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PART I. (History, ANnQurriES, &c.) 

(No8. I. TO IV.— 1883 : with 23 Plates.) 


The j^HiLOLOGicAL JSecretary. 

** It will flourish, if natmalists, chemists, antiquaries, philolo^s, and men of science 
ii different parts of Asia will commit their observations to writing, and sen<liiu;m to 
the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such commumcati9BS'sl^Uk^ fotig^^ 
iatermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease." Si^^Vht. JoifE^^ . 


. L . , 

', :■■■ \ 

• 'I 



C > 

^^ / 









FOB 1883. 

No. I. 


Folklore from Eastern Qorakhpur (N. W. P.) — By Hugh Fra- 

SER, C. S., 1 

Tbe Pagoda or Yariha of Southern India. — ^Bj Surgeon Major 
G. BiDiE, M. B., C. I. B., Superintendent Government Central 
Mnseum, Madras (with three Plates)) 33 

Coins Supplementary to Thomas* "Chronicles of thePathan Kings 
of Delhi," No. III. — ^By Chas. J. Rodgbes, Principal Normal 
College, Amritsar, (with two Plates), 55 

Belies from Ancient Persia, in Gold, Silver, and Copper. — By 
Miajor^Genl. A. Cunningham, C. S. I., C. I. E. (with two 
Plates), 64 

Note on a Sanskrit Inscription from the Lalitpur District. — By 

Ba'jendrala'la Mitra, LL. D., C. I. E., 67 

No. II. 

Folktales from the Upper Panjdb. — By the ReV. C. Swtnnerton, 

M. B». A. S., Chaplain of Naushera, 81 

The Rupees of the Months of the Bahi Years of Akbar. — By Ch. 
J. RoDGERS, Principal Normal College, Amritsar, (with two 
Plates), 97 

Notes on the Remains of portions of Old Fort William discovered 
during the erection of the East India Railway Company's 
Offices.— By R. Roseell Batne, (with five Plates), 105 

Essays on Bihari Declension and Conjugation. — ^By G. A. Grier- 

SON, B. C. S., 119 

Note on the preceding Essay. — ^By Dr. A. F. Rudolf Hoernlb, ... 159 

On the Temples of Deoghar. — By Dr. Ra'jendrala'la Mitra, 

(with one Plate), 164 


Nos. Ill & IV. 

Memorandnm on the superstitions connected with child birth, and 

precautions taken and rites performed on the occasion of the 

birth of a child among the Ja^s of Hoshiyarpur in the Panjab. 


A new find of Muhammadan Coins of Bengal (Independent Period) . 

— By Dr. A. F. Rudolf Hoernle, (with two Plates), 211 

On Stone Implements from the North Western Provinces of India. 

—By J. H. Rivett-Carnac, Esq., C. S., C. I. E., F. S. A., &c., 

(with three Plates), 221 

Notes on the History of Orissa under the Mahomedan, Maratha, 

and English rule. — By John Beames, B. C. S., 231 

Relics from Ancient Persia in Grold, Silver and Copper. — By Major 

General A. Cunningham, C. S. I., C. I. E., (with one Plate), 258 
On Gonikaputra and Gonardiya as Names of Patau jaH. — By 

Ra'jendrala'la Mitra, LL. D., C. 1. E., 261 

The Town of Bulandshahr.— By F. S. Growse, C. I. E., (with 

two Plates), 270 




FOB 1883. 

Pi. I — m, (pp. 37). Pagoda or Yar^ha Coins of Southern India. 

PL IV, V, (pp. 55). Coins Supplementary to Thomas' " Chronicles of 

the Pathan Kings." 
PI. VI, VII, (pp. 65, 66). Belies from Ancient Persia. 
PI. VIII, IX, (p. 103). Rupees of the Months of Akbar's Ilihi years. 
PI. X, (pp. 106, 114, 116, 117). Plan of the neighbourhood of the Old 

Fort William, shewing the Streets, etc., existing in 1847. 
PL XI, (pp. 107, 114). Plan showing the portions of the walls of Old 

Fort William, uncovered in building the E. I. Railway Co.'s new 

PL Xn, Xin, ( pp. 107, 114). Remains of the Old Fort William, Cal- 
PL XIV, (pp. 107). Rough Sketch showing N. E. Bastion of Old Fort 

PL XV, (p. 177). Ground plan of the Temples at Vaidyandth. 
PL XVI, XVII, (pp. 217), Rupees of Mahm^d Sh4h I and Barbak Shah 

of Bengal. 
PL XVin, XX, (pp. 224). Stone implements from the N. W. Provinces 

of India. 
PL XXI, (pp. 258). Relics from Ancient Persia. 
PL XXII, XXIII, (pp. 272, 274). Terra-cotta Antiquities from Buland- 


. ''N.y^^ i*^ A-^-^y^^ -^^ 

^~->_^''*». .''^V. ^"' 


page 23, line 3 for WX 
















































































read ilTT 

9, ^^Ff^ 

„ ftnnff 

99 T^«l 

„ but the 
„ though 

99 'i^ 

„ ^m 




„ hazrah 
„ Gangar 
„ Mdrsir 
„ bhangh 

9) V^ 

99 t^ 
99 ^ 
99 ^''^ 

„ thee 

,9 ^''^ 

„ or^ 

,9 151 




but with 

















^ * 


or "^ 

211 ") 

' [ passim „ Mahmtid „ Mahmtid 

219, „ 25 transfer tt>UJi*Jf to the end of the legend. 

4 M 






No. L— 1883. 

JEblhlarefrom Eagtem Chrahhpur (Hf. W. P.y-^^By Hugh Pbabbb, C. S 

Commumcated by F. H. Fisher, G. S., and edited by G. A. Grienon, G. S.* 

[The following songs and snatches were collected and translated by 
Mr. Hngh Fraser, C. S., during his residence at Kasia, the head-quarters 
of the subdivision of the same name. He kindly placed them at my 
disposal for use in the Statistical Memoirs which are under preparation 
in connection with the North^Westem Provinces* Gazetteer. As the 
Tolume containing the Gorakhpur Memoir had been published before these 
songs were received, I have forwarded them to Dr. Hoemle for publication 
in the B. A. S. Journal. In his note accompanying the contribution, 
Mr. Fraser says, '' I have written the songs down exactly as I heard them, 
but have had no time to go over them thoroughly, so cannot be absolutely 
certain as to the spelling, especialLv as regards dotted letters ; but except 
these points I think they are correct, although many of the letters may 
seem strange; e.g.jpahkaior pahina^ixJMiUioT nihaiU, &c. I am sure, 
however, that many of the verb endings are not correct thouigh they are 
as they were given to me." The notes to the songs, &o. are Mr. Fraser's. 
— F. H. F.] 

* [The trandationfl and notes are by Mr. Fntser. The notes added by Meesn. 
F. H. Fiaher and G. A. Grierson are distinguished by their initials, F. H. F. and 
G- A. G. The text which was originally communicated in a romanized version, has 
been very carefully revised and transcribed into N&gari by Mr. G. A. Grierson, with 
the assistance of Bihari Pa^^ts, and may now be accepted as perfectly correct. 
The Hindi prosodical mark | (■■ Finglish ^) has been used for marking doubtful 
! vowels, when they are short. Mr. Grierson has also contributed some valuable notes 

on certain dialectic peculiarities, noticeable in the songs. — Ed.] 

i A 

Hugh Fn»er— 'Folklore from Eoitern Qorahkpur. [No. 1, 

No. I. 
Sung by women and hoys while weeding. 

MELODY. «R9rct ^^ I 

(6 + 4 + 4 + 2, + 6 + 4 + 4 + 1 = 31 instants). 

^sicTt 3wr ^R^i ^^*«rT I 111 

^rt" ^T ^ ^ 'CTWft^ 'TT I 1 <^ I 

**3rf^ ^ ^^^ ^"Wi: ^ftr ?3f5f ^ I 

RrIJ* Tt '^^TOstft^lTI 1^1 

f^Rfro^T PrKx:^ mPi^iI ^ ^%f i 

^^T TO «r f^^ ^RI^^YfCUT TT I 1^1 

wn^ gq^r ir^T ^ ^ctfcuT «rr I i \o y 

wfiWT TC iJT^T m <\r<^[ in I I \\ I 

1883.] Hugh Fraser — Folklore from Eastern Ooralshpur, 8 

f^m?:T ^liWi i^^T i ^?tft^ «ri I i \^ i 

NoteM. — I write as it was given me, but think two if not three songs 
must have been mixed up, i. e.^ the first four lines, and the last eight lines 
seem to differ from the middle ones. [Mr. Fraser is correct. In Shah4- 
bihd, where the above is also current^ verses 3 — 9, inclusive, are a separate 
soDg. — G. A. G.] 

The frequent WT at the end of the verse, is put for rhyme and metre, 
and has no sense. [Cf. Yidj&pati XXYI for a similar use of the word vn 
in Maithili. The word gives emphasis to the verb of the sentence, and is 
nud to represent the Sanskrit inv. — G. A. G.] 

Translation I. 

In what was the unseemliness in the black clouds ; je gods ! in what 
was the unseemliness of a husband. In smoke was the unseemliness of 
the black clouds ; in his marriage-relations that of a husband. 

Stooping low I swept out the yard. The BAji threw a clod* at me. 
The people of the village, R^jd, are your brothers and nephews — ^ye gods ! 
how do you jest with me thus. I went to pluck flowers in the R&j&'a 
garden. The 'Ri^i threw a clod at me. '^ Why did you throw a clod at 
me, Baj&? Am not 1 too a daughter of the village ?" " Even if you are 
a daughter of the village, what came you to do in the garden P This is 
the time, fair one, for taking your sport. Afterwards you will become 
worn with child-bearing. Stooping low I went for water, lest, ye gods, 
any one might recognize that I was the mother of a child. 

Where, fair one, is produced the dark lamp-black, and where the 
fragments of red lead P In the candle, fair one, is produced the dark 
lamp-black, in the bani&'s house the fragments of red lead. Where, fair 
one, does the dark lamp-black look beautiful, and where the fragments 
(or powder) of red lead ? On the eyes, fair one, the dark lamp-black, 
on the forehead the red lead is beautiful. 

Throwing a clod is the village manner of inviting to an intrigue. 

Hugh Ynaer^ Folklore from Eastern Gorahhpwr. [No. 1, 

No. U. 

MELODY. iinir€t ^rt^ I 

(6 + 4 + 4 + 2, + 6+4 + 4 + 2 = 32 ioBtants). 

niranT T^rrar wiis vpr ^wwut i 
ftfirc f^pTC ^ftwT ir5m% «rT i » ^ i 


^fWT WTO PlR^t irf^T H ^t^^ I 

JTote*.— The word %«rT, at the end of every verae except verse 2, and 
the word i|T at the end of verse 2, are a sort of chorus without sense. 
[It is really two words, »«?., the interjection %t, and m which occurred in 
the last song. It should be noted that except in v. 8, ^ m does not form 
any portion of the metre. Nor, I fancy, should it in verse 8, in which a 
word seems to have been dropped out. I would conjecturally amend the 

latter half to ^Wf 4^W ^% ^\m M ^^wf^V H % m 11 Similarly, I should 
read for the second verse (second half) ftrfii^ f^rfilT # 4fWr imriwrn 

^irrn— G. A. G.] 

^^ftV I cannot find in the dictionary, it is equivalent to ^r^fft. 
[ifTrf^'ifT would be the long form of ifwK or i?^T?l', but no dictionary 
with which I am acquainted gives this meaning to either of these words* 

— G. A. G.] 

I am not quite sure of the meaning of IiHtt, which I cannot fiind, 
but think it means Sweet-heart. [In Bih^ri ^ and "^if are interchange- 
able, ^(ftrr therefore equals ^TT^, the strong form of iITT^, Kpsh^, also 
called Nand L^, who forms the subject of the poem. — G. A. G.J 

1883.] Hugh Fraser — Folklore from Eastern Oorakhpur, 5 

Tbanslatiok II. 

The beaatiful girl (lit. medium ooloared) wrote and sent a letter— 
** Nandlil mount with your train and come." When her sweetheart (?) 
reached the fields near the Tillage he softly softly plays the flutes. *^ Where 
will you fasten the train from elephants to horses; where Nandl&l's 
followiog P" ** In the grove I will fasten the elephants and horses ; in 
the house I will put up Nandlal's following." '' With what then will 
you feed the elephants and horses, with what NandlaPs following?*' 
** The elephants and horses I will feed with grain and grass ; I will give 
eords to Nandlal's following." 

No. III. 

MELODY. i|m€t ift^ I 

(6 + 4 + 4 + 2, 4 + 4 + 4=: 28 instants). 
{Chorus, 6 + 4 + 4 + 2 = 16). 

fsri ^*^ 'fTit Pi^^Ni I 

6 Hugh Fraser — Folklore from Ea$tem Oorahhpur, [No. 1, 

vnct ^^RTT «r^w ^ ^Rft^ I 

( cA. ) ^ Pi<»fl filler JM\T<i I 1^1 

( cA. ) ^ fir wTPwT i?«nt^ I 14 1 

iw^T ftrqro^ ftifs^T ftr^^^w^i^ i 

Tbai^blatiok III. 

The mango trees have blossomed and the mahuw&s dropped their 
flowers. By whom shall I send a message ? Ah ! heartless one, leave thy 

O Bhikam K^yath, who dwellest behind my house, write but one 
small letter ; Ah ! heartless one &c. 

Of what shall I make the paper, of what the ink? Ah! heartless 
one &o. 

Tearing up my skirts, of them shall I make my paper, from the lamp- 
black in my eyelids the ink ; Ah ! heartless one &o. 

Bound the edge write all the message, in the middle the separation 
for twelve months ; Ah ! heartless one <&o. 

Wayfarer on the road thou art my brother ; take thou my message ; 
Ah ! heartless one &c. 

Tell thou my message to my husband, thy wife, mourning the 
separation, is disturbed ; Ah ! heartless one &c. 

'* Thy husband I nor know nor recognize ; to whom shall I tell the 
message ?" Ah ! heartless one &c. 

1883.] Hagb Ynaer—Ihlhiore from Eastern Oorakhpur. 7 

** Exact at noon in the Naw&b*s court there in the middle sits my 
husband ;" Ah ! heartless one &o. 

fie stretched forth his hand took the letter and read it. " Behold" 
■aid he *' mj wife writes of our separation ;" Ah ! heartless one &c. 

No. IV. 

METBE. 77!^ ^ I 

(6 + 4 + 4 + 2, 4 + 4 + 4 = 28 instants.) 

PWT ifHc JV^ ^fif ifM^TOT I 

^ inft tii inre inftr m^ i 

^Wt ?:W I 5^ ?R^ if! I I ^ y 

ifpa fiwr i >i^fi<«i (^) ^inri i 

8 Hugh Eraser — Ihlklojrefrom JSattem Oorakhpur, [No. 1, 

^^OTT <i<^t (fl?W) ^% ^t'WW^ I 

Tbanslatioit rv. 

My beloved went to the East to trade and (ere going) gave me a 
country parrot. 

" By day I will feed you, parrot, with milk and rice from a dish 
And at night will take you to sleep between my breasts." 

An hour of the night past a watch remained. In the midst of the 
night the parrot bit through the fastening of my bodice. 

Had I followed my first thought, parrot, I had thrown you on the 
ground. — Ah B&m ! my second thought was, 'tb the plaything of my 

Ah parrot ! I will give thee milk and rice in a dish ; thou wilt go, 
parrot, thou wilt go in search of my beloved one. Ah Rim ! thou wilt 
go, parrot ? 

Flying far the parrot went to Calcutta, and sat on the turban of my 

He took it from bis head and seated it on his knee (thigh), (Ah R^m !) 
and began to ask, is all well at my house ? 

Thy wife weeps daily and hourly (Ah Him !) thy mother weeps ; yes, 
thy mother weeps the whole year through. 

1883.] Hugh TnaeT^Folklorefrom Eoitem Oordkhpur, 9 

No. V. 
METRE. «R5n^ rft^ I 

(6 + 4 + 4 + 2, + 4 + 4 + 8), 

(chorus.) mf^ ^^CTT I I \ I 

iim f*»^ ^^ ^ imi la ^RHOTl I 

{ch.) M<^ftl ^^^ I 1^1 

^^ ciTC ^niT mx ^ng^T ^«n?rr i 
jm ^Jt^ WTH^T ifft^r €^orr i 

(^A.) irc^ftr ^^^fjR I II ^ I 

%rT %T f^^ ^33^ ci>f^ ^f I 

(ch.) nOTn wi:^ I 1^1) 

'ftfw «« (^h) ^if ^^^ ^TO «i{ wnc^ I 

(ch.) ir:^ 'Jtc^ I 1^1 


XO H«gh TmierSblkloreyrom Eattem Chrakhpw. [No. 1, 

^"t^^T ^Eiti^^i wfsr, 'ct ^p5ir iffl?^?: i 

TsAirsLATioir V. 

Behind my bouse, brother teli ;t press out linseed oil. 
(Ch.) oh ! foreign Bee. J 

The fair girl pat linseed oil on her bead, so her hair all got clotted. 
(Ch.) oh ! foreign Bee. 

I went to rub my locks (forehead) in my father's tank, and my 
*'tii^alf"§ fell into the middle of the stream. 
(Ch.) oh ! foreign Bee. 
I touch your feet, young brother-in-law. Throw a big net into the 


(Oh.) oh ! foreign Bee. 

On one side was entangled shells and weeds. On one side my 

" tikuli." 

(Ch.) oh r foreign Bee. 

I touch your feet, young brother-in-law. Take up my " XikuW* and 

give it me. 

(Ch.) oh t foreign Bee. 

• Coneeming the metre of this line see my note. — 0. A. Q, 

t TeUt long form telidj a man of the oilman caste. — G. A. G. 

% A black bee with a yellow tail like a Bumble Bee. [This song appears to me 
to be originally, of a Yaishnava character, the mjstic meaning of whioh may or may 
not have been lost. If a VaiBh^ava poem, it represents a conversation between 
Krish^ and some manried Gopi. A close parallel will be found in Yid. V. In all 
these love songs a gallant (whether Kfish^ or not) is frequently represented as a Bee 
or as a mosquito, reference being frequently made to their insinuating voices. Thus 
in Vid. XXXVII 4, 6, the poet calls the lover ** the bee." An enhanced attraction in 
such illicit love is that the lover is a foreigner oome horn a far country (compare 
Vid. LXXX for another example), and hence a refrain such as *' Oh foreign Bee,** 
though having no direct reference to the subject matter of the text is fitting according 
to native ideas to a song of intrigue like the present. — G. A. G.] 

t The spot of silver worn on a woman's forehead.— G. A. G. 

1883.] Hugh FraBeT^FoJkiore/rom Xattem Oorakhpur. 11 

If I BhocJd take up your ** t^uli" and giye it you, then what wUl you 
give as a gift to me ? 

(Ch.) oh ! foreign Bee. 

I'll give you, brother-in-law, a ring for your hand, a necklace fit for 
your wife. 

(Ch.) oh ! foreign Bee. 

In the fire would I cast your finger-ring, sister-in-law; may the 
lightning blast your necklace. 

(Ch.) oh ! foreign Bee* 

In the folds of your dress, sister-in-law, are two cocoanuts ; one a gift 
to me, one to my brother. 

(Ch.) oh ! foreign Bee. 

No. VI. 


(6 + 4 + 4 + 2, 6 + 4 + 4i + 2x=82 instants.) 

And so on aJ infinitum, merely changing the name of the jewel 
each time. 

Tbaitslitiok VI. 

Thirty-six towers, thirty «two doors-^there the Bdja had a hSsuli* made. 
Place, M&lin,t a garland round my neck ; on my neck a garland, on 
my husband's a rosary. 

« ▲ kind of neck-ring.-^G^. A. O. 
t Fern, of MiU, a gardeoer.— a. A. O. 


Hugh Fraser — Folklore from Eastern Oorakhpur. [No. 1, 

No. vii; 

Sun^ ly toomen while using the handmill (^flfir). 
(6+4+4+2, + (l)+4+4i+3=28 instants.) 

{ch.) ^ ^^ ! iiQi^T ^l^pR ^^ 




{ch,) \ t^ ! ITO^ lC??ITf^ I 
{ch.) X. ^m \ ?lfil?«R Jpmft II 







I -31 

* I am not quite sure of the meaning of this, whether it refers to stretching tho 
nnning hed ropes (fQ^T'TT)) ^^ going to sleep on the bed (^fSTPTT)* C^^ ^7 ^^^ 
on dialectic peculiarities of this song. — G. A* G.] 

1883.] Hagb Fraser — Folklore from Eastern Oorakhpur. 13 

ii ^>*t 4tf^ 5^ fRTC I 

(oh.) ^ t^ ! ^>ft*it?«nf^ I 1^1 

(ch.) ^ ^ ! ^^BTT ^>^ 1C?^Tft I I e I 

i V* >* >* s» >* 

% IfT? ^rt% ^^t?T «R ^WTTOI 

(ch.) fi ^^T 1 ifrf xmf^ I I \\ I 

^^TT ^m ^iPt tr if^ ^r^%f I 
^ T^ *<«iT ^t^R: f^rai^ i 


Behind my botise is a lemon tree, 
And the lemon tree's shade is cool. 

(Ch.) ye gods ! the lemon tree's shade is cooL 

Beneath that tree came my cruel soldier, 
And his turban struck its brancb. 

(Ch.) ye gods ! bis turban struck its brancb. 

Behind my bouse carpenter, brother and friend, 
Wilt thou not fell that tree ? 

(Cb.) ye gods ! &o. 


€hmkkpmt, \JSo^ 1, 

One ftrokc he struck and a second stnick. 
And the lemon tree fell with a crash. 

(Ch.) ye gods ! &c. 

Of that lemon tree I had a hed made. 
And the bed was pleasing to me. 

(Ch.) ye gods I Ac 

Upon it Uy doim my tyrannous soldier. 
And my clothes and bodice got wet. 

(Ch.) ye gods ! Ac. 

«* The heat is great and my bodice wet. 
For a moment" said I ** lie apart.** 

(Ch.) ye gods! Ac. 

Scarce did this word reach my tyrant's ears, 
But he moimted astride his mare. 

(Ch.) ye gods ! Ac. 

I woke his mother, I woke his sister, 
Shall my husband go in wrath ? 

(Ch.) ye gods 1 Ac. 

The one seized his clothes, and the other seised his clothes, 
I, his wife, seized the horse's rein. 

(Ch.) ye gods ! Ac. 

Let go you my clothes, and let go you my clothes, 
Let go, wife, the horse's rein. 

(Ch.) ye gods 1 Ac. 

Such a thing, wife, I will never endure, 
I will marry another wife. 

(Ch.) ye gods ! Ac. 

On hearing this word I fetched forth a knife. 
Saying, strike husband, strike for my life. 

(Ch.) ye gods ! Ac. 

His mother implored him, his sister implored him, 
And at last my husband gate ear. 

(Ch.) ye gods ! at last my husband gave ear. 

1888.] Hngh Vn^f—Folhhrefrom Satiern Oarathpur, 16 

No. VIII. 

The iwofollomng mre birh&s iung only hy Ahirs and Dhobis. 
(6+4+4+2, -fl+4+4+8=:27 instants.) 

^niRT ( tfl' ) "^n^ ifti: ^wr fipc^ i 

Tbawslation VIII. 

All the rest my father married round the Tillage site. 
But me he has married tar away. 
With walking and walking my feet begin to ache. 
And the dust loads my petticoat each day. 

The day has arriyed when the bride must leave her home. 
The people of the town wept sore. 
Sorely wept her lover as he seized the '* 4oli"* pole. 
For his mate is going to leave him ever more. 

• A kind of Utter.— G. A. G. 


Hugh Eraser — Folklore from Eastern Gorakhpur. [No. 1, 

No. IX. 

(6+4+4+2,+5+4+8=27 instants). 

^ icpr^r Ti^mr ^TifTpT CTi^ I 

i iC5f ^ ^^ ^ra«n ft^iw % I 

irSRIT ^ ^TO^ ^^K^ CTIT \ 

Ptott ^ "9^^ ^WTT ft^fnr % I 

Srti: ^^ ^BP3f^ iT^WR I 




I 8 I 

* ^K^Xi was translated to me as meaning ' qaicklj.' p should it be 
fTfiCTf, turning to look.' [See note on dialectic peculiarities G. A. G.] 

Tbakslation IX. 


Who it is that goes with twinkling feet ? 
Who that goes hastily away ? 
Who that proudly carries his head P 
Whose young one goes slinking o£E ? 


'Tis the mungoose goes with twinkling feet. 
The jackal goes hastily away. 
The hyasna who proudly carries his head. 
Whose young one goes slinking off. 

1888.] Hugh FnBef^Iblilorefram Sastern Oorakhpwr. 17 

No. Z. 


(6+44.44. 2,+4r+4r+8=s27 instants). 




Who is it that is as the Arab horse P 
Who is its rider P . 

Who the tyrannous soldier P 
Whom does he seise and carry off f 


Tis the hnkkil that is the Arab horse. 
Its bowl is the rider. 
The tongs are the tyrannous soldier. 
And it seizes and carries off the fire. 

The following is an incantation sang by a snake charm6r (tITf*) 
oTor a boy supposed to have been bitten. 



Hugh Fraaer-.JPbtt7<w>>w Battem &arahhpur, [No. 1, 

tlo. XL 

^ftr TC V ^ H ^in: I 
^rrc ^ wiCl Than i 

% fro fifftl^ ^ft^ I 

Tkasblltiob XL 
Behind mj honse is a goldsmith my friend. 
There are two hundred and four beetles in my hous*. 
Kindly fetch yellow mustard seed. 
Put the bracelet on the amu 
Six months six earths there are. 
The deer began to eat. 
Wake, wake, Jogln mother. 










1888.] Hagh Fnmr^Iblklorefrom Boitem Oorakfyur. 19 

(Mantra) Sat gnra ke band9 p&r. 

A four cornered tank. 

At the landing place Debi made bread. 

There sitting she bathed. 

The Garur gave a cry. 

Debi came out and pat on her Mart (Teil). 

And stretched forth her hand on eveiy sting. 

Then cried aloud to all the world, 

Thus may God deaden poison. 
(Mantra) Sat guru ke bandd p&r. 

[Note : Being an incantation the lines are nonsense. The ** Sat guru 
Ac,** is the eSectire mantra. The abo^e is the nearest meaning I can 
arrive at.] 

No. xn. 

METRE.* ZM(\ 9ft9 t 

(6+4+4+2, 4+4+4=28 instonts). 

mm ^THWR ^vRTT ifpt I 

TTfiPl Pi'iftr ft%T5T I I \ I 

Tbahbl^tigh "XII. 

The snake sat on the mango branch. 

His wife picked up the mangoes. 

The snake sat on the clove tree. 

His wife picked up the cloves. 

Had I bat known that the snake would come to my house. 

I had swept the path with my skirts. 

• • • • 

[In the end of 1880 crowds of respectable persons went begging all 
over the district. It turned out that this was a " Nigpiji.^ Oam pan«a 


so Iff^aghFrMer^Folklarefrom Ea9iern Gorakhpur, [No. 1, 

from each bouse in a village went out for Jti days begging. During tbat 
time tbey would not sleep tinder a roof or eat salt. Tbey generally bad a 
drum and went about singing tbe song of wbiob baving lost my notes I 
can only give a fragment. Half tbe proceeds of begging vrere give to 
Br^hmaQs and tbe otber half invested in salt and batiLsa wbicb was eaten 
by tbe wbole village. Tbis form of ptij& may be used to avert any 
calamity, but in tbat instance it was to avert danger from snake-bite. I 
could not discover in wbat quarter tbe movement originated but it spread 
from village to village and bardly a single village failed to join,] 

No. XIII. Fbotbsb. 

1W % w ^r ^, eft ^ wp^ % ^i^ I 


If one cannot get rid of bis wealth by baving a brilhma^ servant, 
trading in goats, or from an excess of daugbters, be will do it by fighting 
with bigger men. 

[A better translation would be, * If you cannot get rid of your wealth 
by having a brdbman servant, keeping possession of money received from a 
butcher, &c,* A ohtk is a butcher of goats and sheep, but not of oxen, 
and it is considered unlucky to use money received from one. If any such 
happens to be in the house on an otherwise unlucky day, it is put to one 
side, and not touched. The translation of Mr. Fraser is, however, a possible 
one. — G. A. G.] 


Notes on dialectic peeuliaritiee. 
No. I. 

This and the following poems are in nearly pure Bhojptiri, — a dialect 
of the Bih^ri language. Two other dialects of the same language, Maithili 
and Miigadhi, will be found referred to below. 

As might be expected, such songs taken down as they are from 
tbe mouths of ignorant and uncultivated people are seldom correct as 
regards the laws of metre. This is especially the case in the first song, 
which presents several difficulties in the way of scansion. All the lines 
can, it is ti'ue, be read after a metric fashion, if the prosodial marks 
given in the text are followed, but this can sometimes only be done 
by altering the usual pronunciation of the words. Tiie fact is that these 
songs were composed for singing, and not for metric recitation, and ia 

1883.] Hngh Vr^ieT'— Folklore from Eastern Oorakhpur. 21 

such all pronunciation is made to yield to the necessities of the tune. 
Take for example the first word in these songs, ^firgr; as I have heard it 
sung, the second syllable, f%, is pronounced and held on for as long as 
five or six other syllables together, so that, to judge by the singing, even 
#9)3^ would be a very inadequate representation of the pronunciation of 
the word. Tet the word is certainly ^f^T in ordinary prose, and )$f^ 
(or rather #fil7, see next note) is required by the metre, such as it is. 

Hence, except in the case of No. lY, I have not given the name of 
the metre at the head of each song, hut the name of the air to which it is 
sang. No. IV is not sung to any special air, and hence I have given the 
name of the metre as Thumari, Most of the songs are sung to the air 
called Kajari git^ an air which is popular at the commencement of the 
rainy Eeaeon, when the sky is covered with clouds, and which is so called 
for that reason, the clouds being compared to ^FT9K or lamp-black coUyrium. 
If it is wished to classify the songs under any known metre, it will be 
found easiest to class all Kajarit as irregular 'phumaru, but pa^^its deny 
that they fall under any metrical system whatever. 

Y. 1. %f^ ia inftr. sing, (shortened from JK^ for the sake 
of metre) of the neuter interrogative pronoun, %t, 'what.' One of 
the oblique forms of ^ is €^, which regularly becomes in the instr. 
^f^i, or for metre ifv^» This instr. in T is common throughout 
the Bihari dialects. In Mdgadhi it is only used in the case of maso. 
nouns ending in a silent consonant, — thus ^^ t^'*^ ^THF^* *^ ^^^^^ 
take away by force', where l%*is the instr. of nr 'force.' As %^ 
does not end in a silent consonant, the form ^jrf^^ could not occur 
in M^adhi. In Maithili, as in Bhojptiri, the term 4 can be added to 
any noun, and (also in this like Bhojpdri) a final long vowel is shortened 
before it, — or when the final vowel is ^, the vowel is elided. Hence we 
get in Maithili ^fiiT from ♦hI', * a girl* : and ii%* from wt^, * a horse.' 
Similarly in Bhojpdri we get mf^i from %^, 'what (obl)\ and ^^/fmx 
(pee V. 2. of the present song where the word is written $fli^ for metre) 
from $f^^, ' a bed'. The only difference in custom between Bhojptiri 
and Maithili is that the former shortens the first syllables of ?vf^ and 
i§%^, as they are in the antepenult., and followed by a consonant, while, 
according to the most trustworthy authorities on Maithili, this shortening 
cf the antepenultimate does not occur in the instrumental. 

M^i* for i)%*, both syllables being shortened for the sake of metre. 
vA^ is the 3rd plur. (or honorific) past of the ^ ^, ' become'. The form 
of the termination is unusual. The usual form would be 9% (singular) 
M^^ or (in S4ran) ii#fr (plural). If we consider %«% as a further develop- 
ment of ii^9r, then an intermediate form M^^'must be supposed, just as 
there actually exists at the present day in M&gadhi a form ii^fll^, beside 

22 Hugh Fraser — Folklore from Uastem Qorakhpur. [No. 1, 

the further developed form ^^^ , ' they became', the short vowel in the 
final syllable being lengthened to compensate for the weakening of the 
nasal. Maithili has a still older form of i)i^ or M^9r, viz., ^^f^. la 
the text the second ^'%^ is plural only in an honorific sense. 

Wtfty The perpendicular mark over the first syllable, and elsewhere 
over syllables which would naturally be pronounced long, means that for 
the purposes of scansion the syllable is to be considered short. 

11^;^^ is the long form of ^1[^, * a cloud' and if^^^ of W9T{^ 

* a husband,' the first syllable of the former is shortened, as falling earlier 
than the antepenultimate. See Hoernle's Gau^ian Gram. § 25 and § 356-. 
V. 2. ^ftijr — see note on #fir^ above. 
V. 2. f^rs^ifr is the past part, of ^ f^WX * bow', * bend'. 
^amtf is the oblique form of 'vflHT, * a court yard'. Skr. ^ni^ = 
Mdgadhi Pr&krit <iA = Bihari irfirir ; Skr. ^vtrWT = Mdgadhi Prakrit 
^RUrnr = Bihari oblique %1CHJ, Hence nominative, whnr, ' a courtyard*, 
but loe. ^i^nrr $^ 'in a courtyard'. Occasionally, however, ^Sjrtt i» 
incorrectly used in the sense of nominative. 

X^(m is long form of ^MT, * a king' ; and ^ftft'irT of Tf^, * a lump'. 
H^^rif, Ist singular past, of \/ ^%\K, * sweep*. The singular ter- 
mination in ^ is rare in Bhojptiri, though common in Mdgadhi. Bhoj* 
ptiri usually adopts the plural termination x^; thus, w^^^*. — l^r^ is a 
contraction of the still older form llf^C^s, which still survives in Maithili. 
^K9V, is probably a compound of the past part. l^fTTiW} and an obsolete 
verb ^, ' I am', ire no longer survives, but we have IT^, ' I am', in 
the E^mdyan of Tulsi D4s, and ^f%, ' he is*, and other forms in Maithili. 

^^rrt*, 8rd plur. (t. e. honorific) pres. conj., in sense of Indicative of 
^ ^W^> The usual form would be '^^rPriT, see note on iT^* above. 

V. 4. Mtt^tm is the long form of #TJr, * people' ; «?fifawr of ^9t^ 
' a brother's son* : TTtf^^T of ^ift^, * a jest, joke'. In the translation of 
this verse I would prefer to read * my' instead of ' your'. 

^ITO is the oblique form of ^int, just as 4flfm is of llfjrT.— ^nnt i» 
the genitive of ^7|, ' I', and its oblique form is used as an optional general 
oblique base of the pronoun; — so also in all dialects of Bihdri. 

V. 5. ifti; — this is the oblique form of an old verbal noun ^ifv, 
<a plucking'. The direct form (^rf?) is common in the Rdmdyan 
(whether in this particular verb or not, I have not noted), and still 
survives in Maithili. I have, elsewhere, gone into the question of these 
oblique forms very fully, and it will be sufficient to point out here that 
the direct form has become in Hindi and Bih4ri what is called the '* Boot** 
in intensive compounds, the final T in this case being dropped. Tbua 
imc ^^) in Hindi means, ' to beat violently', literally * to give a beating*. 
This verbal noun WK, or Ml^, 'beating', has the following oblique 

1888.] Hugh Frtaer^Folklore from JSatiem QoraJepur. 23 

In the B4m&jan inr or int. 

In Maithili, UTT or Hir^. 

In M^igftdhi and Bhojp6r( HTK- 

They are common in desiderative compounds, generally with a dative 
poetporition, ^ or %. Thus (Bhojpdri), m UTT Iff ^r5w, * he wishes for 
beating', t. 0., he wishes to beat. So also we have in Mardfhi ^^* vrVT 
^I^ Wt iri%r, * I fancy he wants to eat me'. It will be seen that im 
Mar&thi the oblique form WVil ends in ^t. This is also the case in Hindi, 
where such phrases as iikt HI^, ' a beating on a beating*, are common. 
Here the word WX\ is undoubtedly the oblique form of W?t, as I have 
shown elsewhere. This oblique form in ITT explains the desiderative and 
frequentative compound in Hindi, which has much puzzled grammarians. 
These compounds are usually stated to be formed with the past part., thus 
^ivr ^^TiTTi ' to read frequently', and ^tXWl ^n^^» ' to wish to speak', 
where i|VT and ihW are called past participles. Beally they are oblique 
forms of the verbal noun (or root), i|VT being the oblique form of ^ 
(i|fv, or i|^), and 4t^, the oblique form of IT^ (#Tftr or #TJt). 
Hence we get iiKT ^np>nr (and not ^^ ^r¥^)i ' to wish to die', because 
ITTT, and not n^ is the oblique form of n^ (iifc or ?l^)y ' the act of 

y. 6. w\ is the regular Bhojpdri form for the neuter interrogative 
pronoun, * what ?'. m is used fdso in western M&gadhi, but in eastern 
Miigadbi and in Maithili we first meet the Bang^li ^. 

^^fifdT is the regular Bhojpdri 8 sg. pres., see Hoemle's G4* Oram. 

tnn^ is emphatic for ^H, ' I also'. 

ij^t^T is a contraction of iffiiRT, the redundant form of ifni, which 
ifl the long form of %i^, ' a daughter', see G4- Gram. § 856. «rT in this 
verse, has not, I believe, any negative force. Hence, 1 would trans* 
late ' I too am', instead of * Am not I too' ; and omit the mark of interro- 

y. 7| ^^ ift, altered from ^^ ^ for the sake of metre. ^^ is the 
regular feminine 2 plur. of the present tense of the verb subst. j/ T^ 
< be'. TT added gives the force of the conjunctive mood. The termi- 
nation fi is the peculiar mark of the 2 plur. feminine through all tenses 
of all verbs : compare ^^ %9, and on further on. 

# is the direct sign of the genitive, and is unafiected by gender. 
Its oblique form is w\^ also unafiEected by gender. These are the pure 
Bhojp^ forms \ those given by Hoernle (Gd. Gram., § 878) refer to the 
western Bhojptiri spoken near Ban&ras. 

ift, 9Ti %1i ^9 or j, are all forms of the 2nd pers. pronoun non- 

24 Hugh Fraser — Fothlare from Eatiem Oorakpur. [No. 1, 

WKt oblique TerlMd noun, — direct form VK (lUc or vft). See ^(w 

^ 2. plbr. fern. past, of v^ w, ' come*. See ^V TT above. 

V. 8. ;^rf% is the oblique adjectival form of i, *• this*. "S^ ^H^ 
therefore means rather ' at this time% than, * this is the time* ; ^^tV is 
either the oblique, or the long form of HH, ' time'. 

-^m is more usoallj pronounced f%ir. The V^ # ' take* takes in the 
pres. imperat. an optional base ffi% (in Magadhi, lfW}> whence 2 imperat. 

form 1%W- 

vk, contracted for sn^w, 2 plnr. fut. fern, of v^ «IT * go'. 

9<^fX^I, (more properly ff^^ir^^), is the long form of I0^4l?i, 
f em. of I0<i«1^l, ' a parent.' 

V. 9. ^fil^, long form of ifWft, * water'. 

y. 10. VtOc is the usual word for ' black', in Bih&ri. ^naT^T is long 
form of vm^y * collyrium'. {^^ is oblique of n^, ' vermilion'. 

Y. 12. WWT(loc. 'in the eye'), is oblique form of W9y ^eye': and 
f^KI C ^^ ^^® forehead') of ftrin^, ' brow'. 

The translation makes the WT in the 6th verse a negative. This, 
however, is hardly necessary ; the sentence being equally capable of being 
translated as a simple direct statement, instead of a negative question, 
expecting an affirmative reply. 

No. II. 

y. 1. 9m9t ^0' w^l#> the r^pilar 8rd sing, past oi ^ mr, * send'. 
See note on M^ above. 

^^Hi^T long form feminine of ^T^9, * light brown*. 

^T^Ty for ^inv, 2nd plur. imperat. of ^ ^, ' come'. 

y. 2. ihii^fn, long form of irt^, • the lands near a village', — a 
common Bih&ri word. 

iwn^ would be better 1«IT^^, see note on ^vrvfTT. above. 

y. 8. ^^^ in this and other similar words, the wr (or ^, short for 
metre) at the end of the word, is the sign of the 2nd plur. feminine. 
^^9? X^f, Ac. are causals, hence the diphthong in the last syllable 
but one. 

y. 4. ifinT is long form of iiTW, * a garden'. ifiT^ is generally 
specialized to mean; as here, ' an orchard*. 

y. 6, 6. f%5^ Ac. are almost certainly incorrect for f^rtl, fiRtT, 
Ac. The causal of v" WT ' eat*, is ftwnw, and not PWTW, * cause to eat*. 

No. III. 

y. 1. ifhlKi — I doubt the correctness of the spelling of this word. 
It is more usually spelt vitoK. 

^^T, — f. e. ^iN with final vowel lengthened for the sake of metre, 
is a very common Bih&ri corruption of ^f^. 

1888.] Hugh Fraser— Jftttfortf Jr(m Eastern Oorakpur. 25 

y. 2. f^nraTWT 18 long form of ftr^i^y * the ground behind a house\ 
fimw 18 more asually spelt ^tWH. 

^S, 2nd imperat, plural of v' f , * give'. The termination 9 for the 
2nd plural is rare in Bhojptiri ; but is the usual one in M^adhi. It 
also occurs in Maithili in the termination ^fni , which is simply 9, with 
the redundant plural termination ^f^ added thereto. 

3^1^!^ is emphatic of 3FV, ' one only'. 

f^V^t^ is contracted from f^fir^r, the redundant form of f^fkilTi 
which is the long form of fHi|ft> ' a letter'. 

y. 3. #f% see note on #i^ in the Ist song. 

«)Kr is a common adjective used with ifnrar, 'paper'. It means 
literally, 'fresh, clean', but the ^\9m, has the special sense of 'not 
written upon'. vre^T is the long form of ^nilV* 

« l i^^l is an unusual form. A more usual form would be nf^S^nrT. 

y. 4. ^f^T has a common oblique form '^^ncr {ef. Song xii, 4), 
^l(f as already pointed out is oblique, in the sense of the locative. 

y. 5. ^TT" is oblique form of ^mc. * an edge', just as ^ri is of #T» 
An older form of -^TfT is ^VTf< or ^if^, which still survives in Maithili ; 
cf. the Mth. ihfir, noted above. 

f^rf^^ is the precative imperative. 

fr^ is oblique of fhf, and ^ i|f of ^f^ * a place'. The regular 
oblique of Bff would be irfrw, but the first syllable is shortened, owing to 
its falling in the antepenult, and a euphonic if is inserted. Hence we get 
i^f or 5*i|i fW B^ V means ' in the middle place'. 

1^^, this is ^\X%, ' twelve', with emphatic ^ added. The ^ of 
the first syllable is shortened as it falls in the antepenultimate. 

y. 6. Cf . yidydpati 79, 9. fJNt is a precative form. 

^i{^, emphatic for ^^T, ' my*. 

y. 7. iifT, is almost certainly incorrect for ?rtfV, the gen. fem. of 
^, 'though'. 

JVni* is instrumental of ft^^. 

y. 8. ifhr^, is the oblique genitive of nf . ' thou'. The direct 
genitive is 9l^T, which, when agreeing with a noun in an oblique case 
(like f^imr #), takes the obi. form li1^^. 

f^ipBt*and mA^ are the regular Bhojpdri 1 sing. pros. ind. 

y. 9. fnt is altered from €\m for the sake of nietre. 

-jH^rTV is long form of "^pl^'C, ' midday'. The word is feminine, 
and hence takes the long form "yi^PcilT, instead of ^m^\«ii. 

inf% is the general oblique form of #, ' that*, used as an adjective 
agreeing with Wf . fil^ is for ^ the locative of ^^, both syllables 
being shortened for metre. 

26 Hugh Fraser — Folhhre from Bastem Oorahpur. [No. 1, 

Y. 10. flnrnCfConj. participle of the %/ f^'irTWy 'extend', more 
usually written unmr. 

fin^^and ^^r€w> are 8 plur. past, while ^g^% is 8 sing. past. 
The y/ 1^ or IT^, ' saj', is a rare one. The more usual one is im, common 
in Maithi]i. In Maithili WTVR means * to speak', exactly like the Hindi 
#1inni and its causal l^irjFV means ' to call', exactly like the Hindi W^TWr. 

No. IV. 

In copying this song into the De^andgari character, I was met hy 
its extreme corruptness. Several of the verses have more words than 
will scan, for instance ^mr is superfluous in v. 8. Again words are 
evidently missing in others, for instance two instants are missing in v. 2, 
This song is known in Arrah, and by the help of competent pandits I have 
been able to make it fairly correct. In order, however, to show what 
changes have been made, I have enclosed in marks of parenthesis those 
words or portions of words which, like ^B^m in v. 8, and if in v. 11, are 
superfluous in the original. Words added to fill up the metre of the 
original, like ^ in v. 2, and ^IRT in y. 8, are marked with an asterisk. In 
verse 14 a whole phrase has had to be added, which I have enclosed in 
square brackets. In this verse the portion in square brackets was not in 
the original. 

In vv. 8, 10, 12, 14, 1 have altered lit^ to ^t^ : ifd according to 
all authorities is certainly incorrect as an oblique form of liK, * my'. 
It has probably been written through confusion with the Hindi $t. «h^ 
is a form of Western BhojpM, but, so far as I can ascertain, it is not 
used in Gorakhpdr, nor anywhere where pure Bhojpdri is spoken. 

y. 1. iit^ is here an optional direct form of ^tK» * my'. Just as 
the genitive of tftfT, ' a horse', is €t^V, or <t^ % with oblique i(t^ w, 
so tbe genitive of ^* • I', is ^, or ^ with oblique ifltr. 

Y. 2. «ri(^^, long form of «V^. «v^ has two meanings, so far 
as I am aware, 1, the country of Magadh (€kky&), and 2, Uncouth. The 
two meanings are closely connected according to popular opinion, but 
which meaning is the original, and which the derivative I do not know. 

V. 8. 4^ is feminine. Hence its long form is ifc^. 

Y. 4. ^ is contracted from j^f^t the general oblique form of ^ this. 

Y. 7. ip: is probably incorrect for i|ft, *Ido'. q^irdf is 1, sing, 
pret. conditional. 

Y. 9. iftf% is general oblique form of T^. It is really a genitive. 
Of. song Y. 9. 

W^ is 2 plur. fut. The first person is ^fXJf^j the 2nd plur. m^^9 or, 
contracted, w^. 

Y. II. ^rrWT is the regular 8 pres. ind. of V^ ^8^ (= Hindi ^)y * fly*. 

1883.] Hugh Fnaer^Folilore from Haiiem Oordkpur. 27 

iY# will not scan. ^V would be the 3 eing. pres. conj. used in the 
Bonae of the indicative, as frequently happens. 

y. 18. WW is the oblique Terbal noun governed by IRT^W : see note 
on w^ above 

V. 14. vnvffnrr is long form of frmrHT. 

V. 15. tijriw is the regular 3 sing fern. pres. ind. of v^ tl> ' weep\ 

No. V. 

The metre of this song is one instant short throughout the 2nd line, 
the measure of which should be 4 + 4 + 4. In Sh&h&b&d this is corrected 
by lengthening the final syllable of each line. 

V. 1. ^^. — ^The word is ^ in the original, but ^^ is the version 
ennent in ShiLhibad, and is required by the metre. It b 2 plur. imperat. 

y. 2. irr9, loc. sg. of wnr, * a head'. 

^prf^ is the drd plur. pret. of ^ IHirf , * to join\ The past parti- 
ciple is nvprwr or iffirif^. It must be noted that usually in Bhojptiri 
the past part, ends in ^nr, the term, f^ being rare, and confined princi- 
pally to the Western districts of the dialect. In Maithili and Mdgadbi, 
the termination X9 is never used ; hence the past participle in these 
dialects would be always 99IT7W (^^Nli^). So also in these dialects the 
past participle of ^ ^, ' see*, is ^WW» and never ^f^RT* It is not till we 
get to the extreme east where Bangdli is spoken that we find the termina- 
tion V9 again. So sharply is this distinction preserved, that a Tirhut 
man, who speaks Maithili, would at once pronounce any person who said 
^f^^ (instead of ^^IRF^), meaning * I saw', to be a Bangilli from this 
fact alone. We may summarise the above as follows : 

Bho' dri has-f ^^^'*^^ ^"' 
^^ ( sometimes XV- 

MaithiU K 1 

Migadhi 5 ^ave always ^. 

Bangali has always X^. 

^K^ is long form of WK (Hindi iw)i * bair*. 
y. 4. ^n^hlTT is the regular Bhojpdri 1 pres. ind. 
WBKX is the adj. m ( = 9^) with the pleonastic suffix xj. 
^«T is loc. sing, of ^T^nc* ' a tank'. The first syllable is shortened 
as it now falls in the antepenult. : so also in the long form ^ITCWT. 
VKT, see note to song yi, 2. 
y. 5. ^T^Kirr is the regular Bh. 3 pres. ind. 
y. 7. ^ is contracted for wtf%, the oblique form of ^, ' thou'. 
y. 8. X^ is evidently superfluous, and spoils the metre. 

28 Hugh Fraser — Rlkhre from ^Etuiem Ooraipur. [No. 1, 

ViTClT is a long form of vv^C^. The regular long form would be 
iV^^^VTy but, as the first syllable is farther back in the word than the 
penultimate, it is lightened by changing the class nasal ir to anundtik. 
We thus get iTi^^^. But, as I ha^e mentioned in my note on ^KfWT, just 
as \f can be written % so can \ be written ir, hence we get finally 
VifOIT. This word is an illustration of a general rule of spelling in Bihiri, 
that when anundHk is followed by the third or fourth consonant of any 
class, the two together may be represented by the nasal of the class or 
nasal of the class aspirated respectively. Thus, we have — 

(1) tifaror^TV, 'alimb',^«f«|^or ^nw (rare) ' a tear', t^ff or ^^ 

* testicle', ^\^ or ^ir, ' sleep', ^V or ^^, * a nim tree'. 

(2) ^t'V or €W;V, * a lion', i?fn or ilT^, (rare) * middle', %f» or 
%T1Y, * a pumpkin', ^rfi? or Wt^, * Efish^', ^fiT or mn * a pillar*. 

91^^ is feminine, and the proper form would be inrf^C^. ^^if^WT is 
the form in the version of the song current in Sh&h&bad. 

ohir.— I am unable to account for the final 7 ii^ this word. It is 
possibly incorrect. In the Shilhabad version the word is situ : ?qt9 may 
be the old Magadhi Pr&kfit nominative, if it is really correct. 

Y. 9. lftf% is here in its true meaning of a genitive singular. 

V. 10.* tt "^ ^rft^nc,— The Shdhdbid version is -51: TW ftryw, 

* two lemons'. It is probably the correct one, as "^1^, and not ^J, is the 
Bhojpdri for ' two*. 

The last line will not scan. I can make nothing of it. The Sh&ha- 
hid version is ^ ^ ^«ltr "T tCPTT, which is only a repetition of the latter 
half of V. 7. 

No. VI. 

y. 2. WXK is the Hindi WV9, Another form of the same root is 
vrnr met with in v. 4 of the last song. 
9r% is locative. 

No. VII. 

This song is sung to the melody called «IWW^, a name derived from 
«lfir, * a handmiir, and ^K) * a house', i, 0., ' the song of the mill'. It is 
a very melancholy air. 

V. 1. fsrfiWT, long form of ^^ or ^\^ (fem.)^ (see note above 
on THK^i in V. 8.) ' a n{m tree', and not ' a lemon tree' as has been 
translated. fiw^T {see V. 10) is the word for a lemon, wfr for «if^, 
for sake of metre, wfc is fem. of ^ ' cool', a common Bih&ri word, 
(cf. «rff K^y ' the cool night', Vid. 50, 8.) The Hindi word is m^. 

Vl 2. ITT, loc. of lit, * base'. 

^9f%, the old form of ^Tir, the direct verbal noun (root) of the verb^ 
used in the sense of the conjunctive participle. See note on ^Tv in No. I. 

1888.] Hogli Fxnmt^Folklore from Xoifem Oarahpur* ^9 

V. 8. f^l^Tfy also the direct form ot the verb. noun. This tennina- 
^OD f ^il) survives in Bhojptirl in the case of causal and ot^ec verbs 
whose roots end in ^t, or ^nw. 

V, 4. IPTOT, direct verb. no|in.of ^ Tt'Xr, (Hindi 'ItTTT, * to produce 
a continued Ipud sound'). In Maithili the form is ^it^XJ, as in Manbodh's 
Paribans, 2, 52, ^nn^r ITC H^ ^ ^^V^f * ^^^ ^^^ crashing like a 
eat tree'. 

y. 5. ^^^^#f , 1 nng. past, of ^ nwi^, * mortice'. ntWf means 
'a mortioe'y and ^^TJPff* to join hj morticing*. 

Y. 6i. ffifWWy 8 plur. past, of ^ ^f * sleep*. The root vowel is 
shortened as its falls in the antepenult., and is followed by a consopant* 
The long vowel appears in the 2 plur imperat. ^Ifv in the next verse. 

infs is translated as * clothes'. I have not met the word in that 
meaning. • The version of the song current in Sh&hib&d gives ^ftv, * back' : 
whidi hardlj gives a better meaning, ^rf^ means literally, ' any flat 
9fuUi^\ — one of the respiltant meanings, is 'the yide-boards of a bed': 
another n^eaaing of nrf^ is ' a bandage', or ' fillet'. 

Y. 9. The Sh&hiibid version gives ^97^ f in plaoe of the second 

Y. 10. ^f%, 8 sing. past. fern, of ^ inc, ' seize', * p]ace\ The masc* 
pronld be ^^B. 

Y. 11. ^tw 2 plur. imperat. fern, of ^ WT^i * release', •» the Hind^ 
y ^. WT^ is the usual Bihiri IGorm of the root, itf being oomparatively 

T. 14. Tbe Shihibid Ternon has f f<MV instead of ^fgittit. 

No. VIII. 

The metre in the first two verses is very doubtfuL I have conject^r* 
sDy enclosed in marks of parentliesis, words which should be omitted to 
inake the verses scan. 

Y. 1. ^V^f ^' ^ ^^ ^^ "^^'^ usually written ^q'tjppiy has the same 
meaning as aitSFf^. See note on this latter word above (Song II, 2). 

irff; f em. of ^f, * great', w^ has an oblique form i|^ with which 
it is often ignorantly confounded* 

Y. 2. 3if^ 8 sing. fem. past. 

Y. 8. fw^ff^ is the invitation sent by the husband's family to the 
bide's family, to send the bride to her husband. 

iflfV^mi (long form of frilfi^j^K) is in the vocative case, and means 
*0 companion'; the man who brings the invitation being the person sup* 
posel to speak. 

Y. 4 mwt, 8 sing.pres. ind. of ^ W, 'go'. 

do dagh Fraser — Iblkldre from Eastern &orakpur. [No. 1» 

No. IX. 

V. 1. S xjf means * who is this', fi^ is inerely a strengthened 
form of ^, * this'. * 

irCTT, does not equal fv^TT* ^t is the verbal noun (conj. participle) 
of ^ xf^, * inin away', (cf, Bangali ^^TTTt). The v' ^^^ ^ common in 
iBihdri: thus, in the Maithili Haribans of Manbodh (10, 88), KW nf^ 
^TC^rfhr ^WfW ir^l 3Fi * deserting the field of battle the king ran away*. 

y. 2. ^^{^ is oblique of ^vinr, ' own*. The latter half of this 
verse, and of v. 4 has four instants too many. 

V. 4. ^mm is an optional form of i|W^, the long form of ^TV, 'a 
tiger\ I have never met the word in the sense of < hyadna*. 

No. X. 

9 and ^ in the 2nd and 4th verses appears to be superfluous. 

No XI. 

The metre of this incantation is most irregular. It afEords no assist^ 
ance towards judging the correctness or otherwise of the spelling* 

As usual in these doggrel incantations, in which the charmer assumes 
an air of superior education, it is full of Hindi forms. Examples are ^ 
* they are*, in the Ist v^rse, and the typical long % of the 2nd verse. In 
the Bihdr dialects f the sign of the direct (and not the oblique genitive) 
is always short. 

Y. 1. w^ one would have expected ^t, the locative here. 

y. 5. This is Hindi. ^K is almost certainly incorrect for mf, or 
4nr, and the whole means ' I reverence the feet of the good (of j^m5/y 
seven) teacher (or teachers). 

y. 7. firr^ for finrf% is a regular Bih&ri 8 sing. fem. past of 
j^ ftniT (or ^ '^), 'bathe*. 

STTfT is instr. sing, of 9ni?ir = 9r^. 

y. 8. irf%^ is the Hindi past tense of q ff ^ if T, * to put on*. 

finvTW = Hindi f^TOffirT. ^^iCl, for iTOTf'C, is conj. participle of 
^ iI^TT, * stretch out*, the causal of ^ ipsT, * be scattered'. 

Judging from the language of the above song, the charmer was pro- 
bably a Muhammadan. 

No. XiL 

y. 1. ^^%W, 8 plur. past of ^ W9, * set'. ^ is the regular Bihivi 
root. ^ ^^ is borrowed from Hindi, when used at all, as in the last song, 
wfvtc is locative of Vlfv, ' a bough'. 

y. 8. The metre of these two lines is beyond correction. vf^ilT 
is 1 sbg. pret. conditional of ^ 9ir9r» * know*, ^^is 8 plur. future of j^ %i, 

ItoB.] Hugii Ttftset^^Folkiore from Sattem Oorafyut. 81 


eontraeted from ^91^ * ^^(Kt, is oblique of ^n^rt:» * a doth'.— (Q^ Song II 
4). Wf<^ is long form of «irt, which is feminiDA. 

I would now draw attention to the ample evidence these songs afford 
of the existence of an obliqae fcHrm in Bibiri nouns, different from the 
direct form. 

At present too little is known to form any complete set of general 

rules, but I may recapitulate what I have stated more fully in other 

1. The verbal noun, usually called the root, has in Bhojptiri and 
M^lgadhi an oblique form in 7(or Maithili i^ or ^). Thus ^ (^ffS), 
* the act of seeing', obliqae form ^ ( ss Hmdi ^^ in desiderative 
compounds) ; ^|K (^ITfic), * an edge\ obi. ^WfT. 

2. A certain number of nouns, pronouns and adjectives ending in 
Kf % V, and ir, have an oblique form in ^. Examples are, 

ift^, * second*, obi. l[WTr. 

If, * great*, „ Wff. 

^^19, ' the act of seeing\ „ i^W^. 
W^M, * own', „ 't^n^. 

This includes all the pronominal genitives, such as X^lTK, ohl, ^^Kl : 
&c. A complete catalogue of the nouns of this class is not now available, 
but it is a very large one, and every week's study gives me new examples. 
Probably it will be found that every tadbhava noun ending as above 
described can have this oblique form, but it would require a more intimate 
"knowledge of Bih&ri than is at present possessed by any European to 
entitle any one to speak authoritatively on this point. 

Another set of grammatical forms of which there are many examples 
in the foregoing songs, is the instrumental in "^y and the locative in ^: 
'attention has frequently been drawn to them in my notes. 

It is not to be expected that these songs, sung as they are by the 
most ignorant classes should satisfy strictly all metrical laws ; but the 
Inetre is generally clearly discernible, and when obscured the reason may 
often be found in the tendency to repetition, and to the use of long and 
redundant forms. 

These songs were sent to tbe Asiatic Society written in the Roman 
eharacter, and it has fallen to my lot to transliterate them back again 
into Deva N^ari. I have altered as little as possible ; the only changes 
which I have ventured to make I have noted, except where the original 
transcript was undoubtedly and clearly wrong. I have been assisted in 
my task by several pa^^its whose native language is Bhojpiirf, and who 
were also acquainted with the songs themselves. 

82 Hagh WnBWt^Sblilore from Xa$iem Chraifur. [No. 1, 

Most of tbe «0Dg9 are enrrent in this diBtrioi (Sh&h£b&d)t with mom 
or less Yariations from the text herewith printed. As an example of t)|f 
▼ariationsy I here give the second song, as dictated to me in Xti (Axrah). 

iflwwr fri^tf w^ vw ^ • III 

WT f ft*^^ 'iW ^11 111 

^TWT WTO f%^ T ^f^^ # Wt^WT I 

The aboye version appears to me to be the more distinctlji Bibiri of 
the two ; e. y., the Bihari f^V^> ' you will cause to stay/ in the 8r(i Yem^ 

'compared with the Gorakhpdri ^;|9{L which has a very Hindi air about it. 

The last sox^ given bj Mr. Fraser is a specimen of the ^ig song, 
of which there are several examples in my Maithil Ghrestomathy. 

In conclusion, I would express a hope that this most interesting coU 
lection of folk-songs will stimulate other gentlemen having equal oppor* 
tunities with Messrs, Fraser and Fisher, to lend a hand at collecting 
materials tot a most fascinating study. The Bih^ri folk-songs are a mine 
almost entirely unworked, and there is hardly a line in one of thenoi 
which if published now will not give valuable ore, in the shape of sn 
explanation of some philological difficulty. But it is from comparison 
of various versions of the same song from various portions of the Bih&ri 
tract that there is most hope of tangible result ; and this can only be 
attained if other gentlemen, officials and non-officials, can be induced to 
collect a few of the songs current in their -own immediate neighbourhood 
and forward them to the Society, where it is iUmecessary to say that th^ 
will be valued and welcomed. 

ISS3.] Q. Bldie— TAtf Fagoda or VarJAa eoim. SS 

The Pagoda or Variha coins of Southern India, — By Surgeon Major 
Q. BiDiE, M. B., O. L E.y Superintendent Qovemment Central 
Mustumy Madras, 

(With three Plates ) 

The monetary system of Southern India in the olden time was simple 
enough, the unit being tlie gold prrgoda, which was subdivided into fanams 
and cash. Latterly, from political causes, the varieties of these coins be- 
came very numerous, so that their discrimination at the present day is a 
matter of some difficulty. The immediate prototype of the pagoda is found 
in a globular punch struck coin, Plate I, Fig. 1, weighing 61-945 grs. and 
having only just the trace of a device. It is believed to be of Buddhist 
origin, and to belong to an early type of that class of money. This rude 
form was succeeded by coins made with a die or dies, some of which are 
known as Tankas. All these bear Buddhist symbols and are heavier than 
the more recent pagodas. One of this type, represented in Fig. 2, weighed 
60.1 grs. and has a strong resemblance to the ordinary pagoda. The next 
fonns, in chronological succession, which have come under my notice are 
the Ghaluhgan^ Nonambamdi and Gajapati pagodas, which are followed by 
those of the house of Fijaganagar, Tlie sovereigns of these dynasties would 
appear to have reserved to themselves the right of coining money, but, 
after the conquest of Yijayauagar by the Mahomedan kings of the Dak ban 
in 1565, every petty state assumed the privilege of setting up a mint. 
This gave rise to an infinity of forms and Col. (afterwards Sir Thomas) 
Munro, writing in 1806, regarding the coins iu the Bellary district, says, 
" the currency consists of 82 different kinds of pagodas and 15 of Rupees. 
They are chiefly local having been issued by Nawabs, Kajahs and Poll, 
gars."* Taken as a whole the pagodas afford most valuable and interest- 
ing information, regarding the early political history of India south of the 
Kistna. Unfortunately their value in this respect was long overlooked, and 
until recent times no systematic attempt was made to form a permanent 
public collection of the series. Owing to this neglect many of the forms, 
more especially the older ones, are quite unknown to numismatists, and 
there is but little prospect now of making good this defect. As regards 
those that have been preserved but very little information of a reliable 
kind has been recorded, and the few facts that remain refer mostly to the 
more modern forms and are scattered in local histories, travels and such 
like, which sometimes contain incidental allusions to the currency of the 
day. The vernacular designations of the several types of th^ pagoda 

• Eelsall's '' Manual of the Bellary District" p. 287. 


81 O, Bidie — The Pagoda or Varaha coins, [No. 1, 

differed in tbe various districts in which they circulated, and cannot be 
much relied on as affording trustworthy information, regarding either the 
. chief who struck a coin, or its place of mintage. There is also reason to 
suspect, that after the fall of Yijayanagar some of its former vassals made 
coins which were exact copies of those previously issued by the superior 
power ; just as after the ruin of the Mughul Empire, many Native States 
coined rupees bearing the name of some former Emperor of Delhi. This 
no doubt was done partly as an act of homage to a power that might again 
be in the ascendant, and partly out of deference to popular prejudice, which 
was apt to regard with suspicion any new form of coin. Thus Munro in 
speaking of the varieties of pagodas in the Bellary district remarks *' in 
Kaidrug the Yenkatapati pagoda is commonest, while in Gurramconda the 
ryots will not look at it."* Even Hyder, when building up his mushroom 
kingdom on the plateau of Mysore, did not dare to risk the opposition of 
|)opular feeling by introducing a - new pagoda, but actually overcame his 
pride and religious scruples so far as to copy a familiar Hindu form, with 
an obverse bearing figures of Siva and Parvati ! So also, after tbe fall oF 
Serin gapatam, Krishna Kaja, who was then placed on the throne o£ 
Mysore, selected the same old Hindu symbols for the obverse of his pagoda 
as had been adopted by Hyder. To numismatists, who have been accus- 
tomed to study old European coins or those of the Mahomedan sovereigns 
of India, the Madras pagodas appear particularly puzzling and uninterest- 
ing, as they do not always bear the name of the sovereign who struck 
them, and never give any information as to the place or date of mintage. 
Although the name Fagoday as applied to a coin, is of comparatively mo- 
dern origin, the derivation of the term is very obscure. Prinsep says it is 
** a Portuguese appellation derived from the pyramidal temple depicted on 
one side of it,"t Ai^d this would appear to be the general opinion of other 
authorities. Bartolomeo, who lived in Southern India from 1776 to 1789, 
calls the coin *' Bhagavadi," and describes it thus : '* a gold coin with the 
figure of the goddess Bhagavadi, called by the Europeans very improperly 
Fagodi or Pagoda, is round and on one side a little convex.''^ Bhagavadi 
or Bhagavati is one of the names of Durga or Parvati;^ and, as Barto* 
lomeo was an accomplished linguist, his etymology of the term Pagoda is 
probably correct. || The gold and silver pagodas of the East India Com- 
pany with the figure of a temple on the reverse (PL 3, Fig. 21) are com- 

♦ Kelsall's " Manual of the Bellaiy District," p. 287. 
t Thomas's "Prinsep's Indian Antiquities/* Useful Tables, p. 17. 
X Translation of a voyage to the East Indies &c , by Fra Paolino Da San Barto- 
lomeo, p. 87. 

( Ziegenbalg's " South Indian gods," translated by Metzger, p. 146. 

H Tho pagoda alluded to by Bartolomeo is doubtless the *' Durgi," PI. 2, Fig. 12. 

188^.] G. Bidie— j?%^ l^agoda or Vardha coins, 35 

paratirely modern, and it seems more probable that this device was adopted 
with reference to the prevailing popular European desio^nation of the piece, 
than that the coin was called " Pagoda" on account of its bearing the figure 
of a temple. The common Tamil name for the pagoda is Vardha, an appel- 
lation due to the circumstance, that some of the older types had on tlie 
obverse the figure of a Vardha or Boar — the symbol of the Chalukyas and 
kings of Yijayanagar — or the image of Vishnu in the Vardha avatdr. The 
Hindustani name of the pagoda is Hun^ a word probably derived from 
Sonnu, the Canarese designation of the half pagoda. That the Maho- 
medans should have adopted this corruption of the Canarese term for the 
coin is explained by the fact, that when they invaded the Carnatic, they 
first saw the pagoda or half pagoda in the hands of a Canarese speaking 
people. According to Sir Walter Elliot the term vardha is never used in 
ancient Tamil records in connection with money, but the word pon, which 
originally signified gold. He is also of opinion " that the normal standard 
coin was a piece equal to the modern half pagoda, the pagoda itself being 
the double /?o», which ultimately became the vardhaJ*^ The weights of the 
different forms of the vardha vary, and it is a curious fact, that the Vene- 
tian Sequin, which used to circulate freely on the Malabar Coast, and the 
Ducat which also found its way to Madras are very nearly of the same 
weight as the pagoda. According to Frinsep the weights of the 3 coius 
were as follows :* 


Venetian Sequin 52*40 

Ducat 53-50 

Star Pagoda, average 5240 

Kelly gives the weight of the star pagoda as 52*56 grains and adds 
that the metal was 19^ carats fine, which gives *' 42*048 grains of fine 


Other pagodas of native States varied in weight from 4530 to 52*87 

grains each* 

Prior to 1818 all public and mercantile accounts were kept in Pagodas^ 
Fanams and Cash as follows : — 

80 Cash = 1 Fanam 
42 Fananis == 1 Pagoda. 
The complete system, however, for some time prior to the introduction 
of the rupee as the monetary standard, embraced other coius, thus :^ 

10 Cash = 1 Doodie 
2 Doodies = 1 Pice 

• Thomas's ** Prinsep's Indian Antiquities," U. T., pp. 43 and 44. 
t Kelly's ** Universttl Cambist," Vol, I, p. 90. 

86 6. Bidie — Hie PngoJn or Varaka eoim. [No. I, 

4 Pice = 1 Fanam 
42 Fanams = 1 Pagoda. 

The East India Company and other European Tnerebants kept " their 
accounts at 12 Fanams t)ie Rupee, and 42 Fananis or 3i Rupees the 
8tar pagoda, but the natives reckoned ^* the Rupee at 12 Fanams, 60 cash, 
and the Star pagoda at 41i fanams, 50 cash."* 

The present paper does not include all the forms of the pagoda that 
have been in circulation in Soutliem India, but only those of which there 
are specimens in the Madras Museum, together with a few others which 
have been deemed necessary to illustrate the subject, or to render the mo- 
nograph more complete. In describing the coins they will be grouped as 
far as possible according to dynasties, and the groups arranged in chrono- 
logical order. In treating of coins concerning which so little has been 
recorded, and which are iutrinsically so difficult, it is hardly to be expected 
that all my conclusions will invariably be accepted, but I shall be glad if 
they excite discussion and elicit further reliable information. 

Buddhist Coiirs. — The Buddhist religion was introduced into South- 
ern India in the time of the great A^ka. In the I7th year of his reign, 
246 B. C, the third Buddhist Council was held, after which Missionaries 
were sent to propagate the faith in Mysore, Ranara and the Dakhan.f 
Of the success of this propagandism we have abundant evidence in archi- 
tectural remains, in inscriptions, and in the narrative of the Chinese pilgrim 
Uuen Thsang, who came to India in the 7th century of our era, to see the 
shrines and learn the doctrines of Buddhism. It is also known that the 
early Pallava kings, who ruled the country throughout which the Telugu 
language is now spoken, were Buddhists,^ and it is probable that, like 
A^oka, they made it the State religion. The well known remains of the 
tope at Amr&vati in the Guntoor district, " are perhaps the most beautiful 
and perfect Buddhist sculptures yet found in India." § This magnificent 
structure was erected in the 4th century of our era, and quite recently a 
more ancient tope, at Juggiapett on the opposite side of the Kidtna, waa 
brought to notice by Mr. R. Sewell, C. S., and explored by Dr. Burgess. 
There is also reason to believe, that the oldest temple at Conjeveram was 
originally a Buddhist shrine, and undoubted remains of similar structures 
at one time existed near Nagapatam, and in the Tinnevelly and Trichno- 
poly districts. II A huge stone Buddha image was also some years ago dug 

♦ Kelly's "Universal Cambist," Vol. I, p. 90. 

t " Cave Temples of India," p. 17. 

X Rice's ** Mysore Inscriptions," Introduction, p. 88. 

i " Cave Temples of India," p. 64. 

I Elliot in Journal, Madras Literary Society, Vol. XIX for 1857-58, p. 226. 




1883.] O. Bidie— TAe Pagoda or Vardha coins. 87 

up near Taticorin, and is now lodged in the Governraent Central Museum.* 
We may therefore infer that Buddhism flourished over the whole of 
Southern India for about 1000 years. In the 7th century of our era it was 
on the decline, in the Sth it was rapidly disappearing and shortly after that 
it vanished from the country generally.f The causes of the extinction of 
Buddhism are not well known, but it was probably due partly to the in- 
crease of the Jains, and partly to Brahminical persecution and the rivalry 
of Sivaism. The specimens of Buddhist coins found in the Madras Presi- 
dency are made of lead, copper, silver and gold. Some of the older gold 
aiid silver forms are simply globules, or irregular shaped flat pieces of 
metal on which various figures have been stamped with a punch. On the 
other hand, some of the lead coins are of superior make, and bear on the 
obverse bold and fairly well designed figures of the elephant, lion, bull or 
horse, or of a ship. The coin No. 1 described below, belongs to a series 
older than, nnd which was probably the prototype of, the pagoda. In form 
it greatly resembles some of the pagodas, and its weight is so very nearly 
the same, that the difference may be attributed to loss by wear. 

PL I, Fig. 1. Globular with traces of punch marks on both sides 
This coin was received years ago from the Collector of Dharwar, under the 
name of Ooolrourha pagoda^ probably a corruption of Outika, ** pilulus," the 
ancient name of these small spherical coins. { This specimen probably 
belongs to the 1st or 2nd centary of the Christian era. 
Weight 51.^5 grains. 

PI. I, Fig. 2. This figure has been copied from Sir Walter Elliot's 
'* Numismatic Gleanings,"§ as a good example of an early die-struck coin, 
and as the scroll on the reverse is of a type which is repeated on some of 
the older Hindu pagodas. It also appears in the carvings of some Madras 
temples, and not unfrequently is tacked on as the tail to a svvan-like bird. 

Ob, A State chair or seat surmounted with four dots or spheres, and 
placed under the portico of a temple : above the lintel of the portico parts 
of 2 lotus flowers. 

Beu, The tail of a bird ; or arabesque of foliage according to Elliot. 
Chalukta Coin 8. The Chalukyas, ancient sovereigns of Oudh, in- 
vaded the South of India in the 4th century, and soon became the domi- 
Dant power. Their capital was at Kalayana, in the Nizam's territory, 
and their signet was the boar. Their other insignia were the pefteock-^an, the 
ankusha or elephant goad, the golden sceptre, Sfe, || About the beginning 

• Dr. BuTgeas says it ma^ be Jain, but it has all the appearance of Buddha, 
t " Cave Temples of India," p. 19. 

X ^ir W. Elliot in Journal, Madras Literary Society, Vol. XX 1858, p. 84. 
{ Journal, Madras Literary Society, YoL XIX, 1867-58, PI. YlII, Fig, 80. 
I ^ Bice's Gasetteer of Mysore," Vol. I, p. 205. 

38 G. Bidie— The Pagoda or Tardea coins. [No. 1, 

of the 7th centurj the Chahikjas separated into two branches one of which, 
the western, remained at Kalyana and the other, the eastern, made Vengi 
their head-quarters. The western line continued to flourish till about the 
middle of the 12th century, after which it rapidly declined, and the Chalu- 
kyas ceased to exist as a royal house in Southern India before the beginning 
of the 12th century. 

PI. I, Pig. 3. This is copied from pi. 1, ^g. 6, of Elliot's « Numis- 
matic Gleanings,'' No. 2. 

Oh, A boar caparisoned, and surmounted with the sun and moon. 

Rev. A central boss surrounded with dots, which. Sir Walter Elliot 
says, represent a chakra or wheel. It probably was coined in the 7th or 8th 
century of our era. 

PI. I, Fig. 4. 

Oh. Boar to the right richly caparisoned, and with scrolls above and 

Bev, According to Elliot a radiating ehakra or wheel ; but it may 
be a snake ornament or the lotus. Probable date of coinage 8th or 9th 
century of our era. 

Weight, 58.225 grains. 

It will be observed that its weight exceeds that of the ordinary pagoda 

This coin was sent to the Museum in 1855 by the Collector of Bellary^ 
under the erroneous name of *^ Gajapati pagoda." 

PL I, Fig. 5. Copied from pi. 104, fig. 13, Moore's " Hindu Pantheon," 
which is a figure of a specimen found in Tippu's Cabinet. 

Oh. Boar to the left, with sun and moon, and part of a scroll above, 
below a scroll, and dagger like l^cross. 

Hev. A scroll or bird's tail like that on Fig. 2. 

NoNAMBATADi CoiN. According to llice " the name of the Nolam- 
bavadi or Nonambavadi thirty*two thousand provinces, extending over most 
of the Chitaldroog and Bellary districts, specially connects itself to all 
appearance with the Pallavas."* This line of sovereigns ruled the whole of 
the country from Calingapatam in the north to the seven Pagodas in the 
south, their western limit extending into Mysore.f As already stated, 
the early kings of the dynasty were Buddhists, and the topes at Amravati 
and elsewhere in the north were erected in their reign. So also were the 
monolithic temples of the Seven Pagodas, but at a later date ; for although 
the architectural designs are exclusively Buddhist, they are covered with 
purely Brahmiuical emblems. The date of the Amrdvati tope has been 
fixed at about A. D. 400, and that of Mahavallipuram, or the Seven Pago- 

• " Mysore Inscriptions," p. 53. 

t Rice's " Mysore Gazetteer," Vol. I, p. 202. 

ISSa] G. Bidk—Tke Pagoda or Vardha coins. 39 

dbis, at about A. D. 700.* Mr. Rice has from inscriptions given a tentative 
list of Pallava kings, extending from A. D. 200 to A. D. 1120. f For 
many centuries of the latter years of their sway they were in continual feud 
with the Cholas, Ohalukyas and other Southern powers, and were finally 
conquered and driven from their kingdom by a Chalukya king, A. D. 1138 
to 11504 Up to the close of the 6th century their capital was in the 
Dorth country called Yengi, but shortly after this they were dispossessed 
there, and established their seat of Government at Conjeveram.§ It is 
probable that about this time they built or encouraged the building of the 
rock-cut temples at the Seven Pagodas, and the fact that these were never 
completed may have been due to some interruption in the shape of strug- 
gles with warlike neighbours. That such marvellous structures should have 
been undertaken by a people who had erected the topes at Amrdvati and 
elsewhere in the north, is just what might have been expected, and the ming. 
ling of Buddhist and Brahminical designs in the work is explained by the 
circumstance, that the people had long been familiar with Buddhist archi- 
tecture, and had but recently adopted the Brahminical creed. In short the 
latter had not yet had time to create an architectural style of its own. The 
Nonambavadi district was wrested from the Pallavas by the Ohalukyas, 
and subsequently passed into the hands of the Hoysala Ballalas. While 
thus owned it continued to be called Nonambavadi, but apparently dropped 
this name on coming under the sway of the Yijayanagar house. || In the 
Bangalore Museum there is a coin which has the name ^* Nonambavadi" 
in Hale Kannada characters on the reverse, and Mr. liice infers, that as 
this title was never applied to the district in later times, " the coin would be 
as old as the 13th century, and perhaps older." There is no specimen of this 
most interesting coin in the Madras Museum, but simply an electrotype 
copy, which fails to bring out properly the figure on the obverse. 

PI. I, Fig. 6. 

Ob, Figure of Harihara:^ 

Bev. Three lines in Hale Kannada, the middle one reading (Nb)nam' 

For a long time this was the only copy of this coin known to exist, but 
of late I have heard of another one passing into private hands, and probably 
when next seen it will have been converted into a shirt-stud I 

• " Cave Temples of India,*' p. llO. 

t " Mysore Inscriptionft," p. 63. 

X " Myaore Inscriptions," p. 68. 

{ Rice's *' Mysore Inscriptions/' p. 62. 

D Bice*8 '* Mysore Gazetteer," VoL I, Supplement, p. 3. 

% Union of Vi&hnu and Siva, Dowson's " Classical Dictionary of Hindu Mytholo- 
gy,'' p. 117; also product of '* Siva's union with Vishnu in the female form/' 
Ziogenbalg's '* South Indian Gods" by Mctager, p. 6. 

40 G. Bidie— 2%<j Pagoda or Vardha eoin$, [No. I, 

Gajapati Dtnastt or Elephant Lords.^ 

The' device of the elephantf origlnallj belonged to the Kongut or 
Cheras^ whose, dominion first included the Malabar, Coimbatore and Salem 
districts, and latterly a large portion of what is the modern Mysore terri- 
tory. At one time their capital was at Skandapura in N. lat. 1 1*' 40' 
and East long. 77^ but in the 3rd century it was moved to Talkad on the 
Cauvery. The Cheras are supposed to have been the people called by 
Ptolemy Garei, and their country the Oarura regia GerehothrLX About 
the 9t)i century of our era their capital Talkad having been captured by 
the Oholiis, the Kongus fled to Orissa, and established there the Ghnga 
vamsa line of kings. They were also called Oajapali, and it is believed 
struck the Gajapati Pagodas. Wilson in his '* Description of Select Coiu8"§ 
says *' they are not unfrequent, and are the work of the Gajapati princes 
of OrisMf who reigned from tiie lltli to the 16th century." In Southern 
India genuine copies of the Gajapati pagodas are scarce and dear, but at 
Bangalore fictitious ones are made, according to demand, with such in. 
genuity that it is by no means easy to distinguish the real from the false. 

PL I, Fig. 7. 

Ob. Elephant to the right caparisoned with jewelled trappings. 

Jiev, A scroll of foliage or peacock's tail, as in fig. 2. 

There are two specimens of this in the Museum, one of which was got 
from the Collector of Darwar and the other purchased. 

Probable date of coinage, 18th century. 

Weight. One weighs 60 75 grains and the other 60*2^ grains. These 
weights are also much above the average of the pagoda. 

LivoATAT Pagoda. I have adopted this designation for this pagoda with 
some hesitation, as the symbols on it are, as regards their significance, very 
obscure. Marsden in his "• Numismata Orientalia" Part II, pi. 48, Qg, 1077, 
gives a representation of it, and at page 740 states, that it is a coin of a 
Hindu prince of Bijapur who resigned some time prior to Tusuf Adil Shah, 
who founded the Adil Shahi dynasty there in 14S9. One of the specimens 
of this coin, now in the Museum, was sent from Canara to the Madras 
Exhibition of 1B55, under the name of " Lingaity Pagoda,'' and this identi- 
fication has been adopted as a popular and probable one. The Lingayat 
sect of Hindus was founded about 1160, at Kalayana, by Basava, prime 
minister to Bijjala, a Kalachurya prince. || The distinctive mark of the 

* Rice's " Mysore Izucriptions", p. 47 and ** Asiatic Annual Hegister for 1801," 
Section " Characters." 

+ Thomas's " Pathan Kings of Delhi," p. 170, note. 
t Rice's " Mysore Gazetteer," Vol. I, pp. 197, 198. 
f " Asiatic Researches." Vol. XVII, p. 693. 
I Rice's " Mysore Uazotteer," Vol, 1, pp. 210, 382. 

18S3.] 0. Bidie— TAtf Tagoda or Vardha eoim. 41 

Lingajata is a pecaliar shaped silver case containing a small black stone. 
This box is either fastened to the arm or suspended from the neck, and the 
symbols on the coin niaj have reference to this portable linga. 

PI. I, Fig. 8. Ob. A figure which may be the linga with a snake-like 
aeroll on it. 

JSep, A figure which may be the yoni, or linga and joni combined.* 

Probable date, 14th century. 

Weight. One specimen weighs 51 025 and the other 50*85 grains. 

ViJATANAQAB or BiJAKAOAB PAGODAS. Tbis dynasty was the last 
great Hindu power, and one of the most important that ever existed, in 
Sonthem India. Its capital was built near the site of the ancient Kish- 
kinda, the kingdom of the monkey- flag, and the magnificent ruins of it which 
still exist testify to the wealth, power and splendour of this once famous 
sovereignty. The city was situated on the banks of the Tungabhadra about 
Bi miles N. W. of Bellary, near Anagundi, the Bajah of which claims to 
be descended of the royal house of Vijayanagar. The empire, as well as 
the city, was founded by two brothers Hakka — afterwards named Harihara^- 
and Bukka, with the assistance of the learned Madhava who afterwards 
became their prime minister. There is no yerj certain information as to the 
descent of the two brothers, but Bicef states that they ^^ were sons of San- 
gama, described as a prince of the Yadava line and the lunar race,'' who 
had their capital at Devagiri, the modern Daulatabad. The Yijayanagar 
house rose into prominence between A. D, 1336 and 1350. For some time 
its territory was confined to the neighbourhood of the capital, but when at 
the zenith of its power it ruled the greater part of Karnata and Telingana, 
and also the Ganara Coast* The empire lasted, with varying fortune, 
from 1836 till the 25th January 1565, when its forces, under liama Baja 
the usurper, were defeated and its power shattered on. the fatal field of Tali- 
kota, by a combination of the armies of the four Mahommedan priucipali* 
ties of the Dakhan. The accounts given of Yijayanagar, by European 
travellers who visited India prior to the ruin of the dynasty, speak of the 
general prosperity of the country and the great splendour of the city. 
This state of affairs did not last after Talikota, as the various Palegars 
and other petty chiefs, who were thus relieved of the yoke of the 
empire, at once began to fight amongst themselves for supremacy, and the 
land groaned under pillage and rapine. As already mentioned, these subor- 
dinate States on becoming independent at once assumed the right to coin 
money, and hence the numerous varieties of coins found in Southern India. 
About a year after the decisive battle, Tirumala Baja, the brother of Bama 
fiaja, returned to Vijayauagur, and attempted to restore it, but finding this 

* It has also been snggested that the Bymbols may be of Join origin, 
t ** Mysore Inscriptions," p. 81. 


42 G. Bidie — The Pagoda or Vardha coins. [No. 1, 

hopeless he retired to Penkonda. The descendants of the true line finallj 
took shelter from the storm of Mahommedan invasion at Ohandragiri, a 
hill fort, which together with that- of Vellore, was built by Rajas of Yijaja- 
Dagar. From the former fastness Sri Ranga Raja, the then representative 
of the old house, granted, in 1640, a deed handing over to the English the 
site of modern Madras. IJnf ortunatelj that document was lost during the 
French occupation of Fort St. George, but it is stated, that in addition to 
the grant of land it conferred the privilege of coining monej, on the con- 
dition, that the English should preserve on their coinage '' the representation 
of that deitj who was the favourite object of his worship."* Six jeara 
after this he was a fugitive from the Mahommedan power of Golcondah, 
and with him the Yijajanagar familj maj be said to have disappeared from 
the political horizon of Southern India. 

Fl. I, Fig. 9.t This coin is of great interest as pertaining to one of 
the two brothers who founded the Yijajanagar Empire. There are two 
copies of it in the Museum one of which was received from the Mjsore 
treasurj under the name of " Hanumuntaroi," and the other from an 
unknown source with the designation " Hanoomuntha" pagoda. From 
this it would appear that the figure on the obverse is popularlj supposed to 
be a representation of Hanuman, to which it has a strong resemblance. It 
is possible that Bukka adopted this emblem from the circumstance, that 
the citj of Yijajanagar was built near the site of the ancient Kishkinda, 
the capital of the monkej race ; or its assumption maj be due to hia 
having subdued the countrj of the powerful Kadambas, whose ensign was 
the monJcey^flag, 

Oh. Hanuman seated on a throne ; right arm uplifted and grasping^ 
something in the hand, left hand resting on the thigh. 

Itev, Inscription parti j cut and worn awaj, but with the name 
« Bukka" distinct. Probable date A. D. 1350—79. 

Weight. One specimen weighs 52*5 grains and the other 50*65 grains. 
PL I, Fig. 10a. This figure is borrowed from pi. 104, fig. 3 of 
Moore's Hindu Pantheon, and is the representation of one of the many 
eoins the property of Tippu Sultan, which fell into the hands of the captors 
of Seringapatam. Moore supposes the figure on the obverse to be '* Garuda,'* 
but sajs he has seen it called " Kandubarundup,** an evident corruption 
of '' Ghunda Bhairunda/' the name of a coin included in the Mackenzie 
Collection. Wilson in plate 4 of his "Description of Select Coins" J 

* Morsden's '^Numismata Orientalia/' Part II, p. 739. 

t For the deciphering of the inscription on this, and on following coins bearing 
Sanicrit inscriptions, I am indebted to the kindness of B. Sewell, Esq., Madras OivH 
Service, of the Archsological department. 

t " Asiatic Besearches," Yol« XYII, p. 695. 

1883.] O. BidiQ^The :Pagoda or Varaha coins. 48 

gires 4 figuies of coins of the same series and observes, tbafc they are 
ascribed to tbe Vira Raja of Coimbaiore, and are the " Garuda Madras/* 
No. 11 of the Mackenzie Catalogue of Hindu gold coins. This would 
appear to be a mistake, as they are undoubtedly the '^ Gunda Bharundas," 
No. 30 of the Mackenzie Collection. The figure on the coin is described 
by Wilson as *^ a double-headed figure of Garura> holding an elephant in 
eaeb beak and each daw/' In Southern India this two-headed bird is 
always known as ** Ghunda Bhairunda/' and is regarded as distinct from 
Garuda, which has but one head. Considerable doubt has hitherto existed 
as to the dynasty to which these remarkable coins belong, but this is now 
settled by the coin figured, for the reading of which I am indebted to Dr. 
James Burgess. Specimens of the '' Ghunda Bhairunda" are not uncommon 
in copper, and a representation of one of these is given in plate II, fig. 10. 

06. A two-headed bird like the Russian emblem, but holding a 
anall elephant in each beak and in each claw. 

Sev. Sri Pratapa Deva Baya. 

The Deva Baya here referred to was the third king of the Yijaya- 
Lagar line, counting Harihara and Bukka as conjoint sovereigns. He 
reigned from 1401 to 1451, and was frequently involved in sanguinary wars 
with Firoz Shah of the Bahmani house of Kalbargah, although Firos 
married his daughter. Abdul Bazzak the Persian ambassador who visited 
Tijayanagar in A. D. 1441, during Deva Baya's reign, says,* that the city 
was '* such as eye has not seen nor ear heard of any place resembling it 
upon the whole earth." '* In the king's treasury there are chambers with 
excavations in them filled with molten gold in one mass. All the inhabi- 
tants of the country, whether high or low, even down to the artificers of the 
bazaar, wear jewels and gilt ornaments in their ears and around their necks, 
arms, wrists and fingers." *^ The jewellers sell their rubies and pearls and 
diamonds and emeralds openly in the bazaar." The architectural and 
general features of the city are also described, and it is said '' the country 
is for the most part well cultivated and fertile, and about 300 good seaports 
belong to it," abo that it " is so well populated that it is impossible in a 
reasonable space to convey an idea of it." 

PI. I, Fig. 11. The forms of this coin in the Museum, although 
eridently struck with different dies, yet agree generally both as regards the 
inscription and the figures on the obverse. The popular names under 
which they were from time to time received from various districts of the 
country differ greatly, and, curious to say, not one of them implies that blie 
coin belonged to the Yijayanagar house. The type of the obverse of this 
pagoda appears to have been a favourite one, as not only was it adopted by 
subsequent sovereigns of the dynasty, but also by the Nayaks of Bednur, 
• Bice's **MysoEe GaMtteer," Vol. I, pp. 228, 229. 

41 O. Bidie — The Pagoda or Vardha coins. [No. 1, 

who were vassals of Vijajanagar, as well as by Hjder, and Krishna Baja 
Wodeyar, of Mysore. 

Oh. Siva and Parvati seated, and with the sun and moon overhead. 
In some there is just a trace of the deer to the right of Parvati ; in 
some Siva holds in his right hand the Damaru or Drum ; and in some it 
grasps the Oluh or Khatioanga, In one the right band holds something 
suspiciously like the Ohank, but it is probably intended to represent his 

Bev. Sri Pratapa Deva Rdya. In some the word Deva is given as 

Weight, 52-525 grains. 

PI. II, Fig. 12, 12a and 12i. This coin has long been popularly known 
as the Durgi pagoda, the figure on the obverse being regarded as Durg4 
the bull-headed consort of Siva. From the examination of a number 
of specimens, however, it is apparent, that the symbols that accom- 
pany the figure on the obverse are not Sivaite, but the ehanh or ehakra 
of Vishnu, and that the figure itself represents the Varaha or Boar incar- 
nation. In fact it is from the figure of the boar on this and the Chain- 
kyan coins already described, that the pagoda got the Tamil name of 
Vardha, The inscription on the reverse shews that this form was first 
struck by a Yijayanagar king, but there is strong reason for believing that 
it was subsequently reproduced by tributaries of that house, and notably 
by the Chitaldroog Nayak about the end of the 17th century. It is also 
probable that the term Durgi as applied to this pagoda had originally no 
reference to the figure on the obverse, but was simply a popular modifica* 
tion of the word ** Durga*' a hill-Jort, and the diminutive title of Chital- 
droog the place at which tbe more modern specimens were struck. 

Ob. Figure of Vishnu in the boar incarnation, with the chank or 
ehakra emblems. 

Mev. Sri Pratdpa Krishna Bdya. 

Weight. From 50-876 to 51 837. 

In some specimens the inscription is not quite complete, and there are 
several types of the Varaha figure on the obverse. The Krishna Raya who 
struck the coin reigned from 1508 to 1542. With his predecessor Nara- 
simha the line was changed, and various romantic accounts are given of 
Krishna's descent and early years. It will be observed that he or some 
predecessor changed the State religion, the figures of Siva and Parvati on 
the coinage having given place to that of Vishnu. During Krishna Raya's 
reign the kingdom of Vijayanagar was at its zenith, as regards its 
power, extent, prosperity and wealth, and he appears to have been one of 
the most distinguished sovereigns that ever sat on the throne. '' He kept 
possession of all the country up to the Krishna : eastwards he captured 


1883.] G. Bidie—The Pagoda or Vardha coins, 45 

Wanmgal and ascended to Cattack, where he married the daughter of the 
laja as the bond of peace, while westwards his conquests extended up to Sal- 
sette."* About the end of his reign shadows began to fall on the pros- 
peritj of the Yijajanagar house, and gradually it was involved in ruinous 
revolutions and contests. 

PL II, Fig. 13. This is a coin of Sad^siva of Yijajanagar who 
reigned, nominally, from A. D. 1542 to 1573, but was virtually controlled 
by Rama Raja his minister who finally usurped the throne 

Ob. Siva with the tri^ul in his right hand and the antelope in his 
left. Parvati on the left side of her lord. 

Bev» Sad^siva. 

Weight. 52 912 grs. 

The obverse of this coin is the exact prototype of the " Ikkeri" and 
" Bahadur!" pagodas, and at one time I bad doubts as to whether the 
fiadasiva, whose name is on the reverse, .was not the Nayak of that name 
who founded the Ikk6ri house in the Shimoga district of My sore, f and 
estabHsbed a mint there which was afterwards captured and worked by 
Hjder. Originally a poor man, he is said to have discovered some hidden 
treasure with which he built a fort. He then visited the Court of Vijaya« 
aagar and obtained, in A. D. 1560, a grant of the Government of Barkur, 
Mangalur and Chandragutti, with the title of Sadd Siva Nayak. His 
taccessor established the capital at Ikkeri, but in 1639 it was moved to 
Bednur, the modem Nagar of the Shimoga district, and at one time a place 
of great strength and importance.^ 

PL II, Fig. 14. This coin has originally been somewhat roughly 
executed, and the die of the reverse has apparently slipped to one side, so 
that the inscription is not in the centre and is partly incomplete. The 
reading is therefore not quite satisfactory, but the name seems to be that 
of Tinimala Raja, who was the maternal uncle of Sadasiva. He is said to 
have for a time usurped the throne of Vijayanagar, but having rendered 
himself disagreeable to the Court and people, Kama Eaja with the assis- 
tance of the nobles expelled him, on which he committed suicide. A 
romantic story is told of his having transferred the sovereignty of part of 
Mysore to the Wadeyars, but this is very doubtful. 

Oh, Siva and Parvati. 

Eev. Sri Ti (ruroala) Raja. 

The specimen in the Museum is a half pagoda. 

Weight. 25*8 grs. 

♦ Bice's " MyBore Garotteer," Vol. I, p. 230. 
t Buchanan's " Mysore," Vol. Ill, p. 25i. 
{ Bice's " Mysore Chizettoer," Vol. II, p. 355. 

46 G. Hidie'-The Fagoda or Tardha eoim. [No. I, 

PI. II, Fig. 15 and 15a. The two specimens of this coin figured 
were both received under the name of " Venkatapati pagoda," viz, one from 
the Collector of Bellarj and one from the Mysore Commissioner's Treasury. 
Marsden* gives a figure and description of a coin of this type and says it 
resembles two figures of S. Indian coins, in the work of the old traveller 
Tavernier " which he attributes to a raja of Velouche, probably a corrup- 
tion of Yellore." Wilson also alludes to this pagoda and states, that it was 
struck by Yenkatapati Raja of Chandragiri in the beginning of the 17th 
century, after the overthrow of the Vijayanagar kingdom. "t Referring 
next to Capt. Newbold's account of the Bellary district, J written in 1839, 
it appears, that at one time Yenkatapati pagodas were also coined at Rai- 
drug, and this statement is further borne out by the fact, that the Collector 
of the District in sending specimens of the pagoda to Madras in 1855 says, 
that they were coined at Raidrug by " Yencatapaty Naidoo Poligar of that 
place." It seems likely therefore that the Venkatapati pagoda -^2^ %T%t 
coined at Chandragiri by the ex-raja of Yijayanagar, and latterly at Rai- 
drug. One of the last Palegars of that place was named Yenkatapati, and 
as the family were descended of a former Commander-in-Chief of Yijaya- 
nagar and were long vassals of that house, they would naturally, on setting 
up a mint, copy the coinage of the dynasty with which they had been so 
intimately connected. Yenkatapati the Palegar was a contemporary of 
Hyder, and had to yield allegiance first to Delhi, and finally to Seringa- 

Oh, Figure of Yishnu under a canopy ; four-armed and holding ap 
the usual symbols. 

Bev, Sri Y(en)kat(e)svarfi,(ya)namah. 

Weight of one 51 05 gr. and of the other 50*725. 

It will be observed that this pagoda is very different in every respect 
from those issued by the rajas of Yijayanagar, when in the zenith of their 
power ; in fact the coin has more the appearance of a religious token than 
of a piece of current money, and would seem to imply, that in their humi- 
liation and troubles the rajas sought consolation from devotion to religious 
duties. Or it may have been adopted with reference to the neighbouring 
shrine of Tripati having been taken under their special protection. 

GAia>iKATA Paooda« 

PL II, Fig. 16. This coin was sent to the Madras Exhibition of 
1855 by the Collector of Bellary as a '' Timmanayanee Perathapum, coined 
at Qoondicotta by Timma-Naidoo Palaigar of that place." According to 
Newbold also the *' Gundicotta" pagoda was termed '' Timma Naid Pertap,** 

• " Numismata Orientalia," Part II, p. 738, fig. 1073. 

t «« Asiatic ReseMches," Yol. XYII, p. 696 and PI. lY, fig. 96. 

% " Madras Journal of Literature and Science," YoL X, p. 181. 

1883.] G. Bidie— 5ra^ Tagoia or Vardha coins, 47 

aDd was in circulation in the Ceded Districta in 1889.* Gandikota is a hill 
fortress in the Cuddapah District, and stands on a scarped rock some 800 
feet above the bed of the Pennar river. It is said to have been built before 
Yijayanagar, and it had a famous temple endowed bj one of the Vijaya- 
nagar kings.f In the old days the fort was considered impregnable, and 
was held bj a line of Falegars, who were vassals of Yijajanagar. This 
explains the adoption of the obverse which is identical with that of fig. 15, 
and is a further illustration of the retention of a familiar device in deference 
to popular prejudice. A formidable place like Gandikota was not likely to 
remain unnoticed by the various chiefs who sought in succession to acquire 
the territory that formerly belonged to Vijayanagar. Accordingly we find 
that it was first captured by Mahommed Euli of Golkonda, early in the 17th 
century. Subsequently it passed into the possession of various other 
powers, and was finally captured by Capt. Little in 1791. The inscription 
on the reverse is said to be in debased Nagari which probably implies, that 
the coins are copies of still older ones, struck probably late in the 16th 
century before the capture of the foi*tre8s by Mahommed Kuli.{ 

Ob, Figure of Vishnu under a canopy ; four«anned and holding the 
usual symbols. 

Sri Bam. 
Baja Ham. 
Bam Bajd. 

Weight,— 2^1$ gr. (a half pagoda). 

The Rama of the inscription is probably the usurper Rama Bajah, 
who occupied the throne of Yijayanagar about the middle of the 16th 
century. It was he who led the Hindu forces against the Mahommedans 
at the battle of Talikota, which ended in his death and the ruin of the 
empire. Specimens of this pagoda are by no means rare, and forged 
modem ones are quite common. 

Chita.u>boog Pagoda. 

PL II, Fig. 17. This is no doubt one form of the real Durgi pagoda, 
struck by the Nayaks of Chitaldroog after the fall of Yijayanagar. Ghital- 
droog was long held by a warlike family of the B^dar, or hunter caste, 
founded by Timmana Nayak about A. D. 1508. Although nominally 
-vassals of Yijayanagar they maintained a semi-independence, and being bold 
and ambitious gradually acquired a large extent of territory. During the 

• Gribble's " Cuddapah Manual," p. 801. 
f ** Madras Journal of literature and Science/' Yol. X, p. 131. 
X The legend on this coin was deciphered by Pandit Bhaja Yandul Indraji for 
whose kind aid 1 am indebted to Dr. Codxington, Secretary B. B. Boyal Asiatic Society. 

48 G. Bidie — The Pagoda or Vardha eoim, [No. 1, 

wars that raged in tbat pari of Southern India in the 17th and 18th cen- 
turies, Chitaldroog not onlj managed to maintain its existence, but to take 
a more or less conspicuous place in the turmoil. Finally, heaving attracted 
the cupidity of Hyder, the fort of Chitaldroog was captured by him though 
treachery in 1779, after several vain attempts to seize it by force of arms. 
The ruling Najak at the time was also taken and sent, along with his 
family, a prisoner to Seringapatam. Not content with this Hyder deported 
20,000 of the inhabitants of the place who were also of the bold and hardy 
Bedar caste, with the object of completely breaking up the power which 
had manifested such formidable and enduring resistance. 

Ob. Durga, a form of Parrati. 

Sev. Some coarse imitations of Nagari characters. 

Weight. 62-26 grs. 

Hawkes describes and figures a *' Doorga*' and '' Molay Doorgee" 
pagoda, both of whioh were struck at Chitaldroog. 


PL III, Fig. 22. Two specimens of this coin were got from the 
Treasury of H. H. the Maharajah of Travancore, one of which was 
designated " Anantha Varahen." 

Ob. Peculiar figure of Vishnu placed between two lotus flowers, 
with conventional representations of the usual symbols in his hand. 

Sev, Convex granulated. 

Weight. 62-43 grs. 

PI. II, Fig. 18. This coin, a double pagoda, was struck by His High- 
ness the late Rama Varma, G. C. S. I., Maharajah of Travancore, and is Tery 
well executed. There is also a single pagoda of the same type. 

Ob, The sacred shell surrounded with a wreath. 

£ev. liound the margin, Travancore, and in the centre within a 

R. V. 

the letters being the initials of H. H. the Maharajah. 
Weight 78-8 grs. 

East India Company's Pagodas. 

Very little has been recorded regarding the earlier coinage of the East 
India Company, and accordingly the effort to arrange their pagodas and 
those of their contemporaries in chronological order has been a task of 
great difficulty. Permission was granted by Charles II in 1677 to the 
Company to coin money, on the condition that it should not resemble Eng- 
lish currency. For a long time after this the process of minting was the 
rude native method. Moor in his " Narrative of the operations of Capt, 

1883. J G. Bidie— The Fagoda or Vardha coins. 49 

Little's Detachment"* gives the following account of the state of the mint 
and mode of coining in .Bomhaj, in the end of last century. 

" In Bombay there is no mechanical process either for ascertaining the 
Talae of the piece, or of giving it the impression. The manner is as fol- 
lows : the metal is brought to the mint in bars the size of the little finger, 
where are a number of peraons seated on the ground provided with scales 
and weights, a hammer, and an instrument between a chisel and a punch ; 
before each man's berth is fixed a stone by way of anvil. The bars are cut 
into pieces, by guess, and ill, on weighing, any deficiency is found, a little 
particle is punched into the intended rupee ; if too heavy, a piece is cut 
off, and so on until the exact quantity remains. These pieces are then 
taken to a second person, whose whole apparatus consists in a hammer and 
a stone anvil, and he batters them into something of a round shape, about 
seven-eighths of an inch diameter, and one-eighth thick ; when they are 
ready for the impression. The die is composed of two pieces, one inserted 
firmly into the ground ; the other, about eight inches long, is held in the 
rii^ht hand o£ the operator, who squatting on his heels (the posture in 
which all mechanics and artists work ; the posture, indeed, in which every 
thing is done in India, for if a man has a dram given him, he finds it con« 
venient to squat upon his heels to drink it), fills his left hand with the 
intended coins, which he with inconceivable quickness slips upon the fixed 
die with his thumb and middle finger, with his fore finger as dexterously 
removing them when his assistant, a second man with a mall, has given it 
the impression, which he does as rapidly, as he can raise, and strike with 
the mall on the die held in the right hand of the coiner. The diameter of 
the die is about an inch and a half, inscribed with the Great Moghul's 
names, titles, date of the Hejra, his reign, <&c., but as the coins are not so 
Urge, they do not, consequently, receive all, nor the same impression. The 
rupee is then sent to the treasury, ready for currency, as no milling, or 
any farther process is thought necessary." 

With so simple a process it was not difficult to set up a mint, wherever 
deemed necessary. In the south the chief mint towns were Madras and 
Arcot, but money was also coined at Porto Novo and various other places. 
Pagodas continued to be struck by the Company up to 1819, the year in 
which the change was made from pagodas to rupees in the keeping of public 
accounts. In the year 1835 the Company's coinage was adjusted accord- 
ing to the Standard of the present day, as regards weight and quality. 

PI. II, Fig. 19. This pagoda was apparently originally struck by one 
of the ex-rajahs of Yijayanagar, when resident at Chandrageri. Marsdeu, 
pi. 4S, fig. 1076 gives a representation of the pagoda and makes the following 
remarks regarding the Chandrageri rajahs and their coinage. *' It was from 

• London 1794, 


60 Q. Didie — The Pagoda or Vardha coins, [No. 1, 

one of these rajahs that the English East India Company purchased, in the 
year 1620, the spot of ground on which stood the old fort and factory of 
Madras, now enclosed within the works of Fort Saint George, together with 
the privilege of coining money, under the stipulation that the English 
should nol fail to preserve on their coinage the representation of that deity 
who was the favourite object of his worship/' Unfortunately the latter 
portion of this statement cannot now be verified, as the document under 
which the Kajah made a grant of the site of Madras to the Company 
appears to have been lost or destroyed when the French bad possession of 
Fort Saint George, in 1746. The Company, however, for many years 
adhered to this type in their issues of the pagoda 

Oh. Three rude standing figures of Venkatesvara and his two wivesw 
Bev. Convex granulated. 
Weight .— 62 7625 gr. 
„ 63525 „ 

„ 52*53 „ 

53-62 „ 
PI. II, Fig. 20. Of the two specimens of this coin in the Museum one 
was received from Bellary under the name of '* Carmamutty Pagoda*' struck 
at Masulipatam, Coconada <&c., by a Nizam of the Dakhan The other 
came from the Mysore Treasury under the name of ** Imam Oodeen" pago*' 
da. Newbold in his paper on the Ceded Districts* says, " a number of 
gold pagodas were introduced by the Asaph Jah or Hyderabad chiefs, among 
which was the Karkmodi coined at Karkmod, Masulipatam <&c." Where 
Karkniod is I have been unable to discover, probably it is an obsolete name 
of some town or village Marsden in PI. 4S, fig. 1083 gives a figure of 
this coin and says, this hun is named by Sonnerat " pagoda ancienne d' 
Arcate" and " has three figures on the obverse like those of Porto Novo 
and some of Chandrageri." It appears probable therefore that the obverse 
of tlie pagoda was copied from a Chandrageri coin, first by Abdullah Kutb 
Shah of Golkonda who captured Chandrageri in 1646, and latterly by 
Nawabs of the Carnatic. The symbol on the reverse is said by Marsden 
to represent the Arabic letter a the initial of Muhammad AH Nawab, as it 
was of Abdulla Kutb Shah.f We have thus a clear line of descent for the 
obverse of this coin, the device having been first adopted by the ex-Ray a 
of Vijayanagar when living at Chandrageri, next by the kings of Golkonda 
during their tenure of the fortress, thirdly by the Nawabs of the Carnatio 
who wrested Chandrageri from the Golkonda chiefs, and finally by the 
East India Company. 

♦ " Madras Joum. of Litorat. and Science," Vol. 10, p, 131. 
t As will be seen hereafter Haidar put his initial on the reverse of his coinage of 
the Ikk^ri pagoda. 

18S3 ] Q. Bidie— 1%« :Pagoda or Vardha eoifU. 51 

Ob, Bude figare of Vishnu, as Yenkateswara, and his two wives. 

Beo, Gonvez granulated and with a symbol or letter in the centre. 

Weight, — 52*55 grains. 

PL III, Fig. 21. This coin is known as "Porto Novo," "Scott," 
** Paninki,*' &c. pagoda. It appears to have been first struck by the Dutch, 
and to have had an extensive circulation. Subsequently it was copied by 
agents of the East India Company, as is evident from the following extract 
of a letter from the Madras Council, to the Deputy Governor of Fort Saint 
Da?id (near Cuddalore), under date the 21st July 1691.* " We doubt 
the Dutch will make a clamour at your coining their pagodas and decry 
them all they can ; however, make the experiment, but be sure to equal 
them in all respects both in fineness and weight and stamp, and we shall 
gire them all the reputation we can here and to the southward and could 
TOu effect it, currently it would be of great service to the Honourable 
Company in their trade in those parts, but if you fail you must make 
another stamp." 

Oft. Figure of Vishnu. 

Sev. Convex granulated* 

Weight.-'52 2375 grs. 

PI. Ill, Fig. 23. This is the old Star pagoda of Madras, and is some- 
times termed ** Company vardha" and also " Puli varaha." It was the 
form of the star pagoda current prior to that described under fig. 24s, but 
is not of such good quality as the old pagoda, Qg, 19. The former, accord- 
ing to Kelly ,t is 19^ carats fine, whereas the latter is about 20 1 carats. 
8hekleton in the Assay Tables^ says the star pagoda weighs on an average 
52*400 gr., and contains 42 '550 gr. of pure metal. 

Oh, A figure intended, apparently, for Vishnu with a star above the 

Bev. Convex granulated and with a star having 5 rays. 

Weight of one specimen 530875 grs. andof another 52*625 grs. 

This is the coin in which all public and private accounts were kept, 
and all dues and salaries paid, for a number of years. 

PI. Ill, Fig. 24. This is a double star pagoda of the Honourable East 
India Comimny, and is the most modern development of the coin. There 
is also a single gold pagoda with precisely the same obverse and reverse ; 
and half and quarter pagodas of the same type were struck in silver. It is 
of this form that Moor in his " Hindu Pantheon" says, " this coin I 
imagine to be intended for the use of Madras, and cannot but lament that 

• Garaten's " Manual of South Arcot," p. 33. 

^ '* Universal Cambist", Vol. X, p. 90. 

X ** Assay Tables of Indian and other coins," p, 11. 

52 G. Bidie — The Fagoda or Vardha coins. [No. 1, 

80 miserable a Bpecimen of our taste and talents should be suffered to go 
forth." In designing it the artist seems to have deemed it necessary to 
give some reason for the name pagoda^ bj putting on the reverse the figure 
of the gopuram of a Hindu temple, and he then surrounded this with stars 
to indicate that it was a star pagoda. Again on the obverse, to keep it in 
harmony with the old forms, he has introduced the figure of a Hindu god, 
which is apparently intended for Vishnu. There is no date on the coin, 
but it appears to have been first brought into circulation eariy in the 
present century. 

Ob. The Gopuram of a temple surrounded with stars, and the in- 
scription " Two pagodas." 

Jiev, Vishnu surrounded with dots, and the words two pagodas in 
Tamil and Telugu. 

Weight. — 9i'3 grs. Shekleton's " Assay Tables" give the weight as 
91*040 grs. 

Counterfeit specimens of this pagoda are very often seen in jewelry* 
but may usually be easily detected, as in t1ie genuine huns, the milling on 
the edge is obliqne like a section of a rope, whereas in the forged ones 
the milling is like that on modern English coins. The coin as a whole is 
certainly a hideous production, but curious as perhaps the first departure 
from a native towards a European type. 

Adoni Pagodas. 

PI. Ill, Fig. 25. This coin came from Bellary under the name o£ 
'* Muhammad Shahi p^oda." It bears no date, but has the name of the 
mint-town Imtyazgurh, which is the designation that was given to Adoni, in 
the Bellary district, by Humayun. The obverse bears the name of Muham- 
mad Shah. Adoni was formerly a place of great strength, and from its 
position came to occupy a conspicuous place in the wars and feuds that for 
so many years desolated the southern parts of the Dakhan. During the 
existence of Vijayanagar it was held by the Uayas, and on the fall of that 
state, in 15G5, it was annexed by the Adil Shalii dynasty. In 1690 it was 
captured by the forces of Aurangzib, and included in the Soubah of Bija- 
pur, under the empire of Dehli. When the authority of the latter began 
to decline it was appropriated by the Nizam, and held for a series of years 
by various younger branches of that house. Haider twice attacked Adoni 
without being able to capture it, but in 1786 Tippu took it, after a seige 
of a month, and destroyed its fortifications. On the conclusion of peace 
in 1789 it was restored to the Nizam, and in 1799 was handed over to 
the English as part of the Ceded Districts. This coin was probably struck 
in the first half of last century, while Adoni was still nominally under 
the authority of imperial Dehli. On another specimen which I have 

1883.x Q. Bidie — The Fagoia or Varaha coins. 53 

seen, the hun is said to have been coined iu the 3rd year of the reign of 
Muhammad Shah, which would be about A. D. 1722. 

JRev. »Li (X^s^ 

Weight— 5VS5 grs. 

PL 111, Fig. 26. The two specimens of this coin in the Museum were 
received from the Collectors of Bellary and Dharwar respectively. It is a 
hun of Alemgir II struck at Adoni, and must have been coined there while 
that place was held by the Nizam. The reverse in both the Museum speci- 
mens is illegible, but I have seen others in which the name of the mint 
town, Imtyazgurh or Adoni, was quite visible. 

Ob. yiiS^rtf f^ 

Weight,-'57'2B75 grs. 

Mtsobe Pagodas. 

PL III, Fig. 27. This coin has already been alluded to in this paper. 
The form of obverse which it exhibits, with figures of Siva and Parvati, was 
first adopted by the Vijayanagar Rajahs, and subsequently copied by the 
Bednur Naj'aks. The capital of the latter was originally, and up to A. D« 
1640, situated at a place called Ikkeri, and hence the coin from having 
been first struck there received and still retains the name of " Ikkeri 
pagoda." In the year above mentioned the seat of Government and mint 
were transferred from Ikkeri, to a village that received the name of Bidanur 
or Bednur. In course of time, as the Nayaks added to their territories, 
Bednur became a place of great importance and wealth, and was very 
strongly fortified. In 1763, during the time of Uani Virammaji it was 
captured by Hyder Ali, and it is said that the booty thus obtained amount- 
ed to 12 millions sterling.* Hyder changed the name of the town to Hyder 
Nagar, and established his chief arsenal there for the manufacture of arms 
and ammunition. He also continued the mint which he found in existence, 
and there first struck coins in his own name. For his buns he adopted the 
obverse of the old " Ikkeri pagoda," but on the reverse he erased the 
Nagari inscription which had previously existed, and substituted his own 
initial. Various issues of this coin took place during Hyder's reign, but 
he appears to have been rather ashamed of the obverse and to have been 
caruless about the dies, as the figures of Siva and Parvati in some of the 
pagodas are very badly executed. The form struck by Hyder is known as 
the "Bahaduri" hun or pagoda, and being made of superior gold it always 
commanded a favourable rate of exchange. An issue of the same coin was 

• Rice's " Mysore Gazetteer," Vol. 2, p. 383. 

S4i G. Bidie — The Fagoda or Vardha coins, [No. 1, 

struck by Hjder at Bangalore, and this hun is said to be distinguished by 
the name of '* Pedda-talei Bangaloorci."* 

Ob. Figures of Siva and Parvati, with the trident and deer. 

Hev. A granulated surface with Hyder's initial ^ in the centre. 

WnqhL^52'S grs. 

PI. in, Fig. 28. This is a "Sultani" pagoda, struck by Tippu. It 
will be observed that he discarded the old Ikkcri obverse with its obnoxious 
Hindu figures, and boldly adopted a new one of a type common toMuham- 
madan coinage. The reverse bears the initial of his fath3r Hyder, with 
the numeral 4 indicating the year of Tippu's reign, and also the word 
Nagar the place of mintage. There are several forms of this hun agreeing 
generally except as regards the mint towns, some having been struck at 
Puttun or Seringapatam, others at Dharwar &c. This specimen was coin- 
ed before Tippu introduced his reformed calendar, which runs -from the 
date of the conversion of Muhammad, or 13 years prior to the date of the 
Hejira, The date given is A. H. 1200 which corresponds with A. D. 
1785 ; and as Hyder died on the 1st day of A. H. 1197, the year of Tip- 
pu's reign given, viz,, the 4th, is correct. The retention of Hyder's initial 
on the reverse was probably a mark of filial respect, on the part of Tippu, 
but he may have also been influenced by a desire not to change too abrupt- 
ly the reverse of the Ikk6ri hun, coined by his father. In another speci- 
men in the Museum struck at Dharwar, the date is A. H. 1216, that is 
according to the revised calendar, and the year of reign the 6th. 

Ob, J^l*^l vylkJUjyk 

JRev. j^ ^1* 

Weiffht'-'52762o grs. 

PI. Ill, Fig. 29. This coin is known as the " Farokhi pagoda" and, 
according to Hawkes, " is supposed to have been so called by Tippu in 
honour of a new sect of this name." Others state that it was so designat- 
ed from the circumstance, that Farokhi was a title of one of Muhammad's 
successors. Marsden (Vol. II, p. 717) observes regarding the term " on some 
of the copper money we shall find it to stand, apparently, for the name of 
a place, otherwise called New Calicut." At first I was inclined to adopt 
the hist suggestion, and there seems little doubt that in some cases the 
words Farokhi patan do indicate that the coin was struck at a fort near 
Calicut, which, according to Wilks, was called " Ferrockhee.'*t ^^ other 
instances this cannot be the case. Thus on the hun described by Marsden, 
Part II, p. 716, the place of mintage given along with the word Farokhi is 
Hyder Nagar ( Bednur). Probably the term was originally adopted as a 

♦ Hawkos* *' Coinage of Mysore,*' p. 5. 

t Wilk's *' History of Mysore," Vol. II, p. 180. Madras Edition of 1869. 

1883.] C. J. 'Rodgere^Ooins Supplementary of the Pathdn Kings, 55 

pioas token of respect for one of Muhammad's saccessors, and subsequent- 
ly in some cases did double duty by expressing this and also the place of 

Oh. I f n *i*» A*** djWl i3^yi JhU\j^ 

Sev, n *i-« J^i d jj^ 

Weight.— '52 S grs. 

PI. Ill, Fig. 30. This is one of the pngodas issued in the name of 
Krishna Raja Wodejar, who after the death of Tippu was put on the 
Mysore throne by the English. The first iissue was struck in 1800 by the 
Dewan Purniaija. Buchanan* says regarding it " on the fall of Tippu 
the Mysore government having found it convenient to coin pagodas of the 
same value with those before current, struck them at Mysore and Nagai*a, 
bat restored the old name of Ikkeri." In addition to this, as already men- 
tioned, the obverse of the original Ikkeri was also retained, and the in. 
ficription on the reverse is a palpable imitation of the legend on the Yijaya- 
nagar pagodas, the word "Pratdpa" being omitted. This bun was, 
according to Mr. Rice, called the JSbsa IkJcSri Varaha, or new Ikkeri 
pagoda, to distinguish it from the old form, the Hale IkHri Varaha f 

Ob, Siva with the tri^ula in his right hand ; to the right Parvati 
and the conventional deer ; overhead the sun and moon. 

Rev. Sri Krishna Raja, 

Weight. '-62-7 125 grs. 

Coins Supplementary to Thomas' ''Chronicles of the Fathdn Kings ofDelhi,^* 
No, HI. — By CuAS. J. Rodqebs, Principal Normal College^ Aniritsar, 

(With two Plates.) 

My only excuse for giving a third supplement to the excellent work 
of Mr. Thomas is this, that just before leaving India and after my arrival 
in England I obtained from Afghanistan and India a great quantity of 
coins amongst which were many which have not yet been edited. Informa- 
tion about these would I thought be welcome to the numismatic world 
and to historians. 
PL IV, No. 1. Obverse, fi^ ^^ A*a?* f^^^^i^ ui^b ^^^-^t ^k^ /JsaJ/ ^£JU\ 

Meverse. Horseman with inscription illegible. 
No. 2. Obv. JaL ^^( J UiiJi ^G ^JeiAj\ s£iU] siXaa 

Reverse. Horseman under which y^)^ The c) is under tho 
nose of the horse. 

• " Jonmey through Mysore," Vol. Ill, p. 258. 
t " Mysore Gaaetteer," p. 8 of Appendix, Vol. L 

66 C. J. Rodgers — Ooins Supplementary of the Pathdn Kings, [No. 1, 

No. 8. Ohv, Ui«>if>w> 

Eeo. e;J«i^lj 
No. 4. Ohv. ^U c^ A^JSB^ ^^Wl ^*^lfl J^oU\ J^ 

Rev. ^ i!^ inverted as in type (in old Hindi) intended 
for Sri Muizz. ^ on rump of bull. 

No 5. Ohv, Bull over which ^ i?^|9^ 

Bev, Horseman on bind quarters of which J^^ and over 
the horse ^ ^^Tl 

No. 6. Ohv. f)^ *• k:M-^\ Weight 146-6 grs. 

Margins ;— *J^ vs*- j ^^p*^ «i-. j^ ^y A.«>p jaUj jUjoJi «^ ,^^ 
5et?. aJLIi Ifl AJiif 

Margin : — ^ erf*^' iJ^ Jf/t^ (i*''t tH.> j t5*^^ *!r!; J^' cS'^^Jtyk 
No. 7. Ohv. "*Wl ^1 &h)i 

C^^ .3^^«^ ^» ^1 
Margin : — Aj*^ 4>^ j e^^«-^ j v:;U3 j^^ , , 8<^ i,^ 
5tfi7. «^l e^JoJt^Ul FFci^A^ 82*6 grs. 

Margin ; — Same as in Reverse of No. 6. 
No. 8. 05 y. c^»jy 

^(Jlj LJoJt )U 

Margin:'^ ....j**^j C^^l ^^^J^t^i^" 

JSeo. Same as on Rev, of No. 6.) au „ . .: 
Margin .— ditto. j ^^°^« '^j'* 

1883.] C. J. Rodgers— Coin* Supplementary of the Pathdn Kings. 67 

No. 9. Obv. in circle same as in No. 8 buti without tt;!^^ 

Margin : — Sameas on No. 8 but with mint *i>i and year 

probably different. 

Eevr Same as on No. 8. Weight 94 grains. 
Margin ditto. 

No. 10. Obv. ^^^ ^ Weight 451 grs. 

Bev. j^^\ 

No. 11. Bev, and Obv. same as in No. 10. Margin has no dots. 
Oby. has remains of mint over it, probably Jiyh c;**) 
No. 12. Obv. ohji 

«p ^^ Hi 

a)\ \j U>jJ| 


No, 13. Obv. round bull H^H^, under Bull j«>^^ 

Bev. To right of Horseman ^^K?] 
No. 14. Obv, in square which is in a circle : — 

Bev. in square inscribed in a circle : -- 


No. 15. Obv. in dotted circle ^j^W-^'t 

£^. margin round small dotted double circle wliich encloses 

58 C. J. Rodgers — Chins Supplementary of the Fathdn Kinge. [No. 1, 
Plate^V, No. 16. Ohv, J^A 

Rev. To right of and above horseman vi^lU^l ^ j wt^x lj t 
No. 17. Ohv, ^^A 

Bev. c^ltl-Jf 

No. 18. Ohv. tj\ 

Bev. jf^ ( J^ a piece or bit ?) 

No.'i9. Obv. ^ ^ff^nf^ vvnirar 

JR«». *i>^ ( c^aIi j \^^\jJ^ on margin) 

No. 20. Ohv. LJa/I J (uoJf ^U 

No. 21. Obv. J^!ki^\ 

No. 22. Olv. in a circle ^Mf ^UtJUi 

Margins ;— fjUU ^ cH^ j c^^ *^ J^d 5^*^** *^l l**^ wr* 

No. 28. Obverse in margin ^i^^^^t cH' ^''^^ Jag lf( ^iU^Jf 
in circle c;!^ (?) 
J^^'v. in dotted circle. 9 ^\ 9 

No. 24. Obverse, Over horseman W9|W. 
^&&. Ball, inscription illegible. 
No. 25. Same as above, showing if in old Hindi, 
No. 26. Obverse in a circle : — 

1883.] C. J. Bodgers — Qnns Supplementary of the Fathdn King9. 59 

^j^fj UijJt jiU. 

Reverse, ^^311 

liargint to both obverse and reverse :^ 
No. 27. Obverse J^ 


No. 28. Obverse and reverse same as in No, 26 but the year is pro- 
bably different, the word ^-AflJt takes the place of A^-A and the inscriptions 
»TC enclosed in squares inscribed in the marginal circlei* 

No. 29. Obv. ( J^''^ ) 

Bev. >W»^» 

e;lld^t SU jUi 

! This coin is of silver and copper. Thomas says his (No. I78a, foot 

note, pages 212 and 213) is " of fine silver.*' 

No. 30. Obv. eMJlsUjy*^ 

Bev. c^^^-rt^' ^ (parts of) 

Weights 376 grs. 
No. 31. Obverse f}^^ i:^ 

Margin :— j^ cT* *^ "^^-^ J^ »/>^ ^^^'^ 
Reverse not given, same as No 195 of Thomas, p. 249, 

60 C. J. Rodgers - ObtW Supplementary of the Tathdn Ringt, [No. 1, 

No. 32. Ohveru : — Same aa in 8L. 

Mar^n ;— •^ ,^ o«* oiay JU cuA^ *^i^ (3^ (^< 

Reverie as Id No. 31 
No. 33. Obverse aa in No. 31. 
Margin ;— *2^ j^ a-« vs^ jU yy^<^ ^^j^)^ 

Reverse as in No. 31. 
No. 34. Same aa No. 33, but with mint in the margin ^*-» Jlt^lA 
No. 36. Same as No. 83, but with mint in the margin j^A simply* 

without the title »'f ^^ 

The inscriptions on the above coins mostly tell the story of each. It 
may be as well perhaps to direct attention to the peculiarities which led me 
to figure them. 

Plate IV, No. 1 is to me a new coin. I have seen several of Ilduz of 
this type. Indeed No. 2 is one of that general's. As there are in existence 
coins of 'A14-ud-din Khw4rizmi of this type, I judge them to be of the same 
mint, Kirmdn. 

No. 3 I attribute to Mu*izz-ud-din bin Sdm. ' The peculiar lozenge on 
either side is unique. 

No. 4 is a new type of the some sovereign's mintage. 

No. 6 is still another new type of the same king's. 

No. 6 is a large gold coin. The one in the British Museum weighs 
820 grs. The inscriptions are identical but are not distributed exactly aa 
on that coin. Again this one has a pellet in the middle of the lines form- 
ing the squares. It weighs 146*6 grs. only. I obtained it at Lahore after 
the last Afghdn war from a merchant. 

No. 7 is one from Dr. Stulpnagel's find. The one edited by him of 
this kind was double struck. This one gives the names of the two bro- 
thers plainly. 

No. 8 is a beautiful coin of 'AU-ud-din Khwarizmi struck at Farwdn. 

No. 9 is a similar one struck at Qazni. (In the India office collection 
are two drawers full of gold coins of this sovereign. This collection is 
now in the British Museum, and it will be thoroughly examined and catalo- 
gued. Let us hope that of the numerous duplicates some will find their way 
back to the shores whence they were taken. This India office collection shows 
how utterly -useless a collection of valuable things may become. There is 
no catalogue of it, and no interpreter. No one knows as yet what may or 
may not be in it. Had it stayed in India, native students of history might 
have obtained much information from it. And I hold that the more in- 
formation, just and accurate, a native of India obtains of former rulers and 
governments, the more loyal will he be towards the present most righteous 
rule of India.) 

No. 10 is a new type ii small silver of 'Ald-ud-din Khwdrizmi. It 

1883.] C. J. Rodgen— -Cbt'fw SupfUmeniary of the Pathdn Kings. 61 

weighs bat 45*1 gra. It is o£ the same type as a coin of Ohingix Khdn 
givea by Thomas, No. 76, p. 91. As I had a specimeD of both these sover- 
eign's coins of this type I made them over to the British Museum. 

No. 11 another new type of the same king's. 

No. 12. In copper a beautiful specimen of the Farwan mintage of 
the same sovereign. 

No. 13. Another old specimen of the same king's coins. The SiJean- 
iar under the bull is quite a novelty. 

No. 14 is still one more novelty with the patronymic Tahiuh on it. 

No. 15 is again a similar type differently treated. 

Plate V, No 16 is a second copy of a coin I have before edited. No, 10, 
pL XVIII, Vol. XLIX, Pt. I, 1881. That coin had on the top of the 
obverse certain signs I could not make out. On the present coin they are 
plain enough. 

No. 17 is also a Dehli coin of very small dimensions. I have several 
of these which I attribute to Sbams-ud-din Altainsh. 

Ko. 18. I am not quite sure of my readings of this coin. " Agrah** 
is certain. But the name of the coin is not so certain. 

No 19 is important as giving us certain information about the king 
of whom there are but sparse notices in history. This shows him once in 
possession of Gazni. 

*No. 20 is the only small silver coin I have ever seen or heard of, 
of the early Pathans. It is rarer than Queen Ann's farthings and much 

No. 21 is a silver gilt coin of *AU-ud-din Ehwarizmi. It is the only 
one of this type I have ever seen. 

No. 23 is also a coin of this sovereign. In this paper alone I give 
tea. These are all perfectly different from each other in treatment. 

No. 22 is the earliest gold coin struck at Dehli that I know of. Pos- 
sessing as it does the margin on the reverse in its entirety it is a fine coin. 
The margins were the same on both sides. 

Nos. 24 and 25 are coins I attribute to Malik Ohhaj4 in the reign 
•F Jalal-ud-din Firnz Sh4h. He was the nephew of Balban, To com- 
plete the numismatic record of the interregnum between the reigns of 
Mu'izz-ud-din KaikubiLd and Jal41-ud.din we wanted not only this coin 
but of Kaiumours whom Jalal-ud-din placed temporarily on the throne. 
Mr. Delmerick had this coin I believe. If not, it is still with Pandit 
Naraiii of Dehli. Chhajd was a rebel but it is distinctly recorded of him 
that he struck coins in his own name. 

* Since drawing the above I have seen in Mr. Qrant's cabinet a similar coin of 
Narir-ad-dlii Mahmiid. It weighs 13*2 grs. Mine is 18*8 grs. being iu ttomewhat 
batter condition. 

62 C. J. Rodgers— (7o»iw Supplementary of the Pathdn Kingt. [No. 1, 

No. 26 is a fine gold mohur of Jalal-ad-din Fihiz. It has the mar« 
gin on both sides, as has also the rupee of his which I have figured No. 2d. 
Both these coins are drawn simply to illustrate this fact of their possess^ 
ing two margins. « Mr. Thomas says of his No. 121, that the obverse occu- 
pies '^ the entire surface of the coin." He gives only the margin on the 
reverse. All the other rupees I have are like this one of Mr. Thomas. 
But for all that, I believe the dies had marginal legends. The mohur No. 
26 is in remarkably good condition, and the inscriptions come out as 
plainly as those on the rupees. From this I infer that not only does it 
bear the name of Dehli but that it was also struck there. 

No. 27 is one of those little damris that no one would think of 
picking up. But it bears the dreaded name of Taimdr and it was struck 
at the capital of his Indian conquests Dehli. So far as I know it is 

No. 29. The inscriptions on this coin are given by Thomas. But his 
was of fine silver, and as he did not figure it, I thought it right to do so. 
See footnote, p. 213 of his work. 

No. 80. This is quite a new type of the coins of Bahlol Lodi. Tho- 
mas gives 5 types of this king's coins. This is i\ie fourth new type I 

have discovered. 

Nos. 31 to 35 are five coins of Muhammad Tughlaq. The mints are 

new in this typo being Lakhnauti, Tughlaqptir, Satgaon, Dkt ul Isl&m and 
Dehli. This type (it is No. 196 in Thomas) rejoices now in seven mints ; 
the five given here and the DaulataJbdd and Takhtgdh i Delhi ones edited 
by Thomas. Tughlaqptlr is new to history. The title Iklim as applied to 
a town is not new on coins. These five coins were found amongst thou- 
sands in Dehli and Jag4dri. They are the results of many hours of weary 
bunting under a hot sun. The Daulat4b4d type of this coin is very rare 
in the Panj4b. But the gold coin struck at Deogir I have seen several of 
both 728 and 727 A. H. (Thomas, No. 174.) 

Of all the coins here edited No. 19 is the most important. I have 
upwards of twenty of the bilingual coins of this king. They all, with the 
exception of this coin, have a small badly drawn outline of a horse in the 
centre round which the Arabic marginal legend runs. In the case of this 
coin, however, we have the name of the mint instead of the horse — Qazni. 
Now up to the present all the notice we had of this ruler was a statement 
that he was a ruler of Sind. His father had ruled in Gazni and Slrmio, 
This coin gives us evidence of his rule in his father's dominions. As I 
have seen some thousands of Gazni coins and have only seen this one of 
this ruler, I judge that he reigned but a short time in Gazni. The coins 
with the horse are common, but no two coins seem to be from the same 
die. Hence we may infer that in his seat of government, wherever it was. 

1883.] C. J. Bodgers— Cbiiw Supplementary of the Fathdn Kinge, 63 

(I have found his coins most abundantly at Amritsar and Ludianah) be 
ruled a goodly number of years and was a powerful sovereign. 

If I am correct in my assignment of coin No. 24 it shows us that we 
should not despise the meanest bit of stamped copper that falls into our 
hands. Mr. Thomas quotes the fact of his having struck coins in his own 
name. Every such quotation it should be the delight of the numismatist 
to corroborate by the production of the actual coins. There are numerous 
instances of the record of this fact. But if we hunt in the Museums of the 
country for numismatic corroboration we shall look in vain. And private 
cabinets would not help us much I am afraid.* This should not deter us 
from searching in the public cabinets of every market town — ^the heaps of 
old coins in the possession of every money changer. 

Coin No. 27 is another illustration of this very point. When I read 
the story of the invasion of Taimdr, I wondered that I had never met with 
his Indian coins. Many of course must have been melted down. I have 
m dim idea of having once seen in a notice of some one's collection, the 
mention of a gold coin of Taimur's struck at Dehli. I should like to 
know from my fellow workers if this coin is still in existence. My copper 
one is now in the British Museum. Nearly all the other coins here drawn 
and described are also now in the National Collection. They ought to 
liave come back to India* But I found that in England they would be 
taken care of, shown to all enquirers and properly catalogued and described. 
In India I know of no place fit for the proper keeping of historic medals. 
The immense empire of India is too poor to support a curator of coins and 
cannot as yet boast of an Imperial Cabinet. And yet we talk of India 
being a continent. And in truth it is so, and each country of that conti* 
nent has its record in coins (in some cases in coins only). It were surely 
well if Imperial indifference could be transformed into Imperial interest in 
this matter. 

* I have just been reading the life of George Thomas, the only Irishman who 
ruled in India as an independent sovereign. He says he struck coins in his own 
name. I believe some are in existence still, but I have not as yet seen one. Neither 
does the Lahore Mnaenm as yet contain one. We, Panjab collectors, are a slow lot 
of folks after all* 

64 A. Cunningham — Belies from Ancient Persia. [No. 1, 

Belies from Aneient Persia, in Oold, Silver, and Copper.-^Bjf Major- 
Gen, A. Cunningham, C. S. I., C. I. E. 

(With two Plates.) 

Second Notice, 

Since I wrote mj previous account of the " Belies from Ancient 
Persia in gold, silver, and copper," § several new objects have been dis- 
covered, as well as a large number of coins. The find spot of these relics 
is on the banks of the Ozus, near a place called Eawat or KuAd, two 
marches from Kunduz and about midway between Khulm and Kobadian. 
The place is one of the most frequented ferries on the Ozus, and has 
always been the chief thoroughfare on the road to Samarkand. My 
informants, whose agents are still at Khulm, say that the owner of the 
land has now stopped all search by other people, and that he intends to 
explore on his own account. 

The coins which I have seen, consist of 14 gold and 76 silver pieces* 
Amongst the former there is one inscribed double Dane, five common 
Paries, one double stater with a king's head covered within Elephants 
skin, and Reverse, Victory with wreath (see Plate XVI I, fig. 9 of my 
previous account) ; besides some fine staters of Antiochus, and two of 
Diodotus. The silver coins consist chiefly of tetradrachms of Athens 
(archaic), with one of Akanthus in Macedonia ; the remainder being 
of Alexander, Seleukus I, Seleukus and Antiochus, Euthydemus and Anti- 
machus. There was also one Nickel coin of Agathokles, and a few copper 
coins of Euthydemus and Agathokles. The discovery is still marked by 
the continued absence of any Parthian coins, which would seem to show 
that the deposit must have been made before the time of Mithiidates I 
(Arsakes VI). This conclusion is further borne out by the absence of the 
coins of Eukratides, the contemporary of Mithridates. As the coins of 
both of these Princes are very common, I conclude with some confidence 
that the deposit must have been made before their time, or not later than 
200 to 180 B. C. 

The ornaments and other articles of gold which have been discovered, 
though few in number, are of considerable interest — as they present us 
with several novel objects. They comprise a gold circlet of large size with 
two winged and horned gryphons at the end : 4f inches each way. As an 
engraving of this fine specimen of ancient Persian work has already 
appeared in the London Illustrated London News with a description by 
Sir Geo. Birdwood, it need not be given here. Sir George rightly divined 

• Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, Vol. L, Part I, 1881, p. 151. 

1B83.] A. Cimnbgham — Belief from Ancient Persia. 65 

that it was of ancient Fenian origin. Its use is a puzzle. It is too small 
for the neck and rather too large for the arm, and the inward bend of 
the smooth portion seems to preclude all idea of such a purpose. Its in- 
trinsic value is between 600 and 700 Bupees. Major Burton, the owner 
of this Yerj fine piece of ancient Persian art, kindly showed it to me, and 
at the same time permitted me to have a photograph of it. The tips of 
the horns have been flattened, which I take to be a proof that the orna* 
ment was intended for actual use. It may have been a handle for the lid 
of a box, a purpose for which the inward bend of the smooth portion would 
Bpeciallj fit it. The bend might have played in a ring fastened in the 
middle of the lid, and the handle, when not required for lifting, would have 
lain fiat on the lid. 

The principal object in Plate YI, marked A, is a small figure of 
solid gold, weighing 518 grains, or about 5^ Darics. It is two inches and 
one-tenth in height, and is very minutely and neatly wrought. It 
represents a Magus in full costume, with the bareom, or holy wand in his 
right hand. On comparing this figure with that of the larger one in my 
previous account (Vol. L, Plate XIV), it will be seen that they mutually 
illnstrate each other, and at the same time confirm the accuracy of Strabo's 
description of the Magus. 

" The Persians, " he says " have also certain large shrines called 
** Pyrsetheia. In the middle of these is an altar an which is a great quan- 
'^ tity of ashes, where the Magi maintain an unextinguished fire. Thej 
'^ enter daily, and continue their incantation for nearly an hour, holding 
" before the fire a bundle of rods, and wear round their heads high tiarae of 
''felt, reaching down on each side, so as to cover the lips and the sides of 
*" the cheeks." 

In the large figure the upper part of the tall head dress is thrown 
back behind the head, thus showing that it must have been made of a soft 
material like felt, as stated by Strabo. In the two views of the present 
small figure which I have given, we see the tall head dress of felt represent- 
ed erect, like that worn by the horseman in the Plate of Statuettes of my 
previous account (Vol. L, Plate XIII, ^g, 1). Here also the lappets cover 
the cheeks, and apparently also the lips. The lappet over the mouth, how- 
ever, is embroidered, and as the head dress is almost quite plain, the mouth 
lappet may not have been attached to the cap. The small figure also carries 
the bmream, or wand of twigs, in the right hand of the larger figure. The 
dress also is different, as the tunic of this small figure reaches quite down to 
the feet, while that of the other only came down to the knees. The long 
tunic was the old Sardpis or Median dress, while the shorter tunic was the 
Sandys or Persian dress of a later date. The smaller figure is therefore of 
An earlier date than the larger one, and it maj perhaps represent a Magus 

66 A. Cunningham — Belies from Aneieni Persia. [No. 1^ 

of the times of Darius or Xerxes, while the other belongs to the later period 
shortly before the conquest of Alexander. The smaller figure also has soma . 
marks on the forehead, which in India would be distinctive symbols of the 
religious sect of the wearer, as a votary of Mahadeva and P4rvati. 

fi is a gold seal with fine, deeply cut symbols, not unlike hieroglyphie 
characters. As I am not acquainted with these characters, I am unable to 
say whether the seal is a genuine one or not. Its weight is 178 grains. 

C is a thin gold ring of inferior workmanship, weighing only 35 
grains. It represents a lion couchant. 

D is a circular boss of 8 j- inches in diameter and convex on the upper 
surface. This curious ornament weighs 851 grains and is in my own 
possession. In the middle there is a slight rise or knob, pierced with 5 
holes, through which I suppose that pins were passed for fastening the 
plate to some back ground. Bound the outer edge there is a continuous 
corded pattern, one quarter of an inch in breadth. The circle itself is 
filled with a hunting scene consisting of three horsemen, one of whom is 
pursuing two stags at which he is preparing to hurl a spear. The second 
is pursuing a pair of Ibex with upraised spear, and the third is shooting 
an arrow at a hare. The gold is thin, and the work has been beaten up 
from behind (repouss^). Each horseman has a bow case on the left side of 
his horse. Their dress appears to be similar to that of the Satraps on the 
coins, the head dress being a soft c&p with long lappets. The Kandys, or 
tunic, is striped and embroidered down the front. The trowsers of the 
horseman pursuing the hare are cross-barred, which probably represents 
the irouc^Xoi dvo^piScs or " parti-coloured" trowsers of Xenophon. 

As to the use of this circular ornament I conjecture that it may have 
been a boss for the centre of a shield. In India it is usual to have five 
similar ornaments on a shield, one in the middle and the other four at 
equal distances around it. To strengthen it for such a purpose, it would of 
course have had a plate of iron or brass behind it. 

The three gold bracelets in Plate VII, are complete. All the others 
that I have seen previously have been cut in pieces by the finders. They 
are of three different kinds, plain, ribbed, and twisted, and are also of three 
different lengths of single, double and triple coils. 

No. 1 is a plain bracelet of one coil ending in two Antelope heads. 
It weighs 1310 grains or 10 Darics, and is of good workmanship, the 
animals* heads being neatly and artistically wrought. The horns are made 
to lie back on the neck,. so as not to present any points to catch in the 
dress o( the wearer. 

No. 2 is a ribbed bracelet of two coils ending in two lions* heads. It 
weighs 3555 grains, or about 26 Darics, and is 22 inches in length. 

No. 3 is a spirally twisted bracelet of three coils ending in two 

1883] R. M'ltrtL^Sansirii Inseripfum Jhom Zaiitpur. 67 

Antelopes* heads, like those of No. 1. it is 3H inches iu length, nnd 
weighs 3600 grains or about 26^ Danes. The spiral twist is very evenly 
made, and the workmanship is good. The antelopes' heads are somewhat 
irom bj use. 

No. 4 lis a lion's head which formed oiie end of a spiral bracelet. The 
half which came into mj possession is 10 inches in length, so that the 
bracelet was most probably of two coils. 

No. 5 is a Uon*8 head from one end of a bracelet. This fragment is 
all that came into my possession, and as it is rather thinner than any of 
the others, I think that it may have been a three coil bracelet. The lion's 
bead is of ^erj superior execution. The mouth is open, showing several 
pointed teeth, and the mane has been separately wrought in curly locks 
which have now become flattened. The deeply sunk eyea must, I think» 
have been originally filled with small rubies. 

IToie an a Sanskrit Inscription from the Lalitpur District. — B^ 


Some time ago Mr. F. C. Black presented to the Society a large stone 
slab, which he had discovered in the Lalitpur District. It was found in a 
jangle which had overgrown the ruins of the old fort of Deoghar. When 
discovered it was seen, says Mr. Black, " standing, loosely propped up 
against two small columns in the eastern portion of the fort, and near to 
a group of ruined Jain temples there." This shows that it was not in situ^ 
bat there is no reason to doubt that it belonged originally to one of the 
temples, from which it had fallen ofE, and was afterwards set up against the 
columns by some wood-cutters or others. Mr. Black remarks that '*it 
would probably have been destroyed in a few years had it remained in the 
jangle, so I removed it." 

The slab measures 6' 2** x 2' — &* with an average thickness of 3 
inches. From marks on its sides and back it is evident that it was 
originally built into a wall. Its front is smooth, and set ofE on all four 
sides with a raised flat band, one inch broad, having a cyma on the inner 
edge. The surface is covered with a Sanskrit inscription in 84 lines. 
There is also a line of inscribed letters on the upper band, but it is not all 
legible. At the beginning of the record, at the upper left corner, there is a 
eircle 5" — 5*^ inches in diameter, bearing the conventional outlines of an 
eight-petalled lotus, and on the petals there are letters arranged enigmati- 
cally, which I have not been able to read. In front of this lotus there is a 
mystic diagram having letters within the loops of its twining lines, but the 
purport thereof I cannot make out. The letters of the record are of the 
old Deva-nagari type, each about an inch long. They were carefully and 


CS B. mtnL—SafuJMi In$eriptum from LalUpwr. [No. 1, 

well cat, but owing to exposure and ill-usage thej have been obliterated at 
many places, and at others become so smudgy as to be unfit for reading. 
These accidents have caused breaks in almost every line, and it is impossi- 
ble to interpret the record fully and satisfactorily. 

The language of the record is exceedingly verbose, highly inflated and 
involved, full of meritricious ornaments, and, with the breaks caused, 
by the abrasions aforesaid, not easy of comprehension. I pored over the 
record for many days, and had the assistance of my learned friend. 
Professor Kdm4khydn&tha Tarkaratna, who went over the first tentatira 
reading letter by letter with the original stone before him, but could 
not secure a perfect reading. The translation annexed has been pre- 
pared by B&bu Harapras&da ?i8tri, from the revised reading of Professor 

The date, which occurs at about the middle of it, (line 15,) is given 
with some care, and both in letters and figures. It is — " Thursday, the 
full moon of Yai^kha in the era of Yikramiditya 1481, corresponding 
with the 1346th year of the era of S&livdbana, when the constellation 
Sv4ti was on the ascendant, and Leo in conjunction." This would be about 
the end of April or beginning of May in the year 1424 of Christ. The 
sovereign named is Sh4h Alambhaka, of the Qhori dynasty, king of 
Mftlava or M&lwi. I know of no king of this name ; but in tiie Ghorian 
dynasty of Mdlwi, founded by Sultdn Dili war Qhori, the second chief was 
6ult4n Htishang Ghori alias Alap Kh4n, who founded the town of Mi^^Of 
removed thereto the capital of the kingdom from Dhir, and reigned 
from 1405 to 1482, and there is no doubt that it is this chief we have in 
the Sanskritized Alambhaka. The name of his new capital occurs in the 
inscription as Ma^^AP&pura. 

The subject of the record is the dedication of two images, one of 
Padmanandi and the other of Damavasanta, by a Jain priest of the name 
of Holi. The dedication was made by order of Subhachandra, who pro- 
bably was a high priest of the sect. He has no royal epithet added to hia 

The record opens with an eulogium on Yfishabha, who is to dwell at 
K&nta in the town of Yarddhamdna. This is evidently meant for an 
image of ^ishabha Deva, the first Tirthankara, who^ is addressed as Sugata, 
and also as Sadi^iva, or eternally auspicious. The next saint eulogized Lb 
S^ri 9afikara, who is identified with Ananta. The next is Chandra, and next 
come Buocessively Takshaka, ?4nta8oma, 9aii, and, after a break, Sarvaj^a* 
Having praised these deified saints, the writer turns to mortals. The 
names are Madasirada, ffnmtila, S^rikuna, Dharmachandra, Batnakirti, and 
r Prabhachandra Deva. These were probably high priests who preceded 
Padmanandi who was living in the time of the encomiast| and in whose 

1883.] R. Mitra — Sanskrit Imeripiion from Lalitpur. 69 

honour the monument was set up. He was a great saint, endowed with 
manifold virtues, but I find nothing tangible in his praise that would be 
worth rehtting. Now, after a break, occurs the day and the name of Shdh 
Ahunbhaka, who issues forth from Ma^^^papura with his valiant army, 
btent on conquest. Then occurs a break, and there is nothing to show 
how the Muslim chief happens to be connected with the subject matter of 
fte record. Apparently he had a Hindu wife of the name of Ambikd, but 
from breaks preceding the name I cannot be sure of it. Anyhow this kdy 
had a son named Holi, who is praised for his religious devotion and high 
moral qualities. Nothing is said of his position as a king or ruler, and 
obviously he had not any pretension of that kind. 

Now comes, after a few breaks, a genealogical table in which the 
foDowing names are legible : 

I. Sdyadeha. 

II. Yalladeva, son of I. 

III. Lakshmiptiadeva, son of II. 

IV. Kshemar&ja, son of III. 

V. P 

YL Padmairf. 

YIL Batna. 

YIIL Rambhamaya. 

X. Padmasinha. 

Next follows the notice of the dedication, which was apparently effected 
by Holi with the cooporation of Gu^akirti, Harapati, Vardharadna, 
Naodanay Sunandana and others. 

HoU is then eulogized for his virtues as the lord of the congregation, 
meaning of course the Jain congregation of the place where the dedication 
was made, t . «.» the town of Yardham&na. 

The writer concludes the record by giving a brief account of himself. 
He belonged to the Qotra of Garga, and of the family of Agrotaka. One 
Hatabudha, had three sons named Kshd^a^ Haragangi and Amara. A 
break now disturbs the genealogy, and then comes Yilhana by Palkeka. 
Hara had by Batna^ri a son named Talkana. Then a break, and it is 
foUowed by the statement that Yilhana was the son of Yardhamdna, who 
itjles himself a great poet and devout worshipper of Jina. 

As all the persons named were either Jain ascetics or private house- 
holders, the information afforded by the inscription is of no historical 

70 R. Mitra — Sanxlrrif Inscription from Lalifpur. [No. 1, 

Tramcript of an InteripHonfrom LalUpur, 

WOT ^^ + + ''i^Jwf i^fiyij iffin^ii < wwwwf(?) ^f *«i}iNi^^^- 

* t 

< I tUt^^ I 9'<Mi«m4MVijw( WTOt wrottswJ n ti ^v^irai^^imw ^rrw^irf^- 

1888.] R. Mitra— i8bfi#*n^ Inscription from Lalitpur. 71 

^miif ^fTnrww«ff"^j f w w ^^ ww^ » ^ %% yj^^- 

^m^^l srw^ifrTO^it snnw: i fir «^[q«^ 1 < i:^i'l**'V^1«!f- 

Mmi^lmfi^mmli i \ ■ ^ iw#f*tH<^wiHiM^^iftjy^4<ii»iyt + 
+ ^ I ^fW$ rMrirti«*rwii^rii ^ftftw n^hm ^fwftf: ^iv 11 \ 

72 R. Mifcra— &nf*rt^ InseripiUm from LaiUpur. [No. 1, 

+ + ^ wifh^ fii^fii'i^^T^t tt \« + f ^ + fir u«w^i^*^ 

^ I 'ipriT^ ^^tft w'rf*^' ftwufir ^Tfiren^ n u J^^i^ 'i^fcw- 

ifti I ir + + u ^r w^ii5 'w* fit ^im^fsfj* ii^ 

iimy I i:<<i i ^SI>Ji ^i < i , ^i H?nf w* wht: II ^^ ^rnirfic ii^rvPc 

1883.] Jt. WiinL-Safuirit Itueription from Lalifpur. 73 

^^nnj^vlMrrf ^^romrwfw fTc^irfEiiflf irf^w^^n^^ i ^^flnr + ^ 
^irfiTOw ftfwifiiniif uniTT^wf fi >r^ir9^^«iini^iiT^t u ^ ^^. 

< II w^^ ^?rt ^^ B 

74 R. Mitra — Sanskrit Intscription from Lnlitpur. [No. 1, 

Translation of an Inscription from Lalitpur, 

Line 1. Victory, be to thee, O Vrishabha, in the sea of nectar, named 
Kdnta, whose beautj shines forth supreme, and which is sitaate in 

thou great minded Sngata, thou spotless moon, bright with light, 
for the welfare of the good, thou sjireadest victory, right thinking, pros- 
perity and peace. (1) 

* * * * I take refuge under the Arhatine lustre, resplendent and 
glorious, for the non-appearance of what is mortal in me in this stream of 
transmigration. (2) 

May the kind Sad^iva (eternally auspicious) protect us always from 
destruction ! It is ready (to help) in the attainment of what is good. (3) 

Line 2. Even the pure flamingo becomes like a chakora in the clear 
moonlight of Chidananda (eternal gladness of the soul). 

1 worship S^ri^nkara, charming like the lord of prosperity * • * • 
possessing all the signs of greatness, the delighter Jinendra, the good 
friend, one to whom no enemies are born. He is like a chakora.* (4) 

I salute with delight the one-headed lord, worthy of receiving 
great honours from the lord of cultivated land,t with a beautiful neck, well 
deserving of worship, furnished with signs, the Am&ya (without illusion), 
though with Miyd or illusion on his left side (as wife). (5) 

Line 3. I adore Chandra, among the chief gods, to whom no enemy 
was born, the cause of the destruction of the ungovernable, with sticks in 
their hands, the abode of great whiteness • • • • the delighter of the 
ears of the good, whose symbol is the stag. (6) 

For the prosperity of nirv&na I merge in the essence of him who by 
his power burnt the eight works which destroy the future world and which 
pervade the regions above, below, and on all sides. (7) 

I bow to Takshaka, the unconquered, whose symbol is the hissing lord 
of serpents. (8) 

Line 4. One who brings about the Jaina ceremony of Varddham&na, 
though so very difficult. 

With the lord of the mountains on his face * * • * with varie- 
gated teeth • • • * because of Vetravali and El&li. May S'&ntisoma, 
without fault, the cause of the happiness of the whole world, the spotless 
moon, prevail for our prosperity. (9) 

* The simile is intended to convey the idea that even as the chakora or Greek 
partridge is fabled to be satiflfied with* and to sabaist on, moonbeams, so is an Arhat 
satisfied with pmity as his sustenance. 

t I take the mythological proper names like ^9fi, ^s9t^ &c. in their deriva- 
tive meanings ; most likely they are double entendres. 

1883,] R, Mitra — Sanskrit Jmeription from Lalitpur, 75 

He who consumed Kdma by the fire of the eye on hia fore- 
head, who killed £[£ma'8 father, who is followed by S^akti, who has three 
ejes, who is without any female on his left, (who has not married) 
• ♦ • ♦ (10) 

Line 5. S^antisoma * * * • for the prosperity of the three worlds, 
^en there is a possibility of transmigration, I worship with de- 
light on the pretext ♦ * * * the heir of lotus feet # • * ♦ because 
the conqueror of precious stones from the lowly heads of mortals, of immor- 
tals, and of the serpents, of the Arhat S'a^i, the destroyer of Shiva's beauty 
through the rays issuing from the orbs of nails shining moonlike as it 
were from the midst of a beautiful tam^la tree * • • • (11) 

Line 6. I adore, for breaking the chain of transmigration, for delight, 
and for prosperity, the speech of the lord who dispels the evils of darkness 
from the melting hearts of his worshippers. I adore also the celestial river 
falling on the disk of S'ri S^arvajna, the moon ; both these are white like 
milk, camphor, dew, necklace, diamond and Mah&deva, and are bright with 
the shining and thick ripples of the milky sea scattered over with the 
moon, the kunda flower and the kumuda flower. (1*) 

Line 7. In the great ceremony, named Madasarada, of Sri Mdia 
Lakshmi on the waterside, not to be slighted, where the crowds delight the 
king, where violences occur • * * * Dharmachandra is the only person, 
whose words are the only means of access to the inaccessible moonlike 
Jinendra named S^rikuna • * * * and whose rising fame is still flowing 
continuously, (2) 

Line 8. He whose fame is chanted day and night in the worlds 
of mortals, immortals and serpents, whose fame is like moonlight, 
delightful to the kumuda-like ears of the elephants of the quarters, — may 
he, Dharmachandra, a spotless f ullmoon obtain in the rise • • • • • 
shining S^rimdla * * * obtain the prosperity of the moon ! (3) 

On the Udayachala hill the moonlike Dharmachandra, the dispeller of 
darkness, more brilliant than silk, was followed by Batnakirti. 

Line 9. May the rays of fame of the brilliant sunlike Ratnakirti pre* 
Tail, for the blooming of lotuslike, pure and untarnished asceticism. (4) 

He whose * * like the nectar-dripping light of the moon on account 
of issaing from his feet • * • prevails over all. (6) 

May Batnakirti, the teacher of the holiest of the holy in the seven 
holy phices, ♦ * • for the glory of the moonlike Jina * • * 

He who made the goddess of speech an ornament to himself by 
the elegance and flow of his language, on the seat adorned by the lotuslike 
feet of Batnakirti. (1) 

* The figures within parantheses indicate the number of the stanza ; the stanzas^ 
howerer, have not been numbered in one continaous, but in different, series. 

76 B, MiiraL^SanihrU Imcription from Lalitptir^ [No. 1, 

Line 10. He who is like a powerful storm in the crushing joosts of 
malignant antagonists, who is like the sun in dispelling darkness and 
spreading happiness over the world, who is like the fullmoon without a 
stain, the giver o£ happiness, — may that S^riprahhachandra Deva prevail 
for the prosperity of the original congregation ! 

Him followed Padmanandi, the sin -dispelling dust of whose feet adorned 
the breasts of their females, and was carried away on the crowns of the 
crowds of kings who bowed to him and used it as their frontal mark. 

In the presence of Padmanandi who could claim a rivalry * * * 
No • * * No * * * measures him who * (2) 

Who were they ! Alas ! who were the fortunate men that after 
hearing sages speaking in accordance with the Purinas were blessed with 
the religious teaching from Padmanandi's smiling face P (3) 

In the religious places of the Jainas the asceticism of Padmanandi 
was like a lamp which burnt out and converted it into black collyrium, 
and Kama like a moth flew into the flame. 

Line 12. Passions were put to shame \ adverse opinions were dispelled 
like darkness ; sentiments had their full play ; moral principles were 
established ; and religion flourished. (4) 

The soothing brilliancy of • • • • becomes like a pure white 
flamingo, like the milky ocean, like the moon. Those that had nol 
before chanted often and often the fame of Padmanandi in the three 
worlds, now vie with each other to do so. 

Line 13. His fame, the good actress, dances well in unison with any 
tune of renown. (6) 

He is like an. ocean of knowledge. His august voice was the 
most substantial thing of his time. He was an authority. He melted 
in Pra^ava * * • * for the benefit of the world. (6) 

I think the man who is possessed of the intelligence of Indra, of 
Upendra, of the serpent king, and also of Ypihaspati, even he will not be 
able to enumerate the numerous good qualities of Padmanandi. 

Line 14. The pure intelligence of the noble sage, entering into the 
ocean of the world fixed itself in the calm ocean of intelligence, which 
intelligence may be compared to a boat, which plays the part of a lotus 
merrily. (7) 

The lotus feet of Padmanandi • • • • with eyes fixed on religion 
• * * delightful to the mind of • • • blooming like the kumuda 
flower is S^ubhachandra Deva. (1) 

In the year of king Yikramiditya, 1481, that of Saliv&hana 1346, on 
the fullmoon of the month of Yaishdkha, on Thursday, the asterism being 
Sv4ti in conjunction with Sinha (the same given in figures) — ^the king 
8&hi Alambhaka, the illuminator of the race of Qauri (Qhor), the ruler of 

1883.] R. TAitm—Satuirit Inscription Jrom Lalitpur. 1*1 

Hflava and Palakeska, issued forth with his sword uplifted, followed by his 
inTnlnerable army, from the city of Ma^^^papura in quest of victory. 

The intelligent and methodical (king) built according to rules * * * 
delightful as the crown -jewel of Siva * * for the great Bodhi, (I) 

There was such a lord of the three worlds on earth with a shining 
Teasel of fame. 

Line 17. Who obtained all the qualities to make the three worlds 
happy. (2) 

He who had a pure painting of his wide-spread fame • * * • * 
ipotless moon * * * with the sounds of elephants trumpeting with 
pride. (3) 

The Lord • • * the mitigator of sufFerings * * without pride 

eTen in good times * * * like clouds watering the creepers of fame 
t • • • • (4) 

He had a wife named Ambikd, pure like lightning * • • • 
deToted to her husband, fortunate like the daughter of the mountain, the 
mother of jewels amongst men, she was like Jagadambd. (5) 

They (husband and wife) got a son named Holi, the delighter, a 
lorer of poetry and enterprise, and possessing matchless beauty. 

Line 18. His parents were, like word and its meaning, intimately 
ittociated with each other. (6) 

Line 19. Holi, by fulfilling the growing desires of the beggars of 
Tarddham^na, became as it were the all-granting tree of desire. (7) 

Victory be to Holi, the all-granting tree of desire, whose roots are 
firm, whose leaves are beautiful, whose branches are tall, which is full of 
fmits, pure and delicious, shady and beautiful in appearance. 

He is refreshing like the moon even in heat, the punisher of bad men. 

Line 20. A better abode of lustrous fame than the sun and moon. (8) 

By means of continuous showering of high and well-formed clouds 
did he often delight his beautiful wife, a creeper on a princely bed. (9) 

He who • • • his wife • * • good himself, the conqueror and 
giver of wealth named Dhana * * * by the name of Kamal4. (10) 

No need of bel fruit, the wealth of females (their busts) ; no need 
of the younger sons of the family of Galhesha ; no need of gold, diamond 
tnd agallochum ; no need of the earth with jewels and also of gojara. (?) (11) 

Line 21. May the Lord of the congregation, may the lord Holi, 
conquer •••••• because • • • they gave • * ♦ being the 

proteg6, the earth her quality of sustaining everything. (12) 

Line 22. The worlds are wonderstruck by the good Holi, whose fame 
increases the moonlight in the boundless milky ocean, like Vishpu. (18) 

Whose universal fame in Kali (age) is by the spotless Vishnu * * 
lie, dwindling down into the moon • * * • (14) 

78 R, Mifcra — Sanslcrit Inseription Jrom Lalitpuf, [No. 1, 

The successful HoH, the teacher, feels the weight of speeches and 
makes the world wonderstruck. (15) 

He is accomplished, virtuous, straightforward, lover of the good 

Line 23. His wajs are straight, and he has no greed nor amhi<- 
tion. (16) 

The fame, which issues forth from the white palace of the sky, is used 
hj females, leaving off pearl ornaments. (17) 

May Holi, the houndless, hecome united with the leader Dhanan- 
jaja. Holi is a man whose fame, white like the ketaki flower • * * 
pervaded all the quarters — ^the fame which is identified as it were with 
cranes, full of hilantj. (18) 

You are, oh my son, heaven itself, and I am Vrisha, • • • very weak. 

Line 24. Tell me cheerfully why do you lament over your parents ? 
Why do you search for them ? Do you long for their springing into life 
again ? " Where is Kali, tell me, O royal poet • • • in the indestruc- 
tible Varddhamdna • • * like me • • • Holi. (19) 

In Holi, the lotus tank, fame spreading over the whole world becomes 
a lotus, and S^esha becomes its stalk. The elephants become its leaves. 
Light spreads over all the quarters. (20) 

Line 25. In the Meru the spotless moon, driving away the fear of 
•sunset, oh wonder ! sports like a Marala, or plays like a lotus-stalk. 

The moon being laughed at • * • • blossoming • • • be- 
comes * * * when the fame of HoH spreads like the ocean all over the 
world. It appears like an all-pervading mountain, and becomes like a boat 
of religion. There is one reason for this, and that is as it should be. (21) 

Line 26. It is a fact that Holi is powerful, it is also a fact that I 
am to be made known as one strong in the power of speech. It is, therefore, 
oh Sages, that our affection grew with our age. (22) 

He who made the delightful • * * Indra • • • * the temple 
of Jina. (23) 

For the increase of his 0¥m contentment, for his own blessings, 
for his own prosperity, as well for the delight of those that have conquered 
their passions as well of those that are mere spectators, * * • (24) 

Line 27. In the quarter * • • there was one named Siyudeva. 
He got a son named Valladeva by Vedairi. (1) 

He too got a son named Lakshmanap41a Deva, the wise, furnished 
with all the signs of greatness. (2) 

A son named Kshemaraja by Sn • * • • He was perfectly suc- 
cessful in the attainment of virtue, desires and wealth. (3) 

He was the second, but second to none in harassing his enemies by his 
rising power. 

1883.] R. Mifcra — Sanskrit Inseripiion from Lalitpur, 79 

Line 28. He was an ocean of sweetness, and very strong in bear- 
ing the bnrden of state. (4) 

He always preferred the company of Devarati, free from all bad 
feelings, the only refuge of meditation and virtue, always desiring pros- 
perity, and the lord of all prosperous men. It is he who devoted himself 
to Jina # ♦ * * in good men. (5) 

He obtained by Fadmairi a son named Nayanasinha, the sun of 
the lotus of his race. He was inferior only to gods. (6) 

Line 29. He went to heaven, — cleaving a son named Batna, devoid of 
all bad feelings. (7) 

He obtained, by Malhana Degand, a son named Bambhdmaya. He 
was like a young moon, by means of his knowledge of the fine arts (kaU), 
#••••• desirous also of associating with her husband • • • the 
son beloved to Queen Dilhand. May the chief descendants of Padmasinha 
be in prosperity ! (8) 

Line 30. Who can perform the ceremony of consecrating the statue 
of Padmanandi ? His name alone is sufficient, the consecration is a great 

Still he, by the command of S^ubhasoma, through the aid of 
Ga^akirti, of the sages Harapati and others, and of Yai'ddhamdn, (2) 

and also of Nandana, Sunandana and others, consecrated, according 
to roles, the statues of Padmanandi and * * • • Dama-vasanta, two 
great souls. (3) 

Holi in this world is the lord of the congregation. 

Line 31. He was the seal-bearer of the lord of the congregation, of 
the lord of gods, and also of the lord of speech. He is followed by all his 
friends * * by means of all the auspicious ceremonies, he cheerfully 
helps alL He pours showers of nectar. (4) 

May Holi, the greatest of men, be victorious ! He is the lord of 
troth and virtue. By the water he has to pour for consecrating his gif ts, 
Holi every day sends a heavy shower. (I) 

He is always full of religion. He is always prosperous. He is 
always munificent. His fame • * * * (2) 

May Holi, the giver of prosperity, be victorious ! The glad earth is 
the frontal mark of his fame. 

Line 32. He shines like a rival of the moon. (3) 

The goodness of wise Holi all over the world • • • • the 
tremulous light of the spotless moon * * the young • * • of the 
• • • of beauty * • * of the lotus heart at the lotus feet of the 
spiritual guide, the enemy of eternal darkness which are being dispelled by 
the morning beams. (4) 

In the family of Agrotaka, in the gotra of Garga, were born the 
viae sons of H&tabudha, 

80 R. Mitm — Satuirit Inseription from Laliipur, 

Line 83. named Eshtina, Haragangd, and Amara. (5) 
Tbe son of the first was Vilhana, whose mother was Pilhiki. Hara 
has, hj Katnairi, a son uamed Talhana with beautiful eyes. 
Then * * * * (8) 
The venerable Yilhana was bom of Yarddham&n bj Yasantakirti. 

• * * • (4) 

(I do not understand a few words here.) 

Line 84. The good poet Yarddhamdn, the chakora, after worship* 
ping Jina the ascendant, for the delight of the good • * • • thia 
eulogium {praiatti.) (5) 

(I do not understand a few words here.) 

May well-meaning men delight in drinking with their ears tlie 
nectareferous * * * • words issuing from the mouth of Yarddham^n ! 

• • • # # iniaj IjIi^ good be prosperous ! May the son live long T • • 

• • S^hi Alambhaka. 

The son of S^ahi Alambhaka, the crown jewel of hostile kings, roaring 
at his proper place • • • • Gaurikula in this world • • • • • 

■^ /■' 







No. II.— 1883. 

Folktaletfrom the Upper Panjdb, — By the Ret. C. SwyNNEBTOW, 

M. R. A. S., Chaplain of Nausherd. 

I' In Winter^B tedious nights, sit by the fire 
^^ith good old folks, and let them tell thee tales !'* 

The tales and stories which I propose to present to the notice of mem- 
ben have been literailj gathered on winter's nights from the lips of the 
peasantry of the Upper Panjdb. So far as I am aware, not one of them 
has appeared in print ; but in any case, whether some few of them liave 
been published or not, there must still exist in the ensuing series a pecu* 
liarity of treatment and a freshness of incident, together with many other 
important points of difEerenoe, which will mark this collection as an original 
effort, interesting in itself, and interesting too for purposes of comparison. 
The storj-tellers were partly Panjdbis, and partly Pii^hdns ; some of them 
were tottering old men, and some of them youths, robust and strong. They 
ire the tales which are the delight of the village Hazrah on winter's nights, 
when icy winds are blowing, and when the young men gather rouad the 
blazing fire to bear* of the fantastic deeds of giants and fairies, and the 
•dfentures of animals and men, or when the village guest, if not too tired 
to sit up, alternates the recital of fictitious wonders by news from the 
Sfieat world, or commands the attention of auditors as simple as himself 
by eircumstantial accounts of most disastrous chances, of moving accidents 
of his own, by flood and fell. It was at the little village of Gli&zi on the 
river Indus, thirty miles above A^ak, that many of these stories were 

82 C. Swynnerton — Folktales from the Upper Panjdb, [No. 2, 

told to the compiler, and translated to him vivd voee from the Paojabi by 
his hospitable host and attached friend Thomas Lambert Barlow, Esq. 
There within sight and hearing of the majestic river of history and 
romance, in a district exclusively pastoral, close to the fabled mountain of 
Gmngar, in the midst of many a ruined temple and fortress of an earlier 
race and a former faith, on ground historical and eren classical though now 
so obscure and unknown, these interesting gleanings of old-world folklore 
were carefully gathered and stored. Exactly opposite lies a line of rocky 
hills overlooking the rushing waters of the river. On this spot stood an 
ancient city of fabulous strength and vast extent, the home of four Hindti 
brothers, all of them kings. Each of the low peaks of which there are several 
is crowned by a tower, a palace or a temple, while traces of connecting 
walls and ruined dwellings traverse the ground on all sides to the very 
edge of the cliff. This city according to tradition was so vast that one of 
its gates was close to Hund, an equally ancient site, which stands on the 
same bank about twenty miles to the south. What was the name of this 
once mighty capital ? Possibly it may survive among the popular names 
of the peaks and ravines on which it was built, as Qdill4h, Pihdr, Qharri 
dha Lar, Farri dh& Kdtth&, Gaddhi dhd K4tth&, Qangaridnh dh& Kassi, 
Bhoru dh& Katth&. Hund has been identified as the spot where '' Sikander 
Bidshdh" crossed over his conquering army of Greeks, and undoubtedly it 
possessed an important ferry from the very earliest ages. . 

A few miles to the north of Ghfizi where the hills begin to close in, 
we can almost see the collection of hanlets known as Torbela, the inhabi* 
tants of which are addicted to the curious vice of eating clay, as people 
in other parts are given to the consumption of opium. Opposite Torbeli 
stands the warlike independent village of Kabbal. It is here, between 
these two rival villages not more than twelve miles from Gh4zi, that the 
Indus breaks through the gorge of the restraining peaks on either side, the 
last spurs of the fiimdlayos, forming the territory, in part independent, 
but partly under our dominion, which the inhabitants call Yakistdn. How 
beautiful is the view miles and miles up the river, with the descending lines 
of the precipitous mountains, one behind the other, receding ever more and 
more into blue haze, until crowned by the distant snows ! As one sits in 
the warm winter sun, among the river boulders at Ghizi, where the gold- 
washers are busy at work, and as one directs one's gaze northwards, past the 
bare tawny hills into the remote distance, one thinks how- all this land was 
once in the hands of a dynasty of Greeks, of helmed Menander, or lightning, 
wielding Antialkidas, whose coins attest the excellency of the arts in these 
remote places when under their accomplished sway, but of whose influence 
every living trace seems to have disappeared, uliless, in the classical designs 
of the village basketwork, or in the graceful devices in red and green on the 

1883.] C. Swynnerion^ Folktales from the Upper Fanjdh. 83 

coootrj nambdas o£ felt, one may be permitted to detect a remnant, how- 
erer slight, of Greoian taste and western refinement. Passing on to 
a gacceeding era, one remembers the local tradition of king Ras41a who, 
from those verj heights to the left, hurled at his rival on the eastern bank 
a mightj defiance in the shape of a huge mass of greenstone weighing a 
maand and a half. Five kos it hurtled through the air, and it still reposes 
on the spot where it felL Or, one longs for a holiday, however short, and 
for money and men, to penetrate beyond the tributary Sirin, famous for 
mirsir, and to visit the remoter hills of Th4nnaul, the district of 
Naw&b Akram Kh4n, whose Summer House gleams from a distant peak, 
there, among much besides, to search for and to find the *^ Haldi DilU** 
or great Rocking Stone, of which the people tell, and which though of 
towering size can be moved, say they, by a touch of a single finger. 

However, it is time to address myself to the Folktales. I shall at- 
tempt in this issue little or no commentary, but I would leave each one of 
them to speak for itself, merely premising that the first series shall consist 
of a selected number of fables and short stories, and the next of longer and 
more ambitious stories having much resemblance in general character to 
the tales in the " Arabian Nights." 

I. The Wbaysb aitd the P&ofhegt. 

A village weaver went out to out firewood. Climbing a tree he stood 
upon one of the branches, which he began to hew off close to the trunk. 
" My friend," said a traveller passing below, *' you are standing on the very 
limb which you are cutting off. In a few minutes you and it will both 
£sU to the ground." The weaver unconcernedly continued his task and 
ioon both the branch and himself fell to the foot of the tree as the traveller 
had foretold. Limping after him the weaver cried, " Sir, you are God, you 
are Gkxi, Sir, you are Qod— what you prophesied has come to pass." ** Tut, 
man, tut," answered the traveller, ** I'm not God." " Nay, but you are," 
replied the weaver, ** and now pray, O pray, tell me when I am to die?" 
To be rid of his importunity, the traveller answered, " Tou will die on the 
4iy on which your mouth bleeds," and he pursued his way. 

Some days had elapsed when the weaver happened to be making some 
icarlet cloth, and as he had frequently to separate the threads with his 
moath,a piece of the coloured fibre by chance stuck in one of his front teeth. 
Catehing sight of this in a glass, and instantly concluding that it was blood, 
and that his last hour was at hand, he entered his hut, and said '' Wife, 
wife, I'm ack ; in a few moments I shall be dead : let me lie down, and 
go, dig my grave !" So he lay down on his bed, and turning his face to the 
vail, closed his eyes, and began deliberately to die. And indeed, such is the 
power of the imagination among these people, that he would have died with- 

84 C. Swynnerton — Folktale* from the Upper Panjdb. [No. 2, 

oat doubt, if a customer bad not called for his clothes. He seeing the man's 
condition and hearing of the prophecy, asked to examine his mouth. *' Ah," 
said he, ** what an idiot are you ? Call you this blood P" and taking out the 
thread he held it before the weaver's eyes. The weaver, as a man repriered 
from death, was overjoyed, and springing to his feet he resumed his work, 
having been rescued, as he imagined, from the very brink of the grave. 

II. The three Weavers. 

There were three weavers, all brothers, who lived in the same village. 
One day the eldest said to the others " I am going to bay a milch buffalo." 
So he went to a farmer, paid for the buffalo, and brought it home to his 

The second brother was quite touched by the sight of it. He viewed 
its heads, its horns, and its teats, and then said " O brother, allow me to be 
a partner in this beautiful buffalo ?'* Said the elder, *' I have paid for this 
beautiful buffalo twenty-two rupees. If you wish to be a partner in her, 
you had better go to the farmer, and pay him twenty*two rupees too, and 
then we shall have equal shares in her." 

Shortly after the third brother came in and said, '^ brother, you have 
allowed our brother to be a partner with you in this buffalo, won't you let 
me take a share too P'' ** Willingly," answered the other, ** but first you must 
go to the farmer and pay him twenty-two rupees as we have done." So 
the third brother did so, while the farmer chuckled, saying, " This is a fine 
thing for me getting all this money for my skinny old buffalo !" 

The three brothers now agreed that each one of them should have a 
day's milk from the buffalo in turn, and that each should bring his own 
pot. The two elder brothers had their turns, but when the third day came, 
the youngest said, ** Alas ! what shall I do P I have no pot in my house !" 
In this perplexity the eldest remarked, " This is a most difficult business, 
because you see iE you milk the buffalo without a pot, the milk will be spilt. 
Tou-had better milk her into your mouth." His ingenious solution of the 
problem was at once adopted, and the youngest brother milked the buffalo 
into his mouth. Going home he was met by his wife who asked, " Well, 
where is the milk P" Her husband answered, ** I had no pot, so I had to 
milk the buffalo into my mouth." *' O you did, did you," cried she, *' and 
so your wife counts as no one P I am to have no milk P If I am not to 
have my share, in this house I refuse to* remain." And she went off in 
anger to the house of her mother. 

Then the three brothers went together to the headman of the village, 
and complained, begging him to order the woman to return to her husband. 
So the headman summoned her and said, " woman, you may have jout 
share of the milk too, just the same as your husband. Let him visit the 

1883.] C. Swynnorton — Folktales from the Upper Panjdb. 86 

buffalo in the morning and drink the milk, and do you visit her in the 
erening." Said she, '' But why could not my husband have said so ? 
Now it is all right, and besides I shall be saved all the trouble of setting 
the milk for butter !" 

Ill, The Wbaveb and the Watee-melon. 

Once upon a time a poor country weaver visited a town, where he saw 
i quantity of water-melons piled up one above the other in front of a 
bsDii's shop. " Eggs of other birds there are," he said, '' and I have seen 
them : bat what bird's eggs are these eggs ? These must be mare's eggs !" 
So he disked the bania, " Are these eggs mare's eggs ?" The bani4 instantly 
cocked his ears, and perceiving that he was a simpleton answered, " Yes, 
these bird's eggs are mare's eggs." " What is the price ?" " One hundred 
rapees apiece" said the bani&. The simple weaver took out his bag of 
money and counting out the price, bought one of the melons and carried 
it off. As he went along the road, he began to say to himself, " When 
I get home 1 will put this egg in a warm corner of my house, and by and 
bje a foal will be born, and when the foal is big enough, I shall mount it 
and ride it to the house of my father-in-law. Won't he be astonished ?" 
As the day was unusually hot, he stopped at a pool of water to bathe.* 
Bat first of all he deposited the melon most carefully in the middle of a 
low bush, and then he proceeded to undress himself. His garments were 
not half laid aside, when out from the bush sprang a hare, and the 
weaver, snatching up part of his clothing while the rest hung about his legs 
in disorder, made desperate efforts to chase and overtake the hare, crying 
oat, ** Ah there goes the foal, wo, old boy, wo, wo !" But he ran in vain, 
for the hare easily escaped, and was soon out of sight. 

The poor weaver reconciled himself to his loss as best he could, ** Kis- 
met 1" cried he : ** And as for the egg, it is of course of no use now and not 
worth returning for, since the foal has left it." So he made his way home 
and said to his wife, " O wife, I have had a great loss this day !" '* Why," 
Mud she, " what have you done ?" ** I paid one hundred rapees for a mare's 
egg, but while I stopped on the road to bathe, the foal jumped out and 
ran away." His wife replied, ** Ah, what a pity ! if you had only brought 
the foal here, I would have got on his back and ridden, him to my 
father's house !" Hearing this, the weaver fell into a rage, and pulling a 
stick out of his loom began to belabour his wife, crying, *^ What, you would 
break the back of a young foal ? Ah you slut, let me break yours !" 

After this he went out, and began to lament his loss to his friends 
tnd neighboars, warning them all, " If any of you should see a stray 
foal, don't forget to let me know." To the village herdsmen especially he 
* LitenJIy : On his way home he tarried ut ahmm $x<m$rar4t. 

86 C. Swynnerton — Iblktales from the Upper Panjdb. [No. 2, 

related his wonderful story, how the £oal came out of the egg, and ran away, 
and would perhaps be found grazing on the common' lands somewhere. 
One or two of the farmers, however, to whom the tale was repeated said, 
** What is this nonsense ? Mares never have egg^. ' Where did you pat 
this egg of yours P" " I put my egg in a bush," said the weaver, '* near 
the tank on the way to the town." The farmers said, *'Come and 
show us !" " All right," assented the weaver, ** come along." When 
they arrived at the spot the melon was found untouched in the middle 
of the bush. " Here it is," cried the weaver, " here's my mare*8 egg. 
This is the thing out of which my foal jumped.*' The farmers turned the 
melon over and over, and said, " But what part of this egg did the foal 
jump out of?" So the weaver took the melon and began to examine it. 
** Out of this," cried one of the farmers, snatching back the melon, ** no foal 
ever jumped. You are a simpleton and you have been cheated. We'U 
show you what the foals are." So he smashed the melon on a stone, and 
giving the seeds to the weaver, said, ** Here are foals enough for you," while 
the farmers themselves amid much laughter sat down and ate up the fruit. 

IV. The Weavbb-gibl. 

A certain quarter of a village was inhabited only by weavers. Oae 
day a fine young weaver-girl was sweeping out the house, and as she swept, 
she said to herself, " My father and mother and all my relations belong to 
this village. It would be a good thing if I married in this village and 
settled here too, so that we should always be together." ** But," continued 
she, ** if I did marry here, and had a son, and if my son were to die, oh how 
my aunts and my friends would come, and how they would all bewail him !" 
Thinking of this she laid her broom against the wall and began to cry. In 
came her aunts and her friends, and seeing her in such distress, they all 
began to cry too. Then came her father and her uncles and her brothers , 
and they also began to cry most bitterly, but not one of them had the wit 
to say, " What is the matter ? For whom is this wailing P" At last, when 
the noise and the weeping had continued for some time, a neighbour said, 
*' What bad news have you had ? Who is dead here P" One of the uncles 
answered, " I don't know ; these women know ; ask one of them !" At 
this point, the headman arrived at the spot, and cried, " Stop, stop this 
hubbub, good people, and let us find out what is the matter." Addressing 
himself to an old woman, he said, ** What is all this disturbance in the 
village for?" ** I don't know," answered she, '* when I came here, I found 
this weaver-girl crying about something." Then the weaver-girl on being 
questioned, said, " I was weeping because I could not help thinking that if 
I married in this village and had a son, and if my son were to die, all my 
aunts would come round me and bewail him. The thought of this made 

1983.] C. Swji^jierton^ Folktale* from the Upper Fanjah, 87 

me ciy.** On hearing this, the headman and his followers began to laugh, 
and the crowd dispersed. 

y. Thv two Wsatebs and the Gbabbhoffebs. 

Two weavers took guns and went out for a day's sport. As they pass- 
ed through the fields, one of them espied an immense grasshopper sitting 
OD a mid4r plant, which as thej approached flew on to the shoulder of 
liis companion. " See, see, there he is !" cried he, and levelling his piece, 
he shot his friend through the heart. 

VI. The old Wbavbb aito the Camel's footpbirts. 

One night a camel trespassing in a weaver's field, left there the marks 
of his feet. In the morning the owner brought to the spot the oldest 
weaver in the village, expecting that he would be able to explain what 
manner of animal had trodden down his corn. The old man on seeing the 
footprints both laughed and cried. Said the people *' O father, you both 
laagh and cry. What does this mean ?" '' I cry,*' said he, " because I 
think to myself, ' What will these poor children do for some one to explain 
these things to them when I am dead,' and I laugh, because, as for these 
foot-prints, I know not what they are !*' 

YII. Gbeeba the Wsateb. 

At the village of Bhurran lived an old weaver named Greeba who for 
a wonder was shrewd enough. It happened that Habblb Khdn the 
kmbardar laid a tax on the weavers' houses at the rate of two rupees for 
every doorway. When Greeba heard of this, he tore down his door and 
Uying it on his shoulders carried it off to the Kh&n's. " Here, Khan/' said 
he with a profound salaam, '* I have heard you want doorways, so I have 
hrooght you mine. I also hear you want the sidewalls, and I am now 
going to fetch them too." Hearing this, the Khan laughed and said, *' O 
Greeba the weaver, take back your door, your tax is paid." 

VIII. The Black Bee and the Black Beetle. 

A villager once reared a black bee and a black beetle together, imagin- 
ing them to be brothers. In looks they were not unlike, and the '' boom" 
which they uttered seemed precisely the same. One day he set them fly- 
ing. The bee lighted on a rose, while the beetle settled on a dunghill. 
"Ah," said the village &eer, '' these creatures are like ourselves, and it is only 
by observation that we can say who is worthy of friendship and who is 

IX. The GABDtNBB'fl Wife, the Potteb's Wife, aitd the Camel. 

A gardener's wife and a potter's wife once hired a camel to carry their 
goods to market. One side of the beast was well laden with vegetables. 

88 C. Swjnnerton — Folklalett from the Upper Panjdb, [No. 2, 

and the other with pottery. As they went along the road, the camel kept 
stretching back his long neck to pilfer the v^etables. Upon observing this, 
the potter's wife began laughing, and jested her friend on her ill-lack. 
** Sister," said she, " at the end of the journey there will not be a single 
vegetable left — ^you'll have nothing whatever to sell !'* " It is true you are 
luckier than I am,'' answered the gardener's wife, *' but remember the first 
to win are the last to lose !" When they arrived at the market place, the 
camel man ordered his animal to kneel down, but the weight on one side was 
so much greater, by this time, than the weight on the other, that the camel 
gave a lurch as he got on his foreknees, and crushed the pottery between 
himself and the earth, so that most of it was smashed, and what was not 
smashed was cracked. So it ended that the gardener's wife had something 
at least to sell, but the potter's wife had nothing. 

X. The Mule and the Tbayklleb. 

A certain mule, having a great opinion of himself, began braying pre- 
tentiously, so that every one stopped to say *' Who is that ?" A traveller 
passing by at that moment said to him, '* O Sir, pray tell me what was the 
name of your mother ?" ** My mother's name was Mare" answered the 
mule proudly. '' And what was your father's name ?" continued the 
traveller. " Be off," said the mule, *' be off ! None of your jesting with 
me. You are impertinent 1" 

XI. The Tiger and the Cat. 

Tigers at first were ignorant, until the king of the tigers once came 
to the cat and begged him for lessons. The cat consenting taught the 
tiger to watch, to crouch, to spring, and all the other accomplishments so 
familiar to the race. At last when he thought he had learnt everything 
the cat had to impart, the tiger made a spring at his teacher intending to 
tear him and eat him. Instantly the cat ran nimbly up a tree whither 
the tiger was unable to follow. " Come down," cried the tiger, ** come down 
instantly !" " No, no," replied the cat. ** How fortunate for me that I did 
not teach you more ! Otherwise you would have been able to pursue me 
even here." 

XII. The Doo Axm the Cock. 

Once upon a time a dog and a cock were sworn friends. But a famine 
fell on the land and the dog said to the cock, '* There is no food for me 
here, so I am going away to another country. I tell you this that joa 
may not blame me, and say, * This dog was my friend, but he left me with- 
out a word V " The cock answered, '* O dog, we are both friends. If yoa 
go, I go. Let us go together, and as you are a dog you can forage for us 
bothy since if 1 expose myself the village dogs will set on me and eat me 

1883.] C. Swynnerton—Iblktales from the Tipper Panjdb. 89 

up." " Agreed," said the dog, *' when I go for food, jou shall hide in the 
juigle, and whaterer I find I will fetch to jou, and we'll share and share 
tlike." 80 the two friends set out. After a time they hegan to approach 
a village, and the dog said, '' Now 1 am going forward for food, but do 
yoo remain here. Only, first of all, if anything should happen to you when 
I im away, how shall I know it ?" Said the cock, " Whenever you hear 
me crow seyeral times, then hasten hack to me." So for some time they 
lived happily, the dog bringing in supplies every day, while at night he 
slept beneath the tree on which the cock sat safely at roost. 

One day in the absence of the dog, a jackal came to the tree and look- 
ing up, said, " uncle, why, pray, are you perched so high P Come down 
and let us say our prayers together !" " Most willingly," answered the 
eock, ^ but first let me cry the bhangh* for all good Musalmans to come 
and join us." So the cock crew most lustily three or four times, until the 
dog in the village heard him, and said, " Ah something is about to happen 
to my friend — I must get back." He at once started for the jungle, but 
the jackal, when he perceived his approach, began to sneak off. Then cried 
the cock, ** O good nephew, don't go away, stop at any rate for prayers. 
See, here's a pious neighbour coming to join us !" *' Alas, friend, I would 
stop with pleasure," replied the jackal, " but it just occurs to my mind 
that I quite forgot to perform my ablutions. f Farewell !" And quicken- 
ing his pace, he diftippeared. 

XIII. The Silyebbmith and his Mother's Bakgle. 

Silversmiths as a class bear a bad reputation for mixing up an undue 
quantity of alloy in the silver of their customers. There was once a silver- 
smith who in a moment of disinterestedness promised his mother that he 
would give her a bangle which should contain nothing but pure silver. 
" You are my mother," said he, " and I as your son who owe you so much 
cannot do less." So he cast a bangle for his mother out of unmixed silver* 
ind when it was finished, he stored it up for her and went to bed. But he 
wai quite unable to get a wink of sleep. He turned from side to side, and 
moaned and fretted in torment, frequently exclaiming, " Ah that wretched 
bangle \ What a simpleton was I to make a bangle without alloy !" At 
htt he could stand it no longer, so he got up, lighted his lamp, and did 
not rest until, having melted down the silver once more, he had recast it 
with a considerable admixture of base metal. Then with a conscience 
pUTged of offence he returned to his deserted couch, and in an instant he 

* The MoHalmap cry to prayers is called the bhanoh. So also is the crow of 
a eock. 

t Litenlly, *' Proh dolor, amice, pepedi : domum redire me decet at ablutiones 
Bieai perficiam. Vale V* — a satirical reference to the frivolooa regard which the 
itricter Mu h a mm adana pay to the punctilios of ceremonial washings. 

00 C. Swynnerton— Jb7it/ir7^« from ike Upper Pamfdh, [No. 2, 

was asleep, while a fat smile of pleasure and eoDtenimeoi betd^ened the 
satisfaction of his miod. 

XIV. Thz Jackal aitd the Yoics of tams. 

A jackal prowling roand a village one OTening was spied by some of 
the Tillage dogs which instantlj gave the alarm. At the same time some 
wayfarers began to point at him and cry, " See, there he goes, there he 
goes 1" ** This always strikes me a3 a most remarkable thing," said the' 
jackal as he cleared off, " I haven^t a single acqoaintanee out of my own set 
in the world, and yet wherever I go, everyone seems to know me ! How 
inconvenient is fame !*' 

XV. Ths Foub Associates. 

Once upon a time a crow, a jackal, a hyena, and a camel swore a 
friendship, and agreed to seek their food in common. Said the camel to 
the crow, " Friend, you can fly. Go forth and reconnoitre the country for 
«s." So the erow flew away from tree to tree, until he came to a fine field 
of mashmelons, i^nd then he returned and reported the fact to his com- 
panions. ** Ton," said he to the camel, ** can eat the leaves, but the fruit 
must be the share of the jackal, the hyena, and myself.*' When it was 
night all four visited the field, and began to make a hearty supper. Sud- 
denly the owner woke up and rushed to the rescue. The crow, the jackal 
and the hyena easily escaped, but the camel was caught and driven out 
with cruel blows. Overtaking his comrades, he said, '' Pretty partners you 
are, to leave your friend in the lurch !'* Said the jackal, ** We were sur- 
prised, but cheer up, to-night we'll stand by you, and won't allow you 
to be thrashed again." 

The next day the owner as a precaution covered his field with nets and 

At midnight, the four friends returned again, and began devouring 
as before. The crow, the jackal and the hyena soon had eaten their fill, 
bat not so the camel, who had hardly satisfied the cravings of hunger, 
when the jackal suddenly remarked, '* Camel, I feel a strong inclination to 
bark." *' For Heaven's sake don't," said the camel, " Tou'U bring up the 
owner, and then while you all escape, I shall be thrashed again." <' Bark 

1 must," replied the jackal who set up a dismal yell. Out from his hut 
ran the owner, but it happened that while the camel, the crow and the 
jackal succeeded in getting away, the stupid hyena was caught in a net* 
*' Friends, friends" cried he '^ are yoagoing to abandon me P I shall be kill- 
ed." '<Obeymy directions" said the crow, <' and all will be right." ''What 
shall I do P" asked the hyena. '' Lie down and pretend to be dead," said 
the croW| '' and the owner will merely throw you out, after which you cm 

1883.] C. Swjnnerion — Folktalet from the TTppw Panjdb. 


ran awaj." He had hardlj spoken when the owner came to the spot, and 
eeeing what he believed to be a dead hjena, he seized him by the hind legs 
and threw him out of the field, when at once the delighted hjena sprang 
to his feet and trotted awaj. " Ah," said the man, '^ this rascal was not 
dead after all !" 

When the four associates met again, the camel said to the jackal, 
" Your barking, friend, might have got me another beating. Never mind, 
all's well that ends well ; to-day yours, to-morrow mine." 

Some time afterwards the camel said, '* Jackal, I'm going out for a walk. 
If you will get on my back, I'll give you a ride, and you can see the world." 
Tlie jackal agreed, and stooping down the camel allowed him to mount on his 
back. As they were going along, they came to a village, whereupon all the 
dogs rushed out and began barking furiously at the jackal whom they eyed 
OB the camel's back. Then said the camel to the jackal, '' Jackal, I feel a 
ifcrong inclination to roU." '' For Heaven's sake, don't," pleaded the jackal, 
'' I shall be worried." ** Boll I must," replied the camel, and he rolled, while 
the village dogs fell on the jackal before he could escape, and tore hhn to 
pieces. Then the camel returned and reported the traitor's death to his 
friends, who mightily approved the deed. 

XVI. Ths Jaosiax akd thb Evhb shbsp. 

Once upon a time a certain jackal made a dash at a ewe-sheep hoping 
to catch her. The sheep rushed into a half -dry tank where she stuck in 
the mad. The jackal attempting to follow her stuck in the mud too. 
Then said the jackal, ''O aunt, this is a bad business !'* " O nephew," an- 
swered she, *' it is by no means so bad as it will be soon, when my master 
appears. On his shoulder he will have a singal (forked -stick), and behind 
him will follow his two dogs Dabbd and Bhold. One blow with his 
stick will hit you in two places, and his dogs will drag you out by the 
legs. Then, dear nephew, you will know this business is not so bud now 
as it will be then !" 

XVII. The VLtuLv aot) the Plums.* 

There is a certain small black plum grown in the Hazira District, 
called the Amlok, which, when dried, looks like a species of black beetle. 
One day a Path4n stopped in a bazaar and bought some of them, laying 
tbem in a corner of his lunghi. As he went along he took out a handful 
in which there chanced to be one of these beetles alive, and the little creature 
feeling the pressure of the man's hand began buzzing and squealing. But 
the Path^n determined to be deprived of no portion of his money's worth, 
ittd " Friend, you may buzz, or, friend, you may squeal, but in the measure 

• This tale and ** The P6thibi and the Ass" ridicule two of the principal cha- 
ncteriBticB of the PithiLns according to popular estimation. 

92 C. Swynnerton — Folktales from the Upper Fattjdh. [No. 2, 

you came, and in the measure you'll go." Saying which he clapt the whole 
handful, plums and beetle together, into his mouth and devoured them. 

XYIII. The FAtr/lv akb the Ass. 

A P4thdn was one day sitting in a ferry-boat which was moored to 
the bank of the Indus. His talw&r or sword lay by his side. Presently 
down came a countryman driving a donkey and requesting to be ferried 
across the river. The donkey, however, having come to the boat refused 
to enter, utterly regardless of entreaties, threats and blows. Suddenly the 
Fath4n sprang from his seat, seized his tulwar, and at a blow smote ofiE the 
donkey's head. " To a Pdthan," cried he, " this stubborn pride is permissi- 
ble ; but to an ass — never !" 

The people of Baner, though noted for their bravery, are considered 
by their neighbours as the most stupid of mankind, not even excepting 
weavers. This fact is illustrated by the following anecdotes : 

XIX. The Baiteb Mak and the Mill. 

A Baneri came down to the Indus where he saw a water-mill at 
work. Said he to himself, ** People say that God is known by His wonder- 
ful ways. Now here is a wonderful thing with wonderful ways though it 
has neither hands nor feet. It must be God." So he went forward and 
kissed the walls, but he merely cut his face with the sharp stones. 

XX. One BiNEiti asked anotheb, 

" If the Indus were set on fire where would the fishes go ?" " They 
would get on the trees" said the other. Tlien said the first, " Are fishes 
like buffaloes to climb up trees ?"* 

XXI. The Widow of Baneb. 

There was a widow of Baner who had two sons. They had cut the 
harvest of their little ancestral field, and their two bullocks were treading 
out the grain, when suddenly the sky became overcast, and a storm of rain 
swept hy. The poor silly woman instantly caught a certain familiar insect, 
a friend to man, and, running a needle and thread through it, hung it up 
to a neighbouring ber tree, as a charm to drive away the unwelcome 
shower. At the same time she addressed God in the following words : 
" O God, my boys are but children, and in this thing are innocent. But 
thou art a white-bearded man. Didst thou not see that this rain was not 
wanted for thrashing out my wheat P" 

XXII. The Babeb man and the boat. 

A countryman who had spent the whole of his life in the fastnesses 

* Thia tale was not a mere invention of the story-teller. It is frequently told in 
ridicule of the dense stupidity of the Baneris. 

1883.] C. Swjnnerion^Folktales from the Upper Panjdb. 93 

of Baner and had never seen the Indus determined to perform a journey. 
Descending to the Tasafzai plains he made his way to Atak, and when 
he saw one of the large eight-oared ferry hoats crossing with the flood to 
tiie opposite hank of the river, he cried to the bystanders — '' What long 
legs that creature must have !" 


There was once a sudden flood in the Indus which washed away num- 
bers of people, and among others, the wife of a certain Baneri. The dis- 
tracted husband was wandering along the banks of the river looking for the 
dead body, when a countryman accosted him thus, " O friend, if, as I am 
informed, your wife has been carried away in the flood, she must have floated 
down the stream with the rest of the poor creatures. Tet you are going up 
the stream." "Ah sir/' answered the wretched Baneri, ''you did not 
know that wife of mine. She always took an opposite course to every one 
else. And even now that she is drowned, I know full well that, if other 
bodies have floated down the river, hers must have floated up !" 

XXIY. The kan and the Beab. 

One day when the river was in flood, a certain dark object was seen 
floating down the stream. Thereupon a poor man, mistaking it for a log 
of wood, plunged into the water and swimming with vigorous strokes, 
seized it with both his hands. When -too late he discovered that he was 
clasped in the shaggy embrace of a bear. '* Ah," cried his friends from the 
shore, '' let him go, let him go !" '' Just what I am trying to do," answered 
the unhappy man, ^ but he won't let me go !"* 

XXV. The Grow ahd its toun&. 

An old mother crow was once engaged in giving sound advice to her 
newly fledged young ones. ''Remember" said she, "your principal enemy will 
be man. Whenever you detect a man in the act of even stooping towards the 
ground as if for a stone, at once take wing and fly." " Very good," answered 
one of her precocious youngsters, " but what if the man happens to have a 
itooe already in his hand P Can you advise us how we shall proceed then P" 

XXVI. The Jackal and the FLEAS.f 

There was once a jackal so infested with fleas that life was a burden 
to him. Determined to be rid of them, he sought for a pool of water, and 

* Logs of deod&r are frequently floated down the Indus from the Him&layas. 
During floods many of these logs are washed away from the " timber yards'* far up in 
t^ moimtains. For every log recovered the villagers along the banks receive a 
reward of fonr annas from the owners. Each log bears its owner's mark. 

t The English fable of the Fox and the Fleas i» almost exactly similar. 

94 C. Swynnerfcon — Folklalet from the Upper Fanjdb, [No. 2, 

snatching tip a small piece of dry wood in his mouth, he began to enter 
the water with 'measured steps and slow.' Gradually as he advanced, the 
astonished fleas rushed up his legs, and took refuge on his back. The 
rising water again drove them in multitudes from his back to his head, and 
from his head to his nose, whence they escaped on to the piece of wood 
which became perfectly black with them. When the sly jackal perceived 
the situation of his foes, he suddenly bobbed his head into the water, relin- 
quished the wood, and with a chuckle swam back to the shore, leaving the 
fleas to their fate. 

XXYII. The ELEPHAiirr and his keepkb.* 

There was an elephant which was accustomed to suffer most cruel 
treatment at the hands of his keeper, and the keeper knowing the sagacity 
of these animals, and being in fear of his life, used to sleep some little dis- 
tance from the tree to which the elephant was tied. One night the 
elephant, taking up a long loose branch, chewed the end of it in order to 
separate the fibres, and having twisted them in the long hair of the sleep* 
ing man, he dragged him within reach and trampled him to death. 

XXVIII. The Misbb akd the Grain of Wheat. 

A great miser was once sitting on a precipice and dangling his feet 
over the edge. Hunger having become insupportable, he took out his small 
bag of parched grain, and began to toss the food, grain by grain, into hia 
mouth. All at once a single grain missed its destination and fell to tha 
bottom of the ravine. " Ah what, a loss !" cried he. " But even a grain o£ 
wheat is of value and only a simpleton would lose it." Whereupon he in-* 
continently leaped down from the rock, aud broke both his legs. 

XXIX. The Misbb and the Pice. 

A miser once found his way into the bazar to buy bread. The wea- 
ther was unusually warm, and as he trudged along, the perspiration gathered 
round the coin, which was closely clutched in his hand. Arresting his steps, 
he gazed at the moist piece with a fond eye and said, *' I won't spend you — 
weep not, dear Pice, we shall not separate after all — I will starve first !" 
So he restored the money to his bag, and begged for scraps from door to 

XXX. The two Misebs. 

Once upon a time two misers hobnobbed together to eat their food» 
One of them had a small vessel of ghee into which he sparingly and grudg- 
ingly dipped his morsels of bread. The other miser, observing this, pro-, 
tested vehemently against such wasteful extravagance. " Why waste so: 

* This anecdote, told by a Panj&bi, probably belongs to Hinddstan. 

1883.] C. Swynnerton — Folkiales from the Upper Panfdb. 95 

much ghee," said he ; " and whj do you risk the waste of so much more, 
•eeiikg that your bread might slip from your fingers and become totally 
immersed ? Think better of it, and imitate me. I take my vessel of ghee, 
and hang it just out of reach to a nail in the wall. Then I point at the 
gfaee my scraps of bread, one by one, as I eat, and I assure you I not only 
enjoy my ghee just as well, but I make no waste."* 

XXXI. Thb False Witness. 

A caravan of merchants came and pitched for the night at a certain 
spot on the way down to Hindtistan. In the morning it was found that 
the back of one of the camels was so sore, that it was considered expedient 
not to load him again, but to turn him loose into the wilderness. So they left 
him behind. The camel, after grazing about the whole day, became exceed- 
ingly thirsty, and meeting a jackal, he said to him, " Uncle, uncle, I am 
very thirsty. Can you show me some water P" " I can show you water*' 
ndd the jackal, "but if I do, you must agree to give me a good feed of meat 
from your sore back." ** I do agree," said the camel, " but first show me the 
water." So he followed his small friend, until they came to a running 
itream, where he drank such quantities of water that the jackal thought 
he would never stop. He then with some politeness invited the jackal to 
his repast. ** Come, uncle, you can now have your supper off my back." 
" Nay," said the jackal, *' our agreement was that I should feed not off your 
back, but off your tongue,t dear nephew. This you distinctly promised, 
if I would take you to water." ** Very well," replied the camel, ** produce a 
witness to prove your words, and you can have it so." *' A witness I have 
and will bring him presently," replied the jackal. So he went to the Wolf, 
and stating the case, persuaded him to witness falsely. ^* Tou see, wolf, 
if I eat the tongue, the camel will certainly die, and then we shall both 
have a grand feed to which we can invite all our friends." The two 
returned to the camel and the jackal appealing to the wolf asked, 
"Did not I engage to show the camel to water on condition that 
he would give me his tongue P" " Of course you did," said the 

* This anecdote ia an instance of the tmth of the saying of Solomon — ** There 
it no new thing under the son." Many readers will be reminded of the Irish dish 
** Potatoes and point," consisting of a large supply of potatoes and of a very limited 
•apply of meat, bacon, or even fish. The potatoes are eaten, but the more solid fare 
is merely pointed at. The following passage from Garlyle's *' Count Oagliostro" 
lefen to this singular custom — " And so the catastrophe ends by bathing our poor 
ludf-dead Becipiendary first in blood, then, after some genuflexions, in water ; and 
'Mrving him a repast composed of roots,' — ^we grieve to say, mere potatou — and^ 
p9mt r 

t " Sore back" in Panj&bi being ehiph, and " tongue" jtb, there was sufficient 
nmilarity of sound to suggest prevarication. 

06 C. Swynnerton — Folktales from the Upper Panjdb. [No. 2, 

wolf confidently, ** aud the camel agreed.** " Be it so ;" said the 
camel, " as you both delight in lies and have no conscience, come and eat 
some of my tongue,** and he lowered his head within reach of the jackal. 
But the latter said to the wolf, " Friend, you see what a diminutive animal 
I am. I am too weak to drag out that enormous tongue. Do you seize 
it and hold it for me." Then the wolf ventured his head into the oamel's 
mouth to pull forward the tongue, but the camel instantly closed his 
powerful jaws, and crushing the skull of his enemy, he shook him to death. 
Meanwhile the jackal danced and skipped with glee, crying out, " Behold 
the fate of the false witness — behold the fate of the false witness !*'* 

XXXII. The TsikTELLEB and his Camel. 

Once upon a time a traveller, coming along the desert road with his 
laden camel, stopped to rest during the noon-tide heat under a shady tree. 
There he fell asleep. When he awoke he looked at the camel, and finding 
to his sorrow that the faithful companion of all his journeys was dead, he 
thus apostrophized him : — 

"Where is the spirit fled, ah, where, 
The life that cheered the weary ways P 
Could'st thou not wait one hour, nor spare 
For me, thy Friend, one parting gaze ?'* 

* This story is intended as a sature on the practice which prevails so widely among 
the natives of all parts of India of getting up false cases and procuring false witness 
in courts of law. 

t Literally — " Where is the spirit fled which bore the load P When leaving, it 
saw not me its well-known friend !" 

1883.] The Supeet of the Monihs of the Ildhi Tears ofAkhar. 07 

2!fttf Bupeee of the Months of the lUhi Tears of AJchar, — By Ch. J« 
BoDOEBS, Frineipaly Normal College^ Amritsar. 

(With two Plates.) 

The work of Manden made known the coins of Jahdngir on which 
are strock the signs of the zodiac. These coins were in gold and silver. If 
I rememher right Marsden gires a complete set of the signs for one year. 
And these were all struck at one place. But the zodiacal coins were strack 
at more mints than one. Ahmad&b&d and Xgn were, however, the chief. 
Aflrgsfh and Xgra had struck coins on which was an image of a hawk, in 
the time of Akbar. Ajmir strack the bacchanalian coin of Jahdngir. All 
these coins are now so exceedingly rare that they command fabalous prices, 
and these prices have tempted unscrupalons men to imitate them so that 
the market is full of imitations of several degrees of degeneracy. 

The costom of striking the month as well as the year on the coin 
nems to have been an old one in the East. Mr. Thomas in J. B. A. S. 
Vol. rx, p. 345, gives Coin No. 79 with c;^^ on it, and on p. 346, No. 80 
has the same month. No. 84 has (tr*^, No. 85 *r*^j, No. 86 Jt>-^. In 
the British Museum Coin Catalogue, Vol. II, Oriental Coins, p. 148, coin 
SOB has f^^^ on it. This is one of Mahmdd's. My own small collection of 
GazDi coins has one of Mas*aiid's with the same month on it, and two coins 
of Siauddd, varying in other particulars of inscriptions, agree in having this 
lame month. One of the same king has is^^^^j. One of Farrukhzid's coins 
has ^j^. Dr. Stulpnagel in this Journal, Vol. XLIX, part 1, 1880 edited a 
eoin of Gyfauddin and Muizzuddin struck at Ghazni in the month ^^t^^ 
of the year 596 A. H. It was a common thing to say that the coin was 
atrack jiyf^ %^ during the months of such and such a year. The coins of 
Firwan and Ghazni and of the SulUns of Kashmir indulge in this expression. 

In my paper on the '^ Copper Coins of Akbar," I drew attention to 

the fact that the 28 coins therein figured gave the names of no less than 

sz months of Akbar's Ilahi years. In the present paper I propose giving 

npees of each month of the same years. I was in hopes that I should ba 

able to get the whole of the months of one year struck in one place. Ai 

jet I have not succeeded in this. I have seven months of one year of 

Jahingir (for Jah&ngir struck also in the same manner as his father Akbar 

and used the same names of the months) ; six of these were struck at L&hore 

and one at Qandahar. Of Akbar's 49th Ilahi year I have seven rupees all 

of different months, but of these, two were struck at Tatta, three at 

Uhore, one at Ahmad&bad and one at Burh&npdr. I have also one other 

nipee of this 49th year, but its mint I can't make out j^^i (Sit&pdrP). 

Of the years 46 and 48 I have rupees of five months. The whole of my 

collection of Akbar's rupees (I have rupees of each year of his reign except 

965) enables me to give each month, and the fact that these coins were 

98 The Rupee* of ike Months of the Ildhi Tears ofAkhar. [No. 2, 

struck at different mints in different years, will take away from the mono- 
tonous nature of a series issued from the same place. The styles of the 
coins issued from the Lahore mint differed very considerably as we sball 
see, but Ahmadab&d and Tatta were rigidly monotonous in their issues.* 

Up to the year 992 A. H. the coins of Akbar had been strictly ortho- 
dox in their inscriptions. The name and titles of the Emperor had occu* 
pied the obverse, the margins containing the mint &c. being in nearly all 
cases illegible. The reverse had gloried in the Kalimah, and its fragmen- 
tary margins were embellished with portions of the names of the four 
companions of Muhammad. The first rupees were round and of the size 
of those of Sher Shah and his successors. My first square rupee of Akbar 
is dated 981. L&hore and Fathptir Sikrf seem to have begun coining 
square rupees in 985. After 986 for several years I have no round rupees 
in my cabinet. They are all square. The coins in my cabinet with Ilihi 
years on them begin from the 30th year. On these coins, instead of the 
Kalimah, we have ^^ *^y^^ *^' ** God is the greatest, may his bright- 
ness shine forth." The year and month and mint complete the inscrip- 
tions. The Kalimah rupees, however, did not cease being struck. I have 
them of 993, 994, 995, ^\ 1000 and 1001. 

The use of the Persian months by Akbar leads us to consider what 
the Persian year was. Prinsep in his '^ Useful Tables, an appendix to the 
Journal of the Asiatic Society" published in 1836, gives at p. 12 a short 
account of '^ The Era of Yezdegird III or the Persian Era," and at p. 37 
" The Tarikh IlAhy or Era of Akbar." In " Historia Religionis veterum 
Persarum eorumque Magorum" by Thos. Hyde, S. T. D. Regius Profes- 
sor of Hebrew and Laudianus Professor of Arabic in the University of 
Oxford, published at Oxford in 1700 A. D., there is a full account of the 
various Persian epochs and years in Chap. XIV. In Chap. XV he gives 
the months in Pahlavi and Per^an together with the Greek corruptions of 
the names. He also gives the names of the 30 days of the month in both 
Pahlavi and Persian. In Chap. XVI he gives the months and days of the 
year of Yezdegird with the names of the appended five days. In Chap. 
XYII he treats of '* Years and Epochs in general and of the Persian year 
in particular." In the XlXth Chap, he shows the origin of the names of 
the Persian months. In the <it^^^\ vsf^^ (a short account of the con- 
tents of which book was printed in this Journal many years ago, and which 
has lately been lithographed and published in India) amongst wonders 
many, is given a sober account of the Persian months. And again in the 
uH^.2^^^ ^^y^ (^^ or e^^J V ^^Ji, a most useful little book of 70 pages by 

* Mr. Grant has let me have a coin of Ahmadab&d which is similar to the later 
Lihore coins of Akbar. It is (tf the 47th year and of the month Tir and of same type 
as Ko. 2, plate I. 

1^3 J The Bupeei of {he Months of the Ildht Tears of AVbar. 99 

HanBhi Devi Pershid published by Nawal Kishore, Lakhnan, 1878 A. D 
(the result of five years of labour . as the author tells us), in Chap. II 
Sect. I, p. 52 &c., we have a short but clear account of the Persian, Jaldl 
and Ilahi years. Much more may have been written on these subjects.* 
I shall here give as plain and brief a notice as will suffice us for our 
present purpose, and I refer those who have time and opportunity to the 
works already mentioned and to others, for fuller and more particular 

The Persian year was instituted by Tezdegird III eight days after the 
death of Muhammad. The year was divided into 365 days. There were 
twelfe months each of which had 30 days, except the twelfth which had 
35 days. The fractions of the days in 120 years made another month, so 
that every 120 years there were 13 months in the year. The first month 
ms daplicated, for the first time this occurred, the second month for the 
seeond time, Ac. The names of the months were : 





AmardAd or MardM 






There were no weeks. But each day of the month was named separate- 
ly Hyde gives these names both in Persian and Pahlavi. 

Malik Sh4h Sultan of Khorasdn improved somewhat on the above. 
Making his year commence on the entrance of the sun in Aries, he ordered 
that the year should receive an additional day whenever it was required. 
Thia was mostly as with us every fourth year. But after the day had been 
added seven or eight times, the addition was postponed for a year. The 
days were added at the end of Abdn, not at the end of Isfandarmuz. These 
days were called 4*-0|^ Jj;, The five days added to the Persian year wore 
tenned Ai;X*«^ i ««*» r^ , First of all the months were called — 

M£h Nau 

Nau Bah&r 

Garm4 Fazi 

* In the History of Gnjr&t is a translation of the proolamation of Akbar in his 
Mthyearaboat the lUhi year. 

100 Tke Supeei of the Mimilk of ike lUki Tear* ofJVbmt. [No. 2, 
Bos Afz^ 

Jafa&n Kx^ 



8ann& Faz& 

8hab Afztia 

Atish Afz^ 

841 Afz^ 
But after awhile the old Peraian namea were again oaed. 
In the 80th year of Akbar, i. «., in 992 A. H. Hakim Fathnllah 
8hir&zi got ont a new era and year for India. The object in view was to 
create a uniform year throughout the vast empire Akbar had conquered. 
The era began with the reign of Akbar, t. «., on 19th February 1556. The 
months and days were similar to those of the Persian year. There were 
no intercalary days. Hence the days of this year never corresponded with 
the days of the Jalali years of Malik Sh&h's era. This year was termed 
4^t IlabL 

The Ilahi years of Akbar*s coins begin with the 30th year. He as 
I have already stated after a few years left off the use of the Kalimah on 
his coins and also the names of the four companions. To make his depar- 
ture from established usage more marked, he made all his early I14hi rupees 

Jahangir commenced his coinage by reverting to the year of the 
Hejirah and by putting the year of his reign without the use of the word 
lldhi. It was simply I A^ or r^w &c. In his 6th year (according to 
coins in my cabinet) or perhaps before, the Lahore mint commenced a 
series of coins inferior to none of Jeb&ngir's in beauty and finish, on which 
were the year and month of the Ilabi year (commencing, however, from 
the Ist year of Jah&ngir) on one side, and the names of Jah&ngir and 
Akbar on the other. This series was copied at the mints of Akbarnagar, 
Qandah&r, Jah&ngimagar, Tatta, and Kashmir. 

In two large square heavy rupees I have, the Ildhi month was woven 
into a couplet thus : — 

j^\ »^ \j^} j4 tt;V^ »^ tt>^i \\ix^ 
and again 

j^\ «^ \a^>j4 4y^^ «^ »^J c^dA *AlU* 

* In the Cabinet of Alexander Grant, Esq., 0. E. is a large nmni o<»n weighing 
£17'3 gnuns on which ia this couplet with *^ Bahman" month in it, 

j^il :^j aA ^y I *-o e^^ ^y*^ aU^^ 

1888.] Tke Bujpeet of the Monih$ of the lUhi Tear$ of Ahbar. 101 

There mMj be a series of couplets of this kind. Mr. Delmerick edited 
one with the month Isfandirmoz on it, the couplet running thus :-— 

y^\ »^ t^» j4 M>^ »^ (^^ «uu^ 

My coins weigh 217 and 216 grs. Mr. Delmerick puts his down at 
219 grs. Dr. Stulpnagel had some coins of this square heavy series stolen. 
General Cunningham in 1880 had one also. The whole of the months may, 
1 have not the slightest doubt, be obtained in time. The twelve months 
of the zodiacal coins, and the twelve months of the Ildhi years of Jahdnglr 
I have already noticed would of themselves form a trio of most interesting 


When Jah&ngir died and Sh&hjah&n ascended the throne, the Kalimah 

which had been absent so many years of the reign of Jahdngir from the 

coinage at once took its place again on the issues from all the mints. I 

have three rupees of Shdhjahan's first year. The one struck at Stirat has 

on it f •rA isy^ **^» I*^ another place it has •^^l ^m. Of his second 

year I have two rupees, one struck at Patna in Amardid M&h of the Ildhi 

year 2. It has on it the Kalimah in full, also the date 1038. The other 

one was struck at Multdn in Aban Mdh of the same year. It also has on 

it the Kalimah and date 1038. The series of Shihjahdn's rupees, on which 

the square lozenge comes, as a rule ignores the Ildhi years. One, however, 

which I have was struck at Bhakkhur in Abdn Ildhf. 

After the death of Shdhjahdn no Emperor put the Ildhi months on 
his coin. Each rupee was dated with the year of the Hejirah, and with 
the year of the reign in which it was struck. The Ildhi system may be 
faid to have died out, therefore in the early part of the reign of Shdhjahdn, 
so far as the coinage was concerned. In the Akbar series of Ildhi rupees 
there is one portion on which the names of the months do not come. Only 
the year is there without any mint. Some of the earliest of the series are 
in this fashion. I have one gold one of this type and several silver ones. 
From their scarcity I judge them to have been proof coins. Some of them 
are in a beautiful state of preservation, fresh as from the mint. 

Gold coins of the Ildhi years are also procurable. They are scarcer 
than the silver ones, but still I have no doubt that were an exhaustive, 
scientific and systematic search to be made, the whole of the months might 

• In the B. M. there is a coin which has {J*J instead of ^\ 
1 1 find in my small cabinet one of Jahang^s gold coins of exquisite beauty and 
tnAm\^ liM {oi^XU^ worked up into a couplet, thus. 

^^ ,yy^ o-l ^Jjij^ »J1j) uiiJjAi 

This coin weighs 219 grains but it has a small loop on it. 

102 The Bupees of the Months of the Hdht Tears ofAkbar. [No. 2, 

be eventually recovered. Of coarse it is late in the day now to commence. 
In m J previous papers I have stated that old coins were getting scarcer and 
scarcer. In the Calcutta Review for April 1881 1 showed how " Portable 
Indian Antiquities" were quickly and quietly disappearing from the coun- 
try. Native ladies like their ornaments of pure gold and silver such as 
are in mohurs and rupees. English educated officers (and what officer is 
not now thoroughly educated) are constantly on the look out for these 
memorials of past glories. Hence search as we will, coins really good and 
old are seldom met with. One cannot help hoping that the coins in the 
India Office in England may be ultimately restored to India. These would 
form a nucleus for an Imperial collection. They are now in the British 
Museum for the purpose of being arranged. There are no doubt many 
duplicates. These should be distributed to Madras, Bombay, Kurrachee 
and Lahore where there are gentlemen in chaise of the Museums who take 
a pride in their work and in the Institutions committed to their care. 
Beyond and above all present collections is the one belonging to General 
Cunningham which contains coins of greater beauty and rarity than any 
other. Whatever else the Qovemment of India does, the reversion of this 
collection to India should be secured. 

I am not so sanguine about a copper series of Akbar's Ilahi months. 
I have eight months now. But copper coins disappear relentlessly. 
Every manufacturer of copper vessels, and their number in India is legion, 
regards an old cop^r Julus or sikka of Akbar, with its 315 or so grains 
of good copper, as a god-send, and he melts it down or beats it out ruth- 
lessly. As Akbar was the only Mogul who tried to rule India, and as 
mementoes of his reign are not so very numerous, we ought to have a com- 
plete collection of his coins in gold, silver, and copper. The editor of the 
Xin-i-Akbari gives a few gold, silver and copper coins in the latest Lucknow 
edition of that work. The author of the «viA e;^^^^ ^ - ^*^ gives a list 
of ten coins at the end of Akbar*s reign. One of these is the gold coin 
with figures of Bam and Sitd on ifc, and on the other side the month and 
lUhi year, f ui^jjj^** This is the coin from which all the sapient 
money changers of the bazaars name all coins with figures on them ** SUd 
£dmV* It is also noticed by the editor of the Ain-i-Akbari. 

Akbar went on coining until his death ; hence the list of mints g^ven 
in the Ain is not complete or correct. There were several active mints not 
noticed in that work, e. y., Asirgarh, Burhanptir, Srinagar, Gobindpur, 
Tatta, Fathpur and Lahri Bandar. I have coins of Akbar struck in all 
these mints except Asirgarh. But there are many mints given in the Ain 
from which I have not as yet seen a coin of any kind. 

• On the gold coin in the Brituh Museain there are the two figoies but without 
any inscription in Hindi* 

1883.] The Bupees of the Months of the lldhx Yean of Ahbar. 103 

Besideg rapees there are parts or divisions of rupees of Akbar's mints 
obtainable. Three coins in my cabinet average 17*2 grains. 

Five coins average 42*75 grains. Five average 76-9. I have a gold 
Ilabi coin weighing over 186 grains. The first lUhi rupees average about 
175 grains. 

Now what I should consider an exhaustive, scientific and systematic 
collection of Akbar's coins would include a specimen of every type struck 
at all his mints in different metals, weights, shapes, sizes, months and 
years. The possible coins to be obtained should be tabulated, and as sped- 
mens of each are obtained, each should be marked off. The collector would 
thus see what his wants were. 

It seems strange that about 100 years after the time of Akbar, James II 
ihoald strike coins with the names of the months on them. His gun 
money has months on it. I should think there are collections in England 
in which each month is represented. Knowing next to nothing of English 
coins I cannot say. 

Without further prelude I will at once proceed to examine the rupees 
drawn in the accompanying plates. The first twelve are round ones. Thej 
all agree in the matter of reverse. It is ^h^ cU aUi^aT aUf^l 

The obverses are as follows, in order of the months 

%ji\ s^yi ^\ e^J^t'jy Parwardin. 

J^"^ V^ K^'^ y^.LS^J^ Ardibihisht. 

c^Lfo^.^! s^yc ^\ :^\^jy^ KhtirdAd. 

^bf o^^\ w;Ii t5t^t^ Hr. 

»^T ^j^ i^\ ^\^j^\ Amardad. 

^J' •?i/^ ut'^ jy^J^ Shahrewar. 

^Uam, ^yc ^\^x^ Mihr 

^^jyi ^^ji *tir^ s^' ^^^ «^ Aban. 

J^ iSj^ ^rty^ (/t'Ui' Azar. 

j^i u^ j^f (^^ Di. 

|6f obf«XiA.» w^ ^^'1 e^Mr? Bahman. 

^t j^\:)^^.^j^ fj^\ y'Oj\^^sk^\ Isfanddrmuz. 

It will be noticed that only No. 8 has anything beyond the name of 
the month. This rupee has the word for month l^ on ft. The ornamenta- 
tion on each rupee varies according to the mint. Agra and Lahore have 
by far the most graceful writing on them. The inscriptions on the Ahmad- 
ibad rupees are particularly stiff and formal and ugly. I am not quite 
sure whether No. 7 was struck at SitApdr or not. The mint is new to me. 
I have a second one of the same mint and month, but of another year. 
No. 9 is of a new mint— ZaAn^an^^r, a port of Sind now no longer known 
























104 The Bupees of the Mmtht of the lUhi Tear$ qfJIAar. [No. 2, 

bj the people of Bind. These two mints are not in the Xin-i-Akbari. 
Neither is that of Nos. 8 and 12, Burh4np6r. 

It will be noticed also that none of these rotmd rupees are of Akbar*a 
early Ilahi years. The earliest I have is the 38th year (No. 10.) From 
the 80th year all my rupees of Akbar are square. Perhaps more fortunate 
eollectors may possess earlier round Bahi rupees. 

The inscriptions on the square rupees are as follow :— 

Obverse. Eeverse. 

(13) j^^ *^» </t^* »•• ^^ ^ 

(14) *)*^ Ji^^l t^h <^» rv o^ c5^jf 

(15) Do. *S *^ |c^ ^1 ^b^ 

(16) Do. ^^j^t^^ i^\j¥ 

(17) Do. t^ td ctJL^r 

(18) i^j*-jr^ Do. 4^rvj^^s^ 

(19) Do. Do. i^f^jt^^^ 

(20) Do. Do. ,^lr*iyb|»U 

(21) Do. tt/Oo w^ !»• ^^I^if 

(22) aiiUJ^^IAUl • ^^^l' v> ri ot'l 4^^ 

(23) ^^^ v^ Do. 4^» r . e^^ iu 

(24) ^, aU, ;^^^ j^ • 

I have not square rupees with the months Parwardin* and Isfandar- 
muz on them. Hence I put in their places Nos. 13 and 24, two novelties 
of the Jim series. They are destitute of both mint and month. They 
have only the Ildhi years. Three of the rupees Nos. 13, 20 and 23 are of 
the first Ilihf year.t 2hUat is a new mint town not in the iCn-i-Akbari 
It and ZflArf Bandar seem to have been Akbar's only mints in Sind. 
Bhakkhar is in the A£n as a mint. 

Nos, 13, 14, 17, and 24 are without mints on them. I have several 
more mintless square rupees aU of great beauty. 

I almost dare to indulge the hope that some day or other I shall get 
a complete series of square rupees of each mint. I dare not hope that I 
shaU get one of each month of each year, for I ^o not think that every 

* ^"® "* '^**** <»® of this month in the British Mufleum, sad mnce drawing 
fte plate, I have myself obtained one, through the generosity of my Mend W. Theo- 
Dald, Esq., struck at Dehli in 87 IWhL 

t I have since obtained a fourth of the month Di struck at DehU. This gives me 

three Dehlf rupees aU struck in the first lUhiyear of Akhar, i . *., the 80th of his 

t There is a possibility that this mint may be Patna. The coins are, however, so 
rough that they do not in any way xeeemble some remarkably fine coins I have, struck 
nndoubtedly at Patna. 

1883.] B. R. BAjne^Notes on the remains of Old JBhrt William, 105. 

mini was always so busy as to issue rupees monthly for a series of years 
Many mints of Akbar's are as yet unrepresented in my cabinet. My means 
are small : my opportunities few. I cannot afford to purchase all I see. 
Those I have given will, however, convince my co-workers in numismatics 
that the coinage of Akbar offers a field worthy of being searched in. The 
results give us yariety in inscriptions, in nunts and in execution. 

The weights are given to each rupee, the figures underneath the bar 
indicating the No. of grains in each case. 

IfdUi on the remaint of portions of Old Fort William discovered during the 
erection of the Host Indian Bailway Company's Offices. — By B.' Bos-. 
KSLL Batits. 

I presume that I may take it for granted that most of my readers know, 
from ** Orme's History of the Military Transactions of the British Nation 
in Indostan" published in 1778, something of the locality and the form 
of the first Fort William. To those who do not, Vol. II, Book YI, headed 
** the war in Bengal", of the above work will give a very good general idea of 
it, and the Map of ^ Calcutta in 1756" contains much interesting informa- 
tion that has been of considerable use and guidance to me. In p. 62, from 
Oime's account of Old Fort William we read as follows : 

''The fort of Calcutta, called Fort William, was situated near the river, 
and nearly half way between the northern and southern extremities of the 
Company's territory. Its sides to the east and west extended 210 yards ; 
the southern side 130, and the northern 100 : it had f om* bastions, mount- 
ing ^h 10 guns : the curtains were only four feet thick, and, like the 
factory of Cossimbazar, terraces, which were the roofs of chambers, formed 
the top of the ramparts ; and windows belonging to these chambers were 
in several places opened in the curtains : the gateway on the eastern side 
projected, and mounted five guns, three in front, and one on each flank 
towards the bastions : under the western face and on the brink of the river, 
was a line of heavy cannon, mounted in embrasures of solid masonry; and 
this work was joined to the two western bastions by two slender walls, in 
each of which was a gate of palisadoes. In the year 1747 warehouses had 
been bnilt contiguous to the southern curtain, and projecting on the out* 
nde, between the two bastions, rendered them useless to one another ; 
however, the terraces of these warehouses were strong enough to bear the 
filing of three-pounders which were mounted in barbette over a slight 

106 R. Roskell Bayne — Notei on the remains of [No. 2, 

Fort William was not the first Fort built by the English Traders in 
Bengal ; that at Hugli had been erected either at the first voyage to 
Bengal or soon after, about 1640 ; it was called a Factory, and the Mogul 
Empire jealously prcTented anything like a bastion being erected about it. 

In 1696 on the outbreak of a war between the Rajas on the western 
side of the river Hugli and the Mogul Empire, the three European 
settlements were allowed to enclose their factories for the protection of 
their goods, and says Orme, " they, taking for granted what was not posi- 
tively forbidden, with great diligence raised walls with bastions round 
their factories." Such was the origin of Hugli, Chandemagore and Cal- 
cutta Forts. Calcutta is then described as a small town contiguous to Soota- 
nutty : we may ascribe the date of 1696 to the first Fort William as an 
enclosed fort. 

In 1753, the Mahratta ditch was dug, originally intended to be seven 
miles long, only three were completed, this was a work carried out at the 
request and " at the cost," so says Orme (p. 45), *' of the Indian inhabitants 
of the colony." He remarks, " Allaverdy made no objection to this work, 
and moreover permitted the English the same year to raise a rampart 
with ba8ti3ns of brickwork round their factory at Cossimbazar." This, I 
am inclined to think, must have been the date of the addition of the outer 
bastions of Fort William ; which, as I shall be able to shew, are additions. 
I, however, cannot find any direct allusion to their being built. 

In 1756, repairs to the fort were begun in compliance with orders from 
the Court of Directors. Holwell writing in a letter, dated November 90th, 
1766, says — " On the receipt of your letter by the Delawar in April we 
began to put the settlement into as good a posture of defence as we could, 
and as the parapet and embrazures as well as the gun carriages to the 
westward of the fort were much out of repair, they became the first object 
of our attention ; a number of workmen were employed, and I believe the 
parapet and embrazures, the greater part of which we were obliged to pull 
down, were more than half run up — when they were stopped by a Furwannah 
from the Suba." 

That these repairs had been going on for some time past, and that 
they were extensive, is evident from the fact that considerable diligence 
bad been employed in excluding spies from the city who had reported that 
the place was being fortified. 

The excuse sent was to the effect that war had broken out between 
England and France, and in order to prevent their factory from being taken 
by the French, they state, ** we were only repairing our line of guns to 
the water side," which Orme states ^ extended on the brink of the river 
in front of the western side of the fort." 

I have prepared a plan, Plate X, from a portion of Simm's Mapi which 

1883.] portiatiM of Old Fori William. 107 

is A particularlj accurate larvej ihewing the buildings aa they stood in 
1847, and over it I have shewn the fort in a thick outline, following Orme's 
measurements for the south curtain and the length of the east and west 
sides. The measurements taken by me comprised the whole of the north 
east bastion, a portion of the north west sufficient to determine its junction 
with the curtains, all the north curtain with about 150 feet of each of the 
fltst and west curtains. All these dimensions I have accurately taken, and 
with them and Orme's figures, 1 have laid out the east the west and also the 
lonth sides. 

Measurements made on this Map near the north west bastion at its 
junction with the curtain wall to the river are as follows : water line in 1756 
about 70 feet, in 1847-49, 425 feet, to Jetty edge of to-day, 1882, very near- 
ly 800 feet. They serve to shew how the river bank has been pushed west. 

The second or larger scale Plan, Plate XI, that I have prepared, shews 
the outline of the buildings newly erected. The walls which are tinted 
black are the walls and bastions of the first erected fort ; whether the 
imall inner square of the north west comer should be shewn as belong, 
iog to the old Fort, I cannot now say as I failed to note if the work 
batted or bonded into the curtains. The lighter tint shews the bastions 
erected after the square towers, with faces, flanks and salient. The next 
lighter tint shews some inner walls, always in brickwork in mud, and run- 
mog parallel to the curtains, and about 13 to 14 feet within them. Ooca- 
flonally I find a cross wall, but I have failed to note them all, or I have 
mioed them. 

I have also shewn on this plan such drains as I found. The regular* 
\j formed building in the centre, it will be seen, I have called the Carpen- 
ter's shop. The small diagrams to a larger scale are the seetions of walls, 
Plates XII and XIII, drains etc. 

The whole of the dimensions recorded were made by myself in order 
to ensure a faithful record of what I found. 

The small perspective sketch, Plate X I V, has been made from the measured 
plan and filled in from a little pencil sketch made in my note book at the 
time ; at no period of the excavation was it laid as completely bare as is here 
shewn, I was hurrying on with the work of building the Company's offices 
and had no time to stop to expose the whole at a time. 

I will now proceed to recount to you what I found, as nearly as I can, 
in the order in which I found the works shewn on my plans. 

On January 2nd, 1880, I opened the ground on which the East India 
Bailway Company's offices are built. It had just been cleared to floor level 
of some Custom House sheds built at various periods, some I believe aa 
recently as 1866. I took the curb level at the junction of Clive Street 
and Fairlie Place as my datum for levels, calling it 1015. The general 

108 B. Boskell Bayne — ITotet on the remaim of [No. 2, 

level of the floors of the godowns was about VO" above this. The floor of 
the new building, to which I shall have to refer in a comparison of levels, 
is 1'5 feet above my datum or 103*00. 

In starting the setting out of my foundations I selected as a commence- 
ment the longest straight wall ; it is a wall 220 feet long. Before we had 
been at work excavating a day, I might almost say a few hours, we 
found we were on an old wall, the full length of our proposed wall, and 
almost in exact alignment with it and 4 feet thick. 

Knowing as I did that I was in the locality of old Fort William, I 
inferred that I was on the wall or one of the walls of the Fort, and I proceeded 
at once to dig down at its side in three or four places in order to see how 
far it went down and what it was like. I found it went down nearly two 
feet below the level at which it had been decided our walls and concrete 
were to go, and as it was a good straight solid wall with a fair base, it 
was decided to build on it in place of pulling it up. Its base being smaller 
than our calculated areas and pressures, it has a greater load than the one 
ton to the foot of the other walls ; its load is li tons, but its solidity 
has warranted the use made of it, and it saved some two or three 
thousand Bupees. In addition the wall, buried though it be, we know it 
to be there, it has not been annihilated. 

In setting out this 220 feet wall of the new building, I had been 
guided by the curb stone of the footpath of Fairlie Place, and had laid out 
my wall parallel to it. I now found, (after it had been settled to make 
use of the wall), that it was 9 in. in its length out of parallel with the curb, se 
in order to utilize the wall, I had to throw my centre line longitudinally 
westward to the north and eastward to the south on a centre point 
9 in. each way, and my new wall then lay exactly over the centre of the 
wall that proved to be the north curtain of old Fort William. I mention 
this in detail, as I wish to call attention to the Tery close alignment of 
streets of to-day with those shewn on the small Map that accompanies Orme^e 
Vol. 1 1, already referred to. The plan is headed — " Plan for the intelligence 
of the Military Operations in Calcutta when attacked and taken by Seeraj* 
ul Dowleh, 1756*' — I shall have occasion later on to call attention to this 
elose adherence to old lines of streets, this case I think a very remarkable 


So soon as I had satisfied myself that this wall was a part of the old 
Fort, I narrowly watched the excavations following it and began to keep a 
careful record of the walls as they were exposed. Immediately following 
this discovery of the north curtain wall, I found we were on some very heavy 
and closely built walls that soon proclaimed themselves in their raking 
lines as the flanks and faces of a bastion. As far as I possibly could, 
without delaying my work, I had the earth from between the walk 

1883.] p&fiioni of Old Fort William, 109 

excarated before the demolition of the walls themselves was began, as 
it may be imagined there was Terj little of the old walls left, for the 
coiners of the new building, made np as they are of a main staircase, bath- 
rooms and urinals, implies a network of cross walls in the new work. In 
erery case the old walls go down some two feet below the new walls, and in 
some cases (the north face wall for example) have a slice cut off their inner 
&ce from nil at one end to one or two feet at the other, and so we cut and 
sliced them to make way for our foundations. About this time we found the 
walls of a staircase or ramp in the junction of the north curtain wall and the 
old square bastion of the earlier construction. There was another, a stair, 
at the corresponding comer at the south-east bastion ; for Hoi well tells us 
at the time the prisoners were in the verandah near the Governor's House : 
*^ Besides the guard over us, another was placed at the foot of the stairs at 
the south end of this Terandah leading up to the 80uth«east bastion to pre- 
vent any of us escaping that way." 

As I have already said, the fort walls were founded at a lower level 
than the walls of the new building by 2 feet, so that below our foundations 
would still be found a map as it were of the old Fort. 

I now found that the outer bastion with its flanking faces and salient 
was a later work, as the junctions of the flank walls with the older curtains 
batted and did not bond, in addition the old plaster surface had not been 
taken off but the new work was built against it. I afterwards found this 
to be the case with the north-west bastion, which, as will be seen, had not 
a square bastion similar to the north-east corner. 

The walls were battered with a fall in of about one in ten, and the outer 
faces were finished with a thin coat of lime plaster of a rich crimson tint, 
and reticulated in imitation of stone work, the stones being about 1*6 long 
by about 9 to 10 in. deep. This was the case with both the bastions. 

It struck me, as I exposed this deep red plaster, that probably this 
factory bastion would be called the Lall Eilla (Red Fort), and it suggested 
itself to me that the Lall Diggee (Bed Tank) may have taken its name from 
the Red Fort. 

All this work of the bastions, more particularly the later portion, was 
of very good material and excessively hard to break into. The bricks of 
all their old works were 7i x 4 x li. The lime used here was shell lime. 
We often found large oyster shells, of a size that would weigh a seer to a 
seer and a half, embedded in the wall, and by the hundreds strewn about 
and buried in the fillings. 

The spaces between the older walls of the bastion were loose earth 
filling and no floor, the spaces behind the new bastion faces and flanks 
were paved brick on edge. The level of this paving and the bottom edge 
of the external plaster was 98'00; or 8*6 below my datum line, 5 below 

110 R. Roskell Bajne — Notes an the remains of [No. 3, 

the floor level of the new building. On a coraer of the plaster in the pas- 
sage way behind the bastion north face was a bench mark, consisting 
of an inverted arrow-head, in black on the white plaster. 

Of the east curtain wall we saw but little, only where we out through 
it with our cross walls, and it began to be a matter of regret whenever we 
had to cut through it, it was such a labour and toil and caused such delay. 

The soil to the north curtain wall appeared to have been but little 
disturbed, and so far as I noted, to keep about the level of the plaster 
noted in the north-east bastion. Unfortunately a little north of this wall 
there had been a wall of the Custom House sheds that had disturbed the soil, 
but as a rule the level seemed, as far as my observation went pretty regular. 
On the east curtain wall there had been little or no disturbance, the soil was 
often quite undisturbed, and only here and there were potsherds in it. 

I could not make much of the north-west bastion ; it was nothing like 
so regularly built, and had not the older inner square tower (unless the two 
square walls shewn on my plan belonged to it), there was no ramp or stair tq 
the roof that 1 noted, and altogether it was very confused, and we were push- 
ing on with concrete and walls, that there was no time to wait until dis- 
jointed fragments could be read and understood. Here I find at least that 
the old walls of the north and west curtains met with a small rounded corner, 
as the older plaster was still on the walls where the newer work butted it. 
This bastion appears to me to have been of very much smaller size. Added 
to all this 1 had not the opportunity of exposing the salient, as I had done 
in the north-east one. 

As already stated the east and west curtain walls 1 have traced for 140 
feet south. 

In one place in the east wall I found, what appeared to me to be a sill 
of a door and a plastered jamb, but a Custom House wall had gone through 
the old wall about here, and so obliterated it that 1 could not make 
certain of it. On the north curtain wall there was neither break nor 

My next discovery of interest was a shed that had evidently been built 
an open one, and afterwards enclosed. It was 90 feet long by 40 feet wide, 
built parallel to the north curtain wall with a row of 8 piers down the centre, 
just such a flat-roofed godown on brick piers as is to be found all over 
Calcutta to-day. Down the centre face of each pier had been a sunk water 
channel, all were visible at floor line and the shallow drain on the north 
side into which they ran was perfect. The spaces between the columns 
on the faces had been filled in, thus turning an open into a closed shed. 

The floor of this shed was brick on edge, and all over the floor in some 
places 1^, in others up to 8 or 9 inches in thickness was burnt wood ash, 
the floor of the godown in places where I had to out through it bearing 

188S.] portioM of Old Fori William. Ill 

inc68 of severe fire. This place I identify as the Carpenters* shop, and to 
whieh I will draw attention later on. The floor of this godown was 
98*28 which makes it very nearly 49'' below our present ground floor 
IsTel. The wall plaster was uninjured, but we know that lime plaster will 
besr withoat injury a severe fire. The wood ash I take to be the debris 
at the time of the burning of the fort ; above it, as will be seen from my 
lection, is the khoa debris from a roof fallen by fire or demolition. 
It evidently was never cleared out afler the fire, but had become a heap of 
rubbish, and so built over by the succeeding floor, ^hewn at the next higher 
leveL Along the north wall of this shed I found large heaps of cinder 
with pieces vitrified as if from a forge. The earth to tBe north was about 
1*9' below the floor level of the shed, 

I now come to the lightly tinted walls behind and parallel to the 
enrttin walls. They vary in width, as will be seen from the plan, in no case 
18 feet, the dimension given by Holwell of the *' Black Hole". In one 
pboe only did I find any outer verandah, namely, on the west wall. 

In every case these walls were of brickwork in mud, at least that por* 
tion that I found below the ground. They were very deep, almost as deep 
at the curtain walls, and very thick, all of them made of very thin 1^ brick* 
In a few places I found cross wails, and I find in my note book a note to the 
following effect : *' behind the 8' O'' mud walls, the space seems to be divid- 
ed into cells." I do not, however, find actual record of more than a few of 
these cross walls. I would very piobably miss them, as, if there were but 
few, it would be quite a chance my coming on to them, and unless my walls 
or column foundations coincided with them, I should of course miss them, 
ind I had no time to spend over searching for them. I could do little 
more than note and record what I came across. 

I have a particular object in specially drawing attention to these inner 
walls and chambers which, as will be anticipated, points to the locality, 
■ze and character of the Black Hole, but this I will postpone until 1 have 
described the walls etc., found, only repeating that my explanation of not 
always finding the cross walls of the chambers equally applies to my not 
finding the outer verandahs corresponding to those of the Black Hole: 
I simply did not hit on them in the foundations of my walls, or it may be 
that the '' court of guard" rooms only had a verandah. Along that portion 
of the west wall, also alongside an entrance door to be alluded to presently, 
tDd where most probably a guard would be stationed and would require a 
verandah, did I find verandah foundations. 

I will return to the western wall, but before describing it, I must remark 
that as the walls of the new building running north and south approach- 
ed the west, I found the natural ground sloped west, and that the drain f ollow- 
^ a depression, whieh by the time it reached the west curtain wall had grown 

112 R. Roskell Bayne — NoteM on the remains 0/ [No. 2 

almost into a creek, compelling me to put in the foandations of the last two 
walls 8, 4t and 5 feet below the other walls, and the soil there was black 
stinking river mud full of pot*sherds, and here we found a great many 
boars tusks of a small size. 

Following the west curtain wall from the north west bastion, and 
about 45 feet from it, we found a Sumph into which the drains all emptied, 
oY over which as we found them thej all ended. Wc came on to this 
Sumph from behind, and before we actually found out what it was, we had 
destroyed its east face, and the loose filling caved in from the top as wo 
cleared it out at the bottom, thus proclaiming its nature. 

The main drain, that running from beyond the Carpenters' shop, I had 
traced right up to the west curtain wall. I have shewn it in section in fig. 3^ 
Plate XII, it was a parallel-sided drain, at the upper end not more than 6 in. 
wide, widening to 18 in. at the lower end, and everywhere filled up with black 
mould. Over it and burying it was a later drain, a broad saucer drain, that 
in its turn had become filled in and buried. The two drains kept the same 
course ; it was only the last 75 or 80 feet that the second drain was found. 
The Sumph into which these drains emptied was about 8'-6'' square, and as I 
have said, coming on as we did from the side of an opened trench, we had de^ 
stroyed it in part before we knew what it was, so that we did not see the 
entry of the two di-ains into it. The parallel-sided and lower drain fell fast 
toward the Sumph nearly 2 feet in 10 ; where we had cut across it, we found 
it full of pot-sherds, a coarse glazed blue and white ware, not a scrap of old 
willow pattern, square ended broken glass bottles, a black loamy earth, 
and a few very coarse thick pipe stems and bowls. We cleared out about 4 
feet of this drain, tunelling as it were into it and then ceased. 

The Sumph had been filled in with brick rubbish very loosely, so that 
the filling was full of cavities into which water had filtered, leaving on all 
the bricks a thin deposit of clay. This Sumph was nearly perfect up to 
about the second level of floors and material, above the rest the road ran* 
On emptying this Sumph we found on its western face a low arch with a 
versed sine of about 6 in. and above the floor of the Sumph. Into this opening: 
we thrust a rod and found it 8 feet deep with water ; probing 8 feet deep, 
we could feel a bottom of brickwork ; we then tried it horizontally, and 
thrust our rod into vacuity ; we tried a second and a third time and at last, 
finding that 20 feet found no end, we concluded it to be a drain. 

As we had found water of which we were in want for our building 
operations, we decided to make use of it, and sank out to the bottom 
of the culvert which we then found to be a parallel-sided drain 2*6" wide 
and 8 feet 6 high with an arched bottom and top ; on a man trying to go 
into the drain we found it silted up about 2 feet deep. We put up a one 
H. P. Kyder Engine, and for 12 months drew water from this source. The 
water was perfectly clear and limpid. The workmen all drank of it. 


1883.] portions of Old Fort William, 118 

Sinoe the completion of the huilding a man hole has heen sunk over this . 
ealveit, 45 feet to the west of the curtain, and a Tangje Engine has now 
drawn for 21 months ahout 10,000 gallons of water a day from it. At a 
poinfc, 30 feet beyond this well and to the west, is an iron grating, so I hare 
been told bj the coolies who have been into the drain to clean it out. The 
eolvert falls about 15 inches in 30 feet from the well to the grating. 
The old Sumph was filled in on the completion of the work and not 

The water is clearly river water as a green vegetation grows over it 
in the hot weather, precisely similar to a vegetation growing over the Ghand 
Pil water in an adjoining tank pumped direct from the Biver, so that 
there is still existing some communication or filtration. 

To continue my account of the west wall, at 55 feet from the flank 
wall of the bastion 1 found one jamb of a doorway in a wall 6 feet thick* 
This extra thickness of wall 1 could not understand at first, but on consi- 
deration I could see that the wall had been thickened on account of the door 
opening, and on looking for the other jamb 1 found a Custom House wall 
bad passed through and destroyed it. I then looked for and found the 
extent of the thickened wall, which I found to be 16 feet wide, leaving an 
opening of 8^*4/' There is a change of level in the pavement, inside and 
ont, in this door opening ; they both have been additions on the date of the 
wall as the plaster jambs go below both floors. On finding this door in 
the curtain wall I dug west, following the pavement and looking for the 
rampart wall which 1 found at 25 feet distance. I looked for this, guided 
by the Panorama of Calcutta in Orme's Vol. II. Again referring to his 
plan, I could see that I was not at the limit of the ground west of the curtain, 
•0 1 continued my searching west, until at 45 feet from the curtain wall I 
foand a second wall 2^*6'' thick and parallel with the first and second 
walls ; this I take to be the River or Quay wall. The doorway of the 
rampart wall measures 7''V' wide, it has a stone sill in the opening, and 
bere again the paving has been added since the door was originally built, 
ae the plaster jambs and step go behind and below the pavement. These 
doors are the River side entrances alluded to by Holwell in his letter of 
November 30th, 1756 in which he states that ** The Suba from his litter 
returned my salaam," this was on his resigning his sword "and moved 
round to the northward and entered the fort by the small western gate.'' 
These two outer walls I have found again further south. The entire space, 
10 fiir as I have found it between the curtain wall and the next wall west, is 
paved with a brick on edge, a good large 10 inch brick well burnt, laid 
in sand or soorkey on a brick flat which is laid on 2 or 8 inches of burnt 
wood ash, the whole forming a good level well laid floor. In places at a 
lower level of 4| I find this floor again inside the curtain wall I found it 

11* B. Koskell BB,yue--Noies on the remaim of [Not, 

the whole length of the north curtain, between it and the mud and brick 
wall. I do not know if on the west side it only occurs in the gateway or 
if it continues north and south, I do not recollect it to the north towards 
the Sumph, but I found i6 further south in some gun platforms I hare 
yet to describe. These details I have just described I found since the 
completion of the building, and on searching for some information as to 
a wall on which I found myself in doubt when preparing the diagrams for 
this paper. 

In putting in the drain pipe from oar latrines I cut through what 
appears to me to have been a sunken gun platform and the commencement 
of a second to the south. There were three steps down into it, plastered with 
splayed edges almost as if new, so perfect was the plaster and the edges. 
The three steps were respectively 6", 8" and 4 inches in one pkce, the 8" and 
the 4" uniting into one of 12" ; the change had been broken away before I 
saw it. The curtain wall had a sunken face in it, thus thinning it to about 
8 feet. This work was all addition as there were plaster faces behind the 
platform work. The outer face of this curtain was in some cases plastered, 
in some only whitewashed. 

I imagine these to be some of the hurried works taken in hand, as 
alluded to by Orme, at the time the fort was assailed. 

I would point out here (shewn on the Plan, PI. X, O and PL XI) the 
verandah foundations opposite this western gate the only place in which 
I have found signs'of verandahs. I do not now understand the cross wall 
shewn in my plan opposite the entrance gate. On the east face of this 
verandah wall was a very perfect surface drain, with a second one coming 
into it. I have no record of cutting through this verandah wall when 
putting in the drain already alluded to, so that I presume it stops short 
of the gun platform. This completes my notes of this wall. 

I particularly drew attention *to the inner parallel walls behind all the 
curtains, north, east and west, referring to Orme*s description of the fort 
telling us of these inner walls. I have drawn to a small scale, Fig. 5 
Plate XIII, the south-east bastion, reproducing the north-east bastion 
with its stairs to the terrace. My authority for shewing these stairs at this 
bastion I have already cited from Orme. 

From the small map in Orme's Vol. II, of Calcutta, I make the centre 
gateway to be about 180 feet from the south-east bastion. I have shewn in mj 
conjectural plan this central portion as having 94 feet clear width inside and 
100 feet outside. I scale this projecting portion as 10 feet, and Orme tells us 
it had one gun on each flank, for which I have allowed a projection of about 
12 feet, whether more or less, does not affect what I want to draw attention* 
to. On the right, so called by Holwell, that is the south, I have pat 
the room of the guard allowing a small verandah on the north| of 10 feet 

1883.] poriions of Old Fori WilUam. 115 

in width ; the room itself I have shewn 20 feet. The barracks behind it I 
shew as 40 feet. I next shew a chamber 17 feet wide \ this, as will be seen, 
brings us up to the face of the square bastion, the first built portion of the 
Fort. So that we have only to shorten bj one foot the barracks, or the room 
of the guard, or the space inside the gate, to make up this dimension to 
18 feet. In any case here undoubtedly was the Military Prison, the Black 
Hole, so called by soldiers themselves, not so called, as many suppose, because 
of the events that occurred here. 

I have drawn your attention to a shed which I have called the Car- 
penters' shop. I will now quote a few lines from Hoi well's account of the 
elodng events of the 20th June. 

" As soon as it was dark, we were all, without distinction directed by 
the guard over us, to collect ourselves into one body, and sit down quietly 
under the arched verandah or piazza to the west of the Black Hole 
prison, id the barracks to the left of the court of guard ; and just over 
against the windows of tbe Cbvernor's easterly apartments. Besides the 
guard over us, another was placed at the foot of the stairs at the south end 
of this verandah, leading up to the south-east bastion, to prevent any of ua 
escaping that way. On the parade (where you will remember the two 
twenty.f our pounders stood) were also drawn up about four or five hundred 
gun-men with lighted matches. 

" At this time the factory waa in flames to the right and left of us ; to 
the right the Armory and Laboratory ; to the left the Carpenters' yard i 
though at this time we imagined it was the Cotta- warehouses.* Yarioua 
were our conjectures on this itjppearance ^ the fire advanced with rapidity 
on both sides ; and it was the prevailing opinion, that they intended 
suffocating us between the two fires : and this notion was confirmed by the 
appearance, about half an hour past seven, of some officers and people with 
lighted torches in their hands, who went into all the apartments under tho 
easterly curtain to the right of us ; to which we apprehended they were 
setting fire, to expedite their scheme of burning us. On this we presently 
came to a resolution, of rushing on the guard, seizing their scymitars and 
attacking the troops upon the parade, rather than be thus tamely roasted 
to death. But to be satisfied of their intentions, I advanoea, at tho 
request of Messrs. Baillie, Jenks and Bevely, to see if they were really 
setting fire to the apartments, and found the contrary ; for in fact, as it 
appeared afterwards, they were only searching for a place to confine us in i 
the last they examined being the barracks of the court of guard behind us. 

** They ordered us all to rise and go into the barracks to the left of 
'the court of g^ard. The barracks, you may remember, have a large 

^ Th9 Oompany's cloth warehouMS. 

116 B. Boekell Bayne — Notei an the remaim of [No. 3, 

wooden platfonn for the eoldien to sleep on, and are open to the west bj 
arches and a small parapet- wall, corresponding to the arches of the 
Tcrandah without. In we went most readily, and were pleasing onrselves 
with the prospect of passing a comfortahle night on the platfonn, little 
dreaming of the infernal apartments in reserve for ns. For we were no 
sooner all within the harracks, than the guard advanced to the inner arches 
and parapet*wall ; and, with their muskets presented, ordered ns to go 
into the room at the furthermost end of the barracks, commonly called 
the Black Hole prison ; whilst others from the court of guard, with clubs 
and drawn scimitars, pressed upon those of us next to them. 

** Figure to yourself, my friend, if possible, the situation of a hundred 
and forty-six wretches, exhausted by continual fatigue and action, thus 
crammed together in a cube of about eighteen feet, in a close sultry night, 
in Bengal, shut up to the eastward and southward (the only quarters from 
whence air could reach us) by dead walls, and by a wall and door to the 
north, open only to the westward by two windows, strongly barred with 
iron, from which we could receive scarce any the least circulation of fresh 

I do not think there is any room to doubt now the exact locality of 
the Black Hole. 

In the plan attached I think it is on the spot marked N (on Plate X) 
and if my scaling from Orme's Map is correct, and if his 210 yards given as 
the length of the eai$t face is correct, the foundations of the building still 
remain, and their exact locality could with Tery little trouble or expense be 
found,because,as I have stated, these Terandah walls go down very deep, deeper 
than the Custom House shed walls, and would consequently be, as I found 
those to the north, undisturbed. The salient and the faces of this bastion 
there is no doubt have been destroyed by the Post Office buildings, but 
the inner comer of the older square bastion appears to me to have fallen 
beyond the Post Office building, if, as I have said, Orme's figures are 
correct ; and as I have shown they are esaci on the north face. 

I would now draw attention to the south-west corner. It will be seen 
that a considerable portion of this lies beyond the old Military Accounts 
Office. If the building is condemned as one to come down, I do hope 
attention will be called to obtaining a faithful record of all to be found 
here, and I am persuaded that all the bastion foundations will be foand 
below those of the house as intact as I found those of the north-east 

An expenditure of 150 Rupees judiciously applied would enable ns to 
determine a good deal more of the fort walls without disturbing any build- 
ing or breaking up any floors. 

To return again to the levels of the old fort, I would draw attention 

1881] poriiofu of Old Ibrt T^illiam. IIT 

to the floor and differences of leyel. The Carpenters' shop, for instance, 
with its floor of brick on edge over 3 in. of fine concrete laid on 3 in. of brick 
rablnsh ; going upwards above this floor, wood ash, and the debris from 
the destroyed roof, then a tile floor on concrete V'6" above the first floor 
then again over that !"'&' of rubbish, and then a metaled road, that in this 
place ran between two Custom House sheds ; then, if I had made mj section 
through one of the sheds, its floor of brick on edge over brick flat, and now 
again the floors of the new buildings, of stone pavement on 6 in. of con- 
crete or 8 in. of concrete with Portland cement finishing. These two last 
are four feet nine inches above that of the Carpenters' shed of 1756. Thus 
Uiere are four floors in succession, first that of 1756, then the tile floor, age 
doubtful, then one of 1866, and now the new one of 1888. 

I have incidentally referred to the streets shewn on Orme's map, 
eomparing them with those of to-day. In the extract from Simm's Map, 
on which I have shewn by a thick dotted line the water edge as shewn 
on Orme's map, a ghaut will be noticed that does not quite fit in 
with the end of Ehoyla Qhaut Street. This non-fit is due I fancy to an 
error in Orme's map increased by my plotting from a map without a scale. 
1 have, however, adhered closely to what I have measured or scaled, and 
have not cooked my dimensions in order to make them fit in. The angle of 
the street is exactly as at the present time. 

The wide opening in Olive Street opposite the Bonded Ware Houses, 
and the little bend west at the head of Olive Qhaut Street are as exact as 
this small scale could shew them. Church Lane is another accurately fit- 
ting bit, and so in fact are numerous others. 

Judging from the Map already referred to, " the Park," now Dalhousie 
Square or Lall Diggee, appears to me to have extended itself north a little, 
iusd the road on the north of it to have been correspondingly narrowed. 

I have shewn on the Plan (Plate X) the place which I conjecture to 
be the un« finished Bavelin, into the ditch of which Hoi well says. " the 
dead bodies were next morning thrown." 

At the time the drainage pipe was put down in Fairlie Place, Mr. 
Bradford Leslie, then Engineer to the Municipality, noted that they had 
to cut through a pucca ghaut exactly opposite the lane leading up to 
Ho. 2 Fairlie Place. It agrees exactly with the ghaut shewn ou Orme's map, 
and also on the perspective sketch from the river side. This is a valuable 
piece of confirmatory evidence of the correctness of this plan and the old 
line of river bank at that date. 

Nothing of interest was found in the excavations save a chain shot 
or two, some 30 or 40 cannon ball of varying sixes, and of malleable iron, 
some almost bullets in size ; these were mostly found at the west end of 
the Carpenters* shop and outside it. The breach end of an old 10 pounder 

118 R. R. Bajne — Notaon the remains of Old Fort William, [No. 2, 

gun, and the top end &nd ring of an old anchor stock was all that was tamed 


In conclusion, I would here note a record I have made of the build- 
ing, and of the extreme point of the north-east bastion (the salient as it is 
termed) . 

Whilst rounding ofi the corner of our boundary wall so as to ease the 
foot traffic passing it, I have secured the little bit of triangular land be- 
longing to the building by paving it, and on this paving I have had cut, 
in the northern line of the bastion face and on the eastern edge, a line 
parallel to the eastern face but two feet removed within it, as the actual line 
lies below the foot path and off the East Indian Railway land. 

I would have liked to have placed a small tablet here to record one 
fixed point of the old fort, but as I was spending money belonging to 
the Government of Bengal, I could not do it. The stone to carry a tablet 
is inserted, ready if at any time the money to pay for the tablet is 
forthcoming. My idea was a brass plate with an engraving on it of the 
outline of the fort and a short legend of explanation. 

I would solicit permission to make a few excavations here and there 
in the Custom House compound. Digging a few holes does not cost very 
much, and with the north portion of the fort and lines to start with, 
the exact spots could be indicated without much guess work or hunting for 

I think an excavation (I don't ask for it) at a place measured from the 
point of the central or east gate drawn east, and about 100 feet east of 
the east curtain would find the burial place of the victims of the night of 
June 20th, 1756. 

I do not know if any records were kept of what was found during the 
building of the Post Office north-east corner, I fear none. It was stated 
that when the Port Commissioners offices were built, some of the founda- 
tions .then uncovered were those o( the fort. A glance at Simms Map, 
now that we have the north curtain fixed, will shew that this cannot 
have been the case, as this site in 1756 lay in the river or at least 
beyond the river wall of the fort, and in the mud banks. 

In the excavation for the buildings now going on in Koyla Ghant 
Street, the river wall shewn in Orme's map should have been found just 
about here, but as I have found this river wall to be only a small wall, 
2\Q>" thick, it would probably escape detection amongst such a maxe 
of walls, and of so many ages. I was repeatedly over these excavations 
to see if anything of interest was to be found. 

One wall I found, a battering wall 2''10" thick, 2^*8'^ at an upper point, 
but it was too far inland to be the river walL The character of the work, 
however, was the same as that found in the inner walls of the Fort, partly 

1888.] G. A. Qrierson — Snays on Deeletmon and Conjugation, 119 

bricks in moriar, partly in mud ; on the outer face the earth sloped River- 
wirds as if tipped in from the wall ; it had behind it a sort of floor roughly 
laid, small khoa over a large quantity of oyster shells and brick rubbish. 

Saayi on Bihdri Beclemion and Conjugation,^^ By G. A. 

Geiebsoit, B. C. S. 

A. Intboductobt. 
The dialects of the Bih&ri* language present many interesting facts 
to the student of philology. Hitherto only two of these dialects have 
been thoroughly investigated, and each of these in one special form. Dr 
Hoemle's Grammar treats of the Bhojpuri dialect as spoken near Bandras, 
vhere it h by no means free from the influence of its neighbour the 
Baiswap, and the present author's Maithili grammar treats mainly of the 
standard dialect of the centre of A1 ithild. The Magadhi dialect has not 
been treated of in any form, but it will be found a most useful object of 
study, as showing the stepping-stone between the somewhat archaic forms 
contained in standard Maithili, and the more phonetically attrited forms 
which we find in Bhojptirl. The last language, extending to nearly the 
centre of Hinddstdn, and spoken by a warlike energetic race may be consi- 
dered as the most phonetically advanced of the three Bihdri dialects. Its 
people have no literature to which their speech can be referred, and with the 
energy peculiar to their race they have disembarrased themselves to a large 
extent of the somewhat cumbrous grammatical forms of their ancestors, 
and have succeeded in wearing down periphrases and compounds into new 
words bearing no outward sign of their origin. The inhabitants of Mithila, 
on the contrary, intensely conservative from beyond historic time8,t and 
possessing a literature dating from the fourteenth century, have changed 
their language but little during all this period. As Maithili was born at 
the time when the Gau^ian languages first emerged from the Prdkrit, so 
it has remained to the present day, and the herd-boy, as he tends his 
boffaloes in 1882, speaks the same language as that in which the old master- 
linger Yidydpati sang of the loves of Bddhd and Kpsh^a to king S'iv Singh 
five centuries ago. It is to Maithili therefore that we must look for the 
earliest forms of Bihdri declension, and if we do we shall rarely be disap« 

* This is the name which I have adopted here and elsewhere for the " Eastern 
TTmi^ f langnage" treated of by Dr. Hoemle in his Gau^ian Grammar. 

t At the marriage of SiH, which took place at Janakapora in Mithild, Rto is said^ 
in Haithil tradition, to have cursed the haughty Maithil Brdhmaps, who reftised to 
hold any aoconnt of the foreign prince from A.udh. The onrse nmS| 

120 G. A; Qrierson. — Eimyi <m Bikdri DeelenHon. [No. 2, 

pointed. Mdgadhi all this time held • middle course. Its peculiar home 
was the hilly country ahout Bihar and Gaj4, where there was little later* 
course with other tribes, and little mental or material progress. It had no' 
literature, and therefore nothing to retard, while it had little to aid its pro- 
gress. Hence its middle position between the antique Maithili, and the 
practical work-&-daj Bhojptiri. 

The object of these papers is to bring to a common focus all the 
information which I have collected concerning the dialects of Bih&r, 
and to lay them in this shape before the Society. I shall treat mainly of 
the following dialects : 

A. Bhojpdri, spoken in west Bih4r. 

B. Mdgadhi, spoken in south Bihar. 

0. Maithili, spoken in north and east Bih&r. 
Of the last there are two sub-dialects. 

1. North Maithili spoken in north Tirhut and Bhagalpdr. 

2. South Maithili spoken in south-east Tirhut, and north 

Besides these the dialects of language borderlands will be consider* 
ed, viz, : — 

A. The Baiswafi of the Rdmayan of Tulsi Das, which is the 

border dialect between Bih&ri (Bhojpdri) and Hindi. 

B. The dialects of the border land between Bihdii (Maithili) 

and Bangali, spoken in (1) south Bhagalpur, and (2) 
central and western Purniy4. 
I shall also have occasion to refer to the dialects of dialect border- 
lands, viz. : 

A. Maithili- Bhojptiri of south-west Tirhut. 

B. Maithili-Mdgadhi oE south Munger. 

There is not any borderland of importance between M^adhi and 
Bhojptiri. The following table shows the relative positions of these dia- 
lects and 8ub*dialects. 

'^ ^ ^'2 North Maithili ^^ bd 


*- s 

8^0^ JltaithiU£Aojp4ri ^ ^ 

^ * i •^ South Maithili ^ . 

S '' ^ „ llintha.Mdgaiki % ' 

ti) (QMAGADHi *"*^ 


G. A. Grieraon — JEiitajr« an Bikdrt Deelension. 



I. Case, 
I di?ide the consideration of this point into two beads : 

a. Organic declension. 
fi. Inorganic declension. 
By org^ic declension, I mean that kind of declension which is not 
formed by postpositions, but bj actual inflection. By inorganic declension 
I mean that kind of declension which is formed by postpositions added to 
a base whether inflected or not. 

In Bih4ri there is a very full organic declension in the singular num- 
ber. It is found in its fullest form in the north Maithili dialect, and the 
terminations are as follows. They can only be added to the weak* form 
of a noun. 




Baiswdrl of 


f%, ft 





f^, ^ 

f%. ft 


9, m 


other Bih&ri 


• In South- 
Bhagulpdri ^, 0. y. 

^5i HT ^, * I die 
of hunger.' In 
PumiyA, the form 

is f , ^ir^ ^. In 

western Bbojpdri it 

is ^W, ^il ^mn 

• I adopt the terme weak, atrong, short, long, and redundant, from Hoerulo's 
Gtadiaa Grammar. {{ 201, 866. 

1 ji2 0. A. Qrierson— i?May« on Sihdrt Declennan, [No. 2, 

The following are examples of the above termioationB : 

Aee. f%, — WW WfTT W^fwf% ^nirn, 'then Brahmi advised the 

earth'. Bdm, Bd. cA. 199, 9. 

fl,— inuW 5if ^W irfli ^f^ H^ J^TTT, ' beholding R£m 
with affection she called near her friends.' Bdm, Bd. 

do. 265, 1. 

Ingtr. f%,— 'CgqfiT $wf% wm f«rirt, ' RAm warned Lakhan with a 

mgn.' Bdm. Bd. eh. 284, 8. 

Pi,— W V<^ 5l? qrf^^rS^ ^^ffx IW^, ' the Lord, sensible of 
their affection, asked their welfare with politeness.' 
Bdm. A. eh. 25, 2. 

?^— WTW* wpvPnr itw fOiiQli, * Behind one's back an enemy 
in the viciousness of his soul.' Bdm. KU. eh. 7, 7, 
where qTW* is in the instrumental case, much like the 
Hindi ft# #» which means both ' behind' (tnt^r.) and 
' from behind' (abh). 

% — VTi f^rw^Si^V f^WW W^ «r^, ' as water is not different from 
crystallized ice.' Bdm. Bd. eh. 123, 11. 

Dai, fl— 4JW €tfiT ?tfil ^wr irPc ^ i8IT^ ftnr w^rf^ T5t, 'after 

affectionately performing every rite, the king gave 
(her) in marriage to Bharat.' Bdm. Bd. ehh. 49, 4. 

f%— W flfn ^f^r^^iT^ ^ ' in many ways he shows hononr 
to the bondmaid.' Bdm. A. eh. 24, 4. 

Ahh f%,— JT^f^ ^fw ^ fWf^ Kim, 'the king having inquired 

from the guru, performed the family rites.' Bdm. Bd, 
oh, 819, 8. 

f^9 — WJjfi f^wfi ^ftw if% ^?t%, 'from your mother and 
your father you have well become debt-absolved.' Bdm, 
Bd. eh. 284, 2. 

Oen, f%, — ^TWf^ fWrfV 9IWV €tr€t, 'at the words of Lakhan, 

Janak became afraid.' Bdm. Bd. eh. 286, 4. 

W5 — ^^T^lPt gw ^ VSn ^^9 ' There is a great love of the 
king for you.' Bdm. A, eh. 40, 6. 

% — onljf uied with pronoum {omitting Iti and 2nd per- 
oonal pronoum) wn f«W» ^fw ^W ^% ^T*, ' agun, all 
approached hers.' Bdm, Kit. eh. 25, 8. 

K, — only Uied mth IH and 2nd personal pronouns^ n iff ^ 
9t^ 9* ^rraTi 'an illusion (arising) from egoism and 
from " mine" and " thine." ' Bdm. Ar. eh. 12, 2. 

1883.] G. A. Grierson — Ustays on Sikiri Beolemum. 123 

LoC' f%>— ^*l^l #T «pr^9f% ^JTWT, * what remained over went into 

the guests' quarters.' Bam. Bd. eh, 332, 7. 
5htf^ %l^ l^n; WRTT, * at dawn to-day having bathed 
at Prayfig.' Bam. A. eh. 262, 6. 

please R&ax every tree was laden with fruit, whether 
in season or not in season, without regard to the time 
of year.' Bam. Ln. eh. 6, 5. 

9^ — T7 i?t^ ^^W ^ ^IWi '^ 1^^ persist in obstinacy, in 
the end it boms his bosom.' Bdm. Bd. eh. 259, 5. 

9, — ^V^l£ ^^ inff wi ^^n^, * where there is water, in the end 
there will be mud.' Bdm. A. eh. 175, 4. 

Y^ — ^TW M^mnr^ f%T: ^rnrr, 'afterwards the son of the wind 
bowed his head.' Bdm. Kit* eh. 23, 9. 

The terminations ^ of the instrumental, and 9» 9 and Y of the locative 
tre rare in the BimiLyany and survive only in a few indeclinables like 
^ } ^9 ^^nv, S'o. There may be isolated instances of 9 and i being 
used to form other cases, but I have not noted them in the course 
of my reading. 

Probably the Busw^rf case postpositions ^i ir> ^i and others are also 

uuCmunentals, cf. poit Maithili w, ^9 and ir. 

NoTB. It la better to consider this form in $*as an instrumental, and 
iMyb SB a locative, as (1) the locative is already supplied with another 
organic termination and (2) comparison with the Maithili dialect shows the 
iermiQation as exclusively used in the instrumental case in that dialect, 
ftnd (3) other dialects such as Panjdbi and Mar&thi show traces of the same 
teDdency. See post, under head of derivation. 


Aee, f^, — ^^irc ^ fim ^ ^^f^ Wr> * ^^ w ^ay friend who brings my 
enemy.' Man'bodh, 6, 39. 

fi, — i?r ^frft ^T, ^I^Pf ilTT, ' the buSalos are grazing in 
the field, beat the calves.' Frov. 

-Bw^r. f%,— innr wnr ^^ '^rjr^ 'WfHr, ' he opened the bonds and 
fetters with violence.' Man. 4i, 4i2. 

ft,— ^^^^tHt ftft ^ffft f^jdp * I would have swept it with my 
body-cloth,' I^d^ Son^t, No. 1. 

i,— ^WT?i ^m li^T "Sft 5tiBT, ' (as much as I would say) 
with half my lip, that also is gone far away,' Vid. 73, 4. 

124 G. A. OriersoD — EiMayji on Bihdrt DeelennofL [No. 2, 

Imtr^ % — «ii^ ^T^ wftr ^(TTit:* ' he binds his waist wHh knife and 

dagger/ Mars. 4, 1. 

This example is Musalmdni-Maithili, and the words maj 
be nom. plurals fern, borrowed from ITrdd. I shall 
hence give other examples. 

vt^ inn ^h:%* ^T^f^» a fair woman is blinded by pride. 

ir^ ^if * mypil Wir nrsTi • Hke a cow (distracted) by the 

lomng of her calf/ Man. 8, 17. 

To this must be added the yery common colloquial forms 
^[ « by this/ wTf * by which/ %* * by that* which occur 
in literature only in company with prepositions ; and 
the illative conjunction %* or ^*, ' therefore.' Examples 
of the first are, 

Y ^ ^rav irav ^, * in thb way was the circle of the 
nU.' Man, 6, 5. 

^ vlfK ^TT^ ^fw iWi ' in what way the guards had gone 
to sleep.' JR., 17. 

The following are colloquial examples, not made to order. 
^, rt ^ ^V, * for this reason (by this), it happened by 

•r*^fT^*#1«|il*W Wm 'Rtrm wfi ^jfir ^W*t, * I cannot 
hear the ^ur&n by the ears, with which 1 have heard 
the Srimad hhdgavat* 

^WW # ^Wl J^^ilf^, 9 ^ ^VT^» * he saw you pleased, 
therefore he came.' 

^RTT n ^^ ^^ W%, % ftwftl ^KK^ ' there was no^nnity 
amongst themselves, thence fell the adversity.' 

ii9 irq *l«ifi ^W, ' by discussions a quarrel arose.' 

Compare the following example of the instr. of €t 
* what ?' 

^r^ VTO ^rc VR^, *why do you inake me out a 
thief ?' 

Classical examples of the use of it* or $*are the following : 
%*irff 'Itftr irtT#, * therefore he does not eclipse it.' Vid, 

H Tf^ ^nw U^K, * therefore the lotus does not dry up.' 
Vid. 14, 6. 

1888.] O. A. Qrienon— j^Moyt on BihdH Deeletuion, 125 

IM, 9, — ^W9 ^9lf^il itw M^wnr, ' to all he made meet reverence.' 

Man. 9, 62. 

All f%, — iNtrft^^rcll^ 'i^V^ from l)07hood cowherds learn 
cattle-tending. Man. 4, 12. 

9^ — ^^irifV iiihrci ^in^ ^CT9» 'from that place their hopes 
remained equally (unsatisfied).' Man, 1, 8. 

if — fkfiW irfi JRfi ^W> * nothing came to pass from there.' 

&en. V,— ^4%f« ^irjnr ^TW^ ' a means of the going of Akrdr.' 
Man. 7, 17. 

%, — only Uied with pronouns (omitting Ist and 2nd personal 
pronouns), m% HW ^Kfl ifTT^i 'whose mind trembles 
exceedingly/ Vid. 7, 6. 

^,— -on^ uted ioiih Isf and 2nd personal pronouns^ iff! ih^ 
i^^ltlKy ' he is not my brother-in-law,' Vid. 79, 7. 

% — onh^ used in the 2nd personal pronoun^ m^ ^X^W TFg 
Iff ^n^9 ' my feet have touched thy water, O mother,' 
Vid. 78, 8. 

Xoc. f%, — QTR^ ^T<^ iw H^nn^i ' into the Jamund-pool went 
Efisluii.' Man. 4, 18. 

ft, — ^^nM f^TS^ inv 9Wi ' in her astonishment, the Termilion 
was rubbed off,' Vid. 26, 4. 

H^^ #l|f^ U^TVf Hhe ya<20r^ has dried up in the fields.' 
Famine song^ 12. 

9^ — ^CSi^m fw^ ^TW Hvnn^y ' Erish^ was extremely skilled 
in wrestling.' Man. 9, 80. 

j^ — %T^ 117 ^fi vn^f^ WVBi ' even at any time he spake not 
harshly in anger.' Man. 7, 85. 

^ — HTJR 4iTWV ^rri; '1 shall go on an unfrequented river 
bank,' Vid. 5, 8. 

This form of locative is very common in all Bih&ri dialects 
in phrases such as wt fft, ' in every house,' Sk. 

• From the above we are justified in drawing up the follow- 

ing model paradigm of the organic declension of the 
word ^t^t the weak form of 41^, ' a horse,' in the sin- 
gular number. 


G. A. Grierson — Esiayg on Bihdri Deelemion. 

[No. 2, 









Baisw&ri of 


Other B\\i&A 





wi^j ^^> 



(g^, tK, wj) 





Note as to Flural, The above is the singular declension. In the 
Bdm&jan the terminations in ^ are used in a plural sense ; thus, ^aurfl 
^PRfV ^ff VW S^» 'there is no difference between things possessing 
qualities, and those without them/ Bdm, Bd. ch, 128, 1 : native pa^i^ts, 
indeed, maintain that the termination f^ is properly only used in the' 
plural, and that when used in the singular, it is always in an honorific sense. 
This theory is generally borne out so far as my experience goes, and hence it 
will be convenient to assume that in the R^m&yan the terminations f%, %* 
$*, and t( are singular, and the termination f% plural. 

In Maithili, the termination fi and i are used equally in a singular 
and in a plural sense. An example of the plural usage of fi will be found 
in the example given for the Locative. 

The termination t( of the Instrumental is used only in the singular of 
nouns. Of Pronouns the case is different, vide post. Maithili nouns always 
form their plural periphrastically by adding a noun of multitude, which is 

1888.] O. A. Orienon-^JSMayf on Bih6r% Declension. 127 

itself declined in the BiDgular, taking the singular terminations. The onlj 
words which take a new base in the plural (both for the nominative, and 
oblique cases) are the words w^ifiT, 9lf^, and lBlirf%, (see Mth. Gram. 
§ 25 for the two last) which form their instrumentals ^nf^, 9lf%^, 
snd fhvfWiT. I am unable to give any examples from literature of the use 
of these three words. 

For further remarks concerning these plural forms in fir, vide post. 


At present I do not propose to consider the genitive terminations ^^ 
ty and % as they are only used in connection with pronouns, and can be 
more conveniently discussed under that head. 

The remaining terminations are 

Bimdyauy f%, fV, JBj v, V, ^, ^, 
Maithili, f%, ff, », ^ — V", f . 

Before proceeding further, I must warn against another set of termi- 
nttions in use in these dialects, which are merely particles of emphasis, viz,^ 
Hifi,^ or ^* V or V, see Hoemle, G* G., § 560, and the Author's 
Mth. Gram., § 205. These are entirely different in origin, but are liablo 
to lead to confusion. 

The following table shows the declensional terminations in Apa- 
bhraipia Pr&k^pit. H. C. means the fourth book of Hemachandra's Gram- 
mar. E. I. means Kramadfivara quoted in Lassen, pp. 449 and ff. M^. 
means Mirka^^^ya quoted by Hoemle. 

6. A. Qrieraon — Enajfi ok BUdri DeeU*ritm. 

[No. 2, 







— dEO 


■^1 a 






t » 














Q. A. Grierson — Hsiays on Bihdrt Declension, 


oa CO 

i § 
i.S 3 

2 « 






















• ^ 





s « © 


•fiS o 

a a 


•■^ ' 




Saiu9^jon8 q^iu 




— ^ 



• • 









® a 

















w J 















CO 00 




























«d o 



























■ 1=3 



tc ^ eo 
















1 fl 









o o 


G. A. 


-.ZbAyl Off fitilin' DeeUnnctt. 







■s . 

















■J ^ 









6. A. Grierson — JSssays on Bihdri Declension, 










OB oa 

a-J . 

•ss ^5 

2 « 

eB a o 

a ;s *H 
o © o 

.2 © *© 
Ip^ 5 



^ o 

a a 

* o 





e« w 
Q » 

;;: s 


©•£1 S 
^ ^ CO 


00 P" . 

B <o 
O O S 




*|9M0A *!)|nu8d JO Suiuaqjoqs q^i^i 















CO 00 










B "^ 

^5.5 3 

^^ ^ 2 

^B^ CO tH 
^lO o 

4i e>D 
















CO §, 



• CO —s 



. CO 

















190 Q. A/ Grierflon — Essays an BiMrt Declension. [No. 2, 

The casual termiuations of the Bam&yan have been discussed bj 
Hoemle (G. G. pp. 195—212). The results arrived at are as follows : With 
the exeeption of ^*, which may be considered as a strengthened form of X, 
all the aboTe forms are found in Apabhraipia PriLkpt. Taking each form 
separately we find ; 

A. With regard to f%, that it is used in the following cases : — 

Ap. Prdkrit. (t or f%J 








Ablative. (^) 



Genitive. (^) 


Locatiye. (f%) 



See Hoemle G. G., §§ 865 and 867. As regards the Frakfit form f^, it 
is a weakened form of ^, which is properly a termination of the genitive 
singular, and has been extended to the abl. and loc. in Prdkpt, and fur- 
ther extended to the ace. instr. and dat. in the Edmdyan. In Maithili, it 
has altogether lost its genitival sense, and is not used in the dative, as in 
the B&m&yan. This termination f% is derived from the Sanskrit termina- 
tion ^ of the genitive. So that we get the series Skr. ift?^, Ap. Fr. 
i|)v%, Bib&ri ^t^fftT, * of a horse.' It will be seen that the termination 
f% in Bih&ri, being added to the weak form of the noun, presupposes 
a Skr. bIt^, and not ^ft^V^, which latter would become Ap. Pr, 
4tV^^» ftnd Bih&ri iftYTf%- 

Other examples are Skr. nfw, * a sage,' ^en. sing, ii^: (for ilf^r?f)» 
Ap. Fr, ^ftr%, nf>rf^, Bihdriy J(f^f% : and Shr. J(% * a teacher,' gen. sing 
jftT: (for jW), ^p. Fr. 5^, JT^fr, BihdH, J^T 

It is not necessary to give examples of Skr. strong forms in ^ for our 
present purposes, — ^f or the termination fr is, in BihiLri, only added to the 
weak form of nouns. 

B. fi, is used in the B&m&yan only in a plural sense. In Maithili it 
has (to a great extent in use) superseded ff , and is used in the sense both 
of singular and plural in the following cases : — 

Ap. Pr. (^ or f*) 



Instr. plur. (N)* 

Gen. plur. ('^)* 
Loo. sing. plur. (f^)* 

Ace. plur.* 
Instr. plur.* 
Dat. plur.* 
Abl. plur.* 
Gen. plur.* 
Loo. plur.* 

Ace. sing, and plur. 
Instr. sing, and plur. 

Loc. sing, and plur. 

* Used also Bometimes in singolar, vide Hoemle, p. 208. 


G. A. Grierson — JEttayi on Sihdrt' Deelennon, 


See Hoemla §§ 867 and 860. As regards the Pr&kpt form, two 
deriyatioDs are plaosible. One connects it with the Frikfit abl. pluf. 
nffiz f^^9 and the other with 6kr. abl. dnal termination n^ (see fioemle 
I, e,), which would regularly change in Pr. to ^ or f^. 

The following examples will show the process. Skr. *qt7, ' a horse :' 
abL dual, *^t7n9t; or Pr. abl. plur. (Arsha) ijtJfil'^T; Ap. Pr. gen. plur. 
Wtl%: Bihdri^t^r^: 

Skr. M^, 'a sage;' abl* dual, nfinirt; or Pr. abl. plur. (^Crsha) 
'Jfilfij^ ; Ap. Pr. gen. plur. iif^PC ; Bihdri, ^f%f^. 

Skr. m% ' a toaeher ;' abl. dual, WVVt ; or Pr. abL jplur. (^sha) J^N%T; 

Ap. Pr. gen. plur. m^; fiih^ ^^fN^ 

It is possible that these two derivations are not incompatible with 
each other. 3Et -will be obserred, that when the Skr. has a long Towel 
before lof, Arsha Pr&kfit has (and only then) a long vowel before fHix, 
It is posable therefore that the first three syllables of H^N^U are directly 
connected with ancviti and that the syllable %T is an additional pleonastic 
ablatival suffix. 

C. 9. It is rarely used in the R4mdyan, and probably only in the 
loeatiye. It is CTidently a weakened form of the Ap. Prakrit ^. Both 
V and ^ occur in all masculine and neuter nouns having ^ bases in Ap. Pr. 
Bases in i^ and ^ take only yft. Feminine bases use 9 as the termination 
of the abl. and gen. plur. (H. C. IT, 351). In MaithiU vis used in all 
genders and with all weak bases. The use of these two terminations is 
as follows : 

Ap. Pr. (mase. 




^ bases. 


and ^ bases* 

Norn. (^) 
Ace. (^) 


. Abl. (v,Tt) 
Gen. (nft) 

The use of these terminations has therefore been extended in MaithiM 
to the locative and dative. The datiye, it need hardly be pointed out 
does not occur in Prikfit. The origin of ^ is obscure. Lassen, (p. 462) 
identifies it with an assumed Skr. suffix 9 ; while Hoernle (§ 868) oonneota 
it with the Skr. abl. plur. suffix im, through m^. 


G. A. GrierBon — Essays on Bihdrt Declension, [No. 2, 

D. 9* It is rarely used in the lUm^yan, and probably only in tbe 
locative. In Ap. Pr&kpit, and Maitbili it is used as follows : 

A p. Prakpt. 


Abl. plur. (^) 
Gen. plur. (9) 
Loc. plur. (9) 

Instr. sing, and plur. 
Abl. sing, and plur. 
Loc. sing, and plur. 

See Hoernle, §§ 367, 369. 

This termination is probably a weakened form of the Pr&kpt abl. pi. 
suffix ijsij* The derivation of ^^T is obscure. From the analogy of f^i%T, 
we might expect it to be a eompound of ^ + ^ (Lassen^ p. 310) : % 
is the Pr4k|it termination of the locative plural, and it may be noted that 
whatever yowel precedes the termination % in Prakrit declension, the same 
vowel precedes ^jjil* 

Thus, Prdkrit,— 

Nom. Singular. 


Abl. plural. 

The termination ^ occurs in Xrsha Pr&kpt, but not ^T, which tends 
also to show that the latter is a later, and may be a compound form. 

One example of this form will suffice. Skr. ^rf^ a sage ; loo. plur. 
nftpi; Xrsha Prdkpt, irfir^: Prdkpt, ii^t^: Pr. abl. plur. ir¥W%T; Ap. 
Pr. gen. plur. ^PflB : Bih&ri instr. plur. vif«rv. 

Note in the above that it is only in classical Pr&kfit that the final 
vowel of ^f^ is lengthened. We have Arsha, nfir^, and Ap. ^f^nt, so that 
we are justified in assuming an intermediate form ivfii^i^. 

It is easier to derive ^f^ from itf^^^T rather than from '^f^i 
directly ; as it is more natural to derive tbe genitive from the ablative 
than from the locative. As regards the formation of an ablative by the 


G. A. Grierson — JSssays on Bihdri Declension. 


addition of an ablative sign to a locative, this is of common occurrence in 

Gaodian languages. It is quite usual to hear phrases such as w1^ ^^ 9" 

^ inp, which is, literally, ' he fell from on the horse,' and which means 
in English, 'he fell from,' or, 'off the horse.' 

E. i, $*, — the latter of these I consider to be simply a lengthened 
form of the former : and with this remark it will be sufficient to dismiss it. 
With regard to ^, the case is different, and will require more elaborate 

^ is used in the following cases : 

Ap. Pr. 



Instr. {i) 



It will be seen that this case is used throughout all dialects as an 
iiutrumental termination, — and so also in Panjdbi (seldom), e, y., in the 
word ilft* {8kr. Wl^) * indeed,' * truly ;' henee * although ;' and in Mar&« 
tbi, e, g,y fi<* * by a house.' In western Bhojpuri it takes the form ^ir ; 
thus, iTf , * by fear,' ^S^n, * by hunger.' 

In Ap. Pr., according to M^'i the termination is added directly to the 
Use of the noun, whatever it is ; so that we have ^ic, * by a forest,' from 
^, ^IWnc * by a girl,' from m^, ^f^X ' by fire,' from ^ifof (nom. ^ptt), 
ITO^ *by wind,' from ^T^, (nom. ^T«). (Examples taken from M^. apud 
Hoernle, § 367.) It will be observed that when the nom. sing, ends in 
long ^, it is unchanged, but when in long ^, or long ^, the final vowel is 
shortened before ^. H. C. and K. I. do not give the termination to 
feminine nouns, and giye w^ instead of ?^^. In other respects they agree 
^th Md. Md.'s "7^ is probably for ?^% so that the three grammarians 
are at one, except with reference to feminine nouns. 

Maithili goes a step farther. It (Gram. § 19) substitutes the X for 
the final vowel in all nouns whose direct forms end in ^ or ^r, so that we 
have Tf#*, * by fruit,' from "qPir, ^*, * by a story' from ^ut, or to use the 
same examples as are given for Prdkf it, it has ^^ for Pr. «r^, and ^[%^ 
for Pr. ^TTirrc. 

With regard to nouns ending in other vowels, it follows the Pr&kfit 
rale. The x is simply added, and the final vowel, if long is shortened, — 

134 G. A. Grierson — Eatays on BiMrt Declension. [No. 2, 

so that we have ii^nf ' by a daaghter,* from 9^. Witli regard to tiie Pr. 
examples, the nominatives both end in short vowels in MaithUi; ^rfl, 
* fire,' makes ^vf^^, and ITJ * wind,' makes l^, or ^^.* 

Finally the forms ^, «^* ^T in MaithiH referred to above mast be 
again noted here, as important, and pointing clearly to the derivatioiL 
The only remaining cognate form is the word w9t\ used colloquially u 
the instrumental of the oblique form, v^, of the neuter iatem>gatire 
pronoun ^, * what,' (see Mth. Chr. Voc. *. v, #t). 

As to the derivation of these forms, they may possibly come 
from the Skr. instrumental in w, which exists in ^ bases in tiiefoan 
JM ( fv(t^ )• The forms which most plainly show their origin are the 
pronominal ones, ^, 4 , and % • It must be noted that these are nof; 
formed from the obiique bases of their respective pronouns, which are 
f^ (or jrf^), «rf^ (or mTf%), and ifftr (or irrf%) respectively 
( Mth. Gram. §§ 71, -76, 78), but stand completely apart from the 
declension of these pronouns as isolated forms. The nominatiyes of these 
pronouns are 1^, ^» and 9*, so that in one of these cases at least it has not 
been formed by nasalizing that case. It is hence most rational to derive 
them through missing Pr&kfit forms from Sanskrit T^T (Yaidik), < by this,' 
%ir, ' by which,' and ihr, ' by that.' It must be noted also that while the 
proximate demonstrative in Maithili |^, * this,' has an instrumental form {, 
the remote demonstrative ^, 'that,' has no such corresponding form, 
(see Mth. Gr. § 70, addenda). Similarly the Skr. proximate demonstrative 
pronominal base ^, has no remote demonstrative form. Classical Skr. 
has ^^^ instead of the simpler Yaidik instrumental form ^ir, ' by this' ; 
for an example of the latter, see B. Y. 1, 173, 9, T^r, which the Yed&rtha 
Yatna translates ^Iphf. 

As regards the form V^* the termination may be referred to the 
Skr. instrumental termination x^, (^tffprr), Pr. i;^ (^if^iT^), but the 
derivation of the stem is involved in much obscurity. 

Having thus shown that these pronominal forms ^, ^*, and ^ are 
most probably connected with the Skr. instrumental, it remains to consider 
the nominal forms. With regard to ^ bases, the same reasoning applies, 
and ^T^* bears exactly the same relation to ^t^T, that ^ does to ^if. With 
regard to feminine bases ending in ^, the case is different. In it the Skr. 
instr. ends in ^^, from which I would derive the PrAkyit termination 
^T^. The lengthening of the penult, in Pr. is probably due to the force of 
analogy, all the other cases in Sanskrit, except the vocative having a long 
penultimate. The termination ^ cannot of course be attributed to this 

• With regard to the shortening of the Antepennltimate, see Mth. Gfr. § 5, addenda. 
I have written the words as they are pronoanoed, and not as they are usually writtea. 


O. A. Grienon — I}9$ay$ an Bihdri JDeeleifum. 


fonn, and I refer it to the well known tendency of Prikpt to reduce all 
novrns to one eommon declension, which is carried farther bj Ap. Pr. and 
the modem Yemacnlars, than we find in the classical Prdkfit of Varanichi. 

fij a similar process I would account for the instrumental forms of 
bases with other vocalic endings. 

E. Y. This is the most universallj distributed of all the case ter- 
minations. It occurs in all the Bihin dialects, and in the BiLmijan. It 
appears in all the Prik^it dialects from the classical of Vararuchi to the 
Apabhraifki^ ; and, to take examples of cognate modem languages it is 
found in Bangili, and in all the local dialects of Hindi It also occurs in 
Sanskrit as the locative of nouns whose bases end in ^. In the modern 
languages, too, it is only used with nouns ending in a final (silent) ^. 
Thus we have iird ' on a landing place/ from WfV, sri^ ' in a village, from 
ITU, but no corresponding forms for words like wm^ or ^(f^. Similarly 
also in Bangdli ^n^lT, ' a boy,' makes H^, but the locative of ^t^ 
'a mare,' is quite a different form, Vt^|t%. It is the same in classical 
PdLkfit, Arsha, and P41i ; in all these ^ is only used as the termination of 
the locative of ^ bases. We thus get the following table : 








^ base 













JWT il 


K. base 





^^irfir iT 




From the above it is evident that the locative termination ^ is used 
throughout all these languages only with bases in %. Feminine bases in 
%[ are no exception to this rule, for the termination ^ in Arsha and Pr&- 
kfit is of entirely different origin. In Apabhraipia Pr&kfit there are two 
forms of the locative one in ^ (iT^)» and one a weakened form in ^ (?rf%), 
both of which are used only with bases in ^. The latter it appears to me 
not imreasonable to consider to be a weakened form of the former. 

136 G. A. Grierson — "Esgayi on Bihdri jDeelefuion, [No. 2, 

It therefore appears possible that this Bihiri locative in ^ is the Skr. 
and classical Prakrit loc. suffix Xy which has been preserved unchanged. 
The fact that it has remained unchanged in the modem languages need 
not surprise us: for it has admittedly remained unchanged in the classical 
Prakrits, while all the other case suffixes have changed in them. If there- 
fore the locative has retained vitality so far, it need not astonish us that 
it has retained it to the last. 

I^ote an the above. It will be seen that in these derivations of ^ and 
^j I have given an etymology different from that put forward by so high 
an authority as Dr. Hoernle in his Gau^ian Grammar, §§ 367 and follow- 
ing. Dr. Hoernle considers ^ as a contraction of ^f^» and ^ as a con- 
traction of ^vf^ rei^pectively, terminations which have already been dis- 
cussed and disposed of. This derivation is also plausible, but I venture to 
think that an equal amount of plausibility attaches to the derivation given 
above, on the following grounds. 

Lassen (p. 461) connects the termination { with Skr. term, n, bat 
Dr. Hoernle considers that this is untenable because Skr. ^M cannot 
be added to feminine bases in ^. This point has been already discus- 
sed by me, and I need not repeat what I have said here,— >but, admit- 
ting for the sake of argument that Lassen is wrong, Dr. Hoemle'a 
theory is also open to objection. Dr. Hoernle takes the termination 
^if^, and supposes an elision of ^, which gives ^if, which is contracted 
to ^ ; hence he gets the forms in Apabhraiji^ Prdkf it, ^^, ^T^t 
^fupt, and m^ii, which he derives from supposititious forms *^ W^ Wi 
*m401l|f^, *^f^^f#> and *WT^r^^ which he considers old genitives. 
It thus appears that the letter ^ in the termination is absolutely neces- 
sary for the theory ; only ^f^ can be contracted to ^ ; if the termination 
ever takes the form ^f^, it must be contracted to X, and if it takes the 
form ^f^, it can only become ^. It must be remembered that we are 
only dealing with weak bases, for in the modern languages, it is only 
added to weak bases, and never to strong ones ;* and it remains 
to be seen what form ^f^ takes with weak bases. Beally, this termination 
is f^ and not Df^, and the vowel ^ is only the termination of the base, 

* This may be denied ; bnt the fact remains that some weak forms do undoubtedly 
take the termination tJ, e. g. ^x?r * * word,' instrumental ^T%*; «> ^o ^, ^*, *"d y, 
which are undoubtedly formed from a weak bases, and this is quite sufficient for my 
argument. If I can prove that a single weak form* takes "^ in the instrumental, it 
does away with the argument that ^*' or ^{ can in all cases be derived from 
i;;^|f^, ^S^vf^. It may be noted here that in the M^dhi dialect of Bihloi only 
masculine weak forms ending in a silent consonant take {, and ^ • thus, from lf9 
< force*, instr. irTj but never ifftr^, or llff. 

1888.] G. A. Oridrson— jEM0y# on BihM D^Uniion. 137 

80 tbat th^ weak forms of ibe old genitive plaral, tbove Quoted, would be 
^[l|W and nofc ww^lM, WRflW and not "WTIJI^W, ^ftff^ and not ^^v^f^ 
irFfH and not ^i^^N. Now, it is possible to derive ^* from Wi|f%, but 
impossible to derive ^tIV^ from ^f^SffSf. I know tbat it can be assumed 
that ^T^rJ is derived from the strong form IR^lQ^f^, but it is equally 
easj to derive it from the instrumental (Prakfit) ^f^^ (or ^9^ from 
^^), and tbis last derivation has the following advantages : 

(1) It accounts for the termination ^ in nouns which (like ITIf) ar« 
never used in modem languages in their strong, but always in their weak 

(2) It accounts for the fact that t is always (with one or two 
isolated exceptions) used in a singular sense, while the termination ft is 
distinctly a plural one. . 

(3) It accounts for the western Bhojptiri forms in ^qw, such as 

(4) It is simpler to derive the instrumental ^ from a Skr. instru* 
mental, and the locative ^ from a Skr. locative, than to take two termim^ 
tions, for one case (the genitive), one singular, and the other plural, and to 
adopt one, for no very valid reason, as a locative singular, and the other as 
an instrumental singular. 

Another argument of Dr. Hoemle's given in the foot note to p. 203 
is as follows ; ' this explains why the Mardflii instr. in k is seldom used 
except witk the prepositions if^PT or qrarw; for it is really a genitive or ob- 
lique form, and as such naturally takes a postposition. If it were, as 
commonly supposed, identical with the old Skr. instr, in XW, the addition of 
the postposition would be very superfluous and anomalous.' The addition 
of the postposition may be superfluous, but it is not, I think anomalous. 
In Maithili the preposition fVwT ' without ' governs the instrumental, 
both in the form in K, and in its inorganic or periphrastic form. 

Examples are, 

(1.) Organic instrumental. 

Famine song, 10. 

I^WT mSTm^ f%^ wf^ vqi|?9i ' without water nothing sprouted in the 

(2,) Periphrastic instrumental. 

Sal. 8. 

ftWT ^^^ $f %nn f^^WiJ ilwrSRi * without a husband how can I pass 

my days?' 

These examples taken together show that there is no idea of a genitive 
lease, but that there is a pure idea of an instrumental sense in vrii'* in 
the first example. 

With regard to the locative termination X, the arguments respecting 

188 G. A. Grierson— 27«#ay« on BihdH Deelemian,. [No. 2, 

it are exactly the same, muiatu mutandis, as those regarding k, and I do 
not repeat them. 

p. Inorganic Declension ofnouns^ 

By Inorganic declension I mean that kind of periphraatio decleDsioa 
which is formed by postpositions added to a base whether inflected or not. 
In Bihdri the base undergoes regular inflection or preparation for the recep- 
tion of postpositions. This occurs both in the singular and plural, each 
of which has a direct (or nominative) and an oblique form. 

It will be convenient to deal with the question of number first. He 
following are the plural forms. 


O. A. Qrierson — Suayt on Bihdrt Deeletuian. 


140 O. A. Grierson — EtiayM on Bihdri Deelensum. [No. 2, 

Reference to the above will show that the obliqae form of the plural 
baa four terminatione, viz,, % w, f^, fw : and these terminations are onlj 
added to the weak base of a noun. This is even the case when the noon 
is not used in the singular or in the nominative plural in the weak form. 
JE, g., (Ban&ras-Bhojpdri) nom. sing, mm (strong form), 'a barber'; 
nom. plur. iTTV (strong form) ; and obi. plur. WT^^ (weak form). It U 
4M>mmonl7 said that strong-forms shorten their termination before w in the 
obliqae plural, but this is hardly the correct way of looking at the matter. 
The base IT^ cannot be said to be formed from the base ^l^, for this would 
presuppose (as will be seen further on) a Skr. form iTSVnrti which would 
become in Pr&kpt $nr^ (see Hoernle, p. 211) (whence perhaps 0. K. 
irff^mf, l^TW, cf. Hoemle, p. 195), •wm^^, •^iw^iTt, which would 
become in Bibdri iTtY^W or ^T^TW, and not WT^W. 

The only exception to this is the Maithil-M^gadhi sub-dialect, whidi 
forms the oblique plural on the base of the long form, which maybe 
referred to the Prdkf it long form tTTV^Hj above referred to. 

These plural oblique forms are not used in Maithili in the case of 
nouns, except in a few isolated words like wsfk, * all,' and ^l^ifir 'people.* 
They are common, however, in Maithili pronouns where the plural form 
has acquired a singular honorific sense, — ^thus, ?rf^ ' him,' mfir, ' whom.' 

Wherever these forms are used in the oblique plural, they can also be 
used in the sense of a direct plural, in most of the dialects. The oldest 
dialect (that of the B&m&yan) confines these forms principally to the 
oblique case, but not universally, as in the phrase fm% iitf% iirCT ^ « mt 
* I have beaten those who have beaten mo.'* BandriLs Bhojptiri follows 
the R&m&yan very closely in this particular, but the other dialects use the 
oblique form indifEerently in the direct and oblique cases pluraL 

To sum up the results of the above, we find that in Bih4ri the nomina- 
tive plural can alwaysf be the same as the nominative singular ; and ce^ 
tain dialects also form an oblique plural in % w, f^, or fir> which is also 
in certain of these adopted by the nominative. 

With regard to the periphrastic plural, the usual affixes are ^w 'all,* 
and #|ai ' people.' Bhojpdrf, however, and the sub-dialects of Purniyi, 
and Bhagalptir add the words 

Bhojptiri w^ 

Purniyd-Maithili ^,f^ 

Bhagalptir-Maithili ^ 

• Kellogg (p. 224) adduces this verse as an example of the use of the case of the 
agent before a transitive verb. As, however, i) which occurs in the same sentence 
also before a transitive verb is undonbtedlj in the nominative (the, obliqae form being 

iil^) it 18 more convenient to consider f^^ as an example of the obliqae pluztl 
used in a nominative sense. 

t The Bdmayan Wft is very rare, and is probably a form borrowed from Hindi. 

1888.] G. A. Ghierson — Eaayi on BikdH Deelemian. 141 

The first I believe to be a deroded form of ^m, im, ' all,* tfaroagh an 
intermediate form ^^ ; ^^ then aj^are naturallj as its oblique ploral, 
with a lengthening of the final Towel. 

Similarly^ I would connect ^9fv» with the Maithil word ^^f% 'all.* 
through an intermediate form i%i|f% or Mil^i and then €t easily appears 
as a oontracted form of the same word« 

In the Bih&r districts bordering on Bang&l a form HIK or ^Kf^<l is 
used to form a plural. A reference to the neighbouring Bang&li gives the 
word %XKy meaning ' and', ' other.* This is derived from the Skr. ^nr^ mean- 
ing ' other*' Its use in Pumiyi and Bhagalptir is best seen in the pro- 
nouns, where it is used with the oblique form of the genitive singular, thus 
^Ta ^^TT * others of me', ' we.' So also %Vf\ ^IK, IT^T ^Kf^^, * horses.' 
W<f%V* I consider a plural of ^|T^, through transposition from ^vr^fvf . 

AjfinUiet and derivation. 

The derivation of the plural termination ^, w, f^t fw, is from the Skr. 
gen. plural in ^mt, through Pr^kfit ^^r#, ♦^^ 'fl^ (of. ^^vi, * of five'), 
(cf, Hoemle, pp. 202 and 211). The only difficulty in this derivation is 
the termination ^ in f^ and fw. This I believe to be inorganic, and is 
due either to the memory of the Skr. neuter nom. plur. in fir which led 
to confusion, or (more probably) to false analogy with the very common 
termination of the third person plural of the Bihiri verb in*^, which has 
quite a different origin, viz., from the Skr. f^ M y., the Srd plural past 
of the verb ^ ' see,' is j[9ldPl> which is frequently written i^^^ini 
J^V^Hly or ^^IQW. Seeing therefore these three plural verbal termina- 
tions, false analogy would inevitably suggest the addition of the form 
ib^f^l to the regular plural substantival forms i)K^ and ^TC^. It may be 
noted here that there is also a Skr* nom. neut. plur. in f^ (WRf^), which 
may have lent its aid to the false analogy. 

On the preparation of the haee. 

It is commonly said that in Bihari the oblique form of nouns is the 
same as the direct. This, however, is not the fact, and I hope to be able 
to shew that a distinct oblique form of nouns and of possessive pronouns 
exists throughout all the dialects. 

It will be convenient to consider first the Bhojpdri affixes of the 
genitive. Hoemle (p. 220) gives the genitival affixes (amongst others) 
as ^, oblique %. The latter termination in use in Bandras, is not, how. 
ever, pure Bhojptiri. It appears to me to be borrowed from Hindi and 
not to be a pure Bihari form. The oblique form % is almost universal 
over the Hindi area, and is not used in any Bihdri dialect with which 1 
am acquainted. 

In the pure Bhojpdri of western Bihar the forms are—* 

142 Q. A. Grierson — JSisayg on Bthdri Deelension. [No. 2, 

Direetj V or # (sometimes written «), and oblique, m* 
Examples are the following. 

Direct, ^ 1: Ktm # liftc'C ITi, * this is the king's house.' 

^nr ^^ # ^1^ ^^'j ' I am the maid-servant of king Kans.' 

Direct, m ^^|^ "^IW wnr fPTW inr, 'matters of every kind were heard.' 

Indirect, m -^^r^ft ^T iTKUT ^ Ji^T ^TW TT^* * there is no sin 
in (lit, of) the slaying of a deceiver.' 

^ffvifir W\ WT ^ 9t^ m^y * there are many hooks in the pandits' 

In Maithiliy also, there is a genitive in V (Mth. G. § 22). In the 
case of nouns this has lost all inflexion, hut in pronouns we seethe inflexions 
still remaining. J?, ff., the Belative pronoun ^, ohl. form plur. (used as 
an honorific singular) vrfir (Mth. Gr. § 76) : hence, adding the sign of the 
genitive we get vf^iT^. This has an ohlique form «|firvT, used as a hase 
of the other cases, hut that it is really an ohlique genitive is evident from 
.the following example (Vid, 39, 2). 

vifsnrr vrt ^$TKW ii^V, * at whose hirth I went,' in which vnn is in the 
locative case, the postposition heing poetically omitted. 

Again the gen. honor, of % (Mth. Gr.) is V^fW (V^T^), and its oblique 
form is ViRn', as in (^Sat 1), 

S^nrr mx^, ' for the sake of him', and (Sal, 21) 

^pi(m V[%KJ S^ * in his watch.' 

It must be noted, however, that the ohlique form m is more rare in 
Maithili than in Bhojptiri, for it has disappeared altogether in nouns. 
There is in fact, a distinct tendency in f^efh Maithili to use, even in the 
case of pronouns, direct forms instead of oblique ones. JE, g,, in 8al, 1 we 
have S^T9 ^UKya beside the more correct s^nTT %lK^y and so we have (Sal, 
10) 9vri|r vni ^ instead of the more correct v^nri VTV % ' from his cry.' 
The Song of Salhes is, it must be remembered, in very t^fh language ; 
that is to say, in the language of the lowest people, and is in one or two 
places absolutely incorrect. 

A similar pronominal oblique genitive form in W\ may he noted in 
all the other Bihdri dialects, but, for want of a literature, it is difficult to 
give authoritative examples. 

To sum up this part of the explication ; 1 — Bihdri has a genitive post- 
position $ or m, which has an oblique form VT. This oblique form has in 
the eastern and southern dialects fallen into disuse in the case of substan- 
tives, but still survives everywhere in the pronouns. 

The question of genitive postpositions naturally leads to possessive 
pronouns. The following are the possessive pronouns in Maithili. As 
they will be treated of at length under their proper heading it is not 
necessary to give them for other dialects. 

1883.] G. A. Grierson — Sssayi on BiMri Deeletuion, 143 

Pronoun. Potsestive. 

^m, ' 1/ %mK, ^^IK, ' my.* 

ST, 'thou,' iftt, *thy.' 

^H, * thou/ ifWr, ifhfK, * thy.' 

Hgq^y ' self' (Sb^. 18) ^mr, ^Wif, ' own.' 

i, * this,' ^*T, ' of this.' 

%, ' that,' *^, ' of that.' 

«^, ' who,' «ninc, * whose.' 

t, ' that,' irrc, ' of that.' 

%, * who ?' mmK, * whose ?' 

The last dve are not properly possessive pronouns, but are regular 
genitives formed by adding the genitive postposition ^nc» to the pronominal 
Uses % ^, m, If) and W respectively. As, however, in their adoption of 
an oblique base they run exactly on all fours with the true possessive pro- 
nouns, it is convenient at present to consider them also as such. 

All these possessives are used as genitives of the various corresponding 
pronouns, and are usually considered as such. Thus $FC is said to be the 
genitive of fi* VWK of ^If, ^PW of ^W'?, and so on. 

All these possessive pronouns have an oblique form, formed by 
shortening the antepenultimate or penultimate, and lengthening the final 
vowel to ITT. Thus, 

Po99emve. Oblique, 

^K, ilncT. 

This oblique form is used for two purposes. 

A, as a true oblique genitive. 

B, as a declensional oblique base. 
Ky 09 a true oblique genitive. 

Bsamplee. TRtT ITC ^*, * in my house.' (Sal 10). 

'WIT ft^jft ^* * in one's own hovel.' (Sah 20). 

^^HTT ^nr^ %nft, ' the mare of his own riding.' {8aL 21). 
Occasionally the direct form is used instead of the oblique, as (Sal 17). 

^Wr Xf^lhp^ ^WTFC, ' a bond of my own chastity' (iJ.). 


Q. A. Grierson — JE^tayg an BihM Declension. 

[No. 2, 

It is difficulfc to give examples out of Vidj&pati, as be frequently 
lengthens a final vowel for the sake of metre, which is misleading. 

B, as a declensional obliqne base. 

The correlatiye pronouns have each two proper declensional bases, — 1, 
a singular otie, and 2, a plural one. In Maithili the singalaor has m all cases 
acquired a non-honorific sense, and, in the case of l[, 'this,' %, 'that,' 
custom has further confined it to referring to inanimate objects onlj. 
(Mth. Gr. §§ 70, 72, 79, 85, and 86). The plural base has in all cases 
assumed a singular honorific sense. In addition to these bases (which 
appear under similar circumstances in all Bihdri dialects, vide post), the 
oblique form of the genitive is frequently used in the sense of another 
oblique declensional base. This is quite regular, for as will be seen htm 
on, the postpositions attached to this base are all nouns either in the 
instrumental .or locative case. Thus sv^rtT if means ' in the ariddle of 
which,' (Mg. Fr. «mc %T^nri| i|f«|t«, 8kr, ^^ fin^fN TQ) in winch the 
Pr. %K^'VY( in the genitive case is (as will be seen hereafter) ihe direct 
origin of the oblique form ^KT. The following table shows the three 
oblique declensional forms of each of the pronouns in Maithili. 


Proper oblique 

Proper oUiqna PloraL 


oblique base made 

from oblique 


n, ' i: 


li^ anting. 


TO, ' I.' 


Wanting, hut BhojpM 


iif, ' thou.' 




vf%, ' thou.' 


Wanting, hut BhojpM 


^WW, 'self.' 


Wanting, hut Bhcjpuri 


t, « this,' 


^w (fV'r). 

3WCf, ^Wtf. 

*r, ' that.' 


Twr (»ftr). 

'ifWtr, Wrtnr. 

*, ' who.' 



^IStT, ^r*i*L 

t, ' that.' 

mf^ (old iif%, 


WIPCJ, IlIn^iY* 

7id. 28, 4). 

«, 'who.' 

•«Tf» (Mth. 


*^M, *fillT. 

Or. § 79). 

1888.] G. A. Orieraon— ^#My« on B%h6f% DeoUmion. 145 

From the aboTe it will be seen that both the oblique genitive singu- 
lar and the oblique genitiye plural form new periphrastic declensional 
bases, one singular, and the other plural. 

As far as use goes, it may be noted that the proper oblique forms 
singular and plural of the correlative pronouns are generally used as adjec- 
tives, and the periphrastic ones are always used as substantives. 

The following examples show the use of these forms. 

A. Froj^ ohlique Hngular. 

Vid. 34, 2, ^ w^^ lit^ % W^rfv^>lf^> *hath any one used reproach- 
ful words to thee V 

Sal, 1, irr^ fl[W W^ ^(*)> * he wrote down that day,' 

B. Proper ohlique plural, 

Bhqjpirt fables, 6, ^mft % ITflWiT f^tT%, * he goes about causing us 
to fight.* 

Sal. 1, wf^ WT^tWl ^rrcWi ' for the sake of that lord.* 

C. Feriphrattie oblique eingular. 

Fu^. 55, 4, "^fft ilf^nni ^ITT> 'in return I will ask for thee, my 

Sal. 12, mrtT ^nr ^rfir V^, * do not pass him over/ 

D. JPeriphraetic oblique plural, or honorifie. 

Mth. ehr. p. 2, %^KJ W «lvr lP«I,.% ^ «nr^, * you know well what 
sort of son there is to me {mihi filiue qualie eety, where ^^fKf is idiomati- 
caUy used for the datire ^niTT l^^'y and must not be confounded with the 
genitive VW^. 

Sal. 18, "A ^f^Tt S^TVT "RiK^f)! wf^ ' till then there will not be leave 
to depart to him (iili)-* 

SaU 19, ^^^ ^ ^ ^ ^!HT l?inf, ' How wilt thou get a present 
firom me.' 

Under the last head, two examples have been given of a dative of 
possession. These forms which at first sight look like oblique forms of 
the genitive used in a direct sense, are thus explained by competent natives. 
This explanation is most reasonable, for there can be no doubt about ITRTT 
4w being very different in meaning from ^[i|rc ^71, and about qnnrr 
"litvfir being different in meaning from 9^ir^ '^V^C9%* 

In conclufrion I append here, a list of all the pronominal genitival 
forms which I have collected from the prose of the Maithil Obrestomathy. 
I have submitted them all to Bdbii S'ri Ndr^yan Singh of Darbhangd, a 
gentleman who has an intimate acquaintance with the Maithili language, 
united to an intelligent knowledge of English. He has noted for me any 
optional form, when such case be used. 

A. direct genitivee governed by a nominative. 

Sal. 7, 1W5K firlr^ 'Nt U^'tt, * how beautiful the woman of that.' 

146 <3i. A. Grierson — E9$ayi an Bthdrx DeelensioH, [No. 2, 

8aL 15, ^«rc ^i|r «vff 4\fiv, ' I have not the power.' 

8al, 16, %i|rT tVTi .'whose son P' 

8aL 20, ^n^ tm TCH ^ftVf, * my profession will be damaged.' 

B. direct genitives governed hy an aeeueaiive in the form of the uMift- 

Sah 6, W^m vmw ^^, * hearing whose weeping/ 

8aL 7, wmK M'^wtt 1VT>9(t^), ' whose heduU you have brought.' 

Sal. 8, fri ^^nr *T^» ' ^^^ J<^ heduU.* 

Sal. 16, iv^(t ^^HK ffrfiy ' having written a bond of that.' 

Sal. ISi w^ W«?W ^ITf, ' go to your house.' 

Sal, 20, WJ^ ^ ^Pinr irrr> ' be went to fetch his brother.' 

Sal. 20, ^imr ^^ 11^, * bind your enemy.' 

0. direct genitives governed hg a noun in an ollique oa«tf,— rare, but 

Sal. 1, sinr vncw, ' for the sal[e of him.' 

Sal. 10, 9W WPV ^, ' from his call.' 

/Sdl. 17, ^^r^ Y^wfinr, ' of (my) own chastity.' 

According to B&bd S'ri N&rayai^ Singh, the direct form is admissible, 
wherever the oblique form is usually employed, but not vice versd. Thus 
the following pairs are equally coAect. 

admieeille. wnal. 

(1) vwwT^w — iTwrr^rrOT 

(2) »iwwm^ — »^nrTvw€ 
(8) »«w ^nra ^ — wn^j ^rntr %* 
(4)*' ^^iQiri;9ffira • ^-'ifM*!? vrtii* 
(6) ^iqw ^nr ihfT — f^rm ^^^Nr ^ifi 

Where, however, the governing noun is in the nominative or in the 
accusative in the form of the nominative, the oblique form can never be 
used. The following therefore are wrong. 

m^:\ ^ffni uPr, h^t ^rttik W^, ^nwr ii* 'n^ ^riro ^ tw 

The phrase ^ii^ ^i|r «rfV is, however, correct, bat then ^«irCT ifl ^ 
dative of possession, ' to me there is no power.' 

D. Proper ollique genitives governed By nouns in ollique cases. 
Governed Ig, 

Instr. Sal. 1, 2, 8, irsim ^mr, *for the sake of him' (of. C.) 
Oen. Sah 2J, ^RiTT ^rSm ^TfT, * the horse of his own riding/ 'hii 

own riding hone.' - 

1883.] O. A. Orierson— JBMoy^ on BihAri Declension. 14t1 

Loe. Sal 6, iJWlft^ ^qWT ^RHf^lft, ' she arriTed at her own garden.' 
th. ^mf^ wm ^rwrft, (her companions) came to her 

Sal 6,^rTfir ^WWT "^Jig^ffft, * having brought him to your garden.'. 
Sal 9, T4t^ ^ram^^nrwrft, ' she came to her garden.' 
Sal 11, VWWT fHKm ii\ * at her bed-head.' 
Sal 16, ^fiTO ^nr, ' near me.' 
Sal 19, ^iitr W< a* * in my hoiue.' 
Sal 19, Vt^l^ W< ^*, ' in thy house.' 
Sal 19, ^V»T ftr??ft ^* ' in my own hovel.' 
Sal 20, ^^Xl ^R, * near me.' 
&/. 10, 21, qnr^T TTO ^*, *in his beat.' 

E. Oblique genitives used as an oblique declensional base, 
Sal 6, qr^PCr f^C^, * having given whom P' 'through whom.' 
Sal 6, ?h^TT Wrf^, ' having abandoned thee,' ' except thee,' 
Sal 11, JiSg^j im^tm ^, ' (he began to) consider this,' (l|«l^^ 

qpc^ is a compound verb.) 
Sal 12, nmKl mK iffir WKlf, * do not pass him over.' 

Sal IB, W^m ^r^f%, ' I would tell him.' 
Sal 13, fWrn f^V, ' through him,' 

Sal 14, ^r^rCT if hi ^ irfw, ' you have tied me up.' 

Sal 17, ^r^nCT 'Ri/BfNW^fT, ' you got me released.' 

Sal 19, ifhKT inr ycnJW, * I will satisfy thee.' 

Ndq. songs, 4, VHCT t»«n 'rflwPf , * he caused me to journey a 
Instr. Sal 16, ift^TT ^ ftWT^ fft, ' I may marry thee.' 

Sal 20, imK( W^ ^ ITf*, ' in fighting with all them.' 
Bat Mth. Ohr. p. 1, ^nm WiTT '^f% * he has no mother.' 

ib. p. 2, ^nr^ ^h^ ^^^^ Wf^ * what sort of son I have,' see above. 

Sal 5, 9^m iillF in snft t^ V ' have her father and mother given 

her abuse ?' 

Sal 13, W^nfJ '%XJ^ irfi ' (there will) not (be) leave to him to 


Sal 16, ift^?^ 'VK^fn t^¥, ' I will give you leave to depart.' 

Sal 15, n^KJ wnr WV^, * go to her and say.' 

Sal 19, # X'^m ^^ ^'KT, ' give that to me as a reward.' 

Sal 19, %KT i:^«l tif 1^, * I give you a reward.' 

Xhmine song, 6, wrcr IPCl IllT^, * to whom shall I relate P' 

Sal 19, ifiKf If «t ^, • what will you take from me.' 

Mg. Songs, 4, 1[^KJ vf ftfPWT ^Tlrf^, ' he asked alms from me.' 

148 G. A. Qrieraon — lUiayg an Bihdrt Declemion. [No. S. 

Loc. Sal 14, i?hro ^1^, in your presence/ 
Sal. 20, ?IT $"*, in the meantime. 

Occaaionallj the oblique form ends in ^ ; «. ^. uPctT ^Tlf ^Itflt, 
'after him (went) the earth,' Man, 1, 12. 

Having exhausted the question of the oblique form of the genitives of 
pronouns, it now remains to consider those of substantives. 

First we shall take the following words, which, ending in w, Wi % 
and T, offer examples of nouns with oblique forms exactly like those of 
pronominal genitives. There are doubtless many others, but these are 
those of which I am at present able to give proof by means of examples. 
They are — 

^fsrir, 'a courtyard,' oblique ^bnirT. 

mr, ' an eye,' 



ilFw, ' first,' 



^, 'great,' 



^<, * second/ 



iNf^, 'third,' 



TTCi ^Tf^, ' a watch,' 



^ihlK, ^nrt, ' a cloth,' 


'W^, ^i^TO. 

^pi^ ' blind,' 



^5^1 * vermilion,' 



^, 'deaf,' 



f^iiT^ ' the forehead,' 



To these may be added the following, 

TO , TO , ' front,' 

oblique ^inT, ^rmt, ' before.' 

^, ^r^, ' rear,' 


i|lT, ^nrt, * behind.' 

»1^*, * place,' „ S V, * in a place.' 

Examples are, — 

Direct, ^vfvir VT i(f%» ' seeing the courtyard empty,' Man. 8, 15. 
^inr (f . e,f W9i) iftTT}Rr» * her eyes filled with tears,' ib. 
^lf%ir ^r9 ^^ ^^f ' I shall take the first portion,' FabUt 7. 
I? (rf»r.) ^V^rm ^^ ipbl) ^^ xm, ' lay (the burden of) 

great favours upon the great,' Vid, 3, 6. 
^T^ trt ^ntTy ' the second one who weeps is Channi,' 

Man, 8, 2. 
fltftwr S^T, * the third after three,' Vid. 9, 1. 
^ ^7f^ ^nr^ ^tfir £w» ' how the watch went to sleep,' jUm* 

HTf IP^^ ^ '^n^T, * let go, Eriahn, my doth/ FM- 
^ 21, 8. 

1888.] O. A. Grierson— ^«i^« on Bihdrt Declemion. 149 

^1^^ lifPC l^n%* ii^, ^ a blind dog barks at the wind,' 
It is not necessary to give examples of other direct forms in ^. 

^m^ (or ^nf ) irw^«w> ' a pendulous front/ Mth. Okr. Foe. 

^ (or qr^) mvt, *a heavy behind/ $5. •. f>, qrf. 

I do not know of any authoritatiTe example of vftT hut the word is com- 
mon colloquially. 

Oblique^ ^PPPCiT^ 4wWT Wt tTW, ' does any one keep a thorn tree 
in his courtyard/ Man. 2, 7. 

nm %\mK 9fif ^f%, *on her eyes she applied collyrium/ 
Sal. 18. 

I do not know of any authoritative example of irfRTT, but it is commonly 
used in conversation to mean, ' at first'. 

An example of IWT has been given above. 

a^Km ^W, ' the end of the third/ Ttd. 60, 8. 

^^r%^Wr ^TF ^, ' from Salhes's watch/ Sal. 12. 

^I^TT W^ V ^^rftST, * I would have swept the road with 

my cloth/ OorahhpM Mongn, No. 12. 
^fvcwr ^inrPi'it, ^«^KW «l«irfr<\, 'what does a deaf 

man lose by sleeping, or a blind man by waking/ 


f%Wtr ^'W^ fjKT ^ TlfWT WT, ' on the forehead the frag- 
ments of red lead are beautiful/ Oar. Sg$.^ ITo. 1. 

^WT i|lT* ft^ ^, * they departed one behind the other • 
8aL 17. 

Wi^Vf ^T^ ft^frt^, 'in the middle place, (write) the 
separation of twelve (months).' Oar. 8g$. No. 8. 

Finally we come to the two verbal nouns in w and V, described in Mth. 
Gr. § 189. These two forms are current throughout all the dialects of 
Bibiri, as will be seen later on, and in nearly aU these dialects, they have 
an oblique form as follows : 

Bandroi Bhojpirt, 
Dtreet. Ohlique. 

• The text has ^pir ijilT btit ^|9|f ^^f would be more coiroot There is a 
tendency in the tke^h hoU to drop nasal Bounds, 

150 O. A. Grierson — Etsa^i on Bihdri Deelemum. [No. % 

^^m (rare) not used. 

Direct f "^ IPfW *V^C^, * he does speaking/ * he speaks frequentlj.' 
Oblique^ MfHWr ^ VT ^T^> * what comes from regretting ?', where 
MKl^tll is the oblique form of ^HnrPTW* {Fable 15). 

f^m, (rare) not used. 


Direct, *« W^^f WKV^j * he speaks frequently.' 

Oblique, ^TOftfTT # "ft ^ ^ VW Ti:, * what can come of regretting V 
where r^WH^m is obHque form of ^Wimw^ 

Northern Mdithilt, 


Direct , *iW WURI ^ftr, * hearing her cries,' {Sal, 5). 

Obliquey ^W^i^K^ «TfJ ^rl^. * it is not proper to regret/ {Fable 15), 
where ^nn^TV is the genitive of V[^:fnyH, (for ^qrWir^lPV)- 

Occasionally the oblique form in this dialect ends in ^ ; 0. y., 

fn w%^ W^ ' she began to say something,' Man. 1, 12. 

Direct, ^ %%^ VT'riw, 'he speaks frequently.' {GhramTnar), 
Oblique, ^^^TP ^^ ^ ^^ 'rf^ ^'^j * irom fussing nothing will 
come to pass.' {Snble 14). 

The verbal noun in WT has had an influence even on foreign words. 
Thus the Arabic word 1^%, has an oblique form ^^J^, as in the sentence, 
jrf^ ^q^nxv ^^r, ' in exchange for this benefit,' {Fable 15). 

Southern MaithiU. Fumiyd Maithili, 

Same as Northern Maithili. 

Bhagulpur^ltaithiU has the oblique form of i^^, ^^n» but authori- 
tative examples are wanting. It has for the oblique form of ^^V9, ^^VT 
or i|^ni|v> according to locality. 

In Maithil-Mdgadhi the verbal noun in ^ appears to have dropped 
out of use. The verbal noun in m follows Northern Maithili. 

Finally, Migadhi agrees with Maithili. 

1888.] €^. A. Grieraon — 17«My« an BihM BecieMion. 151 

We tbus find that with the exeeption of a donbtf ul form in Bhagul- 
piir, and the extreme Western case of Ban&raa-Bhojp&ri, an oblique form 
•f verbal noons in ^ and ^, ending in ^ and %[ obtains more or less 

In South Bbaguipiir this irT is weakened to V9 which it is important 
to note, as it gives the clue to the derivation of another set of oblique 
forms to be now noted. 

In the MaithiH of South Bkagvifur nouns ending in a silent conso- 
nant (that is to say weak forms in ^), vocalize that consonant in the 
oblique cases. Thus WKy ' a house/ Ace. vpr vt The same dialect has 
a feminine genitive affix %^y the m'ascnline of which is %^c^y which 
leads one to presume that as in the same district ic^Hfv is a weakened form 
of ^VWT, so also HT* is a weakened form of ^TT. 

In M&gadkl such nouns ending in a silent consonant (that is to say 
weak forms in %) have an oblique form in 3^: thus, ^, Obi. w^. 
M^gadhi immediately adjoins the Maithili of Bhagulptir, and hence it is 
evident that this oblique form is weakened from 19^. The weakening of 
^ to 3F is borne out by the old Maithili accusative postposition isf , which 
has become in modem Maithili %"*, and the close connection between 3^ and 
^ UB shown by the indeclinable participle of the root ^TT * to do,' which 
i8 either <"(Mth. Gr. § 172) or 4 (Tid. 66, 5). 

This concludes the discussion concerning the different varieties of 
oblique forms in Bih&ri which end in ^. To sum up, we may reduce what 
we have observed to the following. 

In Bhojpuri the affix of the genitive has an oblique form in '^, thus 
% oblique ^J ; and in all Bih&ri dialects the pronouns have an oblique 
genitive in ^, thus ^^r^, 3F^r^. This oblique genitive is also used as a 
general oblique declensional base. 

In Mi^adhi, and a cognate sub-dialect» all nouns in the weak form 
have an oblique form in 3^ or ^, thus, i^, oblique Vx, or w^. 

This oblique jf or ^ is either a weakened form of or a form closely 
connected with the above oblique form in ^. 

In the majority of Bih4ri dialects, verbal nouns in w and ^, have 
oblique forms in ^ or ^, and so also there are cases of other and even 
foreign nouns in ^, f, w» and 19 which have simiLur oblique forms ; also a 
few cases of nouns ending in ^, and '^. 

[Note on some apparently irregular forms in the song of Salhes. 

It must be remembered that this song is printed exactly as it was 
taken down from the mouth of a Pom. These Poms are great wanderers, 
and hence besides the ihefh or vulgar forms (such as ^ for ^^KV &c.) 
which abonndiin it, these are one or two forms whioh skust be referred to 
other dialects, viz. 

152 Q. A. Grierfion — JEssojfi an Bihdrt Dselemion. [No. 2, 

Bal. 7. ift^ WJK^f, Baniras Bhojpfin for ifl^tT mfm. The tona is 
never ased in MaithilL 

8ah 18. f^^% #ril 'H^P^^ 9 iv» if this means 'recognized people 
became unrecognized,' it must also be Baniras Bhojpuri. It may, bowerer, 
mean ' in recognition, people became unrecognized,' in which case f^f*K# 
is the regular locative of the verbal noun f^^fWi 'recognition,' obL 
f^^TQT, instr. f^|^#*, loc, f^if^. Similarly in 

8ah 18. ^^ inft ^T^ M WJPIt VA in&7 ^ considered as locative 
of ^mr, and the sentence mean literally, ' in diyness I will cross the river.' 
The following also are locatives :— 

Sal 17, 18. ^TO#, * in reality.* 

Sal 7, 12, 14. vi#i ' at once.* 

&Z. 12,irf%t. 'at first.* 

Sal 20. W^9 ' in fighting,' for H^, W being frequently substituted 
for W in t^^h ^/^ * as it is also done in the line immediately proceding 
where we have ^Prnc'T for ^i^K% , and in the very common and vulgar ^ 
or #^*«n3R for ^* «n3R, (iee gram, § ld7). . 

The only other form to be noted is the anomalous 

Sal 19. virfir # T^ ^I^W, ' by caste I am a gipsy,' where ii is not a 
Maithili, but a western form appropriate enough in the mouth of such a 
woman. Compare, however, Sal. 20, X^ HlfilV V^^t^]. 


We have already seen that the oblique plural in w or ^ (f^ or («f ) is 
derived from the Sanskrit genitive plural ; and by parity of reasoning we 
should be led to expect that the Bih&rl oblique form singular in ^ is de- 
rived from the Sanskrit genitive singular. It will now be shown that this 
is the fact.* It must be observed that these oblique forms are used (as far 
as we have hitherto investigated) only with nouns in the weak form. Thus, 
V^nv, ^nt) ^^W> ^^iVi ^, are all weak forms. Strong nomis of the ^9 
base in ^ are commonly said to remain unchanged in the oblique cases, 
thus, 9t^, ' a horse,' obi. ^Hfr, but in reality as will also be now seen, 
the oblique form, though the same in appearance as the nominative, is of 
different derivation, — in short, just as ^ (nominative) corresponds to Skr. 
iTfy and WCT (old form of oblique l^) to Skr. JCm ; so ^T^ (nominative) 
corresponds to Skr. ih^^, and ^T^ (oblique) to Skr. ^TV^Rir. We thos 
come to the general rule that strong forms of ^ bases always, and weak 
forms of ^ bases frequently have an oblique form in ^r. 

* With regard to the following, see Hoende, pp. 194^ 196. I have^ however, 
come to Blightly different conclusiona. 

18S3.] O. A Qrierson — Essays on Bihdrt Deelemion, 153 

Let U8 take weak forms first :-~ 

(1). Skr. nom. sing, iz^ 'a house;' gen. sing, inw; M&gadhi Pr. 
Bom. siDg. ntf 'a house/ gen. sing. Wk:i||, hence (?^1^) ^KX^; hence, bj 
dinon of final ^, Bihiri oblique form, i^. 

(2). Skr. nom. sing. viW, ' what is to be done ;* gen. sing, infmr ; 
Mg. Pr. nom. sing. ^^ ; gen. sing, tvt^mic, ^l^*^ l^ ; hence Bihiri 
nomioatiTe ^i^, ' what is to be done,' ' an action ( oblique WKJ^H * of an 
action :' Bihiri locative, ^nw S* =s Mg. Pr. %^^*H ^ ilfiwi ; Skr. V^iTV 

(8). Ski*. Dom. sing, inf, * a thing done / gen. sing. viTSr ; Mg. Pr. 
nom. sing. miwi. (as if from Skr. mfkli), gen, sing. ^rf^^W, iir^in^ ; 
Xrddha Mg. Fr. nom. sing. «f%^ ; gen. sing. V%^rf ; Bibdri nom. sing. 
»W (tw) *an action,* loc, sing. ^WT (^m) ^* = P'. ^ffJ^HCilftHi 
= Skr. «ft«ra (VWV) ira, ' in an action.' 

One example of a strong form will suffice, Skr. nom. sing. ^T^IF:, * a 
hone;' gen. sing. ^TmW; Mg. Pr. nom. sing. %V}F, 'a horse,' gen, 
nng. MlV^lJI, W€^R ; Bih&ri, nom. sing. %^, ' a horse,' oblique form, 
ITfl, loc. sing, ii^ iT, = Mg. Pr. ilw^HT J(f^, = Skr. ^T^^m W. 

Similarljr the Bih&ri oblique form in ^, is really a plural, and ia 
derived from the Sanskrit genitive plural, through the Mg. Pr. gen. plur* 
inmf (H. C. IV, 800), thus,— 

Skr. nom. sing. *ivf^ilil ( for % 4^1114 ), * what is to be said ;' gen. 
plur. •«fvfWrt ; Mg. Pr. nom. sing. vf%ik«t ; gen. plur. ^F^UHli ; Ap. 
Pr. nom. sing. ^rf^«r (K. I. 50) ; gen. plur. 4f%^^; hence Bihiri nom. 
Bng- ^1%^ 9 obi. (with elision of ^ and contraction of concurrent vowels) 
W^ (for *1|WI) ; loo. plur. ^niwf i = Ap. Pr. «1%iN ^ilft^ == Mg. Pr. 

•ff^ifHr ^ftwr = Skr. •^ftnwTirt mS.- 

Note, it is difiicult to derive the Bih&ri oblique form from the Ap. Pr, 
gen. termination ^vm for, though this would account for strong forms like 
%9T (=s Hllp^S hj contraetion of the two concurrent vowels), it will not 
account for weak forms like utt, which would be in Ap. Pr. w^ and not 
I^^IS. But see contra Hoernle, pp. 194, 196r 


One affinity must be noted here, the Bang&li so-called gerund in the 
genitive case in ^|K, e. y, ^PWT^; that is to say i^fnr + K, just as in 
hi\iin we have ^|viT*, ^^i|T + If ;— K and iv being respectively the signs 
of the genitive. 

Other oblique forms, 

Thtte ia another oblique form of the verbal noun which requires car6^ 
fol noting. We find it in the following forms ; — 




154 G. A Gricrson — Ussayi on BiMrt Deolension. [No. 2, 

Baisw&ri ^, 

Ban&ras Bhojpori ^ (P ^)« 
Bbojpdii ^. 

Maithil Bhojptiri ^. 
North Maithili t^, ^fur, (Pumiyi) ^, 
8oath Maithili t^, ^, ^V. 
Maithil. Bangdli t^; 
Maithil-M^gadhi t«, ^V, 
Magadhi tw. 

These forms are all of them oblique, and are never used in the sense 
of the nominative. They are especially common in compound verbs, in the 
sense of the dative, e. ff., in the phrase ff^ mm ^^nif%> " the clock 
wished for the act of striking," 9. 0., '* was about to strike,'' iflT ^FT^I^y 
** he became attached to beating," t. 0., " he began to beat." 

Verbs ending in vowels sometimes insert a euphonic 7 or w, so that we 
get phrases like fipiiv ^VT, " the fill of drinking," " as much as one can 
drink." Examples of this form are very common, and one or two others 
will be given subsequently. 

I have met one or two other cases of nouns, which are not verbal 
nouns, such as ^f^, ' an edge,' having a similar oblique form. 
Examples^ — 

{Direct) ^Tft W\ if IHfTK w€^, * if you go to the edge (of a field), 
have a stick (to protect) your head,' Mth, Prov, 

(Oblique) W^^f^ f%f%^, * write near the edge,* Gor, S^s, 3. 
It will be seen that in all the dialects (except, perhaps, Ban&ras Bhoj* 
ptiri), the termination is short, and that each dialect has one or more of 
these terminations, viz,, ^, 7, <Jt ^. To trace the derivatioa of these 
forms it will be more convenient, first to consider the derivation of the 
suffix of the Genitive, which as "will be seen further on occurs in the foU 
lowing forms in the various dialects of Bib&ri i|r, iir,and tf, or in old Bihdri 
HBv, as in Rdm. Bi. do., 35, #t% UWr€^ *^, in which ifo is written an 
absolutely separate word. These genitival affixes are all derived from 
the Sanskrit «?r:, through the Mg. Pr. f%^. Here we have a termination 
¥, 3F> or % formed from a Mg^ Fr. termination in ^. 

Now, to trace the derivation of the Bihdri oblique form, we are bound 
by all analogy to refer it to a Mg. Pr. genitive case, and, judging from the 
analogy of ^, ^, or ws^ we may refer the oblique form of the verbal noun 
of which we are now treating to a Mg. Pr. genitive case in ^ or ^T. 

We shall now change the example, and take the root ITIT, * beat,' as 
more convenient to deal with than the root ^, 'see,' which has only 
doubtful equivalents in Prdkpit. We are entitled, then, as above shown, 
to derive ITK, iiK, or frt^' from a Mg. Pr. genitive i?T^ or iJlfK, if 


18S3.] G. A. Qrierson — Essatfs on BiMri Declension. 155 

nich exists. Socb a fonn as HT^t^ does exist both in S^auraseni and Mdga« 
dbi Prdkrit (see Vara. V, 22). Feminine nouns in long f^, form their 
geDitives in ^, thus «r^, " a river," gen. sing. ^^, Moreover, just as 
HIT, is weakened to HK^, so in later Prikf it wri'T, is weakened to ^T^Ty 

We may hence conclude that iVT^ is ihe direct descendent of TTT^t^j 
the genitive singular of the Mdgadhi Prdk^lt feminine noun iiT^. 

It now remains (a) to see what has become of this Prakrit nom. fern, 
mft in the later Gaudian languages, and {h) to trace it to its Sansk|;'it 

(tf). The usual phonetic law of development is that Prdkfit nouns 
esding in long vowels, shorten these vowels in the modern Gaudian lan- 
goages. Under another well known Gau4ian phonetic law, these final 
short vowels are, in some dialects, liable to elision. Hence we should expect 
to find a form irrfc or ttk in the modern languages. Both these forms do 
exist in the modern languages. Eastern Gaudian (». «., Bangdli, and Bihdri) 
prefers the form ^nf^,* while western Gaudian and Mar&thi prefer the 
shortened form wx> In all these cases the word is feminine, which shows 
that inr cannot be derived from a Pr&kfit masc. nom. iTT^ ; and the deriva- 
tion I have suggested is borne out bj the following reasons, 

(1.) Western Hindi possesses a parallel strong form ITT^, derived 
from the Prikrit strong form ilTfc^T, which is itself the strong form of 
the Prticrit ilT^, from which the modern inft or WS. is derived. 

(2.) The declension of this verbal noun in Mar&^hi (see Man. 2nd 
Ed., p. 53) shows clearlj the derivation. In the second declension of 
Harithi nouns, all nouns derived from Sanskrit nouns in 1^ (such as fVf?r, 
*a wall' from Skr. ftfpfl) or ^ (such as ^ " dry ginger," from Skr. ^^) 
form their oblique form in if, thus, — ftf^ and ^(^. This is plainly derived 
from the Prdkpt genitive f«^t^, ft»^f (Var. V, 22) and l^i^ or lj:S\f^ 
the genitive of feminine nouns in n^ and ^ having in Prikrit similar forms. 
Bat in Mar&thi another class of nouns also follows the same declen- 
sion, viz.j ''feminine nouns derived from Mardthi verbs," such as if^^ 
' a deficiency,' obi. ij^t connected with gB"lF* " to break j" and KtK^ 
"a beating," connected with UTT^* "to beat." That is to say, they are 
derived from Prdkrit nouns in T or \, viz., Mara^hi ^», obi. Jg^, corre- 
sponds to the Prdkrit gft, gen. gfti, and Marathi ^K, obi. liift ; H. dir. 
IJPC or Kifk: ; Bihari iTTpC, obi. iTT^ correspond to the Pr. iiT^, gen. ^^i;, 

In this series, I have given no oblique form for Hindi. In the majo- 
rity of cases this has disappeared in that language, but it survives in 

* Kaithili prefers the form ^j^, but Bhojpdri and Msgadhi (except in poetry) 
always have mx- 

156 O. A. Grierflon — Ssiay* on Sihart Declension, [Ko. 2, 

phrases like m^ HT^ (a beating on a beating) * a mntual assault/ ^t^ ^HfV, 
' a mutual running/ ' a running here and there.' In these phrases «rr^ and 
^^ are the direct strong forms corresponding to the Prakpt nominative 
virff:^, and ipri%V respectively, but JiJfj and ^t^ are distinctly oblique 
forms, which I would derive as follows : — 

Pr^ nom. Pr. gen, Sindi obL 

m^ mtt%n (Var. V, 22) mKX 

The contraction of these terminations ^^T to ^ need not cause any 
objection. ^^ would naturally become nr, and finally ^m, just as Pr. 
fHfT, became ^ and finally Wlj and Pr. nfrir became Hindi ^r^t and 
finally H. H., nr^T. Moreover the form in Pali is mftUT, ^'rfv^, with 
a short penultimate, and though no similar form is recorded for Ap. Pr. 
still H. 0. IV, 829 would entitle us to assume the possible existence of 
such a one. 

This direct verbal noun iiTT or mf^ is what is called the root in Hindi 
grammars. It occurs frequently in Intensive compounds in forms like 
ivnc ^WTi ' to give a beating', &c., and in the so-called conjunctive participle 
im: %or liTft % or (with the % dropped) simply WK , ' having beaten/ lite* 
rally ' having done a beating.' So also ^nc % ' having done the action of 
doing,' and YITK IT % * having done the action of doing a beating.' %, as 
will be shown under the head of conjugation, = the Yedic Skr. i(^ (Skr. 
«m), ' having done'; hence, 9r. Pr. 9^C^ (H. C. 4, 271), and Hindi (with 
elision of k) %• Mg. Pr. (Vara. XI, 16) has instead vfr^lfw* hence (through 
^c^irfwO the corresponding Bihdri form %* (See, however, Hoemle^ 
§ 491, for a different explanation of the forms.) 

The oblique Hindi form of the verbal noun, ifiTr, also occurs in 
Desiderative compounds ; e.g. "^iVKT^n^lIT^, 'he wishes to beat/ in 
which Tina is for HIKJ f%9 ' he wishes for a beating'. This is borne out by 
the Bih4ri practice of introducing the post-position WT in such compounds; 
0. ^., (Mdgadhi) mr WT ^1^* ^) * I wish for sending/ * 1 wish to send' 
(Qr. § 118). It also explains the fact that in Hindi this form (mis* 
called by grammarians the Past Participle) does not change for gender. 
Moreover in Hindi it explains clearly the (so-called) anomalous forms nm 
(not ann) Wn^, ' to wish to go,' and %KT (not ^(Wf) 'inTfT 'to wish to 
die' (see Kellogg, p. 198). The same form (with the dative particle ^n) is 
also used in Mar^thi; tf. y., (Man. p. 161) m«%* «iWlT^ V ^rrPTft'I 
fancy he wishes to eat me.' 

To recapitulate therefore ; — 

There is a Pr4kf it feminine nominative m^, which ia the direct 
ancestor of the Qau^ian verbal noun UK or mfK* 


O. A. Grienon — Ettayn an BihM Deehntian. 


This Fr&kfit fem. has a genitive which has three forms to be noted at 
prwent, w , HT^, lO^tl, in€t^, from which I derive the Gau^ian 
oblique forms as follows :— 

ViL nom. 

Gau^ian nom. 

Fri. gen. 

Gau4ian obi. 

(fbong form) Hlf^^l 

Bih&ri iVTfc 
Marithi iHK 
H. ^RFC 

H. m^ 

(ft.) It now remains to trace this Pr^kfit ITT^ to its Sanskrit original* 
IHiis is the abstract noun formed in Sanskrit by the ajffix 7Ti(^or ^n(. These 
two affixes are closely connected, only differing in the kind of verb with 
which they are employed. They form verbal nouns by adding ^ to the 
tiem* Thos — 

Verhai Miem. 

^ " live" 

#^ (f%^) " write 

Verhai noun, 
iSNt "life" 
%m\ "aline" 

ladsomany others. 

Sometimes a parallel feminine form is found in ^ (affix ^t^). Example 

«r^ " roar" irft " a river." 

HIT " kDl" w^ « a pestilence." 

The rules as to which stems in Sanskfit take ^ and which take T, are 
very intricate, and in the vulgar language were certainly not always adhered 
to. At any rate, in Prdkpt we find the termination ^ superseding the 
termination ^, so that we have (Yar. Y^ 24). 



^nmtm, "enduring." 
tf^, "turmeric." 
WTV, "shade." 

H%H\m or ^TWT^. 
WTfT or wrft. 

Yaramchi in the Siira confines the change to four words only, but we 
find tiie option largely extended in the later Pr&kfit of Hemachandra 

158 O. A. QriersonSssftjfs on Sihdri Deelension, [No. 2, 

(III, 32, &c.)} &nd it is therefore only fair to assome that ia the modem 
languages the change had become the rale. 

We are justified therefore in considering that the'Qau4ian verbal noun 
ending in ![ or in a silent consonant, is derived from the Sanskrit feminine 
verbal noun in HT or f^ («T^or ^WP or ^Y^). 

In conclusion I now gi?e examples of the various forms (direct and 
oblique) of this verbal noun. 

(a) Direct form ending in i;. 

^ W^ ^ ^ « Tfi, ^TiTC % illft, " the bridegroom has not yet met 
the bride, and they are fighting about the wedding bracelet,*' Prov. 

i^lm ^ vfv ^m ^m 9kt, ** the act even of seeing thee, my husband, 
did not take place," ». «., " you were not even seen by me.*' Vid, V, 6. 

This last is a good example of the formation of the passive voice from 
this form of the verbal noun. Observe that ^f% in the last example most 
be a verbal noun. If it is attempted to construe it in the sense of the con- 
junctive participle, nonsense can only ensue. Observe also that it is still a 
verbal noun, and governs the accusative (9TtT). 

(5). Direct form ending in a silent consonant. (H. Hindi) vm %T 
ifft inr iTKT, " he beat me a great beating," Beames, C. G. 11, 60. 

(<?). Oblique form ending in if or y. 

^Sf^^ ^9T3r^ ^^ ^i^T^ft» '* he began remembering the goddess Asdvari,*' 
8al 10. 

Wt5 31^ ^■'nr VX%i iftffltiw, " he went for the bringing of his brother 
Motirdm," t. «., " he went to bring him." 8ah 20. 

BhojpM^ — "^n ^1?^^* * I went for plucking flowers/ Gar* 8g9.» I. 

ijt W{ MX "^IJf f * for doing what did you come,' ih, 

Bainodri, — ^^ ^i^ ^ir M^^f.^ MV^j " with ten thousand ears for 
hearing others' faults." Bam. Bd, eh, 5, 9. 

{d & e). Oblique form in wr, and strong direct form in ^. 

(H. H.) ima ittCI", " a mutual beating." 

(/). Oblique form in ^. 

Mar^thi, ijT %T€t ^ ^WX %T^ TT^ , " nowhere is there a horse of this 
kind." Molesworth, s. v. %TV. 

We have already seen that the Bihiri terminations f%, f^, 9 and V 
were originally used as terminations of the genitive in Prakrit. We may 
hence expect to meet them also used as terminations of general oblique base 
in Bih^ri. This will be found to be the case. I have not noted any in- 
stances of fS being so used, but instances of the other three are common. 
The following examples are taken from Manbodh's Haribans. 

f%,— ^fPHir^ f^ ^H ^^z^ H^f^9 * next day all arose together,' 4, 7. 
fwf^V (fwf^+^) ^ifir fiWT, 'the flame of fire was (one) of 
poison/ 4, 21. 

1883.] A. F. Rudolf BoenAe—Note on the preceding Essay, 169 

^^[^^ 9f ^^ '^ "^ ^C^3F) * ^'om the first, have I had this 
fear,' 6» 21. 
9,— ^fT^i^ ^^W ^*^ ^if'nniFf ' the mouths of all hegan to water, 5, 2. 

»,— tPcWT ^lff% ^jroiift W(K, * the eyes of Hari became filled with 
tears', 9, 52. 
^RRliT %T l^nf^y * he goes out from the courtyard,' 3, 2. 

Fote an tie preceding JSssay, — By A. F. Rubolf Hoebnle, Ph. D. 

The great difficulty which oue still too commonly meets \n the com- 
paraiive study of the Gau^ian languages, with regard to the derivation of 
their inflectional forms, is the want of continuity in the descent of the 
latter. We know them in their modern Gau<}ian stage, and in their ancient 
Pr&krit stage ; but very often the intermediate links are unknown. These 
would have to be looked for in the popular literature of the period inter* 
mediate between Gaudian and Prakrit ; that is, about 700 to 1000 years 
ago. I say, the papular literature, because the Gau(j[ians are not descended 
from the Literary Prakrits, but from the vernacular (Apabhraip^a) forms of 
Prakrit. Of such popular literature, if it existed, very little has survived, 
or, at least, is known to have survived. One of the oldest specimens is the 
Hindi Epic of Chand, the Prithirdj Bdsais, which is about 700 years old. 
Moreover, this as well as nearly all of the older popular literature known 
to OS is in verse, while, for the particular question of derivation, prose 
literature would be far more useful. 

Besides such fragments of survived popular literature, some help is 
afforded by those portions of the later Prakrit grammars which treat of the 
Apabhrai|iia Prakrit, and in which their authors have embodied many com- 
paratively modem forms, current in their own time, mixed up with much 
older forms known to them traditionally. This remark applies, for example, 
to the grammar of Hemachandra, who lived about 750 years ago. 

Whenever the intermediate links are wanting, it is both natural and 
right to bridge tlie gap by the help of conjecture, and it is nothing sur- 
prising, that conjecture sometimes takes differing lines and arrives at different 
results. There are, however, instances of forms, of which the series of links 
of descent is almost, if not entirely, complete ; and it may be hoped, that 
gradually, as our knowledge extends, their number will increase. 

One such instance occurs among the forms referred to in the preceding 
Essay. This is the form ending in ^ , ^ or ^, T and occurring in such words 
MWI or ^t# " behind" or "afterwards", ^-^ " a«-«>," etc. These forms 

160 A. F. Hudolf Hoernle — Note on the preceding Entty, [No. 2, 

may end in a», or e, with or withoat a nasal ; tbus iHw or ifT)^* tfTw or in^t 
The nasalised and unnasalised forms are equally common ; but the forms 
in ^ or ^ are modern and in present use, while those in i: or T are older. 
The latter are still met with in the B4m4yan side by side with the more 
modern forms. Examples of both may be seen on pages 122, 123. In the 
much older Hindi of Chand's JPrithirdj Bdtau, only the forms in % or ^ 
occur ; both, with or without nasal, being used promiscuously. But by the 
side of them, a still older form in ^ or 19^ is occasionally met with. 
Thus; ^in 

y;v* TK ^niF Wl ^^ ^^hr 1 " the men walked in pairs, one (pair) be- 
hind the other," XXXV, 18, 
!|fir V«f% ^^ ^^ *T ^ ^^S^ I " Hahuli Hammfr, hearing it, 

joined his hands before the king,*' XXXV, 16. 
191R9 i|jriT w\ ^^ ^ra mr^ ^ Vi^ 1 " the king knows the whole condi- 
tion of the land in this part (of the country)" XXXV, 17. 
ITT 'Cfeil ^Wm «lr»r K^I W^t«r mf^'^ \ " before that (». e. sunrise) the 
warriors mounted and issued forth to the battle-field against the 
enemies," XXXIV, 32. 
Again ^ in 

itpH f^ ^T9 iT^^^Rnir I " just like Qop&l in the midst of his sport," 

XXXV, 25. ^ 
Ct^^V WH^ f^fv ^9^*1 ** he gave (him) a letter, which he had written 

before," XXXIV, 21. 
^^^'^ iifasfq ^Yi; "^^STirr ir^rC 1 ** if ever you flee back, it will be the 

laughing-stock of the enemies," XXXIII, 19. 
xfintlK ^tar Q ^^ ^f sii?TW mv^ "V^ 1 ** on a Sunday, the seTenth 
(of the month), by means of a mine, cleverly laid, the fort of 
Jambu was breached ;" XXXV, 21. 

^^iim 4\kt«! ^ w^ ^inlii^ ^ \ «Tfii nrm ^nlir ft^ >rc iKw m^ • 

'* The S^mantas in the service of their lord entered into the 
enemy's country exactly in the same artful way as Hanum&n did 
in the glorious service of Kama," XXXV, 21. 
^n^TK ^W W(rif( «* I ^^T ^^ nj€\ f^ ^mr Wf H " The armoured 
horsemen were so cut to pieces, as a husband's fortune is scattered 
by (bis taking to himself) a second wife," XXXII, 62.* 
Again ^ 

occurs in the last quoted instance, where one manuscript has preserred 

the old form ^9l(. 

There is good reason to believe that these older forms in ^, for t, were 
much more frequent in the Epic as originally composed by Ghand. For 

* The printed edition has xff, which is a misprint 

1853.] A. P. Radolf Hoernle — Ifoie on He preceding Essay. 161 

occasionally, where the MSS. now read t, the metre requires^, thus 
showing that the form $ is a later one, due to subsequent copyists.* 

Now turning to Hema Chandra, we find th«t the usual form in 
the Apahraip^ Prakrit is m%^ while by the side of it oceaaionally ^|( and 
13108: ^in 

npi ^ ^mmf H^u ^ ft^ I « for thee, O fool, who think thus, it 
becomes at last morning ;"^IV, 862, 420. 

tr t* inri ^« ^ m: ^9 Vn: irtN i "henee I know (that) it is 

Hari when he speaks before me," IV, SJl. 
f^ ^WlfW w^wmj ti^ ^f^ i5ini I " when I see the lotus-face of 

my beloved, then my pleasure is complete," IV, 332, 420. 
Again ^ in 

^fkm ysp^ W ^wt «nc ^ wn* ^ I " without thee, beloved, the 
load does not fall, why then art thou grieved ?" IV, 421, 423. 
Again ^fl in 

^•^R<r^ iwtvc^ •! ^fn^ if ^tl^ I " now let what may happen to the 
breasts of fiAdhi/' IV, 420. 

" As long as there is this perverse mode of business among men, so long 
let the evil man engage in it^ but the good keeps aloof," IV, 40a 

Here fi^ ^i^f and ^J^ are evidently equivalent forms, an inflection 
of the pronominal base ^in, corresponding to *iir, ^J9 (see H. C. IV, 401, 
418). In Chand this inflection occurs in the modified form ffid or ^ 
« tben," « now." 

• There is a similar case. The termination of the third pers, sing, present in Hindi 
isnow f ; tlie older form is ^, and a atiU older form is ^. The latter ocoasionaUy 
occmrs in Chand; e, g^ ^^T W firfr 1|^ ^r^, "the flock of vnltures does not 
ceue (following) behind," XXXV, 22. Similarly \%X "he is angry," «rn: " it is 
•poflV in XXXV, 25. Jn XXVI, 52 ^PT^m IT^ ^ "men fly np in different 
FlaceB," we have ^^, for ^^ as the metre requires, which ahows that Chand 
must have wxitten ^V1^. The form in ^ is Prflcrit. 
^ t In the examples quoted from Hemachandxa, I hare sobstitnted the atmndtika 
( ) in seyeral places for the anuavdra which appears in the printed edition, of Prof. 
Pischel, who follows herein the MSS. That the former is correct, is shown by the metre, 
whidiis the well-known dohd in all those examples. Prosodically the difference 
l^tween the two soimds is great, the anutvdra making the preceding vowel long hy 
pnUian, while the anundsika has no such effect. In writing Natives are apt to over* 
look this difference, but never m prontmeiation, — In the second example (from IV, 391) 

fte printed edition (and MSS.) has ^Tt which, as the metre shows, should be ^ 
(cl H. C. IV, 862}.— In the sixth example (from IV, 406) ^ does not represent the 
^' ^fif ''it goes," as Triviknuna's commentary erroneoosly translates, but the Skr. 
^ ( nom. sing. fern, of ^^) *Hhat" (see H. G. IV, 863) ; it qualifies 

162 A. F. Budolf Hoernle — Ifote on ihe preceding Eintf, [No. 2, 

Similarly HTllfi — ^ifTnf^ " 90 long^oB^^ ** wken-iken^** are inflectionB 
of the pronominal bases unr, imr, which, with the same meaning, are met 
with, both in the Ap. Pr&k. and in Chand, e, y., 

VW N '* BO long as the cracking blow of a lion's paw does not 
fall on their broad forehead, that noise of the mad, f arious ele- 
phants resounds," H. G. IV, 406. 

X^X W^ ITT^ fn WPfl I ^ifT ^fir ^CFf%^ 9 irni l "a Hon roared 
on their left side, then Devi descended on the right (sEide),'* 
Prithirdj Bdsau, XXXV, 22. 

Both this and the preceding set of pronominal bases correspond to the 

Sanskrit X^^ VX^, HWT* 

Now this evidence shows that the Gauijlian termination {, ^, etc., caiv- 
not be identified with the Sanskrit instrumental termination iir» but that it 
is to be traced back to the Apabhraip^ Prikrit ending ^f% or ^f^. 

There is another circumstance, making for the same conclusion, which 
is worth noting. There is good reason to believe that the Sanskrit 
termination W^, whenever it was employed in the later vernaculars (which 
happened occasionally) was always felt to be a tatsama and preserved nearly 
intact. The vowel ^ was, sometimes, shortened, but the final W was not 
changed into a mere nasalisation of ^. In Chand the Sanskrit instrumental 
in T^r occurs but very rarely, and always unchanged ; thus, 

f^ ^K ^T f*ffiF«l V^ I «ITfira ^ WiWpf W n " In this battle 
success was missed through their cowardice ; thereby you may 
know (that they behaved like) young women," XXXIII, 80. 

In Bang^li the forms TV Mna « so," #ir k»M " why," #ir ifT kiSn^na 
** because," ahr ji^ *' as if" are still in use (see Shama Churn Sircar's 
Bg. Gr., pp. 217, 218, 237, 238) ; here ^ is short, but na is intact. Perhaps 
the commoner Bang&li forms vlinr j^hnan " as," ivm t^man *^ so," qNnr 
Mman ^' how" {ibid,^ p. 216) may be similarly explained as instrumentab 
of the Apabhraxpia pronominal bases ^hv, 3i^, %i^ (above noticed), the old 
ending TT being shortened to ^rw, but again keeping the final W intact. 

In Maithili, slso, occur #irT jend ** as," %irT tmH '* so," (see Grierson's 
Mth. Gr. Part I, p. 109, in Extra No. of J. A. S. B., 1880),* where the 
final long WT is merely the Maithili way of indicating a short open d as 
distinct from % which latter is pronounced something like Hw. 

There remains the question to what inflectional case the Apabhraip- 
^a Pr£krit terminations ^f% or ^[^ belong. Now Hemaohandra (IV, 
857) expressly ascribes the suffix f^ to the locative sing, of masc. and neut 
bases in a, and also (IV, 847) to the loc. plur. of all bases, whether ending 
in a or « or tf. He further ascribes (IV, 841, 352) the suffix f% to the loc. 
sing, of all bases in % andi», and to fern, bases in a« We have therefore Hema- 

• Haithili^^ ir^are^Ithink.coBtiactionsof theAp.F». llN,irN(H.G.iy,M7>. 

1888.] A. F. Badolf Uoernle— JVb^ on tie preceding Esiay. 163 

Chandra's express anthoriiy for looking on the termination ^f^ as Indicating 

tbeloc. sing. ; and since the suffix f% (as a locative suffix) is in all probability 
a mere varietj of the suffix f^, we may assume that, even though not 
Dotioed by Hemachandra, it might also be used with bases in a, just as wibh 
bases in t and ».* However that may be, it is certain that in after times 
both suffixes f^ and f% were used as terminations of the locative singular. 
This is proved both by the usage of Tulsi D& in his Bam4yan and of the 
Maithili, as already stated in the preceding Essay, pp. 126, 130. If modern 
pandits maintain that the suffix f^ is always used by Tulsi Das in a plural 
eeose, they can only do by saying that when it is used in the singular ifc con- 
veys an honorific sense. But this is merely an easy method of theirs of squar- 
ing awkward facts with a pre-conceived theory. Pace the pandits, we must 
jodge for ourselves ; for instance, taking the example, quoted on p. 123, 
tiiere is no conceivable reason why ^pr^cjlfi '* not in season," should 
bave a plural sense, whether honorific or otherwise, standing as it does by 
the aide of the singular f^ '^ in season". Many other examples, of similar 

nndeniable singulars, might be cited. 

It may be added that in the examples quoted above (p. 160) from 

Chand the words %^ " in this part," ^im* ** on the seventh day," and 

many other similar instances, cannot well be explained as anything else 

than locatives. 

However, I am not absolutely concerned to prove that every single 
modem form in ^ or ^ corresponds to an Ap. Prak. locative. It is certain 
that a later period, the affixes fH and f% were used in a much looser way, 
as a sort of general inflectional suffix (as may be seen from the examples, 
dted on pp. 122 — 125), and it is, therefore, quite permissible to say, that 
the modem termination ^ is used in the sense of the instrumental in certain 
cases {viz,, in the regular declension of the Maithili, see Grierson's Mth. 
Gr. Part I, p. 9). This does not apply, however, to phrases like m^* ^mir* 
etc., which can be directly traced to the Ap. Pr. and shown to be locatives. 
But in any case, by whatever particular case-name they may be called, the 
modem forms in {, ^ are direct descendants of Ap. Pr. forms in ^f^, ^f%. 

I will only add, in conclusion, that I am inclined to agree with the 

theory put forward on pp. 154ff regarding the probable derivation of the 

verbal noun in a or «, obi. ai or e, though I should carry up the descent of 

the oblique forms to the Ap. Pr. terminations in f% and v rather than to 

the literary Pr. termination in i;^. Thus, the obi. ^v and ^ (p. 151) 

correspond to the oblique ^^ and ^ (see p. 151), and I would identify 

the South Maithili and Mdgadhi oblique 1T« (pronounced ghardw with &w 

as in the English ''law") with Ap. Pr. w^S, while the M^gadhi obi. irc is 

the same as Ap. Pr. iKf%. I hope to have another opportunity of further 

eiplaining this view. 

* Indeed, as H. 0. gives both forma X^n (= ^^«rf%) and ^1^ (= Ti!|f%) 
iraniaciioiuly, he virtually allows the nnnasaUsed suffix f^ to a-bases. 

164 B&jendraUla Mitra*— On the Temples of Deoglar. [No. 2, 

On the Temples of *Deoghar.* — By RiJEKDBA.LXLA Mitb^, 

LL. D., C. I. E. 

(With a Plate.) 

Deogbar, ^ the home of gods/ is a smalltown, four miles to the south 

of the Baidjan&th Station on the chord line of the East Indian Baslwaj, 

and about two hundred miles due west of Calcutta. Lat. 24^ 29' 4^' N. 

Long. 86^ 44' 86'' E. During the later Muhammadan rule it formed a part 

of the Birbhum district, but it is now included in the Sant&l Pargannahs, 

lying on its west side. It is situated on a rocky plain, having a small 

forest immediately on the north, a low hill on the north-west, called Nan- 

dana P4h&4a, a large hill called Trikuta-parvata about five miles to the east^f 

and other hiUs to the south-east (J&lme and PathiLdu), south (Phuljuiri), 

and south-west (Digherii), at varying distances, but within twelve miles 

from its centre. Immediately to the west of the town proper there is a 

small rivulet named Yamun4jor, about 20 feet broad, which exists as a dry 

ditch for the greater part of the year. About half a mile to the west of 

this runs the river DhirawA, which, making a bend, runs also along the 

south at a distance of about a mile from the town. The space between the 

town proper and the river on the south side belongs to the Gh&tw&li estate 

of Rohini ; but the town of Bohini is situated about three miles to the west 

ef the river. The river varies in width from 50 to 120 yards, and during 

the rains and for two months afterwards is a shallow stream, but in the hot 

months it is a dry bed of sand from which water is drawn by scraping the 

sand to the depth of about a foot. It takes its rise in the hills of the 

H^zaribag district, and, after a winding course, falls into the Mor or Mayi- 

rdksht 'the peacock*eyed,' i, «., having water lustrous as the eye of the 

peacock, near Suri, receiving, before the junction, the waters of the aforesaid 

Tamun&jor. It is subject to very serious freshets. After a heavy 

shower during the preceding night, I noticed, one morning at 6 o'clock at the 

end of October, 1881, the water to be barely three feet deep, and four hoars 

* There are notices of the archceology of the place in Montgomery Martin's 
* Eastern India', Vol II ; in Hunter's * Annals of Rural Bengal,' and in his < Statistical 
Acoonnt of Bengal,' YoL XIV ; in the < Mnkaijee Magazine/ (a note by Bihn BhoUnith 
Chnnder) ; and in the Archsdological Survey Reports, Vol. YIII, (Mr. Beglar'sBeport) ; 
but none of them is saoh as to preclude the necessity of a detailed account. None of 
them gives the inscriptions to be found at the place. 

t Mr. Beglar says, " Eight miles north-wMi from Ba^nath is a group of hiUs with 
three curious peaks, it is known as the Trikuta hills,' ' p. 146. The direction given is 
quite wrong. 

1883.] Rijendrattia Hitra-— On the TempJei of Deoghar. 165 

ifterwards, there was an impetaous current eight feet deep, and so strong that 
BODe could swim across it. I was, on the occasion, placed in a ludicrous 
ritnation. My cook had forded the river at early dawn, right opposite to 
my bungalow, and at 10 o'clock, when he returned with his purchases^ the river 
wu impassable, and I had to satisfy myself with the sight of the materials 
of my breakfast waiting on the opposite bank. The water subsided at d p. m., 
when my servant easily recrossed the river by fording. I have been told that 
the freshets are at times so sudden that a person may be overtaken by one 
before he has half crossed the river. 

The forest on the north is called Ddt& Jungle, deriving its name from 
ifc&t of a Fakir, whose descendants now own the land. It appeared to me 
Tery like a hunting-ground or Shik^rg&h of some old RdjA, not unlike 
the hunting-ground of the Dumraon Mahfir&j4, but much smaller, being 
limited to an area of about a mile and a half. It is not much encum- 
bered by brushwood^ and one can very easily walk about in different parts 
of it. 

The area of Deoghar is under two miles, and the fixed population at 
the last Census was reckoned at 8005, of which 4964 were males and 
8041 were females. But the influx of pilgrims on particular holidays 
is said to rise from two to fifty thousand heads. The pilgrims, however, 
do not, generally speaking, prolong their stay in the town for more than 
10 to 12 hours, and their presence does not seem ordinarily to affect much the 
sanitary condition of the town, which has the reputation of being 
highly salubrious. The soil is fertile, and the crops are rich ; but the 
enltivation is carried on principally by the Santils who live in the neigh* 
bourhood, and not by the Hindd population, among whom there are about 
800 fiunilies of priests, a good many of whom look for their earnings mainly 
to the gullibility and the religious zeal of the pilgrims. 

Deoghar is now the head-quarters of a subdivision, and has besides the 
usual public offices, a good hospital and a school teaching up to the Entrance 
Standard of the Calcutta University. A Municipal Committee, with an in- 
come of about two thousand rupees a year, has charge of the sanitary esta- 
blishment of the town, and to their credit it must be said that the roads and 
drains of the place look clean and well taken care of. 

In so far the place is of little importance. It is, however, of much 
interest to antiquarians, on account of a large sanctuary which stands in its 

There is no temple in Bengal which can claim a higher sanctity than 
that of Baidyan&tha at Deoghar. Its renown is acknowledged by a hundred 
thousand pilgrims, who resort to it every year, and its antiquity is carried 
back in some of the Purdij^as to the second age of the world. It was in 
the Treta Tuga, says the Siva Pur&^a^ that the cruel Titan, B4va9% 

166 RijendraUla Mitra — On the Templei of Deoyhsr. [No. 2) 

feeling tbat his golden metropolis in Ceylon, rich and unrivalled as it was, 
would not be perfect without the presence in it of the great god Mah4- 
deva himself, repaired to the Eaili^a mountain to secure the grace of 
that dread divinity. It so happened, however, that the god was at the 
time in the society of his consort, who was then in a huff, and Nandi, 
the warder at the gate of his mansion, would not permit a stranger 
to pass in. But the demon was not to be so easily baulked. He 
seized the warder by the neck, and hurled him to a great distance 
from his post. This made the mountain tremble, and the lady in very 
fear gave up her anger, and sought the protection of her lord.* Siva 
was greatly pleased at this occurrence, and when the unmannerly demon 
pleaded in excuse of his conduct by asserting to the host that as a 
son he was justified in appearing before his parents at all seasons, and the 
warder had no business to prevent him, the god readily offered him 
a boon. The prayer was then made in due form that he should 
take his permanent residence with the demon. This was, however, 
not granted. R&vai^ was told that one of the twelve resplendent emblems 
of the divinity {Jyotirli^ga) would be quite as effective as S'iva in proprid 
persondf and that B&vana might take it away on the only condition that the 
transfer should be effected without a break in the journey, but that should 
the lingam be deposited anywhere on the earth in course of the journey, 
it would proceed no further, but stick there for ever. To R^va^a, ac- 
customed to travel from Ceylon to the heaven of Indra and back, the 
condition did not seem very hard, and he assented. The lingam was 
immediately taken up, and the journey begun. There were, however, 
difficulties in the way which the demon did not think of. The gods 
dreaded the effect of the lingam being established in the kingdom of one 
who was the most powerful enemy of the celestial hierarchy, and if Mah^ 
deva were to be the protector of that demon's metropolis, there would be 
no means left them for his overthrow. They accordingly sat in solemn 
conclave, and devised their plan of outwitting their enemy. Yaru^a, the 
regent of the waters, entered the belly of the demon, and created an un- 
pleasant sensation, and a pressing necessity soon arose for Rava^a to relieve 
himself. Yisbii^u, in the garb of a decrepit old Brihman, appeared before 
him, and accosted him. Unconscious of the plan that had been laid to 
entrap him, R&vaQa begged of the Brahman to help him by holding the god 
for a few minutes, and the request was readily acceded to. Rdva^a made 
over the lingam to him, and retired to a side. He was greatly delayed in 
his return by the mischievous action of the god of waters within him, and 

• There is a story very like this in Pilpay*s ' Fables,' and in it the presenoe 
of a thief makes a troant wife reconciled to her lord. 

1883.] Bajendral&la MUrar-Qft the Templet of Deoghar. 167 

when he came back, lo ! the Br&hman had disappeared, and the lingam was 
Ijing on the ground at a considerable distance from the spot where he had 
ilighted.* The spot where B&va^a had descended is now called H^rli- 
jori ; the place where the liiigam was deposited is Deoghar ; and the V aidja- 

T'T ^ WT ^nffWr inrnfW MfKw? i 

^Nr^r^^r^rw i wirr^ ^rfrftrr ^T#hnf f^ixnn} i 

^Hil *i4<«i*i«i ^f^rainrv PniT ii ^t*^ n 

168 lUjendraUla Midra— Oit ths Templet of Deogkar. [No. 2 

natha of our day is the liftgam aforesaid. Deoghar as a name of the plaoe 
is, however, quite modern. In Sanskrit works we find in its place Harda« 
pitha, Haridrapitha, BAva^a-k&nana, Ketaki-vana, Harifcaki-rana, and Vai- 
dyan&tha. In Bengal the place was generally known under the last name, 
but the East Indian Railway Company having opened a station near it 
and assigned to the town that has grown up around it the name of Bu- 
dy^natha, the people, for the sake of distinction, have used the name of 
Deoghar. In the Poet Office seal the name is Baidyan&th Deoghar. 

The story as related in the Vaidyanatha-mahilitmya of the 9iya Purd^a 
is embellished with many tedious and circumstantial details which it is not 
necessary to notice here, particularly as those details are not borne out bj 
the Padma Purd^a, which alters them to a considerable extent. As both 
the versions are fictitious— the results of wild, uncontrolled fancy — ^they are 
of no interest except to the pious Hindd. 

The story runs that Bavana tried hard to remove the lingam from the 
spot where it had been placed, bat failed. The divinity would on no ac- 
count move from the place. The Titan, growing desperate, used violence ; 
but that served only to knock o£E a bit from the top of the lingam, bat 
not to move the divinity from the position it had taken. This showed the 
folly of the course BAva^a had adopted, and he fell at the feet of the li&« 
gam, and begged for pardon. He made amends, too, for his sacrilegious 
violence by daily coming to the place and worshipping the divinity with 
sacred water brought from the source of the Ganges on the Himalaya moun- 
tains. The latter part of the operation was subsequently dispensed with by 
the excavation of a well in which the waters of all the sacred pools on 
the face of the earth were deposited. 

Vaidyaa^tha-miLhatmya of the fi'ira Por^a. CSiaptv 4* 

188S.] Sajendralala Mitra— -On the Temples of Deoghar. 169 

Aoeording to the Padma Parana, the Br&hman deposited the li^gam in 
dae form, consecrated it with water from a neighbouring tank, repeated his 
prayers, and then departed. A Bheel was present when this was done ; he re- 
eei?ed instructions from the Br&hman and, following his example, worshipped 
the lingam, but having no vessel handy, brought the water for worship in his 
mouth, and used it in his adoration. When Eavai^a at last returned, he 
related all the Circumstances, and pointed out that the Brahman was no 
otiier than Vishnu himself. Bava^a then excavated a well with an arrow, 
brought into it the waters of all the sacred pools on earth, and duly wor* 
sbipped the god.* This is obviously a S^ivite version of the story of the 

iCT^Vf T^ ^w ^ ftriF* ^irPnr** ii ^ ii 
^fifUTT^ 3 wn% i) 141^1 ^fiiiM*ii n *=,? n 

Yaidyaniitha-mihitinya of the Ptidma-purd^a. Chapter 2» 

170 Rdjendralala Mitra — On the Temples of Deoghar, [No. 2> 

fowler Vi^vayasu who worshipped Jagann&tha hefore the Hindus took up 
that divinity.* 

After the death of R&va^a, according to one set of traditions, (not 
noticed in any Parana), the lingam lay neglected for ages, until it was no* 
ticed by a rude hunter, Vaiju by name, who accepted it for his god, and 
worshipped it daily, and proclaimed it to the world as the lord of Yaijii — 
Yaidyanfitha. Before this occurrence, the lingam was known by its original 
name of JyotirliUga^ the li&gam of light, or the name it derived on its 
transfer, R^vai^eiivara. 

The Santdl tradition differs from this. According to it, as sum* 
marised by Dr. Hunter in his interesting ' Annals of Bural Bengal,' *' In 
the olden time,' they say, ' a band of Brdhmans settled on the banks of the 
beautiful highland lake beside which the holy city stands. Around 
them there was nothing but the forest and mountains, in which dwelt the 
black races. The Br&hmans placed the symbol of their god S^iva near the 
lake, and did sacrifice to it ; but the black tribes would not sacrifice to it, 
but came, as before, to the three great stones which their fathers had wor- 
shipped, and which are to be seen at the western entrance of the holy city 
to this day. The Br&hmans, moreover, ploughed the land, and brought 
water from the lake to nourish the soil ; but the hill-men hunted and 
fished as of old, or tended their herds, while their women tilled little 
patches of Indian -com. But in process of time the Br&hmans, finding the 
land good, became slothful, giving themselves up to lust, and seldom 
calling on their god S'iva. This the black tribes, who came to worship the 
great stones, saw and wondered at more and more, till at last one of them, 
by name Byju, a man of a mighty arm, and rich in all sorts of cattle, 
became wroth at the lies and wantonness of the Brdhmans, and vowed he 
would beat the symbol of their god Siva with his club every day before 
touching food. This he did ; but one morning, his cattle strayed into the 
forest, and after seeking them all day, he came home hungry and weary, 
and having hastily bathed in the lake, sat down to his supper. Just as he 
stretched out his hand to take the food, he called to mind his vow ; and, 
worn out as he was, he got up, limped painfully to the Br4hmans' idol on 
the margin of the lake, and beat it with his club. Then suddenly a 
splendid form, sparkling with jewels, rose from the waters, and said : 
* Behold the man who forgets his hunger and his weariness to beat me, 
while my priests sleep with their concubines at home, and neither give me 
to eat nor to drink. Let him ask of me what he will, and it shall be given.' 
Byju answered, ' I am strong of arm and rich in cattle. I am a leader 
of my people ; what want I more P Thou art called Ndik (Lord) ; let me 
too be called Lord, and let thj temple go by my name.' * Amen,' replied 

* Cf. my Antiquities of OriBsa, II, p. 108. 

1883.] B&jendraUla Mitra^On the Temples of Deoyhar. 171 

the dmty ; ' henceforth tbou art not Bjja, but BjJD&th, and my temple 
shall be called by thy name.' "* 

Romantically as this story has been narrated by the charming writer, 
it 18 as thoroughly fictitious as the one that the Hindds recite, and utterly 
worthless as data for any historical inference. It cannot be under any 
dreumstance more than three hundred years old ; it is probably of a much 
more recent date. The Indian-corn, which the women of the black races 
are said to haye cultivated, was unknown in this country before the 
Spaniards or the Portuguese brought it from America, and the black races 
eoold not possibly have known it in the olden time, or about the time 
when the temple was first built. There is no name for the corn in the 
Saoskrit language, and the vernacular names JanM, Bhuffd, Mahhd are 
all obnoualy foreign. In Janird we have Bio Janeiro, and in Mahkd we 
recognize the Makiz of the Island of Hayti, whence maize was first 
brought to Europe. It \» true that the aboriginal races now cultivate 
it very largely, but that is not due to its being an aboriginal product, but 
to its being easily cultivated, and therefore better suited to the primitive 
husbandry of the Santals. The ^ three stones of aboriginal worship" are 
altogether a misidentification. As will be shown in the sequel, they 
are parts of a purely Hindii structure, attached to a Hind& temple, and 
Hied for Hindd ceremonials. It may be added that the tomb in which the 
mortal remains of Byju are alleged to be deposited is scarcely two hundred 
years old. Byju is no other then a clumsy copy of the Puranic Bhilla, 
the forester, and must go the way of his archetype. 

Some of the Pur&^as, without openly rejecting the story of BivaigLa, 
eaiTj the date of Yaidyan^tha's advent at Deoghar to a much earlier period. 
It was not in the second, but in the first, age of the world, Batya Tuga or 
the " age of Truth," when the gods of heaven had not yet settled down to 
their respective places, and jealousies and rivalry and dissensions were rife 
for precedence, that 9iva, claiming a higher rank than that of his father* 
in-law, Daksha, treated him with marked discourtesy at a public assembly. 
The patriarch resented this by not inviting him to a grand sacrifice, and Sati, 
the daughter of Daksha, failing in her expostulations with her father, com- 
mitted suicide, rather than continue to be known as the daughter of one 
who had reviled her divine husband. Overpowered by grief, S^iva, in a fit 
of frenzy, stuck the corpse of his wife on the point of his trident, and 
roamed about as a madman. The sight created a scandal, and nobody 
being able to approach and remonstrate with S'iva, Vishnu cut up the body 
with his discus into fifty-two parts, which fell on different parts of India. 
The heart fell at Deoghar, and thence that place attained its sanctity, and be- 
came known by the name of Sdrdapifha " the sanctuary of the heart.'' 

* * Annals of Rural Bengal/ pp. 191/. 

172 Rijendral41a Mitra — On the Temples ofDeofhar. [No. % 

S^iva nursed his grief here for a long time, carrying the heart on bis 
breast like the Scotch knight who brought away the heart of Richard I, 
from France, and earned the surname of Lockheart, changed afterwards to 
Lockhart. It is added, that inasmuch as this was the only way in which 
S^iva offered the final obsequies to his consort, the place derived the •!• 
ternative name of Okitdbhumif the ^ cremation ground." It ia worthy of 
note, however, that at present there is no temple, shrine, or spot at Deoghar 
which is associated with this occurrence, though at all the other fifty- 
one places mementos of some kind or other are still extant. 

Tet another story. It was again at the first age of the world that 
SiYSL manifested himself as lifigams of light at twelve different places under 
different names. These included Ist, Soman&tha, in Saur^bfra ; 2nd, 
Mallik&rjuna at S^riiSaila ; 3rd, Mab^k&la at Ujjain; 4th, Onk^ra, at 
AmareiSvara; 5th, Ked&ra, on the Him&laya; 6th, Bhima^nkara, at 
P&kini ; 7th, YiiSveiSvara, at Benares ; 8th, Tryambaka, on the banks of the 
Oautami; 9tb, Yaidyan&tha, at Chitabhumi ; 10th, Ndge^ at Dwirki\ 
11th, R&mei$a, at Setubandha ; and 12th, Qhusfi^e^, at S>iv41aya.* These 
include all the principal and most celebrated lingams in India. 

On the top of the lifigam at Deoghar, the goddess Sati appeared as a 
pandanus flower, and for along time afterwards dwelt in a grove near it in order 
to be ready at hand to worship the emblem of her lord. Owing to this cir- 
cumstance the place became known as Keiakivana^ or the ** pandanus grove." 

How our Pandits reconcile these contradictory stories, I know not^ 
and it would be futile to inquire into the subject. But to turn to the me- 
morials now extant with which these stories are associated. 

The temple of Yaidyanitha now stands in the middle of the town, and 
is surrounded by a courtyard of an irregular quadrilateral figure. See plan, 
Plate XV. The east side of the courtyard facing the public road measures, 
from north to south, 226 feet, and near its southern limit there is a large 
arched gateway with a NuhbatkhAnd on top of it. The Nuhbatkhdni it, 
however, not much used, a separate two-storeyed building, close to <^e north 
of it, having been provided for the musicians. The gateway also is not muck 
used, as it has been partially blocked by a one-storeyed building. On the 
south side, which is faced by a range of shops, the length is 242 feet. On 


B^jendraldla Mitra — On the Temples of Deoghar, 


the wesi, the length is 215 feet, and, in the middle of it, there is a small 
doorway leading to a bye-lane.* The greater part of the north side is 
covered by the private residence of the Head Priest, bat towards the north- 
east corner there is a large gateway with massive side pillars, and it now 
serves as the principal entrance to the temple enclosure. All pilgrims are 
expected to enter by this gate. The length of this side is 220 feet. All 
the above measurements have been taken within the enclosing walls. The 
whole of the area is paved with flags of chunar free-stione, the gift of a 
Hirzapur merchant, who spent a large sum on this pious work. 

The principal temple stands on the centre of this area, facing the 
east, as old Hindd temples usually do. It is a plain stone structure, 
rising to a height of 72 feet on the slope. Its surface is cut into a check 
pattern by plain perpendicular and horizontal mouldings. When originally 
built it comprised a single cell 16' 2" x 15', opening due east. A low porch 
or lobby, 86' X 12' divided into two aisles by a row of 4 pillars, was added 

sometime after, and a second porch, a little 
shorter, followed at a later date. Both the 
porches are paved with flags of basalt. The 
appearance of the fa9ade is shown in the 
annexed woodcut, copied from a photo- 
graph. The woodcut does not show that 
the central opening is flush with the court- 
yard. The ends of the lobby are accessible 
by small doorways, which are reserved for 
the use of priests and respectable female 
pilgrims. The other three sides of the cell 
are faced by pillared verandas which are 
reserved for the use of those pilgrims who 
come to fast for days to secure special 
blessings from the divinity in the temple. 
On the east side of the northern veranda 
there is a masonry vat into which flows the 
water and milk used for the ablutions of 
the lingam. The water in it is of a dirty colour, being loaded with milk, 
sandal-paste, and washings of flowers,t which impart to it a fragrant 

• Mr Beglar's description of the gates is not correct. He says, «' there are four 
entrances to it • the prinoipBl one is to the wont, and a rimilar one is on the north. 
Of the two minor ones, one is on the north and one on the east," (p. 138). The 
east gate is the largest and tiie west one smaU. The second door on the nor^ is ^ 
passage which leads to the Head Priest's residence which forms a part of the sacred 
premises, and cannot correctly be called an entrance to the courtyard. 

t An emulsion of Bhfog is often poured on the liAgam, and occasionally G£nj4 
is put on its top, but I was told, tiiat such things were not allowed to flow into the 
▼at for fear of their injuriously aflfecting the pilgrims who drink the water. 

174 RijendralaU Mitn— 0« the Temples qfDeo^kar. [No. 2, 

smeU, and is esteemed as highly sacred. Eveiy pilgrim is expected to 
taste a few drops of it, and to carry away a phial fall of it. I was 
informed that the water is hailed oat of it from time to time, to prevent 
its hecoming tainted hy the putrefaction of the vegetable matter mixed 
with it. When I tasted it, I did not notice any foetid odour. 

The presiding divinity of the temple is the JjfotirliAga or Vaidyanitha 
of the story cited above. It is of a cylindrical form, five inches in diameter, 
and rising about four inches from the centre of a large slab of basalt 
shaped like a yoni and pointing towards tlie north. Fixed firmly as it is 
in this slab, it is not possible to ascertain how much of the lingam is buried 
under ground. The top is broken, and has an uneven surface, one side being a 
little higher than the other side. The fracture is attributed by the 
Hindti legend to the assault of Bava^a, and by the Santal legend to that 
of the forester Byju ; probably the real cause has to be looked for in the fana- 
ticism of some iconoclastic Muslim. Daily pouring of water and milk by 
hundreds of pilgrims and repeated wipings after every ofEering, have 
smoothed the surface and made it even glistening, but the irregular frac- 
ture is prominently perceptible. 

The cell is exceedingly dark, and, entering it after circumambulating 
the temple in the glare of the midday sun, one can see nothing in it ; and 
two ghi-fed lamps are all that are held up to help the faithful in beholding 
the emblem of the divinity : one of them is kept burning all day. With the 
feeble light of the lamps, and after repeated washing^, I noticed the lingam 
to be of a dull amber colour, mottled with black specks. The original colour 
was doubtless grey, but the washings with milk and frequent smearing 
with sandal- paste have given it a yellowish tinge, and the specks suggested 
to me the idea of the stone being granite. The cell contains no furniture 
of any kind, and the walls are bare and unplastered. One block of basalt 
on the top of the doorway, I was told, contained an inscription, fiat 
going up to it by a ladder and holding two torches by its side, I found the 
supposed writing to be mere chisel marks. 

The lobby in front of the cell is, like the cell itself, paved with flags 
of basalt, but it contains nothing in the way of furniture or fixtures. 
There is, however, a small inscription on the left side of the entrance to 
the celL This will be noticed lower down. 

The second porch has, as shown in the woodcut, in front a row of pillars 
spanned by blocks of basalt. On the right side there is a sandstone image 
of a bull, which is by some dignified with the name of S'rtjuta or 'his 
excellency.' Near it there are some small bovine images, and bells hang 
under the ceiling. Every pilgrim, entering by the front door, has to pull the 
bell-rope to announce to the divinity the approach of a devotee. In most 
cases the priests do the needful in behalf of the pilgrims. This rule is 
strictly enforced at the temple of Yiiiveiivara at Benares. 

1883.] BajendraUla Mitra— On the Temples of Deogliar, 175 

The ritual of worship ia simple enough. The mantras are few, and 
the offerings limited. Pouring of water on the liilgam, smearing it with 
saodal-paste, and the offering of flowers and a few g^ins of rice constitute 
the worship. This is followed hj the offering of money in silver or gold, 
DO copper being allowed to be brought in contact with the divinity. 
Bieh people offer horses, cattle, pdlkis, gold ornaments and other valua- 
bles, and sometimes rent-free land in support of the daily worship, the title- 
deed in such cases being ordinarily a bel leaf on which the donation is written, 
and the leaf is swept out in the evening. This deed, however, is more 
faithfully respected than many muniments on parchment. There is 
nothing here like the consecration of enormous quantities of dressed 
food and sweetmeats which obtains at Bhuvanes'vara, Puri, and else- 
where. The god delights in water, bel leaves, sandal and flowers, and 
they are all that are necessary for his worship. He is, however, very 
particular about the quality of the leaves and the water. The former 
has to be brought from the Trikuta Hill. For ordinary use the water of 
the sacred well, excavated by Havana, is held sufficient ; but water from the 
Boorces of the Ganges on the Himalaya near £adrin&th, Sanskrit Badari- 
nitha, or from the M^nasarovar lake in Tibet, is highly prized, and thou- 
sands of pilgrims, mostly hermits, bring it from those distant places. A 
great quantity is also brought from the Gkinges near the Ja^gir& rock.* 
Adverting to it, Mr. Montgomery Martin says, " but the great emolument 
of the priests arises from about 60,000 pilgrims who at various times 
eome to carry away a load of water which they intend to pour on 

* General Cmmingham deriyes the name from that of a saint, and not from 
fhat of the Emperor Jahilngir as some do. He says, '*Here the ccfane of the 
over 18 changed by two rocky hills ; one called Jangira, standing in the middle 
of the water, and the other called Bto-karan forming a bluff headland at the 
end of the stream. The former derives its name from Jahnn Rishi, who had 
CBtabliahed his cell or A'iram in a cleft of the rocks. Hence the rook itself was 
called JdhnaH gr^ha^ or " Jahnu'a hooee," whioh was gradoally shortened to Jihn- 
gin, just as B4ja gfiha has now become JR^fgifJ* (Archaeological Sorvey Reports, 
XlV, p. 20.) This is a mere guess, and on the face of it not tenable. If the meaning 
be '* Jahnu'a house," the compound should be JahnU'-priha, which would correspond 
with B^'a-gfiha^ the first member of which is a noun. If the derivative form be 
accepted, the term should be Jdhnava gfiha, the neuter noun griha not admitting 
of a feminine adjective like Jdhnavi to qualify it, nor could the name of the saint be 
femizuDe. If the term be taken as a derivatiTe feminine noun, the meaning would 
be the house of the river Ganges, and we would come to the absurdity of calling the 
rock the house of the river. If the word be spelt with a short final i in the derivative 
form, we create our giant vi with the object of knocking it down immediately after 
without any object, and that against the ordinary rules of Sanskrit elision. The name 
originally was Jahnugiri or " the rock of Jahnu." Both gfiho, and gifi would change 
into gif in the vernacular without any difficulty, and the context can alone determine 
the original term. 

17G Rajendralala Mitra — On the Temples of Deoghar. [No. 2, 

the head of various celebrated images in distant parts. In the south 
of India I have met pilgrims carrying their load from this place ; but bj 
far the greater part goes to Deyaghar in Yirabhtim where it is poured on 
the Priapus or Li^ga called Baidyan&tha, to whom this water, taken from a 
scene of former pleasure, is considered as peculiarly acceptable."* 

A special charge was formerly made for the ofiEering of this water, and 
it was called Qa^gdjali, The priests now keep a supply of sacred water in 
phials to help such pilgrims as come without a supply. A few drops of 
this water are sprinkled on the flowers which the worshipper offers to the 
divinity. The water is described to be from Jangir^ or from Badarinitha, 
or from Manasarovar according to the whim of the priest at the time. 

The verandas on the north, the west, and the south sides of the 
temple are reserved for such pilgrims as repair to the asylum of the divinity 
for special blessings. Their daily number varies from 20 to 40, and they 
include both men and women from all classes of the community, from the 
richest to the poorest. The plan adopted to extort the blessings is curious. 
It is a sort of a distress warrant on the divinity, threatening him with the 
sin of murder if he should decline, and reminds one of the Brehoa law 
of distress, under which a creditor who required payment from a debtor of 
higher rank than himself should fast upon him. In the ordinary affairs 
of life this law is well known in this country from an early date under the 
name of ^ sitting Dhar9i.*' A.t one time it was so prevalent that the British 
Indian Government felt it necessary to pass a special law, Regulation VII 
of 1820, to prohibit it. When one fasts on a god the word ordinarily used 
is hatyd or killing, for the resolution is to commit suicide by fasting, should 
the divinity implored decline to grant the favour sought. It is in fact 
Dharnd under another name. The blessings sought are various. Ordinarily 
men fast for the cure of their diseases ; women mostly for the cure of 
the ailments of their children, or for obtaining children. The usual prac- 
tice is for a pilgrim to bathe in the S^ivagangA tank in the morning, worship 
the lifigam, and then to lie down on the bare pavement of the veranda till next 
morning, when he or she rises, performs his or her worship, drinks a mouthful 
of water from the vat on the north side, and then lies down again. This 
practice is continued for three days and three nights, in course of which the 
pleasure of the divinity is generally communicated to him or her in a 
dream. Sometimes the dream comes on the very first night, sometimes on 
the second or the third, and sometimes not at all; the dream, when vouchsafed* 
manifesting itself in such words as " Go away, you are cured ;*' or " Go, and 
do such and such things (naming them) and you will be cured;" or "You 
will be cured ;*' or " Your wish will be fulfilled in course of such a time" 

• Martin's ' Eastern India,' Vol. II, p. 88. 

188a] B&jendraUla Mitra^O» tie TempUi ofDeoglar. 177 

foaming ii). Should no dream come, ii is understood that the person is too 
dnfol and utterly unworthy of the god's mercy. Formerly the fasting was 
eontinued sometimes to seven, eight, or nine days, and dreams came on 
ifter such protracted fasting ; hut, some deaths having taken place from 
etanration, the priests do not now permit a longer fasting than of three 
dajs. The sight of these miserahle heings on the third day is pitiful indeed. 
I once noticed a woman of ahout 30 years of age, lean and emaciated, 
vho was too weak to walk from her place to the vat, and to have a drink 
ef water, and had to he led thereto hy her companion. It should he added, 
however, that this ahsolute fast is highly efficacious in many cases. Per- 
sons who had suffered for months or years from painful chronic diseases, 
which had made life a hurthen to them, have returned home perfectly 
eured, while others have heen greatly relieved. Nervous diseases, particu- 
larly hysteria, are often cured. And there are not women wanting who 
profess that they have heen cured of their barrenness. One common com- 
plaint among Hindd women is that their children die young, so that they 
cannot have two sons living at the same time, and for this they sometimes 
fast at the gate of the lord, and are not unof ten blessed. Of course there 
can be no statistics to show the percentage of cures, and it must be com- 
paratively small, perhaps not more so than at Lourdes and other places in 
Europe, but it is sufficiently large to keep up a constant stream of pilgrims 
submitting to the fast. Some of those who are blessed have their names 
engraved on the pavement of the verandas, and there are a great many 
names so engraved. Formerly the pilgrims lay in the open courtyard, but 
about one hundred and fifty years ago the verandas were built to protect them 
bom the sun and rain. 

Leaving now the great temple, I must go over the courtyard to notice 
the minor sanctuaries. The terrace, marked No. 1 on the annexed plan,* 
(Plate XV) is used by paindi^ts on cold weather mornings for expounding the 
STastras. It is also used for performing Srdddbas. 

No. 2 has been replaced lately by a large stone temple, which the 
present Head Priest has erected in honour of his father. 

No. 3 is dedicated to the goddess K&li, a black stone image, similar 
to what is now prepared in Bengal to represent that divinity. The image 
u remarkably well executed. On the top of the door there is an inscrip- 
tion which gives the name of Harin4tha Ojhd and the Samvat date 1700* A 
second inscription on a side gives a different date. 

• I am indebted for this plan to B&bn R&shabeh&ri Butt, Eanango of Beoghar. 
He meatored the temples without taking any angler, and the location of the different 
temples is, therefore, not absolutely correct. For all practical purposeSf however, the 
plan it quite satiB&ctory. Since preparing it, I find Mr. Beglar has published one in 
the Archsological Survey Reports, Vol. YIIl. 
▲ A 

178 R&Jendral&la Mitra— On iJie Ihnpies ofDeogKar, [N^o. 2, 

No. 4 is dedicated to the goddess Annapiin^^, 'the great almoner.' It 
too has an inscription. 

No. 5 is the sacred well Okandrakupa/^ the repository of the holj 
waters of all the sacred pools on earth, which lUva^a is said to have exca- 
yated to relicTe himself of the necesrity of daily bringing water for worship 
from the Himilaya mountains. It is very awkwardly situated, right ia 
front of the main entrance to the courtyard. The parapet round the well 
is of an octagonal form, and is kept in such good repair, with the plaster 
often renewed, that it is impossible to judge of its age from its appearanos 
or make. The water is very good and clear, and that would suggest tbe 
inference that much sediment cannot have accumulated at the bottom. It 
is largely used both for the daily service of the temples and for drinking 
purposes by the people of the neighbourhood. 

No. 6 is an unfinished temple. Mr. Beglar describes it at some length. 
He says: 

** The finest of all the temples is the unfinished temple D ; this, from 
the plan, is seen to be a single cell, once surrounded on all sides, now on 
three sides only, by pillars, which supported the roof of a veranda sll 
round. From an examination of the pillars, however, it is clear that they 
formed no part of the original design, as they differ among each other in 
form, in size, in execution, and in position with reference to the ceninl 
building, the pillars being not at a uniform but at varying distanoes from 
the walls on the various sides ; these pillars further shew that the enclo- 
sure wall is a later addition even than themselves, as one of the pillars is 
imbedded in the eastern enclosure walL 

" Divested of its pillars, this temple is seen to be a single cell, sor* 
mounted by a tower roof ; it is ornamented externally by plain raised bands 
of mouldings ; these are neither elegant nor bold, and are situated so high 
up, leaving such a height of bare blankness below, as to look quite oat of 
place. Below, the corners are indented and sculptured into plain rectili- 
near mouldings by way of ornament ; this process has the effect of making 
the corners look particularly weak, and, but for the veranda, which now 
acts a friendly part, by breaking up the height, and shutting off as it were 
the main tower from the basement portion, the error of the proceeding 
would become painfully evident. * * • 

** The tower does not diminish with a graceful curve, but slopes ap* 
wards from above a certain point in almost a straight line. The knee or 

1S88.] RajendraUIa Miira— Oirt the Temple* of Deoghar. 179 

point of interaectton of the rertical lower portion and the inclined upper 
tower portion is 80 little rounded as to be painfully prominent^ and promi- 
nent too in snch a way, as to shew that the architects really did not know 
how to deal with it ; they had not the courage to leare the line sharp, and 
bring it out by a bold moulding, and they had not the taste to round it 

" The form appears to be a compromise between the Muhammadan 
dome of the early type, •'. 0,, without a bulge, and the Hindu spire ; if a 
semicircle be described on the top of the vertical portion of the tower, and 
if on the semicircle so described a triangle, whose base is less in width than 
the diameter of the semicircle, be slipped, till the lower extremities of its 
sides rest on the curve of the semicircle, we shall get a form that nearly 
approaches that of these towers."* 

Elsewhere he says, " I have described but one of the temples in the 
enclosure, that is, the best of the group, and may be regarded as the type 
of the others/'t 

These disquisitions about art and compromises and types are, however, 
thrown away. The temple is not a finished work of art ; as we now see it, 
it is the result of an accident, and no general deductions can be drawn 
from it. It is, moreover, mngular in appearance, and cannot have served 
u a type for any other. It is well known to the people that the temple 
was undertaken by Yamadeva Ojh^ an early ancestor of the present Head 
Priest, with the ambitious object of erecting a temple of larger and 
nobler proportions than the abode of Yaidyanatha, and to dedicate it to 
Labhmi-n&riyapa, thereby making the Yaish^ava divinity outshine the 
STivite lord, even in his own stronghold. The plans were settled with 
this object in view ; the plinth was to be 6 feet high, the fane of Yaidya* 
Bitba having no plinth at all ; the exterior dimensions were fixed at 37 
f6etby35feet,thoseofYaidyan&tha'8 temple being 22' x 2V\ the altitude 
was to have been 120 feet against Yaidyaniitha's 70 feet. The work was 
commenced accordingly ; the plinth was completed, and the main building 
carried to a height of 51 feet, when Yaidyan&t ha appeared to the preaump. 
taous priest in a dream, and threatened dire retribution iff the heterodox 
idea should be any further pushed on. None could disobey so dreadful a threat* 
The original idea was abandoned, and the works were stopped at once. 
To prevent, however, the unsightly walls remaining standing as- a monument 
of folly, a flat roof , 21 feet square, was put on, and tlie waUs sonnehow plastered. 
The verandas on the west aikl the south sides were at a later time eov&i*ed 
in, but not on the north and the east sides, though the plinths on those 

• Archseological Survey Reports, YIII, pp. 189-& 
t Ibid, p. 142. 

180 BAJendnAiitL 'Miiini-'Gn t%e TempUs of DeoffAar. [No. 2, 

sides had been built and the pillars set up. In the annexed plan, the roofed 
portions alone are shown.* The fact mentioned bj Mr. Beglar that one of 
the pillars juts into the surrounding wall should show that the wall dates 
from a later time ; but the unequal and irregular width of the verandas and 
their unfinished condition, supported by the belief that they were added 
subsequently, may well suggest the idea of the wall being of an earlier period. 
The base of the temple and the boundary wall existing, the width of tbe 
ferandas had to be regulated according to the space available. 

It would seem that no image bad been prepared when the temple was 
taken in hand, and, when the crisis arrived, it was out of the question to 
think of a new image. But the temple having been roofed in, somethisg 
had to be put in it, and we now find three images of Yish^u on the throne 
which had been designed for one image, that of Lakshmi-n&r&ya^a. The 
images are loosely propped against a wall behind the masonry platform, 
instead of being fixed by their bases. They are in alto-relievo, each reprs- 
senting a four-handed human figure standing on a lotus throne. They are 
of unequal size. The lai^est image is 2^-6" high, tbe next 2 feet, and 
the last l'*6" ; and they have apparently been brought away from some old 
temple, for they have been injured by the removal ; parts of the back-frame 
have been broken and other parts chipped off. 

No. 7 belongs to Ananda-bhairava, who is represented as a human 
being, lifesize, squatting on a lotus seat, and engaged in meditation. At 
first sight one is apt to take it for a Buddha in meditation. The temple 
was undertaken by Anandadatta Ojbd, but he did not live long enough to 
finish it. His son Paramananda did not care for it, but his grandson^ 
Sarvilnanda, completed it in A. D. 1823. 

No. 8 is a vat or well, situated right in front of the last. It is 
assumed to represent the two rivers Ganges and Yamun&, and named accord* 


No. 9 is situated to the south of No. 7, and is dedicated to the images 
of B4ma, Lakshma^a, and J&naki. The images are very modern, and call 
for no remark. The temple was built by B^adatta Ojha in the 9tb 
decade of the last century. 

No. 10 is the vat wherein flow the waste waters of the great temple^ 
and afEord the only sustenance which the pilgrims derive during their 
rigorous fasts. 

No. 11 is the great temple already described. 

No. 12 is a flat«roofed temple with a small porch. It contains a liil- 
gam which has the distinctive name of Nilakanfha or the ' Blue-throated.' 

* In the plan annexed to Hr. Beglar's note in the Archsdological Survey Beportii 
Yd. VIII, all the four Bides are shown. 

1883.] B^jendralala Miira— On the Templei ofDeoghar. 181 

The story is that, on the occasion of the churning of the ocean by the 
gods and the demons, a large quantity of poison was evolved which threaten- 
ed immediate destruction to the chumers, and to save them, S^iva quaffed 
off the lethal draught, which stuck in his throat, and caused a blue or 
black mark to be apparent on it. 

No. 13 is dedicated to Pilrvati, the consort of the presiding divinity 
in the g^at temple, and the eternal union of the two is indicated by a 
piece of cloth tied by the two ends to the pinnacles of the temples, stretch- 
ing from one to the other, a distance of about 70 feet. The temple is well 
built, and stands on a plinth about 8 feet high. On the centre of the cell 
there ia a masonry platform on which are placed two black stone images of 
tmequal sixe, one a four-handed standing female l'-6'' high, and named Gauri, 
Hhe fair one,' the other, eight -handed, standing behind a buffalo which she ia 
destroying; the latter ia 14 inches in height and named P&rvati, 'the 
mountain bom/ Both are slightly chipped in some places. They have 
apparently been brought from some old temple or other, and not made 
expresaly for the fane in which they are now placed. They are held in the 
highest veneration, and offerings of sweetmeats and other articles are made 
to them in large quantities. During the three days of the Durgd-ptija, 
in October, upwards of a thousand kids are sacrificed to their honour 
beadea several buffaloes. Yaidyan^tha dislikes these offerings, and ia 
averse even to look at them, and the door of his temple is therefore closely 
locked during the time the sacrifices are made. Thia temple waa built 
by Batnap^^i Ojh4 at the beginning of the last century. 

No. 14 belongs to YagaU Devi or YagaUmukhi. It was built by 
Btoadatta Ojha, between 1782 and 1793 A. D. The goddess is said to be 
one of the ten forms of Durg& known under the common appellation of 
Mah^vidyd. According to some Tantras ahe ia four-handed ; according to 
othera, two-handed. Her dhydna pictured her aa a female of grave appearance, 
excited with wine, bright aa gold, four-handed, three-eyed, amorously dia« 
posed, holding a short club and a lasso in her right hands, and a tongue and a 
thunderbolt in her lefb hands, arrayed in a yellow garb, and decorated with 
golden earrings, her breasts hard and close, and she is seated on a golden 
throne."* Her peculiar habit is to seize her enemy by the tongue and then 

• fipf ^f^ 'HIT ^T% ftnn^ ^^ij \ 

iUj& B&dh&k&nta's Supplement to his * Skbdakalpadroma,' p. 1258b 

1S2 R^jendraUla Mitra— On the Templet o/Deo^r. [No. 2, 

break his skull with her club. She is the presiding dlTinity of a great 
many malevolent incantations. 

No. 15 is a small temple, built bj B&madatta Ojhi, apparently from 
materials obtained from an old shrine, for, on the architrave of its porch, 
there is an inscription in the old IA\ character* The presiding divinity is 
named S4rya or the sun-god, but the figure, as I saw it, is that of the 
Buddhist Padmap^^i, 2 feet in height, and there is on the base of it an in- 
scription beginning with the words D^a dkarmoyam in the Kufila charac- 
ter, which leaves no doubt as to the personage the image was originally 
intended to represent. Nor is this a singular instance of the adoration of 
a Buddhist image under a Hindi name. Indian antiquarians have noticed 
instances of the kind in almost all parts of India. There is a Bengali in- 
scription on the porch of this temple. 

No. 16 holds an image of Sarasvatf, a daughter of Mah&deva, and 
patroness of knowledge. Both the temple and the image are insignifioanti 
and held in little respect. 

No. 17 is an open veranday originally intended for the shelter of 
pilgrims and hermits, but now used as the repository of several images of 
different kinds picked up from distant places. The largest image is that 
of the monkey-general of fiamai and the temple is named after him Hana- 

m4n Kabir. 

No. 18 is dedicated to E41a-bhairava, a form of Siva, but the image 
is of a very suspicious look. I should have taken it for a Dhy&ni Buddha 
had I seen it in a Buddhist temple, and putting it beside Sdrya aliae Padma- 
p&ni there need be no doubt about its character. It is 3'-6" in height. 

No. 19 is the sanctuary of Sandhyi Devi, the goddess of Vesper. 
She is also called Sdvitii Devi, the wife of the Sun. Her first name was 
T^r^ Devi, a name well known among Buddhists. Her image, as seen in 
the temple, is that of a fierce-looking female seated on a car drawn by horsas, 
but the car and horses are broken and smudgy. The temple was built by 
Kshemakarna Ojha in 1692 A. D. 

No. 20 has for its presiding divinity an image of the elephant -headed 
Ga^e^a. It is very little cared for. It was built by Ramadatta Ojhi 
(circa 1782-1793). 

No. 21 is a veranda with two ranges of pillara, and originally intend- 
ed like No. 17, for the use of pilgrims. It has now some images set up 
by hermits. The two principal images are ?y&ma, a form of Kfishiia, and 
K&rtikeya, son of S^iva. 

No. 22 is the enstern gate with a pavilion on top, and inteftded for 
musicians, but not in use now. 

No. 23 is the two-storeyed Nuhbat-khani or music-room noticed 
aboYOi. and now in use. 

1S83.] Rijendral&Ia Mifcra— 0«i ihs Temples of Deoghar. 183 

In Captain 8her?nll*s ' Survey Report on Birbhnm* it is stated that 
^ all the temples but three are dedicated to Mahadeo ; the remaining three 
are dedicated to Gauri Parvati> his wife," and this has been quoted in Dr. 
Hunter's ' Statistical Account of Bengal,' Vol. XIY, p. d24i. The details 
abore given will show that such is not the case. 

The road leading from the northern gate of the great temple passes 
along the western edge of a large lake, called SivagaHgd. The lake measures 
about 900 X 600 feet, having, in November, when 1 saw it, about 13 feet 
of water. The water is of a greenish colour, and held to be impure, 
though largely used for bathing purposes. The lakt» forms part of a large 
tract of low-land or ravine, the western portion of which has been cut off 
by a heavy embankment, on the top of which runs the road aforesaid. This 
embankment must have been put up by Mah&rdjd M^na Sinha, the great 
general of Akbar, who came to this place on his way to Orissa, as I find his 
name is associated with the western portion, which is called Mdnaearovara. 
This portion has silted up greatly, and, except during the rains, remains dry. 
It is connected in a roundabout way with the lake by a small rivulet 
named XarmandSd, which is described to be the spot where R&va^a eased 
himself, and its connection with the lake makes the water thereof impure. 
The drainage of this portion is discharged into the Yamun^jor which runs 
at Borne distance to the west. 

To the north of the hollow aforesaid there is a small spot of low land 
which forms the cremation ground of the town. And to the north of 
it and of the lake stands the forest' which forms the northern boundary of 
the town. 

To the south-west of the temple courtyard, on the south side of the 
main road, there are two small temples with a terrace in front, six feet 
high, and set off on the upper edge with a trefoiled moulding. On the top 
of this occurs a stone structure which has been thus described by Captain 
Sherwill, in his * Survey Report on Birbh6m' : *' At the western entrance to 
the town of Deoghar is a masonry platform about 6 feet in height, and 20 
feet square, supporting three huge monoliths of contorted gneiss rock of 
great beauty ; two are vertical, and the third is laid upon the heads of the 
two uprights as a horizontal beam. These massive stones are 12 feet in 
length, each weighing upwards of seven tons ; they are quadrilateral, each 
bee being 2 feet 6 inches, or 10 feet round each stone." (These measurements 
are wrong. The uprights are 12 feet high, having each face 1' 6'* 
broad, or 6 feet in the round. The cross piece is 1 8 feet long, and 1' 9'' inches 
broad on%ach side. Tlie weight must be propotionately reduced. ) " The hori* 
zontal beam is retained in its place by mortise and tenon. By whom, or when, 
these ponderous stones were erected, no one knows. There is a faint at- 
tempt at sculpture at each end of the vertical faces of the horizontal beami 

184 Bdjendndala Miira— On the Tsmplet ofBeogWar, [No. 2, 

representing either elephants^ or crocodiles* heads."* Dr. Hunter calls 
these " the three great stones which their (the Sant&ls*) fathers had wor- 
shipped, and which are to he seen at the western entrance of the holj 
city to this day.^f Bahu Bhol&ndth Ghunder dissents from this opinion 
He says : *' It is evident that Mr. Hunter has written from hearsay, and not 
from actual local observations. His ' beautiful highland lake beside which 
the holy city stands,' is no more than a large artificial tank like the Lil 
Dighi. The ' three great stones' — *• two vertical, and the third laid upon 
the heads of the two uprights as a horizontal beam' — supposed by him to be 
relics of aboriginal worship, — are at once made out by Hindu eyes to be 
no more than a Hindu Dolkdt-Jrame in itone, with makara faces at the ex- 
tremities of the horizontal beam, which is used for swinging Krishna in the 
Soli festival. The rude Santhals, who can yet build no more than a that- 
ched cabin, and who depend for all their iron-work and instruments upon 
the Hindu blacksmith, are not the people to have fashioned the stone into 
well-edged slender pillars, or cut the mortises and tenons in which is retain* 
ed the horizontal beam, or carved the elegant makara faces at its ex- 
tremities. ";( 

The argument about the primitive races not being able to canre largo 
stones is open to question. There are huge stones and carved colossal 
monoliths in different parts of the earth which are attributed to persons who 
certainly were not much more civilized than the Sant^ls of th'3 present day. 
It is, however, not necessary to enter into this question here. Certain it is, 
the gallows-like structure is not peculiar to this place, nor has it any con- 
nection with the Santals, who do not now worship it, nor is there any rea* 
son to suppose that they ever did so. There is nothing to show that 
the Santils were in the habit of worshipping a stone scaffold like the one 
under notice, and certain it is that in no part of Sant&lia, and indeed in no 
part of India inhabited by the black races, is there a stone gallows to be 
seen, which would justify the assumption that such a structure was ever an 
object of worship. Had any religious sanctity been attached to it, it would 
have been seen much more abundantly than what appears to be the case* 
The terrace in front of the temples, however, settles the question as to the 
use of the gallows. In every part of India where the Krishna cultos 
has found access, such gallowses are invariably seen in dose proxi* 
mity of ancient temples. Of course where stone is scarce, wood is 
generally used to make the scaffolding, but where stone is available it is 
always preferred. A remarkably handsome structure of this kind will be 
seen in plate XXX of my ' Antiquities of Orissa,' Vol. II. It is Regularly 

• A]n4d Hanter^B < Statifltical Accoont of Bengal, ' Vol. XIV, p. 825. 

t ' Annals of Rural Bengal/ p. 192. 

X Mookerjee'a Magazine, Vol. H, pp. 26/. 

1883.] Bijendralila Mitra— On the Ihmpiei ofDeoghar. 185 

vied at Bhnyane^?ara (or the purpose of Betting up a swing daring the 
swing festiTalfl. At Pari there is a similar stractare to the north of the 
great temploi and ased for the same parpose. Innumerable other instan- 
ces may be easily cited, but they are, I think, not wanted. In my own 
hoose there is a wooden strueture for hanging the swing for my family 
dirinity, and almost erery old family in Calcutta can produce samples of 

Mr. Beglar had not, eyidently, read Dr. Hunter's work when he wrote 
his report on Yaidyanitha, and his idea is that the gallows represents a 
gateway. He writes : " There is, however, one object that must be except- 
ed : this is a great gateway consisting of two pillars spanned by an archi- 
trave ; this is clearly the remains of some great ancient temple, which has 
entirely disappeared, leaving its outer gateway alone standing. I infer it 
to have been an outer gateway from its resemblance in all essentials to the 
great outer gateway of the temple at Path&ri in Central India ; like it, 
it Btands entirely isolated, and although the pillars are plain rectangular 
ones, and have not the elaborate sculpture and the grace Eul statues that 
adorn the example at Pathari, there is nevertheless about it an air of im- 
preasiveness that takes it out of the commonplace* I could not obtain 
access to it, but was obliged to content myself with a distant view ; it is 
situated on a small raised spot entirely surrounded by private huts ; at 
present it is known as the hindold^ or swing, and at a certain festival the 
statue of Kpsh^a is brought and made to swing beneath it."* The terrace, 
six feet high, on which the pillars are fixed, is sufficient to show that the gate 
theory is not at aU tenable. No one in his senses would have thought it pro- 
per or convenient to have a terrace six feet high to block his principal gateway. 
It might be said that the terraee is k subsequent addition, but to prove 
this, one must dig into the terrace, and show that the stones are buried 
bebw the level of the surrounding ground. Mr. Beglar had got the right 
information, but he failed to utiUse it. I cannot make out how he found 
any difficulty in coming near the pillars, for they stand right on the side 
of a public highway, aad are easily accessible to all comers. 

On the north side of the road, a little to the west of the pillars, there 
is a small square chamber with a pyramidal roof, which has a plain tomb 
io its middle, and this is said to contain the mortal remains of Yaiju. The 
building cannot be two hundred years old, and there is nothing in it to 
show that it is in any way connected with the alleged discoverer and 
breaker of the lingam which bears his nunc. In fact the name is an old 
one, and applied in the Pur&i^as to the lingam of S^iva in very distant parts 
of India. It is often applied to Dhanvantari, the oldest Hindti surgeon. 
It means the '' lord of medicine,'* andS^iva is the great lord of all herbs. The 

• AxduBological Survey of India, Reports, Vol. YIII, p. 128. 
B B 

186 £&jendraUlla Mitra— On the Temples ofDeoghar. [No. % 

S^iva Fur^a explains the name to mean ' he who bad been worsluppedbytwo 
physicians' (Vaidjas,* the two A^vins). It should be added, however, that 
the Padma Pura^a recites, in one place, that part of the Santal legend which 
accounts for the name of Yaidyandtha from that of Yaiju or yaidja,t and 
provides for the contradiction by saying that the Bhilla of the second age 
was born as Yaiju in the present or Kali age, and from that time the Dime 
got currency. The Vaidyandtha-mdhdimya of the Padma Purina, as I 
have it in print, is, however, of doubtful authority ; it names most of the 
temples, some of which are under 150 years of age, and, even if we rejected 
those parts as interprolations, the age of the work cannot be carried very 
far back, while the name of Yaidyan4tha is unquestionably old. 

To turn now to the inscriptions. ;( The most important record in cod- 
nezion with the history of the principal temple is the one which occors in 
the lobby of that temple, on the left hand side of the doorway. It 
is engraved in the N^ari character on a sandstone slab 2'3'' x I'd," and 
comprises five lines of matter. The letters measure each 2 inches in height. 
The language is Sanskrit, and the text runs thus : -^ 

No. 1. 

iroV mm ^M\M\M ^vrwT ifft^ifir n i« a 

si ^ 

hit: swiw ^rnr ^ ^ inrnrir ii i^ «. 

irfiPfffiii ^^[rirrt iror *i^ftr k^ ii < \ ii 
>• >• 

i ImpressionB from all the inficriptions noticed here are preserved in the Libmy 
of the Asiatic Society, They are not of sufficient importance to justify the publica- 
tion of their facsimiles. 

I8S3.] Bajendralala Mitra— Oft the Te'mplei ofDeoglar. 187 

Tramlation. " In the S^aka year of mountain [8], moon [1], arrows 
[5], and earth [1, or S^aka 1618 = A. D. 1596]^ at the request of Raghu- 
n£tha, through good- will towards numerous worshippers, this temple, 
designed for the destroyer of Tripura and (itself) the giver of all blessings, 
was quickly erected by king Pura^a of pure mind and untarnished qualities. 

This stanza is the composition of the king." 

As a piece of royal composition this poem is not fit subject for criti- 
cism ; but the word halati in the second line is not Sanskrit, in the sense 
in which it has been used here. There is an error of spelling too, but it 
is dae to the engraver. The name of the king in full is Parana Malla, a 
ebief of Gidhaur, said to be (but obviously incorrectly) the 9th in a direct line 
from Yira Vikrama Sinha, who founded the Gidbaur house in A. D. 1 167. The 
fifth from Pdrana obtained the title of Bd]& from the Emperor Shah Jahan in 
1651. Gopdla Sinha, the 19th Irom the founder, was the reigning chief when 
the English took Bih4r. Mr. Beglar has failed to read the name, and says, 
the record " mentions the name of some king with the title of Nripati. 
Bagbun£tha*8 name also occurs in the last line" (p. 140). The name of 
Bagbunatha occurs in the 2nd line, not in the last. 

No. 2. 

The story runs that the above inscription was forcibly put up by 
Pdra9a Malla after causing certain repairs to be done to the temple to 
mark his supremacy and ownership of the surrounding land, including 
the property called T&luk Deoghar, which he had taken from its former 
owners. It might be that the chief did more than mere repairs. The 
lobby is unquestionably of a later date than the temple itself ; and the 
chief probably caused it to be erecte^ to improve the temple. Anyhow, 
the priest Baghun4tha Ojh4, whose name Ptirana Malla recites, was not at 
all pleased with the inscription; but, unable to resist the chief, brded his 
time, and when the chief was gone, caused the porch to be erected and 
therein set up his own inscription. Tradition has it that the priest fasted 
for some days at the gate of Vaidyan^tha who in mercy revealed to him 
in a dream that he rfiould build a new porch, and set up an inscription ; but he 
elaims the credit of having erected the temple. The record is, like the 
last, in Sanskrit language, but inscribed in the Bengali character. It 
extends to 13 lines, each nearly 4 feet long. The letters are about an inch 
in height. The following is its transcript in the Deva Nagari character : — 

188 BijeainlOa, TAiin^— On tls Tuples of Deoghar. [No. 2> 

^ ^nrr ^in^oir ^t1||^ iWfT^ I 

wvwT Miimi)^ ^f%ira ^;i(nnr: i 
Kw^nr ^ t^fint ^nrt ^ w^rm ^ ii « n 

'tftnrwrt ^ir9t# tK#t^^4K4^ Hen 

'Jt u^iOkii ^^ irw ifi^nw mPrft ii \» • 

vtfti t*f ^^^ «iniMOn!i%rHiff li u n 



1888.] R&jendnUk Mitra*- On the TempUi of Deoghir. 189 

fiffim Mum^i^ "mx^ ¥x^^ nun 

V* ^ %« ^t 

w^ wv ^rw^wnn wiw^r^w? ii ^\ h 
^ ^ Mi)ifi y 3i iRT wrcfiim ^ w n ^^ % 

WJ| 3WI^+ + H-ftT^f ^^rt^+i|I^Hl5(|^«l^ll\H«lf^ ^if* ^\\t 

Trantlaiion. " The lage desired to erect on the Haridra-pitha (an old 
aame of Deoghar) a magnificent edifice, resplendent as moonlight. O 
wise king of Cholas, such an edifice could not be the work of man, but 
doubtless it will be accomplished some time in the Kali age. Listen, O king, 
to the ancient history of the noble-minded sage Ealyina-mitra P&rtha, who, 
bem as a Br&hma^a and pertaining a portion of B&ma, will some day in the 
Esli age, build an excellent Mafha in the forest of lUvaioie^vara. Himself 
tiie donor, he will diligently cause the foundation to rise forth — he a godly 
being in the gpiise of a man. There he will establish the lifigam measuring 
a hundred thousand (yo/afios), but rising only eight fingers on the altar. 
Its top is like the crest of a mountain spreading over half a yojana. By 
worshipping it one obtains the merit of worshipping a hundred thousand 
litgams. (It had been obtained) by Padman&bha (Vishnu) craftily from the 
tenheaded (Rdva^a) for the preservation of the gods and the overthrow of 

^ At a time when the chaste goddess was in a sulky mood on the 
KaiUsa mountain, there came to the gate the ten-necked (lUva^a) who, on 
being prevented by Nandi (from entering the palace), seized with his hands 
the noble mountain, and burst forth in a lion's roar. Frightened by the 
n<nae, the wanton Devi at once gave up her sulks. The great lord 
laughed on hearing the noise. The lady was abashed gpreatly at this, and 
felt annoyed with the ten-necked. S^ambhu, graciously disposed, blessed 
the king of Daityas with the promise for removal to Lankil. Three and a 
half kofb of Devas were seized with fear, and in a body sought with prayer 
the shelter of the Devi of the form of E&laritri. Forsaking her bewitching 

190 Edjendralala Miira — On the Templei o/Deo^har. pfo. 2, 

form, sbe manifested herself as Vesper (Sandhjd) and, taking her seat at 
Haridri-pi^ha, subjugated the ten-headed. At this time Hari, assuming the 
form of a Brahman, took the lingam in bis hands (from those of Rdvana), 
and waited for a moment. The ten*headed was engaged in relieving him- 
self for a da^^A (^^ minutes), and in the meantime the Brahmana 4i'opped 
the liiigam on the earth (and disappeared). He (R&va^a) tried once, twice, 
and thrice to take it with his hands, but his strength failed him. Failing 
for the fourth time after a final effort, the ten-headed lifted his hands to 
bis bead, and felt disgusted with bis arms. Desisting from exerting for 
bis object, he stood aside like a mouse, and the overpowerer of Capid sat 
firm, penetrating down to the seventh infernal region. 

" After a time, O king, be who overcame the ten-beaded, who conferred 
chaplets of Mandara flowers on the heads of celestial damsels, was bom in 
Ajodhyd, and the supreme goddess smiled at seeing in him her tool for the 
overthrow of Havana. 

'* There is no place greater or more secret than this, said S'ambbn ; it is 
two miles square and four cubits high. As often as, lord of mor- 
tals, distress obtains in this place (region), so often does Bama, the 
lotus-eyed, descend in incarnation. Yerilj is this haughty goddess 
beneficent to him like a mother. He verily should be known to be Bama 
who will cause this temple to be made. 

** By the noblest Brilhmana Eaghun4tha, the ocean of merit, the bee oa 

the lotus feet of the auspicious Yaidyan&tba, with the grace of . 

has this been erected, ^the palace, the bridger, the grovOi the 

waters, the mafha and all." 

The shrewd priest, it will be noticed, has taken shelter of distorted 
Purilnic legends and ambiguous references to palaces, gardens, bridges, &c,, 
to avoid directly contradicting the powerful chief -of the land, and, by a 
play upon the meaning of his name, has allied himself with Rama, of whom 
be claims to be an incarnation. He had acknowledged the aid of the con- 
queror at the close of the record, but the name o£ the conqueror has since 
been obliterated after the word pragdda ' grace.' This has obviously been 
deliberately done. I cannot make out to whom reference is made as the 
'* wise king of Cbolas.'* Mr. Beglar says, the inscription ^* records the erection, 
or rather I consider the repairs, of a temple by one Sri Yaidyanatha 
Mahamy^ma. This name and also the name of one Baghun&tha occurs 
in the last line,"* 

No. 3. 

The inscription, on the right hand side pier m.easures 18 x 7 inches^ 
and comprises 7 lines in the Maithila character. It run thus :^ 

* Aroheeological Survey Reports, YIIIi p. 140* 

1883.] Rijendralala Mifcra— On the Temples ofBeoghar, 191 

Trandation, Adityasena of great reDOwn, the i*uler of the earth to 
tbe lerg'^ of the ocean, the performer of the horse and other great sacri- 
fices, became king. His vigour was as great as that of the immortals. In the 
Kfita age, issuing forth from the Ohola metropolis, after performing the 
horse-sacrifice three times, giving three lakhs and thirty thousand golden 
coins to great sages, performing the Tdla ceremony a thousand times over, 
during which he gave away a krore of horses, he, jointly with his queen 
Koshadevi, performed this noble deed. Having consecrated it through 
noble Brdhma^as, the king himself laid down the divine road for the good 
of the three worlds by establishing this abode of Nrihari. This Yardha, the 
giver of enjoyment and salvation, was established by fialabhadra, for the 
translation of Lis parents to heaven, and for their welfare on the earth. 
This is the chapter on Manddragiri." 

The pui-port of this Yaishi^avite inscription shows that it has been 
brought away from the Manddr hill, where Balabhadra, a Ohola king, had 
dedicated images of the boar and the man-lion incarnations, and stuck up 
here as a curiosity. It has no connection with the temple of Vaidyandtha. 

No. 4. 

The temple of Kali has two inscriptions, one over the doorway, and the 
other on the left hand pier. The former comprises five lines in relief 
Ndgari letters, each over two inches in height, and divided into two por- 
tions by a perpendicular line in the middle. The left hand portion gives 
some dates, and the right hand portion the name of Harin^tha. The 
purport of the record is not very clear. It appears in the form of a 
prophecy. Beading the record along with No. 5, I am disposed to think 
that the temple . was undertaken by Harin&tha in 1643, and completed by 
Jayaa^&yai^a in 1712 A* !>• 

102 lUjendrdfia Mitra— 0« the Temples qf Deogkar. [No. S, 

Traiulation. In the year of dot (0), the sky (0), the nahu (7)» indthe 
moon (1 <=» 1700 and corresponding to the Christian year 16^), in the 
month of M^hai on the 14th of the waxing moon, made 81 mathas ... Faih- 
kara. On hundred ••* 100 ... Samvat 1700, M^ha, waxing moon.. . . • 

The first date is ohviously the Samvat year which is next repeated in 
figures. The date corresponds to A. D. 1643. 

The right hand portion. 

Tranelation. By order of Yaidyanitha, in this mafha of E&likA, 
thou, O Brahmaehdri, shalt hecome, under the name of Harindtha Brdhma^a, 
a royal priest and nohle king {Bdjendra).^* Mr. Beglar says the date is 
scratched out after the word Samvat. It is not so. 

No. 6. 

This is the second inscription in the temple of Kdli. It comprises 
nine Unes in Ndgari letters, and runs thus : — 

\ I ^ift l M^nr9t ^ 

i. I iu^ ini I «i*iiiM«it>i*fii ^T'wf^ TiftRi* 'Wif n iron iroi^- 
i I irmrtir Mi^i< ^t: inf i ^TTwrrtnafRnit ^nwt ^fhc^rret n 

^ I ^iW ^•^KwP^ ij^i^f^ sfTSWTTWrf^j 

1883.] Bajendralila Mitra— Oa t]^e Temple9 ofDeogkar. 193 

* I fit ^^nl I + + + f^ wnTWw^^iR^ vfi9ii)^*' ^f%nnf%- 

2V*aff#20/K>fi. [The first two lines are illegible ; they apparently contain 
a praise of K&li.] '^ For her the Br&hmai^a of the name of N£rdya];ia preceded 
by Jaya, the servant of S^ambhu, erected this beautiful edifice, the resplen- 
dent giver of all blessings. In the month of Migha of the year numbering the 
Srviu (4), the fire, Bihki (3), the flavours, rata (6), and the moon (1 = 1634, 
and corresponding to the Christian year 1712) Jayan^r&ya^a 9arm^ built 
this joyous bouse. Having attained her blessings, he completed this 
delightful and agreeable house, on Sunday, the 10th of the waxing moon, 
in the month of M^ha. As long as this beautiful temple shall flourish on 
the earth so long will the moon, condemning her own qualities, feel 
degraded, the Meru mountain remain stationary, and S^esha remain sunk 
in the region below." [The last two lines are full of lacunae, and only their 
purport is here given.} 

No. 6. 

This is from the temple of Annapdn^. It is inscribed on a slab mea« 
snring 13^ x 8'^, and fixed over the doorway. It comprises 11 lines of 
writing in the Bengali character. The following is a transcript of it in 
Devanigari letters : 

^c^nct WT^ ^flr mrJiTCTW^ i ^m^^ ^^^yrrn^ inprt t^^ict it^ h \ ir 
w^rfvwfT'r w^ ^' Tft^r^ i ^tjtt ftranf ^^r^ #r^ tt^ (ml) i[iw 9«^ii 

WihM^*!^ ^pi%w ff^wii I THi^iNr ftyrr ^rrwi^* fN^8 'np nil 

TraiMlation. ^O goddess, giver of blessings- to immortals, thou art 
the delighter of the heart of S'ankara. . O AnnapurQ^, be thou the giver of 
blessings to those who are thy deserving votaries ! Thy complexion is re* 
splendent as the rising sun of the colour of the hibiscus flower. Deign, O 
S^a&kari, to grant me salvation which I pray of thee,, after having built 
this noble matha, this pure place, bright as clear crystal through the grace 
of Sfambhu himself. In the ?aka year of the Yedas (4), the sky (0), tho 

191 R&jendral&la Mitra— 0» the Temples ofDeoghar, [No. % 

oceans (7), and the moon (1, = 1704, and corresponding to the Christian 
year 1782), in the beneficent year Pramdiht (of the eyele of Jupiter)) in 
the month of M^ha, this place was built by the learned Bimadatta, 
the firm in knowledge, the worshipper, the Br&hma^a. He had heard all 
the Pura9&8, he had given alms to Br&hmapas, he had offered oblations 
to the fire, he had performed Tajnas according to the rules of the Yedas, 
he was bom in a pure family, the pure, the doer of noble deeds, the son 
of Derakinandana, he was known as the auspicious Bimadatta. A part 
of bis name was associated with B&ma, and hence he was a worshipper 
of S^ai^kara. He was attached to his friends. He was the doer of good 
deeds like Baghun&tha.*' 

B&madatta was kept out of the F&i^dl^ip of Yaidyanfttha by a rival 
claimant for a long time, but was appointed to the post in 1782, by order 
of the Provincial Coimcil of Bordwan* The temple marks the year of his 

No. 7. 

There are two inscriptions in the temple of Xnandabhairava, one on 
the doorway, and the other on the pedestal of the image. These have been 
numbered 7 and 8 by me. No. 7 measures 9'' x 6," and eomprises 9 lines 
of Sanskrit in the N^igari character. The following is a transcript : 

n I ^nw^nnftsflm^ ^(*)^fir ^rv^ira^r ^j^ 
tt J *5iTO if^^ n ^ n ^(nr)% \^«i n 

TranBlaHon, ^'He, of the name of B^ma, whose glory was bepraised 
by all the wise men on earth, who was like a god on earth, whose mind 
was drunk like a bee at the resplendent lotus-feet of Vaidyan&tha, was 
born. His name was Ananda; he was well experienced. The noblest 
among his sons, — of contented mind, — made this for the gratification 
(of the lord). Faram^nanda was bom; his grandson renowned in tbe 

1888.] Bajendral&la Mitra^Oit the Temples ofDeoghaiF. 195 

worid, the moon of good qnalitiea, the delighter of men like Sarv&nanda 
(the son). In the 9aka year reckoning five (5), four (4), the sages 
(7), and the moon (1 = 1745, and corresponding to the Christian year 
1803), in the wane of the month of PbdlguQa, having established an 
image of Bhairava in tfiii abode, ha dedicated it to him. In the ^aka 
year 1745." 

No. 8. 

No. 8 is in three lines of Sanskrit. It is so filled up with sandal-paste 
that I have not been able to get a legible facsimile of it. It seems to be in 
the Kntila character. 

No. 9. 

The temple of Silirya contains two inscriptions, and I have numbered 
thtm 9 and 10« No. 9 occurs on the pedestal of the image, and it com- 
prises two lines of engraving in the Kufila character ; but the letters have 
ioieied from decay, and have been otherwise so filled up with sandal-paste 
that I cannot read the whole of it. The legible letters are : 

^iqii«ti4 wn tftwnc ^m + wwwir + + + jit^vct + + + 

The fiiat five letters are perfectly clear, and they comprise the 
anal Buddhist formula of dedication — Deya dharmoyam. The name of 
the dedicator cannot satisfactorily be made out. It seems like Gfiddhaka 
Denk4ra-d4ja, unquestionably a Buddhist monk, who had consecrated an 
image of Padmapi^iii, which now does service for Sdrya. 

No. 10. 

A record in five lines of Bengali character, not legible. The marked 
difference in the nature and character of the two inscriptions (Nos. 9 and 
10) affords very strong presumptive proof of the image having been brought 
bom another place, and not made for the temple. 

No. 11. 

A record in eleven lines of Bengali oharaoter placed on the doorway 
of the temple of S&vitri Devi The following is its transcript in Deva* 
i letters : 

• I %C%) 'wi irit: ^rTWi< ^iT^W^ ^ftrvw 4hr- 

196 Bajeodhdala Mitra— Oi the Templet af Deogkar. [No. 2, 

Tran»laliim. ** Finn, udormble, a sea of merit, saint-like, an ocean of 
good behaYionr, honoured bj the good, having fame as untarnished as the 
moonlight in antumn, a Brahma^a, the chief among Tatis, the pure one — 
such was the wise Elshemakarpa, the bee on the lotus-feet of S^ri QoYioda. 
He erected this large edifice^ the approTcd of the daughter of the moun- 
tain, (Santri is said to have been born of a mountain). In the STaka jesr 
numbering the Yedas (4), the soothing-rayed one cs moon (1), six (6) and 
i^e moon (1, -» S'aka 1614 and corresponding to the Christian year 1692) 
on the 10th of the waxing moon in the month of Miigha^ the Bdthma^a 
£[shemakarQa, the doer of good deeds^ completed this edifice, where dwells 
the goddess who obviates all misfortunes and fulfils aU desires, forgetting 
her beloved abode on the blue hilL Having given a profusion of wealth 
at sacrifices, having given alms — KshemakarQa knowing" — (concluding part 

Mr. Beglar takes this inscription to mean ^^ the construction of the 
temple by several people."* 

No. 12. 

From over the doorway in the temple of Gane^ An inscription of 
eight lines in the Bengali character. The following is its transcript in 
Kdgari letters : 

\ I fW^(ftp) I ^ftjrt^ (1^) ^ inp ■ 

% I 1X9 ^fii«T^«T )^inv («n) w%rt TCW* 

Trantlaiion. ^* May it be auspicious ! Salutation to Ga^e^ In the 
pure year of S'aka, numbering the Yedas (4), the Yasus (8), the flavours (6), 

• Aidueologioal Survey ReportB^ Yin, p. 141. 

1883.] iUlj^i^^^^^ Miira— On the Temples ofDeo^har. 197 

and the moon (1, making together 1684, and corresponding to the Chris- 
tian year 1762) the chief of Brithma^as, Tik£r4ma, erected this beautiful 
temple (matha). In the pure year, numbering the Srutis (4), the Vasus (S), 
the Emu (6), and the moon (1, corresponding as above) the noble Brdhmana 
and Bftgei named Tikar&ma, whose abode is pure, and who is always engaged 
in good works, erected this lofty ma^ha, beautiful as the moon and re- 
splendent as the lightning, for the abode of the son of Hara.*' 

For a proper understanding of the dates of the different temples above 
described, it is necessary here to notice the history of the several 
persons who have been named as their dedicators. They all belong 
k) one family — ^that of the present High Priest or Sarddr Fdndd, as he is 
generally called. He says he has a kitrsindmah or genealogical table pre- 
ferred in the archives of the temple, and has furnished me with extracts 
from it, from which I work out the following notes. I must add, however, 
that I have not seen the table in question, and can say nothing about its 

The tradition is that the lingam of Yaidyanitha was in charge of her- 
mits who had worshipped it for ages, but that in the 16th century, twelve 
BrihmanaSy all householders, came from MithiliL and took part in the wor- 
ship, and officiated as priests for pilgrims who could not themselves conse- 
emte their offerings. This was but natural. Indian hermits are mostly 
illiterate men, and in a contest for supremacy in religious ministrations it 
is hopeless for them to get the better of clever BriLhman householders and 
men of the world. In time one of the twelve was so far successful as to 
become the leader of the band, and to wheedle Mukunda, the Sanny&si 
who had then charge of the liAgam, out of that charge, and make himself 
the owner and master of the sacred shrine. His name as given me by the 
Head Priest, was Ju^an Ojh4 ; but Bdbu BhoUndth Chunder, in his article 
b the Mooherjee Magazine calls him Chandra Muni, and the party from 
whom he got the lingam, Ohiku, a disciple of Mukunda; but according to 
my information Chiku was the grandson of Juijia^ Ojhit, unless we assume 
two Chikus. The surname Ojhd, is a corruption of Upddhy^ya, and that 
would suggest the idea that the Brihman was a professor of Sanskrit learning. 
When he came to Deoghar is not known, but from what follows it will be 
seen that he must have come in the second half of the sixteenth century. 

(n). His son Raghundtha succeeded him, and, according to the inscrip- 
tion No. 1, requested Ptirana Malla to erect the great temple in 1596 A. D.y 
or, as the second inscription would have it, himself erected the shrine. In 
either case he must have become the Chief Priest a few years before 1596 
A.. D., and his father may be fairly presumed to have had a ministry of 20 
to 25 years. 

(ui). Baghundtha was followed by his son Chiku Ojh&, who seems to 
have done nothing to commemorate his name. His scm was 

198 R&jendraUla Mitra— On the Humpies (f Deoghar. [No. % 

(iy). MaDU Ojb^ who, like bb father, did nothing to associate Us nams 
with the sanctnarj o£ VaidyaniLtha. His sucoessor 

(t). Vdmadeva eommenoed the bailding of the temple qI Lakshminiri* 
ja^a. Allowing 10 years for the remainder of the ministry of Baghonith^ 
from 1596 and 20 for the duration of the ministry of Chika and Hanoi 
Vamadeva would come after 1626 A. D. His son 

(vi). Eshemakar^a is credited with the erection of the t^nple of S&vi* 
tri, and its date is given in inscription No. 11 at 1614 ?aka. = A. D. 1692. 

(ni). Sad^koanda was the son and successor of Kshemakar^a. He was 
followed by his son 

(Tin). Chandramohana Ojhi. His successor 

(ix). Batnapi^i Ojhi built the temple of PirratL As Eshemakan^ 
dated his temple of Sivitri in the S^aka year 1614 = A. D. 1692, and Jaya. 
niu'dya^a's temple of Ktii was completed in the S^aka year 1734 = A* D. 
1612, Batni^p^i, the great-grandson of the former and fiither o£ the iattarp 
may be furly presumed to have lived at the beginning of the 18th century, 
and ihe date of the temple of Pirvati must be some time in the first decade 
of that century. 

(x). Jayan&riya^a was the son and sucoessor of Batnapi^i, and ht 
completed the temple of Kali. The date of this shrine in inscription No. 6 
is 163i <^ the S'aka era. His son was 

(zi). Tadunandana. He contributed greatly to raise the resonrees 
of the temple by obtaining from the Gidhaur Bijas Mardiln Sifih and 
Sy4ma Sifih 41 permanent grant of the taluk of Deoghar and of the village 
of Kute4 in the Qidhaur Bij, the net income of wliich now amounts to a 
considerable sum. The grant is dated 30th of Philgu^a in the Bengali 
year 1130 = A. D. 1737. I have seen the deed, and have no reason to 
doubt its authenticity. It aflfords a fixed point in the calculation of the 
dates of the Ojhas* It is not known how long Tadunandana lived after 
obtaining the grant, but at his death his son appears to have been an 
inf ant» who was set aside by one 

(xu). Tik4r&ma, a distant relative, who officiated as head priest for 
some time. To him is attributed the temple of Ga^e^a in 1762. He was 
ultimately deposed from his post by the rightful owner, 

(xia). Devakinandana. Devaki had studied Sanskrit for a long 
time at Viranagar, and was reputed to be a great scholar. Durii^ his 
ministry Deoghar and the surrounding country were taken from the chief 
of Gidhaur by the then Bija of Birbhdm, Ali Naki Khin, who defeated him 
in battle,* and, on his death, his son B&madatta was, through Court influence 
set aside, and the chief P49<i4ship was obtained by one 

(xrv). N&rdysQadatta, said to have been a porter in his service* 
N&riya^adatta obtained a sanad from the Bi^i of Birbhiim, and officiated 

• Hunter's Boial Bengal, p. 436* 

1888.] B&jendraUIa Mitra— On i%e TempUs of Deoglar. 


» priest for some time. Baring the 6th decade of the last century, British 
power was folly established in Birbhtim by the defeat of ^s&d J&m Kh^n^ 
and RiLmadatta sued the usurper before the Provincial Council of Bardwan^ 
and obtained a perwana, dated January 81, 1782 \ but his rights were not 
folly restored to him until October 28, 1788. 

(xt). B&madatta signalised his ministry by the erection of the tern* 
pies of Rilmachandra, of Sdrya, of Sarasvati, and of Annapiurvi. On his 
death in 1798 k. D. his son 

(xTi). A'nandadatta succeeded him in the ministry. He commenced 
the building of the temple of ^nandabhairava^ but did not live long enough 
to finish it. His third son 

(xm). Param&nanda set aside the claims of Saryinanda, a grandson of 
Ananda by his eldest son, and himself became the chief priest* He caused 
a large tank to be excavated in mauzi Kurmidehi, and named it Ananda- 
s^gara. He died in 1820 and a dispute arose about the succession, and this 
lasted for a long time, but the ministry of the temple was conducted by 

(xvni) . Sarvinanda, who in 1828 completed the temple commenced by 
his grandfather, and consecrated the image of Anandabhairava* The date 
in the inscription on the temple is 8'aka 1745 = A. D« 1828% Sarvinanda 
served as high priest for 14 years. 

(xix). r^varinandana was the son of the last ; he held a long minis-^ 
try of 40 years. His son Ftir^inanda died in the lifetime of his father, 
and the succession, after some dispute, devolved in 1876, on the grandson 

(xx). S'ulaj&nandana Ojh&, who is the present Sarddr Pi^^i. He is 
well versed in the ST&stras, and is generally respected for his learning, piety 
and public spirit. 

According to the details above given the temples may be arranged chio« 
nologically thus:— - 


1. Vaidyaniktha^ 

2. Lakshmi-n&r^ya^a, 
8. S4vitri, 

4. P4rvatl, 

5. K^i, 

6. Ga^eda^ 

7. Siirya, 

8. Sarasvati, 

9. Rdmachandra, 

10. Yagali Devi, 

11. Annap^n^i, 

Tikdriuna, ' 





Anandabbairava, commenced by Anandadatta, 
completed by Sarvinanda, 


cirea 1680^40. 

eirca 1701-10. 


eirca 1782-98. 





eitea 1810-28. 

200 R^jendralala Mifcrm— 0» the Templet of Deogkar. [No. % 

These dates show very clearly that the temples of Deoghar are all very 
modem. But from what has been stated above vnth reference to inacrip- 
tion No. 2, it will be seen that I make an exception in favour of the principal 
temple. According to the inscription No. 1, it should date from 1596 A. D. \ 
but I do not wish to submit to its authority* If we are to believe that there 
was no temple before the dace of Pdra^a Malla, why should Kaghunatha 
request him to build the temple ? and what did Ju^a^, the father of 
Baghunittha, obtain and worship ? There must have been something which 
Mukunda and his ancestors had worshipped, and which was made over 
to Ju4a9 aliae Chandra Muni, long before the advent of Ptirana Malla in 
Deoghar. Tiie testimony of the Yaidyandtha Mahatmyas, both of the 
Padma Pdr^a and of the S>iva Pur^a^ is worthless. The Mihatmyas did 
not originally form a part of the PuriLqAS to which they are affiliated, and 
are obviously of a recent date. I have seen no old MS. of those works, and 
the quotations above given have been taken from a Benares lithograph of the 
first, dated Samvat 1931, and from a print of the second, dated Sam vat 1938, 
and both have obviously been tampered with. The M4h&tmya affiliated to the 
Padma Pur^ma refers to the temples of SiLvitrl, Ganeia, and KiUi, and they 
were, as shown above, built in 1692, 1762 and 1712 respectively, and it must 
therefore either be more recent, or quite corrupt. There are, however, several 
authentic works on pilgrimages dating from the 12th to the 14th centuries, 
and they refer to the sanctity of Yaidyanittha. Authentic portions of the 
Pur&9as also refer to it, and they are unquestionably anterior to the 10th 
century, and in their time Yaidyanatha must have attained considerable 
celebrity to be fit for record. And the questions, therefore, arise, did 
Yaidyandtha then and up to the time of Pfirana Malla remain only as a 
stump of stone projecting four inches above the level of the ground, in 
an open field, and unprovided with any shelter ? or, was there a temple over 
it, which was replaced by a larger one by Purana Malla; or does the record refer 
to something connected with the temple, and not to the temple itself P The 
first question is so futile that it must be at once rejected. A place of great 
sanctity, highly eulogised in the Purd^as, and strongly recommended as a 
place of pilgrimage, could not have remained in the form of a stump of four 
inches on the bare earth in on open field for centuries without a covering, da- 
ring the Hindd period, after the downfall of Buddhism: some pilgrim or other 
would have soon provided it with a temple. There aie tens of thousands 
of lingams in all parts of India, but out of them only twelve have been 
selected to be specially sacred and by far the most ancient. As shown 
above, the Hindis and their S^astras are unanimously of opinion that Yaidya- 
n4tha is one of these twelve, and contemporaneous with the MahakiUa of 
Oujein, dating over 2000 years, of Soman&tha of Saur^h^ra, of Bame^ 
near Cape Comorin noticed in the B&may&^a, of Bhuvane^vara in Orifisa, 

1883.] B&jendraliUa Mitra— On the Temples ofDeoghar. 201 

dating from the 7th century, and seven other equally old and renowned 
lifigamsy and it could not have all along remained neglected and with- 
oat a temple. The inference, therefore, is inevitahle that there must 
have been a temple of some kind or other. This leads to the second 
qoestion as to the present temple having replaced an old one. That 
might at first sight appear probable ; but the belief of the Hindds is that 
it IB a sacrilege to pull down a S^iva temple and rebuild it, and the denuncia- 
tions in the Smptis are dire against such sacrilege. Rebuilding of temples is 
permitted in all cases where movable images are concerned ; but in the 
cue of li^gams which are fixed to the earth, the pulling down of the temple is 
equal to the desecration of the lingam itself, which from that moment ceases 
to be adorable, and must at once be cast into a river. I cannot, therefore, 
believe that Pdra^a Malla knocked down ah old temple, and erected a new 
one in its place. No Hindd remaining a Hindd and claiming religious 
merit by the act could have done such a thing. Eepairs, additions and 
extensions are allowed — nay commended ; but a marked distinction is made 
between them and pulling down. The latter is not permissable under any 
eircumstance, not even for the purpose of rebuilding. It is true that 
when Aurangzebe desecrated the temple of Vi^ve^vara at Benares, the 
liAgam there was removed, and subsequently provided with a new temple 
in its neighbourhood, but the act was not in accord with the canons 
of the Smfitis which prohibit the removal of lingams, and only tolerated 
in the case of a very renowned lingam, as in the case of Soman&tha at 
Gnjarit, but it would be no precedent for a Hindd to follow as a voluntary 
act of piety. It is obvious to me, therefore, that the tradition which holds 
the temple to be old, and ascribes to Pdra^a Malla only the lobby is correct, 
and that having defrayed the cost of the lobby which became a part, 
and an integral part, of the temple, he, by a figure of synecdoche, 
claimed credit for the whole. .In fact he does not use any equivalent 
for the word " whole," but only by implication suggests the idea. The 
inscription, moreover, is placed within the lobby, and its purview need 
not extend beyond the boundary of that apartment. The same may be 
said of the inscription of Baghun&tha. That worthy defrayed the cost 
of the porch which put to shade the work of an oppressive superior 
and conqueror, and by a figure of speech took to himself the credit 
of building the whole of the temple and a great many other things which 
probably never existed. The rivalry of the priest and the potentate can be 
best explained by accepting the truth of this tradition. 

Mr. Beglar is of opinion that Deoghar was formerly the seat of a large 
Buddhist establishment ; but the arguments on which he has come to it, 
do not appear to me by any means satisfactory. He says, ''It now 
remains to ascertain, if possible, why these temples were built here, and 

202 HitjendraliU Mitra— 0» the Temples qfDeo^har. [No. 2, 

not rather at anj other place ; this is accounted for hj the exigtenoe of the 
two ancient inscribed statues, one of which is clearlj fiuddhist ; and of a 
third figoroi not inscribed, but clearly Buddhist, being a fine^seated statue 
of Buddha himself, beautifully polished, and equal in execution to the 
finest statues to be met with in Bihar. These statues prove beyond a 
doubt that here was at one time a large Buddhist establishment. 

'' What this establishment was named, it is, perhaps, impossible now 
to determine with certainty ; but if I may be permitted to speculate, I 
should think it to have been the site of the famous Uttdniya monastery of 
Winjjha. Winj jha is the F&li equivalent of Yindhya ; the passages in 
Tumour referring to it are — p. 115 — ' the monarch, departing out of his 
capital and preceding the river procession with his army through the wil* 
demess of Winjjha, reached Tamalitta on the 7th day,' and in p. 171, 
' From various foreign countries many priests repaired hither' • • • • 
' There Uttaro attended, accompanied by sixty thousand priests from the 
Utt&niya temple in the wilderness of Winjjha.' 

*^ It is evident that the wilderness of Winjjha lay on the route from 
P^taliputra to Tamluk. I have indicated some of the routes from Tamlok 
to various places. The principal route would, it appears to me, have to 
pass through, or close to, modern Bankurah ; from here there was a choice 
of several routes. Clearly the route to Bhagalpur would branch off north- 
wards from there, passing through Seuri, under Mandar, close past Bhaski- 
n&th ; it is remarkable that an old track yet exists from BhaskiniLth to 
Deoghar Byjn&th, whence it goes on skirting the eastern spurs of the 
Kawalkol range, past Afsand, Parvati, Bihar to Patna. I should consider 
that this was the route taken by the king when he passed through the 
wilderness of Winjjha, for it appears to me pretty certain that the wilder- 
ness of Winjjha can only refer to the wild country now known in part as 
the SantiLl Parganas. 

'' If this be admitted, we have but one place in the Winjjha forests 
where Buddhist temples existed, as testified by existing Buddhist relics, 
and this place is Peoghar Baijnith. 

** It is remarkable that close to the city of Deoghar and still closer to 
the temples is a small village named Utmuria ; this may be a corruptioa 
of the original of the P&li Uttama. I put forward this suggestion merely 
in the absence of any more positive ; it is possible that an examination of 
the Mine inscription from the Buddhist statue noticed before may throw 
new light on the subject."* 

The starting question ^ why the temples were built here (at Deoghar) 
and not rather at any other place*' is simply gratuitous. One may as well 
ask why was London built on the bank of the Thames, and not on that of the 
• Arch«M>logical Surrey Bepoitib Vol YIU, pp. Hi/, 

188a] Bajendralala Mitra— On the Xmples ofBeoghar. 203 

Dee or of the Liffey P Tber6 is no reason why it should be elsewhere and not 
here. A pious man builds a temple and endows it richly, and its grandeur 
icon secures it notoriety ; or a hermit sets up an image and effects miracu* 
loos cures, and they suffice to make the place famous, to attract pilgrims, and 
to promote the construction of costly buildings. When I was at school, I learnt 
Lourdes to be a very small town, or rather a large village, of no importance 
whatever, and not worth knowing, though ancient ; but the cures lately effec« 
ted there have made it so famous that not to know it now would imply g^oss 
ignorance of passing events. If the cures continue, it will in time become a 
large town, and a place of great consequence. Yaidyan&tha is noted prin- 
cipally for the cures effected there, and it is but reasonable to suppose that 
it rose into importance from the time when the cures were first effected. 
Tarake^vara, in the Hooghly district, is known by every pilgrim to be a 
modern place, not quite two hundred years old, and not noticed in any 
authentic Sanskrit work ; but the cures effected there makes it a powerful 
rival of Vaidyanatha. In the case of miraculous cures there is no necessity 
whatever for any anterior sanctity or fame, so long the cures are satis- 

Nor does the presence of the Buddhist statues in any way militate 
against spontaneous fame. The temples in which the statues occur are of 
veiy recent dates. Anandabhairava's temple dates from A. D. 1823, that of 
Siirya from 1790, and that of S&vitri from 1692, and we have nothing 
to justify the belief that Buddhist sanctuaries existed at the place till such 
recent dates side by side with Yaidyan&tha. I feel certain that even Mr. 
Beglar would not admit that there was a Buddhist temple at Deoghar in 
the third decade of this century, from the sanctuary of which the image of 
Anandabhairava was removed in 1823. The temples of Lakshmi-n&r&ya^a, 
P&ryati, and Annapdrn4 have images which, I have shown above, have been 
brought from old temples elsewhere ; if we accept the local theory we 
mnst believe, by parity of reasoning, that they too thrived side by side 
with Buddhism. This would be absurd, and the most obvious conclusion 
would be to assume that the Buddhist, as well as the Hindd, images have 
been brought from elsewhere, and set up from time to time according to 
circumstances. Nor is it necessary to assume that they have been brought 
from one place, and a near place. They are of such a character as to 
admit of their being easily conveyed from very distant places. The inscrip- 
tion No. 3 is from Mand4r, and some of the images may have likewise 
come from that place. 

The speculations regarding the identity of Utt&niya with Deoghar 
are exceedingly imaginative, and cannot by any means serve as data of 
sufficient importance to justify their being accepted as majors in an argu- 
ment of this kind. To put the speculations into logical forms : — 1. Utt&- 
nija lay within a forest of the Yindhya mountain ; the Santal Pargannahs 

204 Bijendralala Mitra— On the Temples of Deoghar. 

are mostly wild country at the eastern end of the Yindhyan chain; 
therefore Uttitniya is the same with Deoghar. 2. There are several routes 
from F^tna in the north to Tamluk in the south ; one of them passes from 
Bankurah to Bh&galpnr to the north-east ; therefore Deoghar lay in the 
way from Fatna to Tamluk. 8. Uttdniya was a famous monastery from 
which sixty thousand priests issued forth in a body ; Deoghar is a small 
town surrounded by uninhabitable jungle and wild hills ; therefore Deoghar 
is Uttiniya. 4. Uttiniya is very like Utmurid in sound ; Utmurid is near 
Deoghar; therefore Deoghar is the same with Uttaniya. Taking the 
speculations in these forms one cannot resist the temptation of recalling 
Fluellen, and saying— there is a river near Monmouth and there is a river 
near Macedon, and salmons grow in both ; therefore king Hal is the same 
with Alexander the Great. 

I feel that my remarks in regard to the origin and date of Yaidja- 
n&tbaare more destructive than constructive, and that I fail to supply fixed 
dates and positive statements ; but in the absence of satisfactory data, it is 
better to rest contented with such negative results than to mislead the pub- 
lic by mere conjectures, which are very apt to be taken for factS; and 
to result in falsifying history. 

, • / 





Nos. Ill & IV.— 1883. 

Memorandum on the superstitions connected with child hirth^ and precautions 
taken and rites performed on the occasion of the birth of a child among 
the Jdfs of Hoshiydrpur in the Fanjab, — By SibdXb Gubdyal Singh. 

I have selected the above subject as I think it will give a clear insight 
bto the superstitions of the rural population ; for a native woman can never 
omit to do anything, however ludicrous it may appear to others, which 
may be thought necessary for the safety of her son, or which may be be- 
lieved to be conducive to his happiness, or which may be imagined to have 
the power of warding ofP any danger, real or imaginary. I wish to be par- 
doned for mentioning anything herein which may be improper according to 
our ideas of propriety in such matters, for I must give a faithful descrip- 
tion. I have already omitted what appeared to be somewhat indecent. 

If abortion has ever happened, or if there is any fear of it, besides the 
charms which they might get from the Sy&nds or '' cunning men,*' any one 
of the following articles is kept on the body of the woman with child to 
prevent abortion. 

1. A small piece of wood taken from a scaffold on which some convict 
has been hanged. 

2. A pice which has been thrown over the coffin (biwin)* of an old 
man or woman. 

3. Tiger's flesh or nail. 

As soon as a child is born, the midwife takes it away from the mother, 
sod if it is a male says a girl is bom, and if a girl then says " pathar " 
(itone) is born. '* Pathar *' so used means a girl, and the knowledge of the 

* [Ptoperlythe 'bier;' a oorrupilon of Skr. fifinir ^'m^^ ^O 

s s 

206 G. Singh — Supergtitions connected with child hirth. [No. 3, 

birth of a son is kept away from the mother for a time to prevent her 
feeling a sadden rapture of happiness 

The dayi (midwife) waslies the child with water put in an earthen pot 
(thikrd), in which must be thrown some silver before the midwife would give 
the child to the mother. Whether this means a sort of fictitious purchase 
to defeat the mischiefs of witchcraft, similarly as the * dhukao ' ceremony 
means an attack on the family of the bride and taking her away by force, 
(the primitive method of procuring wives), is a question which cannot be 
hastily answered. But it is a fact that the midwife does not give the male 
child to the mother until she is paid. For one day and a half the child 
draws no nourishment from its mother's breast. The pap must be washed 
by the sister of her husband, if there be any, before any nourishment can be 
given from it to the son. The husband's sister is paid according to means 
for this ceremony. 

Throwing oil on the ground is the thing- done on all auspicious occasions, 
probably to satisfy the demons of the earth. This is also sanctioned by 
Brahmauical ritual, and with them worship of the earth-gods to prevent the 
mischief of the demons inhabiting the lower strata of the earth i% frequents 
Oil is thrown under the bed of the mother, where green grass is also put, 
green grass (dtib ^jd ^^) being the emblem of prosperity. It is also 
given by friends to the father of the new born child in congratulation of the 
birth of the son and indicates their good wishes to the new born. 

To prevent any mischief to the child or the mother dm'ing^ the time 
of her confinement, the following precautions are taken : 

I. Fire must be constantly kept in the room and should never be 
allowed to die out. The primitive Aryans were fire- worshippers and I 
think this is a remnant of their hom (%niT) and other ceremonies now 
never practised except on marriage. The Gubars of Persia used to keep 
fires burning for hundreds of years, and it was most probably so in ancient 

II. Grain must be kept near the bed of the mother. Grain repre- 
sents plenty of good luck, which has a peculiar power of removing all evil. 

III. Water should always remain in the room. It is the common be- 
lief that witches attack the unclean, and water being a purifier they cannot 
come near it. This belief is very general and is found as well in Isldm as 
in Brahmanism. The Musalmdns have it on the highest authority that 

water is the purifier (j^^ ^UJi ), 8o it is also according to Manu. 

lY. Some weapon should also be placed near. It is believed that 
witches have no power over armed persons, but they attack the weak and 
the foul. It is from this belief that the bridegroom when marching at the 
head of a marriage procession must be armed, so that fairies being enamoured 
with him might not take him. away. Those who are now deprived by 

1883 ] G. SinghSupentitumi eonneeted with ehiid birth. 207 

Armt Act of carrying armB, carrj m small knife instead, to frighten 
the fairies and spirits away. 

y. The handle of the plough (hal di munni) is kept under the 
bed. As the plough turns the soil from which grain is produced, witches 
do not approach such an implement. 

YL There should be a lock on the bed, or it should be chained round 
(bel m&ri&). Iron has great power of preventing the mischief of witchcraft, 
ind a bed chained with iron is therefore quite safe. 

YII. On no account should a cat be allowed to enter the room. Her 
ery eTen should not be heard by the mother* Some do not even let her 
Bime a cat (biUi). The most unlucky dream for a woman in her confine* 
nent is that of sedng a eat. Some say that witches come in the disguise 
of a cat which should therefore not be allowed access, and others think that 
'Xth m£ha* (A*U A«i|), the habit of a child being bom in the eighth month 
of pregnancy, is engendered by the fact of a cat entering the room of 
eonfinement. There are several stories in Oriental literature of sorceresses 
is love having gone to their beloved in the disguise of eats. I believe 
ibere is one in the Arabian Nights, but I have not got that book with me 
just now and cannot refer to it, and there is another in the Persian book 
jMtlycaUed^a jewel in the necklace of a dog", for referring to which 
I beg to be pardoned. It is in the first part of BiJiiur Dinish {aj^^^j^,) 
ia the 6th story related to the prince. (Compare also ^sop's Fable, No. 
196). A ehild bom during the eighth month of pregnancy is believed 
to die on the eighth day after birth, in the eighth month, the eighth year 
or the eighteenth year. When speaking of the age of a child, the number 
eight (a^ ^0 is called *^ an ginat" cJ^t^fl (uncounted) so 

^ c^iJ vj;f an-ginat din = 8th day 
Ax^i^ocJi^ do. mahina = 8th month 

U^ cJ^ ^J do. barha «= 8th year. 

By the way I may mention here, a baby is called as many years old as 
he is days or months old— 4 ' barhe*, !♦ * barb*', S». when appUed to a 
small baby means that he is 4 days or 1* months old. Beturning to the 
unlucky pussy, if a cat happens to enter the room, ashes should be thrown 
over her to ward ofE the danger. In native sorcery, the common practice 
to drive witches away is by throwing enchanted grains, or ashes, or water 
over the object possessed, followed by the repetition of the charming words. 
For fairies flowers are used. For semi-gods like HanumAn and goddesses 
Hke Devi incense is burnt, and prayers substituted for charming words. 

VIII. The house should not be swept clean by a broom, as this might 
bave the effect of sweeping all the luck out of the h-oom. 

IX. There should also be i^o small opening for a drain (mori) in the 

208 Q. Singh — Superstitions connected with child birth. [No. B, 

room of confinement. If there were it should be closed. For sorely 
through it witches might enter, because it is from its nature unclean. 

X. A lamp should be lit during night, and it should not be put out 
in the morning, but allowed to burn out. Putting a light out means 
extinguishing the light of good fortune. A son is called by the natives 
'* Light of the house" (ghar k6 diwa), for without him it would be all dark, 
the symbol of unhappiness. 

XI. The mother and the haby must not on any account come oat 
of the room for thirteen days. On the thirteenth day after birth, they 
are to come out of the room in the following manner. The mother takes 
a bath, and the old clothes worn by her are given away to the midwife 
employed, who divides them sometimes with the ndin or barber woman. 
This niin, who is the customary maid-serrant of the house, brings, 
in a small earthen pot (thikr&), cow urine, green grass, a nut (sup^ra), 
and the *' nahamd" or instrument for cutting nails. After the mother 
has finished her toilet (which is a much simpler process than the 
toilet of European ladies) the ' nain' sprinkles with green grass the 
cow urine on her person. Incense (dhup) is burnt and nails are cut by 
the barber woman, which must not be cut previous to this day. The 
mother must put on the barber's (n^i's),— >not the barher woman's but her 
husband's — slippers. What does it mean ? Perhaps she, coming out in the 
shoes of a servant, may be understood by the witches and other such beings 
not to be the lady of the house to whom they might cause any mischief; 
except this I cannot conjecture any other reason. Then the mother takes 
the child in her arms, and walks forth out of the room* The harber woman 
throws some oil on the door side and the water woman ( jhiwari, or any 
other) stands with a pot full of water and green grass ; for these they are 
both duly paid according to the means of the lady. In the outer room 
the Bidh MdtA {^^ 8«Htf), the " Vidhat A Matd" (Pnimrmm) of the learned, 
the goddess of generation is worshipped. The Brdhmans* have no hand 
in this worship. The women form an idol of cow-dung (gobar), cover it 
with a red cloth and make their offerings to it, consisting of the food 
cooked for giving a feast on the occasion. It is to be observed that this 
is certainly a relic of the manners of those times when primitive Aryans 
worshipped their gods without the intervention of the priestly caste. Now, 
the Hindd gods would scarcely listen to prayers of the common folk, unless 
t»heir cause were pleaded by the Brihmans. Then drums are beaten, 
Brdhmans fed and a feast given to all the relatives present, and the mem- 
bers of the household congratulated. That idol is kept in the house till one 
and a quarter month after the day of birth and then deposited near the well. 

This completes virtually all that is necessary for the proper care 
to be taken in the period of confinement which, however, lasts for forty dajs' 

1883.] G. Singh — Superstitions connected with child birth, 209 

Bat the mother must not stain the palms of her hands or feet with the 
colour of the mahindi or liinni plant (Lawsonia inermis) and must not 
wear doth coloured with kusumbha dye, until the ancestors are worshipped 
and a feast given to the kinsmen. On this occasion dhiydnis or the 
girls bom in the tribe must also be fed, paid and reverenced. There is 
no limit of time as to when this grand feast is to be given. 

Thenceforth nothing is to be feared except that dreadful goddess 
"sDiall-pox." She must be periodically worshipped. Of the mode of 
her worship I will give a separate description ; meanwhile suffice it to say 
that on her days and the days of her bir or follower, Tuesday and Satur- 
day, the boy should not have a bath. 

There is one other subject which I think must not remain altogether 
unnoticed. It is the influence of the evil eye, and what should be done 
to prevent the mischief caused thereby. Mothers naturally watch their 
sons with great anxiety. If at any time the baby refuses to take his 
nourishment, the first thought of the mother is, that he is under the in- 
fluence of the evil eye. But to be sure whether this is so, she takes on a 
Saturday or Sunday seven red peppers, touches the person of the young 
one seven times with them, and without speaking to any one throws them 
in the fire. If they give out any odour whilst they burn, the baby is safe 
from the evil eye, but if no odour comes when the peppers burn, then it cannot 
be doubted that the young one has been looked at by some evil eye. If 
the mother, whilst touching him with the peppers, talks to any one, the 
charm is broken and must be done again. There is also one other method 
of finding this out, viz., throwing dough wrapped round by cotton thread, 
after touching the child seven times with it, into the fire. If it bums without 
the threads being burnt, the boy is under the influence of the evil eye, but if 
the threads burn first, then the evQ eye is not to be feared. This mode of 
ascertaining the evil eye is not so generally adopted as the one mentioned 
first. When it is thus found out that it is the evil eye which ails the 
baby, they then think out who it must be, whose eye fell on the child. 
Surely it can be no other than the person who stared at the child longest 
and yrho praised him most. Hence it is the rule with the friendly visitors 
not to praise the child much. If it be done so by any one, the mother 
or other friend of the baby takes a little earth in her hand and throws 
it across the child. Horse owners and dealers are also seen doing this, 
after some new comer has inspected the horse. When the person whose 
evil eye fell on the baby comes again, the child is hidden from his eye, 
and some earth from under the footsteps of the ofEending person is quietly 
taken and thrown in the fire. It may be observed that the native method is 
safer than the English which requires spilling of blood to remove the evil (see 
the fiev. A. Jessopp's Account of Superstition in Arcady in the Nineteenth 

310 G. Sinf^S^perttUumi connetied wiik child hirih. [No. 3, 

Century for Norember 1882). This will remove the infloenoe of his eye. 
If it csnnot be ftsoertained who was the person from whose look the child 
is suffering, recourse is had to the " cunning" man (sjini). He generally 
giyes some charmed water with which the face of the baby and the breast 
of the mother is to be washed, or some charmed ashes which are applied 
to the forehead of the child, or anything else which he might think fit to 
administer. To prevent the mischief of the evil eye, the following pre- 
caution is thought to be ordinarily quite sufficient. When the child 
is grnng out, or when visitors are expected, or when he has been dresied 
in new dothes, his forehead or cheek is daubed with a small black mark. 
Anything black is believed to have the power of warding off the mischief of 
the evil eye. Thus they put black woollen collars (ga^^^) o° the necks of 
beautiful horses, buffaloes, or oxen. It is also from this belief that those 
hideous Uack drawings representing old sorceresses, or demons, or witchesi 
we so often see on the walls of newly built houses in the bazar, are drawn. 
Sometimes a picture of a black snake or fish on the wall is thought 
to be sufficient. I must stop here, for I have gone already far from my 
subject which was to give some account of the evil eye as connected with 
the well-being of children. 

In conclusion I have to point out that the above related supersti- 
tions and beliefs are by no means peculiar to the J^ of any part of the 
country. The description given is of superstitions prevalent amongst 
the J^ of the Eastern Panjib, and I have gathered the information from 
the most trustworthy sources, i. e^ from old native women. But I find 
that most of the above will hold good of all classes of inhabitants of the 
Panjib with a few alterations here and there. I am informed that the 
Kshatris, Brihmans and Baoias of the towns are far more superstitious 
than are rural population. As to the extent to which such beliefs prevail, 
there are very few men who really believe in them, but there axo very few 
women who do wot believe in such things. 8o all such things are managed 
by women, and in most cases men do not come to know of them even. 

It will appear that on the one hand some of these supersbitioas beliefii 
are the relics of old faiths and manners which have in some instances been 
incorporated in the modem religions, and on the other hand they aie the 
absurd beliefs of an ignorant and credulous people. It u also maniM 
that tiie modem religions discard such superstitions. Yet all religions 
prevalent in the Punj&b, Hinduism, Sikhism, and Muhammadaniam have 
failed to eradicate these superstitions, and it must be so until women tie 
also educated and brought up like men. Truly, every candid native most 
confess that in India women have t^ieir own superstitious religion which 
does not practically differ much, whether they be nominally HindiUy Ma- 
hammadans or Sikhs. 

1883.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — A new find qf Muhammadan Ooim. 211 

Anewfind of Muhammadan Ooin9 of Bengal {Independent Period). — By 
Db. A« F. Rudolf Hosbklb, (With two Plates). 

In February or March 1883 a treasure consisting of 85 sil\rer coins 
(Rupees) was found \>j some ktiHs while thej w^re working at an embank- 
ment lying to the north of Daulatpur and south of Bansigrftm in the Thana 
Dewan Serai in the District of Murshid&b&d.* 

As usual the coins were forwarded to this Society for identification 
(on the 22nd May 1888) and thus came into my hands. The result 
I exhibit in the following table : 

Name and Number of Sultan. f 

V. Abdl Muj&hid Sikandar Sh&h, 
VI. Ghiy4gu-d-din Abul Muzaf- 

far A'zam Sh&b, 

IX. Shihiburd-din Abtil Muzaf- 

far B4yazidSh4h, 

X. Jal&lu-d-din Abtil Muzaffar 
Muhammad Sh&h, 

XII. N^iru-d-din Abdl Muzaffar 
Mahmud Shah I, 

Date of 




No. of 

Two varieties. 


XIII. Buknu-d-din Abtil Mujihid 


Muzaffar type, se- 
veral varieties. 

Muj&hid type, se- 
veral varieties. 

Mujihid type, two 

Muzafhr type, se- 
veral varieties. 
^Anonymous type. 







A large number of the coins are very much disfigured by shroff-marks. 
Begarding the object of such disfigurement, see Blochmann*B explanation 
in this Journal, VoL XLIV, p. 288, footnote. 

* See official letter from H. Mosley, Esq., Collector of Murshedabad to the Com- 
mSarioaer of the Preeidenoy Diyiaion, No. 271 G., dated Berhampore, 10th May, 1883. 
t Taken from Blochmann'a Table in J. A. 8. B., Vol. XLII, p. 806. 
t One of these is broken in two pieces. 

212 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle.—- 4 new find of Mahnmmadan Oaifu, [No. 8, 

There are several circumstances which give to these coins a particular 

In the first place, nearly one half of the coins of Buknu-d-din Barhak 
Shdh are entirely new. Only a very few coins of this SuH&n have, hither- 
to, become known, and they are all of the anonymous type ; while many 
of the coins, now found, give his full name Huknu-d.din. Also among 
the coins of Na^iru-d-din Mahrndd Shdh I, there are no less than six 
entirely new types, Nos. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, while among the four other, 
already known types, some give new dates, and others, being in better 
preservation, throw additional light on the legends. 

In the second place, the present coins settle a curious point regarding 
the use of the so-called kunyat or patronymic appellation. I believe it 
has been generally assumed that no more than one kunyat could be borne 
by the same ruler. At least, this appears to have been the only reason 
for setting aside those few traces of a contrary evidence which, as I shall 
presently show, did occasionally crop up. But the testimony of the coins, 
now discovered, appears to leave no reasonable doubt on the subject that 
some rulers did make use of two kunyaU. The Muhammadan histories, 
to judge from Blochmann's '* Contributions to the Qeography and History 
of Bengal" in Vols. XLII, XLIII, XLIY of this Journal, know of no 
other kunyat for Na^iru-d-din I but Ahul MuzaffaVy nor any other for 
Ruknu-d-din, but Ahul Mujahid, But the present coins show — and other 
evidence, as I shall presently show, confirms the fact, — that both those 
SuU&ns were in the habit of using both names, Ahul Muzaffar and Ahul 
Mujdhid, Whether they did so at will, or for stated reasons, I am not 
able to determine ; but the point might be worth further investigation. 

Having once recognized the fact of the use of several kunyats, I began 
to make a search for any previously recorded traces of it. Those I found 
I shall now enumerate, only premising that my examination was a cursory 
one, and that a closer search may reveal many more instances. 

(a). In the Xth Vol. of this Journal the Hon'ble H. T. Prinsep 
describes a number of Muhammadan coins found in Howrah*. Among 

No. 3 is a coin of Abdl MuzafEar Sikandar Shah, the son Ily^ Sh&h. 
He is commonly known by the kunyat Abdl Muj&hid. 

No. 15 is a coin of Jaldlu-d-din Abdl Mujahid Muhammad Shah. 
He is the tenth Sulfdn of Bengal, from 817-834 A. H., and his usual 
kunyat is Abul MuzafEar. 

No. 25 is a coin of Saif u-d-din Abtil Muzaffar Hamzah Shdh, the son 
of A*zam Sh&h. He was the seventh Sul^dn reigning from 800-804 A. H.| 
and he usually bears the kunyat Abul Muj&hid. 

• J. A. S. B., Vol. X, pp. 168, 169. 

1883.] A. F. KudolE Hoemle— J new find of Muhammadan CoiiH. 213 

No. 28 is ft coin of Ni^ira-d-din A.bill Uajihid Mabmiid Sli&h. Prin- 
iq) mda " Hahomed Shall", and adds that " be appears to be Mahomed 
gUh, afterwards king of Hiodust&D whe reigned from A. H. 627-631." 
llii ihowa that his " Mabomed Sb&li" is an error for " Mahrmld Shah". 
It u clear, liowever, from the stjie of the legend on the obverae, that the 
MID ia DOt one of the Dehli Emperor Ndflni-d-din Mabmud Shih, but of 
(be Bengal king of that name, in fact, of the same Ni^irn-d-dla Mabmdd 
Ehili I, to whom tbe coins of the neir find belong. 

Unfortunately these coins were not figured, and it will perhaps not 
be qnite safe to rely implicitly on the correctness of Mr. Prinsep's read- 
tap. If the kuiu/at Ahlll Muj^hid was read correctly, his coin of Ndf iru-d- 
dia Mabmdd may have been one like No. 7 or No. 12 of the present set. 

(i). Mr. Thomas, on p. 136 of bis " Chronicles of tbe Patbin kings 
of Delhi", describes a gold piece of Mabmdd Sb&h, the grandson of Firdz 
Sbsb, on which he reads the kunyat as Abdl Mab^mid. Tbe letters, 
tmefer, on tbe figure of the coin (bis PI. IV, fig. 143), I think, are quite 
mceptible of being read as Abdl Muj&bid ; and still mora so on a coin 
of UabmM'a father Muhammad Shab (Mr. Thomas' Plate IV, fig. 134).* 
Bqt however that may be, there is a gold piece of Mabmtld in tbe Society's 
toUeetion, which clearly gives him the iuayat Abdl Mu^&ar, as shown 

is tbe wood cat. It, at all events, shows that M&hmdd assumed two 
tmfott, Abdl Muzafbr and Abdl Muj&bid or Abdl MoljAmid, which- 
ner of the two latter be the correct reading. 

{«). Blochmanc, in Vol. XLIII of tbe Journal, quotes an inscrip- 
tion ol Birbak Shah, of the year 868 A. H., which gives that Sultin the 
hmgai Abdl Mujaffar.t On this he observes in a footnote, that " it seems 
to be ft mistake for Abdl Mojdhid." But there is an old Persian Diction- 
vj, the 8harsfn&mah>i>Ibrabimi which, as Blochmann himself informs us, 
i» dedicated to Birbak Shah and, in the concluding verse, also styles him 

* Thus tlie lai^e, elon^ted dot over ^^ can cerbuulf not lie the " xsbar" of 
Uttimid, though it mB7 be the worn " pesb" of Mttjdhid. I have refemd to botli 
Sidionf lod Ferifhtah ; bat neither of them mentions the kuHyat of Habmtid. 
t J. A. B. B., Vol. XLIII, p. 397. 
F F 

214 A. P. Rudolf Hoeinle— ^ new find of Muhammadan Coins, [No. 3, 

''Abiil Muzaffar".* Blochmann suggests that the 6&rbak Sh&h here in- 
tended may be *' the Bdrbak Shah of Jounpur who ruled in Jounpor from 
879 (the year when the Bengal Barbak Shah is said to have died) to 881, 
etc." But this is not very probable. In any case, the testimony of the 
inscription, which is really unimpeachable, is confirmed by the coins, now 
found, which give Buknu-d-din's full name and date. Indeed, from the 
fact that not less than 18 coins of 4 different types (Nos. 13, 14, 15, 16) 
give him the kunyat Abtil MuzafEar, wliile only 2 coins of 1 type (No. 12) 
style him Abdl Mujahid, as well as from the fact that the author of the 
Persian Dictionary, in dedicating his work to Barbak Sh&h, addresses him 
by the name Abul MuzafEar, it would almost seem that Buknu-d-din pre- 
ferred that kunyat to Abiil Mujihid, albeit he is better known by the 
latter kunyat in the histories. Out of four known inscriptions, three call 
him Abdl Muj&hid, while in the fourth he is called Abul Muzaffar.f 

(d). In Vol. XLIV of this Journal, Blochmann published a coin 
(his No. 8) which clearly reads Abtil Mujdhid.^ This he himself admits; 
fais words are : '' if the last had not been found together with the others, 
I would be inclined to attribute it to Mahmud Shdh II, as the kuni/at 
looks more like Abtil Mujahid than Abtil Muzaffir." Still for the reason 
mentioned, and under the prejudice that a king could not use two different 
kunyatSy he reads Abtil Muzaffar. Probably the same reasons prevented 
Blochmann from recognizing that his coin No. 8 (or fig. 4 of his Plate) 
also reads " Abtil Mujdhid," though the letters, in this case, are not quite 
80 clear as in the case of his No. 8. But an imperfectly preserved " Abnl 
Mujdhid" can generally be almost certainly distinguished from an imper* 
feet '* Abtil Muzaffar" by the presence or absence of the connecting stroke 
after the ^ fa and ^jd respectively, which otherwise have a great resem- 
blance to each other. The difference can be very clearly seen by compar- 
ing No. 8 with No. 4 in Blochmann's Plate ; the former has Abiil Muzaffar, 
the latter, Abtil Mujahid. Moreover, there is fortunately among the 
newly found coins one (No. 10) which is a duplicate of Blochmann's "No. 
8 and on which the word " Mujahid" is clear enough. Now Blochmann's 
No. 3 is dated 852 A. H. ; and my three specimens of No. 8, of the 
MujAhid type, are dated 86[*] 862, 865. The only king with whom all 
these dates agree is N^iru-d-din Mahnitid Shah I, who reigned from 
846-865 A. H. ; and these coins, therefore, clearly prove that Mahmdd 
Shdh I made use of the kunyat Abtil M ujahid as well as of the kunyat 
Abtil Muzaffar, though in the histories he appears to be only known bj 

♦ J. A. 8. B., Vol. XXXVIII, p. 8, Vol. XXXIX, p. 296, footnote. 

t J. A. S. B., Vol. XLII, p. 272, Vol. XLIII, pp. 295, 296, Vol, XLIV, p. 2BL 

t J. A. 8. B., Vol. XLIV, pp. 288, 289 ; Plate XX, fig. 9. 

1883.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle— -4 new find of Muhammadan Coins, 215 

tlie Litter. This being so, it becomes yerj probable that the coins .of the 
nme (t. «., Mujahid) type which bear no date or the date of which is no 
more legible, must be ascribed to the same Sult&n Maljunud Sb&h I. To 
this class belong my coins Nos. 9 and 11, Blochmann's No. 8 (bis fig. 9), 
sod the coin No. DCCXXIV published bj Marsden in his NumUmata 
Orienialia, The latter was republished bj Laidlay in Vol. XV of this 
Journal.* Both he and Blochmann ascribe it to N&^iru-d-din Mahmtid 
Shah II,t commonly known as Abul Muj&hid, probably a grandson of the 
first Na^iru-d-din Ma^mdd Shah, who is supposed to have reigned in 896 
A. H. As they had not the advantage of the present evidence of dated 
coins, their error is not surprising ; nor, indeed, in the absence of legi- 
ble dates, can their ascription be said to be impossible, but probability 
is greatly the other way. The second Na§iru-d-din, as Blochmann shows, 
can only haye been about seven years old at the time of his accession ; 
for at his father Fate^ Sh&h's death (probably in 892) he was two years 
old; and he was murdered after a reign of only about six months. { 
Under these circumstances there is little probability, that coins-— and coins 
too of yarious types — were struck in his name. Moreoyer, it will be 
observed that the coins of the present find, are nearly all of Mal^mud I 
and Buknu-d-din ; there are only five of previous reigns, but none of 
my reign after Buknu-d-din. If the undated coins of the Mujdhid 
type were ascribed to Ma^mtid II, there would be a large gap in the 
series of coins, extending over no less than five reigns, between Buknu-d- 
din and Mal^tid II. For this reason, too, it is more probable that the 
undated coins belong to MaJ^tid I. 

(e). In Vol XLII of this Journal, p. 289, Blochmann has given an 
inscription of Na^iru-d-din Abul Muj&hid Ma^imud Sb4h. He was unable 
to read the date, and ascribed the inscription to Ma(imtid Shah II, on 
account of the Jetinyat Abtil Mujdhid, mentioned in it, while the hunyat 
of Ma^mud Sh4h I, as he says, was Abul Muzaffar. The date, however, 
Knot so illegible as Blochmann makes it out to be. It is in all pro- 
bability 847 or 849 ; see his Plate VII, No. 3 ; in the left-hand lower 
comer the word *i«» '*year" is distinct; Just above it is clearly 
enough the word {*-• " seven" or ^ " nine" ; and above that, again, is 
the word (rather indistinct) «jUiUS " eight hundred" ; lastly to the im- 
mediate right of *u» is the word ciH^^ " forty" ; the whole date being 
^4*^3 trt*yj e*^ 847 or ^dUiUl j e^^j* J fr^ 849. Indeed the date is so 
clear, that I suspect it was merely because Blochmann felt himself unable 

• J. A. S. B., Vol XV, p. 831 ; Plato V, No. 18. 

t J. A. 8. B., VoL XLII, p. 289 

t See J. A. 8. B., Vol. XLII, p. 288. 

216 A. F. BadoIE Hoernle — A new find of Muhammadan Ooint. [No. 3, 


to make it agree ^ith the reign of Ma(kmM II, that he thought it wai 
illegible. The jear 84f7 or 849 only suits Mahmdd I, and it shows that 
the inscription must be ascribed to him and that he used also the kunyat 
Abdl Mujahid. It thus appears that out of six known in^riptions of 
this Sulfan, he calls himself Abtil Muzaffar in five,* and Abul Mujahid in 
one. A circumstance which tends to confirm the ascription of the last 
inscription to Mahmdd I is that it commemorates the erection of a mosqus 
during the Sultdn's reign {J^^ A^ ^^), such as could hardly have been 
built during the short reign of 6 months of Mahmld II, a boj 7 years old. 

In the third place. My coin No. Sh is important as it fixes a new date 
for Mahmtid Shah I. The latest date hitherto ascertuned, from inscriptions, 
was 863.t The earliest known date of MahmWs successor Bdrbak 8bah 
was Safar 865. Thence Blochmann rightly concluded that Mahmtid Shih 
must at least have reigned till the beginning of 864. X The coin. No. 8^, 
now proves that he actually reigned in the year 864. 

In the fourth place. The reverse of No. 8, is noteworthy. Laidlaj 
(J. A. S. B., XV, p. 328) says of N^iru-d-din I, " being unable to record s 
royal paternity on his coinage, he seems to have contented himself with tbe 
simple repetition of his name and title, etc." But N^iru-d-din I erideot- 
ly had neither cause nor inclination to be so humble, for on the coins 
No. 8, he claims to be the son as well as the grandson of a SulfAn. This 
claim is supported by the histories, which " agree in describing him as a 
descendant of Ilyis Sh&h."§ May not his reverse on No. 8 show that 
he was actually a grandson of Ilyas Shah, and a son of Abdl Mujahid 
Sikandar Sh&h ? 

In the fifth place. There is a curious resemblance between my coin, 
No. 12, of Barbak Sh&h, and the coin of Saifu-d-din Abtil Muzaffar Firos 
6h&h II, published by Blochmann in Vol XLII, p. 288. The resembknce 
is particularly striking in the reverse. 

I now proceed to describe the coins : — 

I. AbiJl MujXhO) SlKAiniAB Sh^h. 

Of this Sultan there are two coins. One belongs to the type described 
by Mr. Thomas in the J. A. S. B., Vol. XXXVI, p. 66, No. 26, and figured 
in Marsden's NumUmata Orientalia, Plate XXXVI, No. DCCLIX. The 
other (Plate XVII, No. 18) is also described by Mr. Thomas, ibidem, p. 64, 

♦ J. A. S. B., VoL XLI, pp. 107, 108 ; Vol. XLII, pp. 270, 271 ; Vol JUH, 
pp. 294, 295 ; Vol. XLIV, p. 289. 

t J. A. S. B., Vol. XLII, p. 269, Vol. XLIV, p. 288. 
X J. A, S. B., Vol. XLII, p. 269. 
i J. A. S. B., Vol. XLII, p. 269. 

1883.] A. F. Rudolf fioernle— ^ new find of Muhammadan Coins. 217 

No. 22, bub not figured. The mints and dates are not legible on either 
of the two. 

II. OHirisir-D.DfK A'zAM SniH. 

His coin is of the type figured and described by Mr. Thomas, ibidem^ 
p. 69y No. 35. Mint and date illegible. 

III. SniHlBU-s-Dfir BatazCd ShXh. 

His coin is of the type figured and described by Blochmann in J. A« 
S. B., Vol. XLII, p. 263, No. 1. Mint illegible, date apparently 809. 

lY. JAXiLV-D-Dfir MU^AMMAJ) Suill. 

His coin is of the type figured and described by Blochmann, iUd.f 
p. 267, No. 3. Mint illegible ; date apparently 828. 

y. NifiBir-D-Dfir Ma^m^d ShXh I. 

(a). Mu^affar Type, 

No. 1- (Plate XVI, fig. 1). Five specimens; apparently duplicates 
of the coin. No. 5, described and figured by Blochmann in J. A. S. B., 
Vol XLIV, p. 289, the date of which howeyer was not legible. One of the 
present coins (fi^, 1), now in the Society's Collection, shows the date 8ii8 ; 
on the others it is not legible. The legends on both sides are the same 
as on Ck)l. Hyde's coin, published in J. A. S. B., Vol XLII, p. 269, No. 1. 

Bet). A|*A w^tt)^' J o-.aar'b dUliixU. ^^^^J] ^\h oa5^| 

No. 2, (Plate XVI, fig. 2). Nine specimens. The obverse legend 
is the same as that of No. 1, except that the word st^ is here placed 
bebw, instead of above, the word ci'J^'^l. The reverse reads :* 

One of them (fig. 2) shows the date 8[5]3 (Adr ^!>^) ; two others 
are dated [85]2 and 859. The coin. No. 7, published by Blochmann, 
J. A S. B., Vol. XLIV, p. 289 (fig. 8 on his Plate) is very much like the 
coin, now figured, in general appearance ; but the latter has a double row 
of scollops on the obverse, while Blochmann's coin has only one row and, 
besides, has the words ^;t h i-Jt sU placed as in No. 1 of the present series. 

« The word JL$i\ appears on all these coins as i^lUf. 

218 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — A new find of Mukammadan Cains. [No. 3; 

No. 8. (Plate XYI, fig. 3). Five specimens; in all respects like 
No. 2, except that the latter are small, thick pieces, while No. 3 are large 
and thin with broad ornamented margins. On two specimens the dates 
are legible ; one (fig. 3) has 860; the other probably 8[5]9. 

No. 4. (Piute XVI, fig. 4). One specimen ; a small thick piece, 
like No. 2 ; also with the same legends ; but that on the obverse differently 
arranged, in a rather carious way. Date, probably on reverse, obliterated 
by shroff-marks. 

No. 6. (Plate XVI, fig. 6). Three specimenif ; very crude pieces, 
one of them broken in two. Obverse legend as usual ; the reverse entirely 
illegible through shroff-marks. 

No. 6. (Plate XVI, fig. 6). Five specimens; with very slight 
variations ; broad, thin pieces, like No. 3, but without any margin on the 
obverse. The lettered surface of the latter shows the well-known orna- 
mental elongated strokes. The legends on both sides are the same as on 
No. 1. On one coin (fig. 6) the date is 847, on another apparently 84[8]. 

(b). Mujdhid T^e. 

No. 7. (Plate XVI, fig. 7). One specimen ; in all respects hke 
No. 6, except that the word Mujdhid is substituted for Muzaffar. The 
date is 862. A similar coin was published by Laidlay in J. A. S. 6., 
Vol. XV, Plate IV, No. 7, but its reverse legend is different, viz.^ that of 
No. 2 of the present series. He wrongly ascribed it to Jalalu-d-din Mu- 
t^ammad Sh&h. Blochmann appears to have read on it Abdl Muzaffar, bat 
the name is exactly as on my coin, and is clearly Abdl Mujahid. 

No. 8. (Plate XVI, figs. 8a and 86). Three specimens ; in general 
appearance, like Nos. 6 and 7; the obverse legend is also the same, but 
the reverse has the following inscription of which the latter portion is 
continued from the area on to the margin : 

in margm in area 

f ^ \ / * \ 

They are all dated ; one has 862, another (fig. 8&) has 864, the date 
of the third (fig. 8a) is mutilated 86[*]. 

No. 9. (Plate XVII, fig. 9). One specimen ; in general appearance 
like No. 2 ; both legends also the same as on No. 2, except that the word 
Mujahid is substituted for Muzaffar, The date which would have been 
on the reverse margin is unfortunately lost. The coin, No. 8, published, 
by Blochmann, in J. A. S. B , Vol. XLIV, p. 289 (fig. 9 of his Plate) 
appears to have been identical with the present one. He makes the l<^end 

1S83.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle— ^ new find ofMuhammadan Coins 219 

on the roTerse to be the same as on Col. Hjde's coin (t. e., the same as 
on No. 1 of the present series) ; but this is clearly an error ; for his coin 
shows distinctly the word ^! > J '*4» t | ^, and on my coins both words f^l 
and ^ / - v ^l**** can be made out. But it should be noted that the inscrip- 
tion is distributed over area and margin, as in No. 8, thus : 

in margin in area 

No. 10. (Plate XVII, fig. 10). One specimen ; similar to No. 9, but 
the lettered surface of the obverse is ornamented with elongated strokes. 
Both legends are the same as on No. 9, but the reverse legend is differently 
distributed over area and margin, AiUil-»j A^ dWl ^IL being in the area, and 
the rest in the margin. This coin is evidently a duplicate of coin, No. 3, 
published by Blochmann, in J. A. S. B., Vol. XL IV, p. 288 (fig. 4 on his 
Plate). On the present specimen, the word Mujdhid is quite distinct, while 
Blochmann's coin supplies the date (852) which is illegible on mine. 

No. 11. (Plate XVII, fig. 11). One specimen ; a broad thin piece, 
in general appearance like No. 3, but with different ornaments on the 
margins, and a different legend on the reverse area. The latter is the 
same as on No. 1, while the legend of No. 3 is the same as on No. 2» 
Unfortunately the date is illegible. 


(a). Mufdhid 2\^e, 

No. 12. (Plate XVII, fig. 12). Two specimens ; broad, thin pieces, 
with lettered surfaces only ; the legends being : 

Bev. AVI* ^\j^ •^\ Jj^j A*** ^\ 3(1 &»! 31 
Dates of both, 874. 

(b). Muzafar Type. 

No. 13. (Plate XVII, figs. 13a and 135). Eleven specimens ; in gen- 
eral appearance like No. 11 ; large thin pieces, with two areas and two 
broad ornamented margins. The legends on the areas are : 

Bev. The same as on Nos. 1 and 11. 

220 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle— ^ new find of Muhammaian Chint. [No. 8, 

The followiiig dates can be recognized: 867, 870 (on fig. 13a 
Ay* AJ|>^), 871, 875, 877. The last date is indistinct and might be 867. 
One specimen (6g. 185) shows very clearly 827 (Arv H;^), though there 
ean be no doubt that the 2 ( r ) is either a mistake for 6 ( 1 ) or a badly 
executed 7 ( v ). The words preceding the dates seem to be ^j^ 
" treasury", and e^l^ " with the fourth".* 

No. 14. (Plate XVII, fig. 14). Two specimens ; a slight variety of 
No. 13, the J of ciH*^ on the obverse commencing the second line of the 
legend, while on No. 13 it ends the first line. The date is just recogniz- 
able as 878. There is no trace of any margm, but they are probably 
clipped away. 

JS'o. 15. (Plate XVII, fig. 15). Three specimens; another slight 
variety of Nos. 13 and 14, the j being placed as in No. 14, and the last 
word J^kX^\ being written on the same line with »L» dj^^^ c;J| instead 
of below it, as in Nos. 13, 14. Observed dates 867 (on fig. 15) and 877. 

No. 16. (Plate XVII, fig. 16). Two specimens ; a variety of No. 
16, the letters, especially on the reverse, being much larger and coarser. 
Date and margins clipped away. 

(c). AMnyfnou9 l\fpe. 

No. 17. (Plate XVII, fig. 17). Twenty-five specimens ; exactly like 
the coin, figured and described by Marsden in his Num. Orient, Plate 
XXXVIII, No. DCCLXXV. Among them there are 16 dated 873, two 
dated 872 and one dated 870. The dates of five are illegible ; and one 
(fig. 17) seems to show 761 twice ! The words preceding the dates are, 
on some *i!> (on fig. 17), on others e^t*. 

All the coins figured on Plates XVI and XVII are now in the 
Society's collection, except the coin of Sikandar Sh4h (PI. XVII, 
Bg, 18) which is in my possession. In the Sociei^y's oollection are the 
following coins : 2 specimens of No. 1 (d. 848) ; 4 of No. 2 (d. 852, 853, 
859) ; 4 of No. 3 (d. 859, 860) ; 1 of No. 4; 1 of No. 5 ; 3 of No.6 
(d. 847, 848) ; 1 of No. 7 ; 2 of No. 8 (d. 864, 86*) ; 1 each of Nos. 9, 
10, 11 ; 1 of No. 12 (d. 874) ; 13 of No. 13 (d. 867, 870, 871, 875, 877, 
827). In my own possession are the following ; 1 specimen of No. 1 
(d. 8[48]) ; 1 of No. 2 (d. 859), 1 of No. 3 (d. 8[5]8); 2 of No. 6 
(d. 857); 1 of No. 8 (d. 862); 1 of No. 12 (d. 874); 2 of No. 13 
(d. 867, 870). 

* On tbe nJs or land-tax of the fourth ; see Blochmami in J. A. S. B., Vol. XLQf 
p. 219. 

IS83.J J. H. Rivett-Carnac — Stone Implemente. 221 

(k Stone ImpIemanU from the North Western Provinces of India, — By 
J. H. Rivett-Caenac, Esq., C. S., C.I.E., F-S.A., Ac. 

(With three Plates.) 

The Proceedings of the Asiatic Society for January 1882 contain a 
ihort account of a collection of stone implements, made during the past 
few years hy Mr. J. Cockhurn and myself in the Banda District of the 
the Nofth Western Provinces of India. 

It is now proposed to describe the collection more in detail, noticing 
specially what are believed to be the new types brought to ligbt, together 
with certain specimens which appear to carry with them the explanation of 
the manner in which they were manufactured and hefted. 

The division of labour between Mr. J. Cockbum and myself has been 
amoged as follows: The larger stone implements, i, 0., the hammers, 
ringstones and the celts of well known types, many of which have been 
found or collected during my tour, are to be described by me. Mr. Cock- 
barn has undertaken to figure and describe at length, in a separate paper, 
the very large, varied and most interesting collection of chert implements 
vbich he has found, comprising many new types, none of which had been 
before found in this part of the country, and to which he has devoted the 
attention of a careful and enthusiastic observer. 

The more rare and interesting of the specimens described by me have 
been carefully drawn to scale, and will be found figured among the illustra- 
tions which accompany this paper. 

Even to those who have no knowledge of India, the locality of these 
finds may be easily indicated on the map, ^y taking as a starting point, 
Allahabad, the great city at the confluence of the Ganges and the Jumn4. 
For hundreds of miles the huge tract between these rivers, together with the 
adjoining country beyond, consists of a level plain of alluvial soil containing 
few trees, beyond the artificially planted groves of the villagers, and no trace 
of stone save the nodular limestone locally known as kunkur. Some 10 miles 
to the west of Allahabad, the point where not only the two great rivers meet, 
bat also where the Railway from Bombay and Jabalpur joins the main line 
of the East Indian Railway, the country suddenly changes, and rock, hill and 
jangle assert themselves for the first time, extending thence to the south 
and east for hundreds of miles, through a but little known country towards 
Eafak, and following the Railway line west during its' whole course, to 
within a short distance of Bombay itself. 

The Banda District is situated on the eastern boundary of this tract, 
and is entered by the Railway about twelve miles after leaving Allahabad. 
a a 

222 J. H. Rivett-Carnac — Sione Tmplemenfg. [No. 3, 

In nearly all its characteristics, Banda differs from its sister Districts oE the 
Doab. The country is hilly and well wooded, and the monotonons lerel of 
the plain is exchanged for pleasant valleys and picturesque upland. 

The rocks most commonly met with, are the Kaimtir Sandstones, gn^ 
natoid gneiss, diorite, the bornblendic rock, of which the celts later to be 
noticed, are chiefly formed, and the basalt of the trap sheet of the Deccan, 
yeins of which intrude themselres here and there among the more common 
formations. In the south of the district the lower Yindhian formation, 
known as the Tirhowan Limestone, is met with. This is the matrix of the 
chert nodules and bands, the material used for the smaller and m«re deli- 
cate implements, the description of which will be found in Mr. Coekbum*8 

This wild and picturesque country, lying within easy reach of that old 
established centre of Aryan civilization, Pray4g, the " Sangam" or sacred 
junction of the two holy streams, having been familiar to the Uindds for many 
centuries, haa enjoyed great popularity, and has been invested with i 
full share of romance by the Aryan invaders, whose appreciation of the 
picturesque nooks and cool retreats of the upland, must have been enhaneed 
by a long and tedious progress through the monotonous plains of Upper 
India. It was in the Banda District that B^ma, having resigned his kingdom 
in filial deference to his father's vow, and accompanied by 8it&, and hii 
brother Lakshman, took up his abode, choosing the wild forest which then 
covered the hill of Chitraktit, or K&madagiri, or ** abode of delight,** a site 
now marked by hundreds of temples, the annual resort of handreds of 
thousands of pilgrims. Some of the most beautiful passages of tbe 
Eamayan describe the picturesque forest, and this pleasant country among 
the Banda hills, into which civilization has not even yet fully penetrated 
or robbed of Its many sylvai^attractions. It was in this forest that Siti 
was carried off by Havana, and it was here that B&ma undertook tbe 
avenging expedition against Lanka, during which, as tradition haa it, be 
received valuable assistance from the monkeys of the forest, or in other 
words from the wild tribes inhabiting this tract, who were probably armed 
with the stone hatchets and the stone clubs which form the subject of the 
pi'esent paper. 

The hill country of which Banda forms the eastern limit, still contains 
semicivilized tribes, differing in their language, in their physical and other 
characteristics from the Aryans of the plains. The old Hindd records con- 
tain accounts of these wild men of the woods, and the ancient stone earrings^ 
occasionally found among the ruined temples of the forest, or on Buddhist 
topes like Sanchi, represent a class easily distinguishable in form and 
feature from the Aryan invaders. A carving found by Mr. Cockbum at 
Kdlanjar, evidently of great antiquity, represents a figure holding in tbe 

1883.] J. H. Rirett.Carnac— ^^0ittf Implements, 223 

right hand an implement which closely resembles a stone celt fixed in a 
wooden handle. Likewise one of the most interesting of the Sanchi earr- 
ings figured by Mr. Fergusson, in his well known work on Tree and Serpent 
Worship, represents, what is believed to be, a Dasyu with an axe fixed on to 
the handle by cross bands, in a manner in which it is known this stone im* 
plement was hafted. There would then seem reason to believe that 
the stone implements found in the wild country of Banda are the remains 
of aboriginal tribes of India, who driven out from the fertile delta, by the 
wave of invasion from the North, sought refuge in the hills and jungle, in 
the manner that the aboriginal tribes of Britain are known to have receded 
to the hilly country of the island before the Saxon and the Dane. 

All over the immense jungle tract of Central India, Cromlechs, Kist- 
vaens, stone circles closely resembling those to be found in Britain and on 
the continent of Europe are to be found. The similarity between the stone 
implements, now to be described, and those of Europe, is equally remarkable, 
and there would seem to be little doubt, that these implements were long, 
and up to a comparatively recent date, in use amongst these tribes, who have 
as yet made little progress in civilization. 

So far as I have yet been able to learn, none of these implements have 
been found in use at the present day, even among the most backward of 
tkese tribes. No one I have met with on my tours had been able to explain 
the use of any of these implements. They are regarded as wonderful, mys- 
terious, often as holy. Turned up by the plough at some depth below the 
floil, the celt is supposed to be a thunderbolt, driven deep into the earth from 
on high, and the finder places it under the village pipul tree, sometimes 
sanetifying it with a daub of red paint, and constituting it a Mahadeo or 
Phallus. Stone implements, especially the smaller ones, flakes and arrow- 
1^8, havd been found by European officers on the surface of the soil, or in 
the heds of streams, and notably by Mr. Cockburn, on what would appear 
to be the sites of old manufactories or encampments. But the village pee- 
inil tree is generally the best and surest find. There the villagers, acting 
vnconscionsly as valuable coadjutors in the interests of Archseological re- 
March, have collected together, and piled up from time immemorial, these 
curious relics of a bye- gone age, preserving them with that mysterious awe 
that attaches in their eyes to everything that is old and rare. Save 
porhaps to what may be the largest and central celt, daubed with red paint, 
and from its shape worshipped as a Mah&deo, and which they will not part 
vith, the villagers attach no more importance to these implements left there 
^or centuries, than to the other piles of offering stones which surround a 
jungle shrine. A little good-humoured persuasion, or a few rupees will 
^^y secure them for the collector of antiquarian relics. 

Some idea of the abundance of these implements on these shrines may 


J. H. Rivett-Carnac — JStone Implementi* 


be formed, from the fact that Mr. Cockburn assisted by the headmen of the 
Tillage, secured 28 celts in the village of Phuppoondee, Angassie Pergunnah, 
in about an hour's search. Probably twice this number remained hidden 
in the great heaps of fragments of sculpture and waterwom pebbles wbieh 
were not searched. 

The number collected by Mr. Cockburn and myself, in this manner, 
exceeds many hundreds,- of all sizes, and of many different types, moei of 
them from the weather-worn condition of the surface, exhibiting undoabted 
proofs of great age. 

In my former papers, read before the Asiatic Society, the practiee of 
objects of antiquarian interest, with which India abounds, being collect 
ed and disposed of by amateurs has been strongly condemned. It seems 
right, therefore, to mention here that no specimens have been kept by either 
Mr. Cockburn or myself. The best specimens have all been presented to 
the British Museum, where I am glad to be able to add they hare been 
accepted by the Trustees, and recognised as forming a collection of un- 
usual interest. Casts of the unique specimens haye been made for the chief 
Museums of Europe, America and the Indian Presidency towns, and com* 
plete sets haye been prepared and presented to these Museums andilio 
to many gentlemen interested in prehistoric research, with a view to 
comparison with well known European and American types. It is gratify- 
ing to notice, that this action has already borne good fruit in the interest 
that has been awakened in these remains of ancient India, and the Asiatic 
Society will, I hope, at least consider, that no bad use has been made of this 
large and varied collection we have been fortunate enough to have made 
with the assistance and encouragement received from the Society. Several 
presentations of European prehistoric remains that haye been reeeired 
in exchange have been presented to the India Museum, after having been 
exhibited before the Society. 

Hahmeb Stones. 

The first specimen to be described (Plate XVIII, fig. la, h) is a hammer 
believed to be of a type unique in India. It was found at Alwara 2 miks 
north of the Jumna, and 87 miles south-west of Allahabad. This village is 
actually in the Futtehpore District close to the boundary of Banda. It was 
found by Mr. Cockburn, placed together with a number of other stones under 
a sacred tree, and was obligingly given to him, on its nature being explained, 
by the Thakur who owns the village. It is figured in Plate I. This 
hammer is of a tough, greyish quartzite and measures 8*50^ in length 
by 2'\(y' in breadth and 1*80" in thickness. In form, it somewhat resembles 
a modern hammer, being flat at the ends and slightly curved on the upper 
surface. A groove '50'' in width and *15" in depth has been carefully carried 

1883.] J. H. Bivett-Carnac— jf/ontf Implementi. 225 

roand the centre in a manner which is heat shown by the accompanying 
sketch. The base has been hollowed out with equal care in a gouge like 
form, to the depth of about *13 of an inch. The whole arrangement sug- 
gests that the hammer was attached by a ligature to a wooden or withy 
handle, the ligature being kept in its place by the upper grooye, while 
the lower grooye held the hammer in position on the rounded haft, in a 
manner somewhat resembling the annexed sketch. Mr. Cockburn has 
pointed out certain minute marks, especially on the lower groove, which 
suggest the possibility of metal implements having been used in the fa- 
shioning of the hammer, and it may be that this implement belongs to the 
tranntion stage from stone to metal, when metal, though available, was 
scarce. The arrangement for hafting the hammer, closely resembles that 
described by Dr. 0. Bau, in his account of the Archseological collection of 
the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, U. S. America, a copy of which he 
has recently been good enough to send me. This description of the manner 
of hafting the grooved axes, extracted below, applies equally to the handling 
of the hammer, and figs. 78 and 79 of the Smithsonian catalogue strongly 
resemble the Indian specimen now described. 

'^ Owing to their frequency these implements may be counted among 
'' the best known relics of the aborigines and especially in the rural dis- 
^ triots of the older states. Indian stone tomahawks are familiar objects. 
" In general they can be defined as wedges, encircled by a groove, usually 
" nearer the butt end than the edge. The groove served for the reception 
" of a withe of proper length which was bent round the stone head till 
^ both ends met when they were firmly bound together by ligatures of 
" hide or some other material. The withe thus formed a convenient han- 

The specimen now figured is it, is believed, the first of this description 
found in India. It is now in the British Museum, casts having been sup- 
plied to several of the leading Museums, including the Indian Museum 

The collection contains several other grooved hammers of a less perfect 
form, bearing no trace of metallic tooling. They appear to be water- worn 
pebbles, which have been grooved to admit of being attached to a withy 

The next specimen, Fig. 2, which I take to be a hammer also, is quite 
nnlike any of those figured in the Catalogues of the European and American 
Moseums that have yet reached me, though it is approached by a Scandi- 
navian hammer, to be noticed later, and is of a type not hitherto found in 
India. It is a cubical mass of basalt measuring 2'5(y' each way. On each 
of its six sides is a hole or depression about V in diameter and *25" in depth. 
The whole form is not unlike an astragalus, or die of the ancients, and will 

226 J. H. Biveii'CMnsLC—Sfone ImplemenU. [No. 3, 

best; be explained by fig. 2. The implement fits conveniently into the hand, 
the depressions affording a hold for the fingers, and suggesting its use as a 
many-sided hammer, the faces of which were changed from time to time 
when the pit became inconveniently deep for use. Somewhat similar de- 
pressions may be noticed on the iron mauls used by masons in the present 
day. The hammer, together with two celts, was found in the Banda Dis- 
trict, embedded in the roots of a pipal tree, which in the course of years 
had overgrown them, and the specimens were cut out with some difficulty. 
'* Nilsson's Scandinavia" contains a sketch, Plate I, No. 6, of a many-sided 
hammer of a somewhat similar form. 

A flat red quartzite pebble is figured in No. 8. It measures 4*25" in 
length by 8^ at the widest part, and is only 1*75^^ thick. The two ends are 
slightly flattened as shown in the engraving. The upper and lower sides 
exhibit a double groove or notch for the purpose of securing it to a wooden 
handle. On the upper and lower surfaces double cup-marks or depressions 
measuring about *70" in diameter and nearly *50'' in depth. The cup*mark 
depressions are not easily accounted for. Mr. Cockburn is inclined to think 
that they represent the process of forming a complete groove round the 
stone, which has been left unfinished. To me the design appears complete, 
and it would seem as if the end had, at one time, been used for hammering, 
whilst, at some other time, the cup-like depressions had been utilised. 
Possibly similar implements, found in other parts of the world, may hare 
been already described and explained. 

Fig. 4 is a nearly circular piece of sandstone measuring 8*50^ in diame- 
ter and 2'25'' in thickness. The upper and lower portions which were 
originally flat, show a circular depression 1*60" in diameter and -50" deep. 
The sides have been grooved to a depth of '25 of an inch. This implement 
may have been used as a hammer, for though now somewhat broken, it fits 
comfortably enough into the hand. Or, as suggested for stones of a similar 
type, it may have been a sort of rest or stone anvil, on which flint cores were 
split and worked Implements of a somewhat similar description were 
found by Major Mockler in Baluchistan. 

Fig. 5 represents a curiously wrought piece of basalt 8*50'^ in length 
and 8" in diameter. It bears the appearance of having been split in two, 
either by accident or design. A deep but narrow groove runs through the 
centre, as shown in the sketch. Mr, Cockburn considers it a type of imple- 
ment' resembling the single Bola, or modern slung shot, and supposes the 
groove to have been intended for the reception of a thong. Mr. Cockbara 
found a carved figure at Kalinjar, bearing in its hand an implement 
which he considers resembles that now described. At the back the stone 
is a small but curious depression, hardly large enough to have been produced 
by hammering. I am unable to suggest any explanation of its use. 

1883.] J. H. Rivett-Carnac — Stone Implements, 227 

^§* 6> ^» ^ 0^ which outline and section are given is a mace>end, 
or ring stone of a type well known in Europe, and of which several speci- 
mens have already been discovered and described in India by Messrs. Ball 
and others. The specinien in question is of quartzite and measures 5*50'' 
in diameter and 2*50'' in thickness. The central hole is 2 30" in diameter. 
Oo either surface, towards the centre it narrows, in the manner shown in the 
lection, and characteristic of the working of the implements of this descrip- 
iion found both in India and in Europe. 

Many examples of the type are to be found figured by Evans and 
others in their works on stone implements. Perfect specimens in some 
nambers have been found by Mr. Oockburn and myself, besides a large 
number of fragments. The perfect specimens are generally found under 
trees, deposited there together with celts, but numerous fragments have 
been picked up at the base of hills, on the Kymore plateaux, or in ravines, 
together with fragments of celts and flint chips and other indications 
which usually mark the sites of ancient encampments. Large round pebbles 
with the diilling of the central hole, in a more or less imperfect state, 
have also been found in considerable numbers, indicating that the process 
was troublesome and lengthy. Some exhibit a deep cup-mark or depression 
on either side, others on one side only. They closely resemble the hammer 
itones found in Europe and America, and figured in the various works on 
the subject. In many of these cases, it seems doubtful whether it was 
intended to perforate the stone, which fitted conveniently enough into the 
hand as a hammer. 

Fig. 7 is a four-sided block of diorite IV in length 2" in breadth and 
V in thickness. At about 3" from the end it has been ground to a rough 
point. The implement bears all the appearance of having been used as a 
pick or hoe, and is well adapted for grubbing out roots or digging out 
holes. I was originally inclined to think that this instrument may have 
been a stone ploughshare, such as might well have been used in a rude 
state of culture. The fact of the point being unsymmetrical, and the right 
nde exhibiting a greater amount of wear than the left, favours this idea. 

Plate XIX, fig. 8 is a long tapering well rounded piece of diorite, 
measuring 9*50" in length 2^60" in diameter at the base and V at the top. 
It bears from top to base the marks of the chipping by which it has been 
worked into its present state. The implement has all the appearance of 
having been used as a pestle for pounding grain or other substances. It 
may possibly have been used as a stone club, like those of the Merai of the 
Kew Zealanders, but is rather short for such a purpose. 

An ill-shaped rough polygonal block of tough sandstone measuring 
60" in length by 8" in breadth and 825" in thickness will be seen No. XVIII 
in the collection in Plate XX taken from a photograph. It has not been 

228 J. H. Rivett-Carnac — Stone Implements, [No. 3, 

separately figared. On the sides it has four depressions or holes of an inch 
in diameter and *80" in depth. It fits comfortably into the hand, and the 
projection at the top is convenient for the thumb and forefinger. It wonld 
appear to have been used as a hammer in the same manner as fig. 2 in Plate 
XVIII. The holes seem well adapted for the narrow conical ends of some of 
the celts, many of which bear the marks of hammering on the narrow end. 

Lastly, before passing to the celts, by far the most numerous class in 
the collection, some curious and mysterious stones, found in considerable 
numbers and one of which is figured No. 9, have to be briefly noticed. 
The only suggestion I can make in regard to them is that they had possi- 
bly been used as pivots. It is possible that similar stones may have been 
found in other parts of the world, and that the sketch may be recognized, 
and the use of the implement explained by some of my correspondents into 
whose hands copies of this paper will pass. 

Some specimens were picked up in situ by Mr. Oockburn about I mile 
north of the fortress of Bijaygarh, on a stony plateaux that has yielded 
fragment of celts and chert implements, by which it might be inferred that 
they were of considerable antiquity. 


Celts similar in form to those of Europe and America have, as already 
stated, been found by Mr. Cockbum and myself in very large numbers. It 
is possible that their preservation is partly to be attributed to their form, 
which admits of their being accepted as representing the Mahadeo or Phal- 
lus. Many have doubtless been ploughed up, but the rainfall in this up- 
land country has cut up the soil into innumerable water-courses and 
ravines, and this together with the constant denudation of the soil has left 
exposed many implements which would otherwise have long lain hidden 
beneath the surface. Besides those collected under trees, many celts have 
been found on the surface of the soU, possibly not far from the positions in 
which they had originally been lost. Numbers have been picked out of 
gravel heaps stacked on the sides of roads. Altogether, including those wo 
have purchased from natives, who have been employed in the search, the 
number of celts collected by us exceeds 4O0, . 

The largest of these is 12'''25 in length by 4i"'70 in breadth, weighing 
8fts. doz. *' The smallest is 2'''50 in length by 2''- 15 in breadth, and weighs 
d|oz.*' The stone selected for the celts is, in the case of the polished onea, 
diorite of varying degrees of fineness, in some cases nearly approaching 
porphery. A perfectly distinct type, roughly chipped, are of hard black basalti 
As a rule while those of the one class are thick and show an ovate section, 
the basalt celts are comparatively flat. The basalt weathers differently from 
the diorite. In rare instances celts of polished sandstone have occarred 
The great mass of implements of this material are exceedingly rough pro- 

1883.] J. H. Rivett-Carnac — Stone ImplemenU, 229 

duefeions, in hard quartzite somewhat resemble Messrs. Bruce and Fooles 
specimens froin Southern India. They have not, however, jet been found 
in positions which would admit of their being cLissed as palsBolithic types, 
though it is quite possible that they may be of an older type than the 
poMed celts. 

In material, in shape, and in manufacture the polished and chipped 
oelts of the first two classes closely resemble those found in various parts 
of £arope, America and Australia. This is the verdict of all the Museums 
to which they have been sent. 

The Count de Limur, the distinguished French Antiquarian, assures me 
in a recent letter^ that those sent to him, so closely resemble the celts dug 
oat of the tumuli of Carnac and other parts of Brittany preserved in the 
Hiuemn of the Hotel de lamur, that had the latter not all been marked, he 
would not have been able to distinguish the one from the other. 

The collection may be considered under the classification adopted by 
Etuib : Isty The chipped or rough hewn celts. 2nd, The poUshed celts. 

Class I. Rough hewn celts of basalt may he further subdivided into three 
tjpes (A.) Heart-shaped or cordate, rather an uncommon type, the edge alone 
bighly polished, and so much rounded as to be almost semicircular. In many 
eases inequalities of the chipping have been partially removed, but in no case 
lias the implement itself been entirely polished. (B.) Lanceolate. Long and 
eomparatively narrow and coming to a point at the end, resembling the 
vrow-heads termed *' leaf -shaped" in European collections. The side edges 
bve the appearance of being serrated, owing to flakes having been taken off 
alternate sides. (C.) Very flat and almost triangular in shape. Implements of 
all these types will be observed in Plate XX which is taken from a photo« 

A rough unfinished celt is given in Plate XIX, figure 10. Fig. 11 repre- 
sents one of the largest, whilst fig. 12 is a selected specimen of the flat 
triiDgnlar type. 

The collection includes a broken basalt celt with a well defined shoul- 
der indicating that this class of implement was handled. 

One or iiwo small basalt celts with the greater portion of the surface 
polished have also been found as far south as Dudhi in South Mirzapore. 
Ibey are about the length of an average forefinger and fit in between the 
finger and thumb, and resemble in shape and size a jade knife, from the lake 
dwellings of Constance, which the distinguished Dr. Fischer was recently 
good enough to send me. The latter specimen is now in the collection of 
tlie Indian Museum and may be compared with the Indian types. 

Fig. 13 shows an outline drawing of the largest of the polished celts, 
its length being 12''-26 by 4''*70 in breadth, and the weight 8fts. doz. 
It is difficult to conceive how it could have been haf ted, so huge are its 

H H 

230 J. H. Rivett-Carnac— iS#oiM ImplemenU. [No. 8, 

proportions. The original polish has not preserved it from the effects 
of the weather, during, perhaps, several hundreds of years, and the stone is 
corroded and pitted on the surface, the material heing fine-grained diorite. 

Fig. 14 a polished celt, much weathered is, from its shape, one of the 
most interesting in the collection. It is 7*5'' long hj 3*50 broad. On either 
side is a shallow cup-mark or depression, resembling the depressions of the 
celts found in Europe. It is remarkable as having two notches about half 
the distance from the cutting edge. These were evidently made for the 
purpose of binding it to a handle, and the opposite directions of the planes 
of the notches indicate that the binding was carried round and round. In 
Evans' '* Stone Implements," p. 9, a similar celt from India is noticed as 
being in the possession of Genl. Pitt-Rivers. The Banda specimen was 
found in a village about one mile from Kirwee. 

The implement illustrated in fig. 15 is a battered and expended celt of a 
fine-grained diorite, approaching basalt. On either side is a large oval-shaped 
depression, suggesting that the stone, first used as a celt, was utilized 
subsequently as a hammer. Evans in his Ancient Stone Implements of 
Great Britain, fig. 207, notices that in England, it is by no means uncommon 
to find portions of polished celts, which, after the edge has by some 
means been taken away, have been converted into hammers. The specimen 
now figured, closely resembles fig. 168 in Evans' Tolume already noticed. 

Fig. 16 is a polished celt of diorite, from Robertsgung^ in the Mirzapoie 
District, and differs entirely in shape from the celts already figured. The 
side view closely resembles ^^. 67 of Evans' work, a celt found in the bed 
of the Thames, London. It has been blunted at the top, and is almost round 
in section until within an inch and a half from the base, where it expands 
slightly, as shown in the sketch. From its cylindrical form it more closely 
resembles a village Mahadeo, and this may account for its having been 
found on a shrine so far east as Robertsgunge. The habit of preserving 
celts under trees is not general in the Mirzapore District, although cehs 
must be quite as abundant as in Banda, for Mr. Cockbum and a friend, who 
searched together, found five in a circuit round Elandakote. Two of theM 
are of a square type not yet obtained in Banda. 

The collection comprises several long chisel-shaped celts and a vast 
number of tiny immature implements of the same shape as the larger celti 
figured. The latter may either have been hafted or used between the fore- 
finger and thumb. The diorite when ground and polished takes and pre- 
serves, under rough usage, a perfect edge. One of the smaller ones that 
has been fixed into a handle of staghom, after the manner of those foond 
in the Swiss Lake dwellings, has been sharpened, and I can testify from 
experience, chops wood nearly as efficiently as a small iron axe. 

The subject will be continued in a later number of the JournaL 

1883] J. Benmea—Notet on the RUiory of Orisia. 231 

Notes on the History of Oriesa under the Mahommedan, Mardtha, 
mnd English rule, — By JoHK Beajibs, B. C. S. 

[These notes were written as Chapter II of a manual of the district of Balasore, 
of vhich I was Collector from 1869 to 1873. The work when completed was laid 
be&re 8ir R. Temple (then Lieutenant-Gtoyemor of Bengal) in 1876 ; but for certain 
rauons which cannot be here stated, was not printed. In 1877 I was asked by Mr. 
BlnchTnann, then Secretary to the Society, to allow him to print the historical portion 
ia the Society's Jomnal. I was nnable to comply with his reqnest at that time, and 
(he wk was pat aade. Becently being engaged in some researches regarding the 
hiftoiy of my present official charge, the Burdwan Division, I have had occasion to 
nfer to it, and as I do not know of any compilation which gives all the facts therein 
eo&tained, I haye thought that it may be useful to print it.] 

There is some reason for believing that for many centnnes the 
eoantry between the Elansbans and the Subanrekha was totally uninhabit- 
ed, aod covered with jungle. The legends of the Oriya race render it 
probable that they came into the province through the hills and down 
the Mahanadi, and the characteristics of their language lead me to believe 
that they broke off from the main stream of Aryan immigration some- 
vbere about Shahabad and Gya. That they are not an offshoot of the 
fiengaliB is proved by the fact that their language was already formed as 
ve now have it, at a period when Bengali had not yet attained a separate 
autence, and when the deltaic portion of Bengal was still almost unin- 
Ittbited. So that in fact they could not have sprung from the Bengalis, 
Rmply because there were then no Bengalis to spring from. 

Numerous as are the allusions in early Oriya history to the north- 
wertem and western parts of India, and frequent as were their expeditions 
to the south, it is remarkable that there is nowhere in all their annals more 
tbaa an obscure occasional mention of Bengal, and then even as a far-off 
inaccessible place. The similarity between the languages is not by any 
Deans so great as some Bengali writers have sought to make out, and what 
lifflilarity there is, is due to the fact that they are both dialects of the 
eastern or Magadhi form of Prakrit. 

The ancient sovereigns of Orissa were great builders and employed 
^ne in their works. As the province is not deltaic, but high and rocky, 
these stone buildings would last for ages, and in fact central and southern 
Origga are full of them. Kow it is a remarkable fact that in all northern 
Balasore from the Kansbans to the frontier of Bengal there is not a vestige 
of a single fort, temple, palace or bridge that can be traced or attributed 
to any older period than the sixteenth century. It is hardly possible that 
if this part of the country had been inhabited, the kings and rich men who 
80 lavishly spent their wealth in the rest of the province on temples and 

232 J. Beames — Notes on the History of Oriesa. [No. 3, 

forts, should not have erected a siDgle stone building in a place where 
stone abounds. 

An additional argument for my view is derived from the existence 
of numerous tenures of a kind originallj granted for the purpose of clear- 
ing and settling forest land. These tenures, so numerous in northern 
Balasore, are hardly known south of the Kansbans except in the hills. 

I may also point to the very lai^e number of villages whose names 
begin with the word ^' Ban" = forest, including according to one derivation 
Balasore itself, (i. e , Baneshwara, forest-lord,* Sanskrit Vaneswarn) and 
to the very marked prevalence of the £ole or aboriginal type among the 
lower classes. 

Stirling's account of Orissa has been long in print, and is so well 
known, that it would be superfluous to repeat what is there said about the 
various dynasties of Orissa. It will have struck many readers of that 
work that often as the towns and regions of the Cuttack and Pooree dis- 
tricts are mentioned in the historical portion, Balasore is hardly ever 
spoken of. One would not of course expect to find it mentioned under 
the name of Balasore, because Balasore as a town is a creation of the Eng- 
lish and quite a modern place, but no other towns, villages, or parganaa in 
this part of the province are ever mentioned. Till the arrival of the 
Musalmans, no event in Oriya history took place there, nor is there any 
evidence of its having been more than scantily peopled, if at all 

It will not therefore take long to put together the scattered 
notices that exist during the Hindu and Muhammadan periods. From the 
people themselves not much can be got, the best informed of them cannot, 
with few exceptions, go back further than the sanads granted to their 
ancestors by the provincial governors under Aurangzeb or at furthest Shah 
Jehan, and the majority do not as a rule know who their own great-grand- 
fathers were, and do not care. 

The first of the few notices of any part of this district oceuraf in 
a speech made by Eaja Anang Bhim Deo who ruled in Orissa A. D. 1176— 
1202, in which he informs his courtiers that the kings who had preceded 
him had ruled from the Kansbans in the north to the Basikoilah in the 
south, but that he had extended his sway to the Datai Borhi river on the 
north. I cannot find what river is meant, but I presume it to be the 
Subanrekha, which in some parts of its course is still called DantaL The 
statement that the whole country from the Ganges to the Qodavery was 

* [The little village of Balasore which afterwards, nndor English influence, grew 
into the present town, is called from a temple to Mahadeva Yaneahwara or *' Shiva the 
forest lord," probably because the place where his temple stood was covered by dcoae 

t Stirling's Orissa. p. 109. 

1883.] J. Beames— -JVb^«« an the HiHory of Orma. 23B 

mder this king's rale is clearly fabulous, and arisea from the fact that 
theQodavBry is called by Oriyas the "S&n Ganga" or little Ganges, so 
that it became a natural phrase in native adulatory language to say a king 
Rjgned from the great to the little Ganges. The area of this tract is 
Slid to have been measured at 124 million bighas, which is unintelligiblei 
even with the small bighas of those days. 

In 1450 we are briefly told that the Mughals came into the 
coontry, but it is not said from what quarter, and a prior invasion in 1243 
is evidently a mistake.* The expedition was really to Jajnagar in 
Bengal, a place whose name has been confounded with Jajpore in Orissa. 
In 1457 we find the Muhammadans attacking Orissa from the south in 
eonjunction with the Telingas, and the invasion of 1450 was probably from 
the same quarter. The Bhunyans of Garpadda, 15 miles north of 
Balasore, have in their possession a copper- plate grant of the estate which 
they still bold, made to their ancestor Potesar Bhatt by the Raja Pursot- 
tam Deb in 1503. The amount of land granted, 1,408 batis (=28,160 
acres), is so large that it is evident land was not of much value in northern 
Orissa in those days. 

The road to Orissa must, however, have been practicable in 1516, 
for in that year, as we know from his life in Bengali, the great reformer 
CLaitanya travelled from Nadiya to Puri and took up his abode there for 
the rest of his days. Probably the district began to be cleared and settled 
aboat this time under the " Purshethi" system. Still we have no detailed 
aecounts of it. About this time the Afghans from Bengal, however, 
marched right down to Cuttack itself, and the road which they made or 
Qsed on this and their subsequent expeditions is still to be traced, and is 
known to the villagers as the '^ Pathdn sarak." It runs parallel to the 
present Cuttack Trunk Road but nearer to the hills, and apparently from 
superstitious motives is left uncultivated to this day. 

In 1550 Mukund Deo the last indigenous king of Orissa ascend- 
ed the throne, and we are told of him that his sway extended to Tribeni 
Ghat on the Hugli. He it was in all probability who erected the strong 
chain of forts still standing at Baibanian in the extreme northern corner 
of the district, just opposite the place where the old Pathan road crosses 
the Subanrekha. In 1568 this fort was taken by the terrible ^i\& Pahdr, 
general of the Afghan forces who overran all Orissa, defeated and deposed 
Mukund and obtained possession of the whole province.f 

• See Blochmann in J. A. S. B. Vol. XIII, p. 237. 

t There is some controversy about this date. Dr. Hunter (Orissa, Vol. II, p. 10,) 
Sivea a note founded on matorials supplied by my £riend, the late Mr. Blochmann, from 
which he derives the conclusion that the date 1568 given by the Muhammadan histo* 
nan is correct.. This view has received signal confirmation from a discovery of my 

284 J. Benme^-^Noies on the History of Oriua, [No. 3, 

Balasore now begins to be more important. The road to Bengal 
was open and the Muhammadan forces passed and repassed and fought 
many battles along it. 

Before entering into the somewhat interesting details of the 
Musalman invasion, settlement and government of Orissa, it will be 
advisable to state briefly the general position of India. 

Akbar ascended the throne in A. D. 1566, and though very young, 
soon commenced to consolidate his power. But in all parts of India 
there were Hindu Kaj^ who had either themselves wielded independent 
power, or whose immediate ancestors had done so. There were also numer- 
ous bands of Mughals and Afghans who, during the unsettled reigns of 
Akbar's predecessors, had penetrated into various distant parte of India in 
search of plunder, or with a view to carving out principalities for them- 
selves by the sword. All these classes were only with extreme difficulty 
and after repeated chastisements reduced to obedience, and the history of 
Akbar's reign is chiefly occupied, as are those of his son and grandson, with 
the accounts of expeditions directed against refractory vassals. 

Of the latter kind were the Afghan adventurers who so long 
held Orissa. In 1567 Sulayman Shah Kirani was viceroy of Bengal; 
he was in fact king in all but name. He it was who sent Kk\& Pabir 
into Orissa ; the accounts of the histories differ widely as to the date as 
well as the progress of this invasion. From local legends it would appear 
that Mukund Deo, after vainly endeavouring to hold the fort of Raibanian, 
retreated southwards fighting as he went, and was killed at Jijpur. As 
VMk Pah&r was an ultra-fanatical Musalman, in the estimation of himself 

own* At Snyanga, a village ten nules south of Balasore, I found on the edge of a 
large tank called the " Achyuta S^Lgar" an upright stone covered with an inscription. 
This stone I removed and set up in the compound of my house at Balaaore, where it 
now is. The inscription, as partly decyphered by myself and several Pandits, yields 
the following restdts: The tank was dug by a Khandait who describes hunaelf M 
<< Aohyut Baliar Singh son of Daitari Biswal, sole ruler in this region" ; and he saji 
he erected it when Man Singh, general of Akbar Padshah was in Orissa, in the 4i699th 
yesk of the Kali Yng, in the 1620th year of the Saka era, in the 30th year of the 
** Tavan bhog" or Musalman invasion, and in the 87th anka or year of the reign of 
Bam Chandra Dev, first Sudra king of Orissa. Now both the Yug and the Saka years 
agree in corresponding with A. D. 1598. Consequently if 1698 he the 30th year of 
Musalman invasion, the first year of that period must be 1568 as Abul Fazl recfcoDfi 
and not 1568 as Stirling, following the Oriya annalists, puts it. The 87th anka would 
be the 28th year of Bam Chandra's reign, because in reckoning the anka^ the first two 
years and every year that has a 6 or a in it are omitted, we most thus omit the 
years 1, 8, 6, 10, 16, 20, 26 and 80. This takes ns back to 1670 as the year of Bam 
Chandra's accession, which leaves 1669 to represent the period of anarchy when then 
•was no king, aocording to the native annalists. This discovery of the Siyangt stosa 
is thus valuable as elucidating a disputed date in history. 

1883.] J. Beames — Note^ on the HUtory of Orisia. 235 

lod his followers any one of them who was slain in battle with the Hindus 

was entitled to be considered a martyr. Aecording;ly we find there must 

hsTe been a battle at Garhpada, for there lies buried one of K&\& Pah&r's 

officers with the title of Shahid or '' martyr." His name was Hitam Kb^n, 

isdagrant of rentfree land of 138 bighas is enjoyed by the Ghirhpada 

Bhuyans on condition of keeping up his shrine. At Bastah lies another, 

SbiUi Hnsayni Shahid, at Ramchandarpur south of Garhpadda is a third 

Mnbammad Khin Shahid, and at Bemnah a fourth Gulab Sh4h Shahidi 

from whom also the large bazar of Shahji Patna takes its name. We can 

thus trace KiUa Pah^r iill through the district by the tombs of his slain 

Captains. He left a number of his turbulent followers in Orissa and re« 

turned to Bengal where he was killed in battle. A great number of these 

lawless adventurers settled at Eiasba, a suburb of Balasore, and at Bha« 

diakh and Dhimnagar, where their descendants are still to be found. 

In 1574 DaM Khan, the king of Bengal, being driven out of that 
province by the forces of the Emperor Akbar under Munim Ehiln, fled to 
Oiina and remiuned hovering backwards and forwards between Cattack 
ud Jellasore for some time. At last Munim Kh&n with a large force, 
accompanied by the celebrated Baja Todar Mai marched down through 
Hidnapore on hiuL The armies met on the north bank of the Subanrekha 
near the village of Tukaroi and the battle took place on the 3rd March 
1575.* Mxmim Eh4n was victorious and Daud fled to Bhadrakh. The place 
where the battle was fought is well known to the villagers and ig still 
ealled Mughalm&ri (the Mughal's slaughter). It runs westward for some 
Kx miles from the present Jellasore dak bungalow towards the river. 
Todar Mai pursued Bhadrakh, but DiLud did not wait to be caught* 
He fled to Cuttack and got into the fort there and garrisoned it strongly. 
The Imperial forces, however, attacked and took it, and Daud then sub- 
Butted to the Emperor. Munim Khiln returned to Bengal, where he and 
many of his officers died of fever said to have been contracted in Orissa, 
but more probably due to their own imprudence in taking up their resi- 
dence in tiie pestilential jungles of Gaur. 

After the submission of Diud he was left in possession of central 
Oiisaa as far north as the Baitarani, but the territory now comprised in 
the Balasore district was annexed to the Subahof Bengal,t and two Thana- 

* See Blochmann, Ain, Vol. I, p. 876. 

t In the Afn Akbari it ia indeed asserted that the whole of Orissa was on this 
accaiioii sulijiigated and added to the Subah of BengaL It is described as divided into 
Bidoin Uke other Subahs. Birkar Jalesar (Jellasore) includes the greater part of the 
fieient district of Midnapore. The other SirlUurs are Bhadiak, Ka^k (Onttack), 
KaliDga Dandp^ti <^ ^ Mahindrah (Hajamnndry), bat no details are given of the 
two last, and it is well known that they were not subject to the Empire, (Ain Akbari 
by Blochmann, Persian text, Vol. II, p. 209). 

236 J. BeameB — Notes an the HUtory of Orusa, [No. 3, 

dars were appointed, one at Jellasore, the other at Bhadrakh. Balasore itself 
was not a place of importance in those days. After the death of Munim 
Khin the reins of authority became relaxed, and DiLud came up into Bala- 
sore and marched into Bengal. The Afghans of Orissa were for many 
years in a characteristically Afgh&n state of riot and quarrelling, and 
Balasore, lying as it does between Outtack and the Bengal frontier, was 
often the battle-field between the rulers of the two provinces. None of 
the battles were, however, very decisive, nor are there any traces of the 
battle-fields still remaining, though many villages and market places with 
Musalman names in various parts of the district testify to the settlement 
of Afghan and Mughal invaders. 

In 1582 Eutlu Kh&n, the Afgh&n leader, who since Baud's death 
had been the virtual ruler of Orissa, marched through Balasore against the 
Subahd&r of Bengal^ and advanced as far as Burdwan, where in 1583 he 
was defeated by Sadik £h&n. At that time the sway of the Afghans of 
Orissa extended with a few exceptions as far as the Btipnarayan river, bat 
after this victory they were beaten back, and retreated to Cuttack^ leaving 
Balasore as far as the Baitarani river for a time unmolested. 

Kutlu Khin died in 1590, and his sons being minors sued for 
peace and agreed to surrender the temple of Jaganith and the sacred 
domain or ** khetra" to the Emperor. The Governor of Bengal at this 
time was B&ja Man Singh, who as a Hindti was highly pleased at rescuing 
the holy city from the hands of the infidels who had long exercised a cmel 
and tjrrannous sway over the priests. 

Two years later, however, the treacherous A^hdns again seized 
Jagandth and this roused M4n Singh's wrath, and in a great battle fought 
in 1592 on the northern bank of the Subanrekha, probably on the same 
site as Munim Khin's victory at Tukaroi or Mughalmari, he utterly crusb- 
ed the Afgh&ns and took possession once more of Orissa. The rebels were 
turned out of Jellasore and fled to Outtack where they shut themselves up 
in the strong fort of Sarang Garb, three miles south of the city. M&n Siogb 
soon after besieged and took Sarang Garb, and received the submission oC 
the Afghilns. 

Sultan Ehusrau, grandson of Akbar and son of Jahangir was named 
Viceroy of Orissa, but he never visited the province, ius appointment being 
probably merely honorary. 

M4n Singh having gone to Agra to pay his respects to the Em- 
peror, the Afghiins under 'Usman Khin again rose, in 1598 and collected a 
large force at Bhadrakh, where they defeated the Imperial troops under 
Maha Singh, occupied a great portion of western Bengal, and again obtained 
possession of Balasore as far as the Subanrekha. Mdn Singh, however, 
again returned and defeated 'Usman at Sherpur 'Atai north of Burdwan. 

1883 ] J. BetLmea-— Notes on the Hiiioty of northern OrUta, 237 

'Usman as usual retired to Cuttack, where he was not pursued. In all 
these constant advances and retreats, the Afghans seem always to have 
r^[uded Bhadrakh as their frontier. Jellasore was the frontier of the 
Imperialists, and the intermediate country was a debateable ground over 
which both parties fought at their pleasure. I mention this fact as con- 
firming what I have said on a previous page, that central and northern 
fialasore even down to so late a period as this, contained no towns of impor- 
tance but was scantily peopled and not worth fighting for. 

For eleven years 'Usman Khan ruled at Cuttack, but does not 
seem to have exercised much sway over Balasore, as he never during that 
time came into collision with the Imperial garrison at Jellasore, which he 
could not have failed to have done had he ventured so far north. In 1611, 
howerer, he appears to have begun aggressions once more, and encamped 
on the banks of the Subanrekha again with an army of 20,000 horse and 
defied the Emperor's forces. After a fierce encounter which from the 
accounts given by the native historians appears to have taken place among 
the marshes near Kajghat on the southern side of the river, 'Usman was 
shot in the head and died. His troops fled in disorder and Shujaat Khan, 
the leader of the Mughals, entered the province as a conqueror and annexed 
it finally to the Empire. 

Orissa now enjoyed peace for five years under the able govern- 
ment of Ibrahim Kh4n, and it is from this epoch that we date the rise of 
Babisore as a commercial town. The district produces rice in abundance, 
and when the Afghans ceased to desolate it, it rapidly recovered and began 
to export. The weavers of Balasore whose cloths were long so celebrated 
now begin to be heard of, and it was not many years later than this date 
that the English established themselves as traders in the district. 

In 1621 Prince Khurram son of the Emperor Jehangir (subse- 
quently Emperor under the title of Shdh Jahdn) invaded Orissa through 
the hills, turned out Ahmad Beg, the governor of the province, and after 
appointing Kuli Khan in his place pushed on through Balasore into 
Bengal. He does not seem to have stayed long in Orissa, though his 
rebellion lasted a long time in Bengal and Behar. Orissa does not appear 
to have suffered in any way from the change of governors, nor is there 
anything further to be gleaned from the Persian historians save a string 
of successive governors. We learn incidentally that the cultivation of the 
soil was increasing and was further promoted by the grant of many mili- 
tary jagirs to old soldiers of the Empire. One of these jagirs was established 
at Dhamnagar where the descendants of the original grantees still live, and 
& populous Musalman colony has sprung up. It was during this period as 
^U be seen hereafter that the English obtained from the Emperor Shah 
Jahan a firman empowering them to open factories at Pipli and Balasore. 
I I 

238 J. Beames — Notes on the Siitory of northern Orissa. [No. 3, 

In the time of Mir Taki £bdn, wbo was Naib of Shujaaddin, 
Nawab of BeDgal, all that part of the Sirkar of Jellasore lying north of the 
Subanrekba was transferred to Bengal, thus making that river the northern 
boundary of Orissa. It is much to be wished that this well defined boun- 
dary had been adhered to ever since. Taki Kh4n ruled Orissa from 1725 
to 1734. He was a bigotted Musalman, and in his time the Baja of 
Khurda found or affected to find it necessary to carry ott the idol of 
Jagandth to the hills beyond the Chilka. All pilgrimage was in conse- 
quence put a stop to, and the revenues of the province greatly injured. 
Taki Khan lies buried in the Kadam Basul at Cuttack, but the local tradi- 
tions of Balasore represent him as having spent much of his time in that 
town. He built the masonry tank, and reservoir and the mosque and 
gardens known as the Kadam Rasul in Balasore.* He is also said to have 
had a hunting palace at Remna five miles from Balasore under the Nilgiri 
Hills, a place still abounding with game, and whose name (Sanskrit Kama- 
na=a place of sport, or hunting-ground) supports the legend. There are 
still at Bemna extensive ruins of Muhammadan tombs and buildings. Taki 
Khdn is well remembered in Balasore, and his character for piety stands 
high. A curious legend is current that the Yaishnava, Nandhd Gosain, 
whose temple is in Malik dspur a suburb of the town^ was in the habit of 
making a great noise with drums and cymbals while celebrating his kir- 
tans or religious ceremonies. The Nawab's devotions being disturbed by 
this noise, he ordered it to be stopped. That evening when the naubat, or 
beating of drums at sunset was about to take place, none of the drums 
would sound, and this state of things continued till the Nawab withdrew 
his prohibition from Nandha Gosain, when the drums again sounded as 

In 1734 Mursbid Kuli Khan was appointed governor of Orissa, 
and with him came as his Dewan the infamous Mir Habib who afterwards 
betrayed the province to the Marathas. The first thing Murshid did was 
to induce the Brahmans to bring back to Puri the idol of Jaganndth which 
had been carried oS. for safety to the hills across the Chilka. By this step 
the revenues of the province were at once immensely increased, as the 
stream of pilgrims, which had for some time ceased owing to the disappear- 
ance of the object of their worship, now set in again, and the tax on them 
is said to have risen from a nominal sum to nine lakhs per annum. In 
1740 Ali Verdi Khan became Governor of Bengal and made himself 
virtually independant of the Emperor, whose power had been much shaken 

* Probably so named in imitation of that in Cuttack, which derives its naiBO 
*< footstep of the Prophet" &om being supposed to contain some relics of Miihammsd 
brought from Mecca, 

1883.] J. Beames — Note* an the HUtory of northern Oriua^ 239 

bj the inyasion of Nadir Sh&h and the sack of Delhi. The Qovernor of 
Oiissa refused to obey All Verdi, and the latter marched agiunst him. The 
two armies met at Balasore and the native account is so precise that I am 
able to identify the exact spot where, the battle took pkce. It is about a 
mile north of the Civil Station where a long ridge of high land, then 
clothed with woods, slopes down into the marshes between the Nuniajori 
and the Burhabalang rivers near the villages of Haripur and Dohopara.* 
The river surrounds this land on three sides, and in so strong a position 
Morshid might long have defied his adversary, who being cut ofE from the 
town could get no provisions and was in much distress. Murshid's son-in- 
law, however, rashly moved out to attack the Nawab, and the result was a 
complete victory for the latter. Murshid and his party got on board a 
fihip at Balasore and fled by sea to Masulipatam. The Kaja of Rattanpur 
with much promptness carried ofE Murshid*8 women and children from 
Cuttack and delivered them to him in the south before All Verdi could 
come up. 

Sayid Ahmad, the Nawab's nephew, was made Governor, and ren- 
dered himself yerj unpopular by his tyranny. At last the people of Cut- 
tick rose against him and recalled Murshid Kuli. He would not come 
Umself, but sent his son^n-law Bakir Khan, who was, however, conquered 
i^ain on the banks of the Mahanadi in 1741 by Ali Verdi, who appointed 
Masom Khdn Governor of Orissa. He thinking all danger now at an end, 
disbanded his troops who mostly returned to their own homes, and content- 
ed himself with an escort of five thousand horse and some infantry re- 
croited in the province. In this defenceless state was Orissa, when a great 
calamity occurred which entirely changed the whole current of its history, 
and introduced the darkest and bitterest period of suffering that the 
barrassed and wasted province has ever known. 

fin the month of February 1743 (Phalgun 1150) the MarathasJ 
from Berar entered the province of Orissa. After the defeat of Murshid 
Knli Khiln by Ali Verdi Kh&n at Balasore in 1740, the traitor Mir Habib- 
oUah, dewan of the former, had secretly invited the Marathas to attack 

* To the traveller approaching Balasore from the north through the centre of 
Hohhid's position along the Calcutta Trunk Road the suitability of this particular 
■pot for a camp of defence is very strikingly apparent. Balasore town and station 
lie along this high ridge with the swampy Nuniajori winding at its foot and the river 
JQst beyond. 

t The historical details here given are derived principally from Grant DufiTs 
History of the Mahrattas ; the minor and local details from native tradition and the 
records of the Balasore office. 

X I write this word as the natives themselves do IV^TVT HarithI, the common 
■pelliag liahratta is incorrect 

240 J. Beanies — Notea on the Mutory of northern Orisia, [No. 3, 

Orissa. At this time Raghoji Bbonsla was ruler of Berar holding his court 
at Nagpur. Habib's negociations were made in the first instance with 
Bhaskar Pandit or Pant (as the Maratbas corrupt the word) Dewan of 
Kagboji. With his master's permission Bhaskar Pant made an attack 
upon Behar in the first instance with twelve thousand horse and got as far 
as Pacbet, before Ali Verdi could get up from Orissa to oppose him. A 
battle was fought at Katwa in which the Maratbas were victorious, and 
Mir Habib having been (probably on purpose) taken prisoner, at once 
installed himself as Bhaskar's adviser, and enabled him to take possession 
of the town of Hugli, and subsequently to overrun the country as far as 
Midnapore. Ali Verdi, however, was not discouraged, he again attacked 
the Maratbas and drove them through Midnapore, skirmishing as they 
retreated as far as Balasore. Here they made a stand, and a battle took 
place on the high land now occupied by the Civil station of Balasore, a 
little to the south of the camp of Mursbid Euli mentioned in a preceding 
paragraph. The result of the battle was unfavourable to the Maratbas, 
for they retreated on Cuttack, taking the opportunity, however, of plunder- 
ing everything they could lay hands on as they went. From Cuttack 
they retreated through the hills to Berar. 

Immediately on their return to Nagpore, Bagboji Bbonsla him- 
self resolved to make an attack on Bengal and marched at once. He 
arrived at a place between Katwa and Bardwan, but the Maratha Peshwa 
Balaji Bao having been incited by the Emperor of Delhi to restrain hid 
turbulent feudatory, had marched through Allahabad, Patna and Bhi^* 
pur, effected a junction with Ali Verdi Kh^n at Murshidabad and bore 
down on Kagboji. The latter having no mind to come to open blows 
with the Minister of his nominal sovereign, retreated but was overtaken 
and defeated, after which with the remnant of bis forces be marched 
again through Balasore, plundering and destroying as he went, back to 

Into the confused history of Maratha politics in those days it is 
not necessary to enter. Suffice it to say that Kagboji Bbonsla was, next 
to the Peshwa, the most powerful Maratha noble of the time, and shortlj 
after his return to his capital be marched on Sattara, and extorted from 
the puppet Kaja a deed by which, while the rest of the countries under 
Maratha rule, or rather misrule, were retained by the Peshwa, to Kagboji 
himself were assigned the revenues of Oudh, Behar, Bengal and Orissa. 
The Kaja was possibly giving away a good deal more than be possessed, 
but that did not much matter, Kagboji's horsemen^ with their long spears, 
might be trusted to settle the rest. 

In the cold weather of 1744< Kagboji sent an army of 20,000 
horse into Orissa apparently by way of Sambhalpur. Ali Verdi met them in 

1888.] J. Beames — Notei on the History of northern OrUsa. 241 

Hidnapore and being unable to cope with them in the field proposed 
negociations. He invited to an entertainment Bhaskar Pant, All Karawal 
and the principal ofiicers, and there murdered them. The army retreated 
in confusion through Balasore and were much harassed by the peasantry 
vho maintained a guerrilla warfare and cut off all stragglers without 

In 1745 Raghoji took his revenge. Marching down upon Guttack 
in November, he overran the country probably as far as the Subanrekha, 
and refused to leave unless he was paid three krores of rupees. He then 
advanced to Katwa, but the indomitable Ali Verdi met him there and de- 
feated yn\Tn^ on which he returned to Berar without his money, but 
plundering as usual on the way. 

Baghoji was now, fortunately for Balasore and Orissa, engaged 
in wars and intrigues on his own side of the country for some time. In 
the immediately succeeding years he appears to have left Orissa pretty 
much to itself, though stray bands of Marathas made their appearance 
from time to time in 1748 and 1749 ; but in 1750 Janoji Bhonsla, son of 
old Baghoji, was sent into Orissa with Mir Habib and the two commenced 
iheir old system of plunder and extortion. In 1750 Ali Verdi lost all 
hope of resisting the marauders and gave up to them the whole province 
louth of the Bubanrekha as well as the Pargana of Pattdspur north of 
that river. The Marathas were to hold the province as security for the 
tlmUh or tribute always claimed by them from conquered provinces. 

Stirling speaks of a second invasion which occurred in 1753, but 
this seems doubtful. At any rate it could not have been led by Janoji, 
for Baghoji died in that year, and Janoji was busy in securing his 
succession to the hereditary office of Sena Sahib or Commander-in-Chief 
and was at Pima for that purpose during the greater part of the year. 

In the year 1751, during Janoji's occupation of Orissa, the traitor 
Habib met his deserts. Janoji charged him with embezzlement and 
made him prisoner in his camp at Qarhpada, a lai^e and important village 
on the borders of Moharbhanj, 15 miles north of Balasore, and still the 
teat of a respectable family of zemindars. Habib was indignant at being 
confined, and with a few followers tried to escape, and the guards placed 
over him hacked him to pieces.. The place, where his camp was pitched, 
is still known as Habibganj. It is a small bazar and village in Pargana 

There is nothing further at this period specially relating to 
Balasore. In 1755 the whole province was finally and conclusively made 

* One is glad to see the Oriya peasantry showing some little spirit on this occa* 
•ion. It would have been better for them had they done so oftener. 

242 J. Beames — NoteM on the History ofnorthtrn Oriua. [No. 8, 

over to the Marathaa at the request of the zemindars of Midnapore and 
Burdwan in exchange for 4 lakhs of the " chauth", the remainder to be 
paid from Bengal. Janoji's attention was engrossed hy more exciting 
events in his own country, and he contented himself with getting as mach 
money as he could out of the province and leaving it to he governed bj 
his officers as they chose. The northern limit of Orissa was at this time 
not as is generally stated at the Subanrekha, but included Pataspur and 

The oppression of the Marathas has often been written about To 
this day the peasant's name for anarchy and oppression is '* Mantha 
Amal.'' Janoji Bhonsla died in 1773, and was succeeded by his brother 
Sabaji, who ruled till 1775, when he was slain in battle by Madhoji his 
brother, who succeeded him as regent for his own son Eaghoji II who hid 
been adopted by Janoji and named his successor. 

Before continuing the history of Balasore under the Mantiw 
it will be interesting to collect the scattered notices of their preseDeein 
Orissa as it affected the then growing power of the English. Ov 
countrymen as will be stated more in detail in the next section, had in 
more than a century been in possession of factories and trading-posts in 
Orissa.* The chief of these were at Balasore and Pipli on the Sn- 
banrekha of which more hereafter. The first entry in the Governmeiit 
records is dated 26th February 1748, and records the alarm caused by the 
Marathas, then encamped at Katwa in Burdwan and threatening Moi- 
shidabad. On the same date Mr. EelsaU, Eesident at Balasore, suggests 
the sending of the post by mounted postmen as faster than runnen. 
The Marathas were in great force in the Santhal Pergunnahs and all over 
lower Bengal, and took a fort on the site of the present Botanical GardeDS. 
The Nawab sends a hint to the English to the effect that they shoold 
drive away these marauders who had plundered the Company's fleet of 
boats laden with silk from Gasimbazar. 

In August of the same year, Mr. Kelsall again writes from Balasore 
that the " Morattoes Horse" had attacked the factory of Balramgarfai 
at the mouth of the Balasore river, but had been repulsed by the Nawab 
who had pursued them into Guttack. 

In May 1749 the Nawab was at Guttack, the Marathas had fled, 
but were expected to return the next year, which, as we have seen, they did 
under Janoji. There were still, however, parties of them hanging about 
Diamond Harbour and the lower reaches of the river. They seem to have 
given the English a wide berth, though the timid Bengalis could make no 

• Selections firom the records of the €h>vemment of India, by Bev. J. Ix»f 
1748 to 1767. 

1883.] J. Beames — Noiet on the Hutoty of northern Orista, 243 

gtand against them. The Marathas were not hlood-thiratj, thehr ohject 
was plunder, but of that thej were insatiable. Too contemptuous of the 
Orijas to take any great precautions, they seem to have wandered about 
in small bands stripping the country bare as they went. 

In 1750 with Janoji's return matters grew worse and we find Mr. 
Eelsall reporting that, owing to the disturbances in the country, he 
could not ** purchase any ready money goods, as the weavers or gpreater 
part of them have been obliged to abscond." 

Stirling would appear to be correct as to an invasion in 1753, 
(though I do not think Janoji himself could have been with it), for the 
Besident at Balasore writes from Balramgarhi on Ist February of that year 
in a very desponding tone — * * Weavers at Balasore complain of the great 
scarcity of rice and provisions of all kinds occasioned by the devastation 
of the Mahrattas, who, 600 in number, after plundering Balasore had gone 
to the Nellegreen (NilgiriP) hills; several weavers have brought their 
looms into the factory, and the few who remain declare they shall be 
o\>%ed to quit the place. Desires he will send him 1500 or 2000 maunds 
oi rice on the Honorable Company's account." 

The residency at Cuttack does not seem to have been established 
tin 1757, nearly a hundred years later than Balasore ; for there is a letter 
dil«d 24th July of that year from Mr. John Bristow urging that he be 
allowed to hoist the Company's flag there. Again in 1769 Mr. Gray is 
directed to stay at Cuttack as long as he can with safety to himself, to 
keep the Qovernment informed of the proceedings of the " Morattoes." 

Even so late as 1760 the English do not seem to have contem- 
plated that the Marathas would permanently retain Orissa, though one 
voold have thought that they must have heard of the treaty in 1755, in 
spite of which " Mr. John Burdett at Balasore requests to be allowed to 
keep the spies allowed for that Factory, while the Marathas remain in the 
country, otherwise it will be impossible for him to acquaint us with their 
motions." (March 27.) 

It appears in fact that the Marathas were bad neighbours, and not 
careful to confine themselves within their treaty boundaries. Long 
after 1755 the Burdwan Bdja collected and kept up troops from fear of 
them and ^ Gawsib Singh the Jellasore zamadar, a man of great valour" 
was sent into Midnapore to protect the ryots. Pattaspore being in the 
hands of the Marathas, Jellasore must have been a very eiposed position, 
* long narrow strip in fact of the Nawab's territory stretching far down 
into the country held by the Marathas, and consequently exposed to in- 
roads from them. The collection of troops by the Bard wan Raja was 
probably simply a feint and was seen through, and he was ordered to dis- 
band them. 8heo Bhat S&ntra was the first Maratha Subadar of Orissa, 

244 J. Beames — Notes on the History o^ northern Grissa, [No. 3, 

and be it is who is alluded to in the Proceedings of 25th February 1760 
as " Shubuts having entered this Province with a party of Maratbas and 
commenced hostilities against us." The people of Balasore have no dis- 
tinctly historical facts to relate of this period ; all they know is, that bands 
of ^ Bargis," as the Maratha horse were called, were always wandering 
about the country, fighting and plundering under pretext of collecting 
revenue. The zamindars and kbandaits were turbulent and refractoiy, 
and it is astonishing how little influence the Maratbas seem to have bad 
over them. 

In 1761 we hear of the troops of '' Shah Bhut" coalescing with 
the Bdjas of Birbhum and Bardwan, and subsequently returning to 
Balasore by way of Midnapore. It appears from Proceedings of Septem- 
ber 17, 1761 that Sheo Bhat considered himself entitled to take pouea- 
sion of Midnapore, and- to ravage Bengal whenever he did not get bii 
chauth, and the English therefore resolve on that date to " set on foot 
an expedition against Cuttack," the Nawab to pay the cost by an wgo^ 
ment on the revenues of Jellasore and Cuttack. The omission of all mea- 
tion of Balasore shews that it had still no importance in the Bevenue De- 
partment. The old division into the Sirkars of Jellasore, Bhadrakh, and 
Cuttack was evidently still in force. Sheo Bhat had at this time forcibly 
annexed the chauth of Midnapore to that of Cuttack and was deaf to the 
Nawab's remonstrances. Mr. Johnstone the Company's Resident at Mid- 
napore was beseiged in " Midnapore house" 14 days by Sheo Bhat at 
the head of a large force, and made a gallant defence. This roused the 
Calcutta Committee and they suggested to the Nawab that the war 
should be carried into the enemies' country by an expedition to Cottacki 
which would have the effect of securing to him '^ the total ancient 
possessions of the Soobahs of Bengal" and be '* a considerable addition to 
his revenues and a firm barrier against future incursions of the Maratbas.' 
They wrote at the same time to the Bombay Committee urging them to 
make a simultaneous attack on the Maratbas from their side. 

Nothing, however, came of this, owing to the Nawab's unwilling- 
ness to act. In 1763 there is a letter from the Governor at Balasore to 
one "Moonshee Gholam Mustapha" directing him to warn Sheonhat 
that in case of his continuing to oppress the ryota " the army that is just 
arrived from Madras " would be sent against him, and the town of 
Cuttack taken from him. In 1764 Sheo Bhat was turned out, and 
Bhawani Pandit appointed in his place. On the 6th October the latter 
writes a threatening letter stating that the former Nawab's negociations 
concerning the chauth were never brought to an issue without the ap' 
proach of an army. Unfortunately the extracts in Mr. Long's book are ^' 
ranged chronologically, so that we never get the full thread of any one w>^ 

1883.] J. Be^mes-'Notat on the Ristaty of Oriita. 245 

of tnnsBctioDS. I cannot say therefore what was the resnlt of this letter, 
but as the English on their part had their hands fnll at this time with 
tbeir quarrel with the Nawah, their inaction is perhaps sufficiently ac- 
counted for. 

There is, however, gpreat dearth of information about the internal 
sffairs of Balasore at this time. On 4th December comes another letter 
from Bhawani Pandit stating that two years before the zamindars of 
Mobarbbanj and Nilgiri had plundered the inhabitants of some parts of 
Balasore and entered into a confederacy with Bh&skar Pandit, faujdar of 
that place, whom they had carried oft into Nilgiri and kept there, so that 
DO revenne had been received from him for two years. This is hardly to 
be reconciled with the fact that two years earlier Sheo Bhat and his 
cavalry had been ravaging Midnapore and Jellasore. The gleanings 
remaining after Sheo Bhat, for the Nilgiri zamindar to pick up, must have 
been scant enough. One wonders after so many years of plundering what 
there could have been left for any one to take. Bhawani writes again on 
the 27th to say, he had come to the neighbourhood of Jellasore with his 
troops, but as the Mahar&ja (Janoji) had always been desirous to do 
" what is most beneficial for the poor inhabitants of the country" (I I) he 
kd ordered his officers not to enter either Jellasore or Midnapore, so as to 
EYoid any breach with the English. All this while Sheo Bhat was still in 
Orissa exciting the zamindars and paiks to resist the new Qovernor Bhawani, 
Pindit. The Bdja of Kanika whose territories lay partly in Balasore and 
partly in Cuttack was notorious for the disturbances he kept up. He and 
bit paiks were conspicuous then, and as we shall see for forty years after, 
for their oppression and general unruliness. 

The Court of Directors in 1764 express their great pleasure at 
learning that the proposed expedition against the Marathas in Balasore 
and Cuttack had been given up as ** conquests are not our aim." They 
little foresaw what an amount of conquests would soon be forced on them 
bj circumstances ! 

The Marathas were now, however, on good terms with the Eng- 
lish, and in February 1764 there was a good deal of correspondence. 
Three residents were appointed, Mr. Marriott at Balasore, Mr. Hope at 
Cuttack, and Mr. Moore at Malood ; their chief business was to keep open 
the communication between Calcutta and Madras, and on one occasion 
mention is made of sending letters by this route to Bombay, a project 
frequently revived in subsequent times. A letter was also written to 
" Bauskir Pandit, Fauzdar of Ballasore" (probably the Bhdskar Pandit 
mentioned above) requesting him to assist Mr. Marriott who was to live 
at the Company's Factory ; and another curious letter to ". Chumina Sen, 
Chief at Cuttack'' requests him to give strict orders to the zamindars to 

246 J. Besmen-^Notex tm the HUtorif of Oritsa, [No. 3, 

provide ** oil tnd mushanls, tom-toms and pike-men &e. according to 
custom." The tom-toms were to be beaten to frighten away tigers whieh 
infested the jnngles through which the road passed, a significant hint as to 
the desohite state of the country in those days. 

At the end of this year, however, we again hear from Midnapore 
and Balasore of threatening bodies of Marath& horse on the Balaaore 
frontier, to check whom it was thought advisable to despatch a small foree 
under Major Champion to garrison Midnapore. Janoji api^ears about this 
time to have sent a force of 5,000 cavalry to take possession of Midna- 

We now come to the acquisition by the Company of the Dewanj. 
The Directors in 1767 agree to pay to the Marathas all arrears ol 
chauth on condition of the cession of Oriasa, and negociations were iQ 
consequence opened with Janoji to this end. A vakil, one Udaipuri Qoain, 
was appointed by Janoji to treat with the Bengal Council, and the arooaot 
was fixed at 13 lakhs of rupees. The vakil, however, pretended that bebd 
DO authority to deliver up the province to the English, and there the 
matter seems to have rested for the time being. 

From this point there is little more to record of general history. 
The internal history of Balasore for the next thirty-four years is also 
nearly a blank. The Maratha Oovernors were as follows as far as can be 
ascertained : 

Sheo Bhat Santra 




1756 ! 

Chimna Sahu and Udaipuri Gosain 

. •• 

a •• 


1764 ' 

Bhawani Pandit ... ... ... ... 

• • • 



1761 '■ 

(Sheo Bhat in rebellion in Kanika and Kujang all this 


Shambhuji Ganesh 



Babaji Naik 



Madhaji Hari 


1773 . 

Babaji Naik (restored) 



Madbaji Hari (restored) same year 



Bajaram Pandit 



Sadasbib Bao 



Chimnaji Bala... 



Of the local Faujdars in the Balasore district tradition has pre- 
served some scattered reminiscences. Bhaskar Pandit was Faujdar aboat 
1760, and is mentioned as we have seen in the English records. The stoiy 
of his having been carried off into Nilgiri by the Raja has been noticed 
above. From him is probably named the village of Bhiskarganj opposite 
to the Mission premises at Balasore. 

1883.] J. Be&mes— Notes on the History of Orissa. 247 

Lala Kishor Rai is also mentioned as Faujdar, but his date is not 
eertain. He is said to have founded the Lala Bazar near B&rab&ti in the 
town ; and to have built a Baradari or twelve-doored palace near that 

After him came Raghunath Sdrang whose name is connected with the 
village of Raghunathpur, eighteen miles east of Cuttack ; he was sue* 
ceeded by Motiram whose administration lasted for a long time, some say, 
for fifteen years, but this is improbable as the Marathas were constantly 
changing their officials, and few, even of the higher grades, held office for 
more than four or five years. In his time an expedition was sent against 
Bairagi Bhanjj.Raja of Moharbhanj who had withheld his pesbkash. This 
expedition returned victorious and brought with it, besides the captive 
Bija, two idols of Hanuman and Lachminarayan which are still wor- 
shipped in temples in the town. 

The last Maratha Faujdar of Balasore was Maytira Pandit, com- 
monly called Moro Pant who lived on the site where the Jagannath 
temple in Balasore now stands. He appears to have been a rapacious 
trrant, and there are several allusions to him in Captain Morgan's early 
letters. When defeated by the English, he retired to. Cuttack plundering 
tbe ryots as he went, and in the following year we find the revenue 
uthorities allowing remissions on account of rents forcibly collected in 
advance on bis retreat by Moro Pant. Oddly enough he is stated in the 
correspondence to be still residing in Cuttack, and it is suggested that he 
be brought to account for his spoliations, but the wise policy of passing 
A sponge over all transactions of the former Government, which prevailed 
at that time probably saved him, as we do not read of his being questioned. 
To close the account of the Maratha period, I here bring together 
Tarious facts or traditions which I have collected from natives of the 
<ii8trict. The town of Balasore in those days consisted principally of tbe 
bazars which had grown up round the English and Dutch settlements, 
and of the suburbs lying along the river, then as now, chiefly inhabited 
bj Muhammadans, as Kasba, Muhamadpur, Nurpur &o. Motiganj, now the 
eentre of the town, and the principal market-place was founded by 
Motiram, probably about 1785—1790. The rest is described as a plain 
covered with jungle and scrub. Tlie road to Jagann&th ran through the 
town past the Gargaria tank to Phulwar Gh&t and must have been from 
tbe nature of the country almost impassable for six months of the year. 

Bents were paid chiefly in cowries, and all collections were remit- 
ted to Cuttack once in three months, including the pesbkash from 
Uorbhanj and Nilgiri. The pesbkash of Amboh, Eeonjhar, Sokinda, 
Chidra and other mehals near the Baitarani appears to have been paid 
through the Faujdar of Bhadrakh. Old men still remember to have heard 

248 J. Beames— jyb/«ir on the Mutory of Orissa, [No. 3, 

their fathers tell of the terrible panishments inflicted by the Maratha 
rulers. All cases were tried verbally, no record of any kind being kept, 
and culprits were sentenced to be tied to the heels of a horse which was 
then flogged through the streets. Others were bound, smeared with 
sugar and exposed to the ants and other insects. Others again had their 
fingers tied together and wedges of iron inserted between them. 

The trade of the port was even then considerable. Madras ships 
came for rice and paddy, and the Laccadive and Maldive islanders then as 
now Tisited the port. It was from these latter that the cowries, so 
much used as currency, were obtained. 

A seer of rice was sold for 15 gandas or about 70 seers to the 
rupee. (It was 65 seers in 1805, and now in favourable seasons sells 
at 80 or 32.) Opium cost a pan of cowries per masha, salt 14 karas per 
seer. The advantages of low prices were, however, much counterbalanced 
by the capricious exactions of the rulers. Although they seem to hare 
had the sense not to drive away the trade by oppressing foreigners, jet 
upon the natives of the province itself they had no mercy. It vu 
dangerous to be rich, or at least to display any amount of wealth, lest tbe 
attention of the Marathas should be called to the fact, and plunder and 
extortion follow as a matter of course. It is not surprising therefore that 
when the English appeared on the scene, the Marathas were lefb to fight 
their own battles, quite unsupported by the people. Indeed, they seem to 
have been so conscious of their unpopularity as never to have attempted to 
enlibt the sympathies of the Oriyas on their behalf. Had they done so, 
the turbulent Edjas of the hills and the sea- coast might have given as a 
great deal of trouble and enabled the Marathas to hold out for some 

The Bngluh Period, The Engluh as traders. 

To Balasore belongs the honour of containing the first settlement - 
made by our countrymen in any part of the Bengal Presidency. ^^ * 
firman, dated February 2nd, 1634 the Emperor Shah Jahan granted them 
permission to establish a factory at Pipli on the Subanrekha.* Thej vera 
prohibited from settling on the Ganges or any of its branches, in conse- 
quence of the disturbances caused by the Portuguese in the Sandarbans 
and other places shortly before. In 1640 through the intervention of Mr. 
Bough ton, a Surgeon who had obtained great influence over several mem- 
bers of the Boyal Family by curing them of various diseases, the English 
obtained permission to establish factories at Balasore and Hughli. In 
consequence of this permission they applied to the Nawab who granted 
them 12 b&tis (a b&ti is 20 bighas) of land near the village of Balasore 
which was then rising into some importance as a port. The settlement 

* Stewart's History of Bengal, page 244. 

188S.] J. Beames— iVbf «# on the HUtory of OrUia, 249 

ms called Barab&ti (t. e. twelve b&tis) from its extent, and is at present 
the principal quarter of the modem town of ^Balasore, and the residence 
of the wealthiest merchants. 

It \b not exactly known when the Butch first came to Orissa, 
their settlement at Balasore, however, is less advantageously situated than 
that of the English. The latter commands the river and a convenient 
caTeening creek, and has also better means of access to the native town, 
vliile the Dutch Settlement, still called " Hollandais Sahi'\ is behind that 
of the English and cut off from the river and the town by Barabati. I 
conclude therefore that the English came here first, as if the Dutch had 
heen first in the field, it is not likely that they would have taken the worse 
nte of the two. We do not find any mention of them before 1664 when 
they had a dispute with the English about their mutual boundaries, which 
was settled by the Nawab Shaista Khan. The boundaries are, however, very 
vsgae and refer to certain trees, roads and ditches which are of course not 
now in existence. The present boundary is very irregular and overlaps the 
knd of Barobati in several places. 

From the Cuttack records it appears that they acquired a plot of land 
at Balasore from the Nawab Mataqid Khdn ; this officer was naib for Sh&h 
Sliuja son of the Emperor Shah Jahan and was appointed in A. H. 1055^ 
A. B 1645. (Padshahnamah, II, 473.) This would make them at least 5 
years later than the English, even if we suppose them to have got the 
grant in the very beginning of Mataqid's tenure of office.* 

The Danish Settlement, now called " Banemar Dinga" is worse 
ntnated than the Butch, being further up the creek and further from the 
town, and it is stated by Stewart that they and the French did not arrive 
in Balasore till 1676. There is a Butch tomb still standing in the com- 
pound of the old factory, on which is the following inscription : 

" Michael Jans Burggraaf van Sevenhuisen obiit [ ] Novemb. 1696.*' 
The day of the month has unfortunately been broken off in the cyclone of 
July 1871 by a tree falling against it. Stirling is in error in saying (Orissa, 
page 30) that this tomb is dated 1660. It is a huge triangular obelisk of 
brick plastered, about 50 feet high, and the inscription is so high up that a 
mistake might easily be made in copying it from the ground. To make 
mre I climbed a mango tree standing close in front and copied it from a 
distance of a few inches only. The oldest tomb in the English cemetery 
at fiarabati is dated 1684 and the inscription runs thus — 

( coat ^ 

16 j of [84 


* It is probably from this governor that the Parganaha of Mutkatabad and 
Hatkatnagar take their names. 

250 J. Betimea—I^otes on the History of Oriwf. [No. 3, 

Here lyeth the body of Ann late wife of Captain Francis Wi&haw 

who died j« pno. 9 ber aged 26 years. 

Also the body of Edward hid son who deceased the 27th of the same 

month aged 4 years Anno Dni. 1684. 
There were minor settlements at Soroh and Bhadrakh, and the chief arti- 
cle of trade was that in " Sanahs" a peculiar kind of fine cloth which is 
still occasionally brought for sale to Balasore. This wiU explain the fro- 
quent allusions to the weavers in the early records. 

Balramgarhi is situated at the mouth of the Balasore river, and 
was formerly a large and flourishing place. The native village was 
washed away in the storm of 1831 and since then the place has been 
desolate. The old house, however, has lately been repaired and is 

We have only scattered notices of Balasore from time to time in the 
various histories. These I proceed to put together into as continuoiu 1 
narrative as possible, aided by the few vague local traditions which still 

In 1685 Balasore was near being abandoned by the English alto- 
gether. Shaista Kb&n the Nawab of Bengal was accused by them, of 
oppressing their servants and injuring their trade. Apparently the 
English were not free from blame themselves. However, as usual they 
carried matters with a high hand, and the Company at home with pe^ 
mission of James II sent out a fleet of 10 ships under Admiral Nicholson 
with orders to proceed first to Balasore, and remove the Company's ser- 
vants and break up the factory. He was then to go to Chittagong, 
fortify it and make it a base of operations and asylum for the English, 
from which to commence the war, by first attacking Dacca and gradually 
over-running Bengal.* Nicholson's fleet, however, met with bad weather 
and eventually arrived at Hughli, and a war ensued which was not brought 
to a close till 168 7 ; a peace was made in that year but did not last many 
months. The Company annoyed at the failure of Nicholson's expedition, 
sent a second under Captain Heath, whose first proceeding was to carry oS 
Mr. Charnock and the Company's servants from " Chuttanutty" (now 
Calcutta) and taking them on board his ships sail for Balasore. The 
Governor of that place, whose name is not mentioned, offered to treat 
with him, but as Heath would not consent to do so, the Governor seized 
the Company's two factors and imprisoned them. " Heath landed with a 
party of soldiers and seamen on the 29th November 1688 attacked and 
took a redoubt of 30 guns and plundered the town of Balasore."! The 

• Stewart, p. 312. t Stewart* p. 321. 

1883.] J. Beames — Note$ on ike HUtory ofOriua, 251 

fort could only have been at Muhamadnagar near the present OuBtoms 
Wharf, as there is no other place near the town where a fort could have 
been of any use. At that place there are still some carious mounds and 
ridges which closely resemble fortifications, and the position is one which 
would command the approach to the town by water as well as the shipping 
b the port. The two unfortunate factors were sent into the interior 
and never heard of again. After this senseless and purposeless outrage, 
Captain Heath sailed away to Chittngong, and the native governor very 
naturally demolished the Company's factory. 

Balasore now remained unoccupied by the English till 1691, when 
a firman was granted by Aurangzeb for the re-establishment of the 
factories in Bengal. Mrs. Wishaw's tombstone mentioned above has a 
great hole in it, which looks as if it had been torn up from its original 
position and probably thrown away, till restored on the re-occupation of 
the factory by our countrymen. It is the only tombstone of so early a 
date. The next is to the memory of Mrs. Kelsall, wife of the factor 
already mentioned, and is dated 1751. Calcutta was not founded till 1690 
and it is curious that we hear nothing of Pipli in all these events. It 
would seem that Balasore had become the more important place of the 

Nothing more is known of the condition or circumstances of Balasore 
Factory till 1748. It is said by some writers that on the capture of 
Calcutta by Surajuddaulah in 1756 the English fugitives took refuge at 
Balramgarhi. I find no mention of this in the Records, and it would on the 
contrary appear that Drake and his garrison were on board their ships at 
Fulta till the arrival of Clive. In 1763 the French fieet was cruising in 
Balasore roads and captured some English ships (Long, p. 295), which caused 
a great panic in Calcutta. Two years previous to this, the following curious 
and interesting entry is to be found in the Government records (Long, p. 
250.) " From Latf ul Neheman ( ? Rahman) Thanadar of Balasore, January 
1761. Some time ago the merchants were wont to send iron, stone-plates, 
rice and other things from hence t^ Calcutta, and they brought tobacco and 
other things from thence to sell here, and therefore the merchants reaped 
a profit on both. Two years ago Mr. Burdett came here and Jaggemauth 
was his Mutsooddy and brought a sloop for his own use and intercepted 
the trade from Balasore to Calcutta. The merchants were so much dis- 
tressed that they relinquished trade, and many of them left the place and 
transacted their business at Eunka, where they remain and those that are 
here are greatly distressed and are always making complaints. I have re- 
presented it to him but he will not listen to it. He has left the factory 
and embarked on board a sloop, and has intercepted the merchant boats 
and will not permit them to pass." 

252 J. Beanies — Notes on the History ofOrissa, [No. 3, 

It will be observed that the trade in stone-plates and rice constituted 
then as now, the principal export of Balasore. 

The only other notice of this period is a petty sqnabble in 1766 %ith 
the Dutch about a rope walk which was made by the English on land 
claimed by the Dutch. The land was given up by the former. 

Commencement of English rule. 

When the war broke out with the Marathas, as a part of the 
general operations, it was resolved to drive them out of Orissa, and while 
General Wellesley attacked them from the south, and General Lake from 
the north, and were victorious respectively in the celebrated battles of 
Assaye and Laswaree, the 1st Madras Fusileers, with two native Madras 
Begiments all under Lieutenant-Colonel George Harconrt marched from 
Ganjam and took the town of Cuttack on the 10th October 1803. 

At the same time a detachment of troops, European and natire, 
about 1000 strong under Captain Morgan, and Lieutenant Broughton 
sailed for Balasore. I cannot find where they came from, but it was mort 
probably from Calcutta, as the native troops belonged to the Bengal amy 
and a detachment of the same troops was sent under Col. Fergusson* to 
Jellasore to protect the Bengal Frontier. They arrived in three ships, 
and landed at Jampada near Gabgaon a village adjoining old Balasore 
on the east, and about three miles below the present town. They were in 
want of provisions, which were supplied to them by Prahlad Nayak, za- 
mindar of old Balasore. They then advanced along the bank of the river, 
and owing probably to the difficult nature of the ground, were not opposed 
by the Marathas till they got close to Balighat just below Barabiti. Here 
a band of horsemen bore down on them, and in the skirmish which ensaed, 
one European soldier was killed. The English then rushed forward and 
attacked the Maratha fort, which stood on the the site of the salt gola, 
and soon took possession of it. The Marathas appear to have made bat a 
faint resistance, and quickly disappeared. Immediately after this, a 
drum was beaten in all the bazars announcing that the English had taba 
possession of the province and would protect all who behaved themselves 

Finding the old factory in ruins Captain Morgan took up hii 
quarters in a new house built by Mr. Wilkinson the last resident and at 
once set to work to pacify the district and restore order. The date of the 
capture of Balasore is 21st September ISOS.f 

• They were the let batt. 5th Bengal N. I. and 2ad batt. 7th N. L-^CQaisBm 
OoUectorate records 1804). 

t (Morgan to Post Master General 26-9-1804 and Grant Duff History of KM*- 

tt83.] J. Be^mes^Notei on the History of Oriua. 298 

^Hie news of this sneoess leaohed Colonel Harconrt before he 
trriyed at Cuttack. The earliesfc letter in the records of the Balasoro 
Cdlectorate is one from Colonel Hareoart to Captain Morgan congratuk- 
tiDg him. I give it a [>ortion of it. 

** In Camp at Burpoorshnttumpore, 25 miles south of Cuttaok, 8rd 
October 1808. 

** I have great satisfaetion in acknowledging the receipt of yours of 

the 22nd ultimo and am happy to hear of your successes in Balasore. 

• • • • 

" I have &c. 


** LieutenafU ColoneL 
" Coming, in GuHack:* 

This shews that Morgan had taken Balasore before the British force 
M BTen reached Cnttack. 

Captain Morgan, who appears to have been a rough and ready, but 
tbie officer, pushed on a small detachment and occupied Soroh, which for 
tome reason he miscalls Soorrung, on the 3rd October. The first book of 
copies of letters sent is unfortunately not to be found, and the earliest 
letter of Captain Morgan's is dated 12th June 1804f, but from a large coU 
leetion of letters in Colonel Harconrt's own hand still in the office, his and 
Morgan's movements may be clearly traced. 

Their first efforts were to learn the geography of the Moharhhauj 
ind Nilgiri Hills, especially the passes, and to open communicationa 
with the Rajas of those two States. Spfes were sent into " Mohurbundge 
and Lilliagerhy" as Harcourt writes them, to keep a watch on the chiefs, 
■td Passports were to be granted to their vakeels or representatives 
should they desire to visit Cuttack. 

Soroh was abandoned and the detachment under Lieutenant 
flfye marched to Jajpore in November. Morgan was at once entrusted 
with Revenue duties, in that month he is instructed to make it known 
that *' as it is the intention of the Commissioners for the settlement of the 
P^vince of Cuttack to give a general acquittal of all arrears of Revenue 
due to the Birear, previous to the arrival of the British Troops in the 
Province, we mean en the other hand not to attend to any complainta 
which the zamindars, kandytes, mokuddums or ryots may wish to prefeif 
against their former masters'* (Colonel Harcourt to Morgan 3-11-1803.) 
The Moharbhanj B4ni was at this time apparently half afraid to come in, 
and half disposed to be turbulent. Harcourt writes frequent letters to 
luQiy and enjoins on Morgan the necessity of extremely conciliatory conduct 
to him. A certain Mr. Possman af>pears to have been up in Moharbhan^ 

L L 

254 J. Beames— Jfoitft on the Mitiory of Orista. [No. 8, 

meddling, be is wamed that if he does not return at once to Balasore 
" immediate steps will be taken against bim." Moharbhanj, however, does 
not appear to have quieted down, and two Companies of Infantry one from 
Balasore and one from Jellasore were sent to Hariharpur (spelt H.urispore 
and Huriorpoor) '^ to promote the peace and tranquillity of the Mohor- 
bundge district." Further instructions are to the efEect following : 

** Having cause to believe that the Rani of Mohurbundge and her 
adopted son Te-koit* are both desirous of the protection of the British 
Government being extended to them you will direct the officer proceeding 
to Huriorpore in command of a detachment, to conduct himself towards 
the Eannee and Te-koit, or their vakeels with every mark of friendly 
attention. He may open any necessary communication with them, bat 
you will be pleased to enjoin him to avoid committing himself by any pro- 
mises or agreements that may be constructed by them as binding on the 
British Authorities in Cuttack." (Harcourt, 16-11-1803,) 

Cuttack now begins to be noticeable as it is at frequent intervals 
throughout the early years of British rule as a place in constant want of 
supplies and always on the verge of famine. On 1st December 1803 an 
urgent call is made for fifteen thousand maunds of rice from Balasore. 
Again on the 1st June 1804 Captain Morgan is ordered to warn all pil- 
grims of the great scarcity of rice and cowries at Cuttack, and to endeavoar 
to induce them to supply themselves with provisions before enteriug the 


On the 1st September 1804 a third call is made on Balasore for 20,000 
maunds of rice which were accordingly despatched in boats from Dhamia 
and Churaman. A long correspondence follows in the course of which 
occurs an important letter of Captain Morgan's, dated 27th September and 
marched '* Private" in which he explains the cause of the continual scarcity 
at Cuttack. 

He begins by pointing out that twenty miles north of the Mahanadi 
there was no scarcity at all, that Balasore had rice in stere enough for 
three year's consumption, and it was selling at 65 seers (of 80 
tolas) for the rupee : there were immense stocks at Dhamra and Churaman 
intended for export to Madras, and consequently he concludes that the 
scarcity of rice at Cuttack is not natural, but must have been artificiallj 
produced. In examining the causes for this state of things he arrives at 
the following conclusions : 

1. The large number of Marathas still resident at Cuttack are bitter- 
ly hostile to the English and do their best to step the import of rice in 

• Te-Koit is Tik&it one bearing the tiki (tilaka) or mark of sovereignty, and ii 
the usual tiUe of the heir-apparent to a throne. 

18S3.] J. Beames — Notet an the History of Oruaa. 255 

ihe hope of stamng us out. They have ceased to import from Sambhal- 
pore as thej used to, for the same reason, and having long had relations 
with the ryots many of whom still hold their advances for grain unliqui- 
dated they are able to prevent them from bringing in grain to Cuttack. 

2. The ryots have hitherto always been accustomed to give up 
nothing until they were compelled. The Marathas took what they wanted 
by force, and the ryots did not understand our mild method of asking for 
and paying for what we wanted, they took it for weakness, and were so 
elated at their release from oppression, that they thought themselves quite 
independent and would do nothing to oblige any one. 

8. The Amils were in league against us^ as they had for a long time 
taken advantage of their position to hold the lion's share of the profitable 
export trade to Madras, and did not wish to sell in Cuttack. 

4. The Commissariat officers were shamefully inert and incompetent, 
and notwithstanding all the above drawbacks could, if they would only 
exert themselves, collect a much larger supply than they did. Colonel 
Harcourt appears to have taken some effective steps to remedy this state 
of things, for no further rice was required from Balasore during the rest 
of 1804 or in 1805. 

Eaja Tripati Raj was at this time sent from Cuttack to Balasore 
to act as Amil or Collector of the Revenue, and was put under Captain 
Morgan's orders ; and Amils were appointed at Soroh, Bhadrakh and Dol- 
gram, who also were directed to send in their accounts to that officer. 
They all appear to have been thoroughly untrustworthy ; making use of 
every conceivable pretext to avoid doing what was required of them, and 
carrying that exasperating policy of passive resistance at which the Oriyaa 
are such adepts to the highest pitch. The correspondence teems with 
complaints against them. They would not collect the revenue punctually, 
they never knew anything that they were asked about, they could not be 
found when wanted, denied having received this or that order, sent in their 
accounts imperfectly drawn up, long after time, and sometimes not at 
all, and on the whole behaved as badly as any set of men in their position 
well could. This indeed appears to have been the general tone of every 
one in the Province. Well aware of our ignorance of the country, they 
all with one accord abstained from helping us in any way, no open resis- 
tance was Tcntured upon, but all stolidly sat aloof — papers were hidden, 
information withheld, boats, bullocks and carts sent out of the way, the 
zamindars who were ordered to go into Cuttack to settle for their estates 
did not go, and on searching for them at their homes could not be found, 
"Were reported as absent, on a journey, no one knew where. But if from 
ignorance the English officers committed any mistake, then life suddenly 
letnrned to the dull inert mass, and complaints were loud and incessant. 

256 J. Beames — Note9 on the History qfOrissd, [ISo. 8, 

The Amil of Bhadrakh was one Mohan Lai, the name of the Amil of 
Soroh is not given, and during this year it would seem that Soroh and 
Balasore were incorporated into one Amilship under Tripati Baj. 

From the circumstance of our not having Captain Morgan's lefefcers 
of this period, I am unable to give more than a fragmentary history of the 
transactions that took place. Notices from time to time occur of parties of 
Marathas having been seen or heard of here and there, and there is a great 
search to find the " Ongole or Ungool Pass '*; nobody seems to have known 
where it was. 

Sambhalpur capitulated to Major Broughton on the 12th Janu- 
ary 1804, and all further fear from the Marathas was thus at an end. On 
the 9th of the same month came also the news of a peaoe having been 
concluded with the Baja of Berar. 

The light thrown upon the events of the following sixty-eight 
years by the tolerably complete series of English letters in the Balasore 
office will be duly made use of in the succeeding chapters, but I conceive 
it unnecessary to do more in this chapter than to record the few events oC 
importance that have occurred in the period in question. Captain Morgan 
remained at Balasore till 19th November 1804 when he made over charge 
to Mr. Ker, Collector and Magistrate, Northern Division of Cuttack. Bor- 
ing his tenure of office he had been first simply ^ Commanding at BaUsore " 
but during 1804 he had gradually grown into Collector, Magistrate, Salt 
and Customs Agent and general factotum. 

Mr* Ker made the first settlement, which was very summary and 
simple. It included all the country now lying within the Jajpore Bnb* 
division of Cuttack, and the statements referring to it are, in part at leasti 
still extant. To the north this settlf'ment did not go beyond Bastah, ai 
Jellasore was under Midnapore, and the country east of that place came 
under a separate arrangement. This tract of country between Jellasore 
and the sea was called the " Mahratta Mehals " and consisted of the Par* 
ganas of Pattaspur, Kamardachaur and Bhograi, together with the smaller 
mehals of Shahbandar, Napochaur and Eismat KatsahL 

There is one volume of letters sent and one of letters received 
for the year of Mr. Ker's incumbency 1804-6 but they contain very Uttle 
of historical importance. In the early part of the year the Raja of Kani- 
ka, always a turbulent and refractory person, made an attack with, it u 
said, 600 armed paiks on the outpost of '* Kigagurh,'' the place where his 
principal fort and residence was situated, on the lower Brahmini just above 
the point where it unites with the Baitarni, which was held by a native 
officer and a few sepoys. Captain McCarthy in command of the flooorable 
Company's brig *^ Scourge" who was at the time lying off Dhamrab soat 
an express to the Commissioners of Cuttaek, who deputed a force of 400 

1883.] J. Beames — Note* on the Hutory cf Orissa, 257 

paiks to keep order. The Bdja and his family were seized and taken to 
Balasore where thej were suitably lodged in a house prepared for them, 
and guarded by barkandazes. Kanika was brought under the management 
of Mr. Eer (Secretary to Commissioners 27-2-05 McCarthy to Commis- 
aoners 3-3-05.) 

In this year also the question was raised of the expediency of remov- 
ing the Calcutta Road into British Territory. It previously passed 
tiirough the Moharbhanj and Nilgiri States, and the Edjas of those places 
nnder pretence of securing the safety of travellers, were in the habit of 
levying heavy and vexatious tolls at certain ghats or passes on the road. 
As they demurred about relinquishing this source of revenue, the road was 
removed and carried through Eajghat and Bastah to Balasore. The old 
road was very soon deserted by travellers as the new route through British 
Territory was found to be much safer and cheaper. 

Major Morgan was allowed a salary of 500 Rs. a month for the 
period he had been in charge of Balasore (Accountant 30-9-05). The Amils 
who were in charge of Balasore, Soroh and Bhadrakh appear still to have 
been very troublesome ; the correspondence of 1804 and 1805 is full of 
eomplaints of their remissness and refusal to obey orders. 

Having completed his settlement Mr. Ker on the 29th August 1805 
made over charge of his office to Mr. Q. Webb who was appointed Collec- 
tor of all Orissa, or as they persisted in calling it, the zillah of Cuttack. 
From this date down to 1815 there was no resident British officer in Bala- 
sore, or in fact anywhere north of the Mahanadi, and as the Collector 
lired at Puri in the extreme south of the province, his hold over the zamin- 
dars of the north could have been little more than nominal. 

It is perhaps to the relaxation of control for many years in. Bala- 
sore that we may attribute that special characteristic of the inhabitants of 
the district which leads them to carry on their alEairs without any reference 
whatever to the law or to the officials of the Government. They never 
take the trouble to enquire what the law is on any point, but if a question 
arises, settle it in any way that may seem best to them. To the same 
cause may be ascribed the excessive prevalence of the practice of levying 
illegal cesses, the existence of many kinds of singular and pernicious cus- 
toms, and the general muddle of conflicting interests observable in connec- 
tion with landed property. 

As the early years of our rule in Orissa were fertile in changes, 
and worked a complete revolution in the position of the classes connected 
with the land, it would have been interesting to trace the progress of our 
laws and rules and their effect upon the province. I am, however, pre- 
cluded from doing this by the fact that from 1806 to 1828 there was no 

[The ahrnpt conjclnsion of the foregoing article is due to the most unfortunate loss 
of the conclnding pages of Mr. Beames' Manuscript while it was passing through the 
preas. This mischance is the more to he regretted, as the lost MS. was the only copy 
in the author's posseBsion ; which precludes any restoration of the concluding portion. 
Fortunately the lost portion was very small ; and the article is practically complete, and 
contains everything of interest and value. — Ed.] 

268 A. Cunningham— jBtf/tV?#/roiii Ancient Pef-sia. [No. 8» 

Melicsfrom Ancient Persia in Gold, Silver and Copper hy 
Major General A. Cukitinoham, G. S. I., C. 1. £. 

With one Plate. 
[Third Notice.] 

Since writing my Second Notice of the very curious and interestiog 
discoveries of Ancient Persian Relics on the northern bank of the Oxus^ 
I have obtained three more gold ornaments, and about twenty more coins 
in all metals. 

The coins consist of a gold Dario and a silver Siglos, of the old 
Persian mint ; a tetradrachm and four drachmas of Antiochus Soter ; a gold 
stater and three copper coins of Diodotus of two difEerent types ; a tetra- 
drachm, a silver obolus, and a copper coin of Euthydemus ; three tetra* 
drachms of Antimachus Theos, with a drachma and a nickel coin of 
Agathokles. The silver obolus of Euthydemus is of the standing Henui 
kles type, and is I believe unique. I have again to remark on the continued 
absence of any Parthian coins, which, as I said before, goes far to prove 
that the deposit must have been made before the time of Mithridates J, 
(Arsakes YI). The absence of the coins of Eukratides, the contemportiy 
of Mithridates I, points to the same conclusion ; and I now feel prettj 
confident that the deposit must have been made before their time, and not 
later than 200 to 180 B. 0. 

The principal ornament is a gold cylinder of fine workmanship, much 
superior to that of any Persian gems that I have seen. I have given a 
photograph of it in the accompanying Plate XX I, marked A, in which it 
will be seen at once that the cylinder is certainly of Persian origin,— is 
the conventional figure of Ormazd is represented over each of the doomed 
prisoners. See Figs. B and C from sculptures at Persepolis. 

There are two distinct scenes represented on the cylinder, hoik 
illustrating the same subject, of a Persian soldier or chief putting t 
prisoner to death with his own hand. 

In the larger scene there are ^vq figures, two being prostrate dead 
enemies, on which the other figures stand. The prisoner who is kneeling 
on one knee, has been wounded in the right knee by an arrow, fie holds 
a short sword in his right hand, and a bow in his left hand, and his head 
is turned away from the Persian soldier who is piercing him with a spear 
from above, while he grasps his right wrist. The third figure holds the 
prisoner's left shoulder with his left hand, while he raises his right band 
towards the symbol of Ormazd. The Persian qoldier is dressed in the 
same costume as is seen in the sculptures of Persepolis. He wean a loog 

1888.] A. Cunningham — Belies from Ancient Persia in Gold. 259 

robe, and has his bow and quiver attached to his left shoulder behind. 
From the quiver depend three cords, each finished with a tassel at the end, 
ezaetlj the same as is seen in the figure of the Persian soldiers at Perse- 
polia. See Fig. E of the Plate from a sculpture. 

The smaller scene represents the same subject, but there is only one 
prostrate enemy, and the Persian soldier who is putting the prisoner to 
death has no assistant. In this scene the prisoner does not kneel but 
simplj bends forward, while the spear is being thrust into him from above. 
Here also the symbol of Ormazd is placed over the doomed man. For 
comparison I have given in the Plate two of these symbols of Ormazd 
from sculptures at Persepolis. 

I have also given a copy of a stone cylinder as an illustration of the 
art of seal engraving in Persia. See Pig. D. of Plate XXI. The subject 
ifl similar to that of the gold cylinder ; but the style of workmanship is 
very much inferior. My chief object, however, in giving it a place in the 
Plate is to draw attention to the two enemies on the right, who are known 
to be Scythians from their trowsers and peaked head dresses. One of them 
has already been captured by the Persian soldier who, while he holds him 
hj the peak of his cap with the left hand, is stabbing him with his right 
hand. Herodotus, VII — 64, describes the SacsB or Scythians in the army of 
Xerxes as wearing trowsers and tall stiff caps rising to a point. Over the 
captive there is a symbol of Ormazd exactly the same as is seen on the gold 

Now just as these two figures are known to be Scythians by their 
dress, so the two captives as well as the three slain figures on the gold 
cylinder may be recognized as Indians by their dress. This dress I take 
to be the well-known Indian dhoti, which is gathered round the waist and 
covers the thighs down to the knees. The legs are covered with buskins 
such as are still worn by the people of North- Western India and the 
Panjab as well as by the bordering Afghans. As it was with these peoples 
that the Persians came into contact, the Indians would of course be 
represented as dressed in dhotis and buskins. 

If this identification of the dress be correct, then the gold cylinder 
must be as old as the time of Darius Hystaspes, who was the only Persian 
king who had been engaged in war with the Indians. 

The cylinder is 1-3 inch in height, and 0'54 inch in diameter. It ig 
very thick and heavy, its weight being 1,520 grains, and its intrinsic value 
175 Rupees. It is given full size in the Plate. 

The second gold object is a circular disc four inches and three quarters 
in diameter, 1,500 grains in weight, and 175 Rupees in intrinsic value. 
Bee Pig. F, of Plate XXI. It has a border one quarter inch in diameter] 
ornamented with the conventional Greek representation of water. In the 

260 A. Cnnnninghain — Belie$Jrom Ancient Persia m Gohi. [No. 9, 

middle in Tery hold relief is repreeented a man riding a Sea lion, or Lioa 
with a Fish's taiL The photograph is onlj one half of the original size. 

On Greek and Phcenidan eoins the Hippocamps or Sea- Horses, are 
nsnallj represented with wings,* unless when attadied to the Car of 
Poseidon. But I ean find no examples of Sea Lions. These animals, 
however, are found in the old Indian sculptures of the Aaoka Buddhist 
Bailing at Mahabodhi, or Buddha Gaja-f There are no hc^es or loops of 
any kind on the back to suggest what maj hare been the possible use of 
this large plaque. The other plaque with the representation of a huDting 
scene (already published with my second notice, p. 64) has four holes near 
its middle boss, as if for the purpose of fastening it by nails to some plain 
back ground. The Sea*Iion plaque might perhaps hsTe formed the breast 
ornament of a king's or noble's dress, such as is seen on an Assyrian roval 
robe in the sculptures of Nimrud« [See Bawlinson's Ancient Monarchiea, 
Vol. I, p. 399.] But there are no holes round the edge by which it eoold 
have been sewn on. 

The third gold ornament Lb aa Antdope represented in the aetflf 
leaping, with its forelegs doubled up, and its hind legs outstretched. Sea 
Fig. G of Plate XXL It weighs 3,020 grains, and its intrinsic value is 
about 350 Rupees. The photograph is only one half of the original six^ 
The hind legs rest upon an upright flat tablet, one inch and a half in hoght 
and one inch broad, with a highly ornamented border on each &ce. There 
is an oblong hole under the stomach, half an inch by one quarter, wbaA 
looks as if it had been intended for the insertion of some slight staff or 
handle. In this case it might have been carried in the hand as the symbol 
of some order, just as the Fish (or Maki MmrdHb) is carried at the 
present day. 

After the above had gone to press^ I met a man at Simla who hss 
several times visited the spot where these Oius relics were found. The 
place is one stage to the North of the Oxus, and is called Kawadiamy a large 
ancient town on the high road to Samarkand. The guess that I made is 
my first paper on these relics that the find-spot was the old town d 
Kohadian of the Arab Geographers turns out to be correct. I have heard 
also that the owner of the huad has now sold the right of exploration to a 
single speculator. 

• Due de Luynes, Satrapies, PI. XV, figs. 44—45 and XV, 46w 

t Archffiological Survey of India, Vol III, PI. 29. 

1683.] lULjendnlda Mitm— On Oonikdputra and Gonardi^a. 261 

On Qanikaputra and Oonardufa as Names of Patanjali. — By BiJEBT- 

dbalIla Mit&a, LL. D.y C. I. £. 

[Beceiyed Oct. 4; Read Not. 7, 1883.] 
In the Preface to my edition of the Yoga Aphorisms of Patanjali I 
ha?e quoted, without demur, from Goldstucker's learned essay on Panini, 
a passage in which Patagjali is described t^ have been the son of one 
Gonika, and the country of his nativity to have been Qonarda. These 
&ct8 are indicated by the epithets Gonikdputra and Oonardtya. which 
occur in the MahiLbhashya, and have been so explained by the distinguished 
exegetists Kaiya^a and N^goji Bhafta. Nor are other authorities wanting 
to support this view of the case. Hemachandra, in his well known glossary, 
the Jbhidhdna-chintdmanif gives Ghnardtya as a name of Pata^^jali.* 
Following him Professor T4randtha Tarkav4chaspati, in his dictionary, the 
Vdekaspatyaf makes Gonardiya a synonym of Pata^jali.f The identifica- 
tion, however, notwithstanding these authorities, seems to be still open to 
&cuBsion, and it is one which is worthy of enquiry. 

The only passage cited by Goldstiicker from the Mahdbhdshya in 
wMch Oonikdputra is named, is the commentary on P^nini's Stitra, I, 4, 51. 
The subject under consideration being the use of the accusative case 
under certain circumstances, Patanjali, after quoting several kink&Sp 
and discuMing all the pros and cons with appropriate examples, asks, 
with reference to the last example adduced, " What should be the correct 
form ? (atheha katham hhavitavyam) the leader of the horse to Srughna," 
(netdioasya sruyhnamiti) (accusative), *' or the leader of the horse of 
Sroghna" {dhosvinnetdSvasya sruffhnasyeti) (genitive), and then concludes 
by saying, "both according to Gonik^putra" {ubhayaihd gonikdpatrah)X* 
Who this Goiiikdputra is, is not pointed out by him, nor by Kaiyafa ; 
hut NiLgoji Bhafta explains that he is the same with the great com- 
mentator himself, ( Oonikdputro hhdshyakdra itydhu), and Dr. Goldstiicker 
takes this to be conclusive. Apart from this gloss of Nagoji, no European 
flchohtr, however, reading this passage, can for a moment suppose that the 
author is here giving his own opinion. No European author would do so in 
mch a way, and it is rarely that Indian authors indulge in such egotisms. 
There are a few doubtful instances, but, those apart, the practice is quite 

t Kielbom'B edition, p. 886. All the qnotations from the Mah&bhfishya, except 
when otherwise specified, have been taktn from the same edition, and the page ve« 
CBVBDoet refer to ii» 
M M 

263 R&jendralila Mitra — On Oonikdpuira and Qanardtya, [No. 8, 

different. Certain it is that PataQJali has to give bis opinion at an avenge 
once in every tenth line in the course of his elaborate exegesis of over 22,000 
lines of 82 letters each, and he always does so by the use of participles, 
such as jncyam " it should be known," hartavyam " it should be done," 
vaktavyam '' it should be said," and by other devices, and not by naming 
himself in the third person. Sometimes, but not often, he appears under 
the segis of the modern editorial dignity of the first person plural '' we/' 
(vayantu brumah^ p. 15,) but never under the third person, nor under the 
name of Patanjali. The question therefore is not easily solved why he 
should have preferred the derivative and not- very-honorific Gonikaputra 
to his own personal name. I have not had an opportunity of lately reading 
the whole of the Mah&bh^hya with the special object of finding out how 
many times the word Goi^ikiputra has been used in it ; but in the first 
▼olume of the work as edited by Dr. Kielhom and comprising about one- 
third of the entire text, this is the only instance, and its evidence hua 
heavily on the other side : at any rate it is certainly not conclusive. 

Of Gonardiya the internal evidence is even more unsatisfactory. It 
occurs twice in the volume above referred to, and in both places in sach a 
dubious, misleading way as not to justify the conclusion arrived at. The 
first time I meet with it is in Sdtra 1, 1, 21. The question at issue then 
is, how should the rules referring to initial and final letters apply to cases 
where there is an only letter in a word, and the Sdtra lays down that the case 
is the same " in solitaries as in initials and finals."* This gives rise to a 
long discussion on the necessity, purport, and use of the rule, and Patanjali, 
after citing a number of v&rtikas, comes to the conclusion that the rule is not 
necessary.t He then cites a v&rtika which says, " Initiality and finality are 
effected in a solitary letter from the characteristics of its having nothing 
preceding and nothing following." { Commenting on this, he continues, "the 
character of having nothing preceding is initiality, and the character o£ 
having nothing following is finality ; this occurs also in solitarity, i.e.f{rm 
the circumstance of the character of nothing preceding and nothing following 
(in a word of a single letter) the operations enjoined for initials aiid finals 
must take place in solitary letters, and there is no u^e in saying (as is done in 
the Stitra) '* in the same way as in initials and finals,"§ i, 0., the solitaiy is 
by its very nature both initial and final, and there is no necessity in sajing 
that the solitary is governed in the same way &c., and the aphorism is redan- 


1883.] RajendraUla Mitra^Oit OoniMputra,and Ganardfya. 269 

dant. He then adds, ** but Gonardiya saysy * it is true when there are others,'* 
{Gouordfyas tvdha satyam etat gati tvanyasminniti), i, e,, the rule ia necessary 
because the terms initial and final are not applicable without the presence 
of other letters. Kaiyafa paraphrases the first part of this passage by the 
words hkdthyahdroi tvdha — *' but the Bh^hyak^ra says." 

Nag^ji Bhafta, who comments on the gloss of Kaiyata, says on this 
passage, ^ he (Kaiya^a) now explains the word Gonardfya ; it is the Bh4- 
shjakira," {Oonardtyapadam vyaehathfe, hhdtikyakdra Hi.). These exphi* 
nations, however, do not meet the requirements of the case. The saying 
of Gonardiya is so brief and obscure that I cannot flatter myself with the 
idea that I haye understood it correctly ; but as it stands following the 
disjanctiTe particle tu '' but," it means something distinct from what the 
Tartika quoted lays down, and Gonardiya to all appearance seems to be dis« 
tioct from Patanjali. Patanjali quotes a T&rtika in support of his opinion, 
and cannot be expected to set it aside by appearing himself under the name 
of Gonardiya, though he may well cite the opinion of a predecessor who 
differed from him and that without any remark. 

The second citation occurs in the comment on Stitra I, 1, 29. The 
nle lays down that the words included in the class taroa &c., should not 
be reckoned as sarvajidmas if they form a part of a hahuvrthi compound. 
Commenting on this, Patanjali shows that the rule is necessaiy, and its 
object cannot be subserved by reference to those rules by which the sarva- 
»dmas are made to be the first member of a compound. Besides, there 
is a rale which enjoins the use of the affix akcteh after sarvandma* ; and if the 
present rule be reckoned redundant, the use of that affix would be justified 
in the case of hahuvrthi compounds with sarvand/nas instead of ka, and the 
result would be that in the case of the words asmaf and yushmat followed 
^pitrif the use of the n^Tokach would be justified, and the words produced 
would be makatpitrika and tvakatpitrika, whereas the forms desiderated 
(i^ate and proper) are matkapitfiJca and toatkapitfika. Discussing then a 
question about the effect of rules regarding subsidiaries on those regarding 
Msentials (of Kielhorn's Panbhaahenda-sekhara^ pp. 221f.) the commentator 
^des that the rule is necessary. He then adds — " But Gonardiya says, 
the affix akach and the accent on the first vowel* should be adopted 
without any hesitation in either member of the compounds, and the forma 
Aould certainly be tvakatpUrika and makatpiifika,^*f 

* The Vddtta change in the vowel is enjoined in the Phit Sutras, Svanffoiitdmadan'' 
''"MM &o., and S^if sarvandma. 

2M B&jendnd41a Mitra — On Qonikdputra and Oonard^a, [No. 8, 

The question now is, whether the half sloka quoted is reallj a quota- 
tioD, or a summing up of the argument ? The argument led to the concla- 
sion that the logical form should he mathapitrika and not makatpiirika, 
and the last is pronounced to he the right form on the authority of Gonar- 
dija without any argument in support of it. This is not the way in 
which Patanjali advances his opinion. He is invariably very careful in 
fortifying his position by the citation of all the rules that bear npon 
it. Nor does he break out into a half verse in giving his concluaion. 
"Whenever he cites his own kdrikds or Uhfis he invariably immediatdj 
after paraphrases them in dilEerent and, what comes to be, easier language. 
Nothing of the kind has been done here. Further, the question at issoe 
is the use of the affix akach^ and nothing in the prose remarks has been 
said about the initial vowel becoming a uddtia, but the verse quoted refefs 
to it, and that shows that the verse is a quotation, and that, in orda to 
preserve the integrity of his quotation, Patanjali had to take it as it A»L 
The particle tu " but " also suggests that the opinion about to be quoted ns 
opposed to the conclusion arrived at before. Had Patanjali improvised tbe 
verse for the occasion, he could have easily written it without reference to 
the accent on the vowel. It is true that the word Gonardiya here in Dr. 
Goldstiicker's photolithographs is not followed by that conjunction ; bat ia 
Dr. Ballantyne's edition from which the passage has been quoted below, as 

fiwrtfif ^rf^TP^ II T'Jf ^ I IjWW ^J9^T^ I inr ^T^rrPr ^«rw ^^• 
m^ hPrrt^i ^^f^i I ^uB^«ni i ^wv4»iim1^ ^»ftf%: vmvtn 
^mjvji M J Oi Mi^ T Mv^\f^ tt T< ^^iTO^T^ I ftRft^m I mr ^m fti- 

fiiRit 11^ jm ^rAi^kha^^m l^' \ ^^ ] i:ftr I mr ^litr f5fi^r^ ^rJtii- 
lining Vi if^ ijvni II tnncfwT^ i 

BuiknUptt^i EtUliM, pp. 469 /« 

1883.] KijendraliUa Mitra— 0» Oonihdpuira and Qonardtya. 266 

also ID the Benaies lithograph of Professor B&la S^&stri fp. 117), it is put in 
and it seems to be required and appropriate. Dr, Kielhorn has not noticed 
it even in his table of variants, owing, apparently, not to his having had 
those editions before him. 

This view of the case, however, is opposed to that of the exegetes. 

Having already expounded the meaning of Gonardiya in the comment in the 

first Sutra where it occurs, of course neither Kaiyafa nor N&goji takes note 

of it here. But Bha^toji Dikshita, in his Siddh^nta Kaumudi, when explaining 

the stitra under notice, alludes to the passage attributed to Gonardiya as that 

of the Bhashjakira, t. «., Patanjali. His words are : Bhdshyakdrastu ivakaU 

pitriko makatpitrika iti rupe ishfdpatfim kritvaitatsutram pratydcha- 

hhi/au. There is nothing to show how the commentators would explain 

the difficulties I have pointed out above. No question was raised in their 

time, and therefore nothing was said. It is, however, easy to suppose 

that had the inconsistencies and contradictions been called to their notice, 

they would have urged that what I take to be the opinion of Patanjali were 

anticipatory adverse opinions (purvapaktha), and that the final conclusion 

oecors in what I take to be a quotation. To my mind the logical sequences 

udthe expressions used would not be consistent with such an interpreta- 

Following my view of the case, it may be urged that there is nothing 
improbable in Paianjali's quoting the opinions of those who had preceded 
bim. It is not at all unusual for him to cite the authority of his prede- 
cessors. Apart from the fact of his work being in a manner a running 
commentary on the v&rtikas of E&tydyana, we find him repeatedly naming 
others, sometimes in support of his own opinions, and sometimes to refute 
adverse principles. 

S^akala is an ancient author, and his name occurs several times in the 
Hahabhdshya as an authority.* Ydjapydyana is an author whose name 
occurs nowhere in connexion with any Sanskrit work, but Patanjali cites 
him as an authority with the highly honori6c title of Achdrya.t Vya4hi 
is honoured in the same way.J Another, Virshydyapi, is honoured with 
the higher title of Bhagavan, and the verb put by his name is the same 
(dka) which occurs against Gonardiya, § and his name is perfectly unknown 
ia our days as an author. Dakshdyana is cited only as a compiler. || Men 

t ^i8f«iftNHif * i^f^wlr 4i^uji<jii 'fT^iwT ^i^ iwir I p' 242. 
t w^fincpf 4iif^M^i^i ^rwi?^ I p- 244. 

% ^^nOl*KI Tfiir ^ ^Kl% WRTT^Ilfiltir^: I P« 268. 

266 RajendraUla Mitra — On Oonikdputra and Oonardt^a. [No. Z, 

of less repute are cited as belonging to the school of Bharadv&ja,* or simply 
as *' other grammarians. "f And if Patanjali thought proper to cite these 
authorities, there is no d priori reason that he should not name Gonardija 
or Go^ikaputra. 

It might be said that we have nowhere seen Gonardija and Gonikapa^ 
tra cited as authors, and we assume the existence of autliors who proba- 
bly never existed. Such a line of argument, however, is not admissible. 
When a trustworthy author quotes from an unknown author, we are bound 
to take for granted that the unknown author did exist, though his work 
may have long since died out. We follow this principle in the case of 
S^akala and Vdjapy&yana, and there is no reason why we should not do so 
in that of Gonardiya. 

Nor is it necessary to depend on this logical principle in the present 
instance. In the Kdma-siitra of Vdtsyayana, there are the most incontesU- 
ble proofs in support of the assumption. A learned correspondent. Pandit 
Hamachandra, of Alwar, has lately drawn my attention to that work, and 
I find in it both Gonardiya and Gonikaputra cited several times as authori- 
ties whose opinions were worthy of the respect from the author of that 
work. Thus, I find in Chap. I, sec. 4 on the subject of wives : 

And further on, ^ ^ iT^ntlftW^ WI T lHdi4HI<lMrq^^i\^«i^f* 
Again, «&8T ^^^TT^ finrTOTn^TTpWt ^if^fil Jll*l^<|: I 

Again, arinr %TWT5nr ^^rni^w^ ^wrnj kitj fW^ xfH '^m^h' t 

In section V, on unchaste women, ^wf^^^^' TTT 5^r ^ WHI^ TBT 
Again, in Chapter VI, on zenana women, it f% V%TrW ^(t^ il^A^ 

Again, M < »*<4Ji-^^|il t ^^»(|<I|€|| '^ i r if^^lV ^i: I 
Again, ^^fT^TTPl ^^€l*H.9K^fiT iiTPWTTT I 

Kone will, I venture to think, question, in the face of these quota- 
tions, the existence of Gonik&putra and Gonardiya as authors of repute ; 
but it might be said that the quotations do not suffice to prove that the 
two were separate authors. It might be supposed that the one and the same 

Ditto, p. 201. 
Again, ^lf rf^ ^WT ^Kfl41^|i ^<5pll IHIT ilpHW 5|fW^ I P« 291. 

t ij^n^ Tii'i^tiJ ^'Twi' ft wn ^^wiT^wr i p* 87. 

1888.] RAjendralala Mitra — On Oonikdputra and Gonardtya, 267 

penon had two names, and those names belonged, as stated by Qoldstucker 
OD the authority of Kaiya^a and NiLgoji fihatfa, to Patanjali. Such, how- 
eTer, was not the case. In the very first section of the work there occur 
the words 4li|^r^lMlU||(«|«l(l4i I Jlf^^TJV MK^lP^^i* I 

Again, in describing Nayik^ or amatory females, in section Y, of 
Chapter I, Vatsydyana begins by saying, " Nayikds are of three kinds : 
virgins, twice married, and prostitutes." He then adds, ** on the other hand, 
for special reasons a (married) woman taken by a stranger is the fourth 
kind ; so says Gonik&putra. The fifth class is the widow, according 
to Chariya^a ; the sixth is the female ascetic according to Suvarnan^bha ; 
the seventh is the daughter of a prostitute, a maid-servant, one who has 
not been taken by any one before, according to Qhotakamukha ; the 
dghth is the woman who, having surpassed her youth, is in the full bloom 
of her beauty and womanhood, according to Gonardiya."* Here we have 
two dilEerent authors entertaining two different sets of opinion — GoQik&pu- 
tia adopting the fourfold division, and Gonardiya the eightfold, — and it is 
impossible to take them to be aliases of Patanjali. Whoever they were, 
ind whatever the names of their respective works, it is unquestionable that 
they were authors of sufficient eminence and authority to be worthy of 
citation by Yatsydyana. 

The fact of the two authors having been distinctly separate being thus 
established, the question suggests itself, when did they live ? To this no 
^rect categorical answer can be given ; but it is obvious they lived before 
Tatsyiyana who lived long before the author of the Mah&bhdshya. Patanjali 
gives the rule for the derivation of the name Ydt8ydyana,t but does not 
laj who this worthy was. Grammatically tlie word implies a descendant of 
the sage Yatsa by his son Y&tsya, but it is generally used as an individual 
personal name, a proper noun, and not as a generic term. Hemachandra, in 
hit glossary, says it was a name of Chinakya, who also bore the names of 
Tishnugupta, Mallan&ga, Eaufilya, Pakshila Sv&mi, Drdmila and Angula.^ 

* wtfiwrfiwj ^^ ^'njr wmx ^w i ^•fi^K^^mq; vrrf^rffernnft 
t MMi^v^^' ^JMUMii.' ^rorwi'f I ^rf«wT5 iwRfir i ^twwv ^j^thr^ 

268 RajendralAla Mitra — On OoniMputra and Oanardi^a. [No. 8, 

It would appear that the original personal name of the individual was VUhnu* 
gupta^ 'Hhe protected of Vishnu," which is a fair index to the religion which 
his father professed. In the Ptirvapithika of the Mudri-rikshasa there is 
a story which says that Yishnugupta and his parents were, by order of the 
Nanda king, confined in a dungeon where they had nothing to eat but gram 
(chanaJca), hence the name Chanakya, but the work is of modern date and 
its attempt at derivation is obviously fanciful. (Notices of Sanskrit MSS. 
lY, 227.) Hemachandra's Ghanakdtmaja shows that he was the son of one 
Ghanaka, whence the name Gh4nakya, a very appropriate patronymic. He 
was a descendant of the Yatsya clan, whence Ydtsyayana. He was the Ma- 
chiavelli of his age, and the many complicated schemes by which he dethroned 
the Nandas and gave the kingdom of Pafaliputra to Chandragupta, got him 
the nickname of Eaufilya, the " tortuous," or " wicked," or " crafty one." 
The epithet Mallan&ga means " the serpent among heroes," and perhaps 
bears relation to the insiduous tactics by which he overcame the armj oi 
the Nandas. As a student of Ny&ya his memory was so strong that he 
oould remember for a fortnight a thesis once told him, and hence the name 
Pakshila Sv&mi.* The epithet Sviimi shows that he had at the last stage 
of his life become an ascetic preceptor. As Dr&mila he is known as a poet 
I have not heard the name A^gula associated with any Sanskrit work, 
ancient or modem. Now, this Yatsydyana lived at the time of Alexander's 
invasion of India, and, bearing in mind the fact of the extreme reluctance 
displayed by Indian authors to cite the authority of their contemporaries, 
the inference would be almost inevitable that Gonardfya and Go^ikipatra 
must have lived long before that time. On the other hand Fatanjali lived 
considerably more than a century after the time of Alexander, and it woold 
have been by no means inconsistent for him to quote from authors who had 
acquired the halo of at least three, and probably four or five, centuries, 
antiquity before him, imd who had two centuries before been quoted by 

Eespect for the dictum of Kaiyafa might induce some to urge^ 
though it would be more a cavilling than an argument — that there may 
have been a Gonardiya and a Gonikdputra before the time of Y&tsyayana 
and necessarily long before that of Fatanjali, and yet there was nothing 
to prevent Fatanjali from bearing those epithets as his aliases. The man* 
ner, however, in which those names have been cited leaves no room for the 
entertainment of such an opinion ; and after all it would amount to » 
mere ipse dixit without a scintilla of proof. 

The last issue in the case is a purely personal one, and itis just what an 
Indian like me cannot approach without the greatest diffidence. Kaiya^a, 
Hemachandra, Bhattoji Dikshita, and N^oji Bhatta are the most renown- 
• This is, however, said ot Pakahadhara Miiia, a much later author. 

]SS3.] Edjendralala M ifcra — On QoniJcdputra and Oonardtya, 269 

ed among mediaeval Sanskrit grammarians^ and their dicta in regard to 
the special subject of their study are received throughout India with the 
highest consideration, and without a single demur. It is extremely 
hazardous, therefore, for people in the present day to call their opinions into 
qaestion, even when a very strong array of arguments may be brought forth 
against them. The question at issue, however^ is not a grammatical, but 
an historical, one, and, however great they may have been as gramma- 
rians, they certainly were not very careful and critical in historical matters, 
and an error on their part in the identification of ancient authors is not 
inch as would be impossible, or calculated to detract from their renown as 
grammarians. It is obvious, too, that the error in the case of Ndgoji Bhafta 
who lived about 250 years ago, was one of mere copying. He was en- 
grossed with the grammatical questions he had to deal with, and never 
tiiooght of enquiring into the authority of his predecessors regarding the 
identification of obscure names, a branch of study which seldom engaged 
their attention, and gross anachronisms in that respect were easily passed 
over. Certain it is that he has given us no clue to the identification of 
any one of the old names which occur in the Mahdbh^hya. The same may 
be said of Bhatfoji Dikshita who preceded him by about two or three 
hundred years. He had Hemachandra's Glossary before him and probably 
bj heart, and that told him Gonardiya was another name for Patanjali, and 
straightway he adopted it, as for his purposes that was sufficient. Hemo- 
chaodra flourished in the eleventh century, and to him the authority of 
Eaiyata was evidently quite sufficient. The original error rests, therefore^ 
with Eaiyata, and Eaiyafa alone. If this error be not admitted, we have to 
£all on the second branch of the alternative and to believe that the Gonika- 
potia and the Gonardiya of Y&tsyayana were different, and Patanjali had 
these two names as his aliases, which he used in his work in a very incon- 
fiistent and absurd manner to indicate himself in the third person, though 
he never even for once used his individual personal name for such a 
purpose. Put in this form the first branch of the alternative is one which 
impartial criticism will accept as the right one. In support of this view 
I find a remarkable sentence in a paper published in the August number 
of the Indian Antiqttafy, p. 227, in which Dr. Eielhorn says, " I hope 
elsewhere to show by the help of Bhartrihari's commentary that later 
grammarians are wrong in identifying Gonardiya with Patanjali." I re- 
gret I have not a copy of that commentary at hand to work out the 
prohlem for myself. Anyhow, for the present, I give up the inference 
^WQ from the passages above quoted that Patanjali waa the son of 
Go^ika and a native of Gonarda. 

H K 

270 F. S. Growse— I%tf toivn of Bulandihahr. [No. 3, 

The toitn of Bulandshah\ — By F. S. Qkowse, C. I. E. 

(With two Plates.) 

In 1824, when the present district of Bulandshahr was first formed, 
the town bearing that name was selected for its capital, chiefly on tc- 
count of its very convenient and central situation. 

Though a place of immemorial antiquity, it had fallen into decaj 
centuries ago and had ultimately dwindled down into a miserably mean and 
half -deserted village. A ragged and precipitous hill, on the western bank 
of the narrow winding stream of the Kalindi, was all that remained of the 
old Fort, or rather of the succession of Forts, that in the course of 3000 
years had been built, each on the accumulated debris of its predecessor. 
On its summit was an unfinished mosque, commenced by Sabit Eh^n, the 
Governor of Kol, in 1730, and huddled about it were some fairly large, 
but mostly ruinous, brick houses, occupied by the impoverished descenduiti 
of the old proprietory community and of local Muhammadan officials, sacb 
as the Kazi and the K&nungo. The rest of the population consisted of a 
small colony of agricultural labourers, scavengers and other menial tribei, 
who had squatted in their mud huts at the foot and to the west of the hill, 
where low mounds and ridges of broken bricks and pot-sherds, the vestiges 
of former habitation, alternated with swamps and ravines that collected the 
drainage of all the surrounding country and passed it on to the river. 

Only sixty years have since elapsed and out of such unpromising 
materials there has now been developed as bright, cleanly and thriving i 
little town as can be found anywhere in the Province. The population has 
increased to upwards of 17,000, but it is still of much less commercial im* 
portance than the flourishing mart of Khurj4, which is only ten miles to 
the south and has the further advantage of possessing a station of its 
own on the main line of the East Indian Kailway. It is, however, a matter 
for congratulation that in determining the site for the head quarters of the 
district the larger town was not given the preference ; for in pomt of 
sanitation there is no comparison between the two places, Bulandshahr bjr 
reason of its well-raised site and facilities for drainage being as healthy as 
Khurja is notoriously the reverse. 

The only ground for regret is that when the old historical site 
was adopted, the old historical name of Baran was not also restored. 
Bulandshahr, which — in English characters especially — has a mostcumbroos 
and barbaric appearance, has no literary authority. Apparently it vis 
imposed by the Muhammadans during the reign of Aurangzeb, when the 
ruling power was possessed with a mania — like the modern French— for the 
abolition of every name that suggested recollections of an earlier dynast/* 
In large towns, such as Mathura and Brindaban, where also the experiment 

1883] F. S. Growse— 2%<? toum of Bulandshahr. 271 

was tried, tbe popular appellation was too strongly rooted in theafiFections of 
the people to admit of suppression by imperial edict ; but in a little place 
Hke Baran, wbere too tbe majority of tbe inhabitants bappened to be Mubam- 
madans, there was no difficulty in giving effect to tbe official innovation. 
The most favourable opportunity for reviving tbe older and shorter name has 
Qofortanately been lost, but even now tbe change might be effected without 
causing more than a very slight and merel}' temporary inconvenience ; for 
the name Baran is still perfectly familiar to the people and even officially 
is used as tbe designation both of the Pargana (or Hundred) and also of 
the parish, which is a very extensive one ; tbe title Bulandshahr being ap- 
plied exclusively to the town, and originally only to the Upper Town, or 
Fort. In meaning, it corresponds precisely with the English ' Higham,' 
and was suggested by the great elevation of the Castle Hill, which far over- 
tops any other ground for many miles away. It is said by some to have 
been merely an Urdu rendering of the Hindi Uncha-nagar, a form that had 
already come into use and would bear the same signification ; but, in the 
ahsence of any documentary proof of this assertion, I very strongly doubt 
whether the Hindus under the Delhi Emperors ever knew the place by any 
other name than that of Baran. There would seem to be no reason why 
they should substitute one indigenous name for another ; while the object 
that the Muhammadans had, in introducing a name from their own vocabu- 
larj, is easily intelligible. 

Tradition goes that in prehistoric times tbe town was called Ban- 
chhati — which would mean * a forest-clearing ' — and that it was founded by 
a Tomar, or Pandava chief from Abdr, named Parmal. The site of this 
original settlement is the high ground now occupied by tbe Collector's House 
and the new Town Hall, and lies immediately to the west of the modern 
town. It used to be known as the ' Moti Chauk,' or * Moti Bazar,' mean- 
ing of course not a market wbere ' pearls ' (moti) were sold, but simply a 
'handsome * bazar, as we might say in English, * a gem of a place.' The 
large original mound has for many years been intersected by the high road, 
and was also cut up by a broad and deep ravine. This latter ran down 
through the town to the river and was a great nuisance. I have now turned 
hack the drainage into a tank called tbe ' Lai Diggi,' further to the west, 
near tbe Magistrate's Court, the overflow from which is carried by a cutting 
tbrcfngb the fields into the river higher up in its course. 

In order to fill up tbe ravine I levelled the ridge on its bank and having 
enclosed the entire area as an adjunct to the Town Hall, am now convert- 
ing it into a public garden, which — to perpetuate tbe old tradition — I 
have designated the ' Moti Bagh.' There is much vague talk of coins and 
solid bars of silver discovered there in former years, but in the course of my 
excavations I came upon nothing of much intrinsic value. Abundant proofs 

272 F. S. Qrowse— I?*/- town of Bulandskahr. [N o. S, 

were, however, afforded of the interesting fact that in old times it had heen 
occupied by Buddhists. Among my discoveries were several specimens of 
the curious plain stone stools, such as are figured in Plate III of YoL XV of 
the Archsdological Survey. General Cunningham says they are found of the 
same general pattern from Taxila to Palibothra and only at Buddhist sites. 
They were all about 6 inches high, and a foot long ; but not one was unbro- 
ken. The ground had been so often disturbed before, that it was not possi* 
ble to trace any definite line of building, but the fragments of walls and 
pavements yielded an enormous number of large and well-burnt bricks, each 
measuring as much as a cubit in length by half a cubit in breadth and three 
inches in thickness. They were mostly marked on one side by two paralldl 
lines drawn by the workman's finger in the damp clay. Many were brokeo 
in digging them out, but many also had been laid in a broken state, as ma 
evident from the appearance of the fracture. 

Of more exceptional interest were the remains of what would seem io 
have been a special local manufacture, being some scores of strange eazihen* 
ware flask or vase-like objects (Plates XXII and XXIII, figs. 2, 3,4). 
They are all alike in general shape, being pointed at one end like a Bomaa 
amphora and with a very small orifice at the other for a mouth ; but tbej 
vary very much in the patterns with which they have been ornamented} 
and are of different size, weight and thickness. Some apparently had heen 
squeezed out of shape, before the material of which they were made h»d 
had time to dry. The spot where they were found is evidently that where 
they were baked ; for, besides the failures, there was also a large accamula" 
tion of broken pieces, all mixed in a deep deposit of ashes and the other 
refuse of a potter's kiln. I sent one to the British Museum, where it wm 
considered so curious that I have been asked to supply some more ; aod 
others were exhibited at a meeting of the Asiatic Society of Bengal ; bat 
from neither quarter have I received any suggestion as to the purpose for 
which they were intended. 

Most natives who have seen them think they were meant to hold 
either gunpowder or oil, which is what the shape suggests; but the 
materia], on account of its weight, seems unsuitable for such a purpose, 
if the flask was to be carried about on the person ; while the pointed 
bottom makes it awkward for storing. The idea has also been hazarded 
that they were meant to be filled with gunpowder and then exploded as 
a kind of fire-work ; but, if this were their object, there would scarcelj 
have been so much trouble spent on their ornamentation. A third theoiy, 
which has found much favour on the spot, but which at the time I was 
inclined to reject as altogether untenable, is that they were intended to 
form a balustrade for a balcony or the roof of a hous«. At first my own 
impression was that they were not at all likely to be of the same ag* 

1883.] F. S. Growse— 2%c town of Bulandskahr, 273 

as the bricks. The site might have been originally occnpied bj a fort 
or a monastery and then deserted for centuries before the potters came 
and set up their kilns on it, making use — for their houses and workshops— 
of any old building-materials they happened to light upon. But finally 
I came to the conclusion that the balustrade theory was not so very far 
wrong, and that these curious objects were manufactured in such numbers 
io order to serve as finials for miniature Buddhist stupas. The dedication 
of such votive memorials was a recognized duty on a pilgrimage, and it 
would obviously be a convenience for worshippers to have an establishment 
for their manufacture and sale in immediafce connection with the shrine. 
This view is strongly confirmed by the discovery on the same spot of what 
is unmistakeably a finial (PL XXIII, figs. 3, 4, in \ size). It is of similar 
configuration and has a similar orifice at one end, which in this case is 
dearly intended for the admission of a supporting rod. But later again I 
found a circular flask (Plate XXII, fig. 2, in \ size), which is of the 
tame material and of equal weight and is ornamented in exactly the 
lame style. It is, however, easy to grasp in the hand, and apparently 
was intended to hold oil or some similar fluid, for pouring out drop by 
drop. Thus the only definite conclusion at which it is safe to arrive 
is that various articles for different uses were turned out at the same 
factory, all being characterized by ornamentation of a peculiar local 

Most fortunately the presiding genius of the shrine has also been 
revealed. The sculpture was dug up some twenty years ago and since then 
had been kept in an adjoining garden; but several people distinctly 
remember its being found on the same spot where the recent excavations 
have been made. The stone is a square block measuring in its mutilated 
state I foot 4i inches either way, the material being a black trap, not 
the tang^musay or black marble, of Jaypur. The principal figure repre- 
sents the Buddha, enveloped in a thin robe reaching to the wrists and 
uilles and falling over the body in a succession of narrow folds. His 
vms are slightly raised in front of his breast, and the thumb and fore- 
finger of his left hand are joined at the tips, while with his right hand 
he touches its middle finger, as if summing up the points of an argument. 
On either side of his throne is a rampant hippogriff, with its back to the 
>age and rearing its head over a devotee seated in an attitude of prayer. 
The throne is supported on two recumbent lions, flanked by Hindu 
caryatides with impossibly distorted limbs as usual ; and at the base again 
are other devotees kneeling on either side of the footstool, the front of 
which is carved with the mystic wheel between two oouchant deer. The 
^pper part of the stone has been broken off, carrying with it the head of 
the principal figure, but what remains is in good preservation and has 

274 F. S. Growse— r^« town of Bulantkhahr. [No. 3, 

been well executed. Od a ledge in a line with the feet is an inscription 
in characters apparently of the 9th or 10th century, which reads as 
follows : 

Ye dharmmd hetu-prahhavd hetut teshdn tathdgato hyavadat teMm 
cha yo nirodha, evam^vddi mahdsramanah. 

This would be in English ''All things that proceed from a cause, 
their cause as well as their destruction the Tath&gata has declared : such 
is the dictum of the great philosopher." It is curious that a popular 
symbol of faith should have been framed with so much tautology in so 
short a compass, and also with such inadequacy of expression. For the 
cardinal feature of the doctrine, viz,^ that effects can only be destroyed 
by destroying their causes, is not stated at all but merely implied. 

Another very curious find was a terra cotta seal (PL XXIII, fig. 5, 
in full size), probably some 1400 years old, but as fresh and clear as if ik 
had been baked only yesterday, and still showing the pressure of tba 
workman*s fingers who had handled the clay while it was yet damp. It mi 
inside a closed earthen jar, which accounts for its excellent preservation. 
It is oval in shape, with a dotted rim, and is divided by two parallel lines 
across the centre into two equal compartments. In the upper are tiro 
devices, one of which is a conch shell, the other— which is raised on a little 
stand — ^looks like a wing, and may possibly be intended to represent the 
ehaJcwdy or Brahmani duck, so frequently introduced in old Indian painting 
and sculpture. In the lower compartment is the name ' Mattila,' in charac- 
ters of about the 6th century A. D. 

It is quite possible that the Fort on the river-bank may also have 
been founded by Parmal, for the protection of his infant town of Ban* 
chhati. Tradition, however, ascribes it to one of his successors, who is 
made to bear the name of Ahi-baran, interpreted to mean ' cobra-^coloored.' 
But this appears to me to be absolutely untenable. Baran is certainlj 
not the Sanskrit word vama, ^ colour,' but varana^ ' a hill-fort or enclo- 
sure ;' and Ahi-baran would thus mean ^ snake-fort ' or ' Naga fort/ 
in the same way as Ahi-kshetra means ' Snake-land.' No Raja Ahi-baran, I 
should conjecture, ever existed, though there may well have been an Ahibaran 
Baja, the town being so called because it was a stronghold of the Naga 
tribe. Nor is it impossible that the epithet ^Naga,' like the English 
* reptile,' may have been attached to a Buddhist community by their 
Brahmanical neighbours by way of reproach. Another explanation maj, 
however, be suggested. Some twenty-one miles to the north-east of Ba- 
landshahr, on the right bank of the Ganges, is the small town of Ahir, 
which (according to local tradition) is the spot where, after Parikshit, 
the successor of Baja Yudhishthir on the throne of Hastinapur, had met 
his death by snake-bite, his son Janamejaya, to avenge his father's death, 

1883.] F. S. Growse— The town of BuJandalialr, 275 

performed a sacrifice for the destruction of the whole serpent race. Though 
still accounted the capital of a Pargana, it is a miserably poor and decayed 
place with a population, according to the last census, of only 2,414. It 
is evidently, however, a site of great antiquity. Part of it has been 
washed away by the river, but heaps of brick and other traces of ruin 
still extend over a large area, and I found lying about in the streets 
several fragments of stone sculpture of early date. These I brouglit away 
with me to Bulandshahr, as also a once fine but now terribly mutilated 
round pillar, which I dug up on the very verge of the high clifE overlook- 
ing the river. This is specially noticeable as having its base encircled 
with a coil of serpents, which would seem to corroborate the connection 
of the local name with the word dhi^ ^ a snake.' The principal residents 
of the town are Ndgar Brahmans by descent, though — since the time of 
Aurangzeb — ^Muhammadans by religion, who believe that their ancestors 
were the priests employed bv Janamejaya to conduct his sacrifice, and 
that in return for their services they had a grant of the township and the 
surrounding villages. Immediately after this event it is said that the 
Pandavas transferred their seat of local government from Ahar to Baran, 
and it may be that they then first attached the prefix ahi to the name of 
the town — so making it Ahibaran — in order to commemorate the circum- 
stances of the migration. This would imply that the town was already in 
existence ; and it might with much plausibility be identified with the 
Yaranavata,* mentioned in the 143rd chapter of the first Book of the 

All this, however, is conjectural and refers to a period so remote, 
nearly 1400 years before Christ, that no tangible record of it could be 
expected to survive to the present day. To come down to somewhat later 
times : the Bactrian dynasty, which flourished in the centuries immediate- 
ly preceding our era, and the Gupta dynasty that succeeded it, have both 
left traces behind them. In the rains, copper and gold coins with Greek 
and Pali inscriptions, used so frequently to be washed down in the debris 
from the high ground of the old town, at a particular point, now called 
'the Manihdrs' or bangle-makers' quarter,' that after any heavy storm 
people made it a regular business to search for them. To prevent further 
cutting away, the slope was built up with masonry in 1876 ; but even 
since then two copper coins of Su-Hermaeus, styled Basileus Soter, a gold 
coin of Chandra Gupta II, and another of an intermediate dynasty, have 
been picked up, which I presented to the coin cabinet of the Asiatic Society 
of Bengal. 

* General Cmmingham proposes to identify with the YaianiLvata of the Mah£« 
l)hibata a village, now called BamiLwa, in the Merath district. It has not yet been 
nplored, and it is therefore uncertain whether it is really an ancient site or not. 

276 F. S. Qrow9e—The town of Buland*hahr, [No. 8, 

It may thus be concluded that the town of Baran at the commence- 
ment of the Christian era was a place of some wealth and importance ; 
while the discovery of the antiquities above described clearly e^bUshes 
the interesting fact that a little later, from about 400 to 800 A. D., there 
was a Buddhist community outside the Fort walls, occupying the site now 
known as the Moti Bagh. The only ancient inscriptions that have beea 
found in the district are distinctly Brahmanical. The oldest is dated ia 
the reign of Skanda Gupta, in the year 146, which — if the Saka en is 
intended — would correspond with 224 A. D. But this dynasty had an 
era of its own, which seems more likely to have been the one used, and 
an element of considerable uncertainty is thus introduced. . For the com- 
mencement of the Gupta era is a very vexata quastio among archsDologists, 
being put by some so late as 319 A. D., by others at 190, and now bj 
Gen. Cunningham at 167. A complete transcript and translation of the 
inscription, by Dr. Eajendraldla Mitra, C. I. E. are given in Vol. XLIII 
of this Journal. It is not in itself of great importance, being simpiji 
provision on the part of a Brdhman, named Deva->vish];iu, for the mainte- 
nance of an oil lamp, to burn in a temple of the Sun at Indra-pura. The 
copper-plate on which it is engraved was dug up at Indor, an artifici^ 
mound of great elevation and extent, a little ofE the high road from 
Aniipshahr to Aligarh, opposite the eighth mile-stone from the former 
town. As I have shewn at length in my " Mathura," by an application 
of the rules laid down by the Prakrit grammarian Yararuchi, the Sanskrit 
Indra-pura, in the natural course of phonetic decay, must become Indor 
in the modern vernacular. 

The next inscribed memorial is some centuries later in date, but from 
exposure to rough usage is in a far less perfect state of preservation and 
is for the most part illegible. It is an oblong block of stone, measuring 
29 inches by 10 by 10, which I brought into the station from a well 
adjoining the tomb of Khwaja L41 Barani, which lies across the Kilindi, 
about half a mile to the east of the town of Bulandshahr. There are tiro 
inscriptions, one opposite the other, in characters of different size, bat of 
the same period, probably about 1200 A. D. Both are records of grants 
for religious purposes, and the stone must have been intended for deposit 
among the archives of the temple for which the endowments were pro- 
vided. But it can never have been actually set up, as it is difficult to 
imagine a position in which both sides could be conveniently read ; it is 
also evident that preparations had been made for splitting it up into two 
separate slabs of equal thickness. One of the two inscriptions opens with 
an invocation of Krishna, in the words Om Name Bhagavate VdsudevdfO, 
The stone has been sent to Dr. Mitra for inspection, and eventually for 
deposit in the Indian Museum. 

1S83.] F. S. Grovrae^The toum of Bulandshakr. 277 

Of f«r greater significance is a copper-plate inscription, which was 
dog up in 1867 at the village of Mdnpurj in the Agota Pargana, about 
eight miles to the north of the town of Bulandshahr. Natives, even of 
the higher and more educated classes, have a childish notion, of which 
it is quite impossible to disabuse them, that these old copper-plate in- 
fcriptions always refer to some buried treasure. Thus the Council of the 
Maharaja of Jajpur, on hearing of the Manpur find, at once put in a 
eUim for anything of value that might be discovered \ on the plea that 
Manpur had been founded by Eaja Mdn Siuh of the Jaypur line. The 
absurdity of the claim was in this case enhanced by the confusion of 
ehronological ideas ; for Man Sinh was a contemporary of Akbar's, while 
the plate is anterior to the reign of Prithi Kaj. It was sent to the Asiatic 
Society in Calcutta, and a translation of it into Nagari and Englisli by 
Pandit Pratapa Chandra Ghosh, appeared in Vol. XXXVIII of this Journal* 
By a strange fatality, the three most important words in the whole record, 
Mz., those which give the name of the reigning family, the name of the 
country, and the century of the date, are the most doubtful and illegible. 
The year — which is written at full length, in words— ends with ^ thirty- 
three,' but the initial letters have been obliterated by rust. The century, 
bowerer, must be either the eleventh or twelfth, for the characters belong 
to the period immediately succeeding that of the Kutila inscriptions. The 
date may thus be confidently accepted as either 1133 or 1233 Samvat, i. e,^ 
either 1076 or 1176 of the Christian era. The earlier of the two seema 
the more probable. 

The grant — which confers a village named Gandavi on a certain Gaur 
Brahman — was made by a Kaja Ananga, in whose description a word occurs 
which the Calcutta Pandit first took to be ' Kalinga.' But the only 
coantry so-called is an extensive tract far away on the sea-coast, south 
of Bengal. It was never owned by a single sovereign — which in itself 
creates a difficulty — ^and it is further inconceivable how a plate relating to 
10 distant a region could have found its way into the Doilb. The word is 
Tery indbtinct and ambiguous and (as the Pandit has remarked) may with 
equal probability be read kanishfha, which will also give an intelligible 
aense to the passage. The suggestion of ' Kalinga ' seems therefore to 
have been an unnecessary importation of a somewhat gratuitous difficulty. 
It might perhaps be Koldnsa, This is given in Monier Williams's Diction- 
ary as the name of a district, placed by some in Gangetio Hindustan, with 
Kanauj for its capital, but which it would seem more natural to identify 
with the country round about Kol, the modern Aligarh. 

The name of the family was read by the Pandit as * Rodra '; but 
only with great hesitation, and with the admission that it seemed to be 
something different, though he could not exactly say what. It is really 
o o 

278 F. S. Growse — The town of Bulandahahr. [No.S, 

por, the name of an almost extinct Bdjput tribe, who once were very 
notable people in these parts, though a Sanskrit scholar in Bengal may 
well be pardoned for not remembering them. They claim to be a branch 
of the great Framdr clan, which in ancient times was the most powerfal 
of all the Kajput tribes ; " The world is the Pramar's " being quoted bj 
Col. Tod as a proverbial saying to illustrate their extensive sway. Tbej 
represent their ancestor to have been a Pramar Rdja of Mainpuri, who 
cut off his own head for a sacrifice to the divinity ; whence his descend- 
ants were styled Dund, ^ the headless ', afterwards corrupted into Dor. 
But this is obviously a mere etymological fable. Chand in the Prithiraj- 
Rasd celebrates a Pof chief of Kasondi, a locality which cannot now be 
identified with certainty, though probably it was a place that still bean 
the same name near Ajmir. The Dors are also mentioned in a Sanskrit 
inscription of the time of Prithiraj, which was found by Colonel Skinner 
at Hansi. This forms the basis for a rhapsody by Col. Tod in his usuI 
enthusiastic vein, which is published in Vol. I of the Transactiims of the 
Boyal Asiatic Society. In the body of the article the tablet is described as 
commemorating a victory obtained over the Pors ; but what purports to be 
a more or less literal summary of the inscription is given at the end of 
the narrative, and all that can be gathered from this is, that in the coarse 
of the concluding stanzas the Dofs are mentioned, but in what character, 
whether as foes or allies, does not appear. The summary unfortunatelj 
is most inadequate ; but the main object of the inscription would seem 
to have been to record the date not of any victory, but of the extension of a 
fort at Ksiy which presumably was the older name of Hansi. This work is 
said to have been executed by a General named Hammira in conjunction with 
the Gahlot chief Kilhana, who is described — ^in Tod's translation — as Fritbi* 
raj's maternal uncle. But here lies a difficulty ; for Prithiraj's mother 
was Kamala-Devi, one of the daughters of King Anangpal, who was a 
Tomar not a Gahlot, and who had no male issue. The date of this Haosi 
inscription is Samhat 1224 (1168 A. D.). It was found in 1818 and 
presented to Lord Hastings ; but in 1824, the date of Tod's article, it wis 
not known what had become of it. In fact, a singular fatality seems to 
attend all the records of this ancient Hindu clan — once so considerable, 
now virtually extinct — for I find, on enquiry in Calcutta, that the M^npur 
inscription also has disappeared and cannot be traced. 

This grant enumerates fourteen successive R^jas, beginning with 
Chandraka, the founder of the particular family. The seventh in descent 
was Haradabta, who was succeeded first by his brother, secondly by a nephew, 
and only in the third place by his son, who was subsequently deposed by 
a Brahman minister, who both secured the throne for himself and be- 
queathed it to his son. The parentage of the thirteenth Kaja is not 

1885.] P. S. Growse — The town of Bulandahahr. 279 

distinctly stated, as it is in every other case, and hence it may 1)6 surmised 

that he was not related to his immediate predecessor, hut belonged to the ori- 

f gioal Por stock. This is the more probable, because if he and his son Ananga 

f had been descendants of the Brahman usurper, the introduction of the J)qx 

J pedigree would be altogether out of place. 

The names stand aa follows : 

1. Chandraka. 


2. Dharani-var&ha. 

3. Prabhdsa. 

4. Bhairava. 

5. Budra 

6. Go¥inda-r&ja (sumamed Yasopara). 

I I I 

7. Hara-datta. 8. Bbogaditya 

1 I , 

10. Yikramaditya. 9. Srikuladitja* 

11. Bhiipati, surnamed Padm&ditya, 
Br&hman Minister. 

12. Bhojadeva. 

13. Sahajaditya* 


14. Ananga. 
The above genealogy is of very exceptional interest, because it is 
known from other sources that at the time of the invasion of India by 
1 Mahmtid of Ghazni in 1017 A. D., Merath, Baran and Kol were all held 
j by the Dors and that Hara-datta was the name of their Baja, who had his 
principal residence at Baran. Unable to meet the Muhammadans in the 
field, he saved his towns from pillage by a nominal submission to the faith 
of Islam — as is stated in the Tarikh-i*Yamlni of Al (Jtbi, Mahmud's Chro. 
nographer — and by the tender of a heavy ransom in treasure and elephants. 
The disgrace that he thus incurred may very probably be the expla- 
nation of the fact briefly stated in the Manpur inscription that his son 
was twice passed over in the succession to the throne and was eventually 

Before these events there is reason to conclude that Hara-datta waa 
the most important chief in all this part of the country between Kanauj 
and Thanesar. For Delhi, though refounded by the Ilaja Dhava of the 
Iron Pillar about 319 A. D. and again rebuilt in 731 by Anang Pal, the 
first Tomar Kaja of that name, is not once mentioned either by the Chinese 
Pilgrims or by Al Utbi, and was probably at this period a small, unfortified 
And quite unimportant village, the capital of the Tomars being at Kanauj. 

280 P. S. Growse— 2%<» town of Bulnndshahr, [No 3, 

When that city was taken bj Chandra Deva, the founder of tbo Rahtor 
dynasty, about 1050 A. D., Anang Pal II retired to Delhi and there 
established himself. But at the beginning of the elerenth century^ 
Hara-datta, the Kaja of Baran, though nominally a feudatory pf Kanauj, 
appears to have been the virtual sovereign of all the country now included 
in the districts of Aligarh, Bulandshahr, Merath and Delhi, with parU 
of Mur4dabad, Mathura and Eta. 

His name is still perpetuated by H&pur, a corruption of Hara-par, 
now the head- quarters of the Stud Dep6t, of which town he is the tradi- 
tional founder, and all the fragments of stone sculpture that have been 
discovered at Bulandshahr may be assigned to his time. As might have been 
expected from its nearness to Delhi, the Muhammadans have made a clean 
sweep of the district and razed to the ground every building, secular or 
religious, that had been erected by its former Hindu rulers. I have been 
over every part of it, but the sum total of all the antiquities I have been able 
to collect may be very briefly enumerated. An unusually lofty colamn 
is one of a pair that were dug up in t>ome low ground at the entrance io 
the town from the Chola Railway Station. Though long since brouglit 
under cultivation, the field is still called ' the Sarovar, * and is the tradi- 
tional site of a large masonry tank which Hara-datta is said to have 
constructed. The companion column is at Mirath, where it was sent 
by the Sardar Bahadur, into whose hands it had come, and has been 
worked up into a house he has built there. The one now in my pos- 
session I rescued from his stables, where it had been thrown on the 
ground and was used by his grass-cutters to sharpen their tools on. Six 
short pillars of the same period were found buried under the steps of a 
small mosque on the highest part of the old town. In digging the 
foundations of a house on the opposite side of the same street I recovered 
a curious stone, sculptured with a representation of three miniature tern* 
pies. These are of such difEerent design that, if they had been found 
separately, I might have been inclined to refer them to different archi- 
tcctural epochs. But the excessively archaic type of one must be attri* 
buted to the influence of religious conservatism ; similar forms may be 
seen in conjunction on the front of the temples of Khajur&ho, which are 
known to be of the tenth century A. D. A circular pillar, with a coil 
of human-headed snakes at the base, is, as already mentioned, from Ahsr, 
as also a mediseval door-jamb and a block carved with rows of temple 
fa9ades in the style of the Nasik caves. This last is probably the oldest 
of the group. Another door-jamb, found in the court-yard of the mosque 
at Bulandshahr, is comparatively modern. 

The Sarovar, or Tank, field, of which I have spoken above, is bounded 
on the north by an extensive mound, on which now stands the stable for 

1888.] F. S. Growse— 1%<? toum of Bulandthahr. 281 

GoTemment Btallions, and in lerelling part of it I came upon two curious 
terra cotta figures, (Plate XXII, fig. 1,} both alike, 5^ inches high, repre* 
aentiDg a woman with a parrot, which she is about to feed with a fruit she 
holds in one hand. 8he has enormous ornaments in her ears and a Tarietj 
of chains and bracelets about her. Another fragment — a head only — showa 
a chignon of most prodigious dimensions. In the absence of stone, the 
potter's art seems to hare been largely developed for decoration and religious 
purposes, as is further indicated by a clay statue of the four-armed Krishna, 
which I discovered in breaking down an old well in the upper town. Th& 
exact date of these figures eannot be determined. 

The Mdnpur inscription gives Yikram.&ditya as the name of Kara* 
datta's son, and he is probably the same person as a R^ja Yikram Sen of 
Baran, who figures in an Aligarh pedigree. The capital of that branch 
•! the Pof family is said to have been transferred from Jalili to Kol by 
Buddh Sen, who was the son of Bijay R£m (brother of Dasarath Sinh, 
who built the fort at Jalesar) the son of N&har Sinh, (founder of the Sam. 
bhal Fort) the son of Gobind Sinh, who was the son of Mukund Sen, the 
ion of Rija Yikram Sen of Baran. Mangal Sen, who succeeded his father, 
the above-mentioned Buddh Sen, at Kol, is said to have given his daughter 
P^m4vati in marriage to the heir of Bdja Bhim of Mahrdra and Et&wa, 
who soon after his accession was murdered by his younger brothers. The 
widow then returned to Kol, where her father built for her the tower, 
which was wantonly destroyed by the local authorities in 1860. It is, 
however, more commonly believed that the tower was erected by the Muham- 
nadans in 1271 on the site of the principal Hindu temple, to commemorate 
the final reduction of the town in the reign of Nasir-ud-din Mahmtid. 
Possibly it had been built by the lULja and was only enlarged or otherwise 
altered by the conquerors. 

Eighty years before the fall of Kol, r»«., in 1193, the Doy line of 
Bajas at Baran had come to an end in the person of Chandra Sen, who 
was killed while defendinsr his fort against the army of Shahab-ud-din 
Muhammad Ghori. Before he fell, an arrow from his bow had slain one 
of the leaders of the invading force, a certain Khw&ja L&l Ali, whose tomb 
across the K^lindi is still reverenced as that of a martyr. The gate was 
opened to the enemy by two traitors, one a Br4hman named Hira Sinh, the 
other Ajaypal, himself a Qor, who probably hoped by this act of perfidy 
to secure recognition as the future head of the family and the most fitting 
person to continue its hereditary honours. All, however, that he actually 
obtained from the conqueror was the subordinate post of Chaudhari, with the 
sonorous title of Malik Muhammad Dardz Kadd ; the latter being the reward 
for his profession of Isl&m ; while the administration of the new province 
was conferred upon a fellow-countryman of the victorious General, K&ai 

282 F. S. Growge— 1!5<? town of Bulandthakr. [No. &, 

Ntir-ud-din of Ghazni. The descendants of this, the first Muhammadan 
Qovernor of Baran, still occupy a respectable position in the town and 
retain their ancestor's title of K&zi. Similarly, Ajaypdl's descendants still 
style themselves Ohaudharis ; though the name by which they are more 
commonly designated is Tanfas, or Mischief-makers. These an worthy 
representatives of a long line of independent princes form a fairly numerous 
section of the community but are badly off and of ill-reputation. Thej 
are one and all Muhammadans. During the raid of the Sikhs in 1780 
they opened the gate of the town to them, in imitation of their recreant 
forefather ; and again in the Mutiny of 1S57 they were the first to plunder 
the bazar. The social distinction of the old family has been better trans* 
mitted in the female line by a daughter of the house, who was given in 
marriage to the Bargiijar chief Prat4p Sinh, who came up from Eajaor, 
now in the Jay pur State, to join Frithi Raj of Delhi in his attack on 
Mahoba. After the conquest he returned no more to his own countir, 
but settled down at Pah&su, where he is now represented by his direct 
descendant Naw&b Sir Faiz Ali Kh4n, K. C. S. I. 

To sum up the Hindu Annals of Baran. It was founded about a 
thousand years before Christ by Tomar chiefs from Delhi: under the 
Indo-Scythian and Gupta dynasties, at the commencement of our era, it 
was a place of some wealth and importance ; and for a considerable period^ 
up to the ninth or tenth century it included in its population a community 
of Buddhists. About the year 800 A. D. the Dox Kajputs rose to poirert 
and their leader Chandraka, having established himself as a Raja, made 
Baran his capital. His descendant in the sixth degree, Hara-datta, founded 
the town of H^pur and ruled an extensive tract of country including 
Hirath and Kol ; but, in 1017, being hard-pressed by Mahmud's invading 
force, he submitted to terms, which lost him the confidence of his people. 
On the withdrawal of the conqueror, domestic disturbances ensued, but-— 
after a temporary usurpation — the old dynasty was eventually restored 
and occupied the throne till the year 1193, when Raja Chandra Sen, the 
last of the line, was defeated and killed by the army of Kutb-ud-din, and 
the Fort then passed into the hands of the Muhammadans. 

Under the new administration it would seem to have been still considered 
a place of military importance. On the accession of Kai Kubid in 1286 A. D. 
Malik Tuzaki, a man of high rank and importance in Balban's reign and 
Muster-master General (A'riz-i-fnamdlik) held the fief of Baran, and after 
he had been got rid of by the favourite Nizam-ud-din, his appointment* 
were conferred upon Jalal-ud-din, who in 1290 became Emperor. Hi» 
murderer and successor Ala-ud-din, also made it for some days his head- 
quarters before he marched upon Delhi, and it was here that he received 
ike submission of all the principal nobles, whom he bought over froiA 

1883.] F. S. Growse— -2^0 town of Sulandshahr. 2S3 

the cause of the rightful heir by a lavish distribution of the treasure that 
ke bad captured at Deogiri ; the leaders receiving twenty, thirty, and 
Bome even fifty mans of gold, and all their soldiers 300 tankas each.* He 
is described as holding his levy in the open space before the town mosque. 
The present Jama Masjid was not built till 440 years later, but an earlier 
ftmcture probably preceded it on the same site. This is on the verge of 
[ the bill, but in front of the main gate there is an area o£ considerable ex* 
tent, which is fairly level, though now completely covered by a labyrinth 
of narrow lanes, with mud hovels reaching up to the very walls of the 
Mosque enclosure and even built on to the staircase, which is its only ap- 
proach. As the claim for compensation cannot involve any very large 
outlay, I now propose to pull down some of these miserable tenements, 
and again open out a small square in front of what is the principal 
religious building in the place. That such encroachments should have been 
allowed, or rather committed by the Mubammadan guardians of the Mosque 
is an illustration of the carelessness with which the citizens of an Indian 
town ordinarily administer their own public institutions. 

The new Governor, Mayid-ul-Mulk, whom Ala-ud-din put in charge 
of Baran, — though of no celebrity himself-^-is noteworthy as the father 
of the only distinguished literary character that the town has produced. 
This was Zia«ud-din, called Baran i from the place of his birth, who wrote 
the history entitled * the Chronicles of Firoz Shah. ' It is brought down 
to the year 1356, at which time the author was 74 years of age. His 
grave, according to local tradition, is at the spot called the KdU Am — 
from an old mangoe tree that once stood there — at the junction of the six 
roads near the District Courts. Every Thursday evening a cloth is 
spread over it and lamps are lit at its head, but there is no monument nor 
inscription. Indeed, it is asserted by some authorities that he was noi 
buried at Bulandshahr at all, but at Delhi, in the Nizam-ud-din cemetery, 
near his friend, the poet Amir Khusro, who died in 1325. Prof. Blooh- 
mann, a thoroughly competent critic, speaks of him as a most mise- 
lable writer, so far as style is concerned ; his language being Hindi lite- 
rally translated into Persian. As regards matter, however, which in an 
historical authority is the point of most importance, he is by no means 
devoid of merit. Despite his literary defects, Prof. Dowson* describes him 
as a vigorous, plain-spoken writer, who maj unhesitatingly be indicated 
M the one most acceptable to a general reader, and whose pages may be 
nad without that feeling of weariness and oppression which the wiitings 
of his fellows too commonly produce. His work was intended as a con- 

* The ianJta is the name for the current coinage of the time, the exact value of 
vhieh is uncertoiii. Fifty mans of gold would be more than 35 cwt. i 

284 F. S. Qrowse— The town of Bulandshakr. [No. 3, 

tinoation of the Tabak&t-i*NiUiri of MinhAj-ad-din Jarj4nL It con- 
tains the history of eight kings, Balhan, Kai-Eub&d, the three Ehiljis, the 
two Tughlaks and Firoz Sh4h. The history of the last reign, though the 
one which gives its title to the book, is incomplete and of less interest 
than the other portions, the value of the narrative being affected by a 
strain of excessive adulation. He is said to have died in such poverty 
that even a proper shroud could not be provided for his body, which had 
to be wrapt up in a piece of coarse matting. But the truth of this tradi- 
tion may be questioned ; the continuer of his history expressly states that 
his death was greatly regretted by the £mperor, and both his father and 
uncle had occupied important positions at Court, the latter, Ala-ul*Malk 
having been the Kotwal, or Police Magistrate, of Delhi. 

In the reign of Firoz's predecessor, Muhammad Tugblak, (1325 to 
1351 A. D.) the town of Baran suffered dearly for its proximity to Delhi, 
being one of the first places where that sanguinary tyrant diverted him* 
self with his favourite spectacle of an unprovoked massacre. In the grni 
famine of 1314f, after the removal of the Capital to Deogiri, the coanWf 
of the Doab — to use the language of the local historian — " was brougbk 
to great distress by heavy taxation and numerous cesses. The Uindai 
burnt their corn-stacks and turned their cattle out to roam at large. Under 
the orders of the Sult4n the Collectors and Magistrates laid waste the 
country, killing some of the land-owners and village chiefs and blinding 
others. Such of the unhappy inhabitants as escaped formed tbemflelvet 
into bands and took refuge in the jungles. 8o the country was ruined. 
The Sultdn then proceeded on a hunting excursion to Baran, where— 
under his directions — the whole of that neighbourhood was plundered 
and laid waste and the heads of the Hindus were brought in and bang 
upon the ramparts of the Baran Fort. " Though it was a matter of 
impossibility to collect the revenue, the Hindu Governor was put to deatii 
for his failure to do so, and a vast number of his kinsmen, a Baniya clan 
called Baran-w41as, whose ancestors had been settled in the town by its 
first founders, were driven into exile. Some of them emigrated to Mara- 
dab&d, while others fled as far as Azamgarh and Ghdzipur, in both whick 
districts they are now more numerously represented than in their original 

Of those who remained at Baran, one family in the reign of Akbar 
acquired for themselves the post of hereditary Kdnungo ; and one of their 
descendants. Shaikh Boshan, who was converted to Islam by the persaasive 
arguments of Aurangzeb, founded the suburb — as it then was—called 
Shaikh Sar&e, which now by the increase of population has become a very 
central locality. Of the same stock are Munshi Shahab-ud-din, the build- 
er of the large mosque, which from its lofty situation is the most eoa« 



1883.] F. S. QrowBe^Ths town of Bulandtikahr. 285 

apienoiu feature in anj general view of the town, and the late Mas&m 
Ali Ehin of Mnr&dabad, whose son Munawar All Kh4n, being of weak 
ioielleet, is imder the charge of the Court of Wards. The handsome range 
d shops in the market-place, bmlt in 1882, is part of his estate. 

Of the Baranw&laSy who adhered to the old faith, the most conspicuous 
person in the present century was Sital Dfa, who about the year 1830, 
built that portion of lower Buhuidshahr which is known as Sital Qanj, and 
18 now the property of his son Prem-sukh D4s. 

In spite of the massacre and famine and wholesale expulsion of the 
inhabitants that took pkce in IdM, Zia-ud-din relates that his native 
town n^idly revived under the more benign sway of Firos Sh&h. At some 
time during his reign, which lasted from 1351 to 1388, that Emperor founded 
Khurja, which has become the largest commercial mart in the neighbourhood ; 
apart of it is still called Firoz Ganj. More than a century later, Sikandar 
Lodi, about the year 1600, founded what are now the two considerable 
towns of Sikandarabid and Shik&rpur, at which latter place — ^as the name 
indicates — he had a small hunting-box for occasional residence. The only 
two other towns of any size in the district, Anilpshahr and Jahiingirab&d, 
were founded later still, in the reign of Jah&ogir; which shows, how 
essentially modem the present centres of population are, excepting only 
Bnlandshahr itself and Dibh&i: the latter is occasionally mentioned by 
the early Muhammadan historians as a muster-place for troops. 

The prosperity which the country had enjoyed during the long and set- 
tled reign of Firoz was followed by a series of fratricidal struggles between 
his sons and grandsons for the possession of the throne, and then by the ruin 
and rapine of foreign invasion. On the capture of Delhi by the Mughals 
in 1898, the puppet Emperor Mahm&d fled away to Gujar&t, while the 
Begent, Ikb&l Kh&n, took refuge in the fort of Baran. Timtir soon 
letumed h<»ne with his plunder to Samarkand, and on his departure 
Nosrat ShiLh — also one of Firoz's grandsons — marched up from Merath 
and re-occupied the ruins of the capital, whence he sent a large force 
''under Shahib Kh&n to Baran to overpower Ikb&L* On the way, a band 
of Hindu foot«soldiers fell upon him in the night and killed him and 
dispersed his followers. As soon as Ikb&l heard of this, and that the ele* 
phants also had been abandoned, he hastened to the spot and secured them. 
From that time his power and renown increased daily, and forces gathered 
lonnd him, while Nusrat Khin grew weaker and weaker, so that after a 
stay of ten months he was able to leave Baran and recover possession of 
I>dhi." He also got into his hands the person of the Sult&n Mahmdd, 
whom he afterwards took to Eanauj and left there, while he himself 

• T4rfUiiHiib4iak6hlh of Tahya bin Ahmad. 
P P 

286 F. S. Growse— 2%d town of Bulandshahr. [No. 3, 

reigDed as the real sovereign of the country, till 14^5, when he fell in 
battle at Mult4n« 

Two years later, viz.^ in 1407, Ibr&him Shah, the king of Jaunpnr, 
marched up against Delhi, where MahmM was then enthroned ; but hear- 
ing of disturbances at home he hastened back, leaving Marhaba Kh4n, 
a proteg^ of Ikbdl's, with a small force, at Baran. After six months 
MahmM marched from Delhi against Baran, and Marhaba Khan came 
out to meet him ; but in the battle that ensued he was beaten and driven 
back into the fort, where the Imperial troops followed and killed him. 

The next mention of Baran is in 1421, during the reign of Eliizr 
Khan, the first of the Saiyid dynasty, when the Yazir, Taj-ul-Mulk, march- 
ed through it on his way to suppress a rebellion in Kol and Etawa. Again, 
in 1434, after the assassination of Khizr's successor, Mubarak Shih, 
an army of the Hindu Yazir's, Sarwar-ul-Mulk, under the command of 
Kamdl-ud-din, proceeding against Allah D4d, the chief of the inaui^isi 
halted at Baran, the half-way station between the Jamund and the Gaogei. 
Allah Dad withdrew to Ah&r, where the two generals came to an tmdex- 
standing and turned their combined forces against the Yazir, whom they 
besieged in the fort of Delhi, where shortly afterwards he was slain in aa 
attempt on the life of the Emperor Muhammad Shah. 

The earliest Persian inscription in Bulandshahr is a tablet let into 
the wall of the Td-gah, which records the construction of a mosqae by 
Nek-bakht Khdn, in the year 943 Mifri (1636 A. D.) in the reign of the 
Emperor Hum^yun and during the governorship " of the chaste Banc 
Begam." The fact of a female Governor is somewhat curious. At Til 
Begampur, fifteen miles north-west of Bulandshahr, is a bathing-well (or 
hdoli) with an inscription dated only two years later, viz,, 1538, in which 
the local Governor's name is given as Amir Fakir AH Beg. As an Td^gah 
would not be styled a mosque, the stone must have been brought from 
elsewhere, but probably from the immediate neighbourhood. Fragments 
of an Arabic inscription in Cufic characters have also been inserted in the same 
wall at regular distances, to serve as decorative panels, and the later Persian 
inscription seems to have been utilized with simply the same object. The 
appearance of this building, with its blackened and crumbling masonry, 
is scarcely creditable to the Muhammadan community, who should take 
some steps to clean and repair it. 

About 100 yards to the east of the Td-gdh and the adjoining English 
cemetery, is a square-domed tomb of substantial brick masonry and some 
size, but no particular architectural merit, with a Persian inscription. This 
records its completion during the reign of the Emperor Akbar, in the year 
1006 Sijri (1597 A. D.) as a monument to the memory of Miyan Bahlol 
Khan Bah&dur. He belonged to the Bahlim clan of Shaikhs, and his 

1883.] F. S. Growae^The ioum of Bulaniihdkr. 287 

desoendants continued in possession of an extensive tract of freehold land 
in the snbnrbs, till 1857, when thej forfeited it by their complicity with 
the mutineers. One of the outlying hamlets, included in the straggling 
parish of Baran, still bears the name of Bahlimpura. 

At the beginning of the seventeenth century, and probably for some 
years later, Baran continued to be the capital of a da^tur, or district, in the 
Home Sarkdr, or Division, of the Delhi Suba, or Province. But the town 
must have rapidly sunk into insignificance, and eventually it became a 
dependency of Kd. It receives no further mention in any historical 
record after the Ain-i-Akbari, and the only event of even local interest, 
that forms a landmark in the later Muhammadan period, is the founda- 
tion of the Jama Masjid in 1730. This was built by Sabit Khan, who 
achieved special distinction as Governor of Kol. There he is commemorat- 
ed by his restoration of the old Fort, which he called S&bit*garh ; by a 
iargdhy bearing date 1707 ; and still more by the great mosque in the 
centre of the town, which he completed in 1728. His tomb is in the 
garden now known as Kinloch-ganj. The Bulandshahr mosque is of much 
less pretension and, being unfinished at the time of his death, remained so 
till more than a hundred years later. His lineal descendants at Aligarh, 
however poor their circumstances, and most of them are mere labourers, 
are distinguished by the personal title of Naw&b, in remembrance of their 
ancestor. In Bulandshahr his success as a proselytizer is evidenced by 
several families — originally Thakurs of the Bargujar clan — who were led 
^7 him to adopt Muhammadanism and who have ever since borne the 
name of Sabit-kh^ni. 

Fifty years later, ris;., in 1780, Baran had its final fall, being then 
abandoned even by the Amil, or subordinate revenue official, who had 
bitherto made it his head-quarters. The spot that he selected in pre- 
ference was on the opposite side of the river, some six miles to the north. 
The village had previously been known as Eathora ; but the new Fort was 
placed by its founder, the Amil Hak-dad Khan, under the patronage of a 
saint, popularly styled Milamal, who had a shrine close by, and it received 
the name of Malagarh. In 1857 Hak-dad's grandson, Walidad Khan, 
put himself at the head of the revolt and proved a formidable opponent. 
He was connected with the royal family of Delhi — his sister's daughter 
having been married to one of the king's sons — and he had thus obtained 
from Muhammad Bahadur a formal grant appointing him Subadar of this 
part of the Do4b. M&lagarh became the resort of all the disaffected from 
far and near ; his troops overran the whole neighbourhood, fought .several 
sharp engagements, and for a few days occupied the town of Bulandshahr. 
On the 28th of September they were driven out, and their leader escaped 
across the Ganges. The demolition of his fort at Malagafh, which took 

288 F. 8. QrowBO^Tke town of Bulamdskahr. [So. 8, 

place a few days later, waa aooompaoied by a deplorable aeeident. The 
officer who fired the na^i^ ^aa lieat. Home of the ISngiDeer8» one of the 
heroes of the Eaahnu'' -^.i 'nd he waa killed bj the exploeion. His 
body was interred in the Station CSemetery, where a handaome stone 
monument forms a conspienoua object and records the untimely death of 
the first V. C. in India. 




Part I, for 1883. 


BUL MUJAHID, a kimyat, p. 212. 
Abfol Mn^affiEur, a kunyat, p. 212. 
Achynta Bigar, inBcriptioo from, p. 28%. 
Adoni pagoda coins, p. 52. 
Akbar, rupees of the Months of the 

I14hi years of, p. 97. 
Axmals, Hindu, of Baran, p. 282. 
Antiquities of Bulandshahr, p. 272. 


ABAK, a name of Bulandshahr, p. 271. 
, Hindd Annals of, p. 282. 

Bayne, R. Boskell, notes ou the remains 
of Old Fort WOliam, p. 106. 

Beames, John, notes on the History of 
Orissa, p. 281. 

Bengal, Mnhammadan Coins of, p. 211. 

Bidie, Surgeon Major G., the pagoda or 
Yar&ha coins of Southern India, p. 38. 

Blhiri Declension and Conjugation, es- 
says on. No. I, p. 119. 

• , Note on, p. 169. 

Bijayanagar Pagoda coins, tee Vijaya- 

Buddhist Coins of South India, p. 86. 

Bulandshahr, the town of, p. 270. 

■ antiquities of, p. 272. 


ABNAG, J, H. BIYETT-, on stone 

implements from the N. W. P., p. 221. 
Cash, a species of coin, pp. 88, 36. 
Celts, p. 228. 
Chalolrfan pagodas, p. 88. 

coins, p. 87. 

Childbirth, supentitions of, in the Pan- 

j&b, p. 206. 
CMteldroog pagoda coins, p. 47. 
Coins, Pagoda, or YaHkha, of Southern 

India, p. 88k 

Coins, supplementary to Thomas' " Chro- 
nicles of the PathAn Kings of Delhi'', 
No. in, p. 55. 

, of the IlAhi years of Akbar, p. 97. 

, Mnhammadan, of Bengal, p. 211. 

, of Mahmdd Shah, of Delhi, p. 218. 

Conjugation, essays on Biharf, p. 119. 

, note on, p. 159. 

Cunningham, Major Oen. A., Belies from 
Ancient Persia, No. II, p. 64. 

, do.. No. Ill, p. 268. 


ECLENSION, essays on Bihiri, p. 119. 
, note on, p. 159. 

Deoghar, on the Temples of, p. 164. 

, Sanskrit Inscriptions in tem- 

pies of, p. 186. 
Por B&jas, of Bulandshahr, p. 277. 
, genealogy of, p. 279. 


p. 48. 


ANAMS, a species of coin, pp. 83, 85. 
Fisher, F. H., on folklore from EuBtem 

GonJchpur, p. 1. 
Folklore from Eastern GU)rakhpur, p. 1. 
FolktaJes from the Upper Panjab, p. 81. 
Fort William, notes on remains of old, 

p. 105. 
Fraser, Hugh, folklore from Eastern Go- 

rakhpor, p. 1. 


AJAPATI pagodas, p. 88. 
coins, p. 40. 

9 A 

Grandikata pagoda coins, p. 46. 
Gonardiya, a name of PataQJali, p. 261. 



Gonikaputra, a name of Patanjaliy p. 261. 

Gorakhpnr, folklore from Easiem, p. 1. 

Grieraon, Gt. A., notes on dialectic peoa- 
liarities in folklore from Eastern Qo- 
rakhpor, p. 20. 

, essays on Bihiri Declen- 
sion and Gonjngation, No. I, p. 119. 

Growse, F. S., the town of Bnlandshalir, 
p. 270. 


AMMEB Stones, p. 224. 

Hindi! Annals of Baran, p. ;282. 

History of Orissa, Notes on, p. 231. 

Hoemle, Dr. A. F. Bndolf, note on 
Bihari Declension, p. 169. 

, on Mu- 

^awiTnujiitTi Coins of Bengal, p. 211. 

Hoshiyiirpnr, in the Fanj&b, supersti- 
tions at, p. 205. 

H(in, a species of coin, p. 86. 

iLAHf yean, rupees of the months of, 

p. 97. 
Implements of Stone, from the N. W. 

Proyinoes of India, p. 221. 
Inscription, Sanskrit, form Lalitpur, 

note on, p. 67. 

-, on Temples of 

Deoghar, p. 186. 

Siigar, p. 234. 

-, from Aohyuta 


ATS of the Panj&b, superstitionB of , 
p. 205. 


UNTAT, on the use of, p. 212. 

ALITPUB, note on a Sanskrit inscrip- 
tion from, p. 67. 
Lingayat Pagoda coins, p. 40. 

JVLAHMirD SHAH of Delhi, coin of, 
p. 218. 

Memorandum on the superstitions con- 
nected with childbirth, Ac., in the 
Panjab, p. 205. 

Mitra, Dr. B., notes on a Sanskrit In- 
scription from Lalitpur, p. 67. 

, on the Temples of Deo- 

ghar, p. 164. 

-, on Go^ik&putra and Go- 

nardiya, as names of Patanjali, p. 261. 
Muhammadan Coins of Bengal, p. 211. 
Mysore pagoda coins, p. 58. 


Coins of, p. 211. 
Nonambavadi Pagodas, p. 88. 
^^— ^^— — coins, p. 88. 

LD FORT WILLIAM, notes on Be- 
mains of, p. 105. 
Orissa, notes on the History of, p. 281. 


AGODA or Yariha Coins of Southern 

India, p. 88. 
Panjib, folktales from the Upper, p. 81. 
, superstitions connected with 

Childbirth, etc., p. 206. 
Patanjali, on his names €h>9ikaputia and 

Gonardfya, p. 261. 
Pathin coins, supplementary to Thomai^ 

work. No. Ill, p. 55. 
Persia, relics from, pp. 64, 268. 


ELICS from Andent Persia, in Gold, 
Silver and Copper, No. II, p. 64. 
, No. Ill, p. 258. 

Remains of the Old Fort William, notes 

on, p. 105. 
Bodg^rs, Chas. J., coins supplementary 

to Thomas* " Chronicles of the Fathia 

Kings of Delhi " ; No. Ill, p. 65. 

, rupees of the MonthB 

of the n&hi years of Akbar, p. 97. 
Ruknu-d-din B&rbak Shith, coins of, 

p. 211. 
Rupees of the Months of the Dihi yean 

A Akbar, p. 97. 


ANSKRIT Inscription from LaHtpor, 
note on, p. 67. 

— , onTempIsBof 

Deoghar, p. 186. 

Sculptures from Bulandshahr, p. 278.^ 

Southern India, Pagoda or Yariha ooioi 
of, p. 83. 

Stone implements from the N. W. Pro- 
vinces, p, 221. 

Superstitions, connected with Chfldbirtb, 
etc., in the Panj&b, p. 205. 

Swynnerton, Rev. C, folktales from the 
Upper Panj&b, p. 81. 


ANEAS, a species of coins, p. 88. 
Temples, of Deoghar, p. 164. 

Y ARAHA or Pagoda coins of Soatbem 

India, p. 88. 
Yijayanagar pagoda coins, p. 41. 

Joomal. Afl. Soc. B<u>|.. Vol. Lit Ft. I-. 1«S. 

PL. I 


I I 





10 a 


-•ii- k Printed by W, Kcwmao i. Co.. I^ CnJ utrx 

Pagoda or Varaha Coins of Southern India. 

Pagoda or Varaha Coins of SouHiern India. 

Pagoda or Varaha Coins of Southern India. 

v^Ln, ft. I. u*. 

Coins Supplementary to Thomas' " Chronicles of the Pathan Kings." 

r^-.,!. A. St. B«t. V«aJI, Pi-Lum. 

Coins Supplementary to Thomas' " Chronicles of the Pathan Kings." 

■I. ViJ. UI- Pt. I- MW. 


lonnut, Ai. Soc. B«agkl. Vol. LII. Pt. I 


Jonnui, Ai. Soc. BengU. Vol. LII. Pt. I, 1383. 



PV. X. 

•-•-:«.. :.r^._ 


o r 




■Tt p 

r ■ 



• I 
I • 




ScaU »oo F^ - :/ If^ 

1. B C D. The towr Bastions 

V, tnttauce from the Elast 

F Carp«nter"8 Shop 

J Governor* Houae 

yi TT Innftr Bpae« behind curtaa 

I. N. W. Ri»*r Gate 

J. J. Outer Ramparts. 

K Outer or River WaU. 

L. Ccrpe de Garde, 

N Black Hole Priaon. 

O Verandah Wall (only found here.) 

P Stair to Roof («hown in plate — .) 

Q Stair menUoued bv Rclwell 

R R Drain 

S New Won 

T. FiP-ca 'ihint (cut tLm-iiih by h i.'Blie ) 

J^_ X. E'ltidinft;) a« now in eiistenee 
wi\i\ rcud ovfr mt© of N. or 
IjJAck Hole. 

Y- Z. Line of Pipes p\»t down Feb- 
ruary, IS83 

Joain. As. Soc. Beng,, Vol. 

(3pecim«iM ut »11 to aoBle. See messure in mc.^iei). 

Jonra, A! Soc Benu.. Vnl Lll ?t !,!??- 


■ ,.: / *■ n photo:) 



(XVI in photo:) 


Vol LTI. P' I. l?Si 

6 ^ 



IJlboar4phAd lit ib« Hona^ of Ipdi^ OSoh, CklcubUr aapunbar 1881. 


u. Vol. LII, Ft I. i«i 




CoCKBURN, J. ; — On the recent Existence of Rhinoceros indicus 
in the N. W. Provinces^ and a Description of a Tracing of 
an archaic Rock-Paintiiig from Mirzapur, representing the 
Hunting of this Animal^ (Plates VII <fe VIII), ^ 

Db Niceville, L. ; — Description of a new Species of the Bhopalo- 

cerous Qenus Cyrestis from the Great Nicohar^ (Plate I), ... 1 

. — Q^ ^^^^ ^^ little-known Bhopaloeera from 

the Indian Region, (Plates I, IX, & X), (55 

; — Third List of Butterflies taken in Sikkim in 

October^ ISSS, tvith Notes on Habits, ^^c, 92 

Hill, S. A. ; — On the Measurement of Solar Radiation by Means 
of the black-bulb Thermometer in vacuo. (Communicated by 
H. F. Blanfoed, F. R. S.) 3 

Peal, S. E. ; — Notes of a Trip up the Dihing Ba^in to Dapha 

Fani, 8fc,, January and February, 1882, (Plates II to VI), ... 7 

Dates of issue of the different numbers of the Journal^ 

Part II, 1883. 

No. I.— Containing pp. 1—64, with Plates II, III, IV, V, VI, 

VII, & VIII, and " Explanation of the Plates," wai? 

issued on October 24th, 1883. 
No. II (called Nos. II, III, & IV on wrapper). — Containing 

pp. 65 — 100, was issued on !March 6th, 1884. 
The Title-page, Index, and List of Plates, with Plates* I, IX, & 

X, were issued on January 23rd, 1885. 

• The drawings of which these plates are chromo-lithographio reproductions 
were not sent to England nntil March 4th, 1884, and the plates themselves were 
not received by the Society till January 13th, 1885. — [J. W-M.J 


I. Indian Butterflies. 
II. View from the Mouth of the Dapha Valley, N. to N. E. 

III. Highest Peak of the Dapha or Wathong. 

IV. Sketch Map of Assam. 

V. Sketch Map of the Dihing Basin. 
VI. Assamese Weapons. 
VII. Rhinoceros Hunt Scene (Jth original size), Ghormangar 

VIII. A. Iron Spear (Chunadari Cave), B. Iron Spear (Lohri 

Cave), C. Iron Arrow-head (Chunadari Cave), D. 
Wooden Spear (Ghormangar Cave), E. Supposed 
Stone Spear (Likunia Cave), F. Wooden Mongile from 
a bark-drawing by an aboriginal Australian (copied 
f rom Brough Smith's 'Aborigines of Victoria'), G. 
Chip Stone Spear (Brough Smith), H. Angular flake 
found in Caves, I. Attempted i-estoration of Cave 
Stone- Spear. 
IX. Indian Butterflies. 
X. Indian Buttei*flies. 

I Lii p'. i.:=^ 

(XVI in photo) 


2 Lionel de Niceville — Description of a new Species o/^CyresHs. [No. 1, 

nervure ; the disco-cellular nervales defined with a fine hlack line ; heyond 
which is a how-shaped figure composed of two lines joined at their ends, 
the outer line straight, the inner one curved, with their points resting on 
the second median nervule and suhcostal nervure ; 1)elow the cell a pair of 
streaks reaching the inner margin, the origin of the inner one heing where 
the first median, and the outer one where the second median nervule is 
given off, the space hetween them heing fhickly irrorated with hlack scales, 
leaving hut little of the ochreous ground-colour visihle ; two discal lines from 
the suhcostal nervure to the inner margin, the outer one lunulate, the inner 
one sinuate, the two lines heing nearer together at their middle, wider apart 
at the inner margin, the space hetween them and within the inner one 
being irrorated with black scales; a submarginal series of seven bright 
ochreous spots, broadly defined inwardly with black, one in each interspace 
except the two lower, which are smaller and placed between the first median 
nervule and the suhmedian nervure ; the outer margin broadly black, bea]> 
ing two obsolete paler lines. Mindwing crossed by four black lines, the 
space between each pair, and between both pairs being thickly irrorated 
with black scales, especially at the lower extremity of the outer pair, where 
the ground-colour is entirely black, at the upper extremity the ground- 
colour increasingly to the costa is very pale ochreous ; a submarginal line 
composed of six lunules, each lunule having a bright ochreous spot placed 
outwardly against it ; the outer margin more broadly black than in the 
forewing, the black portion ending at the first median nervule, bearing two 
intensely black lines, the outer one defined on both sides with a pale fine 
line, the outer of these two pale fine lines becoming almost pure white 
from the tail to the anal lobe ; which latter, together with a round spot 
above it is bright ochreous, defined (especially outwardly) with black. 
There are also some small white, black, and metallic deep steel-blue mark- 
ings above the round ochreous spot. The tail black, the extremity white. 
Ukdebside pale ochreous, the outer portion of the forewing and on either 
side of the submarginal lunules on the hindwing somewhat deeper ochreous, 
becoming ferruginous at the anal angle of the latter. All the markings 
of the upperside, but narrower and better defined, with no black irrorations, 
the outer margins (except the extreme margin which is black) concolouroas 
with the rest of the wings ; the veins throughout pale ochreous. Anienna 
black, the extreme tip ochreous. Tkoraa and hodg rich ochreous above 
marked with three black lines, beneath pale ochreous. 

Length of forewing 1*15 ; whence expanse = 2'4 inches. 
Hab. Great Nicobar. 

Closely allied to O. ihgonnet$s, Cramer (pi. ccxx, figs. E, P), from 
Amboyua and liouru in the Malay archepelago, but differing from the 

J888.] S. A. Hill— I'A^ Measurement of Solar Radiation, 3 

above quoted figure in its much darker colonration throughout on the 
upperside, more especially on the outer margins ; hut on the underside it 
' is much paler. 

II. — On the Measurement of Solar Radiation hy means of the hlach-hulh 
Thermometer in vacuo. — Bif S. A Hill, Esq. B. So. Metl. Rep, to 
If. W. P. and Oudh. Communicated hy H. F. Blai^fobd, Esq. F. B. S. 

[Beceived March 29th .—Bead April 4th, 1883.] 

The interesting results of sun thermometer observations, published by 
Mr. Blanford at page 72, Vol. LI, Part II, of the Journal of the Asiatic 
Society of Bengal, suggest the possibility of making use of the instrument 
to measure the heat received from the sun. Even with all the precautions 
adopted by Mr. Blanford, the excess of the maximum temperature in the 
sun, above the maximum in the shade, is affected by variations in the follow- 
ing and perhaps other conditions, as well as by variations in the heat emit« 
ted from the sun. 

I. The thickness of the atmosphere traversed by the sun's rays, 
which, for moderate degrees of obliquity, may be taken to be proportional 
to the secant of the sun's zenith distance. 

II. The absorptive power of the clear transparent atmosphere, which 
probably varies with the proportion of water vapour in it. 

III. The quantity of haze and dust in the air. 

IV. The radiating and reflecting powers of the ground surface in the 
vicinity of the thermometer. 

V. The excess of the maximum air temperature above the tempera- 
ture at the hour, when insolation is most intense. 

The last mentioned condition is subject to a very distinct annual 
variation. At Allahabad, where hourly observations have been made on 
four days in each month since 1875, the insolation is most powerful on 
clear days within a few minutes of noon, while the average excess of the 
maximum above the noon temperature of the air is the following : 



















In order to obtain comparable values for the several months we should 
therefore add these corrections to the figures for AUahadad given by Mr. 
Blanford. In table I the figures in Mr. Blanford's second table are thus 
corrected, and the table is extended down to the end of 1SS2. 


S. A. Hill^x^ Measurement of Solar Badiaiion. [No. 1, 

Tablv I. — Excess Temperature of the Sun thermometer on clear dags at 

Allahabad above the air temperature at noon. 











Mean for 9 
dry monflia. 
























































































Variations in the fourth condition, above specified, cannot be allowed 
for or corrected, unless by means of a long and troublesome experimental 
investigation, but those of the first, second and third conditions may per- 
haps be estimated by mathematical methods from observations already 
made. Fouillet's formul», it is true, has a rational basis only when it is 
applied to radiation of one definite degree of refrangibilitj ; but, as an 
empirical rule, it probably gives results not very wide of the truth when 
the altitude of the sun above the horizon exceeds 40^, as it does at noon 
in Allahabad during every month of the year. If, then, we take a to re- 
present the diathermancy coefficient of dry air, or the proportion of the 
total radiation, transmitted vertically, through a layer of dry air which 
produces a pressure of 1 inch ; j3, the diathermancy coefficient of vapour, the 
tension of which is 1 inch ; and y, the proportion transmitted through an 
atmosphere containing dust or haze to the extent of one unit on an arbi- 
trary scale, we have — 

log r = log R + ft see » log a + /sec i^ log j3 + ^ log y. 

The proportionate number for dust and haze, d, being somewhat unce^ 
tain, there is no advantage in applying to it a correction for obliquity 
especially as the vertical thickness of the dust layer is greatest in the 
hot weather months, when the sun's rays fall almost perpendicularly. The 
number for May, the dustiest month, being taken at 10, the proportionate 
numbers I have assigned to the other months are : 


















The mean values of b and f barometric pressure and the tension of 
vapour, are given in tables II and III. In strictness these should be 


8. A. Hill — The Meaiurement of Solar JRadiation, 

taken only for the clear days in each month, but the means for all the days 
here given, are praoticallj the same in the case of barometric pressure, and 
there is no difference in the pressure of Taponr, of any importance, except 
in the month of June. 

Table II. — Mean Barometric Pressure ; 29 inehee. 











Mean for 9 
dry months. 


























































































Table III. — Mean Tension of Vapour in inches of mercury. 











Mean for 9 
dry monthiB. 

























































































Unless there be more than is generally admitted in Dr. Balfour 
Stewart's theory that the occurrence of sunspots is determined or controlled 
bj the positions of the planets, it may be assumed that solar activity is not 
subject to any important variation of a period equal to one of our years. 
The monthly mean results of table I may therefore be taken to represent 
the radiation of a mean sun modified only by terrestrial agencies ; and we 
may proceed to apply the above modification of Pouillet's formula to these 
monthly means, in order to find out the relative absorbing or scattering 
effects of dry air, water vapour and dust or haze. The nine months give 

6 8. A. UiW— 'The Measwremeni of Solar Radiation, [No. 1, 

nine equations, from which, by the method of least squarea, I have arrirod 
at the following results .- 

R = 80*»434» 
a = -99856 
/3 = -71186 
y « 99893 

The value of a is identical with that which I obtained from Mr. 
Hennessey's observations at Mussoorie, while that of p is intermediate 
between the two values computed from the observations of the 12th aod 
14th November 1879, at Mussooricf Clear dry air of 80 inches pressare 
absorbs about 4i per cent, of the total radiation which falls upon it verti- 
cally ; while water vapour, with a pressure of 1 inch below and the average 
vertical distribution, absorbs 29'8 per cent. The effect of dust is less than 
might be expected, the loss due to this cause in May being apparently 
only about 6 per cent. ; but this is doubtless because the dust is not i 
simple absorbent, for it scatters or reflects the rays in all directions, and 
some of these reflected rays reach the globular bulb of the thermometer. 
An actinometer, arranged to receive parallel rays only, would indicate a much 
greater loss, on account of suspended matter in the atmosphere. 

The monthly means computed by these constants, and their variations 
from the observed means are as follows : — 


















62 2* 



+ 0-8 

+ 1*8 



+ 0*2 

+ 11 

+ 0-2 

The most important difference is in June, when the computed value is 
2*2^ in defect. This is almost certainly the result of taking the mean 
vapour tension for the whole month, instead of that for the clear days only 
The other differences are probably due, in great part, to the unavoidable 
neglect of variations in the condition of the ground surface. 

Applying the formula to the observed mean radiation temperatarei 
for the nine dry months of each year, and taking the proportionate number 
for dust to be the same each year, we arrive at the following results : — 

Year 1876 1877 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 

^^^^^^^sa^f^^ } *^'^*' ^*'^* ®^*®^* ®^*^^* ^^ '^^'^^ ^'^^* 

The last minimum of sun spots having occurred in 1878, while 1882 
was probably a maximum year, these figures indicate a variation in the 
solar heat of very considerable range, and in the opposite direction to that 

* The degrees of the sun thermometer are only arbitrary units, which cannot be 
readily converted into unite of heat per unit of surface per unit of time, 
t Proceedings of the Royal Society, Ko. 219, page 486. 

1883.] S. E. VesH'^Nofes of a trip up the Lihinff, 7 

made out bj Mr. Blanford. This contradiction in the resalts of The two 
investigations, and the range of the variation here indicated, which amounts 
to 7 per cent, of the total radiation, make it soffioientlj dear that, when 
every possible allowance is made for disturbing causes, the indications of 
the black bulb thermometer are an uncertain measure of the sun's radiation. 
The absorption coefficients for dry air and water vapour, now determined, 
agree, however, so well wit^ those deduced from Mr. Hennessey's excellent 
actinometricai observations Uiat they may be accepted with some confidence. 

III. — Nbtei qfa trip tip the Diking basin to Dapha Pani^ Sfc^ January 

and February, 1882.— ^y S. E. Peal, Esq. 

[Received Jane 24th ;— Read August let, 1883.] 

(With Plates II, III, IV, V and VI.) 

The question of the treatment of savage races bordering on, and trad- 
ing freely with, a civilized power, has always been a difficult one to solve. 
Whether at the Cape, New Zealand, America, or Central Asia, it has general- 
ly involved the paramount power in a series of petty wars, injurious to 
both sides and ending in the subjection, and too often the degradation, or 
extermination of the savage. 

This contest — ^inevitable in the end, where the civilized and savage com- 
munities are in juxtaposition, is often regretted by the former, and efforts 
made to mitigate the result, which is well known among Ethnologists. 

The treatment of the various savage tribes thai surround Asam and offer 
such marked contrast to the Aryans of the plains, is therefore a matter 
of some moment. Most of them have no doubt had a common origin, 
l^ir ancestors having peopled the centre, north, and east of Bengal, of the 
plains of Asam, whence they have been driven (by the advance of the great 
Aryan tide) to the hills around. 

Looking back into the far past, we should probably see the whole of 
India a huge and almost interminable tropical forest. Here and there Jtim 
clearings, with villages at some little distance apart, the h ousca of which^ 
perched on pile platforms, would doubtless be the exact counterpart of 
those built by these hill men at the present day — and characterized by their 
length and low eaves. The spear and dao would be in every hand, and the 
dug-out on every river. To the latter these tribes gave names which sur- 
vive to our day, and attest their presence. Head-hunting and tattooing 
would probably be universal, isolating and no doubt differentiating the com- 
munities then as now, for the extraordinary number and variety of languages 
and dialects on the non-Aryan basis, contrasts with the Aryan group, and 
would point to " head hunting" as the cause around Asam. 

A conspicuous feature among these Hill tribes, and one to be expected, 
is their great intelligence in everything relating to their jungles, customs, 

8 S. E. Feal-— Notes of a trip up the Diking. [No. 1, 

cultivation, or warfare, and equally conspicuous is their incredible ignorance 
of us and our power. 

When examined, however, this is to he expected from their long tribal 
isolations, which precludes the possibility of their gaining standards at all 
capable of measuring us. They may see a good deal, and hear more, but 
the power of realizing it is absent, they must judge of us, our works and 
aims, by their own absurdly inadequate standards. This is a misfortune 
for them, which we hitherto have only partly realized, and is the cause to 
some extent of our failures in dealing with Hill savages, notably also do 
we as yet fail to realize the danger (to us) of their ignorance. 

Anything which can remove this, now that we have settled as the 
paramount power alongside them, should be welcome to both sides, and taken 
in hand by us as a matter of state policy. 

Missionary efEort, trade, or pure travel, are all means whereby know- 
ledge of us may be steadily and safely extended. The first is specially 
advantageous, and in most cases produces among savages such as these, the 
happiest results. Its advantages immensely outweigh all attempts at 
civilizing by Government in other directions, as secular schools, courts, 
&c., — and is also much cheaper. Its efEectiveness also is enhanced by the 
fact that Missionary efEort is often self-propagating, the desire is natural 
among converts to extend to friends living in lawlessness and danger, their 
own quietness and peace. As a means of weaning at least one generation 
from their unruly habits, and head-hunting propensities, ere we absorb 
them as ''subjects," this ai^ument is of the utmost importance. Missionary 
efEort should precede by at least a generation, any attempts at settlement, 
and taxation. 

Trade is undoubtedly one means of extending some knowledge of nfl, 
but unfortunately developes qualities of a lower order. The desire to 
cheat is innate, and both the desire and opportunities to steal, are often 
irresistible. Thus one of our difficulties with these Hill men is fostered 
and developed as time goes on, excellence in cunning ensuring success; 
thus the Missionary can do more good than trade. 

The usual result of all attempts to civilize the unsophisticated savage 
right ofE is to exterminate him, there is need of an intermediate stage of 
some duration in which our civilized stimulants, and smartness are not 
experienced. A stage during which the savage surroundings and traditions 
can die down, if not die out, and render the new generation free to see, 
and adopt, what is advantageous. 

Freedom to adopt our vices is hurtful, and our later civilization shoold 
so to speak be administered by a spoon. Unless we turn attention to these 
matters we shall find that the growth of " intelligence** among these Hill 
savages is also a growth in our difficulties in dealing with them. 

1883.] S. E. Ve^X-^Notes of a trip up the Diking. 9 

Travel alone is one good means of disseminating knowledge of us and 
oar aims, and of counteracting the endless series of rumours to our detri- 
ment. Notably useful is it in politics and our state relationships. 

Formerly our Empire was scattered, and the need for consolidation by 
conquest and annexation imperative and patent. That day has departed, 
bat its traditions remain on all our frontiers, needing reiterated refutation. 

The experiences of travellers to the east and south-east, confirm this. 
On the present expedition the extraordinary and sudden change in every one, 
as soon as it was explained that I was only a " tea planter," out amusing 
himself was frequently suggestive and ludicrous. A Government officer is 
both dreaded and suspected, as a rule, when found travelling among these 
hills to the east. But apart from the questions of legitimate attempts by 
us, to favourably influence those around our borders, or explain our good 
wishes, lies the fact, that we stand almost as much in need of enlighten- 
ment regarding them, as they do of us, and that the results of our igno- 
rance may be — ^indeed must be — a decided disadvantage to all. Anything 
which tends to remove that mutual ignorance, may be hailed as a decided 
gain. Large and highly appointed expeditions are here out of the ques- 
tion, or entail serious risks, the main obstacle being the difficulty of pro- 
curing supplies, and transport. On the other hand a small and unobtrusive 
party, can generally secure sufficient to enable it to push on, especially if 
independent of the need for '' transport." 

But while the benefits to be conferred and gained by travelling among 
the bUl races on our N. E. frontier are clear to all who know the country and 
people ; there are other matters of interest that can be investigated at the 
same time, Oommeroial, EthiMlogieal and Geographical problems these 
await solution even if the discovery of a feasible route to western China 
be admitted as demonstrably impossible. The discovery of a trade route 
east out of Asam, vi& Patkai and Hukong towards the Shan States, 
had engaged my attention, since 1869, and following the example of Mr. 
H. L. Jenkins, I was enabled by actual observation, to determine the 
heights of Patkai and the Nongyang valley on the southern or Burmese 
side, demonstrating that the line taken by the Burmese of old was really 
easy and feasible, even for a cart-road, and not the formidable or insuper- 
able barrier that so many supposed. I am here glad to be able to record 
the conversion of Mr. Lepper, to my views, the more so as he so strenuous- 
ly opposed them for so many years. It is, however, one thing to find a 
route out of Asam towards the east, and quite another to find an easy one 
into western China. 

Formerly most of ua supposed that if once out of Asam, there would 
be little or no difficulty in entering Chiofti the main difficulty of a trade 
route was supposed to be Patkai. 

10 S. E. Peal— jyb/tf« of a trip up 4he Biking. [No. 1, 

The travels and careful obBeryations of, Gill, Baber, and Colquhoun, 
however, leave no reasonable doubt that our dreams of an easy trade route 
to western China cannot be realized, and Patlud is but the first of a series 
of increasing difficulties. 

Exploration for the pxirposes of a trade route are more needful east 
than west of Irawadi^ and the unsettled state of upper Burma, compelled 
me to look to the upper Dihing basin, as the site of this trip. The only 
European who had visited it being Wilcox in 1827. 

The following is an account of my expedition during part of Deeembtf 
1881, and January and February 1882. 

As on former occasions, I took my own load carriers, and depended as 
little as possible on getting '* locals." To lighten their loads, and at the 
same time carry things securely from theft or temptation, I had 8 or 9 small 
Sasi wood boxes made to hold most of the things, and measuring about 
18'^ X 12^' X 8" weighing 89^8. and with locks and hinges, 8 alpine tents 
of strong Jean, 7 feet square, and weighing 83bs, poles included ; wbrni 
rolled up served as padded poles or " kanmaris" to tie loads to, and they 
enabled us to house ourselves comfortably in a few minutes, the wbols 
load being about 809^s. per man. Provisions for the men, snch as 
rice, oil, salt, ghi, sugar, &c., I procured as we went along and laid in 
a good supply at the last of the little shops up the river. My own prori* 
sions largely consisted of Kopf 's soups, sausages, Californian beef, desri- 
oated soup, '' coffee and milk*' &o., in tins, also biscuits, butter, tea, and 
eoffee Ac. At the same time most of these were really carried as reserves, 
my daily commissariat being generally furnished locally en route, by pre- 
sents or purchases of fowls, ducks, eggs and fish, or got by shooting. 

Thus a traveller really need not fear a difficulty in carriage of pro- 
visions, until he leaves the inhabited tracts, and has to face 10 or 12 days 
of complete isolation. 

As before when on similar expeditions I took a good kerosine wall 
lamp and a supply of thick buggy candles that require no stand ; also as 
arms a D. B. C. F. No. 12 shot gun, revolver, and a beautiful little Martini 
Henry Carbine weighing only 4i9bs. that carries to about 900 yards and 
has cartridges of 14 to the 1ft., a very handy little weapon that can be 
carried slung all day long with no fatigue. Presents of beads, strike firefly 
a few cloths, and electro mugs for the chiefs also, were necessaries, as weH 
as a small selection of medicines. 

Starting from Jaipur on the Dihing at Christmas we went to Malram 
by land which is a mistake, and travellers should at once take canoe for 
Bisa, or as far beyond as possible. Having to wait for Daks we camped 
early at the '' Jura Pung" the road to which was along the boundary of 
the Makum forest reserve. The Pung is a salt lick and shews the renuuns 

1883.] S. E. Peal— ^o/M of a trip up the Diking. 11 

of the elephant catcher's stockade, ditch, and rampart, made in the time of 
Pumndar Sing the last king of Asam, 1830 or so. Close by, the men 
fonnd on a little hill top a grove of tenga trees, limes, shadocks, oranges, 
and citrons, and I measured a nahor tree 10 feet girth at 12 feet up and 
some 45 to first branch, the stem straight as a pipe, near by abo were huge 
mekais, or Dipteroearpi 12 feet in girth and 100 to first fork. 

For a considerable distance around the Fung, the jungle was a perfect 
maze of little paths of clean white sand, and one could easily get lost. 
Here, while two of the men were collecting dry logs for the camp fire, they 
espied some animal, and at once stalked it among the paths, taking it for a 
deer, soon, howcTcr, they became aware that it was stalking them, and that 
it was a remarkably fine tiger. Both sides simultaneously discovering that 
the other was not a deer, decamped in opposite directions, I went out 
but of course only saw the track, which measured 19'^ in circumference. 
As night closed in, the usual uncanny jungle noises broke out, the ** Koot* 
Eootr," or " Boot*Boot," of the Urge land Lizard or Gui up to 6 feet at 
times, in the twilight depths has a peculiarly unearthly sound, and the 
large owl called *' Hiindu," also has a sort of moan about the " Hundu'^ it 
utters. The three calls are by the pair^ and not one bird, this can be often 
verified as they now and then sit in different trees, first 1 then 2 and 1 
again. The clear scream, or yell, of the '' Mor Sorai," is another of those 
weird sounds that night birds seem to delight in, and it favoured us several 
times, despite the firebrands flung towards it. 

Next morning we had breakfast ere starting, and at 10 ▲. IL all the 
loads were tied and we got off, but I had to make my servant mark out our 
track among the paths by small fragments of paper dropped behind, for the 
Dak to come by. We soon entered a remarkably fine forest, trees of 100 feet 
to first branch, and 13 feet girth, not uncommon, and smaller ones pretty 
close. The undergrowth, largely ferns, canes, and herbaceous jungle on a 
Sandy soil, the latter very red among the little hills we soon entered, the path 
going at times over, or among the knolls and up stream beds. Here and 
there Toku palms, Idreitana Jenkimia^ rose to what all estimated as fully 
60 feet, the huge fan shaped leaves spreading out above as a sort of green 
canopy. The Dak soon overtook us, thanks to the pieces of paper, and 
without which the men would have been '' tried*' all night fasting, and 
appeared (perhaps) at DtSjn Diima next day. At dusk we camped at the 
Powai having again made a very short stage purposely. 

Starting about 8 a. m. next morning we very soon reached Makum on 
the Dihing, where we breakfasted, and I stayed some time getting stores 
and information. In the afternoon we proceeded again and camped at a 
■mall Duonia Tillage called '* Tora Kusi," as I beard that men from '' Bor 
Kamti" were there. 

12 S. E. Peal—^yo^^ of a trip up the Diking, [No. 1, 

These soon made their appearance, and I learned they had only lately 
come over from the upper Irawadi or Mlikha, together with some 
*' Eunungs." Two of these latter I was glad to see and found them as pale 
or paler than the Eamtis, colour as near as possible 83 to 45 of M. Broca's 
scale. Hair straight and cropped a la Mishmiy no arms with them, and not 
tattooed. Though dressed like Eamtis in a white dhoti or waist doth, and 
another round their shoulders, there was an unmistakably " Nog^" cut aboat 
one of them, and it was some time ere I could detect that it lay in the 
way the hair was cropped. Later on I saw a good many more of them, 
and so far, they seem to unite the Noga groups to the south, with the 
Mishmi and Abor groups of hill men to the north of Asam, but their 
colour is paler than either. At the camp fire I learned a good deal regard- 
ing them, and the route they had travelled. 

Next day we made the Eamti village of ? Bor Phakial,** the head 
quarters of the small colony of Buddhist Shans in Asam, and which I des- 
cribed on my last visit.* I here found that the party of Eamtis over from 
Mung Eamti on the Mlikha or upper Irawadi, were staying at the 
** Munglang" Eamti village just below, so I went to see them, finding also 
several other Eunungs who it seems had come over in the same partj, to 
see the wonderful country where all their daos went to. None of these 
Eunungs, and only one of these Bor Eamti men had ever seen an Euro- 
pean. The information gained now was added to subsequently, and maj 
be summarized further on. 

At Bor Phakial I had many enquiries as to where I was going this 
year, all the better informed men at once declared it either too late or too 
early to attempt to reach " Mung Eamti," and that beyond Ehomong on 
the Dihing three days east of the Dapha Pani I could not go (before April 
at least) as the snow had now fallen on the ridges of the water parting 
beyond, called on our maps, Phungan Bum, and occasionally by them 
'* Bongan." The party, indeed intended to wait till April for this 
reason. They also represented my party as too numerous, and this 
I found true, for while it might not be difficult to procure cleaned rice at 
villages en route, for six or seven persons, it would not be so easy to get it 
for 12 or 14 without waiting a day. This determined me to reduce mj 
party and 6 men were sent back, leaving me 5 load carriers, my servant, self 
and two boatmen or guides. These latter and a canoe I secured, and with 
them started up-stream the next day ; the loads in the boat and the men 
going along the banks and sands, were crossed by the canoe at the deep 
pools. All hands assisted the boat at the rapids. As on last trip, we 
camped at the Tirapmtik, where the regular Noga hill route to Barmi 
over Patkai emerges, vid Eherimgams village. Next day we went on to 

• Vol. L, Part II, 1881, A. S. B. 

1883.1 S. E. Veel—Nbtei of a trip up the Diking. 18 

Moko, near Nthem, and camped on the sands near the little Singphu 
Tillage, where I found the remains of a large hund running due north to 
the sources of the Dibru, some 12 miles oS the bund being called the 
** Pangori Gor." The ditch was to the eastwards and none of the villagers 
could tell anything about it, or the meaning of its name, though attributing 
it to the Ahom Bajas. In the early morning ere the fog cleared o£E, we 
were much amused by watching a large troop of the common '^ Bandor" 
monkey, collected on the opposite banks and gradually all swimming the 
river, a couple of hundred yards above us. The river being at its lowest 
and about 100 yards over. There were about 200 of them, and the very 
smallest crossed on their mother's shoulders, holding on to the head. 

Many of them on our shallow side seemed to leave the water reluctant- 
ly, it was warmer than the air, by some degrees, and all scampered about 
on the sands to dry themselves. After some bargaining for fowls, eggs and 
rice in exchange for opium, we started on. The plan, being to draw 
entirely on local supplies where they can be procured, which saves those in 

At '^ Paka-i-ling" where we camped again early, the river takes a bend 
past some sandstone ledges with a very deep pool. On the wide flat sand 
were the tracks of elephants, wild and tame bufEaloes, tigers, leopards, aud 
several cats, otters, lizards, turtle, large and smal], the eggs being found, 
deer of three kinds, i. e., horse deer or Sambur, Horina, and Huguri, or 
hog deer, monkey and bird tracks also crossed. Even insects left their 
mark, for in the drier portions near the bank the sand was quite pitted by 
the ant lion. 

The following day we reached the Eerim Pani at 11 a. if. camping at 
Bisa, a little way up-stream. Formerly this dried suti was the main one, 
but for some ten years or so the water now comes down the M*ganto. 

As there seems to be confusion arising as to the names of the rivers 
liere— I may state that the term " Buri," as applied to Dihing from Brah« 
maputro up ends here, the upper portion of this river is simply Diking^ 
and the " no Dihing'* is only that portion that broke out some years ago 
and flows to Sadia. 

At Bisa 1 was obliged to stay several days waiting for another boat, 
the village consists of about 16, more or less dilapidated sheds, of the usual 
pile-platform type. Formerly it was of considerable importance as the 
residence of the Singphu chief '* Bisa Banka," or Bisa Qam, and since his 
death in 1878, the place is of less moment. 

The late chief's head wife, has now adopted as husband, Chauing son 
of Latua, one of Banka's brothers, and he is called '' 0am." Eventually 
there may be a dispute as to who is to be Qam, as the late chief's son 
Chautong is now growing up and will be a smart lad. While here, my visit 

14 S. E. TeaX-^Notes of a trip up the Dihing. [No. 1, 

was considered most opportune, as the Gam's wife before mentioned, had 
presented her adopted husband with a son, I was informed that had I not 
appeared auspiciously, it might possibly have turned out a daughter ; I also 
here met a young Singphu chief from Hukong named '^ Urup no/' who had 
come over to espouse Banka's second wife, a rather good specimen of a 
Singphu girl. Urup no, gave me some little information, and confirmed 
more, regarding Hukong. He had travelled down Dinoi for some distance, 
towards Somjok which he called Somshok. The Lanier, or nam Pagna, he 
also called the Pang-lai-kha. 

Though anxious that I should see Hukong, and certain that I should 
be well treated, he told me, it would be necessary to obtain the consent of 
the Qams ere going, and that simply as one chief's son alone, he could not 
invite me officially over. He corroborated what I had before heard as to 
the difficulties being not so much of a physical nature, as the dealing wiih 
such a disunited series of petty chiefs all bent on extorting as much as 
possible, and in fear of no paramount authority. Passage from the Bur- 
mese side he considered far easier, if with the Woon's consent. I gave him 
a few sundries '' to shew his friends," as he said, such as a spring tape 
measure, and electro table-spoons, also a few sorted beads, among which 
large red and blue bugles, pleased him immensely, not that he would wear 
them, for Singphu men do not care for beads, but as something quite 

As a sample of a chiefs son, he was above the average perhaps— tall, 
well built, a fine expressive face, plenty of long straight black hair rolled 
up in a knob on top of his head, good hands and feet. His manner was 
authoritative and at times excitable, and when playing a favourite game with 
cowries and dice, he could dash them down and yell out as loud as any of 
them. The little M. H. carbine of course took him immensely, and the 
accuracy of its fire at 200 yards, at the same time he recognized its useleas- 
ness to them on account of the difficulty of the cartridges. 

I also here at Bisa saw two more of the MungKamti party, and learnt 
a good deal from them as to how the Eunungs smelt their iron ore which 
is of two kinds, stone-like, and sandy. It is converted in a small furnace 
of hour-glass shape, to which blast is applied from 6 or 8 pairs of the usoal 
vertical-tube bellows, the pipes from which converge to the furnace, in the 
centre, and relays of men work the blowing. Fresh ore and fuel (of char- 
coal) is now and then added, and after about 12 hours, the ore is formed 
as a flattened lump at bottom weighing about 4 to 6 seers. Hammers and 
anvils are of stone, the former held by a creeper and often with two han- 
dles. The bellows, a pair of tubes made of the large Wra bamboo, with 
feather-edged pistons and vertical rods to hold, there are no valves I be- 

1883.] S. E. Peul—jSrotei of a trip up the Diking, 15 

A little rain fell while we were camped here, which all were glad of, 
88 it W88 bound to come on us otherwise when travelling. We also laid in 
stock of rice, sugar, ghi, oil, salt, flour, tobacco, and on the 6th went down 
to the river and met the canoe Chauing had lent me, a large party of 
Sonkap Nogas down about rubber, passed me on the bank, and as before in 
1879 sidled and scuttled past, as if in fear of their lives, turning round 
after for a good stare, quite a contrast to the Nogas of the west, where 
ihej see Europeans often. Their chief stayed to look at the little rifle, and 
was rather astonished to see the bullet from it fall close to a snag at 400 
yards ofE that I aimed at, in the water. 

As our guide Lutak Kamti desired to get a mate in lieu of the one 
who returned with the other canoe, I camped at once, and in the morning 
he came with a middle-aged Singphu named Thang, a right good willing 
fellow, and the only drawback to him was he could not speak Asamese, he 
was quite equal as a rule to the work of two ordinary men, and said 
nothing about it. These two managed the boat and foraging at villagesi 
Lutak being interpreter. 

From all sides I had heard that we should never get the canoe up 
M'ganto, and the prospect was not pleasant, as for three or four days after 
leaving Jagon (the next village) there were none near us, and the country 
was wild ; however I trusted to get up as I did Namtsik, where at the rapids all 
hands in a line cleared the worst of the boulders from a narrow (2 feet) 
channel and then dragged the canoe up, the same channel serving to 
return by. 

At night it rained, and we had the pleasure of hearing at once a tiger 
on each bank, giving their loud sharp whistle, so well known to all jungli- 
wallas. They seem to indulge in it mainly when hunting, and hence can 
be distinguished at once from the leopard, with his deep '' haunk-haunk,'* 
whence he is called the '* Hawkra Bagh." The tiger's whistle is loud and 
sharp, closely imitating that of the Samber deer, and may be due to natiiral 
selection, as the deer go to the sound, as hunters well know. The whistle 
of the tiger, however, can generally be distinguished from that of the 
fiamber. The peculiar '^ creep*' it sends up one's back seems due to associa* 
tion, as I know a man who used to go out whenever he heard it, unarmed, to 
try and '' see the deer," as he thought, and never felt anything but curio- 
sity, until the case was explained. 

The roar of the tiger again is so like that of the elephant that few 
ean tell the difference, and as we heard it also, were not certain that ele- 
phants were near, until we saw the tracks next morning. 

At dawn the rain left off and after breakfast we loaded and started on, 
most of us on the sands and shingle meeting some Nogas who had come 
about rubber from Numyung side, about five days beyond Patkai, some among 

16 S. E. Veol'-Notei of a trip up the Diking, [No. 1, 

them wore the peculiar little narrow slip of cloth tied tighUj betweeo the 
legs, that keeps the testacies in the ahdomen, and which is oommoo among 
the Sonkap, Namtzik, and Tirap Nagas. We soon reached Jagon a tmaU 
Singphu Tillage and as it was our last village for some days and I had to 
get opium from the Kyah there, we camped just ahove it. Here I noticed 
many mounds, hamboo clumps and some trees, that the inhabitants who 
were Singphus, declared must haye been remains of Ahoms in former daysw 
I also saw and sketched here, a " Gabru Morong" or house in which all 
the single girls of the Tillage sleep. All through these hills north, east» 
and south, the various tribes have a peculiar custom in common, and under 
various local names. It is that the single folks (generally the lads) have 
to sleep in separate houses called by Asamese, ^ morangs." These are of 
two kinds, i, «., the Deka morangs, of the grown young men, who also act 
as guards, their houses being often on the outskirts or outlets of a village, 
and the little boys' morangs, where they all sleep together, and are under 
certain laws or regulations of their own. In some villages as among the 
Bor Duria Nogas there are as many as 10 and 12 Deka morangs, several 
boys' morangs, and three or four, for the unmarried girls. Incautious or 
abrupt questions regarding these latter, especially by strangers are apt to 
produce denial or evasions, as these hill men well know that our ideas of 
chastity are not theirs. But at times they speak out plainly. Lately a 
*^ Bor Duria" Noga who was giving me a list of his village morangs, in 
reply to my query as to whether the young men went to the girls' morangs^ 
said " na pai, na pai, dinot na pai," not in the day, they would be ashamed, 
but after dark after all had eaten, then they went and all had great fun, it 
was their custom. 

Among all these tribes this is more or less the custom, and we may 
truly say their chastity begins with marriage, juvenile chastity is not the 
rule, but the exception, I am aware that this is contrary to the recorded 
opinions of many ; nevertheless I am sure it is true, nay more, it is appa- 
rently a race character of long standing, undoubtedly existing among these 
hill savages ere their dispersion by the Aryan invaders. We see this iden- 
tical custom now among the races, north, east, and south, of Asam, races 
whose languages (originally from one stock) are now so different as to be 
quite mutually unintelligible. The custom also is so similar and peculiar 
as to preclude the idea of separate origin in each tribe. like the " pile 
platform'' houses we see among these same races, it appeaxs a relic of veiy 
high antiquity. A custom that has survived the dispersion of these trihai 
from some common centre, and proof of original unity. To anthropologists 
it is of value as a link joining our present system of morals with the pre- 
historic past. 

As we see the custom about us, it generally appears that the unoMr- 

1888.] S. E. Peal— JVb/<« of a trip up ihe Lihing. 17 

ried have to sleep away from the parents* hoose, at times only the boys and 
young men, at others the young women and girls also, but in this case they 
have different houses, though all are called by the Asamese " morangs." 
Among the Bordurias, Mutons, Banparas, Jobokas, Sanglois, and the tribes 
near, they are called Pa, (pah) ; west of the Diku river I hear these morangs 
are called '' Ari zu,'^ and there are different tribal names for them among 
the Singphus, Mishmis, Miris, and others, on the north or river bank of 
the Brahmaputra ; attached to them are I hear fixed rules or laws, which it 
would be most interesting to collect and collate, and which may doubtless 
yield a clue to their origin. Viewing the '^ moraug" as a phase of social 
evolution, it is probable that we havo here before us one phase or form of 
the transition from original sexual liberty, to our institution of marriage 
and modern ideas of chastity. 

The idea that sexual fidelity begins with marrkye is here obvious, and 
almost implies that the institution began by capture, or purchasCi giving a 
pair the right to live separate, as has been urged by many. A curious 
feature of the case confirmatory of this, is, that sexual infidelity by the 
female after nmrriage seems rare, much more so than among civilized com- 
munities. At this Jagon village there was only one morang and that for 
girls, the allusions to it I heard when we were returning, were unmistake- 

After starting next day I stalked a pair of the lavge brown Brahmini 
duck, a wary bird on these open sand fiats^ and only to be got by wire 
cartridge or when flying over. It then occurred to me, to note the relative 
distances at isrhich game of all sorts takes sbrm, a great deal depends on 
the presence or absence of cover. As a rule wild buffalo, or Gaur called 
here Mithon, moves at 800 to 400 yards, pig and deer in the open 200 to 
300, but in forest these often stand at 100 or eren lesa. Tiger and leopard, 
if in the open, make off at from 100 to 200, though I have known the 
former on a path in front of a man, to walk aside some 20 yards to let him 
pass, and quietly walk on after he had done so ; most monkeys scamper off 
at 60 yards, and do not mind being seen. The Hulok or ape on the con- 
ary though arboreal, can seldom be seen, at least within 50 to 100 yards. 
Otter become fussy and try to frighten one at 80 yards, but if quiet they 
will often come quite close. Turtle generally drop off the snags they rest 
on, into the water, wheii I get to within 80 or 40 yards. Among birds 
there is a marked difference between the vultures as a group and most 
others of equal size, unless they are habitually protected, like the wild geese 
on the Sibsagar tank, storks &c. Insects seldom rise before three or four 
yards, while those that mimic inanimate objects can be actually pinned often 
ere they attempt to move. Probably our ancestors soon became expert missal 
throwers, and this differentiated them from the nearest allies. But to re- 

18 S. E. Peal— JVb/tf# of a trip up the Diking, [No. 1, 


8ume our journey, by 2 o'clock we reached the mouth of the Namrup rirer, 
up which on the last trip I travelled for Patkiu and Nongyang. It wm 
now deep and sluggish at the mouth, while the M'ganto we now entered 
was conspicuously shallow and rapid, the water being remarkably clear. In- 
land all along on each side, was much the same jungle, as below, the same 
tangle of rattans, creepers, tall grasses, and tora or wild cardaroum, 15 
feet high. The trees of the ordinary Asam mixed forest, Modar, Eriihtina 
Indica, Simol, or cotton tree, Bombam malabarium^ Sahm, the wild jack 
Ariocarpua ehaplasha, ajar, Lagergtroemia Begina^ figs unlimited, (except 
Blaatiea) Acacias, Eugenia, Michelia A«., &c. The huge reed-grasses as 
Nol, Kugra, Ac., coTcred the edges and flats wherever possible. 

Snags wore plentiful all along but in the M*ganto. remarkable for 
their numbers and size. At one place where there was a channel of 
deep water spanned by a huge stem, we all used it as a bridge, and 
the men said a canoe of 150 maunds could be made out of it. The large 
and straight stems I met with here and there fit for canoes struck me 

The regulation taxing all timber of certain kinds found in the river 
beds, might well in these wild places up-stream be suspended, the more so 
as in this same river Dihing lower down as much as Ra. 2,0C0 has this 
year been actually given by Government to remove by employed laboot 
the snags and trees so dangerous to navigation. 

Probably the regulation tasing the drift timber was instituted to meet 
eases where men might othervrise fell and float o£E timber growing pear 
the banks, but apart from the fact that this of itself would be doing a 
service rather than the reverse, it might be borne in mind that the total 
harm these people could do as at present organized, could not possibly 
equal even 1 per cent, of the loss constantly going on through oidioaiy 
natural decay and storms. 

Our camp was pitched at the tail of a small island four or five bends up 
the M'ganto suti, on sand close to a rapid and while some pitched the tents, 
others took the canoe as usual and got in a lot of large and small dry logs 
and branches, for camp fires and cooking. The tents and the guides' bivou- 
ac of leaves, generally formed a cross with a roaring fire in the centre, 
and small ones outside. With large fires no one would mind much the 
visit of either tiger or elephant. The wild solitary male bufiEalo was the 
only one we desired to keep clear of, as they frequently chaise madly at 
anything that is strange, and disregard firebrands. Our three tents would 
certainly have been unbearable, luckily the only wild bufEalo we came across 
were in herds or females. 

After an early dinner I issued some '' tea" and we had quite a j(^y 
party round the fire, I usually lay at full length on my bedding and listen* 

1883.] S; E. Feal—Nbi&s of a trip up the Diking. 19 

ed to the stories, or guided the e&nversatianj in the dusk after dinner. The 
moon also was out and lit up the scene, and made us feel a little more at 

I noticed our guide's mate Thang, both now and subsequently, very 
careful not only in how be tied the canoe in case of a rush of water taking 
it adrift, but also in the selection of a site for it, on enquiry it turned 
out that his caution was to enable us easily jump on board and push off in 
case of any sudden emergency. The old fellow was full of *' wrinkles," 
though we probably did not see half of them, from his not speaking 

In the early morning at dawn we heard in the fog, a bear coming down 
along one bank, but though we all kept quiet, he turned off, ere he came 
near, perhaps having winded us. It is very curious that bear tracks are so 
seldom seen on the ground, and yet so very common up and down large tree 
stems. Judging by the tracks alone, here in Asam, one would suppose (of 
course erroneously) that bears were entirely arboreal. To one track on the 
ground, I have probably seen as a rule thousands on tree stems, one reason 
is that the latter remain, and those in mud or sand are soon effaced. At they make what the Asamese call ** nests,'* in trees, and I have 
examined several unmistakably made and used by them. They are, how- 
ever, only ** roosts,'* made by clawing in, and breaking, leafy branches that 
grow near, so as to form a comfortable place to sit or lie on, in the sun. I 
have seen as many as three in one tree, at various heights, the lower 
two broken with branches hanging, where they said the bear had, in rolling 
about, gone through ; in all three the foliage had turned brown while tho 
rest of the tree was bright green, and these roosts were thus conspicuous ; 
the tracks were plentiful as marks and scratches on the tree stem but on 
the ground none. Generally the marks on a tree stem are those of the five 

At about 10 A. If. we got off as usual after breakfast, and found the 
rapids rather troublesome. At one place, going along the bank near a flat, 
all covered with high tufts of ekra grass, an Asamese on ahead suddenly 
bobbed down and pointed in, and creeping up we saw at about 100 yards a 
very large female wild buffalo, quietly browsing, and as usual a lot of mainas 
about, and on it. We waited to see more but she seemed alone, and had 
the long thin horns usual in some females. Later in the day we saw ano- 
ther, and while watching it grazing, several others appeared, eventually we 
counted nine and no big males. The four Asamese and the Kamti Lutak 
would not of course eat buffalo, and thus there was only four who would, 
i, e , myself, a Rachari, my servant, and the Singphu Thang who would have 
eaten several shares, so I selected a calf and fired with the little M. H. C. 
at about 200 yards, not being able to get nearer. At once several other 

20 8. £. Veal^Notdt of a trip up the Diking. [No. 1, 

bufEaloes rusbed up and tbey formed a group and then rushed into the 
jungle alongside, the wounded one among them. On going up we found 
blood but to follow them in such jungle was madness, and we had reluc- 
tantly to lose the calf ; we subsequently found that a party of rubber-cut- 
ters had come across it dead, and jerked the meat. 

Further on we passed a cunningly selected camp site, of five men who 
had been out elephant shooting. The ease with which the signs were read, 
the story completed, was noteworthy. Not an item esoaped, it was no 
mere guesswork either, as they could explain their reasons for all ihej 

About 8 P. H. we camped on what is an island in the rains, and whence 
we had a fine yiew of hills to the north-east that turned out to be beyond 
Mana Bdm. In the morning we saw snow on a spur of Dapha B6m called 
Joitho, but it soon clouded over. A male and f enude Samber had been 
quite close to our tents in the night, their tracks plain in the sand ; this 
latter became gradually less and less, and gave place to shingle which is 
not so comfortable to sleep on* 

At dawn or as soon as I was up, old Eamti, as usual, brought me some 
beautifully baked yams, white, flowery and piping hot, with some fresh 
batter, they make a capital start for chota huziree. 

In the night the men found the cold so great that seyeral got up and 
sat at the fire and half asleep droned out long monotonous ditties, the 
thermometer several nights stood at 45^, which in moving fog is pretty 

Again after breakfast we went on, and had some stiff rapids to eioes, 
at about 8 p. ic. again, we reached where the No Dihing forks, in a wide 
flat valley with islands, while hills right, left, and beyond broke in view, 
the best certainly seen so far. The extent of the great shingle beds and 
banks, however, was the feature most noteworthy. I had expected to see 
something where a little engineering might be expected, to work wonders, 
in the water-courses, of either river, but as I stood there the idea of the 
attempt even with hundreds of labourers looked absurd, evidently in the 
rains these huge shingle flats are submerged, and all little efforts at cutting 
or damming would be obliterated. 

This question of the diversion of the waters of the upper Dihing 
wholly back into their own old channel, down Bun Dihing, is likely to 
come up in the future, as the need for more water in the dry season for 
steamers arises. Having this in view I examined the lay of the country 
at the bifurcation, and went over the great shingle beds, taking note of 
their size and elevations. About half the total quantity of water just now 
was passing off, vid No Dihing, and from where our camp was pitched, on 
the long spit dividing the two rivers, the levels were pretty much the same, 

1S83.] S. E. Peal— Jiro/(?# of a trip up the DiUng. 21 

]| viewed from either river or the central ground. A leading feature in the 
case is that for some distance down, either the No or Buri Dihing, there 
are frequent rapids with a fall at each of several feet, the channels in both 
cases lying well hehto the general level of the wide shingle flats on which 
the river divides, but quite an infinitessimal fraction of the total aoater^way 
as seen in the " rains." Thus while it nnight be possible by considerable 
expenditure of labour at the end of the rains to increase the flow down one 
particular river, as the Buri Dihing, by removal of shingle at the first and 
second rapid, at the fork, all this work would be quite obliterated by the 
ensuing floods of next year, which shifts the shingle and fills all depres- 
sions. The possibility of so far altering the channel as to render floods of 
extraordinary height likely is very remote. This indeed is not possible 
physically as long as^the No Dihing outlet exists, only if this were com- 
pletely closed (as it was originally) extraordinary floods might occur, (due 
to upper Dihing water) and for such occasions the Asam Bajas provided 
the bunds or Mataoris we see lower down along each side of the river some 
way in. If these are kept in repair there need be no alarm felt by residents 
en the Buri Dihing. On the contrary if they have anything to fear, it is 
that the whole river at least above Namrup may eventually take to the No 
Dihing branch and aggravate the present difficulty regarding water in the 
cold seaion. 

Those who look at this question must remember that in ** the rains" 
there is no liklihood of water being too low, the northern drainage from 
Patkai on which rain falls freely from the Namsang sources to those of the 
Namrup would alone give ample. It is in the cold season when the Tirap, 
Namtsik, and Namrup run dry, that the more elevated sources of the Diyun 
Kha and Daphapani hold good, and from whence a large proportion of the 
Buri Dihing water comes. The natural tendency would seem for this 
upper Dihing water to flow more and more vid the No Dihing and cut oS 
these cold weather sources from the old channel. 

Early next morning as expected, I had a fine view in dark outline of 
the Dapha Btim, and the ranges beyond to the south-east, called by us 
Phungan Bdm, the crest of the latter remarkable for its rugged and tur- 
retted skyline as seen through the large telescope at dawn with a power of 
100. Both groups were more or less snowed, and the crests presented 
the decided, rugged, and hard outlines indicative by its texture, of bare 
rock, which hereabouts is one key to elevation. 

As the light increased the view became better, to the south-east rose 
Miao and Wahambo over 5,000 feet wooded to the tops, and their lower 
spurs flanking the wide flat valley on that side. In the distance due east, 
lay the N'chong Bi^m, at the foot of which flowed the Dihing, behind it being 
the Phungan group. Towards the left rose the series of peaks culminating 

22 S. E. Peal— -Wb/tf< of a trip up the Biking. [Jfo. 1, 

in Dapha Bum, 15,000 feet ia front, at that side lay Katoh, and below 
it the smaller " Mana Bum'* ridges. Here and there in the open flat of 
the vallej wooded islands stood out clearly and broke the monotony effeo* 
tively. With the exception of *^ Maium" peak 6,939 feet no part of the 
Patkai was visible, and it was seen with some difficulty in the haze. After 
enjoying the view for a couple of hours making some notes, and having 
breakfast, we started on, and soon passed what is an island in the raias 
having trees on it, the age of which I estimated at 20 to 25 years, and 
another one beyond, at 12 to 15 years. We soon came to the end of the 
dividing spit as seen now at least (in the cold season), and found the Bori 
Dihing water pouring down a rapid at one side, with a fall of probably 4 
feet in the first 60 yards, the shingle was all large, and in crossing at the 
head of the rapid, wading was not easy even though th^ water was not more 
than a foot to two feet deep. The stream was very strong, so much so 
that very little force sufficed to start the large stones rolling down. Except 
at the very throat of the rapid the bed was wide and flat for considerable 
distances all around and it would have taken a large amount of work to 
carry the gut of the rapid (as a depression) up into the wide, shallow, and 
swift sheet of water above, so as to drain it o£E. If done, however, there 
could be no reasonable doubt, that very little of the water would have 
reached the No Dihing. 

It took all hands to run the canoe up, and at one time I feared she 
would be filled ; however, we got her up all right. 

As we went on we found it true that gradually the sand would become 
less, and give place to shingle. I had brought strong lace boots with pro- 
jecting screws in the soles, but soon discarded them for wading shoes simi- 
larly screwed. Here the latter were particularly suitable, as the steppiog 
from stone to stone for hours, and at last days, makes one expert, and it is 
necessary to be '^ light-footed.** Boots become at once filled vrith small 
pebbles, at rapids, and cannot be as easily taken ofE, or put on, as shoes. 
Pantaloons should be wide and cut off just at or below the knee. Some 
light material (as strong jute), is preferable ; and two or three pairs should 
be kept handy to change after each wading if wetted to the hips. I 
hardly need say that about eight or nine good large pockets, are indispen- 
sable, and an orderly with as many more, close at hand, who should carry 
shot gun, binoculars, and sketch book, <&c. 

The rapids up here we found far worse than those below, in M'ganto, 
and the whole river-bed was covered by much larger shingle, even over the 
tops of the wide flat islands, where in floods the water must sweep with 
immense force, great tree stems were piled up here and there and jammed 
into masses. In other places the cold weather scour had undermined the 
banks of shingle so far at least that the stones often rested more like a 

1883.] S. E. Peal—Xoiet of a trip up the Diking. 23 

wall, or steep slope, the slightest touch often seadiag large boulders rolling 
down, that started others in turn. 

One rapid we met was particularly difficult, and took us a full hour to 
ascend, at another soon after, we cleared a channel where it was shallow, 
and so ran the canoe up a little track fully a hundred yards. These rapids 
at last were about four or five to the mile, and made progress slow. Later 
in the day we suddenly met five or six Singphu women and g^rls out fishing, 
and they gave us some they caught, begging in turn for some opium. 
They were from a village called Ndong not far off. This was rather a 
hard day's work and we camped late, viz,^ at dusk ; I issued some tea, how- 
ever, which cheered them up after dinner. Just ere going to sleep we were 
all surprised to see two Singphus appear, with some fish ; they would not 
stay and promised to come in the morning and take me to their village. 

At dawn for a few minutes I again had a good look at the hills ere 
the mists covered all in, and it seems true what these people say, that the 
best time to see their hills is at the paddy, cutting, about November, or end 
of the rains. 

While at breakfast the Singphus came and some of us started off inland, 
crossing large fiats, of river formation, sand and boulders, covered by grass- 
es, and here and there having water-courses, now dry. After a couple of 
miles of these island flats, we reached the land proper, though here and 
there we atill saw boulders and bedded shingle. At last we arrived at their 
village of Khagam, which was a collection of more or less dilapidated sheds, 
on piles. Of the large " Wra Bamboo" there are several planted clumps, 
as usual at all Singphu villages. The people use the joints for buckets, 
and some I measured were 20 and 21 inches in circumference, and about 
80 feet high, growing remarkably closely in the clump. 

The enquiries for tobacco, (Sadr Dhopat) were here a positive nuisance, 
opium and tea also, they seemed to know only too well. The large 
Dumber of children struck me, and I afterwards found my men had noticed 
it also. To all appearance there may have been six or eight to each house, 
and two to one compared to the grown people. 

En route on we had crossed a small stream which they call the Manmo, 
or aa we should call it Bamo, and it is named from that place in upper 
Burma. Passing on we came to another village called Phup, near which 
I obtained the only view of the Patkai crest near the Nongyang pass. The 
haze was considerable, but I could see that the crest towards the east was 
lower than at the pass, and over it ran the Loglai hills that divide that 
river from the Turong. Beturning to the river near Loang I found the 
men vainly trying to get the canoe up a bad rapid, so I decided to leave 
her in charge of the Gam. We therefore unloaded the boat and camped. 

A very smart and intelligent young Singphu, whom I had allowed as 

24 S. E. Peal— ^o/<?< of a trip up the DiUng, [No. 1, 

» favour to carry my little rifle from Phdp turned out here to be the Bishi 
Gam's 8on. He could not speak a word of Asamese, but I sent word bj 
him that I should pass through his village next day, and should need some 
rice. His father is rather an influential man, not only on account of hk 
intelligence, but from the position of his village which may be called (be 
last on the line from Asam to Mung Kamti. Khomong at five dayi 
further on being about the half way house. This compels all travellen 
to buy paddy at Bishi both gomg and coming and thresh it out ere start- 
ing again. 

While at this Loang Ghat, I had several applications from women for 
medicine to cure goitre, of course in such a limited time and without t 
special stock of Iodine, I could do very little. 

At these Singphu villages I observed a cultivated variety of FleeUh 
comia (the large cane) ; the seeds are eaten. The stem and leaf stalk is 
almost completely destitute of the spines generally so densely set all over 
both, and the midrib. Unfortunately I could not procure a single seed, 
though I bid well for it, nor could I get a flower as it was not the proper 

Next morning afber breakfast we packed up all our loads, handed the 
canoe over to the Loang Gam's charge, and started for Bishi. We passed 
some suties of the river from which the water had been cut off and where 
the villagers of Bishi were fishing. Sn routs we saw some of the rioe 
fields, and bamboo clumps, where villages of captured Asamese had been 
interred by the old *' Dapha Gam" in former days. These Singphus used 
each cold season to raid Asam and carry off slaves which all ended in our 
expedition under Col. White (?) and the Dapha Ghtm's retreat, first to the 
Mbong yang and thence to Hukong, where his descendants now live oa 
the Dinoi east of the Turong and Tsak tsai. 

The path into Bishi from the west, is over a low spur from the Mana 
Bum ridge that comes down quite to the river, and a little east of the 
village ends in precipices, spurs from the Miao Bum also approach from 
the south and do the same, so that Bishi is really situated where the valley 
is narrowed to a sort of gorge. The village, however, is on an alluvial 
plateau about fifty feet high or so, and the site is open, the hills not being 

A straight and level line edges the river on the opposite bank, and 
suggests a similar alluvial terrace there also; in which case it seems 
likely that these terraces were at one time part of a large plain. 
This feature appears here and there all the way on hence to the Mbong 
yang where it, so to speak, culminates, and is seen in situ, as a large 
plateau. The Gam and all his people were out at the fishing, but I was 
agreeably surprised to find his village quite a contrast to the others, all 

1883.] S. £. Ve^'-Noiei of a trip up the Diking. 25 

the houses were in good repair, the chief's especiallj, there was a look of 
substantial prosperity about the place, and the houses were mostly in a 
legolar row on each side of a wide sort of road, the Gam's at the eastern 
end. Not desiring to camp actually in the village where dogs and pigs are 
^ nuisance, we descended east to the river, and found just enough sand to 
pitch the tents on in a depression of the bed now dry. In the evening I 
sent the guide up with a pocket flask filled, for the Gam, and a smaller one 
for his son, also to explain matters a little, as otherwise the visit might be 
unintelligible. In the morning he came down, with some of his people, 
and I at once saw in him the best Singphu chief I had seen so far. 

He was above the average in height, and proportion, about 40 to 45 
years old and held himself upright without any affected airs. Features 
large and strongly cut, but a quiet kindly and shrewd look, that became 
him as the *' father " of all his people, old and young. The only differ- 
ence in his clothes, being, that his were quite clear. In speaking I could 
see that what he said was generally to the point, and well weighed. Alto- 
gether he was by far the best sample of what a chief should be that I 
had met. From where we stood he pointed out on the hill just above us, 
the clumps of Wra bamboo growing now, that were planted by the Dapha 
6am, at his village, which was on the hill. 

The difficulty of reaching Bor Kamti he explained, and confirmed 
what others said, as to the likelihood of having snow on the passes, which 
all these people seem to consider a formidable obstacle. From Bishi to 
Bapha Pani, is usuaUy two days, thence to Khomong (last Singphu village 
east) another five ; from Khomong the path leaves the Dihing (or as these 
people call it Diyiin Kha) and crossing the Songsan Bum (which I believe 
is a southern prolongation of Phungan Bum) reaches and goes down the 
'^ Mung lang Kha," or '' Nam lang" and over other spurs to the Bor Kamti 
villages. Another eight or ten days, or total from Bishi to Mung Ejimti 
about fifteen days. The path beyond Khomong he declared difficult, and 
laid it went large part of the way up or down gullies, that practically there 
i^ly was no track or path at all, the danger to a party like ours being, 
that if any accident occurred, we should certainly run short of pro* 

All parties going to or coming from Bor Kamti had to carry at the 
least ten days' provisions, and this made the journey between those places 
difficult to those carrying loads for sale or barter like daos. 

The difficulty of transport of a Commissariat indeed we saw now our- 
selves, for I had to ask the Gam for three men to carry rice for us to 
Dapha Pani, as I calculated I should be absent from Bishi fourteen days9 
^d get no supplies elsewhere meantime. Knowing that the Singphus and 
Kamtis when travelling cover great distances compared to what I should 

2G S. E. Vetil— Notes of a trip «p the Bihing. [No. 1, 

do on a trip like this, I allowed doable their time, en r<mU^ and for six 
days to oamp at the Dapha Pani^ total fourteen days. 

The (lam and his people had an idea that Enropeans cannot walk or 
climb, and spoke of the difficulty I should meet in surmounting Nchong 
Bdm, that we saw lying as a ridge across the end of the valley eastward, 
which from Bishi, again opens out as a wide flat tract with low hills on 
each side. I had an idea that I could get along better than they expected 
but kept this to myself and was glad of it, as I thereby had a key to the 
difficulties of the route in other places, I here had to bargain for more rice 
and found that they would only take opium in exchange, at the rate of nx 
seers rice per tola of opium, but as the local rate for opium was eight 
annas and twelve annas on our return, and mine was bought at 5i I did 
not lose so much. 

Money is thought less of, as the rubber trade enables them to earn it 
easily at times for Re. 1, and even, if lucky, Rs. 2 a day, and I have heard 
of a Naga making at the rate of Rs. 4 a day for a week. 

A lot of women and girls and boys came to see the big telescope, and as 
it magnified to one hundred diams. (if necessary) were pretty much astonish- 
ed ; the binoculars, and a smaller telescope were also in request. 

The Gam was much struck with the revolver, and its range which I 
could shew him by firing down the river. The little M. H. Carbme also 
as usual was a surprise to them all. 

In the afbemoon I paid a short formal visit to the Gam's house, ere 
he went out to the people fishing. I noticed the elephant ropes or phands, 
hung in his roof that are occasionally used hereabouts by the Muttok 
Gosain. The ploughs also, four or five, were all slung up in a row so that 
a little smoke might help to preserve them from the attacks of insects, the 
Chinese cast iron socks all removed and stowed in doors. His wife was a 
homely and sturdy woman with no pretensions to beauty, though she was 
evidently a good house-keeper by the number of hens, and their nests I 
saw, and the various odds and ends I could see from the outer compart* 
ment, beyond which I did not go. The total length of the house might be 
00 or 100 feet by 30 and divided into many compartments in which the 
various members of the one family live ; a strapping big daughter was mar- 
ried to a Singphu who lives with them, and who was nursing a youngster. 
The Gam's brother lives in the next house, also a good one. 

Having arranged regarding the rice, some vegetables, and three men 
extra, also about leaving a few of my boxes, with stores for the return 
journey, in the Chun's charge, we went down to camp again, I had a long 
talk with an old man who spoke Asamese. Next morning after weighing 
out the rice and tying it up, settling the loads which the Singphus shirked 
(as usual), issuing a little tobacco to the ladies, old and young, who came to 

1883. J S. £. VetA— Notes of a trip up the Diking, 27 

see OS off we made a start. I noticed the Gam go round to each of the 
four men who went with us, and give him a little screw of tohacco and 
wish him luck. The men with loads at once waded, but an unloaded man 
would hardlj have got across that way as the stream was so strong and 
waist deep. I and the servant and guide crossed on a bamboo raft, kept 
here on purpose. 

On the off side is a large flat chur quite open and used for grazing 
cattle on, a small offshoot of Bishi called " Pen gaon" being on the 
southern terrace flat, as Bishi, is on the north one ; on the map it is marked 
Kasan, and in Wilcox, Kusan, which the people did not seem to recognize, 
until mj guide pointed out that thej were of the Kasan Singphu clan. 
Passing the cultivation to the east, we emerged suddenly at the steep edge 
of this alluvial terrace, from whence the view is very good, as it overlooks 
the valley for some distance and shews the hills beyond well. The bottom 
of the valley was a wide shingle flat, here and there cut up by water-courses 
mostly now dry, and with scattered rather irregular forest, the hills at the 
flanks being very low. The valley which is constricted at Bishi, by hills 
coming down on each side now opens out and is about eight or nine miles 
long by one or two broad, the wooded hills on the right (to south) rising 
pretty steadily to Wahambo and Langu bum, as shewn in Col. Wood- 
thorpe's map, which is careful in detail. After passing the Kachong and 
the opening to north where the Pakan comes out, we camped, where there 
was firewood, at an old shanty built by rubber cutters, and were soon all 
boused. Had we started early, we could easily have reached the Nchong 
Bdm, as I afterwards found out, t. 0., the usual march from Bishi. But as 
I was out as much for pleasure and health as anything, I did not attempt 
to force the pace, or camp at certain defined spots at all risks ; besides 
I always made it a rule to camp early if possible, t. «., while there 
was an hour's sunlight, at least. While at dinner we were all surprised to 
hear a gun go off about a mile away, so after an interval of about a minute 
I fired my carbine, as reply, and to invite the other party over. No one 
appeared but as they turned out to be Mishmis, (probably after elephant) 
it is likely enough we were examined after dark. 

In the morning at 9 a. m. the air was 66^ and the wind as usual from 
the £. N. E. and we had a beautiful day. We soon came across the 
Mishm7s, three men, two girls, and a Singphu son of the Dungon la. While 
the guide was talking to them, one of our Singphus pointed out where there 
was a lake up in the hills, which he saw when searching for rubber two 
years ago with five other men, on Langu bdm. The summit of one of these 
hills they found quite inaccessible, though from below it did not seem 
particularly steep. At the extremity of the valley where the path crosses 
the river, we had to wade, the Singphus at once stripping and tying their 

28 S. E. VetA—Nbtei of a trip up the Biking. [Na 1, 

few clothes in their haras, or baskets. After all were in, I saw that when 
shallowest, the stream was strongest, so I took a middle cooree. The naili 
or rather 9erew heads in my shoes, were very useful as the stones were m 
large and slippery ; a stick was indispensible, not put in down-strasa 
though, to save one going that way, but up-stream to lean on ; in fact, 3 
put down-stream it could not easily be forced to the bottom, whereas up* 
stream the moment it touched the water, it went to the bottom ** like t 
shot" and stuck there, if put in at an angle. The water was up to ovr 
hips, and only one man, my little Kachari Bhodai, had to be assisted. Aftsr 
a short distance we came to another rapid that had to be forded, a veiy 
ugly one below, where the water all rushed close under precipitous roeki, 
neither I nor the guide were then aware that really there was no need is 
cross at all, so we all went in for it, I, however, made the Singphut go 
over first and then return to assist if needed, and having donned my swim* 
ming belt as a precaution, walked in. 

At first it seemed all right, but the boulders were such a sise in some 
places, two and three or more feet across, that they caused eddies* and in 
turning to avoid one in front of which the stream had scooped a hole aboat 
four feet deep, I was suddenly aware that I had stuck and hung poised ss 
it were a moment. 

Sideways I had got on all right but the increased resistance in tuxag 
the streaip three to four feet deep made a difEerence. Nden gam a powerful 
young Sing^hu, accustomed to all this, at once came towards me, but I 
managed to get on, and pointed him to little Bhodai behind, whom he took 
in hand just in time, as his load had touched the water, (and wet all mj 
clothes), as they all said again, 'Headed people get on best, as they havs 
more hold of the bottom." 

Each person took about five or six minutes to cross, and in this can 
I went in at times to the waist. We were now close under a pretty high 
hill and a strong cold wind blowing made us pretty cold, but we pushed on, 
and came to where the Dungan Kha falls in from the north, and the 
Dihing emerges from the south-east between the hills, in a gorge. The 
place is called Dungan yup.* Here we discovered that if we attempted 
the ascent of N'chong bdm that day, we should again at once have to crotf 
at another bad ford, so rather than do this and to give time to dry clothes 
I camped. We had, however, not selected a good site. It was all rigbt 
in fair weather, but after an early dinner it clouded over and we heard 
thunder, our tents were pitched on the sand, in the middle of the gorge 
with high bills on each side, and seeing this I had the edges of the tent 
sunk some 6" in the sand all around, and good large stones piled in a tow 
all around outside ; lashings all doubled and some branches held to wind* 

t Tup in Singphu *' sleep,'* a resting-place. 

1883.] 8. E. Peal—ilToto of a trip up the DiUng. 29 

ward by stones, to break the force of the wind which now began to 

riae. It was hardly dark ere the storm broke. The thunder rolled and 

roared as it only can in the tropics, and the lightning played here 

and there as a constant flickering blaze. Rain fell as heavily as it well 

eouldy but my water-proof was lashed taaght outside, and though I hardly 

expected it, I rode out the storm which lasted some three hours, without 

getting wet. The men though they had a large water- proof got wet 

gradually, and in the early morning at dawn, I got up and donning 

my great coat (which I never needed so much in my life before) I got 

in some logs and tried to start a fire. It was, however, useless as the 

wind was a perfect hurricane, blew all but the big logs clean away and I 

had to start and build a low stone wall of big stones, to windward. By 

filling the larger holes with sods, I at last got shelter enough to try again, 

and arranged the firewood and logs, ere I struck a light ; by using up half 

a candle I got it caught at last, and it soon was a fine blaze. I looked in 

and saw the men asleep still and roused them, I made my servant issue 

tea for a big brew, that soon put all square ; such wind, however, they all 

never experienced before. The guide, four Singphus and Thang, as soon 

as they saw the storm coming, ran from their bivouac near us, and made 

for a couple of big holes in the bank under the stem and among the roots 

of a huge tree ; where, at five feet from the ground, they crawled in and 

lay all night in fear of the tree falling, in which case all were at once dead 

men. Old Lutak said he had not closed his eyes once, and he certainly 

looked like it. It was some time ere the driving clouds, down the gorge, 

allowed the sun to come out, and meantime we had breakfast. By this 

time we spied men in a shanty on the opposite bank but could not be 

heard as the rapid was in the way, yesterday on our arrival here I foi^ot 

to say we came up just as two Singphu men and one woman, emerged from 

the same ford, and reported it waist deep, the two men came up wet and 

shivering and the young woman soon after, shivering certainly but not 

wet which was a mystery, and after a talk they started on for Bishi, we 

now discussed the passage, and the men opposite beckoned us to go 

upstream. Nden Gam volunteered to shew us an alternative track. 

By going up some distance on the west side and scrambling on the 

rocks at side, we came to a place where a huge tree stem lay out in 

the stream and off it he stepped into water not more than two feet deep 

and took an oblique line to where the men opposite stood, and we crossed 


There was here some more discussion as to the proper route, and even- 
tually it was settled that the old direct route over the hill was too steep 
tor the loads, and in lieu of it we were taken along the most execrable 
track I ever saw. At times we had all to help each other up places steep as 

80 S. E. Peal— iVb^tf* of a trip ^ the Bihing. [No. 1, 

a ladder, partly by rocks and by roots, or down to the river. In two places 
we had to wade along the crest of a narrow shingle ledge in the centre of 
the stream and deep blue water on either hand. 

Suddenly we came across the shanty and stores of men out for rubber, 
but the only thing taken was a light for a pipe. Here while halting a fev 
minutes to give the weaker men breath, I coold not help admiring ths 
gorge and wishing I had my Rob Boy. The river was flowing though very 
sluggishly through a sort of rift or chasm in the hills, and in the bed at 
the sides were huge rocks. The sides of the gorge had jungle in eveiy 
nook and cranny and its rockiness did not look so conspicuous. At every 
few hundred yards, there was material for a really fine picture, up-atream or 
down. On starting up, we took to a gully and it led up— up till our legs 
ached. Progress was very slow, at last after about half an hour's climb 
we came to where there was a small ledge of soil, about 12 feet x 8 or 
10, and a spring. The Singphus were for stopping as they said we should 
get no more water that day or night, and when I insisted on going on 
they filled bamboo tubes. This was rather too good, so I told my men to 
follow me and fill their stomachs, and proceed. It turned out that the 
track above certainly was steep, indeed it was a case of holding one's breath 
now and then, but by going at it steadily we got on, and at last the track 
got more level, and then quite so, and as I guessed we began to descend. 
Two of the Singphus now went on ahead, and I soon pointed out to the 
guide where we could have got water down a gully. At last we espied 
the valley below and listened and heard the rush of the river, bo pushed 
on down at as rapid a pace as possible, and at dusk emerged off a flat ledge 
on to the river. After marking the track by paper, we crossed a little 
knoll, and found the remains of an old camp at a clifE overhung by t 
rubber tree. As a large rock of some eight or ten tons had fallen on and 
collapsed the former hut, we voted it best to camp to one side, and finding 
bamboos handy, the men were soon housed. The two Singphus who had 
gone ahead now turned up with two large fish (mahseer) which they had 
netted, and came in very handy. Here again I issued a little tea all round, 
and we soon got to sleep. In the morning we were all surprised to find 
the little branch of the river that ran beside us the night before clean gone. 
While having a wash at the rapid not far off, I could not help every now 
and then remarking a deep-toned noise or ring coming from the water, I 
had heard this noise before in Disang at a rapid and could not make it 
out. It was not regular, but occurred now and then. At last I concluded 
it was caused by very large boulders, poised in such a way that an extra 
rush of water overset them against another rock down-stream, and the 
concussion was the sound I heard. The boulder falling back again so sooa 
as the extra rush was somewhat abated, repeated the sound. Just above 

1883.] S. E. Peal— ^o/tf# of a trip up the Diking. 31 

oar camp site up-stream I was shown a conical wooded island called 
** Ebomong morang" said to be one solid block of stone ? To the south 
lay a wooded hill called *' Eumtsai kti" {lit, sand hill) and bj degrees we 
emerged from a pent-up gorge, to a wide and flat open valley running east 
and with low hills along the flanks. Here and there to the south, I noticed 
faorisontal lines in the forest, at about (as far as I can recollect) 100 and 
150 feet up, evidently wooded flat terraces. 

In some places the edge had fallen away and shewed a clay and sand 
formation with bedded water^toom stones large and small, as though the 
whole valley had once been filled up with this, ere the river cut down to 
its present level, through the goi^e we had passed. Presently we came to 
the hut of some men out rubber cutting, who also had killed an elephant. 
The usual bamboo pole and conical receptacles for offerings to the Nats, 
was stuck up and the tail and one foot attached ; a little way off was a rough 
platform covered with great lumps of meat being smoke-dried. I had to 
stand to windward while some of the Singphus selected tit-bits in exchange 
for opium. As the great irregular lumps of blackened flesh, were fingered, 
and pawed about, and nodded over, at this jungli '* exchange," I couldn't 
help noticing that some of them looked quite as intelligent, as their owner's 
face. Away all around behind him, what a view ! one fit for heaven more 
than this earth ; yet this smoke-dried old fellow, though brought up there, 
had probably never seen it. Had passed through life as an intelligent 

In about an hour after we met two Singphus, one with a gun, and in 
answer, to the query '' where from," the eldest replied *^ Khomong," which 
I much doubted, seeing no trace of bag or baggage ; eventually after hear* 
ing that I was not a Government officer come to haul him up for elephant 
shooting, he admitted he was a rubber-cutter, out shikaring. I had guessed 
something of the sort as he came up (with a conspicuous swagger, about 
the legs). 

Soon we noticed an extremely level spur from the north, around which 
they said the path and river lay, it became gradually quite a conspicuous 
feature ; clouds, however, had covered in most of the ranges behind. At 
last rounding this spur, we came out on the Dapha Pani and a very wide 
grassy flat valley extending some miles towards the north and bounded on 
the west by the spur abovenamed, while to the east extended all along the 
ride running north and south a very remarJeahle level and straight cliffy 
alluded to by Wilcox when passing there in 1827. It was so level and 
straight as to be more like a huge railway embankment, and at a short 
distance behind could be seen another. They extended thus for some 
miles. We passed across the open level of the valley bottom, which was 
idl burnt «{» grass, and had stones and boulders rounded and polished 

82 S. E. FetLl—ITot&M of a trip up the Diking, [No. 1, 

sticking out of tbe turf everywhere, coming to the riyer whieh flowed 
along the eastern side. Here at the mouth of the Dapha Pani near its 
junction with the Dihing or Diyunkha, we pitched our camp, and got in 
plenty of firewood as both elephant and buffalo was reported about, and 
the tracks seen. 

Here though fairly close to Dapha Bum, I still observed the wind to 
be south-west and north-east watching for the clouds to pass off the ctest 
of the ridges in vain, until twilight, when I saw that the peaks had as yet 
comparatively little snow on them. I had only a few minutes left to 
examine the higher ridges with a high power to see how far they were bare 
or covered by vegetation. In the very early dawn and until sanrise I 
again was able to see the summits, but for very short time only, as mists 
came out below, all over the valley, and when these had cleared off below, 
the hills were all clouded over. I therefore determined to go up the valley 
and have a look round generally wherever possible. The old Eamti and I 
took " Kumku nong'* with us, as he knew the place somewhat. He wis 
one of our loadmen, and the wonder to all was, how, with such thin le^ 
he could carry his load and walk as far and fast as the best of us. One 
good feature about him was, that there was generally some information to 
be got from him, and at the least, he had a joke and a grin, always ready. 
In former times when a strong young man, ere he had small-pox — ^he had 
been up the Dapha Pani hunting — ^as far as the water parting towards the 
north-east up the *^ Shi kha.*' He described it as having jungle more or 
less everywhere, with tracks and paths, but not a nice country to have to 
push through rapidly as in travelling, in consequence of the frequent detours 
necessary to avoid impassable gullies &o. Otherwise as a place to quietly 
oamp and shikar about in, it was all right, if one had some rice, for there 
was a good deal of game, among which on the upper ridgea there was 

« Takin." 

As we went up the valley the signs of erosion and deposit were very 
conspicuous all round. Our progress except for a few yards here and thero, 
was at first entirely over large rounded stones, and the stepping from stone 
to stone for an hour or so on end, is monotonous. At last we spied smoke^ 
and then saw two men watching us from our left, Miju Mishmis as it turn- 
ed out), and we at once hailed. They said they had seen the smoke of our 
camp, and were going to see who we were, and to etamine their fish traps. 
One of them had a fine cross bow, the other a long and beautifully made 
Mishmi spear. Both had the regular Mishmi basket, or haversack, that 
lies in the smsll of the back and is usually covered with bear or monkey 
skin. We looked into their cunningly made hut as we passed ; a wild animal 
would hardly notice it, being part and parcel of a great snag or drifted 
tree, stem and roots, with stones and turf added. Theaoe we went along in 

1S83.] S. E. Pesil^Mies of a trip up the Diking. 33 

the ulu g^rass, on one of the many flats on which here and there a few small 
trees grew, bat oar coarse all the time was northward up the valley, and 
parallel to the riyer, which in an endless series of roaring rapids, winds and 
twists down the eastern side of the valley at, or near, the peculiar cliff 
that borders it all along, on the east. At the mouth, the Dapha Pani 
valley may be a mile and half wide, and the length 7 or 8, the entire floor 
being a flat, covered by ulu grass, and a few scattered trees, among which 
water channels, lined with rounded boulders and stones, meander. One could 
gallop on horseback almost anywhere, as far at least as the jungle was 
concerned, though the great (and small) rounded boulders projecting from 
the burnt turf, and in the grass, would not be nice to fall on. After going 
about five miles and still not coming to the end of the east cliff I sat down, 
and had a good look at it all along, with the binoculars, at the distance of 
about half a mile. From what Kumku nong said, there is only one passage 
up to the plateau above, in the whole length of about seven miles, and the 
top is perfectly flat and level to the foot of the second cliff, and thence 
flat again for a long way in, the entire plateau being called the " Mbong 
Yang." The edge of the cliff being perfectly level and straight for such 
a distance g^ves an extraordinary importance to it in the view, even though 
it is wooded all along the edge at the top and for part of the way up from 
below, all over the talus, which extends the whole way also. The upper 
half is precipitous and though here and there ferns and creepers hold on, 
large portions are quite bare and red, showing the clay and rounded boulders 
of which it is composed (for the upper half at least). Towards our camp 
where the river is cutting the base of this cliff, the lower third of the 
height is of vertically bedded clay slate and shale, the upper part as before 
of clay with bedded rolled boulders. 

The height of the cliff I here estimated at 200 feet. We returned 
along the western edge of the valley where the land seems to rise a little 
in wide flat benches, five or six feet at a time, towards the range along the 
western flank, which is tolerably level in the main, but not so conspicuously 
so ; at the east cliff the benches also are not regular, altogether it looks as 
though the land had once been continuous between the western spur and 
crest of the east cliff, and that the whole Dapha Pani valley had been slowly 
cut out to its present depth. Among the boulders as we returned I found 
a fine rounded block of hornblend porphyry weighing about lOO&s. and 
had great difficulty in breaking it, so as to get a specimen. Though the 
Singphus and Mishmis see so many thousands every day, they all declared 
they had never seen that kind of stone before. One feature of the Dapha 
Pani that struck me, was, the great variety of colour, in the bed, due to 
the extremely clear water ; the natural colour of the rocks (all more or less 
smooth and rolled) was brought out conspicuously as though they were 

84 8. £. VeA— Notes of a trip up tie Diking. [No. I, 

Tarnished. As far as I conld see, none of those in the hed were in situ, 
even though often of large size. I had great difficulty in getting up on 
one monster of gneiss, which measured ahout 40 feet X 20' x perhaps 15 
or 16 and was one solid irregularly rounded mass, partly in the river, and 
some way from the diff, and though it projected some ten feet above the 
water on the up-stream side, there was a deep blue basin of rushing water 
in front of it. Blocks of the size of a hogshead were common, everywhere 
in the bed, and on the bare shingle flats the size was less. Evidently the 
river has a rapid fall, and in the rains the floods must be heavy and violent, 
extending all across the valley except perhaps here and there on the flat 
ledges. Only a small proportion of the boulders were sandstone, most weie 
of gneiss, and granitic, though none of pure granite ; apparently serpen- 
tine and trap constituted a large percentage, also chlorite, and metamorphic 
conglomerate. The evening gradually clouded over, and in the night a 
little rain fell. Next morning was foggy until about 10 i,. ic, when I 
started to ascend the hill south of the valley mouth, to get a good view 
over the Mbong yang. We had to wade the river, and found the face A 
the hill near the bank, so precipitous that it was some time ere we got a 
place to climb up ; I selected where there had been a landslip, as^ it had 
cleared the face of the hill of the forest and vegetation that otherwise 
would be in the way. We found it no easy job to get up and not veiy 
safe, as now and then, a stone slipped and bounded past, rather too close to 
be pleasant. At about 200 feet up, I halted, as it seemed both difficult 
and dangerous. An accident to any one would have been highly inconv^ 
nient, and after a good survey of the valley and making a few sketches 
we came dovm and re-crossed to camp, where I found some eight Mijn 
Mishmis, the most striking feature as we approached, being their huge 

I now heard from *^ Kreng sha," the one we had met before, that a 
colony of them had come over this year from the ^' Kamlang" and also I 
believe the Teng kha, north-west, and intended to settle permanently near 
the Dapha Pani, and up the Ink6 which falls into the Dapha Pani from 
the north-west having their jums on the spurs at the western head of the 
valley. This I was glad to hear, and told them so, as it would tend to 
render travelling much easier if supplies could be got from villages ail 
along. They asked many questions, on various topics, such as the price 
of rubber, and if I thought they were being badly cheated by the dealers, 
&c. In return I also made numerous enquiries, as to routes, animals, the 
forests, &c. 

None of them any more than Singphus seemed to recognize the name 
of Dapha Bum which is seen on our new maps as '' Mai thai Dong,'* all 
shook their heads and had never heard such a name, their's being for centnl 

1883.] S. £. FetA— Notes of a trip up the Diking. 35 

highest cone " Wa'thong/' a summit to the south-west '* E^ambro/' and 
the continuation of it *' Eunjong." 

A conspicuous double peak on the snowed ridge going east, thej called 
'* TaiyuQ." None of them bad been to the east of Wathong, and describ- 
ed the routes there as difficult and over snow. A party had come otct 
probably from Bor Eamti valley, some years ago and two of the men had 
to be carried in, having lost their feet through warming them at a fire 
when frost-bitten. No one seemed to know that hard rubbing with snow 
might save a limb, and I described the process. As we sat talking, the 
clouds moved off, and we had for the rest of the day a fine view of all the 
bills. A peculiar persistent grey g^en shade, all over the lower part of 
Kun jong had struck me for some time as contrasting with the upper part 
of the same. I had attributed it to cloud-shadow, and the upper yellowish 
brown, to sunshine, but as it remained there after all cloud had gone, I at 
once saw it was caused by some change in the vegetation. 

On enquiry it turned out that the yellow ochre colour was caused by 
dry grass and a small bamboo, called by them *^ Shu ma," the leaves of 
which turn yellowish. It grows in scattered clumps all over the hills at a 
certain elevation, with and above the belt of firs. 

This belt could be well seen in the large telescopes and the individual 
trees, their branches, tufted heads, and shadows could be even distinguish- 
ed. As usual with fir trees, they grew often up the steep ridges, and 
gullies, or ran in a line up the shady southern side of a ridge, among the 
snow fields, and had it all to themselves, barring the ** Shu mu" little 
bamboo, and gprasses. The takin is partial to this region, and difficult 
to shoot from its wariness and agility. They also report the elephant 
as wandering up as far as the snow at times, say 10,000 feet or more. 
Musk-deer and yak also reported. 

The crossbows these men had, were very powerful, 5 feet long, though 
the stock was small, and light as possible (barely long enough for the short 
arrows) and had the ordinary crossbow trigger of bone. Arrows plain, 
and poisoned with aconite, were carried in a small tube of bamboo about 
18" X 2" with a worked cover to slip on, the quiver tube being carried 
under the left arm and breast, cap upwards, handy. I was surprised to see 
no regular dao such as other tribes use, and in lieu of it they use the small 
nearly straight and pointed knife carried on a sheath or in one. The 
spears were beauties, heads well made and strong, the shaft of caryota stem 
or nahar wood, and the spike a foot long and thin, but strong also. Most 
had the basket covered by some skin, worn in the hollow of the back, the 
suspenders going a-la-knapsack over each shoulder, and hitched in front 
by the bone fastening, which fastening is noteworthy for its simplicity. 

86 S. E. Te&\—Noies of a trip up the DiMnff, [No. 1, 

Ere leaving, one of tbem gave me a little knife such as they use to 
cat their Sali with, and in return I gave several of them little tin hoxes with 
beads of various kinds, and bugles. Of course the guns and telescopes were 
sources of wonderment as usual, and thej went away after giving me an 
invite to their future village, if I again came this way. The evening 
brought one of the grandest sights I ever saw in my life. The gorgeous 
effect of the sunset on the hills, and the snows especially, was simply inde- 
scribable. It was heightened by the contrast of the intense blue-greens, 
blues, and purple, of the lower ranges as they passed into shade, while the 
upper snow covered ridges and peaks were in a blaze of pink and golden 
sunlight. The sky behind being a clear and pale emerald green grey. The 
Asamese who were eating their dinner, came and stared at it, and variously 
expressed their admiration of a '^ snow mountain,'' which till now they had 
none of them seen. The snowed peaks retained for some time, a clear grey 
light that enabled the telescope to be used on them, long after all detoil 
in the valley was merged in darkness. At night we heard a tiger hunting 
over the plain, and also elephants first to the north-west and then north- 
east and next day saw where they had ascended the Mbong yang pkteaa 
near where the cliff ends, close to us. 

To-day at 9 a. ic. I found the water boil at 210*10 by two tubes of 
B. P. thermometer, the air being 50^ and we had fog till about 10 k. H. 
It is a pity there is no good site near for a camp opposite the mouth d 
the valley at 4i00 or 500 feet up as we should then see the hills over the 
fog. *' Kumku nong" says that eight years ago, he was up east of Dapha 
Bum, near Mailam Bum, and camped fdr some ten days at a flat called 
*^ Mailam yang," which the others had heard of. By his account it is t 
high and comparatively flat tract, at the head waters of the Shi kha and 
near a route, from Bramakhund side to the Mung lang and Bor Ejonti 
Shans and Kunungs, called the " Noi kong-isong" bat. He places this 
tableland (not large) at east-north-east of Dapha Bum. 

If this be plotted on M. Desgodin's map, (Pro. A. S. B., 1880. Litho. 
1881 J it should fall uncommonly near the boundary of Djrouba^ the south- 
west comer of the boundary of eastern Tibet, which is there placed in the 
corner between the upper tributaries of the Mli kha branch of the Irrawadi ; 
and the Brahmaputra (a little north of the Gulm thi). 

I had (so far) considered the range encircling the Mli kha valley on 
the north, as very high and ending in the peak called Nam yen, (on Wil* 
cox's map) and as an impassable barrier, with some high peaks rising per- 
haps to 20,000 feet on it. 

If, however, it turns out (as it now seems likely) that the Mli khS| 
where these '' Kunungs" live, drains the southern edge of a high plateau 
around which there is probably a range, it may be true what one of the 

1883.] S. E. Tehi-^Noles of a trip ttp the Diking, 87 

EunuDgs told me, ». «., that he had travelled northward and gone into 
Tibet for a short distance, that there ioa$ a route, though difficult, and few 
travelled on it. 

He also stated that there were routes between the Mil kha and Brah- 
maputra on the one side west, and (though none north-east) others existed 
over the ranges to the east, going to the Disang or Sang kha, on which 
also Kunungs resided, and thence east towards China. 

Until these tracts are examined it will not be possible to say whether 
or no this '* Mailam jang" is a prolongation of the ** Djrouba plateau*' or 

While looking at a snow field this morning I was surprised to see 
Teiy clearly the tracks of two avalanches, distinctly marked out, as long 
curved depressions having a ridge thrown up at the sides, and the snow 
piled at the bottom, one of them was about 1,000 to 1,500 feet in length ; 
neither were there the day we had come. 

The colour of the rock forming the crest and peaks that appeared 
where there was no snow, was a dark '^ purple grey." In the early morn- 
ing ere the fogs arose and when the air was at times very steady, I could 
put on the telescope, a power of 800 (diameters). This enabled me to get 
as it were close to the summits and see detail with no exertion. Though 
the distance was 16 miles I could detect easily the sharp outlines of the 
rock} even the larger fractures or cracks, but no trace of vegetation. The 
first seen appeared to be grass, after which there are two kinds of bamboo, 
at least so the Mishmis say. 

From all I could learn I might by now have reached Ehomong the 
Singphu village on Dihing towards Bor Kamti at four or five days from 
Bishi and three from here, but I was told the journey was almost precisely 
like the part already travelled over, if anything more fatiguing ; and that 
when at Ehomong, I should see the usual dilapidated Singphu sheds, and 
learn very little more than I already knew. This might be partly true, 
but I still wished I could have gone on, the fact was that I had already 
pretty nigh exhausted the little stock of presents I brought, and to go 
empty handed, where if anywhere, presents are de rigewr, might not be 
good introduction, or conduce to future success in these quarters, so I per- 
force made all the enquiries I could, here and elsewhere as to what lay 
beyond. The Phungan or Bongan ridges that stretch away south from 
the eastern end of the Dapha group I saw from several places, and from 
the western edge of the Dapha valley, up a tall tree I had a good view, 
and found them pretty heavily snowed. The route to the north of these 
hills and over the saddle between them and the Dapha by which Wilcox 
erossed is called I am told the " Tsau rang" bat, and not now used as it is 
more difficult than the oneTound the south end of Wangleo, over a ridge 

88 S. E. Vedl— Notes of a trip up the Biking. [No. I, 

called Song san B^im. There are now no villages between Dapha Pani and 
Khomong as there were in the jearr 1827, though the sites are known ; at the 
same time Wilcox's names are not always spelt correctly, for instance, his 
Koom koor, I saw the site of and it is Kum kn. (Ku is hill in Singphn.) 
Kum ku was in fact the name of one of my men, who had been bom here, 
ere the village was removed to the Eam lang, and part of this village I 
hear is about to return to its old site again, under the old chief's son, 
(whom we had met with the five Hishmis, near the Ihingan). Again 
Willcoz's " Puseelah" just east of the Dapha m^ is intended for ^ Bisa 
la." (=s Secondary Bisa), Oglok is correct but the village gone. 

His ^ Insoong" is intended for Nchong. There are also no large villagei 
of the Muluk tribe where he has them unless it be the one of Khomong 
Singphus. Next day I determined to shift camp to the western side o! 
the valley ere returning vi& the Nchong Bum route, so as to avoid the 
gorge. We therefore packed up in the morning alter breakfast, and I 
directed the men to go about four miles up the valley and camp on the 
west side, while I and the guide, Nden gam and Uren nong, started up the 
Dihing for a mile or so and proposed crossing the Mbong yang plateau, 
coming down by the only outlet known, and so across to camp, in the after- 
noon. After seeing all the loads tied up, we waded the Dapha — ^not a nleo 
job at the mouth where the stream was strong and the stones large ; the 
Singphus were up to their waists, so I selected a place where there appear- 
ed to be a line of big stones and stepped from one to the other, to reach 
each, however I had to make the attempt to step a foot too far up-stream, 
even then I was up to the hips, at last one of the boulders rolled over, 
and I went in, but was out again ere my note book got wet inside. 
About half a mile up-stream, we spied some Singphu rubber-cutters, on 
the ofE-bank, and saw another trophy and remains of elephant and deer, tied 
to it ; Nden gam here pointed out the mahseer, literally and truly paving 
the bottom of the river, there must have been hundreds, (probably thoa* 
sands,) from two to three feet long, though obliquely through the water 
they seemed only about a couple of inches deep. 

In about half an hour after we ascended where a great rook barred our 
passage on the north side (or Bank of Diyun) and reached the top of 
the plateau after a little roundabout climbing and over undulatmg land. 

Once on the top we found it remarkably flat, and tolerably free from 
jungle; it had been largely trampled down by elephants. The foreit 
was very second-rate, few or no large timbers or straight. Some way ia 
we came across two small burial mounds that belonged to the former 
village of ** Bisa la ;*' the course lay on straight for the upper end of the 
Dapha valley, and as far as I could see the land everywhere was practically 
quite flat and had large rounded boulders embedded* At last we saw light 


1883.] S. E. Peal— JVb^4f« of a trip up the Diking. 89 

fthead, and expected to look over, and see the Dapha, but were all surprised 
to find we bad been on the second terrace all the time, and now overlooked 
the lowest one bordering the yalley ; at the edge we found traces of a viUage 
in more burial mounds with a ditch around. Descending the slope which 
was at about an angle of 45^ we could easily see the rounded boulders m 
bOu in the sandj loam or clay (none angular). At foot of the slope, which 
might be 100 feet high, we came out on a sort of flat swamp or where peat 
and mad rested on sand and stones. Passing on we were probably an hour 
ere we again saw daylight ahead, and knew we were approaching the cliff, 
ere reaching which, we heard the rapids below. 

We had come obliquely and now made straight for the edge, the men 
getting fits all the way from the Hingory-seed spines. Coming out at last 
and looking over, we were all astonished at the height, instead of about 
200 feet it looked more like 4iOO, and cautiously looking down while hold- 
ing a sapling I involuntarily drew back, as I could not see the cliff face at 
all, and seemed to be standing out on a ledge. The old Kamti kept back 
some distance, and " felt as if something was puUing him over," I got to 
another place and lay down and thus looking over, could see the face of 
the cliff, pretty dean for some 80 or 100 feet down, after which ferns and 
sucb grew, then creepers and grasses, shrubs and saplings. Tree tops often 
tonched the cliff face below. To get down was now the difficulty, ** Nong" 
who alone knew the place, I had to send back, ere this, to the Dapha mtikh, 
where we waded, as my belt and keys were dropped there, and now we had 
to trust to our wits. There was but one passage down we all knew, so we 
worked south along the edge. Animals go up and down this path, so we 
kept a sharp look out for tracks. While going thus, we were suddenly 
started by a loud deep growl or rumble, and saw the jungle moving, at 
once all called out '' magui," (elephant) and Lutak saw it, so we moved on 
as quietly and rapidly as we could, and were glad to get past such a very 
awkward enemy in such an awkward dtuation. I was hardly prepared to 
find it literally true that there was no chance of getting down except at 
this one rift, but so it turned out, and we went on and on, till at last 
tracks were found to form a path or puti, and then out we came to where 
many of these converged at the mouth of a very small gully, wide enough 
for one at a time to enter. Here we rested and ate our lunch, and I had 
time to ask as to the singular feature we saw here and there, where huge 
Hingori trees had fallen over eastwards, at the verge of the precipice, in 
all cases the roots being at the very edge, and the stem lying in at right 
angles, (and none oblique), for some time it was not obvious, but at last we 
saw it was caused by the loss of root-anchorage on the precipice edge, and 
that the ** Nor-westers*' could thus overturn the larger trees pretty easily 
in consequence — the regularity of the phenomena was remarkable. The 

40 S. £. Feal'—Nbtei of a trip up the Diking. [No. 1, 

entire Mbong yang plateau seemed covered bj Hingori (eattenopHi) and 
this was the great feature also of the plateau on the western flank of the 
Dapha vallej. Ere going down I asked Nden gam to point out any traces 
he saw of human habitation, as it must have been once a carefully guarded 
point, in the old and unruly days of the Dapha Ghun. Our troops indeed 
had to fight their way by this same gut. On looking about he at onee 
pointed out, first a small circular burial mound and ditch twenty yards 
south-east of the entrance of path ; secondly, a good many large trees called 
Hodar, Srythrina Indiea^ planted to train pan on, these and the planted 
Wra bambu indicated a village site. 

I also measured the height of cliff approximately by dropping heavy 
green sticks and hard lumps of clay, also stone, and counting the pulsations 
ere they reached the bottom, or talus, the average being six beats. 

Before starting down I left my mark, in the shape of two bullets fired 
into a morhal, Vaiica laneifolia or copal varnish tree, dose to the moai^ 
of pass on the south at four feet from ground. 

The animals that frequent this plateau, and pass up or down, I had 
one means of ascertaining at this pass or gully, and carefuUy watched and 
recorded all tracks as we went down, meeting elephant, bufEalo, sambur, 
horina, and huguri, deer, tiger, monkey, pig, cats, and what seemed wild 
dog. But no bear. Some way on, the path forks, becoming tolerably easy, 
and near the bottom we came to a coal seam, and shales, bedded at high 
angles. The upper part of the clifiE was composed of clay, with water-worn 
stones and boulders embedded. From the edge we had a fine view o^ and 
across the valley below, where we could see the Dapha Pani all along as a 
series of foaming rapids, and even hear it if we stood still ; away on the 
other side of it the bottom of the valley was like a plain of grass, wifch 
scattered trees. It had been set on fire by the Mishmis, and was burning 
in large patches. On the other parts left black and smoking, we now and 
then caught sight of the men of our own party as little pigmies, moving 
along in Indian file to the new camp. 

Looking across the valley to the western plateau, and realizing that 
the little stream below had slowly eroded it, one had an impressive lesson 
in geological time. The sun was now getting towards the West, and 
warned us to start on, for where the camp was, we as yet did not know. 

On lemAiog the bottom, the river was close, and we forded it, also two 
other branches further, all swift but none deep. Ndea gam, though a re- 
markably fine and strong young fellow, was a great opium-smoker, and he 
at once went ahead for the Mishmi hut, we had before seen, to get a light, 
and bamboo tube. Lutak and I followed at our leisure, and at one place 
passed the body of a python, seventeen feet long, that had been caught 
by the fire among the grass and burnt to death. Soon after, we heard s 

1883.] S. E. Peal— ^o^M of a trip up the Diking, 41 

man shoating and it turned out to be Kumkti nong looking for us, and ot 
saj tbe camp was pitched more to the south, so we had to turn and re- 
trace our now weary steps, and at last at dusk got in, all of us three very 
tired. Luckily everything was as I could wish, and dinner ready — soup 
nice and hot, and I soon felt better. As I was at dinner, we heard a most 
peculiar noise (in the air seemingly) that gradually got louder and louder, 
and at last we realized it as an enormous flock of Hornbills, (the large 
Huang Sorai). 

Neither I nor the Asamese had ever seen more than at most twenty or 
say twenty-five in one flock before, and yet here they were in hundreds — 
evidently they had intended to roost in the tall bor tree (fig) we were 
camped under, and all suddenly sheered off as soon as they saw our lights 
and smoke, settling a little way on. I tried stalking very quietly, but no 
use, this -^^rj particularly wary bird, or hundreds rather, was not to be 
caught, and they all suddenly and simultaneously flew, with a deafening 
noise. Ere I got off to sleep, which I did pretty early, I heard " old 
Kamti" at his gabbling sing-song prayers, mental sort of *' prayer wheel,*' 
as far as the real devotion seemed concerned. If addressed to me, I cer« 
tainly should not have blessed him, more likely the opposite. He went in 
for them pretty regularly at night, all in Burmese, as he was a good Shan- 
Buddhist, and finished off with the usual invocatory '* Om, om." 

At night we had a severe yet comical scare. The Singphus (even old 
Thang included) insisted that there was danger from wild elephants, and 
half-felled lots of young trees and saplings all about; so that the fall of 
them should give us all notice if anything came too near, they had also 
selected the bor tree as good to swarm up in emergency and notched the 
trunk and ribs ready. About midnight I was startled clear out of bed and 
tent, (with revolver in hand) by the hubbub, indeed the smash of a tree 
first roused me. In an instant every one was up and running about, and 
the cry was " hati," " magui,'* and as I at once fired, something went off 
to the right, a shot from the carbine made it go on again, and then all 
was quiet, and we listened, some said hati, the Singphus magui, and while 
one of the Asamese suggested what I also thought, i. e., samber, suddenly 
we were yelled to from ahovCy and looking up in the revived firelight, dis- 
covered master ** Sin-neng-gam," the young Singphu, hanging helpless ever 
the said fire, unable to go up or down, and probably twenty-five feet up. 
The sight so convulsed everybody, that for the instant he was left there, 
but Nden gam soon went up to the rescue (no easy matter though) and 
when Sin-neng was got down, and came round a bit, he found he had no 
recollection of going up at all, said he must have done it in his sleep ! 

The shrieks of laughter this induced from my fellows, were enough to 
keep any wild animal away all night. Between one Singphu being so literally 


42 S. £. Peal— ^o^M of a trip up the Diking. [No. 1, 

" treed/' and the others shouting me to shoot, iio frighten awag a deer, it 
lasted as a joke some time. Next morning my fellows sure enough found 
it was a " hor poha," samber. At the same time there oould be no mis- 
take that immense numbers of elephants must pretty frequently be all 
over the place ; it was, as one Singpbu said, all ** hati gaon." About 10 
A. M. we started to find the return path that led over the west plateau and 
the saddle between Nchong Bdm and Joith6, we were hours at it, and came 
again and again out at the same place ; at last going up the spurs towardi 
the Mishmi jums, where after about two hours, we emerged, and found 
them all clearing the jungle. 

These Mishmis do not cut and slash so vigorously as the Nagas when 
clearing, but go to work quietly with their small knife daos, and get 
through a great deal quickly, I noticed that they left a great deal, such as 
bamboo clump stems standing, that Nagas would ha?e cut, but they pile 
small stufi about them, and when dry the fire does the rest of the work for 
them. Looking at their work from a prehistoric point of view, I could 
well imagine that a very small cutting implement aided by fire, could reaiUj 
make extensive clearings, for if the fires are made around the larger tm 
stems, it soon kills them, and in about three to four days the whole of tha 
foliage is dead, and in a week is ankle deep all around underneath, and the 
shade has disappeared. 

The study of the dao is worth pursuing, and might be expected to 
yield some results (so far unknown to us) regarding the stone age here, 
there are many forms more or less serial, and related to the Asameae 
'* Pat kutar" (lit. leaf-axe) and the Andaman p. axe. Both are forms that 
could be closely imitated in stone. Illustrations of a few are given hereafter. 
Celts also are found all over the hills during juming, but regarded with 
superstitious awe. At several places as we came along we found large 
clumps of the planted Ura bamboo, indicating old Singpbu village sites, 
and at one place in particular where Wilcox places Eoom kur near the 
upper edge of the western plateau, saw as many as five or six large mounds, 
say forty feet across and six high, around which large ditches were dog 
leaving as usual at four opposite places, little causeways to cross by, moat 
of these mounds had bamboo clumps on them. 

It was now past midday and we had only just found the entrance to 
the path on the plateau above, I had upbraided the Singphus and " Urea 
nong" especially whom the Bishi Gam had given me as guide and a safe 
man. It now turned out that it was about ten or twelve years since be 
had been by this path, and the country was so trampled about everywhere 
by wild elephants that he continually lost the track. Every now and then 
we had all to sit down while he and his men scouted around to find it, and 
from the edge of the plateau on the west overlooking the Dapha valley I 

18S3.] S. E. FeaA— Notes of a trip up the Dihing, 43 

had several good yiewB, not only down on, and along the same, but over 
the MboDg yang plateaa beyond, to the east. The long level clifi was very 
coDspicttous, wooded to the very edge, and the second line of clifE behind, 
which was more pronounced on its northern extremity towards the Dapha 
group, and where the plateaa was also bounded by another cliff, not quite 
BO regular. 

Some distance beyond the second terrace to the east a third was visi- 
ble, and beyond all, far off another much higher and also flat-topped. The 
southern end of which was broken up, and at last consisted of a few 
isolated low hills, rising above the lower level. 

They report the Mbong yang plateau altogether to be a good day's 
march from east to west. From here also, the continuation of the Dapha 
group eastwards was well seen, ending a long way east-south-east, in the 
Fhungan ridges, snow covered, and which (in the view) closed up to hills 
along the south side of Dihing and distinct from Patkai (which was 
behind) and not now visible, though I constantly endeavoured to see it. 

The ridges and flats west of Dapha do not appear at all regular, at 
least we several times had pretty stiff climbing among spurs and gullies, 
eventually, however, we came to where the land for a long way was verj 
level, and the path well defined, and here, as on the '^ Mbong yang" 
the Hingori tree so predominated that the spined seeds, or seed cases, 
caused exclamations at every step; being shod I did not feel them. 
It was getting well on in the afternoon when we came out on a sort 
of natural clearing, and finding there was water to the south in a slight 
depression, determined to camp, though we had come such a short way, as 
we should not find good ground for it at the Nchong kha. The site here 
was covered for about twenty acres or so, by rank long grasses, now wither- 
ed, and trampled down by elephants until quite open, a few large trees 
being scattered here and there, and it looked like an old Jtim site. Several 
immense thistles stood dead, with the leaves fallen over and hanging close 
to the stem, the head branched and carrying the well known seeds. To 
make certain I cut several down, and took off the heads. The total height 
was from 15 to 18 feet in one case, and the hollow stem, 2" diameter. 
None of the Asamese had seen them before, nor had the Kamti, or 
Singphus (so they said). It certainly seemed out of place in these forest 
jungles, and it occurred to me as having come transported on the north- 
east winds from the upper open ridges of the Dapha Btim. There were 
only some four or five of them, as far as we saw, and all — as they stood — 
looked remarkably handsome and suitable as designs for Candelabra. 

Yery soon our camp was pitched near the little pool or sedgy hollow, 
near trees, and hearing several remark how very cold the water was, 
1 found it at 43*" F. I made the men fire the grass, and being very dry 

44 S. £. Feal^Noiet of a trip up the Diking, [No. 1, 

it soon caught and roared and crackled till it gradually bamt ont, leaving 
the view along the upper Dihing towards Khomong pretty clear, and I 
could get the telescope to work. The crests of the Phungan bearing 12(f 
whereon snow lay in sereral large patches, and many small ones, appeared 
to have the hard rocky outline seen on '' Wathong," indicating frost and 
an utter absence of vegetation. We were here much nearer this latter, and 
the peaks to the east at sixteen miles were well seen even with the binoca- 
lars. The deep purple-grey of the bare rock contrasting beautifully in the 
evening sunlight, with the light and shadows, on the snow. We were at 
probably 1,500 feet elevation, and the air remarkably clear and steady, so 
that the distance seemed really less than half what it was. The ridges 
bearing 120^ were on the contrary, only about twenty-eight miles (if 
'' Phungan Bum"), yet appeared fully twice that distance. Several times 
I was tempted to look on them as much nearer the Mli kha than Wilcox 
put them. 

After all had eaten, I put on a power of 200 and shewed them all the 
new moon. The old Kamti, who usually carried the telescope and legs, 
was particularly taken and sat out in the cold for a good half hour, after 
the others had had enough. 

I may mention that the carriage of a fairly large telescope would be 
no easy matter if taken as it usually stands, with long brass tube and 
heavy tripod legs five feet long or so. To enable me to have the advantage 
without the difficulties of carriage, I made a light sassie wood square tube 
weighing 3fi>8. and 46'' long in which the cell of the 0. G. 3^*5 fitted, the 
other end so made as to have the eye-piece tube and rack motion, easily 
attached, the tripod of a strong magnetic compass, served to mount it, and 
the whole when complete, only weighed about 8fts. Having the ability t>o 
put on a high power at times, as when camped at Dapha Pani, it enabled 
me, often when lying at my ease in the tent, to take long excursions all 
over the Dapha Bum, and very fairly among the snows, '' without turning 
a hair,*' so to speak. It was particularly interesting at times when the 
sun was behind, to take up the lower part of some of the great seams or 
gullies on the face of such a hill as " Bum rong*' in front of the Dapha, 
and to trace it up higher and higher. Lower down, as a deep shady chasm 
filled with tree ferns, plantains and fallen rocks, water dashing over and 
among them, the sunlight almost shut out in parts, where a straight piece 
gave quite a vista in. Again, great bare slippery rocks on all sides with 
the stream as a snow white streak, obliquely coming down the face of one 
at back (evidently a waterfall in the rains). Higher up, a long chasm, filled 
with shingle and tree stems, and still higher, where great shoots of stone 
have piled in the bed, and shew the clear surface of the bedded rocks. 
Above agun numbers of feeders fall in on all sides, and not a trace of v^;e- 

1883.] S. E. VeaA—Ifotes of a trip up the Billing. 45 

tatioD, all is bare hard, glaring rock, shimmeriDg in the hofc sun. Or at 
another time taking '* Kunjung,*' in the region of firs, one could wander 
ahont almost as at Shillong among the grass and boulders and firgroups ; 
some of which were very picturesque, and at last were so well known by 
sight, that I could almost sketch them from memory, ending my journey of 
two hours or so by a visit to the snow fields on " Wathong," the return 
journey which in person might take four days' hard work, being done now 
in as many seconds. 

The drawback of a high power on a »mall 0. G. is that the loss of 
light is so great that either detail cannot be seen, or it can only be used 
on such an object as the moon ; again, while the best small O. glasses will 
only stand a power of 50 and 60 diams. per inch, larger object-glasses up 
to 8"'5 dia. will stand 100. 

Here on the top of this spur we found many large rounded boulders 
as on the Mbong yang and all seemed to be various forms of sandstone, 
not the gneissic or granitic kinds seen in the Dapha bed. 

Early in the morning I took the temperature of the water in the pool 
at 39,^ no doubt it was caused by the intense radiation. At the Dapha 
muk 1 had several times taken the temperature of the river in the morning 
and found it generally 51^ F . air being 40^ to 43.^ The temperature of the 
toil at the same time by springs was, 62.^ The temperature of sand must 
fall a good deal in clear nights. In the mornings all the boulders embedded 
in it, had a tohite band of dry sand right round. Here and there white 
patches were seen, large and small ; one invaridbly found a boulder just 
below, at an inch to 1^, the heat from which had prevented the deposition 
of dew, on the sand over it. 

Late at night and early in the morning we had heard the rush of the 
Dapha river, to the east, so in starting I calculated as if marching from 
that river, and we got off at about 10 A« M. as I always make the people 
oat first, (also their own custom). 

We very soon came to the Nchong stream now a little dell and with not 
much water, all of us had a good drink as we should not get another chance 
till late in the day. At one place we came on a party of nine Mishmis, and 
some of our people exchanged opium for rice, they were crossing from the 
Teng kha (Tonga Fani) to the new J^ms on Dapha, one girl had the 
peculiar pewter or silver coronet as an inverted crescent over the forehead, 
several had cross-bows, others spears, and one a sword. We then crossed 
the saddle between Nchong Btim and Joitho, which was pointed out by 
tile Singphu, and over a long flat tract, in which we were shewn the site 
of old Bishi, where Wilcox passed, and which he marks. It could hardly 
have been noticed but for the forest being just there almost entirely of 
'' Eot kora," the fruit of which can be oaten, raw or dried. The present 
Bishi Gam was born here. 

46 S. E. Fetl^Notas of a trip up the Dihing. [No. 1, 

Some way on I detected a peculiar smell in the jungles, and on enquiry 
was told we were close to a Fung, and ere long descended into a deep 
triangular depression with swampy bottom, on sand. The water, of a pale 
bluish colour (as if dilated with shale mud) rose in an irregular jet aboat 
%*' and 8'' high in a little pool and passed off as a stream. It bad a pecu- 
liar saline taste, I took a sample, but later on lost it, the Singphos look on 
this water as a cure for goitre. 

About fifty galls per minute rose. The place has been used as tt 
elephant trap, a skull and bones lay there of one shot some time before. 
The Muttok Gosain now and then shikars here I believe. The Hingori 
seeds were all day a perfect nuisance, first one then another got the thorns 
in their feet, and I now ascertained why the Singphus took as round by 
the gorge. It was to avoid them. There are thus three quite distinct 
routes for passing Nchong Bdm, one by the gorge which we took, and 
which is very nearly what Wilcox calls '* impossible," another straight over 
the hill at once, very steep and fatiguing, so all say ; and the other which 
Wilcox went by, and we were now on, tolerably level and easy, (bar the 
thorns). The men all tried sandels of wood and bark, but they tripped 
and caught so often, that one pair after another, were blessed and flung 
away, and they hobbled along here and there, Kke a row of cripples in pre- 
ference. Eventually " Uren nong" lost his way, and I called a halt for 
half an hour, as the wandering about was only wearisome. On his finding 
it we soon after came to the Dungan kha, and as Wilcox says, it is " one 
continued rapid.'* And we emerged from it, at last ! opposite the mouth 
of the gorge where we were all so nearly blown away. Not wishing to chance 
a repetition of the gale we went on and camped in a cosy corner under a 
big bluff that projected into the river, and where we found already, two 
log huts and piles of firewood, we were here very nearly at the end of our 
rations, and had only one good meal all round left, so they had half now, 
and kept the rest for the morning. During the night the wind rose and 
though no rain fell, we should have again fared badly if it had not been 
for the shelter of the comer we were in. They say that this is always a 
windy site, and the name is " Dungan yup." 

Very early in the morning I made three of the Singphus start off at 
once for Bishi for rice and to return and meet us, they went very much 
against the grain, but there was no help for it, we then started at about 
9 A. M. the load men by a detour, to avoid the steep rock, up which the 
Kamti and I climbed, with difficulty, as it in places overhang. As we 
started, a large party of men and seven women, appeared on the off-bank, 
from Khomong having come vi& the gorge, Lutak and I soon after erosB- 
ing the bluff, met them as they emerged from the bad ford, where all the 
women joined hands, (held up) as they crossed, in a line up-stream, a very 
sensible plan. 

1883] S. E. Peal— jVbf<?* of a trip up the Diking. 47 

Hardly one of the men, and none of the women had ever seen a 
European before, so I was considerably and closely criticized. Many 
brought over daos to exchange for salt, to carry which specially some of 
these strong girls had been brought over, and were to take back 2 roaunds 
each, ». e.y 180fi»s., all seemed in good spirits, however, and soon after waded 
the river again, and pushed on faster than we cared to follow. By slow but 
steady walking we at last got to '^ Pen" gaon, by about 3 p. m. and found 
that our men had failed here in getting rice, which was at famine rates, 
and had gone on to Bishi, where we followed, and camped at about 4 p. m. 
having done from near Dapha Pani, in two days, what took four in going 
and in a pinch might perhaps be done in one, if certain of the road. Of 
course we here got plenty of rice, vegetables, &c., which mainly we were 
short of. Some old fellows, and one who could speak Asamese, came to 
enquire how we had got on, and confirmed a good deal I had heard as to 
routes, &c. It seems the Dapha Gam, when he fled from Bishi, went to 
the site we bad passed at Nchong btim, and was there some time, but his 
unruly habits and raidings obliged us to follow him up with the " Singphu 
expedition" and he then fled to the Mbong Yang to be safe. He was, how- 
ever, dislodged from there by a party under native officers (Lola Sing 
Sylhetia) the Europeans being I hear, wounded en route near Bishi and 
Miao, and at last decamped for Hukong vi& Khomong, from whence there 
is a route into upper Turong. 

It is said that for some time, the cattle that had belonged to the Gam 
and his people, ran wild, and even had been seen not many years ago, I 
could get nothing certain as to this, and doubt there being any now with 
Mishmis, and rubber-hunters all through the hills. 

Early next morning we packed up and I made some small presents, an 
electro- mug to the Gam, assortment of needles, tapes, and such, to liis wife, 
&c. The load-men I paid, lis 6 each for the trip of about eleven days, 
and gave them some opium in, I should like to have been able to be more 
liberal, but there are many incidental expenses connected with an expedi- 
tion of this kind that swell the sum total, to no small amount ere all is 
over. What would be considered extremely moderate, by Government, or 
to any subsidised expedition, may be heavy on any single individual, espe« 
cially when no return in the way of profitable trade is yet possible. 

Passing west for Loang village we first saw the site where these Sing- 
phus devoted offerings to their demons or nats. It was a picturesque site 
among some tall Jutuli trees that threw a more or less mysterious shade 
on the cleared space below, where there was a house some 330 x 12, of 
the usual kind, and the skulls of buffalo here and there tied to the tree 
stems, as relics of the feasts and offerings. Singphus are grossly supersti- 
tious, and their entire belief seems to consist in a series of demons who 

48 S E. Pe^'-Notes of a trip up the Diking. [No. 1, 

must be propitiated or evil results will follow. The slightest pain or sick- 
ness, is considered the work of a Nat, and must be counteracted by an 
offering of eatables, a bad spleen will therefore cost a man of standing 
seven or eight buffaloes, ere he is killed or cured himself, and the chances 
of the latter are small. 

Any ordinary native doctor should here make a fortune in a very 
short time, as the people are ready to look on all drugs as charms, more or 
less, and pay accordingly. In a rice flat west of Bishi we were warned to 
look out for a wild male buffalo that was gradually becoming one of a herd 
of tame ones, and which the Singphus soon intended to shoot for a feast ; 
sure enough as we turned into a small flat of open land we saw about eight 
or ten buffaloes, mostly lying down, one of these a male then got up and 
stared at us, gradually but slowly moving off to the edge of the scrub, 
where he disappeared when we were only about eighty yards off, the others 
all remained. As an instance, where a large and usually very wild animal 
can become more or less tamed, and semi- domestic, by associating with 
tame cattle, it was a very good case, and noteworthy to naturalists. 

The very marked difference towards eastern Asam especially between 
the tame buffalo there, and in Bengal is due to the above, and that the 
large wild males so often have access to the tame herds. The Bengali 
tame buffalo indeed can be usually picked out at once in a mixed herd by 
the degraded Kami. Smaller, more curved down, and giving the frontsl 
region a rounder contour, the horns also are not so nearly in the plane of 
the face and nose, less effectual as weapons in fact. When two male 
buffaloes fight they first appear to circle around and take each other's 
measure. Then suddenly with a rush collide, their heads held down and 
face to the ground, the skulls meet with a fearful blow. Each then en- 
deavours to force the other backwards using all their huge force andmakinf^ 
the sods and jungle fly. If well matched they struggle thus for some time 
and endeavour to gore each other's shoulders and neck, by lateral thrusts 
of the horns, twisting the head round as they push, and this explains the 
peculiar sweeping curve the horns have as 09> 

Once turned, the victor pursues the vanquished for hours, if not a 
whole day. At first, strength and weight are the elements in a buffaloe's 
favour, subsequently speed. The wild males in Asam are at times folly 
twice the weight of an ordinary male as seen in Bengal. 

After reaching Loang and pitching the camp, I wandered out north 
for a sketch of Patkai if possible, but the distance all along was hacs. 
Coming home I saw some Singphus returning from " Turong ku," whence 
they had brought buffalo, and who found Patkai no difliculty. One of the 
party, a native of Hukong, was particularly inquisitive, and a great opiom 

1833.] S. E. Peal— ilTo/j?* of a trip up the Diking. 49 

The night was cold and windy with a little rain, the morning cold and 
foggy till 11 ▲. M. The men after eating tied a large bambi^on each side 
of the canoe to steady her at the rapids, and we packed up for departure ; 
some boxes and a teut, by four men, went off by land for Bisa, and were 
to meet me there three days hence. We then embarked and after shooting 
several rapids, found that two of the men in the boat were hardly equal 
to emergencies ; so I landed them and several of the boxes that 1 desired 
to keep dry, telling them to meet me at Bisa, and if possible overtake those 
who had started first and recall the £'amti. 

We therefore had only Thang as steersman, while self and servant were 

ID the bow, several rapids we shot thus, very well, though the pace was no 

joke now and then, and I donned my swimming belt as precaution. At 

one rapid we found a second shoot near the bottom, and taking Thang's 

advice kept to the left side, flying down it at speed, though we bumped 

here and there. Wlien near the bottom where the river suddenly turned 

sharply to the right, we saw to our dismay a huge snag right across our 

path, which he had forgotten, so using all my strength I ran her ashore in 

a little bay at the side, striking the shingle with such force that the canoe 

ran a long way upon it and we were all thrown out. The stream, however, 

had caught the stern, swung her round, ending in a capsize, just as we had 

jumped up and were pushing her off. Luckily by pushing hard as she 

rolled over she cleared the snag and was carried down the rapid. Running 

along the bank we got ahead, waded in and caught her ; but no easy job to 

hold and bring to shore. The lashings we found intact that had been passed 

ever the boxes tent &q,j and the two guns were safe (for a wonder) ; in fact 

very little was lost though everything was wet. While the other two got 

some firewood, I opened a cartridge, rubbed some of the powder on piece 

of the lining of my hat, which was dry, and with about quarter of a dram 

powder fired it in the air, getting fire at once ; some dry leaves and grass 

soon were blazing and the logs caught. 

Afterwards we lit several roaring fires and hung everything we could 
about to dry. My man at once started a kettle of tea and we got on very 
fairly. Our great anxiety, however, was to dry our clothes ere night, as 
rain threatened. Thang and 1 now got in more fuel while the servant got 
me dinner. 

From what he said there was no possibility of avoiding a spill, and the 
Singphu's belief whs that if we had held on, the canoe would have jammed 
under the snag and we should have lost all, and been unable to get her out. 
£i-e dark we had a good many things dry and rain came on at night. Earlj 
next day we again got big fires going and about 11 a. h. were surprised to 
see the old Kamti, Lutak, our guide, and my Asamese " Milbor" turn up. 
Luckily for us the old fellow was superstitious, an(l got quite uncomfort- 

60 8. E. Peal— jSTo/m of a trip up the Dihm^. [No. 1, 

able the night before, because one of the men had a dream that we had met 
some disaster is the canoe, so he had started at dawn and hunted up- 
stream and came upon us, quite expecting, as he said, all he saw, and heard. 

For once I was thankful as to a *' belief in dreams." With their 
help we got the bamboos relashed, everything again stowed, and embarked, 
going down the first ^ve or six rapids most carefully but getting more 
confidence as we went on. Certainly the way we shot some, was enough 
to make any one hold his breath; there was little or no danger from 
rocks : it was mainly from the speed and bumping on boulders, thai 
often threw the canoe violently aside, and at times the want of room 
to turn suddenly where the stream rushed down a side channel. The ex« 
citement was considerable, as often from the canoe we could not see the 
proper channel lower down, where all was hidden by the frothy tops o£ 
the small waves. There was hardly time to speak ; in fact, one could not 
be easily heard with the rush of the water ; and each time as we emerged 
into the deep and agitated water below (going fully ten miles an hour), 
we felt a relief. By and by we reached the rapid at the entrance to ** Bon 
Dihing" and all got out, holding the canoe as we waded, and let her down, 
each getting in as he came to the deep water. Now and then we had a 
little trouble but gradually rapid after rapid was passed till we had come 
down a distance that had taken us three days in going up, and camped at 
one of the places we stopped at when coming up. Early next morning we 
got off and again got over what had taken three days going up, camping 
close to Bisa at Kherim Fan! mouth. 

At Jagon we got out and procured some rice as what we had been eat- 
ing was bad, having got wet. We also found time to bargain for some 
vegetables that we were much in need of. 

At Bisa I received my d&k (letters) ; and after the land party had 
joined, I procured a second canoe and we all went down by water. 

Nothing of moment occurred till we reached Bor Phakial, the Elamti 
village above Makum, where I again stopped to see the Kunongs, and 
men over from " Mung Kamti." They came and spent a day with me, 
which enabled me to collect and verify a good deal of geographical matter, 
and write a limited Kunung Vocabulary. These men are called " Aung'' 
by the Chinese (so they say), and trade with them eastward. I observe 
that these are the race that M. Desgodin locates there as " Loutse,'* and 
says the Chinese call them '* A->nong ;" undoubtedly they are these people 
who call themselves '' Eunnung" as did also Wilcox in 1827. Thej say 
their tribes and villages are scattered all over the country from the Mli 
kha and Mung Eamti, to the eastwards, and are not confined to the Mli 
kha alone. They are celebrated as workers in iron which they smelt from, 
ore of two sorts, sandy, and in lumps, like stone* 

1883.] S. £ Tea]— Notes of a trip up the Dihing. 61 

They extend somewhat to the north, and also a little southwards, and 
hare colonies in the valley of the Nam sang or Disang, the tributary of the 
Irtwadi about three days east of, and parallel to Mli kha. 

As the trip practically ended here I may as well summarise the results, 
some of the information was new, and some of value as either corroborating 
former reports, or useful for checking them. First as to the direct route 
east up Dihing, or Diyun kha, past Bisa, Bishi, and Khomong for Mung 
Kamti| I learnt that the route as far as 1 went, and possibly to Khomong, 
was not so very difficult, was in fact much easier than I had expected as 
far as the Dapha Fani, being in the main a wide fiat valley, and not a 

From Khomong it is said to be ten days to Manchi, and the route 
soon leaves the Dihing or Diyun, crossing Songsan group, though between 
December and February snow may lie on the passes. This route or " Song- 
san bat," then goes to, and down the '* Mung lang kha*' from which a 
path leads north-east to Manchi, and the Mung Kamti villages. It is 
reputed easier than the Tsaurang bat route followed by Wilcox in 1827, 
north of Phungan Boom, and also shorter. A difficulty on each being 
that it is all uninhabited, and supplies for some ten days or so must be 
carried. Indeed, now there are fewer villages than when Wilcox passed ; as 
between Pen or Kusan, and Khomong, while some five or six are mentioned 
by him, there are none now. The signs of former population we saw pretty 
often, and always where indicated on Wilcox's map ; though the names are 
sometimes oddly spelt, thus his " Insoong" is the Nchong, ^ Puseelah" ia 
Bisa-la, " Koomkoor" is Kum-ku. At each of these there were villages in 
1827, as also at Oglok and Lujong. 

The want of villages is insisted on, by the Singphus and Kamtis them- 
selves, as the greatest difficulty, as people mubt now travel fast and have 
no time to spare, either to look for easier tracks, or improve those in use. 
At the same time it is not so very long ago that these villages existed, and 
that, ''Lall Ohand Kyah*' sold his wares on the Mbong yang plateau east 
of Dapha Pani, as I am told. 

This want of population (which is also a drawback on the route over 
Patku to Namyang for Hukong), does not exist to the same degree east 
of the Mli kha, whence there are several routes east, over low hills, 
then a central ridge, occasionally snowed, and down to the Disang or Sang 
kha (called also Nam sang), a journey of some three days. Thence they 
say the route crossies a range dividing this Disang from the Do ma or Nam 
Do Mai, also a tributary if not the main stream, of the Irawadi, and which 
is known under so many names.* East of this there are ranges north and 

* 8hue mai, Sgin mai, Shuey mai, or Shoe mai, Zin mai Phung mai Kha, Myit 
age, Do Mai. 

52 S. E. VeK\—Noiei of a trip up the Diking. [Ko. 1, 

south that divide this river from another (evidentl j the Salwin) ; but none 
of them had been so far, and thej seemed to confuse the Salwin and ikm 
Mikong together ; traders, however, pass east and west across the tnci 
dividing them from the boundary of China. 

According to these Kunungs and a Kamti who seemed well acqoaintei 
with these matters, the Do mai is the same as the Shoe mai and a somewhat 
larger stream than the Mli kha, or Sang kha, confirming the supposition of 
Dr. Clement Williams, and the paper on this river bj Dr. Anderson (read 
before the R. Geographical Society some eight or ten years ago) in which 
he fairly demonstrated it as the main source of the Irawadi. Tliis, and the 
references thereto, in Mr. Jenkins' paper and my former reports, seem to 
have been overlooked by Mr. C. H. Lepper when lately claiming this as a 
new discovery. There can be very little doubt but that Dr. Anderson is 
right, that the Shoe mai kha rises in Tibet. The only doubt in my mind 
was whether it was the lower portion (or not) of the river known north as 
Nu kiang. Recent observations, however, by Gill, M. Desgodin and others 
seem to prove that the Nd kiang and Salwin are really the same as shewn 
on the map by M. Desgodin. 

While on the matter of routes I may mention that the Kunungs re- 
port routes north ; one of these men, indeed, had been that way into Tibet ; 
another route from the Mli kha, led north-west towards Brahmakund, and 
the Mishmi country. They could give me no information as to any from 
their villages towards the north-east, though it may exist. Routes south 
seem pretty numerous. People often come and go by them to Bamo and 
the Shan states, also to Hukong. 

It is a noteworthy fact, and one deserving careful attention that the 
country lying east of Asam, between it and China, seems even in our day 
so little known through the absence of traffic over it, that we cannot even 
name the rivers in successioUi with absolute certainty. 

This is no doubt caused by the difficulties due to its peculiar format 
tion. It is situated at the south-east corner of the great Tibetan plateau, 
where the rivers converge, and have such a rapid fall, to the level of the 
southern plains, in channels more or less parallel, that they have cut out 
deep valleys and even gorges, extremely difficult ioford^ or ferry ^ or bridge, 
except by iron chains. Every here and there the line of route, otherwise 
not easy, is completely severed by a deep valley and gorge, and long detours 
are necessary. 

Here and there on this tract we see the iron chain bridges that demon- 
strate the character of the obstacles, and that have successfully linked tk4 
route fragment* together so far. The local engineering capabilities^ 
however, are crude, and no doubt if longer spans were possible, these im- 
passable gorges could be crossed at far more eligible sites for a route. 

3.883.] S. E. Peal— JVb^M of a trip up the Diking. 53 

If one is ever feasible between Asam and say Atentse viA Mong Kamti 
And the Lutze or Eunung country, it will be by the construction of a few 
light wire bridges, at a few selected sites at present impassable. 

Even in times long past, when both the Government and people of 
C/hina were, from religious motives, anxious to find easy routes to India 
there was none known, over this short section. Those used were the sea 
route vi& Quantung or Canton, the Straits, and the Bay of Bengal ; the other 
-was " the old route" through the northern deserts to Khoten and Kashmir. 

In the Journal B. A. Society, October 1881, page 652, the Bev. S. 
Seal, in an article on the '* Chinese Buddhist inscriptions found at Buddha 
Gaya" gives a list of priests and others who travelled by these routes, and 
are recorded by I-tsang, A. D. 671 to 690, (1,200 years ago). In one case 
reference is made to a party who came over 500 years before, so that even 
under far more favourable conditions and great inducements to find a solu* 
tion to this problem in the far past, it remained innolubJs, I attribute it 
mainly to the gorges and river torrents that defied the engineering capacity 
then available. If a route from Asam due eastward vi& Mung Kamti is ever 
feasible, it will be by means of light wire bridges at carefully selected points. 

With the experiences of Qill, Baber, and others before us, it seems, 
however, doubtful now if the game is really worth the candle. The difficul* 
ty of getting out of Asam at the eastern extremity is one thing, that of 
getting into China is quite another. The former 1 have drawn attention 
to for some ten years as quite feasible, vi& the Mongyang pass over Patkai ; 
the latter has I fear been equally well demonstrated as the reverse, by 
others who have actually passed over the country in question. 

I may also here say that the idea of a " neutral zone," surrounding 
Asam on the east and south-east, must appear erroneous to most of those 
vbo have studied this matter, and I observe that Mr. H. L. Jenkins is 
ominously silent on it. 

As far as the tracts lying to the east and south are concerned, I believe 
them to be claimed by the king of Burma. It is not so very long ago that 
the Burmese Woon, attempted to overreach us, and step over JPatkai to 
place his boundary north, on the Namtsik. Burmese influence also in Mung 
Kamti is equally assertive, and I heard complaints regarding it this last 
time, so that we may rest assured that the Burmese will be the last to 
admit Hukong as " neutral," even though filled by various unruly clans 
disclaiming their authority. 

When making enquiry as to the comparative value of various routes, 
east and south, I ascertained tiiat the oue from Makum vi& Khomong to 
Mung Kamti, east, was about equal in distance and difficulties to the one 
from Makum vi4 Naga hills to Hukong, (now commonly used and called 
the Tirap route). The elevations too, were much the same, and we hence 

54 S. E. Peal — Notes of a trip up the Dihtn^. [No. I, 

get a due to its fearibilitj. When examined on the map it will be aeen 
that this distance is about half the total on a direct Une to Aten*tza on 
the Kinsha kiang. One-third of this total I had just seen, presented no 
great obstacles, i. e.^ from Makum to the eastern end of the Mbong yang 
plateau Longitude 96^-45' (near Khomong). Thence to Mung Kamti is 
over the Soogsan Boom with perhaps elevation of 8,000 feet. The Mli khs 
▼alley is pretty level (see Wilcox also) and the hills east of it have passes at 
about 8,000 feet leading to the Disang. Thus we know something of this 
route for rather more than half the way, (». e,, foar-seventh) and only 
about fifty miles remain, to join it to Qills' route. But of this fifty milei 
all I know, is, that it must cross the Shoemai, Salwin, and Mikong. It is 
a great pity that Government has not finished up the survey of Asam even 
within our own frontier, as far as Phungan Boom, and the head of the 
Dihing valley, especially as there cannot possibly be any objection locally ,* 
and we have men such as Col. B. Q Woodthorpe, R#E., thoroughly com- 
petent and probably willing for the work ; were the Surveys on our own 
side executed, it would go a long way towards simplifying this rather com- 
plicated question. 

The possibilities or otherwise, of opening a route from Asam either 
direct to Aten-tzu, or vii Hukong to Tali fu, and western Yunan is one 
thing, the advantages or otherwise of such routes compared to their 
difficulties is another, and a matter I at present do not discuss, especially 
after the late Capt. Gill, E. Colbourne Baber, and Colquhoun have so 
emphatically denied the value. In the present I confine myself to the 
borders of Asam eastwards and the passes and people around. 


S. £. Peal — Note9 of a trip up the Diking, 
Some words in Kunung, 8. JS. Peal 1882. 


a as in Rat 
VowelB. a as in Father 
e as a in say. 

a as oo in 

1 as ee. 


ai as in aisle 
aw as in awe 



























Knife axe, 







a vli 

a bri 
tai ga 


ti san 
ani san 














ta ma 



ma song 


la sat 
ga ba 
pa chi 

ra ga 

nam phan 
nu ga 

mug aw 


khe a song 



tang kha . 





^) \ftTt mai 













Calf of leg 













nnjn shai 

a pai 
de gong 

na chi 

sing wat 


hi ben 


den and dri 


to jan 
u ben 
ma jui 
mung rang 


a rum 


n*k*m ju 
n'kom ja 

si kong 
ta wa lap 

ma chi 
mo bo 

a sang 
tnm la 
a mai 
ma jin 











Rivulet ? 
River P 






















,, (small) 













pa m 
langu si 
pung kang 

su wa 
ma kum 
vang chi tu 
to sin de kha 


ching phi 

a nam 
nya chan 

(Fr. Butter) 
ta nan 
a chan 
ka ni ta 
tsamand tsi 
nam gang 

ma chi 
Ching ku ga 
mu din 

mereng guba 
mereng chan 


ta bu 

nam nup pha 

nam bung. 



56 J. Cockbarn — On the recent existence o^BLinoceros indicus. [No. 1, 

IT. — On the recent exUience q/" Rhinoceros indicus in the North Western 
Provinces ; and a description oj a tracing of an archaic rock painting 
from Mirzapore representing the hunting of this animal. — By Joh5 
CocKBU&N, Esq. 

[With Plates VII and VIII.] 
[Received 7th June— read Irt Angnst, 1883.] 

On the 5th of Jalj 1881 while hunting in the ravines of the Ken river 
two miles due south of the town of Banda, I had the good fortune to dis- 
cover the fossil remains of a rhinoceros. 

Mj attention was first attracted by a number of minute f ragmenti 
of teeth which whitened the surface of a ridge. On closer examination I 
clearly identified the outlines of the skull of a Rhinoceros, marked bj a 
faint trace of fragments of bone. A glance at the pattern of a fragment of 
a molar satisfied me of the correctness of mj identification ; and carefully 
marking the spot, I returned next morning accompanied by J. La Toache, 
Esq., tiie Collector, JEL. Miller, Esq., the Assistant Magistrate, and G. F. 
Knyvett, Esq., the Superintendent of Police. These gentlemen with much 
spirit, aided me, and we dug up an area of about 4 square feet with our own 
hands till no further trace of bone occurred. 

The appearance first presented was deceptive ; the inferior lateral half 
of the skull was not perfect as might have been expected from the outline 
observed, and all the bones were in a fragmentary condition. 

The bones and teeth obtained were the ascending ramus of the left 
inferior maxilla as far as the insertion of the last molar in four fragments ; 
a fragment of the glenoid cavity of the right scapula ; the right inciave 
tusk nearly perfect ; several lower molars ; and one perfect upper molar, 
which I regret to say was much split and dropped to pieces, when it was 
found impracticable to put it together again. 

A large quantity of fragments of teeth together with some longita- 
diually split pieces of the shafts of long bones were also obtained. 

The presence of well defined cingulum on the upper molar led me 
at first to suppose that the remains belonged to an extinct species, bat 
on carefuUy comparing the extremely fragmentary fossils in company 
with Mr. Richard Lydekker, the remains were found to resemble those of 
Rhinoceros indicus sufficiently closely to enable us to tentatively assign 
them to that species. 

JS. namadicus to which species we might otherwise have assigned the 
fossil is now admitted to be identical with S, indicus. 

The mineral state of the fossil, the nature of the locality it was 
obtained from, and the associated genera found in the Banda ravines closely 

1888.] J. Cockborn — On the reeent exUtence of Rhinoceros indicus. 57 

resemble the condiidons under which Mr. Foote's B. decannenna was 

Immediately below the rhinoceros bones was a hard stratum, 4 feet 
thick, which has yielded bones of Bos^ Bquw, Portax^ and antelope.* 
The rhinoceros bones were slightly impregnated with mineral matter and 
studded with small nodules of kankar but not sufficiently so to imply 
Any great antiquity. Other fossil bones picked up in these ravines are 
Yery highly impregnated with mineral matter possibly with a ferric base. 
Within 4 feet of the rhinoceros bones I picked up several chert and shell 
knives on the surface of the soil. 

A molar of Bhinoeerof indieus considered recent was obtained by 
Mr. Bruce Foote in the alluvium of Madras and is remarked on by Mr. 
Lydekker as *' very interesting as showing the former range of that species 
far to the south of its present habitat, which Jerdon gives as the Terai 
from Bhotan to Nepal." (J. A. 8. B. Part II for 1880, page 32.) 

Carefully weighing the facts I came to the conclusion that these re- 
mains were not necessarily very ancient, and the split bones and shell and 
chert implements were evidence to ray mind that the animal had been 
killed and cut up by savage man, at no remote period. Recently, (October 
1881,) when asked by R. A. Sterndale, Esq., to contribute a chapter on 
Rhinoceros for his forthcoming work — " A Popular Natural History of the 
Mammalia" — describing B, indieus I wrote as follows : 

" It is probable that this Rhinoceros was found throughout the plains 
of the North Western Provinces in unreclaimed spots as late as the fifth 
or sixth century." 

According to the observations of Dr. Andrew Smith in South Africa 
these huge pachyderms do not absolutely require for their support the 
dense tropical vegetation we should think necessary to supply food to such 
huge beasts.f Since marching through the forests of the Maharaja of 
Benares in Keyra and noticing forest forms like Shorea^ Teetona, Diae- 
peroe in alluvial country, their gradual disappearance when the humidity 
is lowered by debasement and the substitution of forms like Butea and 
Zizyfhue characteristic of the scrubby jungles of the N. W. P., my ideas 
on the subject have considerably enlarged. I was not aware at the time 
that the Emperor Baber had recorded that he found both the rhinoceros 
and elephant common \mder the walls of Chunar when he visited that 

* A list of the fossil shells found by me in the same locality and piesented 
to the Indian Museum was given me by Mr. G. Neville, but I have unfortunately miy 
laid his letter. 

t The tapir alluded to by General Cunningham as occurring on the sculptures 
of the Bharhut stapa is a mythical rhinocerote. The pensile lip is tolerably charao« • 


68 J. Cockbarn — On the rMsenf existence q/* Rhinoceros indicus. [No. 1, 

fortroM in 1529, never having had the good forinne to meet with a eopj 
of that rare work, Erskine's ** Baber.'* 

The accompanjing tracing of an archaic petrogljph from the Ghor- 
mangnr rock-shelter near the fortress of Bidjejgurh in the Mirzapore 
district, testifies to the recent existence of the Bhinoceros over this tract. 

This drawing is of surpassing interest not so much on aoeoont of the 
portrait of this huge animal fast receding before civilization, and pisclaeaUy 
extinct in continental India— or of the vivid and spirited hunting scene 
probably many centuries old which it recalls, as owing to the clear and char* 
acterisfcic manner in which the spears used are depicted. 

These spears I consider to hate been made of wood and stone oiify. 
The reasons for this conclusion will be stated further on. 

Admirably executed drawings of Bos ami, Bos gaurus^ BkinoeeroSy 
JBlephas, &o, occur in mosfc of the rock shelters in the neighbourhood and at 
first sight might be supposed to be of great antiquity, but it appears to me 
that they need not be more than 800 years old, if not less. For if the 
rhinoceros and elephant were found near Chunar on the banks of the Ganges 
in 1529 they were probably more numerous at the same time and continued 
to exist later, on the banks of the Sone where these shelters occur, a country 
yet covered with forests harbouring the tiger, bear and sambar. 

Granting the possibility of these drawings being comparatively mo- 
dem, we find ourselves face to face with the astounding conclusion that the 
** stone age** has but recently passed away among the aborigines of the 

A state of stone culture calls up a host of anthropological questions ; 
but before going further I may mention that I had long before come 
to the conclusion that the aborigines of the Kymores were in a stone age 
as late as the 10th century A. D. The remarkable piece of sculpture from 
Kalinjar, now in the Indian Museum, which was supposed in the short 
note by H. J. Rivett-Carnao, Esq. (read by me before the Society, P. A. S. & 
January, 1883,) to represent an aborigine armed with a stone axe is possibly, 
from the absolute identity of the axes and chert implements found in the rock 
shelters of Mirzapore and on the surface in the vicinity of Kalinjar, intend- 
ed to represent one of the same race as those who hunted the rhinoceros in 

The tracing of the rhinoceros hunt Plate [VII] is a faithful tracing 
of a petroglyph in the Ghormangor cave in Pergunnah Bidjeygurh of the 
Mirzapore District. 

This cave was visited by me on the 17th of March 1883. Its exact 
position is two miles due south of Mow Kullan bridge, and within three 
miles of the celebrated fortress of Bidjeygurh, and five of the river Sone. 

This rock shelter has the appearance of a huge mushroom. It is a 

1883.] J. Cockburn — On the recent existence o/* Rhinoceros indious. 59 

gigantic boulder, tbe remnant of some rocky ridge with the sides scooped 
out bj atmospherio agency for three-fourths of its circumference leaving 
a hnge central pedestal or stalk on which the drawings have been executed. 
The drawings are in the usual red pigment which was generally 
hiBmatitey pieces of which were dag up in cares. This was probably mixed 
with animal fat and laid on with a fibrous brush, while the outlines were 
executed with a pointed stick. 

These drawings are as a rule in tolerable preservation probably owing 
to the fact that they have been protected from the weather by the situa- 
tion of the cave. 

The^first drawing of a rhinoceros observed by me was in a shelter about 
400 yards south of the camping ground at tbe village of Roup in Pergunnah 
Burhur. It was at this village that Dr. Hooker camped on the drd of 
March 1848, (See Him. Jour. Vol. I, p. 60) and its position is plainly 
marked on the map that accompanies his work. The sketch was about 8'' 
long, and I am not ashamed to confess that I did not recognise the animal 
at the time, probably unconsciously deeming it incredible that the animal 
eould have occurred here. The following extract bearing on the subject 
is from my note book. 

''February 9th. — There is a group of three men attacking a boar 
whose tusk is planted on the tip of his nose like the horn of a rhinoceros. 
Two of the men who are in advance wear short skirts, but the form of their 
lance heads is on too small a scale to be defined. Attacking him from the 
rear is the obliterated figure of a man on a large scale, and the form of 
lance-head he is using plainly indicates the chip spear." 

The next step in the process of the discovery is detailedjbelow in an 
extract from my note book. 

''March 14th. — Hami Harna cave near Bidjeygurh. There are nu- 
merous well executed drawings of Sambar hinds identified by the stag along- 
side, but the most remarkable drawing is what looks much like a rhinoceros 
hunt. The drawing is much injured ; there are traces of six men (whose 
uplifted arms are evidently discharging spears) pursuing an animal, which 
the evidence of my senses compels me to say resembles a rhinoceros. The 
horn is perfectly represented, and had not half an inch more of tbe 
snout scaled away, I should have been able to identify the animal with 

The same night in a foot note to the notice of their Roup cave, I 
remarked. — " Having since found several drawings of boars with the tusko 
in the right position I consider it improbable that men who represented 
animals so accurately as these savages, would have drawn a boar's tusko, 
thus (on the top of the nose). This may be evidence in favour of the animal 
seen to-day in the Harni Harna cave being a rhinoceros.** Knowing I was 

60 J. Cockbum — On the recent e^ietmee of Rhinoceros indicus. [No. 1, 

in a promising locality, I strained every nerve to find a more perfect draw- 
ing, walking twenty miles a day, and undergoing more fasting and privation 
than the most enthusiastic votary of superstition. 

The question no longer admits of doubt for the animal in the draw- 
ing now exhibited is as plainly a rhinoceros as the objects around it are 

On the 17th of March I had the good fortune to be shown to the 
Ghormangur cave which is well-known to the Kol and Gond wood-cutters 
in the locality, though they were quite ignorant of the fact that scores 
of other caves with paintings existed higher up the bluff. This cave 
is called the Ghormangur or horse cave, and was said to contain 
drawings of horses, but I was quite unable to find a single drawing of 
the horse although this animal is not uncommonly depicted in other 

I may now proceed to a description of the sketch [PL VII,] which is 
a faithful tracing taken by brushing tissue paper with kerosine oil to render 
it transparent securing it on the rock with pellets of wax and going over 
the lines with a blue pencil* The kerosine oil afterwards readily evaporates 
on exposure to the air. 

A group of six men have attacked a rhinoceros identified at present 
with H. indicue,* One of these the animal has tossed with bis horn and 
the position of the man sprawling in the air is comically like our own draw- 
ings of people tossed. A man wearing an unusually large head-plume who 
is in the rear has tried to draw the animal off by plunging his spear into its 
hind- quarters. His attitude indicates that he has thrown his entire weight 
into the thrust. 

In front of the enraged animal are two men, the lower of whom in an 
attitude highly indicative of action, has what appears to be a simple spear 
of hardened wood with two supplementary barbs, levelled at the animal's 
breast. The upper of these two figures has nothing remarkable about him, 
his head-plume differs slightly, and he seems to be armed with the ordinary 
triangular-headed spear with two supplementary barbs which is found 
throughout these cave drawings. 

• The sentence in Jerdon'a Mammals, p. 234 nnder S, tondaictu '* One of these 
species formerly existed on the banks of the Indus where it was hunted by the Em- 
peror Baber," has been usually oonsidered by subsequent writers to allode to 
£. sandaicut, I am strongly inclined to think that the species hunted by Baber via 
£, indieus, I am not aware what authority Jerdon had for saying that i2. tondaieus was 
found on the northern range of the Bajmahal Hills near the Gkinges, but have a funt 
recollection of seeing some such statement in an old Indian sporting publication. 

Ball questions the £Eu;t. It is, however, unfortunately but too true that neither 
Blyth nor Jeidon knew R, sondaicusj Blyth having named a chancteristic sbriW 
specimen of It, indicut as S, tondaicut, Blyth Cat. M. M. A, 8. No. 460 A. 

1883.] J. Cockbum — On the recent existence of Rbinoceros indicus. Gl 

Only one of tbese men appears to be absolatel j naked, tbe otbers 
appear to bave on a sbort kilt wbicb is elsewhere represented in tbis caye 
and may bave resembled tbe frmged kilts commonly worn by savages in 
all parts of tbe world. 

All save two it may be noted wear bead-plumes, a cbaracteristic of 
savages altbough our field marsbals might demur to tbis statement. In 
the hindmost individual tbis plume is of unusual size. An examination 
of a head 3'' long in which tbe plume is plainly shown leads me to believe 
these plumes were coloured feathers and other objects worked into a queue 
or scalp lock somewhat similar to those indulged in by the Nagas and 
North American Indians at the present day. Tbe lines which occupy the 
head and body of the rhinoceros I have noticed elsewhere. They may 
be intended to represent the segments into which this animal almost 
appears to be divided by tbe overlapping coat of mail, but are more pro- 
bably a conventional way of filling up blank space in a drawing. There are 
a few other objects of interest in this cave which have not been noticed 
elsewhere. In the hand of a plumed individual to the left of the rhinoceros 
hunt is a spear valuable as being drawn on a somewhat large scale and 
being in a very perfect state of preservation. [See Plate VII.] 

This spear closely resembles the mongile or double-barbed spear which 
is a favourite pattern with the modem Australians and Polynesians, and is 
always cut out of solid hard heavy wood.* 

A very similar spear but with eight such barbs is figured by Brough 

Smith, in his Aborigines of Victoria. [PL VIII, F.] 

It occurs to me at this stage that I have not yet brought forward the 

evidence, which has led to so bold a hypothesis regarding the material of 

'which these spears are made and will do so now. 

Stone-tipped implements of three kinds are, I consider, figured in the 

various caves I have hitherto examined, viz : spears, arrows and stone knives ; 

but it must not be inferred from this that iron implements are wanting. 

* "^th reference to the efficiency of wooden and stone spears for destroying large 
^ATnmnliRj it may not be generally known that an Australian savage has been 
seen not only to transfix but nail a man to a tree at 30 yards with a wooden 
bhip spear thrown by the womerah. 

They readily kill Maeropua mqfoTj cows and even horses belonging to the settlers 
with these weapons and even the mighty whale saocumbs to a date harpoon-head in 
the hands of an Esquimaux. 

Nearer home the Naga panjie which will penetrate any living thing shews how 
effective pointed bamboo may be. It is more than probable that some of the spears 
here represented were of bamboo. The bamboo found m the vicinity of Bedjeygnrh 
is valued at the present day for spear shafts and latties beyond all others, and having 
had my own hog apeazs shafted with it I can testiiy to its saperioiity. 

62 J. Cockburn — On the recent exietenee of Rhinoceros indicos. [No. 1, 

On the contrary almost every cave contains well defined drawings of 
iron implements which form one of the best proofs I have that the other 
implements so closely resembling those of modern savages were made of 
stone and wood. 

For example, in a painting in a cave at Lohri I fonnd what is ao 
iron-headed spear [PI. VIII fi] Bat in this very shelter occurs also a 
drawing of a man spearing a stag sambar with a weapon, which is similar 
to one represented in the Likuni^ rock-shelter, and which I am convinced 
every anthropologist will be prepared to accept as a non-metal weapon4 
[PL VIII, £] Another form of iron spear head, not uncommonly found 
in the hands of horsemen, is a typical form not unlike a losenge-abaped 
form of head yet used among ourselves. [PL VIII, A.] 

The metal arrow-heads here and there observed [PL VIII, G] are is 
obviously of metal* as the pike staves of the spears are of wood. 

Lastly, I may mention that the foreigners usually represented in these 
drawings are often armed with round shields and curved sabres which 
apparently difEer in no wise from the modern tulwar. I have also to stite 
that I have actually found a portion of an iron arrow-head in a cave. 

. The best evidence we can have in support of the idea that the drawings 
above alluded to represent stone weapons is the fact that stone implements 
occur in abundance in the soil of the caves mingled with the identical 
material with which the drawings were executed. 

The spear head D [PL VIII.] is I believe intended to represent a 
wooden spear as it is yet a favourite pattern with savages. A painting in 
the Lickunia rock shelter near Shahgunge represents a man about to spear 
a hind. The weapon in his hand referred to above is a spear with a broadly 
angular head followed by nine barbs. [PL VIII, £] The aboriginal Austra- 
lians in smoked bark-drawings, and doubtless in caves, represent their stone 
spears in a manner so very similar to this drawing [See PL VIII, G] 
that I have no hesitation in expressing my opinion , that the similar weapons 
represented in the Mirzapore rock shelters were headed with stone, wood 
and bone, convinced as I am that further researches will abundantly prove 
the truth of this theory whatever the age of the drawings may be. 

No modern form of iron spear-head resembling E is known to me. 
In a single instance I have observed, that the huge sword-shaped blade 
of the Naga spear was followed, by two supplementary barbs which were 
of a piece with the blade. 

The Andamanese not uncommonly whip on two or three supplementary 
iron or bone barbs to their pig arrows, but these latter are not usually 
in pairs but alternate. 

* Bpedmens of this type made of iron are IB ^ Indian MaseanL 

1883.1 J. Cockburn — On the recent existence qf Rhinoceros indicus. 83 

Both these Tribes hare not long pMeed out of a stone age and the 
persistence of the onstom points to the fact of their haying used manj 
barbed spears in other material at no distant period. 

A mtdtibarbed form of copper harpoon or spear-head appears to have 
been used in India daring what here corresponds to the Bronze Age. 
Three suoh harpoon*heads were ploughed up in a field in the Mainpuri 
District of the Gangetio Duab, associated with flat copper celts and copper 
bangles. [See P. A. S. B. 1868, pp. 261-262.] 

The celts were of exactly the same type as one found in a Buddhist 
mound at Muttra by General Cunningham (Arch. Surv. of India, Yol. II, 
p. 16). One of these copper spear-heads is now in the coUecfcion of the 
Indian Museum, and two other similar specimens were in the Allahabad 
Museum when I was Curator of that Institution. 

The specimen in the Indian Museum is well worn on the first barb by 
grinding and has two eyelets at the base. The short • thick truncated 
rounded tang in all three specimens favours the idea that they were fixed in 
a shifting socket as the Andamanese pig arrow is at the present day. They 
were not therefore necessarily harpoons for spearing aquatic creatures. 

A larger and different form of copper spear-head, said to be from 
Bithur P near Cawnpore) is also in the collection of the Indian Museum. 
It has three pairs of blunt rounded supplementary barbs below the 
blade. I am not disposed to think that the broadly triangular head and 
fine sloping lines of the barbs of the cave-spears were intended to repre- 
sent either of these forms in copper. The great number of barbs on the 
cave^spear adds much to the probability of these barbs having been of 


A peculiar class of angular flakes [PL YIII, H] very common in 
these caves were I would suppose let into grooves in wood as shovm in the 
restoration of a stone spear [PI. Till, I.] 

I cannot here refrain from stating that this discovery is entirely due to 
the liberality of H. Bivett-Carnac, Esq., C. 8., 0. 1. E., F. S. A. without 
whose constant aid I should neither have been able to find the caves nor write 

this paper. 

Note to the ab&9$. 

Two important objectionB might fairly occur to a critic after reading the above. 
Fintf that Baher^s identification of the rhinoceros at Ghunar in 1529 is at the best 
donbtfid. Seeondlff, that the oocTurence of the rhinoceroB in the vicinity of Ghvnar 
would imply the presence of forests there, whereas the district now is semi-arid. 

With regard to the first objection I would point out that Baber -wva previoutlf 
Mguainted witii the rhinoceros. His description of the rhinoceros hunted by his son 
on the banks of the Indus is most accurate, and leaves no room for doubt as to the 
genus of the animal he described. He compares the folds of its skin to housings and 
its internal anatomy to that of the horse, a &ct which subsequently required the 

64 J. Cockburn — On the recent exiitence ^RhinoceroB indicuB. [No. 1^ 

geniiB of Cuvier to detect With regard to the 9$coHd objectum as to the ezisbeBce cf 
forests in the yicinity, there is in my opinion ample evidence to sihow tfaatlnB 
forests existed not only near Chunar, but right through the Gkingetio Duab as Yof^ u 
Oawnpore till the 16th century and later. 

It requires same abstraction to conceiye that this now 8emi.4nd region lai^elj 
productive of reh and usar was covered with forest so recently, but such was withoit 
doubt the case. Wild elephants are stated in the Ayeen Akbari to have been fiRod 
near Kalinjar in Banda, in Kuntil, in Mirzapore, Kurrah Manickpore, in Allahabad tad 
Chunar. These points define a former forest tract throughout which stone implftinmh 

Bh%w>ceiro9 indietu, it may be noted, frequents grass by preference, while JSJUmosvi 
iondaicua ib a forest and mountain loving species. But the habitat of S. wiUm 
at the present day, the great grass jungles on the banks of the Brahmaputra, sad 
those of the Himalayan terai are in either case bordered by forest, in. whidi fht 
rhinoceros is occasionally found, and seeks refuge when pursued. In the oocuteDce 
of both the rhinoceros and elephant near Chunar in 1529 there is evidence tktt 
extensive forests did exist in the immediate vicinity of the river's bank ; for gnatmg 
that the rhinoceros did frequent the heavy grass which was certain in plaoei to 
have covered the alluvium within the immediate influence of the great river, nch 
would not have been the case with the elephant, for the food of Slephas indieut oonaiii 
of succulent leaves, shoots and twigs, and it requires large tracts of forest to majutaia 
itself ; difiering in this respect frt)m its African ally. We have, however, the evideaoe 
of a modem Englishman which shows that my supposition regarding the bordering 
Ibrest is correct. Capt. Blunt who marched fr^m Chunar to Ellora in 1795 recordi 
that a " thick forest" existed between the Jurgo nadi below Chunar and Suktesgnrk, 
(Asiatic Researches, Vol. YII, 1801, p 57.) The Chinese Pilgrim who in the 7th centmy 
marched from Allahabad to Eosim stated that he passed for several days through a 
vast forest infested with wild bulls. I have marched by what is considered by Geneial 
Cunningham the same route, and was struck by the absence of vegetation, and the 
prevalence of reh. Bits of dhak jungle (BtUia) scattered over this tract may be the 
remains of what was once a forest. This growth everywhere in the N. W. F. appeszi 
to replace true forest forms, once the conditions necessaiy for their existence sie 


The change effected in the climate has undoubtedly been great, and everywhere 
in the plains of the N. W. P. dried watercourses and rivulets, barren ravines, and saline 
efflorescence, attest to the slow but certain progress of aridity and exhaustion. 

As regards the precise locality where the drawing of the rhinoceros hunt was found, 
sal forests yet exist there in patches, and the occurrence of numerous charaoteriitifi 
drawings of the Bison (B, ffourtu^) a forest loving animal, renders it nearly certain that 
prinuB^ forest existed at the time. In the swamps engendered by these forests I 
would suppose the rhinoceros depicted to have lived. Both £. sondaiau and B. nsM- 
trentis frequent what must be very similar localities at the foot of the Gbro, Kbassia 
and Naga biHi where I was informed by the late Major C. K. Cock that he had seen 

both species. 

The cover frequented by the rhinoceros seen by Baber on the banks of the Indai 
would better be discussed by some one more familiar with the Province than I an, 
but there is much probability that forests harbouring elephants existed at the period of 
the invasion of Semiramis. 



1 ' . 


OT TflS — 



Nos. II, III & IV.— 1883. 

y. — On new and Uttle-knoum Bhopalocerayrom the Indian region. 

By Lionel de Nioe'tille. 

[Received and read the 7ih March, 1888.] 

[With Plates I, IX and X.] 


Subfamily Nthphalikji. 

1. Hbbtiha zella. (Plate I, fig. 2, 9 .) 

He&Hna teUOy Butler, Trans. Ent. 8oc. Lond., 1869, p. 9 (with a woodont), mal$; 
id., Moore, Proa ZooL Soo. Lond., 1882, p. 240. 

Mr. Butler in describing the male of this species, but not knowing the 
exact locality from whence it was obtained, stated that '* it is remarkable 
as being an excellent mimic of Danais juventa^ a widely distributed and 
tolerably common East Indian and Oceanic species." Danau {Badena) 
Juventa is certainly superficially very similar in markings to S, zelloy but 
according to present knowledge it does not occur in the N.-W. Himalayas, 
being in fact confined to the islands of Java, Lombock and Billiton as far 
as I am aware. Nor is there any other common JDanaU occurring in the 
same region as H. zella that it could mimic, except it be D. limniaee. It 
at once struck me when capturing the female here figured on the forest-clad 
road between Chumba and Kujiah on the 22nd May, 1879, that it was an 
excellent mimic both in the slow and sailing mode of its flight and 
in general appearance of Metaparia eaphtua, Moore (Proc. Zool. Soc. Lond. 
1872, p. 664), which is an exceedingly common butterfly in the Spring 
in many parts of the outer N.-W. Himalayas, and is doubtless a protected- 
species. It is more probable that our H, zella mimics the Fieris rather 

66 L. de Nic^villo — On new and little-hnoum Rhopalocera. [Not. 2— 4, 

than a DanaU^ OBpeoiallj as on the underside both species are washed with 
yellow on the hindwing, which the Danaii are not. 

The female has not been described. It differs from the male (knon 
to me bj fiutler's description and figure only) in being considerably larga, 
both wings broader, and the outer margin of the forewing less emargintie. 
Expanse 8*4 inches. It is not a common species apparently, though Mi. 
Moore in describing Mr. Hocking's collection gives for it ** Kangra distoet 

Family LYCiENIDiE. 
2. Ltcjsna F leela, n. sp. (Plate I, figs. 3, j ; 8 a, 9.) 

Has. Ladak. 

Expanse : 1*1 to 1*2 inches. 

DEBGBiPTioif. MaXiE. IJppEBStDS, hoth win^M blaeklsb, powdered 
up to the discal rows of spots with metallic pale green scales. iW 
foin^ with a prominent black white-encircled spot at the end of the cell, 
and a discal curved series of five (in one specimen) or six (in two speci- 
mens) whitish spots, with indistinct dark centres. Sindwing with s spot 
closing the cell, less prominently bLick than in the forewing, a white spot 
placed outwardly above it, and four spots on the disc, whitish. Uitpkesids, 
greyish-white, pale brown on the disc of both wings, and the base ptlc 
greenish. Forewing with a spot in the middle of the cell, a large one clos- 
ing it, a discal series of six or seven spots, of which the two lower ones are 
smaller than the rest and (when both are present) geminate ; all black with 
prominent white margins ; the outer margin almost pure white with an 
indistinct series of spots. Hindwing with a spot below the costs near the 
base, a very large spot at the end of the cell, a very irreg^ar discal series 
of seven spots, and a marginal doable series of coalescing lanules, white* 
Cilia very long and white. Female. Uppebside, hoik wingi deeper colo1l^ 
ed, with a few scattered pale greenish metallic scales at the base only* 
Forewing with the discal series of spots prominently centred with black, 
and variable in number from four to six. Hindwing with the spots smaller 
and less prominent than in the male. Unbersidb variable in tone of colour, 
being much darker in some specimens (including the type specimen figured) 
than in others, the discal markings sometimes blurred and running into the 
pale margin beyond, otherwise much as in the male. 

Closely allied to Polyommaiue eliisi, Marshall (Joum. A. S. B., vol 
li, pt. ii, p. 41, pi. iv, fig. 4 1882), male^ but the male differing from 
the type specimen of that species now before me in having the apex and 
the outer margin of the forewing more rounded, in P. elliei the apex is acttte^ 
and the outer margin straight ; the upperside of both wing^ paler in coloor 
and more broadly irrorated with greenish scales, the discal spots more 
numerous, the markings on the underside throughout more prominent, and 
with an additional spot in the cell of the forewing. The oolooring of the 

1S88.] L. de Nic^ville — On new and lUtte^hnown Bhopaloeera. 67 

figure of P. eUiH is much too Tivid, the metudlio colouring of fche base of 
the wings and the body is a very pale green. 

Lffccona wosnegentkii, M^n^tri^s, (Cat. Mus. Petr., Lep , vol. i, pp. 58, 
and 95y no. 964, pi. iv, hf^, 6 1855), is also a closely allied species, the 
upperside being figured with the apex of the forewing very acute, the figure of 
the underside showing it quite rounded. It is recorded from '^Kamtchatka." 

This species was found by me only on passes ; the female figured was 
taken near the top of the Zoji-la on the Ladak side at about 11,000 feet 
elevation on June 27th, 1879 ; on July 2nd seven specimens of both sexes 
on the Mamyika Pass, Ladak, 18,000 feet ; and lastly, on July 8rd seven 
more specimens on the Fotu-la, Ladak, at about the same elevation. 

The next seven species described and figured belong to the pwpa 
group of the genus Oyanirit of Dalman, described by Moore at page 74 of 
his ** Lepidoptera of Ce}lon." As these species are all more or less closely 
allied, a few preliminary remarks regarding them may perhaps be of inter- 
est, and enable entomologists to separate them more easily, which remarks are 
perhaps best embodied in a key. 

£ey to the male$ of certain •poeuM of Cyanizis aUied to pospa. 
A« Upperside without any pure white or Irrorated white patches. 


B. Upperside with irrorated white patches more or less prominent on both wings^ 
sometimes obsolete on the hindwing. 

a. With the black border of the forewing very narrow, not reaching the 
hinder angle or obsolete, leaving the anteoiliary black thread only; 
no black border to the hindwing. 


h. With the black border of the forewing broader, especially at the apex ; 
hindwing with a eomewhat narrower similar border, 
a^. The markings on the underside small and regular. 


^« The markings on the underside much larger and placed irregu- 


c. With the black border of the forewing a little broader BtUl, perceptibly 
broader in the hindwing, apex of forewing more produced than in 
C, ptupa, 


C. Upperside with pure white patches on botli wings. 

«• ▲ small patch on both wingB, outer black margins very wid% markings 
on the underside usually exactly as in C. putpa, 


h. Patches large on both wings, outer black border of the forewing leas wide 
than in C, mar^inata^ and not reaching the hinder angle ; no black 
border to the hindwing ; markings on the underside very small and 



68 L. de Nie^Tille— On new and lUtle-hnoum Bhopalocen. [Noa. 2-4, 

O. akoio, C. lavendulariif C, lankaf O, HngaUn^U^ and O. ImnMmiI 
apparently belong to this group, but the absence of specimens makes H 
impossible to place them in their proper places in the key. 

8. Ctaitibib placida, n. sp. (Plate I, fig. 8, ^ .) 

C plaeida, Moore, Jf. 8. 

Has. Sikkim ; Sibsagar, Upper Assam (S. JS. Feal)^ 
ExPAHSB : ^ , 1*1 to 1*4 inches. 

DsscBiPTiOK : Malb. Ufpebsidb, loth wing9 rather deep laveiider 
blue. JB'orewing with the costs very narrowly, and the outer margin more 
widely but decreasingly to the hinder * f^ngle black. Hindwing narrovly 
black, the inner edge of the black border lunulated, sometimes reduced to 
black spots between the nervules, and a black anteciliary line. Uhoeksidi, 
hoth loingt white, slightly tinted with blue. Foretoing with a fine disco- 
cellular streak defined outwardly with whitish ; a discal series of five or 
six more or less irregularly shaped and placed spots ; a submarglnal lona- 
lated line, marginal spots and anteciliary line. Sindwing with three sob- 
basal black spots ; a faint slender disco«cellular line ; a discal very sinuoos 
series of eight spots, the upper one on the costa and the lower one on the 
abdominal margin deep black and the most distinct ; marginal markings u 
on the forewing. Cilia white on both sides. 

Next to C putpa, this seems the commonest Oganirii in Sikkim ; I 
took it at Tarious elevations in October, and Mr. Otto Moller has taken it 
in large numbers in the Spring. The males are very constant, but I have 
not seen the female. 

0, placida is very close to, if not identical with, the Lgccma eagaga 

of Felder (Reise Novara, Lep., p. 278, no. 847, pi. xxxiv, figs. 11, 12 ^, 18 

$ , 1865, from Luzon). In C. eagaya the marginal spots on the uj 

of the hindwing in the male are more prominent than in (7. plaeida, 

4u CTAinmis dilectus. (Plate I, fig. 5, i .) 

P^ftyommatw diketut^ Moore, Proc. Zool. Soc. L<md., 1879, p. 189. 
Hab. Simla ; Nepal ; Sikkim ; N. Cachar ; Sibsagar, Upper 
(£f. J?. Feal) ; and Upper Burma (brought hy the Yunan JExpediHon}, 

EZPABSB : S , 105 to 1*40 ; 9, 85 to 1*35 inches. 

Debcbiptiok : Male. Uppebbide, hoth wingt pale blue, with a veiy 
fine black anteciliary line, which towards the apex of the forewing in some 
specimens becomes slightly diffused inwardly. Forewing with a patch <^ 
irrorated white scales on the disc below the cell and between the medias 
nervulesi very prominent in some specimens, obsolete in others (as in the 
Sikkim specimen figured). Hindwing with a similar patchy but placed be- 

1883.] L. de Nic^Tille— -Om new and liitle-knaum Rhopalocera. 69 

'tween the second median nemile and costal nerrure, and almost reaching the 
apex. XJiiDSBBrDE, both mng9 as in C atboceBruleue^ but with a more or less 
prominent submarginal series of dusky lunules. Fehalb. Uppebsidk 
almost as in O. alboc(Bruleu9^ but the outer margin less broadly black, the 
basal area glossed with very bright metallic blue, not unmetallic pale laTen- 
der-hlue as in the latter species ; the discoiHsellular streak more prominent. 
JSindtoing with the submarginal series of round dusky prominent spots 
inwardly defined by bluish lunules. UimEitsinE as in the male. 

Both ■ se^es of this species were taken by me in th^ neighbourhood of 
Simla, most frequently on Tawa Devi, also at different elevations in Sikkim 
in October. Mr. Otto M oiler has^ also taken males in large numbers in 
8ikkim at low elevations in the Spring. 

Figure 5a of Plate Ii^epresents what is now believed by me to be the 
female of 0. pu9pa from Simla, but which was at first mistaken for the 
female of C7« dilectui. 

5. Ctanirib imrnfiAiTA, n. sp. (Plate I, fig. 7,^; 7a, $•) 

C. iynUoMOj Moore, M. 8, 
Hab. Sikkim ; Shillong. 
ExPABSB : i , 105 to 1*4 ; $ , *9 to 1*25 inches. 

DsscBiPTioir : Male. Ufpebbidb, both wingu somewhat deep laven« 
der-blue. Foremng with the outer margin, widest at the apex, sometimes 
reduced to a point at the hinder angle, dusky black ; an indistinct disco* 
cellular streak sometimes absent ; and the disc between the median nenrules 
just beyond the cell irrorated with white scales in some specimens. Hind^ 
vfing with the outer margin dusky-black, its inner edge lunulated. In 
some specimens the apical area is obscurely irrorated with white. CTKnis- 
8IDB, both toingt pale grey. Forewing with a pale brown slender disco- 
cellular streak, a discal series of five similar spots, of which the upper one 
is much out of line, being placed nearer to the base of the wing ; a sub* 
marginal lunulated line and marginal spots very pale brown ; the usual fine 
anteciliary black line. Jlindmng with three subbasal black spots; a 
slender brown disco-cellular streak ; a very sinuous discal series of nine 
spots; marginal markings as on the forewing. Female. IJpPEBSiDBy 
foremng with all but the middle of the disc (which is white glossed with 
irridescent blue) black ; a disco-cellular black spot. Hindwing blackish, 
white in the middle, glossed with blue, and along the veins irrorated 
with black scales ; a submarginal series of pale lunules. Undbbsidb marked 
exactly as in the male. 

Four male and two female specimens of this species were taken by me 
at different elevations in Sikkim in October. The males differ in size, in 
the absence in two of them of the white patch on the disc of the forewing 





^ V 



70 L. de Nic6villd — On new and little-known Bhopalocera. [No8.2-4, 

on the apperside, and also in the width of the marginal blaek border, 
which in some specimens disappears at the hinder angle. The underside ii 
▼erj constant, all the spots and markings being very small and distinct. 

6. CTANiErs TBAI78PECT17S. (Plate I, fig. 6, t ; 6a, f .) 
Fplyomnuitut trantpectui^ Moore, Proc. Zool. 8oc. Lond., 1879, p. 139. 

Hab. Sikkim; Khasi Hills. 

ExPANSS : ^ , 95 to 1-4 ; 9 , 1-20 to 1-35 inches. 

Descbiftion : Male. Uppebsede, both wingt lavender-blae. Fen-^ 
wing with the costal margin somewhat broadly, and the outer margin verj 
broadly, especially at the apex, dusky black : a patch of irrorated white 
scales on the disc between the third median nervule and submedian nervon, 
obsolete in some specimens. Hindwing with a broad even outer black 
border, somewhat divided by a series of bluish lunules, which are most pro- 
minent at the anal angle, and often enclose black spots. XJitdebsisb, Ml 
wings white, slightly tinted with blue. Forewing with a slender doskj 
disco-cellular streak, a discal series of six elongate spots, arranged in s 
regular sinuous line in some specimens (as in the female figured), or in 
others more irregularly (as in the male figured) ; a submarginal lunular line, 
a marginal series of linear spots, and a fine anteciliary line. Hiniww§ 
with the spots arranged as in O. puepa but they are less prominent, thois 
on the margin reduced to linear marks. Oilia white on both sides in both 
sexes. Fehalb. Uppebbide, both winge very deep blue, almost black. 
Forewing with a broad pure white patch from near the subcostal nervure to 
the inner margin, a prominent disco-cellular streak, and the base thicklj 
irrorated with deep blue scales. Hindwing with the outer margin rather 
less deeply blue than in the forewing, and bearing a series of pale lanolei 
including black spots, the disc white but irrorated towards the abdominal 
margin with blue scales, as is also the base of the wing. In some speci- 
mens the white area on both wings is much restricted, appearing on the 
hindwing only at the middle of the costal margin. Undebsibe as in the 

Both sexes of this species were taken by me at difEerent elevations in 
Sikkim in October, there are specimens also in Mr. Otto MoUer's collection 
taken in the Spring. 

7. Gyaztibis maboutata, n. sp. (Plate I, fig. 9, S .) 
C marginatOy Moore, jtf. 8, 
Hab. Sikkim. 
ExPAKSE : i 9 l'4i5 inches. 

Descbtptiov : Male. Uppebbide, both wings highly irridescent deep 
lavender-blue. Forewing with the costal margin including the upper half 

1883.] L. de Nic^ville^Ofi new and lUtle-knaum Rhopalocera. 71 

of the oelly and the outer margin, widely, especially at the apex, black ; a 
patch of pure white scales on the disc outside the cell between the lower 
discoidal and first median nerrules ; a black disco-cellular streak. Hindwing 
with the costal and outer margins broadly black, including a submarginal 
lunular series of bluish marks, obsolete in some specimens except at the 
anal angle; a patch of pure white scales aboye the discoidal nervule. 
Unbebside, both wings white, slightly tinted with blue. Forewing with a 
disco-cellular blackish streak, a discal series of six large very irregularly 
shaped and placed spots, a submarginal lunular line and marginal linear 
spots blackish ; a black anteciliary line. Sindwing with three subbasal 
spots, a disco-cellular streak, and irregular discal series of eight to ten 
spots : marginal markings as in the forewing. Oilia white on both wings 
on both sides. 

Three males of this species were taken by me on the Darjiling cart-road 
at about 5,000 feet elevation in October. There is a single male in Mr. Otto 
Moller's collection taken on Senchal, Sikkiro, at about 8,000 feet elcTation, 
in August, and another taken at a low eleyation in December. 

8. Ctakibis alboCwSbulevb. (Plate I, figs. 4, S; 4ia^ $.) 
Myomnuitut albocarul&u$f Moore, Proc. Zool. Sec. Lond., 1879, p. 189. 
Has. Simla ; Deyra Doon ; Nepal ; Sikkim. 
EzPANSB : ^,1*2 and 1*4 ; } , 1*85 inches. 

DxsoBiPTioir : Male. Upfebsidb pure pearly white. Mretoing with 
the outer margin broadly at the apex and decreasingly towards the hinder 
angle dusky black, this black border being reduced to a very fine black line 
at the hinder angle ; the base, broadly along the costa and inner margin 
and within the outer black band pale clear shining blue, thus leaving a 
patch of the white ground-colour on the disc of the wing only. Hindwing 
with the base and abdominal half of the wing irrorated with very pale 
shining blue ; the spots of the underside showing through slightly on the 
disc ; ah indistinct marginal series of dusky spots, and a fine anteciliary 
black line. Unbbbside, both wings white, slightly tinted with blue. 
Forewing with a slender blackish disco-cellular streak, a curved discal series 
of five or six elongate spots, and a marginal series of very indistinct small 
spots, obsolete at the hinder angle. JECindwing with ten or eleven small 
dusky spots, of which three are subbasal, the rest arranged irregularly across 
the disc ; a submarginal series of small spots, and a fine marginal black line. 
Feicale with the costal and outer borders very broadly dusky black 
the discal patch white, the inner margin broadly irrorated with blue. 
Sindwing with the discal area between the nervules bluish- white, all 
the rest dusky ; a submarginal series of oval dusky spots, and the marginal 


72 L. de NiedviQe — On new and lUtU-known Bhopaloeeni. [Nob. 2—4, 

blacb line. Undubids, hoik wingt exactly as in the male. (XUa wbite 
on bothjsides in both sexes. 

Nearly allied to Oyanirit ahaia^ Horafield, from which {apud Moore 
in ' Lep. Cey.') the male differs on the upperside of the forewing having no 
dusky on the base and costal 'margin, and the outer black border being 
narrower throughout. 

Two males were taken by me in the bed of the Simla river on the 
26th October and 2nd November, 1879, respectively, and one female alao 
at Simla but the exact locality and date were not recorded. All three spe- 
cimens are quite perfect ; and the males agree absolutely except in size. I 
also took one male in Sikkim in October at about 3,500 feet elevation. 

Mr. Moore seems to have described the female of some other species 
as the female of O. dlhocwruleue^ as he states that in that sex the broad 
outer marginal black band on the upperside of the forewing does not reach 
the posterior angle, whereas in my female the band is very wide at that 
point. As the undersides of both sexes of the specimens described above 
agree absolutely, I think I have paired them correctly, while if the females 
of this species be variable Mr. Moore's description would be correct. 

9. CxiinsiB CHSKNXLLn, n. sp. (Plate I, fig. 10, i .) 
Hab. Shillong, Assam. 
Expanse : ^ , 1*1 and 1*25 inches. 

DxBCBiPTiON : Malb. Uppebsidb, hoth wing9 lavender-blue. Fore^ 
wing with the outer margin widely dusky-black, widest at the apex; a 
dusky disco-cellular streak. Hindwmg with the costal and outer margins 
widely dusky-black. Undebsidb pale grey. Forewing with a slender disco- 
cellular streak outwardly defined with whitish, a discal slightly sinuous 
series of six rounded spots also outwardly defined with whitish ; very pale 
and indistinct submarginal lunular line, marginal linear spots, and anteciliary 
line. Hindwing with two subbasal small black spots, a faint disco-cellular 
streak, and an irregular discal series of nine black spots outwardly defined 
with whitish, o£ which the third, fourth and fifth from the costa are much 
paler ; marginal markings as on the forewing. Oilia of both wings somewhat 
dusky on the upperside, concolourous with the wings on the underside. 

There are two male specimens in the Indian Museum, Calcutta^ which 
were taken by Mr. A. W. Ohennell, after whom I have named the species; 
they differ only in size. 

10. Nacabttba bhutba, n. sp. (Plate I, fig. 18, i .) 
Hab. Sikkim. 
Expahsb: j,ri inches. 

Dbsobiption. Mali. Differs from Sikkim specimens of If. «riate^ 
Moore, in being larger, the band crossing the middle of the odl on the 

1883.] L. de Niceville-r-Oi> new and little-known Rhopalocera. 73 

mrDKBSiDE of the forewing in K. ardatei not extending below it in JIT. 
hhuteoy and the lower spot of the discal series well retired from the line of 
the five spots above it, whereas in N, ardates there are two lower spots 
out of line, one being additional. 

I took a single specimen on the Darjiling cartroad between 2,000 and 
5,000 feet elevation, in October, 1880, .and numerous specimens have since 
been taken in Sikkim at low elevations. It seems a constant and well* 
marked species. 

11. Nacaduba noba. (Plate I, fig. 14.) 

Lyeana ncra^ Felder, Beise Novara, Lep., vol. ii, p. 275, no. 341, pi. zzziv, fig. 
34^ $ (1865). 

Hab. Ambojna {Felder) ; South Andamans. 
EXPANTSE : 1 inch. 

Descblptiok. Uppebsidb smoky deep purple. Hindwing with a 
marginal series of increasing lunules, the one between the first and second 
median nervules inclosing a prominent black spot, the final one two much 
smaller spots. Uitdebside bright castaueous brown. Foremng with a 
catenulated band across the middle of the cell from the subcostal nervure to 
the inner margin, a similar band closing the cell, a discal band of spots some- 
what broken and directed inwards at the fifth spot from the costa, a submar- 
ginal band of lunules, marginal linear spots and black anteciliarj fine line. 
Hindwing with a basal chain of spots, another closing the cell, and a discal 
much curved and broken band ; marginal markings as on forewing, but 
with a prominent subanal black spot between the first and second median 
nervules, crowned with an orange lunule, and marked outwardly with a few 
metallic green scales ; two minute similar spots at the anal angle. 

Mr. de BoepstorfiE has sent a single specimen which seems to be identi- 
cal with Felder's Z. ( =3 A. ) nora. It is allied to N. ardates^ Moore, but 
differs in the discal chain of spots on the underside of the forewing which 
are larger and less broken, also in the straighter outer margin of that wing. 

12, Nacaduba ? DANA, u. sp. (Plate I, fig. 16, i .) 

Hab. Bholah^t, Malda ; Buza, Bhutan ; Sikkim ; Chittagong Dis- 

EiPiNSB : #, "95 to 1'06 ; $, 1*05 inches. 

Descbiption : Male. Uppebside, hoth wings violet blue, with the 
outer margins evenly narrowly black. Uitdbbside hoth wings fawn colour. 
Forewing with a ^white-bordered dusky spot in the middle of the cell, a 
similar one at its end, a discal chain of six similar spots, the two lower ones 
out of line, (in some specimens the sixth lowest spot is absent) ; submarginal 
and marginal indistinct series of pale lunules. Hindwing crossed by three 

74 L. de Nic^ville — On new and liitle'hnoum Rhopalooera. [Nos. 2-4, 

much broken bands of white-bordered dusky spots, and submarginal and 
marginal lunules as in the forewing; two small black spots at the anal angle 
on the margin. Oilia dusky throughout. Femalb. Upp ebside, /or^wM^ 
black, the disc whitish and covered with pale blue metallic scales, the disco* 
cellulars marked with a black spot. Hindwing dusky, with pale bluish-white 
streaks between the nervules, a black disco-cellular spot, and obscure margi- 
nal pale lunules. Uvdbbsibe cream-coloured, the markings as in the male, 
but all the spots and bands (except the two black anal spots) pale ochreous. 

Two male specimens were taken in the Sikkim Tarai in July and 
August, 1881, by Mr. Otto Moller, and four males from Bhurkhul and one 
from Demagiri in the Chittagong District were taken by Mr. H. M. Parish 
in February, 1883. All these specimens are very constant, showing no 
variation whatever. They present a superficial resemblance to N, ardaUi, 
Moore, but are a different colour on the upperside ; they have also no 
tail, and should therefore probably be placed in a different genus. Mr. 
Otto Moller has also obtained numerous males at low elevations in Sikkim 
during the summer and autumn including the female described, Mr. Irvine 
has sent it from the Malda District, the Museum collector took it at 
Buxa, and I took it iu the Great Kunjit valley, Sikkim, in October. 

13. Oastaxius inteeeuptus, n. sp. (Plate 1, fig. 12, $ .) 
C inUrruptus, Moore, M. 8, 

Has. Khurda, Orissa ; Bholah^t, Malda ; Sikkim. 
Expanse : 115 to 1*20 inches. 

Desoeiptiok. Male and Female. Upperside, both wings pure 
white. Forewing with the base thickly irrorated with black scales, beyond 
with a dense black patch widest on the costa, inwardly recurved below the 
submedian nervure, from whence it suddenly narrows. (In some specimens 
the irrorated black scales at the base of the wing and the .black patch 
beyond are entirely merged into one black basal patch, aud the costa through- 
out is widely black.) The apex widely, the outer margin as far as the first 
median nervule less widely, then to the inner margin more widely again deep 
black ; with a round black spot above the first median nervule coalescing 
with the black border, this spot is sometimes entirely separated, in other 
specimens very indistinct, and lastly in others its form is entirely lost in the 
black margin. Hindwing with the immediate base and a few irrorated spots 
beyond black, the outer margin also black, enclosing immediately within a 
black anteciliary fine line a more or less prominent and complete series 
of white oblong marks between the nervules. Undebside with the 
markings arranged as in O, hamatut, Moore, but smaller and more 
restricted, especially on the hindwing, Oilia on both sides on both wingi 
white, marked with a black spot at the tip of each nervule ; tail black with 

1888.] L de Nic^villd — On new and liiile-knoum Bbopalocera. 75 

a white tip. The male differs from the female only in having the apex of 
the forewing more produced. 

Closely allied to O. deeidia^ Hewitson, and (7. 'hamaiu9t Moore, but 
differing from Ceylon specimens of the latter in that the black mark- 
ings on the upperside of both wings are far more restricted, and on the un- 
derside of the hindwing much smaller and partially separated into spots. 

The specimen figured (a female) was taken at Khurda, Orissa, by Mr. 
W. C. Taylor ; I have since received numerous males and females from 
Bholah&t in the Malda District, Bengal, where they were taken by Mr. W. 
H. Irvine in the oold weather. There is also a single female specimen from 
Sikkim in Mr. Otto Moller's collection. 

14. Castalitts ananda, n. sp. (Plate I, fig. 11, 9 ; 11a> ?•) 
Hab. Sikkim ; Kadur District, Mysore. 
Expanse : ^, -85 to 1*15 ; 9 , '85 to 1*05 inches. 

DsscBEPTiON. Male. Upperside, both wingt deep shining purple, 
the outer margins black ; and with all the black markings of the underside 
showing throc^h by transparency in some specimens. Undbbsibe, fore- 
wing sullied white, with the following black markings : — ^a basal streak, a 
transverse streak from the middle of the costa to near the middle of the 
wing, almost joined to another wider streak placed within it from the sub- 
costal to the submedian nervure ; a very irregular disoal series of four or 
^V9 oblong spots, an even submarginal series of seven spots, and a similai* 
but smaller series on the margin divided from the cilia by a very fine white 
line. Hindwing with numerous spots placed irregularly over the whole 
surface, and with the submarginal and marginal series as in the forewing ; 
the spot, however, at the base of the tail, and the two confluent ones placed 
vrithin it irrorated with metallic greenish scales. Cilia dusky throughout ; 
tail long, black with a white tip. 

1 have only seen three specimens of this species, the male figured and 
another one much smaller I took in the valley of the Great Bunjit, Sikkim, 
in October, 1882, the third was sent to the Museum by Mr. Kearney from 
the Kadur District, Mysore; the latter is much the largest specimen of 
the three, and has the apex of the forewing more produced. All three 
specimens differ slightly in the markings of the underside, but all undoubt- 
edly belong to one sex of the same species. 

Since the above was written I took a male and a female also in the 
Great Run jit valley in October, 1883, and have seen numerous specimens 
from Sikkim in Mr. Moller's collection, including two females, which latter 
differ from the male on the upperside in being pale dusky fuliginous, the 
markings of the underside showing through even more prominently than 
in the male, and the base of both wings thickly irrorated with metallic 
blue scales. Underside as in the male. 

7c L. de Niceville— 0/1 neuf and HHle-JcAovm Rhopalocera. [Nos. 2-*4, 

15. Miletus hamada. *(P]ate I, fig. 16, i.) 

M, hamada, Drace, Cist. Ent., vol. i, p. 361 ; id., Elwes, Proc. Zool. Soc Loni, 
1881, p. 882. 

This pretty little species was recorded by Mr. Druce from Yokohami, 
Japan, and has not hitherto been figured. I took two specimens in the 
valley of the Great Run jit, Sikkim, in October, 1882, and Mr. Otto Moller 
has several specimens of both sexes also taken in Sikkim daring the summer 
and autumn. The expanse of these specimens differs from *85 to '95 of 
an inch ; Mr. Druce's specimens measured 1^^ inches. There is a consi- 
derable general resemblance between the markings of the underside of 
this species and of CastaliiM ananda, but the latter is very different on the 
upperside, and is also furnished with a tail. The extent of the white 
diecal patches on tlie upperside are very variable, in some specimens the/ 
are entirely wanting, but the markings of the underside are constant. 

16. NiphaitdaF cykbia, n. sp. (Plate IX, figs. 8, ^ ; 8a, $.) 

Hab. Sikkim. 

Expanse : i, 105 to 1*15 ; ? , 1*15 to 1*4 inches. 

Deschiptiqn : Male. Upperside, ybreii^n^ shining violet ; the costi^ 
outer margin, a disco-cellular streak and the veins black. Hindwing also 
violet, with the costal, outer and abdominal margins blttck, this black border 
ascending in two conical-shaped spots between the median nervules. Us- 
DERSiBE sullied white, the markings fuliginous. Forevoing with a basal streak, 
an increasing band from the subcostal nervure to the inner margin crossing the 
middle of the cell, an oval spot closing the cell, a discal series of six quad- 
rate spots broken at the second median nervule, the two lower ones nearer 
the base of the wing, a patch fceyond i\\e four upper spots, wide on th« 
costa, decreasing to the fourth spot, where it ends in a fine point, a sub- 
marginal irregular line and marginal spots, the two spots between the median 
nervules the largest and most prominent, a fine anteciliary black Udo. 
Hindtoing with a spot at the base ; three spots beyond, the one on the costa 
the largest and darkest ; a double spot closing the cell, with two spots above 
it, the upper one very large oval and black ; a very irregular disca) series, 
marginal markings as on forewing. Oilia fuliginous on both sides of both 
wings, \Qvy long at anal angle of hindwing. Antenna black, with the slender 
club tipped with white above, the shaft obscurely annulated with white 
below. Bodg black above, whitish below, the segments laterally marked 
with whitish. Female. Uppebside fuliginous grey, paler on the disc of 
both wings. Forewing with the disco- cellular and discal spots of the 
underside showing through. Hindwing with a submarginal series of pale 
spots, then a dark band, and finally a series of blaek roundish spots increai- 

1883.] L. de Nic^ville — On new and little-known Khopalocera. 7 7 

ing to the fourth which is the largest, the two anal ones small and linear, 
all outwardly defined with a fine gray line. Undebsldb with the ground* 
colour much paler «than in the male, heing almost white, all the markings 
larger and more prominent. 

The markings of the female of this species are so like those of 
Kiphanda tesselata^ Moore (Proc. Zool. Soc. Lond., 1874, p. 572, pi. Ixvi, 
fig. 6) from Fenang, that in the Journ. A. S. B., vol. li, pt. ii, p. 61, 
(1882), 1 entered this species as occurring in Sikkim, with the remark : 
— *' One female at about 1,500 feet elevation. It is rather smaller than the 
specimen described by Mr. Moore from Penang, and the upperside is en- 
tirely unglossed with blue," believing that the sex of the species describ- 
ed by Mr. Moore was male, my specimens being undoubtedly females. 
Having since obtained both sexes of my species I am able to describe it. It 
does not agree with Mr. Moore's generic diagnosis of Niphanda, as ^. ? 
cytnhia has only three median nervules to the f orewing instead of four as 
stated by Mr. Moore, the subcostal nervules being probably meant for 
median ; the first three subcostal nervules are all given off at regular inter- 
Tals before the apex of the cell, the fourth subcostal branching from the 
third before its middle, and both reaching the costa before the apex of the 

It seems a fairly common species in the low valleys below Darjiling, 
the females largely predominating in numbers, however, over the males. 

17. Hypolyc^ita ITABAEA. (Plate IX, fig. 2, 9.) 

Theela ntuakoy Horsfield, Cat. Lep. E. I. Co., p. 91, n. 23 (1829), male ; Deudorix 
natalta^ Hewitson, 111. Diarn. Lep , Lyc<Bnida, p. 24, n. 21, pi. y, figs. 45, 46 (186d)« 
male; Hypolyeana nasaka, Moore, Proc. Zool. Soc., Lond., 1882, p. 249. 

Hab. Java ; Sikkim ; Kangra District, N.-W. Himalayas. 

Expanse : ^, 1*0 to 1*15 ; 9, 1*25 inches. 

Desobiption : Malb. Differs from Horsfield's description on the 
TTPPEB8IDK of the hindwing in that the cyaneous colour is placed broadly 
on the outer margin, extending upwards towards the middle of the wing 
between the third median nervule and subcostal nervure, not as stated by 
Horsfield covering the hindwing " excepting the exterior and interior 
borders.'* Hewitson's figure shows the hindwing entirely covered with the 
blue colour. The forewing is furnished on the underside with a bunch 
of long black hairs attached to the inner margin near the base and folded 
beneath. There is a corresponding cup-like depression on the underside of 
the hindwing, which is marked on the upperside by a shining bare round 
patch near the costal base of the wing and covered by the forewing. There 
are fourteen male specimens in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, all taken by 
Mr. A. Graham Young in the Kulu valley, and a single male from Sikkim, 

78 L. de Niceville — On new and little'known Rhopalocera. £Nos.2^ 

which differs from the other specimens in the groand-colour of the under- 
side being much darker and of a cupreous purple shade. Femalb. IJf* 
PKBsiDB glossj fuliginous, paler on the disc of the forewing. SjndmMg 
with a conspicuous black spot on the margin between the first and aecood 
median nervules, marked anteriorly with scattered white scales, which also 
appear decreasingly in the two next interspaces beyond and in the one 
before'that containing the black spot, a fine mai^nal white line not reach- 
ing the outer angle, then a black line, the eilia white between the tail and 
the discoidal nerTule, the anal lobe with an ochreous and metallic green 
spot, tail black with a white tip. Ukdbbsidb agreeing in the groond- 
colour with the N.-W. Himalayan specimens. 

The single female specimen described is in Mr. Otto Moller's coDee- 
tion, and was taken at a low elevation in Sikkim in October. 

18. Htpoltcjbna chandbana. (Plate IX, fig. 1, ? .) 

S. chandranoy Moore, Proc. Zool. Soc. Lond., 1882, p. 249, pL xi, figt. t, 
2a, male, 

Hab. Lahul ; Kulu Valley. 
ExpAirsE : i , 115 inches. 

Desgbiption: Feicalb. Uppebsidb dull uniform fuliginous, the 
anal lobe (as in the male) black with an ochreous and metallic green spot. 
Undebside paler than in the male, being almost pure white, the markings 
similar but also paler and more diffused. 

This species (of which there are two males and one female in the In- 
dian Museum, Calcutta, all collected by Mr. A. Graham Young in the Kola 
Talley) is very near to the Javan Thecla malika, Horsfield (Cat. Lep. £. L 
Co., p. 90, no. 22, 1829), and the male has similar secondary sexual charac- 
ters as jET. nasaka. 

19. NiLASEBA? ASOEA, n. sp. (Plate IX, fig. 6, ^ ; 6a, ?.) 

Expanse: ^, 1*75; $, 1*8 inches. 

Hab. Sikkim. 

DESGBiPTioir. Uppebsidb dark glossy purple, the costa and outer 
margin of the f<yremng narrowly black, the inner and outer mai^ns of 
the hindwing more widely black ; tail long, narrow, black with a white tip^ 
UsTDEBBiDE, forewiug with a pale line across the middle of the cell (some- 
times absent), a spot near the end of the cell variable in size and shape, 
a quadrate spot from one-fifth of the first median nervule to the inner 
margin, a chain of square spots divided only by the nervules beyond the 
cell from the costa to the first median nervule, the third lower spot beiog 
posteriorly lengthened towards the outer margin, the two following it rect- 
angular, thus giving the chain a broken appearance at the third mediao 

1883.] L. de Nic^ville— On new and lUile-knovm Rhopalocera. 79 

oervule-— all these markings placed on a rich dark brown ground ; the apex 
and decreasinglj to the first median nervule paler and glossed with violet, 
inwardly sharply defined, the outer margin dark brown at the apex paler 
towards the inner angle. Hindvoing with the base of the wing rich dark 
brown, with a pale violet even streak from the costa to the base above the 
cell ; a discal irregular dark brown band placed on a pale violet ground, 
and other paler irregular markings beyond; a submarginal lunulated 
line, and three black spots beyond it at the anal angle almost cohered with 
brilliant green irridescent scales. Female. Upfebside, forewing black ; 
with the cell (all except its extreme end), the basal half of the lower 
discoidal, median, submedian and internal interspaces irridescent light ultra- 
marine blue. Mindioing with the middle and base of the wing blue as 
in the forewing. Undebside with the markings as in the male. 

The markings of the underside of the forewing of this species are 
nearest to the Amblypodia diardi of Uewitson (Cat. Lgcanida B. M., 1862, 
p. 9, pi. V, figs. 41, 42 ^ ) ; they differ largely, however, in the hindwing. 

There are numerous examples of both sexes of this species in Mr. 
Otto MoUer's collection, three males and a female in Colonel Lang's col- 
lection, and several specimens of both sexes in the Indian Museum, 
Calcutta, all from Sikkim. 

20. NiLASEAiL? ABBiAKA, n. sp. (Plate IX, figs. 5, t ; 5a, $.) 
Hab. Sikkim. 
ExPAKSE : * , 1-6 to 19; ? , 1-66 to 18 inches. 

Debcbiption : Mals. Uppebside as in IT. asoka, but the black 
bordering at least twice as wide. Undebside, forewing marked as in 
.2V. atoka. Mindwing dark brown glossed almost throughout with pale 
violet grey but exceedingly variable, in some specimens the ground-colour 
is very pale, the markings therefore being very prominent, in others so dark 
that they are hardly traceable ; the male specimen figured is about midway 
between these two extremes. Three subbasal small round spots, a chain 
of spots from the costa to the middle of the cell, another chain also from 
the costa crossing the cell at its end, a third chain from the subcostal 
nervure to the abdominal margin, a submarginal lunulated line, but no 
black, green-irrorated, anal spots, which at once distinguishes this species 
from If, oioka. Female. Uppebside as in N, asoka^ but the blue colour 
more of a purple shade. Undebsibb as in its male. 

This is apparently one of the commonest '* hairstreaks " in Sikkim, 
Mr. Otto Moller obtaining very numerous specimens of both sexes through- 
oat the warm weather. There are specimens of both sexes in Colonel 
^Ang's collection. 


80 L. de Niceville — On new and little-known Rliopdocera. [2^ob. 

21. NiLiiSEBJi? FULGIDA. (Plate IX, figs. 3, ^; 3a, 9.) 

Amblypodia fulgida^ Hewitson, IlL Dium. Lep., LyeanidSj p. 11, pi. ▼, fig. 21 
(lS63)y female, 

Hab. Sikkim ; Dafla Hills ; Philippines. 

Expanse: ^,1-6 to 1-9; $, 1-6 to 1*7 inches. 

Descbiption : Male. Uppebside rich dark purple, tlie outer margin 
of both wings very narrowly black, tail black, short, tipped with white. 
Ukdebside, forewing with the basal area dark rich brown ; a pale quadrate 
spot near the end of the cell, then a broad dark brown band from the 
costa to the first median nervule, then a narrower pale band, and lastly as 
even dark band also from the costa to the first median nervule ; an apical 
decreasing violet patch, the outer margin dark brown. Sindwing with 
a narrow dark brown streak from the costa, then a broader pale violet 
streak, then a still broader dark brown streak ; a dark brown streak from 
the costa to the first median nervule closing the cell, with a spot beyond, 
another streak beyond much diffused anteriorly, a black spot crowned 
with golden yellow scales on the margin in the first median interspace, 
and a similar larger one at the anal angle, with a smaller one attached to 
it outwardly. Female with the middle only of both wings purple of a 
brighter and lighter shade than in the male. Uin)EBsn>E as in the male. 

As Hewitson's figure of the underside of a female of this species from 
the Philippines is not very clear, I have figured both sides of both sexes 
of Sikkim specimens. There are several examples of both sexes from 
Sikkim in Mr. Otto M oiler's collection, and I took two females on two 
different years at the same place below Darjiling at about 3,500 feet eleva- 
tion in October. There is also a male taken by the Dafla Expedition in 
the Dafla Hills in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. 

22. NiLASEBA ? MOELLEBi, n. sp. (Plate IX, figs. 4, i ; 4a, 9.) 

Hab. Sikkim ; Sibsagar, Upper Assam. 

Expanse : ^, 1*75 to 180 ; ? , 18 inches. 

Debcbiption : Male. Uppebside magnificent shining ultramarine 
blue, the costa and outer margin of the forewing and outer margin of the 
hindwing narrowly black, the costa of the latter wing more widely black : 
three short black tails, the middle one in continuation of the first median 
nervule rather longer than the other two, and tipped with white. Ukbeb- 
8IDE dark rich brown. Forewing marked exactly as in ilT. P ariadna, 
except that the discal chain of spots is le^s broken in the middle. Sind%m§ 
with a narrow pale purple streak at the base, then a broad dark broirn 

1883.] L. de Nic^ville — On new and lUtle-known Rhopalocera. 81 

band, followed by a pale parple irregular streak, and irregular pale purple 
and diUrk brown spots and streaks on the disc ; a submarginal waved dark 
brown line, which is lost towards the apex in a large diffused patch of the 
same colour ; three subanal black spots almost covered with irridescent 
green scales ; a fine anteciliarj dark line ; the eilia pale, dark at the end 
of the nervales. Female. Uppebside dark brown, with a patch of pur- 
ple in the middle of both wings, very restricted in the hindwing. XJitdsb- 
siDE as in the male. 

The type male has been sent to the Indian Museum, Calcutta, by Mr. 
8. £. Peal from Sibsagar ; the female and a male in Mr. MoUer's collection, 
(after whom I have named it, and to whom I am indebted for so many 
of the specimens described in this paper) were taken in Sikkim. There are 
three males and a female collected in Sikkim by Dr. T. G. Jerdon in Colonel 
Lang's collection. 

On the upperside of the male this species is exactly of the same tint 
of resplendant blue as JV. f areate^ Hewitson, which also occurs in Sikkim, 
bat the black marginal border is very considerably narrower. The mark- 
ings of the underside are quite different. 

23. Vascrlla. ? Pi.BA.MuiA, u. sp. (Plate IX, figs. 7, ^ ; 7a, 9 .) 
Hajb. Sikkim. 
Expanse: ^,l'3tol*4i; $, 1 2 to 1*3 inches. 

Descbiptiok : Male. Uppebside glossy purple, the costa of the 
forewing narrowly, and outer margin widely black. Hindwing with only 
the middle of the wing purple, the rest black. Unbebstde pale brown, 
all the markings of a slightly darker shade with paler edges, ^brewing 
with an obscure round spot near the base of the cell, a reniform one in its 
middle and another at its end ; a spot at the base of the first median 
interspace, and another below the point where the first median nervule is 
given off ; a discal very even chain of seven spots, a submarginal lunulated 
band and marginal spots. Hindwing with the markings arranged very 
ovenly over the whole surface, a subbasal line of four round spots, succeed* 
^ by three larger spots also in line, then a bifurcated discal chain-like 
uregular series ; marginal markings as in the forewing. The female 
differs from the male on the uppebside of the forewing only in the purple 
area being more restricted. On the ttkdebside the markings are rather 
QM)re prominent. It has no tail. 

There are two male and a female specimen in Mr. Otto Moller's col- 
lection, and one male in Colonel Lang's collection in addition to the type 
P^ir in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. 

82 L. de Niciville — On new and little-known Rhopaloeera. [Nos. 

Subfamily Piebinjb. 

24. Mancipium deota, n. sp. (Plate IX, fig. 10, i .) 

Hab. Ladak. 

Expahse: ^, 2*7 inches. 

Debcbiption : Male. Uppebside, ybr^toin^ differs f rom specimeni 
of M. hrassicaf LinnsBus, from Leh, Ladak, in having the black outer 
margin continued to the first median nervule ; and in this black margin 
on the hindwing being carried irregularly round the wing to the first meditn 
nervule, instead of being confined to a spot on the costa. On the uhbbb- 
siDE the apex and outer margiti decreasing ly to the first median nervule 
are powdered with fuscous scales, and in addition to the two black spots 
in the first and third median interspaces present in M, brae»ie<ey there is a 
third more diffused spot reaching from just below the subcostal nervore 
to the costa midway between the end of the cell and the apex. Smdwing 
thickly irrorated with fuscous scales throughout ; the outer dark marginal 
border of the upperside showing through indistinctly, and the costa towards 
the base of the wing not marked with yellow as in M. broisioa. 

A single specimen of this species at Gya, Ladak, was captured, on 
the 11th July, 1879, whilst three others owing to their swift flight 
escaped me. 

25. Maivcipivm devta, n. sp. (Plate IX, figs. 9, S ; 9a, 9.) 

Hab. Ladak. 

Expanse : ^ , 2 3 ; $ , 2*20 to 2 35 inches. 

Debcbiption : Male. Upperside, forewing pure dead white, the 
outer margin at the apex to the discoidal nervule marked with black, a 
similar spot internal to this, and a large roundish spot between the second 
and third median nervules. JBLindwing with a black spot on the cosd 
below the first subcostal branch beyond its middle, otherwise unmarked. 
Undebslde, forewing as on the upperside, but the outer mai^in towards 
the apex marked with greenish and fuscous irrorated scales. Hindwing 
with the basal two-thirds irrorated with greenish and fuscous scales, except 
an oblong patch from the costa to the middle of the cell which is clear of 
these scales, the outer margin also marked between the nervules with simi- 
lar irrorations. Female. Uppebside, forewing with all the markings 
larger and clearer, there being two additional black spots on the outer maigia 
between the third and second, and second and first median nervules ; also 
a diffused spot joined to the large round spot between the second and tliird 
median nervules almost reaching the submedian nervure. Mindwing witk 

1883.] L. de Nic^ville — On new and little-known Rhopalocera. 83 

the costal spot also much larger. UNDEBSiDB^ybrtftcvn^ differs from the 
male in having the hase of the wing diffused with pale yellow, the apex 
and costal spot internal to it also suffused with yellow, and a prominent 
black spot on the disc below the large spot between the second and third 
median nervules as on the upperside. Hindwing with the base irrorated 
with pale yellow ; and with au irregular discal band, its outer edge in the 
same position as that edge of the irrorated dark basal portion in the male, 
this band widest and deepest coloured at the costa, decreasing to the fold 
below the submedian nervure, irrorated yellowish fuscous : the outer mar- 
gin marked with yellowish fuscous irrorations. 

This species was met with by me only amongst the irrigated fields ad- 
joining the villages of Lama Yuru and Nurla, Ladak. The male, somewhat 
worn and broken, was taken at the former place on July 8rd, 1879, and the 
four females were captured the following day at the latter place, all in 
perfect condition. It is unlike any Pieris known to me. 

26. Choaspes gomata. (Plate X, fig. 7, 9 .) 

Itmsne gomata^ Moore, Proc. Zool Soc. Lond., 1865, p. 783, maU, 
Hab. N.-E. Bengal {Moore) ; Sikkim ; Wynaad, S. India. 
Expanse : 9,23 inches. 

Descbiption : Female. Uppebsede very dark glossy bronzy-green, 
shading off into glossy indigo-blue at the apex and outer margin. Undeb- 
siDE with the markings and ground-colour darker than in Sikkim males ; 
forewing with a pale green spot in the second median interspace with a larger 
one in tlie interspace below it, in the male these spots are merged in a 
large patch of |the pale ochreous ground-colour from the inner margin. 
The green markings everywhere more restricted and of a darker shade than 
in the male. 

The specimen figured, taken by Mr. Ehodes-Morgan in the Wynaad, 
18 the only female I have seen ; there are numerous males, however, in Mr. 
Otto MoUer's collection from Sikkim. 

27. Choaspes ? aiyadi, n. sp. (Plate X, fig. 6, i .) 
Hab. Sikkim ; Masuri. 
Expanse : i , 19 to 21; $, 2'46 inches. 

Bescbiptioiv : Male. Uppebside dark vinaceous brown distinctly 
glossed with purple, slightly paler in the middle of the disc. Forewing 
with a costal streak from the base to beyond the middle of the wing rich 
orange ; cilia cinereous. Hindwing with the costa broadly pale ochreous ; 
the cilia rich orange. Base of both wings and thorax clothed with long 
P^B green iridescent hairs. Undebside paler brown washed with ochreous. 

84 L. de Niceville — Oil new mnd lUtle-hunen Bhopalocera. [No8.2 — 4, 

which colour assumes indistioot streaks between the Teins od the kindwing. 
Forewmg with the outer margin broadly washed with deep purple, the 
inner margin broadly pale ochreous ; some pale streaks between the veiDs 
beyond the end of the cell ; a round black spot at the extreme base of the 
wing with a spot of bright orange above it ; Mndwing with a similar but 
larger black spot. Antenna dark brown aboye, ochreous below; palpi 
with the third joint dark brown, the second and first with the outer edge 
brown, the rest orange, which is the colour of the legB^ the underside of 
the body and the anal tuft. The ysiliub differs from the male only in 
being larger and darker, the uppsbsidb of the hindioing oonoolouioua with 
the rest of the wing, not broadly pale ochreous as in the male. 

The male of this species closely resembles that sex of 0. hariia, Moore 
(Proc. ZooL Soc. Lond., 1865, p. 782), but differs in the forewing being 
much narrower, and on the hindwing in having the costal pale patch more 
restricted ; on the underside the markings are less prominent. I have 
figured (Plate X, fig. 8, ^ ) a beautifully fresh male of O, hariaa taken by 
myself in Sikkim to show these differences more clearly. There is a male 
of 0, ? anadi from Masuri taken at 7,000 feet elevation on 27th May, 1868, 
in Colonel Lang's collection. 

Genus M^^tapa, Moore. 

This genus has hitherto contained three species,- described under the 
genus Ismene by Mr. Moore in the Proc. Zool. Soc. Lond., 1865, p. 78i, 
viz., aria, druna and sasivama from Bengal, and a fourth very beautifully 
and distinctly marked species, Matapa tuhfagcitUa^ from Ceylon, in his 
'Lepidoptera of Ceylon.* I propose to describe a fifth species named 
ahalgrama. All the species except M, subfagoiata are very closely allied, 
yet in my opinion they can be separated, so constant in a large series of 
each are the following characters. 

M. aria. Cilia of both wings yellowish-white. Underside ferrugi- 
nous, in some specimens inclined to ochreous. The long hairs which clothe 
the body and base of the wings both above and below are hai*dly perceptibly 
irridescent greenish. Anal segment of the female furnished with a very 
close thick tuft of pale yellow hairs. Expanse averaging about 1-6 inches. 
(Mr. Moore gives for the female 21 inches, but so large a specimen has 
not been seen by me.) 

M, shalgrama. Cilia of forewing yellowish -white, of hindwing orange- 
yellow, shading off into yellowish-brown at the apex. Underside varying 
from dark ferruginous to bright ochreous. Anal segment of the female with 
a dark brown thick tuft of hairs, marked with two paler brown stresks on 
each side. Expanse averaging about 2*1 inches. Other characters as in 
Jf. aria. 

1883.] L. de Nic^Tille — On new aad litile-inown Rhopalocera. 85 

•Jf. ianvarna. Cilia of forewing greyish-white, of hindwing hroadly 
from anal angle to two-»thirds of the margin orange*yellow, thence to the 
angle brown. Underside dull rich brown, in some lights beautifully gloss- 
ed with irridescent greenish. Anal segment of the female furnished with 
a fringe (not a very close thick tuft) of long yellow hairs. Long hairs on 
body and base of wings brilliant (especiaUy in the females) irridescent 
green. Expanse averaging about 1*8 inches. 

Jf. druna. Cilia as in M, 9a$ivama, Underside dull rich brown 
glossed with irridescent greenish, but the apex of the forewing perceptibly 
lighter brown in the males. Long hairs also irridescent green. Anal tuft 
of female as in M, sa$ivama» Expanse averaging about 1*95 inches. 

He$peria aria, Hewitson, Ex. Butt, voL iv, Superia pL iii, figs. 24, 26 (1868),/<mia^. 
Hab. Sikkim. 
ExpAiTBE : ^ , 2-1 ; ? , 2-2 inches. 

DsscRiPTioifr : Male. Uppebsidi dull rich chocolate-brown, slightly 
paler on the outer margin of the forewing. Cilia of forewing yellowish- 
white, of hindwing orange-yellow, shading off into yellowish-brown at the 
apex. UiTBSBSiDE dark ferruginous. Female. Uppebside paler than in 
the male, the forewing uniformly coloured and lacking the male sexual 
streak ; with the area before the subcostal nervure from the base to half the 
length of the wing ochreous. Undebbide lighter coloured than in the male, 
in some specimens bright ochreous, except the inner margin which is brown 
extending widely into the disc of \iki^ forewing. Anal segment furnished with 
a very close thick tuft of dark brown hairs, marked on each side with two 
pale brown bars. Body on the upperside dark brown, below ferruginous or 
ochreous. ^ee scarlet. 

Three males and seven females of this species seen by me show but 
little variation. Hewitson's figure of the female is sufficiently charac- 
teristic to make the species easily recognizable. 

29. Baobis ooeia. (Plate X, fig. 11, $.) 

Eesp^ria oceia, Hewitson, Desc. Hesp., p. 31, n. 22 (1868) ; id., Wood-Mason and 
de Nic^ville, Jonm. A. 8. B., vol. 1, pt. ii, p. 268 (1881) ; JBaorit oeeia, Moore, Lep. 
Cej., vol. i, p. 166 (1881). 

In the Joum. A. S. B. (1. o), a table of figures is given shewing the 
great diversity in the number and position of the spots of the forewing 
of South Andaman specimens of this species. A series of specimens of 
both sexes from Sikkim exhibits even greater variation, from totally 
unmarked specimens of both sexes through every gradation to the typical 
number of eight spots. I have figured a female altogether without 
markings to show one extreme of this variation. 

86 L. de Nic^ville — On new and little-known Rhopalocera. [No«. 2 — 4, 

80. Parnaba titlsi, n. sp. (Plate X, fig. 1, i .) 

Hab. Sikkim. 

Expanse : * , 1*8 ; 9,1-9 inches. 

Debcbiption : Male. Uppebside rich dark brown with a riDons 
tinge. JE^Mrewing with three very small subapical spots, the middle one 
out of line, placed nearer the base of the wing ; an increasing series of 
three spots outside the cell, placed one each at the bases of the 
median interspaces, all the spots semi-transparent ochreous-white : the 
base of the wing and the space below the submedian nervure as well as the 
base and disc of the hindwing (which is otherwise unmarked) clothed with 
long ochreous hairs. Undebside. Forewing marked as above, but the 
costa to beyond the middle, and broadly across the disc of the hindwing pale 
▼iolet-white. Oilia cinereous. No secondary sexual characters. 

A single male was taken by me at about 3,000 feet elevation in Sikkim 
in October. There is a female of this species also from Sikkim in Colonel 
Lang's collection. It differs from the male only in the wing^ being some- 
what broader, and the apex of the forewing less acute. 

81. Isoteinon 8ATWA, n. sp. (Plate X, fig. 15, S .) 

Hab. Sikkim. 

Expanse : <J, 1*3 to 1*4 ; 9, 1*55 inches. 

Descbiption : Male. Uppebside rich dark brown. Forewing with 
two small subapical spots, the lower one twice the size of the upper, a 
rounded spot at the lower outer end of the cell, two similar spots at the 
base of the median interspaces, the lower one twice the size of the upper ; 
all semi-transparent diaphanous ochreous-white. A small ochreous spot 
above the submedian nervure touching its middle. Hindwing with the 
middle of the disc clothed with long greenish-ochreous hairs. Oilia^ 
cinereous. Undebside also dark brown, but the apex of the forewing 
and the outer margin of the hindwing broadly washed with purple. 
Forewing with the spots as above, but lacking the one placed against the 
submedian nervure ; the costa to beyond the middle of the wing bears a 
narrow bright yellow streak widest at its end. Hindwing with the 
basal two-thirds also bright yellow, the outer margin of this yellow 
area very irregular. A small round brown spot near the middle of the 
cell, another above it and one beyond. No secondary sexual characters. 
Body brown above, yellow below ; antenna brown above, obscurely annn* 
lated with yellow below, club brown. Female differs only from the male 
in being larger, the wings broader, and the apex of the forewing less acute. 
There is a second minute spot above the large one in the oeli of the 

1883.] L. de Nic6ville— 0« new and liiile-hnown Rhopalocera. 87 

This is a fairly common species at low elevations below Daijiling ; 
there are numerous specimens of both sexes in Mr. MoUer's collection. 

32. Plesioneitba agki, n. sp. (Plate X, fig. 4, 9 .) 

Hab. Sikkim. 

Expanse : tf , 1*6 ; 9, 1*8 inches. 

Description. Male. Uppebslde dark brown, but so thickly cover- 
ed with large fulvous overlying scales as to leave the ground-colour visible 
only on the outer margin, a streak within the apical spots, and narrowly 
round all the transparent white spots. Forevoing with a large quadrate 
spot filling the end of the cell, a small spot above it, a rather larger one at 
the base of the second median interspace, a large one nearly equal in size 
to the spot in the cell at the base of the first median interspace, and two 
small rounded spots in the submedian interspace placed obliquely, the upper 
one below the outer lower angle of the spot above ; three or four small sub- 
apical spots, the upper one rather larger than the rest, the second out of line, 
being placed nearer the base of the wing : — all these spots lustrous semi- 
transparent white. Cilia dark brown, with a pale spot at the apex and 
another larger one on the submedian interspace. Siindtoing with a black 
spot at the end of the cell (sometimes obsolete), and a curved series of 
eight similar spots, the two upper ones round, the others oblong and placed 
in pairs, (the two lowest spots — as in the specimen figured — sometimes 
obsolete). Cilia dark brown, paler towards the apex. Underside pale 
brown. Forewing with the spots as above, but with a pale fulvous sub- 
marginal curved fascia. Hindwing as above but paler fulvous, the spots 
more prominent. Female a little paler than the male, the spots somewhat 
larger. Body fulvous, antenna black above, paler below. 

Nearest to P. chamunda, Moore, which also occurs in Sikkim, but 
conspicuously differing from that species in having the hindwing marked 
with black spots above and below, and the cilia not alternately brown and 
white as in that species. 

I have seen two pairs only of this species, they are similarly marked ; 
and were all taken at low elevations in Sikkim. 

83. Plesionettra ambareesa. (Plate X, fig. 9, 2.) 

P. ambareesa, Moore, Proc. ZooL Soc. Lond., 1866, p. 788. 
Hab. Manbhum, Bengal (Moore) ; Akrain, Satpuras ; Coonoor, 

This is a rare species, I have only seen two specimens ; a female from 
Akrain, Satpuras, taken by Mr. J Davidson, C. S., is figured ; the other 
taken by Mr. Alfred Lindsay at Coonoor in the Nilgiris. 

88 L. de Nic^rille — On new and little-knoum Rhopalocen. [Noe. 2—4, 
84. Plbsioitevsa. badia. (Plate X, fig. 10, 9 .) 

TUryfotpidia hM^ Hewitson, Ann. and Mag. of Nat HibU fooith Mriei» tqL zz, 
p. 822 (1877) ; idem, id., De«o. Lep. oolL Atk., p. 4, (1879). 

I have only seen two specimene of this insect, one in GoloneL Lang's 
collection, the other in the Indian Museum, Calcutta ; hoth, as well as the 
specimen described by Hewitson, are from Sikkim. These two specimens 
have a fifth subapical small white spot, the extra one placed above the 
minute spot described by Hewitson in the lower discoidal interspace. The 
ring below the club of the antenna is oohreoas, not white as stated by 

85. Ababatha tatlobh, n. sp. (Plate X, fig. 13, ^ .) 
Hab. Khurda, Orissa. 
Expanse . ^ , 1*5 ; 9, 1*75 inches. 

DBflGBiBTiov: Malb. Uppebside ochreous. Forewing with the 
following brown markings : — a spot near the middle of the cell and two 
below and just beyond it, a subapical streak touching and beyond the three 
subapical diaphanous spots, and a similar streak from the third median 
nervule to the inner margin beyond the discal spots : also the following 
diaphanous white spots with fine black margins : — ^two at the end of the 
cell, the upper one much the smaller and sometimes joined to the lower 
one ; a round spot below in the first median interspace with a .minute one 
above and beyond it in the second median interspace ; two minute spots 
placed obliquely (the lower nearer the base of the wing) in the submedian 
interspace ; three rather large subapical conjugated spots placed obliquely 
outwards. Hindwing with a subbasal streak, a rounded spot near the 
end of the cell, the disco-cellulars marked with a fine line, two spots 
one on either side of and in a line with the cell spot, and a discal sinuoos 
macular series — all dark brown. Cilia dark brown. Ukbebside with the 
markings as above, but the whole area except the outer margin of the 
hindwing, and the apex widely and outer margin of the forewing, covered 
with pure white scales. Female rather larger, paler, the markings similar. 

Very near to A. rantonnetii, Felder, which also occurs in Orissa, but 
differs from it in being ochreous not dark brown above, and the disc of 
the hindwing being unmarked with a group of ochreous spots and streaks 
as in that species. 

1 have named this species after Mr. W. C. Taylor, who has sent me 
from time to time large collections of Orissa Bhopaloeera, 

86. Ptbous dbayiba. (Plate X, fig. 5, $.) 
P. dravirm, Hoore, Proc. Zool. 8oc. Lond., 1874v p. 576, pL IzTii, fig. S^Jmah, 
I am not quite certain of my identification of this species, Mr. Moore's 
figure is not very like my specimens, nor does his description exaetly agree. 

1883.] L. de Nic^viUe — On new and little-hnown Rhopalocera. 80 

I took two female specimens at Budrawah, Kashmir, on the 8th June, 
1879, one of which is figured. 

87. Hesperia ? Ki.OA, n. sp. (Plate X, fig. 2, 9 .) 
Hab. Sibsagar, Upper Assam. 
Expanse : ? , 1*6 inches. 

Description : Female. Upperside brown, the cilia cinereous, dark 
'brown at the end of the nervules. Forewing with a spot at the end of the 
cell ; two sqcialler spots beyond, the lower one twice the size of the upper ; 
an elongated spot near the middle of the second median interspace, and 
another (the largest of all) near the base of the first median interspace ; all 
these spots semi-transparent ochreous- white. A subcostal narrow yellow 
streak extending from the base to beyond one-third of the length of the 
wing, a similar one touching and placed above the submedian nervure 
extending from the base to beyond half the length of the inner margin of 
the wing. JSindwing with an elongated streak of ochreous hairs in the 
cell, and a series of short ochreous streaks between the nervules placed 
outside it ; a similar streak extending from the base to near the margin 
and touching the inner side of the submedian nervure. Oilia alternately 
cinereous and dark brown. Uin>ERsrDE lighter brown, the cilia white, 
brown at the end of the nervules. Forewing with the spots as above but 
whiter and edged with pure white ; a subcostal streak extending from the 
base to nearly half the length of the wing, broadest at its end ; beyond 
which are some streaks between the subcontal branches, two similar streaks 
in the discoidal interspaces, and a marginal series ending at the first median 
nervule, the two middle spots small ; a wide streak extending to beyond 
the middle of the wing from the base placed in the submedian inter- 
space : — all pure silvery white. Hindwing marked with about eighteen 
silvery white spots and streaks disposed equally over the whole surface of 
the wing. Bodg brown, the thorax thickly clothed with long ochreous 
hairs, the abdominal segments ringed with ochreous, paler below/ 

A single specimen has been obtained by Mr. S. E. Peal. 

38. Hesperia? swebga, n. sp." (Plate X, fig. 12, S .) 
Hab. Sikkim. 
Expanse : d^ , 1*45 to 1*6 ; 9 , 1*6 inches. 

Description: Male. Upperside dark brown. Forewing with a 
spot at the end of the cell, a larger one below it, and a third (sometimes 
absent) much smaller placed outwardly between them at the base of the 
second median interspace; three increasing conjugated subapical spots 
(sometimes absent), all these spots semitransparent lustrous white ; a pale 
ochreous spot placed against and above the middle of the submedian 

90 L. de Nicerille — On new and lUile-hnawn Bfaopalooera. [Nos. 2—4, 

neimre. Oilia slightly paler than the g^and-colour of the wing. SM- 
wing clothed with long pale brown hain in the middle of the disc. Cilia 
grej. TJsDSBfllDB. Forewing dark brown, the apex widely pale ochreoos, 
this colour decreasing to the inner angle ; the spots as abore, except that 
the pale ochreons one placed against the submedian nervure is absent 
Mindwing pale ochreoos throughout, which is the colour of the cilia on 
both wings. Bodg dark brown aboYe, ochreous-white below. The fekalb 
resembles the male. 

The forewing of this species is very long and narrow, and differs in 
shape from all the Hesperids with which I am acquainted. There are 
numerous specimens in Mr. Moller*s collection. 

89. S^TABVPi. BHAOAYA? (Pkte X, fig. 14, ?.) 

I have figured a female specimen from Sikkim which I refer Tery 
doubtfully to this species. This specimen is not that female referred to ia 
the Journ. A. S. B., vol. 1, pt. ii, p. 256 (1881), which is very near to 
the female of the variety named andamaniea^ but another subsequently 
obtained* The most typical specimen (from the description) of & bkagava 
contained in the Indian Museum collection is from Upper Tenasserim. A 
male from Cachar entirely wants the brownish-white streak from the middle 
of the posterior margin on the upperside of the forewing, three males finom 
Sikkim have the streak more or less obsolete, while another male has this 
streak and the subbasal band across the hindwing as wide as in the female 
now figured, and pure instead of ochreous-white as in all the other males. 
The white band across the middle of the abdomen is also very variable ; it 
is present in all the specimens of variety andamanicay in the Upper Tenas- 
serim male, in the pure white-banded Sikkim male, and in both the Sikkim 
females ; in the Cachar male and three Sikkim males it is absent, all the 
segments of the abdomen being narrowly banded posteriorly with whitish. 
The spot in the cell is small in the Cachar male, in all the Sikkim males 
and in the Sikkim female figured ; it is large in all the Andaman varietiea 
and in the other Sikkim female. From the scanty material at my disposal, 
I am unable to say whether these differences are constant and sufficient for 
dividing the specimens into species. 

Flats L 
Fig. 1. Cffrutit iahuloj lusp., ^. 
„ 2. jETM/ifM .S0/Z(^ Sutler, $. 
y, 3. Zycana ? leela, n. sp., ^ . 

„ 4. Cyaniris alboearuleu8,}ilLoot% ^. 

i» ** » w »» *• 

„ 6. „ dUeetu8j Moore, ^. 

n ba „ P^»tp<h Horsfield, $ . 

1883.] L. de Niceville— 0» new and littU-hnown Bhopalocera. 91 


Fig. 6. Cyanir%9 trampeeiuty Moore, g . 
6a „ f» H ?. 

7. „ tynUana, n. Bp., ^ . 

„ 8. „ phdda, n. ep., ^ . 

9. „ marginata, n. sp., S • 

10. „ cA^MM^tft's n. 8p., ^ • 

11. Castaliui ananda, n. sp., cf . 

12. „ int&rruptu8fn.8p^ $• 
18. Naeaduba bhwtea^ xl sp., ^ • 

14. „ nora, Folder. 

15. Kaeaduba ? dana, n. sp., ^. 

16. MiUtus hamada, Droce, ^« 

Flats IX. 

Fig. 1. Hypolytana ehandrana, Moore, $ . 

2. II nautka^ Horsfield, $. 

3. Nikuera f fvlgida, Hewitaon, $ . 

8a „ }» }» 9« 

4. ,y moeUm, n. sp., ^. 

4a 91 9» f9 $• 

5. „ ariadna, n. sp., ^ . 

6« »i >» w ?• 

6. >9 a«oA;a| n. sp., S • 

6a „ »!»»?• 

7. Fanehala ? paramuta, n. sp., $ 
7a „ 19 ,9 $• 

8. Niphanda f eymbiOf n. sp., ^ . 

9. Maneipium detfta^ zl sp., ^ . 

^* t» »» » 9» 

10. 19 tfeo^o, n. 8p.| ^ . 

Plat* X. 

Fig. 1. Famara tulH, n. sp., (f . 

2. Betperia ? nagaj n. sp., $. 

3. Attietoptenu hutleri, n. sp., cf • 

4. Flesiofmtra agni^ n. sp., $ . 
6. Fyrgua dravira, Moore, $ • 

6. Choaspet f anadi, n. sp., cf • 

7. Choatpet gomata^ Moore, $ • 

8. „ hariWf Moore^ cf • 

9. FUsumemra ambarMsa, Moore, $ . 

10. „ badia^ Hewitaon, oT . 

11. .Bom* oMta, Hewitaon, $• 

12. Hetptria f tw^ga, n. sp., cf. 
18« Abaratha tayhrii, n, sp., ^f . 
14» 8(Uarupa bhagava f, Moore, $ . 
15. ItoUition Mtwa^ n. sp., dT* 




92 L. de NiceviUe— Xif/ o/Buitrrfliet taken in Sikkim. [Nos. 2—4, 

Y I. --Third List of Butterfliei taken in Sikkim in October, 1883, with notet 

on habits, Sfc. — By Lionel db NiceVille. 

[Received November 6th ; read November 7th, 1888.] 
[With part of Plate X.] 

In mj two previous papers* on the Butterflies of Sikkim met with in 
the month of October, I enumerated 203 species. Tbe present list adds 
81 species more, making a total of 284 species actuallj seen or taken at 
different elevations in Sikkim in a single month in the year. This list is 
even now by no means exhausted, and goes to show how very rich the 
Rhopalocerous fauna of the hills and valleys near the Station of Darjiling 
is. Except where otherwise specified, all the numbered species given below 
were taken at low elevations (say between 1,000 and 2,000 feet above the 
8ea)«; and it is to be remarked that my experience proves that almost with- 
out exception in the hills it is the bottoms of valleys through which streams 
run that are the richest in Butterflies, the extreme tops and ridges being 
the next most productive, while the sides and intermediate slopes produce 
hardly anything. 

In '* The Butterflies of India" it is stated by Major Marshall and myself 
(p. 87), that Euplaa aleathoe" appears to be not uncommon" in Sikkim. The 
Indian Museum, Calcutta, possesses a single specimen of this species from 
Sikkim collected by Schlagintweit, obtained from tbe late East India 
Company's Museum, but Mr. Otto Moller who has assiduously collected for 
three years near Darjiling and also in the Sikkim tarai, has not met with it, 
60 if it does occur in Sikkim, it will probably only be found far in the 
interior in native territory. Danaia iimniace is not given in our book as 
occurring in Sikkim, but Mr. Otto Moller has met with some two or three 
specimens (one in the tarai, two in the Kunjit valley), so it does occur 
there, but rarely, however, and is not wbolly replaced (as stated in my last 
paper) by 2>. septentrionit, 

Mr. Paul Mowis, who during tbe last summer purchased large 
numbers of the boxes of Sikkim butterflies collected by the Lepclias, most 
generously allowed me to select for the Museum what specimens I wanted, 
and amongst others I obtained single examples of Hypolyccsna nasaka, 
Horsfield, and Isoteinon masuriensis, Moore, identical with North- West 
Himalayan specimens, except that the ground-colour of the underside 
of the former is darker; of Hesperia aeroleucOj Wood-Mason and de 
Nic6ville (= S. hiraca, Moore) identical with specimens from the Sooth 

• Jonzn. A. S. B., vol 1, pt ii, pp. 49^60 (1881) ; and id., vol. li, pp. 54-^ 

1883.] L. de NicSville— Zisf of Butterflies taken in SiJcJeim. 93 

Andamans ; and a male of the very rare lolaus maeulatug, Hewibson. As 
this sex has never been described, I append a description of the specimen.* 
In 1865 Mr. Hewitson when describing this species stated that *' Two 
examples only have, I believe, hitherto arrived in Europe.** Mr. Mowis 
also gave me a male of Zophoessa atkinsonia, Hewitson, taken on Senchal, 
8,000 feet, in August ; and a fine male of the beautiful Argynnis gemmata, 
Butler, out of several other species in his possession {Aulocera padma, Kol- 
lar ; Argynnis lathonia, Linnaeus ; and JPapilio machaon, var. asiatieay 
M^n^tri^s, &c.), which he had obtained from a native who collected them 
at high elevations in Sikkim and Thibet. 


Subfamily Danauta. 

204. Uuplaa deione^ Westwood. 

A single pair. It seems a rare species wherever it occurs. 

Subfamily Satybinjb. 

205. Lethe dyrta, Felder. 
Males only. 

206. Lethe dinarhas, Hewitson. 

A worn male of this species was taken by me on Senchal, at 7,000 feet. 

207. Zophoessa sttra, Doubleday, Hewitson. 

I saw a single specimen on Senchal, but was unable to net it. Mr. 
Mdller has taken it on the Birch Hill Road, Darjiling, at 7,000 feet eleva- 
tion, in perfect condition in November. 

208. Melanitis duryodana, Felder. 

The Tpthima nareda of my former lists should be Y, netoara, Moore, 
and Zipaetis should be written Zipcetes, 

Subfamily Mobphinje. 

209. JEnispe euthymiw, Doubleday. 

Mr. Otto M oiler took two fine males in the Run jit valley, and the 
Lepchas also obtained both sexes. It has the habits of a Discophora^ 

• Jolaus maeulatusy Hewitson. Male. Upperbidb, forewing black, with a bluish- 
white streak at the base of the first median interspace not reaching the margin, also 
a basal pale blue patch in the intemo-median interspace still fbrther removed from 
the marg:in. Sindmng below the subcostal nervure suffused throughout with pale 
blue. UsmsBsiDB as in the female. No secondary sexual characters. Expanse 1*6 

It differs from the single female in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, from Sibaagar, 
Upper Assam (S. if. PecUJ^ in being smaller, the forewing less broad, the apex more 
pointed, the outer margin straighter, and the markings of tho upperside, especially in 
the hindwing, much more blue. - 

94 L. de Nic6viIIe— Zii/ fif Buttefflm taken in SiiiwL [Nos. 2-4, 

flying o£E into the jungle when disturbed, and resting on a leaf with clowi 

Subfamily NyHPHALi5iB. 

210. Cupha erymanthiSy Drury. 

Mr. Otto Moller saw a single specimen of this and the following spe- 
cies in the bed of a stream below Pashok, but was unable to capture them. 

211. Atella dnha, EoUar. 

212. PyrameU oarduif Linnsdus. 

A single specimen seen. It is by no means a common species in Sik- 
kim, owing probably to the scarcity of its food-plani, the thistle. 

213. Junonia oritkya^ Linnsus. 
Common at about 4,000 feet elevation. 

214. Junonia aUnana^ Linnaus. 

The Junonia laomedia of my former lists should now stand as J, 
ailiteSf Linnseus, the latter having lately been found to be the prior mtoe 
given to this species. 

215. Serona marathWy Doubleday, Hewitson. 
A single male was taken by the Lepchas. 

Euripus cinnamomeuSy Wood-Mason. Up to date Mr. Moller and I 
have seen about thirty specimens of this species, all of which aiefemala. 
Can it be that the female of JS, halithenes is dimorphic ? Certainly in 
Sikkim where the males of the latter species are common, E, einnamomem 
is more frequently met with than the acknowledged female of ^. halithenet 
(E. isa). 

Athyma zeroca, Moore. 

Female. Differs from female A, selenophora, Eollar, in having all 
the white bands and spots on the uppebside sordid instead of pure white, 
the forewing has the apex more rounded, and as predicted in my last 
Sikkim paper, the streak in the cell is undivided. The markings of the 
UNDEBSiDE are very much as in the male. Expanse 2*8 inches. 

Three specimens were obtained by the Lepchas. 

216. Euthalia telchinia^ M^n^tri6s. 

A single female ( ess aphidas, Hewitson) was taken by the Lepchas, 
and is the first specifpcien of this sex I have seen. 

217. Euthalia phemiu8,I>o\xh\edAjy Hewitson. 
Several females ( = sancara, Moore) were taken. 

Subfamily Nemeobiin^. 

218. Dodona eugenet, Bates. 

219. Dodona diposa^ Hewitson. 

Both sexes of this and the preceding species common on the Birch 

1B83.] L. de Nic6ville— Zm^ ofButte^ien taken in Siikim. 05 

Sill Boad, Darjiling, at 7,000 feet elevation, in bright sunshine. They 
nsuaUj settle on the sand bj the roadside with half open wings. 

220. Dodona adonira^ Hewitson. 

I took a single male specimen of this beautiful and rare species at 
rest on filth with wide outspread wings on Senchal at 7,000 feet. 

The species of the genus Dodona group themselves into two very 
distinct sections, those with and those without tails. In the first are 
J>. e^eon, D. eugenes and D. longicaudata ; in the other are D. dipceOy 
Z>. durga, D. adonira ( = fatna, Boisduval, M. S., of Horsfield and Moore's 
Cat. Lep. E. I. Co., 1857, p. 243, n. 523), D. ouida and D. deodata, 

221. Ahuara neophron, Hewitson. 

A single male at about 3,000 feet elevation was taken by me. 

Family LYCiENIDiE. 

222. Pithecapi zahnora^ Butler. 

Two very distinct species of this genus occur together in the Great 
Banjit Valley. 

Curetis hulis, Doubleday, Hewitson. 

The female of this common Sikkim species was taken by the Lepchas, 
and together with three other specimens in Mr. Moller's collection are the 
first of this sex that I have seen. They difEer from the male in having the 
cupreous colour of the upperside entirely replaced by pure white ; they are 
also rather larger insects. Like O. thett/i, Drury, this species is dimorphic 
in the female sex, Mr. MoUer having a specimen which was obtained sub- 
sequently to the specimens described above, with the upperside of both 
wings bright ochreous instead of pure white. 

223. Cyaniria placida^ Moore, M, S. 

224. CyanirU dilectusy Moore. 

225. OyanirU iynteana^ Moore, M» 8. 

226. Oyaniris transpectus, Moore. 

227. OyanirU alhoccBruleuSy Moore. 

Of the latter species and of 0. iynieana I took but single specimens, 
all the other species of this genus enumerated above are very common, and 
occur at various elevations. The females of all are rare, and of some still 

Niphanda ? eymbiay de Nic^ville. 

I took two males of this species at low elevations. They fly with 
great rapidity, but frequently settle on the tea bushes. It is a distinct 
species from the If. tegwllata given in my last paper. 

228. Zizera pyynuea, Snellen. 
A single male. 

229. Miletus hamada, Druce. 

•96 L. de Niceville-*ZM/ of Butterflies taken in SihJcim* [Nos. 2 — 4, 

I took this species at low elevations, and the Lepchas obtained several 

230. Miletus hoisduvali, Moore. 

Obtained by the Lepchas, and apparently not very rare. This and 
the proceeding species should certainly be separated generically. 

231. Oastalius ananda, de Niceville. 

A single male of this species was taken by me in the Qreat Eunjit 
Yalley, the Lepchas obtained both sexes. 

232. Castalius elna, Hewitson, 

Not uncommon at low elevations sucking up moisture. 

233. Nacaduha hhuiea, de Niceville. 
Males only. 

234. Horaga viola, Moore. 

I have hitherto seen five specimens only, all females, of this species 
from Sikkim, and one from the Eulu Valley {A. OraJiam Young), They all 
differ from Mr. Moore's description of H, viola in having the upperside 
uniform dark brown, not with the " lower basal and discal area of both wings 
dull cyaneous blue." In other respects they agree with the description. 

235. Horaga species. 

Male. Upperside black. Foretoing with the discal white spot small 
and distinctly indented at the nervules, outwardly thrice, inwardly twice ; be- 
low the median nervure basally cyaneous blue. Jlindwing paler, the disc blue. 
A fine marginal pale blue line, not reaching the apex. Ukderside bright 
ochreous ; foretoing with the discal spot divided posteriorly by a brownish 
line, the spot not quite reaching the subcostal nervure. Jlindwing with 
the discal band somewhat narrow, white, inwardly nearly straight and 
sharply defined with a dark brown line. The black spot on the anal 
lobe large ; a large quadrate patch of irrorated black and white scales 
beyond, then another large black spot in the first median interspace, 
with a smaller linear one in the interspace beyond, all anteriorly defined 
with a pale metallic greenish line, also a line of the same colour in oontinua- 
tion of the discal white band, recurved to the abdominal margin. Feicale 
larger, wings broader, apex of foretoing more rounded, discal spot larger. 
Hindwing with the blue colour paler and more restricted ; four irrorated 
bluish spots between the nervules at the anal angle within the marginal 
pale blue line. Undebside as in the male. 

The species described above may be known from Sikkim specimens of 
H, dniata by the ground-colour of the underside being bright ochreous and 
the discal spot not nearly reaching the costa ; in this latter respect it agrees 
vriih Sikkim specimens of ^. viola ^ but is otherwise abundantly distinct from 
that species. It is well figured by Hewitson (111. Diurn. Lep., Lgeanida, pi. 
xiv, figs. 32, 33, 1863) under the name Myrina onyx {Myrina syrinx on the 

1888.] L. Ae mc6Yme—Ziit of Butierfliei taien in Sikkim. ' W 

plate ; the specimen figured being probably a male by reason of the pointed 
apex to the forewing). The Myrina syrinx, Felder, $, (Sitzb. Ak. Wise. 
Wien, Math. Nat. 01., vol. zl, p. 452, no. 14i, 1860) from Amboyna is 
probably a distinct species. 

A single pair was taken by the Lepchas. 

The males of the genus Soraga may at once be distinguished from the 
females by an oval ochreous glandular patch of closely packed scales on the 
onderside of the f orewing placed on, and near the middle of ^ the submediah 

236. Iraoia maeenaSf Fabricius. 
A single female. 

237. Nadisepa jarlas, Fabricius. 

238. Deudorix epijarbas, Moore. 
A single male. 

239. Bapala orseis, Hewitson. 

A single male taken by the Lepchas is rather darker than typical 
specimens from the South Andamans. 

240. Sapala BcMttaeea^ Moore. 

241. Loxura tripunctata, Hewitson. 

242. Poriiia hemtsoni, Moore. 

Both sexes of this very beautiful species. 

243. Sithon jangala, Horsfield. 

244. Hypolye(Bna nasaka, Horsfield. 
A single female. 

245. Nilasera f JUIgida, Hewitson. 

I took one female at about 3,000 feet elevation. 

246. Nilasera ? ahseus, Hewitson. 

Both sexes. This is a very common Sikkim species. 

247. Nilasera f areste, Hewitson. 

One male only. It differs from the female on the upperside in having 
the outer margins only narrowly black, all the rest of the wings being a 
most vivid ultramarine blue. Undebside with the markings similar. 

248. JSfUasera f ariadna^ de Nic^ville. 
Both sexes* This is also a common species. 

249. Nilasera f bagalus, Hewitson. 
A single female. 

250. JPanehala t paramuta, de Nicjville. 
Both sexes. 

251. I^anehala f perimuia^ Hewitson* 
One male. 


98 L. de Nic^Tille— Xt«« of BtUierfliet taken in Sikkim, [Nos. 2-4, 

Subfamily FisaiSM. 

252. Oolias myrmidone^ Esper. 

This species occurs in Darjiling as low as about 500 feet, and is not 
uncommon about the Station on grassy bill-sides. I have followed Mr. 
Elwes in thus naming the species allied to 0, eduia which occurs in Sikkim, 
as stated in his paper on " Butterflies from Sikkim" (Proc. Zool. Soc. Lond., 

1882, p. 401). 

253. Frioneris elemanthe^ Doubleday. 

254. Delias deseombesi, fioisduval. 

Subfamily PAPiuoimriB. 

255. Fapilio {Omithoptera) rhadamanihm, BoisduvaL 

A single male. It is far less common in Sikkim than P. pompeui, 

256. Fapilio erioleuoa, Oberthur. 

This species is not uncommon in Sikkim. The female may be known 
from that sex of P. agtorian, Westwood, by the ground-colour of the 
upperside being of a bronzy-greenish instead of an indigo-greenish ; it 
never has a paler diffused patch near the inner angle of the f orewing as 
occurs in many specimens of P. aeiorion ; and the lateral pale bands on 
the body are of a much paler pink. 

Females of this species stand as P. aidaneusy Doubleday, in Colonel 
Lang's collection, and it is possible that this identification Lb correct. The 
type specimen we are informed by Mr. Dic^tant is not in the British Moseam, 
and is probably lost. 

257. Fapilio ganesa, Doubleday. 


258. Ohoatpee gomata^ Moore. 

259. Ohoaspea vawtana^ Moore. 
A single female. 

260. Astietopterui hutleri, Wood-Mason and de Niceville. (Plate 

X, fig. 3, i ). 

This species will be more fully described hereafter, but the characters 
given below will suffice to distinguish it. Male. Up^bbsidb uniform dark 
fuliginous glossy brown. Undkbbidb slightly paler, the internal area up 
to the median nervure much paler. Mindwing with a brush of long hairs 
placed near the base of the costa, which when erected lie in a groove at 
the end of the cell of the f orewing. Feeulx.e larger, the wings broader 
and paler, and of course lacking the male tuft of haira. AB/aasmM, heady 
lody and legs concolourous with the wings. 

Expanse: j»r5; 9, 1*7 inches. 

1883 ] L. de Nic«yme-*£Ml of BuUmfi%e% Ulcm in Bihhim. 90 

This species occurs in the Mergtd Archipelago, also in Gaohary where 
the female has sometimes an obscare series of ferruginous spots on the 
upperside of the forewing acrose the disc, these spots are krger and paler 
on the underside. It is a much smaller species than A. dheloiy Moore, 
and the forewing is much narrower. 

261. Matapa druna, Moore. 
A single female. 

262. Matapa soiivama, Moore. 
Both sexes. 

263. Matapa Bhalgrama^ de Nic^viUe. 
A female only. 

264. FarfMra narooa, Moore. 
Odc male. 

265. FarfMra tuhi^ de Nic^ville. 
A single male. 

266. Famara eahira^ Moore. 

267. Famara hada, Moore. 

268. Suasttu ffremius^ Fabricius. 

This is a rare Sikkim species, but it is rery common in Calcutta and 
elsewhere. It rests with closed wings. 

269. Ohapra matkias, Fabricius. 

270. Ohapra prominens, Moore. 

271. Fadraona ? purreea, Moore. 

I took a single female, it rests with dosed wings. This species was 
first described from the South Andamans, I have received specimens besides 
from Orissa; Buza, Bhutan ; and Chittagong. The male has a bare patch 
at the end of the cell on the upperside of the hindwing on which is placed 
an oval patch of closely packed scales. 

Halpe tikkima, Moore. 

This is the ? Halpe homolea of my last list. Mr. Moore in his de- 
scription of this species does not refer to S. homolea^ so I am unable to 
say what are the dilEerences between the two species. At low elevations 
near water this is the commonest Uesperid met with. 

272. iMoteinon satwa, de Nic^ville. 

The males fly with immense rapidity, and continually fight with each 
other in the air. They always, however, return to the same " perch", an 
outer leaf of a bush, so are easily caught. They rest with closed wings. 

273. Oyolopides subvittatuSf Moore. 
I took a single specimen. 

274. H^arotis adrastui^ Cramer. 

275. Tagiad69 attieu9y Fabricius. 

A single female. It rests with outspread wings. The only point of 

100 L. de Nic^villo— JMrt of BuUerfliei taken at Sikhim. [No«. 2-4, 

difference I can detect between this apecies and T. mmajca, Moore, is tbsl 
the former has two spots in the cell of the f orewing, the latter only one, 
Both occur in Sikkim, hitherto I have only received one or other spedss 
never both, from any one locality. 

276. Satarupa taimhara^ Moore. 

277. &itarupa gopala^ Moore. 

278. Plesioneura reitricta^ Moore. 

279. Plenoneura agni^ de Nic^viUe. 

I took a single male. It rests with wide outspread wings. 

JPlenaneura leueoeera, Eollar. 

This is the P. twmitra of my last list. 

280. Pletioneura ehamunda^ Moore. 

281. Ooladania indrani, Moore. 

282. Ooladenia dan, Fabricius. 

All the species of Ooladenia known to me rest with outstretehed 

283. Asiiigonui angulata, Felder. 

Also rests with outspread wings, often on the bare ground* 

284. Heeperia ? twerga^ de Nic^ville. 


Names of new Spedes hare an asterisk (*) prefixed. 

* ^ '^ • a^^W^/S^^^^^I^^^^^^^ 

Abaratha ransonnettii, 88 
• „ taylorii, 88 
Abisara neophron, 96 
Amblyxx>dia diardi, 79 

„ falgida, 80 

Antig^nos angalata, 100 
ArgynniB gemmata, 93 
„ lathonia, 93 
Artocarpns chaplasha, 18 
Astictoptems bntleri, 98 
„ diocles, 99 

Atella sinha, 94 
Athyma selenophora, 94 

„ zeroca, 94 
Aniocera padma, 93 
Baoris oceia, 85 
Bombax malabarinm, 18 
Bos, 67 ^ 
I, ami, 68 
„ ganms, 58, 64 
Butea, 57, 64 

*Ca8ta]ias ananda, 75, 76, 96 
decidia, 75 
elna, 96 

hamatns, 74, 75 
• „ interraptos, 74 

Castenopsis, 40 
Chapra mathias, 99 

„ prominens, 99 
^Choaspes anadi, 83, 84 
gomata, 83, 98 
harisa, 84 
vasntana, 98 
Coladenia, 100 

dan, 100 
indrani, 100 
Colias ednsa, 98 

„ mjrmidone, 98 
Cnpha erymanthis, 94 
Curetis bnlis, 95 

„ thetys, 95 
Cyaniris, 67, 68 

akasa 68 72 

albocimleuB, 67, 69, 71, 72, 95 

cagaya, 68 













•Cyaniris chennellii, 72 

• „ dilectus, 67, 68, 69, 96 

• jynteana, 67, 69, 95 
lanka, 68 
layendnlaris, 68 
limbatns, 68 

• „ marginata, 67, 70 

• placida, 67, 68, 96 
puspa, 67, 68, 69, 70 
singalensis, 68 
transpectus, 67, 70, 95 

Gyclopides subvittatns, 99 
Cyrestis, 1 

• „ tabnla, 1 

„ thyonnens, 2 
Danainfid, 93 
Danais, 65, 66 

javenta, 65 
limniace, 65, 92 
radena, 65 
septentrionis, 92 
Delias descombesi, 98 
DiasperoB, 57 
Dodona, 95 

adonira, 95 
deodata, 95 
dipoea, 94, 95 
dnrga, 95 
egeon, 96 
engenes, 94, 95 
fatna, 96 
longicandata, 95 
ouida, 95 
Dendorix epijarbas, 97 

„ nasaka, 77 

Discophora, 93 
Elephas, 58 

„ indicns, 64 
Enispe enthymins, 93 
Eqnus, 57 

Erithrina indioa, 18, 40 
Enploea alcathoi, 92 

„ deione, 93 
Enripos oinnamomens, 94 
„ halitherses, 94 










EnripiM isa, 94 
Euthalia apbidas, 94 
phemios, 94 
sanoara, 94 
telchinia, 94 
Halpe homolea, 99 
„ sikkima, 99 
HeroDa marathns, 94 
Hesperia, 85 

acroleaoa, 92 
aria, 85 
hiraca, 92 

• „ naga, 89 
„ ooeia, 85 

• „ Bwerga, 89, 100 
HesperiidsP, 83, 98 
Hestina sella, 65 
Horaga, 96, 97 

oiniata, 96 
viola, 96 
Hyarotis adrastns, 99 
HTpolyoeena chandrana, 78 

„ nasaka, 77, 78, 92, 97 

lolans maculatufi, 93 
Iraota mieceiias, 97 
Ismene, 84 

aria, 84 
dnina, 84 
gomata, 88 
„ aasivama, 84 
Isoteinon masnripnsis, 92 

• „ Batwa, 86, 99 
Jtmona almana, 94 

atlites, 94 
laomedia, 94 
„ orithya, 94 
LemoniidsB, 94 

Lepidoptera Bhopalocera, 93 
Lagerstnemia reg^na, 18 
„ elastica, 18 

Lethe dinarbaa, 93 

„ dyrta,93 
Lirestona jenkinsia, 11 
Loznra triptinotata, 97 
Lyocena cagaya, 68 
nora, 73 

woenesenakii, 67 
LycBBnidro, 66, 77, 79, 80, 95, 96 
Macropns major, 61 
Mancipiom brasaicss, 82 
deota, 82 
devta, 82 
Matapa, 84 

aria, 84 
dnina, 85, 99 
Baaivama, 85, 99 
• shalgrama, 84, 85, 99 

subf asoiata, 84 
Melanitia dnryodana, 93 
Metaporia oaphnsa, 65 









Miletna boisduvali, 96 

„ hamada, 76, 95 
Morphinn, 93 
Myrina onyx, 96 

„ Byrinx, 96, 97 
Naoadnba ardates, 72, 73, 74 

• „ bhutea, 72, 73, 96 

• „ dana, 73 
„ nora, 73 

Nadiaepa jarbag, 97 
NemeobiinsB, 94 
Nilasera absens, 97 

• „ adriana, 79 
Nilaaera areste, 81, 97 

ariadxia, 80, 97 

• aaoka, 78, 79 
bazaloB, 97 
falgida, 80, 97 

• „ moelleri, 80 
Nipbanda, 77 

• „ oymbia, 76, 77, 95 
„ tesselata, 77, 95 

NymphalidaB, 65, 93 
NymphalinsB, 65, 94 
Omithoptera, 98 
Padraona pnrreea, 99 ■ 
*Panohala paramata, 81, 97 

„ perimnta, 97 
Papilionidn, 82, 98 
PapilioninsB, 98 
PapHio aidoneoB, 98 

asiatioa, 98 

astorion, 98 

eriolenoa, 98 

ganesa, 98 

maohaon, 93 

pompens, 98 

rhadamanthoB, 98 
Parnarabada, 99 
cahira, 99 
narooa, 99 

• „ tulsi, 86, 99 
Pierinae, 82, 98 
Pieris, 65, 83 
Pitheoops lalmora, 95 
Plectomia, 24 
*Ple8ionenra agni, 87, 100 

ambareesa, 87 

ohamnnda, 87, 100 
lencooera, 100 
restricta, 100 
Bumitra, 100