 6. 



262 THE COINS OF SORAT. 

Muhr (Ind. Mus. Catal., p. 50, No. 10909), rupee {see Fig. 22) 
and half-rupee. 

Obv. 



Rev, 







JAHANDAR : A. H. 1124 ; A.D. 1712— 13. 
A. A. H. 1 124 — jk^ I 

Rupee {see Fig. 23) and half-rupee. 

t;' — t^ 



Rev, Same as the E type of Aurangzeb* 



B. A. H. 1 124 — ^^\ 

Rupee {see Fig. 24). 
Ohv, Same as in A, but with ^ substituted for j J in the 

lowest line, which thus reads : — 
Rev. Same as the E type of Aurangzeb. 



THB COINS OF SCRAT. 263 

C. A. H. 1124 — d^^) 

Muhr (B. M. Catal., No. 879) and rupee (^see Fig. 25). 



xl * 



A 
MH 



^«v. Same as the E type of Aurangzeb. 



A Copper coin of Jahandar struck at Surat, and now in my posses- 
sion, reads as follows : — 
Ac. Date wanting. 

Obv. 




Rev, 

)r' 

The Reverse legend seems from the above fragment to have been 
identical with that of the E type of Aurangzeb. 



FARRU^-SIYAR : A. H. 1124— 1131 ; A.D. 1713— 1719. 
A. From A. H. x— 2 till A. H. [ii]3i— 8. 
Rupee {see Fig. 26) and half-rupee. 

Ohv. 




Rev, Same as the E type of Aurangzeb. 

Mr. Fr&fflji Jamaspji Th&nawala possesses an undated Copper coin 
struck at Surat in the reign of Farrukh-siyar. From drawings that 



264 THB COINS OP SORAT. 

he has been so kind as to send me it is evident that this Fulus bears 
portions of the following legends :«- 

Obv. ^ ^y 

Rev, Same as the E type of Aurangzeb. 

Compare also the copper coin of Farrukh-siyar, No. 36, in King and 
Vost*s "Some Novelties in Moghal Coins" (Num. Chron., Vol, XVI, 
Third Series). 

RAFI'AL DARAJAT: A. H. 1131 ; A.D. 1719. 
A. A. H. 1 13 1 — j,a^ I Rupee {see Fig. 27). 

Obv, ^)<^\^) I in 



y;^ AifLilTj^ 



Rev, Same as the E type of Aurangzeb. 



A C(0//^r coin in my collection bears only the following fragment- 
ary inscription : — 



Rev. 



SHAH JAHAN II : A. H. 1131 ; A. D. 1719. 

A. A. H. 1 131— d^ I Muhr and Rupee (see Fig. 28) and half-rupee 

Obv, ^l^ xL4 

iiri ;l^A 

Rev. Same as the E type of Aurangzeb. 



THE COINS OF SGrAT, 265 

MUHAMMAD SHAH : A. H. 1131— 1161 ; A. D. 1719— 1748. 
A. A. H. 1 131 — j^|-and — 1132 Jah.| 

Muhr (B. M, Catal, No. 953) and Rupee (see Fig* 29). 



^ Lo J )( uu •> Li 



Rev. Same as the E type of Aurangzeb. 

The few coins known of this type were till recently attributed to 
Niku-siyar, that unfortunate prince — a grandson of Aurangzeb — who, 
having suffered imprisonment for forty years, was suddenly raised to 
the Imperial throne, and after but 105 days of regal splendour was 
again consigned to the dungeon in the fort at Agra. However we 
can now with confidence affirm that no coins issued in Niku-siyar's 
name from the Surat mint. In the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society 
of Bengal for April, 1899 (pages i^s, 56), Mr. Irvine supplied the trans- 
lation of an interesting passage from the Mir'at-i- Ahmad i, in which it 
is distinctly recorded that, on receipt at Surat of the tidings of Muham- 
mad Shah's elevation to the throne, an official assembly was convened, 
at which the accession was proclaimed by beat of drum, and the royal 
prayer (khutba) was recited. Forthwith coins were struck at Surat, 
bearing, according to the express statement of the Mir*at-i-Ahmadi, 
the very legend that distinguishes the type now under discussion. 

Muhammad Shah began to reign only some six weeks before the 
close of the year 1131 Hijri, and coins of this rare ** Padshah Zaman " 
type are known dated that year and the following. Before the close, 
however, of the first year of Muhammad Shah's reign the new-fangled 
legend, which had nowhere indeed won acceptance save at the Surat 
mint, was abandoned, and thereupon Surat, falling into line with the 
other imperial mints, began to issue coins bearing that * ' Padiahah 
GhazT' inscription which remained till the close of Mu^iammad's reign, 
some thirty years later, the norm for the imperial currency. Thus the 



266 THE COINS OF SCRAT. 

coins — muhrs and rupees — struck at Surat during Muhammad Shah*s 
first regnal year fall into three classes : — 

(a) Those dated 1131 H., and bearing the '' Pad^ah Zaman'* 
legend ; 

(b) those dated 11 32 H., and bearing the same rare legend ; 

(c) those dated J132 H., and bearing the normal *' Pad^ah Ghazi'' 
legend. 

B. From A. H. 1131— tVai^j— till A. H. 1155—25. 

Muhr (Br. Mus. Catal., No. 967a) and rupee (see Fig. 30) . 

« 

jit TiUdij 

J^ev, Same as the E type of Aurangzeb. 



Two types are known of Muhammad Shah's Copper coins of Surat. 
Ac. Obv, ^ Li 



y * 



Rev, Same as the E type of Aurangzeb. 
Be. Ohv. jli xLi d4jr^ 

•• L^-T* 

Rev, Same as the E type of Aurangzeb. 



AHMAD SHAH : A. H. 1161-1167 ; A. D. 1748-1754. 
A. A. H. X— j»a^ I and A. H. x — 2. 
Rupee {see Fig. 31). 



Rev^ Same as the £ type of Aurangzeb. 



THE COINS OP SORAT. 267 

*ALAMGIR II. : A. H. 1167— 1173; A. D. 1754— -1759. 
A. From A. H. 11 x x— 2 till A. H. x — 5. 

Double rupee ^ (see Fig. 32) and rupee. 
Olrv. /Jlcll... 

Rev, Same as the E type of Aurangzeb. 



SHAH JAHAN III. : A. H. 1 173— 1 174 ; A. D. 1759— 1760. 
A. A. H. 117X— j^l ; [ii]75— tVa^l ;"78— da^l ; nSx-j^t 
Rupee {see Fig. 33) and half-rupee. 
Obv. I IV... 

Rev, Same as the E type of Aurangzeb. 

As Shah Jahan was deposed on the 29th of Safar, A. H. 1174", it is 
difficult to account satisfactorily for the dates [ii]75, 1178, and 118 x, 
all coupled with the regnal year t 5.^_ | . That other claimants bear- 
ing the name of Shah Jahan arose in these years to contest the crown 
with Shah 'Alam is not, so far as I can discover, recorded in any his- 
tory of India. May we venture to assume that the workmen at the 
Surat mint had grown careless, and that these years find a place on 
the coins through mistake ? 

^ For a description and illustration of this Double Rupee tee Mr. Nelson Wrig'ht's articles 
in Numismatic Supplement V, Journal and Proceedings, Asiatic Society of Bengal (New 
Series), Vol. I., No. lo, 1905. 

=' 5^^ Dowsonand EUiot's: "History of India," Vol. VIII., p. 378. 



268 THB COINS OF SORAT. 

SHAH 'ALAM n. : A.H. 1173— 1221 ; A.D. 1759 -1806. 

A. H. X— 4 ; A. H. x — 5 ; A. H. x— 6 ; also from A. H. 1197 — 24 
till A.H. X— 49. 

Double rupee ^, rupee (jsee Fig. 34), half-rupee, and 2-anna piece. 
Obv. IHV 



^ 



^^v. Same as the E type of Aurangzeb. 

In A. H* 1 215 (A. D. 1800), if not indeed earlier, the East India 
Company's mint at Bombay struck " Surat " muhrs and rupees : but 
the evidence from coins still occasionally to be obtained io the bazars 
precludes the inference that in that year the Mughal coinage ceased 
to issue from the Surat mint. It would seem to have lingered on for 
a few more years, though, doubtless, the output was small. My 
cabinet contains a rupee of the regnal year 46 of make quite different 
from the familiar "46 san rupee '* issued by the H. E. I. Company; 
also another rupee of distinctly native workmanship yet bearing as its 
date so late a regnal year as 49, the very last year of Shah *Alam's 
reign. 

III. The period of the East India Company's Currency : A. H. 
121C— 1251 ; A.D. 1800 — 1835". 

The year H. 121 5 witnessed a revival of the old Surat Mahmudi 
coinage, bearing the name of the Emperor Akbar, deceased nearly 
two centuries, a revival that continued seemingly for just two ye^rs. 
What circumstances led up to the issue of so old a type of coin, and, 
further, what occasioned its 6nal withdrawal, are questions that still 
await a satisfactory answer. Can these coins have been struck by 

^ On this double rupee, dated A. H x— 4}in the possession of Mr. R. F. Malabar- 
wala of Bombay, see the article by Mr. Nelson Wright in the Numismatic Supplement \*. 
Compare also Note 13. 

' In the Indian Museum Catalogue, page 99/, all the Surat coins of the East India 
Company are entered as dated either H. 1135 or H. tzio. If these readings be correct, the 
figures are probably in both dises due to faulty workmanship in the engraving of the dies, 

thus I l'**^ for \f\C^znA | H ^ also for | I' | A. 



THB COINS OF SCRAT. 269 

way of protest against the imperious action of the H. E. I. Company 
in issuing its ** Surat " rupees in that same year H. 1215 ? And 
was the so early disappearance of these Mahmudis in H. 12 17 an 
indirect consequence of that year's treaty at Bassein, whereby sole 
and undisputed control over the district became vested in the English ? 
These problems we must, I fancy, be content to leave for the present 
unsolved. 

If the East India Company struck any ** Surat '* coins, whether in 
that city or in Bombay, prior to H. 1215, they are undistinguishable 
from the Mughal coins. The Company's muhrs and rupees, which, 
according to Prinsep, the Bombay Mint ^ recommenced issuing in 
A.D. 1800 (A.H. 1214-15), were all struck in the name of the 
Emperor Shah' Alam, and on all were inscribed the same Obv. and 
Rev. legends as had for forty years obtained on his coins. 
Thus : Obv, J[c »Li 

;U^ /^ 

Rev, — Same as in the E type of Aurangzeb. 

As to their fabric, however, the Company's coins struck at Surat 
readily fall into two classes —those of native fabric or hand-made, 
and those of English fabric or machine-made. 

A. The H. E. I. Company's "Surat" Coins of Native Fabric 
were issued in both gold and silver. Of these four sub-classes may 
be distinguished : — 

(a) On the Obverse over the Li of x Li ^ Li comes an oval label, 

bearing the figures of the Christian year 1802. Also on 
the Reverse the - of ^ytS^ is superscribed by a crowned 

head. See Brit. Mus. Catal., page 281, No. 81. 
(l>) On the Obverse for the uppermost of the dots over Li of 
X Li J Li a small crown is substituted. On the Reverse 
the regnal year is 46. See Brit. Mus. Catal., page 281, 
No. 82. 

* One coin -a quarter-rupee— is enlered in the British Museum Catalogue (p. 280, 
No. 80) as having been struck at the mint " Mumbai-Surat." This is, however, a curious 
error, for the coin really issued from the mint at Mahisur (Myst»re). See Numismatic 
Supplement V. Journal and Proceedings, Asiatic Society of Bengal (New Series), Vol. 1. 
Na 4. iQOf. 



270 



(f) The coins of this sub-dass are identical with those of 



y 



save that the dtstinctire crown is absent. These coins are 
thus in appearance Tirtually the same as the JVin^Ac/ coins 
struck in the regnal year 46. See Brit. Mas. CataL, 
page 282, No. 87. 



(</) The Obverse and the Reverse are the same as in 



^' 



but the stiver coins of this sub-dass bear the 6gures 1825 
incused on a raised label on the Reverse over the ^ of 

(^^Ub. (-^^^ P«g- 35)- ^^ Brit Mus, CataL, page 282, 

No. 85. 

B. The H. E. I. Company's Surat cmns, in gold and silver, of 
English Fabric. Of these are the following three sub-classes : — 

(a) Edge milled with straight milling =, and both on Obverse 
and on Reverse linear circle round rim (see Fig. 36). 

{p) Plain edge, and both on Obverse and on Reverse serrated 
rim (see Fig. 37). 

{c) Plain edge, and both on Obverse and on Reverse raised 
plain rim {see Fig. 38). 

All the *' Surat *' coins of English Fabric bear, as their date, above 
the top line of the Obverse the Hijri year \f\C^ and (with, perhaps, 

the sole exception of the 1802 muhrs) all the Company's " Surat '^ 
coins, whether of Native or of English Fabric, have, as a fised date, 
the regnal year 46. 

The machine-made coins of the H. E. I. Company continued in 
circulation till A. D. 1835 (A. H. 1250-51), and, finally, that year wit- 
nessed the introduction of the uniform Imperial Coinage which still 
constitutes the standard currency for all British India. 

AhmadAbAd, 

12th May, 1906, 

The chief interest of this article certainly attaches to the three 
Plates that illustrate it. These have been prepared from beautiful 
photographs of the original coins taken by my kind friend, Mr. Henry 
Cousens, M.R.A.S., the accomplished Superintendent of the 



THB COINS OF SORAT. 



271 



Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, who, as on previous 
occasions, so now again, has thus placed the readers of this Journal 
under a debt of obligation* 



G. P. T. 



PLATE I. 





Emperor. 


Ybar. 


Metal. 


Weight 

in 
Grains. 


Typical of Hijri 


No. 


Hijri. 


Regnal. 


Period. ^ . 

• 


I 


Akbar 


••• 


994 


• • • 


Silver. 


86 


Cir. 985—1027 and 
1215 — 1217 H. 


2 


Jahangfr 


••• 


1031 


17 


s 


17s 


1030— 1033 H. 


3 


JahangTr a n 


d 














Nur Jahan 


••• 


1033 


'9 


S 


176 


1033— 1037 H. 


4 


Shah Jahan I. 


••■ 


1037 


I 


S 


175 


1037 H. 


5 




••• 


1037 


I 


S 


175 


1037 H. 


6 


• 


••• 


1037 


I 


S 


174 


loyf Hijri (written). 


7 




••• 


1046 


9 


S 


171 


1043— 1046 H. 


<»8 




••• 


• •• 


12 


S 


176 


1048 — 1051 H. 


^9 




••• 


• • • 


29 


S 


174 


1052— 1067 H. 


10 




••• 


? 


9 

• 


S 


177 


?— square. 


II 




• • • 


1057 


21 


S 


176 


1057 H. 



PLATE IL 



No. 



Emperor. 



Year. 



Hijri. 



RegnaL 



Weight 
Metal. in 

'Grains. 



12 


Shah Jahan L ... 


1067 


31 


13 


Murad Bakhi^ ... 


1068 


I 


14 


,, 


1068 


I 


*i5 


Aurangzeb 


1070 


1 


16 


9 9 •• • 


1071 


3 


ti7 


9 • ••• 


... 


8 


;i8 


• • • • • 


1089 


••• 


19 


9 9 • • « 


1 104 


36 


20 


9 9 *** 


1089 


22 


21 


A'^am Shah 


1119 


I 


22 


Shah 'Alam L ... 


1122 


4 



Silver. 

S 

S 

S 

S 

S 

S 

S 
Copper. 

S 

S 



176 
176 
176 

174 
176 

176 

175 
212 

170 
177 



Typical of Hijri 
Period. 



067-1068 H. 
068 H. 
068 H. 
070 H. 

071—1078 H. 
075--1089 H. 
089 H. 

090—1118 H. 
089—1119 H. 
118—1119 H. 
119— 1 123 H. 



* On this rupee Surat hears the epithet Bandar mubdra 
t Reverse only is shown on the Plate. 
X Obverse only is shown on the Plate. 
20 



272 



THE COINS OF SORAT. 



PLATE III. 



No. 




Metal. 



Weight 

in 
Grains. 



Typical of Hyri 
Period. 



♦23 

♦24 

♦25 
«26 
**27 
*2S 
♦29 
♦30 

+32 

**33 

*34 

35 

36 

♦37 
t38 



Jahandar 



ft 



>> 



Farrukh-siyar 
RafT 'al darajat ... 
Shah Jahan II ... 
Muhammad Shah. 



i» 



A^mad Shah 
'Alamgir II 
Shah Jahan III 
Shah *Alam II 
Shah *Alam II 



•■• 






») 



1 1 24 


••• 


Silver. 


176 




1 1 24 


••• 


S 


176 




1 1 24 


.. ■ 


S 


177 




II28 


••• 


S 


^77 




I13I 


.•• 


S 


177 




I13I 


••• 


S 


177 




II3I 


m^» 


S 


177 




"33 


*•• 


S 


177 




• .. 


• •• 


S 


174 


I 


.• • 


5 


S 


357 


' 


117 X 


.•• 


S 


176 




1 197 


• • . 


S 


165 


J 


1825A.D. 


*•• 


S 


180 


] 


1215 H. 


••• 


S 


177 


. 


1215 H. 


••• 


S 


179 




••• 


46 


s 

1 
( 


83 


J 



24 H. 
24 H. 
24 H. 

25—1131 H, 
31 H. 
31 H. 

31-1132 H. 
[31— 115s H. 
[61 — 1 162 H. 
71 H. 

7 X— iiSz H. 
.77—1221 H. 

Struck by the 
H. E. I* Com- 
pany. 



* Obverse only is shown on the Plate. 

t This is a Double Rupee. 

X The Reverse only of this Half Rupee is shown on the Plate. 



f^ 



> 



i 



V 



X 



N. 



Art. XVI I L — Bombay ^ as seen by Dr. Edward Ives in the 

year 775^ A . D. 

By Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A. 

{Read 12th October 1906.) 

Dr. Edward Ives was a Surgeon in His Majesty's Navy and served 
in the Mediterranean from 1744 to 1746. Then he served for some 
years in England. From 1753 to 1757 he was Surgeon of the " Kent," 
bearing the flag of Vice-Admiral Charles Watson, Commander-in- 
Chief in the East Indies. On the Admiral's death in 1757, ^^ retired 
from service in India and returned home via Persian Gulf. He 
reached England in 1759. He continued on half pay till 1777. He 
was then superannuated in 1777. He died in 1786. Itwasini773 
that hfe published his book of Travels.* The title of the book is rather 
a very long one. It runs thus : 

•* A 
Voyage from 
England to India 
In the year MDCCLIV. 
And an 
Historical Narative 
of 
The Operations of the Squadron and Army in India, under the Com- 
mand of Vice-Admiral Watson and Colonel Clive, in the years 1755, 
1756, 1757 ; including a Correspondence between the Admiral and the 
Nabob Serajah Dowlah. 

Interspersed with 
Some interesting passages relating to the mannotd, customs, &c., of 

several nations in Indostan 

Also, a 

Journey from Persia to England 

By an unusual route 

With 

An Appendix 

Containing an account of the diseases prevalent in Admiral 

Watson's squadron ; a description of most of the trees, shrubs, and 

f Vide Dictionary of National Biofifraphy, edited by Sidney Lee, Vol. XXIX (1892), p. 79, 



274 BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR I754 A.D. 

plants of India, with their real, or supposed, medicinal virtues : Also 
a copy of a letter written by a late ingenious physician, on the disorders 
incidental to Europeans at Gombroon in the Gulf of Persia, 

Illustrated with a Chart, Maps and other Copper-plates 

By Edward Ives, Esq., 

Formerly Surgeon of Admiral Watson's ship and 

of His Majesty's Hospital in the East Indies. 

London. 
Printed for Edward and Charles Dilly. 

MDCCLXXIII." 

I find this book mentioned in the Catalogue of the books of the 
library of our Society printed in 1875, as ** Ives (Edward). — ^Voyage 
from England to India, also a Journey from Persia to England, 
4to. Lond., I773-" It is marked as AA-a-17. But its name bears an 
asterisk in the printed catalogue, which means that in 1775 the book 
was either "damaged or missing." I find on inquiry from our 
librarian that it is missing. 

The late Dr. Gerson DaGunha has given us an excellent paper 
entitled "The Origin of Bombay." It is published in 1900 as an 
extra number of the Journal of our Society. Therein, Dr. I ves^s book is 
not referred to. The Bombay Gazetteer^ refers to this book especially 
in its account of the AngriAs.' Therein, Dr, Ives's account of the 
taking of Gheria by Admiral Watson is interpolated in the larger 
account * from Robert Orme. * I am not sure if the writer of the 
Gazetteer has quoted directly from Dr. Ives's book, as I find some 
discrepancies in the references given." Again Dr. Ives's book is 
referred to in the Bombay Quarterly Review of 1857.® But, I find 
that, as far as I know. Dr. Ives's short account of Bombay is not 
referred to at any length by any writer, at feast on this side of the 
country. So, the object of this paper is to give a short account of 
Bombay as seen by Dr. Ives in 1754. 

* Vol. If Part II., pp. 88, 93, 94* Vol. X, pp. 381, |82. Vol XIII, p. 499* 
» Vol. I, Part II, pp. 87—96. 

* A History of the Military Trannactions of the British Nation in Indostan from the year 
i74Si Vol. I, (Fourth Edition of 1799), pp. 407— 4i7« 

* For the life of this author, vidg " Hintorical Fragments of the Mogul Empiref of the 
Marattoes, and of the English concerns in Indostan, from the year 1659," by Robert Ormc 
(i8o5,)pp. V— LXVII. 

^ For example (a) the Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, p. 93, n.a. There, the p. 8s referred to in 
the note does not refer to the matter spcAen of. (3) The page referred to as p. 8 1 of Ive;* 
on p. 94 of the Gazetteer roust be p. 8s. 

* The Bombay Quarterly Reviewi Vol. V, January and April, 1857, p. 162. Article entitled 
" An Age of Progress in Bombay.' 



BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1 754 A.D. 275 

From his title page, we learn that, though the year of our author's 
principal visit of Bombay was 1754, the book was published in 1773, 
*>., about 19 years afterwards. It was dedicated to Sir Charles 
Watson, Bart., the son of the Admiral in whose fleet Dr. Ives had 
served and visited India. The dedication is interesting, as it aims 
thereby to set before a son, for his improvement, the example of a 
worthy father. It says : ** If what I have written of your excellent 
Father .... shall contribute to your improvement, and set 
you forward in the paths of virtue, I then shall be beyond measure 
happy." 

CXir author thus describes the occasion of his voyage. 

" Immediately after the peace of Aix la Chapelle, or as soon as our 
sea and land forces under the command of Admiral Boscawen had 
left the Indies and were on their return to England, Mons. Dupleix, 
Governor of Pondicherry, began by his intrigues to sow the seeds of 
dissention among the country princes; and when he had so far succeeded 
as to set them at variance with one another, he sent a body of Euro- 
pean troops into the field, as auxiliaries to those Nabobs who espoused 
the French interest, and who, by dint of this supply, gained several 
successive advantages over the other princes who were friends to our 
East India Company. Mustapha-Jing, a powerful prince, and Chunda- 
Saeb, an enterprising general, were those with whom he was princi- 
pally connected, and whom he made use of as instruments for bringing 
out his ambitious designs — Designs no less extensive, than of acquir- 
ing for his nation an absolute ascendancy over the whole Carnatic and 
Deccan, and for himself, immortal honour and immense riches. 
The English presidency were possessed of such convincing proofs 
of his insatiable avarice, and thirst for power, that they prudently 
and resolutely determined to exert their utmost abilities in putting 
a stop to his violent, and hitherto rapid proceedings ; for that 
purpose, they, und^r the character of allies, joined their forces with 
the armies of a prince called Nazir-Jing, and of the Nabob of 
Arcot named Mahomed -Aly, against whom their enemies were now 
taking the field*." 

Admiral Watson's flag ship ** Kent, " of which our author 
was the medical ofHcer, left Spithead for Plymouth, the rendez- 
vous of the fleet, on 22nd February 1754. They left Portsmouth 
on 9th March and sailed for Cork in Ireland, to take on board 
from there, the king's troops under command of Col. Adlercron, 
While sailing to that port they were overtaken by a storm and so 

* " Ives's Voyage,*' pp. 1—2. 



276 BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1 754 A.D. 

had to anchor at Kingsale on 12th March. From there he wrote 

to Col. Adlercron to march to that town with his troops. On the 

19th the raging storm disabled two ships of his small fleet f of 6 

ships, the whole strength of which was altogether 226 Runs. The 

Admiral sailed from Kingsale on the 24th March with only four 

ships and taking as many troops as he could accommodate. The two 

disabled ships were ordered to proceed to Plymouth with some 

more troops who were to proceed to India in some other ships 

that the Admiralty may prepare to replace the disabled ships. 

On 6th April, they anchored at Fonchial road off the island of 

Madeira, *' a place," according to our author, ** famous for supplying 

not only Europe, but all our settlements in both the Indies, with 

a most excellent wine." We know that the town has not as yet lost 

the fame, and the ** Madeira wine " is still well-known. The price of 

the wine, at thafr time, says our author, was from £ 20 to 22 for a 

pipe(».^., a cask containing two hogsheads or 126 gallons). 

The following opinion of our author, regarding the zeal of the 
Portuguese to observe their holidays, is worth noting, to enable 
those who are interested in these people to judge if matters have 
changed. Our author says : — 

** Whilst we continued at Madeira, we met with many disagreeable 
delays in supplying our squadron with wine and other refreshments, 
on account of the Passion-week, and the carnival that followed it, 
at which season all business there is at a stand and strangers are 
sure to be entertained with much gaudy, superstitious mummery. 
The custom indeed of celebrating this festival with a great deal of 
religious pageantry, is observed in all Popish countries, but probably 
nowhere carried to so j^reat an height as among the Portuguese, who 
are the mo it bigotted to the fopperies of their religion of any nation 
under the Sun."^ 

The fleet left Madeira on 19th April at 10 a.m., saw the island of 
Palma, one of the Canaries, on the 23rd, ** got into the trade winds" on 
the 25th, **were in sight of the Bonavista, oneofthcCapedeVerd 
Islands," on the 26th or 27th. In the middle of May, the '* ship being 
too much crowded with stores and men and consequently very hot 
between decks, the crew became so sickly " that in 6 days they buried 
7 men and 160 were on the sick list suff'ering from ** putrid fevers." 
This fever was the result of eating the stock-fish, a part of their 
tinned provision getting putrid. 



1 •• 



Ive»'s Voyage," p. 4. 



BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1754 A.D. 277 

In their voyage they shot off the Cape of Good Hope an *'alba- 
trose," a sea fowl ** which measured lyyi feet from wing to wing." 
A shark also was caught ** which had the horns, skin, and many 
bones of a bullock in the belly. After it was dead and dried, a very 
large man passed through its jaws."* 

They arrived at Madagascar on 17th July. Madagascar was then 
governed by 4 or 5 kings who were frequently at war with each 
other. The beef of Madagascar was then well known. The bullocks 
of the Island weighed from 600 to 700 pounds. The chiefs of the 
King's court ** prided themselves in being called by English names. 
And the King's own family likewise, in imitation of the court of 
England, is not without a Prince of Wales, a Duke of Cumberland, a 
Prince Augustus, and Princesses, distinguished by English names. 
All the great men abovementioned, came on board naked, except a 
covering over their hips, and another over their shoulders." 

The fleet touched the shore of India at the Fort of St. David near 
Madras on the loth of September 1754. 

Dr. Ives left Fort St. David on nth October and his ship, 
Salisbury,' anchored in what he called ** Bombay Road" on the 
13th of November 1754. He gives the following description of 
Bombay' : — 

** Bombay is a small island, but for its size, perhaps the most 
flourishing of any this day in the universe. Though the soil is so bar- 
ren as not to produce anyone thing worth mentioning, yet the conveni- 
ence of its situation will always more than make up for that defect 
It may justly be styled * th^ grand storehouse of all the Arabian 
and Persian commerce.' When this island was first surrendered 
to us by the Portuguese, we hardly thought it worth notice ; but, 
in a very few years afterwards, we experimentally found the value 
of it, and it is now become our chief settlement of the Malabar 
Coast. " 

• Speaking of the natives of this island, he says that, though shorter, 
they are stronger than the people of the Coromandel Coast. He got 
this idea of their strength from the number of men that carried 

^ " lves'« Voyage,* 'p. 5. 

' It was in this ship that the late Mr. Nowrojee Rustomji Seth, the first Parsee to 
visit England) had sailed from here in 1723. ( Parsee PrakAsh, Vol.1. , p. 24 ). 

* Ives's Voyage, p. 31. His description of Bombay, is referred to in the ** Bombay 
Quarterly Review,'* Vol, V, January and April 1857 , pp. x6t-i6?, in the article entitled ** An 
Age of Progress in Bombayi 1740-1762." 



278 BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1754 A.D. 

the palanquin, which was one of the principal kinds of conveyances 
here up to about 50 or 60 years ago. He says ^ur coolies carried a 
palanquin here, while six were required at Madras. " The people of 
this island were/' he says, ** made up of every nation in Asia." 

I will quote here at full length what he says of my own co-religio- 
nists, the Parsees. He says :^ 

"We met witb several Persees, who, like their forefathers, the 
ancient Persians, are followers of Zoroaster, who is said to have 
modelled and reduced into order the religion of the ancient Magi, 
the fundamental maxim of which was the worshipping only one 
God under the symbol of light They adore the sun, and particularly 
the rising sun, with the profoundest reverence and veneration ; and 
by a natural consequence of the worship they pay the sun, they 
likewise pay a particular veneration to fire* 

** I met with a very remarkable instance of this while I was at 
Bombay ; one day passing 'through the street, I heard a very un- 
common noise, and seeing at the same time a large fire in one of 
the houses, curiosity led me a little closer to it : in the middle of 
the house was set a large brass pan with a fire in it : before this 
fire, or rather on each side of it, two men were kneeling at their 
devotions, which they hurried over with great rapidity. I looked on 
for a considerable time with great attention, and afterwards learned 
from a servant of the admirals, who was of this cast, that one of them 
was a priesti then on a visit to another priest in a fit of sickness. 
This servant likewise told me, that the Persees have such a venera- 
tion for fire, that they never put it out, or so much as breathe upon it ; 
and I took particular notice, that while these priests were at prayers 
over the pan of coals, they had a kind of little white bib over their 
mouth, as I imagined, to prevent their breathing on their favourite 
element. The prayers appeared to me> to be only a repetition of the 
same set of words, from the similarity of their sounds. The visiting 
priest used many gestures with his hands over the fire, and afterwards 
stroked down the face of the sick priest, which I looked upon as the 
final benediction, for presently afterward the ceremony ended. This 
instance strongly corroborates Prideaux's observation * concerning 
their usage at public worship. 'The priests themselves 'never 
approach this fire in their temples but with a cloth over their mouths, 
that they might not breathe thereon : and this they did not only when 

^ The reference is to Dr. Humphrey Prideaux's " The Old and New Testaments con> 
oected in the History' of the Jews and neighbourinflr nations.** Part I. Bk. IV (17th Edition 
of itiS)i Vol. I, p. 169' 



BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1754 A.D. 279 

they tended the fire to lay on more wood, or do any other service 
about it, but also when they approached to read the daily offices of 
their liturgy before it So that they mumUed over their prayers, rather 
than spoke them, in the same manner as the Romish priests do their 
masses, without letting the people present articulately hear one 
word of what they said.' *' * 

I will make a few observations on some of the statements of 
Dr. Ives in the above passage. 

The prayer referred to above as being recited by the visiting priest 
over the sick priest seems to be the Ardibehesht Yasht (Yasht 3). 
There are two points in our author's statements which point to that 
identification. 

1. The first is that the visiting priest used many gestures with his 

hands over the fire and afterwards stroked down the face of 
the sick priest. 

2. The second is that the prayer seemed to him "to be only a 

repetition of the same set of words from the similarity of their 
sounds." 

Ardibehesht is the third of the seven AmeshHspends or archangels 
of the Parsees. His Avesta name is Asha Vahishta, i.c^ the best purity. 
In the word 'Asha ' or purity, both physical and mental purities are 
included. So, this archangel is believed to preside over the best purity. 
Health both physical and mental or spiritual, gives purity. So, Asha 
Vahishta prssides over health also. He is therefore invoked in case of 
illness. The HQspftram nask^ as described in the Dtnkard, says : 

** Where it is the healing of the sick, the spiritual debt is unto the 
archangel Asha Vahisht, and that which is worldly unto the physi- 
cian's anteroom (drugs)." ^ What is meant is this: When a man recovers 
from illness, we are indebted to two sources for his recovery — one, the 
Divine power, as represented by the Amesh&spend, Asha Vahishta, and 
the other, the human power as representedby the medical man who treats 
the sick man. As Prof. Darmesteter points out, this reminds us of the 
words of the eminent French physician Ambroise Par^,who is known in 
France as the Father of Surgery. He used to say: ** Je panse et 
Dieu gu^rit," «>., **I dress (the wounds) and God cures." He meant to 
say that the medical men only dress the wounds, to cure a patient, but 

* I ves's Voyages, pp. 31-^2. 

• S. B. B. XXXVII, p. iiS, Uinkard, Bk. VIII, Chap. XXXVII, 14. Vide Le Zend 
Ave»ta, par Darmesteter, Vol. II, p. lis. 



28o BOMBAY AS SBBN IN THB YEAR 1 754 A.D. 

it is God who really cures him. In the Ardibehesht Yasht itself, of 
all the remedies for a sick man's illness, the best is considered to be 
that of the Holy Word, i.e,, that which strengthens and influences 
his mind. This being the case, the recital of the Ardibehesht Yasht, 
before sick persons, was often resorted to even up to the last century, 
and it is not unknown even now. 

** The stroking down the face '* of the sick patient while reciting the 
Ardibehesht Yasht consists nov/-a-days in making a few passes over 
the body with a handkerchief, or with the hand, and then clapping the 
fingers of the hand. This process is now known as ** Ardibehesht 
Yasht ni pichi." 

Fire, as the refulgent symbol of the Glory of God and the visible 
form of heat that pervades and purifies the whole earth is a symbol 
of purity. So, Asha Vahishta or Ardibehesht presides over fire also. 
Hence it is that, as Dr. Ives describes, the fire was placed before the 
sick patient while the Yasht was recited. But one can recite that 
Yasht even without the fire. 

Now Dr. Ives says that the prayer seemed to him **to be the 
repetition of the same set of words from the similarity of their sounds." 
That statement also proves the fact that the prayer recited by the priest 
and heard by him was the Ardibehesht Yasht, because of all the Avesta 
writings, the Ardibehesht Yasht is one where there is a good deal of 
repetition with a slight change of words. 

The ** little white bib " which, according to Dr. Ives, was put on by 
the priest while reciting the prayer before fire was the padan or 
paitiddna, put on, even now, by Parsee priests. 

Dr. Ives thinks that what he saw, vis.^ the priests reciting their 
prayers with a piece of cloth over their mouths, corroborated Prideaux^s 
observation that the Parsee priests mumbled over their prayers like 
Romish priests. That is not always the case. The present 
prayer book of the Parsees contains writings both in the ancient 
Avesta language and the later Pazend. So, whenever they have 
to recite the Pazend portion in the midst of the Avesta scriptures, 
they do so with a suppressed tone, which is technically known 
among them as reciting in ^^7 and which Firdousi refers to, as reciting 
in samsame ^ yej 

Then Dr. Ives thus refers to the Parsee custom of the disposal of 
their dead and of their places of disposal now known as the Towers- 
of-Silence. 



BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1 754 A.D. 281 



K 



As the Gentoos burn their dead, one would think that the Parsees, 
who are so fond of worshipping their deity under the representation 
of fire, should be desirous of having their dead bodies committed to 
that element, wherein they suppose their creator principally to reside. 
But contt'ary to this, and to the custom of all other nations in the 
world, the> neither burn nor bury their dead, but cast them out in 
the open air, to be exposed to the several elements, where they are 
soon devoured by eagles, vultures, and other birds of prey. The 
principle they go upon is, that a living man being compounded of all 
the elements, it is but reasonable, after he is dead, that every particular 
element should receive its own again. On the top of Malabar-hill, in 
this island of Bombay, are two round buildings, on purpose for 
receiving the dead bodies of the Persees, which are placed and remain 
there till the bones are clean picked by the birds. A guard constantly 
stands within a small distance of the place, who is very much dis- 
pleased if you oflfer to approach the buildings ; and for this reason, 
lest by your going too near, you disturb the vultures in their preying 
upon the dead bodies. One afternoon, however, I resolved to satisfy 
my curiosity so far as to peep into one of these edifices. I perceived 
several dead bodies, but there was little flesh left upon the bones ; 
and that little was so parched up by the excessive heat of the sun, that 
it did not emit those stinking effluvia which there was reason to 
expect. It was owing probably to the same cause, that the bones 
were rendered quite black.'' ^ 

The pictures of the towers that he gives seems to be imaginary, 
because the two towers that he refers to, still exist, and coie can see at 
once, that his sketches differ. First of all, he has shown them to be of 
the same size, which, as a matter of fact, they are not. Again the 
outward appearances also differ. 

We note that our author does not speak of the places serving as 
receptacles of the bodies, as towers, but only as ** round buildings." 

The word Towers has latterly come into use. There was some dis- 
cussion, about a year ago', as to who first brought the words 
*' Tower-of-Silence " into use. Sir George Bird wood said that it 
was the late Mr. Robert Zavier Murphy who first used the term. I 
supported his statement, and said that it was in 1832, that the term 
was first used in a card printed in the Bombay Gazette by the late 
Mr. Framji Cowasji when he built the ** Tower-of-Silence " which is 

* Ives' Voyage, pp. 32 and ^j. 

* Vide Sir Geot^e Birdwood's letter to the London Times of 8th August 1905, Vide that 
letter quoted in the Times of India of 7gth August 1905. T/V/^ my letter to the 7Tim« 
0/ Itidia of 3rd October 190S. 



282 BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1 754 A.D. 

known by his name. The late Mr. Murphy, who was latterly the 
Editor of the Bombay Gasfette, had, at the time of the publication of 
that card in the Bombay Gazette of 28th March 1832, some connec- 
tion with the paper. So, it appears that, when Mr Framjee Cowasji 
asked the Bombay Gazette to print his card or general invitation to 
Europeans and other non-Zorastrians to come and see the round 
building he had built for the disposal of the dead of his community, 
Mr. Murphy, who must have been connected with the Gazette in 
some capacity before he became its editor, coined this new phrase 
** To wer-of-Silence " for the first time. 

Sir George Birdwood in his letter to the London Times above 
referred to, calls the phrase •* Tower-of-Silence " ** a fine figure of 
speech.'' I will take this opportunity to say, what must have suggest- 
ed this fine figure of speech to Mr. Murphy. He was an Oriental 
Scholar and was at one time Oriental Translator to Government As 
such, he was versed in Oriental literature and among that, in Persian 
and Hindustani literature. Now in Persian the word for '' Silence" or 
for ** the Silent" is khdmush ^^U^. This word khdmusk is also 
figuratively used for the ** dead." Dr. Steingass gives both these mean- 
ings for this word khdmush.i Then, as to the word * Tower *, it is 
natural that the structure being round, the word Tower at once struck 
Mr. Murphy as an appropriate word. 

So it seems that the Persian word khdmush ^ meaning * Silence* or 
* Silent * as well as * dead *, suggested to Mr. Murphy the phrase 
**Tower-of-Silence." 

ft 

A few Hindustani quotations, wherein the word khdmush is used 
for the dead, have been kindly supplied to me by my friend Munshi 
Khan Saheb Farrudin. I am indebted to him for this suggestion 
as to the possible way which may have suggested to Mr. Murphy this 
figure of speech. 

J(*- ^ ^1^ ^ ^^i^ \y^ J\^ Jiff. 

Translation — (The complaint of a departed soul)— 

'' The solitary enjoyment has become impossible owing to the 
infinite number of the dead. Oh God! where am I to go leaving the 
City of Silence, /.^., the cemetery.'' 

Vide his Persian •Eng^lUh Dictionar>', p. 443, the word Khamuth \y^ y^ ^-^^ 



BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1 754 A.D. 283 

Translation — (A living man draws a picture of the unstability of the 
worldly greatness.) 

" I happened to go once in the City of Silence (i.e., to the cemetery), 
where a wonderful sight of the state of the kings of the world, came 
to my vision. On one side was lying the knee of Alexander and 
on the other the skull of Jam (shed)." 






"We were so much affected that we remained motionless (literally 
smitten with apoplexy) on seeing her (beloved's) mirror-like face. 
We felt like entering alive the City of Silence. " 

J^ yt u ' — ^^ jt — ^ ^ "^ ^ 1^ ^ ^ — ^ 



*'-The spot which had lofty palaces and beautiful sights is now full of 
graves. 

The cities which were once populous have now become cities of 
silence, f.^., grave-yards." 

I have come across an old document in the records of the Parsee 
Panchayet, which shows that the Portugese used the word 'well' 
for the Tower. In a document dated ist May 1796 we find the 
following words : *' Poi^o d6s Parcois aon do passrad sens defuntos", 



284 BOMBAY AS SEBN IN THB YEAR I754 A.D. 

i,e,f the Parsees' well, through which their dead bodies pass^ The 
document is a deed of sale of a hill, named Ragi, by one Krishnoba to 
Mr. Dady Nusserwanjee, Some Portuguese documents of the years 
1710 to 1739 speak of the Towers as cemeteries or sepulchres. ( VieU 
the Zartoshti of month Farvardin 1276 Yazdezardi, Vol. IV., No, i.) 

There is one statement in the above description of Dr. Ives which 
appears to me to be useful in determining the date of the construction 
of one of the old Parsi Towers-of-Silence in Bombay. He speaks of 
having seen '* two round buildings " or towers. Unfortunately, these 
two towers, the two oldest of the five public towers standing in the 
Parsee ground, known as Doongarwadi among the Parsees, have no 
tablets to give the dates of their construction. But, fortunately, it is 
three old European travellers that have come to our help, in determin- 
ing, at least approximately, the dates of these two old towers. 

The first or the oldest of the two towers referred to by Dr. Ives is 
that known as Modi's tower. As said above, there is no tablet 
over it. Again there are no family records to determine the date of 
its foundation. But, as pointed out by Khan Bahadur Bomanji Byramji 
Patel^, Dr. John Fryer'* refers to this oldest tower in his book of 
travels entitled " A New Account of East-India and Persia, in Eight 
Letters, being nine years travels, begun 1672 and finished 1681." 
Therein be says : " On the other side of the great Inlet, to the 
Sea, is a great point abutting against Old Woman's Island ' and is 
called Malabar-hill, a rocky woody mountain, yet sends forth long 
grass. A-top of all is a Parsy Tomb lately reared.*" 

Fryer's book was published in 1698. He left England for 
India on 9th December 1672. * He arrived in Bombay on 9th Decem- 
ber 1673. * His letter, wherein he refers to the tower (Modi's Tower), 
is dated Surat, 15th January 1675 (o^^l system 1674),' So, it is clear, 
that the first Parsi Tower-of-Silence was built some time before the 
year 1675 when he wrote the letter containing the above passage. 
He says it was "lately reared." The words "lately reared" are 
rather indefinite. It may be two or three years before the year when 
he wrote the above. 

» Parsi Prakask, I, p. 17. 

^ Dr. Fryer left England on 9th December 1672. He landed in Bombay 00 9di Decem- 
ber 1673. His letter from Surat wherein he refers to the first tower is dated i$th 
January 1675. 

^ Colaba was then knotvn by this name. *■ Vr, Fryer's Travds, p. 67. 

* Vide his New Account of East India and Persia in eight letters from 1673*1^1, p. i. 
" /bid, p. 59. ' nid, p. 89; 



BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1754 A.D. • 285 

Now, there is another traveller whose book helps us in determining 
the value or the meaning of Dr. Fryer's words ** lately reared." This 
traveller was Mr. (afterwards Sir) Streynsham Master who was in 
India from 1656 to 1682. In an interval during the period he had 
gone once to England. ' 

As he has not been referred to in the Gazetteer and in the Parsi 
Prakash, his notes having come to light lately, I will here make 
use of his reference and try to determine the date of the first tower. 

It is in a letter dated ** Bombay, January 18, 1671, (j.^., New 
System, 1672) that he refers to the tower. The letter is headed ** a 
letter from Suratt in India giving an acco" : of y *: Manners of y* : 
English factories, &3a., their way of Civill Converse and Pious Comport- 
ment and Behaviour in these Partes.* It is an unusually long 
document to be called a letter. Therein, while giving a short descrip- 
tion of Bombay, and speaking of its different " nations or sects of 
people " he thus speaks of the Parsees : 

^ The following particulars about this traveller are collected from Col. Henry Yule's 
Account of his life. Vide the Diary of William Hedges, Esq.} by Col. Henry Yule, printed for 
the Hakluyt Society in 1888, Vol. H. p. CCXXIII. 

Sir Streynsham Master was b(«rn on sSth October 1640* He left London on 4 th April 1656 
to go to India with his uncle and god-father George Oxenden. They arrived at Surat in 
Novemb^ l6$6. Mr. Oxenden returned to Europe but Master remained at Surat in charge 
of George Oxenden's brother Cristopher Oxenden who was " then second in council of the 
Company's factory at Surat.'* Mr. Master then went out as Cape-Merchant and super- 
cargo on a vessel bound for Persian Gulf. He returned to Surat in December 1659. He 
was taken into the Company's service in January 1659-60. Till i686f he was employed at 
Surat and Ahmedabad. During the interval, ue^ in x662, his uncle had returned to Surat as 
Sir Gcoi^e Oxenden and as President of Surat. In x668 he was one of the Council at Surat. 

In the month of September of that year ** he was associated with Mr. Goodyer (Governor- 
designate,) Captain Young* and Mr. Cotes, to go to Bombay and receive over chaise of the 
Island from the King's officers." * When Surat was attacked by the Mahrattas in 1664 he 
took part in the defence of the factor>' and Company's property. When the Mahrattas pil- 
laged Surat for the second time under Sivaji in October 1670, the Council was temporarily 
located at Swally (known among the people there as Soomari ^^Ki). Soj Mr Master was 
asked to come down from that place to Surat to hold the factory against die invaders. This 
he did "with much gallantry and tact." The Court of Directors in London voted him on 20th 
July 1671 •< a gold medal in recognition of his services. It was presented to him in 1672 when 
fut went home. Gerald Aungier was the Governor at the time of Sivaji's above invasion. 
He was at Swally. Master returned to England in June 1672 and married in 1674. In 
September X675 he was Dominated ihe Governor of Fort St. George. He arrived at Fort St 
George on 7th July 1676. He then went to Bengal on inspection duty and took cbargfl of 
his appointment as Governor of Madras in 1677, when Sir William Langhorne went home. 
He fell in the disfavour of the Court of Directors ; he was recalled by a letter, dated 5th 
January 16S0-81. He gave over charge of his office to Mr. W. Gyfford on Jrd July i68f and 
then went to England. 

« The Diary of William Hedges, Esq., by Col. Henry Yule, Vol. II, Printed for the 
Hakluyt Society in 1888. p. CCXXV. = Ibid, p. CCCV. 



286 , BOMBAY AS SBBN IN THE YEAR 1754 A.D. 

'' The Parseesare the antient inhabitants of Persia, from whence 
those that now inhabit hereabouts fled, at such time as the Maho- 
metan Religion was by Violence planted in that Country, which was 
about 900 years since. Then severall of those Parsees resolving 
to so suffer and undergoe any hardship rather than submitt to 
Mahomett and his followers imbarged themselves and their familys 
in a few slight built vessels of that Country and Committed them- 
selves to the Mercy of the Wind and the Seas, not knowing whether 
they would [fare] (a most desperate undertaking), and at length it 
pleased God they were cast upon the Coast of India between Surratt 
and Daman about 12 or 13 miles from Surratt, near the same place 
where the first English Ship that arrived in India was allsoe cast 
away, where escapeing to the Shoare with life, the Indians not used 
to such guests, yet being as obliging People to strangers as any 
nation under heaven (as the English found them when the Sun, the 
first Ship we had in these parts was cast away at or near the same 
place) tooke yet this advantage upon them (if it may be soe tearmed) 
that they should live and inhabit with them if they would swear to 
them that they would not kill Cows or any of that Sort of Cattell, and 
observe their Ceremonies of Marryage, that is to Marry their chil- 
dren young at 6 or 7 years old or thereabouts, to which the Poore 
Parsees soone agreed, and there seated themselves, the Towne being 
called Nausarree, or by the English Nunsaree, where since they 
have spread themselves about these parts of the Country, about 30 
or 40 miles about Surratt, but there are very few farther in the Coun- 
try, yet some, for they say a Parsee was raised to great honour in 
the Court by Jangier this Mogull's grandfather. At the said place of 
Nausaree thear chief priests reside, where tis said they have 
their Holy fire which they brought [withj them from their owne Coun- 
try, and is never to goe out. They keepe it soe constantly supplyed ; 
they had a Church in Surratt ; but the Tumultuous Rabble of the 
Zelott Moors destroyed and tooke it from them when they were furious 
on the Hindooes. They have severall buryall Places hereabouts, 
which are built of Stone in the wide fields, wherein they lay the dead 
Bodys exposed to the open air soe that the Ravenous fogies may and 
doe feed upon them. 

" These People are of a different Shape and Complection from all 
other People that ever I sawe in the World ; they are of all Profes- 
sions, except Seamen, for they have hitherto held it unlawfull for them 
to goe to Sea, because they must then Pollute the Element of Water 
which they esteem holy, as they doe fire. But of late some few of 
them had adventured to transgress that ceremony. They have a 
great Reverence for fire, and many of them will not put it out, but let 



BOMBAY AS SBBN IN THB YEAR 1754 JLD, 387 

it extinguish for want of matter ; they worship and acknowledge one 
God Allmighty and noe Images or Representations. But only the 
Sun they doe adore, and they give this reason for it ; that God AU- 
mighty told them by their first Prophet that they should worship only 
one thing beside Himselfe and that thing should be that which was most 
like unto Him. Now they say there is noe one thing in the world soe 
much like unto God 'as the Sun, for it hath its light and heat in 
itselfe, which it disperseth and infuseth into all parts and Creatures . 
in the World, soe that it gives them life and light ; therefore they 
say they worship it. 

" President Aungier, one of the most ingenious men of our Nation 
that ever was in these parts, hath been somewhat Curious in his En- 
quiry into the Religion of these People, and according to the account 
they have of the history of the World, he is of opinion they had it from 
the Hebrews, it differing not much from Moses. They say according 
to these prophesys the World will not last many hundreds of years 
longer, but that their Kingdom and Country will be restored to them, 
and all Nations shall be of their Religion ere the World be ended." 

Then, while speaking of the island of Bombay^ Master says of 
the Parsees of this city : — 

" Here is allsoe some Parsees, but they are lately come since the 
English had the Island, and are most of them weavers, and have not 
yet any place to doe their devotion in or to bury their dead*" ^ 

This last statement of Sir Streynsham Master, made on i8th January 
1672, shows, that on that day, the Parsees had no Tower-of-Silence. 
So, the statement of Dr. Fryer on the one hand, and that of Sir S. 
Master on the other, gives two dates between which the first Parsee 
Tower-of-Silence was built in Bombay. They decide that it was built 
at some time during the three years between the i8th of January 1672, 
the date given by Master, and 15th of January 1675, ^^^ ^^te given by 
Fryer. This period of three years can still be reduced to a narrower 
period, because though Fryer wrote his letter from Surat on 15th 
January 1675, he narrates therein what he saw at Bombay during 
the preceding year. At the end of the monsoons of 1674 ^^ ^^ ^^ 
Bombay for Surat.* His observations about Bombay itself must have 
been for the months of January or February 1674, because we learn 
from his book that before the end of the hot season he had left Bom* 
bay for Bassein. Before this, he had been visiting some of the coast 
towns near Bombay. So, his account of Bombay refers to the early 

> The Diaiy of WilUam Hed^^es, Esq., by Col. Heniy Yule, Vol. II» printed for the Hak- 
luyt Society in 1S88, p. CCCXVI. 
• Fryer's Travels, p. 8J. 

21 



j88 BOMBAY AS SBBN IN THB YBAR 1 754 A.D. 

part of the year 1674. So, we can safely say, that the tower referred 
to by Fryer as "lately raised/' was built some time after i8th Janu- 
ary 1672 and before January or February 1674. It was built in the 
latter end of 1672 or at some time in 1673. 

Now, just as the writings of the abovementioned two travellers have 
helped us in determining approximately the date of the construction 
of the first tower, the book of Dr. Ives helps us in determining the 
date of the second old tower— which is now known as the Manockji 
Seth's Tower. 

The Parsee population at the time of our author's visit must be much 
below 10,000. Sir James Campbell's Gazetteer has given "the chief 
available details of the strength of the Parsees at different times since 
the beginning of the (19th) century." But the Journal of our own 
Society seems to have escaped his notice. In the very first volume of 
the Journal of our Society, then known as the Literary Society, we 
have a note latterly attached to the " Preliminary Discourse " delivered 
by Sir James Mackintosh, the founder of the Society. In that note 
we find the following figures of Parsee population in 181 1 : — 



Men from 20 to 80 years of age 


... 3,644 


Women ,, ,, ,, ••• 


— 3»333 


Boys from 20 down to infant children 


... 1 ,799 


Girls ,, ,, ,) ... 


... 1,266 


Total 


... 10,042 



This was in 181 1. So in the middle of the i8th century it may be 
about S,ooo. Whatever it may be, it was thought some time before 
1748, that there was a demand for a second and a larger tower. The 
fact is inferred from the Will of the first Mr. Manockji Nowroji Seth, 
who died in 1748, and from whose father's name our Nowroji Hill 
derives its name. This Manockji Seth was the grandson of Rustom 
Manock, from whose name Rustompora in Surat derives its name, and 
who was the broker of the English Factory at Surat in the middle of the 
17th century, and had gone in 1660 to the G>urt of the Mog^l Em- 
peror at Delhi to bring about a settlement of some points of dispute 
that had arisen between the abob of Surat and the English Factory 
at Surat. His father Nowroji Seth was the *first Parsee to go to 
England in 1724. He went there to lay his grievances personally 
before the Court of Directors in the matter of some money dispute 
that had arisen between him and the English Factors at Surat. 



BOMBAY AS SBBN IN THB YBAR 1 754 A.D. 289 

Now, it appears from the last A^ll ' of the above Manockji Seth that, 
some time before 1748, the date of the death of the Testator, the 
Parsee community had raised a fund to build a second and a larger 
tower. Mr. Manockji Seth's subscription was Rs. j,ooo, but it was 
not collected, perhaps, because the money subscribed by the community 
was not found sufficient. So, he mentions the subscription in his Will 
and directs that instead of Rs. 2,000, a sum of Rs. 2,500 may be given 
to the fund. The whole amount of the subscriptions not being found 
sufficient, the heirs of the late Mr. Manockji offered to make up all 
the deficiency, and the tower was built and named after the principa 
donor, as Manockji Seth's Tower. 

Now the question is : When was that tower built ? This tower also 
bears no date. Mr. Manockji had built a tower in his lifetime, a year 
before his death {i.e., in 1747), at Naosari. That tower bears a date 
in Persian.' But the tower built in Bombay several ryears later does 
not bear any date. 

Mr. Ruttonji Framji VsLchha, in his Afumbai-no-Bdhdr, %,e,, "the 
Spring or the Rise of Bombay" published in 1874, says that the tower 
of Manockji Seth was built in 1128, Yazdazardi, i.e., in 1759 A.D. 
Khan Bahadur Bomanji Byramji Patel gives the date as 1756.^ He 
says that he was given that date by the late Mr. Heerjeebhoy Hormusji 
Sethna, a member of Seth Kh&nd&n family. There seems to be no 
documentary evidence about it.* I wrote to three members of the Seth 
Kh&nd&n family, to inquire, if they -had any documents or written 
notes in the family, to show that the tower was built in 1756. They 
have replied that they have none. 

Now the work of -our author, Dr. Ives, shows us, that the second 
tower, namely, the Manockji Seth's Tower was built some years before 
1756, the date given by Khan Bahadur Patel, Dr. Ives says that in 1754 
he saw two towers. So, it appears, that the Manockji Seth's Tower 
was built not in 1756 but some time before 1754. Manockji Seth having 
died in 1748 and provided for that tower in 1748, it must have been 
built at some time between 1748 and 1754. This period of interval can 
still be reduced, because the Bombay Parsees wrote a letter in 
February 1750 to the Naosari An uman asking them'to send two priests 
to perform the ceremony of laying the foundation. The letter was 
signed, among others, by the two wives of Manockjee Seth.' So. 

^ This Willy and what we may now call its codioilst have been published in the ^^ 
Ml^tilH ii'^^ «l'<U«iefl dm i*i S)^c|ie, f>.. the Genealogy and a short Account «»f 
the Seth family, published in 1900 by Mr. Jalbhoy Ardeshir Seth (pp. 77*S4). It is also partly 
published in the Parsee Prakash. - Parsee Prakash. I, p. 36. 

3 ^'0{4^{ OUi^U, p. 445. « Parsee Prakash, I. p. 41. ^ ^'d, , p. |l. 



290 BOMBAY AS SBBN IN THE YBAR 1 754 A.D. 

the tower must have been built sometime between 1750 and 1754, 
probably not long after the above letter, ue,^ in or about 1751. 

We will now proceed to consider a few other points about Bombay 
referred to by our author. 

It appears that a term " toddy-headed " was used at that time for 
the weak-headed from the fact that toddy intoxicated men. We do 
not find the term used now. 

The rind of the cocoanut fruit was at that time used for a kind of 
cloth for the poorer class of people. I think that that has altogether 
gone out of use now. 

The Abkari tax for tapping each cocoanut tree was then 20 shillings. 

The meaning of the word Bombay is often discussed. Our author 
understands its name to convey "an idea of a safe retreat in foul 
weather" (Bon or good bay). Bombay is said to have had "a very 
good dock " at the time for small ships. It was ** the most convenient 
place among all our settlements in the East Indies for careening and 
heaving down large ships*' (p. 33), 

Among the little forts and batteries of this little island, Dr. Ives 
names, "Dungaree. Massegon, Mahee, Mendham*s Point and Sion- 
hill. " Of these Dungaree and Sion-hill are familiar names to us even 
now. Massegon is our modern Mazagon. Dr. Jerson daCunha ' 
suggests four meanings of the name. 

1 'T^ IT^'CmachchgAv), i.e., fishing village. 

2 ^^ ^Va^ (mahishg^v), i.tf., a buffalo village. 

3 IHRt^ (m&zag&v), i.e., central village. 

Of these three, bethinks the first to be "most acceptable.'* The 
form Massegon given by our author seems to support this meaning. 

Mahee seems to be Mahim where we have still an old fort. Mend- 
ham's Point is a name unknown to us now. Colaba, which was formerly 
considered to be an island separate from Bombay, was then known as 
the Old Woman's Island. Before it was connected with Bombay 
itself in 1838, the southern extremity of Bombay, where the Scddiers' 
Home stands at present, was known as Mendham's Point. It is said 
that the first English cemetery was there and the first person buried 
there was one Mendham. Hence the Point was named after him.* 

^ The Oriirin of Bombay, p. 59. The Extra Number of the Journal of the B. B. R. 
Asiatic Society} 190a 

* Dr. Jenoa da Cunba's Origin of Bombay, p. 339. 



BOMBAY AS SBBN IN THB YBAR I754 A.D. 29I 

All these forts were defended by guns at the time of our author's 
visit The principal fort had more than loo guns. 

The renovation of the Cathedral has been much discussed lately. 
Of this cathedral our author says : "The Church also is not less sub- 
stantial than the fort ; it is a very handsome, large edifice, and in com- 
parison of those which are to be met with in the other settlements, it 
looks like one of our cathedrals." It was built by voluntary subscrip- 
tions. Rev. Mr. Cobbe, father of Mr. Richard Cobbe, Admiral Watson's 
chaplain, was the chief promoter of the work of building the church. 
Rev. Cobbe was at one time a chaplain of the Bombay factory. 

Tank-house was the family residence of the Admiral. Our author 
does not say where it was, but I think it is the house at Gowalia Tank, 
now known as Tanka-ville. It was so called from the large tank 
near it. The Admiral was allowed five pagodas ^ a day for "a part of 
the expenses of his table." The Company allowed him and his principal 
attendants the use of palanquins. The horses being of little value 
and being also very scarce, they generally used oxen. These oxen 
travelled fast at the rate of 7 or 8 miles an hour. The Admiral 
had a chaise and a pair of oxen allowed him by the Company. It was 
in this chaise that the Admiral went " for an afternoon's airing " to 
Malabar Hill, Old Woman's Island (Colaba) and to Marmulla. By 
Marmulla, our author perhaps means Breach Candy. 

The Hindu burning ground was at that time " near the water's 
edge under Malabar hill . " 

The following account of our author's interview with a /og-ee is 
interesting : — 

** During my stay at this place, I hired by the month, a chaise 
drawn by a pair of bullocks. In the several excursions I made in this 
carriage, I had frequently passed by one of those religious persons, 
or anchorets, who in India are called foogees ; and who, in conse- 
quence of a vow made by their parents, and during their mother's preg- 
nancy with them, are devoted to the service of heaven. One even- 
ing, I and a companion had an inclination to pay a short visit to this 
Joogee, who always sat in one posture on the ground in a shady 
cocoanut plantation, with his body covered over with ashes, and his 
long black hair clotted, and in the greatest disorder. As we ap- 
proached him, we made our salutation, which he respectfully returned ; 
and then. With the assistance of our Indian driver, who could speak 
English, we began a conversation with him, that principally turned 
on the wonderful efficacy of his prayers, and which he pretended had 

According to W«batef | ite value varied at different places^ It was about 7«. ^d 



igz BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1 754 A.D. 

given health to the sick, strength to the lame, sight to the blind, and 
fecundity to women who for their whole lives had been deemed bar- 
ren. When we were about to take our leave of him, I offered him 
a present of two rupees, which he bade me to throw on the ground, 
and then directed his servant, who was standing by, to take them up, 
which he did with a pair of iron-pincers, throwing the rupees at the 
same time into a pot of vinegar. After they had lain there a little 
while, the same servant took them out, wiped them carefully, and at 
last delivered them to his master, who soon afterwards, by way of 
return, presented us with a few cakes of his insipid pastry. I then 
requested of him, that in his next prayers he would petition for an 
increase of my happiness, to which with great complacency in his 
countenance, he replied : ' I hardly know what to ask for you ; I 
' have seen you often and you have always appeared to me to enjoy 
' perfect health ; you ride in your chaise at your ease ; are often ac- 
' companied with a very pretty lady ; you are ever well clothed, and 

* are likewise fat ; so that you seem to me to be in possession of every 

* thing that can be any way necessary to happiness. I believe there- 
' fore, when I pray for you, it must be in this strain, that God would 

* give you grace to deserve, and to be thankful for those many 
' blessings which he has already bestowed upon you.* I told him 
that I was thoroughly satisfied with the mode of his intended suppli- 
cation for me ; and with a mutual exchange of smiles and compliments 
we parted."* 

It is only last month, that our Governor Lord Lamington laid the 
foundation of a building, which was understood to be the first building 
in a scheme of thoroughly re-building the whole of the Sir Jamsetjee 
Hospital. The foundation of this hospital was laid in ^843 and it was 
opened in 1845. But it seems that a Government Hospital existed 
in Bombay as early as 1773. ^^ ^^^ intended only " for the sick and 
hurt of the squadron of His Majesty.** Our author says of this 
hospital : — 

" Our hospital at Bombay was without the town-wall ; and in order 
to make my attendance on it the more convenient, Mr. D^ldguarde 
(a factor in the Company's service) was so obliging as to give me the use 
of a very commodious house, which lay near the hospital, and belonged 
to him as superintendent of the powder- works.** 

From the reference to the powder-works, and from the statement 
that the hospital was out of the Fort, we are led to think that 
it was somewhere at Mazagon, where a place is still known as Daru- 
khdneh. It appears that the hospital was attended to by any medical 

> From Ives's Voyages, p. 35. * Ibid, p. St. 



BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1 754 A.D. 293 

officer that happened to be in Bombay. During his first visit, our 
author was in Bombay only for about one month from 13th Novem- 
ber to 15th December 1754.^. 

"While on the subject of the hospital I would draw the attention of 
medical men to the drugs used at the time. Our author ' gives a list 
of the drugs as given to him by a Portuguese Physician of Bombay 
named Diego. 

The next interesting thing in our author's book are the tables of 
the daily rainfall of Bombay for the monsoon of the year 1756. He 
gives the daily rainfall as measured by his friend Dr. Thomas who 
supplied it to him afterwards. The total rainfall of that year from 
May to October was no inches and 3 tenths. He also describes 
the rain-gauge then used. 

Among the Bombay curiosities of the time our author mentions 
the following* : — 

1. A terapin (a large beetle) kept at the Governor's ^ house ; its 

age was said to be " upward of 200 years." 

2. Large frogs, some measuring about 32 inches from the 

extremities of the fore and hind feet when extended and 
weighing about 4 or lbs. 

3. Beautiful shells on the sea shore much estimated by 

the ladies of that time and known as Ven tie traps or 
Wendletraps. One of such shells was sold for several pounds. 
He names the following species of Bombay snakes known at the 
time : — 

1. The Covra (Cobra) Capella, from 4 to 8 or 9 feet long. 

2. The Covra Manilla, of the size of a man's little finger and 

about a foot long. 

3. The Palmira, about 4 feet long, " not much larger than a 

swan's quill." 

4. The Green Snake. 

5. The Sand Snake. 

6. The Covra d6 Aurellia, which is like an earth-worm about 6 

inches long. It ** kills by getting into the ear and causing 
madness." This seems to be what is now known here 
as the IrlH^^l (a centepede). 

7. The Manilla Bombo. 

» Ibid, p. 36. • Ibid, p. 44- ' IW<>» P- ♦*• 

* Richard Bourchier was Governor of Bombay from 17th November 17 so to itth February 



^4 BOMBAY AS SBBN IN THB YBAR 1754 A.D. 

During his short stay of one month, our author saw two fleets of 
country vessels in the harbour. " One of them belonged to the Nanna 
or Prince of the Maharattas, the other to Monajee Angria, the brother 
of Angria the pirate." These vessels carried two guns in their bow. 
The music of these fleets " was a plain brass tube, shaped like a 
trumpet at both ends and about 10 feet in length, and a kind of drum 
called a tomtom. Each fleet consisted of about 30 sails. "^ 

The following table gives the exchange as then prevalent : — 
'' A 36-shilling piece exchanges for 16} rupees. 
A guinea „ „ 9 „ 

An English crown „ 2 rupees and 6 double pke. 

A Spanish dollar „ 2 ,, ,,3 ,, ,1 " 

Eighty pice made a rupee. 

The description of the Elephanta Caves given by our author on the 
authority of his friend Dr. Thomas will interest archaeologists to 
enable them to know what parts have been latterly further destroyed. 
He gives a plan of the caves. 

This finishes our author's account of Bombay during his first vbit 
. (13th November to 15th December 1754). He then went with his 
Admiral to Madras and the adjoining towns and returned to Bombay 
ngain on nth November 1755. 

On his second visit to Bombay, we find that the fleet, to which our 
author was attached, was engaged in a naval fight 'with the Angria. 
The family of Angria were more or less pirates on our Western 
shores. The Angria at this time (1755) was Tulaji. ' 

* Ives* Voyage p. 41. 

' For an account of the Ansfrias and of this naval battle, vide the Bombay GaaeUeer, 
Vol. I., Part II, pp. 86-96. Vide also History of the MiliUry Transactions of the British 
Nation in Indostan from the year 1745, (by Orme), PP* 407-17. 

' The following tree shows his descent : — 



IK" 

Tu 



kajee. 



Kanhoji (who had distinguished him- 
self in Shivaji's fleet, and who "in the 
unsettled da^s of Shivaji's success- 
ors, Sambhaji and ShAhu," became 
independent in 171^, Died in 172$). 



Sakhoji Sambhaji Manaji. Yesigi. Tulaii 

(dtedeariy). (Died about 174$). He was (halMmsthef of 

succeeded bv his half- Sambb^ji) 

brother TuUgi. 



BOMBAY AS SBEN IN THB YEAR 1754 ^.D. 295 

Lieut. -Col. Robert Clive, afterwards Lord Qive, was at that time 
in Bombay. He had already, by this time, made his name as a good 
soldier. He "had lately landed on the island with three com- 
panies of the King's Artillery from England. He was sent out with a 
design of acting in conjunction with the Maharattas against the 
French in the Carnatic and Deccan ; but finding that a truce had been 
agreed upon with that nation, and perhaps partly excited by 
Mr. James's late success, it was judged proper by Admiral Watson, 
Mr. Bourchier Governor of Bombay, Colonel Clive, &c., that the sea and 
land forces united with the Maharattas should attempt the destroying 
Angria's piratical state, which was becoming exceedingly formidable, 
troublesome, and dangerous, not only to the Maharattas, who were his 
neighbours, but also to our East India Company, and the whole 
Malabar Coast." ^ 

Gheria was the stronghold of Angria at that time, and so, it was this 
fort that was intended to be taken after a naval fight. It was situated 
in the Province of Beejapur and was " called Gheria by Mussulmans, 
but Viziadroog by Hindoos." * 

In our author's description of the preliminary arrangements before 
the naval battle, we find an interesting account about the question of 
the division of booty, or prize-money as they called it, acquired in 
war, a question, which, it seems, they settled beforehand to avoid 
disputes later on. 

Our author says — 

** All things being at last in readiness for putting to sea, a council 
was heldj at Mr. Watson's particular desire, between the sea and 
land officers, both of His Majesty's forces, and those of the East India 
Company, with a view of obviating any difficulties that might arise 
in regard to the proper distribution of prize-money, should the intend- 
ed expedition be crowned with success. It was settled at this council, 
that Admiral Watson, as Commander-in-Chief of the King's Squadron, 
should have two-thirds of one-eighth of the whole ; and Rear-admiral 
Pocock, one-third of one-eighth. Lieutenant-Colonel Clive and Major 
Chambers were to share equally with the captains of the King's ships. 
The captains of the Company's ships, and armed vessels, and cap- 
tains of the army, were to have an equal share with the lieutenants 
of the men-of-war. The subaltern officers of the army, and Lieute- 
nants of the company's armed ships and vessels, were to have the 
same distribution as the warrant-officers of the navy, &c. 

^ Ives* Travels, p. 79. 

" The Bombay Quarterly Review, Vol, III, p. 56. 



296 BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1754 A.D. 

" These articles, however, had scarcely been agreed upon in council, 
before Colonel Give, who Commanded-in-Chief on shore, paid a visit 
to Mr. Watson, and acquainted him, that the Army was not satisfied 
with the terms on which he, as their Commander-in-Chief, was to 
share ; and that to make those gentlemen easy, who were to serve 
under him, he found himself under the disagreeable necessity of 
remonstrating and requiring that, as Commander of the Army he 
might be entitled to a more honorable division. The argument the 
Gentlemen of the Army went upon, was, that Mr. Clive, by virtue of 
the Commission he bore in common of Lieutenant-Colonel, could claim 
but an equal share with a Captain in the Navy ; yet on this occasion, 
being Commander-in-Chief of the Army, he ought certainly to be 
particularly distinguished, and be admitted, at least, to share with 
Mr. Pocock, the Second Sea-Officer, who was a Rear- Admiral. Mr. 
Watson replied, that it was impossible for him to make any alterations 
in the articles agreed upon in council ; neither indeed would his doing 
it be at all consistent either with custom or the different ranks which 
Admiral Pocock and Colonel Clive bore in the respective services. He 
told the Colonel, however, that to satisfy the wishes of the Army, which 
in the present situation of affairs, he deemed to be a point of the utmost 
consequence, he would give security under his own hand, to make good 
the deficiency, out of any monies he himself might be entitled to, so 
as to make the share of the Commander-in-Chief of the army and that 
of Mr. Pocock exactly alike. The Colonel, sensibly struck with Mr. Wat- 
son's disinterestedness, answered, that provided his officers were satisfi- 
ed with the proposal, he for his own part should come into it with great 
cheerfulness. He accordingly took the first opportunity of making 
those gentlemen acquainted with the AdmiraKs declaration, who were 
so much pleased therewith that from that moment all discontent 
ceased, and the expedition went on with the greatest unanimity.'* ^ 

Our author adds a footnote about the result of the above stipulation, 
showing a great self-denial on the part of Clive. 

Dr. George Smith, in his Memoirs of the life of Lord Clive, in the 
Encyclopaedia Brittanica, ' calls this "no little self-denial " on the part 
of Clive. It seems really to be so, and draws our admiration, especially 
when we know that, according to his biographers, the pecuniary 
affairs of Clive were not satisfactory at that time. As Lord Macaulay 
points out in his Essay of Lord Clive, » based on *• Sir John Malcolm*s 
Life of Lord Robert Clive," Clive had spent away, while in England, 

^ Ives' Voyagesf PP* Sx «nd 81. 

■Vol. VI, p. 9. 

* Macaulay, Critical and Historical Essays, Part II. 



BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1 754 A.D. 297 

the whole of his moderate fortune that he had carried from the Madras 
side. He had extricated '* his father from pecuniary difficulties " and 
"redeemed the family estate. The remainder he appears to have 
dissipated in the course of about two years. He lived splendidly, 
dressed gaily even for those times, kept a carriage and saddle horses, 
and, not content with these ways of getting rid of his money, resorted to 
the most speedy and effectual of all modes of evacuation, a contested 
election followed by a petition."* 

Looking to this condition of Clive's pecuniary state of affairs, it 
was really "no little self-denial" on his part to have refused 
politely a sum of ;£J' i,ooo offered by Admiral Watson. 

Dr. Ives gives two fine sketches — one of the views of the Gheria fort 
itself and the other of a view of the river from it His account of the 
interview of Admiral Watson with the weeping family of Angria is 
really very touching. The interview brought about tears in the eyes 
of the Admiral. When the mother of the Angria bemoaned the flight 
of her son and said, " that the people had no king, she no son, 
her daughters no husband, the children no father," the Admiral 
consoled her by saying " that from henceforward they must look upon 
him as their father and friend." On hearing this, a boy, of about six 
years, sobbing said, "then you shall be my father." This reminds 
us of what we often hear of old topeewallas being considered the real 
mAbdps of the people. 

At the close of the battle the fleet returned to Bombay on the 17th 
March and then left il on the 27th of April 1756. Our author then 
went with the Admiral to Calcutta, where the affairs of the Black Hole 
had attracted all available military and naval force. On his return 
homeward via Persian Gulf in 1758, on the death of Admiral Watson, 
his ship touched Bombay on 24th January 1758. He finally em- 
barked from here on 8th February. 1758. 

^ Lord Macaulay's Essay on Clive. " Critical and Historical Essays contributed to the 
EDINBURGH REVIEW" in 3 Volumes (184I), Vol. III.,p.il8. 



Art, XIX — A few Notes on Broach from an 
Anitguarian point of view. 

By 

JiVANji Jamshbdji Modi, b.a. 

• 

{Read March i^th, 1907.) 

In December last, Khan Bahadur Adurjee Muncherjee Dalai con- 
veyed to me an invitation from himself and his colleagues, the 
Trustees of the Parsee Punchayet of Broach, to pay a visit to their city 
for the purpose of delivering there one or two lectures and a reading 
from the Shah-ndmeh of Firdousi. In response to this kind invitation, I 
paid a short visit to Broach from 31st December to 3rd January. 
While there, I made some inquiries on a subject suggested to me by our 
learned Secretary, Mr. Edwardes, some time ago, and on two or three 
other subjects suggested by the visit to the city. The object of this 
paper is to present few notes on those subjects. 

The following are the principal three heads under which I beg to 
submit my notes :— 

I. — The sites of the Dutch and English Factories. 

II.— The past history of Broach from a Parsi point of view and 
the part said to have been played in that history by the 
Kabisah {i,e,, the intercalary month) question of the Parsis. 

III.— The Kabir Vad and the tiraths or shrines on the Nerbudda 
near Broach. 

I. 

The first subject on which I beg to present a few notes is that of the 
sites of the first English and Dutch factories. Our Secretary had 
written to me, in June 1905, to make some inquiries from friends at 
Broach, about the site of the first English factory. On 28th June 1905, 1 
had written to my friend, Mr. Ruttonjee Muncherjee Dalai, requesting 
him to make such inquiries. On 21st August 1905, he wrote to me in 
reply giving the results of his inquiries. During my short visit I took 
up the question myself and made some inquiries personally. 



NOTBS ON BROACH. 299 

The Broach GazetUet says : ".'In the year 1613, Broach was visited 
by Aldworth and Withingtoh, English merchants, and in the next year 
(1614), on Withington's return from Sind, a house in Broach was hired 
for a factory. In 161 6 Sir Thomas Roe obtained from the Emperor 
JehlLngier permission for the English to establish a trading-house at 
Broach on very favourable terms. They were to be allowed to live near 
the Governor, and the decree commanded no man to molest them by 

sea or land or take any customs of them^ The Dutch 

were not long of following the example of the English. In 1617 they 
also settled at Broach and established a factory.' But the Broach 
factory doos not seem to have risen to much consequence. In the 
eighteenth century there was but one junior* merchant and one book- 
keeper, with a few native servants under them.*" (Bombay Gazetteer, 
VoL II, p. 468). 

It appears from this account that the English (A.D. 16 14 preceded 
the Dutch (1617) in founding their factory by about 3 years. 

The site of the Dutch factory at Broach is well-known. There is 
no doubt about it. The large house'* in which it was situated, is 
still known as the q€l'«*(l iul {Valanddni Kotht), i.e., the factory of the 
Hollanders. In spite of the various changes which it seems to have 

^ Robert Orme grives the following: version of Sir Thomas Roe in the matter of these 
concessions :— 

** The two and twentieth (of July i6i6) I received letters from Brampore. in answer ot 
those to Mahobet Chan, who at first (request) grranted my desire^ making his firman to 
Baroodi most effectual to receive our nation, and to g^ive them a house near the Governor ; 
strictly commanding no man to molest them by sea or land, or to take any cusiome of them, 
or any way trouble them under colour thereof. .... The firman I caused to be sent 
to Surat (in order to be forwarded by the agency there to Broach) : so that Borooch is 
provided for a good retreat from the Prince's injuries* and the custom given, wherd>y fifteen 
hundred pounds per annum will be saved besides all manner of searches and extortion."— 
(Historical Fragments of the Mogrul Empire of the Morattoes, and of the English concerns 
in Indostan firom the year i6s9t by Robert Orme (1805), pp. ^71-72). 

* Mr. Bendien. the Bombay Consul for Holland, has, after the above paper was read, 
kindly sent me copies of his articles on the Dutch in Broach. He gives Pieter Gillesen as 
the name of this first factor. iVide his articles on the Dutch factories in the Neerlandia 
of January and February 1907. Vide the February issue p. 26 for this reference). 

» Jan Willem Six " Secundo " in the inscription in his tomb. Vide infra, p. J23. 

* '* The factory at Baroche was established in the year 161 7* and is still continued, yet 
with very little circumstance, for there is but one junior merchant, and one book-keeper, 
who reside there as factors, and who have a few native servants under them.**-(«*Voyages 
to the Bast Indies by the Ute John Splinter SUvorinus," translated from the Dutch by 
Wikaocke. VoU III (1798). pp. 108-091) 

' According to Mr. Bendien the factory bears on the gate *' as an inscription** the 
initials of the Company. (The Dutch East India Company, V with an 'o' and *e' 
in the legs of V.) 



300 



NOTBS ON BROACH. 



gone through, for being adopted for small residential quarters, it 
still bears an inscription on the inside of a wall. I give below the 
form of the sun-dial with the inscription on it as copied by me from 
a distance on 31st December 1906. The dial with an inscription is 
within the court-yard of the factory on the top of the inside part of 
a wall abutting on a public road. The inscription on bears the 
Christian year 1700 and the name of F. J. Groenevelt (F. J. Groenevelt 
Anno 1700). Above this inscription appear fhe initials of the Dutch 
Company. 




The site of the first English factory is not known. But oral tradi- 
tion, as heard there, says that the very house which was the seat of the 
Dutch factory was later on the place of the English factory. So, it 
appears that the English factory was, latterly, when the Dutch left it, 
transferred to this house. It is not known where it was when it was 
first founded. 

The Dutch must have remained at least about 175 years at Broach. 
This appears from some of the dates on the tombs in their cemetery. 
This cemetery is situated about a littie on the west of the village of 
Vijalpore, at a short distance from where the Parsi Towers-of- 
Silence stand. The Cruseiteet says of the Dutch tombs that " these 
monuments bear dates ranging from 1654 to 1770.'' ' It would have 
been well had the Broach Gazetteer ^ which appeared in 1877, published 
the inscriptions on the tombs which are falling in ruins. 



> Broach GatttUer, pc SS9* 



NOTBS ON BROACH. 3OI 

The Dutch cemetery is an interesting place to see, because the con- 
struction of the tombs in it seems to be different from what we see in 
the case of tombs in modern English cemeteries in India. ^ I give the 
photographs of two of them at the end of this paper. I am indebted for 
these to Khan Bahadur Adurjee Muncherjee Dalai of Broach. On 
entering from the west we find a tomb with a platform containing 
four seats. Then there is a block containing three tombs. This block 
seems to have had a tablet which is removed. There is another block 
containing six tombs, one tomb has the form of a Mahomedan dome 
over it. One can count the ruins of about 20 tombs besides a few 
masonry mounds. In close proximity we find a small ruin like that 
of a basin of water. 

I beg to suggest that careful photographs of all the tombs and 
especially of the inscriptions may be soon taken. I have taken copies 
of the inscriptions. ' 

I wrote about a fortnight ago to Mr. Couzens, the head of the 
Archaeological Department, to ascertain, if the inscriptions are pub- 
lished by his Department in any report. I have not heard from him 
yet. This week I took my copy of the inscription to the Dutch 
Consulate here to get it translated. Mr. J. G. Bendien, the Con- 
sul, having gone to Holland, I saw Mr. Y. Von Rykoum, the 
head of the Holland-Bombay Trading Company. He could not 
give me a correct translation, because being in a foreign language 
and being very old, I have not been able, in a hasty visit, to copy 
the inscriptions well. I had requested a gentleman there to 
kindly get a good photo taken of them, but he has not done so yet. 
However I learnt from Mr. Rykoum that the Dutch Consul, Mr. Ben- 
dien, had once visited the Dutch cemetery, and has taken a photo of 
the inscriptions which he has published in a Dutch paper in Holland. 
I have written to Mr. Bendien to send us a copy with its translation. 
When received it will be worth publishing in our journal.' 

^ Mr. BeUass8» while describing the old tombs in the cemeteries of Surat, assigns the 
following reasons for the grandeur of these old tombs : ** The Agents of these several 
nations vied with each other to live in the greatest splendour •• .. .. Men who lived 
in sudi grandeur may naturally be supposed to have emulated each other in creating 
ostentatious tombs to commenorate their dead ; and thus we find the sepuchral ruins in 
the cemteries ot Surat, even at the present day, bearing witness to the large sums that 
must have been expended for these purposes." (Journal B. B. R. A. S., VoU VI, pp. 
146-47.) As Mr. Bellasis says, an idea of the grandeur of the Dutch tombs at Surat may 
be formed '<by the fact of a bill being extant, charging Rs. 6700 to the Dutch 
Company for mere repairs " (Ibid, p. X9). 

Vide Appendix to this paper. As I liave latterly received cop es of the Inscriptions 
more carefully taken by Mr. Bendien, the Dutch Consul, I give them in the appendix. 
Mine being those by one not knowing the language are naturally faulty. 
^ Viden.%. 



302 NOTES ON BROACH. 

While on the subject of the inscriptions on the Dutch tombs, I b^ 
to draw the attention of a future reviser or editor of a second editioo 
of the Gasetteer of the Broach district to several errors in the copies 
of the inscriptions of two other tombs as given in the Gazetteer. 

The Gasetteer gives the inscriptions on two tombs near the village 
of Vijalpore. I give my copy of the inscription of the tomb of one 
which I saw, vis.^ that of Capt W. Semple : — 

Beneath this stone 

are deposited the remains of 

Captain William Semple, ^ 

of His ' Majesty's 86th Regiment, 

who was killed by 

cannon shot 

at the siege of Broach 

on the 25th of August 1803. 

Universally and most sincerely 

regretted by all his 

brother Officers. 

To us who are nearer the time, the mistakes may appear trivial, 
but after several centuries they, especially the mistake of "Her 
Majesty" for "His Majesty," may cause serious doubts about the 
date. A future student of historical data may, in the absence of other 
materials to put him on the right track, long linger in doubts about 
the date. If he takes the word " Her Majesty " to be correct, he may 
tlunk, that perhaps the year 1803, given later on, may be a mistake for 
1893 or for some other year. If he takes the date as correct, he may 
linger in doubts about the period of Her Majesty's reign. 

I found similar carelessness on the part of either the copyist or die 
printers, in the matter of the inscription on the slab in the compound 
of the Civil Hospital within the fort on the grave of Brigadier David 
Wedderburn, who was killed while storming the city. He is the officer 
who is often referred to with curses and maledictions by Abas Alii in 

^ The name is not Sempie as given by the GaMHieer, 

* The GatgtUer wvnm *' Her Majesty "> which is notf and cannot boi oorrect, as the 
year b Stos when the late Queen had not come to the throne. 

* The GoMtttggr omits this word> 



NOTES ON BROACH. 3!! 

military display might induce the Nawib to propose some settlement 
of the claims made against him, the Chief of Surat was directed to 
transport this force by sea to the neighbourhood of Broach. These 
instructions the factors at Surat did not carry out " 

We see from this account that the casus belli was a claim of money 
upon the Nawib by the English. 

Now the native account of the fight of the English with the Nawdb, 
referred to above, throws some further light upon this matter, and says 
that a Parsee of Surat was partly at the bottom of this question. This 
native account is very interesting from a Parsee point of view, be- 
cause, as said above, it suggests that the question oi kabiseh, or of the 
calculation of an intercalary month, which had produced a schism 
among the Parsees of India in the i8th century and which has pro- 
duced among them two sects — the Kadmis and the Shehanshahis— had 
some connection with the above dispute between the English and the 
Nawdb of Broach. 

The native account, which I beg to present, is that of a Mahomedan 
writer named Sayed Abbas Ali. He has written a short history of 
this dispute and the subrequent battle between the English and the 
Nawib of Broach under the title of ''Kisseh-i-Nawdb Majuzkhan 
Bahadur of Broach.**^ It was written in Urdu. It has not been pub- 
lished and I have not been fortunate in seeing it in the original Urdu. 
But a Gujerati translation of it was published in 1869 by Mobed Byramji 
Fardoonji Vakili of Broach under the title of ^\^^\ ^^W, %\^i^^^^ 
<Hl^lJ^ ^1 fl^ru. Two hundred copies of it were published then. 
The translation being out of print, in 1894, ^^' Sorabji Framjee 
Byramjee Vakil, a grandson of the original translator, has published 
a second edition. I am indebted to my friend Khan Bahadur Adarji 
Mancherjee Dalai for a copy of it. I think that the Gazetteer refers 
to the above Kisseh in its account of ' * the. local details of the capture" 
of Broach when it says that it gives it on the authority of " A life of 
M^ad KhSln," by one of his courtiers. The name of the NawAb, as 
given by the Kisseh^ is Maozuzkhan while the English writer gives it 
as Mazad Khan. The difference in not very important when we know 
that the last letter d^l in the Urdu name, if written or read 
with an additional dot (nukteh), can be read ' z ' instead of ' d *. 

^ I ^ve this title as g^iveo by the translator of the Kisseh, According to Mr. Sorabshaw 
Dadabhoy Fardoonji, Munsiff of Broach « the auothor called hi^ work '*Kisseh-i-Ganigeeneef'* 
i^^ **The Story of Sorrow," probably because it described the downfall of the Nawab's 
. tepm^ It was written in X 19J Hijree «>. 178S A. D. 

* Mr. Sorsibshaw Dadabhoy Fardoonjee Munsiff in his letter dated sth January 1907 
writes to me that he knew this translator. He was a priest 'and was practising in the 
Broach District Court in his full dress of Jama Pichodu 



II 3 NOTBS ON BROACH. 

Now the Kisuh gives the following account of the commencement of 
the dispute which, as said above, is interesting from a Parsee point of 
view :— 

The Nawib of Surat was Sayad Hakijuldin Khan. An Englishman, 
named Mr. Sam Gabrier^, was the head of the English factory on 
behalf of the Company. Among the Parsees atcSurat, there arose a 
great dispute about the calculation of time,* the difference of a month 
in calculation having arisen as the result of some letters received from 
Persia. There arose two parties. At the head of one, the Rasmi, who 
adhered to the old previous calculation was Minocher*. At the head 
of the other sect, the Kadmis, was Dhunjee^. The dispute had coo- 
tinued for some time^ During that dispute Dhunjee, the leader of 
the Kadmi sect of Surat, writes to the Nawdb of Broach to inquire 
into the matter of the question under discussion. He also wrote to 
his own Mulla*. The Nawkb, therefore, sent for the two dkhuns 
£,€., preceptors of the Parsees, one Dastur Kamdin ^ by name and 
another Pidash^**, He asked them to tell correct facts as described 
in religious books. Dastur Kamdin after a long consideration said 
that what Muncher, the leader of the Rasmis, said was correct and 

^ This Mr. Gabier is Mr. Gambier of our historical writers. 

* It was in I720,that one Jamasp, known as Jamasp Velayati,came firom Persia to India 
and pointed out the difference of one month between the calculation of the Zoroastrians of 
Persia and that of the Zoroastrians of India. In x7i6, a laymani named Jamshed, firom 
Persia, revived the question, in 174$ the Parsees of Surat bad a r^^lar schism for the 
first time. In 1768, Dhanjishaw Maqjishaw sent Mobad KAas Rustsm JalAl of Broadi to 
Persih to study the question thwe. 

* Mr. Muncherjee Kharshe4j Seth (1714-1784). He was the broker of the Dutch Factory 
at Surat. He had great influence with the Nawdb of Surat. He had twice been to Delhi 
to the Mogrul Court for business purposes. Anquetil Du Perron (Le Zend Avestl Ip 
Partie I, p. cccxv) speaks of him as the courtier (broker) of the Dutch and as the chief ot 
the Parsees of Surat (le premier des Parses de Surat). 

* Dhai^eeshaw Manjishaw (171^-1788). He was a ^eat merchant of Surat and w« 
the broker of the Bnglish factory. Vide foot-note No. 4 above. 

* In 1768, the dispute had taken a serious turn in Broach its^, and Dastur KAmdinjee 
of Broach, the leadinir priest of the Shahanshahis or the Rasmis, was sent to jaiL The 
new paity there was headed by Kaus Rustam Jalal who was the father of Mulla Peross 
and who was sent to Persia in the same year by Dhunjeeshaw Maojidiaw. The Nawab 
of Broach referred the matter to the Panchayets of Naosari and Surat. After some dis- 
cussion lastinir ^o^ several months, the Pundiayet of Surat wrote to Broach to cootinae 
In the Rasmi belief (yitU ** Panee Prakasb," I, p.«863). 

* i, #., the hirh priest who led his sect. Thb was Kaus RusUm Jalal. 

* Dastur Kamdi^|ee FarduigM (t7il-l78t) who baloa^red to the Shahanshahi ssol. 
He was the father of Aspandiarjee who published in i8>6 « k<^M dl^^ MA9il>5ll% 
M^*' • Aooordinc to the «* Parsee Prakash ** (Vol. It p. 6«) be was a welMnown 

Kadmi priest of Broach. Hom^H who is koMored by the Paracee of Brxmsh as a 
martyr was hanged for kiUing Behanbai, Hm siatar of Pidahik. She was a staunch Kmdad, 
A manuscript book on ths Kabiseh coatioversy. in my possession, gires PAdshAh*^ 
psraonal asms as Rustoo^i. He was the ffraat gnat grandfather of Mr. Burjorje^ the 
pressat Kadmi hsad^prisst of the Masaffoo firs^onpls of Mr. Fnmfi PateL 



NOTES ON BROACH. 313 

what Dhaajee, the leader of the Kadmis, said was wrong. The 
Nawib wrote accordingly to Dhunjee. So Dhunjee was enraged 
against the Nawib of Broach for not having gained the opinion of the 
priests and for not having decided in the favour of his sect He had 
a g^dge against the Nawab and he was on a look out to wreak his 
vengeance. 

Now it so happened, that some time after this event, the Nawdb 
stopped at the Customs Office at Broach some of the goods of mer- 
chandise belonging to Dhunjee, saying that custom duty was due 
on them. Dhunjee claimed exemption, but the Nawib refused it 
and confiscated the goods. Dhunjee had to pay the custom dues. 
Dhunjee then went before Mr. Gambler, the head of the English factory 
at Surat, with whom he had great influence, and said that the Custom 
House of Broach was from the first under the control of the Port of 
Surat, that its income was about Rs. 1,00,000 per year, and that the 
Nawdb has not been paying it to the Surat factory for the last 40 years. 
Dhunjee succeeded in influencing Mr. Gambler, who wrote to the 
Nawib of Broach claiming a sum of 40 lakhs as due from him to the 
Government of Surat which had the right of enjoying the customs 
duties at Broach. The Nawdb indignantly repudiated the claim. 
Thereupon Mr. Gambler declared war. Thus, it appears, that accord- 
ing to the native author, a religious dispute amongst the Parsees of 
the time had some connection with the fight between the Nawib of 
Broach and the English. 

We will now examine the Urdu Kisseh a little further, as it presents 
a few new facts from the Naw4b*s point of view and throws some 
side light on the question of the fight between the British and the 
Nawib. 

Speaking of the fight, the Urdu Kisseh says that the Nawib of 
Broach had asked assistance from Fatesingrao of Baroda, the Nawib 
of Cambay, the Ruler of Dholka and the Raja of Rajpipla. Fatesing of 
Baroda is said to have had some sinister motives in sending his army 
for assistance. He was himself looking for an opportunity to seize 
Broach. 

The English expedition to Broach was accompanied by 700 men be- 
kmging to the Nawib of Surat under the command of the Bakhshi or 
paymaster.^ About this Bakhshi the Kisseh says that he was in sym- 
pathy with the Nawdb of Broach and had sent a secret message to 
him about the advance of the British. 

As the English account says, the expedition ended in a failure. 
"The management of the expedition had been in many points 

^ VitU the Broach 0«s«tteer, II, p. 470. 



,3o6 NOTES OK BROACH. 

Kanouj referred to by Wilford. Priasep affords us very valuable help 
on this point In his essay on Saur^stra coins he says that the t3rpe 
of the series of Indian coins known as Gadhia-ka paisa is an " example 
of imitation of a Grecian original," ^ and that " a comparison (of these 
ooins) with the coins of the Arsakian and Sassanian dynasties of 
Persia, which are confessedly of Greek origin,*' satisfactorily proves 
that Prinsep says on the subject of these coins : ** The popular name 
for these rude coins — of silver and copper — is, according to Burnes, in 
Gujar&t, * Gadhia-k& pais^,' ' Ass money/ or rather, ' the money of 

Gadhia,' a name of Vikramiditya The Hindus insist 

that this Vikrama was not a paramount sovereign of India, but only 
a powerful king of the western provinces, his capital being Camb&t or 
Cambay : and it is certain that the princes of these parts were tribu- 
tary to Persia from a very early period. The veteran antiquarian, 
Wilford, would have been delighted, could he have witnessed a con- 
firmation of his theories afforded by the coins before us, borne out by 
the local tradition of a people now unable even to guess at the nature 
of the curious and barbarous marks on them. None but a professed 
studier of coins could possibly have discovered on them the profile of a 
face after the Persian model, on one side, and the actual Sassanian 
fire-altar on the other ; yet such is indubitably the case, as an attentive 
consideration of the accumulation of lines and dots (on the figures of 
the coins) will prove. Should this fire-altar be admitted as proof of an 
Indo-Sassanian dynasty in Saur^Lshtra, we may find the date of its 
establishment in the epoch of Yesdijird, the son of Behr£Lm-Gor ; 
supported by the concurrent testimony of the Agni-purina, that 
Vikrama, the son of Gadh^-rupa, should ascend the throne of M^ayft 
(Ujjain) 753 years after the expiation of ChAnakya or A.D. 441." (*) 

A painting in the Ajanta caves refers to a Persian embassy to India. 
This also seems to refer to Behr&mgour, who, according to Firdousi, 
came in disguise as his own ambassador. 

We have so far seen, that the ancient Persians had some connection 
with the country round Broach, and that old tradition, as found in the 
Agni-purHna, and old coins prove that connection. 

Now we will speak of the connection of Broach with the early 
Parsee settlers in India. 

{a) Div in Kathi&war was the first port where a band of refugees 
from Persia had landed in 761 A.D. and Sanj^n the first place where 
they made their permanent settlement in 785 A.D. and built their first 
fire-temple in 790 A.D, They continued there for full 300 years. 

'^ Essays oa Indian Antiquities, by James Prinsep, edited by E. Thomas (i85f>' 
Vol. I, p. 335. • /bid, p. 34I-4S- 



Then they began to disperse in the different cities of Gujarat of 

which Broach was one. 
The Kisseh-i-Sanjan, thus refers to this exodus from Sanjan (*); 
^jflij^j J'iXm /■■>»* iW*- Wjj — \J*'iij J'li^ii^axiu fjlu, ^^Lij,^,ij 
•iAiJi ,_fla- A-*/ "r-^^- jr? — '*^ )j^ J-> "'^ sJJSl J 

Translation. — In this way, passed away 300 years, more or less, 
(i.f,, about 300 years), as several persons, moreor less, went away from 
that place. They were dispersed in the country of India and they got 
hold of (i.tf. took abode in) attractive places in all directions. Many 
went to B&nk&nir. Some went in the direction of Broach. 

(ft) This was in 1D90. Two hundred years after this event, i.e., in 
1370 A.D. they divided Gujarat into five ^anfA^ib, i.e., ecclesiastical 
divisions for the performance of sacerdotal functions. This was to 
avoid differences and quarrels among^the priesthood about the spheres 
of their work. The Kisseh-i-Zartbushti&n-i-Hindustin thus speaks 
of this event.' 

jU ^1 ;Ail lyiejL,y ^ _ jlj^ .)j;j^T IJ )^ ^})J 

I.JJ y^i ^i^-uio' ^" j^ji j — rj** (**j" ti'-J^ "j'-^y'y 
u^ J '^l^/ysjjr^i:)''^^ — tijl-J j4* <J-I f;'rt- |»**^'> 

JjU J -^ Jj/ ^jLJ^Jj — UIj .>-- A^ i^^ 

> C&lr my " A fev Evnta ia the Early HUtory of Ute Paneci," p. 14. 



3q8 



NOTES ON BROAOB. 



TransUiHon.^** One day all the wise men of Sanjan assemUed and 
entered into a contract sincerely. (They said :) " We will divide all 
these places where there are laymen of good thoughts." They divided 
all these places into five parts. First is Sanjan, whose limit was in 
that direction. O men of good nature ! its limit is from the rtver 
PAr to that of Dantur. All the laymen, when they are within the limits 
of Sanjan, may be willingly under the orders of the Mobads (thereof). 
Know the other division to be NadslLri. It was given to the Mobads 
with all heart and life {i^, with a sincere heart). All (the country) 
from the river PIU* to the river Bari&v, .was under the power of the 
Nadsari&ns (»>. the Naosari Mobads). Nobody else would have any 
control therein. All would have security in their own jurisdiction. 

good-natured man ! Know the third division to be Godareh from 
Bari&v to Aklesar. All the God&rians will officiate at that place, and 
all the Mobads may be friendly with their heart and soul. O man ot 
good knowledge ! Know the fourth division to be Broach, whose limit 
and measurement, I will now tell you. Know that (division) to be 
from Aklesar to Khamb&yet. Know all that to be the limit of the 
people of Broach. O good man ! Know the fifth division. O leader ! 

1 will tell that to you, so that you may know it. Wise men have named 
it Khamb&yet. In this way they have divided the towns and places. 
The wisemen of Sanjftn have done this work (of division), so that 
there may be no quarrel and dispute." 

(c) A good number of Parsees must have settled in Broach before this 
date (1290 A.D.) of the division of panthaks or ecclesiastical jurisdic- 
tions. On the authority of a manuscript book of a Hindu gentleman at 
Baroda, Khan Bahadur Bomanji Byramji Patel, says that a brick 
Tower of Silence was built at Broach in samvat 1365, ».^., 1309 A.D. 
A brick tower even earlier than this is said to have been built there. 
I saw the ruins of a brick Tower of Silence on the ist of January 
1907. Though the outside of it shows very little difference from the 
modern towers, the inside seems to differ a good deal. For example 
we do not find in it different rows for males, females and children as 
are found in the modern towers. 

(<0 We learn from the Persian Rev&yets, that Broach continued to be 
a Parsee centre for several centuries. In the letters received from the 
Zoroastrians of Persia by the Parsees of India, in reply to their 
questions on various religious subjects, we find Broach specially named, 
as one of the Parsee towns. The following Revayets mention the 
name of Broach. 

I. The Revayet of 847 Yaadxardi (1478 A.D.) brought from 
Persia by Narimftn Hoshang. 



NOTES ON BROACH. 3O9 

The Revayet of 850 Yazdazardi (1481) brought by Narim&n 
Hoshang. 

a. The Revayet of 151 1 A-D. brought by an unnamed messenger. 

3* The Revayet of 1533 brought by K&us K&mdin. 

4. The Revayet of i6a6 brought by Bahman Aspandy&r. 

5. The Revayet of 1627 brought by Bahman Poonjieh. 

Not only did Broach Parsees take a part in these enquiries on 
religious subjects, but, at times, they sent messengers to Persia for the 
purpose from their own town. For example Narim^n Hoshang, the 
messenger who went to Persia in 1478 and 1481 was a Parsee of 
Broach. Again Kllus Mahyar, who went to Persia in 1597 A.D., and 
Kaus Rustam Jelal, who went in 1768, belonged to Broach. 

(B) Now I will give here a short outline of the events that had 
brought about the rule of the Nawabs, in the reigns of the last two of 
whom, the Kabiseh controversy of the Parsees seems to have raged 
a good deal, and is said to have had an influence on the state of affairs 
then prevailing. 

In 1660 Aurangzeb got the city walls destroyed, because the city had 
long withstood his siege during the time of his war with his brothers. 
In 167^ the Mahrattas under Sivajee attacked the town and levied 
contributions. Finding the city without a wall for protection they 
returned in 1686 under Sivajee's son Sambhajee and plundered it 
So, Aurangzeb ordered the city walls to be built again. ' 

In 1696 Avory, an English pirate, had plundered several Mahomedan 
pilgrim ships. So, the English factory at Broach was closed like that at 
Surat and the British factors put into chains. In 170a matters seem 
to have improved and the factory was again working. Before the 
middle of the i8th century the English and the Dutch both had with- 
drawn their factories. The Dutch returned sometime before 1772. In 
177a the English conquered Broach. It remained in their possession 
for about 10 years. In 1782 it was given to the Peishwa and in 1803 it 
was taken back by the British and is in their possession since that 
time. 

^ The Broach Gametteer, II, p. 468. 

Hamilton sayt ** In Aurangzeb's wars with his brothers, about the year i660| this 
town held out a preat while agrainst his array. That season proving a dry one 
Au r e agi ab's fcrfks suffered much for want of fresh water and provisions, but at last be 
took, it, and put all to the sword that had borne arms af^ainst him, and raz'd part of the 
wallsf and pronounced a curse on them that should repair them again. But the Savajee's 
incurdons made him order the rebuilding then himself, and he christened it Suckahani 
or the dry dty. (A new account of the Bast ladies by CapC Alaiamkrr Hamilton, 1744, 
Veil.. ^141.) 



310 NOTES ON BROACH. 

Before 1722, Nizam-ul-Mulk was the' Viceroy of Gujerat under Ihe 
Moguls. During his viceroyalty, he had made Broach a part of his 
private estate. In 1722, he assumed independence in Deccan. In 1736 
Abhasing was the Viceroy of Gujerat. At this time, Abdulla Beg, 
held Broach from the Nizam-ul-Mulk under the title of Nek Alam 
Kh^n. He was the founder of the line of Nabobs who ruled for 36 
years. He died in 1738 and was succeeded by his second son Mirz^ 
Beg who ruled up to the time of his death in 1752 under the title of 
Nek Alam Kh&n II. Mirza Beg was succeeded by his brother who 
died within 3 months. On the death of this brother,t he succession was 
in dispute for two years. At last Syed Idrus of Surat, who 
had great religious influence, espoused the cause of Mirza Ahmed 
Beg, a grandson of Abdulla Beg, and placed him on the throne. 
This Mirza Ahmed died in 1768 and was succeeded by his son Mazed 
Khan the last of the Nawabs. The following table shows the geneo* 
logy of these Nawabs : — 

Genealogical table of the Nawdbs of Broach, 

Abdulla Beg (or Nek Alam Khftn I.) 1736-38 



I I I 

First son (name (Second son) Mirza Third son who succeeded 

not known). Beg (or Nek Alum his brother Mirza Beg and 

I Khan II) 1738-52. ruled for 3 months. No suc- 

Mirza Ahmed Beg, cessor for two years, 1752-54. 

1754.68. 

M&zad Khan, 

1768-72. 

(the last Nawdb, 

overthrown by 

the British.) 

Now it was between this M^Lzad Khan and the British that a dispute 
arose. The Gazetteer (Vol. II, p. 469) gives the following account 
of the dispute, prepared from the correspondence recorded in some of 
the volumes of the Secretariat Records : — 

** The political connection of the English Company with Broach 
dates from their capture of Surat in 1759. There were certain claims 
of the NawAb of Surat upon the customs revenue of the Port of Broach. 
These, together with a sum due to the English on account of an exces- 
sive levy of duties on cloth, amounting altogether to ;6^i5,ooo 
(Rs. 1,50,000), the Nawdb of Broach was called upon to pay. In the 
early months of 1771 a body of the Company's troop in the neighbour- 
hood of Surat was engaged against the Kolis. In the hope that a 



NOTES OK BROACH. ^tt 

military display might induce the Nawib to propose some settlement 
of the claims made against him, the Chief of Surat was directed to 
transport this force by sea to the neighbourhood of Broach. These 
instructions the factors at Surat did not carry out " 

We see from this account that the casus belli was a claim of money 
upon the Nawib by the English. 

Now the native account of the fight of the English with the Nawdb, 
referred to above, throws some further light upon this matter, and says 
that a Parsee of Surat was partly at the bottom of this question. This 
native account is very interesting from a Parsee point of view, be- 
cause, as said above, it suggests that the question oi kabiseh, or of the 
calculation of an intercalary month, which had produced a schism 
among the Parsees of India in the i8th century and which has pro- 
duced among them two sects — the Kadmis and the Shehanshahis— had 
some connection with the above dispute between the English and the 
Nawdb of Broach. 

The native account, which I beg to present, is that of a Mahomedan 
writer named Sayed Abbas Ali. He has written a short history of 
this dispute and the subrequent battle between the English and the 
Nawdb of Broach under the title of " Kisseh-i-Nawdb Majuzkhan 
Bahadur of Broach. ^'^ It was written in Urdu. It has not been pub- 
lished and I have not been fortunate in seeing it in the original Urdu. 
But a Gujerati translation of it was published in 1869 by Mobed Byramji 
Fardoonji Vakili of Broach under the title of ^\^^\ •imoi >il3ll«ji«'^M 
<Hl^lJ^ ^1 &^X\i. Two hundred copies of it were published then. 
The translation being out of print, in 1894, ^^* Sorabji Framjee 
Byramjee Vakil, a grandson of the original translator, has published 
a second edition. I am indebted to my friend Khan Bahadur Adarji 
Mancherjee Dalai for a copy of it I think that the Gazetteer refers 
to the above Kisseh in its account of " the. local details of the capture** 
of Broach when it says that it gives it on the authority of " A life of 
M^ad Kh^n," by one of his courtiers. The name of the Nawdb, as 
given by the Kisseh ^ is Maozuzkhan while the English writer gives it 
as Mazad Khan. The difference in not very important when we know 
that the last letter d^l in the Urdu name, if written or read 
with an additional dot (nukteh), can be read ' z * instead of ' d *. 

^ I give this title as ^ven by the translator of the Kisseh, According to Mr. Sorabshaw 
Dadabhoy Fardoonji, Munsiff of Broach« the auothor called hi^ work '*Kisseh^-Gamgeeneef** 
i^.t **The Story of Sorrow/* probably because it described the downfall of the Nawab's 
, tepmc It was written in I X9i HUree *>. X785 A. D. 

* Mr. Sorsibshaw Dadabhoy Fardoonjee Munsiff in his letter dated sth January 1907 
writes to me that he knew this translator. He was a priest 'and was practising in the 
Broadi District Court in his full dress of Jama Pichodi. 



||3 NOTBS ON BROACH. 

Now the Kitsch gives the following account of the commencement of 
the dispute which, as said above, is interesting from a Parsee point of 
view :— 

The Nawib of Surat was Sayad Hakijuldin Khan. An Englishman, 
named Mr. Sam Gabrier^, was the head of the English factory on 
behalf of the Company. Among the Parsees atCSurat, there arose a 
great dispute about the calculation of time,* the difference of a month 
in calculation having arisen as the result of some letters received from 
Persia. There arose two parties. At the head of one, the Rasmi, who 
adhered to the old previous calculation was Minocher*. At the head 
of the other sect, the Kadmis, was Dhunjee^. The dispute had con- 
tinued for some time''. During that dispute Dhunjee, the leader of 
the Kadmi sect of Surat, writes to the Nawdb of Broach to inquire 
into the matter of the question under discussion. He also wrote to 
his own Mulla*. The Nawkb, therefore, sent for the two dihums 
i.g., preceptors of the Parsees, one Dastur Kamdin^ by name and 
another Pidash^**, He asked them to tell correct facts as described 
in religious books. Dastur Kamdin after a long consideration said 
that what Muncher, the leader of the Rasmis, said was correct and 

^ This Mr. Gabier is Mr. Gambier of our historical writers. 

* It was in I720,that one Jamasp, known as Jamasp Velayati,came firom Persia to India 
and pointed out the difference of one month between the calculation of the ZofXMstriant of 
Persia and that of the Zoroastrtans of India. In I7J6, a laymam named Jamshed, firom 
Persia, revived the question, in 174$ the Parsees of Surat had a regular schism for ths 
first time. In 1768. Dhanjishaw Manjishaw sent Mobad KAas Rustsm JalAl o{ Broach to 
Persik to study the question there. 

* Mr. Muncherjee Kharshe4j Seth (1714-1784). He was the broker of the Dutch Factory 
at Surat. He had great influence with the Nawib of Surat. He had twice been to Delhi 
to the Mogul Court for business purposes. Anquetil Du Perron (Le Zend Avestl I^ 
Partie I, p. cccxv) speaks of him as the courtier (broker) of the Dutch and as the chief of 
the Parsees of Surat (le premier des Parses de Surat). 

* Dhai^eeshaw Manjishaw (iYi>i788). He was a great merchant of Sarat and v^ 
the broker of the English factory. Vide foot-note No. 4 above. 

* In 1768, the dispute had taken a serious turn in Broach itself and Dastur KAmdtnjce 
of Broach, the leading priest of the Shahanshahis or the Rasmis. was sent to jail. Tha 
new patty there was headed by Kaus Rustam Jalal who was the father of Mulla Peroaa 
and who was sent to Persia in the same year by Dhunjeeshaw Manji^aw. The Nawab 
of Broach referred the matter to the Panchayets of Naosart and Surat. After some dis- 
cussion lasting for several months, the Pundiayet of Surat wrote to Broach to cootinoe 
in the Rasmi belief ivith ** Panes Prakasb," I, p.«863). 

* i, 0„ the high priest who led his sect. Thb was Kaus Rustam Jalal. 

* Dastur KamdiigM Fardunjee (t7il-l78s) who baloaged to the Shahanihahi aaol. 
He was the father of Aspandiarjee who published in x8>6 ** ki^M dl^^ MA9il>5ll^l 

M^'* ' According to the '* Parsee Prakash " (Vol. I» p. 6«) he was a wcU-kaosra 

Kadml priest of Broach. HooU^ who is koooured by the Parsees of Broach as a 
martyr was hanged for killing Behanbai, Hm eiflter of PAdshih. She was a staunch Kadmi. 
A manuscript book on Um Kabiseh controversy, in my possession, gires PAdshAh*^ 
personal name as Rustonui. He was the great great grandfather of Mr. Buijorjee, the 
present Kadmi head-priest of the Masagoo fira4einple of Mr. Fnmfi PateL 



NOTES ON BROACH. ^13 

what Dhanjee, the leader of the Kadmis, said was wrong. The 
Nawib wrote accordingly to Dhunjee. So Dhunjee was enraged 
against the Nawib of Broach for not having gained the opinion of the 
priests and for not having decided in the favour of his sect. He had 
a grudge against the Nawab and he was on a look out to wreak his 
vengeance. 

Now it so happened, that some time after this event, the Nawdb 
stopped at the Customs Office at Broach some of the goods of mer- 
chandise belonging to Dhunjee, saying that custom duty was due 
on them. Dhunjee claimed exemption, but the Nawib refused it 
and confiscated the goods. Dhunjee had to pay the custom dues. 
Dhunjee then went before Mr. Gambler, the head of the English factory 
at Surat, with whom he had great influence, and said that the Custom 
House of Broach was from the first under the control of the Port of 
Surat, that its income was about Rs. i, 00,000 per year, and that the 
Nawdb has not been paying it to the Surat factory for the last 40 years. 
Dhunjee succeeded in influencing Mr. Gambler, who wrote to the 
Nawdb of Broach claiming a sum of 40 lakhs as due from him to the 
Government of Surat which had the right of enjoying the customs 
duties at Broach. The Nawdb indignantly repudiated the claim. 
Thereupon Mr. Gambler declared war. Thus, it appears, that accord- 
ing to the native author, a religious dispute amongst the Parsees of 
the time had some connection with the fight between the Nawdb of 
Broach and the English. 

We will now examine the Urdu Kisseh a little further, as it presents 
a few new facts from the Nawdb *s point of view and throws some 
side light on the question of the fight between the British and the 
Nawdb. 

Speaking of the fight, the Urdu Kisseh says that the Nawdb of 
Broach had asked assistance from Fatesingrao of Baroda, the Nawdb 
of Cam bay, the Ruler of Dholka and the Raja of Rajpipla. Fatesing of 
Baroda is said to have had some sinister motives in sending his army 
for assistance. He was himself looking for an opportunity to seize 
Broach. 

The English expedition to Broach was accompanied liy 700 men be- 
longing to the Nawdb of Surat under the command of the Bakhshi or 
paymaster.^ About this Bakhshi the AY^j^A says that he was in sym- 
pathy with the Nawdb of Broach and had sent a secret message to 
him about the advance of the British. 

As the English account says, the expedition ended in a failure. 
"The management of the expedition had been in many points 

^ Vide the Broach Gazetteer, II, p. 470. 



514 NOTES ON BROACH. 

contrary to the instructions of the Bombay Government, and had- 
ended in so complete a failure ; the conduct of the officers concern- 
ed was made the subject of a committee of inquiry. The result of the 
inquiry was that Mr. Draper, the Chief of the factory at Surat, was 
removed and the other members subjected to severe reprimand and 
censure. ^ The native account gives a few details of the fight which, 
it says, lasted for 17 days. 

The Kisseh says that Gambier sent a message with one Hirjee ^ 
seeking for peace. The Nawdb sent a message saying that " if you 
want peace I will not want war, but if you will want war I wilLnot 
delay to fight." 



L-&JJ |»;|cJj ^^y^ lJLU. ^ j 



Mr. Gambier returned to Surat and then sent a fresh demand of 
about Rs. 4 lacs of Rupees. He asked Laloo, the Dewan of 
the Nawab of Broach, whom he had taken with him to Surat, Dhunjee 
the Parsee broker of the English factory and Muncher, the Parsee 
broker of the Dutch factory, to meet Kalooba, the Dewan of 
Fatesingrao of Baroda and suggest some means for recovering some 
money from the Nawab of Broach. The result of their consultation 
was not known. 

The Gazetteer says, "on the 30th July, 1771, the Bombay Govern- 
ment received a letter from the NawAb of Broach offering to visit Bom- 
bay with the view of settling in person the claims brought against him. 
M^zad Khan*s proposal was accepted, vessels were sent to Broach, 

\ Vide The Broach Gazetter, II, p. 470. 

' We learn from the ** Parsee Prakash" (I. p. 191) that this Hirjee was a well-known 
Parsee of Surat. His full name was Hirjee Jivanjee Parekh and he was known as Hir 
Parekh. He was the kBrbhAri^ i.e., the household manag-er of Kaim-ul-Dawlla, the Nawab 
of Surat He had such a grreat influence with the Nawdb that the people of Surat generally 

said that ^1^^ §m ^( ^\h m (Him£ kyi so pir ne kya) i.e., whatever was done 
by Hir was taken (by the Nawab) to have been done by the Pir, tV., the spiritual gruide. He 
seems to have died long before i8»5 A, D., because his son Jamse4ji who was a grreat 
merchant, is reported to have died in l8ss A. D., at the ripe old age of 7S* (''Parsee 
Prakasht" p. z9i). His family was long known in Surat after his death. The following 
table gives the names of his sons and grandsons :— 

Hir Parekh (Hirjee Jivanjee Perdth). 
Jamshedji (d. 182s) Hormusji Dadabhoy 



Nowrojee Dorabjee Ardesir. 



NOTES ON BROACH* 3I5 

• and, setting out at the close of the stormy season, the Naw&b reached 
Bombay on the 4th November 1771. While in Bombay MSUad 
Khan was treated with every consideration.''* 

Ab^ All's Urdu account says that it was the Government of Bom- 
bay that first invited him to go to Bombay. He refused at first, 
but being requested again, offered to go, not by land, but by sea and 
in full state. So ships were sent for him to Broach, in charge of 
Morley. One Parsee Nowrojee* accompanied him. 

Abas All's account of the Nawab*s visit to Bombay is very interest- 
ing, especially now, when the particulars of the visit of the Amir of 
Afghanistan are just fresh in our mind. The Nawllb of Broach was 
then considered to be a personage of great position. The words »H^ofl 
•t«ll<H 0{\^'i (Ambhi Nawab Bharooch ke) i.e., '* I also am the Nawab 
of Broach," form a proverb in the Gujarati language. When a 
person claims some honor or precedence and puts on airs of being a 

1 Gazetteer. II, p. 470. 

a We learn trom the Parsee " Prakash/' (I., pp. 97 and 98) that this Parsee Nowrojec 
was Nowrojee Nanahhoy Khambatta who died in 1804 A. D. at the ripe old age of go. He 
was a forefather of Mr. Kharshedji Din^haw Khambatta of Bombay. At first, he was an 
inhabitant of Bombay. From theret he had gone to Surat for trade. He was known among 
the Parsecs ag ^l^fl'Hl H^l^ltJ Morley nft Nowrojee), ••^•» Morley's Nowrojee. This 
Morley is Mr. James Morley, the Resident of Broach, referred to by the Gazetteer (The 
Gazetteer of Broach, Vol. II., p. 471). and referred to by the kisseh. 

Khan Bahadur Bomanjee Byramjee Patel thus refers in his " Parsee Prakash,** c Vo I. 
I., p. 17)1 to the fact of this Nowrojee going to Broach with Morley. 

H\\\ ^l«i CH^»4Hi HcilOi >il«a«irXHH Ml^ •r^H^ «»|^* h\4 S^l^' q^« h\^\^ ^\f»K 
^V^\ ^f\\. ^ MV^ Sl^iiJi qidl'li i^'oi ^^Ift c^iw \mh ^^ lil*, c|«ll fill ^waSi^i 

H<i?io^ •ii>i 55iica>Hwi ^m. tf. ^.i^oa >i[«I'i'«r mm? «^»4 €i1hi m»1 <^»«*A 

Khan Bahadur B. B. Patel gives no authority for his above statement, but on enquiring 
from him, he says that he has given this statement as he had heard it at Broach. 

Now we find from the kisteh that the fact of Nowrojee going to Broach with Morley is 
correct, but the date of their arrival is not correct. In the first place, the Nawilb Maujuz- 
khan was dead long before 1802 when Morley and Nowrojee are reported to have gone 
to Broach to demand the land-dues said to have been due from him. The error in 
the date seems to have arisen from the fact of mistaking the first conquest of Broach 
by the British in 1772 A. D., for the second conquest in iSoj. After the first conquest 
and after keeping it for about 11 years, Broach was ceded to the Peshwa in 178^ in 
accordance with a treaty known as the Treaty of SSlbai (the Broach Gazetteer, II, 
p. 474). For 19 years it remained in the hands of the Mahrattas and then it was 
reconquered in 180J. So, the fact referred to by Khan Bahadur B. B. Patel occurred in 
177s after the first conquest and not in l8oj after the second conquest. The Gazetteer 
Vol. II., p. 473 says, '*On the news of the capture of Broach, Mr. James Morley was 
appointed resident, with Messrs. James Cheape and William Mahon, joint factors, 
for the management of the concern and for collecting the revenues of the town.*' 
So the event referred to in the *^ Parsee PrakdLsh" must be that of 177s. 



3l6 ^OTBS ON BROACH. 

great man this proverb is applied to liim. Now it seems that the 
Naw&b of Broach was feted and received with honour in 177a in the 
same way'as the Amir has been now. I cull the following account 
from Abbas Ali*s version : — 

When Mr. Morley reached Broach, the Nawab was still in mourning 
for the death of his ustdd or spiritual guide. Two days were wanting 
to complete the 40 days' period of mourning. So Mr. Morley saw the 
Nawab two days after his arrival. Then the Nawab consulted his 
courtiers about his proposed visit. Some advised him to go and others 
disuaded him. Butat length he resolved to go. He sent his pdi^ah, i.e,, 
infantry troops to Bombay by way of land. He took with him in the 
ships a retinue of 1,000 persons of whom about 100 were his courtiers, 
the author of the ICisseh being one of them. The Nawab. had 8 sons and 
6 daughters. All these began to weep at the departure of the Nawab, 
who left Broach with a salute from the English ships. The ships 
anchored at the mouth of the river for one night and then at Surat for 
another night. Then from Surat it took them two days and a half to 
come to Bombay They stopned on the coast of Mahim and from there 
Mr. Morley sent a letter with the Parsee Nowrojee to the General 
(i^.f the Governor) of Bombay informing them of their arrival. A kaveli 
i,e.f a palatial building near the furfd, t,e., the Custom House, belong- 
ing to a Mahomedan Mulla, was furnished with carpets, chandeliers, 
lamps, pictures, etc., and it served as a residence for the Nawd.b. About 
TO to 1 1 battalions lined the road in honour of the Nawd,b. Mem- 
bers of the Council headed by Mr. Wedderbum formed a deputation to 
receive the Nawd,b. The ships which had anchored at Mahim came to 
Bombay, salutes were fired from all the ships in the harbour at the time 
when the Nawab got down from his FatehmUri (a kind of big boat) 
into a boat. On coming to the shore, the Nawab was received with a 
salute from the guns in the fort. Among those that had met to 
welcome the NawHb, were English madams who were like the houris 
of paradise. These ladies were all moon-faced. They looked like the 
garden of chaman, i.e.^ joy, their cheeks were rosy and their statures 
were so straight that even straight cypresses ^ould look down with 
shame. Their eyes were like those of the deer and their ringlets put 
the lookers-on to shame. The Naw&b was pleased to see them, and, 
they, in their turn, were pleased to see him and began to talk about 
him amongst themselves. They began to make kookoo {ue., to talk in 
a whispering tone) among themselves just as five or seven mena birds 
when they meet together. After their first surprise on looking at him 
they collected themselves and salaamed him. 

The Naw4b then got into a golden palanquin. The chobdars 
announced his arrival and departure. He was escorted by his own 



fiOTBS ON BROACH. 317 

body-guards. When the Naw&b came to where the artillery was 
stationed he was saluted by the guns. The Nawab then reached 
the house of the General. 

The General welcomed the Naw^b and introduced him to his 
wife and daughter. Two persons acted as interpreters, one of whom 
wasaParsee. Mr. Hornby, the Governor (of whom the author of 
the Kisseh speaks as the General) expressed his delight at the 
Naw^b accepting his invitation. Tea was soon served and after a 
short time the Naw^b departed for his residence. 

The next day the Governor paid a return visit. 

Governor Hornby and the Nawab both had issued strict orders to 
their soldiers and sepoys that they should avoid disputes and quarrels 
with one another. In spite of this caution, once an European had a 
quarrel with a man of the Nawab. The latter dislocated the hand 
of his opponent. The Nawab therefore ordered that a hand 
of his servant may be cut off in punishment. This coming to the 
ears of the Governor, he interceded and pardoned the man. 

The Nawd,b was once invited by the Governor to a private interview. 
The Governor, his wife and daughter met him in their garden and 
had their tea there. At the time of the evening prayer {nemds)^ 
one of the servants* of the Nawdb, while spreading the shawl to serve 
as a carpet broke a valuable chandelier of Mr. Hornby's house worth 
about Rs. 3,000. 

The Nawab stayed in Bombay for about two months and was 
entertained by Mr. Wedderburn and other members of the Council. 

As to the political question, to settle which the Naw&b was called 
to Bombay, it was arranged that the Nawib should pay a sum of 
Rs. 4 lacs by six-monthly instalments within 2 years. The NawHb 
then left Bombay with all honors. Mr. Morley accompanied him 
as the British Resident at Broach. The Nawib, not paying the first 
instalment within the time fixed,: Mr. Morley left his court Another 
expedition, headed by General Wedderburn, and aided by Mr. Watson, 
went to Broach. In the fight that ensued, General Wedderburn 
was killed, but in the end, Broach fell in the hands of the English 
on i8th November 1772. 

III. 

The next subject of my notes is a visit to the well-known Kabir- 
vad (i.e. the Kabir banyan tree) growing on an island formed by the 
sacred Nerbudda. About 130 years ago, Forbes said that the tree 



3l8 NOTBS ON BROACH. 

with its 350 large and over 3,000 small steins occupied a space of about 
2,000 ft in circumference and sheltered about 7,000 men under it^. 
Bishop Heber considered it to be * * one of the most noble groves of the 
world." A writer in the Transactions of the Literary Society 
of Bombay said that the tree struck him "with an awe similar to 
what is inspired by a fine Gothic cathedral." Some of these later 
writers refer to the fact that the different trunks of the tree are being 
washed away by the floods of the river, i saw it on the morning 
of 2nd January 1907, and I may say, that in no sight-seeing in 
my travels was I so much disappointed as in the case of the Kabir vad. 
From a spectacular point of view, the tree, as it now stands, is not 
worth a visit after a long drive. The idea that I formed of the tree on 
seeing it, fell too short of the ideal that I had formed of its greatness 
from what I had read of it. We happen to see more lovely groves 
of banyan trees in other parts of the country. Again, the state, in which 
the ground on which it stands and spreads, is kept, adds to our dis- 
appointment. If it be cleared of the short brushwood growth and 
kept clean, the disappointment would not be so great, and the ideal 
not so ruthlessly spoilt. As it is, there are not even a few yards which 
would attract you to rest and shelter there for a few hours after a 
dusty journey of about 2 to 3 hours. 

Tradition says that Kabir, the great poet, philosopher, and moralist, 
happened to be at this place. The tree grew out of the twigs of a 
banyan tree with which he cleaned his teeth and which he threw there. 
The Kabirpanth is said to have a large number of followers, and one 
would naturally expect to see a large number of them at this place 
connected traditionally with his name. But that is not the case. Very 
few people of his sect are seen here. Even the temple there, known 
as the shrine of Kabir, is served by priests of sects other than the 
Kabir faith. 

It was the sacredness of the Nerbudda that had drawn Kabir to 
its banks, and it is this sacredness that gives further sanctity and 
importance to this Kabirvad and its shrine. 

We hear the following verse about the Nerbudda and three other 
sacred rivers of India : — 

•j^Hl ^{<. 

^ Gazetteer, p. }$$, 



NOTBS ON BROACH* ^^^ 

i.e. The Gang^ (Ganges) gives sanctity by its water, 
The Jamna by its baths, 
The Nerbudda by its sight, 
The Tapti by meditation (on its banks). 

The shrine of Kabirjee near the Kabirzrafl?is:one of the sevenil 
tiraths or shrines on the banks of the Nerbudda. The following is the 
list of such HnUhs as dictated to me by the priest of a Luxmi Narayen 
temple at Sukal-tirath : — 

1. Survaneshwar ^<ll'5«<i^. It has an imagetof Mahadev. It is 

about 15 miles from Chandod. 

2. Kunbeshwar i*5^<«i^. It has an image of Hanumtn. It is on the 

other side of Kani&ri. 

3. Kumesomnftth i^ ^l>i«iit( at Kaniari. 

4. Shekh Sohiji Mah^raj Tm Sl^le? >il4i^i«r near Chandod. 

5. Sukhdev ^>H i^U 

6. Vyis oni«. 

7. Gangnath ai'ai •IW near Chandod. 

8. Hansoyft MattA ^i?llni ^i<tl near Ambawi. 

9. Bhandareshwar Mahadeo Oi*ii?<ci^ ^^it^)! near Scnore. 

10. Gunpati »lHHc|l at Senore. 

11. Karticksvami hi^h k^X^ near Sisodrft. 

12. Kubereshwar i5l?f «l^ near Kotal. 

13. Kabirji Irotlw. It has an image of Kabir and it is under the 

shelter of the Kabir vad. 

14. Vadrasu qiil^ near Mangleshwar. 

15. Sukal-tirath. 

Ofallthe^fVo^^ or the shrines on the bank of the Nerbudda near 
Broach, that of Sukal-tirath is the best known. In the Vlyu PuHlna 
it is spoken of as the best of all the Tiraths in the northern banks 
of the Nerbudda T^ ^ft^Ns^PT^)'. It is about 10 miles from 



iR^R 



^RT ^^ ^ gs ^ gi^feC II ? II 

(as quoted in the t^sfvft ^ of the temple) 
<*.«., M4rkand Rishi says : O Rs^'a Yudhishtira. Hear the account that I give you of the 
Tirmth of Shikaltirath which is situated on the northern bank of the Nerbudda and is the best 
of an tiraths (*^ Revi is a name of the Nerbudda). 
^3 



320 NOTES ON BROACH. 

Broach. The place itself has three tiraths or shrtnes, of which 
the holiest is that of Hunkareshwar f|<tl(l${e|^. The image in 
this shrine carries in its four arms the four emblems of Vishnu. 
In its two right arms it carries the padma, f.^.y the lotus and gada, 
t,e,, the sceptre or mace. In its two left arms it carries the chakra, 
i,e.f the wheel or the cHsc, and the sankh, i.e., the shell. 

Tradition tells the following story about its discovery as a tiratk : — 

ChUnakya, the King of Ujjain, was attacked with leprosy. It was 
thought to be the result of his sin.^ So he thought of purifjdng 
himself of that sin, hoping that such a purification would cure 
him of his leprosy. In order to find out the most holy place, the 
pilgrimage of which could free him of his sin and cure him of his 
disease* he asked the crows, who had in those early times white feathers 
and not black feathers, to go to the death-god Yama and to tell him 
that king Chftnakya was dead. On hearing this news, Yama 
gave instructions as to where his soul was to be led by his (Yama's) 
attendants for purification. The crows heard the instructions and 
returning to Chd,nal^a said that the place of purification was somewhere 
on the Nerbudda, that he must sail down the Nerbudda in a boat with 
black sails, and that the place where the sails turned from black to 
white, might be taken as the place of purification. The king did accord- 
ingly, and while sailing down the Nerbudda, when he came down to the 
village of Sukaltirath, the sails immediately turned white. The king got 
out on the shore and bathed at that place in the sand and in the water of 
the Nerbudda and was purified of his sin and cured of his leprosy. When 
the death -king Yama knew of the trick played upon him by the crews 
at the instance of Chd.nakya, he punished the crows by cursing them 
and by changing to black their feathers, which were up to then white. 
It is for this reason that we have the black colour of the crows.' 

This story of Yama, sin, leprosy^ and the crows reminds us 
of the belief of the ancient Persians about leprosy. Herodotus 
says of the Persians (Bk I. 138) : — 



'* Whosoever of the citizens has the leprosy or scrofula, is not per- 
mitted to stay within a town, nor to have communication with other 
Persians ; and they say that from having committed some offence 
against the sun a man is afflicted with these diseases. Every stranger 
that is seized with these distempers, many of them even drive out 
of the country ; and they do the same to white pigeons, making 
the same charges against them." 

^ According to Homdotus (L ij8), the aoctent Petvians also considered leprosy to be the 
result of sia. 

' Vide the Broaeh Gazetteer, p. S6S. 



NOTES ON BROACH. 32 1 

•We see from .this passage of Herodotus that the anden* Pttrakans 
also connected leprosy with sin. The white doves of this passage 
remind us of the white crows referred to in the aboTe description 
of Sukaltirath. Again, the Yama in the above story of Sukaltirath 
is the Yima of the Avesta, the Jam of the Palhavi books and the 
Jamshed (Yima Khshaeta) of the later writings. It is in the 
second chapter of the Vandidad, which treats of a vara or stricture of 
« Yima, that we find a reference to leprosy* 

The Persians were so much afraid of the lepers, that we learn from 
the Qasstcs, that Magebazus, a Persian satrap who was sentenced to 
be banished, took advantage of this fear prevailing among his 
countrymen and made his escape, pretending to be a leper. 

We went to the opposite bank of the Nerbudda where the Kabir- 
vad stands on an island, from Mangleshwar (>l'^S^^). Here, at 
Mangleshwar, I met a Rajput, whose story showed us that there are 
•many persons in India, persons of poor means, who travel thousands of 
miles along the whol^countryof India,from the Himalayas in the North 
to Rameshwar in the South, out of devotioa to visit sacred places tiraths 
and to purify themselves. Mansing Rajput, of whom I speak, had 
travelled up to Badrinath, the well-known place of pilgrimage in the 
Himalayas. He had brought with him the sacred water of the 
Gangootri. He had kept the water in a sealed bottle and proposed to 
go one day to Rameshwar with that water. The sacred water of the 
Gangootri near Badrinath, when thrown by a pious devotee over the 
image of Mahadeo at Rameshwar, raises a little the size of the image, 
and that is a sure sign of the acceptance of the prayers of the devotee. 
Hundreds and thousands are said to travel the whole distance on 
foot. Again, there are many more hundreds and thousands who travel 
by train. They, at times, carry the sacred water with them in their 
hottles. But that is not the most acceptable way of devotion. The 
water is not be taken in the train by which people of all faiths and 
of all kinds of impurities travel. So, they say there are professional 
carriers who travel to and fro from Badrinath. They receive sealed 
bottles of the • sacred water from different pilgrims with labels of 
their names rattached to them, and, travelling on foot, carry the 
bottles to the destinations of the different travellers. They charge 
B, certain rate perlbottle for their work. 

APPENDIX. 

In the body of my paper I have referred to the visit of Mr* J. E. 
Rendien, the Ehitch Consul in Bombay to the Dutch toutbs at Broach 
In reply my toletter referred to above, Mr. Bendieo has kindly sent me 



322 NOTES ON BROACH. 

copies of the issues of the Dutch journal ** Neerlandia" of the months 
of January and February igoy, wherein he has published an account 
of his visit to the towns of Surat, Broach and Ahmedabad, each of which 
had a Dutch factory in the 17th and i8th centuries. In his letter to 
me, dated 4th April 1907, Mr. Bendien says about the tombstones : 
*' The majority of the tombstones bear no inscriptions: particularly of 
the larger monuments, nothing can be deciphered, as the inscriptions, 
if they still do exist, partly are buried under cement or whitewashed.'^ 

When I had read my paper, I had submitted copies of the inscriptions 
as I had copied them in a hasty visit ; but, as I find, that Mr. Bendien 
has given them in the above Dutch journal, I give his copies below. 
Mr. Bendien has kindly translated them for me, and I give his transla- 
tion also. I thank him for the help he has given me. 

INSCRIPTION I. 

Hier rust Johannis Groenevelt, 

Die desen naam, voor Hem bestelt 

Niet lange Droegh, vermits D'Doodt 

Hem in ons aller Moeder schoot 

Diedt draagen : En Syn leven al 

Was maar 2 uyren in 't Getal 

Obyt en wiert geboren in Brootsch 
Den 10 Sept : 1666. 

7>nitj/a/»oii.— Here lies Johannis Groenevelt who did not bear very 
long this name which was ordered for him, as Death carried him to 
the lap of Mother Earth, and his life was only hours 2 in number. 
Died and was born in Broach on the loth September i666» 

Mr. Bendien thinks that perhaps this was the first child of Mr. Groe» 
nevelt who first founded a regular factory at Broach and was 
its first director. We find his name on the sun-dial with the date 
1700 A.D. 

INSCRIPTION II. 

" Hire rust Anna Marrianne Van Brondhout (? ) 22 Maenden en 
10 Daagen. Objrt 23 Augusty 1654.*' 

Translatton, — Here rests Anna Marrianne Van Brondhout 22 months^ 
10 days. Died 23rd August 165^^ 



Tomba In the Dutch Cemetery, Broach. 

Vnl. XXII. 

By J. ""Mod™ ' To la. 



NOTES ON BROACH. 3^3 

INSCRIPTION III. 

*' Hier onder rust Antoni Christiaan, oud 23 Maanden en 12 Daagen. 
Obit den 20 May, Anno 1702." 

Translation, — Here rests Antoni Christian, old 23 months and 12 
days. Died 20th May, year 1702. 

Mr. Bendien observes in the above journal, that "It is not 
surprising that only the inscriptions on the children's tombs are pre- 
served. They were the largest in number in the cemeteries of 
Europeans in India. 

INSCRIPTION IV. 

" Hie ( ? Hier) Jacet Jan Willem Six. In Zijn leven Secundo Alhier. 
Obyt den 32 (sic) Maart, Anno i744«" 

Translation, — Here lies Jan Willem Six. In his lifetime he was 
Second^ here. Died the 32 (?) March, year 1744. 

There is another inscription on an obelisk, on which Mr. Bendien 
can only read the name " Martinus.*' 

Secundo means second merchant, i.et a junior merchant Stavorinus seems to refer 
to merchants of this class as junior merchants. {Vide above, p 999.) 



Art. XX. — The Pardsariya Dharma SSrira. 

BY THE LATE MR. SHAMRAO VTTHAL. 

( Communicated by the iHiesident.) 

(Jdsmd w6tk September 1907.) 

INTRODUCTION. 

Before entering upon my task of renewing the Parft^ara Samhit4 
it would not, I think, be out of place to make a few observations 
on the Hindu Dhanna-kS&stra generally. 

DHARMA. 

The word Dharma is derived from the root ^ to* hold or support 
and is defined to mean that which has the characteristic of enjoining 
or onlatning some doty or act which leads to prosperity in this 
world and to supreme felicity in the life to come. Tlie term 5!^tra 
is derived from the root 5fts( ^TT^) to command or teach and in its 
p r ima r y sense signifies a command, a rule religiAiis or civiL In its 
extended sense it includes any religious, scientific, phSosopdiic or 
legal treatise or any sacred book or composition of divine or standard 
authority. 

Dharma as defined above consists of two branches, one dealing 
with what is called the Prcpuritti-M&rga — the path of active or worldly 
life, the other with what is called the Nivritti-MArga — the path to 
the soul's final liberation from existence and exemption from re-birth 
by withdrawing or separating oneself from the world. ^ 

The Dharma-5&stra with which we are concerned here deals 
ehiefly with the PravriUuMdrga and lays down rules for the conduct 
of man both religious and secular. 

THE SOURCES OR PROOFS OF DHARMA AND THEIR 

RELATIVE AUTHORITY. 

According to orthodox opinion of the present day the sources or 
proofs of Dharma are fourfold, m«,, (i) the Veda or ^ruti, (2) the 
Smriti otherwise called Dharma-^^stra, (3) the Pur&nas, and (4) 
Achftra — Usage. 

Manu, XII.I tSf 89. 



parAsariya dharma ^Astsa. 325 

THE 6RUTIS. 
The Aryan Scriptures known as the Veda (the true or divine 
knowledge) consist of four principal divisions, namely, the Rig-Veda, 
Yajur-Veda, Sdma-Veda and Atharva-Veda with six supplementBry 
compositions called the six Vedangas (Members of the Vedic body of 
scriptures) added to them. These #ix VedAngas are :— 

1 ^ksha (Pronunciation). 

2 Kalpa-Sutras (Ritual). 

3 Vy^karanam (Grammar). 

4 N'irukta (Word explanation or etymology). 

5 Chandas (Metre). 

6 Jyotisha (Astronomy). 

The four Vedas and the six VediUigas together are called the ParA 
Vidyd or supreme knowledge. 

Recently a controversy has arisen as to what constitutes tbe Veda 
strictly so called, the late Dayanacda Saraswati, the founder of the 
Arya Samaja, being the originator of this controversy. Each of the 
four Vedas is composed of two parts, the first consists of tihe Mantras 
(hymns) and the second the Br^manas. According to Dayananda 
Saraswati, the first part constitutes the real Veda — ^^ruti or revela- 
tion, and the Br^manas -are simply a commentary produced by the 
Rishis on the Mantras. He maintained that the word BrILhmana is 
synonymous with Itihasa, Purana, Kalpa, Gatha and N^aiansi ; 
that no Rishi except Katyayana has recognised the BrMimanas as 
revelation pure and simple ; that the Mantras alone form the true 
Veda directly revealed by livra ; that they are the foundation of all 
knowledge ; and that the Br&hmanas and other Angas -(Members) of 
tiie Veda are authorities, only because they are derived from and agree 
with the Vedas. We may here passingly remark that according to 
Bhatta Yagneswara ^mk the Rig- Veda is the Veda par excellence, ^ 

The Ary^s recognise the ^rud as described above as the root and 
foundation of all knowledge. Manu declares the whole Veda to be 
the source of Dharma and that its authority on questions of Dharma 
is transcendent and absolute. 

Where there is a conflict between two .^tis " both are held to be 
law ; for both are pronounced by the wise (to be) valid law."^ 

^ OTT ^ftft^ ifm'm MmMx^^ ^^^^^ ^ \ ^'^ 'w^ ^55; 

* Manu II, 6. 14. 



326 PArAsARIYA DHARMA iASTRA. 

THE SMRITIS. 

The word Smriti is derived from the root fm to reqiember and it 
designates what was only remembered and handed down by human 
authors such as Manu, Ydjiiavalkya and other great sages. The 
following description of the Smritis given by Mr. Colebrooke may be 
accepted as substantially correct : — 

" The laws of Hindoos, civil and religious, are by them believed to 
be alike founded on revelation, a portion of which has been pre- 
served in the very words revealed and constitutes the Vedas esteemed 
by them as sacred writ Another portion has been preserved by 
inspired writers who had revelation present to their memory, and 
who have recorded holy precepts for which a divine sanction is to be 
presumed. This is teriped Smriti, recollection, (remembered law), in 
contradiction to ^ruti, tradition (revealed law). 

"The Vedas concern chiefly religion and contain few passages 
directly applicable to jurisprudence. The law civil and criminal, is 
to be found in the Smriti, otherwise termed Dharma-x&stra including 
duty, or means of moral merit. So much of this as relates to ob- 
servances may be classed together with ancient and modern rituals 
(bearing the designation of Kalpa or Paddhati) as a separate 
branch ; and forensic law is more particularly understood when the 
Dharma-Z^stra is treated of. 

" That law is to be sought primarily in the institutes or collections 
(Samhitas) attributed to holy sages ; the true authors, whoever these 
were, having affixed to their compositions the names of sacred per- 
sonages, such as Mand, Y&jnyavalkya, Vishnu, ParlUara, Gautama, 
&c." 

THE ORIGIN OF THE SMRITIS. 

Bhatta Kum&rila in his Tantra-Virtika says : — 

The origin of the Smritis cannot be traced on account of the ^akhas 
lying scattered here and there, on account of human carelessness or 
error and on account of the variety of topics with which they (the 
Smritis) deal. 

M^dhavach^rya in his Jaiminiya NyAyamAlA-VistAra gives a more 
reasonable explanation. He says that the Smritis are digests in 
which the Vedic ordinances which lie scattered in the several Vedas 
are epitomised or collected in one place. 



A_. , ^.. . '* 



PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 327 

The late Mr. Prossonno Coomar Tagore in the Preface to his 
Translation of the Viv^da-Chint^Unani ascribes, on the authority of 
Raja Ramamohan Roy, the origin of the Smritis to a revolution 
which led the people of India to withdraw the legislative power 
from the hands of the executive authorities and entrust it ex- 
clusively to the holy sages. This theory appears to rest on the 
rules which are contained in the Manu and other Smritis for 
the constitution of what are called Parishads or councils to deter- 
mine points of law.* But one grave difficulty in the way of 
our accepting this opinion is the radically inconsistent orthodox 
belief given expression to over and over again in Sanskrit writings 
that all law emanates from God and that the Smritis, the so called 
Codes of Manu and other sages, derive their sanction only because 
they (the authors of the Smritis) ** had revelation present to their 
memory." If that is so, it is evident that there could be no legislative 
power in the executive to be withdrawn and entrusted to the sages. 

Another view as to the origin of the Smritis which has found favour 
with some later oriental scholars is, that after Buddhism had 
declined, or commenced to decline, the metrical Smritis including 
the Code of Manu came into existence during, what Dr. Bhandarkar 
calls, the Kushan-Gupta period, extending over 250 years from 
about the middle of the third to the end of the fifth century after 
Christ, as a part of the process adopted by the Brahmanas to give 
a new and more popular shape to the literature of their creed with 
the object of widening their influence and rendering it permanent.* 

1 do not think that this explanation can be accepted as an adequate 
solution of the question. 

It seems to me to rest on too narrow a basis. It first of all supposes 
that before Buddha appeared as a teacher nothing occupied India but 
animal sacrifices, Vedic ritual and the propitiation of the Brahmans at 
the cost of the other classes of the community. It next assumes that 
Brahmanism, which had suffered for several centuries from neglect 
and contempt, was able not only to recover lost ground but also to 
conjure up new gods and re-establish its supremacy by producing such 
a vast amount of literature as that represented by the metrical Smritis, 

1 ManU)XII. 108— xx5. 
Y4jnavalkya, Introduction, 9. 
Vishnu lU} so. 
Baudhayana, I, 8. 
Gautama, XXVIII. 49. 
Par^ara, VIII, a-a9, 
MahAbhArata. VII, Ch 36, V. to 

= A Peep into the Early History of India. The Journal of the B. B. of the R. A. Society 
Vol. XX, No. LVI, p. 356. 



3a8 PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 

the Bh^hyas, Pur^lnas and other branches of learning including 
poetry, within two hundred and fifty years. Lastly, it ignores the 
important element of civil law ixith which the Codes of Manu, Yajda- 
valkya, N&rada, Brihaspati and others deal, and by implication, if not 
directly, suggests that Indian civilisation began with Buddhism. 

I take this opportunity to give expression to a view which the perusal 
of the contributions of oriental scholars and their Indian followers to 
the early history of India has forced upon my mind, namely, that the 
lines on which the investigations of these savants have proceeded are 
not calculated to guide the critical spirit of the day correctly and 
judicially. The method of dividing the subject into what are desig- 
nated the Vedic period, the Buddhistic period, the Brahamanic period, 
the Hindu period and any number of other periods — a method which 
was originally introduced on grounds of convenience — has engendered 
a spirit of theorising and partisanship which is prejudicial to the 
discovery of truth pure and simple. It has led to the vicious habit of 
treating each of these subjects as distinct from the other. It makes the 
student or investigator forget that there is a principle of continuity 
running through the life of a nation and that a nation's development 
for good or for worse proceeds according to certain fixed and general 
laws. 

I should hold that the Indian Vaidiks, Buddhists and the Brahmanas 
together form essentially one people, the periods going by their names 
representing only different phases of thought, and that a history of 
their civilisation, which ignores this fact and isolates any one from the 
other periods as if it were entirely independent of what preceded and 
followed it, proceeds, in my opinion, on erroneous lines. Again a 
work which deals with a particular period should, I think, be strictly 
confined to the collection of materials relating to the condition of 
society during that period. It should not go further and generalise 
on those partial data. 

The changes through which Aryan thought in India has passed 
from the earliest Vedic period to the present day are due to the operation 
of natural causes and not to causes personal to this class or that class. 
It is not historically true to say that the Rishis and their descendants 
invented the Vedic sacrifices, the Vedic ritual and the system of caste 
with motives of individual aggrandisement. It is equally wrong to say 
that Buddhism was the result of caste oppression. As truly observed 
by Professor Oldenberg, for hundreds of years before Buddha's time, 
movements were in progress in Indian thought which prepared the 
way for Buddhism. Buddha was not a social reformer. He did 
not abolish caste and place Indian society on a democratic basis as is 



PARASARIYA DHARMA ^ASTRA. 329 

generally supposed. He let the state and society remain what they 
were. To quote again Professor Oldenberg, the conception of Bud- 
dha as the victorious champion of the lower classes against a 
haughty aristocracy of birth and brain is historically untrue. 

It is stated by some writers, who have taught themselves to regard 
Brahmanism as the source of all the evil we see in India, that the 
Brahmans were deadly opposed to Buddhism and that it was owing 
t9 their persecution that Buddhism left India to seek shelter in more 
tolerant lands. We quote another deep student of the Buddhistic 
literature to show how unfounded this assertion is. Mr. Rhys Davids 
in his American Lectures on Buddhism says: "It is very interesting, as 
evidence of the wonderful toleration which prevailed at that time through 
the valley of the Ganges, that a teacher, whose whole system was so 
diametrically opposed to the dominant creed and logically so certain to 
undermine the influence of the Brahmins, the parsons of that day, should 
nevertheless have been allowed to-carry on his propaganda so ceaselessly 
and so peacefully through a considerable period of time. It is even more 
than that. Wherever he went, it was precisely the Brahmins themselves 
who often took the most earnest interest in his speculations, though his 
rejection of the soul theory and of all that it involved was really incom- 
patible with the whole theology of the Vedas and therefore with the 
supremacy of the Brahmins. Many of his chief disciples, many of the 
most distinguished members of his order, were Brahmins. * * On the 
whole he was regarded by the Hindus of that time as a Hindu. We hear 
of no persecution during his life, and of no persecution of his followers 
till many centuries afterwards. And it is a striking result of the per- 
manent effect which this spirit of toleration had, that we find the great 
Buddhist Emperor Asoka, in his famous edicts inculcating reverence 
to the Brahmins and to the teachers of rival sects as much as to the 
leaders of his own persuasion. ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ 

But this is only one proof out of many of the fact we should never 
forget that Gautama was born and brought up and lived and 
died a Hindu. His teaching, far-reaching and original as it was, and 
really subversive of the religion of the day, was Indian throughout. 
Without the intellectual work of his predecessors his own work, how- 
ever original, would have been impossible. ♦ ♦ ♦ Buddhism is essen- 
tially an Indian system."^ 

In fact the decline of Buddhism in India was due to its own inherent 
weaknesses and it was complete before the time of Bhatta Rumania 
and ^ankar&chirya who are said to have flourished at the end of the 

4 There was absolutely nothing; new in Buddha*s teachtnir* His doctrines were 
identiail with the corretpondinc Brahminical doctrines. Only the fashion in which Buddha 
pnolsMued and dtnenunated his priadples was something altogether novel and unwonted. 
Weber*8 History of Indian Literature; Third Edition, pp, agg-aoo. 



330 PARASARIYA DHARMA ^ASTRA. 

7th century and about the latter part of the eighth century after Christ 
respectively. 

To return to my subject from this rather long digression, I think 
that the same causes which in former times led and which at the present 
day lead to the codification of laws among advanced nations were the 
origin of our Codes of^Manu, Y&jnavalkya and other law-givers, namely, 
the growth and expansion of society and the necessity for consolida- 
tion. Originally there were no priests among the Indian Aryas. The 
patriarch or head of the family presided at and performed the ceremonies 
prescribed by the Veda ; but in course of time three causes brought 
about a change in their mode of life and led to the creation of a 
special class to attend to the singing of hymns and officiate at the per- 
formance of the ritual connected therewith, namely, ist, the constant 
struggles with the aborigines to establish Aryan supremacy ; 2ndly, 
when this had been accomplished, internal dissensions or civil wars 
sprang up among the Aryan tribes, the chief or king of one tribe 
contending with that of another for superiority ; and 3rdly, the elabora- 
tion of the sacrificial literature and the establishment by the Kurus, 
the P&nch^as, the Videhas, Kosalas and K^sis, of powerful kingdoms 
in the country between the Jamuna and the Ganges and the regions 
to the east of the Ganges, the effect of which is summed up by Mr. R. 
C. Dutt in his Ancient India as follows : — ** Manners changed, society 
became more refined and polished^ learning and art made consider- 
able progress. Kings invited wise men in their polished courts, held 
learned controversies with their priests, formed elaborate sacrifices 
according to the dictates of religion, led respectable and trained 
armies to the field, appointed duly qualified men to collect taxes 
and to administer justice and performed all the duties of civilised 
administrators. ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ The priests multiplied relgious rites 
and observances, preserved the traditional learning of the land and 
instructed and helped the people in their religious duties.*' 

As a consequence of this social and political development, conden- 
sation of the large mass of scattered Vedic literature became necessary 
to avoid overburdening the memory and certain Rishis composed 
manuals giving a collective and concise summary of the law systema- 
tically arranged under the heads of ^rauta (sacrificial), Grihya 
(domestic) and Smirta or Dharma (legal). These manuals, which 
are called the Sutras* and which form the third stage in the sacred 
literature of the Hindus, led to the formation of what are called Sutra 
Charanas or Vedic Schools. These schools, in their turn, produced 
the different Smritis called after the names of their founders. 

^ Sutra, literally a thread, means a short rule or preceptf an aphorism (in roorab. 
religrion and science). 



parAsariya dharma i^STRA. 331 

From very early times India has been a trading country. Besides a 
large home trade, it had an extensive commerce with foreign countries 
both by land and by sea. With the rise of the Buddhistic spirit 
India's intercourse with foreign nations became wider, and this circum- 
stance naturally was followed by a rise in its trade. Hence a necessity 
must have arisen for the codification of the rules regulating mercantile 
«sages and con tactual relations between parties to commercial transac- 
tions. It is, I think, in this way, and in this way alone, that those 
portions of the Code of Manu which relate to civil jurisprudence can be 
explained. 

If we find in it a large element of sacerdotalism asserting the supre- 
macy of the Brahmana, we also find side by side with it a degree of 
self-denial imposed upon him which is scarcely equalled by any other 
system of priesthood in the world, ancient or modern. 

There are other reasons also why I cannot accept Dr. Bh&ndarkar's 
view as regards the date at least of Manu. I think it a farfetched idea 
to say that the restrictions put by Manu upon the use of meat as food 
was due to the desire to effect a compromise between Brahmanism and 
Buddhism.^ To me it seems more reasonable to ascribe those restric- 
tions to a feeling that had been slowly growing against the free use of 
flesh as an article of food, particularly among the higher classes, and 
that this feeling worked itself out fully when the Buddhistic school of 
thought became predominant. I am inclined to hold that even the 
limited liberty which Manu's Code allows in favour of the use of 
animal food is strong evidence against the theory that the Code was 
framed at a later period than Buddhism. 

There is a passage in the Manu Smriti (X. 43, 44) which says that 
certain tribes of Kshatriyas, such as the Pundrak^s, the Dravid&s, the 
Yavan&s, the &kkSiS and the Pahlavd,s had gradually sunk to the level 
of ^udr&s by reason of their omission, in disregard of the Brahmanas, 
to observe the Vedic rites. This passage, it is argued by Dr. Bhan- 
darkar, falsely invests the tribes it refers to with a Kshatriya origin 
with a view to increase Brahmanic influence, and that therefore it 
proves the Manu Smriti to belong to a period when the foreign do- 
mination of the Yavan&s, &c., had come to an end, and the Brahmanas 
had won their victory completely. Dr. Bhandarkar has tried to 
support his view by passages quoted from a certain chapter of the 
Anuiisanika Parva of the Mah&bh&rata in which the Brahmanas 
are portrayed as mightier than gods and the self-same tribes as are 

^ As a matter of fact the doctrine of 3i|2^| (non-injury) is a Vedic doctrine, and 

it is a question how for Buddha was strict in the use of meat as food. It is said that 
he died of dysentery brougrht on by eatini^ pork Vide Hopkin on Relig^ions of India 
Cl9f6), p. no. 



232 parAsariya dharma ^stra. 

referred to in Manu are said to have become ^udrfts for the self-same 
reason as that given in Manu. Coupling the two together the learned 
Doctor comes to the conclusion that the particular chapter in the 
Anuiisanika Parva and the Manu Smriti were written about the 
same time and with the same motive, namely, to secure the patronage 
of the non-Aryan rulers for Brahmanism by flattering them with a 
fictitious nobility of origin. 

With great deference to the learned Doctor, I say, I cannot agree 
with him. I do not think he has succeeded in establishing his 
proposition. My reasons are briefly these :— 

First :— The learned Doctor admits that about the time when, 
according to him, the Manu Smriti was written, Brahmanism had 
fully won its victory. 

Secondly :— The non-Aryan tribes, YavanAs, ^AkAs, Pahlav4s, &c, 
had esUblished their war-like character and capacity to rule, some 
of them before and others very early after the Christian era. There- 
fore they most have established themselves in popular estimattoa as 
kingly races before the end of the fourth century A. C. 

Thirdly : — ^The non-Aryan conquerors fought for the overlordshtp of 
the country and not for the distinction of being known as the descend- 
ants of the Kshatriyas *' who had sprung from the arms of Him the 
most resplendent One." 

Fourthly :— The passage in question far from being calculated to 
humour the pride of the non- Aryan rulers carries a sting in it. What 
is given by its first part is taken away by the second. It elevates and 
lowers them in the same breath. Moreover, how far a fictitious label 
of ancient noble origin can reconcile one to degradation in the present 
and make him a patron and friend of his degraders is a question. 

Fifthly '• — The passages from the Anulisanika Parva of the Mahi- 
bh^ata such as those which declare that "one whom they (the 
Brahroanas) praise prospers, one whom they reproach, becooes 
miserable " &c., &c. , have no evidentiary value. They are simplj 
Arthavida— laudatory expressions. We can point out similar passages 
in other parts of the Mahabh^rata. They cannot acquire a special 
value by reason of their being found in company with passages 
describing Yavan^s, ^AkAs, Pahlavas, Dravid^s as Kshatriyas. 
The whole fabric of Aryan society in India rightly or wrongly is 
founded upon the superiorty of the Brahmanas as counsellors and 
upon the supremacy of the Kshatriyas as rulers. 

Sixthly : — In the ^Anti-Parva, which immediately precedes the 
Anulasanika Parva, it is stated that the Andhrak&s, Guhlis, Pofind^ 



parAsariya dharma sAstra. J33 

^bar^s, ChuchukHs and Madrak^s in the south and the Yavanis, 
Kdmboj&s, G^ndhlLr&s, Kirat&s and the Barbaras in the north are 
degraded out-caste tribes, unfit to rule, i Is this passage also an 
interpolation dengnedly made after the overthrow of Buddhism and 
the re-estabHshment of Brahmanical supremacy ? Again in another 
part of the same Parva, Bhish ma, while instructing Yudhishthira on 
the duties of a Kshatriya is stated to have quoted a discourse between 
the Kshatriya king Mandhlttri and Indra.' In this discourse 
M&ndh^tri asks the question '* What duties should be performed by 
the Yavan&s, the Kidlt^s, the Gftndh&rds, the Chinas, the SabaHls, the 
Barbaras, the S&kis, the Tush&ras, the Kankas, the Pahlav&s. the 
Andhras, the Madrakas, the Pundras, the Pulindas, the Ramathas, the 
K&mbojas, the several castes that have sprung up from Brahmanasand 
Kshatriyas, the Vailyas and the l^udras that reside in the domi- 
nions of (Arya) kings? What are those duties again to the observance 
of which kings like overselves should force those tribes that subsist 
by robbery ? 

Indra answers : — All th^ robber tribes should serve their mothers and 
fathers, their preceptors and other seniors and recluses living in the 
woods. All the robber tribes should also serve their kings. The 
duties and rites inculcated in the Vedas should also be followed by 
them. They should perform sacrifices in honour of the Pitris, dig 
wells (and dedicate them to universal service), give water to thirsty 
travellers, give away beds and make other seasonable presents unto 
Brahmanas. Abstention from injury, truth, suppression of wrath, 
supporting Brahmanas and kinsmen by giving them their dues, main- 
tenance of wives and children, purity, peacefulness, making presents 
to Brahmanas at sacrifices of every kind, are duties that should be 
practised by every person of this class who desires his own prosperity. 
Such a person should also perform all kinds of P&ka-Yajnas with costly 
presents of food and wealth. These and similar duties, O sinless one, 
were laid down in olden days for persons of this class. All these acts 
which have been laid down for all others should be done by persons of 
also the robber class, O king! 

Mandhatri says : — In the world of men, such wicked men may be 
seen living in disguise among all the four orders and in all the four 
modes of life. 

Indra answers : — Upon the disappearance of kingly duties and of 
the science of chastisement, all creatures became exceedingly afflicted, 
O sinless one, in consequences of the tyranny of kings." 



Moksha Dharma, Ch. 20. * Raja Dharma, Ch. 65. 



334 parAsariya dharma ^Astra. 

What do these passages show ? They appear to me to record a fact 
of great importance not only historically but also sociologically and 
ethnologically. They may, I think, be taken as proving beyond all 
doubt that the Vedic Aryan society had long before the Christian era 
lost its pristine purity by the admission into its pale, openly or secretly, 
forcibly or peacefully, of people of foreign and non-Aryan war-like 
races and that there was no special or new end to be gained by the 
author of the Code of Manu describing them as belonging to the 
Kshatriya caste.* 

Seventhly : — We have evidence of a definite character to place the 
Institutes of Manu much earlier than the period imagined for it by Dr. 
Bhandarkar. Patanjali, who flourished in the second century B. C, 
in the Vyakaranamah&bh&shya VI, I, 84, adduces Manu II, 120, with- 
out any variant. Dr. Biihler in his Introduction to the Manu Smriti 
has summed up the whole of the evidence including the passages 
relied upon by Dr. Bhandarkar and has come to the conclusion that the 
remotest limit assignable to the Manu Smriti is the third century 
B. C. and the lowest limit cannot be later than the second century 
A. D. To me this date seems to be more acceptable than that fixed 
by Dr. Bhandarkar. 

Eighthly : — Assuming that the passage in Manu does indicate the 
special motive assigned to it by Dr. Bhandarkar, that circumstance 
alone cannot make the whole of the Smriti a production of the 
Ku^an-Gupta period. It is believed by Dr. Buhler and other Sans- 
krit scholars that the Manu Smriti contains interpolations. If this is 
true, the passage in question may be one of such interpolations. 
Ninthly and lastly : — The Manu Smriti is remarkably free from that 
sectarian spirit which taints a large number of other extant Smritis. 

I have in dealing with Dr. Bhandarkar's view as to the date of the 
Smritis confined my observations to the Code of Manu as it occupies 
the first and foremost place in the list of works of that class. 

MANDLIK ON THE SMRITIS. 

The late Rao Saheb V. N. Mandlik has, in his work on Hindu Law 
recorded a large amount of information on the subject of the Smritis 
and his conclusions may be shortly stated as follows : — 

(i) There are no guides to the Smritis like the AnukramaniJkas nor 
Sarvanukramas of the Rigveda, and with the materials at present 

' The foUowinir text quoted by Madhavacharya from the Vana-Panra alto points to a 
confusioa ck the castes in the Kali age. 

wm^: «?ftRT h^: ^^: «J<¥1<H, i ^g?^^ 5dft»^ ^:m^ 



parAsariya dharma SAstra. 335 

available it is not possible to determine their extent or antiquity either 
positive or relative. 

(2) The number of Smritis is very great. Many have been lost. 
Some exist as fragments ; others are only known from quotations in 
other Smritis or Digests of more modern writers. Their number 
is qifTerently stated by different ancient writers. Yajnavalkya and 
the Agni- Purina name twenty, Viramitrodaya names fifty-seven, 
Paithinasi thirty-six, the Garuda Pur&na eighteen, the Mahabharata 
about twenty-five ; Hem&dri in bis Ddna-Khanda quotes texts of 
fifty-five Rishis and in his Vratakhanda twenty-eight. 

Mftdhav^charya in his commentary on Par&sara, after alluding to 
Manu, cites a passage from Paithinasi which gives names of thirty- 
six Smritis and says there are many* more among whom he names 
Vatsa and ten others. The twelve Mayukhas contain extracts from 
ninety-seven different Smritis. In the Nirnaya Sindhu, Kamal^kara 
refers to 131 Smrits and Ananta Deva in the Samskftra-kaustubha 
quotes 104. Besides these other Smriti passages are given but their 
authors are not named. ^ 

(3) There are several works under the name of the same reputed 
author with titles but slightly changed, ^.^., Manu, Vriddha-Manu, 
Brihan-Manu. The words Brihat and Vriddha are used synonymously. 
On the question whether works appearing under one name with 
Vriddha or Brihat sometimes prefixed to it are works of different 
authors or have any common basis, Mr. Mandilk differing from Sula- 
pani and Mitrami^ra is of opinion that such works are productions of 
different individuals and that their being named after the same author 
is due to the one being an expansion or an epitome of the other. As 
regards their date he says there are no data for deciding whether the 
epitomes or the larger works are of a later date than those whose 
expansions or epitomes they appear to be ; but he states that in 
several instances the larger works appear to be the subsequent pro- 
ductions. 

(4) As regards the composition (contents?) of the Smritis nothing 
can be yet definitely pronounced. Some take Smritis as ^rutis pre- 
served by tradition. Others consider them as supplements to Sutras. 

^ Their (of the Smritis) number is i^reat ; the sages reputed to be the authors beingr 
numerous — according to one list eighteen ; according to another twice as many ; according 
to a third many more — and several works being ascribed to the same author, his greater or 
less institutes (Vrihat or Laghu) or a later work of the author when old (Vridba). (Cole- 
brooke quoted by P, C. Tagore in Imb Preface to the VivAda-Chintamani). See also 
West and BUhler on Hindu Law. Third Edition, pp. s6 — 27. where after giving a list of 
88 Smritis the authors state: " Even this list most likely does not comprise all the ancient 
works on Dharma and a more protracted search for Mss., and a more accurate investiga* 
tlon of the modern compilations, will, no doubt, enlarge it considerably. 



336 parAsariya dharma ^Astra. 

Others again hold them to be dissertations or compilations of approved 
usages and customs promulgated at different times by or under the 
sanction of eminent sages or their followers. Some are evidently 
sectarian works; some are compilations from other writers ; while 
others, as they now stand, are confined to particular subjects or 
branches of particular subjects. 

(5) The Smritis are works explanatory of Dharma as received by 
tradition ; and where the tradition has been lost or has become 
obsolete, the Smriti becomes useless. 

(6) The rule, that in cases where there is a conflict between the 
Sruti and Smriti the former is to be obeyed, is not always followed in 
practice. In like manner, the rule, that in a conflict between the 
Smritis and the PurAnas the latter should give way, has lost its force 
and practically the Smritis have hardly much scope left 

(7) The present Ach&ra (practice) is more influenced by the Pur&nas 
than by the Smritis. 

With reference to the above account, it may be remarked that the 
Rao Saheb's view that the rule as regards the relative priority 
between the Srutis and Smritis is not always followed in practice 
and that the Smritis have been practically superseded by the 
Pur&nas cannot be received in its entirety. It is no doubt a fact 
that for a long time past — for over a thousand years according to 
Mr. R. Dutt (Ancient India, Vol. I, p. 133) — the PurAnas have ex- 
ercised a large influence on the religious life of the Hindus. But it 
cannot be said for this reason that the authority of the Smritis has 
disappeared altogether. The Grihya ceremonies are still performed 
according to the Sutras and Smritis. The courts of law stiJl consult 
Manu, YAjftavalkya, N&rada, Brihaspati and other well-known law- 
givers. On questions of Achara no conscious departure is allowed 
from their precepts ; and, whatever authority the PurAnas enjoy is 
based upon the theory that they follow the Sruti and Smriti in what 
they lay down. It may be further stated that the critical spirit which 
contact with western thought has given rise to must in the long run 
succeed in displacing the Pur^nas from the high place which they 
have filled in the sacred literature of the Hindus as authorities on 
question of Dharma. 

THE AUTHORITATIVENESS OF THE SMRITIS 
AND THEIR INTERPRETATION. 

We have stated above that, according to the theory of the Indian 
Aryas, the Vedas are eternal and that they are the foundation and root 
of all knowledge. But, in the progress of intellect, a time came when 
new schools of thought sprang up and boldly questioned the claims 



parAsariya dharma § Astra. 337 

of the Vedas to divine revelation. They argued with great force that 
the Vedas were not eternal, that they were full of contradictions and 
unintelligible dicta and that the system of ritual and sacrifices built 
upon them was opposed to principles of right reasoning. 

This revolution in thought, which seriously threatened the safety of 
the conservative Vedic school, led to the formation of the method of 
exegetics known as the Mim&msa of Jaimini, which is one of the 
fourteen sources of knowledge referred to by Y^jnavalkya. ^ Vijn&nesh- 
wara explains Mim'^msa to mean the investigation of Vedic texts. 
This system was founded by Jaimini and it lays down rules in the form 
of Sutras or aphorisms for the interpretation of the texts of the Vedas 
and Smritis. It recognises only one method of proof— namely ^abda 
Prffim&na ( ^l»<HMI^ ), word-proof, t.^., the proof derived from revela- 
tion or Vedic precepts, and does not admit the validity of the methods 
of proof by perception, inference and analogy, on questions of 
Dharma. 

After establishing as a fundamental proposition that the Vedas are 
eternal and not of human origin, it makes a classification of sentences 
or texts into principal and subordinate. A principal text ( (9l94|<H4i(^ ) 
is mandatory in its nature and prescribes or prohibits any particular 
act or conduct. Mandatory texts are of four kinds ; ist, texts 
( 31^^Af^*, or ^^MfriPiRr: ) which contain absolute and unconditional 
commands which are independent of any other cause ; 2ndly, texts of 
the character of restrictive injunctions ( RH*ifli^: ) which merely 
regulate the time, place and manner of performing an act towards 
which a person may be inclined instinctively or of his own accord ; 
3rdly, texts of the nature of exclusive specification ( wR^'^l^f^: ). 
These last are, as one writer has described them, injunctions in form, 
but prohibitions in purport. As an example of this kind of texts, we 
may mention the precept " Man shall eat the flesh of the five clawed 
animals. " This cannot be an apiirvavidhi^ because men may eat the 
flesh of such animals of their own accord without any injunction to 
that effect. Nor is it a Niyatna- Vidkt, as no time or place or manner 
is prescribed. The conclusion, therefore, is that man shall not eat 

the flesh of any other clawed animal than the five specified ones. 

Fourthly, texts which repeat an injunction previously declared (^TJ^:). 
The class of subordinate texts are called Artha-v^da, Stuti-v&da, or 

Guna-v&da ( ar^^-, ^3t^^:, JPI^J ). They have not the force of 

law. They are to be taken as explanatory statements confirming or 

strengthening the signification of the principal propositions or 

mandatory texts. 

^ Y^jnavalkya« I, 3. 



338 parAsariya dharma ^Astra. 

The authority of the Smritis stands next to that of the:^rutis. The 
theoiy is that every rule prescribed by a Smriti is drawn from a Vedic 
precept and that, therefore, a Smriti text which conflicts with a ^niti 
text must be absolutely rejected as no authority whatever. 

This theory is carried to such a length that the existence of a Vedic 
text in support of a Smriti text must be presumed even when one 
cannot be actually produced. According to this theory of their origin, 
all the Smritis are of equal antiquity and of equal authority. There 
ought to be no conflict between them. The fact, however, is that they 
differ on many points; and the following principles, some of which 
we find laid down in the Smritis themselves, are to be observed in 
determining which of the two conflicting Smritis should be preferred. 
Y&jnavalkya declares that, where there is a conflict between two 
Smritis that which is reasonable according to Vyavahdra shall be 
preferred. Mit&kshara explains the word Vyavah&ra to mean 
(|^«i|(|fK: ), the usage observed by the elders or the wise from time 
immemorial. 

The commentators, however, follow a different method which is 
called the method of Ekav&kiyat^ or Vishaya-Vyavasthi— the prind- 
ple of unanimity or the adjustment of contradictory passages. This 
method requires that in interpreting the Smritis you should bring them 
all into harmony as far as possible and prevent a conflict arising 
between them. It is assumed, in the words of Mr. Mayne, that the 
Smritis constitute a single body of law, one part of which supplements 
the other, and every part of which, if properly understood, is capable 
of being reconciled with the other. 

The commentators, accordingly, try to maintain this position by 
assuming that texts, seemingly in conflict with each other, really 
provide for different cases or different sets of circumstances or for 
different ^es. By way of illustration, we shall take the case of the 
right of females to take property by succession. Baudh^yana denies, 
such right to women on the ground of a Vedic text ; while Yijna- 
valkya and others recognise the right of the widow, the daughter, 
the mother and grandmother to inherit. The commentators explain 
this conflict by supposing t^iat the Vedic text quoted by Baudh&yana 
•refers to women other than those expressly mentioned in the YAjna- 
valkya and other Smritis. To take another instance, NArada says : — 
If, among several brothers, one childless should die, the others shall 
divide his property, making a provision for his women till they die, in 
case they remain faithful to the bed of their husband. While, Y&jna- 
valkya declares that the faithful widow, the daughter, the daughter*:* 
son, the parents, the brothers, the brothers* sons, the Gotrajas, the 



parAsariya dharma ^Astra. 339 

Bandhus, the fellow student, each, in default of the other, shall inherit 
the property of a man dying sonless. The Mit4kshara explains this 
conflict by holding that the test of Nd,rada refers to the succession to 
an undivided or reunited co-parcener, and that the text of Y&jna- 
valkya refers to succession to a separated brother. Again, Manu 
favours unequal division between brothers by allotting a double share 
to the eldest, while Y&jnavalkya enjoins that the division shall be 
equal. This conflict is explained by Vijn&nesvara by stating that 
Manu's text relates to a different age. To give a fourth instance, 
Manu prohibits gambling and betting, while N&rada and Brihaspati 
allow it. Mitramtira in the Vlramittrodaya explains this conflict by 
stating that Manu^s prohibition relates to cases where false dice are 
used or the permission of the king has not been obtained. 

The Mim^msa, in the section on the authority of the Smritis, lays 
down two special rules which are worth mentioning. One of these is to 
the effect that, where there are two contradictory Smriti texts, one of 
which has direct support from a l^ruti text and the other lacks such 
support, the former should be followed and the latter rejected, the rule, 
that from a Smriti text the existence of a ^ruti text shall be inferred, 
being explained away by the argument that a ^ruti text which is 
actually known to us has priority over what may have been known to 
another, but of which we are not cognisant. ^ 

The other rule is that, as the Veda cannot err, a Smriti text, which 
can be traced to an objectionable motive consistently with actual 
experience, has no binding force, although there is no contradictory 
Vedic text actually forthcoming. This proposition is thus illustrated. 
In the Jyotishstoma sacrifice it is ordained that when the sacrificial 
animal is brought to the altar an oblation called the ' Vaisatjana hatna ' 
should be performed and the animal let loose. On that occasion the 
sacrificer, his wife, sons and brothers are covered with new clothes, to 
the end of which the handle of the sacrificial ladle is tied and the obla- 
tion performed. There is a Smriti text which says that these clothes 
of the Vaisarjaniya homa are taken by the officiating priest. Now, 
this text is not binding, although there is no actual ^ruti text against 
it, because it is possible to infer an origin for it in a selfish motive on 
the part of the officiating priest, as we know by actual observation that 
priests employed in consideration of receiving a fee are avaricious.* 

With all the ingenuity which our authors and commentators have 
exercised in establishing a harmonious relation between the different 
^rutis and Smritis, we can only exclaim in the words of Yudhiithira : — 

d*FsMfcl8: ^^Iftftr^ ^*I^4h JRTSWm I 

^ Fnrva Mimanuai Ch. I, Part III, j. ' Purva Mimamaai Ch. I, Part III| 4. 



340 parAsariya oharma ^Astra. 

Logic has not basis, the scriptures 'are divided ; there is not one seer 
whose opinion is authoritative. The truth about right is hidden in a 
cave ; the only path is that pursued by the Majority. (MahAbh^rata 
Vana Parva, chapter 313, v. 107.) 

purAnas. 

We will now proceed to consider the subject of Pur&nas as proof on 
questions of Dharnia. 

The word Purina signifies belonging to ancient or olden times as 
opposed to Nutana or new, and the characteristic of a true Purftna, as 
determined by authority, is that it deals with five topics ; vis,^ the 
creation of the universe, its destruction and renovation, the genealogy 
of gods and patriarchs, the reigns of the Manus and the history of the 
solar and lunar races. 

The existing works which bear the name PurAna are of two classes 
— the Mukhya or the principal and the Upa or secondary. All the 
authorities agree in fixing the number of both at eighteen. There 
are other Purinas besides ; but they are not of importance to us here. 
A list of all these PurAnas, the authorship of which is ascribed to the 
sage Vy^sa, is given in the late Rao Saheb V. N. Mandlik's Intro- 
duction to his work on the VyavahAra Mayukha and Y&jnavalkya 
Smriti. 

The Rao Saheb says that their extent and time of composition are 
uncertain. He, however, gives them an antiquity and position which 
is neither supported by the authorities he relies upon nor by the results 
of the investigation of Sanskrit scholars. The Rao Saheb identifies 
the eighteen Pur&nas with those referred to in the 6ruti and Smriti 
writings. He says that they are distinctly alluded to in the Vedas 
and Sutras and that, from the order in which they are directed to be 
recited, they appear to rank after histories, like the Mah&bh&rata, 
and before the Kalpa Sutras. Against this view attention has first 
to be drawn to the conviction entertained by the late Day&nand 
Saraswati whose knowledge of the Sanskrit sacred literature was 
of a very high order. He maintained that the Purllnas which are 
referred to in the Vedic writings: and which are entitled to recognition 
as proof on questions of duty, are the same as the Br^hmanas, and 
not the works in Anustubha ^loka which now pass under that name. 
He argued, I think rightly, that the words Itih&sa, Pur&na, Kalpa, 
G&th& and N^ra^amsi, as used in the old Vedic writings, are 
synonymous and that nothing more was meant by them than the 
Br&hmanas either in their entirety or in parts. This view is fully 
supported by the definition of Pur&nas given by M&dhav^chftrya in 
his commentary on Taittiriya Aranyaka. Manu does not recognise 



parAsariya dharma ^Astra. 341 

the eighteen Pur&nas as a source of law. Y&jnavalkya, having 
included them in the fourteen sources of knowledge enumerated by 
him, declares that the ^ruti, Smriti, the approved customs, what is 
agreeable to one's conscience and a perfectly lawful and well consid- 
ered desire are the roots of law. The latter text is almost identical with 
the text of Manu declaring the sources of law. Hence, on a consi- 
deration of the two texts of Y4jnavalkya, it would appear that the sage 
intended to declare the eighteen Pur^nas as a source of knowledge 
only and not of law. ^ Further, Jaimini makes no mention whatever 
of the eighteen PurlLnas in his system of MimlLmsa. 

We have next the authority of Professors Buhler' and Weber which 
almost entirely agrees with the view propounded by Day&nanda 
Saras wati. Professor Buhler, in his Introduction to Apastamb&'s 
Dharma-Sutras in the Sacred Books of the East Series, fully sub- 
scribes to what he calls the opinion held by the most illustrious 
Sanskritists that, in general, the existing Pur&nas are not identical 
with the works designated by that title in Vedic works. Professor 
Weber makes the point clearer. He says (History of Indian Literature, 
Third Edition, 190): — "Side by side with the Itih&sas we find the 
Pur&na mentioned in the Brahmana as the designation of those 
cosmogonic inquiries which occur there so frequently and which 
relate to the* agra ' or beginning of things. When in course of time 
distinct works bearing this name arose, the signification of the term 
was extended ; and these works came to comprehend also the history 
of the created world and of the families of its gods and heroes as well 
as the doctrine of its various dissolutions and renovations in accord- 
ance with the theory of the mundane periods (yug&s). As a rule, 
five such topics are given as forming their subject, whence the epithet 
Pancha-lakshana which is cited in Amara's lexicon as a synonym of 
Pur^a. 

These works have perished and those that have come down to 
us in their stead under the name of Purflnas are the productions 
of a later time, and belong all of them to the last thousand years or so. 
They are written in the interests of and for the purpose of recommend- 
ing the 6ivlr and Vishnu sects ; and not one of them corresponds 
exactly, a few correspond slightly, and others do not correspond at all, 

*■ Yajnavalkya. I. 3. ?• 

Professor Wilson obs«rven that the Purftnas are not authorities in law. They may be 
received in explanation or illustration, but not in proof. H. H. Wilson's Works, Vol. V., p. 4^ 
« BUbler's Manu, Introduction, Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXV, p. 55* 



342 parAsariya dharma ^Astra. 

with the description of the ancient PurHnas preserved to us in the 
Scholiasts of Amara and also here and there in the works them- 
selves.*' 

This statement of Professor Weber is followed by a quotation from 
Lassen as follows : — " For the old narratives, which are in part 
abridged, in part omitted altogether, have been substituted theological 
and philosophical doctrines, ritual and ascetic precepts and especially 
legends recommending a particular divinity or certain shrines." 

According to the author of "Ancient India" the Purftnas which 
exist now were composed in the Purlrnik Period, which he dates from 
500 A. D. to 1194 A. D. (Ancient India, Vol. I, 32 ; Vol. Ill, 35) and 
they have been since altered and considerably enlarged during ipany 
centuries after the Mahomedan conquest of India. 

The most conclusive argument on the point, in my opinion, is fur- 
nished by the Manu Smriti. This work, which mentions the Purinas 
among the sacred writings which an Aryan house-holder should recite 
in the presence of his guests at a sacrifice in honour of the manes, it 
perfectly free from all sectarian influence and nowhere teaches the 
performance of other rites than those prescribed in the Vedic writings, 
and nowhere inculcates the exclusive worship of any of the deities of 
the Purdnik sects. 

Further, Mr. Mandlik himself admits that the Pur&nas mentioned 
in the ^rutis and Smritis rank before the Kalpa Sutras. If that is so, 
it is clear that these Pur&nas cannot be the same as the eighteen 
works which pass under the name Purlina. 

There is another most important fact to be noticed in this connection 
and it is this : — The popular theory regarding the origin of the 
eighteen Pur&nas is that they were composed by the sage Vy&sa 
chiefly for the instruction of ^udras and women in the Kali age to 
whom the study of the Vedas was forbidden. The conclusion, there- 
fore, is irresistible that the eighteen Purinas are not identical with 
the PurAnas mentioned by Manu, Y&jnavalkya and other Rishis. 

The posteriority of the Purllnas, as they now stand, to the Smritis is 
shown by the fact that the first and third books of the Yijnavalkya 
Smriti haye been incorporated in the Garuda-Pur&na and the second 
book in the Agni-Purana.^ The author of the Bhavishya-Pur^a has 
largely drawn on the first three chapters of the Maou-Smriti. • 

Assuming that they have a place as proof on questions of duty, that 
place it admittedly below that of the Smritis. In other words, when 
there is a conflict between Smriti and Purftna the former prevails. 

I, JoUy't Tairorc Law L«ctur«s on Ptrtition and A<ioption Cii^i) i** 

". Btthlar't Manu, Introduction, CX . Sacred Booira of tiM Bast, Vol. XXV 



parAsariya dharma ^Astra. 343 

AchAra or usage. 

The word Achira is derived from the root char to walk, to conduct 
oneself, and is used in the general sense of acting.^ Achira, 
Charana, Charitra and Sila are convertible terms. ^ 

As regards the authority of Ach&ra, we often hear it urged by those 
who are disposed to maintain existing institutions which have no 
sanction in the ^ruti and Smriti that custom overrides the written law 

and they quote as an authority the familiar maxim '' ^llfflslfd^t^l^^ " 
— usage is stronger than the S&stra. I have not found this maxim used 
by the authors of the Smritis,Manu, Y4jnavalkya and other known law- 
givers in considering the efficacy of conduct. The maxim, I think, 
expresses in different words the rule of grammar which says that 
^ft^frnTTircfw, popular usage overpowers etymological meaning, and 
has nothing to do with custom as an authority for a rule of conduct 
not sanctioned by the ^^stra. 

Jaimini in his Mimdmsa Sutras denies to local customs any 
authority as a source of law independently of the Sruti and Smriti. 
He rejects the idea of reasonableness and adjustment and the only test 
which he prescribes as to the lawfulness of a particular act or conduct 
is whether it is justified by a scriptural statement. On this point the 
following observations of Sir Henry Maine may be appropriately 
quoted. 

** The theory upon which these schools of learned men (j.^., 
Brahmanas) worked, from the ancient, Apastamba and Gautama to 
tiie late Manu and the still later N^rada, is perhaps still held by some 
persons of earnest religious convictions, but in time now buried it 
affected every walk of thought. The fundamental assumption is« 
that a sacred or inspired literature being once believed to exist, all 
knowledge is contained in it. The Hindu way of putting it was, and 
is, not simply that the Scripture is true, but that everything which is 
true is contained in the Scripture. From very early times, the Hindu 
doctors appear to have been conscious of difficulties in the interpreta- 
tion or application of their theory. Sometimes books of authority 
contradicted one another. Sometimes they failed to supply a 
basis for received doctrines or for immemorial religious practice. 
One of the earliest of expedients was to suppose the loss of passages 
in the most ancient portion of the Scriptures. ' If you ask,' says 
Apastamba, 'why the decision of the Aryas presupposes the existence 
of a Vedic passage, then I answer, all precepts were originally 
taught in the Brahmanas, but these texts have been lost. Their 

* The word AcbAra • somettmes used in the narrow sense of observance of the rites and 
ceremonies prescribed by sacred texts. 
■ SankarAcbftryas BhAshya on the Ved&nta Sutras, CH. III.P.I., Sutras 9, lo. Ii. 



344 parAsariya dharma ^astra. 

former existence may, however, be inferred from usage. It is not, 
however, permissible to infer the former existence of a Vedic passage 
where pleasure is obtained by following the custom ; he who follows 
such usage becomes fit for Hell.' " ^ 

To pass on to a more detailed examination of the authorities on the 
subject : — 

Ach&ra is de6ned in the Institutes of Manu (Ch. II, i8) as follows :— > 
''The custom handed down in regular succession (since ti.ne im- 
memorial) among the (four chief) castes (Varna) and the mixed 
(races) of that country, (Brahmh&varta and Brahmar^i Desa) is called 
the conduct of virtuous men.** ' 

This text should be read with the tenth verse of the same chapter 
which declares : — 

** But by ^ruti (revelation) is meant the Veda and by Smriti (tradi- 
tion) the Institutes of the sacred law ; those two must not be called 
into question in any matter, since from those two the sacred law 
shone forth." 

The latter of the two texts quoted above clearly indicates that a 
custom which is opposed to ^ruti and Smriti cannot be valid. The 
same inference arises from Manu, Chapter I, verses 107, 108, 109 and 
110.' 

KuUuka also puts the same construction upon the last mentioned 
text and says that custom which is opposed to Smriti should be re- 
jected. 

In the Chapter (VIII) on civil and criminal law, custom is again 
referred to by the author of Manu's Code in verses 41, 42 and 46, but 
not as a positive and recognised source of Dharma, but only as an 
element to be considered by the king in declaring the law. The com- 
mentators also interpret the words ''the laws of castes of districts, 
of guilds and of families " to mean law not opposed to the Veda. 

When we turn to Y&jnavalkya* the same conclusion is arrived at, 
namely, that custom, to be valid, should not be antagonistic to 6niti 

^ Early Law and Customs, Ch. I. pp. 16-17. 

^ f^ f^^ iM o II ^o ero ^. 

=» MedhAtithi divides Smriti (tradition) into written land unwritten. What is written ^oes 
by the aame Smriti and what is not written by the name AchAra. Both are the remem- 
brances of the revealed law and, therefore, authoritative. 

iprt: II tnj I «rft Qivfil^ sr «ni^. ch. i„ 343. 



A ^ . . _. . . ' A 



PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 345 

and Smriti. Likewise, Gautama, Vasistha and Apastamba teach 
the same doctrine. 

** The laws of countries, castes and families which are not opposed 
to the (sacred) records have also authority. (Gautama XI, 20.) 

" Whether in matters connected with this or the next world, in both 
cases, the Dharmas inculcated by the ^astras are to be observed ; 
where there is an omission in the ^astras, their approved custom is 
the authority. Manu has declared that the (peculiar) laws of countries, 
castes, and families (may be followed) in the absence of (rules of) the 
revealed texts. Vasistha, Ch. I. 

** The authority for acts productive of merit which form part of the 
customs of daily life is the agreement of those who know the law, 
(and the authorities for the latter are) the Vedas alone. Apastamba, 
Ch. I, P. I. K. I. 

** As Smriti is not to be accepted v^hen it is opposed to the Vedas, 
so custom is not to be respected, when it is at variance with a Smriti." 
A Smriti quoted in the Prayogap&rij&t. 

** Those that wish to know what Dharmas are, for them the Vedas 
are the highest authority, the Smriti the second and what is accepted 
by society^ (or the world) the third." (Mahlrbharata, Anus^sana- 
Parva). 

** Where there are no direct sanctions or prohibitions laid down in 
the Veda or Smriti, the Dharmas are to be ascertained from an ob- 
servation of the custom of the country and of the family.'* (Skanda- 
Pur^na.) 

The gist of the foregoing texts may be shortly stated thus in the 
words of Medh&tithi. Ach^ra as used in Manu and the other 
Smritis means the practices followed as a duty by Vistas— virtuous 
men conversant with the Vedas — in cases where there are no ^ruti or 
Smriti texts to the contrary. 

^ The text Is t't^FTf ^ which is another word for ^T^T^R- 

The Roman law defined custom thus :— "When certain persons have by common con- 
sent purposely followed a certain rule, and hare, whether by acts or forbearance8(r(»M«e/>M/# 
affirmativa<, negativa"), recog^nised such rule -as binding upon them, there arises from this 
common will so evidenced a law which obliges every individual who can be reckoned as 
one of these persons, provided the custom be not unreasonable and prorided also it relates 
to those matters to which the written law docs not apply {^consuetude conHt'iutivd). 
Customs which are opposed to written law icorrecton'ee derogaioriae) are held by Roman 
Jurists to be invalid, unless they have been specially confirmed by the supreme power of the 
State or hare existed immemorially ; and. it is immaterial whether they consist in a mere 
non-observance of the written law (desuetude')t or in the observance of new principles 
opposed to such law {consitetudines abrogatorue); and it is also immaterial whether the 
customs have or. have not been ^confirmed by judicial decision (Lindley on Jurisprudence). 



34^ PARASARIYA DHARMA ^ASTRA. 

On the other hand, A^vallryana, Baudhiyana, N^ada, Brihaspati 
and K&ty&yana would seem to place custom higher than Sastra. 

A^vallryana in his Grihya-Sutras when describing the marriage 
ritual says :^ — 

** Now various indeed are the customs of the (different) countries 
and the customs of the (different) villages : those one should observe 
at the wedding. " 

** What, however, is commonly accepted that we shall state." 

This passage, I do not think, can be taken as recognising usage 
contray to the ^astras as a source of Dharma. It has reference to a 
particular ceremony and permits the observance of practices of an 
indifferent character prevailing in different localities. Medhlrtitbi 
in his commentary on Manu's Chapter II, verse 6, gives instances of 
such practices one of which is the tying of a yellow ribbon round the 
wrist as a sign of auspiciousness at marriages. 

As regards Baudh&yana^ it is enough to note that in considering 
the validity of customs he begins by stating that there is a dispute 
regarding certain five practices in the south and in the north, and 
concludes by admitting that his own view that they may be observed 
by the people of the country where they prevail is contrary to the 
law laid down by Gautama.' 

The texts of Nllrada, Brihaspati and K&ty^yana on the subject of 
custom have been considered by MIrdhavAchdrya; in the opening 
section of his work on Vyavahdra where he discusses the character- 
istics of a law-suit as defined by those sages. The texts that are 
relevant here are those which devide law-suits into four classes ac- 
cording to the nature of the procedure followed in determining the 
question at issue. This procedure is dscribed as having four feet. 
Thus Nirada says : — 

Professor Jolly translates this thus : 

Virtue, a judicial proceeding, documentary evidence, and an edict 
from the king are the four feet of a law-suit Each following one is 
superior to the one previously named. The word ^Rt^ is rendered 
by the translator into ** documentary evidence on the authority of 
Asahiya, the commentator on N&rada. But he points out that other 
commentators explain the term Charitra in conformity with the text 

^ Adhjraya I» Kandika VII, Sutras i and t. 

« Baudhayana. Prasna I, Adhyaya I, Kaadika II, TexU 1-6. 

* Gautima XI. So. 



PARAsARIYA DHARBfA ^ASTRA. 3^7 

of Brihaspati, namely ** Whatever Is practised by a man, proper or 
improper, in accordance with local usage is termed Charltra 
Custom.^" 

Brihaspati describes the four parts of a law-suit thus : — 

%^ Mi^^cfl^^ ^5^ f^'JRr: ^^: n 

Translation :— The plaint is called the first part ; answer is the 
second part ; the trial is the third part ; and the judgment is the 
fourth part. 

Brihaspati describes the fourth part, namely the judgmnet as four- 
fold according to the means by which it is arrived at. 

Translation : — ^The judgment in a doubtful matter is declared to be 
of four sorts, according as it is based, on moral law, or on the issue of 
the case or on custom or on an edict from the king' (Brihaspati Ch. 
II, i8.) 

f^^ ^ 5 ^rSTF^T =^f^ ^^ cRTT II 

Translation ; — **When a sentence is passed exclusively according to 
the letter of the law, it should be considered as (a decision based on) 
the issue of the case. Moral law is overruled by it. 

** When a decision is passed in accordance with localicustom, logic, 
or the opinion of the traders (living in that town) the issue of the case 
is overruled by it. 

'* Where the king, disregarding established usage, passes sentence 
(according to his own inclination), it is (called) an edict from the king 
and local custom is overruled by it.^'' 

The texts quoted from K^ty^yana are : — 

<m^<t g %^ «R^rtt ^ «Hq: I r%^ miu|^i<i^ ^ ^8k i%^: ii 
^i^M^ ^ «rw qi^i^ m I ^«nHN<"i f^ ^5f cr^f^ ii 

^ S. B. E. Vol. XXXIII. Ms. 

* Sacred Books of the East. Vol. XXXIII. 7. 

3 Brihaspati. Ch II, 15,26 a?. S. B. E. Vol. XXXIII. pp. s86, 187. 



348 PARASARIYA DHARMA i^lSTRA. 

Freely translated these texts mean that, when a judgment is 
passed on the the admission of the defendant who, in obedience to the 
moral law, confesses his guilt or pays the plaintiff what is due to him, 
that judgment is judgment passed according to the moral law ; 
when in the presence of both parties the Dharma ^^tra is propoun- 
ded by competent and learned judges and judgment is pronounced 
in accordance therewith, that is termed a judgment on the issue in 
the case ; whatever is practised by one as obligatory by custom, 
whether the same is sanctioned by the sacred law or not, that is caj- 
led Charitra, and a judgment given in accordance therewith is termed 
a judgment based on custom ; lastly that is called a judgment by an 
edict of the king which is passed in conformity with what the king 
declares to be lawful setting aside both the Ny^ya ^&stra and usage. 

M&dhlrvachrya next quotes the text of Brihaspati declaring that a 
judgment passed according to the letter of the law overrules the moral 
law ; that a judgment based on usage overrules the written law and 
that a judgment by the edict of the king overrules local custom . 

NIkrada and Brihaspati further declare : — 

** When it is impossible to act up to the precepts of the sacred law, 
it becomes necessary to adopt a method founded on reasoning, because 
evidence ( *h<^ck: ) in a law-suit has priority over the law" 
{i.e, Dharma^). 

'' Holy law has a subtile nature, and is occult and difficult to under- 
stand. Therefore |(the king) must try causes according to the visible 
path." (NIrrada, Ch. I, 40, 41.) 

** The judgment in a doubtful matter is declared to be of four 
sorts, according as it is based on moral law, or on the issue of the 
case or on custom or on an edict from the king."' 

'* The time-honoured Institutions of each country, caste and family 
should be preserved intact ; otherwise the people would rise in rebel- 
lion ; the subjects would become disaffected towards their rulers and 
the army and treasure would be destroyed. (Brihaspati, Ch. II, 

18, 28.)» 

The above texts possess a peculiar interest to the jurist as showing 
the stages through which juridical thought in its growth passed 
among the ancient law-givers of India in spite of the theory of the 
divine origin of law. They not only give a high place to approved 

^ II 

2 ^3^ <^^iSi^\ =^ft%^ iMi^^r I '^rg^srar^sWr^: ^i%^5J i^ftJi^ : it 



parAsariya dharma ^Astra. 349 

usages introduced in supercession of Smriti texts but also clothe the 
king with power to modify both written law and usage where he 
should consider it right to do 'so. As instances of local usage contrary 
to the texts of the sacred law, Brihaspati*. refers to certain practices 
prevailing in the South, in the central country, in the East, in the 
North and in Khasa and concludes by saying "thus has legal 
procedure with its manifold ramifications been represented by the 

sages.*' 

MlrdhavlU;har3»a also refers to two customs among others, the first 
of which permits a man in the Karnlrtak to marry a daughter of his 
maternal uncle or of his paternal aunt and the second which permits 
the marriage of a girl after the age of purbety in the country of Kerala. 
He furtther states that these local customs are found embodied 
in document and other royal decrees published in the countries 
concerned. 

Thus stands the state of original authorities as to the force of usage. 
However great the veneration attached to the names of Manu, 
Y&jfiavalkya, Gautama and other earlier law-givers the broader views 
of Nirada, Brihaspati and K^ty&yana as to the sources of law could 
not but impress their successors. It can be safely presumed that the 
boldness exhibited by Vijfi&nesvara, Jimt^tav&hana, V^chaspati-Mi^ra, 
Mitra-Mi^ra and MIdhav&ch&rya in not strictly adhering to the theory 
of the divine origin of law was due to the influence which the Institutes 
of Ndrada, Brihaspati and K&ty&yana must have exercised on the minds 
of those whose function it was in later times to propound the law and 
administer justice. 

The skill with which Vijfi&nesvara found his way through the meshes 
of the divine origin theory and familiarised the Hindu mind with the 
distinction between religious and secular law is worthy of all praise. 
In his commentary on the texts of Y&jnavalkya relating to the 
impartibility of a man's self-acquired property Vijn&neshwara says in 
the clearest terms that, the rules laid down by YILjnavalkya on the 
subject of Vyavah&ra are based upon popular customs. ' It was he who 
among the earlier commentators had the freedom of thought and 
boldness of spirit to advocate, in matters of civil rights, adherence to 
the principle '' practise not that which though legal is disapproved by 
public opinion". * 

» Brihaspati. Ch. II. v. i), jo, 3, ij3. S. B. E. Vol. XXXIII, p. aS;. 

The Panchayat Courts which preceded the British Courts of Justice guided themselves 
almost entirely by customary law. 

3 '^ Yajnavalkya^Ch. I, V. ise. 



550 PARASARIYA DHARMA ^ASTSA. 

It is a matter for regret that the later commentators perhaps with 
one or two exceptions were not men of the same robustness of thought 
as VijniUieshwara and Jimutav&hana and the principle of progressive 
interpretation of the laws introduced by the latter was not carried 
further. Dev^nanda Bhatta, the writer of the Smriti-Chandrikl, and 
M&dhav&chftrya, the commentator on the Par&iara Smrid, who 
respectively belong to the 13th and 14th centuries after Christ may be 
mentioned among the most celebrated authors that succeeded 
Vijndne^vara and Jimutav4hana. I suppose that both of them, and 
particularly the .great MlidhavlUrh^a, are responsible to a large 
extent for the illiberal spirit which at present prevails in Hindu society 
and impedes its advance. 

The Smriti-ChandrildL has, according to Dr. Jolly, a whole chapter 
on De^a-Dharma, in which the aathor is stated to have maintained 
that those usages only shall be recognised which are not opposed to 
the teaching of the Vedas and other authoritative books.' 

As regards M&dhav^chlUya, he is a puzzle. He is in places so 
inconsistent that it is difficult to follow him. In his Jaiminiya- 
Ny&yam&l^-VistAra he does not concede to Ach^ra any authority apart 
from the ^ruti and Smrici. He there observes: — It cannot be argued 
that as both the Smritis and Ach&ra are derived from the Veda, they 
are therefore of equal authority. From the practice of virtuous men a 
Smriti only may be inferred and not a ^ruti. Therefore the authority 
of AchlLra is remote by two degrees from that of the Vedas.' In the 
VyavahAra-Kanda, however, he adopts the view of N&rada, Brihaspati 
and K&ty^yana and approves of usages clearly derogatory of the 
Smritis. 

In his introduction to the commentary on Par&iara Smriti ho calls 
himself the patron" of the Purllnik system and gives the Purftnas a 
prominence which they previously did not enjoy and supports by his 
high authority the texts of the Pur&nas which say that ** the wise** have 
abolished certain practices as unsuitable to the Kali age. These 
prohibited practices include sea-voyage, the remarriage of widows and 
many other useful customs sanctioned by Manu, Par&iara and other 
law-givers. 

One would have expected from a commentator of the position and 
learning of MftdhavAcharya some explanation as to who the wise that 

* Eh-. Jolly's Ta^re Law Lectures on Partition and Adoption (iRf?), p. 35. 

• The original it ^f^JcT JHOf FftrTT ^f^cN?: which literaUy means the pmn^ter of the 
collection or compilation of all the Pur^as. 



PARASARIYA 9HMmiA SASTIU. 351 

abDlisked these practices were, and why and wfaeo they abclisfeed then. 
But he is totally silent on these points. What is meet Strang is that 
he has recognised Pur&nik texts as authorities siiperior te the precepts 
of the SmritisI 

Before closing this part of our subject, I may, I think, draw a 
comparison between the lines on which the development of }aw pfx>ceed- 
ed in Greece and in Ary&varta. In his Ancient Law Sir Henry Maine 
makes mention of what in Greece were called Then»stes, the sentences 
or orders of Zeus as having preceded the conception of law. These 
Themistes, we may take, filled the same place among the Greeks as the 
Srutis did among the Indian Ary&s. The transition from the Themistes 
in Greece was, first, to various established customs which the 
Themistes were believed to sanctify and then to written codes ; while 
among the Indian Aryds the Smritis or the codes followed the ^rutis 
and Ach^a or custom followed the Smritis, both the Smritis and 
Ach^a being regarded as based on the sacred authority of the ^rutis. ^ 
Overtopping all these three sources of law, Snitis, Smritis and 
customs, came the edict of the king of the law prescribed by the supreme 
power in the State. Thus although there is a close analogy between 
the ideas as to the origin of law in the West and East their pro- 
gpressive development in India was checked by various causes an 
enquiry into which must be reserved for another more appropriate 
occasion. 

THE PARA^ARA DHARMA samhitA. 

Starting with a definition of Dharma I have so far considered its 
sources or proofs, their nature, origin and relative authoritativeness 
on questions of duty. 

Now I pass on to the main theme of my discourse— * the Institutes of 
the great Rishi — Par^ara. His authority as a lawgiver of the Aryas 
is unquestionable. He fills a prominent place in the rank of the well- 
known sages of ancient times. He is described in the Rigveda as the 
son of Va^i^ha and Sakti. He is the seer of hymns 65-73, Book I of 
tiie same Veda. His name occurs in the Gariap&tha of Plnini. He 
is one of the twenty Rishis named in the Y&jAavalkya Smriti at 
S^tra-Prayojakas or law-givers. He figures prominently in the 
Mah&bh&rata, Vishnu Pur&na and other sacred books of the Indian 
Ary&s. He is one of the fifty-three Rishis who formed part of the 

^ The view now generally received is that the Smritit are a reeofd of uaaces which 
prevailed in different localities at different periods. The late Sir Henry Maine in his Early 
Law aa4 Custom says : ** Indian law may^ in fact, he affirmed to consist of a very grreat 
vnmhm of IoobI bodies of usagei^and of one set of cuttoms reduced to writinffi pretending' 
to a*di«iaer autlMMity than the rest, exercising consequently a great inflttenoe over them 
andtending, if not checked, to absorb them. 



3S2 pARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 

august assembly in which the great Bhishma instructed Yudhishthira 
in the science of Government (Mah&bh&rata, Shftnti Parva, Ch. 47). It 
is under the circumstances needless to enlarge upon the authority of 
Par&^ra as a law-^iver*^ 

The Par&^ra Samhita almost exclusively deals with two heads of 
Dharma, namely, Ackdra (rules of conduct) and Pr&yaschitta (pen- 
ances). On civil law (Vyavah&ra) it lays down only the following 
general rules for the guidance of kings : — 

'' A king of the Kshatriya caste should arm himself and have his 
army ; should protect his people ; should overcome the forces of a 
hostile king and rule the State in the way prescribed by law. 
(Ch. I, V, 61.) 

" Where such members of the regenerate caste, as are irreligious 
and illiterate, subsist on alms begged from house to house : — ^That 
village should be punished by the king ; for the village is a feeder of 
thieves alone." (Ch. I, v. 61.) 

" A garland maker gathers flowers only without cutting (the plants) 
in the garden by their roots. (So also the king should raise taxes.) 
He should not oppress his subjects in the manner in which a charcoal 
maker uproots the trees.'" (Ch. I, v. 63.) 

" The penance (for a sin) should be prescribed (by a Parishad) 
with the approval of the king ; it should never be prescribed in- 
dependently of the king ; but where the penance is trifling, it may be 
carried out (without such approval). (VIII, 28.) 

" If the king intends to lay down the law, disregarding what the 
Brahmanas say, — the sin is multiplied a hundredfold, and, so in- 
creased, affects the king." (VIII, 29.) 

The importance of the Par&^ara Smriti rests on the ground that it 
declares the law for the Kali age. This special authority of Par^ara 

^ There are two astronomical treatises by Parl^ra extant. ** Par&sara is reputed to be 
the oldest Indian Astronomer. • • • The name of ParAiara as well as that of Garga 
belongs only to the latest stage of Vedic literature, to the Aranyakas and the Sutras ; in the 
earlier works neiJier of the two names is mentioned. The family of the Pariiaras is rep<*eseat- 
ed with particular A^uency in the later members ot the Vansas of the Satapatha Brab- 
mana : a Garga and a Parftiara are also named in the Anukramani as Rishis of several 
hjrmns of the Rik. and another Parftiara appears in Panini as author of the Bhik^bu Sutra. 
s,e,$ a compendium for religious mendicants. The Parftforino-bhikshavah are mentioned in 
the MahabhAshya also, and besides a Kalpa by ParAiara. Weber's Histoiy of Indian 
Literature (Third Edition), pages t}t and 14;. 

* The edition published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal in the Bibliotbca Indica Scries 
contains the following additional ven|e : ** Royalty dc^pends not on hereditary right : nor 
can it be transmitted by written deeds. It should be enjoyed after acquisition by meana of 
the word; the earth is enjoyed by heroes.'* 



PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 353 

is, mentioned in verse 25, Chapter I of the Smrlti itself. It runs as 
follows :— 

For the Krita age are suited the laws of Manu ; for the Tret4, those 
of Gautama (are) prescribed ; for the Dv&para, those by ^&nkha« 
Likhita ; for the Kali, those by Par&^ra are prescribed. 

The theory on which the doctrine that each Yuga has its peculiar 
laws is explained as follows. The world passes through four Yugas 
or cycles called Krita, Tret&, Dy&para and Kali. It has already 
passed through the first three and it is now passing through the 
fourth. In the first Yuga, which is otherwise called the age of truth 
or Brirhmanas, Dharma reigned supreme "in all its four parts '* 
without any dimunition; men performed their duties faithfully accord- 
ing to the Vedas and truth and righteousness throve in their full 
perfection. As each succeeding Yuga set in, Dharma diminished by 
one-fourth with a proportionate decay in truth and virtue until at last 
in the present Kali- Yuga there is only a fourth part oi Dharma left and 
men have become devoid of that strength of character which is 
required for the faithful performance of their religious, moral and 
wordly duties according to the ancient ^^stras. In the Krita Yuga 
the laws of Manu prevailed ; but the gradual diminution in the 
observance of Dharma having rendered a diminution in the rigour of 
the laws necessary, Gautama legislated for the Treti Yuga, ^^nkha 
and Likhita for the Dv&para and Par^iara for the Kali. Accordingly, 
the laws of Gautama are supposed to be mild compared with those of 
Manu, the laws of S&nkha and Likhita milder and those of Par^sara 
the mildest. 

This topsyturvy policy of legislation may provoke a smile. But we 
should remember that our ancient legislators chiefly dealt with 
religion and ritual, a department in which freedom of thought is 
always looked upon by the orthodox as a sign of moral decline and 
lawlessness ; and I think that in their anxiety to protect the San&tana 
Dharma our sages must have adopted an elastic policy of adjustment 
that could be followed without much social friction. 

The commentators on the Codes of Manu, YAjn^valkya and Gau- 
tama not only do not draw any such distinction as that indicated by 
the theory noticed above, but further when we read Manu we find that 
he has taken into consideration the state of society in all the four 
Yugas in enacting his laws (Manu I, 8i-86). 

Professor Max Miiller has characterised the theory as a fabricated 
tradition. This seems to me too strong language to apply to a belief 
universally entertained. Assuming that the belief has not a we'l 



3 j4 PAf^ASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 

deBned basis in practice, it has still a merit of its own which should 
not make us very particular about its origin ; for on a comparison of 
the Par^ra Smriti with those of Manu, Gautama, Sd.nkha, Likhita 
and others we do find in Par^iara's legislation ideas of a decidedly 
progressive character from a social point of view. I propose to briefly 
notice below what, in my opinion, may be considered important 
changes made by Para^ra in the older law. 

First :— Parlliara has largely pruned the Grihya and Smirta ritU|4 
of a large number of its ceremonial and sacramental rites. This he 
has done in what seems to me to be a commendable manner. H^ 
has silently passed over what are called the A^rama^ Dharmas, i.e.f 
the complicated, cumbrous and elaborate system of ritual and sacra- 
ments which fettered social life, insisting only upon what is essential 
for the preservation of the pure Vedic faith. In laying down the duties 
peculiar to the twice born, he makes no mention of the long series of 
samskdras or sacraments prescribed by his predecessors, although in 
another connection, which will be noticed hereafter, he refers to them 
passingly as desirable for the fullest development of a Br&hmana's 
inherent virtue (VIII, 19). The six duties he prescribes to th^ 
Brdhmanas proceed upon a line different from that adopted by the 
previous law-givers. He lays them down in the following terms : — 

" A Brahmana who is given to observe the six* duties of his caste 
who worships the deities and hospitably receives the guests, whos^ 
meals consist of what remains after ( daily ) offerings made ( on thf 
fire ), has never to suffier from misery or want. Ablution and prayer, 
inaudible recitation (of sacred words), burnt-offerings, the worship of 
gods, hospitality to guest unexpectedly come, and offerings made in 
the name of the Viivadevas, these are six duties to be performed 
everyday." I, 38, 39. 

The duty denoted by the word prayer points to the G&yatri hymn 
which is regarded as the essence of the Vedas and the initiation into 

^ MAdhavAchArya to his commentary has added at the end of chapter iV a dcscrqpticm t£ 
the SamskAras (sacraments) under the heading of Airama Dharmas stating that althou^ 
following the method of the other Smriti^, it was proper that Parftsara should have 
declared the Airama Dkarmaa afterhaving declared the Varna Dharmas^ yet he neglected 
them* as no question had been asked by VyAsa regarding them. I think the omissaoo 
may have been due to one of these two causes, nam^, inty that ParAiara considered the 
enforcement of the SamakAra rites and of the Brahmacharya, VAnaprasta aad SsAyisa 
Aaramas according to the old ritual as undesirable, and, tndly, that they had already to 
a great extent gone out of practice and ParAaara did not deem it necessary to 
revive them 

* According to MAdhAvicharya the words ** six duties** here mean thoae six dutiea 
which Manu and other older law-givers assign to BrAhmanas, via,, teachia|[ and slwlyim 
the Veda ; sacrificing for their own benefit and for others ; giving and accepting of ahns. I 
do not think this inlsrpretation correct PaiAsara haa not left the point in doubt Vm 
eaiipief^tca the six i^>^ in the smmfdialdy Mlpi|«i|g Ifxt 



PARAdARlYA bHAftMA SASTltA. 3}$ 

which is a solutely necessary to invest a nlan with the dlafacter of k 
Dwija. * 

It will be observed that the above enumeration does not include 
teaching the Veda, officiating at sacrifices performed for others and 
accepting alms. On the exclusion of mendicancy from the duties of a 
'6r&hmana Par^ara is very strict and emphatic ; for he declares, ist, 
that " where such members of the regenerate caste as are irreligious 
and illiterate subsist on alms begged from house to house, that village 
•hould be punished by the king ; for the village is a feeder of thieves 
mlone'*(I, 66); and, secoadly, "with the paddy from a field cultivated 
by himself or acquired by his own self-exertions he (the Br&hmana) 
-should ofiFer the five daily sacrifices and others." (II, 6.). 

With regard to the study of the Vedas and the student *s duties 
Farftsara's rules are more indulgent than those prescribed by Manu and 
odier law-givers. Manu says, for example, that ** the vow of studyi 
ing the three Vedas under a teacher must be kept for thirty-six yearsi 
or for half that time or for a quarter, or until the student has perfectly 
learnt them. He further, as a mitigation of the severity of the above 
mie, declares :-^"A student who has studied in due order the three 
Vedas or two ot even one only without breaking the rules of student;r 
ship shall enter the order of house-holders'*. Par&^ara does not make a 
studentship of this sort obligatory on the Ar3ran youth* For the 
ordinary Br&hmana a knowledge of the G&yatri, the Sandhya prayers 
and the great five* daily Yajnyas is all that he considers necessary. 

, In prescribing however. the qualifications of Br&hmanas who should be 
appointed members of a Parishad Parasara is very strict. He declares 
that they should be men possessed of a competent knowledge of the 
Vedas and ^IrStras (VI. 35. VIII, 2, 7, 11, 12, 13, 14.) 

In the case of an ordinary Br&hmana, on the other hand, he is very 
lenient on this point of the study of the Vedic science. After declaring 

^ Chapter VIII. }, S4* 

TeachinflT (and studyingr) is the 8acri6ce offered to Brfthmana, the (offering^ of water and 
food called ) Tarpana, the ftacrifice to the manea, the li^omt oblation the sacrifice offered to 
iiie rods* the BaK oftleringr that offered to the Bhutas, and the hospitable reception of 
^uestA the offering- to men. Manu III, 70. 

«rr: II ife^ 5gtrt|r: 1 ?wt f^^^iy: 1 t^t ^^: I ^«^^ iw*tir: I 

Cb. I, Text t3<. 



mcS PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 

in general words that those who do not cherish the house-hold fire, 
who are devoid of the daily conjunctional adorations and who do not 
study the Veda should be regarded as 6udras, the great Rishi proceeds 
to provide : — 

" Therefore for fear of being turned into a Sudra every endeavour 
should be made particularly by a Br&hmana to study at least a portion 
of the Veda (every day) in case he is unable to study the whole.** 
(XII. 31. 32.). 

The next great reform introduced by Par&iara is closely connected 
with the above in logical sequence. We may, I think, call him the 
apostle of Industrialism among Brahmanas. He seems to have taken 
to heart the moral and economical loss to society arising from a state 
of things which made the Br&hmanas and Kshatriyas an unproductive 
charge upon the common wealth, and encouraged a waste of resources 
in the observance of costly ceremonies and sacriBces not forming 
an essential part of the national Vedic faith. He accordingly attached 
greater importance to industrialism than to knowledge connected 
with ritualistic and sacrificial observances. In the matter of industrial 
pursuits, he largely departed from the line marked out by Manu 
and other Ribhis and placed all the four castes on a footing of 
equality. In Chapter II, where he treats of their Sddhdta na 
Dharma^ or duties common to them all, he lays down :— 

(a) *• A Br&hmana who regularly performs thu six ceremonies may 
also betake himself to agriculture.'' 

{b) "A Kshatriya likewiso may practise tillage honouring the 
gods and the Br^mana caste. A Vaishya or Sudra should always 
take to agriculture, practise arts and follow trade" (II, 1, 12.)^ 

Midbav&ch^rya interprets the first of the above verses as giving the 
Br&hmanas liberty only to have the work of cultivation done by 
empoying men of the lower caste and not to personally engage in 
ploughing. This interpretation, however, is contrary to the intention 
of the verse as shown by the context. M&dhavftchftrya's interpretation 
is based upon the casual form of the verb 4i | <q fT in the text. But in 

some copies the verb used is ^m^X ^ ^ have in my possession a copy 

Madhavacharya*8 commentary on this text runs as follows :— 



PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA* ^^% 

of an edidon of the Par&sara Smriti with a short commentary pub- 
lished at Lucknow in the Sam vat year 1943-44. The verb used therein 

^^ «*lH<a^, and the commentator, whose name is given, at the end 
as Dharanidhar, says that the prohibition against a Br&hmana's 
personally engaging in cultivation of land applies to the preceding 
Yugas.^ It is noteworthy that Pard.sara praises the gift of land to 
Br^manas as highly meritorious (XII, 49). 

CASTE. 

The third improvement which Pariiara directed his attention to 
was to raise the status of the Sudra. It has already been pointed out 
that, as far as agriculture and trade were concerned, Par&sara placed 
an the four castes on a footing of equality. As regards social inter- 
course and intermarriages, although his legislation is not equally 
liberal, still he has shown a strong inclination towards bettering the 
lot of the Sudras. In matters of food, interdining between the three 
higher castes was never prohibited, and Parftsara also allows it. 
XI, 12. 

Manu prohibited the Brd.hmanas from eating cooked food given by 
a Sudra. The only exception he made was in the case of the BrlLh- 
mana's labourer in tillage, a friend of his family, his cow-herd, his 
slave, and his barber. Food given by these the Br&hmana was per- 
mitted to eat (Manu IV, 223, 253). 

Pariiara has followed the same rule but with a slight relaxation 
of the restriction against the use of cooked food given by a ^udra.. 
He declares that " when a ^udra gives a feast, a Br^mana may eat 
any food cooked in some oily substance, provided he goes to the bank 
of a river to eat it. This is certainly an improvement , The condi- 
tion as to place is obviously immaterial. 

Mr. Baden-Povvell in his book on the Indian Village Community obaenret that both' 
the BrAhmana and Kshatriya castes from the first had the least possible connection with 
agriculture except as oyer lords of the soil and receivers of shares in the produce. As the 
result of his investigation he further sUtes : *' It may be safely asserted that all the upper 
^ftr^^ of Aryan origin had little feeling for agriculture and that India does not owe to 
them either the introduction of settled cultivation or (directly) any particular policy or 
principle of land«ownership." This conclusion is far from correct. 

*> Manu— By practising handicrafts, by pecuniary transactions, by begetting children on 
Sudra females only, by (trading in) cows, horses and carriages, by (the pursuit of) agricul- 
ture and by taking service under a king families sink low. Ill, 64. But a BrAhmana or a 
Kshatriya Uving by a Vaisya's mode of subsistence shall carefully avoid (the pursuit oQ 
agriculture which causes injury to many beings and depends on others. Some dec are that 
agriculture is something excellent, but that means of subsistence is blamed by the virtuous ; 
for the w<Hxlen implement with iron point iojures the earth and the beings living in the earth. 

X, 8J, 84. 

Gautama— Agriculture and trade are also lawful for a BrAhmana, prpvided he does not 
do the work himselt Likewise, lending money at interest. X, (, 6. 



S|9 PAXMMOUVA t^WOiMK SASttftA. 

Afi /ifuUcalMc: a desire on Par&sara's part to raise the position of 
tha Madras aad drawing the social relations between them and tlie 
liigher^castes closer^ attention may be drawn to the following rules :<— 

''If a Siidra be addicted to flesh— meat, spirituous drinks and 
constantly engaged in low occupations, he, like the member of a Sva- 
baka caste^ .^hould be ishunned by a Brd.hmana from afar. 

"A Br&hmana should never shun such ^udras as are employed in 
the service of regenerate men, abstinent of spirit and flesh-meat and 
duly employed in their own occupation." XI, 14, 15. 
'^^ The prohibition against a Sudra pursuing degrading occupations, 
su6h as selling Wine and flesh-meat and using such things as drink 
and food, can have no other object than that of enforcing purity of 
conduct on thdir part as a means of raising them in the social scale. 

THE POSITION OF WOMAN. 

It cannot be said that Par&lara made any material change in the 
old law respecting ttie position' of woman. Two questions have for 
some years past occupied the minds of Hindu social reformers con- 
'(^rhing women i ist, the hmrriAgeable age of girls ; andly, the re- 
marriage of widows/.' On the first, Par&^ra*s legtslation is as strict 
as that of his predecessors. He fixes the age of 12 years for a girl ais 
the farthest limit for marriage, arid enforces this limit strictly. (VII, 
41, 5, 6, 7.) Manu, after declaring that *' Reprehensible is the father 
who gives riot his daughter in marriage at the proper time," says ** that 
a man aged thirty y^ttxk shall marry a maiden of twelve, who please 
kirn, or a man of twenty-four a girl of eight years of age ; if tbe 
performance -of hrs duties would otherwise be impeded, he must maity 
sooner." Thb words '• proper time " in the former text are intiferprcft- 
ed by Kulluka to mean " before the girl attains the age of '^ubetty** 
^ccordfng to Gautama (XVI J I, 21), and as regards the latter text 
the same commentator says that the verse is not intended to lay down 
a hard and fast rule, but merely to give instances of suitable ages, 
^owever that may be, there are other texts in Manu which show that 
he did. not consider that the marriage of a girl performed after the 
age of puberty would be invldid (Manu IX, S9, 90, 91). From this 
point of view ParAsara*s rules would seem to be unduly harsh. 

In the Sutta-Nipatai t|ierf is a discourse between a BrAhmana called Kastbharadr^ 

apd Gautama, from whidi it. appears that Brlhmanas practised agriculture before the ttiae 

;ofO|Mitama. Gautama golngrto Kaaibharadri^ is addressed thus :—*% O, Sa m a n a, 

. both plou^ and sow, aod havings ploughed and sown, I eat ; thou also, O, Samana. 

.pbouldst plouffk and sow« . and bl^vingr plou^rhed and sown thou shouldst eat." S. B. B. 

Vot X. Sutta— Nipata, p. it. Professor Hopkins of the Yale University in his wi^rk oa 

'India 0\4 and New '* has flriven a brief, but very instructive, sketch of the Aryan literatufe 

'on the subject of agriculture in the chapter on Land Tenure in India. He has shown bow 

mbtaken Mr. Baden-Powell was in bis view referrM to above. 



PARASARIVA DtiAftlitA ^A^HtA. J59 

On the second question Paryara has shown a greater sense of jus- 
tice. He declares " When a woman's husband is missing or is dead, 
or has renounced the world, or is impotent or has been degraded by 
sin — on any of these five calamities befalling a woman,, law has 
ordained another husband for her.'' This text has enabled the Hindu 
social reformers of the present day to wage a war against the tyrannous 
custom of debarring widows among the higher castes from marrying 
again. How the custom of the Hindu widows in the Dvija communi- 
ties remaining unmarried came into existence it is'notdiffibult to under- 
stand. What is most extraordinary is that, i^i the face of the aboVe 
#u]e declared by Pard^ara in the clearest words possible, tests are found 
in the Purlinas and such other modem religious books declaring that 
k second marriage is not permitted to even virgin tfFidows. Our surprise 
becomes greater when we remember that, the law declared by Par&^ara 
Was not new. N&rada had declared it before htm in exactly the same 
words on the highest authority, namely, Manu, the fir6t aiid greatest 
)aw-giver of tlie Aryfls. * 

] In this connection the provisions contained in verses 20, 21 and 22, 
Chapter IV, are of some importance. They strengthen by inference 
the legal status of sons begotten on a widow by marris^e. These 
provisions mention expressly the Kunda, Golaka, Aur^sa, Kshetraja, 
^nd Kritrima sons. With what particular intention they are men- 
tioned iti is difficult to, understand. The subject of sons is generally 
fonsidered by other law-givers in the Chapters on inheritance and 
iSraddha. 

1 Neither of these topics is dealt with by ParA^ara in the Chapter 
where the verses under notice occur. They, however, form part of a 
group of texts which deal with the duties of married woman towards 
her husband ; and from this an inference may arise that Par&^ra in- 
tended to point out that adultery in a married woman or widov/ leads 
to the introduction into the bosom of her husband's family children 
born of a stranger. Another view that suggests itself is that Par|l- 

j ^ As bearing on the question of the remarrtagre of widows* it is proper that I should refer 
to the conttnentary of AsahAya on the following^ text of N&rada. ** When it is impossible to 
abt up to the precepts of sacred^ law* it becomes necessary to adopt a method foun<!ed <>k 
reasoning because custom decides everythini^ and overrules the sacred law." C^Arada, Cfa* I, 
49.) Dr. Jolly saysi " According to AsahAya this verse inculcates the superiority of custom 
to written law. Thus both the practice of raising off-spring to a deceased or disabled brother* 
aftd tfte ^marriage of v^idows are specially sstnctton^ in the sacred law bobks. Yet these two 
cuttditit are opposed to established practice Therefore subtle ratidfcination is ttquinA, 
4 iahj ya Quotes a verse, to the effect ihat the immemorial usages of every province wbicjli 
hftve been handed down from generation to generation can never be overruled by a ruleot 
thesacreiUw.'' (S. B.' S. Vol. XXXIII, p. ij.y *' * ' ' '^ 

'With reference to this view of AsahAya, it is enougn to jkate that it cannof have' any force 
in the face of the text of ParA^ara which expressly declares tM law for th« Kail Mge, ^- ' 



I 



360 PARASARIYA DHARICA SASTRA. 

^ra intended to give the Kunda, Golaka, Kshetraja, Datta, Kritrima 
and others the same legal status in the Kali age as in the preceding 
Yugas. This latter view seems to us to be the more correct view to 
take of Parisara's intention. M^dhav&ch&rya in his commentary 
says that the mention of the six kinds of sons should be taken in a 
general sense so as to include the twelve kinds of sons spoken of by 
Manu, Y^jnavalkya, Nftrada, Gautama and other Rishis. None 
of these sons except the Aurasa and adopted are now recognised. 

As Par^ara is the law-giver for the present Kali age, the denial 
to the sons other than the aumsa and dattaka their former status 
would seem to be illegal. But M&dhavich&rya in his Vyavahftra 
K&nda, after fully describing the substitute sons and the way in which 
they take the heritage according to Manu, Y&jnavalkya, Hftrita and 
other Rishis, says : — " The texts which go to prove that the other 
substitute sons besides the datta share in the inheritance, refer to 
some other age of the world ; because it is prohibited in another 
Smriti^ to receive them as sons in the Kali age : — ^The receiving of 
others than the datta and aurasa as sons, the begetting of offspring 
by a brother-in-law and retiring to the forest, all these practices, the 
wise have said, should be avoided in the Kali age.*' The prohibitory 
texts quoted by Midhav&chirya are to be found in the Institutes of 
Brihaspati and Aditya Pur&na. In treating them as authority he 
forgets that Par&^ra's legislation was specially intended for the 
Kali age and that it could not be superseded by even other Smritis 
and much less by Pur&nic texts. His treatment of this point 
cannot be accepted as satisfactory, because in another part of the 
same work he makes express provision for the shares to be allotted 
to sons of a man of a superior caste by a wife of an inferior caste in 
disregard of the prohibition contained in the Aditya Pur&na against 
such intermarriages. 

PENANCES. 
The penances prescribed by Parftiara for sins are doubtless of a leni* 
ent character compared with those which the older law-givers pre* 
scribed, for instance, the penance for killing a cow prescribed by Manu 
requires the killer to perform certain acts of a painful nature for a 
period extending over three months. During the first month h© 
shall drink a decoction of barley-grains, shave all his hair and cover* 
ing himself with the hide ( of the slain cow ) he must live in a cow 
house. During the two following months he shall eat a snudl 
quantity of food without any factitious salt at every fourth— meal 
time and shall bathe in the urine of cows, keeping the organs under 
control. During the day he shall follow the cows and standing 

» BrOuMpati XXIV, V.. I*.i4 



PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 361 

upright inhale the dust raised hy their hoofs ; at night after serving 
and worshipping them he shall remain in the posture called Vir&sana. 
He must stand when they stand, follow them when they walk and 
seat himself when they lie down. When a cow is sick oris threat-^ 
ened by danger from thieves, tigers and the like, or falls or sticks. 
in a morass, he must relieve her by all possible means. In heat, in, 
rain, in cold or when the wind blows violently, he must not seek to 
shelter himself without first sheltering the cows according to his 
ability. He should not say a word if a cow eats anything in his own 
or another's house or field or on the threshing floor, or if a calf 
drinks milk. After he has fully performed this penance he must give 
to the (Brahmahnas) learned in the Veda ten cows and a bull, or if he 
does not possess so much property he must offer to them all he has.^ 

While such is the severity of the penance prescribed by Manu, 
Par&^ara's rule requires simply the performance of what is called 
Prijftpatya which is divided into four grades of varying severity 
according to the degree of the gravity of the offence. 

The observance of the whole penance extends over only four days. 
For the first day the sinner should take only a single meal ; for the 
next day he should eat at night ; for the third day he should eat what 
unasked is given to him, and on the fourth day he should live on air. 
Such is the nature of the Pr&j&patya of the first grade. 

The next three grades are of the same nature with this difference, 
that one day is added in each to the respective parts of the obsepi 
vanc3. Thus in the second grade the sinner should for two days have 
only single meal a day and so on. When the penance is finished, 
Bralimanas should be given a feast and a dakshina and they should, 
inaudibly recite the purificatory sacred hymns. 

The purification prescribed by Manu for the slayer of a Brahman 
requires that the sinner shall make a hut in the forest and dwell in it 
during twelve years subsisting on alms and making the skull of a 
dead man his flag. There are also other alternatives prescribed of a 
more or less severity. Lastly Manu declares: " This expiation has 
been prescribed for unintentionally killing a Br4hmana; but for 
intentionally slaying a Br&hmana no atonement is ordained.'* 

On the other hand the penance prescribed by Par&jara for killing 
a Brihmana intentionally or unintentionally is a visit to the bridge on 
the sea near Cape Comorin, and bathing in that sea. PadUara 
prescribes the mode in which the sinner should perform his journey. 

He must live by begging from the four castes, must not use an 
umbrella nor wear shoes. He is to proclaim himself thus : — '* I am 

^ Manu XI 109-117 Manu XI, 73-87, 90 

ParftMira VIII, J6.42. 



^± PAftASAftlVA 0ltARlftA ^AdtRA. 

a sitlit^ 1 1 haVe committed a heinbus sin ; I have killed a Bf&hmana. 
I am standing flt the door of the house, with the expectation tf 
getting some alms. He should likewise dwell in the midst ofcoWs 
within villages Or cities, or in places of hermitage oi" of pilgrimage ; 
or near the Sources of rivers." The above penance is prescribed 
expressly for a resident in the north of the Vindhyd motmtain. As 
Regards sinners residing in the south the Smriti is silent. An inference 
may be drawn that they should make a pilgrimage to the Ganges. 

r 

On the question of voyages by t^ea Par^^ara is silent. There can be 
no doubt he did not intend to prohibit them seeing that he allows a 
BrAhmana to follow the occupation of a Vaiiya which includes the 
carrying of merchandise by sea. There is no express prohibition in 
Manu against sea voyages. On the other hand we find him making 
the following rules regarding freight. 

** Whatever rate men fix who are expert in sea voyages and able to 
calculate the profit according to the place, the time and the objects 
( carried ), that has legal force in such cases with respect to the pay- 
ment to fee riiade." 

"for a long passage the boat hire must be proportioned to the 
places ' and times ; know that this rule refers to passages along the 
batiks of rivers ; at sea there is no settled frieght." (Manu )C, 157,406.) 

That Br^hmanas also travelled by sea in the time of Manu appears 
from the fact thkt trade was permitted even by Manu to a Brahmana 
who was not able to gain his livelihood by the occupations declared 
la^wful to him ' and from the list given in the Code mentioning the 
sorts of Bi'^hmanas who 'were, from the ritualistic point of view, 
unfit to take a place in the same line with the strict Vaidiks invited on 
the occasion of the ^radha ceremonies. This list excludes BrMimanas 
^ho travel by sea. There are texts in the Smritis of BoudhAyana and 
Marichi which do not permit a Brdhmana to travel by sea. But 
when these texts and the texts in Manu are read together, as Ihey 
^ould be, the conclusion is that the prohibition applies only to Vaidik 
^iest and those Br^hmanas who keep the Agnihotra. As regards 
the PUrlLilas the prohibition against a Brdhmana travelling by sea 
appears in the list of acts forbidden by them in the Kali Yuga, thereby 
implying the existence of sea faring Br&hmanas in the previous 
yugas. We need not dwell here on the value of such a prohibition B.fi 
f rule of law. I have already shown that the Pur&nas are no proof 
on law. 

In the matter of drink ajid food ParMara is strict. In prohihiting 
the use_.of spirituous liquors he has re-enacted the rule of Manu 
almost verbatim. As regards the use of animal food he goes much 
beyond Manu and Gautama and prohibits the use of it completely* 



PARAS4R1Y4 DHARMA SASTRA. 363. 

Such is a general description of the character of the laws of ParHiara. 
Upon the whole there is n6 doubt that he has shown hjfni^^f to b« 
moTQ practical than the law-givers who preceded him as al^o thos^ 
who came after him. Without openly dissenting from the older 
Smritis he has followed the principle laid down by Manu that each 
age has its own peculiar duties and laws. 

One more point requires notice as having an intimate bearing on 
the authority of Par&lara. 

Certain duties and actions which ParHrara has sanctioned 
expressly or by implication are forbidden in the Kali a^e by 
other Smritis and Pur&nas. This conflict is explained by Mlldhavft« 
chftrya on the principle of impracticability and practicability. He 
presumes that the general prohibitions in other Smritis in 
regard to certain duties and actions are founded on considerations 
of impracticability. Parlrara's rules to the contrary should be taken 
as exceptions governing cases where conditions of imprac-^ 
ticabtlity do not exist. He further observes that Parlrara has special 
priority over other law-givers in the K^li age and the prohibitory 
injunctions found in other Smritis have no force in cases in which 
PaHliara's ordinances must be accepted as absolute, e,g,^ agriculture 
and such other matters. It should however be generally remarked* 
that Mftdhav&ch^rya's commentary does not fully enter into the spirit 
of Par&sara*s laws. It assumes that on points which are not noticed 
by Pardiara, the old law remains unaffected, an assumption which is not 
justified by the statement of the objects and reasons stated in the 
preamble to the Samhitft. 

Before concluding our remarks we would refer to text 37, Chapter 
II, in which ParAxara declares : — 

. *' A blameless life that fosters righteousness is what is proper for 
all* the four castes. Righteousness turns its back to those whose 
bpdiea are defiled by a blameable life." 

I take these words to signify what Buddha meant when he declared, 
*' Not by birth is one a Br^man, nor is one by birth no Brahman ; 
1^ work (Kirmanft) one is a Br&hman by work one is no Brahman" 
(Mah&^vagga Vasettha Sutta, 57). 

There is another work bearing the name of Par&iara. It is called 
the Brihat-Par^sariya Dharma Sastram or the Great Dharmalastra 
of Parftsarai and appears to be a later expansion of Pas^sara Sam- 
hhA got up for sectarian purposes. It does not seem to have rbeen 
regarded as an authoritative work bacautesboth Midhav&chirya and 



364 PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 

a later commentator by name Nanda Pandita chose Par^Liara Sam« 
hita to write a commentary upon. I may mention here as throwing 
some light upon the character of works like the Brihat-ParAsariya 
Dharma-Sastram the fact discovered by the late Dr. Burnell that 
there is another work called the Uttara-bh^ga of the Parisara Smriti 
which inculcates the worship of Rama in twelve chapters. 

THE AGE OF PARA^ARA. 

We have now to fix the date of the Par&iara Smriti. This is 
not an easy question. Professor Oldenberg has well said " People in 
India have never had any organ for the when of things." It is not 
possible to determine the exact period when the Par&iara Smriti was 
composed. The form^ in which we find the work indicates an author 
other than the Rishi whose name it bears. This suggestion receives 
some support from the view taken by the late Rao Saheb V. N. Mand- 
Hk in his work on Hindu Law as to the origin of the Y&jnavalkya 

Smriti. He says in a footnote to texts 4 and 5, Chapter I, thereof : 

" The word in the original is [ sr^TnRJT- J PrayojakAh which some 

lexicographers would render by law-givers But PrayojakA 

signifies the causer or propounder, the person who causes another 
agent to act. <> o ♦ And it seems that it would be better to 
consider Manu and the rest rather as the causers than as the actual 
writers of the Smritis which bear their names. For, to begin 
with the list : Manu himself is the Prayojakd or the causer, and 
Bhrigu, the author of the Smriti which bears Manu's name. Each 
chapter of Manu ends thus i-^rpf^ >I%I[TT* ^H^t^FFlt ^ftcfFff aTJ^T^nq: 
which means "(Here ends) a certain Adhyaya ( chapter )^of the 
Samhita (text) composed by Bhrigu in the Dharmasastra of 
Manu." In the case of the Pardsara Smriti also, Suvrata is the 
author, and Par&iara is evidently the sage at whose command 
the work was composed thus c-^f^-J^; ^r^ wIT^ ftPrt^Rll^ I 
TOmt^^rt-^IT* ?m^ PfTMl The meaning is :— The sage Suv- 
rata composed the Dharmasdstra in 3,300 verses as propounded by 
ParAiara. *' In the case of Yajnavalkya Smriti also. Yftjnavalkya 
cannot be the author of the Smriti ; for, the writer begins U by 
invoking Yijnavalkya (see Sloka ist), and in the above enume- 
ration again, the fourth law-giver is stated to be Yajnavalkya. The 
author of the Mit^kshara again in his comments puts him at the top 
of Sanaka and other Yogis of the Krita age. He therefore places him 
far into a remote antiquity. It seems therefore that the Smriti is the 
collection ofthe precepts of Yajnavalkya by a follower of/ his school 

^ Vide Cb. I, v». 10, 34 ; Ch;. VI, v. i. 



PARASARIYA DHARICA SASTRA. 365 

This conclusion is also suggested by Mitramiira in his work entitled 
Vtramitrodaya. Vijn^nesvara in his commentary on the first verse 
says :— qrir^?^ f^: ^jftctH^rm^ *<l«^t4HH"ft«i >l%?nw IRFft^ ^^jqi- 
mB ^m HiHl-^ ^: l which means "some disciple of Ydjnavalkya com- 
posed (the present treatise) by condensing the jurisprudence propound- 
ed (to him) by Y&jnavalkya in the form of question and answer." 

Against the Rao Saheb*s view we have to notice two facts ; ist, that 
the name Suvrata appears in the colophon of the Brihat-Parilariya 
Dharmaiistra, and not in the Par&iara Samhit&; secondly, Mftdhav&- 
ch&rya the commentator of our Par&^ara Samhitd,, far from supporting 
the view of Mr. Mandlik gives a directly contrary opinion. He, in 
his commentary on verse 19, Chapter I, pointedly raises the question 
as to who is the author of the Sloka and explains that ParlUara him- 
self is the author of it, and by way of proof relies upon what he calls 
the universal acceptance of Slokas in the Mahibh&rata and other 
works giving an account of Vy&sa as the composition of Vyftsa 
himself. Assuming, however, that Mr. Mandlik's view is more 
reasonable, our difficulty is not lessened, for who Suvrata was, where 
and when he lived, there is nothing in the Brihat PaxtisLriya, Dliar- 
mai^tra to show. 

The Hindus claim on the one hand a great antiquity for their sacred 
literature, an antiquity sometimes measured by millions of years ; 
while on the other, modern scholarship proceeding on Western scien- 
tific lines uses a freedom of speculation which assigns a period to the 
most ancient of 'the Vedic scriptures not earlier than perhaps three 
thousand years. In fixing the date of the several well known Smritis 
such as Manu, Western scholars apply generally the following tests. ^ 

(i) Preponderance or the entire absence of one or other of the three 
constituent elements which make up the substance of Indian law. 

(2) The style of the language used. 

(3) Whether the work mentions Greek Astrology and Greek 
coinage. 

(4) Whether the Smriti contains any very archaic doctrines. 

(5) Whether it contains indications of a sectarian origin. 

The first three tests cannot help us, because the Par&sara Samhiti 
does not claim the same remote antiquity as Manu, Gautama, &c. 

^ Weber's History of Indian Literature, Third Edition, pagre tSo. 



3^ PARA^ARiVA DKARBfA^ $A«T«A. 

The SfPiiti i^elf declares that its ordinances are for the Kali age and 
many of its texts appear to have been borrowed from Manu and other 
old works word for word. None of the other Smritis except one 
bearing the name of Vriddha Gautama, a sectarian treatise, refers to 
the Par&sara Smriti. 

Applying the last two tests I am inclined to hold that the Parftsara 
Smriti should be assigned to a period earlier than the Pur&nik age, the 
beginning of which is placed subsequent to the fifth century of the 
Christian era. We find that the ParHsara Smriti recognises the 
twelve kinds of sons including the Kshetraja and this recognition is 
virtually tantamount to sanctioning the archaic doctrine of Niyoga^ 
Similarly we do not find in it any indications of a sectarian origin. 

Medhitithi, the commentator of Manu who is supposed to belong 
to the ninth or tenth century, quotes the Parisara Smriti.^ This 
circumstance may be taken as a proof of its comparatively early 
age. I think it probable that the work was written at a time when 
the Indian mind was passing through a struggle between what may 
be called the Vedic orthodoxy and the Buddhistic dissent. The 
whole scheme of the work seems to me to be an attempt made under 
Buddhistic influences to restore the Vedic creed purged of its extra- 
vagances and demoralising practices. 

Now arises the question how are we to i^concile the belief that 
ParMara was the last of the law-givers with the fact that his name is 
mentioned in the Smriti of Ydjnyavalkya and other more ancieot 
works as one of the Aryan law-givers. This question can be an- 
swered only by supposing that an earlier work of the real Parisara 
existed and that on its lines the present one was composed in a 
later age by • one of his descendants or followers. The family of 
Par&sara figures with a certain degree of prominence in Buddhistic 
literature. Mr, Rhys Davids in his Buddhist India says that in the 
Majjhima ( 3. 298 ) the opinions of a certain Parisariya, a Brdhmsna 
teacher, are discussed by the Buddha, and that a school of Parisa- 
raiyas is mentioned by Panini and referred to in an inscription men- 
tioned Cby Cunningham. ^ Mr. R. C Dutt in bis Gviliaatioa of 
India ( Ch. V., p. 63 ) refers to a work called ParAsara Tantra which 
professes to contain Par&sara's teachings and which belongs to the 
Buddhist age. 

^ Dr. Bubler** Code of Manu ( 8. B. B. MricsX Introductioii, p. t2t. 
• Buddhist India by Rhys OkniMi, Gk UL» p^ 144 



PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 367 

mAdhavAchArya. 

M^dhav^chlU'ya was descended from a family of Telugu Sm&rtba 
Br&hmans, who belonged to the BhILradv&ja Gotra and who were 
followers of the Baudh&yana Sutra of the Taittiriya ^4khA of the 
Yajurveda. He was born in the beginning of the fourteenth 
century A. C. The name of his father was M&yana and of his mother 
^rimati. He had two younger brothers named respectively Sdyana 
and Bhogan&tha. He acquired his learning and wisdom from three 
teachers, namely Sarvajnya Vishnu^ Vidy^tirtha and Bhdratitirtha 
otherwise known as ^ankardnanda. He was the chief minister of 
Bukka Raya I ^ and Harihara Raya II who ruled at Vijayanagara 
from about 1343^ to 1399 or 1401 A. C. He was a patron of learned 
men. He wrote many works himself and encouraged authorship in 
others. About the close of his long ' life he became a Sany^si and 
was raised to the exalted position of the head of the Math at Sringiri, 
one of the four * institutions established by the great ^ankarach&rya 
to look after the religious, moral and spiritual interests of the Indian 
Aryans. This is all that can be accepted as fully trustworthy in 

^ The gfeoeologry of the first Vgayanag^ara Dynasty as given in the Epigraphia Indica 
Ciii, p. J6 ):— 

Sangama 

! 

I i i I I 

Harihara I Kampa Bukka I Marappa Muddappa 

or Hariyappa | | 

Sangama Harihara II 

I ' i 

Bukka II Deva Raya I 

I. 
Vira Vijaya 



I 
Deva Raya II Pratap Deva Raya 



» I 

Mallikarjuna Virupaksha I. 



R^jasekhara Virupaksha II. 
A Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagara) by R. Sewell, M.CJS. (Retired), p. 24. 

* lb. pp. 27) St. A History of the Deccan by J. D. B. Gribble, Vol. I, p. 64. 

* MAdhavAchArya is said to have died at the ripe age of ninety. [ The Principles of 
Hindu Law by N. R* Narsimmiah and P. Sama Rao ( 19C0 ) Introduction, p. 40, ] 

* BadrinAth in the North ; Sringiri in the South ; DvArkd in the West and Jagannath in 
the East. 

j6 



368 PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 

the accounts which history and tradition have handed down concern- 
ing the life of M&dhav^h^rya. ^ 

There are several stories of a more or less legendary character 
current regarding the rise of the knigdom of Vijayanagara.* They 
all ascribe the selection of the site and the construction of the citv to 
the inspiration of a hermit called Vidy&rannya who, it is said, was no 
other than the celebrated M&dhav&ch&rya, the prime minister of Bukka 
Raya I. 

Colonel Mark Wilks has described the origin of Vijaya la^ara 
thus : — 

"Two illustrious fugitives, Bukka and Akka Hurryhur, Officers of the 
Treasury of the dethroned king at Warankul, warned by oae of those 
sacred visions which precedes, or is feigned to precede, the establish- 
ment of every Hindu empire, formed the project of a new government, 
to be fixed on the banks of the river Toomboddra, a southern branch 

^ In the Introduction to hU commentary on the ParAsara Smritt. BfAdharj^hlrya 
describes himself as follows :— 

rqwfirm fk^^xm ft^qr ^p^^rf^: ^^: 11 ^i^Mi^<R>d r ^w.-gr- 
ftRH f%?[^rag^c9>55T I ^4-iiiHmRHil^«fifcit4fii*i ^^kit m^n^ 11 

^R^ ^iRsft ^m g<ifSrjfrm:ftcn 1 ^i^uiI^I^hwih *<H)^Q[^it^< i ii 

* The site of the ancient capital of the Vijayana^ara kings is at present known as 
Hampi on the south bank of the Tungabhadra river, $6 miles north-west of Bellari in the 
Presidency of Madras. The vast ruins of fortifications, palaces, tenples, tank« and bridgt** 
cover nine square miles including Anegundi, the later seat of the dynasty. 




PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 369 

of the Kistna, under the spiritual and temporal guidence of the sage 
Videyarannea. This capital, named Videyanaggur^ in compliment to 
their minister and preceptor, was commenced in 1336, and finished in 
1343. Akka Hurryhur reigned until 1350 and Bukka until 1378 ^." 

A variant of this story given in a chronicle written by a Portuguese 
merchant or traveller who visited Vijayanagar between the years 
A. D. 1535 and 1537 is as follows : — 

"The King going one day a-hunting as was often his wont, to a 
mountain on the other side of the river of Nugumdym*, where now 
is the dty of Bisnaga' — which at that time was a desert place in 
which much hunting took place, and which the king had reserved for 
his own amusement, — being in it with his dogs and appurtenances 
of the chase, a hare rose up before him, which, instead of fleeing 
from the dogs, ran towards them and bit them all, so that none of 
them dared go near it for the harm that it did them. And seeing 
this, the King astonished at so feeble a thing biting dogs which had 
already caught for him a tiger and a lion, judged it to be not really a 
hare but (more likely) some prodigy ; and he at once turned back to 
the city of Nagumdym. And arriving at the river, he met a hermit, 
who was walking along the bank, a man holy among them, to whom 
he told what had happened concerning the hare. And the hermit, 
wondering at it, said to the King that, he should turn back with him 
and shew him the place, where so marvellous a thing had happened ; 
and being there, the hermit said that the King ought in that place to 
erect houses in which he could dwell, and build a city, for the prodigy 
meant that this would be the strongest city in the world and that 
it would never be captured by his enemies, and would be the chief 
city in the kingdom. And so the King did and on that very day 
began work on his houses and he enclosed the city round about ; 
and that done he left Nagundym and soon filled the new city with 
people. And he gave it the name Vidyajuna^ for so the hermit called 
himself who had hidden him construct it ; but in course of time this 
oajne has become corrupted and it is now called Bisnaga. And 
after that hermit was dead the king raised a very grand temple in 
honour of him and gave much revenue to it.t" 

As far as the connection of a hermit with the origin of the city of 
Vijayanagar is concerned, the above tradition is very probably found- 
ed on fact ; but the statement that that hermit was M&dhava-Vidya- 

^ Wilks* History of Mysore, Vol I. p. 8. 
' Anegrundt. 

* V^ayanag^ar. 

* A Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagara) by R. Scwell, Madras Civil Service iRetired)^ 



370 PARASARIYA DHARMA S ASTRA. 

rannya cannot be correct. Madhav^cb&rya acquired the title ot 
Vidy&rannya^ after he retired from worldly affairs and became a 
Sanyasi, This event took place after the year 1391 A.C., as will 
be shown hereafter, while Vijayanagar was built fifty-five years 
earlier, s.^., in 1336 when M&dhav&ch4rya was probably still occupied 
with his researches into the ancient Aryan philosophical systems. It 
appears to me that the hermit, from whose inspiration the city and 
the empire of Vijayanagar sprang up, was Vidyitirtha Muni who is 
invoked in the works written by M&dhav&ch&rya during the period 
when he was minister, as the incarnation of Maheshwara and as the 
saint who favoured and inspired the great Bukka Raya and made his 
throne firm and his wisdom effulgent. ' 

This Vidydtirtha was then, or subsequently became, the head of 
the Matha at ^ringiri. His name appears in the list^ of Swamis of 
that monastery immediately above that of M^dhav^ch&rya described 
under his later name Vidyllranya. 

Vidy&tirtha and Vidy^ranya were related as master and disciple. 
Both were friends and counsellors of Harrihara and Bukka and their 
names were almost indistinguishable. It is, therefore, quite conceiv- 
able that the memory of Vidy^tirtha, with the lapse of time, was 
lost in the towering personality of Mddhava-Vidvdranya, and the 
latter came to be associated with the establishment of the kingdom 
of Vijayanagar from its beginning. 

According to tradition the bond which united M&dhav&ch^rya with 
Bukka R&yd. was hereditary. Popular belief attributes the elevation 
of the family from which the first dynasty of the kings of Vijayanagar 
were descended to the exertions and guidance of the father of 

^ Vtdyarannya literally means " the forest of learning^." 

<nil I d^ l ^' l ^ l 9*i [ 3^l^^l'^ ^^^''UH^IMf^: II ft^JIcfl'S^PiW^lc^^AcHI- 

JIT^^c^gim^ I ^•l||^W^j^<^(i>^dM4 ^l4^^^1d ^ II Jaiminiya Nyft- 
yam&li-Vist^a. 

Introduction to the Commentaries on the Vedas. 

' This list is to be found in a sketch of the life of Vidyftranya Swamt written by Pandit 
Pitambarji and embodied in the ntroduction to his edition of the Panchadasi with a transla* 
tion into Hindustani published by Mr. Sharif Sale-Mahammad of Bombay, 



PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 371 

Mddhav&ch&rya. 1 How far this belief is founded in fact it is not 
possible to determine. There can, however, be no doubt that a close 
and real friendship existed between the two families. S&yan&char3ra 
also filled at one time the position of minister at Vijayanagar.* 

It appears that the brothers Harryhara I and Bukka I were Officers 
of the Treasury of the King of Telingana whose capital was at 
Varangal which was destroyed by the Mahomedans in the year 
1323 A.C. On the destruction of Varangal the two brothers joined 
by the father of MMhavdch&rya proceeded to Anagundi and took 
service under the petty Raja of that place where circumstances favour- 
ing them, they rose in a few years to the position of the ruling 
chiefs.' This was an anxious and trying period to the people of 
Southern India. The condition of affairs is thus depicted by Mr. 
Sewell in his '* List of Antiquities, Madras. " " E>elhi had been 
captured by the Ghazni Ghorians in 1193 and a dynasty established 
there which lasted till A. D. 1288. The Khiljis succeeded (i 288-1 320) 
and Alauddin Khilji despatched the first Mahomedan expedition into 
the Dakhan in A. D. 1306. Four years later the Musalman armies 
under Malik Kifur swept like a torrent over the peninsula." 

'* Devagiri* and OrangaP were both reduced to subjection, the 
capital of the Hoysala Balld.las was taken and sacked, and the 
kingdoms both of the Cholas and Pandiayas were overthrown. 

^ Dr. Buroeirs Introduction to the Translation of the Chapter on D&ya-Vibh^a of 
M&dhavAchArya's VyavahAra-K^nda of the ParA^ara M&dhaviyam. 

■ A Forgrotten Empire ( Vijayanag^ara) by R. Sewell, M. C. S. (Retired), p. 28. 

On the death of Harihara I. the succession to the throne became the subject of a dispute 
between Bukka I and his cousin Sang^ama, and for sometime the latter grot the upper hand 
and ruled the state with SAyana as his minister. lb. 

When M4dhavicbdrya became minister on the accession of Bukka R4ya, SAyana was 
relegrated to a subordinate position in the State. Sayana a^ain became the chief minister 
on the retirement of MAdhava about the close of the reign of Harihara II. This appears 
from the colophons of certain portions of the Veda-bhashyatn, The colophon of the Aita- 
reydranyaka Bhashyam runs thus : — 

WI'S' w^ &c. &c. 

The Colophon of the BhAshyam on the Taitiriya BrAhman runs thus : — 

g<> N <^ [ ^m Ni 4 ^R^ qpsr*^ ^^cnJsrar^ &c. &c. 

' A Forgrotten Empire (Vijayanagar) by R. Sewell, MX^S. (Retired), Ch. II., p. 33. 
*• Deragriri, the ancient capital of the Yadava DynAsty of the Dekhan. 
* Orangal or Waran^ral, an ancient town 86 miles north-east of HaidarAbAd. It was 
the capital of the Hindu King^dom of Telingana founded by the Nari^>ati Andhras. 



372 PARASARIVA DHARMA SASTSA. 

Anarchy followed over the whole South — Musalman Governors, repre- 
ientatives of the old royal families, and local chiefs being apparently 
engaged for years in violent internecine struggles for supremacy. 
The Ball^as disappeared from the scene and the kingdoms of E>evagiri 
and Orangal were subverted. A slight check, was given to the spread 
of the Mahommedan arms when a confederation of Hindu chiefs, led 
by the gallant young Ganapati Raja, withstood and defeated a large 
Mahomedan army ; and the aspect of affairs was altered by the 
revolt of the Dakhani M ussalmans against their sovereign in A. D. 
1347 which resulted in the establishment of the B&hamani Kingdom 
of the Dakkan. But the whole of Southern India was convulsed by 
this sudden aggression of the Mahommedans and all the old kingdoms 
fell to pieces." 

These troubled times required a political leader of the greatest 
ability and integrity. Such a leader the people of Southern India 
found in M&dhav&ch&rya who had attained to the highest eminence 
among his contemporaries both as a scholar and as a holy man. 
Whether he was married or not there is no evidence to show. The 
study of the ancient literature of his Aryan forefathers had kindled in 
his heart an intense patriotism which, it appears, led him to prefer the 
life of a celibate and take the noble resolution to dedicate himself 
wholly to the service of his country and of its gods and religion. 
When, therefore, the people appealed to him for light and leading in 
their struggle for independence, he readily came forward and by a 
bloodless revolution brought about the unification of the whole of 
Southern India with the fighting Kings of Vijayanagar at its head.^ 
The task was a difficult one, but the ascendancy which his life of self- 
abnegation had given M&dhava over the minds of the people was so 
great, and the confidence which they felt in his judgment and integrity 
so implicit, that all the old states large and small in the south sub- 
mitted voluntarily to a sort of federal union under the central govern- 
ment of Vijayanagar. Justice (;nf?r:) and national prosperity ( ^^fN^:) 
were the comer stone of this union. This circumstance, by giving 
to it a certain degree of coherence and stability, enabled it to 
successfully check the wave of foreign invasion for two centuries and 
a half. 

MAdhavftchArya, as chief minister, ruled the destinies of the people 
of Southern India for nearly half a century. Although he upheld the 
old doctrine of the divine origin of kings, he recognised the principle 
that their authority should be principally limited to the maintenance 
of peace and punishment of crime only. In general administration 

* A History of the Deccan by J. D. B. Gribble* Vol. I, p. <a. 

A Porrotten Empire (Vijayanagar). by R. Sewdl) M. C, S.. Retired, pp. 8, J74. 399, 



PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 373 

he left matters civil and social to be determined according to usage 
and the sense of the community concerned. As an illustration of the 
way in which legislation on social matters was effected in the country 
subject to the? authority of the Kings of Vijayanagara may be noted in 
the following case recorded by Mr. S. S. Rft-ghavyangar, Dewan Baha- 
dur, C.I.E., in his work on the Progress of the Madras Presidency. 

•'There is an inscription at Virinjipuram, North A rcot district, 
dated during the reign of Veerapratapa Devaraja Maharaja of 
Vijayanagar, A. D. 1419, which shows that the practice of paying 
money to parents of girls to induce them to give them in marriage 
was widely prevalent in former times. The inscription states * in 
the reign of the illustrious Veerpratapa Devaraja Maharaja, the 
great men of all branches of sacred studies of the kingdom drew up 
in the presence of Gop'naih of Arkapushkarini, a document contain- 
ing an agreement regarding the sacred law. According to this if 
the Brahmans of this kingdom of Padaividu, viz., Kannadigas, 
Tamiras, Telungas, Halas, &c., of all Gotras, Sutras and ^Skhas, 
conclude a marriage, they shall from this day forward do it by 
Kan} ftdftnam (gift of girls ). Those who do not adopt Kanyidinam, 
f.tf., both those who give away a girl after having received gold, 
and those who conclude marriage after having given gold, shall be 
liable to punishment by the King and shall be excluded from the com- 
munity of the Brahmanas. " '* 

The literary activity of which Midhav^chirya became the centre as 
the prime minister of Bukka-R&ya was exceptionally great and 
widespread. It covered almost all branches of Sanskrit literature. 
The exact number of works which are attributed to M&dhavft,ch&rya- 
directly and indirectly is not known. But it is supposed to be very large. 
In Aufrecht's Catalogus Catalogorum a list of about 109 works is given. 
Some oriental scholars are disposed to question the honesty of MAd- 
hav^chftrya as a patron of letters. They suppose that he was guilty 
of passing works written by others as his own productions. But this 
charge is for the most part groundless. It chiefly relates to the author- 
ship of the commentaries on the Vedas, and is based upon the cir- 
cumstance that they, although really written by S&yan^ch&rya, are 
popularly known as Vidyft,ranya-Bh4shyam. For this, it should be 
noted, MAdhavlU;h&rya cannot be held reponsible. I find that the fact 
that the commentaries were written by SiyanAchzlrya is acknowledged 
in the colophons of many of the copies now in use. The true account 
of the origin of the commentaries is that Bukka-Raya wished 
MAdhavStch&rya to write them, and MftdhavAch&rya with the king's 

^ Memorandum on the Progrress of the Madras Presidency during* the last forty years 
of British Administration ( 1891% p. 45* 



374 PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 

permission entrusted the task to SayanAch^rya. This appears trom 
the introduction to the Bhilshyam itself. ^ 

The cjlophons almost invariably contain the worJs ^Tfn^^ 

filft^ 'rMt^ %^n^5R>T^ which means " written by SayanAchirya 
for the M&dhava series of commentaries on the Vedas ** and 
which is analogous to " The Ordinances of Manu by A. C Burnell 
for Trubner's Oriental Series** or ** the Law of Manu trans- 
lated by G. Buhler for Max MuIIer*s Sacred Books of the East " 
Most of the works attributed to M&dhavd.ch& rya belong to the 
period during which he Glled the office of minister of Bukka-Raya I 
and Harihar Raya 'II. This is indicated by the mention, in the 
prefaces, of Bukka-Raya and his patron saint Vidyatirtha. In works 
composed before and after that period their names do not appear. 
The Sarvadarshana Sangraha belongs to the former period and 
mentions the name only of Sarvajnya Vishnu from whom Mddha- 
vAchirya received his early education ; while certain works on Vedan* 
tism — Panchadasi being the most popular among them— were written 
after MAdhav^ch&rya retired from political life and became a Sanyasi. 
His life of ^&nkar^chirya also seem to belong to the last period. 
These works mention neither Sarvajnya Vishnu nor Bukka-Raya. 
They mention only Vidyatirtha and Bh&ratitirtha, the spiritual 
masters of M^dhavd.ch^ya. 

Madhllv&chdrya was a staunch follower of ^ankard.ch&rya, **thc 
greatest of all great Asiatic sages, whose learning and scholarship 
all scholars Eastern and Western honour, who bears a name revered 
by every learned Hindu all over the land where he preached and taught 
from his monastery at Badrinath in the north to that of fringed in the 
south, from Dwarka, the city of Krishna, in the west to Jagannath, 
once the Buddhist place of worship, now the common ground of 
assembly for all Hindus on the coast of Orissain the East." 

' ^Tc^zT^T ( f^ ^fm^ ^^ ^m^ ) ^q^^pwitf^: 

^IIC^N^MT^ ^41 4H S|4>|^|^II Introduction to the Veda-Bbashyam. 

The colophon of the commentary on the Yajurveda-Brahmanam runs thus: — 



PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 375 

After a deep study of all the ancient systems of philosophy as shown 
by his earliest known work, the Sarvadarsana Sangrha,' M&dhavd- 
ch&rya, in the full maturity of his intellect and experience, declared 
his belief in the doctrines of Advaitism as containing the best possible 
solution oftthe " problem of the universe, and the enigmas of the 
world. "^ It would be oiit of place to enter here upon a discussion of 
the Ved&nta philosophy. Such a discussion is not within my present 
limits. I will only remark here that the life of M^dhav&chArya 
furnishes an answer to those who argue that the teachings of Ved^nta 
are destructive of humility and benevolence, that they paralyse energy 
and enterprise and deaden all feelings of responsibility and independ- 
ence. 

Of the merits of M&dhav^ch^rya's works I am not a competent 
judge. But those who are qualiBed to pronounce an opinion on the 
point speak highly of them. One Pandit says of them that they are 
written in a style which, while it is simple and charming, is remarkable 
for its solemnity, boldness and depth. In his ^ankaravijaya Madhava 
calls himself Nava Kalidasa (».tf. a new Kalidas). How far this claim 
for equality with the world-celebrated author of 6akuntala is justifi- 
able I cannot say. There is, however, no doubt that, speaking gener- 
ally, the work fulfils the conditions of high class poetry. The Pan- 
chadasi, considering the abstruse character of the matter which it 
treats of, shows a boldness of thought, mastery of expression and 
power of illustration seldom equalled by writers on metaphysics. 

As re>^ards the commentaries on the Pardsara Smriti, I am inclined 
to agree with Dr. Aufrecht's description of them, namely, that they 
are more diffusive than illustrative of the text. 

Really speaking, the ParA^ara Madhaviyam is a Digest of the 
Smritis under the name of a Commentary on the Par^^ara Smriti. 
The commentator, instead of elucidating in his own language the 
meaningof the text, has in many places mystified it by a cloud of 
quotations from other Smritis in a manner inconsistent with the 
declared object of Par&sara's legislation, namely, to curtail ritualistic 
and penitential ceremonies. Judging according to the experience of 
the present day, no small mischief has arisen to Hindu society from 
the prominence given by him to the Puranik doctrine of ** prohibitions 
for the Kali age," which, while condemning many objectionable prac- 
tices, declared against certain useful institutions such as the freedom 
of travelling by sea. 

* A concise account of fifteen Philosophical systems with the exception of the VcdAnta. 

* M^ti^TicMiKd i ^m swm sw^?^ ^ ^r^^r ^<mi< sR^m^r 

lA^ U Punchadasi, Ch. II, V, io8. 



37^ PARASARIYA DHARMA S ASTRA. 

As regards McLdhav^charya's original production on Jurisprudence 
(the Vyavah&r-Kanda) I propose to deal with it elsewhere. Here I 
will only passingly remark that on methods of administering justice 
he generally follows the old law-givers such as Manu, Kftty&yana, 
N4rada and Brihaspati, while on the law of inheritance he follows the 
Mit&kshara and Smriti Chandrika. 

The exact date at which M&dhav&ch&rya's tenure of ministership 
came to an end cannot be ascertained. Judging from epigraphical 
evidence it must have terminated after the year 1391^ A. C. or about 
the close of the reign of Harihara II who reigned till 1402. 

M&dhav^ch^rya on becoming a Sanyasi was, as already stated, 
raised to the position of the head of the Matha at ^ringeri. His 
place on the list of che Swamis of that Institution is a subject of much 
speculation. Some say he wag the thirty-third successor of ^ankar4- 
ch^rya, some say he was the twenty-sixth, while others say he was 
the tenth or the eleventh. 

Whether any one of these positions can be admitted as correct, and 
if so which, it is not possible to determine without fixing the date of 
^ankar^ch^rya. As regards ^ankar&ch^rya's date there are two 
views, one represented by the late Mr. K. T. Telang who assigns the 
Acharya to the middle of the sixth century of the Christian era, ^ and 
the other by the late Bhatta Yajneshwara Sastri and the majority of 
European Sanskrit scholars who place him in the year 788 A.C. 
With neither of these does any of the above positions agree. 

^ This is the date of a grant by Madhavacharya conferring 25 estates in the Tillage of 
of Kochren in Goa upon 24 learned Brahmans named therein. The inscription states that 
the village was thenceforward named Madhavpura ; that Madhava conquered Goa from the 
Turushkas and re-established there the worship of the ancient gods. (Journal of the Bom- 
bay Branch of the R. A. Society. Vol. 4, p, 115.") 

° A Paper on the date of Sankaracbarya by K. T. Telang published as an appendix 
to his edition of Mudrdr4kshasa. 

Dr. Deussen accepts what he calls the Hindu tradition, which places the birth of the 
author of ShAriraka Bhisya in 788 A.D. The learned Doctor says that according to 
the statement of the late Yajnesvara Shastri. with whom he discussed the passagen which 
the Shastri adduces in the Aryavidyasudhakara, p* 2l6i the Sampradaya referred to in his 
work is that of Srinsferi, where also documentary evidence for its correctness is said to 
exist. Hence Dr. Deussen hesitates to accep Mr. Telang s conclusions. • Buhler's Code 
of Manu (S. B. E., Vol. XXV), • Introduction, p. xi2. Some time ago I came across a book 
on " Shri Shankaracharya*'^ published by G. A. Natesan & Co., Madras. The author, 
Mr. Krishnasami Aiyar, discusses the question of the age of Shankara at p. 16-18, ch. 
II. He accepts provisionally 788 A.C. as the date of Shankara's birth, and holds that 
Mr- Telang's conclusion requires additional and more direct evidence. 

Mr. Aiyar refers to a list of Shankara's successors. He says that the Sringeri Mutt 

has that list, and rejects it as imperfect for the reason, among others, that it assigns 

to Suresvaracharya, the immediate successor of the Guru, a period offoo years or more. 

Mr. Aiyar does not give us the date with which the list ends nOr does he state the number 

of Swamis mentioned therein. 



PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 377 

On his entrance into the life of a Sanyasi, M^dhav4ch&rya did not 
rest from his literary labours. He is said to have written several 
works on the Advait Philosophy including Panchadasi which has been 
already referred to, and which is the most popular treatise on Vedant 
throughout India at the present day. 

I have referred above, in a footnote, to a list given in an account of the life of Vidya- 
rannya appended to an edition of the Panchadasi, edited by Pandit Pitambarji and published 
at Bombay by Mr. Sharif Salemahammad in the year 1876. According to this list, whichi 
the Pandit says, is based upon the Sringeri Gurupaddhati and which was copied from an 
origfinal on the records of the Sringeri Matha. Shankaracharya presided for thirty«two 
years ending with the year X07 of the Vikrama era corresponding with 51 A.C. This indicates 
the nineteenth year of the Christian era to be the date of Shankara's birth, a conclusion 
which, I Deed hardly say) is inadmissible according to the now generally accepted chronolo- 
gical adjustment of the leading events in Indian history previous to the Mahommadan 
period. Still this list of Pandit Pitambarji, when compared with Mr. Aiyar's list and Bhatta 
Yajnesvara Shastri's Sampradaya, has certain points in its favour which are worth noting. 
The list, which begins with the year 75 (x9 A. C.) of the Vikrama era and ends with the 
Shalivahana Shak year 1782 (it6o A.C.)* gives fifty-six names, including Shankaracharya, 
and shows how many years each of the Swamis presided and till what year. 

Among the objections to the accuracy of this list I may mention two which are most 
difficult to explain. The first is that the length of Shankaracharya's tenure of office shown 
therein* namely, J« years, covers the whole period for which) according to popular belief, 
Shankaracharya lived. 

The second objection arises from the place assigned in the list to Madhava-Vidyarannya. 
The name of Vidyarannya appears twice ; the first at number twenty-six and the second at 
number thirty-three. The former is shown to have presided for forty years ending with the 
Shak year 928 and the latter for forty-two years ending with Shak 1 169 (1247 A.C). Pandit 
Pitambarji identifies the second Vidyarannya with MAdhavachArya a conclusion which) 
although it is corroborated by the circumstance that the two immediately preceding names 
in the list correspond with those of his Gurus Vidyatirtha and Bharatitirtha, is contradicted 
by the evidence derived from inscriptions and other sources connected with the Vijayanagara 
empire. This last mentioned evidence proves that M4dhavAch4rya belonged to the four- 
teenth century of the Christian era and not to the thirteenth. 

With these and other flaws in it, Pandit Pitambar's list, however, seems too circumstan- 
tial to be rejected as worthless without further inquiry. 

Mr. Aiyar's list makes Suresvaracharya the immediate successor of ShankarAchArya. 
Pandit Pitambarji's list docs not mention Suresvaracharya at all. According to it the 
immediate successor of ShankarAcliArya was Prithvidharacharya who is shown to have 
ruled for sixty-five years ending with Shlivahana Shaka year thirty-seven. 

MAdhavAchArya's Shankaradigvijaya upon which Mr. Aiyar's book is based does not 
name Suresvaracharya as the immediate successor of Shankaracharya at Shringeri. 

Mr. Aiyar gives another reason for his provisional date. It is this : " MAdhavftchdrya's 
book locates the Buddhists mainly in Kashmir or more generally in the Himalayan regions; 
and Magadha dees not seem to have figured in Shankara's days as the stronghold of 
Buddhism or even as a province where the' Buddhists were numerous though in the 
minority." 

With reference to this it may be remarked that M4dhavAchArya*s account of Shankara's 
life and achievements has no chronological value, and that there is no sufficient ground 
for the statement that, according to MAdhavAchArya, the Buddhists were confined to 
Kashmir and the snowy regions in Shankara's life-time. Mr. Aiyar's statement is pro- 
bably based upon the last chapter of MAdhava*s Shankaradigvijaya, where an account of 



378 PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 

I regret that the materials at my disposal do not enable me to give 
a fuller account of the life of MlUlhav&ch^a. He was a great 
man in the true sense of the word. As a devoted student of Aryan 
literature and sciences, as an author, as a patron of learning, as a 
statesman who, with a rare self-sacrifice, laboured to create a spirit 
of nationality among his country-men, and, lastly, as a sage who was 
not blinded by worldly power and success to those high spiritual 
truths which are the peculiar inheritance of the Indian Aryans. 
MlUlh&v^ch&rya perhaps had no equal in India during the time he 
lived in, and it is a question whether the history of India during the 
last six hundred years discloses another personality of equal greatness. 
The life of such a man deserves to be studied and cherished as a 
model by every partriotic Aryan of India. 

Sbankar^hArya'K visit to Kashmir. Badri and Kedar is given. This account, however^ 
is interesting, not as helping us to fix the date of Shankara's birth, but as throwing some 
light on the opinion which the northerners entertained regarding the culture of the 
southerners in the good old times. It is as follows:— 

While Shankara was sojourning on the banks of the Ganges a common report 
reached his ears to the effect that at Kashmir there fiourished a Temple of Sarasvati 
with a seat in It called the Sarvajhya'-^eetham — a seat for those who were possessed of 
infinite learning ; that a person who wished to obtain the highest honours in knowledge was 
required to ascend it after passing an examination before a college of learned men ; that 
the Temple had four entrances for candidates from the east, west, north and south, 
respectively ; that candidates from the east, westi and north had appeared and won the 
honour of ascending the seat of knowledge; but that no person had yet come from the 
south and the southern entrance had remained closed ; thatf on hearing this report, 
Shankara started for Kashmir with the determination of refuting th preevailing belief that 
there were no learned men in the south ; that when he presented himself before the 
southern door he was opposed by an assembly of men skilled in the systems of KanAdaf 
Gautama. Kapila, Buddha, Jina and Jaimini and other Sastras, but that on his answering 
the questions put by them, he was received with respect and allowed to open the southern 
door and ascend the seat of infinite knowledge. 

I need hardly say that the above account does not warrant the supposition that, in 
Shankara's time, the Buddhists were confined to the Himalaya nregions. 

There is a third view regarding ShankarAchAryA*s date. Professor K. B. Pathak in a 
Paper on Bhartrihari and Kumarila has stated his conclusion that Shankarlch&rya lived 
between 750 and 838 A.D. (The Journal of the B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XVIIIf p aij). 



Proceedings of the Bombay Branchy Royal 

Asiatic Society ^ 
1904.05. 



The Annual Meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, the 17th 
March, 1904. 

The Hon'ble Mr. E. M. H. Fulton, C.S.I., I.C.S., President, in the 
-chair. 

The Hon. Secretary read the following report of the Society for 1903. 



The Annual Report for 1903. 

MEMBERS. 

Resident, — During the year under review 51 New Members were 
■elected and 3 Non-Resident Members came to Bombay and were added 
to the list of Resident Members. On the other hand, 31 resigned, 
1 1 retired from India, 4 died, and 9 having left Bombay, were trans- 
ferred to the Non-Resident list. One was removed from the roll for 
non-payment of subscription. The total number at the end of the year 
was 265, including 16 Life-Members. Of these, 33 were absent from 
India for the whole year or portions of the year. The number at the 
close of the preceding year was 267. 

Non-Resident, — 15 Members joined under this class and 9 were 
transferred from the list of Resident Members. 9 Members resigned, 
2 retired, i died, 3 were added to the Resident list, and the name of i 
Member was struck off the roll for non-payment of subscription. The 
total number at the end of the year was 78 against 70 in the year 
preceding. Of the 15 new Members, 9 have become subscribers to the 
Library under Article XVI of the Rules, by payment of an additional 
subscription. 

OBITUARY. 

The Members, Resident and Non-Resident, whose loss by death 
during the year the Society has to record with regret, were— 

Mr. C. W. L. Jackson. 
Mr. T. H. Moore. 
Major H. R. F. Anderson. 
Mr. Jametram Nanabhai. 
Khan Bahadur Kharsetji Rastamji Thanawala. 
6 



ii ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS 

THE ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS. 

The papers read before meetings of the Society and contributed for 
publication in its Journal, during the year were — 

Oriental Congress at Hanoi. By Principal M. Macmillan, B.A. 
Matheran Folk Songs. By Principal M. Macmillan, B.A. 

Anquetil Du Perron's Notes on King Akbar and Dastur Meherji 
Rana. By Mr. Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A. 

References to China in the Ancient Books of the Parsees. By Mr. 
Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A. 

The Cyropaedia of Xenophon. By Mr. R. K. Dadachanji, B.A., 
LL.B. 

Discovery of Ancient Bramhi Script in Kashmir. By the Rev. J. E. 
Abbott, D.D. 

Shivaji's Swarajya. By Mr. Purshotamdas Vishram Maoji. 
Omanese Proverbs. By Lt.-Col. A. S. G. Jayakar, I. M. S. (Retired). 
A Sildr Grant of S'aka, 1049. By Prof. K. B. Pathak, B.A. 

There was, besides, a lecture in French on Indian Chartography,. 
delivered by Count F. L. Pull6. 

LIBRARY. 

Issues of Books. 

The total issue during the year amounted to 36,051 volumes, compris- 
ing 23,519 volumes of new books, including periodicals, and 12,5.^2 of 
the old; a daily average, excluding Sundays and holidays, of 121 volumes. 
The issue in the previous year was 37,104 volumes. 

The issues of each month are noted in the subjoined table : — 



January 
February 
March ••• 
April ... ••• 
May 



June ••• ••• ••• ,«« 

J uiy #.. ••• .•• ••• 

August 

September ... ..« ••• 



Old. 


New, 


* 1,008 


2,198 


980 


2,123 


960 


2,028 


. 1,032 


1,910 


861 


1,863 


915 


1,708 


• i>243 


i»905 


. 1,058 


2,071 


• 1.074 


2,282 



ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. iil 

Old, New, 

October . ... 1,151 1,848 

November i|Ji93 i»942 

December i|057 ^»^3 

The volumes of issues of old and new books arranged according to 
subjects are shown in the subjoined table : — 

Subjects, Volumes, 

x^iction ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 12,413 

Biography ... ... ... ... ... ... ... i)340 

Miscellaneous, Collected Works, Essays, &c I1259 

Voyages, Travels, Geography, Topography 942 

History and Chronology 897 

Oriental Literature .. 656 

Reviews, Magazines, Transactions of Learned Soci- 
eties, &c. (in bound volumes) 601 

Politics and Political Economy 372 

Religion and Theology 357 

Poetry and Drama ... ... ... ... ... ... 340 

Naval and Military 273 

Art, Architecture, Engineering, &c 264 

Philosophy •• .«. .«• ••• ... . . ••• 252 

Philology, Literary History, &c. 248 

Government Publications and Public Records .. 1S4 

Natural History, Geology, Mineralogy 183 

Archaeology, Antiquities, Numismatics, &c 168 

Foreign Literature 166 

Natural Philosophy, Mathematics, Astronomy ... 140 

Classics and Translations 12^ 

J.^a^v ... ... ... ■•• ... ••• .•• ••• 100 

Grammatical Works 95 

Medicine, Surgery, &c 84 

Botany, Agriculture, Horticulture 66 

Logic, Rhetoric ••• ••• ... .. ... 15 

Periodicals in loose numbers 14* 39^ 

ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY. 

The total number of volumes added to the Library during the year 
>vas 1,180. Of these, 807 were purchased and 373 presented. 

Presents of books were as usual received from tlie Bombay Govern- 
ment, the Secretary of State for India, the Government of India, and 
the other local Governments, and a few from individual authors and 
donors. 



• •• 



Volumes 


Volumes 


purchased. 


presented. 


19 


I 


M 


2 


7 


•• • 


8 


2 


30 


• • • 


II 


II 


I 


3 


16 


148 


70 


••• 



iv ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. 

The number of volumes of each class of books acquired by purchase 
and presentation is shown in the following table : — 

Subject, 

Religion and Theology 

Philosophy * 

Classics and Translations... 

Philology, Literary History and Biblio- 
graphy ... ... ... ••• 

History and Chronology 

Politics, Political Economy, Trade and 
Commerce .•• ••. ••• ••» 

i^a^v ••• *•• ••• ••• ••• 

Government Publications and Public 
iv6Corcis ■••• ... ••• ■•• 

Biography 

Archaeology, Antiquities, Numismatics, 
Heraldry 

Voyages, Travels, Geography and 
Topography 

Poetry and Drama 

r*iction ••• ••• ••• ••• ••. 

Miscellaneous, Collected Works, Es- 
says, &c* ••• •'• ••• .«• ••• 

Foreign Literature 

Natural Philosophy, Mathematics, As- 
tronomy ... .•• ••• ••• ••• 

Art, Music, Engineering, Architecture... 

Naval and Military 

Natural History, Geology, Mineralogy ... 
Botany, Agriculture and Horticulture ... 
Medicine, Surgery and Physiology .*• 
Annuals, Serials, Encyclopaedias, Trans- 
actions of Learned Societies, &c. 
Dictionaries and Grammatical Works ... 
Oriental Literature ... 

COIN CABINET. 

The number of coins added to the Society's Cabinet during the year 
was 56. Of these, 4 were gold, 50 silver, and 2 copper. Of the total, 
55 were received under the Treasure Trove Act, 14 from the Bombay 
Government and 42 from the Government, United Provinces of Agra 
and Oudh, and i was presented by the Collector of Broach. 



••• 



26 


4 


12 


I 


286 


•* . 


42 


4 


2 


••• 


8 


I 


37 


I 


22 


... 


9 


I 


3 


I 


ro 


... 


149 


150 


5 


I 


12 


41 



ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. V 

They are of the following description : — 

I Gold Coin of the Egyptian King Ezzaher Jaqmaq, A.D. 1439. 
I Gold Coin of the Egyptian King El Ashraf Abun Naso Yenal. 
(These coins were unearthed while digging a foundation for 
a new building in the Crater, Aden.) 

I Silver, of Shah Jah^n, Mogul Emperor. 

I Silver, of Aurangzib, do. 

I Silver, of Jahand^r, do. 

I Silver, of Farruk-Siyar, do. 

I Silver, of Muhammad, do. 

I Silver, of Rafi-al-darajkt. do. 

I Silver, of Shah Alam I., do. 
(Found in the Kalol Taluka, Panch Mahals District) 

I Gold Coin, Padmatanka (Southern India). 

I Copper, of Ahmad Shah II. Bahamani. 

I Copper, of Ahmad Shah I. of Gujarat. 
(Found buried in a field on the bank of the Tirol i Nalla near the 
village of Rehud, in Chandar Taluka, Nasik District.) 

I Gold Coin of Mamluk Sultan (13th Century A.D.) 

(Found in the bed of a pond in the village of Bhojwa, Viramgam 
Taluka, Ahmedabad District.) 

Presented by the Bombay Government, 
40 Silver Coins of Shah Alam, of different mints, found in the Kheri, 
Fategarh, Jaunpur, Benares, Lucknow, and Fyzabad Districts of the 
United Provinces of Agra and Oudh. 

2 Silver Coins of Shah Jahan. 

Presented by the Government, United Provinces. 

I Silver Coin of Aurangzib Alamgir ; found while making an excava- 
tion in the Town of Ankleshwar, Broach District. 

Presented by the Collector of Broach, 

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 

The papers, periodicals, and journals and transactions of Learned 
Societies subscribed for and presented to the Society during 1903, were 
as under : — 

Literary Monthlies .. .. 15 

iuusLraieci ... ... ••• *•» ... •*. ••. \q 

Scientific and Philosophical Journals, Transactions of Learn- 
ed Societies, &c. *>•• ... ... ... ... ... .•• 35 

ivevie^vs ... ... •.. ... ... ••• ..• ... 10 



Vi ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. 

English Newspapers i6 

English Registers, Almanacs, Directories 15 

Foreign Literary and Scientific Periodicals 11 

Indian Newspapers and Government Gazettes. 20 

Indian Journals, Reviews, &c • .•• 30 

JOURNAL. 

Number 59, being the third and concluding number of Vol. XXI., is 
all but ready and will shortly be published. With it will be issued 
Index, Title Page and Contents of the Volume. 

The following papers are published in the new number, together 
with an abstract of the proceedings of the Society for 1903, and a list 
of books, pamphlets, &c., presented to it during the year : — 

Omanese Proverbs. By Lt.-Col. A. S. G. Jayakar, I. M.S. (Retired). 
Oriental Congress at Hanoi. By Principal M. Macmillan, B.A. 
A Silar Grant of Saka 1049. By Prof. K. B. Pathak, B.A. 
Matheran Folk Songs. By Principal M. Macmillan, B.A. 

References to China in the Ancient Books of the Parsees. By 
Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A. 

Notes of Anquetil du Perron (1755-6) on King Akbar and Dastur 
Meherji Rana. By Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A. 

The Cyropaedia of Xenophon. By R. K. Dadachanji, B.A., LL. B. 
Discovery of Ancient Brahmi Script in Kashmir. By the Rev. J. E. 
Abbott, D. D. 

The following is a list of Governments, Learned Societies, and other 
Institutions, to which the Journal of the Society is presented : — 

Bombay Government. Literary and Philosophical So- 
Government of India. ciety, Manchester. 
Government of Bengal. Imperial Academy of Science, 
Government of Madras. St. Petersburg. 
Punjab Government. Smithsonian Institution, Wash- 
Government, United Provinces, ington. 

Agra and Oudh. Royal Society of Northern Anti- 
Chief Commissioner, Central Pro- quaries, Copenhagen. 

vinces. Royal Society of Edinburgh. 

Chief Commissioner, Coorg. Deutsche Morgenlnadischen Ge* 

Resident, Hyderabad. sellschaft, Leipzig. 

Government of Burma. Literary and Philosophical Societ}-, 

Geological Survey of India. Liverpool. 

G. T. Survey of India, British Museum. London. 

Marine Survey of India. Royal Society, London. 



ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. 



Vll 



Bengal Asiatic Society. 
Agricultural Society of India. 
Literary Society of Madras. 
Provincial Museum, Lucknow. 
Bombay University. 
Madras University. 
Punjab University. 
Mahabodhi Society, Calcutta. 
Government Museum, Madras. 
Indian Journal of Education, 

Madras. 
R. A. Society, Ceylon Branch. 
R. A. Society, N o r t h-China 

Branch. 
The Asiatic Society of Japan. 
Batavian Society of Arts and 

Sciences. 

Strasburg Library. 

Geographical Society, Vienna. 

London Institution of Civil En- 
gineers. 

Royal Geographical Society, Lon- 
don. 

Statistical Society, London. 
Royal Astronomical Society. 
Victoria Institution, London. 
Royal Institution, Great Britain. 
American Geographical Society. 
American Oriental Society. 
Hamilton Association, America. 
Editor, Journal of Comparative 

Neurology, Granville, Ohio, 

U.S.A. 

American Museum of Natural 
History. 

Society Asiatique, Paris. 
Geological Societyi London. 
Royal Academy of Sciences, Am- 
sterdam. 



Royal Asiatic Society, Great Bri- 
tain and Ireland. 

Academia Real das Sciencias de 
Lis boa. 

Societede Geographic Commer- 
cial de Bordeaux. 

Society de G^ographie de Lyons. 

Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 
Buda Pest. 

Sociedad Geografica de Madrid. 
Royal Dublin Society. 
Society Geographie de Paris. 
Connecticut Academy of Arts and 
Sciences. 

United States Survey. 
Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissen- 
chaften, Vienna. 

United Service Institution. 
Minnesota Academy of Natural 
Science 

India Office Library. 
London Bible Society. 
Vienna Orientalische Museum. 
Boston Society of Natural History. 
Musee Guimet, Lyons. 
American Philological Association, 
Cambridge. 

Royal University, Upsala (Swe- 
den). 

Franklin Institute, Philadelphia. 
University of Kansas, U.S.A. 

Director, Missouri Botanical 
Garden. 

L*Ecole Fran9aise de Extreme 
Orient. 

Royal Institute of Philology and 
Ethnology of Netherlands India. 

Imperial Library, Calcutta. 



Finance, 
A statement of accounts, detailing the items of receipts and 
expenditure for 1903, accompanies the report. 



Viii ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. 

It will bs seen from it that the total amount of subscriptions from 
Members during the year was Rs. 11,363-12-0. The subscriptions 
in the preceding year amounted to Rs. 10,880-6-8. 

The balance to the credit of the Society at the end of the year was 
Rs. 786-10-8 and the arrears due on that date were Rs. 75. 

The invested funds of the Society amount to Rs. 14,800. 
THE CENTENARY OF THE SOCIETY. 

The centenary of the founding of the Society occurs in November 
1904. With a view to determine in what manner the event 
should be celebrated, the Committee of Management appointed a 
Sub-Committee to consider the subject and prepare a scheme to be 
reported to the Committee. 

The principal suggestions made by them were : — 

That the centenary be celebrated by a meeting of the Society at 
which papers will be read ; by an evening conversazione ; and, in the 
event of the attendance of learned visitors, by an excursion to neigh- 
bouring places of historic interest. 

That a memorial volume be published, as an extra number of the 
Journal, containing a summary of the results achieved since the 
foundation of the Society, in the study of Oriental literature, in history 
and archaeology, including numismatics, and that original papers if it 
should seem desirable be also prepared and read. 

It is also proposed to publish a Centenary Catalogue should sufficient 
funds be available. 

The date proposed for the celebration is the middle of January, 1905. 

COUNT F. L. PULLIi, 

Count Pulld, a well known Italian Savant, visited Bombay about the 
beginning of the year. 

He kindly complied with a request to address the Society and gave a 
learned discourse in French on Indian Chartography, a subject to which 
he has devoted years of close study. The discourse was illustrated by 
a large display of maps arranged in chronological order. The maps 
very clearly showed the gradual progress made by the world in the 
knowledge of Indian geography from the earliest records extant of 
Indian, Greek, Roman, Byzantine, Persian and Arabic origin to the 
time of the discovery by Vasco da Gama of the Cape route to India. 

The President in the course of a brief speech, paid a tribute to 
Mr. A. M. T. Jackson, I. C. S., a retiring member of the Committee,, 
whose services to the Society have been valuable. He referred briefly 
to the history of the Society and the distinguished men under whose 
auspices it was originally founded, and expressed a hope that in 



ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. IX 

connection with the celebration of its centenary next cold weather a 
fresh and enlarged interest would be aroused in the Society and in 
the various departments of literary and scientific work by which it 
endeavoured to promote the best interests of the community. 

Mr. Macmillan in proposing the adoption of the report, remarked 
that they had a fairly successful year. The number of Members had 
rather increased than diminished, and their finances were in a satis- 
factory condition. They had the good fortune to secure as their 
President Mr. Fulton, from the exertion of whose influence they 
hoped that an extension of premises might be obtained from Govern- 
ment. Several interesting addresses had been delivered in the course 
of the year, including the lecture on ** Indian Chartography " by Count 
Pull^, perhaps the most learned chartographist in the world, which 
was recorded in a special paragraph in the report. Worthy of special 
notice also was the account of Shivaji*s Swarajya given by Mr. Pur- 
shotamdas Visram Maoji, an enthusiastic investigator of old Maratha 
Records. The coming year promised to be full of interest, for, as 
mentioned in the report, the centenary of the Society was to be cele- 
brated in the end of the year. It was to be hoped that the celebration 
would be worthy of an institution which had been the centre of the 
intellectual life of Bombay since the days of Mountstuart Elphinstone 
and Mackintosh. For this purpose an appeal for subscription would 
have to be made to the Members of the Society, which would no doubt 
meet with a liberal response. The adequate celebration of the 
centenary might also do much to popularise the Society and induce 
increasing numbers of the citizens of Bombay to become Members. 

The proposition being seconded by Mr. James MacDonald and 
supported by the Rev, Dr. Abbott, was carried unanimously. 

On the motion of Mr. Camrudin Amirudin, seconded by Mr. Fur- 
doonji Jamsetjee, the following Committee and Auditors were appoint- 
ed for 1904: — 

COMMITTEE OF MANAGEMENT. 

1904. 

President, 

The Hon'ble Mr. E. M. H. Fulton, c.s.i., i.c.s. 

Vice-Presidents, 

James MacDonald, Esq. 

K. R. Cama, Esq. 

M. Macmillan, Esq., b.a. 

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice N. G. Chandavarkar, b.a., ll.b. 



ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. 

Members. 

Camrudin Amirudin, Esq., b.a. 

F. R. Vicajee, Esq., b.a., ll.b. 

Sir Bhalchandra K. Bhatavadekar, Kt. 

Jivanjee Janisetji Modi, Esq., b.a. 

Rao Bahadur K. G. Desai, l.c.e. 

Dastoor Darab P. Sanjana, b.a. 

A. L. Covernton, Esq., m.a. 

The Hon'ble Mr. D. R. Chichgar. 

J. E. Aspinwall, Esq. 

Rev. Dr. D. Mackichan, m.a., ll.d. 

The Hon*ble Mr. Justice H. Batty, m.a., i.c.s. 

Rev. J. E. Abbott, d.d. 

Honorary Secretary, 
Rev. R. Scott, M.A. 

Honorary Auditors, 
H. R. H. Wilkinson, Esq. 
Rao Bahadur Ghanasham Nilkanth Nadkarni, b.a., ll.b. 



A General Meeting of the Society was held on Monday, the 28th 
November, 1904. 

Principal M. Macmillan, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the chair. 

The proposals received from Members about periodicals and news- 
papers were considered and the existing list was examined, and it was 
resolved that the following be subscribed for from the beginning 
of 1905 : — 

Photography. 

Connoisseur. 

American Review of Reviews. 

Independent Review. 

Scribner's Magazine. 

British Medical Journal. 

Englishman (Calcutta). 

And that those named below be discontinued : — 
Process Photogram. 
Badminton Magazine. 
Daily News. 
Indian Statesman (Calcutta ). 



The Annual Meeting of the Society was held on Friday, the 7th 
April, 1905. 

The Hon*ble Mr. E. M. H. Fulton, C. S. I., I.C.S., President, in 
the chair. 

The Honorary Secretary read the following report of the Society 
for 1904: — 



ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. xi 

The Annual Report for 1904. 



MEMBERS. 

Resident. — ^i^ New Members were elected during 1904 and 2 Non- 
Resident Members came to Bombay, whose names were added to the 
list of Resident Members. 24 have withdrawn, 4 have retired, 3 have 
died and the name of i was removed from the roll for non-payment of 
subscription. This leaves 284 on the roll at the end of the year. The 
number at the close of the preceding year was 265. 

Non- Resident, — 20 Members joined under this class. 3 have resigned 
the membership, 2 died, i has retired and 2 having come to Bombay 
were transferred to the Resident list. The total number at the end of 
the year was 90 against 78 at the end of 1903. Out of the 20 new 
Members, 16 have become subscribers to the Library under Art. XVI 
of the Rules by payment of an additional subscription. 

OBITUARY. 

The Society have to announce with regret the loss by death of the 
following Members, Resident and Non-Resident, during the year : — 

J. R. Greaves, Esq. 
J. N. Tata, Esq. 
Fakirchand Premchand, Esq. 
Kumar Shri Baldeoji of Dharumpore. 
Captain G. Warneford. 

LIBRARY. 

The total issue during the twelve months, excluding the use made of 
Reference and other works at the Library, was 38,636 volumes against 
36,051 in the year preceding. The total comprised 24,131 volumes of 
new books and periodicals and 14,505 of the old, giving a daily average 
of 113. 

The subjoined tables show in detail the issues by months and the 
subjects of the books issued : — 

Monthly Issues. 

O 

January ... 

February 

iVA a re n ... ... .*- ■•• 

/vprii .•• •■• ... ••• 

iviay "•« ••• ... ... 

I une •.. ... .•• •>• 

I uiy .*• ... ... .'• 

August ... ••• 

September ... ••• %•■> ••. 

October ... ... ... ••• 

November ... 

i_/ecemDer ••• ... .«• ••• 



I Books. 


New Books, 


1,028 


2,298 


1,308 


2,069 


1,270 


1,890 


1,288 


2,023 


1,116 


2,426 


1,077 


2,095 


1,085 


2,274 


1,213 


2,076 


1,423 


1,719 


1. 194 


1,991 


1,139 


1,869 


1,364 


1.463 



xii abstract op the society's proceedings. 

Classes of Books Issued. 

Subject Volumes. 

r iction ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ■•■ ••• i2|OyO 

Biography ... ... ••• ... ... if47S 

Miscellaneous, Collected Works, Essays, &c i»393 

Voyages, Travels, Geography, Topography i,o88 

History and Chronology ... i)04$ 

Reviews, Magazines, Transactions of Learned 

Societies, &c. (in bound volumes) 968 

Oriental Literature 843 

Politics, and Political Economy 561 

Poetry and Drama • ,•• 500 

Art, Architecture, Engineering, &c. 332 

Religion and Theology ... 331 

Philology, Literary History, &c 225 

Naval and Military 212 

Natural History, Geology, Mineralogy, &c 207 

Classics and Translations 201 

Foreign Literature ... 199 

Archaeology, Antiquities, Numismatics, &c. 181 

Philosophy ■.. ••• ... ••• ... ... ... 177 

Natural Philosophy, Astronomy, Mathematics, &c. ... 122 

Grammatical Works, Encyclopaedias, Dictionaries, &c. 119 

Government Publications and Public Records ... ... 100 

Medicine, Surgery, &c. • 98 

x^aw ••( ••• •.« ... ... •.. ••• ••• o^ 

Botany, Agriculture, Horticulture ... - 59 

Logic, Rhetoric ... • 29 

Periodicals in loose numbers ... 15,282 

ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY. 

The accessions to the Library during the year numbered 1,250 
volumes. 909 of these were acquired by purchase and 34i:by gift. 

Books were presented chiefly by the Bombay Government, the 
Secretary of State for India, the Government of India and the other 
local Governments and a few by individual authors and donors. 

The volumes of each class of books purchased and presented arc 
shown in the subjoined table : — 

S:ibject, 

Religion and Theology 

Philosophy ... 

Classics and Translations 



Volumes 


Volumes 


purchased. 


presented. 


n 


..• 


4 


••• 


4 


>.• 



^STRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. Xlii 

Subject Volumes Volumes 

purchased, presented, 

./iterary History and Biblio- 

• •• ••• ••• ••• ■•• Q I 

c Chronology 32 4 

, Political Economy, Trade and 
nmerce ... ••• ••• ••• ... 13 2 

v\ ••• •■• ••• *•• ••• ••■ 2 ^ 

iovernment Publications and Public 
Records ... .•• •.• ... ... 12 143 

Biography 70 

Archaeology, Antiquities, Numismatics, 

Heraldry ... 42 7 

Voyages, Travels, Geography and Topo- 
graphy ... ... ... ... 

Poetry and Drama 

A^ iCLion ... ... ••« ... ... ... 

Miscellaneous, Collected Works, Essays, 

ObC. ««• ... ... •* • ... .»• 

Foreign Literature 

Natural Philosophy, Mathematics, Astro- 
nomy t»» ••■ .•• ... ... «•• 

Art, Music, Engineering, Architecture ... 

Naval and Military 

Natural History, Geology, Mineralogy ... 
Botany, Agriculture and Horticulture 
Medicine, Surgery and Physiology 
Annuals, Serials, Transactions of Learned 

OOCld-16d, OibCt ... •*• ■•• ... 

Dictionaries and Grammatical Works ... 
Oriental Literature ... 

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 

The newspapers, periodicals, and journals and transactions of 
Learned Societies, subscribed for and presented to the Society 
during 1904, were — 

Literary Monthlies 15 

Illustrated ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 18 

Scientific and Philosophical Journals, Transactions of 

Learned Societies, &c 35 

fxcvie^rS ... ... *•* ... .J. ... ... 10 

English Newspapers 16 

English Registers, Almanacs, Directories, &c 13 



46 


10 


18 


*• » 


310 


... 


35 


4 


3 


3 


6 


.•t 


52 


2 


18 


• • • 


5 


. .. 


5 


5 


2 


I 


187 


123 


7 


I 


14 


30 



Xiv ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. 

Foreign Literary and Scientific Periodicals lo 

American Literary and Scientific Periodicals ii 

Indian Newspapers and Government Gazettes 20 

Indian Journals, Reviews, &c. .. 27 

At a Meeting of the Society, held in November, under Article XX of 
the Rules, for the revision of the newspapers, periodicals, &c., pur- 
chased by the Society, it was resolved to subscribe to — 

Photography. 

Connoisseur. 

American Review of Reviews. 

Independent Review. 

British Medical Journal. 

Scribner's Magazine. 

Englishman (Calcutta), 
and to discontinue — 

Process Photogram. 

Badminton Magazine. 

Daily News. 

Indian Statesman ( Calcutta ) 
from the beginning of 1905. 

COIN CABINET. 

The Society's Coin Cabinet received an accession of 27 coins during 
the year under review. They were received from different Governments 
under the Treasure Trove Act. 

From the Bombay Government 15 

the Bengal Government 10 

the Government, United Provinces of Agra and Oudh... 2 

Of the total 27, 18 were Silver and 9 Copper. 
A detailed descriptive list is subjoined. 

Presented by the Bombay Government. 

Copper Coins of the following Pathan Kings of Delhi : — 

I Jalal-ud-din Firuz Shah. 

6 Firuz Shah. 

I With the conjoined names of Firuz Shah and his 

son Fateh Khan. 
I Muhammad bin Taghlak. 

These coins were discovered while digging in the bed of the Shendi 
River, near the village of Vina, in the Nariad Taluka, Kaira District. 
They were spread about in the sandy bed. 






ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. Xvr 

Silver Coins of the Moghul Emperors — 

I Aurangzib. 

I Farruk Siyar. 

I Muhammad Shah. 

I Ahmad Shah. 

I Alamgir II. 

I Shah Alam. 

Found hidden in a wall in the village of Narayangao, Taluka Junnar^ 
Poona District. 

Presented by the Bengal Government. 

Pathan Kings of Delhi. (Suri Dynasty.) 
5. Shir Shah. 
4. Islam Shah. 
I. Muhammad Shah. 

From the Malda District, found in a village called Belbar near the- 
ancient Gaur. 

Presented by the Government^ United Provinces of A^ra and Oudh, 
I. Silver Coin of the Moghul Emperor Jehangir, found in the 
town of Faridpur, Bareilly. 

I. Silver Coin of the East India Company bearing the name 
of Shah Alam, found in the Gonda District. 

The Society also received during the year a number of Indian Pale- 
olithic and Neolithic stone implements, discovered in the Madras 
Presidency and the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, which were 
presented by Mr. H. W. Seton-Karr. 

FINANCE. 

A statement showing in detail the items of income and expenditure 
during the year is annexed to the report. 

The actual totftl receipts by subscriptions from Members during 1904 
amount to Rs. 11,692-15-0. The subscriptions in the year before 
amounted to Rs. 11,363-12-0. There was besides a sum of Rs. 620 on 
account of life subscription from one Resident and one Non-Resident 
Member, which has been duly invested in Government securities in 
accordance with Article XV of the Rules. There was also a collection 
of Rs. 1,815 from the special subscription started to defray the expenses 
in connection with the centenary of the Society. 

The balance to the credit of the Society at the end of the year was 
Rs. 3,387-2-10, including the amount collected on account of the Cente- 
nar}' Fund. 



XVi ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. 

Of this sum Rs. 1,124-6-9 have since been remitted to Messrs. 
Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co. in payment of their bills up to the 
end of December, and the greater part of the remainder will be required 
to meet the expenses of the printing of the Memorial Number of the 
Journal. 

The arrears of subscription for 1904 were Rs. 100. 

The invested funds of the Society amount to Rs. 15,400. 

IMPROVEMENT OF ROOMS. 

On May 16 a letter was received from Government granting the use 

of the Durbar Room for book-cases. This will lessen the pressure due 

to insufficient space. Various minor improvements have been made 

for the convenience of readers, including an additional reading room 

on the west side, a better arrangement of Reference books and better 

lighting. 

CENTENARY. 

The Hundredth Anniversary of the founding of the Society occurred 
on the 26th November. The event was duly celebrated in the third 
week of January 1905 from the 17th to the 20th inclusive. Twenty-two 
papers were read ; and a conversazione was held, presided over by His 
Excellency Lord Lamington, Patron of the Society. A detailed ac- 
count of the proceedings is given in the Centenary Memorial Volume, 
which is in the press and will shortly be published. 



Mr. Sharp, in proposing the adoption of the report, said it reminded 
them that the centenary had been celebrated, and he thought the Rev. 
Mr. Scott was entitled to their best thanks, not only for the work he 
had done in connection with the Library, but also for having made 
the centenary gathering such a success. 

Mr. S. T, Bhandare seconded the proposition, which was carried 
unanimously. 

On the motion of Mr. James Macdonald, seconded by Mr. J. P. 
Watson, the following Committee was elected for the ensuing year : — 

COMMITTEE OF MANAGEMENT. 

1905. 
President. 

The Hon'ble Mr. E. M. H. Fulton, c.s.i., i.c.s. 

Vice-Presidents. 

James MacDonald, Esq. 

K. R. Cama, Esq. 

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice N. G. Chandavarkar, b.a., ll.b. 

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice H. Batty, m.a., i.c.s. 



ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY^S PROCEEDINGS. xvil 

Members, 

Canirudin Amirudin, Esq., b.a. 

F. R. Viccaji, Esq., b.a., ll.b. 

Sir Bhalchandra K. Bhatavadekar, Kt. 

Jivanji Jamsetji Modi, Esq., b.a. 

Dastur Darab P. Sanjana, Esq., b.a. 

A. L. Covernton, Esq., m.a. 

The Hon'ble Mr. D. R. Chichgar. 

Rev. D. Mackichan, m.a., ll.d. 

J. E. Aspinwall, Esq. 

Rev. Dr. J. E. Abbott, d.d. 

Rao Biihadur G. N. Nadkarni, b.a., ll.b. 

L. C. H. Young, Esq., b.a. 

W. H.Sharp, Esq., m.a. 

S. R. Bhandarkar, Esq., m.a. 

Honorary Secretary, 

Rev. R. Scott, M.A, 

Honorary Auditors. 

H. R.H. Wilkinson, Esq. 
S. T. Bhandare, Esq. 

The Hon. Mr. Fulton said when he came to Bombay that morning 
he had not expected to be at the meeting or to have been called on to 
make a speech ; though it was a great pleasure to him to have been 
able to attend and to meet the members. He thought the report 
showed good progress, for whether they looked at the n